* SEP 21 1909 * ty SE ραν ουθρ αν “ἔα ρρραι se Division Section ‘ r ey = Bits © ν᾿ εἰ J ree ΒΕ. | Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2009 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/commentaryongreekphil00eadi ow COMMENTARY EEE LT. Ee PE A ΝΥ Exegetical GHorks JOHN EADIE, D.D., LL.D, Professor of Biblical Literature to the United Presbyterian Church. Ι A COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT OF THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE EPHESIANS. Second Edition, revised throughout, 8vo, in the press. 11. A COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT OF THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE COLOSSIANS. δυο, 10s. 6d., cloth. Iil. A COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT OF THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 8δνο,, 10s. 6d., cloth. IV. A COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT OF THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE GALATIANS. 8yo, in preparation. COMMENTARY ON THE GREEK TEXT GE TERE EPISTLE OF: PAUL TO THE PHILIPPIANS. BY JOHN BADIE, ΤῊΝ, ἔτ PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE TO THE UNITED ESB AN CHURCH NEW YORK: ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS; 285 BROADWAY. 1859. Die Theologie selbst nichts Anderes ist, als eine Grammatik angewandt auf die Grammata des Heiligen Geistes—Lururr. The wise and well-couched order of Saint Paul’s own words.—MitTon. Nee putemus in yerbis scripturarum esse evangelium, sed in sensu; non in super- ficie, sed in medulla; non in sermonum foliis, sed in radice rationis.—JEROME. Si parmi les écrits de Paul il en est un, qui plus que d’autres, porte l’empreinte de la spontanéité, et repousse toute apparence de falsification motivée par Vintérét d’une secte, c’est sans contredit l’épitre aux Philippiens.—RiLuer. Der Inhalt ist brieflicher, als in irgend einem andern an eine Gemeinde gerich- teten Schreiben.—Dr Wertz. PREFACE. I HAVE little to add to the explanations made in the prefaces to my previous commentaries on the epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians. My object is still the same, however far I may fall short of realizing my own ideal—the development and illustration of the great apostle’s thoughts, as they are expressed in his “weighty and powerful”’ letters. I humbly trust, that through a prolonged intimacy with his genius and style, my “ profiting may appear to all.” For one forms a gradual and happy acquaintance with the peculiarities of his mind and language through careful and continuous observa- tion and study ; just as, had we lived in those early times, we should have grown familiar, from being much in his company, with his gait, voice, features, and dress. While he writes after the same general pattern as do the other sacred penmen of the New Testament, he has an unmistakeable type of his own, has his own favourite turns and points, his own recur- ring modes of putting an argument or giving edge to an appeal, of rebutting an objection, or going off by some sudden suggestion into a digression or parenthesis. While these special features may be recognized in all his epistles, they occur naturally in a letter like that to the Philippians, which is thrown off without any steady or definite aim, and where v1 PREFACE. neither designed exposition nor reproof forms the burden of the communication. The first question then is—What is the precise meaning of these sentences which the apostle wrote to the church in Philippi? or what is the sense which the church in that city would most naturally ascribe to them? It is to be supposed that they understood the document, and our effort is simply to place ourselves in their intellectual or spiritual position. We seek to comprehend the epistle by a careful analysis of its clauses, an anxious survey of the context, and a cautious comparison of similar idioms and usages; while through a profound sympathy with the writer, we seek to penetrate into his mind, and be carried along with him in those mental processes which, as they create the contents of the composition, impart to it its character and singularity. Our knowledge of Greek is perfect only in so far as it enables us to attach the same ideas to his words, which the apostle intended to convey by them. Hvery means must be employed to secure this unity of intelligence—every means which the pro- gress of philological science places within our reach. At the same time, there is much which no grammatical law can fix, for the meaning of a particle is often as much a matter of esthetics as of philology. The citation of a grammatical canon, in such cases, often proves only the possibility of one meaning out of many, but does not decide on any one with certainty ; while reliance on such isolated proof is apt to degenerate into mere subtileness and refinement. The exegesis, or the ascer- tainment of the course of thought, must determine many minute questions, not against grammar, but in harmony with its spirit and laws. Contextual scrutiny and grammatical legislation have a happy reactionary influence, and any attempt to dissever them must tend to produce one-sided and unsatisfactory interpretation. PREFACE. vu But the meaning of the epistle to those who originally received it being ascertained, the second question is—What are the value and signification of the same writing forus? What was simply personal between Paul and Philippi, was so far temporary, though it does suggest lessons of permanent interest. But believing that the apostle was inspired, I accept his dog- matic and ethical teaching as divine truth—truth derived from God, and by God’s own impulse and revelation communicated to the churches. This unreserved acceptance of scriptural truth is not at all hostile to the free spirit of scientific investigation. But it is wholly contrary to such a belief, and at variance with what I hold to be the origin and purpose of the New Testament, to regard the apostle’s theology as made up of a series of Jewish theories, not always clearly developed or skilfully combined and adjusted ; or to treat it as the specula- tions of an earnest and inquisitive mind, which occasionally lost itself among “deep things,” and mistook its modified and relative views for universal and absolute truth. What are called “St. Paul’s opinions,” are conceived, worded, or pre- sented by a conscious mind, according to its own habits and structure ; but they are in themselves enunciations of divine truth, in and through the Spirit of God, for all ages; while the private matters mixed up with them show, that inspiration did not lift a man above what is natural, that divine guidance did not repress the instincts of a human temperament, check the genial outburst of emotion, or bar the record of mere impres- sions about future and unrevealed events, such as the alterna- tives of the apostle’s own release or martyrdom. With such convictions, and under this broad light, I have endeavoured to examine this epistle; and “my heart’s desire and prayer to God is,” that He who “gave the Word,” and “hath given us an understanding that we may know Him that is true,’ may bless this honest and earnest effort to Vill PREFACE. expound a portion of the “lively oracles.” The love of the truth is homage to Him who shows Himself as the Spirit of Truth, while He is coming into His heritage as the Spirit of Love. On the reception and diffusion of the truth in no narrow spirit, and in no cold and crystallized formulas, but in all the breadth and living power with which Scripture contains and reveals it, depend what so many good men are now sighing for—the reunion of the churches and the conversion of the world. JOHN EADIE. 13 LANSDOWNE CRESCENT, GLASGOW, November, 1858. THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. I.—PHILIPPI, AND THE INTRODUCTION OF THE GOSPEL. How the course of the apostle was divinely shaped, so that it brought him to Philippi, is stated in Acts xvi. 6-12 :—“ Now, when they had gone throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia, and were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word in Asia, after they were come to Mysia, they assayed to go into Bithynia: but the Spirit suffered them not. And they, passing by Mysia, came down to Troas. And a vision appeared to Paul in the night: There stood a man of Mace- donia, and prayed him, saying, Come over into Macedonia, and help us. And after he had seen the vision, immediately we endeavoured to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us for to preach the gospel unto them. Therefore, loosing from Troas, we came with a straight course to Samothracia, and the next day to Neapolis; and from thence to Philippi, which is the chief city of that part of Macedonia, and a colony: and we were in that city abiding certain days.” ‘The apostle, during his second great mission- ary journey, had gone through a large portion of Asia Minor, and wished to extend his tour into proconsular Asia. Buta curb, which he durst not resist, was laid upon him, though its precise object he might not be able at the moment to con- jecture. The Holy Ghost, in forbidding him to preach in Asia, meant to turn his steps towards Europe. But he and his colleagues reached Mysia, and when they made an effort to pass into Bithynia, they were suddenly stopped on the frontier, for the “ Spirit of Jesus” suffered them not to enter. This double check must have warned them of some ultimate purpose. Passing by Mysia, they came down to Troas, but b x THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. not to labour, as they might have anticipated, in a city sur- rounded by the scenes of so many classical associations. The divine leading had so shut up their path as to bring them to the sea-port from which they were to set sail for a new region, and for a novel enterprise. As Peter had been instructed and prepared by a vision to go to the house of a Roman soldier, so by a similar apparition Paul was beckoned across the Augean sea to Europe. The low coasts of the Western world might be dimly seen by him under the setting sun; the spiritual wants of that country, still unvisited by any evangelist, must have pressed upon his mind; the anxious ponderings of the day prepared him for the vision of the night, when before him “there stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying, Come over into Macedonia and help us.” He was now in a condition to respond to the prayer, for a narrow sea was the only barrier between him and the shores of northern Greece. ‘The object of the vision could not be mistaken, and the supernatural limitations set to previous inland journeys, would now be comprehended. The predic- tion had been verified in the apostle and his colleagues—“ I will bring the blind by a way that they knew not, I will lead them in paths that they have not known ;”’ and the promise, too, was now fulfilled—“I will make darkness light before thee, and crooked things straight,” for the vision so impressed them that they were “assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us for to preach the gospel unto them.” No time was lost—they loosed from 'Troas ; the wind was fair—no weary tacking, no idle flapping of the sails in a calm; a steady southern breeze urged them through the current that rushes from the Dardanelles; they passed the island of Imbros, run- ning “ with a straight course to Samothracia,” and cast anchor the same night, in the smooth water off its northern shore. Half the voyage had been made, and next day, after skirting the isle of Thasos, they arrived at Neapolis, a harbour that seems to have stood in such a relation to Philippi as Ostia to Rome, Cenchrea to Corinth, Seleucia to Antioch, and Port- Glasgow, according to the original intentions of its founders, to Glasgow. When, at a subsequent period, Paul recrossed 1 Conybeare and Howson, vol, i. p. 306. LYDIA AND THE PYTHONESS. ΧΙ from Philippi to Troas, the voyage occupied five days; but now, “‘the King’s business required haste,” and to speed it, “by His power He brought in the South Wind.” The historian briefly adds, and “from thence to Philippi;’’ that is, along a path ten miles in length, ascending first a low ridge of hills, and then leading down to the city and the great plain between Haemus and Pangaeus, where their last battle was fought and lost by the republican leaders of Rome. After a sojourn of “certain days,” the apostle and his companions went out to an oratory on the side of the river Gangites, and met with a few pious Jewish women and _ proselytes “‘ which resorted thither.” This humble spot was the scene of Paul’s first preaching in Europe; but the divine blessing was vouchsafed, and the heart of Lydia was opened as she listened “unto the things which were spoken of Paul.” It was “a man of Macedonia” that invited the apostle across into Europe; but his first convert was a woman of Thyatira, in Asia. The heart of a proselyte, who must have been an anxious inquirer before she relinquished Paganism, was in a ᾿ more propitious state for such a change than either Jew or heathen, as it was neither fettered by the bigotry of the one, nor clouded by the ignorance of the other. The dispossession of a female slave, ‘who had a spirit of divination,” happened soon after; her rapacious and disappointed masters, a copartnery trad- ing in fraud, misery, and souls, finding that the hope of their gain was gone, dragged Paul and Silas into the forum—els τὴν ἀγοράν —hefore the magistrates, who, on hearing the charge, and with- out any judicial investigation, ordered the servants of God to be scourged, and then imprisoned. But their courage failed them not. On losing a battle in that neighbourhood, the vanquished warriors dared not to survive their defeat. The intriguing Cassius, “the last of the Romans,” hid himself in his tent, and in his panic ordered his freedman to strike. Brutus fell upon his sword, and his sullen and desperate spirit released itself by this self-inflicted wound. But Paul and Silas, unjustly condemned at the bidding of a mob, “ thrust into the inner prison, and their feet made fast in the stocks,” fixed in that tormenting position, and their backs covered with ‘“‘ wounds and bruises and putrefying sores which had not been ΧΙΪ THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. closed, neither bound up, neither mollified with ointment’’— these victims of wanton outrage did not bewail their fate, nor curse their oppressors, nor arraign a mysterious Providence, nor resolve to quit a service which brought them into such troubles, and desert a Master who had not thrown around them the shield of His protection, nor conclude that the vision at ‘Troas had been a cunning and malignant lure to draw them on to Philippi, and to these indignities of stripes and a dungeon. No, “at midnight Paul and Silas, rejoicing that they were “counted worthy to suffer shame for His name,” “prayed and sang praises unto God, and the prisoners heard them.’’ The prison was shaken, and their “bands were loosed;” the jailor and all his house believed in God, and “he and all his were baptized.’ The preetors—oi otpatnyoi—in the morning, sent an order to the lictors for the release of the prisoners; but Paul’s assertion of his privilege as a Roman citizen, when reported to them, alarmed them; and knowing what a penalty they had incurred by their infraction of the Valerian and Porcian laws, they came in person, and urged the departure of the evangelists from the city. “They went out of the prison, and entered into the house of Lydia; and when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them and departed,” passing through Amphipolis and Apollonia, and taking up their abode for a brief season in Thessalonica. Such were the apostle’s experiences when he first trod the soil of Europe, and such the first conflict of Christianity with Hellenic heathenism and the savage caprice of Roman authority. The apostle had not paused at Samothrace—an island renowned for its sanctity and its amulets, its gods and orgies, its Cybele and Cabiria—a scene where the mysteries of Eastern and Western superstition seem to have met and blended. Nor did he stop at Neapolis, the harbour of the Strymonie gulf, but he pressed on to Philippi; and the ground of his preference seems to be given in the statement—‘ which is the chief city of that part of Macedonia, and a colony” —#jrus ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος τῆς Μακεδονίας πόλις κολωνία. A reason is often assigned by the use of ἥτις ---ἰς inasmuch as it is.” The adjective πρώτη may admit of a political or a geographical meaning. Some have regarded it as signifying “ chief,” much in the same way as it is PHILIPPI—A CHIEF CITY AND A COLONY. ΧΕΙ rendered in our version. It cannot indeed mean the chief or capital city of the province, for that was Thessalonica; and if there existed at that period a minuter subdivision, the princi- pal town was Amphipolis.t. Others look on the epithet as merely designating the first city that lay on the apostle’s route; Neapolis being either regarded as only its sea-port, or rather as a town belonging to Thrace, and not to Macedonia. Meyer, preceded by Grotius and followed by Baumgarten,? advances another view, which joins πολίς and cokwvia— the first colony and city,” and Philippi, in the Peutinger Tables, stands before Amphipolis. Without entering into any dis- cussion of these opinions, we may only remark, that each of them furnishes a sufficient reason for the apostle’s selection of Philippi as the spot of his first systematic labours in Europe. If it was the first city of the province that lay on his journey, then he naturally commenced to give it the help which the man of Macedonia had prayed for. If it was a chief city in that part, there was every inducement to fix upon it as the centre of farther operations; and if it enjoyed special advan- tages as a city and colony, then, its importance in itself, and in relation to other towns and districts, made it a fitting place both for present work and subsequent enterprise. You may either say that Paul went to Philippi as the first city on his path, for he had been summoned into Macedonia, and he could never think of passing the first city which he came to; or that he for- mally selected Philippi because of its rank, and because of its privileges as a Roman colony. If the apostle had taken this tour of his own accord, or as the result of plans previously matured ; if he had traced out the itinerary of an evangelistic campaign before he set out, then the latter hypothesis would appear the more plausible; but if, as was the case, his purpose was hastily formed, and the general idea of travers- ing the province without any distinct regard to the order or arrangements of the visits, was suggested by the prayer of 1 Livy, xlv. 29. Wordsworth, in his Commentary on Acts (London, 1857), supposes μερίς to mean a frontier or strip of borderland—viz. that by which Macedonia is divided from Thrace, and of which confinium Philippi was the chief city. 2 Apostolical History, vol. ii. p. 114; Edinburgh, 1854. X1V THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. the representative man, then the first would appear to be the more natural and simple hypothesis. Philippi was anciently called ἸΚρηνίδες or the “ Springs,” on account of its numerous fountains, in which the Gangites has its sources. Philip, about 358 B.c., enlarged the old town, and fortified it, in order to protect the frontiers against Thracian invaders, and named it after himself—®(dum7os 1— to commemorate the addition of a new province to his empire. After the famous battle fought and won in its neighbourhood by the Triumvirs, Augustus conferred special honours upon the city, and made it a Roman colony.? A military settlement —cohors practoria emerita—had been made in it, chiefly of the soldiers who had been ranged under the standard of Antony, so that it was a protecting garrison on the confines of Mace- donia; such settlements being, as Cicero calls them, propug- nacula imperit. A colonia was a reproduction, in miniature, of the mother city Rome. The Roman law ruled, and the Roman insignia were everywhere seen. The municipal affairs were εἶν: ἢ by duumvirs or praetors. Philippi had also the Jus Ftulicum, or Quiritarian ownership of the soil ;? its lands enjoying fie same freedom from taxation as did the Aa of Italy. It thus possessed a rank far above that of a municipium or a civitas libera ; but there is no proof that Augustus gave it the title of πρώτη πόλις, or that it ever assumed such an appel- lation like Pergamus, Smyrna, and Ephesus. The historian calls it κολωνία, the proper Roman name, and does not use the Greek term ἀποικία, which had a very different meaning— a settlement founded by a body of adventurers or emigrants. Its distinctive name seems here to be given it on account of the events which so soon transpired in connection with the apostle’s labours. Highly favoured as Philippi had been, it was in need of “help.” Political franchise and Roman rights, Grecian tastes 1 Strabo, οἱ νῦν Φίλιπποι πόλις Κρηνίδες ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ παλαιόν. Vil. Vol. ii. p. 86. Ed. Kramer, 1847. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Vol. ii., sub voce. 5 Colonia Augusta Julia Philippensis. Akerman’s Numismatic Illustrations, p. 45. London, 1846. ὅ Dion Cassius, li. 4. In provincia Macedonia Philippenses juris Italici sunt Γ ig. Leg. xv. 68 GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY—NOT THE TRUE LIGHT. XV and studies, wide and varied commerce, could not give it the requisite aid. It was sunk ina spiritual gloom, which needed a higher light than Italian jurisprudence or Hellenic culture could bring it. It was helpless within itself, and the “man” who represented it had appealed to the sympathies of a Jewish stranger, whose story of the cross could lift the darkness off its position and destiny. The spear and phalanx of Macedonia had been famous, and had carried conquest and civilization through a large portion of the Hastern world; the sun of Greece had not wholly set, and Epicureans and Stoics yet mingled in speculation, and sought after “ wisdom;” the sovereignty of Rome had secured peace in all her provinces, and her great roads not only served for the march of the soldier, but for the cortege of the trader; art and law, beauty and power, song and wealth, the statue and the drama, survived and were adored; but there was in many a heart a sense of want and of powerlessness, an indefinite longing after some higher good and portion, a painless and restless agita- tion, which only he of Tarsus could soothe and satisfy, with his preaching of the God-man—the life, hope,-and centre of humanity. Probably about the year 53 Paul paid his first visit to Philippi. A second time does he seem to have visited it on his journey from Ephesus to Macedonia, Acts xx. 1-2; and again when, to avoid the plots of his enemies, he returned to Asia through Macedonia, Acts xx. 6. Many remains of antiquity, such as are supposed to belong to the forum and the palace, are on the site of Philippi. The Turks now name it Felibedjik. Copies of its old coins may be seen in Kekhel, vol. 11. p. 75. The scenes and the ruins are described by Leake, Northern Grece, vol. 111.. and Cousinéry, Voyage dans Maced., vol. i. Mannert, Geogr. der Giriech. und Rém., vol. vil. Ὁ. 217. Forbiger, Alt. Greog., vol. 111. p. 1070. IIl.—THE GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. The genuineness of the epistle had not been questioned till a very recent period. ‘The early external testimonies in its favour are very abundant. Thus Polycarp ad Philip. iii1— 1 Patres Apostol. vol. ii. p. 470; ed. Jacobson, Xvi THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. οὔτε γὰρ ἐγὼ οὔτε ἄλλος ὅμοιος ἐμοὶ δύναται κατακολουθῆσαι τῇ σοφίᾳ τοῦ μακαρίου καὶ ἐνδόξου ἸΤαύλου, ὃς καὶ ἀπὼν ὑμῖν ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολάς. It is not necessary, as a matter of phi- lology, to take the last noun as plural and as denoting more epistles than one, as Cotelerius, Hefele, and Jacobson, have shown in their notes on this quotation. Rettig, Quest. Philip., p- 37. The same father, in the eleventh chapter of his same epistle to them,! says—Lgo autem nihil tale sensi in vobis vel audivi, in quibus laboravit beatus Paulus qui estis (laudati) in principio epistole ejus. Meyer, who holds that from the style of the New Testament and the Apostolical Fathers, the word ἐπιστολάς in the first quotation must be plural, supports his view by the somewhat strange device of making epistole here the nominative plural, as if the meaning were— who are in the beginning his epistles,’ or commendatory letters. But in 2 Cor. iii. 2, 38, the place cited in proof by him, the noun is in the singular—ézioton) ἡμῶν, ἐπιστολὴ Χριστοῦ; and the use of the plural epistole, according to Meyer’s own understanding of the clause, shows that the plural form may have a singular reference even in Polycarp’s style. Irenzus, Adversus Haeres., also writes, Quemadmodum et Paulus Phi- lippensibus ait,? referring to the apostle’s acknowledgment of the subsidy sent to him by Epaphroditus; and again, in quoting this epistle, iv. 17, Non inquiro datum, sed inqutro fructum, he prefaces by saying—propter hoc et Paulus. There are other allusions of the same kind, as rursus ad Philippenses ait, quoting 1. 20; or apostolus in ea que est ad Philippenses, quoting i. 10; or hoc est quod a Paulo dicitur, quoting 11. 15.3 Clement of Alexandria, in allusion to the apostle’s con- fession— Not as though I had attained,’ &c.—says αὐτοῦ ὁμολογοῦντος τοῦ ἸΠαύλου περὶ ἑαυτοῦ. Padag. i. 6.4 The epistle is quoted by Clement in various portions of his writings :—thus 1. 18, 29, ii. 1, 20, iv 12, are quoted in the fourth book of the Stromata ; i. 20 in the third book; i. 9, 11. 10 in the first book ; iii. 19 in Pedag. ii.; ii. 15 in Peedag. iil.; ἢν Ὁ in Cohort. ad Gentes. These quotations are made 1 Patres Apostol. vol. ii. p. 486; ed. Jacobson. 2 iy. 18, 4, vol. i. 616; Opera ed Stieren, 1853. 3 Ibid. vol. i. pp. 583, 752, 753, 571. £ p. 107; Opera, Colonie, 1688. TESTIMONIES TO ITS GENUINENESS. XVll by Clement generally without any affirmation that they belong to the epistle to the Philippians, though sometimes they are ascribed to Paul. Tertullian’s evidence is as full :-— thus, De Resurrectione Carnis, cap. 23, quoting the declaration — “Tf by any means I may attain to the resurrection of the dead”—he prefaces by saying, ¢pse (Paulus) cum Philippensibus scribit ; then, in the twentieth chapter of his fifth book against Marcion,? he employs this epistle as an argument against the heretic; again, in his De Prescript., cap. Xxxvi., speaking of the places where the authentice liter of the apostles are read, he says, Si non longe es a Macedonia habes Philippos, habes Thessalonicenses.2? From Ephiphanius too, we learn that Mar- cion received this epistle; for among the ten epistles of Paul acknowledged by him he reckons δεκάτη πρὸς Φιλιππησίους. Haer.42.* In the epistle of the churches of Vienne and Lyons, preserved in Eusebius’ /Zist. Ece., lib. v. 2, 11. 6 is quoted. Cyprian, also, Test. iii. 89, quoting 11. 6, prefixes item Paulus ad Philippenses. | Eusebius placed this epistle among the universally acknowledged ones—oponroyouyévors. It is found in the Syriac version, and in all the early synopses or cata- logues of canonical books. Zeller, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1. p. 61, objects, that Clemens Romanus does not quote the epistle to the Philippians, when he might have done so in the sixteenth chapter of his first epistle to the Corinthians, where he incul- eates the grace of humility. The argument is precarious. It cannot prove that Clement was unacquainted with our epistle, but only that he has omitted a citation directly to his purpose. Besides, as Briickner has remarked, we have the testimony of Polycarp, which belongs to this period. Prof. Baur of Tiibingen, in his Die so-genannte Pastoralbriefe des Apost. Paulus, published in 1835, suspected the genuineness of this epistle, because of the mention of bishops and deacons in it, as if these offices belonged to a later age. In the fol- lowing year, in an article in the third part of the Tiibing. Zeitschrift, p. 196, he intimated his doubts more decidedly. In 1841, in the Introduction to his Die Christliche Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit und Menschwerdung Gottes, where he treats of 1 vol. ii. p. 497; Opera ed. Oehler, 1854. 2 Tbid. p. 888. 3 Ibid. p. 84. * Opera, p. 138; ed. Basil, 1544. ° p.290; Opera, Parisiis, 1836. XViill THE LITERATURE CF THE EPISTLE. the doctrine of the pre-existence of Christ as taught in the New Testament, no citation is made of any passages from this epistle, not even of 1.6. At length, in 1845, in his Paulus der Apostel Jesu Christi,’ he formally attacked the epistle, and the next year his assault was followed up by his disciple Schwegler, whom Liinemann well names. dmpiger sententiarum Baurianarum interpres ac propugnator. Das nachapostol. Zeit- alter, jc. vol. ii. p. 148; Tiibingen, 1846. The objections are trivial, and the wonder is, that a mind so acute and accomplished as that of Baur should ever have proposed them. They are arranged by him under three separate heads ; though we shall consider them in a somewhat different order from that in which their author has set them forth. ‘Two excellent replies were made to Baur:—Pauli ad Philip. Epistola. Contra F. OC. Baurium defendit G. C. Amadeus Liinemann, e collegio Repetentum ac Dr. Ph. ; Gottingen, 1847— Hpistola ad Philip. Paulo auctori vindicata contra Baurium. Scripsit Brenno Bruno Briickner, Cand. Theol. ; Lipsiae, 1848. I. Baur alleges some palpable anachronisms and contra- dictions. 1. The mention of Clement—iv. 3—is adduced to show that the writer of the epistle must have lived in post-apostolic times. Without any proof whatever, he identifies this Clement with him whom tradition associates with Peter at Rome, and him again with another of the same name, who was a relative of the later imperial house. He refers to Flavius Clement of Domitian’s time, whom that emperor put to death as an atheist, and who is referred to by Suetonius,? Dion Cassius,’ and Eusebius.t But it is contrary to all evidence, to identify the Clement of Rome, or the Clement of the Homilies with the kinsman of this emperor. The writers who refer to them never confound them—never confound a bishop of one age with a consul of another. The author of the epistle to the Corinthians stands out in his own individuality to the men of his own and the following epoch. Clemens Romanus ΤΡ, 458; Stuttgart, 1845. 2 Domitianus, Xv. 3 Hist. xvii. 14, His espousal of Jewish opinions—#@» τῶν Iovda/av—giving rise to a charge of atheism—iyzayuc &beormros—was evidently his becoming a Christian convert. 4 Hist. Fecles. iii. 14. BAUR’S OBJECTIONS—SUPPOSED ANACHRONISMS. ΧῊΣ is said to have been well-born—é& εὐγενοῦς pifms—and was connected with the imperial family—srpos γένους ὑπάρχων Kai- σαρος---Τιβερίου. Clementine Homilies, iv. 7, xiv. 10. But Flavius Clement was related to Domitian, who put him to death—xaimep ἀνεψιὸν dvta—and banished his wife. As Suetonius says, he was charged ex tenwissima suspicione, there being alleged against him in his office—contemptissima inertia. Nor if the Clement of this epistle were even Clemens Romanus, would the fact raise any difficulty. There is, how- ever, no proof that he was; at least he was at Philippi when this epistle was written. See Hefele, Ap. Patr. Prolegomena, p- 19; Ritschl, Geschichte der Entstehung der alt. kathol. Kirche, p- 284. You may admit an intermingling of traditions about the two Clements, and yet maintain that the men were distinct. There is no proof that the Roman Clement was a martyr; at least Ireneus, Eusebius, and Jerome know nothing of such a death. The questions as to whether he was a Jew or a Gentile; whether he was a disciple of Peter or of Paul; whether he followed Linus or Cletus, or preceded them; whether his first epistle be interpolated, and his second be spurious altogether ;—such questions affect not the identity of the man, and the distinction in position, office, and end, between him and the Clement the husband of Domitilla, under Domitian. See the article “ Clement von Rom,” in Her- zog’s Real. Hncylopddie, vol. 11. p. 720. The trick of Baur is very manifest. It is a series of assumptions. He assumes, first, that the Clement of this epistle, of whom nothing is given but the name, and about whom nothing can be conjec- tured but his present residence at Philippi, is Clemens Romanus; next, that this Clemens Romanus is a myth, or that he must be really Flavius Clemens, the martyred kins- man of Domitian ;? next, that the writer of our epistle refers to him, and to this well-known imperial relationship, when he speaks of his bonds being known in the pretorium, and sends a salutation from them of Cesar’s household; and the infer- ence is, that as the Clemens of our epistle is no other than this later Clemens, such a reference must show that the epistle 1 Baur says at p. 472—“‘ Diess est die historische Grundlage der Sage vom Rémischen Clemens. xx THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. could not be written by Paul, but by some forger long after his time. The ingenuity is too transparent. Would a forger have placed such a Clement at Philippi; and would he not have given him greater prominence ? for certainly the apostle’s joy in his bonds, the publicity of these bonds in the preetorium, his “strait between two,” and his other expressed emotions, can all be explained without reference to any such hypothesis. 2. It is alleged by Baur, that the mention of “ bishops and deacons”’ in the first verse, betrays also a post-apostolical origin. The proof, however, tends all the other way. The organization of the churches presupposes such office-bearers, as may be seen in Acts vi. 1-6, xx. 28; Rom. xvi. 1. The bishop and presbyter were then identical, and the names are sufficiently indicative of the character of the office. 3. Baur alleges that the author of the epistle to the Philippians has totally misunderstood the apostle’s pecuniary relations to the church at Philippi.t. But he must have been a novice in fabrication, if with the other epistles before him he could allow himself to be so easily detected. The apostle writes thus in iv. 14, 15, 16—‘ Notwithstanding ye have well done that ye did communicate with my affliction. Now, ye Philip- pians, know also, that in the beginning of the gospel, when 1 departed from Macedonia, no church communicated with me, as concerning giving and receiving, but ye only. For even in Thessalonica ye sent once and again unto my necessity.” Baur quotes, as opposed to this, 1 Cor. ix. 15—“ But I have used none of these things; neither have I written these things, that it should be so done unto me: for zt were better for me to die, than that any man should make my glorying void.”” Bauy’s exegesis 18, that this passage plainly teaches that Paul stood in no such relation to any church, as our epistle represents him as sustaining to the Philippian church, for he would not own himself indebted to any of them. But the apostle is not 1 Es lisst uns demnach auch das, was Phil. iv. 10, f. iiber eine speciellere Veran- lassung des Briefs gesagt worden ist, nicht klar in die Verbiiltnisse hineinsehen, unter welchen er yom Apostel selbst geschrieben worden seyn soll, und es kénnte somit schon diess die Vermuthung begriinden, dass wir hier keine wirklichen Ver- hiltnisse, sondern nur eine fingirte Situation vor uns haben, was, je niiher wir die geschichtliche Motivirung des Briefs betrachten, nur um so wahrscheinlicher werden kann. P. 469, THE APOSTLE’S PECUNIARY RELATIONS TO THE CHURCHES. ¥X1 affirming that he refused all support from every church ; he only says, that he merely waived his right for good reasons with regard to the Corinthian church; for when he was in the city of Corinth, he wrought as a tent-maker, and no doubt for the best of reasons. Besides, that he took support from other churches, while he would not take it from them, is plain from his own declaration, that they were an exception to his usual course—2 Cor. xi. 7, 8—‘“ Have I committed an offence in abasing myself, that ye might be exalted, because I have preached to you the gospel of God freely? I robbed other churches, taking wages of them, to do you service.” Nay more, in connection with this passage now quoted, the apostle affirms—verse 9—“ And when I was present with you, and wanted, I was chargeable to no man: for that which was lacking to me the brethren which came from Macedonia sup- plied; and in all things I have kept myself from being burdensome unto you, and so will 1 keep myself.” Now this is an assertion of the very same kind with that which Baur so strongly objects to as Unpauline, in the epistle before us. The use of καί in the phrase ὅτι καὶ ἐν Ococadovien—iv. 16— cannot support his argument, as if the forger had 2 Cor. xi. 9 before his eyes, and took his cue from it, for the καί is used precisely in the same way in 1 Cor. 1. 16---ἐβάπτισα δὲ καὶ τὸν Στεφανᾶ οἶκον. See comment on iv. 16. It is of no use to allege, as Baur does, that the apostle’s stay in Thessalonica was brief—so brief, that two contributions could scarcely be neces- sary—for we know not all the circumstances ; but we do know that in that city, and as a reproof probably to the sloth which he so earnestly reprimands in both his letters, he set an example of industry, working with his own hands, and might therefore be in need of the gift which was sent south to him from Philippi. Both Briickner and Liinemann slyly remark, that it is odd that Baur should in proof of Paul’s short stay in Thessalonica cite the Acts of the Apostles—a book which he declares to be unworthy of all historical credit. Paulus der Apostel, pp. 146-150, 243. What more natural for the apostle than to refer to the earliness of their first pecuniary presents ; or, to say, that when he was leaving Macedonia, they supplied him; nay, to affirm, that prior to the period of his departure Xxil THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. from the province, and when he was yet in Thessalonica, they sent once and a second time to his necessities? Baur seems to suppose that he who wrote these verses forgot that Thessa- lonica was in Macedonia. He renders—“ when I was no more in Macedonia,” no church communicated with me but you, for even in Thessalonica ye sent to me, as if Thessalonica had been a place reached after his departure from the Mace- donian province. But this, again, is a complete misapprehen- sion of the apostle’s statement, which is of this kind— When 1 went out of Macedonia ye helped me; nay, at an earlier period still, and before I left the province, ye helped me. So feeble are Baur’s objections against the genuineness of the epistle, taken from supposed anachronisms or contradictions of fact alleged to be found in it. II. Baur also raises objections from the style. Few forms of subjective reasoning and criticism are so deceptive as this. What belongs to esthetics, and not to logic or history, can never form a wise or valid antagonism. For there are others as well qualified to judge as Baur can be, some of whom have on his and similar principles rejected others of the epistles, but who yet declare unhesitatingly im favour of this one. De Wette who will not admit Ephesians has everything to say in favour of Philippians. 1. To object, with Baur, that subjectivity of feeling prevails in this epistle, is only to commend it,’ for the writer had no definite polemical end in view, there being no special error or inconsistency in the Philippian church requiring rebuke or warning. Therefore he composes a letter to thank his beloved Philippians for a needed gift sent all the way to Rome, and remembers their repeated kindnesses to him from the very first. No wonder there is that he opens his heart and speaks in the fulness of his joy, follows no regular plan, but expresses his emotions as they rise within him; nay, in the fervour of his soul, occasionally repeats himself—his clauses being off-hand and artless, and now and then complex because unstudied, the whole being the outpouring of a spirit that was gladdened alike by memory and hope and present 1 In Uebrigen unterscheidet er sich von Ihnen (Ephesians and Colossians) haupt- sichlich durch die in thm vorherrschende Subjectivitit des Gefiihis. Ῥ. 464. STYLE OF THE EPISTLE. XX1li relationship—blessing his distant converts for their past fidelity, and urging them to higher and yet higher spiritual attainment, cautioning them against errors into which they might be tempted, and portraying his own experience as an outline with which theirs might recognize a growing similarity, and find increasing blessedness, as the likeness filled and brightened into complete identity. This epistle is a convey- ance of thanks—a matter wholly personal, so that individuality and emotion must predominate. The apostle could not repress his feelings, like a man mechanically signing a receipt in a counting-room ; but he utters his heart, or as one may say, he puts himself into his letter. An epistle of thanks for monies so received, could not but be a matter of feeling, and the gratitude of the apostle’s loving and confiding heart would be no common emotion, and therefore his acknowledgment is no common composition. 2. Το say, with Baur, that the epistle discovers no sufficient motive for the composition of it,! is to shut one’s eyes; to affirm with him, that it is stale and flat, is not only to be steeled against the exuberance of its sentiment, but also to ‘turn a deaf ear to the very rhythm of many of its paragraphs ; to object that it is marked by poverty of thought,’ is to forget that it is not a treatise like the epistle to the Romans, or an argumentative expostulation like the epistles to the Corin- thians; and to attack it, because it wants a certain formal unity, 1 Hiemit hingt zusammen, was hauptsiichlich ein weiteres Kriterium zur Beurtheilung des Briefs ist, dass man iiberhaupt eine motivirte Veranlassung zur Abfassung eines solchen Schreibens, einen bestimmter ausgesprochenen Zweck und Grundgedanken vermisst, Zwar wird gegen jiidische Gegner polemisirt, aber man kann sich des Eindrucks nicht erwehren, es geschehe diess nur desswegen, weil es einmal zum stehenden Character der paulinischen Briefe 2u gehéren schien. Es fehlt dieser Polemik durchaus an Frische und Natiirlichkeit, an der Objectivitit der gegebenen Verhiiltnisse. Pp. 464-5. ? Wie matt und interesselos das Ganze. P. 466. 3 Man riihmt diess als einen eigenthiimlichen Vorzug des Briefs, aber so zart und ansprechend auch die Empfindungen und Gesinnungen sind, die in ihm sich kund geben, so wenig ist dabei zu iibersehen, dass monotone Wiederholung des zuyor schon Gesagten, Mangel an einem tiefer eingreifenden Zusammenhang, und eine gewisse Gedankenarmuth, deren Bewusstseyn den Verfasser selbst gedriickt zu haben scheint, wenn er zu seiner Entschuldigung sagt ili. l—s& αὐτὰ γράφειν ὑμῖν, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ὀκνηρὸν, ὑμῖν δὲ &ogxa?s—nicht minder hervorstechende Ziige des Briefes sind. P. 464. ΧΧΙΥ͂ THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. is tastelessly to overlook its naturalness, as it moves from one topic to another, referring now to one class of persons near the writer in Rome, and now to his own emotions in his imprisonment; then turning to his converts and bidding them be of good cheer in the midst of hostility ; exhorting them to cultivate humility, love, and self-denying generosity, as seen in the example of Christ; next, telling them how he hopes to see them soon, and meanwhile sends Epaphroditus home to them; farther, improving the opportunity, and bidding them beware of false teachers and of inconsistent professors ; sum- moning them, as he proceeds, to rejoice, to be of one mind, and to seek for perfection in the exercise of virtue; and, lastly, sending his acknowledgment for the gift which they had so kindly and considerately sent him, and wafting to them salutations from the brethren, and from the saints of Cesar’s household. Baur fixes upon 11]. 1—‘To write the same things to you to me, indeed, is not grievous, but for you it is safe,” as a proof of poverty of thought. See our interpretation of the passage. The phrase, so far from arguing scantiness of ideas, 15 only an index of earnestness; or rather a proof, that while a throng of new subjects might be pressing on the writer’s mind, he could even forego the pleasure of introducing them, and for the safety of his readers, reiterate statements previously made to them. Baur also objects to the phrase δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν vou@—iii. 6—but the apostle is there speaking from a previous stand-point—from a point of view which he had occupied in his unconverted state. 3. The record of the apostle’s experience, 111. 4, 1s declared to be a feeble copy of 2 Cor. xi. 18.1 There is similarity, but 1 Wie liisst sich verkennen, dass der Verfasser des Briefs die Stelle im Corinthier- briefe vor Augen hatte, und an sie auf eine Weise sich hielt, wie vom Apostel selbst nicht geschehen seyn kann? Nur aus der starken heftigen Sprache, in welcher der Apostel—2 Cor. xi.—sich gegen seine Gegner ausspricht, liisst es sich auch erkliren, wie der Verfasser in der steigernden Weise der Nachahmer sich sogar den Ausdruck “ὕνες erlauben konnte. Wie unmotivirt, wie mit Gewalt herbeigezogen ist aber hier dieses Reden des Apostels von sich, wenn wir es mit der Art und Weise vergleichen, wie er sich mit seinen Gegnern in der Originalstelle auseinandersesst, wo man sogleich sieht, welche Sache es gilt. Welches schwache leblose Nachbild haben wir dagegen hier! Wie Allbekanntes sagt der Apostel iiber seine friihern Lebensyer- OBJECTIONS TO PECULIAR WORDS. XXV not great similarity. Both are references to his past life, and therefore we anticipate a necessary likeness of allusion. But the purposes are different. In the second epistle to the Corinthians the vindication is of his public or official life and its sufferings and successes; in this epistle the self- portraiture has reference to personal experience. In the former he speaks as an apostle, but in the latter asa saint. The first is terse and vehement—a lofty and disdainful chal- lenge to his antagonists, if ever they had done what he had done, or endured what he had endured: the last is calm in its fervour, and exhibits his soul in its perfect repose upon Christ Jesus his Lord, and in its aspirations after complete likeness to Him. The idea of plagiarism is wholly out of the question when the subjects are so different. Detail in speaking of his Jewish descent is natural to him—Rom. xi. 1—for the subject admitted of minute and climactic treatment. 5. Baur objects to peculiar words. Granted that κατατομή, the concision, is a hard expression ;? but fully harder is ἀποκόψονται, Gal. v. 12, as very many explain it. Granted that the epithet κύνες is not fine; but neither are ψευδα- πόστολοι, ἐργάται δόλιοι; οἱ διάκονοι αὐτοῦ --- Σατανᾶς, in 2 Cor. xi. 18, 14, 15, and κύνες did not at least sound in the East so awkwardly as with us. Baur mistakes the nature of the contrast between περιτομή and κατατομή. The apostle does not by any means degrade the Abrahamic rite in itself, or call Jews the false circumcision; but he simply implies that the circumcision which the Judaists insisted on as essential to salvation is useless and spurious. Compare too, for similar ideas, Rom. ii. 25-29—an epistle which Baur acknowledges to be genuine. Nor is it the case that the contrast is dis- torted, as if the idea of quality in περιτομή were opposed to hiiltnisse, wie kleinlich ist die Hervorhebung der achttigigen Beschneidung, wie unpaulinisch der Begriff einer δικαιοσύνη ἐν νόμῳ, Wie matt und interesselos das Ganze. P. 466. 1 Wie unfein wird sie iii. 2, durch die harten Worte βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, wie gezwun- gen durch den gesuchten Gegensatz zwischen zerarou% und περιτομὴ, Zerschnittene und Beschnittene, eingeleitet! Die Christen sollen die wahre περιτομὴ, die Juden die falsche oder die κατατομοὴ seyn, aber wie schief ist der qualitative Unterschied zwischen der wahren und falschen Beschneidung durch die quantitative Steigerung der sigitou7% Zu einer κατατομὴ ausgedriickt. P. 465. XXVi THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. that of quantity expressed by xatatouy. The notion of quality belongs to both nouns, and it alone could the apostle mean to express. See our comment on the place. On the other hand, many terms and phrases in this epistle, being such as we find in the other epistles, indicate identity of authorship. Liinemann has made a considerable collection of them. The following are Pauline phrases :—qywookew ὑμᾶς βούλομαι, i. 12—compare 1 Cor. x. 1, xi. 3; Rom. i. 13, xi. 25: δοκιμάζειν τὰ διαφέροντα, i. 10—found in Rom. ii. 18: καυχᾶσθαι ἐν Χριστῷ, iti. 3—found in 1 Cor. 1. 31; 2 Cor. x. 17: μάρτυς yap pou ἐστὶν ὁ Θεός, 1. 8—found in Rom. i. 9: πιστεύειν εἰς Χριστόν, i. 29,exceedingly common in the gospel of John, but also found in Paul, as in Rom. x.14; Gal. ii. 16; Acts xix.4. The names Χρίστος, ᾿Ιησοῦς; Κύριος, preceded by ἐν, to denote the sphere of spiritual action, feeling, or enjoyment, as to “hope in the Lord,” “ rejoice in the Lord,” &c.—allusions to ἡ ἡμέρα Χριστοῦ, as the period of glory and perfection—characterize this epistle and all the others ascribed to the apostle. We have ἔργον Χριστοῦ in ii. 80, and ἔργον Κυρίου, in the same sense, in 1 Cor. xvi. 10; εἰς κενὸν ἔδραμον in ii. 16, and in the same view εἰς κενὸν τρέχω ἢ ἔδραμον, Gal. 11. 2. It is true there are some ἅπαξ λεγόμενα, but we have them in every epistle. We have such as αἴσθησις, 1.9; συναθλέω, 1. 27, iv. 3; πτύρεσ- θαι, i. 28; σύμψυχοι, ii. 2; ἁρπαγμός, li. 6; ὑπερυψοῦν, ii. 9; καταχθόνιος, ii. 10; ἰσόψυχον, 11. 20; ἀδημονεῖν, 11. 26; παραπλήσιον, ii. 27; παραβολεύειν, 11. 80; σκύβαλον, 111. 8 ; ἐξανάστασις, iii. 11; ἐπεκτείνεσθαι, ili. 14; προσφιλής, iv. 8; ἀρετή, iv. 8; ἀναθάλλω, iv. 10; μεμύημαι, iv. 12. But the occurrence of such terms can never be a proof of spuriousness, for ἅπαξ λεγόμενα are found in the epistles to Rome, Corinth, and Galatia, which Baur himself receives as genuine. At the same time, we have certain Pauline terms—words all but pecu- liar to the apostle, and the use of which betokens his authorship. Thus we have τί γάρ, i. 18; εἴπως, iii. 11; ody ὅτι, 111. 125; τὸ λοιπόν, iv. 8—turns of expression common with the apostle. Again, such words as ἀπρόσκοποι, i. 10; ἐπιχορηγία, 1. 19; ἀποκαροδοκία, i. 20; ἀντικείμενοι, i. 28; ἐϊλικρινεῖς, 1. 10; κενοδοξία, li. 3; δικαιοσύνη, iii. 9; βραβεῖον, 111. 14; and DOCTRINAL OBJECTIONS. XXVii πλοῦτος, iv. 19—are favourite and characteristic terms. The adjective κενός, and the phrase εἰς cevov,are the Pauline phrases, in this and the other epistles, for failure real or anticipated, and κοπιᾶν is the peculiar verb employed to denote apostolical labour. Have we not, in a word, the image and likeness of the apostle in this style, not only in its separate and characteristic idioms and expressions, but in its entire structure—in its sustained passages as well as in its briefer clauses—in its longer arguments as well as in its more abrupt transitions ? Why, in a word, be entangled among such minutie, when the whole letter is so Pauline in what is peculiar to itself, and in what is common to it with other epistles; in its order and in its loose connection ; in its unwonted expressions and in its mannerisms; in its doctrines insisted on and in its errors warned against; in its illustration of his teaching by the experience of the teacher; in his spirit of disinterested zeal in spite of every drawback ; in his manly confession that he felt his privations while he was contented under them; and in his constant recognition of union to Christ as the sphere of joy, love, strength, hope, steadfastness, confidence, peace, and universal spiritual fulness. II. Baur adduces doctrinal objections. The only dog- matic part of the epistle—ii. 6-11—is, according to him, Gnostic in its ideas and language. Indeed, the whole epistle, as he affirms, “ moves in the circle of Gnostic ideas and expres- sions ”—not opposing them, but rather acquiescing in them.’ The phrases οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο, εἶναι ἴσα Θεῷ, ἐν ὁμοιώ- ματι ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος, σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς ἄνθρωπος, ἐπουρανίων---καταχθονίων, are laid hold of as belonging to the Gnostic vocabulary ; and as proving that he who has so employed them, must have lived after the apostle’s time, and when the Gnostic heresy had acquired wide range and influ- ence. Now, if a heresy shall arise which clings to Scripture 1 Wie die beiden zuvor erérterten Briefe (Eph. and Colos.) bewegt sich auch der Philipperbrief im Kreise gnostischer Ideen und Ausdriicke, und zwar gleichfalls so, dass er sie nicht sowohl bestreitet, sondern sich vielmehr an sie anschliesst und mit der néthigen Modification sich aneignet. Die in dogmatischer Hinsicht stets fiir ebenso wichtig als schwierig gehaltene Stelle Phil. ii. 5, scheint nur aus der Voraus- setzung erklirt werden zu kénnen, dass der Verfasser des Briefs gewisse gnostische Zeitideen vor Augen hatte. P. 458. XXV1li THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. for support, what can you expect but it shall, in its specula- tions and defences, employ the words of Scripture, and dexterously affix its own meaning to them? What has heresy usually been but such artful or innocent misinterpretation ? In the daring and dreamy descriptions of the divine nature and of the celestial hierarchy, which characterize Gnosticism, such terms as the apostle has used may be found; but the natural inference is, that the epistle gave rise to them, and not they to the epistle. Some of the passages referred to by Baur are found in Ireneus. In his book, ContraHereses, 1. 1, he has the words—épovdy τε καὶ ἶσον τῷ προβαλλόντι ;1 and the mother of another on is described—mpogacw μὲν ἀγάπης, τόλμης δέ." We have such phrases as παραυτίκα δὲ κενωθεῖσαν;,3 or ἐν εἰκόνι τοῦ ἀοράτου πατρός. But what do these expres- sions prove? They are not similar in meaning with those found in this epistle, and they belong to the domain of meta- physical mysticism. Our interpretation of the passage gives the sense we attach to it. See pp. 97-128. The expression οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο is in no way dero- gatory to Christ’s claim and dignity. The alternatives were τὸ εἶναι ἴσα Θεῷ, and ἑαυτὸν κενοῦν, and Jesus voluntarily preferred the latter, and assumed humanity. For Christ’s pre-existence is a Pauline doctrine, though Baur denies it. Rom. ix. 5, xi. 36; 1 Cor. vii. 6; 2 Cor. viii. 9. Does not μορφὴ Θεοῦ resemble εἰκὼν τοῦ Θεοῦ Ὁ 2 Cor. iv. 4. What absurdity to find a parallel to this ἁρπαγμός and the origin of the term in the wild, daring, and restless attempt of the Valentinian Sophia to penetrate the essence of the All-father, and become one with him—the Absolute; or, as Baur says of this Alon—er will das Absolute erfassen, begreifen, thm gleich, mit thn Eins werden? To give the phrase ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων a Docetic meaning, 15 ridiculous, and is affixing a technical sense to a popular term. Rom. viii. 3. The meaning is, he appeared as other men appeared; notwithstanding his possession of a divine nature, his appearance was the ordinary appearance of humanity. He had the form of God, and he assumed as really the form of a man. Baur also frames a 1], 1, 1, vol. i. p. 14; Opera, ed. Stieren, 1855. 2 Ibid, ἃ. 2. 2p: 18. 3 [bid. i. 4, 1, p. 46. 4 Ibid. i. 5, 1, p. 58. GNOSTIC NOMENCLATURE. ΧΧΙΧ dilemma.—“ Were he already God, wherefore should he first desire to become what he already was, and were he not yet like God, what an eccentric, unnatural, and self-contra- dictory thought4—‘to be equal with God?’”’ The true meaning is not that He was originally less than God, and strove to be on equality with him. Nor is being God, and being like God, the same idea. It is not, as Baur would seem to suppose—being God, he thought it no robbery to be equal with God. For it is not of essence, but of form, that the apostle speaks. Equality with God, in the possession of this form, was no object of ambition to him; he laid it aside, and assumed the form of a servant. Very different this from the Gnostic and Valentinian image of Wisdom descending from the πλήρωμα into the κένωμα. The phrase ἐκένωσεν ἑαυτόν is identical in spirit with ἐπτώχευσε, though different in form —2 Cor. viii. 9—and has no sort of affinity with the Gnostic γενέσθαι ἐν κενώματι, Which seems to mean that annihilation which happened to the Adon Sophia, or rather to its cupidity -σἰνθύμησις. The Gnostic nomenclature has much the same connection with the Pauline writings as the Book of Mormon has with the English Scriptures; and were the Greek original lost, some critic might rise up a thousand years after this, and affirm with some show of erudition, and a parade of parallel terms, that the most of the epistles of the English Testament did not originate under James VI., but must have been fabri- cated by men who knew the system of the Latter-day-saints, and had studied its so-called Bible. It is needless to enlarge. Neither ingenuity nor erudition characterizes the objector’s argument against the epistle; so far from borrowing Gnostic ideas and terms, it again and again, as if by anticipation, 1 Welche eigenthiimliche Vorstellung ist es doch, von Christus zu sagen, er habe es, obgleich er in gittlicher Gestalt war, nicht fiir einen Raub gehalten, oder, wie die Worte grammatisch genauer zu nehmen sind, es nicht zum Gegenstand eines actus rapiendi machen zu miissen geglaubt, Gott gleich zuseyn. War er schon Gott, wozu wollte er erst werden, was er schon war, war er aber noch nicht Gott gleich welcher excentrische, unnatiirliche, sich selbst widersprechende Gedanke wiire es gewesen, Gott gleich zu werden? Soll nicht eben dieses Undenkbare eines solchen Gedankens durch den eigenen Ausdruck οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο bezeichnet werden ἢ Wie kommt denn aber der Verfasser dazu, etwas so Undenkbares auch nur vernein- end von Christus zu sagen? P. 458. XXX THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. condemns the heresy. It calls the Saviour Lord or Κύριος, which, according to Epiphanius, the Gnostics would not. It ascribes a body to the exalted Jesus—which the Gnostics denied; and assigns a body also to glorified believers, but the Gnostics held that it would be burnt up and destroyed. Of the day of Christ, or the coming of Christ, Gnosticism knew nothing, for its benighted disciples did not hope, after death, “to be with Christ.”’* But, indeed, the entire argu- ment of Baur against the genuineness of this epistle, is what Alford calls “the very insanity of hypercriticism. According to him, all wswal expressions prove its spuriousness, as being taken from other epistles; all wnwswal expressions prove the same, as being from another than St. Paul. Poverty of thought, and want of point, are charged against it in one page; in another, excess of point, and undue vigour of expression.”’ We need say nothing in conclusion of the attack of this epistle by the English Evanson, in his Dissonance of the Four Gospels, who, indeed, was earlier than Baur in cold and insipid negation. Nor need we do more than allude to Schrader,’ who has thrown suspicion on the latter half of the epistle, and for reasons not a whit stronger than those of Baur. As Paley? says on this topic— ‘Considering the Philippians as his readers, a person might naturally write upon the subject as the author of the epistle has written, but there is no supposi- tion of forgery with which it will suit.” IlI.—UNITY AND INTEGRITY. Hernricus in his Prolegomena started the idea, that the epistle as we have it is made up of two distinct letters, the first reaching to the end of the first clause in ii. 1—“ Finally, brethren, farewell in the Lord,” along with iv. 21, 23, intended for the church; and the second, including the remaining por- tion of the epistle, and meant for the apostle’s more intimate friends. Paulus, adopting the hypothesis, but reversing its 1 Briickner, p. 13. f 2 Der Apostel Paulus, vol. v. pp. 231-233, 240. See, on the other hand, Hoele- mann’s Prolegomena, p. 59; Neudecker’s Hinleit. § 93. 8 Hore Pauline, chap. vii. CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE PHILIPPIAN CHURCH, ἘΣΣΙ order, imagines, that the first letter was for the bishops and deacons. The theory is baseless, for the use of τὸ λούπόν may be otherwise explained. See Commentary on the phrase. Though we should admit that the phrase τὰ αὐτὰ γράφειν may imply that the apostle had written other epistles to the Philippians, there is still no proof that we have a sample of any of them in our present canonical book. Heinrichs’ arguments are not worth refutation; but they have been replied to, seri- atim, by Krause, Hoelemann, and Matthies.t_ The first part of the epistle may be more general, and the second more special ; but to divide any production on such a principle would be chimerical in the extreme. May not a man have a general and a special purpose in writing a single letter? Nay more, is not the latter half of the second chapter as special as any paragraph in the third or fourth chapters; and are not the four last verses of the third chapter, and the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth verses of the fourth chapter, as general as any paragraph in the earlier half of the epistle? There is nothing of an exoteric or esoteric tone about its various sections, nor is any such distinction warranted by the use of τέλειοι, iii. 15. The transitions depend upon no logical train as the thoughts occurred they were dictated. And we can never know what suggested to the apostle the order of his topics. We can conceive him about to finish his epistle at iii. 1, and with τὸ λουπόν ; but a conversation with Epaphro- ditus, or some train of thought in his own mind, directed and moulded by the Spirit of God, may have led him to launch out again after he seemed to be nearing the shore. IV.—THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE PHILIPPIAN CHURCH, AND THE OCCASION OF THE EPISTLE. Tus Epistle was not written for any polemical or practical purpose. Its object is neither to combat error nor establish | truth, nor expose personal or ecclesiastical inconsistencies, nor vindicate his apostolical prerogative and authority. A gift had been sent him to Rome, from a people that had dis- tinguished themselves by similar kindnesses in former times. 1_See also Schott’s Isagoge, § 70. XXXil THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. The churches in Macedonia were poor, but “their deep poverty abounded unto the riches of their liberality.”” They contributed the gift to the apostle when he needed it, and it was enhanced alike by their poverty and his want. As a prisoner he could not support himself by labour as at Thes- salonica and Corinth, and he might not feel that he had a claim for maintenance upon the church in Rome. He had not founded the church there, and as he was not sowing “spiritual things” he did not expect to reap “carnal things.” The gift from this small, poor, and distant people, whom he had not seen for some years, was therefore very opportune; and the receipt of it, combined with a knowledge of all their circumstances, was to him a source of great exhilaration. Epaphroditus, who had brought the contribution, was to convey the apostle’s thanks to the donors, and he takes occa- sion, in returning these thanks, to address some counsels to his beloved people, to tell them how he prayed for them and hoped well of them, and what was his own condition at Rome, as they would be anxious to hear of it from himself; to form them what a spirit of tender considerateness ought to reign among them; how Timothy was soon coming to them; how they ought to be on their guard against false teachers and im- moral free-thinkers ; how they should rejoice in the Lord, and pursue all that is spiritually elevated and excellent; and all this —hefore he formally acknowledges the receipt of the subsidy. His thoughts turn to himself and them alternately. They had not, like other churches, given him reason for regret or censure. He was fond of them, and what he had suffered among them had endeared them to him. He did not forget that “ we were shamefully entreated at Philippi;” but the recollection made them all the dearer to him, by what he had endured for them. The majority of the church seem to have been proselytes or converted heathens, and to the paucity of Jews in the mem- bership may be ascribed this continuous attachment to their spiritual founder, and the absence of those prejudices and misunderstandings that so soon sprang up in some of the other churches. That the Philippian church was in trial and exposed to danger is evident from several allusions. At an earlier COURAGE IN THE MIDST OF PERSECUTION, XXXuUl period they had “a great trial of affliction,” and the con- clusion of the first chapter indicates that the same perils still continued. The apostle says, i. 28, 29, 30:—“ And in nothing terrified by your adversaries: which is to them an evident token of perdition, but to you of salvation, and that of God. For unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His bee : having the ss conflict which ye saw in me, and now hear to be in me.” We cannot tell who their antagonists were. There is no ground for supposing that they were Jews espe- cially, for there were apparently so few in the place that they do not seem to have possessed a synagogue.!_ The probability is, that the population generally was hostile to them, and that the rancorous feeling manifested against Paul and Silas on their first visit, continued to show itself in a variety of forms against their converts. But persecution did not intimidate them. They did not become cowardly and regretful, or sullen and spiteful. They had “abundance of joy,” feeling as James counsels his readers—“ My brethren, count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations.” That joy the apostle . bids them still cherish, and the soul of his letter is—“ Rejoice in the Lord.” Because the opposition which they encountered drove all worldly gladness from them; it forced them to a more vivid realization of their union to Christ, the source of all joy. Persecution only raked away the ashes, so that the spiritual flame was steady and brilliant. But this very condition had a tendency to create spiritual pride. Men so upborne are apt to forget themselves. As Dr. Davidson remarks*—“ The highest spirituality stands near ἢ 1 The place of worship, προσευχή, was by the river side—and, as the correct reading is ἔξω τῆς sta%je—“* without the gate.” Thus Josephus, Antig. xiv. 10, 23, says of the magistrates of an eastern city, that they allowed to the Jews—ras προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ ϑαλάσσῃ, κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. Tertullian also says of the Jews—per ommne litus quocunque in aperto aliquando jam preces ad celum mittunt. De Jejun. xvi. vol. i. p- 817; Opera, ed. Oehler. The same author speaks of the Jewish orationes littorales. Ad Nationes, xiii. Ibid., p. 334. When the proseuche in Alexandria were destroyed, the Jews resorted to the neighbouring beaches—ési τοὺς πλησίον αἰγιωλούς. Philo i Flac., p. 982. Thus, too—In qua te quero proseucha? Juyenal, ili. 295. Biscoe on the Acts, p. 181; ed. Oxford, 1840. 2 Introduction, vol. ii. p. 381. XXXIV THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. | the verge of pride, superciliousness, and vain-glory.” The earnest injunctions enforced by the example of Christ, in the beginning of the second chapter, plainly point to such a tendency. ‘There were also two ladies who are entreated by the apostle to be of the same mind in the Lord, and others are asked to help them to this reconciliation. The Philip- pians are exhorted “to stand fast in one spirit and one mind.’’ We dare not say that factions actually existed, but there were jealousies and alienations of feeling. Yet there is no proof that false teaching had created parties and produced schism ;* so that the broad assertions and hypotheses of many on this subject cannot be received. The Philippians are warned against Judaizers, but there is no evidence that Judaizers had, as in Galatia, made havoc among them; and they are told of others who are enemies of the cross, not from dogmatic perversity, but from immoral lives. Storr, Flatt, Hichhorn, Guericke, and Rheinwald, are as much without evidence in supposing the existence of a Judaizing faction, as is Bertholdt in imagining that the apostle condemns certain false doctrines which sprang from Sadducean influence. As if they had still been safe and uncontaminated, they are commanded so to stand in the Lord as to form a con- trast to those whose end is destruction, and their fellowship for the gospel had been uninterrupted. Against the errors and tendencies incidental to their situation, or which might be originated by their history, experience, and temperament, their sagacious monitor frankly warns them. For the stream, if it receive tributaries which have flowed through a muddy soil, is in danger of being discoloured. V.—PLACE AND TIME AT WHICH THE EPISTLE WAS WRITTEN. The general opinion has been, that the epistle was written at Rome. (&der? proposed Corinth; Paulus and Béttger? fix 1 Schinz, Die Christliche Gemeinde zu Philippi. Ein exegetischer Versuch von W. H. Schinz; Ziirich, 1833. Cruse, De statu Philip., &c.; Hafnie, 1734; or Walch, Acta Pauli Philippensia; Jenx, 1736. 2 De tempore scripte prioris ad Timotheum atque ad Philippenses epistole Pauline Progr.; Tene, 1799. See, on the other hand, Credner, Hinleitung, p. 425; Wolf's Prolegomena; and Hemsen, Der Ap. Paulus, &e., p. 680. 3 Beitntge, &e., i. 47. WRITTEN FROM ROME. XXXV on Cesarea; and Rilliet thinks this theory plausible. The probabilities are all against Cxsarea.. The phrase οἰκία Kaicapos could not surely be applied to Herod’s family. The dwelling of Herod at Czesarea is indeed called πραιτώριον, for the word had a secondary or general significance; and it is used of the dwelling of the Procurator in Jerusalem. See under i. 13. When he was in custody at Ceesarea, Paul, asa Roman citizen, could at any time appeal, to Cesar against any sentence passed upon him, and his condition could not therefore have that uncertainty about it which he speaks of in 1. 23, 24, 25. There he could ward off martyrdom at least for a period. All the allusions are best explained by the supposition, that the apostle wrote the epistle in Rome—his bonds being made known in the barracks of the imperial life-guards—his enemies filled with spite, and his life in danger—and the gospel achieving such signal triumphs as warranted him to send salu- tations to Philippi from Ceesar’s household. The tone of the epistle in reference to himself, seems to place it later than those written by him to Ephesus and Colosse. Dangers were thickening around him, sorrows were pressing upon him, and the future was wrapt in dark uncer- tainty. The period must have been later than the two years with which the book of the Acts closes—the period when he was at liberty to preach and to teach, ‘with all confidence, no man forbidding him. Still more, Epaphroditus had brought him money, and tarried so long as allowed the Philippians time to hear that their messenger had been sick; nay, the apostle had heard that they had received such intelligence. Some con- siderable time therefore must have elapsed. He does not now ask their prayers for “utterance,” as when he wrote to the Ephesians. Eph. vi. 19. Burrus, the prefect of the preetorian guards—the στρατοπεδάρχης---ἰο whose care Paul as a prisoner was entrusted, was a man of a benignant spirit, and under him the two years of comparative freedom may have been enjoyed. But Burrus died or was poisoned! in 62; and the government of Nero rapidly degenerated. The power of Seneca over the emperor was destroyed by the death of Burrus, and he sank 1 Incertum valetudine an veneno. Tacitus, Annal. xiv. 51. ΧΧΧΥΙΪ THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. into undisguised infamy.t He married a Jewish proselytess, and she might listen to the apostle’s Jewish antagonists. These changes wrought a correspondent alteration in the apostle’s circumstances. His liberty was abridged; he was lodged in the pretorium, and a violent death seemed to be at hand. Such was his condition, when in the summer or autumn of 63, or in the beginning of 64, he composed the epistle to the Philippians. Wieseler places it in 62 (Chro- nologie des Apost. Zeitalters, p. 458); and Davidson agrees with him. Lardner had adopted the same chronology. Works, vol. vi. p. 74; ed. London, 1884. VI.—CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. Address and Salutation. Paul and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus, to all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi, with the bishops and deacons, Grace to you and peace from God our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ. Proof of His Attachment. I thank my God on my whole remembrance of you, always in every supplication of mine, making, with joy, supplication for you all, on account of your fellowship for (in favour of) the gospel from the first day until now, being confident of this very thing, that He who has begun in you a good work, will perform it until the day of Christ Jesus, even as it is right in me to think this on behalf of you all, because I have you in my heart, both in my bonds, and in the defence and confirmation of the gospel—you, all of you, as being fellow-partakers with me of grace. For God is my witness, how I do long for you all in the bowels of Christ Jesus; and this I pray, that your love yet more and more may abound in full knowledge, and in all judgment, so that ye may distinguish things that differ, in order that ye may be pure and offenceless anent the day of 1 Tacitus Annal. xiv. 52. Mors Burri infregit Senece potentiam, quia nec bonis artibus idem virium erat, altero velut duce amoto, et Nero ad deteriores inclinabat. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. XXXVI Christ—being filled with the fruit of righteousness, which is by Jesus Christ, to the glory and praise of God. History of the Writer's own Condition, and its Results. But I wish you to know, brethren, that things with me have resulted to the furtherance of the gospel, so that my bonds have become known in Christ in the whole pretorium 5 and to all the rest; and the greater part of the brethren putting in the Lord confidence in my bonds are more abundantly bold to speak the word without fear. Some indeed, even for envy and contention, but some also for goodwill, preach Christ,— the one party indeed, of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the gospel; but the other party proclaim Christ out of faction, not purely, thinking to stir up afiliction to my bonds. What then? Notwithstanding, in every way, whether in pre- tence or in sincerity Christ is proclaimed, even in this I do rejoice, yea and [1 shall rejoice. For I know that this shall fall out for salvation to me, through your supplication and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ; according to my firm expectation and hope that in nothing I shall be ashamed, but with all boldness, as always, so also now Christ shall be mag- nified in my body, whether by life or by death: for to me to live is Christ, and to die is gain. But if to live in the flesh, if this to me be fruit of labour, then what I shall choose I wot not; yea, I am put into a strait on account of the two, inasmuch as I have the desire for departing to be with Christ, for it is much by far better, but to abide in the flesh is more necessary on your account. And being persuaded of this I know that I shall abide and remain with you all for the advancement and joy of your faith, that your boasting may abound in Jesus Christ in me, on account of my coming again to you. General Admonition in the Circumstances. Only let your conversation be worthy of the gospel of Christ, in order that whether having come and seen you, or whether being absent I may hear of your affairs, that ye are standing in one spirit, with one soul striving together for the faith of the gospel, and in nothing terrified by the adversaries— XXXVill THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. the which is to them a token of perdition, but to you of salva- tion, and that from God. For to you was it granted, on behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, but also on behalf of Him to suffer; as you have the same conflict which you saw in me, and now hear of im me. Special Injunctions. If, then, there be any exhortation in Christ, if any comfort? of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any bowels and mer- cies, fulfil ye my joy, to the end that ye mind the same thing, having the same love, with union of soul minding the one thing—minding nothing in the spirit of faction nor in the spirit of vain-glory, but in humility, counting others better ἢ than themselves—looking each of you not to your own things, but each of you also to the things of others. This last Injunction tllustrated and enforced by the example of Christ. For let this mind be in you which was also in Christ Jesus ; who, being in the form of God, reckoned not the being on a parity with God a prize to be snatched at, but emptied Him- self, having taken the form of a servant, having been made in the likeness of men, and having been found in fashion as a man, He humbled Himself, having become obedient unto death —yea, unto the death of the cross. Wherefore God also did highly exalt Him, and gave Him the name which is above every name, that in the name of Jesus every knee should bow —of them in heaven, of them on earth, and of them under the earth—and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. Inferential counsels to guide them, and secure the Apostle’s own reward. Wherefore, my beloved, as ye always obeyed, not as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, carry out your own salvation with fear and trembling, for God it is who worketh in you both to will and to work, of His own good 1 Ellicott in his version omits to translate παραμύθιον. PERSONAL MATTERS. XXXI1X pleasure. All things do without murmurings and doubts, that ye may be blameless and pure; children of God beyond reach of blame, in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation, among whom ye appear as luminaries in the world; holding forth the word of life for rejoicing to me against the day of Christ, that I did not run in vain nor yet labour in vain. But, if [ am even being poured out on the sacrifice and service of your faith, I rejoice and give joy to you all; yea, for the very same reason do ye also joy and give joy to me. Personal Matters. But I hope in the Lord Jesus shortly to send Timothy to you, that I also may be of good spirit when I have known your affairs; for [ have no one like-minded who will really care for your affairs, for the whole of them seek their own things, not the things of Jesus Christ. But his tried character ye know, that as a child a father, he served with me for the gospel. Him, then, I hope to send immediately, whenever I shall have seen how it will go with me; but I trust in the Lord that I myself also shall shortly come. Yet I judged it necessary to send Epaphroditus on to you, my brother and fellow-labourer, and fellow-soldier, but your deputy and minister to my need, forasmuch as he was longing after you all, and was in heaviness, because ye heard that he was sick ; for he really was sick, nigh unto death, but God had mercy on him, and not on him alone, but on me also, that I should not have sorrow upon sorrow. ‘The more speedily, therefore, have I sent him, in order that having seen him ye may rejoice again, and that I too be the less sorrowful. On that account receive him in the Lord with all joy, and hold such in honour, because for the work of Christ he came near even to death, having hazarded his life that he might supply your deficiency in your service towards me. Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord. Warning against Judaists. To write to you the same things to me indeed is not grie- vous, but for you it is safe. Look to the dogs, look to the evil-workers, look to the concision. For we are the circum- xl THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. cision, who by the Spirit of God do serve and make our boast in Christ Jesus, and have no trust in the flesh—though I am in possession too of trust in the flesh. The Apostle’s Spiritual History and Experience. If any other man thinketh that he has confidence in the flesh, I more: circumcised on the eighth day, of the race of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of the Hebrews, as to the law a Pharisee, as to zeal persecuting the church, as to the righteousness which is in the law being blameless. But whatever things were gain to me, these for Christ’s sake I have reckoned loss; yea, indeed, for that reason I also (still) reckon them all to be loss, on account of the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord, for whose sake I suffered the loss of them all, and do account them to be but refuse, that I may gain Christ and be found in Him, not having mine own righteousness, which is of the law, but that which is through the faith of Christ—the righteousness which is of God upon faith ; so that I may know Him, and the power of His resurrection, and the fellowship of His sufferings, while I am being made conformable to His death, if anyhow I may arrive at the resurrection from the dead. Not that I have already obtained, either have already been perfected ; but Iam pressing on, if indeed I may seize that for which also I was seized by Christ. Brethren, I do not reckon myself to have seized; but one thing I do—forgetting indeed the things behind, but stretching forth to the things before, towards the mark I am pressing on for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus. Let as many of us then as be perfect think this, and if in any respect ye think otherwise,’ yea this shall God reveal to you. Howbeit whereto we have reached,? by the same do ye walk on. 1 Bishop Horsley, in his twenty-seventh sermon, renders the clause thus—“ And if in any thing you be variously minded, God shall reveal even this to you—that is, the thing concerning which you have various minds.” 2 The three verbs—zuravricu, ἔλαβον, ἐφθάσαμεν, are rendered by the one English verb ‘ attain’’—“ attained,” both in the authorized version and in that of Ellicott. The Greek words present the same idea under different images, but the difference might be marked in the translation. WARNINGS AND COUNSELS. xl Other Warnings. Be together followers of me, brethren, and observe them who are walking in such a way as ye have us for an example: for many walk, of whom many times I told you, but now tell you even weeping, that they are those who are the enemies of the cross of Christ; whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is in their shame—persons they, who are minding earthly things. For our country is in heaven, out of which we await a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall transform the body of our humiliation, so that it be conformed to the body of His glory, according to the working of His power even to subdue all things to Himself. Where- fore, my brethren, beloved and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand in the Lord, beloved. Minuter Counsels to Members of the Church. Euodia I exhort, and Syntyche I exhort, to be of one mind in the Lord; yea, I ask thee too, true yoke-fellow, assist these women, for they laboured hard with me in the gospel, along with Clement, too, and my other fellow-labourers, whose names are in the book of life. Rejoice in the Lord always; again will I say, rejoice. Let your forbearance be known to allmen. The Lord is at hand. Be careful for nothing; but in everything by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving, let your requests be made known before God; and so the peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall guard your hearts and your thoughts in Christ Jesus. Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true; whatsoever things are seemly ; whatsoever things are right; whatsoever things are pure; whatsoever things are lovely ; whatsoever things are of good report; whatever virtue there is, and whatever praise there is, these things think upon; the things which also ye learned and received, and heard and saw in me, these things do. And the God of peace shall be with you. Business. But I rejoiced in the Lord greatly, that now at length ye flourished again in mindfulness for my interest, for which 6 xhi THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. indeed ye were mindful, but ye lacked opportunity. Not that I speak on account of want, for I have learned, in the circumstances in which I am, to be content. I know also to be abased, I know also to abound; in everything and in all things, I have been instructed both to be full and to be hungry, both to abound and to be in want. I can do all things in Him strengthening me. Howbeit ye did well in that ye had fellowship with my affliction. But you, Philip- pians, are yourselves also aware, that in the introduction of the gospel, when I departed from Macedonia, no church commu- nicated with me to account of gift and receipt but you only; for even in Thessalonica, both once and a second time, ye sent to me for my necessity. Not that I seek for the gift, but I seek for the fruit which does abound to your account. But I have all things and I abound; I have been filled, having received from Epaphroditus the things sent from you—an odour of a sweet smell—a sacrifice acceptable, well-pleasing to God. But my God shall supply all your need according to His riches in glory in Christ Jesus. Now to God and our Father be the glory for ever and ever. Amen. Conclusion. Salute every saint in Christ Jesus. There salute you the brethren who are with me: there salute you all the saints, chiefly they who are of Cesar’s household. @bhe grace of the Lord GFesus be With nour Spirit. VIL—COMMENTATORS ON THE EPISTLE. We need scarcely mention the commentaries of the Greek Fathers—Chrysostom, Theophylact, Theodoret, Oecumenius, with others found in the Catena, or those of the Latin Pelagius and Ambrosiaster, or those of Erasmus, Calvin, Zuingli, Bucer, Beza, Hunnius, Grotius, Schmidius, Crocius, Zanchius, Piscator, Aretius, &c. There are the Romish Estius, a-Lapide, and Justiniani; and there are also the Protestant Clericus, Calovius, Calixtus, Vorstius, Schotanus, Balduin, Tarnovius, Musculus, Hyperius, Wolf, van Til, Jaspis, Kiittner, Heumann, Bengel, Storr, Flatt, Hammond, COMMENTATORS. xliii Michaelis, Rosenmiiller, Whitby, Pierce, Macknight, Hein- richs, and Schrader. Every one knows the New Testaments of Bloomfield and Alford, and the quartos of Conybeare and Howson. Of more special expositions on the epistle, we have Velasquez—In Epistolam Pauli ad Philippenses, Commentarit ; Antverpie, 2 vols. folio, 1637. Breithaupt—Animadversiones exeget. et dogmat. pract. in Epistolam ad Philippenses ; Hale, 1703. Am Ende—Pauli Ap. ad Philipp., Epistola ex recen- stone Griesbach.—nova versione Latina et annotatione perpetua illustrata ; Wiitteberge, 1798. J. F. Krause— Observat. crit. exeget. in Pauli Epistolam ad Philippenses, cap. 1., 11., Regiomont. 1810. F. A. W. Krause—Die Briefe an die Philipper und Thessalonicher; Frankfurt am Main, 1790. Rheinwald— Commentar iiber den Brief Pauli an die Philipper ; Berlin, 1827. Matthies—Erklirung des Briefes Pauli an die Philipper ; Greifswald, 1835. Van Hengel—Commentarius Perpetuus in Epistolam Pauli ad Philippenses ; Lugduni Batavorum et Amstelodami, 1838. Hoelemann—Commen- tartus in Epistolam divi Pauli ad Philippenses ; Lipsiae, 1839. Rilliet—Commentaire sur [ Epitre del Apétre Paul aux Philip- piens ; Geneve, 1841. Miiller—Commentatio de locis quibus- dam Epistole Pauli ad Philippenses ; Hamburgi, 1843. De Wette—Kurze Lrklérung der Briefe an die Colosser, an Philemon, an die Ephesier und Philipper ; Leipzig, 1843. Meyer—Avritisch eaxegetisches Handbuch iiber den Brief an die Philipper ; Gottingen, 1847. Baumgarten-Crusius— Com- mentar iiber die Briefe Pauli an die Philipper und Thessaloni- cher ; Jena, 1848. Peile—Annotations on the Apostolical Epistles, vol. i1.; London, 1849. Wiesinger—Die Briefe des Apostel Paulus an die Philipper, an Titus, Timotheus, und Philemon ; Kéonigsberg, 1850. Beelen, Commentarius in Epistolam S. Pauli ad Philippenses ; ed. secunda, Lovanii, 1852. Bisping—Lrklérung der Briefes an die Ephesier, Philipper, Kolosser, und des ersten Briefes an die Thessalont- cher ; Miinster, 1855. Ellicott—A Critical and Grammatical Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Philippians, Colossians, and to Philemon, with a Revised Translation; London, 1857. Ewald—Die Sendschreiben des Apostel Paulus iibersetzt und erklart ; Gottingen, 1857. We need scarcely allude to more xliv THE LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. popular treatises, such as Daillé—Sermons sur l Epitre aux Philippiens ; 1644-47. De Launay—Faraph. et Expos. sur les Epitres de St. Paul ; Charenton, 1650. Passavant— Versuch einer praktischen Auslegung des Briefes Pauli an die Philip- per ; Basel, 1834. Kihler—Auslequng der Hpistel Pauli an die Philipper in 25 Predigten; Kiel, 1855. Florey—Bibel- stunden iiber den Brief St. Pauli an die Philipper ; Leipzig, 1857. There are similar works in English, of very unequal merit, such as Airay, 1618; Acaster, 1827; Baynes, 1834 ; Neat, 1841; Hall, 1843; Toller, 1855. NOTE. In the following pages, when Buttmann, Matthiae, Kiihner, Winer, Stuart, Green, Jelf, Madvig, Scheuerlein, and Kriiger, are simply quoted, the reference is to their respective Greek grammars; and when Suidas, Suicer, Passow, Robinson, Pape, Wilke, Wahl, Bretschneider, and Liddell and Scott are named, the reference is to their respective lexicons. If Hartung be found without any addition, we mean his Lehre von den Partikeln der griechischen Sprache, 2 vols.; Erlangen, 1832, and the mention of Bernhardy without any supplement, repre- sents his Wissenschaftliche Syntax der griechischen Sprache ; Berlin, 1829. The majority of the other names are those of the commentators or philologists enumerated in the previous chapter. The references to Tischendorf’s New Testament are to the second edition. COMMENTARY ON PHILIPPIANS. CHAPTER 1. AFTER the usual address and salutation, the apostle, turning at once to the close and confidential relations subsisting between him and the Philippian church, tells them that his entire reminiscence of them gave him unmixed satisfaction, and led him to thank God for them; that in this cheerful state of mind he prayed always in all his prayers for all of them; that his special ground of thanksgiving was their FELLOWSHIP FOR THE GOSPEL, which had existed among them from the period of their conversion to the present moment, and which, he was persuaded, God would perpetuate and mature among them. Then he intimates, that this favourable opinion of them was no notion loosely taken up by him, but one well warranted, since he loved them dearly as joint par- takers of grace with himself. That Christian affection was no idle emotion, for it found expression in constant and joyous prayer. And that prayer which he had mentioned in the fourth verse as his uniform practice, had this for its theme, that their love might grow, and be furnished with a fuller knowledge and a truer spiritual discrimination, so that a higher state of moral excellence might be attained by them, along with a life of ampler fruits—to the glory and praise of God. (Ver. 1.) Παῦλος καὶ Τιμόθεος, δοῦλοι Χριστοῦ ᾿Ἰησοῦ--- “ Paul and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus.” The received text reads Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, but B. D. E., &c., declare for the reverse order of the names. For some remarks on Timothy and the association of his name with that of the apostle, see under Colos.i.1. There, indeed, Paul calls himself an apostle, A 2 PHILIPPIANS I. 1. but here both are simply and equally designated S0%A0.—the following genitive being that of possession, and the epithet itself being one of close relationship as well as labour. 1 Cor. vii. 22. There is no sure ground for the conjecture of Rilliet, that ‘Timothy is mentioned because probably he wrote the letter from Paul’s dictation. As little foundation is there for the opinion of Miiller, taken from Huther, that the addition by Paul of another name to his own was intended to show that the letter was written per muneris offictum et publice, for the epistle is without any traces of such a purpose ; and there is no great likelihood in the notion of van Hengel, that the apostle placed Timothy on a level with himself, because as he was so soon to despatch him to Philippi, he wished him to appear invested with all his own great authority. ‘Timothy is associated with Paul as one who was well-known to this church, who had been with him on his first visit, who after- wards was sent by him to labour in Macedonia, and who cherished a fervent regard for the welfare of the Philippian saints. Acts xvi, 1, 10% sax. 225 Phi aoa) Paul does not here style himself an apostle as is his wont, either because his apostolical prerogative had not been called in question among them, or because their intimacy with him was so close, that he felt that his office was ever in their thoughts of him and their care for him, associated with his pergon. That it is rash to make decided inferences from the style of the apostle’s address, is evident from the fact, that five different forms are employed by him. 1. He names himself alone and formally as an apostle—Rom. 1. 1; 1 Cor.i. 1; Gal. i. 1; Eph. i. 1; and, as might be expected, in the pastoral epistles. 2. He associates another name with his own, but still marks out his own apostleship, as ‘‘ Paul an apostle, and Timothy our brother’”—2 Cor. i. 1; Col.i.1. 3. He joins others to himself without giving any distinctive epithet either to himself or them; as, “ Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy,” in both epistles to the Thessalonians. 4. In the letter to Philemon he calls himself a prisoner, and subjoins Timothy as a brother. 5. In this epistle he adds Timothy, but unites both under the simple and comprehensive term δοῦλοι. The corresponding epithet in Hebrew had already been consecrated, Num. xii. 7 ; PHILIPPIANS I. 1. 3 Joshua i. 2, ix. 24; 1 Chron. vi. 49; and δοῦλος occurs in the Septuagint, Nehem. x. 29. In its Oriental form it passed away from its more distinctive meaning, and was incorporated into proper names, as in Abdallah, Abednego, &e. πᾶσιν τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ, τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν Φιλίπ- ποις, σὺν ἐπισκόποις καὶ διακόνοις---““ἴτο all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi, with the bishops and deacons.” Consult our note on ἅγιος, Eph. 1. 1, The pre- position ἐν points out the source and sustentation of this ayioTns—union with Christ Jesus. As Theophylact says, those who are in Christ Jesus are ἅγιοι ὄντως. In the fulness of his heart, the apostle writes to ALL the saints, not, as van Hengel supposes, that he wished to show that he made no distinction in his regard between those who had, and those who had not, sent him a pecuniary gift. There would be probability in the notion of De Wette, that the apostle for- mally embraced them all, to intimate his elevation above their parties and conflicts, if the term did not occur again and again in the epistle, as the expression of the writer’s earnest and universal affection—i. 4, 7, 8, 25; ii. 17,26; iv. 23. The city of Philippi, and the entrance of the gospel to it, have been spoken of in the Introduction. The apostle adds, σὺν ἐπισκόποις καὶ διακόνοις. The preposition σύν intimates close connection—Cohaerenz, as Kviiger calls it, and so far differs from μετά, which indicates mere co-existence. Kriiger, ὃ 68,13. The reading, συνεπι- σκόποις, followed by Chrysostom, and found in B’, D*, and C, must be at once rejected. Following it, the Greek Father understands the epistle to be addressed to the clergy—ro κλήρῳ, the compound noun being taken as if in apposition with ἁγίοις. But why should bishops and deacons be so unwontedly singled out? Chrysostom answers, Because they had sent the pecuniary gift through Epaphroditus to the apostle. Others more generally, as Meyer, that they had been instrumental in collecting the sums for which he thanks them in the conclusion of the epistle. Heinrich opines that the mention of office-bearers was only mero casu ; Miiller and Rilliet, that the phrase merely describes or represents a pro- perly organized church. The opinion of Wiesinger is at least 4 PHILIPPIANS I. 1, 2. as probable, that the real reason is be found in the circum- stances of the church, and that there was a tendency to undue assumption on the part of some individuals, which needed such an effective check as was implied in the special acknow- ledgment of those who bore office in it. The official term ἐπίσκοπος, of Greek origin, is in the diction of the New Testament the same as πρεσβύτερος, of Jewish usage—the name expressive of gravity and honour; διάκονος being the correlate found in connection with the former, and νεώτερος or νεανίσκος standing in a similar relation to the latter—Acts xx. 17,28; 1 Peter v. 1,5; Titusi. 5,7. The Syriac renders the term here by |avac—elders. The origin of the special office of deacon is given in Acts vii—the end of the institution being διακονξιν τραπέζαις, or to exercise a supervision, ἐπὶ τῆς χρείας ταύτης. The epithet διάκονος is not, as Chrysostom seems to suppose, a second name for the bishop; for he says καὶ διάκονος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἐλέγετο. A bishop might indeed be a “server,” as Paul was a servant; but the word, as is plain from other portions of the New Testament, describes a distinct class of office-bearers. The mention of ἐπίσκοποι in the plural, and the naming of both classes of office-bearers after the general body of members, indicate a state of things which did not exist in the second century.—See Canon Stanley’s Sermons and Hssays on the apostolic age, p. 67, and compare Neander, Vitringa, Bingham, Rothe, Baur, and other authors on the general subject. Hammond, in order to vindicate the form of modern Episcopacy, maintains that the bishops were those of a district of which Philippi was a metropolitan centre, but the language warrants no such inference. Chrysostom has asked, ‘“ Were there several bishops in one city? Certainly not; but he thus called the presbyters,’—adrd τοὺς πρεσ- βυτέρους οὕτως ἐκάλεσε. The placing of the office-bearers after the church seems to have scandalized Thomas Aquinas, but he saves his hierarchical convictions by suggesting— apostolum servasse ordinem natura, quo grex solet precedere suum pastorem ; hinc in processionibus, populus precedit, cle- rus et praclati sequuntur. (Ver. 2.) Χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη ἀπὸ Θεοῦ ἸΠατρὸς ἡμῶν, καὶ Ἰζυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ---“ Grace to you, and peace from PHILIPPIANS I. 8. 5 God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ.” See at length on the terms of the salutation under Eph. i. 2. (Ver. 3.) Εὐχαριστῶ τῷ Θεῷ μου ἐπὶ πάσῃ TH μνείᾳ ὑμῶν —“T thank my God on the whole remembrance of you.” How different this εὐχαριστῶ τῷ Θεῷ μου from the abrupt θαυμάζω ὅτι of Galatians i. 6; satisfaction expressed in the one, and surprise and sorrow in the other. The noun μνεία is rendered “mention” in the margin of the English Bible, and the rendering is adopted by van Hengel. The idea of mention is indeed based on that of remembrance; for it is that kind of mention which memory so naturally prompts and fashions, and may therefore be expressed by ποιεῖσθαι μνείαν, asin Rom. 1. 9; Ephes. 1. 106. But such a verb is not em- ployed here, and “remembrance” is the better rendering. The preposition ἐπί marks the ground, or occasion, of the apostle’s gratitude. Winer, however, gives it a temporal signification, § 48. The phrase, ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ μνείᾳ, is not to be translated “on every remembrance, though such an interpretation be as old as Chrysostom—oodxis ὑμῶν avap- νησθῶ. Beelen and Conybeare follow this rendering of the authorised version; but the article forbids it. Winer, § 18, 41 The meaning is not, “as often as 1 remember you, I thank my God,” but “on my whole remembrance of you, I thank my God.” There was no disturbing element, no sharp or sudden recollection, which suggested any other exercise than thanksgiving. His entrance to the city, the oratory by the river-side, Lydia’s baptism, and the jailor’s conversion—his entire connection with them filled his memory with delight. The incidents of his second visit are not recorded; but his whole association with the Philip- pian church prompted him to devout acknowledgment. He has changed at once in this verse to the first person, for, though 'Timothy’s name occurs in the salutation, the epistle is in no sense a joint production. Few will agree with Pierce, Homberg, and others, that ὑμῶν is subjective, and that the meaning is, “I thank my God for your whole remembrance i This inexact rendering is also adopted by Ellicott in his version, but the older English versions are correct. Thus Wycliffe—“I do thankingis to my God in al mynde of you;” and Tyndale—“I thank my God with all remembrance of you.” 6 PHILIPPIANS I: 4. of me.”’ For the grounds of his thanksgiving, as subsequently stated, determine the reference. . (Ver. 4.) Πάντοτε ἐν πάσῃ δεήσει μου ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν μετὰ χαρᾶς τὴν δέησιν Trovovpevos—* Always in every suppli- cation of mine making supplication for you all with joy.” It does not affect the sense whether ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν, standing in the middle of the verse, be joined to the words before it— δεήσει μου, as in the English version, or to those after it, τὴν δέησιν ποιούμενος. The latter construction cannot be pleaded for from the absence of the article before ὑπὲρ πάντων. Winer, § 20, 2. The second δέησις with its article, refers to the pre- vious δέησις, but the first term needs not be limited or defined by ὑπὲρ πάντων. The participial connection with the pre- vious verse is common in the apostle’s style. Many, such as Theophylact, Bengel, and Rilliet, join a portion of this verse to the preceding—“I thank my God on the whole remembrance of you always in every prayer of mine for you all.” The verse so understood details the periods, or scenes, when the memory of the apostle excited him to thanks; but such a connection is not necessary. Hoelemann connects εὐχαριστῷ with ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν. “1 thank my God on account of you all;” but such a connection is unnatural, destroys the point, and encum- bers the order of the thought. The apostle says, in the third verse, that his whole remembrance of them prompted him to thanksgiving ; and in the verse before us, he tells them that he prayed—Sdénovwy ποιούμενος, that they were included in every prayer of his—ev πάσῃ δεήσει; that he prayed not for a fraction of them, but for the whole of them—dyrwr; that he did this, not periodically, but αἰνγαγθ--- πάντοτε; that this supplica- tion had the companionship of a gladdened heart — pera χαρᾶς; and that this gladness of heart in prayer based itself -ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ μνείᾳ ὑμῶν. The recurrence of the terms πάσῃ, πάντοτε, πάσῃ, πάντων in these two verses, shows the exube- rant feeling of the writer. “To make request with joy,” is not as Baumgarten-Crusius says, a mere circumlocution for thanksgiving ; but it implies that the suppliant thanks while he asks, and blesses as he petitions. The apostle might pray for others in anguish or doubt; but he knew so much of the Philippian church, of its faith, its consistency, and its PHILIPPIANS I. 5. 7 attachment to the truth and to himself, that when he prayed for it so uniformly, no suspicions clouded his soul. What higher rapture could an apostle feel than that occasioned by the memory of his successes, and their gracious and perma- nent results? No heart was more susceptible of this joy than the apostle’s, and none felt more keenly the pang of disappoint- ment and sorrow, when either truth was forsaken or adulte- rated, or love was supplanted by envying and strife. (Ver. 5.) "El τῇ κοινωνίᾳ ὑμῶν εἰς τὸ εὐωγγέλιον ἀπὸ πρώτης ἡμέρας ἄχρι τοῦ vov—“ On account of your fellowship in favour of the gospel, from the first day even until now.” The apostle in these words expresses the grounds of his evya- ριστῶ. Calvin, Grotius, De Wette, van Hengel, and Ewald, connect the verse with the preceding one, as if it gave the ground of the μετὰ χαρᾶς. The statement is true so far, for the joy which accompanied the apostle’s prayer, sprang from the very same source as his thanksgiving. The thanks- giving was based on memory, and the joy on present know- ledge; but still both alike pointed especially to this κοινωνία. The recollection prompted thanksgiving, for the fellowship had commenced at an early period; and when he made sup- plication, he pleaded with gladness, for that fellowship had remained unbroken from its origin to the present time, so that ἐπὶ τὴ κοινωνίᾳ is primarily connected with εὐχαριστῶ, and has, at the same time, a subordinate relation to μετὰ χαρὰς. It is true that εὐχαριστῶ is followed twice by ἐπί; but it does not result, as De Wette maintains, that the prepo- sition has two different significations. ‘The connection in both eases is nearly the same. I thank my God on account of, ἐπί, “my whole remembrance of you,’ and then a parallel and explanatory clause intervening—the special element in that remembrance which excited thanksgiving, is brought out by the same particle, ἐπὶ τὴ κοινωνίᾳ ὑμῶν. We cannot agree with Ellicott’s remarks on the alleged double sense of ἐπέ, that verse 4 marks the object on which the thanksgiving rests, verse 5 when it takes place, and verse 6 why it takes place ; for it is the third verse which, looking to the past, points out the ground or occasion of the thanksgiving—his whole re- membrance; while verse 4 shows how it expressed itself in 8 PHILIPPIANS I. 5. prayer, verse 5 gives more fully its solid foundation, as Mr. Ellicott had already said, and verse 6, glancing into the future, shows how the feeling was intensified by the apostle’s per- suasion about them. But, what is the meaning of the unusual phrase—xowwvia εἰς TO εὐαγγέλιον ? 1. It is plain that whatever κοινωνία means, the phrase εἰς τὸ εὐωγγέλιον cannot be taken as a genitive, as if the meaning were “on account of your participation of the gospel.” This is one view of Calvin, and the opinion of Estius, Flatt, and Heinrichs, following the interpretation of Theodoret, κοινωνίαν δὲ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τὴν πίστιν ἐκάλεσε. 2. Some would restrict the fellowship to intercourse or com- munity of interest with the apostle, and that in either of two aspects. The lower view is that of Bisping and others, who take the term as referring principally to giving and receiving —the pecuniary symbols of affection. The higher view is that of Chrysostom and Theophylact, who understand the word as including sympathy with the apostle in his labours and sufferings; the latter thus explaining 1{---ὅτε κοινωνοί μου γίνεσθε καὶ συμμερισταὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ πονῶν. Both these views may be implied; but still they are only two indications or fruits of fellowship. 3. Nor can we wholly coincide in the opinion of Meyer, Miiller, and Alford, that κοινωνία means “ entire accord, una- nimous action;” or as Rilliet has it, “bon accord.” First, it is plain that there was a tendency in the Philippian church to faction, disunion, and jealousy. The prayer, in verse 9, that their love might abound yet more and more, is referred to by Meyer as a proof that love existed; but still such a prayer is a token that love was deficient. ‘The pointed exhortation in i. 27, “to stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together ;” the injunction in ii. 2, to “ be like-minded, of one accord, of one mind;” the call to lowliness, and the caution against vainglory in ii. 3, 4, 5,6, 7; the command to “do all things without murmuring,” in ii. 14; the similar lesson in 111. 16,17; and the personal request to two women to be “ of the same mind,” iv. 2;—all betoken that the apostle more than suspected tendencies to alienation and feud; and his joy PHILIPPIANS I. 5 9 must have been modified by the lamented imperfection of that very grace which Meyer waaiin him to select and eulo- gize as its principal source. 4. The noun κοινωνία, with its cognate verb and adjective, which have been variously rendered by our translators, has, for its generic idea, that of common participation. That par- ticipation may be a palpable copartnery, Luke v. 10; 1 Cor. x. 18; 2 Cor. viii. 23; 1 Tim. v. 22; Heb. ii. 14, x. 33. Or, it may be participation in pecuniary generosity, Rom. xii, 13, xv. 26; 2 Cor. vui. 4, ix. 13; Gal. vi. 6; Phil. iv. 15; eRe vi. 18; Bebe: xiii. 16. in ne of fee passages, Boni, iy Ὁ KV. 26; 2 Cor. viii. 4, ix. 13; Heb. xii. 16, the reference is to eleemosynary contribution, and some of them may bear an active sense. But there is also a special evangelical fellow- ship, which is often named, as in Rom. xv. 27; 1 Cor. i. 9; 1 John i. 3; and that fellowship is characterized as being of the spirit, 2 Cor. xi. 14; Philip. 11. 1, or as being with the Son of God generally, 1 Cor.i.9; 1 John i. 3, 6, and with His sufferings specially, Philip. 111.10; 1 Pet. iv. 13. The noun is followed by the genitive of the thing participated in, or with εἰς, denoting its object. Winer, § 49,a. We, therefore, take κοινωνία in a general sense, and the following clause so closely connected with it, through the non-repetition of the article, as assigning its end or purpose. Winer, § 20, 2. Thus understood, it denotes participation, or community of interest, in whatever had the gospel for its object. All that belonged to the defence and propagation of the gospel, was a matter of common concern to them—of sympathy and co- operation. The pecuniary contributions sent to the apostle and acknowledged in this epistle, are, of necessity, included. Such generally is the view of Wiesinger, Schinz, van Hengel, Hoelemann, and Ellicott, and in it on the whole we concur. For in the seventh verse the apostle seems more fully to explain his meaning, when he calls the Philippians συγκοινωνούς μου, as if in reference to the κοινωνία of the verse before us. Now the relation of that fellowship for the gospel, is there described as being “in its defence and confirmation.” Viewed as a Christian community, they had exhibited a fellowship in reference to the gospel—xowwvia eis τὸ evaryyéXvov—and the 10 PHILIPPIANS I. 6. apostle thanked God for it. Immediately, as he dwells on the same idea, that fellowship takes a more personal aspect, inasmuch as it included himself in its cirele—cvyxowwvovs jov—and its purpose, as he refers to his own work, assumes a more definite form—év τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ βεβαιώσει τοῦ evay- γελίου.1 This fellowship had continued without interruption— ἀπὸ πρώτης ἡμέρας ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν, “from the first day until now.” It had not been like an intermittent spring, but like a fountain of perpetual outflow. The clause is thus connected with κοινωνία, and marks its unbroken duration. Some, like Beza and Bengel, connect it with εὐχαριστῶ---ἃ connection which would be tautological, for the idea is expressed already; and others, as Meyer, Rilliet, and Lachmann join it to the follow- ing participle, πεποιθώς. This is also erroneous. It needs not that τῇ be repeated before ἀπὸ πρώτης any more than before εἰς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. The apostle’s purpose is to point out the ground of his thanksgiving, and to give it prominence. Remembrance excited his gratitude, but the past merged into the present, and memory and consciousness coalesced, because the fellowship was not simply a thing of days gone by, for it had lasted from its first manifestation to that very moment ; nay, its existence was proved and illustrated by the delegation of Epaphroditus to Rome. The development of the apostle’s thought necessitates the connection of this clause with κοινωνία, as a “ subordinate temporal definition ;” and it also starts the idea which is followed out in the subsequent verse. (Ver. 6.) Πεποιθὼς αὐτὸ τοῦτο, ὅτι ὁ évapEdpevos ἐν ὑμῖν ἔργον ἀγαθὸν, ἐπιτελέσει ἄχρις ἡμέρας ᾿Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ---“Βείηρ' confident of this very thing, that He who has begun in you a good work, will perform it until the day of Christ Jesus.” The apostle usually places πεποιθώς at the beginning of the sentence, 1. 25, 11.24; Philemon 21; 2 Cor. ii. 3, and uses other parts of the verb in a similar way. Galat. v.10; Rom. i. 19; 2'Thes. 11. 4; Heb. xiii. 18. The participle is parallel to ποιούμενος, and like it dependent on εὐχαριστῶ. He thanked and he prayed in this confidence, a confidence which at once 1 Pierce and the Improved Version render the clause, “as being joint-contribu- tors to the gift which I have received !” Ε PHILIPPIANS |. 6. 1 deepened his gratitude, and gave wings of joy to his suppli- cations. The participle may have a faint causal force as Ellicott says, “ seeing I am confident ;” but the idea is only auxiliary to the main one expressed in the preceding verse. The emphatic phrase αὐτὸ τοῦτο, “ this very thing,” refers to what follows, which is the real accusative, and is introduced by ἵνα in Eph. vi. 22, Coloss. iv. 8; by ὅπως in Rom. ix. 17; and here by ὅτ. Winer, ὃ 23, 5. The use of the demonstrative pronouns is not as Madvig says, § 27, a, “ to mark the contents and compass (der Inhalt und Umfang) of the action,” which is done by the clause beginning with ὅτι-- but rather to emphasize it—and show that in the writer’s mind it has a peculiar unity and prominence. The reference in ὁ évapEdpevos is to God, and is all the more impressive that He is not formally named. The participle, though it often take the genitive, here governs the accusative. Kiihner, § 512, 5. We cannot lay any stress on the preposition ἐν, in composition with it, as may be shown by its use both in the classics and in the Septuagint. The words ἐν ὑμίν, are “in you,’ not among you, for in the following verse the apostle records an individual judgment of them. By ἔργον ἀγαθὸν is not meant vaguely and generally a work of faith and love, as a-Lapide and Matthies suppose; but that special good work, that κοινωνία, which the apostle has just particu- larized. The article is not prefixed, but the reference is plain. That fellowship is a work divine in its source, and bears the stamp of its originator. He who began it will carry it οῃ---ἐπιτελέσει, and that—aypis ἡμέρας Χριστοῦ ᾿ΪΙησοῦ. The position of these proper names is reversed in some codices. The expression is not to be frittered down into a mere perpetuo, as Am Ende does, nor can we agree with Theophylact and (Xcumenius, in supposing the apostle to include in the phrase, successive generations of those whom he addressed. The period of consummation specified by the apostle has been much dis- puted. The opinion is very common that the second and personal advent of the Saviour is meant, the apostle believing that it was to happen soon, and in his own day. Without passing a definite and dogmatic opinion on the subject, we may only say, that we cannot well comprehend how an 12 PHILIPPIANS I. 6. inspired man should have been permitted to teach a falsehood, not simply to give it as his own private judgment or belief, but to place it on record, authoritatively, among the true sayings of God. The day of Christ is His return; but may it not be such a return as He promised to the Eleven at the Last Sup- per, “I will come again and receive you unto myself?” The apostle’s confidence that their united public spirit would con- tinue, rested on his knowledge of God’s character and methods of operation. The good work originated by Him, is not suffered to lapse, but is fostered and blessed till His end be accomplished. His own connection with the work, and its inherent goodness, pledge Him to the continuation of it. So wayward and feeble is the human heart, even when it binds itself by a stipulation, or fortifies itself by a vow, that had this fellowship depended on themselves, the apostle would have had no confidence’in its duration. His sad expe- rience had shown him that men might repeat follies even while they were weeping over them, and engage anew in sins, while they were in the act of abjurimg them. On the other hand, and to his deep vexation, had he seen graces lan- guish amidst professed anxiety for their revival, and good works all but disappear under the admitted necessity of their continuance and enlargement. Those who maintain the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints, take proof from this verse, though certainly without un- disputed warrant, and it must be in the form of development ; for it refers to a particular action, and is not in itself a general statement of a principle ; and those who oppose this tenet are as anxious to escape from the alleged inference. The Fathers of the Council of Trent qualify the statement by the addition, nis¢ tpst homines illius gratiw defuerint. Beelen, professor of the Oriental Languages in the Catholic University of Louvain, gives the verse this turn or twist, conjido fore ut Deus perfi- ciat, hoc est, confido fore ut vos per Det gratiam perficiatis opus bonum quod capistis. Such a perversion is not much better than Wakefield’s, who translates, “ he among you who has begun a good work, will continue to do well till death.” Nor, in fine, can we say with CGicumenius, that the apostle ascribes the work to God, iva μὴ φρονῶσι μέγα, ‘lest they should be PHILIPPIANS I. 7. 13 filled with too much pride.” He had a higher motive in giving utterance to the precious truth, that what is good in the church, has its root and life in God, that, therefore, He is to be thanked for it, as is most due, and that prayer is to be offered joyously about it, in the assurance that He who began it, will not capriciously desert it, but will carry it for- ward to maturity. It is εὐχαριστῶ-- δέησιν ποιούμενος--- πεποιθώς. The apostle now proceeds to vindicate the asser- tion which he had made. (Ver. 7.) Καθώς ἐστι δίκαιον ἐμοὶ τοῦτο φρονεῖν ὑπὲρ πάν- tov vuav— Even as it is right for me to think this on behalf of you all.” The form καθώς, from καθά, καθό, belongs to the later Greek, (Phrynichus, Lobeck, p. 426,) and is probably of Alexandrian origin. Matt. xxi. 6; Ephes. i. 4; 1 Cor. i. 6. The verb is not “to care for,” as Wolf contends, nor as van Hengel thinks, is it to be confined to the prayer— sine scrupulo interpretamur, sicutt me decet hoc vobis omnibus appe- tere ; scilicet, omnt cura et precibus. In the interpretation of Storr, followed by Hoelemann, the accusative τοῦτο, simply expresses manner—“I give thanks to God, and offer prayer for all of you with joy, as indeed it becomes me thus to think concerning you.” But it refers to the good opinion already expressed in the previous verse—av70 τοῦτος. By the use of ὑπέρ the apostle indicates that his opinion was favourable to them, and by δίκαιον he characterises that opinion as one which it behoved him in the circumstances to entertain. Col. iv. 1; Eph. vi. 1. The mode of expression in classic Greek would be different—dixavos éyw εἰμι, Herodotus, 1, 39; or δίκαιον ἐστιν ἐμέ, Herodotus, 1, 32; Jelf, § 669, 677. διὰ τὸ ἔχειν pe τῇ καρδίᾳ twas— because I have you in my heart’’—the heart being the seat or organ of affection. 2 Cor. vii. 3. Am Ende, Oeder, Storr, and Rosenmiiller, reverse this interpretation—“ Because you have me in your heart.” The position of the pronouns may warrant such a translation; but the apostle is writing of himself and of his relation to the church in Philippi. The expression denotes strong affection—as in Latin, in sinu gestare, Terent. Adelph., 4, 5, 75; or, as in Ovid’s Trist., v. 2, 24, Te tamen in toto pec- tore semper habet. The apostle vindicates the favourable 14 PHILIPPIANS I. 7. opinion he had formed of them from his love to them, as standing in a special relation towards him. Though this opinion sprang from his affection, it was still a nght one— δίκαιον--- not one formed merely secundum legem caritatis, as van Hengel and Ellicott suppose. The connection of the next clause is matter of dispute :— ἔν τε τοῖς δεσμοῖς μου, Kal TH ἀπολογίᾳ Kal βεβαιώσει τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, συγκοινωνούς μου τῆς χάριτος πάντας ὑμᾶς ὄντας--- “both in my bonds and in the defence and confirmation of the gospel, you all as being partakers with me of grace.”” Chrysos- tom, Meyer, De Wette, and Alford, join the first clause to the preceding one :—“ Because I have you in my heart both in my bonds and in the defence and confirmation of the gospel.” The sense is tolerable; but it does not harmonize with the course of thought. ΤῸ say that he loved them in his bonds, and when he pleaded the cause of the gospel, is not assigning a reason why he thought so highly of them—zezrov@as—but to say that they were partakers of his grace both in his bonds and in his evangelical labours, and as such beloved by him, is a proof that he was justified in forming and expressing such a good opinion and anticipation of them. He had thanked God for the κοινωνία eis τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ; and being assured that such a good work was divine in its origin, and would be carried on till the day of Christ, it became him to give utterance to this thought, on account of the affection he bore to them as participants with him of grace. The apostle calls them σογκοινωνούς μου τῆς χάριτος πάν- Tas ὑμᾶς dvras—“‘ all of you as being fellow-partakers with me of grace.” The reading gaudii in the Vulgate, and some Latin fathers, comes from the reading χαρᾶς. The repeti- tion of ὑμᾶς, though such a form is not used by the most correct writers (Bernhardy, 275), is only pleonastic in appear- ance, but really emphatic in nature, and made necessary by the length of the intervening sentence, and the use of πάντας. Matthiae, § 465, 4. The pronoun μου is most probably con- nected with the adjective συγκοινωνούς, and not as by Rilliet with χάριτος ; so that the rendering will not be as Alford gives it—“ partakers of my grace,” but rather “ partakers with me of grace.”’ Matthiae, 8 325; § 405, 1. The construction of PHILIPPIANS T. 7. 15 two genitives of different relations with a noun does not often happen. Winer, § 30,3. The χάρις is certainly not, as Rilliet makes it, reconnaisance, ‘ acknowledgments ’’— and as cer- tainly not the apostolic office, as Am Ende and Flatt take it— both explanations quite foreign to the order of thought. Nor can we understand the term simply and broadly of the grace of the gospel, as is done by Robinson, Hoelemann, Heinrichs, De Wette, and Alford. The previous clause limits the grace, or decides it to be that form of grace which is appropriate to imprisonment and evangelical labour. But we cannot with Chrysostom, Calvin, Grotius, Estius, Rheinwald, and Meyer, restrict it to suffering, as we hold that the χάρις refers equally to ἀπολογίᾳ with δεσμοῖς, for the fellowship, which is the leading idea, was not confined to suffering, but had existed from the first day to the present, and that entire period was not one of unbroken tribulation to the apostle. It is true that at that moment the apostle was in bonds, and in those bonds did defend and confirm the truth. But the idea seems to be that they had been co-par- takers of his grace in evangelical labour, and that such par- ticipation with him did not cease, even though he was a prisoner in Rome. For he says :— ἔν τε τοῖς δεσμοῖς pou—‘ both in my bonds;’ adds— καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ βεβαιώσει τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, “and in the defence and confirmation of the gospel.” The use οἵ τε--- καί, indicates that the two clauses contain separate ideas, and that the one preceded by καί has the stress laid on it. Hartung, i. 98; Klotz, Devarius, ii. 740; Winer, § 53, 4. The genitive belongs to both substantives, which are not synonymous as Rheinwald supposes, and do not form a hendiadys as Am Ende and Heinrichs regard them—dzondoyla els BeBatoow. The words are distinct in sense; the first meaning a pleading or defence as before a tribunal, Acts xxii. 1, xxv. 16; or in a less authoritative mode, 1 Cor. ix. 3; 1 Pet. ui. 15. It is needless to restrict the meaning to such a formal defence as is recorded in 2 Tim. iv.16. It was the apostle’s uniform work, on all times and occasions, to answer for the gospel against its adversaries, whether they > and he 16 PHILIPPIANS I. 8. impugned its doctrines or suspected its tendencies, libelled its preachers or called in question the facts and evidences on which it rested. But as the non-repetition of the article shows, the defence and confirmation were closely connected, were but different aspects of one course of action. The first was more elementary, and the last more positive and advanced— the first warded off objections, and the second might consist of proofs. The confirmation resulted from the defence. The gospel stood out in power and demonstration, when its opponents were silenced, and the objections brought against it, no matter from what quarter, found to be groundless. That grace which had enabled the apostle to bear his chain, and to defend and confirm the gospel, was common to the Philippians with himself; therefore did he cherish them in his heart, and thank God for such fellowship. And he appends a farther vindication of his sentiment. (Ver. 8.) Μάρτυς γάρ pov ὁ Geds—“ For God is my witness.”” The Stephanic text adds ἐστίν, on the authority of A, D, E, J, K, and many MSS. and versions, and we are inclined to receive it, though it be wanting in B, F,G. True, its insertion by a transcriber appears like a natural completion of the common formula, but the balance of evidence is in its favour. The apostle appeals to the Searcher of hearts for the truth of his statement. It was not the language of courteous exaggeration, nor that intensity of phrase in which common friendship so often clothes itself, never dreaming that its words are to be literally interpreted. But the apostle wrote only the truth—his words were the coinage of his heart. Rom. i. 9; 1 Thes. 11.5. “ God is my witness ”— ὡς ἐπιποθῶ πάντας υμᾶς ἐν σπλάγχνοιςΧρι στοῦ ᾿Ἰησοῦ--- “ον I long for you all in the bowels of Christ Jesus.”” The order of the proper names is inverted in the received text. The particle ὡς may either introduce the fact of the apostle’s longing, or may indicate its intensity. It may be either “that,” or “how much.” The strong language of the verse may decide for the latter against Rilliet and Miiller. The apostle wishes them to know not so much the fact as the earnestness of his longings. Chrysostom says beautifully— ov τοίνυν δυνατὸν εἰπεῖν πῶς ἐπιποθῶ" οὐ yap δύναμαι Tapac- PHILIPPIANS I. 8. 17 τῆσα! TO λόγῳ τὸν πόθον. The verb is sometimes followed by an infinitive, as in Rom. i. 11; 2 Cor. v. 2; occasionally by mpos; but here by the accusative of person, as in 2 Cor. ix. 14; Philip i. 26. He does not indicate any special blessing he craved for them; he longed after themselves. They were the objects of his warmest affection, and though he was absent from them, he yearned toward them—a proof surely that he had them in his heart. The simple form of the verb is not found in the New Testament, and this compound form represents more than one Hebrew word in the Septuagint. ’Evr/, as in some other compound verbs, does not intensify the meaning, but rather indicates direction—7ro6ov ἔχειν ἐπί twa. Fritzsche ad Rom., Vol. i. p. 30, 31; Winer, § 30,10. The verb is diluted in meaning, if it be regarded as signifying only to love; though in Ps. exix. 131, it represents the Hebrew 2x. And the mode is described by the following clause :— ἐν σπλάγχνοις X. 1., “in the bowels of Christ Jesus.” For the usage of σπλάγχνα, see under Col. ii. 12, The strange peculiarity of this phrase has led not a few to weaken its force. We wonder that Storr should have taken up the opi- nion, that σπλάγχνα may mean objects of love, and ἐν be equivalent to tanquam—I love you as being the objects of the love of Christ Jesus.” Such a rendering has not a shadow of support. At the other extreme is the view of Hoelemann, that the words mean, “as the Lord loves His own.’ Nor is X. I. the genitive of object—“ I love you with a heart glowing with love to Christ ;” nor yet that of origin— “T love you with an affection originated by Christ.” Nor can we assent to Rilliet, who gives ἐν the sense of “after the manner of,’’—I love you after the model of Christ—tel étant ; or, as van Hengel paraphrases, in animo penitus affecto, ut 1 Fritzsche says that in the fourth dialogue of Lucian, the simple and compound verbs are used indiscriminately—promiscue ponuntur. We are inclined to demur to this statement. Ganymede says of his father—zoid yxe ἤδη «trov—and Jupiter afterwards tells him, that if he tasted nectar, he would never desire milk again— οὐκ ἔτι ποθήσεις τὸ γάλα. But when Jupiter bids him be of good courage and be merry, and long no more for earth, he says—zei μηδὲν ἐπιπόθει τῶν κάτω. That is to say, the use of :z/ to denote direction, gives a slight force to the meaning—this pointing of the verb by means of the proposition towards its object, indicates addi- tional emotion. B 18 PHILIPPIANS I. 9. animus furt Christi Jesu ; or, as Beza has it, teneri et maternt affectis. We agree with Meyer, that ἐν retains its local sense, and that the apostle identifies himself with Christ, as in Gal. ii. 20, “ Christ liveth in me.” The Christian nature of that longing he felt for them is expressed by this striking clause ; for he had the heart of Christ within him, and under its impulses he fondly yearned over his Philippian converts. As Beelen, abridging Bengel, says, ὧν pectore Pauli non tam ipsius quam Christi cor palpitabat. Krause, Grotius, Hoog, and Heinrichs approach this sense, but lose its point when they give as the general meaning, amorem vere Christianum. (Ver. 9.) The apostle had shown them what kind desires he felt towards them, and what joyous anticipations he che- rished for them. He had also intimated that he uniformly prayed for them, and he now proceeds to tell them the sub- stance of his prayer. Kal τοῦτο προσεύχομαι ἵνα--- “ And this I pray that.” The καί may look back to verse 4, or it may be regarded simply as connecting the two statements—his opinion about them and his prayer for them. There is no ground for Rillet’s-and Miiller’s idea that προσεύχομαι depends on ὡς, as does ἐπί- ποθῶ. Quite a new sentiment is started, and the preceding verse winds up and corroborates the ardent expressions which go before it. The accusative τοῦτο gives emphasis to the theme of petition in itself, and that petition, viewed in its purpose, is preceded by ἵνα, as often occurs. There is little doubt that the contents of the prayer are also so far indicated by the conjunction. ‘To pray for this end is not very different from to pray for this thing. His prayer was on this wise :— ἵνα ἡ ἀγάπη ὑμῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον καὶ μᾶλλον περισσεύῃ ἐν ἐπι- γνώσει καὶ πάσῃ αἰσθήσει---““ that your love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and in all judgment.” Love existed among them, but yet it was deficient, if not in itself, yet in some endowments. ‘The precise nature of this love has been variously understood. Strange is the freak of Bullinger and others, that ἡ ἀγάπη ὑμῶν is, as in old ecclesiastical lan- guage, the abstract used for a concrete, and simply a form of PHILIPPIANS I. 9. 19 address—“‘ I pray, beloved, that ye may grow yet more and more.” Suicer sub voce. 1. Some take it for love to the apostle himself, as do the Greek fathers, with Grotius and van Hengel. But the epi- thets which follow could not apply to a mere personal attach- ment. 2. Nor can we with Calovius and others take it as love to God and Christ, as that is not specially tie grace in question. ὃ. Neither can we, with others, regard it as love to God and men—Christian love in its high and comprehensive essence and form, for we think that the context specifies its province and mode of operation. Alford and Meyer are right in refer- ring it to κοινωνία ; but as they restrict the meaning of this word to mutual accord, so they regard ἀγάπη as only signify- ing love to one another. We give κοινωνία a more extensive meaning, and consider ἀγάπη as its root and sustaining power. It is love for Christ’s image and Christ’s work—for all that represents Him on earth—His people and His cause; that holy affection which, while it unites all in whom it dwells, impels them to sympathize with all suffering, and co-operate with all effort, in connection with the defence and confirmation of the gospel. Such is generally also the view of Ellicott and Wie- singer. ‘he apostle prayed that their love might grow— ἐν ἐπιγνώσει καὶ πάσῃ αἰσθήσει. The two substantives are. not synonymous as Rheinwald and Matthies hold. There is no ground for Bisping’s distinction of them, that the first signifies more theoretical, and the other more practical know- ledge. The first substantive denotes accurate knowledge. See under Eph. 1. 17. The second, which occurs only here, means power of perception. Physically, it denotes perception by the senses, especially that of touch; and in the plural, it signifies the organs of such perception—the senses themselves. The transition to a spiritual meaning such as that of apprehen- sion is obvious. See under Col.i. 9. It might be rendered ethical tact, that faculty of moral discernment which is quick and unerring in its judgment, and by a peculiar insight arrives easily and surely at its conclusions. It is not experi- mental or practical knowledge, as some have thought ; but that faculty of discernment which works as if from an inner sense 20 PHILIPPIANS I. 10. A similar allusion is made by the apostle in Heb. v. 14, where he describes such as have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil~ra αἰσθητήρια. The apostle adds πάσῃ, all discernment. We regard πάσῃ as intensive, and cannot agree with those who seem to deny that it rarely, if ever, has such a meaning. In these two elements, the apostle prayed that their love should grow yet more and more—ére μᾶλλον καὶ μᾶλλον. Pindar, Pyth. 10, 88; Raphel. in loc. The év does not signify “through,” as Heinrichs and Schinz take it, nor does it mean “along with,” as Rheinwald and Hoelemann suppose. Winer, § 50,5. For ἐν following περισ- σεύω usually points out that in which the increase consists. ior, xv. 583 ὦ (οι: 111. 9. wi. 75. ΘΙ ταὶ do το να was to increase in these qualities, knowledge and insight. De Wette takes ἐν as denoting manner and way. But in only one of the instances adduced by him does this verb occur (Eph. i. 8), and there the connection is doubtful. The apos- tle’s desire was that the love of the Philippians might acquire a profounder knowledge, and not be tempted to misplace itself, and that it might attain a sharper and clearer discernment, and so be prevented from being squandered on unworthy subjects, or directed to courses of conduct which had the sem- blance, but not the reality of Christian rectitude and utility. If love grew in mere capacity, and without the increase of these safeguards, it was in hazard of forming unworthy and profitless attachments. Passion, without such guides or feelers, is but blind predilection. ‘‘ Fellowship for the gospel”’ is still the thought in the apostle’s mind, and that love which had led them to it, needed for its stability a deeper knowledge of the truths which characterized the gospel, and required for its development a clearer faculty of apprehending the character of the men best qualified, and the measures best adapted to its ‘“‘ defence and confirmation.” One purpose was— (Ver. 10.) Eis τὸ δοκιμάζειν ὑμᾶς τὰ Svapépovta—itva—“ So that ye may distinguish things that differ.” ‘Two purposes are specified in this verse, the nearer expressed by εἰς τό, and the ultimate by ἵνα. Commentators differ as to the meaning of the clause, and philologically the words will bear either inter- pretation. They have been supposed to mean as in our PHILIPPIANS I. 10. 9. version, to “approve the things that are excellent,” as in the Vulgate—ut probetis potiora. ‘This view has been espoused by Chrysostom, Erasmus, Estius, Piscator, Bengel, Flatt, Storr, Am Ende, Rosenmiiller, Rheinwald, Rilliet, Meyer, Bisping, Beelen, and Ellicot, On the other hand, the translation we have first given, is adopted by Theodoret, Beza, Wolf, Pierce, Heinrichs, Matthiae, van Hengel, Hoelemann, Hoog, Miiller, De Wette, Wiesinger, Alford, Robinson, Bretschneider, and Wahl. In itself the difference is not material; for this discri- mination is made among things that differ, just that things which are excellent may be approved. But as discrimination is the immediate function of αἰσθήσις, we prefer giving such a signification to the clause. The verb δοκιμάζειν denotes to try or test,.as metal by fire—1 Cor. ii. 13—and then gene- rally to distinguish as the result of such trial, and thence to approve. Rom. xiv. 22; 1 Cor. xvi.3; 1 Thess. 11. 4. In the phrase ta διαφέροντα, difference is the prime idea, but as such difference is based on comparison or contrast, the secondary notion of betterness, value, or excellence, is naturally devel- oped. Mat. x. 31; xu.12; Luke xu. 7, 24. In these three passages the comparison is distinctly brought out, and the difference idiomatically marked. Some even render the word by cupdépovra—things which are useful or convenient, utilia. We prefer then’ the ordinary meaning of the terms. See Bretschneider, sub voce διαφέρω, and Theophylact on Rom. ii. 18, where he thus explains the word—xpiverw τὶ δεῖ πρᾶξαι κὰν TL μὴ δεῖ πρᾶξαι. The final purpose is thus announced by ἵνα--- iva ἦτε εἰλικρινεῖς καὶ ἀπρόσκοποι ---- “ that ye may be pure and offenceless.”” The composition of the first term is disputed, whether it be εἵλη κρίνω, to prove by the sunlight, or εἴλος [εἴλη] κρίνω, to test by rapid shaking, volubili agita- tione. ‘The former opinion is usually adopted, though Stallbaum! contends for the latter. Hesychius renders the term by τὸ καθαρόν, ἄδολον, and sometimes it is defined by τὸ ἀμιγές. Whatever be its derivation, its meaning is apparent. — It refers to internal disposition, to the absence of sinister motive and divided allegiance, or it describes the purity and sin- ! Plato, Phaedo, 77, A. 22 PHILIPPIANS I. 10. cerity of that heart which is guided by the spiritual tact and discriminative power which the apostle prays for. The epithet ἀπρόσκοποι is taken sometimes in an active sense, not causing others to stumble, as in 1 Cor. x. 32. Meyer adopts this view, and Alford’s objection to it cannot be sustained, viz., “that in the text other men are not in question.” For the leading term ἀγάπη necessarily implies other men as its objects, and that κοινωνία in which it embo- dies itself, has other men as its allies and auxiliaries. While the intransitive meaning gives a good sense, we are inclined to Meyer’s view, inasmuch as the possession of love, and the growth of it in knowledge and discernment, would prevent them from rudely jostling others not of their own opinion, or doing anything which, with a good intention, might mislead or throw a stumbling-block in the path of those round about them. It is needless, with Hwald and others, to give a wholly doctrinal sense to τὼ διαφέροντα, though it would be wrong to exclude it altogether. Love without that guidance whicl has been referred to, might form unworthy attachments, might wound itself in its blindness, and retard the very interests for the promotion of which it had eagerly set itself. It must understand the gospel in its purity, and learn to detect unwarranted additions and supplements. It must have tact to distinguish between the real and the seeming, between the (claims of an evangelist, and the specious pretensions of a ‘Judaizer. And, thus, if that love which had shown itself in fellowship for the gospel, grew in knowledge and power of perception, they would be pure; their affection ruled by in- telligence would have but one desire, to defend and confirm the gospel, in participation of the apostle’s own grace; and they would give no offence, either by a zeal which in its excess forgot the means in the end, or cherished suspicions of such as did not come up to its own warmth, or could not sympathize with its favourite modes of operation or expression. εἰς ἡμέραν Xprotov— for the day of Christ.” More than time is implied. Verse 6, ἄχρις. The day of Christ is kept in view, and this sincerity and offencelessne$s prepare for it, and lead to acceptance in it. PHILIPPIANS I. 11. 23 (Ver. 11.) Πεπληρωμένοι καρπὸν δικαιοσύνης τὸν διὰ ᾿Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ, εἰς δόξαν καὶ ἔπαινον Θεοῦ. The singular form καρπὸν τὸν, is preterred to the plural of the Received Text on preponderant authority. ‘Being filled with the fruit of righteousness, which is by Jesus Christ to the glory and praise of God.” The passive participle has καρπόν in the accusative, Winer, § 32, 5, though the genitive is also found, as in Rom. xv. 14. The difference of aspect seems to be that the genitive marks that out of which the fulness is made up, while the accusative points out that on which the action of the verb takes effect in making up the fulness, and not simply that, as Ellicott says, toward which the action tends. On κάρπος---866. Eph. v. 9; Col.i.9. The meaning of δικαιο- σύνη is not so clear. Some, like Rilliet and Bisping, refer it to justification. ‘That idea is involved in it; but the term, without any adjunct, and as applied to character, seems to signify moral rectitude, and is noted by its obedience to the divine law. Rom. v. 7, vi. 15. See under Eph. v. 9. The fruit which springs from this righteousness is to be possessed not sparingly, but richly; and for such fulness does the apostle present his prayer. His pleading for them is, that their life might not be marked merely by the absence of insincerity and offence, but that they might be adorned with all such Christian graces as result from the new nature—the deeds which characterize the “ new man created in righteousness.” And this was the last subject or purpose of the petition ; for love increasing in knowledge and spiritual discernment, know- ing what genuine obedience is, and what is but the semblance of it, appreciating the gospel and cherishing communion with those who oftentimes in suffering extend and uphold it, keep-, , ing the day of Christ in view and preparing for it—moves and enables the whole nature to “ bring forth fruit unto holi- ness.” And such fruit is not self-produced, but is— διὰ Ἰησοῦ Xpictov— by Jesus Christ,’ in and through His gracious operations upon the heart by His spirit. Right- eousness is of His creation, and all the fruits of it, are through Him, not by His doctrine or by faith in Him, but through Himself. The apostle emphasizes this element rov—dua 1. X. 24 PHILIPPIANS I. 11. The phrase eis δόξαν καὶ ἔπαινον Oeod—* to the glory and praise of God,” does not seem to belong to the previous words merely, but to the entire clause. The being filled with such fruits of righteousness—fruits grown only through Christ, re- dounds to the glory and praise of God—the ultimate end of all His works. Glory is the manifestation of His nature and character, and praise is that grateful homage which salutes it on the part of His people. Eph. 1. 6; Phil. ii. 11. We can scarcely suppose with the Greek fathers, that the apostle, with such thoughts and emotions in his soul, tacitly forms in this clause a contrast between any merit that might be imagined to belong to him as founder and teacher of the Philippian church, and the glory which is due to God alone. After this affectionate greeting, commendation, and prayer, the apostle turns to his present condition. As the Philippians were aware of his imprisonment, he strives at once to console them by the assurance, that his bonds had rather favoured than retarded the progress of the gospel—for the cause and nature of his incarceration had not only become widely known, but the greater part of the brethren had derived fresh courage from his captivity for the more abundant proclamation of the word. ‘There was, indeed, a party hostile to him, who preached Christ to give him new annoyance ; but these others did it from affection to him, and in co-operation with his great work. So far, however, from being chafed or grieved that his antagonists preached from so bad a motive, he rejoiced that Christ was preached in any way; and he would still con- tinue to rejoice, since it would contribute to his salvation through their prayers, and the supply of the Divine Spirit. For he had the expectation and hope, that he would have no reason to take shame to himself; but that, on the other hand, Christ should be magnified in his body, whether he should survive or die—magnified, in the one case, because for him to live was Christ; and magnified, in the other case, for death was gain: his life, if prolonged, being service for Christ, and his death the enjoyment of Christ’s presence and reward. So that he did not know which to choose—death on the one hand being in itself preferable, for it is being with Christ; but life on the other hand being needful for the spiritual benefit of the PHILIPPIANS I, 12. 25 Philippian church. Fimally, the apostle intimates his persua- sion that he shall remain, in order to aid their Christian graces, so that they might have ground of spiritual exultation by his return to them. (Ver. 12.) Γινώσκειν δὲ ὑμᾶς βούλομαι, ἀδελφοί--- But I wish you to know, brethren.” By the use of δέ, the apostle passes on to new and individual matter—to his own present condition and its results. No doubt the members of the Philippian church sympathized with him, bewailed his thral- dom, and earnestly prayed for his liberation. Perhaps they had expressed a wish for definite information from him- self. Therefore, as far as possible, he relieves their anxieties, takes an elevated and cheering view of his circumstances, and assures them that his incarceration had rather forwarded the great cause to which his life had been directed. He is soli- citous that they should be acquainted with a few striking facts—ywooxev—placing the term in the first and emphatic position. The more usual forms of similar expression are found in Rom. i. 13; 1 Cor. xii. 1; 2 Cor. i. 8; -1 Thess. iv. 13. What he proceeds to tell must have been both novel and gratifying to those saluted by the endearing appellation— “brethren.” For he announces— OTL TA κατ᾽ ἐμὲ μᾶλλον εἰς προκοπὴν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου ἐλή- λυθεν--- that things with me have resulted rather to the furtherance of the gospel.” The phrase κατ᾽ ἐμέ, as in Eph. vi. 21; Col. iv. 7, signifies “what belongs to me’— my present condition. It does not signify “ things against me,’ as Erasmus and others suppose. For a somewhat simi- lar use of the verb, see Rom. ii. 8. The phrase seems to intimate an overruling providence, for it was by no accident that the event was so, and his enemies did not intend it. In the use of μᾶλλον, the idea of comparison is not wholly dropt. Winer, § 35, 4. His imprisonment must have been consid- ered in itself as adverse to the propagation of the gospel ; and the comparison in μᾶλλον is—more than might have been anticipated. Imprisonment fad defeated its purpose, and, so far from suppressing, had promoted Christianity. It was not meant to do this, nor yet was it expected; but he says ἐλήλυθεν, “it has so turned out.’? Wisdom xv. 5. “ Surely 25 PHILIPPIANS I. 13. the wrath of man shall praise Thee.’ The term προκοπή belongs to the later Greek, though the verb προκόπτειν was of classical usage. Lobeck ad Phryn. 85; 1 Tim. iv. 15. Hesychius defines it by αὔξησις. ‘The word occurs often in Plutarch, Polybius, Diodorus, Josephus, and Philo, Compare Elsner, Loesner, especially Wetstein iz loc. When the Phi- lippians were made aware of this fact, their sorrow at his captivity would be somewhat modified, and though they might grieve at the confinement of the man, they would be comforted that the cause with which he was identified had not been arrested in its progress. In the last chapter of the epistle, he tells them that, personally, he was content; and here he assures them that the word of the Lord was not bound along with its preacher. No where does he commiserate his condi- tion, dwell on the weight of his chain, or deal out invectives against his foes. He omits the purely personal, and hastens to set before his readers the features of alleviation. What happened then at Rome has often occurred in the history of the church; hostile influences ultimately contributing to the advancement of the church. Man proposes, but God disposes. The cloud, while it obscures the sun, sends down the fertilizing shower. The first effect of his imprisonment is next given— (Ver. 13.) “Ὥστε τοὺς δεσμούς μου φανεροὺς ἐν Χριστῷ γενέσθαι ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ καὶ τοὶς λοιποῖς. racw— So that my bonds have become known in Christ in the whole pretorium, and to all the rest.” The conjunction ὥστε is fol- lowed by the infinitive denoting result, and, as often happens, no demonstrative precedes. On the difference of ὥστε with the infinitive, and with the indicative, see Klotz, Devarius, 11. Ὁ. 772. The apostle gives a first result of his present condition, which tended to forward the gospel. The cause of his im- prisonment had come to be known widely, and such knowledge could not be without its fruits. We agree with Meyer and Wiesinger that the words φανεροὺς ἐν X. must be connected— “made manifest in Christ.” The position of the terms seems to demand this connection—and not such an arrangement as τοὺς δεσμούς μου ἐν X., as De Wette construes it. “In Christ” is, In connection with Christ, Eph. iv.1. His incarceration had come to be understood in its connection with Christ ; not PHILIPPIANS I. 18. 27 surely the fact of it, but the cause and character of it. Wait- ing under an appeal to the emperor, he had been discovered to be no common prisoner. It had transpired that his official connection with Christ, and his fearless prosecution of the work of Christ, had led to his apprehension and previous trial in Palestine, and not sedition, turbulence, or suspected loyalty—the usual political crimes of his nation. It was widely known that he suffered as a Christian and as an apostle, especially as the preacher of a free and unconditioned gospel to the Gentiles. And his bonds were naturally made manifest in Christ, first in the edifice where he dwelt— ἐν ὅλῳ TO πραυιτωρίῳ. Our translators adopted a common idea in rendering πραιτώριον by palace. In this they fol- lowed the Greek commentators—one of whom says, “ For up to that time they so called the palace.”’ Hrasmus, Beza, Estius, a-Lapide, Bengel, and Rheimwald hold, with some variation, the same opinion. The word does sometimes, in a general way, signify the palace of a king, as in Juvenal x. 161—sedet ad pretoria regis. Also in Act. Thom., ὃ 3, we have the phrase πραιτώρια βασιλικά. Others, from its name, have supposed it to be the judgment-hall of the pretor. So Luther renders it, “ Richthaus,” and he is followed by the early English translators, as by Wycliffe, who gives “ im eche moot halle.” The word is so used in the gospels, in connec- tion with the scene of our Lord’s trial, Mat. xxvii. 27; Mark xy. 16, ἄς. Cicero refers to Verres as dwelling im domo pretorio, que regis Hieronis fut. ‘Thus Huber, Calvin, Grotius, Rheinwald, and Mynster, regard it as.a part of the royal edifice—urbanum jurt dicendo auditorium. ‘The noun thus denoted sometimes the dwelling of a provincial governor nay, it came to signify a magnificent private building (alternas servant pretoria ripas, Statius, 8. 1, 3, 25), much, in the same way, that a Glasgow merchant, building a tur- -reted summer residence on some rock or eminence on the western coast, dignifies it by the name of a “castle.” But the palace of the Roman emperor was never called pretorium. The noun signifies here, the castra pretorianga—the barracks of the imperial life-guards. The tent of the commander-in- chief was originally called the pratoriwm—head-quarters ; 28 PHILIPPIANS I. 13. and a council of war, from being held there, received the same designation—( pretorio dismisso, Livy, xxx. 5.) The name was ultimately given to the imperial body-guards, and was naturally transferred to the edifice in Rome which contained them. It was built by Sejanus, not far from the Porta Vimi- nalis. The cohorts were stationed there, who did duty in turn at the imperial residence. The emperor himself was regarded as pretor, the immediate commanding-officer being called prefectus pretorio; and in Greek, στρατοπεδάρχης. Thus we read, that when Paul was brought to Rome, ὁ ἑκατόι- Tapxos παρέδωκε τοὺς δεσμίους τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ, Acts xxviii. 16. Such an office was, at this time, held by Burrus, and the apostle was probably committed to his charge. A portion of this military mansion was close upon the palace, or domus palatina—raddrvov—of which it 15 said, that in it ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ ἐκεῖ TO στρατήγιον εἶχε, Dio Cassius, lili. 16. Suetonius, Octav., 49. Drusus, we are told by the last author, when imprisoned in the preetorium, was located in ima parte palatii. A large camp of the pre- torian guards was also established outside the walls—(castra pretorianorum, Tacitus, Hist., i. 31); but those on immediate duty had their residence near the royal dwelling. It may be added, that Josephus carefully distinguishes between the palace and the preetorium, between the Βασίλειον and that στρατόπεδον in which Agrippa was imprisoned under a military guard. Thus, the soldiers who relieved one another in keeping the apostle, came to learn that he was no vulgar malefactor, but that he had been the expounder of a new faith—a man of pure and irreproachable life—no fanatic or leveller, or selfish demagogue. And there is no doubt that many of them must have been impressed with his serene heroism, and the visible peace of his untroubled conscience, as he waited for a trial which might send him to the block... And the cause of his © imprisonment was not only known in the whole pretorium, but beyond it— 1 This meaning was first vindicated by Perizonius in an academic tract on the subject, Franeker, 1687. Huber produced a reply in the following year, and Mynster attempts to vindicate a similar view in his Kleine Theol. Schriften, p. 178, Copenhagen, 1825. ΞΕ: ἘΞ Se. > = others rightly take τοῖς δεσμοῖς as the ground or occasion of PHILIPPIANS I. 14. 29 καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς Taow— and to all the rest;” not simply to others of the body-guards, more than those which came into contact with him, or to those of the cohort beyond the city, as Wieseler and Conybeare narrow the allusion, but to persons beyond the pretorium. Nor does the language refer to places, as some of the Greek fathers suppose, when they supply ἐν. Neither can τοῖς λουποῖς have any conven- tional signification, snch as that which van Hengel assigns it —hominibus exieris quibuscunque. The texts referred to by him cannot for a moment sustain his strange exegesis. The expression is a popular and broad one, meaning that his bonds were made known in Christ, far beyond the imperial barracks ; that in a large circle in the city itself, the reason of his incar- ceration was fully comprehended and appreciated. How, in- deed, could it be otherwise? Immediately on his arrival, he assembled the chiefs of the Jews, and addressed them in a style which led to no little disputation among themselves; and we are told, also, that for the space of two years, the apostle “yeceived all that came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ with all confidence, no man forbidding him,” Acts xxviii. 30,31. The second result of his imprisonment follows. (Ver. 14.) Καὶ τοὺς πλείονας τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐν Κυρίῳ πεποι- θότας τοῖς δεσμοῖς μου, περισσοτέρως τολμᾷν ἀφόβως τὸν λόγον λαλεῖν----ἰ And the greater part of the brethren putting in the Lord confidence in my bonds, are more abundantly bold to speak the word without fear.” This verse repre- sents another result of the apostle’s imprisonment, and shows how it rather tended to the progress of the gospel. He is happy in the majority; his imprisonment had an inspiriting. effect on them. The words ἐν Κυρίῳ may be joined to ἀδελφῶν, as they are by Luther, van Hengel, De Wette, and Alford; but, more probably, as Winer—§ 20, 2—suggests, they qualify the participle πεποιθότας, Gal. v.10; Phil. ii. 24; 2 Thess. ii. 4; and so Rilhet, Meyer, and Bisping take them. ‘The words denote-having, or taking confidence in the Lord. The phrase ἐν Κυρίῳ does not mean the ground of confidence, but defines its nature or sphere. Meyer and 30 PHILIPPIANS I- 15. confidence—vertrauend meinen Banden—inasmuch as these bonds were a testimony to the entire truth, power, and glory of the gospel. They were the proofs of his inflexible integ- rity, of his honest and sincere convictions as to the freedom and simplicity of the gospel. The majority gathered confi- dence from them. ‘They were charmed and convinced by his manly integrity, his undaunted endurance, his open and candid avowal of his past career, and his willingness to seal his testimony with his blood. What might have been sup- posed to damp and discourage them, had the opposite effect ; it cheered and stimulated them. ‘The result was natural, past timidity vanished, and they “ventured more abundantly to speak the word without fear.” The adverb περισσοτέρως is not with Grotius to be taken as qualifying ἀφόβως, or as forming with it a comparative ἀφοβοτέρως. Its position connects it with todwadv— more abundantly ventured ;”’ the, comparison being—more than when he had not been im- prisoned. The adverb ἀφόβως is not pleonastic — those brethren had ventured to preach before,-but perhaps with some caution; now they dared more frequently, and with perfect composure. The sight of the apostle inspired them with his own heroism. It might have been feared that his bonds would have made his frends more wary, lest they should incur a similar fate; but so far from such an ignoble result, there was a positive revival of courage and zeal among them; their labours multiplied in number, and increased in boldness, and thus the apostle’s circumstances had resulted rather to the furtherance of the gospel. Some codices have, after λόγον, Tod θεοῦ, and others τοῦ κυρίου. On the authority of A and B, Lachmann adopts the former, as do many of the versions. But the reading seems to be a gloss, adopted from the familiar expression—‘ word of God,” as in Acts iv. 31. (Ver. 15.) But while the apostle in this statement includes the majority, there were some exceptions. There was a party actuated by a very different spirit— Τινὲς μὲν καὶ διὰ φθόνον καὶ ἔριν---τὸν Χριστὸν κηρύσσουσιν. “* Some indeed, also, for envy and contention, preach Christ.” By τινές, the apostle does not refer to a section of the previous πλείονες. The καί indicates that another and distinct party is PHILIPPIANS I. 16. 31 noticed; not, as Rilliet writes, parmé les Chrétiens qui ont repris courage, and as Rheinwald and Hoelemann suppose. Had he merely meant to characterize the πλείονες into two parties, there was no occasion to say τινές. There is, as Ellicott says, an im- plied contrast in καί, while it points out an additional party. Hartung, 1, 136, &e. The preposition διά refers to the motive, not the purpose of preaching—envy and contention. Winer, § 49, c.; Mat. xxvii. 18; Mark xv. 10. This class of men were jealous of the apostle’s influence, and strove to defy him, to undermine his reputation and authority, and gall and gainsay him by their modes of speech and action. What this. party was, will be immediately discussed. It was an Anti-Pauline faction, but we cannot regard it as simply a Judaizing one. The apostle adds— τινὲς δὲ καὶ δὲ εὐδοκίαν τὸν Χριστὸν Knpvccovor—* but some also preach Christ for goodwill.” The persons indicated by τινές are probably those contained in πλείονες, and so named, or spoken of as a party here, from being placed in contrast with the first τινές. The preposition διά points out, again, the motive, and that motive is goodwill to the apostle himself, and not, as many suppose, either goodwill to the cause, or to men’s salvation. The φθόνος and ἔρις, on the one hand, and this εὐδοκία, on the other hand, are purely personal to the apostle, as indeed he proceeds at once to explain. The 16th and 17th verses are transposed in the Received Text. The idea of preserving conformity to the division of parties in the preceding verse, seems to have suggested the change, as if, when the apostle had referred to the envious and contentious preachers first, he must, in the same order, give his explanation of them. Heinrichs, without any autho- rity, reckons both explanatory verses as spurious. Miiller vindicates the arrangement of the Textus Receptus for very frivolous reasons. ‘The best MSS. place them in the reverse order of the Received Text, and by putting the verse last which describes the factious preachers, the force of τί γάρ, in the 18th verse, is more vividly brought out. (Ver. 16.) Oc μὲν ἐξ ἀγάπης, εἰδότες ὅτι εἰς ἀπολογίαν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου κεῖμαι---“ The one party indeed (preach Christ) of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the gospel.” 32 PHILIPPIANS I. 16. The first clause is a nominative, and the supplement is “ preach Christ.” For we agree with Alford, against Meyer, van Hengel, De Wette, and Ellicott, that οἱ ἐξ ἀγάπης and οἱ ἐξ ἐριθείας, are not simply generic descriptions, as in Rom. ii. 8; Gal. iii. 7. Ellicott objects that in this verse ἐξ ἀγάπης would only be a repetition of διὼ εὐδοκίαν. And so it is, but with an explanatory purpose—and so with the other pair of opposite terms. And the apostle does not “reiterate” simply the nature of the difference of feeling in the two parties, but he adds the cause of it, for the participles εἰδότες and οἰόμενοι, preserve their true causal signification. Under the hypo- thesis which we are opposing, the words τὸν Χριστὸν καταγγέ- λουσιν come in awkwardly, and would hardly be expressed in verse 17; but they occur in our construction as the ex- pected complement. Still the meaning is not very different, whether the party is characterized by love, or whether love be assigned as the motive of their preaching. Yet as preaching is specially regarded in the paragraph as the development or result of feeling, we take the clause as describing that feeling ; not as simply designating a party, but as specifying a motive in active operation. They preached Christ out of love; and their affection was intelligently based— εἰδότες OTL εἰς ἀπολογίαν TOD εὐωγγελίου Keiwat—* knowing that I am appointed for the defence of the gospel.”” The noun ἀπολογία is “vindication’’—the defence of the truth, freeness, adaptation, and divine origin of the gospel. Luther, Estius, Am Ende, Matthies, and van Hengel, take κεῖμαι in a literal sense—“ I lie in prison, or in misery.” The idea is far- fetched and unnecessary. The verb means as often, “to be set aside for,” or “to be appointed to.” Luke ii. 34; 1 Thess. 11. 3. What then is the reference? 1. Some, as Estius, a-Lapide, and Pierce, understand by ἀπολογία, the apostle’s formal vindication of himself and his cause before Nero. But this is too restricted a view, though such a defence is not to be excluded. 2. Chrysostom’s idea of ἀπολογία is peculiar. He refers us to Paul’s answer at the judgment-seat of God. “I am appointed to preach, they help with me, and they are di- minishing the weight of that account which I must give to PHILIPPIANS I. 17. . 33 God.” ‘The apostle, however, is not speaking of his account to God, but of his special work in defending the gospel, which those who loved him knew how to appreciate (verse 7); nor is ἀπολογία ever used of the solemn and final reckoning. 8. Others bring out this thought,—These friends see me imprisoned, and they supply my forced abstinence from labour by their preaching. Such is the view of Estius, Hoelemann, and van Hengel. But this lays the emphasis more on the apostle’s imprisonment than on his high function; and the latter is more expressly in the writer’s view. 4. Meyer, Wiesinger, and De Wette, place the emphasis properly on the words—“ for the defence of the gospel.” His friends recognized the apostle’s position and task, and laboured in sympathy to assist him in it. It was not because he could not defend the gospel, that they took the work upon them, for they had been engaged in similar effort before ; only his incar- ceration gave them new spirit and intrepidity. They had recognized the apostle’s special function ; it struck a tender chord in their hearts, and so far as in them lay they carried out his labours. As they well knew that he had been set for the defence of the gospel, they felt that they could not better prove their love to him than by appreciating his vocation, acting in his spirit, and seeking, above all things, to realize the noble end to which he had devoted his life. (Ver. 17.) Οἱ δὲ ἐξ ἐριθείας τὸν Χριστὸν κατωγγέλλουσιν οὐχ ayvas—“ But the others preach Christ of faction, not purely.” There is no specific difference between κηρύσσουσι and καταγγέλουσι, Acts xvii. 3, 23; Col. 1. 28. The first verb is already applied to both parties. Hesychius defines the one term by the other; but the former verb is of most frequent occurrence; the latter being confined to the book of Acts and Paul’s epistles. The noun ἐριθεία is not from ἔρις, and signifying “contention,” as Theodoret has it—ro τῆς ἔριδος πάθος ; for the apostle formally distinguishes épus and ἐριθεία in 2 Cor. xii. 20, and in Gal. v. 20, in both which cases the two nouns occur in the same verse. It is from ἔριθος, a day- labourer, Hom. J/., xviii. 550; the resemblance to ἔριον being perhaps accidental—Passow, sub voce; Benfey, 1.56— Fritzsche, in his Kxcursus appended to the second chapter of Romans. c 34 PHILIPPIANS I. 17. The idea of “mercenary” soon followed that of labour for hire, out of which sprang that of emulation and worthless self-secking—malitiosa fraudum machinatio. The term €pe- θεία, as Fritzsche remarks, includes both the φθόνος and ἔρις of the fifteenth verse. Liddell and Scott fall away from the true meaning of the word, and do not distinguish it from ἔρις, when in their Lexicon, they give “contention” as its meaning in the New Testament. The φιλονεικία of Suidas and Theophylact comes nearer the true idea. This party, therefore, in proclaiming Christ, did not do it ayvaés—preach with pure intent. “Ayvéas καὶ καθαρῶς, Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 339. Thus the adjective is used, 2 Cor. vii. 11. The adverb characterizes not the contents, but the motive or spirit of their preaching. Bengel’s idea is baseless, when he says they preached—non sine fermento Judaico; or, as Am Ende says in the same spirit, that in their preaching—multa igitur addunt, multa silent. And the motive of their preaching is truly nefarious— οἰόμενοι θλίψιν ἐγείρειν τοῖς δεσμοῖς pou—‘thinking to stir up affliction to my bonds,” meaning it, but not effecting 1.1 ’Eryedpew is preferred to the ἐπιφέρειν of the Received Text, on the conclusive authority of A, B, D', F, G, and was probably in its origin an explanatory term, like the προσ- φέρειν of Theophylact. The participle οἰόμενοι is parallel to εἰδότες, and with the same causal force, though it is at the same time explanatory of οὐχ ἁγνῶς. ‘Their purpose was to ageravate the apostle’s imprisonment. They did God’s work in the devil’s spirit. No wonder Chrysostom exclaims—’OQ τῆς ὠμότητος, ὦ τῆς διαβολικῆς evepyévas— O, the cruelty ! O, the devilish energy!”’ In what way they thought to accomplish their object, it is difficult now to tell. Chrysos- tom simply calls them unbelievers. We cannot agree with Grotius, Le Clerc, Balduin, and those who imagine that this party were Jews, who went about calumniating the gospel and its preachers, with the view of bringing more hardships upon the apostle; the result being that they only excited curiosity, 1 Nist quod mihi nocere se crediderunt, is Cicero’s translation (Tusc. i. 41.) of the Greek ---ἀλλ᾽ οἰόμενοι βλέ τειν, Plato, Apologia Soc. § 32. PHILIPPIANS I. 17. 35 and led many to inquire about the real nature of the new sect. Nor do we think that they were Judaizers of the ordinary class, who represented the apostle as an enemy to the law, and excited the Jews against him. That they belonged to this class, has been held by many, and, among others, by Neander, Meyer, De Wette, and Ellicott. It is difficult to suppose that these preachers were Judaizers. For :— 1. The apostle usually condemns the Judaizers—calls them by many bitter epithets, and represents them as subverting the gospel to such an extent, that upon their theory Christ had died in vain, Gal. 11. 21. And the apostle, as Wiesinger says, would in this case have appeared “ double-tongued” to the Philippians; for in this very epistle referring to such errorists, he inveighs with special antipathy against them—“ Beware of dogs; beware of evil workers; beware of the concision.” In this passage, however, the apostle says nothing of erroneous teaching, but only of a bad spirit. He does not reject their doctrines as mutilated or adulterated: he only reprobates their ' motives. 2. They are represented as preaching Christ. It is true the article is used, ὁ Χριστός, which some suppose to have a special reference to the Messiahship and their proclamation of it in a Jewish or secular sense. But then the well-affected party are said also to preach the Christ—rov Χριστόν. The preaching in its substance was the same with both: Nor can any difference be inferred from the employment of two verbs --κηρύσσω and καταγγέλλω ; the one denoting the work of a herald, and the other that of a messenger ; for the first verb in verse 15 characterizes the preaching of both parties; and in the preaching described by the second verb in verse 18, the apostle expresses his hearty concurrence. Can it be supposed for a moment that the apostle could call any form of Judaistic teaching the preaching of Christ; or use the same emphatic phrase as descriptive both of sound and of pernicious instruc- tion? His friends “preach Christ,”” and no one doubts that by this language he approved of their doctrine; those dis- affected toward him “ preach Christ” too, the difference being in their respective spirit and motives. 3. The apostle virtually sanctions such preaching. For, no 36 PHILIPPIANS I. 17. matier in what spirit Christ is preached, whether in pretence or in truth—provided He is preached at all, the prisoner is contented and happy. Surely he could never have employed such language, if false views of Christ had been propounded, such views as the Judaizers were in the habit of insisting upon—the necessity of circumcision, and ‘the perpetual obli- gation of the Mosaic law. Was it possible for Paul to rejoice in a style of preaching at Rome, which he so strongly de- nounced in Galatia? Or could he regard the promulgation of such views as in any sense the “furtherance of the gospel ?” The conclusion then, is, that a form of preaching called, without reserve or modification, the preaching of Christ, and one in which the apostle rejoices, in spite of the malicious and perverse motives of those who engaged in it, cannot be the common and carnal Judaistic error which plagued and injured so many of the early churches. Neander? is obliged to make the supposition, that Paul thinks of the Judaizing gospel in its effects upon the heathen, when he thus speaks of it. But there is no ground for such an assumption, and such a preaching would profit them nothing. Had the Judaizers given the mere facts of Christ’s life, it might have been well; but such a simple narrative would not have suited their pur- pose, for they could not detail those facts without connecting with them certain dogmas on the obligation and character of the Mosaic ritual. Nor can Meyer be listened to, when he says that Judaizing preaching was less displeasing to the apostle in Rome, than in Greece or Asia, as the church there had not been founded by him, and was not specially under his apos- tolical jurisdiction. What this preaching was not, one may thus safely decide. But it is not so easy to determine what this preaching of Christ was, or how it could be intended, to add affliction to the apostle’s bonds. Chrysostom and his followers hold that the. intention of such preaching was to stir up the hostility of Nero, and other enemies of the gospel, so that the apostle’s situation might be embittered; the preaching of Jesus as the Christ, being most offensive to the Romans, and the unbelieving Jews making use of it to enrage the heathen rulers. But the apostle 1 On Philippians, p. 26, Edin., Clark. Ἄν PHILIPPIANS I. 17. 37 does not say that the Jews charged the Christians with preach- ing the Messiahship; the Christians did it themselves. And if they preached the Messiahship in any such form as made it a rival to the imperial sovereignty, would not such a course have equally endangered themselves, and led to their own apprehension and trial? Nor can we suppose the meaning to be, that by their busy publication of Judaizing doctrine, his antagonists thought to annoy the apostle by preaching what they knew he had so resolutely condemned, and to endanger him by holding him up as an enemy to the Mosaic institute, and the venerated “customs” of his country. For we have endeavoured to show in the preceding paragraphs that such preaching could not be called as the apostle calls it—preaching Christ ; nor could he have tolerated it, far less have given it, his seeming approval and countenance. Others, again, as Storr, van Hengel, and Rilliet suppose, that by “affliction” the apostle means mental suffering, produced by such factious dis- position and conduct. It is possible that this view may be the most correct. The noun θλίψις will bear such a meaning, and it is the intended result of that év@e¢a—unprincipled emulation and intrigue. The apostle speaks of affliction in addition to his bonds—not a closer imprisonment, or a heavier chain, or an attempt to infuriate the emperor and prejudge his appeal, but something over and above his bonds—perhaps chagrin and sorrow at the misrepresentation of his position and character. May we not, therefore, regard the phrase—“I re- Ὁ joice, and will rejoice,” as the opposite of those emotions which they strove to produce within him? They laboured to surround him with circumstances which should cause him ( afflietion,’’ but they failed. He could not but blame their motives, while he rejoiced in the result. They must have set themselves in rivalry with him, must have hoped to ruin his reputation, and damage his apostolical commission, in the way in which they did his work. By their detraction of his charac- ter in and through an imitation of his labours, they trusted to chafe and vex him. But as they deserved, they were egre- giously disappointed. They thought that he would be afflicted, but he was rejoiced. If this hypothesis be correct, as we think it is, then we may 38 PHILIPPIANS I. 18. come to a more satisfactory conclusion as to the nature of the faction referred to. That it consisted of Jews is almost certain. But these Jews might not be Judaizers. In the Corinthian church there was a party that said, “I am of Cephas”— followers of the apostle of the circumcision, and hostile to those who named themselves from Paul. It is very probable that this Petrine party held high views about the law; but there is no hint in the epistle to the Corinthian church that they either held or taught such mischievous errors as were propagated in Galatia. Minor matters of ceremonial seem rather to have occupied them. Chap. vili. and x. But there is no question that the apostle’s authority was impugned in Corinth, and in all likelihood by the Petrine party, because he had not been personally called by Jesus, as Simon had been; and by the same party, his right to pecuniary support from the churches seems to have been denied or disputed. While, therefore, there was comparative purity in the section that took Peter for its head and watchword, there was also keen and resolute opposition to the person and pre- rogative of the apostle of the Gentiles. To meet all the requirements of the case before us, we have only to suppose that such a party was found at Rome, and the fourteenth chapter of the epistle to that church seems to indicate their existence. If there was a company of believing Jews, who held the essential doctrines of the gospel, but was combative on points of inferior value, and in connection with the social institutions of their people, and who, at the same time, were bitter and unscrupulous antagonists of the apostle from such an impression of his opinions as is indicated by James in Acts xxi. 20, 21—then such a party might preach Christ, and yet cherish toward Paul all those feelings of envy and ill-will which he ascribes to them. Chrysostom touches the truth when he represents them as being jealous of the apostle— φθονοῦντες τῇ δόξῃ. Calvin writes feelingly—‘ Paul assuredly says nothing here, which I myself have not experienced. For there are men living now who have preached the gospel with no other design, than to gratify the rage of the wicked by persecuting pious pastors.” (Ver. 18.) Τί γάρ; πλὴν παντὶ τρόπῳ εἴτε προφάσει εἴτε PHILIPPIANS I. 18. 39 ἀληθείᾳ, Χριστὸς κατωγγέλλεται, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ χαίρω, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαρήσομαι--“ What then? but yet, in every way, that Christ is preached—whether in pretence, whether in truth— even in this I do rejoice, yea, and I shall rejoice.’’ The ellip- tical phrase τί γάρ, expresses an interrogative inference, and is much the same as the guid enim, or quid ergo, of the Latin authors.! Rom. iii.3. There is no use in attempting to fill out the idiom with διαφέρει, or ἄλλο or μοι μέλει, as is done by the Greek expositors; nor is the refert of Bengel, or the sequitur of Grotius, at all necessary. Kiihner, ὃ 833 1.; Klotz ad Devar. il. p. 247, &c.; Hartung, i. p. 479; Hoogeveen, Doctrina Part. p. 539. The adverb Aj? has also in such idiom a peculiar meaning, nur dass, as Passow gives it—‘ only that.” As if the paraphrase might be— What then? shall I fret because some men preach Christ of strife and intrigue, and think to imbitter my imprisonment? No, for all that; in spite of all this opposition to myself, only let Christ be preached from any motive, false or genuine, yes in the fact of such preaching I rejoice.” The first answer to τί γάρ is only implied, and not written—shall I feel affliction added to my bonds? shall I be chafed or grieved? while the second in contrast to it is expressed—the antagonism being noted by πλήν. Though in the phrase παντὶ τρόπῳ, the apostle says—“ every form,” yet the following words show that he had two forms especially in his eye, for he adds :— εἴτε προφάσει εἴτε adynGeia— whether in pretence or in sincerity.” These two nouns are often opposed by Philo and the classical writers, as is shown in the collected examples of Loesner, Raphelius, and Wetstein. The dative in both cases is that of manner, or is a modal case. Winer, § 31, 6.5 The first noun, πρόφασις, is employed to express a prominent ele- ment of the old Pharisaical character, its want of genuineness; or that its professed motive was not its real one, that its exceeding devotion was but a show, Matt. xxii. 13; Mark 1 Cicero, dé Fin. ii. 22, 72; Horace, Sat. i. 1, 7. 2 After σλήν, A, F, G, insert ὅτι ; while B has simply ὅτι, without πλήν. Probably both are results of an ancient gloss, as Meyer conjectures. 3 Both nouns in a similar idiom are often found in the accusative, among the classical writers. Kriiger, § 46, 3,5; Matthiae, § 425. 40 PHILIPPIANS I. 18. xii. 40; Luke xx. 47. When the sailors, during Paul’s voyage to Rome, wished to escape from the ship, and for this purposé lowered a boat under the pretext of preparing to let go an anchor, their manceuvre is described by the same term, Acts xxvii. 80. The word denotes that state of mind in which the avowed is not the true motive; in which there is made to. appear (as the etymology indicates) what does not exist. Hosea x. 4; John xv. 22. The contrasted noun, ἀλήθεια, signifies here genuineness or integrity, John iv. 23, 24; 1 John iii. 18. The Hebrew πον has occasionally a similar mean- ing, Ex. xviii. 21; Neh. vii. 2; and especially 1 Sam. xu. 24; 1 Kings ii. 4, iii. 6, where it is represented by the Greek term before us. Χριστὸς καταγγέλεται; see Col. 1. 28. A different meaning is assigned to the first noun by the Vulgate, which renders per occastonem; followed by Luther, who tran- slates zufallens ; and vindicated by Grotius, and by Hammond who brings out this idea—‘‘ by all means, whether by occasion only, that is, accidentally, and not by a designed causality ; or whether, by truth, that is, by a direct real way of effi- ciency.” But though the term has sometimes such a meaning, the antithesis in the clause itself, the common usage of the two confronted nouns, and the entire context discountenance the supposition. In fact, πρόφασις is simply the οὐχ ἁγνῶς of the 17th verse; while ἀλήθεια embodies the δὲ εὐδοκίαν of the 15th, and the ἐξ ἀγάπης of the 16th verses. The two nouns so placed in opposition represent, not difference in the substance, but in the purpose of preaching. They have an ethical reference. For if Christ was preached in either way, the apostle must allude not to contents, but design. In the one case, Christ was really preached, but the motive was hollow and fallacious. It was neither from homage to Him, or love to souls, or an earnest desire to advance the gospel. In the other case, preaching was a sincere service—“ out of a true heart, and with faith unfeigned.” The apostle, looking at the fact, and for a moment overlooking the motive, exclaims :— καὶ ἐν τούτῳ χαίρω ἀλλὰ καὶ χαρήσομαι--- and in this I rejoice; yea, and I will rejoice.” For χαίρω ἐν, see Col. i. 24. The pronoun τούτῳ does not refer specially to Christ ; nor yet, vaguely, to the entire crisis, as Meyer takes it; but PHILIPPIANS I. 18. 41 directly to the preaching. To render it with Ellicott, “in this state of things,” is too broad, and would not be wholly true: for the apostle must have grieved over the wicked motives of those preachers, though he rejoiced ἴῃ their preaching. We must subtract from “this state of things,” what must have caused him sorrow; there being left the fact that Christ was proclaimed, and in that he rejoiced. “ In this preaching, be the motive what it may, I rejoice.” The ἀλλά is still slightly adversative, as it stands between the present χαίρω, and the future χαρήσομαι---τιοῦ only now, or at present, but 1 will also rejoice. See an explanation of the idiom under Kph. v. 24. As happens with many barytone verbs, in Attic the future of χαίρω is yatpjcw—but in the other dialects, and in the New Testament, the middle form is employed. Matthiae, § 255; Winer, § 15. The apostle felt that impurity of motive might modify, but not prevent all good result; and that, as long as its true character was concealed, such preaching might not be without fruit. He knew the preaching of Christ to be a noble instrument, and though it was not a clean hand which set it in motion, still it might effect incalculable good. For truth is mighty, no matter in what spirit it is published ; its might being in itself, and not in the breath of him who proclaims it. Disposition and purpose belong to the preacher and his individual responsibility ; but the preaching of Christ has an innate power to win and save. The virtue lis in the gospel, not in the gospeller; in the exposition, and not in the expounder. Not that the apostle was, or could be indifferent to the motive which ought to govern a preacher of the gospel. Not as if he for a moment encouraged neutrality or lukewarm- ness, or thought that unconverted men might be safely intrusted with the precious function. But he simply regards the work and its fruits, and he leaves the motive with Him who could fully try it—the Judge of all. Vindictive and jealous feeling toward himself, he could pity and pardon, pro- vided the work be done. He could well bear that good be achieved by others, even out of envy to himself. The mere eclat of apostleship was nothing to him, and he would not for- bid others, because they did not follow himself. Those men 42 : PHILIPPIANS I. 18. who so preached Christ, were, therefore, neither heretics, nor gross Judaizers,) subverting the faith. Their preaching is supposed to be the means of saving souls. The Greek ex- positors notice the abuse which some heretics—rwvés ἀνόητοι —made of the apostle’s statement, and they answer, that he does not warrant such a style of preaching—does not say κατωγγεχλέσθω, but KcatayyédXerarc—merely relating a fact, not issuing a sanction. Chrysostom calls attention to the apostle’s calmness—that he does not imveigh against his enemies, but simply narrates what has occurred. This verse was the subject of long and acrimonious dispute during the Pietist controversy in Germany. ‘The question was generally, Whether unconverted men are warranted or qualified to preach the gospel; or specially, Whether the religious knowledge acquired by a wicked man can be termed theology, or how far the office and ministry of an impious man can be pronounced efficacious, or whether a licentious and godless man be capable of divine illumination? It is obvious that such questions are not determined by the apostle, and that there is no solution of them in this passage. His language is too vague, and the whole circumstances are too obscure, to form a foundation for judgment. The party referred to here preached Christ from a very unworthy personal motive, and the apostle rejoiced in the preaching, though he might compassionate and forgive the preachers. We cannot argue a general rule from such an exceptional case. But apart from any casuistry, and any fanaticism which the Pietists might exhibit, their general principle was correct, and it was in opposition to their tenets, and as a re- bound from them, that men were admitted into pulpits to preach the gospel without any evidence that they believed in it, and that it was not required of them to be religious themselves, ere they taught religion to others. In the same way scholars were installed into chairs, from which they taught the language of Abraham, as the readiest means of scoffing at Abraham’s faith, and descanted on the writings of the apostles, as the most effectual method of reviling and undermining that religion 1 Chrysostom admits that they preached sound doctrine—dyidis μὲν ἐκήρυττον. PHILIPPIANS I. 19. 43 which they had founded. We hold it to be the right principle—that the best preparation for preaching the Crucitied One, is to have His spirit; that to be His, is the sure quali- fication for obeying His commission, and that an unchristian man has no call to take part in the vindication or enforcement of the religion of Christ. (Ver. 19.) Οἶδα yap ὅτι τοῦτό μοι ἀποβήσεται εἰς σωτη- plav—“ For I know that this shall fall out unto my salva- tion.”’ Lachmann, by his punctuation, connects this clause immediately with the preceding one, and he is right. The apostle’s avowal of future joy bases itself on an anticipated re- sult. He felt a joy which others might not suppose, and it was no evanescent emotion, for it was connected with the most momentous of all blessings—his salvation. The ydp intro- duces a confirmatory explanation or reason. That this salva- tion—cornpia—is not, as many from the Greek fathers downwards suppose, temporal deliverance, is evident from the instrumentality referred to—“ your intercession, and the supply of Christ’s spirit.” ‘These were not indispensable to his libe- ration, but to his soul’s health. A change in Nero’s heart, a mere whim of the moment, might have secured his freedom. The prior question, however, is the reference in τοῦτο. 1. Many, with Theodoret, refer it to the afflictive circum- stances in which the apostle was placed, or to the dangers which lowered around him, in consequence of the envious and vindictive preachers—oi ἐντεῦθεν φυόμενοι κίνδυνοι. But the apostle thought too lightly of this danger, if it really existed, to give it such prominence. What was merely personal, had no interest for him; what concerned the cause, at once concen- trated his attention, and begat emotion within him. 2. Theophylact, Calvin, Rheinwald, van Hengel, De Wette, and Beelen, refer τοῦτο to the 17th verse — the preaching of Christ out of envy and strife, and for the purpose of adding to the apostle’s troubles. “Ἢ Such preach- ing, instead of adding to my affliction, shall contribute to my salvation.” But this connection carries back the reference _too far, and breaks the continuity. 3. Others suppose the allusion to be to the preaching of the gospel ; to its greater spread, as Rilliet, Matthies, and Alford ; 44 PHILIPPIANS 1. 19. or to the general character of it, as Hoelemann—-s? vel interdum de causis subdolis factum. 'These opinions appear to be some- what away from the context: 4, For we apprehend that it is simply to the sentiment of the preceding verse that the apostle refers. In that verse he tells them that, in spite of the opposite conclusion some might come to, he rejoiced in the fact that Christ was preached, whatever might be the motive of the preacher. And now he assigns the reason of that joy. He does not mean either that the gospel so proclaimed would achieve the salvation of others, as Grotius imagined, or with Heinrichs, that it would pro- duce his own, for it had already been sécured. The preach- ing of the gospel to others, and the spread of it in Rome, or in Italy, could not in itself exercise any saving power upon him; nor could he have any doubt that the gospel which himself had believed and preached, should issue in his eternal happiness. We, therefore, understand the τοῦτο to refer to the state of mind described in the former verse—his joy in the preaching of Christ, from whatever motive. For this state of mind indicated his supreme regard for Christ—that he preferred Him above everything—that he could bear to be an object of malevolence and jealousy, if so his Master was exalted—and that, provided Christ was preached, he cared not for tarnished fame, or heavier affliction. This mental condition was an index to him of a healthy spiritual state. Salvation must be the issue, when Christ was so magnified in the process. On the contrary, if he had felt chagrin and dis- appointment—if he had grudged that any should preach but himself, or any name should obtain prominence in the churches but his own—if actual or apprehended addition to his sufferings had either made him repent his own preaching, or infuriated him at the preaching of others—then a temperament so unlike Him whom he professed to serve, might justly have made him doubt his salvation, or the certainty of its future possession. But his present Christ-like frame of spirit was salvational, if the expression may be coined—it was an index of present attain- ment, and the sure instrument of subsequent glory. It was the “ear,” which is seen not only to follow the blade, but which also betokens the “full com.” There is no good ground PHILIPPIANS I. 19. 45 for Alford’s confining the meaning of σωτηρία to salvation, “in degree of blessedness, not in reference to the absolute fact.” The verb ἀποβήσεται rather forbids it. Salvation will turn out to be the result—salvation, first as a fact, and also in every element which the apostle expected. Luke xxi. 18. The clause occurs in the Septuagint. Job xiii. 16. And in this spirit the apostle adds— Sia τῆς ὑμῶν Sexoews— through your supplication.” He knew that they prayed for him—such was their vivid interest in him, and such a conviction the use of the article τῆς seems to imply. And he believed in the efficacy of their prayers— that their entreaty would bring down blessing upon him. His high function as an apostle did not elevate him above the need of their intercession. 2 Thess. ili. 1,2; Philem. 22. He vir- tually claims it, for he professes to enjoy their sympathy. And, as the general result of their prayers, he subjoins— καὶ ἐπιχορηγίας τοῦ πνεύματος ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ---. and the supply of the spirit of Jesus Christ.” ᾿Εὐτιχορηγία, see Eph. iv. 16. Conybeare says, “ἡ ἐπιχορηγία τοῦ χορηγοῦ would mean the supplying of all needs of the chorus by the choregus; and that, therefore, the phrase before us signifies the supplying of all needs by the spirit.” Theophylact and Cicumenins, Zanchius, Grotius, Rilliet, Alford, and Wiesinger, take the genitive as that of object, viz., that the Holy Spirit himself forms the supply. Theophylact explains by saying, ἐπύχο- ρηγηθῇ πλεῖον τὸ πνεῦμα. With Theodoret, Calvin, Rhein- wald, van Hengel, and Ellicott, we prefer taking the genitive as that of subject—vevpatos χορηγοῦντος τὴν χάριν. The apostle refers to that necessary supply which the Holy Spirit furnishes, that universal and well-timed assistance which he imparts. ‘This seems to be on the whole the better and more natural interpretation. The use of the participle ἐπυχορηγῶν with τὸ πνεύμα in Gal. iii. 5, affords no ground of decision as to the genitive of the noun here; nor can the use of the geni- tive in Ephes. iv. 16, determine the matter. Neither can we assent to Alford’s argument, taken from the position of the words, as such an argument is often doubtful, and no author has always followed tamely the same order. The connec- tion of the two clauses has been disputed; that is, whether 46 PHILIPPIANS I. 20. ὑμῶν belongs to ἐπιχορηγίας as well as δεήσεως. Meyer, Al- ford, and Baumgarten-Crusius hold that the connection is of this nature— through your prayer and your supply of the Spirit of Christ.” But such an exegesis cannot be defended on the ground that διά, or διὰ τῆς, or the simple article, is not repeated; for such a repetition is unnecessary, and according to a well-known law, the article is omitted before a second noun, when both nouns have a defining genitive. Winer, § 19,5. Still the apostle’s thought seems to be, that the supply of the Spirit to him would be the result of their prayers for him. For the Spirit is not to be explained away as merely meaning divine power, vis divina, as Am Ende renders. It is the Holy Spirit—who is here called the Spirit of Jesus Christ. The reason of such an appellation, it is not difficult to discover; for it does not rest on any dogmatic grounds, or any metaphysical views of the distinctions and relations of the persons in the Trinity. The genitive is that of possession or origin, the spirit which Jesus has or dispenses. The exaltation of the Redeemer secured the gift of the Holy Ghost, which it is His exalted prerogative to bestow. ‘The Spirit represents Christ, for He comes in Christ’s name, as another Paraclete, enlightens with Christ’s truths, purifies with Christ’s blood, comforts with Christ’s promises, and seals with Christ’s image. (Ver. 20.) Kata τὴν ἀποκαραδοκίαν καὶ ἐλπίδα μου, ὅτι ἐν οὐδενὶ aicyvvOncowar— According to my firm expectation and hope, that in nothing I shall be ashamed.” The preposi- tion κατά is in connection with οἶδα yap of the preceding verse. My knowledge that it shall issue in my salvation, is based upon, or rather is“‘in accordance with” my expectation and hope. The two nouns, ἀποκαραδοκία and ἐλπὶς, have much the same signification, only the latter has a meaning in advance of the former—hope being surer than expectation—and having in it a deeper conviction of certainty, or resting itself on a surer foundation. The view of Bretschneider, sub voce, is the re- verse, but wrong. Hope is expectation combined with assur- ance. The noun ἀποκαραδοκία is found in Rom. viii. 19. Its composition has been variously resolved ; most probably it is κάρα, “the head,” and δοκεύειν, “to observe.” It is, accord- ing to the Ktymologicum Magnum, τῇ κεφαλῇ προβλέπειν, or PHILIPPIANS I. 20. ' A as (Ecumenius describes it here, as ἐλπίδα ἥν τις καὶ αὐτὴν ἐπικινῶν τὴν κεφαλὴν δοκεύει Kal περισκοπεῖ. The preposi- tion ἀπό is not, as some say, meaningless or quiescent; but it is not properly intensive; rather, as Ellicott says, it is local. It marks the point from which one looks out, or the place whence the thing expected is to come ; and the additional idea is to look out, or continue to look out, till the thing looked for comes out of its place. The notion is, therefore, more that of conti- nuance than earnestness, though certainly a persistent look will deepen into an earnest one. The word is well discussed in that family production, Fritzschiorum Opuscula, p. 150. The apostle did not speak at random, or from any vague and dreamy anticipations. He felt that he was warranted so to write. And what he had referred to was not something in which he had little interest, something which might happen in the course of events, but towards which he was indifferent. He was tremblingly alive to the result, and his soul was set upon it. The next clause tells the personal object of his hope— “that in nothing I shall be ashamed.” It is wrong on the part of Estius and Matthies to render ὅτι, “for,” or “because,” as if the clause were confirmative. The ὅτι introduces the object of hope; but with the other view the expectation and hope would refer vaguely to the preceding verse. The verb represents the Heb. wa in the Septuagint. Ps. xxxiv. 4, 6, lxix, 2; 2 Cor. x. 8; 1 John ii. 28. The apostle does not mean to say, that in nothing should he be put out, as the common phrase is, or made to appear abashed and terrified. This is the view of Matthies and van Hengel, the latter of whom gives it as, ut in nulla re ab officio deflectam. A different view is held by Chrysostom, who has these words, ‘‘ Whatever hap- pens, I shall not be ashamed, 7.e., they will not obtain the mastery over me.” “ They, forsooth, expected to catch Paul in this snare, and to quench the freedom of the gospel.” This view is too restricted, for the apostle says, ἐν οὐδενί, “in nothing,” not simply in living and preaching. The idea is not that shame would fall upon him principally if he died, or ceased to speak with boldness. The pronoun οὐδενί is neuter, and does not refer either to the Philippians, as if he were saying, “in none of you I shall be ashamed,” or to those preaching 48 - PHILIPPIANS I. 20. Christ at Rome;” as if he meant to affirm, ‘in none of them shall I be ashamed.”’ “In nothing,” says the apostle, “ shall I feel ashamed.” He should preserve his trust and confidence ; no feeling of disgrace or disappointment should creep over him. He should maintain his erectness of spirit, and not hang his head like one who had come short of his end, or had been the victim of vain expectations. The verb αἰσχυνθήσομαι is in virtual contrast with ἀποβήσεται εἰς σωτηρίαν. He felt assured that neither in this hope nor any other should he be ashamed. His state of mind was such, that no emotion of shame could come near him. Christ’s work was doing in the mean- time, and in that he rejoiced, no matter what the motive that led to it; and though he was a fettered prisoner, and his enemies might be traducing him, yet he was assured that now, as heretofore, he should not be brought into shame, as if his life had been a failure; for should he live, Christ should be glorified; and should he die, the same result would equally happen. And he speaks now in a more positive tone— ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πάσῃ παῤῥησίᾳ ὡς πάντοτε καὶ νῦν μεγαλυνθήσεται Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ σωματί μου---“ but with all boldness, as always and now, Christ shall be magnified in my body.” Shame is the contrast of boldness, for he who feels ashamed is a coward. Ἔν πάσῃ is in antithesis to ἐν οὐδενί He had been bold in days gone by, in crises which had passed away; and as it had been always, so it would be now—xai viv. What the apostle expected and hoped was, that Christ should be magnified in his body. ‘The verb, μεγαλύνω, is to make or declare great, and often in the sense of praise: for praise is the laudatory expres- sion of the divine greatness. It tells how great He is, or how great He has disclosed Himself to be. The meaning here is, that Christ should be evinced in His greatness—disclosed in His majesty. Rilliet takes the verb in the sense of grandir— se developper ; the development of Christ within himself, in allu- sion to Gal. 11. 20, iv. 19. But, as has been well remarked by Wiesinger, “the added words, ἐν τῷ cwparti μου, are fatal to this supposition.” Nor is there any instance of the use of the term in such a personal sense. In Luke 1. 58, it is said that the Lord made great his merey—exhibited extraordinary kindness. PHILIPPIANS I. 21. 49 The next words are peculiar. The apostle does not say “in~ me,” but “in my body” —év τῷ σώματί μου. The two forms of expression are not to be confounded. The following clause explains why terms so precise have been employed. Life and death are both predicated of the body; therefore he says, in my body— εἴτε διὰ ζωῆς cite διὰ Oavdtov—“ whether by life or by death.” It is all one—whether he live or die, the magnifying of Christ is secured on either alternative. If he lived, he should yet labour for Christ; and if his life were cut short, Christ should be glorified in the courage of his martyrdom, and the entrance of the martyr to heaven. Come what may —the glorification of Christ—the highest aim of his heart is secured. The apostle rejoiced that Christ was preached, no matter what might be the motive; and this prevailing emotion, he was assured, would result in salvation. He was confident that he should not be left in shame: for the glorification of Christ, the prime object of his existence, would be brought about in his body, whether he lived or whether he died. While one party preached Christ of love, in alliance with him, and in acknowledgment of his high position; and the other preached Christ of envy and self-seeking—supposing to add affliction to his bonds; in the midst of this turmoil, he was happy and contented. His trial was pending, and he felt that Christ would be glorified, whether he should be liberated from prison to preach again, or whether he should leave his cell only ‘to be conducted to the block. If, in either case, Christ should be glorified, his salvation was a secure result. And he proceeds to prove what he has said of the magnification of Christ, whether by life or by death. or in either way it may happen—there may be two forms, but there is only one result. (Ver. 21.) Ἐμοὶ yap τὸ ζῆν Χριστὸς, καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν xépdos— For to me to live is Christ, and to die is gain.” } The particle γάρ introduces the confirmatory statement. Christ shall be magnified in my body, whether by life or by death— 1 We need scarcely allude to the reading—xex7r¢,—suggested by the Arabic version of Walton’s Polyglott, adyocated by Michaelis and Verschuir, and placed even by Griesbach among readings not to be wholly slighted. D 50 PHILIPPIANS I. 21. by life, for to me to live is Christ; by death, for death to me is gain. A considerable number of expositors take the verse as one connected sentence, with κέρδος as the one predicate—“ for to me in life and in death Christ is gain” —mihi enim in vivendo Christus est et moriendo lucrum. Such is the view of Calvin, Beza, Musculus, E. Schmid, Raphelius, Knatchbull, a-Lapide, Porstius, Gataker, Airay,! Suicer, ἄς. But it cannot be sup- ported. It requires such adjustment and assistance as to give it a very unnatural appearance. Though κατά should be sup- plied to both infinitves, the sentence has a very clumsy and unpauline shape. Besides, the infinitives are not of the kind that form such an absolute accusative as is usually, but erroneously resolved by κατά. Jelf. ὃ 581; Kriiger, § 46, 4, 1. Such an accusative has what this last grammarian calls Erstrec- ken, or extended reference; but such a construction, while it might apply to the first infinitive, could not to the last. The natural division is to take Χριστός with the first clause as predicate, and κέρδος with the last. In such an exegesis as that we have referred to, Χριστός would be most anomalously placed. Nor would the verse so understood be in close connec- tion with the preceding statement as either illustrative or confirmatory of it. The sentiment, To me living or dying, Christ is gain, is in itself no proof of the assertion that Christ would be magnified in his body, whether by life or by death. Personal gain to himself in either case is not surely identical with the glorification of Christ—at least there is nothing in the language to justify or explain such a conclusion. Besides, as the alternatives are strongly marked—“ by life or by death;” and as they are in direct antagonism, we expect to find that the mode of glorification will also differ, and that such a dif- ference will be implied in the clause added for explanation and proof. But there is no such distinction if this unwarranted exegesis be admitted. Luther again reverses the order of subject and predicate, and renders “ Christus ist mein Leben, und Sterben ist mein Gewinn”’—Christ is my life, and death is my gain. This 1 Gataker, in his edition of M, Antoninus, p. 350, says of Airay—solus interpretum reverendus 1). Airevs noster apostoli mentem assecutus videtur. PHILIPPIANS I. 21. bi | exposition is adopted by Storr and Flatt, the former of whom attaches the first clause to the preceding verse. Micumenius had also paraphrased αὐτὸν ἔχω τὴν ζωήν. But the translation is forbidden by the use of the infinitive with the article as the subject, and by the position of the terms. Rilliet looks upon ζῆν as referring to the higher spiritual life—la vie par excellence —TIa vie seule digne de ce nom, and as in contrast with τὸ ζῆν ἐν σαρκί in verse 22. But this last phrase, so far from being in contrast with τὸ Gy in this verse, is only exegetical of it. The life which the apostle refers to is life on earth, opposed to death, or the cessation of his present being—the ζωή of the preceding verse. And the contrast implied in ἀποθανεῖν would be all but destroyed. He speaks of continuance on earth, and of departure from it, and shows how, in each case, Christ should be magnified in his body. Christ, says the apostle, shall be magnified in my body by life, “‘for to me to live is Christ.” The position of ἐμοί shows the special stress which the writer lays upon it. He speaks solely of himself and his personal relation. The force of the ethical dative is—“ in so far as I am personally concerned.” ? It does not mean “in my judgment,” as Beelen gives it both in his commentary and his recently-published grammar,? § 31, B. The phrase τὸ ζῆν is similarly found in some authors, as quoted by Wetstein. If I live, he affirms, my life shall be Christ, an expressive avowal indeed. The use of such terms shows the completeness of Paul’s identification with Christ. Christ and life were one and the same thing to him, or, as. Bengel puts it—quicquid vivo, Christum vivo. Might not the sentiment be thus expanded? For me to live is Christ—the preaching of Christ the business of my life; the presence of Christ the cheer of my life; the image of Christ the crown of my life; the spirit of Christ the life of my life} the love of Christ the power of my life; the will of Christ the law of my life ; and the glory of Christ the end of my life. Christ was the absorbing element of his life. If he travelled, it was on Christ’s errand; if he suffered, it was in Christ’s service. When he spoke, his theme was Christ; and when he wrote, 1 Michelsen, Casuslehre der Lat. Sprach., p. 212. 2 Grammatica Graecitatis Novi Testamenti, ὅσο. Lovanii, 1857. Ὁ PHILIPPIANS I. 21. Christ filled his letters. There is little doubt that the apostle refers in his utmost soul to the glorification of Christ by the diffusion of the gospel. It had been so, and the spirit of his declaration is, that it would be so still. Nay, it was his ‘pride or his effort to preach where the name of Jesus had ever been proclaimed. He liked to lay the foundation, leaving the erection of the structure to others. He chose the distant parts of labour and danger—the “ regions beyond ”— and he would not “ boast in another man’s line of things made ready to his hand.” And when did the apostle utter this sentiment? It was not as he rose from the earth, dazzled into blindness by the Redeemer’s glory, and the words of the first commission were ringing in his ears. It was not in Damascus, while, as the scales fell from his sight, he recognized the Lord’s goodness and power, and his baptism proclaimed his formal admis- sion to the church. Nor was it in Arabia, where supernatural wisdom so fully unfolded to him the facts and truths which he was uniformly to proclaim. It sprang not from any momentary elation as at Cyprus, where he confounded the sorcerer, and converted the Roman proconsul. No, the reso- lution was written at Rome in bonds, and after years of unparalleled toil and suffering. His past career had been signalized by stripes, imprisonment, deaths, shipwreck, and unnumbered perils, but he did not regretthem. He had been “in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness,” but his ardour was unchilled ; and let him only be freed, and his life prolonged, and his motto still would be—‘ For me to live is Christ.” It did not repent the venerable confessor now, when he was old, infirm, and a prisoner, with a terrible doom sus- pended over him, that he had done so much, travelled so much, spoken so much, and suffered so much for Christ, Nor was the statement like a suspicious vow in a scene of danger, which is too often wrung from cowardice, and held up as a bribe to the Great Preserver, but forgotten when the erisis passes, and he who made it laughs at his own timidity. No. [Ὁ was no new course the apostle proposed—it was only a continuation of those previous habits which his bondage had _ PHILIPPIANS I. 21. <3 53 for a season interrupted. Could there be increase to a zeal that had never flagged, or could those labours be multiplied which had filled every moment and called out every energy ? In fine, the saying was no idle boast, like that of Peter at the Last Supper—the flash of a sudden enthusiasm so soon to be drowned in tears. For the apostle had the warrant of a long career to justify his assertion, and who can doubt that he would have verified it, and nobly shown that still, as hitherto, for him to live was Christ? He sighed not under the burden, as if age needed repose; or sank into self-complacency, as if he had done enough, for the Lord’s commission was still upon him, and the wants of the world were so numerous and pressing, as to claim his last word, and urge his last step. It was “such an one as Paul the aged, and now also a prisoner of Jesus Christ,” who placed on record the memorable clause, inscribed also on his heart—“ for me to live is Christ.” καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν Képdos— and to die is gain.” The tense of the verb is changed in this clause from the present to the past. In the first clause, the presence or duration of life—ro ζῆν--- is Christ ; but in the second clause it is not the act of dying, but the result of it, or that which supposes it to be past and over—ro a7roavetv—which is gain. Wiesinger expresses the real difficulty of this clause, when he says—“ from its close relation to μεγαλυνθήσεται, we expect an explanation of how Christ is to be magnified by the apostle’s death; but κέρδος really expresses nothing upon it.” ΤῸ surmount this diffi- culty, some apply the κέρδος to Christ. Miiller says—gquod autem alteram versus partem attinet, et mori est lucrum, t.e., sors etiam exoptatior, scriptor haud dubie in animo habebat, quod oppositum flagitat ; et si mihi moriundum est morior Christo, itaque etiam morte mea Christus celebratur ; sed fervidiore animi commotione abrepto, alia cogitatio obversatur que eum id quod dicturus erat plene proloqui non sinit. This explanation necessitates a filling up of the sentence, which its simplicity neither needs nor warrants. The emphatic μοί confines the κέρδος personally to the apostle. Nor is there any ground on the same account for the exegesis of Grotius—morte mea aliquos Christo lucrabor ; or that of Heinrichs—sin subeundum supplicium, vel inde lucrum enascetur, et laetitiores faciet res δ4 PHILIPPIANS I. 21. Christiana profectus. Nor does Wiesinger himself meet the difficulty which himself describes. He looks back especially to the 19th verse, and to the phrase—“it shall turn out for salvation to him, according to the firmly-cherished hope, that Christ will be magnified in him, whether by life or by death, since to him individually, it is all one whether he should live or die, whether Christ should be magnified by his life or by his death.” This is true so far, for the apostle speaks personally—éyoi. But still, if he say—Christ shall be mag- nified in my death—you expect him to say how, since he has explained the parallel clause—Christ shall be magnified in my life. Wiesinger inserts the thought—“ it is all the same to me whether He be magnified by the one way or the other ;” an assertion which may be true in itself, and warranted by what follows, but something more than can be borne out by the simple γάρ. And even with this explanation, κέρδος does seem to involve some element of glorification to Christ, as Wiesinger admits, but does not explain. There is no doubt that ἐμοί means—as far as regards myself individually ; and there is no doubt that the clause—tor me to live is Christ, explains how Christ should be magnified in his life. And we therefore take it for granted, that the next clause explains how Christ should be glorified in his death. And how? Because that death would be gain, and the fact of its being gain to him was a magnification of Christ. “For me to live is Christ, and I shall magnify Him; and to die is gain, and therefore He is magnified in 10. There are thus two questions—why death was gain, and how in that gain Christ was magnified ? Death, it cannot be doubted, was gain to the apostle in a personal sense. It removed him from suffering and disquietude, lifted him up out of a prison, and translated him into the presence of Christ. It gave him heaven for earth, enjoyment for labour, and spiritual perfection for incomplete holiness. It brought him into the presence of his exalted Lord, to bear His image, live in His splendour, and hold pure and uninterrupted fellowship with Him. That gain is not to be counted—it surmounts calculation. It was to leave the imperfect society of earth for the nobler fellowship of the skies; to pass from service involving self-denial, tears, and suffering, to the crown PHILIPPIANS I. 22. DO which cannot fade; to rise above the process of discipline involving constant watchfulness and prayer, to a perfect assimilation to his Divine Master. There is also a comparison implied in κέρδος. While life would be Christ, death would be Christ too, but in a far higher sense. Still there would be the glorification of Christ, but in another form, and the superiority of the last to the first is indicated by κέρδος. To live is “ Christ;”’ but, as he himself says, death is “to be with Christ,’ and, therefore, in comparison with life, it is gain. For it would be Christ to him more fully than life could be—Christ to be praised for ever, without the clog of an animal frame to exhaust the worshipper, or the warring of the law in his members to distract or suspend his adora- tion and joy. And in his possession of such a gain, Christ would be magnified, for His love had prepared it, His death had brought it within his reach, and His grace and Spirit had prepared him for it. And if he should be called to suffer as a martyr, and such a prospect could not but rise before the mind of a prisoner in the pretorium, pending an appeal to the frantic and ungovernable Nero, then his courage and constancy in sealing his testimony with his blood, and in being made conformable to his Lord’s death, would of itself glorify Christ in the exhibition of that meek and majestic demeanour, which the consciousness of Christ’s presence alone could inspire and sustain. The expression about the gain of death seems to have been of proverbial currency. Socrates (Plato, Apolog. 32) declares under certain suppositions—xépdos ἔγωγε λέγω; but Lucian pronounces as might be expected— οὐδενὶ τὸ θανεῖν κέρδος. Many examples in which death is called loss, ζημία, may be found in Wetstein. Libanius, Or. XXVI1., Says, with a feeling very different from the apostle’s—oés βαρὺ τὸ ζῆν, κέρδος ὁ θάνατος. So in Sophocles, Antig. 474. Bos Exercit. p. 193. (Ver. 22.) Ed δὲ τὸ ζῇν ἐν σαρκὶ, τοῦτό μοι καρπὸς ἔργου, καὶ τί αἱρήσομαι, οὐ yvopifo— But if to live in the flesh, if this to me be fruit of labour, and what I shall choose, I know not.” The general purport of this verse with its connection - is pretty apparent, but from its compactness, it 15 not easy to furnish a strict analysis. The apostle felt that both in life and 56 PHILIPPIANS 1. 22. death, Christ should be magnified, and in the preceding verse he assigns the reason; nay, it would seem, that he prefers that Christ should be glorified in his death, as death to him would be gain. But ina moment he feels that really he ought to have no preference. By the use of κέρδος he has given a preference to death ; but the commands of Christ, the claim of the churches, and the wants of the world, rush upon him, and he so far retracts his preference as to allow, that if pro- longed life be necessary to the full harvest of his ministry, he will not make a choice. He had virtually made a choice in saying “death is GAIN;” but still, if there was more work for him on earth, he would at least hesitate in coming to a decision. And then he depicts his state of mind; there is in it the strong desire to depart and be with Christ, which nobody can doubt is far better; but there is also the obliga- tion, if the Lord so will it, to abide on earth, and be of service in the gospel. The particle εἰ is syllogistic, or puts a case, and may be almost rendered by “ since,” as it presents a fact in the form of a premiss. Aé is continuative, but introduces a contrast. It is plain that τὸ ζῆν ἐν σαρκί describes his natural life or its pro- longation, as if there had been present to his mind an ideal - contrast between the higher and future life unclothed, which is involved in κέρδος, and the present and lower form of embodied existence on earth. It does not seem necessary, with Beza, van Hengel, and others, to attach any collateral idea to σάρξ, such as that of frailty —afficta et misera. Gal. ii. 20; 1 Cor. xv. 50; Heb. ii. 14. There are different ways of pointing and reading the verse, most of them abounding more or less in supplement. Hoelemann thus disguises and reads it—e¢ δὲ τὸ ζῆν καρπὸς ἐν σαρκὶ τοῦτό (7.e., τὸ ἀποθανεῖν), μοι καρπὸς épyou— but if to live be fruit in the flesh, or mere earthly fruit, then this (that is, death) is to me fruit in reality.” But the contrasts here supposed are not tenable—that of τό with τοῦτο, and of σαρκί with ἔργου. Granting that debility and fragility are often associated with odp&, yet we can scarcely take ἐν σαρκί as an adverbial phrase qualifying κάρπος under- stood; nor can ἔργου, even with such a contrast, signify “ in reality.” We should have expected ἐν ἔργῳ at the least ; but PHILIPPIANS I. 22. δὲ ἔργον never has such a meaning, even in the phrase which Hoelemann adduces—év λόγῳ ἢ ἐν ἔργῳ (Col. 111. 17), where it signifies in act, and not in reality. It may be remarked that καρπός has been apparently suggested by «épdos—the last is gain ultimate and positive; the other is the fruit of apostolic service in the present life. The apostle is ready to resign for a season the κέρδος, that he may reap a little longer this inter- mediate ξαρπός. Another interpretation which takes καρπὸς ἔργου in an unwarranted sense, is that of Beza, followed by Cocceius and several other critics, who give the words the Latin sense of opere pretium, thus—An vero vivere in carne mihi operee pretium sit, et quid eligam, ignoro— Whether to live in - the flesh be worth my while, and what I shall choose, I know not.”” In sentiment, this exegesis is opposed to the distinct assertions of the following verses. The apostle could not be ignorant whether it were of advantage to remain on earth— nay, he takes it for granted that it was worth his while to stay, as his life was needful to the churches, and would result in the furtherance and joy of their faith. Nor can καρπὸς ἔργου be well rendered into oper pretium. Besides, if in dependence on ov γνωρίζω, the clause εἰ τὸ Gv and the clause καὶ τί αἱρήσομαι do not correspond in structure. The exegesis we have just considered is virtually that of Conybeare, who renders— but whether this life in the flesh be my labour’s fruit, and what I shall choose, I know not.” The place given to τοῦτο in the translation, cannot be defended, and it is liable generally to the last objection stated. A third form of exegesis supplies ἐστί μοι, and makes a complete sentence of the words down to καὶ ri—“ And if to live in the flesh, this is the fruit of my labour,” as in the authorized version. If I am to live, then I shall have the more fruit of my labour, as Bengel says—hunc fructum inde habeo, ut plus operis facere possim. He takes the words καρπὸς ἔργου as if in apposition—Paulus ipsum opus pro fructu habet. A similar exposition was held by Pelagius, and is also adopted by Storr, Flatt, and Matthies who renders— wenn aber das Leben im Fleische, so ist mir dieses ein—kaptros ἔργου----“ 1. there is life in the flesh, it is to me fruit of 58 PHILIPPIANS I. 22. labour.” This exegesis, which makes the second clause form the apodosis, seems, besides introducing a supplement, to render καί superfluous in the next clause, and introduces a grating ellipse. A fourth mode of explanation supposes an aposiopesis, and therefore endeavours to express the latent thought of the apostle. Thus Zegerus—“and if to live in the flesh is the fruit of my labour, and if to die is gain, then what to choose I wot not.” ‘That is to say, the apostle is supposed not to express the second member of the sentence—alterum jam mente per- tractans. Rilliet’s paraphrase is—“‘I ought not to desire death ;” and it is to this mental thought that the apostle adds —“and I know not which I should choose.” Miiller holds a similar supposition. Nobody doubts the existence of such a figure of speech, though critics have unduly multiplied instances of it. But it is found principally in sentences uttered under excitement, where well-known idioms occur, or where words are supplied by tone and gesture. There, in fact, appears no necessity for reverting to it here, though the meaning brought out is generally correct. The Greek fathers generally, Luther, Calvin, Heinrichs, Schrader, van Hengel, De Wette, Meyer, Wiesinger, Bisping, Peile, Ellicott, and Alford, connect the verb γνωρίζω with the clause before it, and regard the words down to καί as forming one sentence. De Wette’s version is—“If life in the flesh, this be my labour’s fruit, what I shall choose, I know not.” Meyer’s paraphrase is—“ but if remaining in fleshly life, this, and none other, is to me fruitful for my official work, so am I in uncertainty as to the choice which I should make between both.” Among such as hold this view, which we regard as the right one, there are minor differences, and also errors. The pronoun τοῦτο represents and sums up the entire phrase --τὸ ζῆν ἐν σαρκί. See under Eph. ii. 8. There is no Hebraism in the usage, as Glassius supposes, Phil. Sae. i. 177. The use of ἐκεῖνα in Mark vii. 15, referred to by Winer, § 23, 4, is somewhat similar. Bernhardy, § 283. If to live in the flesh, ‘‘this,’’ Meyer says—‘‘this, and not death.” Perhaps he makes the contrast rather strong. It may be “this” on which I have laid so little stress, as to call death in comparison with PHILIPPIANS I. 22. 59 it gain. We cannot agree with Meyer in rendering καρπός--- emolumentum, nor does Rom.i.13 sustain such asense. It means product or result, the context showing of what nature it is. The genitive ἔργου refers to his special work. Acts. xiii. 2; 1 Thes. v. 13. It is not the genitive of object, as if the mean- ing were “fruitful for the work,” but the genitive of subject, and is simply —“ fruit from my work,” or in connection with it. The apostle then affirms virtually that his continuance in life would be tantamount to reaping additional fruit in his work. If he lived, he should work, and that work by God’s blessing would not be in vain. The train of thought is this: he had said —“ for me death is gain;” but in an instant he pauses, not to retract the thought, but to subordinate it to present duty, for abode on earth would yet add to the spiritual harvest which his labours had produced. As if he meant to say—but since to live in the flesh, since this will be fruit to me from my labour, then I know not what choice to make. And so the Syriac reads—vea34 oS AY 385. The apostle thus shows, that it was not weariness of life, chagrin, or present evil, that prompted the expression—“ death is gain.” Very different was his motive from that expressed by the pagan—@avety ἄριστόν ἐστι ἢ ζῆν ἀθλίως-- “« better die than live miserably.” Phil. apud Stobeum. His was a calm and settled conviction ; and had there been no more work for him on earth, he would have longed to enjoy the gain. So that he did not know what election to make—on which alter- native to place the preference :— καὶ τί αἱρήσομαι οὐ yvopif»— and what 1 shall choose, I know not.” The τί stands for the more precise worepov—as quis for uter in Latin. Mat. ix. 5, xxi. 31, &e. The verb γνωρίζω usually signifies to make known or declare, and many, as Rheinwald and van Hengel, give it such a meaning here— non dico. Bengel has—non explico mihi. Probably the meaning is—“T do not apprehend,” and thus it is different from οἶδα and γινώσκω. Ast, Lex. Plat. sub voce. It seems to inti- mate, that with a desire or effort to know, such knowledge could not be attained. ‘And what I shall choose, I cannot make out.” The future αἱρήσομαι is used for the subjunctive. Winer, § 41, 4,2. The two forms have very much the connec- 60 PHILIPPIANS I. 23. . tion which the forms “will” and “would” originally had in English. The verb is in the middle voice— what I shall take for myself.” The principal difficulty, however, is in relation to καί, at the beginning of the sentence. Peile takes it as the apostle’s substitute for the Hebrew vaw, and quotes, as strictly analogous, a line of the Agamemnon—kai τίς 70d ἐξίκοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀγγέλων Taxos—“ and what messenger could come with such speed?” But there is not a full analogy, for the question occurs in a dialogue. Clytemnestra had asserted that Troy was taken just last night; the Chorus cannot credit the intel- ligence, but knowing the great distance of the city, ery — “ And what messenger could come with such fleetness?” In Scottish dialogue, it is very common to put “and” at the commencement of a question which implies either doubt or wonder— And how did it happen,” &e. Crocius and Heinsius take καί in a somewhat similar way, and give, as an illustration, Mark x. 26—xai τίς δύναται σωθῆναι; but the passages are by no means analogous. It is also out of the question to render καί, ideo or sane, or by any other explana- tory particle. The καί is to be taken as signifying and or also, and as placed at the commencement of the apodosis. Of this there are many examples in the New Testament, and among the classical writers. Hartung, I., 130. It carries this sense, that what follows καί, is described as the result of what precedes, or as in close connection with it. This granted, “and”’ that will follow. The meaning then is—if to remain in the flesh, if this be to me labour’s fruit, I am flung back on the other alternative, and what I shall choose, I wot not. 11 look simply at result, “to die is gain,” I have no hesitation; but there is the other idea, that “to live is Christ;’ I therefore find myself in a dilemma, and know not which to select. In the following verse, the apostle states the alternatives more distinctly. (Ver. 23.) Συνέχομαι de ἐκ τῶν SUo— But I am pressed on account of the two.”’ There is no doubt that δέ is preferable to yap, as it has the great majority of MSS., versions, and quotations in its favour. The verb συνέχομαι denotes—to be held together, distressed, or perplexed, as.in Luke xii. 50; Acts xviil. 5; 2 Cor. v.14. In using ἐκ, the apostle points out the sources of his strait; and, by δύο with the article, he PHILIPPIANS I. 23. 61 marks the alternatives stated in the preceding, and not in the succeeding context, as Rheinwald and Miiller suppose. He has just said—‘what to choose I wot not,” and the choice lay between two things, life and death; and now he adds— between these two I am held in suspense. Miiller seems to imagine that a retrospective reference would have required ἐξ ἐκείνων δύο. The following clauses, however, though not grammatically referred to in δύο, are yet contained in it, and are now more fully explained in the text. The apostle describes his dilemma, and it is an extraordinary one. Though he had a strong desire for heaven, and, indeed, had been in it (2 Cor. xii, 1-4) and knew it, yet was he willing to forego the pleasure for the sake of Christ’s church on earth. For he thus describes himself— τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχων εἰς TO ἀναλῦσαι καὶ σῦν Χριστῷ εἶναι--- “having,” or “inasmuch as I have the desire for departing and to be with Christ.” The verb ἀναλύω signifies to unloose, to depart, and then emphatically to depart from life. 2 Tim. iv. 6. It is needless to inquire on what the image is based; whether, as Jaspis and Elsner maintain, on the departure of guests from a feast; or whether, as Perizonius supposes, from equestrian custom; or, as others conjecture, from the weighing of the anchor prior to the sailing of the vessel; or, as Miiller preceded by Gataker imagines, from the nomad custom of striking the tent before the march. Departure, as the name or image of death is so natural and so universal, that one needs not to give it any special or local origin. It is wrongly translated in the Vulgate by dissolvt, derived perhaps from the classical use of solvo. Drusius absurdly conjectured that the active stood for a passive. Compare also Schoettgen, Hore Heb. i. 796. The construc- tion with εἰς is rather unusual—l Thess. ii. 12, 13—for ἐπιθυμία is usually construed with the genitive, and some- times with the infinitive preceded by the article. . There is no reason to take it for the genitive, τοῦ ἀναλῦσαι; and we agree with Meyer that εἰς τὸ ἀναλῦσαι stands in relation to the entire clause—rtnv ἐπιθυμίαν ἔχων; the language having a certain strength and emphasis. ‘That desire pointed steadily and uni- formly εἰς “ in the direction of” decease. Winer, § 49,2. The 62 PHILIPPIANS I. 23. result of departure is to be “ with Christ,” and therefore death was gain. The apostle was in no ignorance as to his future state! His death was not to him simply a departure from earth, or as Socrates (Plato, Apolog. 32) vaguely and cheer- lessly calls it, a removal—eds ἄλλον τόπον. He knew what awaited him; and his fondest view of heaven is expressed by the term—ovv Χριστῷ: And so in 1 Thessal. iv. 17, v. 10, preceded by John xii. 26, xvii. 24. He rejoices to look on heaven in its positive aspect. It is to him the presence of Christ, and not merely deliverance from the evils of life; not merely— « To leave all disappointment, care, and sorrow ; To leave all falsehood, treachery, and unkindness ; All ignominy, suffering, and despair, And be at rest for ever.” Of death, as an escape from such miseries, he does not speak, though few had felt them so severely, for he had been weak in every man’s weakness, and burned with every man’s offence. 2 Cor. xi. 29. Τὸ him life is Christ, and death is being with Christ—the same blessedness in two aspects and stages, with no time or region of dreary unconsciousness between. He knew where Christ was, and where he should be with Him— “at the right hand of God;” and he defers his “ gain”’ to no remote period, which supposes the resurrection to be passed, but contemplates the being with Christ as the sure and immediate result of that departure which he desired. Though his body should have fallen into the tomb, he speaks of himself’ as being with Christ, himself though unembodied—assured of his identity, and preserving his conscious personality, and so being with Christ, as to derive from such fellowship enjoy- ments so pure and ample, that the thought of it impels him to ecstacy :— πολλῷ γὰρ μᾶλλον Kpetrcov—“ for it is much by far better.” The language is exuberant, the simple comparative being in- creased by another, μᾶλλον, and both intensified by πολλῷ. Mark vil. 36; Winer, ὃ 35,1. The authorities as to γάρ are divided. It has in its favour A, B, and C, but it is omitted in D, E, F,G,J, K. Some of them have πόσῳ for πολλῷ. Tischen- 1 Lechler, Das Apostolische und das nachapost. Zeitalter, Stuttgart, 1857 PHILIPPIANS I. 24. 63 dorf and Lachmann prefer γάρ, and perhaps rightly. ‘The preference of death over life was a personal matter. It was better for him; far better for him to be with Christ, than to be away from Christ; far better to enjoy Christ than to preach Christ; far better to praise Him than to suffer for Him; far | better to be in His presence in glory, than to be bound ina | prison for Him at Rome. The contrast in the apostle’s mind, | and as is evident from verse 21, is not between heaven and earth generally, or between a world of sin and trial and death, and a region of spiritual felicity and beauty, but specially between the service of Christ here, and fellowship with Him in glory. Even on the lowest view of the matter, his avowal indicates the superior knowledge which the Gospel had furnished to the world. How melancholy the last words of Socrates in the famed Apology—orrotepos δὲ ἡμῶν ἔρχονται ἐπὶ ἄμεινον πρῶγμα, ἄδηλον παντὶ πλὴν ἢ τῷ θεῷ. Plat. Op. ii., p. 866, Ed. Bek. Individually, the servant of Christ-would not for a moment hesitate in making his choice; as a saint, he could not have the slightest doubt; but as an apostle, he felt that if earth was to be the scene of further successes for Christ, he would yet consent to stay upon it, would, with all his long- ing to depart, and with all his predilection for being with Christ, still remain away from Him, for the benefit of the churches. For he adds— (Ver. 24.) To δὲ ἐπιμένειν ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ ἀναγκαιότερον δι᾽ ὑμᾶς--““ But to abide in the flesh is more necessary on account of you.” To remain in the flesh, or to continue in my present life—r# capxi—is placed in contrast to his departure. And he calls this survival “more necessary,” not more beneficial, as Loesner, Am Ende, and others change it. The phrase δι᾽ ὑμᾶς is— for your sakes, on your account”’—placing his readers in strong antithesis to himself and his own personal likings. The force of the comparative ἀνωγκαιότερον, has been variously resolyed. Meyer understands it—as if the remaining were more needful than the departure; Van Hengel—that it is too necessary to allow of his longing being realized. Nor is there any need of saying with Alford, “that the comparison contains in itself a mixed construction between ἀναγκαῖον and αἱρετώ- τερον, or the like.” And it is refinement in Ellicott to suggest 64 PHILIPPIANS I. 25. a personal ἀναγκαῖον opposed to the comparative—departure a thing felt needful, but remaining a thing more needful. There is undue pressure in each of these forms of exegesis. The apostle says, departure is better, stay more necessary; the one better for himself, and the other more necessary for the churches. The form of thought is changed. The κρεῖσσον, already expressed in reference to himself, is not repeated in reference to his converts—better for me to decease, better for you that I stay; but the idea of “better” is deepened into “more necessary,” and is thus the more palpably bodied out, so as to give foundation to the avowal of the following verses. (Ver. 25.) Καὶ τοῦτο πεποιθὼς οἶδα ὅτι μενῶ καὶ παραμενῶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν---“ And being persuaded of this, I know that I shall remain and remain with you 81]. The τοῦτο is governed by πεποιθώς, not by οἶδα, and refers to the sentiment of the last clause—“ Being assured of this, that abiding in the flesh is more needful for you.” In expressing the idea of his stay, the apostle, in the fullness of his heart, uses two verbs, first μενῶ and then παραμενῶ. Tischendorf prefers the unusual compound συμπαραμενῶ, found in H, J, K, and some of the Greek fathers, whereas παραμενῶ has the primary authority of A, B, C, Dt, F, G. The second verb becomes personal in its reference, “I shall remain and remain with.” Not only should he survive, but survive in their company—the datives πᾶσιν ὑμῖν being governed by παρά in composition. Another compound of the same verb, ἐπιμένειν, had been already employed in ver. 24. The verb οἶδα retains its ordinary meaning, though the object known may be something with a future existence. And the effect of his remaining with them is next stated— els τὴν ὑμῶν προκοπὴν Kal χαρὰν THs mlaotews— for the advancement and joy of your faith.” The genitive πίστεως is not, as by van Hengel and Baumgarten-Crusius, to be sepa- rated from προκοπήν, and attached solely to χαράν, as if the meaning were ‘for your advancement, and for the joy of your faith ;” nor can this hypothesis be reversed, as by Beausobre— pour votre avancement dans la foi et pour votre joie, “ for your progress in faith and for your joy.”’ Nor yet is Macknight correct in rendering, “for the advancement of the joy of your faith.” Nor is the phrase a hendiadys, as Am Ende and Flatt PHILIPPIANS I. 26. 65 resolve it—that there may be a joyful increase of your faith. It refers equally to both nouns. Winer, § 19, 4; Middleton, p- 868. One end was—the advancement of their faith. It would be greatly increased by the apostle’s presence and teaching; might grow into deeper vigour, and widen in the circuit of its objects. And his stay would be also for the joy of their faith. The genitive is in both cases that of posses- sion. Their faith possessed a susceptibility of progress, and it would be excited and urged on; that faith, too, possessed or had in it an element of joy, which would be quickened and developed. There is no good reason for Ellicott’s view in relation to the two nouns, that the genitive has a difference of aspect, in the last case being that of origin. Joy does spring out of faith—the genitive of origin; but faith may be equally well regarded as possessed of the joy which it originates. Alford makes the genitive that of subject, but this in the case of the second noun appears awkward; their faith was to increase, that is, to be the subject of increase; and also to rejoice: but joy has more of a personal character. Progress and joy are therefore predicated as equally belonging to their faith, or as equally possessed by it. (Ver. 26.) “Iva τὸ καύχημα ὑμῶν περισσεύῃ ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ --- That your matter of boasting may abound in Jesus Christ inme.” The iva introduces a further purpose, and καύχημα is matter of boasting. Rom. iv. 2; 1 Cor. v. 6, ix. 15. We cannot, with Ellicott, regard this clause as merely a definite and concrete form of the previous abstract statement—“ for the furtherance and joy of your faith.” It contains a concrete representation, but it also describes an ulterior purpose. It supposes the increase of their joy and faith, and expresses what this should effect. And the matter of boasting is not vaguely their Christian state, or their posses- sion of the gospel, but the conscious result brought out in the last clause of the previous verse. That matter of boasting was to abound in Christ Jesus—He being the inner sphere of its abundance. The connection adopted by Rilliet is wrong, for he joins ἐν X.1. to καύχημα, as if the meaning were, that their boasting was occasioned—par leur union avec Christ. The phrase ἐν ἐμοί, on the other hand, marks the outer element or E 66 PHILIPPIANS I. 26. sphere of this matter of boasting. We cannot agree with Alford in giving ἐν two senses in these two clauses, as if it described the field of increase, on its first occurrence, and were to be rendered “ by means of,” on its second occurrence. We think that it bears the same signification in both instances— that in both it describes the sphere of abounding joy—first, higher and spiritual—in Christ; and secondly, lower and mediate—in the apostle. And in him for the following reason— 7 διὰ τῆς ἐμῆς παρουσίας πάλιν πρὸς bwas— “on account of my coming again to you.” While ἐν has marked one relation of this abounding joy to the apostle, διά points out another of a public or instrumental nature. In the occurrence of mapovola—r pos, the primary force of the preposition is not lost. The return of the released prisoner to Philippi would be of incalculable benefit. It would furnish occasion for deeper and more extended lessons on Christianity, so as that their faith might make progress, and its joy might be resuscitated, and this possession of a faith conscious of progress and buoyant with gladness, would furnish matter of abundant boasting in Christ Jesus, through the apostle’s visit. In the previous paragraph, the apostle makes no allusion to the Second Advent. Some, indeed, have held that originally he imagined that he was to survive till that period, but that afterwards he gradually and completely changed his mind; his belief being once, that Christ was coming to take him, but ultimately, that he must depart, in order to be with Christ. Now, it will not do to apply the dictum of Professor Jowett, that “Providence does not teach men what they can teach themselves,” 1 for in Paul’s case, he received the gospel “ by the revelation of Jesus Christ,” and surely a doctrine so impor- tant must have been among the lessons supernaturally com- municated, for it formed an essential portion of the truth. Nor will it suffice to say with Alford,? that as Jesus did not know the day himself, higher knowledge cannot be expected of his servant. Mark. xiii. 32. Granting that this interpretation of Christ’s words is correct, yet surely the same ignorance could not be predicated of the exalted Saviour, whose Spirit dwelt in 1 On 1 Thessalonians, p. 96. 2 On 1 Thessalonians v. 13. PHILIPPIANS I. 26. 67 the apostle, for the delegation of all power to Him must insure the possession of all knowledge. Besides, to say that the apostle did not know the period, is not a sufficient argument, for he does not admit his ignorance; nay, on the contrary, as these scholars hold, he taught that the Second Coming was an imminent event. He who says, in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians—“ then,” that is, after the dead in Christ are raised, “we which are alive and remain shall be caught up,” if he meant to affirm that he and those to whom he wrote would survive till the Lord’s descent, must have very soon altered his belief, for in a letter written to the same church shortly after- wards, he bids them, on no account, and under no teaching, whatever its pretensions, to entertain the notion that the day of Christ was at hand. Then he sketches a portentous form of spiritual tyranny and impiety, which must be developed and destroyed prior to the Second Coming, and yet, in the very same document, he prays God to direct the hearts of his readers “into patient waiting for Christ.’ Could the apostle, after what he had written, still believe that Christ was coming in his own day, or did he suppose that himself was to witness the growth, maturity, and overthrow of the Man of Sin? In the Epistle to the Romans also, he describes the inbringing of the Jewish race, but at that time, this inbringing could be regarded as no event very soon to happen, for they were enemies so malignant, that he prays and asks the Roman Christians to pray with him, that he “‘may be delivered from them.” We cannot, therefore, believe, with such indications of his earliestsentiments before us, that the apostle, after waiting in vain for his Lord’s coming, changed or modified his view. Nor in the discourses recorded in the Acts do we find any tokens of such fluctuation. In his address at Athens, he refers to a day in which God will “judge the world by that man whom he hath ordained,” and as the resurrection precedes the judgment, that Man Himself calls this period of His wondrous power “ the last day.” John vi. 89, 40. Nor can we for a moment admit to Jowett, that Jesus himself shifts his ground in his various answers to ques- tions as to the time of His coming, for the different replies indicate that the “‘coming”’ was by the questioners differently understood. Could the same Speaker understand his “coming”’ 68 PHILIPPIANS I. 26. in the very same sense, when he speaks of Jerusalem com- passed with armies, as one token of it, and yet affirms that the gospel must be preached to all nations before the “end” shall come? Can the words—“I will come again and receive you unto myself”—have the same fulfilment as these other words—“ When the Son of man shall come in his glory, and. all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory, and before him shall be gathered all nations ?” The declaration—“ 1 have a desire to depart”—is by no means at variance with that other avowal—“ not for that we would be unclothed.” 2 Cor. v. 4. In the chapter where this last statement occurs, the apostle still says—“ Willing rather to be absent from the body, and present with the Lord ”—verse 8. The reluctance to be unclothed is natural, the spirit does not will to be unfleshed, but it submits to the intermediate process of divestment, nae as a step toward ultimate and spiritual nye MME “Foard being finally “clothed upon.” Or, the meaning may be—we would prefer to be at once “ clothed upon,” without dying at all, that our mortal part may be “swallowed up,” absorbed and assimilated by life, as in the translation of Enoch and Elijah, and in the sudden transmu- tation which shall pass over living believers when the Saviour comes. But in this paragraph of Second Corinthians, there is no allusion to such coming, as forming any part of the argu- ment; the course of illustration being suggested and condi- tioned by the initial statement, as to the dissolution of the earthly tabernacle. The apostle has expressed himself very confidently as to his survival, liberation, and proposed visit to the Philippian church. He could scarcely have made a stronger asseveration —‘ Having this confidence, I know that I shall abide and con- tinue with you all; that your rejoicing may be more abundant ; by my coming to you again.” Was the apostle’s confidence warranted? Or was his anticipation verified? According to the chronology adopted by some, only a brief period elapsed between the writing of this letter and the decapitation of the apostle, the epistle being written in 62 or 63 A.D., and the martyrdom taking place in 64, Others affirm that the apostle PHILIPPIANS I. 26. 69 was released as he expected, and that he made another and a last missionary tour into Asia Minor, passing over to Mace- _donia, and being “ filled with the company” of the church at Philippi. The question of a second imprisonment at Rome has been long and keenly agitated, but this is not the place to enter into any analysis of the conflicting evidence derived either from traditionary hints, or certain exegetical inferences in the pastoral epistles. Suffice it to say, that difficulties are great on either hypothesis, and that such men as Baronius, Tillemont, Usher, Pearson, Mosheim, Hug, Gieseler, Nean- der, Olshausen, and Alford are on one side; while Petavius, Lardner, Hemsen, De Wette, Winer, Wieseler, Davidson, Schaff, and Meyer, are on the other, holding that there was only one imprisonment. The apostle’s assertion in the pre- ceding paragraph is firm and decided; but we dare not argue upon it, becanse it comes into direct collision with an assertion as firm and decided, in Acts xx. 25—“ And now I know that ye all among whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God, shall see my face no more.” If the apostle were im- prisoned but once, the declaration written to the Philippians is not in accordance with fact; and if he were released, and allowed again to travel, then the previous declaration spoken to the Ephesian elders at Miletus, was not in accordance with fact. So that in the discussion, no stress can be laid on the apostle’s own language—the οἶδα of Phil. i. 25, which would favour a release and a second imprisonment, being balanced by the οἶδα of Acts xx. 25, which would as certainly discoun- tenance it. The announcement of verse 25 sprang from deep longing and affection, and is rather the outburst of emotion than the utterance of prophetic insight. Tor by the time the apostle comes to the middle of the second chapter, the impulse of the moment had passed away, his confidence had drooped, the shadow had fallen upon him, and he writes under a different forecasting—“ Yea, and if I be offered upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy and rejoice with youall. I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly.” Still different is his sentiment when he thus addresses Philemon—“ Withal prepare me also a lodging, for I trust that through your prayers 1 shall be given unto you.” 70 PHILIPPIANS I. 26. Amidst these alternations, perhaps this last saying expresses the real or prevailing state of the apostle’s mimd—his hope that the prayers of the church might be heard for him, and that God, in gracious answer to them, might prolong his life and his usefulness. It seems, therefore, to be taught us, that the apostle had no revelations ordinarily as to his own personal future; and that, though he possessed the Holy Spirit when he expounded the gospel, and therefore expounded it without error or the possibility of it, he was unable to divine what was to befall himself in time to come, save in so far as it was formally communicated to him. Such revelations were not essential to the discharge of his duty, and were no portion of that truth which he was inspired to make known. Nay more, as if to show us that himself recognized such a distinction as we have been making, he says— And now, behold I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there ;” but he adds, that this ignorance was dissi- pated, though only in a general way—“ save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city, saying that bonds and afflictions abide me.” Acts xx. 22, 23. Inspiration for official labour was necessarily bestowed, and did not descend to the minor sphere of personal contingencies. It did not keep Paul from errors of opinion as to the course of his travels—‘‘ We were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word in Asia” — “They assayed to go into Bithynia, but the Spirit suffered them not.”’ Acts xvi. 6, 7. Nor did it preserve in him a per- fect recollection of the past, for he could not tell at the moment how many persons he had baptized at Corinth. 1 Cor. 1. 16. We have thus endeavoured to meet the difficulty suggested by the text, and such a solution is surely better than with many to dilute the plain meaning of οἶδα into probabiliter sperare, or to adopt the adventurous paraphrase of Peile—“ Of this I feel quite sure, that in the event of my continuing in the flesh, it will be for your furtherance and joy in the faith.” The apostle now passes from these more personal matters. As the hope of revisiting his Philippian converts, and gladden- ing them with his presence, rose up before him, he naturally, as if in anticipation of this result, and in preparation for it, asks them to live and act in the meantime in harmony with their PHILIPPIANS I. 27. 71 profession, especially to cherish a true unity in defence of the gospel, and to exhibit a fearless courage in front of their antagonists. For their self-possession would be a token of perdition to such adversaries, but to themselves one of salva- tion. And this divine augury they were to accept and trust in, inasmuch as it was given them to suffer for Christ, as well as to believe in Him; faith being the means of salvation, and suffering its index. Then, and to inspirit them under such tribulation, the apostle likens their conflict to his own—such as they had seen it at Philippi, and now heard of it as still raging at Rome. ‘The idea of unity recurs to his mind while he speaks of the conflict, for unity was indispensable to success, and he reverts to it in the beginning of next chapter. The joy which he anticipated on his visit depended on their cultivation of it, and it was essential also to that “ fellowship for the gospel” by which they had been so eminently charac- terized, and for which he gave unceasing thanks to God. (Ver. 27.) Μόνον ἀξίως τοῦ εὐωγγελίου τοῦ Χριστοῦ πολι- tever e— Only let your conversation be worthy of the gospel of Christ.” The adverb μόνον gives oneness to the advice, places it by itself, as if in solitary prominence—“ my impres- sions being as I have described them, this one or sole thing would I enjoin upon you in the meanwhile.” In Gal. ii. 10, v. 13, the adverb is used with similar specialty. Here it is placed emphatically before the verb, as in Mat. vii. 8, ix. 21, xiv. 36. Gersdorf, Beitrdge, &c., p. 488. The verb πολυτεύεσθε occurs only here in the epistles, but is used by the apostle of himself. Acts xxiii. 1. It denotes to be a citizen in a state, or to live as such a citizen, and then generally to live, to conduct oneself. Passow, sub voce. In Thucydides vi. 92, Alcibiades says, in self-vindication, “I kept my patriotism only while I enjoyed my civil rights ᾽᾿---ἐπολιτεύθην ; but the verb came at length to be used quite vaguely. Here, how- ever, it defines life in its public aspect, and is often so employed. Thus, in 2 Mace. vi. 1, and xi. 25, it occurs with νόμοις in the first instance, and ἔθη in the second, denoting that according to which life is or should be regulated. It is found often in Josephus, and is a favourite term with the Church Fathers. See Wetstein, Suicer, Krebs, and Loesner for examples. The 72 PHILIPPIANS I. 27. apostle, in similar exhortations, uses περυπατεῖν, as in Eph. iv. 1; Col. i. 10; 1 Thess. ii. 12. In each of these cases, as here, that verb is construed with ἀξίως, followed respectively by τῆς κλήσεως ; τοῦ κυρίου, and Tod θεοῦ. For a somewhat similar purpose the apostle employs ἀναστρέφεσθαι. 1 Tim. iii. 15; Heb. xiii. 18; Eph. i. 3. A πολίτευμα is implied, and all who form it, or are its citizens, are to demean themselves in harmony with the gospel. Jor the nature of the Christian πολίτευμα, Which may have suggested this πολιτεύεσθε, see under iii. 20. The apostle, in his choice of this peculiar verb in preference to his more favourite one, looks at them as members of a community, bound closely by reciprocal connections, and under obligations to various correspondent duties, and there- fore “ the gospel of Christ” should be the norm or standard by which they ought to be guided. The genitive τοῦ X. is that of origin—the gospel which Jesus has communicated. Winer, however, prefers to take it as the genitive of object, § 30, 1. But the phrase quoted by him and Ellicott does not sustain their view—“ the gospel of God concerning his Son.’’ The genitive θεοῦ is there that of origin, and the object is introduced by περί. Why should εὐαγγελίον X. differ from εὐαγγελίον Θεοῦ ὃ The meaning then is—this sole request do I make, live as the gospel prescribes ; and as the genitive τοῦ X., and the last ὦ clause of the verse would seem to suggest, let your church-life be in harmony with its spirit and precepts—that rectitude, courage, and love, which Christ illustrated in His teaching, and exemplified in His life. And one purpose of the injunc- tion was— ἵνα εἴτε ἐλθὼν καὶ ἰδὼν ὑμᾶς εἴτε ἀπὼν ἀκούσω τὰ περὶ juav— in order that, whether having come and seen you, or whether being absent, I may hear of your affairs.” The con- struction is idiomatic; the verb ἀκούσω belongs properly and formally to εἴτε dm@v— or whether being absent, I may hear ;”’ but it belongs really also to the first clause—eire ἐλθών, and stands in antithesis to ἰδών. The construction is, therefore, not full or perfect, and various supplements have been proposed. Meyer suggests that the course of thought is —that “whether having come and seen you, I may hear from your own mouths how your affairs are, or else being absent, 1 PHILIPPIANS I. 27. 19 may hear of them from others.” But the contrast is too specially marked to be thus eked out; for the idea of being present with them and seeing them, carries in it the thought that all information would be at once obtained. Others supply a verb—‘ in order that, whether having seen you, or whether being absent I hear of your affairs, J may know that ye stand fast.” De Wette and Alford espouse this view. Van Hengel repeats the verb—“ in order that, whether having come and seen you, or whether being absent, I hear of your affairs, 1 may hear that ye stand fast.” Rilliet supposes a zeugma— the verb ἀκούσω referring specially to ἀπών, and generally, but less correctly, expressing the result of ἰδών. The verse is informal from its hurried thought—the ἀκούσω being emphatic, and the sense of the first clause remaining incomplete. The supposition of his absence is last expressed, and that dwelling on his mind moulds or appropriates the construction ; the verb that would have been used on the hypothesis of seeing them is dropped, and that which implies his absence is alone expressed. The construction is easily understood, and it needs not a formal supplement. As a question of psychology, it is interesting to note, that the apostle’s mind, though under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, moved with perfect ease and freedom, and fell into those colloquial idioms and loose dis- turbed constructions, which so naturally happen when a warm- hearted man is rapidly and confidentially throwing his thoughts into a letter. By the phrase ra περὶ ὑμῶν is meant generally “your affairs or condition” —not absolutely, as Rheinwald and Matthies suppose, for the general phrase τὰ περὶ ὑμῶν is explained and specialized by the clause ὅτε στήκετε. Hoele- mann’s resolution of the idiom as an anakolouthon, is very clumsy, supposing that ὅτι may be omitted, and στήκετε (στηκήτε) connected with fa; or supposing that the article may be dropt before περὶ ὑμῶν, as in the versions of the Vul- gate and Syriac. The precise element of their condition, which the apostle wished to hear about, is next told— ὅτι στήκετε ἐν ἑνὶ TvevpaTi— that ye are standing in one spirit.” For the attraction involved in the construction of ἀκούσω with ὅτι, see Winer, § 66,5. The verb στήκω formed from ἕστηκα, and wholly unknown to classic usage, is often 74 PHILIPPIANS I. 27. used of Christian condition—iv. 1; 1 Thess. 11. 8—and often expresses the adjoined idea of permanence or that of resolve and promptitude to maintain what is already possessed or enjoyed. 1 Cor. xvi. 13; Gal. v. 1; 2 Thess. ii. 15. The image here is that of spiritual conflict, to which unity of action on their part was indispensable. The πνεῦμα is not the Holy Spirit, as is maintained by Erasmus, Beza, Matthies, and van Hengel. For the following phrase μιᾷ ψυχῇ, shows that the apostle describes the Christian spirit. He hoped to hear that they stood in one spirit—pervaded with one genuine spiritual emotion—and not arrayed into separate parties with divided sentiments. And he further explains what this unity should engage in— μιᾷ ψυχῇ συναθλοῦντες TH πίστει τοῦ evayyehiou— with one soul striving together for the faith of the gospel.” It is wrong on the part of Chrysostom and others to join μιᾷ ψυχῇ to στήκετε. Some of the ancient versions, such as the Syriac and Vulgate, follow the same syntax. The participle συναθ- λοῦντες, while it points to antagonism, also implies co-opera- tion among themselves. The σὺν refers to themselves, and not to any co-operation with the apostle, as Luther, Beza, Bengel, van Hengel, and Meyer suppose. ‘The reference in ver. 30, to the apostle’s own conflict, is to something which they had seen in the past, and could imagine in the present— something to which their conflict was similar, but yet separate in reality. The object for which, or on behalf of which they were to contend, is the faith of the gospel, πίστει being the dativus commodi, or as Theodoret gives it, ὑπὲρ ἀληθείας. Jude 3, This is better than with Calvin, Beza, and Rhein- wald, to understand πίστει as the dative of instrument—the weapon with which the conflict is to be maintained. The view of Erasmus, adopted by Mynster, is still worse, for it personifies faith, and paraphrases thus—adjuvantes decertantem adversus imptos evangelii fidem. By πίστει εὐαγγελίου, 15 not meantGod’s calling of the Gentiles without subjecting them to the cere- monial law, as Pierce supposes, for Judaizing opponents are not in question. Nor can πίστις signify objectively the system of truth contained in the gospel—a sense which it never undis- putedly has in the New Testament, though such a usage is PHILIPPIANS I. 28. 10 very frequent among Christian writers of later times. In the passages adduced by Robinson as bearing this sense, there will be found the distinctive idea of belief—not truth in the aspect of something presented for belief, but of something forming the matter of belief. The apostle uses both πνεῦμα and ψυχή, and therefore recognized a distinction between them. In their separate use they are apparently interchangeable; for though they really represent different portions or aspects of our inner nature, it may be loosely designated by either of them. But the adjectives πνευματικός and ψυχικός are con- trasted in reference to the body—1 Cor. xv. 44; and there is a similar contrast of character in Jude 19. Tvedati is the higher principle of our spiritual nature, that which betokens its divine origin, and which adapts it to receive the Holy Spirit, and in which He works and dwells. Ψυχή, on the other hand, is the lower principle—the seat of instinct, emo- tions, and other powers connected with the animal life. It is allied to καρδία, but πνεῦμα to νοῦς. ΤΙνεῦμα is the term applied generally to Christ in the gospels; but in the account of the agony ψυχή occurs—yuvy7} and σῶμα make up living humanity. Olshausen’s Opuscula, p. 145; Usteri, Paulin. Leirbeg. p. 404, The Philippians were to stand in one spirit, united in their inmost conviction, and they were to strive with one soul—those convictions not allowed to be latent, but stirring up volition, sympathy, and earnest co-operation. Such concord was essential to success, and on their possession of it the apostle’s joy on his proposed visit to Philippi greatly depended. Chap. ii. 2. Wiesinger says, ‘“ even the caricature of true unity of mind and soul, a self-formed esprit du corps, what a power it has! What ought our church to be, what might it be, were it but to attest this uniting power of the divine Spirit?” If there be oneness of conviction and belief, should there not be “one spirit?” and if there be oneness of feeling, interest, and purpose, should there not be “one soul ?” and as concert is indispensable to victory, should there not be mutual co-operation—“ striving together?” But not only are unity and mutual support necessary to this conflict on behalf of the faith—there must also be a calm and stedfast courage. (Ver. 28.) Kat μὴ πτυρόμενοι ἐν μηδενὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀντικειμένων 76 PIHILIPPIANS I. 28. —“ And in nothing terrified by the adversaries.”’ Luke xiii. 17, xxi. 15; 1 Cor. xvi.9. The participle πτυρόμενοι, a word originally applied to ascared animal," is parallel to the previous συναθλοῦντες. They were to feel a panic in no respect, or in nothing were they to manifest trepidation or alarm. As those ‘adversaries’? were known to themselves, the apostle does not specify them, and whatever their number, stratagem, or ferocity, the Philippian athletes were not to waver for a moment, far less to retreat. Their enemies were either the malignant Jewish or Pagan population which surrounded them, and made them “suffer,” and before whose machinations some might be tempted to a compromise,-or even to a relapse. The awful explanation is subjoined— ἥτις ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ἔνδειξις ἀπωλείας, ὑμῶν δὲ σωτηρίας--- “which is to them a token of perdition, but to you of your salvation.” The reading is disputed. The words ἥτις ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς have weighty authority. Some MSS., such as A, B, C?, have ὑμῶν, but some, not of equal value, have ὑμῖν, and others ἡμῖν. Meyer, Lachmann, and Alford prefer ὑμῶν, as if ὑμῖν had been corrected and adapted to αὐτοῖς. The relative ἥτις is feminine by attraction with ἔνδειξις, and has for its antecedent the preceding clause. Winer, ὃ 24,3; Kiihner, § 786, 3. The peculiar form of this pronoun is also explicative, or expresses an opinion. Eph. ii. 15. “ And in nothing intimidated by your adversaries : inasmuch as this non-alarm on your part is a token to them of perdition, but to you of salvation.” The noun ἔνδειξις is “evidence” marked and manifest. Rom. 11. 25; 2 Cor. viii. 24. The Vetus Itala renders it by ostensio, and the Vulgate by causa, a rendering which Erasmus and a-Lapide attempted to shield, and which, though Beelen does not receive it, seems to have suggested to him the following strange statement— Obiter nota, perspicue hic doceri dogma de merito bonorum ope- rum. ᾿Απώλεια, in contrast with σωτηρία, is spiritual ruin, and αὐτοῖς is governed by ἔνδειξις. The courage of the suf- ferer is proof to the persecutor of his sin, whether he will take it or not, and is also a witness to himself of his final bliss and safety. Very strange is the turn which Pierce gives to the 1 It is applied to scared horses—Diodorus Sie. ii. 19; and it may be followed either by the dative or the accusative. PHILIPPIANS I. 29. te clause—“ which conduct of yours they will esteem a certain evidence of your destruction.” This is against the plain meaning. Pierce wrongly supposes the adversaries to be Judaizers, and with such men, it is no new thing to make those things conditions of salvation which God has not, and “then unmercifully to damn those who do not submit to them.” The token to the adversary of his perdition must be, that in the unshaken stedfastness of the Christian sufferer, he may infer the truth of the belief which sustains him so to do and dare, and learn what must be his own doom, if he continue to oppose it, and persecute its adherents. On the other hand, were the adversary to terrify the convert, or induce him to hesitate or recant, then such cowardice and vacillation would naturally lead him to despise a religion which could be so easily renounced, or was valued less than life, and he would be confirmed in his blindness and cruelty :— καὶ τοῦτο ἀπὸ Θεοῦ---““ and this from God.” The reference in τοῦτο is to the sentiment of the whole verse, and not as Matthies and Hoelemann hold, to the perdition and salvation; nor simply to the salvation, as Calvin, Piscator, and Flatt argue ; nor yet, as Wolf and Alford take it, merely to ἔνδειξις. Neither can τοῦτο refer to the following verse, as Clement of Alexandria’ and Theodoret understand it, followed by Am Ende and Rilliet. In Eph. 11. 8, 1 Cor. vi. 6, the reference in a similar τοῦτο is to a previous sentiment, and in the verse before us the construction, on any other hypothesis, would be awkward and tautological. It is not the token itself which is from God, but the token with what it points to, and what gives it significancy. The courageous constancy of the sufferer, is a sign to the adversary of his perdition, and to its own possessor of salvation, and the whole is of God. Not simply salvation, but the token of salvation ; not simply perdition, but the token of it—this unique and singular phenomenon is of God. Rom. vil. 17; 2 Tim. 11. 12; 2 Thess. i. 5. The apostle, in the next place, proves and illustrates the statement. (Ver. 29.) Ὅτι ὑμῖν ἐχαρίσθη τὸ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ οὐ μόνον τὸ εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πάσχειν---““ For to you was it granted, on behalf of Christ not only to believe 1 Strom. iv. p. 510; Opera Colonia, 1688. 78 PHILIPPIANS 1. 29. on Him, but also on behalf of Him to suffer.” The pronoun ὑμῖν has an emphatic prominence. The aorist is used, as the apostle refers indefinitely to an early period of their past Christian history ; but that the suffering continued, also, to the moment of his writing, is evident from the following ἔχοντες. As Wiesinger remarks, Meyer wrongly confines ὅτι to the con- firmation of the clause καὶ τοῦτο ἀπὸ Θεοῦ. We understand the reference to be broader, to cover, in fact, the statement of the entire preceding verse. It is not simply—the token to you is of God, for on you he has conferred the double grace of faith and suffering; but it is—you have a token of salvation which others have not; for, while others have faith, you have more. You are called to suffer, and your courage in suffering is an augury of salvation. Had you not been privileged to suffer as well as to believe, this peculiar token had not been enjoyed. Or, why have you this token of salvation in your own Christian fortitude? Because God has given you to suffer, as well as to believe. Faith in Christ is the means of salvation; but suffering is the evident token of salvation. ‘The one secures it, the other foreshows it. The martyr is not saved, indeed, because he suffers; but his undaunted suffering betokens a present Saviour and a near salvation. The construction of the next clause is reduplicated. After saying τὸ ὑπὲρ X., the apostle seems to have intended to add πάσχειν ; but he interjects a new thought—ov uovov—for the sake of an illustrative emphasis, and then resumes by repeating ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ. ‘There is no occasion to suppose a pleonasm. The construction indicates a natural and full-minded writer, who sometimes interrupts the regular flow of his thoughts by the sudden insertion of a modifying or explanatory clause, and then at once resumes, by a formal or a virtual repetition of the connecting words. Rom. 11. 25, 26; Eph. i. 13. The English version is, therefore, wrong in taking τὸ ὑπὲρ X. absolutely—‘ to you it is given in the behalf of Christ.” It is a weak dilution of the phrase ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ, to render it “in Christ’s cause,” as is done by Matthies and Rilliet, after Beza and Zanchius. The suffering has a reference as personal as the faith—ets αὐτόν---ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ. The apostle felt that Christ’s cause and Himself were one; nay more, so personal was the PHILIPPIANS I. 29. 19 ~ love of the early Christians, so much did the Redeemer Him- self stand out in close relation to themselves, that the mere abstract idea of his cause never occurred to them. It was Himself on whom they believed, and not the testimony given by the apostles concerning Him. It was Himself for whom they suffered, and not for their own convictions and belief about Him. It had been given them, not only to believe on Christ, but also to suffer for Him—a double gift; and though the apostle does not say which is the higher, yet certainly that which shows the path may be inferior only to that which has opened it. Matt. v. 11,12; Rom. v.3; 2 Cor. xii.10. Such suffering in believers, who, nevertheless, are in nothing terri- fied by their adversaries, is a divine gift, as well as faith, and indeed presupposes it; for no one can suffer for Christ till he has believed on Him. While then τὸ εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύειν is ὄργανον σωτηρίας, this τὸ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ πάσχειν becomes ἔνδειξις σωτηρίας. The older expositors strain the apostle’s language, when they employ it as a polemical weapon against different forms of Pelagianism: for he simply regards their con- dition generally and in both its features as a divine gift, or as the result of God’s kindness. While their own adherence to Christianity exposed them to suffering, and the malice of un- belief wantonly wreaked itself upon them, yet this suffering is viewed as of a higher origin. ‘The apostle is not teach- ing dogmatically that faith is of God’s inworking; but he is telling historically that faith and suffering had been theirs, and that the coexistence of the two being a privilege of divine bestowment, warranted them to regard their undaunted belief as a token of salvation. The reasons adduced by Chrysostom and his followers for the apostle’s sentiment cannot be all sustained. The object of the apostle is to encourage the Phi- lippian church, and not, as Chrysostom supposes, to warn it against pride, by ascribing its faith and its suffering alike to God. The Greek father dwells on the value of the gift, and uses this striking comparison—this divine gift is higher than raising the dead; “ for, in this case, I am only a debtor;” but, “in the other” (‘if I suffer for Christ”), “ I have Christ as a debtor to me.” The language is bold, indeed, and rhetorical, and not without an element of truth. But deductions like 80 PHILIPPIANS I. 80. these are rather far-fetched; nor do the apostle’s words war- rant them. His one object is to inspirit the Christians at Philippi, by showing that undauntedness in the midst of their tribulation would be an evidence of salvation granted by God; for the twofold gift of faith and suffering is from Him, the one as securing, and the other as foretokening sal- vation. The apostle now associates himself with his suffering brethren— (Ver. 80.) Tov αὐτὸν ἀγῶνα ἔχοντες οἷον εἴδετε ἐν ἐμοὶ καὶ νῦν ἀκούετε ἐν éuoti— As you have the same conflict which you saw in me, and now hear of in me.” The construction is changed to the nominative—tpets being directly before the writer’s mind—you the sufferers; the clause with ὑμῖν being so far subsiqdiary, but not making a formal parenthesis. Winer, § 63, 2; Kiihner,§ 677. The apostle describes their struggle by asserting its similarity to his own, as if to show them that such suffering might have been anticipated, and that it ought, by them as by him, to be borne in hope and patience. The form εἴδετε is the true reading, and is now generally adopted. The last phrase—év ἐμοί--ἰβ not as the Vulgate renders it—de me. It supposes the ideal presence of those to whom he wrote, and points out the scene of conflict. They had seen his conflict with enemies on his first visit to them—Acts xvi. 16, &.; 1 Thess. ii. 2—and they now heard in this epistle of his being engaged at Rome in a similar warfare. The apostle seems to allude to what he had been stating as to his condition at Rome, and to the personal antagonism which he encountered. Meyer refers us back to verse 7, overlooking what the apostle had just been writing about himself. It is both on the part of the Philippians and himself a conflict with personal enemies or non-believers—not precisely with teachers of false doctrine. The apostle, while some preached of envy and strife against him, was imprisoned, and these rival preachers thought to stir up affliction to his bonds, but failed, while his enemies and accusers strove, no doubt, to bring him to trial and death. There may have been a party from Palestine waiting to charge him before the emperor’s tribunal; and with them, and all whom they instigated to seek his life, he was in conflict. It is evident that he spoke PHILIPPIANS I. 30. 81 from experience when he tells the Philippians of the double grace of faith and suffermg—verses 7 and 29. The entire paragraph, though it do not take the form of admonition after the first clause of verse 27, is still to the same effect ; and the apostle, by so earnestly describing the condi- tion of which he wished to hear as belonging to them, virtually exhorts them to seek and maintain it. If he hoped to hear certain things about them, such as their struggle in concert for the faith of the gospel, and their unscared courage before their enemies, it is implied that they should possess those features of social state and character. And what is this when divested of these immediate peculiarities, but that ‘fellowship for the gospel,” on account of which he thanked God on his whole remembrance of them, and which had distinguished them “from the first day until now?” In the 5th verse, he mentions generally ‘fellowship for the gospel” as the prime distinction of the Philippian church; and in this last section he only throws it into bold relief, by describing the united struggle it necessitated, the opposition it encountered, and the calm intrepidity which it ought ever to maintain. CHAPTER II. Tae apostle’s mind has been carried away for a moment by a reference to the hostility which was frowning upon the Philip- pian church. But he immediately reverts to the admonition which he had started in verse 27. His theme is unity, the cultivation of the feelings which maintain it, and the repres- sion of that selfishness and pride which always retard and so often destroy it. He had joy in their spiritual welfare, but he would have fulness of joy in their harmony and love. Therefore he solemnly calls upon them by four distinct appeals, to fill up the measure of his gladness. ( His earnest- ness makes it evident that he apprehended the existence among them of a spirit of jealousy, selfishness, and faction. ) This suspicion haunted and grieved him, or at least it moderated that delight which he would otherwise have felt in them, and which he so ardently longed to possess. His happiness would be at its height, provided that the one soul and the one mind reigned in the church. What a motive to conciliation and peace lay in the thought that his joy was so far dependent on the absence of feuds and schisms among them. Could they be so unthinking as to grieve their apostle by any report of their differences? And they were to beware of strife and vain-glory as elements of disunion, and to cherish a spirit of humility and kind regard for one another’s welfare. For Christ is then held up as the great model of self-denying condescension— He whom as Master, they had engaged to obey ; and whom as Example, they were pledged to imitate. (Ver. 1.) Ei τις οὖν. The illative particle οὖν carries us back in thought to verse 27, and not to the clauses immediately before it. The “exhortation” and “comfort” are not spoken of, as Barnes supposes, in reference to the afflictions and persecutions just referred to. They had been exhorted to “stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together ;”’ and now they are PHILIPPIANS II. 1. 83 solemuly adjured to study unanimity of opinion and action. The simple verb ἐστί is to be supplied to the clauses. The structure of the appeal is peculiar. In using εἴ, the apostle does not doubt the existence of these graces or feelings either absolutely, or as existing among the Philippians; but he says, If these do exist among you, put them into action, or manifest them, so as to fill up my joy. The admonition amounts in fact to an adjuration. Hoogeveen, Doctr. Part. Ed. Schiitz, p. 151.1 By the existence of such graces among you—by the exhortation which is in Christ, by the comfort of love, by the fellowship of the Spirit, and by the attachments and sympathies of the gospel, I adjure you to fulfil my joy by being like-minded. ‘That is to say, the four clauses are really so many arguments why the Philippian church should perfect the apostle’s happiness by their constant and cordial oneness of judgment and pursuit. And these four clauses, beginning each with the same formula εἴ tvs, mark the intensity of the apostle’s desire ; the arguments so expressed possessing a dis- tinct individual power, and having also a united energy arising from their rapid accumulation. For the apostle writes, as Chrysostom describes his style—durapds, σφοδρῶς, μετὰ συμπαθείας πολλῆς. Ei τις οὖν παράκλησις ἐν XpiotrO—“ If there be any exhortation in Christ.” In the modal phrase ἐν Χριστῷ, the preposition ἐν means neither per nor propter, means neither “by” Christ, nor “on account of” Christ, as Storr and Heinrichs are disposed to render it. The words are taken by some to denote the sphere of this παράκλησις ; by others to point out its source. In the one case, the meaning is, “if in Christ there be any exhortation;” in the other, if ‘there be any consolation felt,” or “if ye have any consolation through union with Christ” —in communione Christi, as van Hengel dilutes it. We prefer the former, viewing παράκλησις as objective. Remote from the right exegesis is the idea of Erasmus and Am Ende, that ἐν X. is for τοῖς ἐν X.—“ among those who are Christians.” Our exegesis does not, as van Hengel affirms, require ἣ ἐν X. Winer, § 20, 2. The noun παράκλησις, and its verb, have two distinct 1 As in Iliad, i. 40; Aneid, iii. 448. 2 84 PHILIPPIANS II. i. meanings in the New Testament—that of exhortation, but different from διδάσκειν; and that of comfort or encouragement. Examples of both are so numerous that they need not be quoted. The meanings are allied in this way, that the exhor- tation is often intended to impart comfort, or results in it. Thus, Rom. xv. 4—8a τῆς παρακλήσεως τῶν γραφῶν, 15 not simply through the consolation contained in Scripture, but the body of consolatory truth which Scripture exhibits; or, again, Mat. ii. 18--Ῥαχὴλ--- οὐκ ἤθελε wapaxdnOjva.— Rachel would not be comforted,’ would not feel the effect of words of condolence and solace presented to her. See 1 Cor. 1. 10, and many other places. We do not thus take it here in its specifically Hellenistic sense of comfort, as is done by the Vulgate, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Calvin, Grotius, and Heinrichs, but rather in that of exhortation or hortatory power. 1 Cor. xiv. 3; 2 Cor. viii.4; 1 Thes. 1. 8, 11. Such is the view of Luther, Bos, De Wette, van Hengel, Rheinwald, and Meyer. Those who give the noun the meaning of com- fort, add the idea of affording comfort to the apostle. Thus Theodoret—e? twa ἐμοὶ παράκλησιν προσενεγκεῖν βούλεσθε--- “if ye wish to afford me any comfort.” Such also is the view of Calvin. The supposition of Peter Lombard is as baseless —viz., that the apostle means personal consolation found in the possession of spiritual blessing. But it is not warranted by the words, nor the strain of address; nor yet is the notion of Storr and others, who, giving a peculiar emphasis to τίς; render— if exhortation tendered in Christ’s name is of any value among you.” We therefore take παράκλησις as mean- ing that kind of exhortation which moves or induces, and which has its sphere of action in Christ. The nature of this hortative address is to be gathered from the context. It is not simply exhortation to good, derived from the pardon which Christ bestows, the Spirit which He sends down, the power which He communicates, or the fe example which He has bequeathed. But it is implied that it is exhortation to unity and concord—exhortation which has its element, and by consequence finds its power in Christ. The dhostls exhorts, but, in doing so, he leads them at the same time to a Higher than himself :— PHILIPPIANS II. 1. 85 el TL παραμύθιον ayarns— if any comfort of love.” Asin the former case, very many render this term vaguely by “‘com- fort ;” but Matthies, De Wette, van Hengel, and Hoelemann, assign it rather the sense of encouragement—blandum collo- guium. With the latter we are disposed to agree, for we think that this sense prevails uniformly in the New Testament. John xi. 19—Many of the Jews came to Martha and Mary— ἵνα παραμυθήσονται avtas— that they might speak kind words to them.’”’ So 1 Thess. 1.11, and 1 Thess. v. 14—where the phrase occurs—zrapapvOeia be τοὺς ddvyovyovs—“ encour- age the weak-minded.” The noun therefore means verbal encouragement, kind conversation, or that tender address which cheers or excites. The neuter form of the word only occurs * here, but another and earlier form? is found—1 Cor. xiv. 3— λαλεῖ οἰκοδομὴν Kai παράκλησιν καὶ TapayvOlav— uttereth edification, and exhortation, and comfort.’’ The following noun ἀγάπης is the genitive of source. The apostle does not mean his own love to them, as van Hengel and Bretschneider suppose ; nor yet does he specially allude, as Heinrichs, Schrader, and Storr imagine, to consolation or love specially on the part of the Philippians towards himself. The expression is general. If there exist the *‘ comfort of love,” and that it does exist the apostle does not doubt, then he calls upon them to fulfil his joy. For if such παραμύθιον springs from love, should it not exercise itself in disarming prejudice, in hushing strife, in smoothing asperities, in removing misunderstandings, in preventing aberrations, and generally, by “its still small voice,” knitting together the members of the church, and charm- ing away those evils which so seriously endanger its peace ? The apostle thus appeals to another basis of harmony—loye, and its winning tongue :— εἴ τις κοινωνία Tvevpatos—“if any fellowship of the Spirit,” the genitive being that of object, as in 1 Cor. 1.9. That this striking expression denotes only community of feeling among themselves, or between them and the apostle, is the view of many expositors, though some of them, as De Wette, Usteri,? 1 As to the comparative age, &c., of nouns ins» and ιον, see Lobeck, ad Phryn, p. 517. 2 Paulin. Lehrgeb. p. 295. 86 PHILIPPIANS II. 1. Rilliet, van Hengel, and Wiesinger, speak of such common feeling as produced by the Holy Ghost. We feel that such a meaning does not come up to the Pauline phrase, and that it is to the Holy Spirit that the apostle refers. For instances of πνεῦμα, &c., with and without the article, see under Eph. i. 17. Wiesinger admits, that in the apostolic benediction, 2 Cor. xiii. 13, the phrase may have such a signification; but, indeed, what other could it have there? Nay, he adds, “ How remote would the connection be, between the existence of such a fellowship with the Spirit of God, and the exhorta- tion which follows—‘fulfil ye my joy.’”” This appears to us to be atotal and unaccountable misapprehension. [or the fellow- ship of the Divine Spirit is the very basis of that like-minded- ness, the existence and development of which the apostle covets among them. ‘That correct apprehension of the same truths which leads to like-mindedness, the felt reception of common blessings which creates one-heartedness, position in the church as an organic unity which guards against schism—all is effected by the Spirit of God, of whom they partake. If there be the joint participation of the Spirit, as indeed there is, then it becomes a mighty inducement and power in securing the concord which would fulfil the apostle’s joy, and give them the elements of character which he imme- diately depicts. For, then, participation of the Spirit would produce similarity of tastes, pursuits, and predilections; nay, this κοινωνία πνεύματος was the real basis of that κοινωνία ets τὸ εὐαγγέλιον to which he had already adverted :— εἴ τις σπλάγχνα Kal oixkTipwoi—* if any bowels and mercies.” The singular form—tis—has the preponderant authority of A, B,C, Ὁ, E, F, G, J; and of the Greek fathers, Chrysostom, (Ecumenius, and Theophylact, and has therefore been received by Griesbach, Scholz, and Lachmann. But Winer rejects it, ὃ 59, 4, 6, &e. Tischendorf also, in spite of all this evidence, has twa in his text, and he is followed by Alford and Ellicott. Meyer says that τινὰ is necessary; De Wette, that τις is grammatically impossible. These critics look upon τὰς as a copyist’s blunder ; but how could such an ungrammatical blunder be so widely circulated? ‘There was some temptation to change τίς into τίνα, but none to write Tes, which would have PHILIPPIANS II. 1. 87 the appearance of a grievous solecism. It is needless to imagine, with van Hengel, that the apostle wrote εἴ σπλάγχνα, and that the pronoun from a pedantic desire of uniformity was inserted by some transcriber. Nor will it do, as some propose, to supply ἔχει for οἰκτιρμοί, for that would be a yet greater difficulty. We are disposed to think that the anomaly is only formal. The two nouns σπλάγχνα and οἰκτιρμοί are techni- cally plural, though singular in meaning, and haying only the plural form in the New Testament, came, like similar words, to be treated as singulars in sense. Both as representing one Hebrew plural contain only one idea, so that the last of them is sometimes put in the genitive—“ bowels of mercy.” Stand- ing out to the apostle’s mind as one generic idea, he prefixed the singular tis, just as we say in common English—“ if there is any news.” In the same way the phrase—“ bowels of mercy ’’—is taken as one Christian characteristic. The sub- stantive σπλάγχνα represents the Hebrew onm, and denotes the thoracic viscera, or as we say—“‘heart.” Οἰκτιρμοίτορτο- sents the same Hebrew term without a figure. See under Col. i. 12; Tittmann, Synon. i. p. 69; Fritzsche, ad Rom. i. 315. The bearing of this on the unity of the church is very apparent—that union which is described in the follow- ing verse by various connected epithets. For where tender feeling, as expressed by σπλάγχνα, does not exist, such union is impossible. Universal callousness would be universal antipathy. And then, as offences must come—and do often come—as one member may hurt his neighbour by love of pre-eminence, stiff adherence to his own opinion, or depreciation of such as differ from him, there is need for the exercise of these “mercies” in forgiving a brother’s trespass up to “seventy times seven.’ By the existence of such kind and compassion- ating temper, the apostle pleads that they should fulfil his joy. The relation of these four clauses has been variously under- stood. Calovius takes the “love” of the second clause as the love of God, and imagines, that in the three clauses, there is a reference to the Trinity, Son, Father, and Spirit. This dogmatic notion does not harmonize with the tenor of the context. Meyer again takes the first and third as objective, 88 PHILIPPIANS II. 2. and the second and fourth as subjective. ‘This is true so far, and he supposes all the four things described as existing on the part of the readers of the epistle, as if it were said, “ If there be among you exhortation in Christ,” ἄς. But we rather regard each as absolute, and this is the strongest way of putting the case. The apostle does not say “among you,” but speaks in general terms. It is implied, indeed, that such quali- fications or arguments for unity were among them; but the apostle specifies them in themselves, without asserting them to be embodied in the Philippian community. Wiesinger again takes the two first clauses as representing what proceeds from the apostle; and the third and fourth, what is to exist on the part of his readers. He supposes the παράκλησις and παρα- μύθιον to be tendered by the apostle, and the “ fellowship of the Spirit,” and “bowels and mercies” to exist among the Philippians. But his argument against Meyer may be turned against himself—‘‘ Why should not the apostle have expressed this, if such was his meaning?” ‘There being in short no indi- cation of any change of reference, all the four clauses must be similar. There seems to be no warrant for adding any formal reference, either to himself or his readers, to any of them. It is as if he had said, If there be such an impulsive power as exhortation in Christ; if there be such a preventive of strife as the kind speech of love; if there be such a basis of unity as the fellowship of the Spirit; if there be such a guard and balance as loving and compassionating temper,—then I adjure you by these to fulfil my joy by your visible and growing harmony. (Ver. 2.) Πληρώσατέ μου τὴν yapav— Fulfil ye my joy ;” that is, make my joy full or perfect. The pronoun is, as often, placed before its governing substantive. Winer, § 22, 7,1, Gersdorf, Beitr. 456. He rejoiced over them, and in their spiritual welfare ; but he enjoins them by all these considera- tions to give him perfect gladness in them. If a spirit of unity reigned among them, it would be the fulness of his joy :— ἵνα τὸ αὐτὸ φρονῆτε--- that you think the same thing.” The conjunction ἵνα indicates purpose. The object of his obtestation was, that they might possess unanimity, and that is represented to his own mind by fa. But in such a form of PHILIPPIANS II. 2. 89 expression, and after the imperative, that purpose assumes the aspect of result. He besought them, by all the arguments of the previous verse, to fulfil his joy, but that is only personal and incidental; for above and beyond it, and yet connected with it as its cause, the ultimate end he sought was their concord and union. It is clumsy in van Hengel to make ἵνα dependent on a ταύτην understood before χαράν. Bengel regards the clauses as four in number, and as correspond- ing in order to the four arguments of the previous verse. This is more ingenious than sound. Only three clauses are employed by the apostle to depict that condition of the church in which he should so heartily rejoice. Nor is there very material difference among them. The first clause is the more general, or it describes the result which the apostle proposed to himself in so solemnly counselling them—‘that ye think the same thought.” The last clause brings back the same idea strengthened—* with united soul thinking the one thing ;”’ while the intermediate clause may be taken to specify the means by which the double result is obtained—“ having the same love.” Hoelemann refers τὸ αὐτὸ to the sentiments of the previous verse, but this connection is unwarranted in itself, and by the ordinary use of τὸ αὐτὸ, as in Rom. xii. 16, xv. 5; 2 Cor. xii. 11; and in the same epistle, iv. 2; nor can it mean, tdem atque ego. Some, as Meyer and Wiesinger, look on the first clause as more fully defined by those which suc- ceed it. Beza takes the first as the theme, and the others as the expansion of it. Calvin divides the idea, giving one clause a reference to doctrine, and one to the exercise of mutual charity. Musculus, Crocius, Am Ende, and Matthies, hold a similar view. As we have indicated, we take the first phrase as denoting that result which thé apostle coveted, and held up to himself as his chief design in this earnest and tender injunction. This “thinking of the same thing” is not to be confined to any sphere of opinion, but to all that might occupy their minds, or to all that pertained to the church. Not in trade, politics, or the common concerns of life, indeed, but in all things on which, as members of the church, they might be expected to form a judgment, they were to think the same thing, or to come to a unanimous decision, And this would 90 PHILIPPIANS II. 2. not be a difficult achievement if they followed the next counsel :— τὴν αὐτὴν ἀγάπην éxovres— having the same love.” We regard this as the great or only source and accompaniment of unanimity, though Chrysostom takes it as synonymous with the preceding clause. Equal love would develop equal opinions. The head would be ruled by the heart. The effect of mutual affection in creating oneness of sentiment is of daily experience, Seeming diversities are cemented, like as lumps of various metals, cast into the crucible, come out in refined and perfect amalgamation. Offensive individualism disappears in brotherly love :— σύμψυχοι τὸ ἕν ppovodvTes— with union of soul minding the one thing.” The use of this compound adjective, which occurs only here in the New Testament, intensifies the clause, as the third expression of a somewhat sist sentiment, and, therefore, it 15 most natur ally taken along with the participle. It is ba. only—“that ye mind the same thing,” but—“fellow- souled,” or “in deep sympathy minding the one thing.” We want English terms for those expressive Greek compounds. Van Hengel looks on this epithet, σύμψυχοι; as pointing out the source of the “same love.” We regard it rather as a special result, as expressing that state of oa which this sameness of love βεοή ροῦν which, piling each to each, makes them to be like-souled—opolws καὶ φιλεῖν καὶ sfanilecblas (Chrysos.). This last clause brings up the sentiment of the first in a more earnest and distinct form. ΤῸ avoid a supposed tautology, Wells long ago proposed to give τὸ ἕν the sense of ‘the one thing needful; while Grotius, followed by Bishop Middleton, assigns it a reference to the following verse—minding this one thing, viz., doing nothing in a factious spirit. ‘The distine- tion made by Tittmann, and the reference suggested by him to the fourth verse, are both artificial (De Synon. p. 68). The apostle’s ordinary phrase is τὸ αὐτὸ, and this peculiar form occurs only here. It is probable that τὸ ἕν differed very little from τὸ αὐτὸ, or only as being the stronger expression. ‘This accumulation of clauses as the result of mental excitement and anxiety, imparts intensity to the counsel, without making any formal climax. His soul glowed as it dwelt on its PHILIPPIANS II. 3. 91 theme; and recurrent phrases, not frigid repetitions, are the natural expressions of its warmth. The same earnestness accounts for the connection of the verb with its own participle, ,Φρονῆτε--- φρονοῦντες ; ; Jelf. 8 τοῦ, 8; Lobeck, Paralip. p. 532. “The two idioms are sometimes ean in the same sentence as in Xenophon, Cyroped. p. 58; Ed. Hutch.; or in Polybius, i. 4 -πρὸς ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν σκοπόν ; or in Latin, tdemque et unum, Sueton. Nero, 4, ὃ ; wnum atque idem, Cicero, Cat. 4, 7. “Ev, without the article, would, as Green says (Greek Gram. p. 201), “signify numerical unity, as opposed to plurality, but the abstract implies uniformity, as contrasted with diversity.” The reference does not seem to be to any apprehended differences on matters of faith, but simply Lie differences as might arise in ecclesiastical relation- ship. Toward one another they were to feel, speak, and act in this spirit, so that inviolable unity should characterize them. . It is true that the apostle repeats virtually the same idea. Baal, says Chrysostom, ποσάκις τὸ αὐτὸ λέγει ἀπὸ διαθέσεως πολλῆς. Yet, as we have said, we think it is not mere repe- tition, the first clause with ἵνα describing the purpose or the coveted result ; the second pointing out in what spirit it is to be obtained ; the third expressing a closer intimacy which ends in inking the same thing, or being actually and visibly one-minded. ‘The apostle then warns them :— (Ver. 3.) Μηδὲν κατὰ ἐριθείαν μηδὲ κατὰ κενοδοξίαν --- “Minding nothing in the spirit of faction and vain-glory.” The reading is doubtful. Instead of μηδὲ, the Received Text has ἢ, which, however, has not the same amount of external authority as μηδὲ κατά. The apostle here rebukes the passions which are so fatal to union. The best supplement is φρονοῦντες---τιοῦ ποιοῦντες, as so many suppose; the former being more in unison with the train of thought. The common and modal sense of κατά glides sometimes into that of occasion and motive (Winer, ὃ 49, d) ; but here it retains its first signification. It tells how, or after what way, the action of the supplied participle is done. With the first of the nouns, ἐκ is used—i. 17—and presents a differ- ent aspect of relation. On the meaning of the first noun, see 92 PHILIPPIANS Ii. 3. under i. 17. In its connection with κενοδοξία, one peculiar aspect of its meaning is brought out, and that is, that it does not signify contention for the love δὲ it, fecha the waters to enjoy the confusion, but such contention as tends and is designed to secure pre-eminence. It is self-seeking—the rest- less battle to be first, no matter what opposition be encoun- tered, or whose feelings or interests may suffer. Κενοδοξία occurs only here in the New Testament. Wisdom, xiv. 14. This self-conceit is silly, indeed, but prejudicial to peace. Inordi- nate self-display absorbs brother-love. What I think is soundest, what I propose is best, my reasons are irrefragable, and my schemes cannot be impugned; to differ from me is evidence of want of judgment; and to oppose me must be ascribed to consummate folly, or unpardonable obstinacy. I must lead; why should not I? all must follow; and why should not they ? ἀλλὰ TH ταπεινοφροσύνῃ ἀλλήλους ἡγούμενοι ὑπερέχοντας ἑαυτῶν---““ but in humility regarding others as better than themselves.” The words τῇ ταπεινοφροσύνῃ are not to be joined to the participle, as dativus excellentiae, or as forming norma judicii, as if the meaning were, Let each regard the other on account of his humility, better than himself. Baumgarten- Crusius thus gives it, and then eulogizes it as etn sinnreicher Spruch. But the position of the words plainly joins them to the participle ἡγούμενοι, and they are a modal dative, not, however, exchangeable with κατά and an accusative, or they may be a dynamical and influential dative, meaning “in” or “under the influence of’ humility. The article is prefixed to the noun as an abstract term—the virtue of humility. Kiihner, § 485; Middleton, on Greek Article, Ὁ. 91. This humility is one of the distinctive features of Christianity, for it rests in absolute dependence upon God for everything. Some of the heathen sages might arrive at its meaning, so far as creaturely relations could teach it. But that meaning is immeasurably deepened by the aspect of a sinner’s relation to a Redeemer, who died for him in his state of utter unworthiness, bestows upon him blessings to which he has no claims, and notwithstanding all his demerits, maintains the spiritual life within him. Ever unworthy, and yet ever receiving, yea, having nothing that he PHILIPPIANS II. 4. 93 has not received, how lowly the opinion one should ever form of himself.) See under Eph. iv. 2; Col. π|. 12. This humility, placed here as the contrast to self-seeking and vain-glory, was to be the spirit in which they should regard one another. It is the true way of forming an estimate. Humility dispels the self-importance which is continually taking and asserting the measure of its own claims, when it comes into contact with others. The one bids its possessor undervalue all about him ; the other bids him prefer them. The motto of the former is τς —first, either first or nothing; the sentiment of the latter is — less than the least of all saints.” The older casuists, and many commentators, refer to the difficulty of forming such an estimate of others. Is it possible to regard all others as superior to ourselves? But the answer is not difficult. Every man that knows his own heart finds, and must find, much in it to give him a low estimate of himself, and he cannot tell what graces may be cherished in the bosoms of those around him; they may be superior to his own. Nor has he any cause to be vain of any gifts conferred on him—“ What maketh thee to differ?’ The original gift, and the impulse to cultivate it, are alike from above. Not that any man is to underrate him- self, or in any way to conceal his gifts or graces, for he would, by such a spurious modesty, be contravening the design of the great Benefactor. Jon tam stultae humilitatis, said Luther, ut dissimulare velim dona Det in me collata. Hu- mility is not undue self-depreciation, but may coexist with fervent gratitude for gifts enjoyed, a thorough consciousness of their number and value, and the utmost desire to lay out “ the ten talents”? to the utmost possible advantage. But where there is self-assertion or rivalry to secure the “chief seat” and win applause, then the impulses of such vanity necessarily create alienation and disorder. There is no warrant to make the distinction of Storr, referring “strife” to the Jew; or of Rheinwald, referring “‘ vain-glory” to the philosophic Gentile. (Ver. 4.) Μὴ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστοι σκοποῦντες ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἑτέρων Exacto—‘ Looking each of you not to your own things, but each of you.also to the things of others. The plural ἕκαστοι is preferred on good authority, such as A, B, F,G, ἄς, 1 Neander, Geschichte der Pflanz. p. 759; Trench on Synon. p. 71. 94 PHILIPPIANS II. 4. though in other cases it occurs only in the singular, and the participle σκοποῦντες is preferred to σκοπεῖτε, as the reading of A, B,C, Ὁ, E, F, G. This counsel is still in unison with the preceding advices. Some understand it as explanatory of the third verse—Regard not every man his own virtues and excellencies, but regard also the virtues and excellencies of others. Calvin, Musculus, Raphelius, Kiel, Hoelemann, Miiller, and Baumgarten-Crusius are of this opinion; but it is not so agreeable to the common idiom as the prevalent one, and it does not harmonize with the example of Christ which is immediately set forth. The verse brings out one special phasis of the duty—let each regard others better than himself. The verb σκοπεῖν connected with such a phrase as Ta ἑαυτῶν, is to regard one’s affairs, or seek his own individual benefit, and is not, as Meyer remarks, materially different from ζητεῖν, similarly used in 1 Cor. x. 24, 33, xii. 5; Phil. ii. 21. Examples abound in the classics, as may be seen in the collection of them by Wetstein. Ζητεῖν is, however, the stronger form, for it is the modal or instrumental idea of σκο- πεῖν embodied in active search. In the phrase ἀλλὰ καί, the contrast is softened. Winer, ὃ 55,8; Fritzsche ad Varc. 788. The first clause, if taken in an absolute sense, would forbid all regard, and in every form, to one’s own interests; but the introduction of καί so far modifies it, that it is supposed to be allowed to a certain extent. The καί is, therefore, far from being superfluous, as Beelen loosely affirms. (The apostle ,condemns exclusive selfishness—légoisme, as Rilliet calls it, and he inculcates Christian sympathy and generosity. One’s “own things” are not worldly, but spiritual things. This verse is, in fact, the theme which is illustrated down to the 17th verse. The Philippians were not to consult each his own interests, but to cherish mutual sympathy, and engage in mutual co-operation. They were not to disregard their own things on pretence of caring for each other’s—for unless they had first cared for their own things, they were not qualified to care for the things of others., Undue curiosity and impertinent meddlings are far from the apostle’s thought, but he requires a holy solicitude and warm fellow-feeling—not absolute self- 1 Opuscula, p. 172, Lipsiw, 1821. PHILIPPIANS II. 5. 95 Ἢ abnegation, but a vivid substantial interest in the spiritual welfare of others. It is not myself alone or in isolation, as if others did not exist, but myself with them and they with me, in earnest brotherhood and love. My object must not be simply to outstrip them in religious attainment, but to bring them and myself to a higher stage of Christian excellence. Though charity seeketh not her own, still she has her own. (Ver. 5.) Τοῦτο yap φρονεῖτε ἐν ὑμῖν, ὃ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ — “For let this mind be in you which was also in Christ Jesus.” Codices A, B, C1, Ὁ, E, F, G, have φρονεῖτε, and the Vulgate and Syriac support the reading. The reading φρονείσθω is found in Οὐ, J, Κι, and many other codices, and is adopted by Alford. But φρονεῖτε has high uncial authority, and eannot well be overthrown by any internal argument derived from the structure of the sentence. The probability is that the syntactic difficulty suggested φρονείσθω as an emendation. The particle γάρ is not found in A, B, C1, and is omitted by Lachmann and Tischendorf. Meyer suggests that the omission was caused by regarding the ἕκαστοι of the last verse as the beginning of this one. If it be genuine, its meaning is more than explicative, or as Ellicott renders, “verily.” It enforces, or gives a reason for the previous injunction. We should expect the sentence to run thus— Have ye this mind in you which Christ had also in Him; whereas the clause reads—“ which also was in Christ Jesus.” The passive aorist ἐφρονήθη must be supplied, and not ἣν, as is done by Hoelemann. Kat, after the relative, indicates a comparison between the two parts of the clause. Klotz, Devarius, vol. 11. p. 636. The phrase ἐν ὑμῖν is not— among you,’ nor is it in any sense superfluous. It points out the inner region of thought which this feeling is to occupy. “This mind” is not a superficial deduction, nor a facile and supine conviction, but a feeling which cannot be dislodged, and which manifests its vitality and power in its incessant imitation of Christ’s example. The pronoun τοῦτο, placed emphatically, refers, in our opinion, to the duty inculcated in the preceding verse. ‘he meaning is not, that every feature in Christ’s character should have a counterpart in theirs, as if the apostle had generally said, Let the same mind be in you as was in 96 PHILIPPIANS II. 5. Christ Jesus—ita animati estote, ut Christus Jesus erat ani- matus. Nor is the reference directly, as Keil and others suppose, to the lowliness of mind already inculcated in y. 3; it is rather to the self-denying generosity and condescension enjoined in the previous verse, though these certainly can have no place where self-seeking and vain-glory occupy a ruling position. Thus Victorinus—imitantes Dominum, nos de aliis potius cogi- temus, quam de nobis ipsis. Now, the example of Christ is living legislation—law em- bodied and pictured in a perfect humanity. Not only does it exhibit every virtue, but it also enjoins it. In showing what is, it enacts what ought to be. When it tells us how to live, it commands us 50 to live. What the apostle means by the mind which was in Christ Jesus, he proceeds to explain. His object, in the following paragraph, is neither to prove Christ’s Divinity, so as to con- firm their faith, nor to argue the perfection of His atonement, so as to brighten their hopes. It is not his intention to dwell on His manhood, with a demonstration of its reality; or to adduce His death with evidence of its expiatory worth ; or to dilate on His royal glories, with a summons that every one should look up and worship. His purpose is in no sense polemical. His appeal is not to the merits of His abasement, but to the depth and spirit of it; not to the saving results of His service, but to the form and motives of it. In short, he developes that “mind” which was in Christ, and which was manifested in His self-denying incarnation and death. The apostle’s text is—‘ Look not every man at his own things, but every man also at the things of others;” and his argument is, Not only is this your duty, because there is precept for it; but ‘it is your duty, because there is the noblest of all models for it. It was truly exemplified by Him — Who being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God, but made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant.” The “form of God” on the one hand, and obedience to the death on the other, are the two termini; or the extent of our Lord’s self-denying grace is measured by the distance between equality with God, and a public execution on a gibbet. The PHILIPPIANS II. 5. 97 question depends to a great extent on the reference in the clause—“ Who being in the form of God.” Is it after He was born that the apostle so describes Him? [5 it of the man Jesus, as He was among men, that this is predicated, or does the apostle take a backward step, and point to the previous impulse which had brought Him down to earth to be one of ourselves? Is the “form of God” descriptive of his incar- nate dignity—Aoyos ἔνσαρκος---ΟΥ of his simple Divinity prior to his assumption of humanity—)oyos ἄσαρκος ἡ Many maintain the former view, that it is solely of Jesus in his earthly state that the apostle speaks. But as the incarnation is not referred to till the next verse, and in the words— He emptied Himself, and took on Him the form of a servant ;”’ may it not be fairly inferred, that what is said of Him in the preceding clauses, describes Him as He was before this period of self-divestment, this assumption of a bondman’s aspect, and His subsequent humiliation? De Wette argues from the use of the historic name Christ Jesus, the ante- cedent to ὅς. But by what other name could the apostle designate Him? For it is to the Mediator that he refers; so that while he gives Him his official designation and human name, may he not under these concrete terms include His pre-existent state? Though first applied to Him infleshed, these names designated a person who combined in his mys- terious constitution divinity and humanity. What violation of propriety is there in saying that Christ Jesus was a possessor of the glory of the Godhead anterior to his incarna- tion? ‘The application of these epithets does not, therefore, necessarily limit the apostle’s allusion to one aspect of our Lord’s nature and career. The names are given to the ascended Saviour in verses 10th and 11th, for He still wears humanity, though He is now seen to be “ equal with God.” Nor can it be objected, as on the part of Philippi,! that because the historical Jesus alone is our model, there can be on that account no descriptive allusion to His higher nature. For what made Him become the historical Jesus—what induced Him to discharge the functions of the Christ, and take the name of Jesus? The very application to Him of 1 Die Thiitige Gehorsam Christi, p. 3, Berlin, 1841. G 98 PHILIPPIANS II. 5. the names Jesus Christ, presupposed a “mind” in Him, which prompted Him to leave the glories and felicities of His Father’s bosom—a mind which, in our place and circum- stances, we are summoned to imitate, though at an infinite distance. For the apostle does not propose a literal imita- tion of our Lord’s example in all its various steps down to erucifixion. That would be an impossibility. It is true that no man can imitate Christ’s incarnation; but it is equally true that no one can, in its nature and purpose, imi- tate His death. But it is not the action, so much as the spirit of it, that the apostle delineates, and Christians may be summoned to possess in their own spheres and limits, as well the condescension that brought Him down to the manger, as the self-abasing generosity which led Him to the Cross. It is another extraordinary statement of Philippi, that as the humiliation here spoken of was put an end to by the ascension, then, if that humiliation is held to consist of His assumption of our nature, it must follow that when He ascended, He left our nature behind Him. But we do not hold that it lay solely in the incarnation, and every one sees that the glorifi- cation of the incarnate nature was as really the termination of its inferior state, as would have been its abandonment. The historical title, Christ Jesus, suggested the lesson which the apostle wished to impress, for it belonged to the Saviour in His state of condescension and suffering ; and it still identi- fies the ‘‘ Man of sorrows,” with Him who was in the “ form of God,” and with the exalted ‘“ Lord,’ to whom has been given the name above every name. As this passage has long been‘a chosen field of challenge in polemical warfare, we need not wonder that so many names can be quoted on both sides of the view which we have been considering. For the opinion which we have defended are Chrysostom and the Greek expositors; of the Reformation period and subsequently, Beza, Vatablus, Zanchius, Clarius, Calixtus, Cocceius, Crocius, Aretius; among the Catholics, Kstius, and a-Lapide; and among others of later date, Semler, Storr, Keil, Usteri, Kraussold, Hufnagel, Seiler, Liinemann, Miller, Hoelemann, Rilliet, Pye Smith, Neander, Meyer, Ellicott, Alford, Lechler, Beelen, and Bisping. Among those PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 99 who hold the opposite doctrine are to be found Novatian and Ambrose among the Latin Fathers; Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, Piscator, Hunnius, Cameron, Musculus, Calovius, Le Clerc, Grotius, Bengel, Vorstius, Zachariae, Kesler, Heinrichs, van Hengel, Am Ende, Rheinwald, Matthies, Baumgarten-Crusius, De Wette, Philippi, and Conybeare. (Ver. 6.) Ὅς ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ brdapywv— W ho being (or exist- ing) in the form of God.” ‘The meaning assigned to μορφή is of primary importance. It denotes shape or figure; and we be- lieve with Pott, that it has no connection by metathesis with the Latin forma, Hesychius defines it by ἰδέα, εἴδος ; Suidas ee to these πρόσωψις; and the Syriac renders by flaQxs,5 “1 likeness.’ If this be its meaning, it is not to be ae with φύσις or οὐσία. It may imply the possession of nature or essence, but it does not mean either of them. The Greek " es and after them Calvin, Beza, Miiller, Robinson and others, have fallen into this blunder. Thus Chrysostom says ---οοὐκοῦν καὶ ἡ μορφὴ τοῦ Θεοῦ Θεοῦ φύσις. Gregory of Nyssa maintains the same definition— μορφὴ τοῦ Θεοῦ ταὐτόν Ty οὐσίᾳ πάντως ἐστίν. Orat. contra Hunomium 11. Ὁ. 566; Ed. Paris, 1638. Cyril of Alexandria has the same notion of the identity of form and essence. Athanasius explains μορφή by πλήρωμα, and Augustine by naturalis plenttudo. Suicer, sub voce. Petavius, too, says (De Incarnatione, 111. 6)—formam hie pronatura sumi perspicuum est. Phavorinus, professing exact- ness of definition, gives—7 μορφὴ κυρίως, ἡ οὐσία. The Greek commentators, as may be seen in Chrysostom, were polemically necessitated to give the term such a meaning, and the pressure of the same feeling has shown itself in almost every century. Wherever the word occurs in the New Testament, it refers to. visible form, as in the next verse, and in Mark xvi. 12. And so, too, with μόρφωσις, 2 Fim. iii. 5. The verb μεταμορφόω, as applied to the transfiguration in Mat. xvii. 2, Mark ix. 2, has the same signification, referring simply to change of external aspect, and neither of essence nor person. In the Septuagint, μορφή represents the Chaldee w, denoting external appear- ance, and is applied to ἜΤ Ἐπ in reference to his lunacy; to Belshazzar, when he saw the handwriting, and was appalled, and his “ form was changed;” and to Daniel 100 PHILIPPIANS II. 6. himself (vu. 28), “my form returned to me.” In the refer- ence to Belshazzar and the prophet, the verb ἀλλοιόω is employed, and the change is principally one of countenance. It represents man in Isaiah xliv. 13—@s μορφὴν ἀνδρός, an idol in shape of a man; and also mma, Job iv. 16—xai οὐκ ἣν μορφὴ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν μου. The instances sometimes adduced to show that μορφή may mean nature, will not sus- tain the assertion. Robinson, after Schleusner, quotes Euripides, Bacch. 54—popdyv τ᾽ ἐμὴν μετέβαλον εἰς avdpos φύσιν. Besides that this is the somewhat loose language of poetry, it may be remarked, that the quotation rather shows that φύσις may signify form, and not μορφή signify nature. Bacchus means not to say that he had abandoned Divinity, but only that he had concealed its form in an assumed humanity. He declares, in the previous clause, that he had changed his form into a mortal one; but he does not aver that he had ceased to be immortal in essence. Toward the com- mencement of the drama, similar language is employed— Μορφὴν δ᾽ ἀμείψας ἐκ θεοῦ βροτησίαν πάρειμι---( And having taken a mortal form in exchange for that of a God, I am here.” Another passage is adduced from Plato, where he says of God the Best—péver ἀεὶ ἁπλῶς ἐν TH αὑτοῦ μορφῇ. It is hard to say how much Plato’s idea of the Divinity was anthropomor- phic; but the sense is, not simply that He remaineth always simply in the same essence, but that He unchangeably mani- fests the same characteristics. Other and similar passages have been adduced, in which μορφή is supposed to signify not form, but that which form represents. But even granting an occasional metonomy, we find the word used with precise discrimination. Thus Josephus (Contra Apion, 11. 22) speaks of God as being beginning, middle, and end of all things, and adds, that by His works and blessings He is manifest, and more glorious, too, than any being; while, as to His form and mag- nitude, He is to us most obscure—popdypy τε καὶ μέγεθος ἡμῖν apavéctatos. The meaning, as the context shows, is, that while so much may be learned from His works and ways, there is no visible shape of Him—nothing to warrant any idolatrous image. In the 34th chapter of the same treatise, the author, in reprobating the lewdness and follies of the mytho- PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 101 logy of the Greeks, says, that they had deified madness and fraud, and others of the vilest passions; or, as he expresses it, els θεοῦ φύσιν καὶ μορφὴν ἀνέπλασαν. The two nouns are here distinguished ; those vile passions are supposed, first, to receive the nature of God, and then to get His form. They are conceived of as divine, and then their divinity is represented by a visible shape or idol. The examples selected by Wet- stein from the classics are scarcely to our poimt—since every god had his special form, though μορφή and forma are always used of shape or likeness, and not of mere essence, and have very much the meaning of person.1 We hold, therefore, that μορφή is form, and neither nature nor condition, though it may represent them. Now form is that by which we know or distinguish anything—that by means of which objects are recognized. One person is known from another by his form. True, God has no form, being pure spirit—‘ Ye saw no man- ner of similitude in the day that the Lord spake to you in Horeb.” ‘The form of God must therefore signify—the mode of _divine ine_manifestation—that by 1 which His _appearance 15 understood and characterized. It was the hi bright cloud for a long period in the history of ancient Israel. The insignia of Godhead were oft revealed in the olden time; and we have what we take to be several descriptions of the form of God, in Deut, xxxii. 2;> Ps) xvii. 6=15; Dan. vii. 9,10; Hab. 11. 3-11. Such passages, describing the sublime tokens of a Theophany, afford a glimpse into the meaning of the phrase —form of God. It is not the divine nature, but the visible display of it—that which enables men to apprehend it, and prompts them to adore it. Now Jesus was in this form of God—é ὑπάρχων: The participle has a fuller meaning than wy. It represents some- thing on which stress is laid, something which is to be borne in mind as essential to the argument. Gal. ". 14; Acts xvii. 27-29, xxi. 20. Suidas makes it equivalent to mpoetvas. Pye Smith? speaks of it as, “in many cases, denoting a mode already established, conspicuous, and dating from a prior 1 Thus μορφὰς τῶν θεῶν, Xenophon, Mem., iv.; forma deorum, Cicero De Natura Deorum, ii. 2; formacque deorum, Ovid, Metam., i., 73, ἄς, ἄς. 2 Seripture 1estimony, vol. ii. p. 405. J 102 PHILIPPIANS II. 6. point of time.’’ Still it would not be warrantable to render it “pre-existing in the form of God.” There is no use in resolving the participial reference by dum, or by the conces- sive “although” with Ellicott. The simple statement is the most emphatic. This meaning, which we give to μορφή, is in harmony with the spirit of the whole passage, and it is not materially differ- ent from εἶδος, John v. 37. See under Col. i. 15. It stands here in contrast with the phrase μορφὴν δούλου λαβών. He exchanged the form of God for that of a servan the highest point of dignity to the lowest in the social scale. And we are the more confirmed in our view, because of the following verb ἐκένωσε, as this self-divestment plainly refers to the previous μορφή. It cannot mean divinity itself, for surely ed esus never cast it off. But He laid aside the form pe God, the * splendour of divinity, and not the nature of it—the glory af the Godhead, and not the essence of it. Those who hold that the passage refers to Christ in his incarnate state, regard “the form of God” in various ways—some, like De Wette, referring it to the glory of the Godhead potentially (potentié) in Himself; others, like Grotius, finding it in His miracles; or, like Wet- stein, in His transfiguration; or as many others, generally in His sayings and doings. At the same time, while we think that the apostle selects with special care the term μορφή, as signifying something different from nature, we must hold that no one can be in the form of God without being of the nature of God, the exhibition of the form implying the possession of the essence. Of Him who was in the form of God, it is now predicated— οὐχ ἁρπωγμὸν ἡγήσατο τὸ evar ica Θεῷ. The phrase τὸ εἶναι ica Θεῷ is peculiar, and as τό indicates, it expresses a united idea. Instead of the adverb ἴσως, the neuter singular and plural, are frequently used. Passow, sub voce. Winer, ὃ 27, 8. Many instances occur in the Septuagint. The case is common with other words, as πάντα, πολλά. Matthiae, ὃ 443, ὁ. It is, therefore, too rigid in Matthies to take ica as denoting equal in the manifoldness of essence. It needs not κατά to be supplied, as some grammatical pedants contended, for adverbs of measure and degree have, with the PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 103, verb of existence, the sense of predicates—Bernhardy, p. 337 ; John v. 18; Homer, Odyssey, x. 303—ica θεοῖς. The idea expressed by the adverb is not resemblance, but sameness of quantity or measure; and so Pye Smith renders the clause— “the being on a parity with God.” Tertullian employs the phrase pariari Deo! What this parity is, and what its relation is to the μορφὴ Θεοῦ, we shall afterwards consider. The phrase τὸ εἶναι ἶσα Θεῷ, is the object to the verb ἡγήσατω, while ἁρπαγμόν, as predicate, is emphatic from its position. The meaning of this clause has excited no little inquiry, and principally with regard to dp7ayyos. The term is of rare occurrence, and therefore its meaning cannot be deter- mined beyond dispute. ‘To theorize upon its formation does not fully satisfy; for the meanings, abstract and concrete, respectively attached to nouns ending in wos and wa, pass into one another—(Buttmann, ὃ 119, 2, 11)—the first, accord- ing to Kiihner, § 370, embodying the intransitive notion of the verb—the act of seizure; and the second expressing the result of its transitive notion—the thing seized. Such varia- tions are seen in διωγμός, δίωγμα; φωτισμός, φώτισμα; βαπ- τισμός, βάπτισμα; βδελυγμός, βδέλυγμα ; ὀνειδισμός, ὀνεί- δισμα, while θεσμός, χαχμός, χρησμός, and other terms, have the meaning of a word ending in wa.? So that from the mere form of the uncommon substantive little definite can be gleaned. Nor can we gather much from its use. It occurs nowhere else in the New Testament, and, so far as known, only in two other places among Greek authors, where it is not professedly a quotation from this verse. The first is an ugly quotation from a tract ascribed to Plutarch, where the word might be rendered “rape.”? 'The other is from Cyril of Alexandria, in a passage where he says, ‘‘ The angels declined Lot’s invita- tion; and had the patriarch been a churl, he would not have pressed them further, but would have thought it fortunate that they declined.” But the good and generous host urged 1 Adver. Mare. v. 20, &c.; Opera, vol. iii. p. 334, Ed. Oehler, Lipsiae, 1854. 2 Eustathius on Homer says—Q: δὲ ξεσμὸς, Howe, οὕτω δεσμὸς, δέσμα. “Ῥωχμοὸς δὲ καὶ ῥῆγμα ταῦτα ἐστὶν, ὡς καὶ βρεχμὸς καὶ βεέχμα, καὶ πλεχμὸς καὶ πλέχμα. ὙῈΑΚοΒοΙα, Sylva Crit., Pars iii. p. 112. Se ᾿ oh 4 ; : 3 Καὶ τοὺς μὲν Θήβησι καὶ τοὺς "Ἤλιδι φευκτέον ἔρωτας καὶ τὸν ἐκ Κρήτης καλούμενον ἁρπαγ- μόν.---1)6 Lib. Educat., Opera Mor., vol. 1., p. 41. Ed. Wyttenbach. 104 PHILIPPIANS II. 6. them the more, and “ did not out of a listless and imbecile soul make their declinature a catch, or thing to be caught at —aptraypyov.”+ The word has not the same meaning in these two places. In the first quotation, it signifies an action, which Strabo explains by ἁρπαγή ; and, like the English translation we haye already given of it, and which is in fact derived from it, it denotes a crime named from the force or violence employed in connection with it. In the second instance, it points out ideally something which an inhospitable and niggardly soul would lay hold of; viz., that if one declines an invitation, you reckon his denial something you gladly seize on as a pretext for dropping the subject.. Therefore the train of thought, connection, and logical dependence, must chiefly guide us to the meaning of the term. The sense hinges very much, as Pye Smith technically puts it, on the solution of the question, where the protasis is supposed to end, and the apodosis to begin. I. Many join the two clauses closely, as if the one explained or strengthened the other, or were a species of deduction from it. The noun is then taken in an active sense —“and did not think it robbery or a seizure to be equal with God.” But those who hold this general view, hold it with many subordinate differences. 1. Some take the word in the plain and easy sense—of a thing not one’s own—He did not regard equality with God as a possession not His by right, did not look upon it in any sense as a usurpation. This has been a common exegesis, as may be seen in Chrysostom, Theophylact, icumenius, Augus- tine, Pelagius, Beza, Calvin, Mynster, Estius, and many others. There are shades of distinction, again, among such as hold this view, but the general meaning with them all is, that Jesus, in personating God, in assuming His name or receiving His worship, deemed Himself guilty of no usurpation, or did not in any sense take what was not His own, for He was really and properly God.? Some forms of this exposition are tinged more or less with inferential admixtures. Thus— 1 "Ὃ δὴ καὶ συνεὶς ὁ δίκαιος μειζόνος κατεβιάφετο, καὶ οὐχ ἀφπαγμὸν τὴν παραίτησιν ὡς &dga- Opera, vol. i. Pp. 2, 25. 2 Thus Augustine—Natura quippe illi fuerat Dei aequalitas, non rapina νοῦς καὶ ὑδαρεστέρας ἐποιεῖτο φρενός. quia non alienum arbitratus est esse quod natus est, sed tamen quamvis aequalitatem PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 105 2. If one obtain booty, he glories in it, boasts of it, or makes a show of it. So some present this idea—He did not make a show of His equality with God. Such generally is the notion of Luther, Grotius, Meric, Casaubon, Osiander, Piscator, Wolf, Cameron, Calovius, Krebs, Rosenmiiller, Heinrich, Flatt, and Rheinwald.t. Their main idea is—that Jesus on earth did not revel in His divinity, but vailed it, did not make an ostentatious display of His Godhead, but concealed it. But in the opinion of many, not all who hold it, this exegesis is often bound up with a mean- ing given to μορφὴ Θεοῦ which we have already considered, and assigned reasons for rejecting—to wit that the phrase, “form of God,” describes the incarnate Jesus, and it is so far consistent with itself in giving ἁρπαγμός the sense we have alluded to. 3. Again, if a person have usurped a thing, he grasps it very closely, the secret consciousness of his want of right not allowing him to abandon it fora moment. This signification therefore is assigned—He would not retain equality with God, as arobber does his prey. Ambrosiaster, Castalio, Vatablus, Matthies, Kesler, Hoelemann, and Usteri hold this notion. The views of these critics differ, indeed, in colouring, though we need not for our present purpose distinguish them.? Dei non fuerit arbitratus alienam, sed suam, semetipsum exinanivit. Contra Max. Lib. i. 4, p. 1050, vol. viii. ; Opera, Parisiis, 1837. Or, again, in his De Symbolo—Non rapuit, quia naturaliter habuit. P. 935, vol. vi.; Opera, do, So also Beza—WNon ignoravit, se in ea re nullam injuriam cuiquam facere, sed suo jure uti, nihilominus tamen quasi suo jure cessit; similarly Calvin—Sciebat sibi jus et fas esse non in carne humili apparere, nihilominus jure suo cessit. Estius, too—Non existimavit aequalita- tem Dei sibi esse rapinam, hoc est, rem alienam et ex rapto usurpatam, ut propter hoc tantopere semet humiliaverit . . quasi dicat, Non haec est causa humilitatis Christi, quippe qui non usurpative, sed vere Deus esset. Calvin, however, gives ἡγησάτο a subjunctive meaning, ἄν being understood; as if the sense were—non fuisset injuria, si aequalis Deo apparuisset. This is not much better than the suggestion of Michaelis, that ὑπάρχων is or may be the genitive plural of draeyés. 1 Thus Cameron, in his Myrothecium, p. 214—Optime sic Gallice vertas, Il ne fit point de triomphe, de ce qwil était égal ἃ Dieu; hoc est, non jactavit, non visus est gloriari et insolescere. Thus, too, Pelagius—Quod erat, humilitate celavit, dans nobis exemplum, ne in his gloriemur, quae forsitan non habemus. 2 Chrysostom’s illustration is—‘t Whatever a man robs and seizes contrary to his right, he dares not lay aside. He who possesses a dignity which is natural to him, fears not to descend from that dignity ;” and then he adds—“t What do we say then? That the Son of God feared not to descend from His right, for He did 106 PHILIPPIANS IL. 6. But none of these opinions commend themselves, for though they give ἁρπαγμός the usual meaning of nouns ending in μος, still the philology is no firm ground of explanation. Itis vain to refer to the uses of ἁρπάζω, as in the words ascribed by Chrysostom to Arius—ovy ἥρπασε, and to the instances of ἁρπάγμα in later writers. Heliodorus often uses it in the sense of a thing to be caught at, and once connects it with the verb ἡγεῖται. Lib. vii. § 20. Besides, these interpreta- tions not only make the two clauses virtually the same in meaning, but they destroy the parallel between the precept given, and this example adduced in commendation of it. The primary object of the apostle is not to tell how great Christ was by nature, and how low He became, though in his illustration he has done so; but to show how He looked to the things of others, or in what state of mind He descended to the earth. That purpose is so far missed in the previous exegesis. We therefore regard the apodosis as commencing with the clause under review. It begins the tale of His humi- liation by referring to the state of mind which led to it; and we look on the clause as having the prime emphasis laid upon it, as virtually asserting that He did not regard His own things, and as saying, in connection with the preceding phrase, what His own things were, and what was His feeling towards them. Though the form of God was His, He did not regard it with a selfish and exclusive attachment, but He laid it aside and became man. So that we agree with those who give the word that signification in which it is used by Cyril in the sentence already quoted in reference to Lot. Therefore— II. Not a few give ἁρπωγμός this meaning—a seizure, or thing to be snatched at; or, as Miiller renders it—“ non rem not regard his Deity as a matter of robbery. He was not afraid that any one should strip Him of that nature or that right, when He laid it aside, being assured that He should resume it. . . He hid it, judging that He was not degraded by so doing, wherefore the apostle says not, ‘ He seized not,’ but He did not reckon it a seizure, because He possessed not that estate by robbery, but by nature—as some- thing not given Him, but permanent and safe.” “Ὅταν ἁςπάσῃ τις καὶ παξὰ τὸ προςῆ- nov λαβῆ, τοῦτο ἀποθέσθαι οὐ τολμό, δεδοικὼς μὴ ἀπολεῖται, μὴ ἐκπέσῃ" ἀλλὰ διὰ παντὸς αὐτὸ “ατέχει. ὁ μέντοι φυσικόν τι ἔχων ἀξίωμα, οὐ δέδοικε καταβῆναι ἀπ’ ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀξιώματος. Τί οὖν φησί; ὅτι ὁ τοῦ Θεοῦ ids οὐκ ἐφοβήθη καταβῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀξιώματος" οὐ γὰς ἁςταγμὸν ἡγή- σατο τὴν θεότητα, οὐδὲ ἐδεδοίκει μή τις αὐτὸν ἀφέληται τὴν φύσιν ἢ τὸ ἀξίωμα" διὸ καὶ ἔκοψεν, 4 ᾿ ~ . “υ ~ = , Ἂ οὐδὲν ἡγούμενος ἐλαττοῦσθαι ἀπὸ τούτου. διὰ τοῦτο, οὐκ εἶπεν, οὐχ ἥφρπασεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ἁςπαγμεὸν Η͂ , > : Εν tie : ΄ a. ‘ < ἡγήσατο. οὐχ ἁςπάσας εἶχεν τὴν ἀρχὴν, ἀλλὰ φυσικὴν, οὐ δεδομένην ἀλλὰ μόνιμον καὶ ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ, PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 107 sibi arripiendam et usurpandam indicavit.”. This view is held by Musculus, Elsner, Bengel, Am Ende, Storr, Keil, Stein, Schrader, Rilliet, De Wette, Beelen, Bisping, Wiesin- ger, Liinemann, Philippi, Miiller, Briickner, and others. Though these writers agree in so understanding the noun, they differ greatly among themselves as to what is to be understood by τὸ εἶναι ica Θεῷ, for the views of many of them are modified by referring the passage simply to Christ as incarnate and on earth. Some regard it as a possession He had, but did not use; others, as something He had not, yet did not aspire to. We have already said, the phrase means —““the being on a parity with God,” a parity possessed in His pre-incarnate state. Those who apply the term, “form of God” to Jesus incarnate, consistently regard this phrase as referring to His abode on earth. While he was among men, lowly and despised, yet He did not aspire to an equality with God, but continued still in the form of a servant. Bengel under- stands the reference thus—Fsse pariter Deo dicit plenitudinem et altitudinem. Van Hengel thus takes it—Hoce vero, vehemen- ter dubito an aliter explicari possit quam aequali modo vivere, quo vivit Deus, and the meaning is thus given further and fully by him—Christus hac in terra, quanquam poterat, glori- osus esse noluit. Rilliet’s notion is somewhat peculiar. He supposes that the element of equality to God is His invisi- bility, which the apostle signalizes as the distinctive charac- teristic of the Father—cette invisibilité Christ y a renoncé au liew de la vie évdvabéros—immanent, il a accepté Vexistence mpopopixos—manifestée. His interpretation proceeds upon a wrong idea of μορφή, and does not harmonize with the context. For “form” implies of itself visibility or splendour, and this was parted with. Nay more, the Second Person of the Trinity had, as the Angel of the Covenant, been often patent to the senses, prior to the incarnation. Stein and De Wette understand the phrase of the divine honour, a meaning which we reject as limited and insufficient. We do not regard the two phrases, “form of God,” and “equal with God,” as identical in meaning, for then there needed no such repetition; though we cannot ven- ture to say with van Hengel, that in such a case a simple τοῦτο would have been sufficient. Meyer pleads for the sameness of 108 PHILIPPIANS II. 6. the two statements—at least with this distinction, that the first refers to Christ as to His appearance, and the second as to His essence—Lirscheinungs-Form- Wesen. Wiesinger’s view is not very different—/forma Det, conditio divina, quum in forma Det esset, non arripiendum οὐδὲ duxit conditione divina uti. Our view is somewhat different from any of these, and still, as we think, more in accordance with the spirit of the context. The apostle affirms that Jesus, in His pre-incarnate state, was “in the form of God ;” and adds, that He thought it not a seizure, or a thing to be snatched at, to be on a parity with God, but emptied Himself. Now, it seems to us very plain that the parity referred to is not parity in the abstract, or im anything not found in the paragraph, but parity in possession of this form of God. He was in the form of God, and did not think it a thing to be eagerly laid hold of to be equal with God in having or exhibiting this form. The apostle adds, ἀλλ᾽ ἑαυτὸν éxévwcev— but emptied himself,” and the clause is in broad and decided contrast with ἁρπαωγμὸν οὐχ ἡγήσατο τὸ εἶναι ica τῷ Θεῷ. That is to say, the one clause describes the result of the other. It was because He did not think it a seizure to be equal with God, that He emptied Himself. And of what did He empty Himself, but of this Form? He was not anxious to be ever on a parity with God in possessing it, and therefore He divested Himself of it. He did not look simply to His own things—the glories of the Godhead ; but He looked’ to the things of others, and therefore descended to humanity and death. His heart was not so set upon His glory, that He would not appear at any time without it. There was something which He coveted more—somewhat which He felt to be truly a ἁρπαγμός, and that was the redemption of a fallen world by His self-abasement and death. Or, to speak after the manner of men, two things were present to His mind —either continuance in the form of God, and being always equal with God, but allowing humanity to perish in its guilt; or vailing this form and foregoing this equality for a season, and delivering, by His condescension and agony, the fallen progeny of Adam. He chose the latter, or gave it the prefer- ence, and therefore “humbled Himself, and became obedient unto death.” From His possession of this “mind,” and in PHILIPPIANS II. 6. 109 indescribable generosity He looked at the things of others, and descended with His splendour eclipsed—appeared not as a God in glory, but clothed in flesh; not in royal robes, but in the dress of a village youth; not as Deity in fire, but a man in tears; not in a palace, but in a manger; not with the thunderbolt in His hand, but with the hatchet and hammer of a Galilean mechanic. And in this way He gave the church an example of that self-abnegation and kindness which the apostle has been inculcating, and which the Lord’s career is adduced to illustrate and confirm. The view of Meyer, followed so far by Alford, and which strives to keep that meaning of ἁρπαγμός which its formation indicates, cannot be borne out. He explains it as—ein Ver- hdltniss des Beutemachens—He did not regard equality with God to be such a relation as is implied in the seizure of a prey, or of a possession which belonged to others. Meyer might object to some things in Wiesinger’s inferential expansion of his view, but he says, himself, that this clause, corresponding to the previous one— looking not each at his own things ’— describes what Christ’s own things were—His equality with God. But whom would Christ have robbed, if, instead of emptying Himself, He had retained equality with God? Without unduly pressing Wiesinger’s question as to the parties whom such a ἁρπαωγμός would have emptied or robbed, could it have taken place, it may be replied that the idea is out of unison with the course of thought, and that the exegesis ὦ based upon it omits the turning point of the illustration—the mind that was in Christ Jesus—and places the idea of “others” in a totally different relationship from that expres- sed in verse 5th. The exposition of Liinemann and Briickner is also incorrect. They understand in this clause a reference to that κυριότης which God possesses, and which, though Christ was in God’s form, He did not wish to possess, save in the way of obedience and death, while He might have chosen otherwise. This notion is founded upon a supposition as inadmissible as that which Turnbull? introduces—‘“ did not meditate a usurpation to be equal with God;” “ that is, did not avail Himself of His 1 Translation of Paul’s Epistles, in oc. 110 PHILIPPIANS II. 6. original character, and attempt a sole theocracy for His own exaltation.”” Really such a supposition borders on profanity —to say of Jesus, that He did not pervert His divinity to accomplish selfish ends in a spirit of rivalry with God. Bretschneider, too, sub voce, gives this explanation—Christ did not deem equality with God a thing to’ be seized on οὐ et astutid, but desired rather to merit the honour by His obedience unto the death. But the objections to these views is, that parity with God is not something to which Christ has been raised as the reward of His obedience, but something which He originally possessed as one of His own things, which He. did not so cherish as to exclude all regard to the things of others. The error of Arius, so sharply rebuked by Chrysostom, led him to explain the clause of Christ as Θεὸς ἐλάττων---ἃ lesser God, who did not aspire to equality with God τῷ weyako—“ with God the Great, who was greater than He.” The Greek father asks, in triumph, “is there then a ereat and a less God? And do ye introduce the doctrines of the heathens intothe church? . . . If He were little, how could He be God? If man is not greater or less, but his nature is one, and if that which is not of this one nature is not man, how can there be a less or a greater God, who is not of that same nature.”! Socinian views are lower still. Thus, in the notes to the Improved Version, we are told that—“ being in the form of God, means being invested with extraordinary divine powers ;”” and of the second clause, it is said— the meaning is, He did not. make an ostentatious display of His miraculous powers. Or if it should be translated with the public version, He thought it not robbery to be as God, the sense would be, He did not regard it as an act of injustice to exert upon proper occasions His miraculous powers.” One knows not how to characterize the weakness and perversity of such misinterpretation. Slichting says—Propterea nec ob tantam divinitatem ac dignitatem suam superbut, nec eam longius 1 Οὐ φησὶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι Θεὸς ὧν ἐλάττων, οὐχ ἥρπασε τὸ εἶναι ἴσα Θεῶ τῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ μεΐξονι. μικρὸς καὶ μέγας Θεὸς ἔνι; καὶ τὰ ᾿Ελληνικὰ τοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας δόγμασιν ἐπεισάγετε; μέγας γὰρ καὶ μικρὸς παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς Θεός. εἰ δὲ καὶ rag’ ὑμῖν, οὐκ οἵδα: παεὰ μὲν γὰρ ταῖς γραφαῖς, οὐδα- μοῦ εὑρήσεις" ἀλλὰ μέγαν μὲν πανταχοῦ, μικρὸν δὲ οὐδαμοῦ. εἰ γὰ καὶ usneds, πῶς Θεός ; εἰ μικρὸς οὐκ ἔστιν ἄνθρωπος, καὶ μέγας: ἀλλὰ μία φύσις" καὶ εἴ τι οὐκ ἔστι τῆς φύσεως ταύτης τῆς wines οὐκ ἄνθρωπος: πῶς ἂν εἴη μικρὸς Θεὸς καὶ wives; εἰ τοίνυν ὁ Πατὴς μέγας, καὶ Θεός: ὁ μὴ ὧν ἐκείνης τῆς φύσεως, οὐ Θεός. PHILIPPIANS II. 7. 111 ac diutius retinuit quam auctor et dator illius vellet, sed ad ejus nutum ac voluntatem protinus ed se abdicavit. But every good man is expected to resign a gift, when God pleases; and in this clause, it is Christ’s own generosity, not His submission to any divine mandate, which the apostle is commending, and holding up to the imitation of the Philip- pian church. The contrast is now brought out— (Ver. 7.) ᾿Αλλὰ ἑαυτὸν ἐκένωσε. The pronoun is placed em- phatically, but the meaning of this clause is of course shaped or modified by the view which expositors have taken of the preced- ing clauses. The verb κενόω is literally to make empty, or bring about that which κενός represents—exinanivit, as in the Vul- gate. It does not vaguely mean, as Grotius and others render, He became poor, or made Himself poor, or He led a poor life— Libenter duxit vitam inopem—for the image is not in harmony with the preceding clauses. Those who maintain that Christ is described here only in His historical state, are driven to such an interpretation. ‘Thus, Tittmann and Keil, followed by van Hengel, give it generally—sed semet ipse depressit—a meaning which the word does not bear, and which anticipates the subsequent ἐταπείνωσεν. De Wette refers the phrase not to the first, but the second preceding clause, and understands it as denoting something He might have had, but did not actually possess. But we must not forget, that in his opinion, the reference is to the earthly existence of Christ, and that equality with God means divine honour. Miiller holds a similar view. When he puts the question, “‘ of what did Jesus despoil Himself?” He replies, “ not of the form of God, for He neither did nor could lay aside the divine nature; but he laid aside equality with God.” Now this confusion proceeds from a previous error—a mistaken idea of the meaning of popoyj—for we have shown that this noun does not signify nature, but external and distinctive aspect, or that by which nature displays itself ~The same confusion of thought mars the exegesis of Ellicott, and for the same reason, that he blends the idea of the form of God too much with that of the nature of God, which it implies, but from which it is quite dis- tinct. When we put the question, “of what did He empty Himself?” our reply at once7is, “of the form of God >” and 112 PHILIPPIANS II. 7. if it be asked why He did so? the apostle also answers, because He thought it no object of desire, in comparison with man’s salvation, to be equal with God, or to be in the possession of this form. When He came to earth, He divested Himself of His glory. There was an occasional gleam, as one may still recognize the sun even when obscured by a cloud. If we go back to the Old Testament, and contemplate the “ form of God,” as there pourtrayed, then keeping still to the sacred imagery employed, we might in all reverence add the follow- ing sentences:—Christ came not in that Majesty which He possessed, and by which the old world had been dazzled. No troops of angels girt Him about; nature did not do Him homage as God; the voice of the seven thunders was silent ; the “wings of the wind” were collapsed and motionless; and the “coals of fire’? were quenched. Darkness was not His pavilion; Lebanon did not tremble, nor was Jordan: driven back. The lamps of the sky were not trimmed to honour the night in which this “man-child was born into the world.” Tt was not Jehovah, ‘‘as He bowed the heavens and came down,” but Jesus made of a woman, and cradled in a manger. It was in short a birth, not a theophany. But Jesus was originally in the form of God, and might have appeared in the world with the appalling majesty of Sinai; or as when the psalmist described Him robed in cloud, storm, and fire-mist, and guarded by a thick spray of burning coals ; or as when Habbakuk sublimely sings of Him heralded by the pestilence, the everlasting mountains scattered, and the perpetual hills bowing before Him; or as when He appeared transfigured, His face as the sun, and His raiment as the light. Still further, the apostle says of Him— μορφὴν δούλου AaBov—“ having taken the form of a servant.’ The participle points out the mode in which this self-emptying was accomplished, and the mode indicates also the means. Kiihner, § 668. The act expressed by the aorist participle seems coincident in time with that denoted by the verb. Bernhardy, p. 383; Stallbaum Phaedo, 62,d. When the process of assuming a servant’s form was completed, that of self-divestment was completed too. He exchanged the form of God for the form οἵ ἃ servant. The two phrases, PHILIPFIANS II. 7. 118 ψορφὴ Θεοῦ and μορφὴ δούλου, are, therefore, in pointed contrast. Ifthe “form of God” signify the external aspect or distinctive characteristics of God, the “form of a servant” will signify the external aspect or distinctive characteristics of a servant. The phrase is not to be taken as expressing either the humility or sorrow of Christ’s life, as Piseator, Heinrichs, and Hoelemann emphasize it. The general meaning is—He bore about Him the marks of servitude. The service re- ferred to is service to God; His uniform declaration being —that He came to do His Father’s will. But service which was primarily offered to God, was also in itself of benefit to man, intended for him and done for him. Isaiah 111. 13, 15; Mat. xx. 28; Luke xxii. 27; Rom. xv. 8. The servant of the Father condescended to minister to man; and Jesus, girt with a towel, and laving the water on Peteyr’s feet, is seen truly in “the form of a servant.” Some, however, lay too much stress on His service, as being almost wholly done to men, while Meyer, Wiesinger, van Hengel, Miiller, and Baum- garten-Crusius hold to the idea of exclusive divine service. But in obeying God, He laboured for men. He who might have been served upon the throne, stood before it serving. Such is the striking contrast which the apostle brings out. Chrysostom remarks on the use of the two participles—zept τῆς θεότητος, ὑπῆρχε, περὶ δὲ THs ἀνθρωπότητος, ἔλαβεν--- ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων yevouevos— being made in the like- nessofmen.” Meyer prefers, “ having made His appearance ”’ —referring for examples to Mark i. 4, and Memorab. iii, 3, 6. This clause points out how the form of a servant was assumed, though there be no connecting particle. Kiihner, § 676 ; Stuart, § 188. Christ became a servant in becoming man. It is pressing the participle too much to give it, with Rilliet, the strict sense of being born—yiveo@at, a le sens de naitre ; nor does it serve any purpose, with the same author and Rhein- wald, to resolve the phrase into—éovos avOp@rous—though abstract nouns with a preposition are frequent in Hellenistic Greek. Meyer would take ἐν in the sense of angethanseins— that is, to be in, as one is in his clothes, to be clothed in; a mere refinement. ᾿Ανθρώπων is plural, “ approaching,” as H 114 PHILIPPIANS II. 7. Robinson says, ‘ to the nature of an adjective,” and signify- ing men generally. Jesus had the likeness of men, or: appeared as men usually appear, was in no way as a man distinguished from men. But the use of such a noun as ὁμοίωμα may imply, as has been often said, that still He was different from other men. He was not identical in all respects with other men. As Meyer says, He was not purus putus homo ; or, as Theophylact said before him, He was not ψιλὸς ἄνθρωπος. He was Divinity incarnate—the Word made flesh. The superhuman was personally allied to the human —the higher nature was united to His manhood. Whether the adjuncts of humanity are referred to in the ὁμοίωμα, may be a question. It is probable that all the ills that characterize humanity generally may be included; for had Christ markedly wanted any of its common characteristics, His likeness to man would have been lessened in proportion. His sinlessness, indeed, did not seem to impress his contemporaries, for they called Him wine-bibber, sabbath-breaker, blasphemer, demo- niac, and rebel. But He shared in the common lot of men, and never wrought a miracle to exempt Himself from it. When hungry, He would not change the stones into bread ; when wearied, He lay down on the well of Jacob; when faint on the cross He exclaimed, “I thirst.” But the mere phrase will not of itself express that scorn, contempt, ignominy, and sorrow which threw their shadow over the Saviour’s historical career. There is, however, something more in the words than van Hengel deduces—Christum quamquam Dei imaginem re- ferret, Deique filius esset, se hominum tamen instar mandatis ejus subjecisse. The apostle pauses, as if for a moment, in his rapid accumulation. He had described Christ as. being in the form of God, as not regarding equality with God as a seizure, and, therefore, as emptying Himself, having taken upon Him the form of a servant, and being made in the likeness of men. This is, however, only the first portion of the representation —Christ’s assumption of a serving humanity, but the picture is not complete. From heaven to earth He descended by emptying Himself; but after being on earth, He humbled Himself by His obedience to the death. Or He laid aside the PHILIPPIANS II. 8. 115 form of God, and took that of a servant ; but in that servant’s form He still abased Himself even to the cross. The transition from the one depth to the yet lower depth is marked by καὶ evpeJeis—the subject is taken up at this point—such a resump- tion imparting freshness and emphasis. ΤῸ make the next clause the concluding one of the description, while the finishing account would then begin abruptly by the verb ἐταπείνωσεν, is bald and disjointed. (Ver. 8.) Kat σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς dvOpmmos— And having been found in fashion as a man.” Winer, § 31, 6. The noun σχῆμα, from σχεῖν---ἔχειν, denotes the way in which one holds limself. It sometimes signifies dress—so important in one’s tout-ensemble—but here it comprehends more, namely, that complex variety of things which, taken together, make up a man’s aspect and bearing. The Syriac translator had no equivalent term, and therefore he has introduced the Greek word into his version. It carries neither the notion of dignity, nor of its opposite. Nor is it in any case redundant, as some have conjectured. Examples of its use are given by Raphelius and Elsner. Passow sub voce. But it is not synonymous with the previous μορφή and ὁμοίωμα. Perhaps, as to use, the dis- tinction is, that the first is the more comprehensive ; the second is modal; while the third still further illustrates and confirms. The “form of a servant” does not of itself imply humanity, while the “likeness of men” is only fully evinced by the outer manifestations of this σχῆμα. If He have the σχῆμα, you infer the ὁμοίωμα; and both éxplain the μορφὴ δούλου. Or μορφὴ δούλου is in direct contrast with μορφὴ Θεοῦ; ὁμοίωμα ἀνθρώ- mov has in it an oblique reference to ica Θεῷ, while the clause ἐν σχήματι ὡς ἄνθρωπος depicts the Saviour as He was seen to be, when the form of a servant and the likeness of men could be predicated of Him with equal truth. There is no need whatever to take the particle ὡς as representing the Hebrew Caph veritatis, though some of the older commen- tators do so. It is simply the adverb of manner. The participle εὕρεθεις is not identical with ὦν, as Elsner, Keil, and Rheinwald regard it, for it preserves its own significa- tion. Herodian 11. 12; Luke xvii. 18; Rom. vii. 10; Gal. ii. 17; Phil. ii. 9; 1 Peter 11. 22. This verb, and the verb 116 PHILIPPIANS II. 8. of simple existence, differ as fully as the English phrases —to be, and to be found to be. Nor is there any warrant for giving to ἄνθρωπος, other than its usual and natural significa- tion. The phrase is neither ows, “as the first man,” with Grotius; nor as a man vile and despised, according to others. Christ was fully ascertained to be a man. All about Hin, His form and fashion, proclaimed it. He was seen to possess a man’s shape and symmetry, to be endowed with a man’s organs, senses, and instincts, to use a man’s food and apparel, and to speak, think, act, and walk, like the other partakers of flesh and blood around him. He showed Himself possessed of a true body and a rational soul—that body no phantom or disguise, but an organism like that of all men born of woman, and within it a soul which grew in wisdom as His body grew in stature, being subject to human emotions, and possessed of the usual powers of thought and will. He was “found in fashion as ἃ man”’ by those who lived with Him, who saw Him in all aspects, and in every variety of attitude and circumstance ; —his mother and kinsmen; his fellow-villagers and friends; his disciples and followers; his enemies and executioners. Another verb is now used by the apostle, which is not to be confounded in meaning or application with the preceding ἐκένωσεν--- ἐταπείνωσεν ἑαυτόν---“ He humbled Himself.” The posi- tion of the verb shows that the emphasis is laid upon the action it represents. In the phrase ἑαυτὸν éxévace, the weight, as Meyer remarks, is laid on the reflexive reference of the act, but here on the reflexive act itself. That is to say, in the first case, when the self-emptying is described, the idea of “ Self” predominates, for that “ Self” possessed God’s form and was on a parity with Him; whereas, in the latter case, His glory being vailed in human nature, it is the act of humi- liation which arrests the attention: His person underwent no further change, but He stooped to extreme obedience and death. We cannot agree in the opinion of Meyer, that the two verbs stand in a climactic relation, nor can we say with Keil, that they are synonymous, and surely the paraphrase of van Hengel comes short of the full import—et cwm habitu suo deprehenderetur, ut homo quilibet, Det minister esse, submisse PHILIPPIANS II. 8. 117 se gessit, Nor can we say with Wiesinger, that ἐταπείνωσεν denotes the humiliation which ἐκένωσεν already presupposes. We rather regard the words as quite distinct in reference. By ~ the first verb, ἐκένωσεν, is described the process by which He became man, or laid aside God’s form and took upon Him a servant’s—in other words, the process by which Divinity be- came incarnate; but in the second, ἐταπείνωσεν, is described a further act, after the incarnation and dwelling on our world had taken place—something which He did after being in man’s nature. Κένωσις is predicated of Him as being in the form of God, but ταπείνωσις of Him in the likeness and fashion of man. ‘He emptied Himself” in becoming man, but as man “ He humbled Himself.” The reference in this verb is therefore to something posterior to the action implied in éxé- vecev. Nor is there a climax in this interpretation, for the descent from the throne to the manger is infinitely greater than the step from the manger to the cross. . The self-empty- ing might have existed without this humiliation, for there might have been life, humanity, and service without it. We do not separate γενόμενος ὑπήκοος from the verb éra- πείνωσεν, the participle expressing the mode in which this self-humiliation was exemplified ; but we connect them with the words μέχρι θανάτου, and do not with Bengel and van Hengel join these last terms to the verb ἐταπείνωσεν. The meaning is not, He humbled Himself unto death, but “He humbled Himself having become, or in that He became, obe- dient unto death.” The preposition μέχρι we regard as one of degree and not of time. 2 Tim. 11.9; Heb. xii. 4. That death is further and sharply pointed out as indeed the death of the cross— μέχρι θανάτου, θανάτου δὲ cravpov—“ unto death, the death, ay, of the cross.’ The particle δὲ, from such a position and use, with a repeated word, makes its clause intensive. Winer, § ὅθ, 7, Ὁ; Hartung, i. 168-169. His obedience reached to the point of death, and not only so, but to show its depth and submissiveness, it reached to the most painful and shameful of deaths—the death of the cross. Verily, in doing so, He hum- bled Himself. In the term ὑπήκοος is implied some one to whom obedience 118 PHILIPPIANS II. 8. is rendered, and the obvious meaning is, that such obedience is offered to God, for on this account God highly exalted Him. Grotius, however, represents it thus—non opposuit vim illam divinam his captentibus se, damnantibus, interficientibus. Rosen- miiller and Krause agree with him, but the exegesis is wholly unwarranted by the context. Obedience unto death is thus predicated of Christ in His incarnate state—obedience not merely in action, but in suffermg. He obeyed as far as it is possible for man to obey—obeyed to the surrender of His life. Death in its most awful form was calmly encountered and willingly endured. And there was no force compelling Him: it was no dark fate or inscrutable destiny which, turn as He might, He could not shun. Nor was it, on the other hand, the sudden outbreak of a wild enthusiasm, or of an irrepressible gallantry, which would not reflect and could not be guided. With all its heroism in meeting the degradation and shock of a public execution, it was yet a calm and collected obedience to a Higher will, under which He had spontaneously placed Himself. And this death, the death of the cross, was one of special torture and disgrace. Under Roman law, it was inflicted only on slaves and the vilest class of malefactors, and when carried into any of the provinces, its stigma still followed it. Juvenal, vi. 184. σιν ἢ 50Ν)» “to be to them for a place of salvation.” He is followed by Michaelis, Zachariae, Flatt, and Storr, who gives it —et vitae loco esse. The view, however, cannot be maintained by any strong arguments. 2. The literal meaning of the verb is “to have on;”’ and so Meyer takes it in the simple sense of “ possessing,” a meaning it has in the classical writers. Yet in the passages adduced by him from Herodotus and Thucydides, the word signifies to oceupy or govern a district. Meyer’s idea is, however, good in itself, for had they not possessed the word of life, the essence of which is light, they should be as dark as the world round about them. 3. Others give the participle the sense of “ holding fast” — the word of life. Hesychius defines it by κρατοῦντες, and Suidas by φυλάσσοντες. ‘This view is held by Luther, Bengel, Hoelemann, Heinrichs, De Wette, Robinson, Bretschneider, and Wahl. ‘The verb does not seem to have such a meaning anywhere in the New Testament, certainly not in Acts xix. 22. This idea is illustrated by Chrysostom—‘ What means,” he asks, “‘ holding fast—éméyovres—the word of life? Being destined to live, being of the saved.” And he asks again 144 PHILIPPIANS II. 16. —‘ What means the word of life? Having the seed of life —that is, having pledges of life, holding fast—xatéyovtes— life itself.” 4. We agree with those who understand the word as meaning “ holding up or forth.” Of this opinion, generally, are van Hengel, Erasmus, Grotius, Rheinwald, and Matthies. Meyer allows that such a meaning does belong to the verb, but objects that it does not harmonize with the figure which represents the subjects themselves as luminaries. Now it may be replied, that this clause describes the mode in which believers are luminaries. ‘They appear as lights in the world © —as, or when, or because they are holding forth the word of life. Possessing the word of life they shine, says Meyer ; holding up the word of life they are luminaries, is our idea of the image. ‘The possession of the gospel is in itself a source of individual enlightenment, but the exhibition of that gospel throws its light on others. There is abundant evidence that this is a common meaning of the verb, and such a meaning harmonizes with the context. Numerous examples are given by Passow and the other lexi- cographers—Iliad ix. 489, &c., xvi. 444—where the verb occurs with οἶνον, as in other places with pafov, ἕο. The gospel or word of life was held forth, and its holders were light-givers in the world. As they made known its doctrines, and impressed men with a sense of its importance, as their actions, in their purity and harmony, exhibited its life and power, did they hold it forth. From them the world learned its true interest and destiny, its connection with God and eternity; they were its only instructors in the highest of the sciences. As Balduin quaintly but truly remarks, Christ is φῶς, and they are φωστῆρες. Thrice out of the five times in which ἐπέχειν occurs in the New Testament, it signifies to ‘‘mark, or give or take heed to.” Theodoret gives it the same meaning here, though the construction would require a dative—T@ λόγῳ προσέ- χοντες τῆς ξωῆς--- εἰς καύχημα ἐμοὶ εἰς ἡμέραν Xprcrov-— for rejoicing to me against the day of Christ.” Καύχημα is matter of rejoicing, See under c. i. 26. The first preposition denotes result. PHILIPPIANS It. 16. 145 2 Cor. 1. 14; and the second points to the period for which this result is, as it were, laid up. For the meaning of ἡμέρα X. see under i.6. The apostle indicates the joy which obedience to his counsels would finally create—a proof too, that his labours had not been ineffectual— ὅτι οὐκ εἰς κενὸν ἔδραμον, οὐδὲ εἰς κενὸν ἐκοπίασα“ that I did not run in vain, nor labour in vain.” The expression is somewhat proverbial,—to run in vain was to lose the prize. Compare 1 Cor. ix. 26; Gal. ii. 2; iv-11; 1 Thess. ii. 5; 2 Tim. iv.7; Josephus, Antig. xix. 1,4. The aorists are used to mark the time, as from the stand-point of the day of Christ. The double form of expression—the one a pointed trope, the other more general—and the repetition of εἰς κενόν, mark the intensity of the sentiment. The phrase εἰς κενόν (Diodorus Sic. xix. 9), equivalent in result to μάτην and εἰκῆ and cor- responding to the Hebrew >, resembles similar expressions, . as els καλοῦ Kriiger, § 68, 21,11; 2 Cor. vi. 1; Gal. ii. 2; 1 Thess. 11. 5. The second verb is as expressive as the first. If the image of the race-course suggest previous training (1 Cor. ix. 25, 27) and violent exertion, the putting forth of the utmost power in direction of the goal and the garland— the second verb has in it the broader notion of continuous and earnest effort ; for the apostle was ἐν κόποις, 2 Cor. vi. 5—nay, ἐν κόποις περισσοτέρως, 2 Cor. xi. 23. It is very tame, on the part of Wetstein, to explain the figure of running by this matter of fact—longum citer Hierosolymis per totam Macedoniam. The apostle looks forward to the period when all secrets shall be unfolded, when the results of pastoral labour shall be fully disclosed, and he anticipates that when, in the light of eternity, he should behold the result of his apostolic efforts, his bosom should be filled with joy. What purer joy can be imagined than this—what joy nearer in fulness and loftiness to His, who, on the same day, ‘“ shall see of the travail of His soul and shall be satisfied?”’ And what, in a word, does the apostle regard as the consummation of his labours, or when, in the history of a church, does he reckon that his ministerial services have fully succeeded ? The preceding verses afford an answer ; for it is only when a church feels and acts as the apostle has counselled, that he sees in its experience and destiny the crown K | 146 PHILIPPIANS II. 17. and reward of his sufferings and toils. Its prosperity is neither in its number nor its wealth, but in its spiritual progress—in its purity and enlightening power—in short, in its possession and exhibition of the “mind which was also in Christ Jesus.” (Ver. 17.) "AAW εἰ καὶ σπένδομαι ἐπὶ τῇ θυσίᾳ καὶ λειτουρ- γίᾳ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῶν---“ But if even I am being poured out on the sacrifice and service of your faith.’ ᾿Αλλά is not guin, as Beza translates it, and he is generally followed by Am Ende and others, who find no contrast. De Wette connects it with i. 25, which is too remote for such a purpose, as is also i, 21, the reference of Storr. Hoelemann supposes the con- trast to be with εἰς cavynwa— Quid, O Paule, recordaris τοῦ καυχήματος, quum undique stipent et urgeant, que tristissima presagiant ? But such an association had no place in the fear- less and elevated heart of the apostle. Rilliet supposes the reference to be to an unexpressed thought—“I have not laboured in vain—“non,” pense-t-il en lwi-méme je n'ai pas tra- vaillé en vain, mais au contraire. The antithesis in ἀλλά is to the general thought implied in the previous verse. Not that, as Alford, following Schrader and van Hengel, says, he tacitly assumes he should live till the day of Christ. He would have cause of joy laid up for the day of Christ, if he saw the Philippians acting as he had enjoined them; on the other hand, should he be cut off, that joy would not be frustrated. The phrase εἰ «al—“ if even,” supposes a case which has some probability of occurrence, not a case put for argument or illustration—a form indicated by the reverse position of the particles καὶ εἰ. Klotz, Devarius, ii. p. 519. If even I am being poured out, as I feel that I am—e? «ai— ; and if I am poured out, should it really come to this, as it may—cal εἰ, The next clause is a vivid sacerdotal image. The reference in σπένδομαι is to the libation poured upon the sacrifice, or at least round the altar, and is to be understood of his own death. Numbers xv. 5; xxviii. 7. Hesychius and Suidas explain it by @vowa:—an explanation right as to general sense, but not correct as to special meaning or form of representation. The preponderant use of θυσία in the New Testament, is the thing sacrificed, but it is not, as Ellicott affirms, its uniform meaning. It denotes the sacrifice, not simply the process as a rite, but the PHILIPPIANS II. 17. 147 victim offered in the performance of that rite—a devoted thing or animal in its ritual presentation to God. The noun λει- roupyia is the priestly ministration, as in Luke i. 23; Heb. viii. 6; ix. 21—ministration which the apostle supposes him- self to conduct, and not their ministration in promoting Christianity,as Wahl makes it. (Sub voce θυσία.) The genitive πίστεως is that of object, and is related to both the nouns with a common article. Their faith was the matter of the sacrifice, that which the priestly ministration handled. The apostle’s image is that of an altar, on which their faith is laid by him as priest, while his own blood is being poured out as the usual drink-offering or libation. It is an error, both in philology and imagery, on the part of Rilliet, to render—Je suis aspergé, ou j'ai recu Vaspersion, as if the allusion were to a victim on which a libation had been poured so as to consecrate it for the altar—xataorévéw being in that case the appropriate term, and it is the term occurring in the majority of the quotations in Wetstein, who adopts the same view. It is.no less wrong to suppose the Philippians to be as priests offering their own faith to God—connecting ὑμῶν exclusively with λειτουργία, than to regard the Philippians themselves as constituting the θυσία, for the image is different here from Rom. xv. 16. We need scarcely mention the opinion that the money gift of the Philippians is referred to, or quote the view of Rettig, that Christ is the θυσία, thus separating it from πίστεως, and the λειτουργία this pecuniary present. We take ἐπί in its ordi- nary acceptation, “ upon,” not as meaning wahrend—‘ during,” with Meyer, nor with Ellicott as signifying “ in addition to,” or “in,” denoting merely a concomitant act.1_ Ellicott’s objec- tion to the rendering “upon” is, that the libation among the Jews was poured not on the altar, but around it. But it is needless to suppose, that in using such a figure the apostle was bound to keep by the strict letter of the Hebrew rubric, for the very supposition of a drink-oftering of human blood was of all things most opposed to it; and he here speaks of his own violent death, or, as Theophylact strips the figure—ei καὶ τελευτῶ. As their faith is laid by himself upon the altar, and 1 For illustrations of the pagan form of the ceremonial, see Raphelius in loco. See also Suicer sub voce. 148 PHILIPPIANS II 18. he is engaged in the act of presenting-it, his own blood is poured out upon it, and serves as a libation to it,—the blood of the officiating priest, suddenly slain, would naturally be sprinkled over the sacrifice which he was offering to God. The apostle’s death, as a martyr, was felt by him to be a very likely event; and ΒΝ that death would be a judicial murder, it would yet be an offering poured out on the faith of his Philip- pian converts. But the prospect of such a death did not fill him with gloomy associations, for he adds in a very different opal χαίρω καὶ συγχαίρω πᾶσιν Suto —é I rejoice and give joy to you 811. That the compound verb may bear this sense in the active voice, is plain from many examples. Passow sub voce. The Vulgate has congratulor. In the New Testament when persons are the objects, it seems to bear the same meaning. Luke i. 58—Elizabeth’s neighbours and relatives heard of the birth of her son—«al συνέχαιρον αὐτῇ---ἃπα they rejoiced with her, or gave her their congratulations. Luke xv. 6, 9—on the part of the shepherd who has found his wandered sheep, and on the part of the housewife who has recovered her lost piece of silver, the cordial call to friends and kinsfolks 1s—ovyxapnré por—trejoice with me, that is, be partakers of my 107: or wish me joy. See also Sept Gen. κι Ὁ Mace..1.8. “The ground of this joy and congratulation is Ot eae marked by the previous ἐπί Such appears to be the view of Chry- sostom; but ἐπί is specially connected with σπένδομαι, and in Paul’s style usually follows χαίρω when connected with it. 1 Cor. xiii. 6; xvi. 17. The cause of the joy is what is told in the entire verse. His martyrdom, viewed in the light in which he presents it, was anticipated with joy and congratu- lations. The reference in i. 20 is explanatory to some extent, but cannot be taken, with De Wette, as either a full or an apposite illustration. The apostle is not content with what he has said, but he invites a perfect reciprocity of feeling :— (Ver. 18.) Τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ ὑμεῖς χαίρετε, καὶ συγχαίρετέ μοι —‘ Yea, for the very same reason, do ye also joy and offer joy tome.” ‘The pronominal formula or accusative of refer- ence—7o δ᾽ avto—is governed by χαίρετε. Matt. xxvii. 44; Winer, § 32,4; Kiihner, §553; Anmerk.1. The alternative PHILIPPIANS II. 19. 149 of his martyrdom was not to dispirit them; they were to rejoice and to congratulate him—so nearly were they con- cerned in it; their faith being the sacrifice in the offering of which the apostle is engaged, when his blood, like a drink- offering, is poured out as an accompaniment. (Ver. 19.) “Edmifm δὲ ἐν Κυρίῳ ᾿Ιησοῦ, Τιμόθεον ταχέως πέμψαι ὑμῖν--- But I hope in the Lord Jesus, shortly, to send Timothy to you.” Though the apostle has expressed himself with this ardour, still he feels that the prospect of martyrdom is not sure beyond doubt.” It was a possibility, a probability even, but his mind at once turns from it to imme- diate business—the mission of Timothy, and his own projected journey to Philippi. The particle δέ indicates transition to an opposite train of thought; and the phrase ἐν Kupi@ Ἰησοῦ gives the sphere of his hope, while ἐπί with the dative would have marked its foundation. He expected to send Timothy, and that expectation was based upon Christ; that He would prepare the way, and so order events that Timothy’s mission might come to pass. Only if Christ so willed it, could it happen, and he felt and hoped that his intention to send Timothy, after a brief interval, was in accordance with the mind of Christ. A fuller form of expression occuis in 1 Cor. xvi. 7—“‘I hope to tarry awhile with you”’—éav ὁ Κύριος ἐπιτρέπῃ, “if the Lord permit.” The dative ὑμῖν is not the same in reference as πρὸς ὑμὰς in v. 25, as if intimating the direction or end of his journey, but it rather points out the persons with whom he should find himself, or who should receive him as the apostle’s representative. John xv. 26; 1 Cor. iv. 17; Kiihner,§ 571. And the purpose of the mission is thus briefly expressed— iva κἀγὼ εὐψυχῶ, γνοὺς τὰ περὶ Yu@v— that I also may be of good spirit, when I have known your affairs.” The καί means—‘ I, as well as you’’—you will be of good heart when you know my affairs, and I, too, shall be of good heart when I know yours—rta@ περὶ ὑμῶν. Eph. vi. 22. The verb εὐψυχέω is found only here in the New Testament; but εὐψυχία, εὐψυχής, εὔψυχος and εὐψύχως are used by the clas- sics in both prose and poetry. 2 Mace. xiv. 18; Prov. xxx. 31; 1 Mace. ix. 14; Josephus, Antig. 11.6. The imperative of the 150 PHILIPPIANS II. 20, 21. verb is found also on monuments, recording the farewell of survivors. (Passow swb voce.) The expression implies that the apostle was solicitous about them, as various hints and counsels in this epistle already intimate; but he hoped to receive such accounts through Timothy as should dispel all his anxieties and apprehensions. And he assigns, for his choice of Timothy as his messenger, a reason which could not but commend him to the Philippian church as he discharged his embassy among them. (Ver. 20.) Οὐδένα yap ἔχω ἰσόψυχον, ὅστις γνησίως τὰ περὶ ὑμῶν μεριμνήσει---“( For I have no one like-minded, who will really care for your affairs.” The adjective ἰσόψυχον, which occurs nowhere else in the New Testament, though found in the Septuagint (Ps. liv. 13), states a resemblance, not between Timothy and others, as Beza, Calvin, and Rilliet suppose, but between Timothy and the apostle him- self as the subject of the sentence. The use of ὅστις is somewhat different from its meaning in some previous verses, and signifies—“ as being of a class.” Kriiger, § 51,8. The adverb γνησίως qualifies the verb, or describes the genuineness of that solicitude which Timothy would feel for the Philip- pian converts. The verb, as usual with Paul, governs the accusative, though it has the dative—Mat. vi. 25—and is also followed by zepi—“ to care about,” and v7ép— to care for.” Timothy is of such a nature, has a soul so like my own, that when he comes among you, he will manifest—wepiprvjcer—a true regard for your best interests. What higher eulogy could the apostle have pronounced upon him? And he was shut up to the selection of Timothy— (Ver. 21.) Οἱ πάντες yap τὰ ἑαυτῶν ζητοῦσιν, οὐ τὰ ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ---“ For the whole seek their own things, not the things of Jesus Christ.” The οἱ πάντες specifying the entire number, corresponds to the οὐδένα of the previous verse. (For similar use of the article and pronoun, compare Acts xix. 7, xxvii. 87; 1 Cor. ix. 22; Bernhardy, p. 320; Middleton on Greek Article, p. 104, note by the Editor.) All, with the exception of Timothy, seek their own things. This is a sweeping censure, and, therefore, many, such as Hammond, Estius, Rheinwald, and Flatt, seek to modify it in number, by PHILIPPIANS II. 22. 151 rendering οἱ πάντες, “the majority ;” while others, as Eras- mus, Calvin, and Hoelemann, seek to modify it in severity, by inserting a comparison—all seek their own more than the things of Jesus Christ. But while these modifications are inadmissible, it must at the same time be borne in mind, that the apostle’s words should be limited to such persons as were with him, and, farther, to those who might be supposed to be eligible for such an enterprise; so that probably the brethren mentioned in i. 15 are to be excluded from the estimate. It is impossible for us now to ascertain on whom the apostle’s censures light, though Demas may be a representative of the class. 2 Tim. iv. 10. In the last chapter of the epistle to the Colossians, some persons are noticed, but Wiesinger remarks, after stating that Luke was probably not at Rome, “the apostle’s words do not apply to any of those of his fellow- labourers, in reference to whom they would have excited our surprise.” Ewald is inclined to regard them as persons from Philippi, or well acquainted with its affairs, but hostile to the apostle. The persons so referred to had not that like-souled- ness with the apostle which he ascribes to Timothy; did not love Christ’s cause above everything; were not so absorbed in it as to allow nothing, neither ease nor safety, home nor kindred, to bar them from advancing it. On the other hand, the eulogy pronounced on Timothy is based upon acknowledged evidence— (Ver. 22.) Τὴν δὲ δοκιμὴν αὐτοῦ yweoKxere— But ye know his tried character.” Aé introduces the contrast between him and those just referred to. The noun δοκιμή signifies trial— experimentum—and then the thing tried. Rom. v. 4; 2 Cor. ii. 9, ix. 13. The process of proof they had possessed already —Acts xvi.—and therefore γινώσκετε is indicative, not im- perative. They were no strangers to his excellence—it had been tested during previous visits. And the apostle briefly and tenderly sketches it— ὅτι, ὡς πατρὶ τέκνον, σὺν ἐμοὶ ἐδούλευσεν εἰς TO εὐαγγέλιον —that as a child ἃ father, he served with me for the gospel.” Some supply σύν before πατρί, and render with our version— “as a son with a father.” But this supplement mars the beauty of the eulogy; nor is it in strict accordance with 152 PHILIPPIANS II. 23. grammatical usage. A preposition, inserted in the first of a series of clauses, may be omitted in the subsequent ones; but the reverse rarely, if ever, happens. Bernhardy, p. 204; Kiihner, ὃ 625. And the apostle designedly varies the aspect of the relation. ‘The expected construction would be—‘ as a child serves a father, so he served me for the gospel;” but it is changed into—“ served with me.” Winer, ὃ 63, 2,1. As a child serves a father, is an expressive image, denoting loving, devoted, and confidential service. But the apostle felt that in missionary labour it was not he who directly received the service from Timothy, and he therefore changed the rela- tion into σὺν éuoi—still bringing out the idea that Timothy’s service, though directed to a common object with his own, was yet subordinate to his, was filial, ardent, and unwearied. Timothy is thus represented not as serving Paul, though Paul seems to have prescribed his labours and travels, but as serving with him—both being common servants of the same Master. But in this service Timothy was directed and go- verned by his spiritual father, with whom he was so like- minded. The phrase εἰς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον is “for the gospel,” asin a..);, mot “1m at,” (Ver. 23.) Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐλπίζω πέμψαι---“ Him, then, I hope to send immediately” --ἐξαυτῆς. Τοῦτον is placed em- phatically—jeév corresponding to δέ of the following verse, and ovv taking up again and repeating, after the break, what has been said in verse 19. ᾿Εξαυτῆς, Mark vi. 25; Acts x. 33. ὡς ἂν apidw τὰ περὶ éue— whenever I shall have seen how it will go with me.” The form ἀφίδω is supposed to have arisen from the pronunciation of the word with the digamma (Winer, § 5, 1), and is found in A, B’, Dt, F, G; Jonah iv. 5. The ἀπό seems to be local, as in many other verbs compounded with it—prospicere. ‘The verb, used only here, is followed by the simple accusative, but sometimes by εἰς and πρός. Herod. iv. 22; Joseph. Antig. ii. 6, 1; 4 Mace. xvii. 23.. See under i. 20. The phrase τὰ περὶ €ue—“ the things about me ’’—may have in it the idea of development. The idiom ὡς ἄν marks the writer’s uncertainty as to the time when the events which are the subject of ἀφίδω, shall take place. Chrysostom’s paraphrase is ὅταν ἴδω ἐν τίνι PHILIPPIANS II. 24, 25. 153 ἕστηκα καὶ ποῖον ἕξει τέλος TA κατ᾽ ἐμέ. The apostle, as long as his fate was undetermined, wished to keep Timothy with him. When there might be a decision he could not tell, only he hoped it would be soon; and as soon as he could ascertain the issue, he would at once despatch Timothy to Philippi. But he has, at the same time, a persuasion that he will speedily visit them himself. (Ver. 24.) Πέποιθα δὲ ἐν Κυρίῳ, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ταχέως ἐλεύσο- parc—* But I trust in the Lord, that I myself also shall shortly come.” The δέ corresponds to the μέν of the previous verse, and ἐν Κυρίῳ marks the sphere or nature of his trust, ver. 19. Not only did he hope to send Timothy soon, but he cherishes the prospect of a speedy visit in person also—xal αὐτός. The relative period of his own visit is specified by ταχέως, as that of Timothy’s mission has been by ἐξαυτῆς. Meyer and Elli- cott suppose that ταχέως refers to a later period than ἐξαυτῆς —that Paul hoped to send Timothy soon, and come himself shortly after; but both expressions date from the writing of the epistle, and they are to be taken in a popular sense. A and C, with some versions and Fathers, add πρὸς ὑμᾶς. The expression πέποιθα is stronger than the previous ἐλπίζω. See under 1. 25. (Ver. 25.) ᾿Αναγκαῖον δὲ ἡγησάμην, ᾿Ιπαφρόδιτον---πέμψαι πρὸς vuas— Yet I judged it necessary to send Epaphroditus to you.” ‘The δέ 15 so far in contrast with the preceding state- ment, that he hoped to send Timothy, and trusted also to come himself; but in the meantime he judged it necessary to send Epaphroditus. The necessity, however, did not arise out of the mere probability or the possible delay of his own and Timothy’s visit, but it is stated at length in the subsequent verses. The prospect of a speedy visit from himself and Timothy did not supersede the mission of Epaphroditus, for there were other reasons for it. He might have gone in Paul’s company, but he is to precede him. The verb ἡγησάμην is in what is called the epistolary aorist, the time being taken from the ideal period of the reception of the letter, so that ἡγέομαι to the writer passes into ἡγησάμην to the readers. Winer, 40, 5, b. 2. Of Epa- phroditus nothing farther is known. Everything is against the supposition of Grotius and Schrader that he is the same 154 PHILIPPIANS II. 25. as the Epaphras mentioned in the epistle to the Colossians, i. 7; iv. 12; and in Philemon, 23. The name was a common one. Wetstein has given several examples of it from Sueto- nius, Josephus, and Arrian. Kpaphras might be a contracted form of Epaphroditus, and Epaphras was also about this time in Rome. But who could suppose that the Asiatic Epaphras, a pastor at Colosse and a native of it, could be Epaphroditus, a messenger delegated to Paul with a special gift from the distant European church of Philippi, and by him sent back to it with this lofty eulogy, and as having a special interest in its affairs and members? Other traditions are still more base- less,—that he had been one of the seventy disciples, a bishop, or one of those commissioned to ordain bishops or proselytes, —the freedman or secretary of Nero, to whom Josephus dedi- cated his two books against Apion. Epaphroditus is then heartily commended, and the apostle first characterizes him through his relation to himself,— τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν Kal συστρατιώτην jov— my brother, and fellow-labourer, and fellow-soldier.” The epi- thets rise in intensity,—first a Christian brother—then a colleague in toil—and then a companion in scenes of danger and conflict. Philemon, 2; 2 Tim. 11. 58. Not simply a bro- ther, but an industrious one—not industrious only in times of peace, but one who had met the adversary in defence of the gospel. And this was not all, he sustained at the same time a peculiar relation to the Philippian church,— ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον Kal λειτουργὸν τῆς χρείας μου---( but your deputy and minister to my need.” In the collocation— μου, ὑμῶν 5é—there is a marked antithetical connection—the pronoun ὑμῶν defining both the nouns after it which want the article. ᾿Απόστολος is used in its original, and not in its ecclesiastical sense as a delegate or one who did Paul’s work among them, 2 Cor. viii. 23—far less in its emphatic sense of apostle, or special founder of a church, or bishop of this church as Beelen and Whitby assume. He had been sent by the Philippian church with a gift to Paul, so that he 1 Of Nero Suetonius says (49), ferrum jugulo adegit, juvante Epaphrodito a libellis, and of this secretary the same author tells again (Domitian, 14), Epaphro- ditum a libellis capitali pena condemnavit. PHILIPPIANS II. 26, 27. 0 became the minister of his πϑοᾶ---ς τὰ rap’ ὑμῶν ἀποστα- λέντα κομίσαντα χρήματα, as it is explained by Theodoret. The noun λειτουργός has the general sense of minister, in con- nection with the discharge of a religious duty. The apostle’s “need”? was simply his want of such things as their gift could supply. The apostle says merely “send,” not send back; perhaps, as Bengel conjectures, nam ¢deo ad Paulum venerat, ut cum eo maneret.. One special reason why the apostle wished to send Epaphroditus is next given :— (Ver. 26.) Ἐπειδὴ ἐπιποθῶν ἣν πάντας bwas—“ Forasmuch as he was longing after you all.” The conjunction ἐπειδή--- “since now’’—assigns the reason why the apostle thought it necessary to send back Epaphroditus. Klotz, Devarius, ii., p- 548. Not only is the epistolary imperfect ἣν employed, but it is here used with the present participle, to denote the continuance’ of the longing. Winer, ὃ 45, 5. Epaphroditus had not forgotten them, his longing was great towards them —éri. See under i. 8, page 17. καὶ ἀδημονῶν, διότι ἠκούσατε ὅτι Haobévnoe—* and was in heaviness, because ye heard that he was sick.” The infini- tive ἀδημονεῖν describes our Lord’s agony in Matt. xxvi. 37; Mark xiv. 33. Its derivation is uncertain. How did the intelligence conveyed to them that he was sick cause Epaphro- _ditus to long for them? Was it to remove their anxiety and sorrow, or did he apprehend some disastrous consequences as the result of the rumour? Or would some parties between whom he had mediated in the church take advantage of it, and fall again into animosity ? (Ver. 27.) Kat yap ἠσθένησε παραπλήσιον Oavate—* For he really was sick, nigh unto death.” It was a true report about his sickness which they had heard, and the apostle earnestly corroborates it—xal γάρ is a strong affirmation. Hartung, i. 152, 138. And his sickness had been all but mortal—rapatAjovov is, as Ellicott says, “the adverbial neuter followed by the dative of similarity.” Bernhardy, p. 96; Kriiger, § 48, 13, 8. Many examples might be cited. The idiom is no technical figure of speech, nor do we need to supply ἀφίκετο. As little ground is there for Bengel’s saying that the apostle did not wish to alarm them about Epaphro- 156 PHILIPPIANS II. 28. ditus. His malady had indeed brought him to the gates of death, but he had been mercifully spared— GAN ὁ Θεὸς αὐτὸν ἠλέησεν" οὐκ αὐτὸν δὲ μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal ἐμέ, ἵνα μὴ λύπην ἐπὶ λύπην σχῶ--- but God had mercy on him, and not on him alone, but on me also, that I should not have sorrow upon sorrow.” ‘The apostle refers his recovery to God’s great mercy, which does not seem however to have wrought by miracle, but, as one may naturally imagine, in answer to the apostle’s fervent intercession. The reading ἐπὶ λύπην, in preference to the more common and classical con- struction with the dative,! is well sustained. “ The subjunc- tive cy,” as Ellicott says, “is used after the preterite, to mark the abiding character his sorrow would have assumed.” Winer, ὃ 41,1. The apostle felt one sorrow, but the death of Epaphroditus would have been an additional sorrow. The sorrow which he already possessed, and of such an addition to which he was afraid, was not, as Chrysostom and others assume, the sickness of HEpaphroditus; for, even after his convalescence, he speaks of himself as only lightened in sorrow, but not entirely freed from it. A sorrow would still remain after Epaphroditus had departed, as is intimated in the next verse, the sorrow produced by his present situation— his captivity and all its embarassments. This statement is in no way inconsistent with what he had written 1. 20, &c., for his condition is there looked at from a very different point of view. (Ver. 28.) Σπουδαιοτέρως οὖν ἔπεμψα avtov— The more speedily therefore have I sent him,” or in English idiom, as he carried the letter, ‘I send.” The force of the comparative σπουδαιοτέρως is obvious. Winer, ὃ 35,4. He would have detained him longer, if they had not received that intelligence of his sickness which greatly grieved Kpaphroditus. It is not as Bengel puts it—citius quam Timotheum— iva ἰδόντες αὐτὸν πάλιν χαρῆτε, Kay@ ἀλυπότερος O—“ in order that having seen him ye may again rejoice, and I too be less sorrowful.” Beza, Grotius, De Wette, with Knapp and other editors, join πάλιν to ¢ddvtes—a connection which, 1 See examples in Wetstein and Kypke; also Polybius, i 57; Jeremiah iv. 20; Ezek. vii. 26. PHILIPPIANS II. 29. 151 at first sight, seems very natural. The Philippians would rejoice when they saw again their Epaphroditus. But the usage of the apostle is against this exposition, for he commonly places πάλιν before the verb with which it is connected, Examples of this usage are numerous. Rom. xi. 23; xy. 10, PP Corvin es 2 Cor i163 a. Ts °y. 19: ΣΕ ΤΟΣ "πὶ: foots Gali 9173 us 1, 185 iv. 19. ve Ts Phihp) iv 4; Heb. 1.6; iv. 7; v.12; vi.1,6. There are, however, some exceptions, such as 2 Cor. x. 7, where the emphatic position of τοῦτο throws πάλιν behind the verb; Gal. iv. 9, where the form of the question produces the same result; and Gal. v. 3, where the first reason may be again assigned. See Gersdorf’s Beitrage, p. 490. The meaning will be—that as they had been depressed when they heard of the alarming illness of Epa- phroditus, so when they should see him they should rejoice “again,” or as heretofore, in his presence and labours; and while they rejoiced, he himself should be less sorrowful— ἀλυπότερος (a word used only here); not without sorrow absolutely, for he had it through his imprisonment, but a weight would be taken off his mind, and in proportion as they rejoiced would his grief be lessened through his oneness of heart with them. The sorrow which should thus be mitigated is not cogitatio anaietatis vestre, as van Hengel misunderstands it, for the apostle ascribes this feeling to Epaphroditus, not to himself. (Ver. 29.) TIpocdéyecOe οὖν αὐτὸν ἐν Κυρίῳ peta πάσης xapas— Receive him, therefore, in the Lord with all joy.” The οὖν refers to the statement of the apostle’s purpose in the previous verse. Such a reception has its element ἐν Κυρίῳ--- a reception, therefore, Christian in its fervour and object. It was no cold welcome the apostle enjoined or anticipated, but one peta πάσης yapas— with all joy,” and no wonder that it should be so— καὶ τοὺς τοιούτους ἐντίμους éyere—“ and hold such in ho- nour,” that is, such as Epaphroditus. The more usual classic form of expression is, ἐντιμῶς ἔχειν. Ast, Lewicon Platon. sub voce. The class of men οἱ τοιοῦτοι, of whom Epaphroditus is a noted example, deserve the esteem and gratitude of the church for their self-denying and disinterested labours. And the apostle assigns a special reason in his case— 158 PHILIPPIANS II. 30. (Ver. 30.) Οτι διὰ τὸ ἔργον τοῦ Χριστοῦ μέχρι θανάτου ἤγγισε — Because that for the work of Christ he came near even to death.’ On the solitary authority of C, Tischendorf omits τοῦ X., while B, F, G omit the article, and A has Κύριου. The peculiar phrase—péyps θανάτου ijyyioe—repeats more graphically what he had already said in verse 27. Μέχρι is not unlike és! in Ps. evil. 18---ἤγγισαν ἕως τῶν πυλῶν τοῦ θανάτου. Similar idioms are found in the Septuagint, though not so distinctive as the one before us. The verb is sometimes followed by the simple dative, as Ps. lxxxvill. 83—7) ζωή μου τῷ ἅδῃ Hyyece—and sometimes by εἰς with the accusative, as Job xxxill. 22---ἤγγισε δὲ εἰς θάνατον ἡ ψυχὴ αὐτοῦ. May there not be a tacit reference in μέχρι θανάτου here to the same expression in verse 8? as if to show that the mind which was in Christ was in Epaphroditus, and was shown in his self-denial and suffering “ for the work of Christ’’— διὰ τὸ ἔργον τοῦ Χριστοῦ. The clause is placed emphati- cally. The work of Christ, as is explained in the next clause, is not preaching, as Storr, van Hengel, Matthies, and Rilliet contend for. It is service done to the apostle, and through him to Christ. So much was he identified with Christ, that service rendered to him, being directly instrumental in promot- ing Christ’s cause, might be styled the work of Christ. How he came so nigh to death, the apostle describes by the striking words— . παραβολευσάμενος τῇ Wvyn—* having hazarded his life.”’ The reading is disputed ; many preferring παραβουλευσάμενος, which signifies as in our version—“ not regarding his life.” This last reading is retained by Tischendorf in his second edition, being found in C, J, K, and in the Greek Fathers. The majority of editors and more modern expositors prefer the first form, which has the authority of A, B, D, Εἰ, F, G. Both words occur nowhere else in classic Greek authors, though the second be often used by the Greek commentators. The Versions are undecided. The Vetus Ltala has parabo- latus est de anima sua; the Vulgate, tradens animam suam ; the Syriac version renders by ,A4—spernens; and the Gothic has ufarmunnonds satvalai*® seinat, “ forgetting his own life.’ The verb is formed from srapa8or0s—“ risking, 1 Found here in Codices D, F, G. 2 Saivalai=seele, soul. PHILIPPIANS II. 30. 159 venturesome ”—and like many verbs in evw, which combine the force of the adjective and auxiliary verb, is equivalent in meaning to παράβολον εἶναι, just as ἐπισκοπεύειν 15 ἐπίσκο- πον εἶναι. Winer, 8 10, 1, note. Hxamples will be found as in Lobeck on Phrynichus, p. 67, and in the third of his Parerga, p- 591. Wilke, Lexicon Append. p. 552. In result, the word is not different from the better known παραβάλλεσθαι, as in Diodorus Siculus, 111.386 —éxpwav παραβαλλέσθαι ταῖς ψυχαῖς; or in Polybius, 1. 37, or ii. 90---μήτε παραβάλλεσθαι μήτε διακινδυνεύειν. The example adduced by Phrynichus is— παραβάλλομαι TH ἐμαυτοῦ κεφαλῇ --- 1 risk my head,”’} The verb is here used with the dative of reference, as is also παραβάλλεσθαι, in the example cited from Diodorus Siculus. Polybius, 11. 26. The apostle testifies of Epaphroditus, that he risked or ventured his life; the participle thus giving the reason why he was nigh unto death—éréppupev ἑαυτὸν τῷ θανάτῳ, as Theophylact renders it. And the reason why he had so exposed himself was— iva ἀναπληρώσῃ τὸ ὑμῶν ὑστέρημα τῆς πρός με λειτουργίας--- “that he supply your deficiency in your service to me.” The conjunction indicates purpose, and the compound verb—ava- πληρώσῃ .--ἰβ to fill up; the ava having the notion of “up to” an ideal measure. 1 Cor. xvi. 17. Or, as Erasmus explains it—accessione implere, quod plenitudini perfecte deerat. The noun ὑστέρημα has two genitives; that of sub- ject—vtpov, as in 2 Cor. viii. 14, ix. 12, xi. 9; and that of reference—ectoupyias ; the first genitive pointing out those of whom the want is predicated; and the second showing in what. the want consisted, Kiihner, § 542, 3; Winer, ὃ 30, 3; Anmerk, 3. The ὑμῶν is not to be joined with λειτουργίας, as is done by Beza and van Hengel, who renders—ut suppleret defectum ministerti a vobis mihi facti. The noun λειτουργία is used not in the general sense of service, but signifies the 1 The desperate persons who exposed themselves to combat with wild beasts— bestiarii—were called παφάβολοι. The self-denying Christians who undertook the hazardous office of nursing the sick, especially during the outbreak of some terrible epidemic, were named Parabolani. The Theodosian code makes special mention of them at Alexandria, where they were numerous; and where, being “‘men of a bold and daring spirit,” they were occasionally turbulent, and were put under strict discipline. Bingham’s Antiquities, vol. i. p. 391. London, 1843. 160 PHILIPPIANS II. 30. special religious service in the money-gift which Epaphroditus had brought from them. He has called him that brought it λειτουργός, V. 25, and he calls itself ‘an odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable,” iv. 8. They did this service for the apostle—rpos με; but there was a lack on their part which Epaphroditus supplied. The lack was not in the gift itself, but in the ministration of it. They were absent, and could not minister to the apostle; but Epaphroditus, by his kind and assiduous attentions, fully made up what was necessarily wanting on their part. The meaning, therefore, is not that assigned by Hoele- mann—defectus cui subvenistis rerum necessariarum ; nor is it with Chrysostom, “ Healonedid, what you all were bound to do.” Homberg’s view is as unfounded—uwt impleret defectum in minis- terio meo. The λειτουργία did not lack anything in itself, but the Philippians lacked something on their part in connection with it—they did not personally tender it. How Epaphroditus had endangered his life by a sickness nigh unto death, on account of the work of Christ, we know not. There is no proof that he was exposed to persecution, as Chrysostom, Theodoret, and a-Lapide suppose. Nor is there any proof that his evangelical labours had exhausted his physical strength. The probability is, either that his attendance on the apostle in Rome had exposed him in some way or other to a dangerous maiady, or that, in his extreme haste to convey the Philippian gift and tender personal service to the prisoner, he had brought on an alarming sickness during his journey. This concluding statement is a pathetic and power- ful appeal, and enforces the injunction—“ Receive him there- fore in the Lord with all gladness.” There is no reproof in the words, as Chrysostom wrongly supposes, nor any censure on them, as if they had left one to do the work which was obligatory on them all. The tendency and purpose are the very opposite. It is—Epaphroditus has not only discharged his trust, and is deserving of thanks, but he has also ministered unto me, and done what you could not, though you would; nay, in this personal service he risked his very life, and, therefore, he is entitled to a joyous welcome, and a high place in your affectionate esteem. PHILIPPIANS III. 1. 161 CHAPTER, IIE. (VER. 1.) Τὸ λουπόν---“ Finally.”” The reader is furnished in the Introduction with some notice of the disputes about the connection of these two following chapters with the previous two; disputes originating in the use of τὸ λοιπόν, when so much literary matter comes after it—indeed, about one-half of the epistle. Suffice it now to say, that the use of the phrase implies that the primary object of the writer has been gained; that what especially prompted him to compose the epistle h has already found a place in it, and that what follows is more or less supplementary in its nature. 2 Cor. xiii. 11; ; Eph. vi. 10; 1 Thess. iv. 1; 2 Thess. iii. 1. The phrase orks Peatition, but toward that which is to form the conclusion. It is therefore wrong on the part of Elsner and others to regard it as a formula of mere transition; nor does it, as Schinz would suppose, simply indicate the turning from the special to the general. Van Hengel, following the interpre- tation of τὸ λουπτόν given by Elsner, Matthies, and Bertholdt— which assigns it the meaning of “ in addition to,” or simply “in continuation” '—agrees also with Schinz, that the apostle could not here contemplate a conclusion, because he has not as yet expressed his thanks to the Philippian church. But might not the apostle intend to place this thanksgiving in this very conclusion? And who will say that a mere expres- sion of thanks was so important as to be set in the principal portion of the letter? It is argued, too, that the use of τὸ λοιπόν shows that the apostle intended to conclude here, though he was unconsciously carried farther; but surely the writer knew well what were still to be the contents of his letter, though he regarded them in such a light, or in such 1 Talis est ut ad utrumque caput conglutinandum inserviat. Van Hengel. 2 Die Christl. Gemeinde zu Philippi, p. 88, Ziirich, 1833. L 162 PHILIPPIANS III. 1. a supplementary connection with the preceding portion, that he designedly prefaced them by τὸ λοιπόν. As to the connection, Chrysostom, with Cicumenius, Theo- phylact, Michaelis, Estius, and a-Lapide, deduce it from the previous paragraph. Sources of sorrow are mentioned there, but in God’s good providence they have ceased to exist. Chrysostom paraphrases—‘“‘ You no longer have cause for despondency—you have Epaphroditus, for whose sake you Were sorry—you have Timothy, and myself am coming to you —the gospel is gaining ground. What henceforth is wanting to you? rejoice!” But such a connection is not apparent, and, indeed, τὸ λουπόν breaks up the immediate connection, and the apostle at once passes away from the subject which he had just handled—from the personalities which he had just been detailing. Besides, the addition of ἐν Κυρίῳ shows that the joy is not of such a nature as to be simply prompted by the circumstances to which the writer had been adverting in the conclusion of the second chapter. But while we object to such a connection as that proposed by Chrysostom, we do not think that there is any break produced by some interrup- tion, or indicating any lapse of time, as not a few are inclined to suppose. Nor can the notion of Heinrichs be adopted, that χαίρετε signifies leben wohl—tfarewell. The apostle addresses the Philippian converts, “as my brethren ’—adergot pov. See our comment on Col. 1. 1. There was no official hauteur with him, no such assumption of superiority as would place him in a higher or more select brotherhood than that which belonged to all the churches. The injunction is, ‘ rejoice in the Lord” —ya/pere ἐν Kupig. . The modifying phrase ἐν Κυρίῳ does not mean, “ on account of Christ,” or as becomes Christians, but it defines the sphere and character of the joy. Rom. xiv. 17; 1 Thess. i. 6; Gal. v. 22; Col.i.11. The Christian religion is no morose sys- tem, stiffling every spring of cheerfulness in the heart, or converting its waters mto those of Marah. It lifts the spirit out of the thrall and misery of sin, and elevates it to the enjoyment of the divine favour, and the possession of the divine 1 Οὐκ ἔχετε λοιπὸν ἀθυμίας ὑπόθεσιν, ἔχετε ᾿Επαφρόδιτον δι᾿ ὅν ἠλγεῖτε, ἔχετε Τὶ μόθεον, ἔρχομω χἀγὼ--τὸ εὐαγγέλιον ἐπιδίδωσι. Τί ὑμῖν λείπει λοιπόν ; χαίρετε. PHILIPPIANS III. 1. 163 image; nay, there is a luxury in that sorrow which weeps tears of genuine contrition. Therefore, to mope and mourn, to put on sackcloth and cleave to the dust, is not the part of those who are in the Lord, the exalted Saviour, who guaran- tees them “pleasures for evermore.’’ Such joy is not more remote from a gloomy and morbid melancholy, on the one hand, than it is, on the other hand, from the delirious ecstasies of fanaticism, or the inner trances and raptures of mystic Quietism. Chrysostom remarks that this joy is not κατὰ Tov Koopov— according to the world,” and his idea, according to his view of the connection is, that these tribulations or sorrows referred to, being according to Christ, bring joy. This last opinion, however, is not from the context, though certainly the first remark is correct, for the joy of the world is often as transient as the crackling of thorns under a pot; and it often resembles the cup which, as it sparkles, tempts to the final exhaustion of its bitter dregs. The express definition or limi- tation in ἐν Κυρίῳ may be meant to show, that beyond the Lord this joy is weakened, or has no place; and that, if the Lord alone is to be rejoiced in, the Lord alone must be trusted in. The sentiment thus warned and fortified them against the Judaizers, whose opinions, in proportion as they tended to lead away from the Lord, must have retarded all joy in Him; while, if the Philippian believers continued to rejoice in the Lord, that emotion, from its source and nature, guarded them against such delusions. The next clause has seemed to many to be an abrupt transition— τὰ αὐτὰ γράφειν ὑμῖν, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ὀκνηρὸν, ὑμῖν δὲ ἀσφαλές —‘“ to write to you the same things, to me indeed is not grie- vous, but for you it is safe.’’ The theories to which the phrase τὰ αὐτὰ γράφειν have given rise, have been examined in the introduction. It is difficult to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. ‘To suppose the meaning to be—“ to write the same things which I have already spoken to you,” is a gra- tuitous conjecture, and places an unwarranted emphasis on γράφειν ; but it is the view of Erasmus, Pelagius, Calvin, Beza, Estius, Rheinwald, and Schrader. Nor can we, with Heinrichs and Wieseler,! frame the contrast thus— to write 1 Chronologie des Apostol. Zeitalters, §c., p. 459. 164 PHILIPPIANS III. 1. the same things as I have previously given in charge to Epaphroditus,” or say with Macknight—“ to write the same things to you as to other churches.” Or, is the meaning this —‘ the same things which I have already mentioned in this epistle,” or “ the same things which I have written in a pre- vious letter?” ‘The former view is held by Bengel, Michaelis, Matthiae, van Hengel, Rilliet, and Wiesinger; and the latter by Hunnius, Flatt, Meyer, and others. See Introduction. The reference in the first hypothesis is supposed to be to the expression of joy in the first or second chapter, repeated in the commencing clause of the verse before us. Some, as van Hengel and Wiesinger, refer to 11. 18; but it is a serious objection that the rejoicing enjoined in 11. 18 is not specially rejoicing in the Lord, but rejoicing with the apostle in the idea of his martyrdom. Wiesinger contends that the joy mm both places is the same. But the joy in every previous reference is special and limited. The ‘ joy of faith” referred to is somewhat similar; but it is not writing the “same things” to them to bid them “rejoice in the Lord.” Some refer “ the same things’’ to the caution given in the following verse, as if it were repeated from i. 27, 28; but we cannot perceive the resemblance. As De Wette remarks, the occurrence of the word ἀσφαλές leads to the conclusion that what the apostle repeats has reference to dangers threatening the Philippian church—such dangers, in all likelikood, as are presupposed in the following admonitions. This statement is fatal to the notion of Alford, espoused also by Ellicott, and already glanced at, that the reference in Ta αὐτά is to χαίρετε. The use of the plural pronoun in reference to a single injunction would indeed be no objection against their view. Jelf, ὃ 383. We admit too, that spiritual joy would be a main safeguard against Judaistic error. But the abruptness of the sentiment, the precise epithets—“ irksome”’ to him, “ safe” to them—and the passing on, without further remark or connecting link, to forms of dangerous teaching, lead us to suppose that more is meant by the apostle than the mere repetition of sentiments previously and vaguely expressed. The passages quoted by Ellicott as implied in τὰ αὐτά, such as i. 4, 18, iv. 10, are of a different nature altogether, for they speak of the apostle’s own joy, and PHILIPPIANS III. 2. 165 it would be no repetition of a phraseology descriptive of his personal feeling to call on them to rejoice. We are therefore brought to the conclusion, that the apostle refers to some previous letter to the Philippians. They had sent once and again to him, and he may have written once and again to them, and given them such counsels and warnings as he here proceeds to repeat. See Introduction. And this is the view of Meyer, Beelen, and Bisping. The adjective ὀκνηρός signifies “tedious.” To repeat the same truth is to me no task of irksome monotony. Yet Baur finds in this incidental expression a proof of the writer’s poverty of mind and ideas. The apostle only repeats what was profitable to them, for the purpose of more deeply im- pressing it, and the epithet implies that, in other circumstances, such a repetition might have been a weary and ungrateful task. The adjective ἀσφαλές signifies safe—safe in consequence of being confirmed. Josephus, Anfig. 111. 2,1. Prov. 111. 18. Luther renders machet euch desto gewissen, much as the Syriac renders « ας QAN5 NYS. Hilary has necessarium, but it is wrong from this to conjecture the reading to have been avayxés, or paraphrase with Krasmus, guod non vitari potest. (Ver. 2.) Βλέπετε τοὺς cvvas— Look to the dogs,” so as to be warned against them. ‘The article points them out as a well-known class. ‘The verb is here followed by a simple accusative, and not by ἀπό with the genitive, and has there- fore its original signification only rendered more emphatic. Observe them so as to understand them, the inference being that when they are understood, they will be shunned. Winer, § 32, 2. So the Vulgate has observate. This hard expression, κύνας, must be judged of by Eastern usage and associations. In very early times the name was applied as an epithet of reproach. In Homer the term is not of so deep a stain especially as given to women ; yet it resembled, in fact, the coarse appellative employed among the outcasts of society. Iris calls Athena, and Hera calls Artemis, by the term κύων; nay Helen names herself one. Jl. viii. 423, xxi. 481. In the Odyssey too, the female servants of Ulysses re- ceive the same epithet. Odyss. xviii. 338, xix. 91, 154, 1721. 166 PHILIPPIANS III. 2. In countries to the east of Greece, the term was one of extreme contempt, and that seemingly from the earliest times. The dogs there were wild and masterless animals, prowling in the evening, feeding on garbage, and devouring unburied corpses, as savage generally as they were greedy. Isaiah lvi.11. The fidelity ot the dog is recognized in the Odyssey, xvii. 291, and by Auschylus, Agam. 607. But rapacity and filth (2 Pet. ii. 22) are the scriptural associations. Ps. lix. 6, 14. 1 Kings xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 19—compared with 1 Sam. xvi. 43; 2 Kings viii. 15. In Hebrew 32 was the epithet of the vilest and foulest sinners. Deut. xxii. 19; Rev. xxu.15. The term was therefore a strong expression of contempt, andwas given by the Jews to the heathen, Matt. xv. 26, as it is by Moham- medans to a Christian at the present day, when, without often meaning a serious insult, they are in the habit of calling him Giaour. We must suppose the apostle to use the word in its general acceptation, and as indicative of impurity and pro- fanity. To indicate more minute points of comparison, such as those of shamelessness, selfishness, savageness, or male- volence, is merely fanciful. The view of van Hengel is peculiarly far-fetched—apostates from Christianity to Judaism —the dog returning to his vomit. 2 Pet. 11. 22. Who then are the persons on whom the apostle casts this opprobrious epithet? The general and correct opinion is that they were Judaizers, or, as Chrysostom styles them, “ base and contemptible Jews, greedy of filthy lucre and fond of power, who, desiring to draw away numbers of believers, preached at the same time both Christianity and Judaism, corrupting the gospel—éxjputtov καὶ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιουδαϊσμὸν, παραφθείροντες τὸ evayyédov.”” One is apt to infer that the apostle here gives them the name which they themselves flung about so mercilessly against the heathen. As in the last clause he nicknames their boasted circumcision, so here he calls them by a designation which in their contemp- tuous pride they were wont to lavish on others. They were dogs in relation to the purity and privileges of the Church, ‘without’ which they were. βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς épyatas— look to the evil-workers.”’ ‘The verb is repeated for the sake of emphasis, and not because PHILIPPIANS III. 2. 167 a second class of persons is pointed out to their wary in- spection. The substantive, applied literally in many places of the New Testament to labourers in the fields and vine- yards, is transferred to workers in the church, or with a general signification. Luke xii. 27; 2 Tim. 11. 15; 2 Cor. xi. 13, where it has the epithet δόλιοι attached to it. The adjective κακούς describes their character as base and mali- cious. If they were ‘dogs,’ they must work according to their nature. They were not, as Baldwin weakens the force of the epithet, stmpliciter errantes, but they were set on evil ; theirs was no inoperative speculation; they were not mere opinionists, but restless agitators; they were not dreamy theorists, but busy workers—earnest and indefatigable in the support and propagation of their errors. βλέπετε τὴν KaTaTounv— look to the concision.’”’ In the contemptuous and alliterative term, the abstract is used for the concrete, as is the case with περιτομή in the following verse. The term occurs only here, and the apostle, in his indignation, characterizes the class of Judaizers by it. Not that he could speak so satirically of circumcision as a divine institute, but of it only when, as a mere manual mutilation, apart from its spiritual significance, it was insisted on as the only means of admission to the church—as a rite never to be discontinued, but one that was obligatory as well on the Gen- tile races as on the descendants of Abraham. The term justly designates the men whose creed was, “ except ye be circum- cised and keep the whole law of Moses, ye cannot be saved.” Viewed in this light, and as enforced for this end, it was ‘only a cutting, and so the apostle calls those who made so much of it “the slashers.’’ Chrysostom well says of them, that so far from performing a religious rite, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ποι- οῦσιν ἤ τὴν σάρκα Katatéwvovow—“ they merely cut their flesh.” See our comment on Col. ii. 11, where the apostle says that Christians have a spiritual circumcision— the offputting not of the foreskin, but of the body of the flesh.” Such seems to be the natural meaning of the phrase, as understood in the light of the succeeding context. This play upon words is frequent with the apostle, Winer, § 68,2; though some in- stances of so-called paronomasia cannot be at all sustained. 168 PHILIPPIANS III. 2. Other ideas have, however, been found in the apostle’s expression. Theodoret originated one of these theories, when he says of the Judaists—ripy yap περιτομὴν κηρύττοντες, καὶ τέμνειν πειρῶντες τῆς ἐκκλησίας TO σῶμα, and he is virtually followed by Calvin and Beza, Grotius and Hammond, Elsner and Zachariae, and in the English versions of Tyndale and Cranmer. A similar idea was entertained by Luther, as if the sense or implication were the excision of the heart from faith or from the church. Such a thought does not seem to be in the apostle’s mind, and it is not in contrast with περιτομή, which besides has a passive, and not an active signification. Beza, again, seems to find an allusion to Lev. xix. 28, xxi. 5, to the Hebrew term x, referring to marks or cuttings made in honour of idol-gods. 1 Kings xvii. 28. Storr and Flatt follow this view, as if the apostle meant to say, that such a circumcision as they insisted on and gloried in was on a level with an idolatrous incision. The theory has scarcely the credit of ingenuity. A more extraordinary view still is broached in one of the Ignatian epistles—partum virginis circumcidentes—hominem a Deo dividentes. Heumann sup- poses the reference to be to the speedy abscission or destruction of Judea. The repetition of the verb proves the anxiety and stern ardour of the apostle. Winer. ὃ 65, 5. “ For you it is safe,” and their safety lay to some extent in being formally and emphatically warned. Like three peals of a trumpet giving a certain blast, do the three clauses sound with the thrice- repeated verb—Prérere. That the same classes of persons are referred to, we have no doubt. Van Hengel supposes that three distinct kinds of errorists are pointed out ;— first, apos- tates who have relapsed to Judaism ; secondly, actual corrupters of the gospel; and thirdly, men so reliant on circumcision as to despise Christ. This interpretation is more than the words will bear, and there is no conjunction or particle employed so as to indicate different parties. The same men are described in each clause—as impure and profane, as working spiritual mischief, and as taken up with a puerile faith in flesh-cutting. In the first clause you have their character, in the second their conduct, and in the third their destructive creed. The absurd PHILIPPIANS III. 3. 169 stress they placed on a mere mutilation warranted the satirical epithet of the concision; but their convictions on this point drove them into a course of mischievous agitations, and they became the evil-workers; then from their belief, character, and actings, they stood out as impure and shameless—as dogs. Men who insisted on circumcision as essential to salva- tion made the rite ridiculous—Judaized ere they Christianized. To circumcise a Gentile was not only to subject him to a rite which God never intended for him, but it was to invest him with a false character. Circumcision to him was a forgery, and he carried a lie in his person. Not a Jew, and yet marked as one—having the token without the lineage—the seal of descent and not a drop of Abraham’s blood in his veins. To hinge salvation, especially in the case of a Gentile, on circumcision, was such a spurious proselytism—such a total misappreciation ef the Jewish covenant—such a miserable subversion of the liberty of the gospel—such a perverse and superstitious reliance cna manual rite, that its advocates might be well caricatured and branded as the concision. The rite, so misplaced, was both a fiction and an anachronism; for the benefits of circumcision were to be enjoyed in Palestine, and not in Europe, and enjoyed up to the period “of the abolition of the law of. commandments contained in ordinances.” What these persons were may be seen in the Introduction. They might not have done damage as yet in Philippi, but there was a danger of their doing so. Such a warning, repeated, would put the Philippians on their guard and contribute to their safety. (Ver. 3.) Ἡμεῖς yap ἐσμεν ἡ περιτομὴ---“ For we are the circumcision.” The γάρ gives areason. Those Judaists are but the concision, for we are the circumcision—the abstract again used for the concrete; and by the term is to be under- stood Paul and the members of the Philippian church, whether they were Jews or Gentiles. There were Jews in that church, and forming the original nucleus of it; though, perhaps, the greater part might be of Gentile extraction. The members of the Christian church are now the circumci- sion. Theirs is a spiritual seal. Whatever the old circumcision typified, they enjoy. They are really Abraham’s children— blessed with believing Abraham. Gal. i. 9, 14; Rom. ii. 29; 170 PHILIPPIANS III. 3. 1 Cor. vii. 19; Gal. v. 2,6. The Jewish circumcision was a mark of Abrahamic descent. ‘‘ And God said unto Abraham, Thou shalt keep my covenant therefore, thou, and thy seed after thee, in their generations. This is my covenant, which ye shall keep, between me and you, and thy seed after thee 5 Every man-child among you shall be circumcised. And ye shall circumcise the flesh of your foreskin; and it shall be a token of the covenant betwixt me and you.” Gen. xvii. 9, 10, 11. As the circumcised descendants of the Father of the faith- ful, the Jews enjoyed certain privileges. They were God's people, His by His choice, and shown to be His by His tender protection. They had access to Him in worship, and enjoyed His ordinances. They dwelt in a country which He had selected for them, and which they held by a divine charter. The true circumcision enjoys correspondent benefits, especially do they possess the promised Spirit. The spiritual offspring of Abraham have nobler gifts by far than his natural seed— _ blessing not wrapped up in civil franchise, or dependent upon time, or restricted to territory. So Justin says in the dialogue with Trypho,—«at ἡμεῖς οἱ διὰ τούτον προσχωρήσαντες TO Θεῷ, οὐ ταύτην τὴν κατὰ σάρκα παρελάβομεν περιτομὴν ἀλλὰ πνευ- ματικήν. See our comment on Ephesians 11. 11, and Colos- sians 11. 11— οἱ πνεύματι Θεοῦ AaTpevovTes— who, by the Spirit of God are serving.” ‘The reading Θεοῦ, adopted by Lachmann and Tischendorf, has decided authority over the common reading Θεῴ. The dative form may have sprung from the idea of its connection with the participle. The differences of reading are of an early date. Augustine, Pelagius, and Ambrose refer to them—gu?t Spiritu Det serviunt, vel qui Spiritu Deo serviunt. Bishop Middleton defends Θεῷ, misled by his own theory of the Article. See under Eph.i.17. At the same time, the language is peculiar. The verb λατρεύω, specially applied in the New Testament to religious service, is here used abso- lutely, as in Luke 11. 87; Acts xxvi. 7; Heb. ix. 9. The phrase πνεύματι Θεοῦ refers to divine influence put forth upon the heart by the Spirit of God. The words do not point out the norm—spiritualiter, as van Hengel supposes, nor yet the object—Spiritum Det colimus, but the agency or influ- —_ PHILIPPIANS III. 3. 17a ence which prompts and accompanies the service. The Spirit of God is He who dwells in the hearts of believers, sent by God for this purpose. It follows, indeed, as a natural infer- ence, that if the Spirit prompt and guide the worship, it will be spiritual in its nature. There is thus a quiet but telling allusion to the external formalities of the Jewish service, to which the dogmatists were so inordinately attached. The Mosaic worship, properly so called, could be celebrated only on one spot, and according to a certain ritual. Though of divine institution, and adapted to express in a powerful form the religious emotions of the people, it often degenerated into mere parade. It became a pantomime. Jehovah represents himself as being satiated with sacrifices, and wearied out by the heartless routine. Only on one altar could the victim be laid, and only one family was privileged to present it. But the Christian worship may be presented anywhere and at any time, in the hut and in the cathedral. The Being we worship is not confined to temples made with hands, nor yet is He restricted to any periods for the celebration of His wor- ship. Whenever and wherever the Spirit of God moves the heart to grateful sensation, there is praise; or touches it with a profound sense of its spiritual wants, there is prayer and service. How superior this self-expansive power of Chris- tianity to the rigid and cumbrous ceremonial of Israel after the flesh, and especially to the stiff and narrow bigotry of the concision— καὶ καυχώμενοι ἐν Χριστῷ “Inood—“ and are making our boast in Christ Jesus. The meaning of καυχώμενοι, emphatic from its position, is different from χαίρω used in the first verse. It is better rendered in Rom. ii. 23, than here—“ thou that makest thy boast in the law.’’ They gloried not in themselves, or in anything about themselves—not in circum- cision or Abrahamic descent, but in Christ Jesus, and in Him alone—not in Him and Moses—not in Son and servant alike; gloried in Him; in His great condescension ; His birth and its wonders; His lite and its blessings; His death and its benefits ; His ascension and its pledges; His return, and its stupendous and permanent results. The spiritual circumcision boasted themselves in Christ Jesus; the implication being, 172 PHILIPPIANS III. 4. that the concision boasted themselves in Moses and external privilege— καὶ οὐκ ἐν σαρκὶ merroiOotes—“and have no trust in the flesh.” The adverb οὐ with a participle as a predicate, is an unqualified negative. Winer, § 55, 5. This clause is in contrast with the preceding clauses. What the apostle understands by σάρξ, he proceeds at once to define. It is not circumcision simply, though the word occurs markedly in Gen. xvu. 11, 13; Lev. xii. 3; Rom. ii. 28. The “flesh” is another name for external privilege, such as descent, and points to such merit as pride thinks due to formal obedience. It is a ground of confidence opposed to the righteousness of Christ —verse 9. Such then, as contrasted with the concision, is the circumcision ; the children of believing Abraham, and blessed with him; serving God by His Spirit in a higher and more elastic worship; glorying in Him who has won such privileges and blessings for them, and having no trust in any externals or formalities on which the Judaizer laid so much stress as securing salvation, or as bringing it within an available reach. (Ver. 4.) Καίπερ ἐγὼ ἔχων πεποίθησιν καὶ ἐν capxi— “Though I am in the possession of confidence too in the flesh.” The apostle has just classed himself with those who had no trust in the flesh, and now he aftirms that he too has trust in the flesh. It seems, but only seems to be a paradox. The conjunction καίπερ, used only here by Paul, qualifies the previous assertion. Devarius, Klotz, 11.723. Instead of using the simple participle πεποιθώς, he says—éyov πεποίθησιν. Had he used the simple participle, there might have been a direct contradiction. He could not have it, and yet have it at the same time. But he says—éyov zrezrol@now—he has it in possession, but not in use; as one may have a staff, though he does not lean upon it; may have money, though he does not spend it. Such is the plain meaning of the words, and thus literally understood, they present no difficulty. Various attempts have been made to get rid of the supposed difficulty. Our translators have a rendering which the words do not justify— though I might also have confidence in the flesh ’?—a translation similar to that of Storr, Rilliet, Matthies, Schinz, and virtually Rheinwald, who resolve it by ἔχειν PHILIPPIANS III. 4. 173 dvvauevos. Neither is there any reason with Beza, Calvin, Am Ende, and Hoelemann, to take πεποίθησις by any metonymy for ground or reason of confidence; nor yet with van Hengel, to refer the language to the past periods of Paul’s unconverted life. The apostle had declared of himself, that he belonged to those who have no confidence in the flesh ; and lest his opponents should imagine that his want of confidence in the flesh was simply the absence of all foundation for it, and that he was making a virtue of necessity, he adds, that he had all the warrant any man ever had—nay, more warrant than most men ever had—to trust in the flesh. And, therefore, he subjoins— el τις δοκεῖ ἄλλος πεποιθέναι ἐν σαρκὶ, ἐγὼ waddrov— if any other man thinketh that he has confidence in the flesh, I more.” Our translators again follow such as make the verb jiducie materiam habere— that he hath whereof he might trust in the flesh.” The verb δοκεῖ may denote either to think or to seem,—if any man thinketh in himself, or if any man appear to others, &c. Both meanings are found in the New Testament, and Meyer need scarcely have appealed to Ast’s Lexicon Platonicum in favour of the latter signification. With Wiesinger and De Wette we prefer the first meaning given— 1 Cor. 1. 18, viii. 2—as being apt and natural, for the apostle refers to such actual possession as he is about to describe. As his manner is, the apostle “ goes off” in an allusion to his own history and experience. As he proceeds the emotion deepens into vehemence, and while he muses for a moment on his own inner life, the thoughts welling “ out of the abun- dance” of his heart arrange themselves into a lyrical modu- lation. He boasts of being a true son of Israel, not sprung from one of the tribes which had so early apostatized, but from the honoured tribe of Benjamin. He was also of untainted descent—an adherent of the “ most straitest sect ”’ —ardent in his profession, as evinced by his persecution of the church—performing with scrupulous exactness every rite of fasting, tithing, or sacrifice, so that had salvation been awarded to the fervent and punctual devotions of the chamber or the sanctuary, he might have died in confidence and peace. Therefore he now proceeds to enumerate the advantages which 174 PHILIPPIANS III. 5. he possessed, in which he might have trusted, and in some of which he did once trust. The Judaizing fanatics could not say, that he made light of these privileges because he had none of them; for he had more than most of them, and yet he felt their utter insignificance. The persons whom the apostle had in his eye were in some respects behind him: at least, he says—“‘I more.” Some of them might be prose- lytes circumcised in manhood; others might be of mixed blood; others may have been originally of Sadducean creed ; while few of them had manifested that uniform obedience to the law which had distinguished him, and that downright devotedness to Judaism which had led him to seek the extir- pation of its young and vigorous rival by violence and blood. (Ver. 5.) Περιτομῇ oxranpepos— As to circumcision, an eighth-day one,” literally,—‘ circumcised on the eighth day.” The reading of the first noun in the nominative by Erasmus, Bengel, and others, is inadmissible. It is the dative of refer- ence. Winer, ὃ 38, 6. The adjective is used, like similar nouns of number, as τεταρταῖος, John xi. 99 --- τριήμερος, Greg. Naz., 8vo, 25; Mare. Anton. 8,---δωδεκαταῖος, Theoe. ii. 157. Circumcision on the eighth day was according to di- vine enactment. Gen. xvii. 12; Levit. χα]. ὃ. The apostle was a born Jew, and on the appointed day had received the seal of the Abrahamic covenant. The rite was for no reason deferred, and if any merit accrued from strict compliance with the law, he had it. The apostle makes good his declaration not only of éyaéyar, but of ἐγὼ μᾶλλον. The proselytes and Idume- ans could not say so, for only in riper years could they be cir- cumcised. Paul, therefore, left all such boasters behind him— ἐκ γένους ᾿Ισραὴλ---“ of the race of Israel.” See under Ephes. ii. 12. He had been circumcised on the eighth day ; and not only was he not a proselyte, but he was not the son of proselytes, who might want for their child what they had not in childhood received themselves. No: he was a member of the chosen race, and not of Ishmael or Esau, or any other Abrahamic clan than that of Jacob. The term ᾿Ισραήλ too expresses spiritual nobility, and carries a higher honour than either the epithet Hebrew or Jew. Rom. ix. 4; 2 Cor. xi. 22— φυλῆς Bevrayiv— of the tribe of Benjamin.” ‘The apostle bk: ei a enh OL a a ee rrr ee ριυωλιων PHILIPPIANS III. 5. 17D means to derive some honour from his tribal lineage. It could scarcely be from this, that the first king of Israel belonged to this tribe, or that the apostle bore the royal name. Benjamin was a favourite son by a favourite wife, and the tribe is styled by Moses the “ beloved of the Lord.” Deut. xxxii. 12. That tribe also had the capital and temple in its canton, was long identified with the great tribe of Judah, and had returned with it to Palestine, while the more northern tribes had almost ceased to exist as distinct branches of the house of Israel. He could give his genealogy. Rom. xi. 1— ‘EBpaios ἐξ ‘EBpaiwv— a Hebrew of the Hebrews.”? The phrase is often used in reference to speech, and in contrast with Hellenist. Acts vi. 1. It does not seem to be employed in such a sense here, though Gicumenius affirms it, and he is followed by Witsius, Crellius, and Michaelis. Nor can it refer to place of birth, for Paul was born at Tarsus in Cilicia, Acts xxii. 3—a statement in opposition to the tradition men- tioned by Jerome that he was born at Gischala in Galilee, and that on the capture of the place by the Romans, his parents and he emigrated to Tarsus. Nor has it, as Carpzoff and Noesselt think, any religious reference, for it was the political name of the nation—that by which they were known among foreigners. The phrase denotes purity of lineal extraction—not simply that he was sprung of an old Hebrew family, as Jaspis and Rheinwald suppose—but that none of his ancestors had been other thana Jew. Meyer’s view is, that both his parents were Hebrews, especially his mother. But the force of the phrase goes beyond immediate parentage. He was aware of no hybrid Gentile admixture, though his ancestors may have lived in Gentile countries. He was sprung of pure Hebrew blood, there having been no cross marriage to taint the descent. Thus does the apostle characterize his lineage :— circumcised on the eighth day, and therefore no foreign con- vert admitted in mature life, but having parents who coveted and transmitted the Abrahamic rite for their family ;—of the stock of Israel, and having a hereditary right to the seal of the national covenant with all its blessings ;—of the tribe of 1 Examples of similar phraseology are given by Wetstein and Kypke, such as— iz βασιλέων βασιλεῦσιν---δούλους Ex δούλων, &e. 176 PHILIPPIANS III. 5. Benjamin, able to ascertain and prove his descent, and not of one of any of the tribes geographically lost or individually ab- sorbed by the rest;—a Hebrew of the Hebrews, descended from a long line of pure ancestry, without any accidental infusion on either side of foreign blood. There is a species of climax. A proselyte might circumcise his child on the eighth day ; another might be of the stock of Israel and yet his mother might not be a Jewess, as was the case with Obed and Timothy; for such a one might be of the tribe of Benjamin and yet not a Hebrew of the Hebrews. Extraction of undoubted purity distinguished him, while some of his opponents, with all their Judaizing zeal, could make no such assertion—éy® μᾶλλον. DON. Kis 22. Having enumerated his privileges as a member of Abra- ham’s race, the apostle proceeds to show how he improved them. What he had enjoyed as a child was not lost upon him as aman. He was not contented with being one of the Jewish mass, but he sought, in riper years, to realize the advantages of his birth. Not satisfied with a passive posses- sion of blood and birth, he laboured to appropriate all its blessings. He was a religious man—sincerely and intelligently attached to the law and all the venerated traditions of the fathers, and not simply a born Jew, proud of his ancestry, but indifferent to their faith—venerating the name of Moses, but careless of his law, save in so far as national customs had habituated him to its observance. Could the same be said of all his adversaries who now made such an outcry about the Abrahamic rite ? κατὰ νόμον Papicaios— touching the law a Pharisee.” It is wrong to give νόμος the meaning of αἵρεσις, as do Heinrichs, Am Ende, and Rheinwald, nor can it be rendered by secta or disciplina. Nor need it be understood, with van Hengel, as meaning— with regard to the interpretation of the law "--- quod legis attinet interpretationem. In his relation to the law he was a Pharisee. Acts xxvi.5. The Pharisee was noted for his strong attachment to the law’—for his observance of all 1 Josephus says of them—zeei τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα δοκοῦσιν τῶν ἄλλων ἀπκειβείᾳ διαφέρειν Vita, 88; also Bell. Jud. ii. 8, 14. Nay, the apostle himself says, that he lived a Pharisee—zer& τὴν ἀκριβεστάτην αἵρεσιν τῆς ἡμετέρας ϑοησκείας. Acts xxyi. 5. PHILIPPIANS III. 6. 177 its ceremonial minutize—and his determination, at all hazards, to uphold its validity. Winer; Real-Wéorterbuch, sub voce. Nay, Paul was not only a Pharisee, but “the son of a Pha- risee ’’—brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, a famous teacher of the sect. His mind had never been tainted by Sadducean unbelief, nor had he been fascinated by the ascetic theosophy of the Essene. If the apostle would not bind the law on the Gentile churches, it was not because he had not studied it or had not understood it, nor yet because he had either lived in indifference to its claims or been trained in prejudice against its venerable authority. (Ver. 6.) Κατὰ Gros διώκων τὴν éxxrynolav— As to zeal persecuting the church.” The neuter form ζῆλος has, in its fa- γοῦν, A, B, D, F, G. Some MSS., of no high authority, add τοῦ Θεοῦ after ἐκκλησίαν, but the noun often stands by itself. The present participle tells precisely what the apostle means to say, and it would be wrong to follow Grotius, Heinrichs, Am Ende, and Jaspis, and give it the meaning of διώξας. Nor is it necessary to make it a species of substantive with Alford, or of adjective with Ellicott, for it marks his conduct at the same point of time as when he had trust in the flesh, and thought himself blameless. The apostle gives his unconverted state an ideal present time. Compare Acts xxi. 20; Rom. x. 2; Gal. 1.13; 1 Tim. 1. 13. The apostle had been no passive supporter of the law. While he upheld it he upheld it with his might. And when the supremacy of that law seemed to be endangered by the growth of Christianity, with charac- teristic ardour and impetuosity he flung himself into the contest. He could not be a supine and listless spectator. The question was to him one of conscience and submission to divine authority, and therefore he deemed it his duty to imprison, torture, and kill the abetters of the infant faith, whose most malignant feature, as he thought, was its antago- nism to Moses. Others might stand aloof, fold their hands in indifference, and yield a facile acquiescence in events as they occurred. But the disciple of Gamaliel was in terrible earnest. Believing that in speaking “ words against Moses” there was open blasphemy, and that the glory of God and the spiritual interests of his country were in imminent hazard, he M 178 PHILIPPIANS III. 6. felt himself doing God’s service when he resolved to hunt down and extirpate the rising heresy, and “ breathed out threatenings and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord.” Foremost among the zealots stood Saul of Tarsus. Had his adversaries ever shown a similar fervour—had they so openly committed themselves? His zeal for the law outstripped theirs—éy® μᾶλλον. If he did not now enforce the Mosaic ceremonial, it was not because he had never loved it, or had been quite careless when it was assaulted. Not one had laboured for it so prodigiously, or fought for it so ferociously —‘the witnesses laid their clothes at a young man’s feet, whose name was Saul.’’ Higher still— κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος---΄ as regards righteousness which is in the law being blameless.” The noun δικαιοσύνη, when so used, departs from its ordi- nary classic sense, and represents one special meaning of the Hebrew py. It does not signify either equity or fair dealing between man and man, but depicts that aspect of state or relation to the Divine law, which secures, or is believed to secure, acceptance with God. It is here characterized as τὴν ἐν vouw—as being found in the law, or having its source in obedience to the law. With respect to such right- eousness, he was perfect—yevdmevos ἄμεμπτος. 1. 15. He thought himself, and others thought him, without flaw. He did whatever the law had enjoined; abstained from whatever the law had forbidden; omitted no duty, and committed no violation of legal precept. In form at least, and in external compliance, his obedience was exemplary, without occasional lapse or visible inconsistency. It is altogether too restricted to understand the “law’’ of Pharisaic enactment, or simply of the ceremonial law, and worse still to adopt the idea of Grotius and Am Ende, that Paul speaks but of the civil law, as if the miserable meaning were—nthil se fecisse quod morte aut ver- beribus castigandum esset. It was indeed and in itself what Matthies styles it—eine scheinheilige Werkgerechtigkeit ; but the apostle speaks from the stand-point of his earlier days. Matt. xix. 20. Such then is the record of the apostle’s grounds of confidence in the flesh, and who of those opposed to him could boast of more of them? He had no confidence PHILIPPIANS III. 7. 179 in the flesh, or mere externalism; and yet, if any man was ever warranted to have such confidence, it was he who had more of it than most, but who now with changed views so vehemently decried it, as opposed to the spirituality of the gospel and fatal to salvation. For he adds with power— (Ver. 7.) ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἅτινα ἦν μοι κέρδη, ταῦτα ἥγημαι διὰ τὸν X pic- τὸν ζημίαν---““ But whatever things were gains to me, these I have reckoned loss for Christ.” The conjunction ἀλλά intro- duces a striking and earnest contrast. In the use of ἅτινα, which is placed emphatically, the apostle refers to these previous things enumerated as a class—that class of things which were objects of gain; the plural κέρδη intimating their quantity and variety, and not simply corresponding in number with the plural ἅτινα. Kriiger, ὃ 44, 3,5. The dative μοι is that of “profit,” and not that of opinion, as is supposed by Erasmus, Beza, Rheinwald, De Wette, and Hoelemann. The apostle still speaks from his old stand-point—they were objects of gain, inasmuch as and so long as they were believed to secure acceptance with God. The ζημία is opposed to κέρδη, and is used in its literal sense in Acts xxvii. 10,21. The ταῦτα is emphatic—these, yes these, I have reckoned loss; and the κέρδη is not, as van Hengel makes it—non vera lucra, sed opinata. ‘The perfect tense may bear the meaning of the present—Buttmann, § 113, 7—yet the use of the present immediately after confines us to the past signification. These things I have set down as loss, and do so still. He had come to form a very opposite opinion of them. It is needless to take ζημία in the sense of mulcta, or στέρησις. It stands simply in unity, opposed to κέρδη in plurality—many gains as one loss—denoting the total revolution in the apostle’s mind and opinions. Theophylact adds daeSadkopyrv—“ and have cast them away,” but not correctly, or in strict unison with the previous declaration, for the apostle still had them, and says that he still had them—éyov πεποίθησιν. Nor is there more propriety in Calvin’s figure, virtually adopted and deteriorated by Macknight, taken from navigation, when men make loss of the cargo to lighten the ship, and save themselves. The apostle now states the grand reason for his change of estimate— διὰ τὸν Xpiotov— on account of Christ.” Not “in respect 180 PHILIPPIANS III. 8. of Christ,” as Heinrichs ; nor specially to enjoy fellowship with Him, as van Hengel. “On account of Christ ”—that is to say, what was once gain was now reckoned loss, either because it did not commend him to Christ, or what was held as some- thing won was regarded now as loss, for it did not enable to win Christ, nay, kept him from winning Christ. When he won, he was losing; nay, the more he won, the more he must lose. All his advantages in birth, privilege, sect, earnestness, and obedience, were not only profitless, but productive of posi- tive loss, as they prevented the gaining of Christ, and of justification through the faith of Christ. (Ver. 8.) ᾿Αλλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡγοῦμαι πάντα ζημίαν εἶναι--- “‘ But indeed, therefore, I also count or continue to count them all to be loss.”” Winer, ὃ 53, 7, says that ἀλλὰ μὲν οὖν may be rendered at sane quidem. Klotz Devarius, 663, ἄς. The ἀλλά puts the two tenses, past and present, into contrast; while the καί qualifies ἡγοῦμαι, and gives it special significance, and does not, as Rilliet supposes, connect itself with πάντα, as if there were a climax—‘ what things were gain, these I counted loss; yea, doubtless, 1 count even all things 1055. This exegesis would require, as Meyer says, the verbal order to be καὶ πάντα ἡγοῦμαι. Nor can πάντα mean all things absolutely. It has not the article, indeed, but the meaning is limited by the context—all things of the class and character described—the things of which he says immediately that he had suffered the loss. The estimate was not a hasty conclusion from fallacious premises, nor the sudden leap of an enthusiasm which had for a moment urged him. It was his calm and deliberate judgment still. And again he adduces a reason— διὰ TO ὑπερέχον τῆς γνώσεως Χριστοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου poou—‘‘ on account of the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord.” The participle ὑπερέχον is used as a sub- stantive. Bernhardy, p. 156; Matthiae, § 570. There is no occasion to supply any noun. “ Thucydides,” says Jelf, “ abounds in neuter participles thus used.” ὃ 436, &c. Besides this way of expressing abstract notions, there are several other points of resemblance between the style of the Greek historian and that of the apostle. There is a comparison implied in the PIIILIPFIANS III. 8. 181 epithet. It transcends all the things to which the apostle has referred. Still, there is no occasion, with Am Ende and Rheinwald, to resolve the phrase into dia τὴν ὑπερέχουσαν γνῶσιν. ‘The apostle does not refer to the knowledge simply, but to one feature of it, its superior excellence, in comparison with which all things are accounted loss. That knowledge has for its object Christ Jesus, whom the apostle names in a burst of veneration and attachment—“‘ my Lord.” Let the elements of loss be calculated. The “ gains” were :—circumcision performed without any deviation from legal time or method— membership in the house of Israel, and connection with one of its most honoured tribes—descent from a long line of pure-blooded ancestry—adherence to a sect, whose prominent distinction was the observance of the old statutes—earnest and uncompromising hostility to a community accused of under- mining the authority of the Mosaic code, and a merit based on blameless obedience to the law. ‘These, once gloried and confided in, were counted as a loss, for the sake of a superior gain in the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus. Chrysostom has a long and not very satisfactory argument to show, that the heretics who abused the law could not plead, for their vilification of it, the apostle’s language in this place. “He does not say the law zs loss, but I count it loss.” The true reply is, that it is not to the law in itself, but to his mis- conception of its position and of his own relation to it, that the apostle refers. Jerome on Habakkuk, referring to the same abuse of the apostle’s words, says he does not refer to the law as such, but has in view doctrine Phariseorum, et precepta hominum, et δευτερώσεις Judworum. Augustine, also, has more than once written in a similar strain. The apostle was surely justified in making such a compa- rison. He was no loser by the loss he had willingly made, for the object of knowledge was the Divine Saviour. To understand His person and character, with His work and its relations, and so to understand them through a living interest in them, is surely knowledge of superior excellence. Is it not supereminent knowledge to know Him as the “Christ,” not simply because He has been anointed, “ with the oil of glad- ness,” but because we too “have an unction from the Holy One,”’ 182 PHILIPPIANS III. 8. —to know Him as “ Jesus,” not simply because He wears our nature, but because we feel His human heart throbbing in unison with ours under trial and sorrow,—to know Him as Prophet, not simply because He is Light, but because we are light in Him,—to know Him ΄ ΄ ὧν αὐτὸς ἐσχε στέφωνον εὐκλείας MEO, where, however, the noun is explained by the genitive which it governs ; or Philoct. 841— τοῦδε γὰρ ὁ στέφανός, where, however, the image is different. See also Proverbs iv. 9, xi. 4, xiv. 24, xvi. 31, xvii. 16; Isaiah xxviii. 5. The expres- sion was acommon one. The scene of the first introduction of the gospel to Philippi recurred for a moment to his memory— the preaching of the truth, the impression made, the anxious inquiries put, the decided change produced, the organization of the church, and its growth and prosperity, as the result of his labours, prayers, and sufferings. His success he wore as a garland of imperishable verdure. If he who saved in battle the life of a Roman citizen received from his grateful country- men an oaken garland, οὗ civem servatum, how much more might their apostle call them saved and blessed by his ministry, “my crown?” He was not insensible to the high honour of being the founder and guardian of such a community. 238 PHILIPPIANS IV. 1. That this joy might not fail, and that this crown might not wither, he adds in earnest and loving tone— οὕτως στήκετε ἐν Kupio— so stand in the Lord.” 1 Thess. iii. 8. The preposition ἐν points out the sphere or element. To stand, or stand fast, in the Lord, is neither to wander out of Him, or even to waver in connection with Him, but to remain immovable in fellowship with Him,—to live in Him without pause—to walk in Him without digression—to love Him without rival—and serve Him without compromise. It is here to be untouched by the ceremonial pride of the concision, and especially to be proof against the sensualism of the enemies of the cross. But what is implied in οὕτως ---ἰ thus?” [5 it, “ stand so as you are doing,” or, “so as I have prescribed ?” The former view, which is that of the Greek Fathers, Calvin, Bengel, and Am Ende, is not so utterly untenable as Meyer represents it; for the apostle has already praised them for consistency and perseverance (i. 6), and the verb might bear such a pregnant meaning. Yet, as Meyer, De Wette, and others argue, there may be a reference to ili. 17—“ Be ye unitedly followers of me,” and οὕτως here may correspond to οὕτως there. Van Hengel is self-consistent in bringing out this idea—ut vivendi ratio quam sequamini in coelis sit. ‘To give it the turn which Elsner proposes in his translation— ita dilecti—is out of the question, nor is Drusius warranted so to Hebraize as to bring out this sense—state recte. We therefore take the reference as being especially to the two preceding verses, and as being in virtual contrast with the description of verses 18, 19. In opposition to those who were sunk in sensuality and earthliness, and on whom the cross of Christ exercised no spiritualizing power, they were to live as the citizens of a better country, their mind lifted above the world by such an ennobling connection, and thrilled at the same time with the prospect of the Saviour’s advent, to transform and prepare their physical nature for that realm in which they should have an ultimate and a permanent resi- dence. And he concludes with a second dyamnrol,—so great is the reaction from καὶ κλαίων, and so great his attachment to his Philippian converts; or, as Theodoret describes it, μετ᾽ εὐφημίας πολλῆς ἡ παραίνεσις. πο ΨΈΣ ΒΟ». Ψ ΨΟΝΘΝΝ PHILIPPIANS IV. 2. 239 The remaining statements and counsels are somewhat de- tached in their nature—are the ethical miscellany with which the apostle often concludes an epistle. They are personal, too, in character, and presuppose a confidential intimacy. (Ver. 2.) Εὐοδίαν παρακαλῶ, καὶ Συντύχην παρακαλῶ, τό αὐτὸ φρονεῖν ἐν ἹΚυρίῳ--- Euodias I exhort and Syntyche I exhort to be of one mind in the Lord.” ‘That these are the Greek names of women is plain from the feminine pronouns of the following verse, to which they are the antecedents. The words ἐν ΚΚύριῳ point out the sphere of this concord, and belong not to the verb παρακαλῶ, as Beza and Storr suppose, nor yet can we sustain the rendering of Grotius—propter Dominum. Who these women were, what was their position in the church, and about what they had disagreed, we know not. Not a few suppose them to have been deaconesses— πρεσβύτιδες. At all events, they had laboured in the gospel with earnestness and success. The apostle does not say on whose side the fault lay, but he repeats the παρακωλῶ, not simply, as Alford limits it, to ‘hint at their present separa- tion,’”’ but to show that he placed the like obligation on each of them. He does not exhort the one to be reconciled to the other, for they might have doubted who should take the initiative, and they might wonder, from the position of their names and construction of the sentence, to which of them the apostle attached the more blame. But he exhorts them both, the one and the other, to think the same thing—not only to come to a mutual understanding, but to preserve it. See under ii. 2. Van Hengel needlessly supposes that they had laboured with the apostle at Rome, and were now about to proceed to Philippi with Epaphroditus—this counsel to them being, that in all things they did for the gospel they should act in concert. But the previous intimations in the epistle prove that there had been tendencies to disunion in the church, and the second verse of the second chapter these women might read with a special and personal concern. The cause of quarrel might be some unworthy question about priority or privilege even in the prosecution of the good work—vainglory leading to strife, as already hinted by the apostle toward the com- mencement of the second chapter. It does not seem to have 240 PHILIPPIANS IV. 3. been any difference in creed or practice, and wholly groundless is the hypothesis of Baur and Schwegler, that the names represent two parties in the church at Philippi—Euodia the Jewish, and Syntyche the heathen party. (Ver. 3.) Nal ἐρωτῶ καὶ σὲ, γνήσιε σύνζυγε---“ Yea, I ask thee too, true yoke-fellow.”” A third party is appealed to, to interpose his good offices—a proof that the apostle reckoned the harmony of these two women a matter of no small impor- tance. The vai is preferred to καί on preponterant authority, and is confirmatory in its nature. The v rb ἐρωτάω, as different from αἰτέω, carries in it the idea of authority. Trench, Synon. p. 164. What this third person was to do is thus stated συλλαμβάνου αὐταῖς, αἵτινες ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ συνήθλησάν μοι---“ ΠΕΡ these women, as being persons who (or because they) have striven along with me in the gospel.’’ The first middle verb signifies to assist—‘‘ Take them up together.” Luke v. 7. It was not to help them pecuniarily, as Justinian absurdly imagines, but he, whoever he was, was to be a mediator, and to use all his influence with them, so that they should make advances to each other. And there was the more reason for his benign interference, for these women had been specially useful. They had (airwes—gquippe que) striven side by side with Paul in the gospel. The verb contains an idea more intense than that represented by “laboured,” as also in i. 27. In the place now referred to, the object for which agonistic exertion is made is placed in the simple dative—here the sphere of the striving is represented by the preposition év. They strove together in the gospel, and for its furtherance. They had rendered the apostle essential assistance in his evangelical efforts and toils, and if they were so labouring still in their own spheres, they must be reconciled. From their past efforts, their misunderstanding was the more unseemly, and the more necessary it was to heal the breach. Spheres of labour for females were specially open in such cities as Philippi, and among their own sex, to whom they might have access (for the yuvarxwvitis was kept in jealous seclusion), and whose delicacies and difficulties they could instinctively comprehend or remove. Rom. xvi. 3-12. —————— PHILIPPIANS IY: ὃ. 241 Women were the first who received the gospel at Philippi. Acts xvi. 13. These women were not the apostle’s only fellow-workers, for he adds, that they laboured— μετὰ καὶ Κλήμεντος Kat TOV λοιπῶν συνεργῶν wou— along with Clement, too, and my fellow-labourers.” The insertion of καί between the preposition and its noun is not common, though other particles are placed in this way. Hartung, 1., p. 143. By the use of καί . . καί, things or persons are simultaneously thought of or represented. Winer, § 53, 4. It is out of the question to join this clause with ἐρωτῶ, as if the request were his and Clement’s. Clement is mentioned nowhere else. ‘There is no solid ground for supposing that he was the well-known Clemens Romanus, as ecclesiastical tradition, Jerome, van Hengel, and Baur for his own purpose, suppose.’ All we know of him is, that in fellowship with those women, he had laboured along with the apostle at Philippi, in diffusing the gospel and building up the church. Euodia, Syntyche, and Clement must have been hearty and prominent in their co-operation; and Clement is mentioned as if the apostle had such a cordial recollection of him, that he could not but mention him. Others are also referred to, but not named. Some, as Storr, Flatt, and Cocceius, would join the clause to συλλαμβάνου αὐταῖς ; but as Meyer suggests, not μετά, but the simple dative would in that case be appropriate — καὶ τῷ Κλήμεντι. Of Clement’s colleagues, the apostle adds— ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐν βίβλῳ Sons— whose names are in the book of life.” The book of life is a figure, sometimes having reference to present life, as in Athens, where the catalogue of living citizens was scrupulously kept. Ps. lxix. 28; Ezek. ἘΠῚ 9) see also Wx,’ xxx. 32): Is: iv. 3.° ‘Then it came to be used in reference to life beyond the grave. Dan. xii. ΓΕ Rev. mi; 5, xii. 8, xx. 15; xxi. 27; and somewhat differently, Luke x. 20; Heb. xii. 23. This inscription of their names shows the certainty of their future happiness, for those names will not be erased. The image of such a register presents to us the minuteness and infallibility of the divine 1‘O Κλήμης + . Παύλου συνεργός. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iii. 4; Winer, Real. Wort. sub voce. Q 242 ς PHILIPPIANS IV. 8. omniscience, and the assured glory of Christ’s followers and servants. The relative has τῶν λοιπῶν for its antecedent, and probably the phraseology was suggested by the fact, that their names are unnoticed in the epistle. The apostle does not name them, they are summed up ina brief and anonymous Tov λοιπῶν ; but they are not forgotten, for their names are written by no human hand in the register of that blessed assemblage which shall inherit eternal life. A greater honour by far than being mentioned even in the list of an apostle’s eulogy. But who was the third party so earnestly appealed to by the apostle as γνήσιε σύνζυγεὁ ‘The noun, commonly spelt σύζυγος, occurs only here in the New Testament. 1. It is often used of a wife in classic Greek, and hence some would understand by it the spouse of the apostle. Clement of Alexandria? alludes to it, so does Isidore, and the view is held by Erasmus, Flacius, Musculus, Cajetan, Zuingh, Bullinger, and Justinian. Many popish interpreters keenly rebut this opinion, and Bellarmine confronts it with five distinct areuments. ‘The adjective ought, in such a case, to be femi- nine. Then, too, the notion would seem to contradict what Paul himself has said of his unmarried state in 1 Cor. vu. 7, &c.2 Theodoret justly remarks, that this view is held by some ἀνοήτως. 2. Dwelling still upon the same usage, some suppose the person referred to to be the husband of one of the women. Chrysostom says— ἀδελφόν twa αὐτῶν ἤ καὶ ἄνδρα μιᾶς 1 Stromata, li. ὅ8-τ- αὶ ὅγε Παῦλος οὐκ ὀκνεῖ ἔν τινι ἐπιστολὴ τὴν αὐτοῦ προσαγορεύειν .», ἡ σύζυγον, ἥν οὐ περιεκόμοιζε διὰ τὸ τῇ 2 Whether Paul had ever been married cannot be determined. Much depends on the precise meaning of the phrase zerjveyze Liigov—' I gave my vote against them.” Acts xxvi. 10. If the words are to be taken in their literal acceptation, and there appears no good reason why they should not, then they imply that Saul was at the period a member of the Sanbedrim; and one necessary qualification for a seat in that high court was to be a husband and a father. But his wife and children had not long survived, for when the apostle wrote to the church in Corinth he was unmarried. One objection to this view is, that chiefly men of years were admitted to the Sanhedrim, and Saul must have been comparatively young at the time. But perhaps his zeal and courage may have opened the path to him, and as for the qualification referred to, we know that it was customary for the Jews to marry at a rather early age. . aes ik poor ς ὑπηρεσίας εὐσταλές. EE δ. PHILIPPIANS IV. 4. P 243 αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖ. But there are no grounds for such an opinion. The yoke is supposed to be borne in company with the apostle, and not with any of these women. 3. Passing to the plain meaning of the term, many give it the rendering of our version—a colleague in labour, either in actual pastoral office, or at least one who had done good service to the church in Philippi, and was so well known as not to require to be named. This honour is assigned to various persons. Grotius, Cocceius, and Michaelis, assign it to Epaphroditus, though he was at this period with the apostle in Rome. Zeltner and Bengel put in a claim for Silas Estius upholds Timothy—Koehler pleads for Barnabas. Still the great majority regard the words as meaning fellow- labourer—germane compar, as in the Vulgate. Should this interpretation be adopted, it would follow, as Bengel remarks, that the term denotes a closer union than συνεργός ; and it looks as if the person referred to were he to whom the epistle should be first carried, and by whom it should be first read. It might be Epaphroditus, who, though present with the apostle, was so addressed, for he was to carry the epistle to Philippi, and as the pastor reading it, and being so addressed in it, might thus exhibit his commission as a peace-maker. 4, Another idea, started by Chrysostom and C&cumenius, and strenuously contended for by Meyer, is that σύζυγος is a proper name !—“ 1 ask thee, genuine Syzygus;” that is, his name was a symbol of his character and labours. Chrysostom says, as if by the way—tuveés δέ φασι ὄνομα ἐκεῖνο κύριον εἶναι τὸ Σύζυγε, but adds πλὴν εἴτε τοῦτο, εἴτε ἐκείνο, οὐ σφόδρα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι δεῖ. This hypothesis has the advantage of singling out an individual and addressing him, but the only plausible argument for it is, that as proper names occur in these verses, this in all likelihood is a proper name too. It is a strange conceit of Wieseler (Chronol. p. 458), that the “true yoke-fellow ” is Christ Himself, and that ναί introduces a prayer to Him. But the question cannot be fully determined. (Ver. 4.) Χαίρετε ἐν Κυρίῳ πάντοτε: πάλιν ἐρῶ, χαίρετε--- 1 Storr and Heinrichs hold it to be a translation of the name Κολληγᾶς found in Josephus. Bell. Jud. vii. 3, 4. Primasius and Peter Lombard are inclined to make the epithet a proper name. 244 PHILIPPIANS IY. 4. “ Rejoice in the Lord always; again will I say, rejoice.” ‘The apostle reverts to what he had started with in the Ist verse of the third chapter. There is no need to suppose any con- nection between this and the preceding verse. ‘The adverb πάντοτε, Which refers to time and not to place, belongs to the first clause. Κύριος, as usual, designates Christ, while ἐν points to Him as the element or sphere of this joy. The joy was to be continual—not a fitful rapture, but a uniform emotion. And the apostle repeats the injunction, which is very different in meaning from the Latin valete, and Cicero’s formula—vale, vale et salve.1 The apostle wished them to come to a full appreciation of their position and their connec- tion with Christ. Could they but judge truly their condition and prospects, and contrast them with their past state of gloom and unhappiness—could they but realize the nobleness and power of the truth they had embraced, and the riches and cer- tainty of the hopes they were cherishing—could they estimate the saving change effected in their souls, and picture too that glorification which was to pass over their bodies-—then, as they traced all blessing to Christ and to union with Him, they would rejoice in the Lord, not in themselves as recipients, but in Him as Source, not only in the gifts conferred, but in Him especially as the gracious benefactor. To rejoice in Him is to exult in Him, not asa dim abstraction, but as a living person—so near and so loving, so generous and so powerful, that the spirit ever turns to him in admiring grateful homage, covets His presence as its sunshine, and revels in fellowship with Him. Despondency is weakness, but joy is strength. Is it rash to say, in fine, that the churches of Christ are strangers by far too much to this repeated charge of the apostle—that the current ideas of Christ are too historic in their character, and want the freshness of a personal reality—that He is thought of more as a Being in remoteness and glory, far above and beyond the stars, than as a personal and sympathizing 1 That χαΐρειν is often employed in the sense of valere, every one knows, as in Xenophon viii. 5, 42--- χαίρειν ταύτην τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν πελεύω----(1 bid this happiness farewell,” or Euripides, Herc. Fur. δ16---- χαιρόντων x6voi—* farewell toils.” The English idiom is similar—farewell, or fare ye well—in itself a wish for happiness, though losing entirely such a sense in its idiomatic use, as in ‘‘ Farewell, sour annoy,” —“ Farewell, world and sin.” νου. PHILIPPIANS IV. 4. 245 Saviour—that salvation is regarded more as a process a man thankfully submits to, than a continuous and happy union with Jesus—and that therefore, though Christians may run and are not weary, and may walk and are not faint, they seldom mount up with wings as eagles, and then, if they do, is not their flight brief and exhaustive? On the reduplication of the precept, Chrysostom briefly says—xar@s τὸν λόγον ἐδιπλασίασεν. The earliest English expositor of this epistle thus writes—‘ Now see how it pleaseth the Lord, that as the Apostle comes againe and againe unto this holy exhortation, and leaves it not with once or twice, but even the third time also exhorteth them to rejoyce in the Lord; so I should come unto you againe and againe, even three severall times with the same exhortation to rejoyce in the Lord. ) ΠΡ απ τ 18; πὸ} aL 6s Colossi ἢ τ ae separated then from τὸ πλοῦτος, the phrase may denote either that by which the action of the verb is realized, or the manner in which that action is performed. Meyer takes the former view, which is quite consistent with his theory, which refers the supply to the glory to be awarded at the second coming. The verb in Eph. v. 18 is followed by ἐν, with special refer- ence to the Spirit, and sometimes the simple dative is em- ployed. But believing that χρεία comprehends temporal need, we cannot see how glory could be used as an adequate term for its supply. Nor indeed could the term be used in any sense for supply of want—grace being the word more usually employed. Glory is not on earth the means of supply—it results from this supply, but is not its material. Therefore we take ἐν δόξῃ not as the complement—“ with glory,” as Ellicott takes it, but as a modal qualification—“ in a glorious way.” Such is the view of van Hengel, Hoelemann, and Rilliet. He will supply every want in glory—lke Himself —not grudgingly or with a pittance, but with divine gene- rosity. And He would do this as He does all things— ἐν Χριστῷ “Inood—“ in Christ Jesus.” This designates the sphere of God’s action. In Christ Jesus will He supply their wants, or from the fulness in Him, His merit and mediation being the ground of it. What a glorious promise for the apostle to make on God’s behalf to them!—a perfect PHILIPPIANS IV. 20. 289 supply for every want of body or soul, for time or eternity, for earth or heaven. If man is but a mass of wants, wants for this world and wants for the world to come, and if God alone can supply them, what confidence should not such a pledge produce? Is it physical fare?—He heareth “the young ravens” when they cry. Is it the forgiveness of sin ? —He “delighteth in mercy.” Is it purification of soul ?— His Spirit produces His own image. Is it courage ?—He is “ Jehovah-Nissi.” Is it enlightenment ?—His words are, (7 will instruct thee.” Is it the hope of glory ?—Then it is “ Christ in you.’”’ Is it preparation for heaven ?—He makes “us meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.” Is it contentment in any circumstances ?—AlI things may be done in the strength of Christ. Nor was it rash in Paul to make such a promise, nor did he exceed his commission. He did not speak without a warrant. He knew the character of his God, and did not take His name in vain, for his varied and prolonged experience had fully informed him, and he was assured that the state of heart in the Philippian church must attract towards it the blessing. Would God resile from His servant’s pledge, or act as if in thus vouching for Him he had taken too much upon him? The idea of his close and tender relationship to God as his God, and his assurance that the promise made in His name would be realized; the thought of such a promise, so ample in its sweep, and so glorious in its fulfilment, with the idea that all whether pledged or enjoyed is of God the Giver, suggest the brief doxology of the following verse— (Ver. 20.) Τῷ δὲ Θεῷ καὶ Πατρὶ ἡμῶν ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. ᾿Αμήν---Νον to God and our Father be glory for ever and ever. Amen.” The apostle does not mean by this glorification to conclude ; it bursts from the fulness of his heart,'as in Rom. xi. 36; Gal.1.5; Eph. im. 21; 1 Tim. i.17; 2 Tim. iv. 18. ‘O Θεὺς καὶ o Hatjp forms one distinctive and complete title, followed sometimes by a genitive as here, and in Gal.i.4. For the meaning of the last intensive phrase, and generally of the whole verse, see under Eph. iii. 21. The optative εἴη may be supplied to δόξα, which has the article specifying it as the glory which T 290 PHILIPPIANS IV. 21. especially and characteristically is God's. Rom. xi. 36, xvi. 275, Gala. 5; Hph. ii 215 2 Tim. ᾿ν 48: Hebs ani 21; 2 Pet. ii. 18. The last phrase—“ to the ages of the ages ’’—is an imitation of the Hebrew superlative omy oir) (Gal. 1, 5; 1 Tim. i. 17; 2 Tim. iv. 18), and means a very long and indefinite period—the image taken from the cycles or calendars of time, to represent an immeasurable eternity. God is glorified in the aspect or character of Father, and “ cur Father,” implying that thosé whose wants are supplied by Him, are His children. Rom. viii. 15. To God, even our Father, the kind and liberal supplier of every want to every child, be eternal glory ascribed. The ascription of praise is the language of spiritual instinct, which cannot be repressed. Let the child realize its relation to the Father who feeds it, clothes it, and keeps it in life, who enlightens and guides it, pardons and purifies it, strengthens and upholds it, and all this in Christ Jesus, and it cannot but in its glowing con- sciousness cry out—‘‘ Now to God and our Father be the glory for ever.”+ The Amen is a fitting conclusion. As the lips shut themselves, the heart surveys again the facts and the grounds of praise, and adds—So be it. The apostle had praised them for their κοινωνία εἰς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον already, and he bids them give another practical manifestation of it— (Ver. 21.) ᾿Ασπάσασθε πάντα ἅγιον ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησού--- “Salute every saint in Christ Jesus.” The singular indi- vidualizes—singulatiém, as Bengel gives it. The words ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ may be connected either with ἅγιον, as in i. 1, or with the verb. We prefer the opinion of those who take the latter view, inasmuch as ἅγιος can stand by itself, whereas ἀσπάσασθε would seem to require some qualifying term, in order to define its character. The addition of ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ in the address of the epistles, has a specific purpose not needed on the ordinary recurrence of the epithet. Thus ἐν Κυρίῳ in Rom. xvi. 22, and 1 Cor. xvi. 19. Salu- tation in the Lord is in His name to one of His members. 1 We are tempted to place in contrast the doxology with which Velasquez con- cludes his Commentary on this Epistle— Ommnipotenti Deo, purissime Deipare, sanctis- simis Paulo et Ignatio, honor et gloria. Vol. ii., 552. PHILIPPIANS IV. 22. 291 And every saint was to be so greeted; the spirit of universal affection was to prevail. The apostle sends one cluster of salutations — ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ aderdoi— the brethren with me greet σου." And then he adds another— (Ver. 22.) ᾿Ασπάζονται ὑμᾶς πάντες οἱ ayvor— All the saints salute you.” Of course the brethren are saints, but all the saints are not brethren in the very same sense. The apostle refers to two circles of Christians about him; those bound by some nearer and more special tie to him, and named “brethren ;” and those beyond them having no such familiar relationship with him, “the saints.” Who composed this inner circle we know not. He may refer to the brethren spoken of ini. 14, or principally to those mentioned by him in the epistles written at this period to the church in Colosse, and to Phile- mon. Chrysostom alludes to a difficulty. The apostle has said, in 11. 20, 21, that none with him were like-minded with Timothy, and that all sought their own, and his solution is, that “he did not refuse to call even them brethren.’”’ Nor might all these brethren be qualified for such a mission as Timothy’s. See p. 151. A special class are subjoined— μάλιστα δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Kaicapos otxias—“but chiefly they of Ceesar’s household.” A special prominence is attached to their salutation. The very source of it must have excited wonder and gratitude. Calvin remarks—ae eo quidem admi- rabilius, quo varius est exemplum, sanctitatem in aulis regnare. They of Ceesar’s household must have taken a deep interest in the apostle, and might have been converted by him during his imprisonment. They must also, so far as permitted to them, have ministered to his comfort, and they could not but feel a special sympathy for a church which had sent Epaphro- ditus to do a similar service. Who they were, has been keenly disputed. The term οἰκία is not the same with πραιτώριον, but refers to the imperial residence. Matthies indeed says—so ist dieses am natiirlichsten hier zu verstehen, und an solche aus der Kaiserlichen Leibwache zu denken. But the statement is unsupported. It has been supposed to mean :— 1. The emperor’s family or relatives. So van Hengel and 292 PHILIPPIANS IV. 23. many others, including Baur, for a sinister purpose of his own. ‘The words may bear such a signification—1 Cor. xvi. 15, οἴδατε τὴν οἰκίαν Στεφανᾶ; Luke 1. 27, 11. 4, ἐξ οἴκου Δαυίδ. 2. The word is used in an inferior sense to signify domes- tics generally. So in Josephus, Antig. xvii. ὅ--8---τοῦ Kai- capos τὴν οἰκίαν. Also Philo—rov ἐπίτροπον τῆς οἰκίας, and in a yet more honourable 5θη56---εἰ δὲ μὴ βασιλὲυς ἀλλὰ τις τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας---- if he had not been king, but only one of Ceesar’s household, ought he not to have had some precedence and honour? In Flaccum. vol. 11. p. 522. Or Tacitus, Hist. 11. 92—quidam in domum Cesaris transgresst, atque tpsis dominis potentiores. Nero, as has been often remarked, had but few relations,’ and the probability is, that domestics, either slaves or freedmen, are here intended. The persons referred to are not named, as Epaphroditus could give the Philippians the requisite information. It is almost needless to allude to any hypothesis on this subject; yet out of this reference arose the fiction of Paul’s correspondence with Seneca, Nero’s preceptor. Lucan the poet, Seneca’s nephew, has also been included.? Hstius refers to two names, Evellius and Torpetes, as being Neronis familiares, and as occupying a place in the Roman martyrology of this period. But this is all uncertainty. Witsius gives Pomponia Grecina, a name occurring in Tacitus. Meletem. Leid. p. 212, and some have fixed on Poppzea Sabina, Nero’s wife. These domestics were, in all probability, brought into contact with the apostle during his confinement in the pretorium. For the opinions of those who think that this epistle was written at Cexsarea the reader may turn to the Introduction. (Ver. 23.) Ἢ χάρις tod Κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ peta τοῦ πνεύματος ὑμῶν--- The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit.” The reading ἡμῶν after Κυρίου, has very little support. ‘The received reading is peta πάντων ὑμῶν, which Meyer retains. The new reading is supported by A, D, E, F, G, 17, 677, 73-80, by the Vulgate, &c., and is adopted 1 Suetonius—Galba, iimProgenies Cesarwn in Nerone defecit; or Eutropius— vii. J—in Nerone omnis familia Augusti consumpta est. 2 Jercm2—de Viris Tllustr. Winer—Bib/. Realwért.—Art. “ Paul and Gallio.” PHILIPPIANS IV. 23. 293 by Lachmann and Tischendorf, &c. The common reading is found in B, J, K, the Syriac, and in Chrysostom and Theodoret. It is difficult to say which reading is preferable, as the new one may have been formed from Gal. vi. 18; Philem. 25; or 2 Tim. iv. 22. The sense in either case is not mate- rially different. He wished them to enjoy that grace which Christ bestows. If the critical reading be adopted, then the apostle wished the favour of Christ to descend upon their higher nature, or that portion of their nature for which it was specially fitted, and which indeed could alone enjoy it. Tischendorf rejects the ᾿Α μήν, and Lachmann puts it within brackets. The apostle concludes with a benediction or salu- tation—probably an autograph. Col. iv. 18; 2 Thess, iii. 17. In parting from his readers, he wishes them to possess the grace of the Lord Jesus; that grace which blesses and cheers, wach ξ strengthens and aaslese and at last ripens into Mer J The~ unauthorized postscript is variously read, both in the MSS., Versions, and Fathers; the Received Text Rene ὦ Φιλιππησίους ἐγράφη ἀπὸ Ῥώμης dv ’Exadpoditov. ERRATA IN THE WORK. Page 13, line 30 from the top, ἐν omitted before TH καρδίᾳ. “cc 14, 26, 33, “ce 4 24 28 22 24 6c > εν (( " σοὶς λοιποῖς καταγγέλουσι and wia σωματί σῦν εὐδοκιά Δόγου Or: στέφανός 478 ce an 9 —, ὌΝ Ἄ Τῇ απο OVI. read τοῖς λοιποῖς. καταγγέλλουσι. which. wa. σώματί. σὺν. εὐδοκία. στέφωνος. 465. IND Accusative, the real, how introduced, 11. Affliction which the false preachers would have occasioned Paul, 37. Advent, Christ’s second, 66. Benediction, the, 292. Boast of the Philippians, the, 171. Bodies of Christians glorified, how and. when, 226. ] Book of Life, the, 241. Business part of the epistle, 264. Calvinism defended, 125. Carefulness, in what sense forbidden, 250. Clergy, the epistle not specially to them, 3. Character to be aimed at, 139. | of the Philippians, 141. Christ as a man, 113. as a servant, 112. , how magnified in Paul, 48. Christians’ condition in Christ, 184. Circumcision, the, 169. Clement, 241. | Commentators on the epistle, xlii. Concision, the, 167. Conduct of Philippians, to be how charac- terized, and why, 71, 142. Confidence in the flesh disclaimed, 172. —— of prolonged life, Paul’s, 64. Conformity to Christ’s death, 192. Contentment of Paul, its nature and source, 269. Courage of Philippians, its import to themselves and their adversaries, 76. ——,, the reason of its significance, 77. — compared with Paul’s, 80. Day of Christ, the, 11. Death of Christ, the, 117. — to Paul, what it was, 53, 59, 61. Dilemma, the apostle’s, 60. Doxology, the, 289. Epaphroditus, his character, 154. ——,, his sickness and recovery, 155. , his devotedness, 158. —, ᾿ his return to the Philippians. Epistle, this, where and when written, XXxiy. ——,, its contents, xxxvi. Equality of Christ with the Father, 102. Exaltation of Christ, its nature, 121. —-, summary of Paul’s teaching con- cerning it, 126. FX. Example of Christ, its end, 129. of Paul recommended, 261. Exhortation to KEuodias and Syntyche, 239. External privileges no ground of confi- dence—See Paul’s own case, 172. | Externalism, Paul’s changed opinion of it, and why, 179. Faith, that of Philippians, how infiuenced by Paul’s continuance with them, 64. ——,, the effect of its increase, 65. , that of the early Christians, 79. Fellowship of the Philippians with Paul, 8, 14, 85. | Forbearance, Christian, its nature, 247. , motives to its manifestation, 248. | Form, the, of God, 99. Gain, Christ so reckoned, 50. Genuineness of the epistle, xv. Heaven to the Christian, 222. History of Paul, 174. Honest, its old English meaning, 257. Hope, the object of Paul’s, 47. Household, Ceesar’s, 291. Humanity of Christ, the, 113, 119. Humility, 92. Humiliation of Christ, 96, 111. Illumination, spiritual, promised, 207. Imprisonment of Paul a second time at Rome, discussed, 69. Incarnation of Christ, 119. Inconsistency of believers, characterized, 214. Influence of the Spirit, 133, 170. Inspiration of Paul, its extent, 70. ——,, its effect on the train of thought, 73. how to be Joy in God enjoined, 243. Joyfulness, characteristic of the gospel, 162. Joy, Paul's, in prospect of his martyr- dom, 148. , at the preaching of the gospel, 40, 144. Knowledge of Christ, Paul’s aim, 188. ——, spiritual, its proper use, 210. Life of Paul our example, 212. 296 Life to Paul, what it was, 49, 55, 63. Light, the Christian’s character, 141. Longing, Paul’s, after the Philippians, 16. Love, increase of, to what end, 20. Magnification of Christ, 48. Mind of Christ, the, 96. Mindfulness of Philippians for Paul, its earlier manifestations, 276. , why intermitted, 267. , renewed, 264. ——., the good it reflects on themselves, 281, 286. , its character in the eyes of God, 284. ——., its propriety, and His recognition of it, 275. Nervengeist, 234. Parties who preached to afflict Paul, who they are, 30, 34. Paul, was he married? 242. Paul and Timothy, reason of their con- junction in the salutation, 2. Peace of God, the result of prayer, 252. , its nature, 252, 263, ——,, its extent, 254. , its operation, 256. Pelagius on the Spirit’s influence, 137. Perfection to be aimed at—See Paul, 195. attainable, and its effects, 203. Persecution, furthering the gospel—See Paul, 25, 29: Perseverance of the saints, the, 12. Philippian church, its circumstances, and occasion of the epistle, xxxi. Philippi, and the introduction of the gospel, ix. Pietist controversy, 42. Prayers of Philippians for Paul, their effect, 48. Preaching of Christ, motives to it, 30. Prize of the Christian’s race, the, 201. Professor’s end, the mere, 219. Race, the Christian, 199. Repetition of phrases, to what end, 245. Requests, how to be made to God, 250. INDEX. Resurrection of the body, 231. of Christ, its power, 190. of the dead, 193. Reward of Paul’s labour, the, 145. Righteousness, the discussion of word so rendered, 23. , whence to us, 23, 185. ——., its fruits, their end, 24. Salvation, the working it out, 131. Salutations, in the Introduction, 4. , in the Farewell, 290. Selfseeking condemned, 93. Sensualism of some professors, 219. Servant, Christ as such, 112. Soul, its condition after death, 232. Spirit, the, the doctrine of its influence, 133. of Jesus Christ, so-called, 46. Strength, Paul’s, where to be found, 274. Sufferings of Paul, their effect on the spread of the gospel, 25. Syzygus, 243. | Thanksgiving, the extent and reason of iin OE Timothy’s mission to the Philippians, 149, 152. Timothy’s character, 150. | Trust of the Philippians, the, 172. Unity and integrity of the epistle, xxx. of Philippians wherein to consist, 73, 88. , reasons for cultivating it, 82. , dangers to and preservatives of it, 91. Virtue, 260. Visit to the Philippians, Paul’s hope of one, 153. Warned, those of whom Philippians are, 165. Work, the fruit of Paul’s, 59. Yoke-fellow, true, who so called, 242, ᾿Αγάπη ὑμῶν, 1. 9. ἁγνός, Tver αἴσθησις, i. 9. ἀκαιρέω, iv. 10. ἀλήθεια, i. 18. ἀμώμητος, ii. 15, ἀναθάλλω, iv. 10, ἀναλύω, 1. 23. ἅπαξ καὶ δίς, iv. 16. ἀποκοαροαδοπκία, i. 20. ἀπολογία, i. 7, 16. ἀρετή, iv. 8. ἁρπαγμός, ii. 6. αὐτάρκης, iv. 11. Βλέπετε, 111. 2. Γενεὰ σπολία, ii. 15. γνωρίζω, i. 22. yoyyurnmdes, li. 14, Διάκονος, i. 1. διαλογισμός, ii. 14. διαφέρω, i. 10. δικαιοσύνη, i. 11, iii. 6. δοκιμάζω, i. 10. ᾿Εβραῖος ἐξ Ἑβραίων, iii. δ. εἰλιπκρινής, i. 10. ἐλπίζω ἐν ἹΚυρίῳ, ii. 19. ἐξανάστασις, iii. 11. ἐπέχοντες, λόγον φωῆς, ii. 16. ἐπίψνωσις, i. 9. ἐπιεικές, τὸ, iv. 5. ἐπιποθῶ, i. 8. ἐπίσκοπος, ἱ. 1. ἐπιχορηγίο,, i. 19. ἐριθεία, i. 17. ἑτέρως, iii. 15. εὐδοκίας, ὑπὲρ τῆς, ii. 13. εὔφημος, iv. 8. εὐχαριστία, iv. 6. εὐψυχέω, ii. 19. ἐφ᾽ a, iv. 10. Ζητέω, ii. 22. Θυσίω, ii. 17. Κάθως, i. 7. xnedion, i. 7. καταγγέλλω, i. 17. κατατομτή, ili. 2. καταχθονίοι, ii. 10, xevodozi, ii. 8. κενόν, εἰς, li. 16. INDEX OF GREEK TERMS MORE PARTICULARLY REFERRED TO (ae ER z - ποινωνίω εἰς τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, 1. δ. πκολωνίο;, Introd. xiv. κύνες, iil, 2. Λατρεύω, iii. 8. λειτουργία, ii. 17. λειτουργός, ii. 95. λόγον, εἰς, iv. 15, 17. λοιπόν, τὸ, 111. 1. Μεγαλύνω, 1. 20 μνεία, i. 8. μορφή Θεοῦ, ii. 6. Νόμος, iii. 5. Oizia, ἹΚαΐσαρος, iv. 92. ὀκταήμερος, ili. δ. Πάλιν, ii. 28. παρα βολεύομσι, 11. 80, παράκλησις, ii. 1. παραμύθιον, ii. 1, παρουσία, ii, 12, πίστις, i. 27. πνεῦμα, 1. 27. πολίτευμα ἐν οὐρανοῖς, iii, 20. πολιτεύω, i. 27, πραιτώριον, i. 18, πρεσβύτερος, i. 1. προκοπή, i, 18. προσευχή, Introd. xxxiii. προσφιλής, iv. 8. πρόφασις, i. 18, πρώτη πολίς, Introd. xii. Devos, iv. 8. σποπέω, ii. 4. σποπός, iii. 14. σπύβαλον, iii. 8, σπένδομιοι, 11.17. σαλάγχνα καὶ οἰκτιρμοί, ii. 1. σπλάγχνα, i. 8. στέφανος, iv. 1. στοιχεῖν, 111. 16. σύζυγος or σύνξυγος, ἵν. 3. συνέχομαι, i, 23, σχήμα, ii. 8. σωτηρίαν zureoyaCopos, ii. 12. Téacsos, 111. 15. τύπος, iii, 17. Χορτάζω, iv. 12. χωρίς, ii. 14. Ψυχή, i. 21. Ρ "William Mackenzie, Printer, Glasgow, Ὁ δ᾽) ᾿ “vem ae coon Ἢ at re, 7 Ρ ae Ὗ | BE this ᾿ rt | Χ « ᾿ rT a. ΟΝ ἀμ δὲς ὦ # J BS2705 .E11 A commentary on the Greek text of the Princeton Theological Semin IMU 1 pes en 6663