Dmsioal^24't) JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ^^^ ^FEB 8 1934 JESUS IN TH#%!£njn^ EXPERIENCE OF MEN T. R. GLOVER Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and Public Orator in the University. Author of "The Jesus of History" NEW ^^tSlr YORK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY Copyright, 1921, by T. R. Glover PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA INTRODUCTION One of the parables of Jesus turns on the ferment of leaven in a mass of meal — a vivid forecast of his own effect on the minds of men. He found a world full of established ideas, heirlooms of a great and progressive past, and the immediate effect of his coming was a struggle between inheritance and experience. "It was said to them of old time; but I say unto you." The minds of most of us are like palimpsests written over and over again ; here the latest notion stands out in the new- est script, but between the letters are to be found traces of ideas much older, obliterated but legible; there the old is almost untouched, but the closer observer finds hints of a "later hand." Every great thinker sets men re- writing these palimpsests, and it is long before it is com- pletely achieved; and often by that time a new story is being superimposed on the corrected page. Jesus had the same material to work upon as every great teacher, and his work was done in the same way, on the same terms, and with the same result in the clash of old and new. He has reacted on mankind, as we all know ; he has transformed their ideas, blotted out old preconceptions and convictions, and through experience brought men to a new set of principles ; but the process has been long and slow. It is not as if men had really known at first what he meant and what his principles involved or, indeed, guessed how much his personality was to signify. It is easy to talk of his disciples taking the Christian message to the world; but when we begin to consider what this meant, V vi INTRODUCTION the task which they undertook is progressively realized to be of the hardest. A man has an entirely new experience, and he wishes to tell other men of it, but in what lan- guage? If he uses their language, it is inadequate for the new light and joy he has found; if he uses his own, recreated by the experience, it will be unintelligible. The dilemma is real but not final. One mind goes out to meet another; the listener can make nothing of the mes- sage, but he sees that there is something to be told; the bearing, the earnestness, the character of the mes- senger compel attention, and gradually the story is shared. But it is changed in being communicated. A poet has an inspiration; but if he is a great poet and writes great poetry, the eventual poem may be very different from the initial inspiration, even when it is full of it and expresses it — "like, but oh! how differ- ent!" The early Christian, in telling his story to the world, had to translate it ; and translation, as all bred on Greek verse composition know, is a discipline in under- standing; it means long and hard wrestling with the original, till it yields its real meaning. When the early Christian began to translate the story of Jesus into Greek (to say nothing of Latin, Syriac, or Armenian), he found out the gaps in his knowledge of the Greek vernacular and in his knowledge of Jesus; and by the time he had got his message into the new speech, his ex- perience of Jesus was a larger one, and he had to tell of a greater Christ than he had expected. The leaven had done more than it seemed to be doing. In one region and another of experience humanity has experimented with Jesus, constantly with new and un- expected results ; it has explored him with anxiety ; it has enjoyed him; and by exploring and enjoying him it has found more and more in him, and it has grown in the process. INTRODUCTION vii Our task in this volume is primarily historical. We have to watch the Christian apostle and the Christian community brought face to face with new issues, in- tellectual, spiritual, and social, and doing their best to adjust old and new, often with a belief in the perma- nence of the old which experience does not sustain, fre- quently with a good deal of fear which proves not war- ranted. The ancient world had had a long religious experience; and if some of its standard ideas were as yet insufficiently examined, some of its gains were real and permanent. The Christian Gospel had to be re- examined in connection with them all. The chief questions in religion for that ancient world were these: — Is God many or one? Is he just? Can man have peace with God and be sure of it? Is man's own personality secure, and for how long? We shall in turn have to discuss these questions and the older answers to them; to review the belief in spirits, that heirloom from animistic times, the philosophic foundation of polytheism; the problem of justice which haunts Greek thinkers from Theognis to Plato and be- yond, and is the inspiring motive of Jewish apocalyptic; the conception of religion as safety, and of sacrifice as the supreme mode of religion, the assurance of God's acceptance. As all these ideas had been perpetually readjusted to growing experience of the nature of morality, a fuller discussion of sin and its forgiveness will properly follow, and with it a survey of the central question of the nature of God, and then of the problem of personal immortality, which occupied antiquity more and more, and at every stage depended on the conception of God dominant in the day. Lastly in this connection we must consider the attempt made, upon the back- ground of these beliefs and of others, to explain the place of Christ in the universe which he was remodeling. viii INTRODUCTION The second part of the book will deal more directly with the Christian society. There we shall have to re- view the efforts of the Church as it wrestles with its own problems of existence and effectiveness, as an insti- tution. The personal relations which its members generally maintained with their Founder have been at every period decisive for the character of the Church at large; and we must make some endeavor to determine these relations, particularly when and where they are most intense and most controlling. Finally, there are the broader effects of the ideas of Jesus upon human progress and the human spirit at large — sometimes the result of conscious and deliberate application of his principles to the affairs of men, per- haps as often the unconscious and unrecognized but none the less real outcome of men's affection for him. Of course, as Aristotle said of his own Ethics, all this will be attempted "in outline and n ot in d etail." A further difficulty will be that in all such study we have to isolate and to analyze ideas which were operative to- gether and acted and reacted on one another; but that also is inevitable unless the reader will tolerate some repetition among the chapters. Finally, writer and reader here will have different roles; the writer is to be the historian merely ; it is for the reader to pass upon the evidence submitted and to be the theologian. In any case the work, if properly done by both writer and reader, should result in a new sense of the significance of Jesus in the experience of men. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction v I. The War with the Daemons 1 II. The Problem of Divine Justice 18 III. Saviours and Salvation 35 IV. The Lamb of God 52 V. The Forgiveness of Sin 71 VI. The Revelation of God 92 VII. Immortality 113 VIII. Alpha and Omega 132 IX. The Church Compromising 147 X. The Lordship of Jesus 169 XI. The Friendship op Jesus 182 XII. The Church Triumphant 196 XIII. The Humanizing of Life 211 XIV. The Reconciliation of Freedom and Re- ligion 231 IX CHAPTER I THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS I A chance phrase will sometimes open a man's mind to us and show us a series of thoughts and ideas, of precon- ceptions and presuppositions, which surprise us. We have known him, intimately, too ; and behind all lay this ! It is with some such feeling that we find a whole world of strange background to the familiar thinking of St. JPaul. He speaks of the wisdom of God, and then he adds, "which none of the princes of this world knew; for, had they known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory" (I Cor. 2:8). It was not of Pontius Pilate and Herod that Paul was speaking, but of beings far more awful and far more powerful — thrones, domin- ions, principalities and powers, as he calls them else- where, "the world-rulers of this darkness," and at their head is "the prince of the power of the air."' There had grown up in Jewish thought a great scheme of things which embodied a spirit world at war with God. Satan appears in the Old Testament, first of all as an accuser, and then as a maker of mischief. In the period between the main body of the Old Testament and the beginnings of the New, he had gained a greater prominence in men's thoughts and was now lord of the angels that fell, the great enemy of God,"" "the Black 1 See II Cor. 4:4; Eph. 3:2; Eph. 6:12; Col. 2:30; Gal. 4:3, 9. For princi- palities and powers and thrones, cf. II Enoch (Secrets) 20:1. 2 Cf. Testament of Dan 5, "For I read in a book of Enoch the just, that the ruler of them is Satan." Cf. II Enoch (Secrets) 18:3. In I Enoch 65:6, the Satans appear in the plural. 2 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN One*". God, with his purposes, and the forces that stand with him, is confronted by powers of evil, not scattered and desultory, but organized, ruled, and guided, well drilled, well led, and not unaware of God's designs. Again and again, through traitors in God's Kingdom, they got wind of the plans of God* and anticipated them, defeated them where they could, and fought a war of cunning and skill against God.** The Jews did not stand alone in this conception of the spirit world. For the primitive peoples of today and for some who are not so primitive, the whole universe is full of daemon powers, more real than we can imagine. In an Indian temple I have seen women undergoing the process of having devils driven out of them. I have seen men of education bowing in these temples to avert the anger of such spirits. To the stranger from the West, with his modern science, they are nothing. To the ancient world they were more real than the men and women in the streets. All the daemons, devils, imps, and bogeys of popular belief, and all the gods of all the cults and all the religions were being reduced to one system; all were necessary in an orderly Cosmos. The later Greek philosophers explained through daemons the origin of evil, all the mystery and all the trouble of the world ; and also the otherwise inexplicable gulf between the ultimate but unknowable One God and man. Gods lived beyond the atmosphere; daemons in the air; man on earth. So 'there was this daemon world proven; proven by all sick- ness and sin ; proven by long belief, by the old religions ; proven by the agreement of all mankind; proven by the assent of the best and most catholic of philosophic * Barnabas 4:11. , ,,t , *Cf. Enoch 16:3; not all the mysteries were known to the Watchers who fell. » Cf . H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions, p. 121; St. Paul and the Last Things, pp. 324, 325; Clemen, Primitive Christianity and Non-Jewish Sources, pp. 83, 110. THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 3 thinkers. The Jew and the Christian were monotheists, but they too believed in the existence of daemons; they were face to face with this awful reality of the daemon world at war with God. Paul, it is quite clear, shared that belief, though he did not give to it the importance that other men gave. Into that war, however, according to Paul, came a new force — the son of God, the Lord of Glory.' He battled with the powers of evil, and the battle went strangely, and they trapped him. Pilate and Herod were mere tools in the hands of these daemon powers, and they cap- tured the Son of God. They crucified the Lord of Glory, and inflicted on God the most awful disaster that could be conceived. Then it turned out, says Paul, that, so far from defeating God's purposes, with all their skill and all their cunning, they had only played into the hands of God. For the defeat of Christ on the cross led to the Resurrection, to the triumph of God over the daemon powers, to captor made captive, death conquered, mankind set free; and all the glorious promises of spiritual liberty and of peace with God which the Chris- tian world knows, and in which it rejoices. In Paradise Lost we have this story in its most glori- ous form, but few of us accept it as history. All this dim world has passed from our minds ; this tale of war in the spirit sphere is for us the merest mythology — "as much a dream as Milton's hierarchies," wrote John Keats." Yet for St. Paul's contemporaries the permanence of the daemons was better assured than that of the Lord of Glory; their part and place in the world was proved and accepted, his was a doubtful Jewish assertion." ^ The Lord of Glory is a name of God in I Enoch. ' Keats, Letter io Reynolds, Augt^st 25, 1819. ® Celsus, about a.d. 178, ridiculed this war of Satan with God; it was not "holy" to suggest that the greatest God had a rival; it was all a mis- understanding (quite in the Christian style) of Heraclitus' doctrine of strife. Celsus, however, accepted belief in daemons as natural and right. 4 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN Two problems here confront the historian. He has to explain how this phantasmagoria disappeared, and why, if this legend of war was the real Christian faith, or some vital part of it, the Lord of Glory has not gone with the rest of the dramatis personae. The identifica- tion of the Lord of Glory with the carpenter of Nazareth was surely the keystone of the Christian faith. If the one is dismissed as a figure in a fairy tale, what signifi- cance is left to the other? If we abandon Paul's "mythology" or turn it into "symbol," which is a politer way of doing the same thing, do we not, by this process of discarding, rob the Christian tradition and the Christian faith of its distinctive note and its real value? If the affirmation of the writer to the Hebrews is to stand, "Jesus Christ, yesterday and today the same, and forever"; if the Church is to maintain that he has any permanence; we shall have to show what has been his real place in human experience, and to prove that the teaching of the Church about its Master rests not on abstract theory or mythology, but has foundations in what men have actually experienced of him. We shall have to treat such evidence as the Christian generations give us, exactly as we do all historical evidence — ^with the same sympathy, with the same caution, applying the same canons of judgment, using the same habits of doubt, looking in the same spirit of truthfulness for alternative explanations, careful always to limit our statements severely by our real knowledge. The modern psychologist has, we may say, settled a great many questions suggested by the demonology of the past. He treats visions and voices, dual personality, conversion, and so forth, in a way foreign altogether to Paul's contemporaries, as to modern Roman Catholic, to Hindu and animist; and his conclusions so far appeal to the best trained minds as more satisfactory than the THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 5 ancient explanations. Will he go further and dispose of our religious experience as he has done of the long- established belief in daemons, in visions and theophanies? After all, the worst he can really do is to drive us to a closer study of fact, and our best friends can do us no better service. If he has disposed of the daemons and demigods, by whom the ancient thinker used to explain the existence of evil in the world, he has achieved a great stroke for mankind, it is true, in ridding men of the most paralyzing terrors it has known ; but he has neither eliminated evil from the world we know, nor explained its presence there. A great dissension in Nature re- mains, however we express it or explain it. Carlyle used to worry over Emerson's inability to see the hand of the devil in human life. We know Carlyle's vocabulary and we interpret it; is not (in passing) the same procedure fair in reading the New Testament and the Christian Fathers? What lies behind their vocabulary? What facts of experience do their psychology and their demon- ology indicate? An explanation implies an experience. Pain is no less uncomfortable physically if we refuse the view that a daemon causes it, though, of course, a bacillus may perhaps be more easily treated. There re- mains just as much reality as before about the historical Jesus, and about the living and present Christ, whether we accept or reject the theories which the Church has spun on the subject ; and the same applies to the theories of the Church's critics. Let us get to history. II After quoting the evidence of St. Paul for the wide- spread belief in daemons, it may seem a contradiction to suggest that in the New Testament the daemons are already beginning to recede from the first line of 6 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN interest ; yet it is true. The writers of the Gospels refer all sorts of diseases to daemon-possession, as their con- temporaries did. They stood with their neighbors in psychology, as was natural, and they shared their opin- ions in medicine. But while they keep the old language and the old beliefs, they are in possession of a principle which makes these of less consequence. For them the daemons and gods of polytheism are no longer very interesting. This is doubly clear. Paul puts it quite explicitly that they are defeated and are "coming to naught"; and the chief interest of the early Christian was manifestly in Jesus. The pagan gods were quickly disposed of; they were the angels that fell — mere daemons like the rest. But it was a longer time before the daemons, and their milder but legitimate descend- ants, the fairies, were definitely expelled for ever from the sphere of existence; but it was achieved, and by the New Testament principle of concentrating emphasis on Jesus Christ. Thus Tatian, in the second century, proclaims with joy that "instead of daemons that deceive we have learnt one Master who deceiveth not." A modern Japanese, Uchimura, struck the same note; it was joyful news, "one God and not eight million." Tatian found it an attraction in Christianity that it is "monarchic" and "sets man free from ten thousand tyrants." Modern scholars are only beginning to realize the burden laid on the human mind by astrology and kindred impostures that came from the East, and with a jargon of phil- osophy and religion imposed themselves on the Roman world. Tatian knew it well enough and renounced the Greeks and their philosophy.' Philosophy had, in fact, by its surrender to polytheism and popular belief in daemons, strengthened their hold on men. The Gospel » See Tatian, cc. 9, 16, 17. THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 7 did not in so many words deny their existence, but first degraded them and broke their hold, and at last anni- hilated them. By so doing it took terror out of men's souls, it made obscene and cruel rites needless, and greatly purified and sweetened life. It is, however, important to note that there was a struggle. The Gospel could be made infinitely more palatable to many minds by bringing it into line with other religions, by blending with it religious and philo- sophical principles on which they rested, but which were vitally opposed to Christian history and Christian ideals. Such combinations appeared to clear up real philosoph- ical difficulties and left men in a congenial atmosphere of magic and daemonic agencies. It does an historian's heart good to see the swinging blows with which Ignatius hammers a contemporary theory (c. A. D. 110) that made Jesus into a "daemon without a body." It is worth remembering that the Church always held to the real humanity of Christ; it was left for the heresies to spin endless genealogies of figments, metaphors, essences, and daemons. To some minds fancy always seems more able than truth to fire the imagination. Today it is hard for the Western thinker to make anything at all of the fragments of Gnostic theology and demonology that have come down to us, or to understand how anybody could ever have been interested in them. This is in itself an indication of what the absorbing interest in Jesus has done; and when one grasps that it stands between us and systems like the many forms of modern Hinduism and theosophy, one realizes anew the value of the his- torical Jesus. At times it might seem as if the early Christian, like converts from heathenism today, really used the Gospel as a sort of super-magic. He employed "the Name that is aibove every name" to expel devils; and from an ex- 8 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN perience of my own in India I can understand why he did."* But that was by the way. What made that name of value was the Man who bore it, and the supreme inter- est of his character and story, his cross and resurrection, and yet more his teaching upon God and the intimate relation with God which was at last the only way of ex- plaining him. If Jesus embodied God, if "God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself," if God was essentially like Jesus, then obviously, however real they might be, the daemons were irrelevant. As the daemon- world was at best a theory to explain phenomena possibly susceptible of other explanations, when Jesus made it irrelevant it ceased to be of interest and it died. This is shortening the story but not changing its meaning. If throughout the Middle Ages and even after the Refor- mation men believed in daemons and witches, as they did, the liberation of the human mind, which, as we shall see in a later chapter, belongs to the work of Christ, steadily drove the superstition into the background where it gradually died. Jesus is allied with the powers of the mind, and his Gospel naturally militates against "imaginations and every high thing that thrusts itself up," as Paul said. Ill That Jesus was historical differentiates him at once from the daemon "Rulers of the World" and their hosts. They were creatures of the fancy; and he was, in our ordinary sense of the word, real. They depended on a theory or a series of theories, and their dispositions and natures, when they had any, were mere matters of legend and fairy tale; but there was nothing authoritative. ^^ The most splendid illustration of this is the "Breastplate of Patrick," which in Mrs. Alexander's verse is in the English Hymnal. The original and a prose translation are in Whitley Stokes's Tripartite Life of St. Pat- rick, Vol. I, p. 49. THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 9 nothing" final, about them. Indeed there was nothing to begin on, such as a real person offers. A character guar- anteed by history is something definite to work upon, however multiple it may be. It is possible to spend one- self with profit in the study of a real man; but if a daemon or a fairy has any lineaments at all, they are borrowed; and the peacock's feathers are more interest- ing on the peacock than on the jackdaw, especially when the jackdaw itself is a fable. It was, as we have seen, an immense gain that Jesus was objective, that one could say of him, "This befel him and that definitely did not.'* The value of this will be brought out by even a very short investigation of Plutarch's method of handling legend or a little talk with a Hindu defending Hinduism. On the one side there is nothing but a series of dissolving views; with Jesus you are on the rock at once and have positive knowledge. To the troubled in heart it was intense relief to turn to a real figure with a real experience and no "perhaps" underlying all. But he is more than his- torically real; he is real in a deeper sense. The first three gospels give records of a peculiar inti- macy about his life, his character, his mind and person- ality. They yield a surprising amount of detail, vivid, various, and true. He can be known well, for while his sayings are often perplexing and stimulating, as he meant them to be, his meaning, his general drift, his fundamental ideas are extraordinarily clear. He has a reality, an intensity, that makes other men look beg- garly in their outfit, starved in nature and parochial. Here is a man of genius going quite beyond everyone else we know of that kind; a man of wide range in ex- perience, of intuition, of acumen and instincf. He knows what his experience means and he does not miss it. He sees and feels things with an intensity that we do not 10 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN reach. It is of this type that our greatest teachers are in every sphere. The tourist, for instance, sees a water- fall, a rock so many feet high with water coming over; he looks at it, and then takes a newspaper from his pocket till it is time to go home. Wordsworth sees more and realizes he is face to face with a great storehouse of experience: "The sounding cataract Haunted me like a passion." The sound of it rang in his ears ; the sight of it stayed with him, the color, the gleam, the beauty ; he knew they would, and was (so to speak) too busy to waste any- thing in momentary enjoyment. Jesus, we can guess, felt Nature — experienced Nature — in a way very similar. Men miss a great deal of their experience; but he is clearer-headed than we are. He sees things, grasps things and realizes them. To take a crucial case, already referred to, he realized pain. When men drew the great spiritual teachers of that day, they left out any sugges- tion of their being amenable to pain when they could, and made them impassive. Jesus* followers drew him on the cross. Men have always felt, as they got into touch with Jesus, that here is a man who knows where the problems hurt. Why does the widow lose her son? He had lived with a widow and her children, and worked for her day in and day out, and from her he learnt a tender- ness for all women and all widows. What is the mean- ing of that pain? Or the pain of a prodigal son? That, too, he has drawn in his parables. He felt it and he knew it. The problem bore on him and burdened him and took him to the cross. What, again, is the meaning of the devilish hardness of the human heart? What in- deed? Four years of war have revealed ugly streaks in us ; we fancied they were not there ; but he knew. Here, THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 11 then, was a man who had been bruised and agonized by the problems that trouble us. He had to wrestle with these things. He would have no anodyne. He drank the cup without the anesthetic. He went through it all till he knew the points that trouble men and women. He knew exactly where the difficulty comes; and he has found peace. Matthew Arnold wrote a good deal of theology which is obsolete, but there are certain things which he wrote which rise higher than much modern criticism. "Jesus Christ," he said, "was above his reporters"; but he said a greater thing still. "Jesus bases himself always on experience, and never on theory"; and that is a great truth. Genius differs from our common endowment perhaps most in this that it seizes the fact with meaning; and, that once achieved, all the rest fall into lucidity. For Jesus experience was not sheer sickening pain, for he understood what to do with it. He penetrated farther into it than we do. This again is the mark of the genius, of the poet. Jesus had a hold of the centrality of God in experience in a way that still surprises us. Call it genius, insight, intuition — or use the speech of the Church and say Word, Essence, Homoousios — the fact we are all trying to express is the intense hold that Jesus has of the Real; he knowSy where others are guess- ing, and guessing badly." Our age is not the first to discover the value to ordi- nary people of a great man. The names of Socrates and Zeno haunt the discourses of that day. They and not the daemons were the moral examples, a significant fact. "Place before yourself what Socrates or Zeno would have done in such circumstances," said Epictetus.'- "Though you are not yet a Socrates, you ought to live as one who "See p. 110. ^Manual, ZZ. 12 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN wishes to be a Socrates."" "Go away to Socrates and see him . . . and think what a victory he felt he won over himself."" Others gave similar advice; "Do everything as if Epictetus saw."'' And among Romans Cato and Laelius were recommended. "We ought to choose some good man," writes Seneca, "and always have him before our eyes that we may live as if he watched us, and do everything as if he saw."'® So old and so natural is the use men make of other men who have been victorious in life; so much more profitable is history than theory. The great man is felt not to be an accident, or (to use a biological term) a "sport," but to be a real and relevant manifestation of what human nature is. What is possible for one can be possible under conditions for another; and then the question rises about the condi- tions, a question difficult enough but soluble somehow, men feel. And man, by nature built to be moral and to be religious, built to seek for truth, is driven by his experience of the "great Man" to look more deeply into human nature and into its relations with the spiritual environment, with God. In epitome, all real progress in religion has been achieved by men who would face the facts and divined which facts to face; by men who realized that victory in the sphere of mind and char- acter is the best evidence as to ultimate reality; or, simply, by men who had good fathers and friends and knew it, and put them definitely above doubtfully moral gods and daemons, and slowly rethought their ideas of God and rebuilt their religious systems on the im- pulse of their experience of human goodness." It is not necessary here, nor possible, to survey through nineteen " Manual, SO. ^* Discourses, II, 18, 22. 15 Seneca, Ep. 25:5. "£*. 11:8. " The last clause epitomizes a good deal of the progrecs in religion made by Greece before Plato. THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 13 centuries how men s experience of Jesus has driven them into fresh thought on God and man. But to realize how far ahead of religions based on daemon-theories and old legends Christianity is, some close study in detail of its records and its contrasts is invaluable. To recapitulate, before we pass on, the victory of Jesus has only been slowly won. Tradition, association, esthetics, sheer conservatism, and terror have all played their part in retarding it. There must be daemons, men felt, or all the world would not say so ; what "everybody" says, must be true — paraphrasing Stoic doctrine of the consensus of mankind. But experience of Jesus was a great corrective. He was very difficult to explain; the reconciliation of what he said with the teaching of priest and philosopher and gossip was very hard; but in the end fact conquers. There he was, historical, true, intel- ligent of his experience, a pioneer in fact and an inter- preter; and there he is still. IV It is difficult to recall an instance of a great person- ality putting a new truth before the world and passing away from the life of mankind before the new lesson was learnt to the very end and transcended. The prophets pass away; the commentators pass, and the doctors — ■ these last two very quickly. The poets stand far better, for they take us farther into reality; Jesus best of all, for he reaches the greatest depths in all he feels and says. We have not yet exhausted what he has to say; at times it seems as if we had hardly begun to explore it. In two ways we realize how far ahead he is of us. When- ever the Church returns to him and begins to take him seriously, there is always a resurrection, evidence of a new life; and this could not be if his value were spent. 14 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN And, further-— for the Church does not always lead the. intelligence of mankind — ^when new light reaches the Church from without, again and again it proves that the new science, or the new scholarship, the new politics or the new psychology, that seemed "dangerous" to the Gospel of Christ, is not inimical in the least, has nothing about it that we could think alien to the spirit of the Jesus of history. Four years of war have taught us much evil, but they have at least revealed that Jesus' conception of man was truer than those estimates com- monly framed by politicians, emperors, war offices, and journalists. No political society has yet attempted to organize itself on the basis of the belief that Jesus can be unreservedly right in his view of man. Our economics and our nationalism make Jesus inevitable; there is no getting rid of him till we have transcended him. The war again raised in millions of homes the question that Jesus settled. The New Testament speaks of him abolish- ing death and bringing life and immortality to light (II Tim- 1 :10) ; it suggests that the sting of death is gone, that the tragedy is all resolved in quiet and content by his cross and his resurrection. The gulf between such a view and the sorrow we know in every land of Europe today measures the distance between us and the disappearance of Jesus. But if Jesus is still a great correction to our thought about men, still more is he to our thought about God. If a man were to make the experiment for a week, never in reading, in thought or in speech, to let the name of God pass without trying to put into it the full meaning that Jesus gives it, the staggering task would bring home to him how far Jesus is from being superseded, how far we are from having exhausted the value of his message about God. Jesus again will remain till we have worked out the full value and meaning of what THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 15 he thinks about ourselves in conjunction with God — a rather different thing from either taken separately. So far as I understand the times in which we live, religion is only possible to the modern man along the lines of Jesus Christ. For the really educated man of today there are no other religions. There are people who play at being Buddhists and Hindus; and we may wonder what the reflective Buddhist and the reflective Hindu think about them. All sorts of poses are adopted by men and women, but serious thinkers do not pose; and any man, who comes to grips with history and philosophy, knows that Buddha and Muhammad and the thinkers of Hindu- ism are not for us. It is Jesus or nobody, and we are still far from grasping the whole significance of what he has to say. God for Jesus, God in Jesus, is an un- explored treasure still; and for us, apart from Jesus, God is little better than an abstract noun; and to people who are serious, abstract nouns are of less and less use. Let us put it this way. If we spoke straight out, we should say that God could not do better than follow the example of Jesus. That means that Jesus fulfils our con- ception of God ;'' but that is not all, nor is it enough. He is constantly enlarging our idea of God, revealing great tracts of God unsuspected by us. God as interpretable in and through Jesus is unexhausted. Here lies the ex- planation of the new life that the Church always shows, when it returns to the historical Jesus and takes him seri- ously. It involves his remaining; and his historicity is once more our foundation. So far we have been dealing with the part played by Jesus in shaping and clearing thought. But thought is tested in life and conduct. There are about us hundreds of men and women who have found that in the business of keeping level with life, in the more desperate business "This point will be taken up in the next chapter. 16 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN of fighting one's character through to something like decency, Jesus is still a dependable factor. We are not dealing with propositions in the air ; we are dealing with Someone, they tell us, to whom we can go and say, "Come and help me," and he does. If some psychologists will not quite let us say that, they must concede that we find help when we bring him in. It is not clear that the psy- chologists are at the end of their discoveries, and their disciples often quote them too soon and with too dogmatic a tone; there are still facts about suggestion to be dis- covered and to be v/eighed ; and when psychology has said its last about the facts, it is philosophy that has to bring in the verdict on the facts. In the meantime it is the experience of countless souls that where we touch Jesus we do somehow touch the real. Do we not know men and women who have been remade by Jesus Christ? In our own lives, too, we know the help that Jesus has been and is. It is our experience that we can depend upon him, that we can utilize him ; and our experience is guar- anteed in measure by the similar experience of others. Even if this form of expression needs correction, and granting that our experience, even when so confirmed, needs examination, we have here a strong presumption of evidence; we are justified in thinking that truth awaits us in this direction. If we find help in Jesus it seems reasonable to maintain that Jesus has not passed away, and to attribute some large part of his effect to his being a real historical personality, neither a legend nor a dogma, but a man. If he has not passed away, he remains the concern of all who take life seriously. We shall never understand the last nineteen centuries, if he and his influence are unfamiliar or unintelligible to us. We shall not have our full equipment for facing the future if so great a Force, intelligible, available and unexhausted, is left by THE WAR WITH THE DAEMONS 17 us on one side. The progress of the Christian life is marked and measured at every stage by increasing de- pendence on Jesus ; Christian and non-Christian, we have to explain this fact in life. We have to understand Jesus Christ, unless our universe is to be chaos. ^ CHAPTER II THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE All through Christian history we find an emphasis on the judgment seat of Christ, an inspiration at once of terror and of hope, but so far at least, an integral part of the Christian scheme of things. To the historian it is plain that the picture of this judgment seat, the "great white Throne," owes features to older story; and certain reflections at once occur. Has the judgment seat a legiti- mate place in Christian thought, or is it a survival of pre-Christian tradition and alien? In other words, is it a matter of inheritance or does it rest on some real ex- perience? And again, if experience has been used to point to such a conclusion of human history, is' this the sole and necessary inference of the experience, or is an- other alternative possible? Assuming a "last judgment" of some sort, what relevance or relation can the historical carpenter of Nazareth have to it? For it is at least a remarkable thing that when Christians borrowed from Jews the idea of a Judgment Day, and developed it along the lines of the Greek philosophic myths, they transferred the supreme place to Jesus. To understand the central idea of a Great Assize, whether Jewish, Platonic, or Christian, it is well to ex- amine the experience which led men to venture such a hjrpothesis. It must be borne in mind that it is not so much folklore as philosophy that underlies the doctrine, an attempt to justify the ways of God to men. As the 18 THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 19 data in the problem are common, we shall take them as the Christian had them presented to him. There are two judgment seats in the New Testament — Pilate's (Matt. 27:19) and Christ's (II Cor. 5:10)— and whatever uncertainty there be about the judgment seat of Christ, there is no mystery, no wonder, no perhaps, about the judgment seat of Pilate; we are touching fact there. The story is familiar. The priests have got their man. One of his followers .ent back on him and sold him — a thing that has often happened in the East, and is not unknown in the West. They took him to Pilate with an accusation and some sort of evidence. Pilate was no Roman of the old school; he did not hold with all the ancient traditions of self-rule and principle; but he was shrewd and clever, and he saw through the situation. He knew the priests very well ; he had also heard a little of the man perhaps — one of those tiresome "kings of the Jews"; but a glance at the man told him at once that there was nothing of importance this time. There is no case; but these people are not in a pleasant mood; and his record is not strong enough to leave him quite inde- pendent. So the question rises : What is to be done with this poor creature? It is a festival, at which the tradition is that a prisoner shall be released; and there is a notable prisoner in his hands, a man whom they all know. Barabbas, we are told, had made an insurrection, and in the course of it there had been murder. The Fourth Gospel says he was a brigand. In the nineteenth century there were men in Greece whom the Turks called brigands, but the Greeks counted them patriots; the difference was merely in the point of view. The Greek people loved them and made 20 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ballads about them, till the name klepht (thief, in old Greek) became romantic. Barab^as was probatoly of this type. He had defied the law. Yes, but foreigners had made the law. He had given trouble to the Government, and the persons killed very likely were Roman soldiers. According to one gospel (Matthew's) Pilate offers the crowd the choice of Jesus or Barabbas. The others give another account of how the alternative was presented. The talk in the crowd must have been ebb and flow, somehow so. There are no real grounds, says one man, for Jesus being put to death. No, but we are in such a position, that if we free Jesus we kill the patriot. Some people had thought that Jesus might be the Mes- siah, but he is a hopeless failure. There is no reason why Jesus should not be released on the merits of the case, and Barabbas in accordance with custom. Jesus or Barabbas? Well, we cannot give away Barabbas. But, after all, it is not really we who condemn either Jesus or Barabbas to death; we would release both. The re- sponsibility rests with the man who has fastened the alternative upon us, or it is inherent in the situation. All we have to do is to decide who has served our people best. One man calls out for Barabbas, and then every- body shouts "Barabbas!" "And what about Jesus?" There are people at work among the crowd representing the priests, and the cry goes up: "Crucify him!" The only chance to get Barabbas is to have Jesus crucifie4. So the cry comes with more volume, and Pilate gives them Barabbas; and that is the end of Jesus called Messiah.* Jesus was condemned because he was unpopular. He had had a chance of popularity and had missed it. He ^ "Pilate," says a clever Irishman, "was the prototype of all English officials, with his condescending yet contemptuous manner to natives, his tolerant scorn of their beliefs, and his occasional feeble generosity toward patriots or prophets." Shane Leslie, The End of a Chapter, p. 160. THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 21 was unpatriotic. "Render unto Caesar," he said, "the things that are Caesar's." A very clever answer! But on the straight issue of Rome or Israel he had floundered. Barahbas had been definitely patriotic. The teaching of Jesus was unpractical. It was not going to lighten the burden of Roman oppression. It was very pretty for an ideal world, for Utopia, as we say; for Plato's Republic, as they used to say; very beautiful. But we live in a real world; and Jesus was unpractical. Unpopular, un- patriotic, unpractical, unintelligible — it is a heavy indict- ment, and the periods in history have been few when it would not carry condemnation with it. The suffering of the innocent is no strange thing; what would war be without it? A certain percentage of miscarriages is always to be expected of justice. Again and again in history we see a general collapse of conscience in government or people, under the influence of fear of some foreign enemy, or for want of the habit of facing new ideas in politics or economics, or even in religion. History is full of such horrors. Nor is it only the past that knows them. II After all, the condemnation of Jesus raises the com- mon issue of injustice and wrong. It is the crucial case. So the question rises. Is the thing going to stay there or is it not? Is the judgment seat of Pilate the last word? Our instinct, the instinct of all men, is that what is wrong cannot be left wrong ; it must be set right somehow. Men have felt there must be a court of appeal that will put it right. God's ways, of course, are inscrutable. Children die, and ships are wrecked; the plain laws of Nature work out in pain and perplexity ; but there is something worse, 22 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN far worse, which has to be explained in God's manage- ment of the universe. The most tragic thing of all is man's failure to achieve justice. All society is an en- deavor toward justice, from the first dawn of history, from the earliest appeal to chief or king for an award between tribesman and tribesman, from the day when the people called for the first publication of laws, down through all the codes — codes of Moses, of Manu, of Justinian — Magna Charta, Habeas Corpus; has not jus- tice been the common life-nerve of every revolution? Does it not underlie all the great movements? And yet, after all these centuries of pain and tragedy, man does not recognize justice; and even where he does, a whiff of terror or passion, and he tramples underfoot the very principle on which he lives, for which he and his fathers have sacrificed so much. Is it not tragic? For does it not imply that man, with all his long experience, all his slowly developed but real sensitiveness, cannot trust him- self against passion? But does not all society, all real life, rest upon the distinction between right and wrong being fundamental, and ever more profoundly real? If experience means- anything, is it not the progressive discovery of the nature of right and wrong? And to confuse them, is it not the negation of the very idea of cosmos itself, a flat denial that there is any reality, any principle, in the universe? If the universe is rational, the distinction between right and wrong must be clear, definite, reliable at last, however long the process of discovery; and those who suffered to make the discovery ought surely to have the benefit of it. Otherwise human life is the voyage of a derelict, without chart or helm, and without port. God's own character is involved ; for if God can manage no better thing for such a wonderful spirit as Jesus of Nazareth than to fumble him into the hands of a con- THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 23 temptible official like Pilate, to be hustled off to the cross and to perish as miserably as the man who sold him; if that is the whole story, the very idea of God becomes intolerable, and unthinkable. Imagine a God who creates man to feel exquisitely, who gives him an instinct and a passion for right and for justice, and then puts him into a position where all that is best in him is so much more needless and purposeless torture ; where, in propor- tion as he is developed on every side of his nature, he is mocked the more by pain without meaning," spiritual pain, the refined suffering that injustice, triumphant and im- •becile, inflicts on the spirit that feels and understands. If that is the action of God, what is he but the most devilish of practical jokers — a hideous and hateful tor- mentor? Could there be better advice in that case than that of Job's wife — "Curse God and die"? But a man would do well to put his children out of God's reach first. That men do not kill their children and then them- selves as a general rule, is an indication that men will not think so ill of the universe, that they will not believe more than momentarily that right and wrong are negli- gible, that justice is not done. Men, with all history's records of cruelty and injustice, battling on in a world where actual and ideal are so far apart, believe that somehow or other God has still a word to say when man has done his worst. Then that scene of Pilate and Jesus is not the end of the story? That was the great question with mankind. For centuries men had been thinking and dreaming of another tribunal. From Homer down to Plato men had wrestled with the problem of justice. How could Zeus pretend to rule the universe and look on at what was 2 Cf. Letter of Keats (on his voyage to Italy and to death) : "Is there another life? Shall I awake and find all this a dream? There must be, we cannot be created for this sort of suffering." To Charles Brown, September 28, 1820. 24 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN done there? So asked Theognis, neither pietist nor phi- losopher, but a good conservative, shocked by the over- turn of the one society in which he believed. And so asked, sooner or later, all thinking men. The problem, somewhere or other, in one form and another, underlies all the tragedies of the great Greek dramatists. If Agamemnon is murdered, "the doer must suffer"; and the righteousness of the universe is proved by the slay- ing of Aegiathus and Clytaemnestra and the acquittal of Orestes. A generation later, the question is put again by Euripides, more pungently, and with a closer adher- ence to the facts of life. In his Trojan Women, for in- stance, punishment seems to impend upon the guilty, but all the time we know, and everybody knows, that Helen goes unpunished and all the misery and shame fall on the guiltless; and there is frankly no recompense to the good who suffer for the sins of others, unless perhaps Hecuba hits the dim clue to it: "0 stay of Earth, that hast thy seat on earth. Whoe'er thou art, ill-guessed and hard to know, Zeus, whether Nature's law, or mind of man. To thee I pray ; for on a noiseless path All mortal things by justice thou dost guide."* Then the end of the play comes; her husband is dead, her sons are dead, her daughters are made human sac- rifices or given as concubines, her little grandson is killed for policy, and she is led away into slavery ; and the ques- tion remains. Law of nature, human intelligence, phys- ical basis of earth — what? — can it be that righteousness is the norm of all? And Euripides leaves us the ques- tion, heightened, not answered. Plato had to wrestle with the same problem. Obvious injustice revolts people; but supposing one could dodge » Troades, 884. THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 25 its consequences? "Imagine the unjust man to be master of his craft, seldom making mistakes, and easily correct- ing them; having gifts of money, speech, strength — the greatest villain bearing the highest character ; and at his side let us place the just in his nobleness and simplicity — being, not seeming — without name or reward— clothed in his justice only — the best of men who is thought to be the worst, and let him die as he has lived — scourged, racked, bound, his eyes put out, at last impaled — and all this because he ought to have preferred seeming to be- ing." Men are taught to be righteous for the sake of the rewards; here the supposed order of things is re- versed; and the unrighteous man, rich by dishonesty, can worship the gods better and will be more loved by them than the just.* It will not do to quote poets and moral- ists: we all know what convention says (yofios) ; what does Nature ((^vVis) say? Is the ultimate reality, what- ever it be, moral ? Or is the whole idea of morality hallu- cination, or a humbug maintained by people for ulterior ends? More than once Plato put his reply in the form of myth, premising that, without pressing details, a man of sense would say that this, or something like it, must be near the truth of things. In the Gorgias he describes a tribunal in the world beyond, where the judge judges every man as he comes before him, naked soul to naked soul; the marks of earthly rank are gone, and the judge, not knowing who this is, looks with piercing eyes upon the naked soul, and sees this and this and this, and judges exactly by what he sees. Absolute justice, that is Plato's profoundest thought upon the world. Justice is for him the foundation of all existence and its inevitable end. The Jews had the same idea; but in their pictures the judge was not a shadowy figure like that of Plato's; he Jowett's summary of Rep., 11:360-362; a little abridged. 26 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN would be God or God's anointed. In the centuries that overlap the life of Jesus they gave much thought to a last judgment that should put all things right. History could not be meaningless, they said; it would all come right; a catastrophic intervention by God would reveal the moral principle of the universe and establish it for- ever. The heart of man cried out for a judgment of righteousness and love. The evidence of the highest instincts of the human heart must count for something. Absolute justice — ^but how is one to reach it or to define it? What -shall the standard be? The real interest in history is to trace the rise of moral sense, the progress of ethical thinking. Justice, as Plato makes clear," is not so simple a thing as a common sense person might sup- pose; and in fact the ethical standard of mankind has never been a fixed one. No code, human or divine, ever gave it finality, whatever commentators may read into it. Every age, consciously or unconsciously, rethinks the standards of its predecessors; there is ebb and flow, progress and relapse. But, if we take history as a whole, certain things become clear. Whatever relapse a par- ticular community may show, or even mankind together at any stage, there is a progress which is never lost from the outward and obvious to the inw'ard and spiritual, to the larger, the deeper, the more universal. What is more striking is that in a world, where there is so much to depress hope, the fact stands out that, once the larger and deeper conception has become disentangled, whatever common sense or common terror may do in dark hours, the greater ideal is never defeated, it wins its way and it triumphs. History is a witness to God and to God's rationality, and to man's steady resolve to understand God and to capture his mind. In Homer the heroes are on a higher moral plane than the gods, and there they '^ Republic, 1:331 F. THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 27 stay; till, after centuries of thought and suffering and progress, Plato drew the inference that the Homeric gods are not gods, and he drew it largely as a result of the conviction that they fell short in moral sense. "By all that He requires of me I know what God Himself must be." The modem couplet sums up a great deal of history. God has been interpreted over and over again through the moral sense of man ; he has revealed himself in man's experience. (We must be careful not to limit the mean- ing we give to the phrase, but to be sure that we recog- nize that man's experience includes a large number of elements, all available for his spirit.) Broadly, man's conception of God and man's ethical standards advance or recede together. Now, whether the universe is rational enough to con- firm him or not, it is recognized that, with the coming of Jesus, the conception of God became enlarged with new values, and acquired a richness and depth it never had before." With this new view of God an inevitable progress followed in man's ethical ideas, in man's demand for justice, his insistence that the universe must be rea- sonable and just. Jesus may have been wrong in all this, and the universe may fall short of what he conceived to be inevitable from his experience of God. That is not our present affair; the point is that the progressive illu- mination which life threw, or seemed to throw, upon jus- tice and right, reached a new stage ; the old ideas were re- thought more powerfully than ever; the standards were advanced with a great sweep forward; more than ever before was asked of the universe, more was expected of God. •Wi-h this Chapter VI deals more fully. 28 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ni The gireat presentment of the results of this line of thought was given in the picture of the judgment seat of Christ. It owed something of its thought to Plato; it owed much of its color to the Jewish writers of apoca- lypses.' Men have to use the language of their day or to re-create it; and generally the story of a great idea shows a struggle with language. Sometimes the idea triumphs; sometimes the language and its traditions are too much for it. The Jewish apocalyptic offered the ob- vious language for Christian thought, not the ideal lan- guage. Its pictures were sharp-drawn and crude, and at the same time they lacked precision.* The catastrophic end of all things was clumsy and rather improbable; and the character of God had arbitrary features and lacked nobility and graciousness; he was drawn too like the average man. Christians laid hold of the great scene of the Judgment Day. Its catastrophic character had an irresistible appeal to men strained beyond endurance in their struggle with the actual — with persecution, doubt, and despair. They varied, as the Jews had varied, in the detail of the scene; were the wicked to be judged (John 5:29), or all men (1 Pet. 4:5) ? Was the judgment in a sense accomplished (John 3:18), or was it to come at the end of the world (Rev. 20:11-14) ? Was God to be the Judge (Heb. 12:23) or Christ (II Cor. 5:10)?" ■'Close analogies with Matthew. 25 are found in Enoch 14:3; 62:5; 90; and other such books, but without the firmness and coherence of the gos- pel version, in which, too, there is a development in principle. 8 J. H. Leckie, World to Come, p. 27: "It is an excellent rule to sus- pect all accounts of Jewish doctrine in proportion as they suggest sym- metry, order, and logical coherence." B Even if we limit ourselves to St. Paul, scholars find it hard to make a harmony of his teachings; his eschatological views changed with his spiritual growth and experience. Cf. H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and Last Things, pp. 21, 25; Stevens, Theology of N. T., p. 482; R. H. Charles. Apocrypha and Pseudonyma, I, 529; J. H. Leckie, World to Come, p. 181. THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 29 A sane treatment of apocalyptic must be on the lines of our usual treatment of parable and of poetry. A forced harmony of details makes foolishness of the real value; the suggestion of each picture must be seized and then the analogy must be dropped. At the same time, we have to recognize the extraordinary poetic value which the Last Judgment has had, for nothing lends itself to great poetry that has not some profound truth in it. To secure the deeper meaning of the Great Day to come, Dies irae dies ilia, let us go back to the judgment seat of Pilate. What was most real there? Pilate with his powers of life and death? the priests? the voice of the people? the hideousness of human cowardice and falsity, of mob-psychology? No, there was something more real. After all, it was not Jesus who was on trial before Pilate; it was the Jewish religion, it was the Roman Empire, it was human justice, on trial before Jesus. Pilate was judged for ever there and then by Jesus; and so were the priests, and the people who shouted for Barabbas, some because they wanted him, and some because they did not like to say anything else ; and so were all the men and women whose lives were shaped and determined, as they looked at Jesus on the Cross that day. That principle always holds. A man writes himself down when he says he does not like a great work of art, drama, or music, or picture. We exhibit our own characters in our judgments of Jesus Christ; we label ourselves, and, what is more, we give a turn to our development for good or ill. Pilate and Caiaphas and the rest had been, like all men, develop- ing character in the ordinary way — by choices, inclina- tions, and fancies, by tacit acceptances of principles of life. This day suddenly and for ever declared what type of men they had chosen to be, or had become by that negligence, which after all is a choice too. And, as al- 30 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ready suggested, the day confirmed their choices and fixed their characters ; they accepted themselves more definitely as they stood. The attitude of every man that day was partly the outcome of his former life and so revealed it; but it was also a new self-determination brought aibou^ by the contact of the character he had developed with something wholly new, a new situation, a new type, and so it became decisive for the future. The day was as decisive for the other onlookers, for those who wept, for those who had looked away and would not see, for Simon the Cyrenian whom (and his sons after him) it brought into the circle of Jesus' followers. And the day was decisive for mankind; if it was to be a choice between Pilate and Jesus, then God's universe must fit and match one of them, and that one could hardly be Pilate. Pilate's universe will not do. The higher ideal prevails. The moral sense of man- kind has moved more and more to the standards of Jesus, as we can see in men's criticisms of the Church and of Christian people. "That," says the world, "is not what you expect of a Christian"; in which is implied that more is expected of a Christian than of another man. In other words, the world has curiously slipped into admitting that the standards of Jesus are at any rate the highest we have yet reached. Anyone who accepts this, is logically involved in a far more serious treatment of sin and in a profounder apprehension of God, a new study of reality. The world, in its more quiet and candid moods, when it is not controversial, knows quite well by now that the character and personality of Jesus are the ultimate standard. However uncertain about God we m'ay be. Christian and non-Christian alike, deep in our hearts, if we put it in plain language, we have a feeling that if God really is like Jesus Christ, things are all right. In blunter language, what we really mean is this, THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 31 that if God will mould himself on the example of Jesus, then we can trust him. That means that, for everyone who is dissatisfied with the justice of the world, there is eventually one court of appeal, the tribunal of Jesus Christ, that we live in a world where Jesus is the last word. The early Christians, and not they alone, went further. They were convinced that Jesus has the last word — a proposition not so different as it seems at first sight, if we concede that personality survives death. What is remarkable, is that Jesus would appear to have shared this belief, or something very like it, and this without being aibsurd or insane. In any case it is strange enough. For picture the carpenter's shop; a customer drops in C and orders a plough to be made or a yoke,"* and the car- penter agrees to make it. Next day you can see him busy with it, bending over his bench, wiping the sweat from his face. You see him on the Galilaean road, dusty and dirty v ith long travel. You see him sitting by the roadside with a crowd of his friends, as they hand him bread and he passes them the salt. You see him drop off to sleep in a boat with sheer fatigue ; and at last you see him hanged on a cross. And then, within one generation, they say the world is going to be judged by that crucified carpenter. It is incredible; and yet mankind at its soberest and quietest has age by age said that it cannot think of anybody else. That is one aspect of Jesus in the experience of men. IV That Christians have believed that Jesus would judge the world in person, does not prove that he will. That is not, however, our point. We have to learn what they ^° Justin, Dialogus cunt Tryphone, 88, p. 316 C, says Jesus made these. 32 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN have believed and do believe, and why ; and the latter inquiry is the harder and the more profitable. We have to go further yet, however, and ask what effect the belief has had in the lives and characters of those who have held it. But first we must look a little more closely at the be- lief. It is that we must all, as Paul said (II Cor. 5:10), be inspected, made manifest, uncovered, before the judgment seat of Christ. It will be, as Plato put it, naked soul to naked soul. That has been the Christian thought; that he knows more about us than we know ourselves, and far more than some of our intimate friends know. He knows the temptation; the battle; the half- victory, which the world calls defeat. We have to remem- ber that, if Jesus is the same yesterday and today and for ever, the judge pictured by this early Church on that throne is the same friend who sits, says Paul, on the right hand of God and makes intercession for us — one of the most beautiful pictures of the New Testament. It is here that the simile of the human law court quite breaks down; the human judge limits his survey. But Jesus knows the full story; and he sets the same value on men and women as he did when he was here. In the stories of the dealings of Jesus with men and women we read how highly he valued the human soul; and by the statement that Jesus sits upon that final tribunal is meant that the human soul is to be judged by him who is most interested in it and loves it best. The outcome of this in ordinary life, has been that with every fresh realization of Jesus men have moved on to a firmer and more searching self-criticism. They have lived in the presence of the Great White Throne, and applied its standards all the way through life to themselves; and we know what great characters they grew. Lord Morley has spoken of men "fortified by the THE PROBLEM OF DIVINE JUSTICE 33 training in the habits of individual responsibility which Protestantism involves."" "Look exactly (aKpi^s) how you walk," wrote Paul (Eph. 5:15). It has been de- scribed as the merit of Calvin's theology that it com- pelled men to contemplate themselves as for ever stand- ing face to face with the sovereign majesty of God." Lack of the self-criticism which Jesus induces is one of the reasons for the comparative failure of the Church today. Further, in proportion as men have seen the histor- ical Jesus oftener and spent more time in his company, they have been more sympathetic in their criticism of others. Shallow people are always right; they never have any difficulty in deciding the issue — I was going to say on half the evidence, but often they don't want so much; and their judgments are not generous. The real Jesus deepens human nature and sweetens it. Where men have realized the judgment seat of Christ, there has been a closer attention for unexpected manifestations of Jesus Christ. The Son of Man, as he said, comes in an hour when we look not for him. He comes in queer shapes and forms, in new duties, and, I think, particularly in the distasteful duty of thinking things over again. In the picture which Jesus himself draws of the last judgment, we find that the people on the left hand of the Judge got there by the simple process of inattention, by not thinking of things anew and often enough. There has always been poverty, they said, and thought no more of it. There has always been injustice; so we let it go. There has always been ignorance; so we did not trouble about it. Again and again that scene in King Lear comes into my mind in this connection. Lear on the heath realizes what poor houseless wretches have all their lives ** Compromise, p. 240. "A. V. G. Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, 303. 34 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN through. "Oh ! I have ta'en," he cries, "too little care of this." The vision of Jesus on the throne makes men more responsive to truth that comes from the unpopular and the unpractical. It has meant a greater boldness in the confession of Christ. Put the issue: Is it the judg- ment seat of Pilate or the judgment seat of Christ that is final? If it is the judgment seat of Christ, men have felt secure in the confession of Christ; the growth of the sense of reality about the triumph of Christ has reacted upon their loyalty to him and to his teaching — and this to the great gain of all the world. And what peace of mind has come with the assurance that the last word is with Jesus, and that he and his understand one another, we do not need to read far in Christian literature to find out. A stanza of Charles Wesley may sum it up : "Jesus, my all in all thou art. My rest in toil, my ease in pain; The medicine of my broken heart. In war my peace, in loss my gain: My smile beneath the tyrant's frown, In shame, my glory and my crown." CHAPTER III SAVIOURS AND SALVATION The curious thing about the title of Saviour is that, while today it is so natural to use it of Jesus, while it is the most valued and the most endearing of his names, it is not often used to describe him in the New Testa- ment. In that collection, the name Saviour is hardly- given to Jesus in the earlier books, and begins to be applied to him only in those which scholars on other grounds think later or doubtful.' Jesus is called Saviour oftener in II Peter than in any other book. That is the stranger at first sight, because the words that are associated with Saviour are not so rare. "Salvation," for instance, is freely used by St. Paul and by the writer to the Hebrews, though in the Gospels hardly outside Luke. The verb "to save" is common throughout, and was used by Jesus him- self. "The Son of Man is come to seek and to save that which was lost." If we ask why the word "Saviour" should not come so freely as "salvation" and the verb "to save," it is perhaps because it had to be redeemed from poorer associations. There are some words of honor never applied to him. In the New Testament Jesus is nowhere spoken of as "Benefactor." In those days "Bene- factor" and "Saviour" were royal titles; the Ptolemies and Seleucids had borne them and had passed. * In Luke, John, Acts, Eph., Phil., I John, once each; the name is not used at all in Matthew, Mark, St. Paul's other larger epistles, Hebrews, or the Apocalypse. 35 36 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN The name "Saviour," moreover, belonged to competing religions; there were other gods who were called "sav- iour," gods of a different order. The mystery religions to which scholars are turning our attention so much (a good deal more than they need, I sometimes think) offered men salvation. There are those today who discover in that offer of salvation a close parallel to the Christian re- ligion. The parallel is by no means so close as is often imagined." It would be an interesting study to trace the reasons for the adoption of the word "salvation" by the Church in preference to "the Kingdom of God," which was the phrase used by Jesus at least at the beginning of his ministry. One cause for the change would probably be the transplanting of the Gospel to Gentile ground. "Messiah" was done into Greek, and became more a per- sonal name than a description. The whole series of con- ceptions bound up with the Messiah and the Kingdom of God were foreign to the Greek world. The Greeks and the Hellenized were entitled, if Christian freedom was anything at all, to choose the vocabulary which best con- veyed to them the fullness of their new experience. The Jew supposed he knew what Messiah and Kingdom of God meant, though his interpreters varied so widely that a stranger could reasonably plead that the terms lacked definition and did not convey any clear ideas. On the other hand, the Greek in similar way found more content in his own coinage of "salvation," though here, too, more ideas were covered by the term than conduced to clear thinking. So, while the title "Christ" survived, the "Kingdom of God" fell into the background ; and, in spite of efforts being made today to bring it forward again, *It may be noted that in a very striking passage (Protr., 119) where Clement of Alexandria uses the Mysteries as simile point by point, his reference is not to sacraments but to spiritual vision, etc. SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 37 it is possible to maintain that "salvation" was an expres- sion that could carry a larger burden of Jesus' meaning. Professor Percy Gardner has suggested that the con- ception of salvation belonged to the religions of men more contemplative than the Jews/ Whatever its ulti- mate origin in Eastern cults, it was at once available to convey the deepest ideas current in religion in the early Roman Empire. It lent itself to Greek individual- ism, which stood on a higher level of intensity than any- thing of the kind generally recognized in Judaism. Jere- miah may have been — ^most people would concede that he was — more personal in his religion, in his relation with his God, than any Greek we can name ; but none the less, as the history of the doctrine of immortality shows no less plainly than the civil and political history of almost any Greek state, the individual meant more to the average Greek than to the average Jew. What interested the Greek was not the restoration of a kingdom to a gen- eralized Israel, or anything else in the plural and the abstract, but the development of his own soul, mind, and nature to the utmost, and its securing amid all the changes of worlds and ages. Even those who today revive the Kingdom of God as a sufficient religious ideal can only do it by including tacitly the Greek demand for individual life in the old Hebrew conception, or by letting go something that the Greeks have gained for mankind. It is legitimate, indeed inevitable, to hold that Jesus saw in the individual far more than any apocalyptist of his people ever dreamed, and that when he used the current phrase, he did what he had always to do, he used the best language available, endeavoring as he used it to give it a newer and more glorious connotation. Most of what he meant to convey was included in the term salvation. Here, once more, it was not till the Greek received the ^ Growth of Christianity, p. 128. 38 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN Gospel, that a language was found at all equal to ex- pressing the mind of Jesus. But we use language at our own peril; and the term salvation needed revision and purification, and it has had it. Today it is difficult for anyone not an archaeologist, and unacquainted with Indian thought, to realize that the term is susceptible of other than a conventional Christian meaning. Hence when we are told that Christianity was only one of a number of religions which offered men sal- vation, an idea is often conveyed that the Christian relig- ion hardly differed from the rest. A closer examination of the meaning of these offers of salvation and the charac- ters of the cults that made them is necessary. There are, however, some preliminary considerations. First of all, the documents, on which our knowledge of those religions depends, have to be dated; and a liturgy is perhaps the hardest of all books to date, in that it is very generally a mosaic of fragments from older docu- ments and may be endlessly edited and reedited. This formula or that prayer may be far older than the rest of the book ; the larger part of the compilation may be good evidence for the beliefs of an earlier day, or the whole may be quite modern work, done in an artificially archaized style. In such literature borrowing is easy and adaptation is easy, especially before the invention of printing, when books were still made singly and in manuscript; and the easier such operations were for the priest, the less surely can they be checked by the scholar hundreds of years later. It is, again, arguable that to amalgamate features found in different cults and so to form a common type of mystery religion, and then to impose this type upon the cults and to assume that they generally conformed to it, is not legitimate scholarship. Mr. Edwyn Bevan, in a striking article in the Hibbert Journal (October, 1912), pointed out that more is talked SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 39 by moderns about saviour-gods and their deaths and resurrections than the evidence is readily equal to prov- ing; that they are not at all so plentiful as some people suppose; that, v^hen some Gnostic sects have them and others do not, it is not enough for a scholar to label them Gnostic gods; and that the Gnostic sects which have saviour-gods may as probably (or under the circum- stances more probably) have borrowed from Christianity as Christianity from Gnosticism. It is, further, to be noted that to the end Christian polemic is directed against the Olympian gods and that allusions to compet- ing sacraments are not so common. Julian the Apostate prayed with fervor to Athena. But, if we knew for certain that the Gnostic sects and the mystery religions had every one a doctrine of salva- tion and even a personal saviour-god, not much is proved. Salvation is a vague term. It makes all the difference from what these various cults offered salvation, and to what, or for what, and by what means. We find that men's minds in the centuries round the Christian era were obsessed by astrology* and other doctrines from the East; they were full of planets and their influences, of fate and destiny ; and all these things were interwoven with religion, with belief in immortality, with dread of the long journey before the soul, if transmigration with its ^'sorrowful weary wheel'* were true. Men wanted assurance for their personality, and escape from fate and destiny,' and all the fears of life and death. It is a curious and interesting thing, that some of the most beautiful phases of Indian religion in these last centuries have had the same endeavor, to set men free * See generally Cumont, Astrology and Religion, and his Oriental Reli- gions in Roman Empire; and P. Wendland's brilliant book, Die hellen- istische-romische Knltur. ' Cf. H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mvsterv Religions, pp. 24, 216; Welland, op. cit., p. 176; Reitzenstein, Hell. Myst. Rellg., p. 38; Poimandres, p, 103. 40 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN from the chain of act and deed ; free by virtue of a union with a God who will lift them out of it all, lift them out of the hands of fate, out of the power of death and re- birth, and set them free from all the play of circum- stance and pain and sorrow. The very striking poems of Tuka Ram,** the Maratha mystic of the same period as the English Vaughan, haunt the reader. "I know thy faith," says Tuka, addressing his god, Vitthoba, "I have grasped thy feet, I will not let them go. I will not take anything to let them go. I have clung to them so long that thou wilt find it an old affair and a perplexing one to get rid of me. Tuka says, I will not let thee go, not if thou givest me all else." "He fastens us to his waist- cloth and takes us quickly across the stream of the world." "I have had enough of running . . . now take me on thy hip; do not make me walk any more." Those who have seen the Indian child riding on his mother's hip, will know what Tuka means, when he says : "We sit on his hip, hence we have full confidence." Some of Dr. Nicol MacnicoFs verse renderings of Tuka might be interpolated among Cowper's poems from Madame Guyon, and not be detected without reference to the French. But what is "the stream of the world"? In other poems Tuka speaks of the awful prospect of ceaseless in- carnation that the doctrine of Karma involves; "eight million times have I to enter the gate of the womb"; and he tells of the desolation that the doctrine makes of love and friendship, and of the family. He compares son, brother, father, and wife to logs jammed on a stream in flood ; the key-log is drawn ; the water rushes over the land and the logs are scattered and none touches its neigh- bor again; and so it is with all we love in the stream ^Translated in three volumes by Frazer and Marathe. See also a selection in English verse in Nicol Macnicol's Psalms of Maratha Saints (1919). SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 41 of the world, we meet to part for ever, while each pur- sues up and down the weary cycle of eight million lives. Tuka and other mystics of India believed that from this a man might be saved by Bhakti, by self -annihilating de- votion to a friendly god/ Karma and Bhakti are the two poles of Indian religious thought. Vitthoba seemed to Tuka to promise salvation ; but even if Madame Guyon and he have some affinity, as all mystics are said to have, it was not such a salvation as Tuka conceived of, that William Cowper believed he had lost. The salvation offered by the mystery cults of the Roman Empire was of much the same character; it was escape from death and its concomitants, from reincarna- tion, but not from sin, unless salvation from sin con- tributed to the main purpose. Their moral teaching was perhaps not negligible, but it was not in the first line. It was of secondary importance ; and when morality takes a subordinate place, it may as well be left out. It re- mains a fact that these religions fell far short of the teaching of the great philosophers of antiquity. Into this world, full of moral impulses and moral teach- ing, full of religions that offered salvation, comes a new religion, which unites the moral and the devotional, v/hich brings ethics into the very heart of religion and makes God the center of morality. Those who speak of Chris- tian salvation as if it were merely what was offered by those old religions — escape from death and fear of death, or, as if it were some doubtfully moral device invented by Jesus to tamper with God's moral order — can surely not have looked far into the mind of Jesus himself. Noth- ing can be less like the meaning of Jesus. One thing, however, we have to note. The Christian idea of salvation has never really been a fixed one. It has always tended to enlarge its scope as men have en- ^ Cf. Nicol Macnicol, Indian Theism, pp. 107 ff. 42 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN tered into the ideas of Jesus ; and that is one of the ways in which Jesus has asserted himself, and one of the rea- sons why he remains. He keeps opening the eyes of the Church to larger vision of his meaning and of his thought. Salvation must have a wide range when it comes from Jesus. Could he have offered men a salva- tion as pitiful as some of us conceive? His conception of salvation will be large as his thoughts of men, and deep and high and wonderful as his thoughts of God; greater as we grow to understand it. II We can begin by asking from what the Christian re- ligion offered men salvation, and offers it still. First of all we may put fear. It is extraordinary, the range of fear in human experience. There are physical fears of pain, sickness, and death, fears that we share with the animals. There are more human fears like the fear of bereavement, of which the animal knows a little, and men and women so much. There are fears of death, not because it wipes out me, but because it wipes out someone else.^ A man of fine spirit spoke to me of his daughter: "I would give anything,'* he said, "to have it proved to me that I should see her again." If we refuse to be overborne by death and add to the range of our outlook a world beyond the grave, the very addition in- creases the scope of fear and doubt. There rise the horror, the uncertainty, and the bad dreams of that other world in which we may find ourselves. The ancient world was possessed with the fear of daemons; a large * To illustrate this, three familiar lines of one of the finest spirits of antiquity may be quoted — Georgics, 2:490; Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas Atque mettis omnes et inexorabile fatum Subjecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari. SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 43 part of mankind today is haunted with the fear of being born into this world again. The writer to the Hebrews speaks of men who all their lives, through fear of death, were subject to bondage. Fear, then, is obviously the first thing from which we have to be saved. It is worth noting that the early Christian gave a large place to death among the things from which Christ saves. Paul obviously connected physical death with the coming of moral evil into the world — a view difficult to the modern biologist, and not based, so far as we know, on anything in the teaching of Jesus.^ The Christian brought news to the world that Jesus lives, and that Jesus has "abolished" death, and brought life and immortality to light. The ancients thought meanly of woman ; woman was the weaker vessel, and they saw with surprise women laying down their lives for Jesus Christ, without having a Plato to write about them, as Socrates had. Women and slaves, the cheapest of human beings, showed no fear of pain and no fear of death for his sake. We have already considered the Christian victory over the daemons. Thus the chief fears of the ancient world were overcome. But there are other things more insidious than fear; and here is the profounder and more permanent half of the early Christian message. "Joy or grief, fear or de- sire, what matters it?" asked Horace," quoting the estab- lished classification of motives. Socrates held that if a man knew, he would not sin; but even an Ovid could mend that with his video meliora proboque, deteriora ® It appears to be a Jewish idea. Cf . Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 260. Dr. D. S. Cairns writes to me: "Of course it was a practically universal Jewish idea, deeply rooted in the O.T. . . . Jesus quite cer- tainly regarded disease as part of the kingdom of evil, and as something that ought never to have been. There is not the slightest indication that he thought differently from Paul, and a good deal to indicate that he agreed with him and all other Jews of his day." I am not sure that Jesus' acceptance of current ideas can be counted on so certainly. ^0 Epistles, 1, vi, 12; Cf. Virgil, ^n., vi:733; and Plato, Phaedo, 83, B. 44 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN sequor, passion triumphant over knowledge and sweeping man into evil with open eyes. "What I would not, that I do," said Paul, carrying the matter a stage further. Some of the ancients explained sin by making it the out- come of contact or relation with some external thing. The sounder psychologists saw with Jesus that it combes from within, but not all of them realized its significance as an expression of a man's real self. The light that leads astray is, as Burns said, light from heaven — the perversion of a gift of God, of the highest of his gifts. And this is effected by passion, which starts a new group of fears. In the war many a man was less afraid as to what the enemy might do than as to what he might him- self do. Fear of moral lapse comes to be in the highest and ultimate group of fears ; and with it comes the dark- est of all things, despair. Fear, passion, and despair all coming from within, there was a place for the Christian message of a man's salvation from himself. Jesus Christ can set you free, it ran, from the man within, so that passion and anger and craving will no longer rule you. The mystery religions had a cheaper psychology and an easier, and they did not really touch this region of fear — a contrast which makes more wonderful the salvation v/hich Jesus brought. So far, we have thought of perils round about us, and of evil within. But God, where does God touch this story? Paul speaks of the law and its value, but also of its terror; and as the Greek philosophers traced the origin of law to nature, he traced it to God ; the law was of God's giving, implanted in man's nature. The Ten Com- mandments are written large in human society. There is no real human society without them. If we could imagine God abolished, we should still have to keep the Decalogue — "thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not kill." But God is more than the law. The SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 45 Scripture speaks of the wrath of God, not as the heathen who feared the irritability of his gods, but of a wrath of God directed against men who broke his law\ The burden of the law on a nature like Paul's was incessant and it filled life with boding and fear. "Fear hath tor- ment" (I John 4:18). The object of pagan worship has again and again been to placate the ill-temper of gods, or, to induce the gods to go away and leave the worshipper alone. The won- derful part of the Christian message was that men were given deliverance not by being taken out of the way of the wrath of God, but by being brought into the very heart of God. There is another phase of this. When Paul wants to describe a life that is desperate, he speaks of man being without hope and without God in the world. With- out God — how like that is to Jesus' picture of the prodi- gal son! He was without his father, as he had v/ished to be. He went to a far country to have a good time, as people call it, and like other people who have a good time, he went through his money ; he came to starvation, and he w^as without food, without friends and without his father. It was no life at all; not natural, but abnormal, an existence of despair. "This is the condemnation that . . . men loved darkness rather than light" (John 3:19), as men will whose eyes are in bad condition. The Christian promise was of deliverance from all this nega- tion of life, from the abnormal, from the unnatural, from despair; but the Christian "return to Nature" and "life according to Nature" had a personal center. Ill When Jesus tells the story of the prodigal son, he brings out, with a beauty that grows upon those who try to understand him, the great surprise that awaited 46 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN the youth on his return. He hoped for food, and perhaps some clean clothes; but the first thing to which he was restored was his father. He came back like a tramp, and the first touch of home is his father's kiss on his cheek; his father's arms round his neck. He was restored to the best robe, the most splendid entertainment, yes, and something more; to sonship, to the real life of the family, to his father. And in all this, the real restoration was to his father, and the rest followed. What a picture! The personal relation lies at the heart of all Jesus' good news. "The Son of Man is come to seek and to save that which is lost," he said. He enters into the house of the strong man not to destroy but to reapply what is held there in bondage. He restores to men their lost vision; he finds the lost faculty and gives it back; the lost aptitude; the lost sympathy; the lost intuition. Men have never been quite able to explain what salvation is. They have al- ways used metaphors. Paul says it is a new creation. A man is made over again, very much as if God took a man to pieces and made a new Adam out of him, and put the new Adam in a new world. The Fourth Gospel sums it up as being born again. In an ancient poem about spring, one line runs: **New spring, singing spring, spring the world reborn."" One would almost think it a description of what we read in the New Testament. Century after century we find the Christian Church speaking in the same way about the gladness of the Holy Spirit. Some of the words which the ancients used about the Holy Spirit have gone downhill. I suppose it was because people could not believe them to be true of the Holy Spirit and the Christian life ; for the ancient Chris- tians said that the Church was hilarious, that the Christian spirit is a hilarious spirit, a gay spirit. The ^^Pervigilium Veneris, II: "Ver novum, ver jam canorum, ver rena- tus orbis est." SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 47 words hardly seem reverent today. But think of the buoyancy of a life which has been saved in earnest. Some people do not give its value to "life" as used in the New Testament; they picture the Christian life as a starved affair, and think that the Christian can never enjoy any- thing, but that, if he starts to enjoy himself, he is always told "Don't." Jesus never said that. "I am come that they might have life, and that they might have it more overflowingly" — the utmost development of the ideal and natural life, the real achievement at last of its promise. In the mind of Jesus it would appear that a man is above all things saved for God, for in the story of the prodigal the happiest figure is the father. Salvation is restoration to God, "peace with God" as Paul calls it (Rom. 5:1). Here we have once more to give to the name God the whole connotation that Jesus gave it; salvation has to be measured by the scale of Jesus* conception of God. How much, he would suggest, would God imply by salvation? No mere rescue from an external hell, as Odysseus escapes from the sea and comes ashore scathed and stripped, and only just alive, if saved. That is not how Jesus conceives of God doing things. "Fear not, little flock; it is your Father's good pleasure to give you the kingdom." Salvation, again, in the speech of Jesus, means that the man saved gains a new sense of the significance of other men; that he puts a new value on manhood and its opportunities; that he is captured for all the ideals of Jesus Christ, as they bear on men, the family, and the society; that he is found in the service of Jesus Christ for the ransom of the world, for the setting free of man- kind. That is not a negative idea. It is positive, and the larger the more we think it out, as large as the measure of Jesus Christ himself (Eph. 4:13). This is not theory; 48 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN it is the actual experience of the Christian world. We may fairly allow that Christian experience has given a very different value to the term "salvation" from what it had in the mystery religions. IV The mystery religions gave salvation by ritual and fasting, by sacred food and mystic drink. When v/e come to discuss how Jesus saves men it will be clear at once to anyone who has studied him, that his way will be another, and something much more spiritual, and more intimate. When we ask what it is, difficulties crowd upon us, so much has been thought and written upon it, so standardized are many of our ideas. Metaphors from sacrifice, suggestions from the mystery religions, modes of thought borrowed from Roman law, have all affected our ordinary views, till it is difficult now to explain what Jesus did without a preliminary discussion to make our explanatory terms themselves intelligible. Today, instead of using metaphor, we are more apt to ask what happens in salvation, conversion, or whatever it be called — psychologically; what passes between Christ, or God, and the man concerned. Here, though it may seem to run counter to what has just been said, an illustration may help. It has the ad- vantages of not being theological, of having no history, and of being drawn from nature. Some years ago the cotton crop in Egypt began to fail. The cotton plant was doing badly; it had a parasite growing upon it. A botanist was sent out to Egypt, and he embarked on a series of experiments. He found that, when the cotton was kept in a certain temperature, the parasitic plant throve and killed it. As the temperature of the glass- house was raised, the parasite plant drooped, and the SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 49 cotton throve ; and finally the cotton got clear of it. After a while he was able to tell the cotton-growers what was wrong; they were irrigating too much; the ground was cold with water; and when the roots struck down into the cold earth, the plant was chilled and the parasite grew. When they changed the irrigation arrangements, the parasite died, and the cotton plant lived, saved by a change of temperature. The curse of human life is the failure to develop. A man becomes absorbed by this or that, by pleasure, by business, by vice it may be, or by wholly legitimate in- terests carried out of proportion; and he becomes, as we say, one-sided. Nothing saves him but a human interest in a real person ; he falls in love and revises all his stand- ards, and, unconsciously influenced by the woman's love for him and by his love for her — if she be a woman of any real worth and capable of helping a man — he de- velops into a new creature, as we casually say. If she bears him a child, the child lifts husband and wife into a new atmosphere, alters the temperature of their lives, and a great deal of selfishness is atrophied by the warmth and interest that the child makes, as its life and mind grow and expand ; they live in a region of higher thoughts and keener hopes and delights. Psychologically, love, in such a case as this, does for a man what the higher tem- perature did for the Egyptian cotton. The simplest and most natural explanation of what Jesus effects comes to us along the same lines. Jesus changes the spiritual temperature and the parasite sin dies ; and the natural man" revives and grows into what God meant. It has been one of our greatest mistakes to ^'^ We need not be frightened of the Authorized Version's translation of an adjective of St. Paul's. Perhaps if we took refuge from a word of Latin origin in one of Greek, we might say "physical" for Paul's "Awx'^os. Prof. Moffatt says, "unspiritual" (I Cor. 2:14), and "animate" (I Cor. 15:44). "Natural" is better kept for f)^^*! and its derivatives. 50 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN think that the Christian virtues are anything but natural ; we have abused the word "natural" and degraded it. Nature, in its true sense, is the thought of God ; and man degraded and atrophied by sin is not natural. The gracious side of human nature (as real every whit as the ugly) gives us the clue. The beautiful instincts, the powers of mind and character, make, we feel, the true man. What Jesus does is to give them a chance to grow. He has opened the windows of the human heart, or rather has tempted the human heart to open its own windows, to the sunshine of God. It would seem as if St. Paul had anticipated us here, when he says that "God has shined in our hearts, in the face of Jesus Christ" (II Cor. 4:6). Those of us who think about germs (and most people do today), who are interested in hospitals, know that the air of God and the sunshine of God are two of the most healing and protecting things the body can have. Jesus told men, and, what is more, he made men believe, that what we want is more of God, and not less. The sun- shine of God was let into the human heart by Jesus, and the real, beautiful human plant 'began to thrive in that sunshine, and sin to die. He brought men to the point where they would be reconciled to Gk)d. He did this by his death on the Cross — that death in which he showed the real nature of God, and brought men to believe that God does not leave them and their pain and sin alone, but identifies himself with man's life. Jesus came into the world to make people willing to believe that God was ever so much better than they thought, to offer reconcilia- tion, freedom of mind and heart's-ease. It is always a person who opens the door to the higher life for us — ^wife, child, father, mother, friend. The great book that inspires us was written by a man or woman of a great personality. All the best things and the greatest, the great idea, the new vision, peace of SAVIOURS AND SALVATION 51 mind, come to us, each of them, through a person; and salvation in the highest sense came through Jesus. "Jesus," as Herrmann says," "did not write the story of the Prodigal Son on a sheet of paper for men who knew nothing of himself." Men looked into their language and found that he was the only person to whom the name Saviour really belonged; and since his day it has not been given to kings ; it has not been given to other gods ; it has become more and more his own, until today the word means no one else. ^^ Communion with Cod, p. 132. CHAPTER IV THE LAMB OF GOD The death of Jesus has been the subject of more thought, one may say without exaggeration, than any- thing that has occupied the mind of man. No treatment of it ever satisfies listener or reader as complete or ade- quate ; the best gives one the sense of having touched, as it were, the mere hem of the garment. Whenever we look at him, and think again of his death with any firmness and reality, most of our previous thought seems to be of little consequence, and we are left with the feeling of a great unexplored world before us, of more beyond. In this it resembles the great things of Nature, which are never exhausted, which always have mystery and wonder and happiness in reserve. A man who supposes that he can speak with any adequacy of the death of Jesus is simply not thinking about it at all. But the very difficulty of the subject and the failure of attempts to deal with it are compulsive reasons for studying it. It is too central, too vital, to go unstudied. Better to fail than not to attempt it, for failure will at least reveal something of the great- ness of the subject. There are many theories as to the death of Jesus; and a certain number of them, all ancient and all derived from metaphor, we may group under three heads. There are those that turn on sacrifice; and here (on one side of 52 THE LAMB OF GOD 53 it) we may include the theory of su'bstitution. There are those that rest on conceptions derived from Roman law — and deal with courts, fines, penalties and satisfac- tion, with "persons" too. There are those, the simplest, the most readily understood, and in antiquity the most immediately moving, which are connected with metaphors of slavery; redemption, ransom, price, and freedom are the keywords here. None really covers the whole story. A metaphor like a parable may be expected to light up one aspect of a subject. To press either beyond the proper point which it should illuminate, to force meaning from all its details (or, more often, into them) destroys its value. People who have no feeling for language take things literally; the legal mind does it; and both classes have had a large share in interpreting Christian doctrine. Where the metaphor is drawn from conceptions that are fairly stable, the difficulties are less; but there are few sources of confusion more fatal than the use of language, which seems to convey a clear idea but is really indefinite. A wholly unfamiliar expression or illustration challenges thought; but a familiar phrase, that is not generally thought out, passes without challenge. The simple trick of asking a man to write down the figures on the dial of his watch, may illustrate the point; he thinks he knows them, but the chances are he makes at least one clear mistake; the mind usurps the function of the eye and is wrong. If we are to treat religion as seriously as we do science or literature or politics, we must be sure of our terms. Careless language always means loose thinking, and it suggests unreality which serious people are quick to feel. Little wonder that men have leaned to the sus- picion that the Christian religion is unreal, when Chris- tian terminology is so often slipshod. It is not our present affair to pursue inquiry into all the fields of metaphor where Christians have strayed. 54 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN But sacrifice has been a central thought, and it differs from most of the other metaphors, notably from those mentioned above, in having had no secular history. It has always been a religious term, uniquely associated with ancient religion through the whole course of its develop- ment; for to many minds in all periods the sacrifice has been the very center of all religion. This of itself will explain why the word is so difficult and ambiguous. Re- ligion has changed constantly, and the feelings waked from age to age by sacrifice have been those which men are most reluctant to analyze. It is worth noting, how- ever, that the men who did analyze them became the pioneers in religion. "The Lamb of God" is a very interesting phrase, and it has gathered a great mass of associations. It does not belong to the earliest stratum of the New Testament, though Paul's ''Christ our passover" (I Cor. 5:7) points towards it. It is put by the Fourth Gospel in the mouth of John the Baptist in a sentence that attributes to Jesus the taking away of the sin of the world. In the Apoca- lypse the visions of the exile are haunted with the Lamb victorious, the Lamb unlocking the sealed book of God's purposes, the Lamb surrounded by ten thousand times ten thousand clad in white, who "Ascribe their conquest to the Lamb, Their triumph to his death." To understand the writer, we must ask how he comes to interpret life so, and why he links the victory of Christ with the figure of the sacrificial lamb. For, of course, it comes from Hebrew ritual, with a memory of the Passover. Hebrew ritual suggests the symbol; but why did anyone look for a symbol? What was the ex- perience that sought expression? The Passover lamb was a symbol of a number of things — of a great escape THE LAMB OF GOD 55 from bondage to begin ; and its reappearance in the Apo- calypse suggests that the Christian had in his mind the sense of a great deliverance. It suggests acceptance by God, and God's care for his own; and these also were in the thoughts of the great Christian writer. Gradually, by thinking through his language, his turns of phrase, and his symbols, we come face to face with a man who associates a great deal of real experience with Jesus Christ. But it will not quite do to say that sacrifice is the natural word to use to unlock the mystery of Jesus. For today, after nineteen centuries of experience of Jesus, almost every idea that men then associated with sacrifice is lost or transformed — a curious commentary on the notion that the use of the word was obvious. If we are to understand what the writers of the Bible say about sacrifice, we have for the time to strip our minds of all that Jesus has done in reshaping our speech. When I think now of sacrifice, I see a Hindu temple in the bright sunlight of a December day, a temple gaudy with blues and yellows and whites, tawdry and dirty, and thronged with pilgrims. Here was a sacred tree with votive rags tied on every bough; on the other side was a group of priests, naked from the waist up (one of them telling us he is a B.A. of the University), and near them was a little goaf, a sacrifice, to be given to the god- dess. One of the priests caught it up, held its front legs back against its sides, put its head in a great wedge ; and with one slash of a big knife the head was off and the blood spurted out. When I read in Hebrews that "it is not possible for the blood of bulls and of goats to take away sin," I think of Kalighat, and I understand. People today associate primarily self-sacrifice with "sacrifice"; not so the ancients. One day in the market of Maymyo, in Upper Burma, an 56 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN American friend and I stood by an old man who was sell- ing tapers of some fragrant kind. The missionary, knowing well what they were, asked him : "And what are those for?" He said they were to be given to the god. "But what does the god do with them?" And the old man said: "I don't know; we give them to the idol." "I don't know!" The ancient world, when it crossquestioned it- self, did not know where exactly in religion was the place of sacrifice. Even of the Hebrews Professor A. B. David- son wrote that "the sacrificial system is left in the Old Testament without explanation as regards redemptive relations, except in a general way."' And to think in a general way is a most fertile source of error, as the Greeks have taught us, from Socrates onward. II The longer the history of an idea, the less chance there is that at any moment it will be used clearly. Old memories and emotions, old associations linger and con- fuse the impression; and where truth of utmost moment is concerned, an indefinite impression does not much help thought. A survey of the development of the conception of sacrifice will put us in a better position to deal with its use in Christian thinking. Six stages may be noted for clearness' sake, if it be understood that, while logi- cally they are distinct, chronologically they overlapped in the most perplexing way. The first stage, which anthropologists can recapture for us, is one so old that it appears to antedate private prop- erty'' — a fact of the utmost moment in interpreting the ideas then associated with sacrifice, for it practically eliminates the individual from the act. The sacrifice is * A. B. Davidson, Theology of the Old Testament, p. 307. 2 W. Robertson Smith, Early Religion of the Semites, p. 395. THE LAMB OF GOD 57 tribal, and it is a tribal meal, shared by god and men, eating together^ for the "reinforcement of both divine and human life."* The victim is an animal, but not substi- tuted, as ancient thinkers later on supposed, for a human being; for early man believed in the "full kinship of ani- mals with men/" A living bond was established between god and worshippers in this common meal, whose funda- mental idea was sacramental communion.^ The operation was as physical in the case of the god as of the man. The god drank the blood of the victim ; that is to say, it was poured over the stone, which was the god, or (later on) represented him or was his dwelling (beth-el, (SaLTvXo^.) "The blood is the life," we read in Deuteronomy (12 :23) ; and the scene in the Odyssey, where the ghosts crowd round Odysseus, explains how it is. Such ghosts as he allows to drink the blood of the sacrificed sheep regain a fugitive life; "My mother came and drank the dark blood; and forthwith she knew me and with wailing spake winged words.'" Before she drank she could neither recognize her son, nor speak to him. The blood in sac- rifice repaired the waning force and efficiency of the god ; and when restored he was more likely to give victory, or crops, or whatever men had felt him to be failing to manage before. The conception, however strange and crude in our eyes, was not unnatural for people who did not yet distinguish clearly between matter and spirit. At this stage sacrifice is closely akin to magic; and the borderline between primitive religion and magic is hard to trace. In the second stage, men begin to lay more stress on the mind of their god than on his physical necessities, and they conceive that the business of sacrifice is to reconcile their god to them rather than to repair his 37&. 252. *Ib. 257. »7fe. 124, 365. <^ lb. 439. ''Odyssey, xi:152. 5S JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN energies/ Sacrifice is a gift to placate an offended god. The ground of his irritation may be unknown or, if guessed, may be quite trivial. He has, however, to be coaxed out of his ill-temper. This type of sacrifice, the piacular, does not primarily include the idea of sin,^ but it recognizes some mental activity and feeling in the god. It is said to have had but a small part in the development of the higher sense of sin that we find in the Old Testa- ment." The "presents," which Genesis says Cain and Abel offered, have a parallel in the Greek poet: "Gifts persuade the gods, gifts persuade awful kings."" Primi- tive law and primitive morality deal almost entirely with acts, not with motives. It was late in history, and a great forward step taken, when Draco in Athens dis- tinguished between intentional and accidental homicide. But this second stage represents a distinct advance in thinking. The third stage gives us the piacular sacrifice, more properly so called — the sin-offering, a gift made in acknowledgment of wrong done by the offerer or by those whom he represents. What the idea of the wrong is, depends naturally on the current conceptions of morals; but the introduction of moral ideas into sacrifice marks a great epoch in human thought. The second and third stages overlap in history, and they both represent a more developed and thought-out belief than the first, in the possibility of god and man being more or less mutually intelligible. Probably, if heads are counted, these stages are more important than any of the others; views of these types meet us all over the world both in antiquity and today. But the real progress of religion depends on 8 Robertson Smith, Early Religion of the Semites, p. 396. ^ lb. p. 401. "7&. p. 415. " The line is quoted with disapproval by Plato, Rep., Ill, p. 390 E, but he does not say who is the poet. It is referred to by Euripides, Medea, 964. THE LAMB OF GOD 59 their being transcended. While it is well said that "the cultus is the heathen element in Israelite religion/"'' we must note the desire to be right with God. From now onward even more clearly than before, all progress de- pended on the growth of the conception of God. The fourth stage, represented among the Hebrews by the Prophets, by Plato among the Greeks, shows a start-- ling development. "Nothing," wrote Professor Bruce, "is more remarkable in the prophetic character than an exquisite sensitiveness to everything savoring of insin- cerity."'^ How profound and searching the prophetic mind was, is not quickly realized, till we grasp how persistent both in Judaism and outside it were the older views of sacrifice. In the latter part of the reign of Jeroboam II (about 760-746 B. C), Amos went to Bethel, and spoke the mind of Jehovah on what he saw there; Jehovah cried: "I hate, I despise your feasts; I will not smell in your solemn assemblies" (Amos 5:21). It is the more strange, because Amos says no word in condemnation of the idolatry of Bethel. That was left for Hosea, whose rendering of Jehovah's feeling about sacrifice was twice quoted by Jesus: "I will have mercy and not sacrifice" (Hosea 6:6). Isaiah, speaking for Jehovah, says, "I delight not in the blood of bulls" (1:11-13). Jeremiah more sweepingly says that Jehovah had not spoken about sacrifice at all when he made his famous covenant with Israel (Jer. 7: 21-22), and he is explicit on the failure of the religion of Moses ; a new covenant will have to replace the old, a religion within the heart (31:31). The second Isaiah (40:16) and some of the Psalmists are as em- phatic (Psalms 40:6; 50:8-14). Whether the Prophets would have approved of sacrifice if accompanied by morality and inward religion, is not the issue; those who "Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 422. " A. B. Bruce, Apologetics, p. 278. 60 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN wish to reconcile their utterances with a pre-critical view of the Pentateuch, may urge that they would have; but it is at least clear that for the Prophets sacrifice was not in the forefront of religion, while for their contem- poraries it was. When a man has once grasped that re- ligion is not ritual but mind, when he is a pioneer in this belief, it is generally safer to assume that he takes a bolder view than the temporizing people who endeavor to reconcile old and new and to minimize contrasts. It is of interest to note how swiftly the Christian apologists seized on these passages in the Prophets, how thoroughly alert they were to their real meaning, and how trench- antly they used them to prove to the Jew that the age of sacrifices was over, and that there was no compromise possible any longer on the issue, and, sometimes, that the whole association of sacrifice with the religion of Jeho- vah had been nothing but a stupid blunder on the part of Israel." Plato was as clear as the Prophets that sacrifice was a mistake in religion, that it rested on a wrong view of the gods altogether, and that it confused the moral sense. "Envy," he said, "stands outside the divine choir.*"' In the Laivs^" he signalizes three great errors among men's ideas as to the gods: first, the belief that there are no gods; second, the concession that there are gods, who have, however, no interest in human affairs; third, the worst error of all, that there are gods, interested, too, in man and his doings, but gods who are easily influ- enced by sacrifice. "Quacks and prophets," he says elsewhere," "go to rich men's doors and persuade them that they have power from the gods, by means of sacri- fices and chants, to cure any wrong deed of their own or " Cf . Justin's Trypho; TertuUian, Adv. Jud.; Barnabas. "Plato, Phaedrus, 247 A. 16 Plato, Laws, x:885. " Plato, Republic, II, 364 A. ff. THE LAMB OF GOD 61 their ancestors in a course of pleasures and feasts"; for a human feast with abundant wine accompanied sacrifice both in Greece and in Palestine. The Greek world re- ceded from the clear thinking of Plato ; the fear of death, the spell of the past, the charm of ritual religion, were too strong ; but Stoics and Epicureans were alike insistent that sacrifices served no purpose at all in religion/^ The fifth stage is obvious. In Israel, the priests ad- justed their theory of sacrifice to the teaching of the Prophets, toning down the words of the bolder thinkers, as the friends of the obsolete always will. Sacrifice be- came symbolic; it was given a moral connotation which it had not originally had ; it was by all means to be main- tained, while the prophetic warning to cleanse the heart was of course important too. The old books were welded with the new Priestly Code, and the Pentateuch resulted. In this period, as under the Macedonian dynasty, the Jews never let history stand between themselves and their ancestors;" their religion was semper eadem. The correct theory was that sacrifice was ordained, and suggested to men, directly by God.'" In the reestablished temple at Jerusalem sacrifice was regularly made till Titus de- stroyed city and temple in A.D. 70; and it is of interest to note who maintained it. The priestly family of Zadok gave their name to the Sadducees ; conservative in ritual, they were conservative in thought, and repudiated mod- ern doctrines of spirit and angel and the soul's eternal life.'' At the same time, they compromised in practice and policy with Hellenism and honestly earned by their teach- ing and their lives the contempt of good Jews. "They could only persuade the rich," says Josephus. "Cf. Seneca, Ep., 95, 47-50. i»P. Wendland, Hell. Rom. Kultur, pp. 198, 199; Drummond, Philo, I, p. 242. 2«A. B. Davidson, Theol. O. T., p. 311. 21 Acts 5:17; Josephus, Antt., xviii:l, 4; xiii:10, 6. W. Fairweather, Back- ground of Gospels, 149-153. 62 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN The sixth stage is represented by the religion of the synagogue." The priesthood of Jerusalem had secured that sacrifice should only be made in their temple; their monopoly was secure; but here, as often, the by-products of success were more important. Jews, scattered over the world, from Babylon to Italy, unable to maintain the practice of three pilgrimages a year to Jerusalem (Deut. 12:5-11), had to fall back on their own devices for the maintenance of their religion and the education of their children. The synagogue became their center — a meet- ing-house, where a simple form of service grew up, which needed no priests. A layman could read aloud the law and the prophets ; the psalms were sung ; and exhortation was given by those who seemed able to do it. No wonder the Sabbath was more observed by the Dispersion than at Jerusalem."^ How very great an innovation the syna- gogue's religion was, is not easily realized without some intimate knowledge of ancient conceptions. Vacimm sedem et inania arcana is the epigram of Tacitus on the Temple itself — a shrine with nothing in it and mysteries that were not there. The Judaism of the synagogue baffled the ancient world — religion with no image of a god, with no altar, no priest, and no sacrifice, was un- thinkable; but in the synagogue it existed, and from the synagogue came the three living religions of today. Titus, with the practical man's failure to grasp what is alive, destroyed Jerusalem and the Temple deliberately in order to extinguish Judaism. But Judaism survived the destruction of the Temple, on which since sacrifice ceased to be a real part of its religion, it no longer depended.'* 22 On the synagogues, see J. P. Peters, Religion of Hebrews, pp. 381- 404; W. Fairweather, Background of the Gospels, pp. 25 ff.; 1. Abrahams, Pharisaism and the Gospels, pp. 1 ff.; Josephus, C. Apion, II, 18; Luke 4:16, 20; Acts 13:15. 23 Fairweather, Background, p. 10. 2* It may be added that the Essene sect disapproved of animal sacrifice; Philo, 2:457; Josephus, Antt.. 18:1, 5. THE LAMB OF GOD 63 To sum up, sacrifice was a language used by all men, but understood by none; no uniform interpretation could be given to it. Its meaning varied with men's thought of God. It depended on use and wont ; it was maintained most strongly by those who thought least deeply on religion. The real thinkers saw that it did not touch the prcyblem of sin at all ; it had no effect on God or gods ; it could not purify the conscience of man (Heb. 9:9). Sac- rifice depended on the instinct that man must give God something — a natural outcome of anthropomorphism, the danger of which Plato saw. The only real value in sacri- fice, whether act or metaphor, lay in the belief that some- how God and man could communicate, could be intelli- gible; but the clearer thinkers knew of better ways by which God and man touched each other. Sacrifice was in fact obsolete where real religion was concerned; and the stronger minds counted it immoral. Ill In dealing with the Christian religion, its ideas, and the expression given to them, the first thing is to learn the mind of Jesus himself. He was a child of the syna- gogue ; from boyhood he had the custom of going to the synagogue (Luke 4:16), and he was more at home there than in the Temple with its grandeurs and its squalors (Matt. 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15). It would be significant if he, with his genius in religion, his insight and intui- tion in all that bears on God, went back from the stage of the synagogue to that of the Temple, if he fell short of the Prophets. But he does not. He, too, omits sacrifice. His teaching centers in another conception of God. "Your heavenly Father" has not to be persuaded by your gifts. No, it is the other way round ; "It is your Father's good pleasure to give you the kingdom." All ancient ritual. 64 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN all priestly theory of sacrifice and offering, is more than ever obsolete when we hear the voice of Jesus. "Your heavenly Father" has not to be sought: he is seeking you. The good shepherd goes after the lost sheep : he does not wait for the lost sheep to find him. The wonder and the mystery of God is this, that he wants man infinitely more than man wants him, that he makes the offering to man, not man to him, that it is man, and not he, who must be reconciled."^ The whole of the New Testament rings with that key-note of Jesus. Its writers make no suggestion that we have to reconcile God to ourselves. "Be ye recon- ciled to God," says Paul (II Cor. 5:20). "We love him because he first loved us," says John (I John 4:19). "Be- cause he first loves us, afterwards he reconciles us to himself," wrote Calvin.'" In the atmosphere of such thoughts there is no place for the blood of bulls and goats, symbol or not symbol; and historically Jesus has abol- ished sacrifice and banished the ideas that underlie it. The metaphor of sacrifice is indeed found in the New Testament. It is used because it is a popular way of speech, because it is an easy symbol; and yet when one tries to define the idea of sacrifice and realizes the essence of Jesus* revelation of God, the more alien the two things become. The metaphor fails; the symbol will not do. It confuses the issues. The expression with which we started, "the Lamb of God," is peculiarly hard to grasp with any clear sense of its meaning; it suggests ideas but it eludes us. If some of us still love the old phrase- ology of sacrifice, it is because it has been filled with new meaning and has gathered new associations. But the new meaning is too much for the old words; the new wine bursts the old skin. The old conception of sacrifice makes our relation with God, which is so simple and so 25 Contrast Apocalvpse of Baruch, 84:ia '^Calvin, Institutes, II, 16:3. THE LAMB OF GOD 65 beautiful in the teaching of Jesus, indistinct again; it leaves the morality of the affair uncertain and difficult. It was never dominant until the adherents of the mystery religions, the heathen, came into the Church, and brought, by sheer numbers, a conception to bear on the teaching of Jesus that was not there at the be- ginning. Then the wholesale adoption of the Old Testa- ment, and the passion for matching everything in the Old with something in the New, and above all the legalism brought into the Church by converted Roman lawyers, changed the general outlook.-' Barnabas had held sacrifice to have been a mistake from the first; but now the feel- ing that all religion must be in some degree sacrificial (let us beware, for the moment, of our modern meaning) begins to gain ground. At the same time current philosophical accounts of God, Neoplatonic in the main, were invading the Church, and making God remote and august as he had never been in the thought of Jesus. Old and obsolete ideas revived, and with the decline of the intellectual life of world and Church in the later Roman Empire there was little power of resistance. The acceptance of the doctrine of the literal inspiration of the Old Testament at the Reformation secured the per- sistence of the sacrificial idea as necessary to religion, till in the nineteenth century anthropology and criticism threw open the way for clearer thinking, and the general return to the thoughts of Jesus directed the emphasis elsewhere. IV But the New Testament has other accounts of the work of Jesus. The writer to the Hebrews, quoting the fortieth Psalm, contrasts two clauses, "sacrifice and offer- -"^ On all this, more fully in Chapter X. 66 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ing and burnt offerings and offering for sin thou wouldest not . . ." and "then said he, Lo, I come to do thy will" ; and he insists that the second abrogates the whole scheme of sacrifices. "By which will," he continues, "we are sanctified, by the offering of the body, of Jesus Christ once for all" (Heb. 10:5-10). With a clearness and definition which are not always recognized by his readers, he sweeps aside metaphor and symbol, and speaks things. "The law," he says, "had a shadow of good things to come, and not the exact image of them." One guesses that in his mind is some memory of Plato's cave with the men bound there, who see not things, not even models of them, but the shadows of models, and live prisoners in a world of shadows. The old law of sacrifice and ritual offered not even an image of the real; it was at best a shadow of an image. So he moves away from analogy to psychology, from the symbol to the person. We must try to follow him. Jesus died, he says, to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself. What did he do? He identified himself with the will of God, and by so doing cast such a flood of light on it as transfigured it. He prayed in Gethsemane what he taught his disciples to pray: "Thy will be done." That lies at the heart of all Christian prayer; it is the center of the Christian life; and, suggests our writer, it is the center of the life and work of Jesus. He suggests that, in a wonderful way, a way past our grasp, Jesus and the will of God are identified, and that everything which Jesus did is brought about by that identification of himself with the will of God. There is hardly an author of the New Testament who has such a haunting sense of what it cost Jesus — prayer, suffering, tempta- tion, agony, and, as he says, strong crying. We do not easily grasp the reality and the range of his sacrifice of himself. "He learnt by what he suffered" (Heb. 5 :8) , THE LAMB OF GOD 67 we read, and we think of Greek tragedy and its interpre- tations of suffering, and we rememiber the width of cul- ture of our author. He has got clear away from the world of shadows into the region of fact and experience, into the inner life of Jesus, the very being of God. If we fail here and do not get things clear, it is because we are not deep enough, or true enough, or enough Chris- tian, to see and to speak of things like this; but let us try to see what he means. When he speaks of the will of God, he means substan- tially what we should call the nature of God. The will is the expression of the real, the deepest, nature. It is God at the most definite, the most essential. The writer suggests, then, that Jesus and the will of God interpret each other; that in Jesus, in his life and mind and death, we read the mind and life of God, the will and nature of God; that in Jesus God is made intelligible to us and becomes our own, ours because we see and understand. Roberts Browning says in his Fra Lippo: "We're made so that we love First when we see them painted, things we have passed Perhaps a hundred times nor cared to see." The interpretation calls our attention to the thing, and changes our feeling; it ceases to be foreign to us. Men had known the will of God, as they called it, but they had not loved it. They saw it from without; they con- ceived of God as a hard, alien, external force, and they shuddered and shrank from him. They had no point of approach, and he remained inscrutable; and the very fact of his being unintelligible made him awful. The arbitrariness of God haunted their minds with terror ; it was indeed the source of the fear that drove them to sacrifice 'beasts to God, yes, and their own children; it was a thing of horror and pain. But Jesus takes the 68 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN will of God, and interprets it, and makes it, with all its mystery, a new thing : he brings us to see it in the light of his own experience. He teaches us to find in God's nature something akin to his own nature, something, therefore, that we can accept and trust, and by-and-by may love. If we may again use Plato's parable of the cave, Jesus has brought us out in the open air, where we no longer have to be content with shadows of images, but we see things in the sunshine of God. We have our faces turned the other way altogether; we are in the atmosphere of God; and when your eyes adjust them- selves a little to the new blaze of light, we look more and more into the reality of things. The writer to the Hebrews, in a later chapter, puts it that Jesus has brought us into the very presence of God (10:19, with 9:24). In the ancient religions of sacrifice, men put them- selves right with God by bargain, and gift, by getting safely away from God, by inducing God to go away from them, or alternatively, by sharing with God a meal, at first merely physical and later on magical, which allowed the sensation of a semi-physical union with God. Jesus has done the thing by bringing us nearer than ever before to God, into the very heart and mind of God. It makes all life utterly different. It means rethinking all moral and religious ideas in a full view of God as he is, and working everything out on the lines of the heavenly Father's nature as interpreted by Jesus in his life and, above all, in his death. A new life, a new world, new men and women, the taking away of sin — all was made possible by the work of Jesus, by his intense unity with God, by the evidence of this given to us in his death. Old modes of religious thought ceased to be possible for men who had any real experience of Jesus; the tradi- tional paled before the real; the shadows fled. THE LAMB OF GOD 69 As the death of Jesus grows in significance, men are driven again and again to ask who he was, that he should achieve so great a change in the relations of God and man. The question is a great one; it is not to be solved till we know in some inward way something of the mys- tery of the identity of his mind with God's mind, till we realize the outcome of it all in the history of man, and, above all, till we know for ourselves the love of Jesus. Men speak easily of the love of Jesus; but we do not deeply know it. How could we? How far does the un- trained eye see the wonder of anything? How can we, with our coldness of heart, our hardness and triviality, understand the love of Jesus? But it touches us, and it has touched mankind; and it becomes intelligible to man in that death, in which Jesus identified himself with the will of God. The love of Jesus and the will of God lighting each other up — that has been the essence of the Gospel. A modern German Jew has said that suffering is a language that everybody understands; the poorest intellect knows some of its meaning, the highest and the clearest has still something to learn of it. That is the language that Jesus used, and we understand him there without a commentary. Jesus shows us that it is also the language of God, that suffering is not, as the ancients alleged, and as some light-hearted moderns also say, alien to God, but something peculiarly God's own, that the cross instead of being, as the early anti-Christian controversialists urged, the very antithesis of God's na- ture, is in the very heart of God somewhere. So God also becomes intelligible to men in the cross; his will becomes something we can grasp and understand and approve, something that we can obey with joy, something that changes the values of life. The statement, attributed by the Fourth Gospel to John the Baptist, that "the Lamb of God taketh away 70 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN the sin of the world" has historically been justified. There is plenty of sin in the world today; but we have only to read history to realize the disappearance of a great deal of sin, public and private. There were forms of sin, which, as men lived themselves into the meaning of the death of Jesus, they would have no more. A society, more and more penetrated by the intelligence of Jesus, could not endure to have slavery continue; the atrocious usage of women went; the killing of babies went ; and many other like things have gone, and the rest will go/* For today, where the will of God, as interpreted by Jesus, is real, where people have come near to Jesus, they catch his Spirit and see things as he sees them; they grow conscious of the call to a higher level; they become sensitive to the suffering of others; they find themselves involved in a great change of life, a thor- ough rethinking of the principles on which they live — a change swift, impulsive, and instinctive in some, slow, deliberate, and carefully thought out in others; but real in both. It means sin taken out of men's lives, new principles of living given, and a new motive in life, a new passion; a new power, a new life — God in short. It is all associated with the realization of Jesus. What the old religion, with its clumsy and vague attempts to reach God, could not do, has been done in human experi- ence by Jesus. It is not out of the way, then, that the Apocaljrpse pic- tures the victorious Christ as the Lamb slain, and again and again associates his victory over sin and evil with his death, and to his death ascribes the purity and beauty of all the white-robed souls that he has redeemed. 28 This matter will be resumed in Chapter XIII. CHAPTER V THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN Luther once said that the forgiveness of sin is nodus Deo vindice dignus, a knot that it needs a God's help to unravel. Whether we consider forgiveness as a practical or as an intellectual problem, he was right. As with other matters of real import the difficulties only unfold themselves when we try to solve them ; at the first blush most things that matter are simpler than we find them on closer acquaintance. If sin and its forgiveness occupy a far less place in contemporary thinking than they once did, it is perhaps as much due to shallowness as to sanity. To neglect one's bodily health is not much wiser than to fidget about it; quiet thinking about health or sin never hurt any man. The poet of Job was a man who loved this glorious world — "The beauty and the wonder and the pK)wer, The shapes of things, their colors, lights and shades. Changes, surprises — and God made it all!" "When the morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy" (Job 38:7). Three or four hundred years after him, another poet of his race — a poet who saw cloudily and in symbol at times, and at other times with extraordinary vividness — "saw a new heaven and a new earth: for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away . . . and he that sat upon the throne said, Behold! I make all things new" (Rev. 71 72 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN 21:1, 5). Nothing but a new creation would serve; the world he had known was impossible; let it pass. The contrast between these two views of the world sums up a great deal of human experience. With all its charm and wonder, there is something wrong with the world, and the deepest and tenderest natures have felt it most. "Our sweetest songs are those that tell of saddest thought/' A close attention to humanity brings the mind at once to conduct — to conduct as the index of spirit; and men have been driven in spite of themselves to wrestle with the problem of evil. I It would be a long story to trace the growth of the idea of sin. The records of our race show how, in thinking of sin, men have steadily shifted from the external to the internal. In all man's thought upon life and upon society that transition is to be seen. More and more stress has been laid upon motive, upon the reactive effect of action, and upon spirit and its changes. Morality his grown more reflective, and man more self-conscious and more individual. Taboos live long, but they too are judged by reason. It has been a long, slow process; and in the end man acquits the accident and the external of his sin, and brings himself in guilty. We watch the man in Plato's Republic wres- tling with the lust of his eyes to gaze greedily on the bodies of the criminals put to death; the fight is within him, and in anger at himself he yields to himself.' In the Gorgias, as we have seen,'' Plato goes further and tells us how sin writes itself indelibly upon the soul of Republic, 1V:439 E, 440 A. -Chapter II, p. 25. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 73 the sinner. Still more significant were the contributions of Hebrew prophets and psalmists to clear thinking upon sin. If the Greek brought out that the man who sins, sins against Nature and against his own soul, the Hebrew, with his clearer conception of God's personality, grasped a still more central fact. Isaiah's vision of God is imme- diately followed by his confession of sin (Isaiah 6), and the words of the Psalmist are familiar: "I know my transgressions : And my sin is ever before me. Against thee, thee only, have I sinned." — (Psalm 51 :3, 4) Commentators with a gust for the obvious like to point out the exaggeration in this confession, whether the psalm is David's and refers to Uriah and his wife, or whether it is a more universal story, the utterance of an unknown thinker. Exaggeration — but, in the depths of it, truth. In the new and strange world that Alexander the Great made, the supreme teachers of the Greek world were the Stoics, and their main interest lay in ethics. Bishop Lightfoot well called their new-coined word Con- science {a-vvuBrja-Lsi) "the crowning triumph of ethical nomenclature.'" Another great contribution was irpoaipea-is (purpose or motive). They recognized motive as the key to morality, while in the older religions, especially the Roman, emphasis fell on act. The change is revo- lutionary. In Judaism there is a cleavage; for some Jews sin assumed a growing importance, while on others, as we shall see, it sat lightly enough. It is interesting to reflect on the processes by which the gains of man's knowledge have been gathered. The modern is so apt to associate religion with morality, that it is something of a shock to be told how little priest 'Commentary on Philippians, p. 301. 74 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN and cult and temple contributed to eth-ical progress, either in Greece or in Israel. While it may 'be true, as Andrew Lang urged, that in no race have religious cere- monies been unaccompanied by moral teaching, still the priest has rarely been much of a thinker, rarely a pioneer in ethics ; his business passed into his soul, and his busi- ness lay with old rules, with established forms, with the practice of older days. Prophet in Israel, philosopher in Greece, were laymen, men of problems and questions-^ spiritual anarchists or spiritual reconstructionists, as you chose to regard them; men who cared nothing for settled thought and accepted usage, but who drove hard at fact, would have principle, and must base all on the fundamental. But long before the philosophers and the prophets whose names we know, there were others who lifted the thinking and feeling of mankind forward, men who groped their way to truth, vita didicere magis- tra, felt the pressure of life and built their laws out of experience. These men, slow-thinking, but very sure, were the fathers of the philosophers, their brothers and their best disciples. But, valid and beyond price as the contributions of Plato and the Stoics were, and the contributions of Prophet and Psalmist, a great deal was left to achieve. They settled a great many points. Sin is violation of Nature's laws; it is more damaging to the sinner than to his victim;* it is at last rebellion against God. So much was gained, and remains gained; Isaiah and Plato have much to say to the most modern of us; they are not superseded. But Jesus transformed the whole situa- tion by revealing the character and personality of God and by bringing into the range of discussion a man's neighbor and society at large, as the immediate interests of God. He did this partly by what he said, a great deal Plato, Crito, 49. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 75 more by what he was. "To overlook or to underrate the influence which has been exercised upon moral develop- ment by great personalities has been a too frequent tendency of philosophical Ethics.'" Personality itself has again and again been the revelation that has superseded tradition. The Cross was a stimulus to rethink sin; and it remains so. The teaching of Jesus made previous thinkers seem shallow; they had handled far too easily the relation of man to God; their morality, sound and true to Nature as far as it went, was not thought out deeply enough; their psychology — ^this is a bold thing to say, when one remembers to whom one is referring — was not sufficient, too many factors were lost. But the Cross carried things further; it became in itself the source of ''conviction of sin" ; men by it saw further into the love of God and into the meaning of their own sin than ever before. Put into modern terms, clumsy and ugly enough, sin is the exploitation of man, the using of the gifts of God against God, the negation of God, the repudiation in toto of God's love, of the personal, throbbing, fathomless Fatherhood of that God whom Jesus revealed. "Sin," as Neville Talbot has put it, "sin, as the wilful devotion to self of those who are made for Another and for others, is the central and root tragedy of life." If we are to discuss the forgiveness of sin, we have to be clear with ourselves as to what we mean both by sin and by forgiveness. If Bernard Shaw tells us bluntly that there is no forgiveness of sin, while the early creed will have us say daily : "I believe . . . the forgiveness of sins," supposing that the playwright and the early the- ologian mean the same thing, it is plain that they are contradicting each other. That is possibly Mr. Shaw's intention. The matter is not settled by either of them, ^ Hastings Raihdall, Conscience and Christ, p. 21, 76 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN nor would it be if they agreed or thought they agreed. What does forgiveness imply? How much of sin can be forgiven? Do we distinguish between sin and sins? What should forgiveness effect, then, if we do so dis- tinguish? II We may begin by considering three aspects of sin which can be readily recognized. If sin is primarily a record, can that record be deleted? But it is never merely a record; there is also what St. Augustine called "the violence of habit";' can a habit be "forgiven," or would it be altered if it were forgiven? In the third place, apart from the record of a man's sins, and his habit of sin, a sinful act of his may have contaminated another man's springs of judgment and conduct; granted that his habit of sin may be overcome, that the record of his own acts may be somehow deleted, how can he have peace, and how can belief in justice be secure, if the influence of his act remain operative in the life of an- other? There are at least three problems here, none of them easy. First, then, the record. Men are always haunted by the consciousness that a thing done remains done. How- ever much they repent, however pure and great and valuable their lives have become — "Well, he was in prison for forgery, and she did have an illegitimate child ; there is no getting past that ; those things cannot be undone." So the commonplace always think, inside the Church and out of it. So, too, say the religious teachers, the hymn- writers — « Augustine, Confessions, viii:5, 12: "Lex enim peccati est violentia consue- tudinis qua trahitur et tenetur etiam invittts animus, eo merito quo in earn illabitur." THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 77 ^'Liher scriptus proferetur," So, too, the Bible, "The dead were judged out of the things which were written in the books, according to their works (Rev. 20:12); So, too, says conscience.' Actions, deeds, are done and remain. Memory cannot abolish itself; remorse is there, furious resentment against oneself for the folly that led to sin against one- self, that robbed oneself of the clean page and the pleasure which the clean page means. Remorse is essen- tially self-centered ; it has little relation to others. Where God comes into the reckoning, there is an added horror, a sense very native to the human mind that the record has alienated God. If remorse is impersonal and does not regard others, this is very personal ; God has been turned into an enemy. By now, if time makes an interpretation valid, the Christian Church has said this often enough; but it is not historically the view of Jesus, it is one of the ideas he died to abolish. If the unthinking forgive sin easily, the thoughtful do not; they reckon hardly with themselves. Even if ";he full and self-consistent concept of sin" implies, as Dr. Tennant says, knowledge, will, and intention — if without these, it be not sin — still ignorant acts involve consequences; ignorance traps a man into disease physi- cally; and morally—? Greek tragedy shows, painfully enough, that in a great man's estimate of his record and of himself, his ignorant action counts. Human law will not admit the plea of ignorance; Nature's law does not admit it; will God's law allow it? Does a deep-going man forgive himself his own ignorance? What right has he to be ignorant? The child dies, because the mother ^ The simile is in Daniel 7:10; and in other apocalyptic books. It occurred independently to the Greeks, some of whom ricliculed it — Zeus would not have material for books enough; Euripides, Melantppe, fr, 506, Nauck. *Cf. Wisdom, 17:11; if the text is right. 78 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN did not know; "I ought to have known," she says, and she is right; the child was given to her that she might know for it. But it is an insufficient view of sin that emphasizes the deed, and it means loss of proportion. The motive is of more import; it is more real and more formative. Second we set the "violence of habit." Motive, atti- tude, taste, make instinct, and instinct gives a turn to habit and that to character. It was remarked in an- tiquity, and Burns among others of modern times has also remarked, that one effect of sin is a change of char- acter. "Each one of us," said the Hebrew, "has been the Adam of his own soul."" "Whatever the mental pic- tures you often make, to that color your mind (Siavota) comes; the mind is dyed by its pictures," writes Marcus Aurelius (V:16). And Burns: "But, oh, it hardens all within And petrifies the feeling." R. L. Stevenson in his Christmas sermon spoke of the danger of defiling the imagination. The New Testament abounds with similar observations; St. Paul has a series of metaphors all drawn from the physical senses — "the heart darkened" (Rom. 1:21) and "darkened in mind" (Siavota, Eph. 4:18) ; the mind and the conscience stained (Titus 1:15), and the conscience cauterized (I Tim. 4:2). Cumulatively the pictures suggest a mind cut off from reality — ^all the channels of communication blocked, and all that is transmitted falsified in the process ; the whole is summed up in a striking phrase, vovs dSo/ci/xo? (Rom. 1:28), a mind unfit for its proper functions. "This is the condemnation," writes John (3:19), "that men love darkness rather than light." Much has (been said and '''Apocalypse of Bariich, 54:19. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 79 written in our days of the subconscious mind and of the subliminal self, and it is remarked how ideas or at least impressions can be stored in that subconscious mind, which are never lost but, after years of utter forgetful- ness, may be somehow flung into the conscious mind, vivid, horrible, and defiling. There are no ''dead selves," they are living in death, potent and septic. So far modern analysis supports the insight of Jesus that from within comes what defiles a man (Mark 7:15). There is no horror like that of the mind finding in odd moments of self-discovery what it has made of itself, learning in awful revelations what things memory and imagination can accumulate for its perversion. Bunyan pictures the Pilgrim in the Valley of the Shadow of Death hearing fiends whisper blasphemies in his ears and supposing the voice of evil to be his own thought. If Bunyan says ex- plicitly that the voice came from without, the modern psychologist is not so certain. It is experience that be- tween impulse and act there is an interval in which in- hibition may be effective, but that with surrender to evil that interval becomes shorter and shorter. A man may come at last to be the prey of his own past, a creature of reflex actions, for which, however, he is himself re- sponsible, even if by now they are involuntary and repul- sive to himself, the regular victim of a habit which he developed 'by surrender to it." A man is responsible for what he has made of his own mind and personality; but the vital question is, What can undo what he has done? In the third place, sin was long ago compared to disease by Plato (in the Gorgias). The comparison is illuminat- ing, and it was used in passing by Jesus. But if a man " R. L. Stevenson in Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde draws the picture of Jekyll waking and seeing with horror the hand of Edward Hyde on the bed; "I had gone to bed Henry Jekyll, I had awakened Edward Hyde. How was this to be explained?" Readers will, perhaps, associate odd revivals of the forgotten with the moment of waking. 80 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN is to be pitied for a disease from which he suffers, two questions arise: How did he incur it, and has he trans- mitted it? What are we to make of the effects of our characters in the lives and minds and personalities of others? If a man of great gifts neglects or misuses them as a result of my influence, if he turns them into instruments of corruption, what becomes of that other lost soul and its powers, used for evil, even if mine is recovered for God and man? Forgiveness, if it is to be real and complete, has surely to cover this third aspect of sin. Ill Many methods have been tried to meet the case of sin. Neglect of it as negligible has been suggested as if it were as good a course as any. Sir Oliver Lodge has said, apparently with some satisfaction, that the modern man has not time to think about his sins." If sin is a serious thing at all, it is a pity the modern man should be so short of time. Much stress was laid in antiquity, and some since then, on moral endeavor. The Stoic sage bade a man examine himself, confess his sins to his conscience, forgive them, and then do better." Jewish legalism reached a similar result. But every- thing here depends on a man's conception of God and of God's standards ; if it is not very high, he may easily satisfy himself; but if it be a high one, if it be continu- ally expanded with new glimpses of God, then new visions of duty break in upon him, and he concludes, sometimes in blank despair: "Not the labors of my hands Can fulfil Thy law's demands." " Quoted by Rashdall. Conscience and Christ, p. 130. "^eneca, De Ira, 3:36, 1-4; Epictetus, D. 3:10. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 81 In any case endeavor in the present could not undo the past. The Stoic quite frankly despaired of some people. "Natta," said the young Stoic poet, "is stupid with vice ; his heart is overgrown with fat; he feels no reproach; he knows not what he is losing."'' "What is to be done," asked Epictetus," "if a man be hardened to stone?" In Judaism Paul shows how despair overtook men who gave themselves to the endeavor to build up their own right- eousness (Phil. 3:6, 9) and were serious about it — "0 wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from this death?" (Rom. 7:24). Paul also speaks of God "giving up" men to the reprobate mind (Rom. 1:28) and evil passions, though this does not necessarily imply finality. Celsus has little hope of quite mending those who "sin by nature and sin by habit."'' But can despair be a right conclusion in God's universe? Here again all turns on our conception of God. Expiation is another means of dealing with sin, which depends on the same conception. It at least contains a recognition of the principle of justice, and assigns a meaning to punishment. Punish- ment has been held to reveal the nature of what is pun- ished; in this case it is education, and we exclude the unjust and devilish idea of it as mere vengeance. But if one is not careful, the very means taken to do away with sin may strengthen its hold ; expiation may itself be immoral or not sufficiently moral, at any rate as regards the chain of influence set in movement by sin, unless God is really recognized in the whole transaction for what he is. How can a man make reparation to God, if he has not a proper recognition of God*s nature? Still more, how can he, if he has? It was suggested, as we saw, in Plato's Republic that some people even reckoned on mak- "Persius 3:32. "Epictetus, D., 1:5. " Origen, c. Celsum, 3:65. 82 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN ing friends of the gods out of the spoils of injustice. Judaism developed another idea, valid and funda- mental if properly conceived, repentance. "There is nothing about repentance in Aristotle, not very much in Plato; more no doubt in the teaching of the Stoics, though the proud self-sufficiency of that school hardly favors a penitential attitude of mind."'' The absence of any definite and operative conviction of God's personality probably explains the slight interest of the Greek in re- pentance." Among the Jews we find the doctrine taking different forms. Mr. Claude Montefiore, in his book Pharisaism and St. Paul, explains the standpoint of the Rabbinic Jew, using documents of a rather later date than Paul's period, but assuring us that we may safely use them to reconstruct Paul's milieu.^^ A few quota- tions will make it plain. Rabbinic Judaism was "a happy, spiritual and even ardent religion" of the "healthy- minded" (p. 48). "The Rabbinic Jew . . . took a prac- tical view of the situation" (p. 40) ; "the law had been given for life . . . [It] is not in one sense too hard for him. There is no commandment which he cannot fulfil more or less" (p. 41). "Yes, God ... is very angry," but "let a man repent but a very little and God will for- give very much" (p. 42). "The average and decent- living Israelite would inherit the world to come, would be 'saved'" (p. 35). "God's love for Israel, his love of the repentant sinner, his inveterate tendency to forgive- ness," together with the merits of the patriarchs,"" would ^« Rashdall, Conscience and Christ, p. 129. " Perhaps it is not fanciful to see in the Greek term for sin (&ixapria, "missing" the mark) another suggestion of this idea that sin hardly con- cerns God. *' Confirmation is to be found in some of the Apocalyptic books. Cf, R. H. Charles, Apocalypse of Baruch, p. 81 flF. ^* Compare a beautiful passage in Wisdom 11:23-26. ^^Cf. Apocalypse of Baruch, 84:10. "Pray . . . that the Mighty One may be reconciled to you and that He may not reckon the multitude of your sins, but remember the rectitude of your others." Cf. ih. 14:7, 12, "a store of works." THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 83 amply make up for their own individual deficiencies. Their religion was therefore happy and hopeful" (p. 36). "Salvation was the privilege of every Israelite, who, believing in God and in his law, tried to do his best and was sorry for his failures and lapses" (pp. 77, 78). The God of the Rabbis was "very personal and childlike. He did not care for system and theories, but he was always there when wanted" (p. 95) f his people, too, had "little philosophy" (p. 79). There was another type of Judaism which has histori- cally had more influence, the Judaism of the Dispersion, of men battling more nakedly with the world, with pagan- ism, and with the higher thought of the Greeks. Mr. Montefiore finds it "inferior" (p. 93), "more anxious and pessimistic, more sombre and perplexed" (p. 114). It had suffered from contact with the Greek spirit, and "began to invent theories and justifications of its reli- gion instead of accepting it as a delightful matter of course" (p. 96). "Directly you have to justify a thing, it becomes a little external. ... If you accept ... as a matter of course, you love it without asking why" (p. 99). So the Jew of the Dispersion was "more theoretic and systematic, but his outlook on life was less accurate and less sensible" (p. 96). I have given Mr. Montefiore's own words, because I do not wish to misrepresent, and because he is the expert and I am not. But the impression they leave on my mind is not quite what he intends. The naivete of the Rabbinic Jew does not seem to me a higher thing than the more difficult and reflective religion of the Dispersion. It is too like the common sense and the simplicity which we find in other fields and there recognize to be the result of mere inattention. Paul's religion was, as Mr. Monte- 21 See Oesterley and Box, Religion and Worship of the Synagogue, pp. 591-403, on the Day of Atonement. 84 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN fiore says, quite different from that which he describes; but surely it was not of a lower type, unless the philos- opher, who aims with Plato at the ''contemplation of all time and of all existence,'"" is inferior to the man who has not begun to think or who has abruptly dropped the habit. Things are not simple in God's universe. To be unconscious of difficulties is not to be above them. If this is to defy the common sense of the "man in the street," I cannot help it. In any case. Rabbinic Judaism did not, historically, capture the world; it did not hold the reflective Jews of the Dispersion; and the reason is not far to seek — it managed everything too easily, "healed the hurt of the daughter of my people lightly, saying. Peace, peace; when there is no peace.'"' IV Jesus is reported by the Fourth Gospel to have said that the Holy Spirit would convince the world of sin (16:9). Rabbinic Judaism did no such thing. Super- stitious and magical as they largely were, the mystery- cults of the heathen were nearer the truth about sin. Jesus with the Rabbis emphasized repentance, but he touched nothing that he did not deepen. He gave men a new clue to the force and meaning of sin; he brought them to a new sense of repentance. Repentance, as Luther saw when he began in earnest the study of Greek, means above all things "rethinking." A man must have some idea of what Tils sin means to God, of what it means in the human milieu. In order to do this, he must have some conviction of God. The knowledge of God will be more fully dealt with in the next chapter. It is enough here to recall how Jesus re-created the very idea of God for men, and this made possible a real re- ''^ Republic, VI:486 a. -=' Jeremiah 6:14. 8:11. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 85 thinking of life and conduct. The cross gave men a new object-lesson in the nature of sin and the outcome of it, showed it in its hideousness, for. the cruel, vulgar, and negative thing it is. Some realization of God, his law, his nature, has always been the prelude of repentance properly so named, though it is also true that penitence in its fullness is a Christian grace, which grows by knowledge of Jesus. But our problem is the work of Jesus in dealing with sin, and we shall do best to follow the lines laid down already. How has Jesus affected the mind of mankind with regard to the record, the habit, and the influence of sin? First, once more, the record. Something is needed, as the writer to the Hebrews says, that "will clean your conscience." It is conscience that makes cowards of us all ; if conscience blushes, Tertullian said, prayer blushes too."* There is no coming to God, if conscience says we shall not be welcome. It is a question of balance, or perspective, as we like to put it. There stands the record ; we conclude that it is intolerable to God, that it alienates God. Jesus distinguishes ; he 'brought out the hatef ulness of sin to God, he never minimized it, his Passion empha- sized it; but he put in the center of his teaching his conviction that sin does not alienate God from the child whom he loves. As we have seen already," Jesus always takes the line that the Father wants his son above all things. The prodigal wastes the old man's substance in the strange land; but it is not the substance (nor an I.O.U. for it) that the old man wants; he wants his boy, because he is his boy and needs a father's care and love. Jesus never suggests that he is effecting any change in moral law, any dislocation, legal fiction, or dodge of any kind. His emphasis is not on acts done, on guilt or on ■-* Tertullian, De exhort, castitatis, 10. -'^Chapter IV, p. 64. 86 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN penalty incurred; it is not on law, nor on God's majesty and the vindication of majesty and law; he does not deny or in reality obscure these things, but for him the matter of first significance is the love of God. The record remains, but the sting is taken out of it; the forgiven son leaves off thinking of his record,*' he is more impressed by his father's feeling for him, and if he thinks of the record, it becomes itself of new value for it enhances the wonder of his reception. "To anyone who really experiences it," says Herrmann,''' "forgiveness comes not as a matter of course, but as an astounding revelation of love." (The contrast here with the ideas of the Rabbinic Jew as set forth by his advocate is patent, and it is significant). Christ, as Zwingli saw, sets men free from the sense of condemnation by reveal- ing not only the divine justice and horror of sin, but also the divine mercy and love; he removes the barrier which prevents God and man from falling into each other's arms.^* The barrier is of man's building, the honest structure that conscience builds as a prison about him; but conscience too needs educating and pitches the love of God too low. Jesus changes that; he is himself the guarantee for God, the pledge of God's love. The consequence is a great change of mind in the man. He moves over to God's point of view. He no longer wishes to escape the consequences of his actions. If the Father of Jesus makes a law, the man will now wish at all costs to maintain it, he will cooperate to the extent of wishing to bear the penalty that his Father thinks helpful to him and to others. But is this forgiveness? If the penalty is still to be borne? But what is the penalty, when 2' Cf . Luther: "If thou wilt confess sin, then have a care that thjou lookest and thinkest far more on thy future life than on thy past life." Herrmann, Communion of Christian with God, p. 255. ^ Herrmann, ih., p. 251. 28 See A. V. G. Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, pp. 289.290. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 87 once there is reconciliation? Is it a punishment if you wish it? Let him do what he will! The crop sown has to be reaped; but Another will help in the reaping; and it is something to work along with such a Friend even in so painful and humiliating a task. And it is man's experience that in this work, as in all work done for God and with God, the great Friend does the larger part. If Jesus is right about God, punishment is not vindictive ; it is remedial,"^ and justice is love. "Though he slay me, yet will I trust in him.'"" When one grasps the inward- ness of Christian thought and experience here, the lan- guage used so often in the past about one's own righteous- ness being filthy rags'' becomes quickly intelligible; Zin- zendorf, following Paul and John, is right, when we un- derstand what he means : "Jesu, thy blood and righteousness My beauty are, my glorious dress ; 'Midst flaming worlds, in these arrayed, With joy shall I lift up my head." We may very well use other words and other symbols ; but he too has caught the truth. The cross has lit up the real nature of God ; the love that chose it becomes the supreme thing; the record is not ignored, but its paralyzing effect is gone; the conscience is set free to enjoy God and all his dealings. Rothe, as rendered by John Wesley, sums up the experience : "0 love, thou bottomless abyss! My sins are swallowed up in thee; Covered is my unrighteousness. Nor spot of guilt remains in me. While Jesu's blood through earth and skies Mercy, free boundless mercy, cries." 2* Cf. Clement of Alexandria, Strom., 6:6, 46: "The punishments of God are saving and educative"; referring to the punishment of the dead, so Job 13:15 (A.V.). ^i Cf . Isaiah 64:6 (A.V.). 88 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN Secondly, the power of sin. During the long Euro- pean war, and especially towards its end, all the world realized, as Napoleon had said, that morale is everything. Spirit is the source of victory. Jesus, as we have seen, floods the human soul with an intense conviction of the love of God; and the man shouts in sheer joy: "I can do all things through Christ who strengtheneth me" (Phil. 4: 13). This has been put in a variety of ways, all pointing to the same experience. Dr. Chalmers spoke of "the expulsive power of a new affection," an illustration from human life which goes a long way. "Every one who knows what it is to be forgiven," wrote Dr. Denney, "knows also that forgiveness is the greatest regenerative force in the life of man."'' "The spirit of life in Christ," said Paul (and we had better take pains to give the real value to the words he chose), "set me free from the law of sin and death" (Rom. 8:2). Charles Wesley says the same, as forcibly: "He breaks the power of cancelled sin. He sets the prisoner free." St. Augustine gives a further hint. We love more, he says, a possession that we have lost and found again than if we had never lost it.'" A new tie of common experi- ence binds the good shepherd to the sheep he has found, and would bind the sheep to the shepherd if sheep were susceptible of such feelings. Men transcend sheep here; memory gives a new motive, and the common experi- ence of which Christ and the soul share the secret has a power of transmuting the minus to a plus, with a force that overcomes the reflex of habit. As for the subliminal self and its power of storing dead selves with their hor- rible reminders and influences, the Author of the sub- »* Denney, Christian Doctrine of Reconciliation, p. 6. 3^ Augustine, Confessions, VTII:3, 7. THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 89 liminal self may be trusted to purify that self also; for the idea that God leaves things half done has never found acceptance with real thinkers. Christ will descend into that hell at least, whatever we say about the Apostles' Creed; and when he has made it full of himself, what it throws up into the conscious may be trusted to be sweet and wholesome. Human love has this effect — changing the innermost character and instincts and stor- ing impulses for good. All this, be it noted, is not conjecture ; it is the experi- ence men have had of Jesus, interpreted soberly, if joy- fully, in language as near the fact as they could bring it. If the language has the surge and swing about it of "joy unspeakable and full of glory," that is always the mark of real experience, new and startling; and it con- firms the Christian story, that men should find it un- speakable. Historically, men have found the power of habit overcome and the nature transformed by Jesus Christ — instinct and impulse as much changed as mind and heart, a rebirth of the whole being. What forgive- ness could be without this, it is hard to see; it must be this, or it is nothing; and Christian experience is solid on the reality of this change. In the third place, the influence of sin upon others — in some ways the hardest aspect of the matter. A man submits himself to Christ, is reborn, remade, or what- ever our phrase be to describe the amazing extent of the change; but the woman he seduced, or the son whom he tainted with low moral standards, what of them? Can he "Let the wretch go festering through Florence," and be at peace with God ? The act is beyond recall ; the innocent suffer or are defiled; how can there be "peace 90 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN with God," would it not be damnable insensibility? There are two lines of reply. It is a consideration to be remembered, that a man is responsible for his influence, but not wholly for another's reception of it. The great quack of the last days of the French monarchy took in all sorts of persons, but, as Carlyle points out, Cagliostro failed with thoroughly honest people. If the woman or the son, whom we have imagined, had been thoroughly sound, the bad influence would have been turned aside. The man is responsible for the effects of his influence, which are serious enough, but not for another man or woman's self-determination. The other person is never merely wax; he, too, or she, has a responsibility. But, put things at the very worst, the problem will be best decided by reference to the Christian experience of Jesus. "It is simply not true," says Dr. D. S. Cairns, "to speak of the irreparable past, and not well to dwell upon it. Go deeper and take God into account. It is part of his omnipotence that he can retrieve it. The story is not finished yet. Those who believe in God believe in a retrieving future." Thus it all comes back once again to that conviction of God which Jesus has brought into human experience. Jesus was after all the friend of men, clear-sighted beyond the best of us; was he going to leave men unhealed just when the healing mattered most to themselves and to others ? To think so is to miss the reality of his nature. Finally, we have to remember that the holiness, which Jesus gives to character, is not a negative thing of taboos, "a fugitive and cloistered virtue," in Milton's fine phrase, that "slinks out of the race, where that immortal garland is to be run for, not without dust and heat." He has given us another conception of holiness, as a positive and redemptive thing that seeks the contact of sinful men, that faces dust and heat, temptation, agony, and the cross THE FORGIVENESS OF SIN 91 itself — something functional and reproductive, no "trea- sure in a napkin" buried and sterile, but seed sown and growing and bearing a hundredfold, the most prolific and living thing imaginable. To venture on a modern simile, it is more like chlorine than blotting-paper. It is thus that Jesus has dealt with sin. He gave it an importance it had never had before; he brought out its meaning; he got it into the light of God's face. But he also brought men to look on God's face. "We have peace with God," says Paul (Rom. 5:1) ; it is historically true, and the way of it and the results of it deserve attention. The man who is at peace with God is no longer resentful of God's action, whatever form it take. He no longer tries to protect himself against God. As in a human friendship a man drops habits of criticism and self-pro- tection, and absorbs his friend, so the man "at peace with God" opens his heart, consciously and, perhaps still more, unconsciously to God. It is not till then that God's personality can make itself felt. The result in the growth of mind and character cannot be hid. Of such growth the Christian Church can show abundant evidence, both in individuals and in the society they make. So that we are justified in concluding that there has 'been some real and effective treatment of sin, that men have been set free from it, and have a new life in God — in short, that Jesus has reconciled men to God, that he has solved the problem of forgiveness, and that the solution is "the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord" (Rom. 8:39). CHAPTER VI THE REVELATION OF GOD Tantum Deus cognoscitur qioantum diligitur. — Bernard of Clairvaux. In the long history of religion with all its cross-cur- rents and backwaters, the windings of the stream, and the great barren expanses of shale and sand where no water is, it is possible with care to mark a direction and a progress. Certain things emerge from close study which it is impossible to mistake and which gain signifi- cance as we reflect upon them. Man, it has been said, is incurably religious, and the explanation is given by Plato — "the unexamined life is not livable for a human being.'" He is bound by some- thing implanted in him to reflect upon his experience, and, while thought does not add to his experience, it so brings out the meaning of it, as to make it a new thing and to prepare the way for fresh discovery. The past becomes the present and points to the future — is the future, one might almost say, so truly "Old experience doth attain To something of prophetic strain." I Four tendencies may be remarked in the development of religion, not all equally strong in every race but all in some degree potent. Apology, 38 A. 92 THE REVELATION OF GOD 93 First of all, man is driven to unify his experience. We talk of people thinking in compartments, but it is impos- sible to do it for very long; either the thought or the compartments must go, and with mankind at large it is thought that triumphs. Plato's ideal of "the contempla- tion of all time and all existence"^ owes to him a magni- ficent phrasing ; the ideal was latent in every living mind from the beginning — a vague date, I know, but no other is available. Probably all the great strides in thought have been connected with the unification of experience. A dis- covery or even a suggestion that reduces our categories, that simplifies our thinking, is always hailed as a step for- ward ; if it prove valid, it will never be really lost. The greatest truths are those that achieve this for us most effectively, and over the largest range. Secondly, however picturesque in long retrospect the vague cults and fears of animism may seem, animism has never given a secure foothold to thinking man. The Olympian gods of Greece were bound to overcome their predecessors. Mankind tacitly held that there is nothing in the universe greater than personality; the word is of the most modern, the faith very ancient. Men gave their gods personality; or, rather, they found themselves un- able to think of their gods as less than personal. To recognize the gods as possessed of feeling, intellect, and character was a step forward — a necessary step; and where it was not taken there was no progress. Perhaps the chief value of this step forward was that it made another inevitable — to the unity of the godhead. The unthinking in Greece held for ever to vague animistic conceptions, to demons; and there was periodic reaction to them. The separate gods long held the field, but the thinkers saw beyond them. Israel and Greece took dif- ferent roads at this point; Greece reached the unity of Republic, VI: 486 A. 94 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN God more decisively than his personality ; Israel, by some happy instinct or thanks to prophetic genius, grasped and kept the personality of the one God, and there lay the key to the future. A third tendency is toward the supremacy of moral law. One of the great struggles in the fifth century B.C., the most brilliant age of Greece, was to decide whether morality were custom or nature, voiws or <^u(ris. The word used for law suggested custom as the basis of morality, but experience was stronger than etymology. Human life was not a mere succcession of accidents, more or less regulated by tacit conventions; there was (in our modern sense — one cannot now escape the word) law in it, something underlying it, valid, potent, not to be escaped. If reproduction was a natural human instinct, some kind of morality was another; as real and eventu- ally as imperious. Society rested on something deeper than conventions; if men were to be men in any true sense, theft, adultery, and murder, to name only the most obvious things, were intolerable; they ruined any real human life, they must be a denial of something natural, a refusal of the order of the universe. A long while before Plato made all this clear, men brought to bear upon the gods their conviction of the supremacy of righteousness. Zeus, as ^schylus saw, stands for law, inevitable, universal, and intelligible to man. "If gods do deeds of shame, the less gods they," says one of Euripides' characters. These two great poets do but sum up and bring to expression what had long been working in the Greek mind and what was to discredit their pantheon. The Hebrew moved, perhaps more con- spicuously but hardly more certainly, in the same direc- tion. Righteousness becomes the central conception for all true thought upon man's life and upon the being of God. THE REVELATION OF GOD 95 In the fourth place, man came to realize intensively the significance of his own personality. A large part of Greek history may be summed up as a series of experi- ments, by which the individual secures recognition of himself. Politically it became more and more obvious how much he meant ; Greek history was made and unmade in a degree beyond anything we know in the West by men amazingly, even desperately, individual and unmis- takable. Greek philosophy is the outcome of the indi- vidual man's determination to do his own thinking him- self, and be done with his neighbor and his grandfather. In religion it is the same. The Greek made up his mind that he must be immortal." It is this glorious assertion of personality, with the glad acceptance of the duties that go with it, that made the Greek the world's teacher. Strange as it seems, he had to teach the Hebrew the doc- trine of personal immortality. These four tendencies are to be traced through the history of all religion. They have their fates, of course ; here one is over-emphasized and another lost. But a survey of the whole field confirms us in the conviction not only of their validity but of their vitality.- Where one or other of these tendencies is repressed, religion suffers. Men's convictions as to the nature of God control the fates of races and empires ; they are the most potent things mankind has. A doctrine of God that ignores his unity, his personality, or my personality, or the right- eousness that must govern us both, leads to disaster. Any doctrine, further, that suggests contempt or even inatten- tion towards any real feature in God or man, fails to endure, or, if it endures, the human race suffers for it. My personality includes feeling and reason, the instinct for wife and child and state, an imperious demand for ' Plutarch, who sometimes hits off (or borrows) a good phrase, says, "The hope of immortality and the passion to be is of all our loves oldest and greatest." {Non Snaviter, U04 c.)- 96 JESUS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF MEN an ever larger life, for a richer development of nature and character — that is what the Greek teaches us, and we know by now that he is right ; and any religion which denies me any of these claims will produce a poorer type of mankind, a lie of some sort, and not the true thing. And further, before we pass on, when the modern man — at his simplest, as we may lightly say — is overheard asking: "How can I be right with God?" the question embodies the four great tendencies we have been dis- cussing; it recognizes God and his ego as paramount, acting together in a single sphere, and both recognizing Right as their common ground. History itself is a record of man's endeavor to "get right with God," to find out God's meaning for human life and to adjust society to it.* II But, as Plato says, "the Father and Maker of this whole it is hard to find, and when one has found him to declare him to all is impossible." ' That a sense of strangeness and foreignness lies like a fog across the entrance of the divine country, a certain wonder whether a mere man has any business there, an unreality about it all, is the moving confession of a modern thinker." God is so manifold that it is hard to be sure that one has the whole of him. His ideas man only slowly gathers; some easily, as those about gravitation and by and by those about fire, and later and with less ease those about germs (let us say) and electricity; but his more funda- mental thoughts are more deeply hidden and only to be * The influence of the Stoic "Law of Nature" on the development of Roman law is only one obvious illustration. '^Timaeus, 29 C; cf. Clem. Alex. Protr. 68, and Celsus, Orig, c. Cels. 7: 42, who quote the passage from very different angles and in very different tempers. •Phillips Brooks, The Light of the World, p. 6. THE REVELATION OF GOD 97 reached by longer and more painful experience and thought more long and painful still/ And man is im- patient of the lingering processes of thought. The phil- osophers are so slow, and life so short; one must have an effective relation with God, and there are other teachers who do not for ever tell us to wait and see; they act and achieve — at least they say so. A great cleavage comes in men's progress; these go to the right, moving slowly and stumblingly, checking their move- ments and their discoveries, halting and retracing their steps again and again; those go gaily and confidently to the left, happy in their freedom from doubt, happy in their activity and their sensations; and mankind is indebted to both — though to which the more, we may not so readily agree. Must we know God before we can have relations with Godhead? The Graeco-Roman world was divided on this question. The philosophers were uncertain and slow, not clear about God's personality, stronger on his unity, far from precise about our consciousness of relation with him. "He is not far from any one of you," they said; they even spoke of a holy spirit within you ;^ but then it was not clear once more, whether they meant spirit or breath, a divine indwelling in the soul, or a divine crea- tion of the soul from some fragment of itself (divinae particulam aurae) .' There was, they said, a great Some- thing beyond, the soul of the world (anima mundi) per- haps, or Something further away still, "beyond being.'"" But how is one to have contact with that? In him we live and move and have our being; his laws condition our life: ^ Hence perhaps the famous saying of Heraclitus