FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY Seotlo. /005, The first book published by Dr. Good was The Origin of the Reformed Church in Germany, which appeared at Read- ing in 1887. In it he gives an interesting account of the rise and spread of the Reformed faith in Germany. He shows that preparations for the Reformed faith were made by the work of Bucer at Strassburg, Lambert in Hesse, John a Lasco at Bremen and Melanchthon in the Palatinate. Its introduc- tion was marked by the adoption of the Heidelberg Cate- chism by the Elector Frederick III, of the Palatinate, in 1563. After that date the Reformed Church spread along the Rhine into Western Germany, and was then introduced into Anhalt, Lippe, Hesse and Brandenburg. The story of the Reformed Church is brought down to the Synod of Dort, in 1619. The whole record is told in a simple form, without display of much learning or elaborate citation of authorities, although the author had studied and used his sources carefully through- out the book. 1 Berlin. _ < ^ FrrmA'^rtlon'Oke Odey^ 4> '7Zevhf,f IS A* X O 1^ Y JDrpsdeny PntgiLe. BOHEMIA ^ rTTTF^N • V ^ ^ ^ .<. <:) FWSTTLit/i-dtio.ath^, P?iLlaJcL^ IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. THE ORIGIN OF THE REFORMED CHURCH IN GKRMANY. REV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. D. READING, PA.: DANIEL MILLER, PUBLISHER. 1887. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1887, BY REV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. D., In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. TO THE MEMORY OF MY SAINTED FATHER, REV. WILLIAM A. GOOD, WHO LOVED TO PREACH THE TRUTHS OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM, THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED. VI PREFACE. ever, the county of Hanau should have been continued westward until it touched Frankford.) It is also to be remembered that the book was written during the busy duties of a city pastorate, which prevented the writer from making closer researches on certain points. This work is intended to be a guide book to any who travel in Germany, special pains having been taken to give the exact location of places interesting in Reformed history. The author feels under special obligations to Rev. Prof. Chas. A. Briggs, D. D.,and Rev.Chas. Gillett, of the Union Seminary, New York, for aid in its invalu- able library ; also to Rev. Prof. David Demarest, D. D., of the New Brunswick Seminary ; to Rev. Prof. J. H. A. Bomberger, D. D., of Ursinus College, College ville. Pa. ; Rev. Prof. J. H. Good, D. D., of Heidelberg Seminary, Tiffin, Ohio, and Rev. Prof. J. H. Dubbs, D. D., of Lancaster, Pa., for aid given in the preparation of the work. He has also added an appendix, entitled the '^Reformed World,^' giving the condition of the Re- formed Churches throughout the world at the present time. It is to be hoped that this book will fill a gap in our Reformed Church history, and will stimulate the German Reformed people to greater love for their Church and greater pride in her history. JAMES I. GOOD. Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1887. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY SECTION. Differences Between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Six- teenth Century Page 9 CHAPTER I. SECTION I.— Preparation of Germany for the Reformed Church 24 SEC. II. — Bucer and his Preparation for the Reformed Church at Strasburg 28 SEC. III. — Hesse and its Preparation for the Reformed Faith 50 SEC. IV. — Lasco and his Preparation for the Reformed Faith 80 SEC. V. — Melancthon and his Preparation for the Reformed Church.. 108 CHAPTER II. The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palatinate 126 SEC. I.— The Preparation of the Palatinate for the Reformed Church.. 1 26 SEC. II. — The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, Ursinus and Olevianus 150 SEC. III. — The Heidelberg Catechism and its Composition 170 SEC. IV.— The Defence of the Heidelberg Catechism by Elector Fred- erick III , 193 SEC. v.— The Later Life of Elector Frederick IIL, 1566— 1576 216 CHAPTER III. The Origin of the Reformed Church in Western Germany 232 SEC. I. — Elector Lewis and his Persecution of the Reformed in the Palatinate, 1576—83 232 SEC. II.— The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Wetterau District 253 SEC. III.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Bremen 271 SEC. IV. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith Along the Lower Rhine 278 SEC, v.— Re-introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palati- nate by Prince Casimir, 1583—92 307 SEC. VI.— Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate and his Reign, 1592—1610 315 SEC. VII.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Zweibruecken... 323 VIII CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Central and Eastern Ger- many 328 SEC. I. — Rise and Fall of Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony 328 SEC. II. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Anhalt and Lippe.. 345 SEC. III.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Hesse 352 SEC. IV. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Brandenberg 366 SEC. v.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Liegnitz, Schon- aicher, &c 383 CHAPTER V. The Close of the Introduction of the Reformed Church into Germany.. 387 SEC. I. -Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate. 1610—20 387 SEC. II.— TheSjnod of Dort ...; 393 SEC. III.— Summary 426 SEC. IV. -Conclusion 437 APPENDIX. The Reformed World Page 459 Index of Dates 489 Index of Names and Places 491 ILLUSTRATIONS. Map of Germany in the Seventeenth Century. Heidelberg Castle in 1620 Frontispiece. Marburg in 1620 Page 72 Heidelberg in the Sixteenth Century 128 Zacharias Ursinus 150 Caspar Olevianus 156 Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate 192 The Episcopal Palace at Augsburg 208 Neustadt 232 Casimirium at Neustadt 240 Herborn 264 Cassel in 1620 352 Berlin in 1680 368 The Synod of Dort 408 INTRODUCTORY SECTION. Differences Between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Sixteenth Century. The Reformed Church of Germany has a history. If so, it ought to be told to her English children in their own tongue. The history of the German Reformed Church is a history of persecutions and triumphs. She was a faithful witness to the truth in days of darkness and danger. She was not the least among the Reformed Churches of the sixteenth century, but was a leader in the sacramental host of God's elect. The most interesting part of Reformed Church his- tory is its beginning. To see the light first glimmering through the darkness, to see the struggles to find the truth, to watch her progress through persecution, and her on- ward march to victory, is the most fascinating page of her church -life. We propose to take up the story of her origin in Germany, and to tell that story simply, but faithfully. The Reformed Church of Germany was peculiar in her origin. The word Reformed originally meant *' reformed" from the Catholic Church — from her abuses and sins. But she was not a Church, reformed 2 10 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. from Catholicism, but reformed from Lutheranism. In other lands, as in Switzerland, France, Holland, Scotland and England, the Reformed Church was a reforming of the Papal Church. But in Germany Lu- theranism had already conquered the land to Protest- antism many years before the Reformed Church entered that land. With only one exception (the Church at Em- den in North Germany ; and perhaps the Reformed Church of Strasburg, where the people came from Catholicism to the Reformed Church), the whole Re- formed Church of Germany came out of the Lutheran Church. It was a reformation of the Lutheran Church, as the Lutheran Church was a reformation of the Rom- ish Church. The Reformed Church, then, was a purer Lutheranism. It was the entrance of a second Protest- antism into Germany. The first protest was at Spire, in 1529, when the Lutheran princes protested against the Catholic decrees of that Diet. And because they protested there, all Evangelicals are called Protestants. The Reformed Church was a second protest uttered as decidedly as the first. Only it was directed against the relics of papacy that were still common in the Lutheran Church of that day. The Reformed Church finally came into official existence at the Diet of Augsburg in 1566, when Elector Frederick III. made his eloquent defence of his Heidelberg Catechism — the second pro- test. However friendly the Lutheran and Reformed A REFORM IN THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 11 Churches may be to-day (why should they not be ?) ; yet the careful student of history cannot fail to be impressed with the fact, that the Lutheran Church of the sixteenth century was more bigoted, more intolerant, more sacra- mentarian and less liberal than the Lutheran Church of the nineteenth century. And so, the founding of the Re- formed Church in Germany was a decided, yes in some places an indignant, protest against the sacramentarian- ism and bigotry of the Lutheran Church. Queen Eliz- abeth of England, in one of her letters to the different courts of Germany in 1577, speaking of the Reformed Churches, calls them the "ecclesiae reformatiores" — * more reformed' ; implying that the Lutherans were re- formed, but the Reformed were more so. The Re- formed Church, then, was a reformation of the Lutheran Church of that age. This history is not intended to be a history of doc- trines, but rather a statement of facts. Doctrines are only referred to, as they are interwoven with the places or the events of history. To write a history of the doc- trines, as well as of the events, would far exceed the limits of this volume. Certain doctrines, or differences in doctrines will have to be taken for granted. It will be necessary, therefore, at the very beginning to state the differences between the Lutherans and the Reformed of that age, so that we need not waste any time hereafter by continually defining or describing doctrine. 12 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. 1. — Names of the two Churches, The name "Lutheran" was not originally applied to the Lutheran Church alone. It was a name given by the Catholics to all Evangelicals, Reformed as well as Lu- therans. The Catholics made it a term of reproach ; as if the Lutherans were the followers of a man^ while they were the followers of God. So, too, the name "Re- formed" was at first a general term for all Evangelicals. It included Lutherans as well as Reformed. But in course of time these two names came to be applied to two great tendencies or divisions in the Church. The name "Lutheran," as the official title of the Lutheran Church, did not appear until the days of the Formula of Concord in 1577, more than half a century after Lu- ther began his reformation. Luther had died and it then became the fashion to glorify his words and works. Andrea and Hunnius then looked on him as a special messenger of God to reveal the doctrines of Christianity. Luther at first had complained of this use of his name by his followers. But his adherents clung to the name and prided themselves on it, forgetting Paul's warning against the naming of sects after individuals as given in 1 Cor. 1 : 12, 13, " Now this I say that every one of you saith I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ. Is Christ divided ? Was Paul cruci- fied for you ? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul ?" The Reformed Church was not so limited as the THE NAMES LUTHERAN AND REFORMED. 13 Lutheran, in the number of her names. She had several names. Her first distinctive name was Sacramentarian or Zwinglian. This was a name of reproach given by the Lutherans, because the Reformed seemed to them to make so much of the sacrament and so little of Christ in the Lord's supper; (the Reformed did not believe in the external presence of Christ at the supper.) The next name given to the Reformed was the name '* Re- formed.'' This name was at first given to all Evan- gelicals who aimed to reform the abuses of the Catholic Church. But it was first used as the official title of the Reformed branch of Churches in the province of Nassau in Germany in 1578, then in Anhalt, the Palatinate and Bremen. It was used by them, either to emphatically define their position against high Lutheranism, or with the intention of a more thorough reformation than the Lutheran Church had made. But still the old use of the name Reformed continued even as late as 1581, when in the " Harmony of the Orthodox and Reformed Confessions'' it is still used in its broad sense ; for that Harmony of Reformed creeds includes in it the Augs- burg and Wurtemberg Confessions, which were Lu- theran. The third name given to the Reformed was the name " Calvinist." Westphal and Hesshuss, the Lu- theran zealots, invented this name, so as to cast reproach on the Reformed. They wanted to suggest, (as Calvin was 14 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. a Frenchman, not a German,) that the Reformed faith was a foreign, strange faith to the Germans, and had no right to enter Germany. But the Reformed of Ger- many seemed to have preferred the name Reformed to Calvinist. They did not care to name themselves after any particular person. They did not want to have the foreign origin of their faith continually hinted at by the name Calvinist. There was, however, this difference in the use of this name ; that while in Eastern Germany, where they were among hostile Lutherans, the Reformed seldom used the name Calvinist, in Western Germany the name is much oftener used, and pride was taken in its use. Such names as are now sometimes given to the Reformed, as Reformed-Lutherans or Lutheran-Re- formed, only reveal the ignorance of those who use them. There never was a Reformed-Lutheran or a Lutheran-Reformed Church officially so designated. The Reformed Church was always distinct from the Lutheran Church, and it emphasized its distinctness and separation. It was as much distinct from the Lutheran as are the Presbyterian or Episcopal Churches of to-day. 2. — Doctrines. Let us now notice the difference in doctrine between the Reformed and Lutherans of Germany as they ap- peared in the sixteenth century. There were three main differences in doctrine, mode of worship and govern- DIFFERENCE IN DOCTRINE. 16 merit. Out of these three, two other differences grew a little later. The first and most important distinction between them was in the doctrine of the sacraments. The Lu- therans were higher on the sacraments than the Re- formed— higher both on baptism, as well as the Lord^s supper.* The Lutherans generally held that unbap- tized infants were unregenerated ; and there was, to say the least, the greatest doubt whether they were saved. The Reformed generally held to infant salvation. But the most important difference was in the Lord's supper. This feast of peace has, alas, been made the bone of con- tention. The Lutherans held to Christ's presence in the elements, while the Reformed held to His presence at the supper, although not necessarily in the elements. The Lutherans held to a bodily presence, the Re- formed to a spiritual presence. The Lutherans believed that Christ's body and blood were intimately united with the bread and wine — "in, with and under" the bread and wine. The Reformed were ready to grant that Christ was received Svith' the elements, but not *in' and * under' them. As the Lutherans believed that Christ's body and blood were mysteriously united with *The Lutherans held that baptism was a means of regenera- tion, concurrent with the sacramental act and hence necessary to salvation. The Reformed held that baptism was a sign and seal of regeneration ; concurrent, or preceding, or succeeding regeneration accordijig to God's free pleasure.— Schaff. 16 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the elements, they also believed He was received through the mouth with the bread and wine. This doctrine was called oral raauducation. The Reformed denied this doctrine as savoring of cannibalism ; and held that Christ was not received through the mouth, but that He was received spiritually hy faith. And also, since the Lu- therans believed in this union of Christ's body and blood with the elements, they believed that all who re- ceived the communion, whether worthy or unworthy, re- ceived Christ and were blessed. The Reformed declared that only those who received it through faith received Christ ; all others receiving it only to their condem- nation. The second difference between them was in their cul- tus or manner of worship. The Reformed Church serv- ices were simpler than the Lutheran. The Lutheran was the high Church, the Reformed the low Church of Germany. The Lutherans emphasized the ceremonial, the Reformed the spiritual. In baptism the Lutherans retained in most places the Catholic rite of exorcism, or blowing away of the devil at baptism. And when the Formula of Concord was adopted, exorcism became the shibboleth of the high Lutherans. The Reformed put baptismal fonts out of the churches and went so far in their simplicity as often to use nothing but a wooden bowl. At the Lord's Supper the Lutherans re- tained the wafers of the Catholic Church, while the Re- DIFFERENCE IN CUSTOM. 17 formed used bread, after the Scriptural mode. The Re- formed used common plates and cups at the communion, so as to emphasize their simplicity ; sometimes even go- ing so far as to use only wooden plates and cups at the sacrament. Altars they would not allow in their churches. Almost the first act in introducing a Re- formed church, was to put away the altars of the Lu- therans. Ursinus' opposition to altars is shown in his letter to Crato about Morenberg, who had dared to put away an altar from his church. "God knows," says Ursinus, "I hope that no damage shall come to him for the effort, yes, much more that all altars in the world might be extirpated, since we have now a single altar, our Intercessor in Heaven, who, as He is our Priest, is also our altar.* As a result of their lower views on the sacraments, the Reformed Church service was much freer, less ritualistic and liturgical than the Lutheran. The Reformed did not use the Pericopes, or Scripture lessons for each Sabbath, in their churches. " Zwingli de- parted from the time-honored use of the Scripture les- sons, and connectedly explained whole books of the Bible, while on this as on other points Luther adhered to the ancient custom. "f The Reformed Church of Germany followed Zwing- li^s and Calvin^s example. The Lutheran church was *Crato, of Kratftheim, page 2')6. tHageiibach XL, 13. 18 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the church of the pericopes, the Reformed of the whole Bible. Henry* says, " In the Lutheran church, the pericopes have been retained, they have vanished from the Reformed church, and with them all marks of the ecclesiastical year." The Reformed ministers seem to have been careless about any special dress for the pul- pit. " Farel once preached at Rive, wearing no robes but preaching in ordinary citizen's dress. This was the general custom of the reformers of the Reformed Church. "t The Reformed Church never believed in the special priesthood of the ministry, she believed in the priesthood of all believers. The Reformed churches closed organs, stopped the ringing of church bells, and, in their intense opposi- tion to papal superstitions, refused funeral services at the grave, lest they might seem to be prayers for the dead. Thus it is easy to see that the Reformed Church service was simpler than the Lutheran and more Script- ural, also. As D'Aubigne has well observed : Luther aimed to put away from the churches only what was contrary to the word of God ; Zwingli aimed to have nothing in them that was not authorized by the word of God. *Life of Calvin I., 418. tHagenbach II., 203. DIFFERENCE IN CUSTOM. 19 There were also several minor differences, which reveal the papal influence still lingering in the Lutheran Church of that, day, and which also reveal the Scriptural influence on the Reformed. The Lutherans, in the Lord's Prayer, retained the form of the Catholic ^ Pater Noster,' saying * Vater Unser,' * father our/ The Re- formed repeated it as it is in the Bible, * Unser Vater,' * our father.'* They also differed in another clause of the Lord's Prayer. The Lutherans translated the clause •^ deliver us from evil," following Augustine and the Latin in doing so. This is like the English version of the Lord's Prayer. The Reformed, following the Greek, translated it * deliver us from the evil one,' — the devil. In the ten commandments, the Lutherans also retained the Catholic division, while the Reformed gave the Scriptural division. The Lutherans united the first two commandments into one ; and then, to make their number ten, divided the last commandment on coveting into two commandments. But this division of the last commandment is contrary to Paul's words against covet- ousness, where he alludes to it as one command. This union of the first and second commandment served to make the command against images less conspicuous. The result was, that images were left in the Lutheran churches, while they were put out of the Reformed. *Dr. Schaff observes, that this is considered by some farmers in Eastern Pennsylvania as the only ditference between the Lutherans and the Reformed. 20 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. The Catholics had designedly made this division of the ten commandments, so as to allow the use of images in their churches. The Lutherans did not retain it for that reason, but merely as a relic of Romanism. But it had an unfortunate influence on the Lutheran Church, as it made her careless in allowing pictures or other papal relics to remain in their churches. The Lutherans allowed pictures, statues, crucifixes, &c., in the church. The Reformed cleansed their churches of all pictures, cruci- fixes, even crosses. These differences may seem small ones to us at this distant day. But the laity cling to customs rather than to doctrines. The introduction of bread instead of wafers at the Lord's supper, and the putting away of pictures by the Reformed, led to great bitterness, and sometimes even to riots, as at Marburg and Berlin. A third difference between the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches lay in their church government. Luther did not give so much attention to organization as did the reformers of the Reformed Church. The Reformed had a splendid set of organizers in Calvin, Lasco, Lambert and Olevianus. The Lutheran Church was aristocratic — the government of princes, the Re- formed Church democratic — the government of the ministry and people. The Lutheran Churches were generally governed by superintendents, who were ap- pointed by the princes of the land. The Reformed DIFFERENCE IN GOVERNMENT. 21 Churches were governed by the ministry and elders, chosen by the people. And the Reformed organization was much more complete. It bad a regular gradation of church-courts. First came the presbytery in the congregation, consisting of the pastor and elders of the Church. Above it, in regular order, were the church-" courts of Classis, Synod and General Synod. In some of the states of Germany, this pure presbyterian govern- ment was, to some extent, modified by a compromise between the Lutheran and Reformed customs, in the appointment of a consistory. The consistory was like the Lutheran form of government, as its members were appointed by the prince But it was like the Reformed, as the prince left the entire control of the Church to the consistory, and separated its jurisdiction from the administration of civil law. These were the three main differences between the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches, in the early days of the reformation. But gradually, as time passed on, two other differences began to reveal themselves, until they became distinctive doctrines of each Church. The first of them was the doctrine of Predestination. At first all the reformers were predestinarians. The Romanists had so emphasized man's good works as nec- essary to salvation, that the reformers went to the other extreme, and emphasized God's grace and sovereignty as the only source of salvation. Melanchthon in the 22 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Lutheran Church, finally retired from the high predes- tinarian position, and carried the Lutheran Church with him. While on the other hand, Calvin progressed in it, until he formulated the doctrine for the Reformed Church. The doctrinal dissensions of the first half century, at the beginning of the reformation, were about the Lord's supper ; for the next half century, they were mainly about predestination. It is, however, to be re- membered, that the Reformed Church of Germany, while accepting Calvinism, never officially declared for the doctrine of reprobation nor for a limited atonement. It is true, these views were largely held by her ministers at that time, but they were not expressed by her symbols. Her creed, the Heidelberg Catechism, adopts election and universal atonement. Another diiference between the two Churches be- came apparent in course of time — the doctrine of ubiquity. Ubiquity was the logical outcome of Luther- anism, as predestination was of Calvinism. The doc- trine of ubiquity is, that the human body of Christ is everywhere present. This was logically necessary, so as to explain the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's supper. As the Lutherans held that Christ's body was present whenever the Lord's supper was celebrated ; and as the Lord's supper was celebrated in many places at the same time, it was logically necessary that Christ's body should be present in many places at one time. So they held INDIGENOUS TO GERMANY. 23 that Christ^s humanity was omnipresent like his divinity. But the Reformed rebelled at this monstrous doctrine of ubiquity. Indeed it was the publication of this doctrine of ubiquity, in the Formula of Concord, that drove many of the princes of Germany over to the Reformed faith. By thus becoming Reformed, these German Churches protested against any intermingling of the two Datures of Christ. Anything that confuses the two natures of Christ, or breaks down the distinction be- tween them, or savors of Eutychianism, is not Reformed. The very existence of the Reformed Church in Germany is an evidence of her opposition to, and hatred of, this doctrine. CHAPTER I.— SECTION I. Preparation of Germany for the Beformed Church. The Reformed Church of Germany is partly iu- digenous, and partly foreign, in its origin. On the one hand, she was the outgrowth of the spirit and genius of the German people. The Germans were a liberty-loving race. They did not bow themselves meekly, either to the Roman empire or to the Roman Church. So when the spirit of reformation appeared in the sixteenth century, the Germans were ripe for casting off the yoke of Romanism. Now this intense love for freedom, and this self-reliance on the part of the Germans, led many of them to prefer the Reformed Church to the Lutheran. For the Reformed Church was the Church of freedom. Her government allows freedom of action and fosters self-government through her elders and synods. And therefore many of these liberty-loving Germans drifted over to the Reformed faith. Again, the Germans were a simple-hearted folk. There has always been a peculiar simplicity about Ger- man piety. This love of simplicity naturally led them toward the Reformed Church, whose religious faith and manner of worship was more simple than the Lutheran. PREPARATION FOR REFORMED CHURCH. 25 For these reasons the Reformed faith is indigenous to German soil — an outgrowth of German character and life. Strasbnrg, Emden, Palatinate, Bremen, Hesse, grew into the Reformed Church because of its sym- plicity. The Augsburg Interim of 1548 had opened the eyes of German Protestants to the dangers still lurk- ing in many of their forms of worship, which w^ere relics of papacy, but retained by the Lutheran Church, And this made them the more ready for the simpler ritual of the Reformed Church. But in other respects, the German Reformed faith was foreign in its origin. It came to Germany from the outside. The birth place of the Reformed faith was Switzerland : and it came into Germany from Switzer- land, France, and Holland. Those who suggested, and who also organized the Reformed Church to the Ger- mans, were mainly foreigners, as Lasco of Poland, Lambert of France, and others. The relation between these two causes of the Re- formed faith, the one external, the other internal, may be stated thus : that while the German people were naturally inclined toward the freedom and simplicity of the Reformed Church, the Reformed faith came to them at a peculiar juncture of affairs — at a crisis, when the high Lutherans drove the Melancthonians out of their ranks. Then, when the princes were tired of the madness of theologians, and the people weary of hearing 3 26 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. polemics instead of the gospel, in the pulpit, then, just then, the Reformed faith came in to gather up the dis- contented German christians into its bosom and give them rest. There were four different movements that pre- pared the way for the introduction of the Reformed faith. The Reformed Church was officially recognized by the German government for the first time at the Diet of Augsburg, in 1566, when Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate took his stand as a member of the Re- formed Church. The conversion of this, the leading Elector of Germany, arrested the attention of all Ger- many, and gave prominence and permanence to the Re- formed faith. The Palatinate, with Heidelberg as its capital, became the centre of Reformed influence all over the land. But before the Palatinate became Re- formed, there were four distinct movements, which pre- pared the way. The first city in Germany to feel the influence of Reformed doctrines was Strasburg, under Bucer and Capito. Strasburg was finally lost to the Reformed faith, as it went over to Lutheranism. But the influence of Bucer the reformer, and John Sturm the teacher, left a deep impression on Germany. The next land to tend toward the Reformed faith was Hesse. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse, by his friend- ship with Zwiugli and Bucer, by the introduction of PREPARATION FOR REFORMED CHURCH. 27 synods into his land, sowed the seed, which, however, did not harvest until nearly a century later, when Land- grave Maurice finally went over to the Refornaed Church. But Hesse, with its Marburg Conference of 1529, made a deep impression on Germany, in favor of the Reformed Church. The third place, where the Reformed Church gained a foothold, was at Emden in North Germany. This was the first purely Reformed Church in Germany, the Reformed doctrines being introduced as early as 1526, by Aportanus. It was the only German Church that came directly from Romanism into the Reformed faith. The influence of the Church at Emden was made greater by the coming of John A. Lasco, the Polish reformer. Emden became a refuge for the per- secuted Reformed of all lands, and her foreign Reformed Churches opened the eyes of the Germans to the reality and beauty of the Reformed faith. The last cause was not a local one, but a mental one — a tendency of thought, in many parts of Germany. It was Melancthonianism. The adherents of Melanc- thon^s liberal views prepared the way for our faith. Melancthon himself never was Reformed ; but his in- fluence finally became a tendency in that direction. We will take up these four difl'erent causes for the Reformed Church in their order. CHAPTER I.— SECTION II. Bncer and his Preparation for the Reformed Church at Strasburg. Strasburg was one of the most flourishing and liberal of the free cities of Germany. Being a free city, the gospel soon found a free and hearty reception among its citizens. From the flat plain, in which it lies, its tall cathedral spire can be seen for many miles around. Like its church spire, Strasburg became a finger point- ing heavenward, exerting a wide influence on western and southern Germany. Matthew Zell introduced the evan- gelical doctrines into Strasburg. It is a remarkable fact that the cathedral, now so given to Romish rites, was the birth place of the gospel for that city. Luther's brave conduct at the Diet of Worms, not far away, made a deep impression on all western Germany ; and Luther's writings, scattered abroad, were read in Strasburg. Zell in 1521 began preaching the evangelical faith, by ex- pounding the epistle to the Romans. He first preached them in the chapel of St Lawrence, one of the side chapels of the cathedral. But as the chapel became too small, he began to preach in the great auditorium of the cathedral. And, as the Romish bishop locked the great ZELL AND HIS HELPEKS. 29 pulpit of the cathedral against the preaching of such heresy, the carpenters from the neighboring Kurben- strasse made a portable wooden pulpit, that it might be brought into the cathedral, when there . was preaching. From it he preached, and after each service was over, it was carried out again. He soon after completed his breach with Rome by marrying, and his home became a refuge for the persecuted brethern*, who came to Stras- burg from other lands and cities. Zell was a ZwingKan in his belief, but took little part in theological con- troversies. But God soon raised up helpers, to aid him in the work of reforming Strasburg. The one was Capito, who had been cathedral preacher at Mayence, who came to St. Thomas as provost. Another helper was Jacob Sturm. Born at Strasburg, he belonged to a family which, for more than two centuries, had given Strasburg its ablest magistrates. After 1522 Sturm stood at the head of the government of this free city. From 1525 to 1552 as the representative of Strasburg he took part in ninety- one political and religious negotiations. He was one of the most influential councillors of Germany. As early as 1524 he had openly declared for Protestantism and freedom of conscience, without any interference from emperor or pope. He was a tower of strength for Protestantism. But the leader of the Strasburg reformation was Martin Bucer. He was born at Schlettstadt, in 1491. 30 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. In the celebrated Latin school there, he showed such precocity, that his friends prophesied ' he would become a pope if he could/ Under the influence of Udenheim, he, with his friend Beatus Rhenanus, was introduced to the teaching of humanism.* Bucer hoped to become a teacher of these new sciences without becoming a priest ; but, as no way seemed to open to him, he was compelled to enter the Church. In 1506 he joined the preaching order of the Dominicans, who, strange to say, called themselves ^ reformed.' But his Latin books were taken away by them, and he was compelled to study the dry dialectics of Lombard and Aquinas, two teachers of Catholic theology. Wearied of this, he tried to get away to Heidelberg, where there was a large monastery of his order, and where he would have the advantages of the university ; especially as John Agricola had already introduced the humanistic studies into the university. The prior of his convent sympathized with the ambitious boy ; so he was sent to Heidelberg. Here he studied the Bible ; and, even at some danger to him- self, began to teach it to the younger brethren of his order. Luther's writings made a deep impression on him. *Hiimaiiism was the progressive culture of its day. It in- cluded the study of Greek, a new language then to Europe. The study of Greek led to the reading of the Bible in the origi- nal, and thus unveiled the errors of Rome. The study of the new sciences led to a progressive spirit, which would not be re- strained by tbe shackles of Romanism, but broke with them and formed Protestantism. CONVERSION OF BUCER. 31 Luther's visit to Heidelberg in 1518 clinched those im- pressions. For Luther, accompanied by Staupitz, came to Heidelberg on a general visitation to his order. While there, he held, in April, 1518, an open discussion on forty theses, in the Augustinian convent. The court, university and citizens attended this discussion, which set Heidelberg on fire, and spread throughout all southern Germany. The next day Bucer had a private confer- ence with Luther. The Augustinians and Dominicans were rival orders, but Luther was so pleased with Bucer, that he declared that Bucer was the only brother of the Dominican order ^' without guile." For trying to spread Luther's doctrines among his order, Bucer was persecuted, and finally compelled to flee from Heidel- berg. He went to Spire, where Ulric von Hutten sent him to Francis von Sickingen, who protected him from the wrath of his order. He was finally released from the authority and persecutions of his order, through the intervention of Ulric von Hutten, and transferred by the bishop of Spire to the secular clergy. He then be- came court chaplain of Elector Frederick II. of the Palatinate, hoping to be able to influence him to Protest- antism, as the Elector was leaning that way. But Bucer, weary of the frivolity of his court, left it and went in 1522 to Sickingen, who appointed him pastor at Landstuhl. While there, he married a nun, and, as he was one of the first priests to marry, he had to bear 32 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. much odium on account of it. He then went to Wpis- senberg, where he founded an evangelical Church. But having been excommunicated by the bishop of Spire, he fled to Strasburg, hoping to find in that free city an asylum. Here he, at first, lectured on the Pauline Epistles to a circle of scholars in ZelPs house. He was very poor, and wrote to Zwingli for help. Ulric von Hutten was then at Zurich and interceded for him. Thus Bucer was led into correspondence with the Swiss, and early expressed a greater preference for their doc- trines than for Luther's. Zell allowed Bucer to lecture in the chapel of St. Lawrence, and as the bishop had stopped his preaching, he loaned him his wooden pulpit, from which Bucer taught the gospel to an increasing congregation. The Catholics tried to stop this. One day, while Bucer was preaching in the cathedral, the monks in the choir of the church began singing their service, so as to drown his voice. Bucer's listeners murmured at the interruption, and one of them, a joiner by trade, went to the monks in the choir of the church, and advised them to wait until the end of Bucer's ser- mon. But as words passed and the monks began to defend themselves, a riot became imminent. Bucer's congregation picked up their stools and footstools to use against the insolent monks, when, just then, the chief magistrate appeared, and both parties were sum- moned to appear before the city council the next day. BUCER IN STRASBURG. 33 ' It happened that about this time German mass was celebrated in the St. John's Chapel of St. Lawrence Church, and the Lord's supper administered in two kinds at St. Thomas Church. Thus, the evangelical influences became strong to aid him. Bucer's father be- came a resident of Strasburg. He, too, exerted himself for his son ; and wrote that, if he taught anything con- trary to the Scripture, he would be willing to die. All these influences led the city council to take Bucer under their protection. This threatened riot brought matters to a crisis ; for the city council ordered, that nothing but the pure gospel should be preached in Strasburg. In ] 524, the priests of St. Aurelian Church refused to obey the city council and become citizens of Strasburg ; so Bucer, who had now become a citizen, was unani- mously elected pastor of that Church. It appears that many people made pilgrimages to St. Aurelian's to be cured of the fever at the saint's tomb. Bucer therefore, preached against all these Komish supersti- tious, so that his parishioners removed the wonder-work- ing body of the saint and destroyed the grave. Bucer, having come in correspondence with the Swiss, began to be influenced toward their greater sim- plicity of service and doctrine. Strasburg also began to feel the influence of the neighboring French Reform- ed Church. Farel, the Elijah of the Alps, came to Strasburg, and remained there as pastor of the French 34 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Church for fifteen months. Lefevre, the first of the re- formers, and Roussel, the court chaplain of Queen Margaret of Navarre, also stayed at Strasburg. Capito especially was affected by these French Reformed min- isters, although all felt their influence. But the first breach between Bucer and Luther came in 1525. Gerbel, a jurist of Strasburg, wrote to Luther against the Strasburg ministers, charging them with departing from Lutheranism. So Bucer and Capito, anxious to preserve peace and unity, sent Caselius to Luther at Wittenberg, to act as mediator. Luther was not satisfied with their statements about the Lord's sup- per. " One or the other of the two parties must be of Satan,'' he said. Caselius returned, and Bucer saw with deep sorrow, that the bond of unity between Luther and themselves was broken. The result was that Bucer inclined more and more away from the Lutherans, and toward the Swiss. This shows itself quite clearly in the fourth part of Luther's Postiles, which Bucer translated from the German into Latin, at the request of the Italian refugees at Strasburg. In this translation, Bucer made some changes in the doc- trine of the Lord's supper, that angered Luther very much. In 1528 the relations between Bucer and the Swiss became so close, that Bucer attended a dispu- tation at Berne. In 1528 Bucer issued his '' Dialogus," in which he reproved the coarse language that Luther BREACH BETWEEN BUCEU AND LUTHER. 35 had used. Luther in return, wrote to his friend Gerbel in Strasburg, " that he (Gerbel) must live among beasts, vipers, lions, panthers, and was in greater danger than Daniel in the den of lions." In 1529 this intimacy of Strasburg with the Swiss was further aided by the visit of ^wingli on his way to the conference at Marburg. Zwingli was very cordially received at Strasburg, and during his stay of twelve days, preached with great ac- ceptance. At Marburg, Bucer openly sided with Zwingli and the Swiss against Luther. Luther, when he saw Bucer, pointed his finger at him, and said sneer- ingly, " you are a knave." Nevertheless, Bucer labored for harmony and a union between Luther and Zwingli at this conference. In 1530 came the great Diet of Augsburg. The boldness of the Protestants at that Diet was quite mark- ed. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse opened the gates of the cathedral, and had his chaplain Schnepff preach the word of salvation in it; and on May fifteenth, Phillip ordered Cellarius, a Zwinglian and a pastor of Augsburg, to preach in the cathedral. After this the Landgrave settled down to St. Ulric Church, and the Elector of Saxony to St. Catharine's, where the pure gospel was preached to great crowds. The whole city seemed to incline to Protestantism, but to Zwing- lianism rather than to Lutheranism. But when, later, the Emperor arrived, the business of the Diet began ; 36 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. and Melancthon presented the Augsburg Confession to the Emperor,* Bucer hoped, that that confession would be so worded that the Strasburg delegates could sign it, and be protected by it. But that confession was so worded as to exclude them; though at Landgrave Phillip's request, it did not condemn the Zwinglians by name. As the Strasburg delegates found that they .were shut out from signing the Augsburg Confession, they deemed it necessary, (as the Emperor had asked a state- ment of doctrine from all the evangelical states,) to draw up a confession of their own and present it. Bucer and Capito drew up a confession of twenty-three articles, called the Tetrapolitana, [ 'of four cities' — because it was signed by the four cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen and Lindau.) This was the first Reform- ed Confession of Germany. On the article on the Lord's supper it differed from the Augsburg Confession in keeping the relations of Christ's body to the bread in the background. t There is nothing said of the recep- tion of the body of Christ through the mouth, or of the blessing on unbelievers who partake of the Lord's sup- •*His confession was read before the Emperor in the saloon of the old Episcopal palace, which was small and held only two hundred persons. But, as it was not raised high above the ground, those who stood outside could hear it. fit says, " Christ offers to his followers His very body and blood as spiritual food and drink, whereby their souls are nour- ished unto ererlasting life." BUCER AT THE AUGSBURG DIET. 37 per. In these respects, it differs from the Lutheran. Like all Reformed confessions, it gives a prominent position to the authority of the Scriptures, ordering that nothing should be taught in the churches, but what was contained in the word of God or fairly deduced from it. While on the authority of the Bible, the Lutherans, from prudence, were silent in their confession. The Tetrapolitana also rejects the worship of images, on which the Augsburg is also silent. Thus the Tetra- politana was more outspoken against the errors of Rome than the Augsburg ; and it reveals in itself the germs of future Calvinism. In 1531 the Strasburg delegates, agreeing with it in essentials, had to sign the Augsburg confession, in order to join the Smalcald League of Princes. But Bucer remained true to the old Tetra- politana, and on his deathbed reconfessed it as his, in his last will and testament. This Diet of Augsburg may be called the Diet of confessions ; for Zwingli also sent a confession to the Emperor. His confession was more radical even than the Tetrapolitana, although in the Lord's supper he acknowledges that the true body of Christ was present — an advance on his previous state- ments. The Tetrapolitana afterwards was made the basis of the Wittenberg Concord. In 1533 a Synod lasting ten days, under the presidency of Jacob Sturm, adopted sixteen articles of doctrine and government for Strasburg. These made the church of Strasburg much 38 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. simpler than that of Wittenberg in its rites, and contrasted strangely with the semi-catholic customs re- tained in that Saxon country. Images and many of the altars were put out of the churches. But in their re- forms they did not go quite as far as the Reformed did afterwards ; for private communion, private confession, organs and an altar in each of the churches, were per- mitted to remain. These the Reformed afterwards en- tirely abolished in their churches in Germany. This completed the conversion of Strasburg to Prot- estantism, and Bucer now had time to attend to other matters. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse having conquer- ed Wurtemberg and restored it to Duke Ulric, Bucer went there to complete the conversion of that land to Protestantism. In one part, * ob der steig,' Zwinglianism prevailed, in * Unter den Steig' Lutheranism prevailed. Had the conquest occurred before the death of Zwingli, Wurtemberg would probably have become Reformed. Or had it taken place before the Diet of Augsburg, it might have become Reformed. But now Wurtem- berg, in order to receive the protection of the Augs- burg confession, which was the only confession legally acknowledged in Germany, became Lutheran. Bucer was now free to begin his union efforts to bring the Lutherans and Reformed together. He was the great peacemaker of the sixteenth century. Jacob Sturm always aimed to bring these two faiths together, from bucer's efforts for unity. 39 political motiv^es, because of dangers of disunion that threatened Strasburg for being Reformed. So Bucer began his efforts toward union. First at Constance and then at a conference with Melancthon at Cassel, they agreed to a compromise about the Lord's supper. The result was that in May, 1536, Bucer and Capito went to Wittenberg to meet Luther and Melancthon, and draw up a confession on which they could unite. Since the death of Zwingli, the Swiss were more concessive. Luther, too, was in a softer mood. So they agreed on a compromise confession, called the Wittenberg Concord. Melancthon drew it up. Its phraseology is Lutheran ; but it allowed a Reformed interpretation of the sacra- ment. It asserts that the body and blood of Christ are truly present and offered in the sacrament. The differ- ence between the reformers seemed then to be, whether the body and blood of Christ were received by the un- worthy or not Finally a lucky inspiration seized Lu- ther and led him to say, "After all, why should we quarrel about unbelievers. We receive you as brethren in Christ," and stretched forth his hand in token of peace. So they came to a compromise on the communion of un- believers, by a distinction between the unworthy and godless. The word ^unworthy' was used ; but with the understanding that the godless did not receive the body and blood in the bread and wine. In this Wittenberg Concord, the Lutherans, for the first time, acknowledged 40 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Reformed as brethren, in spite of their differences. This was a great advance on Luther's position at Mar- burg, where he refused fellowship with Zwingli. This Wittenberg Concord proved a great blessing to Germany ; for it gave theological peace to Germany for twenty years, until Luther's death. During these twenty years the Zwinglians developed upward, through Calvin, to a higher appreciation of the sacraments, while on the other hand, a large part of the Lutherans develop- ed downward, through Melancthon, toward Calvin's position. Thus Germany became theologically, as well as politically, united against Catholicism, on the basis of the Wittenberg Concord. Had it remained so united, there would probably have been no Thirty Years' war, with its untold horrors. Bucer, having healed the breach between Lutheranism and the Reformed Church, as well as it could be healed, now had time to devote himself more fully to the affairs of the church at Strasburg. The Latin School, founded more than a decade of years before, was enlarged into a Gymnasium.* John Sturm, one of the most learned men of his day, was called from Paris to Strasburg, to become its rector. He became one of the most remark- able men in Germany. Discarding the old scholastic methods of teaching, he adopted tlie new humanistic principles, and aimed to unite classic learning with *This school adjoined the New Kirche. COMING OF CALVIN. 41 evangelical piety, science with religion. His method of teaching thoroughly revolutionized the whole of South- ern Germany. But his especial significance to us is that he became a tower of strength to the Reformed Church. Another impulse toward the Reformed faith was given by the arrival of Calvin in 1538. Calvin had visited Strasburg before, in 1534, when fleeing from Paris. At that time he arrived at Strasburg in a sorry plight. One of his servants had stolen all his money. Had not the other servant come to his help, he might never have reached Strasburg. He then stayed with Zell, whose wife kept open house for all refugees. Since then Bucer had met Calvin at Berne, in 1537, when Calvin so wonderfully healed the strife about the sac- raments in the Swiss churches. Bucer there learned to admire Calvin's genius. And when Calvin was driven out of Geneva, Bucer urged him to come to Strasburg. He wanted Calvin to aid him in the organization of the church, and also to preach to the French refugees, of whom there were 1500 at Strasburg. Calvin accepted the call and, coming to Strasburg, began to preach to the French refugees in the choir of the church of the Dominicans. Afterwards the church of ^St. Nicolas by the waves,' near the 111 river, was given to him for worship. His French church, which he served from 1538 to 1540, became a blooming garden of the Lord. 4 42 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. He introduced the pure presbyterial form of govern- ment into the church, which was a novelty to the people of Strasburg, and his church became a model of discipline He preached twice a week, met the eld- ers and deacons once a week for study and prayer ; until they became so proficient, that some of them were able to take his place in preaching. But his ministry was not limited to his church. He was soon asked to give lectures in the Academy on divinity. He there lec- tured on John, Romans, &c., and developed himself as an exegete or interpreter of Scripture. Luther was the translator, Calvin the exegete, of the reformation. He also prepared a new edition of his Institutes, in which he elaborated more fully his views on predestination and church discipline. Luther expressed himself pleased with Calvin's Institutes. For Calvin there joined the middle party between the Lutherans and the Zwingli- ans, and labored for peace. He sought to avoid the positive error of Luther and the negative error of Zwingli ; in Luther, the feeding of the unworthy, in Zwingli, the bread and wine as signs.* Thus during his stay, Strasburg became, next to Wittenberg, the most important religious centre of Germany. Wittenberg and Strasburg were 'the two eyes' of Germany. But *He taught "that the believer was, through faith, fed, only spiritually but in a real way, by -the body and blood of Christ at the supper," but that unbelievers received merely bread and wine. CALVIN AND MELANCTHON. 43 there was a special provideuce about his coming to Stras- burg. God meant it so. He came to Germany just in time to oifset the Catholics in their efforts to win back the Protestants to the Pope. Conferences for that pur- pose were held at Frankford, Hagenau and Worms. Melancthon and Bucer were inclined to be yielding and concessive — would have been swayed to some ex- tent by the Catholics, had it not been for the presence of Calvin and his uncompromising opposition to the pa- pacy. The second providence in his visit to Germany was, that Calvin learned to understand the German re- formers and the German controversies. And Melanc- thon learned to understand the Calvinists better. It brought Melancthon and Calvin together. This stay at Strasburg broadened Calvin's mind and sympathies. Calvin attended the three conferences between the Prot- estants and Catholics on union. In 1539 he went to the conference at Frankford. Here, for the first time, he saw the leading princes and theologians of Germany ; and was able to form a just estimate of the position of Protestantism in Germany. Here he first met Me- lancthon. Melancthon and Calvin were the two, best fitted to come to an agreement between the Reformed and the Lutherans. Calvin set before Melancthon his articles of faith. To his surprise, Melancthon agreed to them. But while they were about to agree on the doctrine of the Lord's supper, they could not agree on 44 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. church customs aud discipline. Meiancthon was pli- able aud yielding here, Calvin, unyielding. Those cere- monies of the Lutheran Church, which were relics of Catholicism, such as singing in Latin, images, exorcism, &c., Calvin bitterly opposed ; while Meiancthon pleaded their necessity. Neither did they agree on the doctrine of predestination. Calviu is said to have rebuked Me- iancthon for holding to synergism (thus emphasizing man's will over against God's will). Modern writers, who try to make the German Reformed Church Me- lancthonian, must remember that, however Meianc- thon and Calvin neared each other on the Lord's sup- per, they were yet wide apart in cultus, discipline and predestination. In 1540 Calvin married Idelette De Bure. He greatly enjoyed his married life, and found his wife a true helpmeet. In 1541 Calvin attended the third conference at Worms. To this conference, on ac- count of the abilities he displayed at Frankford and Hagenau, he went as the deputy of Brunswick-Lune- burg, as well as of Strasburg. At Worms he again met Meiancthon, and also Cruciger. One day, as the Dean of Passau, in private conference, was vanquished by Calvin, his hearers were so delighted by his learning, that Meiancthon gave him the title of 'The Theolo- gian.' From that time a strong tie of affection bound Calvin and Meiancthon together. Calvin, a year after the death of Meiancthon, wrote, "O, Phillip Melanc- CALVIN AND MELANCHTHON. 45 thon, for it is upon thee I call, who now livest with Christ in God, and art there waiting for us, until we also be gathered with thee to that blessed rest. A hun- dred times, worn out with fatigue and overwhelmed with care, thou didst lay thy head upon my breast and say, ^ Would to God I might die here on thy breast.' And I, a thousand times since, have earnestly desired that it be granted us to be together." A very interest- ing fact about Calvin's visit to Worms was, that he there signed the Augsburg Confession. At this conference the Altered Augsburg Confession was used for the first time. Calvin signed it, as he says, "willingly and with his whole heart." Another conference, to unite Protestant- ism and Romanism, was held at Ratisbon. Calvin dif- fered from Melanchthon, who was willing to make con- cessions to the Catholics. Referring to this, he speaks about their 'being satisfied with a half-Christ.' But the delegates from the city of Geneva had come to both Worms and Ratisbon, to urge him to leave Germany and return to Geneva. Strasburg was unwilling to give him up. (Indeed so great an influence had he gained at Strasburg, that in 1551, when Strasburg de- liberated about sending a delegate to the Council of Trent, who should intercede for the Strasburg churches before the Council, the ministers concluded that Calvin was the most suitable.) Bucer alone urged him to go to Geneva, although it would be his loss and Stras- 46 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. burg's. Thus Calvin's brief stay gave him an influence and reputation in South Germany, which prepared the way for an entrance of his doctrines twenty years later. Then came the Augsburg Interim of 1548, which was ordered to be introduced into Strasburg. The Prot- estants were required to conform to the Catholic rites of fasting, prayers to the virgin and saints, festival days, and processions. But Bucer, usually so yielding, was here firm as a rock. He answered the Elector of Brand- enburg, who was to introduce the Interim into Strasburg, '' Man dares do nothing against conscience and the truth." The Interim was forced on Strasburg ; and as a result, Bucer, rather than sacrifice his conscience, resign- ed. His resignation was accepted, especially as some of the city council were opposed to Bucer's rather strict church discipline. So in 1549, Bucer, accompanied by Fagius, went to England. Melancthon, Calvin, Land- grave Phillip of Hesse, had invited him to labor in their respective homes. But Bucer preferred England, where he would be free from the Interim. He there became professor at Cambridge, and exercised considerable influ- ence in the preparation of the Book of Common Prayer, and the forty-two Articles, afterward shortened to the thirty-nine Articles — the present creed of the Anglican Church. He died there, and was buried in the leading church of Cambridge, with great pomp. Queen Mary subsequently had his bones burnt ; but a monument to 47 his memory was erected by Queen Elizabeth. In 1552 the Interim was lifted from Strasburg, and she returned to the full enjoyment of her former Protestant faith. In 1553 Jacob Sturm, the councillor of Strasburg, died. His irenic influence had kept the Lutherans from at- tacking the Reformed. But, after his death, Marbach, who had become professor of theology, labored hard to introduce high Lutheranism. As president of the church conference, Marbach had great influence. He wanted to undermine the Tetrapolitana confession, which had been the confession of Strasburg, in the interest of the Augsburg confession. There had been a good deal of freedom allowed in matters of worship. Marbach urged uniformity, and wanted to introduce the Lutheran hymn book, instead of Bucer's, which was then in use. He also aimed to drive the Reformed, especially the French, out of the city. Peter Martyr, driven out of England by bloody Mary, arrived, and was required to sign the Augsburg confession. This was something new. Zanch- ius had to do the same thing, when he arrived. These things show that the influence of high Lutheranism was growing. Marbach brought the pictures back into the churches. In 1555 Marbach attacked Garnier, the pastor of the French Church, and compelled him to leave the city. The younger preachers, supported by Marbach, then began to denounce the Reformed. Peter Martyr left, and went to Zurich ; and Zanchius was left 48 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. as the only Reformed professor of theology at Strasburg. In 1661 Marbach attacked Zanchius for teaching the doctrine of predestination. This was the first attack by the Lutherans on the Calvinistic doctrine of predestina- tion. Zanchius appealed to the Hessian theologians for an opinion. They supported him in his views of pre- destination. The first attack upon, and first defense of, predestination, were made in Germany. But though Ja- cob Sturm was dead, John Sturm remained. Although a Frenchman, he was the ^ Cicero of Germany,' the finest teacher after Melancthon. Under his matchless teach- ing, many of the nobles of Germany were educated, and quite a number of them afterward joined his Reformed church. Being a Frenchman, he early took the French refugees at Strasburg under his special care. He came to the help of Zanchius, when attacked, by publishing Bucer's work on the Lord's supper. Zanchius had also made himself unpopular with the high Lutherans, by at- tacking their new doctrine of ubiquity. Finally, in 1563, a compromise was framed.* But even this con- sensus contained in it germs of new quarrels. Zanch- ius, wearied with strife, left Strasburg, went to Chiaven- na, and afterwards to Heidelberg. Sturm remained as leader of the Reformed. In 1577 Duke Ulric of Wurtemberg sent a copy of the Formula of Concord to -•■This expressed the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's supper, but on predestination held that all who believed were saved. PERSECUTION OF REFORMED AT STRASBURG. 49 the magistrates, for adoption. They rejected it Pap- pus urged its adoption, but the university with Dr. Sturm, backed up the magistrates. Finally, the high Lutherans drove Sturm from his position as rector of the University. After forty years of service, John Sturm, the brightest ornament of the town, resigned in 1581. The Formula of Concord was introduced, and Strasburg became Lutheran. The French Reformed were not permitted to worship in the city, but had to go to Wolfisheim, one half mile away.* They also went to Bischweiler in the neighboring Palatinate. Finally, after two hundred years of exile, the Reformed were again allowed to worship in Strasburg in 1789. Thus Bucer's work of years was undone. The Reformed Church did not find a permanent home at Strasburg. It remained for the neighboring Palatinate to take up the work for the Reformed Church, that Strasburg dropped. But Bucer^s work at Strasburg prepared the way for the introduction of the Reformed faith into Germany. It accustomed the Germans to the simpler rites of the Reformed Church. Under the Wittenberg: Concord it gave them a right to exist under the German law. And Strasburg became the forerunner of Heidelberg in receiv- ing the Reformed faith. *The Fort Prince Bismark occupies tlae site of Wolfisiieim. CHAPTER I.— SECTION III. Hesse and its Preparation for the Reformed Faith. Hesse, situated in the central part of Germany, was a very important state in the sixteenth century. It hap- pened to have for its Landgrave, or ruler, Phillip, the most aggressive of the German princes of his time. He has been compared to Phillip of Macedon for his sub- tility, and to Alexander the Great for his courage. Me- lancthon, for his boldness, called him ^ the Macedonian.' Though young when the reformation broke out, he yet, with a keen statesman's eye, foresaw results, to which the other German princes were blind. At first he persecuted Protestantism in his dominion ; but afterwards he fought for it as bravely as he once persecuted it. The reformation came quietly into his land, but exerted little influence until the prince himself suddenly went over to Protest- antism. Hesse was the first land where the prince, and not the theologians, began converting his subjects to evangelical truth. As early as 1517, when Luther and Zwingli began to preach the gospel, James Limburg, one of the Fran- ciscan Friars of Marburg, began preaching it. For preaching it to his brethren, the \vhole monastery rose LANDGRAVE PHILLIP's REFORMATION. 51 against him, tore him l)y force from the pulpit, and threw him into a prison, which had an open window opposite the wall of the city. He preached the gospel through the open window ; and at night some of the citizens would secretly come to this solitary loophole to hear the word of God. These mysterious gatherings continued for about two weeks. Suddenly the voice within ceased ; the meetings had been discovered. The monks had taken him from that prison, and cast him in a vault of the church, by a crucifix. For three months he was thus imprisoned. Then one night a mysterious covered cart was driven through Ziegenberg, a village one hour south of Marburg, where some weeping citizens came up to him. Hastily snatching aside the canvas, they asked him whither he was going. ^' Where God wills,'^ replied the Friar ; and disappeared, probably to die in some unknown prison. But an event occurred in 1524 that converted Phil- lip to Protestantism. Providence brought Landgrave Phillip of Hesse and Phillip Melancthon together. As Phillip was on his way to Heidelberg to attend a shoot- ing match near Frankford, he met Melancthon, who was on a holiday visit to his native land, the Palatinate. The result of this conference was that, in that same year, Landgrave Phillip ordered that the pure gospel should be preached in his territories. The Landgrave had a political as well as a religious motive for doing this. 62 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. His land, in religious affairs, had been under the Elector of Mayence. By going over to Protestantism and declaring it the religion of the laud, he freed it from the power of the Elector of Mayence. So he joined the Protestants. But in order to have Protestantism fully introduced into his territories, he needed some master spirit, some reformer, to help him. At the Diet of Spire he met the astute councillor of Strasburg, Jacob Sturm, who recommended to him Lambert of Avignon, as the man suited to carry out his plans of reforming his land. Franz Lambert of Avignon was a remarkable charac- ter. He was born in 1487 in Southern France, at Avignon, that second home of the popes. His father had been private secretary of the Catholic Archbishop. But he died when Lambert was quite young. His mother gave him to the Franciscans to be raised by them. When 15 years old, he joined their order as a novice, and a year later as a monk. Being possessed of a precocious, fiery, ardent temperament, he was soon, at the age of 20, elected to be apostolic preacher of his order. This office led him to travel a great deal from monastery to monas- tery. And in his preaching he developed peculiar talents for learning and eloquence. He became a modern John the Baptist, a second Savonarola, preaching repentance. Instead of preaching as did most of the monks about the saints, he preached from God's word ; and that not in CONVERSION OF LAMBERT. 53 Latin, after the custom of the day, but in French, the language of the people. No wonder the people heard him gladly. His preaching was so powerful, that once in a French village, after he had denounced the wicked- ness and frivolity of the people, they willingly gathered up their cards, dice and pictures, and made a bonfire of them, as the Ephesians had done eighteen centuries before. But his extraordinary success as a preacher made him enemies in his order, who were jealous of him. The wickedness of the monks and the want of discipline in his own order also disgusted him. Inward peace he did not find, in spite of severe self-mortification. So he meditated joining another order of monks, the Carthus- ians, which was stricter than his own ; the strictest of the orders of its day. He was, however, prevented from doing so by the calumnies which his brethren scattered around about him, warning the Carthusians against him. It happened that, just about this time, some of Luther's letters, which were brought to Lyons and the neighbor- hood by merchants with their wares, and were there translated, fell into his hands. He read them eagerly. But they were taken away from him and burned by the monks. Still they set his heart on fire. He sought an opportunity to leave his monkish life, and found it in a missionary tour to Switzerland. Passing through Geneva and Lausanne, he came to Berne, where he first came in contact with the reformation. There he was introduced 54 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. to the new world of Protestantism. Still wearing his monk's hood, he preached at Berne in Latin, as he could not speak German ; and those who understood him, especially the priests or ministers of that town, were captivated by his eloquence. The people there were very much surprised that a French monk should preach thus ; as the reformation had heretofore been confined mainly to the Germans. He went to Zurich, where he met Zwingli, who converted him to an open acknowl- edgement of Protestantism. At a disputation there he took issue with Zwingli, and spoke in favor of the doc- trine of the intercession of the saints. But Zwingli by Scripture proofs so convinced him of his error that at the close of the disputation, he said, " I declare that the in- tercession of the saints is contrary to the Scriptures, I give up rosaries and intercessors, and will cling to God and Jesus Christ in all my need." He threw off his monk's cowl, the first of the French monks to do so. Zwingli thus early acquired a great influence over him. This intercourse with Zwingli prepared the way for his final conversion to the Reformed faith, j^ears afterward, at Marburg. Lambert then went to Germany, hoping to meet Martin Luther, whose writings had so impressed his soul. He took the name of John Serranus, so as to escape the persecutions of his order, which had powerful monasteries in Germany. He stopped at Eisenach, waiting for the summons of the Elector of Saxony to LAMBERT AT WITTENBERG. 56 come to Wittenberg. Luther delayed getting him a safe conduct, for he had been so often deceived by runaway monks. And as Lambert was the first French monk to espouse the cause of the gospel, he was all the more suspicious of him. Finally the Elector of Saxony sent money for Lambert to come to Wittenberg, where he arrived in 1523. Luther soon learned to admire him, and formed a strong attachment for him. As he could not speak German, Lambert lectured in Latin on various books of the Bible. But he was anxious for the conversion of his native land ; and spent much of his time in translat- ing evangelical books into Italian and French. He also wrote a work on the cloisters which attracted atten- tion and which advocated that they should not be closed, but turned into schools. He also married (the first Franciscan monk to do so) the daughter of a worthy baker at Herzberg. But he became very poor. His lectures yielded him the merest pittance. He did not want to be a burden on Luther any longer ; so, without the knowledge of the Elector, and against the advice of Luther and Melancthon, he accepted a call given him by the Reformed Church at Metz, in March, 1524. But when he arrived there, he found that, although the Syndic of Metz was favorable to him, the Duke of Lor- raine and nine hundred priests of the city were against him. The magistrates issued an order against his 56 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. preaching aud threatened him with the punishment of the inquisition. So, as the evangelicals were intimidated by these threats, he saw that little work could be done for the gospel. He then went to Strasburg, leaving be- hind him Castellanus, who was afterwards martyred for the faith. At Strasburg he was kindly received. They made him a citizen, gave him a competence, so that he could maintain himself by lectures and translations. The influence of Luther over him lessened, while that of the Strasburg doctors increased. Its freer theology widen- ed his views and work. He had a great longing to be for France, what Luther was for Germany, and Zwingli was for Switzerland, the reformer of that land. While waiting for providence to open up a way, by which he might reform his beloved France, he was invited to Hesse by the Landgrave Phillip, that he might under- take the reformation of that land. The first thing Landgrave Phillip did, was to call a great synod of his clergy at Homberg, a very suitable place ; for it was the meeting place of the roads from the Rhine, Werra and Main districts. Lambert, just as Luther had done at Wittenberg, posted 158 theses under 23 titles on the church door of St. Mary's church, the main church of Homberg, inviting all to a disputation. He called these theses ' paradoxes/ because they opposed the generally accepted teachings of his day about Cathol- icism. The Catholics would have torn them down. THE SYNOD AT ROMBERG. 67 but the Protestants watched over them. An interesting story is told that a young priest, a Dominican, fall of self-conceit, finding himself too short to be able to read them, borrowed a stool ; and getting on it, began to read them aloud. '^All that is deformed, must be reformed. The word of God teaches us what ought to be so : and all reform that is affected otherwise, is vain.'' Having read this first thesis, the young priest said, *' Hem ! I shall not attack that." He continued reading the theses, saying after each one, " I can not attack that proposi- tion.'' Finally he came to the fourth thesis, which de- clared the priesthood of believers and inveighed against the pope. " Certainly," said the priest, " I shall not attack that one." At this moment some one, either out of mischief or tired of his endless repetitions, pulled the stool from under him, and he fell flat on the ground. This scene very aptly illustrated the fall of Catholicism at that Synod. On Sabbath, October 21, 1526, at 7 a. m., this first Synod of Hesse began its meeting in the church. It seemed as if all Hesse had come to this meeting. The church was filled with prelates, abbots, priests, kniofhts and town authorities. Some of them came with the intention of denouncing the Landgrave for dar- ing to call such a synod without ecclesiastical authority from the Elector of Mayence. Some came out of curi- osity. But most of them came to favor and uphold the 5 58 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Landgrave in his reforms. After an opening address by Chancellor Feige, Lambert, in Latin, presented these theses against the abuses of the Church, and proved them from the Bible. This consumed the morning session. In the afternoon Adam Kraft, the oldest re- former of Hesse, translated these theses into German. Lambert then called for an opponent to dispute, and defend the papacy. At first there was a profound silence. Many of the Catholics, who, in the morning, had threatened and bragged about what they would do, left at dinner time. Finally Nicolas Ferber, the head of the Franciscan order at Marburg, entered the lists against Lambert. Ferber's action was significant. He was the head of the order of monks that Lambert had left. It w^as Franciscan against Franciscan. Ferber, too, was a very prominent prelate, having been named by the Landgrave Phillip's mother as her executor. When Phillip was about going over to Protestantism, she urged Ferber to use all his influence to hold Phillip to Romanism. Ferber, therefore, stood forth as the representative of the Roman Catholic power of Hesse. Ferber declared he had nothing to do with theologians like Lambert. He spoke for two hours, proving from papal bulls and decrees of councils that the Landgrave had no right to call a Synod. But as he invoked the Church fathers to his assistance, the Landgrave observed to him, '' Do not put forward the wavering opinions of DEFEAT OF THE CATHOLICS. 69 men, but the word of God, which alone strengthens and fortifies our hearts." He finally became so violent that he used severe language against the Landgrave. This brought him into hot water. He was given time to prove his positions out of the Bible, or to retract what he had said against the Landgrave. Confused, he sat down, saying, "This is not the place for replying." Lambert then arose, and, with a torrent of Celtic elo- quence, answered him. " In vain did Lambert and Feige urge Ferber to reply. Silence is ever Rome's refuge." Lambert called forth three times for some one else to combat his positions, but no one replied ; until finally John Sperber, of Waldau, near Cassel, said that prayers to the Virgin should not be given up. He, too, was answered from the Bible. Ferber left Hesse and filed a protest against the Synod, at Werliu in Westphalia. The Franciscan Church at Marburg was left deserted and desolate.* In the defeat of Ferber, the Catholic party saw the defeat of its cause. After three days of discussion, the new church regulations were adopted. The Synod declared that the Bible was the rule of faith. It founded itself on the priesthood of all believers, and held that the Church was a Church of converted peo- ple. In church customs, Lambert, having been af- fected by his stay at Strasburg, went farther than Lu- *By some curious coincidence it afterward became the Re- formed Church of Marburg, I think. 60 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ther in his reforms. Images, organs and bells were to be put out of the churches, as had been done in Switzer- land. One altar was enough for a church (the church at Haina having had eighteen altars). Latin singing was to be dispensed with, but responses were retained ; prayer to the saints was forbidden. The number of fast days was diminished. And instead of private confession to the priest, a preparatory service, as in the Reformed churches, in which a general confession of sin, was insti- tuted. On the doctrine of the Lord's supper, the Hom- berg decrees were rather Lutheran. But the most remarkable deliverance of the Horn- berg Synod was in its church government. Lambert laid the first foundation of the Reformed Church, not indeed in doctrine, but in church government. For he does not seem to have been fully converted to the Zwing- lian doctrines until the Marburg Conference, three years later. But he aimed to introduce, what afterward be- came Reformed church government. The first Presby- terian church was founded, not in Scotland, nor even at Geneva, but in Hesse, by Lambert of Avignon, as he introduced his church order at this Homberg Synod. Each church was to choose its own pastor, elders and deacons. The pastors had the government of the church vested in their hands, and might exercise doctrine, yes, even excommunication. Each year, on the third Sun- DECREES OF THE ROMBERG SYNOD. 61 day after Easter, a General Synod was to be held, com- posed of the bishops (pastors) and the deputies, in which the prince and nobles took part ; this Synod to last three days. This Synod elected three visitors to inves- tigate the condition of each church. As Ranke says, *' The features of it are the same as those in which the French, the Scotch and the A merican Church was after- wards established ; upon them we may say the develop- ment of North America rests. They have an immeas- urable world-historical importance. At the first ex- periment they appear in a complete form ; a little Ger- man Synod adopted them."* Luther objected to certain points in Lambert's church government. He thought the church organization had been carried too far, and the times were not yet ripe for it. And so it turned out. When this Presbyterian church government was applied to different parts of Hesse, it was found difficult to carry it out. The times had not yet come for so radical a change in church gov- ernment. The people, just freed from Catholicism, had not yet been educated up to the point of managing the * Where Lambert received these advanced ideas of church government, is a question. Some, as Rischl, hold that he re- ceived the ideas of it from his own order of monks. Others, as Goebel, that he had been acquainted with the Waldensians and received them from them. Ebrard suggests that he must have received thena from the Bohemian brethren. Suffice it to say, he found them in the Bible. — Fisher's History of Reformation, page 493. 62 , THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. coDgregation for themselves. It was found hard to get elders and to apply this government. It became an ideal, rather than an actual, church government. It was found necessary to appoint superintendents in each of the Synods to carry it out. But the power of the su- perintendent did not come from the prince, as in the Lutheran Church ; but from the Synod, as in the Re- formed. Nor did they have absolute power like the Lutheran superintendents, but were under the control of the Synod. So its presbyterial form changed rather into a Synodical one ; a government not by elders, but by Synods. Still it prepared Hesse for its ultimate recep- tion of Reformed doctrine and Presbyterian govern- ment. Lambert himself was not able to introduce the decrees of the Synod among the churches, as he could not speak German. But another field of labor opened up for him. One of the greatest results of the Hessian reforma- tion was the founding of the new University at Mar- burg. This was the first University founded without Papal sanction. Landgrave Phillip endowed it from the proceeds of the sale of the monasteries in Hesse. A library had existed at Marburg before the founding of the University, and the ^ Brethren of the Common Life' had organized a school as its forerunner. In this new University Lambert was appointed Professor of The- LAMBERT AND HAMILTON. 63 ology. Here he found a congenial sphere. The Uni- versity was opened with great pomp before a great crowd of nobles and theologians, on May 30, 1527. In this crowd was a young nobleman of Scotland, Patrick Ham- ilton, only 23 years of age, who had been driven out of his native land by persecution for the gospePs sake. He was on his way to Wittenberg to study with Luther. But the plague had broken out at Wittenberg, and the University had been temporarily moved to Jena. So Hamilton turned aside to Marburg, hoping to meet there Tyndal, the translator of the English Bible, whose books were published at Marburg by the renowned printer Hans Luft. Whether Hamilton met Tyndal is not known ; but we know that he met Lambert, a man more to his taste than Luther, — a man who, like himself, was opposed to half measures in religion. Lambert was at once struck with Hamilton's knowledge of the Scrip- tures. So he urged him to compose theses on the evan- gelical faith, and defend them publicly. This Hamil- ton did, in the great hall of the University, in a de- fence remarkable for its clearness and beauty, in which he explained the gospel with the philosophical elo- quence of the Scotch. But Hamilton did not stay long at Marburg — only six mouths. He sighed for his native land, and went back there to die, a martyr, for his faith. In 1527 the first difficulty arose in Hesse about the Zwinglians. Phillip was the bitter foe of Zwinglian- 64 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ism and ordered the Zwinglians to leave his land. But gradually the Swiss doctrines began to make some im- pression on him. In 1528 Ecolampadius and Zwingli wrote answers to Luther's doctrines. Zwingli dedi- cated his answer the Phillip, and sent it to him. Phil- lip began to understand the Swiss better. And when the Diet of Spire in 1529 declared against the evangeli- cals and compelled them to enter their famous protest, the Protestants were compelled to draw closer together in spite of their doctrinal differences. Pious John Haner, a preacher of Frankford, suggested at Spire that both parties of Protestants might be brought closer to- gether by a conference. This pleased Landgrave Phil- lip, for he hoped to get the support of the Swiss, so that they might be a protection against Italy, and also weaken the predominance of the Catholics in South Germany. So he proposed a conference and invited to it Zwingli and Ecolampadius of the Swiss, Bucer and Capito from Strasburg, Luther and Melancthon from Wittenberg. When Zwingli received the invitation, Capito urged him to accept it. He wrote to Zwingli, that if Hesse were brought to the true faith, then the other princes of Ger- many would be easily won. Zwingli was glad to come. But he reminded the Landgrave of the dangers he would have to pass through in travelling to Marburg. He would have to pass through some of the Catholic cantons of Switzerland, and the territories of the Em- PREPARATION FOR THE CONFERENCE. 65 peror of Austria and of the Elector of Mayence, both strong Catholic princes. He suggested that the confer- ence be held at some intermediate place between Zurich and Wittenberg, as Strasburg. The Landgrave replied that he did not conceal the dangers of the journey, but to obviate them in part, he promised an escort from Strasburg to Hesse (thus protecting Zwingli from the Elector of Mayence), and for the rest, the protection of God. Zwingli finally consented, although the city coun- cil of Zurich considered the dangers so great that they refused to let him go. If Luther had had one-tenth of the difficulties to encounter that Zwingli had, he never would have come to this conference. Luther and Melancthon received the same invita- tion, but were unwilling to accept it. Melancthon de- sired to have a conference with Ecolampadius, but not with Zwingli ; and strangely suggested that the judges of the conference should be Catholics, so that theZwing- lians could not boast themselves that they had obtained the victory. He requested the Elector of Saxony, that as the Landgrave Phillip of Hesse already leaned more toward Zwingli than was good for him, to refuse to allow Luther and himself to go to this conference. But the Elector was anxious for the conference, and said his theologians must go — only he desired that the conference should be at Nuremberg. So Luther and Melancthon prepared to go, although they uttered bit- ter complaints to their friends about it. 66 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Zwingli, without waiting for the Landgrave's safe conduct, set out on the third of September, without no- tifying the city council, yes, without even telling his wife. He was accompanied by the Professor of Greek, Collins. He arrived safely at Basle, after travelling in- cognito through the Catholic cantons of Switzerland. From Basle he and Ecolampadius set out secretly for Strasburg. They took passage in an armed boat on the Rhine, disguised as ordinary merchants. This pre- caution was necessary, as they were passing through Austrian territory. The boat was manned by reliable merchants, who were to answer all questions from the shore, so that the travellers might not be discovered. In thirteen hours they arrived safely at Strasburg, where they were gladly received and greatly honored. Zwingli stayed twelve days at the house of Zell, the ca- thedral preacher, and preached in Strasburg with great acceptance. On the 22nd of September, accompanied by Bucer, Hedio, and a small escort, Zwingli and Eco- lampadius set out for Marburg. To do this, they made a wide detour, along by-paths, through forests, over mountains and villages, by secret but sure paths, so as to avoid the territories of the Catholic Elector of May- ence. Much of this journey was through Palatinate ter- ritory of Zweibrucken. They travelled past Bitsch, Lichtenberg and Meisenheim. On the borders of Hesse, on the Hunsruck, they were met by an escort of REFORMERS ARRIVE AT MARBURG. 67 forty Hessian cavalry. They crossed the Rhine at the fortified town of St. Goar, with its castle of Rheinfels overlooking it. Then, by way of Giessen, they pro- ceeded to Marburg. Meanwhile Luther and Melancthon, with Jonas and Cruciger, took their way through Halle, Gotha and Eisenach to Kreuzberg, where they canae to the borders of Hesse. Then Luther declared he would go no far- ther until the Landgrave had sent him a safe conduct. This want of confidence on Luther's part somewhat of- fended the Landgrave and helped to alienate him from Luther. So while Luther waited, they spent the night at Alsfeld, where the scholars came and, kneeling, sang hymns before Luther's windows. Meanwhile the Swiss arrived at Marburg on Mon- day, September 27th. They took quarters at the house on the east side of the Bear Spring.* But the Land- grave sent word that they should come to the castle. He hoped that, if the leaders became personally ac- quainted, it would aid the cause of unity. Ecolampa- dius preached in the court chapel on the next day on the second Psalm. Zwingli preached on Wednesday on Providence, Hedio on Thursday. During these days that intervened until the arrival of Luther, Phillip got into a very friendly intimacy with the Swiss reformers and Bucer. The Thursday morning's sermon had hardly *It is said that Zwingli put up at the hotel to the Bear, fifty- three Barefoot-Friar street. be THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. been closed, when the news came that Luther was en- tering the town by way of Weidenhausen, and would stay at the Bear Hotel on Barefoot Friar street. Bucer, Ecolampadius and Hedio at once called on him. The Landgrave sent word for him to come and stay at the castle.* And now for the first time the great reformers of the sixteenth century looked each other in the face, and shook hands with each other. Phillip wished that, be- fore the public conference between the leaders would take place, the theologians should have private inter- views. So after early service on Friday, Luther and Ecolampadius were taken to one room, and Zwingli and Melancthon to another. Luther and Ecolampadius conferred chiefly on baptism, and Zwingli and Melanc- thon on the trinity and the person of Christ. They were in the heat of their discussions, when dinner was announced. After dinner, Zwingli and Melancthon resumed their discussions. On Saturday, October 2nd, the public conference was begun in the presence of about sixty persons.f This castle was beautifully situated for ••'A tradition says, that as Luther climbed the steps of the castle, at each step he called out, "Hoc est," "hoc est." — "This is my bodj^," so as to hold himself true to his doctrine of the Lord's supper. fA tradition has it, that this conference was held in the beau- tiful large Knights Hall, which is now filled with a choice col- lection of autographs. But more probably this conference took place in the east m ing of the castle, where the Landgrave lived. It took place in a room right opposite the sleeping apartments of the Landgrave. THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 69 holding such a conference as this. It is placed on a hill overlooking the town and the beautiful valley of the Lahn, while around it are mountains encircling it with beauty. The town at that time was filled with visitors ; for the eyes of the world were fixed on this lit- tle German town. At this conference the four reform- ers sat at a table. Behind them sat the Landgrave of Hesse, Duke Ulric of Wurtemberg, the council and nobles of Hesse, the Professors of theology, Lam- bert of Avignon among them. Chancellor Feige opened the conference at 6 A. M. in an address on the necessity of union among Protestants. Luther, to strengthen himself, wrote with a piece of chalk on the velvet of the table before him, ^^Hoc est cor-pus meum^^ ("this is my body"). He carried on the controversy for the Lu- therans. Very seldom did Melancthon and Brenz make any remark. For the Swiss, Zwingli and Eco- lampadius both took part. After a preliminary confer- ence on the nature of Christ, original sin, justification, &c., in which the Lutherans had suspected the Swiss of heterodoxy, they came to the main discussion on the Lord's supper. We have not time to enter into this conference in detail, but only in outline.* Luther pointed to the words written before him as an irrefuta- ble argument for the bodily presence of Christ in the *It is found in full, in D'Aubigne's history of Reformation, Vol. IV., page eighty-nine ; in Ebrard's history, page eighty- one ; in Hagenbach's Reformation, and other works. 70 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Lord's supper.* When Luther was urged to explain how Christ's body and blood could be in the elements of bread and wine, Luther answered that "if God were to command him to eat crab-apples, he would eat them without asking." He maintained that just as the sword was in the scabbard, or beer in a tankard, so Christ's body was in the bread. Zwingli then quoted a number of Scripture passages, where the sign is described by the thing signified. He made a decided impression on the audience. Lambert sitting among the Marburg Pro- fessors, was violently agitated. He had been of Lu- ther's opinion, but now hesitated. A singular misun- derstanding incensed Luther against Zwingli. Zwingli, in quoting the sixth chapter of John to support his po- sition, said to Luther, " That passage breaks your neck, Doctor." Luther, taking his words literally, replied that they were in Hesse and not in Switzerland, and therefore his neck was not in danger. Zwingli hastened to explain that he had merely used a colloquial and figurative expression for a lost cause. But it angered Luther and led to the breaking up of the discussion. The conference continued Saturday and Sunday. Luther *It is an interesting fact, that Christ never used that word est or esti, about which there has been so much controversy. Jesus spoke the Aramaic language, and its construction would omit that word. So there was much quarrel about nothing after all. And yet while the discussion about a word was useless, the discussion of the doctrine revealed a marked difference be- tween Luther and Zwingli. EFFORTS FOR UNION. 71 preached on Sunday morning in the castle chapel on the gospel for the day, 'forgiveness for sin/ This conference was hastened to a close by the sud- den appearance of the English plague in Marburg. Landgrave Phillip was intensely earnest that some union should be acknowledged between the reformers. He brought them together to a final conference. Zwingli was willing for a union. "There is no one on earth with whom I would more desire to be united than with you," said Zwingli as he approached Luther. "Ac- knowledge them as brethren," said Phillip to the Lu- therans. Every heart was touched. The two great Churches of the reformation were about uniting. Zwingli bursting into tears, approached Luther and held out his hand. But no. Luther refused his proffered hand, saying to him : ''You have a different spirit from ours." After continued solicitations the Lutherans only replied to them : "You do not belong to the communion of the Christian Church. We cannot acknowledge you as brethren." The Landgrave then again urged unity on them. " We must let the Christian world know that, except on the manner of the presence of the body and blood in the Eucharist, you are agreed on all the articles of faith," he said. This was decided. And Luther drew up the ' Marburg articles of faith.' The Luther- ans were surprised that the Swiss agreed with them on so many points. Luther kept the article on the sacra- 72 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ment until last. On this they could not agree ; but finally they came to a compromise.* These articles were signed, on October 4th, by Ecolampadius, Zwingli, Bucer and Hedio for the Reformed, and by Luther, Me- lancthon, Jonas, Osiander, Benz and Agricola for the Lu- therans.f Thus the Swiss conceded the presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament, but not his physical presence in the bread and wine. These fifteen Marburg Articles were the first Protestant creed of Germany. They were the first bulwark erected against Catholicism. Though subsequently changed in the interest of Lu- theranisra at Schwalbach, they became the basis of the Augsburg Confession, which was submitted to the Em- peror the next year. This conference of Marburg had a marked influence in many directions. It affected both Luther and Zwingli. Zwingli did not hold as offensive views as Luther thought. Zwingli found Luther's doctrine not as gross as he sup- *They agreed : First, that the Lord's supper must be received in both kinds; second, that the sacrifice of the mass is inad- missable ; third, that the sacrament of the allar is the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ ; although we are not at this time agreed as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are physically present in the bread and wine; and recommend that each party manifest a Christian love to the other to the ex- tent that the conscience of every man shall permit, and that both parties entreat God Almighty to confirm us by his Spirit in the right doctrine. fOne of the two copies made at that time is now, by a happy coincidence, in the Knight's room of this castle of Marburg in the collection of autographs. INFLUENCE OF THE CONFERENCE. 73 posed. The conference influenced even the Catholics ; for it revealed that the Reformed and Lutherans were united on all points, except the Lord's sapper. It had a marked influence in Germany. It introduced and ex- plained Zwinglianism to the Germans. They now knew what Zwinglianism meant. The influence of this con- ference was felt in Germany even a half a century later, when the Reformed Church was introduced. It had prepared the way for its introduction. And its influ- ence was not only general, but particular, on individu- als. Lambert says he went into that conference with his soul like a sheet of white paper, on which he wanted the finger of God to write the truth. God wrote the truth of Zwinglianism on his heart. But he died soon after, April, 1530, at Frankenberg on the Eder, to which place the University had been removed on ac- count of the plague.* Zwingli's doctrines began to be propagated in many parts of Germany. Loflards, rector of the St. Martins school at Brunswick, and Melander and Ibach at Frankford accepted them. In Nurem- berg, Durer, the famous painter, became a Zwinglian. Augsburg was divided between Luther and Zwingli. Even in Wittenberg Zwingli had his disciples. But the most marked influence of this conference was on the Landgrave Phillip. This conference almost •*'* His tomb is in the Micliael's chapel, lying over against the St. Elizabeth Church." 74 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. made Phillip a Zwinglian. He renounced the Lutheran doctrine of oral manducation, or the receiving Christ's body and blood through the mouth. His counsellor, Feige, became a Zwinglian. Phillip tried to form a political alliance with the Swiss, Wurtemberg and Stras- burg. He opened a correspondence with Zwingli, which continued until Zwingli died. Had Zwingli not died so soon, and his influence been continued on Phillip, Hesse might have been the first land in Germany to re- ceive the Reformed faith. Says a writer: "Nothing kept Phillip from avowing himself a Zwinglian but po- litical scruples.'' Luther did all in his power to keep him from doing so. This conference, in affecting Phillip, affected the Hessian Church. Although the Marburg Articles were never officially adopted by the General Synod of Hesse, yet they brought about a revolution in the Church. The persecution of Zwinglians ceased, and the Zwinglians, who had been driven out of the country, were brought back. Preaching against the Zwinglians was stopped. Melander, called from Frankford to Cassel, succeeded in getting the pictures put out of the Cassel churches. This example was followed in many of the Hessian churches. At the Diet of Augsburg, in 1530, Landgrave Phil- lip was awkwardly placed. He was the only German prince who favored the adoption of a confession that Bucer and the Swiss could sign. When Melancthon Phillip's inclination to the reformed. 75 wrote the Augsburg Confession, which excluded the the Swiss, at first he did not want to sign it. He wanted it changed before he signed it. He only signed after the earnest solicitation of Luther. But through his influence Zwinglianism was not named in the Con- fession as a heresy.* It is strange to note that afterward, in 1540, when Melancthon changed the Augsburg Confession, he made the very changes that Phillip had then suggested at the Diet of Augsburg. Finally, after having entered his protest, Phillip signed the Confession. Afterward, at the conference at Frankford, in 1557, he declared he was not so bound to the Augsburg Confession that he did not think a better one could be made. The Augs- burg Confession was not officially adopted by the Hes- sian Church, yet it affected that Church ; especially after Hesse joined the Smalcald League, whose creed was the Augsburg Confession. Still Phillip kept on introduc- ing what were really Reformed customs; for in 1531 he divided Hesse into six Synods, or as they were then called. Dioceses. In 1533 an earnest effort was made to introduce church discipline into the Church. When the Wittenberg Concord appeared in 1536, Philip was filled with joy, and was ever most ardently attached to it, be- *Melancthon revealed his timidity on this confession, by conceding to the Catholics certain things ; as episcopacy and certain ceremonies. Phillip wrote, " This is not the time for weakness, but to stand by the truth till the death." 76 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. cause it brought haraiony between the Lutherans and the Reformed. After ZwingU's death, Bucer became Phillip's great councillor and advisor. He called Bu- cer ''our" theologian. Bucer called himself 'the Land- grave's chaplain.' But when Bucer left for England, and the Augsburg Diet of 1555 had made the Augsburg Confession the only legal Protestant confession in Ger- many, Landgrave Phillip became a more decided Lu- theran ; although in his Lutheranism he was always a follower of Melancthon, — a liberal Lutheran. It is a noticeable fact, as Heppe says, that the Hessian Church was never called Lutheran any more than Zwinglian, except as a nickname by the Catholics. Its name was 'Evangelical,' 'the Reformed' (this word used in its old broad sense), 'the Church allied to the Augsburg Con- fession.' Those who entered the Hessian Church were never required to subscribe the Augsburg Confession, but only the three ancient creeds of the Church — the Apostles', Niceue and Athanasian creeds. Luther's smaller catechism, it is true, was used in the schools, but in an amended form. The Cassel catechism was pub- lished in 1534. It followed Bucer's views about the Lord's supper. Hyperius also wrote a catechism, which was Refoimed, for the upper classes in the schools. And although the Hessian Church was then really a Lu- theran Church, Zwinglians were allowed in it. Its doc- trines were liberal. Reformed ministers were always CHURCH GOVERNMENT AND CUSTOMS. 77 found in it. Geldenhauer, Gamier, Victor, and espe- cially Hyperius, 'the father of Homiletics,' were Re- formed. The first open charge against any one for be- ing a Calvinist was made against Hyperius, in 1561, by the high Lutherans. In doctrine, Hesse was Me- lancthonian. In church customs it was only half Lu- theran. Many of the Lutheran rites, as exorcism, &c., were put away. But in church government it was de- cidedly Reformed. Hesse attempted the presbyterial government. It had, or attempted to have, presbyteries or boards of elders in each church. It had Synods and General Synods. But neither in Synods nor General Synods do elders seem to have appeared. It is true, this presbyterial form of government was somewhat modified by having superintendents. But the superin- tendent was elected by the dioceses and subject to the clergy. So that the government was presbyterial in the congregation, and synodical in the upper courts. The pre-eminence given to elders at this early stage of his- tory was remarkable. At the Lord's supper they stood around the table, and saw that no unworthy persons came to the table. Here and there it was the custom that the cup at the Lord's supper was handed around by some prominent member of the church. At the church of Treis the knight, Hermon Schutzbau, handed the cup. Thus in the simplicity of its customs, the Hessian Church was tending toward the Reformed faith. 78 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Another significant sign in that direction was the adop- tion of predestination by some of the leading theologians of the Hessian Church. They held to predestination and the perseverance of the saints, long before these doctrines became matters of controversy. When in 1561 Zanchius was attacked at Strasburg by the Lutherans for holding the doctrine of predestination, he appealed to the theologians of Marburg, and they endorsed his position. And yet while the Hessian Church was thus insen- sibly nearing the Reformed faith, it is remarkable how strongly she opposed the introduction of the Reformed faith into Germany by Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. Phillip took quite an active part against its introduction. This he did partly from political rea- sons, as he feared it would divide Germany and weaken it against the Catholics. He even went so far as to go (in spite of his old age) to Heidelberg to visit Elector Frederick, and warn him against going over to the Re- formed faith. But he failed to keep Frederick from doing so. When the Heidelberg catechism appeared, his theologians at Marburg gave an unfavorable deliv- erance against it, upbraiding it with reducing the ele- ments at the Lord's supper into mere signs. Thus Hesse was insensibly being prepared for its ultimate transition to the Reformed faith. The seed, planted by Lambert of Avignon in introducing the Re- HESSE BECOMES REFORMED. 79 formed church government, followed up by Zwingli's appearance at the Marburg Conference, carried on by Bucer's influence, and insensibly continued by Melanc- thon, by and by burst forth into full bloom, more than a half century later. Strange to say, Hesse, which was almost the first German land to incline toward the Re- formed faith, was almost the last to receive it. Her customs remained Lutheran, while her doctrine grad- ually became Reformed. It remained for Landgrave Maurice the Learned, with his clear head and quick de- cision, to put an end to this incongruity between doctrine and custom, and make Hesse thoroughly Reformed, as he did in 1604-7. CHAPTER I.— SECTION lY. Lasco and his Preparation for the Reformed Faith. But from a third place there was an influence ex- erted on Germany, that prepared the way for the Re- formed Church. East Friesland, in nortliern Germany, was the only part of that country, where there existed real religious freedom. It, therefore, became an asylum for the persecuted of all religions. Anabaptists found a home there as well as Reformed and Lutherans. Emden, its capital, became 'a refuge for God's saints.' Emden was the first real Reformed church in Ger- many. It was the only part of the German Reformed Church that did not come out of Lutheranism. It came direct from Catholicism into the Reformed Church. The first preacher of Protestantism happened to be a Zwinglian. Aportanus, formerly a member of the Brethren of the Common Life (those Protestants be- fore the Reformation, — the Protestant monkhood in the Catholic Church), came to Emden in 1 526. He was made tutor in the family of the Duke, preceptor of the young Count Edzard, and subsequently pastor of the church at Emden. At first he was driven out of the church for preaching evangelical doctrines. But the people PREPARATION OF FRIESLAND. 81 adhered to him, although the priests persecuted hira. And he preached the gospel in the open air to the gath- ering crowds. Aportanus created a great sensation in Germany, by introducing the simple rites of the Re- formed Church. At the Lord^s supper he used merely a common table instead of an altar; and common white bread instead of wafers. And he did not lay the bread on the mouths of the communicants, as the Catholics had done ; but he broke it, and gave it to them in their hands. This style of service, unheard of before in Ger- many, created a great stir. This tendency toward the Scriptural rites of the Reformed faith, was aided by the coming or Carlstadt, who has been called, by some, the forerunner of Calvinism in Germany. He came to Emden about 1529, and for a while exerted a great in- fluence on the Frisian Church. Thus East Friesland was the only place in Germany, where the Zwinglian or Reformed doctrine and mode of worship, was openly per- mitted at that time. In 1535, the neighboring Bruns- wick-Luneberg pastors made an effort to introduce the Lutheran doctrines into Friesland. But they were 'bit- terly opposed. Then came the Wittenberg Concord in 1536, which brought peace between the Reformed and Lutherans. Still there were now two parties found in the Frisian Church. The eastern half of Friesland, which appertained to Bremen, was more influenced by Lutheranism ; while the western part, in close contact 82 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. with Reformed Holland, was more iaclined toward the Reformed faith. The Anabaptists had also found a refuge in Friesland, and they were bitter against the Lutherans for their cannibalism, as they called it, at the Lord's supper, in eating the body of Christ. And they were bitter against both Reformed and Lutherans, for their want of church discipline. So Friesland be- came a battle ground between the Reformed, Lutherans, Anabaptists and Catholics. This was the condition of things, when the Countess of Oldenberg, a pious but weak woman, called John A. Lasco to organize the Church in Friesland. This distinguished reformer was one of the most re- markable characters of the sixteenth century. It is a significant fact that here and there we find noblemen like Patrick Hamilton and John A. Lasco, who became preachers of the gospel, "esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt, for they had respect to the recompense of the reward." John A. Lasco was born at Lask, his ancestral cas- tle in Poland, in 1499. His uncle, who was the Arch- bishop of Gnesen, the capital of Poland, was also primate of the Polish realm. His uncle occupied, therefore, a position next to the king himself; and if the king died, he presided over the government until a new king was chosen. Lasco studied for a while at Cracow, living there in the splendid palace of his uncle. He went with LASCO'S TRAVELS. 83 his uucle to Rome to the Lateran council in 1513, and then studied at the University of Bologna, but returned to Poland in 1518. He rapidly rose in honor, being made canon of the Church, and also dean of the Metro- politan church at Gnesen. Lasco took a second trip abroad in 1523. He went to Basle, where he met Farel, the fiery reformer of Switzerland ; then to Paris, then back to Basle, where he met Erasmus. Erasmus was captivated by his learning, amiability and purity. He calls him "a soul without a stain," a very Nathaniel. Lasco became an ardent adherent of the humanism of Erasmus, and spent his time in liberal studies. These began to lead him away from the influence of Rome. In passing through Zurich on his way to France, he met Zwingli ; and from him received the first impulse toward reading the Bible. Thirty years afterward he bore testimony to Zwingli's influence in this direction. At Basle he also met Ecolampadius and Bullinger. He returned home by way of Italy, a humanist or follower of Erasmus, but a humanist within the Catholic Church. When he returned in 1526, he found that strange ru- mors had been circulated about him. He had been liv- ing with Erasmus, who was looked upon by many as a half heretic. To purge himself of these suspicions, Lasco was required to take an oath of purgation.* Lasco *This document is still preserved in the privy record- office at Konigsberg. 84 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. was appointed administrator of Gnesen. But his uncle died in 1531. He was thus deprived of his strongest support in ascending the ladder of ecclesiastical promo- tion. Still he continued to rise for seven years after the death of his uncle. He was made archdeacon of War- saw. This was the last honor Rome placed on his head. The king offered him the bishopric of Cujavia. But Lasco declined it. He gave up all his honors. He had hoped to see the Catholic Church reformed. His hopes were blighted. So he threw up all his positions and prepared to leave Poland. He hoped that the time might come (as it afterward did) when he could preach the gospel to his own land. Whither he was going, he knew not. His motto was, '4he righteous have here no fatherland, therefore they seek an heavenly." " To me remained no place nor home, My country is in every clime ; T can be calm and free from care, On any shore, since God is there." For nineteen years he was a pilgrim, wandering up and down in Europe, establishing the Reformed Church in Friesland, England and Germany, before he returned to Poland to preach the gospel. He went to Frank- ford, where he made the acquaintance of his friend Har- denberg. He had brilliant offers of political advance- ment from the Emperor of Germany, and also from King Ferdinand, but he refused them all. He went to Louvain, where he became intimate with the Brethren THE EMDEN CHURCFI. 85 of the Common Life, and was more fully influenced by the gospel. Finally he completed his break with Rome by marrying. As a married priest would not be safe at Louvain, he sought a quiet home and found it in East Friesland, where he arrived in 1540. In 1543 he was urged by Count Christopher of Oldenberg to ac- cept the position of superintendent in Friesland. But he refused this first offer, on account of his ill health and his ignorance of the Dutch language, and also on account of his duty to distant Poland. But after re- peated calls, he finally accepted the position under the Duchess of Oldenberg. Soon after he entered on his duties as superintendent, he had a call from Duke Albert of Prussia to Konigsberg to the University there. It was a great temptation ; as he would be so near his beloved Poland and might influence her toward the gospel. But he finally refused the offer, as he found that they insisted he should not express his opinions on the sacraments and church discipline, on which doctrines those Lutherans were suspicious of him. He soon came into collision with the Franciscan monks of Friesland. He ordered the Franciscans to remove the images from their churches. The Franciscans tried to turn the ta- bles on him by saying he was a stranger in that land, and was trying to introduce strange doctrines. Lasco answered them. The Countess wavered between Lasco and the Franciscans Then he boldly urged the Count- 86 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ess to stand up for the truth ; and she bowed before the prayers of this bold man. Lasco, in his reforms, aimed at nothing short of Zwinglian simplicity of worship. Pictures and all such unbiblical ceremonies as exorcism, &c., were put out of the churches. He desired bread to be used at the communion ; and if the wine gave out, he said another liquid could be used, provided the meal was still made a memorial of Christ. He was very much opposed to the kneeling position at the Lord^s supper, because it seemed to him like a worship of the bread and wine. He allowed the communicants while standing to receive the elements, but afterwards in London he required them to receive them while sitting. Lasco was a Zwinglian in doctrine, a Calvinist in church government. He attempted a splendid organization of the Church. In the summer of 1544 he had an church order adopted, which required the ministers of the prin- cipal church of Emden to appoint four pious men, who should watch over the morals of the congregation. They were really elders. He also organized the Coetus in 1544. It was a minister's Monday meeting, for it met on Monday. It also had a synodical authority. During the summer all the ministers, 200 in number, met each week. This Coetus elected a president and secretary for the whole summer. Its order of business was prayer by the president, inquiry into the doctrines and morals of each minister in rotation. Then members of the THE COETUS OF EMPEN. 87 congregations, who had complaints against, any of the ministers, brought them before the Coetus. The Coetus then proceeded to examine candidates for the ministry by inquiring into their lives, and listening to a brief conference sermon by them. Then followed a discus- sion of doctrine, especially on the controversies of the day. Two ministers were appointed to discuss the topic appointed, their theses being made known eight days before ; so that every one came to the Coetus prepared. This Coetus was a blessing to the land. The French minister at Emden, Fremaut, said he learned more at it, than he had done at the university. This model synod exercised a benign influence on the clergy ; and on the laity, too, who saw their pastors, as well as them- selves, subjected to church discipline. This Coetus con- tinued forty years, until the reign of Duke Edzard, who was inclined to Lutheranism. He suppressed it in 1583. It was reorganized afterward and (according to Goebel and Barteis) still exists. In 1543 Lasco, with Bucer, aided Elector Herman of Cologne to introduce Protestantism into his county of Wied, on the east side of the Rhine, opposite Coblentz. Lasco also visited West Friesland in Holland. In 1544 he published an epitome of doctrine for the churches of East Friesland. In it he reveals his predestination, " that the eternal council of God controls all things, that Christ is the central point of Christianity ; but God shuts out no one 88 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. from his mercy. Christ by his death expiated the sins of the whole world.'' He was, therefore, a predestina- rian, but held to the doctrine of the universal atonement along with it. Lasco also so influenced the Countess, that she issued school regulations, which reveal one of the first instances of compulsory school attendance. He arranged a catechism in 1546 for Sabbath afternoon preaching. It was written in manuscript and passed around among the clergy. It divided itself into four parts, the commandments, faith, prayer, sacraments. It was unlike Calvin's catechism, which divided itself into five parts ; placing the scripture between prayer and the sacraments. Lasco's catechism was a very lengthy one, and was afterwards shortened by him in his London and Emden catechisms. Thus, by Lasco's exertions, Emden and East Friesland became the model for the Dutch and German Reformed Churches ; as Geneva had been for the French, English and Scotch Churches. But the controversies about the sacraments broke out again just before Luther's death. And the Lutherans in East Friesland, five or six in number, with Lemsius of Norden at their . head, banded together against Lasco At first, they would not attend the Coetus. They said they were opposed to this presby- terial order, because it savored of the Reformed Church. The Countess ordered them to attend. They refused to obey. They knew that they had influential sympa- LASCO GOES TO ENGLAND. 89 thizers in some of the courtiers of the Countess, who were dissatisfied with the strict church discipline of Lasco. So finally, after waiting for months and seeing among the pastors neither unity of doctrine nor strictness of discipline, Lasco resigned his position as superintendent in 1546, asking to be allowed to remain simply as pastor of the great church at Emden.* But while Lasco was retiring from public life, a call came to him from England. Peter Martyr and also William Turner, an Englishman, who had been a refugee at Emden, recommended him to King Edward VI. of England. This young king was looked upon as the ^Josiah' of the sixteenth century, who would thor- oughly reform his land. He called to his help quite a number of Protestant foreigners, as Bucer, Peter Martyr and others. Lasco was granted a leave of absence by the Duchess, in order to go to England. He travelled through Holland, Brussels and Flanders, in disguise, (as the imperial officers were on the watch for prominent Protestants), until he arrived at Calais, the first English port. He spent the winter at Lambeth with the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, Cranmer, aiding him by his advice *Lasco, during his stay at Emden, had resided in the Fran- ciscan cloister, whose solid walls protected him against the se- vere blasts of that northern climate. But now, seeing his op- ponents wanted to drive him from his position, he bought, on the road from Emden to Aurich, close to Loppersum, a plain simple country house in the farmstead of Abbiugwehr. 90 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. in ecclesiastical affairs. Afterward he went back to Era- den, his leave of absence having expired. When he ar- rived at Eraden, he found that the Emperor of Germany was trying to introduce the offensive Romish rites of the Augsburg Interim into every part of Germany. The Countess of Oldeuberg was in great anxiety. The peo- ple felt their danger. Lasco tried to stem the tide, by using his influence against the introduction of the In- terim. He also went to Dantzic and Konigsberg to in- * fluence the Duke of Prussia against it : as well as to get near to his beloved Poland ; and from her, secure per- mission to go to England a second time. He came back to Emden in August, 1649. He found the Countess about receiving the Interim. Some of her counsellors drew up what was called the Emden Interim, consisting of garbled extracts from the Augsburg Interim and the Brunswick-Luneburg church regulations. The Emden ministers refused to assent to this Emden Interim. Only Lemsius at Norden and the Lutheran pastors received it. The people at Emden supported their fiiithful pastors. As a result the church doors were closed against pastors and people, because they would not receive the Interim. So the people worshipped in the graveyards, which were thronged by greater crowds than ever at- tended church. "Here," says Dalton, "in the midst of the graves of the departed, the children were baptized, LASCO LEAVES EMDEN. 91 the affianced couples united in wedlock." The Coetus also met weekly, when Lasco tried to strengthen the brethren against the Interim. But the imperial court determined to get rid of Lasco. So an accusation of treason was whispered against him, because he had lately been to England, and also in the neighborhood of Poland. Lasco then, in October, 1549, bade farewell to Emden amid the tears of the people. The Countess, though letting him go, bore witness to his faithfulness. He went to Bremen, where he received the Lord's supper from Timan, the intense Lutheran and the future foe of his friend Hardenberg. In April, 1550, he was at Hamburg with his friends, where he mingled freely with Westphal, who afterwards thundered denunciations against him for being a Calvinist, charging him with heresy. Finally, after a terrible voyage, in which the ship put back three times to Hamburg, and his discom- fort was increased by an attack of his old disease, ague, he arrived at Lambeth. He was made pastor of the foreign Reformed congregation in London, which con- sisted of the French, Dutch, German and Italian refugees, who had fled from the continent to find an asylum in England. In 1548 the Dutch and French had begun private worship in a house; but in 1550 the church of St. Augustine (at present called the church of Austin Friars) was given to them. They were organized under 92 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. four pastors, and numbered three or four thousand souls. This church was permitted, by a patent from the king, to be free from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the bishop of London and was allowed to organize herself. This gave an 'opportunity to Lasco to develope his talent for organization. And the result was a finely organized spiritually-minded church. He put away many of the semi-papal ceremonies that still lingered among the Protestants of England, and w^ere favored by Cranmer, the archbishop of Canterbury. He put away pictures, candles, altars, bells, organs, and kneeling at the com- munion, which he considered half idolatry of the sacra- ment. He introduced the sitting posture at the com- munion, and had the communicants seated around a table. But when in other churches, he communed with them after their own fashion. Cranmer wanted the ministers to wear the priestly vestments or robes during service, but Lasco desired no special fashion of clothing for the ministry.* His sad experience under the Interim in Germany had sharpened his opposition to all these so-called adiaphora or semi-papal customs. The early refugees at London had brought with them their own liturgies and catechisms from the continent. The French used Calvin's catechism and the Genevan liturgy, and sang Marot's Psalms. The Dutch leaned more to the Emden catechism and the Zurich church order. From *Bartels, page 35. 93 these Lasco drew up a new one, which was very remark- able as the first introduction of pure presbyterian church government. The first Presbyterian church was a Re- formed church — the Dutch Reformed church of Lon- don. In it there were three officials — elders, deacons and doctors. The elders and doctors were elected for life, and the deacons for a year. Lasco was the first to notice the two kinds of elders, teaching and ruling eld- ers. The duty of the doctors was to foster the study and knowledge of the Scriptures. Instead of the Coetus, as at Emden, they had a weekly prayer meeting. The congregation, after a day of prayer, elected its own offi- cers. It will be noticed that, in this church govern- ment, Lasco differed from Calvin. Lasco's church or- der was a development of the church orders, which he found were used by his congregation. But he improved on them, and even improved on Calvin's. Calvin^s was aristocratic Presbyterianism ; Lasco's democratic Pres- byterianism. Calvin did not aim at a separation of the Church and State. He wished that each should be in- dependent of the other in its sphere, but the one should be a help to the other. And under Calvin the congre- gation was not the possessor and manager of their own affairs. They could not freely elect their own officers without interference from State or consistory. Nor did Calvin concede the equality of the elders with the min- isters. But Lasco granted freeduni to the congreg itiun 94 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. to choose its own officers, and also equality of the elders with the ministers. Lasco, in addition to his labors of church organization, also printed a compend of doctrine in his London catechism, which was an abridgement of his Emden catechism. But in Emden it had existed only in manuscript form ; now in London it was printed. Lasco was not destined to remain long in London, not more than four years, before he had to take up his pilgrim's staff again and leave for other shores. King Edward VI. died, and bloody Queen Mary ascended the English throne and reintroduced Catholicism by force and persecution. Lasco and his congregation had to flee. But whither should they go ? They looked toward Denmark, whose king, in disposition, was very much like the late Edward VI. of England ; and so Lasco, a second Ulysses, began his wanderings again. It was determined that, with a part of his congregation, he should go to Denmark and arrange for an asylum for the refugees ; and that then the others would follow. So, on the 17th of September, 1553, a sad sight was seen at Gravesend, as the travellers, 170 souls, mostly Dutch, set sail in two Danish ships. A great number of the men and women of Lasco's congregation went with them to the shore, and wept at their departure. Those on shore followed them with their eyes as long as they could see them ; and when the English fog came in and hid them from sight, they began singing a psalm, THEY SAIL FOR DENMARK. 95 which sounded over the waves as their sad final fare- well. The refugees expected to find a cordial welcome at Copenhagen. Bucer had once been called to Copen- hagen, in ] 549, and Sturm had hoped to get Peter Mar- tyr elected as Professor at Copenhagen. They, there- fore, supposed that the Danish court, though Lutheran, would not be opposed to those who were Reformed. How bitterly were they doomed to disappointment. Af- ter a terrible voyage, in which a storm separated their vessels, the vessels came together in the harbor of Elsi- nore in Denmark. Here, according to Shakespeare, a ghost appeared to Hamlet. But a worse ghost appeared to these fleeing Protestant Reformed people ; a real one, as they landed on those shores of Denmark. The ghost of high Lutheranism appeared with terrible power and persecution. While Lasco, with Micronius and Uten- hoven, sought the king of Denmark at his palace at Kolding in Jutland, so as to get permission for the refu- gees to settle in Denmark ; the rest of the emigrants sailed for Copenhagen. Lasco's first experience at Kolding was not very propitious. Before he and his companions were allowed to see the king, they were compelled to listen to a sermon, on Phil. 3 : 17, by court preacher Noviomagus. They had expected him to act as their intercessor before the king. Instead of that, he became their accuser. In this sermon he called them fanatics, heretics, sacramentarians, liars of the true pres- 96 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ence, "whose end is damnation/' Noviomagus after- ward urged the king to send them adrift. The king at first received them kindly, and after several interviews, told them that they would be allowed to settle in his territories, if they would conform to the Lutheran rites of the Danish Church. But the rites of the Lutheran Church in Denmark seemed to them a reproduction of the rites of the Anglican Church in England, which they disliked. Their robes and altars and bishops were just what these refugees had, all the time, been protest- ing against. They replied that they could not conscien- tiously conform to these customs. They were, therefore, ordered to leave the land. Lasco then pled that they might at least be allowed to winter in Denmark, as the winter was severe. But even this was refused. The refugees pled that no one would refuse a Turk, yes a dog, at that season. They pled to be allowed to stay two months : this being refused, one month, then four- teen days, so that they could buy clothes and the neces- saries of life, and then they would depart. But this was refused. Neander draws a parallel to this from the history of the early Christian Church. During the Monophysite controversy of the fifth century, between Antioch and Alexandria, a number of Egyptian wood- cutters were compelled to land at Tyre. But so great was the bitterness between the schools of Syria and Egypt, that they were forbidden to land, lest they should PERSECUTIONS BY THE LUTHERANS. 97 pollute the land with heresy. The Lutherans of Den- mark and North Germany likewise refused to receive their Reformed brethren, although of the same German blood and same Protestant faith. To make the condi- tion of the refugees worse, while they were at Copenha- gen waiting for news from Lasco, the plague broke out. This disease was looked upon by the Lutherans as an affliction of Providence sent on Copenhagen for harbor- ing such heretics as the Reformed. But looked upon as a sign of God's Providence, it pointed the other way; for not one of the refugees, even in their sad condition, took the plague ! while the citizens of Copenhagen did. If it were an affliction of God, it was an affliction of God on those Lutherans for their want of brotherly courtesy, in refusing a refuge to the Reformed. The refugees were compelled to leave Copenhagen. Lasco's two sons were first allowed the privilege of wintering in Denmark. But afterwards, in the midst of a severe frost, they were obliged to share the sad fate of the other refugees. To escape, they, with their tutor, came near losing their lives in the ice packs, as they fled over the ice to the refugees. Out into an angry sea, into a terri- ble winter, those poor refugees were hurried. As they sailed, a terrible storm greeted them, followed by frost and snow storms. They entered different harbors to es- cape from the storms, but all the harbors were closed against them, because of the plague that had been rag- 98 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ing at Copenhagen, and because of their still greater plague of Reformed heresy. The three ships were finally permitted to land safely, by Christmas time, at Rostock, Wismar and Lubeck. Duke John Albert of Mecklen- berg invited them to stay at Wismar. But his preach- ers soon stirred up the people and effected the recall of permission to stay. The general experience of the refu- gees was, that the magistrates and the people pitied them at first, until the ministers stirred them up against them. Curtius, the superintendent at Lubeck, called them heretics, and was anxious to have them expelled. At Hamburg, where they arrived over-land in March, 1554, they fared even worse. Westphal, the minister at Hamburg, had called them ^ martyrs of the devil ;^ so the citizens of Hamburg were forbidden, under heavy penalties, to take any of them into their houses. Like hunted game, they were driven out into the neighboring villages. One of the villages received them over night in a shed. They were, like David, hunted like a partridge over the hills. But although rejected by the Danes and North Germans, sympathy came to them from other quarters. Gustavus, King of Sweden, in spite of their difference of language and religion, invited them to an asylum in his land. Finally, by Easter, 1554, the ex- iles reached Emden, whither Lasco had gone before them. There they were gladly received, the Lutherans saying not a word against them. But Lasco did not LASCO AT EMDEN. ^\) remain long at Emden. The Countess, though she re- spected him, yet feared that his decided opposition to altars, organs and baptismal fonts would make trouble. The high Lutherans charged that he had changed his doctrines while he was in England. He published a catechism in 1554, an abbreviation of the former Emden catechism. Micronius also published a shorter catechism for those who expected to come to the Lord's supper. This Emden catechism raised a storm in Emden, and hastened Lasco's departure. Melancthon looked on him with a little suspicion, since he had been in England, And even his old friend Hardenberg became cool toward him, because he suspected him of being a renegade from Lutheranisra. So Lasco left Emden in April, 1555, and went to Frankford, where he was kindly received. The scene now shifts from Emden to Frankford on the Main, that great, wealthy free city of western Ger- many. Lasco had become a leader in the Netherland churches, and his presence introduces us to the refugee Reformed churches that sprang up in different parts of Germany, and which were an important factor in mak- ing Germany Reformed. The history of these refugee congregations at Frankford gives us an interesting glimpse into the custom of those early Reformed churches. The refugees from England and Holland began to come to Frankford in 1554. Their first services were held in private houses. Then the church of the White Lady 100 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. was given them as their place of worship. In the next .year the Holland congregation of London joined this French church ; and a month later an English congre- gation from London, under Whittingham, arrived. At first the Lutheran city churches were on the most friendly terms with the refugees. As these foreign con- gregations grew liturgical, differences between them soon caused strife. The English church asked the city for the use of another church. As the cloister of St. Cath- arine was occupied by only one nun (the rest having married), they asked the magistrates for the use of it. The city authorities at first refused to grant it, but after- wards conceded to them the church of All Saints, then unused. The English congregation was required not to use the English liturgy, but to conform to the French mode of worship. So they agreed to omit the litany, the responses, the surplice, and other ceremonies, " which in the Reformed churches would seem more than strange, or which were superstitious and superfluous.^' They proceeded to elect three pastors. One of them was John Knox, whom Calvin urged to come to Frankford. Knox came from Geneva in November, 1554. When Knox came, he already found two parties in the English Church. One party favored the use of the English lit- urgy with all its responses and vestments. The other, headed by Whittingham, was puritanical and opposed them. Knox, when he came, said he could not admin- KNOX AT FRANKFORD. 101 ister communion according to the English liturgy, but he offered to preach for them. He wrote a temperate letter to the congregation in the interest of the Puritan party ; and a committee drew up a shorter form of ser- vice, modeled after the Genevan liturgy. But this did not give entire satisfaction, so it was modified by adapt- ing certain parts of the prayer book. This was trans- lated into Latin and sent to Calvin, who replied that he could not but condemn the policy of those, who held to "the tolerable fooleries of the English liturgy." This form was used until March, when Cox, one of Cranmer's helpers in publishing the English liturgy, and tutor of the late King Edward of England, arrived. The first day that he attended church service, he, and those with him, broke out into responses. The elders admonished them, when they boldly replied, "that they would do as they had done in England, and they would have the face of an English church." " The Lord grant it to have the face of Christ^s church," said Knox afterward, " and, therefore, I would have had it agreeable in outward rites and ceremonies, with Christian churches reformed." The next Sunday one of Cox^s companions got into the pulpit without the knowledge of the pastors or congre- gation, and read the litany. Cox and his companions joining in the responses. It happened that it was Knox's duly to preach that Sunday afternoon, and he severely reprimanded them. A meeting of the congre- 102 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. gation was held. At this meeting the friends of the liturgy held that Cox and his companions ought to vote. This was improper, as they had not yet been received as members of that church. But Knox, sure of the truth of his cause, and anxious to remove prejudice, asked that they be admitted. This gave the majority against Knox. And, as so often happens in such cases, they turned against their opponents ; and Cox discharged Knox as the reward for his kindness. The friends of Knox then complained to the city authorities that the French liturgy, which was without the responses of this English liturgy, should be restored. But two of Cox's party, in reply, went to the city authorities and accused Knox of high treason against the Emperor of Germany. They showed one of Knox's books entitled " Admoni- tion to England," in which was a passage addressed to the inhabitants of Amersham in Buckinghamshire, when it was reported that Queen Mary was to marry King Phillip of Spain, the heir of the Emperor of Germany.* In this book Knox seems to have compared the Emperor to Nero, as an enemy of Christ, in his persecutions of Protestants. When the magistrates of the town heard this accusation, they were perplexed to know what to do ; for they were satisfied of Knox's innocence, and yet they feared the Emperor's wrath, if this news should *This match was opposed in England even by the Catholics, and Knox had written his protest against it in this book. LASCO AT FRANKFORD. 103 reach his ears at Augsburg. So they sent to Whitting- hara, and asked him quietly to request Knox to depart. On the 25th of March, after a brief pastorate of five months, Knox delivered a consolatory discourse to about fifty of the congregation, who had assembled at his lodgings; and the next day he left for Geneva. Afterwards the magistrates granted the English congre- gation the use of the English liturgy ; but, for this, they had to make concessions, giving up private baptism, confirmation of children, saint's days, kneeling at the Lord's supper, linen surplices of ministers, crosses and other things of like character. Whittingham and the greater part of the English colony afterward went to Geneva, and there chose Knox as pastor. This breach at Frankford was the beginning of dissent in the Eng- lish church, a miniature prophecy of the future troubles between the Episcopalians and Puritans in England. Such had been the state of affairs at Frankford when Lasco arrived. The dissension in the English church had spread to a dissension between the German churches and the foreigners. Already before Lasco's arrival the guilds or trades in Frankford began to become jealous of the ingenuity and prosperity of these foreigners. Westphal of Hamburg wrote a communication to the magistrates at Frankford, warning them against these foreign Reformed as heretics. Frankford had been a city that had sympathized with the low Melancthouian 104 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. or Zwinglian views; so that in August, 1555, Calvin had dedicated his commentary on the first three gospels to that city. They generously returned thanks for that honor and sent a present of fifty gold florins to Calvin. But just before the coming of the refugees, Beyer, a strong Lutheran, aroused the city to high Lutheranism. The Diet of Augsburg, in 1555, had decided that only Catholicism and Lutheranism had a right to exist in Germany. This strengthened the high Lutherans. And when Westphal wrote against the Reformed as heretics, it roused the city clergy. As early as September, 1555, the Frankford ministers brought complaint to the city against the refugees, that they taught heresy. And Lasco, when he arrived, was compelled to sign the Augs- burg confession ; which he was perfectly willing to do, as he found nothing in it about the new doctrine of ubiquity. Lasco, in his anxiety for the welfare of the Dutch church in Frankford, went from prince to prince in Germany, interceding for them. He went to Land- grave Phillip of Hesse and Elector Otto Henry of the Palatinate. He plead for sympathy for them and for the unity of the Church. He wanted to be a new reformer, to unite the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches in Germany, as Bucer had done before him. He aimed to unite Lutheranism and Zwinglianism on the basis of Calvinism. By this middle position of Calvinism he hoped to gain a place for his refugee churches in Ger- LASCO AND CALVIN AT FRANKFORD. 105 many. But his efforts were a sad failure. He came to Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, Brenz, the leader of the Lutheran church of Wurtemberg, and, after Melancthon, the most influential Lutheran in Germany, had been a Melancthonian ; and Lasco hoped to win him to unity by a conference held at Stuttgart in May, 1556. But instead of bringing unity, it brought dis- cord ; for this conference opened Brenz^s eyes to the dangers of Calvinism, that lurked in the Augsburg Con- fession. This conference committed him against Me- lancthon and his party. From that day Brenz became an intense high Lutheran.* The city ministers of Frank- ford now began preaching against these Reformed for- eigners. Calvin, hoping to intercede for them, came to Frankford in September, 1556. He preached in the church of the White Lady and baptized there, but visited none of the Lutheran ministers. Still such was his influence in Frankford that he addressed an assembly of ministers in Romer Hall, where the Emperors of Ger- many were elected and crowned. There this uncrowned king of theology interceded for the refugees. Calvin left Frankford in October, and the English and French refugees were allowed to remain, but they had to sub- scribe to the Augsburg Confession. Lasco left Frank- ford to go back to his native Poland, and introduce the *Thus, while the Lutherans under Flacius were digging a grave for themselves in ducal Saxony, Wurtemberg took up high Lutheranism and saved it. 8 106 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. reformation there. On his way homeward he learned to know Melanethon and Ursinus at Wittenberg ; and only regretted that his time with them was so short. John A. Lasco was one of the finest characters among the reformers. Strong in his convictions, he was yet liberal in his sympathies. Sacrificing wealth and posi- tion, this nobleman-preacher wandered, a refugee for tffe cause of Christ. Perhaps he did more to introduce the Reformed faith into different lands in Europe than any other reformer. After the departure of Lasco, these refugees were allowed to remain at Frankford, through the influence of Landgrave Phillip of Hesse and Elector Otto Henry of the Palatinate, who were Melanethon ians and liberal Lutherans. When the conference of nobles met at Frankford in 1557, these refugees laid before them their confession of faith ; and the conference de- cided to protect them. But the high Lutherans began to storm against them. The English went back to England in 1558, after Queen Mary's death, and the accession of Elizabeth to the throne. In 1562 the refugees were all ordered away, because they were Reformed. Some went to the neighboring province of Hanau. Others remain- ed in the city and attended worship at Bockenheim in Hesse, just outside of Frankford. A second colony went to Hanau in 1597. Later, in 1661, those remain- ing in Frankford were granted permission to build a church before the gate, where they could hold service and DRIVEN OUT OF FRANK FORD. 107 celebrate the Lord's supper ; but they had no other privi- leges. This congregation afterwards united with the Hanau Reformed churches.* But the most important link in this history was a colony of sixty families who went under Dathenus to the Palatinate and settled at Frankenthal, near Heidelberg, at the junction of the Rhine and Neckar rivers. This colony introduced the Reformed faith for the first time into the Palatinate. It gave those Palatines an idea of the strict church dis- cipline and simplicity of the worship of the Reformed faith. Because he had met Lasco at Wittenberg, Ursi- nus afterward felt an interest in this flourishing colony of foreigners. It is worthy of note that these Dutch colonists brought with them Lasco's catechism and called attention to it in the Palatinate ; and thus prepared the way for the use of this catechism in the composition of the Heidelberg catechism. *Only as late as 1792 3 was the erection of a Reformed church allowed iu Frankford. And that was not allowed to appear like a church, only like a chapel or ordinary house. CHAPTER I.— SECTION V. Melancthon and his Preparation of Germany for the Re- formed Church. Melancthon was one of the leaders of Lutheranisra. He was also a forerunner of the Reformed faith in Ger- many. Although he never belonged to the Reformed Church, still his influence prepared Germany to receive it. The followers of Melancthon would probably have remained Lutheran ; but the attacks of the high Lu- therans drove the Melancthonians out of the Lutheran Church into the Reformed. In thus preparing the way for the Reformed faith, the influence of Melancthon was not a local influence, like those mentioned before. But it was rather a national influence — affecting all Ger- many. It was a mental influence — an influence of thought, rather than of place, preparing the people for the liberal views and simple worship of the Reformed Church. Melancthon was a native of the Palatinate, having been born at Bretten in 1497. His name Schwartzerd (black earth) was, according to the custom of the day, latinized into Melancthon. As a boy he was exceed- ingly precocious. At Pforzheim, the home of his grand- MELANCTHON AND LUTHER. 109 mother, he received a liberal education under Reuchlin, one of the leaders of humanism. He fired Melancthon's zeal for the new sciences. At thirteen years of age, Melancthon entered Heidelberg university ; at fourteen, he was made bachelor of arts ; at sixteen, he published a Greek grammar ; at seventeen, he was made master of arts, then a lecturer at the university in Tubingen at seventeen. After such a career of precocity, he crowned it at the early age of twenty-one, by entering on his life- work as a professor at Wittenbei^. Before he went to Wittenberg, while a decided adherent of the reformation, he was yet more of a classical scholar than a theologian. As one says, " without Luther he would have been a second Erasmus." But his intercourse with Luther deepened his spiritual nature and made a theologian out of him. He did not possess the popular gifts of Luther; but he excelled him in scholarship. Luther gained the common people to the Reformation, Melancthon attracted the scholars. Luther was the scholastic, Melancthon the humanist ; Luther the converted monk, Melancthon the converted scholar.* He was a man of broader views than Luther, but lacked his decision ; and was, at times, timid and vacillating. He was called the ^preceptor or teacher of Germany.' He has the honor of publishing the first book on Protestant theology, his Loci Communes *Dr. Schatf says : " Luther was conclusive and exclusive, Melancthon exhaustive and liberal." 110 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. or common-places, published in 1521, (fifteen years be- fore Calvin's Institutes were published.) This book on theology grew out of his lectures on Romans.* He oc- cupied the rare position of being the leader of the Prot- estants in nearly all the negotiations with the Catholics ; Luther having been debarred from such a position, be- cause he had been excommunicated from the Church. So Melancthon became the leader in Protestant diplo- macy. At Spire he aided in drawing up the famous protest that gave to Protestants their name. In com- pany with Luther, he went to Marburg, where he met Zwingli. But he never seemed to fancy Zwingli. The views of the Swiss were too radical for him. He was inclined, sometimes, to impute Zwingli's views to a spe- •cies of insanity. With Ecolampadius he agreed much better, and formed a close intimacy. Melancthon ap- pears to his greatest advantage at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. There he stood forth as the great representa- tive of Protestantism. He drew up the Augsburg Con- fession, a monument of ability and learning. It was signed by Saxony, Brunswick-Luneberg, Hesse, Anhalt and the cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. It was a master piece, written when Melancthon was in the *This work, says a writer, is not to be compared with Cal- vin's Institutes, either in its arrangement, solidity of proof, strength of argument, and completeness of system. It was rather dialectic than speculative, practical than theoretical. He emphasized the ethical rather than the mystical in religion. MELANCTHON AT AUGSBURG. Ill zenith of his power and influence, almost eclipsing Lu- ther. It is, however, to be remembered that this Con- fession was not drawn up to be a creed, but to be a basis of negotiations with the Catholics. It was not an ec- clesiastical, but a civil creed. But it afterwards became a theological creed, because the Emperor treated the Protestants through it, and they were compelled to ac- cept it as the creed of their churches. When the Smal- cald League was formed, it was accepted by the Prot- estant states of Germany, who organized that league under it. In this Augsburg Confession the article about the Lord's supper is strongly Lutheran, and was aimed against Zwinglianism, although Zwinglianism is not mentioned in it. But, while it rejected Zwinglian- ism, it was not aimed against that higher view of the sacraments called Calvinism ; for Calvinism had not appeared as yet. Calvinism is only a fuller expression of Zwinglianism. So that the Calvinists afterward could claim that they were under the protection of the Augsburg Confession, because they could subscribe to its doctrines of the Lord's supper, especially in the later edition of 1540. After this Diet of Augsburg, Melanc- thon retired to Wittenberg. His political duties being over for a time, he betook himself more than ever to study. And now a change gradually came over him in his theological position. He began to lower his views on the Lord's supper and separate himself from 112 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the high Lutheran doctrine. Ecolarnpadius' dialogue/ in which he quoted the church fathers to support the Reformed views, made a deep impression on him. (This book Melancthon received while at Augsburg.) Melanc- thon was also influenced, (according to Bucer's state- ments), by his correspondence with Ecolampadius. Bucer's unwearying efforts toward union, made between 1530 and 1536, also affected him. The result of all these influences was, that in 1534, when he met Bucer at Cassel to prepare the way for what afterward became the Witteaberg Concord, Melancthon gave up the Lutheran doctrine of oral manducation, or the receiving of Christ's body and blood through the mouth, at the Lord's supper. Luther, when he sent Melancthon to Cassel to treat with Bucer about union with the Re- formed, gave him strict orders not to recede from this doctrine of oral manducation in his negotiations with Bucer. But individually he did recede. Still he stated Luther's views instead of giving his own. He said to Camerarius, his bosom friend, " Ask me not in reference to my view ; for I am merely the messenger of some friend." Outwardly he remained in harmony with the Lutheran Church ; but when he signed the Wittenberg Concord in 1536, he acknowledged that Calvin's view of the Lord's supper could be tolerated. His opposition to the doctrine of oral manducation finally led him to his later opposition to the doctrine of ubiquity. He 113 gradually drifted more and more from Luther's position, and from high Lutheranism. In the second edition of his 'Loci Communes' or theology, he began to maintain that the will of man had something to do with conver- sion.* He thus became synergistic. He held that, although God alone can save men, yet men have the power to accept and work along with God's will. He was not a semi-Pelagian, because he ascribed the be- ginning and end of conversion to God's grace. But he was a lower predestinarian than Luther or Calvin. As a result of this view, he held that conversion was not a mere mechanical process, but a moral change wrought by God's Spirit, man's will consenting to it. After having thus changed his views, he not only altered his Loci Communes, but he also altered the Augsburg Con- fession to suit his views. He left out the word 'sola' in the clause which declared that we are saved by faith 'alone.' He thus implied that we are saved not only by faith, but that works had a place in the gospel. He also changed the article about the Lord's supper. He changed the word 'distribute' to 'exhibit.' He thus said that Christ's body was exhibited, as Zwingli had *'• In 1527 he gave up determinism at Leipsic, for the Infralap- sarian views. In 1532 he gave up Infralapsarianism, and in 1535 he became synergistic, and held that the will of man works along with the will of God in conversion. In the first edition of his theology, he called the doctrine of free will a godless doc- trine. But later he held that man's will consented to, and con- spired with, the grace of God." 114 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. declared ; rather than distributed, as Luther had taught * The Elector of Saxony afterwards censured Melancthon for altering the Augsburg Confession thus. Tradition has it, that Luther said, "Phillip, Phillip, you do not right to change so often the Augsburg Confession. It is not your's, but the Church's book.^'f But, although it would seem strange for any single individual to alter a Church creed now, it was not unusual in that day. The Augsburg Confession had never been adopted officially by a Church synod. It was merely a basis of negotia- tions with the Catholics ; and if the Catholics did not object to the change, the Protestants did not need to. Luther did not need to complain of Melancthon's changes ; for Melancthon's alteration was merely a copy of the Smalcald Articles as composed by Luther in 1537, which set forth the doctrine of the Lord's sup- per in a form which allowed room for Melancthon's po- sition. Amsdorf at that time urged Luther to alter his phraseology in favor of a higher Lutheran position. But Luther did not do it. Amsdorf's suggestion was dropped, to be taken up and urged by the high Luther- ans after Luther's death, when the high Lutheran views were expanded in the Formula of Concord. *The Reformed could now subscribe to the Augsburg Confes- sion as well as the Lutherans. Zwiiigli could now sign this al- tered confession, except, perhaps, the word 'truly' in the article on the Lord's supper. Calvin did sign the confession. fThis tradition, according to Herzog, is apochryphal. MELANCTHON AND CAI.VIN. 115 But although these changes were made in the Augs- burg Confession, they were hardly noticed, or, if noticed, were supported by the Protestants. This altered Augs- burg Confession, as it was called, was used by the high Lutherans for twenty years in conferences, diets and churches without opposition. Indeed, the old or un- altered Augsburg Confession had so entirely disappeared that, when Count Augustus of Nassau, in 1680, wanted to get a C(^py of it, he had to go to the Catholics for a copy. The Elector of Mayence loaned him the original copy given at Augsburg in 1530, which had been placed in the royal archives at Mayence.* And now occurred another event that greatly influenced Melancthon^s views. It was his meeting with Calvin. He met Cal- vin at the conferences at Frankford and \yorms. Me- lancthon there had his eyes opened to see the differences between what Lutherans supposed to be Zwingli's doc- trine of the Lord's supper and Calvin's. He saw that Calvin was higher than he thought Zwingli had been. During the years that had elapsed since Luther met Zwingli at Marburg, Calvin had developed the views of the Reformed Church upward, while Melancthon had been toning dow^n the Lutheranism of the Lord's sup- per. They, therefore, neared each other. Calvin, too, *The 'altered' Augsburg was also called the 'enlarged,' 'improved' confession. Only in 1561 did the high Lutherans begin to call it the 'altered', to suggest that it ditlered from the original of 1530. 116 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. learned to understand the German controversies, while Melancthon learned to understand the Swiss theology. And yet, although these two leaders of the two Churches approached each other, still they differed. Melancthon was always tinged with the ''real presence of Christ'^ views of Luther. He held to Christ's real bodily pres- ence in connection with the emblems, although he did not associate it as closely with them as did Luther in the phrase 'in, with and under.' While Calvin was tinctured with the spiritual presence of Zwingli, and held the presence of Christ, but that it was a spiritual presence ; not in the emblems, but in the soul of the believer. They also differed very decidedly on other points. They differed on predestination and the power of the will. Melancthon was synergistic. Calvin was necessarian. They also differed on the extent of the atonement. Melancthon held that Christ's atonement was a universal one for all men ; Calvin's, that it was limited — that it was for the elect only. They also dif- fered in their doctrine of the person of Christ. Melanc- thon agreed to a real communication of the two natures of Christ, which Calvin did not believe. But they especially differed in regard to rites and customs of wor- ship. Calvin very strongly reproached Melancthon with his laxity toward altars and other semi-papal rites in the Lutheran Church. He was very greatly sad- dened by the Lutheran worship he saw at Ratisbon, MELANCTHON AND LUTHER. 117 with its crosses, altars and robes. Melancthon always showed a yielding toward the Catholics, which the stern, stiff Calvin would not tolerate. In this they represent the position of the two Churches in cultus — the Luther- ans yielding and sacramentarian, the Reformed decided and anti-sacramentarian. But notwithstanding these theological differences, they became very warm personal friends. This strong personal attachment to Calvin ex- posed Melancthon to the suspicions of the high Luther- ans as early as 1544. In that year Melancthon rather expected that Luther would attack him in his shorter catechism. At that time, just before his death, Luther, while he respected Calvin, became terribly exasperated against the Zurich divines, and began to write very se- verely against them. Melancthon thus became very uncomfortable at Wittenberg. He compared himself to ^ Prometheus bound in Caucasus.' Luther seemed to have softened before he died, in 1546, for he said to Melanc- thon in the presence of Hardenberg, "Dear Phillip, I must confess that the matter of the Lord's supper has been much overdone." But, with Luther's death, the storm broke over Me- lancthon's head. As long as Luther lived, his influence restrained Melancthon's foes from openly attacking him. But when Luther died, the link between the two tenden- cies of Lutheranism was broken. And Lutheranism split into two sections — a high or old Lutheran party, 118 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. and a low Lutheran or Melancthonian party. The Gnesio or high Lutherans were led by Amsdorf, Flacius, Wigand and Morlin. They were the conservative party. They considered themselves the guardians of orthodoxy ; and by orthodoxy, they meant strict Lutheranism. The Melancthonians or Phillipists were the progressive party. The first almost worshipped Luther ; the latter held Melancthon in as high esteem as Luther. This breach was still further widened by a rivalry that arose between the two princely houses of Saxony, the Electoral and Ducal families. Electoral Saxony contained Leipsic, Wittenberg and Dresden, which were Melancthonian. Ducal Saxony, situated farther west, consisting of Saxe-Weimar and Saxe-Gotha, contained the newly founded university of Jena. It became intensely high Lutheran, and aimed to rival Wittenberg university. This rivalry helped to widen the breach between the two parties in the Lutheran Church. The Interim of 1548 made the separation of the two wings of Lutheran- ism still wider. This Interim compelled the Protestants to use certain Catholic ceremonies. Melancthon was, as usual, concessive to the Catholic Church. Weak of will himself, he now missed Luther's strong support. It is true, he took no part in framing the Augsburg Interim; but he committed himself to the greater part of it by his adoption of the Leipsic Interim, which was only a modification of the Augsburg Interim. This MELANCTHON AND THE INTERIM. 119 Leipsic Interim allowed certain Catholic practices, as copes, candles, fast days ; confession and extreme unc- tion were made sacraments. It was a virtual return to Catholicism under the guise of indifference. But this act of Melancthon broke his power over the Lutherans of Germany. His enemies were more con- sistent Protestants than he, and they gloried in their orthodoxy. Melancthon's concessions to Rome gave them an opportunity to attack him on a weak point, where he could least defend himself. They quickly saw their opportunity, and took advantage of it to at- tack him. Flacius came out against him, and charged him with diluting the article about justification by faith in the Leipsic Interim. '' An action like this," says one, " could have been pardoned in Agricola, but it could not be allowed to pass uncensured in Melancthon, ^ the teacher of Germany.' " Thus his action at the Leipsic Interim consolidated his enemies against him, and was the signal for a revolt against him in different parts of Germany. The Protestants and the Catholics finally came to an agreement a few years later, when the treaty of Passau was made, and the Interim w^as abol- ished. But though the Interim passed away, its effects did not pass away. The Lutherans were never united after that. Though Catholics and Protestants could come to an agreement, the Lutherans could not agree 120 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. among: themselves. The Interim broke Lutherauism into two.* But, although the Lutherans quarreled, Melancthon remained the leader of Lutheranism. Melancthonianism remained in the ascendency till he died. In 1555 oc- curred another of the opportunities, which Melancthon's timid nature made him miss. When the high Lutherans treated the Reformed refugees from England, under Lasco, with such severity and barbarism, as to shock one's sense of right and mercy ; then was the time for Melanc- thon, in the name of a common humanity, to protest against such treatment of the Reformed. He should have taken advantage of it against his enemies, as they took advantage of him in the Interim. But Melanc- thon was timid, arid lost this opportunity of turning the sympathies of the people against the high Lutherans. *' The more high Lutheranism advanced, the more tim- idly Melancthon retreated." In vain did Calvin ap- peal to him to take up the cause of the oppressed Re- formed refugees under Lasco. The more carefully he avoided every statement, the bolder did the other party become against him ; until finally Melancthon was com- pelled to defend himself against the attacks of high Lu- theranism. Funk, the Osiandrian, when compelled to *The previous controversies of Osiandrianism and Majorism prepared the way for Melancthonianism as a distinct party. They called attention to it as a distinct tendency in theology, which prepared it for Calvinism. MELANOTHON AT WORMS. 121 retract, had done so, but had left a sting behind him ; by (charging the professors at Wittenberg, with Melancthon at their head, with being Calvinists. This was the first charge brought against Melanctlion of being a Calvin- ist, and it was only a piece of theological spite. Then to make his party still weaker, Brenz, the reformer of Wurtemberg, joined Melancthon's opponents in 1556. This hurt Melancthon very much, as well as his cause ; for Brenz, next to Melancthon, was the most influential man in the Lutheran Church of that day. So Melanc- thon spoke out finally, at the conference at Worms; and defended himself and routed his opponents. For the differences between the Lutherans could not be concealed from the Catholics, and they had come out in open court of the Emperor at Ratisbon in 1556. This was verv unfortunate, for it weakened the Protestant cause. So it was determined to hold a conference at Worms in 1557, to unite the two opposing parties of Lutherans. Here at last, Melancthon spoke out against his enemies. His boldness rallied his followers, and he came off victorious. The Jesuits at the previous conference at Worms in 1540, anxious to foster disunion in the Prot- estant ranks, had called attention to the differences between the altered and unaltered Augsburg Confession ; and said that the old was higher Lutheran than the later one. This was an apple of discord. It is sig- nificant that the Jesuits began this work of disunion, 9 122 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. and that hereafter high Lutherans and Jesuits unite against the Reformed. This difference appeared publicly ; as the high Lutherans adhered to the unaltered, the Melancthonians to the altered Augsburg Confession. At Worms, in 1557, Melancthon did, what he did not do for Lasco. He interceded for the persecuted Huguenots and Waldensees.* This intercession of Melancthon for the Reformed Huguenots laid him open to the suspicion of the high Lutherans, that he was growing more favor- able to the Reformed churches. While at Worms, at the request of Elector Otto Henry of the Palatinate, he went to Heidelberg to assist him in arranging the eccle- siastical affairs of that land. And, while walking in the beautiful gardens of the castle at Heidelberg, he heard, through his friend Camerarius, of the death of his wife at Wittenberg. It was a great blow to him ; but submissively he lifted up his eyes to heaven and said, " Farewell, I shall soon follow thee." But, as this conference at Worms led to disunion rather than to union, another conference was held at Frankford in 1558. Here, again, Melancthonianism *It seems that the Reformed, in asking aid, acknowledged three differences from the Lutherans: First, the manner in which the body and blood of Christ were bound with the bread and wine; second, the communion of unworthy at the Lord's table ; third, the communication of the qualities of the divine nature to Christ's glorified body ; so that, while he was in heaven, he could be with us on earth. On these three points the Reformed Church was distinct from Melancthon' s Luther- anism. MELANCTHON AT NAUMBKRG.^ 123 was victorious. The Duke of Saxony, the leader of high Lutheranism, protested against the power of Me- lancthonianism here. So, finally, another conference of nobles was held at Naumberg in 1561, to prepare a declaratory statement of the Augsburg Confession that should be submitted to the Emperor as the united faith of all his Protestant subjects in Germany. Its aim was to harmonize all parties of Lutherans, so as to be a unit against the Catholics. At this conference Duke Christ- opher of Wurtemberg urged that, as only two of the princes, who had originally signed the Augsburg Con- fession in 1530, still lived. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse and Duke Wolfgang of Anhalt, the nobles should again sign it, to signifiy their unity before the Emperor. But which Augsburg Confession should be signed — the orig- inal or the * altered ?' There was quite a diversity of opinion. This diversity was finally harmonized by a compromise. This original unaltered Augsburg Con- fession was signed ; but in presenting it to the Emperor, a preface or declaratory statement was drawn up, which gave a Melancthonian interpretation to the old symbol. It was a virtual victory for Melancthonianism, the last victory it gained. All the princes signed it, except Duke John Frederick of Saxony, and the representatives of the Duke of Mecklenberg. This Duke of Saxony, the protector of high Lutheranism, left the city, as a protest against this victory of Melaucthon. This depart- 124 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ure of the Duke of Saxony filled all with perplexity. It proved the death-knell of Melancthonianisiii in Ger- many. This act was fatal to unity. And a reaction soon set in, which was fatal to Melancthonianism, and fatal to the decrees of the Naumberg Conference. For Melancthou had died, and there was no master mind to rally the princes to its Melancthonianism. Through all these victories and in the midst of this bitter opposition, Melancthon's sensitive nature was keenly hurt. To avoid the bitter opposition of his opponents, he felt like going to Palestine to end his days in the cave of Jerome at Bethlehem. His last public act was an opinion given to the Elector of the Palatinate ; when the Elector asked him what course to pursue, so as to quiet the dissensions between Hesshuss and Klebitz, the one, high Lutheran and the other, Reformed. Melanc- thon's advice was that at the Lord's supper, only Scripture phrases should be used. These would give no offense and would quiet disputes. Melancthon died April 19, 1560, having thanked God that he was now at last to be delivered from the rage and madness of theologians. His mind remained clear to the last. His consolation was the verse, ^ Christ is made unto us wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and redemption,' a verse which afterwards became the basis of the eighteenth answer of the Heidelberg Catechism. When Pencer, his son-in-law, asked him whether he melancthon's death. 125 wanted anything, his answer was (and these were his beautiful dying words:) "Nothing but heaven." He was a thorough scholar and a broad-minded theologian. In his views of doctrine he neared the moderate Cal- vinists of to-day. But the moderate Calvinism of to- day is not the strict Calvinism of three centuries ago. Melancthou never was a Calvinist, and can not, there- fore, be quoted as one of the Fathers of the Reformed Churcli. He lived and died a consistent Lutheran. He always differed from the Calvinists in his views on cul- tus or church customs. After his death, the breach in the Lutheran Church widened. His death started the high Lutherans to make a decided effort to control and organize the Lutheran Church in Germany. Melanc- thonianism gradually declined. No great theological leader came forth from the Melancthonian wing to de- feud it. And his followers either went over, or were driven over, to the Reformed Church. Thus, Melancthon and Melaucthonianism prepared the way for the Reformed Church in Germany. Like John the Baptist, it could say : " I am not that prophet." But the prophet came after it, in the Reformed faith. But Melancthon and his theology performed an impor- tant mission by opening up the way through which the Reformed doctrines could enter Germany. CHAPTER II. The Introduction of the Reformed Faith Into the Palatinate. SECTION I. The Preparation of the Palatinate for the Reformed Church. The Palatinate, and especially Heidelberg, became the centre and home of the Reformed Church in Ger- many. All the previous efforts to introduce the Re- formed doctrines into Germany were only partially Re- formed, or were transitory in results. Strasburg lost its Reformed type and became Lutheran ; Hesse, while Reformed in church government, remained Lutheran (though of a mild type). In Friesland, the Reformed faith lingered under difficulties. The foreign churches in Germany, especially at Frankford, did not affect the German people very much. Still all these move- ments prepared the way for a greater movement, which culminated in the conversion of the Elector of the Pa- latinate to the Reformed Church. For it was the de- fence of the Elector Frederick III., at Augsburg, in THE PALATINATE. 127 1566, that gave the Reformed faith legal standing in Germany, and placed it on a permanent basis.* The Palatinate consisted of two parts, the Upper and the Lower Palatinate ; the latter being called the Rhine Palatinate, as it lay along the Rhine, and also the Wine Palatinate, because of its vineyards. It was not as large as the Upper Palatinate ; but it was far more populous and fertile. The Lower Palatinate was one of the most enlightened and beautiful countries in Europe in the sixteenth century. The ' Berg Strasse' or public road from Frankford to Heidelberg was one of the finest roads on the continent. The Lower Palat- inate consisted of five principalities — Simmern, Spon- heim, Beldenz, Zweibrucken and the Palatinate proper. It has since disappeared from the map, having been dismembered. It is now included in Baden, Hesse and other states of Germany. The Upper Palatinate lay on the western border of Bohemia. It was the larger of the two provinces, but not so fertile or populous. It was rich in pasture lands and in mineral wealth, but its farms were not large enough to raise sufficient grain for its people. Its principal city was Amberg. The Elec- *The name Palatinate is from the Latin Palatium, one of the •seven hills of Rome, where Emperor Augustus lived. From that the word became the designation of a royal palace in any part of the Roman empire. It finally was applied to any part of district of land, marked by such a palace. One of the early Electors of the Palatinate indulged the hope that his land might yet become the centre of as great a kingdom as the Roman empire; and hence he named it after the palace-hill of Rome. 128 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. tor, while visiting, generally resided at the monastery of Castel, near Amberg. The Upper Palatinate has since been incorporated in Bavaria. There was also a small county of Neuberg, lying east of Wurtemberg, which belonged to the Palatinate princes.* The Palatinate at first became Lutheran, but it was Lutheranism of a mild type. It was Melancthonian- ism. Melancthon was a native of the Palatinate, hav- ing been born at Bretten, and his influence was supreme in that land. The Elector of the Palatinate, with Land- grave Phillip of Hesse, were the leading Melancthonian princes of Germany. From this mild Lutheranism the Palatinate gradually drifted, until it entered the Re- formed Church. Lasco, by his visit to Elector Otto Henry, made him somewhat acquainted with the Re- formed faith. The Dutch Reformed who came from *This Electorate of the Palatinate, consisting of Upper and Lower Palatinate, was the most prominent Electorate of Ger- many in the sixteenth century. There were six Electorates in Germany — three temporal and three spiritual. The temporal Electorates were Palatinate, Saxony and Brandeuberg; the spiritual, Cologne, Mayeuce and Treves. To these Electorates Bohemia may also be added. The rulers of these lands stood at the head of all the princes of Germany, and were called Electors, because their votes elected the Emperor for Germany. Of these temporal Electors, the Elector of the Palatinate was the leading prince • for he stood nearest the throne while the Emperor lived, as his aid-de-camp, and he was the vicegerent of the empire in case of the death of the Emperor. This shows the prominence of the Palatinate. The conversion, then, of Elector Frederick to the Reformed faith was a wonderful victory and created a great iseusation. < o CO o z < --: °^ 1- t ^ I UJ > > 3 Z X < O z W H q: w H o UJ -J ^ < CO -J I ": O _j X o UJ O X < O CO ^ I INTRODUCTION OF PROTESTANTISM. 129 Frankford to Frankenthal, near Heidelberg, and made that place bloom like the rose, exerted a wide influence by the surrounding Palatinate.' And in addition to these preparations from without ; within the Palatinate iiself, there was an internal preparation taking place, which it is important to note. The Palatinate became Protestant late, after most of the other German states had received the reformation. This slowness to receive Protestantism, may have been due to the high position of the Elector of the Palatinate, who, as the first temporal Elector of Germauy, was al- ways near the imperial throne. And being so near the Catholic Emperor, he was influenced by Catholicism. But Heidelberg could not escape the rising tide of edu- cation and liberal science, which, under the name of Humanism, was spreading through Germany. Keuch- lin, the famous Greek teacher, was the first to teach Greek in Heidelberg. And when Luther visited Heidel- berg in 1518, he made an address in the Augsburg cloister that set Heidelberg and South Germany on fire.* At the Diet of Worms, it was the Elector Lewis, who, though a Catholic, protected Luther. For the Emperor was urged by the Catholic party to violate his pledge of safe conduct to Luther, and put him to death at Worms ; but he answered that he did not wish to blush as the ■••The Augustine cloister stood in the open place by the university' building. The Augustiner Gasse, east of the present university building, is a memento of that cloister. 130 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Emperor Sigismund had done at the Council of Con- stance in 1415, when he had viokited John Huss' safe conduct, and put him to death. At that council of Con- stance, it was the Elector of the Palatinate, who carried out the Emperor's orders and put Huss to death. Now at the Diet of Worms, it is the Elector of the same Pal- atinate who preserves Luther's life, by giving him his protection. And after the Diet of Worms, at the Diet of Spire, when the black clouds were gathering thick around the Protestant princes, it was the Elector of the Palatinate who held back the Catholic party from severe measures against them. At the Diets of Augsburg and Ratisbon, he again was mediator between the Emperor and the Protestants. His successor. Elector Frederick II., began his reign as a Catholic. But Protestantism was entering and leaving his country. The knight Henry Landschad of Steinach was the first who, in 1522, dared to introduce the reformation into the Palat- inate at Neckar-Steinach, where he introduced a Zwing- lian minister. Duke Otto Henry of Pfalz-Neuberg, one of the Palatinate duchies, who was a nephew of the Elector, introduced Protestantism into his land. At last, however, the suppressed feelings of the people could be no longer restrained. They broke forth in the church of the Holy Ghost in Heidelberg. On the 20th of December, 1545, just as the mass was about to begin in the church, the assembled congregation struck up a ELECTOR P^REDEUICK II. 131 Pi-otestant hymn — that hymn of victory of the reforma- tion by Paul Speratus, '' Es ist das Heil uns komnien her." So the Elector ordered that the mass should liere- after be read in German instead of Latin ; that the Lord's supper be administered in two kinds; and that the priests be allowed to marry. And on Christmas day, 1545, the Lord's supper was administered in both kinds in the castle chapel, the members of the court partaking of it, except the Elector himself, who, for political rea- sons, did not do so. On January 3, 1546, the first Protestant service, with the administration of the com- munion in both kinds, was held in the church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. But afterw-ard, when the Interim was placed on his land, the Elector receded somewhat from his friendly position to Protestantism. However, after the Interim was lifted by the peace of Augsburg, which made Protestantism a legal religion in Germany, he again became friendly to Protestantism. He opened, on the 11th of November, 1555, the Au- gustinian convent as the Sapienz college for the study of the liberal arts or humanism. This Sapienz college afterwards became the institution for the education of ministers. To this school he called the ablest professors, among them the famous Olympia Morata, a marvel of scholarship and learning. She could speak Latin and Greek as fluently as her mother tongue. Driven out of 132 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Italy because she became a Protestant, she came to Hei- delberg with her husband, Grunder, where he taught medicine, while she lectured to the students. She died in 1555, leaving a beatiful testimony when dying, ^' I distinctly behold a place filled with ineffiible light." A monument to her memory was placed in St. Peter's church.* The following year the Elector died. But just before he died, he professed the Protestant faith by receiving, together with his wife, the Protestant com- munion. Otto Henry, the new Elector, was a great favorite among the people. He was a decided adherent of Prot- estantism, having already introduced it into his little duchy of Neuberg, over which he ruled before he be- came Elector. He was a wise prince, and was called the Magnanimous. He was ardently devoted to educa- tion. He endowed the university, saying he would do so, if it took his last penny. He founded five profes- sorships of the liberal arts. And he was as active in religious affairs as he was in education. He thoroughly introduced Lutheranism into the Palatinate. But his Lutheranism was of the mild Melancthonian type. His reformation was very much after the type of Wurtem- berg. There Lutheranism had been tinctured by the simplicity of Zwinglian customs Otto Henry ordered *4n interesting novel, entitled Olympia Morata, has been written about her by one of the Professors of Heidelberg uni- versity, under the pseudonyme of Geo. Taylor. ELECTOR OTTO HENRY. 133 statues and pictures to be put out of the churches, ex- ce})t one crucifix in the church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. He put away all side altars, but allowed the main altar to remain in each church. Exorcism was abolished. The Lord's supper was celebrated in a sim- ple style. The minister was not allowed, during conse- cration, to turn his back to the people, as the priests did ; but he had to keep his face toward the people. This modification of worship was made after the model of the Wurtemberg Church-order, which had been affected by the Zwinglianism of neighboring Switzer- land. Otto Henry's little principality of Neuberg was on the borders of Wurtemberg, and he simply brought its rites into the Palatinate. Lasco, too, first in 1548 and again in 1554, seems to have given Otto Henry advice about the introduction of the reformation into his land. Thus Otto Henry was insensibly influenced in the direction of the Reformed Church. Brenz's cat- echism, which was mildly Lutheran, was used by him. Melancthon came to visit and aid him, when he was at the conference of Worms in 1557. Otto Henry organ- ized a consistory consisting of Diller his court preacher, Ehem and Erastus. Afterward Hesshuss was added, because he was the superintendent. Thus, while Otto Henry was organizing the churches of his land, he was, unknown to himself, preparing his land for the intro- duction of the Reformed faith. He did this by intro- ]34 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. duciDg a simple mode of worship, more like the Re- formed than the high Lutheran. He also aided by calling to his land so many foreign teachers, some of them Reformed. He appointed Boquin, who was Re- formed, as professor in the university. But the most ardent adherent of Zwingli at Heidelberg was Erastus, who was the physician to the Elector. He labored incessantly to have Zwinglians appointed to the chairs of the university, and as he had the ear of the Elector, his influence had great weight. Otto Henry called Marbach from Strasburg to be superintendent of his churches. And as he would not accept, he then, upon Melancthon's suggestion, appointed Hesshuss to that office. He did not know what a firebrand he was cast- ing into his own camp by this appointment of Hesshuss. When Hesshuss arrived, he found that the prevailing type of Lutheranism at Heidelberg was Melancthonian. This was not to his high Lutheran taste ; so he began to introduce high Lutheran customs, as the wearing of white robes by the ministers, and the decorating of the altars. He also introduced high Lutheran ministers into positions in the Palatinate Of course there was fric- tion, and controversy, and trouble. In the midst of all these efforts of Hesshuss to introduce high Lutheranism, Otto Henry died, and the conflict between the high Lutherans and the Melancthonians was carried over to the next reign. Elector Otto Henry died greatly ELEC:T()R FREDERICK III. 135 laaiented by his devoted people. He had an idea that his house was an unluclvy one, and so did not marry again, because he wanted it to die with him. He thought because his ancestor Elector Lewis III. of the Palatinate had led John Huss to his funeral pyre, that a curse was hanging over his family. So he deemed it better for his land that his unlucky family should die out, and that the Palatinate should fall to another branch of the family. After his death the Palatinate fell to the Sim- mern branch of the ftimily, who had ruled a little part of it at the northern end of Lower Palatinate. And Frederick, duke of Simmern, became Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. Frederick III., called the Pious, was one of the most religious princes that ever lived. He was a wise ruler of his land, a devoted adherent to his Church. He himself was the best exponent, as well as patron, of the truths of his Heidelberg Catechism. Becker calls him ' the Josiah' of the Palatinate people. He was worthy of the honor of being the founder of the Re- formed Church in Germanv. He was born February 14, 1515, at Simmern. His father, Duke John II. of Pfalz-Simmern, was an ardent supporter of the Catholic faith, and zealously trained up his children in that religion. Frederick was raised at the courts of strict Catholic rulers, the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Bishop of Liege, and also of the Emperor 136 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Charles V. of Germany, who had persecuted the Protestants with fire and sword. Frederick came in contact with Harden berg at Louvain, and from him received the first impressions toward evangelical truth. The scandals of the priests at Metz and Liege were not unknown to him, and lessened the influence of the Rom- ish Church over him. But he owed his conversion to Protestantism to his wife, a Protestant princess of Bran- den berg- Baireuth, whom he married in 1537. She brought him Luther's teachings, and made him promise to read his Bible and to consider religious questions. However, as long as his father lived, he did not openly declare for Protestantism. The death of his son, Her- man Lewis, by drowning at Bourges in France, made a deep impression on his heart and still further developed his religious impressions. Elector Otto Henry saw in Frederick his successor to the throne of the Palatinate ; and that he might be prepared for that position, he ap- pointed Frederick his governor in the Upper Palatinate. From this position, after the death of Elector Otto Henry, he came to Heidelberg to reign as Elector. When he arrived at Heidelberg, he found that matters had come to a crisis. There were three religious par- ties there — the high Lutheran party, led by Hesshuss, supported by Councillor Erasmus of Yenningen and Chancellor Minkwitz ; the Melancthonians, consisting of Otto Henry's court preacher Diller, the Count of Er- REASONS FOR FREDERICK'S CONVERSION. 137 bach, and Chancellor Probus ; the Zwinglians were Erastus, Councillor Ehera, and Klebitz ; while still a fourth party was beginning to appear called Calvinists, and headed by Boquin. Matters could not remain long in this condition with such a variety of conflicting ele- ments. There must be a fusion of some of the parties, which indeed did take place. The Zwinglians, Calvin- ists and Melancthonians were driven together by the mad fanaticism of Hesshuss, the high Lutheran zealot. Three things led Elector Frederick III. into the Reformed Church. The first was the bigotry and per- secution of the high Lutherans. He had become dis- gusted by them at the previous conferences of the princes for union, and he had been disheartened by the egotism and fanaticism of Hesshuss. He was driven out of the Lutheran Church by the Lutherans themselves. The second reason was the reaction that came after the Naum- berg Conference. At that Conference the German prin- ces signed the Unaltered Augsburg Confession, but al- lowed the interpretation of it in a Melancthonian sense. After that Conference, the princes, one by one, rapidly retired from their allegiance to its decrees and left Fred- erick, who had become the leader of the Melancthonian party, standing almost alone. After such a desertion, what could he do but go over to the Reformed Church ? The third reason was, that just then, in the nick of time, foreign teachers, either Zwinglians or Calvinists, 10 138 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ' came into his land to offer this new faith to the dis- heartened Elector. Thus Frederick glided into the Re- formed Church. These were the general influences, that led him thus. But there were also particular steps in his course. No man comes to great decisions in his life without degrees of preparation. It will be interesting to notice the particular steps by which Frederick and the Palatinate were led to Calvinism. Already before Frederick's accession to the throne, in Otto Henry's reign, an event had occurred that fore- shadowed the coming troubles. Otto Henry was the patron of the fine arts. He it was, who built the mag- nificent Otto Henry's building in the castle at Heidel- berg, which has outlasted three destructions, and is a marvel of beauty even in ruins. Otto Henry, in 1558, just before his death, wanted to erect a monument to the memory of his wife and of himself in the church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. This monument he wanted to have made, like his building in the castle, after the style of the Renaissance, which was a revival of Greek and Roman art. But the artist's design for this monu- ment mingled Pagan with Grecian ideas, very much as they are mingled in the Otto Henry's building at the castle, where Samson is offset by Hercules, &c. And the nudeness of the figures, as well as the paganism, suggested by this monument, gave offense. In the art- ist's designs, seven virgins, nude to the hips, with flam- BREACH BETWEEN THE PARTIES. 139 ing torches, stood in the plinth beneath the statue of the Elector. Opposite them was a procession of angels, who were represented by unclothed youths. The idea was a beautiful one. The maidens, with their torches, represented affliction ; and the angels, with palm branches, represented victory over affliction and com- fort from above. But Klebitz, one of the preachers of the Holy Ghost church, who was a believer in Zwing- lian simplicity ; and, like the Swiss, opposed to statues and pictures in churches, opposed the introduction of such a monument into the church, especially as there were nude figures on it. Hesshuss, with his Lutheran disregard for images and pictures (which were allowed in Lutheran churches), sided with the Elector. Hess- huss hoped, by aiding the Elector, to gain more influ- ence over him. But, to his surprise, the cautious Otto Henry, rather than give offense, did not carry out his plan. Instead of an elaborate monument, he ordered only a simple bust to be placed in the church. One thing led to another. One event followed an- other, to widen the breach between the high Lutherans and the other parties. This conflict between Klebitz and Hesshuss was only the beginning of the end. A pious teacher of Edenkoben, Bernard Hexamer by name, through the study of the mystics, was led to lay great stress on the inner life and experience of the be- liever. He said "God's words are worthless, unless 140 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the inner word of God, through the Spirit, entered man's heart/' And, as Hexamer did not play the part of a sycophant to this Protestant pope, Hesshuss, he was or- dered to come to Heidelberg to be examined about his orthodoxy. There Hesshuss charged him with being "a Schwenkfelder." And, in his examination, Hesshuss so distorted Zwinglianism, that Klebitz protested against his words. Hexamer was deposed and left the country. But this event widened the breach between the Luther- ans and Zwinglians. The next event that still further separated them, was the attempted introduction of new hymn books and of new ceremonies. Hesshuss wanted the Bonn hymn-book, which had been prepared by Me- laucthon and Bucer, to be dispensed with ; and Luther's hymn-book to be introduced instead. He also wanted Brenz's catechism, which had been prepared by Brenz in his earlier days, when he was Melancthonian, to be put away, and Luther's catechism to be introduced. Without even asking the consistory, he declared that the Bonn hymn book and the Brenz catechism were dis- pensed with. This act brought him into collision with the consistory With the introduction of Luther's hymn- book and catechism, he also tried to introduce high Lutheran ceremonies. These were hitherto unknown in the Palatinate, which, like Wurtemberg, had always been low Lutheran in its ceremonies. At the commun- ion, instead of the German hymn that was usually sung, ANOTHER BREACH BETWEEN THEM. 141 a choir of boys sang a Latin litany. At the consecra- tion of the elements in the Lord's supper, Hesshuss turned his back on the people, as if acting as their inter- cessor ; instead of facing the people in the prayer. As he went around with the elements, two scholars in sur- plices held a silk cloth beneath them, lest any of the bread and wine should fall on the floor. And if not enough of the elements had been consecrated, the con- gregation had to wait until he had consecrated more by a new act of consecration. Against these relics of pa- pacy, still common among the high Lutherans, Klebitz naturally protested. And the quarrel became so bitter, that the Elector, Otto Henry, though sick with his last illness, was compelled to interfere. He ordered that no new ceremonies should be introduced during the winter. And now another event occurred that brought the contest into the university as well as in the church and court. A young theologian of the Netherlands, Sylvius of Leuwaarden in West Friesland, had a call from a church in Groningen. Before he entered on his field of labor, he wanted to take the doctor's degree. For that purpose he came to Heidelberg. Hesshuss, the de- kan of the faculty, had the audacity, in the very month that Otto Henry died, to give this young man theses which were on the rejection of Zwinglianism. He aimed to revive the controversy, even though the Elector had forbidden it, and was now dying. Sylvius being a 142 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Netherlander, naturally upheld the Reformed view of the sacraments. Hesshuss then raged against him as a godless Calvinist and a semi-papist. And as Erastus (reminding him that the union of a Calvinist and Pa- pist in one man must be an impossibility) laughingly asked him, how a man could be at the same time a Lap- lander and a negro : Hesshuss got into a rage and gave vent to such prelatic insolence that the whole university rose against him and wanted to expel him from the university senate. The piide and insolence of Hesshuss was shown at a sitting of the consistory in the castle, when he dared to seat himself in the throne of the ab- sent Elector ; for which act of assumption he received the nickname of Toleman Geckhusen or Tilemen Cox- comb. Just at this critical moment Elector Otto Henry died. Thus Hesshuss, by his tyranny and insolence, alienated the consistory, the court and the university from him. The steps are interesting ; first a monument, then a schoolmaster, then a scholar. These were the successive causes. The new Elector, Frederick III., when he entered on his reign, tried to act independently in religious ques- tions. But any man who acted independently of him, Hesshuss called his enemy. Frederick was finally com- pelled to take sides. But in the meantime he was com- pelled to leave Heidelberg to go to Augsburg, and be invested with the electoral hat and dignity. During his KLEBITZ THESES. 143 absence he left the Count of Erbach, a Melancthonian, as temporary governor. The university, in spite of Hesshuss' opposition, granted a degree of doctor in March, 1559, to Sylvius; and ordered Hesshuss to be put out of the university senate. Hesshuss became an- gry and left town. He went to Wesel, his birth-place, to help the Lutherans against the Reformed refugees, who had arrived at Wesel. It was the most unfortu- nate thing Hesshuss could do — to thus go away in a huff. He had better stayed at home. For Klebitz took advantage of his absence to commit the university to the Reformed faith. Klebitz determined to bring matters to a crisis. He determined to commit the Pa- latinate to the Reformed faith, even if it cost him his position. Having seen the past tactics of the high Lu- therans, he made up his mind that nothing short of a bold open confession of Calvinism would stop the tide of high Lutheranism. He determined to ask the uni- versity to grant him the master's degree. He proposed for disputation seven theses, which held the doctrines of Calvinism. If the university pronounced favorably to his theses, it would then commit the university to Calvinism. The university granted him his degree on April 15 ; and the university was thus committed as fa- vorable to Calvinism. Then Hesshuss came back from Wesel and took in the situation. He stormed against Klebitz as an Arian and a devil, ■' who hoped to steal 144 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the kernel out of the Lord's supper." From the pulpit Hesshuss called Klebitz "a wolf in sheep's clothing, a mixer of poison and a robber of souls." Klebitz did not debate with him, but sent him his theses, with Bi- ble proofs, for examination. Hesshuss sent them to the high Lutheran theologians at Jena, Morlin and Stossel, for examination. He wanted the university at Jena to pronounce against them. Then began at Heidelberg a terrible pulpit war. Finally, Count Erbach called the preachers together and besought them, with tears in his eyes, to become peaceful. "God's cause was not fur- thered, but disgraced by such proceedings." For this act, Hesshuss called the Count a Calvinist and threat- ened to excommunicate him, because he stopped the cause of truth. Erbach then sent to Augsburg to learn the will of the Elector about this matter. In the mean- time one Sunday, at communion, as two noblemen stepped forward to receive the communion, Hesshuss, considering that it belonged to him to reach them the cup, ordered Klebitz to give it up to him. This Kle- bitz refused to do. Then Hesshuss ordered the other preacher, in the presence of the congregation, to take the cup from Klebitz's hands. This Klebitz would not allow. Thus the supper of peace became an apple of discord, and the congregation were treated to the sad sight of its shepherds quarreling at the altar.* Hess- *Herzog pronounces this tale an exaggeration. HESSHUSS IS DISMISSED. 145 huss then, from the pulpit, excommunicated Klebitz. While this ban of excommunication was hanging over him, Klebitz's child died ; and, as he was excommuni- cated, Hesshuss refused his child an honorable burial. In the midst of all the excitement caused by this strife, the Elector returned. He gathered the ministers together and, with tears in his eyes, besought them to cease their quarrels. He lifted the excommunication of Hesshuss from Klebitz, and restored Klebitz to his former place. He also received the Lord's supper ; and it is noticeable that he did not receive it from Hesshuss, but from the hands of Diller and Klebitz. Then Hess- huss turned against the Elector. And finally the Elec- tor, to quiet matters, had to dismiss both Hesshuss and Klebitz, the leaders of the two parties. But it is no- ticeable that Klebitz received a favorable recommenda- tion from the Elector ; while Hesshuss did not, thus showing with whom the Elector sympathized.* After Hesshuss' departure, the office of superintendent was abolished. Frederick, in order to support his position, sent to Melancthon for his opinion. Melancthon sug- gested that for the sake of peace, the leaders in the strife be sent away. He suggested as a formula to suit all parties, that the words of Scripture be used as given in 1 Cor. 10, 16 : "The cup of blessing which we bless, is *Hesshuss was deposed seven times in his life, and at last died an exile. 146 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. it not the coQimunion of the blood of Christ ; the bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ ?" But this advice of Melancthon was not satis- factory to the high Lutherans. Still it had great weight among the people of the Palatinate, and inclined them to side with the Elector. And when he went over to the Reformed Church, they followed him. So this ad- vice of Melancthon aided in preparing the way for the Reformed faith. The Lutheran princes and theologians viewed Fred- erick's course with alarm. When the Duke William of Saxe- Weimar was to be married to the daughter of Frederick III., the theologians determined to make use of the wedding to bring Frederick back to the Lutheran faith. The two dukes, John Frederick of Saxe-Gotha, the standard bearer of high Lutheran ism, and his brother William, brought their court preachers, Morlin and Stossel, with them to the wedding. They hoped they might thus prevent the Elector from separating himself from the Lutheran faith. In connection with this wedding, a religious conference, lasting five days, was held in June, 1560. Boquin and Erastus were the defenders of Frederick III. against Morlin and Stossel. Boquin's twenty-four theses were Calvinistic, being largely identical with Klebitz' theses, which Hesshuss had previously sent to Morlin and Stossel. On the third day of the disputation the Duke of Saxony brought FREDERICK REFORMS HIS LAND. 147 twenty-four counter theses. These were disputed for two days more. Both sides claimed the victory. But an unfortunate impression was made on the audience, when Stossel refused to dispute with Erastus, because he was not a theologian, but a doctor of medicine. Erastus answered, ^' But I am a Christian." Still, although both parties claimed the victory, the victory really lay with the Palatines. For Stossel, after this, weakened in his Lutheranism, went over to Melancthon- iauism, finally became a Crypto Calvinist, and died for that faith. This conference settled Frederick's mind in favor of Calvinism. But he did not go over to the Reformed faith until after the Naumberg Conference in 1561, when he was satisfied that there was no peace in the Lutheran Church. With his wise foresight he saw that ,the departure of the Duke of Saxony from the city of Naumberg, as a protest against liberal Lutheranism, was a prophecy of the fall of Melancthonianism. Still, in going over to Calvinism, Frederick claimed that he did not leave his Lutheran faith behind. He said he had subscribed the Augsburg Confession, and still claimed to be true to it. But everywhere the customs of worship were changed. The simplicity of Reformed worship was introduced. All the feasts in honor of the virgin were discontinued. Altars, baptismal fonts, waf- ers, Latin singing in the service, and pictures, were put out of the churches of the Palatinate. Organs were 148 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. silenced for a hundred years. Instead of altars, caoie communion tables ; instead of wafers, came bread ; in- stead of fonts, came bowls.* Frederick's simplicity of taste and of court life prepared him for the simplicity ot the Reformed faith. Altars were put away. The Re- formed Church never had an altar. It had only a com- munion table. Its very existence seems to have been a protest against altars, which were Papal or Lutheran. f Frederick seems to have been especially bitter against baptismal fonts as fostering Papacy. '^ Even so there is an opportunity with the baptismal fonts, which also have heretofore been misused for all idolatry and magic in Papacy.^J Frederick also reformed the schools. The Sapienz College was changed into a theological seminary for the education of ministers. A new consistory was formed, * About altars and baptismal fonts Frederick wrote to his ' son-in-law, Duke John Frederick, "I would rather suffer, yes, desire from my heart, that all altars, not only in the Lower Pa- latinate, but everywhere that I can command, should be done away with, without injury to weak consciences, then would I be much farther separated from the Pope and his crime. It is not enjoined or commanded to all Christians in the word of God, even to baptize in stony coffins (fonts) ; but with water is one to be baptized, it may be standing or flowing. And truly none of the apostles and disciples of Christ baptized in a coffin of stone." fFrederick, in his letter of October 3, 1565, says, "There are still remaining here and there many idolatries : altars, cruci- fixes, baptismal fonts and other idolatrous things ;" and the ap- pended command requires that "all feasting in the church should be put away, so that it may not be used any more for idolatry."— Wolter's Heidelberg Catechism, 138, note. JSudhoflf, Olevianus and Urainus, 140, note. Frederick's strict laws. 149 consisting of Olevianus, Boquin, Tossanus, Erastus, Marius, Haekel, with Zuleger as president. Frederick also gave close attention to the moral and business wel- fare of his land. His police orders are called "a Christ- ian police regulation" in their title. On Sundays and prayer days every one was ordered to go to church, ex- cept in case of sickness. The city was divided into quarters ; and the minister, assisted by one elder, attended to each district. The new comers were thus found and examined in their faith. During the church service all walking in parks, lanes or to taverns, was forbidden. Profanity, debauchery, tippling and soothsaying were for- bidden. The mocking of persons going to church was fined with thirty kreutzers. Yearly each family was to be visited, so as to be prepared for the holy communion. Such morality always produces prosperity. The Palatinate bloomed as it had never done before. The suppression of the convents brought in a large revenue, while Frederick's court expenses were small. The money from the sale of the convents was applied to schools, churches and charities. The waste places of the laud were settled. The coming of the persecuted refugees from Holland and France brought prosperity with them. Industry flourished. But the crowning act of Frederick III. was the publication of the Hei- delberg Catechism. Before, however, describing its composition, it will be necessary to describe the two men who wrote it — Olevianus and Ursinus. CHAPTER II.— SECTION II. The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, Ursinus and , Olevianus. i ZACHARIAH URSINUS. i I Zachariah Ursinus was ! born July 18th, 1534, at I Breslau, the chief city of ' Silesia. His father had ■ been the teacher of Sigis- mund Pucher, a man of influence in that city. He was also dekan or assistant preacher of the Magdalene \ Church, and later professor of theology in the St. Eliza- j beth School of Breslau. The name of the family had ' been Bar (bear) ; but, according to the custom of the age, the name had been latinized into Ursinus. When 16 years of age, Ursinus set out for Wittenberg to attend | the University. Here he became the devoted scholar of Melancthon. He came to Wittenberg after Luther's death, when Melancthon's milder theology had taken [ the place of Luther's sharper polemics.* After a course | ( — • ■ — — — , — I *For a description of Ursinus' school days at Wittenberg, see ! Crato of Kraflftheim, I., page 99. i HIS EDUCATION. 151 in mathematics, philosophy and theology (supported by his uncle), he set out to travel and complete his educa- tion. He followed Melancthon to Worms, and then went with him to Heidelberg. Then he traveled through Strasburg to Switzerland, where he became acquainted with the leading men of the Reformed Church. He trav- eled through Basle and Lausanne to Geneva ; ^vhere Cal- vin, seeing his abilities, presented him with a set of his works. From Switzerland he went through Lyons and Orleans to Paris, that he might study French and Hebrew. He then returned to Zurich, where he was especially inti- mate with the rector of ^ the school of the church of our Lady,' the Hebraist, John Friese. He also met Peter Martyr, who had come thither from England and Stras- burg, and who was destined to exert so great an influ- ence on his after-life. Returning to Wittenberg through Tubingen, Ulm and Nuremberg, before he had time to settle down to study, he was called by the city council of Breslau, his native city, to come home and teach in the St. Elizabeth's School as the fourth professor. There it fell to his lot to give a sketch of doctrine ; for which purpose Melancthon's 'Common Places' were used as a text book. He used the later edition of this work, which expressed Melancthon's milder views of theology. The city of Breslau had been a Melancthonian strong- hold, but some high Lutherans had come in. They be- gan to declaim against Ursinus, charging him with de- 152 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. parture from the true Lutheran faith. Ursinus' per- sonal acquaintance with some of the leading Reformed theologians also exposed him to their suspicion. To justify himself against the charge that he was not teach- ing pure Lutheranism, he published his first book, *' Theses on the doctrine of the sacraments." Melanc- thon was very much pleased with the book and compli- mented Ursinus highly. But the high Lutherans at- tacked the book and its author. Morenberger, a mem- ber of the council and a Melancthonian, wrote to Wit- tenberg to Melancthon for advice. Adam Cureus, the church inspector, went to Wittenberg, visited Pencer and asked him to intercede with his father-in-law Me- lancthon, that he might try and stop the conflict at Bres- lau. Ursinus remained at Breslau two years ; and then, in 1560, he resigned his position on account of the op- position of the high Lutherans. He, however, promised the city council, who, against the wish of the ministers, desired him to remain, that he would return again when they wished it. When he was about leaving, his uncle. Roth, asked him whither he was going. He answered : " Not unwillingly do I leave my fatherland, when it will not suffer the confession of truth, which I cannot surrender with a good conscience. If my best father, Phillip (Melancthon), still lived (Melancthon had just died, seven days before), I would go nowhere but to him. Now that he is dead, I will go nowhere but to URSINUS GOES TO ZURICH. 153 the Zurich theologians. Tliey are pious, learned, great men, with whom I have already resolved to spend my life. God will provide the rest/' These words show his relation to Melancthon and to the Zurich theologi- ans. Manifestly among the dead, none stood nearer to liim than Melancthon ; and among the living, none nearer than the Zurich theologians. When he left Breslau, his dear friend and bosom companion, Crato of Krafftheim, city physician of Breslau, filled his purse, and was afterwards Ursinus' constant correspondent. Ursinus left Breslau with the intention of beginning again his theological studies. When he arrived at Wit- tenberg, his friends desired him to stay there, where, perhaps, he might have risen to be the successor of Me- lancthon. He was one of Melancthon's favorite pupils ; and Melancthon's party, after his death, greatly needed a theological leader. But affairs at the University of Wittenberg had all been disarranged by Melancthon's death ; and Ursinus clearly foresaw the future conflicts with the high Lutheranism and its probable victory at Wittenberg. So he refused their invitation to stay at Wittenberg, and hastened to Zurich. When he came to Zurich, he became the close follower of Peter Martyr, who, from that day, took Melancthon's place in Ursi- nus' heart. From the school of Melancthon he now went over to the school of Martyr. Peter Martyr was 11 154 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. a strong predestinarian,* and he greatly influenced Ur- sinus in that direction. Ursinus, in order to come to a decision about the doctrine of predestination, read the Bible through from beginning to end ; and after he found this doctrine established in God's word, he held it unwaveringly the rest of his life.f Ursinus had left his Melancthonianism so far behind him, that when Martyr wrote an answer to Brenz, Ursinus greatly re- joiced at Martyr's answer to that Lutheran leader of Wurtemberg, Now it happened that while Ursinus was staying at Zurich, Peter Martyr received an urgent call from Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate to come to Heidelberg as Professor of theology in the Univer- sity. But Peter Martyr felt unwilling to do so. He had just declined a call to come back to England, and felt he could not, in good grace, accept a call to Heidel- berg. He also foresaw the conflicts which would come in attempting to introduce the Reformed faith into the Palatinate ; and as he was an old man, he preferred to spend the rest of his days in peace and quietness. So he declined the call ; but recommended Frederick to call Ursinus in his stead. At the earnest solicitation of Erastus, Elector Frederick III. then invited Ursinus to come to Hei(ielberg. Ursinus foresaw the conflicts that were before him there ; and being of a very retiring, *Sudhoflf, Olevianus and Ursinas, 329, note. fGoebel, I., 387; Letters of 1573 ; Goebel, I., 389. HIS CALL TO HEIDELBERG. 155 shy and sensitive disposition, he dreaded going. He once gave utterance to the words : **0, that I could re- main hid in a corner ; I would give anything for a shel- ter in some quiet village." In answer to this call, he went to Heidelberg in the autumn of 1561. He taught for a year in the Sapienz college ; and there his clearness of teaching having won for him many scholars, he was also made professor of theology in the University in the place of Olevianus, who was appointed court preacher of the Elector. At first Ursinus preached occasionally. But he soon gave it up, as his vocation was that of a scholar and teacher, rather than that of a pastor and preacher. 156 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY, CASPAR OLEVIANUS. Caspar Olevianus was born at Olewig, a suburb of Treves, the city 'of the holy coat of Christ/ He first saw the light on Au- gust 10, 1536.* He re- ceived his name from the place of his birth ; but this name, according to the custom of the time, was changed and latinized into Olevianus. His father was, as master of the guild of bakers, a member of the city council, and also treasurer of the city. His mother, Anna Sinzig, was the daughter of the master of the butchers' guild. It was his grand- father who mainly educated Caspar ; as he was his pet grand-son. To his mother, who seems to have been a woman of deep religious feeling, he owed much of his ten- dency toward spiritual things. He was baptized in the church of St. Lawrence. He attended school at St. Law- rence church ; also at St Simeon's, and at the Cathedral school ; and then entered the college of St. Germain at Treves. Here, at the early age of thirteen, his religious *In the so-called Wittlicher House in the moat near the mar- ket. The Elector of Treves afterward bought it (not, however, because of any love for Olevianus), and changed it into a court of justice. 157 nature was deeply stirred by the Lenten sermons of a pious aged monk. The religious impulse given him by this old priest affected his whole after-life, and ultimately led him to the gospel. This priest seemed to have been an 'evangelical/ for he bade him look at the sacrifice of Christ as the only ground of his salvation. Many years after, Olevianus bore testimony to the impression this priest made on him. In 1550, at fourteen years of age, he was sent to France to complete his education as a lawyer. He studied languages at Paris, and afterward studied law at Orleans and Bonrges. He soon joined those secret churches of France called the ^churches of the cross' : although it was dangerous to join them at that time. Thus Olevianus seemed to follow in the footsteps of Calvin from place to place — from Paris to Orleans and Bourges, and to Geneva afterward. He thus followed in Calvin's path locally, as well as spiritually. Calvin had studied at Bourges in 1528, and there met Wolmar, who called Calvin into the ministry by asking him what he proposed to do in life. Wolmar urged Calvin to begin preaching. Others also asked this distinguished young student to preach. So Calvin began preaching at Bourges, and* in the neighboring towns, as Berry and Liguieres. Where Calvin had been called into the min- istry, now Olevianus also received a call of God to preach the gospel, only it came in a different way. Cal- 158 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. vin's came through a friend, and Olevianus' through a danger. Sometimes a passing incident will bring men's lives to a crisis and change their whole after-career, Such an event happened to Olevianus at Bourges, in 1556. The German students at this University were naturally brought much into contact with each other. Olevianus contracted a close friendship with the lead- ing German students, and especially with Prince Her- man Lewis, second son of Count Frederick of Simmern, afterward Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. One day while Olevianus and the prince were walking along the banks of the Auron river,* they met some German students of noble birth. These asked them to go across the river in a boat, although some of the young princes were somewhat intoxicated. Olevianus tried hard to dissuade Prince Herman from going with them. But the prince, with his court master, Nicolas Judex, went with them in the boat. They had hardly gotten into the middle of the river, before these half-drunken stu- dents began rocking the boat from side to side, which tilted them over and threw them all into the water, to find a watery grave. Olevianus saw all this from the shore, where he was standing. He threw himself into the water to rescue his friend, the prince ; but in the muddy bottom of the river he only got himself into the *Goebel and Seisen call it the Eure ; Sudhoff, the Auron. Bouiges lies at the junction of the Eure and the Auron. HIS CALL TO THE MINLSTRY. 159 greatest danger. Thus hanging between life and death, he called on God to save him. And he vowed that, if God would save him from death, he would devote him- self to preaching the gospel to his fatherland. Just in the nick of time a servant in the service of Prince Her- man came running to the rescue. He caught hold of the sinking Olevianus, thinking he was the prince. And so Olevianus was saved, instead of the prince. This as- sociation with the death of this prince afterward proved a very fortunate thing for Olevianus ; for the prince's father, Frederick, always had a warm side for Olevi- anus after that ; and ultimately Olevianus became his court-preacher at Heidelberg. Thus Olevianus, by this accident, was led to devote his life to the ministry. It is true, he continued the study of law at Bourges ; but his heart was given to the study of God's Word. He received the degree of doctor of laws at Bourges in 1557, and returned to his native city Treves in 1558. Louder and louder came the call to him to enter the gospel ministry. So, to pre- pare himself for it, he went to Geneva to study with Calvin. While at Geneva, he l)ecame fully acquainted with the Reformed Church, — was educated in her bo- som. But although thus educated in the French Re- formed Church, he felt he was called to preach the gos- pel to the Germans rather than to the French ; and his heart yearned for his native city of Treves. To tit him- 160 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. self for this work among the Germans, he went to Zu- rich in German Switzerland, to sit at the feet of Peter Martyr. But he soon after returned to Calvin at Ge- neva, to complete his studies. On his journey to Ge- neva he met that fiery reformer, William Farel. This glowing herald of the gospel, as he had called Calvin at Geneva to labor there, now urged Olevianus to cut short his studies and to return to Treves, to preach there. Ole- vianus refused a call by the Reformed church of Metz, so that he might proclaim the gospel in the city of his birth. He knew that there were those in Treves who were favorable to the gospel. Through the influence of the reformation at Cologne, and also in the neighboring Palatinate, many had become evangelical at Treves. So he urged Calvin to write to Otto Seel and Peter Sierk, members of the city council of Treves, who were known to be favorable to the gospel. True to his vow at Bour- ges, he now returned to Treves, to preach the gospel. Through the influence of his friends he obtained the po- sition of a Latin teacher in the High School or Bursa, an endowed school, which had then become almost ex- tinct. His position as teacher gave the opportunity he desired, to infuse the gospel of Jesus into the minds of his scholars. It was his duty to lecture to the scholars on the dialectics of Melaiicthon. These were filled with Scripture references, and thus made the scholars' minds familiar with the Bible. But as these 'dialectics' were HE PREACH fi:S AT TREVES. 161 in Latin, he thought they would make more progress in Scriptural truth, if he taught them in German. He be- gan lecturing in German on the catechism. And his German lectures drew many of the citizens, as well as the scholars, to hear him. These admirers of his, finally desired him, though a layman,* to hold divine service. So he issued a public call to evangelical preaching, and was made a preacher of the Word. He was unordained, yet he preached without ordination, as did many, in the days of the reformation. He nailed a call to worship on the Steip or city hall of Treves, inviting the citizens to an evangelical service on St. Lawrence day, August 10th, between the hours of eight and ten at the Bursa.f So a great crowd of people, instead of going to mass that morning, repaired to the High School, to hear Olevi- anus. Among them were the leading men of the place, as the leading burgomaster, John Stuyss ; and Otto Seel and Peter Sierk, city councillors. Oleviauus preached on justification by faith, and also against the worship of saints, masses, and against processions, for which the city of Treves has always been very famous. But the city clerk was present at this service, and he did not fail to notify the Catholic clergy of what was going on. The following day Olevianus was ordered to appear before the city council. The council had in it many members •■•Sudhoflf, Olevianus and Ursinus, page 47. fThe city liall on which he nailed the notice is the present Rothes Haus in the market. 162 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. who were favorable to Oleviauus and the gospel ; and they finally compromised with the Catholics b}' allow- ing Olevianus to preach anywhere, except in the Bursa, as it was an endowed school, and its funds would thus be perverted. They allowed him to teach there, but or- dered him to use Latin, and not German, in his teach- ing. Olevianus, in his defence, declared that he would die for the gospel, if it were necessary, as there was nothing that his fatherland needed so much as the Word of God. His answer reveals the true martyr spirit and shows his consecration. The evangelical citizens, with burgomaster Stuyss at their head, then presented a re- quest to the council that they be allowed to worship ac- cording to the Augsburg confession, which liberty was granted by the Augsburg Diet of 1555. The Catholics answered that Treves was not under the Emperor, and hence not bound by that Diet ; but that it was under its own Elector, and he forbade it. Had Treves been a free city like Strasburg, and not been under the control of the Elector of Treves, it would have had a right to allow Protestant worship. But that Augsburg Diet de- clared that 'Mike prince, like people;" as the prince was a bigoted Catholic, the people ought to be so, too. Still, the Protestants hoped to be able to maintain their worship. The Catholics then answered that Olevianus was not an adherent of the Augsburg confession, but a Calvinist. Olevianus, to prove that he was an adherent PROTESTANTISM AT TREVES. 163 of the Augsburg confession, and that he had the right to preach, signed that coufesrsion no le^s than three times at Treves, even under oath. So Olevianus began preach- ing the gospel at the St. Jacob's church in the Fleisch- gasse. This St. Jacob's church was not under the con- trol of the clergy, but of the city, whose council allowed him to preach there. This church soon became too small, as nearly one-half of the town declared themselves favorable to Protestantism. Whole guilds, as of the weavers, smiths and tailors, supported Olevianus. The most decided guild against him were the superstitious sailors, who sailed the boats on the Moselle. Among those who declared themselves won by his preaching were, to his great joy, his two brothers — the one a gold- smith, and the other a physician. As the crowd was becoming very great, and the dan- ger was also becoming great, the evangelicals sent to the Count of the neighboring Zweibriickeu, whose territo- ries adjoined theirs, for help and protection. They asked the Count to loan them a preacher. The Count was so glad to hear that Treves was receiving Protest- antism, that he sent them his leading minister, the su- perintendent Flinsbach, to aid Olevianus in his work at Treves. Flinsbach, after he arrived at Treves, wrote to the Count that not only was the altar of the church full of people, standing ; but even the windows and every place w^here the people could hear. In the meantime. 164 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. however, word had been sent from Treves to the Elector of Treves at Augsburg, acquainting him with the spread of Protestantism in his own city. When he returned, he came back with soldiers, so as to quell this uprising by force. But although he came with 170 cavalry, the courage of the Protestants rose with their danger. Flins- bach, being under the protection of the Count of Zwei- briicken, sent a notice to the Elector that these Evan- gelicals were under the protection of the Augsburg con- fession, which had been made legal in 1555. And not only was it the Evangelicals who opposed the Elector, but a large party of the Catholics opposed him ; because when he came with troops, they felt that he was men- acing the liberties of their city. The Elector, finding that he could not enter the city, took up his position at Pfalzel, three-quarters of a mile from Treves. From this point he began to harass the citizens. He laid waste the fields and the gardens of the citizens, and even tried to cut off the water supply of the city. The citizens, who ventured out of the city into the fields, were plun- dered ; and the market people, who brought produce, were kept from entering the city. The result of this petty siege was, that it soon became uncomfortable for those who were in the city. So a part of the Catholic party in the city went over to the Elector. On October 8th the Elector sent word, that if the Evangelicals would send him 20,000 dollars and leave the city, he would PROTESTANTS DRIVEN OUT. 165 withdraw his troops. This was adding insult to injury, to ask money of them in addition to the persecutions they had received. They claimed that they were pro- tected by the peace of Augsburg, which allowed to ad- herents of the Augsburg confession their worship. But the Catholic element in the city began to ferment. Two trades, the sailors and coopers, favored the Catholics. These spent days and nights at the taverns, spreading reports unfavorable to the Protestants. But the Protest- ants were not idle. They sent ambassadors to the neigh- boring Protestant princes, as Zweibriicken, Hesse and the Palatinate, asking their intercession with the Elector and their aid. Still, as time passed on, the Elector suc- ceeded in influencing more and more of the Catholic party in the city over to his side, so that at last he was strong enough to enter the city and quarter his soldiers on the Protestant citizens. Burgomaster John Stuyss was placed under arrest, and Olevianus and Flinsbach were summoned before the council to answer for their conduct. In the meantime ambassadors from Zwei- brucken, Hesse and the Palatinate arrived to intercede for these Protestants, that they might have the right to worship in Treves, because they were Lutherans. But the Elector raised the point, that they were not Luther- ans, but Calvinists, as Olevianus had been educated un- der Calvin. So Olevianus and twelve others were put under arrest ; but were finally allowed to leave the city. 166 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. after the payment of a fine of 3,000 florins. These per- secuted Protestants went to Strasburg, and to the neigh- boring Palatinate, as at Beldenz, Trarbach and Duse- mond. Thus Protestantism came to a sad end at Treves. Had Treves been a free city, like its neighbor Stras- burg, Protestantism would have gained the city. But Treves was the seat of a spiritual elector, and the Elec- tor of Treves crushed out the reformation. Had Ole- vianus appeared in Treves twenty years earlier, when the former Elector of Treves with the Elector of May- ence was on the point of following Elector Herman of Cologne into the Protestant camp, great results would have been accomplished. And had these spiritual Elec- tors of Cologne, Treves and Mayence followed the tem- poral Electors of Saxony, Palatinate and Brandenberg into Protestantism ; the next Emperor of Germany, whom they would have elected, would have been a Protestant, or else a Catholic favorable to Protestantism. But that opportunity was lost when Herman of Cologne was not supported by the Lutheran princes and so lost his Elec- torate. After this persecution of 1560, Treves became a stronger Catholic city than ever. The Protestants were driven out, and the Jesuits came in, to reclaim it from its heresy. Its deliverance from heresy is still commemorated, we understand, by the observance of the Olevianus procession on Whitmonday, whose object is EFFECT IN TREVES. 167 to thank God for the deliverance of the city from heresy preached by Olevianus, and to confirm it in the Catholic faith. For almost 250 years no Protestant service was allowed in Treves. But in 1817 a Protest- ant church was opened, the first sermon being preached by Rev. Dr. Kupper, then general superintendent of the Rhine provinces. His congregation numbered 1,500 souls in 1855. By a curious coincidence this Protestant congregation worships in the basilica of Constantine, where, in the fourth century, before Catholicism had yet come to Treves, the pure, simple faith of Christ had been preached. The Protestants then merely re-intro- duced the simple faith of Constantine to Treves. Treves, by this persecution, lost its best citizens and artisans. She has never recovered her former pros- perity. While her persecution only spread the flames of the gospel to other places. Most of the refugees went to Strasburg and the Palatinate, but one of them, Heid- feld, went to Wesel in 1559, where he aided in intro- ducing the Reformed faith. Flinsbach, being in the employ of the Count of Zweibrucken, was sent home safely by the Elector of Treves. He had labored will- ingly with Olevianus, although he was a Lutheran and Olevianus a Calvinist ; for he was a Melancthonian. Flinsbach finally came to a sad end eleven years later. As he was returning from a church visitation in the county of Sponheim, he was compelled to stop over 168 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. night at the house of a Catholic priest. This priest rec- ognized the hated Protestant who had so helped the heretics at Treves, and poisoned him. He was hardly able to get home to Zweibrucken, when he died and was buried in the Alexander church. Far otherwise was it with Olevianus. He remained ten weeks in prison, charged with setting the city on fire with false doc- trines, and also charged with desiring the murder of the bishop. The neighboring princes, however, interceded for him. Count Wolfgang of Zweibrucken was very anxious to gain him for his land. But Elector Fred- erick III. of the Palatinate, who felt under personal ob- ligations to Olevianus for trying to save the life of his son from drowning at Bourges, finally secured Olevi- anus' release, and called him to be professor at the Sa- pienz College at Heidelberg. From this, Olevianus was made professor of theology in the university. As pro- fessor of theology he taught Calvinism. He made an extract of Calvin's theology, and it was so favorably re- ceived, especially by Farel, that it was printed. He aimed to bring the students and the Palatinate church over to full Calvinism. But a larger field, just suited to his tastes, soon opened to him. He was appointed a member of the consistory and court-preacher in 1561, and also preacher in St. Peter's church and in the church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. He was a man of great executive ability, an eloquent preacher and a fervid THE TWO AUTHORS. 169 writer. Olevianus was a strict Calvinist, and so was Ursinus ; only Ursinus was better acquainted with the various phases of Lutheran doctrines in Germany. These were the two men selected by Elector Fred- erick III. to compose his catechism. In many respects they complement each other. The one a scholar and professor, the other a preacher and administrator; the one the head, the other the heart, of the catechism. Olevianus and Ursinus were mated to each other as Da- vid and Jonathan, Peter and John, Luther and Me- lancthon, and Zwingli and Ecolampadius, the one com- plementing the other. The compositions of both are stronger than the writings of either. Both were young men when appointed to this responsible position of com- posing a catechism. Ursinus was 28, and Olevianus 26 years of age. But it is noticeable that the great theolog- ical writings of the reformers appeared when they were young men. Genius was precocious in the days of the reformation. Thus, Calvin wrote his Institutes at the early age of 26, and Melancthon his ' Loci Communes' at 24. Says a writer, of Olevianus and Ursinus : "Be- cause of their youth and ripeness of intellect, the Hei- delberg catechism united the warmth of first love with the light of profound depth of thought, the free inspira- tion of youth with the riper experience of mature age." 12 CHAPTER II.— SECTION III. The Heidelberg Catechism and its Composition. A number of very interesting topics come up in con- nection with the composition of the Heidelberg Cate- chism. We will consider them under five heads : A, the aim of its composition ; B, the previous materials used ; C, the share each author had in its composition ; D, the doctrinal position of the catechism ; E, the edi- tions and translations of the catechism. A. — The Aim of its Composition. Several reasons have been given why Frederick wanted to have a new catechism. One reason suggested was, that Frederick hoped by this catechism to unite the Lutherans and the Reformed. This has not been suggested by any of the higher authorities on the cate- chism, but by an unknown author, whom Niceron quotes. It is very easy to see that this was not the reason. Frederick III., before he undertook its composition, had very decidedly broken away from Lutheran ism by his reforms at Heidelberg. Although still under the pro- tection of the Altered Augsburg Confession, he had changed Lutheran customs most decidedly, although he AIM OF ITS COMPOSITION. 171 had not so openly attacked her doctrines as yet. He had evidently given up all hope of reconciliation with the high Lutherans. We shall also see farther on,* that the doctrinal position of the catechism was not such as to make it a middle ground between Lutheranisra and Calvinism. The catechism is Calvinistic, although moderate in its statements of Calvinism. It does not oc- cupy any such middle ground as Melaucthonianism. It failed to satisfy the low Lutherans, how could it have been expected to satisfy the high Lutherans? No, the object was not to bring about a reconciliation between the Lutherans and the Reformed. The reasons for its composition, as suggested by Henry Alting, a high au- thority, were : first, the strife caused by the use of dif- ferent catechisms in use in the Palatinate. This was the immediate cause. Brenz's catechism, the work of his earlier years, when he was Melancthonian, had been introduced into the Palatinate by Otto Henry. Lu- ther's catechism had been introduced by Hesshuss, and was used by the high Lutherans. And between these two catechisms there was such a difference, that there was strife among the ministers and bewilderment among the people. Then, too, the foreign Dutch and French refugee churches had brought with them Lasco's or Cal- vin's catechism. The use of all these opposing cate- chisms gave rise to quarrels. Frederick decided that *Part D in this Section. 172 THE RKFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the easiest way out of the difficulty was to publish a new catechism. A second reason, suggested by A 1 ting, was, that the Elector wished to secure an agreement of the Palatinate churches on doctrine, especially on the doctrine of the person of Christ and the sacraments. He wanted a creed that would clearly state these doctrines over against the new doctrine of ubiquity, to which he was bitterly opposed. These two reasons are proved to be true by the Elector's introduction to the catechism, where he says he sought to give unity and purity to the churches of the Palatinate. It is, however, to be remembered that while this was the general aim of the Elector, the catechism partook of the complexion of the times — the drift of its age. And as the influences at Heidelberg at that time were Calvinistic, or tending toward Calvinism, it be- came Calvinistic, especially under such strong Calvin- ists as Olevianus, supported by Ursinus, who was little less decided than Olevianus in his Calvinism. B. — Previous Materials Used in its Composition. The next question that arises is, what previous cate- chisms did its authors use as aids to its composition ? The Reformed Church by this time had produced quite a number of catechisms. Among the Lutherans, Lu- ther's and Brenz's catechisms were the most common ; among the Swiss, Bullinger's and Calvin's ; among the PREVIOUS MATERIALS USED. 173 Dutch, Lasco's and Micronius'. These four Reformed catechisms, Bullinger's aud Calvin's, Lasco's and Mi- cronius', seem to have been used to a greater or less ex- tent in the composition of the Heidelberg. Olevianus publicly confessed the debt he owed to the Swiss, wliom he thanks in a letter to Bui linger. But there were also traces of Calvin's catechism in the Heidelberg.* But while these catechisms were used in the prepara- tion of the Heidelberg, yet it is to be remembered that it is an advance on all other catechisms before it. The previous Reformed catechisms were divided topically. Calvin's was divided into five parts — faith or the creed, the law or the ten commandments, prayer, the Bible, and the sacraments. Lasco's and Bullinger's were simi- larly divided into topics. But the Heidelberg was an improvement on these artificial divisions. For it welded all these parts into an organic whole. The reader passes from one point in it to another without any violent change. Thus we learn first of sin, then of redemption, and then of the Christian life. And yet these natural ^'•Especially in answers 25, 27, 28, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 5i, 54, 67, and also in the answers on the ten commandments, and Lord's prayer and church discipline. (Sudhoff, Olevianus and Ursinus, page 92.) The catechism of Micronius is referred to in answers 20, 21, 26, 29, 33, 34, 36, 45, 49, 55, 56, 8', 82, 101 and 102. Lasco's catechism is referred to in the close of 1, 63, 54, 66, 69, 70, 74, 108 and 124; (see Bartel's Liie of Lasco, page 54.) For a fuller discussion of the use of previous materials, the reader is referred to the works quoted here, and to larger works on the catechism, as Van Alpen's, Sudhotl's, Dalton's and Kocher's. 174 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. and logical divisions included, in them, all the artificial divisions of the other catechisms. The Heidelberg cate- chism is the first to show this organic method. Another peculiarity of the Heidelberg Catechism, which was an advance on previous catechisms, was the number of proof texts quoted in it. It was the first catechism to fasten and found itself so closely on the Word of God. The early catechisms of Luther had al- most no proof texts quoted in them. The most prominent catechisms of the Protestant Church have been Luther's, the Heidelberg, and the Westminster. By comparing the Heidelberg with Lu- ther's, which preceded it ; as well as with the Westmin- ster, which followed it, we can notice the peculiarities of our catechism. In Luther's catechism the central prin- ciple, the guiding thought, is the sacraments ; in the Westminster it is election ; in the Heidelberg it is grace or redemption. The Westminster is the theological catechism ; the Heidelberg the soteriological, and Lu- ther's the ecclesiological catechism. If we compare the Heidelberg with Luther's, we find that Luther'6 is much shorter. It has only 40 questions to 129 questions in the Heidelberg. The greatest difference is in the doctrine of the sacraments, although they differ on other minor points. They dif- fer in the arrangement of the ten commandments. In Luther's catechism, the ten commandments are placed at COMPARISON OF CATECHISMS. 175 the beginning of the catechism ; in the Heidelberg they are placed near the end. The Heidelberg does not stop with merely the ten commandments ; but, in addition, gives the fuller New Testament version of the com- mandments in Christ's law of love. The Heidelberg follows the Biblical division of the ten commandments, instead of the Catholic division, which Luther's follows. In the creed, the Heidelberg catechism translates the clause, 'a holy Catholic, Christian Church/ while Lu- ther's drops the word ^Catholic' altogether. They also differ on the Lord's prayer. The Heidelberg divides the Lord's prayer into six parts ; Luther's into seven. Luther's says ' Father our' after the ' Pater noster' of Catholics ; while the Heidelberg uses ^Our Father,' as it is used in the Bible. The Heidelberg uses 'from the devil' in the clause 'deliver us from evil,' which Lu- ther's uses. The Heidelberg is very severe against the use of pictures in churches, while the Lutheran cate- chism does not refer to them at all. Comparing the Heidelberg with the Westminster, we find it differs from the Westminster by its use of the first person, all the wa}' through the catechism. This makes it not so much a statement of doctrine, as of per- sonal experience. It is a personal catechism rather than a dogmatic one. ''For the Heidelberg catechism was published in the Pentecostal season of the reformation." It has an unction not revealed by other catechisms. " Tin- 176 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Heidelberg is more experimental, the Westminster more scholastic ; the Heidelberg is more emotional, the West- minster more intellectual ; the Heidelberg is more de- votional, the Westminster more doctrinal.'^ One great peculiarity of the Heidelberg catechism is, that it so closely follows personal experience. Its three-fold di- vision exactly corresponds with the religious experience of every believer. Its second answer divides it into three parts — first, conviction of sin ; second, conversion to Christ ; third, the Christian life of thankfulness. In doing this it is scriptural, for it follows Paul's arrange- ment of doctrine as given by him in his theological In- stitutes, his Epistle to the Romans. The first part of the catechism corresponds to Romans 1 : 18 to 3 : 20 ; the second part to Romans 3 : 20 to 11 : 36, and the third part to Romans 12:1 to the end of the Epistle. C. — The Share each Author had in its Publication. It would be a very interesting study to decide what part of the catechism Ursinus wrote, and what part Olevianus composed. But this would be a very diffi- cult task ; as both seem to have welded their w^ork so closely together that no differences can be discovered. Different commentators on the catechism have v^aried in the parts, which they assign to the one or the other au- thor. Each of the authors seems to have made a pre- liminary preparation. Ursinus prepared two Latin SHARE OF EACH AUTHOR. 177 catechisms — a larger one for mature minds, and a smaller one for children and beginners. Olevianus prepared a preliminary work on Grace, which was a favorite theme of his. Both of these works were used toward the com- position of the catechism. But it is very difficult to ob- serve where the labors of one author ended, and of the other began. Perhaps the outlines were suggested by Ursinus, and the adaptation by Olevianus. The depth of thought and theological exactness came from Ursi- nus ; while the simple, popular style of expression came from Olevianus. The Latin was from Ursinus, the fine fluent German, from Olevianus. The doctrinal part was probably influenced more by Ursinus, the prac- tical part, by Olevianus. Sudhoff imputes the first an- swer to Ursinus ; while the answers 83 to 85 on the power of the keys and church discipline are imputed to Olevianus ; as the substance of each of those answers is found in his previous writings. But, doubtless, each an- swer was considered and re-considered by each author in succession ; until no part of the catechism is by either one, but each part is by both.* It is a remarkable fact *Ancl yet this unity is all the more remarkable when we re- member the dlft'erences between the two men. As Rev. Dr. Nevin, in his introduction to the catechism, remarks : " The catechism is the joint production of both, and it was this, not in the way of any mechanical putting: together of their ditt'erent compositions ; but in the way of an organic fusion, which refers the whole work to both authors, and makes it impossible to know^ or say what in it belongs to one and w hat to the other. This curious fact becomes still more curious when regard is had 178 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. that the united work of the two is better than any work composed by either of them alone. The one seems to complement and supplement the other. Nor should we forget the influence of the Elector Frederick himself in the composition of the catechism. Although he was not the author of it, he was its patron. Counsellor Rit- mayer says ; "Although the Elector availed himself of the services of the Palatinate doctors, Ursinus and Ole- vianus, in the preparation of the catechism, yet they did not venture to insert anything which the Elector had not approved." D, — The Doctrinal Position of the Catechism. The doctrinal position of the catechism is Calvin- ism, but Calvinism moderately stated. That Ursinus and Olevianus were Calvinists, there can be no doubt. to the difference of temperament which we know to have ex- isted between the two men. Ursinus standing before us, as one born to occupy the lecturer's chair, didactic, dialectic, theoretic, and we may say, respectably dry. In Olevianus, on the other hand, we have the man of action and eloquence, the practical reformer, and the ardent, popular preacher. They seem not such men, as, one would expect, would get along harmoniously together in a work of this sort. And yet their joint labors were in truth perfectly harmonious ; so that it is hardly too much to say that we may find the spirit of Ursinus married to the spirit of Olevianus in the whole composition of the catechism from beginning to end. With all this must be considered, in the second place, that the whole work was planned and executed within the course of less than a year. It was the will of the prince that his favorite measure for the reformation of the Pa- latinate should as quickly as possible be carried into effect, and the men who were charged with the pieparation went to work accordingly with a haste that seemed hardly compatible with the solemnity and greatness of the undertaking." ITS DOCTRINAL POSITION. 179 Their other works reveal them as more Calvinistic than the catechism expresses.* Either they did not think it expedient to express the hard points of Calvinism for fear of offending the Lutherans ; or else, as the Heidel- berg catechism was intended to be a popular treatise on theology, they purposely avoided the deep philosophical statements of Calvinism. But the catechism has a thoroughly Calvinistic basis throughout. Its doctrinal position may be stated as moderately Calvinistic. Heppe, one of the church historians of Germany, holds that the catechism was Melancthonian or low Lutheran ; Sud- hoif, another writer, that the 'catechism was intensely Calvinistic ; Ebrard, that it expresses the sublapsarian school of Calvinism, afterwards adopted in France. But if the catechism were Melancthonian, it would never have been adopted by the Synod of Dort, that strict Calvinistic synod. And again, if it had been intensely Calvinistic, it never would have found favor among the Melancthonians of Germany, who afterwards came into the Reformed and adopted the catechism. The best view is, that it is Calvinistic ; but on its positive side, the negative side of reprobation not being mentioned. Comparing the Heidelberg catechism with Melanctho- nianism, we find it differs from it on many points. It radically opposes Melancthon^s synergism. For it is intensely Calvinistic in its doctrine of total depravity. *See Sudboff, life of Olevianus and Ursiuus. 180 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. On the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints it is against Melancthon's position, and is Calvinistic. It disagrees with Melancthon on the doctrine of the Lord's supper, in its reception by the impenitent. Melancthon held, that the impenitent ate of Christ's body and blood at the supper. But the Heidelberg distinctly states that they ate to their condemnation. This opposition to the communion of the impenitent caused a great stir in Ger- many ; for it opposed the Lutheran ideas so radically. The catechism is, therefore, not Melancthonian ; for it differs from it on too many important points. On the other hand, it distinctly shows the influence of Calvin- ism in every part. It agrees with Calvinism in total depravity of man. It agrees with it by teaching pre- destination. In answers 1, 35, 53 and 54 it teaches the positive side of predestination.* But it passes by the negative side of predestination and does not mention reprobation. Being an experimental and practical cate- chism, it leaves the deeper questions of theology to pri- vate opinion and theological speculation. The only doctrine on which it sides against the Calvinism of its age, is the doctrine of the universality of the atonement, which is referred to in the 37th answer. On the doc- trine of Christ's descent into hell, it follows Calvin very closely, by giving a figurative explanation of that doc- trine. In defining this clause it deviates from the plain *Sudho£f, 121. ITS CALVINISM. 181 facts stated all through the creed ; and, strange to say, becomes figurative. It, however, emphasizes an im- portant truth in this 44th answer ; although, perhaps, it is not placed exactly in its right location in the cate- chism. On the whole, it sides more against Melanc- thon than for him, and sides far more for Calvin than against him. To show its harmony with Calvin- ism, its authors had a German edition of Calvin's cate- chism printed in Heidelberg at the same time that the Heidelberg catechism appeared, and even issued them together in the same book. Its authors evidently wanted it to be Calvinistic In regard to the Lord's supper, it holds the Calvinistic doctrine and sets itself decidedly against the Lutheran doctrine of a corporal presence in the Lord's supper, as in answers 60, 65 to 69, 71, 75 to 79, 81 and 82. Answers 47, 48 and 50, which were evidently written under the influence of Calvin, were severe against the Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity. A memorial is still extant which shows that the Elector approved of this attack on the doctrine of ubiquity. There was no Osiandrianism or pantheistic confusion of the natures of Christ in the Reformed Church of that day. Indeed, Osiandrianism was the bitterest foe of Calvinism ; for Funk, Osiander's son- in-law, could not find a bitterer accusation against the theologians of Wittenberg than to say they were Cal- vinists. The central principle or ruling thought of the 182 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. catechism is grace, salvation by grace. The catechism is Christological ; because it gathers itself around Christ. It makes Christ the centre ; and then makes the centre of the doctrine of Christ to be the atonement. The cate- chism is full of "the satisfaction of Christ." All parts of the catechism point to Christ as the one oifering for sin. Its centre is Christ, and his centre is his atonement* His name is Jesus and he died, For guilty sinners crucified ; Content to die that he might win Their ransom from the death of sin ; No sinner worse tlian I can be, Therefore I know he died for me. I read God's holy word and find Great truths that far transcend my mind. And little do I know beside Of thoughts, so high, so deep, so wide ; This is my best theology, I know my Savior died for me. — Bethttne. Many of the questions of the catechism are considered master-pieces of theological expression, as well as of popular definition. Answer 21 on faith, 27 and 28 on providence, 31 and 32 on the Christian name, 49 on the ascension of Christ, 60 on justification by faith, together with the exposition of the Lord's supper. Ten Com- mandments and Lord's prayer are very beautiful. The first answer on Christian Comfort is the most beautiful of all, for it is the summary of the catechism and of the Bible. Rev. Dr. Ebrard, the foremost Reformed theo- *Sudhoff, 112 and 113. ITS PRAISES BY EMINENT MEN. 183 logian of Germany to-day, says of the Heidelberg cate- chism : " For wonderful union of dogmatic precision and genial heartiness of lucid perspicuity and mysterious depth, the Heidelberg stands alone. It is at once a sys- tem of theology, and a book of devotion. Every child can understand it at the first reading, and yet the cate- chist finds in it the richest material for profound inves- tigation."* Max Goebel, one of the best historians of the Reformed Church, says: "The Heidelberg cate- chism may be properly regarded as the flower and fruit of the entire German and French reformation. It has Lutheran fervor, Melancthonian clearness, Zwinglian simplicity and Calvinistic fire blended into one ; and therefore, notwithstanding many defects and angles, it has been, together with the Augsburg Confession of 1640, and remains to this day, the only common con- fession and doctrinal standard of the entire German Re- formed Church from the Palatinate to the Netherlands, and to Brandenburg and Prussia."t Dr. Schaff says : " It combines Calvin's strength and depth without his severity, Melancthon's cordiality and warmth without his indecision, Zwingli's simplicity and clearness without his cool sobriety and aversion to the mystics." The Anglican delegate to the Synod of Dort said of the Heidelberg catechism, after he and his co-delegates had *Das Dogma vom Abendmahl, Vol. II., 604. tGeschichte des Christlichen Lebens, I., 392. 18-1: THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. returned home : ^'Our Reformed brethren on the con- tinent have a little book, whose single leaves are not to be bought with tons of gold." The poetess Anna Maria von Schurman, when a child four years old, recited the catechism to her nurse at Cologne. As she came to the first answer ("that I am not my own, but belong to my faithful Savior Jesus Christ,'') she was seized with great and secret joy and inward love for God, and received a deep impression for her whole after-life. As Dr. Schaff in September, 1862, visited the battle fields and hospitals of Maryland, he found among others, a dying Southern soldier from North Carolina, of German origin and a member of the Reformed Church. He reminded him of the first answer of the Heidelberg catechism. The soldier listened with thankful emotion, and weeping said he could now die happy. Rev. Dr. Plitt, professor of theology at Bonn (formerly pastor of the church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg), tells that in his pastoral ex- perience, he often met men and women whose eyes brightened when reminded on their dying beds of the first answer of the Heidelberg catechism. Most of them knew it by heart, as they recalled it from the days of their childhood. Some said they did not fully under- stand its questions when they were children, and that committing it to memory had been a hard task, but now they thanked God they had learned it and they prayed EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS. 185 it for their comfort and strength.* Dr. Julius Stahl, an eminent jurist and the ablest apologist of modern Lu- theranism in the Prussian universities, derived his own conversion and the revival of the Lutheran Church in his native Bavaria chiefly from the late venerable Re- formed pastor and professor, Dr. J. Ch. G. L. Krafft at Erlangen, who died in 1845. Dr. Stahl said, before the General Synod at Berlin in 1846, "that the man who built up the Church in my fatherland, the most apostolic man I ever met in my life, pastor Krafft, was a strict ad- herent of the Heidelberg catechism. Whether he carried the Heidelberg catechism in his pocket, I know not, but this I know, that he caused, throughout the whole land, a spring time, whose fruits will ripen for eternity." E. — Editions and Translations of the Catechism. There were three editions published in 1563, before the catechism was fully completed in its present form. Germany, after the controversies of twenty years between high Lutherans and Melancthonians, was ripe for such a book. The demand for it was great, not only in the Palatinate, but also outside of it, in all parts of Germany and in other lands. The first edition was soon ex- hausted, and another and still another edition was run off before the end of the year 1563. The catechism was first issued in German, but afterwards translated into Lat- *-Studien unci Kritiken, 1863. 13 186 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. in by Lago and Pithopeus, a Hollander. Thus the Dutch who afterwards clung so loyally to the catechism, had a part in its publication. The Latin translation was made that it might be used in the Latin schools and colleges of the Palatinate. The catechism bears on its title page the Palatinate escutcheon, which is a triple coat of arms, in the lower part of which is a globe, with a cross on top of it. This title page was followed by an excellent and elaborate preface by Elector Frederick, thus giving his official sanction to the book. The book was printed by John Mayer of Heidelberg The first edition had several peculiarities. The ques- tions and answers were separated, but were not numbered. Nor was the division of the catechism into Lord's days made until in the fourth edition. While the catechism was printed in German, yet the proof texts were printed in Latin type on the margin of the page. It is also notice- able that in the proof texts only the chapters of the Bible are referred to and not the verses. For the division of the chapters into verses made by Stephens in 1551, had not as yet come into popular use. The eightieth ques- tion of the catechism is entirely wanting in this first edition. There is only one copy of this edition extant. It belongs to Rev. Dr. Treviranus of St. Martin's church, Bremen. It originally belonged to Professor Herman Wilken, professor of Greek literature at Heidelberg, who was driven out of the Palatinate by the Elector THE SECOND EDITION. 187 Lewis. It has aa appendix of tweaty-five pages con- taining various prayers. A fac-simile copy of it has been published by Rev. Albert Wolters,and was printed by Marcus at Bonn in 1864.* The first edition was soon exhausted, and the second edition was printed. Its most important difference from the first was the addition of the eightieth question, which treats of the Lord's supper and the Popish mass. This answer reads in the second edition : "The Lord's supper testifies to us that we have a full pardon of all sin by the only sacrifice of Jesus Christ, which He himself has once accomplished on the cross. But the mass teaches that the living and dead have not the pardon of sin through the suffering of Christ, unless Christ is also daily offered for them by the priests. So that the mass at bottom is a denial of the one sacrifice and suffering of Christ." Frederick aimed to state clearly the differences between the Lord's supper and the mass, because some of the districts, over which he was joint ruler, were Catholic. He wanted to have Protestantism introduced into them, and so had the errors of the mass clearly stated. There are two copies of this second edition extant, one belonging to Rev. Dr. Wolters of Bonn, and the other in the university library of Utrecht. The third edition was published at the close of 1563. The great difference between the second and third *As this book is cheap, we would recommend its sale. It puts one in possession of an interesting relic. 188 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. editions was in the eightieth answer. It was enlarged to its present form ; and was much more severe against the mass. The answer describes the mass as "an ac- cursed idolatry." This severe statement, seemingly out of harmony with the otherwise irenic character of the catechism, was probably made by the Elector as a protest against the council of Trent. The language of the catechism seems severe. But it must be remembered that strong language was the characteristic of that time. Compared with the decrees of the council of Trent against Protestantism, its language is very moderate, for "nobody can curse like the pope." Nor is this phrase 'accursed idolatry^ any more severe than Luther's lan- guage in the Smalcald articles, where he calls the mass "an idolatry." Frederick's predecessor, Otto Henry, in his church order of 1555, called it the same thing. The Heidelberg catechism is then the great answer of Protes- tantism to the council of Trent. Frederick took up its decrees and replied to them in the Heidelberg catechism. This eightieth answer has been criticised by many for its severity. But it has ever been a bulwark for the pu- rity of the Reformed faith over against any half-catholic forms that still lingered in the Protestant Church or were attempted to be introduced into her by any Puseyite in- novations. Protestantism must never forget its duty — to protest against popery outside or inside of itself. But Frederick did not put this answer into the catechism re- THE THIRD EDITION. 189 gardless of his theologians' feelings. He consulted with them just as they had consulted with him about the rest of the catechism. And finally he added the clause in his own name. We must also remember that Frederick, after the ideas of his day, believed that princes were a sort of evangelical bishops. It was their duty to defend the truth and to attack heresy. And so he attacked the errors of Rome in the decrees of Trent. But he was not farsighted enough to foresee the possible consequences to his land. He believed in the motto of his day, "Like prince, like people.'' He did not foresee the time when his own land might be under the control of a Catholic prince, and this answer of the catechism might cause trouble. But so it came about, and this eightieth ques- tion led to persecution in his land. The Elector Charles Phillip, who was a Catholic, afterward prohibited the catechism in the Palatinate, because it denounced the mass as an idolatry. He also persecuted the Reformed, It was only after the united remonstrance of Holland, Prussia and England, that he withdrew his opposition and persecution. There are two copies of this third edition extant. One is in the possession of Dr. Bahr of Carlsruhe, the other in the hands of Rev. Dr. Wolters of Bonn. Bound with this last copy is a German copy of Calvin's catechism. This third edition is the one used for the Tercentenary edition of our Church (the sole copy of the first edition not having been known at that time). 190 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY Rev. Dr. Schaif in 1864, the year after our Tercenten- ary celebration, came across the copy of the first edition in the hands of Dr. Treviranus at Bremen. The edi- tion now in use in the German and Dutch Reformed Churches of America was made by Rev. Dr. Laidlie, originally of Scotland, but a minister at Flushing, Long Island, and was adopted in 1771 by the synod of the Dutch Church. Other editions of the catechism have been published by Schaff, Harbaugh, and Fisher, and abbreviations of it by Van Home, Good, Whitmer, and others. The Heidelberg catechism had many translations and found a wide circulation. The only book to be compared with it in confessional authority among the Reformed Churches is the second Helvetic confession, which, however, did not come into as popular use. With the exception of the Bible, Pilgrim's Progress, Thomas d Kempis' Imitation of Christ and Luther's catechism, the Heidelberg catechism has had a wider circulation than any book published. It was pub- lished in many editions in Germany. And it was trans- lated into many languages outside of Germany. "It has the pentecostal gift of tongues in a rare degree." It was translated into Latin for use in the schools ; into Greek by Robert Stephens for the use of the Patriarch of Constantinople ; into Hebrew by Tremellius for use among the Jews ; into Dutch, Spanish, French, Italian, ITS TRANSLATIONS. 191 Bohemian, Polish, Hungarian, Arabic, Malay ; and into Singelese for use among the Dutch missionaries in Ceylon. An excellent translation has lately been made into Japanese by Rev. Ambrose D. Gring. It was intro- duced in Switzerland into the canton of St. Gall ; and the catechism of Zurich, which was the Swiss catechism, underwent, in 1609, a remarkable revision, that it might conform to the Heidelberg. It was published in 1595 in English, by order of the Church of Scotland. In Scotland it superseded Calvin's catechism ; and was in turn superseded by Craig's catechism, which was in turn driven out by the Westminster. It became the catechism of the Reformed Church, as Luther's was of the Lutheran Church. A very interesting fact about its use has developed within the last few years. In 1627 a Flemish merchant, named Abendroth, trans- lated it into Spanish. Just at that time there was a great tendency among the Spanish toward the gospel ; so that thousands and thousands were burned at stake or tortured by the Inquisition. This man went fear- lessly to Spain to scatter his Spanish Heidelberg cate- chisms. He was soon arrested and burned in the mar- ket place in Toledo, Spain. But to-day pastor Flied- ner uses this same catechism for his German mission work in Spain. This catechism was introduced into America in 1609 by the Dutch, and is (except the Epis- copalian, which was introduced in 1607) the oldest cate- 192 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. chism in America. The Puritans did not arrive till later, and the Presbyterians and Lutherans later still. Such is the Heidelberg catechism, the sweetest, most precious catechism ever written ; avoiding hard points of theology, it clings to Christ. Its irenic character makes it a suitable symbol, about which all the Protest- ant denominations of Christendom could unite. Elector Frederick III of the Palatinate. CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV. The Defence of the Heidelberg Catechism by Elector Frederick III. When this Heidelberg catechism had been completed by Ursinus and Olevianus, and approved by himself, Frederick called together a synod of the theological faculty, the superintendents, and the principal pastors of the Palatinate, at his castle in Heidelberg, in Decem- ber, 1562, for the purpose of examining and approving the catechism.* The date of the Elector's preface to the catechism was January 19, 1563. But it probably did not appear until in February of that year. The first copies of it were sent by the Elector to different princes. By the 25th of April the Emperor of Germany acknow- leged the receipt of a copy of it. It was assiduously introduced everywhere in the Palatinate, thus driving out Brenz's and Luther's catechisms. Ursinus, as prin- cipal of the Sapienz college, gave a course of lectures on the catechism in Latin, which he repeated annually till 1577. He did so, that the minds of his theological *Guder says it was adopted by a council of superintendents at Kaiserlautern : Studien and Kritikeu, 1867, 15 and 82. 194 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. students might be imbued with its teachings. After his death, several of his pupils published their notes of his lectures. But as there were discrepancies between them, David Pareus, who had been Ursinus' favorite scholar, published an authentic and carefully prepared edition of Ursinus' lectures in 1591 at Heidelberg.* But the Elector was not satisfied with reforming the doctrines of his Church. He also aimed to reform the customs of his land, both in church and state. He issued, July 12, 1563, a marriage law. In the same year he issued the Palatinate liturgy, and in 1564 a set of regulations for his consistory. Of these, the most important to us, is the Palatinate liturgy.f The basis of this Palatinate liturgy were Calvin's and Lasco's lit- urgies. It contains directions for the worship in the churches, and also gives a number of forms for religious services. It orders that the preaching and the service should be founded on the word of God. It contains directions and forms for baptism, directions for catechi- zation, directions and forms for preparatory service and the Lord's supper, directions for alms, prayers before and after sermon, prayer after preaching on the cate- chism, directions for week-day services, universal prayer, *Rev. Dr. G. W. Williard in 1851 made an excellent English translation of them. fFor a reprint of the edition of the Palatinate Liturgy of 1567, see "Die Evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrbun- derts," by Richter. THE PALATINATE LITURGY. 195 morning and evening prayers, directions for the celebra- tion of feast days and for marriage, visitation of the sick and dying, and directions for visiting prisoners, and for funerals.* In regard to the catechism, as most of the people of the Palatinate had been brought up in the Catholic faith without religious instruction, it orders that selections from the catechism should be read in all vil- lages before preaching, so that the summary of the cat- echism might be read through in nine Sundays. It also orders that in towns where afternoon service is held, there should be catechetical preaching. This was the origin of catechetical preaching, which began in the Palat- inate. The Genevan church knew nothing of preaching to older persons, but required the use of the catechism only for children. This catechetical preaching continued in the Palatinate until the beginning of the present cen- tury. Ullman says he heard catechetical preaching in the church of the Holy Ghost by the departed Abegg, which left impressions on him which he never forgot. In this catechetical preaching the Heidelberg catechism was gone over once in a year. The Lord's supper is ordered to be celebrated in towns once a month, in vil- lages once in two months, and in both on Easter, Whit- sunday and Christmas. Very noticeable is the order *In later editions published by Elector Charles, 1684, the di- rections are most of them placed first, then follows the Heidel- berg catechism, and then the various forms. But the earlier editions had the directions scattered through the forms. 196 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. for church discipline, with which the rubric for the LorcVs supper closes. Preparatory service, instead of confession, as in the Lutheran and Catholic Churches, was held on Saturday before communion. Young people were received into the church at each communion, but not by confirmation, which was unknown until later, although there was an earlier form called ^firmung.^ This liturgy orders that, of the church year, only the festivals which emphasize the facts of Christ's life should be celebrated, Christmas and the day following. New Year, Easter and the day fol- lowing. Ascension day, Whitsunday and the day following. The rest of the church year is carefully dropped. There is no mention of Advent, Epiphany, Trinity Sunday, and other sacred days. They wanted to avoid as much as possible the multitudinous feast days of the Catholic Church. The Liturgy orders the singing of Psalms, but in German, not in Latin, as the Catholics had done. The ministers were ordered to wear suitable clothing during the discharge of their duties ; but there is no order to wear gowns.* In the towns, Wednesday and Friday were selected as days for prayer. In villages there was only one service during the week. It also ordered that all Romish or superstitious ceremonies should be put away at funerals. This liturgy was *" Furthermore ministers shall use genteel clothing and plain apparel in the discharge of their duties, as on other occasions." Translation of the liturgy in the Mercersburg Review, 1851. THE PALATINATE LITURGY. 197 thoroughly Calvinistic in tone. It contained no high churchism or sacramentarianisra, as we understand it in this day. There was no absolution of sin, only a con- fession of sin. There was no reference to Scripture les- sons for each Sabbath of the church year ; indeed, no reference to the church year at all, except that it ordered the feast days, which commemorated the great facts of Christ's life and death, to be observed. All other names for Sabbath, and all other feast days, were dispensed with. There were no pericopes or Scripture lessons for each Sabbath. They do not seem to have had them in the Palatinate. No litany is given. The Reformed everywhere opposed the chanting of the litany as formal. The word altar is never used, but carefully avoided, be- cause they were so opposed to the sacramentarianism of the Lutheran altar. And there is room left for free prayer at the services ; as there are no forms given for certain parts of the service. The true idea of this Pa- latinate liturgy was, that it was a directory of worship (like the recently adopted Order of Worship of the Ger- man Reformed Church of America), not a liturgy.* The liturgy was closely related to the catechism. It contained the catechism in it. But in style it was some- *Liturgies may be said to be of three kinds, sacramentarian, responsive and non-responsive liturgies. The Palatinate lit- urgy is not sacramentarian, for it has no altar nor priest in it. It is not responsive in the sense that liturgies of to-day are re- sponsive ; that is, there is no elaborate antiphonal answering of minister and people, nor antiphonal singing. Indeed, it could 198 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ' what heavier, more didactic than the catechism, and lacked its glow and warmth. There was also a consistorial order published in 1564. It placed all the church affairs under the con- trol of the consistory. The Church and state were to be separate arms of government. The Sapienz college, where ministers were trained, was placed under the con- trol of the consistory. This consistory was to supply not have been thus elaborately responsive ; for the people at that time did not have a liturgy in their hands from which to respond. The minister had the only copy in the church. Books were scarce, and many of the people could not read. These things made responsive worship (as we have it in some churches to-day) out of the question. The only response mentioned in the early Palatinate liturgy is the word 'yes' at the preparatory service. And this was used, because, as so many of the people had just come from Romanism, the Church wanted to convince herself that the communicants stood in personal faith of the truths of the gospel, before they were admitted to the sacra- ment. With this brief exception, the liturgy is non-responsive. The Reformed Church always had this idea of liturgies. They were non-responsive, and merely directories of worship. And as the Church grew in experience and piety, they were grad- ually dispensed with in many of the churches in their daily Sabbath services, although used on sacramental occasions. There is no elaborate responsive service in them. The liturgy was afterwards cast aside, and we believe is not used at present in the Reformed churches of Germany in the Sabbath services, except, perhaps, in Hesse. The great aim of the service was not the liturgy, as in the Episcopal and Lutheran churches ; but the liturgy w^as used as merely a help to the service, and sec- ondarj^ to it. This liturgy was intended to teach the ministry and people (many of whom had just come out of Catholicism) how to hold Protestant worship. It was to be a guide to the people, until they had learned to worship God aright. It was also intended to unify the worship of the churches throughout the Palatinate. OPPOSITION TO CALVINISM. 199 the churches with ministers, to watch over them, and also to attend to the discipline and excommunication of the members in the churches. The church order re- quired that a synod should be held yearly, in which the consistory was represented by two members. This church order produced an excellent state of religious life in the Palatinate. The Reformed people have to thank Frederick for this thorough organization of the consistory, which afterwards stood as a bulwark against the Roman Catholic reaction under Louis XIV. of France. But the most critical time in the history of the Re- formed Church in Germany was approaching. She was in danger of being strangled in the cradle at her birth. The Lutheran theologians and princes gradually united against Frederick and threatened him with the loss of his electorate. For the publication of the catechism had raised a gieat storm. Frederick did not desire that the Heidelberg catechism should be a departure from the Augsburg Confession (explained in a Melancthonian sense), which he had signed at Naumberg. But the high Lutherans said it was a departure from the true faith of the Augsburg Confession. Even the Melanc- thonians, as at Wittenberg and Marburg, came out against the Heidelberg catechism as a new departure from Lutheranism. They declared that the catechism was not even Melancthonian. The Melancthonian 200 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. princes took alarm at the change from wafers to bread, the abolition of pictures, and its definition of the Lord^s supper. The first opponents to the catechism were not Catholics, but Lutherans. Hesshuss issued his "True Warning'^ against the Heidelberg catechism. Flacius, the high Lutheran leader of North Germany, refuted the catechism. The Wurtemberg divines under Brenz and Andrea passed a censure on it, in which 18 questions in particular were severely criticized. Ursinus drew up an apology for it against Flacius' attack. He also issued a tract in reply to the Wurtemberg theologians. The princes also took up the matter as well as the theologians. The aged Landgrave Philipp of Hesse went to the trouble of visiting Frederick at Heidelberg to urge him, for political as well as doctrinal reasons, to give up his catechism. He attacked Frederick for using bread instead of wafers, which was contrary to Luther- anism. Frederick reminded him that the Bible speaks of bread at the Lord's supper ; and also that at Stras- burg baked cakes, not wafers, had always been used, and yet Strasburg had always been protected by the Augsburg Confession ; why should not he be protected by it too ? The Landgrave found he was answered by a man mighty in the Scriptures. After an ineffectual visit, he left Heidelberg. Then three other neighbor- ing princes, Prince Christopher of Wurtemberg, Mar- grave Charles of Baden, and Count Wolfgang of Neu- CONFERENCE AT MAULBRON. 201 berg and Zweibriicken, a triumvirate of Lutherans, united to urge Frederick to give up his cateohisra ; be- cause, they said, it was not in harmony with the Augs- burg Confession. Frederick answered that he had not fallen away from the Melancthonian decrees of the Frankford Conference. He also aimed a direct shot, that went home to Duke Christopher. He reminded Christopher that he ought not to complain about him. For Brenz, Christopher's theologian, had given expres- sidn, years before, in a commentary on John, to the same ideas that Frederick had expressed in his catechism. (Brenz had done this in his earlier life, when he was a Melancthonian). Christopher could not answer a word to this. And Frederick thus showed that it was not he, who had departed from the Lutheranism of earlier years, but it was Brenz and Christopher, by their intro- duction of the doctrine of ubiquity. But, although Duke Christopher was thus worsted, he still labored very hard to bring Frederick back to Lutheranism. A conference was arranged between the Lutheran theologians of Wurtemberg and the Reformed professors of Heidelberg ; to be held at Maulbron in Wurtemberg. This conference was intended to bring both parties into union again. The conference began at Maulbron, April 10, 1564, and lasted for six days. It was a very important conference; for it defined the position of the Reformed over against the Lutherans. 14 202 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Frederick went to that conference, accompanied by his chancellors Ehem and Erastus, by Diller, Boquin, Ole- vianus, Ursinus, Dathenus and Xilander. Duke Christ- opher brought with him his chancellor Gerhart, and Brenz, Andrea, Schnepf, Biedenbach and Luke Osian- der. The leaders in the disputation were Andrea for the Lutherans, and Ursinus and Olevianus for the Re- formed. But the first preliminaries prophesied disunion rather than union. The Reformed wanted to begin the conference by a discussion of the Lord's supper; but the Lutherans insisted that ubiquity should be made the starting point, as they said it was the basis of the Lord's supper. The Lutherans gained their point, and for five days ubiquity was discussed. Very soon the Lutherans began making polemical thrusts at the Re- formed, and even at the Elector ; and had to be called to order, to take back what they had said against the Elec- tor. During the discussion, Christopher's theologians relied more and more on the authority of Luther; while Frederick departed more and more from him, saying : " Luther is no apostle. He also can err." It finally became evident that if the conference continued in this way, it would never come to an end, or only end in bitterness. So the conference, after discussing the Lord's supper for another day, without coming to any united conclusion, broke up. This conference had a wide influence. It defined the position of the Reformed on the doctrine of the per- RESULTS OF MAULBRON. 203 son of Christ. It stands in history as a protest by the Reformed against ubiquity, or any Eutychianism, or Osiandrianisra, or any theanthropic life theories. The Reformed theologians, in their hatred of the doctrine of ubiquity, defined their position very strongly against any fusion of the natures of Christ.* Both sides claimed the victory at this conference, but it was a vir- tual victory for the Reformed. For by this discussion they threw a bombshell into the Lutheran camp. This conference began to divide the Lutherans, and set Sax- ony and Hesse against Wurtemberg and Jena. For the acts of this conference w^re sent by Duke Christo- pher, to the universities of Wittenberg and Marburg in Hesse, for adoption. But, instead of being adopted by them, they only opened the eyes of these Melancthonian universities to the dangers from high Lutheran ubiquity; and they declared against the Wurtemberg theologians. The ultimate result of them, years after, was Crypto Calvinism in Saxony and the conversion of Hesse to the Reformed faith. This Maulbron conference only sep- arated the two denominations, instead of uniting them. The differences between the Reformed and Lutherans soon produced a terrible pamphlet war between the theologians of Wurtemberg and those of the Palatinate. It was a battle of books, a paper war. In all these controversies, Ursinus was compelled to act as leader, *Sudho£f, 260. 204 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. which was very unpleasant to his timid, peaceful na- ture. Of the part he took in this Maulbron conference, he says in a letter written to Bullinger years later : " I have received a wound from this conflict which I do not expect to have healed in this life.^^ After this he always tried to retire from controversy ; although his clear, logical mind was frequently called upon to write defences for the Reformed. Frederick was not only attacked by Duke Christo- pher, but also by the other princes. A storm of danger was gathering, which threatened to burst over him and deprive him of his country. For being Reformed, he was ostracised by all the Lutheran princes of Germany, except Landgrave Philip of Hesse. Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg was the principal agent in working up the case against him. (It is strange that Christopher should be so ungrateful as to do this, for he owed the conversion of his land to a Reformed reformer, Martin Bucer.) It was evident that Frederick would be brought before the Diet at Augsburg in 1566, to answer for his Reformed heresy. The high Lutherans charged that Frederick had violated the peace of Augsburg of 1555, which made the Augsburg Confession of the Lutherans, the only Protestant creed allowed in Germany. They charged that Frederick had published a catechism out of harmony with the Augsburg Confession, and had therefore violated the Augsburg peace and exposed him- AUGSBURG CONFESSION AND CALVINISM. 205 self to the ban of the empire. It is to be remembered that that Augsburg Confession forbade Zwinglianism ; but did not say a word about Calvinism, which came up later. The legal question now arose whether Cal- vinism (which was nearer Melancthonianism, on the sac- raments) would be permitted to exist in Germany under the protection of the Augsburg Confession, or not. The high Lutherans said it could not. Frederick, in reply to them, said he had signed the Augsburg Confession and still adhered to it. He claimed that the Augsburg Confession was drawn up to exclude Zwinglianism ; but not to exclude Calvinism, which had not yet appeared when that Confession was written. He claimed that his catechism was not a violation of the Augsburg Con- fession, but a farther development of the Wittenberg Concord. He reminded them that, by the Wittenberg Concord, the Reformed people of Strasburg had been given equal rights under the Augsburg Confession. He explained the Augsburg Confession just as the Stras- burg people had done ; if they had not been excluded, why should he be? Frederick claimed that he w^as not farther away from the Augsburg Confession than were many other princes of Germany, as Elector Au- gustus of Saxony, Landgrave Phillip of Hesse, and the King of Denmark. Frederick declared in the contro- versy, that he had never asked what Calvin or Zwingli taught, as he had not been baptized in the name of any man, but of God. 206 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Matters were becoming quite serious. The Emperor as well as the princes and theologians had taken sides against Frederick ; and had sent word to him that he must give up his catechism, re-introduce the Augsburg Confession, and keep the peace. The Catholic princes joined with the Lutheran nobles against Frederick. Some of Frederick's Catholic neighbors, as the Bishop of Worms, and his superior, the Elector of Mayence, brought charges against Frederick, for introducing Protestantism into their lands, which were adjacent to Frederick's territory. The Bishop of Spire and the representatives of the monasteries that Frederick had suppressed in the Palatinate, also united their complaints against Frederick. Thus we see that from all sides very great and grave dangers were gathering around Frederick. Indeed they became so threatening that his brother, Count Richard of Simmern, tried to dissuade him from going to the Augsburg Diet in 1566. But Frederick's answer revealed his trust in God. He says : " I believe that God, who has brought me to a knowl- edge of the gospel, still reigns ; and if it should cost my blood, I would regard martyrdom as an honor, for which I could not sufficiently thank him in time or eternity.*' Here shone forth in him the true martyr- spirit. It was the general expectation of the people of the Palatinate that Frederick would be deposed from his throne for his Calvinism, as Elector John Frederick AUGSBURG DIET. 207 of Saxony, who was held a captive in the Emperor's camp for six years, had been from his Electorate. In- deed, while Frederick was at Augsburg, the rumor spread through Heidelberg that he had been condemned and executed. The new Reformed Church of Germany was in danger of being strangled in her cradle. The Augsburg Diet opened with great pomp and splendor. Frederick, appreciating the gravity of the situation, had sent Councillor Ehem to Augsburg as early as February ; although he himself did not follow until April. Indeed Frederick had, the previous win- ter, visited Elector Augustus of Saxony ; and his visit bore fruit, as we shall see, in this Diet. Before Fred- erick arrived, all the Evangelical states, on March 31, declared they would deny any relations with Frederick, so long as he did not delare himself clearly and satis- factorily a Lutheran. (Phillip of Hesse, however, was not at this Diet, or Frederick might have had one friend to speak for him.) When Frederick arrived, a few days later, he found himself ostracised by both Catholic and Lutheran princes. He, however, heard that the Evangelical princes were about sending to the Em})eror a paper defining their ecclesiastical position. So he hastened to the Elector of Saxony to tell him that he, too, desired to sign it with them. The Saxon Elec- tor made this known ; and a conference of the Lutheran priuces was held, which decided that, if Frederick would 208 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. come back, clearly and fully, to the Augsburg Confes- sion, he would be allowed to sign the paper. It, how- ever, became evident that the previous stand of the princes against him was weakening. The princes were beginning to feel the personal influence of Frederick, now that he was among them. And they also heard the earnest Evangelical preaching of his eloquent court- preacher (probably Diller,) whom he had brought with him to Augsburg. But it was Elector Augustus of Saxony, who now stepped forward as mediator between the Lutherans and Frederick. He was the only prince there who was friendly to Frederick, and his influence saved Frederick at this Diet. There were two or three reasons why the Elector of Saxony favored Frederick. One was a political one. Heretofore Saxony had held the foremost position among tlie Lutheran princes. But at this Diet it looked as if Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg had taken it upon himself to be the leader. And so a jealousy arose in the heart of the Elector of Saxony, which led him to oppose the machinations of the Duke of Wurtemberg against Frederick. Another reason why the Elector favored Frederick, was a theological one. The Saxon Elector at that time was a Melancthonian. His court was largely under the control of Peucer, the son-in-law of Melancthon, who was afterwards imprisoned for being a Crypto Calvinist. So Elector Augustus favored SYMPATHY OF AUGUSTUS. 209 Frederick, because he had belonged to the same party of Lutherans, the Melancthonians. He declared that if the princes assailed Frederick for his Calvinism, they ought also to attack the Duke of Wurtemberg for his doctrine of ubiquity. Frederick said to Augustus that he was surprised that the princes should ask him to come back to the Augsburg Confession ; for he had never been away from it. He had signed the Augsburg Confession at Naumberg, and now held to it, as he had ever done. He also called the Saxon Elector's attention to the fact that the Lutherans were not united among themselves as to what was Lutheranism. The Witten- berg theologians who were Melancthonian, had pro- nounced against the ubiquity of Wurtemberg, as revealed by the Maulbron conference. Augustus thus sympa- thized with Frederick in his efforts against ubiquity. A third reason may have been a suspicion. It may have dawned on the Elector of Saxony that, if the chance were given to the high Lutherans to depose Frederick, his fellow Elector, they might soon cut off his head, too, for being a Melancthonian. His Saxon Electorate had once been taken away from John Frederick before ; it might be taken away from him again. The Evan- gelical princes (all except the Duke of Wurtemberg) now took the position that Frederick ought not to be condemned. But before the princes had come to a full agreement about Frederick, they received word that the Emperor 210 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. had summoned Frederick to answer for himself for his Calvinism. The Emperor was Maximilian, who was thoroughly acquainted with the religious problems of Germany. Before his election to the throne, he had been considered such a moderate Catholic, that some had" hoped he might turn Protestant, after he became Em- peror. He disappointed this hope, but always ruled the Protestant princes with a liberal spirit. He, how- ever, insisted that the Protestants should not go any farther from Catholicism than the Augsburg Confession. He was, therefore, very much opposed to Frederick's new catechism and to his Calvinism. So, when the charges were brought by the Catholic and Lutheran princes against Frederick, he listened to them. On the fourteenth of May he laid the decree before the rest of the nobles, requiring Frederick to give up his Calvin- ism, to restore some of the Catholic chapters and clois- ters he had confiscated, to hold and to keep the Augs- burg peace of 1555, and to be a Lutheran. Frederick was sent out during the approval of the decree. He was then called in to answer for himself. He came, followed by his son John Casimir, the latter carrying his Bible.* And now came the climax of Frederick's defence of his beloved catechism. The scene was a grand one, as *Herzog says this story of carrying the Bible is probably not true, as there is no mention of it in Frederick's letters. Her- zog's History, 302. DEFENSE OF FREDERICK. 211 before the Emperor and all his princes, Frederick stood alone. He listened to the reading of the decree against him ; and then made a defence, marvellous in its conse- cration and eloquence. It revealed the noble soul of his Christian character. At the beginning of his ad- dress, he acknowledged himself willing to be obedient to the Emperor in all things, except when the salvation of his soul came into question. He confessed he knew very little about what men called Calvinism. He had read none of Calvin's writings, (except his Commentary on Jeremiah, which Calvin had dedicated to him.) He had signed the Augsburg Confession at Naumberg, and continued in that faith. As to his catechism, it was founded on the Scriptures. If he was mistaken in it, he would be glad to have them prove it to him, as he was willing to be convinced. He then reminded the Emj>eror that as his father Ferdinand at his coronation at Frankford in 1562 was not willing to punish him for leaving the celebration of the mass, he should show the same spirit of religious toleration. " Should, how- ever," he said, " contrary to my expectation, my de- fence and the Christian and reasonable conditions which I have proposed, not be regarded of any account, I shall comfort myself in this, that my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ has promised to me and to all who believe, that whatsoever we lose on earth for his sake, we shall receive a hundred fold in the life to come." Such was 212 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Frederick's manly defence. So spoke the " Luther" of the Reformed Church at this Diet of Augsburg. Like Luther at Worms, he was threatened with many dan- gers. Like Luther, he said : " So help me God, I can not do otherwise." When he closed his eloquent ad- dress, a silence as of death reigned over the assembly. All felt that a Christian hero, whose strong tower of defence was in the word of God, had spoken. Very few princes of that age, or of any age, could have made an address at once so spiritual and so eloquent. All, even his enemies, could not help admiring the earnest- ness and manly bravery of his declaration. The only murmur against it was by the Catholic Bishop of Augs- burgy'^who said something about the eightieth answer of the Heidelberg catechism. The Elector of Saxony was so much moved that he touched Frederick on the shoulder, saying : " Fritz, you are better than all of us."* The Margrave of Baden remarked to some of the princes at the breaking up of the session : " Why trouble ye this man ? He is more pious than all of us." It is an interesting fact that Hesshuss, whom Frederick had deposed for opposing his Calvinism, was at Augs- burg at that time, in the employ of Count Wolfgang of Zweibriicken, and had to see the victory of Frederick. The Emperor was very much disconcerted by Fred- erick's steadfastness. From the influence of Frederick's *Herzog says this is mythical. RESULT OF AUGSBURG DIET. 213 address he saw that the Evangelical states would not vote for Frederick's expulsion. The Protestant princes then tried to get Frederick to give up his Calvinism and catechism. But he remained firm. In the pres- ence of Prince Casimir, he thanked them for their declaration that they would not condemn any one who agreed with the Augsburg Confession. He also brought before their minds the thought that, if he were deposed from his electorate, what came to him to-day, would come to them to-morrow, as had come to their brethren in France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands through persecution. The Diet finally decided that although Frederick varied somewhat from the Augsburg Con- fession, yet they believed there was a possibility of com- ing to an understanding with him ; and on no account should he be deposed as a violator of the peace of 1555. The result of this Augsburg Diet was a victory for Calvinism ; although it was achieved under the protec- tion of the Augsburg Confession. It secured for Cal- vinism an existence in Germany. It gave Calvinism a legal standing under the Augsburg Confession. Had Frederick lost his case, the Reformed Church would have been crushed in its infancy. More than that, a precedent would have been begun, by which the Catho- lics could depose Lutheran princes, if they charged them with not being sufficiently Lutheran. They had al- ready deposed Catholic princes for becoming Protestant, 214 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. as in the case of the Elector of Cologne. But they had never sat in judgment on any, for not being sufficiently Lutheran. They had never dared take that authority on themselves. Had this power been granted to the Catho- lics, it would not have been long before other Protestant princes would have been deposed for a like cause. The German princes waked up to this fear at that Augsburg Diet, and refused to allow the Diet to act in such a case. Frederick arrived safely at Heidelberg on Friday before Whitsunday, and was gladly welcomed by the people, many of whom looked on him as one risen from the dead ; for they never expected to see him come back from that Diet alive. At the preparatory service, after the sermon was over, he warmly grasped Olevianus' hand, and urged him to still greater zeal and steadfast- ness in the truth. On the next day he partook of the communion in company with his son Casimir and the whole congregation. After the Augsburg Diet was over, the Emperor re- mained for a time irreconcilable to Frederick for his Calvinism. But the close union, which appeared again in the Electoral college of the government, prevented him from taking any severe measures against Frederick. So a conference was ordered to be held at Erfurt in Sep- tember, 1566, when Elector Frederick was to be brought into harmony with the other Lutheran princes. This conference turned out to be a small one and of verv lit- EMPEROR AND ELECTOR. 215 tie importance. None of the princes were present in person, and only a few sent deputies. The opposition to Frederick III. seemed to have burned itself out at Augsburg, and a reaction took place afterward in his favor. The opposition of the Emperor finally changed into the closest of friendships. He afterward visited the Elector at Heidelberg while on his way to Spire. At his departure the Elector presented him with a Spanish Bible, in which was written : '^In this book is contained the treasure of treasures, especially the heav- enly wisdom, which kings, emperors and princes should know, if they would rule well." The Emperor prona- ised to read it diligently. Thus Frederick was declared an adherent of the Augsburg Confession. And yet in the same year he re- ceived the Second Helvetic Confession from Bullinger, which pledged the Palatinate to Calvinism, thus uniting himself with the Swiss churches. CHAPTER II.— SECTION V. The Later Life of Elector Frederick III, 1566—1576. Frederick, by his defence at Augsburg, had .closed his controversies with the Lutheran princes. He had gained for the Reformed Church the right to exist in Germany. But still he was not allowed to live in peace. A new controversy arose. Hitherto the danger to the Reformed faith lay outside of the Palatinate ; now it suddenly rises within the Palatinate itself. It was not a controversy between the Lutherans and the Reformed ; but, among the Reformed themselves. It was the rise of Erastianism. The Reformed Church had in it two tendencies of church government. The one had origi- nated from Zwingli, which placed church discipline un- der the control of the state ; the other started from Cal- vin, and placed church discipline entirely under the con- trol of the church. It is possible that had Zwingli lived longer, he would have developed the latter form^ too ; but he did not live long enough to perfect many of his views. So what Zwingli did not perfect, Calvin completed. These differences between the Reformed, on church government, now began to show themselves in the Palatinate. Erastus became the leader of the Zwing- CAUSE OF ERASTIANISM. 217 lian, Olevianus, the head of the Calvinistic party. The controversy originated from a very slight cause. A young Englishman, named Withers, came to Heidelberg to take the doctor's degree. He selected, as the subject of his theses, the topics that had been prominently dis- cussed in England between the Puritans and Episcopa- lians "on the use of gowns by the clergy and other rit- ualistic ceremonies of the English Church." But Bo- quin and Zanchius returned his theses to him. As their land was very friendly to England, they did not wish the university to formulate any deliverance that might give offence to the English. They ordered him to take new subjects, such as church discipline and excommuni- cation. So Withers offered this topic for discussion. And in doing this, he even went so far in his statements, as to make excommunication apply to princes, as well as to common people — an unheard-of doctrine at that time.* The disputation took place June 10, 1568, in the aula of the university under the presidency of Bo- quin. All proceeded pleasantly till toward the end of the discussion, when Neuser, one of the preachers of Heidelberg, then arose and complained that too little time had been allowed to those who opposed such ex- treme views of excommunication. So the subject was continued until the next day, and then to the third. *For Wither's theses, see Williard, Heidelberg Catechism, page 453. 15 218 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. The controversy revealed a difference between the strict Calvinists and the Moderates. The whole city became involved in it. Neuser preached on it in St. Peter's church the following Sabbath ; and Oleviauus, pastor of the same church, answered him from the same pul- pit. The strife increased, until the Elector was com- pelled to use discipline to stop it. The Calvinistic party claimed that the eighty-fifth answer of the Heidelberg catechism supported their views. Then Erastus began to give vent to his pent-up antipathy to Olevianus, which had begun years before, even when the catechism was adopted by the synod of 1562. He now became very severe in his letters. He called Olevianus 'pope/ and Zanchius 'a, down right fool ' He tried to get the Zurich theologians to influence their friends at Heidel- berg in his favor. The Zurich church sympathized with Erastus ; for it held that it was the duty of the state to punish. The Zurich church discipline was in the hands of the police. It held, that the Christian magistrate governed the church in the name of the state, and that it was the duty of the state to punish all of- fenders by bringing them before the city courts of justice and putting them in prison. Erastus, like them, held that excommunication should be left to the Christian magistrates as long as they did not neglect their duty. Bullinger tried to influence Frederick III. ; and also to control Ursinus, because he had been very much under CALVINISM AND ERASTIANISM. 219 the control of the Swiss, and also because he had come out from the Melancthonian party of Germany, which had not been strict in discipline. ButUrsinus remained true to the doctrine as laid down in the Heidelberg catechism, and was a strict Calvinist here. While Bul- linger upheld Erastus, Beza supported Olevianus. At Heidelberg the Erastians were Neuser, Prof. Xi lander, Melancthon, nephew of the great Phillip Melancthon, and Prince Casimir, who conceived such an antipathy to Olevianus through this, that it was said he would not allow Olevianus to marry him. This rumor was, how- ever, contradicted, because it was said his bride (a strict Lutheran) insisted on being married by a Lutheran preacher. The Calvinistic party consisted mainly of foreigners, as Boquin, Zanchius, Olevianus, and others. The Elector was at first undecided which party to favor. He finally decided with Olevianus, in favor of strict church discipline. He, perhaps, was influenced to this by the example of the French Reformed church at Hei- delberg, which exhibited the benefits of strict discipline. Under such elders as Boquin, Tremellius and Zanchius, it revealed such a high type of piety and Christian ac- tivity, that the Elector desired its example of piety should be followed by the German churches. He or- dered that a board of censors or elders should be formed in every congregation. To them he gave the power of discipline and excommunication, which Erastus said be- 220 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. longed to the state. It is, however, to be noticed that these elders were not elected by the members of the con- gregation, but appointed by the consistory. Thus it was not pure presbyterianism, for Erastus^ opposition had had the effect of modifying the church government. Still, it was a form of presbyterianism ; for it placed power in the hands of the presbytery or board of elders. The Erastians declared that this strict church discipline was unscriptural and tyrannical. They held that a pres- bytery, armed with the power of church discipline, might become as tyrannical and powerful as the Catho- lic hierarchy and introduce persecution just as the Catho- lic inquisition had done. But the full development of Erastianism (checked at Heidelberg) appeared in Eng- land and Scotland more than a century later. Indeed, Erastus' views were not fully known until after his death, when his widow published them, and Beza re- plied to them. It is to be remembered that the word Erastianism was more used outside of Germany than in it. Erastianism afterwards nieant more than Erastus meant. Erastus aimed to subject merely excommunica- tion to the state authority ; while the Erastians would subject the Church, in all its departments, to the state. In England and Scotland Erastianism was applied to those, who opposed the self-government of the Church, and who wanted to subordinate the Church absolutely to the control of the state. There was a distinct party in THE elector's DECISION. 221 the Westminster Assembly, led by Selden, Lightfoot, Coleman and Whitlock (some of the brightest scholars of that body), who were Erastians. As the Elector sided with Olevianus, and ordered the introduction of the Calvinistic church government and the employment of discipline, Heidelberg became a second Geneva in morality. In a funeral sermon Tos- sanus says of the result of Olevianus' church discipline : " Every one must acknowledge that there exists in Hei- delberg, and in the entire Palatinate, order, quietness and a Christian-like state of affairs, very different from what has been for several years past." By a strange coincidence of history, Erastus himself was the first vic- tim of this church discipline, which he opposed. He was afterward excommunicated on the charge of Arian- ism, the instigator of the charge against him being an Italian, Antonio Pigasetta.* Erastus remained excom- municated for five years, and was then restored. From this controversy on church discipline we now come to a sadder one. While the controversy about church government was embittering the people of the *An interesting novel, somewhat tinctured by the present freethinking tendencies of Heidelberg University, but never- theless useful in giving an insight into the manners and spirit of the times of Erastus, was written by Geo. Taylor (Prof. Haus- rath of Heidelberg), entitled Clytia, and published by Gotts- berger of New York. Was Pigasetta a Jesuit in disguise, placed there to stir up trouble in the Protestant camp, as Pro- fessor Hausrath suggests ? 222 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Palatinate against each other, another and a greater con- troversy concerning doctrine was ripening. It was the introduction of Arianism into the Palatinate. Arianism denied the eternal existence of the Son of God, and hence denied the divinity of Christ. It entered the Pa- latinate from Italy. Some of the Erastians became Arians. Indeed, it is possible that some of them so bitterly opposed Olevianus, because they feared church discipline in their own cases. Looseness of doctrine and laxity of discipline are apt to go together. But Erastus, though charged with it, was not an Arian. He was only in bad company, — with those who were found to be Arians ; and hence came under suspicion. The leaders in this new movement toward free thought in theology were Adam Neuser, the eloquent preacher of the St. Peter's church at Heidelberg, and Sylvanus, pastor at Ladenberg. Both believed themselves wrongly treated by Olevianus. And from opposing him in church government, they went on to opposing him in doctrine. Two other ministers, Sutor of Feidenheim and Vehe of Kaiserlautern, declared for this new doc- trine. Neuser made use of his pulpit to spread his lax doctrines. As Olevianus was preacher in the same church, a conflict was inevitable. The Elector tried to make peace by transferring Neuser to the church of the Holy Ghost as the early Sabbath preacher. But the trouble, which had been brewing, came to a head sud- RISE OF ARIANISM. 223 denly. In 1570 Maximilian held a Diet at Spire, near Heidelberg. It seems that at that Diet the prince of Transylvania, where such lax doctrines as Arianism and Socinianism were rife, had sent ambassadors to treat with the Emperor for an alliance against the Turks. Neuser, Sylvauus and Vehe became intimate with these ambassadors. They sent letters to the ambassadors, asking for positions in Transylvania. Sylvanus wrote to the physician Blaudrata, the leader of Socinianism (who was the superintendent of the Reformed Church of Transylvania), asking for a position there. Neuser also wrote a letter to the Sultan, in which he gives up the doctrine of the trinity and goes over to the monotheism of Islamism. In their letters they described themselves as belonging to a wide-spread party in Germany, who had given up the doctrine of the trinity. An unfore- seen event led to the discovery of their correspondence and their heresy. It happened that, when these Tran- sylvanian ambassadors urged the Emperor to enter into a political alliance with them against the Turks, he re- fused to do so. He said he could not enter into any alliance with any nation that did not believe in the di- vinity of Christ, and in the doctrine of the trinity. The Transylvanian ambassadors then replied that the Em- peror had a wide-spread party in his own realm, who did not believe those doctrines. The Emperor at once denied it. In proof of it they then offered the letters 224 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. they had received from Neuser and Sylvanus, and called his attention to the statements in them, that there was a large party of Unitarians in Germany. The Emperor was surprised at this discovery, and sent the letters to the Elector of the Palatinate. The Elector at once ar- rested Neuser, Sylvanus, Suter and Vehe. But Neuser managed to escape from his arrest and to flee to Turkey ; where he became a Turkish Pasha, went over to Mo- hammedanism, and died a most awful death, like Herod the king, after a life of shameful wickedness. Fred- erick saw the danger and power of the heresy. He de- termined that something must be done to stop it, and to redeem his land from the disgrace it had suffered before the eyes of the world. For a long time he faltered be- fore taking extreme measures. There was a* division of opinion. The civil judges of Heidelberg said Sylvanus ought to be punished, but not with death. The min- isters declared that Sylvanus ought to suffer death. As the offence was a religious one as well as civil one, Frederick did not know what to do. He sent to other lands for advice. The Lutheran professors of Witten- berg and the Reformed theologians of Switzerland said the same thing — that Sylvanus ought to be put to death. This was the temper of the age — death for heresy. So Sylvanus was finally beheaded in the market place of Heidelberg, close to the church of the Holy Ghost, on December 23, 1572. Vehe and Suter were deposed and banished. EXECUTION OF SYLVAN US. 225 Frederick and his councillors have been severely criticised for this beheading of Sylvanus. In the light of our age, it was cruel. But we must remember that the sixteenth century was not the nineteenth. We must judge him by the temper of his age. It was the spirit of that age to punish heresy thus. Catholics, Episcopa- lians and Lutherans did it. Frederick was only fol- lowing the example of Calvin in doing it, and thus making Heidelberg a second Geneva. We must remem- ber, too, that Frederick was urged to extreme measures by the mockery of the ultra Lutherans about the matter. Those Lutherans rejoiced at the heresy in the Palatinate. Had they not said that the Zwinglians were Arian devils and Mohammedans ? Now it was proven, as Sylvanus went over to Arianism, and Neuser to Mohammedanism. Osiander said that "as Neuser went to hell, he would find the first step of it to be Calvinism.'' Frederick felt he was humiliated in the eyes of the world. He wanted to redeem his reputation ; and was willing to take ex- treme measures to prove his orthodoxy and disprove the mocking charges of the high Lutherans. It is also to be remembered that the offense of SyK^anus was not merely a religious one, but also a civil one. Two preachers had desired to join the Turkish Sultan. Such an act was treason, and was offense enough in that age to be punished with death. The Turks were the most feared of enemies. With Jesuits at home and Turks 226 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. abroad, as danger thus pressed on them near and far, it is no wondej that such dangers were exaggerated and such sad scenes as the beheading of Sylvan us took place. In 1668 Ursinus retired from the professorship of the University to take charge of the Sapienz College, and Zanchius took his professor's chair in the Univer- sity. But, with his feeble health, the care of the Sapienz College was too much for him. He calls it "his tread- mill." In 1570 his friend and patron, Crato, was pres- ent at the Diet at Spire, but Ursinus^ duties were so great that he could not get away to see him. Finally, wearied with his work, he was about resigning and accepting a call that came to him from Berne. The Elector requested him to stay, and he stayed. He wrote, he expected to die in his tread -mill. His labors pro- duced sleeplessness and hypochondria. So an assistant was given him. An important event in Frederick's reign was the publication of a Latin translation of the Bible by Tremellius and Junius in 1574. The Elector also showed his sympathy with foreign Reformed Churches in various ways. He sent troops to help the persecuted Reformed in France. In 1572 he was great- ly grieved by the news of the massacre of St. Bartholo- mew. He also aided the Hollanders by sending troops to their help. Count Egmond, who had been put to death by the Spaniards at Brussels, was a brother to his second wife, the Princess of Nuenar. His youngest son, THE UPPER PALATINATE. 227 Christopher, the darling of his people, went into Dutch military service and was killed at the battle of the Mock- er haide. We must not forget to notice Frederick's zeal for his own land, as well as for other Reformed lands. He tried to introduce the Reformed faith into all parts of his realm. The Upper Palatinate was strongly Luth- eran. Frederick made several attempts to introduce the Keformed faith into it. He first attempted it in 1563. But his oldest son, Lewis, who was the governor of the Upper Palatinate, was an intense Lutheran ; and he sup- ported the people against his father, much to his father's sorrow. Frederick went to Amberg in 1566, taking with him Oleviauus, whom he had heard dispute with such power at Maulbron. Frederick urged that polem- ics be stopped, that the high Lutheran rites be put away, and Reformed worship established, and a Re- formed school opened at Amberg. But it was all in vain. He tried it a second time, after the rise of Arianism in the Palatinate, the Lutheran superintendent of the Upper Palatinate having been deposed for Arianism. Fred- erick took advantage of this to try and introduce the Reformed faith there. He sent to Amberg a new com- mission, among whom were Count Lewis of Witt- genstein and Tossanus. But they could do nothing. For the people locked the church at Amberg against them and surrounded it with an armed guard. The Elector was very much inclined to remove his son Lewis 228 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. from his position as governor of the Upper Palatinate, because he so much opposed his father's wishes. Fred- erick finally proposed to go himself and introduce the Reformed faith there. But his death prevented him from carrying out his purpose. The Upper Palatinate remained Lutheran, and the Lower Palatinate remained Reformed. The Upper Palatinate passed into the hands of Bavaria during the Thirty Years' War. The Duke of Bavaria called in the Jesuits to re-convert it to Romanism. Lutheranism soon passed away and Ca- tholicism came in. High ritualistic customs, like cru- cifixes, exorcism, Latin singing, &c., are a poor bul- wark against Catholicism. Half-Catholic themselves, these were an easy bridge by which men could return to the bosom of the Romish Church. The result was, that what was once the Upper Palatinate, is now inhabited by the most bitter of Catholics. But Elector Frederick's end was rapidly approach- ing. His continued devotion to God is shown by the fact that some months before he died, when his son Casimir came back from the French war, the first place he took him to, was the castle chapel, to return thanks to God, sa}'ing: "Is any happy, let him sing psalms."* *This chapel is now the bandhaus of the castle, just west of the present chapel of Frederick IV. The old chapel ran east and west, and not north and south, like the present bandhaus. A side chapel to this old chapel was added, and was built over where the great tun is now located. The front of the old chapel was torn out and a new one erected. DEATH OF FREDERICK. 229 The last days of Frederick were embittered by the con- duct of his oldest son Lewis, who refused to come and see him before he died. Lewis probably feared to come to his father's bedside, lest he might be required to promise that he would not expel the Reformed from the Palatinate after his father's death. Frederick felt this danger to his beloved Reformed Church, if he died. And so, like Jacob of old, with forebodings, and yet with a prophetic vision, he said about his two year old grand-son (named after him) : " Lewis will not do it, Fritz will do it." These words were afterward fulfilled, as his son Lewis drove the Reformed out of the Palat- inate; but his grand-son Frederick re-introduced the Reformed faith again. Before he died, Frederick III. said : " I have done the best I could for the Church, but have not been able to accomplish much. God the Almighty will not sufter it to be left an orphan. My tears and prayers which have ascended to God for my successors and the Church, will not remain without fruit." When the news of the Emperor Maximilian's death, fourteen days before his own death, came to Frederick, he said : '^ Lord, now lettest thou thy serv- ant depart in peace. If I could only speak to the new Emperor, and see my son Lewis before my end, and talk with him about the Christian republic." On the 26th of October his disease, dropsy, completed its work, and he fell asleep in Jesus. His court-preacher Tos- 230 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. saniis read to him the 31st Psalm and 17th chapter of John. He then prayed aloud, and filled with joy and peace, he breathed out his soul to God. Frederick was one of the greatest princes the Palat- inate ever had. Indeed, he was one of the noblest and purest princes of Germany. He well deserved the name of * pious.' He had great executive ability, was very economical in his court expenses, saving from them twenty thousand dollars a year that he might spend it for schools and churches. He erected no fine architec- tural buildings, except that he completed the Otto Hen- ry's building at the castle, which had been left uncom- pleted by Otto Henry's untimely death. As he built no forts, he was taken to task about it. He answered : " A mighty fortress is our God." During his reign of seventeen years he had no wars of his own. His land flourished, for he was a just and wise ruler, and kind to his subjects. But over and above all his graces, his piety shone. He was one of the most pious princes of that age of pious princes. He was to the Palatinate what Frederick the Wise had been to Saxony, and Kings Alfred and Edward VI. were to England. His Church was his great love. The Reformed Church will ever cherish his memory. He left a will, in which was found his confession of faith, which was afterwards appended by publishers to the Confession of the Palat- inate. Before the gate of the town of Simmern, where ME^IO RIALS TO HIS MEMORY. 231 he introduced Protestantism before he became Elector of the Palatinate, there has long existed, as a monument to his memory, a beautiful orphans' asylum. But his name will ever be embalmed in his Heidelberg cate- chism, and loved and honored by those who love and honor it. CHAPTER III. The Origin of the Reformed Church in West- ern Germany. SECTION I. Elector Lewis and his Persecution of the Reformed in the Palatinate, 1576—83. After the death of Elector Frederick III., his son, Elector Lewis, re-introduced Lutheranism into the Pa- latinate. Lewis was as strong a Lutheran as his father had been a Calvinist. He inherited much of the relig- ious disposition that had characterized his father, only it was turned into a different direction. His early train- ing had been Lutheran ; for his father did not go over to the Reformed faith, until after Lewis had grown to manhood. Trained up in Lutheran courts, he became an intense Lutheran. And circumstances favored his growth in Lutheranism. After his father had become Elector of the Palatinate, he was made governor of the Upper Palatinate at Amberg. There he found the people intensely Lutheran, and he came into fullest sympathy with them. His wife, a daughter of the FIRST EFFORTS OF LEWIS. 233 Landgrave of Hesse, was a strong Lutheran. Thus he was surrounded on all sides by Lutheran influences. He entered on his office as Elector with the intention of purging the Palatinate of its Calvinism. He would convert the Palatinate back to Lutheranism aojain. He found, however, this diiference ; that when Frederick went over to the Reformed faith, the great mass of the people in the Lower Palatinate sympathized and went with him. But when Lewis undertook to re-convert it, he found the great mass of the people satisfied with their Calvinism and reluctant to go back to Lutheranism. Lewis did not wait long before he began to show his Lutheran zeal. While his father was lying on his death-bed, Lewis would not come to see him. His religious fanaticism overcame his filial love He was afraid to come, for fear his father would make him promise to leave the Reformed religion, undisturbed. But, fourteen days after his father's death, he came to Heidelberg. His first act was to refuse to allow any Reformed minister to conduct his father's funeral. Al- though the court-preachers of Heidelberg knew his father so well, and were best fitted to speak of his fath- er's virtues ; yet Lewis would not permit it. He said he did not want his father's funeral to be polluted by a Calvinist. Lewis also seemed to have had some per- sonal feeling against the court-preachers of his father, Olevianus and Tossanus ; for both of them had taken 16 234 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. part in trying to convert the Upper Palatinate, where he had lived, to the Reformed faith. Lewis sympathized with the Lutherans there ; and to revenge himself on these ministers, he would not allow them to speak at his father's funeral. He ordered Paul Schecksius, his own Lutheran court-preacher, whom he brought with him from Amberg, to preach the funeral sermon. Tos- sanus, however, at the request of the Electress, preached a funeral discourse on Isaiah 51 : 1, 2, on the day after the funeral, in the Holy Ghost church. This special service was attended by the court, but Lewis was not there, because he would not officially sanction the Re- formed faith or listen to a Reformed preacher. This act caused a breach in the Electoral family. If Lewis would not go to a Reformed service, then Casiniir de- termined he would not attend a Lutheran service. This act of Lewis was only the precursor of other high-handed proceedings against the Reformed. The consistory, then composed of Reformed, was forbidden to fill any vacancies, lest they might import any Reformed preach- ers into the land. Booksellers were forbidden to print or sell Reformed books. Lewis was especially severe in his wrath against Olevianus ; because Olevianus had done so much toward converting his father to Calvin- ism, and because Olevianus had tried to convert the Upper Palatinate from Lutheranism. Olevianus was })ut out of the consistory, forbidden to preach, placed REINTRODUCTION OF LUTHERANISM. 235 under house-arrest, and forbidden to hold meetings in his house, or to talk witli the people or corresi)ond with the learned. Thus Lewis treated the man who had been his father's favorite. Lewis did not treat Olevi- anus very much better than did the Elector of Treves, a Catholic, who had imprisoned him at Treves for the same cause (because he was a Calvinist). Two months after he had arrived at Heidelberg, Lewis left Heidel- berg to go to Amberg, that he might receive the Elec- toral hat. When he arrived at Amberg, he summarily dismissed the Reformed ministers stationed there by his father, and re-introduced all the old usages of high Lu- theranism. Pictures were brought back into the churches. The altars, which Frederick had torn out of the church, were re-instated. Wafers were re-introduced. The Reformed people at Heidelberg felt that a change was coming. So they tried to avert its severity, by sending a petition to Lewis at Amberg, asking that the people of Heidelberg be given freedom to worship ac- cording to the Reformed faith ; and offering to give to the Lutherans the church of the Holy Ghost, the largest church at Heidelberg, if the Reformed would be allowed to retain the St. Peter's and Franciscan churches. Prince Casimir, whom Lewis had left as his representa- tive at Heidelberg during his absence, endorsed this pe- tition. But the Elector returned it with a rebuke, and refused it. While the Elector was absent, Casimir had 236 THE JIEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Reformed church-service in the castle chapel, under Tos- sanus ; for which Tossanus was afterward rebuked by Lewis. At the March communion the Reformed min- isters urged the people to come to the communion, as it might be the last time the Lord's supper would be ad- ministered after the Reformed custom. Their expecta- tions came true. For on the fourth of April the Elec- tor came back to Heidelberg ; and then began a whole- sale re-introduction of Lutheranism. One of his first ef- forts was to dispossess the Reformed, of the Holy Ghost and St. Peter's churches. The only church left to the Reformed was the Franciscan church, which was far too small ; and it was soon taken away. The Reformed min- isters were dismissed. Tossanus had to leave the city. On the twenty-first of April, Lewis and his court atten- ded service at St. Peter's church, where the court-preacher formally announced the introduction of the true faith — Lutheranism On the same day the Reformed members of the court, Count Lewis of Wittgenstein, and also Ehem, were dismissed. Count Lewis of Wittgenstein became very severe against Lewis. He compared him to Julian the Apostate, and prophesied his early fate. Count Lewis left Heidelberg, but afterward requested that Olevianus might go with him to Berleberg, which was granted. The Franciscan church was taken from the Reformed, and the French Reformed congregation were put out of the aula of the university where they REINTRODUCTION OF I.UTHERANISM. 237 had worshipped. The Electress and Prince Casirair were so aggrieved by Lewis' persecution, that they left the palace. All the old rites of Lutheranism, which Frederick had so strongly opposed, were now re-intro- duced, after eighteen years of banishment. The priests sang the liturgies at the altar. The wafer took the place of broken bread ; the altar was adorned with candles, and many pictures were introduced in the niches and on the walls. Lewis also filled the consistory with Lutherans. Paul Schecksius, Kirchner and Schopper were the cler- ical members of it. The Lutheran office of superinten- dent, which his father had abolished after his experience with Hesshuss, was re-established. And Peter Patiens was appointed to that place at the head of the consistory. Marbach ^vas called from Strasburg in 1577 to help Lutheranize the Palatinate. A new Lutheran church order, based on Otto Henry's, was now published. The Reformed ministers were everywhere dismissed, and Lu- therans put in their places. It is safe to say that six hundred ministers lost their positions, and many of them were brought to want by their summary dismissal. Funds were raised for their help in Switzerland, but the funds were small, compared with their need. The Re- formed teachers were in some places driven out, with their families, into the street, and chased as criminals. And as Lutheran ministers could not be gotten fast enough to fill the vacancies, the Elector preferred leav- 238 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. iDg their places vacant, rather than have the Reformed preachers preach their heresy any longer. Under his severe Lutheranism, the schools in the Palatinate began to decline. But the university was spared a little longer. Finally Boquin, Zanchius and Tremellius, the theolog- ical professors, were ordered to leave town. The whole university then, in spite of theological differences, ap- pealed to the Elector for these professors, reminding him that they had done nothing contrary to the Augsburg Confession. But all their appeals were in vain. Bo- quin and Zanchius became so poor, that money had to be raised to send them away. Such was Boquin's reward, after eighteen years of faithful service at Heidelberg. Ursinus, after the closing of the Sapienz College, re- ceived his dismissal. The people of the Rhenish Palat- inate, however, in spite of the loss of these leaders, re- mained true to their faith. Prince Casimir, disgusted with his brother's bigotry, left Heidelberg and retired to the estates left him by his father at Bockenheim, Kaiserlautern and Neustadt. This little land became an asylum for the persecuted Reformed of the Palatinate. The Electress left Hei- delberg soon after, because Lewis would not allow her to retain her Reformed court-preacher. The little town of Neustadt became to the Reformed, what Amberg had been to the Lutherans of the Palatinate under Freder- ick. The prominent Reformed teachers of Heidelberg RISE OF NEUSTADT. 239 came to Neustadt, after their dismissal from the Palat- inate. Ursinus, when dismissed, thought of going to Worms to his friend Eccolius. But the hatred of the Lutherans at Worms deterred him. He expected a call from Berne. His native town of Breslau gave him a call. But his mild, sensative nature led him to refuse to get into any further controversies in his native city. So, when Casimir urged him to come to Neustadt, he finally went there. Olevianus had already gone to Berleberg to Count Lewis of Wittgenstein. (Since the Erastian controversy at Heidelberg, Casimir, who dif- fered with Olevianus about discipline, was not so favor- able to him as he was to Ursinus.) Prince Casimir then determined to found a school at Neustadt, which should be a nursery for the Re- formed faith, and a bulwark against the Lutherans of Heidelberg. At a synod, held at Neustadt, March, 1578, the Reformed ministers endorsed the plan of a school, w^th great joy. There had been a nunnery be- fore the gate of Neustadt, called the White Hermitage. This building Casimir took for a school, which was called after him, the Casirairium.* Ursinus, Zanchius and Tossanus were made the theological teachers. The Casimirium, by the second year, became so prosperous, that it not only rivaled, but eclipsed Heidelberg univer- ■•■•The building is still standing at Neustadt, and is now used as a school. 240 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. sity. For the most renowned professors at Heidelberg had come to Neustadt. What was loss to Heidelberg, was gain to Neustadt. Ursinus lectured on Isaiah, and wTote his notes on the catechism. The little town of Neustadt became a centre of influence and place of honor throughout all Europe. Students from England, France and Poland came to it to study ; while English embassadors, and French and Polish agents, alike came to concert diplomatic measures about Calvinism. Meanwhile a very important event was taking place in Germany, which prepared that country for a fuller reception of the Reformed faith. It was the composi- tion and adoption of the Formula of Concord. Although the Formula of Concord does not really belong to Re- formed church history ; yet it had such an influence in preparing large parts of Germany for the Reformed faith, that a brief description of it is necessary. The Lutherans had by this time become tired of their strifes, and desired a- union. Andrea, the Chan- cellor of Tubingen and leader of the Wurtemberg Lu- theran Church, was the leader of this movement. High Lutheranism had by this time pretty well routed out low Lutheranism and Melancthonianism. After Me- lancthon's death, no great theological leader appeared in their party. Many of the princes were still Melanc- thonians, but the theologians were high Lutheran and had gone over to the doctrine of ubiquity. The time FORMULA OF CONCORD. 241 was ripe for a new Lutheran confession. The Crypto- Calvinists had been driven out of Saxony ; and South Germany in Wurtemberg now joined hand in hand with North Germany in Saxony, in the interest of high Lu- theran ism. A preliminary confession was prepared in 1576, called the Torgau book, which was sent around among the princes and theologians for suggestions. It was found that even among the high Lutherans there was a difference on the doctrine of ubiquity. Andrea held to absolute ubiquity or omnipresence of Christ's body ; Chemnitz, a more moderate Lutheran and a pru- dent admirer of Melancthon, believed in a relative ubi- quity or multipresence of Christ\s body.* The leading Lutheran theologians of Germany came together at the monastery of Bergen near Magdeburg, and then pre- pared the new Lutheran creed, called the Formula of Concord, on the 28th of May, 1577. It was the highest of the Lutheran symbols, and everywhere opposed the Melancthonian doctrines. It opposed synergism by saying, that, since the fall of man, not a spec of spiritual power remained in man. He was as helpless as a stone. And yet, on this point it escaped Calvinism, by saying that, while man has no power to save himself, he yet has power to refuse salvation. On predestination it escaped Calvinism, by saying that salvation is the object *" The expression 'ubiquity' is not used in any Lutheran church symbol." — Herzog. 242 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. of divine predestination, but damnation is the result of divine foreknowledge. It rejected Calvin's doctrine of the Lord's supper, as well as his predestination. And it added, to the old Lutheran doctrine of the real bodily presence of Christ at the supper, the additional doctrine of Christ's ubiquity. It also condemned Calvinism by name, in this respect going farther than the Augsburg Confession. ^'The Formula of Concord was more doc- trinal than popular, more scholastic than fervid. It was the ripe dogmatic product of Lutheranism, as the Westminster Confession was of high Calvinism." It, however, lacked the popularity of Luther's catechism and of the Augsburg Confession ; and one misses in it the unction and devotion found in the Heidelbero; cate- chism. An organized effort was then made to introduce the Formula of Concord into all the states of Germany. The Elector of Saxony, who was the god-father of it, sent a commission through all Saxony ; and in all the cities the preachers and teachers were gathered, the For- mula of Concord was read before them, and they were asked to adopt it. Deputations were sent through all the lands of Germany to the princely families, urging the adoption of the Formula of Concord. This effort •went on; until by 1580, three Electors, twenty-one Dukes, twenty-two Counts, thirty-five free cities, in all eighty-six states of the Empire, had adopted it. Nine OPPOSITION TO THE FORMULA. 243 thousand preachers and teachers and twelve thousand churches had adopted it. It was introduced into Sax- ony, Brandenberg, Luneburg, Mecklenberg, Wurtem- berg, Baden, Hamburg and Lubeck. Its success at first was so great that a general synod of all Germany was talked of, to adopt it and to make it the creed of all Germany. But it soon became evident that that would not be wise. For a reaction set in against it. The Formula of Concord became, as Hospinian calls it, ' an apple of discord.' While most of the princes signed it, quite a number refused to sign it. Some good Luth- eran princes refused to have anything to do with it, as they clung to the old Lutheranism of the Augsburg Confession. Count Richard of Simmern in the Palat- inate, a strict Lutheran, refused to have anything to do with it. The sister of the King of Denmark, the Elec- tress of Saxony, sent to the King of Denmark two beau- tifully bound copies of the Formula of Concord, and asked him to examine it and adopt it. Frederick, the king, in a restless night which he spent at the castle at Antworskon, took both books and threw them into the chamber fire, so that no specimen of this destructive book should be found in his dominion.* In Holsteiu, the Formula of Concord was forbidden, under pain of death. The states of Hesse, An halt, Nassau, Pomera- *The King of Denmark, although he was a foreign king, yet had a share in the German politics, as he was the Duke of Schleswig Holstein. 244 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Ilia, Saxe-LuDeberg, Zweibriicken, and the free cities of Bremen, Nuremberg and Strasburg, repudiated it. But, while they rejected it for being too high Lutheran, Hamburg and Lubeck declared it was not high Luth- eran enough for them. Even the Duke of Brunswick, the friend of Chemnitz, one of its authors, finally refused to sign it. Andrea went from court to court to have it signed. Some of the princes refused point blank to sign it. Others objected to the clause in it that con- demned the Calvinists. The Formula of Concord made the last great break in the unity of Germany. And now at length Calvinism prepared its reply to Lutheranism. Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, from his little town of Neustadt, began this movement. He aimed at nothing less than a union of all the Reformed states of Europe, including France, England, Holland, &c., against this excommunication, which the Formula of Concord gave to all Calvinists. Fortunately the Queen of England seconded his designs. She had, at the conference at Naumberg in 1561, greeted the Ger- mans as * brethren in the faith/ She had already sent her ambassador. Sir Phillip Sydney, to Germany, to suggest the union of all Protestant nations. He visited Elector Lewis of the Palatinate, Landgrave Phillip of Hesse, and Prince Casimir. The queen saw the danger of disunion, caused by the Formula of Concord. She was very much aggrieved by the Formula of Concord, CONFERENCE AT FRANKFORD. 245 because of that clause in it, that condemned all Calvin- ists. Proud queen that she was, she was not accus- tomed to being condemned. And she seemed to con- sider that clause as referring especially to herself. Casi- mir entered heartily into the plans of Queen Elizabeth of England. During the summer of 1577 his agents went through all the Reformed countries to work up this union of the Reformed lands against the Formula of Concord. A convention of the Reformed was appointed at Frankford. This convention, the like of which had never before assembled, met September 27, 1577. It was the first meeting of the Reformed alliance, which was afterward consummated in the nineteenth century ; or rather, it was an Evangelical alliance, formed, how- ever, only of Reformed denominations. From the French Reformed Church appeared Lewis Capellus and Jacob Coetius. The Queen of England was represented by Daniel Roger and Flubert Languet ; the King of Navarre, by Francis De La Personne ; the Priuce of Conde, by Vicomte d'Argentine. From Poland and Hungary appeared Thuetius and Pratorius ; from Hol- land, John Junius ; from the Palatinate, Zanchius. The Bohemian and Swiss Ciiurches were not represented by delegates ; but they sent letters, stating that they would be satisfied with whatever the conference would decide upon. Zuleger, the c(nincillor of Casimir, opened the conference and announced its objects, which were three 246 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. — first, how the new doctrine of ubiquity could be checked ; second, if it were best to draw up a new con- fession, on which the Reformed Churches could unite ; third, if such were found necessary, how it was to be done, how spread abroad among the Churches, and how signed by them. The conference decided that a com- mon confession of faith to offset the Formula of Con- cord was desirable. Ursinus and Zanchius were ap- pointed to draw up such a creed. This was to be done in conjunction with a theologian appointed by the Queen of England. The first draft of it was to be sent to Gualthier at Zurich, and Beza at Geneva. Prince Casimir agreed to attend to the printing of not more than one hundred copies, which were to be sent to the different Reformed Churches. The deputies were to call a second conference in the summer of 1578, to revise this confession and to declare it the common creed of the Church. Ursinus, old, timid and sick, however declined to attempt writing such a confession. Zanchius attemped it alone, after having gained the consent of the Swiss to this course. His work was received with approbation at Geneva. But in the meantime the sentiment in regard to a new confession changed. A desire grew up in the Reformed Churches to have a harmony of all the existing Reform- ed confessions, rather than to have a new confession pre- pared. Salnar prepared this harmony of the confessions CONFERENCE AT FRANKFORD. 247 in 1581. TIlis liarmony contains the first and second Helvetic Confessions, the Basle, Bohemian, Gallic, An- glican, Belgic, Augsburg, Saxon, Wurtemburg and Suevian. The second Helvetic is given the first place, because it was the most generally received of all the Reformed confessions at that time. This was the first union document or consensus of the Reformed faith that was published. So the times outgrew Zanchius' con- fession, and it was not adopted. The Swiss, too, saw no reason why the second Helvetic Confession, already acknowledged by most of the Reformed Churches, should not be the confession on which they might all unite. Zanchius then made the confession he prepared, his own and his family's in 1586 ; that he might leave be- hind him a picture of his faith. He dedicated it to Count Ulric of Martinengo of Venice. This conference at Frankford also took action on its other object, namely, the hindering of the spread of the Formula of Concord. It appointed a deputation to go from court to court in Germany and show to the Luth- eran princes the dangers of division between the Re- formed and the Lutherans, caused by the damnatory clause in the Formula of Concord. This embassy was headed by Belus and the eminent Dutch lawyer, Knib- bius. The conference also ordered Hubert Languet, who had been for many years employed among the statesmen of Germany, and who knew the situation in 248 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Germany, to draw up a letter of admonition to be pre- sented by this delegation to the German princes. He wrote an exceedingly able and judicious document. In it all harsh words are avoided, the differences between the Reformed and the Lutherans thrown in the back- ground and the advantages of unity dwelt upon. The paper reminded the Lutherans, of Papal and Jesuit in- trigues in France, Spain and Holland, and of the danger that would come from division between the Reformed and Lutherans ; and also, that the safety of Germany lay in unity. This embassy travelled from court to court in Germany, presenting its case to the princes. But the Lutheran party-spirit was blind. Evasive an- swers were given the delegation. There was, as Hos- pinian says, "nothing given it but beautiful phrases and rich banquets." And yet this embassy was not without its effect. Denmark, then the ruler of Holstein, was stirred up by the Queen of England against the Formu- la of Concord. Hesse and Anhalt more decidedly than ever refused to sign it. This embassy very decidedly affected Elector Lewis oi the Palatinate. Before it came, he had been an in- tense Lutheran ; but now he became moderate. Lewis halted for a long time before signing the Formula of Concord. The Landgrave of Hesse urged him not to sign it, while the Electors of Saxony and Brandenberg urged him to sign it. He was opposed to the clause in LEWIS AND THE FORMULA. 249 it that condemned the Calvinists. At length, after it had been slightly revised, he signed it, but he found the revision so slight, that he never entered heartily into its introduction into his land. The people of the Palatinate were bitterly opposed to it. Lewis, after urging the professors at Heidelberg to sign it, finding they would not do it, allowed them to retain their places ; provided they would outwardly be Lutheran, occasionally attend Lutheran church and allow their children to be brought up in the Lutheran faith. But he could not stop the reaction against the Formula of Concord in his land. Prominent men, like Fauth, vice chancellor, went over to Calvinism. The high Lutherans urged him to have a house to house visitation, so as to get all to assent to the Formula of Concord. But Lewis refused such an inquisition. He refused to be led by his ministers to such extreme measures. He became more lenient toward the Reformed as time advanced. His wife died, and in her he lost his strongest Lutheran support. Later he final- ly told the Margrave of Baden, that if he had not signed the Formula of Concord, he would not do so now. This Formula of Concord had a most disastrous effect on Germany. Its intense, bigoted, high Lutheran- ism split Germany into two parts. Its evil results showed themselves down to the end of the Thirty Years' War in 1648. The immediate effect of it was dis- astrous. Elector Gebhard Truchsess of Cologne had 17 250 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. changed his faith and become Protestant. He hoped to carry the Electorate of Cologne with him. He might have been able to do so, had he been supported by the German princes. But the Formula of Concord made the Lutheran princes either lukewarm or opposed to him, because he inclined to the Reformed faith. The Elector of Saxony refused to send any troops to his assistance. The result was that a large part of the Rhine region was lost to Protestantism ; for the Catho- lics came in with their troops and overcame this weak effort of Gebhard. And the fourth Electorate of Ger- many, which would have given the Protestants a major- ity in the Electoral college, was lost to Protestantism. It is a wonder that the German princes, having seen their mistake forty years before, when they allowed Elector Herman of Cologne to be defeated, should re- peat that mistake in the case of his successor, Gebhard. And this was only the beginning of the weakness of Protestantism, due to the division between the Reformed and Lutherans, caused largely by the Formula of Con- cord. The last event of importance to us that occurred dur- ing the life of Lewis, was the death of Ursinus at Neu- stadt. Ursinus lived quietly at Neustadt as an unwear- ied student. Over the door of his room was the motto : " Friend, whoever you may be, when you come to me, make the matter short, or leave soon, or assist me at DEATH OF URSINUS. 251 my work." His health gradually failed. His old disease of melancholy returned to him. He died March 6, 1583, trusting in God. The first answer of his Heidel- berg Catechism is the key to his peaceful, religious ex- perience. Christ was his comfort in life and death. He would not take a hundred thousand worlds for the assurance of faith, that was his. He was buried in the choir of the church at Neustadt. The tomb bore the inscription, '^ A great theologian, a victor over the errors concerning the person of Christ and the Lord's supper, gifted with mighty words and a mighty pen, a keen- sighted philosopher, a wise man, a mighty teacher of the youth." He was a modern Thomas d Kempis, a man of books and prayer with God. He left but one son ; but there were to him many spiritual sons, who followed him as the leaders of the Reformed Church in the succeeding generation. His theological tendency is shown in his scholars, some of whom became the leaders of the high Calvinistic party, as Gomarus and Lybrand. His works were afterward published by Parens, printed by Harnish, in three folio volumes. But his spirit is immortal ; for he still lives in the Heidelberg Catechism, and in the hearts of those to whom the Heidelberg Cat- echism is dear. The Elector Lewis died not long after Ursinus. On the 12th of October, 1583, after a reign of seven years, Lewis passed away, and with him passed away the rule 252 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. of Lutheranism in the Palatinate. He left behind him a son, Frederick, (afterward Frederick IV. of the Pa- latinate,) then only nine years old. Lewis' father had prophesied, " Lewis will not do it ; Fritz will do it.'' This was now about to come true. For this boy grew up to become the leader of the Calvinism in the Palati- nate, which his grandfather had introduced, and his father had persecuted. CHAPTER III.— SECTION II. i The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Wetterau ] District, ! There was a district of Germany called the Wetterau Counties. It lay around Frankford, east of the Rhine, and as far north as Cologne. It was composed of a number of small counties, each ruled by an independent count. These Wetterau lands were Sayn, Wittgenstein, Nassau, Wied, Solms and Hanau.* Being so near to Hesse, they had always been influenced more by the mild Hessian type of Lutheran ism than by the higher Lutheranism of Saxony. They were, therefore, the better prepared to go over to the Reformed faith. The bigotry of the high Lutherans, as well as the influence of the neighboring Reformed Palatinate, led them to go into the Reformed Church. Wittgenstein. Of these counties, the first one to be aifected by the Reformed doctrines, was the most northern one, Witt- genstein. Its prince was Count Lewis VI. He seems *See map. 254 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. to have been at Orleans at the same time as Count Herman Lewis of the Palatinate, who was drowned be- fore Olevianus' eyes at Bourges. He there began his acquaintance with the Palatinate princes, which after- w^ard resulted in his becoming an official in that court. He studied at the university of Padua in Italy, with Count Phillip of Nassau. His first wife was a daugh- ter of the Count of Solms. His daughter married Count John of Nassau. We thus see how the intermarriage of these princes led them, one after the other, into the Reformed Church. As early as 1564, Count Lewis had heard of the Heidelberg Catechism, and was influenced by it to some extent ; for he wrote to Crell, a famous Hessian minister, about its ninety-seventh answer, which opposes pictures in the churches. He said he could see no harm in the use of pictures in churches. This correspondence was the first sign that he was in- quiring the way toward the Reformed faith. This was greatly strengthened by a visit that he paid to Switzer- land, in company with his brother-in-law of Solms. There he met Bullinger, who exerted a great influence on him, and especially influenced him toward putting away altars, pictures, &c., from his churches. His call to Heidelberg, to a court position in the Palatinate, completed his conversion. He became, in 1574, court- master of the Palatinate; and here, in the midst of Re- formed influences, he became thoroughly Reformed. OLEVIANUS IN BERLEBERQ. 255 Here he met the prominent Reformed theologians of Germany, and in fact became a theologian himself. For he was not only a prince, but a rare combination of a prince and theologian, too. Elector Frederick III. very highly honored him, and sent him on important politi- cal and religious embassies. After the death of Elector Frederick III., and the accession of Elector Lewis to the throne of the Palatinate, he became very uncom- fortable at Heidelberg. When Lewis ordered the in- troduction of the Lutheran faith into the Palatinate, he was dismissed. He retired to his county seat, Berleberg. He was, however, very deeply attached to Olevianus, and very indignant at Olevianus' arrest by Lewis. He urged Olevianus, who had a call to Dort, to come to Berleberg and educate his sons. He showed Olevianus, how such a position would give him an opportunity to introduce the Reformed faith into those counties east of the Rhine — that although the Reformed Church was driven out of the Palatinate, it would rise up again in the Wetterau districts. So, although the salary was small and the position low, Olevianus refused the call to Dort and went to Berleberg. Olevianus at once com- pleted the conversion of Wittgenstein to the Reformed faith. In 1578 the custom of breaking bread at com- munion was introduced, and in 1582 the altars in the churches were changed into communion tables ; and the Heidelberg Catechism and the singing of psalms intm- 256 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. duced. Private confession and absolution, Latin sing- ing of the Scripture lessons, the bowing at the name of Jesus, the feasts of the saints, pictures, crosses, cruci- fixes, all were put away.* The great aim of Count Lewis was to form a General Synod of all the Wetterau districts, which he was permitted to see in 1586. Nassau. But the influence of Olevianus was not confined merely to the little county of Wittgenstein. These coun- ties were so intimately connected, that, what affected one, affected all. Nassau was the next land to receive the Reformed faith. Its ruler at that time was Count John, the elder, of Dillenberg. He was a brother of William, Prince of Orange, governor of the Netherlands, known in history as William the Silent. Prince Wil- liam had renounced all claim to his estates east of the Rhine, so that Nassau fell to Count John. Count John was a pious ruler, — had been educated at Wittenberg under Melancthon and at Strasburg under Sturm. Through intercourse with his brother in Holland, he had become friendly to the Reformed faith. As early as 1572 he received Reformed refugees from Holland into his laud at Siegen. And when his friend and neighbor. Count Lewis of Wittgenstein, became Reformed, he at once felt the influence of the Reformed faith. It was, •»Goebel, I., 389. NASSAU BECOMES REFORMED. 257 however, the publication of the Formula of Concord, with its narrow Lutheranisra and its denunciation of the Reformed, that led him into the Reformed Church. In his opposition to the Formula of Concord, he had only followed the neighboring Hessian Church, by which his land had always been influenced. The severe persecu- tions of the Crypto Calvinists by the Lutherans in Sax- ony capped the climax, and so disgusted him that he went over to the Reformed faith. But as early as 1568, he had called a Reformed preacher, Noviomagus, to Herborn. The coming of Noviomagus was bitterly op- posed by his Lutheran superintendent, Bernhart. But, in spite of the opposition of the superintendent, Novi- omagus entered on his duties and began several re- forms, as the putting away of exorcism at baptism. A peculiar juncture of affairs aided the introduction of the Reformed faith. It happened that Pezel, Widebram and Cruciger, driven out of Wittenberg for being Crypto- Calvinists, came to Herborn in 1577. And about the same time, fifteen Reformed preachers, driven out of the Palatinate by the persecution of Elector Lewis, came to Nassau. These two influences, the one from the east, the other from the west, came together just at the right time for Nassau, and brought it over to the Reformed faith. Count John proceeded cautiously in his reforms. His ministers gradually prepared the peo- ple for the change. In the summer of 1577 he assem- 258 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. bled his ministers together, and they celebrated the Lord's supper with broken bread, instead of wafers. This act committed them to the Reformed faith. The communion cloth, held under the elements, was put away, because the superstitious people did not believe they received the body and blood of Christ, if such a cloth were not used. Each minister promised to try and introduce these reforms into his congregation as soon as possible. In 1578 a synod was held at Dillenberg, on the eighth of July, which fully completed the introduc- tion of the Reformed faith. This synod consisted of 22 ministers, court-master Nymptsch and Otto von Grun- rade. Pezel was the leader in it and drew up a form- ula, which stated the differences between the Reformed and the Lutherans. It defined the position of the Re- formed Church, and ordered that all Lutheran customs be abolished, such as making the sign of the cross at baptism, exotcism, Latin singing, feast days, images, pictures, organs, candles, priest's gowns and altars. All these were forbidden (as the synod's decrees declare), " since the Christians in the New Testament have nei- ther altar nor offering, as in the law of Moses.^' The ministers were forbidden to turn their backs to the con- gregation at the Lord's supper, like the Lutherans and Catholics, as if acting as the intercessors for the people. Confirmation, which had been made a sacrament by the Catholics, was dispensed with. Children were received NASSAU BECOMES REFORMED. 269 into the Church simply by the laying on of hands, with- out the blessing. The ministers were not to use the Scripture lessons. Nor were they compelled to take their texts from the gospel or epistle for the day, but texts were free.* In the next year, 1578, October 2, another synod was held to complete the work of the previous synod. The synod of 1581 ordered the intro- duction of the Heidelberg Catechism and the Palatinate church order into the churches and schools. The synod of 1582 completed the organization of the Church, and adopted the decrees of the Dutch synod of Middleburg of 1581, which introduced the full presbyterial church government and discipline, and also ordered the use of the psalms in singing. Count John rejoiced greatly at the introduction of the Reformed faith ; and next to Prince Casirair, was for a while the leading Reformed prince of Germany. Count John was a pious man and deeply attached to the Reformed faith. He was a temperance man and opposed the drinking customs of his age, es- pecially common among princes. Solms-Braunsels. The Reformed doctrines did not stop with Nassau. Solms, w^hich was a county composed of two parts, one called Solms, and the other Braunsels, situated south- east or in the southeastern part of Nassau, received the -*Life of Count John, by Cuno, pages 18—20. 260 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Reformed faith. Through intercourse with the Prince of Orange and Count John of Nassau, the Count of Solms came under the influence of the Reformed Church. It was Count John Albert I. of Solms-Braunsels, who fully introduced the Reformed faith into his land. He was educated at Strasburg under the Reformed influ- ence of Sturm. Soon after his accession to the throne in 1582, he began putting away altars and pictures from his Church ; introduced Reformed simplicity of worship and the breaking of bread at communion. He became, in 1600, the court-master of Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate, which position he held for twenty-one years. He became a very prominent statesman, repre- senting the Palatinate in many important negotiations. He was a pious man and deeply attached to the Re- formed faith. Wied. This little county was situated along the east bank of the Rhine, nearly opposite Coblentz. We have not time to rehearse the interesting story of Elector Herman of Cologne, prince of Wied, who from being fond of the chase, became fond of Christ ; and left Catholicism for Protestantism. He called Bucer, Melancthon and Lasco, to help him evangelize his land. We note, as an interesting fact, that while the cathedral at Strasburg at one time was Reformed, so, too, an attempt was made to make the cathedral at Cologne Reformed. Protest- WIED BECOMES REFORMED. 261 autism became so strong in that city, that Evangelical service was attempted in the cathedral at Cologne. But some coppersmiths came up out of the town and made such a noise that the preachers had to stop. The cathe- dral chapter at Cologne was always bitter against re- form. Elector Herman, through lack of sympathy from the Protestant princes, was deposed from his position. He retired to his private county of Wied, and spent his later years in introducing the reformation into it.* After Count Hermanns death, in 1542, Count John IV. of Wied and Runkel succeeded him. His minis- ters and people gradually drifted toward the Reformed faith. At a synod of ministers of Wied, Dierdor, Run- kel and Isenberg, held June, 1564, at Honnefeld, a church government nearly like the Reformed was adopted, which appointed elders or censors in each con- gregation. It also ordered the introduction of the Hei- delberg Catechism, then just published in the Palatin- *Had Saxony and the Sinalcald league upheld him, he might have retained his position. Three of the six Electors of Ger- many were already Protestants, and the fourth of the Electors would have thus been added to the Protestants' side, thus giv- ing a majority in the Electoral college, and securing ultimately the election of a Protestant Emperor, or of a Catholic Emperor kindly disposed to Protestantism. Had Herman been success- ful, other Catholic princes would have followed him into Prot- estantism, as the Elector of Treves and the Bishop of Munster. Indeed, it has been suggested that the Elector of Mayence, then a Humanist, might have followed his example. If so, all the Electors of Germany would have been Protestant. But the Ger- man princes, blinded by jealousy and bigotry, stood in their own light and refused to support him. 262 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ate. In 1575 he issued a church order, introducing the full presbyterial church government in the land. Count Herman I., the next ruler, was a very zealous Reformed prince. He completed the organization of the Church by forming it, in 1586, into a general synod with the Churches of Nassau and Wittgenstein. These were the lands in which Olevianus was called to labor for the introduction of the Reformed faith. Persecution scatters the truth. The persecutions of the Palatinate, instead of crushing the Reformed faith in Germany, only scattered it abroad through these Wet- terau lands. The most important event for the Reformed Church wa^ the establishment of a Reformed high school or university at Herborn by Count John of Dil- lenberg. He was, as we have already seen, a remarka- ble man. He had, before this, introduced German schools, instead of Latin schools, into his parishes. He even went so far as to introduce girls' schools into the villages; a thing then unheard of in the rural districts. He now turned his attention to a higher object, namely the founding of a university, that should supply Re- formed preachers for the churches. At first he was un- decided where to locate it ; whether at Dillenberg, Sieg- en or Herborn. But the logic of circumstances finally settled that. Pezel, the pastor at Herborn, was called to Bremen, to aid the Melancthonians of that city to resist the attacks of the Lutherans. So he resigned, HERBORN UNIVERSITY. 263 and Olevianus was called as his successor at Herborn. The coming of Olevianus settled the location of the school. It was located at Herborn, that Olevianus might oversee it. Count Lewis of Wittgenstein was at first very unwilling to give up Olevianus; but finally consented, when he saw the advantages to be gained thereby. There was another advantage in locating the school at Herborn. Count John had a castle at Her- born, which he gave up for use as a school. Not many princes would give up one of their castles to make a col- lege. But these Nassau princes were remarkable school builders. His brother, Prince William of Orange, afterwards founded the university of Leyden in Hol- land. And Count Lewis of Nassau founded the uni- versity of Franeker in Holland. This Herborn uni- versity was properly called the Johanneum, after its founder, who sacrificed so much to establish it. Thus a Reformed university arose, to take the place of the university of Heidelberg, which had gone over to Luth- eranism. The university was founded on July 10th, 1584, the very day that Count John's brother, Prince William of Orange, was assassinated. The school soon rose to great prosperity. Olevianus and his successor, Piscator, were the chief ornaments of the university. It numbered among its students, young princes of the houses of Wittgenstein, Solms and Hanau. It flour- ished very greatly between 1606-10, when its students 264 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Dumbered three and four hundred, and came from all parts of Germany, even from Poland and Hungary. The golden age of this university was its first twenty years. Its sessions were held in the count's castle until 1588 ; after that in the town, over the city hall or aula. But the school declined afterward, mainly because it was moved from place to place. It was moved to Siegen in 1594, because Count John was dissatisfied with the zeal of the citizens of Herborn in its interest. After five years, it was moved back again to Herborn. Then again, in 1605 it was moved to Siegen, on account of the plague at Herborn, and returned again after five years. This school was liberally supported by the Wet- terau Counts, and became a centre of Reformed influ- ence for their lands and for Germany. Olevianus' work of organizing the Churches of these lands was completed in 1586, when a General Synod of Nassau, Wied, Solms and Wittgenstein was held at Herborn, on the 13th of June, 1586. There were present seventeen delegates from Nassau, two from Wittgenstein, five from Solms, two from Wied, all of them ministers. It throughly organized the Church into presbyteries, clas- ses and synods. Its president was Olevianus. But Olevianus, through whose administrative ability this victory had been gained for the Reformed faith, was not permitted to enjoy it long. He died at Herborn, March 15, 1587, of dropsy. His death-bed was a glo- DEATH OF OLEVIANUS. 265 rious testimony to the joy of his faith in Christ. " Yester- day/^ he said, *^ I was filled for more than an hour with inexpressible joy. It seemed to me as if I walked on a splendid mead, and while I went round il, heavenly dew fell not in drops, but in streams. At which my body and soul rejoiced more than over every thing else." Professor Alsted asked him, as he sank into the sleep of death : " My brother, are you without doubt about your salvation in Christ Jesus, as you taught to others?" The dying Olevianus laid his hand on his heart and said : " Certissimus," ('' I am most certain,") and fell asleep in Jesus. He was buried in the choir of the church at Herborn. On the wall of the choir is a metallic tablet that describes his virtues. He was a remarkable man, of great eloquence, fervid piety and fine executive ability, a rare combination of qualities. The sum of his faith is found in the first answer of the Heidelberg Catechism, his full belief, in his remarka- ble work on the Covenant of Grace. In this work he reveals himself as the forerunner of the Cocceian theol- ogy of the covenants, which spread through the Re- formed Church in the next generation. After Olevi- anus' death, his son-in-law Piscator became the great leader of the school at Herborn. His great work was a translation of the Bible, the first edition of which ap- peared in 1602-3. It was circulated in Nassau, but nowhere else, except in the Canton of Berne, (where it 18 266 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. is still in use,) and in Isenberg. His aim was to make Herborn a purely Reformed university. His orthodoxy was, however, once questioned by some of the French Reformed churches, because he held the insufficiency of the active obedience of Christ. But he was supported in this by leading German theologians of his day, as Parens, Scultetus and Cappel. Piscator died in 1625. Hanau, While these events were taking place at Herborn, the Reformed faith was introduced into several other of these Wetterau lands. It spread into the counties to the south-east. Hanau, situated east of Frankford, received it. Count Phillip Lewis I. of Hanau-Munzenberg was, with the other German princes, asked to sign the For- mula of Concord. But, by his travels in France, he had learned the Reformed doctrines, and at Paris became so attached to Coligny, that he himself was in danger on the night of St. Bartholomew's massacre. Being thus inclined to the Reformed Church, he, with the other Wetterau counts, refused to sign the Formula of Concord. He began to simplify his Church of altars and pictures, and aimed more and more to introduce Reformed customs, until he died in 1580. His son. Count Phillip Lewis II., a minor, had two Reformed guardians and one Lutheran. The Reformed guardians. Count John of Dillenberg and Count Lewis of Wittgen- INTHODUCTION INTO HANAU. 267 Stein, placed him at Herborn, where he was educated under Reformed influences. The Lutheran guardian, Count Phillip of Hanau-Lichtenberg, tried, by the ap- pointment of a Lutheran superintendent, to introduce the Formula of Concord into Hanau. The ministers and people rebelled against this, and after the superin- tendent's departure, Goebel and Fabricius, on Christmas, 1593, introduced bread at the Lord's supper instead of wafers, which signified that the Church had now become Reformed. The Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg threatened to put out the Reformed by force. But Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate came to the rescue of the Re- formed and warned him against severe measures. When Count Phillip II. became of age and assumed the rule of his land, he found it ready to receive the Reformed faith. All pictures, altars and fonts were put out of the churches and Reformed customs introduced.* With the help of Scultetus, the Reformed oracle of his time, the Palatinate church order was introduced. The Re- formed Church in this land was strengthened in 1597 by the coming of the Dutch and French Reformed refu- gees from neighboring Frankford, who were driven out by the Lutherans. These brought prosperity to his land, as they were industrious artisans in silver, gold, silk and wool. His wife. Princess Catharine Belgica, the daughter of the Prince of Orange, was one of the *Heppe's Geschichte, Beider Hessen, II., 237. 268 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. most renowned Reformed princesses of her age. She took these Reformed refugees under her special care and protection. They built a part of the town called New Hanau, and also built a church, named, after Maria of Cassel, the 'Maria' church. A Reformed gymnasium was founded at Hanau in 1607. The Reformed, who remained in Frankford, were finally allowed to build a church just outside of the walls of Frankford in 1601. This church, although at first not allowed any separate organization from the Frankford Lutheran churches, finally came into connection with the Hanau Reformed Synod. Is&nberg. Isenberg is a little county just north of Hanau and north-east of Frankford The Formula of Concord drove the Count of Isenberg over to the Reformed faith. Count Wolfgang of Isenberg was influenced very much by Count John of Dillenberg, and also by the neighboring Count of Hanau. On Easter, 1584, he first received the Lord's supper after the Reformed mode at Kelsterbach, his castle on the banks of the Main. In spite of opposition from his family and from some Lutheran preachers, who declared the Turks were better than the Calvinists, he, with the aid of Herborn ministers, kept on introducing Reformed customs. No sooner was he dead, than his brother Henry, who was a Lutheran, sent all the Reformed preachers away from ISENBERG AND SAYN. 269 Isenberg Ronneberg. But Count Wolfgang Ernst I., son of Count of Birstein, re-introduced the Reformed faith into Isenberg. On the first of August, 1597, he gathered the nainisters together at his castle at Birstein and urged them to introduce the Reformed simplicity of worship. He sent deputies through his land, who gathered the people together in the church yards, made known to them the desire of their Count, and advised them to go into the church and hear the sermon. They went into the church, and heard that altars and pictures were contrary to the Word of God. The congregations generally assented to these changes, and the Reformed faith was introduced into Isenberg Ronneberg, with the exception of Ruckingen, which remained Lutheran. Sayn, Count William of Sayn introduced the Reformed faith into his county of Sayn, situated east of the Rhine and north of Wied. He had Olevianus as his tutor at Berleberg, and he afterwards studied at Marburg and Herborn. In 1605 he assumed the rule over Sayn, which before had been Lutheran. He was assisted by the Herborn theologians in introducing the Reformed customs. He had not much difficulty in doing so, as two of the Lutheran pastors had just gone over to Rome ; and this opened the eyes of the people to the dangers still lurking in high Lutheranisni and its rites. Still 270 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. he had a great deal of opposition from the Elector of Treves, a powerful neighboring prince. Finally, in 1599, when the Reformed were in danger of persecution from the Lutherans, because of the damnatory clause of the Formula of Concord, Count John of Nassau gath- ered the Counts of Hanau, Solms, Wied and Wittgen- stein into a confederation, to arrange for defense. Thus did the Reformed faith conquer the Wetterau districts. Driven from the Palatinate, it found a home in this region. Herborn began to rival Heidelberg. When the Reformed faith was re-introduced into the Palatinate, these lands sustained, and were sustained by, the Palatinate. And the conquering march of the Re- formed faith through Germany began. Nor did it end, until the Elector of Brandenburg ultimately became Reformed in his capital of Berlin. CHAPTER III.— SECTION HI. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Bremen- Bremen was one of the free cities of North Germany, a large and influential town. Its conversion to the Re- formed faith gave the Reformed Church a new centre of influence, and aided Emden, which had formerly stood alone on the northern coast, in its witness for Reformed truth. The city of Bremen was early converted to Prot- estantism by Henry of Zutphen in 1522. The immedi- ate cause of the introduction of the Reformed faith into Bremen was Hardenberg, who came to Bremen in 1547. He had been the friend of Lasco, and had been named by Lasco as the superintendent of East Friesland. But in the battle of Drakenborg, 1547, in which Duke Eric of Brunswick was defeated and Bremen freed, Harden- berg took part ; and, although wounded, also took part in the entrance of the conquering army into Bremen. All the churches in Bremen had been Lutheran, except the cathedral, which had been closed since the Catholics left in 1532. Hardenberg was called as preacher in the cathedral. He was not to administer the sacraments, and he had no other duty as pastor, except to preach 272 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. and hold a weekly Latin theological lecture. He was under the control of the cathedral chapter, and not under the city council, who controlled the rest of the ministers. The people of Bremen crowded to hear him preach, be- cause he preached " with such clearness and earnestness, which led them to piety and morality." Whether Probst or Timan, the two leaders of the Lutherans in Bremen, knew, when they called him to Bremen, that Hardenberg was low in his Lutheranism, we do not know. But peace and harmony did not reign long. Already in 1547 his peculiar views on the sacrament caused talk among the Lutherans. But in 1548 he pub- lished a confession, which was almost the same in phra- seology as the Tigurine confession of the Swiss, issued the following year. The Lutheran preachers of Bremen were, however, satisfied with it. They had not as yet had their attention called to the heresies of Calvinism, and were somewhat careless about strict Lutheranism. (Probst, Luther^s friend, had allowed Lasco to stay at Bremen for half a year in 1549 without any opposition ; and also permitted him to take part in the Lord's supper at the Maria church.) This confession of Harden berg's was approved by Melancthon, whose opinion still carried full authority. But gradually there came about an alien- aiii'n between Hardenberg and the rest of the Lutheran pn-achers. His intercourse with Lasco in 1549 and 1550 had affected him. When Lasco came back from HARDENBERG IN BREMEN. 273 England, the Lutheran preachers had been stirred up by Westphal of Hamburg against the Calvinists. And even Hardenberg is said to have become somewhat cool toward Lasco, for his extreme Calvinistic views. The publication of Lasco's catechism in neighboring Em- den opened the eyes of Timan, to see that the dangers of Calvinism were around. He at once published his 'far- rago/ in which he advocated the doctrine of ubiquity, and urged that all the ministers of Bremen be urged to subscribe to it. Hardenberg and two others refused to sign the farrago. Hardenberg said the difference be- tween himself and the others was not in the doctrine of the Lord's supper, but in the doctrine of ubiquity. Timan then began to preach against Hardenberg as a Zwinglian. The magistrates sided with the Lutheran preachers. When they wanted to censure Hardenberg, he declined to be amenable to them ; for he said he was under the control of the cathedral chapter. So a delegation was, in 1557, sent to Wittenberg for Melanc- thon's opinion about the matter. The embassy returned with the advice that in the disputation about the Lord's supper, irrelevant contentions should be avoided. The advice was friendly to Hardenberg, for the Wittenberg divines opposed the doctrine of ubiquity as much as Hardenberg did. This advice, however, failed to sat- isfy the high Lutherans. The ministers of Bremen then desired Hardenberg's dismissal. But Hardenberg had 274 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. prominent friends in the city cpuncil, as Burgomaster Daniel Van Buren, who opposed his dismissal. But out- side influences were brought to bear against Hardenberg. The King of Denmark wrote to the city council that they must dismiss him ; and so did the magistrates of Hamburg and Lubeck. In the meantime Timan died, and Probst became too old to conduct the controversy against Hardenberg. So Hesshuss was called in to de- fend the high Lutherans. He came fresh from Heidel- berg, smarting under his defeat there. He arranged for a disputation between Hardenberg and himself. But Hardenberg did not appear, as his cathedral chapter for- bade him ; for he was afraid for his life. So, as he did not appear, the citizens were summoned to appear before the council, and answer whether they were on Hardeu- berg's side or not. Whoever attended his preaching in the cathedral, was excommunicated in the city churches ; and the officials, who declared for him, were dismissed from their posts. So the Bremen zealots and the Cath- olic archbishop (who still claimed jurisdiction over the city) brought the matter before the neighboring Saxon circles of Brunswick-Luneberg and Celle, at a Diet at Brunswick, 1561. Hardenberg appeared there almost alone, accompanied only by his faithful Van Buren and a canon of the cathedral. Against him appeared a num- ber of high Lutherans, as Hesshuss, Mori in and Chem- nitz. The decision of this Diet was, that Hardenberg 275 was forbiddeu to preach in the cathedral, and was or- dered to leave the city within fourteen days. Hardeu- berg returned to Bremen, entered a protest against the decision, and on the 18th of February, 1561, left Bre- men amid the tears of the people. But his dej^arture did not bring peace to Berlin. The defeat of Melancthonianism in Bremen did not de- stroy it. Hardenberg left behind him influential friends, chief among whom being Van Buren. Musaus came to Bremen as superintendent, in place of Hesshuss. In his first sermon he declared that he would not rest until the poor city, which had been turned by the Zwinglians into "a Sodom and Gomorrah/' should be purified. Musaus endeavored to introduce a new high Lutheran church or- der, which gave great offense, and made many of the cit- izens enemies to his cause. And as an attempt was made in 1562 to defeat Van Buren for re-election as president of the city council. Van Buren went to the city hall at- tended by four thousand citizens. The result was that Musaus and twelve other zealous high Lutheran preach- ers, were compelled to leave the city, and the Lutheran councillors resigned from the council. Van Buren now had the power, and he filled the places of these minis- ters with Melancthonian preachers. This raised a great storm throughout North Germany. Bremen was called a new Sodom. Hamburg, Lubeck and Dantzic laid an embargo on all Bremish ships. Bremen was cast out of the Hanseatic League. Many of the Saxon and West- 276 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. phalian states shut their borders against Bremen citizens. This quarantine against Bremen brought suffering on the city, but still she declared she would be true to the orig- inal faith and reject ubiquity. Finally, in 1568, the controversy, after an appeal to the imperial court, was settled by the adoption of the Melancthonian creeds. Those Lutherans, who had been driven out of the city, were allowed to return. In 1572 a high Lutheran preacher again appeared at St. Ansgari church, but Bre- men remained true to Melancthon. The Formula of Concord capped the climax. Opposed to ubiquity, the citizens opposed this. An attempt was made to intro- duce it into Bremen. A copy of it was sent in 1577 to Glaneus, the pastor of St. Ansgari church, that he might introduce it. He presented it to the council of the city. But superintendent Mening opposed the book. The ministers and city council refused to subscribe to it, or to make subscription to it obligatory on the ministers of Bremen. Glaneus then began to preach against those who opposed the Formula of Concord. He was ordered to stop. But his friends, Rocholl and Naso of St. Mar- tin's church, upheld him. The city council, therefore, to answer these polemics, called Pezel and Widebram from Herborn. Pezel came in 1580. A disputation was held, which only resulted in more quarreling after the disputation. Glaneus strove to get the Catholic archbishop, the former administrator of Bremen, to in- terfere in his favor, as he had done for Hardenberg VICTORY OF THE REFORMED. 277 twenty years before. But the citizens of Bremen arose against such unwarranted interference from the arch- bishop. And, as Glaneus continued to make trouble, he \vas dismissed. In 1582 Pezel became pastor of St. Ansgari church in Glaneus' place, and after superinten- dent Meninges death in 1584, he became superintendent. He became the first professor of theology in the new gym- nasium, that had been founded there. Thus, driven out by the high Lutherans, Bremen went over to the Reformed faith. Pezel introduced breaking of bread at the Lord's supper, which made the Church Reformed. He also put away exorcism, and images and pictures. In 1595 he drew up the Bremen Confession, which is strongly Reformed. In it he adopts the Calvinistic doc- trine of predestination, sharply distinguishing between predestination and reprobation. This Bremen Confes- sion was signed by all the Bremen ministers down to 1780. The Heidelberg Catechism was also introduced, although the Bremen Catechism remained in use till in the last century. Thus Bremen became Reformed. By a strange co- incidence, the old cathedral, in which Hardenberg had opposed the Lutherans and first prepared the way for the Reformed faith, finally became the only Lutheran church of tho city. It was opened in 1638 for the Lu- therans. And while the other churches of the city re- mained Reformed, this became the leading Lutheran church of the city. CHAPTER III.— SECTION IV. Introduction of the Reformed Faith Along the Lower Rhine. There were two general synods of the Reformed Church fornaed in the lower Rhine districts, the large synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg and Mark around Cologne, and also a smaller synod, taking in the counties of Bentheim and Tecklenberg farther north.* These synods felt the influence of neighboring Holland, and the for- mer especially revealed unusual piety and pure presby- teriauism. The Synod of Julieh- Cleve-Berg and Mark. The movement that led to the formation of this synod, began as early as 1545. It is noticeable that this synod began with Holland refugees ; but finally changed into a German synod. At first it was a foreign Church, but gradually changed into a native German Church. In 1545 a number of Holland refugees, fleeing from their land, found a refuge at Wesel in northwestern Germany. The city council of Wesel would not receive them at first, as the rites of their Church were different *See map. THE REFUGEES AT WESEL. 279 from the Lutheran customs of Wesel. But they were finally permitted to remain, after signing a Melanctho- nian creed. They were allowed to have worship in their own languasfe and after their own fashion, but were not permitted to baptize or commune, except in one of the Lutheran congregations of the city. The introduction of the Interim, which Wesel very bitterly resisted, caused many of the Lutherans to worship with the Reformed in private houses ; and there they learned to love the simple and Scriptural worship of the Re- formed Church. The persecutions of the Interim, too, opened their eyes to the Romish dangers that were lurk- ing in some of the Lutheran rites of that day. The influence of the Reformed faith was strengthened by another arrival of refugees at Wesel in 1554, when Lasco's congregation arrived from London. There were then four foreign congregations at Wesel, an Eng- lish, French, Walloon or French, and low Dutch. Al- though these refugees were Calvinists, Wesel still re- ceived them, because of the temporal benefits to be de- rived from them ; for they were merchants and manu- facturers of cloth, lace and yarn. The refugees brought prosperity wherever the settled, and even Catholic cities like Aix-la-Chapelle and Cologne were willing to receive them, and grant them religious privileges, because of the temporal benefits derived from them. Through the coming of these refugees, Wesel became so prosperous 280 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. that it was called " little Antwerp."* After these Eng- lish refugees had arrived, a circumstance occurred, in which the refugees insisted on their right to use Re- formed rites. One of the English ministers, curate to the Duchess of Suffolk, wanted to baptize her child. The refugees had not been permitted to baptize, as all the baptisms had to be performed in one of the city Lutheran churches, by the Lutheran clergy. The refu- gees then made complaint to the city authorities that they were compelled to partake of the Lord's supper in the city churches, where the service was strange and in a strange language, and the semi-papal customs at the altar, such as altars, choir-robes and lights, were offens- ive to them. These refugees, especially the Walloons, who were a hot-blooded race, were very determined. They had been driven out of their land by persecution ; and they were willing to bear another persecution, rather than give up any right of conscience. As an illustration of the devotion of these Walloons at Wesel, Bertrand de Bias from Tournay went back twice to his home that he might convert his family to Protestant- ism. In 1555 he went again. On Christmas, he asked his wife and brothers to pray for the success of his efforts. Then during mass he went up to the priest, took the consecrated wafer from his hand, trod it under *The Catholics bad a couplet that ran thus : Geneva, Wesel and Rochelle Are the Devil's second hell. THE REFUGEES AT WESEL. 281 foot and said : " This I do for the glory of God, and to show the impotence of this wafer." Imprisoned for this, he remained unshaken, and confessed that all his knowledge of the truth he owed to the preaching he had heard at Wesel. He bravely suffered death. His hand and feet were torn off with hot pincers, his tongue cut out, and while still alive, he was hung over a slow fire and burned to ashes. Men of such perseverance and bravery were not to be refused, when they asked for per- mission to worship according to the Reformed rites. They had suffered, or were willing to suffer, too much for their Reformed faith to give it up. But the city authorities would not yield to their request. They threatened to drive out the refugees for finding fault with the Lutherans of Wesel. Melancthon was appealed to for advice. He counselled the authorities of Wesel to use mildness, and allow these refugees to have their own worship and observe their own sacraments, as they had been allowed to do in Frankford and Stras- burg. But Melancthon's advice did not bring peace. The refugees placed themselves under his protection ; but the high Lutherans were still opposed to them. Even the German ministers of Wesel were not united among themselves. Bommel sympathized with Me- lancthon and the refugees. The other ministers stirred up the people against them, so that the refugees were attacked and beaten with fists. Bommel soon after left 19 282 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the city, because the Duke of Cleve ordered the re- introduction of Catholic customs. But in the place of Bommel, came two ministers — Heidfeld from Treves, and Orzenius. They were followers of Melancthon, but afterwards went over to the Reformed faith. So the strife between the Lutherans themselves became greater. Heidfeld and Orzenins were Melancthonians, while Plateanus, of the church of St. Antonius, was high Lutheran. The latter aimed to introduce high Lutheran customs, as exorcism, which heretofore had been unknown as a Protestant rite to the people along the Rhine. The Melancthonian party opposed these innovations, and were strengthened by the coming of another minister, Rollins, formerly court-preacher of the Duke of Julich. Rollins was now tending toward the Reformed doctrines. So there were three city min- isters against Plateanus. Plateanus called in Hesshuss, to assist him in introducing high Lutheranism. Hess- huss came from Heidelberg, to warn the people against the poison of Reformed doctrine, which was entering Germany, and was now spreading from the refugees' churches of Wesel into its city churches. But Hess- huss' efforts had the same effect here as at Heidelberg. They led to the introduction of the Reformed faith here as there. For Rollius gained the burgomaster of the city, Von Grove, to his side. Plateanus was dis- missed and the high Lutherans driven out. When the THE SYNOD OF WESEL. 283 Heidelberg Catechism appeared, in 1563, sanctioned by so powerful a prince as Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate, Wesel was ripe for its reception. It was adopted in 1564 by the Wesel city churches, who, by this act, became Reformed. Wesel was the first place outside of the Palatinate, where the Heidelberg Cate- chism was officially adopted by any church. The Re- formed churches of Wesel were greatly strengthened by the large influx of refugees from Holland in 1567, driven out by the cruelties of the Duke of Alva. They came not by hundreds, but by thousands, and made this Church of Wesel the leading refugee Church along the lower Rhine ; as Heidelberg was along the upper Rhine. Other smaller colonies were formed. Reformed churches were scattered all over different parts of northwestern Germany. They called themselves ^ churches under the cross,' or secret Reformed churches, because they were persecuted refugees and often existed in places, where they were so persecuted, that their religious services were held in houses and kept secret. In 1568 a synod, or rather a conference, of these refugee churches was held at Wesel. This was the first official meeting of the Reformed churches of the lower Rhine. It was a Dutch synod meeting on German ground, no German churches having been admitted to it. Twenty of these * churches of the cross' were represented in this synod. Forty-six ministers and elders attended 284 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. it, while seven absentees agreed to its decisions. The president of this synod was Dathenus, the court preacher of Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. The synod evidently aimed to place itself as far as possible un- der the protection of such a powerful German prince as Frederick. This Wesel synod was a very important one, as it secured the union of the Zwiugliau followers of Las- co with the Walloon or French adherents of Calvin. What the confession of Tigurinus was to the southern churches, by uniting the Zwinglians and Calvinists of Switzerland ; the decrees of this Wesel synod were to the northern churches of Germany, in uniting them. This Wesel synod held strongly to all the essentials of the Re- formed faith, especially as they were laid down in the word of God. But all non-essential differences between the Zwinglian followers of Lasco and the adherents of Calvin were left to work themselves out. These non- essentials were mainly differences in custom, not in doc- trine or church government.* *They were : Whether sprinkling at baptism was to be per- formed once, twice or three times ; whether baptism was to be performed before or after service ; whether godfathers were to be allowed at baptism, or the whole congregation act as god- fathers. In regard to the Lord's supper : Whether the elements were to be received in a sitting or standing posture, or by com- ing forward to the communion table. (It is noticeable that all the Reformed churches, except of France, protested against kneeling at the Lord's supper ; for kneeling was looked upon as a sort of worship of the supper.) Another difference was, whether the elements should be administered in connection with the reading of the Scriptures, or during the singing of a ITS CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 285 A most, important decisioQ of this synod was in reference to church government. This Church was a free Church ; not being united to the state at all. This allowed it freedom for development and secured for it independence of action. It introduced pure presbyte- rianism. What Lambert of Avignon had tried to in- troduce into Hesse in 1529, but was not able fully to do, was now introduced into Germany by the Wesel synod of 1568. It was a fuller presbyterianism than existed in the Reformed Church of the Palatinate, for that was a government by synods ; but this was a gov- ernment by presbyteries. The decrees of this Wesel synod emphasized the prominence of the eldership. According to them, the minister was called by the eld- ers— aristocratic presbyterianism. This was afterward changed by the next synod at Emden to a call by the whole congregation — democratic presbyterianism. Thus was the aristocratic presbyterianism of Calvin set over against the democratic presbyterianism of Lasco, and the latter prevailed. The decrees of this synod follow- quite closely the church order of Lasco at London, which appointed four offices in the congregation — min- isters, prophets, elders and deacons. The prophets or psalm. Also whether in ordination the minister was to be re- ceived by the laying on of hands, or merely by prayer. These non-essentials were left for each congregation to decide, while the essentials of Reformed doctrine and government were stead- fastly adhered to. This synod thus set the example for future unions among the Reformed churches. 286 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. teachers were to explain the Bible once or twice a week publicly — only greater liberty was now given the con- gregation to ask questions, than at London. Here was the beginning of the prayer meeting in the Reformed Church. Prayer meetings are as old as the Reformed Church of Germany. Free prayer was also ordered to be used in the regular Sabbath service. The decrees of the synod say : "The confession of sin may be free or after the Genevan form. The prayer after the sermon shall be free." This is the warrant for the free service now so common in the Reformed Churches in Germany and in this land. The remaining liturgical forms in the regular Sabbath service were afterwards driven out of the Reformed churches of the Lower Rhine by the revival of Labadie in the next century. After his day the Sabbath service in the Reformed churches was free, the liturgy being used only on sacramental occasions.* Before the service an elder or a deacon read a chapter out of the Bible — a custom still prevalent in the Re- formed churches of Holland. Dathenus was a great believer in psalm singing. Through his influence, its use was sanctioned, and the singing of psalms became customary in the Reformed Church of Germany. These decrees were careful to avoid any Catholic customs. Baptism was to be administered only by the minister, and before the congregation, except in cases of sickness ; *Goebel, I., 420 ; Goebel, II., 121-2. THE SYNOD OF EMDEN. 287 when it might take place before a few persons, who would be considered as a small congregation. The Lord's supper was to be preceded by a visitation of the members and a preparatory service. The congregation was divided into parishes and visited by the elders. At the Lord's supper only bread and not wafers could be used. Church discipline was to be strictly enforced. The Belgic Confession was adopted. Calvin's catechism was adopted for the French churches, and the Heidel- berg ordered to be used in the German congregations.* The second synod was held at Emden, in 157L It was held under the protection of Count Adolph of Nue- nar. It also aimed to place itself under the more pow- erful protection of the Elector of the Palatinate, by electing Heidanus of the Palatinate as president. This synod completed the work begun at Wesel three years before. It thoroughly organized the refugee churches, or ' churches of the cross.' It organized them into general synods, provincial synods and classes. There were three provincial synods appointed — the German, Belgic and English. The German provincial synod consisted of the refugee churches of Julich, Cleve and refugee churches of Emden. The Belgic provincial synod was divided into four parts — Brabant, Dutch Flanders, Welsch Flanders, and Holland. The English *Mouheim, rector of a school at Dusseldorf, prepared a cate- chism in 1560, which was mainly Calvinistic. It was to be used for teaching the youth in the schools. • 288 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. province was not, as yet, districted. Classes were to be convened every six mouths ; consistories were to hold weekly meetings ; provincial synods, yearly ; and the general synod, triennial meetings. Thus was completed the ideal of Lambert of Avignon, of a church depen- dent not on birth, but on conversion ; of a church not united to the state, but free from it and existing along- side of it. This thorough organization greatly facilitated the growth of personal piety in the churches, and made them strong enougb to resist Catholicism. It prepared them for the baptism of blood, which came upon these churches in Western Germany, and especially in Hol- land, whither the refugees soon returned. Without such an organization, and the personal piety it developed, the Germans could not have borne the Thirty Years' War, nor the Hollanders the eighty years of conflict before them. Classis of Cleve. The first meeting of this newly organized classis was held at Wesel in 1572. Over the gate of Cleve is cut in stone the beautiful and significant words: "I stand o])en to the pious.'' The gate of this classis stood open to the pious, and it gradually received German and French churches into itself. It thus brought the Ger- mans of the lower Rhine into the Reformed Church. This classis consisted of the Wesel, Goch, Gennep, Em- dec, Rees churches ; and the church of Duisburg was THE CLASSIS OF CLEVE. 289 invited to join it. Although composed of Dutch church- es, it invited French churches to join it. Its meetings were generally held at Wesel, under the presidency of Dr. Nielle, pastor of the French or Walloon congrega- tion at Wesel. And now comes the most important event, — the reception into this Dutch classis of its first German congregation. The German congregation at W^esel, of which Heidfeld was pastor, was received into it in 1577. This prepared the way for reaching the Germans and bringing them into the Reformed Church. For this was the first of the German churches on the lower Rhine to join the Reformed Church. Others soon followed. Thus the Holland churches began to leaven the Germans with Reformed doctrines and the simple Reformed worship, and with their earnest piety, which made a deep impression on the Germans around them. The German membership in the classis and synod gradually became stronger and stronger. When the Dutch refugees went back to Holland after 1579, the Dutch element in the classis and synod became weaker and weaker, until the whole synod with its classes became a German organization. The Dutch language was gradually supplanted by the German in the sessions of synod. And when the Dutch had re- turned home, there remained a German synod of Juiich- Cleve-Berg. The Cleve classis was held every six months, in spite of the dangers from the troops of the 290 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. neighboring Netherlands. It, however, had no meet- ings from 1598 until 1603, because it was devastated by the Spaniards. Classis of Julich. This classis lay along the west bank of the Rhine, west of Cologne. Its two main centres of influence were, strange to say, the Catholic towns of Cologne and Aix-la-Chapelle. The first meeting of the classis of Julich was held in 1572.* It adopted the Emden Ar- ticles and the Belgic Confession, and was in close con- nection with Heidelberg. All theological questions were submitted to the faculty of Heidelberg university, and most of its ministers came from Heidelberg. A peculi- arity of this classis was that nearly all of its churches were secret churches, or * churches of the cross.' The congregations had to worship in houses, because of the persecutions of the neighboring Elector of Cologne or of the Spaniards of the Netherlands. It was ' the Church in the house,' as in the days of the apostles. The churches were also influenced toward the Reformed faith by being so near to Holland. The city of Aix- la-Chapelle at first opposed the coming of the Reformed refugees ; but finally, on account of commercial advan- tages, it received them. Their number increased, until in the latter part of the sixteenth century one-third of ^Originally this classis included in it what afterwards became the synod of Berg, east of the Rhine. THE CLAS8IS OF JULICH. 291 the towD was Reformed. But in 1598 Aix-la-Chapelle was declared under the bau of the Spaniards. Reformed worship was forbidden, and the Evangelicals had to flee. In 1612, owing to the protection of the Elector of Bran- denberg and the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg, they again rose to a majority, so that three-fourths of the town was Reformed. But in 1614 persecutions again began. Thousands had to leave. The rich merchants or manu- facturers, who remained, went to neighboring Vaels in Holland for worship, or else held private service in their homes. Religious freedom was not granted to the Reformed of Aix-Ia-Chapelle until 1804, when the French granted it to them. The Lutherans and the Reformed were then given the St. Anna cloister.* Cologne, though the seat of a Catholic archbishop- ric, was another centre of influence for the Reformed Church. Refugees were found there, who had worship in their own houses. Their preachers would live in the neighboring county of Julich and secretly come into the city when they were to preach. To escape Catholic baptism and marriage, the Reformed of Cologne would live for a while outside of the city, so that these rites might be performed by Protestant ministers. They did this, although there was a fine of 25 ducats for doing it. Finally, supported by the Count of Nuenar, whose pos- *This United or Evangelical Church numbered, in 1850, two thousand souls. 292 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. sessions adjoined the western end of Cologne, they took courage to ask the city council and the cathedral chapter for a church, in which the Evangelicals might worship. To encourage these Evangelicals, Count Adolph of Nue- nar allowed his court preacher and the court preacher of Zweibriicken (probably Pantaleou Candid us), who was staying with him, to preach at Mechtern.* Here service was held for three successive Sabbaths in June, 1582. This created a great excitement in Cologne. The chapter of the Catholic cathedral held daily meet- ings to consider how the influence of these meetings might be stopped. They urged the city council to shut the city gates ; and to forbid the citizens from attend- ing Protestant service, by arresting, and fining and ex- iling those who attended them. But still on the third Sabbath, thousands of Evangelicals went to these ser- vices at Mechtern. The city council made an attempt to disperse them by a bombardment ; but this did not succeed, because the neighboring Reformed counts of Nuenar, Bentheim, Daun-Falkenstein and Solms pre- vented it. The city council, now thoroughly alarmed at the power of the Evangelicals, as revealed by these meetings, shut the city gates against the market people. All strangers who had come into the city since 1664, and were not Catholics, were ordered to leave within 'Mechtern was hardly a quarter of an hour's walk from the Ehrenthor or honoi-gate of Cologne. THE REFORMATION IN COLOGNE. 293 four weeks. The Elector of Cologne, Gebhard Truch- sess, was friendly to the Evangelicals, but the cathedral chapter at Cologne was strongly against them. Geb- hard issued a church order, by which Protestantism was introduced into many towns along the Rhine. He him- self became Protestant in 1582. But he and his pious provost of the cathedral, Count George of Solms, were soon displaced from their positions.* So Cologne was lost to Protestantism, and Gebhard retired to Strasburg, where he became a member of the cathedral chapter, and died in 1601. But in spite of these persecutions, Protestantism still lingered in Cologne. The spirit of Protestantism rose again and again. Stephen Isaac, a priest of the church of St. Maria Ablass, began preach- ing against Catholic errors and abuses. He had before this entered into a discussion with some deposed priests of Cologne, and they had given him a paper against the *Had the Lutheran princes of Germany supported Elector Gebhard, his whole laud would have become Protestant. An- other, and the fourth Electorate and the deciding vote in the Electoral college, would have become Protestant. The Bishop of Wurzburg was ready, too, to follow Gebhard into Protestant- ism. But Gebhard had allowed Pantaleon Candidus, who was suspected of leaning to Calvinism, to marry him to Agnes of Mansfield. Gebhard himself was suspected, by those prin- ces, of leaning toward the Reformed faith. So the Lutheran Electors of Saxony, and Brandenberg, and also of the Palati- nate, forsook his cause. And the Catholics deposed him from the Electorate. Only Prince Casimir of the Palatinate came to his assistance with a small army ; but he was soon called away by the death of his brother Lewis, to resume control of the Pa- latinate. 294 THE REFORMED CHURCH OP GERMANY. mass by Sadel, which Isaac, to his horror, found he was not able to refute. While Gebhard was Elector, he, in 1582, preached a sermon against the idolatry of the Catholic Church, which caused a great stir, but nothing was done against him through the protection of Geb- hard. But when, under the next Elector, Ernest of Bavaria, a strict Catholic, he preached a sermon against the use of pictures in the Catholic Church, he was or- dered to cease preaching. His congregation was de- votedly attached to him. As he did not appear at the appointed time to hold service, the people assembled in thousands and became so threatening, that finally the Catholics had to bring him out, so as to quiet the peo- ple. He struggled through the crowd into the church, until he had reached the choir. Then he urged the the crowd to go home quietly, which they did at his re- quest. But some Jesuits and Spaniards, who were in the crowd, and who used abusive expressions against him, received blows from the people, who strongly sym- pathized with him. The easily fooled populace were soon turned from their adherence to Isaac by a new Catholic miracle. A picture of the Virgin in the chapel of his parish began to sweat, and the people were drawn to it. Isaac said he would rather beg than accept such idolatry as that any longer. As he was kept under the ban at Cologne, he left the city and became a minister in the Reformed Church, probably in Meurs or the Pa- THE CLASSIS OF JULICH. 295 latinate. Many of the Reformed went to this county of Meurs, which became a thoroughly Reformed land. But in 1586 the city of Meurs was stormed by the Spaniards. The Reformed preacher was hung. In 1584 two Reformed preachers at Bonn were bound hand and foot, and thrown into the Rhine. One of them, John of Northausen, saved himself almost as by a mira- cle. The Reformed faith had already spread into Nue- nar. Prince Herman II. of Nuenar had married the sister of the Prince of Orange, which led liim to become Reformed. His successor. Count Adolph, fully intro- duced the Reformed faith, and Nuenar became a strongly Reformed county and an asylum for the persecuted Re- formed. Count Adolph founded a Gymnasium called the Adolphinium ; but, being defeated in the war for Cologne, he was driven out of his land by the Spaniards in 1586. He then became governor of Guelders and Utrecht in Holland, where he was killed by an explo- sion. But although Stephen Isaac was driven out of Co- logne by the Catholics, Cologne still remained a nur- sery of the Reformed faith. John Badius, who had been a friend of Olevianus, was a pastor of the refugee church of Cologne. Through his efforts the Reformed faith was spread through the neighborhood around Co- logne. He introduced the Reformed doctrines into the neighboring county of Berg, east of the Rhine. Through 296 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the influence of Count Adolph, his nephew Count Wir- ich of Dauu-Falkenstein, at Bruch near Muhlheim, be- came Reformed. His neighbor, Count William of Bern- sau-Hardenberg, married the sister of Count Wirieh. He also introduced the Reformed faith into his land. Thus the evangelical doctrines were introduced east of the Rhine. At the request of the Count of Hardenberg, Badius introduced the Reformed faith into the county of Berg by organizing a synod in July 1589, at Neviges. At first this synod was part of the Julich synod. (The Julich classes had by this time grown into a synod.) This synod of Berg gradually introduced Reformed church customs and government into Berg, where the Protest- ants previously had been I^utherans. In 1595 wafers were put away and bread used at the Lord's supper. These were the beginnings of what is now the largest Reformed church in Germany at Elberfeld. Badius, after having been an apostle of the Reformed faith, was in prisoned at Cologne in 1590 and then went to Aix-la- Chapelle, where he died.* In 1608 another Reformed episode occurred in Cologne, where secret worship in private houses was always maintained. An elder of the Reformed church named Reinerus of Roermond, a mem- ber of the coopers' guild, brought charges that the city *An interesting tale in German, " Die Grafen von Broich und Stj-rum," by Frey, published at Muhlheim on the Ruhr, gives an idea of the persecutions and wars of Count Wirieh of Daun- Falkenstein. FOUNDING OF MUEHLHEIM. 297 council had robbed the citizens out of their rights by un- lawful methods. There must have been some truth in his charge ; for he found many supporters among the Catholics. His whole guild of coopers (although only 80 out of 600 were Protestants), rebelled against the city authorities. The other guilds or trades sympathized with the coopers. The city council would have impris- oned Reinerus, but dared not, because of the number of persons friendly to him. This state of unrest continued until Easter, 1609, when the city council joined hands with the priests and tried to convert this labor trouble into a religious quarrel between the Protestants and the Catholics. The guilds that were composed largely of Catholics, now receded from sympathy with Reinerus, because he was a Protestant. So he and his followers were banished. His adherents went across the Rhine to Miihlheim, half a mile away, where they w^ould be under the protection of the princes of Brandenberg and Neu- berg; as the whole county of Julich-Cleve-Berg had fallen to these two princes by inheritance. Cologne suf- fered very greatly by this loss of her best citizens, but they became the foundation of Miihlheim, which was destined to play so important a part in future Reformed history.* The Reformed who remained in Cologne went in summer to Miihlheim to worship, and in winter to *MuehlheiEn is now one of the largest Reformed congrega- tions in Germany. 20 298 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Frechen on the west side of the Rhine. (The Reformed people of Cologne were always glad to have the troops of Brandenberg quartered in Cologne, for they always at- tended their services. Indeed the German church then numbered 2,000 souls.) In constitution this Reformed congregation of Cologne was interesting. The whole city was divided into ten parts, to each of which an el- der was allotted. His duty was to notify the members when service was held in the various houses. During the service the house had an elder as a watcher on the outside, while on the inside of the door stood a deacon If any member committed an offense, he was not notified of the services for a while. But after the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg went over to Catholicism^ the Catholics were again stirred up against the Protestants. The magistrates of Cologne, one day before Michelis, stirred up the artisans of Cologne, and told them that if they did not destroy Miihlheim and raze it to the ground the next night, they would lose their trade. They refused to do so until the mayor and coun- cil agreed to go along. So under the pretense of seizing a murderer, they shut the city gates of Cologne, so that no one might go to Miihlheim and warn it of its danger. At 3 A. M. eight hundred of these artisans, and two hundred plunderers, after being told that their nefarious design would be pleasing to the Emperor and the Duke of Neuberg, and necessary to the safety of Cologne, started SYNOD OF JULICH-CLEVE-BERG AND MARK. 299 out. They took the inhabitants of Miihlheira unawares, razed the city, so that not one stone was left on another. And to make the sad condition of the inhabitants of that city worse, not one of them was allowed to find refuge in Cologne. Miihlheim afterwards rose to prosperity again. Synod of Julieh- Cleve-Berg and Mark. These three synods of Julich-Cleve-Berg continued to be an integral part of the Reformed Church of the Netherlands until 1610. They received protection from Holland, and followed it in theology, receiving from it, ministers and customs. The district of Julich-Cleve- Berg came under the control of the Elector of Branden- berg and the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg in the early part of the seventeenth century. The Reformed were some- what fearful of this change of rulers, as both of them at first were Lutheran. But the representative of the Elector of Brandenberg, Margrave Ernest, in 1609, re- ceived Reformed communion at Wesel, thus going over to the Reformed faith. And finally the Elector of Brandenberg himself became Reformed ; while the Duke of Neuberg went over to Catholicism. Under the pro- tection of the Reformed Elector of Brandenberg, this synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg became independent of the Dutch Reformed Church. It was enlarged in 1611 by the addition of the synod of Mark. This general synod met every two years for two hundred years, except in a few instances, when war prevented it. 300 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Thus we see that the Reformed Church along the lower Rhine existed and grew with difficulty. The Cologne war brought persecution. After the death of the Duke of Julich-Cleve, Brandenberg and Pfalz- Neuberg had a quarrel about the succession to that land. They ruled it conjointly for about a year, and then they broke with each other. The Elector Sigismund in an evil hour boxed the ear of the Duke of Neuberg, at a wedding at Dusseldorf. The Duke went away in a rage, finally joined the Catholics, and, as a result, the Reformed were very greatly oppressed in Berg and Ju- lich, the counties that fell to him. The Duke of Pfalz- Neuberg converted Neuberg back to the Catholic Church again ; and tried to do so in Julich and Berg, but failing to do so, he took sides with the Lutherans against the Reformed. When the Duke of Neuberg found that the Reformed General Synod had been formed in 1610, he ordered, to offset it, the organization of a Lutheran synod in 1612. Thus the two Churches remained dis- tinctly separated. But the Julich and Berg Churches, being under his control, suffered severely. During these various persecutions along the Rhine, whole clas- ses and congregations went down ; as for instance in Meurs, west of the Rhine. The persecutions were not so severe east of the Rhine, in Berg, because of the influence of the neighboring Protestant princes of Wal- deck, Hesse and Brandenberg. But Solingen, east of CUSTOMS OF THE RHENISH CHURCH. 301 the Rhine, suffered severely in 1600. The pulpit of Elberfeld was forbidden to pastor Kalman, and the church given to the Catholics, although only six fami- lies in the town were Catholics. All these persecutions begot an intense hatred among the people for Catholic forms. The result was that the lower Rhine Reformed Church became most bitterly opposed to all Romish forms and faith. This synod was very much influenced by the neighboring Holland Church. The early Dutch emigrants left their stamp on it, by their personal piety and strict discipline. The churches were often called nothing but meeting houses or preaching houses. The pulpit stood in the middle of the church, under it a simple communion table without crucifixes, crosses and pictures; as the second commandment forbade all these. The preacher never turned his back to the people, but always faced them, never facing the altar.* The church services were begun, as in Geneva, by the reading of Scripture for half an hour, then a short hymn, prayer, hymn, sermon, prayer, hymn, benediction. The serv- ice was very plain. The church government was thor- oughly presbyterian. A representation of the elders was required in the church courts. If a minister ap- peared without an elder, the congregation was censured, or the minister not admitted ; although exceptions were made in favor of poorer congregations. There was no *Goebel, II., 118-9. 302 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. distinction made between the ministers and the elders in the church courts. They spoke of each other as brother- ministers and brother-elders. The president was elected at each meeting, and as such held the office of inspector until the next meeting. Ever since 1674 they had the custom, on the Sabbath before the meeting of a classis or synod, of having special prayer for it in the churches. The government of this Church was so throughly pres- byterian that Olevianus said he envied it. The elder was the equal of the minister, except in the administra- tion of the sacraments and preaching. But if the min- ister was hindered from coming, as he often was, in the unsettled state of the country, the elder conducted the service of singing, prayer, catechization, reading of the Bible, and sermon. Free prayer was especially permit- ted, only they were required not to make a long intro- duction to the prayers. The elder assisted the minister in visiting the sick of the congregation before the com- munion. Often a special person was appointed as a comforter of the sick, as is now the custom in the Dutch churches. This Church was very strict in its discipline, disciplining its members for dancing, Sabbath-breaking, attending shooting-matches and carousals. It was espe- cially severe against any return to papist ceremonies. No members were allowed to go to a grave, where a cross was carried. No cross was allowed to be erected in a Reformed graveyard ; so great was their horror of CUSTOMS OF THE RHENISH CHURCH. 303 crosses. No carpenter dared to make a Catholic cross, or work on a Catholic church. Marriage with unbe- lievers was forbidden. Baptism and marriage in an empty church, without the presence of a congregation, was not considered proper, according to Reformed ideas, " which knew no altar or outward sanctuary."* Through this strict discipline, morality reigned and prosperity came. Even when they were persecuted, they prospered. In Julich and Berg the Reformed were shut out from all public positions, because of their religion. But the Reformed laid hold of the commerce, and laid the foundations of the great trade along the lower Rhine, which is still in the hands of the Re- formed at Elberfeld and Barmen. In their church life there was a sharp distinction between the ^ converted^ and ^ unconverted,' between the Christians and the world. This distinction continues until this day along the lower Rhine.f The Reformed believed in personal experience and a change of heart. They laid great stress on in- ward piety. This depth of personal piety in the six- teenth century prepared the Church to receive the pie- tism of the seventeenth century. Although the Church was afterwards united with the state, and members were received into the Church by birth, and not by pro- fession, as at first; still the Church never lost this char- *Goebel, II., 122. fSee Autobiography of Krummacher, page 111. 304 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. acteristic of personal religious experience. The lower Rhine Reformed Church was always a pietistic Church. When the different synods were united by Brandenberg, in 1611, and even before that time, dissensions arose between the large open or public churches and the se- cret private churches. The latter had been called ' churches of the cross,' and had worshipped in private houses. The former were the large national churches, having church buildings granted them by the city au- thorities. But, although the latter were the stronger in number, the former were the stronger in piety ; and they complained of the looseness of discipline in the public national churches. Thus the secret church of Cologne in 1598 complained that the open Duisburg church received some at communion, whom they had disciplined. The first general synod in 1610 tried to mollify the dissensions between these two kinds of churches within its borders; and the strife was checked. The deep personal piety of the secret churches found an opportunity, to penetrate with their strong leaven, the worldly formal Christians of the open churches. Even before this general synod, some of the rigid members did not want to commune with all the members of the open churches. So the synod of Berg, in 1597, granted permission to one of its congregations to have a separate coin.nunion service for tliose of its members who would not commune with the congregation; because they SYNOD OF BENTHEIM. 306 thought certain persons in it were not fit to come to the Lord's table. " And in case some one's conscience is not yet satisfied, the free-willed Christians shall have a preparatory service on a certain day by the pastor, and shall together hold the Lord's supper by themselves."* This was the beginning of the ecclesiola in ecclesia, of conventicles in the congregations of the Reformed Church, an ecclesiastical recognition of the "converted" in the congregation. Bentheim and TecMenberg. Another stronghold of the Reformed faith was found in Bentheim and Tecklenberg, two counties north of Cologne. Count Arnold II. of Bentheim introduced the Reformed doctrines into his laud of Bentheim-Steinfurt- Teckleuberg-Rheda. His mother, as early as 1574, had introduced them into the county of Tecklenberg, and he followed her example. Count Arnold had been edu- cated under Reformed influences at Herborn, Heidel- berg and Utrecht. He had also been a pupil of John Sturm at Strasburg. He came fully under the influence of the Reformed Church by marrying a Reformed princess, the Countess of Nuenar. By this marriage he greatly enlarged his territory, and also gaiued the Re- formed faith. In 1582, at the death of his mother, he assumed the control of his land. In 1583, he called *Goebel, II., 73. 306 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Kemmener as pastor, who administered the Lord's sup- per after the Reformed fashion, on the fifth of Decem- ber, in the castle chapel of Bentheim. A few weeks later, he commissioned Kemmener to purge his churches of all altars, pictures of saints, and the like. He was greatly supported in his wOrk by his Councillor, John of Munster. In 1587 he gathered the ministers of Schuttorf, Tecklenberg and Northeim, and his highest officials at Tecklenberg, so as to arrange for a thorough introduction of the Reformed faith. In 1 604 a General Synod was held at Schuttorf, composed of the ministers of the counties of Bentheim, Tecklenberg and Steinfurt. It throughly organized the congregations by the ap- pointment of boards of elders or presbyteries in each congregation. At the close of this first General Synod, the count made an address full of earnest devotion, ex- horting the synod to continue in its good work. He also founded a Reformed gymnasium at Schuttorf in 1589, which was afterwards removed to Burg Steinfurt. CHAPTER III.— SECTION V. Re-introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palatinate by Prince Casimir, 1583—92. We now return to the Palatinate again. When Elector Lewis died, in 1583, he did not deprive Prince Casimir of the position as guardian of his nine-year-old son, Frederick. But, being afraid that Casimir might influence his son to go over to the Reformed faith, he appointed, as co-guardians with him, Duke Lewis of Wurtemberg, Landgrave William of Hesse, and Mar- grave George Frederick of Braudenberg. Prince Casi- mir was in camp at Deutz, opposite Cologne, fighting for Elector Gebhard, when he heard of his brother Lewis' death. He at once hastened to Heidelberg, to assume the guardianship of the young prince. This he could do without waiting for the other princes appointed by Lewis, as the gold bull or law of the empire gave the guardianship of a child to the nearest relative. And Elector Frederick III., the boy's grandfather, had also, unknown to Lewis, left a testament, appointing Casimir the guardian in case of the death of Lewis before the boy was of age. The wise Frederick III. foresaw what actually took place, and provided for it. '* Lewis 308 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. will not do it, Fritz will," was his prophecy, now about to be fulfilled. But, of course, the Lutherans raised a great outcry against Casimir's sole guardianship. Casimir, however, was master of the situation ; for " possession is nine points of the law." He knew that, if they contested his right, by the time the case had taken its weary way through a German imperial court, Frederick would probably be of age, before it would be settled. At any rate, by the time it was decided, the young prince, if not of age, would have been thoroughly trained up in the Reformed faith. Thus the want of respect, which Lewis showed to his father, (when he would not visit him before his death,) recoiled against Lewis. For Cas- imir paid no more attention to Lewis' wishes than Lewis had done to his father's. Casimir at once pro- ceeded to educate young Frederick in the Reformed faith, by dismissing his Lutheran instructors, and giv- ing him Reformed teachers instead. The Lutherans, in retaliation, brought up charges that Casimir was a se- vere and harsh guardian to the boy. These charges were probably not true ; for Frederick always showed the greatest love and respect for Casimir's memory, which he would not have done, if Casimir had been an unkind guardian to him. Prince Casimir again intro- duced the Reformed faith into the Palatinate. The great mass of the people had remained Calvinistic under RE-INTRODUCTION OF REFORMED FAITH. 309 Elector Lewis' Lutheran reign. The Reformed were iu the majority, except around the Elector's court at Hei- delberg, and along the borders of Wurtemberg. Casi- mir, therefore, found it an easy matter to re-introduce the Reformed faith. His course in doing so was in di- rect contrast with the severe measures of his brother Lewis, in 1577, when he introduced the Lutheran faith. Lewis had driven out all the Reformed ministers. But Casimir did not drive out all the Lutherans. Casimir introduced the idea of religious liberty, and the Luther- ans were allowed their right to worship, provided they did not rail against the Reformed as heretics. When a number of the Reformed people of Heidelberg, (who had had no Reformed service for eight years,) petitioned that St. Peter's or the Franciscan church be given them for worship, Casimir granted their request. His court preacher, Tossanus, whom he had brought with him from Neustadt, and who still smarted under his expul- sion by Lewis, wanted Casimir to give to the Reformed the church of the Holy Ghost, the largest in the city. But Casimir did not grant Tossanus' request. He still allowed the Lutherans the largest church in Heidelberg. And he ordered Ehem to announce to the people that the church of the Holy Ghost should remain Lutheran. He arranged a conference between the Lutherans and the Reformed, so as to harmonize them. But nothing came out of it. The Lutherans were ordered to abstain 310 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. from polemics and from calling the Reformed heretics from their pulpits. But they would not do this. Al- though Casimir had not persecuted one-tenth as much as Lewis had done even in the first month of his reign, yet the Lutherans raged against him violently from their pulpits. Even the Lutheran court preacher in the court chapel used an offensive comparison between Casimir and the treasonable King of Judah. Men like Ehem and Tossanus, who had been banished by Lewis in 1577, were burning with a desire to get some revenge, for the injuries they had suffered. But Casimir held these Reformed zealots back. Still the Lutherans railed against him and the Reformed. So, finally, he dismissed the court preachers, Paul and John Schecksius, super- intendent Patiens and others. But there were still five Lutheran preachers left in Heidelberg, more than enough for the small Lutheran community there. Cas- imir then sought to have another conference, so as to unite all parties. For this purpose he secured the ser- vices of the learned Gryneus from Basle, to conduct the discussion for the Reformed ; while Marbach entered the lists for the Lutherans. The whole court was pres- ent. The conference turned out to be only an eight day word-fight ; and both sides claimed the victory. It only made the strife worse. So Casimir saw there was only one way to settle the strife ; and that was for one of the parties to go away. So he dismissed the Lutheran RE-INTRODUCTION OF HEID. CATECHISM. 311 preachers, although the Lutheran catechism was allowed to be used in the Neckar school, provided the Lutheran students sometimes attended Reformed service. Then the whole Reformed church order of 1563, published by his father, Elector Frederick III., was re-introduced. The Heidelberg Catechism was also re-introduced, in 1585. The Formula of Concord was put out of sight, as the Heidelberg Catechism rose in honor. Thus the revenges of history came back. The Lutherans did not think of comparing the removal of their preachers at this time with the removal of the Reformed in 1577. Casimir's course was much milder than Lewis^ had been. His dismissals were slower. Casimir found it easy to introduce Reformed doctrines, for it was not the forcing of a new faith on the people, as Lewis had done ; but it was giving the people, who were still Reformed, an op- portunity to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences. Casimir had a smaller catechism prepared and printed in 1585, an abstract of the Heidelberg Cate- chism ; only simplified and made more popular. It was intended for the uneducated adults and for half- grown children. Casimir also caused a church visi- tation to be made throughout the land. This revealed great ignorance on the part of the people. Very few knew the main points of the catechism. Adult men, in the Lord's prayer, said ^deliver us from the kingdom,' 312 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. instead of Meliver US from evil/ Id the creed they said ' ponsified under Pilate/ instead of ^ suffered under Pontius Pilate/ Thus Prince Casimir thoroughly re- converted the Palatinate to the Reformed faith. But the strife, while it ended in the Palatinate, did not cease outside of it. Pareus printed Luther's Bible, and happened to leave out some of Luther's comments, which expressed his peculiar views. This raised a storm among the Lutherans, who so highly revered Luther's words. Jacob Andrea, who considered Cal- vinism and Jesuitism as being the same, wrote a letter to the young Elector Frederick (which was very severe against the Reformed), trying to influence him from the Reformed to the Lutheran faith. Pareus answered the attacks made on him by the high Lutherans, and there was a great theological controversy. Meanwhile the legal question of the guardianship of the young Elector was taking its slow way through the German courts. The more Casimir re-introduced the Reformed faith into the Palatinate, the more did the Lutheran guardians threaten to depose him from his position as executor. The Duke of Wurtemberg went so far as to deliberate with Landgrave William of Hesse about raising an army against Casimir. But Casimir, old soldier that he was, would not allow such trifling; and he very decidedly gave Wurtemberg to understand that she must mind her own business, or he would take REIGN OF CASIMIR. 313 up the sword against her. This quieted VVurtetnberg. Meanwhile the case of the guardianship of Frederick pursued its sleepy course through the German courts, until finally the imperial decree was issued in 1589, six years after the death of Lewis. The decree was against Casirair and in favor of the Lutheran guardians, and urged that the young prince Frederick should be given over to the Lutheran administrators. But the decree could not be enforced. The prince and the Palatinate people were devoted to Casimir; and he ruled as safely three years after the decision of the court, as he had done six years before. During Casimir's reign, on the second of March, 1586, a very important conference was held at Mum- pelgard, in Wurtemberg. Although this conference did not take place within Palatinate territory; yet it was such an important event in Reformed church hist- ory, that we note it here. At this conference under Beza of Geneva, the doctrine of predestination was, for the first time, acknowledged or treated as a peculiar doctrine of the Reformed Church, over against the Lu- theran. Although the early reformers of the Lutheran Church were all predestinarians, yet the Lutheran Church now gave it up. It took Melancthon's syner- gism, but refused his doctrine of the sacraments. Here- after the Reformed were predestinarian, the Lutherans aiiti-predestinarian. 21 314 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Under Casimir's rule, the university and the schools of the Palatinate again resumed their former prosperity. He was deeply interested in the French Reformed, and gave them the cloister church, where they worshipped under Jean De La Chasse. Through Casimir and Calvinism the Palatinate came into close union with the other Reformed states of Hol- land, Switzerland and England. But none of the Ger- man states, except Hesse and Anhalt, joined the Prot- estant Union, until Elector Christian I. of Saxony, who was friendly to Calvinism, joined this union of nations, which was formed against the Catholic League.* But Elector Christian I. of Saxony, the brother-in-law of Casimir, died, and that broke up the alliance among the German states. Soon after, Casimir himself died, January 6, 1592. Had Casimir lived, the Reformed would have been stronger in numbers and influence; and the Reformed of France, with whom he sympathized and whom he helped, would have been saved many per- secutions. He was a good ruler; his religious life, however, being colored by his character as a soldier. He was an able administrator, a fine general and a kind relative To his efforts, the Reformed Churches owe a great deal ; for he was their standard-bearer in Germany in their time of weakness. ♦The ultimate result of the formation of these two opposing unions or leagues was the Thirty Years' War. CHAPTER III— SECTION VI. Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate and his Heign, 1592-1610. Elector Frederick IV., the only surviving son of Elector Lewis, was born at Am berg, on the fifth of March, 1574. His early teachers were intense Luther- ans. They aimed to make him a strict adherent of the Formula of Concord. They compelled him to learn and to pray by the hour and the minute. But they thus stultified the free development and play of his boyish faculties. When his father died in his ninth year, and his uncle Casimir took charge of him, the methods of ed- ucation were improved. Casimir stopped this mechanical training of the boy, and strove to develop his latent tal- ents, especially in the direction of statesmanship. Fred- erick liked this kind of training better than the training of his father's early instructors. Casimir dismissed the Lutheran teachers and raised him under Reformed influ- ences. When, after having been under his uncle's con- trol for nine years, Casimir suddenly died, it was a sad and painful experience to the young prince. For it threw all the responsibility of ruling the Palatinate on his 316 THE REFORMED CHURCFI OF GERMANY. young head and shoulders ; he was not as yet of age — not quite eighteen years old. His uncle and guardian had hardly died, when his troubles began. Casiniir was not yet buried, when Frederick's great uncle, the brother of Elector Frederick III , Count Richard of Simniern, claimed the right to be administrator of the boy. For he still lacked six weeks of being eighteen years of age. Count Richard, who was a sort of busybody among the Palatinate princes, (for he had before interfered with Frederick III. in his introduction of the Reformed doc- trines into the Upper Palatinate ; he had interfered with Casimir when he tried to bring the Palatinate back to the Reformed faith, after the death of Lewis), now again attempted to interfere with Frederick IV. He claimed that, as he was the nearest relative to the young prince, he ought to be his guardian during the remaining six weeks of his minority. Count Richard came to Heidel- berg, nine days after Casimir's death, with a retinue of forty or fifty followers, and claimed his right to act as guardian. He not only claimed it because Frederick was not yet eighteen ; but he said the gold bull or law of Emperor Sigismund made the age of maturity to be twenty-five years, and he wanted to rule Frederick for seven years. But these efforts of Count Richard only embittered Frederick against the Lutherans. Frederick replied that the gold bull of Sigismund had never been adopted by the German government or promulgated FREDERICK VI. A CALVINIST. 317 through the Geruian empire, and that he would be of age at 18, and did not need a guardian for the time that inter- vened. Finally, after ten days of heated debate. Count Richard went away. But after he had gone, he made as much trouble for Frederick as he possibly could, by his efforts and influence. He succeeded in preventing Fred- erick from being invested with his electorate until 1594. His whole aim seems to have been to introduce Luther- anism into the Palatinate, or at least to frighten the young prince into Lutheranism. Indeed, it was hoped by many that, now that Frederick was removed from the Re- formed influence of Casimir, he would declare himself a Lutheran and an adherent of the Formula of Concord. The Duke of Wurtemberg and the Elector of Branden- berg wrote to Frederick so as to influence him to Luth- eranism. But the action of Richard hindered rather than helped their cause. Frederick's answer cut off all hope that he would be a Lutheran. He declared that he would cling to his Bible and to his Calvinism. And back of him, too, stood the Reformed states of Holland and England to support him. Queen Elizabeth of Eng- land showed great zeal and interest for his protection. She even sent to the Elector of Saxony and complained ao-ainst the interference of the Lutherans in Frederick's case. She advised them, if they knew what was best for them, not to persecute the Reformed, but keep in har- mony and unity with them. Thus by acknowledging 318 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. his Reformed faith, Frederick fulfilled the prophecy his grandfather Frederick III. made, when the boy was two years old, "Lewis will not do it, Fritz will do it.'^ Frederick had the same difficulty with the Upper Palatinate that all the Reformed princes had. Casimir had clung to the idea of his father that that land might be converted to the Reformed faith. So, soldierlike, he went about it by force to accomplish his purposes. Find- ing he could not conv^ert it from Lutheranism, he en- deavored to draw it from the high Lutheranism of the Formula of Concord, and make it Melancthonian, like Nuremberg and Hesse. Frederick IV. now followed in the footsteps of Casimir, and tried to introduce the Re- formed faith into the Upper Palatinate. But the inhab- itants resisted and even raised a riot, in 1592. The Up- per Palatinate joined its efforts with Count Richard, to prevent Frederick from being invested with the Elector- ate. Finally Frederick had to do what all his prede- cessors had done before him, — grant the Upper Palati- nate free exercise of its Lutheran faith. What Casimir had been able to do only partially in his brief reign, Frederick now completed. He thorough- ly introduced the Reformed faith and government throughout his realm. The synods and classes organ- ized by his grandfather, were as far as possible held again. The synods did not get fully under way, but classes met regularly under the supervision of a mem- FREDERICK IV. A STATESMAN. 319 ber of the consistory. A thorough church visitation was carried on throughout all the Palatinate. Efforts were also made by his theologians to unite the Lutherans and the Reformed. David Pareus, one of his most prominent theologians, took up the work, begun by Bucer half a century before, and aimed at organic union between the two denominations. Pareus wrote his Irenicum, in which he aimed to bring out the points of unity between the Lutherans and the Reformed, rather than their differ- ences. This was the first work published on the union of different denominations. It forestalled the union of the Reformed and Lutheran Churches in Germany at the beginning of this century, and began to prepare the way for the ultimate organization of the Evangelical Alliance in this century. But the high Lutherans of the six- teenth century opposed any effort at union ; so his labors were fruitless. Frederick, as he saw he could not gain theological unity, determined to secure political unity. He thus became the political leader of the Reformed Church, as his grandfather, Frederick III., had been its theological leader. He greatly felt the need of political unity. The Catholic Church, since the Council of Trent and the rise of the Jesuits, had renewed her youth and strength. And as the danger from the Catholics in- creased, Frederick entered into closer union with King Henry IV. of France, Queen Elizabeth of England, and the states of Holland. He also aimed to bring all the Protestant princes of Germany, Lutheran as well as 320 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Reformed, into the alliaoce, so as to offset the growing power of the Catholic league. He thus began a politi- cal movement, which ultimately culminated in the Thir- ty Years' War. The formation of this Protestant Union was a tremendous undertaking, too much for a twenty- year-old boy to fully grasp. Now for the first time Protestantism became a political power in Europe against the Catholics. In the Union Frederick took the fore- most position among the Protestant nobles of Germany. ''He thus opened the way for his house, either to highest fame or lowest fall.'' But the Lutheran opposition or in- difference in Germany lessened the power of the Union. This was very unfortunate, as it weakened the Protest- ants against the Catholics, and made them weak for the Thirty Years' War. Frederick also aimed to spread the Union by introducing the Reformed faith into as many lands as possible. It was introduced into the neighbor- ing county of Zweibriicken, and also into Baden-Dur- lach. Through his influence, the Duke of Anhalt, who married his cousin, introduced the Reformed faith into his duchy near Berlin ; and thus the Reformed faith • found an entrance into Eastern Germany, where it was so bitterly opposed, as a heresy savoring of Mohammed- anism. In Hesse Cassel, the new Landgrave Maurice also introduced the Reformed faith. The result of this was, that Frederick's influence became so powerful that some of the Lutheran nobles joined the Union. Every- thing seemed to favor this Protestant Alliance. But an DEATH OF FREDERICK IV. 321 apple of discord was thrown into the Protestant camp, by the death of the Duke of Julich-Cleve and Berg. Three Protestant German Princes then came forward to claim this duchy, Brandenberg, Pfalz-Neuberg and Sax- ony. When the Archduke Leopold entered Julich with a Spanish army to conquer it, all Germany was aroused against him. The Emperor, however, by favoring the claims of Saxony for this duchy, hoped to gain the drunken Elector Christian 11. of Saxony to his side. Everything now favored the Protestants in their oppo- sition to the Emperor and the Spaniards. France had united with them to overthrow the Hapsburg house of Austria. King Henry of France wrote, that by the 20th of May, 1610, he would cross the border of Germany with his army. The house of Hapsburg was falling to pieces and Catholicism was weakened by discontent. But just at this grand crisis, which would have placed Europe in the powder of the Protestants, King Henry IV. of France was assassinated. May 14, 1610, by Ravaillac. This was the first illustration of the teachings of the Jesuits, that it was right to murder bad kings. '^The end justifies the means." On the day that Julich was attacked, the Catholic League invested Elector Christ- ian II. of Saxony with the right to Julich territory. This made Saxony hostile to the Protestant Union and weakened it. Just then, at this critical time, Elector Frederick IV. died, September 19, 1610. Thus the golden opportunity for Protestantism was lost. Both 322 THE REFO^RMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Catholic League and the Protestant Union finally agreed to lay down arras, and submit to arbitration. And the Thirty Years' War was postponed till eight years later. Elector Frederick lY., though a zealous Calvinist, lacked the simplicity of his grandfather's piety. His grandfather was the theological prince, his uncle Casi- mir the warlike prince, he was the diplomatic prince of the Reformed of Germany. He was fonder of amuse- ments, of the chase and of architecture than his prede- cessors. In the first year of his reign, the famous Rit- terhaus, just opposite the church of the Holy Ghost, was built. It was built by a French Reformed architect, Belier of Tourney, one of the refugees, and was modeled after the Otto Henry's building in the castle. It has survived two conflagrations. Frederick also built the northern part of the castle, the Fredericksbau, in which is a beautiful chapel. Over the entrance to the chapel was the inscription in Hebrew and Latin : "The gate of the Lord into which the righteous shall enter." He also founded the city of Manheim, at the junction of the Neckar and the Rhine, which was destined to play such an important part in the future history of the Palatinate. A terrible storm at its founding foreboded, according to superstition, the terrible destruction of Manheim in later wars. Frederick greatly aided the cause of education in the Palatinate and brought his Electorate to a fore- most position among German states. CHAPTER III.— SECTION VII. Introduction of the Eeformed Faith into Zwsibruecken. Zweibriicken was one of the counties belonging to the Palatinate princes. Next to the Electoral Palati- nate, it was the most important of the Palatinate prov- inces. Count John I. of Zweibriicken was a very zealous Lutheran ; and in spite of the intercession of his cousin, Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate, he tried to banish all Zwinglians from his land. The particular event that turned Count John toward the Reformed faith, was the publication of the Formula of Concord and its attempted introduction into his land. Zwei- briicken, like the rest of the Palatinate, was originally Melancthonian. When the Formula of Concord, with its high Lutheranism, was brought to it, it was met by opposition. The minister at Zweibriicken, Heilbron, who was a high Lutheran, argued in favor of the intro- duction of the Formula of Concord. But Pantaleon Can- didus, the superintendent of all the churches and the successor of the ill-fated Flinsbach, opposed the Form- ula. Still, under the influence of Marbach, the prince became more favorable to the Formula. He gathered 324 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. his ministers to'a conference in 1577, and they approved of the Formula of Concord. But this was hardly done, before a reaction took place. Candidus and Chancellor Schnebel led the opposition to it. They took courage, when they heard that Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, and Landgrave William of Hesse, as well as the states of Anhalt and Holstein, had refused to subscribe to it. At a conference at Kirkl, in November, 1579, the majority of the ministers, led by Pantaleon Candidus, pronounced against the Formula of Concord. A deputation were then sent by the high Lutherans to the Count of Zweibriicken, to urge him to accept the Formula ; but it was all in vain. Heilbron, who, contrary to the command of the prince, would not abstain from preaching against the Melancthonians, was dismissed. Still, although the Count with his minis- ters decided thus against the high Lutherans, yet he did not at once go over to the Reformed faith, until a num- ber of years later. His clergy, however, felt themselves getting more and more out of sympathy with the Lu- therans of Germany, who were becoming very high in their Lutheranism. Candidus at length allowed the Reformed catechism to be used with the Lutheran. He also preached the Reformed doctrine of the Lord's sup- per. For this, his assistant, Stuys, rebelled against him, and refused to administer the Lord's supper with him. Stuys was dismissed, and Beuther and Hexamer were TFIE ZWEIBRUECKEN CATECHISM. 325 called to Zvveibriicken. Candidus drew nearer and nearer to the Reformed theologians of Heidelberg. But it was not until 1588, that Count John finally went over to the Reformed faith. He did not do so, until he saw that there was no hope for Melancthonianism in Germany. He had waited so long, before taking the step, that the Reformed nobles looked on him with dis- trustful eyes. At length, having become satisfied that there was no hope for him from the high Lutherans, he proceeded to make his court and land Reformed. His idea was the idea of the age, "like prince, like people." He held that it was the princess duty to see that his people had good religious training. For this purpose, he determined to publish a catechism. He feared to in- troduce the Heidelberg Catechism, because of the oppo- sition he might have to meet. He concluded that the easier way was to arrange a catechism of his own and introduce it in his land. So, like his relative. Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate, he determined to pub- lish a catechism. Those Palatinate princes seem to have been great catechetical authors. ' And as Freder- ick's catechism committed him to the Reformed faith, so Count John's catechism committed him to the same faith. In 1588 he appointed his superintendent Can- didus, and Professor Hexamer and court })reacher Beu- ther, to draft a catechism. He aimed to have a Re- formed catechism, only modeled in form after Lu- 326 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ther's catechism. In it, the five heads of Christian doc- trine were treated as in Luther's book, but to them dis- cipline was added. And, as in Luther's catechism, the doctrine of the sacraments took up a large part of the book ; and this is its great difference from the other Re- formed catechisms. This Zweibriicken Catechism was published in March, 1588, and printed in German at Heidelberg. It had an introduction by the Count, urg- ing its reception by all the churches in his land. With his superintendent Candidus, the prince went every- where in his county, trying to introduce the catechism. It w^as very generally received by the churches. Changes in customs were made, to make them correspond to the catechism, and so as to make the churches Reformed. Before the eod of the year, Candidus could say ^ that the churches had been purged of the leaven of papacy.' Count John idolized his catechism, as Elector Frederick .III. had done to his Heidelberg Catechism ; and he rejoiced that it received less opposition than the Heidelberg Catechism had received. Outside of Zweibriicken, this catechism was not introduced, al- though it received favorable notice elsewhere. In 1620 a Herborn pastor, Exter, issued a commentary on it. The publication of this catechism led to a discussion be- tween the theologians of the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg and the Zweibriicken ministers at Neuberg. The Luth- erans aimed to get Count John to give up his catechism. ZWEIBRUECKEN BECOMES REFORMED. 327 Heilbron, tlie dismissed court preacher of Count John (who was now the court })reacher of the Duke of Pfalz- Neuberg), debated for the Lutherans ; while Hexamer and Beuther defended the catechism. This conference did not change Count John in the least. He w^ent on and issued a church order in 1593, based on his cate- chism. He also received French Reformed refugees into his land in 1593, which greatly strengthened the in- fluence of the Reformed Church. His successor was Count John II., who had been educated at Heidelberg and in France under Reformed influences. Count John II. was a wise statesman, and became the guardian of Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate, after the death of his father. The brother of Count John II. of Zweibriicken mar- ried the daughter of the King of Sweden ; so his nephew, as Charles X., became King of Sweden. Thus Sweden and Zweibriicken were linked together. Zwei- brucken was thus brought within the pale of the Re- formed Church. An ineffectual attempt was made by Count Ernest Frederick of Baden-Durlach to introduce the Reformed faith into his territory.* But Count Ernest's efforts died with him, his brother George bring- ing back Lutheranism after his death. *There were two Badens at that time, Baden-Baden and Baden-Durlach. Durlacli included the territory around the present city of Carlsruhe. The Duke of Baden is at present the successor of the Palatinate princes. Most of the Palatinate is now under his control. CHAPTER IV. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Cen- tral and Eastern Germany. SECTION I. Rise and Fall of Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony. The beginning of the history of the Reformed Church in Eastern Germany was the controversy about Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony. Crypto-Calvinism was the forerunner of Calvinism in three eastern lands. Not fully Calvinistic itself, it yet prepared the way for it.* These Melancthonians were not, at first, Calvinistic. In 1664 the professors at Wittenberg gave an opinion against the Heidelberg Catechism. It was the Maulbron *There were three names given to the Melancthonian party of Lutherans— Phillipists, Synergists and Crypto-Calvinists. They were called Phillipists after the first name of Melancthon, who was usually called Doctor Phillip. They were also called Synergists from Melancthon's doctrine about synergism or freedom of the will. They were called Crypto-Calvinists (secret Calvinists) by their enemies. But Phillipists was the wide term for all Melancthonians, and included in it Synergists and Crypto- Calvinists. The name Crypto-Calvinist was applied to those who held the Calvinistic doctrine of the sacrament, but not of predestination. As we have seen, Melancthon neared Calvin's doctrine of the Lord's supper. Many of his followers went a little farther than he did, and became Calvinists. THE WITTENBERG CATECHISM. 329 conference, that opened their eyes to the drift of Luth- eranism. They could not agree with its doctrine of ubiquity, as set forth there by the Wurteraberg theolo- gians. So Saxony joined hands with Hesse in opposing the high Lutherans. But in Saxony they lacked a theo- logical leader, who should be the successor of Melanc^ thou. After his death, his mantle fell on his son-in-law Peucer. Peucer was the rector of the university at Wittenberg, and court physician to the Elector Augustus of Saxony, but he was almost as much of a doctor as he was a theologian. The Elector was at that time entirely under his control, and Peucer used this influence to fill the professorships at Wittenberg with Melancthonians, such as Pezel, the younger Cruciger, Widebram and Moller. A new catechism, called the Wittenberg Cate- chism, endorsed by the Wittenberg faculty, was pub- lished in 1571. It was prepared in order to oppose the new and rising doctrine of ubiquity. It was to be used in the upper classes in the schools, while Luther's cate- chism remained in use in the lower classes. This cate- chism was no new departure, for Melancthon's ^ Loci Communes' or* Common Places' had been taught in the schools for years before. But this catechism caused a great stir. The high Lutherans at once opposed it, because it attacked their pet doctrine of ubiquity. Sel- necker attacked it as a departure from the Lutheran faith. The Wittenberg theologians defended it. But 22 ■S30 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Elector Augustus had faith in the Lutheran ortho- doxy of his professors at Wittenberg, and approved it. The Elector, however, to prove that his land was true to the Lutheran faith, called a conference of his theo- logians and ministers at Dresden in 1571, and desired them to prepare a good Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's supper. The decrees of this Dresden consensus were Melancthonian, and very decidedly attacked the high Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity. The Jena theologians of lower Saxony then attacked the Elector for having Calvinists in his land. This stirred up the Elector, for he held he was a good Lutheran. His adherence to the Lutheran faith was so strong that, when Cranach, the great painter, painted for him a picture of his Wit- tenberg professors, he bade him watch ; for he wanted no Calvinist among them. He once said that, if he had a Calviuistic vein iu his body, he hoped the devil would tear it out. But gradually the Elector came more and more un- der the influence of the high Lutherans. This change was largely due to his wife, the daughter of the King of Denmark, who was an intense Lutheran. He also had a political motive for changing to high Lutheran- ism. Saxony had always been the leading Lutheran Electorate, and the Prince of Saxony the leader among Lutheran princes. But he found that, through the opposition of the high Lutherans of North Germany, DISCOVERY OF CRYPTO-CALVINISM. 331 he was fast losing his position as leader of the German states. So, to resume his foremost position, he felt the necessity of becoming a high Lutheran. And his old enmity to the high Lutherans of Ducal Saxony had now passed away. With the death of the last son of Count John Frederick of Ducal Saxony (the standard- bearer of the high Lutherans,) Augustus became the guardian of his two young sons, and this event inclined him toward high Lutheranism. He also began reading the books of Andrea, the high Lutheran theologian of Wurtemberg, and was influenced by his court-preacher, who sympathized with Andrea. Just then, when he was inclining toward high Lutheranism, an event oc- curred that brought matters to a crisis, and led him to a decision. It was the publication of a book in 1574, called " Exegesis of the Lord's supper." It was a post- humous manuscript of Cureus, and was published by Vogelin of Leipsig.* This book held the Calvinistic view of the Lord's supper (although without naming Calvin,) and rejected the Lutheran doctrine of mandu- cation, or the reception of Christ's body through the mouth. It also greatly praised the organization of the Reformed Church, and the steadfastness of the Calvin- ists under martyrdom. After its appearance the Elector of Saxony was warned against it by the Duke of Wur- ♦This book was at first supposed to have been printed at Ge- neva, as it was printed on French paper and first sold outside of Saxony. 332 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. temberg and the King of Denmark. The book was popularly attributed to Peucer and his associates at Wittenberg. Peucer denied all knowledge of the book, and Vogelin under oath confirmed the innocence of the Wittenberg professors. Peucer says he never saw the book, until one was brought to him in his sickness in prison at Pleissenberg, years afterward. But, though this charge was not true, the high Lutherans used it as a piece of theological spite, and charged Peucer and his associates with being the authors. Elector Augustus, now thoroughly roused by these charges, influenced of the high Lutherans around him, and fearing a Calvin- istic conspiracy, ordered a visitation to be made in Wit- tenberg. His commission, when it visited Wittenberg, found many Calvinistic books at the stores and among the students. They also found confidential correspon- dence between the Wittenberg professors and the theo- logians of the Palatinate. The Elector then required the professors to state their theological position about Calvinism. Court preacher Schutz, Consistorial-rath Stossel, Rector Peucer and Chancellor Cracow were arrested. As Widebram, Cruciger, Pezel and Moller delayed stating their theological position about Calvin- ism, they were also placed under a strict guard of fifty soldiers, brought to Leipsic and placed as oriminals in the prison at Pleissenberg. The result of these arrests was, that Pezel, Cruciger, Widebram and Moller PUNISHMENT OF CRYPTO-CALVINI8T8. 333 were banished from the country and went to Nassau. This complete victory of the high Lutherans was cele- brated in all the churches of Saxony, and prayers were offered against Calvinism. But severer penalties were visited on the other Crypto-Calvinists. Schutz was sentenced to a life-long house arrest, from which only an accident released him in 1589. Cracow was tortured on the rack, so that he died in prison in 1575. The commandant of the fort, where he was imprisoned, who deigned to be merciful to him and furnish him with writing materials, was driven out of the town, after having been whipped. Stossel was so tormented in the fort Scuftenberg that he took a fever, which hastened his death, Peucer was sent to Rochlitz, where he was tortured on the rack and finally brought to the Pleissenberg' prison at Leipsic. His wife was not permitted to see him, and she died soon after. Here all writing materials were taken away from him. He was not allowed to have any books, not even the Bible. Year after year, for twelve years, he lived in this damp, dirty prison, while all the while his fortune was consumed and his health undermined. He broke down with sickness and was not expected to re- cover. In his sickness he asked that he might have the Lord's supper administered to him. But who among the strict orthodox ministers of Saxony would give the communion to one who, they thought, had so belied 334 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. their faith ? The theologians Andrea and Selnecker vis- ted him in prison, and tried to convert him to Lutheran- ism. As he did not agree with them, he received from them an answer worthy of the Catholic inquisition, " that means would be found to make him recant, if they should be red hot pincers/'* When they found he would not recant his Calvinism, they gave him, as an antidote for his heresy, not the Bible, but the Formula of Con- cord. As a German historian says : " Thus man's word was given to him, instead of God's word." Peucer, robbed of all writing materials, prepared for himself an ink made out of beer and burned bread-crusts. (Neces- sity is the mother of invention.) He plucked a quill from a goose's wing, which had been given to him to sweep away the cobwebs of his prison. And on the Formula of Concord which he hated, he wrote with this pen and ink his confession and autobiography. Ten years elapsed before the Elector thought of him. Then the Elector asked him to give him another confession of faith. But Peucer in this confession still remained true to Melancthon. While Peucer was in prison, he had influential friends who interceded for him, and tried to gain his release from prison. In 1575 Emperor Maximilian visited the Elector. He asked Augustus to release Peucer, that Peucer might become his body physician. Augustus refused. When the Emperor *Hagenbach's History of Relormation, vol. III., page 272. PEUCER IN PRISON. 336 asked him why he had imprisoned Peucer, he answered that he did not want any one about him who did not agree with him in religion. Maximilian replied : " I do not assume such a thing for myself, for I have no power over the conscience, and dare not force any one's belief.'' An noble answer from a Catholic. The Cath- olic was more Protestant than the Elector. For Cath- olic Kings and Emperors had Protestant physicians in, those days. Ah ! Augustus forgot what he had once said before the Emperor at the Augsburg Diet of 1566, when he said of the Reformed Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate : " Fritz, thou art better than all of us." Judging from his treatment of Peucer, he had changed his mind since then, and did not think the Calvinists were better than himself. Landgrave William of Hesse also interceded for Peucer, that he should be set free ; but in vain. In fact these intercessions of princes only made Peucer's lot the harder ; for Augustus thought he had complained to these princes, and therefore they had interceded for him. Finally, Peucer's great inquisi- tress, the Electress of Saxony, died. Before her death, she passed through Leipsic, on her way to the baths of Schwalbach. As she travelled through the town, the keeper of the Pleissenberg, where Peucer was impris- oned, asked his medical opinion about the effect of the baths in her case. He disapproved of tlie use of the baths at Schwalbach, saying that those who urged her 336 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. to go there, sent her there to die. Facts proved that he was right. Had she accepted the service of the fore- most physician in her land, she might have had better treatment. On the night of her death, Peucer had a wonderful dream. He dreamt that the whole court passed before him in a magnificent funeral procession, and that he himself ran to it. But suddenly the bell- rope broke, and he awoke, with the words : " The rope is in two, and we are free." His dream seemed like a prophecy of his freedom. But he remained in prison for several months after. The Elector of Saxony, how- ever, married, three months after the death of his wife, one of the Anhalt princesses. These Anhalt princes had been Melancthonian, and opposed the high Luther- ans. Peucer was finally set free through the influence of the new Electress. The high Lutherans were very angry, when they heard that he was free again, after his twelve years' imprisonment. Augustus, when he first imprisoned Peucer, had had a medal struck off, which represented the Elector, with a sword in one hand and balances in the other ; one scale having the child Jesus in it, the other the four Wittenberg professors, with the devil among them. Now when he released Peucer, the high Lutherans struck off a medal against the Elector. On this medal the Electoral pair were placed as Adam and Eve in the garden of Eden, at the time when the PEUCER SET AT LIBERTY. 337 woman reaches out the apple to the man. On the medal was the inscription : " At Eve's advice Adam trans- gressed God's law." They thus laid the blame of the release of Peucer on the Elector's wife, who, like Eve, had led him into temptation. The Elector did not live long after his marriage. On the day of the Elector's death, Peucer at last appeared, for the first time in pub- lic worship, at Zerbst in Anhalt. His hair had grown long during his imprisonment. He performed the ser- vices amid a flood of tears, as he thanked God that now he was at the end of his troubles ; and that through them all, his belief in God and the truth had not been shaken. After that, he lived in Anhalt, where he was court physician. But he travelled through the Palat- inate and Hesse, as his services were much in demand among the noble families of Germany. This was the first persecution of the Crypto-Calvinists in Saxony. It was the only illustration of the use of the rack and tor- ture in Germany on the Protestants. Sad indeed, that they were used by Protestants on Protestants. But although Calvinism was thus persecuted and driven out of Saxony, it again lifted up its head. The successor of the very Elector who so severely persecuted the Calvinists, was friendly to them, and inclined in their direction. Augustus was succeeded by his sou. Elector Christian I. It had been prophesied by Cruci- ger at his trial, that Calvinism would rise again. His 338 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. prophecy came true, although not quite so quickly as he said. Elector Christian was the brother-in-law of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate. He was Casimir's closest friend. Casimir, in his notes, calls him " ray Christian." Through Casimir he was influenced to be friendly to the Reformed, and also to be opposed to the high Lutheran Formula of Concord. So, when he ascended the throne of Saxony, there came a reaction against the Formula of Concord. His chancellor, Crell, who had travelled ex- tensively, and had met Reformed theologians in his travels, also was Melancthonian. When he assumed control, many Melancthonian ministers were found in Saxony. At their head was Salmuth, the court preacher. An edict was issued in 1588, forbidding the ministers to abuse the Calvinists in their preaching. Selnecker, who would not obey, was dismissed from his superintendency at Leipsic, and a Crypto-Calvinist, Harder, was placed in his stead in the Nicolai church at Leipsic. Morus and other Lutheran ministers were dismissed, because they had called Crell "a masked Calvinist.^' Crell an- swered that he had never read a line of Calvin, but that he was a follower of Melancthon. The places left va- cant by these dismissals, were filled by Melancthonians. Court preacher Salmuth was Crell's great assistant in the work of driving out high Lutheranism. Salmuth, at the Elector's expense, published a Lutheran Bible with Me- lancthonian notes, in which he argued against ubiquity. ABROGATION OF EXORCISM. 339 This so-called Crell Bible, however, only reached as far as the second book of Chronicles, when the work was in- terrupted by the downfall of Crell. Subscription to the Formula of Concord was no longer required of the min- isters. Some Lutheran customs, as exorcism and can- dles, were dispensed with. The putting away of exor- cism produced the greatest stir among the people. Con- gregations do not notice doctrinal changes as much as changes in cultus and customs. This abrogation of ex- orcism caused a great storm. The great mass of the people still clung to this Catholic superstition, and be- lieved that without exorcism, or blowing away of the devil at baptism, baptism was useless. Elector Christ- ian had his daughter Dorothea baptized without the use of exorcism, to the great grief of his wife, who was a strong Lutheran. Many people left their children un- baptized, rather than have them baptized without exor- cism. The disuse of the rite sometimes led to violence. In Dresden a butcher with a hatchet followed a god- father, who carried his child into the church, and threat- ened to split open the minister's head, if he did not ex- orcise the child. This so frightened the minister, that in spite of the Elector's orders to the contrary, he used exorcism. In Zeitz ministers had to seek safety in flight from an angry mob, because they would not exorcise the children. At one place, as the Elector came to it, the superintendent and the ministers fell at his feet and 340 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. begged to be spared the necessity of doing away with this rite. At another place the people shouted after the minister, who did not use exorcism : " The naughty priest has not expelled the devil." Through the influ- ence of Crell and prince Casimir, Elector Christian was led to send his troops to the aid of the persecuted Re- formed Huguenots of France. But Elector Christian I. died in 1591. At his death the high Lutheran party rose in power again, after five years of submission to the Melancthonians. The guar- dians of the new Elector were the Dukes of Saxe- Weimar and of Sax e-Alten berg, the grandsons of the late Duke John Frederick of Saxony (who had been the standard- bearer of the high Lutherans). These guardians ruled the court in the interest of high Lutheranism. The Electress, too, was a strong Lutheran. So the high Lu- theran party again assumed power. This showed itself at once. On the day of the funeral of the Elector, Crell and the ministers devoted to Melancthonianism, were arrested. The Melancthonian court-preacher was, how- ever, allowed to preach the funeral sermon over the dead Elector. Several charges were brought against Crell ; that he had seduced the Elector to Calvinism, mis- guided the affairs in the French war, and had acted traitorously to the Emperor. Crell was imprisoned in the castle of Konigstein, along the Elbe. Gunderman, the Leipsic preacher, was arrested and imprisoned in the PERSECUTION OF CALVINISTS. 341 Pleissenberg. Only great necessity led him to sign a high Lutheran confession, which he afterwards repudiat- ed. It, however, helped him nothing, for his wife com- mitted suicide, and he became insane through his trouble. The hatred of the people against the Calvinists was intense. It extended even to burials. When Jacob Lossius of Piacenza, the Reformed court-violinist, died, they wanted to deny him an honorable burial, because he happened to be a Calvinist, and had died without calling in a Lutheran minister, that he might make dy- ing confession to him. The unfortunate body was car- ried out by four day laborers to the criminals^ graveyard. But the frenzied people were not satisfied. A number of butcher and smith boys attacked the bearers, broke open the coffin, and vented on the dead body their hatred against Calvinism. In Leipsic matters came to a still worse issue. Some Swiss gave a banquet on the four- teenth of May, 1593, in honor of their countryman, Professor Huber of Wittenberg. At the table a dispute arose, which finally resulted in blows ; when a Lutheran professor made a threat that he would thrust a knife through Ruber's body. Huber left the banquet and complained to the city council, but received no answer from them. The matter soon became common talk in Leipsic. Some days later handbills were scattered around in the market-place and university, saying : "Whoever has a true Lutheran heart, let him come to 342 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the market this eveniug at eight o'clock, and help storrn the house of the Calvinist Weinhausen." The people assembled on the evening of the nineteenth of May be- fore his house in a very disorderly way. This they kept up until Sunday morning. Just as the bells began ring- ing for church, the plundering began. A beautiful pic- ture, by Durer, of the passion of Christ, belonging to the owner of the house, together with many tools, was de- stroyed ; and many other things were carried away as booty. With the stolen pans and kettles, a serenade was performed before the doors of the other Calvinists. Thus the Sabbath was kept or rather profaned by the angry people. The city council asked the help of the leading citizens to put down this mob, but they replied that they did not want to help any Calvinist. Then all was quiet for three days. During that time a list of the Calvinists was made up for proscription. All of the proscribed were ordered to leave the city by evening. But the Elector sent his administrator to Leipsic and ar- rested some of the ringleaders, and restored the Reformed exiles. Still sadder was the case of Crell, the prime minis- ter of Elector Christian I. He was charged with lead- ing the Elector over to Calvinism ; and he was also charged with being a traitor to the Emperor, by having led the Elector to join the French under Henry IV., against Austria. Crell claimed that he did it at the DEATH OF CRELL. 348 command of the dead Elector. But he was imprisoned for ten years in the castle of Konigstein. Then he was brought to Dresden, to be prepared for death. One of the city pastors, Nicolas Blume, was ordered to prepare Crell for death. He began doing so by making charges against the Calvinists. But Crell bade him cease such controversy, and strengthen him for death. The min- ister did not give up, so Crell returned no replies to him. Finally, when the day appointed for his execu- tion arrived, Crell was so sick that he had to be carried out on a chair, and brought before the court in his sleep- ing gown. But he was not allowed any justification. He was ordered to the scaffold, which was erected in the Jewish quarter at the New Market. There Crell prayed : " Father, who hast created me ; Jesus Christ, who hast redeemed me ; Holy Spirit, who hast sanctified me — I deliver to thee what thou gavest to me in this life, that thou mayest again receive it." As his head fell, the executioner called out to the crowd around : "This was a Calvinistic stroke." Thus died Crell a martyr for his Crypto-Calvinistic faith.* Thus ended Calvinism, or rather the drift toward Calvinism, in Saxony. After this, a Calvinist was more hated in Saxony than a Jew or a Mohammedan. This persecution drove Calvinism out of Saxony ; but it *The sword, with which he was beheaded, is in the histori- cal museum at Dresden, and has on it the inscription "Cave Calviniane"— ** Beware, Calvinist." 344 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. opened the eyes of men in many other parts of Ger- many to the fanaticism and bigotry of the high Luther- ans of that day. Liberal minded Christians could not agree to such persecution. The result was that many of them went over to the Reformed faith. The low Lutherans or Melancthonians were frightened by all this. They saw that there could be a Protestant inqui- sition as well as a Catholic one. The result was a re- action against high Lutheranism, and a crop of Re- formed conversions among the princes of Germany. CHAPTER IV.— SECTION 11. Introduction of the Eeformed Faith into Anhalt and Lippe. The duchy of Anhalt was situated southwest of Berlin, on the northwestern borders of Saxony. It had become Protestant in the early days of the reformation. Duke George of Anhalt had been a famous lay preacher. But this Lutheran duchy became Reformed through its opposition to the Formula of Concord and high Luth- eranism. When the Reformed faith was introduced into Anhalt, the duchy had been divided into four parts — Bernberg, Dessau, Kotha and Zerbst. But Duke John George of Anhalt-Dessau acted as adminis- trator for his younger brothers ; and it was under his administration that the Reformed faith was introduced in 1597. Anhalt had always been affected by neighboring Saxony. It was through Luther's preaching at Wit- tenberg that Anhalt became Protestant. She followed Luther's teaching at Wittenberg until he died ; and then she became a devoted follower of Melancthon, who took Luther's place at Wittenberg. When the Formula of 23 346 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Concord appeared, Anhalt for the first time refused to follow Saxony, for she clung to Melancthonianism. Joa- chim Ernest, the father of the dukes of Anhalt, in 1578 called his ministers together at Dessau, who declared against the Formula of Concord. Repeated efforts of Andrea and the neighboring Electors of Saxony and Brandenberg failed to make any impression on Anhalt. She remained opposed to the Formula of Concord. An- other reason that led to the introduction of the Reformed faith into Anhalt, was exorcism, or blowing away of the devil at baptism, a papal custom which was prac- tised by many of the high Lutherans of that day. This rite was the immediate cause of the conversion of An- halt to the Reformed faith. Amling, the superintend- ent of Anhalt, pastor of St. Nicolas church at Zerbst, was a Melancthonian. But, during the prevalence of the plague, which raged at intervals from 1566 till 1582 (when he heard pious mothers lamenting over dead unbaptized children, from whom they thought the devil had not been driven out before they died), he became disgusted with the rite. He also frequently found that unbaptized children were not allowed to be buried in consecrated graveyards, because the devil had not been blown out of them by exorcism. He, therefore, was led to desire a form of baptism that would exclude exor- cism. In this he was supported by Duke John George aud later by Peucer, who, after his release from prison ANHALT BECOMES REFORMED. 347 at Leipsic, came to Auhalt as court physician. This abrogation of exorcism caused a great stir among the people, who are more apt to cling to customs than to doctrine. Some of the strict Lutheran ministers were dismissed ; among them, John Arndt, the author of ''True Christianity,'' who was displaced in 1590, because he said the putting away of exorcism was Calvinistic, and he would not give up exorcism. He went to the St. Martin's church, at Brunswick, where he wrote his famous book. This simplification of baptism led to a similar change in the Lord's supper, which made that rite Reformed. Another circumstance occurred, which led Anhalt into the Reformed Church. The Anhalt princes mar- ried Reforjiied princesses. John George married the daughter of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, and Duke Christian of Anhalt Bernberg married one of the Count- esses of Bentheim. Duke Christian became governor of the Upper Palatinate in 1595. He thus entered the employment of a Reformed government. Elector Fred- erick V. calls him " my father." He became the great warrior — the great general of the Reformed Church — the diplomat. As early as 1596, Duke Christian with twelve others celebrated the Lord's sup- per, after the Reformed mode, in his palace in the Pa- latinate. And in 1597, a church order was promul- gated through Anhalt, making the churches Reformed. 348 THE REFORMED CHUECH OF GERMANY. It ordered that the stone altars in the churches should be set aside, and ordinary communion tables put in their place. At communion seasons, but not at other times, this table was covered with a cloth. Broken bread was introduced, instead of wafers. Instead of the gold cup and the broad chalice, a wooden cup was used. The Lutheran custom of holding the cloth under the elements, lest any of them should fall to the ground, was put away. The prayer spoken over the elements, the singing of the words of institution in Latin at the Lord's supper, the making of the sign of the cross at the bene- diction, were all dispensed with. The communicants re- ceived the Lord's supper standing, instead of kneeling. Other things, as pictures, altars, private confessional, and private communion, were dispensed with. The priestly robes with hoods, chasubles and surplices were forbidden. The ministers were ordered not to turn their back to the congregation while praying, as if acting as interces- sors for the congregation, but they were to face the con- gregation in prayer. Baptism was performed, not from a font, but from a basin.* These changes, of course, made a great stir, outside and inside of Anhalt. The deputies or civil authorities of Anhalt opposed this change of faith ; while all around Anhalt, from Saxony and Brandenberg, the opposition *Zahn, das Gute Recht des Reformirten Bekenntnisses in Anhalt, page 21. OPPOSITION IN A Nil ALT. 349 became very great. Indeed, the neighboring princes of Saxony became so bitter that they threatened to with- draw their friendship and commerce from Anhalt, if she did not give up her Reformed heresies. But An- halt answered that the Lord would take care of her ; and so he did. The land bloomed and flourished, in spite of it all. In this introduction of the Reformed faith, Duke John George was the leader, but he was supported in it by his brothers. Among the people there was a good deal of opposition to these cha«iges from the Lutheran faith. Many of them went to neighboring Saxony to worship. At Worlitz, the women, led by a noble lady, went to the church, had a hole made in the altar, and filled it with powder. They caused it to be known that when the soldiers entered the church, to take away the altar, so as to place a Reformed communion table there, they would blow up themselves and the altar into the air. The women came off victorious, of course ; and the soldiers of the Duke went away without introducing the Reformed faith into that church. The princes of An- halt filled their pulpits with Reformed ministers from the Palatinate, or with Crypto-Calvinists fleeing from Saxony. These new Reformed pastors had some strange experiences. Sometimes a wheel or a gallows was painted on their church doors ; or mocking songs were sung about them. 350 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. In 1599, a church order was issued which com- pleted the introduction of the Reformed faith into the land. The Heidelberg Catechism was introduced in- stead of Luther's. The Anhalt Confession of 1579, which was merely a deliverance against the Formula of Concord, was not the official church creed ; but the Heidelberg Catechism became the symbol of Anhalt. Their Calvinism was at first tinged with Melancthoni- anism. The Church was not considered, by the Hol- landers, quite orthodox enough to be invited to the synod of Dort. But gradually stricter Calvinism was in- troduced. Wendelin, the rector of Zerbst gymnasium, brought in the doctrine of predestination. Thus An- halt became the banner nation of the Reformed faith in Eastern Germany, by leading the way for its introduc- tion into the east as well as in the west. What had been attempted in Saxony and failed, now succeeded in An- halt. Through her influence, other lands in Eastern Germany became Reformed, as Brandenberg and Lieg- nitz. Although Anhalt was only a small duchy, yet her influence was felt far and wide. Duke Christian of Anhalt Bernberg became one of the leaders of his age. The mantle of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate seemed to have fallen on him. He was one of the great Prot- estant generals, and a leader of the Reformed troops at the beginning of the Thirty Years' War. Anhalt Zerbst finally went back to Lutheranism again, because LIPPE BECOMES REFORMED. 361 its prince was raised by a Lutheran mother. But Des- sau and Bernberg remained Reformed. The County of Lippe. Lippe is a county situated north of Hesse. It re- ceived the Reformed doctrine a little later than Anhalt. Lippe had been Lutheran. But Count Simon VI., left an orphan at nine years of age, happened to have for his teacher a Melancthonian, Thodenus. He was also influenced by his governor, Christopher of Donop, who was a Melancthonian. He studied at Strasburg and was influenced toward the Reformed faith by John Sturm. He married into the family of Hesse, which made him all the more liberal in his Lutheranism. All these influences inclined him to the Reformed faith. In 1600, he began to introduce the Reformed doctrine and customs into his land. He invited Reformed ministers to his churches, and made Dreckmeier General Superin- tendent. Altars, candles, and priestly robes were all put away from the churches. At first every congrega- tion objected to these changes. But he persevered firmly and quietly ; and gained the victory. Lemgo alone refused all efforts to make it Reformed, until in 1610 it was allowed to remain Lutheran. Simon VI. founded a school at Detmold, in order to train up stud- ents in the Reformed faith. Lippe has since become a stronghold of the Reformed faith in Germany. CHAPTER ,IV.— SECTION III. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Hesse. Meanwhile a silent preparation was taking place in Hesse, preparing it for transition to the Reformed Church. Hesse never forgot Zwingli's influence at the Marburg Conference in 1529. The Wittenberg Concord, arranged by Bucer, was the true expressson of Hessian theology. After his death she became Melancthonian. Indeed some of her ministers had been Reformed, as Hyperius. The Hessian Church, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, was a curious combination. It followed Bucer in doctrine, Melancthon in cultus, Calvin in church gov- ernment. Landgrave Philip died in 1567. He was buried in the choir of St. Martin's church at Cassel ; where a fine monument, reaching to the vault of the choir, made of black marble with white reliefs and profuse gilding, rep- resenting Christ's resurrection, marks his tomb. Land- grave Philip was the most daring and farsighted of the German princes of his day. He saw what no other Ger- man prince of his day saw, — that a union of the Prot- estant states of Germany was a necessity to the success DIVISION OF HESSE. 353 of their cause. After his death, Hesse began to decline in influence. His sons did not inherit his sagacity. And he weakened his land by dividing it among his four sons. Still he stipulated that, while each reigned in his own land, yet they must act in concert on all political and religious questions. William, his oldest son, received Lower Hesse or Hesse Cassel, which contained about half of the whole land. William thus, because of his age, and also because of the size of his territory, was the leader of the brothers. Lewis received Upper Hesse around Marburg. This division of the land will explain much of the future church history of Hesse. A general synod of all the churches in Hesse was held yearly, the first being held at Cassel in 1568.* But a difference in religious views very soon began to show itself between William of Lower Hesse and Lewis of Upper Hesse. William remained in his father's faith, a Melancthonian ; while Lewis became a high Lutheran. Lewis was led toward high Lutheranism by his marriage with a Wurtemberg princess, who swayed him in that direction. This difference between the brothers first ap- peared in the publication of a church order in 1572. It was printed at Marburg, under the direction of Lewis. William charged Lewis with making some unauthorized changes in it, in the interest of high Lutheranism ; as for *This synod, when held at Cassel, met in the court of justice, probably in the hall of the sessions of the court. At Marburg it met in some room in the north wing of the castle, near the saloon. 354 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. instance, when it said that the words of institution at the Lord's supper were to be ^sung' instead of ^read/ The next difference that appeared, was in 1575, about the use of Hyperius' catechism, which was Calvinistic. This catechism had been used in the higher classes of schools, but had now been put out of the gymnasium at Mar- burg by Lewis, so as to get Luther's catechism in. Then came the election of Hunnius as professor at Marburg, which capped the climax. Hunnius was a high Luther- an, and was brought to Marburg through the interven- tion of the wife of Lewis. He came into Hesse for the express purpose of making that land high Lutheran. Of course. Landgrave William and Hunnius soon came to daggers' points. The next step in this religious his- tory of Hesse was the publication of the Formula of Concord. In 1577, the Electors of Saxony and Bran- denberg wrote to William, asking him to sign the For- mula and adopt it, thus introducing it into his land. But William was very much displeased with the For- mula. He saw that its aim was, under the guise of con- cord, to drive out all who were not high Lutherans. So he wrote to the Elector of Saxony a reply, consisting of twelve paradoxes which criticized the Formula of Concord. Andrea, the author of the Formula, when he heard this, became very angry that a temporal prince should presume to criticize such a work of theologians — his master-piece. He wrote a very severe answer to CONFERENCE AT TREYSA. 355 William, charging him with trying, by the aid of the devil, to destroy the influence of the Formula of Concord. This of course angered William the more, and made him the determined foe of the Formula of Concord. But while William opposed the Formula, Lewis of Upper Hesse was favorable to it. Such, however, was the constitution of the Hessian government, that neither could express any approval of it without the consent of the other. So a conference of ministers was called at Treysa, in November, 1577, to decide about the Form- ula of Concord. After the opening address by Chan- cellor Riedesel, there was a stormy session for twelve days, from day dawn till late in the evening of each day. The Lower Hessian ministers objected to the doc- trine of ubiquity, as found in the Formula of Concord. Superintendent Pistorius of Nydda (who had grown gray in the service of the Hessian Church) declared the subtlety of the Formula too high, and its damnation of the Reformed too hard for him. This Treysa Conference, with the exception of three ministers who represented Upper Hesse, remained true to the Melancthonian po- sition, and rejected the Formula of Concord. When the next General Synod met, both parties took up the sub- ject again. The Lower Hessians were anxious to re- tain the ground gained at Treysa, the Upper Hessians aimed to undo the decision of Treysa against them. Af- ter a sharp debate, the synod affirmed what had been done 356 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. by the conference at Treysa; thus officially, in the name of the Hessian Church, rejecting the Formula of Con- cord. William of Hesse and the Prince of Anhalt then joined hands in their opposition to the Formula. William said he would rather thrust his hand into the fire, than sign such a confession. Thus, through these controversies, the breach be- tween Upper and Lower Hesse widened. It finally .be- came so great as to render the holding of General Syn- ods impossible. So the thirteenth General Synod of 1582 was the last synod held in the sixteenth century. Lower Hesse remained Melancthonian, and Upper Hesse became high Lutheran. Finally, the wife of Landgrave Lewis died. In her, Hunnius lost his chief supporter, and he was finally dismissed at William's re- quest. In him, the Lutherans of Upper Hesse lost their leader ; but the seed he sowed remained there after him. Landgrave William died in 1592, and left his son Maurice as his successor. Maurice was called the Learned, because of his clear mind and great learning. In 1601 he founded a temperance society at Heidelberg for Reformed nobles. He had as teacher Cruciger, the Crypto-Calvinist, who fled from Saxony.. Maurice also personally knew some of the leaders of the Reformed Church, and was in correspondence with others. He thus became acquainted with the Reformed Church. When he began to reign, the Hessian Church was half HESSE BECOMES REFORMED. 357 Lutheran and half Reformed. Upper Hesse was Lu- theran. Lower Hesse was a mixture. In government she was Reformed ; while in doctrine the Formula of Concord had been driving the Melancthonians farther from Lutheranism toward the Reformed faith. But still her customs were Lutherau. At first Maurice tried to unite the two faiths, and to unite Lutheran customs with Reformed doctrine and government ; but he found it impossible. With his keen, clear mind, he saw that the Gordian knot must be cut. Hesse could not be both Lutheran and Reformed. The customs must agree with the doctrine ; or the doctrine with the customs. So the I^andgrave, in 1604, ordered three points of reforma- tion : first, that polemics and strife must cease in the pulpits of the land ; second, that God's command against pictures must be enforced, and the pictures must be put out of the churches ; third, that bread must be used at the Lord's supper, instead of wafers. On Whitsunday, 1605, the Lord's supper was celebrated in the castle church at Cassel after the Reformed mode, with the breaking of bread. These reforms were introduced into Lower Hesse with little difficulty. But in Upper Hesse, which had gone over to high Lutheranism, the greatest difficulty was experienced. Landgrave Lewis having died, Marburg reverted to William, and Maurice, his successor, undertook to introduce the Reformed faith into this land. The Lutherans of Marburg protested 358 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. against it. But Maurice sent Superintendent Schonfeld to Marburg, to urge the introduction of these three points of reformation ; and then sent Schoner to assist him. Finally, Maurice himself went to Marburg, and on Sunday, July 28, 1605, he spoke to the professors and students in the aula of the university. As he went from the aula to the Lutheran parish church, he was met by a deputation of citizens, who asked him to address the people about the reforms So after service was over, from the steps at the choir door of the church, he ad- dressed the people. He aimed to impress on them that he was introducing no new doctrine ; but that he only wanted by his reforms to re-introduce the doctrine of the old Hessian Church among them. He then left the the city ; but hardly was he gone, before the storm burst. All sorts of rumors had been circulated through Mar- burg about the Reformed. Rumor declared that all fonts and altars would be taken away from the church- es; a new faith, a new baptism, new ten command- ments, a new Lord's supper would be introduced. On Sunday, the fourth of August, announcement was made that on the following week days sermons would be preached by the Reformed ministers on the three points of reformation ordered by Maurice. On Monday, Su- perintendent Schonfeld preached on the use of bread, instead of wafers, at the communion. The people list- ened to him quietly. On Tuesday, Schoner intended to RIOT AT MARBURG. 359 preach against the use of pictures, as forbidden by the second commandment. But before the time of service, 8 A. M., a report was circulated through the town that on that day the pictures would be taken out of the churches, by the Landgrave's order. The people became very angry at this, and began to assemble in large crowds at the door of the cnurch. It was a threatening crowd — masons with their pikes, carpenters with their rules and levels. Schoner was in the pulpit, and was about to begin his sermon, when from the crowd below many voices shouted out: "Shut up, you pope. Throw the old rogue down with the pulpit and all." The pul- pit shook, as he attempted to close the service. He kneeled and prayed. Then, at the signal of the leader, Anton Harter, which was the singing of the hymn : *' Allein zu Dir, Herr Jesus Christ,'^ a rush was made from all sides. Schoner had left the pulpit to go to the altar, to pronounce the benediction. The tumult be- came so great that the mob became unmanageable. The peaceable ones tried to get out of the church, and the rioters tried to get through the church, to lay hold of the Reformed ministers. The wife of Goclenius has- tened to Schoner and warned him not to go to the altar steps, where they were waiting to injure him. She led him to the baptismal font, where he wanted to baptize a child. But he found it impossible to baptize the child; and was himself in the greatest danger. The 360 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. crowd rushed up to him. Although some cried out that he should be spared, because of his age ; yet they struck him and pushed him out of the choir door. The poor ministers, like sheep for the slaughter, were gathered at the professor's bench or gallery, where they supposed themselves safer. The rabble, however, rushed on them with revilings, tore the clothes off them, and hit the caps and hats from their heads. Those below cried out : "Throw the rogues down." Those above, paid no atten- tion to them, but pushed the ministers through the door. The ministers prayed for mercy, but found none. The mob laid hold of Schonfeld first, pushed him down the steps into the vestry, and dragged him between the high altars. Those in front struck him ; those at his side tripped him and threw him down. When he tried to rise, they struck him, until weary and bleeding, he cried out: "O spare me, I am now a poor imprisoned man." They cried out : " Strike him, strike him dead." Struck by a great blow, he cried out : " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit and forgive these ; for they know not what they do." They left him half dead. But others (that he might not die in the church and thus pollute it) tore him half dead from the ground, pushed him or rather threw him out of the door of the choir, where some students caught him in their mantles and gowns, and broke his fall. These carried him into the court of justice, and thus preserved his life. The other min- RIOT AT MARBURG. 361 isters, who had come to the service, also had to suffer. Pfaff, who had lived a long time in Marburg, was thrust out of the back door of the church, and told that the devil would catch him, if he ever stepped in the pulpit. Cellarius fared worse. Dragged hither and tliither in the crowd, he was thrust out of the church iiUo the church yard against the walls of the parsonage. He sought safety in the parsonage. But the wife of superintendent Leuchter, wiio had just been dismissed for his Lutheranism, still lived in the parsonage. She was, therefore, in no amiable mood toward the Re- formed, and bluntly refused his entreaties, saying to him : *' Go away. Escape where you can. You have noth- ing to do here.'' He was then pursued, through the neighboring garden into the street, by a butcher with a hatchet. Hardly had he escaped these dangers, than a woman attacked him with a washing beetle, beating him most unmercifully, and pursuing him till he reached the door of the Barefooted Monks' church. There, at her loud cry that some one would stop him, a thresher sprang out with his flail. But he was appeased by the prayer of the minister : '' O, I pray you with God's will, I am too severely beaten already, and have done no harm to yourself or anybody." Plainstein and Kirch- ner, two other n)iii isters, saved themselves by a bold spring from the upper gallery, where the ministers sat. 24 362 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Hainstein escaped, as he was not known, and as he looked so young that he was taken for a student. Finally, the rage of the people died out. Then the citizens locked the church and went to the city hall, to deliberate what was next to be done. For four hours they discussed how they might defend the city against the Landgrave. It happened that Maurice had received word of the riot by noon at Gmunden. He hastened back, and by midnight had entered his castle at Mar- burg, with seventy armed men of Kirchwain. The next morning he sent a messenger from the castle, to sum- mon the citizens before him, that they might ask pardon for their excesses. They scornfully answered that they had cleaned their arms and bought all the powder in the town. The Landgrave, on hearing this insubordi- tion, threateningly demanded the unconditional disarm- ing of all the citizens. The citizens soon came to their senses, as the Landgrave began ordering troops from all directions to Marburg. So they submitted ; and on Thursday the city was put under martial law, and the citizens disarmed. The next day Landgrave Maurice, leading the Reformed ministers, went to the church. Schonfeld preached, although still bearing the marks of his injuries. His text was : " Love your enemies.^' He said the other ministers were gladly willing to forget their insults and forgive their injuries. After the bene- diction, Maurice arose in the church, and with touching RESULTS OF THE RIOT 363 words reproached the citizens for what they had done. He closed his speech with the words: "Since so great an evil comes from dumb idols, and through it men are led to attempt murder; therefore, after the example of his holy king, to remedy scandal, they shall be put away and removed out of sight/' Then, at his com- mand, all the pictures, images and crucifixes were torn from their places and cast out of the church. The ring- leaders of the riot were arrested or fled. The quarter- ing of the soldiers on the citizens soon proved a heavy burden to them, so they soon came to terms with the Landgrave. On the 13th of August, the burgomaster and town council came to the Landgrave, to ask for the removal of the troops. The Landgrave received them before his castle under the open sky. As they came be- fore him, they fell at his feet; but the Landgrave for- bade this act of homage. Then it was that Schonfeld stepped forward, and in the name of his ministerial col- leagues, interceded for the repentant citizens. This un- expected act of Christian generosity quite won the heart of the Landgrave for them. They were forgiven, and the soldiers taken away. On the following Sunday, after a sermon had been preached on Maurice's three points of reformation, the Lord's supper was celebrated after the Reformed mode, with bread and not with wafers. The court professors, part of the students and the city council, partook of it ; but few of the citizens. 364 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Every Sabbath crowds of men and women were seen going to the neighboring villages of Schrock and Bauer- bach, in the Electorate of Mayence, to receive the Lord's supper after the Lutheran mode. There was also farther resistance to Maurice's points of reformation by the country ministers of Upper Hesse. Some of them went so far as to pray that God's judgment might come on him. They went to his brother, the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, and asked him to inter- cede for them. But he could not do anything, save to found the Lutheran university at Giessen, near Marburg, in 1607, to offset the teachings of Marburg, which now became Reformed. The next act of Maurice was to reorganize the Gen- eral Synod of Hesse, which, through dissensions with the high Lutherans, had been abrogated in 1582. It met for the first time in the seventeenth century at Cassel, in 1607. The General Synod then officially announced its adherence to the Reformed Church. It ordered (after the Reformed mode) the introdfiction of the sing- ing of Psalms, of catechetical preaching, and strict church discipline. It allowed (and here it differs from all other Reformed churches) the pericopes or Scripture lessons to be read every Sabbath. This was the first use of pericopes in the Reformed Church of Germany. It reveals the influence of Lutheranism on the Hessian Re- formed Church. And even to this century, for some 36e5 such causes, the Hessian Church has not been considered a fully Reformed Church, by the Reformed Churches west of it. After a few attempts at opposition, the Re- formed faith was thoroughly introduced into Lower Hesse. A consistory, with Schonfeld as president, was appointed in 1610. The old Lutheran office of superin- tendent was absorbed in the consistory. Hesse thus be- came a Reformed land. But there was always a slight tinge of Lutheran influence in a few of her customs, as in her liturgy and the use of Scripture lessons, which none of the other Reformed Churches revealed. CHAPTER IV.— SECTION IV. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Brandenherg. The last of the great German princes to receive the Reformed faith was the Elector of Brandenberg, the an- cestor of the present Emperor of Germany. Branden- berg was afterwards merged into Prussia and now rules the great empire of Germany. So that the conversion of the Elector of Brandenberg was the most important of all, in its bearing on the future history of the Re- formed Church of Germany. Before the introduction of the Reformed faith into Brandenberg, the people of that land were intensely Lutheran. Thus in 1568, a pastor at Frankford on the Oder, was tried as a criminal, for spilling a few drops of wine at the communion. Brandenberg was high Lutheran, a strict adherent of the Formula of Concord. No Reformed people were allowed to become citizens, and prominent persons were put out of office, if they were suspected of Zwinglianism. But still, in spite of these laws, Calvinists or Crypto- Calvinists would get into the land. Some Reformed people came from Holland as early as 1531. And Ger- man emigrants came from Strasburg, bringing Bucer's YOUTH OF SIGISMUND. 367 views with thera. In Poland, on the east of Branden- berg, there were many Reformed, and some of them would come over the border. The first Prussian noble to embrace the Reformed faith was the Baron Von Dohna, who^had travelled extensively, and thus been brought into contact with the Reformed people. It thus became very hard to keep the Reformed out of the land, especially as they claimed to be protected by the Augsburg Con- fession. Finally Calvinism reached the throne, as Elec- tor Sigismund united with the Reformed Church in 1613. Elector John Sigismund was born at Halle in 1572, where his father was administrator. But he was mainly raised at Berlin by his grandfather, whose favorite he was. He had for his religious instructor Gedicke, the cathedral preacher of Halle. Gedicke was one of the highest of the high Lutherans, going so far as to call the Calvinists " Mamelukes.'^ But in his overzeal for Lu- theranism, he rather prejudiced Sigismund's mind against it (as is often the case with independent minds). When Sigismund was twenty-one years of age, his grandfather, a fanatical Lutheran, made him take a solemn oath that he would always remain a Lutheran, and an adherent of the Formula of Concord.* This oath was supposed to be able to prevent him from ever departing from the Lutheran faith. But Oaths are weak to bind consciences, 'This obligation betook on tbe27tb of January, 1593, between 7 and 8 A. M., in tbe cburch rooms of the Moritzburg at Halle, in the presence of Gedicke and others. 368 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. especially when the oath is found to be contrary to con- science. So, when he became Elector in 1609, he found that the Reformed faith was every where forcing itself on him. There had been a crop of conversions to the Re- formed faith from among his own princely acquaintances. The princes of Anhalt, Lippe and Hesse had left Lu- theranism for the Reformed faith, through their opposi- tion to the Formula of Concord. One of them, Duke John George of Anhalt, was his intimate friend and neighbor. And the Reformed faith suited his mild dis- position ; for he had no sympathy with the polemics that the Lutheran preachers were always hurling against the Reformed. He preferred the gospel to polemics. Final- ly a betrothal of his oldest son to a Palatinate princess, the daughter of Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate, brought him in direct contact with the Reformed. He himself went, in order to be present at his son's marriage, to Heidelberg — ^ that synagogue of Satan' in the eyes of the high Lutherans. He thus learned to admire and to become attached to the Reformed Church. In 1613 he said he had been attached to their faith for more than eight years. He waited several years after becoming Elector, and then, as he said, to ease his conscience, he joined the Reformed Church. He has been charged with becoming Reformed for political reasons. The duchy of Julich-Cleve-Berg in western Germany was in dispute between the Duke i5 if) IJJ a: 2 O ^ 7 ^ CAUSE OF SIGISMUND's CONVERSION. 369 of Pfalz- Neuberg and himself. The people of this duchy were largely Reformed. It has been charged that he became Reformed so as to gain the affections of those people, as well as to gain the aid of Holland, which was a Reformed country. But even if he did go over to the Reformed faith thus, Hering answers the Lutherans, *^ because Constantine the Great went over to Christianity from political motives, is Christianity therefore false ?" And because Sigismund may have gone over to the Re- formed faith for political reasons, is that a sign that the Reformed religion is false ? But there are oue or two con- siderations that make it very unlikely that Sigismund joined the Reformed Church from political motives. One is that the charge was not brought forward against him till after his death. He made enemies enough in his life, so that if there were any truth in this charge, it would have come out while he lived. And the fact that Voltaire is the one who makes the charge, makes one suspicious of it. A second consideration is, that it is to be remembered that whatever political influence he would gain in Julich-Cleve-Berg by going over to the Reformed Church, he would lose in his own Lutheran lands of Brandenberg and Prussia, which were intensely Luthir- an. It has been said that he joined the Reformed to gain the support of Holland, which was Reformed. But Holland did not limit her support to Reformed princes only. She supported Lutheran Denmark and Catholic 370 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Portugal and Austria. Moreover Holland was jealous of any great power like Brandenberg, snatching the county of Cleve, which was so near her borders. He could not have hoped to gain the sympathy of Holland by such an act. The better view is that Sigismund went over to the Reformed faith from conviction of the truth of Calvinism, and not from political motives. His brother, prince Ernest, had already joined the Re- formed church at Sedan. Ernest, in his palace chapel in Berlin, had had a private celebration of the Lord's supper after the Reformed mode as early as July, 1613, when Landgrave Maurice of Hesse visited him. The Elector's sou, John George, had already, at Wesel, par- taken of the Lord's supper and joined the Reformed Church. Fink, the new court preacher, was a Crypto- Calvinist. All these things aroused the suspicions of Gedicke, the champion of high Lutheranism, and he began to protest against the introduction of Calvinism. Fink, in October, 1613, was threatened with a mob by the Luth- erans. While he was preaching, they waited before the church door, with stones in their hands, to stone him when he came out. They cried out : " Come out, you Calvinistic pope." Some of them became bolder and were about entering the church to attack Fink, when, fortunately, some of the Elector's soldiers passed by, and took him under their protection. These things SIGISMUND BECOMES REFORMED. 371 showed which way the tide was drifting. Sigismund finally determined to come out publicly as an adherent of the Reformed Church. On the eighteenth of De- cember he summoned the ministers of Berlin and Coelln to the castle.* There is in the royal castle at Berlin a ^ white saloon^ which is famous for its ghost of the White Lady, a spectre which is said to appear just be- fore the death of a member of the royal family of the Hohenzollerns. A new, but real ghost appeared at that time in this White Saloon at this meeting, which foretold the death of Lutheranism in the family of the Elector. Chancellor Pruckman opened the conference with an address, which announced the fact that the Elector would celebrate the Lord's supper after the Re- formed mode in the cathedral, on the coming Christ- mas. But, although the Elector himself joined the Re- formed Church, he wished it understood that he did not wish to force his sul)jects to do so, too. He would usurp no authority over their consciences. And the Elector asked them to give him the same liberty of conscience that he granted to them. He ordered the Lutherans to cease their attacks on the Reformed. The Lutherans answered that every one should be guided by his conscience. But they reminded the Elector that he was breaking the oath taken at Halle, in 1593, when *Berliu lay on the east side of the river Spree. Ccelln in- cluded the island in the river and the west bank of the river. 372 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. he promised never to leave the Lutheran faith. It is true he violated his oath, but in judging Sigisraund for it, we must remember that he was only following the the habit of his family before him. Elector Joachim I. of Brandenberg, a rigid Catholic, had made his son Jo- achim take a solemn oath always to remain a Catholic. His son violated the oath and became Protestant. These Lutherans might have been reminded that, but for the violation of such an oath by Joachim, they never would have had the Lutheran faith in Brandenberg. Sigis- mund was only following in the footsteps of his ances- tor in thus violating his oath. He merely broke his oath to his grandfather, Joachim, as he had done to his father before him. The fact is, that on religious ques- tions, conscience is supreme. So, on Christmas, 1613, the Elector publicly joined the Reformed Church by partaking of the Reformed communion in the cathedral church at Berlin.* Fussel and Fink distributed the bread, instead of the wafers, to about fifty-five communicants, mainly the nobles of the court. The next Reformed communion was held on Easter, 1614, when the court preacher of the Palatinate, *Tbe old building, which thus became historic by this intro- duction of the Reformed faith into Brandenberg, was situated next to the palace, on the present Schlossplatz or castle square, south of the palace. It was torn down by King Frederick the Great, because it threatened to fall down. He erected the present cathedral on the other side of the palace. A wooden de- sign of the old building is in the Hohenzollern Museum in Ber- lin. HE RECEIVES REFORMED COMMUNION. 373 Scultetus, preached and administered the Lord's supper to seventy-four communicants.* Scultetus then left Berlin, to iro to his former home in Silesia, hut he airain returned to Berlin in the autumn. Then he in- stalled two Reformed ministers over the Reformed con- gregation at Berlin, and returned to his home at Hei- delberg. The conversion of Sigismund created a great stir both inside and outside of his land. His wife, a Prus- ^A. hii>:h Lutheran, nainerl Huber, wrote a-^ainst BMnk, and said that at the lirst Reformed communion in Berlin he had in- troduced a new kind of bread-breaking, even different from the custom of the other Reformed churches. Huber opposed Cal- vinism, because he said they had so many different methods of communing. Thus, he says, at Berne they used wafers. At Basle, Gryneus used little cakes of bread. In Zurich they re- mained sitting, and the students came with wooden platters, on which the wafer cakes were laid, and each communicant broke a piece from them. In Heidelberg a platter with broken bread was placed on the table, from which each one broke a piece of bread or crumb. In Hesse small pieces of bread as wide as a dollar, cut cross-wise by the baker into four quarter pieces, were used. These the minister broke into as many pieces as he needed. But Huber claimed that Fink introduced a new kind of bread-breaking, namely— that the crust was cut from the bread, the bread cut into long pieces, and these afterwards broken into morsels and given to the communicants. These facts are interesting, even if they were all true; but all this looks like a species of ecclesiastical dissection that is not hardly worthy of notice. This charge of Iluber's, that this, the firsl communion, was not a purely Reformed one, is nor, probable; for Fussel, who had charge of it, came to Berlin from .Vnhalt, where he must have been familiar with the Reformed customs. And even if the bread was given out in this way at the tirst communion, it was changed at the next c )mmunion to the Pa- latinate method, which still prevails in Brandenl)erg. 374 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. sian princess, remained a bitter Lutheran to the end of her life. She opposed the Reformed, because she sup- posed they taught that Christ was only a man. In her last will, she ordered her chaplain, in her funeral ser- mon, to disown the Calvinistic heresy,— " that Christ's blood and death are merely a man's blood and death." The feeling of the people against the Elector was intense, notwithstanding the Elector's grant of relig- ious liberty to them. In 1614 he issued a decree pro- claiming freedom of conscience to both the Lutherans and the Reformed. He did not believe in the common maxim of the age, " Like prince, like people." The people should be allowed to worship God as they wished. He was, therefore, the first to proclaim liberty of conscience. Before it was declared by the Puritans on Plymouth Rock, or by the Baptists at Providence, the Reformed at Berlin gave utterance to it. Still, in spite of this liberty, the Lutheran ministers attacked the Calvinists. One said the Koran was more truthful than the Calvinists. Another charged that on ninety-nine points the Calvinists agreed with the Turks. Another said, he would give two, yes three hundred arguments, why the teaching of the Calvinists was worse than the teaching of the devil. They called the Calvinists 'dogs.' The Reformed were followed with abuse in the streets. The people stoned the preachers. The Elector, to calm the feelings of the people, held a conference of the min- RIOT AT BERLIN. 375 isters ; but it produced no result. The feeling of the people finally broke out into open riot on the third of April, 1615. Elector Sigismund had ordered that be- fore Holy Week all pictures, altars, crucifixes, fonts, etc., should be put out of the church. Instead of an altar, a plain, communion table was placed in the chancel.* On the following Sunday, which was Palm Sunday, Stuler, one of the pastors of the neighboring St. Peter's church, preached very violently against this removal of Lutheran altars and pictures. He defended the use of pictures in churches, and especially a stone picture or sculpture to the right of the pulpit. In his zeal he even went so far as to become abusive of the Elector. He said that if the Elector wanted to reform, he should go to Julich, where he would find enough to reform. He became so abusive that even the Electress and her court preacher, Muller, were offended at him. Afterward he asked the Electress and the mayor that a watch might be placed over him that night, lest he might be pri- vately arrested by the Elector for what he had said against him. But it was refused. So he stole away on Monday to Schoneberg, as he expected to be arrested that night. As he left town, he complained to every one he met, about the great danger he was in. His fears, *There had been twelve silver and gilt apostles, with a statue of Christ, all of life size, in the church. These were removed to the fortCustrin, where they remained till 1631, when they were melted down and made into dollars. 376 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. howeverj were the result of his own imagiuation. There was not any truth in them, for the Elector was not at home at the time. They were the phantoms of a guilty conscience. But his words raised a tremendous tumult in Berlin. As he did not return on Monday night, the rumor spread abroad that he was arrested. This caused anxiety. His wife told all, that the Margrave intended to arrest him that night, and put him in the Green Hat (a name given to the dungeon in the castle). She dealt out beer= to the crowd gathering around, until they be- came overheated by excitement and beer. So a crowd of five hundred strong went down the Bruderstrasse (Brothers' Street) to court preacher Fussel's house and threw stones into its windows. They also did the same to Fink's house, and to the court apothecary's, who was known to be a Calvinist. They threatened to break the necks of the Reformed ministers. The news of the danger was brought to the castle at ten P. M., just as the Margrave was going to bed. He had charge of the city in the absence of the Elector ; and he supposed his presence would be sufficient to quiet any disturbance. So, armed only with a fencing foil, he started out with only eight cavalrymen and some halber- diers on foot. But when he arrived at the church >ard of St. Peter's, he found an angry, dangerous crowd. He urged them to go home, as there was no need of alarm. But the crowd thouo-ht that now Stuler's words had come RIOT IN BERLIN. 377 true, and the Margrave had come out to arrest that Lu- theran pastor. So they became more angry than ever. The mob sheltered itself behind the wall of the church yard, which ran through Green street. But some one of the Margrave's company shot off a pistol. This made the mob angrier than ever. They broke in the door of St. Peter's church, rushed up the tower, rang the alarm bell, thus calling the citizens of Berlin to come over. The alarm and the danger became greater than ever. The people of Berlin streamed across the long bridge and the mill dam. The Margrave became alarmed at the gathering crowd, and slowly retreated down the Bru- derstrasse to the burgomaster's house. He hurried the burgomaster, Jahnens, out of his house, before he had even time to complete his toilet, so that he might quiet the people. But this act, instead of quieting the people, only made them angrier. They got the idea that the Margrave had arrested the burgomaster, so as to take him to the dungeon in the castle. They shouted : " Kill the Margrave. Plunder the castle." In vain did the burgomaster call out to the people that he was not ar- rested. The people then turned against him and crieil out : "Down with him. He betrays us. He courts the Elector's favor." The burgomaster became so alarmed that he begged the Elector's secretary, Fehrer, who hap- pened to look out of his window, to let him come into his house for safety. The crowd then began to stone 25 378 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Margrave and his body guard. He retired to a house on the Bruder-strasse after ten of his men had been wounded. He finally retired to the castle. But the mob was not satisfied with what had happened. The worse part of them went to the house of the Reformed preacher, Fussel, and stormed it. Armed with axes, they broke in the door, crying : ''Where is the parson ? Kill the Calvinistic dog.'' He and his family escaped out of a dormer window to the roof of a neighboring house. The plunderers stole his books, silver- ware and clothing. The plundering continued till 4 A. M. Fus- sel afterwards wrote to a friend, saying that there were six assassins in the house, who went there not to plunder, but to kill him. He was so badly robbed that he had no clothing left, but what he had on. So he went into the pulpit on Thursday of Holy Week in a green waist- coat, over which he had cast a cloak, loaned him by one of the council. This act of a minister going into a pul- pit with a green waistcoat was an incongruous one, but mobs pay no attention to the proprieties of life. The mob threatened that Chancellor Pruckman's house would be treated similarly the next night, yes, perhaps the cas- tle itself. The Elector returned to the city the next day. When he heard the news, he hardly knew what to do. He did not dare take severe measures against the lead- ers, because of the anger of the people. When the coun- RESULTS OF THE RIOT. 379 cil of Coellu appeared before him to apologize tor the riot, he merely reproached them, that they did not shut the gates of the town to prevent a riot, and thus keep out the people who came over from Berlin ; and that after Fussel's house had been robbed, they did not close the gates and keep the robbers in, as they did in ordinary robberies. He did not make any farther in- quiry, but ordered that a citizens' guard should be raised, and that horses should be kept saddled in the castle, in case they were needed. When Stuler heard of the mild measures taken by the Elector against the plunderers, he took courage and came back to Berlin. On Green Thursday and Easter he again stirred up the people. He said that the Elec- tor had ordered that a citizens' watch should be formed and arms placed in the castle, so that suddenly, when no one thought of it, the Elector would take revenge on the people of Coelln. His preaching was quite in con- trast with FusseFs on Holy Thursday. Fussel preached an impassioned sermon, in which he pardoned all his enemies, as they knew not what they did ; and reminded each one of his solemn duty to God and the state. Stu- ler's words took effect, and a rumor spread itself abroad that the Elector was secretly laying plans to massacre the Lutherans— that he would suddenly fall on them by night and cause a new massacre of St. Bartholomew to take place. The Elector, when he heard of it, sent word 380 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. to the council of Coelln that he had never thought of such a thing. Gradually the people quieted down and confidence was restored. But Stuler, fearing arrest, and feeling that the people did not support him in his severe language, left the city and fled to Wittenberg. Such was the feeling in Berlin against the Elector and his Reformed innovations. The feeling in many parts of Brandenberg was almost as bitter. But still the Elector quietly proceeded to introduce his Eeformed faith, wherever it was possible without giving offence. He not only reformed his Church, but also made his university at Frankford on the Oder Reformed. It's theological professors, Pelargus and Bergius, became Reformed. Bergius became the great leader of the Re- formed Church of Brandenberg. He was a very mod- erate Calvinist. He was ordered by the Elector to go to the Synod of Dort, but he declined for various rea- sons. When his colleague in the university, Evell, went over to supralapsarian predestination, Bergius preached against it. He followed the confession that Sigismund had promulgated in 1614, which, while mod- erately Calvinistic, was sublapsarian and held to the universal atonement. A Reformed church was also organized at Frankford, whijch worshipped at first in the aula of the university. Then the great church (which is still the university church), was given them, where they worshipped with the Lutherans. In 1650 RESULTS OF SIGISMUND's CONVERSION. 381 the Reformed received a churcli of their own, the St. Nicolas church, which had been unoccupied since the reformation. The Elector tried to organize a Reformed congregation at Konigsberg, in East Prussia. But, be- sides service in the chapel of his palace, he was not suc- cessful. It was not till 1636 that there was a Reformed preacher at Konigsberg, and in 1690 the corner-stone of a Reformed church was laid there. There were then only two Reformed churches in Brandenberg, one sl^ Berlin, and one at Frankford. These were afterwards rein- forced by the large Huguenot immigration from France. The Elector and court became Reformed, while the people remained Lutheran. Religious liberty was granted to all. On this Frederick the Great, more than a century later, based his remark that in Prussia every one could go to heaven after his own fashion. The conversion of Sigismund to the Reformed faith was fraught with most important results. Next to the conversion of the Elector of the Palatinate in 1561, his conversion was the most important that had taken place in Germany. The conversion of Sigismund secured two Electors to the Reformed faith in Germany. It thus secured recognition for it in Germany, and gave it the protection ; without which it would have suffered greatly, if not been exterminated. After the Thirty Years' War, it was the Elector of Brandenberg who se- cured to the Reformed the right to exist in Germany under the treaty of Westphalia. And when later still 382 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Catholic Elector of the Palatinate so terribly perse- cuted the Reformed of that land, he threatened, if he did not cease, that he would retaliate on the Catholics in Brandenberg. He thus stood forth as the protector of the Reformed. And when the Lutheran Elector of Saxony went back to the Romish faith, and the Elector of the Palatinate lost his throne, he alone remained as the great protector of Protestantism in Germany. This house of Brandenberg has since developed into the royal family of Germany. We have been informed by Rev. Dr. SchafP that the Heidelberg catechism is still used by the royal family in the instruction of its princes. The Reformed Church then owes a good deal to this conversion of Brandenberg. And Brandenberg owes a great deal to the Reformed Church for its prosperity and success. The Reformed faith by its simplicity taught sim- plicity of court manners. It thus developed economy, fidelity and integrity. Its religion brought that land into connection with Reformed Holland and England (the two rising powers of Europe), which aided the growth of Prussia. It led the Elector to invite into his dominions thousands of French Reformed refugees, who, by their industry and prosperity, laid the foundation of Prussia's future greatness. And the present Emperor William, trained in the Heidelberg catechism in his youth, stands out before the world as a shining specimen of the piety of the Heidelberg catechism and of the Reformed Church of Germany. CHAPTER lY.— SECTION V. Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Liegnitz, Schonaicher, &c. The last counties in Germany to receive the Re- formed faith were Liegnitz and Schonaicher. The Duke of Liegnitz was the high prince of Silesia, and hence a prominent noble of Eastern Germany. His conversion, therefore, caused quite a stir in that Lutheran section of Germany. Liegnitz is situated west of Breslau, the birthplace of Ursinus. But the movement that led Liegnitz into the Reformed Church, was not connected with the movement in that direction in the days of Ur- sinus; but it was caused by the intermarriage of the Duke of Liegnitz with the Princess of Anhalt, which had become Reformed. The prince had a Reformed councillor in Wenzel of Zedlitz. It has been a debated question whether Duke Joachim Frederick became Reformed be- fore he died or not. The Reformed historians held that he did ; the Lutheran historians held that he did not. At any rate he simplified the ceremonies of the Lutheran Church very much. He put away all ornaments, or- gans and pictures out of the castle church ; so that its simplicity became a novelty to the Lutherans of Eastern 384 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Germany. But it was his son, Duke John Christian of Brieg, who fully introduced the Reformed faith into the duchy. As the Emperor Rudolph of Germany tried to get his family to send him to the imperial court, to be educated by the Jesuits ; he was sent to Berlin, where he would be safe from the machinations of the Emperor. His marriage with the daughter of the Elector of Bran- denberg brought him into close connection with that court. And when that Elector, in 1613, went over to the Reformed faith, he followed him. Neomenius, his superintendent, being a Calvinist, greatly aided in its introduction. There seems to be some doubt about the exact date of the introduction of the Reformed faith into Liegnitz. One writer says it was introduced in 1614, and another in 1619. These two dates may be harmonized by say- ing that the Duke adhered to the Reformed Church as early as 1614, but did not publicly introduce the Re- formed customs into his land till 1619, as his people were all intensely Lutheran. But about that time the Reformed influence became very strong in neighboring Bohemia, and the Duke took courage to introduce it. On Christmas, 1619, the Duke and Duchess, with per- sons from Breslau and Neisse, eighty-five in all, partook of the communion after the Reformed mode. In the next year, the presence of Frederick V., the Elector of the Palatinate, the new King of Bohemia, in Breslau LIEGNITZ AND SCHONAICHER. 385 greatly helped the introduction of the Reformed faith. Scultetus, the great court preacher of Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate, came then to Breslau and preached. Indeed, Scultetus was a Silesian by birth, and greatly aided the introduction of the Reformed faith in his home in Eastern Germany. Thus the court and its members and the gymnasium, founded by the Duke, were Re- formed ; but the people were, for the most part, liU- theran. The Reformed faith was also introduced into Breslau during the brief presence of King Frederick of Bohemia. And thus Ursinus' home had an opportunity to receive the Reformed Church. Schonaicher, The noble family of Schonaicher was a well known and highly honored family in Eastern Germany. The county seat of Schonaicher was Beuthen, north of Lieg- nitz. Near Beuthen was the castle Carolath, belonging to the Schonaicher family. Count George of Schonaicher introduced the Reformed faith and customs into his land. His little county became quite influential for its size. He founded a gymnasium, which exerted a wide influ- ence for the Reformed faith over Eastern Germany. Situated in a corner between Brandenberg, Silesia and Poland, it drew for support on all those lands, and in return it influenced them toward the Reformed faith. It was in close sympathy with the neighboring Reformed 386 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. university of Frankford on the Oder. The noble fam- ily of Carolath-Beuthen, as it is now called, still remains Eeformed, although the Liegnitz family has gone into the Evangelical or United Church of Germany. An attempt was also made to introduce the Reformed faith into Mecklenberg, at Gustrow, in 1618, by Duke John Albert, and also to introduce it into Gottorp near Schleswig, by Count John Adolph in 1610, but both at- tempts perished with the death of these princes. The Reformed faith was also introduced into the neighboring districts of Poland, as Dantzig and Elbing (now included in Germany). Between 1590 and 1606 the Reformed were in the majority in those cities. At Dantzig a Re- formed gymnasium was founded under Keckerman. CHAPTER V. The Close of the Introduction of the Reformed Church into Germany. With the year 1620 ended the introduction of the Reformed faith into Germany. It would be a pleasant task, were there time, to describe the immigration of thousands of the French Reformed people into Ger- many in the seventeenth century ; but space forbids. Only two events remain to close this history, before a new era begins, in 1620, with the Thirty Years' War. One of these two events was political ; the other was theological. Both marked the culmination of the influ- ences previously at work. The one was the election of Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate to be King of Boliemia ; the other was the Synod of Dort. SECTION I. Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate. 1610—20. Elector Frederick V. was only fourteen years of age when his father, Frederick IV., died. At once there came up the question of the guardianship of the child. The nearest relatives were the two noble Palatinate 388 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. families of Neuberg and Zweibriicken. But Elector Frederick IV. had foreseen this difficulty. And, being fearful that the Catholic prince of Neuberg might be- come guardian and then educate his son as a Catholic, Frederick IV. arranged that Count John of Zweibriick- en was placed in that position before he died. The Duke of Neuberg made an attempt to secure the guar- dianship ; but Count John had possession of the posi- tion, and could not be moved. Count John, who was an adherent of the Reformed Church, was a wise states- man and a good guardian to Frederick. When Fred- erick V. became eighteen years of age, he assumed his duties as ruler of the Palatinate. The two most im- portant events in the early part of his reign were his marriage to the princess Elizabeth, daughter of King James I. of England, and his election to the throne of Bohemia. Elector Frederick in his youth was educated at the court of the Duke of Bouillon, at Sedan. At the sug- gestion of this duke, a marriage between Frederick and Elizabeth was projected. This was an important event in a political point of view ; for it united the two pow- erful Reformed states of England and the Palatinate. The English people, at first, were somewhat opposed to the match, especially the Catholics, who wanted King James to marry his daughter to a Catholic prince. And her marriage into the royal family of Spain was spoken MARRIAGE OF FREDERICK. :^89 of. They objected to Frederick that he was only a German prince, and was not high enough in rank to marry the princess of England. But the Palatinate ambassador declared that a German prince was higher in rank than an English baron. He reminded them that Frederick was the foremost prince of the German empire, and was equal in rank to the King of Denmark, whose territory and influence were less than Frederick's. The Protestants of England looked with favor on the match, because they felt it would strengthen the influence of Protestantism in the royal house of Eng- land. And because Frederick was Reformed, the Re- formed people of England inclined toward him. When he arrived in England, they were captivated by the fine appearance and elegant manners of the young prince. He took the place of the late prince of Wales in their hearts. And although this marriage w^as intended to be a political one, yet as soon as Frederick and Elizabeth saw each other, it changed into a real love match be- tween the two. All kinds of honors were showered on Frederick in England. The freedom of the city of London was given to him. He was made a knight of the royal order of the garter. The wedding took place on February 14, 1613, the Bishop of Wales officiating. Frederick then visited Cambridge and Oxford, where he left his autograph in the album of the university. He sailed with his bride on the 20th of April in the 390 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Prince Royal, an Admiral ship of the English navy, and landed at Flushing. The progress of the princely pair homeward to Heidelberg was like a triumphal procession. The Palatinate ships met Elizabeth away down the Rhine, below Bonn. Everywhere the recep- tion by the Germans was most cordial. When Freder- ick and Elizabeth arrived at Heidelberg, on the 7th of June, the town was filled with strangers, two thousand guests having arrived. These, in military procession, awaited the entrance of the princely pair. Salutes of cannon were fired, the city was adorned with triumphal arches, the whole town was decked with flowers ; and for a week there were games and festivities in honor of the wedding. This marriage greatly changed the court life at Hei- delberg. Before this, it had been rather simple ; but now it became splendid and extravagant. The Elector, who was a devoted husband, built for his beautiful bride, the west end of the castle, called to this day " the English building." He wished her to have a home that would rival the palace she had left in England. He had the gardens of the palace laid out by the famous Norman gardener, Salomon de Cans. These grounds were beau- tifully terraced, and ornamented with grottoes, which were lined with precious stones and corals. There were beautiful lakes and also fountains, so constructed as to sprinkle the visitor unawares. An orangerie of four FREDERICK ELECTED KING OF BOHEMIA. 391 hundred trees was planted. Indeed, the garden was one of the wonders of its day. It was considered so fine that it excited the envy of King Louis XIV. of France, lest it would outrival his famous gardens at Versailles.* The political relations between the Protestant Union, of which Frederick was the leader, and the Catholic League, were becoming more and more strained. In 1617 occurred the centennial of the reformation (when Luther nailed his theses on the church door at Witten- berg.) By this the Protestants were stirred up to great- er devotion to their cause, and to greater hatred of the Catholics. The synod of Dort still further aided in in- tensifying religious feeling. The bigotry and persecu- tion of the Catholics hastened on the impending war. At the death of the Emperor Matthias, Frederick, as regent of the empire, threw down the gauntlet to the Hapsburgs, by opposing the election of their candidate for the German throne. But he was not able to hinder the election of Ferdinand as Emperor. The Bohemians refused to acknowledge Ferdinand as their Emperor and formally deposed him, electing Frederick instead. This placed him in opposition to the Emperor, for the Em- peror claimed jurisdiction over Bohemia, although the Bohemians claimed the right to elect their own king. Although urged to decline the election by many of his *For a picture of this garden, see the frontispiece. 392 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. best statesmen, as the Dake of Anhalt, yet Frederick (mainly at the request of Scultetus, leader of the Re- formed Church of his day) accepted the position of king. Into the sad fortunes of the Winter King (for Frederick ruled only one short winter at Prague) we have no time to enter. Nor is this the place to describe the faithful- ness of the Electress Elizabeth in her trials and exile. Frederick, driven out of the Palatinate, died an exile, but the beautiful Elizabeth became the mother of kings. Her youngest daughter became the mother of King George I., of England, and the ancestress of the present Queen Victoria. Her granddaughter Elizabeth Char- lotte became the mother of the Duke of Orleans, which family held the regency of France under Louis XY. and ruled France in this century. Her daughter be- came the mother of the Duke of Lorraine, from whom the present royal family of Austria is descended. Ex- iled themselves, this princely pair through their children have ruled England, France and Austria. Thus the house of the Palatinate went down for a while during the Thirty Years' War, only to become the ancestor of kings, as it had been the founder of the Reformed Church in Germany. CHAPTER v.— SECTION II. The Synod of Dort. The synod of Dort was a synod of Holland, and not of Germany. But, as it was the outgrowth of the move- ment begun by the Dutch refugees along the lower Rhine, as the German members of it affected its deci- sions and were in turn affected by it, and especially as it is a side light, that reveals the condition of the Church of Germany, an account of it will be interesting and profitable. The first General Synod of the Xetherland churches was held at Antwerp in 1566. It was composed largely of delegates from Belgium, and it adopted the Belgic Confession, composed by Guido De Bres, the originator of the Reformed faith in the Netherlands. But the next year the Duke of A\vsl left loose his cruel soldiers on Holland, and the Protestants were driven out. For five or six years, the Dutch Reformed Church, as an or- ganization, existed only on German soil. Its next synod was held at Wesel in 1568, followed by another synod at Emden in 1571. Persecution might drive it from its land, but it could not break up the organization of a Calvin istic Church. These refugee churches remained 26 394 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. in Germany until 1572, when the Hollanders began re- turning to their own land. So the next General Synod was held at Dort in 1574. The president of this synod was, however, from Germany, — Heidanus, a pastor in the Palatinate. The General Synod of Julich-Cleve- Berg remained in connection with this Dutch General Synod till 1610. Olevianus himself was present at the Dutch General Synod at Middleburg in 1581. The de- crees of this Middleburg synod had a marked effect on some of the German Churches, especially on the Nassau Reformed Church. A number of differences early began to appear in this Netherland Church, which prepared the way for the synod of Dort. These dissensions began to reveal themselves as early as the synod of Dort, in 1574. One of these differences was the same as appeared in the synod of Julich and Cleve, — the difference between the secret and the open, national churches in the synod. The refugee churches, which had sacrificed all for the Gospel, had evolved a higher spiritual life and a stricter church discipline than the laxer Holland congregations, who had remained at home. When the refugees came back to Holland, they began to find fault with these national churches," for being formal in piety and lax in discipline. This distinction between secret and open churches, instead of fading out as they settled again in Holland, was perpetuated. For these secret churches DISSENSIONS IN HOLT. AND. 395 were continued; as the Belgian or French refugees dared not yet return to their land. So they continued to exist as individual churches in Holland, and became strict in theology and discipline, in contrast with the state churches, which were laxer in these matters. There was also a difference in races. These refugee churches were composed of Walloons, a hot-blooded race, who were very tenacious and decided in their ex- pression of doctrine or duty ; while the Hollanders were a slower, phlegmatic race. There was also a difference in their relations to the state; for these French churches were not as much under the control of the state as the Holland churches. All these differences among the various congregations early led to dissensions on two points. The first was in regard to doctrine. The refugees who came back from Germany, had adopted the Belgic Confession and were strict Calvinists. The ministers who preached for the Walloon churches, were educated mainly at Geneva, under Calvin ; while the Holland churches rather inclined to Lasco, who was not quite so high a Calvinist in doc- trine. Indeed there were followers of Zwingli who were early found in Holland. The followers of Calvin were inclined to be strict and stiff in doctrine, while the fol- lowers of Zwingli were inclined to a more liberal inter- pretation of doctrine. A second difference that early revealed itself was in church government. Some wanted the state to govern 396 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. the Church, others wanted the Church to be independent of the state. By law, each of the seven provinces had the right to control its own religious affairs.* Those who had been refugees, declared that the congregations were under the control of the classes and synods, and not under the state. The other party favored a modified Erastianism, by which the state controlled the Church. These were the small differences, which widened until ultimately a great division revealed itself in the Church. For while the Dutch Church was thus in the stage of formation and fermentation, there appeared a man des- tined to develop the germs of dissension. This was Jacob Arminius. Arminius was born in 1560, and was educated under strict Reformed influences at Utrecht, Marburg, Leyden and Geneva. In 1588 his popularity as a preacher had gained him such fame that he was appointed one of the ministers of Amsterdam. While pastor there, it seems that some ministers at Delft had publicly opposed predes- tination in a tract which adopted a milder view of the doctrine. Lydius, professor at Franeker (the leader of the high Calvinists of Holland), having a high opinion of Arminius, asked him to refute this tract of Koornhurst. But Arminius, instead of refuting it, adopted it, and in 1591 he began preaching against high Calvinism. Still, ■*Prince William of Orange was at the head of the party, who urged the greatest independence of the church. HETERODOXY OF ARMINIUS. 397 in spite of his suspected heterodoxy, when Junius, pro- fessor of theok)gy at Leyden, died in 1602, Arminius was elected to that position. His name was suggested for the place by Utenbogardus, the French preacher at The Hague, who sympathized with Arminius. But when his call to the professorship was laid before the Classis of Amsterdam, that body refused to put it into his hands or to dismiss him, until he had proved that he was or- thodox and Calvinistic in his belief. At length he was permitted to be dismissed, provided he would hold a conference with Gomarus, one of the professors at Ley- den, and thus remove from himself the odor of heter- odoxy. In this conference he solemnly disavowed the errors charged against him, and promised to teach noth- ing contrary to the doctrines of the Church. But he had not occupied his professor's chair long, before ru- mors appeared against him — that his scholars were in- clined to a new and laxer theology. He has even been charged with giving utterance to one set of opinions while lecturing officially as professor, and of circulating confidentially among his pupils a private manuscript which taught different doctrines. These rumors became so numerous against him, that the magistrates of Leyden called him to appear before them. But he refused to come, because, he said, the directors of the university had not given him permission. They did not do so be- cause they were in sympathy with him. The classis of 398 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Dort placed a complaint before the provincial synod of Leyden against him, but the directors of the university answered it by saying that while the students were in- clined to dispute with each other on doctrine, it was not the professors' fault that they did so. The deputies then asked that the professors be required to sign anew the Belgic confession, but the directors declared that that was not necessary. As they were pressed to take some action in the matter, the directors answered that it would be better to let matters rest until a national synod was called. Thus, though attempts were made to bring Ar- minius' case before the church courts, the matter was always evaded. Armiuius was never ready. But in the meantime he was imbuing the minds of his scholars with doctrines prejudicial to orthodoxy. And now there appeared another difference between the ministers of the Netherland Church, which revealed the growing spirit of Arminiauism. The Arminians wanted the Heidelberg catechism and the Belgic confess- ion, the creeds of the Church, to be revised. They claimed that as these were framed by fallible men, they should be subject to revision, so as to meet the spirit of the times and of theological inquiry. But the Calvinistic party opposed any revision very bitterly. They held that while these creeds were not equal to the Bible in authority, yet they were authoritative, as they had been adopted by the Church ; and ought, therefore, to be SUBSCRIPTION TO CREEDS. 399 signed by all candidates at their entrance on the min- istry. The Arminians urged that the Church needed a creed framed not in theological, but in Biblical lan- guage— that the creed should be drawn up with refer- ence to practical life, while liberty should be allowed for speculation in doctrine. It was the question of the revision of, and subscription to, creeds, which was now beginning to loom up in church history. Had the views of the Arminians prevailed, they would have wrecked the faith of the Church, just as lax sub- scription did the Presbyterian Church of England in the last century, and as it has done in Holland in this century. In the meantime dissensions between the Arminians and Calvinists broke out here and there in different parts of the Church. The controversy which had at first been carried on in Latin, and been confined to the learned, soon got to the ears of the common people. The classis of Alcmar resolved that all its ministers should sign the Heidelberg catechism, and the Belgic Confession. Five ministers, who refused to do so, were suspended by the classis. These ministers then appealed to the state au- thorities to reinstate them. This brought up the ques- tion how far the state had authority to control the Church. The Arminians naturally favored state authority, while the Calvinists opposed it. The state of Holland ordered that while an investigation was in progress, the minis- 400 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ters be allowed to perform their functions. This was contrary to all church law. The classis declared that the state had no right to interfere, and the synod of North Holland upheld the classis. The result was that the state authorities could do nothing to secure the return of these ministers to their positions. Thus another diflPer- ance begins to appear between the Arminians and the Calvinists. The Arminians believed in the union of state and Church. The Calvinists believed in the auton- omy of the Church and her independence of the state in the management of her own affairs. It was the old ques- tion whether the Church* should be the servant of the state, or the state the servant of the Church. The old difference between Zwinglianism and Calvinism in church government arose again. The battle between Erastus and Olevianus had to be fought over again in Holland. Laxity of doctrine and discipline are always followed by low views of the Church. The Arminians were the first to appeal to the civil power for help* Afterward, at the Synod of Dort, they were the first to suffer from the civil authorities. Like the Donatists, they appealed to the very power that condemned them. They were the first to propose waiting for a national synod. But it was their enemies who arranged for the synod and carried it out. ' Their enemies used their weapons against them. The Arminians had the aid of the civil authorities at first. They had the ear of the THE REMONSTRANCE. 401 States General of Holland, which finally ordered a con- ference between Gomarus and Arminius, on the 14th of May, 1608. In this conference Arminius wanted Go- marus to appear as complainant against him, and desired that the States General should be his judges. He was thus sure of his vindication, as the States General were friendly to him. But Gomarus declared that a national synod alone could decide. The conference indeed took place, at The Hague in 1609, but Arminius died before it ended, on the 19th of October, 1609. But his cause did not die with him. The strife only increased. After his death, Armiuianism more fully developed itself. Arminius at first probably meant that he did not believe in unconditional election or a limited atonement, but by the time of his death he had far passed these limits. After his death, his disciples, led by Episcopius, passed the limits of his belief. The result was that in 1610 the Arminians organized them- selves into a party in the Church, and presented to the two states of Holland and Friesland an address consist- ing of five articles, which was called a Remonstrance. It was drawn up by Utenbogardus, and signed by forty- six ministers. Their aim, in presenting this remon- strance to the civil authorities, was to gain the favor of the government and to secure its protection against the censure of the Church, to which they were exposed. After this, from this remonstrance, the Arminians 402 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. were called Reaionstrants. The Calvinists afterwards prepared a counter Remonstrance, which revealed the five points of Calvinism. The Synod of Dort in 1616 gave such a deliverance.* And now another difficulty arose. The authorities of the university of Leyden chose as successor to Ar- minius the learned Vorstius, professor at Steinfurt in Germany. But Vorstius had already been charged with the heresy of Socinianism. The Arminians had by this time so far declined from orthodoxy as to elect such a man. The professors at Heidelberg university at once sent a protest against Vorstius, calling attention to his heresy. They said that to call him into the already fermenting Netherland Church would be like extinguishing fire by pouring on oil. But the greatest foe of Vorstius appeared in King James I. of England. James prided himself on the title (given to him at that time) of '^ the defender of the faith." He had read Vorstius' book concerning the nature of God, and he demanded the recall of his election to Leyden. He boiled over with indignation, and threatened to break off all confederacy with Holland, if such a man were *" While this synod declines to give an express sanction to the supralapsarian views of Gomarus, it declares its judgment in opposition to the Arminians, and puts foi th by way of antithe- sis what have been called the five points of Calvinism— uncon- ditional election, limited atonement, impotency of the w^ill, ir- resistible grace and perseverance of the saints." Fisher's His- tory of the Reformation, 473. COxNTINUED DISSENSIONS. 403 allowed to teach such heresy. Some one says that James io this matter showed the only ebullitiou of valor he was ever known to betray. He threatened, not only to write, but to fight, if Vorstius were allowed to stay in Holland. The election of Vorstius was the first mistake of the Remonstrants, and his dismissal their first defeat. For in calling him, they made enemies of the Reformed theologians of Germany, and they felt this hostility of the Germans afterwards in the synod of Dort. But although Vorstius was not permitted to accept the position, Episcopius, the leader of the Remon- strants, was elected to the professorship ; so that they vir- tually gained what they desired — liberty to teach their doctrines. In the meantime dissensions arose everywhere in Hol- land between the Remonstrants and the Calvinists. The Remonstrants appealed to the civil authorities to help them against the Calvinists. Geselius, a minister of Rot- terdam and a Calvinist, as he could not consort with the Remonstrants, began holding meetings in the villages around. So the city authorities, instigated by the Re- monstrants, banished him from the villages. Roseus, for refusing to commune or preach with the Remon- strants, was suspended. He then preached in the vil- lages, and afterwards in The Hague, in a church, which was attended by Prince Maurice of Orange and other leaders. The Remonstrants called this act of Roseus 404 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. schism. The Calvinists werefiued, imprisoned and ban- ished, and when they appealed, the Remonstrants inter- dicted the appeal. Orthodox preachers were driven away, as at Cambden. The Calvinists have been charged with persecuting in this controversy, but they do not seem to have begun the persecution, nor did they persecute as much as the Remonstrants did. The Remonstrants were pushing their schemes, so as to gain the control of the whole land, when suddenly affairs took a different turn. The Remonstrants had almost gained the day, when a breach took place between Barneveld and Prince Mau- rice. Maurice was aristocratic and hoped to see his house, the family of Orange and its heirs, at the head of the government. Barneveld was a republican and aimed at preserving the authority of the states against Maurice. Maurice now threw his fortunes actively with the Cal- vinists. He said : " I know no predestination. To me it is the same, whether it is gray or blue. But this I know, that between Barneveld's piping and my own, there is a shrieking discord.'^ The family of Orange had always been closely allied to Calvinism, and Maurice, in thus taking up their cause, was only treading in the footsteps of William the Silent. But he also saw in this religious controversy, an opportunity by which he might overthrow his opponent, Barneveld. So while Barne- veld had been aiding the Remonstrants, Maurice threw in his fortunes with the Calvinists. And thus political MAURICE AIDS THE CALVINISTS. 405 strife was added to theological. Thus the arm of the state, which the Remonstrants had called to their aid, was now used against them to their fall. As Amster- dam, Dort and other places, opposed Barneveld^s tolera- tion edict, Maurice aided them. Thus the whole of the Netherlands was in commotion, citizen against citizen, city against city. The common people, the ministers, the ecclesiastical organizations of classes and synods were on the side of the Calvinists. The educated people, the magistrates of the cities, and the senates of several of the provinces were Remonstrant. Maurice prohibited his troops from aiding the city magistrates in quelling re- ligious disturbances. This was a move by Maurice to aid the Calvinists ; for it deprived the Remonstrants of the use of the troops in order to oppress the Calvinists. The Remonstrant city authorities then became suspicious of Maurice and levied city troops to aid the magistrates. They did this at Utrecht, where there was already a gar- rison sufficient for defense, and also at Harlem, Leyden, Rotterdam and elsewhere. They thus seemed to be forming a body of troops against the troops of the na- tional government, who were under Maurice's com- mand. Prince Maurice then became persuaded that this levy of city troops was for the purpose of annihilating his authority ; so he began to change the city officials, so that they might give him control of the cities. He thus aided the Calvinists. 406 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. The provinces of Zeeland, Friesland and Groningen were entirely Calvinistic ; Guelderland and Oberyssel were two-thirds Calvinistic, Holland one-third Calvin- istic, and Utrecht entirely Remonstrant. The first three provinces demanded a national synod, to settle the dis- sensions, and bring peace and unity to the land. (The Calvinists had all along appealed to the Church, and not the state, for the final decision.) And now we see the subterfuges of the Remonstrants. They at first wanted a synod to be called, so as to settle the disputes. But now they protest against it. Two provinces, Hol- land and Oberyssel, protested against a synod. But in spite of their protests, the remaining provinces decided it should be held. They declared that the objects for which the synod was held, were — first, to examine into the exact teachings of the Remonstrants ; second, to an- swer them, and also to give a deliverance as to what was the true Reformed faith ; third, to sentence those who might be guilty of heresy. The place chosen for the holding of the synod was Dort, a city of sacred as- sociations, where the first national synod had been held after the return of the refugees from Germany. They at first intended to hold a synod of only the Netherland churches, but at the suggestion of King James I. of England, they determined to invite foreign delegates to it. They did this the more willingly, as the Remon- strants did not seem to pay any attention to the au- FOREIGN CHURCHES INVITED. 407 thority of the Netherland synods, for they said these were not true Reformed synods. The presence and ad- vice of the foreign Reformed delegates would give weight to the decisions of the synod ; and would also reveal whether the Netherland Church was a true Re- formed Church. So the States General invited the Reformed Churches of England and Scotland, France, the Palatinate, Brandenberg, Hesse, Nassau, East Fries- land, the four Swiss cantons of Berne, Zurich, Basle and Schaffhausen, the Wetterau counties of Nassau and Hanau, and the free cities of Geneva, Bremen and Em- den, to send delegates to the synod. Anhalt was not invited, as the Hollanders seemed to doubt whether she was orthodox enough on the Reformed faith. The synod of Dort was really a national synod of the Netherlands ; but the foreign deputies advised and voted with the na- tive members. All of the states and cities invited sent delegates, except France and Brandenberg. The dele- gates of France, Chauve du Moulin, professor at Sedan, Rivet, Chaniier, professor at Montauban, were on the way to the synod, when an order from King Louis XIII. of France compelled them to return ; as he did not want them to form any union with foreign Re- formed Churches that might strengthen them in his own land. The invitation to Brandenberg was sent later than to the rest. The Elector of Brandenberg, who had recently come into the Reformed Church, was very anx- 408 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ious to be represented at the synod, so as to reveal his adherence to the Reformed faith. He appointed Pelar- gus and Bergius, his professors at Frankford, as his. delegates. But they did not go. Pelargus declined, because of his age, and because the near approach of winter made travelling dangerous. Bergius declined, because Pelargus refused, and also because of the late- ness of the invitation. It has also been suggested that they did not go to Dort, for fear of offending the Lu- theran people of Brandenberg, who had already shown their fanaticism by riots. But though these delegates did not arrive, there were twenty-eight foreign delegates present. Prominent among them were Scultetus, the court preacher of the Elector of the Palatinate, and Breitinger, the successor of Zwingli at Zurich, as well as the Bishop of Llandaff of England.* There were present at the synod three Palatines — Scultetus, Tossanus, and Alting, professor of Heidelberg university ; four Hessians — Stein, the court preacher of Landgrave Maurice ; Cruciger, rector of the university of Marburg ; Angelocrater, and Goclenius, professor at *We thus see that the bishops of the Anglican Church recog- nized the Reformed Church of the continent (which had no bish- ops) as a true Church of Christ, and as a sister Reformed Church. Those Episcopalian bishops sat with ordinary ministers as equals, a significant and severe hint to the high church Episco- palians of our day. Bishop Hall of England said in his Ireni- con : " Blessed be God, there is no difference on any essential point between the Church of England and her sister Reformed Churches." FOREIGN DELEGATES. 409 Marburg; five Swiss — Breitinger, antistes at Zurich ; Rutimeyer of Berne, Beck and Mayer of Basle, and Koch of Schaffhausen ; three from Nassau — Alsted, professor at Herborn ; Bisterfield, of Siegen ; Fabricius, of Hanau ; two from Geneva — Deodati and Tronchin, professors of theology ; three from Bremen — Martinius, professor of theology in the gymnasium ; Isselberg and Crocius ; two from Emden — Eilsheim and Grimers- heim. The English delegates chosen by King James I. were — Carleton, bishop of Llandaff ; Davenant, after- wards bishop of Salisbury ; Samuel Ward, afterwards professor at Cambridge ; Joseph Hall, afterwards bish- op of Exeter and Norwich (bishop Hall had to return before the close of the synod, on account of ill health. His place was filled by Thomas Goad, of St. Paul's ca- thedral, London) ; and Walter Balcanquall, the Scotch chaplain of the King, who represented the Scotch Churches. The Dutch delegates included such men as Professors Polyander, Lubertus, and Gomarus. There were altogether eighty-four delegates, of whom twenty-eight were foreigners, thirty six were ministers of Holland, and the rest Dutch elders. There were also eighteen commissioners of the States General of Holland present at each of the sessions, to see that the business was properly transacted, and to note the decisions of the synod. Each provincial synod elected six delegates, of whom two were elders. The French 27 410 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. churches scattered through the Netherlands, who formed a synod of their own, did as the provincial synods had done — elected six delegates. (The president and secre- tary of the various synods were generally chosen among the delegates.) In the province of Utrecht there were only five Calvinistic ministers. They formed a synod of their own and elected two delegates, leaving the Re- monstrants of that province to elect the rest of the rep- resentatives. Only three Remonstrants were elected to the synod by all the synods of the Netherlands. After a day of prayer throughout all the land, the synod of Dort opened on the 13th of November, 1618. It was opened with divine service at 8 A. M., in both the Dutch and the French languages. Lydius, the Dutch minister of Dort, preached in the great church on the synod at Jerusalem. Pours of Middleburg preached to the French in the Augustine's church. After the ser- mon, the delegates withdrew to the Doel, a guild hall, which was used for public meetings, although it had originally been built to be a drill hall.* The first ses- *See picture of Synod of Dort. The officers of the synod sat at a centre table at the upper end of the room, the president with his face to the door, the vice-presidents at his right, the secretaries at his left. Along the side of the room, to the right of the president, and to the left of the picture, were the commis- sioners of the States General. Opposite them, to the left of the president, were the British delegates ; then the vacant seats as- signed to the French delegates. In the next tier of seats were the Swiss, Hessian and Palatinate delegates occupying the three seats in the order named. In the next tier of seats, to the left of the president and nearer the entrance, were the Bremen, the Genevan, and then the Wetterau delegates, occupying the ORGANIZATION OF THE SYNOD. 411 sion was opened by an address of welcome by Lydius. For the sake of the foreign delegates, the Latin lan- guage was used, which was rather a trial to the state's commissioners, and to some of the elders, who under- stood only Dutch. The synod, through the influence of Count Lewis of Nassau, a strict Calvinist, elected Bo- german of Leuwaarden as president, and also elected two vice-presidents and two secretaries. The commis- sioners of the States General also had their own presi- dent, Gregory, and secretary. On all questions the vote was taken by provinces. The rule of judgment was or- dered to be the Bible. The Belgic Confession was not made the norm of judgment, as some have held ; but the Bible. The first session was taken up in receiving the credentials and administering the oath to the mem- bers. The chief question before the body was the re- lation of the Remonstrants to the synod. There were three seats in the order named. On the right of the president, and in the tier of seats opposite to the Bremen delegates, but along the wail, were the five theological professors of the Nether- lands. The rest of the seats were occupied by the delegates from the Netherlands in the order of the rank of their provinces. The Remonstrants, when they appeared before the synod, had their seats at a centre table in the middle of the room, just in front of the president's table. Each delegate found at his seat a pen and a candle, the former for the purpose of taking notes, the latter for light; for in winter the days are very short in Holland, and the sessions of the synod were often protracted until after it was dark. It is a very quaint looking assembly as revealed by the picture. The sessions were public, except when the doors were closed for secret session. There was usually quite a crowd of spectators standing near the door, among them even Jesuits. 412 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. only three Remonstrant delegates ; but the smallness of their number was largely their own fault. They had not only labored to prevent the synod ; but, as for in- stance in the synod at Delft, they had declared they would not send delegates to it. At the fourth session, the synod decided to cite thirteen of the Remonstrants (Episcopius among them),* to appear before them within fourteen days, that they might explain their views and prove the five Remonstrant articles, in which they dif- fered from the rest of the Church. Until the appearance of the thirteen Remonstrants, the synod was not idle, but busied itself about matters of importance for the Church. A new translation of the Bible was ordered. For the Dutch Bible at that time was only a transfer of Luther^s German Bible into the Dutch language — a translation of a translation ; and so a new Bible was needed to purge it from mistakes. f A committee of six theologians was appointed to complete and perfect the translation, which finally appeared in 1637. It was a master piece ; and as the Staats Bible, it is in use to-day in Holland. The synod also discussed the subject of catechization. The representatives from *These persons were chosen by the Remonstrants in the synod. The Remonstrants in the synod, instead of being treated as intruders and heretics, had their rights, as members, re- spected. fThis Dutch Bible was begun in 1594, by Van Marnix, Lord of St. Aldegonde. Owing to the severity of Catholics against Bible translations, it was printed in a ship. EPISCOPIUS APPEARS. 413 foreign lands described how catechization was carried on in their own countries. The last Netherland synod had ordered catechetical preaching, but it had only been par- tially carried out. This synod urged greater attention on the part of parents, teachers and pastors to catechiza- tion, especially for three or four weeks before a commun- ion season. The baptism of heathen children, the pre- paration of candidates for the ministry and the abuses of printing were then discussed. In the twenty-second session, about the first of De- cember, Episcopius and the Remonstrants appeared. As most of them had opposed the synod, it was doubted at Dort whether they would appear at all ; so their com- ing made quite a sensation. When they appeared, it seems that Episcopius, without waiting for the proper formalities, proceeded to make an eloquent, but caustic address against those who had opposed the Remonstrants. For his boldness he was severely rebuked by the presi- dent. The Remonstrants were asked to submit their theological opinions to the synod. They wanted the ref- utation of Calvinism to be taken up first, and then the statement of their belief. The synod very properly or- dered the opposite. They hoped that by taking up rep- robation first, they might excite the sympathy of the foreign delegates. They then asked for time to prepare, but their request was not granted, as they already had had all the time they needed for preparation. At the 414 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. twenty-fifth session, the Remonstrants asked that only the foreigners might sit as their judges, as this national synod was schismatic. (They visited the foreign delegates diligently, hoping to enlist them on their side. Episco- pius with two others, visited the Bishop of Llandaff on the 25th of January, hoping to incline him to them. He refused to listen to them, and told them they should not build their hopes on men, but on the worthiness of their cause.) The synod answered that it was not schis- matic, but was constituted in the regularly appointed way by the election of delegates from each of the synods. The synod tried to get them to express their doctrinal opinions in writing. But the Remonstrants again and again postponed doing so. Finally, though still pro- testing against the authority of the synod, they gave their opinion against the five points of Calvinism. The synod then demanded of them a declaration concerning the Heidelberg catechism and the Belgic confession. They were allowed four days in which to prepare their reply. They replied that these standards of the Church needed revision. When they made this suggestion, the Palati- nate delegates rose up in defense of their favorite, the Heidelberg catechism, and bitterly opposed any change in it. And to the Palatines the commissioners of the States General joined their voices. In the fifty -seventh ses- sion the Remonstrants were dismissed, but were ordered not to leave Dort until synod rendered a decision. DIFFERENCES IN THE SYNOD. 415 Their defense having been made, synod then pro- ceeded to sit in judgment on the Remonstrants and their doctrines. The synod then proceeded to a consideration of the five points of Calvinism, so as to answer the Re- monstrants and pass judgment on them. In the sixty- first session, the synod decided not only to answer the Remonstrants, but also to give expression to decrees stating the orthodox Calvinistic doctrines. The re- mainder of the time, from the 17th of January to the 23rd of April, was spent in the preparation of the decrees. But, while the synod was unanimously opposed to the doctrines and tactics of the Remonstrants, yet they were not so united in positive statements of doctrine. There was so much difference of opinion in the synod that it held secret sessions, so as to allow a fuller inter- change of opinion. There were three grades of Calvin- ism apparent in the synod — supralapsariauism, infralap- sarianism and sublapsarianism.* *The dilfereuces between these various grades of Calvinism are described by arranging the decrees of God in their order as given by these different schools : — supralapsarian : election, cre- ation, sin, redemption, reprobation; infralapsarian : creation, election, sin, redemption, preterition ; sublapsarian : creation, sin, election, redemption. The supralapsarian held that election was the first great aim of all things. God elected men in order that he might then create them to be saved or lost, as he pleased. The infral-ipsarians held that the great aim of God was creation, and that having created men, God then chose men to be saved or lost. The sublapsarians held that the great aim of God was re- demption. They especially insisted that Christ's atonement was universal, over against the limited atonement views of the others,— that Christ died for all men, and not only for the ele^'i. 416 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. In the synod there was a small, but influential party of Supralapsarians, led by Gomarus and the president of the synod, and patronized by Count Lewis of Nas- sau. The great body of the Dutch delegates were infra- lapsarian. Many of the foreign delegates were sublap- sarian. Gomarus desired that the synod should give expression to high Calvinistic decrees as the doctrine of the Church. This brought him into a heated argument with Martinius, who wished a mild expression of Cal- vinism. Ward and the Palatinate delegates had a sim- ilar contest. Martinius with the Bremen delegates, the Nassau deputies, and the Hessian members, except Stein, were sublapsarian. The English delegation was divided. The Bishop of Llandaff, Hall and Balcanquall were infralapsarian, but Davenant and Ward were out- spoken Sublapsarians. The Palatinate, Swiss and Friesland delegates were supralapsarian or infralapsa- rian. So much division of sentiment was revealed in the synod that finally a representative commission was appointed to draft its decrees. This commission con- sisted of the president with three Dutch and three for- eign delegates. On this commission was LlandaflF, and probably Breitinger. From the 25th of March to the 16th of April they labored at this matter. They drew up the decrees, which by taking the middle ground of Infralapsarianism, harmonized all differences, and were acceptable to all parties in the synod. These canons were read and approved in the 136th session. They THE CANONS OF DORT. 417 were then signed by all the delegates. It is perfectly evident, as all parties in the synod were willing to sign the decrees, that liberty was allowed in the interpreta- tion of them. Although the decrees were infralapsarian, yet the Sublapsarians were allowed to interpret them according to their views. The canons of Dort, although they are strictly Calvinistic, allow liberty for different grades of Calvinism. Nothing now remained to be done, but to pass judg- ment on the Remonstrants. The English and Hessian delegates were not in favor of taking any action against them personally, by forbidding them to preach or hold office in the Netherlands. They claimed that the con- demnation of their doctrines was sufficient, and that there was no need of the condemnation of their persons. But the rest of the synod approved of the condemnation of the Remonstrants. The synod, therefore, ordered that the Remonstrants be excommunicated from the Church and displaced from their positions. These canons of Dort, with the acts of the synod, were sent to the States General, and ratified by them, July 2, 1619.* ♦The original manuscript of the synod of Dort is in the pos- sion of the States General of Holland, and is inspected every three years by deputies chosen for that purpose. In the month of May, twenty-two delegates from the synod repair to The Hague, where two delegates from the secular government meet them. The chest, containing the decrees, is opened by eight different keys and contains the acts of the synod, bound in sev- enteen volumes. These are shown to the delegates. This cere- mony is preceded and followed by prayer, after which the re- presentatives dine together. 418 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Ill the 146-148th sessions, the synod endorsed the Heidelberg Catechism and the Belgic Confession. As the Remonstrants had raised objections to the Heidel- berg Catechism, the Palatinate delegates requested that the synod should examine and pass its decision upon that book. All the questions and answers were read aloud and votes taken on them. This led to a unanimous endorsement, except that the English dele- gates declared they did not agree to the figurative ex- planation of Christ's descent into hell by the catechism. (The synod did not examine the objections of the Re- monstrants to the catechism ; but left it to the Palatin- ate theologians to vindicate their book.) At the 154th session, the synod repaired to the great church of Dort, where the canons were read in the pres- ence of a large audience, and a sermon preached by liydius, on Isaiah 12 : 1-3. A final meeting was then held, at which the States General thanked the delegates for their labors. Then, with handshakings, and not without tears, the members of the synod bade each other farewell. Thus ended this celebrated synod. It was in session for six months, from the 13th of November, 1618, to the 9th of May, 1619. The synod cost the states of Holland 500,000 dol- lars, or one million gulden ; the Bishop of Llaudaff re- ceiving eighteen gulden per day. It was an expensive synod, but it harmonized the Netherlands, and prepared MIRROR OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. 419 them for their later struggles for liberty. The decrees of the synod evidently reveal the influence of the for- eign delegates; for their advice and their votes modified to some extent the ultra position and bitter personalities of the Netherlanders. Their influence also modified the expression of Calvinism in the decrees. This synod is interesting to us, because it revealed, as in a mirror, the theological position of the Reformed Church of Germany. For the leaders of the German churches were there, and they may be supposed to rep- resent the religious position of the various states of Ger- many. Bremen under Martinius, Marburg under Go- clenius, and Herborn under Piscator, were sublapsarian, and believed in the universality of the atonement ; while Heidelberg, Friesland, and the lower Rhine, to- gether with German and French Switzerland, were high Calvinists. Thus high Calvinism had attained a place in Germany, though not a place in her creed, which is moderately Calvinistic. Indeed, the freedom with which the German delegates took part in this synod, and their close fellowship with the Hollanders, reveals the intimate relations existing between the Reformed Churches of these two lands. They met and counselled and aided each other as brethren in the Reformed faith. Their soldiers had fought side by side in many a battle for Protestantism. Their theologians also stood side by side in the synod. 420 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. As an illustration of the prominent part that the Germans took in this synod, we would note the fol- lowing : Scultetus, as the oracle of the Reformed Church of Germany and the court preacher of the great Elector of the Palatinate, was early given a prominent part in the synod. It was customary, in connection with the synod, to have sermons preached by its prominent mem- bers. On the 15th of December, Scultetus gave an ex- position of the 122d Psalm, which made a deep impres- sion. And on the 28th of December, he delivered an address on the " Certainty of Grace," in which he re- vealed his great oratorical abilities. On the 1st of Jan- uary, as the church at Zurich was celebrating the centennial of the introduction of the reformation by Zwingli, the whole synod joined in its celebration at Dort, the proceedings being presided over by Breiting- er, the successor of Zwingli. On the 9th of January, Bisterfield, from Nassau, died. He was honored by the attendance of the whole synod at his funeral. On the 29th of January, Alting, professor at Heidelberg university, made an address on the doctrine of Repro- bation, which surpassed all others in the range of knowl- edge, and the profundity of thought that it revealed. On the 1st of February, Cruciger, rector of Marburg university, spoke on the " Extent of the Atonement." But, celebrated man though he was, his address was a INFLUENCE OF THE GERMANS. 421 disappointment to all, as he was hardly able to read it in the dim light of the room. On the 6th of February, Stein, court preacher of the Landgrave of Hesse, (who was a strong Calvinist, and very severe against the Re- monstrants), spoke on the " Irresistibility of Grace ;" and on the 15th of the same month, Alsted, professor of Herborn university, spoke on the same topic. On the 19th of February occurred a bitter controversy on the floor of synod between Gomarus of Leyden and Mar- tinius of Bremen. Gomarus rudely attacked Martinius, making some remarks that reflected on him. And un- fortunately, Bogerman, the president, came to the aid of Gomarus. The feeling ran so high that the Bremen delegates prepared to leave Dort, and go home. But the English delegates, especially the Bishop of Llandaff^, who was a peacemaker, reconciled the parties. Still for a while Martinius did not attend the sessions of the synod. The disagreement was, however, not a theolog- ical one, but a personal one between Martinius, and Go- marus and the president of the synod. On the 5th of March, Martinius again appeared, taking the place of Deodati, who was sick, and delivered an address on " The Person of Christ.'^ And on the 20th of March, Crocius, another of the Bremen delegates, made an address on " Justification.^' These Bremen delegates, although their views were more liberal about Calvinism, yet signed the canons of Dort. 422 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. There were other events that transpired in the synod which reveal the influence of the German delegates in that body. (Two-thirds of the foreign delegates and one-fifth of the members of the synod were Germans.) Scultetus and the Bishop of LlandaiF seem to have been the most influential foreigners there, for the president would al- ways give way to them. Indeed, all the way through, the English and Palatinate delegates acted very much in harmony, because the families of their rulers were in- termarried. These facts reveal the intimate relations between the Dutch and German theologians, and the in- terest the Germans had in the synod. And although it was a Dutch synod, and its decisions were carried out only in Holland, yet the Germans were partially respon- sible for its decrees, and felt its influence in their lands. The history of this synod also reveals the character of the Arminians and Remonstrants. From the be- ginning they were evasive and contradictory. They first asked the state to help them, and then they turned against the state authority ; perhaps because they saw the state was against them. They first suggested the idea of a national synod, and when one was appointed, they refused to recognize its authority. And then they contradicted this position by appearing before the synod. They seemed to have no decided principles of action. They were not persecuted at the synod, as some have charged, but their trial was fair and open. The severity RESULTS ON THE REMONSTRANTS. 423 of its decision they brought on themselves, by their evasions and their opposition. The Remonstrants were driven out of Holland. Barneveld lost his head. Gro- tius escaped from prison through a device of his wife. (It is a mistake to charge these to the synod of Dort. For the synod sent one of its ministers, Professor Walaus, to strengthen and prepare Barneveld for death.) These events were the result of political rivalries be- tween Maurice and Barneveld, rather than of religious quarrels. The teaching of Remonstrant doctrines was forbidden in Holland. Many of the Remonstrants fled to the Spanish Netherlands. But when Frederick Henry, the brother of Maurice, succeeded him ; he fa- vored the Remonstrants, and allowed them to return again to Holland. In 1630, they were allowed to build a church in Amsterdam. But the Remonstrants never exerted much influence after the death of Episcopius. They soon drifted to Socinianism. Episcopius neared Arianism. Brenius, his scholar, became an anti-trini- tarian. They now number, after an existence of two hundred and fifty years, only twenty congregations and five thousand members, and are declining. Their larg- est congregation is at Rotterdam and is composed of six hundred members. This synod has been praised or censured, according to the standpoint of the observer. Martinius, in his later years, said: '* O Dort, would God I had never seen 424 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. thee V' But far otherwise was the general testimony of the delegates. Bishop Hall, when compelled to return to England on account of ill health, said : ^' There is no place on earth so like heaven as the synod of Dort." Breitinger, the great light of the Swiss churches, was astonished at the learning of the Dutch delegates, and said that if ever the Holy Spirit was present in a council. He was present at Dort. Scultetus thanked God that he had been a member of the synod, and said the synod was elevated as high as heaven above all other meetings of the kind. " Here God's judgment was heard, there men's statutes and papist decrees." (He probably referred to the Catholic council of Trent ; and, setting the synod of Dort over against it, contrasted the two, to the credit of Dort.) The Basle delegates, Koch and Mayer, always uncovered their heads, when the synod was mentioned, and the latter called Dort " the holy city, the heavenly Dort." There is no doubt that some bitter things were said in the heat of the theological controversy of that age. But a calm judgment of the synod must be, that it did its work constitutionally and fairly. It certainly proved to be a great blessing to Holland, in giving to it peace and spirituality. The canons of Dort had very much the same eflPect on the Reformed Church that the Formula of Concord had on the Lutheran Church. They crystallized its theology, and brought out most clearly its definitions RESULTS OF THE SYNOD. 425 and logical relations. But it is a significant sign (and this reveals the more liberal spirit of the Reformed Church) that its decrees did not excommunicate the Lu- therans, as the Lutherans had, the Reformed in the Formula of Concord. The Lutherans, all through this controversy, sympathized with the Remonstrants, and were opposed to the canons of Dort. They were under the false impression that the condemnation of Armin- ianism was aimed at them. But this was not true ; in- deed it could not be, for the delegates from England were charged by the King to see that the synod took no action that would offend the Lutherans. This synod, whether we consider its length, or the number of Churches or nations represented, or the abil- ity of the delegates, was one of the most remarkable in the history of the Church; certainly in the history of the Protestant Church. It was the only time that the various continental Churches came together in a synod ; and it exerted a wide influence on all the Reformed nations. 28 CHAPTER v.— SECTION III. A Summary. From the history as revealed in the preceding pages, it is evident that Germany, in the sixteenth century, passed through a crisis. It was a great religious up- heaval. A great reformation took place in a part of the German Church — a reformation in doctrine, custom and government. It was a new reformation — a second Prot- estantism. The Germans took another step farther from Romanism, and nearer to Christ and the Bible. They threw aside the remaining fragments of Romanism that still existed in the Protestant Church, such as exorcism, wafers, &c. They gave up the sacramentarian doctrines and the elaborate ritual of the Lutheran Church, and insisted on a return to apostolic simplicity and Scriptu- ral doctrine. This religious movement continued for a hundred years, from the first introduction of the Re- formed faith at Emden in 1526, down to the conversion of the last prince and country in 1618. "*" ^During all these years the Protestant Church of Germany- was deciding the problem, how many of the rites of the Catho- lic Church were Scriptural and proper. The Lutherans retained some of these forms. The Reformed refused to retain any that were not authorized by Scripture. OPPOSITION OF THE LUTHERANS. 427 It is perfectly evident that so great a niovenient could not take place without friction or strife. Jt in- volved such radical changes that bitter feeling was en- gendered.* The people in some places resorted to vio- lence, as in Wesel and Saxony ; yes, even to riots, as at Amberg, Marburg and Berlin. The Lutheran Church violently opposed the introduction of the Reformed Church into Germany. Nor is this to be wondered at. The age was a deeply religious one. Everybody was religious after his own fashion. The people were tena- cious of their religious principles. They were, there- fore, less tolerant of other faiths. Almost all the de- nominations of the age, at times, resorted to force and violence. The Catholics raised an inquisition. The Episcopalians persecuted the Covenanters. The Re- formed were not absolutely free from the charge of per- secution ; but they persecuted less than the other denomi- nations. The Lutherans of Germany in their opposi- tion and their use of violence against theReforuied only shared the spirit of the age. There is another reason why the Lutherans opposed the Reformed. The gospel was a new discovery to them. They valued it all the more highly, because their eyes had been so long blinded to it. It was the opening of a new world to them when *For an interesting German tale that graphically describes the diflaculties that led to the establishment of the Reformed Church in Germany in the sixteenth century, read "Einer ist euer Meister," by Sigmund Sturm (Sudhoff), published by Brenner at Frankford. 428 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Ijuther preached the doctrine of justification by faith. Christianity became a new religion to them. Truths fought for, they clung to. Any departure from their way of thinking was a departure from the faith. Chris- tianity was Lutheranism, they thought ; all else was heresy. In their intense love for their faith they be- came bigoted. They felt the Reformed faith was a de- parture from their views, and so they opposed it. They saw that the Reformed were changing some of their doctrines and rites, and they became more bitter against them for doing so. Many of them misunderstood the Reformed doctrines. Some thought that the Reformed denied the divinity of Christ and were Arians. Others thought they lowered the sacrament of the Lord's Sup- per to an ordinary meal. Others only saw that they were diiferent from their Lutheranism. And so they all, for one cause or another, violently opposed the in- troduction of the Reformed Church. But in the light of the nineteenth, if not of the six- teenth century, their treatment of the Reformed can not be defended. Such persecutions of brethren in the faith were not Christian. They can be excused, but not de- fended. We only know that such things would not be done by the Lutherans of to-day. For the Lutherans of the nineteenth century have progressed beyond the Lutherans of the sixteenth. Though they are still tenacious of their faith, they would not, by force, com- THE LUTHERANS OF THIS AGE. 429 pel others to accept it. Nor would they persecute any who left their Church. It is an interesting fact (and it is to be remenabered in this connection) that the Lu- therans of to-day have very largely come around to the very position for which the Reformed contended in the sixteenth century. The low Lutherans or Melanctho- nians then contended for broader views of doctrine and a wider sympathy. The Reformed asked for tolera- tion. Both of these things the Lutherans of to-day are willing to grant. The Lutherans now treat the Re- formed as brethren — a courtesy they refused in the six- teenth century ; as was shown by Luther's conduct at Marburg and by the words of the Formula of Concord, which condemned the Reformed as heretics.* And a second change in the Lutheran Church is to be noted — a change not only in courtesy, but in doctrine. The Lutheran Church of this century has largely come around to the Melancthonian doctrine of the Lord's supper. While there are still high Lutherans, yet the leading Lutheran theologians of Germany are Melancthonian in doctrine and spirit. Had the Lutherans of the sixteenth century believed as they do to-day, the Mclancthonians never would have gone out of that Church into the Re- *The writer had the privilege of attending a meeting of the Evangelical Alliance held in Lutlierau Denmark, where other denoEQinations— the Reformed, and even the Baptists and Meth- odists—were received with the greatest cordiality and treated with great kindness. 430 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. formed. And still another fact is to be remembered in looking at this history. It is to be remembered that the high Lutherans, who instigated the harsh treatment of the Reformed in the sixteenth century, were only one section of the Lutheran Church. There were then two tendencies — a high Lutheran and a Melancthouian. And the Melancthonians were as much Lutheran as' the others. Had the Melancthonian views prevailed, it had been better for tiie Lutheran Church. For the Me- lancthonians would have remained in the Lutheran Church. But it would have been worse for the Re- formed Church ; for then the Reformed Church of Ger- many would have been a very small one ; and her his- tory very brief, indeed.* From the past history it will also be noticed that there were three general causes for the origin of the Re- formed Church. The first was the opposition that sprang up against the doctrines of ubiquity. The Melanctho- nian theologians and princes would have nothing to do with it. And so bitter did they become in their de- nunciations of it, that they were driven in an opposite *We trust, therefore, that if anything has been said in this volume that may seem to reflect in any way on the Lutherans, it will be remembered that the Lutherans of the sixteenth cen- tury were meant, and not the Lutherans of to-day. It was ne- cessary to give the facts as history gave them, in order to explain the causes that led to the formation of the Reformed Church in Germany. And not a few Lutherans of to-day have seen and confessed the mistakes made by their Church in the sixteenth century. CAUSES FOR THE REFORMED CHURCH. 431 direction, to a position that brought them not very far from the Reformed faith. It was then only a step for them to pass over to the Reformed Church. And the persistent efforts of the high Lutherans, to force their doctrines on them through the Formula of Concord, only increased their opposition. Thus the doctrine of ui)i- quity, with the doctrines and rites connected with it, drove the Melancthonians into the Reformed Church. The second cause was the bigotry of these high Luther- ans, who gradually attained a commanding influence in the Church. The closer they clung to ubiquity, the farther they drew themselves away from other denomi- nations. They declared they alone possessed the truth, and all others were heretics. But broad-minded men in the Lutheran Church were not to be cramped by such narrowness. Generous hearted men in that Church re- fused to have their sympathies dwarfed and crushed out of them. The result was that the Germans who pitied the Reformed in their persecutions by the Catholics, and who hated the persecutions of the Lutherans against the Reformed, left the Church, rather than be a party to such bigotry. There was a third reason for the origin of the Re- formed Church — a reason tiuit has not been noted as it deserves to be. For it had a potent influence in scat- tering the seeds of the Reformed faith, so as to bring forth an abundant harvest. This cause was the inter- 432 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. marriage of the Reformed princes among the noble families of Germany. This intermarriage, or associa- tion of the princely families, brought many princes into the Reformed Church. And when the prince of a land became Reformed, he usually brought the people of his land with him into the Reformed Church. There is what might be called (following out the idea suggested by the apostolic succession) a princely succession, by which the princes, one after another, seemed to bestow the Reformed faith on other princes. And this revealed some curious facts about the spread of the Reformed. In a few places, as in the free cities of Strasburg, Bre- men and Emden, the Reformed faith was introduced through no princely influence. But in almost every other state such was the case. Elector Frederick III» of the Palatinate began this movement among the princes toward the Reformed Church. He happened to have Count Lewis of Wittgenstein as his Court master in the Palatinate. When Frederick died, although the Re- formed faith was driven out of the Palatinate, yet Count Lewis took it to his own home in Wittgenstein. And so the county of Sayn-Wittgenstein became Reformed. The intimacy of Count Lewis with his friend and neigh- bor, Count John of Nassau-Dillenberg (who afterwards married his daughter), influenced him to receive the Re- formed doctrines. Count John then, in his turn, be- came a missionary for the Reformed Church. And very THE PRINCELY SUCCESSION. 433 zealously did he influence the neighboring counts of Solms, Hanau and Isenberg to become Reformed. (The Count of Hanau had Count John as his guardian, and the Count of Solms afterward married into the Nassau family.) Thus through the association of these princes, almost the whole Wetterau district became Reformed. Nor does their influence stop here. For Count John of Wied became Reformed through intermarriage with the Nassau family. And then the county of Meurs (west of the Rhine) was influenced toward the Reformed Church through intermarriage with this same Nassau family. Count Adolph of Nuenar, the prince of Meurs, became a great champion of the Reformed Church. Through the influence of Count Adolph, the Reformed faith spread northward. He influenced his cousin, Count Wirich of Daun-Falkenstein (east of the Rhine, near Cologne), to join the Reformed Church. And Count Wirich in turn influenced his brother-in-law, Count William of Hardenberg (in the county of Berg), to be- come Reformed. Thus the Reformed Church was planted east and west of the northern Rhine. Nor did it stop. It continued its course northward to Bentheim and Tecklenberg. For Count Arnold of Bentheim married into the Nuenar family of Meurs, and was led to introduce the Reformed doctrines into his land. And what aided in the spread of the Reformed faith northward also caused its spread eastward. The 434 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Dukes of Anhalt married into the Reformed families of the Palatinate and Bentheim (Duke John George of Anhalt-Dessau married a daughter of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, and Duke Christian of Anhalt-Bernberg married a princess of Bentheim), and so Anhalt became Preformed. Elector Sigismund of Brandenberg was brought into direct contact with the Reformed faith by the marriage of his son George William to the daughter of Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate. He went to Heidelberg to the wedding ; and by this association and intermarriage of the Brandenberg and Palatinate families, he was influenced to the Reformed faith. The Duke of Leignitz married into the Anhalt family (Duke Joachim Frederick married the princess Anna Maria of Anhalt), and so he became Reformed. The remaining princely houses of Hesse and Schon- aicher were influenced toward the Reformed Church — if not by marriage, by association with Reformed princes. This princely succession — this conversion of prince through prince — aided very greatly in spreading the Reformed doctrines and enlarging the Reformed Church. And while we do not believe that mere intermarriage converted them to the Reformed faith, yet their mar- riage into Reformed families introduced the Reformed 'doctrines to them and prepared them for their conver- sion. Summing up results, we find that the Reformed Church had twelve organizations in Germany by 1620, STRENGTH OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 435 the end of the first century of its existence in Germany. She had regularly organized synods in Hesse, the lower Rhine, tlie Wetterau counties, and in Bentheim. Lippe, Zweibriicken, Anhalt, Brandeiiberg and Leignitz were under the control of Reformed consistories. The Palat- inate had classes regularly organized and presided over by some member of the consistory. Bremen was organ- ized under a conference, and Emden under a coetus. Thus all the churches were organized into church courts. And although the organization was not purely presby- terian in all the upper courts, yet it was so in the lower courts (the presbytery or board of elders), which were organized everywhere. The Reformed Church had also thoroughly organized her educational institutions. She was a great educator. The universities of Heidelberg, Marburg, Herborn, and Frankford-on-the-Oder were under Reformed control. She also had gymnasia at Neustadt, Bremen, Hanau, Zerbst, Steinfurt, Brieg, Beu- then and Berlin, in which there were professors of Re- formed theology. In the roll of princes, as well as in organizations and colleges, she had become strong. Two of the Electors of Germany, six dukes, one landgrave, seventeen counts and two free cities had embraced the Reformed faith. In all she numbered on her roll twenty eight states of the empire, or about one fourth of the princes and states in the German Diet. Some one has hazarded the statement that at that time one third of 436 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Germany was Reformed. This estimate is probably large. But it only shows to what large proportions and great influence the Reformed Church had grown in Ger- many within sixty years, from 1560 to 1620. Two of the three Protestant Electors were Reformed ; only one, the Elector of Saxony, being Lutheran. Some of the leading statesmen and soldiers of Germany, as Prince Casimir and Duke Christian of Anhalt, were Reformed. The Elector of the Palatinate stood at the head of the Protestant Union which arrayed itself against the Cath- olic powers. And next to him, supporting him, stood the little less powerful prince, Landgrave Maurice of Hesse. The Reformed Church was strong in schools, population and influence. Probably just before the Thirty Years' War, which so terribly devastated her, she was stronger than she ever was before or has been since. CHAPTER v.— SECTION IV. Conclusion. From the preceeding history we can see quite clearly the purpose for which the Reformed Church was founded. She was organized to protest against the er- rors of the Romish Church, and the sacramentarianism and ritualistic position of the Lutheran Church. She was a revolt against what we would call high church doctrines and ceremonies. If her members had not been so strongly opposed to these things, they would never have come out of the Lutheran Church. And if we, her children, would be true to her, we must perpetuate the principles that led to her foundation. It is, therefore, easy to see the theological position of the Fathers of the Reformed Church. We will take up this subject under three heads, and see why she was founded, and what we, her children, are to perpetuate. I. — Her Church Government. In her constitution she was Presbyterian. The two principles on which she was founded, were the equality of the ministry, and the prominence of the elders. In carrying out those principles, she received a more thor- ough organization than the Lutheran Church. She held 438 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. that the Church must organize itself. The Lutherans held that it was the princess duty to organize the Church. The Reformed were therefore republican, the Lutherans monarchical, in their tendencies ; the Reformed demo- cratic, the Lutherans aristocratic. Lambert, Lasco and Olevianus were the great organizers of the German Re- formed Church. They arranged its organization into presbyteries, classes and synods, Lasco giving special at- tention to the first, and Olevianus to the last two. As a result, we find that in the Lower Rhine, Bentheim, the Wetterau district, Emden and Bremen, there was a thor- ough presbyterial organization. But in the other lands this presbyterian organization was modified to some ex- tent by the appointment of a consistory who had charge of the church affairs of the land. The organization of the Reformed Church then was presbyterian or consis- torial. And even where it was most affected by Luther- anism, as in Eastern Germany, it still preserved more independence of state control than did the Lutheran. But the prominence given to the elders by the Reformed was a very important advance on the Lutheran organi- zation. The elders always occupied a prominent place in the congregation. The example and influence of the French Reformed churches at Strasburg, Heidelberg and in the Northern Rhine, opened the eyes of the Germans to the value of a good eldership. So the German churches were organized after that pattern. Elders, or I SHE IS PRESBYTERIAN. 439 censors, as they were often called, were appointed in each congregation. They were to assist the minister in his duties, and to exercise discipline over the membership of the church. It was their duty to visit the congregation, along with the minister, especially before a communion season. And sometimes, as at Cologne and Heidelberg, the town was divided into districts, and each district was placed under the oversight of an elder. In the Lower Rhine region, where the Reformed Church had the greatest freedom to develop herself, the elders were ac- customed to preside at a religious meeting (when the pastor was absent). And in their meetings of the church courts they were accustomed to call each other brother- minister and brother-elder, no distinction being made in their rank. Occasionally, as in Hesse, the elder would assist the minister in handing the cup at the sup- per. All these facts and customs only reveal the prom- inence of the elders in the churches, and the importance placed on the office. Still another peculiarity of the Reformed Church was her use of church discipline. As this power of dis- cipline was given to the elders in each church, the dis- cipline of the Reformed was stricter than among the Lutherans, who left that power in the hands of the min- ister or the superintendent. The result of this strict church discipline was a high type of piety and a purer church life. Even Tholuck himself admits this fact. 440 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. This strict church discipline became a great blessing to the Church. Though at times there was carelessness in administering it ; yet the fact that they could be dis- ciplined, always acted]]as a check on the Reformed mem- bers. It was owing to this peculiar organization that the Reformed were able to resist the torrent of woes that poured over them, billow after billow, in the seventeenth century. II. — Doctrine. The doctrinal position of the Reformed Church was Calvinism. On the doctrine of predestination she was Calvinistic. True, her Calvinism was at first somewhat tinctured by Melancthonianism. For as the Melanc- thonians came over to the Reformed Church, they shaded off gradually into Calvinism. But as they be- came more Reformed, they became more Calvinistic. Thus, for instance, Anhalt was at first Melancthonian. But as she became more thoroughly Reformed, it was not long before Calvinists like Wendelin appeared. Brandenberg was at first Melancthonian, but soon strict Calvinists like Evell appeared in the Church. It is true, a school of Calvinists appeared, who were lower in their Calvinism than Calvin — the sublapsarian school, which followed Lasco rather than Calvin, and believed in the universality of the atonement. Yet the Church was Calvinistic, for these sublapsarians were considered Calvinists. SHE IS CALVINISTIC. 441 There have been those iu the Reformed Church who have derided Calvinism. But they should remem- ber that Calvinism lay at the foundation of the Re- formed Church. Had it not been for Calvinism, we would have had no Reformed Church of Germany. The theological position of the Reformed Church of the sixteenth century is well exhibited in her symbol, the Heidelberg Catechism, which was moderately Cal- vinistic. For this catechism was adopted by all the Reformed churches except Brandenberg (which held to the Sigismund Confession), and Zweibriicken (where the Zweibriicken catechism was used.) The Heidelberg Catechism was introduced into Wesel, the Wetterau counties, Bremen, Emden (although the Emden cate- chism continued to be used even in this century,) the Lower Rhine, Bentheim, Anhalt, Lippe, Leignitz and Hesse (where, although a creed of the Church, it was only used as a text-book in the schools). But it is to be noticed that the Eastern Reformed churches, which were more influenced by Melancthon, were moderately Cal- vinistic (sublapsarian.) Bergius of Brandenberg, Am- ling of Anhalt, Goclenius of Hesse, and Martiuius of Bremen were the leaders of this moderate Calvinism. But Western Germany, which was so intimately related, on the one hand to Holland, and on the other to Switz- erland (where high Calvinism was in the ascendant), 29 442 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. was high Calvinistic. The Palatinate, Lower Rhine, Bentheim and Emden were then strongly Calvinistic. Thus we see that the general position of the Re- formed Church in that day was that of the Heidelberg Catechism. It was Calvinistic, but it included in it various degrees of Calvinism. It is also to be noticed that a new school of theologians was beginning to ap- pear, called the Federal school. They believed in the ' theology of the covenants ' Their leader afterwards was Koch, and from him they are called the Cocceian school. This school aimed to be Scriptural rather than Scholastic. They taught a theology of the Bible rather than of philosophy. And while it still clung to God's sovereignty, it gave larger liberty to the human will. Olevianus, in his work on '^ Grace," became the fore- runner of this school ; and his successor at Herborn, Piscator, helped to prepare the way for it. Thus Olevi- anus prepared the way for moderate Calvinism, while, on the other hand, it is to be noticed that Ursinus seems to have prepared the way for the high Calvin- istic school. For his pupils, as Gomarus, Lybrand and others, became the leaders of the high Calvinistic party in the next generation of theologians. The theo- logical position of the early Reformed Church was Cal- vinism, although she allowed liberty of thought in her Calvinism. HER DOCTRINE OF THE SUPPER. 443 On the doctrine of the Lord's supper the Reformed Church was Calvinistic. While on the one hand she rejected the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Lutheran doctrine of eonsubstantiation, on the other hand she also rejected the doctrine that the elements were mere signs. In her early history there were quite a number of Zwinglians who inclined to the view that the bread and wine were only symbols. But this afterward gave way to the generally received doctrine of Calvin, that there was a special presence of Christ at the supper. (The supper was more than a mere memorial, it was a meeting-place of Christ with the soul.) Christ was pres- ent, not bound up in the elements, but spiritually pres- ent in the soul of the believer. The sacrament was not merely a sign, but a reality. Christ's presence was a real spiritual one. Here it is that Calvin and Melanc- thon neared each other. And yet they never fully har- monized. Melancthon, educated under Lutheranisra, came to it from the Lutheran standpoint of the carna^ presence. Calvin came to it from the opposite position, from the idea of a spiritual presence. These two re- formers neared each other. But coming to the doctrine from opposite poles, they looked at it from opposite sides. And Melancthon was tinctured with the idea of a carnal presence, while Calvin with a spiritual presence. The result of this was that they differed in the efficacy of this sacrament. Melancthon held with the Luther- 444 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ans that all who ate of Christ^s body received benefit; Calvin held the opposite, that the believers were blessed, but unbelievers were condemned. The Heidelberg Cat- echism, in answer eighty-one, plainly states Calvin's position — that the unworthy eat and drink judgment to themselves. The Reformed Church then agreed with Calvin in rejecting three views of the Lutherans con- cerning the Lord's supper — impanation, or the presence of Christ's body and blood "in, with and under" the elements; oral manducation, or the receptiou of Christ's body through the mouth ; and the efficacy of the sacra- ment to the unworthy. She agreed with Calvin in re- jecting these three. She held to a presence of Christ at the supper, but a presence in the soul of the believer. The Reformed also agreed with Calvin in rejecting ubiquity and the doctrines underlying it. And in op- posing ubiquity, they also opposed the doctrine of Christ's natures, which was the foundation of ubiquity ; namely that the attributes of the one nature could be predicated of the other. Thus, that the attribute of omnipresence could be given to his human body, so that it might be every- where, wherever the Lord's supper was celebrated. But the Reformed held that the two natures, while united in one person, were distinct ; and that the properties of each remained distinct. The forty-seventh answer of the Hei- delberg catechism very clearly describes this distinctness in regard to his attribute of omnipresence. The Re- HER OPPOSITION TO UBIQUITY. 445 formed Church was opposed to any tendency toward any fusion of the two natures of Christ — opi)osed to any Eutychianism or any theanthropic life theories. The arguments used by Olevianus and Ursinus at the Maul- brou conference reveal their opposition to ubiquity or any fusion of the natures of Christ. In his comments of the catechism,* Ursinus very severely opposes ubiquity or any fusion of Christ's natures. Osiandrianism (which held that sanctification was an infusion of Christ's na- ture into the believer through the incarnation) and Cal- vinism were at opposite poles. Funk, Osiander's son- in-law, felt this. And the bitterest thrust he could give against the Wittenberg theologians was that they were Calvinists. If then the Lutherans rejected Osiandrian- ism ; how much more did the Calvinists (who opposed even ubrquity) reject it. The Reformed Church in her origin and history is a continued protest against such the- ories. And any attempt to introduce them is a re- turn to the very doctrines which she then repudiated. III. — Cultus or Customs of the Reformed Church. Intimately connected with the doctrine of a Church is her cultus or custom of worship. The cultus depends on the doctrines and also reveals them. It is the mirror of the Church's doctrines. Is a denomination ritualistic or not, her worship will reveal it. The Reformed *Page 249 of Dr. WMUiard's translation. 446 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Church worship was in accord with her moderate views of the sacraments. Opposed to all sacramentarianism (as we now understand that word), she was simple in her service. The centre of her service was not the mass, as in the Romish Church, nor the ritual, as in the Luther- an Church of that day, or the Episcopal Church of to- day, but it was the Scripture. The Reformed Church always gave great prominence and showed great respect for the Scripture in her public services. The Lutherans emphasized the doctrine of justification by faith, but the Reformed emphasized the authority of the Scriptures. This is evident from all the Reformed confessions. The first Reformed confession of Germany, the Tetrapolitana, made prominent the Scriptures as the rule of faith. The Lutheran confessions did not speak of it at that time. This authority of Scripture is the key note of Reformed history and church life. The creed and the custom must harmonize with Scripture. We find, therefore, that in the church services the Scripture occupied the central place. It was the reading and the preaching of the word that were most honored. It is still the custom in many of the Reformed churches of Germany for the congregation to rise during the reading of Scripture, and also during the reading of the text ; then to sit down and remain seated during the sermon. Ebrard gives an il- lustration ; that in some of the Reformed churches men used to put on their hats after the text had been read PROMINENCE OF THE PULPIT. 447 and kept them on their heads during the sermon ; so as to distinguish the sermon as man's word from the text as God's word. Such was the reverence given to God's word, and its prominence in the service. If, then, the Scriptures were the important part of the service, the pulpit, therefore, was made the prominent feature of the Church, and not the altar. Indeed, the Reformed Church had no altars. She liad nothing but commun- ion tables. Her liturgies continually call it a commun- ion table, not an altar. Almost the first thing the Re- formed did in each country in Germany was to cleanse the churches from altars. And sometimes they did it, though there was danger in doing it, and riots ensued. All this only revealed their determined opposition to altars.* The pulpit occupied the prominent place in the centre of the church, with the plain communion ta- ble at the distant end of the church, or else nothing but an almost unseen table beneath the pulpit. Any at- tempt, therefore, to put the altar in the principal place in the church, and to put the pulpit to one side, is con- trary to the history and^custom of the Reformed Church. It is bringing'^back into the Church what she so repudi- ated at her^origin. Such customs are Lutheran, and not Reformed, for the Lutheran and Episcopalian Churches give prominence to altars. The Bible, the pulpit and preaching were the centre of her worship. ■*See Index ou Altars. 448 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. In harmony with this idea of worship, the promi- nence of Scripture, it is to be noticed that the Reformed Church did not use Scripture lessons or Pericopes.* She was not satisfied with only parts of the Bible. She wanted the whole Bible to be read at her services.f The Palatinate liturgy, which was generally used throughout Germany, does not mention Scripture lessons. They were ignored. They were considered Lutheran and not Reformed. The Church of Hesse was the only one that used them ; but they were not in general use, for the Hessian liturgy was not used outside of that land. And in as far as the Hessian Church used them, she was not considered purely Reformed by the other Reformed Churches. The minister was not limited to taking his texts from the Scripture lessons of the day. He was free to take his texts from any part of the Bible. In fact, some of the synods ordered the texts to be free, so that the minister might not be bound up to the Peri- copes. The Palatinate liturgy ordered that he take texts from the Old and the New Testaments. It does not limit him to the gospel and epistle of the day. In many places whole chapters were read in connection with the service. Thus the Reformed Church shook off the trammels of the Pericopes. She was not satisfied with the reading of meagre parts of the Bible, for they left her *See index on Scripture lessons. tFor the evil results of the use of the Pericopes in the Lu- theran Church, see Ebrard's Church History, III., 626. THE CHURCH YEAR. 449 members ignorant of the greater part of the Bible, which was never read. In connection with the Pericopes, it is to be noticed that the Reformed Church did not have the church year. Luther aimed to retain some of the Catholic festivals, but to have them celebrated on Sun- day. The Reformed Church gave up the many fast and feast days of the Catholic and Lutheran Churches. She ordered that only the five Scriptural festivals should be celebrated, Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, Ascension and Pentecost.* New Year was also ordered to be cel- ebrated, but it is not called Epiphany, and was not cel- ebrated as a festival of the church year. The Reformed Church kept only the festivals that emphasized the facts of Christ's life. All others were ignored. The S abbaths were not spoken of in the churches as the first after ad- vent, epiphany, trinity. Lent was unknown. Her lit- urgies and her hymn-books as well as the writings of her theologians, reveal her freedom from the use of the church year. She emphasized the facts of Christ's life, not the church year. A second peculiarity of Reformed Church worship was its simplicity. The Lutherans had an elaborate rit- ual, but in the Reformed churches the service was as plain as possible. This simplicity (einfachheit) has been noticed by her historians, as Ebrard, Heppe, Sudhoff, ■*Ebrard's Church History, III., 679. 450 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Gillett and others.* The baptismal service was simpli- fied. Exorcism, or the blowing away of the devil at baptism, was done away with. In her efforts to put away everything that was idolatrous about baptisraf they went so far as to put the fonts out of the churches. They baptized from bowls. And to still further emphasize their simplicity, they generally used a wooden bowl. The service at the Lord's supper was simplified. The Lutheran custom of holding a cloth beneath the elements, of candles, robes and crosses was done away with. Bread was used instead of wafers. (The introduction of bread at the Lord's supper was generally the first sign that a congregation had gone over to the Reformed faith.) As there was no altar in the churches, there was *Ebraid, III., 578. Rev. Dr. J. W. Nevin says : "The Re- formed confession from the beginning, if we except the Episco- pal portion of it in England, for reasons which it is not necessary to consider, had not been favorable to much outward form or ritual action in worship ; and its liturgical productions have been all along more mechanical than organic, more in sympathy with the pulpit than the altar. While we honor the constitu- tional character of the Reformed Church in the general view of which we are now speaking, we ought to be willing to admit that it carried in it a tendency to what we call extreme simplic- ity and spiritualism over against the worship of tlie Catholic Church, and that this stood in the way of a full liturgical cultus in the proper sense of the term. The disposition to get away as much as possible from the outward usages of the Roman Church, was the cause of extreme views in the opposite direction. There was no proper insight into the true conception of a liturgy re- garded as an organic scheme of worship, and no active sympa- thy, therefore, with the idea of worship in any such form." — Liturgical Question, pages 41, 42 and 60. tSee page 148, note. OTHER CUSTOMS. 451 no priest at the service. The minister did not stand as did the priest, with his back to the congregation and his face to the altar. That practice was directly forbidden by some of the Reformed churches. He was called "a servant" of the word, not a "priest" ministering at the altar. The Reformed did not consider the gown neces- sary for the service. Indeed it has been a grave ques- tion whether the rubric in the Palatinate liturgy about gowns is not a prohibition of them, and an order for the minister to preach in his ordinary clothes.* In connec- tion with this simplicity of the service, it is to be no- ticed that the Reformed had no crosses or crucifixes in their churches. They put them out of the churches. They would not tolerate a cross as near to a church as the grave yard. And the Lower Rhine Reformed Church disciplined a member who worked on a Catholic cross. They wished it understood that it was not the cross nor the crucifix, but the crucified whom they wor- shipped and preached. They put images and i)ictures out of the churches. They looked on images as idols and their presence as a violation of the second commandment. Landgrave Maurice of Hesse in his address at Marburg called them idols. f In harmony with this simplicity, it is to be noticed that the Reformed had very little liturgy. In the next *See page 196, note. fSee page 363. 452 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. century, through the revival of pietism, the liturgical service fell into disuse in great measure in her churches.* Her mode of worship was simple. There were no elab- orate chantings. The Gloria in Excelsis was not used. The litany was not used in her Sabbath services. We have been surprised to find that there was no repetition of the creed by the congregation. When it was used, the minister repeated it himself. She did not have a number of prayers (before or after the sermon), which were broken up into collects by the response of Amen by the congregation. There was only a single brief prayer. The liturgy did not require the congregation to respond with an Amen. The minister made the prayer, and closed it with his Amen. Indeed, the Re- formed people were opposed to responses in church service. This is shown by the trouble in the Reformed church at Frankford, where, when the Episcopalians tried to introduce the responses, it caused great oppo- sition. The response of Amen was used in the Episco- palian and Methodist Churches, and is, therefore. Epis- copalian and Methodistic, but not Reformed. The only responses that were used in the liturgy, were in con- nection with the preparatory service. And these were introduced because the church wished, before admittting the people to the table of the Lord, to be assured of their faith. So the congregation was questioned by the *Goebel's History, I., 420. Uoebel, II., 121-2. HER OPPOSITION TO RITUALISM. 453 minister concerning its faith ; and its simple response was "yes.'^ The liturgy seemed to try to make the response as simple and brief as possible. The liturgy aimed to make the preparatory service more solemn, by thus making it different from the other services.* Tt was this responsive worship and altar service that made the Reformed raise such a storm against Hesshuss at Heidelberg. The Reformed people, when they left the Lutheran Church, were opposed to these forms. And rather than attend a ritualistic service, they stayed at home ; (they did this in the Palatinate during Elector Lewis' reign.) Or they showed their abhorrence of these things by preferring to suffer persecution rather than join in them (as liasco did in Denmark, when the Reformed preferred exile to ritualism). These and other facts only revealed the determined opposition of the Reformed to ritualistic services. The Reformed in many places closed organs, and introduced the singing uf the psalms into the churches. Many of the old hymn books contained nothing but psalms, al- though others added hymns to the psalms. But the psalms constituted the basis and centre of the book, and not the church year, which was generally unnoticed in the hymn books. These psalms sustained the Reformed in persecution and linked their hearts more fully to •■This is one of the advantaj^es of using a liturgy ou sacra- mental occasions, and not in the Sabbatli service. The novelty of the liturgical form makes the sacramental service more impressive. 454 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. God's word. The early Reformed Church was Puri- tanic in her churches and in her services. The Re- formed service was very simple. It consisted simply of an invocation, hymn, prayer, hymn, sermon, prayer, hymn, and benediction. That was all.* The Reformed Church of Germany to-day is not ritualistic. Our fathers who came to this land, did not use a liturgy in their Sabbath services. Our German churches do not use the liturgy on the Sabbath. These facts should clearly reveal the position of the Reformed Church in worship. While the Lutheran Church aimed at ritual- ism, the Reformed aimed at Scriptural simplicity. Finally, the Reformed Church was spiritual in her cultus. She did not have many forms or an elaborate ritual. She cared not for the formal ; she emphasized the spiritual. t She aimed to produce spirituality in her *The very existence of the Reformed Church is a protest agcainst an elaborately ritualistic or liturgical Sabbath service. When she left the Lutheran Church, she left the Gloria, the lit- any, Lent, etc., behind her. She left the Lutheran Church so as to get back to Scriptural simplicity of service. And any at- tempt to introduce them into the Reformed Church is going back to the very principles which she then renounced. These customs are Lutheran, not Reformed. The introduction ot these things into the Reformed Church is a bringing of Lu- theranism into the Reformed Church. In proportion as they are introduced they are a departure from the simplicity of the Reformed faith. |Rev. Dr. J. W. Nevin says : " It belongs, as we all know, to the Reformed Church to represent that side of the Christian life in which the inward, the free, the spiritual in religion are asseited, against the authority of the merely outward in every view."— Liturgical Question, page 41. FINAL CONCLUSION. 455, merabers by tlie spirituality in her services. And the result was that the Reformed Church developed a fine spiritual life in her members. The word of God was not hidden by an elaborate ritual, but was prominent ; and "where the word is, there is life'' This kind of service developed in the Reformed people a deep per- sonal piety, which has largely characterized the Re- formed Church. It prepared her for the revival of the next century. It also imparted strength and hope to her, by which she was able to bear the persecutions of the seventeenth century. Scriptural, simple, spiritual — these were the peculi- arities of the cultus of the Reformed Church. The pu- rity of her doctrine, the strictness of her church govern- ment, the simplicity of her services — these guiding prin- ciples have been the key to her success in the past and the hope of her prosperity in the future. She has be- queathed them to us her children, bidding us perpetuate them and then bequeath them to generations yet unborn. May we be faithful to the sacred trust, and thus be worthy of our fathers, who founded the Reformed Church. APPENDIX. 30 APPENDIX. The Reformed World. The Reformed Church is not only grand in history, but also great in numbers. The number of Reformed people in the world, at the present time, is larger than most persons suppose. We who belong to the Reformed Church in these United States, are not alone in our faith. But we are part of a great and continually in- creasing army, that is spread all over the earth. There is not a continent, except Australia, which does not have churches on it bearing the Reformed name. We will take up the Churches bearing the name Reformed or who use the continental Reformed confessions ; and endeavor to gain a world-wide view of the state of the Reformed Church at the present time.* In Europe the Reformed religion is the state religion of two nations. They are not large countries, it is true, but they are nations which have borne a worthy part in the world\s history. They are Switzerland and Holland. The Reformed faith is the *The statistics are taken from "Herzog's Enoyclopajdia," from the " Minutes of the Reformed Alliance" at Belfast, from "Sketchesof European Lands" and the "Reformed Pastor of Germany," both by Rev. Dr. Zahn, and the "Manual of the German Reformed Church," by Rev. Dr. Dubbs. 460 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. predominant established religion of these lands. Of the rulers of the earth, the king of Holland is a member of the Dutch Reformed Church. And the Emperor of Germany is a nominal subscriber to our creed ; for the Hohenzollern family has always been Reformed ; and in the union of the Churches in Germany, each preserved its creed intact. Dr. Schaff is authority for saying that the Heidelberg Catechism is used in the royal family in Berlin. In four other countries in Europe, the Re- formed faith is an acknowledged, but not the prevailing religion of the land. But it is acknowledged by the state, and to a greater or less degree financially assisted by the government. These lands are Germany, France, Austria and Russia. SWITZERLAND. Switzerland is the mother Church of the Reformed faith. There Zwingli started the Reformed Church, and Ecolampadius, Calvin, Bullinger and Beza laid its foundations. The Protestants of Switzerland are all Reformed. Switzerland is the United States of Europe. She has twenty-two cantons. A peculiarity of the Swiss is that each canton has its own individual church. This cantonal church life has produced great diversities be- tween the Churches. It has engendered a lack of unity and been a source of weakness. There are fifteen cantonal churches in the Protestant cantons. This diversity in the Swiss Reformed Church is also made all the greater THE REFORMED WORLD. 461 when we remember that its people speak three lan- guages— German, French and Italian ; and there is a Reformed church in each of these different languages. Zurich has always been the heart of German Protestant Switzerland. But Zurich, alas, has become the home of the rationalistic or liberal theology. It is true, there are evangelical ministers there (the Munster and the Fraumunster are evangelical, especially the latter, while St. Peter's is rationalistic), but the university is free or liberal in its theology. Basel, however, with its Mis- sion-house ; and Schaff hausen, are the leading evangeli- cal cantons. Berne seems to be divided between the rationalists and the evangelicals, with a leaning toward the latter. Thus the free thinking of rationalism has made sad inroads into the old evangelical faith. But the Evangelicals are very active, especially at Basel. They have founded four schools to provide the cantonal government schools with evangelical teachers — a very important effort. They have also attempted to evan- gelize in rationalistic parishes, but the movement is as yet only in its infancy. The development of the pietism of German Switzerland gathered itself around pastor Schintz of Zurich. Prof. Schweizer of Zurich is the leader of the free or rationalistic party. He is a strong adherent of Schleiermacher. Riggenbach of Basel and Guder of Berne are prominent among the Evangelicals. In French Reformed Switzerland there is a somewhat 462 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. different development. Over against the rationalism in the state Churches and the interference of state authority, there have arisen small Free Churches along-side of the state Churches. There are three of these small Free Churches in the cantons of Geneva, Vaud and Neuf- chatel. The state Church of Geneva has almost en- tirely gone over to rationalism. And the Venerable Company of pastors, originated by Calvin, no longer believe in orthodoxy, to say nothing of Calvinism. It is a sad fact that rationalism should be so active in the homes of Zwingli and Calvin. But it is an interesting sign of the times that the Free Church of Scotland has founded a church in Geneva to bring back to its citi- zens the Calvinism their fathers loved, but which they have forgotten. The state Church of Neufchatel is evangelical, and the state Church of Vaud partly so. The Free Churches are the aggressive forces in the can- tons. The Free Church of Geneva is a small one, hav- ing only 700 members. But it has a wide influence in the city, and has been made famous by such names as D'Aubigne and Malan. The Free Church of Vaud is larger, numbering about 4,000, and has been made fa- mous by the influence of Vinet. The Free Church of Neufchatel has 600 members, and contains the great evangelical theologian of Switzerland, Godet. There is also in Neufchatel an Independent Church, so that there are three Reformed churches in that canton. THE REFORMED WORLD. 463 We now turn to the Italian Churches of Switzer- land. A very interesting discovery of a hidden Re- formed church has been made within the last few years. And yet it is a church with ancient history. During the sixteenth century the Reformed doctrines were car- ried over the Splugen pass, and found a home in the Italian mountain villages of the Grisons and in the city of Chiavenna, where Zanchius preached to a congrega- tion. A terrible persecution arose, and the Reformed were driven away. But they continued to exist, and a few years ago sent to the Waldensees of Italy for an Italian pastor. A delegate of the Waldensians visited them and found in the canton of the Grisons, in the Ber- nina and Bregaglia passes, 2,384 members of the Italian Reformed Church. While also along the St. Gothard pass, at Biasca and Locarno, Reformed churches have been established among the Italians. Thus we find there are fifteen Reformed Churches in Switzerland speaking three languages, and numbering in all 1,667,109 ad- herents. FRANCE. The next land where the Reformed doctrines found a home was France. Calvin from Geneva influenced France and all French speaking people. In spite of her awful history, in spite of a St. Bartholomew and a revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the old Huguenot Church has continued to exist. And she has not only 464 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. continued to exist, but she has wonderfully grown dur- ing the last century. When, at the beginning of this century. Napoleon gave her recognition, there were only 180 churches, fifty of them being pastorless. Since then she has grown, until there are 720 pastors, and there would be 1200, if Alsace and Lorraine had not been separated from France by the Germans. The Huguenot Church is somewhat crippled by its connec- tion with the state, and still further hampered by a rationalistic party within it. But the Evangelicals are largely in the majority. Out of 702 pastors, 512 are orthodox and 190 liberal. The French government finally, in 1872, called a General Synod of the Reformed churches. This was the first General Synod that had assembled at the call of the government since 1659, when the last National Synod was held at Loudun, at the command of Louis XIY., who refused to call an- other synod, because they were too expensive, but really because he wanted to break up the unity of the Protest- ants. This first synod was held at Paris, in 1872. In this synod the Evangelicals gained the victory, and compelled a subscription to the old creeds of the Church, which the rationalists did not want. But as the Lib- erals protested against the decisions of this synod, no more synods were held by the government, although these synods were to have been held annually. The Evangelicals waited, and finding that the state would THE REFORMED WORLD. 465 not call any more synods, they determined not to be outwitted. They proceeded to form a synod of their own. They resolved to organize an unofficial synod, with officers, classes and committees, which was to meet every three years. They thus outwitted the state and the rationalists. The first meeting of this unofficial synod was held at Paris, the second at Marseilles in 1881 ; the third has just been held in St. Quentin. Out of the 700 pastors, 425 have united with this synod. Thus the State Church, the old historic Hugu- enot Church, is revealing new life, and renewing her youth. She numbers 550,000 adherents. In addition to this State Church, a Free Church has arisen. It was started in 1848 by Frederic Monod, who was compelled to leave the State Church by the government and the rationalists. It is a very aggress- ive body, and numbers, we think, about 14,000. The state churches in the North of France and Normandy have suffered less from rationalism than the churches in the South. The only rationalistic church in Paris is the Oratoire. Bersier, Theodore Monod, Decoppet of Paris, and Prof. Jean Monod of Moutauban are the leaders of the orthodox in the State Church ; Coquerel of the rationalists. Prominent among the free church leaders is Pressense. Indeed, it is remarkable how- many prominent men the Reformed Church has pro- duced for the republic. Although the Reformed con- 466 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. stitute a very small part of the population, yet they have given a President to France in Thiers. And in one of the Cabinets a majority were Protestants. The McAll mission, the wonder of the last decade, has greatly aided the Reformed Church of France, by stir- ring up her own members, and by making converts for ber from Catholicism. In no European land does the outlook seem so bright for the Reformed Church as in France. Of all Catholic countries France is drifting fastest away from the Catholic Church. Mr. Reveil- laud, the distinguished editor and evangelist, after a thorough personal investigation, says that out of the ten million French electors, six million acknowledge the moral and religious superiority of the Reformed religion, and passively desire its triumph. In this drift from Catholicism, the people who tend to Protest- antism, will naturally drift into the Huguenot, the old historic Church of France. It would not be surpris- ing, if within the next century the Reformed Church of France would double herself. HOLLAND. Holland comes next in the history of the Reformed Church. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Reformed faith had no more devoted adherents and valiant defenders than the Dutch. Alas, to what a sad condition has the Dutch Church fallen, in these latter days. More than any other Reformed Church she has THE REFORMED WORLD. 467 drifted from the faith, for which her fathers bled. Ra- tionalism, under the name of Modernism, has swept over the land. What was denied by the Synod of Dort, has now come to pass. Oh, for another Synod of Dort, to declare the orthodoxy of the Holland Church. Better a stiff orthodoxy than a limp rationalism. One fifth of all her congregations are vacant, and some va- cant for fifteen or more years. Many of the congrega- tions would rather have no pastor than a rationalist. It is a curious illustration, where the people are more orthodox than their ministers. Of her 1200 pastors, 600 are Moderns, 300 others belong to the Groningen school, which, while not rationalistic, is only semi- Evangelical, being semi-Pelagian and semi-Arian. The remaining 300 pastors are orthodox. But they are divided into two parties, one of whom is Evangelical and refuses to receive any creed, like the Belgic Confes- sion ; while the other is composed of the Confessionalists, and demands a strict adherence to the old creeds con- firmed by the Synod of Dort. A movement has re- cently taken place in Holland, which has challenged the attention of the world, and the sympathy of the other Reformed Churches. The Evangelicals in 1879 organized a free university at Amsterdam, under the supervision of Drs. Hoedemaker and Kuyper. Its aim was to indoctrinate students with the orthodox doctrines. This university became quite prosperous. But the con- 468 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. flict between these Evangelicals and , the rationalists deepened. The state churches refused to license the graduates of this unoflBcial university. Finally the Evangelicals were driven out of the State Church, the doors of the New Church of Amsterdam (which had always been their rendezvous), being locked against them. Seventy-five ministers, elders and deacons, and 15,000 people were driven out of the church at Amster- dam ; two pastors and 3,500 people at Rotterdam. So a congress was called at Amsterdam, in January, 1887, to organize this new movement. Two hundred and fifty delegates were present from 150 congregations, and there were large audiences and great interest. Thirty- five churches have left the State Church. It is too early to count the results of this movement. It will, however, carry many thousands out of the State Church into this new organization, which will either become a separate Church, or else affiliate with the Christian Re- formed Church of Holland. This movement is not a schism or a disruption, but a return to the old faith guaranteed to the Church, before the constitution of the Netherlands was altered by the government in 1816. The Christian Reformed Church of Holland is com- posed of dissenters, who left the State Church in 1834, because of the rationalism. They have become strictly orthodox, and are great Psalm singers. They number 130,000 members and 200,000 adherents, with a theo- logical seminary at Kampen. THE REFORMED WORLD. 469 There is also a small Walloon Reformed Church in Holland, composed of descendants of Belgians, who did not dare return to their land in the sixteenth century. The Walloon Church numbers about 10,258. The present condition of the Dutch Reformed Church is one of fermentation and division. God is undoubtedly ordering all things for a wise end. That end will be his glory. But how he will bring it about, time alone will reveal. There are in Holland 2,167,110 adherents to the Reformed Churches, of whom 1,956,852 are in the State Church. There are seven Missionary Societies, which have missions in the various Dutch colonies. Of these, the Rotterdam Society have done the greatest work. In their struggle for the purity of the faith, these Dutch brethren need the sympathy and the prayers of all their Reformed brethren. GERMANY. Later than Switzerland, France and Holland, Ger- many received the Reformed faith. Although it had been introduced much earlier, it did not become promi- nent until the conversion of Elector Frederick III. It was his defence at Augsburg which caused its recog- nition by the state. Before the Thirty Years' War, per- haps one-fourth of Germany was Reformed. But per- secution and other unfortunate events have reduced her numbers. A part of the Reformed Church has been swallowed up in the Evangelical Church of Prussia, 470 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. - which is a union of Lutherans and Reformed. There are about one million and a third of adherents to the Reformed faith in Germany (at the present time). The ecclesiastical condition of Germany is very much the same as in Switzerland. Each land or county had its own Reformed Church. The result is that there were many Reformed Churches in Germany without any bond or connection between them. The Reformed adherents are, therefore, isolated and scattered, from the Rhine to Silesia, and from Pomerania to Bavaria. The various provinces of Germany were united into one great empire in 1871. But while there has been ^ po- litical union, there has been no religious union of the Reformed Churches. Only within the last few years has there been an effort to bring the scattered Reformed Churches together, by the organization of a Reformed Bund or Alliance, which holds its second meeting at Detmold in Lippe this summer. Several causes are forcing the Reformed of Germany together at the pres- ent time. One is the rise of confessionalism. The Lutherans in the Evangelical Church are becoming more pronounced Lutherans. And the Reformed, over against them, are led to emphasize their position. An- other cause is the increasing tide of piety that is begin-, ning to reveal itself in Germany, which is forcing the Churches to take a positive instead of a negative posi- tion. And lastly, the growing political influence of the THE REFORMED WORLD. 471 Catholic Church is forcing the Reformed, who have always been at the antipodes of Romanism, to unite for common protection. The growing influence of the new rationalistic school of Rischl is urging the Reformed to unite for defence. The Hammerstine propositions to give more liberty to the Church, and also more endow- ment to her, too, will aid the Reformed. (For the Catholics in Prussia receive as much state help as the Protestants, although they are only half as strong.) As a result of all these movements, the Reformed of Ger- many are gradually uniting their forces. As some one says : " The destruction of Calvinism in Germany means the ultimate destruction of Protestantism." Taking up the parts of Germany in detail, we no- tice, there are Reformed congregations at the following prominent places. (We have not time to give the country congregations.) In Eastern Germany, at Ko- nigsberg, 3500, (also a French oiuirch 300,) Danzic 2500, Stettin 700, (French 500,) Breslau 1500. In Berlin the German Reformed churches, including the cathedral (which was formerly Reformed), have gone into the United or Evangelical Church. But there still remain two Reformed churches. One is the Bohe- mian church which was formed by the Bohemians who fled from Bohemia in 1732. Its pastor is Hapke, and it is called the Bethlehem church. The other is a French Reformed church, formed by French refugees 472 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. I I in fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. | The Bohemian church numbers 1600, and the French j church 6000.* In Leipsic there is a Reformed church I of 3367, and at Dresden a church with 1800. Most of ! Anhalt has gone into the Evangelical Church. But there are still 38,000 Reformed in the county of An- ; halt-Kotha. There are quite a number of Reformed churches around Magdeburg, composed of descendants j of French refugees in the seventeenth century. Mag- ; deburg has 5000 German, 1020 Walloon, 268 French. Halle has 4500. Then comes the Lower Saxony Con- ! federation of Reformed churches, of which Dr. Brandes 1 1 of Goettiugen is the president. Goettingen has 1500, 1 Brunswick 4000, and Hanover 1800. This Lower I Saxon Confederation is the only body that has preserved the strict presbyterian form of government for two hun- dred years ; the others having been modified by the ! consistorial form, or having been governed under Luth- \ eran superintendents. At Altona, opposite Hamburg, is a congregation of 1000, the descendants of French refugees. Hamburg has a German Reformed church | of 5000, and a French of 100. Bremen still remains strongly Reformed, there being 24,399 in the city, and \ 16,195 in the land. East Friesland, which has been j included in the Hanoverian Reformed Church, has ever ] *0f the 35 parishes iu Berlin in the Evangelical Church, only j five are served by liberal preachers ; and of the total 80 preach- 1 ers in these parishes, about twenty are liberal or rationalistic. | THE REFORMED WORLD. 473 been a stronghold of the Reformed faith. It is divided into four consistorial districts, whose centres are at Em- dem and at Aurich. Rev. Dr. Bartels, the president of the synod, resides at Aurich. Bentheim, one of the Reformed districts of the Hanoverian Church, is in- tensely Reformed. An important movement has lately taken place in this Hanoverian Reformed Church. The government finally authorized its 120 congregations to assemble in its first synod in 1881. Besides these, there is an Old Reformed Church of Bentheim and East Friesland with 2400 adherents, which is independent of the state. Lippe is a strong Reformed land, and is the only country which retains the classes in its govern- ment. Dr. Theleman is the Consistorialrath of the Lippe Reformed Churches. In its three classes are 112,994 members. The Church of Hesse is united with the Lutheran in the Evangelical Church, and the Re- formed are overshadowed by Lutheran authority. Hesse has 381,652 Reformed members. But she is drifting toward Lutheranism. Nassau has 9800 Re- formed, but she has tried to forget that she ever was Reformed. At Frankford there is a German church with 7000, and a French church with 350 members. In Bavaria there is a group of nine churches, mainly composed of refugees from France, which is presided over by Dr. Ebrard of Erlangen. There are two churches at Erlangen and one at Nuremberg. The recent Franco- 31 474 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. German war has brought back to Germany the large Reformed Church of Alsace-Lorraine, with its five con- sistories, and a membership of 48,819. The Reformed church at Strasburg, with 922 members, belongs to it. But the centre of the Reformed Churches of Germany are the Rhine Provinces and Westphalia. There are 300,000 in the Rhine Provinces, and 135,000 in West- phalia. These are intensely Reformed, and have re- tained their Reformed customs and zeal. Some of the congregations are very large. Elberfeld has 33,000, Miihlheim 30,000, Barmen 15,000 (all near Cologne). There is a Netherland Reformed church at Elberfeld which was organized in this century, because the Re- formed opposed a liturgical service which the Prussian government tried to force on them. The Heidelberg Catechism is still in use in the Reformed Church of East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenberg, Sax- ony, Hanau, the Rhine Provinces, Westphalia, Bremen, Lippe, Bavaria, but not in Hesse and IS'assau. There are only three or four Reformed professors in Germany, where there used to be five Reformed universities. These are Professors KraflPt at Bonn, Achelis at Mar- burg, and Sieffert at Erlangen. Dr. Ebrard is honorary professor at Erlangen. The Reformed ministers of Germany may be catalogued in four classes. At the one extreme are the rationalists or liberals. They are fewer in number than in the Lutheran or Evangelical THE REFORMED WORLD. 475 Church, For the Reformed Church has been protected from heterodoxy by its reverence for the Scriptures and its catechetical preaching. At the other extreme are the high Calvinists, who are so narrow in their views ; that all who are not high Calvinists, are not Re- formed. This strict interpretation of the Reformed doc- trine is not to be wondered at, because they are surrounded by so much rationalism. A prominent representative of this party is Dr. Zahn of Stuttgart, one of the best historical writers of the Reformed Church. Between these two extremes there are two classes. They are both Calvinists. The one rather emphasizes Calvin's doctrine of predestination, the other his doctrine and cultus of the Lord's supper. The first are strict predes- tinarian, but are broad in their sympathies, and will fraternize with others, even if they are not quite so Calvin istic, provided they are orthodox and evangelical. The second class are moderate on predestination (sub- lapsarian), but are Calvinistic in the Lord's supper and in that simplicity of cultus, which has always charac- terized the Reformed Church. Dr. Calaminus of El- berfeld and Dr. Brandes of Goettingen are representa- tives of the former, and Dr. El^rard of the latter. The union of these two — the old school and the new school Calvinists — will make the Reformed Alliance of Ger- many strong. This alliance will produce great results, if, avoiding controversy, they insist on orthodoxy of 476 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. doctrine, simplicity of service and presbyterianism of government. AUSTRIA. Austria, although the most bigoted Catholic laud in Europe (except Spain), yet nurtures within herself a large Reformed population. The Austrian Reformed Churches may be divided into two sections — the Reformed Church of Austria proper and the Reformed Church of Hun- gary. In the superintendency of Vienna there are five churches with 6,433 adherents. In Bohemia there are forty-seven churches with 69,298 adherents ; in Mora- via twenty-five churches with 40,089, and in Galicia four churches with 4,944 members. Together there are 124,764 adherents to the Reformed Church in Austria. At Vienna there is a Reformed professor in the Uni- versity, Prof. Bohl, who is a very high Calvinist. A new congregation has been planted at Bregenz in the Tyrol. But the Church that interests us the most, is the Bohemian Churgh. In spite of terrible and con- tinued persecutions, this Church has continued to exist, and is to-day renewing her energies. Although perse- cuted for nearly 200 years, yet when the Emperor of Austria granted the Edict of Toleration, at the end of the last century, the number of Reformed people that seemed, like the Israelites, to come out of the caves and dens of the earth, was surprising. And now there is a small, but aggressive and growing Reformed Church in THE REFORMED WORLD. 477 Bohemia, for which the Reformed and Presbyterian Al- liance at Belfast decided to raise 25,000 dollars. This Bohemian Reformed Church, about a year ago, formally adopted the Heidelberg Catechism as its standard. A few years ago a member of the Reformed Church was elected Mayor of Prague, which reveals the growing in- fluence of the Church. There is, however, a certain amount of rationalism in the Church. But some of the Reformed theological students are being educated in Scotland, and they are introducing the Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness into the Church. The Reformed Church of Hungary is a much larger Church. This Church has also suifered great persecu- tions, but was able, owing to the peculiar position of Hungary in the Austrian government, to gain greater in- dependence. It was divided into five superintendencies, but they were not united into a central body, as the Catholic rulers did not wish the Reformed to have the strength of unity. Finally, in 1881, a General Synod was ordered by the government at Debreczin, which is the heart of the Reformed Church of Hungary and the seat of a theological seminary, of which Prof. Balogh is an honored representative. (This congregation at De- breczin is very large, having 36,000 members and 180 elders.) Since this General Synod the Hungarian Church has entered on a new era of life and activity. Her unity has developed new strength and energy. This synod 478 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERIMANY. chauged the name of the Church from the ^Church of the Helvetic Confession' to the ^Evangelical Reformed' Church. The Heidelberg Catechism, which had been purged by the Catholic government of the 30th, 57th and 80th questions, was again printed in 1885 in its original form. In almost all the churches there is cate- chetical preaching on Sabbath afternoons. There are 1,- 909 ministers and 2,090,252 adherents. The Hungarian prime minister is a member of the Reformed Church. He has succeeded in having a bill passed through the Hungarian Parliament, by which the Reformed Church is to be represented by five ministers and five elders, so as to counterpoise the Catholic and Greek prelates who have seats in that body. The Church has been tinc- tured with rationalism, but the orthodox and evangelical wing is growing. The Church supports a mission in Rou- mania (which has seven organized churches), and a Sla- vonic-Syrmisch mission. This Church, if revived and developed, has a great mission before it in the conver- sion of the Slavonic races. If the Bohemian and Rus- sian Reformed were united with the Hungarian Re- formed in earnest effort, a great work might be expected among the Slavonic races of Turkey, and in Russia, the great nation of the future. RUSSIA. Russia, though belonging to the Greek faith, yet contains in it a small, but influential Reformed Church. THE REFORMED WORLD. 471) The Russian Reformed Church may be divided into three groups — the Polish, Lithuanian, and the central consistory. The Reformed Church of Poland, founded by John A. Lasco in the sixteenth century, notwith- standing all the persecutions of the Jesuits, still con- tinues to exist, and numbers 7000 adherents. It con- tains nine congregations under the consistory at War- saw. Its president is Tolande. The Warsaw congre- gation, which numbers 2245, has erected a beautiful church. Most of the congregations are Polish and German, but the congregation at Zelow (numbering 2400 members,) is Bohemian. This Polish Reformed Church is a struggling Church. " Had Poland become Reformed, instead of Jesuit, the words ^ Finis Poloniae' had not been spoken.^' The Reformed Church of Lithuania is composed of fourteen congregations. Most of the congregations are very small, except the church at Birsen, which numbers 6000 souls. There is a Reformed gymnasium at Wilna. The remaining part of the Russian Reformed Church is spread through European Russia, from Riga and St. Petersburg on the North to Odessa and the Volga on the South. The largest of these churclies is at St. Pe- tersburg, where the German church has 1047 communi- cants, and 3000 adherents. At Moscow, under pastor Neif, there is a congregation of 2000 adherents. At the 480 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. head of the Reformed consistory is Dr. Dalton of St. Petersburg, one of the most prominent ministers in Eu- rope. His church is a fountain of usefulness in the Russian capital. The church building is a veritable cathedral, having cost 180,000 dollars ; and when burned soon after, it was erected at an additional cost of 35,000 dollars. There are also French churches at St. Petersburg and Moscow, and a Dutch church at St. Pe- tersburg. There is a church at Odessa with 450 mem- bers. And near Odessa is a large Reformed colony of Germans in Bessarabia, numbering 3832. This Ger- man colony became the originator of one of the great Evangelistic movements in Russia. Many years ago, pastor Bonekemper was accustomed to have prayer- meetings or Stunden there. The son of this pastor came to America, was educated in the Reformed Church of the United States, and went back to visit his father's home in 1867. A revival of religion broke out in the village while he was there. Now it happened that a Russian laborer became interested in these meetings, to whom Mr. Bonekemper interpreted the services. With his quick Russian ability to master the languages, this j)easant rapidly learned to read, and becoming possessed with a Bible, he went back to his country home, a new creature in Christ Jesus. But he could not keep the gospel to himself. In the long winter evenings he would read this Bible to his friends and neighbors. THE REFORMED WORLD. 481 Ignorant that it was not the custom in the Greek Church to read the Bible, these Stundists went to the village priest to have difficult passages explained. They found they knew more about the Bible than did the priest. But the priest became angry and began to per- secute them. Still, this Evangelical movement kept on spreading from village to village. The Greek Church, alarmed, influenced the Russian government to try and stop it. The Russian government arrested the Stund- ists, put them in prison, and sent some away to Siberia. But wherever they went, they spread the gospel, whether in prison or in Siberia. And the seed sown by the Reformed of Bessarabia has so grown, that it is said there are at present eighty thousand Stundists in Rus- sia. This great movement is still spreading, and the Russian government is powerless to stop it. The Stundist movement is a child of Reformed effort. There are also three large Reformed congregations of 54,000 members along the Volga, which, by a strange arrange- ment of the government, are placed under the Lutheran consistory of that district. The whole number of Re- formed in Russia is about 80,000. THE REMAINING COUNTRIES OF EUROPE. Lutheranism possesses Scandinavia. But there is one Reformed church in Sweden, numbering about 190 members. Denmark has a few congregations, as at Copenhagen and at Fredericia. These are descendants 482 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. of French refugees, who, more than a century ago, found a home there. They were permitted to settle by the Danish king, because he thought his people would not understand French, and would not be proselyted by them from Lutheranism. Belgium has two Reformed Churches. One is the old National Walloon Reformed Church, numbering about ten thousand, composed of descendants of the Walloons of the sixteenth century. The other Church is a new organization, which, although not Reformed in name, yet has adopted the Belgic Confession, and is, therefore, Reformed in creed. It is called the Evan- gelical Society of Belgium. It numbers about 3923 communicants and perhaps 8,000 adherents, and is a very aggressive, growing Church. The Reformed of Great Britain have become Pres- byterian in name, but there are a few foreign Reformed churches in London. There is the Dutch Reformed church at Austin Friars — redolent with memories of John A. Lasco — which was the first church to introduce pure Presbyterianism. There are also a Swiss Reformed, a German Reformed and a French Reformed church in London. There may be other German or French Re- formed churches on the British Isles, of which we have no knowledge. Spain also has a German mission under pastor Fliedner, which uses the Heidelberg Catechism, as the THE REFORMED WORLD. 483 incident on page 191 shows. We can not give statistics, but we understand that there are two German' churches in Madrid. The Central Society of Evangelization of France, which is the missionary society of the French Reformed Church, also has a station beyond the Pyre- nees in Spain. Italy also has a few scattered Reformed churches. There are three French Reformed churches and four German Reformed churches in that papal land. Thus we find that in Europe there are about eight millions of Reformed people living in eleven countries. And the Reformed doctrines are preached in the French, Dutch, German, Italian, Spanish, Bohemian, Hunga- rian, Polish and Russian languages. AFRICA. Passing from Europe to Africa, we find that at the two extremities of the dark continent there are Reformed churches. Algiers in the North of Africa, being a French colony, has French Reformed churches. The number of Protestants in Algiers is about ten thousand, of whom we suppose the greater part are French Re- formed. The Central Society of Evangelization, the missionary society of the French Reformed Church, has missions in Algiers. And the McAll mission has stations in that laud. The Waldeusees have sent a col- ony to Algiers, which was at first cared for by the Re- formed churches of Algiers. 484 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. The southern part of Africa has a strong Reformed church. It was founded by Dutch colonists who went there in 1663. They were afterwards joined by French refugees fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. These have fused together and formed one strong conservative, but aggressive Dutch Reformed Church. Cape Colony has 68,000 members. Orange free state 18,000, Natal 1000, South African Republic 2800. The Christian Reformed Church has 6000, and the Dutch Reformed Church of the South African Re- public 15,000. Thus there are about 110,000 members in those African colonies. There are also two missions in Africa. One from the Dutch Reformed Church numbering 4000, and an- other from the French Reformed Church in Basuto land numbering 6000. ASIA. Asia is not without its witness to the Reformed faith, although here is it mainly a Missionary Church. The Dutch Reformed Church of America has three flourishing missions. One is at Arcot in India, with 1610 members. Another is at Amoy in China, (where it has fused with the English Presbyterian mission,) numbering 784. A third mission is in Japan, number- ing 770. The German Reformed Church of the United States has a flourishing mission in Japan, which num- bers 200 members. These two last have united with the THE REFORMED WORLD. 485 Presbyterians in forming the United Church of Japan. There are also two Dutch Reformed churches on the island of Ceylon, which were founded by Dutch colon- ists many years ago. The islands of the seas are not without their witness to the Reformed faith. Although the East India Com- pany for a long time opposed the missionary societies, yet it has changed its tactics, and now aids them in Java and elsewhere. There is a Dutch Reformed church in Java, numbering 7000, which is fostered by the govern- ment. East Java has 4000 Reformed. But the most remarkable work has been done by the Rotterdam Mis- sionary Society, which has flourishing stations on these isles. On the promontory of Minahassa, on the island of Celebes, a most remarkable work of grace has taken place, by which 85,000 of the heathen have become Christians. There are on these islands about 110,000 members, and perhaps 200,000 adherents. Thus the distant islands of the sea are listening to the faith of our fathers, and bearing their witness to the truth. AMERICA. Passing over the ocean to the new world, we find in South America a few representatives of the Reformed faith. On the northern coast of South America, in Dutch Guiana, in the Surinam district, there are some Reformed churches under the Dutch government, but we have not been able to get their statistics. 486 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. There are also churches in the Dutch colonies of the West Indias. The island of Curacoa has 2000 Protest- ants, most of whom, we suppose, belong to the Dutch Church. In the Danish West Indias, on the island of St. Thomas there is a Dutch Reformed church of 130 members, which stands in connection with the Dutch Reformed Church of America. We are not informed whether there are any Re- formed churches in the southern part of South America, but we know that there are a good many German col- onists there, some of whom are Reformed, and also that there are Swiss settlers there, all of whom are Re- formed. In Brazil there are about a hundred thousand Ger- mans. In Uruguay, in the Argentine Republic and in Chili there are many Germans and Swiss. The Evan- gelical Church of Germany has been cultivating this field to some extent, but many of these Reformed set- tlers are without spiritual food or nurture. There is an open door for some of the Reformed Churches to enter here and reap rich harvests. In North America is the Dutch Reformed Church, composed of the descendants of the Dutch settlers at New York. It numbers 83,037 communicants, and about 250,000 adherents, and is a strong, conservative, wealthy and influential Church. The German Reformed Church of the United States was organized by settlers who fled from Western Germany THE REFORMED WORLD. 487 on account of persecution and oppression, and came to this country in the last century. It is also a strong and growing Church, and numbers at present 183,980 mem- bers, and perhaps about 500,000 adherents. There is also a Christian Reformed Church, composed of colon- ists from Holland, which numbers 18,923 communi- cants, and perhaps 50,000 adherents. There are one or two Independent Reformed Churches in the United States. There is a French Reformed church at Char- leston, composed of descendants of the Huguenots. Its services are now conducted in the English language and it is an influential church in that city. There is also a colony of Swiss settlers in New Glarus, Wisconsin, who were sent over by the canton of Glarus in Switzerland. Their church still retains its connection with the Glarus Reformed Church of Switzerland. SUMMARY. Gathering up all these statistics, we find there are in the world about ten millions of adherents to the Re- formed faith. This is the figure given by Professor Ebrard of Erlangen, who is an authority on these points. There are also about ten millions of the sister or cognate Church, the Presbyterian. So that in all the world, twenty millions may be reckoned as belonging to the Reformed and Presbyterian family of Churches. These statistics place us as one of the great world- divisions of the Protestant Church. The largest denom- 488 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ination in the world is the Lutheran, which numbers thirty millions. Then come the Episcopalian, and the Reformed or Presbyterian, each of which numbers twenty millions. We can not give the exact statistics of the other denominations, but calculating from their mem- bership, we find there are perhaps fourteen million Methodists, ten million Baptists, four million Congrega- tionalists. All these statistics reveal that we belong to no mean family, but that we are a part of a great army scattered over many lands, speaking many languages, but bearing the same name, having the same faith, and preaching the same gospel of Christ. INDEX OF DATES. 1526. Homberg Synod. 1529. Diet of Spire. Protest of the German princes. 1529. Marburg Conference. 1 530. Diet of Augsburg. Tetrapolitana Confession. 1531. Smalcald League. 1534. Smalcald War. Phillip of Hesse rescues Wur- temberg. 1536. Wittenberg Concord. Truce between Reformed and Lutherans for twenty years. 1539. Frankford Conference, Calvin present. 1540. Hagenau Conference, Calvin present. 1541. Worms Conference, Calvin present. ] 543. Elector Hermanns Reformation. Bucer, Melanc- thon and Lasco at Bonn. 1544. Wesel received Reformed emigrants from Hol- land. 1546. Death of Luther. 1546-47. Smalcald War. Phillip of Hesse imprisoned. 1548. Augsburg Interim is placed on Germany. 1551. Elector Maurice of Saxony defeats the Emperor. 1552. Passau treaty. The Interim is lifted. 1555. Augsburg Diet. Peace of Augsburg, which made Protestantism a legal religion in Germany, and gave the adherents of the Augsburg Confession the right of citizenship and pro- tection. 1557. Worms Conference. Melancthon defends himself against the high Lutherans. 1558. Frankford Conference. Melancthon is again tri- umphant. 1559. Olevianus at Treves. 1560. Melancthon's death. 32 490 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. i J 1561. Naumberg Conference. Last victory of Melanc- thonianism. 1563. Heidelberg Catechism is published. 1564. Wesel becomes Reformed. -j 1564. Maulbron Conference. ! 1566. Augsburg Diet. Elector Frederick's defence of j the Heidelberg Catechism. j 1568. Synod of Wesel. I 1568. Erastianism in the Palatinate. j 1571. Synod at Emden. ; 1571. Arianism in the Palatinate. ' 1574. Crypto Calvinism in Saxony, under Peucer. j 1576. Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate dies. : 1577. Formula of Concord is published. ! 1577. Frankford Conference of the Reformed. j 1578. Nassau becomes Reformed. i 1581. Middleburg Synod in Holland. \ 1581. Bremen becomes Reformed. , 1583. Ursinus dies at Neustadt. 1583. Palatinate again becomes Reformed under Prince | Casimir. i 1583. Bentheim becomes Reformed. \ 1584. General Synod of the Wetterau princes and min- : isters at Herborn. 1586. Crypto-Calvinism again appears in Saxony under Crell. 1587. Olevianus dies at Herborn. ; 1588. Zweibriicken becomes Reformed. Publication of ] the Zweibriicken Catechism. 1 1595. Bremen Confession is drawn up by Pezel. | 1597. Anhalt becomes Reformed. \ 1600. Lippe becomes Reformed. 1604-7. Hesse becomes Reformed. 1610. General Synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg. 1613. Brandenberg becomes Reformed through Elector j Sigismund. ^ 1618-19. Synod of Dort. J 1619. Leignitz becomes Reformed. i INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &c. A Abegg, 195. Abeiidroth, 191. Agricohi, 30, 72, 119. Aix-la Chapelle, 393. Alsted, 265, 409, 421. Altars, Reformed opposition to, 17,81, 92, 96, 99, 116, 147, 148, 197, 254, 255, 258, 260, 267, 269, 303, 348, 351, 375, 447. Alting, 171, 172, 408, 420. Alva, Duke of, 283, 393. Amberg, 127, 227, 232, 235, 238, 315, ;U8 Amling, 346, 441. Amsdo'rf, 114. Amsterdam, 396, 397, 405, 423. Anabaptists, 82. Andrea, 12, 200, 202, 240, 312, 331, 331, 316, 354. Angelocrator, 408. Anhalt, 110, 243, 320, 337, 345, ooij, 407, 433. Antwerp, 393. Aportanus, 27, 80. Argentine, D, 245. Arianism, 222. Arminius, 396, 401. Arndt, 347. Atonement, Universal, 88, 180, 380, 401, 115 noti-, 419. Augsburg Confession, 36, 45, 75, 111, 1 13. Augsburg Confession, Altered, 45, 75, 1 13, 1 15 and note, 121, 122, 137. Augsburg, Diet of 1530; 35, 74, 1 K). 492 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Augsburg, Diet of 1555 ; 76, 104, 162, 164, 213. Augsburg, Diet of 1566 ; 10, 26, 35, 204, 207. Augustus, Elector of Saxony, 205, 207, 208, 212, 242, 250, 330, 335. B Baden, 327. Badius, 295, 296. Balcanquall, 409, 416. Baptism, 15, 258, 280, 284 note, 286, 303, 346, 348, 450. (See Fonts.) Barneveld, 404, 423. Bartels, 87, 173 note. Beatus, Rhenanus, 30. Beck, 409. Belgic Confession, 287, 290, 395, 398, 411, 418. Belier, 322. Belus, 247. Bentheim, 278, 292, 305, 306, 347, 433. Berg, 290 note, 295, 300, 303, 304. Bergen, 241. Bergius, 380, 408, 441. Berleburg, 236, 239, 255, 269. Berlin, 371, 372 note, 375. Berne, 41, 54, 226, 239, 265, 409. Beuthen, 385. Beuther, 324. Beyer, 104. Beza, 219, 220, 246, 313. Birstein, 269. Bisterfield, 409, 420. Blandrata, 223. Bias, Bertrand De, 280. Blume, 343. Bogerman, 411, 421. Bommel, 281. Bonn, 295, 390. Boquin 134, 146, 149, 202, 217, 219, 238. INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 493 Boiirges, 157. Braiidenberg, 366, 381, 407. Bread, used instead of wafers, 16, 81, 86, 147, 255, 258, 260, 277, 287, 296, 348, 372, 373 note. Breitinger, 408, 416, 420, 424. Bres, Guido De, 393. Breslau, 150, 151, 239, 284. Brethren of the Common Life, 62, 80, 84. Bremen, 91, 271, 409, 432. Brenius, 423. Brenz, 12, 72, 105, 121, 200, 201, 202. Brenz' Catechism, 133, 140, 171, 193. Brunswick, 44, 73, 81, 110, 244, 271, 274, 347. Bucer, 29, 39, 43, 46, 66, 72, 76, 112, 204, 260. Bullinger, 83, 218, 254. C Calvin, 13, 22, 41, 42, 45, 93, 101, 104, 105, 115, 116, 120, 151, 157, 216, 285, 395, 443. Calvin's Catecliism, 88, 92, 191, 287. Calvinism, 22, 415, 440. Cambridge, 46, 389. Candidus, 292, 323. Capellus, 244. Capito, 29, 34, 36, 39, 64. Carlstadt, 81. Caselius, 34. Casimir, Prince, 210, 213, 214, 219, 228, 234-8, 244, 259, 307, 315, 338, 347, 436. Cassel, 112, 352, 353 note, 357, 364. (■assel, Catechism, 76. Castellanus, 56. Catherine Belgica, 267. Cans, Solomon De, 390. Cellarius, 35, 361. Chamier, 407. Charles V., Emperor, 102. Chasse, 314. 494 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Chemnitz, 241, 244, 274. Christian, Dake of Anhalt, 347, 350, 392, 436. Christian I., Elector of Saxony, 314, 337. Christopher of Donop, 351. Christopher, Duke of Wurtemberg, 105, 123, 200-4, 207, 312. Cleve, 288. Coblentz, 260. Cocceians, 265, 442. Coctius, 244. Coetus, 86, 88, 91. Coleman, 221. Collins, 66. Cologne, 260, 278, 291-96, 304. Confirmation, 196, 258. Copenhagen, 95, 97. Cox, 101. Cracow, city of, 82. Cracow, 332, 333. Craig's Catchism, 191. Cranmer, 92. Crato, 17, 153, 226. Crell, 338, 340, 342. Crocius, 409, 421. Crosses, Reformed hatred of, 20, 103, 256, 301-2, 451. Cruciger, 257, 329, 332, 337, 356, 408, 420. Crypto-Calvinists, 203, 241, 257, 328, 349. Cup, use of, 78. (See Lord's Supper.) Cureus, 152, 331. Curtius, 98. D Dalton, 90. Dantzic, 90, 202, 274, 275, 386. Dathenus, 107, 202, 284, 286. D'Aubigne, 18 Daun Faikenstein, 292, 296, 433. Davenant, 409, 416. Denmark, 94, 243, 274, 389, 429 note. INDEX OP NAMES, PLACRS, AC. 496 Deodati, 409, 421. Dessau, 346. Detmold, 351. Dillenberg, 258. Diller, 133, 136, 145, 208. DoDatists, 400. Dort, 179, 255, 350, 387, 391-4, 402, 405, 406, 410. Dort, Cauons of, 417, 424. Dreckmeier, 351. Dresden, 330, 339, 343 note. Duisburg, 288, 304. Durer, 73, 342. E Ebrard, 61 note, 179, 182, 446, 448 note, 449. Ecolampadius, 64, 66, 67, 72, 83, 110, 112. Edward VI., King of England, 89, 94, 101, 230. Ehem, 133, 202, 207, 236, 309. Eiisheim, 409. Elberfeld, 296, 300, 301, 303. Eiders, duty of, 62, 77, 93, 219, 261, 285-7, 298, 301, 302, 306, 438. Elizabeth, Queen of England, 11, 47, 106, 244, 317, 319. Emden, 27, 80, 89 note, 90, 98, 271, 288, 409, 432. England, 46, 76, 89, 91, 220, 388. Episcopius, 401, 403, 412, 413, 423. Erasmus, 83, 109. Erastianism, 216, 396, 400. Erastus, 133, 134, 142, 146, 149, 202, 218, 222, 400. Erbach, 144. Erfurt, 214. Ernest of Brandenberg, 299, 370. Eutychianism, 23, 203, 445. Evell, 380, 440. Exorcism, 16, 44, 77, 133, 228, 257, 282, 339, 347. Extor, 326. F Fabricius, 409. Fagius, 46. 496 THE REFORMED CHURCH OP GERMANY. Farel, 18, 33, 83, 160. Fauth, 249. Feige, 68, 69, 74. Ferber, 58. Festivals, Church, 60, 147, 196-7, 258, 449. Fink, 370, 372. Fisher, S. R., 190. Fisher, Prof., 61 Note. Flacius, 118, 119, 200. Fliedner, 191. Flinsbach, 163, 167, 323. Fonts, Reformed hatred of, 16, 99, 147, 148, 267, 348. Formula of Concord, 23, 240, 242, 249, 257, 276, 323. 334, 346, 354, 424, 425. Franeker, 263, 396. Frankenthal, 107, 129. Frankford on the Main, 43, 73, 99, 105, 106, 107 note, 122, 245, 263, 268. Frankford on the Oder, 366, 384. Frederick III., Elector of the Palatinate, 26, 135, 142, 178, 199, 200, 202, 206, 214, 216, 218, 255, 267, 284, 307, 335, 432. Frederick IV., Elector of the Palatinate, 229, 252, 260, 268, 307, 315, 388. Frederick V., Elector of the Palatinate, 384, 387. Fremaut, 87. Friesland, 80. Funk, 120, 445. Fussel, 372, 378. G Garnier 47 77 Gebhard, Truchsess, 249, 293 note, 294, 307. Gedicke, 367 and note. Geldenhauer, 77. Gerbel, 34. Gerhart, 202. Geselius, 403. Giessen, 67, 364. 497 Glaneus, 276. Goad, 409. Goclenius, 359, 408, 419, 441. Goebel, 61 note, 87, 183, and notes to 154, 158, 286, 301, 303, 305, 452 note. Gomarus, 251, 397, 401, 409, 416, 421. (^lood. Rev. Dr. J. 11., 190. Gottorp, 386. Gowns, 18,92,96, 100, 103, 196 note, 258, 348,351, 451. Grimersheim, 409. Gring, 191. Grotius, 423. Gryneus, 310. Giialthier, 246. Gustrovv, 386. H Hagenan, 44. Hagenbach, notes 17, 18, 334. Hague, 403, 417 note. Hainstein, 361. Hall, 408 note, 409, 416, 424. Halle, 367 and note. Hamburg, 91, 98, 243, 244, 274, 275. Hamilton, 63, 82. Hanau, 106, 266, 268, 433. Haner, 64. Harbaugh, 190. Hardenberg, 84, 99, 117, 136, 271. Hardenl)erg, Count ol", 296, 433. Hausratli, 132 note, 221 note. HkHo, 66, 67, 68, 72. Heidanus, 287, 394. Heidelberg, 26, 30, 122, 129, 130, 138, 193, 228, 322, 390. Heidelberg Catechism, 78, 107, 170, 199, 218, 251, 254, 255, 261, 265, 277, 283, 287, 350, 399, 414,418, 441. 33 498 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Heidfeld, 282, 289. Heilbron, 323. Helvetic Confession, 2nd, 190, 215, 247. Henry IV., King of France, 319, 321. Henry of Zutphen, 271. ! Heppe, 179, 267 note, 449. I Herborn, 262, 264, 270, 409. Hering, 369, 373 note. I Herzog, notes to 114, 144, 210, 212. \ Herman, Elector of Cologne, 87, 250, 260. Hesse, 26, 50, 76, 243, 253, 352. Hesshuss, 13, 134, 145 note, 200, 212, 274, 282, 453. I Hexamer, 324. \ Horn berg, 56. ' Hospinian, 243, 248. ] Huber, 341, 373 note. . Humanism, 30 note, 40, 83. Hunnius, 12, 354, 356. | Huss, 130, 135. ; Hutten, Ulric von, 31, 32. Hyperius, 76, 77, 352. i Hyperius Catechism, 76. - Ibach, 73. I Images, Reformed opposition to, 19, 20, 37, 44, 60, 92, \ 254, 258, 260, 267, 269, 301, 357, 363, j 375 note, 451. \ Interim, 25, 46, 90, 118, 279. , \ Isaac, 293. ! Isenberg, 261, 266, 268, 433. ] Isselberg, 409. j J James I., King of England, 388, 402, 406. Jena, 330. Jesuits, 121, 228, 294, 319, 321. ■ John, Count of Dillenberg, 256, 262, 266, 432. i John Frederick, Duke of Saxony, 123, 146, 207, 331. ' INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 499 John, Bnke of Zweibrucken, 327, 388. j Julich, 290. I Julich-Cleve-Berg, 300, 303. 'j Junius, 226, 245, 397. I K I Kaiserlautern, 193 note, 238. ] Kalman, 301. Keckerman, 386. Kelsterbach, 268. ! Kemmener, 306. Kirchner, 237, 361. Kirkl, 324. Klebitz, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145. j Knibbius, 247. | Knox, 100. Kooli, 409, 424. Kouigsberg, 83 note, 85, 90, 381. | Konigstein, 340. Kraft, Adam, 58. ' Kratft, Prof., 185. I Krummacher, 303 note. Kupper, 167. L Laidh'e, 190. Labadie, 286. \ Lambert, 52, 70, 73, 285, 288. i Landstuhl, 31. j Languet, 245, 247. ; Lasco, 27, 82, 87, 128, 133, 260, 271, 272, 279, 284,453. j Lasco's Catechism, 88, 94, 99, 107, 273. ] Lefevre, 34. I Leipsic, 119, 332, 333, 338, 341, 343. j Lemgo, 3ol. Lemsius, 88, 90. • Lewis, Count of Nassau, 263, 411, 416. Lewis, Elector of the Palatinate, 227, 229, 232, 236, 248, 251, 307. ] 500 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. Lewis, Count of Wittgenstein, 227, 236, 253, 262, 266, 432. Leyden, 397, 405. Liegnitz, 383, 434. Lightfoot, 221. Limburg, 50. Lippe, 351. Liturgy, 17, 100, 194, 197 and note, 286, 301-2, 451. Llandaif, Bishop of, 408, 414, 416, 418, 421, 422. Loffiirds, 73. London, 89, 91, 389. Lord's snpper, 86, 92, 284 note, 287, 304, 348, 443, 450. (See Bread.) Lossius, 341. Louvain, 85, 136. Lubeck, 98, 243, 274, 275. Lubertus, 409. Luther, 17, 18, 31, 39, 42, 55, 61, 65, 67, 72, 109, 129, 212. Lutherans, (Preface,) 14, 118, 425, 427-30. Luther's Catechism, 76, 171, 173, 174, 190, 354. Lydius, 396, 410, 418. M Marbach, 47, 134, 237, 310, 323. Marburg, 59, 62, 67, 6S and note, 73 note, 354, 359. Marburg Conference, 35, 64, 352. Mark, 299. Martinius, 409, 416, 419, 421, 423, 441. Martyr, Peter, 47, 89, 95, 151, 153-4, 160. Maulbron, 201. Maurice of Hesse, 27, 79, 320, 356, 358, 436. Maurice of Orange, 403-4, 423. Maximilian, Emperor, 193, 206, 210, 215, 223, 229, 334. Mavence, 52, 57, 65, 66, 115, 206, 364. Mayer, 409, 424. INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, AC. 601 Meckleuhcr^r, 98, 123, 386. Melancthoii, 21, 27, 36, 39, 43, .51, 65, 67, 72, 75, 99, 106, 108, 116, 118, 122, 145-6, 152, 260, 272, 281, 443. Melancthouianisin, 27, 118, 122-3, 128, 132, 151, 180, 199,240,338, 346,352,429. Melander, 73, 74. Mening, 276. Metz, 55, 136, 160. Meiirs, 295, 300, 433. Micronius, 95, 99, 173. Middleburg, 259, 394. Holier, 329, 332. Monheim, 287 Note. Morenherg, 17, 152. Morlin, 118, 144, 146, 274. Moiiliu, 407. Miihlheim, 296, 297. Muller, 375. Munipelgard, 313. Musaus, 275. N Nassau, 13, 243, 254, 256. Naumberg, 123, 137, 211. Neander, 96. Neomenius, 384. Neuberg, 132, 200, 327. Neuser, 217-9, 222-4. Neustadt, 238-9, 244, 250, 251. Neviges, 296. Nevin, 177 note, 450 note, 454 note. Nielle, 289. Noviomagus, 95, 257. Nuenar, 287, 291-3, 296. Nuremberg, 65, 73, 110. 502 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. 0 Olevianus, 149, 156, 176, 202, 214, 218, 219, 227,234, 236, 239, 255, 263, 264, 269, 302, 394, 400, 442. Olympia, Morata, 131. Orzenius, 282. Osiander, 72, 225. Osiandrianism, 120 and note, 181, 203, 445. Otto Henry, 104, 122, 130, 132, 138, 188, 230. Oxford, 389. P Palatinate, 108, 126, 166, 253-4, 307. Palatinate liturgy, 194, 259, 448, 451. Pappus, 49. Pareus, 194, 251, 266, 312, 319. Patiens, 237, 310. Pelargus, 380, 408. Pericopes, 17, 18, 197, 256, 259, 364-5, 448. Personne, 245. Peucer, 124, 208, 329, 332, 346. Pezel, 257, 258, 262, 276, 329, 332. Pfaff, 361. Phillip, Landgrave of Hesse, 26, 35, 50, 64, 69, 71, 75 note, 76, 104, 123, 200, 204, 207, 352. Pigasetta, 221. Pietism, 304. Piscator, 265, 419. Pistorius, 355. Plateanus, 282. Pleissenberg, 332, 341. Plitt, 184. Poland, 82, 84, 105, 245, 367. Polyander, 409. Pours, 410. Pratorius, 245. Prayer meetings, 93, 286. INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 603 Predestination, 21, 48, 87, 113 and note, 154, 415 and note, 440. Preparatory services, 60, 194, 196, 287. Presbyterian ism, 20, 60, 75, 77, Si\, 93, 219, 285, 301, 408 note, 435, 437. Probst, 272. Pruckraan, 371, 378. Psalms, singing of, 92, 196, 255, 286, 364, 453. R Ranke, 61. Ratisbon, 45. Reformed name, 12. Remonstrants, 401-2, 406, 422, 423. Reuchlin, 109, 129. Richard, Count of Simmern, 206, 243, 316. Riedesel, 355. Rischl, 61 note. Rivet, 407. Roger, 244. RoUius, 282. Rosens, 403. Rotterdam, 405, 423. Roussel, 34. Rutimeyer, 409. s Salmuth, 338. Saluar, 13, 246. Sapienz College, 131, 148, 155, 198, 226, 238. 8ayn, 269. Schaif, 19 note, 109 note, 183, 184, 190, 382. Schnepf, 35, 202. Schonaicher, 385. Schoner, 358. Schonfeld, 358, 365. Schopper, 237. Schurman, 184. Schutz, 332. 504 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ir Scripture Lessons, 17, 18, 197, 256, 259, 364-5, 448. Scultetus, 267, 373, 385, 392, 408, 420, 422, 424. Sedan, 370, 388. . Selden, 221. Selnecker, 334, 338. Shecksius, 234, 237, 310. i Sickingen, 31. ( Sidney, Sir Piiillip, 244. ! Siegen, 256, 262, 264. Sigismuud, Elector of JBrandenburg, 300, 367, 407, 434. i Simmeru, 127, 135, 230. i Smalcald League, 75, 111, 261 note. Solingeu, 300. j Solms-Braunsels, 254, 259, 292, 433. ^ j Speratus, 131. : Spire, 10, 52, 64, 110, 130, 215, 223. ! Sperber, 59. j Sponheim, 127, 167. I Stahl, 185. j Stein, 408, 416, 421. 1 Steinfurt, 306, 402. ^ Stephens, 190. ; Stossel, 144, 146, 332-3. Strasburg, 26, 28, 56, 66, 200, 260, 293, 366, 432. St. Goar, 67. ] Stuler, 375, 379. Sturm, Jacob, 29, 37, 38, 47, 52. Sturm, John, 40, 48, 256, 260, 305, 351. ' Sudhoff, 148, 154 note, 158 note, 161 note, 173 note, I 177, 179, 182, 427 note, 449. Sutor, 222, 224. ; Sweden, 98, 327. i Sylvanus, 222, 224. ; Sylvius, 141. I Synergism, 44, 113. \ T 1 Tecklenberg, 305. j Temperance, 259, 356. ' INDEX OF NAMP:.S, PLACES, &c. 605 Tetrapolitaiui Confession, 3G, 47, 4 16. Theantliropic Lite Theories, 203, 445. Thodenus, 351. Thuetius, 245. Tigurine Confession, 272, 284. Timau, 91, 272, 273. Torgau Book, 241. Tossanus, 149, 221, 227, 229, 233-4, 236, 239, 309, 408. Transylvania, 223. Tremellius, 190, 226, 238. Trent, Council of, 45, 188, 319, 424. Treysa, 355. Treves, 156, 160, 168, 235, 270. Treviranus, 186, 190. Trouchin, 409. Turner, 89. Tyndai, 63. U Ubiquity, 22, 112, 202, 241 note, 444. Udenheim, 30. Ullman, 195. Ulric, Duke of Wurteniherg, 38, 69. Upper Palatinate, 227, 318 Ursinus, 17, 106, 107, 150, 176, 193, 200, 202, 204, 226, 238, 239, 246, 250, 383, 385, 442, 445. Utenbogardus, 397, 401. Utenhoven, 95. Utrecht, 187, 405. V Van Buren, 274. Van Marnix, 412 note. Vehe, 222, 224. Victoria, (^ueeu of England, 392. Vogelin, 331. Voltaire, 369. 34 506 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. ! ■! I Von Dohna, 367. ' Von Grove, 282. j Vorstius, 402. i W • Walaus, 423. i Walloons, 280, 395. j Ward, 409, 416. \ Weekly Meetings, 93, 196, 286. Weissenberg, 32. i Wendelin, 350, 440. i Wenzel of Zedlitz. 383. i Wesel, 278, 283, 288, 289, 299, 370. ] Westminster Assembly, 221. i Westminster Catechism, 175. ) Westphal, 13, 98, 103, 104, 273. i Wetterau, 253, 441. i Whitlock, 221. •' Whitmer, 190. ] Whittingham, 100, 103. Widebrara, 257, 276, 329, 332. ; Wied, 87, 260, 433. ' Wigand, 118. William, Landgrave of Hesse, 335, 353, 354, 356. William, Prince of Orange, 256, 263, 396 note, 404. William, Emperor of Germany, 382. Williard, 194 note, 217 note. : Withers, 217. Wittenberg Concord, 39, 75, 81, 112, 205, 352. j Wittgenstein, 253, 432. j Wolfgang, Duke of Zweibriicken, 200. 1 Wolters, 148 note, 187, 189. I Worlitz, 349. ■ Worms, 44, 115,129. Xilander, 202, 219. Year, Church, 196, 449. X Y INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 507 z Zahn, 348 note. Zanchius, 47, 48, 78, 218, 219, 226, 238, 239, 244-7. Zeitz, 339. Zell, 28, 32, 41, 6(). Zerbst, 337, 345, 340, 350. Ziileger, 149, 245. Zurich, 151, 153, 160, 218, 420. Zweibriicken, 168, 323, 388, 441. Zweibriicken Catechism, 326, 441. Zwingb', 17, 18, 37, 54, 64, Q6, 72, 83, 110, 216, 395. ERRATA. Page 72, Benz should read Brenz. Page 136, Yeniiiogen should read Fenningen. Page 197, Order of Worship should read Directory of Worshi]).