tihraxy  of 'the  theological  ^eminarjp 
 
 PRINCETON  •  NEW  JERSEY 
 
 •a^j)' 
 
 The  John  M.    Krebs 
 Donation 
 
 30  1  i  "?  'i 
 .J83AZ3 
 
 1  ^-«.        >'    t-^Ai 
 
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JOSEPHl^S 
 
 PvC'lisjii'il  "br  :':>Oii»;-.  Siu.  «  C-'  ,^svt,i~, 
 
THE 
 
 V 
 
 VVV 
 
 aOff^i 
 
 GCT  ^  9  W27' 
 
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 WORKS 
 
 'i-M\ 
 
 'Ml  ^' 
 
 FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS, 
 
 THE  LEARNED  AND  AUTHENTIC  JEWISH  HISTORIAN 
 AND  CELEBRATED  WARRIOR. 
 
 THREE  DISSERTATIONS, 
 
 CONCERNING 
 
 JESUS  CHRIST,  JOHN  THE  BAPTIST,  JAMES  THE  JUST, 
 GOD'S  COMMAND  TO  ABRAHAM,  &c. 
 
 TRANSLATED  EY 
 
 WILLIAM  WIIISTON,  A.M. 
 
 PROFESSOR  OF  MATHEMATICS  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 COMPLETE    IN    ONE  VOLUME: 
 WITH  PORTRAITS  AND  PLATES. 
 
 LOISIBO^: 
 
 Printed  at  the  Caxton  Press. 
 
 BY    HENRY   FISHER,    SON,    AND    CO. 
 
 rUBLISHEU    AT    38,    NEWGATE-STREET;    AND    SOLD    BY    ALL    BOOKSELLEIiS 
 
 1828. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 $  1.  1  HE  famil)'  from  wliicb  I  am  derived  is  not  an  ignoble  one,  but  hath  descended  all 
 along  from  the  priests  ;  and  as  nobility  among  several  people  is  of  a  different  origin,  so,  with 
 us,  to  be  of  the  sacerdotal  dignity,  is  an  indication  of  the  splendour  of  a  family.  Now,  I  am 
 not  only  sprung  from  a  sacerdotal  family  in  general,  but  from  the  first  of  the  twenty-four* 
 courses;  and  as  among  us  there  is  not  only  a  considerable  difference  between  one  family  of 
 each  course  and  another,  I  am  of  the  chief  family  of  that  first  course  also  ;  nay,  farther,  by 
 my  mother  I  am  of  the  royal  blood  ;  for  the  children  of  Asamoneus,  from  whom  that  family 
 was  derived,  had  both  the  office  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  the  dignity  of  a  king,  for  a  long 
 time  together.  I  will  accordingly  set  down  my  progenitors  in  order.  My  grandfather's  father 
 was  named  Simon,  with  the  addition  of  Psellus  :  he  lived  at  the  same  time  with  that  son  of 
 Simon  the  high  priest,  who,  first  of  all  the  high  priests,  was  named  Hyrcanus.  This  Simon 
 Psellus  had  nine  sons,  one  of  whom  was  Matthias,  called  Ephlias  ;  he  married  the  daughter  of 
 Jonathan  the  high  priest,  which  Jonathan  was  the  first  of  the  sons  of  Asamoneus,  who  was  high 
 priest,  and  was  the  brother  of  Simon  the  high  priest  also.  This  Matthias  bad  a  son  called 
 Matthias  Curtus,  and  that  in  the  first  year  of  the  government  of  Hyrcanus  ;  his  son's  name 
 was  Joseph,  bom  in  the  ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  Alexandra  ;  his  son  Blatthias  was  born  iu 
 the  tenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Archelaus  ;  as  was  I  born  to  Matthias  on  the  first  year  of  llie 
 reign  of  Caius  Cassar.  I  have  three  sons  :  Hyrcanus,  the  eldest,  was  born  on  the  fourth  yeai 
 of  the  reign  of  Vespasian  ;  as  was  Justus  born  on  the  seventh,  and  Agrippa  on  the  ninth.  Thus 
 have  I  set  down  the  genealogy  of  my  family  as  I  hnve  found  it  described  tin  the  public 
 records,  and  so  bid  adieu  to  those  who  calumniate  me,  [as  of  a  lower  original.] 
 
 2.  Now  my  father  Matthias  was  not  only  eminent  on  account  of  his  nobility,  but  Lad  a 
 liigher  commendation  on  account  of  his  righteousness,  and  was  in  great  reputation  in  Jeru- 
 salem, the  greatest  city  we  Lave.  I  was  myself  brought  up  with  my  brother,  whose  name  was 
 Matthias,  for  he  was  my  own  brother,  by  both  father  and  mother  ;  and  J.  made  mighty  profi- 
 ciency in  the  improvements  of  my  learning,  and  appeared  to  Lave  both  a  great  memory  and 
 understanding.  Moreover,  when  I  was  a  child,  and  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  I  was  com- 
 mended by  all  for  the  love  I  had  to  learning  ;  on  which  account  the  high  priests  and  principal 
 men  of  the  city  came  then  frequently  to  me  together,  in  order  to  know  my  opiniou  about  die 
 accurate  understanding  of  points  of  the  law.  And  when  I  was  about  sixteen  years  old,  1  had 
 a  mind  to  make  trial  of  the  several  sects  that  were  among  us.  These  sects  are  three  ;  the 
 first  is  that  of  the  Pharisees,  the  second  that  of  the  Sadducees,  and  the  third  that  of  the  Essens, 
 as  we  have  frequently  told  you;  for  I  thought  that  b^'  this  means  I  might  choose  the  best,  if  I 
 were  once  acquainted  witl-i  them  all  ;  so  I  contented  myself  with  hard  fare,  and  underwent 
 great  diilicnities,  and  went  through  them  all.  Nor  did  I  content  myself  with  these  trials  only  ; 
 but  when  I  was  informed  that  one  whose  name  was  Banus,  lived  in  the  desert,  who  used  no 
 other  clothing  than  grew  upon  trees,  and  had  no  other  food  than  what  grew  of  its  own  accord, 
 and  bathed  himself  in  cold  water  frequently,  both  by  night  and  by  day,  iu  order  to  preserve  his 
 chastity,  I  imitated  Iiim  in  those  things,  and  continued  with  him  three  years.:):  So  when  I  had 
 accomplished  my  desires,  I  returned  back  to  the  city,  being  now  nineteen  years  old,  and  began 
 to  conduct  mvsi'lf  according  to  the  rules  of  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  which  is  of  kin  to  the 
 sect  of  the  Stoics,  as  the  Greeks  call  them. 
 
 *  We  may  hence  correct  the  error  of  the  I.atincopy  of  the  second  book  against  Apion,sect.7,8.  (for  the  Greek 
 is  there  lost)  which  says  there  were  tlicn  only  four  tribes  or  couises  of  the  priests,  instead  of  twenty  lour.  Nor 
 is  tliis  testimony  to  be  disregarded,  as  if  Josephus  there  contradicted  what  he  jiad  afiirmed  here  ;  because  ev^ 
 till'  account  there  given  better  agrees  to  twenty-four  than  to  four  courses,  while  he  says  that  each  of  these 
 .■nurses  contained  above  50(10  men,  which  multiplied  by  only  four,  will  make  not  more  than  20,0<X)  priests; 
 V.  liiTcas  the  number  ]a),(KX),  as  multiplied  by  Ct,  seems  much  the  most  probable,  they  being  about  one-tenth 
 of  the  whole  people,  even  after  the  caiitivity.  .See  Ezra  ii.  36—30.  Jseh.  vii.  39 — 42.  1  Esd.  v.  24,  Q5,  with 
 Kzra  ii.  t>4.  Neh.  vii.  tjG.  1  I'.sd.  v.  41.  Nor  will  this  common  reading  or  notion  of  but  four  courses  of  priests. 
 acrree  w;(h  Josephus's  own  farther  assertion  elsewhere,  Antiq.  b.-  "ii.  ch.  xiv.  sect.  7.  that  David's  partition 
 of  the  priests  into  twenty-four  courses  had  continued  to  that  day. 
 
 t  .4n  eminent  example  of  the  care  of  the  Jews  about  their  genealogies,  especially  as  to  the  priests.  See 
 Cont.  Ap.  b.  i.  ch.  7. 
 
 t  When  .toscphus  here  says,  that  from  sixteen  to  nineteen,  or  for  three  years,  he  made  trial  of  the  three 
 '■  -vish  sects,  t!u>  Pharisees,  the  Sadducees,  and  the  Essens,  and  yet  says  presently,  in  all  our  copies,  th.it  he 
 VI  d  besides  with  one  particular  ascetic,  called  Banus,  vap  ui'tw,  with  him,  and  this  still  before  he  was  nine- 
 II,  there  is  little  room  left  for  his  trial  of  three  other  sects.  1  suppose,  therefore,  that  for  Trnp  uvtm,  uith 
 '  ;.  the  old  reading  miKht  be.  Trap  ai'Toii;,  wjV/r  t/iem :  which  is  a  very  small  emendation,  and  talies  away  the 
 dilliculty  before  us.  Nor  is  Dr.  Kndson's  conjecture,  hinted  at  by  Mr.  Mall  iu  liis  preface  to  the  doctor's 
 edition  of  .Josephus,  at  all  improbable,  that  this  Kanus,  by  this  his  description,  might  well  be  a  follower  of 
 John  the  J^aptist,  and  that  from  him  Ju-iephus  might  easily  imbibe  such  notions,  as  afterward  preparoii  him 
 to  have  a  favourable  oi.iuioa  about  Jebus  C:hrist  liimself,  wlio  was  attested  to  by  John  the  Baptist. 
 
4  THE  J-IFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 3.  But  when  I  was  in  the  twenty-sixtli  year  of  my  a^p,  it  happened  that  I  took  a  voyage  to 
 Kome,  and  this  on  the  occasion  wliicli  I  shall  now  describe.  At  the  time  when  Felix  wai 
 procurator  of  Judea,  there  were  certain  priests  of  my  acquaintance,  and  very  excellent  persons 
 they  were,  whom  on  a  small  and  trifling  occasion  he  had  put  into  bonds,  and  sent  to  Rome  to 
 plead  their  cause  before  Caesar.  These  I  was  desirous  to  procure  deliverance  for,  and  that 
 especially  because  1  was  informed  that  they  were  not  unmindful  of  piety  towards  God  even 
 under  their  afflictions,  but  supported  themselves  with  figs  and  nuts.*  Accordingly  I  came  to 
 Rome,  thouah  it  were  tlirocgh  a  great  number  of  hazards  by  sea  ;  for,  as  our  ship  was 
 drowned  in  the  Adriatic  sea,  we  that  were  in  it,  being  about  six  hundred  in  number,!  swam 
 for  our  lives  all  the  night ;  when,  upon  the  first  appearance  of  the  day,  and  upon  our  sight  of  a 
 ship  of  Cyrene,  T  and  some  others,  eighty  in  all,  by  God's  providence  prevented  the  rest,  and 
 were  taken  up  into  the  other  ship.  And  when  I  had  thus  escaped,  and  was  come  to  Dicearchia, 
 which  the  Italians  call  Puteoli,  1  became  acquainted  with  Alitarius,  an  actor  of  plays,  and  much 
 beloved  by  Nero,  but  a  Jew  by  birth  ;  through  his  interest  became  known  to  Poppea,  CsEsar's 
 wife,  and  took  care  as  soon  as  possible  to  entreat  her  to  procure,  that  the  priests  might  be  set 
 at  liberty.  And  when,  besides  this  favour,  I  had  obtained  many  presents  from  Poppea,  I  re- 
 turned home  again. 
 
 4.  And  now  I  perceived  innovations  were  already  begun,  and  that  there  were  a  great  many 
 very  much  elevated,  in  hopes  of  a  revolt  from  the  Romans.  I  therefore  endeavoured  to  put  a 
 stop  to  these  tumultnous  persons,  and  persuided  them  to  change  their  minds  ;  and  laid  before 
 their  eyes  against  whom  it  was  that  they  were  going  to  fight,  and  told  them  that  they  were 
 inferior  to  the  Romans  not  only  in  martial  skill,  l>Ht  also  in  good  fortune;  and  desired  them 
 not  rashly,  and  after  the  most  foolish  m3nn<?r,  to  bring  on  the  dangers  of  the  most  terrible 
 mischiefs  upon  their  country,  upon  their  families,  and  upon  themselves.  And  this  I  said  with 
 Teheraent  exhortation,  because  I  foresaw  that  the  end  of  such  a  war  would  be  most  unfortu- 
 nate to  us.  But  I  could  not  persuade  tiiem,  for  the  madness  of  desperate  men  was  quite  too 
 hard  for  me. 
 
 5.  I  was  then  afraid,  lest  by  inculcating  these  things  so  often,  I  should  incur  their  hatred 
 and  their  suspicions,  as  if  I  were  of  our  enemies'  party,  and  shovild  run  into  the  danger  of  being 
 seized  by  them,  and  slain  ;  since  tliey  were  already  possessed  of  Antonia,  which  was  the  cita- 
 del ;  so  I  retired  into  the  inner  court  of  the  temple.  Yet  did  I  go  out  of  the  temple  again, 
 after  Manaliem  and  tlie  principal  of  the  band  of  robbers  were  put  to  death,  when  1  abode 
 among  the  high  priests  and  the  chief  of  the  Pharisees.  But  no  small  fear  seized  upon  us 
 when  we  saw  the  people  in  arms,  while  we  ourselves  knew  not  what  we  should  do,  and  were 
 not  able  to  restrain  their  seditions.  However,  as  the  danger  was  directly  upon  us,  we  pre- 
 tended that  we  were  of  the  same  opinion  with  them,  but  only  advised  them  to  be  quiet  for  the 
 present,  and  to  let  the  enemy  go  away,  still  hoping  that  Gessius  [Florus]  would  not  be  long 
 ere  he  came,  and  that  with  great  forces,  and  so  put  an  end  to  these  seditious  proceedings. 
 
 6.  But,  upon  his  coming  and  fighting,  he  was  beaten,  and  a  great  many  of  those  that  were 
 with  him  fell.  And  this  disgrace  [which  Gessius  with  Cestius]  received,  been-me  the  calamity 
 of  our  whole  nation  ;  for  those  that  were  fond  of  the  war  were  so  far  elevated  with  this  success, 
 that  tl'.ey  had  hopes  of  finally  conquering  tlie  Romans.  Of  which  war  another  occasion  was 
 ministered,  which  was  this  :  Those  that  dwelt  in  the  neighbouring  cities  of  Syria  seized  upon 
 such  Jews  as  dwelt  among  them,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  slew  them,  when  they  ba  1 
 not  the  least  occasion  of  complaint  against  them  :  for  they  did  neither  attempt  any  innovation 
 or  revolt  from  the  Romans,  nor  had  they  given  any  marks  of  hatred  or  treacherous  design 
 towards  the -Snians.  But  what  was  done  by  the  inhabitants  of  Scythopolis  was  the  most 
 impious  and  highly  critiiinal  of  all;}:  for,  wlien  the  Jews,  their  enemies,  came  upon  them 
 from  without,  they  forced  the  Jews  that  were  among  them  to  bear  arms  against  their  own 
 counirymen,  which  it  is  unlawful  for  ns  to  do  :§  and  when  by  their  assistance  they  had  joined 
 battle  with  those  that  attacked  them,  and  had  beaten  them,  after  that  victory  they  forgot  the 
 assurances  they  had  given  these  their  fellow-citizens  and  confederates,  and  slew  them  all, 
 being  in  number  many  ten  thousands  [13,000.]  The  like  miseries  were  undergone  by  those 
 Jews  that  were  the  inhabitants  of  Damascus.  But  we  have  given  a  more  accurate  account  of 
 these  things  in  the  bonks  of  the  Jewish  war.  I  only  mention  them  now,  because  I  would  de- 
 monstrate to  my  readers,  that  the  Jews'  war  with  the  Romans  was  not  voluntary,  but  that,  for 
 the  main,  they  were  forced  by  necessity  to  enter  into  it. 
 
 •  We  may  note  here,  that  religio\is  men  among  the  Je-n-s.or  at  least  those  that  were  priests,  were  sometimes 
 Mcctics  also,  and.  like  Daniel  aiid  his  compatiious  iii  Habylon,  Dan.  i.  8—16.  ate  no  Aesh.hut  Jigs  and  ?iuts,&:c. 
 only.  'J  his  was  like  Ihefcpfipayta,  or  amstere  diets,  of  the  Christian  ascetics  in  Passion-week.    Constit.  v.  18. 
 
 +  It  nath  been  thought  the  numher  of  Paul  and  his  companions  on  ship  board,  Acts  xx-vii.  38.  which  are 
 576  in  our  copies,  are  too  many  ;  whereas  we  find  here  that  Josephus  and  his  companions,  a  verj'  few  years 
 after  the  other,  were  about  t5lX). 
 
 X  Soe  of  the  War,  b.  ii.  ch.  xviii.  sect  3. 
 
 5  The  .Tm-s  mi^'ht  collect  tliis  unlawfulness  of  fishting  against  their  brethren  from  that  law  of  Moses,  I^v. 
 jix.  IC.  "  Thou  shalt  not  stand  against  th<-  blood  of  thy  neighbour;"  and  that,  ver.  17.  "  Thou  shalt  noj 
 avenpre,  nor  bear  any  grudge  against,  the  childri^n  of  thy  people  ;  but  t'lou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  a*  thyself  J™ 
 a:>  well  as  from  m<<Qy  other  places  in  tht  PeiUatsuch  and  Prophets.    See  Antiq.  b.  viii.  ch.  viii.  sect.  3. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS.  O 
 
 7.  So  when  Gessius  had  been  beaten,  as  we  have  said  already,  the  principal  men  of  Jerusa- 
 lem, seeing  that  the  robbers  and  innovators  had  arms  in  great  plenty,  and  fearing  lest  they, 
 while  tliey  were  unprovided  wilh  arms,  should  be  in  subjection  to  their  eqemies,  which  also 
 came  to  be  the  case  afterward  ;  and,  being  informed  that  all  Galilee  had  not  yet  revolted  from 
 the  Romans,  but  that  some  part  of  it  was  still  quiet,  they  sent  me  aud  two  others  of  the 
 priests,  who  were  men  of  excellent  characters,  Joazar  and  Judas,  in  order  to  persuade  the  ill 
 men  there  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  to  teach  them  this  lesson,  that  it  were  better  to  have 
 those  arms  reserved  for  the  most  courageous  men  that  the  nation  had,  [than  to  be  kept  there;] 
 for  that  it  had  been  resolved,  that  those  our  best  men  should  always  have  their  arms  ready 
 against  futurity,  but  still  so,  that  they  should  wait  to  see  what  the  Romans  would  do. 
 
 8.  When  I  had  therefore  received  these  instructions,  I  came  into  Galilee,  and  found  the 
 people  of  Sepphoris  iu  no  small  agony  about  their  country,  by  reason  that  the  Galileans  had 
 resolved  to  plunder  it,  on  account  of  the  friendship  they  had  wilh  the  Romans,  and  because 
 .ney  had  given  their  right  hand,  and  made  a  league  with  Cestins  Gallus,  the  president  of  Syria. 
 But  I  delivered  them  all  out  of  the  fear  they  were  in,  and  persuaded  the  multitude  to  deal 
 kindly  with  them,  and  permitted  them  to  send  to  those  that  were  their  own  hostages  with 
 Gessius  to  Dora,  which  is  a  city  of  Piienicia,  as  often  as  they  pleased  ;  though  I  still  found 
 the  inhabitants  of  Tiberias  ready  to  take  arms,  and  that  on  the  occasion  following: 
 
 y.  There  were  three  factions  in  this  city.  The  first  was  composed  of  men  of  worth  aud 
 gravity;  of  tliese  Julius  Capellus  was  the  head.  Now  he,  as  well  as  all  his  companions, 
 Herod  the  son  of  Miarus,  and  Herod  the  son  of  Gamalus,  and  Compsus  the  son  of  Compsus, 
 (for  as  to  Compsus'  brother  Crispus,  who  had  once  been  governor  of  the  city  under  the  great 
 king*  [Agrippa,]  he  was  beyond  Jordan  in  his  own  possessions;)  all  these  persons  before 
 named  gave  their  advice,  that  the  city  should  then  continue  in  their  allegiance  to  the  Romans, 
 and  to  the  king.  But  Pistus,  who  was  guided  by  his  son  Justus,  did  not  acquiesce  in  that 
 resolution  ;  otherwise  he  was  himself  naturally  of  a  good  and  virtuous  character.  But  the 
 second  faction  was  composed  of  the  most  ignoble  persons,  and  was  determined  for  war.  But 
 as  for  Justus,  the  son  of  Pistus,  who  was  the  head  of  tlie  third  faction,  although  he  pretended 
 to  be  doubtful  about  goiug  to  war,  yet  was  he  really  desirous  of  innovation,  as  supposing  that 
 be  should  gain  power  to  himself  by  the  change  of  aflfairs.  He  therefore  came  into  the  midst 
 of  them,  and  endeavotued  to  inform  the  multitude,  That  "  the  city  Tiberias  had  ever  been  a 
 "  city  of  Galilee,  and  that  in  the  days  of  Herod  the  tetraroh,  who  had  built  it,  it  had  obtained  the 
 "principal  place,  aud  that  he  had  ordered  that  the  city  Sepphoris  should  be  subordinate  to  the 
 "  city  Tiberias  ;  that  they  had  not  lost  this  pre-eminence  even  under  Agrippa  the  father,  but  hnd 
 "  retained  it,  until  Felix  was  procurator  of  Judea.  But  he  told  tliem,  that  now  they  had  been 
 "  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  made  a  present  by  Nero  to  Agrippa  junior  ;  and  that  upon  Sepphoris' 
 "  submission  of  itself  to  the  Romans,  that  was  become  the  capital  city  of  Galilee,  and  that  tlie 
 "  royal  treasury  and  the  archives  were  now  removed  from  them."  "When  he  had  spoken  these 
 things,  and  a  great  many  more  against  Agrippa,  in  order  to  provoke  the  people  to  a  revolt,  he 
 added.  That  "  this  was  the  time  for  them  to  take  arms,  and  join  with  the  Galileans  as  their 
 "  confederates,  (whom  they  might  command,  and  who  would  now  willingly  assist  them,  out  of 
 "  the  hatred  they  bare  to  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  because  tliey  preserved  their  fidelity  to  the 
 "  Romans.)  and  to  gather  a  great  number  of  forces  in  order  to  punish  them."  And,  as  he 
 said  this,  he  exhorted  the  multitude  [to  go  to  war  ;]  for  his  abilities  lay  in  making  harangues 
 to  the  people,  and  iu  being  too  hard  in  his  speeches  for  such  as  opposed  him,  though  they  ad- 
 vised what  was  more  to  their  advantage,  and  thus  by  his  craftiness  and  his  fallacies,  for  he  was 
 not  unskilful  in  the  learning  of  the  Greeks,  and  in  dependence  on  (hat  skill  it  was,  that  he  un- 
 dertook to  write  a  history  of  these  ali'airs,  as  aiming  by  this  way  of  haranguing  to  disguise  the 
 truth.  But  as  to  this  man,  and  how  ill  were  his  character  and  conduct  in  life,  and  how  he  and 
 his  brotlier  were,  in  a  great  measure,  the  authors  of  our  destruction,  I  shall  give  the  reader  an 
 account  in  the  progress  of  my  narration.  So  when  Justus  had,  by  his  persuasions,  prevailed 
 with  the  citizens  of  Tiberias  to  take  arms,  nay,  and  hsd  forced  a  great  many  so  to  do  against 
 their  will,  he  went  out,  and  set  the  villages  that  belonged  to  Gadara  aud  Hippos  on  fire; 
 which  villages  were  situated  on  the  borders  of  Tiberias,  aud  of  the  region  of  Scythopolis, 
 
 10.  Aud  this  was  the  state  Tiberias  was  now  in.  But  as  for  Gischala,  its  affairs  were  thus  : 
 When  John,  the  son  of  Levi,  saw  some  of  his  citizens  much  elevated  upon  their  revolt  from 
 the  Koinans,  he  laboured  to  restrain  them,  and  entreated  them,  that  they  would  keep  their 
 allegiance  to  them.  But  he  could  not  gain  his  purpose,  although  he  did  his  endeavours  to 
 the  utmost ;  for  the  neij^hbouring  people  of  Gadara,  Gabara,  and  Sogana,  with  the  Tyrians, 
 got  together  a  great  army,  aud  fell  upon  Gischala,  and  took  Gischala  by  force,  and  set  it  on 
 fire  ;  and  when  they  had  entirely  demolished  it,  they  returned  home.  Upon  which  John  was  so 
 enraged,  that  he  armed  all  his  men,  and  joined  battle  with  the  people  forementioned,  and  re- 
 built Gischala  after  a  manner  better  than  before,  and  fortified  it  wilh  walls  for  its  future 
 security. 
 
 *  That  thi*  Herofl  Agrippa,  tlie  father,  -.vas  of  old  called  a  Greai  King  as  here,  appears  by  Uia  coine  etill 
 jemaiomg  ;  to  wliicli  llavtvcamp  itfers  us. 
 
6  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSF.PHUS. 
 
 11.  But  Gamala  persevered  in  its  allegiance  to  the  Romans,  for  tl:e  reason  following: 
 Philip  the  son  of  Jacimus,  who  was  their  governor  under  king  Agrippa,  had  been  unexpectedly 
 preserved  when  the  royal  palace  at  Jerusalem  had  been  besieged  ;  but  as  he  fled  awaj,  had 
 fallen  into  another  danger,  and  that  was,  of  being  killed  by  Manahem,  and  the  robbers  that  were 
 with  bira  ;  but  certain  Babylonians,  who  were  of  his  kindred,  and  were  then  in  Jerusalem, 
 hindered  the  robbers  from  executing  their  design.  So  Philip  staid  there  four  days,  and  fled 
 away  on  the  fifth,  having  disguised  himself  vvit^  fictitious  hair,  that  he  might  not  be  discovered  ; 
 aad  when  he  was  come  to  one  of  the  villages  to  him  belonging,  but  one  that  was  situated  at 
 the  borders  of  the  citadel  of  Gamala,  he  sent  to  some  of  those  that  were  under  him,  and  com- 
 manded them  to  come  to  him.  But  God  himself  hindered  that  his  intention,  and  this  for  his 
 ovrn  advantage  also  ;  for  had  it  not  so  happened,  he  had  certainly  perished.  For  a  fever 
 having  seized  upon  him  immediately,  he  wrote  to  Agrippa  and  Beriiice,  and  gave  them  to  one 
 of  his  freed  men  to  carry  them  to  Varus,  wlio  at  this  time  was  procurator  of  the  kingdom, 
 which  the  king  and  his  sister  had  intrusted  him  withai,  while  they  were  gone  to  Berytus  with 
 an  intention  of  meeting  (iessius.  When  Varus  had  received  these  letters  of  Philip,  and  bad 
 learned  that  he  was  preserved,  he  was  very  uneasy  at  it,  as  supposing  that  he  should  appear 
 useless  to  the  king  and  his  sister,  now  Philip  was  come.  He  therefore  produced  the  carrier 
 of  the  letters  before  the  multitude,  and  accused  him  of  forging  the  same  ;  and  said,  that 
 he  spake  falsely  when  he  related  that  Philip  was  at  Jerusalem,  lighting  among  the  Jews 
 against  the  Romans.  So  he  slew  him.  And  when  the  freed  man  of  Philip  did  not  return 
 again,  Philip  was  doubtful  what  should  be  the  occasion  of  his  stay,  and  sent  a  second  messen- 
 ger with  letters,  that  he  might,  upon  his  return,  inform  him  what  bad  befallen  the  other  that  had 
 been  sent  before,  and  why  he  tarried  so  long.  Varus  accused  this  messenger  also,  when  he 
 came,  of  telling  a  falsehood,  and  slew  him.  For  he  was  puffed  up  by  the  Syrians  that  were  at 
 Ccsarea,  and  had  great  expectations  ;  for  they  said  that  Agrippa  would  be  slain  by  the  Romans 
 for  the  crimes  which  the  Jews  had  committed,  and  that  he  should  himself  take  the  govern- 
 ment, as  derived  from  tlieir  king  :  for  Varus  was,  by  the  confession  of  all,  of  the  royal  family, 
 as  being  a  descendant  of  Sohemus,  who  had  enjoyed  a  tetrarchy  about  Libanus  ;  for  which 
 reason  it  was  that  he  was  puffed  up,  and  kept  the  letters  to  himself.  He  contrived,  also,  that 
 the  king  should  not  meet  with  those  writings,  by  guardiug  all  the  passes,  lest  any  oue  should 
 escape,  and  inform  the  king  what  had  been  done.  He  moreover  slew  many  of  the  Jews,  in 
 order  to  gratify  the  Syrians  of  Cesarea.  He  had  a  mind  also  to  join  with  the  Trachonites  in 
 Batanea,  and  to  take  up  arms  and  make  an  assault  upon  the  Babylonian  Jews  that  were  at 
 Ecbatana  ,  for  that  was  the  name  they  went  by.  He  therefore  called  to  him  twelve  of  the 
 Jews  of  Cesarea  of  the  best  character,  and  ordered  them  to  go  to  Ecbatana,  and  inform  their 
 countrymen  who  dwelt  there,  that  Varus  haih  heard,  that  "  you  intend  to  march  against  the 
 "  king  ;  but,  not  believing  that  report,  he  hath  sent  us  to  persuade  you  to  lay  down  your 
 "  arms,  and  that  this  compliance  will  be  a  sign  that  he  did  well  not  to  give  credit  to  those 
 "  that  raised  the  report  concerning  you."  He  also  enjoined  them  to  send  seventy  of  their 
 principal  men  to  make  a  defence  for  them  as  to  the  accusation  laid  against  them.  So  wlien  the 
 twelve  messengers  came  to  their  countrymen  at  Ecbatana,  and  found  that  they  had  no  designs 
 of  innovation  at  all,  they  persuaded  them  to  send  the  seventy  men  also  ;  who  not  at  all  sus- 
 pecting what  would  come,  sent  them  accordingly.  So  these  seventy*  went  down  to  Cesarea, 
 together  with  the  twelve  ambassadors,  where  Varus  met  them  with  the  king's  forces,  and  slew 
 them  all,  together  with  the  [twelve]  ambassadors,  and  made  an  expedition  against  the  Jews  of 
 Ecbatana.  But  there  was  one  of  the  seventy  who  escaped,  and  made  haste  to  inform  the  Jews 
 of  their  coming;  upon  which  ihey  took  their  arms,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  retired 
 to  the  citidel  at  Gamala,  leaving  their  own  villages  full  of  all  sorts  of  good  things,  and  having 
 many  ten  thousands  of  cattle  therein.  "When  Philip  was  informed  of  these  things,  he  also 
 came  to  the  citadel  of  Gamala  ;  and  when  he  was  come,  the  multitude  cried  aloud,  and  de- 
 sired him  to  resume  the  government,  and  to  make  an  expedition  against  Varus,  and  the  Syrians 
 of  Cesarea;  for  it  was  reported  that  they  had  slain  the  king.  But  Philip  restrained  their  zeal, 
 and  put  them  in  mind  of  the  benefits  the  king  had  bestowed  upon  them  ;  and  told  them  how 
 powerful  the  Romans  were,  and  said  it  was  not  for  their  advantage  to  make  war  with  them  ; 
 and  at  length  he  prevailed  with  them.  But  now,  when  the  king  was  acquainted  with  Varus's 
 design,  which  was  to  cut  off  the  Jews  of  Cesarea,  being  many  ten  thousands,  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  and  all  in  one  day,  he  called  to  him  Equicidus  Modius,  and  sent  him  to  be  Va- 
 rus's successor,  as  we  have  elsewhere  related.  But  still  Philip  kept  possession  of  the  citadel 
 of  Gamala,  and  of  the  country  adjoining  to  it,  which  thereby  continued  in  their  allegiance  to 
 the  Romans. 
 
 12.  Now,  as  soon  aa  I  was  corae  into  Galilee,  and  had  learned  this  state  of  things  by  the 
 information  of  such  as  told  me  of  them,  I  wrote  to  the  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusalem  about  them, 
 and  required  tlieir  direction  what  I  should  do.  Their  direction  was,  that  I  should  continue 
 there,  and  tliat,  if  my  fellow-legates  were  willing,  I  should  join  with  them  in  the  care  of 
 Gali'ee.     But  those  my  fellow-legates,  having  gotten  great  riches  from   those  tithes  which  as 
 
 •  J  l»c  famous  Jewish  numberc  cf  Twelve  and  Seventy  are  liere  remarkable. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  7 
 
 prit  sts  were  their  dues,  and  were  given  to  Ihein,  determined  to  return  to  tlioir  own  couutrv. 
 Ytt  wlien  I  desired  tbem  to  stay  so  long,  that  we  might  first  settle  the  public  aflairs,  they 
 complied  with  me.  So  I  removed,  together  with  them,  from  the  city  of  Sepphoris,  and  came 
 to  a  certain  village  called  Bethmaus,  four  furlongs  distant  from  Tiberias  ;  and  thence  I  sent 
 messengers  to  the  senate  of  Tiberias,  and  desired  that  the  principal  men  of  the  city  would 
 come  to  me  :  and  when  they  were  come,  Justus  himself  being  also  with  them,  I  told  them, 
 that  I  was  sent  to  them  by  the  people  of  Jerusalem  as  a  legate,  together  with  these  other 
 priests,  in  order  to  persuade  them  to  demolish  tliat  house  which  Herod  the  tetiarch  had  built 
 there,  and  which  had  the  figures  of  living  creatures  in  it,  although  our  laws  had  forbidden  us 
 to  make  any  snob  figures  ;  and  I  desired,  that  they  would  give  us  leave  to  do  so  immediately. 
 Tint  for  a  good  wliile  Capellus  and  the  principal  men  belonging  to  the  city  would  not  give  us 
 leave,  but  were  at  length  entirely  overcome  by  us,  and  were  induced  to  be  of  our  opinion.  So 
 Jesus  the  son  of  Sapphias,  one  of  those  v.hom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  the  leader  of  a 
 seditious  tumult  of  mariners  and  poor  people,  prevented  us,  and  took  with  him  certain  Gali- 
 leans, and  set  the  entire  palace  on  fire,  and  thought  he  should  get  a  great  deal  of  money 
 thereby,  because  be  savv  some  of  the  roofs  gilt  with  gold.  They  also  plundered  a  great  deal 
 of  the  furniture,  which  was  done  without  our  approbation  ;  for,  after  we  had  discoursed  Ca- 
 pellus and  the  principal  men  of  the  city,  we  departed  from  Bethmaus,  and  went  into  the  upper 
 Cililee.  But  Jesus  and  his  party  slew  all  the  Greeks  that  were  inhabitants  of  Tiberias,  and 
 as  many  others  as  were  their  enemies  before  the  war  began. 
 
 13.  When  I  understood  this  state  of  things,  I  was  greatly  provoked,  and  went  down  to 
 Tiberias,  and  took  all  the  care  I  could  of  the  royal  furniture,  to  recover  all  that  could  be  re- 
 covered from  such  as  bad  plundered  it.  They  consisted  of  candlesticks  made  of  Corinthian 
 brass  ;  and  of  royal  tables,  and  of  a  great  quantity  of  uncoined  silver  ;  and  I  resolved  to  pre- 
 serve whatsoever  came  to  my  hand  for  the  king.  So  I  sent  for  ten  of  the  principal  men  of  the 
 senate,  and  for  Capellus  the  son  of  Antyllus,  and  committed  the  furniture  to  them,  with  this 
 charge,  that  they  should  part  with  it  to  nobody  else  but  to  myself.  From  thence  I  and  my 
 fellow-legates  went  to  Gischala  to  John,  as  desirous  to  know  his  intentions,  and  soon  saw  that 
 he  was  for  innovations,  and  had  a  mind  to  the  principality  ;  for  he  desired  me  to  give  him 
 authority  to  carry  off  that  corn  which  belonged  to  Ctesar,  and  lay  in  the  -villages  of  Upper 
 Galilee  ;  and  he  pretended  that  he  would  expend  what  it  came  to  in  building  the  walls  of  his 
 own  city.  But  when  I  perceived  what  he  endeavoured  at,  and  what  he  bad  in  his  mind,  J 
 said  I  wonld  not  permit  him  so  to  do ;  for  that  I  thought  either  to  keep  it  for  the  Romans,  ov 
 for  myself,  now  I  was  intrusted  with  the  public  affairs  there  by  the  people  ofjerusalem.  But 
 \vlien  ha  was  not  able  to  prevail  with  me,  he  betook  himself  to  my  fellow-legates;  for  they  had 
 no  sagacity  in  providing  for  futurity,  and  were  very  ready  to  take  bribes.  So  he  corrupted 
 them  with  monev,  to  decree  that  all  that  corn  which  was  within  bis  province  should  be  deli- 
 vered to  him  ;  while  I,  who  was  but  one,  v/slh  outvoted  by  two,  and  held  my  tongue.  Then 
 did  John  introduce  another  cunning  contrivance  of  his  ;  for  he  said,  that  those  Jews  who  in- 
 habited Cesarea  Philippi,  and  were  shut  up  by  the  order  of  the  king's  deputy  there,  had  sent 
 to  him  to  desire  him,  that,'  siiice  they  had  no  oil  that  was  pure  for  their  use,  he  would  provide 
 a  sufficient  quantity  of  such  oil  for  them,  lest  they  should  be  forced  to  make  use  of  oil  that 
 came  from  the  Greeks,  and  thereby  transgress  their  own  laws.  Now  this  was  said  by  John, 
 not  out  of  his  regard  to  religion,  but  out  of  his  most  flagrant  desire  of  gain  ;  for  he  knew  that 
 two  sext.iries  were  sold  with  them  of  Cesarea  for  one  drachma,  but  that  at  Gischala  four- 
 score sexlaries  were  sold  for  four  drachma.  So  he  gave  order,  that  all  the  oil  which  was 
 there  should  be  carried  away,  as  having  my  permission  for  so  doing  ;  which  yet  I  did  not 
 grant  him  voluntarily,  but  only  out  of  fear  of  the  multitude,  since,  if  I  had  forbidden  him,  I 
 should  have  been  stoned  by  them.  When  I  had  therefore  permitted  this  to  be  done  by  John, 
 ho  gained  vast  sums  of  money  by  this  his  knavery. 
 
 14.  But  when  I  had  dismissed  my  fellow-legates,  and  sent  them  back  to  Jerusalem,  I  took 
 care  to  have  arms  provided,  and  the  cities  fortified.  And,  when  T  had  sent  for  the  most  hardy 
 among  the  robbers,  1  saw  that  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  take  their  arms  from  them  ;  but  I 
 persuaded  the  multitude  to  allow  them  money  as  pay,  and  told  them  it  was  better  for  them  to 
 give  them  a  little  wittingly,  rather  than  to  [be  forced  to]  overlook  them  when  they  plundered 
 their  goods  from  them.  And  wlien  I  had  obliged  them  to  take  an  oath  not  to  come  into  that 
 country,  unless  they  were  invited  to  come,  or  else  when  they  had  not  their  pay  given  them,  1 
 dismissed  them,  and  charged  them  neither  to  make  an  expedition  against  the  Romans,  nor 
 against  those  their  neij,hbours  that  lay  round  about  them  ;  for  my  first  care  was  to  keep 
 Galilee  in  peace.  So  1  was  willing  to  have  the  principal  of  the  Galileans,  in  all  seventy,  as 
 hostages  for  their  fidelity,  but  still  under  the  notion  of  friendship.  Accordingly,  I  made  ihcm 
 my  friends  and  companions  as  I  journeyed,  and  set  them  to  judge  causes  :  and  with  their 
 approbation  it  was  that  I  gave  my  sentences,  while  I  endeavoured  not  to  mistake  what  justice 
 required,  and  to  keep  my  hands  clear  of  all  bribery  in  those  determinations. 
 
 15.  I  was  now  about  the  thirtieth  year  of  my  age  ;  in  which  time  of  life  it  is  a  hard  thing 
 for  any  one  to  escape  the  calumnies  of  the  envious,  although  he  restrain  himself  from  fulhlling 
 nnt  unlawful   desires,   especially  where  n  person  is  in  great  authority.     Yet  did  I   preserve 
 
8  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 every  woman  free  from  injuries;  and,  as  to  wbat  pieseiits  were  oftered  nie,  I  despised  them, 
 as  not  staiidiug  in  need  of  ibem.  Nor  indeed  would  I  take  those  tithes,  whicli  were  due  to  rae 
 as  a  priest,  from  those  that  brought  theui.  Yet  do  I  confess,  that  I  took  part  of  the  spoils  of 
 those  Syrians  who  inhabited  the  cities  that  adjoined  to  us,  when  I  had  conquered  theiu,  and 
 that  I  sent  them  to  my  kindred  at  Jerusalem  ;  although,  when  I  twice  took  Sepphoris  by  force, 
 and  Tiberias  four  times,  and  Gadara  once,  and  when  I  li'&d  subdued  and  takeu  John,  who 
 often  laid  treacherous  snares  for  me,  I  did  not  punish  [with  death]  either  him  or  any  of  the 
 people  forenamed,  as  the  progress  of  this  discourse  will  shew.  And  on  this  account,  I  sup- 
 pose, it  was  that  God,*  who  is  never  unacquainted  with  those  that  do  as  they  ought  to  do, 
 delivered  me  still  out  of  the  hands  of  these  my  enemies,  and  afterwards  preserved  me  when  I 
 fell  into  those  many  dangers  which  1  shall  relate  hereafter. 
 
 16.  Now  the  multitude  of  the  Galileans  had  that  great  kindness  for  me,  and  fidelity  to  me, 
 that  when  their  cities  were  taken  by  force,  and  their  wives  and  children  carried  into  slavery, 
 they  did  not  so  deeply  lament  for  their  own  calamities,  as  they  were  solicitous  for  my  preser- 
 vation. But  when  John  saw  this,  he  envied  me,  and  wrote  to  rae,  desiring  that  I  would  give 
 him  leave  to  come  down,  and  make  use  of  the  hot  baths  of  Tiberias  for  the  recovery  of  the 
 health  of  his  body.  Accordingly,  I  did  not  hinder  him,  as  having  no  suspicion  of  any  wicked 
 designs  of  his  ;  and  I  wrote  to  those  to  whom  I  had  committed  the  administration  of  the 
 affairs  of  Tiberias  by  name,  that  they  should  provide  a  lodging  for  John  ;  and  for  such  as 
 should  come  with  him,  and  sliould  procure  what  necessaries  soever  he  should  stand  in  neet 
 of.     Now  at  this  time  ray  abode  was  in  a  city  of  Galilee,  which  is  named  Cana. 
 
 17.  But  when  John  was  come  to  the  city  of  Tiberias, -be  persuaded  the  men  to  revolt  from 
 their  fidelity  to  me,  and  to  adhere  to  him  ;  and  many  of  them  gladly  received  that  invitation  of 
 his,  as  ever  fond  of  innovations,  and  by  nature  disposed  to  changes,  and  delighting  in  seditions  : 
 but  they  were  chiefly  Justus  and  his  father  Pistns,  that  were  earnest  in  their  revolt  from  roe, 
 and  their  adherence  to  John.  But  I  came  upon  them,  and  prevented  them  :  for  a  messenger 
 had  come  to  nie  from  Silas,  whom  I  had  made  governor  of  Tiberias,  as  I  have  said  already, 
 and  had  told  me  of  the  inclinations  of  the  people  of  Tiberias,  and  advised  me  to  make  haste 
 thither  ;  for  that,  if  I  made  any  delay,  the  city  would  come  under  another's  jurisdiction. 
 Upon  the  receipt  of  this  letter  of  Silas",  I  took  two  hundred  men  along  with  me,  and  travelled 
 all  night,  having  sent  before  a  messenger,  to  let  the  people  of  Tiberias  know  that  I  was  coming 
 to  them.  AVhen  1  came  near  to  the  city,  which  was  early  in  the  morning,  the  multitude  came 
 out  to  meet  me  :  and  John  came  with  them,  and  saluted  me,  but  in  a  most  disturbed  manner, 
 as  being  afraid  that  ray  coming  was  to  call  him  to  an  account  for  what  I  was  now  sensible  he 
 was  doing.  So  he  in  great  haste  went  to  his  lodging.  But  when  I  was  in  the  open  place  of 
 the  city,  having  dismissed  the  guards  I  had  about  me,  excepting  one,  and  ten  armed  men  that 
 were  with  him,  I  attempted  to  make  a  speech  to  the  mnltitudc  of  the  people  of  Tiberias  :  and, 
 standing  on  a  certain  elevated  place,  I  entreated  them  not  to  be  so  hasty  in  their  revolt ;  for 
 that  such  a  change  in  their  behaviour  would  be  to  their  reproach,  and  that  they  would  then 
 be  justly  suspected  by  those  that  should  be  their  governors  hereafter,  as  if  they  were  not  likely 
 to  be  faithful  to  them  neither. 
 
 18.  But,  before  I  had  spoken  all  I  designed,  I  heard  one  of  my  own  domestics  bidding  me 
 come  down  ;  for  that  it  was  not  a  proper  time  to  take  care  of  retaining  the  good-will  of  the 
 people  of  Tiberias,  but  to  provide  for  my  own  safety,  and  escape  my  enemies  there  ;  for  John 
 Lad  chosen  the  most  trusty  of  those  armed  men  that  were  about  him  out  of  those  thousand 
 that  he  had  with  hira,  and  had  given  them  orders,  when  he  sent  them,  to  kill  me,  having 
 learned  that  I  was  alone,  excepting  some  of  my  domestics.  So  those  that  were  sent  came  as 
 they  were  ordered,  and  they  had  executed  what  they  came  about,  had  I  not  leaped  down  from 
 the  elevation  I  stood  on,  and  wiih  oue  of  my  guards,  whose  name  was  James,  been  cariied  [out 
 of  the  crowd]  upon  the  back  of  oue  Herod  of  Tiberias,  and  guided  by  him  dowu  to  the  lake, 
 where  I  seized  a  ship,  and  got  into  it,  and  escaped  my  enemies  auexpectedly,  and  came  to 
 Taricheae. 
 
 19.  Now,  as  soon  as  the  inhabitants  of  that  city  understood  the  perfidiousness  of  the  people 
 of  Tiberias,  they  were  greatly  provoked  at  them.  So  they  snatched  up  their  arms,  and  desired 
 me  to  be  their  leader  against  them  ;  for  they  said  they  would  avenge  their  commander's  cause 
 upon  them.  They  also  carried  the  report  of  what  had  been  done  to  me  to  all  the  Galileans, 
 and  eagerly  endeavoured  to  irritate  tlifm  against  the  people  of  Tiberias,  and  desired  that  vast 
 j[iumbers  of  them  would  get  together,  and  come  to  them,  that  they  might  act  in  concert  with 
 their  commander,  what  should  be  deemed  as  lit  to  be  done.  Accordingly,  the  Galileans 
 came  to  me  in  great  numbers,  from  all  parts,  with  their  weapons,  and  besought  m*  to  assault 
 Tiberias,  to  take  it  by  force,  and  to  demolish  it,  till  it  lay  even  wilh  the  ground,  and  then  to 
 make  slaves  of  its  inhabitants,  with  their  wives  and  children.  Those  that  were  Josephus's 
 friends  also,  and  had  escaped  out  of  Tiberias,   gave  him  the  same  advice.     But  I  did  not 
 
 •  Our  Josephus  shews,  hoth  here  and  every  -B-heve,  that  he  was  a  most  religious  iicrson,  nnd  one  that  had 
 
 ed  all  his  numerous  and  wonderful  escajwi 
 this  ou  account  of  his  acts  of  piety,  justicn, 
 
 ^-'ul  juori»iiu&  Micw»,  ooia  Here  ana  every  wnere,  mat  ne  was _ .  _  ^. 
 
 Auep  sense  of  (iod  and  his  providence  upon  his  luiud,  and  ascribed  all  his  numerous  and  wonderful  escaped 
 and  preservations  in  times  of  danger,  to  God's  blesfuiyj  bim,  and 
 
 humanity,  and  charity  io  the  Jews  his  brethren. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  9 
 
 eoii)|)ly  with  them  ;  thinking  it  a  terrible  thing  to  begin  a  civil  war  among  them  ;  for  I  thought 
 that  this  contention  ought  not  to  proceed  farther  than  words  ;  nay,  I  tcld  them  that  it  was  uot 
 for  their  own  advantage  to  do  what  they  would  have  me  to  do,  while  the  Romans  expected  no 
 other  than  that  we  should  destroy  one  another  by  our  mutual  seditions.  And  by  saying  this,  I 
 put  a  stop  to  the  anger  of  the  Galileans. 
 
 20.  But  now  John  was  afraid  for  himself,  since  his  treachery  bad  proved  unsuccessful.  So 
 Le  took,  the  armed  men  that  were  about  him,  and  removed  from  Tiberias  to  Gischala,  and 
 wrote  to  me  to  apologize  for  himself  concerning  what  had  been  done,  as  if  it  had  been  dona 
 without  his  approbation,  and  desired  me  to  have  no  suspicion  of  him  to  his  disadvantage.  Ke 
 also  added  oaths  and  certain  horrible  curses  upon  himself,  and  supposed  he  should  be  thereby 
 believed  in  the  points  he  wrote  altnut  to  me. 
 
 21.  But  now  another  great  numbir  of  the  Galileans  came  together  again  with  their  weapons, 
 as  knowing  the  man  how  wicked  and  how  sadly  perjured  he  was,  and  desired  me  to  lead  them 
 against  him,  and  promised  me  tliat  they  would  utterly  destroy  both  him  and  Gischala.  Here- 
 upon I  professed,  that  I  was  obliged  to  lliem  for  their  readiness  to  serve  me,  and  that  I  would 
 more  than  requite  that  their  good-will  to  me.  However,  I  entreated  them  to  restrain  them- 
 selves, and  begged  of  them  to  give  me  leave  to  do  what  I  intended,  which  was  to  put  an  end 
 to  these  ti'oubles  without  bloodshed ;  and  when  I  had  prevailed  with  the  miltitude  of  the 
 Galileans  to  let  me  do  so,  I  catne  to  Sepphoris. 
 
 22.  But  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  having  determined  to  coutinno  in  their  allegiance  to  the 
 Romans,  were  afraid  of  my  coming  to  them,  and  tried,  by  putting  me  upon  another  action,  to 
 divert  me,  that  they  might  be  freed  from  the  terror  they  were  in.  Accordingly  they  sent  to 
 Jesus,  the  captain  of  those  robbers  who  were  in  the  conhnes  of  of  Ptolemais,  and  promised  to 
 give  him  a  great  deal  of  money,  if  he  would  come  with  those  forces  he  had  with  him,  which 
 were  in  number  eight  hundred,  and  fight  with  us.  Accordingly  he  complied  with  what  tbev 
 desired,  upon  the  promises  they  had  made  him,  and  was  desirous  to  fall  upon  us  when  we  were 
 unprepared  for  him,  and  knew  nothing  of  his  coming  beforehand.  So  he  sent  to  me,  and 
 desired  that  I  would  give  him  leave  to  come  and  salute  me.  When  I  had  given  him  that 
 leave,  which  I  did  without  the  least  knowledge  of  his  treacherous  intentions  beforehand,  he 
 look  his  band  of  robbers,  and  made  haste  to  come  to  me.  Yet  did  not  this  his  knavery  succeed 
 well  at  last;  for,  as  he  was  already  nearly  approaching,  cue  of  those  with  him  deserted  him, 
 and  came  to  me,  and  told  me  what  he  had  undertaken  to  do.  When  I  was  informed  of  this, 
 I  went  into  the  market-place,  and  pretended  to  know  nothing  of  his  treacherous  purpose.  I 
 took  with  me  many  Galileans  that  were  armed,  as  also  some  of  those  of  Tiberias  :  and,  when  I 
 had  given  orders  that  all  the  roads  should  be  carefully  guarded,  I  charged  the  keepers  of  the 
 gates  to  give  admittance  to  none  but  Jesus,  when  he  came  with  the  principal  of  his  men,  and 
 to  exclude  the  rest  ;  and  in  case  they  aimed  to  force  themselves  in,  to  use  stripes,  [in  order  to 
 repel  them.]  Accordingly,  those  that  had  received  such  a  viharge  did  as  they  were  bidden, 
 and  Jesus  came  in  with  a  few  others  ;  and  when  I  had  ordered  him  to  throw  down  his  arms 
 immediately,  and  told  him,  that  if  he  refused  so  to  do,  he  was  a  dead  man,  he  seeing  armed 
 men  standing  all  round  about  him,  was  terrified,  and  complied  ;  and  as  for  those  of  his  fol- 
 lowers that  were  excluded,  when  they  were  informed  that  he  was  seized,  they  ran  awa)'.  I 
 then  called  Jesus  to  me  by  himself,  and  told  him,  that  "  I  was  not  a  stranger  to  that  trea- 
 cherous design  he  had  against  me,  nor  was  I  ignorant  by  whom  he  was  sent  for  ;  that,  however,  I 
 would  forgive  what  he  had  done  already,  if  he  would  repen-t  of  it,  and  be  faithful  to  me  here- 
 after." And  thus  upon  his  promise  to  do  all  that  1  desired,  I  let  him  go,  and  gave  him  leave 
 to  get  those  whom  he  had  formerly  had  with  him  together  again.  But  I  threatened  the  in- 
 habitants of  Sepphoris,  that  if  they  would  not  leave  oil"  their  ungrateful  treatment  of  me,  I 
 would  punish  them  sufliciently. 
 
 23.  At  this  time  it  was  that  two  great  men,  who  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  king, 
 [Agrippa,]  came  to  me  out  of  the  region  of  Trachonitis,  bringing  their  horses  and  their  arms, 
 and  carrying  with  them  their  money  also  ;  and  when  the  Jews  would  force  them  to  be  circum- 
 cised, if  they  would  stay  among  them,  I  would  not  permit  them  to  have  any  force  put  upon 
 them,*  hut  said  to  them,  "  Everyone  ought  to  worship  God  according  to  his  own  inclinations, 
 and  not  to  be  constrained  by  force  ;  and  that  these  men,  who  had  fled  to  us  for  protection, 
 ought  not  to  be  so  treated  as  to  repent  of  their  coming  hither."  And  when  I  had  pacified  the 
 multitude,  I  provided  for  the  men  that  were  come  to  us  whatsoever  it  was  tliey  wanted,  uccord- 
 ing  to  their  usual  way  of  living,  and  that  in  great  plenty  also. 
 
 2  J.  Now  king  Agrippa  sent  an  army  to  make  tlierasclves  masters  of  the  citadel  of  Gamala 
 and  over  it  Equiculus  Modius  :  but  the  forces  that  were  sent  were  not  enow  to  encompass  the 
 citadel  quite  round,  but  lay  before  it  in  the  open  places,  and  besieged  it.  But  when  Ebntius 
 the  decurion,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  government  of  the  great  plain,  heard  that  I  was  at 
 Simouias,  a  village  situated  in  the  confines  of  Galilee,  and  was  distant  from  him  sixty  furlongs, 
 
 '  .losephus's  opinion  is  here  well  worth  nolinfr.— thnt  everyone  is  to  be  permitted  to  worship  God  according 
 to  liiK  own  conscience,  nnd  is  not  to  bo  coinpi-lli-d  in  matters  of  religion:  as  one  may  here  observe  on  the 
 co{itrarv,  that  llie  rest  of  the  Jews  were  still  lor  obii^'ing  all  those  who  married  .Tews  to  be  circumcised,  and 
 Urcome  lews,  and  were  ready  to  dcatroyall  that  would  not  submit  so  to  do.    Sec  sect.  31.  and  lAike  ii.  54. 
 
JO  THE  LIFE  OF  PLAVIUS  JOSRPHUS. 
 
 lie  took  a  hundred  liorsenien  that  were  with  him,  by  night,  and  a  certain  number  of  footmen, 
 about  two  hundred,  and  brought  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Gibea  along  witli  him  as  auxili- 
 aries, and  inarched  in  the  night,  and  came  to  the  village  where  I  abode.  Upon  this  I  pitched 
 my  tent  over  against  liim,  which  had  a  great  number  of  forces  in  it ;  but  Ebutius  tried  to 
 draw  us  down  into  the  plain,  as  greatly  depending  on  his  horsemen  ;  but  we  would  not  come 
 down  ;  for  when  I  was  satisfied  of  the  advantage  that  Lis  horse  would  have  if  we  cauie  down 
 into  the  plain,  while  we  were  all  footmen,  I  resolved  to  join  battle  with  the  enemy  where  I 
 was.  Now  Ebutius  and  his  party  made  a  courageous  opposition  for  some  time  ;  but  when  he 
 saw  that  his  horse  were  useless  to  him  in  that  place,  he  retired  back  to  the  city  Gibea,  having 
 lost  three  of  his  men  in  the  fight.  So  1  followed  him  directly  with  two  thousand  armed  men  : 
 and  when  I  was  at  the  city  Besara,  that  lay  in  the  confines  of  Ptolemais,  but  twenty  furlongs 
 from  Gibea,  where  Ebutius  abode,  I  placed  my  armed  men  on  the  outside  of  the  village,  and 
 gave  orders  that  they  should  guard  the  passes  with  great  care,  that  the  enemy  should  not  dis- 
 turb us  until  we  should  have  carried  off  the  corn,  a  great  quantity  of  which  lay  there  ;  it  be- 
 longed to  Bernice  the  queen,  and  had  been  gathered  together  out  of  the  neighbouring  villages 
 into  Besara  ;  so  I  loaded  rav  camels  and  asses,  a  great  number  of  which  I  had  brought  along 
 with  me,  and  sent  the  corn  into  Galilee.  When  I  had  done  this,  I  offered  Ebutius  battle  ; 
 but  when  he  would  not  accept  of  the  offer,  for  he  was  terrified  at  our  readiness  and  courage, 
 I  altered  my  route,  aud  marched  towards  Neopolitanus,  because  I  had  heard  that  the  country 
 about  Tiberias  was  laid  wa:Ste  by  him.  This  Neopolitanus  was  captain  of  a  troop  of  horse,  and 
 had  the  custody  of  Scythopolis  intrusted  to  his  care  by  the  enemy:  and  when  I  had  hindered 
 him  from  doing  any  farther  mischief  to  Tiberias,  I  set  myself  to  make  provision  for  the  affairs 
 of  Galilee. 
 
 25.  But  when  John,  the  son  of  Levi,  who,  as  we  before  told  you,  abode  at  Gischala,  was 
 informed  how  all  things  had  succeeded  to  my  mind,  and  that  I  was  much  in  favour  with  those 
 that  were  under  rae,  as  also  that  the  enemy  were  greatly  afraid  of  me,  he  was  not  jileased  with 
 it,  as  thinking  ray  prosperity  tended  to  his  ruin.  So  be  took  up  a  bitter  envy  and  enmity 
 against  me ;  and  hoping,  that  if  he  couki  inflame  those  that  were  under  me  to  hate  me,  he 
 should  put  an  end  to  the  prosperity  I  was  in,  he  tried  to  persuade  the  inhabitants  of  Tiberias, 
 and  of  Sepphoris,  (and  for  those  of  Gahara  he  supposed  they  would  be  of  the  same  mind 
 with  the  others,)  which  were  the  greatest  cities  of  Galilee,  to  revolt  from  their  subjection  to  f 
 me,  and  to  be  of  his  party  ;  and  he  told  them,  that  he  would  command  them  better  than  I  did. 
 As  for  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  who  belonged  to  neither  of  us,  because  they  had  chosen  to  be 
 in  subjection  to  the  Romans,  they  did  not  comply  with  his  proposal:  and  for  those  of  Tiberias, 
 they  did  not  indeed  so  far  comply  as  to  make  a  revolt  from  under  me,  but  they  agreed  to  be 
 his  friends,  while  the  inhabitants  of  Gabara  did  go  over  to  John  ;  and  it  was  Simon  that  per- 
 suaded them  so  to  do,  one  who  was  both  the  principal  man  in  the  city,  and  a  particular  friend 
 and  companion  of  John.  It  is  true,  these  did  not  openly  own  the  making  a  revolt,  because 
 they  were  in  great  fear  of  the  Galileans,  and  had  frequent  experience  of  the  good-will  they 
 bore  to  me  ;  yet  did  they  privately  watch  for  a  proper  opportunity  to  lay  snares  for  me,  and 
 indeed  I  thereby  came  into  the  greatest  danger,  on  the  occasion  following. 
 
 26.  There  were  some  bold  young  men  of  the  village  Dabaritta,  who  observed  that  the  wife 
 of  Ptolemy,  the  king's  procurator,  was  to  make  a  progess  over  the  great  plain  with  a  mighty 
 attendance,  and  with  some  horsemen  that  followed,  as  a  guard  to  them,  and  this  out  of  a 
 country  that  was  subject  to  the  king  and  queen,  into  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Romans;  and  fell 
 upon  them  on  the  sudden,  and  oh]ige>i  the  wife  of  Ptolemy  to  fly  away,  aud  plundered  all  the 
 carriages.  They  also  came  to  me  to  Taricheae,  with  four  mules'  lading  of  garments,  and  other 
 furniture;  and  the  weight  of  the  silver  they  brought  was  not  small,  and  there  were  five  hun- 
 dred pieces  of  gold  also.  Now  I  had  a  niind  to  preserve  these  spoils  for  Ptolemy,  who  was 
 my  countryman  ;  and  it  is  prohibited  *  us  by  our  laws  even  to  spoil  our  enemies  ;  so  I  said  to 
 those  that  brought  these  spoils,  that  they  ought  to  be  kept  in  order  to  rebuild  the  walls  of 
 Jerusalem  with  them,  when  they  came  to  be  sold.  But  the  3'oung  men  took  it  very  ill  that  they 
 did  not  receive  a  part  of  these  spoils  for  themselves,  as  they  expected  to  have  done  ;  so  they 
 went  among  the  villages  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tiberias,  and  told  the  people,  that  I  was 
 going  to  betray  their  country  to  the  Romans,  and  that  I  used  deceitful  language  to  them,  when 
 I  said  what  had  been  thus  gotten  by  rapine  should  be  kept  for  rebuilding  of  th*?  walls  of  the 
 city  oC  Jerusalem  ;  although  I  bad  resolved  to  restore  these  spoils  again  to  their  former  owners.  ■ 
 Aud  indeed  they  were  herein  not  mistaken  as  to  ray  intentions  ;  for  when  I  had  gotten  clear 
 of  them,  I  sent  for  two  of  the  principal  men,  Dassion,  and  Jauneus  the  son  of  Levi,  persons 
 
 •  HoTv  Josephtts  could  say  here,  that  the  Jewish  laws  forbatte  them  to  "  spoil  even  their  enemies,"  while 
 yet,  a  little  before  his  time,  our  Saviour  had  mentioned  it  as  then  a  current  maxim  with  them,  "  Thou  shalt 
 love  thy  neighbour,  and  hate  thine  enemy,"  Matt,  v.  43.  is  worth  our  inquiry,  1  take  it  that  .losephus,  having 
 been  now  for  many  years  an  Ebiouite  Christian,  had  learned  this  interpretation  of  the  law  of  Moses  from 
 Christ,  whom  he  owned  for  the  true  Messiah,  as  it  follows  in  the  succeeding  verses,  which  though  he  might 
 not  read  in  St.  Matthew's  gospel,  yet  might  ha  have  read  much  the  .same  exposition  in  tlieir  own  Ebionite  or 
 ^azarene  gospel  itself;  of  which  improvements  made  byJosephus,  after  he  was  become  a  Christian,  we  have 
 already  had  several  examples  in  this  his  life,  sect,  ,"?,  13,  15,  19,  21,  23,  and  shall  have  many  more  therein 
 bsfore  its  conclusion,  aa  well  as  we  have  them  elsewhere  in  all  his  latter  writings. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  11 
 
 tliat  wer»  among  the  cbief  friends  of  the  king,  and  commanded  them  to  talie  the  furniture  thai 
 had  been  plundered,  and  to  send  it  to  him  ;  and  I  threatened  that  I  would  order  them  to  be 
 put  to  death,  by  way  of  punishment,  if  they  discovered  this  my  command  to  any  otlier 
 person. 
 
 'IT ,  Now,  when  ail  Galilee  was  filled  with  this  rumour,  that  their  country  was  about  to  be 
 betrayed  by  me  to  the  Romans,  and  when  all  men  were  exasperated  against  me,  and  ready  to 
 bring  me  to  punishment,  the  inhabitants  of  Tarichere  did  also  themselves  suppose  that  what  the 
 yonng  men  said  was  true,  and  persuaded  my  guards  and  armed  men  to  leave  me  when  I  was 
 asleep,  and  to  come  presently  to  the  hippodrome,  in  order  there  to  take  counsel  against  me 
 their  commander.  And,  when  they  had  prevailed  with  them,  and  they  were  gotten  together, 
 they  found  there  a  great  company  assembled  already,  who  all  joined  in  one  clamour,  to  bring 
 the  man  who  was  so  wicked  to  them  as  to  betray  them,  to  his  due  punishnient;  and  it  was 
 Jesus,  the  son  of  Sapphias,  who  principally  set  them  on.  He  was  ruler  in  Tiberias,  a  wicked 
 man,  and  naturally  disposed  to  make  disturbances  in  matters  of  consequence  ;  a  seditious 
 person  he  was  indeed,  and  an  innovator  beyond  every  body  else.  He  then  took  the  laws  of 
 Moses  into  his  hands,  and  came  into  the  midst  of  the  people,  and  said,  "  O  my  fellow-citizens  ! 
 if  you  are  not  disposed  to  hate  Josephus  on  your  own  account,  have  regard,  however,  to  these 
 laws  of  your  country,  which  your  commander-in-chief  is  going  to  betray  ;  hate  him  therefore 
 on  both  these  accounts,  and  bring  the  man  who  hath  acted  thus  insolently,  to  his  deserved 
 punishment.'' 
 
 28.  When  he  had  said  this,  and  the  multitude  had  openly  applauded  him  for  what  he  had 
 said,  he  took  some  of  the  armed  men,  and  made  haste  away  to  the  house  in  which  I  lodged,  as 
 if  he  would  kill  me  immediately,  while  1  was  wholly  insensible  of  all  till  this  disturbance  hap- 
 pened ;  and  by  reason  of  the  pains  I  had  been  taking,  was  fallen  fast  asleep.  But  Simon,  who 
 was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  my  body,  and  was  the  only  person  that  stayed  with  me,  and  saw 
 the  violent  incursion  the  citizens  made  upon  me,  awaked  me,  and  told  me  of  the  danger  I 
 was  in,  and  desired  me  to  let  him  kill  me,  that  I  might  die  bravely,  and  like  a  general,  before 
 my  enemies  came  in,  and  forced  me  [to  kill  myself,]  or  kill  me  themselves.  Thus  did  he 
 discourse  to  me  ;  but  I  committed  the  care  of  my  life  to  God,  and  made  haste  to  go  out  to  the 
 multitude.  Accordingly,  I  put  on  a  black  garment,  and  hung  my  sword  at  my  neck,  and  went 
 by  such  a  different  way  to  the  hippodrome,  wherein  I  thought  none  of  my  adversaries  would 
 meet  me  ;  so  I  appeared  among  them  on  the  sadden,  and  fell  down  flat  on  the  earth,  and  be- 
 dewed the  ground  with  my  tears  :  then  I  seemed  to  them  all  an  object  of  compassion.  And 
 when  I  perceived  the  change  that  was  made  in  the  multitude,  I  tried  to  divide  their  opinions, 
 before  the  armed  men  should  return  from  my  house  :  so  I  granted  them  that  I  had  been  as 
 wicked  as  Ihey  supposed  me  to  be  ;  but  still  I  enire!\ted  them  to  let  me  first  inform  them  for 
 what  use  I  had  kept  that  money  whicii  arose  from  the  plunder,  and  that  they  might  then  kill 
 me,  if  they  pleased;  and,  upon  the  multitude's  ordering  me  to  speak,  the  armed  men  came 
 upon  me,  and  when  they  saw  me,  they  ran  to  kill  me  :  but  when  the  multitude  bade  them  hold 
 their  hands,  they  complied,  and  expected  that  as  soon  as  1  should  own  to  them  that  I  kept  the 
 money  for  the  king,  it  would  be  looked  on  as  a  confession  of  ray  treason,  and  they  should  then 
 be  allowed  to  kill  me. 
 
 ii'J.  When,  therefore,  silence  was  made  by  the  whole  multitude,  I  spake  thus  to  them  : 
 "  O  my  countrymen,  I  refuse  not  to  die,  if  justice  so  require.  However,  I  am  desirous  to 
 tell  you  the  truth  of  this  matter  before  I  die  ;  for  as  I  know  that  this  city  of  yours  [Tarichcas] 
 was  a  city  of  great  hospitality,  and  filled  with  abundance  of  such  men  as  have  left  their  own 
 countries,  and  are  come  hither  to  be  partakers  of  your  fortune  whatever  it  be,  I  had  a  mind  to 
 build  walls  about  it,  out  of  this  money,  for  which  you  are  so  angry  with  me,  while  yet  it  was 
 to  be  expended  in  building  your  own  walls.''  Upon  my  saying  this,  the  people  of  Taricheae 
 and  the  strangers  cried  out,  That  "  they  gave  me  thanks,  and  desired  me  to  be  of  good 
 courage."  Although  the  Galileans  and  the  people  of  Tiberias  continued  in  their  wrath  against 
 me,  insomuch  that  there  arose  a  tumult  among  them,  while  some  threatened  to  kill  me,  and 
 some  bid  me  not  to  regard  them  ;  but  when  I  promised  them  that  1  would  build  them  walls  at 
 Tiberias,  and  at  other  cities  that  wanted  them,  they  gave  credit  to  what  I  promised,  and  re- 
 turned every  one  to  his  own  home.  So  I  escaped  the  forementioned  dauger  beyond  all  my 
 hopes,  and  returned  to  my  own  house,  accompanied  with  my  friends,  and  twenty  armed  men 
 also. 
 
 30.  However,  these  robbers  and  other  authors  of  this  tumult,  who  were  afraid  on  their  own 
 account,  lest  I  should  punish  them  for  what  they  had  done,  took  six  hundred  armed  men,  and 
 came  to  the  house  where  I  abode,  in  order  to  set  it  on  fire.  When  this  their  insult  was  told 
 mc,  [  thought  it  indecent  for  me  to  run  away,  and  I  resolved  to  expose  myself  to  danger,  and 
 to  act  with  some  boldness  ;  so  I  gave  orders  to  shut  the  doors,  and  went  up  into  an  upp«r 
 room,  and  desired  that  they  would  send  some  of  their  men  in  to  receive  the  money  [from  the 
 spoils  ;]  for  I  told  them  that  they  would  then  have  no  occasion  to  be  angry  with  me  ;  and 
 when  they  had  sent  in  one  of  the  boldest  of  them  all,  I  had  him  whipped  severely,  and  1  com- 
 manded that  one  of  his  hands  should  be  cut  off,  and  hung  about  his  neck  ;  and  in  this  case 
 was   he  put  out  to  those   that  scut  him.      At  which  procedure  of  mine  they  were    grcati* 
 
12  THE  filFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 affrighted,  nnd  in  no  small  consternation,  and  were  afr»Id  tbat  they  should  themselves  be 
 served  in  like  manner,  if  they  stayed  there;  for  they  supposed  that  I  bad  in  the  lioiise  more 
 armed  men  than  they  had  themselves ;.  so  they  ran  away  immediately,  while  I,  by  the  use  of 
 this  stratagem,  escaped  this  their  second  treacherous  design  against  me, 
 
 31.  But  there  were  still  some  that  irritated  the  multitude  against  me,  and  said  that  those 
 great  men  that  belonged  to  the  king,  ought  not  to  be  suffered  to  live,  if  they  would  not  change 
 their  religion  to  the  religion  of  those  to  whom  they  fled  for  safety :  they  spake  reproachfully  of 
 them  also,  and  said,  that  they  were  wizards,*  and  such  as  called  in  the  Romans  upon  them. 
 So  the  multitude  was  soon  deluded  by  such  plausible  pretences  as  were  agreeable  to  their  own 
 inclinations,  and  were  prevailed  on  by  tliem.  But  when  I  was  informed  of  this,  I  instructed 
 the  multitude  again,  that  those  who  fled  to  them  for  refuge  ought  not  to  be  persecuted  ;  I  also 
 laughed  at  the  allegation  about  witchcraft,  and  told  them  that  the  Romaus  would  not  main- 
 tain so  many  ten  thousand  soldiers,  if  they  could  overcome  their  enemies  by  wizards.  Upon 
 luy  saying  this,  the  people  assented  for  a  while;  but  they  returned  afterward,  as  irritated  by 
 some  ill  people  against  the  great  men  ;  nay,  they  once  made  an  assault  upon  the  house  in 
 which  they  dwelt  atTarichero,  in  order  to  kill  them;  which,  when  I  was  informed  of,  I  was 
 afraid  lest  so  horrid  a  crime  should  take  effect,  and  nobody  else  would  make  that  city  their 
 refuge  any  more.  I  therefore  came  myself,  and  some  others  with  me,  to  the  house  where 
 these  great  men  lived,  and  locked  their  doors,  and  had  a  trench  drawn  from  their  houses  lead- 
 ing to  the  lake,  and  sent  for  a  ship,  and  embarked  therein  with  them,  and  sailed  to  the  coDtines 
 of  Hippos  :  I  also  paid  them  the  value  of  their  horses,  nor  in  such  a  flight  could  I  have  their 
 horses  brought  to  them.  I  then  dismissed  them,  and  begged  of  them  earnestly  that  they 
 would  courageously  bear  this  distress  which  befell  them.  I  was  also  myself  greatly  dis- 
 pleased that  I  was  compelled  to  expose  those  that  had  fled  to  me  to  go  again  into  an  enemy's 
 country  ;  yet  did  I  think  it  more  eligible  that  they  should  perish  among  the  Romans,  if  it 
 should  so  happen,  than  in  the  country  that  was  under  my  jurisdiction.  However,  they  escaped 
 at  length,  and  king  Agrippa  forgave  them  their  offences.  And  this  was  the  conclusion  of  what 
 concerned  these  men. 
 
 32.  But  as  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Tiberias,  they  wrote  to  the  king,  and  desired 
 him  to  send  them  forces  sufficient  to  be  guard  to  their  country  ;  for  that  they  were  desirous  to 
 come  over  to  him  :  this  was  what  they  wrote  to  him.  But  when  I  came  to  them,  they  desired 
 me  to  build  their  walls,  as  I  had  promised  them  to  do  ;  for  they  had  heard  that  the  walls  of 
 Taricheae  were  already  built.  I  agreed  to  the  proposal  accordingly ;  and  when  I  had  made 
 preparation  for  the  entire  building,  I  gave  order  to  the  architects  to  go  to  work  ;  but  on  the 
 third  day,  when  I  was  gone  to  Taricheae,  which  was  thirty  furlongs  distant  from  Tiberias,  it  so 
 fell  out,  that  some  Romau  horsemen  were  discovered  on  their  march  not  far  from  the  city, 
 which  made  it  be  supposed  that  the  forces  were  come  from  the  king  ;  upon  which  they  shouted, 
 and  lifted  up  their  voices  in  commendations  of  the  king,  and  in  reproaches  against  me.  Here- 
 upon one  came  running  to  me,  and  told  me  what  their  dispositions  were,  and  that  they  had 
 resolved  to  revolt  from  me  ;  upon  bearing  which  news,  I  was  very  much  alarmed  :  for  I  had 
 already  sent  away  my  armed  men  from  Taricheae  to  their  own  homes,  because  the  next  day 
 was  our  sabbath  ;  for  I  would  not  have  the  people  of  Taricheae  disturbed  [on  that  day]  by  a 
 multitude  of  soldiers  ;  and  indeed,  whenever  I  sojourned  at  that  city,  I  never  took  any  parti- 
 cular care  for  a  guard  about  my  own  body,  because  I  had  had  frequent  instances  of  the  fidelity 
 its  inhabitants  bore  to  me.  I  had  about  me  no  more  than  seven  armed  men  besides  some 
 friends,  and  was  doubtful  what  to  do ;  for  to  send  to  recall  my  own  forces  I  did  not  think 
 proper,  because  the  present  day  was  almost  over,  and  had  these  forces  been  with  me,  I  could 
 not  take  up  arras  on  the  next  day,  because  our  lav.'s  forbade  us  so  to  do  ;  even  though  our 
 necessity  should  be  very  great ;  and  if  I  should  permit  the  people  of  Taricheas,  and  the 
 strangers  with  them,  to  guard  the  city,  I  saw  that  they  would  not  be  sufficient  for  that  pur- 
 pose, and  I  perceived  tbat  I  should  be  obliged  to  defer  my  assistance  a  great  while  ;  for  I 
 thought  with  myself  that  the  forces  that  came  from  the  king  would  prevent  me,  and  that  I 
 should  be  driven  out  of  the  city.  I  considered,  therefore,  how  to  get  clear  of  these  forces  by 
 a  stratagem ;  so  I  immediately  placed  those  my  friends  of  Taricheae,  on  whom  I  could  best 
 confide:  at  the  gates,  to  watch  those  very  carefully  who  went  out  at  those  gates ;  I  also  called 
 to  me  the  heads  of  families,  and  bid  every  one  of  them  to  seize  upori  a  ship,t  to  go  on  board 
 it,  and  take  a  master  with  them,  and  follow  him  to  the  city  of  Tiberias.  I  also  myself  went 
 on  board  one  of  those  ships,  with  my  friends,  and  the  seven  armed  men  already  mentioned, 
 and  sailed  for  Tiberias. 
 
 33.  But  now,  when  the  people  of  Tiberias  perceived  that  there  were  no  forces  come  from 
 the  king,  and  yet  saw  the  whole  lake  full  of  ships,  they  were  in  fear  what  would  become  of 
 their  city,  and  were  greatly  terrified,  as  supposing  that  the  ships  were  full  of  men  on  board  ;  so 
 
 •  Here  we  may  obaerve  the  vulgar  Jewish  notion  of  witchcraft ;  but  that  our  Josephus  was  too  wise  to 
 give  auy  couuteuauce  to. 
 
 *  In  this  section,  as  well  as  sect.  18.  and  sect.  33.  those  small  vessels  that  sailed  on  the  sea  of  Galilee,  ara 
 called  by  Josephus,  Ntice,  aiidriXoia  and  2Ka<prt,  i.  e.  plainly  ships;  so  that  we  need  not  wonder  at  our  Evan- 
 gelists, who  still  cfJl  them  ships;  nor  ought  we  to  render  them  ioats,  as  some  do.  Their  number  was  in  nil 
 830,  as  we  learn  from  our  author  elsewhere ;  Of  the  War,  b,  ii.  eh,  xxi,  8«ct.  8 . 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  ]3 
 
 then  thev  cbanpfed  tbeir  minds,  and  threw  down  their  weapons,  and  met  me  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  and  made  acclamations  to  nie  witii  great  commendations;  for  they  imasjined  that 
 I  did  not  know  their  former  inclinations  [to  have  been  against  me  ;]  so  they  persuaded  me  to 
 spare  the  city.  But  when  I  was  come  near  enough,  I  gave  order  to  the  masters  of  the  ships 
 to  cast  anchor  a  good  way  oft"  the  land,  that  the  people  of  Tiberias  might  not  perceive  that  thg 
 ships  had  no  men  on  board  ;  but  I  went  nearer  to  the  people  in  one  of  the  ships,  and  rebuked 
 them  for  their  folly,  and  that  they  were  so  fickle  as,  without  any  just  occasion  in  the  world, 
 to  revolt  from  their  fidelity  to  me.  However,  I  assured  them,  that  I  would  certainly  forgive 
 them  for  the  time  to  come,  if  they  would  send  ten  of  the  ringleaders  of  the  multitude  to  me  , 
 and  when  (hey  complied  readily  with  this  proposal,  and  sent  me  the  men  forementioued,  I  put 
 them  on  board  a  ship,  and  sent  them  away  to  Tarichete,  and  ordered  them  to  be  kept  in 
 prison. 
 
 34.  And  by  this  stratagem  it  was,  that  I  gradually  got  all  the  senate  of  Tiberias  into  my 
 power,  and  sent  them  to  the  city  forementioned,  with  many  of  the  principal  men  among  the 
 populace,  and  those  not  fewer  in  number  than  the  other.  But,  when  the  multitude  saw  into 
 what  great  miseries  they  bad  brought  themselves,  they  desired  me  to  punish  the  author  of  this 
 sedition  :  bis  name  was  Clitus,  a  young  man,  bold  and  rash  in  his  undertakings.  Now,  since 
 I  thought  it  not  agreeable  to  piety  to  put  one  of  my  own  people  to  death,  and  yet  fouud  it 
 necessary  to  punish  him,  I  ordered  Levi,  one  of  my  own  guards,  to  go  to  him,  and  cut  oil' one 
 of  Clitus's  hands;  but  as  he  that  was  ordered  to  do  tliis,  was  afraid  to  go  out  of  the  ship 
 alone,  among  so  great  a  multitude,  I  was  not  willing  that  the  timorousnesscf  the  soldier  should 
 appear  to  the  people  of  Tiberias.  So  I  called  to  Clitus  himself,  and  said  to  him,  "  Since  thou 
 deservest  to  lose  both  thine  hands  for  thy  ingratitude  to  me,  be  thou  thine  own  executioner, 
 lest,  if  thou  refusest  so  to  be,  thou  undergo  a  worse  punishment."  And,  when  he  earnestly 
 begged  of  me  to  spare  him  one  of  his  hands,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  I  granted  it.  So,  in 
 order  to  prevent  the  loss  of  both  his  hands,  he  willingly  took  his  sword,  and  cut  off  bis  own 
 left  hand  ;  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  sedition. 
 
 35.  Now  the  men  of  Tiberias,  after  I  was  gone  to  Taricheae,  perceived  what  stratagem  I 
 bad  used  against  them,  and  they  admired  how  I  had  put  an  end  to  their  foolish  sedition  with- 
 out shedding  of  blood.  But  now,  when  I  had  sent  for  some  of  those  multitudes  of  the  people 
 of  Tiberias  out  of  prison,  among  whom  were  Justus  and  his  father  Pistns,  I'  made  them  to 
 sup  with  me  ;  and  during  our  supper  time,  I  said  to  them,  that  I  knew  the  power  of  the  Romans 
 was  superior  to  all  others,  but  did  not  say  so  [publicly]  because  of  the  robbers.  So  I  advised 
 them  to  do  as  I  did,  and  to  wait  for  a  proper  opportunity,  and  not  to  be  uneasy  at  my  being 
 their  commander  ;  for  that  they  could  not  expect  to  have  another  who  would  use  the  like 
 moderation  that  I  liad  done.  I  also  put  Justus  in  mind  how  the  Galileans  bad  cut  off  his 
 brother's  bands,  before  ever  I  came  to  Jerusalem,  upon  an  accusation  laid  against  him,  as  if 
 he  bad  been  a  rogue,  and  had  forged  some  letters  ;  as  also  how  the  people  of  Gamala,  in  a 
 sedition  thev  raised  against  tlie  Babylonians,  after  the  departure  of  Philip,  slew  Chares,  who 
 was  a  kinsman  of  Pl)ilip,  and  withal  how  they  had  wisely  punished  Jesus,  his  brother  Justus's 
 sister's  husband  [with  death.]  When  I  had  said  this  to  them  during  supper-time,  I  in  the 
 morning  ordered  Justus,  and  all  the  rest  that  were  in  prison,  to  be  loosed  out  of  it,  and  sent 
 away. 
 
 3C.  But  before  this,  it  happened  that  Philip,  the  son  of  Jacimns,  went  out  of  the  citadel  of 
 Gamala  upon  the  following  occasion  :  When  Philip  had  been  informed  that  Varus  was  put  out 
 of  bis  government  by  king  Agrippa,  and  that  Modius  Equiculus,  a  man  that  was  of  old  his 
 friend  and  companion,  was  come  to  succeed  him,  he  wrote  to  him,  and  related  what  turns  of 
 fortune  he  had  bad,  and  desired  him  to  forward  llie  letters  he  bad  sent  to  the  king  and  queen. 
 Now,  when  Modius  had  received  these  letters,  he  was  exceedingly  glad,  and  sent  the  letters  to 
 ^le  king  and  queen,  who  were  then  about  Berytns.  But  when  king  Agrippa  knew  that 
 the  story  about  Philip  was  false,  (for  it  bad  been  given  out,  that  the  Jews  had  begun  a  war 
 ■^ith  the  Romans,  and  that  this  Philip  had  been  their  commander  in  that  war,)  he  sent  some 
 Norsemen  to  conduct  Philip  to  him,  and  whe.M  he  was  come,  he  saluted  him  very  obligingly,  and 
 shewed  him  to  the  Roman  commanders,  and  told  them  that  this  was  the  man  of  whom  the 
 report  had  gone  about  as  if  he  had  revolted  from  the  Romans.  He  also  bid  him  to  take  some 
 horsemen  with  him,  and  go  to  the  citadel  of  Gamala,  and  to  bring  out  thence  all  his  domestics, 
 and  to  restore  the  Babylonians  to  Batanea  again.  He  also  gave  it  him  in  charge  to  take  all 
 possible  care  that  none  of  his  suV)jects  should  be  guilty  of  making  any  innovation.  Accordingly, 
 upon  these  directions  from  the  king,  he.  made  haste  to  do  what  be  was  commanded. 
 
 37.  Now,  there  was  one  Joseph,  the  son  of  a  female  j.hysician,  who  excited  a  great  many 
 yoiiiig  men  to  join  with  him.  He  also  insolently  addressed  himself  to  tlie  principal  persons  at 
 Gamala,  and  persuaded  them  to  revolt  from  the  king,  and  take  up  arms,  and  gave  them  hopes 
 that  they  should,  by  bis  means,  recover  their  liberty.  And  some  they  forced  into  the  service ; 
 and  those  that  would  not  acquiesce  in  what  they  had  resolved  on,  they  slew.  They  also  slew 
 Chares,  and  with  him  Jesus,  one  of  bis  kinsmen,  and  a  brother  of  Justus  of  Tiberias,  as  we 
 bave  already  said.  Those  of  Gamala  also  wrote  to  me,  desiring  me  to  send  them  an  armed 
 force,  and  workmen  to  raise  up  the  walls  of  their  city  ;  nor  did  I  reject  either  of  their  requeata. 
 
14  THE  LIFE  OP  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 The  region  of  Gaulonitis  did  also  revolt  from  the  king,  as  far  as  the  village  Solyina,  I  also 
 built  a  wall  about  Selencia  and  Sogaiini,  which  are  villages  natorallj  of  very  great  strength. 
 Moreover,  I,  in  like  manner,  walled  several  villages  of  Upper  Galilee,  though  thej  were  very 
 rocky  of  themselves.  Their  names  are  Jamnia,  and  Meroth,  andAchabare.  I  also  fortified,  in 
 the  Lower  Galilee,  the  cities  Taricheae,  Tiberias,  Sepphoris,  and  the  villages,  the  Cave  of 
 Arbela,  Bersobe,  Selamin,  Jotapata,  Caphareccho,  and  Siggo,  and  Japha,  and  Mount  Tabor.* 
 I  also  laid  up  a  great  quantity  of  corn  in  these  places,  and  arms  withal,  that  might  be  for  their 
 security  afterward. 
 
 38.  But  the  hatred  that  John,  the  son  of  Levi,  bore  to  me,  grew  now  more  violent^  while 
 be  could  not  bear  my  prosperity  with  patience.  So  he  proposed  to  himself,  by  all  means 
 possible,  to  make  away  with  me,  and  built  the  walls  of  Gischala,  which  was  the  place  of  his 
 nativity.  He  then  sent  his  brother  Simon,  and  Jonathan  the  son  of  Sisenna,  and  about  a 
 hundred  armed  men,  to  Jerusalem,  to  Simon  the  son  of  Gamaliel, t  in  order  to  persuade  him  to 
 induce  the  commonalty  of  Jerusalem  to  take  from  nie  the  government  over  the  Galileans,  and 
 to  give  their  suffrages  for  conferring  that  authority  upon  him.  This  Simon  was  of  the  city 
 Jerusalem,  and  of  a  very  noble  family,  of  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  which  are  supposed  to 
 excel  others  in  the  accurate  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  their  country.  He  was  a  man  of  great 
 wisdom  and  reason,  and  capable  of  restoring  public  affairs  by  his  prudence,  when  they  were 
 in  an  ill  posture.  He  was  also  an  old  friend  and  companion  of  John  ;  but  at  that  time  he 
 had  a  difference  with  me.  When  therefore  he  had  received  such  an  exhortation,  he  persuaded 
 the  high  priests,  Ananus,  and  Jesus  the  son  of  Gamala,  and  some  others  of  the  same  seditions 
 faction,  to  cut  me  down,  now  I  was  growing  so  great,  and  not  to  overlook  me  while  I  was 
 aggrandizing  myself  to  the  height  of  glory  ;  and  he  said,  that  it  would  be  for  the  advantage  of 
 the  Galileans,  if  I  were  deprived  of  my  government  there.  Ananus  also,  and  his  friends, 
 desired  them  to  make  no  delay  about  the  matter,  lest  I  should  get  the  knowledge  of  what  was 
 doing  too  soon,  and  should  come  and  make  an  assault  upon  the  city  with  a  great  army.  This 
 was  the  counsel  of  Simon  ;  but  Ananus  the  high  priest  demonstrated  to  them,  that  this  was  not 
 an  easy  thing  to  be  done,  because  many  of  the  high  priests  and  of  the  rulers  of  the  people  bore 
 witness  that  I  had  acted  like  an  excellent  general,  and  that  it  was  the  work  of  ill  men  to 
 accuse  one  against  whom  they  had  nothing  so  say. 
 
 39.  When  Simon  heard  Ananus  say  this,  he  desired  that  the  messengers  would  conceal  the 
 thing,  and  not  let  it  come  among  many  ;  for  that  he  would  take  care  to  have  Josephus 
 vemoved  out  of  Galilee  very  quickly.  So  he  called  for  John's  brother  [Simon]  and  charged 
 liim,  that  they  should  send  presents  to  Ananus  and  his  friends;  for,  as  he  said,  they  might 
 probably  by  that  means  persuade  them  to  change  their  minds.  And  indeed  Simon  did  at  length 
 thus  compass  what  he  aimed  at ;  for  Ananus,  and  those  with  him,  being  corrupted  by  bribes, 
 agreed  to  expel  me  out  of  Galilee,  without  making  the  rest  of  the  citizens  acquainted  with 
 what  they  were  doing.  Accordingly  they  resolved  to  send  men  of  distinction  as  to  their 
 families,  and  of  distinction  as  to  their  learning  also.  Two  of  these  were  of  the  populace, 
 Jonathan  f  and  Ananias,  by  sect,  of  the  Pharisees  ;  while  the  third,  Joazar,  was  of  the  stock  of 
 the  priests,  and  a  Pharisee  also  ;  and  Simon,  the  last  of  them,  was  of  the  youngest  of  the 
 higti  priests.  These  had  it  given  them  in  charge,  that,  when  they  were  come  to  the  multitude 
 of  the  Galileans,  they  should  ask  them,  what  was  the  reason  of  their  love  to  me  ?  and  if  they 
 said,  that  it  was  because  I  was  born  in  Jerusalem,  that  they  sJiould  reply,  that  they  four  were 
 all  born  at  the  same  place  ;  and  if  they  should  say,  it  was  because  I  was  well  versed  in  their 
 law,  they  should  reply,  that  neither  were  they  unacquainted  with  the  practices  of  their  country  ; 
 but  if,  besides  these,  they  should  say,  they  loved  me  because  I  was  a  priest,  they  should  reply, 
 that  two  of  these  were  priests  also. 
 
 40.  Now,  when  they  had  given  Jonathan  and  his  companions  these  instructions,  they  gave 
 thera  forty  thousand  [drachmae]  out  of  the  public  money  :  but  when  they  heard  that  there  was 
 a  certain  Galilean  that  then  sojourned  at  Jerusalem,  whose  name  was  Jesus,  who  had  about 
 him  a  band  of  six  hundred  armed  men,  they  sent  for  him,  and  gave  him  three  months'  pay,  and 
 gave  him  orders  to  follow  Jonathan  and  his  companions,  and  be  obedient  to  them.  They  also 
 gave  money  to  three  hundred  men,  that  were  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  to  maintain  them  all,  and 
 ordered  them  also  to  follow  the  ambassadors  ;  and  when  they  had  complied,  and  were  gotten 
 ready  for  the  march,  Jonathan  and  his  companions  went  out  with  them,  having  along  with  thorn 
 John's  brother  and  a  hundred  armed  men.  The  charge  that  was  given  them  by  those  that  sent 
 them  was  this,  that  if  I  would  voluntarily  lay  down  my  arms,  they  should  send  me  alive  to  the 
 city  of  Jerusalem,  but  that,  in  case  I  opposed  them,  they  should  kill  me,  and  fear  nothing  ;  for 
 that  it  was  their  command  for  them  so  to  do.     They  also  wrote  to  John  to  make  all  ready  for 
 
 •  Part  of  the  forlifications  on  Mount  Tal)or  may  be  tliose  still  remaiuiog,  and  which  were  seen  lately  by 
 Mr.  Maundrel.    See  his  Travels,  p.  112. 
 
 +  This  Gamaliel  may  be  the  very  same  that  is  mentioned  by  the  rabbins  in  the  Mishna  in  Juchasin  and  in 
 Porta  Mosis,  as  is  observed  in  the  Latin  notes.  He  might  be  also  that  Gamaliel  II.  whose  grandfather  was 
 ( iamaliel  1.  who  is  mentioned  Acts  v.  34.  and  at  whose  feet  St.  Paul  aas  brouglit  up.  Acts  xxii.  3.  See  Prid. 
 at  the  year 4-11). 
 
 t  I'his  .'onatban  is  also  taken  notice  of  in  tlie  Latin  notes,  as  the  eame  that  is  mentioned  by  the  rabbins  in 
 Porta  Mosis. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  15 
 
 figbliiig  nie,  and  gave  order  to  the  inhabitants  of  Sepplioris,  and  Gabara,  and  Tiberias,  to  send 
 tiiis'ilianes  to  Joliii. 
 
 41.  Now,  as  my  father  wrote  me  an  account  of  this,  (for  Jesus  the  son  of  Gamala,  who  was 
 present  in  that  council,  a  friend  and  companion  of  mine,  told  him  of  it,)  I  was  very  much 
 troubled,  as  discovering  thereby,  that  my  fellow-citizens  proved  so  ungrateful  to  me,  as  out  of 
 envy  to  give  order  thai  I  should  be  slain  ;  my  father  earnestly  pressed  me  also  in  his  letter  to 
 come  to  him,  for  that  he  longed  to  see  his  son  before  he  died.  I  informed  my  friends  of  these 
 things,  and  that  in  three  days'  lime  I  should  leave  the  country,  and  go  home.  Upon  hearing 
 this,  they  were  all  very  sorry,  and  desired  me,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  not  to  leave  them  to 
 be  destroyed  ;  for  so  they  thought  they  should  be,  if  I  were  deprived  of  the  command  over 
 them :  but  as  I  did  not  grant  their  request,  but  was  taking  care  of  my  own  safety,  the  Gali- 
 leans, out  of  the  dread  of  the  consequences  of  my  departure,  that  they  should  then  be  at  the 
 luercy  of  the  robbers,  sent  messengers  over  all  Galilee  to  inform  them  of  my  resolution  to 
 leave  them.  Whereupon,  as  soon  as  they  heard  it,  they  got  together  in  great  numbers,  from 
 ail  parts,  with  their  wives  and  children  ;  and  this  they  did,  as  appeared  to  me,  not  more 
 out  of  their  affection  to  me,  than  out  of  their  fear  on  their  own  account  ;  for,  while  I  staid 
 with  them,  they  supposed  that  they  should  suffer  no  harm.  So  they  all  came  into  the  great 
 plain  wherein  I  lived,  tlie  name  of  which  was  Asochis. 
 
 42.  But  wonderful  it  was  what  a  dream  I  saw  that  very  night ;  for  when  I  had  betaken 
 myself  to  my  bed,  as  grieved  and  disturbed  at  the  news  that  had  been  written  to  me,  it  seemed 
 to  me,  that  a  certain  person  stood  by  me,*  and  said,  "  O  Josephus  !  leave  off  to  afflict  thy 
 soul,  and  put  away  all  fear ;  for  what  now  grieves  thee  will  render  thee  very  considerable, 
 and  in  all  respects  most  happy  ;  for  thou  shalt  get  over  not  only  these  difficulties,  but  many 
 others,  with  great  success.  However,  be  not  cast  down,  but  remember  that  thou  art  to  fight 
 with  the  Romans."  When  I  had  seen  this  dream,  I  got  up  with  an  intention  of  going  down 
 to  the  plain.  Now,  when  the  whole  multitude  of  the  Galileans,  among  whom  were  the  women 
 and  children,  saw  me,  they  threw  themselves  down. upon  their  faces,  and,  with  tears  in  their 
 eyes,  besought  me  not  to  leave  them  exposed  to  ''"^'j^'^,'?eraies,  nor  to  go  away,  and  permit 
 their  country  to  be  injured  by  them.  But,  when  ,„  ^iitot  comply  with  their  entreaties,  they 
 compelled  me  to  take  an  oath  that  I  would  st:V»  ^j^j  them  :  they  also  cast  abundance  of 
 reproaches  upon  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  tha  ""  would  not  let  their  country  enjoy 
 peace.  ^''^y 
 
 43.  When  I  heard  this,  and  saw  what  sorrow  xhX  ^"eople  were  in,  I  was  moved  with  com- 
 passion to  them,  and  thought  it  became  me  to  undergo  the  most  manifest  hazards  for  the  sake 
 of  so  great  a  multitude  ;  so  I  let  them  know  I  would  stay  with  them.  And  when  I  had  given 
 order  that  five  thousand  of  them  should  come  to  me  armed,  and  with  provisions  for  their 
 maintenance,  I  sent  the  rest  away  to  their  own  homes  ;  and,  when  those  five  thousand  were 
 come,  I  took  them,  together  with  three  thousand  of  the  soldiers  that  were  with  me  before, 
 and  eighty  horsemen,  and  marched  to  the  village  of  Chabolo,  situated  in  the  confines  of 
 Ptolemais,  and  there  kept  my  forces  together,  pretending  to  get  ready  to  fight  with  Placidus, 
 who  was  come  with  two  cohorts  of  footmen,  and  one  troop  of  horsemen,  and  was  sent  thither 
 by  Cestius  Gallus,  to  burn  those  villages  of  Galilee  that  were  near  Ptolemais.  Upon  whose 
 casting  up  a  bank  before  the  city  Ptolemais,  I  also  pitched  ray  camp  at  about  the  distance  of 
 sixty  furlongs  from  that  village.  And  now  we  frequently  brought  out  our  forces  as  if  we 
 would  fight,  but  proceeded  no  farther  than  skirmishes  at  a  distance  ;  for,  when  Placidus  per- 
 ceived that  I  was  earnest  to  come  to  battle,  he  was  afraid  and  avoided  it.  Yet  did  he  not 
 remove  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Ptolemais. 
 
 44.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Jonathan  and  his  fellow-legates  came.  They  were  sent,  as 
 we  have  said  already,  by  Simon  and  Ananus  the  high  priest.  And  Jonathan  contrived  how  he 
 might  catch  me  by  treachery  ;  for  he  durst  not  make  any  attempt  upon  me  openly.  So  he 
 wrote  me  the  following  epistle  :  "  Jonathan  and  those  that  are  with  him,  and  are  sent  by  the 
 people  of  Jerusalem,  to  Josephus,  send  greeting.  We  are  sent  by  the  principal  men  of  Jeru- 
 salem, who  have  heard  that  John  of  Gischala  hath  laid  snares  for  thee,  to  rebuke  him,  and  to 
 exhort  him  to  be  subject  to  thee  hereafter.  We  are  also  desirous  to  consult  with  thee  about 
 our  common  concerns,  and  what  is  fit  to  be  done.  We  therefore  desire  thee  to  come  to  us 
 quickly,  and  to  bring  only  a  few  men  with  thee;  for  this  village  will  not  contain  a  great  num- 
 ber of  soldiers."  Thus  it  was  that  they  wrote,  as  expecting  one  of  these  two  things,  either 
 that  I  should  come  without  armed  men,  and  then  they  should  have  me  under  their  power  ;  or, 
 if  I  came  with  a  great  number,  they  should  judge  me  to  be  a  public  enemy.  Now  it  was  a 
 horseman  who  brought  the  letter,  a  man  at  otljcr  times  bold,  and  one  that  had  served  in  the 
 army  under  the  king.  It  was  the  second  hour  of  the  night  that  he  came,  when  I  was  feasting 
 with  my  friends,  and  the  principal  of  the  Galileans.  This  man,  upon  my  servant's  telling  me 
 that  a  certain  horseman  of  the  Jewish  nation  was  oome,  was  called  in  at  my  command,  but  did 
 not  so  much  as  salute  me  at  all,  but  held  out  a  letter,  and  said  this  letter  is  sent  thee  by  those 
 
 •  This  1  take  to  be  the  first  of  Josejihus's  remarkable  or  divine  dreams,  which  were  predictive  of  the  gi'eat 
 things  that  afterwards  came  to  pass  ;  of  which  see  more  in  the  note  on  Antiij.  b.  iii.  cha|..  viii.  sect.  9.  Th« 
 oilier  is  in  the  War,  b.iii.  ch.  viii.  sect.  3,  9. 
 
16  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 that  are  come  from  Jerusalem :  do  thou  write  an  answer  to  it  quickly,  for  I  am  obliged  to 
 return  to  them  very  soon."  Now  my  guests  could  not  bat  vvonder  at  the  boldness  of  the 
 soldier.  But  I  desired  him  to  sit  down  and  sup  with  as  ;  but  when  he  refused  so  to  do,  I 
 held  the  letter  in  my  hands  as  I  received  it,  and  fell  a  talking  with  my  guests  about  other 
 matters.  But  a  few  hours  afterwards,  I  got  up,  and  when  I  had  dismissed  the  rest  to  go  to 
 their  beds,  I  bid  only  four  of  my  intimate  friends  to  stay,  and  ordered  my  servant  to  get  some 
 wine  ready.  I  also  opened  the  letter  so,  that  nobody  could  perceive  it ;  and  undersf.inding 
 thereby  presently  the  purport  «(  the  writing,  I  sealed  it  up  again,  and  appeared  as  if  I  had 
 not  yet  read  it,  but  only  held  it  in  my  hands.  I  ordered  twenty  drachmae  should  be  given  the 
 soldier  for  the  charges  of  his  journey  ;  and  when  he  took  the  money,  and  said  he  thanked  me 
 for  it,  I  perceived  tliat  he  loved  money,  and  that  he  was  to  be  caught  chiefly  by  tliat  means, 
 and  I  said  to  him,  "  If  thou  wilt  but  drink  with  us,  thoa  shalt  have  a  drachma  for  every  glass 
 thou  drinkest."  So  be  gladly  embraced  the  proposal,  and  drank  a  great  deal  of  wine,  in  ordei 
 to  get  the  more  money,  and  was  so  drunk,  that  at  last  he  could  not  keep  the  secrets  be  was 
 intrusted  with,  but  discovered  them  without  my  putting  questions  to  him  ;  viz.  that  a  trea- 
 cherous design  was  contrived  against  me,  and  that  I  was  doomed  to  die  by  those  that  sent 
 him.  When  1  heard  this,  I  wrote  back  this  answer :  "' Josephus,  to  Jonathan  and  those  that  are 
 with  him,  sendeth  greeting.  Upon  the  information  that  you  are  come  in  health  into  Galilee, 
 I  rejoice,  and  this  especially  becHUse  I  can  now  resign  the  care  of  public  affairs  here  into  your 
 hands,  and  return  into  my  native  country  ;  which  is  what  I  have  desired  to  do  a  great  v/hilc  ; 
 and  I  confess  I  ought  not  only  to  come  to  you  as  far  as  Xaloth,  but  farther,  and  this  without 
 your  commands.  But  I  desire  you  to  excuse  me,  because  I  cannot  do  it  now,  since  I  watch 
 the  motions  of  Placidus,  who  hath  a  mind  to  go  up  into  Galilee  ;  and  this  I  do  here  at  Chabolo. 
 Do  you,  therefore,  on  the  receipt  of  this  epistle,  come  hither  to  me.     Fare  you  well." 
 
 45.  When  I  had  written  thus,  and  given  the  letter  to  be  carried  by  the  soldier,  I  sent 
 ftlong  with  him  thirty  of  the  Galileans  of  tlia  best  characters,  and  gave  them  mstructions  to 
 salute  those  ambassadors,  but  to  say  iio»iiing  else  to  them.  I  also  gave  orders  to  as  n.any  of 
 those  armed  men,  whom  I  esteemed  "t'*^""*  '  tbful  to  me,  to  go  along  with  the  others,  every  one 
 with  him  whom  he  was  to  guard.  If  latha,,,  ♦  conversation  might  pass  between  those  whom  I 
 sent,  and  those  that  were  with  Join  this  /  So  these  men  went  [to  Jonathan.]  But,  when 
 Jonathan  and  his  partners  had  failedrsiis^tl-their  first  attempt,  they  sent  me  another  letter,  the 
 contents  whereof  were  as  follows  ;  "  <  ay  ■  "i"  ^"<^  those  with  him,  to  Josephus,  send  greeting. 
 We  require  thee  to  come  to  us  to  the  v.,  ■•■  ge  Gabaroth,  on  the  third  day,  without  any  armed 
 men,  that  we  may  hear  what  thou  hast  to  lay  to  the  charge  of  John  [of  Gischala."]  When 
 they  had  written  this  letter,  they  sainted  the  Galileans  whom  I  sent,  and  came  to  Japha,  which 
 •was  the  largest  village  of  all  Galilee,  and  encompassed  with  very  strong  walls,  and  had  a  great 
 number  of  inhabitants  in  it.  There  the  multitude  of  men,  with  their  wives  and  children,  met 
 them,  and  exclaimed  loudly  against  them,  and  desired  them  to  be  gone,  and  not  to  envy  them 
 the  advantage  of  an  excellent  commander.  With  these  clamours  Jonathan  and  his  partner? 
 were  greatly  provoked,  although  they  durst  not  shew  their  anger  openly  ;  so  they  made  m 
 answer,  but  went  to  other  villages.  But  still  the  same  clamours  met  them  from  ail  the  people 
 Tvho  said,  "  Nobody  should  persuade  them  to  have  any  other  commander  besides  Josephus.' 
 So  Jonathan  and  his  partners  went  away  from  them  without  success,  and  came  to  Sepphoris, 
 the  greatest  city  of  all  Galilee.  Now  the  men  of  that  city  who  inclined  to  the  Romans  in  tiieit 
 sentiments,  met  them  indeed,  but  neither  pr'Jsed  nor  reproached  me;  and  when  they  were 
 gone  down  from  Sepphoris  to  Asochis,  the  people  of  that  place  made  a  clamour  against  them, 
 as  those  of  Japha  had  done.  Whereupon  they  were  able  to  contain  themselves  no  longer,  but 
 ordered  the  armed  men  that  were  with  them  to  beat  those  thnt  made  the  clamour  with  their 
 clubs.  And  when  they  came  to  Gabara,  John  met  thena  with  three  thousand  armed  men  ;  but, 
 as  I  understood  by  their  letter  that  they  had  resolved  to  fight  against  me,  I  arose  from  Cha- 
 bolo, with  three  thousand  armed  men  also  ;  but  left  in  my  camp  one  of  my  fastest  friends,  and 
 came  to  Jotapata,  as  desirous  to  be  near  them,  the  distance  being  no  more  tlian  forty  fur- 
 longs. Whence  I  wrote  thus  to  them  :  "  If  you  are  very  desirous  that  I  should  come  to  you, 
 you  know  there  are  two  hundred  and  forty  cities  and  villages  in  Galilee:  I  will  come  to  any  of 
 them  which  you  please,  excepting  Gabara  and  Gischala;  the  one  of  which  is  John's  native 
 city,  and  the  other  in  confederacy  and  friendship  with  him." 
 
 46.  When  Jonathan  and  his  partners  had  received  this  letter,  they  wrote  to  me  no  more 
 answers,  but  called  a  council  of  their  friends  together,  and  taking  John  into  their  consultation, 
 they  took  counsel  together  by  what  means  they  might  attack  me.  John's  opinion  was,  that 
 they  should  write  to  all  the  cities  and  villa-jes  that  were  in  Galilee ;  for  tliat  there  must  be 
 certainly  one  or  two  persons  in  everyone  of  them  that  were  at  variance  with  me,  and  that  they 
 be  invited  to  come  to  oppose  me  as  an  enemy.  He  would  also  have  them  send  this  resolution 
 of  theirs  to  the  city  Jerusalem,  that  its  citizens,  upon  the  knowledge  of  my  being  adjudged  to 
 be  an  enemy  by  the  Galileans,  might  themselves  also  confirm  that  determination.  He  said 
 also,  that  when  this  was  done,  even  those  Galileans  who  were  alTected  to  me,  would  desert  me 
 out  of  fear.  When  John  had  given  them  this  counsel,  what  he  had  said  was  very  agreeable 
 to  the  rest  of  them.     I  was  also  made  acquainted  with  these  aflairs  about  the  third  hour  of  the 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  17 
 
 niglit,  b)'  the  means  of  one  Saceheus,  who  had  belonged  to  them,  but  now  deserted  them  and 
 came  over  lo  me,  and  told  me  what  they  were  about  ;  so  I  perceived  that  no  time  was  to  be 
 lost.  Accordin);Iy  I  gave  command  to  Jacob,  an  armed  man  of  my  guard,  wiiom  I  esteemed 
 faithful  to  me,  to  take  two  hundred  men,  and  to  guard  the  passages  that  led  fiom  Gabara  to 
 Galilee,  and  to  seize  upon  the  passengers,  and  send  them  to  me,  especially  such  as  were 
 caught  with  letters  about  them  :  I  also  sent  Jeremias  himself,  one  of  my  friends,  with  six 
 hundred  armed  men,  to  the  borders  of  Galilee,  in  order  to  watch  the  roads  that  led  from  the 
 country  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  gave  him  charge  to  lay  hold  of  such  as  travelled  with 
 letters  about  them,  to  keep  the  men  in  bonds  upon  the  place,  but  to  send  me  the  letters. 
 
 47.  When  I  had  laid  these  commands  upon  them,  I  gave  them  orders,  and  bid  (hem  to  take 
 their  arms  and  bring  three  days'  provision  with  them,  and  be  with  me  the  next  day.  I  also 
 parted  those  tliat  were  about  me  into  four  parts,  and  ordained  those  of  them  that  were  most 
 tiiithful  to  me  to  be  a  guard  to  my  body.  I  also  set  over  them  centurions,  and  commanded 
 them  to  take  care  that  not  a  soldier  whom  they  did  cot  know  should  mingle  himself  among 
 them.  Now,  ou  the  fifth  day  following,  when  I  was  at  Gabaroth,  T  found  the  entire  plain  that 
 was  before  the  villar;e  full  of  armed  men,  who  were  come  out  of  Galilee  to  assist  me  :  many 
 others  of  tiie  multitude,  also,  out  of  the  village,  ran  along  with  me.  But  as  soon  as  I  had 
 taken  my  place,  and  began  to  speak  to  them,  they  all  made  an  acclamation,  and  called  me  the 
 benefactor  and  saviour  of  the  country.  And  when  I  had  made  them  my  acknowledgments, 
 and  thanked  them,  [for  their  affection  to  me,]  I  ah.o  advised  them  to  fight*  with  no  body,  nor 
 to  spoil  the  country,  but  to  pitch  their  tents  in  the  plain,  and  be  content  with  the  sustenance 
 they  had  brought  with  them  :  for  I  told  them  I  had  a  mind  to  compose  these  troubles  without 
 shedding  any  blood.  Now  it  came  to  pass,  that,  on  the  very  same  day,  those  who  were  sent 
 by  John  with  letters,  fell  among  the  guards  whom  I  appointed  to  watch  the  roads,  so  the  men 
 were  themselves  kept  upon  the  place,  as  my  orders  were,  but  I  got  the  letters,  which  were  full 
 of  reproaches  and  lies  ;  and  I  intended  to  fall  upon  these  men,  without  saying  a  word  of  these 
 matters  to  any  body. 
 
 48.  Now,  as  soon  as  Jonathan  and  his  companions  heard  of  my  coming,  they  took  all  their 
 own  friends,  and  John  with  them,  and  retired  to  the  house  of  Jesus,  which  indeed  was  a  large 
 castle,  and  no  way  unlike  a  citadel ;  so  they  privately  laid  a  band  of  armed  men  therein,  aud 
 shut  all  the  doors  but  one,  which  they  kept  open,  and  they  expected  that  I  should  come  out 
 of  the  road  to  them  to  salute  them.  And  indeed  they  had  given  orders  to  the  armed  men, 
 that  when  I  came  they  should  let  no  body  besides  me  come  in,  but  should  exclude  others  ;" 
 as  supposing  that  by  this  means  they  should  easily  get  me  under  their  power  :  but  they  were 
 deceived  in  their  expectation  ;  for  I  perceived  what  snares  they  had  laid  for  me.  Now,  as 
 soon  as  I  was  got  off  my  journey,  I  took  up  my  lodgings  over  against  them,  and  pretended  to 
 be  asleep  ;  so  Jonathan  and  his  party  thinking  that  I  was  really  asleep,  and  at  rest,  made  haste 
 to  go  down  into  the  plain,  to  persuade  the  peo|)le  that  I  was  an  ill  governor.  But  the  matter 
 proved  otherwise  ;  for  upon  their  appearance  there  was  a  cry  made  by  the  Galileans  immedi- 
 ately, declaring  their  good  opinion  of  me  as  their  governor  ;  and  they  m.ade  a  clamour  against 
 Jonathan  and  his  partners,  for  coming  to  them  when  they  had  suffered  no  harm,  and  as  though 
 they  would  overturn  their  happy  settlement;  and  desired  them  by  all  means  to  go  back  again, 
 for  tiiat  they  would  never  be  persuaded  to  have  any  other  to  rule  over  them  but  myself.  When 
 1  heard  of  this,  1  did  not  fear  to  go  down  into  the  midst  of  them  ;  I  went,  therefore,  myself 
 down  presently  to  hear  what  Jonathan  and  his  companions  said.  As  soon  as  1  appeared,  there 
 was  immediately  an  acclamation  made  to  me  by  the  whole  multitude,  and  a  cry  in  my  com- 
 mendation by  them,  who  confessed  their  thanks  were  owing  to  me  for  my  good  government  of 
 them. 
 
 4".(.  When  Jonathan  and  his  companions  heard  this,  they  were  in  fear  of  their  own  lives,  and 
 in  danger  lest  they  should  be  assaulted  by  the  Galileans  on  my  account;  so  they  contrived 
 how  they  might  run  away.  But  as  they  were  not  able  to  get  off,  for  1  desired  them  to  stay, 
 they  looked  with  concejn,  at  my  words  to  them.  I  ordered,  therefore,  the  multitude  to 
 restrain  entirely  their  acclamations,  and  placed  the  most  faithful  of  my  armed  men  upon  the 
 avenues,  lo  be  a  guard  to  us,  lest  John  should  unexpectedly  fall  upon  us  ;  and  I  encouraged 
 the  Galileans  to  take  their  weapons,  lest  they  should  be  disturbed  at  their  enemies,  if  any 
 sudden  assault  should  be  made  upon  them.  And  then,  in  the  first  place,  I  put  Jonathan  aud 
 his  partners  in  miiid  of  their  [former]  letter,  and  after  what  manner  they  had  written  to 
 me,  and  declared  they  were  sent  by  the  common  consent  of  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  to  make 
 up  the  dillerences  I  had  with  John,  and  how  they  had  desired  me  to  come  to  them  ;  and  as  I 
 spake  thus,  I  publicly  shewed  that  letter  they  had  written,  till  they  could  not  at  all  deny  what 
 they  had  done,  the  letter  itself  convicting  them.  I  then  said,  "  O  Jonathan!  and  you  that  are 
 sent  with  him  as  his  collwigues,  if  I  were  to  be  judged  as  to  my  behaviour,  compared  with 
 
 4,  *  •'osep'ms's  directions  to  his  soldiers  hero  are  much  the  stune  that  John  tlic   1'apti.st  giivo,   T.iilip  iiu  H. 
 Uo  vuili'iice  to  lio  man,  neither  accuse  any  falsely,  and  be  content  wtth  your  wages."    Wiieuce  Dr.  Hudson 
 conurms  this  conjecture,  that  Josephus,  in  some  tJiinrs,  was,  even  now,  a  follower  of  John  the  Uautist,  which 
 18  noway  nuprobable.    Sec  the  note,  sect  2. 
 
 1.  c 
 
18  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 that  of  Joliu's,  and  had  brought  no  more  than  two*  or  three  witnesses,  good  men  and  troe,  it 
 is  plain  yoa  had  been  forced,  npon  the  exarniuation  of  their  characters  beforehand,  to  discbarge 
 ihe  accusations  ;  that  therefore  jow  may  be  faiforraed  that  I  have  acted  well  in  the  affairs  of 
 Galilee,  I  think  three  witnesses  too  few  to  be  brought  by  a  man  that  hath  done  as  he  ought  to 
 do  ;  so  I  gave  you  all  these  for  witnesses.  Inquire  of  themt  how  I  have  lived,  and  whether  I 
 have  not  behaved  myself  with  all  decency,  and  after  a  virtuous  manner,  among  them.  And  I 
 farther  conjure  you,  O  Galileans  !  to  hide  no  part  of  the  truth,  but  to  speak  before  these  men 
 as  before  judges,  whether  I  have  in  any  thing  acted  otherwise  than  well." 
 
 50.  While  I  was  thus  speaking,  the  united  voices  of  ail  the  people  joined  together,  and 
 called  me  their  benefactor  and  saviour,  and  attested  to  my  former  behaviour,  and  exhorted  me 
 to  continue  so  to  do  hereafter  ;  and  they  all  said,  npon  their  oaths,  that  their  wives  had  been 
 preserved  free  from  injuries,  and  that  no  one  bad  ever  been  aggrieved  by  me.  After  this,  I 
 read  to  the  Galileans  two  of  those  epistles  which  had  been  sent  by  Jonathan  and  his  col- 
 leagues, and  which  those  whom  I  had  appointed  to  guard  the  road  had  taken,  and  sent  to  me. 
 These  were  full  of  reproaches,  and  of  lies,  as  if  I  had  acted  more  like  a  tyrant  than  a  governor 
 against  thera,  with  many  other  things  besides  therein  contained,  which  wpre  no  better  indeed 
 than  impudent  falsities.  I  also  informed  the  multitude  how  I  came  by  these  letters,  and  that 
 those  who  carried  them  delivered  them  up  voluntarily  ;  for  I  was  not  willing  that  my  enemies 
 should  know  any  thing  of  the  guards  I  had  set,  lest  they  should  be  afraid,  and  leave  oft' 
 writing  hereafter. 
 
 51.  When  the  multitude  heard  those  things,  they  were  greatly  provoked  at  Jonathan  and 
 his  colleagues  that  were  with  him,  and  were  going  to  attack  them,  and  kill  them  ;  and  this 
 tliey  had  certainly  done,  unless  I  had  restrained  the  anger  of  the  Galileans,  and  said.  That  "  I 
 forgave  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  what  was  past,  if  tliey  would  repent,  and  go  to  their  own 
 country,  and  tell  those  who  sent  them  the  truth,  as  to  my  conduct."  When  I  had  said  this,  I 
 let  them  go,  although  I  knew  they  would  do  nothing  of  what  they  had  promised.  But  the 
 multitude  were  very  much  enraged  against  thera,  and  entreated  me  to  give  them  leave  to 
 punish  them  for  their  insolence;  yet  did  I  try  all  methods  to  persuade  them  to  spare  the  men; 
 for  1  knew  that  every  instance  of  sedition  was  pernicious  to  the  public  welfare.  But  the  mul- 
 titude was  too  angry  with  thera  to  be  dissuaded,  and  all  of  them  went  immediately  to  the  house 
 in  which  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  abode.  However,  when  I  perceived  that  their  rage  could 
 not  be  restrained,  1  got  on  horseback,  and  ordered  the  multitude  to  follow  me  to  the  village 
 Sogane,  which  was  twenty  furlongs  ofl"  Gabara  ;  and  by  using  this  stratagem,  I  so  managed 
 myself  as  not  to  appear  to  begin  a  civil  war  amongst  them. 
 
 52.  But  when  I  was  come  near  Sogane,  I  caused  the  multitude  to  make  a  halt,  and  exhorted 
 them  not  to  be  so  easily  provoked  to  anger,  and  to  the  inflicting  such  punishments  as  could  not 
 be  afterwards  recalled  :  I  also  gave  order,  that  a  hundred  men,  who  were  already  in  years,  and 
 were  principal  men  among  them,  sliould  get  themselves  ready  to  go  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 -should  make  a  compl.iiut  before  the  people  of  such  as  raised  seditions  in  the  country.  And  I 
 said  to  them,  that  "  in  case  they  be  moved  with  what  you  say,  you  shall  desire  the  community  to 
 write  to  me,  and  to  enjoin  me  to  continue  in  Galilee,  and  to  order  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues 
 to  depart  out  of  it."  When  I  had  suggested  these  instructions  to  them,  and  while  they  were 
 getting  themselves  ready  as  fast  as  they  could,  I  sent  them  on  this  errand  the  third  day  after 
 they  had  been  assembled  :  I  also  sent  five  hundred  armed  men  with  them  [as  a  guard.]  I 
 then  wrote  to  my  friends  in  Samaria,  to  take  care  that  they  might  safely  pass  through  the 
 country  :  for  Samaria  was  already  under  the  Romans,  and  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  those 
 that  go  quickly  [lo  Jerusalem,]  to  pass  through  that  country  ;  for  in  that  road  you  may,  in 
 three  days'  time,  go  from  Galilee  to  Jerusalem.  I  also  went  myself,  and  conducted  the  old> 
 men  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Galilee,  and  set  guards  in  the  roads,  that  it  might  not  be  easily 
 known  by  any  one  that  these  men  were  gone.  And  when  I  had  thus  done,  I  went  and  abode 
 at  Japha. 
 
 5S.  Now  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  having  failed  of  accomplishing  what  they  would  have 
 done  against  me,  tliey  sent  John  back  to  Gischala,  but  went  themselves  to  the  city  Tiberias, 
 expecting  it  wonld  submit  itself  to  them  ;  and  this  was  founded  on  a  letter  which  Jesus,  their 
 then  governor,  had  written  them,  promising,  that  if  they  came,  the  multitude  would  receive 
 them,  and  choose  to  be  under  their  government ;  so  they  went  their  ways  with  this  expectation. 
 But  Silas  who,  as  I  said,  had  been  left  curator  of  Tiberias  by  me,  informed  me  of  this,  and 
 desired  me  to  make  haste  thither.  Accordingly,  I  complied  with  his  advice  immediately,  and 
 came  thitlier;  but  found  myself  in  danger  of  my  life,  from  the  following  occasion  :  Jonathan 
 and  his  colleagues  had  been  at  Tiberias,  and  had  persuaded  a  great  many  of  such  as  had  a 
 quarrel  with   me  to  desert  me  ;  but  when  they  heard  of  my  coming  they  were  in  fear  for 
 
 *  We  here  learn  the  practice  of  the  .Tews,  in  the  days  of  Josephus,  to  inquire  into  the  characters  of  ^vitnesees 
 hafore  they  were  atlmitte<l,  and  that  their  number  ought  to  be  three,  or  two  at  the  least,  also  exactly  as  in  the 
 law  of  Moses,  and  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  book  ii.  chap.  37.  See  Horeb  Covenant  Revived,  page 
 97,  98. 
 
 +  'J'his  appeal  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Galileans  by  Josephus,  and  the  testimony  they  gave  him  of  integrity 
 in  his  comluct  an  their  povcrnor,  is  very  lilce  that  appeal  and  testimony  in  the  caee  of  the  propnat  Sequel, 
 1  Sam.  xii  1—5,  and  perhaps  was  done  by  Josephus  in  imitation  of  him. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUR.  19 
 
 themselves,  and  came  to  me,  and  when  tliey  had  saluted  me,  (hey  said,  that  I  was  a  happy 
 mau  in  lia\ing  behaved  myself  so  well  in  the  jfovernment  of  Galilee;  and  they  congratulated 
 me  upon  the  honours  that  were  paid  me  :  for  they  said  that  my  ijlory  was  a  credit  to  them, 
 since  they  had  been  my  teachers  and  fellow-citizens  :  and  they  said  farther,  that  it  was  but 
 iust  that  they  should  prefer  my  friendship  to  them  rather  than  John's,  and  that  they  would 
 have  immediately  gone  home,  but  that  they  staid  that  they  might  deliver  up  John  into  my 
 power  :  and  when  they  said  this,  they  took  their  oalhs  of  it,  and  those  such  as  are  most  tre- 
 mendous amongst  us,  and  such  as  I  did  not  think  fit  to  disbelieve.  However,  they  desired 
 1119  to  lodge  somewhere  else  ;  because  the  next  day  was  the  sabbath,  and  that  it  was  not  fit 
 the  city  of  Tiberias  should  be  disturbed  [on  that  day.] 
 
 54.  So  I  suspected  nothing,  and  went  away  to  Taricheae  ;  yet  did  I  withal  leave  some  to 
 make  inquiry  in  the  city  how  matters  went,  and  whether  any  thing  was  said  about  me  :  T  also 
 set  n'any  persons  all  the  way  that  led  from  Tarichea;  to  Tiberias,  that  llicy  might  communicate 
 from  one  to  another,  if  they  learned  any  news  from  those  that  were  left  in  the  city.  On  the 
 next  day,  therefore,  they  all  came  into  the  proseucha  :*  it  was  a  large  edifice,  and  capable  of 
 receiving  a  great  number  of  people  ;  thither  Jonathan  went  in,  and  thongli  he  durst  not  openly 
 speak  of  a  revolt,  yet  did  he  say  that  their  city  stood  in  need  of  a  better  governor  than  it  then 
 had.  But  Jesus,  who  was  the  ruler,  made  no  scruple  to  speak  out,  and  said  openly,  "  O  fel- 
 low-citizens !  it  is  better  for  you  to  be  in  subjection  to  four  than  to  one  ;  and  those  such  as 
 are  of  high  birth,  and  not  without  reputation  for  their  wisdom  ,"  and  pointed  to  Jonathan  and 
 his  colleagues.  Upon  his  saying  this,  Justus  came  in,  and  commended  him  for  what  he  had 
 said,  and  persuaded  some  of  the  people  to  be  of  his  mind  also.  But  the  multitude  were  not 
 pleased  with  what  was  said,  and  had  certainly  gone  into  a  tumult,  unless  the  sixth  hour,  which 
 was  now  come,  had  dissolved  the  assembly,  at  which  hour  our  laws  require  us  to  go  to  dinner 
 on  sabbath  days  ;  so  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  put  oft'  their  council  till  the  next  day,  and 
 went  oft'  without  success.  When  I  was  informed  of  these  affairs,  I  determined  to  go  to  the 
 city  of  Tiberias  in  the  morning.  Accordingly,  on  the  next  day,  about  the  first  hour  of  the  day, 
 I  came  to  Tiberias,  and  found  the  multitude  ready  assembled  in  the  proseucha  ;  but  on  what 
 account  they  were  gotten  together,  those  that  were  assembled  did  not  know.  But,  when 
 Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  saw  them  there  unexpectedly,  tlicy  were  in  disorder;  after  which 
 they  raised  a  report  of  their  own  contrivance,  that  Roman  horsemen  were  seen  at  a  place 
 culled  Union,  in  the  borders  of  Galilee,  thirty  furlongs  distant  from  the  city.  Upon  which 
 report,  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  cunningly  exhorted  me  not  to  neglect  this  matter,  nor  to 
 suffer  the  land  to  be  sjioiled  by  the  enemy.  And  this  thej  said  with  a  design  to  remove  me 
 out  of  the  city,  under  (he  pretence  of  the  want  of  extraordinary  assistance,  while  they  might 
 dispose  of  the  city  to  my  enemy. 
 
 55.  As  for  myself,  although  I  knew  of  their  design,  yet  did  I  comply  witli  what  they  pro- 
 posed, lest  the  people  of  Tiberias  should  have  occasion  to  suppose  that  I  "  is  not  careful  of 
 iheir  security.  I  therefore  went  out ;  but  when  I  was  at  the  place,  I  found  not  the  least  foot- 
 stop  of  an  enemy,  so  I  returned  as  fast  as  ever  1  could,  and  found  the  whole  council 
 assembled,  and  the  body  of  the  people  gotten  together,  and  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  bring- 
 ing vehement  accusations  against  me,  as  one  that  had  no  concern  to  ease  tht;m  of  the  burdens 
 of  war,  and  as  one  that  lived  luxuriously.  And  as  they  were  discoursing  thus,  (hey  produced 
 four  letters  as  written  to  them,  from  some  people  that  lived  at  the  borders  of  Galilee,  imploring 
 that  they  would  come  to  tlieir  assistance,  for  that  there  was  an  army  of  Romans,  both  horse - 
 intn  and  footmen,  who  would  come  and  lay  waste  the  country  on  the  third  day  ;  they  desired 
 tiiem  also  to  make  haste,  and  not  to  overlook  them.  When  the  people  of  Tiberias  heard  this, 
 nicy  thought  they  spake  truth,  imd  made  a  clamour  against  me,  and  said,  I  oiiu,ht  not  to  sit 
 still,  but  to  go  away  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen.  Hereupon  I  said,  (for  I  under- 
 stood the  meaning  of  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues,)  tliat  I  was  ready  to  comply  with  what  they 
 proposed,  and  without  delay  to  march  to  the  war  which  they  spake  of,  yet  did  I  advise  them, 
 at  the  same  time,  that  since  these  letters  declared  that  the  Romans  wou!d  m:  lie  (heir  assault 
 in  four  several  places,  they  should  part  their  forces  into  five  bodii-s,  and  make  Jonathan  and 
 his  colleagues  generals  of  each  body  of  them,  because  it  was  fit  for  brave  men  not  only  to 
 give  counsel,  but  to  take  the  place  of  leaders,  and  assist  their  countryniiu  when  such  a  neces- 
 sity pressed  upon  them  ;  for,  said  I,  it  is  not  possible  for  me  to  lead  more  thnn  one  party. 
 This  advice  of  mine  greatly  pleased  the  midtitude ;  so  they  compelled  them  to  go  forth  to  war. 
 But  their  designs  were  put  into  very  much  disorder,  because  tliey  had  not  done  what  they 
 had  designed  to  do,   on  account  of  my  stratagem,  which  was  opposite  to  their  undertakings. 
 
 5C).  Now  there  was  one  whose  name  was  Ananias,  a  wicked  man  he  was,  and  very  mis- 
 chievous :  he  proposed  that  a  general  religious  fastt  should  be  appointed  the  next  day  for  all 
 people,  and  gave  order  that  at  the  same  hour  they  should    come  to    the   place  without   aiiy 
 
 •  It  is  worth  notii;g  here,  that  there  was  now  a  great  Proseucha,  or  place  of  prayer,  in  the  city  Tiberias 
 itself,  tliouHh  such  I'roseuclise  used  to  be  out  of  cilics,  as  the  synagogues  were  witlirn  them  :  of  them  see  Le 
 Moyue  on  Polycarp's  epistle,  page 76.  It  is  also  worth  our  remark,  that  the  Jews,  in  the  days  of  .rosephu», 
 used  to  dine  at  tlie  sixth  hour,  or  noon  :  and  that  in  ohedmure  to  their  notions  of  tl.-^  law  of  Moses  also. 
 
 +  Oiie  mav  ol)servi-  h.ire,  that  this  lay -Pharisee  Aiiaiijos,  as  we  have  seen  he  was,  sec.  31),  took  ui)on  him  te 
 appoint  a  ftitt  at  Xiborias,  and  whs  obeyed  :  though  indue  1  it  was  not  out  of  rehgion.  but  biaviBh  policy. 
 
20  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVJUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 wcaijons,  to  make  it  manifest  before  God,  that  while  tliey  obtained  bis  assistance,  they  tkoiigb 
 all  these  weapons  useless.  This  he  said,  not  out  of  piety,  but  tbat  they  might  catcli  ine  and  m.v 
 friends  unarmed.  Now,  I  was  hereupon  forced  to  comply,  lest  1  should  appear  to  despise  a 
 proposal  that  tended  to  piety.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  we  were  gone  home,  Jonathan  and  his 
 colleagues  wrote  to  John,  to  come  to  them  in  the  morning,  and  desiring  him  to  come  with  as 
 many  soldiers  as  he  possibly  could,  for  that  they  should  then  be  able  easily  to  get  me  into 
 their  hands,  and  to  do  all  that  they  desired  to  do.  When  John  had  received  this  letter,  he 
 resolved  to  comply  with  it.  As  for  myself,  on  the  next  day,  I  ordered  two  of  the  guards  of 
 iny  body,  whom  I  esteemed  the  most  courageous  and  roost  faithful,  to  hide  daggers  under 
 iheir  garments,  and  to  go  along  with  me,  that  we  might  defend  ourselves,  if  any  attack 
 should  be  made  upon  us  by  our  enemies.  I  also  myself  took  my  breastplate,  and  girt 
 on  my  sword,  so  that  it  might  be,  as  far  as  was  possible,  concealed,  and  came  into  the 
 proseucha. 
 
 57.  Now  Jesus,  who  was  the  ruler,  commanded  that  ihey  should  exclude  all  that  came  with 
 me,  for  he  kept  the  door  himself,  and  suflered  none  but  his  friends  to  go  in.  And  while  we 
 were  engaged  in  the  duties  of  the  day,  and  had  betaken  ourselves  to  our  prayers,  Jesus  got 
 up,  and  inquired  of  me  what  was  become  of  the  vessels  that  were  taken  out  of  the  king's 
 palace,  when  it  was  burnt  down,  [and]  of  that  uncoined  silver,  and  in  whose  possession  they 
 now  were  ?  This  he  said,  in  order  to  drive  away  time  till  John  should  come.  I  said  thiit 
 Capellus,  and  the  ten  principal  men  of  Tiberias,  had  them  all  ;  and  1  told  him  that  he  might 
 ask  them  whether  I  told  a  lie  or  not.  And  when  they  said  they  had  them,  he  asked  me,  What 
 is  become  of  those  twenty  pieces  of  gold  which  thou  didst  receive  upon  the  sale  of  a  certain 
 weight  of  uncoined  money  ?  I  replied,  that  I  had  given  them  to  those  ambassadors  of  theirs, 
 as  a  maintenance  for  them,  when  they  were  sent  by  them  to  Jerusalem.  So  Jonathan  and  his 
 colleagues  said,  that  I  had  not  done  well  to  pay  the  ambassadors  out  of  the  public  money. 
 And,  when  the  multitude  were  very  angry  at  them  for  this,  for  they  perceived  the  wickedness 
 of  the  men,  I  understood  that  a  tumult  was  going  to  arise,  and  being  desirous  not  lo  provoke 
 the  public  to  great  rage  against  the  men,  I  said,  "  Bat  if  I  have  not  done  well  in  paying  our 
 ambassadors  out  of  tlie  public  stock,  leave  off  your  anger  at  rae,  for  I  will  repay  the  twenty 
 pieces  of  gold  myself." 
 
 58.  When  I  had  said  this,  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues  held  their  peace  ;  but  the  people 
 were  still  more  irritated  against  them,  upon  their  openly  shewing  their  unjust  ill-will  to  me. 
 When  Jesus  saw  this  change  on  the  people,  he  ordered  them  to  depart,  but  desired  the  senate 
 to  stay,  for  that  they  could  not  examine  things  of  such  a  nature  in  tumult ;  and,  as  the  people 
 wore  crying  out  that  they  would  not  leave  me  alone,  there  came  one  and  told  Jesus  and  his 
 friend  privately,  that  John  and  his  armed  men  were  at  hand  :  whereupon  Jonathan  and  his 
 colleagues,  being  able  lo  contain  themselves  no  longer,  (and  perhaps  the  providence  of  God 
 hereby  procuring  my  deliverance,  for,  had  not  this  been  so,  I  had  certainly  been  destroyed  by 
 John,)  said,  "  O  you  people  of  Tiberias  !  leave  off  this  inquiry  about  the  twenty  pieces  of 
 gold,  for  Josephns  hath  not  deserved  to  die  for  them  ;  but  he  hath  deserved  it  by  his  desire 
 of  tyrannizing,  and  by  cheating  the  multitude  of  the  Galileans  with  his  speeches,  in  order  lo 
 gain  the  dominion  over  them."  When  he  had  said  this,  they  presently  laid  hands  upon  me, 
 and  endeavoured  to  kill  me  :  but,  as  soon  as  those  that  were  with  me  saw  what  they  did, 
 they  drew  their  swords,  and  threatened  to  smite  them,  if  they  offered  any  violence  lo  me. 
 The  people  also  took  up  stones,  and  were  about  to  throw  them  at  Jonathan  ;  and  so  they 
 snatched  me  from  the  violence  of  my  enemies. 
 
 69.  But,  as  I  was  going  out  a  little  way,  I  was  just  upon  meeting  John,  who  was  marching 
 with  his  armed  men.  So  I  was  afraid  of  him,  and  turned  aside,  and  escaped  by  a  narrow 
 passage  to  the  lake,  and  seized  on  a  ship,  and  embarked  in  it,  and  sailed  over  to  Taricheae.  So, 
 beyond  my  expectation,  I  escaped  this  danger.  Whereupon  I  presently  sent  for  the  chief  of 
 the  Galileans,  and  told  them  after  what  manner,  against  all  faith  given,  I  had  been  very  near 
 to  destruction  from  Jonathan  and  his  colleagues,  and  the  people  of  Tiberias.  Upon  which  the 
 multitude  of  the  Galileans  were  very  angry,  and  encouraged  me  to  delay  no  longer  to  make 
 war  upon  them,  but  to  permit  them  to  go  against  John,  and  utteily  to  destroy  him,  as  well  as 
 Jonathan  and  his  colleagues.  However,  I  restrained  them,  though  they  were  in  such  a  rage, 
 and  desired  them  to  tarry  a  while,  till  we  should  be  informed  what  orders  those  ambassadors, 
 that  were  sent  by  them  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  should  bring  thence  ;  for  I  told  them  it  was 
 best  for  them  to  act  according  to  their  determination :  whereupon  they  were  prevailed  on.  At 
 which  time  also,  John,  when  the  snares  he  had  laid  did  not  take  effect,  returned  back  to 
 Gischala. 
 
 CO.  Now,  in  a  few  days,  those  ambassadors  wliom  he  had  sent,  came  back  again  and 
 informed  us,  that  the  people  were  greatly  provoked  at  Ananus,  and  Simon  the  son  of  Gama- 
 liel, and  their  friends,  that,  without  any  public  determination,  they  had  sent  to  Galilee,  and 
 had  done  their  endeavours  that  I  might  be  turned  out  of  the  government.  The  ambassadors 
 said  farther,  that  the  people  were  ready  to  burn  their  houses.  They  also  brought  letters, 
 whereby  the  chief  men  of  Jerusalem,  at  the  earnest  petition  of  the  people,  confirmed  me  in  the 
 governinent  of  Galilee,   and   enjoined  Jonatnan   and  his  coUeagnes  to  rctitrn  home  <]uicklT. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  21 
 
 When  I  had  goUeii  these  letters,  I  came  to  the  vjilagc  Arbella,  where  I  procured  an  asseroblj 
 of  the  Galileans  to  meet,  and  bid  the  ambassadors  declare  to  them  llie  anger  of  the  people  of 
 Jerusalem  at  what  had  been  done  by  Joualhan  and  his  colleagues,  and  how  much  they  haled 
 their  wicked  doings,  and  how  they  had  confirmed  me  in  the  government  of  their  country,  as 
 also  what  related  to  the  order  they  had  in  writing  for  Joualhan  and  Ids  colleagues  to  return 
 Lome.  So  I  immediately  sent  them  the  letter,  and  bid  him  that  carried  it  to  inquire,  as  well 
 as  he  could,  how  they  intended  to  act  [on  this  occasion.] 
 
 01.  Now,  when  they  had  received  that  letter,  and  weje  thereby  greatly  disturbed,  they 
 sent  for  John,  and  for  the  senators  of  Tiberias,  and  for  the  principal  men  of  the  Gabarens,  and 
 proposed  to  hold  a  council,  and  desired  them  to  consider  what  was  to  be  done  by  them.  How- 
 ever, the  governors  of  Tiberias  were  greatly  disposed  to  keep  the  government  to  themselves  . 
 for  they  said  it  was  not  fit  to  desert  the  city,  now  it  was  committed  to  their  trust,  and  that 
 otherwise  I  should  not  delay  to  fall  upon  them  ;  for  they  pretended  falsely  that  so  I  had 
 threatened  to  do.  Now  John  was  not  only  of  their  opinion,  but  advised  them,  that  two  or 
 them  should  go  to  accuse  me  before  the  multitude  [at  Jerusalem,]  that  I  did  not  manage  the 
 afl'airs  of  Galilee  as  I  ought  to  do  ;  and  that  they  would  easily  persuade  the  people,  because  of 
 Ihcir  dignity,  and  because  the  whole  multitude  are  very  mutable.  When,  therefore,  it  appeared 
 that  John  had  suggested  the  wisest  ailvice  to  them,  they  resolved  that  two  of  them,  Jonathan 
 and  Ananias,  should  go  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  other  two  [.Simon  and  Joazar] 
 should  be  left  behind  to  tarry  at  Tiberias.  They  also  took  along  with  them  a  hundred  soldiers 
 for  their  guard. 
 
 62.  However,  the  governors  of  Tiberias  took  care  to  have  their  city  secured  with  walls, 
 and  commanded  their  inhabitants  to  lake  their  arms.  They  also  sent  for  a  great  many  soldiers 
 from  John  to  assist  them  against  me,  if  there  should  be  occasion  for  thom.  Now  John  was  at 
 Gischala  ;  Jonathan,  therefore,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  when  they  were  departed  from 
 Tiberias,  and  as  soon  as  they  were  come  to  Dabaritta,  a  village  that  liy  in  the  utmost  parts  of 
 Galilee,  in  the  great  plain,  they,  about  midnight,  fell  among  the  guards  I  had  set,  who  both 
 commanded  them  to  lay  aside  their  weapons,  and  kept  them  in  bonds  upon  the  place,  as  I  had 
 charged  them  to  do.  This  news  was  written  to  me  by  Levi,  who  had  the  command  of  that  guard 
 committed  to  him  by  me.  Hereupon  I  said  nothing  of  it  for  two  days  ;  and,  pretending  to 
 know  nothing  about  it,  I  sent  a  message  to  the  people  of  Tiberias,  and  advised  them  to  lay 
 their  arms  aside,  and  to  dismiss  their  men,  that  they  might  go  home.  But  supposing  that 
 Jonathan,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  were  already  arrived  at  Jerusalem,  they  made 
 reproachful  answers  to  me  ;  yet  was  I  not  terrified  thereby,  but  contrived  another  stratagem 
 against  them,  for  I  did  not  think  it  agreeable  with  piety  to  kindle  the  lire  of  war  against  the 
 oiti/.ens.  As  I  was  desirous  to  draw  those  men  away  from  Tiberias,  I  chose  out  ten  thousand 
 of  the  best  of  my  armed  men,  and  divided  them  into  three  bodies,  and  ordered  them  to  go 
 privately,  and  lie  still  as  an  ambush,  in  the  villages.  I  also  led  a  thousand  into  another  village, 
 which  lay  indeed  in  the  mountains,  as  did  the  others,  but  only  four  furlongs  distant  from 
 Tiberias,  and  gave  order,  that,  when  they  saw  my  signal,  they  should  come  down  immediately, 
 while  I  myself  lay  with  my  soldiers  in  the  sight  of  every  body.  Hereupon  the  people  of 
 Tiberias,  at  the  sight  of  me,  came  running  out  of  the  city  perpetually,  and  abused  me  greatly. 
 Nay,  their  madness  was  come  to  that  height,  that  they  made  a  decent  bier  for  me,  and, 
 standing  about  it,  they  mourned  over  me  in  the  way  of  jest  and  sport  :  and  I  could  not  but 
 be  myself  in  a  pleasant  humour  upon  the  sight  of  this  madness  of  theirs. 
 
 03.  And  now  being  desirous  to  catch  Simon  by  a  wile,  and  Joa/.ar  with  him,  I  sent  a 
 message  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  a  little  way  out  of  the  city,  with  many  of  their 
 friends  to  guard  them  ;  for  I  said  I  would  come  down  to  them,  and  make  a  league  with  them, 
 and  divide  the  government  of  Galilee  with  them.  Accordingly,  Simon  was  deluded  on  account 
 of  his  imprudence,  and  out  of  the  hopes  of  gain,  and  did  not  delay  to  come;  but  Joazar, 
 suspecting  snares  were  laid  for  him,  staid  behind.  So,  when  Simon  was  come  out,  arid  his 
 friends  with  him  for  bis  guard,  I  met  him,  and  saluted  him  with  great  civility,  and  professed 
 that  I  was  obliged  to  him  for  his  coming  up  to  me ;  but  a  little  while  afterward  I  walked  along 
 with  him,  as  though  I  would  say  something  to  him  by  himself,  and,  when  I  had  drawn  him  a 
 good  way  from  Uh  friends,  I  took  him  about  the  middle,  and  gave  him  to  my  friends  that 
 were  with  me,  to  carry  him  into  a  village  ;  and,  commanding  my  armed  men  to  come  down,  I 
 with  them  made  an  assault  upon  Tiberias.  Now,  as  the  light  grew  hot  on  both  sides,  and  the 
 soldiers  belonging  to  Tiberias  were  in  a  fair  way  to  con(|uer  me,  (for  my  armed  men  were 
 already  (led  away,)  I  saw  (he  posture  of  my  aH'airs,  and,  encouraging  those  that  were  with 
 me,  1  pursued  those  of  Tiberias,  even  when  they  were  already  conquerors,  into  the  city.  I 
 also  sent  another  band  of  soldiers  into  the  city  by  the  lake,  and  gave  them  orders  to  set  ou 
 lire  the  (irst  house  they  could  seize  upon.  When  this  was  done,  the  people  of  Tiberias  thought 
 that  their  city  was  taken  by  force,  and  so  threw  down  their  arms  for  fear,  and  implored,  they, 
 their  wives  and  children,  that  I  would  spare  their  city.  So  I  was  over-persuaded  by  their 
 entreaties,  and  restrained  the  soldiers  from  the  vehemency  with  which  they  jmrsued  them  ; 
 while  I  mjseli,  upon  the  coming  on  of  the  evening,  returned  back  with  my  soldiers,  and  went 
 to  rclresli  myself.     I  also  invited  Siuion  to  sup  with   mc,   and  comforted  hiui  ou  occasiou  of 
 
22  THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIL'S  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 ■wliAt  liad  L'lppened  ;  and  I  promised  tbat  I  would  send  bim  safe  and  secure  to  Jerusalem,  and 
 wiihal  would  give  him  provision  for  Lis  journey  tbither- 
 
 61.  But,  oa  tLe  next  dny,  I  brought  ten  tbousand  ineu  with  me,  and  came  to  Tiberias.  I 
 then  sent  for  the  principal  men  of  the  multitude  into  the  public  place,  and  enjoined  them  to 
 tell  we  who  were  the  autliors  of  the  revolt ;  and  when  they  had  told  me  who  the  men  were,  I 
 stilt  them  bound  to  the  city  Jotapala.  But,  as  to  Jonathan  and  Ananias,  I  freed  them  from 
 their  bonds,  and  gave  them  provisions  for  their  journey,  together  with  Simon  and  Joazar,  and 
 five  hundred  armed  meu  who  should  guard  them,  and  so  I  sent  them  to  Jerusalem.  The  peo- 
 ple of  Tiberias  also  came  to  me  again,  and  desired  that  I  would  forgive  them  for  what  they 
 Lad  done,  and  they  said  they  would  amend  what  tliey  had  done  amiss,  with  regard  to  me,  by 
 their  fidelity  for  the  time  to  come  ;  and  they  besought  me  to  preserve  what  spoils  remained 
 upon  the  plunder  of  the  city,  for  those  that  had  lost  them.  Accordingly,  I  enjoined  those  that 
 Lad  got  them,  to  bring  them  all  before  us  ;  and  when  they  did  not  comply  for  a  great  while, 
 and  1  saw  one  of  the  soldiers  that  were  about  me  with  a  garment  on  that  was  more  splendid 
 than  ordinary,  I  asked  him  whence  he  had  it,  and  he  replied  that  he  had  it  out  of  the  plunder 
 of  the  city  ;  I  had  him  punished  with  stripes,  and  1  threatened  all  the  rest  to  inflict  a  severer 
 punishment  upon  them,  unless  they  produced  before  us  whatsoever  they  had  plundered  ;  and 
 when  a  great  many  spoils  were  brought  together,  I  restored  to  every  one  of  Tiberias  what 
 they  claimed  to  be  their  own. 
 
 C5.  And  now  I  am  come  to  this  part  of  my  narration,  I  have  a  mind  to  say  a  few  things  to 
 Justus,  who  hath  himself  written  a  history  coucerning  these  affairs,  as  also  to  othurs  who  pro- 
 fess to  write  history,  but  have  little  regard  to  truth,  and  are  not  afraid,  either  out  of  ill-will  or 
 good-will  to  some  persons,  to  relate  falsehoods.  These  men  do  like  those  who  compose  forged 
 deeds  and  conveyances  ;  and  because  they  are  not  brought  to  the  like  punishment  with  them, 
 they  have  no  regard  to  truth.  When,  therefore,  Justus  undertook  to  write  about  these  facts, 
 and  about  the  Jewish  war,  that  he  might  appear  to  have  been  an  industrious  man,  be  falsified 
 in  what  he  related  about  rae,  and  could  not  speak  truth  even  about  his  own  country  ;  whence 
 it  is,  that,  being  belied  by  him,  I  am  under  a  necessity  to  make  my  defence  ;  and  so  I  shall 
 say  what  I  have  concealed  till  now.  And  let  no  one  wonder  that  I  have  not  told  the  world 
 these  things  a  great  while  ago.  For  although  it  be  necessary  for  an  historian  to  write  the  truth, 
 yet  is  such  a  one  not  bound  severely  to  animadvert  on  the  wickedness  of  certain  men,  not  out 
 of  any  favour  to  them,  but  out  of  an  author's  own  moderation.  How,  then,  comes  it  to  pass, 
 O  Justus  !  thou  most  sagacious  of  writers,  (that  I  may  address  myself  to  him  as  if  be  were 
 here  present,)  for  so  thou  boastest  of  thyself,  tbat  I  and  the  Galileans  have  been  the  authors  of 
 that  sedition  which  thy  country  engaged  in,  both  against  the  Romans  and  against  the  kin^ 
 [Agrippa  junior  ?]  For,  before  ever  1  was  appointed  governor  of  Galilee  by  the  community  of 
 Jerusalem,  both  thou  and  all  the  people  of  Tiberias  had  not  only  taken  up  arms,  but  had  made 
 war  with  Decapolis  of  Syria.  Accordingly,  thou  hadsl  ordered  their  villages  to  be  burnt,  and 
 a  domestic  servant  of  mine  fell  in  the  battle.  Nor  is  it  I  only  who  say  this  ;  but  so  it  is  written 
 in  the  Commentaries  of  Vespasian  the  emperor,  as  also  how  the  inhabitants  of  Decapolis  came 
 claniouriug  to  Vespasian  at  Ftoleniais,  and  desired  that  thou,  who  wast  the  author  [of  that 
 war,]  mightest  be  brought  to  punishment.  And  thou  hadst  certainly  been  punished  at  the  com- 
 mand of  Vespasian,  had  not  king  Agrippa,  who  had  power  given  him  to  Lave  thee  put  to  death, 
 at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his  sister  Bernice,  changed  the  punishment  from  death  into  a  long 
 imprisonment.  Thy  political  administration  of  aftairs  afterward  doth  also  clearly  discover,  both 
 thy  own  behaviour  in  life,  and  that  thou  wast  the  occasion  of  thy  conntry's  revolt  from  the 
 Romans;  plain  signs  of  which  I  shall  produce  presently.  I  have  also  a  mind  to  say  a  few 
 things  to  the  rest  of  th«  penple  of  Tiberias  on  thy  account,  and  to  demonstrate  to  those  that 
 light  upon  this  history,  that  you  bare  no  good-will,  neither  to  the  Romans,  nor  to  the  king.  To 
 be  sure,  the  greatest  cities  of  Galilee,  O  Justus!  were  Scpphoris,  and  thy  country  Tiberias. 
 Bat  Sepphoris,  situated  in  the  very  midst  of  Galilee,  and  having  many  villages  about  it,  and 
 able,  with  ease,  to  have  been  bold  and  troublesome  to  the  Romans,  if  they  had  so  pleased,  yet 
 did  it  resolve  to  continue  faithful  to  those  their  masters,  and  at  the  same  time  excluded  me  out 
 of  their  city,  and  prohibited  all  their  citizens  from  joining  with  the  Jews  in  the  war,  and  that 
 they  might  be  out  of  danger  from  me,  they  by  a  wile  got  leave  of  me  to  fortify  their  city  with 
 wails  ;  they  also,  of  their  own  accord,  admitted  of  a  garrison  of  Roman  legions,  sent  them  by 
 Cestius  Gallus,  who  was  then  president  of  Syria,  and  so  had  me  in  contempt,  though  I  was 
 then  very  powerful,  and  all  were  greatly  afraid  of  me  ;  and  at  the  same  time  that  the  greatest 
 of  our  cities,  Jerusalem,  was  besieged,  and  that  temple  of  ours,  which  belonged  to  us  all,  was 
 in  danger  of  falling  under  the  enemy's  power,  they  sent  no  assistance  thither,  as  not  willing  to 
 have  it  thought  they  would  bear  arms  against  the  Romans.  But  as  for  thy  country,  O  Justus  ! 
 situated  upon  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  and  distant  from  Hippos  thirty  furlongs,  from  Gadara 
 sixty,  and  from  Scythopolis,  which  was  under  the  king's  jurisdiction,  a  hundred  and  twenty, 
 when  there  was  no  Jewish  city  near,  it  might  easily  have  preserved  its  fidelity  [to  the  Romans,] 
 if  it  had  so  pleased  them  to  do  ;  for  the  city  and  its  people  had  plenty  of  weapons.  But  as 
 thou  sayest,  I  was  then  the  author  [of  their  revolt.]  And  pray,  O  Justus  !  who  was 
 that  author  n/terwarJs  ?     For  thou  knowest  that  I  was  in  the  power  of  the  Romans  befoM 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS.  23 
 
 Jernsaleni  wns  besieged,  and  before  tbe  same  time  Jotapata  was  taken  by  force,  as  well  as 
 many  olber  fortresses,  and  a  great  many  of  l!ie  Galileans  fell  in  tbe  war.  It  was  therefore  then 
 a  proper  time,  when  you  were  certainly  freed  from  any  fear  on  my  account,  to  throw  away 
 your  weapons,  and  to  demonstrate  to  the  king  and  to  the  Romans,  that  it  was  not  of  choice, 
 bat  as  forced  by  necessity,  that  you  fell  into  the  war  against  them  ;  but  yon  staid  till  Vespasian 
 came  himself  as  far  as  your  walls  with  liis  whole  army,  and  then  yon  did  indeed  lay  aside  your 
 weapons  out  of  fear,  and  your  city  had  for  certain  been  taken  by  force,  unless  Vespasian  had 
 complied  with  the  king's  supplication  for  you,  and  had  excused  your  madness.  It  was  not  I, 
 therefore,  who  was  the  author  of  this,  but  your  own  inclioaliuns  to  war.  Do  not  yon  remem- 
 ber bow  often  I  got  you  under  ray  power,  and  yet  put  none  of  you  to  death'  nay,  you  once 
 fell  into  a  tumult  one  against  another,  and  slew  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  of  your  citizens, 
 not  on  account  of  your  good-will  to  the  king  and  to  the  Romans,  but  on  account  of  your  own 
 wickedness,  and  this  while  I  was  besieged  by  the  Romans  in  Jotapata.  Nay,  indeed,  were 
 there  not  reckoned  up  two  thousand  of  the  people  of  Tiberias  during  tbe  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
 some  of  whom  were  slain,  and  the  rest  caught  and  carried  captives  ?  But  thou  wilt  pretend 
 that  thou  didst  not  engage  in  the  war,  since  thou  didst  flee  to  the  king.  Yes,  indeed,  thou 
 didst  flee  to  him  ;  but  I  say  it  was  out  of  fear  of  me.  Thou  sayest,  indeed,  that  it  is  I  who 
 am  a  wicked  man.  But  then,  for  what  reason  was  it  that  king  Agrippa,  who  procured  thee 
 thy  life  when  thou  wast  condemned  to  die  by  Vespasian,  and  who  bestowed  so  much  riches 
 upon  thee,  did  twice  afterward  put  thee  into  bonds,  and  as  often  obliged  thee  to  run  away 
 from  thy  country,  and,  when  he  had  once  ordered  thee  to  be  put  to  death,  he  granted  thee  a 
 pardon  at  the  earnest  request  of  Bernice?  and  when  (after  so  many  of  thy  wicked  pranks)  be 
 had  made  thee  his  secretary,  he  caught  thee  falsifying  his  epistles,  and  drove  thee  away  from 
 liis  sight.  But  I  shall  not  inquire  accurately  into  these  matters  of  scandal  against  thee.  Yet 
 cannot  I  but  wonder  at  thy  impudence,  when  thou  hast  the  assurance  to  say,  that  thou  hast 
 better  related  these  [affairs  of  the  war]  than  have  all  the  others  that  have  written  about  them, 
 whilst  thou  didst  not  know  what  was  done  in  Galilee  ;  for  thou  wast  then  at  Berytus  with  the 
 king  ;  nor  didst  thou  know  bow  much  the  Romans  sulVered  at  the  siege  of  Jotapata,  or  what 
 miseries  they  brought  upon  us  ;  nor  couldst  thou  learn  by  inquiry  what  I  did  daring  that 
 siege  myself;  for  all  those  that  might  afford  such  information  were  quite  destroyed  in  that 
 siege.  But  perhaps  thoa  wilt  say,  thou  hast  written  of  what  was  done  against  the  people  of 
 Jerusalem  exactly.  But  how  should  that  be  ?  for  neither  wast  thou  concerned  in  that  war, 
 nor  bast  tliou  read  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar  ;  of  which  we  have  evident  proof,  because  thon 
 bast  contradicted  those  Commentaries  of  C^sar  in  thy  history.  But  if  thou  art  so  hardy 
 as  to  aflirm,  that  thou  bast  written  that  history  better  tlian  all  the  rest,  why  dit-st  thou 
 not  publish  thy  history  while  the  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus,  the  generals  in  that  war,  as 
 wefl  as  king  Agrippa  and  his  family,  who  were  men  very  well  skilled  in  the  learning  of  the 
 Greeks,  were  all  alive?  for  thou  hadst  it  written  these  twenty  years,  and  then  mightest  thou 
 have  had  the  testimony  of  thy  accuracy.  But  now,  when  these  men  are  no  longer  with  us, 
 and  thou  thinkest  thou  canst  not  be  contradicted,  thou  venturest  to  publish  it.  But  then  I  was 
 not  in  like  manner  afraid  of  mine  own  writing,  but  I  offered  my  books  to  the  empcrois  them- 
 selves when  the  facts  were  almost  under  men's  eyes ;  for  I  wiis  conscious  to  myself,  that  I  had 
 observed  the  truth  of  the  facts  ;  and  as  I  expected  to  have  their  attestation  to  them,  so  I  vtas 
 not  deceived  in  such  expectation.  Moreover,  I  immediately  presented  my  history  to  many 
 other  persons,  some  of  whom  were  concerned  in  the  war,  as  was  king  Agiippa  and  some  of  his 
 kindred.  Now  the  emperor  Titus  was  so  desirous  that  the  knowledge  of  these  affairs  should 
 be  laken  from  these  books  ilone,  that  be  subscribed  his  own  hand  to  them,  and  ordered  that 
 they  should  be  published  ;  and  for  Agrippa,  he  wrote  me  sixty-two  letters,  and  attested  to  the 
 truth  of  what  I  had  therein  delivered  ;  two  of  which  letters  I  have  here  subjoined,  and  thou 
 mayest  thereby  know  tiieir  contents.  "  King  Agrippa  to  Josephus,  his  dear  friend,  sendetli 
 greeting.  I  have  read  over  thy  book  with  great  pleasure,  and  it  appears  to  me,  that  thou  hast 
 done  it  inach  more  accurately,  and  with  greater  care,  than  have  the  other  writers.  Send  me 
 the  rest  if  these  books.  Farewell,  my  dear  friend." — "  King  Agrippa  to  Josephus,  his  dear 
 friend,  ii^ndeth  greeting.  It  seems  by  what  thou  hast  written,  that  thou  staiidest  in  need  of  no. 
 instructim,  in  order  to  our  information  from  the  beginning.  However,  when  thou  comest  to 
 tne,  I  w'\lj  inform  thee  of  a  great  many  things  which  thou  dost  not  know."  So  when  this  his- 
 tory was  perfected,  Agrippa,  neither  by  way  of  flattery,  which  was  not  agreeable  to  him,  nor 
 by  way  (T  irony,  as  thou  wilt  say,  (for  he  was  entirely  a  stranger  to  such  an  evil  disposition 
 of  mind,)  but  be  wrote  this  by  way  of  attestation  to  what  was  true,  as  all  that  read  histories 
 i?.ay  do.  And  so  much  sball  be  said  concerning  Justus,*  which  I  am  obliged  to  add  by  way 
 of  digression. 
 
 •  The  character  of  this  history  of  Justus  of  Tiberias,  the  rival  of  our  Josephus,  -nhirh  is  now  lost,  with  its 
 A^  '■'L'^^ioinij'  fragment,  are  given  us  by  a  very  able  critic,  Photius,  who  read  that  history.  It  is  in  the  35d 
 code  of  Ins  I'libliotheca,  and  runs  thus:—"  I  have  read  (says  Photius)  the  Chronology  of  Justus  of  J'iberias, 
 whose  title  is  this,  [I'/ie  Chrmology  i/]  the  Kh:i/s  of  Jndah  7c/iic/i  succeeded  mie  another.  This  [Justus]  canvj  out 
 ot  tlie  city  libeiias  in  Galilee.  He  bepins  bis  history  from  Moses,  and  ends  it  not  till  the  death  of  Agrirp* 
 tne  seyeiXh  [ruler]  of  the  family  of  IJtrod,  and  the  last  king  of  the  Jews  ;  who  took  the  govemnient  under 
 S'* ,'..  "'"'  "^^  't  augmented  under  f>'cro,  and  etill  more  augmented  by  Vespasian.  lie  died  in  the  third  year 
 01  irajan,  where  also  his  history  ends,    lie  is  very  concise  ia  his  language,  and  slightly  passes  over  those 
 
24  THE   LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 66.  Now,  when  I  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Tiberias,  and  bad  assembled  my  friends  aa  a 
 Sunliedrira,  I  consulted  what  I  should  do  as  to  John.  Whereupon  it  appeared  to  be  the  opi- 
 nion of  all  the  Galileans,  that  I  should  arm  them  all,  and  march  against  John,  and  punish  him 
 as  the  author  of  all  the  disorders  that  had  happened.  Yet  was  I  not  pleased  with  their  deter- 
 mination, as  purposing  to  compose  these  tioubles  without  bloodshed.  Upon  this  I  exhorted 
 them  to  use  the  utmost  care  to  learn  the  names  of  all  that  were  under  John ;  which  when  they 
 Lad  done,  and  I  thereby  was  apprized  who  the  men  were,  I  published  an  edict,  wherein  I 
 ollered  security  and  my  right-hand  to  such  of  John's  party  as  had  a  mind  to  repent ;  and  I 
 allowed  twenty  days'  time  to  such  as  would  take  this  most  advantageous  course  for  themselves. 
 I  also  threatened,  that,  unless  they  threw  down  their  arms,  I  would  burn  their  houses,  and 
 expose  their  goods  to  public  sale.  When  the  men  heard  of  this,  they  were  in  no  small  dis- 
 order, and  deserted  John  ;  and  to  the  numbtr  of  four  thousand  threw  down  their  arms  and 
 came  to  me.  So  that  no  others  staid  with  John  hut  his  own  citizens,  and  about  fifteen  hundred 
 strangers,  that  came  from  the  metropolis  of  Tyre  ;  and  when  John  saw  that  he  had  been  out- 
 witted by  my  stratagem,  he  continued  afterward  in  his  own  country,  and  was  in  great  fear 
 of  me. 
 
 67.  But  about  this  time  it  was  that  the  people  of  Sepphoris  grew  insolent,  and  took  up  arms, 
 out  of  a  confidence  they  had  in  the  strength  of  their  walls,  and  because  they  saw  me  engaged 
 in  other  affairs  also.  So  they  sent  to  Cestius  Gallus,  who  was  president  of  Syria,  and  desired 
 that  he  would  either  come  quickly  to  them,  and  take  their  city  under  his  protection,  or  send 
 them  a  garrison.  Accordingly  Gallus  promised  them  to  come,  but  did  not  send  word  when  he 
 would  come  ;  and,  when  I  had  learned  so  much,  I  took  the  soldiers  that  were  with  me,  and 
 made  an  assault  upon  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  and  took  the  city  by  force.  The  Galileans  took 
 this  opportunity,  as  thinking  they  had  now  a  proper  time  for  shewing  their  hatred  to  them, 
 since  they  bore  ill-will  to  that  city  also.  Then  they  exerted  themselves,  as  if  they  would 
 destroy  them  all  utterly,  with  those  that  sojourned  there  also.  So  they  ran  upon  them,  and 
 set  their  houses  on  fire,  as  finding  them  withont  inhabitants  ;  for  the  men,  out  of  fear,  ran 
 together  to  the  citadel.  So  the  Galileans  carried  off"  every  thing,  and  omitted  no  kind  of  deso- 
 lation which  they  could  bring  upon  their  countrymen.  When  I  saw  this  I  was  exceedingly 
 troubled  at  it,  and  commanded  them  to  leave  off,  and  put  them  in  mind  tliat  it  was  not  agree- 
 able to  piety  to  do  such  things  to  their  conntrymen  ;  but  since  they  neither  would  hearken  to 
 what  I  exhorted,  nor  to  what  1  commanded  them  to  do,  ( for  the  hatred  they  bore  to  the  peo- 
 ple there  was  too  hard  for  my  exhortations  to  them,)  1  hid  those  my  friends,  who  were  most 
 faithful  to  me,  and  were  about  me,  to  give  out  reports,  as  if  the  Romans  were  falling  upon  the 
 other  part  of  the  city  with  a  great  army  ;  and  this  I  did,  that,  by  such  a  report  being  spread 
 abroad,  I  might  restrain  the  violence  of  the  Galileans,  and  preserve  the  city  of  Sepphoris.  And 
 at  length  this  stratagem  had  its  effect ;  for,  upon  hearing  this  report,  they  were  in  fear  for 
 themselves,  and  so  they  left  off  plundering,  and  ran  away  ;  and  this  more  especially,  bec-iuse 
 they  saw  me,  their  general,  do  the  same  aho,  fdr,  that  I  might  caus«  this  report  to  be  believed, 
 I  pretended  to  be  in  fear  as  well  as  they.  Thus  were  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris  unexpectedly 
 jireserved  by  this  contrivance  of  mine. 
 
 08.  Nay,  indeed,  Tiberias  had  like  to  have  been  plundered  by  the  Galileans  also,  upon  the 
 following  occasion  : — The  chief  men  of  the  senate  wrote  to  the  king,  and  desired  that  he  would 
 come  to  them,  and  take  possession  of  their  city.  The  king  promised  to  come,  and  wrote  a 
 letter  in  answer  to  theirs,  and  gave  il  to  one  of  his  bedchamber,  wliose  name  was  Crispus, 
 and  who  was  by  birth  a  Jew,  to  carry  it  to  Tiberias.  "^  hen  the  Galileans  knew  that  this  man 
 carried  such  a  letter,  they  caught  hira,  and  brouglit  him  to  me  ;  but  as  soon  as  the  whole  multi- 
 tude beard  of  it,  they  were  enraged,  and  betook  themselves  to  their  arras.  So  a  great  many 
 of  them  got  together  from  all  quarters  the  next  day,  and  came  to  the  city  of  Asochis,  where  I 
 then  lodged,  and  made  heavy  clamours,  and  called  the  city  of  Tiberias  a  traitor  to  them,  and  a 
 friend  to  the  king;  and  desired  leave  of  me  to  go  down,  and  utterly  destroy  it  j  for  they  bore 
 the  like  ill-will  to  the  people  of  Tiberias  as  they  did  to  those  of  Sepphoris. 
 
 09.  When  I  heard  this,  I  was  in  doubt  what  to  do,  and  hesitated  by  what  means  I  might 
 deliver  Tiberias  from  the  rage  of  the  Galileans  >  for  I  could  not  deny  that  those  of  Tiberias 
 liad  written  to  the  king,  and  invited  him  to  ccnie  to  them  ;  for  his  letters  to  them,  in  answer 
 thereto,  would  fully  prove  the  truth  of  that.  So  I  sat  a  long  while  musing  with  myself,  and 
 then  said  to  them,  "  I  know  well  enough  that  the  people  of  Tiberias  have  offended,  nor  shall 
 I  forbid  you  to  plunder  their  city.  However,  such  things  onght  to  be  done  with  discretion  ;• 
 for  they  of  Tiberias  have  not  been  the  only  betrayers  of  our  liberty,  but  many  of  the  most  emi- 
 nent patriots  of  the  Galileans,  as  they  pretended  to  be,  have  done  the  same.     Tarry  therefore 
 
 affairs  that  were  most  necessary  to  be  insisted  on  ;  and  heing  under  the  Jewish  prejudices,  as  indeed  he  wns 
 Limseif  also  a  Jew  by  birth,  he  mattes  not  the  least  mention  of  the  appearance  of  Christ,  or  of  what  things 
 happened  to  him,  or  of  the  wonderfnl  works  that  he  did.  lie  was  the  son  of  a  certain  Jew,  whose  name  was 
 PiUHs.  He  was  a  man,  as  he  is  described  by  Josephus,  of  a  most  profligate  character  ;  a  slave  both  to  money 
 and  to  pleasures.  In  public  affairs  he  was  opposite  to  Josephus;  and  it  is  related,  that  he  laid  many  plots 
 against  hira,  but  that  Josephus,  though  he  had  this  his  enemy  frequently  under  his  power,  did  only  reproacU 
 him  in  words,  and  so  let  him  po  without  farther  punishment.  He  says  also,  that  the  history  which  this  man 
 wrote  IS,  for  the  main,  fabulous,  and  ckiefly  as  to  those  p.irts  wiitre  he  describes  the  Komao  war  wiih  the 
 Jews,  and  tliu  (Rkiiig  of  Jerusalem." 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS.  ^^u 
 
 <ill  I  sball  thoroughly  iind  out  those  autliors  of  our  danger,  and  then  you  shall  have  them  all 
 at  ouce  under  your  power,  with  all  such  as  you  shall  yourselves  bring  in  also."  Upon  my  say- 
 ing this,  I  pacified  the  multitude,  and  they  left  off  their  anger  and  went  their  ways  ;  and  I  gave 
 orders  that  he  who  brought  the  king's  letters  should  be  put  into  bonds  ;  but  in  a  few  days  I 
 pretended  that  I  was  obliged,  by  a  necessary  affair  of  my  own,  to  go  out  of  the  kingdom.  I 
 then  called  Crispus  privately,  and  ordered  him  to  make  tlie  soldier  that  kept  him  drunk,  and  to 
 run  away  to  the  king.  So,  when  Tiiierias  was  in  danger  of  being  utterly  destroyed  a  second 
 time,  it  escaped  the  danger  by  ray  skilful  management,  and  the  care  that  I  had  for  its  preser- 
 TatioD. 
 
 70.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Justus,  the  son  of  Pisfus,  without  my  knowledge,  ran  away 
 to  the  king  ;  the  occasion  of  which  I  will  here  relate.  Upon  the  beginning  of  the  war  between 
 the  Jews  and  the  Romans,  the  people  of  Tiberias  resolved  to  submit  to  the  king,  ^nd  not  to 
 revolt  from  the  Romans  ;  while  Justus  tried  to  persuade  them  to  betake  themselves  to  their 
 arms,  as  being  himself  desirous  of  innovations,  and  having  hopes  of  obtaining  the  government 
 of  Galilee,  as  well  as  of  his  own  country  [Tiberias]  also.  Yet  did  he  not  obtain  what  he  hoped 
 for;  because  the  Galileans  bore  ill-will  to  those  of  Tiberias,  and  this  ou  account  of  their  anger 
 at  what  miseries  they  had  sufl'ered  from  them  before  the  war  ;  thence  it  was  that  they  would 
 not  endure  that  Justus  should  be  their  governor.  I  myself  also,  who  had  been  intrusted  by 
 the  community  of  Jerusalem  with  the  government  of  Galilee,  did  frequently  come  to  that  degree 
 of  rage  at  Justus,  that  I  had  almost  resolved  to  kill  him,  as  not  able  to  bear  his  misiihievous 
 disposition.  He  was  therefore  much  afraid  of  me,  lest  at  length  my  passion  should  come  to 
 extremity  ;  so  he  went  to  the  king,  as  supposing  that  he  should  dwell  better  and  more  safely 
 with  him. 
 
 71.  Now,  when  the  people  of  Sepphoris  had,  in  so  surprising  a  manner,  escaped  their  first 
 danger,  they  sent  to  Cestius  Gallus,  and  desired  him  to  come  to  them  immediately,  and  take 
 possession  of  their  citv,  or  else  to  send  forces  sufficient  to  repress  all  their  enemies'  incursions 
 upon  them  ;  and  at  the  last  they  did  prevail  with  Gallus  to  send  them  a  considerable  army, 
 both  of  horse  and  foot,  which  came  in  the  night-time,  and  which  they  admitted  into  the  city. 
 But  when  the  country  round  about  it  was  harassed  by  the  Roman  array,  I  took  those  soldiers 
 that  were  about  me,  and  came  to  Garisme,  where  I  cast  up  a  bank,  a  good  way  oif  the  city 
 Sepphoris  ;  and  when  I  was  at  twenty  furlongs'  distance,  I  came  upon  it  by  night,  and  made 
 an  assault  upon  its  walls  %vith  niy  forces  ;  and  when  T  had  ordered  a  considerable  number  of 
 my  soldiers  to  scale  them  with  ladders,  1  became  master  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  city. 
 Bat  soon  after,  our  uuacquaintedness  with  the  places  forced  us  to  retire,  after  we  had  killed 
 twelve  of  the  Roman  footmen  and  two  horsemen,  and  a  few  of  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  with 
 the  loss  of  only  a  single  man  of  our  own.  And  when  it  afterward  came  to  a  battle  in  the  plain 
 against  the  horsemen,  and  we  had  undergone  the  dangers  of  it  courageously  for  a  long  time,  we 
 were  beaten  ;  for  upon  the  Romans  encompassing  me  about,  my  soldiers  were  afraid,  and  tied 
 back.  There  fell  in  that  battle  one  of  those  that  had  been  intrusted  to  guard  my  body,  his 
 name  was  Justiix,  who  at  this  time  had  the  same  post  with  tlie  king.  At  the  same  time  also 
 there  came  forces,  botii  horsemen  and  footmen,  from  the  king,  and  Sylla  their  comraander, 
 who  was  the  captain  of  his  guard  ;  this  Sylla  pitched  his  camp  at  live  furlongs'  distance  from 
 Julius,  and  set  a  guard  upon  the  roads,  both  that  which  led  to  Cana,  and  that  which  led  to 
 the  fortress  Ganiala,  that  he  might  hinder  their  inhabitants  from  getting  provisions  out  of 
 Galilee. 
 
 72.  As  soon  as  I  had  gotten  intelligence  of  this,  T  sent  two  thousand  armed  men,  and  a 
 captain  over  them,  whose  name  was  Jeremiah,  who  raised  a  bank  a  furlong  off  Julius,  near  to 
 the  river  Jordan,  and  did  no  more  than  skirmish  with  the  enemy  ;  till  I  took  three  thousand 
 soldiers  myself,  and  came  to  them.  But  on  the  next  day,  when  I  had  laid  an  ambush  in  a 
 certain  valley,  not  far  from  the  banks,  I  provoked  those  that  belonged  to  the  king  to  come  to 
 a  battle,  and  gave  orders  to  my  own  soldiers  to  turn  their  backs  up<in  them,  until  they  slmnld 
 have  drawn  tlie  enemy  away  from  their  camp,  and  brought  them  cut  into  the  field,  which 
 was  done  accordingly  ;  for  Sylla,  supposing  that  oiu-  party  did  really  run  away,  was  ready 
 to  pursue  them,  when  our  soldiers  that  lay  in  ambush  took  them  on  their  backs,  and  put 
 them  all  into  great  disorder.  I  also  immediately  made  a  sudden  turn  with  my  own  forces,  and 
 met  those  of  the  king's  party,  and  put  them  to  flight.  And  I  had  performed  great  things  that 
 day,  if  a  certain  fate  had  not  been  my  hinderance  ;  for  the  horse  on  which  I  rode,  and  upon 
 whose  back  I  fought,  fell  into  a  quagmire,  and  threw  me  on  the  ground,  and  I  was  bruised  on 
 my  wrist,  and  carried  into  a  village  named  Cepharnonie,  or  Cap'tuaum.  When  my  soldiers 
 heard  of  this,  they  were  afraid  I  had  been  worse  hurt  than  1  \Na<  ;  and  so  they  did  not  go  on 
 with  their  pursuit  any  further,  but  returned  in  very  great  concern  for  me.  I  therefore  sent  for 
 the  physicians,  and  while  I  was  under  their  hand,  I  continued  feverish  all  that  day;  and  as  tlie 
 physicians  directed,  I  was  that  night  removed  to  Tarichew. 
 
 73.  When  Sylla  and  bis  party  were  informed  what  happened  to  me,  they  took  conrage  againr 
 and  understanding  that  the  watch  was  negligently  kept  in  our  camp,  they,  by  night,  placed  a 
 body  of  horsemen  in  ambush  beyond  Jordan,  and  when  it  was  day  they  provoked  us  to  fight  ; 
 and  ns  we  did  not  refuse  it,  but  came  into  the  plain,  their  Lorscnicu  appeared  out  of  that 
 
 o 
 
26  THE  LIFE  OP  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS. 
 
 ambush  in  which  they  had  lain,  and  pat  our  men  into  disorder,  aod  made  tliein  run  away  ;  sa 
 tliey  slew  six  men  of  our  side.  Yet  did  they  not  go  off  with  the  victory  at  hist;  for  when 
 they  heard  that  some  armed  men  were  sailed  from  Taricheae  to  Julias,  they  were  afraid,  and 
 retired. 
 
 74.  It  was  not  now  long  before  Vespasian  came  to  Tyre,  and  king  Agrippa  with  him  ;  but 
 the  Tyrians  began  to  speak  reproachfully  of  the  king,  and  called  him  an  enemy  to  the  Romans. 
 For  tliey  said,  that  Pliilip,  the  general  of  his  army,  had  betrayed  the  royal  palace,  and  tiio 
 Roman  forces  that  were  in  Jerusalem,  and  that  it  was  done  by  his  command.  When  Vespasian 
 heard  of  this  report,  he  rebuked  the  Tyrians,  for  abusing  a  man  who  was  both  a  king,  and  a 
 friend  to  the  Romans  ;  but  he  exhorted  the  king  to  send  Philip  to  Rome,  to  answer  for  what 
 he  had  done  before  Nero.  But,  when  Philip  was  sent  thither,  he  did  not  come  into  the  sight 
 of  Nero,  for  he  found  him  very  near  death,  on  account  of  the  troubles  that  then  happened, 
 and  a  civil  war ;  and  so  he  returned  to  the  king.  But,  when  Vespasian  was  come  to  Ptole- 
 mais,  the  chief  men  of  Decapolis  of  Syria  made  a  clamour  against  Justus  of  Tiberias,  because 
 he  had  set  their  villages  on  lire :  so  Vespasian  delivered  him  to  the  king,  to  be  put  to  death 
 by  those  under  the  king's  jurisdiction  :  yet  did  the  king  [only]  put  him  into  bonds,  and  con- 
 cealed what  he  had  done  from  Vespasian,  as  I  have  before  related.  But  the  people  of  Sepphoris 
 met  Vespasian,  and  saluted  him,  and  had  forces  sent  him,  witli  Placidus  their  commander:  he 
 also  went  up  with  them,  as  I  also  followed  them,  till  Vespasian  came  into  Galilee.  As  to 
 which  coming  of  his,  and  after  what  manner  it  was  ordered,  and  how  he  fought  his  first  battle 
 with  me  near  the  village  Tarichea.%  and  how  from  thence  they  went  to  Jotapata,  and  how  I 
 was  taken  aiive  and  bound,  and  how  I  was  afterward  loosed,  with  all  that  was  done  by  me  in 
 the  Jewish  war,  and  daring  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  I  have  accurately  related  them  in  the 
 books  concerning  the  War  of  the  Jews.  However,  it  will,  I  think,  be  fit  for  me  to  add 
 now  an  account  of  those  actions  of  my  life,  which  I  have  not  related  in  that  book  of  the 
 Jewish  W^ar. 
 
 75.  For  when  the  siege  of  Jotapata  was  over,  and  I  was  among  the  Romans,  I  was  kept 
 with  much  care,  by  means  of  the  great  respect  that  Vespasian  shewed  me.  Moreover,  at  his 
 command,  I  married  a  virgin,  who  was  from  among  the  captives  of  that  country  ;*  yet  did  she 
 not  live  with  me  long,  but  was  divorced,  upon  my  being  freed  from  my  bonds,  and  my  going 
 to  Alexandria.  However,  I  married  another  wife  at  Alexandria,  and  was  thence  sent,  together 
 with  Titus,  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  was  frequently  in  danger  of  being  put  to  death  ; 
 while  both  the  Jews  were  very  desirous  to  get  me  under  their  power,  in  order  to  have  me 
 punished,  and  the  Romans  also,  whenever  they  were  beaten,  supposed  that  it  was  occasioned 
 b}'  my  treachery,  and  made  continual  clamours  to  the  emperors,  and  desired  that  they  would 
 bring  me  to  puuisl.ment,  as  a  traitor  to  them  :  but  Titus  Ctesar  was  well  acquainted  with 
 the  uncertain  fortune  of  war,  and  returned  no  answer  to  the  soldiers'  vehement  solicitations 
 against  me.  Moreover,  when  the  city  of  Jerusalem  was  taken  by  force,  Titus  Cassar  per- 
 suaded me  frequently  to  take  whatsoever  I  would  of  the  ruins  of  my  country,  and  said  that  he 
 gave  me  leave  so  to  do.  But  when  my  country  was  destroyed,  I  thought  nothing  else  to  be 
 of  any  value,  which  I  could  take  and  keep  as  a  comfort  under  my  calamities  ;  so  I  made  tliis 
 request  to  Titus,  that  my  family  might  have  their  liberty  :  I  had  also  the  holy  books  t  by 
 Titus'  concession.  Nor  was  it  long  after  that  I  asked  of  him  the  life  of  my  brother,  and  fifty 
 friends  with  him,  and  was  not  denied.  When  I  also  went  once  to  the  temple,  by  the  permission 
 of  Titus,  where  there  were  a  great  multitude  of  captive  women  and  children,  I  got  all  those 
 that  I  remembered  as  among  ray  own  friends  and  acquaintances  to  be  set  free,  being  in  number 
 about  one  hundred  and  ninety;  and  so  I  delivered  them  without  their  paung  any  price  of 
 redemption,  and  restored  them  to  their  former  fortune.  And  when  I  was  sent  by  Titus  Ca?sar 
 with  Cerealius,  and  a  thousand  horsemen,  to  a  certain  village  called  Thecoa,  in  order  to  know 
 whether  it  was  a  place  fit  for  a  camp,  as  I  came  back,  I  saw  many  captives  crucified,  and 
 remembered  three  of  them  as  my  foiraer  acquaintance.  I  was  very  sorry  at  this  in  my  mind, 
 and  went  with  tears  in  my  eyes  to  Titus,  and  told  him  of  them  ;  so  he  immediately  com- 
 manded them  to  be  taken  down,  and  to  have  the  greatest  care  taken  of  them,  in  order  to  their 
 recovery  ;  yet  two  of  them  died  under  the  physician's  hands,  while  the  third  recovered. 
 
 76.  But  when  Titus  had  composed  the  troubles  in  Judea,  and  conjectured  that  the  lauds 
 which  I  had  in  Judf'a  would  bring  me  ii;  no  profit,  because  a  garrison  to  guard  the  country  was 
 afterward  to  pitch  there,  he  gave  me  another  country  in  the  plain.  And,  when  he  was  going 
 away  to  Rome,  he  made  choice  of  me  to  sail  along  with  him,  and  paid  me  great  respect :  and, 
 when  we  were  com«  to  Rome,  I  had  great  care  taken  of  me  by  Vespasian  ;  for  he  gave  me  an 
 apartment  in  his  own  house,  which  he  lived  in  before  he  came  to  the  empire.  He  also  honoured 
 me  with  the  privilege  of  a  Roman  citizen,  and  gave  me  an  annual  pension  ;  and  continued  to 
 
 •  Here  Josephus,  a  priest,  honestly  confesses  that  he  did  that  at  the  command  of  Vespagian,  which  he  had 
 before  told  us  was  not  lawful  for  a  priest  to  do  by  the  law  of  Moses.  Antiq.  b.  iii.  ch.  xu.  sect.  2.  1  mean 
 the  taldns  a  captive  woman  to  wife.  See  also  against  Appion,  b.  i.  ch.  vii.  But  he  seems  to  have  been 
 quickly  sensible  that  his  compliance  with  the  commands  of  an  emperor  would  not  excuse  him,  for  he  soon 
 jMit  her  away,  as  Iteland  justly  observes  here. 
 
 +  Of  til  is  most  reraaatable  clause,  and  its  most  important  constquenoes,  see  Essay  on  the  Old  Testament, 
 p.  193-ly5. 
 
THE  LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS.  27 
 
 respect  nie  to  the  end  of  his  life,  witlioiitany  abatement  of  Jiis  kindness  to  ine  ;  "which  very 
 thing  made  me  envied,  and  brought  me  into  danger;  for  a  certain  Jew,  whose  name  was  Jona- 
 tlian,  who  had  raised  a  tumult  in  Cjrene,  and  had  persuaded  two  thousand  men  of  that  country 
 tojoin  with  him,  was  the  occasion  of  their  ruin.  But,  when  he  wa«,  bound  by  the  governor  of 
 that  cotuitry,  and  sent  to  the  emperor,  he  to!J  uim,  that  I  had  sent  him  both  weaponn  and 
 money.  However,  he  coold  not  conceal  his  being  a  liar  from  Vespagian,  who  condemned  him 
 to  die  ;  according  to  which  sentence  lie  was  put  to  death.  Nay,  after  tliat,  when  those  that 
 envied  my  good  fortune  did  frequently  bring  accusations  against  me,  by  God's  providence  I 
 escaped  them  all.  1  also  received  from  Vespasian  no  small  quantity  of  land,  as  a  free  gift,  in 
 Judea  :  about  which  time  1  divorced  my  wife  also,  as  not  pleased  with  her  behaviour,  thoao-h 
 not  till  she  had  been  the  mother  of  three  children,  two  of  whom  are  dead,  and  one,  whom  I 
 named  Hyrcanus,  is  alive.  After  thii  I  married  a  wife  who  had  lived  at  Crete,  but  a  Jew  by 
 birth  :  a  woman  she  was  of  eminent  parents,  and  such  as  were  the  most  illustrious  in  ail  the 
 country,  and  whose  character  was  beyond  that  of  most  other  women,  as  her  future  life  did 
 lemonstrate.  By  her  I  bad  two  sons,  the  elder's  name  was  Justus,  and  the  next  Simonides 
 vho  was  also  named  Ayrippa.  And  these  were  the  circumstances  of  ray  domestic  affairs, 
 iowever,  the  kindness  of  ihe  emperor  to  me  continued  still  the  same  ;  for  when  Vespasian 
 .ras  dead,  Titus,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  government,  kept  up  the  same  respect  for  me  which 
 1  had  from  his  father :  and,  when  I  had  frequent  accusatiomi  laid  against  me,  he  would  not 
 believe  them.  And  Domician,  who  succeeded,  still  augmented  his  respects  to  rae  ;  for  he 
 punished  those  Jews  that  were  my  accusers,  and  gave  command  that  a  servant  of  mine,  who 
 was  a  eunuch,  and  ray  accuser,  should  be  punished.  He  also  raade  that  country  T  Lsd  in 
 Judea  tax-free,  which  is  a  mark  of  the  greatest  honour  to  him  who  hath  it  ;  nay,  Domilia,  the 
 wife  of  Cassar,  continued  to  do  rae  kindnesses.  And  this  is  the  account  of  the  actions  of  my 
 whole  life  ;  and  let  others  judge  of  my  character  by  them  as  tliey  please.  But  to  thee, 
 O  Epaphroditn^ '  *  thou  most  excellent  of  men,  do  I  dedicate  all  this  treatise  of  oui-  Antiqui- 
 ties ;  and  so,  for  the  present,  I  here  conclude  the  whole. 
 
 •  Ofthis  L'paphrjdiius,  g*x  fiie  note  on  tiic  Prufuce  to  I3it'  Anliciuities. 
 
[  Vide  Bishop  Porteus's  Lectures,  vol.  ii.  page  234.] 
 
 "  This  History  is  spoken  of  in  the  highest  terms  by  men  of  the 
 greatest  learning  and  the  soundest  judgment,  from  its  first  publication  to 
 the  present  time. 
 
 "  The  fidelity,  the  veracity,  and  the  probity  of  Josephus,  are  uni- 
 versally allowed  ;  and  Scaliger  in  particular  declares,  that  not  only  in  the 
 affairs  of-  the  Jews,  but  even  of  foreign  nations,  he  deserves  more  credit 
 than  all  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers  put  together.  Certain  at  least  it  is, 
 that  he  had  that  most  essential  qualification  of  an  historian, — a  perfect  and 
 accurate  knowledge  of  all  the  transactions  which  he  relates ;  that  he  had 
 no  prejudices  to  mislead  him  in  the  representation  of  them ;  and  that,  above 
 all,  he  meant  no  favour  to  the  Christian  cause.  For  even  allowing  the  so 
 much  controverted  passage,  in  which  he  is  supposed  to  bear  testimony  to 
 Christ,  to  be  genuine,  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  became  a  convert  to 
 his  religion,  but  continued  probably  a  zealous  Jew  to  the  end  of  his  life." 
 
m:e 
 
 ^^^{9  lU:  ?!)  n  vs  icrn .  ivio  Ao 
 
 PoUisleity  Tlslet.  Son.  ScC;  Caxton.  Loiiioii,18?6. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 •  $  1.  Those  who  undertake  to  write  histories,  do  not,  1  perceive,  take  that  trouble  on  one 
 and  tlie  same  account,  but  for  many  reasons,  and  those  such  as  are  very  different  one  from 
 another  :  for  some  of  them  apply  themselves  to  this  part  of  learning  to  shew  their  skill  in 
 composition,  and  that  they  may  therein  acquire  a  reputation  for  speaking  finely  :  others  of  tliem 
 there  are,  who  write  histories  in  order  to  gratify  those  that  happen  to  be  concerned  in  thera, 
 and  on  that  account  have  spared  no  pains,  but  rather  gone  beyond  their  own  abilities  in  the 
 performance  :  but  others  there  are,  who  of  necessity,  and  by  force,  are  driven  to  write  his- 
 tory, because  they  were  concerned  in  the  facts,  and  so  cannot  excuse  themselves  from  com- 
 mitting them  to  writing,  for  the  advantage  of  posterity  ;  nay,  there  are  not  a  few  who  are 
 induced  to  draw  theii  historical  facts  out  of  darkness  into  light,  and  to  produce  them  for  the 
 benefit  of  the  public,  on  aecount  of  the  great  importance  of  the  facts  themselves  with  which 
 they  have  been  concerned.  Now  cf  these  several  reasons  for  writing  history,  I  must  profess 
 the  two  last  were  my  own  reasons  alao  •  for  since  I  was  myself  interested  in  that  war  which 
 •we  Jews  had  with  the  Romans,  and  knew  myself  its  particular  actions,  and  what  conclusion  it 
 had,  I  was  forced  to  give  the  history  of  it,  because  I  saw  that  others  perverted  the  truth  of 
 those  actions  in  their  writings. 
 
 2.  Now  I  have  undertaken  the  present  work,  as  thinking  it  will  appear  to  all  the  Greeks  t 
 (Torthy  of  tiieir  study ;  for  it  will  contain  all  our  antiquities,  and  the  constitution  of  our  govern- 
 oent,  as  interpreted  out  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures.  And  indeed  J  did  formerly  intend,  when 
 [  wrote  of  the  war,  if  to  explain  who  the  Jews  originally  were  ;  what  fortunes  they  had  been 
 subject  to  ;  and  by  what  legislator  they  had  been  instructed  in  piety,  and  the  exercise  of  other 
 virtues  ;  what  wars  also  they  had  made  in  remote  ages,  till  they  were  unwillingly  engaged  in 
 this  last  with  the  Romans  :  but  because  this  work  would  take  up  a  great  compass,  I  separated 
 
 t  into  a  set  treatise  by  itself,  with  a  beginning  of  its  own,  and  with  its  own  conclusion  ;  but  in 
 process  of  time,  as  usually  happens  to  such  as  undertake  great  things,  I  grew  weary,  and  went 
 on  slowly,  it  being  a  large  subject,  and  a  difficult  thing  to  translate  our  history  into  a  foreign, 
 and  to  us  unaccustomed  language.  However,  some  persons  there  were  who  desired  to  know 
 oar  history,  and  so  exhorted  me  to  go  on  with  it;  and  above  all  the  rest,  Epaphroditus,  §  a 
 man  who  is  a  lover  of  all  kind  of  learning,  but  is  principally  delighted  with  the  knowledge  of 
 history,  and  this  on  account  of  his  having  been  himself  concerned  in  great  affairs,  and  many 
 turns  of  fortune,  and  having  shewn  a  wonderful  vigour  of  an  excellent  nature,  and  an  immove- 
 able virtuous  resolution  in  them  all.  I  yielded  to  this  man's  persuasions,  who  always  excites 
 such  as  have  abilities  in  what  is  useful  and  acceptable,  to  join  their  endeavours  with  his.  I 
 was  also  ashamed  myself  to  permit  any  laziness  of  disposition  to  have  greater  influence  upon 
 me,  than  the  delight  of  taking  pains  in  such  studies  as  were  very  useful  :  I  thereupon  stirred 
 up  myself,  and  went  on  with  my  work  more  cheerfully.  Besides  the  foregoing  motives,  I 
 had  others  which  I  greatly  reflected  on  ;  and  these  were,  that  our  forefathers  were  willing  to 
 communicate  such  things  to  others  ;  ahd  that  some  of  the  Greeks  took  considerable  pains  to 
 know  the  affairs  of  our  nation. 
 
 3.  I  found,  therefore,  that  the  second  of  the  Ptolemies  was  a  king,  who  was  extraordinary 
 diligent  irs  what  concerned  learning,  and  the  collection  of  books  ;  that  he  was  also  peculiarly 
 ambitious  to  procure  a  translation  of  our  law,  and  of  the  constitution  of  our  government 
 therein  contained,  into  the  Greek  tongue.  Now  Eleazar  the  high  priest,  one  not  inferior  to 
 any  other  of  that  dignity  among  us,  did  not  envy  the  forenamed  king  the  participation  of  that 
 advantage,  which  otherwise  he  would  for  certain  have  denied  him,  bnt  that  he  knew  the  custom 
 of  our  nation  was  to  hinder  nothing  of  what  we  esteemed  ourselves,  from  being  communicated 
 to  others.  Accordingly,  I  thought  it  became  me,  both  to  imitate  the  generosity  of  our  high 
 priest,  and  to  suppose  there  might  even  now  be  many  lovers  of  learning  like  the  king  ;  for  he 
 did  not  obtain  all  our  writings  at  that  time  ;  but  those  who  were  sent  to  Alexandria  as  inter- 
 
 •  This  Preface  of  .losephus  is  excellent  io  its  kind,  and  highly  worthy  the  repeated  perusal  of  the  reader, 
 before  he  set  about  tho  perusal  of  the  work  itself. 
 
 t  That  is,  all  the  Gentiles,  both  Greeks  and  Romans. 
 
 t  We  may  seasonably  note  here,  that  Joecphus  wrote  his  seven  books  of  the  Jewish  War  long  before  he  ^TOta 
 these  his  Anliquities.  '1  hose  books  of  tho  War  were  published  about  A.  U.  75,  and  these  Antiquities,  A.  D. 
 93,  about  eighteen  years  later. 
 
 J>  This  Epaphroriitus  was  certainly  alive  in  the  third  year  of  Trajan,  A.D.  100.  See  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  i. 
 Against  Apion,  sect.  1.  vol.  vi.  Who  he  was,  we  do  not  know ;  for  a.?  to  Kpapliroditus,  the  frecdmaii  of  Nero, 
 and  afterwards  Domitian'a  secretary,  who  was  piit  to  death  by  Domitiau  in  the  14th  or  15th  year  oi  his  reigu 
 ne  could  not  be  aUv«  in  Ui9  third  year  of  Xrajau. 
 
30  PREFACE. 
 
 prefers,  gave  him  onl^  the  books  o!'  the  law,  while  there  was  a  vast  niunber  of  other  matters 
 in  our  sacred  books.  They,  indeed,  contain  in  them  tlie  history  of  five  thousand  years ;  in 
 which  time  happened  many  strange  accidents,  many  chances  of  war,  and  great  actions  of  the 
 commanders,  and  mutations  of  the  form  of  our  govevnment.  Upon  tiie  whole,  a  man  that  will 
 peruse  this  history,  may  principally  learn  from  it,  that  all  events  succeeded  well,  even  to  an 
 incredible  degree,  and  the  reward  of  felicity  is  proposed  by  God  ;  but  then  it  is  to  those  that 
 follow  his  will,  and  do  not  venture  to  Weak  his  excellent  laws  ;  and  that  so  far  as  men  any 
 way  apostatize  from  the  accurate  observation  of  them,  what  was  practicable  before  becomes 
 impracticable;*  and  whatsoever  they  set  about  as  a  good  thing,  is  converted  into  an  incurable 
 calamity.  And  now  I  exhort  all  those  that  peruse  these  books,  to  apply  their  minds  to  God  ; 
 and  to  examine  the  mind  of  our  legislator,  whether  he  hath  not  understood  his  nature  in  a 
 Manner  worthy  of  him  ;  and  hath  not  ever  ascribed  to  him  such  operations  as  become  his 
 power,  and  hath  not  preserved  his  writings  from  those  indecent  fables  which  otliers  have 
 framed,  although,  by  the  great  distance  of  time  when  he  lived,  he  might  have  securely  forged 
 such  lies  ;  for  he  lived  two  thousand  years  ago :  at  which  vast  distance  of  ages  the  poets 
 themselves  have  not  been  so  hardy  as  to  fix  even  the  generations  of  their  gods,  much  less  the 
 actions  of  their  men,  or  their  own  laws.  As  I  proceed,  therefore,  I  shall  accurately  describe 
 what  Is  contained  in  our  records,  in  the  order  of  time  that  belongs  to  them  ;  for  I  have  already 
 promised  so  to  do  throughout  this  undertaking ;  and  this  without  adding  any  thing  to  what  is 
 
 erein  contained,  or  taking  away  any  thing  therefrom. 
 
 4.  But  because  almost  all  our  constitution  depends  on  the  wisdom  of  Moses,  our  legislator, 
 I  cannot  avoid  saying  somewhat  concerning  him  beforehand,  though  I  shall  do  it  briefly  ;  I 
 mean,  because  otherwise,  those  that  read  my  book  may  wonder  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  my 
 discourse,  which  promises  an  account  of  laws  and  historical  facts,  contains  so  much  of  philoso- 
 phy. The  reader  is  therefore  to  know,  that  Moses  deemed  it  exceedingly  necessary,  that  he 
 who  would  conduct  his  own  life  well,  and  give  laws  to  others,  in  the  first  place  should  consider 
 the  divine  nature  ;  and  upon  the  contemplation  of  God's  operations,  should  thereby  imitate  the 
 best  of  all  patterns,  so  far  as  it  is  possible  for  human  nature  to  do,  and  to  endeavour  to  follow 
 after  it ;  neither  could  the  legislator  himself  have  a  right  mind  without  such  a  contemplation, 
 nor  would  any  thing  he  should  write  tend  to  the  promotion  of  virtue  in  his  readers  ;  I  mean, 
 unless  they  be  taught  first  of  all,  that  God  is  the  Father  and  Lord  of  all  things,  and  sees  all 
 things,  and  that  hence  he  bestows  a  happy  life  upon  those  that  follow  him  ;  but  plunges  such  as  do 
 not  walk  in  the  paths  of  virtue  into  inevitable  miseries.  Now  when  Moses  was  desirous  to 
 teach  this  lesson  to  his  countrymen,  he  did  not  begin  the  establishment  of  his  laws  after  the 
 same  manner  that  other  legislators  did  ;  I  mean,  upon  contracts,  and  other  rights  between  one 
 man  and  another,  but  by  raising  their  minds  upwards  to  regard  God,  and  his  creation  of  the 
 world  ;  and  by  persuading  them,  that  we  men  are  the  most  excellent  of  the  creatures  of  God 
 upon  earth.  Now  when  once  he  had  brought  them  to  submit  to  religion,  he  easily  persuaded 
 them  to  submit  in  all  other  things  :  for  as  to  other  legislators,  they  followed  fables,  ar.d  by 
 their  discourses  transferred  the  most  reproachful  of  human  vices  unto  the  gods,  and  so  alTorded 
 ■wicked  men  the  most  plausible  excuses  for  their  crimes  ;  but  as  for  our  legislator,  when  he 
 Lad  once  demonstrated  that  God  was  possessed  of  perfect  virtue,  he  supposed  that  men  also 
 ought  to  strive  after  the  participation  of  it ;  and  on  those  who  did  not  so  think,  and  so  believe, 
 lie  inflicted  the  severest  punishments.  I  exhort,  therefore,  ray  readers  to  examine  this  whole 
 undertaking  in  that  view  ;  for  thereby  it  will  appear  to  them,  that  there  is  nothing  therein 
 disagreeable  either  to  the  majesty  of  God,  or  to  his  love  to  mankind  :  for  all  things  have  here  a 
 reference  to  the  nature  of  the  universe  ;  while  our  legislator  speaks  some  things  wisely  but 
 enigmatically,  and  others  under  a  decent  allegory,  but  still  explains  such  things  as  required  a 
 direct  explication  plainly  and  expressly.  However,  those  that  have  a  mind  to  know  the  reasons 
 of  every  thing,  may  find  here  a  very  curious  philosophical  theory,  which  I  now  indeed  shall 
 wave  the  explication  of;  but  if  God  aflford  me  time  for  it,t  I  will  set  about  writing  it  after  t 
 have  finished  the  present  work.  I  shall  now  betake  myself  to  the  history  before  me,  after  I 
 have  first  mentioned  what  Moses  says  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  which  I  find  described  in 
 the  sacred  books  after  the  manner  following : — 
 
 •  Joscphis  here  plainly  alludes  to  the  famous  Greek  proverb,  IJ  God  be  uith  its.  every  tidng  that  is  impossible 
 becomes  possible, 
 
 +  As  to  this  intended  work  of  Josephus  concerning  the  reasons  of  many  of  the  Jewish  laws,  and  what  philo- 
 sophical or  allegorical  sense  they  would  bear,  the  loss  of  which  work  is  by  some  of  the  learned  jiot  much 
 rcgretled,  1  am  inclinable,  in  part,  to  Fabricius'  opiuiou,  ap.  Ilavercamp,  p.  es,  04.  1  hat  we  need  not  doubt 
 but  among  some  vain  and  frigid  coojectures  derived  from  Jewish  imaginations,  Josephus  would  have  taught 
 us  a  greater  number  of  excellent  and  xiseful  things,  which  perhaps  nobody,  neither  among  the  Jews,  nor 
 among  the  Chrisliaus,  can  now  inform  us  of;  so  that  I  would  give  a  great  deal  to  tmd  it  still  extant. 
 
ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  1 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  THREE  THOUSAND  EIGHT  HUNDRED  AND  THIRTY. 
 THREE  YEARS.-FROM  THE  CREATION  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ISAAC. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 The  Constitution  of  the  World,  and  the  Disposition  of  the  Elements. 
 
 §  1.  I  N  the  beginning  God  created  the  Leaven  and  the  earth.  But  when  the  earth  did  not 
 come  into  sight,  but  was  covered  with  thick  darkness,  and  a  wind  moved  upon  its  surface, 
 God  coniniauded  tliat  tliere  should  be  light  :  and  when  tliat  was  made,  be  considered  the 
 whole  mass,  and  separated  the  liglit  and  the  darkness  ;  and  the  name  he  gave  to  one  was  night, 
 and  the  other  lie  called  day ;  and  he  named  the  beginning  of  light,  and  the  time  of  rest,  the 
 evening  and  the  monuny.  And  this  was  indeed  the/rsf  day.  But  Moses  said  it  was  one  day  ; 
 the  cause  of  which  I  am  able  to  give  even  now  ;  but  because  I  have  promised  to  give  such 
 reasons  for  all  things  in  a  treatise  by  itself,  I  shall  put  off  its  exposition  till  that  time.  After 
 this,  on  the  second  day,  he  placed  the  heaven  over  the  whole  world,  and  separated  it  from 
 the  other  parts,  and  he  determined  it  should  stand  by  itself.  He  also  placed  a  crystalline 
 [firmament]  round  it,  and  put  it  together  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  the  earth,  and  fitted  it  for 
 giving  moisture  and  rain,  and  for  aft'ording  the  advantage  of  dews.  On  the  third  day  he  appointed 
 the  dry  land  to  appear,  with  the  sea  itself  round  about  it ;  and  on  this  very  same  day  he  made  the 
 plants  and  the  seeds  to  spring  out  of  the  earth.  On  the  fourth  day  be  adorned  the  heaven  with 
 the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  other  stars,  and  appointed  them  their  motions  and  courses,  that  the 
 vicissitudes  of  the  seasons  might  be  clearly  siguilied.  And  on  the  fifth  day  he  produced  the 
 living  creatures,  both  those  that  swim,  and  those  that  fly  ;  the  former  in  the  sea,  the  latter  in 
 the  air  :  He  also  sorted  them  as  to  society,  and  mixture  for  procreation,  and  that  their  kinds 
 might  increase  and  multiply.  On  the  sixth  day  be  created  the  fourfooted  beasts,  and  made  them 
 male  and  female  :  on  the  same  day  he  also  formed  man.  Accordingly  Moses  says,  that  in  just 
 six  days  the  world,  and  all  that  is  therein,  was  made.  And  that  the  seventh  day  was  a  rest, 
 and  a  release  front,  the  labour  of  snob  operations  ;  whence  it  is  that  we  celebrate  a  rest  from 
 our  labours  on  that  day,  and  call  it  the  sabbath;  which  word  denotes  rest  in  the  Hebrew 
 tongue. 
 
 2.  Moreover,  Meses,  after  the  seventh  day  was  over,*  begins  to  talk  philosophically  ;  and 
 concerning  the  formation  of  man  says  thus,  That  God  took  dust  from  the  ground,  and  formed 
 man,  and  inserted  in  lilm  a  spirit  and  a  soul,  t  This  man  was  called  ^rfdJH,  which  in  the 
 Ilelirew  tongue  signifies  one  that  is  red,  because  he  was  formed  out  of  red  earth  compounded 
 to;;ether  ;  for  of  that  kind  is  virgin  and  true  earth.  God  also  presented  the  living  creatures, 
 when  he  had  made  ihem  according  to  their  kinds,  both  male  and  female,  to  Adam,  and  he  gave 
 them  those  names  by  which  they  are  still  called.  But  when  he  saw  that  Adam  had  no  female 
 companion,  no  society,  (for  there  was  no  sBch  created,)  and  that  he  wondered  at  the  other  ani- 
 mals, which  were  male  and  female,  he  laid  him  asleep,  and  took  away  one  of  his  ribs,  and  out 
 of  it  formed  the  woman  ;  whereupon  Adam  knew  her  when  she  was  brought  to  him,  and 
 acknowledged  that  she  was  made  out  of  himself.  Now  a  woman  is  called  in  the  Hebrew 
 tongue  Issa;  but  the  name  of  this  woman  was  Eve,  which  signifies  the  mother  of  all  living. 
 
 *  S'lQce  Josephus,  in  his  Preface,  sect.  4.  says,  That  Moses  TiTOte  some  ihinps  cnigynatically,  some  allegon- 
 ral/u,  and  the  rest  iu  plain  uords ;  since  in  his  account  of  tlie  first  chapter  of  Genesis,  and  the  three  first  verses 
 of  the  second,  he  gives  us  no  hints  of  an.v  mystery  at  all;  l)ut  when  he  here  comes  to  verse  4,  itc.  he  says, 
 that  Moaes,  after  the  seventh  diiy  was  over,  began  to  talk  phih'sophically  ;  it  is  not  very  improhahle  that  he 
 understood  the  rest  of  the  second  and  the  third  chapters  in  some  enigmatical,  or  alleiiorical,  or  p/iiloxnp/iiral 
 sense.  The  change  of  the  name  of  God  just  at  this  place,  from  J'MMm  to  Jehovah  b'.lohim  ;  from  Hvd  to  IahJ 
 Cmd,  'n  the  Hebrew,  Samaritan,  and  Septuagint,  does  also  not  a  little  favour  some  such  change  in  the  narration 
 or  constructi  n. 
 
 ♦  We  may  observe  here,  that  Joscphus  supposed  man  to  be  compounded  of  spirit,  soul,  and  body,  with 
 >i.  Paul,  1  Theas.  v.  23.  and  the  rest  of  the  ancients;  he  elsewhere  says  also,  that  the  blood  of  animals  was 
 forbidden  to  be  eaten,  as  having  in  it  soul  and  (yirit,  Autiu.  b.  iii.  ch.  xi.  sect.  2. 
 
32  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 3.  Moses  says  farllipr  that  God  planted  a  paradise  in  the  East,  flourishing  with  all  sorts  of 
 trees  ;  and  that  ainoiii;  them  was  the  tree  of  life,  and  atiotlier  of  hiowledye,  whereby  was  to  be 
 known  what  was  good  and  evil:  and  that  wlien  he  had  brought  Adam  and  his  wife  into  this 
 garden,  he  commanded  them  to  take  care  of  the  plants.  Now  the  garden  was  watered  by  one 
 river,*  which  ran  round  about  the  whole  earth,  and  was  parted  into  four  parts.  And  Phlson, 
 which  denotes  a  multitude,  runnings  into  India,  makes  its  exit  into  the  sea,  and  is  by  the 
 Greeks  called  Ganges.  Enphrates  also,  as  well  as  Tigris,  goes  down  into  the  Red  Sea.  t  Now 
 the  name  Euphrates,  or  Piirath,  denotes  either  a  dispersion  or  a  flower ;  by  Tigris,  or  Diglath, 
 i«  signified  what  is  swift  with  tiarrowness ;  and  Geon  runs  through  Egypt,  and  denotes  what 
 arises  from  the  east,   which  the  Greeks  call  Nile. 
 
 4.  God  therefore  commanded  that  Adam  and  liis  wife  should  eat  of  all  the  rest  of  the  plants, 
 but  to  abstain  from  the  tree  of  hioivladge ;  and  foretold  to  them,  that  if  they  touched  it,  it 
 would  prove  their  destruction.  But  while  all  tiie  living  creatures  J  had  one  language  at  that 
 time,  the  serpent,  which  then  lived  together  with  Adam  and  his  wife,  shewed  an  envious  dis- 
 position, atkbis  supposal  of  their  living  happily,  and  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  God  ; 
 and  imagining,  that  when  they  disobeyed  them,  tliey  would  fall  into  calamities,  he  persuaded 
 the  woman,  out  of  a  malicious  intention,  to  tasle  of  the  Tree  of  Knowledge,  telling  them,  that 
 in  that  tree  was  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil;  which  knowledge  when  they  sliould  obtain, 
 they  would  lead  a  happy  life  ;  nay,  a  life  not  inferior  to  that  of  a  god  :  by  which  means  he 
 OTercarae  the  woman,  and  persuaded  her  to  despise  the  comraand  of  God.  Now,  when  she 
 had  tasted  of  that  tree,  and  was  pleased  with  its  Iruit,  she  persuaded  Adam  to  make  use  of  it 
 also.  Upon  this  they  perceived  that  they  were  become  naked  to  one  another  ;  and  being 
 ashamed  thus  to  appear  abroad,  they  invented  somewhat  to  cover  them,  for  the  tree  sharpened 
 their  understanding ;  and  they  covered  themselves  with  fig-leaves;  and  tying  these  before 
 them  out  of  modesty,  they  thought  they  were  happier  than  they  were  before,  as  they  had  dis- 
 covered what  they  were  in  want  of.  But  when  God  came  into  ihe  garden,  Adam,  who  was 
 wont  before  to  come  and  converse  with  him,  being  conscious  of  bis  wicked  behaviour,  went 
 out  of  the  way.  This  beiiaviour  surprised  God  ;  and  he  asked  what  was  the  cause  of  this  his 
 procedure  ?  and  why  he,  that  before  delighted  in  that  conversation,  did  now  fly  from  it,  and 
 avoid  it  1  When  he  made  no  reply,  as  conscious  to  himself  that  he  had  transgressed  the  com- 
 mand of  God,  God  said,  "  I  had  before  determined  about  you  both,  how  you  might  lead 
 a  ha|)py  life,  without  any  affliction,  and  care,  and  vexation  of  soul  ;  and  that  ail  things 
 which  might  contribute  to  your  enjoyment  and  pleasure  shunld  grow  up  by  my  providence,  of 
 their  own  a«,cord,  without  your  own  labour  and  pains-taking  ;  which  stute  of  labour  and  pains- 
 taking would  soon  bring  on  old  age,  and  death  would  not  be  at  any  remote  distance  :  but  now 
 thou  hast  abnsed  this  my  good-will,  and  hast  disobeyed  my  commands  ;  for  thy  silence  is  not 
 the  sign  of  thy  virtue,  but  of  thy  evil  conscience."  However,  Adam  excused  his  sin,  and  en- 
 treated God  not  to  be  angry  at  him,  and  laid  the  blame  of  what  was  done  upon  his  wife,  and 
 said  that  he  was  deceived  by  her,  and  thence  became  an  offender  ;  while  she  again  accused 
 the  serpent.  But  God  allotted  him  punishment  because  he  weakly  submitted  to  the  counsel 
 of  his  wife  ;  and  said,  The  ground  should  not  henceforth  yield  its  fruits  of  its  own  accord,  but 
 but  that  when  it  should  be  harassed  by  their  labour,  it  should  bring  forth  some  of  its  fruits, 
 and  refuse  to  bring  forth  others.  He  also  made  Eve  liable  to  t!/e  inconvenience  of  breeding,  and 
 the  sharp  pains  of  bringing  forth  children,  and  this  because  she  persuaded  Adam  with  the  same 
 arguments  wherewith  the  serpent  had  persuaded  her,  and  had  thereby  brought  him  into  a  cala- 
 mitous condition.  lie  also  deprived  the  serpent  of  speech,  out  of  indignation  at  his  malicious 
 disposition  towards  Adam.  Besides  this,  he  inserted  poison  under  his  tongue,  and  made  him 
 an  enemy  to  men  ;  and  suggested  to  them,  that  they  should  direct  their  strokes  against  his 
 bead,  that  being  the  place  wherein  lay  his  mischievous  designs  towards  men,  and  it  being 
 easiest  to  take  vengeance  on  him  that  way.     And  when  he  had  deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his 
 
 •  Whence  this  straiipe  notion  came,  which  yet  is  not  peculiar  to  Josephus,  but,  as  T)r  Hudson  says  here,  is 
 derived  from  older  authors,  as  if  four  of  the  greatest  rivers  iu  the  world,  running  two  of  them  at  vast  distances 
 from  the  other  two,  by  some  means  or  other  watered  Paradise,  is  hard  to  say  Only  since  Josephus  has 
 already  appeared  to  allegorize  this  history,  and  takes  notice  that  these  four  names  had  a  particular  sigiiifi- 
 catton ;  Pliison  for  Ganges,  a  nmltitude  ;  Phrath  for  Euphrates,  either  a  dispersion  or  a.  flower  ;  Di^'Iath  for  Ti- 
 gris,  whut  IS  swift  with  narro'diness  ;  and  Geon  for  Nile,  ichick  arises  from  t/ie  East,  we  perhaps  luistalte  him 
 when  we  suppose  he  literally  means  those  four  rivers,  especially  as  to  Geon  or  Nile,  which  arises  from  tlie  East, 
 while  he  very  well  knew  tl>e  literal  Nile  arises  from  the  iiouth  ;  though  what  farther  allegorical  sense  he  had  ia 
 Tiew,  is  now,  1  fear,  impossible  to  be  determined 
 
 t  By  the  Ked  Sea  is  not  here  meant  the  Arabian  Gulf,  which  alone  we  now  call  by  that  name,  hut  all  th«*- 
 South  Sea,  which  included  the  Red  Se»,  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  as  far  as  the  East  Indies,  as  Iteland  and  HudsoE' 
 hsre  truly  note,  from  the  old  geographer*. 
 
 J  Hence  it  appears,  that  Josephus  thought  several,  at  least,  of  ths  brute  animals,  particularly  the  serpent. 
 could  speak  before  the  fall.  And  I  think  few  of  the  more  perfect  kinds  of  those  animals  want  the  organs  ot 
 speech  at  this  day.  Many  inducements  there  are  also  to  a  notion,  that  the  present  state  they  are  in,  is  not 
 llieir  orit'inal  state  ;  and  that  their  capacities  liave  been  once  much  greater  than  we  now  see  them,  and  are 
 capable  of  being  restored  to  their  former  condition.  But  as  to  this  most  ancient  and  authentic,  and  probably 
 allegorical  account  of  tliat  grand  affair  of  the  fall  of  our  first  parents.  1  have  somewhat  more  to  say  in  way  of 
 conjecture,  but  being  only  a  conjecture.  1  omit  il.  Only  thus  far,  that  the  imputation  of  the  sin  of  our  first 
 parents  to  their  posterity,  any  farther  than  as  some  way  the  cause  or  occasion  of  man's  mortality,  seems 
 almost  entirely  groundless,  and  that  both  man.  and  .the  other  subordinate. creatures,  are  hereafter  to  be  de- 
 livered from  the  curse  then  brought  upon  tliem,  and  at  last  to  be  ddneieit  from  that  boiidaye  of  eorniptwH 
 Houi.  vili.  19-22. 
 
BOOK   I. — CHAP.  I.  33 
 
 rc«l,  he  made  liini  to  go  rolling  all  along,  and  dragging  himself  tpon  the  gronnd.  Aiid,  vviien 
 (iod  had  appointed  these  penalties  for  them,  lie  removed  Adam  and  Eve  out  of  the  garden  into 
 another  place. 
 
 CHAP.  11. 
 
 Concerning  the  Posterity  of  Adam,  and  the  Ten  Generations  from  him  to  the  Deluge. 
 
 $  1.  Adam  and  Eve  had  two  sons  :  the  elder  of  them  was  named  Cain,  which  name,  when  it 
 is  interpreted,  signifies  a  possession  ;  the  younger  was  Abel,  which  signifies  sorrow.  They  had 
 also  daughters.  Now  the  two  brethren  were  pleased  with  different  courses  of  life  ;  for  Abel,  the 
 younger,  was  a  lover  of  righteousness,  and,  believing  that  God  was  present  at  id!  his  actions, 
 he  excelled  in  virtue  ;  and  his  employment  was  that  of  a  shepherd.  But  Cain  was  not  only 
 very  wicked  in  other  respects,  but  was  wholly  intent  upon  getting  ;  and  he  first  contrived  to 
 plough  the  ground.  He  slew  his  brother  on  the  occasion  following  : — They  liad  resolved  to 
 sacrifice  to  Cod.  Now  Cain  brought  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  of  his  husbandry,  but  Abel 
 brought  milk,  and  the  first-fruits  of  his  (locks  :  but  God  was  more  delighted  with  the  latter 
 oblation,*  when  he  was  honoured  with  what  grew  naturally  of  its  own  accord,  than  he  was  with 
 what  was  the  invention  of  a  covetous  man,  and  gotten  by  forcing  the  ground  :  whence  it  was, 
 that  Cain  was  very  angry  that  Abel  was  preferred  by  God  before  him  ;  and  he  slew  his  brother, 
 and  hid  his  dead  body,  thinking  to  escape  discovery.  But  God,  knowing  what  had  been  done, 
 came  to  Cain,  and  asked  him,  What  was  become  of  his  brother?  because  he  had  not  seen  liiin 
 of  many  days  ;  whereas  he  had  used  to  observe  them  conversing  together  at  other  times.  But  Cain 
 was  in  doubt  with  himself,  and  knew  not  what  answer  to  give  to  God.  At  first  he  said.  That 
 he  himself  was  at  a  loss  about  his  brother's  disappearing  ;  but  when  he  was  provoked  by  God, 
 who  pressed  him  vehemently,  as  resolving  to  know  wliat  the  matter  was,  he  replied.  He  was 
 not  his  brother's  guardian  or  keeper,  nor  was  he  an  observer  of  what  he  did.  But,  in  return, 
 God  convicted  Cain,  as  having  been  the  murderer  of  his  brother,  and  said,  "  I  wonder  at  thee, 
 that  thoD  knowest  not  what  is  become  of  a  man  whom  thnn  thyself  hast  destroyed."  God 
 therefore  did  not  inllict  the  punishment  [of  death]  upon  iiim,  on  account  of  his  offering  sacri- 
 fice, and  thereby  making  supplication  to  him  not  to  be  extreme  in  his  wrath  to  him,  but  he 
 made  him  accursed,  and  threatened  his  posterity  in  the  seventh  generation  :  he  also  c«st  him, 
 together  with  his  wife,  out  of  tliat  land.  And  when  he  was  afraid,  that  in  wandering  about  he 
 should  fall  among  wild  beasts,  and  by  that  means  perish,  God  bid  him  not  to  entertain  such  a 
 melancholy  suspicion,  and  to  go  over  all  the  earth,  without  fear  of  what  mischief  he  might  suf- 
 fer from  wild  beasts  ;  and  setting  a  mark  upou  him,  that  he  might  be  known,  he  commanded 
 liim  to  depart. 
 
 2.  And  when  Cain  bad  travelled  over  many  countries,  be,  with  his  wife,  built  a  city  named 
 Nod,  which  is  a  place  so  called,  and  there  he  settled  his  abode  ;  where  also  he  had  children. 
 However,  he  did  not  accept  of  his  punishment  in  order  to  amendment,  but  to  increase  his 
 wickedness  ;  for  he  only  aimed  tc  procure  every  thing  that  was  for  his  own  bodily  pleasure, 
 though  it  obliged  him  to  be  injurious  to  bis  neighbours.  He  augmented  his  household  sub- 
 stance with  much  wealth,  by  rapine  and  violence;  he  excited  his  acquaintance  to  procure  plea- 
 sures and  spoils  by  robbery,  and  became  a  great  leader  of  men  into  wicked  courses.  He  also 
 introduced  a  change  in  that  way  of  simplicity  wherein  men  lived  before,  and  was  the  author  of 
 measures  and  weights  :  and  whereas  they  lived  innocently  and  generously  while  they  knew 
 nothing  of  such  arts,  he  changed  the  world  into  cunning  craftiness.  He  first  of  all  set  l)onnda- 
 ries  about  lands  ;  he  built  a  city,  and  fortified  it  with  walls,  and  he  compelled  his  family  to 
 come  together  to  it  ;  and  called  that  city  Enoch,  after  the  uame  of  his  eldest  son  Enoch. 
 Now  Jared  was  the  son  of  Enoch  ;  whose  son  was  Malaleel  ;  whose  son  was  Methusela;  whose 
 son  was  Lainech  ;  who  luul  seventy-seven  children  by  two  wives,  Silla  and  Ada.  Of  those 
 children  by  Ada,  one  was  Jabel  :  lie  erected  tents,  and  loved  the  life  of  a  shepherd.  But 
 Jubal,  who  was  born  of  the  same  mother  with  him,  exercised  himself  in  music,  and  invented 
 the  psaltery  and  harp.t  But  Tubal,  one  of  his  children  by  the  other  wife,  exceeded  all  men 
 in  strength,  and  was  very  expert  and  famous  in  martial  performances.  He  procured  what 
 tended  to  pleasures  of  the  body  by  that  method,  and  first  of  all  invented  the  art  of  making 
 brass.  Lamech  was  also  the  father  of  a  daughter  wliose  name  was  Naamah  ;  and  bcfanse  he 
 was  so  skilful  in  matters  of  divine  revelation,  that  he  knew  he  was  to  be  punished  for  Cain's 
 murder  of  bis  brother,  he  made  that  known  to  his  wives  ;  nay,  f  veu  while  Adam  was  alive,  it 
 came  to  pass  that  the  posterity  of  Cain  became  exceeding  wicked,  every  one  successively 
 dying,  one  after  another,  more  wicked   than  the  former.     They  were  intolerable  in  war,  and 
 
 •  St.  John's  account  of  the  reason  why  God  accepted  the  sacvificp  of  Ahel,  and  rejected  that  of  Cain,  as, 
 also,  why  Cain  slew  Abel,  on  account  of  that  his  acceptance  with  God,  is  much  lietter  than  lliis  of  .losephus : 
 1  mean,  because  "  Cain  was  of  the  evil  one,  and  slew  his  brother."  And,  "  wherefore  slew  he  him  !  He- 
 cause  hjs  own  works  were  evil,  and  liis  brother's  riyhteois,"  1  John,  iii.  12.  Josephus's  reason  seems  to  be  no 
 better  than  a  Pharisaical  notion  or  tradition. 
 
 +  I'rom  this  Jnbal,  not  improbably,  came  Juie/,  the  trumpet  of  JoicI  OT  Jniilee,  that  large  and  loud  mtisicnl 
 inslrumtiut,  u.sed  in  proclainuug  the  liberty  at  lUc  i;eur  I'f  Jii6i/i.c. 
 
o4  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 vebenieot  in  robberies  ;  and  if  any  one  were  slow  lo  marder  people,  jet  was  be  bold  in  liis 
 profligate  behaviour,  in  acting  unjustly,  and  doing  injuries  for  gain. 
 
 3.  Now  Adam,  wLo  was  the  first  man,  and  made  out  of  the  earth,  (for  our  diseonrse  ninst 
 now  be  about  him,)  after  Abel  was  slain  and  Cain  fled  away,  on  account  of  his  murder,  was 
 solicitous  for  posterity,  and  had  a  vehement  desire  of  children,  he  being  two  hundred  and 
 tl)irty  years  old  ;  after  which  time  he  lived  other  seven  hundred,  and  then  died.  He  had  indeed 
 many  other  children,*  hot  Seth  in  particular.  As  for  the  rest,  it  would  be  tedious  to  name 
 them  ;  I  will  therefore  only  endeavour  to  give  an  account  of  those  that  proceeded  from  Seth. 
 Now  this  Seth,  when  he  was  brouglit  up,  and  came  to  those  years  in  which  he  could  discern 
 what  was  good,  he  became  a  virtuous  man,  and,  as  he  was  himself  of  an  excellent  character, 
 so  did  he  leave  children  behind  him  who  imitated  his  virtues,  t  All  these  proved  to  be  of  good 
 dispositions.  They  also  inhabited  tlic  same  country  without  dissensions,  and  in  a  happy  con- 
 dition, without  any  misfortunes  falling  upon  them,  till  they  died.  They  also  were  the  inventors 
 of  that  peculiar  sort  of  wisdom,  which  is  concerned  with  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  their  order. 
 And,  that  their  inventions  might  not  be  lost  before  they  were  sufficiently  known,  upon  Adam's 
 prediction  that  the  world  was  to  he  destroyed  at  one  time  by  the  force  of  fire,  and  at  another 
 time  by  the  violence  and  quantity  of  water,  they  made  two  pillars, :).  the  one  of  brick,  the  other 
 of  stone  ;  they  inscribed  their  discoveries  on  them  both,  that  in  case  the  pillar  of  brick  should 
 he  destroyed  by  the  flood,  the  pillar  of  stone  might  remain,  and  exhibit  those  discoveries  to 
 mankind,  and  also  inform  them  that  there  was  another  pillar  of  brick  erected  bj  tbem. 
 Now  this  remains  in  the  land  of  Siriad  to  this  day. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 Concfrniiig  the  Flood,  and  after  what   manner  Noah  tvas  saved  in  an  Ark,  xvilh  his  Kindred, 
 and  afterwards  dwelt  in  the  Plain  of  Shinar. 
 
 §  1.  Now  this  posterity  of  Seth  continued  to  esteem  God  as  the  Lord  of  the  universe,  and  to 
 have  an  entire  regard  to  virtue,  for  seven  generations  ;  but  in  process  of  time  they  were  per- 
 verted, and  forsook  the  practices  of  their  forefathers,  and  did  neither  pay  those  honours  to 
 God  which  were  appointed  them,  nor  had  they  any  concern  to  do  justice  towards  men  ;  but  for 
 what  degree  of  zeal  they  had  formerly  shewn  for  virtue,  they  now  shewed  by  their  actions  a 
 double  degree  of  wickedness,  whereby  they  made  God  to  be  their  enemy.  For  many  angels  § 
 of  God  companied  with  women,  and  begat  sons  that  proved  unjust,  and  despisers  of  all  thit 
 was  good,  on  accounl  of  the  confidence  they  had  in  their  own  strength  ;  for  the  tradition  is, 
 that  these  nien  did  what  resembled  the  acts  of  those  whom  tiie  Greciaus  call  giants.  But 
 Noah  was  very  uneasy  at  what  they  did  ;  and  being  displeased  at  their  conduct,  persuaded  them 
 to  change  their  dispositions  and  their  actions  for  the  better  :  but  seeing  they  did  not  yield  to 
 him,  but  were  slaves  to  their  wicked  pleasures,  he  was  afraid  they  would  kill  him,  together 
 with  his  wife  and  children,  and  those  they  had  married  ;  so  he  departed  out  of  that  land. 
 
 2.  Now  God  loved  tiiis  man  for  his  righteousness  :  yet  he  not  only  condemned  those  other 
 men  for  their  wickedness,  but  determined  to  destroy  the  whole  race  of  mankind,  and  to  make 
 another  race  that  should  be  pure  from  wickedness;  and  cutting  short  their  lives,  and  making 
 their  years  not  so  many  .".s  they  formerly  lived,  but  one  hundred  and  twenty  only,||  he  turned 
 -<he  dry  land  into  sea  ;  and  thos  were  all  these  men  destroyed.  But  Noah  alone  was  saved  ; 
 for  God  suggested  to  liim  the  following  contrivance  and  wav  of  escape  : — That  he  should  make 
 an  ark  of  four  stories  high,   three   hundred  cubits  long,  fifty  cubits  broad,  and  thirty  cubits 
 
 ♦  The  number  of  Adam's  children,  es  says  the  old  tradition,  was  thirtj'-three  sons,  and  twenty-three 
 daughters. 
 
 +  Wliat  is  here  said  of  Seth  and  his  posterity,  that  they  were  very  good  and  virtuous,  and  at  the  same  time 
 very  happy,  without  any  ccnsidtrable  mi;  fortunes,  for  seven  generations,  [see  cli.  ii.  sect.  1.  hefore,  and 
 ch.  iii.  sect.  1.  hereafter,]  is  exactly  agreeable  to  the  state  of  the  world,  and  the  conduct  of  Providence  iu 
 all  the  lirst  ages. 
 
 I  Of  .Tosephus'  mistake  here,  when  he  took  Seth  the  son  of  Adam,  for  Seth  or  Sesostris,  king  of  KgMit,  the 
 erecter  of  this  pillar  in  the  laid  of  Siriad;  see  essay  on  the  Old  Testament,  Appendix,  p.  159,  160.  AJ- 
 thougii  the  main  of  this  relation  might  be  true,  and  Adam  might  foretell  a  Confiagratimi  and  a  Velwje,  which 
 all  antiquity  witnesses  to  be  an  ancient  tradition ;  nay,  Seth's  posterity  might  engrave  their  inventions  in 
 astronomy  on  two  such  jiillars,  yet  it  is  no  way  credible  that  they  could  survive  the  deluge,  which  has  buried 
 all  such  pillars  and  edifices  far  under  ground"  in  the  sediments  of  its  waters,  especially  since  the  like  pillars 
 of  the  Fgj-ptian  Seth,  or  Sesostris.  were  extent,  after  the  tlood,  in  the  land  of  Siriad,  and  perhaps  in  the  days 
 t,f  Josephus  also,  as  is  shewn  iu  the  place  hero  referred  to. 
 
 \  This  notion,  that  the  fallen  zmgels  were,  in  some  sense,  the  fathers  of  the  old  giants,  was  the  constant 
 oPiniou  of  antiquity. 
 
 II  Josephus  here  supposes,  that  the  life  of  these  giants  (for  of  them  only  do  T  understand  him)  was  now 
 reduced  to  120  years;  which  is  confirmed  by  the  fragment  of  Enoch,  sect.  It1.  in  Aulhent.  Rec,  parti.  p.2tJ8. 
 Kor  as  to  the  rest  of  mankind,  Josephns  himself  confesses  thotr  lives  were  much  longer  than'120  years,  tor 
 many  generations  after  the  flood,  as  we  shall  see  presently  ;  and  he  says,  'hey  were  gradually  shortened  till 
 the  days  of  Moses,  nnd  then  lixcd  [for  some  time]  at  120,  ch.  vi.  sect.  5.  Nor  indeed  need  we  suppose,  that 
 either  F.noch  or  Josephus  meant  to  interi'ret  these  120  years  for  the  life  of  men  before  the  flood,  to  b  c  ditfcreiit 
 from  the  120  years  of  God's  patience  [perhaps  while  the  ark  was  preparing]  till  the  delusre";  which  1  take  to  be 
 tbfi  meaning  of  God  when  he  threatened  this  wicked  world,  that  if  they  so  long  cciitinued  impenitent,  tUir 
 dai/t  slumli  be  no  more  than  I'tO  ferns. 
 
BOOK  I. — CHAP.  III.  35 
 
 high.*  Accordingly  Le  entered  into  that  ark,  and  his  wife,  and  sons,  and  their  wives,  and  put 
 inlo  it  not  ouly  other  provisions,  to  support  their  wants  there,  but  also  sent  in  with  the  rest  all 
 sorts  of  living  creatures,  the  male  and  his  I'eniale,  for  the  preservation  of  their  kinds  ;  and 
 others  of  tlieiiJ  hv  sevens.  Now  this  ark  had  firm  walls,  and  a  roof,  and  was  braced  with 
 cross  beams,  so  that  it  could  not  be  any  way  drowned,  or  overborne  by  the  violence  of  the, 
 ■water.  And  thus  was  Noah,  with  his  family,  preserved.  Now  he  was  the  tenth  from  Adam, 
 as  beiny;  the  son  of  Lamech,  whoso  father  was  Methusela  ;  he  was  the  sou  of  Enoch,  the  son 
 of  Jared  ;  and  Jared  was  the  son  of  3Ialaleel,  who,  wilh  many  of  his  sisters,  were  the  chjldreu 
 of  Cain,  the  son  of  Enos.     Now  Enos  was  tlie  son  of  Seth,  the  son  of  Adam. 
 
 3.  This  calamity  happened  in  the  six  hundredth  year  of  Noah's  government,  [age,]  in  the 
 second  iiionlh.t  called  by  tiie  Macedonians  Dins,  but  by  the  Hebrews  Marshesvati;  for  so  did 
 they  order  the  year  in  Esypt.  But  Moses  appointed  that  Nixait,  which  is  the  same  with 
 Xaiilliicus,  should  be  the  first  month  for  their  festivals,  because  Le  brought  them  out  of  Egypt 
 in  that  month  :  so  that  this  mouth  began  the  year,  as  to  all  tlie  solemnities  they  observed  to 
 the  honour  of  God,  a'.lhougb  be  preserved  the  original  order  of  the  months  as  to  selling  and 
 buying,  and  other  ordisary^  affairs.  Now  he  says.  That  this  flood  began  on  the  twenty-seventh 
 f  scventcentli]  day  of  the  foremenlioned  month  ;  and  this  was  two  thonsand  six  hundred  and 
 lifty-six  [one  thousand  five  hundred  and  fifty-six]  years  from  Adam  the  first  man  ;  and  the 
 time  is  written  down  in  our  sacred  books,  t  those  who  then  lived  having  noted  down,  with 
 great  accnracy,  both  the  births  and  deaths  of  illustrious  men. 
 
 4.  For,  indeed,  Seth  was  born  when  Adam  was  in  his  two  hundred  and  thirtieth  year,  who 
 lived  nine  hundred  and  thirty  years.  Seth  begat  Enoch  in  his  two  hundred  and  lifth  year  ; 
 who,  when  he  had  lived  nine  hundred  and  twelve  years,  delivered  (he  government  to  Cainaii 
 his  son,  whom  he  had  at  his  hundred  and  ninetieth  year.  He  lived  nine  hundred  and  five 
 years.  Caiuan,  when  he  had  lived  nine  hundred  and  ten  years,  had  his  son  Malaleel,  who  was 
 bora  in  his  hundred  and  seventieth  year.  This  Malaleel,  having  lived  eight  hnrdred  and  ninety- 
 five  years,  died,  leaving  his  son  Jared,  whom  he  begat  when  he  was  at  his  hundred  and  sixty- 
 fifth  year.  He  lived  nine  hundred  and  sixty-two  years  ;  and  then  his  son  Enoch  succeeded 
 him,  who  was  born  when  his  father  was  one  hundred  and  sixty-two  years  old.  Now  be,  when 
 he  had  lived  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  years,  departed  and  went  to  God  ;  whence  it  is  that 
 they  have  not  written  down  his  death.  Now  Methusela,  the  son  of  Enoch,  who  was  born  to 
 him  when  he  w;is  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  years  old,  had  Lanieeh  for  his  son,  when  he  was 
 one  hundred  and  eighty-seven  years  of  age  ;  to  whom  he  delivered  the. government,  when  he 
 had  retained  it  nine  hundred  and  sixty-nine  years.  Now  Lamech,  when  he  had  governed  seven 
 hundred  and  st^venty-seven  years,  appointed  Noah  his  son  lo  be  the  ruler  of  the  people,  who 
 was  born  lo  Lamech  when  he  was  one  hundred  and  eighty- two  years  old,  und  retained  the 
 government  i.-ine  hundred  and  fifty  years.  These  years,  collected  together,  make  np  the  sum 
 before  set  down.  iJut  iet  no  one  inquire  into  the  dcatlis  of  those  men  ;  for  they  extended 
 their  lives  aiong,  together  wilh  their  children  and  grandchildren  ;  but  let  him  have  regard 
 to  their  births  only. 
 
 5.  When  God  gave  the  signal,  and  it  began  to  rain,  the  water  poured  down  forty  entire 
 days,  till  it  became  fifteen  cubits  higher  than  the  earth  ;  which  was  the  reason  why  there  were 
 no  greater  numlier  preserved,  since  they  had  no  place  to  fly  to.  When  the  rain  ceased,  the 
 water  did  but  just  begin  to  abate  after  one  hundred  and  fifty  days,  that  is,  on  the  seventeenth 
 day  of  the  seventh  month,  it  then  ceasing  to  subside  for  a  little  while.  After  this,  the  ark 
 rested  on  the  top  of  a  certain  mountain  in  Armenia  :  which,  when  Ncrih  understood,  be  opened 
 it,  and  seeing  a  small  piece  of  land  about  it,  he  continued  quiet,  and  conceived  some  cheerful 
 hopes  of  deliverance.  Uut  a  few  days  afterward,  when  the  water  was  decreased  to  a  greater 
 degree,  he  sent  out  a  raven,  as  desirous  to  learn  whether  any  other  part  of  the  earth  were  left 
 dry  by  the  water,  and  whether  he  might  go  out  of  the  ark  with  safety  ;  but  the  raven,  iinding 
 all  the  land  still  overfloived,  returned  to  Noah  again.  And  after  seven  days,  he  sent  out  a  dove, 
 to  know  the  state  of  the  ground  ;  which  came  back  to  him  covered  witli  mud,  and  bringing  an 
 olive  branch  :  hereby  Noah  learned  that  the  earth  was  become  clear  of  the  flood.  So,  after  he 
 had  staid  seven  more  days,  he  sent  the  living  creatures  out  of  the  ark  ;  and  both  he  and  his 
 family  went  out,  when  he  also  sacrificed  to  God,  and  feasted  wilh  his  companions.  However, 
 tlie  Armenians  call  this  place  Anoj3aTiipiov,  §  The  place  of  descent ;  for  the  ark  being  saved  in 
 that  place,  its  remains  are  shewed  there  by  the  inhabitants  to  this  day. 
 
 •  A  cubit  is  about  twonty-oi.e  English  inclies. 
 
 t  .Insophus  Iipre  truly  determines,  that  the  year  of  the  flood  began  about  the  autumnal  equinox ;  as  to  what 
 day  of  the  month  tlie  tlood  bepaii,  our  Hebrew  and  Samaritan,  and  perhaps  .Josephns'  own  copy,  more  rij,htly 
 placed  it  on  the  17tli  day,  iiisteru!  of  the  C7th,  as  here ;  for  Josephns  agrees  with  them  as  to  the  distance  of 
 i50  days  to  the  IJth  day  of  the  7lii  month,  as  (ion.  vii.  2i.  with  viii.  4. 
 
 t  Josephus  here  takes  notice,  that  these  ancient  genealogies  were  first  set  down  by  those  that  Iheu  lived, 
 and  from  thtm  were  transmitted  down  to  posterity;  which  I  supi,ose  to  be  tho  true  accouut  of  that  matter  : 
 for  there  is  no  reason  to  imagine  that  men  were  not  tauKtit  to  ran/  and  urite  soon  after  they  were  taught  to 
 speni;  and  pernaps  all  by  the  Messiah  himself,  who,  under  the  Father,  was  the  Creator  or  Governor  of  maa- 
 kiDQ   and  who  frequently  in  those  early  days  appeared  to  them. 
 
 i  This  Jipohntrriori,  or  place  of  desrfiil,  is  the  proper  rendering  of  the  Armenian  name  of  this  very  city.  It 
 Is  called  ;:   rtolcmy  Na.ruana,  and  by  Moecs  Chorenensis,  the  Armeuiau  hibtonan,  Idiheuan,  but  at  thu  pUc« 
 
36  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 6.  Now  all  tbe  writers  of  barbarian  lilstories  make  mention  of  this  flood,  and  of  this  ark, 
 among  whom  is  Berosus  tbe  Chaldean.  For  when  lie  was  describing  tbc  circumstances  of 
 the  flood,  be  goes  on  thus  : — "  It  is  said,  tbere  is  still  seme  part  of  Ibis  sbip  in  Armenia,  at 
 tbe  mountain  of  tbe  Cordj-seans,  and  that  some  people  carry  off  pieces  of  tbe  bitumen,  which 
 they  take  away,  and  use  cliiedy  as  amulets,  for  the  averting  of  mischiefs."  Hieronjmus  the 
 Egyptian  also,  who  wrote  the  Ptienician  Antiquities,  and  Mnaseas,  and  a  great  many  more, 
 make  mention  of  the  same.  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  in  bis  ninety-sixth  book,  bath  a  particu- 
 lar relation  about  tbem  ;  where  be  speaks  thus  : — "  There  is  a  great  mountain  in  Armenia, 
 over  Minyas,  called  Baris,  upon  which,  it  is  reported,  that  many  who  fled  at  the  time  of  the 
 deluge  were  saved  ;  and  that  one,  who  was  carried  in  an  ark,  came  on  shore  upon  tbe  ttip  of 
 it ;  and  that  the  remains  of  the  timber  were  a  great  while  preserved  :  this  might  be  the  man 
 about  whom  Moses  the  legislator  of  the  Jews  wrote." 
 
 7.  But  as  for  Noah,  be  was  afraid,  since  God  had  determined  to  destroy  mankind,  lest  he 
 should  drown  the  earth  every  year  ;  so  be  offered  burnt-offerings,  and  besought  God  that  na- 
 ture might  hereafter  go  on  in  its  former  orderly  course,  and  that  he  would  not  bring  on  so 
 great  a  judgment  any  more,  by  which  the  whole  race  of  creatuii^s  jnight  be  in  danger  of 
 destruction  ;  but  that,  having  now  punished  tbe  wicked,  be  would  of  bis  goodness  spare  tbe 
 remainder,  and  such  as  he  bad  hitherto  judged  fit  to  be  delivered  from  so  severe  a  calamity  ; 
 for  that  otherwise  these  last  must  be  more  miserable  than  the  first,  and  that  they  must  be  con- 
 demned to  a  woise  condition  than  the  others,  unless  they  be  suffered  to  escape  entirely;  that 
 is,  if  they  be  reserved  for  another  deluge  ;  while  they  must  be  afflicted  with  the  terror  and 
 sight  of  the  first  deluge,  and  must  also  be  destroyed  by  a  second.  He  also  entreated  God 
 to  accept  of  his  sacrifice,  and  to  grant,  that  the  earth  might  never  again  undergo  the  like  eflects 
 of  his  wrath  ;  that  men  might  be  permitted  to  go  on  cheerfully  in  cultivating  tbe  same  ;  to 
 build  cities,  and  live  happily  in  them  ;  and  that  they  might  not  be  deprived  of  any  of  those 
 good  things  which  they  enjoyed  before  the  flood,  but  might  attain  to  the  like  length  of  days, 
 and  old  age,  which  tbe  ancient  people  had  arrived  at  before. 
 
 8.  When  Nc-ab  had  made  these  supplications,  God,  who  loved  the  man  for  bis  righteous- 
 ness, granted  entire  success  to  his  prayers,  and  said.  That  it  was  net  he  who  brought  the 
 destruction  on  a  polluted  world,  but  that  tliej'  underwent  that  vengeance  on  account  of  their 
 own  wickedness  ;  and  that  he  bad  not  brought  men  into  tbe  world,  if  he  had  himself  deter- 
 mined to  destroy  them,  it  being  an  instance  of  greater  wisdom  not  to  have  granted  them  life  at 
 all,  than,  after  it  was  granted,  to  procure  their  destruction  ;  but  tbe  injuries,  said  be,  they 
 oftered  to  my  holiness  and  virtue,  forced  me  to  bring  this  punishment  upon  them.  But  I  will 
 leave  off  for  tbe  time  to  come  to  require  such  punishments,  the  effects  of  so  great  wrath,  for 
 their  future  wicked  actions,  and  especially  on  account  of  tby  prayers.  But  if  I  shall  at  any 
 time  send  tempests  of  rain  in  an  extraordinary  manner,  be  not  affrigbted  at  the  largeness  of 
 the  showers  ;  for  the  water  shall  no  more  overspread  the  earth.  However,  I  require  you  to 
 abstain  from  shedding  the  blood  of  men,  and  to  keep  yourselves  pure  from  murder,  and  to 
 punish  those  that  commit  any  such  thing.  I  permit  you  to  make  use  of  all  the  other  living 
 creatures  at  your  pleasure,  and  as  your  appetites  lead  yon  :  for  I  have  made  you  lords  of  them 
 all,  both  of  those  that  walk  on  the  land,  and  those  that  swim  in  the  waters,  and  of  those  that 
 fly  in  the  regions  of  the  air  on  high,  excepting  their  blood,  for  therein  is  the  life.  But  I  will 
 give  you  a  sign,  that  I  have  left  off  my  anger,  by  my  hoiv,  (whereby  is  meant  the  rainbow,  for 
 they  determined  that  tbe  rainbow  was  the  bow  of  God.)  And  when  God  had  said  and  promised 
 thus,  be  went  away, 
 
 9.  Now  when  Noah  bad  lived  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  flood,  and  all  that  time 
 happily,  he  died,  having  lived  the  number  of  nine  hundred  and  fifty  years.  But  let  no  one,  upon 
 comparing  tbe  lives  of  tbe  ancients  with  our  lives,  and  with  the  few  years  which  we  now  live^ 
 think,  that  what  we  have  said  of  them  is  false;  or  make  tbe  shortness  of  our  lives  at  present 
 an  argument,  that  neither  did  they  attain  to  so  long  a  duration  of  life,  for  those  ancients  were 
 beloved  of  God,  and  [lately]  made  by  God  himself;  and  because  their  food  was  then  fitter  for 
 tbe  prolongation  of  life,  might  well  live  so  great  a  number  of  years  ;  and  besides,  God  afforded 
 them  a  longer  time  of  life  on  account  of  iheir  virtue,  and  the  good  use  they  made  of  it  in  astro- 
 nomical and  geometrical  discoveries,  which  would  not  have  aflbrded  the  time  for  foretelling 
 [the  periods  of  tbe  stars]  unless  they  had  lived  six  hundred  years  ;  for  the  great  year  is  com- 
 pleted in  that  interval.  Now  I  have  for  witnesses  to  what  I  bave  said,  all  those  that  have 
 written  antiquities,  both  among  the  Greeks  and  Barbarians  :  for  even  Menetho,  who  wrote  tbe 
 Egyptian  history,  and  Berosus,  who  collected  tbe  Chaldean  monuments,  and  Mochus,  and  Jles- 
 tiaens,  and  besides  these,  Hieronymus  the  Egyptian,   and  those  who  composed  tbe  Phenician 
 
 itself,  Nachidsheuan,  which  signifies  the  first  place  of  descent,  and  is  a  lastinp  monument  of  the  preservation  of 
 Js'oah  in  the  ark,  u])on  tlio  top  of  that  moumain,  at  whose  foot  it  was  built,  as  the  first  city  or  town  after  the 
 flood;  see  Antiq.  h.xx.  ch.ii.  sect.  3.  vol.ii.  and  Moses  Chorenensis,  p.  71,72,  who  also  says,  p.  19.  that 
 another  town  was  related  by  tradition  to  have  been  called  Seron,  or  tlic  place  of  dispersioji,  on  account  of  the 
 dispersion  of  Xisuthrus'  or  "Noah's  sons  from  thence  iirst  made.  Whether  any  remains  of  this  ark  be  still 
 preserved,  as  the  people  of  the  country  suppose,  1  cannot  certainly  tell.  Mons.  Tournefort  had,  not  very  long 
 since,  a  mind  to  sve  the  pl»c«  Uimself,  but  met  with  too  grteat  dangers  and  difficukics  to  veature  through 
 tltem. 
 
 I 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAT.    IV.    V.  37 
 
 history,  agree  towliat  I  here  sav  :  llesiod  also,  a::  J  Ilccatasus,  and  Hellanicus,  and  Acusilaus  ; 
 aud  besides  tbese,  Epliorus  and  Nicolaus  relate,  that  the  ancients  lived  a  ttiousand  years.  JJiit 
 as  to  these  matters,  let  every  one  look  upon  them  as  they  think  tit. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Concerning  the  Tower  of  Babylon,  and  the  Confusion  of  Tongues, 
 
 ^  1.  Now  the  sons  of  Noah  were  three;  Sheni,  Japhet,  and  Ham,  born  one  hundred 
 years  before  the  deluge.  These  first  of  all  descended  from  the  mountains  into  the  plains,  and 
 fixed  their  habitation  there ;  and  persuaded  others  who  were  greatly  afraid  of  the  lower 
 grounds  on  account  of  the  flood,  and  so  were  very  loath  to  come  down  from  the  higher  places, 
 to  venture  to  follow  their  examples.  Now  the  plain  in  which  they  first  dwelt,  was  called 
 Shinar.  God  also  commanded  them  to  send  colonies  abroad,  for  the  thorough  peopling  of  the 
 earth,  that  they  might  not  raise  seditions  among  themselves,  but  might  cultivate  a  great  part 
 of  the  earth,  and  enjoy  its  fruits  after  a  plentiful  manner.  But  they  were  so  ill-instructed,  that 
 they  did  not  obey  God ;  for  which  reason  they  fell  into  calamities,  and  were  made  sensible  by 
 experience,  of  what  sin  they  had  been  guilty :  for  when  they  flourished  with  a  numerous 
 youth,  God  admonished  them  again  to  send  out  colonies  ;  but  they,  imagining  that  the  pros- 
 perity they  enjoyed  was  not  derived  from  the  favour  of  God,  but  supposing  that  their  own 
 power  was  the  proper  cause  of  the  plentiful  condition  they  were  in,  did  not  obey  him.  Nay, 
 they  added  to  this  their  disobedience  to  the  divine  will,  the  suspicion  that  they  were  therefore 
 ordered  to  send  oat  separate  colonies,  that  being  divided  asunder,  they  might  the  more  easily 
 be  oppressed. 
 
 2.  Now  it  was  Nimrod  who  excited  them  to  such  an  afTront  and  contempt  of  God.  He 
 was  the  grandson  of  Ham,  the  son  of  Noah,  a  bold  man,  and  of  great  strength  of  hand.  He 
 persuaded  them  not  to  ascribe  it  to  God,  as  if  it  was  through  his  means  they  were  happy,  but 
 to  believe  that  it  was  their  own  courage  which  procured  that  happiness.  He  also  gradually 
 changed  the  government  into  tyranny,  seeing  no  other  way  of  turning  men  from  the  fear  of 
 God,  but  to  bring  them  into  a  constant  dependence  on  his  power.  He  also  said,  "  He  would 
 be  revenged  on  God,  if  he  should  have  a  mind  to  drown  the  world  again,  for  that  he  would 
 build  a  tower  too  high  for  the  water  to  be  able  to  reach;  and  that  he  would  avenge  himself 
 on  God  for  destroying  their  forefathers." 
 
 3.  Now  the  multitude  were  very  ready  to  follow  the  determination  of  Nimrod,  and  to 
 esteem  it  a  piece  of  cowardice  to  submit  to  God  ;  and  they  built  a  tower,  neither  sparing  any  pains, 
 nor  being  iu  any  degree  negligent  about  the  work  ;  and,  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  hands 
 employed  in  it,  it  grew  very  high,  sooner  than  any  one  could  expect ;  but  the  thickness  of  it 
 was  so  great,  and  it  was  so  strongly  built,  that  thereby  its  great  height  seemed,  upon  the 
 view,  to  be  less  than  it  really  was.  It  was  built  of  burnt  brick,  cemented  together  with  mor- 
 tar made  of  bitumen,  that  it  might  not  be  liable  to  admit  the  water.  When  God  saw  that 
 thoy  acted  so  madly,  he  did  not  resolve  to  destroy  them  utterly,  since  they  were  not  grown 
 wiser  by  the  destruction  of  the  former  sinners,  but  he  caused  a  tumult  among  them,  by  pro- 
 ducing in  them  divers  languages,  and  causing,  that  through  the  multitude  of  those  languages, 
 they  should  not  be  able  to  understand  one  another.  The  place  wherein  they  built  the  tower, 
 is  now  called  Babylon,  because  of  the  confusion  of  that  language  which  they  readily  understood 
 before  ;  for  the  Hebrews  mean  by  the  word  Babel,  co7ifiision.  The  Sibyl  also  makes  mention 
 of  this  tower,  and  of  the  confusion  of  the  language,  when  she  says  thus:  "When  all  men 
 ■were  of  one  language,  some  of  them  built  a  hii;h  tower,  as  if  they  would  thereby  ascend  up  to 
 heaven,  but  the  gods  sent  storms  of  wind,  and  overthrew  the  lower,  and  gave  every  one  his 
 peculiar  language  ;  and  for  this  reason  it  was  that  the  city  was  called  Babylon."  But  as  to  the 
 plain  of  Shinar,  in  the  country  of  Babylon,  Hestia:us  mentions  it,  when  he  says  thus:  "Such 
 of  the  priests  as  were  eaved,  look  the  sacred  vessels  of  Jupiter  Euyalius,  and  came  to  Shinar, 
 of  Babylonia.' 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 After  what  manner  the  Posterity  of  Noah  sent  out  Colonies,  and  inhabited  the  whole  Earth. 
 
 §  1.  After,  this  they  were  dispersed  abroad,  on  account  of  their  languages,  and  went  out 
 by  colonies  every  where  ;  and  each  colony  took  possession  of  that  land  which  they  light  upon, 
 and  into  wliich  God  led  them,  so  that  the  whole  continent  v/as  filled  with  them,  both  the  inland 
 and  the  maritime  countries.  There  were  some  also  who  passed  over  the  sea  in  ships,  and  in- 
 habited the  islands,  and  some  of  those  nations  do  still  retain  the  denominations  which  were 
 given  them  by  their  first  founders  ;  but  some  have  lost  them  also,  and  some  have  only  admitted 
 certain  changes  iu  them,  that  they  might  be  the  more  intelligible  to  the  inhabitants.  And  they 
 were  the  Greeks  who  became  the  authors  of  such  mutations :  for  when,  in  after  ages,  they 
 
38  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 grew  potent,  they  claimed  to  themselves  the  glory  of  antiquity ;  giving  names  to  the  nations 
 iFiat  sounded  well,  [in  Greek,]  that  they  might  be  better  understood  among  tliemselves ;  and 
 setting  asjreeable  forms  of  government  over  them,  as  if  they  were  a  people  derived  from 
 themselves. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  every  Natioti  was  denominated  from  their  first  Inhabitants, 
 
 §  1.  Now  they  were  the  grandchildren  of  Noah,  in  honour  of  whom  names  were  imposed 
 on  the  nations  by  those  that  first  seized  upon  them.  Japbet,  the  son  of  Noah,  had  seven 
 sons.  They  inhabited  so,  that  beginning  at  the  mountains  Taurus  and  Amanus,  they  pro- 
 ceeded along  Asia,  as  far  as  the  river  Tanais,  and  along  Europe  to  Cadiz ;  antl  settling  them- 
 selves on  the  lands  they  light  upon,  which  none  had  inhabited  before,  they  called  the  nations 
 by  their  own  names.  For  Corner  founded  those  whom  the  Greeks  now  called  Galatians 
 [Gauls]  but  were  then  called  Gomerites.  Magog  founded  those  that  from  him  were  naip.ed 
 Ma<jogites,  but  who  are  by  the  Greeks  called  Scythians.  Now  as  io  Javan  and  Medai,  the 
 SODS  of  Japhet;  from  Madai  came  the  Madeans,  which  are  called  Medes  by  the  Greeks;  but 
 from  Javan,  Jonia,  and  all  the  Grecians,  are  derived.  Thobe!  founded  the  Thobelites,  which 
 are  now  called  Iberes ;  aud  the  Moscheni  were  founded  by  Mosoch  ;  now  they  are  Cappado- 
 cians.  There  is  also  a  mark  of  their  ancient  denomination  still  to  be  shewn ;  for  there  is 
 even  now  among  them  a  city  called  Mazaca,  which  may  inform  those  that  are  able  to  under- 
 stand, that  so  was  the  entire  nation  once  called.  Thiras  also  called  those  whom  he  ruled  over, 
 Thiracians ;  but  the  Greeks  changed  the  name  into  Thraciaiis,  And  so  many  were  tlie  coun- 
 tries thiit  had  the  children  of  Japhet  for  their  inhabitants.  Of  the  three  sonsof  Goraer,  Ascha- 
 iiaz  founded  the  Ascbanasians,  who  are  now  called  by  the  Greeks  Rheghiiaiis.  So  did  Kiphath 
 found  the  Ripheans,  now  called  Paphlayonia/is  ;  aud  Thrnggramma  the  Thrngrammeans,  who, 
 as  the  Greeks  resolved,  were  named  Phrygians.  Of  the  three  sons  of  Javan  also,  the  son  of 
 Japhet,  Elisa  gave  name  to  the  Eliseans,  who  were  bis  subjects;  they  are  now  the  iEoiians. 
 Tharsus  to  the  Tharsians,  for  so  was  Cicilia  of  old  called  ;  the  sign  of  which  is  this,  that  the 
 noblest  city  which  they  have,  and  a  metropolis  also,  is  Tarsus,  the  Trfu,  being  by  change  put 
 for  the  Theta.  Cetliimas  possessed  the  island  CetLima  ;  it  is  now  ea'Eed  Cyprus;  aud  from 
 that  it  is,  that  all  islands,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  sea-coa.its,  are  named  Cetliini  by  the 
 Hebrews  ;  and  one  city  there  is  in  Cyprus  that  has  been  able  to  preserve  its  denomination  ;  it 
 is  called  Citius,  by  those  who  use  the  languaj^e  of  the  Greeks,  and  has  not,  by  the  use  of  that 
 dialect,  escaped  the  name  of  Cethim.  And  so  ^Ila.^y  mtions  have  the  children  and  grandchil- 
 dren of  Japhet  possessed.  Now  when  I  have  premised  somewhat,  which  perhaps  the  Greeks 
 do  not  know,  I  will  return  and  explain  what  I  havi-  omitted;  for  such  names  are  pronounced 
 here  after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks,  to  pleas.-  my  readers  ;  for  our  own  country  language 
 does  not  so  pronounce  them  :  but  the  names  in  all  cases  are  of  one  and  the  same  ending;  foi' 
 the  name  we  here  pronounce  Noeas,  is  there  Nuah,  and  in  every  case  retains  the  same 
 termijiadon. 
 
 2.  The  children  of  Ham  possessed  the  land  from  Syria  and  Amanus,  and  the  mountains  of 
 Libanus  ;  seizing  upon  all  that  was  on  its  sea-coasts,  and  as  far  as  the  ocean,  and  keeping  it  as 
 their  own.  Some  indeed  of  its  names  are  utterly  vanished  away  ;  others  of  them  being  changed, 
 and  another  sound  given  them,  are  hardly  to  be  discovered  ;  yet  a  few  there  are  which  have 
 kept  their  denominations  entire  :  for  of  the  four  sons  of  Hasn,  time  lias  not  at  all  hurt  the  name 
 of  Chus;  for  the  Ethiopians,  over  whom  he  reigned,  are  even  at  this  day,  both  by  themselves, 
 and  by  all  men  in  Asia,  called  Chvsites.  The  memory  also  of  the  Mesraites  is  preserved  in 
 their  n  irae  ;  for  all  we  who  inhabit  the  country  [of  Judea,]  call  Egypt  Mestre,  and  the  Egyp- 
 tians Meslreans.  Phut  also  was  the  founder  of  Libya,  and  called  the  inhabitants  Phnlites, 
 from  himself.  There  is  also  a  river  in  the  country  of  the  Moors,  which  bears  that  name; 
 whence  it  is  that  we  may  see  the  greatest  part  of  the  Grecian  historiographers  mention  that 
 river,  and  the  adjoining  country,  by  (he  appellation  of  Phut.  But  the  name  it  has  now,  has 
 been  by  change  given  it  from  one  of  the  sons  of  3Iestraim,  who  was  called  Lybyos.  We 
 will  inform  you  presently  what  has  been  the  occasion  why  it  has  been  called  Africa  also. 
 Canaan,  the  fourth  son  of  Ham,  inhabited  the  country  now  called  Judea.  and  called  it  from 
 his  own  name  CVinaaM.  The  children  of  these  [four]  were  these  ;  Sabas,  who  founded  the  Sa- 
 heans ;  Evilas,  who  founded  the  Evileans,  who  are  called  Getuli;  Sabathes  founded  the 
 Sabathens  ;  they  are  now  called  by  the  Greeks,  Astaburans:  Sabactas  settled  the  Sabac- 
 tens  ;  and  Ragmus  the  Ragmeans  :  and  he  had  two  sous,  the  one  of  which,  Judadas,  settled 
 the  Judadeans,  a  nation  of  the  western  Ethiopians,  aud  left  them  his  najue  ;  as  did  Sabas 
 to  the  Sabeans :  but  Nimrod,  the  son  of  Chas,  stayed  and  tyrannized  at  Babylon,  as  we 
 have  already  informed  you.  Now  all  the  chiidreu  of  Mesraira,  being  eight  in  number,  pos- 
 sessed the  country  from  Gaza  to  Egypt,  though  it  retained  the  name  of  one  only,  the  Plulis~ 
 lim,  for  the  Greeks  call  part  of  that  country  Palestine.  As  for  the  rest,  Ludim,  and  Ene 
 mim,  and  Labimj  who  alone  inhabited  iu  Libya,  aud  called  the  country  irom  himself,  Nedi»i, 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    VI.  39 
 
 and  Phellirosiiii,  and  Clieslolin,  and  Cephtborim,  weknow  nothing  of  tlieiu  besides  Ibeir  names  ; 
 for  tb«  Etbiopic  war,*  wbicb  we  shall  describe  hereafter,  was  the  cause  that  those  cities 
 were  overthrown.  The  sons  of  Canaan  were  these  ;  Sidonius,  who  also  built  a  oily  of  the 
 same  name  ;  it  is  called  by  the  Greeks  Sidon :  Aniathus  inhabited  in  Amathine,  which  is  even 
 now  called  Amaihe  by  the  inhabitants,  although  the  Macedonians  named  it  Eplphania,  from 
 oiie  of  his  posterity :  Arndeus  possessed  the  island  Aradus:  Arucas  possessed  Arce,  which 
 is  iu  Libanus.  But  for  tiie  seven  others,  [Eueus,]  Chetteus,  Jebuseus,  Amorreus  ;  Gera;esus, 
 Eudeus,  Sinens,  Saraareus,  we  have  nothing  in  the  sacred  books  but  their  names,  for  the  He- 
 brews overthrew  their  cities,  and  their  calamities  came  upon  them  on  the  occasion  following. 
 
 S.  Noah,  when,  after  the  dehige,  the  earlii  was  resettled  in  its  former  condition,  set  about 
 its  cultivation  ;  and  when  he  had  planted  it  with  vines,  and  when  the  fruit  was  ripe,  and  he 
 had  gathered  the  grape?  in  their  season,  and  the  wine  was  ready  for  use,  he  oflered  sacrifice, 
 and  feasted,  and  being  drunk,  he  fell  asleep,  and  lay  naked  in  an  unseemly  manner.  When 
 bis  youngest  son  saw  this,  he  came  laughing,  and  shewed  him  to  his  brethren  ;  but  they  covered 
 their  father's  nakedness.  And  when  Noah  was  made,  sensible  of  what  bad  been  done,  be 
 prayed  for  prosperity  to  his  other  sons  ;  but  for  Ham,  he  did  not  curse  him,  by  reason  of  his 
 nearness  in  blood,  but  cursed  his  posterity  :  and  when  the  rest  of  them  escaped  that  curse, 
 God  inflicted  it  on  the  children  of  Canaan.  But  as  to  these  matters,  we  shall  speak  more 
 hereafter. 
 
 4.  Shem,  the  third  son  of  Noah,  had  five  sons,  who  inhabited  the  land  that  began  at 
 Euphrates,  and  reached  to  the  Indian  ocean.  For  Elam  left  behind  him  the  Elamites,  the 
 iliieestors  of  the  Persians.  Ashur  lived  at  the  city  Niueve,  and  named  his  subjects  Assyrians, 
 who  became  the  most  fortunate  nation,  beyond  others.  Arphaxad  named  the  Arphaxadiles, 
 who  are  now  called  Chaldeans.  Aram  had  the  Aramites,  which  the  Greeks  call  Syrums;  as 
 Laud  founded  the  Laudites,  which  are  now  called  Lydians.  Of  the  four  sons  of  Aram,  Uz 
 founded  Trachonitis  and  Damascus  ;  this  country  lies  between  Palestine  and  Celosyria.  Ul 
 founded  Armenia  ;  and  Gather  the  Bactrians  ;  and  Messa  the  Mesaneans  ,  it  is  now  called 
 Charax  Spashii.  Sala  was  the  son  of  Arphaxad  ;  and  his  son  was  Heher,  from  whom  they 
 originally  called  the  Jews  Hehreivs.f  Ileber  begat  Joctan  and  Phaleg  :  he  was  called  Phaleg 
 because  he  was  born  at  the  dispersion  of  the  nations  to  their  several  countries  ;  for  Phaleg, 
 among  the  Hebrews,  signifies  diuision.  Now  Joctan,  one  of  the  sons  of  Heber,  had  these 
 sons: — p]lmodad,  Saleph,  Asermotli,  Jera,  Adoram,  Aizel,  Decla,  Ebal,  Abimael,  Sabeus, 
 Ophir,  Euilat,  and  Jobab.  These  inhabited  from  Cophen,  an  Indian  river,  and  in  part  of  Aria 
 adjoining  to  it.     And  this  shall  suffice  concerning  the  sons  of  Shem. 
 
 5.  I  will  now  treat  of  the  Hebrews.  The  son  of  {Mialeg,  whose  father  was  Heber,  was 
 Ragau  ;  whose  son  was  Serug,  to  whom  was  born  Nahor:  his  son  was  Terah,  who  was  the 
 father  of  Abram,  who  accordin;;ly  was  the  tenth  from  Noah,  and  was  born  in  the  two  hundred 
 and  ninety-second  year  after  the  deluge  ;  for  Terah  bejat  Abram  in  his  seventieth  year.  Nahor 
 begat  Haran,  when  he  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  old  :  Nahor  was  born  to  Serug  at 
 his  hundred  and  tiiirty-second  year:  Ragau  had  Serug  at  one  hundred  and  thirty;  at  the  same 
 age  also  Phaleg  bad  Ra^au  ;  Heber  begat  Plialeg  in  his  hundred  and  thirty-fourth  year  :  lie 
 himself  being  begotten  by  Sala,  when  be  was  a  hundred  and  thirty  years  old,  whom  Arphaxad 
 had  for  his  son  at  the  hundred  and  thirty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  Arphaxad  was  the  son  of 
 Shem,  and  born  twelve  years  after  the  dehige.  Now  Abram  had  two  brethren,  Nahor  and 
 Haran ;  of  these  Haran  left  a  son.  Lot ;  as  also  Sarai  and  Milcha  his  daughters  ;  and  died 
 among  the  Chaldeans,  in  a  city  of  the  Chaldeans,  called  Ur ;  and  his  monument  is  shewn  to 
 this  day.  These  married  their  nieces.  Nahor  married  Milcha,  and  Abraham  married  Sarai. 
 Now  Terah  hating  Chaldea,  on'  account  of  his  mourning  for  Haran,  they  all  removed  to  Haran 
 of  Mesopotamia,  where  Terah  died,  and  was  buried,  when  he  had  lived  to  be  two  hundred 
 and  five  years  old;  for  the  life  of  man  was  already,  by  degrees,  diminished,  and  became 
 shorter  than  before,  till  the  birth  of  Moses;  after  whom  the  term  of  human  life  was  one  hundred 
 and  twenty  years  :  God  determining  it  to  be  the  length  that  Moses  happened  to  live.  Now  Nahor 
 had  flight  sons  by  Milcha;  Uz,  and  Buz,  Keniuel,  Chesed,  Azau,  Pheldas,  Jadelph,  and 
 Bethuel.  These  were  all  the  genuine  sons  of  Nahor;  for  Teba,  and  Gaam,  and  Tachas,  and 
 Maaca,  were  born  of  Reuma,  his  concubine  ;  but  Bethuel  had  a  daughter  Rebecca,  and  a 
 BOD  Laban. 
 
 •  One  observation  ought  not  to  be  here  neglcctea,  with'regard  to  that  Ethiopic  war,  which  Moses,  as  general  of 
 the  Egyptians,  put  an  und  to,  Antiq.  b.  ii.  ch.  x.  and  about  which  our  late  writers  seem  very  much  uncon- 
 cerned ;  iis.  that  it  was  a  war  of  that  ronsiqnence,  as  to  occasion  the  removal  or  destruction  of  six  or  seven 
 nations  of  the  posterity  of  iMitzraim,  with  tlieir  cities.  Whicli  Joseph  us  would  not  have  said,  if  he  had  not 
 had  ancient  records  to  justify  those  his  assertions,  though  those  records  be  all  now  lost. 
 
 +  That  the  Jews  were  called  Ilcirai.t,  from  this  their  progenitor  Ile/ier,  our  author  .Tosephus  here  rightly 
 affirms  ;  and  not  from  Abram  the  Hebrew,  or  I'assemier  over  Euphrates,  as  many  of  the  moderns  suppose. 
 Shem  is  :iNo  called  the  fatlitr  of  iili  Un- children  of  lie/icr,  or  of  a//  t/ie  Ilefimu's,  in  a  history  louK  bifure  Abram 
 passed  ovir  Kiiphrates,  tJen.  x.  21.  though  it  must  be  confessed,  that,  Oen.  xiv.  13.  where  the  (int;iiial  says, 
 they  lull/  .l/iram  the  HehreiD,  thd  Sepluaijiut  rciulers  it  the  Passeiujer,  TrcpaTijl' :  hut  this  is  spokeu  only  of 
 Abram  himself,  who  liad  then  lately  passed  over  Euphrates,  and  is  anolaer  Bigiiiflcation  of  ihe  llebrtw  word, 
 taUcQ  as  iui  appellative,  and  not  as  a  proper  name. 
 
40  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  VIL 
 
 How  Abram  our  Forefather  went  out  of  the  Land  of  the  Chaldeans,  and  lived  in  the  Laud  then 
 called  Canaan,  hut  now  Judea. 
 
 1.  Now  Abram,  having  no  son  of  his  own,  adopted  Lot,  his  brother  Haran's  son,  and  his 
 wife  Sarai's  brother,  and  he  left  the  land  of  Chaldea,  when  he  was  seventj-five  years  old, 
 and,  at  the  command  of  God,  went  into  Canaan,  and  therein  he  dwelt  himself,  and  left  it  to 
 his  posterity.  He  was  a  person  of  great  sagacity,  both  for  understanding  all  things,  and  per- 
 suading his  hearers,  and  not  mistaken  in  his  opinions  ;  for  which  reason  he  began  to  have 
 higher  notions  of  virtne  than  others  had,  and  he  determined  to  renew  and  to  change  the  opi- 
 nion all  men  happened  then  to  have  concerning  God  ;  for  he  was  the  first  that  ventured  to  pub- 
 lish this  notion,  that  there  was  but  one  God,  the  Creator  of  the  Universe  ;  and  that,  as  to  other 
 [gods,]  if  they  contributed  any  thing  to  the  happiness  of  men,  that  each  of  thera  aflbrded  it 
 only  according  to  his  appointment,  and  not  by  their  own  power.  This  his  opinion  was  derived 
 from  the  irregular  phenomena  that  were  visible  both  at  land  and  sea,  as  well  as  those  that 
 happen  to  the  sun,  and  moon,  and  all  the  heavenly  bodies,  thus : — "  If  [said  he]  these  bodies 
 had  power  of  their  own,  they  would  certainly  take  care  of  their  own  regular  motions  ;  but 
 since  they  do  not  preserve  sucli  regularity,  they  make  it  plain,  that,  so  far  as  they  co-operate 
 to  our  advantage,  they  do  it  not  of  their  own  abilities,  but  as  they  are  subservient  to  him  that 
 commands  them,  to  whom  alane  we  ought  justly  to  ofler  our  honour  and  thanksgiving."  For 
 which  doctrines,  when  the  Chaldeans,  and  other  people  of  Mesopotamia,  raised  a  tumnit  against 
 him,  he  thought  fit  to  leave  that  country  ;  and  at  the  command,  and  by  the  assistance  of  God, 
 he  came  and  lived  in  the  land  of  Canaan  :  and  when  he  was  there  settled,  he  built  an  altar, 
 and  performed  a  sacrifice  to  God. 
 
 '1.  Berosus  mentions  our  father  Abram  without  naming  him,  when  he  says  thus  : — In  the 
 tenth  generation  after  the  flood,  there  was  among  the  Chaldeans  a  man,  righteous  and  great, 
 and  skilful  in  the  celestial  science."  But  Hecataeus  does  more  than  barely  mention  him  ;  for 
 he  composed,  and  left  behind  him,  a  book  concerning  him.  And  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  in  the 
 fourth  book  of  his  History,  says  thus  : — "  Abram  reigned  at  Damascus,  being  a  foreigner,  who 
 came  with  an  army  out  of  the  land  above  Babylon,  called  ifee  laud  of  the  Chaldeans :  but,  after 
 a  long  time,  he  got  him  up,  and  removed  from  that  country  also,  with  his  people,  and  went  into 
 the  land  then  called  the  land  of  Canaan,  but  now  the  land  oi  Judea,  and  this  when  his  pos- 
 terity were  become  a  multitude ;  as  to  which  posterity  of  his,  we  relate  their  history  in  another 
 work.  Now  the  name  of  Abrau)  is  even  still  famous  in  the  country  of  Damascus;  and  there 
 is  shewed  a  village  named  from  him,  The  Habitation  of  Abram." 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 That  when  there  was  a  Famine  in  Canaan,  Abram  went  tlience  into  Egypt;  and  after  he  had 
 continued  there  a  while,  he  returned  back  again. 
 
 §  1.  Now  after  this,  when  a  famine  had  invaded  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  Abram  had  discovered 
 that  the  Egyptians  were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  he  was  disposed  to  go  down  to  them,  both 
 to  partake  of  the  plenty  they  enjoyed,  and  to  become  an  auditor  of  their  priests,  and  to 
 know  what  they  said  concerning  the  gods  ;  designing  either  to  follow  them  if  they  had  better 
 notions  than  he,  or  to  convert  tliem  into  a  better  way,  if  his  own  notions  proved  the  truest. 
 Now  seeing  he  was  to  take  Sarai  with  him,  and  was  afraid  of  the  madness  of  the  Egyptians 
 with  regard  to  women,  lest  the  king  should  kill  him  on  occasion  of  his  wife's  great  beauty,  he 
 contrived  this  device  :  he  pretended  to  be  her  brother  ;  ajid  directed  her,  in  a  dissembling 
 way,  to  pretend  the  same,  for  he  said  it  would  be  for  their  benefit.  Now  as  soon  as  they  cama 
 into  Egypt,  it  happened  to  Abram  as  he  supposed  it  would,  for  the  fame  of  his  wife's  beauty 
 was  greatly  talked  of;  for  which  reason  Pharaoh,  the  king  of  Egypt,  would  not  be  satisfied 
 with  what  was  reported  of  her,  but  would  needs  see  her  himself,  and  was  preparing  to  enjoy 
 her  ;  but  God  put  a  stop  to  his  unjust  inclinations,  by  sending  upon  him  a  distemper,  and  a 
 sedition  against  his  government.  And  when  he  inquired  of  the  priests,  how  he  might  be  freed 
 from  these  calamities,  they  told  him,  that  this  his  miserable  condition  was  derived  from  the 
 wrath  of  God,  upon  account  of  his  inclinati«ns  to  abuse  the  stranger's  wife.  He  then,  out  of 
 fear,  asked  Sarai,  Who  she  was  ?  and  who  it  was  that  she  brought  along  with  her?  And  when 
 he  had  found  out  the  truth,  he  excused  himself  to  Abram,  that  supposing  the  woman  to  be  his 
 sister,  and  not  his  wife,  he  set  his  affections  on  her,  as  desiring  an  afiiuity  with  him  by  marry- 
 ing her,  but  not  as  incited  by  lust  to  abase  her.  He  also  made  him  a  large  present  in  money, 
 and  gave  him  leave  to  enter  into  conversation  with  the  most  learned  among  the  Egyptians  : 
 from  which  conversation,  his  virtue  and  his  reputation  became  more  conspicuous  than  they  had 
 been  before. 
 
 2.  For  whereas  the  Egyptians  were  formerly  addicted  to  different  customs,  and  despised 
 one  another's  sacred  and  accustomed  rites,  and  were  very  angry  one  with  another  on  that  ac- 
 count ;  Abram  conferred  with  each  of  them,   and  confuting  the  reasonings   they  made  use  of. 
 
BOOK   I. — CHAP.   IX.  X.  41 
 
 cverv  one  for  tlieir  own  piaclices,  he  denioKsirated  that  such  reasonings  were  vain  and  void  of 
 truth  :  whereupon  he  was  admired  by  tliem  in  those  conferences  as  a  very  wise  man,  and  one 
 ol' great  sagarity,  when  he  discoursed  en  any  subject  he  undertook  :  and  this,  not  only  in  un- 
 derstanding it,  but  in  persuading  other  men  also  to  assent  to  him.  He  commuDicated  to  them 
 aritiinietic,  and  delivered  to  them  the  science  of  astronomy  ;  for,  before  Abram  came  into 
 Egypt,  they  were  unacquainted  wilh  l!:ose  parts  of  learning,  for  that  science  came  from  the 
 Chaldeans  into  Egypt,  and  from  thence  to  the  Greeks  also. 
 
 3.  As  soon  as  Abram  was  come  back  into  Canaan,  he  parted  the  land  between  him  and  Lot, 
 upon  account  of  the  tumultuous  behaviour  of  their  shepherds,  concerning  the  pastures  wherein 
 they  should  feed  their  ilocks.  However,  he  gave  Lot  his  option,  or  leave,  to  choose  which 
 lands  he  would  take  ;  and  he  took  himself  what  the  other  left,  which  were  the  lower  grounds 
 at  the  foot  of  the  mountains;  and  he  himself  dwelt  in  Hebron,  which  is  a  city  seven  years 
 ancienter  than  Tanais  of  Egypt.  But  Lot  possessed  the  land  of  the  plain,  and  the  river  Jordan, 
 not  far  from  the  city  of  Sodom,  which  was  then  a  line  city,  but  is  bow  destroyed  by  the  will 
 and  the  wrath  of  God,  the  cause  of  which  I  shall  shew  iu  its  proper  place  hereafter. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 The  Destruction  of  the  Sodomites  by  the  Assyrian  War. 
 
 i.  At  this  time,  when  the  Assyrians  bad  the  dominion  over  Asia,  the  people  of  Sodom  were 
 111  a  ilourishing  condition,  both  as  fo  riches,  and  the  number  of  their  youth.  There  were  five 
 l-irgs  that  managed  the  affairs  of  this  coniiiry,  Ballas,  Barsas,  Senabar,  and  Suniobor,  with  the 
 king  of  Bela  ;  and  each  king  led  on  his  own  troops  :  and  the  Assyrians  made  war  upon  them, 
 and,  dividing  their  army  into  four  parts,  fought  against  them.  Now  every  part  of  the  army  had 
 its  own  commauder;  and  when  the  battle  was  joined,  the  Assyrians  were  conquerors,  and  im- 
 posed a  tribute  upon  the  kings  of  the  Sodomites,  who  submitted  to  this  slavery  twelve  years, 
 and  so  long  they  continued  to  pay  their  tribute  :  but  on  the  thirteenth  year  they  rebelled,  and 
 then  the  army  of  the  Assyrians  came  upon  them,  under  their  commanders  Amraphel,  Arioch, 
 Chedorlaonier,  and  Tidal.  These  kings  had  laid  waste  all  Syria,  and  overthrown  the  offspring 
 of  the  giants.  And  when  they  were  come  over  against  Sodom,  they  pitched  their  camp  at  the 
 vale  called  the  Slimeints,  for  at  that  time  there  were  pits  in  that  place  ;  but  now,  upon  the 
 destruction  of  the  city  of  Sodom,  that  vale  became  the  Lake  Asphaltilcs,  as  it  is  called  ;  how- 
 ever, concerning  this  lake,  we  sliall  speak  more  presently.  Mow  when  the  Sodomites  joined 
 battle  with  the  Assyrians,  and  the  fight  was  very  obstinate,  many  of  them  were  killed,  and  the 
 rest  were  carried  captive  ;  among  which  captives  was  Lot,  who  had  come  to  assist  the 
 Sodomites. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Hutu  Abram  fought  with  the  Assyrians,  ami  overcame  them,  and  saved  the  Sodomite  Prisoners, 
 
 and  took  from  the  Assyrians  the  Prey  they  had  gotten, 
 i  1.  \Yhi:n  Abram  heard  of  their  calan.ity,  be  was  at  once  afraid  for  Lot  his  kinsman,  and 
 pitied  the  Sodomites,  his  friends  and  neighbours  ;  and  thinking  it  proper  to  afford  them  assist- 
 ance, he  did  not  delay  it,  but  marched  hastily,  and  tlie  fifth  night  fell  upon  the  Assyrians  near 
 Dan,  for  that  is  the  name  of  the  other  spring  of  JonJan  :  rnd  before  they  could  arm  themselves, 
 he  slew  some  as  they  were  in  their  beds,  before  they  could  suspect  any  harm  ;  and  others,  who 
 were  not  yet  gone  to  sleep,  but  were  so  drunk  they  could  not  fight,  ran  away.  Abram  pursued 
 after  them,  till,  on  the  second  day,  he  drove  ihem  in  a  body  unto  Hoba,  a  place  belonging  to 
 Damascus;  and  thereby  demoi;strated,  that  victory  does  not  depend  on  multitude,  and  the 
 number  of  hands,  but  the  alacrity  and  courage  of  soldiers  overcome  the  most  numerous  bodies 
 of  men,  while  he  got  the  victory  over  so  great  aw  army  with  no  more  than  three  hundred  and 
 eighteen  of  his  seivants,  and  three  of  his  friends  :  but  all  those  that  fled  returned  liome  in- 
 gloriously. 
 
 2.  So  Abram,  when  he  had  saved  the  captive  Sodomites,  who  had  been  taken  by  the 
 Assyrians,  and  Lot  also,  his  kinsman,  returned  home  in  peace.  Now  the  king  of  Sodom  met 
 him  at  a  certain  place,  whirh  they  called  The  King's  Vale,  where  Melchisedec,  king  of  the 
 city  Salem,  received  him.  That  name  signifies  the  righteous  king;  and  such  he  was,  withoni 
 dispnte,  insomuch  that,  on  this  account,  he  was  made  the  priest  of  God  :  however,  they  after- 
 wards called  Salem  Jerusalem.  Now  this  Melchisedec  supplied  Abram's  army  in  a  hospitable 
 manner,  and  gave  them  provisions  iu  abundance;  and  as  they  were  feasting,  he  began  to  praise 
 iiiin,  and  to  bless  God  for  subduing  his  enemies  under  him.  And  when  Abram  gave  him  the 
 tenth  part  of  his  prey,  he  accepted  of  the  gift :  but  the  king  of  Sodom  desired  Abram  to  take  the 
 prey  ;  but  entreated  that  he  might  have  those  men  restored  to  him  whom  Abram  had  saved 
 from  the  Assyrians,  because  they  belonged  to  him.  But  Abram  would  not  do  so,  nor  would 
 make  any  otht-i-  advantage  of  that  prey  than  what  his  servants  had  eaten  ;  but  still  insisted, 
 that  he  should  alVord  a  part  to  his  friends  that  had  assisted  him  in  the  battle.  The  first  of  them 
 was  called  Eschol,  and  then  Enner,  and  Mamhre. 
 
 3.  Anil  G.)d  commended  his  virtue,  and  said.  Thou  shalt  not,  however,  lose  the  rewards  thou 
 
 F 
 
43  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 hast  deserved  to  receive  by  siicb  thy  glorious  actions.  He  answered,  And  what  advantage  wil. 
 it  be  to  nie  to  have  such  rewards,  when  I  have  none  to  eujoy  them  after  me  ?  for  he  was 
 hitlierto  childless.  And  God  promised,  That  he  should  have  a  son,  and  that  his  posterity 
 should  be  very  numerous,  insomuch  that  their  number  should  be  like  the  stars.  When  he 
 heard  that,  he  offered  a  sacrifice  to  God,  as  he  commanded  him.  The  manner  of  the  sacrifice 
 was  this  : — He  took  a  heifer  of  three  years  old,  and  a  she-goat  of  three  years  old,  and  a  ram 
 in  like  manner  of  three  years  old,  and  a  turtle-dove,  and  a  pigeon  ;*  and,  as  he  was  enjoined,  he 
 divided  the  three  former,  but  the  birds  he  did  not  divide.  After  which,  before  he  built  his 
 altar,  where  the  birds  of  prey  flew  about  as  desirous  of  blood,  a  divine  voice  came  to  bim, 
 declaring,  That  their  neighbours  would  be  grievous  to  his  posterity,  when  they  should  be  in 
 Egypt,  for  four  hundred  years  ;t  during  which  time  they  should  be  afflicted,  but  afterwards 
 overcome  their  enemies,  should  conquer  the  Canaanites  in  war,  and  possess  themselves  of  their 
 land  and  of  their  cities. 
 
 4.  Now  Abram  dwelt  near  the  oak  called  0(/y(/«s;  the  place  belongs  to  Canaan,  not  far 
 from  the  city  of  Hebron.  But  being  uneasy  at  his  wife's  barrenness,  he  entreated  God  to 
 grant  that  he  might  have  male  issue  ;  and  God  required  of  him  to  be  of  good  courage,  and 
 said,  Tliat  he  would  add  to  all  the  rest  of  the  benefits  that  he  had  bestowed  upon  him,  ever 
 since  he  led  him  out  of  Mesopotamia,  the  gift  of  children.  Accordingly  Sarai,  at  God's  com- 
 mand, brought  to  his  bed  one  of  her  handmaidens,  a  woman  of  Egyptian«descent,  in  order  to 
 obtain  children  by  her  ;  and  when  this  handmaid  was  with  child,  she  triumphed,  and  ventured 
 to  affront  Sarai,  as  if  the  dominion  were  to  come  to  a  son  to  be  born  of  her.  But  when  Abram 
 resigned  her  into  the  hand  of  Sarai,  to  punish  her,  she  contrived  to  fly  away,  as  not  able  to 
 bear  the  instances  of  Sarai's  severity  to  her  ;  and  she  entreated  God  to  have  compassion  on 
 her.  Now  a  divine  angel  met  her,  as  she  was  going  forward  in  the  wilderness,  and  bid  her 
 return  to  her  master  and  mistress,  for  if  she  would  submit  to  that  wise  advice,  she  would  live 
 better  hereafter  ;  for  that  the  reason  of  her  being  in  suoh  a  miserable  case  was  this,  that  she 
 had  been  ungrateful  and  arrogant  towards  her  mistress.  He  also  told  her.  That  if  she  disobeyed 
 God,  and  went  on  still  in  her  way,  she  should  perish  ;  but  if  she  would  return  back,  she  should 
 become  the  mother  of  a  son,  who  should  reign  over  that  country.  These  admonitions  she 
 obeyed,  and  returned  to  her  master  and  mistress,  and  obtained  forgiveness.  A  little  while 
 afterwards  she  bare  Ishmael,  which  may  be  interpreted,  heard  of  God,  because  God  had  heard 
 his  mother's  prayer. 
 
 5.  The  forementioned  son  was  born  to  Abram  when  he  was  eighty-six  years  old  :  but  when 
 he  was  ninety-nine,  God  appeared  to  him,  and  promised  him,  That  he  should  have  a  son  by 
 Sarai,  and  commanded  that  his  name  should  he  Isaac ;  and  shewed  him,  that  from  this  son 
 should  spring  great  nations  and  kings,  and  that  they  should  obtain  all  the  land  of  Canaan  by 
 war,  from  Sidon  to  Egypt.  But  he  charged  him,  in  order  to  keep  his  posterity  unmixed  with 
 others,  that  they  should  be  circumcised  iu  the  flesh  of  their  foreskin,  and  that  this  should  be 
 done  on  the  eighth  day  after  they  were  born  :  the  reason  of  which  circumcision  I  will  explain 
 in  another  place.  And  Abram  inquiring  also  concerning  Tshmael,  whether  he  should  live  or 
 not,  God  signified  to  him,  That  he  should  live  to  be  very  old,  and  should  be  the  father  of  gieat 
 nations  :  Abram,  therefore,  gave  thanks  to  God  for  these  blessings  ;  and  then  he,  and  all 
 his  family,  and  his  son  Ishmael,  were  circumcised  immediately  ;  the  son  being  that  day 
 thirteen  years  of  age,  and  he  ninety-nine. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Bow  God  overthrew  the  Nation  of  the  Sodomites,  out  of  his  Wrath  against  them  for  their  Sins, 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  the  Sodomites  grew  proud,  on  account  of  their  riches  and  great  wealth  : 
 they  became  unjust  towards  men,  and  impious  towards  God,  insomuch  that  they  did  not  call  to 
 mind  the  advantages  they  received  from  him  ;  they  hated  strangers,  and  abused  themselves 
 with  Sodomilical  practices.  God  was  therefore  much  displeased  at  them,  and  determined  to 
 punish  them  for  their  pride,  and  to  overthrow  their  city,  and  lay  waste  their  country,  until 
 there  should  neither  plant  nor  fruit  grow  out  of  it. 
 
 2.  When  God  had  thus  resolved  concerning  the  Sodomites,  Abraham,  as  he  sat  by  the  oak  of 
 Mambre,  at  the  door  of  his  tent,  saw  three  angels  ;  and  thinking  them  to  be  strangers,  he  rose 
 up,  and  saluted  them,  and  desired  they  would  accept  of  an  entertainment,  and  abide  with  him  ; 
 to  which,  when  they  agreed,  he  ordered  cakes  of  meal  to  be  made  presently  ;  and  when  be  ■ 
 had  slain  a  calf,  he  roasted  it,  and  brought  it  to  them,  as  they  sat  under  the  oak.  Now  they 
 mdde  a  show  of  eating  ;  and,  besides,  they  asked  him  about  his  wife  Sarah,  where  she  was? 
 And  when  he  said.  She  was  within,  they  said.  They  should  come  aiiain  hereafter,  and  find  her 
 become  a  mother.  Upon  which  the  woman  laughed,  and  said,  That  it  was  impossible  she 
 should  bear  children,  since  she  was  ninety  years  of  age,  and  her  husband  was  a  hundred.  Then 
 
 •  It  is  worth  noting  here,  that  God  TPnnircd  no  other  sacrifices  iinder  the  law  of  IMoses,  than  what  were 
 taken  from  the^e  five  kinds  of  animals  which  he  here  required  of  Abram.  Nor  did  the  Jews  feed  npon  any 
 Other  domestic  animals  thau  the  three  here  named,  as  Keland  observes  on  Antiq.  b.iv.  chap.iv.  sect.  4. 
 
 t  Aa  to  this  affliction  cf  Abram's  posterity  for  400  years,  sec  AnUq.  b.  ii.  chap.  ix.  sect.  1. 
 
BOOK  I. — CHAP.  XII.  43 
 
 tliey  ooncealed  tliemselves  no  longer,  but  declared  tliat  tliey  were  angels  of  God  ;  and  that  one 
 of  them  was  sent  to  inform  them  about  thecliild,   nnd  two  fnr  the  ovcrtiirow  of  Sodom. 
 
 3.  When  Ahraham  bi-ard  this,  he  was  grieved  for  the  Sodomites  ;  and  he  rose  up,  and 
 besous^ht  God  for  them,  and  entreated  him  that  be  would  not  destroy  the  righteous  with  the 
 wicked.  And  when  God  had  replied,  That  tiiere  was  no  good  man  among  the  Sodomites  ;  for 
 if  theic  were  but  ten  such  men  among  tliem,  he  would  not  punish  any  of  them  for  their  sins, 
 Abraham  held  his  peace.  And  the  angels  came  to  the  city  of  the  Sodomites,  and  Lot  entreated 
 them  to  accept  of  a  lodging  with  him  ;  for  he  was  a  very  generous  and  hospitable  man,  and 
 one  that  had  learned  to  imitate  the  goodness  of  Abraham.  Now  when  the  Sodomites  saw  the 
 young  men  to  be  of  beautiful  countenances,  and  this  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  and  that  they 
 took  up  their  lodgings  with  Lot,  they  resolved  themselves  to  enjoy  those  beautiful  bovs 
 by  force  and  violence  ;  and  when  Lot  exhorted  them  to  sobriety,  and  not  to  oflVr  any  thing 
 immodest  to  the  strangers,  but  to  have  regard  to  their  lodging  in  his  house  ;  and  promised, 
 that  if  their  inclinations  could  not  be  governed,  be  would  expose  his  daughters  to  their  lust 
 instead  of  the  strang-rs  ;  neither  thus  were  they  made  ashamed. 
 
 4.  But  God  was  so  mucii  displeased  at  their  impudent  behaviour,  that  he  lioth  smote  those 
 men  with  blindness,  and  condemned  the  Sodomites  to  universal  destruction.  But  Lot,  upon 
 God's  informing  him  of  the  future  destruction  of  the  Sodomites,  went  away,  taking  with  him 
 bis  wife  and  daughters,  who  were  two,  and  still  virgins  ;  for  those  that  were  betrollud*  to 
 them  were  above  the  thoughts  of  going,  and  deemed  that  Lot's  words  were  trilling.  God  then 
 cast  a  thunderbolt  upon  the  city,  and  set  it  on  (Ire,  with  its  inhabitants  ;  and  laid  waste  the 
 country  with  the  like  burning,  as  I  formerly  said  when  I  wrote  the  Jewish  War.t  But  Lot's 
 wife,  continually  turning  back  to  view  the  city  as  she  went  from  it,  and  being  too  nicely 
 inquisitive  what  would  become  of  it,  although  God  had  forbidden  her  so  to  do,  was  changed 
 into  a  pillar  of  salt  :t  for  I  have  seen  it,  and  it  remains  at  this  day.  Now  he  and  his  daughters 
 fled  to  a  certain  small  place,  encompassed  with  the  fire,  and  settled  in  it  :  it  is  to  this  day 
 Called  Zoar,  for  that  is  the  word  which  the  Hebrews  use  for  a  small  thing.  There  it  was 
 that  he  lived  a  miserable  life,  on  account  of  his  having  no  company,  and  his  want  of  pro- 
 visions. 
 
 5.  But  his  daughters  thinking  that  all  mankind  were  destroyed, §  approached  to  their 
 father,  though  taking  care  not  to  be  perceived.  This  they  did,  that  human  kind  might  not 
 litterly  fail.  And  they  bare  sons  ;  the  son  of  the  elder  was  named  Moab,  which  denotes  one 
 deuved  from  his  father ;  the  younger  bore  yl/n»no;i,  which  name  denotes  one  derived /rom  a 
 kiits}nun.  The  former  of  whom  was  the  father  of  the  Moabites,  which  is  even  still  a  great 
 nation  ;  the  latter  was  the  father  of  the  Ammonites  ;  and  both  of  them  are  inhabitants  of  Celo- 
 Syria.     And  such  was  the  departure  of  Lot  from  among  the  Sodomites. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Concerning  Abimelech ;  and  concerning  Ismael,    the    Son  of  Abraham ;  a7id  concerning  the 
 
 Arabians,  who  were  his  posterity. 
 §  1.  A13RAHAM  now  removed  to  Gerar  of  Palestine,  leading  Sarah  along  with  him,  under  the 
 notion  of  his  sister,  using  the  like  dissimulation  that  he  had  used  before,  and  this  out  of  fe.ir, 
 for  he  was  afraid  of  Abimelech,  the  king  of  that  country,  who  did  also  himself  fall  in  love  with 
 Sarah,  atid  was  disposed  to  coirupt  her ;  but  he  was  restrained  from  satisfying  bis  lust  by  a 
 dangerous  distemper,  which  befell  him  from  God.  Now  when  his  physicians  despaired  of  cur- 
 ing him,  he  fell  asleep,  and  saw  a  dream,  warning  him  not  to  abuse  the  stranger's  wife  ;  and 
 •when  he  recovered,  he  told  his  friends,  that  God  had  in(li(^ted  that  disease  upon  him,  by  way 
 of  punishment  for  bis  injury  to  the  stranger,  and  in  order  to  preserve  the  chastity  of  his  wife, 
 for  that  she  did  not  accompany  him  as  his  sister,  but  as  his  legitimate  wife  ;  and  that  God  had 
 pruuised  to  be  gracious  to  him  for  the  time  to  come,  if  this  person  be  once  secure  of  his  wife's 
 
 '  These  sons-m-law  to  Lot,  as  they  are  called.  Gen.  xix.  1'2— 14.  might  he  go  called,  because  they  we-" 
 fielrothfd  to  Lots  daughters,   though  not  ytt  married  to  ibtm.    t>ee  the  note  on  Autiq.  b.  xiv.  cii.  xiii. 
 
 +  Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  ch.  viii.  sect.  4. 
 
 I  Ihispiliar  of  salt  was,  we  see  here,  standing  in  the  days  of  .losephns.  and  he  had  seen  it.  That  it  was 
 Mandiiig  thin,  is  also  attested  to  by  Clement  of  Home,  eoiitempoiarv  with  Josephus;  as  also  that  it  was  so  in 
 the  next  century,  is  attested  by  Irena-us,  with  the  addition  (,'.'  an  hvpolhesis,  how  it  came  to  last  so  long,  with 
 all  Us  members  eutire.— Whether  th«  account  that  some  modern  travellers  give  be  true,  that  it  is  still  stand- 
 ing, 1  do  not  know.  Its  rtmote  situation,  at  tin-  mo^t  southern  point  of  the  sea  of  liodoni,  iu  the  wild  and 
 aangerous  deserts  of  Arabia,  makes  it  exceeiliii;,'  diliicult  for  intptisitive  travellers  to  examine  the  place  ;  and 
 lor  common  reports  of  country  people,  at  a  distance,  they  am  not  very  satisfactory.  In  the  mian  time,  1  have 
 no  opinion  of  Le  Clerc's  dissertation  or  hypothesis  about  this  question,  which  caii  only  be  determined  by  eve- 
 witiieesps.  When  Christian  princes,  so  called,  lay  aside  thei-.-  foolish  and  unchristian"  wars  and  quairels,  a"iid 
 seutl  a  body  of  tit  persons  to  travel  over  the  East,  and  bring  us  faithful  accounts  of  all  ancient  monuments, 
 anu  procure  us  copies  of  all  ancient  records,  at  present  lost  among  us,  we  may  hope  for  full  satisfacliou  in 
 Biich  inquiries,  but  hardly  before. 
 
 i  I  see  no  proper  wicked  intention  in  these  daughters  of  Lot,  when,  in  a  case  which  appeared  to  them  of 
 unavoidable  ne<essity,  they  procured  themselves  to  be  with  child  by  their  father.  M  ithout  such  uu  unavoid- 
 anie  necessity,  mctsl  is  a  horrid  crime  ;  but  whether,  in  such  a  case  of  necessity,  ,is  they  ap|)relun.i>'d  this  to 
 De,  according  in  Jc>-.(i>lnis,  il,was  any  such  crime,  1  am  not  satisfied,  la  tha  mean  tiiiii'.  their  nial-nig  iheir 
 lainer  druuli,  and  their  .solicitous  coiicealmeut  of  what  th.  v  did  f-om  him,  shews  that  thev  desiiaired  of  per- 
 •uadmg  him  to  an  acH(>4j,  which,  at  the  best,  could  ii^t  but  be  very  susi'icious  and  shocking  to  so  k'oou  a  man, 
 
4t  AP.^TIQUITIES  OF  TKR  JEWS. 
 
 cbastity.  Wlien  lie  had  said  tiiis,  by  tbe  ad»ice  of  Lis  friends,  be  sent  for  Abrabarc,  and  bid 
 him  not  to  be  concerned  about  his  wife,  or  fear  the  corruption  of  ber  cbastity  :  tor  that  Gobi 
 took  care  of  him,  and  that  it  was  by  his  providence  that  he  received  his  wife  again,  without 
 her  snfl'ering  any  abuse.  And  he  appealed  to  God,  and  to  his  wife's  conscience ;  and  said. 
 That  be  had  not  had  any  inclination  at  first  to  enjoy  her,  if  he  bad  known  she  was  his  wife  ;  but 
 since,  said  he,  tboii  ledst  her  about  as  thy  sister,  I  was  guilty  of  no  offence.  He  also  entreated 
 hira  to  be  at  peace  with  him,  and  to  make  God  propitious  to  him  ;  and  that  if  he  thought  fit  to 
 continue  with  him,  be  should  have  what  he  wanted  in  abundance  ;  but  that  if  he  designed  to 
 go  away,  he  should  be  honourably  conducted,  and  have  whatsoever  supply  he  wanted  when  he 
 came  thither.  Upon  his  sayiug  this,  Abraham  told  him.  That  his  pretence  of  kindred  to  his 
 wife  was  no  lie,  because  she  was  bis  brother's  daughter  ;  and  that  he  did  not  think  himself 
 safe  in  his  t--a\els  abroad  without  this  sort  cf  dissimulation  ;  and  that  be  was  not  the  cause  of 
 his  distenrier,  but  was  only  solicitous  for  his  own  sr-fety  :  he  said  also.  That  he  was  ready  to 
 stay  with  him.  Whereupon  Abimelech  assigned  him  land  and  money,  and  they  covenanted  to 
 live  together  without  guile,  and  took  an  oath  at  a  certain  well,  called  Betrsheha,  which  may  be 
 interpreted,  The  well  of  the  oath  :  and  so  it  is  named  by  the  people  of  the  country  anto  this  day. 
 
 2.  Now  in  a  little  time  Abraham  had  a  son  by  Sarah,  as  God  had  foretold  to  him,  whom  he 
 he  named  Isaac,  v.hich  signifies  laughter.  And  indeed  they  so  called  him,  because  Sarah 
 laughed  when  God*  said  that  she  should  bear  a  son,  she  not  expecting  such  a  thing,  as  being 
 past  <he  age  of  child-bearing,  for  she  was  ninety  years  old,  and  Abraham  a  hundred  ;  so  that 
 this  son  was  born  to  them  both  in  the  last  year  of  each  of  those  decimal  numbers.  And  they 
 circumcised  him  upon  the  eighth  day:  end  from  that  time  the  Jews  continue  the  custom  of  cir- 
 cumcising their  sons  within  that  number  of  davs.  But  as  for  the  Arabians,  they  circumcise 
 after  the  thirteenth  year,  because*Ismael,  the  founder  of  their  nation,  who  was  born  to  Abra- 
 ham of  the  concubine,  was  circumcised  at  that  age  ;  concerning  whom,  I  will  presently  give  a 
 particular  account  with  gi-eat  exactness. 
 
 3.  As  for  Sarah,  she  at  first  loved  Ismael,  who  was  born  of  her  own  handmaid  Hagar,  with 
 an  aflection  not  inferior  to  tlial  of  her  own  son,  for  he  was  brought  up  in  order  to  succeed  in 
 the  government ;  but  when  she  herself  bad  boin  Isaac,  -she  was  not  willing  that  Ismael  should 
 be  brought  up  with  him,  as  being  too  old  for  him,  and  able  to  do  hira  injuries,  when  their 
 lather  should  be  dead  ;  she  therefore  persuaded  Abraham  to  sep:d  him  and  his  mother  to  some 
 distant  country.  Now,  at  the  first,  he  did  not  agree  t  >  what  Sarah  was  so  eealous  for,  and 
 thought  it  an  iiistance  of  the  greatest  barbarity,  to  send  aw  y  9  young  childt  and  a  woman,  un- 
 provided of  necessaries  ;  but  at  lenth  he  agreed  to  it,  because  God  .vas  pleased  with  what 
 Sarah  had  determined  ;  so  he  delivered  Ismael  to  his  mother,  as  not  yet  able  'o  go  by  himself^ 
 and  commanded  her  to  take  a  bottle  of  water  and  a  loaf  of  bread,  and  so  to  depart,  and  to  take 
 necessity  for  her  guide.  But  as  soon  as  her  necessary  provisions  failed,  she  found  herself  in 
 an  evil  case  ;  and  when  the  water  was  almost  spent,  she  laid  the  young  chi'd,  who  was  ready 
 to  expire,  under  a  fir-tree,  and  went  on  farther,  that  so  he  might  die  -vhile  she  was  absent. 
 But  a  divitie  angel  came  to  her,  and  told  her  of  a  fountain  hard  by,  and  bid  her  take  care  and 
 bring  up  the  child,  because  she  should  be  very  happy  in  the  preservation  of  Ismael  She  then 
 took  courage,  upon  the  prospect  of  what  was  promised  her,  and  meeting  with  some  shepherds, 
 by  their  care  she  got  clear  of  the  distresses  she  had  been  in. 
 
 4.  When  the  lad  was  grown  up  he  married  a  wife,  by  birth  an  Egyptian,,  from  whence  the 
 mother  was  herself  derived  originally.  Of  this  wife  were  bom  to  Ismael  twelve  sons,  Na- 
 baioth,  Kedar,  Abdeel,  Mabsam,  Idumas,  Masmaos,  Masaos,  Chodad,  Theman,  Jetnr,  Naphe- 
 sns,  Cadmus.  These  inhabited  all  the  cou.itry  from  Euphrates  to  the  Red  Sea,  and  called  it 
 Nabatene.  They  are  an  Arabian  iialion,  and  name  their  tribes  from  these,  both  because  of 
 their  own  virtue,  and  because  of  the  dignity  of  Abraham  their  father. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 Concerning  Isaac,  the  legitimate  Son  of  Abraham. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Abraham  greatly  loved  Isaac,  as  being  his  only  begotten,^  and  given  to  hira  at  the 
 borders  of  old  age  by  the  favour  of  God.     The  child  also  endeared  himself  to  his  parents  still 
 
 *  It  is  well  worth  observation,  that  Josephus  here  calls  the  principal  angel,  who  appeared  to  Ahrahaci, 
 mmI  foretold  the  birth  of  Isaac,  directly  God;  which  language  of  Josephus  here,  prepares  us  to  believe  those- 
 other  expressions  of  his,  that  Jesus  uas  a  uise   nmn,  if  it  be  la-aful  to  call  him  a   man,  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  ch.  iii. 
 sect.."?,  and  of  God  the  fVorit,  in  his  Homily  concerning  Hades,  may  be  both  genuine.    Nor  is  the  other  ex 
 pression,  oi  divine  anget,  used  presently,  and  before  also,  of  any  other  signification. 
 
 +  .losephus  here  calls  Ismael  a  ymmg  child  or  infant,  though  he  was  above  1.3  years  of  age  ;  as  Judas  calls  him- 
 self and  liis  brethren  3/mmg  men,  when  they  were  47,  and  he  had  two  children,  Antiq.  b.  ii.  ch.  vi.  sect  8. ; 
 and  they  were  of  much  the  game  age  as  is  a  damsel  of  12  years  old  called  a  little  child,  Mark  v.  39 — 12.  five 
 oeTeral  times.  Herod  also  is  said  by  Josephus  to  be  a  very  ycning  man  at  25.  See  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  xiv. 
 ch.  ix.  sect.  2.  aud  of  the  War,  b.  i.  ch.  x.  And  Arislobulus  is  styled  a  very  little  child  at  16  years  of  age, 
 Antiq.  b.  xv.  ch.  ii.  sec*..  6,7.    Domitian  is  also  called  by  him  a  very  yoimg  cliilU,  when  he  went  on  his  Ger- 
 
 isn  expedition  at  about  18  years  of  age,  of  the  War,  b.  viii.  ch.  iv.  sect.  2.   Samson's  wife,  and  Ruth,  when 
 .ey  were  widows,  are   called  children,  Antiq.  b.  iii.  ch.  viii.  sect.  6.  and  ch.  ix.  sect.  2,  .3. 
 
 1  ?>otc,  that  both  here,  and  Heb.  xi.  17.  Isaac  is  called  Abraham's  only  begotten  son.  thcugh  he  at  the  same 
 time  had  another  uon,  lemael.  The  Septuagint  expresses  the  true  meauiiig,  by  rendering  the  ttxt  tht  be- 
 hied  son. 
 
BOOK  I. — CHAP.  XIII.  45 
 
 moie  by  the  exercise  of  every  virtne,  and  adiieriiig  to  his  duty  to  his  paieiils,  aod  being  zeal- 
 lous  in  the  worship  of  lied.  Abraham  also  placed  his  own  happiness  in  tliis  i)rospect,  that, 
 when  he  sliould  die,  he  should  leave  this  bis  sou  iu  a  safe  and  secure  condition  ;  which  accord- 
 ingly lie  obtained  by  the  will  of  God:  who  being  desirous  to  make  an  experiment  of  Abra» 
 liaiii  s  reli['ious  disposition  towards  himself,  appeared  to  him  and  "  numerated  all  the  blessings 
 he  had  bestowed  on  hiin  ;  how  ho  bad  made  him  superior  to  bis  enemies  ;  and  that  his  son 
 Isaac,  who  was  the  principal  part  of  his  present  happiness,  was  derived  from  him  ;  and  he 
 said,  That  he  required  this  son  of  his  as  a  sacrifice  and  holy  oblation."  Accordingly  he  com- 
 inaiided  him  to  carry  him  to  the  mountain  Moriah,  and  to  build  an  altar,  and  oiler  him  for  a 
 burnt-ofl'ering  upon  it  ;  for  that  this  would  best  manifest  his  religious  disposition  towards  him, 
 if  he  preferred  what  was  pleasing  to  God,  before  the  preservation  of  his  own  son. 
 
 2.  Now  Abraham  thought  that  it  was  not  right  to  disobey  God  in  any  thing,  but  that  he 
 was  obliged  to  serve  him  iu  every  circumstance  of  life,  since  all  creatures  that  live  enjoy  their 
 life  by  his  providence,  and  the  kindness  he  bestows  on  them.  Accordingly  he  concealed  this 
 command  of  God,  and  his  own  intentions  about  the  slaughter  of  his  son,  from  his  wife,  as  also 
 from  every  one  of  his  servants,  otherwise  he  should  have  been  hindered  from  his  obedience  to 
 God  ;  and  he  took  Isaac,  together  with  two  of  his  servants,  and  laying  what  things  were 
 necessary  for  a  sacrifice  upon  an  ass,  he  went  away  to  the  mountain.  Now  the  two  servants 
 went  along  with  him  two  days  ;  but  on  the  third  day,  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  mountain,  he  left 
 those  servants  that  were  with  him  till  then  in  the  plain,  and  having  his  son  alone  with  him,  he 
 came  to  the  mountain.  It  was  that  mountain  upon  which  king  David  afterwards  built  the 
 temple.*  Now  they  had  brought  with  them  every  thing  necessary  for  a  sacrifice,  excepting 
 the  animal  that  was  to  be  offered  only.  Now  Isaac  was  twenty-live  years  old.  And  as  he 
 was  building  the  altar,  he  asked  his  father,  "  What  he  was  about  to  olFer,  since  there  was  no 
 animal  there  for  an  oblation;"  to  which  it  was  answered,  "  That  God  would  provide  himself 
 an  oblation,  he  being  able  to  make  a  plentiful  provision  for  men  out  of  what  they  have  not, 
 and  to  deprive  others  of  what  they  already  have,  when  they  put  too  much  trust  therein  ;  that 
 therefore,  if  God  pleased  to  be  present  and  propitious  at  this  sasriiice,  he  would  provide  him- 
 self an  oblation." 
 
 3.  As  soon  as  the  altar  was  prepared,  and  Abraham  had  laid  on  the  wood,  and  all  things 
 were  entirely  ready,  he  said  to  his  son,  "O  son,  I  poured  out  a  vast  number  of  prayers  that  I 
 misht  have  thee  for  my  son  :  when  thou  wast  come  into  the  world,  there  was  nothing  that 
 could  contribute  to  thy  support,  for  which  I  was  not  greatly  solicitous,  nor  any  thing  wherein  I 
 thought  myself  happier  than  to  see  thee  grown  up  to  man's  estate,  and  that  I  might  leave  thee 
 at  my  death  the  successor  to  my  dominion  ;  but  since  it  was  by  God's  will  that  I  became  thy 
 father,  and  it  is  now  his  will  that  I  relinquish  thee,  bear  this  consecration  to  God  with  a  gene- 
 rous mind  ;  for  I  resign  thee  up  to  God,  who  has  thought  fit  now  to  require  this  testimony  of 
 honour  to  himself,  on  acctunt  of  the  favours  he  hath  conferred  on  me,  in  being  to  me  a  sup- 
 porter and  defender.  Accordingly,  thou,  my  son,  wilt  now  die,  net  in  any  commoa  way  of 
 going  out  of  the  world,  but  sent  to  God,  the  Father  of  all  men,  beforehand,  by  thy  own  father, 
 in  the  nature  of  a  sacrifice.  I  suppose  he  thinks  thee  worthy  to  get  clear  of  this  world,  neither 
 by  disease,  neither  by  war,  nor  by  any  other  severe  ways,  by  which  death  usually  comes 
 upon  men,  but  so  that  he  will  receive  thy  soul  with  prayers  and  holy  offices  of  religion,  and 
 will  place  thee  near  to  himself,  and  thou  wilt  there  be  to  me  a  succourer  and  supporter  in  my 
 old  age ;  on  which  account  I  principally  brought  thee  up,  and  thou  wilt  thereby  procure  me 
 Cod  for  my  somforter  instead  of  thyself." 
 
 4.  Now  Isaac  was  of  such  a  genci  ..s  disposition,  as  became  the  son  of  such  a  father,  and 
 was  pleased  with  this  discourse,  and  said,  "  That  he  was  not  worthy  to  be  born  at  first,  if  he 
 should  reject  the  determination  of  God,  and  of  his  father,  and  should  not  resign  himself  up 
 readily  to  both  theh-  pleasures,  since  it  would  have  been  unjust  if  he  had  not  obeyed,  even  if 
 his  father  alone  had  so  resolved."  So  he  went  immediately  (o  the  altar  to  be  sacrificed.  And 
 the  deed  had  been  done,  if  God  had  not  opposed  it :  for  he  called  loudly  to  Abraham  by  his 
 name,  and  forbade  him  to  slay  his  son  ;  and  said,  "  It  was  not  out  of  a  desire  for  human  blood 
 that  he  was  commanded  to  slay  his  son,  nor  was  he  willing  that  he  should  be  taken  away  from 
 him  whom  he  had  made  his  father,  but  to  try  the  temper  of  his  mind,  whether  he  would  be 
 obedient  to  such  a  command.  Since  therefore  he  now  was  satisfied  as  to  that  his  alacrity,  and 
 the  surprising  readiness  he  shewed  in  this  his  piety,  he  was  delighted  in  having  bestowed 
 such  blessings  upon  him  ;  and  that  he  would  not  be  wanting  in  all  sort  of  concern  about  him,  and 
 in  bestowing  other  children  upon  him  ;  and  that  his  son  should  live  to  a  very  great  age  ;  that  he 
 should  live  a  happy  life,  and  bequeath  a  large  principality  to  his  children,  who  should  be  good 
 .nnd  legitimate."  He  foretold  also,  that  his  family  should  increase  into  many  nations  ;  and 
 that  those  patriarchs  shonld  leave  behind  them  an  everlasting  name  ;t  that  they  should  obtain 
 
 •  Here  is  a  plain  error  in  the  copies,  Which  say,  that  king  tiavid  aftei-wards  built  the  temple  on  this  Mount 
 Monah.  while  it  was  certainly  no  other  than  king  Solomon  who  built  that  temple,  as,  indeed,  Procopius  cites 
 n  trom  Josephus  :  for  it  was,  for  certain,  David,  and  not  .Solomon,  who  built  thejiVrt  altar  there,  as  we  learn, 
 2  S>am.  XXIV.  18,  (Sec.  1  Chron.  xxii.  22,  &c.  and  Antiq.  b.vii.  ch.  xiii.  sect.  4. 
 
 t  It  seems  both  here,  and  in  God's  parallel  blesning  to  Jacob,  ch.  xix.  sect.l.  that  Josephus  had  yet  nn 
 notion  ot  the  hidilcu  meaning  of  that  most  important  and  most  eminent  promise,  "  In  thy  seed  shall  all  the 
 
46  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  possession  of  tlie  land  of  Canaan,  and  be  envied  by  all  men.  WLen  God  had  said  this,  he 
 produced  to  them  a  ram,  which  did  not  appear  before,  for  the  sacrifice.  So  Abraham  and 
 Isaac  receiving  each  other  unexpectedly,  and  having  obtained  the  promises  of  such  great  bless- 
 ings, embraced  one  another  :  and  when  they  had  sacrificed,  they  returned  to  Sarah,  and  Uved 
 happily  together,  God  ail'ording  them  his  assistance  in  all  things  they  desired. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV 
 
 Concerning  Sarah,  Abraham's  Wife,  and  how  she  ended  her  Days. 
 
 §  I.  Now  Sarah  died  a  little  while  after,  having  lived  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  years. 
 They  buried  her  in  Hebron  ;  the  Canaanites  publicly  allowing  them  a  burying  place  :  which 
 piece  of  ground  Abraham  bought,  for  four  hundred  shekels,  of  Ephron,  an  inhabitant  of  Hebron. 
 And  both  Abraham  and  his  descendants  built  themselves  sepulchres  in  that  place. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 How  the  Nation  of  the  Troglodytes  were  derived  from  A  braham  by  Keturah, 
 
 §  1.  Abraham  after  this  married  Keturah,  by  whom  six  sons  were  born  to  him,  men  of 
 courage  and  of  sagacious  minds  :  Zambran,  and  Jazar,  and  Madan,  and  Madian,  and  Josobak, 
 and  Sous.  Now  the  sons  of  Sous  were,  Sabatban,  and  Dadan.  The  sons  of  Dadan  were,  La- 
 tusira,  and  Assur,  and  Luom.  The  sons  of  Madian  were,  Ephas,  and  Ophren,  and  Anoch,  and 
 Ebidas,  and  Eldas.  Now  for  all  these  sons  and  grandsons,  Abraham  contrived  to  settle  them 
 in  colonies  ;  and  they  took  possession  of  Troglodytes,  and  the  country  of  Arabia  the  Happy, 
 as  far  as  it  reaches  to  the  Red  Sea.  It  is  related  of  this  Ophren,  that  he  made  war  against 
 Libya,  and  took  it,  and  that  his  grandchildren,  when  they  inhabited  it,  called  it  from  his  name 
 Africa.  And,  indeed,  Alexander  Polyhistor  gives  his  attestation  to  what  I  here  say,  who 
 speaks  thus  :-^-"  Gleodemns  the  prophet,  who  was  also  called  Malchus,  who  wote  a  History  of 
 the  Jews,  in  agreement  with  the  History  of  Moses  their  legislator,  relates,  that  there  were 
 many  sons  born  to  Abraham  by  Keturah  ;  nay,  he  names  three  of  them,  Apher,  and  Surim,  and 
 Japbran.  That  from  Surim  was  the  land  of  Assyria  denominated,  and  that  from  the  other  two, 
 Apher  and  Japbran,  the  country  of  Africa  took  its  name,  because  these  men  were  auxiliaries 
 to  Hercules  when  he  fought  against  Libya  and  Antaeus  ;  and  that  Hercules  married  Aphra's 
 daughter,  and  of  her  he  begat  a  son  Diodorus  ;  and  that  Sophon  was  his  son,  from  whom  the 
 barbarous  people  called  Sophacians  were  denominated.' 
 
 CHAP.    XVI. 
 
 Horn  Isaac  took  Rebeka  to  Wife. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Abraham,  the  father  of  Isaac,  had  resolved  to  take  Rebeka,  who  was  grand- 
 daughter to  his  brother  Nahor,  for  a  wife  to  his  son  Isaac,  who  was  then  about  forty  years 
 old,  he  sent  the  ancientest  of  his  servants  to  betroth  her,  after  be  had  obliged  him  to  give  him 
 the  strongest  assurances  of  his  fidelity.  Which  assurances  were  given  after  the  manner  fol- 
 lowing : — They  put  each  otlier's  hands  under  each  other's  thighs  ;  then  they  called  upon  God 
 as  the  witness  of  what  was  to  be  done.  He  also  sent  such  piesents  to  those  that  were  there, 
 as  were  in  esteem,  on  account  that  they  either  rarely  or  never  were  seen  in  that  country.  This 
 servant  got  thither  not  under  a  considerable  time  ;  for  it  requires  much  time  to  pass  through 
 Mesopotamia,  in  which  it  is  tedious  travelling,  both  in  winter  for  the  depth  of  the  claj',  and 
 in  summer  for  want  of  water  ;  and  besides  this,  for  the  robberies  there  committed,  which  are 
 not  to  be  avoided  by  travellers  but  by  caution  beforehand.  However,  the  servant  came  to 
 Haran.  And  when  he  was  in  the  suburbs,  he  met  a  considerable  number  of  maidens  going  to 
 the  water  ;  he  therefore  prayed  to  God  that  Rebeka  might  be  found  among  them,  or  her  whom 
 Abraham  sent  him  as  his  servant  to  espouse  to  his  son,  in  case  his  will  were  that  this  marriage 
 should  be  consummated ;  and  that  she  might  be  made  known  to  him  by  this  sign,  that  while 
 others  denied  him  water  to  drink,  she  might  give  it  him. 
 
 2.  With  this  intention  he  went  to  the  well,  and  desired  the  maidens  to  give  him  some  watei 
 to  drink.  But  while  the  others  refused,  on  pretence  that  they  wanted  it  all  at  home,  and  could 
 spare  none  for  him,  one  only  of  the  company  rebuked  them  for  their  peevish  behaviour  towards 
 
 families  of  the  earth  he  hlesscd.  He  saith  not  of  seeds,  as  of  many,  hat  as  of  one  ;  and  to  thy  seed,  which  is 
 Christ."  Gal.  iii.  16.  Nor  is  it  any  wonder,  he  being,  I  think,  as  yet,  not  a  Christian.  And  had  he  been 
 a  Christian,  yet,  since  he  was,  to  be  sure,  till  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  no  more  than  an  Ebionite  Christian,  who, 
 above  all  the  apostles,  rejected  and  despised  St.  Paul,  it  would  be  no  great  wonder  if  he  did  not  now  follow  his 
 interpretation.  ]n  the  meantime,  we  have,  in  effect,  St.  Paul's  exposition  in  the  Testament  of  Reuben,  sect.ti. 
 in  Authent.  Rec.  part  i.  p.  302.  who  charges  his  sons,  "  To  worship  the  Seed  of  Judah,  who  should  die  for 
 them  in  visible  and  invisible  wars  ;  and  should  be  among  them  an  eternal  King."  IS  or  is  that  observation  of 
 a  learned  foreigner  of  my  acquaintance  to  be  despised,  who  takes  notice,  that  as  seeds  in  the  plural  signify 
 posterity,  so  seed  in  the  singular  may  signify  either  posterity  or  a  single  person ;  and  that  in  this  promise  of  all 
 nations  being  happy  in  the  seed  of  Abraham,  or  Isaac,  or  Jacob,  iVc.  it  is  always  used  in  the  singular.— To 
 which  I  shall  add,  that  it  is  sometimes,  as  it  were,  paraphrased  by  the  son  of  Abraham,  the  son  of  David,  <S:c. 
 which  is  capable  of  no  such  ambiguity. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XVII.    XVIH.  47 
 
 the  stranger  ;  ami  said,  What  is  there  that  yoa  will  ever  communicate  to  any  body,  who  have 
 not  so  iiiucli  as  given  the  man  some  water?  She  then  olTered  him  water  in  an  obliging  man- 
 ner. And  now  he  began  to  hope  tliat  his  grand  ail'air  would  succeed  ;  but  desiring  still  to 
 know  the  truth,  he  commended  her  for  her  generosity  and  good  nature,  that  she  did  not  scruple 
 to  •  fiord  a  sufTiciency  of  water  to  those  that  wanted  it,  though  it  cost  her  some  pains  to  draw 
 it  ;  and  asked,  who  were  her  parents,  and  wished  them  joy  of  such  a  daughter  ;  and  mayest 
 thou  be  espoused,  said  be,  to  their  satisfaction,  into  the  family  of  an  agreeable  husband,  and 
 bring  him  legitimate  children.  Nor  did  she  disdain  to  satisfy  his  inquiries,  but  told  him  her 
 family.  They,  says  she,  call  me  Rebeka;  my  father  was  Bethuel,  but  he  is  dead,  and  Laban  is 
 my  brother,  and,  together  with  my  mother,  takes  care  of  al!  our  family  affairs,  and  is  the 
 guardian  of  my  virginity.  When  the  servant  heard  this,  be  was  very  glad  at  what  had  hap- 
 pened, and  at  what  was  told  him,  as  perceiving  that  God  had  thus  plainly  directed  iiis  journey  ; 
 ,nd  producing  his  bracelets,  and  some  other  ornaments,  which  it  was  esteemed  decent  for 
 virgins  to  wear,  he  gave  them  to  the  damsel,  by  way  of  acknowledgment,  and  as  a  reward  for 
 lier  kindness  in  giving  him  water  to  drink  ;  saying,  it  was  but  just  that  she  should  have  them, 
 because  she  was  so  much  more  obliging  than  any  of  the  rest.  She  desired  also  tliat  he  would 
 come  and  lodge  with  them,  since  the  approach  of  the  night  gave  him  not  time  to  proceed 
 farther.  And  producing  his  precious  ornaments  for  women,  he  said,  be  desired  to  trust  them 
 to  none  more  safely,  than  to  such  as  she  had  shewed  herself  to  be  ;  and  that  he  believed  he 
 might  guess  at  the  humanity  of  her  mother  and  brother,  that  they  would  not  be  displeased, 
 from  the  virtue  he  found  in  her,  for  he  would  not  be  burdensome,  but  would  pay  the  hire  for 
 his  entertainment,  and  spend  his  own  money.  To  which  she  replied.  That  he  guessed  right  as 
 to  the  humanity  of  her  parents ;  but  complained  that  he  should  think  them  so  parsimonious  as 
 to  take  money,  for  that  be  should  have  all  on  free  cost.  But  she  said,  she  would  first  inform 
 her  brother  Laban,  and,  if  he  gave  her  leave,  she  would  condnct  him  in. 
 
 3.  As  soon  then  as  this  was  over,  she  introduced  the  stranger ;  and  for  the  camels,  the 
 servants  of  Laban  brought  them  in,  and  took  care  of  them,  and  he  was  himself  brought  in  to 
 supper  by  Laban.  And,  after  supper,  he  says  to  him,  and  to  the  mother  of  tlie  damsel, 
 addressing  himself  to  her,  "  Abraham  is  the  son  of  Terah,  and  a  kinsman  of  yours,  for  Nahor, 
 the  grandfather  of  these  children,  was  the  brother  of  Abraham,  by  both  father  and  mother  ; 
 upon  which  account  he  hath  sent  me  to  you,  being  desirous  to  take  this  damsel  for  his  son  to 
 wife.  He  is  his  legitimate  son,  and  is  brought  up  as  his  only  heir.  He  could  indeed  have 
 had  the  most  happy  of  all  the  women  in  that  country  for  him,  but  be  would  not  have  bis  son 
 marry  any  of  them  ;  but  out  of  regard  to  his  own  relations,  be  desired  to  match  him  here, 
 whose  an'ection  and  inclination  I  would  not  have  you  despise  ;  for  it  was  by  the  good  pleasure 
 of  God  that  other  accidents  fell  out  in  my  journey,  and  that  thereby  I  light  upon  your  daughter, 
 and  your  house  ;  for  when  I  was  near  to  the  city  I  saw  a  great  many  maidens  coming  to  a 
 well,  and  I  prayed  that  I  might  meet  with  this  damsel,  which  has  come  to  pass  accordingly. 
 Do  you  therefore  confirm  that  marriage,  whose  espousals  have  been  already  made  by  a  divine 
 appearance  ;  and  shew  the  respect  you  have  for  Abraham,  who  bath  sent  me  with  so  much 
 solicitude,  in  giving  your  consent  to  the  marriage  of  this  damsel."  Upon  this  they  understood 
 it  to  be  the  will  of  God,  and  greatly  approved  of  the  ofl'er,  and  sent  their  daughter  as  was 
 desired.  Accordingly  Isaac  married  her,  the  inheritance  being  now  come  to  him  :  for  the 
 children  by  Keturah  were  gone  to  their  own  remote  habitations. 
 
 CHAP.  XVII. 
 
 Concerning  the  Death  of  Abraham 
 §  \.  A  LITTLE  while  after  this  Abraham  died.     He  was  a  man  of  incomparable  virtue,  and 
 honoured  by  God   in  a  manner  agreeable  to  bis  piety  towards  him.     The  whole  time  of  bis 
 life  was   one  hundred  seventy  and   five  years,  and  he  was  buried   in  Hebron,  with  his  wife 
 Sarah,  by  their  sons  Isaac  and  Ismael. 
 
 CHAP.  XVIII. 
 
 Concerning  the  Sonn  of  Isaac,  Esau  and  Jacob.  Of  their  Nativity  and  Education. 
 $  1.  Now  Isaac's  wife  proved  with  child,  after  the  death  of  Abraham  ;*  and  when  her  belly  was 
 greatly  burdened,  Isaac  was  very  anxious,  and  inquired  of  God  ;  who  answered.  That  Rebeka 
 should  bear  twins;  and  that  two  nations  should  take  the  names  of  those  sons,  and  that  he  who 
 appeared  the  second  should  excel  the  elder.  Accordingly  she,  in  a  little  time,  as  God  had 
 foretold,  bare  twins  ;  the  elder  of  whom,  from  his  bead  to  his  feet,  was  very  rough  ami  hairy  : 
 but  the  younger  took  hold  of  his  heel  as  they  were  iu  the  birth.  Now  the  father  loved 
 the   elder,   who  was   called    Esau,    a   name  agreeable  to   his   roughness,    for    the    Hebrews 
 
 rhe  hirlh  of  Jacob  and  Esau  is  here  said  to  be  nftir  Aira/iam's  death  ;  it  should  have  been,  after  Sarah's 
 u  1  J  ,  """^^^  "f  ''"'  narration  iu  Genesis,  not  always  exactly  accordiujj  to  the  order  of  time,  seeuu  lo 
 have  led  Josephus  into  this  error,  as  Dr.  lieruard  observes  here. 
 
48  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 called  such  an  hairy  rougknesi  (Esau,  or)  Seir  ;*  but  Jacob  the  younger  was  best  beloved 
 by  bis  mother. 
 
 2.  When  there  was  a  famine  in  the  land,  Isaac  resolved  to  go  into  Egypt,  the  land  there 
 being  good  ;  but  he  went  to  Gerar,  as  God  commanded  him.  Here  Abinielecb  the  king 
 received  him,  because  Abraham  had  formerly  lived  with  him,  and  had  been  his  friend,  /^id 
 as  in  the  beginning  he  treated  him  exceeding  kindly,  so  he  was  hindered  from  continuing  in 
 the  same  disposition  to  the  end,  by  his  envy  at  bim  ;  for  when  he  saw  that  God  was  witU 
 Isaac,  and  took  such  great  care  of  him,  he  drove  him  av»ay  from  him.  But  Isaac,  when  he 
 saw  bow  envy  had  changed  the  temper  of  Abimelech,  retired  to  a  place  called  The  Valley,  not 
 far  from  Gerar :  and  as  he  was  digging  a  well,  the  shepherds  fell  upon  bim,  and  began  to 
 fight,  in  order  to  binder  the  work  ;  and  because  be  did  not  desire  to  contend,  the  shepherds 
 seemed  to  get  the  better  of  him,  so  he  still  retired,  and  dug  another  well  ;  and  when  certain 
 other  shepherds  of  Abimelech  began  to  ofter  him  violence,  he  left  that  also,  and  still  retired  ; 
 thus  purchasing  security  to  himself  by  a  rational  and  prudent  conduct.  At  length  the  king 
 gave  bim  leave  to  dig  a  well  without  disturbance.  He  named  this  well  Rehohoth,  which 
 denotes  a  large  space;  but  of  the  former  wells,  one  was  called  Escon,  which  denotes  strife, 
 the  other  Sitenna,  which  name  signides  enmity. 
 
 3.  It  was  now  that  Isaac's  aft'airs  increased,  and  his  power  was  in  a  flourishing  condition  ; 
 and  this  from  his  great  riches.  But  Abimelech,  thinking  Isaac  throve  in  opposition  to  him, 
 while  their  living  together  made  them  suspicious  of  each  other,  and  Isaac's  retiring,  shewing  a 
 secret  enmity  also,  he  was  afraid  that  his  former  friendship  with  Isaac  did  not  secure  him,  if 
 Isaac  should  endeavour  to  revenge  the'  injuries  he  had  formerly  oflered  him  ;  he  therefore 
 renewed  his  friendship  with  him,  and  brought  with  him  Philoc,  one  of  his  generals.  And  when 
 he  had  obtained  every  thing  he  desired,  by  reason  of  Isaac's  good  nature,  who  preferred  the 
 earlier  friendship  Abimelech  had  shewed  to  himself  and  his  father,  to  his  later  wrath  against 
 him,  he  returned  home. 
 
 4.  Now  when  Esau,  one  of  the  sons  of  Isaac,  whom  the  father  principally  loved,  was 
 now  come  to  the  age  of  forty  years,  he  married  Adah,  the  daughter  of  Helon,  and  Aholibaraah, 
 the  daughter  of  Esebeon ;  which  Helon  and  Esebeon  were  great  lords  among  the  Canaanites, 
 thereby  taking  upon  himself  the  authority,  and  pretending  to  have  dominion  over  his  own  mar- 
 riages, without  so  much  as  asking  the  advice  of  his  father  ;  for  had  Isaac  been  the  arbitrator, 
 he  had  not  given  him  leave  to  marry  thus,  for  he  was  not  pleased  with  contiacting  any  alliance 
 with  the  people  of  that  country  ;  but  not  caring  to  be  uneasy  to  his  son  by  commanding  him  to 
 put  away  these  wives,  he  resolved  to  be  silent. 
 
 5.  But  when  he  was  old,  and  could  not  see  at  all,  he  called  Esau  to  him,  and  told  him.  That 
 besides  his  blindness,  and  the  disorder  of  his  eyes,  his  very  old  age  hindered  him  from  his 
 worship  of  God  [by  sacrifice,]  he  bid  him  therefore  to  go  out  a  hunting,  and  when  be  had 
 caught  as  much  venison  as  he  could,  to  prepare  him  a  supper,t  that  after  this  he  might  make 
 supplication  to  God,  to  be  to  him  a  supporter,  and  an  assister  during  the  whole  time  of  his 
 life;  saying,  that  it  was  uncertain  when  he  should  die,  and  that  he  was  desirous,  by  his  prayers 
 for  him,  to  procure,  beforehand,  God  to  be  merciful  to  him. 
 
 6.  Accordingly  Esau  went  out  a  hunting.  But  Ilebeka,:!-'  thinking  it  proper  to  have  the 
 snpplicatioii  made  for  obtaining  the  favour  of  God  to  Jacob,  and  tluit  without  the  consent  of 
 Isaac,  bid  him  kill  kids  of  the  goats,  and  prepare  a  supper.  So  Jacob  obeyed  bis  mother,, 
 according  to  all  her  instructions.  Now  when  the  supper  was  got  ready,  he  took  a  goat's  skin 
 and  put  it  about  his  arm,  that,  by  reason  of  its  hairy  roughness,  he  might,  by  his  father,  be 
 believed  to  be  Esau  :  for  they,  being  twins,  and  in  all  things  else  alike,  differed  only  in  this 
 thing.  This  was  done  out  of  fear,  that,  before  his  father  had  made  his  supplications,  he  should 
 be  caught  in  his  evil  practice,  and  lest  he  should,  on  the  contrary,  provoke  his  father  to  curse 
 bim.  So  he  brought  in  the  supper  to  his  father.  Isaac,  perceiving  by  the  peculiarity  of  his 
 voice  who  he  was,  called  bis  son  to  him,  who  gave  bim  his  hand,  which  was  covered  with  a 
 
 *  For  Seir,  in  Josephus,  the  coherence  requires  that  we  read  Tlsau,  or  Seir,  which  sig-nify  the  same  thin^. 
 
 +  The  supper  of  savoury  meat,  as  we  call  it,  Gen.  xxvii.  4.  to  be  caught  by  hunting,  was  intended  plainly 
 for  a  festival  or  sacrilice  ;  and  upon  the  prayers  that  were  frequivnt  at  sacrifices,  Isaac  expected,  as  was  then 
 usual  in  such  emineut  cases,  that  a  divine  impulse  would  come  upon  him,  iu  order  to  the  solemn  hlessing  of 
 his  son  there  present,  and  his  foretelling  his  future  hehaviour  aud  fortune.  Whence  it  must  be,  that  when 
 Isaac  had  unwittingly  blessed  Jacob,  and  was  afterward  made  sensible  of  his  mistake,  yet  he  did  not  attempt 
 to  alter  it.  how  earnestly  soe\er  his  affection  for  Esau  might  incline  him  to  wish  it  might  be  altered,  because 
 he  knew  that  this  blessing  came  not  from  himself,  but  from  God,  and  that  an  alteration  was  out  of  his  power, 
 A  second  afflatus  then  came  upon  him,  and  enabled  him  to  foretell  Esau's  future  behaviour  and  fortune  also. 
 
 t  Whether  .lacob  or  his  mother  Rebeka  were  most blameable  in  this  imposition  upon  Isaac  in  his  old  age,  i. 
 cannot  determine.  However,  iLie  blessing  being  delivered  as  a  prediction  of  future  events,  by  a  divine  ira- 
 pulse,  and  foretelling  things  to  befall  to  the  posterity  of  Jacob  and  Esau  in  future  ages,  was  for  cert,nin  provi- 
 dential ;  and  according  to  what  Rebeka  knew  to  be  the  purpose  of  God,  when  he  answered  her  inquiry,  "  be- 
 fore the  childreu  were  boni,"  Gen.  xxv.  £3.  "  that  one  people  should  be  stronger  than  the  other  people ;  and 
 the  elder,  l,<:au,  should  serve  the  younger,  Jacoi."  Whether  Isaac  knew  or  remembered  this  old  oracle, 
 delivered  in  our  copies  only  to  Rebeka ;  or  whether,  if  he  knew  and  remembered  it,  he  did  not  endeavour  to 
 alter  the  Divine  determination,  out  of  his  fondness  for  his  elder  aud  worse  son  Esau,  to  the  damage  of  his 
 younger  and  better  son  Jacob,  as  Josephus  elsewhere  supposes,  Antiq.  b.  ii.  ch.  vii.  sect.  3.  I  cannot 
 certaiuly  say.  If  so.  this  might  tempt  Rebeka  to  contrive,  and  Jacob  to  put  this  imposition  upon  him.  How 
 ever,  Josephus  says  here,  that  it  was  Isaac,  and  not  Rebeka,  who  inquired  of  God  at  first,  and  received  tho 
 forementioned  oracle,  sect.  1.  which,  if  it  be  the  true  reading,  renders  Isaac's  procedure  more  inexcusable. 
 Nor  was  it,  probably,  any  thing  else  that  so  much  encouraged  Esau  formerly  to  marry  two  Canaanitish  wiye», 
 without  bis  parent's  conKent,  as  Isaac's  unhappy  fondness  for  him. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAF.    XIX.  40 
 
 jrnat's  skill.  Wlien  Isanc  full  that,  he  said,  "  Thy  voice  is  like  the  voice  of  Jacob,  yet  because 
 of  tiie  thickness  of  thy  liair,  thoa  seeuiesl  to  he  Esau."  So,  suspcctiug  no  deceit,  he  ate  tlie 
 Slipper,  and  betook  himself  to  his  prayers  and  intercessions  with  God  ;  and  said,  "  O  Lord 
 of  all  ages,  and  Creator  of  all  substance  ;  for  it  wast  thou  that  didst  propose  to  my  father 
 'Meat  plenty  of  good  things,  and  hast  vouchsafed  to  bestow  on  me  what  I  have,  and  hast 
 promised  to  my  posterity  to  be  their  kind  supporter,  and  to  bestow  0:1  them  still  greatet 
 blessings  ;  do  tliou  therefore  coniirm  these  thy  promises,  and  do  not  overlook  me,  because  of 
 my  present  weak  condition,  on  account  of  which  I  more  earnestly  pray  to  thee.  Be  gracious 
 to  this  my  son  ;  and  preserve  him,  and  keep  him  from  every  thing  that  is  evil.  Give  him  a 
 lianpy  life,  and  the  possession  of  as  many  good  things  as  thy  power  is  able  to  bestow.  Make 
 him  terrible  to  his  enemies,  and  honourable  and  beloved  among  his  friends." 
 
 7.  Thus  did  Isaac  pray  to  God,  thinking  liis  prayers  had  been  made  for  Esau.  He  had  but 
 just  finished  them,  when  Ksau  came  in  from  hunting.  And  when  Isaac  perceived  his  mistake, 
 he  was  silent  :  but  Esau  required  thnt  he  might  be  made  partaker  of  the  like  blessing  from  his 
 father  that  his  brother  had  partook  of ;  but  his  father  refused  it,  because  all  his  prayers  had 
 been  spent  upon  Jacob:  so  Esau  lamented  the  mistake.  However,  his  father  being  grieved  at 
 his  weeping,  said,  "  That  he  should  exec!  in  hunting,  and  strength  of  body  ;  in  arms,  and  in 
 all  such  sorts  of  work  ;  and  should  obtain  glory  for  ever  on  those  accounts,  he  and  his  posterity 
 after  him  ;  but  still  should  serve  his  brother." 
 
 8.  Now  the  mother  delivered  Jacob,  when  he  was  afraid  that  his  brother  would  inflict  some 
 punishment  upon  him  because  of  the  mistake  about  the  prayers  of  Isaac  ;  for  she  persuaded 
 lier  husband  to  take  a  wife  for  Jacob  out  of  Mesopotamia,  of  her  own  kindred,  Esau  having 
 married  already  Basemmath,  the  daughter  of  Ismael,  without  his  father's  consent,  for  Isaac 
 did  not  like  the  Canaanites,  so  that  he  disapproved  of  Esau's  former  marriages,  which  made 
 him  take  Basemmath  to  wife,  in  order  to  please  him  ;  and,  indeed,  he  bad  a  great  aflectiou  for 
 her. 
 
 CHAP.  XIX, 
 
 Concerrdnij  Jacob's  Fl'sfht  into  Mesopoiamia,  by  reaso7i  of  the  fear  he  teas  in  of  his  Brother. 
 
 ^  1.  Now  Jacob  WIS  sent  by  bis  mother  to  Mesopotamia,  in  order  to  marry  her  brother 
 Labans  daughter,  (which  marriage  was  permilted  by  Isaac,  on  account  of  his  obsequiousness 
 to  the  desires  of  his  wife  ;)  and  he  accotdingly  jounaeyed  through  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  and 
 because  he  hated  the  people  of  that  country,  he  would  not  lodge  with  any  of  them,  but  took  up 
 Lis  i.,dging  in  the  (pen  air,  and  laid  his  head  on  a  heap  of  stones  tlial  he  had  gathered 
 together.  At  which  time  he  sav/  in  his  sleep  such  a  vision  standing  by  him  :  he  seemed  to  see 
 a  ladder,  that  reached  from  the  earth  unto  heaven,  and  persons  descending  down  the  ladder, 
 that  seemed  more  excellent  than  human  ;  and  at  last  God  himself  stood  above  it,  and  was 
 plainly  visible  to  him,  who,  calling  him  by  his  name,  spake  to  him  in  these  words  : — 
 
 2.  "  O  Jacob,  it  is  not  fit  for  thee,  who  art  the  sou  of  a  good  father,  and  grandson  of  one 
 who  had  obtained  a  great  reputation  for  his  eminent  virtue,  to  be  dejected  at  thy  present  cir- 
 cumstances, but  to  hope  for  better  times,  for  thou  shalt  have  great  abundance  of  all  good  things 
 by  my  assistance  :  for  I  brought  Abraham  hither,  out  of  filesopotamia,  when  he  was  driven 
 away  by  his  kinsmen,  and  I  made  thy  father  a  happy  man,  nor  will  I  bestow  a  less  degree  of 
 happiness  on  thyself:  be  of  good  courage,  therefore,  and  uuder  my  conduct  proceed  on  in  this 
 thy  journey,  for  the  marriage  thoa  goest  so  zealously  about  shall  be  consummated.  And  thou 
 shalt  have  children  of  good  characters,  but  their  multitudes  shall  be  innumerable;  and  they 
 shall  leave  what  they  have  to  a  still  more  numerous  posterity,  to  whom,  and  to  whose  posterity, 
 1  give  the  dominion  of  all  the  land,  and  their  posterity  shall  fdl  the  entire  earth  and  sea,  so  far 
 as  the  sun  beholds  them  :  but  do  not  thou  fear  any  danger,  nor  be  afraid  of  the  many  labours 
 thou  must  undergo,  for  by  my  providence  I  will  direct  thee  what  thou  art  to  do  in  the  time 
 present,  and  still  much  more  in  the  time  to  come." 
 
 3.  Such  were  the  predictions  which  God  made  (o  Jacob  :  whereupon  he  became  very  joyful 
 at  what  he  had  seen  hnd  heard,  and  he  poured  oil  on  the  stones,  because  on  them  tlie  predic- 
 tion of  such  gnat  benefits  was  made.  He  also  vowed  a  vow,  th.it  he  would  oiler  saciltice 
 upon  them,  if  he  lived  and  returned  safe  ;  and  if  he  came  again  in  such  a  condition,  he  would 
 give  the  tithe  of  what  he  had  gotten  to  God.  He  also  judged  the  place  to  be  honourable,  and 
 gave  It  the  name  of  IJelhel,  which,  In  the  Greek,  is  interpreted.  The  house  of  God. 
 
 4.  So  he  proceeded  ou  his  journey  to  Mesopotamia,  and  at  leng.th  came  to  Ilaran  ,  and 
 meeting  with  shep!:erds  in  the  suburbs,  with  boys  grown  up,  and  maidens  sitting  about  a  cer- 
 tain well,  lie  stayed  with  them,  as  wanting  water  to  drink  ;  and  beginning  to  discourse  with 
 them,  he  asked  tliem,  whether  they  knew  such  a  one  as  Laban,  and  wliether  he  was  still  alive  ? 
 Now  they  all  said  they  knew  him,  for  he  was  not  so  inconsiderable  a  person  as  to  be  unknown 
 to  any  of  them  ;  and  that  his  daughter  fud  her  father's  flock  togttlier  wiih  them;  and  that 
 indeed  they  wondered  that  she  was  not  yet  come,  for  by  her  means  thou  mightest  learn  more 
 exactly  whatever  thou  desirest  to  know  about  that  family.  While  they  were  saying  this,  the 
 damspl  csme,  and  the  other  shepherds  that  cn.me  down  along  with  her.  Then  they  shewed  her 
 Jacob,  and  told  her,   th:it  he  was  a  sliauger,  who  came  to  iuquire  about  her  father's  atVaift, 
 
60  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 But  she,  as  pleased,  after  llie  custom  of  cbildren,  with  Jacob's  coining,  asked  him  wlio  lie 
 was  ?  and  whence  he  came  to  them  ?  and  what  it  was  he  lacked  that  he  came  lliither?  Slie 
 also  wished  it  might  be  in  their  power  to  supply  the  wants  he  came  about. 
 
 .5.  But  Jacob  was  quite  overcome,  not  so  much  by  their  kindred,  nor  by  that  affection 
 which  might  arise  thence,  ns  by  his  love  to  the  damsel,  and  his  surprise  at  her  beauty,  which 
 was  so  flourishing,  as  few  of  the  women  of  that  age  could  vie  with.  He  said  then,  •'  There  is 
 a  relation  between  thee  and  me,  elder  than  either  thy  or  my  births,  if  thou  be  tiie  daughter  of 
 Laban,  for  Abraham  was  the  son  ofTerah,  as  well  as  Haran  and  Nahor.  Of  the  last  of  whom, 
 Nahor,  Belhuel  thy  grandfather  was  the  son.  Isaac  my  father  was  the  son  of  Abraham  and  of 
 Sarah,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Haran.  But  tiiere  is  a  nearer  and  later  cement  of  mutual 
 kindred  which  we  bear  to  one  another,  for  my  mother  Rebeka  was  sister  to  Laban  thy  father, 
 both  by  the  same  father  and  mother  ;  I  therefore  and  thou  are  cousin-germans.  And  I  am 
 now  come  to  salute  you,  and  to  renew  that  allinily  which  is  proper  between  us."  Upon  this 
 the  damsel,  at  the  mention  of  Rebeka,  as  usually  happens  to  young  persons,  wept,  and  that 
 out  of  the  kindness  she  had  for  her  father,  and  embraced  Jacob,  she  having  learned  an  account 
 of  Rebeka  from  her  father,  and  knew  that  her  parents  loved  to  hear  her  named  ;  and  when  she 
 had  saluted  hini,  she  said,  "  That  he  brought  the  most  desirable  and  greatest  pleasure  to  her 
 father,  with  all  their  family,  who  was  always  mentioning  his  mother,  and  always  thinking  of 
 her,  and  her  alone  ;  and  that  this  will  make  thee  equal  in  his  eyes  to  any  advantageous  circum- 
 stances whatsoever."  Then  she  bid  him  go  to  her  father,  and  follow  her  while  she  conducted 
 Lim  to  him ;  and  not  to  deprive  him  of  such  a  pleasure,  by  staying  any  longer  away  from 
 him. 
 
 6.  When  she  had  said  thus,  she  brought  bim  to  Laban  ;  and,  being  owned  by  his  uncle,  he 
 was  secure  himself,  as  being  among  his  friends,  and  he  brought  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  to 
 them  by  his  unexpected  coming.  But  a  little  while  afterward,  Laban  told  him,  that  he  could 
 not  express  in  words  the  joy  he  had  at  his  coming  ;  but  still  he  inquired  of  bim  the  occasion 
 of  his  coming,  and  why  he  left  his  aged  mother  and  father,  when  they  wanted  to  be  taken 
 care  of  by  him  ;  and,  that  he  would  atlbrd  him  all  the  assistance  he  wanted.  Then  Jacob 
 gave  him  an  account  of  the  whole  occasion  of  his  journey,  and  told  him,  "  That  Isaac  had 
 two  sons  that  were  twins,  himself  and  Esau  ;  who,  because  he  failed  of  his  father's  prayers, 
 which  by  his  mother's  wisdom  were  put  up  for  him,  sought  to  kill  him,  as  deprived  of  the 
 kingdom*  which  was  to  be  given  him  of  God,  and  of  the  blessings  for  which  their  father 
 prayed;  and,  that  this  was  the  occasion  of  his  coming  hither,  as  his  mother  had  commanded 
 him  to  do  ;  for  we  are  all  (says  he)  brethren  one  to  another,  but  our  mother  esteems  an 
 alliance  with  your  family  more  than  she  does  one  with  the  families  of  the  country  ;  so  I  look 
 upon  yourself  and  God  to  be  the  supporters  of  my  travels,  and  think  myself  safe  in  my 
 present  circumstances." 
 
 7.  Now  Laban  promised  to  treat  him  with  great  humanity,  both  on  account  of  his  ancestors, 
 and  particularly  for  the  snke  of  his  mother,  towards  whom,  he  said,  he  would  shew  his  kind- 
 ness, even  though  she  were  absent,  by  taking  care  of  him;  for  he  assured  him,  he  would 
 make  him  the  head  shepherd  of  his  (lock,  and  gave  him  authority  sufficient  for  that  purpose  ; 
 and,  when  he  should  have  a  mind  to  return  to  his  parents,  he  wonld  send  him  back  with  pre- 
 sents, and  this  in  as  honourable  a  manner  as  the  nearness  of  their  relation  should  require. 
 This  Jacob  heard  gladly  ;  and  said,  he  wo'ild  willingly,  and  with  pleasure,  undergo  any  sort 
 of  pains  while  he  tarried  with  him,  but  desired  Rachel  to  wife,  as  the  reward  of  those  pains, 
 who  was  not  only  on  other  accounts  esteemed  by  him,  but  also  because  she  was  the  means  of 
 his  coming  to  him  ;  for  he  said,  he  was  forced  by  the  love  of  the  damsel  to  make  ttis  pro- 
 posal. Laban  was  well  pleased  with  this  agreement,  and  consented  to  give  the  damsel  to 
 him,  as  not  desirous  to  meet  with  any  better  son-in-law  ;  and  said,  he  wonld  do  this,  if  he 
 wonld  stay  with  him  some  time,  for  he  was  not  willing  to  send  his  daughter  to  be  among  the 
 Canaanites,  for  he  repented  of  the  alliance  he  had  made  already,  by  marrying  his  sister  there. 
 And  when  Jacob  had  given  his  consent  to  this,  he  agreed  to  stay  seven  years  ;  for  so  many 
 years  he  had  resolved  to  serve  the  father-in-law,  that,  having  given  a  specimen  of  his  virtue, 
 it  might  be  better  known  what  sort  of  a  man  he  was.  And,  Jacob  accepting  of  his  terms, 
 after  the  time  was  over,  he  made  the  wedding-feast  ;  and,  when  it  was  night,  without  Jacob's 
 perceiving  it,  he  put  his  other  daughter  into  bed  to  him,  whc  was  both  older  than  Rachel, 
 and  of  no  comely  countenance  :  Jacob  lay  with  her  that  night,  as  both  being  in  drink,  and  in 
 the  dark.  However,  when  it  was  day,  he  knew  what  had  been  done  to  him  ;  and  he  re- 
 proached Laban  for  his  unfair  proceeding  with  him  ;  who  asked  pardon  for  that  necessity 
 which  forced  him  to  do  what  he  did  ;  for  he  did  not  give  bim  Lea  out  of  any  ill  design,  but 
 as  overcome  by  another  greater  necessity  :  that,  notwithstanding  this,  nothing  should  hinder 
 him  from  marrying  Rachel  ;  but,  that  when  he  had  served  another  seven  years,  he  would  give 
 Lira  her  whom  he  loved.     Jacob  submitted  to  this  condition,  for  his  love  to  the  damsel  did 
 
 •  By  this  "  deprivation  of  the  kingdom  that  was  to  he  given  Esau  of  God,"  as  the  first-bom,  it  appears 
 that  Josephus  thoiv,'ht  ihiit  a  "  Kingdom  to  tie  derived  from  God,"  was  due  to  him  whom  Isaac  should  bless 
 as  his  tirst-horu,  whicli  I  take  to  be  that  ihif/dom  which  was  exiiected  vndcr  the  Messinit,  who,  therefore,  was  ' 
 t<rbe  bull!  of  hi?  posterity  whom  Isaac  should  so  bless,    .lacob,  therefore,  by  obtaining  this  blessing  of  the  1 
 tiral-boru,  becanie  the  ^fuiane  heir  of  that  tiugdom,  in  opposition  to  Esau. 
 
BOOK   I.— CHAP.  XIX.  51 
 
 Bol  |)eriiiil  liiin  to  do  otlierwise  ;  and,  when   anotber  seven  years  were  gone,  he  tnok  Rachel 
 to  uil'e. 
 
 8.  Now,  each  of  these  had  huiidinaids,  by  their  father's  donation.  Zilpha  was  handmaid 
 to  Lea,  and  Billia  to  Rachel,  by  no  means*  slaves  ;  but,  however,  subject  to  their  mistresses. 
 Now,  Lea  was  sorely  troubled  at  her  husband's  love  to  her  sister;  aud  she  expected  she 
 should  be  better  esteemed  if  she  bare  him  children  :  so  she  entreated  God  perpetually  :  and, 
 when  she  had  born  a  son,  and  her  husband  was  on  that  account  better  reconciled  to  her,  she 
 named  her  son  Reubel,  because  God  had  mercy  upon  her,  in  giving  her  a  son,  for  that  is  the 
 signiiication  of  this  name.  After  some  time,  she  bare  three  more  sons  ;  Simeon,  which  name 
 signifies  that  God  had  hearkemd  to  her  prayer.  Then  she  bare  Levi,  the  confirmer  of  their 
 friendship.  After  him  was  born  Judah,  wliicli  denotes  thanksgivimj.  But  Rachel,  fearing 
 lest  the  fruitfulness  of  her  sister  should  make  herself  enjoy  a  lesser  share  of  Jacob's  alfec- 
 tions,  put  to  bed  to  him  her  handmaid  Bilha  ;  by  whom  Jacob  had  Dan  :  one  may  interpret 
 that  name  into  the  Greek  tongue,  a  divine  judgment.  And  after  him  Neplithalim,  as  it  were 
 unconquerable  in  sirafagem,  since  Rachel  tried  to  conquer  the  fruitfulness  of  her  sister  by  this 
 stratagem.  \  Accordingly,  Lea  took  the  same  metltod,  and  used  a  counter-stratagem  to  that  of 
 Let  sister  ;  for  she  put  to  bed  to  him  her  own  handmaid.  Jacob,  therefore,  had  by  Zilpha  a 
 son,  whose  name  was  Gad,  which  may  be  interpreted,  fortune:  and,  after  him  Asher,  which 
 may  be  called  a  happy  man,  because  he  added  glory  to  Lea.  Now,  Reubel,  the  eldest  son  of 
 Lea,  brought  apples  of  mandrakest  to  his  mother,  "When  Rachel  saw  them,  she  desired  that 
 sh«  would  give  her  the  apples,  for  she  longed  to  eat  them  :  but,  when  she  refused,  and  bid 
 her  be  content,  that  she  had  deprived  her  of  the  benevolence  she  ought  to  luve  had  from  her 
 husband,  Rachel,  in  order  to  mitigate  her  sister's  anger,  said,  she  would  yield  her  husband  to 
 her  ;  and  he  should  lie  with  her  that  evening.  She  accepted  of  the  favour,  and  Jacob  slept 
 with  Lea,  by  the  favour  of  Rachel.  She  bare  then  these  sons,  Issachar,  denoting  one  born 
 by  hire;  and  Zabulon,  one  born  as  a  pledge  of  benevolence  towards  her;  and  a  daughter, 
 Uina.  After  some  time,  Rachel  had  a  son,  named  Joseph,  which  signified  there  should  be 
 another  added  to  him. 
 
 9.  Now  Jacob  fed  the  flocks  of  Laban  his  father-in-law  all  this  time,  being  twenty  years, 
 after  which  he  desired  leave  of  his  father-in-law  to  take  his  wives  and  go  home  ;  but  when 
 his  father-in-law  would  not  give  him  leave,  he  contrived  to  do  it  secretly.  He  made  trial, 
 therefore,  of  the  disposition  of  his  wives,  what  they  thought  of  (his  journey.  When  they 
 appeared  glad  and  approved  of  it,  Rachel  took  along  with  her  the  images  of  the  gods,  which, 
 according  to  their  laws,  they  used  to  worship  in  their  own  country,  and  ran  away  together 
 with  her  sister.  The  children  also  of  them  both,  and  the  handmaids,  and  what  possessions 
 they  had,  went  along  with  them.  Jacob  also  drove  away  half  ihe  cattle,  without  letiing 
 Laban  know  of  it  beforehand.  But  the  reason  why  Rachel  took  the  images  of  the  gods, 
 although  Jacob  had  taught  her  to  despise  such  worship  of  these  gods,  was  this,  that  in  case 
 they  were  pursued,  and  taken  by  her  father,  she  might  have  recourse  to  these  images,  in 
 order  to  obtain  his  pardon. 
 
 10.  But  Laban,  after  one  day's  time,  being  acquainted  with  Jacob's  and  Lis  daughters' 
 departure,  was  much  troubled,  and  pursued  after  them,  leading  a  band  of  men  with  him  ;  and, 
 on  the  seventh  day  overtook  them,  aud  found  them  resting  on  a  certain  hill  ;  and  then,  indeed, 
 he  did  not  meddle  with  them,  for  it  was  eventide  ;  but  God  stood  by  him  in  a  dream,  and 
 warned  him  to  receive  his  son-in-law  and  his  daughters  in  a  peaceable  manner ;  and  not  to 
 venture  upon  any  thiug  rashly,  or  in  wrath  to  them,  but  to  make  a  league  with  Jacob.  And 
 he  told  him,  that  if  he  despised  their  small  number,  and  attacked  ihem  in  a  hostile  manner, 
 he  would  himself  assist  them.  When  Laban  had  been  thus  forewarned  by  God,  he  called 
 Jacob  to  him  the  next  day,  in  order  to  treat  with  him,  and  shewed  him  what  dream  he  had  ; 
 in  dependence  wliuieon  he  came  conlidently  to  him,  and  began  to  accuse  him,  alleging  that  he 
 had  entertained  hint  when  he  was  poor,  and  in  want  of  all  things,  and  had  given  him  plenty 
 of  all  things  whic;li  he  had  ;  "  For,  said  he,  I  have  joined  my  daughters  to  thee  in  marriage, 
 and  supposed  that  thy  kibdness  to  me  would  be  greater  than  before  ;  but  thou  hast  no  regard 
 to  either  thy  own  uiotlier's  relation  to  me,  nor  to  the  allinity  now  newly  contracted  bet»«.eu  us, 
 nor  to  those  wives  wliorn  tliiiu  hast  married  ;  nor  to  those  children,  of  whom  1  am  the  grand- 
 tatlier.  Thou  hast  trotted  mo  as  an  enemy,  by  driving  away  my  cattle,  and  by  persuading  my 
 daughters  to  run  away  from  their  fatht'r  ;  and  by  carrying  home  those  sacred  paternal  images, 
 which  were  worshipped  by  my  forefathers,   and  have   been  honoured  with   the  like  worship 
 
 •  Here  we  have  the  diffen  iice  betwern  slnvi-s  for  life,  anil  servants,  such  as  we  now  hire  for  a  time,  agreed 
 U|>oii  (111  both  sides,  and  dismiss  ukhih  at'tur  ilie  time  contracted  for  is  over,  which  are  no  slaves,  but  fne  men. 
 and  free  aomeu.  Accordin{;ly,  wlitn  tlie  AjiDstolical  Constitution  forbids  a  clergyman  to  marry  perpetual 
 ierivnii\,  or  slaves,  b.  vi.  ch.  xvii.  it  is  meant  only  of  tlie  former  sort ;  as  we  leai  ii  elsewhere  from  llie  same 
 Constitutions,  ch.  xlvii.  can.  Ixxxii.  I'.ut  concerniuK  the  twelve  sons  of  Jacob;  the  reasons  of  their  several 
 I  aines,  and  the  times  of  their  several  births  m  the  interval  here  assigned  ;  their  several  excellent  characters ; 
 (heir  several  faults  and  repentance  ;  the  several  accidents  of  their  lives  ;  with  their  several  prophecies  at  their 
 deaths,  see  the  Testaments  of  these  twelve  patriarchs,  still  preserved,  in  the  Anthe  it.  Uec.  part.  i.  p.  S'Jl— 4l;i. 
 
 t  I  formerly  explained  these  vuimlrahs,  as  we  wiili  the  Stptuagint,  and  Josephns,  render  the  Hebrew  word 
 Ihafatin,  of  the  Syrian  Manz, -wUh  liuloliihns.  Auflii-iit.  Kec.  part.  i.  p.  4'.'ll.  Hut  have  sim-e  seen  such  a 
 very  probable  account  in  M.S.  of  mv  l.nriinl  frii  ud  Mr.  Sainuel  Barker,  of  v.iiat  we  siill  call  niandralies, 
 and  then-  descriptions  by  the  ancient  naluralibis  and  phytiuiaiis,  as  inclines  me  to  thiui  these  here  mentioueil 
 wtie  really  mandrakes,  aud  no  other. 
 
52  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 which  they  paid  them,  by  myself.  In  short,  thou  hast  done  this  whilst  thou  art  my  kinsinati, 
 iiud  my  sister's  son,  and  the  husband  of  my  daughters,  and  wast  hospitably  treated  by  me,  and 
 didst  eat  at  my  table."  When  Laban  had  said  this,  Jacob  made  his  defence  :  "  That  he  was 
 not  the  only  person  in  whom  God  had  implanted  the  love  of  his  native  country,  but  that  he 
 had  made  it  natural  to  all  men,  and  that  therefore  it  was  but  reasonable,  that,  after  so  long  a 
 time,  he  should  go  back  to  it.  But  as  to  the  prey,  of  whose  driving  away  thoa  accusest  me, 
 if  any  other  person  were  the  arbitrator,  thou  wouldst  be  found  in  the  wrong;  for,  instead  of 
 those  thanks  I  ought  to  have  had  from  thee,  for  both  keeping  thy  cattle,  and  increasing  them, 
 how  is  it  tiiat  tbon  art  unjustly  angry  at  me,  because  I  have  taken,  and  have  with  me,  a  small 
 portion  of  them  ?  But  then,  as  to  thy  daughters,  take  notice,  that  it  is  not  through  any  evil 
 practices  of  mine  that  they  follow  me  in  my  return  home,  but  from  that  just  aifection  which 
 wives  naturally  have  to  their  husbands.  They  follow  therefore,  not  so  properly  myself  as  their 
 own  children."  And  thus  far  of  his  apology  was  made,  in  order  to  clear  himself  of  having 
 acted  unjustly.  To  which  he  added  his  own  complaint  and  accusation  of  Laban  ;  saying, 
 "  While  I  was  thy  sister's  son,  and  ihou  hadst  given  me  thy  daughters  in  marriage,  thoa  hast 
 worn  me  out  with  thy  harsh  commands,  and  detained  me  twenty  years  under  them.  That 
 indeed,  which  was  required  in  order  to  my  marrying  thy  daughters,  hard  as  it  was,  I  own  to 
 have  been  tolerable  ;  but  as  to  those  that  were  put  upon  me  after  those  marriages,  they  were 
 worse,  and  such  indeed  as  an  enemy  would  have  avoided."  For  certainly  Laban  had  used 
 Jacob  very  ill;  for  when  he  saw  that  God  was  assisting  to  Jacob  in  all  that  he  desired,  he 
 promised  him,  that  of  the  young  cattle  which  should  be  born,  he  should  have  sometimes  what 
 was  of  a  white  colour,  and  sometimes  what  should  be  of  a  black  colour  ;  but  when  those  that 
 came  to  Jacob's  share  proved  numerous,  he  did  not  keep  his  faith  with  him  ;  but  said  he 
 would  give  them  to  him  the  next  year,  because  of  his  envying  him  the  multitude  of  bis 
 possessions.  He  promised  him  as  before,  because  he  thought  such  an  increase  was  not  to  be 
 expeoted  ;  but,  when  it  appeared  to  be  fact,  he  deceived  him. 
 
 11.  But  then,  as  to  the  sacred  images,  he  bid  him  search  for  them  ;  and,  when  Laban 
 accepted  of  the  ofier,  Rachel  being  informed  of  it,  put  those  images  into  that  camel's  saddle 
 on  which  she  rode,  and  sat  upon  it ;  and  said,  that  her  natural  purgation  hindered  her  rising 
 up :  so  Laban  left  ofl'  searching  any  farther,  not  supposing  that  his  daughter  in  such  circum- 
 stances would  approach  to  those  images.  So  he  made  a  league  with  Jacob,  and  bound  it  by 
 oaths,  that  he  would  not  bear  him  any  malice  on  account  of  what  had  happened  ;  and  Jacob 
 made  the  like  league  ;  and  promised  to  love  Laban's  daughters.  And  these  leagues  they  con- 
 firmed with  oaths  also,  which  they  made  upon  certain  mountains,  whereupon  tbey  erected  a 
 pillar,  in  the  form  of  an  altar:  whence  thai  hill  is  called  Gilead ;  and  from  thence  they  call 
 that  land  the  land  of  Gilead  at  this  day.  Now  when  they  had  feasted  after  the  making  of  the 
 league,  Laban  returned  home. 
 
 CHAP.  XX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Meeting  of  Jacob  and  Esau. 
 
 ^  1,  Now,  as  Jacob  was  proceeding  on  his  journey  to  the  land  of  Canaan,  angels  appeared  to 
 him,  and  suggested  lo  him  good  hope  of  his  future  cnndition",  and  that  place  he  named  th« 
 Cainp  of  God.  And  being  desirous  of  knowing  what  his  brother's  intentions  were  to  him,  be 
 sent  messengers  to  give  him  an  exact  account  of  every  thing,  as  being  afraid,  on  account  of 
 the  enmities  between  them.  He  charged  those  that  were  sent,  to  say  to  Esau,  that  "  Jacob 
 had  thought  it  wrong  to  live  together  with  him  while  he  was  in  anger  against  him,  and  so  had 
 gone  out  of  the  country  ;  and  that  he  now,  thinking  the  length  of  time  of  his  absence  must 
 have  made  up  their  dili'erences,  was  returning ;  that  he  brought  with  him  his  wives,  and  his 
 children,  with  what  possessions  he  had  gotten  ;  and  delivered  himself,  with  what  was  most 
 dear  to  him,  into  his  hands  :  and  should  think  it  his  greatest  happiness  lo  partake  together 
 with  his  brother  of  what  God  had  bestowed  upon  him."  So  those  messengers  told  him  this 
 message.  Upon  which  Esau  was  very  glad,  and  met  his  brother  with  four  hundred  men. 
 And  Jacob,  when  he  heard  that  he  was  coming  to  meet  him  with  such  a  number  of  men,  was 
 greatly  afraid  :  however,  he  committed  his  hope  of  deliverance  to  God  ;  and  considered  how, 
 in  his  present  circumstances,  he  might  preserve  himself  and  those  that  were  with  him,  and 
 overcome  his  enemies,  if  they  attacked  him  injuriously.  He  therefore  distributed  his  com- 
 pany into  parts  :  some  he  sent  before  the  rest,  and  the  others  he  ordered  to  come  close 
 behind,  that  so,  if  the  first  were  overpowered,  when  his  brother  attacked  them,  they  might 
 have  those  that  followed  as  a  refuge  to  fly  unto.  And  when  he  had  put  his  company  in  this 
 order,  he  sent  some  of  them  lo  carry  presents  to  his  brother.  The  presents  were  made  up  of 
 cattle,  and  a  great  number  of  four-footed  beasts,  of  many  kinds,  such  as  would  be  very  accept- 
 able to  those  that  received  them,  on  account  of  their  rarity.  Those  who  were  sent,  went  at 
 certain  intervals  of  space  asunder,  that  by  following  thick  one  after  another,  they  might 
 appear  to  be  more  nomerous,  that  Esau  might  remit  of  his  anger  on  account  of  these  presents, 
 if  he  were  still  in  a  passion.  Instructions  were  also  given  to  those  that  were  sent  to  speak 
 gently  to  him. 
 
 2.  When  Jacob  had  made  these  appointments  all  the  day,  and  night  came  on,  he  moved  ca 
 
BOOK  i. — CHAP.  XXI.  63 
 
 witli  his  companji  ;  and,  as  Ihey  were  gone  over  a  certain  river  called  Jablioc,  Jacob  was 
 left  behind  ;  and  meeting  with  an  angel,  he  wrestled  with  him,  the  angel  beginning  the 
 struggle  :  but  he  prevailed  over  the  angel,  who  used  a  voice  and  spake  to  him  in  words, 
 exhorting  hira  to  be  pleased  with  what  had  happened  to  him,  and  not  to  suppose  that  bis 
 victory  was  a  small  one,  but  that  he  had  overcome  a  divine  angel,  and  to  esteem  the  victory 
 as  a  sign  of  great  blessings  that  should  come  to  him;  and  that  his  oftspring  should  never 
 fail,  and  that  no  man  should  be  too  hard  for  his  power.  He  also  commanded  him  to  be 
 called  Israel,*  which  in  (he  Hebrew  tongue  signifies  one  that  struggled  with  the  divine  angel. 
 These  promises  were  made  at  the  prayer  of  Jacob  ;  for,  when  he  perceived  him  to  be  the 
 ano-el  of  God,  he  desired  he  would  signify  to  him  what  should  befall  him  hereafter.  And 
 wlfen  the  angel  had  said  what  is  before  related,  he  disappeared  ;  but  Jacob  was  pleased  with 
 hese  things,  and  named  the  place  Phanuel,  which  signifies,  the  face  of  God.  Now,  when  he 
 felt  pain,  by  this  struggling,  upon  his  broad  sinew,  he  abstained  from  eating  that  sinew 
 himself,  afterward  ;  and  for  his  sake  it  is  still  not  eaten  by  us. 
 
 3.  When  Jacob  understood  that  his  brother  was  near,  he  ordered  his  wives  to  go  before, 
 each  by  herself,  with  the  handmaids,  that  they  might  see  the  actions  of  the  men,  as  they  were 
 fighting,  if  Esau  were  so  disposed.  He  then  went  up  to  his  brother  Esau,  and  bowed  down 
 to  him,  who  had  no  evil  design  upon  him,  but  saluted  him;  and  asked  him  about  the  company 
 of  the  children  and  of  the  women  ;  and  desired,  when  he  had  understood  all  he  wanted  to 
 know  about  them,  that  he  would  go  along  with  him  to  their  father ;  but,  Jacob  pretending 
 that  the  cattle  were  weary,  Esau  returned  to  Seir,  for  there  was  his  place  of  habitation,  he 
 having  named  the  place  Roughness,  from  his  own  hairy  roughness. 
 
 CHAP.  XXI. 
 
 Concerning  the  Violatioti  of  Dinas  Cliaslity. 
 §  1.  Hereupon  Jacob  came  to  the  place,  till  this  day  called  Tents,  [Succotb]  from  whence 
 he  went  to  Shechera,  which  is  a  city  of  the  Canaanites.  Now,  as  the  Shechemites  were 
 keeping  a  festival,  Dina,  who  was  the  only  daughter  of  Jacob,  vieni  into  the  city  to  see  the 
 finery  of  the  women  of  that  country.  But  when  Shecliem,  the  son  of  Hamor  the  king,  saw 
 her,  lie  defiled  her  by  violence  ;  and  being  greatly  in  love  with  her,  desired  of  his  father  that 
 he  would  procure  the  damsel  to  him  for  a  wife.  To  which  desire  he  condescended,  and  came 
 to  Jacob,  desiring  him  to  give  leave  that  his  son  Shechem  might,  according  to  law,  marry 
 Dina.  But  Jacob,  not  knowing  how  to  deny  the  desire  of  one  of  such  great  dignity,  and  yet 
 not  thinking  it  lawful  to  marry  his  daughter  to  a  stranger,  entreated  him  to  give  him  leave  to 
 have  a  consultation  about  what  he  desired  him  to  do.  So  the  king  went  away,  in  hopes  that 
 Jacob  would  grant  him  this  marriage.  But  Jacob  informed  his  sons  of  the  defilement  of  their 
 sister,  and  of  the  address  of  Hamor  ;  and  desired  them  to  give  their  advice,  what  they  should 
 do.  Upon  this,  the  greatest  part  said  nothing,  not  knowing  what  advice  to  give.  But 
 Simeon  and  Levi,  the  brethren  of  the  damsel,  by  the  same  mother,  agreed  between  them- 
 selves upon  the  action  following  :  it  being  now  the  time  of  a  festival,  when  the  Shechemites 
 were  cnijiloyed  in  pase  and  feasting,  they  fell  upon  the  wateh,  when  they  were  asleep,  and 
 coining  into  the  city,  slew  all  the  males  ;+  as  also  the  king,  and  his  son,  with  them  ;  but 
 spared  the  women.  And  when  they  had  done  this  without  their  father's  consent,  they  bronght 
 away  their  sister. 
 
 2.  Now  while  Jacob  Avas  astonished  at  the  greatness  of  this  act,  and  was  severely  blaming 
 his  sons  for  it,  God  stood  by  him,  and  bid  him  be  of  good  courage  ;  but  to  purify  his  tents, 
 and  to  ofi'er  those  sacrifices  which  he  had  vowed  to  oiler  when  he  went  first  into  Mesopotamia, 
 and  saw  his  vision.  As  he  was,  therefore,  purifying  his  followers,  he  light  upon  the  gods  of 
 Labau,  (for  he  did  not  before  know  they  were  stolen  by  Rachel,)  nnd  he  hid  them  in  the 
 earth,  under  an  oak,  in  Shechem.  And  departing  thence,  he  oliered  sacrifice  at  Bethel,  the 
 place  where  he  saw  bis  dream  when  he  went  first  into  Mesopotamia. 
 
 3.  And  when  he  was  gone  thence,  and  was  come  over  against  Eplirnta,  he  there  buried 
 Rachel,  who  died  in  childbed:  she  was  the  only  one  of  Jacob's  kindred  that  had  not  the 
 honour  of  burial  at  Hebron.  And  whf-n  he  had  mourned  for  a  great  while  he  called  the  son 
 that  was  born  of  her,    Benjamin, ^  because   of  the  sorrow  the  mother  had  with  him.     These 
 
 •  Perhaps  this  may  be  the  proper  meaning  of  the  word  Israel,  by  the  present  and  old  Jerusalem  analogy  of 
 the  Hebrew  tongue.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is  certain  that  the  Hellenists  o<  the  tirst  century  in  tgypt.  and 
 ■elsewhere,  interpreted  Israel  to  be  a  man  seeing  God,  as  is  evident  from  the  iirgument  forteited. 
 
 +  Of  this  slauBhler  of  the  Shechemites  by  .Simeon  and  Levi,  see  Authent.  Hue.  part  i.  p.  aoy,  418,  432-'J.19. 
 But  wliy  Jo-ephus  has  omitted  the  circumcision  of  these  Shechemites,  as  the  occasion  of  their  death  ;  and  ot 
 Jacob's  great  grief,  as  in  the  Testament  of  Levi,  sect.  v.  I  cannot  tell.  ■      i     r    i      • 
 
 1  Since  He  oni  signihes  '  the  son  of  my  sorrow,'  and  lienjamin, '  the  son  of  days,'  or '  one  born  m  tlie  father  s 
 old  age,'  Cien.  xliv.  20.  I  suspect  .losephus'  present  copies  to  be  here  imperfect,  and  suppdse,  that  in  corre- 
 fpondence  to  other  copies,  he  <vrote  that  liachel  called  her  son's  name  Bennni,  but  his  f;ith(  r  cnlled  linu 
 Jk'njaiuin,(;en.xxxv.  18.  As  for  r.enjamin,  as  commonly  explained,  'the  son  of  the  right  hand,'  il  niakis  no 
 Sense  at  all,  and  seems  to  be  a  gross  modern  error  onlv.  The  Samaritan  always  writes  Ihis  name  truly 
 Herjnmim,  which  probably  is  here  of  the  same  sivjniticiition,  only  with  the  Chaldee  termination,  in,  instead 
 of  «»K,  in  *.lie  Hebrew ;  as,  we  pronounce  Clieiiibiu  or  t'herubim  indifferently.  Accordingly,  both  the  iesla 
 meiit  of  .•benjamin,  sect.  ii.  |i.  401.  and  I'liili.  ile  Noininuin  Mutatioue,  p.  105'.>,  write  Ihe  mime  Ik-njumm, 
 but  cxpluin  it  uol '  iha  sou  of  hia  riyhl  haud,'  but  '  '.bi:  ton  of  days.' 
 
54  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 are  all  the  cliiidren  of  Jacob,  twelve  males  aud  one  female.  Of  tbem  ei^bt  were  le<ritiii]ate, 
 viz.  six  of  Lea,  and  two  of  Rachel ;  and  four  were  of  the  handmaids,  two  of  each  ;  all  of 
 whose  names  have  been  set  down  already. 
 
 CHAP.  XXII. 
 
 Hoiv  Isaac  died,  and  was  buried  in  Hebron. 
 
 §  1.  From  thence  Jacob  came  to  Hebron,  a  citj  situate  among  the  Canaanites;  and  there 
 it  was  that  Isaac  lived  :  and  so  they  lived  togetlier  'or  a  little  while ;  for,  as  to  Rebeka, 
 Jacob  did  not  find  her  alive.  Isaac  also  died  not  long  after  tlie  coining  of  his  son;  aud  was 
 buried  by  his  sons,  with  his  wife,  in  Hebron,  where  they  had  a  monument  belonging  to  tiiem, 
 from  their  forefathers.  Now,  Isaac  was  a  man  who  was  beloved  of  God,  and  was  vouchsafed 
 great  instances  of  providence  by  God,  after  Abraham  his  father;  and  lived  to  be  exceedingly 
 old  :  for  when  he  had  lived  virtnously  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  years,  he  then  died. 
 
 BOOK  II. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  TWO  HUNDRED  AND  TWENTY  YEARS.- FROM  THE 
 DEATH  OF  ISAAC  TO  THE  EXODUS  OUT  OF  EGYPT. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Esau  and  Jacob,  the  Sons  of  Isaac,  divided  their  Habitation  ;  and  Esau  possessed  Idumea, 
 
 and  Jacob  Canaan. 
 
 §  1.  After  the  death  of  Isaac,  his  sons  divided  their  habitations  respectively.  Nor  did 
 tiiey  retain  what  they  had  before :  but  Esau  departed  from  the  city  of  Hebron,  and  left  it  to 
 Lis  brother,  and  dwelt  in  Seir,  and  ruled  over  Idumea.  He  called  the  country  by  that  name 
 from  himself,  for  he  was  named  Adom ;  which  appellation  he  got  on  the  following  occasion  : 
 One  day  returning  from  the  toil  of  hunting  very  hungry,  (it  was  when  he  was  a  child  in  age,"^ 
 he  lighted  on  his  brother,  when  he  was  getting  ready  lentile-pottage  for  his  dinner,  which 
 was  of  a  very  red  colour ;  on  which  accorfnt,  he  the  more  earnestly  longed  for  it,  and  desired 
 him  to  give  him  some  of  it  to  eat :  but  he  made  advantage  of  his  brother's  hunger,  and  forced 
 him  to  resign  up  to  him  his  birth-right,  aud  be,  being  pinched  with  famine,  resigned  it  up  to 
 him,  under  an  oath.  Whence  it  came,  that,  on  account  of  the  redness  of  this  pottage,  he  was, 
 in  way  of  jest,  by  his  cotemporaries  called  Adom,  for  the  Hebrews  call  what  is  red  Adom; 
 and  this  was  the  name  given  to  this  country;  but  the  Greeks  gave  it  a  more  agreeable  pro- 
 nunciation, and  named  it  Idumea. 
 
 2.  He  became  the  father  of  live  sons ;  of  whom  Jaus,  and  Jalonnis,  aud  Coreus,  were  by 
 one  wife,  whose  name  was  Alibama  ;  but  of  the  rest,  Aliphaz  was  born  to  him  by  Ada,  and 
 Ragael  by  Basemmath  :  and  these  were  the  sons  of  Esau.  Aliphaz  had  five  legitimate  sons, 
 Theman,  Omer,  Saphus,  Gotham,  aud  Kanaz ;  for  Amalek  was  not  legitimate,  but  by  a  con- 
 cubine, whose  name  was  Thamna.  These  dwelt  in  that  part  of  Idumea  which  was  called 
 Gebalitis,  and  that  denominated  from  Amalek,  Amalekitis  ;  for  Idumea  was  a  large  country, 
 aud  did  then  preserve  the  name  of  tiie  whole,  while  in  its  several  parts  it  kept  the  names  of 
 its  peculiar  inhabitants. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Joseph,  the  youngest  of  Jacob's  Sons,  was  envied  by  his  Brethren,  when  certain  Drenm-j 
 had  foreshewn  his  future  Happiness. 
 
 §  1.  It  happened  that  Jacob  camo  to  so  great  happiness  as  rarely  any  other  person  has 
 arrived  at.  He  was  richer  than  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  ;  and  was  at  once 
 envied  and  admired  for  such  virtuous  sons,  for  they  were  deficient  in  nothing,  but  were  of 
 great  souls,  both  for  labouring  with  their  hands  and  enduring  of  toil;  and  shrewd  also  in 
 understanding.  And  God  exercised  such  a  providence  over  him,  aud  such  a  care  of  his  happi- 
 ness, as  to  bring  him  the  greatest  blessings,  even  out  of  what  appeared  to  be  the  most  sorrow- 
 ful conditions  ;  aud  to  make  him  the  cause  of  our  forefathers'  departure  out  of  Egypt,  hini 
 and  his  posterity.  The  occasion  was  this:  When  Jacob  nad  his  son  Joseph  born  to  him  by 
 Rachel,  his  father  loved  him  above  the  rest  of  his  sons,  both  because  of  the  beaut}'  of  his  body, 
 and  the  virtues  of  his  mind,  for  he  excelled  the  rest  in  prudence.  The  aft'ection  of  his  father 
 excited  the  envy  and  the  haired  of  his  |  brethren  ;  as  did  also  the  dreams  which  he  saw,  and 
 related  to  his  father,  and  to  them,  wbicli  foretold  his  future  happiness,  it  being  usual  with 
 mankind  to  envy  their  very  nearest  relations  such  their  prosperity.  Now  the  visions  which 
 Joseph  saw  in  his  sleep  were  these  : 
 
 2.  When  they  were  in  the  middle  of  harvest,  and  Joseph  was  sent  by  liis  father,  with  his 
 brethren,  to  gather  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  he  saw  a  vision  in  a  dream,  but  greatly  exceeding 
 the  accustomary  appearances  that  come  when  we  are  asleep;  which,  when  he  got  up,  he  told 
 
BOOK   II. — CHAP.  III.  55 
 
 Ills  bretliien,  Uiat  lliey  mif;bl  judge  what  it  poitended.  lie  snid,  "  He  saw,  the  last  night, 
 that  his  wlieat  sheaf  stood  slill  in  the  place  vviieie  he  had  set  it,  but  that  their  sheaves  ran  to 
 bow  down  to  it,  as  servants  bow  down  to  their  masters."  But  as  soon  as  they  perceived  the 
 vision  foretold  tliat  he  should  obtain  power  and  great  wealth,  and  that  liis  power  should  be  in 
 opposition  to  them,  they  gave  no  interpretation  of  it  to  Joseph,  as  if  the  dream  were  not  by 
 them  understood  :  but  they  prayed  tjiat  uo  part  of  what  they  suspected  to  be  its  meaninj^ 
 might  come  to  pass  ;  and  they  bare  a  slill  greater  hatred  to  him  oti  that  account. 
 
 3.  But  God,  in  opposition  to  their  envy,  sent  a  second  vision  to  Joseph,  which  was  much 
 more  wonderful  than  the  former ;  for  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  sun  took  with  him  the  moon, 
 and  the  rest  of  the  stars,  and  came  down  to  the  earth,  and  bowed  down  to  him.  lie  told 
 this  vision  to  liis  father,  and  that,  as  suspecting  nothing  of  ill-will  from  his  brethren,  when 
 thev  were  there  also,  and  desired  him  to  interpret  what  it  should  signify.  Now  Jacob  was  pleased 
 with  the  dream  :  for  considering  the  prediction  in  his  mind,  and  shrewdly  and  wisely  guessing 
 at  its  meaning,  he  rejoiced  at  the  great  things  thereby  signified,  because  it  declared  the  future 
 happiness  of  his  son  ,  and  that,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  the  time  would  come  when  he  should 
 be  honoured,  and  thought  worthy  of  worship  by  his  parents  and  brethren,  as  guessing  that  the 
 moon  and  sun  were  like  his  mother  and  father  ;  the  former,  as  she  that  gave  increase  and 
 nourishment  to  all  things  :  and  the  latter,  he  that  gave  form  and  other  powers  to  them  ;  and 
 that  the  stars  were  like  his  brethren,  since  they  were  eleven  in  number,  as  were  the  stars 
 that  receive  their  power  from  the  sun  and  moon. 
 
 4.  And  thus  did  Jacob  make  a  judgment  of  this  vision,  and  that  a  shrewd  one  also.  But 
 these  interpretations  caused  very  great  grief  to  Joseph's  brethren  ;  and  they  were  affected  to 
 him  hereupon  as  if  he  were  a  certain  stranger,  that  was  to  have  those  good  things  which  were 
 signified  by  the  dreams,  and  not  as  one  that  was  a  brother,  with  whom  it  was  probable  they 
 5liould  be  joint  partakers  ;  and  as  they  had  been  partners  iu  the  same  parentage,  so  should 
 they  be  of  the  same  happiness.  They  also  resolved  to  kill  the  lad  ;  and  having  fully  ratified 
 that  intention  of  theirs,  as  soon  as  their  collection  of  the  fruits  was  over  they  went  to  Shecheni, 
 which  is  a  country  good  for  feeding  of  cattle,  and  for  pasturage  ;  there  they  fed  their  flocks, 
 without  acquainting  their  father  with  their  removal  thither  :  whereupon  he  had  melancholy 
 suspicions  about  them,  as  being  ignorant  of  his  sons'  condition,  and  receiving  no  messenger 
 from  the  flocks  that  could  inform  him  of  the  true  state  they  were  in  ;  so,  because  he  was  in 
 great  fear  about  them,  he  sent  Joseph  to  the  Hocks,  to  learn  the  circumstances  his  brethren 
 were  in,  and  to  bring  him  word  bow  they  did. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Joseph  ivas  thus  sold  hy  his  Brethren  into  Egypt,  by  reason  of  their  Hatred  to  him  j 
 and  how  he  there  grew  famous  and  illustrious,  and  had  his  Brethren  under  his  Power. 
 
 §  1.  Now  these  brethren  rejoiced  as  soon  as  they  saw  their  brother  coming  to  them,  not 
 indeed  as  at  the  presence  of  a  near  relation,  or  as  at  the  presence  of  one  sent  by  their  father, 
 but  as  at  the  presence  of  an  enemy,  and  one  that  hy  divine  providence  was  delivered  into  their 
 bands  ;  and  they  already  resolved  to  kill  him,  and  not  let  slip  the  opportunity  that  lay  before 
 them.  But  when  Reubel,  the  eldest  of  them,  saw  them  thus  disposed,  and  that  they  had 
 greed  together  to  execute  their  purpose,  he  tried  to  restrain  them,  shewing  them  the  heinous 
 enterprise  they  were  going  about,  and  the  horrid  nature  of  it  ;  that  this  action  would  appear 
 wicked  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  impious  before  men,  even  though  they  should  kill  one  not 
 related  to  them  ;  but  much  more  llugitions  and  detestable  to  appear  to  have  slain  their  own 
 brother,  by  which  act  the  father  must  be  treated  unjustly  in  the  son's  slaughter,  and  the 
 mother*  also  be  in  perplexity,  while  she  laments  that  her  son  is  taken  away  from  her,  and  this 
 not  in  a  natural  way  neither.  So  he  entreated  them  to  have  a  regard  to  their  own  consciences, 
 and  wisely  to  consider  what  mischief  would  betide  them  upon  the  death  of  so  good  a  child, 
 and  their  youngest  brother;  that  they  would  also  fear  God,  who  was  already  both  a  spectator 
 and  a  witness  of  the  designs  they  had  against  their  brother ;  that  he  would  love  them  if  they 
 abstained  from  this  act,  and  yielded  to  repentance  and  amendment  ;  but  in  case  they  pro- 
 ceeded to  do  the  fact,  all  sorts  of  punishments  would  overtake  them  from  God  for  this  murder 
 of  their  brother,  since  they  polluted  his  providence,  which  was  every  where  present,  and 
 which  did  not  overlook  what  was  done,  either  in  deserts  or  ia  cities  ;  for  wheresoever  a  man 
 is,  there  ought  he  to  suppose  that  God  is  also.  He  told  them  farther,  that  their  consciences 
 would  be  their  enemies,  if  they  attempted  to  go  through  so  wicked  an  enterprise,  which  they 
 can  never  avoid,  whether  it  be  a  good  conscience,  or  whether  it  be  such  a  one  as  they  will 
 have  within  them  when  once  they  have  killed  their  brother.  He  also  added  this,  besides,  tc 
 what  he  had  before  said,  that  it  was  not  a  righteous  thing  to  kill  a  brother,  though  he  had 
 injured  them  ;  that  it  is  a  good  thing  to  forget  the  actions  of  such  near  friends,  even  in  thingc 
 
 •  We  mny  here  observe,  that  in  correspondence  to  Joseph's  second  drenm,  which  implied,  that  his  mother 
 who  was  then  alive,  as  well  as  liis  t'nthor,  should  come  and  bow  down  to  him,  Josephns  represents  her  here  as 
 Mill  alive  after  she  was  dead,  for  the  decorum  of  the  dream  that  foretold  it ;  as  the  interpretation  of  th« 
 driam  does  also  iu  all  our  copies.   Gvu,  xxxvii.  10. 
 
56  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 wherein  (hej  might  seem  to  have  ofl'endfed  ;  bat  that  they  were  going  to  kill  Joseph,  who  had 
 heen  guilty  of  nothing  that  was  ill  towards  them,  in  whose  case  the  infirmity  of  his  small  age 
 should  rather  procure  him  mercy,  and  move  them  to  unite  together  in  the  care  of  his  preser- 
 vations. That  the  cause  of  killing  him  made  the  act  itself  much  worse,  while  they  determined 
 to  take  him  oft"  out  of  envy  at  his  future  prosperity  ;  an  equal  share  of  whi^h  they  would 
 naturally  partake  while  he  enjoyed  it,  since  they  were  to  him  not  strangers,  but  the  nearest 
 relations  ;  for  they  might  reckon  upon  what  God  bestowed  npon  Joseph  as  their  own;  and  that 
 it  was  fit  for  them  to  believe,  that  the  anger  of  God  would,  for  this  cause,  be  more  severe 
 npon  them,  if  they  slew  him  who  was  judged  by  God  to  be  worthy  of  that  prosperity  which 
 was  to  be  hoped  for :  and  while,  by  murdering  him,  they  made  it  impossible  for  God  to  bestow 
 it  npon  him. 
 
 2.  Reubel  said  these,  and  many  other  things,  and  used  entreaties  to  them,  and  thereby 
 endeavoured  to  divert  them  from  the  murder  of  their  brother.  But  when  he  saw  that  his  dis- 
 course had  not  mollified  them  at  all,  and  that  they  made  haste  to  do  the  fact,  he  advised  them 
 to  alleviate  the  wickedness  they  were  going  about  in  the  manner  of  taking  Joseph  olT;  for,  as 
 he  had  exhorted  them  first,  when  they  were  going  to  revenge  themselves,  to  be  dissuaded  from 
 doing  it,  so,  since  the  sentence  for  killing  their  brother  had  prevailed,  he  said  that  they  would 
 not,  however,  be  so  grossly  guilty,  if  tbey  would  be  persuaded  to  follow  his  present  advice, 
 which  would  include  what  they  were  so  eager  about,  but  was  not  so  very  bad,  but,  in 
 the  distress  they  were  in,  of  a  lighter  nature.  He  begged  of  them,  therefore,  not  to  kill  their 
 brother  with  their  own  hands,  but  to  cast  him  into  the  pit  that  was  hard  by,  and  so  to  let  him  die  ; 
 by  which  they  would  gain  so  much,  that  they  would  not  defile  their  own  hands  with  his  blood. 
 To  this  the  young  men  readily  agreed  :  so  Reubel  took  the  lad,  and  tied  him  with  a  cord,  and 
 let  him  down  gently  into  the  pit,  for  it  had  no  water  at  all  in  it ;  who,  when  he  had  done  this, 
 went  his  way  to  seek  for  such  pasturage  as  was  fit  for  feeding  their  flocks. 
 
 3.  But  Judas,  being  one  of  Jacob's  sons  also,  seeing  some  Arabians,  of  the  posterity  of 
 Jsmael,  carrying  spices  and  Syrian  wares  out  of  the  land  of  Gilead  to  the  Egyptians,  after 
 Reubel  was  gone,  advised  his  brethren  to  draw  Joseph  out  of  the  pit,  and  sell  him  to  the  Ara- 
 bians ;  for  if  he  should  die  among  strangers  a  great  way  off,  they  should  be  freed  from  this 
 barbarous  action.  This,  therefore,  was  resolved  on  ;  so  they  drew  Joseph  up  out  of  the  pit, 
 and  sold  him  to  the  merchants  for  twenty  pounds.*  He  was  now  seventeen  years  old.  But 
 Reubel,  coming  in  the  night-time  to  the  pit,  resolved  to  save  Joseph,  without  the  privity  of  his 
 brethren  ;  and  when  upon  his  calling  to  him  he  made  no  answer,  he  was  afraid  that  they  had 
 destroyed  him  after  he  was  gone  ;  of  which  he  complained  to  his  brethren,  but  when  they  had 
 told  him  what  they  had  done,  Reubel  left  off  his  mourning. 
 
 4.  When  Joseph's  brethren  had  done  this  to  him,  they  considered  what  they  should  do  to 
 escape  the  suspicions  of  their  father.  Now  they  had  taken  away  from  Joseph  the  coat  which 
 he  had  on  when  he  came  to  them,  at  the  time  they  let  him  down  into  the  pit ;  so  they 
 thought  proper  to  tear  that  coat  to  pieces,  and  dip  it  into  goat's  blood,  and  then  to  carry  it 
 and  shew  it  to  tlieir  father,  that  he  might  believe  he  was  destroyed  by  wild  beasts.  And  when 
 they  had  so  done,  they  came  to  the  old  man,  but  this  not  till  what  had  happened  to  his  son  had 
 already  come  to  his  knowledge  :  then  they  said  that  they  had  not  seen  Joseph,  nor  knew  what 
 mishap  had  befallen  him,  but  that  tliey  had  found  his  coat  bloody,  and  torn  to  pieces,  whence 
 they  had  a  suspicion  that  he  had  fallen  among  wild  beasts,  and  so  perished,  if  that  wa^s  the  coat 
 he  had  on  when  he  came  from  home,  Now  Jacob  had  before  some  better  hopes  that  his  son 
 was  only  made  a  captive  ;  but  now  belaid  aside  that  notion,  and  supposed  that  his  coat  was  an 
 evident  argument  that  he  was  dead,  for  he  well  remembered  that  this  was  the  coat  he  had  on 
 when  he  sent  him  to  his  brethren  ;  so  he  hereafter  lamented  the  lad  as  now  dead,  and  as  if  he 
 had  been  the  father  of  no  more  than  one,  without  taking  any  comfort  in  the  rest  ;  and  so  he 
 was  also  affected  with  his  misfortune  before  he  met  with  Joseph's  brethren,  when  he  also  con- 
 jectured that  Joseph  was  destroyed  by  wild  beasts.  He  sat  down  also,  clothed  in  sack- 
 cloih  and  in  heavy  aflliction,  insomuch  that  he  found  no  ease  when  his  sons  comforted  bim, 
 neither  did  bis  pains  remit  by  length  of  time. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Concerning  the  signal  Chastity  of  Joseph. 
 
 $  1.  Now  Potiphar,  an  Egyptian,  who  was  chief  cook  to  king  Pharaoh,  bought  Joseph  of  the 
 
 merchants,  who  sold   him  to  him.     He  had   him  in  the  greatest  honour,  and  taught  him  the 
 
 learning  tliat  became   a   free   man,  and   gave  him  leave  to  make  use  of  a  diet  better  than  was 
 
 allotted  to  slaves.     He  intrusted  also   the  care  of  his   house  to  him.     So  he   enjoyed   these 
 
 advantages  ;  yet  did  not  he  leave  that  virtue  which  he  h&d  before,  upon   such  a  change  of  his 
 
 condition,   bnt  he  demonstrated  that  wisdom  was  able  to  govern  the  uneasy  passions  of  life, 
 
 in  such  as  have  it  in  reality,  and  do  not  only  put  it  on  for  a  show,   under  a  present  state  of 
 
 prosperity. 
 
 •  The  Septuaeint  have  twenty  pieces  of  gold;  the  Testament  of  Gad,  thirty;  the  Hebrew  and  Samaritan, 
 twenty  of  silvur;  uud  the  vulgar  Latin,  thirty.  What  was  the  true  uumber,  and  true  sum,  cannot  tlierel'ore 
 nuw  be  knowu. 
 
BOOK    II. — CIIAF.    IV.  57 
 
 2.  For  when  liis  niaster's  wife  was  fallen  in  love  vvitii  liiin,  both  on  account  of  the  heaulv 
 of  lii.s  boiiy,  and  his  dexterous  management  of  afl'aiis  ;  and  supposed,  that  if  she  should  make 
 it  kiiown  to  him,  she  could  easily  persuade  him  to  come  and  lie  with  her,  and  that  he  would 
 look  upon  it  as  a  piece  of  happy  fortune  that  his  mistress  should  entreat  him,  asregardin;;  that 
 state  of  slaverv  he  was  in,  and  not  liis  moral  character,  which  continued  after  his  condition 
 was  changed  :  so  she  made  known  her  naughty  inclinations,  and  spoke  to  him  about  lyinif 
 with  her.  However,  he  rejected  her  entreaties,  not  thinking  it  agreeable  to  religion  to  yield 
 so  far  to  her,  as  to  do  what  would  tend  to  the  afliout  and  injury  of  him  that  purchased  him, 
 and  had  vouchsafed  him  so  great  honours.  He,  on  the  contrary,  exhorted  her  to  govern  that 
 passion,  and  laid  before  her  the  impossibility  of  her  obtaining  her  desires,  which  he  thouoht 
 might  be  conquered,  if  she  had  no  hope  of  succeeding ;  and  he  said,  that  as  to  himself,  he  would 
 endure  any  thing  whatever  before  he  would  be  persuaded  to  it  ;  for  although  it  was  lit  for  a 
 slave,  as  he  was,  to  do  nothing  contrary  to  his  mistress,  he  might  well  be  excused  in  a  case 
 where  the  coulradiction  was  to  such  sort  of  commands  only.  But  this  opposition  of  Joseph's, 
 when  she  did  not  expect  it,  made  her  still  more  violent  in  her  love  to  him  ;  and  as  she  was 
 sorely  beset  with  this  naughty  passion,  so  she  resolved  to  compass  her  design  by  a  second 
 attempt. 
 
 3.  When,  therefore,  there  was  a  public  festival  coming  on,  in  which  it  was  the  custom  for 
 women  to  come  to  the  public  solemnity,  she  pretended  to  her  husband  that  she  was  sick,  as 
 contriving  an  opportunity  for  solitude  and  leisure,  that  she  might  entreat  Joseph  again  :  which 
 opportunity  being  obtained,  she  used  more  kind  words  to  him  than  before,  and  said,  that  it 
 had  been  good  for  him  to  have  yielded  to  her  first  solicitation,  aud  to  have  given  her  no  re- 
 pulse, both  because  of  the  reverence  he  ought  to  bear  to  her  dignity  who  solicited  him,  and 
 because  of  the  vehemency  of  her  passion,  by  which  she  was  forced,  though  she  were  his  mis- 
 tress, to  condescend  beneath  her  dignity  :  but  that  he  might  now,  by  taking  more  prudent 
 advice,  wipe  oil'  the  imputation  of  his  former  folly ;  for  whether  it  were,  that  he  expected  the 
 repetition  of  her  solici';ations,  she  had  now  made  it,  and  that  with  greater  earnestness  than  be- 
 fore, for  that  she  had  pretended  sickness  on  this  very  account,  and  had  preferred  his  conver- 
 sation before  the  festival  and  its  solemnity  ;  or  whether  he  opposed  her  former  discourses,  as 
 not  believing  she  could  be  in  earnest  ;  she  now  gave  him  suflicient  security,  by  thus  repeating 
 her  application,  that  she  meant  not  in  the  least,  by  fraud,  to  impose  upon  him  ;  and  assured 
 him,  that,  if  he  complied  with  her  afl'ections,  he  might  expect  the  enjoyment  of  the  advantages 
 he  already  had,  and,  if  he  were  submissive  to  her,  he  should  have  still  greater  advantages, 
 but  that  he  must  look  for  revenge  and  hatred  from  her,  in  case  he  rejected  her  desires,  and 
 preferred  the  reputation  of  chastity  before  his  mistress  ;  for  that  he  would  gain  nothing  by 
 such  procedure,  because  she  would  then  become  his  accuser,  and  would  falsely  pretend  to  her 
 huhhand,  that  hs  attempted  her  chastity  ;  and  that  Potiphar  would  hearken  to  her  words  rather 
 than  to  his,  let  his  be  ever  so  agreeable  to  the  truth. 
 
 4.  When  the  woman  had  said  thus,  and  even  with  tears  in  her  eyes,  neither  did  pity 
 dissuade  Joseph  from  his  chastity,  nor  did  fear  compel  him  to  a  compliance  with  her  ;  but  ha 
 opposed  her  solicitations,  and  did  not  yield  to  her  threatenings,  and  was  afraid  to  do  an  ill 
 tiling  ;  and  chose  to  undergo  the  sharpest  punishment,  rather  than  to  enjoy  his  present  advan- 
 tages, by  doing  what  his  own  conscience  knew  would  justly  deserve  that  he  should  die  for  it. 
 He  also  put  her  in  mind  that  she  was  a  married  woman,  and  that  she  ought  to  cohabit  with  her 
 husband  only  ;  and  desired  her  to  sufl'er  these  considerations  to  have  more  weight  with  her 
 than  the  short  pleasure  of  lustful  dalliance,  which  would  bring  her  to  rejicntance  afterwards; 
 would  cause  trouble  to  her,  and  yet  would  not  amend  what  had  been  done  amiss.  He  also 
 suggested  to  her  the  feai;  she  would  be  in,  lest  they  should  be  caught  ;  and  that  the  advantage 
 of  concealment  was  uncertain,  and  that  only  while  the  wickedness  was  not  known  [would  there 
 be  any  quiet  for  them  :]  but  that  she  might  have  the  enjoyment  of  her  husband's  company 
 without  any  danger.  And  he  told  her,  that  in  the  company  of  her  husband  she  might  liave 
 great  boldness  from  a  good  conscience,  both  before  God  and  before  men.  Nay,  that  she  would 
 act  better  like  his  mistress,  and  make  use  of  her  authority  over  him  better,  while  she  per- 
 sisted in  her  chastity,  than  when  they  were  both  ashamed  for  what  wickedness  they  had  been 
 puilty  of ;  and  that  it  is  much  better  to  depend  on  a  good  life,  well  acted  and  known  to  have 
 been  so,  than  upon  the  hopi;s  of  the  concealment  of  evil  practices. 
 
 5.  Joseph,  by  saying  this,  and  more,  tried  to  restrain  the  violent  passion  of  the  woman,  and 
 to  reduce  her  afl'ections  witiiiu  the  rules  of  reason  :  hut  she  grew  more  ungovernable  and 
 earnest  in  the  matter,  and  since  she  despaired  of  persuading  him,  she  laid  her  hands  upon  him 
 »nd  had  a  mind  to  force  him.  But  as  soon  as  Joseph  had  got  away  from  her  anger,  leaving 
 also  his  garment  with  her,  for  he  left  that  to  her  and  leaped  out  of  the  chamber,  she  was 
 greatly  afraid  lost  he  should  discover  her  lewdness  to  her  husband,  and  greatly  troubled  at  the 
 aftront  he  had  ofi'eren  her  ;  so  she  resolved  to  be  beforehand  with  him,  and  to  accuse  Joseph 
 falsely  to  Potiphar,  and  by  that  means  to  revenge  herself  on  him  for  his  pride  and  contempt  of 
 her;  and  she  thought  it  a  wise  thing  in  itself,  and  also  becoming  a  woman,  thus  to  prevent  his 
 accusation.  Accordingly  she  sat  sorrowful  and  in  confusion,  framing  herself  so  hypocritically 
 Bod  angrily,  (liat  the  sorrow,  which  was  really  for  her  being  disappointed  of  her  lust,   laijjht 
 
 H 
 
58  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 appear  to  ba  for  tlie  attempt  upon  her  chastitj ;  so  that  when  her  husband  carae  home,  and  was 
 disturbed  at  the  sight  of  her,  and  inquired  what  was  the  cause  of  the  disorder  she  was  in,  she 
 began  to  accuse  Joseph,  and  "  O  husband,"  said  she,  "  inayest  thou  not  live  a  day  longer,  if 
 thou  dost  not  punish  the  wicked  slave  who  has  desired  to  defile  thy  bed  ;  who  has  neither 
 minded  who  he  was  when  he  came  to  our  house,  so  as  to  behave  himself  with  modesty,  nor  has 
 he  been  mindful  of  what  favours  he  had  received  from  thy  bounty,  (as  be  must  be  an  ungrate- 
 ful man  indeed,  unless  he,  in  every  respect,  carry  himself  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  us  :)  this 
 man,  I  say,  laid  a  private  design  to  abuse  thy  wife,  and  this  at  the  time  of  a  festival,  observ- 
 ing when  thou  wonldst  be  absent.  So  that  it  now  is  clear,  that  his  modesty,  as  it  appeared  to 
 be  formerly,  was  only  because  of  the  restraint  he  was  in  out  of  fear  of  thee,  but  that  he  was 
 not  really  of  a  good  disposition.  This  has  been  ccoasioned  by  his  being  advanced  to  honour 
 beyond  what  be  deserved,  and  what  he  hoped  for,  insomuch  that  he  concluded,  that  he  who 
 was  deemed  fit  to  be  trusted  with  thy  estate,  and  the  government  of  thy  family,  and  was  pre- 
 ferred above  thy  eldest  servants,  might  be  allowed  to  touch  thy  wife  also."  Thus,  when  she 
 had  ended  her  discourse,  she  shewed  him  his  garment,  as  if  he  then  left  it  with  her  when  he 
 attempted  to  force  her.  But  Potiphar  not  being  able  to  disbelieve  what  his  wife's  tears 
 shewed,  and  what  his  wife  said,  and  what  he  saw  himself,  and  being  seduced  by  his  love  to 
 his  wife,  did  not  set  himself  about  the  examination  of  the  truth,  but  taking  it  for  granted  that 
 his  wife  was  a  modest  woman,  and  condemning  Joseph  as  a  wicked  man,  he  threw  bini  into 
 the  malefactors'  prison  ;  and  had  a  still  higher  opinion  of  his  wife,  and  bare  her  witness,  that 
 she  was  a  woman  of  a  becoming  modesty  and  chastity. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 What  things  befell  Joseph  in  Prison. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Joseph,  commending  all  his  affairs  to  God,  did  not  betake  himself  to  make  his 
 defence,  nor  to  give  an  account  of  the  exact  circumstances  of  the  fact,  fcut  silently  underwent 
 the  bonds  and  the  distress  he  was  in  ;  firmly  believing,  that  God,  who  knew  the  cause  of  his 
 affliction,  and  the  truth  of  the  fact,  would  be  more  powerful  than  those  that  inilicted  the 
 punishments  upon  him  :  a  proof  of  whose  providence  he  quickly  received  ;  for  the  keeper  of 
 the  prison,  taking  notice  of  his  care  and  fidelity  in  the  affairs  he  had  set  him  about,  and  the  dig- 
 nity of  his  countenance,  relaxed  his  bonds,  and  thereby  made  his  heavy  calamity  lighter,  and 
 more  supportable  to  him :  he  also  permitted  him  to  make  use  of  a  diet  better  than  that  of  the 
 rest  of  the  prisoners.  Now,  as  his  fellow-prisoners,  when  their  hard  labours  were  over,  fell 
 to  discoursing  one  among  another,  as  is  usual  in  such  as  are  equal  sufferers,  and  to  inquire  one 
 of  another,  what  were  the  occasions  of  their  being  condemned  to  a  prison.  Among  them  the 
 king's  cupbearer,  and  one  that  had  been  respected  by  him,  was  put  in  bonds  at  the  king's 
 anger  at  him.  This  man  w'ds  under  the  same  bonds  with  Joseph,  and  grew  more  familiar  with 
 him,  and  upon  his  observing  that  Joseph  bad  a  better  understanding  than  the  rest  had,  he 
 told  him  of  a  dream  he  had,  and  desired  he  would  interpret  its  meaning,  complaining  that, 
 besides  the  afflictions  he  underwent  from  the  king,  God  did  also  add  to  him  trouble  from  his 
 dreams. 
 
 2,  He  therefore  said,  that  in  bis  sleep  he  saw  three  clusters  of  grapes  hanging  upon  three 
 branches  of  a  vine,  large  already  and  ripe  for  gathering,  and  that  he  squeezed  them  into  a  cup 
 which  the  king  held  in  bis  hand  ;  and  when  he  had  strained  the  wine,  he  gave  it  to  the  king 
 to  drink,  and  that  he  received  it  from  him  with  a  pleasant  countenance.  This,  he  said,  was 
 what  he  saw  ;  and  he  desired  Joseph,  that,  if  he  had  any  portion  of  understanding  in  such  matters, 
 he  would  tell  him  what  tliis  vision  foretold.  Who  bid  him  be  of  good  cheer,  and  expect  to 
 be  loosed  from  his  bonds  in  three  days'  time,  because  the  king  desired  his  service,  and  was 
 about  to  restore  him  to  it  again  :  for  he  let  him  know,  that  God  bestows  the  fruit  of  the  vine 
 upon  men  for  good  ;  which  wine  is  poured  out  to  him,  and  is  the  pledge  of  fidelity  and  mutual 
 confidence  among  men  ;  and  puts  an  end  to  their  quarrels,  takes  away  pas.sion  and  grief  out  of 
 the  minds  of  them  that  use  it,  and  makes  them  cheerful.  Thou  sayest  that  thou  didst  squeeze 
 this  wine  from  three  clusters  of  grapes  with  thine  hands,  and  that  the  king  received  it;  know 
 therefore,  that  this  vision  is  for  thy  good,  and  foretells  a  release  from  thy  present  distress, 
 within  the  same  number  of  days,  as  the  branches  had  whence  thou  gatheredst  thy  grapes  in 
 thy  sleep.  However,  remember  what  prosperity  I  have  foretold  thee,  when  thou  hast  found 
 it  true  by  experience  :  and  when  thou  art  in  authority,  do  not  overlook  us  in  this  prison, 
 wherein  thou  wilt  leave  us,  when  thou  art  gone  to  the  place  we  have  foretold  :  for  we  are  not 
 io  prison  for  any  crime,  but  for  the  sake  of  our  virtue  and  sobriety  are  we  condemned  to  suffer 
 the  penalty  of  malefactors,  and  because  we  are  not  willing  to  injure  him  that  has  thus  distressed 
 us,  though  it  were  for  our  own  pleasure.  The  cupbearer,  therefore,  as  was  natural  to  do,  re- 
 joiced to  hear  such  an  interpretation  of  his  dream,  and  waited  the  completion  of  what  had  been 
 thos  shewed  him  beforehand. 
 
 3.  But  another  servant  there  was  of  the  king,  who  had  been  chief  baker,  and  was  now 
 bound  in  prison  with  the  cupbearer  ;  he  also  was  in  good  hope,  upon  Joseph's  interpretation  of 
 the  other's  vision,   for  he  had  seen  a  dream  also:  so  he  desired   that  Joseph  would  tell  hiia 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.    V.  59 
 
 t*Ii!i(  file  visions  he  Lad  seen  the  night  hefore  miglit  mean.  They  were  these  that  follow  • — 
 Methought,  ?ajs  he,  I  carried  three  baskets  upon  my  head,  two  were  lull  of  loaves,  and  the 
 third  full  of  sweetmeats  and  other  eatables,  such  as  are  prepared  for  kings  ;  but  tliat  ihe  fowls 
 came  Hying,  and  eat  them  all  up,  and  had  no  regard  to  my  attempt  to  drive  them  away.  And 
 Le  expected  a  prediction  like  to  tliat  of  the  cupbearer.  But  Joseph,  considering  and  reason- 
 ing about  the  dream,  said  to  him,  That  he  would  willingly  be  an  interpreter  of  good  events  to 
 liim,  and  not  of  such  as  his  dream  denounced  to  liini  :  but  he  told  him  that  he  had  only  three 
 days  in  all  to  live,  for  tliat  the  [three]  baskets  sijjnify,  that  on  the  third  day  he  should  be  cui- 
 cilied  and  devoured  by  fowls,  while  he  was  not  able  to  help  himself.  Now,  both  these  dreams 
 had  the  same  several  events  that  Joseph  foretold  they  should  have,  aad  this  to  both  the  par- 
 ties ;  for  on  the  third  day  before  mentioned,  wlien  the  king  solemnized  his  birth-day,  he  cruci- 
 fied the  chief  baker,  but  set  the  butler  free  fiora  his  bonds,  and  restored  him  to  his  former 
 ministration. 
 
 4.  Bnt  God  freed  Joseph  from  his  confinement,  after  he  had  endured  his  bonds  two  jears, 
 and  had  received  no  assistance  from  the  cupbearer,  who  did  not  remember  what  he  had  said  to 
 him  formerly  ;  and  God  contrived  this  method  of  deliverance  for  him: — Pharaoh  the  king  had 
 seen  in  his  sleep  the  same  evening  two  visions,  and  after  them  had  the  interpretations  of 
 them  both  given  bini.  He  had  forgotten  the  latter,  but  retained  the  dreams  themselves. 
 Being  therefore  troubled  at  what  he  had  seen,  for  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  all  of  a  melancholy 
 nature,  the  next  day  he  called  together  the  wisest  men  among  the  Egjplians,  desiring  to  learn 
 from  them  the  interpretation  of  his  dreams.  But  when  they  hesitated  about  them,  the  kingf 
 was  so  much  the  more  disturbed.  And  now  it  was  that  the  memory  of  Joseph,  and  his  skill 
 in  dreams,  came  into  the  mind  of  the  king's  cupbearer,  when  he  saw  the  confusion  that  Pha- 
 raoh was  in  :  so  he  came  and  meiitioned  Joseph  to  him,  as  also  the  vision  he  had  seen  in  prison, 
 and  how  the  event  proved  as  he  had  said  ;  as  also  that  the  chief  baker  was  crucified  nn  the 
 very  same  day,  and  that  this  also  happened  to  him  according  to  the  interpretation  of  Joseph  : 
 that  Joseph  himself  was  laid  in  bonds  by  Potiphar,  who  was  his  head  cook,  as  a  slave  ;  but 
 lie  said,  l.e  was  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  stock  of  the  Hebrews;  and  said  further,  bis  father 
 Jived  in  great  splendour.  If  therefore  thou  wilt  send  for  him,  and  not  despise  him  on  the 
 score  of  his  misfortunes,  thou  wilt  learn  what  thy  dreams  signify.  So  the  king  commanded 
 that  they  should  bring  Joseph  into  his  presence,  and  those  who  received  the  command  came 
 lud  brought  hiin  with  them,  having  taken  care  of  his  habit,  that  it  might  be  decent,  as  the  king 
 had  enjoined  them  to  do. 
 
 5.  But  the  king  took  him  by  the  hand,  and,  "  O  young  man,"  says  he,  "  for  my  servant 
 bears  witness  that  thou  art  at  present  the  best  and  most  skilful  person  I  can  consult  with, 
 vouchsafe  me  the  same  favours  which  thou  bestowedst  on  this  servant  of  mine,  and  tell  me 
 what  events  they  are  which  the  visions  of  my  dreams  foreshew  ;  and  I  desire  th'  e  to  suppress 
 nothing  out  of  fear,  nor  to  flatter  me  with  lying  words,  or  with  what  may  please  roe,  although 
 file  truth  should  be  of  a  melancholy  nature.  For  it  seemed  to  me,  that  as  1  walked  by  the 
 river,  I  saw  kine  fat,  and  very  large,  seven  in  number,  going  from  the  river  to  the  inaishes  ; 
 and  other  kine  of  the  same  number  like  them  met  them  out  of  the  marshes,  exceeding  lean  and 
 ill-favoured,  which  eat  up  the  fat  and  the  large  kine,  and  yet  were  no  better  than  btfore,  and 
 not  less  miserably  pinched  with  famine.  After  I  had  seen  this  vision  I  waked  out  of  my  sleep, 
 and  being  in  disorder,  and  considering  with  myself  what  this  appearance  should  be,  I  fell 
 asleep  again  and  saw  another  dream,  much  more  wonderful  than  the  foregoing,  which  still  did 
 more  ali'right  and  disturb  me:  I  saw  seven  ears  of  corn  growing  out  of  one  root,  h.aving  their 
 heads  borne  down  by  the  weight  of  the  grains,  and  bending  down  with  the  fruit,  which  was 
 now  ripe  and  fit  for  reaping  ;  and  near  tliese  I  ssw  seven  other  ears  of  corn,  meagre  and  weak, 
 for  want  of  rain,  which  fell  to  eating  and  consuming  those  that  were  fit  for  reaping,  and  put  me 
 into  great  astonishment." 
 
 6.  To  which  Joseph  replied  ;  "  This  dream,"  said  he,  "•  O  king,  although  seen  under  two 
 forms,  signifies  one  and  the  same  event  of  things  ;  for  when  thou  sawest  the  fat  kine,  wliiidi  is  an 
 animal  made  for  the  plough  and  for  lalxnir,  devoured  by  the  worse  kine,  and  the  ears  of  corn 
 eaten  up  hy  the  smaller  ears,  they  foretell  a  famine,  and  want  of  the  fruits  of  tht  earth,  for  the 
 same  number  of  years,  and  equal  with  those  when  Egypt  was  in  a  happy  st;ite  ;  and  this  so  far, 
 that  the  plenty  of  these  years  will  be  spent  in  the  same  number  of  years  of  scarcity,  and  that 
 ssarcity  of  necessary  provisions  will  be  very  diflicult  to  be  corrected;  as  a  sign  whereof,  the 
 ill-favoured  kine,  when  they  had  devoured  the  better  sort,  could  not  be  satisfied.  But  still 
 God  foreshews  what  is  to  come  upon  men,  not  to  grieve  them,  but  that,  when  they  know  it  be- 
 forehand, they  may,  by  prudence,  make  the  actual  experience  of  what  is  foretold  the  more 
 tolerable.  If  thou,  therefore,  carefully  dispose  of  the  plentiful  crops  which  will  come  in  the 
 former  years,  thou  wilt  procure  that  the  future  calamity  will  not  be  felt  by  the  Egyptians." 
 
 7.  Hereupon  the  king  wondered  at  the  discretion  and  wisdom  of  Joseph  ;  and  asked  him  by 
 what  means  he  might  so  dispense  the  foregoing  plentiful  crops,  in  the  bap|)y  years,  as  to  make 
 the  miserable  crops  more  tolerable.  Joseph  then  added  this  his  advice  : — To  sjiare  the 
 good  crops,  and  not  permit  the  Egyptians  to  spend  them  luxuriously,  but  to  reserve  what  (hey 
 would  have  spent  in  luxury  beyond  their  ucccssilv,  against  the  time  of  want.  He  also  cxhotled 
 
GO  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 him  to  take  llse  corn  of  the  hiisbaDdinen,  and  [jive  them  only  so  macli  as  will  be  suflRcient  for 
 their  food.  Accordingly.  Pharaoh  being  surprised  at  Joseph,  not  only  for  his  interpretation  o' 
 the  dream,  but  for  the  counsel  he  had  given  him,  intrusted  him  with  dispensing  the  corn  ;  with 
 power  to  do  what  he  thought  would  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  of  Egypt,  and  for  the  bene- 
 fit of  the  king,  as  believing  that  he,  who  first  discovered  this  method  of  acting,  would  prove 
 the  best  overseer  of  it.  But  Joseph  having  this  power  given  him  by  the  king,  with  leave  to 
 make  use  of  his  seal,  and  to  wear  purple,  drove  in  his  chariot  tbroagh  all  the  land  of  Egypt, 
 and  took  the  corn  of  the  husbandmen,*  allotting  as  much  to  every  one  as  would  be  sufficient 
 for  seed,  and  for  food,  but  without  discovering  to  any  one  the  reason  why  he  did  so. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Hoio  Josepli,  ivben  he  ivas  become  famous  in  Egypt,  had  his  Brethren  in  Subjection. 
 $  1.  Joseph  was  now  grown  up  to  thirty  years  of  age,  and  enjoyed  great  honours  from  the 
 king,  who  called  him  Psothom  Phanech,  out  of  regard  to  his  prodigious  degree  of  wisdom,  for 
 that  name  denotes  'therevealer  of  secrets.'  He  also  married  a  wife  of  very  high  quality,  for  he 
 married  the  daughter  of  Petephres,t  one  of  the  priests  of  Heliopolis  ;  she  was  a  virgin,  and  her 
 name  was  Asenath.  By  her  he  had  children  before  the  scarcity  came  on,  Manasseh,  the  elder, 
 which  signifies  •  forgetful,'  because  his  present  happinesa  made  him  forget  his  former  mis- 
 fortunes ;  and  Ephraim,  the  younger,  which  signifies  '  restored,'  because  he  was  restored  to 
 the  freedom  of  bis  forefathers.  Now  after  Egypt  had  happily  passed  over  seven  years,  accord- 
 ing to  Joseph's  interpretation  of  the  dreams,  the  famine  came  upon  them  in  the  eighth  year  ; 
 and  because  this  misfortune  fell  upon  them  when  they  had  no  sense  of  it  beforehand,*  they  were 
 all  sorely  afflicted  by  it,  and  came  running  to  the  king's  gales  ;  and  he  called  upon  Joseph, 
 who  sold  the  corn  to  them,  being  become  confessedly  a  saviour  to  the  whole  multitudes  of  the 
 Egyptians.  Nor  did  he  open  this  market  of  corn  for  the  people  of  that  country  only,  but 
 strangers  had  liberty  to  buy  also,  Joseph  being  willing  that  all  men,  who  are  naturally  akin  to 
 one  another,  should  have  assistance  from  those  that  lived  in  happiness. 
 
 2.  Now  Jacob  also,  when  he  understood  that  foreigners  might  come,  sent  all  his  sons  into 
 Egypt  to  buy  corn,  for  the  land  of  Canaan  was  grievously  afHicted  with  the  famine,  and  this 
 great  misery  touched  the  whole  continent.  He  only  retained  Benjamin,  who  was  born  to  him 
 by  Rachel,  and  was  of  the  same  mother  with  Joseph.  These  sons  of  Jacob  then  came  into 
 Egypt,  and  applied  themselves  to  Joseph,  wanting  to  buy  corn  ;  for  nothing  of  this  kind  was 
 done  without  his  approbation,  since  even  then  only  was  the  honour  that  was  paid  the  king  him- 
 self advantageous  to  the  persons  that  paid  it,  when  they  took  care  to  honour  Joseph  also.  Now 
 when  he  well  knew  his  brethren,  they  thought  nothing  of  him,  for  he  was  but  a  youth  when 
 be  left  them,  and  was  now  come  to  an  age  so  much  greater,  that  the  lineaments  of  his  face 
 were  changed,  and  he  was  not  known  by  them  ;  besides  this,  the  greatness  of  the  dignity 
 wherein  he  appeared,  suffered  them  not  so  much  as  to  suspect  it  was  he.  He  now  made  trial 
 vvhat  sentiments  they  had  about  afl'airs  of  the  greatest  consequence ;  for  he  refused  to  sell 
 them  corn,  and  said  they  were  come  as  spies  of  the  king's  affairs  ;  and  that  they  came  from 
 several  countries,  and  joined  themselves  together,  and  only  pretended  that  they  were  of  kin,  it 
 not  being  possible  that  a  private  man  should  breed  up  so  many  sons,  and  those  of  so  great 
 beauty  of  countenance  as  they  were,  such  an  education  of  so  many  children  being  not  easily 
 obtained  by  kings  themselves.  Now  this  he  did  in  order  to  discover  what  concerned  his 
 father,  and  what  happened  to  him  after  his  own  departure  from  him,  and  as  desiring  to  know 
 what  was  become  of  Benjamin  his  brother  ;  for  he  was  afraid  that  they  had  ventured  on  the 
 like  wicked  enterprise  against  him  that  they  had  done  to  himself,  and  had  taken  him  off  also. 
 
 3.  Now  these  brethren  of  his  were  under  distraction  and  terror,  and  thought  that  very  great 
 danger  hung  over  them  ;  yet,  not  at  all  reflecting  upon  their  brother  Joseph,  and  standing 
 iirm  under  the  accusations  laid  against  them,  they  made  their  defence  by  Reubel,  the  eldest 
 of  them,  who  now  became  their  spokesman  ;  "  We  come  not  hither,"  said  he,  "  with  any 
 unjust  design,  nor  in  order  to  bring  any  harm  to  the  king's  affairs  ;  we  only  want  to  be  pre- 
 served, as  supposing  your  humanity  might  be  a  refuge  for  us  from  the  miseries  which  our 
 country  labours  under,  we  having  heard  that  you  proposed  to  sell  corn,  not  only  to  your  own 
 countrymen,  but  to  strangers  also,  and  that  you  determined  to  allow  that  corn  in  order  to  pre- 
 serve all  that  want  it ;  but  that  we  are  brethren,  and  of  the  same  common  blood,  the  peculiar 
 lineaments  of  our  faces,  and  those  not  much  diffennt  from  one  another,  plainly  shew.  Our 
 father's  name  is  Jacob,  an  Hebrew  man,  who  bad  twelve  of  us  for  his  sons  by  four  wives  , 
 
 *  That  is,  boiight  it  for  Pharaoh  at  a  very  low  price. 
 
 +  This  Potiphar,  or,  as  in  Josephus,  '  Petephres,'  who  was  now  a  priest  of  On,  or  Heliopolis,  ig  the  Banm 
 name  in  .loscplms,  and  perhaps  in  Moses  also,  with  him  who  is  before  called  '  head  cook,'  or,  '  captain  of  the 
 Kiiard,'  and  to  whom  Joseph  was  sold,  see  Gen.  xnxvii.36.  xxxix.  1.  with  xli.  50.  They  are  also  attirmed  to 
 be  one  and  the  same  person  in  the  testament  of  Joseph,  i  18.  for  he  is  tliere  said  to  have  married  the  d.TUKhter 
 of  his  master  and  mistress.  Nor  is  this  a  notion  peculiar  to  that  testament ;  but,  as  Dr.  Bernard  confesses, 
 note  on  Antiq.  b.ii.  ch.  iv.  sect.  1.  common  to  Josephus,  to  the  Septuagiut interpreters,  and  toother  learned 
 Jews  of  old  time. 
 
 1  This  f.itire  ignorance  of  the  Egyptians  of  these  years  of  famine  before  they  oame,  told  us  before,  as  well 
 as  here,  ch.  t.  sect.  7.  by  Josophus,  aeeme  to  be  almost  incredible.    It  is  in  no  other  copy  that  I  tnow  of. 
 
BOOK    11. — CHAP.  VI.  61 
 
 tvlvi^h  hvclve  of  us,  while  we  were  all  alive,  were  a  liappy  family  ;  but  when  one  of  our 
 bietlireu,  whose  name  was  Josepli,  died,  our  afiairs  changed  for  llie  worse,  for  our  father 
 could  not  forbear  to  make  a  long  lamentation  for  hiin,  and  we  are  in  aflliction,  both  by  the 
 calamity  of  the  death  of  our  brotlier,  and  the  miserable  state  of  our  aged  father.  We  are 
 now  therefore  come  to  buy  corn,  having  intrusted  the  care  of  our  father,  and  the  provision 
 for  onr  family,  to  Benjamin,  our  youngest  brother  ;  and  if  thou  sendest  to  our  bouse,  thou 
 niayest  learn  whether  we  are  guilty  of  the  least  falsehood  in  what  we  say." 
 
 4.  And  thus  did  Keubel  endeavour  to  persuade  Joseph  to  have  a  better  opinion  of  thera. 
 But  when  he  had  learned  from  them  that  Jacob  was  alive,  and  that  his  brother  was  not  destroyed 
 by  them,  he  for  the  present  put  them  in  prison,  as  intending  to  examine  more  into  their 
 alfairs  when  he  should  be  at  leisure.  But  on  the  third  day  he  brought  them  out,  and  said 
 to  them.  Since  you  constantly  affirm,  that  you  are  not  come  to  do  any  harm  to  the  king's 
 airairs  ;  that  you  are  brethren,  and  the  sons  of  the  father  whom  you  named,  you  will  satisfy 
 me  of  the  truth  of  what  you  say,  if  you  leave  one  of  your  company  with  me,  who  shall  sufl'er 
 110  injury  here  ;  and  if,  when  you  have  carried  corn  to  your  father,  you  will  come  to  me  again, 
 and  bring  yonr  brother,  whom  you  say  yoa  left  there,  along  with  you,  for  this  shall  be  by  me 
 esteemed  an  assurance  of  the  truth  of  what  you  have  told  me.  Hereupon  they  were  in 
 greater  grief  than  before;  they  wept,  and  perpetually  deplored  one  among  another  the  cala- 
 mity of  Joseph,  and  said,  "  They  were  fallen  into  this  misery  as  a  punishment  inflicted  by 
 (jod  for  what  evil  contrivances  they  had  against  him."  And  Reubel  was  large  in  his  re- 
 proaches of  them  for  their  too  late  repentance,  whence  no  profit  arose  to  Joseph  ;  and 
 earnestly  exhorted  them  to  bear  with  patience  whatever  they  suflered,  since  it  was  done  by 
 God  in  way  of  punishment  on  bis  account.  Thus  they  spake  to  one  another,  not  imaginintj 
 that  Joseph  understood  their  language.  A  general  sadness  also  seized  on  them  at  Reubel's 
 words,  and  a  repentance  for  what  they  had  done  ;  and  they  condemned  the  wickedness  they 
 had  perpetrated,  for  which  they  judged  they  were  justly  punished  by  God.  Now  when 
 Joseph  saw  tliat  they  were  in  this  distress,  he  was  so  affected  at  it  that  he  fell  into  tears,  and 
 not  being  willing  that  they  should  take  notice  of  him,  he  retired  ;  and  after  a  while  came 
 to  them  again,  and  taking  Symeon*,  in  order  to  his  being-  a  pledge  for  his  brethren's  return, 
 he  bid  them  take  the  corn  they  had  bought,  and  go  their  way.  He  also  commanded  his 
 steward  privily  to  put  the  money  which  they  had  brought  with  them  for  the  purchase  of  oorn 
 into  their  sacks,  and  to  dismiss  them  therewith  ;  who  did  what  he  was  commanded  to  do. 
 
 5.  Now  when  Jacob's  sons  were  come  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  they  told  their  father  what 
 had  happened  to  them  in  Egypt,  and  that  they  were  taken  to  have  come  thither  as  spies  upon 
 the  king  ;  and  how  they  said  they  were  brethren,  and  had  left  their  eleventh  brother  with 
 their  father,  but  were  not  believed  ;  and  how  they  had  left  Symeon  with  the  governor,  until 
 Benjamin  should  go  thither,  and  be  a  testimonial  of  the  truth  of  what  they  had  said  :  and 
 they  begged  of  their  father  to  fear  nothing,  but  to  send  the  lad  along  with  them.  But  Jacob 
 was  not  pleased  with  any  thing  his  sons  had  done ;  and  he  took  ths  detention  of  Symeon 
 heinously,  and  thouce  thought  it  a  foolish  thing  to  give  up  Benjamin  also.  Neither  did  he 
 yield  to  Reubel's  persuasion,  though  he  begged  it  of  him,  and  gave  leave,  that  the  grand- 
 father might,  in  way  of  requital,  kill  his  own  sons,  in  case  any  harm  came  to  Benjamin  in  the 
 journey.  So  they  were  distressed,  and  knew  not  what  to  do  ;  nay,  tliere  was  another  acci- 
 dent that  still  disturbed  them  more, — the  money  that  was  found  hidden  in  their  sacks  of  corn. 
 Yet  when  the  corn  they  had  brought  failed  them,  and  when  the  famine  still  afllieled  them,  and 
 necessity  forced  him,  Jacob  didt  [not]  still  resolve  to  send  Benjamin  with  his  brethren, 
 although  there  was  no  returning  into  Egypt  unless  they  came  with  what  they  bad  promised. 
 Now  the  misery  growing  every  day  worse,  and  his  sons  begging  it  of  him,  he  had  no  other 
 course  to  take  in  his  jiresent  circumstances.  And  Jndas,  who  was  of  a  bold  temper  upon 
 other  occasions,  spake  his  mind  very  freely  to  him  :  "That  it  did  not  become  him  to  be  afraid 
 on  account  of  his  son,  nor  to  suspect  the  worst,  as  he  did,  for  nothing  could  be  done  to  his  sou 
 but  by  the  appointment  of  God,  which  must  also  for  certain  come  to  pass  though  he  were  at 
 home  with  him  :  that  he  ought  not  to  condemn  them  to  sr.i'h  manifest  destruction  ;  nor  deprive 
 fhem  of  that  plenty  of  food  they  might  have  from  Pharaoh,  by  his  unreasonable  fear  about  his 
 son  Benjamin,  but  ought  to  take  care  of  the  preservation  of  Symeon,  lest,  by  attempting  to 
 hinder  Benjamin's  journey,  Symeon  should  perish.  He  exhorted  him  to  trust  to  God  for  him  ; 
 and  said,  he  would  either  bring  his  son  back  to  him  safe,  or,  together  with  his,  lose  his  own 
 life."  So  that  Jacob  was  at  length  persuaded,  and  delivered  Benjamin  to  them,  with  the 
 price  of  the  corn  doubled  :  he  also  sen  presents  to  Joseph,  of  the  fruits  of  the  land  of 
 Canaan,  balsam, J  and  rosin,  as  also  turpentine,  and  honey.  Now  their  father  shed  many  tears 
 at  the  departure  of  his  sons,  as  well  as  themselves.     His  concern  was,  that  he  rai-^ht  receive 
 
 •  The  reason  why  Symeon  might  he  selected  out  of  the  rest  for  Joseph's  prisoner,  is  plain  in  the  testament 
 of  iSyineon,  viz.  that  he  was  one  of  the  liitterest  of  all  Joseph's  brethren  agaiDSt  him,  sect.  ii.  which  appears 
 also  iu  part  by  the  testament  of  Zahulun,  sect.  iii. 
 
 t  '1  he  cohert'uce  seems  to  me  to  shew,  that  the  negative  particle  is  here  wanting,  which  I  have  supplied 
 in  brackets,  ami  I  woikIit  none  have  hitherto  stispecteil  it  ought  to  be  siii>plie<i. 
 
 t  Of  the  precious  b.Msam  of  Judea,  aud  the  turpentine,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  vi.  Bcct.  6. 
 
62  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Iheni  back  again  safe  after  tbeir  journey  ;  and  tlicir  concern  was,  tliat  they  might  find  tbeir 
 falber  well,  and  no  way  afflicted  with  grief  for  tliem.  And  this  lamentatinn  lasted  a  whole 
 day;  so  that  the  old  man  was  at  last  tired  wiili  grief,  and  stayed  behind;  but  they  went  on 
 tbeir  way  to  Egypt,  endeavouring  to  mitigate  their  grief  for  their  present  misfortunes,  with 
 the  hopes  of  better  success  hereafter. 
 
 G.  As  sonn  as  they  came  into  Egypt  they  were  brought  down  to  Joseph  ;  but  here  no 
 small  fear  disturbed  them,  lest  they  should  be  accused  about  the  price  of  the  corn,  as  if  they 
 had  cheated  Joseph.  They  then  made  a  long  apology  to  Joseph's  steward  ;  and  told  him, 
 that  when  they  came  home  they  found  the  money  in  tlieir  sacks,  and  that  they  had  now  brought 
 it  along  with  them.  He  said,  he  did  not  know  what  they  meant.  So  they  were  delivered 
 from  that  fear.  And  when  he  had  loosed  Symeou,  and  put  him  into  a  handsome  habit,  be 
 suffered  him  to  be  wilh  his  brethren :  at  which  time  Joseph  came  from  his  attendance  on  the 
 king.  So  they  offered  him  their  presents  :  and  upon  his  j)utling  the  question  to  them,  about 
 their  father,  they  answered  that  they  found  him  well,  lie  also,  upon  this  discovery  that 
 Benjamin  was  alive,  asked.  Whether  this  was  their  younger  brother?  for  he  had  seen  him. 
 Whereupon  they  said  he  was  :  he  replied  that,  the  God  over  all  was  his  protector.  But  when 
 his  affection  to  him  made  him  shed  tears,  he  retired,  desiring  he  might  not  be  seen  in  that 
 plight  by  his  brethren.  Then  Joseph  took  them  to  supper,  and  they  were  set  down  in  the 
 same  order  as  they  used  to  sit  at  their  father's  table.  And  although  Joseph  treated  them  all 
 kindly,  yet  did  he  send  a  mess  to  Benjamin  that  was  double  to  what  the  rest  of  the  guests 
 had  for  their  shares. 
 
 7.  Now  when  after  supper  they  had  composed  themselves  to  sleep,  Joseph  commanded  his 
 steward  both  to  give  them  their  measures  of  corn,  and  to  hide  its  price  again  in  their  sacks  ; 
 and  that  withal  they  should  put  into  Benjamin's  sack  the  golden  cup,  out  of  which  he  loved 
 himself  to  drink.  Which  things  he  did  in  order  to  make  trial  of  his  brethren,  whether  they 
 would  stand  by  Benjamin  when  he  should  be  accused  of  having  stolen  the  cup,  and  should 
 appear  to  be  in  danger  ;  or  whether  they  would  leave  him,  and,  depending  on  their  own  inno- 
 cency,  go  to  their  father  without  him.  When  the  servant  had  done  as  he  was  bidden,  the 
 sons  of  Jacob,  knowing  notliing  of  all  this,  went  their  way,  and  took  Symeon  along  wilh  them, 
 and  had  a  double  cause  of  joy  ;  both  because  they  had  received  him  again,  and  because  they 
 took  back  Benjamin  to  their  father,  as  they  had  promised.  But  presently  a  troop  of  horsemen 
 encompassed  them,  and  brought  with  tiiem  Joseph's  servant,  who  had  put  the  cup  into 
 Benjamins  sack.  Upon  which  unexpected  attack  of  the  horsemen  they  were  much  disturbed, 
 and  asked  what  the  reason  was  that  they  came  thus  upon  men,  who  a  little  before  had  been 
 by  their  lord  thought  worthy  of  an  lionourable  and  hospitable  reception?  They  replied,  by 
 calling  them  wicked  wretches,  who  had  forgot  that  very  hospitable  and  kind  treatment  which 
 Joseph  had  given  them,  and  did  not  scruple  to  be  injurious  to  him  ;  and  to  carry  off  that  cup 
 out  of  which  he  had,  in  so  friendly  a  manner,  drank  to  them,  and  not  regarding  their  friend- 
 ship with  Joseph;  no  more  than  the  danger  tliey  should  he  in  if  they  were  taken,  in  com- 
 parison of  tlie  unjust  gain.  Hereupon  he  threatened,  that  they  should  be  punished  ;  for 
 though  they  had  esca|)ed  the  knowledge  of  him,  who  was  but  a  servant,  yet  had  they  not 
 escaped  the  knowledge  of  God  ;  nor  had  gone  oft'  with  what  they  had  stolen  ;  and  after  all, 
 asked,  why  we  came  upon  them,  as  if  they  knew  nothing  of  the  matter  :  and  he  told  them, 
 that  they  should  immediately  know  it  by  their  punishment.  This,  and  more  of  the  same  nature, 
 did  the  servant  say,  in  way  of  reproach  to  them  :  bnt  they  being  wholly  ignorant  of  any  thing 
 here  that  concerned  them,  laughed  at  what  he  said  ;  and  wondered  at  the  abusive  language 
 which  the  servant  gave  them,  when  he  was  so  hardy  as  to  accuse  those  who  did  not  before 
 so  much  as  retain  the  price  of  their  corn,  which  was  found  in  their  sacks,  but  brought  it 
 again,  though  nobody  else  knew  of  «ny  such  thing,  so  far  were  they  from  offering  any  injury 
 to  Joseph  voluntarily.  But  still  supposing  that  a  search  would  be  a  more  sure  justification  of 
 themselves  than  their  own  denial  of  the  fact,  they  bid  him  search  them,  and  that  if  any  of 
 them  had  been  guilty  of  the  theft,  to  punish  them  all  ;  for  being  no  way  conscious  to  them- 
 selves of  any  crime,  they  spake  with  assurance,  and,  as  they  thought,  without  any  danger  to  them- 
 selves also.  The  servants  desired  there  might  be  a  search  made  ;  bnt  they  said,  the  punish- 
 ment should  extend  to  him  alone  who  should  be  found  guilty  of  the  theft.  So  they  made  the 
 search  ;  and  having  searched  all  the  rest,  they  came  last  of  all  to  Benjamin,  as  knowing  it 
 was  Benjamin's  sack  in  which  they  had  hidden  the  cup,  they  having  indeed  searched  the  rest 
 only  for  a  show  of  accuracy  ;  so  the  rest  were  out  of  fear  for  themselves,  and  were  now  only 
 concerned  about  Benjamin,  but  still  were  well  assured  that  he  would  also  be  foand  innocent  ; 
 and  they  reproached  those  that  came  after  them  for  their  hindering  tbem,  while  they  might,  in 
 the  mean  while,  have  gotten  a  good  way  on  their  journey.  But  as  soon  as  they  had  searched 
 Benjamin's  sack,  they  found  the  cup,  and  took  it  from  him;  and  all  was  c!ianged  into  mourn- 
 ing and  lamentation.  They  rent  their  garments,  and  wept  for  the  punishment  which  their 
 brother  was  to  undergo  for  his  theft,  and  for  the  delusion  they  had  put  on  their  father,  when 
 they  promised  tliey  would  bring  Benjamin  safe  to  him.  What  added  to  their  misery  was, 
 that  this  melancholy  accident  came  unfortunately  at  a  time  when  they  thought  they  had  bctu 
 
BOOK  II.— CHAP.  VI.  G3 
 
 gotten  ofl'  cloar  :  but  tluy  coulessed  that  tliis  misfortune  of  their  brother,  as  well  as  the  grief 
 of  their  father  for  him,  was  owing  to  themselves,  since  it  was  they  that  forced  their  father  to 
 send  liim  with  theni,  when  he  was  averse  to  it. 
 
 ^4.  The  horsemen  then  took  Benjamin  and  brought  him  to  Joseph,  his  brethren  also 
 following  him ;  who  when  he  saw  him  in  custody,  and  them  in  tlie  habit  of  monrners, 
 sai3,  "  How  came  you,  vile  wretciies  as  you  are,  to  hare  snch  a  strange  notion  of  my 
 kindness  to  you,  and  of  God's  providence,  as  impudently  to  do  thus  to  your  bsnefactor, 
 who  in  such  an  hospitable  manner  had  entertained  yoa?"  Whereupon  they  gave  up 
 themselves  to  be  punished,  in  order  to  save  Benjamin :  and  called  to  mind  what  a  wicked 
 ecterprise  they  had  been  guilty  of  against  Joseph.  They  also  pronounced  him  more  happy 
 than  themselves,  if  he  were  dead,  in  being  freed  from  the  miseries  of  thi.*  life  ;  and  if  he 
 were  alive,  that  he  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  seeing  God's  vengeance  upon  them.  They  said 
 farther,  they  were  the  plague  of  their  father,  since  they  should  now  add  to  his  former  aftlic- 
 tion  for  Joseph,  this  other  affliction  for  Benjamin.  Reubel  also  was  large  in  cutting  tlieni 
 upon  this  occasion.  But  Joseph  dismissed  them  ;  for  he  said,  they  had  been  guilty  of  no 
 offence,  and  (hat  he  would  content  himself  with  the  lad's  punishment,  for  he  said,  it  was  not  a  fit 
 thing  to  let  him  go  free,  for  the  sake  of  those  who  had  not  offended  ;  nor  was  it  a  fit  thing  to 
 punish  ihem  together  with  him  who  had  been  guilty  of  stealing.  And  when  he  promised  to 
 give  them  leave  to  go  away  in  safety,  the  rest  of  them  were  tinder  great  consternation,  and 
 were  able  to  say  nothing  on  this  sad  occasion.  But  Judas,  who  had  persuaded  their  father  to 
 send  the  lad  from  him,  laeing  otherwise  also  a  very  bold  and  active  man,  determined  to  hazard 
 himself  for  the  prestrvation  of  his  brother.  "  It*  is  true,"  said  he,  "  O  governor,  that  we 
 have  been  very  wicked  with  regard  to  thee,  aud  on  that  account  deserve  punishment :  even 
 all  of  us  may  justly  be  punished,  although  the  theft  were  not  committed  by  all,  but  only  by  one 
 of  us,  and  he  the  youngest  also  :  but  yet  there  remains  some  hope  for  us,  who  otherwise 
 must  be  under  despair  on  his  account,  and  this  from  thy  goodness,  which  promises  us  a 
 deliverance  out  of  our  present  danger.  And  now  1  beg  thou  wilt  not  look  at  us,  or  at  that 
 great  crime  we  have  been  guilty  of,  but  at  thy  own  excellent  nature,  and  take  advice  of  thine 
 own  virtue  instead  of  that  wrath  thou  hast  against  us  ;  which  passion  those  that  otherwise  are 
 of  a  low  character  indulge,  as  they  do  their  strength,  and  that  not  only  on  great,  but  also  on 
 very  trifling  occasions.  Overcome,  Sir,  that  passion,  and  be  not  subdued  by  it,  nor  sutler  it 
 to  slay  those  that  do  not  otherwise  presume  upon  their  own  safety,  but  are  desirous  to  accept 
 of  it  from  thee  ;  for  this  is  not  the  first  time  that  thou  wilt  bestow  it  on  us,  but  before  when 
 we  came  to  buy  corn,  thou  aflbrdedst  us  great  plenty  of  food,  and  gavtst  us  leave  to  carry 
 so  much  home  to  our  faniilj*,  as  has  preserved  them  from  perishing  by  famine.  Now  is  there 
 any  difference  between  not  overlooking  men  (hat  were  perishing  for  want  of  necessaries,  and 
 not  punishing  those  that  seem  to  be  offenders,  and  have  been  so  unfortunate  as  to  lose  the 
 advantage  of  that  glorious  benefaction  which  they  received  from  thee.  This  will  be  aa 
 instance  of  equal  favour,  though  bestowed  after  a  different  manner  ;  for  thou  wilt  save  those 
 this  way  whom  thou  didst  feed  the  other,  and  thou  wilt  hereby  preserve  alive,  by  thy  own 
 bounty,  those  souls  which  thou  didst  not  suffer  to  be  distressed  by  famine,  it  being  indeed  at  once 
 a  wonderful  and  a  great  thing  to  sustain  our  lives  by  corn,  and  to  bestovv  on  us  that  pardon, 
 whereby,  now  we  are  distressed,  we  may  continue  those  lives.  And  I  am  ready  to  suppose, 
 that  God  is  willing  to  afford  thee  this  opportunity  of  shewing  thy  virtuous  disposition,  by 
 bringing  us  into  this  calamity,  that  it  may  appear  thoa  canst  forgive  the  injuries  that  are  done 
 to  thyself;  and  mayest  be  esteemed  kind  toothers,  besides  those  who,  on  other  accounts, 
 stand  in  need  of  thy  assistance  ;  since  it  is  indeed  a  right  thing  to  do  well  to  those  who  are  ia 
 distress  for  want  of  food,  but  still  a  more  glorious  thing  to  save  those  who  deserve  to  be 
 punished,  when  it  is  on  account  of  heinous  offences  against  thyself;  for  if  it  be  a  thing  de- 
 serving commendation  to  forgive  such  as  have  been  guilty  of  small  oll'ences,  that  tend  to  a 
 person's  lo.ss,  and  this  be  praise-worthy  in  him  that  overlooks  such  offences,  to  restrain  a 
 man's  passion  as  to  crimes  wl:ich  are  capital  to  the  ;,uilty,  is  to  be  like  the  most  excellent 
 nature  of  God  himself.  And  tiuly,  as  for  myself,  had  it  not  been  that  we  had  a  father,  who 
 had  discovered,  on  occasion  of  the  death  of  Joseph,  huw  miserably  he  is  always  aillicted  at 
 the  loss  of  his  sons,  I  had  not  made  any  words  on  account  of  the  saving  of  our  own  lives  ;  I 
 mean,  any  farther  than  as  that  would  be  an  excellent  character  for  thyself,  to  preserve  even 
 those  that  would  have  nobody  to  lament  them  when  they  were  dead,  but  we  would  have 
 yielded  ourselves  up  to  suffer  whatsoever  thou  pleasedst  :  but  now,  (for  we  do  not  plead  for 
 mercy  to  ourselves,  though  indeed,  if  we  die,  it  will  be  while  we  are  young,  and  before  we  have 
 had  the  enjoyment  of  life,)  have  regard  to  our  father,  and  take  pity  of  iiis  old  age,  on  whose 
 account  it  is  that  we  make  these  supplications  to  thee.  We  beg  thou  wilt  give  us  those  lives, 
 which  this  wickedness  of  ours  has  rendered  obnoxious  to  thy  punishment ;  and  this  for  his 
 sake  who  is  not  himself  wicked,  nor  does  his  being  our  father  make  us  wicked.    He  is  a  good 
 
 rhis  oration  seems  to  nic  too  large,  and  too  iinusual  a  digression,  to  have  been  composed  by  Judaa  on 
 this  ocuasion.  It  seems  to  me  ;i  speech  or  declaiuatiou  composed  formerly,  iu  the  person  of  Judas,  and  in 
 ir.e  way  of  oratory,  that  lay  by  liim,  and  which  he  tUougUt  fit  to  insert  on  this  occasion.  See  two  mors, 
 specctios  or  declamations,  Anticj.  b.  vi.  cliap.  xiv.  sect.  iv. 
 
(}4  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 luan,  and  not  worthy  to  have  such  trials  of  his  patience  ;  aiiJ  now  we  are  absent,  he  i» 
 afliicted  with  care  for  us.  But  it  he  hear  of  our  deatlis,  and  what  was  tlie  cause  of  it,  he  will 
 ou  that  account  die  an  immature  death  :  and  the  reproacWul  manner  of  our  ruin  will  hasten 
 his  end,  and  will  directly  kill  him,  nay,  will  bring  him  to  a  miserable  death,  while  he  will 
 make  haste  to  rid  himself  out  of  the  world,  and  bring  himself  to  a  state  of  insensibility,  before 
 the  sad  story  of  our  end  come  abroad  into  the  rest  of  the  world.  Consider  these  things  in  this 
 manner,  although  our  wickedness  does  now  provoke  thee  with  a  ji.st  desire  of  punishing  that 
 wickedness,  and  forgive  it  for  our  father's  sake :  and  let  thy  commiseration  of  him  weigh  more 
 with  thee  than  our  wickedness.  Have  regard  to  the  old  age  of  our  father,  who,  if  we  perisli, 
 will  be  very  lonely  while  he  lives,  and  will  soon  die  himself  also.  Grant  this  boon  to  the 
 mime  of  fathers,  for  thereby  thou  wilt  honour  him  that  begat  thee,  and  will  grant  it  to  thyself 
 also,  who  enjoyest  already  that  denomination  ;  thou  wilt  then,  by  that  denomination  be  pre- 
 served of  God,  the  Father  of  all,  by  shewing  a  pious  regard  to  which,  in  the  case  of  onr 
 father,  thou  wilt  appear  to  honour  him  who  is  styled  by  the  same  name  ;  I  mean,  if  thou  wilt 
 have  this  pity  on  our  father,  upon  the  consideration  Low  miserable  he  will  be  if  he  be  de- 
 prived of  his  sons.  It  is  thy  part  therefore  to  bestow  on  us  what  God  has  given  us,  when  it 
 is  in  thy  power  to  take  it  away,  and  so  to  resemble  hira  entirely  in  charily  ;  for  it  is  good  to 
 use  that  power,  which  can  either  give  or  take  away,  on  the  merciful  side  ;  and  when  it  is  in 
 ihy  power  to  destroy,  to  forget  that  thou  ever  hadst  that  power,  and  to  look  on  thyself  as  only 
 allowed  power  for  preservation  ;  and  that  the  more  any  one  extends  this  power,  the  greater 
 reputation  does  he  gain  to  himself.  Now,  by  forgiving  our  brother  what  he  has  unhappily 
 committed,  thou  wilt  preserve  us  all  ;  for  we  cannot  think  of  living  if  he  be  put  to  death, 
 since  we  dare  not  shew  ourselves  alive  to  our  father  without  our  brother,  but  here  must  we 
 partake  of  one  and  the  same  catastrophe  of  his  life.  And  so  far  we  beg  of  thee,  O  governor, 
 t'liat  if  thou  condemnest  our  brother  to  die,  thou  wilt  punish  us  together  with  him,  as  partners 
 of  his  crime  ;  for  we  shall  not  think  it  reasonable  to  be  reserved  to  kill  ourselves  for  grief  of 
 our  brother's  death,  but  so  to  die  rather  as  equally  guilty  with  him  of  this  crime.  I  will  only 
 leave  with  thee  this  one  consideration,  and  then  will  say  no  more,  viz.  that  our  brother  com- 
 mitted this  fault  when  he  was  young,  and  not  yet  of  confirmed  wisdom  in  his  conduct,  and 
 that  men  naturally  forgive  such  young  persons.  I  end  here,  without  adding  what  more 
 I  have  to  say,  that  in  case  thou  condemnest  us,  that  omission  may  be  supposed  to  have  hurt 
 us,  and  permitted  thee  to  take  the  severer  side.  But  in  case  thou  settest  us  free,  that  this 
 may  be  ascribed  to  thy  own  goodness,  of  which  thou  art  inwardly  conscious,  that  thou  freest 
 us  from  condemnation  ;  and  that  not  by  barely  preserving  us,  but  by  granting  us  such  a 
 favour  as  will  make  us  appear  more  righteous  than  we  really  are,  and  by  representing  to 
 thyself  more  motives  for  our  deliverance  than  we  are  able  to  produce  ourselves.  If  therefore 
 thou  resolvest  to  slay  him,  I  desire  thou  wilt  slay  me  in  his  stead,  and  send  him  back  to  his 
 father ;  or  if  thou  pleasest  to  retain  him  with  thee  as  a  slave,  I  am  fitter  to  labour  for  thy  ad* 
 vantage  in  that  capacity,  and,  as  thou  seest,  am  better  prepared  for  either  of  those  suflerings."* 
 So  Judas  being  very  willing  to  undergo  any  thing  whatever  for  the  deliverance  of  his  brother, 
 cast  himself  down  at  Joseph's  feet,  and  earnestly  laboured  to  assuage  and  pacify  his  anger. 
 All  his  brethren  also  fell  down  before  him  weeping,  and  delivering  themselves  up  to  destruc- 
 tion for  the  priservation  of  the  life  of  Benjamin. 
 
 9.  But  Joseph,  as  overcome  now  with  his  aftections,  and  no  longer  able  to  personate  an 
 angry  man,  commanded  all  that  were  present  to  depart,  that  he  might  make  himself  known  to 
 his  brethren  when  they  were  alone.  And  when  the  rest  were  gone  out,  he  made  himself 
 known  to  his  brethren,  and  said,  "  I  commend  you  for  your  virtue  and  your  kindness  to  our 
 brother  ;  I  find  you  better  men  than  I  cocld  have  expected  from  what  you  contrived  about  me. 
 Indeed,  I  did  all  this  to  try  your  love  to  your  brother ;  so  1  believe  you  were  not  wicked  by 
 nature,  in  what  you  did  in  my  case,  but  that  all  has  happened  according  to  God's  will,  who 
 has  hereby  procured  our  enjoyment  of  what  good  things  we  have  ;  and  if  we  continue  in  a 
 favourable  disposition,  of  what  we  hope  for  hereafter.  Since  therefore  I  know  that  our  father 
 is  safe  and  well,  beyond  expectation,  and  I  see  you  so  well  disposed  to  your  brother,  I  will  no 
 longer  remember  what  guilt  you  seera  to  have  had  about  me,  but  will  leave  off  to  hate  yon  for 
 that  your  wickedness,  aud  do  rather  return  you  my  thanks,  that  you  have  concurred  with  the 
 intentions  of  God  to  bring  things  to  their  present  state.  I  would  have  you  also  rather  to 
 forget  the  same,  since  that  imprudence  of  yours  is  come  to  such  a  happy  conclusion,  than  to 
 be  uneasy  and  blush  at  those  your  oflences.  Do  not  therefore  let  your  evil  intentions  when 
 yon  condemned  me,  and  that  bitter  remorse  which  might  follow,  be  a  grief  to  you  now,  be- 
 cause those  intentions  were  frustrated.  Go  therefore  your  way,  rejoicing  in  what  has  happened 
 by  the  divine  providence,  and  inform  your  father  of  it,  lest  he  should  be  spent  with  cares  for 
 you,  and  deprive  me  of  the  most  agreeable  part  of  my  felicity ;  I  mean,  lest  he  should  die 
 before  he  comes  into  my  sight,  and  enjoys  the  good  things  that  we  now  have.  Bring  therefore 
 with  you  our  father,  and  your  wives  and  children,  and  all  your  kindred,  and  remove  your 
 habitation  hither ;  for  it  is  not  proper  that  the  persons  dearest  to  me  should  live  remote  i'rom 
 
 •  Tn  bU  this  speech  of  .Turlas  we  may  observe,  that  .Tonephiis  still  supposed  that  death  was  tlie  piiniilimen 
 of  tlieft  iu  Kgypt,  iu  the  days  of  Joseph,  though  it  never  was  so  among  the  Jews,  l)y  tb«  law  of  MosfJi. 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.    VII.  65 
 
 Bie,  now  my  affairs  are  so  prosperous,  especially  wheu  tliey  must  endure  Jive  more  years  of 
 famine."  When  Joseph  had  said  this,  he  embraced  his  brethren,  who  were  in  tears  and 
 sorrow.  But  the  generous  kindness  of  their  brother  seemed  to  leave  among  them  no  room  for 
 fear,  lest  they  should  be  punished  on  account  of  what  they  had  consulted  and  acted  against 
 him.  And  they  were  then  feasting.  Now  the  king,  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  Joseph's  brethren 
 were  come  to  bim,  was  exceeding  glad  of  it,  as  if  it  had  been  a  part  of  his  own  good  fortune  ; 
 and  gave  them  waggons  full  of  corn,  and  gold  aud  silver,  to  be  conveyed  to  his  father.  Now 
 when  ihey  had  received  more  of  their  brother,  part  to  be  conveyed  to  their  fatlier,  and  part  as 
 free  gifts  to  every  one  of  themselves,  Benjamin  having  still  more  than  the  rest,  they  departed. 
 
 CHAP.  VII.       , 
 
 The  Removal  of  Joseph's  Father,  xuilh  all  his  Family,  to  him,  on  account  of  the  Famine. 
 
 §  1.  As  snon  as  Jacob  came  to  know,  by  his  sons  returning  home,  in  what  state  Joseph  was, 
 that  be  had  not  only  escaped  death,  for  which  he  lived  all  along  in  mourning,  but  that  he 
 lived  in  splendour  and  happiness,  and  ruled  over  Egypt  jointly  with  the  king,  and  had  in- 
 trusted to  his  care  almost  all  his  affairs  ;  he  did  not  think  any  thing  he  was  told  to  be  in- 
 credible, considering  the  greatness  of  the  works  of  God,  and  his  kindness  to  him,  although 
 that  kindness  had,  for  some  late  times,  been  intermitted  ;  so  he  immediately  and  zealously  set 
 upon  his  journey  to  him. 
 
 2.  When  hi  came  to  the  well  of  the  oath,  (Beersheba,)  he  ofTered  sacrifice  to  God  ;  and 
 being  afraid  tliat  the  happiness  there  was  in  Egypt  might  tempt  his  posterity  to  fall  in  love 
 with  it,  and  seitle  in  it,  and  no  more  think  of  removing  into  ihe  land  of  Canaan,  and  possessing 
 it,  as  God  had  promised  them  ;  as  also  being  afrnid,  lest  if  this  descent  into  Egypt  were  made 
 without  the  will  of  God,  his  family  might  be  destroyed  there  ;  out  of  fear  withal,  lest  he  should 
 depart  this  life  before  he  came  to  the  sight  of  Joseph,  he  fell  asleep,  revolving  these  doubts 
 ill  bis  mind. 
 
 3  But  God  stood  by  him,  and  called  to  him  twice  by  his  name  ;  and  when  he  asked,  who 
 he  was?  God  said,  "  No,  sure,  it  is  not  just  that  thou  Jacob  shouldest  be  unacquainted  with 
 that  God  who  has  been  ever  a  protector  uud  a  helper  to  thy  forefathers,  and  after  them  to 
 thyself :  for  when  tby  father  would  have  deprived  thee  of  the  dominion,  I  gave  it  thee  :  and 
 by  my  kindness  it  was,  that  when  thou  wast  sent  into  Mesopotamia  all  alone,  thou  obtainedst 
 good  wives,  and  returnedst  with  many  children,  and  much  wealth.  Thy  whole  family  also 
 has  been  preserved  by  my  providence  ;  and  it  was  I  who  conducted  Joseph  thy  son,  whom 
 thou  gavest  up  for  lost,  to  the  enjoyment  of  great  prosperity.  I  also  made  him  lord  of  Egypt, 
 so  that  he  differs  but  little  from  a  king.  Accordingly  I  come  now  as  a  guide  to  thee  in  this 
 journey  ;  and  foretell  to  thee  that  thou  shalt  die  in  the  arms  of  Joseph ;  and  I  inform  thee, 
 that  thy  posterity  shall  be  many  ages  in  authority  and  glory,  and  that  I  will  settle  them  in  the 
 land  which  I  have  promised  them." 
 
 4.  Jacob,  encouraged  by  this  dream,  went  on  more  cheerfully  lor  Egypt,  with  his  sons,  and 
 all  belonging  to  them.  Now  they  were  in  all  seventy.  I  once  indeed  thought  it  best  not  to 
 set  down  the  names  of  this  family,  especially  because  of  their  difficult  pronunciation,  [by  the 
 Greeks,]  but  upon  the  whole,  I  think  it  necessary  to  mention  those  names,  that  I  may  disprove 
 such  as  believe  that  we  came  originally  not  out  of  Mesopotamia,  but  are  Egyptians.  Now 
 Jacob  had  twelve  sons  ;  of  these  Joseph  was  come  thither  before.  We  will  therefore  set  down 
 the  names  of  Jacob's  children  and  grand-children.  Reuhel  had  four  sons,  .'\noeh,  Phallu, 
 Assaron,  Charuii.  Symeon  had  six,  Janjuel,  Jamin,  Avod,  Jachin,  .Soar,  Saul.  Levi  had 
 three  sons,  Gersom,  Caath,  Merari.  Judas  had  three  sons,  Sala,  Phares,  Zerah  ;  and  by 
 Phares  two  grand-children,  Esrom  and  Amar.  Issachar  had  four  sons,  Thola,  Phua,  Jasub, 
 Samaron.  Zabulon  had  with  him  three  sons,  Sarad,  Helon,  Jalel.  So  far  is  the  posterity  of 
 Lea ;  with  whom  went  her  daughter  Dinah.  These  are  thirty-three.  Rachel  had  two  sons, 
 Ihe  one  of  whom,  Joseph,  had  two  sons  also,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim.  The  other,  Benjamin, 
 had  ten  sons,  Bulau,  Bacchar,  Asebel,  Geras,  Naaman,  Jes,  Uos,  Momi>liis,  Opphis,  Arad. 
 These  fourteen  added  to  the  thirty-three,  before  enumerated,  amount  to  the  number  forty- 
 seven.  And  this  was  the  legitimate  posterity  of  Jacob.  He  had  beside  by  Bilha,  the  hand- 
 maid of  Rachel,  Dan  and  Na[ilithali,  which  last  had  four  sons,  that  followed  him,  Jesel,  Guni, 
 Issari,  and  Sellira.  Dan  had  an  only  begotten  son,  Usi.  If  these  be  added  to  those  before 
 mentioned,  they  complete  the  number  fifty-four.  Gad  and  Aser  were  the  sons  of  Zilpha,  who 
 was  Ihe  handmaid  of  Lea.  These  had  with  them.  Gad  seven,  Saphoniah,  Angis,  Sunis, 
 Azabon,  Aerin,  Eroed,  Ariel.  Aser  had  a  daughter  Sarah,  and  six  male  children,  whose 
 nnraes  were  Jonme,  Isus,  Isui,  Baris,  Al)ar,  aud  Melchicl.  If  we  add  these,  which  are 
 sixteen,  to  the  fifty-four,  the  forementioncd  number  (seventy)  is  completed,  Jacob*  not  being 
 himself  included  in  that  number. 
 
 *  AH  the  Orpck  copies  of  Josephus  hare  the  negative  particlo  here,  that  Jacob  himself  was  '  not'  reckoned 
 
 one  of  the  seventy  souls  thai  came  into   KgyiJt ;  hul  the  old  Latin  copies  want  it,  and  directly  assure  uo  lie 
 
 was'  ODft   of  them.    It  is  Ihcretbre  hardly  cerlain   which  of  these  was  ,To^i  phus'  true   readinsr,  since   the 
 
 mmiber  seventy  is  made  up  without  him,  if  we  reckon  Lea  lOr  oue  ;  but  if  she  bo  not  reckoned,  Jaco'u  must 
 
 htmself  be  one,  to  comi)lcte  the  uuuil^cr. 
 
 I 
 
66  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 5.  When  Josepb  uiiilerstood  tbat  his  father  was  coming,  for  Judas  liis  brother  was  come 
 before  hiiu,  and  informed  him  of  his  approach,  he  went  out  to  meet  him  ;  and  thej  met  to- 
 gether at  Heroopolis.  But  Jacob  almost  fainted  away  at  this  unexpected  and  great  joy  ; 
 however,  Josepli  revived  him,  being  yet  not  himself  able  to  contain  from  being  affected  in  the 
 same  manner,  at  the  pleasure  he  now  had,  yet  was  he  not  wholly  overcome  with  his  passion, 
 as  his  father  was.  After  this,  he  desired  Jacob  to  travel  on  slowly  ;  but  he  himself  took  five 
 of  his  brethren  with  him,  and  made  baste  to  the  king,  to  tell  him  that  Jacob  and  his  family 
 were  come,  which  was  a  joyful  bearing  to  him.  He  also  bid  Joseph  tell  him  what  sort  of  life 
 Lis  brethren  loved  to  lead,  that  he  might  give  them  leave  to  follow  the  same.  Who  told  hiia 
 they  were  good  shepherds,  and  had  been  used  to  follow  no  other  employment  but  this  alone. 
 Whereby  he  provided  for  them,  that  they  should  not  be  separated,  but  live  in  the  same  place, 
 and  take  care  of  their  father  :  as  also  hereby  he  provided,  that  they  might  be  acceptable  to 
 the  Egyptians,  by  doing  notliing  that  would  be  common  to  them  with  the  Egyptians  ;  for  the 
 Egyptians  are  prohibited  to  meddle  with  the  feeding  of  sheep.* 
 
 (i.  When  Jacob  was  come  to  the  king,  and  sainted  him,  and  wished  all  prosperity  to  his 
 government,  Pharaoh  asked  him  how  old  he  now  was  ?  upon  wliose  answer,  that  he  was  an 
 hundred  and  thirty  years  old,  he  admired  Jacob  on  account  of  the  length  of  his  life.  And 
 when  he  had  added,  that  still  he  had  not  lived  so  long  as  his  forefathers,  he  gave  him  leave  to 
 live  with  his  children  in  Heliopolis  ;  for  in  that  city  the  king's  shepherds  had  their  pasturage. 
 
 7.  However,  the  famine  increased  among  the  Egyptians  ;  and  this  heavy  judgment  grew^ 
 more  oppressive  to  them,  because  neither  did  the  river  overflow  the  ground,  for  it  did  not  rise 
 to  its  former  height,  nor  did  God  send  rain  upon  it  ;t  nor  did  they  indeed  make  the  least  pro- 
 vision for  themselves,  so  ignorant  were  they  what  was  to  be  done  ;  but  Joseph  sold  them 
 corn  for  their  money.  But  when  their  money  failed  them,  they  bought  corn  with  tlieir  cattle, 
 and  their  slaves,  and  if  any  of  them  had  a  small  piece  of  land,  they  gave  up  that  to  purchase 
 them  food,  by  which  means  the  king  became  the  owner  of  all  their  substance  ;  and  they  were 
 removed  some  to  one  place,  and  some  to  another,  tbat  so  the  possession  of  their  country 
 might  be  firmly  afforded  to  the  king  ;  excepting  the  lands  of  the  priests,  for  their  country 
 continued  still  in  their  own  possession.  And  indeed  this  sore  famine  made  their  minds,  as 
 well  as  their  bodies,  slaves  ;  and  at  length  compelled  them  to  procure  a  sufficiency  of  food 
 by  such  dishonourable  means.  But  when  this  misery  ceased,  and  the  river  overflowed  the 
 ground,  and  the  ground  brought  forth  its  fruits  plentifully,  Joseph  came  to  every  city,  and 
 gathered  the  people  thereto  belonging  together,  and  gave  them  back  entirely  the  land  which, 
 by  their  own  consent,  the  king  might  have  possessed  alone,  and  alone  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  it. 
 He  also  exhorted  them  to  look  on  it  as  every  one's  own  possession  ;  and  to  fall  to  their 
 husbandry  with  cheerfulness  ;  and  to  pay  as  a  tribute  to  the  king,  the  fifthj  part  of  the  frnils 
 for  the  land  which  the  king  when  it  was  his  own  restored  to  them.  These  men  rejoiced  upon 
 their  becoming  unexpectedly  owners  of  their  lands,  and  diligently  observed  what  was  enjoined 
 them.  And  by  this  means  Joseph  procured  to  himself  a  greater  authority  among  the  Egyp- 
 tians, and  greater  love  to  the  king  from  ihem.  Now  this  law,  that  they  should  pay  the  tilth 
 part  of  their  fruits  as  tribute,  continued  until  their  latter  kings. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Of  the  Death  of  Jacob  and  Joseph. 
 
 ^  1.  Now  when  Jacob  had  lived  seventeen  years  in  Egypt,  he  fell  into  a  disease,  and  died  in 
 the  presence  of  his  sons  ;  but  not  till  he  made  his  prayers  for  their  enjoying  prosperity,  and 
 till  he  had  foretold  to  them  prophetically  how  every  one  of  them  was  to  dwell  in  the  land  of 
 Canaan.  But  this  happened  many  years  afterward.  He  also  enlarged  upon  the  praises  of 
 Joseph  ;§  how  he  had  not  remembered  the  evil  doings  of  his  brethren  to  their  disadvantage  ; 
 nay,  on  the  contrary,  was  kind  to  them,  bestowing  upon  them  so  many  benefits,  as  seldom  are 
 bestowed  upon  men's  own  benefactors.  He  then  commanded  his  own  sons  that  they  should 
 admit  Joseph's  sons,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  into  their  number,  and  divide  the  land  of 
 Canaan  in  common  with  them  :  concerning  whom  we  shall  treat  hereafter.  However,  he 
 made  it  bis  request,  that   he  might  he  buried  at  Hebron.     So  he  died,  when  be  had  lived  full 
 
 •  Josephus  thought,  that  the  Egyptians  hated  or  despised  the  employment  of  a  shepherd  in  the  days  ol 
 Joseph  ;  whereas  Uishop  Cumberland  has  shewn,  that  they  rather  hated  such  Phenieian  or  Canaanite  shep- 
 herds that  had  long  euslaved  the  Egyptians  of  old  time.    See  his  Sanchoniathon,  p.  361,  362. 
 
 t  Reland  here  puts  the  question.  How  Josephus  could  complain  of  its  not  raining  in  Egypt  during  tliis  fa- 
 mine, while  the  ancients  atfirm,  that  it  never  does  naturally  rain  there  '.  His  answer  is,  that  when  the  anciei  ts 
 deny  that  it  rains  in  Egypt,  they  only  mean  tlie  upper  Egypt  above  the  Delta,  which  is  called  Egypt  in  the 
 strictest  sense ;  but  that  m  the  Delta,  (and  by  consequence  in  the  lower  Egypt  adjoining  to  it,)  it  did  of  old, 
 and  still  does  rain  sometimes.    See  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  i.  ^  vi. 
 
 t  Josephus  supposes  that  Joseph  now  restored  the  Egyptians  their  lands  again,  upon  the  payment  of  a  fifth 
 part  as  tribute,  (t  seems  to  me  rather  that  the  land  was  now  considered  as  Pharaoh's  land,  and  this  fifth  part 
 as  its  rent,  to  be  paid  to  him,  as  he  was  their  landlord,  and  they  his  tenants;  and  that  the  lands  were  not  pro- 
 perly restored,  and  this  fifth  part  reserved  as  tribute  only,  till  the  days  of  Sesostris.  See  Essay  on  the  Old 
 Testament,  append.  148,  149. 
 
 ^  As  to  this  encomium  upon  Joseph,  as  preparatory  to  Jacob's  adopting  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  into  his 
 own  family,  atid  to  be  admitted  for  two  tribes,  which  .losephus  here  mentions,  all  our  copies  of  Genesis  omit 
 it,  cJiap.  xiviii.  nor  do  we  know  whence  he  took  it,  or  whether  it  be  not  his  owu  embellisluneiit  only. 
 
BOOK  II. — CHAP.  IX.  67 
 
 an  liandred  and  fiftj  years,  three  only  abated,  having  not  been  behind  any  of  his  ancestors  in 
 uielv  towards  God  ;  and  having  such  a  recompense  lor  it,  as  it  was  fit  those  should  have  who 
 ^vere  so  good  as  these  were.  But  Joseph,  by  the  king's  permission,  carried  his  father's  dead 
 body  to  Hebron,  and  there  buried  it  at  a  great  expense.  Now  his  brethren  were  at  first  un- 
 willing to  return  back  with  him,  because  they  were  afraid,  lest,  now  their  father  was  dead,  he 
 should  punish  them  for  their  secret  practices  against  him,  since  he  was  now  gone,  for  whose 
 sake  he  had  been  so  gracious  to  them.  But  he  persuaded  them  to  fear  no  harm,  and  to  enter- 
 tain no  suspicions  of  him  :  so  he  brought  them  along  with  him,  and  gave  them  great  posses- 
 sions, and  never  left  off  his  particular  concern  for  them. 
 
 2.  Joseph  also  died  when  he  had  lived  an  hundred  and  ten  years  :  having  been  a  man  of  ad- 
 mirable virtue,  and  conducting  all  his  allairs  by  the  rules  of  reason  ;  and  used  his  authority 
 with  moderation,  which  was  the  cause  of  his  so  great  felicity  among  the  Egyptians,  even  when 
 he  came  from  another  country,  and  that  it,  such  ill  circumstances  also  as  we  have  already  de- 
 scribed. At  length  his  brethren  died,  after  they  had  lived  happily  in  Egypt.  Now  the  poste- 
 rity and  sons  of  these  men  after  some  time  carried  their  bodies,  and  buried  them  at  Hebron  : 
 but  as  for  the  bones  of  Joseph,  they  carried  them  into  the  land  of  Canaan  afterward,  when  the 
 Hebrews  went  out  of  Egypt,  for  so  had  Joseph  made  them  promise  him  upon  oath.  But  what 
 became  of  every  one  of  these  men,  and  by  what  toils  they  %ot  t!ie  possession  of  the  land  of  Ca- 
 naan, shall  be  shewed  hereafter,  when  I  have  first  explained  upou  what  account  it  was  that 
 thev  left  Egypt. 
 
 ^  CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Afflictions  that  befel  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt,  during  four  hundred  years.* 
 §  1.  Now  it  happened  that  the  Egyptians  grew  delicate  and  lazy,  as  to  pains-taking,  and  gave 
 themselves  up  to  other  pleasures,  and  in  particular  to  the  love  of  gain.  They  also  became 
 very  ill-affected  towards  the  Hebrews,  as  touched  with  envy  at  their  prosperity  :  for  when 
 they  saw  how  the  nation  of  the  Israelite.5  flourished,  and  were  become  eminent  already  in 
 plenty  of  wealth,  which  they  had  acquired  by  their  virtue  and  natural  love  of  labour,  they 
 thought  their  increase  was  to  their  own  detriment.  And  having  in  length  of  time  forgotten 
 the  benefits  they  had  received  from  Joseph,  particularly  the  crown  being  now  come  into  an- 
 other family,  they  became  very  abusive  to  the  Israelites,  and  contrived  many  ways  of  afllicling 
 them  ;  for  they  enjoined  them  to  cut  a  great  number  of  channels  for  the  river,  and  to  build 
 •walls  for  their  cities  and  ramparts,  that  they  might  restrain  the  river,  and  binder  its  waters 
 from  stagnating,  upon  its  running  over  its  own  banks  :  they  set  them  also  to  build  pyramids, t 
 and  by  all  this  wore  them  out ;  and  forced  thera  to  learn  all  sorts  of  mechanical  arts,  and  to 
 accustom  themselves  to  liard  labour.  And  four  hundred  years  did  they  spend  under  these 
 atlliclions  ;  for  they  strive  one  against  the  other  which  should  get  the  mastery,  the  Egyptians 
 desiring  to  destroy  the  Israelites  by  these  labours,  and  the  Israelites  desiring  to  hold  out  to 
 the  end  under  them. 
 
 2.  While  the  affairs  of  the  Hebrews  were  in  this  condition,  there  was  this  occasion  offered 
 itself  to  the  Egyptians,  which  made  them  more  solicitous  for  the  extinction  of  our  nation.  One 
 of  those  sacred  scrilies.-f  who  are  very  sagacious  in  foretelling  future  events  truly,  told  the 
 king,  that  about  this  time  there  would  a  child  be  born  to  the  Israelites,  who,  if  he  were 
 reared,  would  bring  the  Egyptian  dominion  low,  and  would  raise  the  Israelites  ;  that  he  would 
 excel  all  men  in  virtue,  and  obtain  a  glory  that  would  be  reniemberei  through  all  ages. 
 Which  thing  was  so  feared  by  the  king,  tliat  according  to  this  man's  opinion,  he  commanded 
 that  th'-y  should  cast  every  male  cliild,  who  was  born  to  the  Israelites,  into  the  river,  and  de- 
 stroy it;  that  besides  ibis,  the  Egyptian  ^midwives  should  watch  the  labours  of  the  Hebrew 
 women,  and  observe  what  is  born,  for  those  were  the  women  who  were  enjoined  to  do  the 
 office  of  mid  wives  to  them  ;  and  by  reason  of  their  relation  to  the  king,  would  not  transgress 
 bis  commands.  He  enjoined  also,  that  if  any  parents  should  disobey  him,  and  venture  to 
 spare  their  male  children  alive,  j)  they  and  their  families  should  be  destroyed.  This  was  a  se- 
 vere aOliction  indeed  to  those  that  suffered  it,  not  only  as  they  were  deprived  of  their  sons,  and 
 
 *  As  to  the  affliction  of  Abraham's  posterity  for  400  years,  see  Antiq.  b.  i.  chap.  x.  {  ni.  Ami  as  fo  wljat 
 cities  they  built  in  F-ttypt  under  Pharaoh  Sesostris,  a-nd  of  Pharaoh  Sesostris'  drowning  in  the  Red  Sea,  seo 
 Essay  on  tlic  Old  Tistament,  appen.  p.  13'J— IOC. 
 
 +  Of  this  building  of  the  pyramids  of  ligypt  by  the  Israelites,  see  Perizonius  Orig,  Egyptiop,  chap  xxi.  It 
 is  not  iinpossilde  they  might  build  one  or  more  of  the  small  ones,  but  the  larger  ones  seem  much  later.  Only 
 if  they  be  all  built  of  stone,  this  does  not  so  well  agree  with  the  Israelites'  labours,  which  are  said  to  hava 
 lieeu  in  '  briek,'  and  not  in  '  stone,'  as  Mr.  .Sandys  observes  in  his  Travels,  p.  1C7, 1C8. 
 
 I  L)r.  Bernard  informs  us  here,  that  instead  of  this  single  priest  or  prophet  of  the  Egyptians,  without  a  name 
 Ui  .losephus,  the  Targum  of  .Tonathan  names  the  two  famous  antagonists  of  Moses,  .lannes,  and  Jambres.  Nor 
 is  it  at  all  unlikely,  that  it  might  be  one  of  these  who  foreboded  so  much  misery  to  the  Egyptians,  and  so  much 
 happiness  to  the  Israelites,  from  the  rearing  of  Moses. 
 
 ^  .losephus  is  clear  that  these  midwives  were  Egyptians,  and  not  Israelites,  as  in  our  other  copies  ;  which 
 is  very  probable,  it  being  not  easily  to  be  supposed,  that  Ph.iraoh  could  trust  the  Israelitish  midwivos  to  exe- 
 cute so  barbarous  a  command  against  their  own  nation.  c;onsult  therefore  and  correct  hence  our  ordinary 
 riipies,  Kxoil.  i.  ]^,  CC.  And  indeed  .l()Si|.|nis  seems  to  have  had  much  completer  copiis  of  the  Pentateuch  or 
 other  aiilheiiiic  records  now  lost,  about  the  birth  and  actions  of  Moses,  than  cither  our  Hebrew,  Samaritan, 
 <»r  <>i-eek  liiblea  atlbrd  us,  wl.nh  (:ii;iUI,,l  hiiu  to  be  so  large  and  particular  about  him. 
 
 II  Of  this  graiulfitlii.T  of  Si  s,,~ii  i<,  li^iie.-.s  ihe  (ireat,  who  slew  the  Israelite  infanH,  and  of  the  inscrijition 
 on  his  obelisk.  roi.i;iiiHug  m  luv  opmnn,  ouc  of  the  oldest  records  of  mankind,  Kee  Ebi,ay  on  the  Old  Testa 
 »umi,ui,,Hi.p(,ud.  p,  ijy,  MO,  1 17,  '.'IT-JiO. 
 
68  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 wbile  they  were  iLe  parents  themselves,  thej  were  obliged  to  be  subservient  to  the  destruc- 
 tion of  their  own  children,  but  as  it  was  to  be  supposed  to  lend  to  the  extirpation  of  their  na- 
 tion, while  upon  the  destruction  of  their  children,  and  their  own  gradual  dissolutinn,  the  cala- 
 mity would  become  very  hard  and  inconsolable  to  them.  And  this  was  the  ill  state  they  were 
 in.  But  no  one  can  be  too  hard  for  the  purpose  of  God,  though  he  contrive  ten  thousand  sub- 
 tle devices  for  that  end,  for  this  child,  whom  the  sacred  scribe  foretold,  was  brought  up  and 
 concealed  from  the  observers  appointed  by  the  king;  and  he  that  foretold  him  did  not  mistake 
 in  tlie  consequences  of  hrs  preservation,  which  were  brought  to  pass  after  the  manner  fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 3.  A  man  whose  name  was  Araram,  one  of  the  nobler  sort  of  the  Hebrews,  was  afraid  for 
 his  whole  nation,  lest  it  should  fail,  by  the  want  of  young  men  to  be  brought  up  hereafter  ; 
 and  was  very  uneasy  at  it,  his  wife  being  then  with  child,  and  he  knew  not  what  to  do.  Here- 
 upon he  betook  himself  to  prayer  to  God  ;  and  entreated  him  to  have  compassion  on  those  men 
 who  had  nowise  transgressed  the  laws  of  his  worship,  and  to  afford  them  deliverance  from 
 the  miseries  they  at  that  time  endured,  and  to  render  abortive  their  enemies'  hopes  of  the  de- 
 struction of  their  nation.  Accordingly  God  had  mercy  on  him,  and  was  moved  by  his  suppli- 
 cation. He  stood  by  him  in  his  sleep,  and  exhorted  him  not  to  despair  of  his  future  favours. 
 He  said  further,  that  he  did  not  forget  theirpiety  towards  him,  and  would  always  reward  them 
 for  it,  as  he  had  formerly  granted  his  favour  to  their  forefathers,  and  made  them  increase  from 
 a  few,  to  so  great  a  multitude.  He  put  him  in  mind,  that  when  Abraham  was  come  alone 
 out  of  Mesopotamia  into  Canaan,  he  had  been  made  happy,  not  only  in  other  respects,  but 
 that  when  his  wife  was  at  first  barren,  she  was  afterwards  by  him  enabled  to  conceive  seed, 
 and  bare  him  sons.  That  be  left  to  Ishmael  and  to  his  posterity  the  country  of  Arahia;  as  also 
 to  his  sons  by  Keturab,  Troglodytis  ;  and  to  Isaac,  Canaan.  That  by  my  assistance,  said  he, 
 he  did  great  exploits  in  war,  which,  unless  you  be  yourselves  impious,  you  must  still  remem- 
 ber. As  for  Jacob  he  became  well  known  to  strangers  also,  by  the  greatness  of  that  prospe- 
 rity in  which  he  lived,  and  left  to  his  sons,  who  came  into  Egypt  with  no  more  than  .seventy 
 souls,  while  you  are  now  become  above  six  hundred  thousand.  Know  therefore  that  I  shall 
 provide  for  you  all  in  common  what  is  for  your  good,  and  particularly  for  thyself  what  shall 
 make  thee  famous  ;  for  that  child,  out  of  dread  of  whose  nativity  the  Egyptians  have  doomed 
 the  Israelite  children  to  destruction,  shall  be  this  child  of  thine,  and  shall  be  concealci  from 
 those  who  watch  to  destroy  him:  and  when  he  is  brought  up  in  a  surprising  way,  he  shall 
 deliver  the  Hebrew  nation  from  the  distress  they  are  under  from  the  Egyptians.  His  memory 
 shall  be  famous  while  the  world  lasts  ;  and  this  not  only  among  the  Hebrews,  but  for.igners 
 also.  All  which  shaii  be  the  efft-ct  of  my  favour  to  thee,  and  to  thy  posterity.,  He  shall  also 
 have  such  a  brother,  that  he  shall  himself  obtain  my  priesthood,  and  his  posterity  shall  have  it 
 after  him  to  the  end  of  the  world. 
 
 4.  When  the  vision  had  informed  him  of  these  things,  Amram  awaked  and  told  it  to  Joche- 
 bed,  who  was  his  wife.  And  now  the  fear  increased  upon  them  on  account  of  the  prediction 
 in  Amram's  dream  ;  for  they  were  under  concern,  not  only  for  the  child,  but  on  account  of  tha 
 great  happiness  that  was  to  come  to  him  also.  However,  the  mother's  labour  was  such  as 
 afl'orded  a  confirmation  to  what  was  toretold  by  God,  for  it  was  not  known  to  those  that  watched 
 Ler,  by  the  easiness  of  her  pains,  and  because  the  throes  of  her  delivery  did  not  fall  upon  her 
 with  violence.  And  now  they  nourished  the  child  at  home  privately  for  three  months  ;  but 
 after  that  time,  Amram,  fearing  he  should  be  discovered,  and,  by  falling  into  the  king's  dis- 
 pleasure, both  he  and  his  child  should  perish,  and  so  he  should  make  the  promise  of  God  of 
 none  eflect,  determined  rather  to  trust  the  safety  and  care  of  the  child  to  God,  than  to  de 
 pend  on  his  own  concealment  of  him,  which  he  looked  upon  as  a  thing  uncertain,  and  whereby 
 both  the  child  so  privately  to  be  nourished,  and  himself,  would  be  in  imminent  danger  ;  but  he 
 believed  that  God  wonld  someway  for  certain  procure  the  safety  of  the  child,  in  order  to  secure 
 the  truth  of  his  own  predictions.  When  they  had  thus  determined,  they  made  an  ark  of  bul- 
 rushes, after  the  manner  of  a  cradle,  and  of  a  bigness  suHicient  for  an  infant  to  be  laid  in, 
 without  being  too  straitened  :  they  then  daubed  it  over  with  slime,  which  would  naturally 
 keep  out  the  water  from  entering  between  the  bulrushes,  and  put  the  infant  into  it,  and  setting 
 it  atlnat  upon  the  river,  they  left  its  preservation  to  God  ;  so  the  river  received  the  child,  and 
 carried  him  along.  But  Miriam,  the  child's  sister,  passed  along  upon  the  bank  overagainst 
 him,  as  her  mother  had  bid  her,  to  see  whither  the  ark  would  be  carried,  where  Gcd  demon- 
 strated, that  human  wisdom  was  nothing,  but  that  the  Supreme  Being  is  able  to  do  whatsoever 
 he  pleases  :  that  those  who,  in  order  to  their  own  security,  condemn  others  to  destruction,  and 
 use  great  endeavours  about  it,  fail  of  their  purpose  ;  but  that  others  are,  in  a  surprising  man- 
 ner, preserved,  and  obtain  a  prosperous  condition  almost  from  the  very  midst  of  their  calami- 
 ties, those,  I  mean,  whose  dangers  arise  by  the  appointment  of  God.  And  indeed  such  a  pro- 
 vidence was  exercised  in  the  case  of  this  child,  as  shewed  the  power  of  God. 
 
 5.  Thermntbis  was  the  king's  daughter.  She  was  now  diverting  herself  by  tne  banks  ol 
 the  river;  and  seeing  a  cradle  borne  along  by  the  current,  she  sent  some  who  could  swim,  and 
 bid  them  bring  the  cradle  to  her.  When  those  that  were  sent  on  this  errand  came  to  her  with 
 the  cradle,  and  she  saw  the  little  child,  she  was  gieaily  in  love  with  it,  on  account  of  its  large 
 
BOOK    II.— CHAP.    X.  69 
 
 ncss  and  beauty  :  fur  God  had  taken  s-jcli  great  care  in  the  formation  of  Moses,  thai  lie  caused 
 hira  to  be  thoujj;lit  worlhv  of  bringing  up,  and  providing  for,  by  all  tlio.se  that  had  taken  the  most 
 fatal  resolutions  on  accoi.nl  of  the  dread  of  his  nativity,  for  the  de.struction  of  the  rest  of  the 
 Hebrew  nation.  TlierniutLis  bid  them  bring  her  a  vfoman  that  might  afford  her  breast  to  the 
 child  ;  yet  would  not  the  child  admit  of  her  breast,  but  turned  away  from  it,  and  did  the  like 
 to  many  other  women.  Now  Miriam  was  by  when  this  happened,  not  to  appear  to  be  there  on 
 purpose,  but  only  as  staying  to  see  the  child,  and  she  said,  "  It  is  in  vain  for  thou,  O  queen, 
 callest  for  these  women  for  the  nourishing  of  the  child,  who  are  no  way  of  kin  to  it  ;  but  still 
 if  thou  wilt  order  one  of  the  Hebrew  women  to  be  brought,  perhaps  it  may  adroit  the  breast  of 
 one  of  its  own  nation,"  Now  since  she  seemed  to  speak  well,  Thermuthis  bid  her  procure 
 such  a  one,  and  to  bring  one  of  those  Hebrew  women  that  gave  suck.  So  when  she  bad  such 
 authority  given  her,  she  came  back  and  brought  tiie  mother,  who  was  known  to  nobody  there. 
 And  now  the  child  gladly  admitted  the  breast,  and  seemed  to  stick  close  to  it ;  and  so  it  was, 
 that  at  the  queen's  desire,  tlie  nursing  of  the  child  was  entirely  intrusted  to  the  mother. 
 
 0.  Hereupon  it  was  that  Thermuthis  imposed  this  name  'Mouses'  upon  hira,  from  what  had 
 happened  when  he  was  put  into  the  river,  for  the  Egyptians  call  the  '  water'  by  the  name  of 
 '  Mo,'  and  stich  as  are  '  saved  out  of  it,'  by  the  name  of  '  Uses ;'  so  by  putting  these  two 
 words  together,  they  imposed  the  name  upon  him.  And  he  was  by  the  confession  of  all,  ac- 
 cording to  God's  prediction,  r,s  well  for  his  greatness  of  mind,  as  for  his  contempt  of  difficul- 
 ties, the  best  of  all  the  Hebrews,  for  Abraham  was  bis  ancestor  of  the  seventh  generation. — 
 For  Moses  was  the  son  of  Amram,  who  was  the  son  of  Caath,  whose  father  Levi  was  the  son 
 of  Jacob,  who  was  the  son  of  Isaac,  who  was  the  son  of  Abraham.  Now  Moses'  understand- 
 ing became  superior  to  his  age,  nay,  far  beyond  that  standard  ;  and  when  he  was  taught,  he 
 discovered  greater  quickness  of  apprehension  than  was  usual  at  his  age,  and  his  actions  at 
 that  time  promised  greater,  when  he  should  come  to  the  age  of  a  man.  God  did  also  give 
 him  that  lallness,  when  he  was  but  three  years  old,  as  was  wonderful.  And  for  his  beauty, 
 there  was  nobody  so  unpolite,  as  when  they  saw  Moses,  they  were  not  greatly  surprised  at  the 
 beauty  of  his  countenance  ;  nay,  it  happened  frequently,  that  those  that  met  him  as  he  was  car- 
 ried along  the  road,  were  obliged  to  turn  again  upon  seeing  the  child;  that  they  left  what  they 
 were  about  and  stood  still  a  great  while  to  look  on  hira,  for  the  beauty  of  the  child  was  so 
 remarkable  and  natural  to  him  on  many  accounts,  that  it  detained  the  spectators,  and  made  them 
 stay  longer  to  look  upon  him. 
 
 7.  Thermuthis  therefore  perceiving  him  to  be  so  remarkable  a  child,  adopted  him  for  her 
 son,  having  no  child  of  her  own.  And  when  one  time  she  had  carried  Moses  to  her  father, 
 she  shewed  him  to  hira,  and  said  she  thought  to  make  him  her  father's  successor,  if  it  should 
 please  God  she  should  have  no  legitimate  child  of  her  own  ;  and  said  to  him,  "  I  have  brought 
 up  a  jhild  who  is  of  a  divine  form,*  and  of  a  generous  mind  ;  and  as  I  have  received  him  from 
 the  bounty  of  the  river^  in  a  wonderful  manner,  I  thought  proper  to  adopt  him  for  my  son,  and 
 the  heir  of  thy  kingdom."  And  when  she  had  said  tjiis,  she  put  the  infant  into  her  father's 
 hands  :  so  he  took  him,  and  hugged  him  close  to  his  IJreast  :  and,  on  his  daughter's  account, 
 in  a  pleasant  way,  put  his  diadem  upon  his  head  ;  but  Moses  threw  it  down  to  the  ground,  and 
 in  a  puerile  mood,  he  wreathed  it  round,  and  trod  upon  it  with  his  feet,  which  seemed  to 
 bring  along  with  it  an  evil  presage  concerning  the  kingdom  of  Egypt.  But  when  the  sacred 
 scribe  saw  this,  (he  was  the  same  person  who  foretold  that  his  nativity  would  bring  the  domi- 
 nion of  this  kingdom  low,)  he  made  a  violent  attempt  to  kill  him ;  and  crying  out  in  a  frightful 
 manner,  he  said,  "  This,  O  king!  this  child  is  he  of  whom  God  foretold,  that  if  we  kill  him 
 we  shall  be  in  no  danger  ;  he  himself  affords  an  attestation  to  the  prediction  of  the  same  thing, 
 by  bis  trampling  upon  thy  government,  and  treading  upon  thy  diadem.  Take  him  therefore 
 out  of  the  way,  and  deliver  the  Egyptians  from  the  fear  they  are  in  about  him  ;  and  deprive 
 the  Hebrews  of  the  hope  they  have  of  being  encouraged  by  hin;."  But  Thermuthis  prevented 
 him,  and  snatched  the  child  away.  And  the  king  was  not  hasty  to  slay  hira,  God  himself, 
 whose  providence  protected  Moses,  inclining  the  king  to  spare  him.  He  was  therefore  edu- 
 cated with  great  care.  So  the  Hebrews  depended  on  him,  and  were  of  good  hopes  that  great 
 things  would  be  done  by  him  ;  but  the  Egyptians  were  suspicious  of  what  would  follow  such 
 his  education.  Yet  because  if  Moses  bad  been  slain,  there  was  no  one,  neither  akin  or 
 adopted,  that  had  any  oracle  on  his  side  for  pretending  to  the  crown  of  Egypt,  and  likely  to 
 be  of  greater  advantage  to  them,  they  abstained  from  killing  him. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  Moses  made  War  with  the  Ethiopians. 
 
 §  1.  Moses  therefore,  when  he  was  born,  and  brought  up  in  the  foregoing  manner,  and  came 
 to  the  age  of  maturity,  made  his  virtue  manifest  to  the  Egyptians  ;  and  shewed,  that  he  waa 
 born  for  the  bringing  them  down,  and  raising  the  Israelites.  And  the  occasion  he  laid  hold  of 
 was  this  ;  the  Ethiopians,  who  are  uext  neighbours  to  the  Egyptians,  made  ao  inroad  into  thoir 
 
 *  Wliat  .IoS>^i)tuB  here  snys  of  the  beauty  of  MoBcs,  that  he  was  '  of  a  divine  form,'  is  very  like  what  St.  Ste- 
 phen say  I  cf  the  same  beauty,  that  Moies  was  '  l>eautiful  in  the  tight  of  Cod,'  Acts  vii.  £0. 
 
70  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 country,  wLioh  they  seized  upon,  and  carried  off  the  effects  of  the  Egyptians,  who,  in  their 
 rage,  fought  against  them,  and  revenged  the  affronts  they  had  received  from  them  ;  but  being 
 overcome  in  battle,  some  of  them  were  Isain,  and  the  rest  ran  away  in  a  shameful  manner,  and 
 by  that  means  saved  tiiemselves,  wherenpon  the  Ethiopians  followed  after  them  in  the  pursuit, 
 and  thinking  that  it  would  be  a  mark  of  cowardice  if  they  did  not  subdue  all  Egypt,  they  went 
 on  to  subdue  the  rest  with  greater  vehemence  ;  and  when  they  had  tasted  the  sweets  of  the 
 country  they  never  left  off  the  prosecution  of  the  war:  and  as  the  nearest  parts  had  not  cou- 
 rage enough  at  first  to  fight  with  them,  they  proceeded  as  far  as  Memphis,  and  the  sea  itself, 
 vvhile  not  one  of  the  cities  were  able  to  oppose  them.  The  Egyptians,  under  tliis  sad  oppres- 
 sion, betook  themselves  to  their  oracles  and  prophecies,  and  when  God  had  given  them  this 
 counsel,  to  make  use  of  Moses  the  Hebrew,  and  take  his  assistance,  the  king  commanded  his 
 daughter  to  produce  him,  that  he  might  be  the  general  of  their  army.*  Upon  which  when  she 
 bad  made  him  swear  he  wonld  do  him  no  harm,  she  delivered  him  to  the  king,  and  supposed 
 his  assistance  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  them.  She  withal  reproached  the  priests,  who, 
 when  they  had  before  admonished  the  Egyptians  to  kill  him,  were  not  ashamed  now  to  own 
 their  want  of  his  help. 
 
 2.  So  Moses,  at  the  persuasion  both  of  Thermuthis  and  the  king  himself,  cheerfully  under- 
 took the  business  :  and  the  sacred  scribes  of  both  nations  were  glad  ;  those  of  the  Egyptians, 
 that  they  should  at  once  overcome  their  enemies  by  his  valour,  and  that  by  the  same  piece  of 
 management,  Moses  would  be  slain  ;  but  those  of  the  Hebrews,  that  they  should  escape  from 
 the  Egyptians,  because  Moses  was  to  be  their  general.  But  Moses  prevented  the  enemies, 
 undtook  and  led  his  army  before  those  enemies  were  apprized  of  his  attacking  them:  for  he 
 did  not  march  by  the  river,  but  by  land,  where  he  gave  a  wonderful  demonstration  of  his 
 sagacity  ;  for  when  the  ground  was  diflicult  to  be  passed  over,  because  of  the  multitude  of  ser- 
 pents, which  it  produces  in  vast  numbers,  and  indeed  is  singular  in  some  of  those  productions, 
 which  other  countries  do  not  breed,  and  yet  such  as  are  worse  than  others  in  power  and  mis- 
 chief, and  an  unnsual  fierceness  of  sight,  some  of  which  ascend  out  of  the  ground  unseen,  and 
 also  fly  in  the  air,  and  so  come  upon  men  at  unawares,  and  do  (hem  a  mischief,  Moses  invented 
 a  wonderful  stratagem  to  preserve  the  army  safe,  and  without  hurt ;  for  he  made  baskets  like 
 unto  arks,  of  sedge,  and  filled  them  with  ibes,t  and  carried  them  along  with  them  ;  which  ani- 
 mal is  iue  greatest  enemy  to  serpents  imaginable,  for  they  fly  from  them  when  they  come  near 
 them,  and  as  they  fly  they  are  caught  and  devoured  by  them,  as  if  it  were  done  by  the  harts  ; 
 but  the  ibes  are  tame  creatures,  and  only  enemies  to  the  serpentine  kind.  But  about  those 
 ibed  I  say  no  more  at  present,  since  the  Greeks  are  not  themselves  unacquainted  with  this  sort 
 of  bird.  As  soon  therefore  as  Moses  was  come  to  the  land  whicli  was  the  breeder  of  these 
 serpents,  he  let  loose  the  ibes,  and  by  their  means  repelled  the  serpentine  kind,  and  used 
 ♦hem  for  his  assistants  before  the  army  came  upon  that  ground.  When  he  had  therefore  pro- 
 ceeded thus  on  his  journey,  he  came  upon  the  Ethiopians  before  they  expected  him  ;  and  join- 
 ing battle  with  them,  he  beat  them,  and  deprived  them  of  the  hopes  they  had  of  success 
 against  the  Egyptians,  and  went  on  in  overthrowing  their  cities,  and  indeed  made  a  great 
 slaughter  of  these  Ethiopians.  Now  when  the  Egyptian  army  had  once  tasted  of  this  prospe- 
 rous success,  by  tlie  means  of  Moses,  they  did  not  slacken  their  diligence,  insomuch  that  the 
 Ethiopians  were  in  danger  of  being  reduced  to  slavery,  and  all  sorts  of  destruction.  And  at 
 length  they  retired  to  Saba,  which  was  a  royal  city  of  Ethiopia,  which  Cambyses  afterwards 
 named  '  Meroe,' after  the  name  of  his  own  sister.  The  place  was  to  be  besieged  with  very 
 great  difficulty,  since  it  was  both  encompassed  by  the  Nile  quite  round,  and  the  other  rivers, 
 Astapus  and  Astaborus,  made  it  a  very  difficult  thing  for  such  as  attempted  to  pass  over  thera ; 
 for  the  city  was  situate  in  a  retired  place,  and  was  inhabited  after  the  manner  of  an  island, 
 being  encompassed  with  a  strong  wall,  and  having  the  rivers  to  guard  them  from  their  ene- 
 mies, and  having  great  ramparts  between  the  wall  and  the  rivers,  insomuch,  that  when  the  wa- 
 ters come  with  the  greatest  violence  it  can  never  be  drowned  ;  which  ramparts  make  it  next  to 
 impossible  for  even  such  as  are  gotten  over  the  rivers  to  take  the  city.  However,  while 
 Moses  was  uneasy  at  the  army's  lyin^  idle  (for  the  enemies  durst  not  come  to  a  battle)  this 
 accident  happened  :  Tharbis  was  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  the  Ethiopians  ;  she  happened  to  see 
 Moses  as  he  led  the  army  near  to  the  walls,  and  fought  with  great  courage,  and  admiring  the 
 subtilty  of  his  undertakings,  and  believing  him  to  be  the  autiior  of  the  Egyptian  success,  wheu 
 they  had  before  despaired  of  recovering  their  liberty,  and  to  be  the  occasion  of  the  great  dan-  , 
 ger  the  Ethiopians  were  in,  when  they  had  before  boasted  of  their  great  achievements,  she  fell 
 deeply  in  love  with  him  ;  and  upon  the  prevalency  of  that  passion,  sent  to  him  the  most  faithful 
 
 •  This  history  of  Moses,  as  general  of  the  Egyptians  against  the  Ethiopians,  is  wholly  omitted  in'our  Bibles, 
 but  is  thus  cited  by  Irenseus,  from  Josephus,  and  that  soon  after  bis  owj  age:  "  Josephus  says,  that  when 
 Moses  was  nourished  in  the  ting's  palace,  he  was  appointed  general  of  the  army  apainst  the  Ethiopians,  aud 
 conquered  them  ;  when  he  married  that  king's  daugtiter  ;  because,  out  of  her  affection  for  him,'  she  delivered 
 the  city  up  to  him."  See  the  Fragments  of  Iren-.Eus,  ab.  edit.  Grab.  p.  472.  Nor  perhaps  did  St.  Stcpheu 
 refer  to  any  thing  else,  when  he  said  of  Moses,  before  he  was  sent  by  fiod  to  the  Israelites,  that  he  waa  not  oul.v 
 '  learned  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians,   but  was  also  '  mighty  in  worits  and  in  deeds,'  Acts  Til.  C2. 
 
 +  Pliny  spealis  of  these  birds  called  '  ibes,'  and  says.  "  The  Egyptians  invoked  them  against  Ihe   serpents,'' 
 Tlisl.  Nat.  h.  k.  chaj).  xxviii.    Strabo  speaks  of  this  island  '  Mcroe  and  these  rivers  '  .Aitapasaud  Astoborua 
 t.  XVI.  p.  771,  7t56.  and  b.  xvii.  p.  mi. 
 
BOOK    II. —  CHAP.    XI.    XII.  71 
 
 of  lier  servants  to  cliscourse  with  liim  upon  tlieir  marriage.  He  tliereupon  accepted  the  oiTer, 
 on  condition  she  would  procure  tlie  delivering  up  of  the  cit)i  ;  and  gave  her  the  assurance  of 
 an  oath  to  take  her  to  his  wife,  and  that  when  he  had  once  taken  possession  of  the  city,  h 
 would  not  hreak  liis  oath  to  her.  No  sooner  was  the  agreement  made,  hut  it  took  ell'ect  im- 
 mediately ;  and  when  Mo.ses  had  cut  oft"  the  Ethiopians,  he  gave  thanks  to  God,  and  consuui- 
 inated  Lis  marriage,  and  led  the  Egyptians  back  to  their  own  land. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  Moses  fled  out  of  Egypt  into  Mid'ian. 
 
 §  I.  Now  the  Egyptians,  after  they  had  been  preserved  by  Moses,  entertained  an  hatred  to 
 hira,  and  were  very  eager  in  compassing  their  designs  against  him,  as  suspecting  that  he  would 
 take  occasion,  from  his  good  success,  to  raise  a  sedition,  and  bring  innovations  into  Egypt  ;  and 
 told  the  king  he  ought  to  be  slain.  The  king  had  also  some  intentions  of  himself  to  the  same 
 purpose,  and  this  as  well  out  of  envy  at  his  glorious  expedition  at  the  head  of  his  army,  as  out 
 of  fear  of  being  brought  low  by  him  ;  and  being  instigated  by  the  sacred  scribes,  he  was  ready 
 to  undertake  to  kill  Moses.  But  when  he  had  learned  beforehand  what  plots  Ihtre  were 
 against  him,  he  went  away  privately  ;  and  because  the  public  roads  were  watched,  lie  took  his 
 flight  through  the  deserts,  and  where  his  enemies  could  not  suspect  be  would  travel;  and 
 though  he  was  destitute  of  food,  he  went  on,  and  despised  that  ditliculty  courageously.  And 
 when  he  came  to  the  city  of  Midian,  which  lay  upon  the  Red  Sea,  and  was  so  denominated 
 from  one  of  Abraham's  sons  by  Keturah,  he  sat  upon  a  certain  well,  and  rested  himself  there 
 after  his  laborious  journey  and  the  aflliciion  lie  had  been  in.  It  was  not  far  from  the  city  ; 
 and  the  time  of  the  day  was  noon,  where  he  had  an  occasion  offered  him  by  the  custom  of  the 
 country,  of  doing  what  recommended  his  virtue,  and  afforded  him  an  opportunity  of  bettering 
 his  circumstances. 
 
 2.  For  that  country  having  but  little  water,  the  shepherds  used  to  seize  on  the  wells  before 
 others  came,  lest  their  flocks  should  want  water  ;  and  lest  it  should  be  spent  by  others  before 
 they  came.  There  were  now  come  therefore  to  this  well  seven  sisters  that  were  virgins,  the 
 daughters  ef  Raguel  a  priest,  and  one  thought  worthy  by  the  people  of  the  country  of  great 
 honour  :  these  virgins,  who  took  care  of  their  father's  flocks,  which  sort  of  work  it  was  cus- 
 tomary and  very  familiar  for  women  to  do  in  the  country  of  the  Troglodytes,  they  came  first 
 of  all,  and  drew  water  out  of  the  well  in  a  quantity  sufficient  for  their  flocks,  into  troughs, 
 which  were  made  for  the  reception  of  that  water.  But  when  the  shepherds  came  upon  the 
 maidens  and  drove  them  away,  that  they  might  have  the  command  of  the  waters  themselves, 
 Moses  thinking  it  would  be  a  terrible  reproach  upon  him  if  he  overlooked  the  young  women 
 under  unjust  oppression,  and  should  sull'er  the  violence  of  the  men  to  prevail  over  the  right  of 
 the  maidens,  he  drove  away  tlie  men,  who  had  a  mind  to  more  than  their  share,  and  afforded 
 a  proper  assistance  to  the  women  ;  who,  after  having  received  such  a  benefit  from  him,  came 
 to  tlieir  father,  and  told  him  how  they  Lad  been  all'ronted  by  tlie  shepherds,  and  assisted  by 
 a  stranger,  and  entreated  that  he  would  not  let  this  generous  action  be  done  in  vain,  nor  go 
 without  a  reward.  Now  the  father  took  it  well  from  his  daughters  that  they  were  so  desirous 
 t»  reward  their  benefactor,  and  bid  them  bring  Moses  into  his  presence,  that  he  might  be 
 rewarded  as  he  deserved.  And  when  Moses  came,  Le  told  him  what  testimony  his  daughters 
 bare  to  him,  that  he  had  assisted  them  ;  and  that,  as  he  admired  him  for  his  virtue,  he  said,  that 
 Moses  bad  bestowed  such  his  assistance  on  persons  not  insensible  of  benefits,  but  where  they 
 were  both  able  and  willing  to  return  the  kindness,  and  even  to  exceed  the  measure  of  his 
 generosity.  So  he  made  him  his  son,  and  gave  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  marriage  ;  and 
 appointed  him  to  be  the  superintendaut  over  his  cattle,  for  of  old  all  the  wealth  of  the  barba- 
 rians was  in  those  cattle. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Concerning  the  Burning  Bush,  and  the  Rod  of  Moses. 
 
 §  1.  Novir  Moses,  when  he  had  obtained  the  favour  of  Jethro,  for  th?  t  was  one  of  the  names 
 of  Raguel,  stayed  there,  and  fed  his  (lock  ;  but  some  time  afterward,  taking  his  station  at  the 
 mountain  called  Sinai,  he  drove  his  flocks  thither  to  feed  them.  Now  this  is  the  highest  of  all 
 the  mountains  thereabouts,  and  the  best  for  pasturage,  the  herbage  being  there  good  ;  and  it 
 had  not  been  before  fed  upon,  because  of  the  opinion  men  had  that  God  dwelt  there,  the  shep- 
 herds not  daring  to  ascend  up  to  it.  And  here  it  was  that  a  wonderful  prodigy  happened  to 
 Moses  ;  for  a  fire  fed  upon  a  thorn-bush  ;  yet  did  the  green  leaves  and  the  flowers  continue 
 untouched,  and  the  fire  did  not  at  all  consume  the  fruit  branches,  although  the  flame  was  great 
 find  fierce.  Moses  was  aflVighted  at  this  strange  sight,  as  it  was  to  him  :  but  he  was  still 
 more  astonished  when  the  fire  uttered  a  voice,  and  called  to  him  by  name,  and  spake  words  to 
 him,  by  which  it  signified  to  him  how  bold  he  had  been  in  venturing  to  come  into  a  place 
 ■whither  no  man  had  ever  coir.e  before,  because  the  place  was  divine  ;  and  advised  him  to 
 remove  a  great  way  from  the  fl;ime,  and  to  be  contented  with  what  he  had  seen  ;  and  though 
 Lo  were  himself  a  good  man,  and  the  offspring   of  great   men,  yet  that  he  should  not  [t^y  auy 
 
72  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 farther:  and  he  foretold  to  him,  that  he  should  have  glory  and  honour  among  men,  hj  the  bless- 
 ing of  God  upon  him.  He  also  commanded  bira  to  go  away  thence  with  confidence  to  Egypt, 
 ill  order  to  his  bein^  the  commander  and  conductor  of  the  body  of  (lie  Hebrews,  and  to  his 
 deliveriHg  his  own  people  from  the  injuries  they  suffered  there  :  "  For,"  said  God,  "they  shall 
 inhabit  this  happy  land  which  your  forefather  Abraham  inhabited,  and  shall  have  theenjoymeut 
 of  all  sorts  of  good  tbiugs  ;  and  thou,  by  thy  prudenne,  shah  guide  them  to  tliose  good  things." 
 But  still  he  enjoined  hira,  when  he  had  brought  the  Hebrews  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  to 
 come  to  that  place,  and  to  offer  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  there.  Such  were  the  divine  oracles 
 which  were  delivered  out  of  the  fire. 
 
 2.  But  Moses  was  astonished  at  what  he  saw,  and  much  more  at  what  he  heard  ;  and  he 
 said,  "  I  think  it  would  be  an  instance  of  too  great  madness,  O  Lord,  for  one  of  that  regard  I 
 bear  to  thee,  to  distrust  thy  power,  since  I  myself  adore  it,  and  know  that  it  has  been  made 
 manifest  to  my  progenitors  :  but  I  am  still  in  doubt  how  I,  who  am  a  private  man,  and  one  of 
 no  abilities,  should  either  persuade  my  own  countrymen  to  leave  the  country  they  now  inhabit, 
 and  to  follow  me  to  a  land  whither  I  lead  them  :  or,  if  they  should  be  persuaded,  how  can  I 
 force  Pharaoh  to  permit  them  to  depart,  since  they  augment  their  own  wealth  and  prosperity  by 
 the  labours  and  works  they  put  upon  them." 
 
 3.  But  God  persuaded  him  to  be  courageous  ou  all  occasions,  and  promised  to  be  with  him, 
 and  to  assist  hiin  in  his  words,  when  he  was  to  persuade  men,  and  in  his  deeds,  when  he  was 
 to  perform  wonders.  He  bid  him  also  to  take  a  signal  of  the  truth  of  what  he  said,  by  throwing 
 his  rod  upon  the  ground,  which,  when  he  had  done,  it  crept  along,  and  was  become  a  serpent, 
 and  rolled  itself  round  in  its  folds,  and  erected  its  head,  as  ready  to  revenge  itself  on  such  as 
 should  assault  it,  after  which  it  became  a  rod  again  as  it  was  before.  After  this,  God  bid 
 Moses  put  his  right  hand  into  his  bosom  :  he  obeyed,  and  when  he  took  it  out  it  was  white  and 
 in  colour  like  to  chalk,  but  afterward  it  returned  to  its  wonted  colour  again.  He  also,  upon 
 God's  command,  took  some  of  the  water  that  was  near  him,  and  poured  it  upon  the  ground, 
 and  saw  the  colour  was  that  of  blood.  Ujion  the  wonder  tliat  Moses  shewed  at  these  signs, 
 God  exhorted  him  to  be  of  good  courage,  and  to  be  assured  that  he  would  be  the  greatest 
 support  to  him;  and  bid  him  make  use  of  those  signs  in  order  to  obtain  belief  among  all  men, 
 that  thou  art  sent  by  me,  and  dost  all  things  according  to  my  commands.  Accordingly,  I  enjoin 
 thee  to  make  no  more  delays,  but  to  make  haste  to  Egypt,  and  to  travel  night  and  day,  and 
 not  to  draw  out  the  time  ;  and  so  make  the  slavery  of  the  Hebrews,  and  their  sufferings,  to 
 last  the  longer. 
 
 4.  Moses  having  now  seen  and  heard  these  wonders,  that  assured  him  of  the  truth  of  these 
 promises  of  God,  had  no  room  left  him  to  disbelieve  them  :  he  entreated  him  to  grant  him  that 
 power  when  he  should  be  in  Egypt  ;  and  besought  him  to  vouchsafe  him  the  knowledge  of  his 
 own  name,  and  since  he  had  heard  and  seen  him,  that  he  would  also  tell  liira  his  name,  and 
 when  he  offered  sacrifice,  he  might  invoke  him  by  such  his  name  in  his  oblations.  Whereupon 
 God  declared  to  him  his  holy  name,  which  had  never  been  discovered  to  men  before  ;  concern- 
 ing which  it  is  not  lawful  for  me  to  say  any  more.*  Now  these  signs  accompanied  Moses,  not 
 then  only,  but  always,  when  he  prayed  for  them  :  of  all  which  signs  he  attributed  the  firmest 
 assent  to  the  fire  in  the  bush  ;  and  believing  that  God  would  be  a  gracious  supporter  to  him, 
 he  hopea  he  should  be  able  to  deliver  his  own  nation,  and  bring  calamities  ou  the  Egyptians. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 How  Moses  and  A  aron  returned  into  Egypt  to  Pharaoh. 
 
 $  1.  So  Moses,  when  he  understood  that  the  Pharaoh,  in  whose  reign  he  fled  away,  was  dead, 
 asked  leave  of  Raguel  to  go  to  Egypt,  for  the  benefit  of  his  own  people  :  and  he  took  with  him 
 Zipporah,  the  daughter  of  Raguel,  whom  he  had  married,  and  the  children  he  had  by  her, 
 Gersora  and  Eleazar,  and  made  haste  into  Egypt,  Now  the  former  of  these  names,  Gersom, 
 in  the  Hebrew  tongue  signifies,  that  he  was  in  a  'strange  land;'  and  Eleazar,  that,  by  the 
 'assistance  of  the  God  of  his  fathers,'  he  had  escaped  from  the  Egyptians.  Now  when  they 
 were  near  the  borders,  Aaron  his  brother,  by  the  command  of  God,  met  him,  to  whom  he 
 declared  what  had  befallen  him  at  the  nionntain,  and  the  commands  that  God  had  given  him. 
 But  as  they  were  going  forward,  the  cliief  men  among  the  Hebrews  having  learned  that  they 
 ■were  coming,  met  them  :  to  whom  Moses  declared  the  signs  he  had  seen  ;  and  while  they  could 
 not  believe  them,  he  made  them  see  them.  So  they  took  courage  at  these  surprising  and 
 unexpected  sights,  and  hoped  well  of  their  entire  deliverance,  as  believing  now  that  God  took 
 care  of  their  preservation. 
 
 2.     Since  then   Moses  found  that  the  Hebrews  would  be  obedient  to  whatsoever  he  should 
 
 *  This  scperstitious  fear  of  discovering  the  '  name  with  four  letters'  which  of  late  we  have  been  used  lalsely 
 to  proMOUQce  'Jehovah,'  but  seems  to  have  been  orisinaljy  pronounced  '  Jahoh,'  or  '  Jao,'  is  never,  I  think, 
 heard  of  till  this  passage  of  Josephus;  and  this  superstition,  in  not  proEOuncing  that  name,  has  continueJ 
 among  the  Rabbinical  Jews  to  this  day,  (though  whet'.ier  the  Samaritaus  and  CarrJtes  observed  it  so  early, 
 does  not  appear.)  Josephus  also  durst  not  set  dowu  the  verj-  words  of  the  ten  commandments,  as  we  shall 
 sec  hereafter,  Antin.  b.  lii.  chap.  v.  ^  iv.  which  superstitious  silence  has  yet  not  been  discontinued  even  by 
 the  Habbius.  There  is,  however,  no  doubt,  but  both  these  cautious  concealments  were  taught  Josephm  liy 
 the  Pharuecs,  a  body  of  men  ■-.(  occe  very  wicked  and  verj-  superstitious. 
 
BOOK   IF. — CHAP.  XIV.  73 
 
 direct,  as  they  promised  to  be,  and  were  in  love  with  liberty,  he  came  to  tiie  king,  who  had 
 indeed  but  lately  received  the  government,  and  told  him  how  macli  he  had  done  for  the  good 
 of  the  EgyjJtians,  when  they  were  despised  by  the  Ethiopians,  and  their  country  laid  waste  bj 
 them  ;  and  how  he  had  been  the  commander  of  their  forces,  and  had  Ifiboured  for  them,  as  if 
 they  had  been  his  own  people  ;  and  he  informed  him  in  what  danger  he  had  been  during  that 
 expedition,  without  having  any  proper  returns  made  biin,  as  he  had  deserved.  He  also 
 informed  him  distinclly,  what  things  happened  to  him  at  mount  Sinai,  and  what  God  said  to 
 him  ;  and  the  signs  that  were  done  by  God,  in  order  to  assure  him  of  the  authority  of  those 
 commands  which  he  had  given  him.  He  also  exhorted  him  not  to  disbelieve  what  he  told  him, 
 nor  to  oppose  the  will  of  God. 
 
 3.  But  when  the  king  derided  Moses,  he  made  him  in  earnest  see  tiie  signs  that  were  done 
 at  mount  Sinai.  Yet  was  the  king  very  angry  with  him,  and  called  him  an  ill  man,  who  bad 
 formerly  run  away  from  his  Egyptian  slavery,  and  came  now  back  with  deceitful  tricks  and 
 wonders,  and  magical  arts  to  astonish  liim.  And  when  he  had  said  this,  he  commanded  the 
 priests  to  let  him  see  the  same  wonderful  sights,  as  knowing  that  the  Egyptians  were  skilful 
 in  this  kind  of  learning,  and  that  he  v/as  not  the  only  person  who  knew  them,  and  pretended 
 them  to  be  divine  ;  as  also  he  told  him,  that,  when  bo  brought  such  wonderful  sights  before 
 him,  he  would  only  be  ijelieved  by  the  unlearned.  Now  when  the  priests  tlirew  down  their 
 rods,  they  became  serpents.  But  Moses  was  not  daunted  at  it ;  and  said,  "  O  king,  I  do  not 
 myself  despise  tlie  v.isdom  of  the  Egyptians,  but  T  say  that  what  I  do  is  so  much  superior  to 
 what  these  do  by  magic  arts  and  tricks,  as  divine  power  exceeds  the  power  of  man  :  but  I  will 
 demonstrate  that  what  I  do  is  not  done  by  craft,  or  counterfeiting  what  is  not  really  true,  but 
 that  they  appear  by  tlie  providence  and  power  of  God."  And  when  he  bad  said  this,  he  cast 
 l)is  rod  down  upon  the  ground,  and  commanded  it  to  turn  itself  into  a  serpent.  It  obeyed  him, 
 and  went  all  round,  and  devoured  the  rods  of  the  Egyptians,  which  seemed  to  be  dragons, 
 until  it  had  consumed  them  all  ;  it  then  returned  to  its  own  form,  and  Moses  took  it  into  his 
 hand  again. 
 
 4.  However,  the  king  was  no  more  moved,  when  this  was  done,  than  before ;  and  being 
 very  angry,  he  said,  "  That  he  should  gain  nothing  by  his  cunning  and  shrewdness  against  the 
 Egyptians."  And  he  commanded  him  that  was  llie  chief  task-master  over  the  Hebrews,  to 
 give  them  no  relaxation  from  their  labours,  but  to  compel  them  to  submit  to  greater  oppres- 
 sions than  before.  And  though  he  allowed  thera  chafi'  before  for  the  making  their  bricks,  h& 
 would  allow  it  them  no  longer,  but  he  made  them  to  work  hard  at  brick-making  in  the  day- 
 time, and  to  gather  chaQ'in  the  night.  Now  when  their  labour  was  thus  doubled  upon  them, 
 they  laid  the  blame  upon  Moses,  because  their  labour  atd  their  misery  were  on  his  account 
 become  more  severe  to  them.  But  Moses  did  not  let  his  courage  sink  for  the  king's  threaten- 
 ings ;  nor  did  he  abate  of  his  zeal  on  account  of  the  Hebrews'  complaints,  but  he  supported 
 himself,  and  set  his  soul  resolutely  against  them  both,  and  used  his  own  utmost  diligence  to 
 procure  liberty  to  his  countrymen.  So  he  went  to  the  king,  and  persuaded  him  to  let  the 
 Hebrews  go  to  mount  Sinai,  and  there  to  sacrifice  to  God,  because  God  had  enjoined  them  so 
 to  do.  He  persuaded  him  also,  not  to  counterwork  the  designs  of  God,  but  to  esteem  bis 
 favour  above  all  things,  and  to  permit  them  to  depart,  lest,  before  he  be  aware,  he  lay  an 
 obstruction  in  the  way  of  the  divine  commands,  and  so  occasion  his  own  sufl'ering  sixh 
 punishments  as  it  was  probable  any  one  that  counterworked  die  divine  connnands  should 
 undergo,  since  the  severest  afllictions  arise  from  every  object,  to  those  that  provoke  the  divine 
 wrath  against  them  ;  for  such  as  these  have  neither  the  earth  nor  the  air  for  their  friends  ;  nor 
 are  the  fruits  of  the  womb  according  to  nature,  but  every  thing  is  unfriendly  and  adverse 
 towards  them.  He  said  further,  that  the  Egyptians  should  know  this  by  sad  experience  ;  and 
 that  besides,  the  Hebrew  people  should  go  out  of  their  country  without  their  consent. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 Concerning  the  Ten  Plagues  wJiich  came  upon  the  Egyptians. 
 
 §  1.  But  when  the  king  despised  the  words  of  Moses,  and  had  no  regard  at  ail  to  them, 
 grievous  plagues  seized  the  Egyptians  ;  every  one  of  which  I  will  describe,  both  because  no 
 such  plagues  <lid  ever  happen  to  any  other  nation  as  the  Egyptians  now  felt ;  and  because  I 
 would  demonstrate  that  Moses  did  not  fail  in  any  one  thing  that  he  foretold  them,  and  because 
 it  is  for  the  good  of  mankind,  tliat  they  may  learn  this  caution,  not  to  do  any  thing  that  may 
 displease  God,  lest  he  be  provoked  to  wrath,  and  avenije  their  iniquities  upon  men.  The 
 Egyptian  river  ran  with  bloody  water,  at  the  command  of  God,  insomuch  that  it  could  not  be 
 drunk,  and  they  had  no  otiier  spring  of  water  neither  ;  for  the  water  was  not  only  of  the  colour 
 of  blood,  but  it  brought  upon  those  that  ventured  to  drink  of  it,  great  pains  and  bitter  tor- 
 ment. Such  was  the  river  to  the  Egyptians  :  but  it  was  sweet  and  fit  for  drinking  to  the 
 Hebrews,  and  no  way  different  from  what  it  naturally  used  to  be.  As  the  king  therefore 
 kuew  not  what  to  do  in  these  surprising  circumstances,  and  was  in  fear  for  the  Egyptians,  he 
 gave  the  Heljrows  leave  to  go  away;  but  when  the  plague  ceased,  he  changed  his  mind  agaio 
 ami  would  not  suffer  them  to  go. 
 
 K 
 
74  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  But  when  God  saw  iliat  lie  was  ungrateful,  and  npon  the  ceasing  of  (he  calaniitj  would 
 not  grow  wiser,  he  sent  another  p!aj;ue  njion  tlie  Egyptians  ;  an  innumerable  multitude  of 
 frogs  consumed  the  fruit  of  (he  ground;  the  river  was  also  full  of  tlieni,  insomuch,  (hat  those 
 who  drew  water  had  it  spoiled  b^'  the  blood  of  these  animals,  as  they  died  in  and  were 
 destroyed  by  the  water  ;  and  the  country  was  full  of  filthy  slime,  as  they  were  born,  and  as 
 they  died  ;  they  also  spoiled  their  vessels  in  their  houses  which  they  used,  and  were  found 
 among  what  they  ate,  and  what  they  drank,  and  came  in  great  numbers  upon  their  beds. 
 There  was  also  an  ungrateful  smell  and  stink  arose  from  them,  as  they  were  born,  and  as  they 
 died  therein.  Now,  when  the  Egyptians  were  under  the  oppressions  of  these  miseries,  the 
 king  ordered  Moses  to  take  the  Hebrews  with  him,  and  be  gone.  Upon  which  the  whole 
 maltitade  of  the  frogs  vanished  away,  and  both  the  land  and  the  river  returned  to  their  former 
 natures.  But  as  soon  as  Pharaoh  saw  the  land  freed  from  this  plague,  he  forgot  the  cause  of 
 it,  and  retained  the  Hebrews  ;  and,*  as  though  be  had  a  mind  to  try  the  nature  of  more  such 
 judgments,  he  would  not  yet  sufi'er  Moses  and  his  people  to  depart,  having  granted  that 
 liber(y  rather  out  of  fear,  than  out  of  any  good  consideration. 
 
 3.  Accordingly,  God  punished  his  falseness  with  another  plague,  added  to  the  former;  for 
 there  arose  out  of  the  bodies  of  the  Egyptians,  an  innumerable  quantity  of  lice,  by  which, 
 wicked  as  they  were,  they  miserably  perished,  as  not  able  to  destroy  this  sort  of  vermin, 
 either  with  washes  or  with  ointments.  At  which  terrible  judgment,  the  king  of  Egypt  was 
 in  disorder,  upon  the  fear  into  which  he  reasoned  himself,  lest  his  people  should  be  destroyed, 
 and  that  the  manner  of  this  death  was  also  reproachful,  so  that  be  was  forced  in  part  to  re- 
 cover himself  from  his  wicked  temper  to  a  sound  mind,  for  he  gave  leave  for  the  Hebrews 
 themselves  to  depart.  But  when  the  plague  thereupon  ceased,  he  thought  it  proper  to  re- 
 quire that  they  sliould  leave  their  children  and  wives  behind  them,  as  pledges  of  their  return, 
 whereby  be  provoked  God  to  be  more  vehemently  angry  at  him,  as  if  he  thought  to  impose 
 on  his  providence,  and  as  if  it  were  only  Moses,  and  not  God,  who  punished  the  Egyptians 
 for  the  sake  of  the  Hebrews  ;  for  he  filled  that  country  full  of  various  sorts  of  pestilential 
 creatuies,  with  their  various  properties,  such  indeed  as  had  never  come  into  the  sight  of  men 
 before,  by  whose  means  the  men  perished  themselves,  and  the  land  was  destitute  of  husband- 
 men for  its  cultivation  ;  but  if  any  thing  escaped  destruction  from  them,  it  was  killed  by  a 
 distemper,  which  the  men  underwent  also. 
 
 4.  But  when  Pharaoh  did  not  even  then  yield  to  the  will  of  God  ;  but  while  he  gave  leave 
 to  the  husbands  to  take  their  wives  with  them,  yet  insisted  that  the  children  should  be  left 
 behind,  God  presently  resolved  to  panish  his  wickedness  with  several  sorts  of  calamities,  and 
 those  worse  than  the  foregoing  which  yet  had  so  generally  afflicted  them  :  for  their  bodies 
 had  terrible  boils,  breaking  forth  with  blains,  while  they  were  already  inwardly  consumed  ; 
 and  a  great  part  of  the  Egyptians  perished  in  this  manner.  But  when  the  king  was  not 
 brought  to  reason  by  this  plague,  hail  was  sent  down  from  heaven  ;  and  such  hail  it  was,  as 
 the  climate  of  Egypt  had  never  suffered  before,  nor  was  it  like  to  that  which  falls  in  other 
 climates  in  winter  time,t  but  larger  than  that  which  falls  in  the  middle  of  spring  to  those  that 
 dwell  in  the  northern  and  north-western  regions.  This  hail  broke  down  their  boughs  loaden 
 with  fruit.  After  tliis  a  tribe  of  locusts  consumed  the  seed  which  was  not  hurt  by  the  hail,  so 
 that  to  the  Egyptians  all  the  hopes  of  future  fruits  of  the  ground  were  entirely  lost. 
 
 5.  One  would  think  the  forementioned  calamities  might  have  been  sufficient  for  one  that 
 was  only  foolish,  without  wickedness,  to  make  him  wise,  and  to  make  him  sensible  what  was 
 for  his  advantage.  But  Pharaoh,  led  not  so  much  by  his  folly,  as  by  bis  wickedness,  even 
 when  he  saw  the  cause  of  his  miseries,  he  still  contested  with  God,  and  wilfully  deserted  the 
 cause  of  virtue;  so  he  bid  Moses  take  the  Hebrews  away  with  their  wives  and  children,  but 
 to  leave  their  cattle  behind,  since  their  own  cattle  were  destroyed.  But  when  Moses  said, 
 that  what  he  desired  was  unjust,  since  they  were  obliged  to  offer  sacrifices  to  God  of  those 
 cattle  ;  and  the  time  being  prolonged  on  this  account,  a  thick  darkness,  without  the  least 
 light,  spread  itself  over  (he  Egyptians,  whereby  their  sight  being  obstructed,  and  their 
 breathing  hindered  by  the  thickness  of  the  air,  they  died  miserably,  and  under  a  terror  lest 
 they  should  be  swallowed  up  by  the  dark  cloud.  Besides  this,  when  the  darkness,  after  three 
 days  and  as  many  nights,  was  dissipated,  and  when  Pharaoh  did  not  still  repent,  and  let  the 
 Hebrews  go,  Moses  came  to  him  and  said  :  "  How  long  wilt  thou  be  disobedient  to  fbe  com- 
 mand of  God?  for  he  enjoins  thee  to  let  the  Hebrews  go  ;  nor  is  there  any  other  way  of  being 
 freed  from  the  calamities  you  are  under,  unless  you  do  so."  But  the  king  was  angry  at  what  ■ 
 be  said,  and  threatened  to  cut  oil"  his  head,  if  he  came  any  more  to  trouble  him  about  these 
 matters.  Hereupon  Moses  said,  he  would  not  speak  to  him  any  more  about  them,  for  that  he 
 himself,  together  with  the  principal  men  among  the  Egyptians,  should  desire  (he  Hebrews  to 
 go  away.     So  when  Moses  had  said  this,  he  went  liis  way. 
 
 6.  But  when  God  had  signified,  that  with  one  more  plague  he  would  compel  the  Egyptians 
 
 •  Of  t>his  judicial  lionlcniiHT  the  hearts,  nnd  Iiliridiiipr  the  eyes  of  wiclced  men,  or  infatuating  them,  as  a  just 
 punishment  for  their  oihcr  wilful  sins,  to  their  own  destruction,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.  ix.  ^  vi. 
 
 t  As  to  this  winter  or  spring  hail  near  Egypt  and  Judea ;  see  the  like  on  thunder  and  lightning  there,  in  the 
 note  on  Aotiii.  b.  vi.  chap.  v.  j  vi. 
 
BOOK  II.- -CHAP.  XV.  75 
 
 to  let  the  Hebrews  go,  he  corainanded  Moses  to  tell  the  people,  that  they  should  have  a  sa- 
 crifice ready,  and  tiiat  they  should  prepare  themselves  on  the  tenlii  day  of  the  luontli 
 Xanthicus,  against  the  fourteenth,  (which  month  is  called  by  the  Egyptians,  Pharniuthi,  and 
 Nisan,  by  the  Hebrews;  but  the  Macedonians  call  it  Xanthicus,)  and  that  he  shcjuid  carry 
 away  the  Hebrews  wilii  all  they  had.  Accordingly,  he  having  got  the  Hebrews  ready  for 
 tlieir  departure,  and  having  sorted  the  people  into  tribes,  he  kept  them  together  in  one  place  : 
 but  when  the  fourteenth  day  was  come,  and  all  were  ready  to  depart,  they  oli'ered  the  sacri- 
 fice, and  purified  their  houses  with  the  blood,  using  bunches  of  hyssop  for  that  purpose  ;  and 
 uhen  they  had  supped,  they  burnt  the  remainder  of  the  flesh,  as  just  ready  to  depart.  Whence 
 it  is  that  we  do  still  ofl'er  this  sacrifice  in  like  manner  to  this  day,  and  call  this  festival 
 '  Pascha,'  which  signifies  the  feast  of  the  passover,  because  on  that  day  God  passed  us  over, 
 and  sent  the  plague  upon  the  Egyptians :  for  the  destruction  of  the  first-born  came  upon  the 
 Egyptians  that  night,  so  that  many  of  the  Egyptians,  which  lived  near  the  king's  palace,  per- 
 suaded Pharaoh  to  let  the  Hebrews  go.  Accordingly  he  called  for  Bloses,  and  bid  them  be 
 gone  ;  at  supposing,  that  if  once  the  Hebrews  were  gone  out  of  the  country,  Egypt  should  be 
 freed  from  its  miseries.  They  also  honoured  the  Hebrews  with  gifts  ;*  some  in  order  to  get 
 them  to  depart  quickly,  and  others  on  account  of  their  neighbourhood,  aud  the  friendship  they 
 bad  with  them. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 How  the  Hebrctcs,  tinder  the  Conduct  of  Moses,  left  Egyj)t. 
 
 §  1.  So  the  Hebrews  went  out  of  Egypt,  while  tl'.e  Egyptians  wept,  and  repented  that  they 
 had  treated  them  so  hardly.  Now  they  took  their  journey  by  Letopolis,  a  place  at  that  time 
 deserted,  but  where  Babylon  was  built  afterwards,  when  Cambyses  laid  Egypt  waste;  but  as 
 they  weut  away  hastily,  on  the  third  day  fhey  came  to  a  place  called  Uaalzephou  on  the  Red 
 Sea;  and  when  they  had  no  food  out  of  the  laud,  because  it  was  a  desert,  they  ate  of  loaves 
 kneaded  of  flonr,  only  warmed  by  a  gentle  heat;  and  this  food  they  made  use  of  for  thirty 
 days ;  for  what  they  brought  with  them  out  of  Egypt  would  not  sufiice  them  any  longer  time  ; 
 and  this  only  while  they  dispensed  it  to  each  person,  to  use  so  much  only  as  would  serve  for 
 necessity,  but  not  for  satiety.  Whence  it  is,  that,  in  memory  of  ihe  want  we  were  then  in, 
 we  keep  a  feast  for  eight  days,  wiiich  is  called  the  feast  of  the  unleavened  bread.  Now  the 
 entire  multitude  of  those  that  went  out,  including  the  women  and  children,  was  not  easy  to  be 
 numbered,  but  those  that  were  of  an  age  fit  for  war,  were  six  hundred  thousand. 
 
 2.  They  left  Egypt  in  the  month  Xanthicus,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  lunar  month;  four 
 hundred  and  thirty  years  after  our  forefather  Abraham  came  into  Canaan,  but  two  hundred 
 and  fifteen  years  only  after  Jacob  removed  into  Egypt. t  It  was  the  eightieth  year  of  the  age 
 of  Sioses,  and  that  of  Aanm  three  more.  'I'hey  also  carried  out  the  bones  of  Joseph  with 
 them,  as  he  had  charged  his  sons  to  do. 
 
 3.  But  the  Egyptians  soon  repented  that  the  Hebrews  were  gone  ;  and  the  king  also  was 
 mightily  concerned  that  this  had  been  procured  by  the  magic  arts  of  Moses  ;  so  they  resolved 
 to  go  after  them.  Accordingly  they  look  their  weapons,  and  other  warlike  furniture,  and 
 pursued  after  them,  in  order  to  bring  them  back,  if  once  they  overtook  them,  because  they 
 would  now  have  no  pretence  to  pray  to  God  against  them,  since  they  had  already  been  per- 
 mitted to  go  out ;  and  they  thought  they  should  easily  overcome  them,  as  they  had  no  armour, 
 and  would  be  weary  with  their  journey  ;  so  they  made  haste  in  their  pursuit,  and  asked  of 
 everyone  they  met  which  way  they  were  gone?  and  indeed,  that  land  was  diflicult  to  be 
 travelled  over,  not  only  by  armies,  but  by  single  persons.  Now  Moses  led  the  Hebrews  this 
 way,  that  in  case  the  Egyptians  should  repent  and  be  desirous  to  pursue  after  them,  they 
 might  undergo  the  punishment  of  their  wickedness,  and  of  the  breach  of  those  promises  they 
 had  made  to  them.  As  also  he  led  them  this  way  on  account  of  the  Philistines,  who  had 
 quarrelled  with  them,  and  hated  them  of  old,  that  by  all  means  they  might  not  know  of  their 
 departure,  for  their  country  is  near  to  that  of  Egypt  ;  and  thenoe  it  was  that  lAIoses  led  them, 
 not  along  the  road  that  tended  to  the  land  of  the  Philistines,  but  he  was  desirous  that  they 
 should  tio  through  the  desert,  that  so  after  a  long  journey,  and  after  many  alflictions,  they 
 might  enter  upon  the  land  of  Canaan.  Another  reason  of  this  was,  that  God  had  commanded 
 him  to  bring  the  people  to  Mount  Sinai,  that  there  they  might  ofi'er  him  sacrifices.  Now  when 
 the  Egyptians  had  overtaken  the  Hebrews,   they  prepared   to  light  them,  and  by  their  multi- 
 
 *  Those  large  presents  made  to  the  Israelites  of  vessels  of  silver,  and  vessels  of  gold,  and  raiment,  were,  as 
 Josephus  truly  calls  them,  gifts  really  given  them,  not  lent  them,  as  our  f^nglish  falsciv  renders  them.  They 
 were  spoils  required,  not  borrowed  of  them,  (ien.  xv.  14.  Exod.  iii.  H'^.  xi.  2.  Ps.  cv.  37.  as  the  s.ime  version 
 falsely  renders  the  Ilehrew  word  here  used,  Exod.  xii.  35,  3tj.  God  had  ordered  the  Jews  to  denuiiid  lliese 
 as  their  pay  and  reward,  during  their  long  and  hitter  slavery  in  l''.gypt,  as  atonements  for  the  lives  of  the 
 .'-gjplians,  and  as  the  condition  of  the  Jews'  departure,  and  of  the  t.gyptiaus'  deliverance  from  these  ti-rnhle 
 judgments,  which,  had  they  not  now  ceased,  they  had  soon  been  all  dead  men,  as  they  themselves  confess, 
 chap.  xii.  33.  Sor  was  there  any  sense  in  borrowing  or  lending,  when  the  Isjaelites  were  finally  departing 
 out  of  the  land  for  ever. 
 
 ,  t  ^^hy  our  Blasorcte  ropy  so  groundlcssly  abridges  this  account  in  Exod.  xii  40.  as  lo  oserihe  130  vears  to 
 the  sole  peregrination  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt,  when  it  is  char,  even  by  that  Masonir  ehionolowv  else 
 where,  as  well  as  from  the  express  text  itself,  in  the  Samanlan,  SeiHuaginl,  and  Joseiilius,  th;it  llnv  bojdnrned 
 m  Kgypt  but  half  the  time,-~aiul  that  by  cons.ipieiiee,  the  other  half  of  their  peregrinali.ins  was  m  the  lauj 
 
 ot  tanaau,  beiorc  they  came  nito  Egypl.-is  hard  to  bay.    See  Essay  on  the  Old  Xcslauieut,  p.  Oi,  63. 
 
7G  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tude  thej  tlrove  them  into  a  narrow  place,  for  the  number  that  pursued  after  them  was  six 
 hundred  cha-riots,  with  fifty  thousand  horsemen,  and  two  hundred  thousand  footmen,  all  armed. 
 They  also  seized  on  the  passages  by  which  they  imagined  the  Hebrews  might  fly,  shutting 
 them  up*  between  inaccessible  precipices  and  the  sea  ;  for  there  was  [on  each  side]  a  [ridge 
 ofj  mountains  that  terminated  at  the  sea,  which  were  impassable  by  reason  of  their  roughness, 
 and  obstructed  their  flight;  wherefore  they  there  pressed  upon  the  Hebrews  with  their  army, 
 where  the  [ridges  of]  the  mountains  were  closed  with  the  sea,  which  army  they  placed  at  the 
 chops  of  the  mountains,  that  so  they  might  deprive  them  of  any  passage  into  the  plain. 
 
 4.  When  the  Hebrews,  therefore,  were  neither  able  to  bear  up,  being  thus,  as  it  were, 
 tesieged,  because  they  wanted  provisions,  nor  saw  any  possible  way  of  escaping;  and  if  they 
 should  have  thought  of  fighting,  they  had  no  weapons,  they  expected  an  universal  destruction, 
 unless  they  delivered  themselves  up  voluntarily  to  the  Egyptians.  So  they  laid  the  blame  on 
 Moses,  and  forgot  all  the  signs  that  had  been  wronght  by  God  for  the  recovery  of  their 
 freedom ;  and  this  so  far,  that  their  incredulity  prompted  them  to  throw  stones  at  the  prophet, 
 while  he  encouraged  them,  and  promised  them  deliverance;  and  they  resolved  that  tliey  would 
 deliver  themselves  up  to  the  Egyptians.  So  there  was  sorrow  and  lamentation  among  the 
 •women  and  children,  who  bad  nothing  but  destruction  before  their  eyes,  while  they  were 
 encompassed  with  mountains,  the  sea,  and  their  enemies,  and  discerned  no  way  of  flying  from 
 them. 
 
 5.  But  Moses,  though  the  multitude  looked  fiercely  at  him,  did  not,  however,  give  over  the 
 care  of  them,  but  despised  all  dangers,  out  of  his  trust  in  God,  who,  as  he  had  afforded  then 
 the  several  steps  already  taken  for  the  recovery  of  their  liberty,  which  he  had  foretold  them, 
 would  not  now  suffer  them  to  be  subdued  by  their  enemies,  to  be  either  made  slaves,  or  be 
 slain  by  them.  And  standing  in  the  midst  of  them,  he  said,  "  It  is  not  just  for  us  to  distrust 
 even  men,  when  they  have  hitherto  well  managed  our  affairs,  as  if  they  would  not  be  the  same 
 men  hereafter :  but  it  is  no  better  than  madness  at  this  time  to  despair  of  the  providence  of 
 God,  by  whose  power  ail  those  things  have  been  performed  which  he  promised,  when  you 
 expected  no  such  things  :  I  mean,  all  that  I  have  been  concerned  in  for  your  deliverance,  and 
 escape  from  slaverj'.  Nay,  when  we  are  in  tiie  utmost  distress,  as  you  see  we  are,  we 
 uught  the  rather  to  hope  that  God  will  succour  us,  by  whose  operation  it  is  that  we  are  now 
 encompassed  within  this  nnrrow  place,  that  he  may  deliver  us  out  of  such  difliculties  as  are 
 otherwise  insurmountable,  and  out  of  which  neither  yon  nor  }Our  enemies  expect  you  can  be 
 delivered,  and  may  at  once  demonstrate  his  own  power,  and  his  providence  over  us.  Nor 
 does  God  use  to  give  his  help  in  small  difliculties  to  those  whom  he  favours,  but  in  such  cases 
 where  no  one  can  see  how  any  hope  in  man  can  better  their  condition.  Depend  therefore 
 upon  such  a  protector  as  is  able  to  make  small  things  great,  and  to  shew  tliat  this  mighty 
 force  against  you  is  nothing  but  weakness,  and  be  not  aflrighted  at  the  Egyptian  army ;  nor  do 
 yon  despair  of  being  preserved  because  the  sea  before,  and  the  mountains  beliind,  afford  you 
 no  opportunity  for  flying,  for  even  these  mountains,  if  God  so  please,  may  be  made  plain 
 ground  for  you,  and  th€  sea  become  dry  land." 
 
 CHAP.  XVI. 
 
 How  the  Sea  tvns  divided  asunder  for  the  Hebrews,  when  they  were  pursued  by  the  Egyptians, 
 and  so  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  escaping  from  them. 
 
 §  1.  When  Moses  had  said  this,  he  led  them  to  the  sea,  while  the  Egyptians  looked  on,  for 
 they  were  within  sight.  Now  these  were  so  distressed  by  the  toil  of  the  pursuit,  that  they 
 thought  proper  to  put  off  fighting  till  the  next  day.  But  when  Moses  was  come  to  the  sea- 
 shore, he  took  his  rod,  and  made  supplication  to  God,  and  called  upon  him  to  be  their  helper 
 and  assistant;  and  said,  "Thou  art  not  ignorant,  O  Lord,  that  it  is  beyond  bnman  strength  and 
 linman  contrivance  to  avoid  the  difficulties  we  are  now  under,  but  it  must  be  thy  work 
 altogether  to  procure  deliverance  to  this  army,  which  has  left  Egypt  at  thy  appointment.  We 
 despair  of  any  other  assistance  or  contrivance,  and  have  recourse  only  to  that  hope  we  have 
 in  thee  ;  and  if  there  be  any  method  that  can  promise  us  an  escape  by  thy  providence,  we  look 
 up  to  thee  for  it.  And  let  it  come  quickly,  and  manifest  thy  power  to  us:  and  do  thou  raise 
 up  this  people  unto  good  courage  and  hope  of  deliverance,  who  are  deeply  sunk  into  a  discon- 
 
 •  Take  the  main  part  of  Heland's  excellent  note  here,  which  greatly  illustrates  Josephus.  and  the  scripture, 
 in  this  history,  as  follows:  "  A  traveller,"  says  Keland,  "  whose  name  was  Eneman,  M-hen  he  returned  out  of 
 Egypt,  told  me  that  he  went  the  same  way  from  I'tTPt  to  mount  Sinai,  which  he  supposed  the  Israelites  of 
 old  travelled  ;  and  that  he  found  several  mountainous  tracts,  that  ran  down  towards  the  Ked  Sea.  He  thought 
 the  Israelites  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the  desert  of  Ethara,  Exod.  xiii.  20.  when  they  were  commanded  by 
 God  to  return  back,  Exod.  xiv.  2.  and  to  pitch  their  camp  between  Migdol  and  the  sea ;  and  that  when  they 
 were  not  able  to  fly  unless  by  sea,  they  were  shut  in  ou  each  side  by  mountains.  He  also  thought  we  might 
 evidently  learn  hence,  how  it  might  be  said  that  the  Israelites  were  in  Etham  before  they  went  over  the  sea, 
 and  yet  might  be  said  to  have  come  into  Etham  after  they  had  passed  over  the  sea  also.  Besides,  he  gave  an 
 account  how  he  passed  over  a  river  iu  a  boat  near  the  city  Sues,  which  he  says  must  needs  be  the  Heroopolis 
 of  the  ancients,  since  that  city  could  not  be  situate  any  where  else  iu  that  neighbourhood." 
 
 As  to  the  famoius  passage  produced  here  bv  Dr.  Bernard,  out  of  Herodotus,  as  the  most  ancient  Heathen 
 testimony  of  tlie  Israelites'  coming  from  the  Ked  Sea  into  Palestine.  Bishop  Cumberland  has  shewed  that  it 
 belongs  to  the  Old  C'anaanite  or  Phenician  shepherds,  and  their  retiring  out  of  Egypt  into  Canaan  or  Phenicia, 
 long  before  the  days  of  Wcseg.    Sauchoniatho,  3Y4,  &c 
 
BOOK   II. — CHAP.   XVI.  77 
 
 Bolate  state  of  mind.  We  are  in  a  helpless  place,  but  still  it  is  a  place  that  thou  possessest : 
 but  still  the  sea  is  thine,  the  mountnins  tliat  enclose  us  are  ihiue  :  so  that  these  mountains  will 
 open  themselves  if  thou  commandest  them,  and  the  sea  also,  if  thou  coiuniandest  it,  will 
 beco;ae  dry  land.  Nay,  we  might  escape  by  a  flight  through  the  air,  if  thou  shouldest  deter- 
 mine we  should  have  that  way  of  salvation." 
 
 2.  When  Moses  had  thus  addressed  himself  to  God,  he  smote  the  sea  with  bis  rod,  which 
 parted  asunder  at  the  stroke,  and  receiving  those  waters  into  itself,  left  the  ground  dry,  as  a 
 road,  and  a  place  of  flight  for  the  Hebrews.  Now  when  Moses  saw  this  appearance  of  God, 
 and  that  the  sea  went  out  of  its  own  place,  and  left  dry  land,  he  went  first  of  all  into 
 it,  and  bid  the  Hebrews  to  follow  him  along  that  divine  road,  and  to  rejoice  at  the  danger 
 their  enemies  that  followed  them  were  in;  and  gave  thanks  to  God  for  this  so  surprising  a 
 deliverance  which  appeared  from  him. 
 
 3.  Now  while  these  Hebrews  made  no  stay,  but  went  on  earnestly,  as  led  by  God's  presence 
 with  them,  the  Egyptians  supposed,  at  first,  that  they  were  distracted,  and  were  going  rashly 
 upon  manifest  destruction.  But  when  they  saw  that  they  were  gone  a  great  way  without  any 
 barm,  and  that  no  obstacle  or  difliculty  fell  in  their  journey,  they  made  haste  to  pursue  them. 
 Loping  that  the  sea  would  be  calm  for  them  also.  They  put  their  horse  foremost,  and  went 
 down  themselves  into  the  sea.  Now  the  Hebrews,  while  these  were  putting  on  their  armour, 
 and  therein  spending  their  time,  were  beforehand  with  them,  and  escaped  them,  and  got  first 
 over  to  the  land  on  the  other  side,  without  any  hart.  Whence  the  others  were  encouraged,  and 
 more  courageously  pursued  them,  as  hoping  no  harm  would  come  to  them  neither  :  but  the  Egj'p- 
 tians  were  not  aware  that  they  went  into  a  road  made  for  the  Hebrews,  and  not  for  others  ; 
 that  this  road  was  made  for  the  deliverance  of  those  in  danger,  but  not  for  those  that  were 
 earnest  to  make  use  of  it  for  the  others'  destruction.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  ever  the  whole 
 Egyptian  army  was  within  it,  the  sea  flowed  to  its  own  place,  and  came  down  with  a  torrent 
 raised  by  storms  of  wind,*  and  encompassed  the  Egyptians.  Showers  of  rain  also  came  down 
 from  the  sky,  and  dreadful  thunders  and  lightning,  with  flashes  of  fire.  Thunderbolts  also 
 were  darted  upon  them.  Nor  was  there  any  thing  which  uses  to  be  sent  by  God  upon  men, 
 as  indications  of  hie  wrath,  which  did  not  happen  at  this  time,  for  a  dark  and  dismal  night 
 oppressed  them.  And  thus  did  all  these  men  perish,  so  that  there  was  not  one  man  left  to 
 be  a  messenger  of  this  calamity  to  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians. 
 
 4.  But  the  Hebrews  were  not  able  to  contain  themselves  for  joy  at  their  wonderful  delive- 
 rance, and  destruction  of  their  enemies  ;  now  indeed  supposing  themselves  firmly  delivered, 
 when  those  that  would  have  forced  thera  into  slavery  were  destroyed,  and  when  they  found 
 they  had  God  so  evidenfly  for  their  protector.  And  now  these  Hebrews  having  escaped  the 
 danger  they  were  in,  after  this  manner;  and  besides  that,  seeing  their  enemies  punished  in 
 such  a  way  as  is  never  recorded  of  any  other  men  whomsoever,  were  all  the  night  employed 
 in  singing  of  hymns,  and  in  mirtii.t  I\!oses  also  composed  a  song  unto  God,  coiitainiug  his 
 praises,  and  a  thanksgiving  for  his  kindness,  in  hexameter^  verse. 
 
 5.  As  for  myself,  I  have  delivered  every  part  of  this  history  as  1  found  it  in  the  sacred 
 books :  nor  let  any  one§  wonder  at  the  strangeness  of  the  narration,  if  a  way  were  discovered 
 
 *  Of  these  storms  of  -n-ind,  thunder,  and  lightning,  at  thia  dro-n-Tiing  of  Pharaoh's  army,  almost  wanting  in 
 our  copies  of  I'xodiis,  but  fully  extant  in  that  of  narid,  Psal.  Ixxvii.  16, 17,  IB.  and  in  that  of  Josephus  here, 
 see  Essay  on  the  Old  Testament,  append,  p.  154,  155. 
 
 t  What  some  have  here  objected  against  this  passage  of  the  Israelites  over  the  Eed  Sea,  in  this  one  night, 
 from  the  common  maps,  viz.  that  this  sea  being  here  about  thirty  miles  broad,  so  great  an  army  could  not 
 pass  over  it  in  so  short  a  time,  is  a  great  mistaie.  Mons.  '1  hevenot,  an  authentic  eye-witness,  informs  us, 
 that  this  sea,  for  about  five  days'  journey,  is  no  where  more  than  about  eight  or  nine  miles  over-across,  and 
 in  one  place  but  four  or  live  miles,  according  to  De  Lisle's  map,  which  is  made  from  the  best  travellers  them- 
 selves, and  not  copied  from  others. — What  has  been  farther  objected  against  this  passage  of  the  Israelites, 
 and  drowning  of  the  Egyptians,  being  miraculous  also,  viz.  That  Woses  might  carry  the  Israelites  over  at  a 
 low  tide,  without  any  miracle,  while  yet  the  Egyptians,  not  knowing  the  tide  so  well  as  he,  might  be  drowned 
 upon  the  return  of  the  tide,  is  a  strange  story  indeed :  as  if  Moses,  who  never  had  lived  here,  could  know  tlie 
 quantity  and  time  of  the  flux  and  reflux  of  the  Red  Sea,  better  than  the  Egyptians  themselves  iu  its  neigh- 
 bourhood 1  Yet  does  Artapanus,  an  ancient  heathen  historian,  inform  us,  that  this  was  what  the  more  ignorant 
 IM  emophites,  who  lived  at  a  great  distance,  pretended  ;  though  he  confesses,  that  the  more  learned  Heliopolitaus , 
 who  lived  much  nearer,  owned  the  destruction  of  the  Egyptians,  and  the  deliverance  of  the  Israelites,  to  have 
 been  miraculous.  And  De  Castro,  a  mathematician,  who  surveyed  this  sea  with  great  exactness,  informs  us, 
 that  there  is  no  great  flux  or  reliux  in  this  part  of  the  Red  Sea,  to  give  a  colour  to  this  hj^pothesis  ;  nay,  that 
 at  the  elevation  of  the  tide  there  is  little  above  half  the  height  of  a  man.  See  Essay  on  the  Old  Testament, 
 append,  p.  2.i9,  CJO.  So  vain  and  groundless  are  these  and  the  like  evasions  and  subterfuges  of  our  modern 
 sceptics  and  unbelievers ;  and  so  certainly  do  thorough  inquiries,  and  authentic  evidence,  disprove  and  con- 
 fute such  evasions  and  subterfuges  upon  all  occasions. 
 
 t  What  that  hexameter  verse,  iu  which  IMoses'  triumphant  song  is  here  said  to  be  written,  distinctly 
 means,  our  present  ignorance  of  the  old  Hebrew  metre  or  measure  will  not  let  us  determine.  Nor  does  it 
 appear  to  me  certain,  that  even  Josephus  himself  had  a  distinct  notion  of  it,  though  he  speaks  of  several  sorts 
 of  that  metre  or  measure,  both  here  and  elsewhere,  Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  viii.  j  xliv.  and  b.  vii.  chap.  xii.  ^  iii. 
 
 i  Take  here  the  original  passages  of  the  four  old  authors  that  still  remain,  as  to  this  transit  of  Alexander 
 the  Great  over  the  Pamphylian  Sea;  I  mean  of  Callisthenes,  Strabo,  Arian,  and  Appian.— As  to  Callisthenes, 
 who  himself  accompanied  Alexander  in  this  expedition,  Eustathius,  in  his  notes  upon  the  third  Iliad  of 
 Homer,  (as  Dr.  Bernard  here  informs  us,)  says.  That  "  this  Callisthenes  wrote,  bow  the  Pamphylian  sea  did 
 not  only  open  a  passage  for  Alexander,  but,  rising  and  elevating  its  waters,  did  pay  him  homage  as  its  king." 
 — Strabo's  account  is  this,  Greg.  b.  xiv.  p.  6G6.  "  Now  about  Phaselis  is  that  narrow  passage,  by  the  sea 
 side,  through  which  Alexander  led  liis  army.  There  is  a  mountain  called  Climax,  which  adjoins  to  the  sea 
 of  Pamphylia,  leaving  a  narrow  passage  on  the  shore,  which  in  calm  weather  is  bare,  so  as  to  be  passable  by 
 travellers,  but  when  the  sea  overflows,  it  is  covered  to  a  great  degree  hy  waves.  Now  then,  the  ascent  by 
 the  mountains  bein^  round  about,  and  steep,  in  still  weather  thev  make  use  of  the  road  along  the  coast.  I'ait 
 Alexander  fell  into  the  winter  season,  and  committing  himself  chiefly  to  fortune,  he  marched  on  before  the 
 waves  rtitirtd,  and  so  it  happened  that  they  were  a  whole  day  in  'ourneyiug  over  it,  and  were  under  water  up 
 
78  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  those  men  of  old  lime,  vho  were  free  from  tbe  wickedness  of  the  moderji  ag<?s,  wlicther  it 
 liiippencd  by  the  will  of  God,  or  whether  it  Ijappened  of  its  own  accord  ;  while  for  the  sake 
 of  those  that  accompanied  Alexande-r,  king  of  Macedonia,  who  yet  lived  comparatively  but  a 
 little  while  ago,  the  Famphylian  sea  retired  and  afforded  them  a  passage  through  itself,  when 
 tliey  had  no  other  way  to  go  ;  I  mean,  when  it  was  tbe  will  of  God  to  destroy  the  monarchy 
 of  the  Persians  :  and  tliis  is  confessed  to  be  true  by  all  that  have  written  about  the  actions  of 
 Alexander.    But  as  to  these  events,  let  every  one  determine  as  be  pleases. 
 
 6.  On  the  nex.t  day  Moses  gathered  together  the  weapons  of  the  Egyptians,  which  were 
 brought  to  the  camp  of  the  Hebrews,  by  the  current  of  the  sea,  and  the  force  of  the  wind 
 resisting  it;  and  he  conjectured  that  this  also  happened  by  Divine  providence,  that  so  they 
 Juig-ht  not  be  destitute  of  weapons.  So  when  he  bad  ordered  the  Hebrews  to  arm  them- 
 selves with  them,  he  led  them  to  mount  Sinai,  in  order  to  ofl'er  sacrifice  to  God,  and  to  render 
 oblation  for  the  salvation  of  the  multitude,  as  he  was  charged  beforehand. 
 
 BOOK  III. 
 
 ■  CONTAINING  THE  INTERVALOFTWO  YEARS.— FROM  THE  EXODUS  OUT  OF  EGYPT,  TO 
 THE  REJECTION  OF  THAT  GENERATION. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Moses,  tvhen  he  had  brought  the  People  out  of  Egypt,  led  them  to  mount  Sinai,  but  not  till 
 they  had  suffered  much  in  their  Journey. 
 
 §  1.  When  the  Hebrews  had  obtained  sncb  a  wonderful  deliverance,  the  country  was  a  great 
 trouble  to  thera,  for  it  was  entirely  a  desert,  and  without  all  sustenance  for  them  ;  and  also  had 
 exceeding  little  water,  so  that  it  not  only  was  not  at  all  sullicient  for  the  men,  but  not  enoogli 
 to  feed  any  of  the  cattle,  for  it  was  parched  up,  and  had  no  moisture  that  might  afford  nutri- 
 ment to  the  vegetables  ;  so  they  were  forced  to  travel  over  this  country,  as  having  no  other 
 country  bnt  this  to  travel  in.  They  had  indeed  carried  water  along  with  them  from  the  land 
 over  which  they  had  travelled  before,  as  their  conductor  had  bidden  them  :  but  when  that  was 
 spent,  thej'  were  obliged  to  draw  water  out  of  wells,  with  pain,  by  reason  of  the  hardness  of 
 tbe  soil.  Moreover,  what  water  they  found  was  bitter,  and  not  fit  for  drinking,  and  this  in 
 small  quantities  also.  And  as  they  thus  travelled,  they  came  late  in  the  evening  to  a  place 
 called  '  Marah,'*  which  had  this  name  from  the  badness  of  its  water,  for  Mar  denotes  bitter- 
 ness. Thither  tliey  came  afflicted,  botii  by  the  tediousuess  of  their  journey,  and  by  their  want 
 of  food,  for  it  entirely  failed  them  at  that  time.  Now  here  was  a  well,  which  made  them 
 choose  to  stay  in  the  place,  which  although  it  were  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  so  great  an  army, 
 did  yet  afford  them  some  comfort,  as  found  in  such  desert  places  ;  for  they  heard  from  those 
 who  had  been  to  search,  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  found,  if  they  travelled  farther.  Yet  was 
 this  water  bitter,  and  not  fit  for  men  to  drink  ;  and  not  only  so,  but  it  was  intolerable  even  to 
 the  cattle  themselves. 
 
 2.  When  Moses  saw  how  much  the  people  were  cast  down,  and  that  the  occasion  of  it 
 could  not  be  contradicted,  for  the  people  were  not  in  the  nature  of  a  complete  army  of  men, 
 who  might  oppose  a  manly  fortitude  to  the  necessity  that  distressed  them.  The  multitude  of 
 the  children,  and  of  the  women  also,  being  of  too  weak  capacities  to  be  persuaded  by  reason, 
 blunted  the  courage   of  the  men  themselves.     Moses  therefore  was  in  great  difficulties,  and 
 
 to  the  iiaTel."— Arrian's  account  is  this,  b.  i.  p.  72,  73.  "  When  Alexander  removed  from  Phaselis,  he  se'.t 
 some  part  of  his  army  over  the  mountains  to  Perga  ;  which  road  the  Thracians  shewed  him.  A  difficult 
 way  it  was,  but  short.  However,  he  himself  conducted  those  that  were  with  him  by  the  sea  shore.  This 
 road  is  impassable  at  any  other  time  than  when  the  north  wind  blows ;  but  if  the  south  wind  prevail,  there  is 
 no  passing'  by  the  shore.  Wow  at  this  time,  after  strong  south  winds,  a  north  wind  blew  ;  and  that  not  with- 
 out the  Divine  providence,  (as  both  he  and  they  that  were  with  him  supposed.)  and  alforded  him  an  easy  and 
 quick  passage."  Appian,  when  he  compares  Caesar  and  -Alexander  together,  (De  Bel.  Civil,  b.  ii.  p.  522.)  says, 
 "  'that  they  both  depended  ou  their  boldness  and  fortune,  as  much  as  on  their  skill  in  war.  As  an  instance 
 of  which,  Alexander  journeyed  over  a  country  without  water  in  the  heat  of  summer,  to  the  oracle  of 
 f.lupiter"]  ilnmmon,  and  quickly  passed  over  the  bay  of  Pamphylia,  when,  by  Divine  Providence,  the  sea 
 was  cut  ofl';  thus  Providence  restraining  the  sea  on  liis  account,  as  it  had  sent  rain  when  he  travelled  [over 
 the  desert.]" 
 
 N.  B.  Since,  in  the  days  of  .Tosephus,  as  he  assures  us,  all  the  more  numerous  original  historians  of 
 Alexander  gave  the  account  he  has  here  set  down,  as  to  the  providential  going  back  of  the  waters  of  the 
 Pamphylian  sea,  when  he  was  going  with  his  array  to  destroy  the  Persian  monarchy,  which  the  fore-named 
 authors  now  remaining  fully  contirm,  it  is  without  all  just  foundation,  that  Josephus  is  here  blamed,  by  some 
 late  writers,  for  quoting  these  ancient  authors  upon  the  present  occasion.  N  or  can  the  rellections  of  Plutarch, 
 or  any  other  author  later  than  .losephus,  be  in  the  least  here  alleged  to  contradict  him.  .losephus  went  by 
 all  the  evidence  he  then  had,  and  that  evidence  of  the  most  authentic  sort  also.  So  that  whatever  the 
 moderns  may  think  of  the  thing  itself,  there  is  hence,  not  the  least  colour  for  finding  fault  with  Josephus ;  he 
 would  rather  have  been  much  to  blame  had  he  omitted  these  quotations. 
 
 *  Dr.  I'>ernard  takes  nolii-.e  here,  that  this  place  Mar,  where  the  waters  were  bitter,  is  called  by  the  Syrians 
 and  Arabians  Marari,  and  by  the  Syrians  sometimes  Morath,  all  derived  from  the  Hebrew  Mar:  he  also 
 tak«  i  notice,  that  it  is  called  the  bitter  fountain  by  Pliny  him.self.  Which  waters  remain  there  to  this  day, 
 and  are  still  bitter,  as  1  heveuot  assures  us ;  and  that  there  are  also  abundance  of  palm-trees,  see  his  Travels, 
 part  i.  chap.  xxvi.  p.  160,    . 
 
BOOK    III. — CHAP.    I.  79 
 
 made  everybody's  calamity  to  lie  liis  own:  for  tbey  ran  all  of  tlicm  to  him,  and  beg^eti  of 
 him  ;  the  women  huoged  for  their  infants,  and  the  met!  for  the  women,  that  he  would  not  over- 
 look them,  but  would  procure  some  way  or  other  for  their  deliverance.  He  therefore  betook 
 himself  to  prayer  to  God,  that  he  would  change  the  water  from  its  present  badness,  and  make 
 it  (it  for  drinking.  And  when  God  had  granted  him  that  favour,  he  took  the  top  of  a  stick 
 that  lay  down  at  his  feet,  and  divided  it  in  the  middle,  and  made  the  section  lengthways.  He 
 then  let  it  down  info  the  well,  and  persuaded  the  Hebrews  that  God  had  hearkened  to  his 
 prayers,  and  had  promised  to  render  the  water  such  as  they  desired  it  to  be,  incase  they  would 
 be  subservient  to  him  in  what  he  should  enjoin  tiiem  to  do  ;  and  this  not  after  a  remiss  or 
 negligent  manner.  And  when  they  asked,  what  they  were  to  do  in  order  to  have  the  water 
 changed  for  the  better?  he  bid  the  strongest  men  among  them  that  stood  there,  to  drav/  up 
 water  ;*  and  told  them  that  when  the  greatest  part  was  drawn  up,  the  remainder  would  be  fit 
 to  drink  :  so  they  laboured  at  it  till  the  water  was  so  agitated  and  purged  as  to  he  fit  to 
 drink. 
 
 3.  And  now,  removing  from  thence,  they  came  to  Elim  ;  which  place  looked  well  at  a  dis- 
 tance, for  there  was  a  grove  of  palm-trees  ;  but  when  they  came  near  it,  it  appeared  to  be  a 
 bad  place,  for  the  palm-trees  were  no  more  than  seventy  ;  and  they  were  ill  grown  and 
 creeping  trees,  by  the  want  of  water,  for  the  country  about  was  all  parched,  and  no  moisture 
 snflicient  to  water  them,  and  make  (hem  hopeful  and  useful,  was  derived  to  them  from  the 
 fountains,  which  were  in  number  twelve  ;  they  were  rather  a  few  moist  places  than  springs, 
 wiiich  not  breaking  out  of  the  ground,  nor  running  over,  could  not  sulliciently  water  the  trees. 
 And  when  they  dug  into  the  sand,  they  met  with  no  water  ;  and  if  they  took  a  few  drops  of  it 
 into  their  hands,  they  found  it  to  be  useless,  on  account  of  its  mud.  The  trees  also  were  too 
 weak  to  bear  fruit,  for  want  of  being  sufficiently  cherished  and  enlivened  by  the  water.  So 
 they  laid  the  blame  on  their  conductor,  and  made  heavy  complaints  against  him  ;  and  said,  that 
 this  their  miserable  state,  and  the  experience  they  had  of  adversity,  were  owing  to  him  :  for 
 that  they  had  then  journeyed  an  entire  thirty  days,  and  had  spent  all  the  provisions  they  had 
 brought  with  them,  and,  meeting  with  no  relief,  they  were  in  a  very  desponding  condition. — 
 And  by  fixing  their  attention  upon  nothing  but  their  present  misfortunes,  they  were  hindered 
 from  remembering  what  deliverances  they  had  received  from  God,  and  those  by  the  virtue  and 
 wisdom  of  Moses  also  ;  so  they  were  very  angry  at  their  conductor,  and  were  zealous  in  their 
 attempt  to  stone  him,  as  the  direct  occasion  of  their  present  miseries. 
 
 4.  But  as  for  Moses  himself;  while  the  multitude  were  irritated  and  bitterly  set  against  him, 
 he  cheerfully  relied  upon  God,  and  upon  the  consciousness  of  the  care  he  had  taken  of  these 
 Lis  own  people  :  and  he  came  Into  the  midst  of  them,  ecen  while  they  clamoured  against  him, 
 and  had  stones  in  their  hands  in  order  to  despatcli  him.  Now  he  was  of  an  agreeable  pre- 
 sence, and  very  able  to  persuade  the  people  by  his  speeches  ;  accordingly,  he  began  to  mitigate 
 their  anger,  and  exhorted  them  not  to  be  overmindful  of  their  present  adversities,  lest  they 
 should  thereby  suH'er  the  benefits  that  had  formerly  been  bestowed  on  them  to  slip  out  of  their 
 memories  ;  and  he  desired  tiieni  by  no  means,  on  account  of  their  present  uneasiness,  to  cast 
 those  great  aiid  wonderful  favours  and  gifts,  which  they  had  obtained  of  God,  out  of  their 
 minds,  but  to  expect  deliverance  out  of  those  their  present  troubles,  which  they  could  not  free 
 themselves  from,  and  this  by  the  means  of  that  divine  Providence  which  watched  over  them  ; 
 seeing  it  is  probable,  that  God  tries  their  virtue,  and  exercises  their  patience  by  these  adver- 
 sities, that  it  may  appear  what  fortitude  they  have,  and  what  memory  they  retain  of  his  former 
 wonderful  works  in  their  favour,  and  whether  they  will  not  think  of  them  upon  occasion  of  the 
 miseries  they  now  feel.  He  tnid  them,  it  appeared  they  were  not  really  good  men,  eitlier  iii 
 palii'nce,  or  in  remembering  what  had  been  successfully  done  for  them,  sometimes  by  contemn- 
 ing Gud  and  his  commands,  when  by  those  commands  they  left  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  some- 
 tiuiRS  by  behaving  themselves  ill  towards  him  who  was  the  servant  of  God,  and  this  when  he  had 
 never  deceived  them,  either  in  what  he  said,  or  had  ordered  them  to  do  by  God's  commands. 
 He  also  put  them  in  mind  of  all  that  had  passed  :  how  the  Egyptians  were  destroyed  when 
 they  attempted  to  detain  them,  contrary  to  the  command  of  God;  and  after  what  manner  the 
 very  same  river  was  to  the  others  bloody,  and  not  fit  for  drinking,  but  was  to  them  sweet,  and 
 fit  for  drinking  ;  and  how  they  went  a  new  road  through  the  sea,  which  (led  a  long  way  from 
 them,  Dv  which    cry  means  tbey  were  themselves  preserved,  but  saw  their  enemies  destroyed  ; 
 
 •  The  additions  here  to  Moses'  account  of  the  sweetening  of  tho  water  at  Marah,  seem  derived  from  some 
 anrieiii  profane  author,  and  he  such  an  author  also  as  looks  less  authentic  than  are  usually  followed  by  Jose- 
 
 ?hus.  Philo  has  not  a  syllable  of  these  additions,  nor  any  other  more  ancient  writer  that  we  know  of.  Had 
 _  osephus  written  these  his  Antiqviities  for  the  use  of  Jews,  he  would  hardly  have  g^iven  them  thi*e  very 
 improliaDle  circumstances;  but  writing  to  Gentiles,  that  thcv  might  not  complain  of  his  omission  of  any 
 accounts  of  such  miracKs  derived  from  (lentiles,  he  did  not  think  proper  to  conceal  what  he  had  met  with 
 there  about  this  matter  .  wnich  procedure  is  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  character  and  usage  of  Josephus  u])on 
 many  occasions.  This  note  is,  1  conCess.  barely  conjectural:  and  since  .Tosephus  never  tells  us  when  his  own 
 copy,  taken  out  of  the  .eiiijile,  had  such  additions,  or  when  any  ancient  notes  supplied  them ;  or  indeed  when 
 they  are  derived  from  Itwish,  and  when  from  Gentile  antiquity,  we  can  go  no  farther  than  bare  conjectures 
 in  such  cases  ;  only  the  notions  of  .lews  were  generally  so  differeiit  from  those  of  Gentiles,  that  we  may  some- 
 ''■"9*', '"^o  no  improbable  conjectures  to  which  sort  such  additions  belone.  See  also  somewhat  like  theso 
 additions  m  Josephus'  account  of  F.lisba's  making  sweet  the  bitter  and  barren  spriut'  "<-ar  Jericho.  Of  Iho 
 war,  b.  IT.  chap.  viii.  ^  lii. 
 
80  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 and  that  wlicn  tliey  were  iu  want  of  weapons,  God  gave  tbeiu  plenty  of  theiu  ;  and  so  he 
 recounted  all  tlie  particular  instances,  how  when  tliey  were,  in  appearance,  just  going  to  be 
 destroyed,  God  had  saved  them  in  a  surprising  manner :  that  be  bad  still  tlie  same  power  ; 
 and  that  they  ought  not  even  uOW  to  despair  of  his  providence  over  them  :  and  accortUngly  he 
 exhorted  thera  to  continue  quiet,  and  to  consider  that  help  would  not  come  ton  late,  though  it 
 come  not  immediately,  if  it  be  present  with  them  before  they  sufTer  any  great  misfortune  ;  that 
 they  ought  to  reason  thus,  that  God  dela3's  to  assist  them,  not  because  be  has  no  regard  to 
 them,  but  because  he  will  first  try  their  fortitude,  and  the  pleasure  they  take  in  their  freedom, 
 that  he  may  learn  whether  you  have  souls  great  enough  to  bear  want  of  food,  and  scarcity  of 
 waters  on  its  account;  or  whether  yoa  love  to  be  slaves,  as  cattle  are  slaves  to  such  as  own 
 them,  and  feed  them  liberally,  but  only  in  order  to  make  them  more  useful  in  their  service.— 
 That  as  for  himself,  he  sliall  not  be  so  much  concerned  for  his  own  preservation,  for  if  be  die 
 unjustly,  be  shall  not  reckon  it  any  affliction,  but  that  he  is  concerned  for  tbem,  lest,  by  cast- 
 ing stones  at  him,  they  should  be  thought  to  condemn  God  himself. 
 
 5.  By  this  means  Moses  pacified  the  people,  and  restrained  them  from  stoning  him,  and 
 brought  them  to  repent  of  what  they  were  going  to  do.  And  because  he  thought  the  necessity 
 they  were  under  made  their  passion  less  unjustiliable,  he  thought  lie  ought  to  apply  himself  to 
 God  by  prayer  and  supplication  ;  and  going  up  to  an  eminence,  he  requested  of  God  some 
 succour  for  the  people,  and  some  way  of  deliverance  from  the  want  they  wern  in,  because  in 
 hira,  and  in  him  alone,  was  their  hope  of  salvation  :  and  he  desired  that  he  would  forgive  what 
 necessity  had  forced  the  people  to  do,  since  such  was  the  nature  of  lufinkind,  Lard  to  please, 
 and  very  complaining  under  adversities.  Accordingly,  God  promised  he  would  take  care  of 
 them,  and  aflord  them  the  succour  they  were  desirous  of.  Now  when  l^Ioses  had  heard  this 
 from  God,  he  came  down  to  the  maltitude.  But  as  soon  as  they  saw  hira  joyful  at  the  pro- 
 mises he  had  received  from  God,  they  changed  their  sad  countenances  info  gladness.  So  he 
 placed  himself  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  told  them  he  came  to  bring  them  from  God  a  deliver- 
 ance ont  of  their  present  distresses.  Accordingly,  a  little  after  came  a  vast  number  of  quails, 
 which  is  a  bird  more  plentiful  in  this  Arabian  gulf  than  any  where  else,  fiying  over  the  sea, 
 and  hovered  over  them,  till,  wearied  with  their  laborious  flight,  and  indeed,  as  usual,  (lying 
 very  near  to  the  earth,  they  fell  down  upon  the  Hebrews,  who  caught  them,  aud  satisfied  their 
 hunger  with  them,  and  supposed  that  this  was  the  method  whereby  God  meant  to  supply  them 
 with  food.  Upon  which  Moses  returned  thanks  to  God  for  aDbrding  tliem  his  assistance  so 
 suddenly,  and  sooner  than  he  had  promised  them. 
 
 C.  Bnt  presently  after  this  first  supply  of  food,  he  sent  them  a  second  :  for  as  iMoses  was 
 lifting  up  his  bands  in  prayer,  a  dew  fell  down;  and  Moses,  when  he  found  it  stick  to  his 
 hands,  supposed  this  was  also  come  for  food  from  God  to  them  :  he  tasted  it,  and  perceiving 
 that  the  people  knew  not  what  it  was,  and  thought  it  snowed,  and  that  it  was  what  usually  fell 
 at  that  time  of  the  year,  he  informed  them,  that  this  dew  did  not  fall  from  heaven  after  the 
 manner  they  imagined,  but  came  for  their  preservation  and  sustenance.  So  he  tasted  it,  and 
 gave  thera  some  of  it,  that  they  might  be  satisfied  about  what  he  had  told  them.  They  also 
 imitated  their  conductor,  and  were  pleased  with  the  food,  for  it  was  like  honey  in  sweetness 
 and  pleasant  taste,  but  like  in  its  body  to  bdellium,  one  of  the  sweet  spices,  but  in  bigness 
 equal  to  coriander  seed.  And  very  earnest  they  were  in  gathering  it  :  but  they  were  enjoined 
 to  gather  it  equally,*  the  measure  of  an  homer  for  each  man  every  day,  because  this  food 
 should  not  come  in  too  small  a  quantify,  lest  the  weaker  might  not  be  able  to  get  their  share, 
 by  reason  of  the  overbearing  of  the  strong  in  collecting  if.  However,  these  strong  men,  when 
 they  had  gathered  more  than  the  measure  appointed  for  them,  they  had  no  more  than  others, 
 but  only  tired  themselves  more  in  gathering  it,  for  they  found  no  more  than  an  homer  apiece  ; 
 aud  the  advantage  they  got  by  what  was  superfluous  was  none  at  all,  it  corrupting,  both  by  the 
 worms  breeding  in  it,  and  by  its  bitterness.  So  divine  and  wonderful  a  food  this  was  !  It 
 also  supplied  the  want  of  other  sorts  of  food  to  those  that  fed  on  it.  And  even  now  in  all 
 that  ])lace  this  manna  comes  down  in  rain, t  according  to  what  Moses  then  obtained  of  God,  to 
 send  it  to  the  people  for  their  sustenance.  Now  the  Hebrews  call  this  food  '  manna,'  for  the 
 particle  *man,'  in  our  language,  is  the  asking  of  a  question.  What  is  this  ?  So  the  Hebrews 
 were  very  joyful  at  what  was  sent  them  from  heaven.  Now  they  made  use  of  this  food  for 
 forty  years,  or  as  long  as  they  were  in  the  wilderness. 
 
 •  It  eeemg  to  me,  from  what  Moses,  Exod.  xvi.  18.  St.  Paul,  2  Cor.  viii.  15.  and  Josephus  here  says,  compared 
 together,  that  the  quantity  of  manna  that  fell  daily,  and  did  not  puti-ify,  was  just  so  much  as  came  to  au 
 homer  apiece  through  the  whole  host  of  Israel,  aud  no  more. 
 
 +  This  supposal,  that  the  sweet  honey  dew,  or  manna,  so  celebrated  in  ancient  and  modem  authors,  as  falling 
 usually  iu  Arabia,  -was  of  the  very  same  sort  with  this  manna  sent  to  the  Israelites,  savours  more  of  Gen- 
 tilism  than  of  Judaism  or  Christianity.  It  is  not  improbable  that  some  ancient  Gentile  author,  read  by  .Tose- 
 phus,  so  thought ;  nor  would  he  here  contradict  him,  though  just  before,  and  Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  iii.  ^  ii.  he 
 seems  direcdy  to  allow  that  it  had  not  been  seen  before.  However,  this  food  from  heaven  is  here  described 
 to  be  '  like  snow  ;'  and  in  Artapanus,  an  heathen  writer,  it  is  compared  to  '  meal,  like  to  oatmeal,  in  colour 
 like  to  SQow.  rained  down  by  God,'  Essay  on  the  Old  Testament,  append,  p.  239.  But  as  to  the  derivation  of 
 the  word  '  manna,'  whether  from  m.-in,  wliich  Josephus  says  then  signified,  what  is  it  <  or  from  '  mannah,'  to 
 tkvide.i.  e.  a  dividend  or  portion  allotted  to  every  one,  it  is  uncertaiu  :  I  iucline  to  the  latter  derivation.  This 
 manna  is  called  '  angels'  food,'  Psal.lxviii.  ?5.  and  by  our  Saviour,  .Tohnvi.  31,  &c.  as  well  as  by  Joaephui 
 here  and  elsewhere,  Antiq,  b.  iii,  chap   v,  \  iii.  said  to  be  sent  tht  Jews  from  heaveu. 
 
liOOK    III. — CHAP.    II.  81 
 
 7.  As  soon  as  they  were  removed  thence,  thej  came  to  Repliidira,  being  distressed  to  the 
 last  degree  by  tliirst ;  and  while  in  the  foregoing  days  they  had  !it  on  a  few  small  foanlains, 
 but  now  fonnd  the  earth  entirely  destitute  of  water,  they  were  in  an  evil  case.  They  again 
 turneti  their  anger  against  Moses  ;  but  he  at  first  avoided  the  fury  of  the  tnultitu'le,  and  t!ien 
 betook  himself  to  prayer  to  God,  beseeching  him,  that  as  he  had  given  them  food  when  they 
 were  in  the  greatest  want  of  it,  so  he  would  give  them  drink,  since  the  favour  of  giving  ihem 
 food  was  of  no  value  to  them  while  they  had  nolhing  to  drink.  And  God  did  not  delay  to  give 
 it  them,  but  jiroraised  Moses  that  he  would  procure  them  a  fountain  and  plenty  of  water  from 
 a  place  they  did  not  expect  any  :  so  he  commanded  him  to  smite  the  rock  *  which  fhey  saw 
 lying  there,  witb  his  rod,  and  out  of  it  to  receive  plenty  of  what  they  wanted  ;  for  be  had  taken 
 care  tbat  drink  should  come  to  tiiem  without  any  labour  or  painstaking.  When  3Ioses  had 
 received  this  command  from  God,  he  came  (o  the  people  who  waited  for  him,  and  looked  upon 
 Lira,  for  they  saw  already  that  he  was  coming  apace  from  his  eminence.  Jis  soon  as  he  was 
 come,  he  told  them  that  God  would  deliver  them  from  their  present  distress,  and  had  granted 
 them  an  unexpected  favour;  and  informed  them,  that  a  river  should  run  for  their  sakes  out  of 
 the  rock.  But  they  were  amazed  at  that  hearing,  supposing  they  were  of  necessity  to  cut  the 
 rock  in  pieces,  now  they  were  distressed  by  their  thirst  and  by  their  journey;  while  Moses, 
 only  smiting  the  rock  with  his  rod,  opened  a  passage,  and  out  of  it  burst  out  water,  and  that  in 
 great  abundance,  and  very  clear.  But  they  were  astonished  at  this  v.'onderful  eflect,  and,  as 
 it  were,  quenched  their  thirst  by  the  very  sight  of  it.  So  they  drank  this  pleasant,  this  sweet 
 water;  and  such  it  seemed  to  be,  as  might  wel!  be  expected  where  God  was  the  donor.  They 
 were  also  in  admiration  how  Moses  was  honoured  by  God  ;  and  they  made  grateful  returns  of 
 sacrifices  to  God  for  his  providence  towards  them.  Now  that  Scripture  which  is  laid  up  in  the 
 temple, t  informs  us,  how  God  foretold  to  Moses,  that  water  should  in  this  manner  be  derived 
 out  of  the  rock. 
 
 CHAP.  n. 
 
 How  the  Amalekites,  rmd  the  ncujhhonrimj  Nations,  made  War  with   the   Hebrews,  and  were 
 beaten,  and  lost  a  great  Part  of  their  Army. 
 
 §  1.  The  uame  of  the  Hebrews  began  already  to  be  every  where  renowned,  and  rumours 
 about  them  ran  abroad.  This  made  the  inhabitants  of  those  countries  to  be  in  no  small  fear. 
 Accordingly,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  one  another,  and  exhorted  one  another  to  defend  them- 
 selves, and  to  endeavour  to  destroy  these  men.  Those  that  induced  the  rest  to  do  so,  were 
 such  as  inhabited  Gobolitis  and  Petra.  They  were  called  '  Amalekites,'  and  were  the  most 
 warlike  of  the  nations  that  lived  thereabout ;  and  whose  kings  exhorted  one  another,  and 
 their  neighbours,  to  go  to  this  war  against  the  Hebrews  ;  telling  them  that  an  army  of  strangers, 
 and  such  a  oue  as  had  run  away  from  slavery  under  the  Egyptians,  lay  in  wait  to  ruin  them, 
 which  army  they  were  not,  in  common  prudence  and  regard  to  their  own  safety,  to  overlook, 
 but  to  crush  them  before  they  gather  strength,  and  come  to  be  in  prosperity,  and  perhaps 
 attack  them  first  in  a  hostile  manner,  as  presuming  upon  our  indolence  in  not  attacking  them 
 before  ;  and  that  we  ought  to  avenge  ourselves  of  them  for  what  they  have  done  in  the  wilder- 
 ness, but  that  this  cannot  be  so  well  done  when  they  have  once  laid  their  hands  on  our  cities, 
 and  our  goods  :  that  those  who  endeavour  to  crush  a  power  in  its  first  rise,  are  wiser  than 
 those  that  endeavour  to  put  a  stop  to  its  progress,  when  it  is  become  formidable ;  for  these 
 last  seem  to  be  angry  only  at  the  (louiishing  of  others,  but  the  former  do  uot  leave  any  room 
 for  their  enemies  to  become  troublesome  to  them.  After  they  had  sent  such  embassages  to 
 the  neighbouring  nations,  and  among  one  another,  they  resolved  to  attack  the  Hebrews  ia 
 battle. 
 
 2.  These  proceedings  of  the  people  of  those  countries  occasioned  perplexity  and  trouble  lo 
 Moses,  who  expected  no  such  warlike  preparations.  And  when  these  nations  were  ready  to 
 fight,  and  the  multitude  of  the  Hebrews  were  obliged  to  try  the  fortune  of  war,  they  were  in  a 
 mighty  disorder,  and  in  want  of  all  necessaries,  and  yet  were  to  make  war  with  men  who  were 
 thoroughly  well  prepared  for  it.  Then  therefore  it  was  that  Moses  began  to  encourage  them, 
 and  to  exhort  them  to  have  a  good  heart,  and  rely  on  God's  assistance,  by  which  they  hnd 
 been  advanced  into  a  state  of  freedom,  and  to  hope  for  victory  over  those  who  were  ready  to 
 fight  with  them,  in  order  to  deprive  them  of  that  blessing.  That  they  were  to  suppose  their 
 own  army  to  be  numerous,  wanting  nolhing,  neither  weapons,  nor  money,  nor  provisions,  nor 
 such  other  conveniences  as  when  men  are  in  possession  of,  they  fight  undauntedly  ;  and  that 
 they  are  to  judge  themselves  to  have  all  these  advantages  in  the  divine  assistance.  They  are 
 alsB  to  suppose  the  enemy's  army  to  be  small,  unarmed,  weak,  and  such  as  w;int  those  conve- 
 niences which  they  know  must  be  wanted,  when  it  is  Cod's  will  that  they  shall  be  beaten. — 
 And  how  valuable  God's  assistance  is,  they  had  experienced,  in  abundance  of  trials;  and 
 those  such  as  were  more  terrible  than  war,  for  that  is  only  against  men,  but  these  were  against 
 
 •  This  rock  is  there  to  this  day,  as  the  tniveUers  agree ;  and  must  be  the  same  as  was  there  in  the  days  of 
 Woscs,  as  heing  loo  large  to  be  broiight  tliillier  by  our  modern  carriages. 
 
 +  ^o'e  here,  that  the  bmal!  book  of  the  priucii)al  lawsof  Moses  is  ever  said  to  be  Inid  up  in  the  '  holy  house' 
 itsi'U,  but  the  larycr  Peiitatouch,  as  hove,  somewhiro  within  the  limits  of  the  temple  and  it» courts  only.  Se« 
 ^iiliil.  b.  V,  chap.  i.  j  wii. 
 
 1. 
 
82 
 
 ANTIQUITIES  OF  ^^HE  JEWS. 
 
 famine  and  thirst ;  things  indeed  that  were  in  their  own  nature  insuperable  ;  as  also  against 
 monntaios,  and  that  sea  which  afforded  them  no  way  of  escaping  ;  yet  had  all  these  difficulties 
 been  conquered  by  God's  gracious  kindness  to  them.  So  he  exhorted  them  to  be  courageous 
 at  this  time,  and  to  look  upon  their  entire  prosperity  to  depend  on  the  piesent  conquest  of  their 
 enemies. 
 
 3.  And  with  these  words  did  Moses  encourage  the  multitude,  who  then  called  together  the 
 princes  of  their  tribes,  and  their  chief  men,  both  separately  and  conjointly.  The  young  men  he 
 charged  to  obey  tbeir  elders,  and  the  elders  to  hearken  to  their  leader.  So  the  people  were 
 elevated  in  their  minds,  and  ready  to  try  their  fortune  in  battle,  and  hoped  to  be  thereby  at 
 length  delivered  from  all  their  miseries  :  nay,  they  desired  that  Moses  would  immediately  lead 
 them  against  their  enemies  without  the  least  delay,  that  no  backwardness  might  be  a  hinderance 
 to  their  present  resolution.  So  Moses  sorted  all  that  were  fit  for  war  into  different  troops  ;  and 
 set  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  over  them  ;  one  that  was  of  great  courage, 
 and  patient  to  undergo  labours  ;  of  great  abilities  to  understand,  and  to  speak  what  was  proper  ; 
 and  very  serious  in  the  worship  of  Cod  ;  and  indeed  made,  like  another  Moses,  a  teacher  of 
 piety  towards  God.  He  also  appointed  a  small  party  of  the  armed  men  to  be  near  the  water  ; 
 and  to  take  care  of  the  cliildren,  and  the  women,  and  of  the  entire  camp.  So  that  whole  night 
 they  prepared  themselves  for  the  battle  :  they  took  their  weapons,  if  any  of  them  had  such  as 
 were  well  made,  and  attended  to  their  commanders,  as  ready  to  rush  forth  to  the  battle,  as 
 soon  as  Moses  should  give  the  word  of  command.  Moses  also  kept  awake,  teaching  Joshua 
 after  what  manner  he  should  order  his  camp.  But  when  the  day  began,  Moses  called  for 
 Joshua  again,  and  exhorted  him  to  approve  himself  in  deeds,  such  a  one  as  his  reputation  made 
 men  expect  from  him ;  and  to  gain  glory  by  the  present  expedition,  in  the  opinion  of  those 
 under  him,  for  his  exploits  in  this  battle.  He  also  gave  a  particular  exhortation  to  the  prin- 
 cipal men  of  the  Hebrews,  and  encouraged  the  whole  army  as  it  stood  armed  before  him. — 
 And  when  he  had  thus  animated  the  army,  both  by  his  words  and  works,  and  prepared  every 
 thing,  he  retired  to  a  mountain,  and  committed  the  army  to  God  and  to  Joshua. 
 
 4.  So  the  armies  joined  battle  ;  and  it  came  to  a  close  fight  hand  to  hand,  both  sides  shew- 
 ing great  alacrity,  and  encouraging  one  another.  And  indeed  while  Moses  stretched  out  his 
 hands  towards  heaven,*  the  Hebrews  were  {no  bard  for  the  Araalekites :  but  Moses  not  being 
 able  to  sustain  his  hands  thus  stretclied  out,  (for  as  often  as  he  let  down  his  hands,  so  often 
 were  his  own  people  worsted,)  he  had  his  brother  Aaron,  and  Ilur,  their  sister  Miriam's  hus- 
 band, to  stand  on  each  side  of  him,  and  take  hold  of  his  hands,  and  not  permit  his  weariness 
 to  prevent  it,  but  to  assist  him  in  the  extension  of  liis  hands.  When  this  was  done,  the  Hebrews 
 conquered  the  Amalekitesby  main  force;  and  indeed  they  had  all  perished,unless  the  approach 
 of  the  night  had  obliged  the  Hebrews  to  desist  from  killing  any  more.  So  our  forefathers 
 obtained  a  most  signal  and  most  seasonable  victory ;  for  they  not  only  overcame  those  that 
 fought  against  them,  but  terrified  also  the  neighbouring  nations,  and  got  great  and  splendid 
 advantage,  which  they  obtained  of  their  enemies  by  their  hard  pains  in  this  battle;  for  when 
 they  had  taken  the  enemy's  camp,  they  got  ready  booty  for  the  public,  and  for  their  own  pri- 
 vate families,  whereas  till  then  they  had  not  any  sort  of  plenty,  of  even  necessary  food.  The 
 forementioned  battle,  when  they  had  once  got  it,  was  also  the  occasion  of  their  prosperity,  not 
 only  for  the  present  but  for  the  future  ages  also  :  for  they  not  only  made  slaves  of  the  bodies 
 of  their  enemies,  but  subdued  their  minds  aiso  ;  and,  after  this  battle,  became  terrible  to  all 
 that  dwelt  round  about  them.  Moreover,  they  acquired  a  vast  quantity  of  riches  :  for  a  great 
 deal  of  silver  and  gold  was  left  in  the  enemy's  camp  ;  as  also  brazen  vessels,  which  they  made 
 common  use  of  in  their  families;  many  utensils  also  that  were  embroidered,  there  wt're  of  both 
 sorts,  that  is,  of  what  were  weaved,  and  what  were  the  ornaments  of  their  armour,  and  other 
 things  that  served  for  use  in  the  family,  and  for  the  furniture  of  their  rooms ;  they  got  also  the 
 prey  of  their  cattle,  and  of  whatsoever  uses  to  follow  camps  when  they  remove  from  one 
 place  to,  another.  So  the  Hebrews  now  valued  themselves  upon  their  courage,  and  claimed 
 great  merit  for  their  valour ;  and  ibey  perpetually  inured  themselves  to  take  pains,  by  which 
 they  deemed  every  difficulty  might  be  surmounted.  Such  were  the  consequences  of  this  battle. 
 
 5.  On  the  next  day  Moses  stripped  the  dead  bodies  of  their  enemies,  and  gathered  together 
 the  armour  of  those  that  were  fled,  and  gave  rewards  to  such  as  had  signalized  themselves  in 
 the  action  ;  and  highly  commended  Joshua,  their  general,  who  was  attested  to  by  all  the  army, 
 on  account  of  the  great  actions  hs  had  done.  Nor  was  any  one  of  the  Hebrews  slain  ;  but  the 
 slain  of  the  enemy's  army  were  too  many  to  be  enumerated  :  so  3Ioses  offered  sacrifices  of 
 thanksgiving  to  God,  and  built  .in  aliar,  which  he  named,  'the  Lord  the  Conqueror.'  He  also 
 foretold  that  the  Amalekites  should   utterly  be  destroyed  ;   and  thai  hereafter   none  of  them 
 
 -  This  eminent  circumstance,  that  while  IMoses' hands  were  '  lift  up' towards  heaven,  the  Tsraelites  prevailed, 
 and  while  they  were  '  let  down'  towards  the  earth,  ihf  Amalekites  prevailed,  seems  to  me  tlie  earliest  intima- 
 tion we  liave  of  the  proper  posture,  used  of  old  in  solemn  prayer,  which  was  the  stretching  oft  of  the  hands 
 (and  eyes)  towards  heaven,  as  other  passages  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  inform  us.  Nay,  by  the  way, 
 this  posture  geenis  to  have  rontinuodin  the  Christian  church,  till  the  clergy,  instead  of  lenruing  their  prayers 
 by  heart,  read  tliem  out  of  a  book,  which  is,  in  great  measure,  inconsistent  with  such  an  elevated  posture, 
 and  wliich  seeuistome  to  have  been  only  a  later  practice  introduced  under  the  coiTupt  state  of  the  churcli, 
 thoujfb  the  constafit  use  of  divine  forms  of  prayer,  praise,  and  thanksgiving,  appears  to  me  to  )i»Te  been  tJie 
 practicj  of  God's  people.  Patriarchs,  (ews,  and  Christians,  in  all  the  past  ages. 
 
BOOK    III. — CHAP.    III.    IV.  83 
 
 »Iiould  remain,  because  tliey  fought  against  the  Hebrews,  and  this  wlien  they  were  in  the 
 wilderness,  and  in  tiieir  distress  also.  Moreover,  he  refreshed  the  army  with  feasting.  And 
 thus  did  they  fight  this  first  battle  with  those  that  ventured  to  oppose  tlieni,  after  they  were 
 gone  out  of  Egypt.  But,  when  Moses  had  celebrated  this  festival  for  the  victory,  he  permit- 
 ted the  Hebrews  to  rest  for  a  few  days,  and  then  he  brought  them  out  after  the  light,  in  order 
 of  battle  ;  for  they  had  now  many  soldiers  in  light  armour.  And  going  gradually  on,  he  came 
 to  mount  Sinai,  in  three  months' lime  after  they  were  removed  out  of  Egypt;  at  which  inouii- 
 taiu,  as  we  have  before  related,  the  vision  of  the  bush,  and  the  other  wonderful  appearances, 
 had  happened. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 That  Moses  kindly  received  his  Father-in- Law,  Jethro,  when  he  came  to  him  to  Mount  Hinai, 
 §  1.  Now  when  Raguel,  Moses'  fallier-in-law,  understood  in  what  a  prosperous  condition  his 
 affairs  were,  he  willingly  came  to  meet  him  :  and  Moses  took  Zipporah  his  wife,  and  his 
 children,  and  pleased  himself  with  his  coming.  And  when  he  had  oflered  sacrifice,  he  made  a 
 feast  fur  the  multitude  near  the  bush  he  had  formerly  seen  ;  which  multitude,  every  one,  accord- 
 ing to  their  families,  partook  of  the  feast.  But  Aaron  and  his  family  took  Raguel,  and  sung 
 hymns  to  God,  as  to  him  who  had  been  the  author  and  procurer  of  their  deliverance,  and  their 
 freedom.  They  also  praised  their  conductor,  as  him  by  whose  virtue  it  was  that  all  things 
 had  succeeded  so  well  with  them.  Raguel  also,  in  his  cucharistical  oration  to  Moses,  made 
 great  encomiums  upon  the  whole  multitude  :  and  he  could  not  but  admire  Moses  for  his  forti- 
 tude, and  that  humanity  he  had  shewed  in  the  delivery  of  his  friends. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  Baqml  suggested  to  Moses  to  set  his  People  in  Order,  under  their  Rulers  of  Thousands, 
 and  Elders  of  Hundreds,  icho  lioed  without  Order  before :  and  how  Moses  complied  in  all 
 things  with  his  Father-in-law's  Admonition, 
 i  1.  Thf.  next  day,  as  Raguel  saw  Moses  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd  of  business,  (for  he  deter- 
 mined the  differences  of  those  that  referred  ihein  to  him,  every  one  still  going  to  him,  and 
 supposing  that  they  should  then  only  olitain  justice  if  he  were  the  arbitrator;  and,  those  that 
 lost  their  causes,  thought  it  no  harm,  while  they  thought  they  lost  them  justly,  and  not  by 
 partiality.)  Raguel,  however,  said  nothing  to  him  at  that  time,  as  not  desirous  to  be  any 
 liinderance  to  such  as  had  a  mind  to  make  use  of  tlic  virtue  of  their  conductor.  But  after- 
 wards lie  took  him  to  himself,  and  when  he  had  him  alone,  he  instructed  him  in  what  he  ought 
 to  do  ;  and  advised  him  to  leave  the  trouble  of  lesser  causes  to  others,  but  himself  to  take 
 care  of  the  greater,  and  of  the  people's  safety,  for  that  certain  others  of  the  Hebrews  might 
 be  found  that  were  fit  to  determine  causes,  but  that  nobody  but  a  Moses  could  take  care  of 
 the  safety  of  so  many  ten  thousands.  Be  not  therefore,  says  he,  insensible  of  thine  own 
 virtue,  and  what  thou  hast  done  by  ministering  under  God  to  the  people's  preservation. 
 Permit,  therefore,  the  determination  of  common  causes  to  be  done  bj  others,  but  do  thou 
 reserve  thyself  to  the  attendance  on  God  only  ;  and  look  out  for  methods  of  preserving  the 
 multitude  from  their  present  distress.  I\Iake  use  of  the  method  I  suggest  to  you  as  to  human 
 affairs  ;  and  take  a  review  of  the  army,  and  appoint  chosen  rulers  over  tens  of  thousands,  and 
 then  over  thousands  ;  then  divide  them  into  live  hundreds  ;  and  again  into  hundreds,  and  into 
 fifties  ;  and  set  rulers  over  each  of  them,  who  may  distinguish  them  into  thirties,  and  keep 
 Ihem  in  order ;  and  at  last  number  them  by  twenties  and  by  tens  :  and  let  there  be  one  com- 
 mander over  each  number,  to  be  denominated  from  the  number  of  those  over  whom  they  are 
 rulers,  but  these  such  as  the  whole  multitude  have  tried,  and  do  approve  as  being  good  and 
 righteous  men  :*  and  let  these  rulers  decide  the  controversies  they  have  one  with  another. 
 But  if  any  great  cause  arise,  let  them  bring  the  cognizance  of  it  before  the  rulers  of  a  higher 
 dignity  ;  but  if  any  great  dilliculty  arise,  that  is  too  hard  for  even  their  determination,  let  them 
 send  it  to  thee.  By  these  means  two  advantages  will  be  gained  :  that  the  Hebrews  will  have 
 justice  done  Ifiem ;  and  thou  wilt  be  al)le  to  attend  constantly  on  God,  and  procure  him  to  be 
 more  favourable  to  the  people. 
 
 2.  This  was  the  admonition  of  Raguel ;  and  Moses  received  his  advice  very  kindly,  and 
 acted  according  to  his  s-uggestion.  Nor  did  he  conceal  the  invention  of  this  method,  nor  pre- 
 tend to  it  himself,  but  inlormed  the  multitude  who  it  was  that  invented  it:  nay,  he  has  named 
 Raguel  in  the  books  he  wrote,  as  the  person  who  invented  this  ordering  of  the  people,  as 
 thinking  it  right  to  give  a  true  testimony  to  worthy  persons,  although  he  might  have  gotten  repu- 
 tation by  ascribing  to  himself  the  inventions  of  other  men.  Whence  we  may  learn  the  virtuom 
 disposition  of  Moses :  hut  of  such  his  disposition,  we  shall  have  proper  occasion  to  speak  in 
 other  places  of  these  books. 
 
 •  This  mnnncr  of  electing  the  judpes  and  officers  of  the  Israelites  by  the  tPstimoiiies  and  suffrapes  of  Iho 
 pcoiile,  het'urc  they  were  ordiiined  hy  (iod  or  l)y  Moses,  deservts  to  be  carefully  Doled,  Ixcause  i(  Wiis  rbe 
 pattern  of  the  like  manner  of  llit  choice  and  ordination  of  iiishoiis,  Tresbylers,  and  Uwicomi,  in  the  ChriBtim 
 bburch. 
 
84  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Hou>  Moses  ascended  up  to  Mount  Sinai,  and  received  Laws  from  God,  and  delivered  them  to 
 
 the  Hebrews. 
 
 §  I.  Now  Moses  called  the  multitude  together,  and  told  them  that  he  was  going  from  them 
 unto  mount  Sinai,  to  converse  with  God ;  to  receive  from  bim,  and  to  bring  back  with  him  a 
 certain  oracle :  but  lie  enjomed  them  to  pitch  their  tents  near  the  mountain,  and  prefer  tlie 
 habitation  that  was  nearest  to  God,  before  one  more  remote.  When  he  had  said  this,  he 
 ascended  up  to  mount  Sinai,*  which  is  the  highest  of  all  the  mountains  that  are  in  that  country, 
 and  is  not  only  very  difficult  to  be  ascended  by  men,  on  account  of  its  vast  altitude,  but 
 because  of  the  sharpness  of  its  precipices  also  ;  nay,  indeed,  it  cannot  be  looked  at  without 
 pain  of  the  eyes :  and  besides  this,  it  was  terrible  and  inaccessible,  on  account  of  the  rumour 
 that  passed  about,  that  God  dwelt  there.  But  the  Hebrews  removed  their  tents,  as  Moses 
 Lad  bidden  them,  and  took  possession  of  the  lowest  parts  of  the  mountain ;  and  were  elevated 
 in  their  minds,  in  expectation  that  Moses  would  return  from  God  with  promises  of  the  good 
 things  he  had  proposed  to  them  :  so  they  feasted,  and  waited  for  their  conductor,  and  kept 
 themselves  pure,  as  in  other  respects,  and  not  companying  with  their  wives  for  three  days, 
 as  he  had  before  ordered  them  to  do.  And  they  prayed  to  God,  that  he  would  favourably 
 receive  Moses  in  bis  conversing  with  bim ;  and  bestow  some  such  gift  upon  them  by  which 
 they  might  live  well.  They  also  lived  more  plentifully  as  to  their  diet ;  and  put  on  their 
 wives  and  children  more  ornamental  and  decent  clothing  than  they  usually  wore. 
 
 2.  So  they  passed  two  days  in  this  way  of  feasting ;  but  on  the  third  day,  before  the  sun 
 was  up,  a  cloud  spread  itself  over  the  whole  camp  of  the  Hebrews,  such  a  one  as  none  had 
 before  seen,  and  encompassed  the  place  where  they  had  pitched  their  tents ;  and  while  all  the 
 rest  of  the  air  was  clear,  there  came  strong  winds,  that  raised  up  large  showers  of  rain,  ivhich 
 became  a  mighty  tempest.  There  was  also  such  lightning,  as  was  terrible  to  those  fbat  saw 
 it;  and  thunder  with  its  thunder-bolts  were  sent  down,  and  declared  God  to  be  there  present 
 in  a  gracious  way  to  such  as  Moses  desired  he  should  be  gracious.  Now,  as  to  these  matters, 
 every  one  of  my  readers  may  think  as  he  pleases :  but  I  am  under  a  necessity  of  relating  this 
 history,  as  it  is  described  in  the  sacred  books.  This  sight,  and  the  amazing  sounds  that  came 
 to  their  ears,  disturbed  the  Hebrews  to  a  prodigious  degree,  for  they  were  not  such  as  ihey 
 were  accustomed  to :  and  then  the  rumour  that  was  spread  abroad,  how  God  frequented  that 
 mountain,  greatly  astonished  their  minds;  so  they  sorrowfully  contained  themselves  within 
 their  tents,  as  both  supposing  Moses  to  be  destroyed  by  the  divine  wrath,  and  expecting  the 
 like  destruction  for  themselves. 
 
 8.  When  they  were  under  these  apprehensions,  Moses  appeared  as  joyful  and  greatly 
 exalted.  When  hey  saw  him,  they  were  freed  from  their  fear,  and  admitted  of  more  com- 
 fortable hopes  as  to  what  was  to  come.  The  air  also  was  become  clear  and  pure  of  its  former 
 disorders,  upon  the  appearance  of  Moses.  Whereupon  he  called  together  the  people  to  a 
 congregation,  in  order  to  their  hearing  what  God  would  say  to  them  :  and  when  they  were 
 gathered  together,  he  stood  on  an  eminence  whence  they  might  all  liear  him,  and  said,  "  God 
 has  received  me  giacicosly,  O  Hebrews,  as  he  bad  formerly  done ;  and  hath  suggested  a 
 liappy  method  of  living  for  you,  and  an  order  of  political  government,  and  is  now  present  in 
 the  camp :  I  therefore  charge  you  for  his  sake,  and  the  sake  of  his  works,  and  what  we  have 
 done  by  his  means,  that  you  do  not  put  a  low  value  on  what  I  am  going  to  say,  because  the 
 commands  have  been  given  by  me  that  now  deliver  them  to  you,  nor  because  it  is  the  tongue 
 of  a  man  that  delivers  them  to  you  ;  but  if  you  have  a  due  regard  to  the  great  importance  of 
 the  things  themselves,  you  will  understand  the  greatness  of  him  whose  institutions  they  are, 
 and  who  has  not  disdained  to  communicate  them  to  me  for  our  common  advantage  ;  for  it  is 
 not  to  be  supposed,  that  the  author  of  these  institutions  is  barely  Moses,  the  son  of  Amram 
 and  Jochebed,  but  he  who  obliged  the  Nile  to  run  bloody  for  your  sakes,  and  tamed  the 
 haughtiness  of  the  Egyptians  by  various  sorts  of  judgments  :  he  who  provided  a  way  through 
 the  sea  for  us  :  he  who  contrived  a  method  of  sending  os  food  from  heaven,  when  we  were 
 distressed  for  want  of  it:  he  who  made  the  water  to  issue  out  of  a  rock,  when  we  had  vtry 
 little  of  it  before :  he  by  whose  means  Adam  was  made  to  partake  of  the  fruits  both  of  the 
 laud  and  of  the  sea:  he  by  whose  means  Noah  escaped  the  deluge:  he  by  whose  means  ot 
 forefather  Abraham,  of  a  wandering  pilgrim  was  made  the  heir  of  the  land  of  Canaan :  he  by 
 whose  means  Isaac  was  born  of  parents  who  were  very  old:  he  by  whose  means  Jacob  was 
 adorned  with  twelve  virtuous  sons:  he  by  whose  means  Joseph  became  a  potent  lord  over  the 
 Egyptians:  he  it  is  who  conveys  these  instructions  to  you  by  me  as  his  interpreter:  and  let 
 
 "  Since  this  mountain  Sinai  is  here  said  to  be  the  highest  of  all  the  mountains  that  are  in  that  country,  it 
 must  be  that  now  cnlled  St.  Kalherine's,  which  is  one-third  hifiher  than  that  within  ft  mile  of  it,  now  called 
 Sinai,  as  Mons.  'Ihfvenot  informs  us.  Travels,  part  i.  chap,  xxviii.  p.  168.  The  other  name  of  it,  Horeb,  is 
 jiever  usid  by  .Jii'ii-phus  ;  and  perhaps  was  its  name  among  the  Efc'yptians  only,  whence  the  Israelites  wero 
 lately  come,  as  Sinai  was  ils  name  amon^  the  .Arabians,  (Janaanites,  and  other  nations.  Accordingly,  when 
 (1  things  tx.  8.)  the  scripture  says,  that  Kiijah  came  to  tforeb,  the  mount  of  God,  Josephus  justly  says,  Antiq. 
 b.  viii.  chap.  xiii.  ?  7.  that  he  came  to  the  mountain  called  .Sinai :  and  Jerome,  here  cited  by  Dr.  HudaoD,  6»y8, 
 ijat  he  took  thii  uiuuutaiu  to  have  two  names,  Sinui  aud  Choreb.    See  Norn.  Heb.  p.  427. 
 
BOOK  III. — CHAP.  VI.  85 
 
 them  be  to  jou  \enerable,  and  contended  for  more  earnestly  by  you  tban  your  own  children, 
 and  your  own  wives ;  for  if  you  will  follow  them,  you  will  lead  a  happy  life ;  you  will  enjoy 
 the  land  fruitful,  the  sea  calm,  and  the  fruit  of  the  womb  born  complete,  as  nature  requires  ; 
 you  will  be  also  terrible  to  your  enemies  ;  for  I  have  been  admitted  into  the  presence  of  God, 
 and  been  made  a  hearer  of  his  incorruptible  voice :  so  great  is  his  concern  for  your  nation, 
 and  its  duration." 
 
 4.  "When  he  had  said  this,  be  brought  the  people,  with  their  wives  and  children,  so  near  the 
 mountain,  that  they  might  hear  God  himself  speaking  to  them  about  the  precepts  which  they 
 were  to  practise,  that  the  energy  of  wJiat  should  be  spoken  might  not  be  hurt  by  its  utterance 
 by  that  tongue  of  a  man,  which  could  but  imperfectly  deliver  it  to  their  understanding.  And 
 they  all  heard  a  voice  that  came  to  all  of  them  from  above,  insomuch  that  no  one  of  these 
 words  escaped  them,  which  Moses  wrote  in  two  tables  3  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  us  to  set 
 down  directly,*  but  their  import  we  will  declai'e. 
 
 5.  The  first  commandment  teaches  us,  that  there  is  but  one  God,  and  that  we  ought  to 
 worship  him  only.  The  second  commands  us  not  to  make  the  image  of  any  living  creature  to 
 worship  it.  The  third,  that  we  must  not  swear  by  God  in  a  false  manner.  The  fourth,  that 
 we  must  keep  the  seventh  day,  by  resting  from  all  sorts  of  work.  The  fifth,  that  we  must 
 honour  our  parents.  The  sixth,  that  we  must  abstain  from  murder.  The  seventh,  that  we 
 must  not  commit  adultery.  The  eighth,  tliat  we  must  not  be  guilty  of  theft.  The  ninth,  that 
 we  must  not  bear  false  witness.  The  tenth,  that  we  must  not  admit  of  the  desire  of  any 
 thing  that  is  another's. 
 
 G.  Now  when  the  multitude  had  heard  God  himself  giving  those  precepts  wiiich  Moses  liail 
 discoursed  of,  they  rejoiced  at  what  was  said;  and  the  congregation  was  dissolved  ;  but  on 
 the  following  days  they  came  to  his  tent,  and  desired  him  to  bring  them,  besides,  other  laws 
 from  God.  Accordingly  he  appointed  such  laws ;  and  afterwards  informed  them  in  what 
 manner  they  should  act  in  all  cases :  which  laws  I  shall  make  mention  of  in  their  proper 
 time;  but  I  shall  reserve  most  of  those  laws  for  another  work,t  and  make  there  a  distinct 
 explication  of  them. 
 
 7.  When  matters  were  brought  to  this  state,  Moses  went  up  again  to  mount  Sinai,  of 
 which  he  had  told  them  beforehand.  He  made  his  ascent  in  their  sight;  and  while  he  stayed 
 there  so  long  a  time,  (for  he  was  absent  from  them  forty  days,)  fear  seized  upon  the  Hebrew.i, 
 lest  Moses  should  have  come  to  any  harm ;  nor  was  there  any  thing  else  so  sad,  and  that  si 
 much  troubled  them,  ns  this  supposal  that  Moses  was  perished.  Now  there  was  a  variety  in 
 their  sentiments  about  it;  some  saying  that  he  was  fallen  among  wild  beasts,  and  those  Ih.t 
 were  of  this  opinion  were  chiefly  such  as  were  ill-disposed  to  him ;  but  others  saying,  that  he 
 was  departed  and  gone  to  God  ;  but  the  wiser  sort  were  led  by  their  reason  to  embrace  ueithtr 
 of  those  opinions  with  any  satisfaction,  thinking,  that  it  was  a  thing  that  sometimes  happens 
 to  men  to  fall  among  wild  beasts,  and  perish  that  way,  so  it  was  probable  enough  that  he 
 might  depart  and  go  to  God,  on  account  of  his  virtue  ;  they  therefore  were  quiet,  and  expected 
 the  event:  yet  were  they  exceeding  sorry  upon  the  supposal  that  they  were  deprived  of  a 
 governor  and  a  protector,  such  a  one  indeed  as  they  could  never  recover  again :  nor  would 
 this  suspicion  give  them  leave  to  expect  any  comfortable  event  about  this  man,  nor  could  they 
 prevent  their  trouble  and  nielancholv  upon  this  occasion.  However,  the  camp  durst  not 
 remove  all  this  while,  because  iMoses  had  bid  them  afore  to  stay  there. 
 
 8.  But  when  the  forty  days,  and  as  many  nights,  were  over,  Moses  came  down,  having 
 tasted  nothing  of  food  usually  appointed  for  the  nourishment  of  men.  His  appearance  filled 
 the  array  with  gladness,  and  he  declared  to  them  what  care  God  had  of  them,  and  by  what 
 manner  of  conduct  of  their  lives  they  might  live  happily  ;  telling  them,  that  during  these  days 
 of  his  absence,  he  had  suggested  to  him  also  that  he  would  have  a  tabernacle  built  for  him, 
 into  which  he  would  descend  when  he  came  to  them,  and  how  we  should  carry  it  about  with 
 us,  when  we  remove  from  this  place ;  and  that  there  would  be  no  longer  any  occasion  for 
 going  up  to  mount  Sinni,  but  that  he  would  himself  come  and  pitch  his  tabernacle  amonnst 
 ns,  and  be  present  at  our  prayers;  as  also,  that  the  tabernacle  should  be  of  such  measures 
 and  conslruction  as  he  had  shewed  him,  and  that  you  are  to  fall  to  the  work,  and  prosecute  it 
 diii;.;enlly.  When  he  had  said  this,  he  shewed  them  the  two  tables,  with  the  ten  conimand- 
 iiieiits  engraven  upon  them,  five  upon  each  table:  and  the  writing  was  by  the  hand  of  God. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Concerning  the  Tabernacle  which  Moses  built  in  the  Wilderness,  for  the  honour  of  God,  and 
 which  seemed  to  be  a  Temple. 
 
 §  1.  Herudpon  the  Israelites  rejoiced  at  what  they  had  seen  and  heard  of  their  conductor, 
 and  were  not  wanting  in  diligence  according  to  their  ability  ;  but  they  brought  silver,  and  gold, 
 
 •  Of  this  and  another  like  superstitious  notion  of  the  Pharisees,  which  Josophus  complied  with,  see  the  note 
 en  Antiq.  b.  ii.  chap.  xii.  §  4. 
 
 t  This  other  work  of  Josephus,  here  referred  to,  seems  to  he  that  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  ever 
 published,  which  yet  he  intended  to  publish,  about  the  reaiions  of  many  of  tl»e  laws  of  Moms;  of  which  Btu 
 the  uuto  on  the  Preface,  ^  4. 
 
86  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  brass,  aud  of  the  best  sorts  of  wood,  and  sncb  as  would  not  at  all  decay  by  pulrefaction . 
 caniels'-hair  also,  and  sheep  skins,  some  of  them  dyed  of  a  blue  colour,  and  some  of  a  scarlet ; 
 some  brought  the  flower  for  the  purple  colour,  and  others  for  white  ;  with  wool  dyed  by  the 
 llowers  afore-mentioned  ;  and  fine  linen  and  precious  stones,  which  those  that  used  costly 
 ornaments  set  in  ouches  of  gold ;  they  brought  also  a  great  quantity  of  spices :  for  of  these 
 materials  did  Moses  build  the  tabernacle,  which  did  not  at  all  difler  from  a  moveable  and 
 ambulatory  temple.  Now  when  these  things  were  brought  together  with  great  diligence,  for 
 every  one  was  ambitious  to  further  the  work  even  beyond  their  ability,  he  set  architects  over 
 the  works,  and  this  by  the  command  of  God ;  and  indeed  the  very  same  which  the  people 
 themselves  would  have  chosen,  had  the  election  been  allowed  to  them.  Now  their  names  are 
 spt  down  in  writing  in  the  sacred  books  ;  and  they  were  these,  Besaleel,  the  son  of  Uri,  of 
 the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  grandson  of  Miriam,  the  sister  of  their  conductor;  and  Aholiab,  the 
 son  of  Ahisamacli,  of  the  tribe  of  Dan.  Now  the  people  went  on  with  what  they  had  under- 
 taken with  so  great  alacrity,  that  Moses  was  obliged  to  restrain  them,  by  making  proclama- 
 tion, that  what  had  been  brought  was  sufficient,  as  the  artificers  had  informed  him.  So  they 
 fell  to  work  upon  the  building  of  the  tabernacle.  Moses  informed  them,  according  to  the 
 direction  of  God,  both  what  the  measures  were  to  be,  and  its  largeness  ;  and  how  many  vessels 
 it  ought  to  ooniain,  for  the  use  of  the  sacrifices.  The  women  also  were  ambitions  to  do  their 
 parts,  about  the  garments  of  llie  priests,  and  about  other  things  that  would  be  wanted  in  this 
 work,  both  for  ornament,  nnd  for  the  divine  service  itself. 
 
 2.  Now  when  all  things  were  prepared,  the  gold,  and  the  silver,  and  the  bl-ass,  and  what  was 
 woven,  Moses,  when  he  had  appointed  beforehand  that  there  should  be  a  festival,  and  that 
 sacrifices  should  be  offered  according  to  every  one's  ability,  reared  up  the  tabernacle.*  And 
 when  be  had  measured  the  open  court,  fifty  cubits  broad  and  an  hundred  long,  he  set  np 
 brazen  pillars,  five  cubits  high,  twenty  on  each  of  the  longer  sides,  and  ten  pillars  for  the 
 breadth  behind ;  every  one  of  the  pillars  also  had  a  ring.  Their  chapiters  were  of  silver,  but 
 their  bases  were  of  brass  ;  they  resembled  the  sharp  ends  of  spears,  and  were  of  brass,  fixed 
 into  the  ground.  Cords  were  also  put  through  the  rings,  and  were  tied  at  their  farther  ends  to 
 brass  nails  of  a  cubit  long,  which  at  every  pillar  were  driven  into  the  floor,  and  would  keep 
 the  tabernacle  from  being  shaken  by  the  violence  of  winds.  But  a  curtain  of  fine  soft  linen 
 went  round  ail  the  pillars,  and  hung  down  in  a  flowing  and  loose  manner  from  their  chapiters, 
 and  enclosed  the  whole  space,  and  seemed  not  at  all  unlike  to  a  wall  about  it.  And  this  was 
 the  structure  of  three  of  the  sides  of  this  enclosure.  But  as  for  the  fourth  side,  which  was 
 fifty  cubits  in  extent,  and  was  the  front  of  the  whole,  twenty  cubits  of  it  were  for  the  opening 
 at  the  gates,  wherein  stood  two  pillars  on  each  side,  after  the  resemblance  of  open  gates, 
 these  were  made  wholly  of  silver,  and  polished,  and  that  all  over  excepting  the  bases,  which 
 were  of  brass.  Now,  on  each  side  of  the  gates  there  stood  three  pillars,  which  were  inserted 
 into  the  concave  bases  of  the  gates,  and  were  suited  to  them  ;  and  round  them  was  drawn  a 
 curtain  of  fine  linen.  But  to  the  gates  themselves,  which  were  twenty  cubits  in  extent,  and 
 live  in  height,  the  curtain  was  composed  of  purple,  and  scarlet  and  blue,  and  fine  linen,  and 
 embroidered  with  many  and  divers  sorts  of  figures,  excepting  the  figures  of  animals.  Within 
 these  gates  was  the  brazen  laver  for  purification,  having  a  bason  beneath,  of  the  like  matter, 
 whence  the  priests  might  wash  their  hands,  and  sprinkle  their  feet.  And  this  was  the  orna- 
 mental construction  of  the  enclosure  about  the  court  of  the  tabernacle,  which  was  exposed  to 
 the  open  air. 
 
 3.  As  to  the  tabernacle  itself,  Moses  placed  it  in  the  middle  of  that  court,  with  its  front  to 
 the  east,  that  when  the  sun  arose  it  might  send  its  first  rays  upon  it.  Its  length  wheu  it  was 
 set  up  was  thirty  cubits,  and  its  breadth  was  twelve  [ten]  cubits.  The  one  of  its  walls  was 
 on  the  south,  and  the  other  was  exposed  to  the  north,  and  on  the  back  part  of  it  remained 
 the  west.  It  was  necessasy  that  its  height  should  be  equal  to  its  breadth  [ten  cubits.]  There 
 were  also  pillars  made  of  wood,  twenty  on  each  side  ;  they  were  wrought  into  a  quadrangular 
 figure,  in  breadth  a  cubit  and  a  half,  but  the  thickness  was  four  fingers  ;  they  had  thin  plates 
 of  gold  aftixed  to  them  on  both  sides,  inwardly  and  outwardly;  they  had  each  of  them  two 
 tenons  belonging  to  them,  inserted  into  their  bases,  and  these  were  of  silver,  in  each  of 
 which  bases  there  was  a  socket  to  receive  the  tenon.  But  the  pillars  on  the  west  wall  were 
 6ix.  Now  all  these  tenons  and  sockets  accurately  fitted  one  another,  insomuch  that  the  joints 
 were  invisible,  and  both  seemed  to  be  one  entire  and  united  wall.  It  was  also  covered  with 
 gold,  both  within  and  without.  The  number  of  pillars  was  equal  on  the  opposite  sides,  and 
 there  were  on  each  part  twenty,  and  every  one  of  them  had  the  third  part  of  a  span  in  thick- 
 ness :  so  that  the  number  of  thirty  cubits  were  fully  made  up  between  them.  But  as  to  the 
 wall  behind,  where  the  six  pillars  made  up  together  only  nine  cubits,  they  made  two  other 
 pillars,  and  cut  them  out,  of  one  cubit,  which  they  placed  in  the  corners,  and  made  them 
 equally  fine  with  the  other.  Now  every  one  of  the  pillars  had  rings  of  gold  affixed  to  their 
 fronts  outward,  as  if  they  had  taken  root  in  the  pillars,  and  stood  one  row  over  against  another 
 round  about,  through  which  were  inserted  bars  girt  over  with  gold,  each  of  tliem  five  cubits 
 
 •  Of  this  tabernacle  of  Moses,  with  its  several  parts  aud  fumiturei  see  my  description  at  lart'o  chap.  vi. 
 vii.  viii.  ix.  x.  xi.  xii.  hereto  beloneiag. 
 
BOOK  in. — CHAP.  VI.  87 
 
 long,  and  tliese  bound  logelher,  the  pillars,  the  liead  of  one  bar  running  into  another,  after 
 the  nature  of  one  tenon  inserted  into  another.  But  for  the  wall  behind,  there  was  but  one 
 row  of  bars  that  went  through  all  the  pillars,  into  which  row  ran  the  ends  of  the  bars  on  each 
 side  of  tiie  longer  walls,  the  male  with  its  female  being  so  fastened  in  their  joints,  that  they 
 held  the  whole  lirnily  together;  and  for  this  reason  was  all  this  jointed  so  fast  together,  that 
 the  tabernacle  might  not  be  shaken,  either  by  the  winds,  or  by  any  other  means,  but  that  it 
 might  preserve  itself  quiet  and  immoveable  continuallj'. 
 
 4.  As  for  the  inside,  Moses  parted  its  length  into  three  partitions.  At  the  distance  of  ten 
 cubits  from  the  most  secret  end  Moses  placed  four  pillars,  whose  workmanship  whs  the  very 
 same  with  that  of  the  rest,  and  they  stood  upon  the  like  bases  with  tbeni,  each  a  small 
 matter  distant  from  his  fellow.  Now,  the  room  within  those  pillars  was  the  'Most  Holy 
 Place;'  but  the  rest  of  the  room  was  the  Tabernacle,  which  was  open  for  the  priests.  How- 
 ever, this  proportion  of  the  measures  of  the  tabernacle  proved  to  be  an  imitation  of  the  system 
 of  the  world;  for  that  third  part  thereof  which  was  within  the  four  pillars,  to  which  the 
 priests  were  not  admitted,  is,  as  it  were,  a  heaven,  peculiar  to  God  :  but  the  space  of  the 
 twenty  cubits,  is,  as  it  were,  sea  and  land,  on  which  men  live,  and  so  this  part  is  peculiar  to 
 the  priests  only.  But  at  the  front,  where  the  entrance  was  made,  they  placed  pillars  of  gold, 
 that  stood  on  bases  of  brass,  in  number  seven ;  but  then  they  spread  over  the  tabernacle 
 vails  of  line  linen,  aud  puiple,  and  blue,  and  scarlet  colours,  embroidered.  The  first  vail  was 
 ten  cubils  every  way,  and  this  they  spread  over  the  pillars  which  parted  the  temple,  and  kept 
 the  most  iioly  place  concealed  within  :  and  this  vail  uas  that  which  made  this  part  not  visible 
 to  any.  Now  the  whole  temple  was  called  '  The  Holy  Place  ;'  but  that  part  which  was  within 
 the  four  pillars,  and  to  which  none  were  admitted,  was  called,  '  The  Holy  of  Holies.'  This 
 vail  was  very  ornamental,  and  embroidered  with  all  sorts  of  flowers  which  the  earth  produces, 
 and  there  were  interwoven  into  it  all  sorts  of  variety  that  might  be  an  ornament,  excepting  the 
 forms  of  animals.  Another  vail  there  was  which  covered  the  five  pillars  that  were  at  the 
 entrance:  it  was  like  the  former  in  its  maanitude  and  texture,  and  colour;  and  at  the  corner 
 of  every  pillar  a  ring  retained  it  from  the  top  downwards  half  the  depth  of  the  pillars,  the  other 
 half  aft'ording  an  entrance  for  the  priests  who  crept  under  it.  Over  this  there  was  a  vail  of  linen, 
 of  the  same  largeness  with  the  former;  it  was  to  be  drawn  this  way  or  that  way  by  cords, 
 whose  rings,  fixed  to  the  texture  of  the  vail,  and  to  the  cords  also,  were  subservient  to  the 
 drawing  and  undrawing  of  the  vail,  and  to  the  fastening  it  at  the  corner,  that  then  it  might  be 
 no  binderance  to  the  view  of  the  sanctuary,  especially  on  solemn  days ;  but  that  on  other  days, 
 and  especially  when  the  weather  was  inclined  to  snow,  it  might  be  expanded,  and  afford  a 
 covering  to  the  vail  of  divers  colours:  whence  that  custom  of  ours  is  derived,  of  having  a  fine 
 lineQ  vail  after  the  temple  has  been  built,  to  be  drawn  over  the  entrai.ces.  But  the  ten  other 
 curtains  wers  four  cubits  in  breadth,  and  twenty-eight  in  length,  and  had  golden  clssps,  in 
 order  to  join  the  one  curtain  to  the  other,  which  was  done  so  exactly  that  they  seemed  to  be 
 one  entire  curtain  ;  these  were  spread  over  the  temple,  and  covered  all  the  top,  and  parts  of 
 the  walls,  on  the  sides  and  behind  so  far  as  williin  one  cubit  of  the  ground.  There  were 
 other  curtains  of  the  same  breadth  with  these,  but  one  more  in  number,  and  longer,  for  they 
 were  thirty  cubits  long,  but  these  were  woven  of  hair,  with  the  like  sublilty  as  those  of  wool 
 were  made,  and  were  extended  loosely  down  to  the  ground,  appearing  like  a  triangular  front 
 and  elevation  at  the  gates  ;  the  eleventh  curtain  being  used  for  this  very  purpose.  There 
 were  also  other  curtains  made  of  skins  above  these,  which  afforded  covering  and  protection  to 
 those  that  were  woven,  both  in  hot  weather,  and  when  it  rained.  And  great  was  the  surprise 
 of  those  who  viewed  these  curtains  at  a  distance,  for  they  seemed  not  at  all  to  differ  from  the 
 colour  of  the  sky.  But  those  that  were  made  of  hair,  aud  of  skins,  reached  down  in  the  same 
 manner  as  did  the  vail  at  the  gates,  and  kept  off  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  what  injury  the  rains 
 might  do.     And  after  this  manner  was  the  tabernacle  reared. 
 
 5.  There  was  also  an  ark  made,  sacred  to  God,  of  wood  that  was  naturally  strong,  and 
 could  not  be  corrupt!  d  :  this  was  called  Eron,  in  our  own  language.  Its  construction  was 
 thus:  its  length  was  five  sjjans,  hut  its  breadth  and  height  were  each  of  them  three  spans.  It 
 was  covered  all  over  with  gold  both  within  and  without,  so  that  the  wooden  part  was  not 
 seen.  It  had  also  a  cover  united  to  it,  by  golden  hinges,  after  a  wonderful  manner;  whicli 
 cover  was  every  way  evenly  fitted  to  it,  and  had  no  eminences  to  hinder  its  exact  conjunction. 
 There  were  also  two  golden  rings  belonging  to  each  of  the  longer  boards,  and  passing  through 
 the  entire  wood,  and  through  them  gilt  bars  pasi^d  along  each  board,  that  it  might  thereby 
 be  moved  and  carried  about,  as  occasion  should  require  ;  for  it  was  not  drawn  in  a  cart  by 
 beasts  of  burden,  but  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  priests.  Upon  this  its  cover  were  two 
 images,  which  the  Hebrews  call  Cherubims  ;  they  are  ilving  creatures;  but  their  form  is  not 
 like  to  ttat  of  any  of  the  creatures  which  men  have  seen,  though  Moses  said  he  had  seen  such 
 beings  near  the  throne  of  Cod.  In  this  ark  be  put  the  two  tables  whereon  the  ten  command- 
 ments wire  written,  five  upon  caeh  table,  and  two  and  a  half  upon  each  side  of  them;  and 
 this  ark  he  placed  in  the  most  holy  place. 
 
 IJ.  But  in  the  holy  place  he  placed  a  table    like  those  at  Delphi  :   its  length  w.-s  two  cubits, 
 
88  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 and  its  breadth  one  cubit,  and  its  height  three  spans.  It  had  I'eet  also,  the  lower  parts  of 
 which  were  complete  feet,  resembling  those  which  the  Dorians  put  to  their  bedsteads,  but  the 
 upper  parts  towards  the  table  were  wrought  into  a  square  form.  The  table  had  a  hollow 
 towards  every  side,  having  a  ledge  of  four  fingers  depth,  that  went  round  about  like  a  spiral, 
 both  on  the  upper  and  lower  part  of  the  body  of  the  work.  Upon  every  one  of  the  feet  was 
 there  also  inserted  a  ring,  not  far  from  the  cover,  through  which  went  bars  of  wood  beneath, 
 but  gilded,  to  be  taken  out  upon  occasion,  there  being  a  cavity  where  it  was  joined  to  the 
 rings:  for  they  were  not  entire  rings,  but  befomthey  carae  quite  round  they  ended  in  acute 
 points,  the  one  of  which  was  inserted  into  the  prominent  part  of  the  table,  and  the  other  into 
 the  foot ;  and  by  these  it  was  carried  when  they  journeyed.  Upon  this  table,  which  was  placed 
 on  tbe  north  side  of  the  temple,  not  far  from  the  most  holy  place,  were  laid  twehe  unleavened 
 loaves  of  bread,  six  upon  each  heap,  one  above  another  :  they  were  made  of  two  tenth  deals 
 of  the  purest  flour,  which  tenth  deal  [an  homer]  is  a  measure  of  the  Hebrews,  containing  seven 
 Athenian  cot^las;  and  above  tiiose  loaves  were  put  two  vials  full  of  frankincense.  Now  afte» 
 seven  days  other  loaves  were  brought  in  their  stead,  on  the  day  which  is  by  us  called  the 
 Sabbath  ;  for  we  call  the  seventh  day,  the  Sabbath :  but  for  tbe  occasion  of  this  invention  of 
 placing  loaves  here,  we  will  speak  of  it  in  another  place. 
 
 7.  Over  against  this  table,  near  tbe  southern  wall,  was  set  a  candlestick  of  cast  gold  ; 
 hollow  within,  being  of  the  weight  of  one  hundred  pounds,  which  the  Hebrews  call  cinchares ; 
 if  it  be  turned  into  the  Greek  language,  it  denotes  a  talent.  It  was  made  with  its  knops,  and 
 lilies,  and  pomegranates,  and  bowls,  (which  ornaments  amounted  to  seventy  in  all;)  by  which 
 means  the  shaft  elevated  itself  ou  high  from  a  single  base,  aud  spread  itself  into  as  many 
 branches  as  there  are  planets,  including  the  sun  among  them.  It  terminated  in  seven  heads, 
 in  one  row,  all  standing  parallel  to  one  another;  and  these  branches  caiTied  seven  lamps, 
 one  by  one,  in  imitation  of  the  number  of  the  planets  ;  these  lamps  looked  to  the  east  and  to 
 the  south,  the  candlestick  being  situate  obliquel3'. 
 
 8.  Now  between  this  candlestick  and  the  table,  which,  as  we  said,  were  within  the  sanc- 
 tuary, was  the  altar  of  incense,  made  of  woodf  indeed,  but  of  the  same  wood  of  which  ihe 
 foregoing  vessels  were  made,  such  as  was  not  liable  to  corruption:  it  was  entirely  crusted- 
 over  with  a  golden  plate.  Its  breadth  on  each  side  was  a  cubit,  but  the  altitude  double. 
 Upon  it  was  a  grate  of  gold,  that  was  extant  above  the  altar,  which  had  a  golden  crown 
 encompassing  it  round  about,  whereto  belonged  rings  and  bars,  by  which  the  priests  carried 
 it  when  tliey  journeyed.  Before  this  tabernacle  there  was  reared  a  brazen  altar,  but  it  was 
 within  made  of  wood,  five  cubits  by  measure  on  each  side,  but  its  height  was  but  three,  in 
 like  manner  adorned  with  brass  plates  as  bright  as  gold.  It  had  also  a  brazen  hearth  of  net- 
 work, for  the  ground  underneath  received  the  fire  from  the  hearth,  because  it  had  no  basis  to 
 receive  it.  Hard  by  this  altar  lay  the  basons,  and  the  vials,  and  tlie  censers,  and  the  caldrons, 
 made  of  gold  ;  but  the  other  vessels,  made  for  the  use  of  the  sacrifices,  were  all  of  brass. 
 And  such  was  the  construction  of  the  tabernacle;  aud  these  were  the  vessels  thereto 
 belonging. 
 
 CHAP.  \TI. 
 
 Which  were  the  Governments  of  the  Priest,  and  of  the  High  Priest;  concerning  the  Priesthcod 
 of  A  aron,  with  the  Manner  fif  the  Purifications  and  Sacrifices ;  as  also  concerning  the 
 Festivals,  and  how  each  Day  was  then  disposed  of;  ivilh  other  Laws. 
 
 §  1.  There  were  peculiar  garments  appointed  for  the  priests,  and  for  all  the  rest,  which 
 they  call  'Cahanajaj'  [priestly]  garments,  as  also  for  the  high  priest,  which  they  call  'Cahana^se 
 Rabbae,'  and  denote  '  the  high  priest's  garments.'  Such  was  therefore  the  habit  of  tlie  rest  ; 
 but  when  the  priest  approaches  the  sacrifices,  he  purifies  himself  vvitb  the  purification  wldih 
 the  law  prescribes ;  and,  in  the  Ast  place,  he  puts  on  that  which  is  called  '  Machacase,' 
 which  means  '  somewhat  that  is  fast  tied.'  It  is  a  girdle,  composed  of  fine  twined  linen,  and 
 is  put  about  the  privy  parts,  the  feet  being  to  be  inserted  into  tliera,  in  the  nature  of  breeches ; 
 but  about  half  of  it  is  cut  ofl',  and  it  ends  at  the  thighs,  and  is  there  tied  fast. 
 
 2.  Over  this  he  wore  a  litien  vestment,  made  of  fine  flax  doubled  :  it  is  called  'Chethone,' 
 and  denotes  '  linen,'  for  we  call  linen  by  the  name  of  'Chethone.'  This  vestment  reaches 
 down  to  the  feet,  and  sits  close  to  the  body  ;  and  has  sleeves  that  are  tied  fast  to  the  arms  : 
 it  is  girded  to  tbe  breast  a  little  above  the  elbows,  by  a  girdle  often  going  round,  four  fingers 
 broad,  but  so  loosely  woven,  that  you  would  think  it  were  the  skin  of  a  serpent.  It  is  em-, 
 broidered  with  flowers  of  scarlet,  aud  purple,  and  blue,  and  fine  twined  linen  ;  but  the  warp 
 was  nothing  but  fine  linen.  The  beginning  of  its  circumvolution  is  at  the  breast ;  and  when 
 it  has  gone  often  round,  it  is  there  tied,  and  hangs  loosel}'  there  down  to  tiie  ancles  :  I  mean 
 this,  all  the  time  the  priest  is  not  about  any  laborious  service,  for  in  this  position  it  appears 
 in  the  most  agreeable  manner  to  the  spectators  ;  but  when  be  is  obliged  to  assist  at  the  ofter- 
 ing  services,  and  to  do  the  appointed  service,  that  he  may  not  be  hindered  in  his  operations 
 by  its  nioticMi,  he  throws  it  to  the  left,  and  bears  it  on  his  shoulder.  Moses  indeed  calls  this 
 belt  '  Abaneth  ;'  but  we  have  learned  from  the  Babylonians  to  call  it  Eniia,  for  so  it  is 
 by  tliem  chilled.     This  vestment  has  no  loose  or  hollow  parts  anywhere  in  it,  but  only  a  nsr- 
 
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BOOK    III. — CHAP.    VII  89 
 
 row  aperture  about  the  neck  ;  and  it  is  tied  with  certain  strings  hanging  down  from  iLeedge 
 over  the  breast  and  back,  and  is  fastened  above  each  shoulder:  it  is  called  IHrissiibazsnes. 
 
 3.  Upon  his  head  he  wears  a  cap,  not  brought  to  a  conic  form  or  encircling  the  whole  head, 
 but  still  covering  more  than  the  half  of  it,  which  is  called  Masnaemphthes  :  and  its  nuike  is 
 such  that  it  seems  to  be  a  crown,  being  made  of  thick  swathes,  bat  the  contexture  is  of  linjp  ; 
 and  it  is  doubled  round  many  times,  and  sewed  together  :  besides  which,  a  piece  of  fine  linen 
 covers  the  whole  cap  from  the  upper  part,  and  reaches  down  to  the  forehe;.J  and  the  scams 
 of  the  swathes,  which  would  otherwise  appear  indecently  :  this  adheres  closely  upon  the 
 solid  part  of  the  head,  and  is  thereto  so  firmly  fixed,  that  it  may  not  fall  olV  during  the  sacred 
 service  about  the  sacrifices.  So  we  have  shewn  you  what  is  the  habit  of  the  generality  of 
 the  priests. 
 
 4.  The  high  priest,  indeed,  is  adorned  with  the  same  garments  that  we  have  described, 
 without  abating  one  ;  only  over  these  h«  puts  on  a  vestment  of  a  blue  colour.  This  also  is 
 a  long  robe,  reaching  to  his  feet ;  in  our  language  it  is  called  Meeir,  and  is  tied  round  with  a 
 girdle,  embroidered  with  the  same  colour  and  flowers  as  the  former,  with  a  mixture  of  gold 
 interwoven  ; — to  the  bottom  of  which  garment  are  hung  fringes,  in  colour  like  pomegranates, 
 with  golden  bells,*  by  a  beautiful  contrivance  ;  so  that  between  two  bells  hangs  a  pome- 
 granate, and  between  two  pomegranates  a  bell.  Now  this  vesture  was  not  composed  of  two 
 pieces,  nor  was  it  sewed  together  upon  the  shoulders  and  the  sides,  but  it  was  one  long  vest- 
 ment so  woven  as  to  have  an  aperture  for  the  neck  ;  not  an  oblique  one,  but  parted  all  along 
 the  breast  and  the  back.  A  border  also  was  sewed  to  it,  lest  the  aperture  should  look  loo 
 indecently  :  it  was  also  parted  where  the  hands  were  to  come  out. 
 
 5.  Besides  these,  the  high  priest  put  on  a  third  garment,  which  was  called  the  Epbod, 
 which  resembled  the  Epnmis  of  the  Greeks.  Its  make  was  after  this  manner  :  it  was  woven 
 to  the  depth  of  a  cubit,  of  several  colours,  with  gold  intermixed,  and  embroidered,  but  it 
 left  the  middle  of  the  breast  uncovered  :  it  was  made  with  sleeves  also  :  nor  did  it  appear 
 to  be  at  all  dift'erently  made  from  a  short  coat.  But  in  the  void  place  of  this  garment  there 
 was  inserted  a  piece  of  the  bigness  of  a  span,  embroidered  with  gold,  and  the  other  colours 
 of  the  ephod,  and  called  Essen  (the  breastplate,)  which  in  the  Greek  language  signifies  the 
 Oracle.  This  piece  exactly  filled  up  the  void  space  in  the  ephod.  It  is  united  to  it  by 
 golden  rings  at  every  corner,  the  like  rings  being  annexed  to  the  ephod,  and  a  blue  riband 
 was  made  use  of  to  tie  them  together  by  those  rings  ;  and  that  the  space  between  the  ring* 
 might  not  appear  empty,  they  contrived  to  fill  it  up  with  stitches  of  blue  ribands.  Tlicre 
 were  also  two  sardonyxes  upon  the  ephod  at  the  shoulders,  to  fasten  it  in  the  nature  of  buttons, 
 having  each  end  running  to  the  sardonyxes  of  gold,  that  they  might  be  buttoned  by  them.  On 
 these  were  engraven  the  nar«es  of  the  sons  of  Jacob  in  our  own  country  letters,  and  our  own 
 tongu-e,  six  on  each  side  of  the  stones,  on  either  side  ;  and  the  elder  sons'  names  were  on  the 
 right  shoulder.  Twelve  stones  also  there  were  upon  the  breastplate,  extraordinary  in  large- 
 ness and  beauty  ;  and  they  were  an  ornament  not  to  be  purchased  By  men,  because  of  their 
 immense  value.  These  stones,  however,  stood  in  three  rows,  by  four  in  a  row,  and  were 
 inserted  into  the  breastplate  itself,  and  they  were  set  in  ouches  of  gold,  tliat  were  themselves 
 inserted  in  tlie  breastplate,  and  were  so  made  that  they  might  not  fall  out.  Now  the  first 
 three  were  a  sardonyx,  a  topaz,  and  an  emerald.  The  second  row  contained  a  carbun- 
 cle, a  jasper,  and  a  sapphire.  The  first  of  the  third  row  was  a  ligure,  then  an  amethyst,  and 
 the  third  an  agate,  being  the  ninth  of  the  whole  number.  The  first  of  the  fourth  row  was  a 
 chrysolite,  the  next  was  an  onyx,  and  then  a  beryl,  which  was  the  last  of  all.  Now  the  names 
 of  all  those  sous  of  Jacob  were  engraven  in  these  stones,  whom  we  esteem  the  heads  of  our 
 tribes,  each  stone  having  the  honour  of  a  name,  in  the  order  according  to  which  they  were 
 born.  And  whereas  the  rings  were  too  weak  of  themselves  to  bear  the  weight  of  the  stones, 
 they  made  two  other  rings  of  a  larger  size,  at  the  edge  of  that  part  of  the  breastplate,  which 
 reached  to  the  neck,  and  inserted  into  the  very  texture  of  the  breastplate,  to  receive  chains 
 finely  wrought,  which  connected  them  with  golden  bands  to  the  tops  of  Uie  shoulders,  wliose 
 extremity  turned  backwards,  and  went  into  the  ring,  on  the  prominent  back  part  of  the 
 ephod  ;  and  this  was  for  the  security  of  the  breastplate,  that  it  might  not  fall  out  of  its  place. 
 There  was  also  a  girdle  sewed  to  the  breastplate,  which  was  of  the  forementioi.'ed  colours, 
 with  gold  intermixed,  which  when  it  had  gone  once  round,  was  tied  again  upon  the  seam,  and 
 lung  down.  There  were  also  golden  loops  that  admitted  its  fringes  at  eacli  extremity  of  the 
 girdle,  and  included  them  entirely. 
 
 0.  The  high  priest's  mitre  was  the  same  that  we  described  before,  and  was  wrought  like 
 that  o'  all  the  other  priests  ;   above  which   there  was   another,  with   swathes  of  blue  embroi- 
 
 •I'he  use  of  those  (.'oldcii  bells  at  the  bottom  of  the  high  priest's  long  frarmeni.  seems  to  have  been  this : 
 'J  l>;it  by  sliiikiiii;  bis  garment  at  the  time  of  his  offering  incense  in  the  tenipte,  on  the  preat  day  of  expiation. 
 at  at  otlur  proiK-r  periods  of  his  sacred  ministra  ions  there,  on  the  great  festivals,  the  people  mit-'ht  have 
 notice  of  it,  anil  might  fall  to  their  own  prayers  at  the  time  of  incense,  or  other  proper  periods;  and  so  the 
 whole  congregation  might  at  once  offer  those  common  pravers  jointly  with  the  high  priest  himself  to  the 
 Almighty  See  l.uke  i.  10.  Rev.  viii.  ,"?,  4.  Nor  probablyis  the  son  of  .Sirach  to  be  otherwise  imderstoufl, 
 when  he  says  of  Aaron,  the  first  hipli  priest,  Ecclus.  xlv.  9.  "And  Ood  compassed  Aaron  "vith  pome 
 pranates,  and  with  many  golden  bells  rotind  about,  that  as  he  went  there  miglit  he  a  sound,  and  a  noise  made 
 that  might  be  heard  iu  the  temple  for  a  memorial  to  the  childreu  of  Uis  people." 
 
 M 
 
J)0  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 (lered.aiid  round  it  was  a  golden  crown  polished,  of  three  rows,  one  above  anolher ;  out  ol' 
 wliich  arose  a  cup  of  gold,  which  resembled  the  herb  which  we  call  '  saccharus,'  but  those 
 Greeks  that  are  skilful  in  botany  call  '  hyoscyamus.'  Now  lest  any  one  that  has  seen  this 
 herb,  but  has  not  been  taught  its  name,  and  is  unacquainted  with  its  nature,  or  having  known 
 its  name,  knows  not  the  herb  when  he  sees  it,  I  shall  give  such  a  description  of  it.  This  herb 
 is  oftentimes  in  tallnesg  above  three  spans,  but  its  root  is  like  that  of  a  turnip,  (for  he  that 
 should  compare  it  thereto  would  not  be  mistaken,)  but  its  leaves  are  like  to  the  leaves  of  mint. 
 Out  of  its  branches  it  sends  out  a  calyx,  cleaving  to  the  branch,  and  a  coat  encompasses  it, 
 which  it  naturally  puts  off  when  it  is  changing,  in  order  to  produce  its  fruit.  This  calyx  is  of 
 the  bigness  of  the  bone  of  the  little  finger,  but  in  the  compass  of  its  aperture,  is  like  a  cup. — 
 This  I  will  further  describe  for  the  use  of  those  that  are  unacquainted  with  it.  Suppose  a 
 sphere  be  divided  into  two  parts,  round  at  the  bottom,  but  having  another  segment  that  grows 
 up  to  a  circumference  from  that  bottom  ;  suppose  it  become  narrower  by  degrees,  and  that  the 
 cavity  of  that  part  grow  decently  smaller,  and  then  gradually  grow  wider  again  at  the  brim, 
 such  as  we  see  in  the  navel  of  a  pomegranate,  with  its  notches.  And  indeed  such  a  coat  grows 
 over  this  plant  as  renders  it  a  hemisphere,  and  that,  as  one  may  say,  turned  accurately  in  a 
 lathe,  and  having  its  notches  extant  above  it,  which,  as  I  said,  grow  like  a  pomegranate,  only 
 that  they  are  sharp,  and  end  in  nothing  but  prickles.  Now  the  fruit  is  preserved  by  this  ooat 
 of  the  calyx,  which  fruit  is  like  the  seed  of  the  herb  '  sideritis  :'  it  sends  out  a  flower  that 
 may  seem  to  resemble  that  of  the  poppy.  Of  this  was  a  crown  made,  as  far  as  from  the  hinder 
 part  of  the  head  to  each  of  the  temples  :  but  this  '  ephielis,'  for  so  this  calyx  may  be  called, 
 did  not  cover  the  forehead,  but  it  was  covered  with  a  '  golden  plate,'*  which  had  inscribed 
 upon  it  the  name  of  God  in  sacred  characters.  And  such  were  the  ornaments  of  the  high 
 priest. 
 
 7.  Now  here  one  may  wonder  at  the  ili-will  which  men  bear  to  us,  and  which  they  profess 
 to  be  on  account  of  our  despising  that  Deity  which  they  pretend  to  honour  ,  for  if  any  one  do 
 but  consider  the  fabric  of  the  tabernacle,  and  take  a  view  of  the  garments  of  the  high  priest, 
 and  of  those  vessels  which  we  make  use  of  in  our  sacred  ministration,  he  will  find  that  oui 
 legislator  was  a  divine  man,  and  that  we  are  unjustly  reproached  by  others  ;  for  if  any  one 
 do  without  prejudice,  and  with  judgment,  look  upon  these  things,  he  will  find  they  were  every 
 one  made  in  way  of  imitation  and  representation  of  the  universe.  When  Moses  disting,uished 
 the  tabernacle  into  three  parts, t  and  allowed  two  of  them  to  the  priests,  as  a  place  accessible 
 and  common,  he  denoted  the  land  and  the  sea,  these  being  of  general  access  to  all ;  but  he  set 
 apart  the  third  division  for  God,  because  heaven  is  inaccessible  to  men.  And  when  he 
 ordered  twelve  loaves  to  be  set  on  the  table,  he  denoted  the  year,  as  distinguished  into  so  many 
 months.  By  branching  out  the  candlestick  into  seventy  parts,  he  secretly  intimated  the 
 'decani,'  or  seventy  divisions  of  ihe  planets  ;  and  as  to  the  seven  lamps  upon  the  candlesticks, 
 they  referred  to  the  course  of  the  planets,  of  which  that  is  the  number.  The  vials,  too,  which 
 were  composed  of  four  things,  they  declared  the  four  elements  ;  for  the  plain  linen  was  proper 
 to  signify  the  earth,  because  the  llax  grows  out  of  the  earth.  The  purple  signified  the  sea, 
 because  that  colour  is  dyed  by  the  blood  of  a  sea  shell-fish.  The  blue  is  fit  to  signify  the  air, 
 and  the  scarlet  will  naturally  be  an  indication  of  fire.  Now  the  vestment  of  the  high  priest 
 being  made  of  linen,  signified  the  earth  ;  the  blue  denoted  the  sky,  being  like  lightning  in  its 
 promegranates,  and  in  the  noise  of  the  bells  resembling  thunder.  And  for  the  ephod,  it 
 shewed  that  God  had  made  the  universe  of  four  (elements,)  and  as  for  the  gold  interwoven, 
 J  suppose  it  related  to  the  splendour  by  which  all  things  are  enlightened.  He  also  appointed 
 the  breastplate  to  he  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  ephod  to  resemble  the  earth,  for  that  has  the 
 very  middle  place  of  the  world.  And  the  girdle,  which  encompassed  the  high  priest  round, 
 signified  the  ocean,  for  that  goes  round  about  and  includes  the  universe.  Each  of  the  sardo- 
 nyxes  declares  to  us  the  sun  and  the  moon,  th.ose,  I  mean,  that  were  in  the  nature  of  buttons 
 on  the  high  priest's  shoulders.  And  for  the  twelve  stones,  whether  we  understand  by  them 
 the  mouths,  or  whether  we  understand  the  like  number  of  the  signs  of  that  circle  which  the 
 Greeks  call  the  zodiac,  we  shall  not  be  mistaken  in  their  meaning.  And  for  the  mitre,  which 
 was  of  a  blue  colour,  it  seems  to  me  to  mean  heaven  ;  for  how  otherwise  could  the  name  of 
 God  be  inscribed  upon  it?  That  it  was  also  illustrated  with  a  crown,  and  that  of  gold  also,  is 
 because  of  that  splendour  with  which  God  is  pleased.  Let  this  explication  t  suffice  at  present, 
 since  the  course  of  ray  narration  will  often,  and  at  manv  occasions,  aflord  me  the  opportunity 
 of  enlarging  on  the  virtue  of  our  legislator. 
 
 •  The  reader  ought  to  take  notice  here,  that  the  very  Mosaic  '  patelon'  or  '  golden  plate,'  for  the  forehead 
 of  the  Jewish  high  priest,  was  itself  preserved,  not  only  till  the  days  of  Josephus,  but  of  Origen  ;  and  that  its 
 inscription,  '  holiness  to  the  Lord,'  was  in  the  Samaritan  character.  See  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  iii.  j  viii.— 
 Essay  on  the  Old  Testament,  p.  154,  and  Rclnnd,  De  Spol.  Templi,  p.  132. 
 
 +  When  Josephus,  both  here  and  chap.  vi.  ^  iv.  supposes  the  tabernacle  to  have  been  parted  info  three  parts, 
 he  seems  to  esteem  tlie  bare  entrance  to  be  a  third  division  distinct  from  the  holy  and  the  most  holy  places, 
 and  this  the  rather,  because  in  the  temple  afterward  there  was  a  real  distinct  third  part,  which  was  called  the 
 '  porch,'  otherwise  Josephus  would  contradict  his  own  description  of  the  tabernacle,  which  gives  us  a  parti- 
 cular account  of  no  more  than  two  parts. 
 
 X  This  explication  of  the  mystical  meaning  of  the  Jewish  tabernacle,  and  its  vessels,  with  the  garments  of 
 ..h-  high  priest,  is  taken  out  of  Philo,  and  fitted  to  Gentile  philosophical  notions.  'This  may  possibly  be 
 furt'iven  iu  Jgws,  greatly  voraed  in  heathen  learning  and  philosophy,  as  Philo  had  ever  been,  aod  as  Josephus 
 
BOOK  III. — CHAP.   VIII.  91 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Of  the  Priesthood  of  Aaron. 
 
 $  1.  When  what  has  been  described  was  bronglit  to  a  conclusion,  gifts  not  being  yet  pre- 
 sented, God  appeared  to  Moses,  and  enjoined  biin  to  bestow  the  high  priesthood  upon  Aarou 
 his  brotlier,  as  upon  him  that  best  of  them  all  deserA'ed  to  obtain  that  honour,  on  account  of 
 his  virtue.  And  when  he  had  gathered  the  multitude  together,  he  gave  thcra  an  account  of 
 Aaron's  virtue,  and  of  his  good-will  to  them,  and  of  liie  dangers  he  had  undergone  for  their 
 sakes.  Upon  which,  wlien  tiiey  had  given  testimony  to  him  in  all  respects,  and  shewed  their 
 readiness  to  receive  him,  Moses  said  to  thein,  ''  O  you  Israelites,  this  work  is  already  brought 
 to  a  conclusion,  in  a  manner  most  acceptable  to  God,  and  according  to  your  abilities.  And 
 now,  since  you  see  that  he  is  received  into  this  tabernacle,  we  shall  first  of  all  stand  in  need  of 
 one  that  may  officiate  for  us,  and  may  minister  to  the  sacrifices,  and  to  the  pravers  that  are  to 
 be  put  up  for  us.  And  indeed  had  the  inquiry  after  such  a  person  been  left  to  nie,  I  should 
 have  thought  myself  worthy  of  tliat  honour,  both  because  all  men  are  naturally  fond  of  them- 
 selves, and  because  I  am  conscious  to  myself  that  I  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  for  your 
 deliverance  :  but  now  God  himself  has  determined  that  Aaron  is  worthy  of  this  honour,  and 
 Las  chosen  him  for  his  priest,  as  knowing  him  to  be  the  most  righteous  person  among  you. 
 So  that  he  is  to  put  on  the  vestments  which  are  consecrated  to  God  ;  he  is  to  have  the  care  of 
 the  altars,  and  to  make  provision  for  the  sacrifices  :  and  be  it  is  that  must  put  up  prayers  for 
 you  to  God,  who  will  readily  hear  them,  not  only  because  he  is  himself  solicitous  for  your 
 cation,  but  also  because  he  will  receive  them  as  offered  by  one  that  he  hath  himself  chosen  to 
 this  office."*  The  Hebrews  were  pleased  with  what  was  said,  and  they  gave  their  approbation 
 to  him  whom  God  had  ordained  ;  for  Aaron  was  of  them  all  the  most  deserving  of  this  honour, 
 on  account  of  his  own  stock,  and  gift  of  prophecy,  and  his  brother's  virtue.  He  had  at  that 
 time  four  sons,  Nadab,  Abihu,  Elcazur,  and  Ithamar. 
 
 2.  Now  Moses  commanded  them  to  make  use  of  all  the  utensils  which  were  more  than  were 
 necessary  to  the  structure  of  the  tabernacle,  for  covering  the  tabernacle  itself,  the  candlestick, 
 and  altar  of  incense,  and  the  other  vessels,  that  they  might  not  be  at  all  hurt  when  tbey  jour- 
 neyed, either  by  the  rain,  or  by  the  rising  of  the  dust.  And  when  he  had  gathered  the  multi- 
 tude together  again,  he  ordained  that  they  sliould  offer  half  a  shekel  for  every  man  as  an 
 oblation  to  God  ;  which  shekel  is  a  piece  among  the  Hebrews,  and  is  equal  to  four  Athenian 
 drachma!. t  Whereupon  they  readily  obeyed  what  Moses  had  commanded,  and  the  number  of 
 the  offerers  was  six  hundred  and  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  fifty.  Now  this  money  ttiat 
 was  brought  by  the  men  that  were  free,  was  given  by  such  as  were  above  twenty  years  old, 
 but  under  fifty;  and  what  was  collected  was  spent  in  the  uses  of  the  tabernacle. 
 
 3.  Moses  now  purified  the  tabernacle,  and  the  priests  ;  which  purification  was  performed  afttr 
 the  following  manner  :  he  commanded  them  to  take  five  hundred  shekels  of  choice  myrrh,  an 
 equal  quantity  of  cassia,  and  half  the  foregoing  weight  of  cinnamon  and  calamus,  (this  last  is 
 a  sort  of  sweet  spice,)  to  beat  them  small,  and  wet  them  with  an  hin  of  oil  of  olives,  (an  bin  is 
 nur  own  country  measure,  and  contains  two  Athenian  cboas  or  conguises,)  then  mix  them 
 together,  and  boil  them  :  and  prepare  them  after  the  art  of  the  apothecary,  and  make  them 
 into  a  very  sweet  ointment ;  and  afterward  to  take  it  to  anoint  and  purify  the  priests  them- 
 selves, and  all  the  tabernacle,  as  also  the  sacrifices.  There  were  also  many,  and  those  of 
 various  kinds  of  sweet  spices,  that  belonged  to  the  tabernacle,  and  such  as  were  of  very  great 
 price,  and  were  brought  to  the  golden  altar  of  incense  ;  whose  nature  I  do  not  now  describe, 
 lest  it  should  be  troublesome  to  ray  readers.  But  incense:):  was  to  be  offered  twice  a  day, 
 both  before  sun-rising  and  at  sun-seltiug.     They  were  also  to  keep  oil  already  purified  for  the 
 
 had  long  bePD  when  he  wrote  these  antiquities.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is  not  to  be  douhtert,  but  in  their  education 
 they  must  have  both  learned  more  Jewish  interiiretations,  such  as  we  meet  with  in  the  epistle  of  liariiabas,  in 
 that  to  the  Hebrews,  and  elsewhere  among  the  old  Jews.  Accordingly,  whe«i  Josephus  wrote  his  books  of 
 the  Jewish  war  for  the  use  of  the  Jews,  at  which  time  he  was  comparatively  young,  and  less  used  to  Gentile 
 books,  we  find  one  specimen  of  such  a  Jewish  interpretation  ;  for  there  (b.  v.  chap.  v.  §  5.)  he  makes  the  seven 
 branches  of  the  temple  candlestick,  with  their  seven  lamps,  an  emblem  of  the  seven  days  of  crealion  and  rest, 
 which  are  here  emblems  of  the  seven  planets.  Nor  certainly  ought  ancient  Jewish  emblems  to  be  explained 
 aay  otherwise  than  according  to  ancient  Jewish,  and  not  Gentile  notions.  See  of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap, 
 xxxiii.  ^  2. 
 
 *  It  is  well  worth  our  observation,  that  the  two  principal  qualifications  required  in  this  section  for  the 
 constitution  of  the  first  high  priest,  viz.  that  he  should  have  an  excellent  '  character'  for  virtuous  and  goocl 
 actions,  as  also  th.it  he  should  have  the  '  approbation'  of  the  people,  are  here  noted  by  Josephus,  even  wliere 
 the  nomination  belonged  to  God  himself,  which  are  the  very  same  qualifications  which  the  Chrislian  religion 
 requires  in  the  choice  of  Christian  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  as  the  apostolical  constitutions  lutorm  us 
 b.  ii.  chap.  iii. 
 
 t  This  weight  and  value,  of  the  Jewish  shekel,  in  the  days  of  Jo.-,yphus,  equal  to  about  2s.  lOd.  sterling,  is 
 by  the  learned  Jews  owned  to  be  (iiie-fit'lh  larger  than  were  their  old  shekel-  :  which  delermination  agree* 
 uerfeet'ry  with  the  remaining  slnkils  that  have  .Samaritan  inscriptions,  coined  gcni-rally  by  .Simon  the  Macca- 
 Dce,  about  2:iO  years  before  JoH-pluis  published  his  Antiquities,  vhicli  never  weigh  more  than  2s.  5a.  halt- 
 penny,  aud  commonly  but  Ss.  4d.  farthing.    See  Reland,  Ue  Nummis  Samaritanonim,  p.  188. 
 
 i  The  incense  was  here  offered,  according  to  Josephus'  opinion,  before  sun-rising,  and  at  sun-setting.  15ut 
 in  ilie  days  of  Pompey,  according  to  (he  same  Josiphus,  the  sacrifices  were  offered  in  the  uiorniug.  and  at  the 
 Biuth  hour.     Anliq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  iv.  }  S. 
 
m  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 lamps;  three  of  wbicb  were  to  give  liglit  ali   daylong,*  upon  Ihe  sacred  caudlestick,  t>efore 
 God,  and  the  rest  were  to  be  lighted  at  the  evening, 
 
 4.  Now  all  was  finished,  Bezaleel  and  Aholiab  appeared  to  be  the  most  skilful  of  the 
 workmen  ;  for  they  invented  finer  works  than  what  others  httd  done  before  them,  and  were  ot 
 great  abilities  to  gain  notions  of  what  they  were  formerly  ignorant  of:  and  of  these  Bezaleel 
 was  judged  to  be  the  best.  Now  the  whole  time  they  were  about  thi's  work  was  the  interval 
 of  seven  months  ;  and  after  this  it  was  that  was  ended  the  first  year  since  their  departure  out 
 of  Egypt.  But  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  year  on  the  month  Xanthicus,  as  the  Macedo- 
 uians  call  it,  but  on  the  month  Nisan,  as  the  Hebrews  call  it,  on  the  new  moon,  thej  conse 
 crated  the  tabernacle,  and  all  its  vessels,  which  I  have  already  described. 
 
 6.  Now  God  shewed  himself  pleased  with  the  work  of  the  Hebrews,  and  did  not  permit 
 their  labours  to  be  in  vain  ;  nor  did  he  disdain  to  make  use  of  what  they  had  made,  but  he 
 came  and  sojourned  with  them,  aud  pitched  his  tabernacle  in  the  holy  house.  And  in  the 
 following  manner  did  he  come  to  it:  the  sky  was  clear,  but  there  was  a  mist  over  the  taberna 
 cle  only,  encompassing  it,  but  not  with  such  a  very  deep  and  thick  cloud  as  is  seen  in  the 
 winter  season,  nor  yet  in  so  thin  a  one  as  men  might  be  able  to  discern  any  thing  through  itj 
 but  from  it  there  dropped  a  sweet  dew,  and  such  as  shewed  the  presence  of  God  to  those  thaf 
 desired  and  believed  it. 
 
 6.  Now  when  Moses  had  bestowed  such  honorary  presents  on  the  workmen,  as  it  was  fit 
 they  should  receive,  who  had  wrought  so  well,  he  offered  sacrifices  in  the  open  conrt  of  the 
 tabernacle,  as  God  commanded  him,  a  bull,  &  ram,  and  a  kid  of  the  goats,  for  a  sin-offering. — 
 Now  I  shall  speak  of  what  we  do  in  our  sacred  offices  in  my  discourse  about  sacrifices;  and 
 therein  shall  inform  men  in  what  cases  Mosec  bid  us  ofTer  a  whole  burnt-ofTering,  aud  in  what 
 cases  the  law  permits  us  to  partake  of  them  as  of  food.  And  when  Moses  had  sprinkled 
 Aaron's  vestments,  himself,  and  his  sons,  with  the  blood  of  the  beasts  that  were  slain,  and  had 
 purified  them  with  spring  waters,  and  ointment,  they  became  God's  priests.  After  this  manner 
 did  he  consecrate  them  and  theii-  garments  for  seven  days  together.  The  same  he  did  to  the 
 tabernacle,  and  the  vessels  thereto  belonging,  both  with  oil  first  incensed,  as  I  said,  and  with 
 the  blood  of  bulls,  and  of  rams,  slain  day  by  day  one,  according  to  its  kind.  But  on  the 
 eighth  day  he  appointed  a  feast  for  the  people,  and  commanded  them  to  offer  sacrifice  accord- 
 ing to  their  ability.  Accordingly,  they  contended  one  with  another,  and  were  ambitious  te 
 exceed  each  other  in  the  sacrifices  wliich  they  brought,  and  so  fulfilled  Moses'  injunctions. — 
 But  as  the  sacrifices  lay  upon  the  altar,  a  sudden  fire  was  kindled  from  among  them  of  its  own 
 accord,  and  appeared  to  the  sight  like  fire  from  a  flash  of  lightning,  and  consumed  whatsoever 
 was  upon  the  altar. 
 
 7.  Hereupon  an  affliction  befell  Aaron,  considered  as  a  man  and  a  father,  but  was  undergone 
 by  him  with  true  fortitude  ;  for  he  had  indeed  a  firmness  of  soul  in  such  accidents,  and  he 
 thought  this  calamity  came  upon  him  according  to  God's  will  :  for  whereas  he  had  four  sons, 
 as  I  said  before,  the  two  elder  of  them,  Nadab  and  Abihu,  did  not  bring  those  sacrifices  which 
 Moses  bade  them  bring,  but  such  as  they  used  to  offer  formerly,  aud  were  burnt  to  death.  Now 
 when  the  fire  rushed  upon  them,  and  began  to  bmn  them,  nobody  could  quench  it.  Accord- 
 ingly, they  died  in  this  manner.  And  Moses  bid  their  father,  and  their  brethren,  to  take  up 
 their  bodies  to  carry  them  out  of  the  camp,  and  to  bury  them  magnificently.  Now  the  multi- 
 tude lamented  them,  and  were  deeply  afl'ected  at  this  their  death,  which  so  unexpectedly 
 befell  them.  Bui  Moses  entreated  their  brethren,  and  their  father,  not  to  be  troubled  for 
 them,  and  to  prefer  the  honour  of  God  before  their  grief  about  them,  for  Aaron  had  already 
 put  on  his  sacred  garments. 
 
 8.  But  iMoses  refused  all  that  honour  which  he  saw  the  multitude  ready  to  bestow  upon  him, 
 and  attended  to  nothing  else  but  the  service  of  God.  He  went  no  more  up  to  mount  Sinai ; 
 but  he  went  into  the  tabernacle,  and  brought  back  answers  from  God  to  what  he  prayed  for. 
 His  habit  was  also  that  of  a  private  man  ;  and  in  all  other  circumstances  he  behaved  himself 
 like  one  of  the  common  people,  and  was  desirous  to  appear  without  distinguishing  himself  from 
 the  multitude,  but  would  have  it  known  that  he  did  nothing  else  but  take  care  of  them.  He 
 also  set  down  in  writing  the  form  of  their  government,  and  those  laws,  by  obedience  whereto 
 they  would  lead  their  lives  so  as  to  please  God,  and  so  as  to  have  no  quarrels  one  among 
 arvpther.  Hosvever,  the  laws  he  ordained  were  such  as  God  suggested  to  him  :  so  I  shall  now 
 discourse  concerning  that  form  of  government,  and  those  laws. 
 
 9.  I  will  now  treat  of  what  I  before  omitted,  the  garment  of  the  high  priest:  for  be  [3Ioses] 
 le<"t  no  room  for  the  evil  practices  of  [false]  prophets  ;  but  if  some  of  that  sort  should  attempt 
 to  abu'ie  the  divine  authority,  he  left  it  to  (iod  to  be  present  at  his  sacrifices  when  he  pleased, 
 and  when  he  pleased  to  be  absent.!  And  he  was  willing  this  should  be  known,  not  to  the 
 Hebrews  only,  but  to  those  foreigners  also  who  were  there.     But  as  to  those  stones, j:  which 
 
 •  Hence  we  may  correct  the  opinions  of  the  modern  Kabbins,  who  say,  that  only  '  one'  of  the  seven  lamps 
 bnrned  in  the  day-time,  whereas  Josephus,  an  eye-witnesu,  says  there  were  '  three.' 
 
 t  Of  thia  strangH  expression,  that  '  Moses  left  it  to  God  to  be  present  at  his  sacrifices  when  he  pleased,  and 
 when  he  pleased  to  be  absent,'  see  the  note  on  b.  ii.  against  Apion,  ^  16. 
 
 t  These  answers  by  (hf  nraclo  of  '  Urim'  and  'Thumraim,'  which  words  signify  '  lit-rht  and  perfection,'  <>r, 
 as  the  Septuagint  render  them,  '  revelation  and  truth,'  and  denote  nofliing  further,  (ban  I  sec,  but  tlie  shiuii'S 
 
BOOK  III. — CHAP.  vni.  93 
 
 we  told  you  before,  the  high  priest  bare  on  his  shoulders,  which  were  sardoiiyxes,  (and  I 
 tliink  it  needless  to  describe  their  nature,  they  being  known  to  every  body ;)  the  one  of  them 
 ihined  out  when  God  was  present  at  their  sacrifices,  I  mean,  that  which  was  in  the  nature  of 
 a  button  on  his  right  shotilder,  bright  rays  darting  out  thence  ;  and  being  seen  even  by  those 
 that  were  most  remote  ;  which  spiendonr  yet  was  not  before  n-atural  to  the  stone.  This  has 
 appeared  a  wonderful  thing  to  such  as  have  not  so  far  indulged  themselves  in  philosophy,  as 
 to  despise  'divine  revelation.'  Yet  will  I  mention  what  is  still  more  wonderful  than  this ' 
 for  God  declared  beforehand,  by  those  twelve  stones  which  the  high  priest  bare  on  his  breast, 
 and  which  were  inserted  into  his  breastplate,  when  they  should  be  victorious  in  battle;  for  so 
 great  a  splendour  shone  forth  from  them  before  the  army  began  to  march,  that  all  the  people 
 were  sensible  of  God's  being  present  for  their  assistance.  Whence  it  came  to  pass  that  those 
 Greeks,  who  had  a  veneration  for  our  laws,  because  they  could  not  possibly  contradict  this, 
 called  that  breastplate  '  the  oracle.'  Now  this  breastplate,  and  this  sardonyx,  left  ofl"  shining 
 two  hundred  years  before  I  composed  this  book,  God  having  been  displeased  at  the  transgres- 
 sion of  his  laws.  Of  which  things  we  shall  farther  discourse  on  a  fitter  opportunity  ;  but  I  '.vill 
 now  go  on  with  ray  proposed  narration. 
 
 10.  The  tabernacle  being  now  consecrated,  and  a  regular  order  being  settled  for  the 
 priests,  the  multitude  judged  that  God  now  dwelt  among  thera,  and  betook  themselves  to 
 sacrifices  and  praises  to  God,  as  being  now  delivered  from  all  expectation  of  evils,  and  as 
 entertaining  a  hopeful  prospect  of  better  limes  hereafter.  They  ofiered  also  gifts  to  God,  some 
 as  common  to  the  whole  nation,  and  others  as  peculiar  to  themselves,  and  these  tribe  by  tribe  ; 
 for  the  heads  of  the  tribes  combined  together,  two  by  two,  and  brought  a  waggon  and  a  voke 
 of  oxen.  These  amounted  to  six,  and  they  carried  the  tabernacle  when  they  journeyed. — 
 Besides  which,  every  head  of  a  tribe  brought  a  bowl,  and  a  charger,  and  a  spoon,  of  ten  darirs, 
 full  of  incense.  Now  the  charger  and  the  bowl  were  of  silver:  and  together  they  weighed 
 two  hundred  shekels,  but  the  bowl  cost  no  more  than  seventy  shekels  ;  and  these  were  full 
 cif  fine  flour  mingled  with  oil,  such  as  tliev  used  on  the  altar  about  the  sacrifices.  Thev 
 brought  also  a  young  bullock,  and  a  rara,  with  a  larab  of  a  year  old,  for  a  whole  burnt-offer- 
 ing, as  also  a  goat  for  the  forgiveness  of  sins.  Every  one  of  the  heads  of  the  tribes  brought 
 also  other  sacrifices,  caUed  '  peace-offerings,' for  every  day  two  bulls,  and    five  rams,  with 
 
 etoiies  themselves,  which  were  used  in  this  method  of  illumination,  in  revealing  the  will  of  God,  after  a 
 perfect  and  true  manner,  to  liis  people  Israel :  I  say,  these  answers  were  not  made  by  the  shining  of  ihe 
 precious  stones,  after  an  awkward  manner,  in  the  high  i>riest's  breastplate  ;  as  the  modern  Itabbins  vainly  suppose; 
 for  certainly  the  shining  of  the  stones  might  precede  or  accompany  the  oracle,  without  itself  delivering  that 
 oracle,  (see  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  vi.  ^  iv.)  but  rather  by  an  audible  voice  from  the  mercy-seat  between  the 
 cherubims.  See  Prideaux's  Connect,  at  the  year  S.M.  This  oracle  had  been  silent,  as  Josephtjg  here  informs 
 us,  two  hundred  years  before  he  wrote  his  antiquities,  or  ever  since  the  days  of  the  last  good  high  priest  of 
 the  family  of  the  JIaccabees,  John  Hyrcanus.  Is'ow  it  is  here  well  worth  our  observation,  that  iho 
 oracle  b&fore  us  was  that  by  which  (Jod  appeared  to  be  present  with,  and  give  directions  to  his  people  Israel 
 as  their  king,  all  the  while  they  submitted  to  him  in  that  capacity  ;  and  did  not  set  over  them  such  indepen- 
 dent ki'gs  as  governed  according  lo  their  own  wills  and  political  maxims,  instead  of  divine  diicctions. 
 Accordingly,  we  meet  with  this  oracle  (besides  angelic  and  prophetic  admonitions^  all  along  from  the  days  of 
 Hoses  and  Joshua  to  the  anointing  of  Saul,  the  first  of  the  succession  of  kings.  ISumb.  xxvii.  CI.  Josh.  vi.  6, 
 ,&c.  xix.  50.  Judg.  i.  1.  xyiii.  4,  5,  6,30,31.  xx.  18,  23,  26,  27,  28.  xxi.  1,  &c.  lSam.i.l7,  18.  iii.  pe.-.  tot.  iv. 
 per.  tot.  nay,  till  Saul's  rejection  of  the  divine  commands  in  the  war  with  Amalek,  when  he  took  upon  him  to 
 act  as  hethouKht  lit,  1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  18.  19,  ^6.  37.  then  this  oracle  left  Saul  entirely,  (which  indeed  he  had 
 seldom  consulted  before,  1  Sam.  xiv.  3.5.  1  t'liron.  x.  14.  xiii.  3.  .Antiq. b.  vii.  chap.  iv.  ^  ii.)  and  accompanied 
 Pavid,  who  was  anointed  to  succeed  him,  and  v.-ho  consulted  God  by  it  frequently,  and  complied  with  its 
 directions  constantly,  1  Sam.  xiv.  .37,  41.  xv.  26.  xxii.  13,  15.  xxiii.9, 10.  xxx.  7,  8,  18.  2Sam.  ii.  1  v.  19,  23. 
 xxi.  1.  xxiii.  14.  1  (Jhron.  xiv.  10, 14.  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  xii.  ^  v.  Saul  indeed,  long  after  his  rejection  by  God, 
 find  when  God  had  given  him  up  to  destruction,  for  his  disobedience,  did  once  afterwards  ctideavour  to 
 consult  God,  when  it  was  too  late  :  but  God  would  not  then  answer  him,  neither  by  dreams,  nor  by  urim,  nor 
 by  prophets,  1  Sani.  xxviii.  6.  Nor  did  any  of  David's  successors,  the  kings  of  Judah,  that  we  know  of, 
 consult  God  by  this  oracle  till  the  very  Babylonish  captivity  itself,  when  those  kings  were  at  an  end,  they 
 taking  upon  them,  1  suppose,  too  much  of  despotic  power  and  royalty,  and  too  little  owning  the  God  of  Israel 
 for  the  supreme  king  of  Israel,  though  a  few  of  them  consulted  the  prophets  sometimes,  and  were  answered 
 by  them.  At  the  return  of  the  two  tribes,  without  the  return  of  kingly  government,  the  restoration  of  this 
 oracle  was  expected,  Neh.  vii.  6.  1  Esd.  v.  40.  1  Blac.  iv.  46.  xiv.  41.  And  indeed  it  may  seem  to  have 
 been  restored  for  some  time  after  the  Babylonish  captivity,  at  least  in  the  days  of  that  excellent  high  priest 
 John  Ilyrr.aiuiB,  whom  Josephus  esteemed  as  a  king,  a  priest,  and  a  prophet:  and  who.  he  says,  foretold 
 several  things  that  came  to  pass  accordingly  ;  but  about  the  time  of  his  death  he  here  implies,  that  this  oracle 
 quite  ceased,  and  not  before  :  the  foHowirigt  high  priests  now  putting  diadems  on  their  heads,  and  ruling 
 according  to  their  own  will,  and  by  their  own  authority,  like  the  other  kings  of  the  Pagan  countries  about 
 tliem  ;  so  that  while  the  God  of  Israel  was  allowed  to  be  the  supreme  king  of  Israel,  and  his  directions  to  be  their 
 nutlRutic  guides,  God  gave  thera  such  directions,  as  their  supreme  king  and  governor;  and  they  were 
 properly  under  a  theocracy,  by  this  oracle  of  Urim,  hut  no  longer,  (see  Dr.  Bernard's  notes  here,)  though  1 
 confess  I  cannot  but  esteem  the  high  i)riest  Jaddus'  divine  dream.  Antiq.  b.  xi.  chap.  viii.  ii  iv.  and  the  high 
 priest  Caiaphas'  most  remarkable  prophecy,  John  xi.  47 — 52.  as  two  small  remains  or  specimens  of  this  ancient 
 oracle,  which  properly  belonged  to  the  "Jewish  high  priest:  nor  perhaps  ought  we  entirely  to  forget  that 
 eminent  prophetic  dream  of  our  Joseplnis  himself  (one  next  to  a  high  priest,  as  of  the  family  of  tlie  Asamo- 
 neans  or  Maccabees,)  as  to  the  succession  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  to  the  Roman  empire,  and  that  in  the  days 
 of  Nero,  and  before  eithor  (ialba,  Otho,  or  Vitellius,  were  thought  of  to  succeed  him.  Of  the  War,  b.  iii. 
 cln-ip.  viii.  ^  vii.  'this  I  think  may  well  be  looked  on  as  the  very  last  instance  of  any  tiling  like  the  prophetic 
 Urim  among  the  Jewish  nation,  and  just  preceded  their  fatal  desolation :  but  liow  it  could  possibly  come  to 
 pass,  that  such  great  men  as  Sir  John  Ma'sham,  and  Or.  Spencer,  should  imagine  that  thisor.iclu  of  Urim  and 
 Jjiumniim,  with  other  practices  as  old  or  older  than  the  laws  of  Moses,  should  have  been  ordained  in  imitation 
 m  somewhat  like  them  among  the  Kgyptians,  which  we  never  hear  of  till  the  days  of  Diodorus  Siculus, 
 j^'.lian,  and  Alaimonides,  or  little  earlier  than  Die  Christian  era,  at  the  highest,  is  alnitist  unaccountable,  while 
 tno  main  business  of  the  law  of  Moses  was  cvi<lcntly  to  preserve  the  Israelites  from  the  idolatrous  and  super- 
 Ptitious  practices  of  the  neighbouring  Pagan  nations;  and  while  it  is  so  undeniable,  that  the  evidence  for  the 
 great  antiquity  of  Moses'  law  is  incomparably  beyo'.d  that  for  the  like  or  greatt-r  antiquity  of  s.uch  customs  in 
 •'.g>-pt  or  other  nations,  which  indeed  is  generally  none  ,at  all.  It  is  most  absurd  to  derive  any  of  Moses'  law» 
 troni  the  imitation  of  those  heathen  practices  :  and  such  hypotheses  demonstrate  to  us,  how  far  inclination 
 can  prevail  ovur  tviUence,  in  cvon  some  of  the  most  learncd'purt  of  mankind. 
 
94  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Iambs  of  a  year  old,  and  kids  of  the  goats.  Tbese  beads  of  tribes  were  twelve  days  in  sacrifio- 
 ing,  one  sacrificing  every  day.  Now  Moses  went  no  longer  up  to  mount  Sinai,  bat  went  into 
 tbe  tabernacle,  and  learned  of  God  what  tbey  were  to  do,  and  what  laws  should  be  made  ; 
 which  laws  were  preferable  to  what  have  been  devised  by  human  understanding,  and  proved  to 
 be  firmly  observed  for  all  time  to  come,  as  being  believed  to  be  the  gift  of  God,  insomuch 
 that  the  Hebrews  did  not  transgress  any  of  those  laws,  either  as  tempted  in  times  of  peace  by 
 luxury,  or  in  times  of  war  by  distress  of  affairs.  But  I  say  no  more  here  concerning  them, 
 because  I  have  resolved  to  compose  another  work  concerning  our  laws. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 The  Nature  of  our  offering  Sacrifices. 
 
 $1.1  WILL  now,  however,  make  mention  of  a  few  of  our  laws  which  belong  to  purifications, 
 and  the  like  sacred  offices,  since  I  am  accidentally  come  to  this  matter  of  sacrifices.  These 
 sacrifices  were  of  two  sorts;  of  these  sorts  one  was  ofiered  for  private  persons,  and  the  other 
 for  the  people  in  general  ;  and  they  are  done  in  two  different  ways.  In  the  one  case,  what  is 
 slain  is  burnt,  as  a  whole  burnt-offering,  whence  that  name  is  given  to  it ;  but  the  other  is  a  thank- 
 offering,  and  is  designed  for  feasting  those  that  sacrifice.  I  will  speak  of  the  former.  Sup- 
 pose a  private  man  offer  a  burnt-offering,  he  must  slay  either  a  bull,  a  Iamb,  or  a  kid  of  tlie 
 goats,  and  the  two  latter  of  the  first  year,  though  of  bulls  he  is  permitted  to  sacrifice  those 
 of  a  greater  age  ;  but  all  burnt-offerings  are  to  be  of  males.  When  they  are  slain,  the 
 priests  sprinkle  the  blood  round  about  the  altar  ;  then  they  cleanse  the  bodies,  and  divide 
 them  into  parts,  and  salt  them  with  salt,  and  lay  them  upon  the  altar,  while  the  pieces  of  wood 
 are  piled  one  upon  another,  and  the  fire  is  burning :  they  next  cleanse  the  feet  of  the  sacri- 
 fices, and  the  inwards,  in  an  accurate  manner,  and  so  lay  them  to  the  rest  to  be  purged  by  the 
 ,  lire,  while  the  priests  receive  the  hides.     This  is  the  way  of  offering  a  burnt-offering. 
 
 2.  But  those  that  offer  thank-offerings,  do  indeed  sacrifice  the  same  creatures,  but  such  as 
 are  unblemished,  and  above  a  year  old  ;  however,  they  may  take  either  males  or  females. 
 They  also  sprinkle  the  altar  with  their  blood  ;  but  they  lay  upon  the  altar  the  kidneys 
 and  the  caul,  and  all  the  fat,  and  the  lobe  of  the  liver,  together  with  the  rump  of  the  Iamb  ; 
 then  giving  the  breast  and  the  right  shoulder  to  the  priests,  the  offerers  feast  upon  the 
 remainder  of  the  flesh  for  two  days;  and  what  remains  they  burn. 
 
 3.  The  sacrifices  for  sins  are  offered  in  the  same  manner  as  is  the  thank-offering.  But 
 those  who  are  nuable  to  purchase  complete  sacrifices,  offer  two  pigeons,  or  tnrtle-doves  ; 
 the  one  of  which  is  made  a  burnt-offering  to  God,  the  other  they  give  as  food  for  the  priests. 
 But  we  shall  treat  more  accurately  about  the  oblation  of  those  creatures  in  our  discourse 
 concerning  sacrifices.  But  if  a  person  fall  into  sin  by  ignorance,  he  offers  an  ewe  lamb,  or 
 female  kid  of  the  goats,  of  the  same  age  ;  and  the  priests  sprinkle  tbe  blood  at  the  altar,  not 
 after  the  former  manner,  but  at  the  corners  of  it.  They  also  bring  the  kidneys  and  the  rest 
 of  the  fat  ;  together  v.ith  the  lobe  of  the  liver,  to  tbe  altar,  while  the  priests  bear  away  the 
 bides,  and  the  flesh,  and  spend  it  in  the  boly  place  on  the  same  day  ;*  for  the  law  does  not 
 permit  them  to  leave  of  it  until  the  morning.  But  if  any  one  sin,  and  is  conscious  of  it  him- 
 self, but  bath  nobody  that  can  prove  it  upon  bim,  he  offers  a  ram,  the  law  enjoining  him  so 
 to  do:  the  flesh  of  which  the  priests  eat  as  before,  in  the  holy  place,  on  the  same  day. — And 
 if  the  rulers  offer  sacrifices  for  their  sins,  they  bring  the  same  oblations  that  private  men  do  , 
 only  they  so  far  differ,  that  they  are  to  bring  for  sacrifices  a  bull  or  a  kid  of  the  goats,  both 
 males. 
 
 4.  Now  the  law  requires,  both  in  private  and  public  sacrifices,  that  the  finest  flour  be  alsc 
 brought ;  for  a  lamb  the  measure  of  one  tenth  deal,  for  a  ram  two,  and  for  a  bull  three.  This 
 ihey  consecrate  upon  the  altar,  when  it  is  mingled  with  oil  ;  for  oil  is  also  brought  by  those 
 that  sacrifice,  fior  a  bull  the  half  of  an  bin,  and  for  a  ram  tbe  third  part  of  the  same  measure, 
 and  one  quarter  of  it  for  a  lamb.  This  hin  is  an  ancient  Hebrew  measure,  and  is  equivalent 
 to  two  Athenian  choas  (or  conguises.')  They  bring  the  same  quantity  of  oil  which  tbey  do  ot 
 wine,  and  they  pour  the  wine  about  the  altar  ;  but  if  any  one  docs  not  offer  a  complete  sacri- 
 fice of  animals,  but  brings  fine  flour  only  for  a  vow,  he  throws  a  handful  npon  the  altar  as 
 its  first-frnits,  while  the  priests  take  the  rest  for  their  food,  either  boiled,  or  mingled  with 
 oil,  but  made  into  cakes  of  bread.  But  whatsoever  it  be  that  a  priest  himself  offers,  it  must 
 of  necessity  be  all  burnt.  Now  the  law  forbids  us  to  sacrifice  any  animal  at  tbe  same  tine 
 with  its  dam;  and  in  other  cases,  not  till  the  eighth  day  after  its  birth.  Other  sacrifices 
 there  are  also  appointed  for  escaping  distempers,  or  for  other  occasions,  in  which  meat- 
 offerings are  consumed  together  with  the  animals  that  are  sacrificed,  of  which  it  is  not  law- 
 ful to  leave  any  part  till  the  next  day,  only  tbe  priests  are  to  take  their  own  share. 
 
 .•  What  ■Relatid  well  obBerves  here,  out  of  Joseplms,  as  compared  with  the  law  of  Moses,  Ley.  vii.  15. 
 (that  the  eating  of  (he  sacrifice  the  same  day  it  was  offered,  seems  to  mean  only  before  Ihe  morning  oj  tne 
 next,  although  the  latter  part,  «.  e.  the  night,  bn  in  strictness  part  of  the  next  day.  according  to  the  Jewish 
 reckoning,)  is  gruatly  to  be  observed  upon  other  occasions  also.    The  Jewish  maxim  m  such  cases,  it  seems, 
 
 is  this,  that  the  day  foos  before  the  night ;  and  this  appears  to  me  to  be  the   language  both  ot  llie  UUI.anrt 
 ■  e  note  on  Antiq.  b.  iv.chap.  iv.  §  4.  aud  Kcland'snotc  ou  b.  IV.  chap.  VI"   '^  « 
 
BOOK    HI. — CHAP.    X.  95 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Concerning  the  Festivals;  and  how  each  Day  of  such  Festival  is  to  be  observed. 
 
 §  1,  The  law  requires,  tbat  oat  of  the  public  expenses,  a  lamb  of  the  first  year  be  killed 
 every  day,  at  the  beginninp;  and  at  the  ending  of  the  day  ;  but  on  the  seventh  day,  which  is 
 called  the  Sabbath,  they  kill  two,  and  sacrifice  them  in  the  same  manner.  At  the  new  moon, 
 they  both  perform  tlie  daily  sacrifices,  and  slay  two  bulls,  with  seven  lambs  of  the  first 
 year,  and  a  kid  of  the  goats  also,  for  the  expiation  of  sins  ;  that  is,  if  they  have  sinned  through 
 ignorance. 
 
 2.  But  on  the  seventh  month,  which  the  Macedonians  call  Hyperberetasus,  they  make  an 
 addition  to  tho^e  already  mentioned,  and  sacrifice  a  bull,  a  ram,  and  seven  lambs,  and  a  kid 
 of  the  goats,  for  sins. 
 
 3.  On  the  tenth  day  of  the  same  lunar  month,  they  fast  till  the  evening  ;  and  this  day  they 
 sacrifice  a  bull,  and  two  rams,  and  seven  lambs,  and  a  kid  of  the  goats  for  sins.  And  besides 
 iUese,  they  bring  two  kids  of  the  goats ;  the  one  of  which  is  sent  alive  out  of  the  limits  of  the 
 camp  into  the  wilderness  for  the  scape-goat,  and  to  be  an  expiation  for  the  sins  of  the  whole 
 multitude ;  hut  the  other  is  brought  into  a  place  of  great  cleanness  within  the  limits  of  the 
 jamp,  and  is  there  burnt,  with  its  skin,  without  any  sort  of  cleansing.  With  this  goat  was 
 ournt  a  bull,  not  brought  by  the  people,  but  by  the  high  priest,  at  his  own  charges  ;  which  when 
 it  was  slain,  he  brought  of  the  blood  into  the  holy  place,  together  with  the  biQod  of  the  kid 
 of  the  goats,  and  sprinkled  the  ceiling  with  his  finger  seven  times,  as  also  its  pavement,  and 
 again  as  often  towards  the  most  holy  place,  and  about  the  golden  altar  :  he  also  at  last  brings 
 it  into  the  open  court,  and  sprinkles  it  about  the  great  altar.  Besides  this ;  they  set  the 
 extremities,  and  the  kidneys,  and  the  fat,  with  the  lobe  of  the  liver,  upon  the  altar.  The 
 high  priest  likewise  presents  a  ram  to  God  as  a  burnt-offering. 
 
 4.  Upon  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  same  month,  when  the  season  of  the  year  is  changing  for 
 winter,  the  law  enjoins  us  to  pitch  tabernacles  in  every  one  of  our  houses,  so  that  we  preserve 
 ourselves  from  the  cold  of  that  time  of  the  year ;  as  also  that  when  we  shall  arrive  at  our 
 own  country,  and  come  to  that  city  that  we  should  have  then  for  our  metropolis,  because  of 
 the  temple  therein  to  be  built,  and  keep  a  i'estival  for  eight  days,  and  offer  burnt-offerings, 
 and  sacrifice  thank-offerings,  that  we  should  carry  in  our  bands  a  branch  of  myrtle  and 
 willow,  and  a  bough  of  the  palm-tree,  with  the  addition  of  the  pomecitron.  That  the  burnt- 
 offering  on  the  first  of  those  days  was  to  be  a  sacrifice  of  thirteen  bulls,  and  fourteen  lambs, 
 and  fifteen  rams,  with  the  addition  of  a  kid  of  the  goats,  as  an  expiation  for  sins  ;  and  on  the 
 following  days  the  same  number  of  lambs,  and  of  rams  with  the  kids  of  the  goats  ;  but  abating 
 one  of  the  bulls  every  day,  till  they  amounted  to  seven  only.  On  the  eighth  day  all  work  was 
 laid  aside,  and  then,  as  we  said  before,  they  sacrificed  to  God  a  bullock,  a  ram,  and  seven 
 Iambs,  with  a  kid  of  the  goats,  for  an  expiation  of  sins.  And  this  is  the  accustomed  solemnity 
 of  the  Hebrews,  when  they  piich  their  tabernacles. 
 
 5  In  the  month  of  Xanthicus,  which  is  by  us  called  Nisan,  and  is  the  beginning  of  our 
 year,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  lunar  month,  when  the  sun  is  in  Aries,  (for  on  this  month 
 it  was  that  we  were  delivered  from  bondage  under  the  Egyptians,)  the  law  ordained,  that  we 
 should  every  year  slay  that  sacrifice  which  I  before  told  you  we  slew  when  we  came  out  of 
 Egypt,  and  which  was  called  the  Passover:  and  so  we  do  celebrate  this  passuver  in  com- 
 panies, leaving  nothing  of  what  Ave  sacrifice  till  the  day  following.  The  feast  of  unleavened 
 Dread  succeeds  that  of  the  passover,  and  falls  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month,  and  continues 
 seven  days,  wherein  they  feed  on  unleavened  bread;  on  every  one  of  which  days  two  bulls 
 are  killed,  and  one  ram,  and  seven  lambs.  Now  these  lambs  are  entirely'  burnt,  besides  the 
 kid  of  the  goats  which  is  added  to  ail  the  rest,  for  sins  ;  for  it  is  intended  as  a  feast  for  the 
 priest  on  every  one  of  these  days.  But  on  the  .second  day  of  unleavened  bread,  which  is  the 
 sixteenth  day  of  the  month,  they  first  partake  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  for  before  that  day 
 they  do  not  touch  them.  And  while  they  suppose  it  proper  to  honour  God,  from  whom  they 
 obtain  a  plentiful  provision,  in  the  first  place  they  oiler  the  first  fruits  of  their  barley,  and 
 that  in  the  manner  following:  they  lake  a  handful  of  the  cars,  and  dry  them,  then  beat  then, 
 small,  and  purge  the  barley  from  the  bran  ;  they  then  bring  one  tenth  deal  to  the  altar,  to 
 God  ;  and  casting  one  handful  of  it  upon  (he  fire,  tliey  leave  the  rest  for  the  use  of  the  priest. 
 And  after  this  it  is  that  they  may  publicly  or  privately  reap  their  harvest.  They  also,  at  this 
 participation  of  the  first-fruits  of  the  earth,  sacrifice  a  lamb,  as  a  buriit-ollering  to  God. 
 
 C>.  When  a  week  of  weeks  has  passed  over  after  this  sacrifice,  (which  weeks  contain  forty 
 and  nine  days,)  on  the  fiftieth  day,  which  is  Pentecost,  but  i.s  called  by  the  Hebrews  Asartha, 
 which  signifies  Pentecost,  (hey  bring  to  God  a  loaf,  made  of  v.lieat  fiour,  of  two  tenth  deals, 
 with  leaven ;  and  for  sacrifices  they  bring  two  lambs  ;  and  when  they  have  presented  them  to 
 God  tliey  are  made  ready  for  supper  for  the  priests;  nor  is  it  permitted  to  leave  any  thing  of 
 them  till  the  day  following.  They  also  slay  three  bullocks  for  a  burnt-offering,  and  two  rams  ; 
 and  fourteen  lambs  with  two  kids  of  the  goats  for  sins;  nor  is   there  any  one  of  the  festival* 
 
96  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 but  in  it  they  Lffer  burnt-offerings;  tliey  also  allow  themselves  to  rest  on  every  one  of  tbem. 
 Accordingly,  the  law  prescribes  in  them  all,  what  kinds  they  are  to  sacrifice,  and  how  they  are 
 to  rest  entirely,  and  must  slay  sacrifices  in  order  to  feast  upon  them. 
 
 7.  However,  out  of  the  common  charges,  baked  bread,  '"was  set  en  the  table  of  shew- 
 bread,]  without  leaven,  of  twenty-four  tenth  deals  of  flour,  for  so  much  is  spent  upon  this 
 bread:  two  heaps  of  these  were  baked;  they  were  taken  the  day  before  the  sabbath,  but 
 were  brought  into  the  holy  place  on  the  morning  of  the  sabbath,  and  set  upon  the  holy  table, 
 six  on  a  heap,  one  loaf  still  standing  over  against  another,  where  two  golden  cups  full  of 
 frankincense  were  also  set  upon  them,  and  there  they  remained  till  another  sabbath,  and  then 
 other  loaves  were  brought  in  their  stead,  while  the  loaves  were  given  to  the  priests  for  their 
 food,  and  the  frankincense  was  burnt  in  that  sacred  fire  wherein  ail  their  ofl'erings  were  burnt 
 also  ;  and  so  other  frankincense  was  set  upon  the  loaves  instead  of  what  was  there  before. 
 The  [high]  priest  also,  of  his  own  charges,  ofl'ered  a  sacrifice,  and  that  twice  every  day.  It 
 was  made  of  flour  mingled  with  oil,  and  gently  baked  by  the  fire  :  the  quantity  was  one  tenth 
 deal  of  flour;  he  brought  the  half  of  it  to  the  fire  in  the  morning,  and  the  other  half  at  night. 
 The  account  of  these  sacrifices  I  shall  give  more  accurately  hereafter ;  but  I  think  I  have 
 premised  what  for  the  present  may  be  sufficient  concerning  them. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Of  the  Purifications. 
 
 $  1.  Moses  took  out  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  from  communicating  with  the  rest  of  the  people, 
 and  set  them  apart  to  be  a  holy  tribe  ;  and  purified  them  by  water,  taken  from  perpetual 
 springs,  and  with  such  sacrifices  as  were  usually  ottered  to  God  on  the  like  occasions.  He 
 delivered  to  them  also  the  tabernacle,  and  the  sacred  vessels,  and  the  other  curtains  which 
 were  made  for  covering  the  tabernacle,  that  they  might  minister  under  the  conduct  of  the 
 priests,  who  had  been  already  consecrated  to  God. 
 
 2.  He  also  determined  concerning  animals  ;  which  of  them  might  be  used  for  food,  and 
 which  they  were  obliged  to  abstain  from :  which  matters,  when  this  work  shall  give  me  occa- 
 sion, shall  be  further  explained  ;  and  the  causes  shall  be  added,  by  which  he  was  moved  to 
 allot  some  of  them  to  he  our  food,  and  enjoined  us  to  abstain  from  others.  However,  he 
 entirely  forbade  us  the  use  of  blood  for  food,  and  esteemed  it  to  contain  the  soul  aud  spirit. 
 He  also  forbade  us  to  eat  the  flesh  of  an  animal  that  died  of  itself,  as  also  the  caul,  and  the 
 fat  of  ffoats,  and  sheep,  and  bulls. 
 
 3.  He  also  ordered  that  tliose  whose  bodies  were  afflicted  with  leprosy,  and  that  had  a 
 gonorrhcEa,  should  not  come  into  the  city  :*  nay,  he  removed  the  women,  when  they  had  their 
 natural  purgations,  till  the  seventh  day;  after  which  he  looked  on  them  as  pure,  and  permitted 
 them  to  come  in  again.  The  law  permits  those  also  who  have  taken  care  of  funerals  to  come 
 in  after  the  same  manner,  when  this  number  of  days  is  over  ;  but  if  any  continued  longer  than 
 that  number  of  days  in  a  state  of  pollution,  the  law  appointed  the  offering  two  Iambs  as  a 
 sacrifice  ;  the  one  of  which  they  are  to  purge  by  fire,  and  for  the  other  the  priests  take  it  foe 
 themselves.  In  the  same  manner  do  those  sacrifice  who  have  had  the  gonorrhoea.  But  he 
 that  sheds  his  seed  in  his  sleep,  if  he  goes  down  into  cold  water,  he  has  the  same  privilege 
 with  those  that  have  lawfully  accompanied  with  their  wives.  And  for  the  lepers,  he  sufl'ered 
 them  not  to  come  into  the  city  at  all,  nor  to  live  with  any  others,  as  if  they  were  in  effect 
 dead  persons;  but  if  any  one  had  obtained,  by  prayer  to  God,  the  recovery  from  that  dis- 
 temper, and  had  gained  a  healthful  complexion  again,  such  a  one  returned  thanks  to  God, 
 with  several  sorts  of  sacrifices ;  concerning  which  we  will  speak  hereafter. 
 
 4.  Whence  one  cannot  but  smile  at  those  who  say,  that  Moses  was  himself  afflicted  with 
 leprosy  when  he  fled  out  of  Egypt,  and  that  he  became  the  conductor  of  those  who  on  that  account 
 left  that  country,  and  led  them  into  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  for  had  this  been  true,  Moses  would 
 not  have  made  these  laws  to  his  own  dishonour,  which  indeed,  it  was  more  likely  he  would 
 have  opposed,  if  others  had  endeavoured  to  introduce  them,  and  this  the  rather,  because  there 
 are  lepers  in  many  nations,  who  yet  are  in  honour,  and  not  only  free  from  reproach  and 
 avoidance,  but  who  have  been  great  captains  of  armies,  and  been  intrusted  with  high  offices 
 in  the  commonwealth  ;  and  have  had  the  privilege  of  entering  into  holy  pUu-es  and  temples,  so 
 that  nothing  hindered,  but  if  either  Moses  himself,  or  the  multitude  that  was  with  him,  had 
 been  liable  to  such  a  misfortune,  in  the  colour  of  his  skin,  he  might  have  made  laws  about  ■ 
 them  for  their  credit  and  advantage,  aud  have  laid  no  manner  of  difliciilty  upon  them.  Accor- 
 dingly it  is  a  plain  case,  that  it  is  out  of  violent  prejudice  only  that  they  report  these  tbin-gs 
 about  us.  But  Moses  was  pure  from  any  such  distemper ;  and  lived  with  countrymen  who 
 were  pure  of  it  also,  and  thence  made  the  laws  which  concerned  others  that  had  the  distemper. 
 He  did  this  for  the  honour  of  God.  But  as  to  these  matters,  let  every  one  consider  them 
 after  what  manner  he  pleases. 
 
 •  We  may  here  note,  that  Tosephus  frequentlv  calls  the  camp  the  city,  and  the  court  of  the  Mosaic  taher- 
 ■nacle  a  temple,  and  the  tabernacle  itself  a  holy  house,  with  ailusiou  to  the  latter  city,  temple,  and  holy 
 house,  which  he  knew  so  well  long  afterwards. 
 
BOOK  111. — CHAP.  XII.  97 
 
 6.  As  to  the  women,  when  they  have  born  a  child,  Moses  forbade  thera  to  come  into  the 
 temple,  or  touch  the  sacrifices,  before  forty  days  were  over,  supposing  it  to  be  a  boy  ;  ])ut  if 
 she  had  born  a  girl,  the  law  is,  that  she  cannot  be  admitted  before  twice  that  number  of  davs 
 be  over.  And  when,  after  the  before-mentioned  time  appointed  for  them,  they  perform  their 
 sacrifices,  the  priests  distribute  tham  before  God. 
 
 a.  But  if  any  one  suspect  that  his  wife  has  been  guilty  of  adultery,  he  was  to  bring  a  tenth 
 deal  of  barley-floor  ;  they  then  cast  one  handful  to  God,  and  gave  the  rest  of  it  to  the  priests 
 for  food.  One  of  tlie  priests  set  the  woman  at  the  gates  tliat  are  turned  towards  the  temple, 
 and  took  the  vail  from  her  bead,  and  wrote  the  name  of  God  on  parchment,  and  enjoined  her 
 to  swear,  that  she  had  not  at  all  injured  her  husband  ;  and  to  wish,  that  if  she  had  violated  her 
 chastity,  her  right  Ihi^h  might  be  put  out  of  joint;  that  her  belly  might  swell,  and  that  she 
 might  die  thus :  but  that  if  her  husband,  by  the  violence  of  his  affection,  and  of  the  jealousy 
 which  arose  from  it,  had  been  rashly  moved  to  this  suspicion,  that  she  might  bear  a  male 
 child  on  the  tenth  month.  Now  when  these  oaths  were  over,  the  priest  wiped  the  name  of 
 God  out  of  the  parchment,  and  rung  the  water  into  a  vial.  He  also  took  some  dust  out  of  the 
 temple,  if  any  happened  to  be  there,  and  put  a  little  of  it  into  the  vial,  and  gave  it  her  to 
 drink  ;  whereupon  the  woman,  if  she  were  unjustly  accused,  conceived  with  child,  and  brought 
 it  to  perfection  in  her  womb;  but  if  she  had  broken  her  faith  of  wedlock  to  hsr  husband,  and 
 had  sworn  falsely  before  God,  she  died  in  a  reproachful  manner:  her  lliigh  fell  oft"  from  her, 
 and  her  belly  swelled  with  a  dropsy.  And  tbese  are  the  ceremonies  about  sacrifices,  and 
 about  the  purifications  thereto  belonging,  which  Moses  provided  for  bis  countrymen.  He 
 also  prescribed  the  followiug  laws  to  theiD. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Several  Laws. 
 
 $  1.  As  for  adultery,  Moses  forbade  it  entirely,  as  esteeming  it  a  happy  thing  that  men  should 
 be  wise  in  the  all'airs  of  wedlock  ;  and  that  it  was  profitable  both  to  cities  and  families,  that 
 children  should  be  known  to  be  genuine.  He  also  abhorred  men's  lying  with  their  mothers, 
 as  cue  of  the  greatest  erimes  ;  and  the  like  for  lying  with  the  father's  wife,  and  with  aunts, 
 and  sisters,  and  sons'  wives,  as  all  instances  of  abominable  wickedness.  He  also  forbade  a 
 man  to  lie  with  his  wife  when  she  was  defiled  by  her  natural  purgation  :  and  not  to  come  near 
 brute  beasts,  nor  to  approve  of  the  lying  with  a  male,  wLich  was  to  hunt  after  unlawful  plea- 
 sures on  account  of  beauty.  To  those  who  were  guilty  of  such  insolent  behaviour,  he  ordained 
 death  for  their  punishment. 
 
 2.  As  for  the  priests,  he  prescribed  to  them  a  double  degree  of  purity;*  for  he  restrained 
 them  in  the  instduces  above,  and  moreover  forbade  them  to  marry  harlots.  He  also  forbade 
 them  to  marry  a  slave,  or  a  captive,  and  such  as  got  their  living  by  cheating  trades,  and  by 
 keeping  inns  :  as  also  a  woman  parted  from  her  husband  ou  any  occasion  whatsoever.  Nay, 
 he  did  not  think  it  proper  for  the  high  priest  to  icarry  even  the  widow  of  one  that  was  dead, 
 though  he  allowed  that  to  tlio  priests,  bat  he  permitted  him  only  to  marry  a  virgin,  and  to 
 retain  her.  Whence  it  is  that  the  high  priest  is  not  to  come  near  to  one  that  is  dead,  althnugb 
 the  rest  are  not  prohibited  from  coming  near  to  their  breihren,  or  parents,  or  children,  when 
 they  are  dead,  but  tliey  are  to  be  unblemished  in  all  respects.  He  ordered,  that  the  priest 
 who  had  nuy  blemish,  should  have  his  portion  indeed  among  the  priests,  but  he  forbade  him 
 to  ascend  the  altar,  or  to  enter  into  the  holy  house.  He  also  enjoined  them,  not  only  to 
 observe  purity  in  their  sacred  minislralions,  but  in  their  daily  conversation,  that  it  might  be 
 unbhmcable  also.  And  on  this  account  it  is,  that  those  who  wear  the  sacerdotal  garments, 
 are  without  spot,  and  eminent  for  their  purity  and  sobriety ;  nor  are  they  permitted  to  drink 
 wine  so  long  as  they  wear  those  garments.!  Moreover,  they  ofter  sacrifices  that  are  entire, 
 and  have  no  defect  whatsoever. 
 
 3.  And  truly  Moses  gave  them  all  these  precepts,  being  such  as  were  observed  during  his 
 own  lifetime.  But  though  he  lived  now  in  the  wilderness,  yet  did  he  make  provision  how 
 they  might  observe  the  same  laws  when  they  should  have  taken  the  land  of  Canaan  :  he  gave 
 then  rest  to  the  land  from  ploughing  and  planting  every  seventh  year,  as  he  had  prescribed  to 
 them  to  rest  from  working  every  seventh  day;  and  ordered,  that  then,  what  grew  of  its  own 
 accord  out  of  the  earth  should  in  common  belong  to  all  that  pleased  to  use  it,  making  r.i» 
 distinction  in  tliat  respect  between  their  own  countrymen  and  foreigners  :  and  he  ordained, 
 tliat  they  should  do  the  same  after  seven  times  seven  years,  which  in  all  are  fifty  years  :  and 
 that  fiftieth  year  is  called  by  the  Hebrews  the  Jubilee,  wherein  debtors  are  freed  from  their 
 debts,  and  slaves  are  set  at  liberty ;  which  slaves  became  such,  though  they  were  of  the  same 
 
 *  These  words  of  Joscphiis'  are  remnriaWe,  that  the  lawgiver  of  the  Jews  required  of  the  priests  a  double 
 degree  of  purity,  in  comparison  of  that  required  of  the  people,  of  which  be  gives  several  Bisiamees  iiiinic- 
 dialely.  It  was  for  certain  the  ca^e  aniont,'  the  tir>it  Christians,  of  the  cleryy,  ii.  comparison  of  tlie  laity,  as  the 
 apostolical  constitutions  and  canons  every  where  inform  us. 
 
 +  We  must  here  note  with  Heland.  that  the  precept  given  to  the  priests  not  to  drink  wine,  while  thev  wor> 
 the  Bacred  gai-menls,  is  equivalent  to  their  abstinence  from  it  all  the  while  they  ministereH  m  the  tVinpio, 
 Ijecanse  thev  then  always,  and  then  only,  wore  those  saned  uarmenls,  which  were  laid  up  there  from  ou« 
 tliuu  iif  mmietratioii  lo  another. 
 
1)8  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 itock,  by  transgressing  some  of  tLose  laws  whose  puoishraent  was  not  capital,  but  Ihej  were 
 punislicd  by  tills  method  of  slavery.  This  year  also  restores  the  land  to  its  former  possessors 
 ill  the  manner  following :  when  the  Jubilee  is  come,  which  name  denotes  liberty,  he  that  sold 
 the  land,  and  he  that  bought  it,  meet  together  and  make  an  estimate,  on  one  hand,  of  the 
 fruits  gaihered,  and  on  the  other  hand,  of  the  expenses  laid  out  upon  it.  If  the  fruits 
 gathered  come  to  more  than  the  expenses  laid  out,  he  that  sold  it  takes  the  land  again  ;  but 
 if  the  expenses  prore  more  than  the  fruits,  the  present  possessor  receives  of  the  former 
 owner  the  difference  that  was  wanting,  and  leaves  the  land  to  him  ;  and  if  the  fruits  received, 
 and  the  expenses  laid  out,  prove  equal  to  one  another,  the  present  possessor  relinquishes  it  to 
 the  former  owners.  Moses  would  have  the  same  law  obtain  as  to  those  houses  also  which 
 were  sold  in  villages ;  but  be  made  a  different  law  for  such  as  were  sold  in  a  city  ;  for  if  he 
 that  sold  it  tendered  the  purchaser  his  money  again  within  a  year,  he  was  forced  to  restore 
 it ;  but  in  case  a  whole  year  had  intervened,  the  purchaser  was  to  enjoy  what  he  had  bought. 
 This  was  the  constitution  of  the  laws  which  Moses  learned  of  God,  when  the  camp  lay  under 
 mount  Sinai,  and  this  he  delivered  in  writing  to  the  Hebrews. 
 
 4.  Now  when  this  settlement  of  laws  seemed  to  be  well  over,  Moses  thought  fit  at  length 
 to  take  a  review  of  the  host,  as  thinking  it  proper  to  settle  the  aft'airs  of  war.  So  be  charged 
 the  heads  of  tlie  tribes,  excepting  the  tribe  of  Levi,  to  take  an  exact  account  of  the  number  of 
 those  that  were  able  to  go  to  wat ;  for  as  to  the  Levites  they  were  holy,  and  free  from  all 
 such  burdens.  Now,  when  the  people  had  been  numbered,  there  were  found  six  hundred 
 thousand  that  were  able  to  go  to  war,  from  twenty  to  fifty  years  of  age,  besides  three  thousand 
 six.  hundred  and  fifty.  Instead  of  Levi,  Moses  took  Manasseb,  the  son  of  Joseph,  among  Uie 
 heads  of  tribes ;  and  Ephraim  instead  of  Joseph.  It  was  indeed  a  desire  of  Jacob  himself  to 
 Joseph,  that  he  would  give  him  his  sons  to  be  his  own  by  adoption,  as  I  have  before  related. 
 
 5.  When  they  set  up  the  tabernacle,  they  received  it  into  the  midst  of  their  camp,  three  of 
 the  tribes  pitching  their  tents  on  each  side  of  it,  and  roads  were  cut  through  the  midst  of 
 these  tents.  It  was  like  a  well-appointed  market;  and  every  thing  was  there  ready  for  sale 
 in  due  order;  and  all  sorts  of  artificers  were  in  the  shof.s ;  and  it  resembled  nothing  so  much 
 as  a  city  that  sometimes  was  moveable,  and  sometimes  fixed.  The  priests  had  the  first  places 
 about  the  tabernacle  ;  then  the  Levites,  who,  because  their  whole  multitude  was  reckoned 
 from  thirty  days  old,  were  twenty-three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty  males.  And 
 during  the  time  that  the  cloud  stood  over  the  tabernacle,  they  thonght  proper  to  stay  in  the 
 same  place,  as  supposing  that  God  there  inhabited  among  them :  but  when  that  removed,  they 
 journeyed  also. 
 
 6.  Moreover,  Moses  was  the  inventor  of  the  form  of  their  trumpet,  which  was  made  of 
 silver.  Its  description  is  this ;  in  length  it  was  little  less  than  a  cubit.  It  was  composed  of 
 a  narrow  tube,  somewhat  thicker  than  a  flute,  but  with  so  much  breadth  as  was  sufficient  for 
 admission  of  the  breath  of  a  man's  mouth  ;  it  ended  in  the  form  of  a  bell,  like  common 
 trumpets.  Its  sound  was  called,  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  Asosra.  Two  of  these  being  made, 
 one  of  them  was  sounded  when  they  required  the  multitude  to  come  together  to  congregations. 
 When  the  first  of  them  gave  a  signal,  the  heads  of  the  tribes  were  to  assemble,  and  to  consult 
 about  the  affairs  to  them  properly  belonging ;  but  when  they  gave  the  signal  by  both  of  them, 
 they  called  the  multitude  together.  Whenever  the  tabernacle  was  removed,  it  was  done  in 
 this  solemn  order :  at  the  first  alarm  of  the  trumpet,  those  whose  tents  were  on  the  east 
 quarter  prepared  to  remove ;  when  the  second  signal  was  given,  those  that  were  on  the  south 
 quarter  did  the  like  ;  in  the  next  pkce,  the  tabernacle  was  taken  to  pieces,  and  was  carried  in 
 the  midst  of  six  tribes  that  went  before,  and  six  that  followed,  all  the  Levites  assisting  about 
 the  tabernacle  ;  when  the  third  signal  was  given,  that  part  which  had  their  tents  towards  the 
 west  put  themselves  into  motion  ;  and  at  the  fourth  signal,  those  on  the  north  did  so  likewise. 
 They  also  made  use  of  these  trumpets  in  their  sacred  ministrations,  when  they  were  bringing 
 their  sacrifices  to  the  altar,  as  well  on  the  Sabbaths  as  on  the  rest  of  the  [festival]  days.  And 
 now  it  was  that  Moses  offered  that  sacrifice  which  was  called  the  PassoTer,  in  the  wilderness, 
 as  the  first  he  had  offered  after  the  departure  out  of  Egypt. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 Hoxi}   Moses   removed  from   Mount  Sinai,   and  conducted   the  People  to  the  Borders  of  tJie 
 
 Canaaniles. 
 §  1.  A  LTTTLE  while  afterwards  he  rose  up,  and  went  from  mount  Sinai;  and  having  passed 
 through  several  mansions,  of  which  we  will  speak  anon,  he  came  to  a  place  called  Hazeroth, 
 where  the  multitude  began  again  to  be  mutinous,  and  to  blame  Moses  for  the  misfortunes 
 they  had  suffered  in  their  travels  ;  and  that  when  be  had  persuaded  them  to  leave  a  good 
 land,  they  at  once  bad  lost  that  land,  and  instead  of  that  happy  state  he  had  promised  them, 
 they  were  still  wandering  in  their  present  miserable  condition,  being  already  in  want  of 
 water;  and  if  the  manna  should  happen  to  fail,  they  must  then  utterly  perish.  Yet  while 
 they  generally  spake  many  and  sore  things  against  the  man,  there  was  one  of  them  who 
 exhorted  thera  not  to  be  unmindful  of  Moses,  and  of  what  great  pains  he  had  been   at  about 
 
BOOK   III. — CHAP.   XIV.  f)9 
 
 Hieir  cnramon  safely ;  and  not  to  despair  of  assistance  from  God.  The  tnnldtude  thereupon 
 became  still  more  unruly,  »nd  more  mutinous  against  Moses  than  befcire.  Thereupon  Moses, 
 although  he  were  so  basely  abused  by  them,  encouraged  them  in  their  despairing  condition, 
 and  promised  that  he  would  procure  them  a  great  quantity  of  flesh  meat,  and  that  not  for  a 
 few  days  only,  but  for  many  days.  This  they  were  not  willing  to  believe:  and  when  one  of 
 them  asked,  whence  he  could  obtain  such  a  vast  plenty  of  what  he  promised?  he  replied, 
 neither  God,  nor  I,  although  we  hear  such  opprobrious  words  from  you,  will  leave  oil'  our 
 labours  for  you,  and  this  shall  soon  appear  also.  As  soon  as  ever  he  had  said  this,  the  whole 
 camp  was  filled  with  quails  ;  and  they  stood  round  about  them,  and  gathered  them  in  great 
 numbers.  However,  it  was  not  long  ere  God  punished  the  Hebrews  for  their  insolence,  and 
 those  reproaches  they  had  used  towards  him,  for  no  small  number  of  them  died.  And  still  to 
 this  day  the  place  retains  the  memory  of  this  destruction,  and  is  named  Kibrotb-baltaavah, 
 which  is,  the  graves  of  lust. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 How  Moses  sent  some  Perruns  to  search  out  the  Land  of  the  Canaanites ,  and  the  Largeness  of 
 their  Cities  •  and  further,  that  ivfien  those  tvlio  were  sent  were  returned,  after  forty  Days, 
 and  reported  that  they  should  not  he  a  match  for  them,  and  extolled  the  strength  of  the 
 Canaanites,  the  multitude  were  disturbed,  and  fell  into  despair,  and  were  resolved  to  stone 
 Muses,  c-nd  to  return  back  again  into  Egypt,  and  serve  the  Egyptians, 
 
 §  1.  When  Moses  had  led  the  Hebrews  away  from  thence  to  a  place  called  Paran,  whicli 
 was  near  to  the  borders  of  the  Canaanites,  and  a  place  difficult  to  be  continued  in,  he 
 gathered  the  multitude  together  to  a  congregation  ;  and  standing  in  the  midst  of  them,  he 
 said,  "  Of  the  two  things  that  God  determined  to  bestow  upon  us,  liberty,  and  the  possession 
 of  a  happy  coi?niry,  the  one  of  them  ye  alreiidy  are  partakers  of,  by  the  gift  of  God,  and  the 
 other  you  will  quickly  obtain  ;  for  we  now  have  our  abode  near  the  borders  of  the  Canaanites, 
 and  nothing  can  hinder  the  acquisition  of  it,  when  we  now  at  last  are  fallen  upon  it ;  I  say, 
 not  only  no  king  nor  city,  but  neither  the  whole  race  of  mankind,  if  they  were  all  gathered 
 together,  could  do  it.  Let  us  therefore  prepare  ourselves  for  the  work,  for  the  Canaanites 
 will  not  resign  up  their  land  to  us  without  lighting,  but  it  must  be  wrested  from  them  by  great 
 .struggles  in  war.  Let  us  then  send  spies,  who  may  take  a  view  of  the  goodness  of  the  land, 
 and  what  strength  it  is  of.  But  above  all  things,  let  us  be  of  one  mind,  aad  let  ns  honour 
 God,  who  above  all  is  our  helper  and  assister." 
 
 2.  When  Moses  had  said  thus,  the  multitude  reqnited  him  with  marks  of  respect  ;  and 
 chose  twelve  spifS,  of  the  most  eminent  men,  one  out  of  each  tribe,  who  passing  over  all  the 
 land  of  Canaan,  from  the  borders  of  Egypt,  came  to  the  city  Hamath,  and  to  mount  Lebanon: 
 and  having  learned  the  nature  of  the  land,  and  of  its  inhabitants,  they  came  home,  having 
 spent  forty  days  in  tiie  whole  work.  They  also  brought  with  them  of  the  fruits  which  the 
 land  bare  :  they  also  shewed  them  the  excellency  of  those  fruits,  and  gave  an  account  of  the 
 great  quantity  of  the  good  things  that  land  all'orded,  which  were  motives  to  the  multitude  to 
 go  to  war.  But  then  they  terrified  them  again  with  the  great  difficulty  there  was  in  obtaining 
 it;  that  the  rivers  were  so  large  and  deep  that  they  could  not  be  passed  over;  and  that  the 
 hills  were  so  high,  that  they  could  not  travel  along  for  them  ;  that  the  cities  were  strong  with 
 walls,  and  their  lirm  fortilications  round  about  them.  They  told  them  also,  that  they  found 
 at  Hebron  the  posterity  of  the  giants.  Accordingly,  these  spies  who  had  seen  the  land  of 
 Canaan,  when  they  perceived  that  all  these  ditTiculties  were  greater  there  than  ihej  had  met 
 with  since  they  came  out  of  Egypt,  they  were  affrighted  at  them  themselves,  and  endeavoured 
 to  afl'right  the  multitude  also. 
 
 3.  So  they  supposed,  from  what  they  had  heard,  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  the  possession 
 of  the  country.  And  when  the  congregation  was  dissolved,  they,  their  wives  and  chiklren, 
 continued  their  lamentation,  as  if  God  would  not  indeed  assist  tliera,  but  only  promised  them 
 fair.  They  also  again  blamed  Moses,  and  made  a  clamour  against  him  and  his  brother  Aaron 
 the  high  priest.  Aecoidingly  they  passed  that  night  very  ill,  and  with  contumelious  language 
 against  them  ;  but  in  the  morning  they  ran  to  a  congregation,  intending  to  stone  Moses  and 
 Aaron,  and  so  to  return  into  Egypt. 
 
 4.  But  of  the  spies,  there  were  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  Caleb 
 of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  that  were  afraid  of  the  consequence,  and  came  into  the  midst  of  them, 
 and  stilled  the  multitude,  and  desired  them  to  be  of  good  courage  ;  and  neither  to  condemn 
 God,  as  having  told  them  lies,  neither  to  hearken  to  those  who  had  aflVighted  them,  by  telling 
 them  what  was  not  trne  concerning  the  Canaanites,  but  to  those  that  encouraged  them  to  hope 
 for  good  success;  and  that  they  should  gain  possession  of  the  happin  -■i  promised  them, 
 liecause  neither  the  height  of  mountains,  nor  the  depth  of  rivers,  could  hindre  men  of  true 
 courage  from  attempting  them,  especially  while  God  would  take  care  of  them  beforehand,  and 
 bo  assistant  to  them.  Let  us  then  go,  said  they,  a.gainsl  our  enemies,  and  have  no  suspicion 
 of  ill  success,  trusting  in  God  to  conduct  us,  and  following  those  that  are  to  be  our  leaders. 
 Thus  did  these  two  exhort  them,  and  endeavour  to  pacify  the  rage  they  were  in.  But  Moses 
 sind  Aaron  fell  on  the  ground,  and  besought  God,   not   for  their  own  deliverance,  but  that  he 
 
100  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 would  put  a  stop  to  what  the  people  were  unwarily  doing,  and  would  biiiia;  their  iDinds  to  a 
 quiet  temper,  which  were  uow  disordered  bj  their  present  passion.  The  cloud  also  did  now 
 appear,  and  stood  over  the  tabernacle,  and  declared  to  them  the  presence  of  God  to  be 
 there. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 Hoiv  Moses  was  displeased  at  this;  and  foretold,  that  God  tvas  angry,  and  that  they  should 
 continue  in  the  Wilderness  for  forty  Years,  and  not,  during  that  time,  either  return  into 
 Egypt,  or  take  possession  of  Canaan. 
 §  1.  Moses  came  now  boldly  to  the  multitude,  and  informed  them,  that  God  was  moved  at 
 their  abuse  of  him,  and  would  inflict  punishment  upon  them,  not  indeed  such  as  they  deserved 
 for  their  sins,  but  such  as  parents  inflict  on  their  children,  in  order  to  their  correction :  for, 
 he  said,  that  when  he  was  in  the  tabernacle,  and  was  bewailing  with  tears  that  destructiou 
 which  was  coming  upon  them,  God  put  him  in  mind  what  things  he  had  done  for  them,  and 
 what  benefits  they  had  received  from  him,  and  yet  how  ungrateful  they  had  been  to  him ;  that 
 just  now  they  had  been  induced  by  the  timorousuess  of  the  spies,  to  think  that  their  words 
 were  truer  than  his  own  promise  to  them ;  and  that  on  this  account,  though  he  would  not 
 indeed  destroy  them  all,  nor  utterly  exterminate  their  nation,  which  he  had  honoured  more 
 than  any  other  part  of  mankind,  yet  he  would  not  permit  them  to  take  possession  of'  the  land 
 of  Canaan,  nor  enjoy  its  happiness,  but  would  make  them  wander  in  the  wilderness,  and  live 
 without  any  fixed  habitation,  and  without  a  city,  for  forty  years  together,  as  a  punishment  for 
 this  their  transgression  :  but  that  he  hath  promised  to  give  that  laud  to  our  children,  and  that 
 be  would  make  them  the  possessors  of  those  good  things,  which,  by  your  ungoverned  passions, 
 jou  have  deprived  yourselves  of. 
 
 2.  When  Moses  had  discoursed  thus  to  them,  according  to  the  direction  of  God,  the  multi- 
 tude grieved,  and  were  in  affliction ;  and  entreated  Moses  to  procure  their  reconciliation  to 
 God,  and  to  permit  them  no  longer  to  wander  in  the  wilderness,  but  to  bestow  cities  npon 
 them.  But  he  replied,  that  God  would  not  admit  of  any  such  trial,  for  that  God  was  not 
 moved  to  this  determination  from  any  human  levity,  or  anger,  but  that  he  had  judicially  con- 
 demned them  to  that  punishment.  Now  we  are  not  to  disbelieve  that  Moses,  who  was  but  a 
 single  person,  pacified  so  many  ten  thousands  when  they  were  in  anger,  and  converted  them 
 to  a  mildness  of  temper;  for  God  was  with  him,  and  prepared  the  way  to  his  persuasions  of 
 the  multitude ;  and  as  they  had  often  been  disobedient,  they  were  now  sensible  that  such 
 disobedience  was  disadvantageous  to  them,  and  that  they  had  still  thereby  fallen  into  cala- 
 mities. 
 
 3.  But  this  man  was  admirable  for  his  virtue,  and  powerful  in  making  men  give  credit  to 
 what  he  delivered,  not  only  during  the  time  of  his  natural  life,  but  even  there  is  still  no  one 
 of  the  Hebrews,  who  does  not  act  even  now  as  if  Moses  were  present,  and  ready  to  punish 
 him,  if  he  should  do  any  thing  that  is  indecent ;  nay,  there  is  no  one  but  is  obedient  to  what 
 laws  he  ordained,  although  they  might  be  concealed  in  their  transgressions.  There  are  also 
 many  other  demonstrations  that  his  power  was  more  than  human,  for  still  some  there  have 
 been,  who  have  come  from  the  parts  beyond  Euphrates,  a  journey  of  four  months,  through 
 many  dangers,  and  at  great  expenses,  in  honour  of  our  temple  :  and  yet,  when  they  had 
 ottered  their  oblations,  could  not  partake  of  their  own  sacrifices,  because  Moses  had  forbidden 
 it,  by  somewhat  in  the  law  that  did  not  permit  them,  or  somewhat  that  had  befallen  them, 
 which  our  ancient  customs  made  inconsistent  therewith ;  some  of  these  did  not  sacrifice  at  all, 
 and  others  left  their  sacrifices  in  an  imperfect  condition  ;  nay,  many  were  not  able  even  at  first 
 so  much  as  to  enter  into  the  temple,  but  went  their  ways  in  this  state,  as  preferring  a  submis- 
 sion to  the  laws  of  Moses,  before  the  fulfilling  of  their  own  inclinations,  even  when  they  had 
 no  fear  upon  them  that  any  body  could  convict  them,  but  only  out  of  a  reverence  to  their  own 
 conscience.  Thus  this  legislation,  which  appeared  to  be  divine,  made  this  man  to  be  esteemed 
 as  one  superior  to  his  own  human  nature.  Nay,  farther,  a  little  before  the  beginning  of  this 
 war,  when  Claudius  was  emperor  of  the  Romans,  and  Ismael  was  our  high  priest,  and  when 
 80  gr«at  a  famine  was  come  npon  us,*  that  one  tenth  deal  [of  wheat]  was  sold  for  four 
 drachmae ;  and  when  no  less  than  seventy  cori  of  flour  were  brought  into  the  temple  at  the 
 feast  of  unleavened  bread,  (these  cori  are  thirty-one  Sicilian,  but  forty-one  Athenian  medimni,) 
 not  one  of  the  priests  were  so  hardy  as  to  eat  one  crumb  of  it,  even  while  so  great  a  distress 
 was  on  the  land  ;  and  this  out  of  a  dread  of  the  law,  and  of  that  wrath  which  God  retains 
 against  acts  of  wickedness,  even  when  no  one  can  accuse  the  actors.  Whence  we  are  not  to 
 wonder  at  what  was  then  done,  while  to  this  very  day  the  writings  left  by  Moses  have  so 
 great  a  force,  that  even  those  that  hate  us,  do  confess,  that  he  who  established  this  settle- 
 ment was  God,  and  that  it  was  by  the  means  of  Moses,  and  of  his  virtue  ;  but  as  to  these 
 matters,  let  every  one  take  them  as  he  thinks  fit. 
 
 •  Ihia  great  famine  in  the  days  of  Claudius,  is  again  mentioned  in  Antiq.  b.  xx.  chap.  ii.  §  0.  and  Acts.  xi.  S8. 
 
BOOK    IV.  — CHAP.    I.    II.  101 
 
 BOOK  IV. 
 
 CONTAIKING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  THIRTY-EIGHT  YEARS.- FROM  THE  REJECTION  OF 
 THAT  GENERATION  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  MOSES. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 The  Fight  of  the  Hebrews  tclth  the  Canaanites,  without  the  Consent  of  Moses,  and  their  Defeat. 
 §  I.  Now  this  life  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  wilderness  was  so  disagreeable  and  troublesome  to 
 them,  that  they  were  so  uneasy  at  it,  that  althouj^li  God  had  forbidden  them  to  meddle  with  the 
 Canaanites,  yet  could  they  not  be  persuaded  to  be  obedient  to  the  words  of  Moses,  and  to  be 
 quiet;  but  supposing  fhey  should  be  able  to  beat  (lieir  enemies,  even  without  his  approbation, 
 they  accused  him,  and  suspected  that  he  made  it  his  business  to  keep  thetn  in  a  distressed 
 condition,  that  they  might  always  stand  in  need  of  his  assistance.  Accordingly,  they  resolved 
 to  fight  with  the  Canaanites,  and  said,  that  God  gave  them  his  assistance,  not  out  of  regard  to 
 Moses'  intercessions,  but  because  he  took  care  of  their  entire  nation,  on  account  of  their 
 forefathers,  whose  alfairs  he  took  under  his  own  conduct ;  as  also,  tliat  it  was  on  account  of 
 their  own  virtue  that  he  had  formerly  procured  them  their  liberty,  and  would  be  assisting  to 
 them,  now  they  were  willing  to  take  pains  for  it.  They  also  said,  that  they  were  of  thems-elres 
 of  abilities  sufficient  for  the  conquest  of  their  enemies,  although  Moses  should  liave  a  mind  to 
 alienate  God  from  them  :  that  however  it  was  for  their  advantage  to  be  their  own  masters,  and 
 not  so  far  to  rejoice  in  their  deliverance  from  the  indignities  they  endured  under  the  Egyptians, 
 as  to  bear  the  tyranny  of  Moses  over  them,  and  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  deluded,  and  to  live 
 according  to  his  pleasure,  as  though  God  did  only  foretel  what  concerns  ns  out  of  his  kindness 
 to  him,  as  if  they  were  not  all  the  posterity  of  Abraham,  that  God  made  him  alone  the  author 
 of  all  the  knowledge  we  have,  and  we  must  still  learn  it  from  him:  that  it  would  be  a  piece  of 
 prudence  to  oppose  his  arrogant  pretences,  and  to  put  their  confidence  in  God,  and  to  resolve 
 to  take  possession  of  that  land  which  he  had  promised  them,  and  not  to  give  ear  to  him,  who, 
 on  this  account,  and  under  the  pretence  of  divine  authority,  forbade  them  so  to  do.  Consider- 
 ing therefore  the  distressed  state  they  were  in  at  present,  and  that  in  these  desert  places  they 
 were  still  to  expect  things  would  be  worse  with  them,  they  resolved  to  fight  with  the  Canaan- 
 ites, as  submitting  only  to  God,  their  supreme  commander,  and  not  waiting  for  any  assistance 
 from  their  legislator. 
 
 2.  When  therefore  they  had  come  to  this  resolution,  as  being  best  for  them,  they  went 
 among  their  enemies  ;  but  those  enemies  were  not  dismayed  either  at  tVie  attack  itself,  or  at 
 the  great  multitude  that  made  it,  and  received  them  with  great  courage.  Many  of  the  Hebrew.* 
 were  slain;  and  the  remainder  of  the  army,  upon  the  disorder  of  their  troops,  were  pursued, 
 and  fled,  after  a  shameful  manner,  to  their  camp.  Whereupon  this  unexpected  misfortune 
 made  them  quite  despond  :  and  they  hoped  for  nothing  that  was  good,  as  gathering  from  it, 
 that  this  aillictioa  came  from  the  wrath  of  God,  because  they  rashly  went  out  to  war  without 
 bis  approbation. 
 
 3.  But  when  Moses  saw  how  deeply  they  were  affected  with  this  defeat,  and  being  afraid 
 lest  the  enemies  should  grow  insolent  upon  this  victory,  and  should  be  desirous  of  gaining  still 
 greater  glory,  and  should  attack  them,  resolved  that  it  was  proper  to  withdraw  the  army  into 
 the  wilderness,  to  a  further  distance  from  the  Canaanites  ;  so  the  multitude  gave  themselves 
 up  again  to  his  conduct ;  for  they  were  sensible,  that  without  his  care  for  them,  their  affairs 
 could  not  be  in  a  good  condition  ;  and  he  caused  the  host  to  remove,  and  he  went  farther  into 
 the  wilderness,  as  intejjding  there  to  let  them  rest,  and  not  to  permit  them  to  fight  the  Canaan- 
 ites before  God  should  afford  them  a  more  favourable  opportunity. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 The  Sedition  of  Corah,  and  of  the  Mtdtitude,  against  Moses,  and  against  his  Brother,  concerniii/f 
 
 the  Priesthood. 
 
 §  1.  That  which  is  usually  the  case  of  great  armies,  and  especially  upon  ill  success,  to  be 
 hard  to  be  pleased,  and  governed  with  difficulty,  did  now  befall  tlie  Jews ;  for  they  being  in 
 number  six  hundred  thousand,  and  by  reason  of  their  great  multitude  not  readily  subject  to 
 their  governors,  even  in  prosperity,  they  at  this  time  were  more  tnan  usually  angry,  both 
 against  one  another,  and  against  their  leader,  because  of  the  distress  they  were  in,  and  the 
 calamities  they  then  endured.  Such  a  sedition  overtook  them,  as  we  have  not  the  like  exam- 
 ple either  among  the  Greeks  or  the  barbarians,  by  which  they  were  in  danger  of  being  all 
 destroyed  ;  but  were,  notwithstanding,  saved  by  Moses,  who  would  not  remember  that  he  had 
 been  almost  stoned  to  death  by  them.  Nor  did  God  neglect  to  prevent  their  ruin,  but  notwith- 
 standing the  indignities  they  had  offered  their  legislator,  and  the  laws,  and  their  disobedience 
 to  the  commandments  which  he  had  sent  them  by  Moses,  he  delivered  them  from  those  terri- 
 ble calamities,  which,   without   his  providential  care,  had  been  brought  upon   them  by  this 
 
102  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS 
 
 sedition.  So  I  will  first  explain  the  cause  whence  this  sedition  arose,  and  then  give  an  account 
 of  the  sedition  itself  j  as  also  of  what  settlements  Moses  uiade  for  their  government,  after  it 
 was  over. 
 
 2.  Corah,  a  Hebrew  of  principal  account,  both  by  bis  family  and  by  Lis  wealth,  one  that 
 was  also  able  to  speak  well,  and  one  that  could  easily  persuade  the  people  by  his  speeches, 
 saw  that  Moses  was  in  an  exceeding  great  dignity,  and  was  uneasy  at  it,  and  envied  bira  on 
 ttiat  acconnt,  (he  was  of  the  same  tribe  with  Moses,  and  of  kin  to  him,)  was  particularly 
 grieved,  because  be  thought  he  better  deserved  that  honourable  |)ost  on  account  of  his  great 
 riches,  and  not  inferior  to  him  in  iiis  birtb.  So  he  raised  a  clamour  against  him  among  the 
 Levites,  wiio  were  of  the  same  tribe,  and  especially  among  his  kindred,  saying,  "  That  it  was 
 a  very  sad  thing  that  they  should  overlook  Moses,  while  he  bunted  after  and  paved  the  war 
 to  glory  for  himself,  and  by  ill  arts  should  obtain  it,  under  the  pretence  of  God's  command  ; 
 while,  contrary  to  the  laws,  he  had  given  the  priesthood  to  Aaron,  not  by  the  common  suffrage 
 of  the  multitude,  but  by  his  own  vote,  as  bestowing  dignities  in  a  tyrannical  way  on  whom  be 
 pleased.  He  added,  that  this  concealed  way  of  imposing  on  them  was  harder  to  be  borne, 
 than  if  it  had  been  done  by  an  open  force  upon  them,  because  be  did  now  not  only  take  away 
 their  power  without  their  consent,  but  even  while  they  are  unapprized  of  his  contrivances 
 against  them  ;  for  whosoever  is  conscious  to  himself  that  he  deserves  any  dignity,  aims  to  get 
 it  by  persuasion,  and  not  by  an  arrogant  method  of  violence  ;  but  those  that  believe  it  impossi- 
 ble to  obtain  those  honours  justly,  they  make  a  show  of  goodness,  and  do  not  introduce  force, 
 but  by  cunning  tricks  grow  wickedly  powerful ;  that  it  was  proper  for  the  multitude  to  punish 
 such  men,  even  while  they  think  themselves  concealed  in  their  designs,  and  not  suffer  them  to 
 gain  strength,  till  they  have  them  for  their  open  enemies.  For  what  account,  added  he,  is 
 Moses  able  to  give  why  he  has  bestowed  the  priesthood  on  Aaron  and  his  sons  ?  for  if  God 
 Lad  determined  to  bestow  that  honour  on  one  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  I  am  more  worthy  of  it  than 
 he  is,  I  myself  being  equal  to  Moses  by  my  family  ;  and  superior  to  him  both  in  riches,  and  in 
 age  ;  but  if  God  had  determined  to  bestow  it  on  the  eldest  tribe,  that  of  Reubel  might  have  it 
 most  justly  ;  and  then  Dathan  and  Abiram,  and  [On,  the  son  of]  Peleth,  would  have  it,  for 
 these  are  the  oldest  men  of  that  tribe,  and  potent  on  account  of  their  great  wealth  also." 
 
 3.  Now  Corah,  when  he  said  this,  had  a  miiid  to  appear  to  take  care  of  the  public  welfare,  but  in 
 reality  he  was  endeavouring  to  procure  to  have  that  dignity  transferred  by  the  multitude  to 
 himself.  Thus  did  he,  out  of  a  malignant  design,  hut  with  plausible  words,  discourse  to  those 
 of  his  own  tribe ;  and  when  these  words  did  gradually  spread  to  more  of  the  people,  and 
 ■when  the  hearers  still  added  to  what  tended  to  the  scandals  that  were  cast  upon  Aaron,  the 
 whole  army  was  full  of  them.  Now  of  those  that  conspired  with  Corah,  there  were  two  hun- 
 dred and  fifty,  and  those  of  the  principal  men  also,  who  were  eager  to  have  the  priesthood 
 taken  awaj'  from  Moses'  brother,  and  to  bring  him  into  disgrace  :  nay,  the  multitude  themselves 
 were  provoked  to  be  seditious,  and  attempted  to  stone  Moses;  and  gathered  themselves  toge- 
 ther after  an  indecent  manner,  with  confusion  and  disorder.  And  now  they  all  were,  in  a 
 tumultuous  manner,  raising  a  clamour  before  the  tabernacle  of  God,  to  prosecute  the  tyrant, 
 and  to  relieve  the  multitude  from  their  slavery  under  him,  who,  under  colour  of  the  divine 
 commands,  laid  violent  injunctions  upon  them  ;  for  that,  had  it  been  God  who  chose  one  that 
 was  to  perform  the  office  of  a  priest,  he  would  have  raised  a  worthy  person  to  that  dignity,  and 
 would  not  have  produced  such  a  one  as  was  inferior  to  many  others,  nor  have  given  him  that 
 office  ;  and  in  'hat  case,  had  he  judged  it  fit  lo  bestow  it  on  Aaron,  he  would  have  permitted  it 
 to  the  multitude  to  bestow  it,  and  not  have  left  it  to  be  bestowed  by  his  own  brother, 
 
 4.  Now,  although  Moses  had  a  great  while  ago  foreseen  this  calumny  of  Corah's,  and  had 
 seen  that  the  people  were  irritated,  yet  was  he  not  aflVighted  at  it :  but  being  of  good  courage, 
 because  he  had  given  them  right  advii^e  about  their  aflairs,  and  knowing  that  his  brother  bad 
 been  made  partaker  of  the  priesthood  at  the  command  of  God,  and  not  by  his  own  favour  to 
 him,  he  came  to  the  assembly;  and,  as  for  the  raulli'Lude,  he  said  not  a  word  to  them,  but 
 spake  as  loud  to  Corah  as  be  could  ;  and  being  very  skilful  in  making  speeches,  and  having 
 this  natural  talent  among  others,  that  he  could  greatly  move  the  multitude  with  his  discourses, 
 he  said,  "  O  Corah,  both  thou,  and  all  these  with  thee,  (pointing  to  the  two  hundred  and 
 fifty  men,)  seem  to  be  worthy  of  this  honour ;  nor  do  I  pretend  but  that  this  whole  company 
 may  Be  worthy  of  the  like  dignity  ;  although  they  may  not  be  so  rich  or  so  great  as  you  are  : 
 nor  have  I  taken  and  given  this  office  to  my  brother,  because  be  excelled  others  in  riches,  for 
 thou  exceedest  us  both  in  the  greatness  of  thy  wealth  ;*  nor  indeed  because  he  was  of  an 
 eminent  family,  for  God,  by  giving  us  the  same  common  ancestor,  has  made  our  families 
 equal  ;  nay,  nor  was  it  out  of  brotherly  aflection,  which  another  might  yet  have  justly  done;, 
 for  certainly,  unless  I  had  bestowed  this  honour  out  of  regard  to  Ciod  and  to  his  laws,  I  had 
 not  passed  by  myself,  and  given  it  to  another,  as  being  nearer  of  kin  to  myself  than  to  my 
 brother,  and  having  a  closer  intimacy  with  myself  than  T  have  with  him  ;  for  surely,  it  would 
 not  be  a  wise  thing  for  me,  to  expose  myself  to  the  dangers  of  oflending,  and  to  bestow  the 
 happy  employment  on  this  account  upon  another.     But  I  am  above  such  biuse  practices  :  nor 
 
 *  Reland  here  takes  notice,  that  nlthough  our  BiWcs  say  little  or  nothing  of  lhe»e  riches  of  CorBh,  yet  that 
 froth  ths  Jews  and  Mahomedaus.as  well  as  Jcscphu:*,  are  fall  of  it. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  III.  103 
 
 would  God  have  overlooked  this  matter,  and  seeu  himself  thus  despised,  nor  would  he  have 
 suffered  you  to  be  ignorant  of  what  you  were  to  do,  in  order  to  please  liira  j  but  he  hath 
 himself  chosen  one  that  is  to  perform  that  sacred  office  to  him,  and  tliereby  freed  us  from  that 
 care.  So  that  it  was  not  a  thing  that  I  pretend  to  give,  but  only  according  to  the  determination 
 of  God  :  I  therefore  propose  it  still  to  be  contended  for  by  such  as  please  to  put  in  for  it,  only 
 desiring,  that  he  who  has  been  already  preferred  and  has  already  obtained  it,  may  be  allowed 
 now  also  to  oiler  himself  for  a  cacdidate.  He  prefers  your  peace,  and  your  living  without 
 sedition,  to  this  honourable  employment,  although  in  truth  it  was  with  your  approbation  that 
 he  obtained  it ;  for  though  God  were  the  donor,  yet  do  we  not  offend  when  we  think  fit  to 
 accept  of  it  with  your  good  will ;  yet  would  it  have  been  an  instance  of  impiety  not  to  have 
 taken  that  honourable  employment  when  he  offered  it :  nay,  it  had  been  exceeding  unreason- 
 able, when  God  had  thought  fit  any  one  should  have  it  for  all  time  to  come,  and  had  made  it 
 secure  and  firm  to  him,  to  have  refused  it.  However,  he  himself  will  judge  again  who  it  shall 
 be  whom  he  would  have  to  offer  sacrifices  to  him,  and  to  have  the  direction  of  mailers  of  reli- 
 gion ;  for  it  is  absurd  that  Corah,  who  is  ambitious  of  this  honour,  should  deprive  God  of  the 
 honour  of  giving  it  to  whom  he  pleases.  Put  an  end  therefore  to  your  sedition  and  disturbance 
 on  this  account  :  and  to-morrow  morning  do  every  one  of  you  that  desire  the  priesthood  bring 
 a  censer  from  home,  and  come  hither  with  incense  and  fire  :  and  do  thou,  O  Corah,  leave  the 
 judgment  to  God,  and  await  to  see  on  which  side  he  will  give  his  determination  upon  this 
 occasion,  but  do  not  thou  make  thyself  greater  than  God.  Do  thou  also  come,  that  this  contest 
 about  this  employment  may  receive  determination.  And  I  suppose  we  may  admit  Aaron 
 without  offence,  to  offer  himself  to  this  scrutiny,  since  he  is  of  the  same  lineage  with  myself, 
 and  has  done  nothing  in  his  priesthood  that  can  be  liable  to  exception.  Come  ye  therefore 
 together,  and  offer  your  incense  in  public  before  all  the  people  ;  and  when  you  offer  it,  he 
 whose  sacrifice  God  shall  accept,  shall  be  ordained  to  the  priesthood,  and  shall  be  clear  of  the 
 present  calumny  on  Aaron,  as  if  I  had  granted   him  that  favour  because   he  was  my  brother." 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  those   thai  stirred  up  this  Sedition  were  destroyed  according  to  the  Will  of  God:  andhov/ 
 Aaron,  Moses'  Brother,  both  he  and  his  Posterity  retained  the  Priesthood. 
 
 §  1.  When  Moses  had  said  this,  the  multitude  left  off  the  turbulent  behaviour  they  had 
 indulged,  and  the  suspicion  they  had  of  Moses,  and  commended  what  he  had  said,  for  those 
 proposals  were  good,  and  so  were  esteemed  of  the  people.  At  that  time  therefore  Ihey 
 dissolved  the  assembly.  But  on  the  next  day  they  came  to  the  congregation,  in  order  to  be 
 present  at  the  sacrifice,  and  at  the  determination  that  was  to  be  made  between  the  candidates 
 for  the  priesthood.  Now  this  congregation  proved  a  turbulent  one,  and  the  multitude  were  in 
 great  suspense  in  expectation  of  what  was  to  be  done  ;  for  some  of  them  would  have  been 
 pleased  if  Moses  had  been  convicted  of  evil  practices,  but  the  wiser  sort  desired  that  they 
 might  be  delivered  from  the  present  disorder  and  disturbance  :  for  they  were  afraid,  that  if 
 this  sedition  went  on,  the  good  order  of  their  settlement  would  rather  be  destroyed  ;  but  the 
 whole  body  of  the  people  do  naturally  delight  in  clamours  against  their  governors,  and  by 
 changing  their  opinions  upon  the  harangues  of  every  speaker,  disturb  the  public  tranquillity. 
 And  now  Moses  sent  messengers  for  Abiram  and  Daihan,  and  ordered  them  to  come  to  the 
 assembly,  and  wait  there  for  the  holy  offices  that  were  to  be  performed.  But  they  answered 
 the  messengers,  that  they  would  not  obey  his  summons  ;  nay,  would  not  overlook  Moses' 
 behaviour,  who  was  growing  too  great  for  them  by  evil  practices.  Now  when  Moses  heard  of 
 this  their  answer,  he  desired  the  heads  of  the  people  to  follow  hira,  and  he  went  to  the  faction 
 of  Dathan,  not  thinking  it  any  fiiglitful  thing  at  all  to  go  to  these  insolent  people  ;  so  they 
 made  no  opposition,  but  went  along  with  him.  But  Daihan  and  iiis  associates,  when  they 
 understood  that  Moses  and  the  principal  of  the  people  were  coming  to  them,  they  came  out 
 with  their  wives  and  children,  and  stood  before  their  tents,  and  looked  to  see  what  Moses 
 would  do.  They  had  also  their  servants  about  them  to  defend  themselves,  in  case  Moses 
 should  use  force  against  them. 
 
 2.  But  he  came  near,  and  lifted  up  his  bands  to  heaven,  and  cried  out  with  a  loud  voice, 
 m  order  to  be  heard  by  the  whole  multitude ;  and  said,  "  O  Lord  of  the  creatures  tliat  are  in 
 ihe  heaven,  in  the  earth,  and  in  the  sea;  for  thou  art  the  most  authentic  witness  to  what  I 
 have  done,  that  it  has  all  been  done  by  thy  appointment,  and  that  it  was  thou  that  afl'oidedst 
 us  assistance  when  we  attempted  any  thing,  and  shewedst  mercy  on  the  Hebrews  in  ail  their 
 distresses,  do  thou  come  now,  and  hear  all  that  I  say,  for  no  action  nor  thought  escapes  thy 
 knowledge ;  so  that  thon  wilt  not  disdain  to  speak  what  is  true,  for  ray  vindication,  without  any 
 regard  to  the  ungrateful  imputations  of  these  men.  As  for  what  was  done  before  I  was  born, 
 thou  knowest  best,  as  not  learning  them  by  report,  but  seeing  them,  and  being  present  with 
 them  when  they  were  done  ;  but  for  what  has  been  done  of  late,  and  which  tliese  men,  although 
 they  know  them  well  enough,  unjustly  pretend  to  stispect,  be  thou  my  witness.  When  I  lived 
 a  private  qniet  life,  I  left  those  good  things,  which  by  my  own  diligence,  and  bv  tliv  counsel, 
 I  enjoyed  with  KiigncI    my  lather-iii-law,  aud  gave  myself  up   to  this  people,  and   underwent 
 
104  ANTIQUlllES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 many  miseries  on  their  account.  I  also  bore  great  labours  at  first,  iu  order  to  obtain  liberty 
 for  them,  and  now,  in  order  to  their  preservation;  and  have  always  shewed  myself  ready  to 
 assist  them  in  every  distress  of  theirs.  Now,  therefore,  since  I  am  suspected  by  those  very 
 men,  whose  being  is  owing  to  my  labours,  come  thou,  as  it  is  reasonable  to  hope  thou  wilt: 
 tlioa,  I  say,  who  shewedst  me  that  fire  at  mount  Sinai,  and  madest  me  hear  its  voice,  and  to 
 see  the  several  wonders  which  thatplace  aflbrded  me:  thou,  who  commandedst  me  to  go  to 
 Egypt,  and  declare  thy  will  to  this  people  :  thou,  who  dislurbedst  the  happy  estate  of  the 
 Egyptians,  and  gavest  us  the  opportunity  of  flying  away  from  our  slavery  ander  them,  and 
 madest  the  dominion  of  Pharaoh  inferior  to  my  dominion:  thou,  who  didst  make  the  sea  dry 
 land  for  us,  when  we  knew  not  whither  to  go,  and  didst  overwhelm  the  E;;y|>tia!is  with  those 
 destructive  waves  which  had  been  divided  for  us  :  thou,  who  didst  bestow  upon  us  the  security 
 of  weapons  when  we  were  naked  :  thou,  who  didst  make  the  fountains  that  were  corrupted  to 
 flow  so  as  to  be  fit  for  drinking,  and  didst  furnish  us  with  water  that  came  out  of  tlie  rocks, 
 when  we  were  in  the  greatest  want  of  it:  thou,  who  didst  preserve  our  lives  with  [quails,] 
 which  was  food  from  the  sea,  when  the  fruits  of  the  ground  failed  us:  thou,  who  didst  send 
 us  such  food  from  heaven,  as  had  never  been  seen  before  :  thou,  who  didst  suggest  to  us  the 
 knowledge  of  thy  laws,  and  appoint  us  a  form  of  government ;  come  thou,  I  say,  O  Lord  of  the 
 whole  world,  and  that  as  such  a  judge  and  a  witness  to  me  as  cannot  be  bribed,  and  shew  how 
 I  have  never  admitted  of  any  gift  against  justice  from  any  of  the  Hebrewsi;  and  have  never 
 condemned  a  poor  man  that  ought  to  have  been  acquitted,  on  account  of  one  that  was  rich; 
 and  have  never  attempted  to  hurt  this  commonwealth.  I  am  now  here  present,  and  am  sus- 
 pected of  a  thing,  the  remotest  from  my  intentions,  as  if  I  had  given  the  priesthood  to  Aaron, 
 not  at  thy  command,  but  out  of  ray  own  favour  to  him,  do  thou  at  this  time  demonstrate,  that  all 
 things  are  administered  by  thy  providence,  and  that  nothing  happens  by  cliance,  but  is  governed 
 by  thy  will,  and  thereby  attains  its  end  :  as  also  demonstrate,  that  thou  takest  care  of  those 
 that  have  done  good  to  the  Hebrews  ;  demonstrate  this,  I  say,  by  the  punishment  of  Abiram 
 and  Dathan,  who  condemn  thee  as  an  insensible  being,  and  one  overcome  by  my  contrivance. 
 This  wilt  thou  do  by  inflicting  such  an  open  punishment  on  these  men,  who  so  madly  fly  in 
 the  face  of  tbv  glory,  as  will  take  them  out  of  the  world,  not  in  an  ordinary  manner,  but  so 
 that  it  may  appear  thev  do  nnt  die  after  the  manner  of  other  men;  let  that  ground  on  which 
 they  tread  upon,  open  about  them,  and  consume  them  with  their  families  and  goods.  This 
 will  be  a  demonstration  of  thy  power  to  all  men  ;  and  this  method  of  their  sufferings  will  be 
 instruction  of  wisdom  for  those  that  entertain  profane  sentiments  of  thee.  By  this  means  I 
 shall  be  found  a  good  servant,  in  the  precepts  thou  hast  given  by  me.  Bat  if  the  calumnies 
 they  have  raised  against  me  he  true,  mayest  thop  preserve  these  men  from  every  evil  accident, 
 and  bring  all  that  destruciion  on  me  which  I  have  imprecated  upon  them.  And  when  thou 
 liast  inflicted  punishment  on  those  that  have  endeavoured  to  deal  unjustly  with  this  people, 
 bestow  upon  them  concord  and  peace.  Save  this  multitude  that  follow  thy  commandments, 
 and  preserve  them  free  from  harm,  and  let  them  not  partake  of  the  punishment  of  those  that 
 have  sinned  ;  for  thuu  knowest  thyself,  it  is  not  just,  that  for  the  wickedness  of  those  men,  the 
 whole  body  of  the  Israelites  should  suffer  punishment." 
 
 3.  When  Moses  had  said  this,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  the  ground  was  moved  on  a  sudden  ; 
 and  the  agitation  that  set  it  in  motion  was  like  that  which  the  wind  produces  in  waves  of  the 
 sea.  The  people  were  all  aftVighted,  and  tl'.e  ground  that  was  about  their  tents  sunk  down  at 
 the  great  noise  with  a  terrible  sound,  and  carried  whatsoever  was  dear  to  the  seditious  into 
 itself,  who  so  entirely  perished,  that  ihere  was  not  the  least  appearance  that  any  man  had  ever 
 been  seen  there,  the  earth  that  had  opened  itself  about  them,  closing  again,  and  becoming 
 entire  as  it  was  before,  insomuch  that  such  as  saw  it  afterward  did  not  perceive  that  any  such 
 accident  had  happened  to  it.  Thus  did  these  men  perish,  and  become  a  demonstration  of  the 
 power  of  God.  And  truly,  any  one  would  lament  them,  not  only  on  account  of  this  calamity 
 that  befell  them,  which  yet  deserves  our  commiseration,  but  also  because  their  kindred  wrre 
 pleased  with  their  suflerings  ;  for  they  forgot  the  relation  they  hare  to  them,  and  at  the  sight 
 of  this  Siid  accident  approved  of  the  judgment  given  against  them  ;  and  because  they  looked 
 upon  the  people  about  Dathan  as  pestilent  men,  they  thought  they  perished  as  such,  and  did 
 not  grieve  for  them. 
 
 4.  And  now  Moses  called  for  those  that  contended  about  the  priesthood,  that  trial  might  be 
 made  who  should  be  priest,  and  that  be  whose  sacrifice  God  was  most  pleased  with  might  be 
 ordained  to  that  function.  There  attended  two  hundred  and  fiftj' men,  who  indeed  were" 
 honoured  by  the  people,  not  only  on  account  of  the  power  of  their  ancestors,  but  also  on 
 account  of  their  own,  in  which  they  excelled  the  others  :  Aaron  also  .".nd  Corah  came  forth, 
 and  they  all  offered  incense,  in  those  censers  of  theirs  which  they  brought  with  them,  before 
 the  tabernacle.  Hereupon  so  great  a  fire  shone  out  as  no  one  ever  saw  in  any  that  is  made 
 by  the  hand  of  man,  neither  in  those  eruptions  out  of  the  earth,  tliat  are  caused  by  subterra- 
 neous burninf;s,  nor  in  such  fires  as  arise  of  their  own  accord  in  the  woods,  when  the  agitation 
 is  caused  by  the  trees  rubbing  one  against  another,  but  this  fire  was  very  bright,  and  had  a 
 terrible  flame,  such  as  is  kindled  at  the  command  of  God  ;  by  whose  eruption  ou  tbem,  ail  the 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  IV.  105 
 
 company,  and  Corah  himself,  were  destroyed,*  and  this  so  entirely,  that  their  very  bodies  left 
 uo  ij-mains  behind  ihem.  Aaron  alone  was  preserved,  and  not  at  all  hart  by  the  fire,  because 
 it  was  God  that  sent  the  fire  to  burn  those  only  who  ought  to  be  burned.  Hereupon  Moses, 
 after  these  men  were  destroyed,  was  desirous  that  tlie  memory  of  this  judgment  might  be 
 delivered  down  to  posterity,  and  that  future  ages  might  be  acquainted  with  it;  and  so  he 
 commanded  Eieazar,  the  son  of  Aaron,  to  put  their  censers  near  the  brazen  altar,  that  they 
 might  be  a  memorial  to  posterity  of  what  these  men  suflered,  for  supposing  that  the  power  of 
 God  might  be  eluded.  And  thus  Aaron  was  now  no  longer  esteemed  to  have  the  priesthood 
 by  the  favour  of  Moses,  but  by  the  public  judgment  of  God :  and  thus  he  and  his  children 
 peaceably  enjoyed  the  honour  afterwards. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 What  happened  to  the  Hebrews  during  Thirty-eight  Years  in  the  Wilderness. 
 
 §  1.  However,  this  sedition  was  so  far  from  ceasing  upon  this  destruction,  that  it  grew  much 
 stronger,  and  became  more  intolerable.  And  the  occasion  of  its  growing  worse  was  of  that 
 naJure,  as  made  it  likely  the  calamity  would  never  cease,  but  last  for  a  long  time:  for  the  men 
 believing  already  that  nothing  is  done  without  the  providence  of  God,  would  have  it  that  these 
 things  came  thus  to  pass  not  without  God's  favour  to  Moses ;  they  therefore  laid  the  blame 
 upon  him,  that  God  was  so  angry,  and  that  this  happened  not  so  much  becauss  of  the  wicked- 
 ness of  those  that  were  puuislied,  as  because  Moses  prt)cured  the  punishment ;  and  that  these 
 men  had  been  destroyed  without  any  sin  of  theirs,  only  because  they  were  zealous  about  the 
 divine  worship  ;  as  also  that  he  who  had  been  the  cause  of  this  diminution  of  the  people,  by 
 destroying  so  many  men,  and  those  tlie  most  excellent  of  them  all,  besides  his  escaping  any 
 punishment  himself,  had  nojv  given  the  priesthood  to  his  brother  so  firmly,  that  nobody  could 
 any  longer  dispute  it  with  him  ;  for  no  one  else,  to  be  sure,  could  now  put  in  for  it,  since  he 
 must  have  seen  those  that  first  did  so  to  h;!ve  miserably  perished.  Nay,  besides  this,  the 
 kindred  of  those  that  were  destroyed  made  great  entreaties  to  the  maltilnde  to  abate  the 
 arrogance  oi  Moses,  because  it  would  be  safest  for  them  so  to  do. 
 
 2.  Now  Moses,  upon  his  hearing  for  a  good  while  that  the  people  were  tumultuous,  was 
 afraid  that  they  would  attempt  some  other  innovation,  and  that  some  great  and  sad  calamity 
 would  be  tlie  consequence  ;  he  called  the  multitude  to  a  congregation,  and  patiently  heard 
 what  apology  thty  made  for  themselves,  \vithout  opposing  them,  and  this  lest  he  should 
 imbitter  the  multitude  :  he  only  desired  the  heads  of  the  tribes  to  bring  their  rods,t  with  the 
 names  of  k'leir  tribes  inscribed  upon  them  ;  and  that  he  should  receive  the  priesthood,  in  whose 
 rod  God  should  give  a  sign.  This  was  agreed  to.  So  the  rest  brought  their  rods,  as  did 
 Aaron  also,  who  had  written  the  tribe  of  Levi  on  his  rod.  These  rods  Moses  luid  up  in  the 
 tabernacle  of  God.  On  the  next  day  he  brought  out  the  rods,  which  were  known  from  one 
 another  by  those  who  brought  them,  they  having  distinctly  noted  them,  as  had  the  multitude 
 also ;  and  as  to  the  rest,  in  the  same  form  Moses  bad  received  them,  in  that  they  saw  them 
 still,  but  they  also  saw  buds  and  brauches  grown  out  of  Aaron's  rod,  with  ripe  fruits  upon 
 them  ;  they  were  almonds,  the  rod  having  been  cut  ont  of  that  tree.  The  people  were  so 
 amuzed  nl  this  strange  sight,  that  though  Moses  and  Aaron  were  before  under  some  degree  of 
 hatred,  they  now  laid  that  hatred  aside,  and  began  to  admire  the  judgment  of  God  concerning 
 them  ;  so  that  hereafter  they  applauded  what  God  had  decreed,  and  permitted  Aaron  to  enjoy 
 the  priesthood  peaceably.  And  thus  God  ordained  him  priest  three  several  times ,  and  he 
 retained  that  honour  without  farther  disturbance.  And  hereby  this  sedition  of  the  Hebrews, 
 which  had  been  a  great  one,  and  had  lasted  a  great  while,  was  at  last  composed. 
 
 3.  And  now  Moses,  because  the  tribe  of  Levi  was  made  free  from  war,  and  warlike  expedi- 
 tions, and  was  set  apart  for  the  divine  worship,  lest  they  should  want,  and  seek  after  the 
 necessaries  of  lite,  and  so  neglect  the  tem))le,  commanded  the  Hebrews,  according  to  the  will 
 of  God,  that  when  they  should  gain  the  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  they  should  assign 
 forty-eight  good  and  fair  cities  to  the  Levites  ;  and  permit  them  to  enjoy  their  suburbs,  as  far 
 as  the  limit  of  two  thousand  cubits  would  extend  from  the  walls  of  the  city.  And  besides 
 this,  he  appointed  that  the  people  should  pay  the  litlic  of  their  annual  fruits  of  the  earth,  both 
 to  the  Levites,  and  to  the  priests.  And  this  is  what  that  tribe  receives  of  the  multitude  ;  but  I 
 think  it  necessary  to  set  down  what  is  paid  by  all,  particularly  to  the  priests. 
 
 ^  4.  Accordingly,  he  commanded  the  Levites  to  yield  up  to  the  priests  thirteen  of  their  forty- 
 eight  cities,  and  to  set  yparl  for  them  the  tenth  part  of  the  tithes  which  they  every  year  receive 
 of  the  people  ;  as  also,  that  it  was  but  just  lo  oiler  to  God  the  first-fruits  of  the  entire  pro- 
 duct of  the  ground,  and  that  tliey  should  oiler  the  first-born  of  those  four-footed  beasts  that  are 
 appointed   for  sacrifices,  if  it  be  a  male,  to  the  priests,  to  be  slain,  that  they  and  their  entire 
 
 •  Tt  appears  here,  and  from  the  Samaritsn  Pentateuch,  and  in  effect,  from  the  Psalmist,  as  also  from  the 
 Mpostolical  Constitutions,  from  Clement's  first  epistle  to  the  Cormlhians,  from  Ignatius'  epistle  to  the  Magne- 
 sians,  and  trom  Lusebius,  that  Corali  was  not  swallowed  up  with  the  Keubeuites,  but  burnt  with  the  Levites 
 01  his  own  tribe.    See  l.,sbay  ou  the  Uld  Testament,  p.  64,  05. 
 
 .i,!..S"'"''*''"u°f,'^''!^,i'''''^''"  ""1*  of  the  twelve  tribos  of  Isrsel.  see  St.  Clement's  account,  much  larger  thau 
 iiiBi  in  our  Hinies,  1  hpibt.  j  Ij.  as  is  Josephus  present  account  iu  some  measure  larger  also. 
 
Ii06  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 families  may  eiit  them  in  tlie  holy  city  ;  but  that  the  owners  of  tbose  first-born  which  are  not 
 appointed  for  sacrifices  in  the  laws  of  our  countr}',  should  bring;  a  shekel  and  a  half  in  their 
 stead  ;  but  for  the  first-born  of  a  man,  five  shekels  :  that  they  should  also  have  the  first-fruits 
 out  of  the  shearing  of  the  sheep;  and  that  when  any  baked  bread  corn,  and  made  loaves  of 
 it,  they  should  give  somewhat  of  what  they  had  baked  to  thera.  Moreover,  when  they  have 
 made  a  sacred  vow,  I  mean  those  that  are  called  '  Nazarites,'  that  suffer  their  hair  to  grow 
 long,  and  use  do  wine,  when  they  consecrate  tbeir  hair,*  and  oflFer  it  for  a  sacrifice,  they  are 
 to  allot  that  hair  to  the  pritsts,  [to  be  thrown  into  the  fire.]  Such  also  as  dedicate  theraselvas 
 to  God,  as  a  corban,  which  denotes  what  the  Greeks  call  a  '  gift,'  when  they  are  desirous  of 
 being  freed  from  that  ministration,  are  to  lay  down  money  for  the  priests  ;  thirty  shekels,  if  it 
 be  a  woman,  and  fifty  if  it  be  a  man  ;  but  if  any  be  too  poor  to  pay  the  appointed  sum,  it 
 shall  be  lawful  for  the  priests  to  determine  that  sum  as  they  think  fit.  And  if  any  slay  beasts 
 at  home  for  a  private  festival,  but  not  for  a  religious  one,  they  are  obliged  to  bring  the  maw 
 and  the  clieyk,  [or  breast,]  and  the  right  shoulder  of  the  sacrifice,  to  the  priests.  With  these 
 Moses  contrived  that  the  priests  should  be  plentifully  maintained,  besides  what  they  had  out 
 of  those  offerings  for  sins,  which  the  people  gave  them,  as  I  have  set  it  down  in  the  foregoing 
 book.  He  also  ordered,  that  out  of  every  tiling  allotted  for  the  priests,  their  servants,  [their 
 sons,]  their  daughters,  and  their  wives,  should  partake,  as  well  as  themselves,  excepting  what 
 came  to  them  out  of  the  sacrifices  that  were  offered  for  sins :  for  of  those  none  but  the  males 
 of  the  fiiniilies  of  the  priests  might  eat,  and  this  in  the  temple  also,  and  that  the  same  day  thej 
 were  offered. 
 
 .5.  When  Moses  had  made  these  constitutions,  after  the  sedition  was  over,  he  removed, 
 together  with  the  whole  army,  and  came  to  the  borders  of  Idumea.  He  then  sent  ambassadors 
 to  the  king  of  the  Idumeans,  and  desired  him  to  give  him  a  passage  through  his  country,  and 
 agreed  to  send  him  what  hostages  he  should  desire,  to  secure  him  from  any  injury.  He  desired 
 him  also,  that  he  would  allow  his  army  liberty  to  buy  provisions ;  and,  if  he  insisted  upon  it, 
 he  would  pay  down  a  price  for  the  very  water  they  should  drink.  But  the  king  was  not 
 pleased  with  this  embassage  from  Moses :  nor  did  he  allow  a  passage  for  the  army,  but 
 brought  bis  people  armed  to  meet  Moses,  and  to  hinder  them,  in  case  they  should  endeavour 
 to  force  their  passage.  Upon  which  Moses  consulted  God  by  the  oracle,  who  would  not  have 
 hira  begin  the  war  first ;  and  so  he  withdrew  his  forces,  and  travelled  round  about  through  the 
 wilderness. 
 
 G.  Then  it  was  that  Miriam,  the  sister  of  Moses,  came  to  her  end,  having  completed  her 
 fortieth  year  since  she  left  Egypt, t  on  the  first  day  of  the  lunar  month  Xanthicus.J  They  then 
 made  a  public  funeral  for  her,  at  a  great  expense.  She  was  buried  upon  a  certain  mountain, 
 which  they  call  '  Sin  ;'  and  when  they  had  mourned  for  her  thirty  days,  Moses  purified  the 
 people  after  this  manner  :  be  brought  a  heifer,  that  had  never  been  used  to  the  plough,  or  to 
 husbandry  :  that  was  complete  in  all  its  parts ;  and  entirely  of  a  red  colour,  at  a  little  distance 
 from  the  camp,  into  a  place  perfectly  clean.  This  heifer  was  slain  by  the  high  priest,  and  her 
 blood  sprinkled  with  his  finger,  seven  times,  before  the  tabernacle  of  God ;  after  this,  the 
 entire  heifer  was  burnt  in  that  state,  together  with  its  skin  and  entrails,  and  they  threw  cedar 
 wood,  and  hyssop,  and  scarlet  wool,  into  the  midst  of  the  fire ;  then  a  clean  man  gathered  all 
 ber  ashes  together,  and  laid  thera  in  a  place  perfectly  clean.  When  therefore  any  persons 
 were  defiled  by  a  dead  body,  they  put  a  little  of  these  ashes  into  spring  water,  with  hyssop,  and 
 dipping  part  of  these  ashes  in  it,  they  sprinkled  thera  with  it,  both  on  the  third  day,  and  on  the 
 seventh,  and  after  that  they  were  clean.  This  he  enjoined  them  to  do  also  when  the  tribes 
 should  come  into  their  own  land. 
 
 7.  Now  when  this  purification,  which  their  leader  made  upon  the  mourning  for  his  sister, 
 as  it  has  been  now  described,  was  over,  he  caused  the  army  to  remove,  and  to  march  through 
 the  wilderness,  and  through  Arabia.  And  when  he  came  to  a  place  which  the  Arabians  esteem 
 tlieir  metropolis,  which  was  formerly  called  '  Arce,'  but  has  now  the  name  of  '  Petra,'  at 
 this  place,  which  was  encompassed  vvith  high  mountains,  Aaron  went  up  one  of  them,  in  the 
 sight  of  the  whole  army,  Moses  having  before  told  him  that  he  was  to  die,  for  this  place  was 
 over  against  them.  He  put  off  his  pontifical  garments,  and  delivered  them  to  E.'eazar  his  son, 
 to  whom  the  high  priesthood  belonged,  because  he  was  the  elder  brother,  and  died  while  the 
 multitude  looked  upon  him.  He  din!  in  the  same  year  wherein  he  lost  his  sister,  having  lived 
 in  all  a  hundred  and  twenty  and  three  years  He  died  on  the  first  day  of  that  lunar  month  which 
 is  called  by  the  Athenians  •  Heeatorabisor.,'  by  t^c  Macedonians  'Louh,'  but  by  the  He- 
 brews '  Abba.' 
 
 •  Grothis  on  Num.  vi.  18.  takes  notice,  that  the  Greeks  also,  as  well  as  the  Jews,  sometimes  consecrated  tli« 
 hair  of  their  heads  to  the  gods. 
 
 t  .Tosephus  here  nses  the  phrase,  '  when  the  fortieth  year  was  completed,"  for  when  it  washegun ;  as  dooa 
 St.  Luke,  'when  the  day  of  pentecost  was  corapleted,'  Acts  ii.  1. 
 
 1  Whether  Miriam  divd,  as  Josephus'  Greek  copies  imply,  on  the  '  first'  day  of  the  month,  may  he  douhtrd, 
 because  the  Latin  copies  say  it  was  on  the  '  tenth,'  and  so  say  the  Jewish  calendars  also,  as  Dr.  Benjjfrt 
 assures  us.  It  is  said  her  sepulchre  is  still  extant  near  Petra,  the  old  capital  city  of  Arabia  Vetroea,  at  this 
 day  ,  as  «l30  that  of  Asrou,  not  far  off. 
 
BOOK    IV.~CFIAF.   V.  107 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Moses  conquered  Slhon  and  Og,  kings  of  the  Amoriles,  and  destroyed  their  whole  Army, 
 and  then  divided  their  Land  by  lot  to  two  Tribas  and  a  half  of  the  Hebrews. 
 
 §  1.  The  people  mourned  for  Aaron  thirty  days;  and  when  tbis  m3iirning  was  over,  Moses 
 removed  the  army  from  that  place,  and  came  to  the  river  Arnon,  which  issuing  out  of  the 
 mountains  of  Arabia,  and  running  through  all  that  wilderness,  fell  into  the  lake  Asphaltitis, 
 and  became  the  limit  between  the  land  of  the  Moabites  and  the  land  of  the  Araorites.  Tbis 
 land  is  fruitful,  and  sufficient  to  maintain  a  great  number  of  men  with  the  good  things  it  pro- 
 duces. Moses,  therefore,  sent  messengers  to  Sihon  the  king  of  this  country,  desiring  that  be 
 would  grant  bis  army  a  passage,  upon  what  security  be  should  please  to  require ;  be  promised 
 that  he  should  be  no  way  injured,  neither  as  to  tliat  country  which  Sihon  governed,  nor  as  to 
 its  inhabitants  ;  and  that  he  would  buy  bis  provisions  at  such  a  price  as  should  be  to  their 
 advantage,  even  though  he  should  desire  to  sell  them  their  very  water.  But  Sihon  refused 
 bis  offer,  and  put  bis  army  into  battle  array,  and  was  preparing  every  thing  in  order  to  binder 
 their  passing  over  Aruon. 
 
 2.  When  Moses  saw  that  the  Amorite  king  was  disposed  to  enter  upon  hostilities  with 
 them,  he  thought  he  ought  not  to  bear  that  insult ;  ..and  determining  to  wean  the  Hebrews 
 from  their  indolent  temper,  and  prevent  the  disorders  which  arose  tlience,  which  bad  been 
 the  occasion  of  their  former  sedition  ;  (nor  indeed  were  they  now  thoroughly  easy  in  their 
 minds  ;)  be  inquired  of  God  whether  be  would  give  him  leave  to  fight?  which  when  he  had 
 done,  and  God  also  promised  him  the  victory,  be  was  himself  very  courageous,  and  ready  to 
 proceed  to  fighting.  Accordingly,  be  encouraged  the  soldiers ;  and  he  desired  of  them  that 
 tbey  would  tnke  the  pleasure  of  fighting,  now  God  gave  them  leave  so  to  do.  Tliey  then, 
 upon  the  receipt  of  this  permission,  which  they  so  much  longed  for,  put  on  their  whole 
 armour,  and  set  about  the  work  without  delay.  But  the  Amorite  king  was  not  now  like  to 
 himself  when  the  Hebrews  were  ready  to  attack  bira,  hut  both  be  himself  was  aflrighted  at 
 the  Hebrews,  and  his  army,  which  before  bad  shewed  themselves  to  be  of  good  courage, 
 were  then  found  to  be  timorous,  so  tbey  could  not  sustain  the  first  onset,  nor  bear  up  against 
 the  Hebrews,  but  fled  away,  as  thinking  this  would  afford  them  a  more  likely  way  for  their 
 escape  than  fighting,  for  they  depended  upon  their  cities,  which  were  strong,  from  which  yet 
 tbey  reaped  no  advantage  when  they  were  forced  to  fly  to  them  :  for  as  soon  as  the  Hebrews 
 saw  them  giving  ground,  they  immediately  pursued  them  close;  and  when  Ibey  bad  broken 
 their  ranks,  they  greatly  terrified  them,  and  some  of  them  broke  ulT  from  the  rest  and  ran  away 
 to  the  cities.  Now  the  Hebrews  pursued  them  briskly,  and  obstinately  persevered  in  the 
 labours  they  bad  already  undergone  :  and  being  very  skilful  in  slinging,  and  very  dexterous  in 
 throwing  of  d;irts,  or  any  thing  else  of  that  kind  ;  and  also  having  on  nothing  but  light  armour, 
 which  made  them  quick  in  the  pursuit,  they  overtook  their  enemies  ;  and  for  those  that  were 
 most  remote,  and  could  not  be  overtaken,  tbey  reached  them  by  their  slings  and  their  bows, 
 so  ^that  many  were  slain ;  and  those  that  escaped  the  slaughter  were  sorely  wounded,  and 
 these  were  more  distressed  with  thirst,  than  with  any  of  those  that  fought  against  them,  for  it 
 was  the  summer  season,  and  when  the  greatest  number  of  them  were  brought  down  to  the 
 river  out  of  a  desire  to  drink ;  as  also,  when  others  fled  away  by  troops,  the  Hebrews  came 
 round  them,  and  shot  at  them,  so  that  what  with  darts,  and  wh:it  with  arrows,  they  made  a 
 slaughter  of  them  all.  Silio-n  also  their  king  v;as  slain.  So  the  Hebrews  spoiled  the  dead 
 bodies,  and  took  their  prey.  The  land  also  which  tbey  took  was  full  of  abundance  of  fruits, 
 and  the  army  went  all  over  it  without  fear,  and  fed  their  cattle  upon  it,  and  they  took  the 
 enemies  prisotiers,  for  they  could  no  way  put  a  stop  to  them,  since  all  the  fighting  men  were 
 destroyed.  Such  was  the  destruction  which  overtook  the  Amorites,  who  were  neither  saga- 
 cious in  council,  nor  courageous  in  action.  Hereupon  the  Hebrews  took  possession  of  their 
 land,  which  is  a  country  situate  between  three  rivers,  and  naturally  resembling  an  island,  the 
 river  Arnon  beiii.g  ils  southern  limit:  the  river  Jabbok  determining  its  northern  side,  which 
 running  into  Jordan,  loses  its  own  name,  and  takes  the  other  ;  while  Jordan  itself  runs  along 
 by  it,  on  its  western  coast, 
 
 3.  When  matters  were  come  to  this  state,  Og,  the  king  of  Gilead  and  Gaulani'tis,  fell  upon 
 the  Israelite*.  He  brought  an  army  with  him,  and  came  in  baste  to  the  assistance  of  bis 
 friend  Sihon.  But  tliongh  he  found  him  already  slain,  yet  did  be  resolve  still  to  come  and 
 fight  the  Hebrews,  supposing  he  should  be  too  hard  for  them,  and  being  desirous  to  try  their 
 valour;  but  failing  of  his  hope,  be  was  both  himself  slain  in  the  battle,  and  all  bis  army  was 
 destroyed.  So  Mos^s  passed  over  the  river  Jabbok,  and  overran  the  kingdom  of  Og.  He 
 overthrew  their  cities,  and  slew  all  their  inhabitants,  who  yet  exceeded  in  riches  all  the  men 
 in  that  part  of  the  continent,  on  account  of  the  goodness  of  the  soil,  and  the  great  quantity  of 
 their  wealth.  Now  Og  bad  very  few  equals,  cither  in  the  largeness  of  his  body,  or  handsome- 
 ness of  his  appearance.  He  was  also  a  man  of  great  activity  in  the  use  of  his  hands,  so  tliat 
 his  actions  were  not  unequal  to  the  vast  largeness  and  handsome  appearance  of  his  budy-  And 
 men  could  easily  guess  at   his   strength   and  magniludc,  when  tbey  took  his  bed   at    Kabbalh, 
 
JOS 
 
 ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tbe  royal  cily  of  the  Ammooites  ;  its  structure  was  of  iron,  Its  breadth  four  cubits,  and  its 
 length  a  cubit  more  than  double  thereto.  However,  his  fall  did  not  only  improve  the  circum- 
 stances of  the  Hebrews  for  the  present,  hut  by  his  death  he  was  the  occasion  of  further  good 
 success  to  thera  -,  for  they  presently  took  these  sixty  cities,  which  were  encompassed  with 
 excellent  walls,  and  had  been  subject  to  him,  and  all  got  both  in  general  and  in  particular  a 
 great  prey. 
 
 CHAP.  vr. 
 
 Concerning  Balaam  the  Prophet,  and  what  kind  of  a  Man  he  was, 
 §  1,  Now  Moses,  when  he  bad  brought  his  army  to  Jordan,  pitched  his  camp  in  the  great 
 plain  over  against  Jericho.  This  city  has  a  very  happy  situation,  and  very  fit  for  producing 
 palm-trees  and  balsam.  And  now  the  Israelites  began  to  be  very  proud  of  themselves,  and 
 were  very  eager  for  fighting.  Moses  then,  after  he  had  offered  for  a  few  days  sacrifices  of 
 tlianksgiving  to  God,  and  feasted  the  people,  sent  a  party  of  armed  men  to  lay  waste  the 
 country  of  the  Midianites,  and  to  take  their  cities.  Now  the  occasion  which  he  took  for 
 making  war  upon  thera  was  as  follows: 
 
 2.  When  Balak  the  king  of  the  Moabites,  who  bad  from  his  ancestors  a  friendship  and 
 league  with  the  Midianites,  saw  how  great  the  Israelites  were  grown,  he  was  much  aft'righted, 
 on  account  of  his  own  and  his  kingdom's  danger;  for  he  was  not  acquainted  with  tliis,*  that 
 the  Hebrews  would  not  meddle  with  any  other  country,  but  were  to  be  contented  with  the 
 possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  God  having  forbidden  them  to  go  any  farther.  So  he,  with 
 more  haste  than  wisdom,  resolved  to  make  an  attempt  upon  thera  by  words;  but  he  did  not 
 judge  it  prudent  to  fight  against  them,  after  they  had  such  prosperous  successes,  and  even 
 became  out  of  ill  successes  more  happy  than  before,  but  he  thought  to  hinder  them,  if  he 
 could,  from  growing  greater,  and  so  ho  resolved  to  send  ambassadors  to  the  Midianites  about 
 thera.  Now  these  Midianites  knowing  there  was  one  Balaam,  who  lived  by  Euphrates,  and 
 was  the  greatest  of  the  prophets  at  that  time,  and  one  that  was  in  friendship  with  them,  sent 
 some  of  their  honourable  princes  along  with  the  ambassadors  of  Balak,  to  entreat  the  prophet 
 to  come  to  them,  that  he  might  imprecate  curses  to  the  destructi  n  of  the  Israelites.  So 
 Balaam  received  tbe  ambassadors,  and  treated  them  very  kindly,  and  when  he  had  supped,  he 
 inquired  what  was  God's  will,  and  what  this  matter  was  for  which  the  Midianites  entreated 
 him  to  come  to  them?  But  when  God  opposed  his  going,  he  came  to  the  ambassadors,  and 
 told  them,  that  he  was  liimself  very  willing  and  desirous  to  comply  with  their  request,  but 
 informed  them,  that  God  was  opposite  to  his  intentions,  even  that  God  who  had  raised  him  to 
 great  reputation  on  account  of  the  truth  of  his  predictions,  for  that  this  army  which  they 
 entreated  him  to  come  to  curse,  was  in  the  favour  of  God ;  on  which  account  he  advised  them 
 to  go  home  again,  and  not  to  persist  in  their  enmity  against  the  Israelites  :  and  when  he  had 
 given  them  that  answer,  he  dismissed  the  ambassadors. 
 
 3,  Now  the  Midianites,  at  the  earnest  request  and  fervent  entreaties  of  Balak,  sent  other 
 rmbassadors  to  Balaam,  who  desiring  to  gratify  the  men,  inquired  again  of  God  ;  but  he 
 was  displeased  at  this  [second]  trial,!  and  bid  him  by  no  means  to  contradict  the  ambassadors. 
 Now  Balaam  did  not  imagine  that  God  gave  this  injunction  in  order  to  deceive  him,  so  he 
 went  along  with  the  ambassadors  ;  but  when  the  divine  angel  met  him  in  the  way,  when  he 
 was  in  a  narrow  passage,  and  hedged  iu  with  a  wall  on  both  sides,  the  ass  on  which  Balaam 
 rode,  understood  that  it  was  a  divine  spirit  that  met  him,  and  thrust  Balaam  to  one  of  the 
 walls,  without  regard  to  the  stripes  which  Balaam,  when  he  was  hurt  by  the  wail,  guve  her; 
 but  when  the  ass,  upon  the  angel's  continuance  to  distress  her,  and  upon  the  stripes  which 
 were  given  her,  fell  down,  by  the  will  of  God,  she  made  use  of  the  voice  of  a  man,  and  com- 
 plained of  Balaam,  as  acting  unjustly  to  her ;  that  whereas  he  had  no  fault  to  find  with  her  in 
 her  former  service  to  him,  he  now  intlicied  stripes  upon  her,  as  not  understanding  that  she 
 was  hindered  from  serving  him  in  what  he  was  now  going  about,  by  the  providence  of  God. 
 And  when  he  was  disturbed  by  reasou  of  the  voice  of  the  ass,  which  was  that  of  a  man,  the 
 angel  plainly  appeared   to  him,   and   blamed  hitjj  for  the  stripes  he  had  given  his  ass ;  and 
 
 *  What  Josephus  here  remarks  is  well  worth  our  remart  in  this  place  also,  viz.  that  the  Israelites  were 
 never  to  meddle  with  the  Moabites,  or  Ammonites,  or  any  other  people,  but  those  belongioff  to  the  land  of 
 Canaan,  and  the  countries  of  Sihon  and  Og  beyond  Jordan,  as  far  as  the  desert  and  Euphrates,  and  that 
 therefore  no  other  people  had  reason  to  fear  the  conquests  of  the  Israelites ;  but  that  those  countries  given 
 them  by  God,  were  their  proper  and  peculiar  portion  among  ihe  nations,  and  that  all  who  endeavoured  to " 
 dispossess  them  might  ever  be  justly  destroye(y>y  them. 
 
 t  Note,  that  Josephus  never  supposes  Balaam  to  be  an  idolater,  nor  to  seek  idolatrous  enchantments,  or  to 
 prophesy  falsely,  but  to  be  no  other  than  an  ill-disposed  prophet  of  the  true  God  ;  and  intim-ates  that  God's 
 answer  the  second  time,  permitting  him  to  go,  was  ironical,  and  on  design  that  he  should  be  deceived,  (which 
 sort  of  deception,  by  way  of  punishment,  for  former  crimes,  Josephus  never  scruples  to  admit,  as  ever 
 esteeming  such  wicked  men  justly  and  providentially  deceived.)  But  perhaps  we  hart  better  keep  here  close 
 to  the  text,  which  says,  Num.  xxii.  20,  21.  that  God  only  permitted  Balaam  to  go  along  with  the  ambassadors 
 in  case  they  came  and  called  him,  or  positively  insisted  on  his  going  along  vnth  them  on  any  terms :  whereas 
 Balaam  seems  oat  of  impatience  to  have  risen  up  in  the  morning,  and  saddled  his  ass,  and  rather  to  have 
 called  them,  than  stayed  for  their  calling  him,  so  zealous  does  he  seem  to  have  been  for  his  reward  of  divina- 
 tion, his  wages  of  unrighteousness,  Numbers  xxii.  7.  17.  18,  ■'37.  2  Pet.  ii.  15.  Jude  3,  11.  which  reward  or 
 •wages  the  truly  religious  prophets  of  (Jod  never  required,  nor  accepted,  as  our  Josephus  justly  takes  notic« 
 in  the  cases  of  .Samuel,  Antiq.  b.  v.  chap.  iv.  ^  1.  and  Daniel,  b.  x.  chap.  xi.  ^  3.  fcee  also  Ocn.  xiv.  ?2,  S3 
 •S  Kings  V.  15,  16,  2ti,  27,  imd  Acts  viii.  18—24. 
 
BOOK   IV. — CHAP.  VI.  109 
 
 iiirormed  Lira  that  the  brute  creature  was  not  in  fault,  and  that  he  was  liiniself  come  to 
 obstruct  his  jourue)',  as  being  contrary  to  the  will  of  God.  Upon  which  Balaarn  was  afraid, 
 and  was  preparing  to  return  back  again,  yet  did  God  excite  him  to  go  on  his  intended  way  ; 
 but  added  this  injunction,  that  he  sboald  declare  nothing  bat  what  he  himself  should  suggest 
 to  his  mind. 
 
 4.  When  God  had  given  him  this  charge,  he  came  to  Balak  ;  and  when  the  king  had 
 entertained  him  in  a  magnificent  manner,  he  desired  him  to  go  to  one  of  the  mountains  to  take 
 a  view  of  the  state  of  the  camp  of  the  Hebrews.  Balak  himself  also  came  to  the  mountain, 
 and  brought  the  prophet  along  with  him,  with  a  royal  attendance.  This  mountain  lay  over 
 their  heads,  and  was  distant  sixty  furlongs  from  the  camp.  Now  when  he  saw  them,  he 
 desired  the  king  to  build  him  seven  altars,  and  to  bring  him  as  many  bulls  and  rams  ;  to  which 
 desire  the  king  did  presently  conform.  He  then  slew  the  sacrifices,  and  oft'ered  them  as 
 burnt-offerings,  that  he  might  observe  some  signal  of  the  flight  of  the  Hebrews.  Then  said  he, 
 "  Happv  is  this  people  on  whom  God  bestows  the  possession  of  innumerable  good  things,  and 
 grants  them  his  own  providence  to  be  their  assistant  and  their  guide;  so  that  there  is  not  anv 
 nation  among  mankind  but  you  will  be  esteemed  superior  to  them  in  virtue,  and  in  the  earnest 
 prosecution  of  the  best  rules  of  life,  and  of  such  as  are  pure  from  wickedness,  and  will  leave 
 those  excellent  rules  to  your  children,  and  this  out  of  the  regard  that  God  bears  to  you,  and 
 the  provision  of  such  things  for  you  as  may  render  you  happier  than  any  other  people  under 
 the  sun.  You  shall  retain  that  land  to  which  he  hath  sent  you;  and  it  shall  ever  be  under  the 
 command  of  your  children  ;  and  both  all  the  earth  as  well  as  the  seas  shall  be  filled  with  your 
 glory  :  and  you  shall  be  safficiently  numerous  to  supply  the  world  in  general,  and  every 
 region  of  it  in  particular,  with  inhabitants  out  of  your  stock.  However,  O  blessed  army  ! 
 wonder  that  you  are  become  so  many  from  one  father:  and  truly,  the  land  of  Canaan  can  now 
 hold  you  as  being  yet  comparatively  few  :  but  know  ye  that  the  whole  world  is  proposed  to 
 be  your  place  of  habitation  for  ever.  The  multitude  of  your  posterity  also  shall  live  as  well 
 in  the  islands  as  on  the  continent,  and  that  more  in  number  than  are  the  stars  of  heaven.  And 
 when  you  are  become  so  many,  God  will  not  relinquish  the  care  of  you  ;  but  will  afford  yon 
 an  abundance  of  all  good  things  in  time  of  peace,  with  victory  and  dominion  in  time  of  war. 
 May  the  children  of  your  enemies  have  an  inclination  to  fight  against  you;  and  may  they  be 
 so  hardy  as  to  come  to  arms,  and  to  assault  you  in  battle,  for  they  will  not  return  with 
 victory,  nor  will  their  return  be  agreeable  to  their  children  and  wives.  To  so  great  a  degree 
 of  valour  will  you  be  raised  by  the  providence  of  God,  who  is  able  to  diminish  the  affluence  of 
 some,  and  to  supply  the  wants  of  others." 
 
 ^.  Thus  did  Balaam  speak  by  inspiration,  as  not  being  in  his  own  power,  but  moved  to  say 
 what  he  did  by  the  divine  Spirit.  But  when  Balak  was  displeased,  and  said  he  had  broken 
 the  contract  he  had  made,  whereby  he  was  to  come,  as  he  and  his  confederates  had  invited 
 hi?n,  by  the  promise  of  great  presents ;  for  whereas  he  came  to  curse  their  enemies,  he  had 
 made  an  encomium  upon  them,  and  had  declared  that  they  were  the  happiest  of  men.  To 
 which  Balaam  replied,  "O  Balak,  if  thou  rightly  considerest  this  whole  matter,  canst  thou 
 suppose  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  be  silent,  or  to  say  any  thing  when  the  Spirit  of  God  seizes 
 Upon  us?  for  he  puts  such  words  as  he  pleases  in  our  mouths,  and  such  discourses  as  we  are 
 not  ourselves  conscious  of.  I  well  remember  by  what  entreaties  both  you  and  the  Midianites 
 so  joyfully  brought  me  hither,  and  on  that  account  I  took  this  journey.  It  was  my  prayer, 
 that  I  might  not  put  anj'  allront  upon  you,  as  to  what  you  desired  of  me  ;  but  God  is  more 
 powerful  than  the  purposes  I  had  made  to  serve  you,  for  those  that  take  upon  them  to  foretell 
 the  afiairs  of  mankind,  as  from  their  own  abilities,  are  entirely  unable  to  do  it,  or  to  forbear 
 to  utte^  what  God  suggests  to  them,  or  to  ofl'er  violence  to  his  will ;  for  when  he  prevents  us, 
 and  enters  into  us,  nothing  that  we  say  is  our  own.  I  then  did  not  intend  to  praise  this 
 army,  nor  to  go  over  the  several  good  things  which  God  intended  to  do  to  their  race,  but 
 since  he  was  so  favourable  to  them,  and  so  ready  to  bestow  upon  them  a  happy  life,  and 
 eternal  glory,  he  suggested  the  declaration  of  those  things  to  me.  But  now,  because  it  is  my 
 desire  to  oblige  thee  thyself  as  well  as  the  Midianites,  whose  entreaties  it  is  not  decent  for 
 me  to  reject,  go  to,  let  us  again  rear  other  altars,  and  offer  the  like  sacrifices  that  we  did 
 before ;  that  I  may  see  whether  I  can  persuade  God  to  permit  me  to  bind  these  men  with 
 curses."  Which,  when  Balak  had  agreed  to,  God  would  not  even  upon  second  sacrifices* 
 consent  to  his  cursing  the  Israelites.  Then  fell  Balaam  upon  his  face,  and  foretold  what 
 calamities  would  befall  the  several  kings  of  the  nations,  and  the  most  eminent  cities,  some  of 
 ■which  of  old  were  not  so  much  as  inhabited  ;  which  events  have  come  to  pass  among  the 
 several  people  concerned,  both  in  the  foregoing  ages,  and  in  this,  till  my  own  memory,  both 
 by  sea  and  by  land.  From  which  completion  of  all  these  predictions  that  he  made,  one  may 
 easily  guess  that  the  rest  will  have  their  completion  in  time  to  come. 
 
 6.  But  Balak  being  very  angry  that  the  Israelites  were   not  cursed,  sent  away  Balaam, 
 
 •  Whether  .Tosephus  had  in  his  copy  hut  two  *ttempt.s  of  Balaam  in  all  to  curse  Israel,  or  whether  hy  this 
 his  tvico  offeriut;  Kaoritice,  he-  meant  twice  beside  that  first  time  already  nceiitioned,  which  yi't  is  not  very 
 PJ'YJaJ'le,  eannot  now  be  certainly  determined.  In  the  mean  time,  all  other  copies  Have  three  such  attempts 
 of  Lalanm  to  curse  them,  iu  the  present  history. 
 
110  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 without  thinking  him  worthy  of  any  honour.  Whereupon,  when  he  was  just  upon  his  joarney, 
 in  order  to  pass  the  Euphrates,  he  sent  for  Balak,  and  for  the  princes  of  the  Midianitcs,  and 
 spake  thus  to  them  :  "  O  Balak,  and  yon  Midianites  that  are  here  present,  (for  I  am  obliged, 
 even  without  the  will  of  God,  to  gratify  you,)  it  is  true  no  entire  destruction  can  seize  upon 
 the  nation  of  the  Hebrews,  neither  by  war,  nor  by  plague,  uor  by  scarcity  of  the  fruits  of  the 
 earth,  nor  can  any  other  unexpected  accident  be  tlieir  entire  ruin ;  for  the  providence  of  God 
 is  concerned  to  preserve  them  from  such  a  misfortune,  nor  will  it  permit  any  such  calamity  to 
 come  upno  th^eni  whereby  they  may  all  perish  :  but  some  small  misfortunes,  and  those  for  a 
 short  time,  whereby  they  may  appear  to  be  brought  low,  may  still  befall  them  ;  but  after  that 
 they  will  flourish  again,  to  the  terror  of  those  that  brought  those  mischiefs  upon  them.  So 
 that  if  yon  have  a  mind  to  gain  a  victory  over  them  for  a  short  spaoe  of  time,  you  will  obtain 
 it  by  following  my  directions :  do  you  therefore  set  out  the  handsomest  of  such  of  your 
 daughters  as  are  most  eminent  for  beauty,  and  proper  to  force  and  conquer  the  modesty  of 
 those  that  behold  them,  and  these  decked  and  trimm.ed  to  the  highest  degree  yon  are  able  : 
 then  do  you  send  them  to  be  near  the  Israelites'  camp  ;  and  give  them  in  charge,  that  when 
 the  young  men  of  the  Hebrews  desire  their  company,  they  allow  it  them  ;  and  when  they  see 
 that  they  are  enamoured  of  them,  let  them  take  their  leaves,  and  if  they  entreat  them  to  stay, 
 let  them  not  give  their  consent  till  they  have  persuaded  them  to  leave  off  their  obedience  to 
 their  own  laws,  and  the  worsliip  of  that  God  who  established  them,  and  to  worship  the  gods 
 of  the  3Iidianites  and  the  Moabites  ;  for  by  this  means  God  will  be  angry  at  them."*  Ac- 
 cordingly, when  Balaam  had  suggested  this  f^onnss!  *o  them,  he  went  his  way. 
 
 7.  So  when  the  Midianites  had  sent  their  daughters,  as  Balaam  had  exhorted  them,  the 
 Hebrew  young  men  were  allured  by  their  beauty,  and  came  to  discourse  with  them,  and 
 besought  them  not  to  grudge  them  the  enjoyment  of  their  beauty,  nor  to  deny  them  their  con- 
 versation. These  daughters  of  the  Midianites  received  their  words  gladly,  and  consented  to 
 it,  and  staid  with  them,  but  when  they  had  brought  them  to  be  enamoured  of  tliem,  and  their 
 inclinations  to  them  were  grown  to  ripeness,  they  began  to  think  of  departing  from  them  ; 
 then  it  was  that  these  men  became  greatly  disconsolate  at  the  women's  departure,  and  they 
 were  urgent  with  them  not  to  leave  them,  but  begged  they  would  continue  there,  and  become 
 their  wives  ;  and  they  promised  them  they  should  be  owned  as  mistresses  of  all  they  had. 
 This  they  said  with  an  oath  ;  and  called  God  for  the  arbitrator  of  what  they  promised  ;  and 
 this  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and  all  other  marks  of  concern  as  might  shew  how  miserable 
 they  thought  themselves  without  them,  and  so  might  move  their  compassion  for  them.  So 
 the  women,  as  soon  as  they  perceived  they  had  made  them  their  slaves,  and  bad  caught  them 
 with  theij  conversation,  began  to  speak  thus  to  them. 
 
 8.  "  O  yon  illustrious  young  men!  we  have  houses  of  our  own  at  home,  and  great  plenty 
 of  good  things  there,  together  with  the  natural  affectionate  love  of  our  parents  and  friends  ; 
 nor  is  it  out  of  our  want  of  any  such  things  that  we  come  to  discourse  with  you,  nor  did  we 
 admit  of  your  invitation  with  design  to  prostitute  the  beauty  of  our  body  for  gain,  but  taking 
 you  for  brave  and  worthy  men,  we  agreed  to  your  request,  that  we-  may  treat  you  with  such 
 honours  as  hospitality  required  ;  and  now,  seeing  you  say  that  you  have  a  great  aflection  for 
 us,  and  are  troubled  when  you  think  we  are  departing,  we  are  not  averse  to  your  entreaties  ; 
 and  if  we  may  receive  such  assurance  of  your  good-will  as  we  think  can  be  alone  sufficient, 
 we  will  be  glad  to  lead  our  lives  with  you  as  your  wives,  but  we  are  afraid  that  yon  will  in 
 time  be  weary  of  our  company,  and  will  then  abuse  us,  and  send  us  back  to  our  parents,  after 
 an  ignominious  manner;"  and  ihey  desired  thai  they  would  excuse  them  in  their  guarding 
 against  that  danger.  But  the  young  men  professed  they  would  give  them  any  assurance 
 they  should  desire  ;  nor  did  they  at  all  contradict  what  they  requested,  so  great  was  the 
 passion  they  had  for  themo  "  If  then,  (said  they)  this  be  your  resolution,  since  you  inake 
 use  of  such  customs  and  conduct  of  life  as  are  entirely  different  from  all  other  men,+  inso- 
 much that  your  kinds  of  food  are  peculiar  to  yourselves,  and  your  kinds  of  drink  not  common 
 to  others,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary,  if  you  would  have  us  for  your  wives,  that  yon  do 
 withal  worship  our  gods  :  nor  can  there  be  any  other  demonstration  of  the  kindness  which 
 you  say  you  already  have,  and  promise  to  have  hereafter  to  us.  than  this,  that  you  worship 
 the  same  gods  that  we  do  ;  for  has  any  one  reason  to  complain,  that  now  yon  are  come  into 
 this  country,  you  should  worship  the  proper  gods  of  the  same  country?  especially  while  our 
 gods  are  common  to  all  men,  and  yours  such  as  belong  to  nobody  else  hut  yourselves."  So 
 tlicy  said  they  mast  either  come  into  such  methods  of  divine  worship  as  all  others  came 
 
 •  This  grand  maxim,  that  God's  people  of  Israel  could  never  be  hurt  nor  destroyed,  bnt  by  drawing  them 
 to  siu  against  God,  appears  to  be  true  by  the  entire  hidtory  of  that  people,  both  in  the  Bible,  and  in  Josepnus, 
 and  is  often  taken  notice  of  in  thc-m  both.  See  in  particular  a  most  remarkable  Ammonite  testimony  to  tnis 
 purpose,  Judith  v.  5 — 21. 
 
 t  What  Josephus  here  puts  into  the  mouths  of  these  Midianite  ^^omen,  who  came  to  entice  tne  Israelites  to 
 lewdness  and  idolatry,  viz.  that  their  worship  of  the  God  of  Israel,  in  opposition  to  their  idol  goris,  impnea 
 their  living  according  to  the  holv  laws  which  the  true  God  had  given  them  by  Moses,  in  opposition  to  tnose 
 impure  laws  which  were  observed  under  their  false  gods,  w'ell  deserves  our  consideration  ,  aud  gives  us  » 
 substantial  reason  for  the  great  conoeru  that  was  shewed  under  the  law  of  Moses,  to  preserve  the  israeuiea 
 from  idolatry,  and  in  the  worship  of  the  true  God,  it  being  of  no  less  consequence  than,  whether  t.oil  s 
 ppople  should  bo  govi^rued  by  the  holy  laws  of  the  true  God,  or  by  the  impure  laws  derived  from  demons, 
 under  the  pagan  idolatry. 
 
HOOK    IV, — CHAP.    VI.  Ill 
 
 ibto,  or  else  they  must  look  out   for  another  world,  wherein  Uiey  may  live  by  themselves 
 according  to  their  own  laws. 
 
 9.  Now  the  young  men  were  induced  by  the  fondness  they  had  for  these  women,  to  think 
 they  spake  very  well,  so  they  gave  themselves  up  to  what  they  persuaded  tliem,  and  trans- 
 gressed their  own  laws,  and  supposed  there  were  many  gods  ;  and  resolving  that  they  would 
 sacririce  to  them  according  to  the  laws  of  that  country  which  ordained  them,  they  both  were 
 delighted  with  their  strange  food,  and  went  on  to  do  every  thing  that  the  women  would  have 
 tliem  do,  though  in  contradiction  to  their  own  laws  ;  so  far  indeed,  that  tliis  transgression  was 
 already  gone  through  the  whole  army  of  the  young  men,  and  they  fell  into  a  sedition  that  was 
 much  worse  than  the  former,  and  into  danger  of  the  entire  abolition  of  their  own  institutions ; 
 for  when  once  the  youth  had  tasted  of  these  strange  customs,  they  went  with  insatiable  incli- 
 nations into  them  ;  and  even  where  some  of  the  principal  men  were  illustrious  on  account  of 
 the  virtues  of  their  fathers,  they  also  were  corrupted  with  the  rest. 
 
 10.  Even  Zimri,  the  head  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  corapanied  with  Cozbi,  a  Midianitish 
 woman,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Sur,  a  man  of  authority  in  that  country  ;  and  being  desired 
 by  his  wife  to  disregard  the  law  of  Moses,  and  to  follow  those  she  was  used  to,  he  complied 
 with  her,  and  this  both  by  sacrificing  after  a  manner  dift'erent  from  his  own,  and  by  taking  a 
 stranger  to  wife.  When  things  were  thus,  Moses  was  afraid  that  matters  should  grow  worse, 
 and  called  the  people  to  a  congregation,  but  then  accused  nobody  by  name,  as  unwilling  to 
 drive  those  into  despair,  who,  by  lying  concealed,  might  come  to  repentance  ;  but  he  said, 
 "  That  they  did  not  do  what  was  either  worthy  of  themselves,  or  of  their  fathers,  by  preferring 
 pleasure  to  God,  and  to  the  living  according  to  his  will  :  that  it  was  fit  they  should  change 
 their  courses,  while  their  afl'airs  were  still  in  a  good  state  ;  and  think  that  to  be  true  fortitude 
 which  offers  not  violence  to  their  laws,  but  that  which  resists  their  lusts.  And  besides  that, 
 he  said,  it  was  not  a  reasonable  thing,  when  they  had  lived  soberly  in  the  wilderness,  to  act 
 madly  now  they  were  in  prosperity  ;  and  that  they  ought  not  to  lose,  now  they  have  abundance, 
 what  they  had  gained  when  they  had  little."  And  so  did  he  endeavour,  by  saying  this,  to 
 correct  the  young  men,  and  to  bring  them  to  repentance  for  what  they  had  done. 
 
 11.  But  Zimri  arose  up  after  him,  and  said,  "Yes,  indeed,  Moses,  thou  art  at  liberty  to 
 make  use  of  such  laws  as  thou  art  so  fond  of,  and  hast,  by  iiccnsloming  thyself  to  them,  made 
 them  firm  ;  otherwise,  if  things  had  not  been  thus,  thou  hadst  often  been  punished  before  now, 
 and  hadst  known  that  the  Hebrews  are  not  easily  put  upon  ;  but  thou  shalt  not  have  me  one 
 of  thy  followers  in  thy  tyrannical  commands,  for  tliou  dost  nothing  else  hitherto,  but,  under 
 pretence  of  laws,  and  of  God,  wickedly  impose  on  us  slavery,  and  gain  dominion  to  thyself, 
 while  thou  deprivestus  of  the  sweetness  of  life,  which  consists  in  acting  according  to  our  own 
 wills,  and  is  the  right  of  freemen,  and  of  those  that  have  no  lord  over  them.  Nay,  indeed,  this 
 man  is  harder  upon  the  Hebrews  than  were  the  Egyptians  themselves,  as  pretending  to  punish 
 according  to  his  laws,  every  one's  acting  what  is  most  agreeable  to  himself;  but  thou  thyself 
 better  deservest  to  sufler  punishment,  who  presumest  to  abolish  what  every  one  acknowledges 
 to  be  what  is  good  for  him,  and  airaest  to  make  tliy  single  opinion  to  have  more  force  than  that 
 of  all  the  rest  ;  and  what  I  now  do,  and  think  to  be  right,  I  shall  nut  hereafter  deny  to  be 
 according  to  my  own  sentiments.  I  have  married,  as  thou  sayest  rightly,  a  strange  woman, 
 and  thou  hearest  what  I  do  from  myself  as  from  one  that  is  free,  for  truly  1  did  not  intend  to 
 conceal  myself.  I  also  own,  that  I  sacrifice  to  those  gods  to  whom  you  do  not  think  lit  to 
 sacrifice;  and  I  think  it  right  to  come  at  truth  by  inquiring  of  many  people,  and  not,  like  one 
 that  lives  under  tyranny,  to  suffer  the  whole  hope  of  my  life  to  depend  upon  one  man  ;  nor  shall 
 any  one  find  cause  to  rejoice,  who  declares  himself  to  have  more  authority  over  my  actions 
 than  myself." 
 
 12.  Now  when  Zjrari  bad  said  these  things,  about  what  he  and  some  others  had  wickedly 
 done,  tile  people  held  their  peace,  both  out  of  fear  of  what  might  come  upon  them,  and  because 
 they  saw  that  their  legislator  was  not  willing  to  bring  his  insolence  before  the  public  any  farther, 
 or  openly  to  contend  with  him,  for  he  avoided  that,  lest  many  should  imitate  the  imprudence 
 of  his  language,  and  thereby  disturb  the  multitude :  upon  this  the  assembly  was  dissolved. — 
 However,  the  mischievous  attempt  had  proceeded  farther,  if  Zimri  had  not  been  first  slain, 
 which  came  to  pass  on  the  following  occasion  :  Phineas,  a  man  in  other  respects  better  than 
 the  rest  of  the  young  men,  and  also  one  that  surpassed  his  contemporaries  in  the  dignity  of  his 
 father,  (for  he  was  the  son  of  Elea/.ar  the  high  priest,  and  the  grandson  of  [Aaron]  Moses' 
 brother,)  who  was  greatly  troubled  at  what  was  done  by  Zimri,  resolved  in  earnest  to  inflict 
 punishment  on  him,  before  his  unworthy  behaviour  should  grow  stronger  by  impunity  :  and  in 
 order  to  prevent  this  transgression  from  proceeding  farther,  which  would  happen  if  the  ring- 
 leaders were  not  punished.  He  was  of  so  great  magnanimity,  both  in  strength  of  mind  and 
 oody,  that  when  he  undertook  any  very  dangerous  attempt,  he  did  not  leave  it  off  till  he  over- 
 came it,  and  got  an  entire  victory  ;  so  he  came  into  Ziraii's  tent,  and  slew  him  vvitli  his  javelin, 
 and  with  it  he  slew  Cozbi  also.  Upon  which  all  those  young  men  that  had  a  regard  to  virtue, 
 and  aimed  to  do  a  glorious  action,  imitated  Phineas'  boldjiess,  and  .slew  those  that  were  found 
 1o  be  guilty  of  the  same  crime  with  Zimri.  Accordingly,  muny  of  those  that  had  transgressed 
 perished  by  the  magnanimous  valour  of  those  young  men  :   the   rest  all  perished  by  a  plague, 
 
112  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 which  distemper  Gou  himself  inflicted  upon  them  ;  so  that  all  those  their  kiudred,  who.  Instead 
 of  hindering  them  from  such  wicked  actions,  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  had  persuaded  them 
 to  go  on,  were  esteemed  by  God  as  partners  in  their  wickedness,  and  died.  Accordingly, 
 there  perished  out  of  the  army  no  fewer  than  fourteen  [twenty-four]  thousand  at  that  time.* 
 
 13.  This  was  the  cause  why  Moses  was  provoked  to  send  an  army  to  destroy  the  Midianites  ; 
 concerning  which  expedition  we  shall  speak  presently,  when  we  have  first  related  what  we 
 have  omitted;  for  it  is  but  just  not  to  pass  over  our  legislator's  due  encomium,  on  account  of 
 his  conduct  here,  because  although  this  Balaam,  who  was  sent  for  by  the  Midianites  to  curse 
 the  Hebrews,  and  when  he  was  hindered  from  doing  it  by  divine  providence,  did  still  suggest 
 that  advice  to  them,  by  making  use  of  which  our  enemies  had  well  nigh  corrupted  the  whole 
 multitude  of  the  Hebrews  with  their  wiles,  till  some  of  them  were  deeply  infected  with  theii 
 opinions,  yet  did  he  do  him  great  honour,  by  setting  down  his  prophecies  in  writing.  And 
 while  it  was  in  his  power  to  claim  this  glory  to  himself,  and  make  men  believe  they  were  his 
 own  predictions,  there  being  no  one  that  could  be  a  witness  against  him,  and  accuse  him  for 
 so  doing,  be  still  gave  his  attestation  to  him,  and  did  him  the  honour  to  make  mention  of  him 
 on  this  account.     But  let  every  one  think  of  these  matters  as  he  pleases. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  the  Hebrews  fought  with  the  Midianites,  and  overcame  them, 
 
 §  1.  Now  Moses  sent  an  army  against  the  land  of  Midian,  for  the  causes  forementioned,  in  all 
 twelve  thousand,  taking  an  eq>:al  number  out  of  every  tribe,  and  appointed  Phineas  for  their 
 commander,  of  which  Phineas  we  made  mention  a  little  before,  as  he  that  had  guarded'the 
 laws  of  the  Hebrews, and  had  inflicted  punishment  upon  Zimri  when  he  had  transgressed  them. 
 Now  the  Midianites  perceiving  beforehand  how  the  Hebrews  were  coming,  and  would  suddenly 
 be  upon  them,  they  assembled  their  army  together,  and  fortified  the  entrances  into  their 
 country,  and  there  awaited  the  enemy's  coming.  When  they  were  come,  and  they  had  joined 
 battle  with  them,  an  immense  number  of  the  Midianites  fell,  nor  could  they  be  numbered  they 
 were  so  very  many :  and  among  them  fell  all  their  kings,  five  in  number,  viz.  Evi,  Zur,  Reba, 
 Hur,  and  Rekem,  who  was  of  the  same  name  with  a  city,  the  chief  and  capital  of  all  Arabia, 
 which  is  still  now  so  called,  by  the  whole  Arabian  nation,  '  Arecem,'  from  the  name  of  the 
 king  that  built  it,  but  is  by  the  Greeks  called  '  Petra.'  Now  when  the  enemies  were  discom- 
 fited, the  Hebrews  spoiled  their  country,  and  took  a  great  prey,  and  destroyed  the  men  that 
 were  its  inhabitants,  together  with  the  women  ;  only  they  let  the  virgins  alone,  as  Moses  bad 
 commanded  Phineas  to  do,  who  indeed  came  back  bringing  with  him  an  army  that  had  received 
 no  harm,  and  a  great  deal  of  prey  :  fifty-two  tlionsand  beeves,  seventy-five  thousand  six  hnn- 
 dred  sheep,  sixty  thousand  asses,  with  an  immense  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  furniture,  which 
 the  Midianites  made  use  of  in  their  houses;  for  they  were  so  wealthy,  that  they  were  very 
 luxurious.  There  were  also  led  captive  about  thirty-two  thousand  virgins. t  So  Moses 
 divided  the  prey  into  parts,  and  gave  one-fiftieth  part  to  Eleazar  and  the  two  priests,  and 
 another  fiftieth  part  to  the  Levites  ;  and  distributed  the  rest  of  the  prey  among  the  people. — 
 After  which  they  lived  happily,  as  having  obtained  an  abundance  of  good  things  by  their 
 valour,  and  there  being  no  misfortune  that  attended  them,  or  hindered  their  enjoyment  of  that 
 happiness. 
 
 2.  But  Moses  was  now  grown  old,  and  appointed  Joshua  for  his  successor,  both  to  receive 
 directions  from  God  as  a  prophet,  and  for  a  commander  of  the  arnij',  if  they  should  at  any 
 time  stand  in  need  of  such  a  one  ;  and  this  %vas  done  by  the  command  of  God,  that  to  him  the 
 care  of  the  public  should  be  committed.  Now  Joshua  had  been  instructed  in  all  those  kinds 
 of  learning  which  concerned  the  laws,  and  God  himself,  and  Moses  had  been  his  instructor. 
 
 3.  At  this  time  it  was  that  the  two  tribes  of  Gad  and  Reubel,  and  the  half  tribe  of  Manas- 
 sell,  abounded  in  a  multitude  of  cattle,  as  well  as  in  all  other  kinds  of  prosperity,  whence 
 they  had  a  meeting,  and  iu  a  body  came  and   besought  Moses  to  give  them,  as  their  peculiar 
 
 *  The  mistake  in  all  Josephus'  copies,  Greek  and  Lathi,  which  have  here  '  fourteen  thousand'  instead  of 
 *  twenty-fjur  thousand,'  is  so  liagrant,  that  our  very  learned  editora,  Bernard  and  liudson,  have  put  the  lattei- 
 number  directly  into  the  text.     1  choose  rather  to  put  it  in  brackets. 
 
 +  Tlie  slaughter  of  all  the  Rlidianite  women  that  had  prostituted  themselves  to  the  lewd  Israelites,  and  the 
 preservation  of  those  that  had  not  been  guilty  therein  ;  the  last  of  which  were  no  fewer  than  ."iCOOO,  both  here 
 and  Num.  xxxi.  15,  16,  17,:55,  4U,  46,  and  both  by  the  particular  command  of  God,  are  highly  remarkable;" 
 and  shew,  that  even  in  nations  otherwise  for  their  wickedness  doomed  to  destruction,  the  innocent  were 
 sometimes  particularly  and  providentially  taken  care  of,  and  delivered  from  that  destruction  ;  which  directly 
 implies,  that  it  was  the  wickedness  of  the  nations  of  Canaan,  and  nothing  else,  that  occasioned  their  excision. 
 See  Gen.  xv.  16.  1  Sam.  xv.  18,  ."S.S.  Constit.  Apos.  b.  viii.  chap.  xii.  p.  402.  In  the  first  of  which  places,  the 
 reason  of  the  delay  of  the  punishment  of  the  Amorites  is  given,  because  their  '  iniquity  was  not  yet  full.'  In 
 the  second,  Saul  is  ordered  to  go  and  '  destroy  the  sinners,  the  Amalekites,'  plainly  implying,  that  they  were 
 therefore  to  be  destroyed  because  they  were  sinners,  and  not  otherwise.  In  the  third,  the  reason  is  given,  why 
 king  Agajj  was  not  to  be  spared,  viz. because  of  his  former  cruelty;  'as  thy  sword  halh  made  (the  Hebrew) 
 women  childless,  so  shall  thy  mother  be  made  childless  among  women  by  the  Hebrews.'  In  the  last  place, 
 the  apostles,  or  their  amanuensis  Clement,  gave  this  reason  for  the  necet^ity  of  the  coming  of  Christ,  that  'men 
 had  formerly  perverted  both  the  positive  law,  and  that  of  nature,  and  had  cast  out  of  their  mind  the  memory 
 of  the  flood,  the  burning  of  Sodom,  the  plagues  of  the  Egyptians,  and  the  slaughter  of  the  inhabitants  of 
 Palestine,'  as  signs  of  most  amazing  impeuitence  aud  iuseusibility,  under  the  puuisluueuts  of  horrid  wick, 
 edness. 
 
Book    IV. — CHAP.    Vlll.  113 
 
 portion,  that  land  of  the  Aniorites  which  they  baJ  taken  by  right  of  war,  because  it  was 
 fraitful,  and  good  for  feeding  of  cattle.  But  Moses,  supposing  that  they  were  afraid  of  figlit- 
 ing  with  tlie  Canaauites,  and  invented  this  provision  for  tiieir  cattle  as  a  handsome  excuse  for 
 avoiding  that  war,  called  them  arrant  cowards  :  and  said,  "  That  they  only  contrived  a 
 decent  excuse  for  that  cowardice,  and  that  they  iiad  a  mind  lo  live  in  luxury  and  ease,  while 
 all  the  rest  were  labouring  with  great  pains  to  obtain  the  land  they  were  desirous  to  have,  and 
 that  they  were  not  willing  to  march  along,  and  undergo  the  remaining  hard  service,  whereby 
 they  were,  under  tiie  divine  promise,  to  pass  over  Jordan,  and  overcome  those  our  enemies 
 which  God  had  shewed  them,  and  so  obtain  their  land."  But  these  tiibes,  when  they  saw  that 
 Moses  was  angry  with  tiieni,  and  when  they  could  not  deny  but  he  bad  a  just  cause  to  be 
 displeased  at  their  petition,  wade  an  apology  for  themselves  ;  and  said,  that  "  it  was  not  on 
 accomit  of  their  fear  of  dangers,  nor  on  account  of  their  laziness,  that  they  made  this  request 
 to  him,  but  that  they  might  leave  the  prey  they  bad  gotten  in  places  of  safety,  and  thereby 
 might  be  more  expedite,  atid  ready  to  undergo  dilEculties,  and  to  fight  battles."  They  added 
 this  also,  that  "  when  they  had  built  cities,  wherein  they  might  preserve  their  children,  and 
 wives,  and  possessions,  if  he  would  bestow  them  upon  them,  they  would  go  along  with  the  rest 
 of  the  army."  Hereupon  Moses  was  pleased  with  what  they  said:  so  he  called  for  Eleazar 
 the  high  priest,  aud  Joshua,  and  the  chief  of  the  tribes,  and  permitted  these  tribes  to  possess 
 the  land  of  the  Amorites  ;  but  upon  this  condition,  that  they  should  join  with  their  kinsmen  iu 
 Ihe  war,  until  all  things  were  settled.  Upon  wluch  condition  they  took  possession  of  the 
 country,  and  built  them  strong  cities,  and  put  into  them  their  children  and  their  wives,  and 
 whatsoever  else  they  had  that  might  be  an  impediment  to  the  labours  of  their  future  marches. 
 
 4.  IMoses  a'so  now  built  those  ten  cities,  which  were  to  be  of  the  number  of  the  forty-eight 
 [for  the  Levites  ;]  three  of  which  be  allotted  to  those  that  slew  any  person  involuntarily,  and 
 fled  to  them  ;  and  be  assigned  the  same  time  for  their  banishment  with  that  of  the  life  of  that 
 high  priest  under  whom  the  slaughter  and  ilight  happened,  after  which  death  of  the  high 
 priest,  he  permitted  the  slayer  to  return  home.  During  the  time  of  his  exile,  the  relations  of 
 liim  that  was  slain,  may,  by  this  law,  kill  the  manslayer,  if  they  caught  him  without  the 
 bounds  of  the  city  to  which  he  fled,  though  this  permission  was  not  granted  to  any  other  person. 
 Now  the  cities  which  were  set  apart  for  this  flight  were  these;  Bezer,  at  the  borders  of 
 Arabia  ;  Ramnth,  of  the  land  of  Gilead  ;  and  Golan,  in  the  land  of  Bashan.  There  were  to 
 be  also,  by  Moses'  command,  three  other  cities  allotted  for  the  habitation  of  these  fugitives 
 out  of  the  cities  of  the  Levites,  but  not  till  after  they  should  be  in  possession  of  the  land  of 
 Canaan. 
 
 5.  At  this  time  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  came  to  Moses,  and  informed  him, 
 that  there  was  an  eminent  man  of  their  tribe  dead,  whose  name  was  '  Zelophehad,'  who  left 
 no  male  children,  but  left  daughters,  and  asked  him.  Whether  these  daughters  might  inherit 
 liis  land  or  not?  He  made  this  answer.  That  if  they  shall  marry  in  their  own  tribe,  they 
 shall  carry  theii  estate  alcng  with  them  ;  but  if  they  dispose  of  themselves  in  marriage  to  men 
 of  another  tribe,  they  shall  leave  (heir  inheritance  in  their  father's  tribe.  And  then  it  was  that 
 Moses  ordained,  that  every  one's  iuhoritance  should  continue  iu  his  own  tribe. 
 
 CHAP.  VIJI. 
 
 Tlie  Polity  settled  by  Moses;  and  how  he  disappeared  from  among  Mankind. 
 §  1.  When  forty  years  were  completed,  within  thirty  days,  Moses  gathered  the  congregation 
 together  near  Jordan,  wherp  the  city  Abila  now  stands,  a  place  full  of  palm-trees  ;  and  all  the 
 people  being  come  together,  he  spake  thus  to  them  : 
 
 2.  "  O  you  Israelites  and  fellow-soldiers!  who  have  been  partners  with  me  in  this  long  and 
 uneasy  journey  ;  since  it  is  now  the  will  of  God,  ajid  tlie  course  of  old  age,  at  a  hundred  and 
 twenty,  requires  it,  that  I  should  depart  out  of  this  life  •,  and  since  God  has  forbidden  me  to  be 
 a  patron  or  an  assistant  to  you  in  what  remains  to  be  done  beyond  Jordan,  I  thought  it  reason- 
 able not  to  leave  off  my  endeavours  even  now  for  your  happiness,  but  to  do  my  utmost  to 
 procure  for  you  the  eternal  enjoyment  of  good  things,  and  a  memorial  for  myself,  when  you 
 shall  be  in  the  fruition  of  great  plenty  and  prosperity  :  come,  therefore,  let  me  suggest  to  yon 
 by  what  means  youmay  be  happy,  and  may  leave  an  eternal  prosperous  possession  thereof  to  your 
 children  after  you,  and  then  let  me  thus  go  out  of  the  world  :  and  I  cannot  but  deserve  to  bo 
 believed  by  you,  both  on  account  of  the  great  things  1  have  already  done  for  you,  and  because 
 when  souls  are  about  to  leave  the  body,  they  speak  with  the  sincerest  freedom.  O  children  of 
 Israel!*  'there  is  but  one  source  of  happiness  for  all  mankind,  Ihe  favour  of  God,  for  he 
 alone  is  able  to  give  good  things  to  those  that  deserve  them,  and  to  deprive  those  of  them 
 that  sin  against  liim  ;  towards  whom,  if  you  behave  yourselves  according  to  his  will,  and 
 according  to  what  I,  who  well  understand  his  mind,  do  exhort  you  to  do,  you  will  both  he 
 esteemed  blessed,  and  will  be  admired  by  all  men  ;  and  will  never  come  into  misfortunes,  uor 
 
 •  .losephus  horc,  in  tliis  oiie  sentence,  sums  up  his  notion  of  Mosps'  very  lonR  and  very  serious  exhortalio;, 
 in  the  book  of  OentiTonomy ;  and  his  words  are  so  true,  and  of  such  importancp.  that  (hey  desovve  lo  be  had 
 1.1  rrinsMJit  remenihranco  both  by  Jews   and  Christians  ;  "  O  eliiMrcu  of  Israel !  there   ia   but  onu   source  of 
 I111C63  for  all  uianlund,  '  the  favour  of  (jod.'  " 
 
 V 
 
114  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 cease  to  be  happy  :  you  will  then  preserve  the  posscBsion  of  the  good  things  yoa  already  hayo, 
 and  will  quickly  obtain  those  that  you  at  present  are  in  want  of;  only  do  you  be  obedient  to 
 tiiose  whom  God  would  have  you  to  follow.  Nor  do  you  prefer  any  other  constitntion  of 
 government  beiore  the  laws  now  given  you  ;  neither  do  you  disregard  that  way  of  divine 
 worship  which  you  now  have,  nor  change  it  for  any  other  form  :  and  if  you  do  this,  you  will  be 
 the  most  courageous  of  all  men,  in  undergoing  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  will  not  be  easily 
 conquered  by  any  of  your  enemies  ;  for  while  God  is  present  with  you  to  assist  you,  it  is  to 
 be  expected  that  you  will  be  able  to  despise  the  opposition  of  all  mankind  ;  and  great  rewards 
 of  virtue  are  proposed  for  you,  if  you  preserve  that  virtue  through  your  whole  lives.  Virtue 
 itSclf  is  indeed  the  principal  and  the  first  reward,  and  after  that  it  bestows  abundance  of 
 others  ;  so  that  your  exercise  of  virtue  towards  other  men  will  make  your  own  lives  happy,  and 
 render  you  more  glorious  than  foreigners  can  be,  and  procure  you  an  undisputed  reputation 
 with  posterity.  These  blessings  you  will  be  ablj  to  obtain,  in  case  you  hearken  to  and 
 observe  those  laws  which,  by  divine  revelation,  I  have  ordained  for  you  ;  that  is,  in  case  yoa 
 withal  meditate  upon  t!ie  wisdom  that  is  in  them.  I  am  going  from  you  myself,  rejoicing  in 
 the  good  things  you  enjoy  ;  and  I  recommend  you  to  the  wise  conduct  of  your  law,  to  the 
 beeoniing  order  of  your  polity,  and  to  the  virtues  of  your  commanders,  who  will  take  care  of 
 what  is  for  your  advantage  ;  and  that  God,  who  has  been  till  now  your  leader,  and  by  whose 
 good-will  I  have  myself  been  useful  to  you,  will  not  put  a  period  now  to  his  providence  over 
 you,  but  as  long  as  you  desire  to  have  him  your  protector,  in  your  pursuits  after  virtue,  so 
 long  will  yoa  enjoy  his  care  over  you.  Your  high  priest  also,  Eleazar,  as  well  as  Joshua, 
 with  the  senate,  and  chief  of  your  tribes,  will  go  before  yon,  and  suggest  the  best  advices  to 
 yon  :  by  following  which  advices,  yoa  will  continue  to  be  happy  ;  to  whom  do  you  give  ear 
 without  reluctance,  as  sensible  that  all  such  as  know  well  how  to  be  governed,  will  also  know 
 how  to  govern,  if  they  be  promoted  to  that  authority  themselves.  And  do  not  you  esteem 
 liberty  to  consist  in  opposing  such  directions  as  your  governors  think  fit  to  give  you  for  your 
 practice,  as  at  present  indeed  yon  place  your  liberty  in  nothing  else  but  abusing  your  benefac-  , 
 tors  ;  which  error  if  you  can  avoid  for  the  time  to  come,  your  affairs  will  lie  in  a  better  condi- 
 tion than  they  have  hitherto  been  :  nor  do  you  ever  indulge  such  a  degree  of  passion  in  thefe 
 matters,  as  you  have  oftentimes  done  when  yon  have  been  very  angry  with  me  ;  for  you  know 
 that  I  have  been  oftener  in  danger  of  death  from  you  than  from  our  enemies.  What  I  now 
 put  you  in  mind  of,  is  not  done  in  order  to  reproach  you,  for  I  do  not  think  it  proper,  now  I 
 am  going  out  of  the  world,  to  bring  this  to  your  remembrance,  in  order  to  leave  you  ofi'ended 
 at  me,  since  at  the  time  when  I  underwent  those  hardships  from  you,  1  was  not  angry  at 
 yon,  but  I  do  it  in  order  to  make  you  wiser  hereafter;  and  to  teach  you  that  this  will  be  for 
 your  security  ;  I  mean,  that  you  never  bo  injurious  to  those  that  preside  over  you,  even  when 
 you  are  become  rich,  as  you  will  be  to  a  great  degree  when  you  have  passed  over  Jordan,  and 
 are  in  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan.  Since,  when  you  shall  have  once  proceeded  so  far 
 by  your  wealth,  as  to  a  contempt  and  disregard  of  virtue,  you  will  also  forfeit  the  favour  of 
 God  ;  and  when  yon  have  made  him  your  enemy,  yon  will  be  beaten  in  war  ;  and  will  have 
 the  land  which  you  possess  taken  away  again  from  you  by  your  enemies,  and  this  with  great 
 reproaches  upon  your  conduct.  You  will  be  scattered  over  the  whole  world,  and  will,  as 
 slaves,  entirely  fill  both  sea  and  land  3  and  when  once  you  have  had  the  experience  of  what 
 I  now  say,  you  will  repent,  and  remember  the  laws  you  have  broken,  when  it  is  too  late. — • 
 Whence  I  would  advise  you,  if  you  intend  to  preserve  these  laws,  to  leave  none  of  your 
 enemies  alive  when  yon  have  conquered  them,  but  to  look  upon  it  as  for  your  advantage  to 
 destroy  them  all,  lest,  if  you  permit  them  to  live,  you  taste  of  their  manners,  and  thereby  cor- 
 rupt your  own  proper  institutions.  I  also  do  farther  exhort  you,  to  overthrow  their  altars, 
 and  their  groves,  and  whatsoever  temples  they  have  among  them,  and  to  burn  all  such,  their 
 nation,  and  their  very  memory,  with  fire,  for  by  this  n>eans  alone  the  safety  of  your  own  happy 
 constitution  can  be  firmly  secured  to  you.  And  in  order  to  prevent  your  ignorance  of  virtue, 
 and  the  degeneracy  of  your  nature  into  vice,  I  have  also  ordained  yon  laws,  by  divine  sugges- 
 tion, and  a  form  of  government,  which  are  so  good,  that  if  you  regularly  observe  them,  ycu 
 will  be  esteemed  of  all  men  the  most  happy." 
 
 .  When  he  had  spoken  thus,  he  gave  them  the  laws,  and  the  constitntion  of  government, 
 written  in  a  book.  Upon  which  the  people  fell  into  tears,  and  appeared  already  touched  with 
 the  sense  that  they  should  have  a  great  want  of  their  conductor,  because  they  remembered 
 •vhat  a  number  of  dangers  he  had  passed  through,  and  what  care  be  had  taken  of  their  preser- 
 vation ;  they  desponded  about  what  would  come  upon  them  after  he  v/as  dead,  and  thought 
 ;hey  should  never  have  another  governor  like  him;  and  feared  that  God  would  then  take  less 
 care  of  them  when  Moses  was  gone,  who  used  to  intercede  for  them.  They  also  repented  of 
 what  they  had  said  to  hitn  in  the  wilderness  when  they  were  angry,  and  were  in  grief  on  those 
 accounts,  insomuch,  tli:!f  the  whole  body  of  the  people  fell  into  tears  with  snch  bitterness,  that 
 it  was  past  the  power  of  words  to  comfort  them  in  their  afiliction.  However,  Moses  gave 
 them  some  consolation,  ai;d  by  calling  them  off  the  thonghl,  how  worthy  he  was  of  their  weep- 
 ing fnr  him,  he  exhorted  them  to  keep  that  form  of  government  he  had  given  them  :  and  then 
 the  con^iegaticn  was  dissolved  at  that  tiroe. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  VIII.  115 
 
 4.  Accordinj^ly,  I  shall  now  first  describe  this  form  of  government,  which  was  agreeable  to 
 the  dignity  and  virtue  of  Moses  ;  and  shall  thereby  inform  those  that  read  these  antiquities, 
 what  our  original  settlements  were,  and  shall  then  proceed  to  the  remaining  histories.  Now 
 those  settlements  are  all  still  in  writing,  as  he  left  them  ;  and  we  shall  add  nothing  by  way  of 
 ornaraeut,  nor  any  thing  besides  what  Moses  left  us,  only  we  shall  so  far  innovate,  as  to  digest 
 the  several  kinds  of  liiws  into  a  regular  system,  for  they  were  by  him  left  in  writing  as  they 
 were  accidentally  scattered  in  their  delivery,  and  as  he  upon  inquiry  bad  learned  tbera  of  God, 
 On  which  account  I  have  thonght  it  necessary  to  premise  this  observation  beforehand,  lest  finy 
 of  my  own  countrymen  should  blame  me,  as  having  been  guilty  of  an  offence  herein.  Now 
 part  of  our  constitation  will  include  the  laws  that  belong  to  our  political  state.  As  for  those 
 laws  which  Moses  left  concerning  our  common  conversation  and  intercourse  one  with  another, 
 I  havB  reserved  that  for  a  discourse  concerning  our  manner  of  life,  and  the  occasions  of  those 
 laws  which  I  propose  to  myself,  with  God's  assistance,  to  write,  after  I  have  finished  the  work 
 I  am  now  upon. 
 
 5.  When  you  have  possessed  yourselves  of  the  laud  of  Canaan,  and  have  leisure  to  enjoy 
 the  g«ud  things  of  it,  and  wlien  you  have  afterward  determined  to  build  cities,  if  you  will  do 
 what  Is  pleasing  to  God,  you  will  have  a  secure  state  of  happiness.  Let  there  be  then  one 
 city  of  the  laud  of  Canaan,  and  this  situate  in  the  most  agreeable  place  for  its  goodness,  and 
 Tery  eminent  in  itself,  and  let  it  be  that  whisli  God  shall  choose  for  himself  by  jiroplietic 
 revelation.  Let  there  also  be  one  temple  therein,  and  one  altar,  not  reared  of  hewn  stones, 
 but  of  such  as  you  gather  together  at  random  :  which  stones,  when  they  are  whited  over  with 
 mortar,  will  have  a  handsome  appearance,  and  be  beautiful  to  the  sight.  Let  the  ascent  to  it 
 be  not  by  steps,*  but  by  an  acclivity  of  raised  earth.  And  let  there  be  neither  an  altar,  nor  a 
 temple,  in  any  other  city  ;  for  God  is  but  one,  and  the  nation  of  the  Hebrews  is  but  one. 
 
 C.  He  that  blaspbemeth  God,  let  him  be  stoned  ;  and  let  him  hang  upon  a  tree  all  that  day, 
 and  then  let  him  be  buried  in  an  iguominious  and  obscure  manner. 
 
 7.  Let  those  that  live  as  remote  as  the  bounds  of  the  land  which  the  Hebrews  shall  pos- 
 sess, come  to  that  city  where  the  temple  shall  be,  and  this  three  times  in  a  year,  that  tliey 
 may  give  thanks  to  God  for  his  former  benefits,  and  may  entreat  him  for  those  tliey  shall  want 
 hereafter  ;  and  let  them  by  this  means  maintain  a  friendly  correspondence  with  one  another, 
 by  such  meetings  and  feastings  together ;  for  it  is  a  good  thing  for  those  that  are  of  the  same 
 stock,  and  under  the  same  institution  of  laws,  not  to  be  unacquainted  with  each  oilier  ;  which 
 acquaintance  will  be  maintained  by  thus  conversing  together,  and  by  seeing  and  talking  with 
 one  another,  and  so  renewing  the  memorials  of  this  union  :  for  if  they  do  not  thus  converse 
 together  continually,  they  will  appear  like  mere  strangers  to  one  another. 
 
 !^.  Let  there  be  taken  out  of  your  fruits  a  tenth,  besides  that  which  you  have  allotted  to 
 the  priests  and  Levites.  This  you  may  indeed  sell  in  the  country,  but  it  is  to  be  used  in 
 those  feasts  and  sacrifices  that  are  to  be  celebrated  in  the  holy  city  ;  for  it  is  fit  thjit  ynu 
 .should  enjoy  those  fruits  of  the  earth  which  God  gives  you  to  possess,  so  as  may  be  to  the 
 honour  of  the  donor. 
 
 9.  You  are  not  to  offer  sacrifices  out  of  the  hire  of  a  woman  which  is  a  harlot, t  for  the 
 Deity  is  not  pleased  with  any  thing  that  arises  from  such  abuses  of  nature  ;  of  which  sort 
 none  can  be  worse  than  this  prostitution  of  the  body.  In  like  manner,  no  one  may  take  the 
 price  of  the  covering  of  a  bitch,  either  of  one  that  is  used  in  bunting,  or  in  keeping  of  sheep, 
 and  thence  sacrifice  to  God. 
 
 10.  Let  no  one  blaspheme  those  gods  which  other  cities  esteem  such  ;t  nor  may  any  one 
 steal  what  belongs  to  strange  temples,  nor  take  away  the  gifts  that  are  dedicated  to  any  god. 
 
 1 1 .  Let  not  any  one  of  you  wear  a  garment  made  of  woollen  and  linen,  for  that  is  appointed 
 to  be  for  the  priests  aloue. 
 
 12.  When  the  multitude  are  assembled  together  into  the  holy  city  for  sacrificing  every 
 seventh  year,  at  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  let  the  high  priest  stand  upon  a  high  desk,  whence  he 
 may  be  heard,  and  let  him  read  the  laws  to  all  the  people  ;§  and  let  neither  the  women  nor  the 
 children  be  hindered  from  hearing,  no,  nor  the  servants  neither;  for  it  is  a  good  thing  that 
 lliose  laws  should  be  engraven  in  their  souls,  and  preserved  in  their  memories,  that  so  it  may 
 not  bii  possible  to  blot  theui  out,  for  by  this   means  they  will  not  be  guilty  of  sin,  when  they 
 
 •  This  law,  both  here  and  Exod.  xx.  25,  26.  of  not  going  up  to  God's  altar  by  'ladder  steps,"  but  on  an 
 acclivity,  seems  not  to  have  belonged  to  the  altar  of  iJie  tabernacle,  which  was  in  all  but  three  cubits  high.— 
 lixod.  XXV ii.  1.  nor  to  that  of  I'.zetiel,  which  was  expressly  to  he  yone  up  to  by  steps,  xliii.  17-  but  rather  to 
 occasional  altars  of  any  considerable  altitude  and  lareenes's,  as  also  probably  to  Solomon's  altar,  to  which  it 
 in  here  applied  by  Josejilius,  as  well  as  to  that  in  Zoiobabel's  and  Herod's  temple,  which  were,  1  think,  all 
 ten  cubits  high.  See  2  Chron.  iv.  1.  and  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  iii.  ^  7.  J  he  reason  why  these  temples,  and 
 these  only,  were  to  have  this  ascent  on  an  acclivity,  and  not  by  steps,  is  obvious,  that  before  the  invention  of 
 stairs,  such  as  we  now  use,  decency  could  not  be  otherwise  provided  for,  in  the  loose  garments  which  the 
 priegis  wore,  as  the  law  recjuired.    .See  Lamy  of  the  Tabernacle  and  Temple,  p.  414. 
 
 ♦  The  hire  of  public  or  secret  harlots  was  given  to  VeniLS,  in  Syria,  as  L\ician  informs  us,  p.  ti78,  and  against 
 some  such  vile  practice  of  the  old  idolaters  this  Inw  seems  to  have  been  made. 
 
 I  I'he  Apostolical  Constitutions,  b.  ii.  chap.  xxvi.  ^  31.  expound  this  taw  of  Moses,  Exod.  Tr.ii.  2fi.  '  thou 
 sliaU  not  revile  or  bla.*pheme  the  gods,'  or  magistr.'ites,  which  is  a  much  more  probable  exposition  ihno  this 
 ol  .losephus  of  heathen  gods,  as  here,  and  against  .Apion,  b.  ii.chap.  ni.  ^  4. 
 
 »  What  book  of  the  law  was  thus  publicly  read,  see  the  note  on  Antin.  b.  xctnp.  v.  ^  5.  and  1  Led    ix. 
 
 3'>— 55 , 
 
jJ6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 canoot  plead  ignorance  of  what  ibe  laws  have  enjoined  Ihcm.  The  laws  also  will  have  a  gttat 
 authority  among  them,  as  foretelling  what  they  will  suffer  if  they  break  them  ;  and  imprinting 
 in  tlieir  souls  by  this  hearing  wliat  they  command  them  to  do,  that  so  there  may  always  be 
 within  their  minds  that  attention  to  the  laws  which  they  Lave  despised  and  broken,  and  have 
 thereby  been  the  causes  of  their  own  mischief.  Let  the  children  also  learn  the  laws,  as  the 
 first  tiling  they  are  taught,  which  will  be  the  best  thing  they  can  be  taught,  and  will  be  the 
 cause  of  tlieir  future  felicity. 
 
 13.  Let  every  one  commemorate  before  God,  the  benefits  which  he  bestowed  upon  them  at 
 their  deliverance  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  this  twice  every  day  ;  both  when  the  day 
 begins,  and  when  the  hour  of  sleep  comes  en,  gratitude  being  in  its  own  nature  a  just  thing, 
 and  serving  not  only  by  way  of  return  for  past,  but  also  by  way  of  invitation  of  future  favours. 
 They  are  also  to  inscribe  the  principal  blessings  they  have  received  from  God  upon  their  doors, 
 and  shew  the  same  remembrance  of  them  on  tlieir  arras ;  as  also  they  are  to  bear  on  their 
 forehead,  and  their  arm,  those  wonders  which  declare  the  power  of  God,  and  his  good-will 
 towards  them,  that  God's  readiness  to  bless  them  may  appear  every  where  conspicuous  about 
 them.* 
 
 14.  Let  there  be  seven  men  to  judge  in  every  city, t  and  these  such  as  have  been  before 
 most  zealous  iu  the  exercise  of  virtue  and  rij;hteousness.  Let  every  judge  have  two  officers 
 allotted  him  out  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  Let  those  that  are  chosen  to  judge  in  the  several  cities 
 be  had  in  great  honour  ;  and  let  none  be  permitted  to  revile  any  others  when  these  are  present, 
 Bor  to  carry  themselves  in  an  insolent  manner  to  them,  it  being  natural,  that  reverence  towards 
 those  in  high  offices  among  men  should  procure  men's  fear  and  reverence  towards  God.  Let 
 those  that  judge  be  permitted  to  determine  according  as  they  think  to  be  right,  unless  any  one 
 can  shew  that  they  have  taken  bribes,  to  the  perversion  of  justice,  or  can  allege  any  other 
 accusation  against  them,  whereby  it  may  appear  they  have  passed  an  unjust  sentence  ;  for  it  is 
 not  fit  that  causes  should  be  openly  determined  out  of  regard  to  gain,  or  to  the  dignity  of  the 
 suitors,  but  that  the  judges  should  esteem  what  is  right  before  all  other  things,  otherwise  God 
 will  by  that  means  be  despised,  and  esteemed  inferior  to  those,  the  dread  of  whose  power  has 
 occasioned  the  unjust  sentence  :  for  justice  is  the  power  of  God.  He  therefore  that  gratifies 
 those  in  great  dignity,  supposes  them  more  potent  than  God  himself.  But  if  these  judges  are 
 unable  to  give  a  just  sentence  about  the  causes  that  come  before  them,  (which  case  is  not 
 unfrequent  in  human  affairs,)  let  them  send  the  cause  undetermined  to  the  holy  city,  and  there 
 let  the  high  priest,  the  prophet,  and  the  Sanhedrim,  determine  as  it  shall  seem  good 
 to  them. 
 
 15.  Bat  let  not  a  single  witness  be  credited,  but  three,  or  two  at  the  least,  and  those  such 
 whose  testimony  is  confirmed  by  their  good  lives.  But  let  not  the  testimony  of  women  be 
 admitted,  on  account  of  their  levity  and  boldness  of  their  sex.t  Nor,  let  servants  be  admitted 
 to  give  testimony,  on  account  of  the  ignobility  of  their  soul;  since  it  is  probable  that  they  may 
 not  speak  truth,  either  out  of  hope  of  gain,  or  fear  of  punishment.  But  if  anyone  be  believed 
 to  have  borne  false  witness,  let  him,  when  he  is  convicted,  suffer  all  the  very  same  punishments 
 which  he,  against  whom  he  bare  witness,  was  to  have  suffered. 
 
 16.  If  a  murder  be  committed  in  any  place,  and  he  that  did  it  be  not  found,  nor  is  there 
 any  suspicion  upon  one  as  if  he  had  hated  the  man,  and  so  had  killed  him,  let  there  be  a  very 
 diligent  inquiry  made  after  the  man,  and  rewards  proposed  to  any  who  will  discover  him  :  but 
 if  still  no  information  can  be  procured,  let  the  magistrates  and  senate  of  those  cities  that  lie 
 near  the  place  in  which  the  murder  was  committed,  assemble  together,  and  measure  the  distance 
 from  the  place  where  the  dead  body  lies  ;  then  let  the  magistrates  of  the  nearest  city  thereto 
 purchase  a  heifer,  and  bring  it  to  a  valley,  and  to  a  place  therein  where  there  is  no  land  ploughed, 
 or  trees  planted,  and  let  them  cut  the  sini^ws  of  the  heifer;  then  the  priests  and  Levites,  and 
 the  senate  of  that  city,  shall  take  water  and  wash  their  hands  over  the  head  of  the  heifer,  and 
 they  shall  openly  declare  that  their  hands  are  innocent  of  this  murder,  and  that  they  have 
 neither  done  it  themselves,  nor  been  assisting  to  any  that  did  it.  They  shall  also  beseech  God 
 to  be  merciful  to  them,  that  no  such  horrid  act  may  any  more  be  done  in  that  land. 
 
 17.  Aristocracy,  and  the  way  of  living  under  it,  is  the  best  constitution ;  and  may  you 
 never  have  an  inclination  to  any  other  form  of  government ;  and  may  you  always  love  that 
 
 •  Whether  these  phylacteries,  and  other  Je^rish  memorials  of  the  law,  here  mentioned  by  Josephus,  and  by 
 Jloses,  (besides  the  fringes  on  the  borders  of  their  parments,  fsumb.  xv.  37.)  were  literally  meant  by  God.  I 
 much  question.  Ihat  they  have  been  long  observed  by  the  Pharisees  and  the  Rabbinical  Jews,  is  certain  ; 
 however,  the  Karaites,  who  receive  not  the  unwritten  traditions  of  the  elders,  but  keep  close  to  the  written 
 law,  with  Jerome  and  Grotius,  think  they  were  not  literally  to  be  understood  ;  as  Bej-nard  and  Reland  here 
 take  notice.  Nor,  indeed,  do  I  remember,  that  either  in  tlie  more  ancient  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  or  in 
 the  books  we  call  '  Apocrypba,'  there  are  any  signs  of  such  literal  observations  appearing  among  the  Jews, 
 tliough  their  real  or  mystical  signification,  i.  e.  the  constant  remembrance  and  obserratiou  of  the  laws  of 
 God  by  Bloses,  be  frequently  inculcated  in  all  the  sacred  writings. 
 
 +  Here,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  of  his  Life,  ^  14.  and  of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  xx.  ^  5.  are  but  '  seven' judges 
 appointed  for  small  cities,  instead  of  '  twenty-three'  in  the  modern  Rabbins;  which  modem  Rabbins  are 
 always  but  of  very  little  authority  in  comparison  of  our  Josephus. 
 
 t  I  have  never  observed  elsewhere,  that  in  the  Jewish  government,  women  were  not  admitted  as  legal 
 witnesses  in  courts  of  justice.  None  of  our  copies  oftne  Pentateuch  say  a  word  of  it  It  is  very  probable, 
 however,  that  this  was  the  exposition  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  and  the  practice  of  the  Jewa  in  the  days 
 of  Josephus. 
 
BOOK    IV.— CHAP.    VIU.  117 
 
 foriu,  nnd  liave  the  laws  of  your  governors,  and  govern  all  your  actions  according  to  tbem  : 
 for  you  need  no  supreme  governor  but  God.  But  if  you  shall  desire  a  king,  let  Liin  be  one  of 
 vour  own  nation  :  let  bim  be  always  careful  of  justice,  and  other  virtues,  perpetually;  let  him 
 subiiiit  to  the  laws,  and  esteem  God's  commands  to  be  his  highest  wisdom ;  but  let  him  do 
 /lotliing  without  the  high  priest,  and  the  votes  of  the  senators  :  let  hini  not  have  a  great  number 
 of  wives,  nor  pursue  abundance  of  riches,  nor  a  multitude  of  horses,  whereby  he  may  grow  too 
 proud  to  submit  to  the  laws.  And  if  be  ad'ect  any  such  things,  let  him  be  restrained;  lest  he 
 become  so  potent  that  his  state  be  inconsistent  with  your  welfare. 
 
 18.  Let  it  not  be  esteemed  lawful  to  remove  boundaries,  neither  our  own,  nor  of  those 
 with  whom  we  are  at  peace.  Have  a  care  you  do  not  take  those  land-marks  away,  which 
 are,  as  it  were,  a  divine  and  unshaken  limitation  of  riglits  made  by  God  himself,  to  last 
 for  ever,  since  this  going  beyond  limits,  and  gaining  ground  upon  others,  is  the  occasion 
 of  wars  and  seditions;  for  those  that  remove  boundaries  are  not  far  olf  an  attempt  to  subvert 
 the  laws. 
 
 19.  lie  that  plants  a  piece  of  land,  whose  trees  produce  fruits  before  the  fourth  year,  is  not 
 to  bring  thence  any  lirst-fruits  to  God,  nor  is  he  to  make  use  of  that  fruit  himself,  for  it  is  not 
 produced  in  its  proper  season;  for  when  nature  has  a  force  put  upon  her  iil  an  unseasonable 
 time,  the  fruit  is  not  proper  for  God,  nor  for  the  master's  use  ;  but  let  the  owner  gather  all 
 that  is  grown  on  the  fourth  year,  for  then  it  is  in  its  proper  season.  And  let  him  that  has 
 gathered  it,  carry  it  to  the  holy  city,  and  spend  that,  together  with  the  tithe  of  his  other 
 fruits,  in  feasting  with  his  friends,  with  the  orphans,  and  the  widows.  But  on  the  fifth  year 
 the  fruit  is  his  own,  and  he  may  use  it  as  he  pleases. 
 
 20.  You  are  not  to  sow  a  piece  of  laud  with  seed  which  is  planted  with  vines,  for  it  is 
 enough  that  it  supply  nourishment  to  tliat  plant,  and  he  not  harassed  by  ploughing  also.  You 
 are  to  plough  your  land  with  oxen ;  and  not  to  oblige  other  animals  to  come  under  the  same 
 yoke  with  them;  but  to  till  your  land  with  those  beasts  that  are  of  the  same  kind  with  each 
 other.  The  seeds  are  also  to  be  pure,  and  without  mixture,  and  not  to  be  compounded  of  two 
 or  three  sorts,  siuce  nature  does  not  rejoice  in  the  union  of  things  that  are  not  in  their  own 
 nature  alike,  nor  are  you  to  permit  beasts  of  different  kinds  to  gender  together ;  lor  there  is 
 reason  to  fear  that  this  unnatural  abuse  may  extend  from  beasts  of  difl'erent  kinds  to  men, 
 though  it  takes  its  first  rise  from  evil  |)ractices  about  such  smaller  things.  Nor  is  any  thing 
 to  be  allowed,  by  imitation  wliereof  any  degree  of  subversion  may  creep  into  the  constitution. 
 Nor  do  the  laws  neglect  small  matters,  but  provide  that  even  those  may  be  managed  after  an 
 uublameabie  manner. 
 
 21.  Let  not  those  that  reap,  and  gather  in  the  corn  that  is  reaped,  gather  in  the  gleanings 
 also;  but  let  them  rather  leave  some  handfuls  for  those  that  are  in  want  of  the  necessaries  of 
 life,  that  it  may  be  a  support  and  a  supply  to  them,  in  order  to  their  subsistence.  In  like 
 manner  when  they  gather  their  grapes,  let  them  leave  some  smaller  bunches  for  the  poor,  and 
 let  them  pass  over  some  of  the  fruits  of  tlie  olive  trees,  when  they  gather  them,  and  leave 
 them  to  be  partaken  of  by  those  that  have  none  of  their  own  ;  for  the  advantage  arising  from 
 the  exact  collection  of  all,  will  not  be  so  considerable  to  the  owners  as  will  arise  from  the 
 gratitude  of  the  poor.  And  God  will  provide,  that  the  land  shall  more  willingly  produce  what 
 shall  be  for  the  nourishment  of  its  fruits,  in  case  you  do  not  merely  take  care  of  your  own  ad- 
 vantage, but  have  regard  to  the  support  of  others  also.  Nor  are  yoci  to  muzzle  the  mouths  of 
 the  oxen,  when  they  tread  the  ears  of  corn  in  the  threshing  tloor ;  for  it  is  not  just  to  restrain 
 our  fellow-labouring  animals,  and  those  that  work  in  order  to  its  production,  of  this  fruit  of 
 their  labours.  Nor  are  you  to  prohibit  those  that  pass  by  at  the  time  wbeu  your  fruits  are 
 ripe  to  touch  them,  but  to  give  them  leave  to  fdl  themselves  full  of  what  you  have,  and  this 
 whether  they  be  of  your  own  conntry,  or  strangers,  as  being  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  giving 
 them  some  j)art  of  your  fruits  when  they  are  ripe  ;  but  let  it  not  be  esteemed  lawful  for  them 
 to  carry  any  away.  Nor  let  those  that  gather  the  grapes,  and  carry  them  to  the  wine  presses, 
 restrain  those  whom  they  meet  from  eating  of  them;  for  it  is  unjust,  oi't  of  envy,  to  hinder 
 those  that  desire  it,  to  partake  of  the  good  things  that  come  into  the  world  according  to  God's 
 will,  and  this  while  the  season  is  at  the  height,  and  is  hastening  away  as  it  pleases  God.  Nay, 
 if  some,  out  of  bashfulness,  are  unwilling  to  touch  these  fruits,  let  them  be  encouraged  to  take 
 of  them,  I  mean  those  that  are  Israelites,  as  if  they  were  themselves  the  owners  and  lords,  on 
 account  of  the  kindred  there  is  between  them.  Nay,  let  them  desire  men  that  come  from 
 other  countries,  to  partake  of  these  tokens  of  friendship  which  God  has  given  in  their  proper 
 season;  for  that  is  not  to  be  deemed  as  idly  spent,  which  any  one  out  of  kindness  com- 
 municates to  another,  since  God  bestows  plenty  of  good  things  on  men,  not  only  for  them- 
 selves to  reap  the  advantage,  but  also  to  give  to  others  in  a  way  of  generosity;  nnd  he  is 
 desirous  by  this  means,  to  make  known  to  others  his  peculiar  kindness  to  the  people  of 
 Israel,  and  how  freely  he  communicates  happiness  to  them,  while  they  abundantly  com- 
 municate, out  of  their  great  superfluities,  to  even  these  foreigners  also.  But  for  him  that  acts 
 contrary  to  this  law,  let  him  be  beaten  v»ith  forty  stripes  save  one,  by  the  public  execalioiifer  ;* 
 
 *  This  penalty  of '  forty  stripes  save  one,'  here  laeutioned,  and  (t  23.  was  five  times  inflicted  on  St.  Paul 
 himself  by  the  Jews,  iJ  Cor.  xi.  St. 
 
118  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 let  him  undergo  this  punisbruenf,  which  is  a  most  ignominious  one  for  a  freeman,  and  this 
 bjcause  he  was  such  a  slavi  to  gain  as  to  lay  a  blot  upon  his  own  dignity  ;  for  it  is  proper  for 
 yoa  who  have  had  the  experience  of  the  afflictions  in  Egypt,  and  of  those  in  the  wilderness,  to 
 make  provision  for  those  taat  are  in  the  like  circumstances ;  and  while  you  have  now  ob- 
 tained plenty  yourselves,  tnrongh  the  mercy  and  providence  of  God,  to  distribute  of  the  same 
 plenty  by  the  like  sympathy  to  such  as  stand  in  need  of  it. 
 
 22.  Besides  those  two  tithes,  which  I  have  already  said  you  are  to  pay  every  year,  the  cue 
 for  the  Levites,  the  other  for  the  festivals ;  you  are  to  bring  every  third  year  a  third  tithe  to 
 be  distributed  to  those  that  want;*  to  women  also  that  are  widows;  and  to  children  that  are 
 orphans.  But  as  to  the  ripe  fruits,  let  them  carry  that  which  is  ripe  6rst  of  all  unto  the 
 temple;  and  when  they  have  blessed  God  for  that  land  which  bare  them,  and  which  he  had 
 given  them  for  a  possession,  when  they  have  also  offered  those  sacrifices  which  the  law  has 
 commanded  them  to  bring,  let  them  give  the  first-fruits  to  the  priests.  But  when  any  one 
 hath  done  this,  and  hath  brought  the  tithe  of  all  that  he  hath,  together  with  those  first-fruits 
 that  were  for  the  Levites,  and  for  the  festivals ;  and  when  he  is  about  to  go  home,  let  him  stand 
 before  the  holy  house,  and  return  thanks  to  God,  that  he  hath  delivered  them  from  the  in- 
 jurious treatment  they  had  in  Egypt,  and  hath  given  them  a  good  land,  and  a  large,  and  let 
 them  enjoy  the  fruits  thereof;  and  when  he  hath  openly  testified  that  he  hath  fiilly  paid  the 
 tithes  [and  other  dues,]  according  to  the  law  of  Moses,  let  him  entreat  God  that  he  will  be 
 ever  merciful  and  gracious  to  him,  and  continue  so  to  be  to  all  the  Hebrews,  both  by  pre- 
 serving the  good  things  which  he  hath  already  given  them,  and  by  adding  what  it  is  still  in 
 his  power  to  bestow  upon  them. 
 
 23.  Let  the  Hebrews  marry,  at  the  age  fit  for  it,  virgins  that  are  free  and  born  of  good 
 parents.  And  he  that  does  not  marry  a  virgin,  let  him  not  corrupt  another  man's  wife,  and 
 marry  her,  nor  grieve  her  former  husband.  Nor  let  free  men  marry  slaves,  although  their 
 affections  should  strongly  bias  any  of  Ihcm  so  to  do,  for  it  is  decent,  and  for  the  dignity  of  the 
 persons  themselves,  to  govern  those  their  affections.  And  farther,  no  one  ought  to  marry  an 
 iiarlot ;  whose  matrimonial  oblations,  arising  from  the  prostitution  of  her  body,  God  will  not 
 receive :  for  by  these  means  the  dispositions  of  the  children  will  be  liberal  and  virtuous  ;  I 
 mean  when  they  are  not  born  of  base  parents,  and  of  the  lustful  conjunction  of  such  as  marry 
 women  that  are  not  free.  If  any  one  has  been  espoused  to  a  woman  as  to  a  virgin,  and  docs 
 not  afterwards  find  her  so  to  be,  let  him  bring  his  action,  and  accuse  her,  and  let  him  make 
 use  of  such  indications  to  prove  his  accusation  as  he  is  furnished  wilhal,t  and  let  the  father 
 or  the  brother  of  the  damsel,  or  some  one  that  is  after  them  nearest  of  kin  to  her,  defend  her. 
 If  the  damsel  obtain  a  sentence  in  her  favour,  that  she  had  not  been  guilty,  let  her  live  with 
 her  husband  that  accnsed  her;  and  let  him  not  have  any  farther  power  at  all  to  put  her  away, 
 unless  she  give  him  very  great  occasions  for  suspicion,  and  such  as  can  be  no  way  contra- 
 dicted. But  for  him  that  brings  an  accusation  and  calumny  against  his  wife,  in  an  impudent 
 and  rash  manner,  let  him  be  punished  by  receiving  forty  stripes  save  one,  and  let  him  pay  fifty 
 shekels  to  her  father.  But  if  the  damsel  be  convicted,  as  having  been  corrupted,  and  is  one  of 
 the  common  people,  let  her  be  stoned,  because  she  did  not  preserve  her  virginity  till  she  were 
 lawfully  married;  but  if  she  were  the  daughter  of  a  priest,  let  her  be  burnt  alive.  If  any  man 
 has  two  wives,  and  if  he  greatly  respect  and  be  kind  to  one  of  them,  either  out  of  his  affec- 
 tion to  her,  or  for  beauty,  or  for  some  other  reason,  while  the  other  is  of  less  esteem  with 
 him  ;  and  if  the  son  of  her  that  is  beloved  be  the  younger  by  birth  than  another  born  of  the 
 other  wife,  but  endeavours  to  obtain  the  right  of  primogeniture,  from  his  father's  kindness  to 
 his  mother,  and  would  thereby  obtain  a  double  portion  of  his  father's  substance,  (for  that 
 double  portion  is  what  I  have  allotted  him  in  the  laws,)  let  not  this  be  permitted;  for  it  is 
 unjust,  that  he  who  is  the  elder  by  birth  sliould  be  deprived  of  what  is  due  to  htm,  on  the 
 father's  disposition  of  his  estate,  because  his  mother  was  not  equally  regarded  by  him.  He 
 that  hath  corrupted  a  damsel  espoused  to  another  man,  in  case  he  had  her  consent,  let  both 
 him  and  her  be  put  to  death,  for  they  are  both  equally  guilty,  the  man  because  he  persuaded 
 the  woman  willingly  to  submit  to  a  most  impure  action,  and  to  prefer  it  to  lawful  wedlock  ;  the 
 woman,  because  she  was  persuaded  to  yield  herself  to  be  corrupted,  either  for  pleasure,  or  for 
 gain.  However,  if  a  man  light  on  a  woman  when  she  is  alone,  and  forces  her,  where  nobody 
 was  present  to  come  to  her  assistance,  let  hira  only  be  put  to  death.  Let  him  that  hath  cor- 
 rupted a  virgin  not  yet  espoused,  marry  her;  but  if  the  father  of  the  damsel  be  not  willing 
 that  she  should  be  his  wife,  let  him  pay  fifty  shekels  as  the  price  of  her  prostitution.     He  that 
 
 ♦  Josophus's  plain  and  express  kiterprefation  of  this  law  of  Moses,  Deut.  xiv.  28.  29.  xxvi.  12,  &e.  tliat  tl»e 
 .lews  were  bound  every  tliird  year  to  pay  three  tithes,  that  to  the  Levites,  that  for  sacrifices  at  .lerusalem, 
 and  this  for  the  indigent,  the  widows,  and  the  orphans,  is  fully  confirmed  by  the  practice  of  good  old  Tobit, 
 even  when  he  was  a  captive  at  Assyria,  against  the  opinion  of  the  Rabbins,  Tobit,  chap.  i.  6,  7,  8. 
 
 +  These  '  tokens  of  virginity,'  as  the  Hebrew  and  Septua^nt  style  them.  Dent.  xxii.  1,5,  17,  CO.  seem  to  rae 
 very  different  from  what  our  later  interpreters  suppose.  'Ihey  appear  rather  to  have  been  such  close  linen 
 garments  as  were  never  put  off  virgins  after  a  certain  age,  till  they  were  married,  but  before  witnesses,  and 
 which,  wlwle  they  were  entire,  were  certain  evidences  of  such  virginity.  .See  these,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.viii. 
 ^1.2  .Sara.  xiii.  18.  Isa.  iv.  1.  .losephus  here  determines  nothing  what  were  these  particular  tokens  of  virgi- 
 nity, or  of  corruption  ;  perhaps  he  thought  he  could  not  easily  describe  them  to  the  heathens,  without  saying 
 what  they  might  have  thought  a  broach  of  modesty  :  which  seeming  breach  of  modesty,  laws  caunot  always 
 wholly  avoid. 
 
BOOK    IV. — CHAP.    VllI  119 
 
 desires  to  be  divorced  from  liis  wife  for  any  cause  whatsoever,*'  (and  many  suoli  canses  liappeii 
 ainon"-  men,)  let  liim  in  writing  give  assurance  that  he  never  will  use  her  as  his  wife  any  more, 
 for  by  these  means  slie  may  be  at  liberty  to  marry  another  husband,  although  before  this  bill 
 of  divorce  he  given,  she  is  not  to  be  permitted  so  to  do  :  but  if  she  be  misused  by  him  also, 
 or  if,  when  he  is  dead,  Iier  first  husband  would  marry  her  again,  it  sliall  not  be  lawful  for  her 
 to  return  to  him.  If  a  woman's  husband  die,  and  leave  tier  without  children,  let  his  brother 
 marry  her,  and  let  him  call  tlie  son  that  is  born  to  him  by  his  brother's  name,  and  educate 
 him  as  the  heir  of  his  inheritance,  for  this  procadure  will  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  public, 
 because  thereby  families  will  not  fail,  and  the  estate  will  continue  among  the  kindred;  and 
 this  will  be  for  the  solace  of  wives  under  their  affliction,  that  they  are  to  be  married  to  the 
 next  relations  of  their  former  husbands.  But  if  the  brother  will  not  marry  her,  let  the  woman 
 come  before  the  senate,  and  protest  openly  that  his  brother  will  not  admit  her  for  his  wife,  but 
 will  injure  the  memory  of  his  deceased  brother,  while  she  is  willing  to  continue  in  the  family, 
 and  to  bear  him  children :  and  when  the  senate  have  inquired  of  hira,  for  what  reason  it  is 
 that  he  is  averse  to  this  marriage,  whether  he  gives  a  bad  or  a  good  reason,  the  matter  must 
 come  to  this  issue,  that  the  woman  shall  loose  the  sandals  of  the  brother,  and  shall  spit  in  his 
 face,  and  say,  "  He  deserves  this  reproachful  treatment  from  her,  as  having  injured  the 
 memory  of  the  deceased."  And  then  let  hira  go  away  out  of  the  senate,  and  bear  this  re- 
 proach upon  him  all  his  life  long ;  and  let  her  marry  whom  she  pleases,  of  such  as  seek  htr 
 in  marriage.  But  now  if  any  man  take  captive  either  a  virgin,  or  one  that  hath  been  mar- 
 ried,! and  has  a  mind  to  marry  her,  let  him  not  be  allowed  to  bring  her  to  bed  to  him,  or  to 
 live  with  her  as  his  wife,  before  she  hath  her  head  shaven,  and  hath  put  on  her  mourning 
 habit,  ajid  lamented  her  relations  and  friends  that  were  slain  iu  the  battle,  that  by  these  means 
 she  may  give  vent  to  her  sorrow  for  them,  and  after  that  may  betake  herself  to  feasting  and 
 matrimony,  for  it  is  good  for  him  that  takes  a  woman  in  order  to  have  children  by  her,  to  be 
 complaisant  to  her  inclinations,  and  not  merely  (o  pursue  bis  own  pleasure,  while  he  hath  no 
 regard  to  what  is  agreeable  to  her.  But  when  thirty  days  are  past,  as  the  time  of  mourning, 
 for  so  many  are  sufficient,  to  prudent  persons,  for  lamenting  the  dearest  inends,  then  let  them 
 proceed  to  the  marriage;  but  in  case  when  he  hath  satisfied  his  lust,  he  be  too  proud  to  retaui 
 her  for  his  wife,  let  him  not  have  it  in  his  power  to  make  her  a  slave,  but  let  her  go  away 
 whither  she  pleases,  and  have  that  privilege  of  a  free  woman. 
 
 24.  As  to  those  young  men  that  despise  their  parents,  and  do  not  pay  them  honour,  but 
 ofler  them  affronts,  either  because  they  are  ashamed  of  them,  or  think  themselves  wiser  than 
 they;  in  the  first  place,  let  their  parents  admonish  them  in  words,  (for  they  are  by  nature  of 
 authority  sufficient  for  becoming  their  judges,)  and  let  them  say  thus  to  them:  "  That  they 
 cohabited  together,  not  for  the  sake  of  pleasure,  nor  for  the  augmentation  of  their  riches,  by 
 joining  both  their  stocks  together,  but  that  they  might  have  children,  to  take  care  of  them  iii 
 their  old  age,  and  might  by  them  have  what  they  then  should  want."  And  say  farther  to  him, 
 "  That  when  thou  wast  born  we  took  thee  up  with  gladness,  and  gave  God  the  greatest  thanks 
 for  thee,  and  brought  thee  up  with  great  care,  and  spared  for  nothing  tliat  appeared  useful  for 
 thy  preservation,  and  for  thy  instruction  in  what  was  most  excellent.  And  now,  since  it  is 
 reasonable  to  forgive  the  sins  of  those  that  are  young,  let  it  suffice  thee  to  have  given  so  many 
 indications  of  thy  contempt  of  ns,  reform  thyself,  and  act  more  wisely  for  the  time  to  come, 
 considering  that  God  is  displeased  with  those  that  are  insolent  towards  their  parents,  because 
 he  is  himself  the  father  of  the  whole  race  of  mankind,  and  seems  to  bear  part  of  that  dishonour 
 which  falls  upon  those  tliat  have  the  same  name,  when  they  do  not  meet  with  due  returns 
 from  their  children.  And  on  snch  the  law  infiicts  inexorable  punishment ;  of  which  punish- 
 ment niayest  thou  never  have  the  experience'."  Now  if  the  insolence  of  young  men  be  thus 
 cored,  let  them  escape  the  reproach  which  their  former  errors  deserved,  for  by  this  means  the 
 lawgiver  will  appear  to  be  good,  and  parents  happy,  while  they  never  behold  either  a  son  or 
 a  daughter  brought  to  punishment.  IJut  if  it  happen  that  these  words  and  instructions  con- 
 veyed by  them  in  order  to  reclaim  the  man,  appear  to  he  useless,  then  the  offender  renders 
 the  laws  implacable  enemies  to  the  insolence  he  has  offered  his  parents;  let  him  therefore  be 
 brought  forth  by  these  very  parents  out  of  the  city,+  with  a  multitude  following  him,  and  let 
 him  be  stoned  ;  and  when  he  has  continued  there  for  one  whole  day,  that  all  the  people  may 
 see  him,  let  him  be  buried  in  the  night.  And  thus  it  is  that  we  bury  all  whom  the  laws  con- 
 demn to  die,  upon  any  account  whatsoever.     Let  our  enemies  that  fall  in  battle  be  also  buried  ; 
 
 or  let  any  one  dead  body  lie  above  the  ground,  or  suffer  a  punishment  beyond  what  justice 
 requires. 
 
 25.  Let  no  one  lend  to  any  one  of  the  Hebrews  upon  usury,  neither  usury  of  what  is  eaten, 
 or  what  is  drunken,  for  it  is  not  just  to  make  advantage  of  the  misfortunes  of  one  of  thy  own 
 countrymen;  but  when  thou  hast  been  assistant  to  his  necessities,  think  it  thy  gain,  if  thou 
 
 *  These  words  of  .losephn.s  ore  very  like  those  of  tho  Pharispes  to  our  Saviour  upon  this  very  subject. 
 Mat.  xix.4.    '  Is  it  lawful  for  a  man  to  put  away  his  wife  for  every  causer' 
 
 t  Here,  it  is  supposed,  tliiU  this  captive's  husband,  if  she  were  before  a  married  woman,  was  dead  before,  or 
 rather  was  slain  iu  this  vei'y  baiilo,  otherwise  it  would  have  been  adultery  in  l>im  that  married  her. 
 
 t  See  Ilcrod  the  Great  iuaistiuK  on  the  execution  of  this  law,  with  relation  to  two  of  his  o\\ti  sons,  before 
 IOC  judges  at  Berytiis,  auliii.  b.  xvi.  chap.  xi.  }'i.        ,  .^     ^r«eii..;w   .ju.. 
 
120  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ohtainest  their  gratitude  to  tliee  ;  and  witbal  tbat  reward  which  will  come  to  tliee  from  God, 
 f'n-r  thy  humanity  towards  him. 
 
 26.  Those  wiio  have  borrowed  either  silver,  or  any  sort  of  frnifs,  whether  dry  or  wet,  ^I 
 mean  this,  when  the  Jewish  affairs  shall,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  be  to  their  own  mind,)  let  the 
 borrowers  bring  them  again,  and  restore  them  with  pleasure  to  those  who  lent  them,  laying 
 them  up,  as  it  were,  in  their  own  treasuries,  and  justly  expecting  to  receive  them  thence,  if 
 they  shall  want  them  again.  But  if  they  be  without  shame,  and  do  not  restore  it,  let  not  the 
 lender  go  to  the  borrower's  house,  and  take  a  pledge  himself,  before  judgment  bo  given  con- 
 cerning it;  but  let  him  require  the  pledge,  and  let  the  debtor  bring  it  of  himself,  without  the 
 least  opposition  to  him  that  comes  upon  him  under  the  protection  of  the  law.  And  if  he  that 
 gave  the  pledge  be  rich,  let  the  creditor  retain  it  till  what  he  lent  be  paid  him  again  ;  but  if  he 
 be  poor,  let  him  that  takes  it,  return  it  before  the  going  down  of  the  sun,  especially  if  the 
 pledge  be  a  garment,  that  the  debtor  may  have  it  for  a  covering  in  his  sleep;  God  himself 
 naturally  shewing  mercy  to  the  poor.  It  also  is  not  lawful  to  take  a  millstone,  nor  any 
 utensil  thereto  belonging,  for  a  pledge,  that  the  debtors  may  not  be  deprived  of  instruments 
 to  get  their  food  withal,  and  lest  they  be  undone  by  their  necessity. 
 
 27.  Let  death  be  the  punishment  for  stealing  a  man ;  but  he  that  hath  purloined  gold  or 
 silver,  let  him  pay  double.  If  any  one  kill  a  man  that  is  stealing  something  out  of  his  house, 
 let  him  be  esteemed  guiltless,  although  the  man  were  only  breaking  in  at  the  wall.  Let  him 
 (hat  hath  stolen  cattle  pay  four-fold  what  is  lost;  excepting  the  case  of  an  ox,  for  which  let 
 the  thief  pay  five-fold.  Let  him  that  is  so  poor  that  he  cannot  pay  what  mulct  is  laid  upon 
 him,  be  his  servant  to  whom  he  was  adjudged  to  pay  it. 
 
 28.  If  any  one  be  sold  to  one  of  his  own  nation,  let  him  serve  him  six  years,  and  on  the 
 seventh  let  him  go  free  :  but  if  he  have  a  son  by  a  woman-servant  in  his  purchaser's  house, 
 and  if,  on  account  of  his  good-will  to  his  master,  and  his  natural  alfection  to  his  wife  and  chil- 
 dren, he  will  be  his  servant  slill,  let  him  be  set  free  only  at  the  coming  of  the  year  of  jubilee, 
 which  is  the  fiftieth  year,  and  let  him  then  take  away  with  him  his  children  and  wife,  and  let 
 them  be  free  also. 
 
 29.  If  any  one  find  gold  or  silver  in  the  road,  let  him  inquire  after  him  that  lost  it,  and  make 
 proclamation  of  the  place  where  he  found  it,  and  then  restore  it  to  him  again,  as  not  thinking 
 it  ri[;ht  to  make  his  own  profit  by  the  loss  of  another.  And  the  same  rule  is  to  be  observed 
 in  cattle  found  to  have  wandered  away  into  a  lonely  place.  If  the  owner  be  not  presently  dis- 
 covered, let  him  that  is  the  finder  keep  it  with  himself,  and  appeal  to  God,  that  he  has  not 
 purloined  what  belongs  to  anotlier. 
 
 30.  It  is  not  lawful  to  pass  by  any  beast  that  is  in  distress,  when  in  a  storm  it  is  fallen 
 down  in  the  mire,  but  to  endeavour  to  preserve  it,  as  having  a  sympathy  with  it  in  its  pain. 
 
 31.  It  is  also  a  duty  to  shew  the  roads  to  those  who  do  not  know  them,  and  not  to  esteem 
 it  a  matter  for  sport,  when  we  hinder  others'  advantages  by  setting  them  in  a  wrong  way. 
 
 32.  In  like  manner  let  no  one  revile  a  person  blind  or  dumb. 
 
 33.  If  men  strive  together,  and  there  be  no  instrument  of  iron,  let  him  that  is  smitten  be 
 avenged  immediately,  by  inflicting  the  same  punishment  on  him  that  smnte  him  :  but  if,  when 
 he  is  carried  home,  he  lie  sick  many  days,  and  then  die,  let  him  that  smote  him  not  escape 
 punishment;  but  if  he  that  is  smitten  escape  death,  and  yet  be  at  great  expense  for  his  cure, 
 the  smiler  shall  pay  for  all  that  has  been  expended  during  the  time  of  his  sickness,  and  for  all 
 that  he  has  paid  the  physician.  He  that  kicks  a  woman  with  child,  so  that  the  woman  mis- 
 carry,* let  him  pay  a  fine  in  money  as  the  judges  shall  determine,  as  having  diminished  the 
 multitude  by  the  destruction  of  what  was  in  her  womb  :  and  let  money  also  be  given  the 
 woman's  husband  by  him  that  kicked  her  ;  but  if  she  die  of  the  stroke,  let  him  also  be  put  to 
 death,  the  law  judging  it  equitable  that  life  should  go  for  life. 
 
 34.  Let  no  one  of  the  Israelites  keep  any  poison  that  may  cause  death, t  or  any  other  harm  ; 
 but  if  he  be  caught  with  it,  let  him  be  put  to  death,  and  sufler  the  very  same  mischief  that  he 
 would  have  brought  upon  them  for  whom  the  poison  was  prepared. 
 
 35.  He  that  mainieth  any  one,  let  him  undergo  the  like  himself,  and  be  deprived  of  the 
 same  member  of  which  he  hath  deprived  the  other,  unless  he  that  is  maimed  will  accept  of 
 money  instead  of  it,^  for  tiie  law  makes  the  sufferer  the  judge  of  the  value  of  what  he  hath 
 sufl'ered,  and  permits  him  to  estimate  it,  unless  he  will  be  more  severe. 
 
 36.  Let  him  that  is  the  owner  of  an  ox,  which  pusheth  with  his  horn,  kill  him  :  but  if  he 
 pushes  and  gores  any  one  in  the  threshing  floor,  let  him  he  put  to  death  by  stoning:  and  let 
 him  not  be  thought  lit  for  food  :  but  if  his  owner  be  convicted  as  having  known   what  his 
 
 *  Philo  and  others  appear  to  have  understood  this  law,  Exod.  xxi.  22,  2.'5.  better  than  Josephns,  who  seems 
 to  allow,  thfit  though  the  infant  in  the  mother's  womb,  even  after  the  mother  were  quick,  and  so  the  infant 
 had  a  rational  soul,  weru  killed  by  the  stroke  upon  the  mother,  yet  if  the  mother  escaped,  the  offender  should 
 only  be  fined,  and  not  put  to  death;  while  the  law  seems  rather  to  mean,  that  if  the  infant  in  that  case  be 
 killed,  though  the  mother  escape,  the  offender  must  be  put  to  death,  and  not  only  when  the  mother  is  killed, 
 as  Joaephus  understood  it.    It  seems  this  was  the  exposition  of  the  Pharisees  in  tlie  days  of  .losephus. 
 
 +  What  we  render  a  'witch,'  according  to  our  modern  notions  of  'witchcraft.'  Exod.  xxii.  18.  Philo  and 
 Josephus  understood  of  a  '  poisoner,'  or  one  who  attempted  by  secret  and  unlawful  drugs  or  philtra,  to  taVa 
 awiiy  the  senses  or  the  lives  of  men. 
 
 t  Tl'is  permission  of  redeeming  the  penalty  with  money  is  uot  in  our  copies,  Exod.  xxi.  Cl,  25.  Lev.  xxiv 
 90.  Deut.  iix.21. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAF.  vni.  121 
 
 nature  was,  and  halli  not  kept  him  up,  let  liim  also  be  put  to  death,  as  being  tlio  occasion  of 
 the  ox's  having  killed  a  man.  ]3ut  if  the  ox  have  killed  a  man-servant,  or  a  luaid-servant,  let 
 him  be  stoned  ;  and  let  the  owner  ol'  ihe  ox  pay  thirty  sliekels  to  the  master  of  him  that  was 
 slain  ;*  but  if  it  be  an  ox  that  is  thus  smitten  and  killed,  let  both  the  oxen,  that  which  smote 
 the  oilier,  and  that  which  was  killed,  be  sold,  and  let  the  owners  of  them  divide  the  price 
 between  them. 
 
 37.  Let  those  that  dig  a  well  or  a  pit  be  rarefnl  to  lay  planks  over  it,  and  so  keep  them 
 shut  up,  not  in  order  to  hinder  my  person  from  drawins;  water,  but  that  there  may  be  no 
 danger  of  falling  into  them:  but  if  any  one's  beast  fall  into  such  a  well  or  pit  thns  digged, 
 and  not  shut  up,  and  perish,  let  tie  owner  pay  its  price  to  the  owner  of  the  beast.  Let  there 
 be  a  battlement  round  the  tops  o*"  your  housso  instead  of  a  wall,  that  may  prevent  any  persons 
 from  rolling  doivn  and  perishing. 
 
 38.  Let  him  that  has  received  any  thing  in  trust  for  another  take  care  to  keep  it  as  a  sacred 
 and  divine  thing,  and  let  no  one  invent  any  contrivance  whereby  to  deprive  him  that  hath  in- 
 trusted it  with  him  of  the  same,  and  this  whether  it  be  a  man  or  a  woman,  no,  not  although 
 he  or  she  were  to  gain  an  immense  sum  of  gold,  and  this  where  he  cannot  be  convicted  of  it 
 by  any  body,  for  it  is  fit  that  a  man's  own  conscience,  which  knows  what  he  hath,  should  in 
 all  cases  oblige  him  to  do  well.  Let  this  conscience  be  liis  witness,  and  make  him  always  act 
 so  as  may  procure  him  commendation  from  others ;  but  let  him  chielly  have  regard  to  God  . 
 from  whom  no  wicked  man  can  lie  concealed  :  but  if  be  in  w!;oni  the  tiust  %vas  reposed, 
 without  any  deceit  of  his  own,  lose  what  he  is  intrusted  withal,  let  him  come  before  the  seven 
 judges,  and  swear  by  God,  that  nothing  hath  been  lost  willin;;ly,  or  with  a  v.'icked  intention, 
 and  that  he  hath  not  made  use  of  any  part  thereof,  and  so  let  him  depart  without  blame;  but 
 if  he  hath  made  use  of  the  least  part  of  what  was  committed  to  him,  and  it  be  lost,  let  him  be 
 condemned  to  repay  all  that  he  had  received,  after  the  same  manner  as  in  these  trusts  it  is  to 
 be,  if  any  one  defraud  those  that  undergo  bodily  labour  for  him.  And  let  it  be  always  remem 
 bered,  that  we  are  not  to  defraud  a  poor  man  of  his  wages,  as  being  sensible  that  God  has 
 allotted  that  wages  to  him  instead  of  land,  and  other  possessions  ;  nay,  this  payment  is  not  at 
 all  to  be  delayed,  but  to  be  made  that  very  day,  since  God  is  not  willing  to  deprive  the 
 labourer  of  the  immediate  use  of  what  be  hath  laboured  for. 
 
 39.  You  are  not  to  punish  children  for  the  faults  of  their  parents,  but  on  account  of  their 
 own  virtue  rather  to  vouchsafe  them  commiseration,  because  they  were  born  of  wicked 
 parents,  than  hatred,  because  they  were  boin  of  bad  ones.  Nor  indeed  ought  we  to  impute 
 the  sin  of  children  to  their  fathers,  while  yonng  persons  indulge  themselves  in  many  practices 
 difierent  from  what  they  have  been  instructed  in,  and  this  by  their  proud  refusal  of  such 
 instrnction. 
 
 40.  Let  those  that  have  made  themselves  eunuchs  be  had  in  detestation  :  and  do  you  avoid 
 any  conversation  with  them,  who  have  deprived  themselves  of  their  manhood,  and  of  that 
 fruit  of  generation  which  God  has  given  to  men  for  the  increase  of  their  kind  :  let  such  be 
 driven  away,  as  if  they  had  killed  their  children,  since  they  beforehand  have  lost  what  should 
 procure  them  ;  for  evident  it  is,  that  while  their  soul  is  become  eiTeminale,  they  have  withal 
 transfused  that  efleminacy  to  their  body  also.  In  like  manner  do  you  treat  all  that  is  of  a 
 monstrous  nature  when  it  is  looked  on;  nor  is  it  lawful  to  geld  either  men  or  any  other 
 auimals.t 
 
 41.  Let  this  be  the  constitution  of  your  political  laws  in  time  of  peace ;  and  God  will  be  so 
 merciful  as  to  preserve  this  excellent  settlement  free  from  disturbance.  And  may  that  lime 
 never  come  which  may  innovate  any  thing,  and  change  it  for  the  contrary.  But  since  it  must 
 needs  happen  that  mankind  fall  into  troubles  and  dangers,  either  undesignedly,  or  inten- 
 tionally, come  let  us  make  a  few  constitutions  concerning  them,  that  so  being  apprized  before- 
 liand  what  ought  to  be  done,  you  may  have  salutary  counsels  ready  when  you  want  them,  and 
 may  not  then  be  obliged  to  go  to  seek  what  is  to  be  done,  and  so  be  unprovided,  and  fall  into 
 dangerous  circumstances.  May  you  be  a  laborious  people,  and  exercise  your  souls  in  virtuous 
 actions,  and  thereby  possess  and  inherit  the  land  without  wars,  while  neither  any  foreigners 
 make  war  upon  it,  and  so  afflict  you,  nor  any  internal  sedition  seize  upon  it,  whereby  you  may 
 do  things  that  are  contrary  to  your  fathers,  and  so  lose  the  laws  which  they  have  established. 
 And  may  you  continue  in  the  observation  of  those  laws  which  God  hath  approved  of,  and 
 hath  delivered  to  you.  Let  all  sort  of  warlike  operations,  whether  they  befall  you  now  in 
 your  owu  time,  or  hereafter  in  the  times  of  your  posterity,  be  done  out  of  your  own  borders: 
 but  when  you  are  about  to  go  to  war,  send  embassages  and  heralds  to  those  who  are  your 
 voluntary  enemies,  for  it  is  a  right  thing  to  make  use  of  words  to  them  before  you  come  to 
 yonr  weapons  of  war ;  and  assure  them  thereby,  that  although  you  have  a  numerous  army, 
 with  horses  and  weapons,  and  above  these,  a  God  raercifnl  to  you,  and  ready  to  assist  you, 
 
 •  We  may  here  note,  that  30  shetels,  the  price  orir  Saviour  was  sold  fnr  by  Judas  to  the  Jews,  Mat.  xxvi. 
 15.  and  xxvii.  a.  was  the  old  value  of  a  Iioufht  servant,  or  slave,  among  that  people. 
 
 +  This  law  again.st  caistration,  even  of  brutes,  is  said  to  be  so  rigorous  elsewhere,  as  to  inflict  death  on  him 
 tliat  does  it,  which  seems  only  a  Pharis;iic,il  interpretation  in  ilie  days  of  Josephiis,  of  that  law,  Ij3v.  xxi.  'M. 
 nnd  xxii.  24. ;  only  we  may  hence  observe,  that  the  Jews  could  then  have  no  oxeu  which  are  gelt,  but  onlv 
 bum  and  cowa,  m  Judea. 
 
122  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 you  do  however  Jesire  tliem  not  to  norapel  you  to  figlit  against  them,  nor  to  take  from  them 
 what  they  have,  which  will  iudeed  be  our  gain,  bat  what  they  will  have  uo  reason  to  wish 
 we  should  take  to  ourselves.  And  if  they  hearken  to  you,  it  will  be  proper  for  you  to  kee|» 
 peace  with  them;  but  if  they  trust  ou  their  own  strength,  as  superior  to  yours,  and  will  no» 
 do  yon  justice,  lead  your  army  against  them,  making  the  use  of  God  as  your  supreme  com- 
 mander, but  ordaining  for  a  lieutenaDt  under  him,  one  that  is  of  the  greatest  courage  among 
 you  ;  for  these  different  commanders,  besides  their  being  an  obstacle  to  actions  that  are  to  be 
 done  on  the  sudden,  are  a  disadvantage  to  those  that  make  use  of  them.  Lead  an  army  pure, 
 and  of  chosen  men,  composed  of  all  such  as  have  extraordinary  strength  of  body,  and  hardi- 
 ness of  soul ;  but  do  you  send  away  the  timorous  part,  lest  they  run  away  in  the  time  of 
 action,  and  so  ailbrd  an  advantage  to  your  enemies.  Do  you  also  give  leave  to  those  who 
 have  lately  built  them  houses,  and  have  not  yet  lived  in  them  a  year's  time  ;  and  to  those  who 
 have  planted  tliera  vineyards,  and  have  not  yet  been  partakers  of  their  fruits,  to  continue  in 
 their  own  country,  as  well  as  those  also  who  have  betrothed  or  lately  married  them  wives, 
 lest  they  have  such  an  ail'ection  for  these  things  (hat  they  be  too  sparing  of  their  lives,  and  by 
 reserving  themselves  ioi  these  enjoyments,  they  become  voluntary  cowards  (on  account  of 
 their  wives.) 
 
 42.  When  yon  have  pitched  your  camp,  take  care  that  you  do  nothing  that  is  cruel.  And 
 when  you  are  engaged  in  a  siege,  and  want  timber  for  the  making  of  warlike  engines,  do  not 
 you  render  the  land  naked,  by  cutting  down  trees  that  bear  fruit,  but  spare  them,  as  consi- 
 dering that  they  were  made  for  the  beneGt  of  men  ;  and  that  if  they  could  speak,  they  would 
 have  a  just  plea  against  you  ;  because,  though  they  are  not  occasions  of  the  war,  they  are  un- 
 justly treated,  and  suffer  in  it,  and  would,  if  they  were  able,  remove  themselves  into  another 
 land.  When  you  have  beaten  your  enemies  in  battle,  slay  those  that  have  fought  against 
 you  ;  but  preserve  the  others  alive,  that  they  may  pay  you  tribute,  excepting  the  nation  of  the 
 Canaanites,  for  as  to  that  people  you  must  entirely  destroy  them. 
 
 43.  Take  care,  especially  in  your  battles,  that  no  woman  use  the  habit  of  a  man,  nor  man 
 the  garment  of  a  woman. 
 
 44.  This  was  the  form  of  political  government  which  was  left  us  by  Moses.  Moreover,  he 
 had  already  delivered  laws  io  writing,*  in  the  fortieth  year,  [after  they  came  out  of  Egypt,] 
 concerning  which  we  will  discourse  in  another  book.  But  now  on  the  following  days,  (for  he 
 called  them  to  assemble  continually,)  he  delivered  blessings  to  them,  and  curses  upon  those 
 that  should  not  live  according  to  the  laws,  but  should  transgress  the  duties  that  were  deter- 
 mined for  them  to  observe.  After  this,  he  read  to  them  a  poetic  song,  which  was  composed 
 iu  hexameter  verse,  and  left  it  to  them  in  the  holy  book.  It  contained  a  prediction  of  what 
 was  to  come  to  pass  afterward.  Agreeably  whereto  all  things  have  happened  all  along;  and 
 do  slill  happen  to  us  ;  and  wherein  he  has  not  at  all  deviated  from  the  truth.  Accordingly  he 
 delivered  these  books  to  the  priests,!  with  the  ark ;  into  which  he  also  put  the  ten  command- 
 ments, written  in  two  tables.  He  delivered  to  them  tlie  tabernacle  also ;  and  exhorted  the 
 people  that  when  they  had  conquered  the  land,  and  were  settled  in  it,  they  should  not  forget 
 the  injuries  of  the  Amalekites,  but  make  war  against  them,  and  inflict  punishment  upon  them, 
 for  what  mischief  tliey  did  them,  when  they  were  in  the  wilderness  :  and  that  when  they  had  got 
 possession  of  the  laud  of  the  Canaanites,  and  when  they  had  destroyed  the  whole  multitude  of 
 its  inhabitants,  as  they  ought  to  do,  they  should  erect  an  altar  that  should  face  the  rising  sun, 
 not  far  from  the  city  of  Shechem,  between  the  two  mountains,  that  of  Gerizzim  situate  on  the 
 right  hand,  and  that  called  Ebal  on  the  left;  and  that  the  army  should  be  so  divided,  that  six 
 tribes  should  stand  upon  each  of  the  two  mountains,  and  with  them  the  Levites  and  the  priests. 
 And  that  first,  those  that  were  upon  mount  Gerizzim  should  pray  for  the  best  blessings  upon 
 those  who  were  diligent  about  the  worship  of  God,  and  the  observation  of  his  laws,  and  who 
 did  not  reject  what  Moses  had  said  to  them  ;  while  the  other  wished  them  all  manner  of  hap- 
 piness also:  and  when  these  last  put  up  the  like  prayers,  the  former  praised  them.  After 
 this,  curses  were  denounced  upon  those  that  should  transgress  those  laws,  they  answering  one 
 another  alternately,  by  way  of  confirmation  of  what  bad  been  said.  Moses  also  wrote  their 
 blessings  and  their  curses,  that  they  might  learn  them  so  thoroughly,  that  they  might  never 
 be  forgotten  by  length  of  time.  And  when  he  was  ready  to  die,  he  wrote  these  blessings  aud 
 curses  upon  the  altar  on  each  side  of  it  ;i  where  he  says  also  the  people  stood,  and  then  sacri- 
 ficed and  offered  burnt-offerings,  though  after  that  day  they  never  offered  upon  it  any  other 
 sacrifice,  for  it  was  not  lawful  so  to  do.  These  are  the  constitutions  of  Moses;  and  the" 
 Hebrew  nation  slill  live  according  to  them. 
 
 45.  On  the  next  day,  Moses  called  the  people  together,  with  the  women  and  children,  to  a 
 congregation,  so  as  the  very  slaves  were  present  also,  that  they  might  engage  themselves  to 
 the  observation  of  these  laws  by  oath ;  and  that  duly  considering  the  meaning  of  God  in  them, 
 they  might  not,  either  for  favour  of  their  kindred,  or  out  of  fear  of  any  one,  or  iudeed  for  any 
 
 *  These  laws  seem  to  lie  thoae  above-mentioned,  ^4.  of  this  chapter. 
 +  What  laws  were  now  delivered  to  the  priests,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  i.  ^7- 
 tOf  the  exact  place  where  this  altor  was  to  be  built,  whether  nearer  mount  Gerizzim  or  mount  Etiul,    ' 
 recording  to  Josephus,  see  Essay  ou  the  Old  Testament,  p.  168—171. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  VIII.  1'2'i 
 
 motive  whatsoever,  tJiink  any  tbing  ouglit  to  be  preferred  to  these  kws,  and  so  miglit  trntis- 
 gress  thera.  That  in  case  any  one  of  their  own  hhiod,  or  any  city,  sliould  attempt  to  confound 
 or  dissolve  their  coustitutiou  of  government,  they  should  take  vengeance  upon  them,  both  all 
 id  general,  and  each  person  in  particular;  and  when  they  had  conquered  them,  should  overtaru 
 their  city  to  the  very  foundations,  and,  if  possible,  should  not  leave  the  least  footsteps  of  such 
 madness  :  but  that  if  they  were  not  able  to  take  such  vengeance,  they  should  still  demonstrate, 
 that  what  was  done  was  contrary  to  their  wills.  So  the  multitude  bound  themselves  by  oath 
 so  to  do. 
 
 46.  Moses  taught  them  also  by  what  means  their  sacrifices  might  be  most  acceptable  to 
 God  ;  and  how  they  should  go  forth  to  war,  making  use  of  the  stones  [in  the  high  priest's 
 breast]  for  their  direction,*  as  I  have  before  signified.  Joshua  also  prophesied  while  Moses 
 was  present.  And  when  Moses  had  recapitulated  whatsoever  he  had  done  for  the  preservation 
 of  the  people,  both  in  their  wars,  and  in  peace,  and  had  composed  them  a  body  of  laws,  and 
 procured  them  an  excellent  form  of  government,  he  foretold,  as  God  had  declared  to  him, 
 "  That  if  they  transgressed  that  institution  for  the  worship  of  God,  they  should  experience  the 
 following  miseries  :  their  land  should  be  full  of  weapons  of  war  from  their  enemies,  and  their 
 cities  should  be  overthrown,  and  their  temple  should  be  burnt ;  that  they  should  be  sold  for 
 slaves  to  such  men  as  would  have  no  pity  on  them  in  their  ailllctions  :  that  they  would  then 
 repent,  when  that  repentance  would  no  way  profit  them  under  their  sufferings.  Yet,  said  he, 
 will  that  God  who  founded  your  nation,  restore  your  cities  to  your  citizens,  with  their  temple 
 also,  and  you  shall  lose  these  advantages  not  once  only,  but  often." 
 
 47.  Now  when  Moses  had  encouraged  Joshua  to  lead  out  t!ie  army  against  the  Canaanites, 
 by  telling  him  that  God  would  assist  him  in  all  his  undertakings,  and  had  blessed  the  whole 
 multitude,  he  said,  "  Since  I  am  going  to  my  forefathers,  and  God  has  determined  that  this 
 should  be  the  day  of  my  departure  to  them,  I  return  him  thanks  while  I  am  still  alive,  and 
 present  with  yon,  for  that  providence  he  hath  exercised  over  you,  which  hath  not  only  deli- 
 vered us  from  the  miseries  we  lay  under,  but  hath  bestowed  a  state  of  prosperity  upon  us  ;  as 
 also,  that  he  hath  assisted  me  in  the  pains  I  took,  and  in  all  the  conlrivances  I  had  in  my  care 
 about  you,  in  order  to  better  your  condition,  and  hath  on  all  occasions  shewed  himself  favour- 
 able to  us  ;  or  rather  be  it  was  who  first  conducted  our  affairs,  and  brought  them  to  a  happy 
 conclusion  ;  by  making  use  of  me  as  a  vicarious  general  under  him,  and  as  a  minister  iu  tiiose 
 matters  wherein  he  was  willing  to  do  you  good  :  on  which  account  I  think  it  proper  to  bless 
 that  divine  power  which  will  take  care  of  you  for  the  time  to  come,  and  this  in  order  to  repay 
 the  debt  which  1  owe  him,  and  to  leave  behind  me  a  memorial  that  we  are  obliged  to  worship 
 nnd  honour  him,  and  to  keep  those  laws  which  are  the  mi^st  excellent  gift  of  all  those  he  hatli 
 already  bestowed  upon  us,  or  which,  if  he  continue  favourable  to  us,  he  will  bestow  upnu  us 
 hereafter.  Certainly  a  human  legislator  is  a  terrible  enemy,  when  his  laws  are  allronted,  and 
 are  made  to  no  purpose.  And  may  you  never  experience  that  displeasure  of  God,  which  will 
 be  the  consequence  of  the  neglect  of  these  bis  laws,  which  he,  who  is  your  Creator,  hath 
 given  you !" 
 
 48.  When  Moses  had  spoken  thus  at  the  end  of  his  life,  and  had  foretold  what  would  befall 
 to  every  one  of  thtir  tribes  afterward, t  vvith  the  addition  of  a  blessing  to  them,  the  multitude 
 fell  into  tears,  insomuch,  that  even  the  women,  by  beating  their  breasts,  made  manifest  the 
 deep  concern  they  had  when  he  was  about  to  die.  The  children  also  lamented  still  more,  as 
 not  able  to  contain  their  grief;  and  thereby  declared,  that  even  at  their  age  they  were  sensible 
 of  his  virtue,  and  mighty  deeds  :  and  truly  there  seemed  to  be  a  strife  between  the  young  and 
 the  old,  who  should  most  grieve  for  him.  The  old  grieved,  because  they  knew  what  a  careful 
 protector  they  were  to  be  deprived  of,  and  so  lamented  tlieir  future  stale  ;  but  the  young 
 grieved  not  only  for  that,  but  also  because  it  so  happened  that  they  were  to  be  left  by  him 
 before  they  had  well  tasted  of  his  virtue.  Now  one  may  make  a  guess  at  the  excess  of  this 
 sorrow  and  lamentation  of  the  multitude,  from  what  happened  to  the  legislator  himself;  for 
 although  he  was  always  persuaded  that  he  ought  not  to  be  cast  down  at  tlie  approach  of  death, 
 since  the  undergoing  it  was  agreeable  to  the  will  of  God,  and  the  law  of  nature,  yet  what  the 
 people  did,  so  overbore  him,  that  he  wept  himself.  Now  as  he  went  thence  to  the  plnce  where 
 he  was  to  vanish  out  of  their  sigiit,  they  all  followed  after  him  weeping,  but  Moses  beckoned 
 with  his  hand  to  those  that  were  remote  from  him,  and  bade  them  stay  behind  in  quiel,  while 
 he  exhorted  those  that  were  near  to  him  that  they  would  not  render  his  departure  so  lamenta* 
 ble.  Whereupon  they  thought  they  ought  to  grant  him  that  favour,  to  let  him  depart  accord- 
 ing as  he  himself  desired,  so  they  restrained  themselves,  though  weeping  still  towards  one 
 another.     All  those  who  accompanied  him,  weTn  the  senate,  and   Eleazar  the  high  priest,  and 
 
 *  Pr.  Beniard  well  obsprves  here,  hew  uufortunate  this  neglect  of  consnliing  the  Urim  was  to  Joshua  him- 
 tv\{,  in  the  case  of  the  tiibeonitis,  who  put  a  trick  upon  him,  and  ensnared  hiiu.  toijethcr  with  the  rest  of  the 
 .Jewish  ruli-rs,  witli  a  solemn  oath  to  preserve  them,  contrary  to  his  commission  to  extirpate  all  the  Canaan- 
 ites root  and  branch,  which  oath  he  and  the  other  rulers  never  durst  break.  See  Scripture  Politics,  p.  55,  5o. 
 .ind  this  snare  they  were  brouaht  into,  because  they  "  did  not  ask  couusel  at  the  mouth  of  the  J>ord." — 
 Josh.  ix.  It. 
 
 t  .Since  Josephus  assures  us  here,  as  is  most  naturally  to  be  supposed,  and  as  the  Scptuapint  gives  the  text. 
 Prut,  xjfxiii.  6.  that  Moses  blessed  every  one  of  the  tribea  of  Israel,  it  is  evident  that  Siiucon  was  not  omitted 
 111  his  copy,  as  it  unhappily  new  is,  both  iu  our  Hebrew  and  Samaritan  copies. 
 
124  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Josbun  tlieir  commander.  Now  as  soon  as  they  were  come  to  the  mountain  called  '  Abarim,' 
 (which  is  a  very  high  moantain  situate  over-against  Jericho,  and  one  that  affords  to  such  as 
 are  upon  it  a  prospect  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  excellent  land  of  Canaan,)  he  difimissEd  the 
 senate  :  and  as  he  was  going  to  embrace  Eleazar  and  Joshua,  and  was  still  disconrsing  with 
 them,  a  cloud  stood  over  him  on  the  sudden,  and  he  disappeared  in  a  certain  valley,  although 
 he  wrote  in  the  holy  books  that  he  died,  which  was  done  out  of  fear  lest  they  should  venture  to 
 say,  that  because  of  his  extraordinary  virtue  he  went  to  God. 
 
 49.  Now  Moses  lived  in  ail,  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  ;  a  third  part  of  which  time, 
 abating  one  month,  he  was  the  people's  ruler  :  and  he  died  on  the  last  month  of  the  year,  which 
 is  called  by  the  Macedonians  '  Dystrus,'  but  by  us  '  Adar,'  on  the  first  day  of  the  month.  He 
 ■was  one  that  exceeded  all  men  that  ever  were,  in  tkiderstanding,  and  made  the  best  use  of 
 what  that  understanding  suggested  to  him.  He  had  a  very  graceful  way  of  speaking,  and 
 addressing  the  multitude,  and,  as  to  his  other  qualifications,  he  had  such  a  full  command  of  his 
 passions,  as  if  he  hardly  had  any  such  in  his  soul,  and  only  knew  them  by  their  names,  as 
 rather  perceiving  them  in  other  men  than  in  himself.  He  was  also  such  a  general  of  an  army, 
 as  is  seldom  seen,  as  well  as  such  a  prophet  as  was  never  known,  and  this  to  such  a  degree, 
 that  whatsoever  he  pronounced  you  would  think  you  heard  the  voice  of  God  himself.  So  the 
 people  mourned  for  him  thirty  days :  nor  did  ever  any  grief  so  deeply  affect  the  Hebrews  as 
 did  this  upon  the  death  of  Moses  :  nor  were  those  that  bad  experienced  bis  conduct  the  only 
 persons  that  desired  him,  but  those  also  that  perused  the  laws  he  left  behind  him,  had  a  strong 
 desire  after  him,  and  by  them  gathered  the  extraordinary  virtue  he  was  master  of.  And  this 
 shall  sutfice  for  the  declaration  of  the  manner  of  the  death  of  Moses. 
 
 BOOK  V. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  FOUR  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-SIX  YEARS.-  FROM 
 THE  DEATH  OF  MOSES  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ELI. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Joshua,  the  Commander  of  the  Hebrews,  made  War  with   the  Canaanites,   and  overcame 
 them,  and  destroyed  them ,  and  divided  their  Land  by  Lot  to  the  Tribes  of  Israel. 
 
 5  1.  When  Moses  was  taken  away  from  among  men,  in  the  manner  already  described,  and 
 when  all  the  solemnities  belonging  to  the  mourning  for  him  were  finished,  and  the  sorrow  for 
 him  was  over,  Joshua  commanded  the  multitude  to  get  themselves  ready  for  an  expedition, — 
 He  also  sent  spies  to  Jericho,  to  discover  what  forces  they  had  ;  and  what  were  their  inten- 
 tions, but  he  put  his  camp  in  order,  as  intending  soon  to  pass  over  Jordan  at  a  proper  season. 
 And  calling  to  him  the  rulers  of  the  tribe  of  Renbel,  and  the  governors  of  the  tribe  of  Gad,  and 
 [iue  half  tribe  ofj  Manasseh,  for  half  of  this  tribe  had  been  permitted  to  have  their  habitation 
 iu  the  country  of  the  Amorites,  which  was  the  seventh  part  of  the  land  of  Canaan,*  he  put  them 
 in  mind  what  they  had  promised  Moses  ;  and  he  exhorted  them,  that  for  the  sake  of  the  care 
 that  Moses  had  taken  of  them,  who  had  never  been  weary  of  taking  pains  for  them,  no,  not 
 when  he  was  dying,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  public  welfare,  tliey  would  prepare  themselves, 
 and  readily  perform  what  they  had  promised  ;  so  he  took  fifty  thousand  of  them,  who  followed 
 him,  and  he  marched  from  Abila  to  Jordan,  sixty  furlongs. 
 
 2.  Now  when  he  had  pitched  his  camp,  the  spies  came  to  him  immediately,  well  acquainted 
 ■with  the  whole  state  of  the  Canaanites  :  for,  at  first,  before  they  were  at  all  discovered,  they 
 took  a  full  view  of  the  city  of  Jericho  without  disturbance,  and  saw  which  part  of  the  walls  were 
 strong,  and  which  parts  were  otherwise,  and  indeed  insecure,  and  which  of  the  gates  were 
 so  weak  as  might  alford  an  entrance  to  their  army.  Now  those  that  met  them  took  no  notice 
 of  them  when  they  saw  them,  and  supposed  they  were  only  strangers,  who  used  to  be  very 
 curious  in  observing  every  thing  in  the  city,  and  did  not  take  them  for  enemies  ;  but  at  even 
 they  retired  to  a  certain  inn  that  was  near  to  the  wall,  whither  they  went  to  eat  their  supper  ; 
 ■which  supper  when  they  had  done,  and  were  considering  how  to  get  away,  information  was 
 given  to  the  king  as  he  was  at  supper,  that  there  were  some  persons  come  from  the  Hebrews' 
 camp,  to  view  the  city  as  spies,  and  that  they  were  in  the  inn  kept  by  Rahab,  and  were  very 
 
 •  The  Amorites  were  one  of  the  seven  nations  of  Canaan  :  hence  Reland  is  willing  to  suppose  that  Josephus 
 did  not  lieie  meau  that  their  land  beyond  Joi-dan  was  a  seventh  part  of  the  whole  land  of  Canaan,  but  meant 
 tlie  Amorites  as  a  seventh  nation.  His  reason  is,  that  Josephus,  as  well  as  our  bibles,  generally  distinguish  the 
 '  land  beyond  Jordan'  from  the  land  of  Canaan  ;  nor  can  it  he  denied  that,  in  strictness,  they  were  different ; 
 yet  after  two  tribes  and  a  half  of  the  twelve  tribes  came  to  inherit  it,  it  might  in  a  general  way  altogether,  be 
 well  included  under  the  land  of  Canaan,  or  Palestine,  or  Judea  ;  of  which  we  have  a  clear  example  here  before 
 us  in  Josephus,  whose  words  evidently  imply,  that,  taking  the  whole  land  of  Canaan,  or  that  inhabited  by  all 
 the  twelve  tribes  togeihcr,  and  parting  it  into  seven  parts,  the  part  beyond  Jordan  was  in  quantity  of  ground 
 one  seventh  part  of  the  whole.  And  this  well  enough  agrees  to  Reland's  own  map  of  that  country,  although 
 this  land  beyond  .lordan  was  so  peculiarly  fruitful  and  good  for  pasturage,  as  the  two  tribes  and  a  half  took 
 notice.  Is  urn.  xxxii.  1,  4,  IC.  that  it  m.-iiutaiued  about  a  fifth  part  of  the  whole  people. 
 
BOOK   V. — CHAP.   I.  125 
 
 solicitous  that  they  might  not  be  discovered  ;  so  he  sent  immediately  some  to  them,  aud  com- 
 manded to  catch  them,  and  bring  them  to  him,  that  he  might  examine  them  by  torture,  and 
 learn  what  their  business  was  there.  As  soon  as  Kabab  understood  that  these  messengers 
 were  coming,  she  hid  the  spies  under  the  stalks  of  ilax  which  were  laid  to  dry  on  tlie  top  of  her 
 bouse,  and  said  to  the  messengers  that  were  sent  by  the  king,  that  certain  unknown  strangers 
 bad  supped  with  her  a  little  before  sun-setting,  and  were  gone  away,  who  might  easily  be  taken 
 if  they  were  any  terror  to  the  city,  or  likely  to  bring  any  danger  to  the  king  :  so  these  messen- 
 gers being  thus  deluded  by  the  woman,*  and  suspecting  no  imposition,  went  their  ways  without 
 so  much  as  searching  the  inn,  but  they  immediately  pursued  them  along  those  roads  which  they 
 most  probably  supposed  them  to  have  gone,  and  particularly  those  which  led  to  the  river,  but  could 
 hear  no  tidings  of  them  ;  so  they  left  oti"  the  pains  of  any  farther  pursuit.  But  when  tlie  tumult 
 was  over,  Rahab  brought  the  men  down,  and  desired  them,  as  soon  as  they  should  have 
 obtained  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  when  it  would  be  in  their  power  to  make  her 
 amends  for  her  preservation  of  them,  to  remember  what  danger  she  had  undergone  for  their 
 sakes  ;  for  that  if  she  had  been  caught  concealing  them,  she  could  not  have  escaped  a  terrible 
 destruction,  she  and  all  her  family  with  her,  and  so  bid  them  go  home  :  and  desired  them  to 
 swear  to  her,  to  preserve  her  and  her  family,  when  they  should  take  the  city,  and  destroy  all 
 its  inhabitants,  as  they  had  decreed  to  do,  for  so  far  she  said  she  had  been  assured  by  those 
 divine  miracles  of  which  she  had  been  informed.  So  these  spies  acknowledged,  that  they  owed 
 her  thanks  for  what  she  had  done  already,  and  withal  swore  to  requite  her  kindness,  not  only 
 in  words  but  in  deeds  :  but  they  gave  her  this  advice,  that  when  she  should  perceive  that  the 
 city  was  about  to  be  taken,  she  should  put  her  goods,  and  all  her  family,  by  way  of  security, 
 in  her  inn,  and  to  haug  out  scarlet  threads  before  her  doors,  [or  windows,]  that  the  comman- 
 der of  the  Hebrews  might  know  her  house,  and  take  care  to  do  her  no  harm  ;  for,  said  they, 
 we  will  inform  him  of  this  matter,  because  of  the  concern  thou  hast  had  to  preserve  us  :  but 
 if  any  one  of  thy  family  fall  in  the  battle,  do  not  thou  blame  us  ;  and  we  beseech  that  God,  by 
 whom  we  have  sworn,  not  then  to  be  displeased  with  us,  as  though  we  had  broken  our  oalhs. 
 So  these  men,  when  they  had  made  this  agreement,  went  away,  letting  themselves  down  by  a 
 rope  from  the  wall,  and  escaped,  and  came  and  told  their  own  people  whatsoever  they  had 
 done  in  their  journey  to  this  city.  Joshua  also  told  Eleazar,  the  high  priest,  and  the  senate, 
 what  the  spies  had  sworn  to  Rahab,  who  confirmed  what  had  been  sworn. 
 
 3.  Now  while  Joshua  the  commander  was  in  fear  about  their  passing  over  Jordan,  for  the 
 river  ran  with  a  strong  current,  and  could  not  be  passed  over  with  bridges,  for  there  never 
 Lad  been  bridges  laid  over  it  hitherto,  and  while  he  suspected,  that  if  he  should  attempt  to 
 make  a  bridge,  that  the  enemies  would  not  afford  him  time  to  perfect  it,  and  as  for  ferry-boats, 
 they  bad  none,  God  promised  so  to  dispose  of  the  river  that  they  might  pass  over  it,  and  that 
 by  taking  away  the  main  part  of  its  waters.  So  Joshua,  after  two  days,  caused  the  army  and 
 the  whole  multitude  to  pass  over  in  the  manner  following  :  the  priests  went  first  of  all,  having 
 the  ark  with  them  ;  then  went  the  Levites,  bearing  the  tabernacle  and  the  vessels  which 
 belonged  to  the  sacrifices  ;  after  which  the  entire  multitude  followed  according  to  their  tribes, 
 having  their  children  and  their  wives  in  the  midst  of  them,  as  being  afraid  for  them  lest  they 
 should  he  borne  away  by  the  stream.  But  as  soon  as  the  priests  had  entered  the  river  first, 
 it  appeared  fordable,  the  depth  of  the  water  being  restrained,  and  the  sand  appearing  at  the 
 bottom,  because  the  current  was  neither  so  strong  nor  so  swift  as  to  carry  it  away  by  its 
 force,  so  they  all  passed  over  the  river  without  fear,  finding  it  to  be  in  the  very  same  state  as 
 God  had  foretold  he  would  put  it  in,  but  the  priests  stood  still  in  the  midst  of  the  river  till  the 
 multitude  should  be  passed  over,  and  should  get  to  the  shore  in  safety ;  and  when  all  were 
 gone  over,  the  priests  came  out  also  ;  and  permitted  the  current  to  run  freely  as  it  used  to  do 
 before.  Accordingly,  the  river,  as  soon  as  the  Hebrews  Avere  come  out  of  it,  arose  again 
 presently,  and  came  to  its  own  proper  magnitude  as  before. 
 
 4.  So  the  Hebrews  went  on  farther  fifty  furlongs,  and  pitched  their  camp  at  the  distance  of 
 ten  furlongs  from  Jericho  :  but  Joshua  built  an  altar  of  those  stones,  which  all  the  heads  of  the 
 tribes,  at  the  command  of  the  prophet,  had  taken  out  of  the  deep,  to  be  afterwards  a  memorial 
 of  the  division  of  the  stream  of  this  river,  and  upon  it  offered  sacrifice  to  God  ;  and  in  that 
 place  celebrated  the  passover,  and  had  great  plenty  of  all  the  things  which  they  wanted  hither- 
 to, for  they  reaped  the  corn  of  the  Cauaanites,  which  was  now  ripe,  and  took  other  things  as 
 prey,  for  then  it  was  that  their  former  food,  which  was  manca,  and  of  which  they  had  eaten 
 forty  years,  failed  them. 
 
 •  Tt  plainly  appears  by  the  history  of  these  spies,  and  the  innVeeper  Rahah's  deception  of  the  king  of  Jeri- 
 cho s  messengers,  by  telling  them  what  was  false,  in  order  to  save  the  lives  of  the  spies,  and  yet  the  preat 
 commendation  of  her  faith  and  pood  works  in  the  New  Testament,  Heb.  xi.  31.  James  ii.  25.  as  well  as  by 
 many  other  parallel  examples,  both  in  the  Old  Testament  and  in  Josephias,  that  the  best  men  did  not  then  scniplu 
 to  deceive  those  public  enemies,  who  might  justly  be  destroyed;  as  also  might  deceive  ill  men,  in  order  to 
 save  life,  and  deliver  themselves  from  the  tyranny  of  their  unjust  oppressors,  and  this  by  telling  direct  false- 
 hoods; 1  mean  all  this  where  no  oath  was  demanded  of  them,  otherwise  they  never  durst  venture  on  such  a 
 procedure.    Is'or  was  Joscphus  himself  of  any  other  opinion  or  practice,  as  I  shaU  remark  in  the  note  on 
 
 1 '■'i*'k  ■ '"'  "^^"P-  'Y'  5  3.  and  observe,  that  1  still  call  this  woman  Kahab,  an  'innkeeper,'  not  a  'harlot,'  the 
 whole  history,  both  in  our  copies,  and  especially  in  Josephus,  implying  no  more.  It  was  indeed  so  frequent  a 
 thing,  that  women  who  were  innkeepers  were  also  harlots,  or  maintainers  of  harlots,  that  the  word  coniinoniv 
 used  for  real  harlots  was  usually  giveu  them.  See  Dr.  ijernard's  note  here,  and  Judges  xi.  1.  and  Antiq.  b.  v. 
 chap.  vii.  5  8. 
 
126  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 5.  Now  while  the  Israelites  did  Ibis,  and  the  Canaanites  did  not  attack  ihem,  but  kept 
 theiuselves  quiet  within  their  own  walls,  Joshua  resolved  to  besiege  tiiem ;  so  on  the  first  day 
 of  the  feast  [of  the  passover]  the  priests  carried  the  ark  round  about,  with  some  part 
 of  the  armed  men  to  be  a  guard  to  it.  These  priests  went  forward,  blowing  with  their  seven 
 trumpets  ;  and  exhorted  the  army  to  be  of  good  courage,  and  went  round  about  the  city,  with 
 the  senate  following  them  ;  and  when  the  priests  had  only  blown  with  the  trumpets,  for  they 
 did  nothing  more  at  all,  they  returned  to  the  camp.  And  when  they  had  done  this  for  six  days, 
 on  the  seventh  Joshua  gathered  together  the  armed  men,  and  all  the  people  together,  and  told 
 them  this  good  tiding,  that  the  city  should  now  be  taken,  since  God  would  on  that  day  give  it 
 them  by  the  falling  down  of  the  walls,  and  this  of  their  own  accord,  and  without  their  labour. 
 However,  he  charged  them  to  kill  every  one  they  sjiould  take,  and  not  to  abstain  from  the 
 slaughter  of  their  enemies,  either  for  weariness,  or  for  pity,  and  not  to  fall  on  the  spoil,  and 
 be  thereby  diverted  from  pursuing  their  enemies,  as  they  ran  away;  but  to  destroy  all  the 
 animals,  and  to  take  nothing  for  their  own  peculiar  advantage.  He  commanded  them  also  to 
 bring  together  all  the  silver  and  gold,  that  it  might  be  set  apart  as  first-fruits  nnto  God  out  of 
 this  glorious  exploit,  as  having  gotten  them  from  the  city  they  first  took  ;  only  that  they  should 
 save  Kahab  and  her  kindred  alive,  because  of  the  oath  which  the  spies  had  sworn  to  her. 
 
 C.  AVhen  he  had  said  this,  and  had  set  his  army  in  order,  he  brought  it  against  the  city  ;  so 
 they  went  round  the  city  again,  the  ark  going  before  them,  and  the  priests  encouraging  the 
 people  to  be  zealous  iu  the  work  :  and  when  they  had  gone  round  it  seven  times,  and  had  stood 
 still  a  little,  the  wall  fell  down,  while  no  instruments  of  war,  nor  any  other  force,  wag  applied 
 to  it  by  the  Hebrews. 
 
 7.  So  they  entered  into  Jericho,  and  slew  all  the  men  that  were  therein,  while  they  were 
 affrighted  at  the  surprising  overthrow  of  the  walls,  and  their  courage  was  become  useless, 
 and  ihey  were  not  able  to  defend  themselves  ;  so  they  were  slain,  and  their  throats  cut,  some 
 in  the  ways,  and  others  as  caught  in  their  houses  ;  nothing  afforded  them  assistance,  but  they 
 all  perished  even  to  the  women  and  the  children  :  and  the  city  was  filled  with  dead  bodies,  and 
 not  one  person  escaped.  They  also  burnt  the  whole  city,  and  the  country  about  it  ;  but  they 
 saved  alive  Rahab  and  her  family  who  had  fled  to  her  inn.  And  when  she  was  brought  to 
 hira,  Joshua  owned  to  her,  th^t  they  owed  her  thanks  for  her  preservation  of  the  spies  :  so  he 
 said,  he  would  not  appear  to  be  behind  her  in  his  benefaction  to  her  ;  whereupon  he  gave  her 
 certain  lands  immediately,  and  had  her  in  great  esteem  ever  afterwards. 
 
 S.  And  if  any  part  of  the  city  escaped  the  fire,  he  overthrew  it  from  the  foundation  ;  and  he 
 denounced  a  curse  against  its  inhabitants,  if  any  one  should  desire  to  rebuild  it,*  how,  upon 
 his  laying  the  foundation  of  the  walls,  be  should  be  deprived  of  bis  eldest  son,  and  upon 
 finishing  it,  he  should  lose  his  youngest  son.  But  what  happened  hereupon  we  shall  ftpeak  of 
 hereafter. 
 
 9.  Now  there  was  an  immense  quantity  of  silver  and  gold,  and  besides  those  of  brass  also, 
 that  was  heaped  together  out  of  the  city  when  it  was  taken,  no  one  transgressing  the  decree, 
 nor  purloining  for  their  own  peculiar  advantage  :  which  spoils  Joshua  delivered  to  the  priests, 
 to  he  laid  up  among  their  treasures.     And  thus  did  Jericho  perish. 
 
 10.  But  there  was  one  '  Achar,'t  the  son  [of  Charmi,  the  son]  of  Zebedias,  of  the  tribe  of 
 Jndah,  who  finding  a  royal  garment  woven  entirely  of  gold,  and  a  piece  of  gold  that  weighed 
 two  hundred  shekels,*  and  thinking  it  a  very  hard  case,  that  what  spoils  he,  by  running  some 
 hazard,  had  found,  he  must  give  away,  and  offer  it  to  God,  who  stood  in  no  need  of  it,  while 
 he  that  wanted  it  must  go  without  it,  made  a  deep  ditch  in  his  own  tent,  and  laid  them  up 
 therein,  as  supposing  he  should  not  only  be  concealed  from  his  fellow-soldiers,  but  from  God 
 himself  also. 
 
 11.  Now  the  place  where  Joshua  pitched  his  camp  was  called  'Gilgal,'  which  denotes 
 'liberty  ;'§  for  since  now  they  had  passed  over  Jordan,  they  looked  upon  themselves  as  freed 
 from  the  miseries  which  they  had  undergone  from  the  Egyptians,  and  in  the  wilderness. 
 
 12.  Now  a  few  days   after   the  calamity  that  befell   Jericho,  Joshua  sent  three  thousand 
 
 •  Upon  occ&sion  of  this  devotion  of  Jericho  to  destruction,  and  the  exemplary  punishment  of  Achar,  who 
 broke  that '  cherem'  or  '  anathema,'  Snd  of  the  punishment  of  the  future  breaker  of  it,  Hiel,  1  Kings,  xvi.  34. 
 as  also  of  the  punishment  of  t-aul,  for  breaking  the  like  cherem,  or  anathema,  against  the  Amalekites,  1  Sam. 
 XX.  we  mav  observe  what  was  the  true  meaning  of  tliat  law,  Lev.  xxvii.  '28.  "  Kone  devoted,  which  shall 
 be  devoted"  of  men,  shall  be  redeemed  ;  but  shall  surely  be  put  to  death,"  i.e.  whenever  any  of  the  Jews  public 
 enemies  had  been,  for  their  wickedness,  solemnly  devoted  to  destruction,  according  to  the  divine  command, 
 as  were  generally  the  seven  wicked  nations  of  Canaan,  and  those  sinners  the  Amalckites,  1  Sam.  xv.  18.  it  was 
 utterly  unlawful  to  permit  those  enemies  to  be  redeemed,  but  they  were  to  be  utterly  destroyed,  see  also 
 iSum.  xxi.  2,  3. 
 
 +  'I'hat  tlie  name  of  this  chief  was  not  '  Achan,'  as  in  the  common  copies,  but  '  Achar,'  as  here  in  Josephus, 
 and  in  the  Apostolical  Constitut.  b.  vii.  chap.  ii.  and  elsewhere,  is  evident  by  the  allusion  to  that  name  in  tlie 
 curse  of  Joshua,  "  Why  last  thou  troubled  us  ?  The  Lord  shall  trouble  thee,"  where  the  Hebrew  words  allude 
 oulv  to  the  name  '  Achar,'  but  not  '  Achan.'  Accordingly,  this  valley  of  Achar,  or  Achor,  Vas,  and  is,  a 
 known  place,  a  little  north  of  Gilgal,  so  called  from  the  days  of  Joshua  tiU  this  day.  See  Josh.  vu.  26.  Isa. 
 Ixv.  10.    Hos.  ii.  15.  and  Dr.  Bernard's  notes  here. 
 
 i  Here  Dr.  Bernard  very  justly  observes,  that  a  few  words  are  dropped  out  of  Josephus'  copies,  on  account 
 of  the  repetition  of  tlie  word  '  sh'ekels,'  and  that  it  ought  to  be  read  thus,  "  A  piece  of  gold  that  weighed  50 
 shekels,  and  one  of  silver  that  weighed  200  shekels,"  as  in  our  other  copies,  Joslma  vii.  21. 
 
 4  I  agree  here  with  Dr.  Bernard,  and  approve  of  Josephus'  interpretation  of  Gilgal  foi  *  liberty.'  Set 
 Josh.  T.  y. 
 
BOOK    V. — CHAP.  I.  127 
 
 arraetl  men  to  take  Ai,  a  city  situate  above  Jericho  ;  but  upon  the  fight  of  tiie  people  of  Ai 
 with  them  they  were  driven  back,  and  lost  thirtv-six  of  Iheir  men.  When  this  was  told  the 
 Israelites,  it  made  them  verj*  sad,  and  exceedingly  ilisconsolate,  not  so  much  because  of  the 
 relation  the  men  that  were  destroyed  bare  to  them,  though  those  that  were  destroyed  were  all 
 good  men,  and  deserved  their  esteem,  as  by  the  despnir  it  occasioned  ;  for  while  they  believed 
 that  they  were  already,  in  effect,  in  possession  of  the  land,  and  should  bring  back  the  array  out 
 of  the  battles  without  loss,  as  God  had  promised  beforehand,  they  now  saw  unexpectedly  their 
 enemies  bold  with  success  ;  so  they  put  sackcloth  over  their  garments,  and  continued  in  tears 
 and  lamentation  all  the  day,  without  the  least  inquiry  after  food,  but  laid  what  liad  happened 
 greatly  to  heart, 
 
 13.  When  Joshua  saw  the  army  so  much  afflictecl,  and  possessed  with  forebodings  of  evil 
 as  to  their  whole  expedition,  he  used  freedom  with  God,  and  said,  *'  We  are  not  come  thus 
 far  out  of  any  rashness  of  our  own,  as  though  we  thought  ourselves  able  to  subdue  this  land 
 with  our  own  weapons,  but  at  the  instigation  of  Moses  ihy  servant,  for  this  purpose,  because 
 thou  hast  promised  us  by  many  signs,  that  thou  wouldst  give  us  this  land  for  a  possession,  and 
 that  thou  wouldst  make  our  army  always  superior  in  war  to  our  enemies,  and  accordingly  some 
 success  has  always  attended  upon  us,  agreeably  lo  thy  promises  ;  but  because  we  have  now 
 unexpectedly  been  foiled,  and  have  lost  some  men  out  of  our  army,  we  are  grieved  at  it,  as 
 fearing  what  thou  hast  promised  us,  and  what  Moses  foretold  us,  cannot  be  depended  on  by 
 us  ;  and  our  future  expectation  troubles  us  the  more,  because  we  have  met  with  such  a  disas- 
 ter in  this  our  first  attempt.  But  do  thou,  O  Lord,  free  us  from  these  suspicions,  for  thou 
 art  able  to  find  a  cure  for  these  disorders,  by  giving  us  victory,  which  will  both  take  away 
 the  grief  we  are  in  at  present,  and  prevent  our  distFUst  as  to  what  is  to  (^ome." 
 
 14.  These  intercessions  Joshua  put  up  to  God,  as  he  lay  prostrate  on  his  face  :  wi!ereui)on 
 God  answered  him,  "  That  he  should  rise  up,  and  purify  bis  host  from  the  pollution  which 
 was  got  into  it ;  tlwt  things  consecrated  to  me  have  been  impudently  stolen  from  me  ;  and  thnt 
 this  has  been  the  occasion  why  this  defeat  has  happened  to  them  ;  and  that  when  they  should 
 search  out  and  punish  the  ofl'ender,  he  would  ever  take  care  they  should  have  the  victory  over 
 their  enemies."  This  Joshua  told  the  people  ;  and  calling  forEleazar  the  liigh  priest,  and  the 
 men  in  authority,  he  cast  lots,  tribe  by  tribe,  and  wheu  the  lot  shewed  that  this  wicked  action 
 was  done  by  one  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  he  then  again  proposed  the  lot  to  the  several  families 
 thereto  belonging,  so  the  truth  of  this  wicked  action  was  found  to  belong  to  the  family  of 
 Zachar  ;  and  when  the  inquiry  was  made  man  by  man,  they  took  Achar,  who,  upon  God's 
 reducing  him  to  a  terrible  extremity,  could  not  deny  the  fact :  so  he  confessed  the  theft,  and 
 produced  what  he  had  taken  in  the  midst  of  them,  wlsereupon  he  was  immediately  put  to  death  : 
 and  attained  no  more  than  to  be  buried  in  the  night  in  a  disgraceful  manner,  and  such  as  was 
 suitable  to  a  condemned  malefactor. 
 
 15.  When  Joshua  had  thus  purilied  the  host,  be  led  them  against  Ai ;  and  having  by  night 
 laid  an  ambush  round  about  the  city,  he  attacked  the  enemies  as  soon  as  it  was  day  ;  but  as 
 they  advanced  boldly  against  the  Israelites,  because  of  their  former  victory,  he  made  them 
 believe  he  retired,  and  by  that  means  drew  them  ?,  great  way  from  the  city,  they  still  suppos- 
 ing that  they  were  pursuing  their  enemies,  and  despised  them  as  though  the  case  had  been  the 
 same  with  that  in  the  former  battle,  after  which  Joshua  ordered  his  forces  to  turn  about,  and 
 placed  them  against  their  front :  he  then  made  the  signals  agreed  upon  to  those  that  lay  in 
 ambush,  and  so  excited  them  to  fight ;  so  they  ran  suddenly  into  the  city,  the  inhabitants  being 
 upon  the  walls,  nay,  others  of  them  being  in  perplexity,  and  coming  to  see  those  that  were 
 without  the  gates.  Accordingly,  these  men  took  the  city,  and  slew  all  that  they  met  with,  but 
 Joshua  forced  tiiose  that  came  against  him,  to  come  to  a  close  fight,  and  discomfited  them,  and 
 made  them  run  away  ;  and  when  they  were  driven  towards  the  city,  and  thought  it  had  not 
 been  touched,  as  soon  as  they  smw  it  was  taken,  and  perceived  it  was  burnt,  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  they  wandered  about  the  fields  in  a  scattered  condition,  and  were  no  w;iy  able  to 
 defend  themselves,  because  they  bad  none  to  support  them.  Now  when  this  calamity  was 
 come  upon  the  men  of  Ai,  there  were  a  great  number  of  children,  and  women,  and  servants, 
 and  an  immense  quantity  of  other  furniture.  The  Hebrews  also  took  herds  of  cattle,  and  a 
 great  deal  of  money,  for  tiiis  was  a  rich  country.  .So  when  Joshua  came  to  Gilgal,  he  divided 
 all  these  spoils  among  the  soldiers. 
 
 It).  Cut  the  nibeonites,  who  inhabited  very  near  to  Jerusalem,  when  they  saw  what  mise- 
 ries had  happened  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jericho,  and  to  those  of  Ai,  and  suspected  that  the 
 like  sore  calamity  would  curae  as  far  as  themselves,  they  did  not  think  fit  to  ask  for  mercy  of 
 Joshua,  for  they  supposed  they  should  find  little  mercy  from  him,  who  made  war,  that  he 
 might  entirely  destroy  the  nation  of  the  Canaanites,  but  they  invited  the  people  of  Cephirah 
 and  Kiriatlijearim,  who  were  their  neighbours,  to  join  in  league  with  them  ;  and  told  them,  that 
 neither  could  they  themselves  avoid  the  danger  they  were  all  in,  if  the  Israelites  should  prevent 
 them,  and  seize  upon  them  ;  so  when  they  had  persuaded  them,  they  resolved  to  endeavour  to 
 escape  the  forces  of  the  Israelites.  Accordingly,  upon  their  agreement  to  what  they  proposed, 
 Ihey  sent  ambassadors  to  Joshua,  to  make  a  league  of  friendship  with  him,  and  those  such  of 
 the  citizens  as  were  best  approved  of,  and  raost  capable  of  doing  what  was  most  advantageous 
 
128  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  the  inaltitade.  Now  these  ambassadors  thought  it  dangerons  to  confess  themselves  to  b? 
 Canaunites,  biit  thought  they  iiiiglit,  by  this  contrivance,  avoid  the  danger,  namely,  by  sayinsj 
 that  they  bare  no  relation  to  the  Canaanites  at  all,  but  dwelt  at  a  very  great  distance  from 
 them  :  and  they  said  farther,  that  they  came  a  long  way  on  account  of  the  reputation  he  had 
 gained  for  his  virtue  ;  and  as  a  mark  of  the  truth  of  what  they  said,  they  shewed  him  the 
 habit  they  were  in  ;  for  that  their  clothes  were  new  when  they  came  out,  but  were  greatly 
 vi'orn  by  the  length  of  time  they  bad  been  in  their  journey,  for  indeed  they  took  torn  garments, 
 on  purpose  that  they  might  make  him  believe  so.  So  they  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  people, 
 and  said  that  they  were  sent  by  the  people  of  Gibeon,  and  of  the  circumjacent  cities,  which 
 were  very  remote  from  the  land  where  they  now  were,  to  make  such  a  league  of  friendship 
 with  them,  and  this  on  such  conditions  as  were  custrmary  among  their  forefathers  ;  for  when 
 they  understood,  that,  by  the  favour  of  God,  and  his  gift  to  them,  they  were  to  have  the  pos- 
 session of  the  land  of  Canaan  bestowed  upon  them,  they  said,  that  they  were  very  glad  to  hear 
 it,  and  desired  to  be  admitted  into  the  number  of  their  citizens.  Thus  did  these  ambassadors 
 speak,  and,  shewing  them  the  marks  of  their  long  journey,  they  entreated  the  Hebrews  to 
 make  a  league  of  friendship  with  them.  Accordingly,  Joshua  believing  what  they  said,  and 
 that  they  were  not  of  the  nation  of  the  Canaanites,  entered  into  friendship  with  them  ;  and  Eleazar 
 the  high  priest,  with  the  senate,  sware  to  them,  that  they  would  esteem  them  their  friends  and 
 associates,  and  would  attempt  nothing  that  should  be  unfair  against  them,  the  multitude  also 
 assenting  to  the  oaths  that  were  made  to  them.  So  these  men  having  obtained  what  they 
 desired,  by  deceiving  the  Israelites,  went  home  :  but  when  Joshua  led  his  army  to  the  country 
 at  the  bottom  of  the  mountains  of  this  part  of  Canaan,  he  understood  that  the  Gibeonites  dwelt 
 uot  far  from  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  were  of  the  stock  of  the  Canaanites,  so  he  sent  for  their 
 governors,  and  reproached  them  with  the  cheat  they  had  put  upon  him;  bat  they  alleged  on 
 their  own  behalf,  that  they  had  no  other  way  to  save  themselves  but  that,  and  were  therefore 
 forced  to  have  recourse  to  it.  So  he  called  for  Eleazar  the  high  priest,  and  for  the  senate, 
 who  thought  right  to  make  them  public  servants,  that  they  might  not  break  the  oath  they  Iiad 
 made  to  them  ;  and  they  ordained  them  to  be  so.  Aud  this  was  the  method  by  which  these 
 men  found  safely  and  security  under  the  calamity  that  was  ready  to  overtake  them. 
 
 17.  But  the  king  of  Jerusalem  took  it  to  heart  that  the  Gibeonites  had  gone  over  to  Joshua, 
 so  he  called  upon  the  kings  of  the  neighbouring  nations  to  join  together,  and  make  war  against 
 them.  Now,  when  the  Gibeonites  saw  these  kings,  which  were  four  besides  the  king  of  Jeru- 
 salem, and  perceived  that  they  had  pitched  their  camp  at  a  certain  fountain  not  far  from  their 
 city,  and  were  getting  ready  for  the  siege  of  it,  they  called  upon  Joshua  to  assist  them  ;  for 
 such  was  their  case,  as  to  expect  to  be  destroyed  by  these  Canaanites,  but  to  suppose  they 
 should  be  saved  by  those  that  came  for  the  destruction  of  the  Canaanites,  because  of  the 
 league  of  friendship  that  was  between  them.  Accordingly,  Joshua  made  haste  with  his  whole 
 army  to  assist  them,  and  marching  day  and  night,  in  the  morning  he  fell  upon  the  enemies  as 
 they  were  going  up  to  the  siege,  and  when  he  had  discomfited  them,  he  followed  them,  and 
 pursued  them  down  the  descent  of  the  hills.  The  place  is  called  '  Beth-horon  ;'  where  he 
 also  understood  that  God  assisted  him,  which  be  declared  by  thunder  and  thunderbolts,  as  also 
 by  the  falling  of  h-.iil  larger  than  usnal.  Moreover,  it  happened  that  the  day  was  lengthened,'* 
 that  the  night  might  not  come  on  too  soon,  and  be  an  obstruction  to  the  zeal  of  the  Hebrews 
 in  pursuing  their  enemies,  insomuch,  that  Joshua  took  the  kings,  who  were  hidden  in  a  cer- 
 tain cave  at  Makkedah,  and  put  them  to  death.  Now  that  the  day  was  lengthened  at  this 
 time,  and  was  longer  than  ordinary,  is  expressed  in  the  books  laid  up  in  the  temple. t 
 
 18.  Those  kings  which  made  war  with,  and  were  ready  to  fight  the  Gibeonites,  being  thus 
 overthrown,  Joshua  returned  again  to  the  mountainous  parts  of  Canaan  ;  and  when  be  had 
 made  a  great  slaughter  of  the  people  there,  and  took  their  prey,  he  came  to  the  camp  at  Gilgal. 
 And  now  there  went  a  great  fame  abroad  araongthe  neighbouriug  people,  of  the  courage  of  the 
 Hebrews,  and  those  that  heard  what  a  number  of  j)eople  were  destroyed,  were  greatly 
 affrighted  at  it :  so  the  kings  that  lived  about  mount  Libanus,  who  were  Canaanites,  and  those 
 Canaanites  that  dwelt  in  the  plain  country,  with  auxiliaries  out  of  the  land  of  the  Philistines, 
 pitched  their  camp  at  Beroth,  a  city  of  the  ujiper  Galilee,  not  far  from  Kadesh,  which  is  itself 
 also  a  place  in  Galilee.  Now  the  number  of  the  whole  army  was  three  hundred  thousand 
 armed  footmen,  and  ten  thousand  horsemen,  and  twenty  thousand  chariots,  so  that  the  multi- 
 tude of  the  enemies  affrighted  both  Joshua  himself  and  the  Israelites  ;  and  they,  instead  of 
 being  full  of  hopes  of  good  success,  were  superstitiously  timorous,  with  the   great  terror  with 
 
 *  Whether  this  lengtheninf?  of  the  day,  by  the  standing  still  of  the  sun  and  moon  were  physical  and  real, 
 by  the  miraculous  stoppage  of  the  diurnal  motion  of  the  earth  for  about  half  a  revolution  ;  or  whether  only 
 apparent,  by  aerial  '  phosphori'  imitating  the  sun  and  moon  as  stationary  so  long,  while  clouds  and  the  night 
 hid  the  real  ones,  and  this  parhelion,  or  mock  sun,  alFordingsutlicient  light  for  Joshua's  pursuit  and  complete 
 victory,  (which  atrial  '  phosphori'  in  other  shapes  have  been  more  than  ordinarily  common  of  late  years,) 
 cannot  now  be  determined  ,  philosophers  and  astronomers  will  natvirally  incline  to  this  lalter  hypothesis.  In 
 the  mean  time,  the  fact  itself  was  raentione.d  in  the  book  of  .lasher,  now  lost,  Josh.  x.  13.  nnd  is  confirmed  by 
 Isaiah,  xxviii.  21.  by  llabakkuk,  iii.  ll.and  by  the  Son  of  Sirach,  Eccles.  xlvi.  4.  In  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon, 
 it  is  ali!0  Raid  of  the  luminaries,  with  relation,  no  doubt,  to  this  and  the  other  miraculous  standing  still  and 
 ^oing  back,  in  the  days  of  Joshua  and  Hezekiah,  "They  have  not  wandered  from  the  day  that  he  created 
 them  ;  they  have  not  forsaken  their  way  from  ancient  generations,  unless  it  were  when  God  enjoined  them  [»0 
 lo  do]  by  the  command  of  his  servants."    See  Autheut.  Reo.  part  1.  p.  154. 
 
 t  Of  the  books  laid  up  in  the  temple,  see  note  on  xVutiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  i.  ^  7. 
 
BOOK    V. — CHAP.    I.  129 
 
 tfV.icIi  they  were  stricken.  Whereupon  God  upbraided  Ihem  with  the  fear  they  were  in ;  amt 
 asked  tliem,  Whether  they  desired  a  greater  help  than  he  could  afford  them?  and  promised 
 them  that  they  should  overcome  their  enemies :  and  withal  charged  tliem  to  make  their 
 enemies'  horses  useless,  and  to  burn  their  cFjariots.  So  Joshua  became  full  of  courai;e  upou 
 these  promises  of  God,  and  went  out  suddenly  against  the  enemies,  and  after  five  days'  march 
 he  came  upon  them,  and  joined  battle  with  them,  and  there  was  a  terrible  fight,  and  such  a 
 number  were  slain  as  could  not  be  believed  by  those  that  heard  it.  He  also  went  on  in  the 
 pursuit  a  great  way,  and  destroyed  the  entire  army  of  the  enemies,  few  only  excepted,  and  all 
 the  kings  fell  in  tlie  battle;  iiisomi:cli,  that  when  they  wanted  men  to  be  killed,  Joshua  slew 
 their  horses,  and  burnt  their  chhriols,  and  pissed  ai!  over  their  country  without  opposition, 
 no  one  daring  to  meet  him  in  battle ;  but  he  still  went  on,  taking  their  cities  by  siege,  and 
 again  killing  whatever  he  took. 
 
 li(.  The  fil'lh  year  was  now  past,  and  there  was  not  one  of  the  Canaaaites  remained  any 
 longer,  excepting  some  that  had  retired  to  places  of  great  strength.  So  Joshua  removed  his 
 camp  to  the  mnuntaiuons  country,  and  placed  the  tabernacle  in  the  city  Shiloh,  for  that  seemed 
 a  til  place  for  it,  because  of  the  beauty  of  its  situation,  until  such  time  as  their  affairs  would 
 permit  them  to  build  a  temple;  and  from  thence  he  went  to  Shechem,  together  with  all  the 
 people,  and  raised  an  altar  where  Moses  had  beforehand  directed ;  then  did  he  divide  the 
 army,  and  placed  one  half  of  tliero  on  mount  Gerizzim,  and  the  other  half  on  mount  Ebal,*  on 
 which  moantain  the  altar  was ;  he  also  placed  there  the  tribe  of  Levi,  and  the  priests.  And 
 when  they  had  sacrificed  and  denounced  the  [blessings  and  the]  curses,  and  had  left  them 
 engraven  upon  the  altar,  they  returned  to  Sliiloh. 
 
 20.  And  now  Joshua  was  old,  and  saw  that  the  cities  of  the  Canaanites  were  not  easily  to 
 be  taken,  not  only  because  they  were  siUiate  in  such  strong  places,  but  because  of  the  strength 
 of  the  walls  themselves,  which  being  built  routid  about  the  natural  strength  of  the  places  on 
 which  the  cities  stood,  seemed  capable  of  repelling  their  enemies  from  besieging  them,  and  of 
 making  those  enemies  despair  of  taking  them  ;  for  when  the  Canaanites  had  learned,  that  the 
 Israelites  came  out  of  Egypt  in  order  to  destroy  them,  they  were  busy  all  that  time  in  making 
 their  cities  strong;  so  he  gathered  the  people  together  to  a  congregation  at  Shiloh  ;  and  when 
 they,  with  great  zeal  and  haste,  were  come  thither,  he  observed  to  them,  what  prosperous 
 success  they  had  alreiuly  had,  and  what  glorious  things  had  been  done,  and  those  such  as 
 were  worthy  of  that  God  who  enabled  them  to  do  those  things,  and  worthy  of  the  virtue  of 
 those  laws  which  they  followed.  He  took  notice  also,  that  thirty-one  of  those  kings  that 
 ventured  to  give  them  battle  were  overcome,  and  every  army,  how  great  soever  it  were,  that 
 confided  in  their  own  power,  and  fought  with  them,  was  utterly  destroyed,  so  that  not  so 
 much  as  any  of  their  posterity  remained.  And  as  for  the  cities,  since  some  of  them  were 
 taken,  but  the  others  must  be  taken  in  length  of  time,  by  long  sieges,  both  on  account  of  the 
 strength  of  their  w^iUs,  and  of  the  confidence  the  inhabitants  had  in  them  thereby,  he  thought 
 it  reasonable  that  those  tribes  that  came  along  with  them  from  beyond  Jordan,  and  had  par- 
 taken of  the  dauLjers  they  had  undergone,  being  their  own  kindred,  should  now  be  dismissed 
 and  sent  home,  and  should  have  thanks  for  the  pains  they  had  taken  together  with  them.  As 
 also,  he  thought  it  reasonable  that  they  should  send  one  man  out  of  every  tribe,  and  he  such 
 as  had  the  testimony  of  extraordinary  virtue,  who  should  measure  the  land  faithfully,  and 
 without  any  fallacy  or  deceit  should  inform  them  of  its  real  magnitude. 
 
 21.  Now  Joshua,  when  he  had  thus  spoken  to  them,  found  that  the  multitude  approved  of 
 his  propt'sal.  So  he  sent  men  to  measure  their  country,  and  sent  with  them  some  geomeiu-K 
 cians,  who  could  not  easily  fail  of  knowing  the  truth,  on  account  of  their  skill  in  that  art.  He 
 also  gave  them  a  charj^e  to  estimate  the  measure  of  that  part  of  the  land  that  was  most 
 fruitful,  and  what  was  not  so  good ;  for  such  is  the  nature  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  that  one  may 
 see  large  plains,  and  such  as  are  exceeding  fit  to  produce  fruit,  which  yet,  if  they  were  com- 
 pared to  other  parts  of  the  country,  might  be  reckoned  exceeding  fruitful,  yet  if  they  be 
 compared  with  the  fields  about  .Jericho,  and  to  those  that  belong  to  Jerusalem,  will  appear  to 
 be  of  no  account  at  all.  And  althongh  it  so  falls  out,  that  these  people  have  but  a  very  little 
 of  this  sort  of  land,  and  that  it  is  for  the  main,  mountainous  also,  jet  does  it  now  come  behind 
 other  parts,  on  account  of  its  exceeding  goodness  and  beauty  :  for  which  reason  Joshua  thought 
 the  land  for  the  tribes  should  be  divided  by  estimation  of  its  goodness,  rather  than  the  large- 
 ness of  its  measure,  it  oltvn  happening  that  one  acre  of  some  sorts  of  land  was  equivalent  to  a 
 thousand  other  acres.  Now  the  men  that  were  sent,  which  were  in  number  ten,  travelled  all 
 about,  and  made  an  estimation  of  the  land,  ai>d  in  the  seventh  month  came  to  him  to  the  city 
 of  Shiloh,  where  they  had  set  up  the  tabernacle. 
 
 22.  So  Joshua  took  both  Eleazar,  and  the  senate,  and  with  them  the  heads  of  the  tribes, 
 and  distributed  the  land  to  the  nine  tribes,  and  to  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh,  appointing  the 
 dimensions  to  be  according  to  the  largeness  of  each  tribe.  So  when  he  had  cast  lois,  Judah 
 had  assigned  him  by  lot  the  upper  part  of  Jndea,  reaching  as  far  as  Jerusalem,  »nd  its  bread  111 
 extending  to  the  lake  of  Sodom.  Now  in  the  lot  of  this  tribe  there  were  the  cities  of  Ascalon 
 and  Gaza.     The  lot  of  Simeon,  which  was  the  second,  included  that  part  of  Idumea   which 
 
 Of  the  situation  of  this  altnr,  see  Fusay  ou  the  Old  lost.  p.  17'),  17t. 
 
130  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 bordered  upou  Egypt  and  Arabia.  As  to  the  Beujainites,  their  lot  fell  so,  that  its  lengtn 
 reached  from  the  river  Jordan  to  the  sea,  but  in  breadth  it  was  boanded  by  Jerusalem  and 
 Bethel ;  aud  this  lot  was  the  narrowest  of  all,  by  reason  of  the  goodness  of  the  land,  for  it  in- 
 cluded Jericho,  aud  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  The  tribe  of  Epbraim  had  by  lot  the  laud  that 
 extended  in  length  from  the  river  Jordan  to  Gezer,  but  in  breadth  as  far  as  from  Bethel  till  it 
 ended  at  tiie  great  plain.  The  half  tribe  of  Manasseh  had  the  laud  from  Jordan  lo  the  city  Dora, 
 but  its  hreadth  was  at  Bethsban,  which  is  now  called  Scythopolis.  Aud  after  these  was  Issa- 
 char,  which  had  its  limits  in  length,  mount  Carmel  and  the  river,  but  its  limit  in  breadth  was 
 mount  Tabor.  The  tribe  of  Zebulon's  lot  included  the  land  which  lay  as  far  as  the  lake  of 
 Gennesareth,  aud  that  which  belonged  to  Carmel  a.<d  the  sea.  The  tribe  of  Aser  had  that 
 part  which  was  called  The  Valley,  for  such  it  was,  and  all  that  part  which  lay  over  against 
 .Sidon.  The  city  Arce  belonged  to  their  share,  which  is  also  named  Aotipus.  The  Naph- 
 talites  received  the  eastern  parts,  as  far  as  the  city  of  Damascus  and  the  Upper  Galilee,  into 
 mount  Libanus,  and  the  fountains  of  Jordan  which  rise  out  of  that  mountain;  that  is,  out  of 
 that  port  of  it  whose  limits  belong  to  the  neighbouring  city  Arce.  The  Danites'  lot  included 
 all  that  part  of  the  valley  which  respects  the  sun-setting,  and  was  bounded  by  Azotus  and 
 Dora;  as  also  they  had  all  Jamuia  and  Gath,  from  Ekrou  to  that  mountain  where  the  tribe  of 
 Judab  begins. 
 
 23.  After  this  manner  did  Joshua  divide  the  six  nations  that  bear  the  names  of  the  sons  of 
 Canaan,  with  their  land,  to  be  possessed  by  the  nine  tribes  and  a  half;  for  Moses  had  pre- 
 vented him,  and  had  already  distributed  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  which  itself  was  so  called 
 also  from  one  of  the  sons  of  Canaan,  to  the  two  tribes  and  a  half,  as  we  have  shewed  already : 
 but  the  parts  about  Sidon,  as  also  those  that  belonged  to  the  Arkites  and  the  Amathites,  and 
 the  Aradians,  were  not  yet  regularly  disposed  of. 
 
 24.  But  now  was  Joshua  hindered  by  his  age  from  executing  what  he  intended  to  do,  (as 
 did  those  that  succeeded  him  in  the  government,  take  little  care  of  what  was  for  the  advan- 
 tage of  the  public,)  so  he  gave  it  in  charge  to  every  tribe,  to  leave  no  remainder  of  the  race  of 
 the  Canaaniies  in  the  land  that  had  been  divided  to  them  by  lot;  that  Moses  had  assured  them 
 beforehand,  that  they  might  re.st  fully  satisfied  about  it,  that  their  own  security  and  their 
 observation  of  their  own  laws  depended  wholly  upon  it.  Moreover,  he  enjoined  them  to  give 
 thirty-eight  cities  to  the  Levites,  for  they  had  already  received  ten  in  the  country  of  the 
 Amoriies,  and  three  of  these  he  assigned  to  those  that  iled  from  the  raanslayers,  who  were  to 
 inhabit  there  ;  for  he  was  very  solicitous  that  nothing  should  be  neglected  which  Moses  had 
 ordained.  These  cities  were,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  Hebron;  and  of  that  of  Ephraira,  She- 
 chem  ;  and  of  Naphthali,  Kadesh,  which  is  a  place  of  the  Upper  Galilee.  He  also  distijbuted 
 among  them  the  rest  of  the  prey  not  yet  distributed,  which  was  very  great,  whereby  they  had 
 an  affluence  of  great  riches,  both  all  in  general,  and  every  one  in  particular;  and  this  of  gold 
 and  of  vestments,  and  of  other  lurniture,  besides  a  multitude  of  cattle,  whose  number  could 
 not  be  told. 
 
 25.  After  Uiis  was  over,  he  gathered  the  army  together  to  a  congregation;  and  spake  thus 
 to  those  tribes  that  had  their  settlement  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites  beyond  Jordan  ;  for 
 50,009  of  them  had  armed  themselves,  and  had  gone  to  the  war  along  with  them  :  "  Since 
 that  God,  who  is  the  father  and  Lord  of  the  Hebrew  nation,  has  now  given  us  this  land  for  a 
 possession,  and  promised  to  preserve  us  in  the  enjoyment  of  it  as  our  own  for  ever ;  and  since 
 you  have  with  alacrity  ofi'ered  yourselves  to  assist  us  when  we  wanted  that  assistance,  on  all 
 occasions  according  to  bis  command  ;  it  is  but  just,  now  all  our  difficulties  are  over,  that  you 
 should  be  permitted  to  enjoy  rest,  and  that  we  should  trespass  on  your  alacrity  to  help  us  no 
 longer,  that  so  if  we  should  again  stand  in  need  of  it,  we  may  readily  have  it  on  any  future 
 emergency,  and  not  tire  you  out  so  much  now  as  may  make  you  slower  in  assisting  as  another 
 time.  We  therefore  return  you  our  thanks,  for  the  dangers  yon  have  undergone  with  us ;  and 
 we  do  it  not  at  this  time  only,  but  we  shall  always  he  thus  disposed,  and  be  so  good  as  to 
 remember  our  friends,  and  to  preserve  in  mind  what  advantages  we  have  had  from  them,  and 
 how  you  have  put  off  the  enjoyment  of  your  own  happiness  for  our  sakes,  and  have  laboured 
 for  what  we  have  now,  by  the  good-will  of  God,  obtained,  and  resolved  not  to  enjoy  your  own 
 prosperity  till  you  had  aflbrded  us  that  assistance.  However,  you  have,  by  joining  your 
 labour  with  ours,  gotten  great  plenty  of  riches,  and  will  carry  home  with  you  much  prey,  with 
 gold  and  silver,  and,  what  is  more  than  all  these,  our  good-will  towards  you,  and  a  mind 
 willingly  disposed  to  make  a  requital  of  your  kindness  to  us,  in  what  case  soever  you  shall 
 desire  it,  for  you  have  not  omitted  any  thing  which  Moses  beforehand  required  of  yon,  nor 
 have  you  despised  him  because  he  was  dead  and  gone  from  you,  so  that  there  is  nothing  to 
 diminish  that  gratitude  which  we  owe  to  you.  We  therefore  dismiss  you  joyful  to  your  own 
 inheritances ;  and  we  entreat  you  lo  suppose,  that  there  is  no  limit  to  be  set  to  the  intimate 
 relation  that  is  between  us  ;  and  that  you  will  not  imagine,  that  because  this  river  is  inter- 
 posed between  us,  that  you  are  of  a  different  race  from  us,  and  not  Hebrews,  for  we  are  all 
 ihe  posterity  of  Abraham,  both  we  that  inhabit  here,  and  you  that  inhabit  there  ;  and  it  is  the 
 Mine  God  that  brought  our  forefathers  and  yours  into  the  world,  whose  worship  and  form  of 
 goveranient  we  are  lo  take  care  of,  which  he  had  ordained,  and  are  most  carefully  to  observe; 
 
BOOK  v.— CHAP.  I.  131 
 
 because  nliile  you  continue  in  those  laws,  God  will  also  shew  himself  inercifril  and  assisting 
 to  y(ju  ;  but  if  vou  imitate  the  other  nations,  and  forsake  those  laws,  he  will  reject  your 
 nation."  When  Joshua  had  spoken  tlius,  and  saluted  them  all,  both  those  in  authority  one 
 by  one,  and  the  whole  multitude  in  common,  he  himself  .stayed  where  he  was,  but  the  people 
 conducted  those  tribes  on  their  journey,  and  that  not  without  tears  in  their  eyes :  and  indeed 
 they  hardly  knew  bow  to  part  one  from  the  other. 
 
 20.  Now  when  the  tribe  of  Reubel,  and  that  of  Gad,  and  as  many  of  the  Manassites  as 
 followed  them,  were  passed  over  the  river,  they  built  an  altar  on  the  banks  of  Jordan,  as  a 
 monument  to  posterity,  and  a  sign  of  their  relation  to  those  that  should  inhabit  on  the  other 
 side :  but  when  th6se  on  the  other  side  heard  that  those  who  had  been  dismissed  had  built  an 
 altar,  but  did  not  hear  with  what  intention  they  built  it,  but  supposed  it  to  be  by  way  of  in- 
 novation, and  for  the  introduction  of  strange  gods,  they  did  not  incline  to  disbelieve  it,  but 
 thinking  this  defamatory  report,  as  if  it  were  built  for  divine  worship,  was  credible,  they  ap- 
 peared in  arras,  as  though  they  would  avenge  themselves  on  those  that  built  the  altar,  and  they 
 were  about  to  pass  over  the  river,  and  to  punish  them  for  their  subversion  of  the  laws  of  their 
 country,  for  they  did  not  think  it  lit  to  regard  them  on  account  of  their  kindred,  or  the  dignity 
 of  those  that  had  given  the  occasion,  but  to  regard  the  will  of  Gnd,  and  the  manner  wherein 
 he  desired  to  be  worshipped;  so  these  men  put  themselves  in  array  for  war:  but  Joshua,  and 
 Eleazar  the  high  priest,  and  the  senate,  restrained  them  ;  and  persuad.=d  them  first  to  make 
 trial  by  words  of  their  intention,  and  afterwards,  if  they  found  that  tlieir  intention  was  evil, 
 then  only  to  proceed  to  make  war  upon  them.  Accordingly  they  sent  as  ambassadors  to  them 
 Phineas,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  ten  more  persons  that  were  in  esteem  among  the  Hebrews,  to 
 learn  of  them  what  was  in  their  mind,  when,  upon  passing  over  the  river,  they  had  built  an 
 altar  upon  its  banks.  But  as  soon  as  these  ambassadors  were  passed  over,  and  were  come  to 
 tliem,  and  a  congregation  was  assembled,  Phineas  stood  up  and  said,  "  That  the  odenee  they 
 bad  been  guilty  of  was  of  too  heinous  a  nature  to  be  punished  by  words  alone,  or  by  them 
 only  to  be  amended  for  the  future;  yet  that  they  did  not  look  at  the  heinonsness  of  their 
 transgression  as  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  to  a  battle  tor  their  punishment  immediately, 
 but  that,  on  account  of  their  kindred,  and  the  probability  there  was  thit  they  might  be  re- 
 claimed, they  took  this  method  of  sending  an  ambassage  to  tliein,  that  when  we  have  learned 
 the  true  reasons  by  which  you  have  been  moved  to  build  this  altir,  we  may  neither  seem  to 
 have  been  too  harsh  in  assaulting  you  by  our  weapons  of  war,  if  it  prove  that  you  made  the 
 altar  for  justifiable  reasons,  and  may  then  justly  punish  you  if  the  accusation  prove  true:  for 
 we  can  hardly  suppose  that  you  who  have  been  acquainted  with  the  will  of  God,  and  have 
 been  hearers  of  those  laws  which  he  himself  hath  given  us,  now  \ou  are  separated  from  us, 
 and  gone  to  that  patrimony  of  yours,  which  you,  through  the  grace  of  God,  and  th^t  provi- 
 dence he  exercises  over  you,  have  obtained  by  lot,  can  forget  him,  and  can  leave  that  ark, 
 and  that  altar  which  is  peculiar  to  us,  and  can  introduce  strange  gods,  and  imitate  the  wicked 
 practices  of  the  Canaanites.  Now  this  will  appear  to  have  been  a  small  crime,  if  you  repent 
 now,  and  proceed  no  farther  in  your  madness,  but  pay  a  due  reverence  to,  and  keep  in  mind 
 the  laws  of  your  country  ;  but  if  you  persist  in  your  sins,  we  will  not  grudge  our  paii:s  to  pre- 
 serve our  laws,  but  we  will  pass  over  Jordan  and  defend  them,  and  defend  God  also,  and  shall 
 esteem  of  you  as  of  men  no  way  dill'ering  from  the  Canaanites,  hut  shall  destroy  you  in  the 
 like  manner  as  we  destroyed  them  ;  for  do  not  you  imagine,  that  because  you  are  got  over  the 
 river,  that  you  are  gut  out  of  the  reach  of  God's  power;  you  are  every  where  in  places  that 
 belong  to  him,  and  impossible  it  is  to  over-run  his  power,  and  the  (junishment  he  will  bring 
 on  men  thereby  :  but  if  you  think  that  your  settlement  here  will  be  any  obstruction  to  your 
 conversion  to  what  is  good,  nothing  need  hinder  us  from  dividing  the  land  anew,  and  leaving 
 this  old  land  to  be  for  the  feeding  of  sheep;  but  you  will  do  well  to  return  to  your  duty,  and 
 to  leave  oil"  these  new  crimes:  and  we  beseech  you,  l)y  your  children  and  wives,  not  to  force 
 us  to  punish  you.  Take  tiierefore  such  measures  in  this  assembly,  as  supposing  that  your  own 
 safety,  and  the  safely  of  those  that  are  dearest  to  you,  is  therein  concerned,  und  believe  that 
 it  is  better  for  you  to  be  conquered  by  words,  than  to  continue  in  your  purpose,  and  to  ex- 
 perience deeds  and  war  therefore." 
 
 27.  When  Phineas  had  discoursed  thus,  the  governors  of  the  assembly  and  the  whole  mjl- 
 titude  began  to  make  an  apology  for  themselves,  concerning  what  they  were  accused  of,  iind 
 they  said,  "  That  they  neither  would  depart  from  the  relation  they  bare  to  them,  nor  had  they 
 built  the  altar  by  way  of  innovation  :  and  they  owned  one  and  the  same  common  God  with  all 
 the  Hebrews,  and  th;it  brazen  altar  which  was  before  the  tabernacle,  on  which  they  would 
 ofTer  their  sacrilicfs  :  that  as  to  the  altar  thay  had  raised,  on  account  of  which  they  were  thus 
 snspected,  it  was  not  built  for  worship,  but  that  it  might  be  a  sign  and  a  monument  of  our 
 relation  to  you  for  ever,  and  a  necessary  caution  to  us  to  act  wisely,  and  to  continue  in  the 
 laws  of  our  country,  but  not  a  handle  for  transgressing  them,  as  you  suspect:  and  Itt  God  he 
 our  authentic  witness,  that  this  was  the  occasion  of  our  building  this  aliar  :  whence  we  beg 
 you  will  have  a  better  opinion  of  us,  and  do  not  ini|)ute  such  a  tiling  to  us  as  would  render 
 any  of  the  posterity  of  Abraham  well  worthy  of  ])erdition,  in  case  they  attempt  to  bring  in  liei^ 
 rites,  and  such  as  are  dill'erent  from  our  usual  practices." 
 
132  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 28.  When  tliey  had  made  this  answer,  and  Phineas  bad  commended  tbem  for  it,  be  came  to 
 Joshua,  and  explained  before  the  people  what  answer  they  had  received  :  now  Jokhaa  was  glad 
 that  be  was  under  no  necessity  of  setting  them  in  array,  or  of  leading  them  to  shed  blood,  and 
 make  war  against  men  of  their  own  kindred  ;  and  accordingly,  be  offered  sacrifices  of  thanks- 
 giving to  God  for  the  same:  so  Joshua  after  that  dissolved  this  great  assembly  of  the  people, 
 and  sent  them  to  their  own  inheritances,  wliile  he  himself  lived  in  Shechem.  But  in  the 
 twentieth  year  after  this,  when  he  was  very  old,  be  sent  for  those  of  the  greatest  dignity  in  the 
 several  cities,  with  those  in  authority,  and  the  senate,  and  as  masy  of  the  common  people  as 
 could  be  present :  and  when  they  were  come,  he  put  them  in  mind  of  all  the  benefits  God  had 
 bestowed  on  tbem,  which  could  not  but  be  a  great  many,  since  from  a  low  estate  they  were 
 advanced  to  so  great  a  degree  of  glory  and  plenty,  and  exhorted  them  to  take  notice  of  the 
 intentions  of  God,  which  had  been  so  gracious  towards  them  ;  and  told  them,  that  the  Deity 
 would  continue  their  friend  by  nothing  else  but  their  piety  ;  and  that  it  was  proper  for  him, 
 now  he  was  about  to  depart  out  of  this  life,  to  leave  such  an  admonition  to  tbem,  and  be 
 desired  that  they  would  keep  in  memory  this  his  exhortation  to  them. 
 
 29.  So  Joshua,  when  he  had  thus  discoursed  to  them,  died,  having  lived  a  hundred  and  ten 
 years;  forty  of  which  he  lived  with  Moses,  in  order  to  learn  what  might  be  for  his  advantage 
 afterwards.  He  also  became  their  commander  after  his  death  for  twenty-five  years.  He  was 
 a  man  that  wanted  not  wisdom,  nor  eloquence  to  declare  his  intentions  to  the  people,  but  very 
 eminent  on  both  accounts.  He  was  of  great  courage  and  magnanimity,  in  action  and  in 
 dangers  ;  and  very  sagacious  in  procuring  the  peace  of  the  people,  and  of  great  virtue  at  all 
 proper  seasons.  He  was  buried  in  the  city  of  Timnah,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  About  the  same 
 time  died  Eleazar  the  high  priest,*  leaving  the  high  priesthood  to  his  son  Phineas.  His  monu- 
 ineut  also  and  sepulchre  are  in  the  city  of  Gabbatha. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Hoiv,  after  the  Death  of  Joshua  their  Commander,  the  Israelites  transgressed  the  Laws  of  their 
 Country,  and  experienced  great  Afflictions ;  and  when  there  luas  a  Sedition,  the  Tribe  of  Ben- 
 jamin was  destroyed,  excepting  only  six  hundred  Men. 
 
 §  1.  After  the  death  of  Joshua  and  Eleazar,  Phineas  prophesied,!  that  according  to  God's 
 will,  they  should  commit  the  government  to  the  tribe  of  Jndah,  and  that  this  tribe  should 
 destroy  the  race  of  the  Canaanites  :  for  then  the  people  were  concerned  to  learn  what  was  the 
 will  of  God.  Tbey  also  took  to  their  assistance  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  but  upon  this  condition, 
 that  when  those  that  bad  been  tributary  to  the  tribe  of  Judah  should  be  slain,  tbey  should  do 
 the  like  for  the  tribe  of  Simeon. 
 
 2.  But  tlie  affairs  of  the  Canaanites  were  at  this  time  in  a  flourishing  condition,  and  they 
 expected  the  Israelites  with  a  great  army  at  the  city  Bezek,  having  put  the  government  into 
 the  hands  of  Adonibezek,  which  name  denotes  the  '  lord  of  Bezek,'  for  Adoni  in  the  Hebrew 
 tongue,  is  called  lord.  Now  they  hoped  to  have  been  too  hard  for  the  Israelites, because 
 Joshua  was  dead  :  but  when  the  Israelites  had  joined  battle  with  tbem,  I  mean  tiie  two  tribes 
 before  mentioned,  they  fought  gloriously,  and  slew  above  ten  thousand  of  them,  and  put  the 
 rest  to  flight;  and  in  the  pursuit  they  took  Adonibezek,  who,  when  his  fingers  and  toes  were 
 cutofFby  them,  said,  "  Nay,  indeed,  I  was  not  always  to  lie  concealed  from  God,  as  I  find  by 
 what  I  now  endure,  while  I  have  not  been  ashamed  to  do  the  same  to  seveaty-two  kings.":}: — 
 
 *  Since  not  only  Procopius  and  Suidas,  but  an  earlier  author,  Moses  Chorenensis,  p.  2C,  53.  and  perhpps  from 
 his  original  author  Mariba  Catina,  one  as  old  as  Alexander  the  Great,  sets  down  the  famous  inscription  at 
 Tangier  concerning  the  old  Canaanites  driven  out  of  Palestine  by  Joshua,  take  it  here  in  that  author's  own 
 words;  "  We  are  those  exiles  that  were  governors  of  the  Canaanites,  but  have  been  driven  away  by  Joshua 
 the  robber,  and  are  come  to  inhabit  here."  See  the  note  there.  Nor  is  it  unworthy  of  ournotice  what  Moses 
 Chorenensis  adds,  p.  53.  and  this  upon  a  diligent  examination,  viz.  that  "  one  of  those  eminent  men  among  the 
 Canaanites  came  at  the  same  time  into  Armenia,  and  founded  the  Genthunian  family,  or  tribe  ;  and  that  this 
 was  confirmed  by  the  manners  of  the  saiEe  family,  or  tribe,  as  being  like  those  of  the  Canaanites." 
 
 t  By  '  prophesying,'  when  spoken  of  a  high  priest,  Josephus  both  here,  and  frequently  elsewhere,  means  no 
 more  "than  consulting  (Jod  by  Urim,  which  the  reader  is  still  to  bear  in  mind  upon  all  occasions.  And  if  St. 
 John,  who  was  contemporary  with  Josephus,  and  of  the  same  country,  made  use  of  his  style,  when  he  says, 
 that  "Caiaphas  being  high  priest  that  year,  prophesied  that  Jesus  should  die  for  that  nation,  and  not  for  that 
 nation  only,  but  that  also  he  should  gather  together  in  one,  the  children  of  God  that  were  scattered  abroad," 
 xi.  5t,  52.  he  may  possibly  mean,  that  this  was  revealed  to  the  high  priest  by  an  extraordinary  voice  from 
 between  the  cherubim,  when  he  had  his  breastplate,  or  Urim  and  Thummim,  on,  before  or  In  the  most  holy 
 place  of  the  temple,  which  was  no  other  than  the  oracle  of  Urim  and  Thummim.  Of  which  above  in  the  note 
 on  Anliq.  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  ^  9. 
 
 i  This  great  number  of  seventy-two  'reguli,'  or  '  small  kings,'  over  whom  Adonibezek  had  tyrannized,  and 
 for  which  he  was  puuished  according  to  the  '  lex  talionis,'  as  well  as  the  thirtj'-one  kings  of  Canaan  subdued 
 by  Joshua,  and  named  in  one  chapter.  Josh.  xii.  and  thirty-two  kings,  or  royal  auxiliaries  to  Benhadad,  king 
 of  Syria,  1  Kings,  xx.  l.Antiq.b.  viii.  chap.  xiv.  ^  1.  intimate  to  us  what  was  the  ancient  form  of  government 
 amoug  several  nations  before  the  monarchies  began,  viz.  that  every  city  or  large  town,  with  its  neighbouring 
 •villages,  was  a  distinct  government  by  itself,  which  is  the  more  remarkable,  because  this  was  certainly  the 
 form  of  ecclesiastical  government  that  was  settled  by  the  apostles,  and  preserved  throughout  the  Christian 
 church  in  the  first  ages  of  Christianity.  Mr.  Addison  is  of  opinion,  that,  "  it  would  certainly  be  for  the  good 
 of  mankind  to  have  all  the  mighty  empires  and  monarchies  ofthe  world  cantoned  out  into  petty  states  and  prin- 
 cipalities, which,  like  so  many  large  families,  might  lie  under  the  observation  of  their  proper  governors,  so  that 
 the  care  of  the  prince  miglit  extend  itself  to  every  individual  person  under  his  protection  ;  though  he  despairs 
 of  such  a  scheme  lieing  brought  about,  and  thinks,  that  if  it  were,  it  would  quickly  be  destroyed."  Remarks 
 on  Italy,  4to.  \>.  151.  Nor  is  it  unfit  to  be  observed  here,  that  the  Armenian  records,  though  they  give  us  the 
 history  of  thirty-nineof  their  most  ancient  heroes  or  governors  after  the  flood,  before  the  days  of  Sardanapalns, 
 had  no  proper  king  till  the  fortieth  Pareerus.    See  Moses  Chorenensis,  p.  55.    Andthat  Almighty  God  does  not 
 
BOOK  v.— CIlAl'.    II,  138 
 
 Ho  tliey  carried  him  alive  as  far  as  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  be  was  dead  t!iey  bnried  him  in  t!ie 
 earth,  and  went  on  still  in  lakiog  the  cities  :  and  when  they  had  taken  the  greatest  part  of 
 tbeni,  they  besieged  Jerusalem :  and  when  they  bad  taken  the  lower  city,  which  was  not  under 
 a  considerable  time,  they  slew  all  the  inhabitants  ;  but  tlie  upper  city  was  not  to  be  taken  without 
 great  difliculty,  through  the  strength  of  its  walls,  and  the  naure  of  the  place. 
 
 3.  For  which  reason  they  removed  their  camp  to  Hebron  ;  and  when  tbey  had  taken  it  they 
 slew  all  the  inhabitants.  There  were  till  then  left  the  race  of  giants,  who  had  bodies  so  large, 
 and  countenances  so  entirely  different  from  other  men,  that  they  were  surprising  to  the  sight, 
 and  terrible  to  the  hearing.  The  bones  of  these  men  are  slill  shewn  to  this  very  day,  unlike  to 
 any  credible  relations  of  other  men.  Now  they  gave  this  ciiy  to  the  Levites  as  an  extraordi- 
 nary reward,  with  the  suburbs  of  two  thousand  cities ;  but  the  land  thereto  belonging  they 
 gave  as  a  free  gift  to  Caleb,  according  to  the  injunctions  of  Moses  :  this  Caleb  was  one  of  Ibe 
 spies  which  Moses  sent  into  the  land  of  Canaan.  Tbey  also  gave  land  for  habitation  to  the 
 posterity  of  Jethro  the  Midianite,  who  was  the  father-in-law  to  Moses,  for  they  had  left  their 
 own  country  and  followed  them,  and  accompanied  them  in  the  wilderness. 
 
 4.  Now  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon  took  the  cities  which  were  in  the  mountainous  part 
 of  Canaan,  as  also  Askelon  and  Ashdod,  of  those  that  lay  near  the  sea  ;  but  Gaza  and  Ekron 
 escaped  them,  for  they,  lying  in  a  flat  country,  and  having  a  great  number  of  chariots,  sorely 
 galled  those  that  attacked  them  :  so  these  tribes,  when  they  were  grown  very  rich  by  this 
 war,  retired  to  their  own  cities,  and  laid  aside  their  weapons  of  war, 
 
 5.  But  the  Benjamites,  to  whom  belonged  Jerusalem,  permitted  its  inhabitants  to  pay  tri- 
 bute ;  so  tbey  all  left  off,  the  one  to  kill,  and  the  other  to  expose  themselves  to  danger,  and 
 had  time  to  cultivate  the  ground  :  the  rest  of  the  tribes  imitated  that  of  Benjamin,  and  did  the 
 same  ;  and  contenting  themselves  with  the  tributes  that  were  paid  them,  permitted  the  Canaan- 
 ites  to  live  in  peace. 
 
 6.  However,  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  when  they  besieged  Bethel,  made  no  advance,  nor  per- 
 formed any  thing  worthy  of  the  time  they  spent,  and  of  the  pains  they  took  about  that  siege, 
 yet  did  they  persist  in  it,  still  sitting  down  before  the  ci'y,  though  they  endured  great  trouble 
 tlifreby  :  but  after  some  time,  they  caught  one  of  the  citizens  that  came  to  them  to  get  neces- 
 saries, and  they  gave  him  some  assurances  that  if  he  would  deliver  up  the  city  to  them,  they 
 would  preserve  bim  and  his  kindred  :  so  he  sware,  that  upon  these  terms  he  would  put  the 
 city  into  their  hands.  Accordingly,  he  that  thus  betrayed  the  city  was  preserved,  with  his 
 family  ;  and  the  Israelites  slew  all  the  inhabitants,  and  retained  the  city  for  themselves. 
 
 7.  After  this,  the  Israelites  grew  ell'eminate  as  to  fighting  any  more  against  their  enemies, 
 but  applied  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  the  land,  which  producing  them  great  plenty  and 
 riches,  they  neglected  the  regular  disposition  of  their  settlement,  and  indulged  themselves  in 
 luxury  and  pleasures,  nor  were  they  any  longer  careful  to  hear  the  laws  that  belonged  to  their 
 political  government :  whereupon  God  was  provoked  to  anger,  and  put  them  in  mind,  first, 
 how,  contrary  to  his  directions,  they  had  spared  the  Canaanites,  and  after  that,  how  these 
 Canaanites,  as  opportunity  served,  used  them  very  barbarously.  But  the  Israelites,  tliougir 
 they  were  in  heaviness  at  these  admonitions  from  God,  yet  were  they  still  very  unwilling  to  go 
 to  war,  and  since  they  got  large  tributes  from  the  Canaanites,  and  were  indisposed  lor  taking 
 pains  by  their  luxury,  they  sudered  their  aristocracy  to  be  corrupted  also,  and  did  not  ordain 
 themselves  a  senate,  nor  any  other  such  magistrates  as  their  laws  had  formerly  required,  but 
 they  were  very  much  given  to  cultivating  their  fields,  in  order  to  get  wealtk  ;  which  great 
 indolence  of  theirs  brought  a  terrible  sedition  upon  them,  and  they  proceeded  so  far  as  to  fight 
 one  against  another,  from  the  following  occasion  : 
 
 8.  There  was  a  Levite,*  a  man  of  a  vulgar  family,  that  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 
 and  dwelt  therein  ;  this  man  married  a  wife  from  Bethlehem,  which  is  a  place  belonging  to 
 the  tribe  of  Judah,  Now  he  was  very  fond  of  bis  wife,  and  overcome  with  her  beauty;  but 
 he  was  unhappy  in  this,  that  he  did  not  meet  with  the  like  return  of  affection  from  her,  for  she 
 was  averse  to  bim,  which  did  more  inllarae  bis  passion  for  her,  so  that  they  quarrelled  one 
 with  another  perpetually  ;  and  at  last  the  woman  was  so  disgusted  at  these  quarrels,  that  she 
 left  her  husband,  and  went  to  her  parents  in  the  fourth  month.  The  husband  being  very  uneasy 
 at  this  her  detiarture,  and  that  out  of  his  fondness  for  her,  came  to  his  father  and  mother-in- 
 law,  and  made  up  their  quarrels,  and  was  reconciled  to  her,  and  lived  with  them  there  four 
 days,  as  b(  ing  kindly  treated  by  her  parents.  On  the  fifth  day  he  resolved  to  go  home,  and 
 went  away  in  the  evening:  for  his  wife's  parents  were  loath  to  part  with  their  daughter,  and 
 delayed  the  time  till  the  day  was  gone.  Now  they  had  one  servant  that  followed  them,  and  an 
 Sss  on  wliicb  the  woman  rode  ;  and  when  they  were  near  Jerusalem,  having  gone  already 
 thirty  furlongs,  the  servant  advised  them  to  take  up  their  lodgings  somewhere,   lest  some 
 
 spprove  of  such  absolute  and  tyranoical  monarchies,  any  one  may  learn  that  reads  Peut.  xTii.  14 — CO.  and 
 I.Sim,  viii.  1— 22.  aUhout.-h  if  such  kings  are  set  up  as  owii  liim  for  their  supreme  Kiiip,  and  aim  to  govern 
 according  to  his  laws,  he  hath  admitted  of  them,  and  protected  them  and  their  subjects  la  all  generations. 
 
 •  Josephus's  early  date  of  this  history  before  the  beginninRof  the  judges,  or  when  there  was  no  king  in  Israel, 
 .Tudgcs  xix.  1.  is  strongly  confirmed  by  the  large  number  of  Benjamites,  both  in  the  days  of  Asa  and  .lehosha- 
 phat.  2  t'bron.  xiv.8.  and  xvi.  17.  who  yet  were  here  reduced  to  600  men  :  nor  can  tiiose  numbers  be  at  al! 
 supposed  geUHine,  if  they  were  reduced  so  late  as  the  end  oftho  judges,  where  our  other  copies  place  Ihiis 
 redaction. 
 
134  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 misfortune  sUould  befall  tliem  if  they  travelled  in  tlie  night,  especially  since  they  were  not  far 
 oflf  enemies,  that  season  often  giving  reason  for  suspicion  of  dangers  from  even  such  as  are 
 friends;  bat  the  husband  was  not  pleased  with  this  advice,  nor  was  he  willing  to  take  up  his 
 lodging  among  strangers,  for  the  city  belonged  to  the  Canaanites,  but  desired  rather  to  go 
 twenty  furlongs  farther,  and  so  to  take  their  lodging  in  some  Israelite  city.  Accordingly,  he 
 obtained  his  purpose,  and  came  to  Gibeah,  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  when  it  was  just 
 dark  ;  and  while  no  one  that  lived  in  the  market-place  invited  him  to  lodge  with  him,  there 
 came  an  old  man  out  of  the  field,  one  that  was  indeed  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  but  resided  in 
 Gibeah,  and  met  him,  and  nsked  him,  who  he  was?  and  for  what  reason  he  came  thither  so 
 late?  and  why  he  was  looking  out  for  jjrovisions  for  supper  when  it  was  dark?  To  which  he 
 replied,  that  he  was  a  Levite,  and  was  bringing  his  wife  from  her  parents,  and  was  going  home, 
 but  he  told  him  his  habitation  was  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  :  so  the  old  man,  as  well  because  of 
 their  kindred,  as  because  they  lived  in  the  same  tribe,  and  also  because  they  had  thus  acciden- 
 tally met  together,  took  him  in  to  lodge  with  him.  Now  certain  young  men,  of  the  inhabitants 
 of  Gibeah,  having  seen  the  woman  in  the  market-place,  and  admiring  her  beauty,  when  they 
 understood  that  she  lodged  with  the  old  man,  came  to  the  doors,  as  contemning  the  weakness 
 and  fewness  of  the  old  man's  family  ;  and  when  the  old  man  desired  them  to  go  away,  and  not 
 to  offer  any  violence  or  abuse  there,  they  desired  him  to  yield  them  up  the  strange  woman, 
 and  then  he  should  have  no  harm  done  to  him  :  and  when  the  old  man  alleged,  that  the  Levite 
 was  of  his  kindred,  and  that  they  would  be  guilty  of  horrid  wickedness  if  they  suffered  them- 
 selves to  be  overcome  by  their  pleasures,  and  so  offend  against  their  laws,  they  despised  his 
 righteous  admonition,  ant^  laughed  him  to  scorn.  They  also  threatened  to  kill  him  if  he  became 
 an  obstacle  to  their  inclinations  ;  whereupon,  when  he  found  himself  in  great  distress,  and  yet 
 was  not  willing  to  overlook  his  guests,  and  see  them  abused,  he  produced  his  own  daughter  to 
 them;  and  told  them,  that  it  was  a  smaller  breach  of  the  law  to  satisfy  their  lust  upon  her, 
 than  to  abase  bis  guests  ;  supposing  that  he  himself  should  by  this  means  prevent  any  injury  to 
 be  done  to  those  guests.  When  they  no  way  abated  of  tlieir  earnestness  for  the  strange 
 woman,  but  insisted  ahsolately  on  their  desires  to  have  her,  be  entreated  them  not  to  perpe- 
 trate any  such  act  of  injustice  ;  bat  they  proceeded  to  take  her  away  by  force,  and  indulging 
 still  more  the  violence  of  their  inclinivtions,  they  took  the  woman  away  to  their  house,  and 
 when  they  had  satisfied  their  lust  upon  her  the  whole  night,  they  let  her  go  about  day-break. 
 So  she  came  to  the  place  where  she  had  been  entertained,  under  great  affliction  at  what  had 
 happened,  and  was  very  sorrowful  upon  occasion  of  what  she  had  suffered,  and  durst  not  look 
 her  husband  in  the  face  for  shame,  for  she  concluded  that  he  would  never  forgive  her  for  what 
 she  had  done,  so  she  fell  down  and  gave  up  the  ghost;  but  her  husband  supposed  that  his  wife 
 was  only  fast  asleep,  and  thinking  nothing  of  a  more  melancholy  nature  had  happened, 
 endeavoured  to  raise  her  up,  resolving  to  speak  comfortably  to  her,  since  she  did  not  volunta- 
 rily expose  herself  to  these  men's  lust,  but  was  forced  away  to  their  house ;  but  as  soon  as  he 
 perceived  she  was  dead,  he  acted  as  prudently  as  the  greatness  of  his  misfortunes  would  adrnit, 
 and  laid  his  dead  wife  upon  the  beast,  and  carried  her  home ;  and  cutting  her  limb  by  limb  into 
 twelve  pieces,  he  sent  them  to  every  tribe,  and  gave  it  in  charge  to  those  that  carried  them,  to 
 inform  the  tribes  of  those  that  were  the  causes  of  his  wife's  death,  and  of  the  violence  they  had 
 offered  to  her. 
 
 9.  Upon  this  the  people  were  greatly  disturbed  at  what  they  saw,  and  at  what  they  heard, 
 as  never  having  had  the  experience  of  such  a  thing  before;  so  they  gathered  themselves  to 
 Shiloh,  out  of  a  prodigious  and  a  just  anger,  and  assembling  in  a  great  congregation  before 
 the  tabernacle,  they  immediately  resolved  to  take  arms,  and  to  treat  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeah 
 as  enemies  ;  but  the  senate  restrained  them  from  doing  so,  and  persuaded  them  that  they  ought 
 not  so  hastily  to  make  war  upon  people  of  the  same  nation  with  them,  before  they  discoursed 
 them  by  words  concerning  the  accusation  laid  against  them,  it  being  part  of  their  law,  that 
 they  should  not  bring  an  army  against  foreigners  themselves  when  they  appear  to  have  been 
 injurions,  without  sending  an  embassage  first,  and  trying  thereby  whether  they  will  repent  or 
 not ;  and  accordingly,  they  exhorted  them  to  do  what  they  ought  to  do  in  obedience  to  their 
 laws,  that  is,  to  send  to  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeah,  to  know  whether  they  would  deliver  up  the 
 offenders  to  tbem,  and  if  they  deliver  them  up,  to  rest  satisfied  with  the  punishment  of  those 
 offenders  ;  but  if  they  despised  the  message  that  was  sent  them,  to  punish  them,  by  taking  up 
 arms  against  them.  Accordingly,  they  sent  to  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeah,  and  accused  the. 
 young  men  of  the  crimes  committed  in  the  affair  of  the  Levite's  wife,  and  required  of  them 
 those  that  had  done  what  was  contrary  to  the  law,  that  they  might  be  punished,  as  having 
 justly  deserved  to  die  for  what  they  had  done  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeah  would  not  deliver 
 up  tlie  young  men,  and  thought  it  too  reproachful  to  them,  out  of  fear  of  war,  to  submit  to  other 
 men's  demands  upon  them,  vaunting  themselves  to  be  no  way  inferior  to  any  in  war,  neither  in 
 their  number,  nor  in  courage.  The  rest  of  their  tribe  were  also  making  great  preparations 
 for  war,  for  they  were  so  insolently  mad,  as  also  to  resolve  to  repel  force  by  force. 
 
 10.  When  it  was  related  to  the  Israelites  what  the  inhabitants  of  Gibeah  had  resolved  upon, 
 they  took  their  oath  that  no  one  of  them  would  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  a  Benjamite, 
 but  make  war  with  greater  fury  against  them  than  we   have  learned  our  forefathers  made  war 
 
BOOK  \ . — CHAP.  II.  135 
 
 »gainst  the  Canaanites,  and  sent  out  presently'  an  arm}'  of  four  liandr  tl  iliousaiid  against  tbeni; 
 while  the  Benjamiles' army  was  twenty-five  thousand  and  six  hundred  ;  five  hundred  of  wlioui 
 were  excellent  at  slinging  stones  with  their  left  hands,  insomuch  that  when  the  battle  was 
 joined  at  Gibeah,  the  Benjaniites  beat  the  Israelites,  and  of  tLera  there  fell  two  thousand  men  ; 
 and  probably  more  had  been  destroyed  had  not  the  night  come  on  and  prevented  it,  and  broken 
 oft' the  fight;  so  the  Benjaniites  returned  to  tbe  city  with  joy,  and  the  Israelites  returned  to 
 their  camp  in  a  great  fright  at  what  had  happened.  On  the  next  day,  when  they  fought  again, 
 the  Benjaniites  beat  them,  and  eighteen  thousand  of  the  Israelites  were  slain  ;  and  the  rest 
 deserted  their  camp  out  of  fear  of  a  greater  slaughter.  So  they  came  to  Bethel,*  a  city  that 
 was  near  their  camp,  and  fasted  on  the  next  day  ;  and  besought  God  by  Phineas  the  high 
 priest,  that  his  wratli  against  them  might  cease,  and  that  he  would  be  satisfied  with  these  two 
 defeats,  and  give  them  the  victory,  and  power  over  their  enemies.  Accordingly,  God  pro- 
 mised them  so  to  do  by  the  prophesying  of  Phineas. 
 
 11.  When  therefore  they  had  divided  the  army  into  two  parts,  they  laid  the  one-balf  of 
 them  in  ambush  about  the  city  Gibeah  by  night,  while  the  other  half  attacked  the  Benjamiles, 
 and  retiring  upon  the  assault,  the  Benjaraites  pursued  them,  while  the  Hebrews  retired  bj 
 slow  degrees,  as  very  desirous  to  draw  them  entirely  from  the  city,  and  the  others  followed 
 them  as  they  retired,  till  both  the  old  men  and  ynung  men  that  were  left  in  the  city,  as  too 
 weak  to  fight,  came  running  out  together  with  them,  as  willing  to  bring  their  enemies  under. 
 However,  when  they  were  a  great  way  from  the  city,  the  Hebrews  ran  away  no  longer,  but 
 turned  back  to  fight  them,  and  lifted  up  the  signal  they  had  agreed  on  to  those  that  lay  in 
 ambush,  who  rose  up,  and  with  a  great  noise  fell  upon  the  enemy.  Now,  as  soon  as  ever  they 
 perceived  themselves  to  be  deceived,  they  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  when  they  were  driven 
 into  a  certain  hollow  place  which  was  in  a  valley,  they  were  shot  at  by  those  that  encompassed 
 them,  till  they  were  all  destroyed,  excepting  six  hundred  which  formed  themselves  into  a  close 
 body  of  men,  and  forced  their  passage  through  the  midst  of  their  enemies,  and  lied  to  the 
 neighbouring  mountains,  and  seizing  upon  them,  remained  there;  but  the  rest  of  them,  being 
 about  twenty-five  thousand,  were  slain.  Then  did  the  Israelites  burn  Gibeah,  and  slew  the 
 women,  and  the  males  that  were  under  age,  and  did  the  same  also  to  the  other  cities  of  the 
 Benjaniites.  And  indeed  they  were  enraged  to  that  degree,  that  they  sent  twelve  thousand 
 men  out  of  the  array,  and  gave  them  orders  to  destroy  Jabesh  Gilead,  because  it  diil  not  join 
 with  them  in  fighting  against  the  Benjamites.  Accordingly,  those  that  were  sent  slew  the  men 
 of  war,  with  tlieir  children  and  wives,  excepting  four  hundred  virgins.  To  such  a  degree  had 
 they  proceeded  in  their  anger,  because  they  not  only  bad  the  snflering  of  the  Levite's  wife  to 
 aveULje,  but  the  slaughter  of  their  own  soldiers. 
 
 12.  However,  they  afterwards  were  sorry  for  the  calamity  they  had  brought  upon  (he  Ben- 
 jamites, and  appointed  a  fast  on  that  account,  although  they  supposed  these  men  had  suffered 
 justly  for  their  offence  against  the  laws  :  so  they  recalled  by  their  ambassadors  those  six  hun- 
 dred which  had  escaped.  These  had  seated  themselves  on  a  certain  rock  called  'Rimmon,' 
 which  was  in  tbe  wilderness  :  so  the  ambassadors  lamented  not  only  the  disaster  that  bad  befallen 
 the  Benjamites,  hut  themselves  also,  by  this  destruction  of  their  kindred,  and  persuaded  them 
 to  take  it  patiently,  and  to  come  and  unite  with  them,  and  not,  so  far  as  in  them  lay,  to  give 
 their  suffrage  to  the  utter  destruction  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  ;  and  said  to  them,  "  We  give 
 you  leave  to  take  the  whole  land  of  Benjamin  to  yourselves,  and  as  much  prey  as  yon  are  able 
 to  carry  away  with  you."  So  these  men  with  sorrow  confessed,  that  what  had  been  done  was 
 according  to  the  decree  of  God,  and  bad  happened  for  their  own  wickedness,  and  assented  to 
 those  that  invited  them,  and  came  down  to  their  own  tribe.  The  Israelites  also  gave  them  the 
 four  hundred  virgins  of  Jabesh  Gilead  for  wives;  but  as  to  the  remaining  two  hundred,  they 
 deliberated  about  it  how  they  might  compass  wives  enough  for  them,  and  that  they  might  have 
 children  by  them  ;  and  whereas  they  bad,  before  the  war  began,  taken  an  oath  that  no  one 
 would  give  his  daughter  to  wife  to  a  Benjamite,  some  advised  them  to  have  no  regard  to  what 
 they  had  sworn,  because  the  oath  bad  not  been  taken  advisedly  and  judiciously,  but  in  a  pas- 
 sion, and  thought  that  they  should  do  nothing  against  God,  if  they  were  able  to  save  a  whole 
 tribe  which  was  in  danger  of  perishing,  and  that  perjury  was  then  a  sad  and  dangerous  thing, 
 not  when  it  is  done  out  of  necessity,  but  when  it  is  done  with  a  wicked  intention.  But  when 
 the  senate  were  afl'righ ted  at  the  very  name  of  perjury,  a  certain  person  told  them,  that  he 
 could  shew  thera  a  way  whereby  they  might  procure  the  Benjamites  wives  enough,  and  yet 
 keep  their  oath.  They  asked  him  what  his  proposal  was?  He  said,  "that  three  limes  in  a 
 Te«r  when  we  meet  in  Shiloh,  our  wives  and  our  daughters  accompany  us  ;  let  then  the  Benja- 
 mites be  allowed  to  steal  away,  and  marry  such  women  as  theycsn  catch,  while  we  will  neither 
 incite  them  nor  forbid  them  ;  and  when  their  parents  take  it  ill,  and  desire  us  to  inflict  punish- 
 ment upon  (hem,  we  will  tell  them,  that  they  were  themselves  the  cause  of  what  had  happened, 
 by  neglecting  to  guard  their  daughters,  and  that  llu-y  ought  not  to  be  over-angry  at  the  Benja- 
 mites, since  that  anger  was  permitted  to  rise  too  high  already."     So  the  Israelites  were  per- 
 
 •  .fnsephus  Beems  here  to  have  made  a  small  mistake,  when  he  took  the  Ilehrew  word  '  Beth-El,'  which 
 cleuotes  '  the  house  of  God,' or  the  tabernacle,  JudR.  xx.  Ifi.  for  the  proper  name  of  a  place  '  Bethel,'  it  no  way 
 appearing  that  the  tabernacle  wa?  ever  at  Bethel;  oulysofar  it  is  true,  that  Shiloh,  the  placeof  the  tabernacle, 
 lu  the  days  of  the  Judges,  was  not  far  from  Bethel. 
 
136  ANTIQUITIES   OF     THE  JKWS. 
 
 suaded  to  follow  tbis  advice,  and  decreed,  tbat  the  Benjamites  sboald  be  allowed  tlius  to  steal 
 themselves  wives.  So  when  the  festival  was  coming  on,  these  two  hundred  Benjamites  lay  in 
 ambush  before  the  city,  by  two  and  three  together,  and  waited  for  the  coming  of  the  virgins, 
 in  the  vineyards  and  oiher  places  where  tbey  could  lie  concealed.  Accordingly,  the  virgins 
 carae  along  playing,  and  suspected  nothing  of  what  was  coming  upon  them,  and  walked  after 
 an  ungnarded  manner,  so  those  that  lay  scattered  in  the  road  rose  up  and  caught  bold  of  them : 
 by  this  means  these  Benjamites  got  them  wives,  and  fell  to  agricnlture,  and  took  good  care  to 
 recover  tbeir  former  happy  state.  And  thus  was  tbis  tribe  of  the  Benjamites,  after  tbey  bad 
 been  in  danger  of  entirely  perishing,  saved  in  the  manner  fore-mentioned,  by  the  wisdom  of 
 the  Israelites  ;  and  accordingly  it  presently  flourished,  and  soon  increased  to  be  a  multitude, 
 and  came  to  enjoy  all  other  degrees  of  happiness.     And  such  was  the  conclusion  of  this  war. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  the  Israelites  after  this  Misfortune  grew  iiu'civc/,  uiid  served  the  Assyrians,  and  how  God 
 
 delivered  them  by  Othniel,  who  ruled  over  them  forty  Years. 
 §  1.  Now  it  happened  that  the  tribe  of  Dan  suffered  in  like  manner  with  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  ; 
 and  it  came  to  do  so  on  the  occasion  following  :  when  the  Israelites  had  already  left  off  the 
 exercise  of  their  arms  for  war,  and  were  intent  upon  tbeir  husbandry,  the  Ganaanites  despised 
 thera,  and  brought  together  an  array,  not  because  they  expected  to  sufier  by  them,  but  because 
 tbey  had  a  mind  to  have  a  sure  prospect  of  treating  the  Hebrews  ill  when  they  pleased,  and 
 might  thereby,  for  the  time  to  come,  dwell  in  their  own  cities  the  more  securely;  they  pre- 
 pared therefore  tbeir  chariots,  and  gathered  their  soldiery  together,  tlieir  cities  also  combined 
 together,  and  drew  over  to  them  Askelon  and  Ekron,  which  were  within  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
 and  many  more  of  those  that  lay  in  the  plain.  They  also  forced  the  Danites  to  fly  into  the 
 mountainous  country,  and  left  them  not  the  least  portion  of  the  plain  country  to  set  their  foot 
 on.  Since  then  these  Danites  were  not  able  to  fight  them,  and  had  not  land  enough  to  sustain 
 them,  they  sent  five  of  their  men  into  the  midland  country  to  see  for  a  land  to  which  they 
 might  remove  their  habitation  :  so  these  men  went  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  mount 
 Libanus,  and  the  fountains  of  the  lesser  Jordan ;  at  the  great  plain  of  Sidon,  a  day's  journey 
 from  the  city ;  and  when  they  had  taken  a  view  of  the  land,  and  found  it  to  be  good  and 
 exceeding  fruitful,  tbey  acquainted  their  tribe  with  it,  whereupon  they  made  an  expedition 
 with  the  army,  and  built  there  the  city  of  Dan,  of  the  same  name  with  the  son  of  Jacob,  and  of 
 the  same  name  with  their  own  tribe. 
 
 2.  The  Israelites  grew  so  indolent,  and  unready  of  taking  pains,  that  misfortunes  came 
 heavier  upon  them,  which  also  proceeded  in  part  from  their  contempt  of  the  divine  worship ; 
 for  when  they  had  once  fallen  ofl'  from  the  regularity  of  their  political  government,  they  in- 
 dulged themselves  farther  in  living  according  to  their  own  pleasure,  and  according  to  their 
 own  will,  till  they  were  full  of  the  evil  doings  that  were  common  among  the  Ganaanites.  God 
 therefore  was  angry  with  them,  and  they  lost  their  happy  state  which  tbey  had  obtained  by 
 innumerable  labours,  by  their  luxury ;  for  when  Chuslian,  king  of  the  Assyrians,  had  made 
 war  against  them,  they  lost  many  of  their  soldiers  in  the  battle,  and  when  they  were  besieged, 
 they  were  taken  by  force  :  nay,  there  were  some  who,  out  of  fear,  voluntarily  submitted  to 
 him,  and  though  the  tribute  laid  upon  them  was  more  than  ihey  could  bear,  yet  did  they  pay 
 it,  and  underwent  all  sort  of  oppression  for  eight  years;  after  which  time  they  were  freed 
 from  them  in  the  following  manner. 
 
 3.  There  was  one  whose  name  was  Ofliniel,  the  son  of  Kenez,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  an 
 active  man,  and  of  great  courage.  He  had  an  admonition  from  God  not  to  overlook  the  Israelites 
 in  such  a  distress  as  they  were  now  in,  but  to  endeavour  boldly  to  gain  thera  their  liberty; 
 so  when  he  had  procured  some  to  assist  him  in  this  dangerous  undertaking,  (and  few  they 
 were,  who,  either  out  of  shame  at  their  present  circumstances,  or  out  of  a  desire  of  changing 
 them,  could  be  prevailed  on  to  assist  him,)  be  first  of  all  destroyed  that  garrison  wbicb 
 Ghushan  had  set  over  thera  ;  but  when  it  was  perceived  that  he  bad  not  failed  in  bis  first  at- 
 tempt, more  of  the  people  came  to  his  assistance;  so  they  joined  battle  with  the  Assyrians, 
 and  drove  them  entirely  before  them,  and  compelled  them  to  pass  over  Euphrates.  Hereupon 
 Othniel,  who  had  given  such  proofs  of  his  valour,  received  from  the  multitude  authority  to 
 judge  the  people;  and  when  he  had  ruled  over  them  forty  years,  he  died. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  our  People  served  the  Moabites  eighteen  Y'ears,  and  were  then  delivered  from  Slavery  by  one 
 Ehud,  who  retained  the  Dominion  eighty  Years. 
 
 §  1.  Whek  Othniel  was  dead,  the  affairs  of  the  Israelites  fell  again  into  disorder,  and  while 
 they  neither  paid  to  God  the  honour  due  to  him,  nor  were  obedient  to  the  laws,  their  afflictions 
 increased,  till  Eglon,  king  of  the  Moabites,  did  so  greatly  despise  them,  on  account  of  the  dis- 
 orders of  their  political  government,  that  be  made  war  upon  them  and  overcame  them  in 
 several  battles,  and  made  the  most  courageous  to  submit,  and  entirely  subdued  their  army, 
 and  ordered  them  to  pay  hjm  tribute.     And  when  he  had  built  him  a  royal  palace  at  Jeri- 
 
COOK    V. — CHAP.   V.  137 
 
 clio,*  lie  oinittid  tio  nietliod  wlierel)^  he  miglit  distress  tliein ;  and  indeed  lit-  reducL'd  theni  (<i 
 poveitj'  tor  ei}i;liteen  years  :  but  wlieii  God  had  once  taken  pity  of  flie  Israelites,  on  account  of 
 tiieir  atHictions,  and  was  moved  to  compassion  by  their  sujjplications  put  np  to  liiin,  he  freed 
 them  from  the  hard  usage  tliey  had  met  with  under  the  Moabites.  This  liberty  he  procured 
 for  them  in  the  following  manner. 
 
 2.  There  was  a  young  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  whose  name  was  Ehud,  the  son  of 
 Gera,  a  man  of  very  great  coiir3n;e  in  bold  undertakings,  and  of  a  very  strong  body,  fit  for 
 hard  labour,  but  best  skilled  in  using  his  left  hand,  in  which  was  his  whole  strength;  and  he 
 also  dwelt  at  Jericho.  Now  this  man  became  familiar  with  Eglou,  and  that  by  means  of  pre- 
 sents, with  wliich  he  obtained  his  favour,  and  iosiDualed  himself  into  his  good  opinion, 
 whereby  he  was  also  belove<l  of  those  that  were  about  the  king.  Now,  when  on  a  time  he 
 was  bringing  presents  to  the  king,  and  had  two  servants  with  him,  he  put  a  dagger  on  his 
 right  thigh  secretly,  and  went  in  to  him  :  it  was  then  summer  time,  and  the  middle  of  the 
 day,  when  the  guards  were  not  strictly  on  their  watch,  both  because  of  the  heat,  and  because 
 they  were  gone  to  dinner.  So  the  young  man,  when  Le  had  ottered  liis  presents  to  the  king, 
 who  then  resided  in  a  small  parlour  that  blood  conveniently  to  avoid  the  heat,  he  fell  into  dis- 
 course with  him,  for  they  were  now  alone,  the  king  having  bid  his  servants  that  attended  him 
 to  go  their  ways,  because  he  had  a  mind  to  talk  with  Ehud.  He  was  now  sitting  on  his 
 liirone  ;  and  fear  seized  upon  Ehud  lest  he  should  miss  his  stroke  and  not  give  him  a  deadly 
 wound,  so  he  raised  himself  up,  and  said  he  had  a  dream  to  impart  to  him  by  the  command  of 
 Gcd  ;  upon  which  the  king  leaped  out  of  his  throne  for  joy  of  the  dream  ;  so  Ehud  smote  him 
 to  the  heart,  and  leaving  his  dagger  in  his  body,  he  went  out  and  shut  the  door  after  him. 
 Now  the  king's  servants  were  very  still,  as  siijiposing  that  the  king  had  composed  himself 
 to  sleep. 
 
 'i.  Hereuj)on  Ehud  informed  the  people  of  Jericho  privately  of  what  lie  had  done,  and 
 exhorted  them  to  recover  their  liberty;  who  heard  him  gladly,  and  went  to  their  arms,  and 
 sent  messengers  over  the  country,  that  should  sound  trumpets  of  rams'  horns,  for  it  was  our 
 custom  to  call  the  people  together  by  tliem.  Now  the  attendants  of  Eglon  were  ignorant  of 
 what  misfortune  had  befallen  him  for  a  great  while ;  but  towards  the  evening,  fearing  some 
 uncommon  accident  had  happened,  they  entered  into  his  parlour,  and  when  they  found  him 
 dead  they  were  in  great  disorder,  and  knew  not  what  to  do;  and  before  the  guards  could  be 
 got  together,  the  mullitude  of  the  Israelites  came  upon  them,  so  that  some  of  them  were  slain 
 immediately,  and  some  were  put  to  flight,  and  ran  away  toward  the  country  of  Moab,  in  order 
 h>  save  themselves.  Their  number  was  above  ten  thousand.  The  Israelites  seized  upon  the 
 ford  of  Jordan,  and  pursued  them,  and  slew  them,  and  many  of  them  they  killed  at  the  ford, 
 nor  did  one  of  them  escape  out  of  their  hands ;  and  by  this  means  it  was  that  the  Hebrews 
 freed  themselves  from  slavery  under  the  Moabites.  Ehud  also  was  on  this  actount  dignified 
 with  the  government  over  all  the  inullitnde,  and  died  after  he  had  held  the  government  eight}' 
 years. t  He  was  a  man  worthy  of  commendation,  even  besides  what  he  deserved  for  the  fore- 
 iiipnlioned  act  of  his.  After  him  Shamgar,  the  son  of  Anath,  was  elected  for  their  governor, 
 bui  died  in  the  lirst  year  of  his  government. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 IIuw  the  Caniianitis  hrotajhl  the  Israelites  vnder  Slavery  for  ttventij  Years;  after  which  they 
 
 were  delivered  by  Barak  and  Deborah,  who  ruled  ovtr  them  forty  Years. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  it  was  that  the  Israelites,   taking   no  warning  by  their  former  misfortunes  to 
 
 amend  their  manners,  and  neither  worshipping  God  nor  submitting  to  the  laws,  were  brought 
 
 under  slavery  by  Jabin,  the  king  of  the  Canaauiles,  and  that  before  they  had  a  short  breathing 
 
 time  after  the  slavery  under  the  Moabites  ;   for  this  Jabin  came  out  of  Ha/.or,  a  city  that  was 
 
 situate  over  the  lake  Seniechonitis,  and  had  in   pay  three  hundred  ihoiisaud   footmen,   and   ten 
 
 thousand  horsemen,   with   no  fewer  than  three  thousand  chariots.     .Sisera  was  the  commander 
 
 of  all  his  army,  and   was  the  principal    person  in  the  king's  favour.     He  so  sorwJy  beat   the 
 
 Israelites  when  they  fought  with  him,  that  he  ordered  them  to  pay  tribute. 
 
 2.  So  they  continued   to  undergo  that   hardship   for  twenty  years,   as    not  good   enough  of 
 
 themselves   to  grow  wise    by  their  misfortunes.      God   was   willing  also   hereby   the  more  to 
 
 subdue  their  obstinacy  and  ingratitude  towards   himself:   so  when  they  were  at  length  become 
 
 penitent,  and  were  so  wise  as  to  learn  that  their  calamities  arose  from  their  contempt  of  the 
 
 *  It  ai)i>ears  by  the  sacred  liistory,  Judg.  i.  16.  iii.  13.  that  Eglon's  iiavilion  or  palace  was  at  the  city  of 
 palnilriii:s,  ;us  the  place  where  Jericho  had  stood  is  cijlled  after  its  desliuetidii  by  .loshua,  that  is,  at  or  near 
 the  <iuiiiolished  city.  Accordingly,  .losephns  says  it  was  at  .lerieho,  or  rather  in  that  line  country  of  palm 
 trees,  uiion,  or  near  to  the  same  spot  of  uroimd  on  which  .lorieho  had  formerly  stood,  and  on  which  it  was 
 rebiult  by  lliel,  1  Kings  xvi.  34.  Our  other  copies,  that  avoid  its  proper  name  Jericho,  aud  call  it  the  *  city 
 of  palm-trees'  only,  speak  here  more  accurately  than  Joseplius. 
 
 +  These  80  years  for  the  t-'ovemment  of  Ehud,  are  ncce^ssary  to  Josephus's  usual  large  numoers  octwcen  the 
 oxndus  ami  the  buildiiiK  of  the  temple,  of  .')92  or  6li  years,  but  not  to  the  smallest  number  of  liiO  years, 
 J  Kiii'.;s  vi.  1.  which  lesser  iniuibir  .losephus  seems  sometinits  to  have  followed.  And  since  in  the  beginmriis 
 of  the  ncNt  chfipicr  it  is  said  by  Josephns,  that  here  was  hardly  a  hrealliiiiK  time  for  the  Israelites  before 
 Jnbin  came  and  enslaved  them,  it  is  highly  probable  that  some  of  the  copies  in  his  time  had  here  oely  eir'^■^ 
 years  instead  ofiio;  as  had  that  of  I'lieophiUis  of  Autioch,  Ad  Autoyle,  i.  in.  and  this  most  probably  iVoiii  uu 
 copy  of  Josephiis.  ' 
 
108  ANTIQUITIES  Ol'  Tllii  JEWS. 
 
 laws,  they  besougbt  Deborah,  a  certain  prophetess  among  them,  (wliich  name  in  the  Hebrew 
 tongue  signifies  a  Bee,)  to  pray  to  God  to  take  pity  on  them,  and  not  to  overlook  them,  now 
 they  were  ruined  by  the  Canaanites.  So  God  granted  them  deliverance,  and  chose  them  a 
 general,  Barak,  one  that  was  of  the  tribe  of  Naphthali  (now  Barak,  in  the  Hebrew  toogoe, 
 signifies  lightning.) 
 
 3.  So  Deborah  sent  for  Barak,  and  bid  him  choose  him  out  ten  thousand  young  men,  to  go 
 against  the  enemy,  because  God  had  said,  that  that  number  was  sniBcient,  and  promised  them 
 victory.  But  when  Barak  said,  that  he  would  not  be  the  general  unless  she  would  also  go  as 
 a  general  with  him,  she  had  indignation  at  what  he  said,  and  replied,  "  Thou,  O  Barak, 
 deliverest  up  meanly  that  authority  which  God  hath  given  thee,  into  the  hand  of  a  woman, 
 and  T  do  not  reject  it."  So  they  collected  ten  thousand  men,  and  pitched  their  camp  at 
 mount  Tabor,  where,  at  the  king's  command,  Sisera  met  tiiem,  and  pitched  his  camp  not  far 
 from  the  enemy ;  whereupon  the  Israelites  and  Barak  himself  were  so  ali'righled  at  the 
 multitude  of  those  enemies,  that  they  were  resolved  to  march  off,  had  not  Deborah  retained 
 them,  and  commanded  them  to  fight  the  enemy  that  very  day,  for  that  they  should  conquer 
 them,  and  God  would  be  their  assistance. 
 
 4.  So  the  battle  began;  and  when  they  were  corae  to  a  close  fight,  there  came  down  from 
 Leaven  a  great  storm,  with  a  vast  quantity  of  rain  ^nd  hail,  and  the  wind  blew  the  rain  in  the 
 face  of  the  Canaanites,  and  so  darkened  their  eyes,  that  their  arrows  and  sUngs  were  of  no 
 advantage  to  them ;  nor  would  the  coldness  of  the  air  permit  the  soldiers  to  make  use  of  their 
 5words,  while  this  storm  did  not  so  much  incommode  the  Israelites,  because  it  came  on  their 
 backs.  They  also  took  such  courage,  upon  the  apprehension  that  God  was  assisting  tliem, 
 that  they  fell  upon  the  very  midst  of  their  enemies,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  them,  so  that 
 some  of  them  fell  by  the  Israelites,  some  fell  by  their  own  horses,  which  were  put  into  dis- 
 order, and  not  a  few  were  killed  by  their  own  chariots.  At  last  Sisera,  as  soon  as  he  saw 
 himself  beaten,  fled  away,  and  came  to  a  woman  whose  name  was  Jael,  a  Kenite,  who  re- 
 ceived him,  when  he  desired  to  be  concealed  ;  and  when  he  asked  for  somewhat  to  drink,  she 
 gave  him  sour  milk,  of  which  he  drank  so  unmeasarably  that  he  fell  asleep  ;  but  ivhen  he  was 
 asleep,  Jael  took  an  iron  nail,  and  drove  it  through  his  temples  with  a  hammer  into  the  floor: 
 and  when  Barak  came,  a  little  afterward,  she  shewed  Sisera  nailed  to  the  ground.  And  thus 
 was  this  victory  gained  by  a  woman,  as  Deborah  had  foretold,  Barak  also  fought  with  Jabin 
 at  Hazor ;  and  when  he  met  with  him  he  slew  him:  and  when  the  g^'neral  was  fallen,  Barak 
 overthrew  the  city  to  the  foundation,  and  was  commander  of  the  Israelites  for  forty  years. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  the  Midianites  and  other  Kalionsfought  against  the  Israelites,  and  beat  them,  and  affile  ted  their 
 Country  for  seven  Years.     Hoiv  they  were  delivered  by  Gideon,  who  ruled  over  the  Multitude. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Barak  and  Deborah  were  dead,  whose  deaths  happened  about  the  same 
 time,  afterwards  the  Midianites  called  the  Amalekites  and  Arabians  to  their  assistance,  and 
 made  war  anainst  the  Israelites,  and  were  too  hard  for  those  that  fought  against  tbem  ;  and 
 when  they  had  burnt  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  they  carried  off"  the  prey.  Now  when  they  had 
 done  this  for  three  years,  the  multitude  of  the  Israelites  retired  to  the  mountains,  and  forsook 
 the  plain  country.  Tliej  aj.-'o  made  themselves  hollows  under  ground,  and  caverns,  and  pre- 
 served therein  whatsoever  had  escaped  their  enemies  ;  for  the  Midianites  made  expeditions  in 
 harvest  time,  but  permitted  them  to  plough  the  laud  in  winter,  that  so  when  the  others  had 
 taken  the  pains,  they  might  have  fruits  for  them  to  carry  away.  Indeed,  there  ensued  a 
 famine,  and  a  scarcity  of  food,  upon  which  they  betook  themselves  to  their  supplications  to 
 God,  and  besoii^ht  him  to  save  them. 
 
 2.  Gideon  also,  the  son  of  Joash,  one  of  the  principal  persons  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh, 
 brought  his  shijjives  of  corn  privately,  and  threshed  them  at  the  wine-press,  for  he  was  too 
 fearful  of  their  enemies,  to  thresh  them  openl)'  in  the  threshing-floor.  At  this  time  somewhat 
 appeared  to  him  in  the  sliape  of  a  young  man,  and  told  him,  '•  That  he  was  a  happy  man  and 
 beloved  of  God."  To  which  he  imnieiiiatelv  replied,  "  A  mighty  indication  of  God's  favour  to 
 me,  that  I  am  forced  to  use  this  wine-press  instead  of  a  threshing-floor!"  But  the  appearance 
 exhorted  him  to  he  of  good  courage,  and  to  make  an  attempt  for  the  recovery  of  their  liherty. 
 He  answered,  That  "  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  recover  it,  because  the  Iribe  to  which  be 
 belonged,  was  bv  no  means  numerous  ;  and  because  he  was  but  yonng  himself,  and  too  incon-. 
 siderablo  to  think  of  snch  great  actions."  But  the  other  promised  him,  that  God  would 
 supply  what  he  was  detective  in,  and  would  afford  the  Israelites  victory  under  his  conduct. 
 
 3.  Now  therefore  as  Gideon  was  relating  this  to  some  young  men,  they  believed  him,  and 
 immediately  there  was  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  got  ready  for  fiuhting.  But  God  stood  by 
 Gideon  in  his  sleep,  and  told  him,  "That  mankind  were  too  fond  of  themselves,  and  were 
 enemies  to  such  as  excelled  in  virtue  :  now,  th^t  they  might  not  pass  God  over,  but  asciihe  the 
 ■victory  tw  him,  and  might  not  fancy  it  obtained  by  their  own  power  because  they  were  a  great 
 army,  md  able  of  themselves  to  fight  their  enemies,  but  might  confess  that  it  was  owing  to  his 
 assistance,  he  advised  him  to  bring  his  army  about  noon,  in  the  violence  of  the  heat,  to  the 
 river,  and  to  esteem  tl'ose  that  bent  down  on  their  knees,  and  so  dr&nk,  to  be  men  of  courage; 
 
BOOK   V. CHAP.  VII.  139 
 
 but  for  all  tbose  that  drank  turaultoously,  that  he  should  esteem  Iheiii  to  do  it  out  of  fuar,  and 
 as  in  dread  of  tlieir  enemies."  And  when  Gideon  liad  done  as  God  bad  snptjested  to  him, 
 there  were  found  three  hundred  men  that  took  water  with  their  hands  tumultuously  ;  so  God 
 bid  him  take  these  men,  and  attack  the  enemj.  Accordingly  they  pitched  their  camp  at  the 
 river  Jordan,  as  rwady  the  next  day  to  pass  over  it. 
 
 4.  But  Gideon  was  in  p;reat  fear,  for  God  had  told  him  beforehand,  that  lie  should  set  upon 
 his  enemies  in  the  night-time  :  but  God  being  willing  to  free  him  from  his  fear,  bid  him  take 
 one  of  his  soldiers,  and  go  near  to  the  Midianites'  tents,  for  that  he  should  fioin  that  very  place 
 have  his  courage  raised,  and  grow  bold.  So  he  obeyed,  and  went  and  took  his  servant 
 Pharah  with  him;  and  as  he  came  near  to  one  of  the  tents,  he  discovered  that  those  that  were 
 in  it  were  awake,  and  that  one  of  them  was  telling  to  his  fellow-soldier  a  dream  of  his  own, 
 and  that  so  plainly,  that  Gideon  could  hear  him.  The  dream  was  this:  he  thought  he  saw  a 
 barley  cake,  such  a  one  as  could  hardly  l)e  eaten  l>y  men,  it  was  so  vile,  rolling  through  the 
 camp,  and  overthrowing  the  royal  lent,  and  the  tents  of  all  the  soldiers.  Now  the  other  soldier 
 explained  this  vision  to  mean  the  destruction  of  (he  ainiy,  and  told  him  what  his  reason  was 
 which  made  him  so  to  conjecture,  viz.  that  the  seed  called  barley  was  all  of  it  allowed  to  be 
 of  the  vilest  sort  of  seed,  and  that  the  Israelites  were  known  to  be  the  vilest  of  all  the  people 
 of  Asia,  agreeably  to  the  seed  of  barley  ;  and  that  what  seemed  to  look  big  among  the  Israelites, 
 was  this  Gideon  and  the  array  that  was  with  him:  "and  since  thou  sayest  thou  didst  see  the 
 cake  overturning  our  tents,  I  am  afraid  lest  God  hath  granted  the  victory  over  us  to  Gideon." 
 
 5.  When  Gideon  had  heard  this  dream,  ^iood  hope  and  courage  came  upon  him  ;  and  he 
 commanded  his  soldiers  to  arm  themselves,  and  told  them  of  this  vision  of  their  enemies.  They 
 also  took  courage  at  what  was  told  them,  and  were  ready  to  perform  what  he  should  enjoin 
 them :  so  Gideon  divided  his  army  into  three  parts,  and  brought  it  out  abont  the  fourth  watch 
 of  the  night,  each  i)art  containing  a  hundred  men:  they  all  hare  empty  pitchers,  and  lighted 
 lumps  in  their  hands,  that  their  onset  might  not  be  discovered  by  their  enemies.  They  had 
 also  each  of  them  a  ram's  horn  in  his  right  hand,  which  he  used  instead  of  a  trumpet:  the 
 enemies'  camp  took  up  a  large  space  of  gruuad  ;  for  it  happened  they  had  a  great  many 
 camels:  and  as  they  were  divided  into  diiierent  nations,  so  they  were  all  contained  in  one 
 circle.  Now  when  the  Hebrews  did  as  they  were  ordered  beforehand,  upon  their  approach 
 to  their  enemies,  and  on  the  signal  given,  sounded  with  their  rams'  horns,  and  brake  their 
 pitchers,  and  set  upon  '•heir  enemies  with  their  lamps,  and  a  great  shout,  and  cried,  "  Victory 
 to  Gideon,  by  God's  assistance,"  a  disorder  and  a  fright  seized  on  the  other  men  while  they 
 were  fast  asleep,  for  it  was  night-time,  as  God  would  have  it  ;  so  that  a  few  of  them  were 
 slain  by  their  enemies,  bnt  the  greatest  pnrt  by  their  own  soldiers,  on  account  of  the  diversity 
 of  their  language  ;  and  when  they  were  once  put  into  disorder,  they  killed  all  that  they  met 
 with,  as  thinking  them  to  be  enemies  also.  Thus  there  was  a  great  slaughter  made.  And 
 as  the  report  of  Gideon's  victory  came  to  the  Israelites,  they  took  their  weapons  and  pursued 
 their  enemies,  and  overtook  them  in  a  certain  valley,  encompassed  with  torrents,  a  plane 
 which  these  could  not  get  over;  so  they  encompassed  them,  and  slew  them  all,  with  their 
 kings,  Oreb  and  Zceb.  But  the  remaining  captains  led  those  soldiers  tliat  were  left,  which 
 were  about  eighteen  thousand,  and  pitched  their  camp  a  great  way  oft'  the  Israelites.  How- 
 ever, Gideon  did  not  grudge  bis  pains,  but  pursued  them  with  all  his  army,  and  joining  battle 
 with  them,  cut  oil'  the  whole  enemies'  army,  and  took  the  other  leaders,  Zebah  and  Zaimunna, 
 and  made  them  captives.  Now  there  were  slain  in  this  battle  of  the  IMidianites,  and  of  their 
 auxiliaries  the  Arabians,  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand ;  and  the  Hebrews  took  a 
 great  prey,  gold  and  silver,  and  garments,  and  camels,  and  asses.  And  when  Gideon  was 
 come  to  his  own  country  of  t)phra,  he  slew  the  kings  of  the  Midianites. 
 
 ti.  However,  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  was  so  displeased  at  the  good  success  of  Gideon,  that  they 
 resolved  to  make  war  ag.-\inst  him,  accusing  him  because  he  did  not  tell  them  of  his  expedition 
 against  their  enemies.  But  Gideon,  as  a  man  of  temper,  and  that  excelled  in  every  virtue, 
 pleaded,  "  That  it  was  not  the  result  of  his  own  authority  or  reasoning,  that  made  him  attack 
 the  enemy  without  them  ;  but  that  it  was  the  command  of  God,  and  still  the  victory  belonged 
 to  them  as  well  ss  to  those  in  the  army."  And  by  this  method  of  cooling  their  passions,  he 
 brought  more  advantage  to  the  Hebrews,  than  by  the  success  he  had  against  these  enemies, 
 for  he  thereby  delivered  them  from  a  sedition  which  was  arising  among  them  ;  yet  did  this  triho 
 afterwards  sull'er  the  punishment  of  this  their  injurious  treatment  of  Gideon,  of  which  we  will 
 giie  an  account  in  due  time. 
 
 7.  Herenpon  Gideon  would  have  laid  down  the  government,  but  was  over-persuaded  to  lake 
 it,  which  ho  enjoyed  forty  years,  and  distributed  justice  to  them;  as  the  people  came  to  him  in 
 their  dill'erences,  and  what  he  determined  was  esteemed  valid  by  all.  And  when  he  died,  he 
 WHS  buried  in  his  own  country  of  Ophra. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 That  the  Judges  who  succeeded  Gideon,  made  War  with  the  adjoining  Nations  for  a  loiuj  Time. 
 
 $   1.   Now  Gideon  had  seventy  sons  that  were  legitimate,   for  he  had  many  wives,  but  he  had 
 also  one  that  was  spurious,  by  his  concubine  Druiuah,  whose  name  was  Abimelech,  who,  afte 
 
140  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 his  fallier's  deatli,  retired  to  Shecbem  to  liis  mother's  relations,  for  they  were  of  that  place: 
 find  whea  he  had  got  money  of  such  of  them  as  were  eminent  for  many  instances  of  injustice, 
 he  came  with  him  to  his  father's  house,  and  slew  all  his  brethren,  except  Jothara  ;  for  he  had 
 the  good  fortnne  to  escape  and  be  preserved ;  but  Abimelech  made  the  government  tyrannical, 
 and  constituted  Iiimself  a  lord,  to  do  what  he  pleased,  instead  of  obeying  the  laws,  and  he 
 acted  most  rigidly  against  those  that  were  the  patrons  of  justice. 
 
 2.  Now,  when  on  a  certain  time  there  was  a  public  festival  at  Shecbera,  and  all  the  multi- 
 tude was  there  gathered  together,  Jotham  his  brother,  whose  escajje  we  before  related,  went 
 up  to  mount  Gerizzim,  which  hangs  over  the  city  Shecbem,  acd  cried  out  so  as  to  be  heard 
 by  the  multitude,  who  were  attentive  to  him.  He  desired  they  would  consider  what  he  was 
 going  to  say  to  them:  so  when  silence  was  made,  he  said,  "That  when  the  trees  had  a  human 
 voice,  and  there  was  an  assembly  of  them  gathered  together,  they  desired  that  the  fig-tree 
 would  rule  over  them  ;  but  when  that  tree  refused  so  to  do,  because  it  was  contented  to  enjoy 
 that  honour  which  belonged  peculiarly  to  the  fruit  it  bare,  and  not  that  which  should  be 
 derived  to  it  from  abroad,  the  trees  did  not  leave  ofT  their  intentions  to  have  a  ruler,  so  they 
 thought  proper  to  make  the  clVer  of  that  honour,  to  the  vine;  but  when  the  vine  was  chosen. 
 it  made  use  of  the  same  words  which  the  fig-tree  had  used  before,  and  excused  itself  from 
 accepting  the  government:  and  when  the  olive-tree  had  done  the  same,  the  brier,  whom  the 
 trees  had  desired  to  take  the  kingdom,  (it  is  a  sort  of  wood  good  for  firing,)  promised  to 
 take  the  government,  and  to  be  zealous  in  the  exercise  of  it,  but  that  then  they  must  sit  down 
 under  its  shadow,  and  if  they  should  plot  against  it  to  destroy  it,  the  principle  of  fire  that  was 
 in  it  should  destroy  them.  He  told  them,  that  what  he  said  was  no  laughing  matter  :  for  that 
 when  they  had  experienced  many  blessings  from  Gideon,  they  overlooked  Abimelech,  when  he 
 over-ruled  all,  and  had  joined  with  him  in  slaying  his  brethren  :  and  that  he  was  no  better  than 
 a  fire  himself."  So  when  he  had  said  this,  he  went  away,  and  lived  privately  in  the  mountains 
 for  three  years,  out  of  fear  of  Abimelech. 
 
 3.  A  little  while  after  this  festival,  the  Shechemites,  who  had  now  repented  themselves  of 
 having  slain  the  sons  of  Gideon,  drove  Abimelech  away,  both  from  their  city  and  their  tribe  ; 
 whereupon  he  contrived  bow  he  might  distress  their  city.  Now  at  the  season  of  vintage,  the 
 people  were  afraid  to  go  out  and  gather  the  fruits,  for  fear  Abilemech  should  do  them  some 
 mischief.  Now  it  happened  that  there  had  come  to  them  a  man  of  authority,  one  Gaal,  that 
 sojourned  with  them,  having  his  armed  men  and  his  kinsmen  with  him  ;  so  the  Shechemites 
 desired  that  he  would  allow  them  a  guard  during  their  vintage,  whereupon  he  accepted  of  their 
 desires,  and  so  the  people  went  out,  and  Gaal  with  them  at  the  head  of  his  soldiery  :  so  they 
 gathered  their  fruit  with  safety,  and  when  they  were  at  supper  in  several  companies,  they  then 
 ventured  to  curse  Abimelech  openly,  and  the  magistrates  laid  ambushes  in  places  about  the 
 city,  ai  d  caught  many  of  Abimelech's  followers,  and  destroyed  them. 
 
 4.  Now  there  was  one  Zebnl,  a  magistrate  of  the  Shechemites,  that  had  entertained  Abime- 
 lech, He  sent  messengers,  and  informed  him  how  much  Gaal  had  irritated  the  people  against 
 liim,  and  excited  him  to  lay  ambushes  before  the  city,  for  that  he  would  persuade  Gaal  to  go 
 ont  against  him,  which  would  leave  it  in  his  pov;er  to  be  revenged  on  him,  and  when  that  was 
 once  done,  he  would  bring  him  to  be  reconciled  to  the  city.  So  Abimelech  laid  ambushes,  and 
 himself  lay  with  them.  Now  Raal  abode  in  the  suburbs,  taking  little  care  of  himself:  and 
 Zebul  was  with  him.  Now  as  Gaal  saw  the  armed  men  coming  on,  he  said  to  Zebul,  that 
 some  armed  men  were  coming ;  but  the  other  replied,  they  were  only  shadows  of  huge  stones  ; 
 p.nd  when  they  were  come  nearer.  Gaal  perceived  what  was  the  reality;  and  said,  they  were 
 not  shadows,  but  men  lying  in  ambush.  Then  said  Zebul,  didst  not  thou  reproach  Abimelech 
 for  cowardice?  why  do<!t  thoa  not  then  shew  how  very  courageous  thou  art  thyself,  and  go 
 and  fight  him?  So  Gaal,  being  in  disorder,  joined  battle  with  Abimelech,  and  some  of  his 
 men  fell  ;  whereupon  lie  fled  into  the  city,  and  took  his  men  with  hira.  But  Zebul  managed  his 
 matters  so  in  the  city,  that  he  procured  them  to  expel  Gaal  out  of  the  city,  and  this  by  accus- 
 ing him  of  cowardice  in  this  action  with  the  soldiers  of  Abimelech.  But  Abimelech,  when  he 
 had  learned  that  the  Shechemites  were  again  coming  out  to  gather  their  grapes,  placed  am- 
 bushes before  the  city,  and  when  they  were  coming  out,  the  third  part  of  his  army  took  posses- 
 sion of  the  gates,  to  hinder  the  citizens  from  returning  in  again,  while  the  rest  pursued  those 
 that  were  scattered  abroad,  and  so  there  was  slaughter  every  where  ;  and  when  he  had  over- 
 thrown the  city  to  the  very  foundations,  for  it  was  not  able  to  bear  a  siege,  and  bad  sown  its. 
 ruins  with  salt,  he  proceeded  on  with  his  army,  till  all  the  Shechemites  were  slain.  As  for  those 
 that  were  scattered  about  the  country,  and  so  escaped  the  danger,  they  were  gathered  together 
 unto  a  certain  strong  rock,  and  settled  themselves  upon  it,  and  prepared  to  build  a  wall  about 
 it;  and  when  Abimelech  knew  their  intentions,  he  prevented  them,  and  came  upon  them  with 
 his  forces,  and  laid  fagots  of  dry  wood  round  the  place,  he  himself  bringing  some  of  them, 
 and  by  his  example  encouraging  the  soldiers  to  do  the  same.  And  when  the  rock  was  encom- 
 passed round  about  with  these  fngots,  they  set  them  on  fire,  and  threw  in  whatsoever  by 
 nature  caught  fire  the  most  easily  ;  so  a  mighty  flams  was  raised,  and  nobody  could  fly  away 
 from  the  rock,  but  every  man  perished,  with  their  wives  and  children,  in  all  about  fifteen  hun- 
 dwd  men,  and  the  rest  were  a  great  number  also.      And    such  was  the  calamiiy  which  bcftll 
 
BOOK    V. — CHAP.    VJI.  141 
 
 Upon  the  Sheclieniites  ;  and  men's  grief  on  their  account  had  been  greater  than  it  was,  had  they 
 not  brought  so  much  mischief  on  a  person  who  had  so  well  deserved  of  them,  and  had  they  not 
 themselves  esteemed  this  as  a  punishment  for  the  same. 
 
 o.  Now  Abimelcch,  when  he  had  allrighted  the  Israelites  with  the  Diiseries  he  had  brought 
 upon  the  Shechemites,  seemed  openly  to  affect  greater  authority  than  he  now  had,  and  appeared 
 to  set  no  bounds  to  his  violence,  unless  it  were  with  the  destruction  of  all.  Accordingly,  he 
 marched  to  Thebez,  and  took  the  city  on  the  sudden  ;  and  there  being  a  great  tower  therein, 
 whereunto  the  whole  multitude  lied,  he  made  preparation  to  besiege  it.  Now  as  he  was  rushing 
 with  violence  near  the  gates,  a  woman  threw  a  piece  of  mill-stone  upon  his  bead,  upon  which 
 Abimelech  fell  down,  and  desired  his  armour-bearer  to  kill  liiin,  lest  his  death  should  be 
 tliouglit  to  be  tlie  work  of  a  woman  ;  who  did  what  he  was  bid  to  do.  So  be  underwent  his  death 
 as  a  punishioent  for  the  wickedness  he  had  perpetrated  against  his  brethren,  and  his  insolent 
 barbarity  to  the  Shechemites.  Now  the  calamity  that  happened  to  those  Shechemites,  was 
 according  to  the  prediction  of  Jothani.  However,  the  army  that  was  with  Abimelech,  upon 
 iiis  fall,  was  scattered  abroad,  and  went  to  their  own  houses. 
 
 6.  Now  it  was  that  Jair  the  Oileadite,*  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  took  the  government.  He 
 was  a  man  happy  in  other  respects  also,  but  particularly  in  his  children,  who  were  of  a  good 
 character.  They  were  thirty  in  number,  and  very  skilful  in  riding  on  horses,  and  were 
 intrusted  with  the  government  of  the  cities  of  Gilead.  He  kept  the  government  twenty-twe 
 years,  and  died  an  old  man,  and  he  was  buried  iu  Camon,  a  city  of  Gilead. 
 
 7.  And  now  all  the  affairs  of  the  Hebrews  were  managed  uncertainly,  and  tended  to  disor 
 der,  and  to  the  contempt  of  God,  and  the  laws.  So  the  Ammonites  and  Philistines  had  them 
 in  contempt,  and  laid  waste  the  country  with  a  great  army  ;  and  when  they  had  taken  all  Perea, 
 they  were  so  insolent  as  to  attempt  to  gain  thepossessionof  all  the  rest :  butthe  Hebrews  being  now 
 amended  by  the  calamities  they  had  undergone,  betook  themselves  to  supplications  to  God  ; 
 and  brought  sacrifices  to  him,  beseeching  him  not  to  be  too  severe  upon  thena,  but  to  be  moved 
 by  their  prayers  to  leave  off  bis  anger  against  them.  So  God  became  more  merciful  to  them, 
 and  was  ready  to  assist  them. 
 
 8.  When  the  Ammonites  had  made  an  expedition  into  the  land  of  Gilead,  the  inhabitants  of 
 the  countiy  met  them  at  a  certain  mountain,  but  wanted  a  commander.  Now  there  was  one 
 whose  name  was  Jephtha,  who,  both  on  account  of  his  father's  virtue,  and  on  account  of  that 
 army  which  he  maintained  at  his  own  expenses,  was  a  potent  man :  the  Israelites  therefore 
 sent  to  him,  and  entreated  him  to  come  to  their  assistance,  and  promised  bim  dominion 
 over  them  all  his  lifetime.  But  be  did  not  admit  of  their  entreaty  ;  and  accused  them,  that 
 they  did  not  come  to  bis  assistance  when  be  was  unjustly  treated,  and  this  in  an  open  manner 
 by  his  brethren  ;  for  they  cast  him  oft",  as  not  having  the  same  mother  with  the  rest,  but  born 
 of  a  strange  mother,  that  was  iiilrcduced  among  them  by  his  father's  fondness,  and  this  they 
 did  out  of  a  contempt  of  bis  inability  [to  vindicate  himself.]  So  he  dwelt  in  the  country  of 
 Gilead,  as  it  is  called,  and  received  all  that  came  to  him,  let  them  come  from  what  place 
 soever,  and  paid  them  wages.  However,  when  they  pressed  bim  to  accept  the  dominion,  and 
 sware  that  they  would  grant  him  the  government  over  them  all  his  life,  be  led  them  to 
 the  war. 
 
 9.  And  when  Jephtha  bad  taken  immediate  care  of  their  affairs,  he  placed  his  army  at  the 
 city  of  Mispeh,  and  sent  a  message  to  the  Ammonite  [king,]  complaining  of  bis  unjust  posses- 
 sion of  their  land.  But  that  king  sent  a  contrary  message  ;  and  complained  of  the  exodus  of 
 the  Israelites  out  of  Egypt,  and  desired  him  to  go  out  of  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  and  yield  it 
 up  to  him,  as  at  first  his  paternal  inheritance.  But  Jephtlia  returned  this  answer,  "  That  be 
 did  not  justly  con)pluin  of  his  ancestors  about  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  and  ought  rather  to 
 thank  them  that  they  left  the  land  of  the  Ammonites  to  them,  since  Moses  could  have  taken  it 
 also  ;  and  that  neither  would  he  recade  from  that  land  of  their  own,  which  God  had  obtained 
 for  them,  and  they  had  now  inhibited  [above]  three  huudred  years,  but  would  fight  with  them 
 i.boul  it." 
 
 10.  And  when  be  had  given  them  this  answer,  he  sent  the  ambassadors  away.  And  when 
 he  had  prayed  for  victory,  and  bad  vowed  to  perform  sacred  olHces  ;t  and  if  be  came  home  in 
 safety,  to  offer  in  sacrifice  what  living  creature  soever  should  first  meet  him,  he  joined  battle 
 with  the  enemy,  and  gained  a  great  victory,  and  in  his  pursuit  slew  the  enemies  all  along  as  far 
 as  the  city  Minnith.  He  then  passed  over  to  the  land  of  the  Ammonites,  and  overthrew  many 
 of  their  cities,  and  took  their  prey,  and  freed  his  own  people  from  that  slavery  which  they 
 Lad  undergone  for  eighteen  years.  But  as  he  came  back  be  fell  into  a  calamity  no  way  cor- 
 respondent to  the  great  actions  be  had  done  ;  for  it  was  his  daughter  that  came  to  meet  him; 
 
 *  Our  present  copies  of  .loscphus  alt  omit  Tola  among  the  judges,  thougli  the  otlipr  copies  have  him  next 
 after  Abimelech.  and  allot  23  years  to  his  administration,  .hirt;;es  x.  1,C.  yet  do  all  Josephus's  commentators 
 conclude,  that  in  Joseph us'b  sura  of  the  years  of  the  judges  his  23  years  are  included ;  hence  we  are  to  confess, 
 that  somewhat  nas  beeu  here  lost  out  of  his  copies. 
 
 ♦  .Toscphus  justly  condemns  .lephtha,  as  do  the  Apostolical  Constituflons,  b.  vii.  chap,  xxxvii.  for  his  rash 
 vovr,  wlieiher  it  were  for  sacrilicing  his  daucnler,  as  Josephus  tho\i(jht,  or  for  dedicatini;  her,  who  was  his 
 only  child,  to  perpetual  virginity,  at  the  labernaclu  or  elsewhere,  which  I  rather  suppose.  If  he  had  vowed 
 her  for  a  sacrifice,  she  ought  to  have  been  redeemed.  Lev.  xxvii.  t— !!.  but  of  the  sense  of  ver.  20,29.  as  relating 
 noi  !o  things  vowed  to  God,  but  devoted  to  destruction,  mc  the  note  on  Antiii.  b.  v.  chap,  i,  <>  H. 
 
142  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 .iUe  was  also  au  only  child,  and  a  virgin  :  upon  tliis,  Jephtha  heavily  lamented  llie  greatness  of 
 his  altliction,  and  blamed  his  daughter  for  being  so  forward  in  meeting  him,  for  he  had  vowed 
 to  sacrifice  her  to  God.  However,  this  action  that  was  to  befall  her  was  not  ungrateful  to  her, 
 since  she  should  die  upon  occasion  of  her  fnlher's  victory,  and  the  liberty  of  her  fellow-citi- 
 zens :  she  only  desired  her  father  to  give  her  leave  for  two  months,  to  bewail  her  youth  with 
 her  fellow-citizens ;  and  then  she  agreed,  that  at  the  fore-mentioned  time,  he  migiit  do  with  her 
 according  to  liis  vow.  Accordingly,  when  that  time  was  over,  he  sacrificed  his  daughter  as  a 
 burnt-oflering  ;  ofl'ering  such  an  oblation  as  was  neither  conformable  to  the  law,  nor  acceptable 
 to  God,  not  weighing  with  himself  what  opinion  the  hearers  would  have  of  such  a  prnetice. 
 
 11.  Now  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  fought  agai'ist  him,  because  he  did  not  take  them  along  with 
 him  in  his  expedition  against  the  Ammonites,  but  because  he  alone  had  the  prey,  and  the  glory 
 of  what  was  done,  to  himself.  As  to  which  he  said,  first,  that  they  were  not  ignorant  how  his 
 country  had  fought  against  hiin,  and  that  when  they  were  invited,  they  did  not  come  to  his 
 assistance,  whereas  they  ought  Jo  have  come  quickly,  even  before  they  were  invited.  And  in 
 the  next  place,  that  they  were  going  to  act  unjustly  ;  for  while  they  had  not  courage  enough  to 
 fight  their  enemies,  they  came  hastily  against  their  own  kindred  :  and  he  threatened  them,  that 
 with  God's  assistance  he  would  infiict  a  punishment  upon  them,  unless  they  would  grow  wiser. 
 But  when  he  could  not  persuade  them,  he  fought  them  with  those  forces  which  he  sent 
 for  out  of  Gilead,  and  he  made  a  great  slaughter  among  them  ;  and  when  they  were  beaten,  he 
 pursued  them,  and  seized  on  the  passages  of  Jordan  by  a  part  of  his  army  which  be  had  sent 
 before,  and  slew  about  forty-two  thousand  of  them. 
 
 12.  So  when  Jephtha  had  ruled  six  years,  hedied,  and  was  buried  in  his  own  country  Sebee, 
 which  is  a  place  in  the  land  of  Gilead, 
 
 13.  Now,  when  Jephtha  was  dead,  Ibzan  took  the  government,  being  of  the  tribe  of  Judab, 
 and  (if  the  tity  Bethlehem.  He  had  sixty  children,  thirty  of  them  sons,  and  the  rest  daughters  ; 
 all  of  whom  he  left  alive  behind  him,  giving  the  daughters  in  marriage  to  husbands,  and  taking 
 wives  for  his  sons.  He  did  nothing  in  the  seveui  years  of  his  administration  that  was  worth 
 recording,  or  deserved  a  memorial.  So  he  died  an  old  man,  and  was  buried  in  bis  owu 
 country. 
 
 14.  When  Ibzan  was  dead  after  this  manner,  nctthor  did  Helon,  who  succeeded  him  in  the 
 government,  and  keplit  ten  years,  do  any  thing  remarkable  ;  he  was  of  the  tribe  ofZebulon. 
 
 15.  Abdoi!,  also,  the  son  of  Hillel,  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  born  at  the  city  Pyrathon, 
 was  ordained  their  supreme  governor  after  Helon.  He  is  only  recorded  to  have  been  happy  in 
 his  children  ;  for  the  public  affairs  were  then  so  peaceable,  and  in  such  security,  that  neither 
 did  he  perform  any  glorious  action.  He  had  forty  sons,  and  by  them  left  thirty  grand-children  ; 
 and  he  marched  in  state  with  tiiese  seventy,  who  were  all  very  skilful  in  riding  horses,  and  he 
 left  them  all  aiive  after  him.  He  died  an  old  man  ;  and  obtained  a  magnificent  burial  in 
 Pyrathon. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Concerning  the  Fortitude  of  Samson,  and  what  Mischiefs  he  brought  upon  the  Philistines. 
 §  1.  Aftf.K  Abdon  was  Aead,  the  Philistines  overcame  the  Israelites,  and  received  tribute  of 
 them  for  forty  years  ;  from  which  distress  they  were  delivered  after  this  manner. 
 
 2  There  was  one  Manoah,  a  person  of  such  great  virtue,  that  he  had  few  men  his  equals, 
 and  without  dispute  the  principal  person  of  his  country.  He  had  a  wife  celebrated  for  her 
 beauty,  and  excelling  her  contemporaries.  He  had  no  children  ;  and  being  uneasy  at  lliis  want 
 of  posterity,  he  entreated  God  to  give  them  seed  of  their  own  bodies  to  succeed  them  ;  and 
 with  that  intent  he  came  constantly  into  the  suburbs,*  together  with  his  wife,  whicii  suburbs 
 were  iu  the  great  plain.  Now,  he  was  fond  of  his  wife  to  the  degree  of  madness,  and  on  that 
 account  was  unmeasurably  jealous  of  her.  Now,  when  his  wife  was  once  alone,  an  apparition 
 was  seen  by  her  ;  it  was  an  angel  of  God,  and  resembled  a  young  man  beautiful  and  tall,  and 
 brought  her  the  good  news,  than  she  should  have  a  son,  born  by  God's  providence,  that  should 
 be  a  goodly  child,  of  great  strength,  by  whom,  when  he  was  grown  up  to  man's  estate,  the 
 Philistines  should  be  afflicted.  He  exhorted  her  also  not  to  poll  his  hair,  and  that  he  should 
 avoid  all  other  kinds  of  drink,  (for  so  had  God  commanded,)  and  be  entirely  contented  with 
 water.  So  the  angel,  wheu  he  had  delivered  that  message,  went  his  way,  his  coming  having 
 been  by  the  will  ol  God. 
 
 3.  Now  the  wife  informed  her  husband  when  he  came  home,  of  what  the  angel  had  said, 
 who  shewed  so  great  au  admiration  of  the  beauty  and  tallness  of  the  young  man  that  had 
 appeared  to  her,  that  her  husband  was  astonisiied,  and  out  of  himself  for  jealousy,  and  such 
 suspicions  as  are  excited  by  that  passion  :  but  she  was  desirous  of  having  her  husband's  unrea- 
 sonable sorrow  taken  away;  accordin;;ly,  she  entreated  God  to  send  the  angel  again,  that  he 
 might  be  seen  by  her  husband.  So  the  angel  came  again  by  the  favour  of  God,  while  they 
 were  in  the  suburbs,  and  appeared  to  her  when  she  was  alone,  without  her  husband.  She  desired 
 the  angel  to  stay  so  long  till  she  might  bring  her  husband  ;  and  that  request  being  granted,  she 
 goes  to  call  Manoah,     When   he  saw   the   angel,  he  was  not  yet  free  from  suspicion,  and  he 
 
 •  I  can  discover  no  rcaRon  why  mnnoah  nnJ  UU  wife  came  so  coostnntly  into  these  suburbs  to  pray  for 
 children,  but  because  tiiere  was  a  synagogue  or  place  of  devoUcn  in  those  suburbs. 
 
BOOK    V. —  CM  A  I'.   Till.  143 
 
 desired  liiin  to  iiifoiin  him  of  all  tiiat  lie  had  told  bis  wife  :  but  when  he  said,  it  was  sudicient 
 tlial  sht;  alone  knew  what  he  had  .said,  he  then  ro(|ue.sted  of  him  In  tell  him  who  he  was,  that 
 when  the  child  was  born  they  might  return  him  thanks,  and  give  biin  a  jiresent.  He  replied, 
 that  he  did  not  want  any  jiresent,  for  that  he  did  not  bring  them  the  good  news  of  the  birth  of 
 u  son  out  of  the  want  of  any  thing.  And  when  Manoah  had  entreated  him  to  slay,  and  partake 
 of  his  bos|)itality,  he  did  not  give  his  consent.  However,  he  was  persuaded,  at  the  earnest 
 request  of  Manoah,  to  stay  so  long  as  while  he  brought  bini  one  mark  of  his  hospitality  :  so  he 
 slew  a  kid  of  the  goats,  and  bid  his  wife  boil  it.  When  all  was  readVi  the  angel  enjoined  him 
 to  set  the  loaves  and  the  flesh,  but  without  the  vessels,  upon  the  rock  ;  which,  when  they  had 
 done,  he  touched  the  flesh  with  the  rod  which  he  had  in  his  hand,  which,  upon  the  breaking  out 
 of  a  ilame,  was  consumed  together  with  the  loaves.  And  the  angel  ascended,  openl}',  in  their 
 sight,  up  to  heaven,  by  means  of  the  smoke,  as 'by  a  vehicle.  Now  Manoah  was  afraid  that 
 some  danger  would  conie  to  tbem  from  this  sight  of  God  ;  but  his  wife  bid  him  to  be  of  good 
 courage,  for  that  God  appeared  to  t!:em  for  their  beneiit. 
 
 4.  So  the  woman  proved  with  child,  and  was  careful  to  observe  the  injunctions  that  were 
 given  her:  and  they  called  the  child,  when  he  was  horn,  'Samson,'  which  name  signifies  one 
 •  iiat  is  '  strong.'  So  the  child  gr<  w  npace,  and  it  appeared  evidently  that  he  would  be  a  pro- 
 phet,* both  by  the  moderation  of  his  diet,  and  the  permission  of  his  hair  to  grow. 
 
 5.  Now  when  he  once  came  wiih  his  parents  to  Timnalii,  a  city  of  the  Philistines,  when 
 there  was  a  great  festival,  he  fell  in  love  with  a  maid  of  that  country,  and  he  desired  of  hi^i 
 parents  that  they  would  procure  him  the  damsel  for  his  wife  :  but  they  refused  so  to  do, 
 because  she  was  not  of  the  stock  of  Israel  ;  yet  because  this  marriage  was  of  God,  who  intended 
 to  convert  it  to  the  beneiit  of  the  Hebrews,  he  over-persuaded  them  to  procure  her  to  be 
 espoused  to  him.  And  as  he  was  continually  coming  to  her  parents,  he  met  a  lion,  and  though 
 lie  was  naked,  he  received  his  onset,  and  strangled  him  with  his  bands,  and  cast  the  wild  beast 
 into  a  woody  piece  of  ground  on  the  inside  of  the  road. 
 
 6.  And  when  he  was  going  another  time  to  the  damsel,  he  light  upon  a  swarm  of  bees  mak- 
 ing their  combs  in  the  breast  of  that  lion,  and  taking  three  honeycombs  away,  he  gave  them,  toge- 
 ther with  the  rest  of  bis  presents,  to  the  damsel.  Now  the  j)eople  of  Tiinnalh,  out  of  a  dread 
 of  the  young  man's  strength,  gave  him  during  the  time  of  the  wedding  feast,  (for  be  then  feasted 
 them  all,)  thirty  of  the  most  stout  of  their  youth,  in  pretence  to  be  bis  companions,  but  in 
 reality,  to  be  a  guard  upon  him,  that  he  might  not  attempt  to  give  them  any  disturbance.  Now 
 as  they  were  drinking  merrily  and  playing,  Samson  said,  as  was  usual  at  such  times,  "  Come, 
 if  I  propose  you  a  riddle,  and  you  can  expound  it  in  these  seven  days'  time,  I  will  give  you 
 every  one  a  linen  shirt  and  a  garment,  as  a  reward  of  your  wisdom.'  So  they  being  very  am- 
 bitious to  obtain  the  glory  of  wisdom,  together  with  the  gains,  desired  him  to  propose  his 
 riddle  :  be  said,  "  that  a  great  devourer  produced  sweet  food  out  of  itself,  though  itself  were 
 very  disagreeable."  And  when  they  were  not  able,  in  three  days'  time,  to  find  out  ihe  mean- 
 ing of  the  riddle,  they  desired  theidamsel  to  discover  it  by  the  me  ins  of  her  husband,  and  tell 
 it  them,  and  they  threatened  to  burn  her  if  she  did  not  tell  it  them.  So  when  the  damsel 
 entreated  Samson  to  tell  it  her,  he  at  (irst  refused  to  do  it,  but  when  she  lay  hard  at  him,  and 
 fell  into  tears,  and  made  bis  refusal  to  tell  it  a  sign  of  bis  unkindpess  to  her  ;  be  informed  her 
 of  his  slaughter  of  a  lion,  and  bow  he  found  bees  in  his  breast,  and  carried  away  three  honey- 
 combs, and  brought  them  to  her.  Thus  be,  suspecting  nothing  of  deceit,  informed  her  of  all, 
 and  she  revealed  it  to  those  that  desired  to  know  it.  Then  on  the  seventh  day,  whereon  they 
 were  to  expound  the  riddle  proposed  to  them,  they  met  together  before  sunsetting,  and  said, 
 "  Nothing  is  more  disagreeable  than  a  lion  to  those  that  light  on  il,  and  nothing  is  sweeter  than 
 honey  to  those  that  make  use  of  it."  To  which  Samson  made  this  rejoinder,  "Nothing  is 
 more  deceitful  than  a  woman,  for  such  was  the  person  that  discovered  ray  interpretation  to 
 you. '  Accordingly,  he  gave  them  the  presents  be  had  promised  them,  making  such  Askelon- 
 iles  as  be  met  upon  the  road  bis  prey,  who  were  themselves  Philistines  also.  But  he 
 divorced  this  his  wife,  and  the  girl  despised  his  anger,  and  was  married  to  bis  companion,  who 
 made  the  former  match  between  them. 
 
 7.  At  this  injurious  treatment  Samson  was  so  provoked,  that  he  resolved  to  punish  all  the 
 Philistines,  as  well  as  her  :  so  it  being  then  summer  time,  and  the  fruits  of  the  land  being 
 almost  ripe  enough  for  renping,  be  caught  three  hundred  foxes,  and  joining  lighted  torches  to 
 their  tails,  he  sent  them  into  the  fields  of  Ihe  Philistines,  by  which  means  the  fruits  of  the 
 fields  perished.  Now  when  the  Philistines  knew  that  this  was  Samson's  doing,  and  knew  also 
 lor  what  cause  he  did  it,  they  sent  their  rulers  to  Timnath,  and  burnt  his  former  wife,  and  her 
 relations,  wUo  had  been  the  occasion  of  their  misfortunes. 
 
 8.  Now  when  Samson  had  slain  many  of  the  Philistines  in  the  plain  country,  he  dwelt  at 
 Etam,  which  is  a  strong  rock  of  the  tribe  of  Judali  ;  for  the  Philistines  at  that  time  made  an 
 ixpcdition  against  that  tribe.  But  the  people  of  Judah  said,  that  lliey  did  not  act  justly  with 
 tlieiii,  in  inllicting  punishments  upon  them  while  they  paid  their  tribute,  and  this  only  on  account 
 
 ITore  hy  a  'propliet'  Joseplms  seems  only  to  mean  one  that  was  bom  by  a  particular  providence,  lived 
 ri(  11-  the  manner  of  a  Nazarite  devoted  to  God,  and  was  to  have  an  extraordinary  commission  and  strength 
 11  oTu  CjoiI  loitlie  judging  and  avengins  his  people  Israel,  without  any  proper  prophetic  revelations  at  all. 
 
144  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ol' Samson's  offences.  Tbey  answered,  that  in  case  tliey  would  not  be  blamed  themselves,  they 
 must  deliver  up  Samson,  and  put  him  into  their  power.  So  they,  being  desirous  not  to  be 
 blamed  themselves,  came  to  the  rock  with  three  thousand  armed  men,  and  complained  to 
 Samson  of  the  bold  insults  he  had  made  opon  the  Philistines,  who  were  men  able  to  bring- 
 calamity  upon  the  whole  nation  of  the  Hebrews  ;  and  they  told  him,  they  were  come  to  take 
 Lim,  and  to  deliver  him  up  to  them,  and  put  him  into  their  power;  so  they  desired  him  to  bear 
 this  willingly.  Accordingly,  Avhen  he  had  received  assurance  from  them  upon  oath,  that  they 
 would  do  him  no  other  harm  tiian  only  to  deliver  him  into  his  enemy's  hands,  he  came  down 
 from  the  rock,  and  put  himself  into  the  power  of  his  countrymen.  Then  did  they  bind  him 
 wiih  two  cords,  and  lead  him  on,  in  order  to  deliver  him  to  the  Philistines  ;  and  when  they 
 came  to  a  certain  place,  which  is  now  called  '  The  Jaw-bone,'  on  account  of  the  great  action 
 there  performed  by  Samson,  though  of  old  i'  had  no  particular  name  at  all,  the  Philistines, 
 who  hud  pitched  their  camp  not  far  ofF,  came  to  meet  him  with  joy,  and  shouting,  as  having' 
 done  a  great  thing,  and  gained  what  they  desired  :  but  Samson  broke  his  bonds  asunder,  and 
 catching  up  the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass  that  lay  down  at  his  feet,  fell  upon  his  enemies,  and  smiting 
 them  with  his  jaw-bone,  slew  a  thousand  of  them,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight,  and  into  great 
 disorder. 
 
 9.  Upon  this  slaughter  Samson  was  loo  proud  of  what  he  had  performed,  and  said  that  this 
 did  not  come  to  pass  by  the  assistance  of  God,  but  that  his  success  was  to  be  ascribed  to  his 
 own  courage  ;  and  vaunted  himself,  "  that  it  was  out  of  a  dread  of  him,  that  some  of  his  ene- 
 mies fell,  and  the  rest  ran  away  upon  his  own  use  of  the  jaw-bone."  But  when  a  great  thirst  came 
 upon  him,  he  considered  that  human  courage  is  nothing,  and  bare  his  testimony  that  all  is  to 
 be  ascribed  to  God,  and  besought  him  that  he  would  not  be  angry  at  any  thing  he  had  said,  nor 
 give  him  U[>  into  the  bands  of  his  enemies,  but  afford  him  help  under  bis  aflliction,  and  deliver 
 him  from  the  misfortune  he  was  under.  Accordingly,  God  was  moved  with  his  entreaties,  and 
 raised  him  up  a  plentiful  fountain  of  sweet  water  at  a  certain  rock ;  whence  it  was  that  Samson 
 called  the  place,  '  The  Jaw-bone,'*  and  so  it  is  called  to  this  day. 
 
 10.  After  this  fight  Samson  held  the  Philistines  in  contempt,  and  came  to  Gaza,  and  took 
 up  his  lodgings  in  a  certain  inn.  .  When  the  rulers  of  Gaza  were  informed  of  his  coming  thi- 
 ther, they  seized  upon  the  gates,  and  placed  men  in  ambush  about  them,  that  be  might  not 
 escape  without  being  perceived.  But  Samson,  who  was  acquainted  with  their  contrivances 
 against  him,  arose  about  midnight,  and  ran  by  force  upon  the  gates,  with  their  posts  and 
 beams,  and  the  rest  of  their  wooden  furniture,  and  carried  them  away  on  his  shoulders,  and 
 bare  them  to  the  mountain  that  is  over  Hebron,  and  there  laid  them  down. 
 
 11.  However,  he  at  length  transgressed  the  laws  of  his  country, t  and  altered  bis  own  regu- 
 lar way  of  living,  and  imitated  the  strange  customs  of  foreigners,  which  thing  was  the  begin- 
 ning of  his  miseries  ;  for  be  fell  in  love  with  a  woman  who  was  a  harlot  among  the  Philistines  ; 
 her  name  was  Delilah,  and  he  lived  with  her.  So  those  that  administered  the  public  affairs 
 of  the  Philistines,  came  to  her,  and,  with  promises,  induced  her  to  get  oui  of  Samson  what  was 
 the  cause  of  that  his  strength,  by  which  he  became  unconquerable  to  his  enemies.  Accordingly, 
 when  they  were  drinking,  and  had  the  like  conversation  together,  she  pretended  to  admire  the 
 actions  be  had  done,  and  contrived  to  get  out  of  him  by  subtilly,  by  what  means  he  so  much 
 excelled  others  in  strength.  Samson,  in  order  to  delude  Delilah,  for  he  had  not  lost  bis 
 senses,  replied,  that  if  he  were  bound  with  seven  such  green  witlis  of  a  vine  as  might  still  he 
 wreathed,  he  should  be  weaker  than  any  other  man.  The  woman  said  no  more  then,  but  told 
 this  to  the  rulers  of  the  Philistines,  and  hid  certainoflhe  soldiers  in  ambush  within  thebovise; 
 and  when  be  was  disordered  in  drink,  and  asleej),  .^he  bound  him  as  fast  as  possible  with  the 
 witbs  ;  and  then  upon  her  awakening  him,  she  told  him  some  of  the  people  were  upon  him  ; 
 but  he  broke  the  withs,  and  endeavoured  to  defend  himself,  as  though  some  of  the  people 
 were  upon  him.  Now  this  woman,  in  the  constant  conversation  Samson  had  with  her,  pre- 
 tended that  she  look  it  very  ill  that  be  hsd  such  little  confidence  in  her  affections  to  him,  that 
 he  would  not  tell  her  what  she  desired,  as  if  she  would  not  conceal  what  she  knew  it  was  for 
 bis  interest  to  have  concealed.  However,  be  deluded  lier  again,  and  told  her,  that  if  they 
 bnnnd  him  with  seven  cords,  be  should  lose  his  strength.  And  when,  upon  doing  this,  she 
 gained  nothing,  he  told  her  the  third  time,  that  his  hair  should  be  woven  into  a  web  :  but, 
 even  upon  doing  this,  the  truth  was  not  discovered.  At  length,  Samson,  upon  Delilah's 
 prayer,  (for  be  n  is  doomed  to  fall  into  some  aflliction,)  was  desir'.us  to  please  her,  and  told, 
 her,  that  "  God  took  care  of  him,  and  that  he  was  born  by  his  providence,  and  that  thence  it 
 is  that  I  suffer  my  hair  to  grow,  God  having  charged  me  never  to  poll  my  bead,  and  thence 
 my  strength  is  according  to  the  increase  and  continuance  of  my  hair."  When  she  bad  learned 
 thus  much,  and  had  deprived  him  of  his  hair,  she  delivered  him  up  to  his  enemies,  when  he 
 was  not  strong  enough  to  defend  himself  from  their  attempts  upon  him  ;  so  they  i)nt  out  bis 
 eyes,  and  bound  him,  and  had  him  led  about  among  them. 
 
 *  Tliisfount.iin,  called  '  Lelii,'  or  the  .7aw-boiie,  is  still  in  being,  as  travellers  assure  iis,  and  was  known  by 
 tins  very  name  in  the  days  of  Josephus,  and  has  been  knowu  by  the  same  name  in  all  the  past  ages.  See 
 Antiq.  b.  vii.chap.  xii.  ^4. 
 
 +  Sep  this  jiisily  observed  in  the  Apostolical  (Constitutions,  b.  vii.  chap,  xxxvii.  that  SamBon's  prayer  wa» 
 heard  bill  ihtiL  k  u.is  befoie  this  his  transgression. 
 
BOOK    V. — CHAP.    IX.  145 
 
 12.  But  in  process  of  time  Samson's  hair  grew  again.  Anil  llierc  was  a  public  festival 
 amonif  tlie  Philistines,  when  the  rulf  is,  and  those  of  the  most  eminent  character,  were  feasting 
 together;  (now  the  room  wherein  they  were,  had  its  roof  supported  by  two  pillars  ;)  so  they 
 sent  for  Samson,  and  he  was  brought  to  their  feast,  that  they  might  insult  him  in  their  cups. 
 Hereupon  he,  thinking  it  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes,  if  he  should  not  be  able  to  revenge 
 himself  when  he  was  thus  insulted,  persuaded  the  boy  that  led  him  by  the  hand,  that  he  was 
 *eary  and  wanted  to  rest  himself,  and  desired  that  he  would  bring  him  near  the  pillars  ;  and  as 
 soon  as  he  came  lo  them,  he  rushed  with  force  against  tliem,  and  overthrew  the  bouse,  by 
 overthrowing  its  pillars,  with  the  three  thousand  men  in  it,  who  were  all  slain,  and  Samson 
 with  them.  And  such  was  the  end  of  this  man,  when  he  had  ruled  over  the  Israelites  twenty 
 ■sears.  And  indeed  this  man  deserves  to  be  admired  for  his  courage  and  strength,  and  magna- 
 ■imity  at  his  death,  and  that  his  wrath  against  his  enemies  went  so  far  as  to  die  himself  with 
 <hem.  i5ut  as  for  his  being  ensnared  by  a  woman,  that  is  to  be  ascribed  to  liumau  nature, 
 which  is  too  weak  to  resist  the  temptations  to  that  sin  ;  but  we  ought  to  bear  him  witness,  that 
 in  all  other  respects  be  was  one  of  extraordinary  virtue.  But  his  kindred  took  away  his  body, 
 and  buried  it  in  Sarasat,  his  own  country,  with  the  rest  of  his  family. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How,   under  Eli's  Government  of  the  Israelites,  Booz  married  Ruth,  from  tvJwm  came  Obed, 
 the  Grandfather  of  David. 
 
 §  1.  Now  after  the  death  of  Samson,  Eli  the  high  priest  was  governor  of  the  Israelites. — 
 Under  him,  when  the  country  was  afliicted  with  a  famine,  Elimelech  of  Bethlehem,  which  is  a 
 city  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  being  not  able  to  support  his  family  under  so  sore  a  distress,  took 
 witli  him  Naomi  his  wife,  and  the  children  that  were  born  to  him  by  her,  Cbilion  and  Mahlon, 
 and  removed  his  habitation  into  the  land  of  Moab  ;  and  upon  the  happy  prosperity  of  his 
 affairs  there,  he  took  for  his  sons  wives  of  the  Moabites,  Orpab  for  Chilion,  and  Ruth  for 
 Mahlon.  But  in  the  compass  of  ten  years,  both  Elimelech,  and  a  little  wliile  after  him,  the 
 sons,  died  :  and  Naomi  being  very  uneasy  at  these  accidents,  and  not  able  to  bear  her  lonesome 
 condition,  now  those  that  were  dearest  to  her  wero  dead,  on  whose  account  it  was  that  she 
 had  gone  away  from  her  own  country,  she  returned  to  it  again,  for  she  had  been  informed  it 
 was  now  in  a  flourishing  condition.  However,  her  daughters-in-law  were  not  able  to  think  of 
 parting  with  her,  and  when  they  had  a  mind  to  go  out  of  the  country  with  her,  she  could  not 
 dissuade  them  from  it;  but  when  they  insisted  upon  it,  she  wished  them  a  more  happy  wed- 
 lock than  they  had  had  with  her  sons,  and  that  they  might  have  prosperity  in  other  respects 
 also,  and  seeing  her  own  all'airs  were  so  low,  she  exliorted  them  lo  slay  where  they  were,  and 
 not  to  think  of  leaving  their  own  country,  and  partaking  with  her  of  that  uncertainty  under 
 which  she  must  return.  Accordingly,  Orpah  stayed  behind,  but  she  took  Ruth  along  with 
 her,  as  not  to  be  persuaded  to  stay  behind  her,  but  would  take  her  fortune  with  her,  whatsoever 
 it  should  prove. 
 
 2.  When  Ruth  was  come  with  her  mother-in-law  to  Bethlehem,  Booz,  who  was  near  of  kin 
 to  Elimelech,  entertained  her  :  and  when  Naomi  was  so  called  by  her  fellow-citizens,  accord- 
 uig  to  her  true  name,  she  said,  "You  might  more  truly  call  nie  Mara."  Now  Naomi  signifies 
 in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  '  happiness,' and  Mara,  'sorrow.'  It  was  now  reaping  time;  and 
 Kuth,  by  the  leave  of  her  mother-in-law,  went  out  to  glean,  that  they  might  get  a  stock  of 
 corn  for  their  food.  Now  it  happened  that  she  came  into  Booz's  field  ;  and  after  some  time 
 Booz  came  thither,  and  when  be  saw  the  damsel,  he  inquired  of  his  servant  that  was  set  over 
 the  reapers  concerning  the  girl.  The  servant  had  a  little  before  inquired  about  all  her  circum- 
 stances, and  told  them  to  his  master  ;  who  kindly  embraced  her,  both  on  account  of  her  aflec- 
 tion  lo  her  mother-in-law,  and  her  remembrance  of  that  son  of  hers,  to  whom  she  had  been 
 married,  and  wished  that  she  might  experience  a  prosperous  condition  :  so  he  desired  her  not 
 to  glean,  but  to  reap  what  she  was  able,  and  gave  her  leave  to  carry  it  home.  He  also  gave 
 it  in  charge  to  that  servant  who  was  over  the  reapers,  not  to  hinder  her  when  she  took  it  away, 
 and  bid  him  give  her  her  dinner,  a:id  make  her  drink,  when  he  did  the  like  to  the  reapers. 
 Now  what  corn  Ruth  received  of  him  she  kept  for  her  mother-in-law,  and  came  to  her  in  the 
 evening,  and  brought  the  ears  of  corn  with  her;  and  Naomi  had  kept  for  her  a  part  of  such 
 food  as  her  neighbours  had  plentifully  bestowed  upon  her.  Ruth  also  told  her  mother-in-law 
 what  Booz  had  said  to  her:  and  when  the  other  had  informed  her  that  he  was  near  of  kin  to 
 them,  and  perhaps  was  so  pious  a  man  as  to  make  some  provision  for  them,  she  went  out  again 
 on  the  days  following,  to  gather  the  gleanings  with  Booz's  maid-servants. 
 
 3.  It  was  not  m:inydays  before  Booz,  after  the  barley  was  winnowed,  slept  in  his  threshing 
 floor.  When  Naomi  was  informed  of  this  circumstance,  she  contrived  it  so  that  Hutli  should 
 lie  down  by  him,  for  she  thought  it  might  be  for  their  advantage,  that  he  should  discourse  with 
 the  girl.  Accordingly,  she  sent  the  damsel  to  sleep  at  his  feet,  who  went  as  she  bade  her, 
 for  she  did  not  think  it  consistent  with  her  duty  to  contradict  any  command  of  her  inother-in- 
 l.nv.  Anil  at  lirst  she  lay  concealed  from  Booz,  as  he  was  fast  asleep;  but  when  he  awaked 
 about  midnight,  and  perceived   a  woniuii  lying  l»v  him,  he  asked  who  :>he  was;   and  whin  she 
 
140  ANTIOUITIES   or    THIC  JEWS. 
 
 told  him  tier  name,  and  desired,  ibal  he  whom  she  owned  for  her  lord,  would  excuse  her;  he 
 then  said  no  more,  hut  in  tlie  morning,  before  the  servants  began  to  set  ai)Out  their  work,  lie 
 awaked  her,  and  bid  her  take  as  much  barley  as  she  was  able  to  carry,  and  go  to  her  mother- 
 in-law^  before  any  body  there  should  see  that  she  had  lain  down  by  him,  because  it  was  but 
 j>rudeut  to  avoid  any  reproach  that  might  arise  on  that  account,  especially  when  there  had 
 been  nothing  done  that  was  ill.  But  as  to  the  main  point  she  aimed  at,  the  matter  should  rest 
 here,  "  He  that  is  nearer  of  kin  than  I  am,  shall  be  asked  whetiier  he  wants  to  take  thee  to 
 wife  ;  if  he  says  be  does,  thou  shalt  follow  him ;  but  if  he  refuse  it,  I  will  marry  thee  aocurd- 
 ing  to  the  law." 
 
 4.  When  she  bad  informed  her  mother-in-law  of  this,  they  were  very  glad  of  it,  out  of  the 
 hope  they  had  that  Booz  would  make  provision  for  them.  Now,  about  noon,  Booz  went  down 
 into  the  city,  and  gathered  the  senate  together,  and  when  he  had  sent  for  Kuth,  he  called  for 
 her  kinsman  also,  and  when  he  was  ccnie,  he  said,  Dost  not  thon  retain  the  inheritance  of  Eli- 
 raelech  and  his  sous?  He  confessed  that  be  did  retain  it,  and  that  he  did  as  he  was  permitted 
 to  do  by  the  laws,  because  he  was  their  nearest  kinsman.  Then  said  Booz,  "  Thou  must  not 
 remember  the  laws  by  halves,  but  do  every  thing  according  to  them  ;  for  the  wife  of  Wahlon 
 is  come  hither,  whom  thou  must  marry,  according  to  the  laws,  in  case  thou  wilt  retain  their 
 fields."  So  the  man  yielded  up  both  the  field  and  tlie  wife  to  Booz,  who  was  himself  of  kin  to 
 those  that  were  dead,  as  alleging  that  he  had  a  wife  already,  and  children  also  ;  so  Booz  called 
 the  senate  to  witness,  and  bid  the  woman  to  loose  his  slice,  and  spit  in  his  face,  according  to 
 the  law  ;  and  when  this  was  done,  Booz  married  Kuth,  and  they  had  a  son  withia  a  year's 
 time.  Naomi  was  herself  a  nurse  to  this  child  ;  and  by  the  advice  of  this  woman,  called  him 
 '  Obed,'  as  being  to  be  brought  up  in  order  to  be  subservient  to  her  in  her  old  ige,  for  Obed 
 in  the  Hebrew  dialect  signifies  a  servant.  The  son  of  Obed  was  Jesse,  and  David  was  his  son, 
 who  was  king,  and  left  his  dominions  to  his  sons  for  one-and-twenty  generations.  I  was 
 therefore  obliged  to  relate  this  history  of  Rufh,  because  I  had  a  mind  to  demonstrate  the 
 power  of  God,  who  without  difficulty  can  raise  those  tliat  are  of  ordinary  parentage  to  digDrty 
 and  splendour,  to  which  he  advanced  David,  though  he  were  born  of  such  mean  parents. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Concerning  the  Birth  of  Samuel;  and  ham  he  fvrelold   the  Calamity  that  befell  the  Sons 
 
 of  Eli. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  upon  the  ill  state  of  the  affairs  of  thr  Hebrews,  they  made  war  again  npon  the 
 Philistines.  The  occasion  was  this;  Eli  the  high  priest  had  two  sons,  Hophni  and  Phineas. 
 These  sons  of  Eli  were  guilty  of  injustice  towards  men  and  of  impiety  towards  God,  and 
 abstained  from  no  sort  of  wickedness.  Some  of  their  gifts  they  carried  off,  as  belonging  to 
 the  honourable  employment  they  had,  others  of  them  they  took  away  by  violence.  They  also 
 ■were  guilty  of  impurity  with  the  women  that  came  to  worship  God  [at  the  tabernacle,]  oblig- 
 ing some  to  submit  to  their  lust  by  force,  and  enticing  others  by  bribes;  nay,  the  whole  course 
 of  their  life  was  no  better  than  tyranny. 
 
 Their  father  therefore  was  angry  at  them  for  such  their  wickedness,  ana  expected  that  God 
 would  suddenly  inflict  his  pnnishments  upon  them  for  what  they  had  done.  The  multitude 
 took  it  heinously  also.  And  as  soon  as  God  had  foretold  what  calamity  would  befall  Eli's 
 sons,  which  he  did  both  to  Eli  himself,  and  to  Samuel  the  prophet,  who  was  yet  but  a  child, 
 he  openly  shewed  his  sorrow  for  his  sons'  destruction. 
 
 2.  I  will  first  despatch  what  I  have  to  say  about  the  prophet  Samuel,  and  after  that  will 
 proceed  to  speak  of  the  sons  of  Eli,  and  the  miseries  they  brought  on  the  whole  people  of  the 
 Hebrews.  Elcanah,  a  Levite,  one  of  a  middle  condition  among  his  fellow-citizens,  and  one 
 that  dwelt  at  Ramathaim,  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  married  two  wives,  Hannah  and 
 Peninnah.  He  had  children  by  the  latter,  but  he  loved  the  other  best,  although  she  were 
 barren.  Now  Elcanah  came  with  his  wives  to  the  city  Shiloh  to  sacrifice,  for  there  it  was 
 that  the  tabernacle  of  God  was  fixed,  as  we  have  formerly  said.  Now  when,  after  he  had 
 sacrificed,  he  distributed  at  that  festival  portions  of  the  flesh  to  his  wives  and  children,  and 
 when  Hannah  saw  the  other  wife's  children  sitting  round  about  their  mother,  she  fell  into 
 tears,  and  lamented  herself  on  account  of  her  barrenness  and  lonesomeness,  and  snli'ering  her 
 grief  to  prevail  over  her  husband's  consolations  to  her,  she  went  to  the  tabernacle  to  beseecl. 
 God  to  give  her  seed,  and  to  n.ake  her  a  mother;  and  to  vow  to  consecrate  the  first  son  she 
 stiouid  bear  to  the  service  of  God,  and  this  in  such  a  way,  that  his  manner  of  living  should  not 
 be  like  that  of  ordinary  men.  And  as  she  continued  at  her  prayers  a  long  time,  Eli,  the  high 
 priest,  for  he  sat  there  before  the  tabernacle,  bid  her  go  away,  thinking  she  had  been  dis- 
 ordered with  wine  ;  but  when  she  said  she  had  drank  water,  but  was  in  sorrow  for  want  of 
 children,  and  was  beseeching  God  for  them,  he  bid  her  be  of  good  cheer,  and  told  that  God 
 would  send  her  children. 
 
 3.  So  she  came  to  her  husband  full  of  hope,  and  ate  her  meal  with  gladness  :  and  when 
 tiiey  had  returned  to  their  own  country,  she  found  herself  with  child,  and  they  had  a  son  born 
 to  them,  to  whom  they  gave  the  name  of  Samuel,  which  may  be  styled  one  that  was  asiced  oj 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.  XI.  147 
 
 God.  Tliey  tlierefore  came  to  flie  tabernacle  to  ofler  sacrifice  for  llie  Idrlli  of  the  cliiki,  and 
 brouglit  tbeir  tidies  with  tliein  ;  but  the  woman  remembered  the  vow  sin-  liad  made  concerning 
 Ler  son,  and  delivered  him  to  Eli,  dedicating  liim  to  God,  that  he  migiit  become  a  prophet. 
 Accordingly  his  hair  was  suH'ered  to  grow  long,  and  his  drink  was  water.  So  Samuel  dwelt 
 Had  was  brought  up  in  the  temple.  Bat  Elcanah  had  other  sons  by  Hannah,  and  three 
 daughters. 
 
 4.  Now,  when  Samuel  was  twelve  years  old  he  began  to  prophesy  :  and  when  he  was  once 
 asleep,  God  called  to  him  by  his  name,  but  he,  supposing  he  had  been  called  by  the  high 
 priest,  came  to  him  :  but  when  the  priest  said  he  di'l  not  call  him,  God  did  so  thrice.  Eli 
 was  then  so  far  illuminated,  that  he  said  to  him,  "Indeed,  Samuel,  I  was  silent  now  as  well 
 as  before  ;  it  is  God  that  calls  lliee  :  do  thou  therefore  signify  it  to  him,  and  say,  I  am  here 
 ready."  So  when  he  heard  God  speak  again,  he  desired  him  to  speak,  and  to  deliver  what 
 oracles  he  pleased  to  him,  for  he  would  not  fail  to  perform  any  ministration  whatsoever  lie 
 should  make  use  of  him  in  ;  to  which  God  replied,  "  Since  thou  art  here  ready,  learn  what 
 miseries  are  coming  upon  the  Israelites,  such  indeed  as  words  cannot  declare,  nor  faith 
 believe  ;  for  the  sons  of  Eli  shall  die  on  one  day,  and  the  priesthood  shall  be  transferred  into 
 the  family  of  Eleazar,  for  Eli  hath  loved  his  sons  more  than  he  hath  loved  my  worship,  and  to 
 such  a  degree  as  is  not  for  their  advantage."  Which  message  Eli  obliged  the  prophet  by 
 oath  to  tell  him,  for  otherwise  he  had  no  inclination  to  afflict  him  by  telling  it. 
 
 And  now  Eli  had  a  far  more  sure  expectation  of  the  perdition  of  his  sons  ;  but  the  glory  of 
 Samuel  increased  more  and  more,  it  being  found  by  experience  that  whatsoever  he  prophesied 
 came  to  pass  accordingly.* 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Heiein  is  declared  what  befall  the  Sons  of  Eli,  the  Ark,  and  the  People;  and  how  Eli  himself 
 
 died  miserably. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  the  Philistines  made  war  against  the  Israelites,  and  pitched 
 their  camp  at  the  city  Aphek.  Now  when  the  Israelites  had  expected  them  a  little  while,  the 
 very  next  day  they  joined  battle,  and  the  Philistines  were  conquerors,  and  slew  above  four 
 thousand  of  the  Hebrews,  and  pursued  the  rest  of  the  multitude  to  their  camp. 
 
 2.  So  the  Hebrews  being  afraid  of  the  worst,  sent  to  the  senate  and  to  the  high  priest,  and 
 desired  that  tliey  would  bring  the  ark  of  God,  that  by  putting  themselves  in  array,  when  it 
 was  present  with  them,  they  might  be  too  hard  for  their  enemies,  as  not  reflecting  that  he 
 who  had  condemned  them  to  endure  these  calamities  was  greater  than  the  ark,  and  for  whose 
 sake  it  was  that  this  ark  came  to  be  honoured.  So  the  ark  came,  and  the  sons  of  the  high 
 priest  with  it,  having  received  a  charge  from  their  father,  that  if  they  pretended  to  survive  the 
 taking  of  the  ark,  they  should  come  no  more  into  his  presence  ;  for  Phineas  oiricialed  already 
 as  high  priest,  his  father  having  resigned  the  office  to  him,  by  reason  of  his  great  age.  So  tiie 
 Hebrews  were  full  of  courage,  as  supposing  that  by  the  coming  of  the  ark  they  should  be  too 
 hard  for  tlieir  enemies  :  tlieir  enemies  also  were  greatly  concerned,  and  were  afraid  of  the 
 ark's  coming  to  the  Israelites  ;  however,  the  upshot  did  not  prove  agreeable  to  the  expectations 
 of  both  sides,  but  when  the  battle  was  joined,  that  victory  vvliich  the  Hebrews  expected,  was 
 gained  by  the  Philistines,  and  that  defeat  the  Philistines  were  afraid  of,  fell  to  the  lot  of  the 
 Israelites,  and  thereby  they  found  that  they  pnt  their  trust  in  the  ark  in  vain,  for  they  were 
 presently  beaten  as  soon  as  ihey  came  to  a  close  fight  with  their  enemies,  and  lost  about  thirty 
 thousand  men,  among  whom  were  the  sons  of  the  high  priest ;  but  the  ark  was  carried  away  by 
 the  enemies. 
 
 3.  When  the  news  of  this  defeat  came  to  Shiloh,  with  that  of  the  captivity  of  the  ark,  (for 
 a  certain  young  man,  a  Benjamite,  who  was  in  the  action,  came  as  a  messenger  thither,)  the 
 whole  city  was  full  of  lamentations.  And  Eli  the  high  priest,  who  sat  upon  a  high  throne  at 
 one  of  the  gates,  heard  their  mournful  cries,  and  supposed  that  some  strange  thins;  had  befallen 
 his  family  :  so  he  sent  for  the  young  man  ;  and  when  he  understood  what  had  liiippen«d  in  the 
 battle,  he  was  not  much  uneasy  as  to  his  sons,  or  what  was  told  him  withal  about  the  army, 
 as  having  beforehand  known  by  divine  revelation  that  these  things  would  happen,  and  having 
 himself  declared  them  beforehand,  for  when  sad  things  come  unexpectedly  they  distress  men 
 the  most ;  but  as  soon  as  the  ark  was  carried  captive  by  their  enemies,  he  was  very  much 
 grieved  at  it,  because  it  fell  out  quite  diilercnlly  from  what  he  expected  ;  so  he  fell  down  from 
 his  throne,  and  died,  having  in  all  lived  ninety-eight  years,  and  of  them  retained  the  govern- 
 ment forty, 
 
 4.  On  the  same  day  his  son  Phineas'  wife  died  also,  as  not  able  to  survive  the  misfortune 
 of  her  husband ;  for  they  told  her  of  her  htisband's  death  as  she  was  in  labour.  However, 
 she  bare  a  son  at  seven  months,  who  lived,  and  to  whom  they  gave  the  name  of  '  Icabnd,' 
 which  name  signifies  '  disgraoe,'  and  this  because  the  army  received  a  disgrace  at  this  time. 
 
 •  Although  there  had  l)Pen  a  few  occasional  prophets  hcfore,  yet  was  this  Samuel  the  first  of  n  constant 
 succession  of  prophets  in  the  Jewish  natir.r.,  as  is  implieil  in  St.  I'eter's  words,  Acts  iii.  24.  "  ^'ea,  and  all  the 
 
 Srophets,  from  Samuel,  and  tliose  that  follow  after,  as  many  as  have  spoken,  have   likewise  foretold  of  those 
 ays."    See  also  Acts  xiii.  20.  the  others  were  rather  sometimes  called  '  riBlitcous  men,'  5Iat(.  x.  41.  xiii.  i7. 
 
148  ANTIQU1T5ES  (»F  THE  JEWS. 
 
 5.  Now  Eli  was  llie  first  of  the  family  of  Illianiar,  the  other  son  of  Aaron,  tliat  Lad  \h 
 government,  for  the  family  of  Eleazar  olHciated  as  bigli  priest  at  first,  the  son  etill  receiving 
 that  honour  from  the  father  which  Eleazar  bequeathed  to  his  son  Phineas  ;  after  whom  Abie- 
 zer  his  son  took  the  honour,  and  delivered  it  to  his  son,  whose  name  was  Bukki,  from  whotr 
 his  son  Ozi  received  it ;  after  whom  Eli,  of  whom  we  have  been  speaking;,  had  the  priesthood, 
 and  so  had  his  posterity  until  the  time  of  Solomon's  reign  :  but  then  the  posterity  of  Eleazar 
 re-assumed  it. 
 
 BOOK  VI. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  THIRTY-TWO  YEARS.- FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ELI  TO 
 THE  DEATH  OF  SAUL. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 The  Destruction  that  came  upon  the  Philistines,  aiid  upon  their  Land,  hij  the  Wrath  of  God,  on 
 account  of  their  having  carried  the  Ark  away  captive;  and  after  ivhat  manner  they  sent  it 
 hack  to  the  Hebreivs. 
 
 y  1.  When  the  Philistines  had  taken  the  ark  of  the  Hebrews  captive,  as  I  .';aid  a  little  before, 
 they  carried  it  to  the  city  Ashdod,  and  put  it  by  their  own  god,  who  was  called  Dagon,*  as 
 one  of  their  spoils  ;  but  when  they  went  into  his  temple,  the  next  morning,  to  worship  iheir 
 god,  they  found  him  paying  the  same  worship  to  the  ark  ;  for  he  lay  along,  as  having  fallen 
 down  from  the  basis  whereon  he  had  stood.  So  they  took  him  up,  and  set  him  on  his  basis 
 again,  and  were  much  troubled  at  what  had  happened  ;  and  as  they  frequently  came  to  Dagon, 
 and  found  him  still  lying  along,  in  a  posture  of  adoration  to  the  ark,  they  were  in  very  great 
 distress  and  confusion.  At  length  God  sent  a  very  destructive  disease  upon  the  city  and 
 country  of  Ashdod,  for  they  died  of  the  dysentery  or  flux,  a  sore  distemper,  that  brought  death 
 upon  them  very  suddenly  ;  for  before  the  soul  could,  as  usual  in  easy  deaths,  be  well  loosed 
 from  the  body,  they  brought  up  their  entrails,  and  vomited  up  what  they  had  eaten,  which  was 
 entirely  corrupted  by  the  disease.  And  as  to  the  fruits  of  their  country,  a  great  multitude  of 
 mice  arose  out  of  the  earth,  and  hurt  them,  and  spared  neither  the  plants  nor  the  fruits.  Now 
 while  the  people  of  Ashdod  were  under  these  misfortunes,  and  were  not  able  to  support  them- 
 selves under  their  calamities,  they  perceived  that  they  suffered  thus  because  of  the  ark,  and 
 that  the  victory  they  had  gotten,  and  their  having  taken  the  ark  captive,  had  not  happened  for 
 their  good  ;  they  therefore  sent  to  the  people  of  Askelon,  and  desired  that  they  would  receive 
 the  ark  among  them.  This  desire  of  the  people  of  Ashdod  was  not  disagreeable  to  those  of 
 Askelon,  so  they  granted  them  that  favour.  But  when  they  had  gotten  the  ark,  they  were  in 
 the  same  miserable  condition,  for  the  ark  carried  along  with  it  the  disasters  that  the  people  of 
 Ashdod  had  suffered,  to  those  who  received  it  from  them.  Those  of  Askelon  also  sent  it  away 
 from  themselves  to  others  :  nor  did  it  stay  among  those  others  neither,  for  since  they  were 
 pursued  by  the  same  disasters,  they  still  sent  it  to  the  neighbouring  cities ;  so  that  the  ark 
 went  round,  after  this  manner,  to  the  five  cities  of  the  Philistines,  as  though  it  exacted  these 
 disasters  as  a  tribute  to  be  paid  it  for  its  coming  among  them. 
 
 2.  W^hen  those  that  had  experienced  these  miseries  were  tired  out  witTi  them,  and  when 
 those  that  heard  them  were  taught  thereby  not  to  admit  the  ark  among  them,  since  they  paid 
 so  dear  a  tribute  for  it,  at  length  they  sought  for  some  contrivance  and  method  how  they  might 
 get  free  from  it :  so  the  governors  of  the  five  cities,  Gath,  and  Ekron,  and  Askelon,  as  also  of 
 Gaza  and  Ashdod,  met  together,  and  considered  what  was  fit  to  be  done  ;  and  at  the  first  they 
 thought  proper  to  send  the  ark  back  to  its  own  people,  as  allowing  that  God  had  avenged  its 
 cause ;  that  the  miseries  they  had  undergone  came  along  with  it,  and  that  these  were  sent  on 
 their  cities  upon  its  account,  and  together  with  it.  However,  there  were  those  that  said,  they 
 should  not  do  so,  nor  suffer  themselves  to  be  deluded,  as  ascribing  the  cause  of  their  miseries 
 to  it,  because  it  could  not  have  such  a  power  and  force  upon  them  ;  for  had  God  had  such  a 
 regard  to  it,  it  would  not  have  been  delivered  into  the  hands  of  men :  so  they  exhorted  them 
 to  be  quiet,  and  to  take  patiently  what  had  befallen  them,  and  to  suppose  there  was  no  other 
 cause  of  it  but  nature,  which  at  certain  revolutions  of  lime  produces  such  mutations  in  the 
 bodies  of  men,  in  the  earth,  in  plants,  acd  in  all  things  that  grow  out  of  the  earth.  But  the 
 c-ounsel  that  prevailed  over  those  already  described,  was  that  of  certain  men,  who  were  be- 
 lieved to  have  distinguished  themselves  in  former  times  for  (heir  nnderstanding  and  prudence, 
 and  who,  in  their  present  circumstances,  seemed  above  all  the  rest  to  speak  properly.  Thesa 
 men  said,  it  was  not  right  either  to  send  the  ark  away,  or  to  detain  it,  but  to  dedicate  fiva 
 golden  images,  one  for  every  city,  as  a  thank-offering  to  God,  on  account  of  his  having  taken 
 care  of  their  preservation,  and  having  kept  them  alive  when  their  lives  were  likely  to  be  taken 
 away  by  such  distempers   as  they  were  not  able  to   bear  up  against.     They  also  would  have 
 
 •  Dagon  a  famous  maritime  god  or  iijol,  is  gtocially  supposed  to  have  teen  like  a  man  above  the  navel, 
 %ud  like  a  neh  beneulb  it. 
 
BOOK  VI.  — CHAP.  II.  ]49 
 
 them  make  five  goldeD  mice,  like  to  t'lose  tliat  devoured  and  deslioj'ed  tlieir  country,*  to  put 
 lliem  in  a  bag,  and  lay  them  upon  the  ark  ;  to  make  tbem  a  new  cart  also  for  it,  and  to  yoke 
 milch  kine  to  it,t  bntto  shut  up  their  calves,  and  keep  them  from  them,  lest  by  following  after 
 itiera  they  should  prove  a  binderance  to  their  dams,  and  that  the  dams  might  return  the  faster 
 out  of  a  desire  of  those  calves ;  then  to  drive  these  milch  kine  that  carried  the  ark,  and  leave 
 It  at  a  place  where  three  ways  met,  and  to  leave  it  to  the  kine  to  go  along  which  of  those  ways 
 they  pleased,  that  in  case  they  went  the  way  to  the  Hebrews,  and  ascended  to  their  country, 
 they  should  suppose  that  the  ark  was  the  cause  of  their  misfortunes,  but  if  they  turned  into 
 another  road,  they  said,  "We  will  pursue  after  it,  and  conclude  it  has  no  such  force  in  it." 
 
 3.  So  they  determined  that  these  men  spake  well ;  and  they  immediately  confirmed  their 
 opinion  by  doing  accordingly.  And  when  they  had  done  as  has  been  already  described,  they 
 brought  the  cart  to  a  place  where  three  ways  met,  and  left  it  there,  and  went  their  ways  ;  but 
 the  kine  w^ent  the  right  way,  and  as  if  some  persons  bad  driven  them,  while  the  rulers  of  the 
 Philistines  followed  after  tliem,  as  desirous  to  know  where  they  would  stand  still,  and  to  whom 
 they  would  go.  Now  there  was  a  certain  village  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  whose  name  was 
 '  Bethshemesh,'  and  to  that  village  did  the  kine  go  ;  and  though  there  was  a  great  and  good 
 plain  before  them  to  proceed  in,  tliey  went  no  farther,  but  stopped  the  cart  there.  This  was  a 
 sight  to  those  of  that  village,  and  they  were  very  glad  ;  for  it  being  then  summer  time,  and  all 
 the  inhabitants  being  then  in  their  fields  gathering  in  their  fruits,  they  left  olf  the  labours  of 
 their  bands  for  joy,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  ark,  and  ran  to  the  cart ;  and  taking  tlie  ark  down, 
 and  the  vessel  that  bad  the  images  in  it,  and  the  mice,  they  set  them  upon  a  certain  rock  which 
 was  in  the  plain  ;  and  when  they  bad  ol'ered  a  splendid  sacrifice  to  God,  and  feasted,  they 
 offered  the  cart  and  the  kine  as  a  burnt-offering :  and  when  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  saw 
 this,  they  returned  back. 
 
 4.  But  now  it  was  that  the  wrath  of  God  overtook  tbem,  and  struck  seventy  persons  dead 
 of  the  village  of  Bethshemesh, t  who  not  being  priests,  and  so  not  worthy  to  touch  the  ark,  bad 
 approached  to  it.  Tliose  of  that  village  wept  for  these  that  thus  sufl'ered,  and  made  such  a 
 lamentation  as  was  naturally  to  be  expected  on  so  great  a  misfortune  that  was  sent  from  God, 
 and  every  one  mourned  for  his  own  relation.  And  since  they  acknowledged  themselves  un- 
 worthy of  the  ark's  abode  with  them,  they  sent  to  the  public  senate  of  the  Israelites,  and 
 informed  them  that  the  ark  was  restored  by  the  Philistines  ;  which  when  they  knew,  they 
 brought  it  away  to  Kirjathjearini,  a  cily  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethshemesh.  In  this  city 
 'jived  one  '  Abiiiad.ib,'  by  birth  a  Levite,  and  who  was  greatly  commended  for  his  righteous 
 and  religions  course  of  life  ;  so  they  biought  the  ark  to  his  house,  as  to  a  place  fit  for  God 
 biuiself  to  abide  in,  since  therein  did  abide  a  righteous  man.  His  sons  also  ministered  to  the 
 divine  service  of  the  ark,  and  were  the  principal  curators  of  it  for  twenty  years,  for  so  many 
 years  it  continued  in  Kirjatbjearim,  having  been  but  four  months  with  the  Philistines. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Tlie  Expedition  of  the  Philistines  against  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Hebrews^  Victory  under  the 
 Conduct  of  Samuel  the  Prophet,  ivho  was  their  General. 
 
 §  I.  Now  while  the  city  of  Kirjatlijearim  had  the  ark  with  them,  the  whole  body  of  the  people 
 betook  themselves  all  that  time  to  offer  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  God,  and  appeared  greatly 
 concerned  and  zealous  about  his  worship.  So  Samuel  the  prophet,  seeing  bow  ready  they 
 were  to  do  their  duty,  thought  this  a  proper  time  to  speak  to  tbem,  while  tbey  were  in  this 
 good  disposition,  about  the  recovery  of  their  liberty,  and  of  the  blessings  that  accompanied 
 the  same.  Accordingly,  he  used  such  words  to  them  as  be  thought  were  most  likely  to  excite 
 tlwt  inclination,  and  to  persuade  them  to  attempt  it :  "  O  you  Israelites,"  said  he,  "  to  whom 
 the  Philistines  are  still  grievous  enemies,  but  to  whom  God  begins  to  be  gracious,  it  behoves 
 you  not  only  to  be  desirous  of  liberty,  but  to  take  the  proper  methods  to  obtain  it.  Nor  are 
 yon  to  be  contented  with  an  inclination  to  get  clear  of  your  lords  and  masters,  while  you  siill 
 ao  what  will  procure  your  continuance  under  them  :  be  righteous  then,  and  cast  wickedness 
 out  of  your  souls,  and  by  your  worship  supplicate  the  divine  majesty  with  all  your  hearts,  and 
 persevere  in  the  honour  you  pay  to  him  ;  for  if  you  act  thus,  you  will  enjoy  prosperity  ;  you 
 will  be  freed  from  your  slavery,  and  will  get  the  victory  over  your  enemies  ;  which  blessings 
 it  is  not  possible  you  should  attain,  neither  by  weapons  of  war,  nor  by  the  strength  of  your 
 
 *  Spanlieim  informs  us  here,  that  upon  the  coins  of  Tent'dos,  and  those  of  other  ciiics,  a  '  field  mouse'  is 
 engravwi,  together  with  '  Apollo  Sraiutheus,'  or' Apollo  the  driver  away  of  field  mice,' on  account  of  his  being 
 supposed  to  have  freed  certain  tracts  of  eround  from  those  mice  :  which  coins  shew,  how  great  a  judgment 
 such  mice  hjve  sometimes  been,  and  liow  the  deliverance  from  them  was  then  esteemed  the  effect  of  a  divine 
 power;  which  observations  are  highly  suitable  to  this  history. 
 
 t  'This  device  of  the  Philistines,  of  having  a  yoke  of  kine  to  draw  this  cart,  into  which  they  put  the  art  of 
 the  Hebrews,  is  greatly  illustrated  by  Sanchoniaiho's  account,  under  his  ninth  generation,  that  Agrouerus,  or 
 Aigrotes,  the  '  husbumlman,'  had  a  much  worshipped  statue,  and  a  temple,  '  carried  about  by  one  or  nuire  yoke 
 ot  oxen,  or  kine,  in  Phenicia,'  in  the  neighbourhood  of  these  Philistines.  Sec  Cumberland's  Sanchonialho, 
 p.  27.  and  247.  and  Kssay  on  the  Old  1  cstament,  Append,  p.  172. 
 
 ,  t  .T''®,^*  "^^  men,  being  not  so  much  as  Levitcs,  touched  the  ajk  in  n  rash  or  profane  manner,  and  were  slain 
 Tk  ovf  ^^^°i  °'  '"'"'  *"''  *"'^^  their  rashness  and  nrofaneness,  according  to  the  divine  threatenirurs,  ^umb.  iv. 
 15,  M.  but  how  our  other  copies  come  to  add  such  an  incredible  number  as  50,000  in  tnis  ouc  towu,  or  small 
 cuy,  1  kuow  not.    See  Ur. Mall's  critical  notes  ou  1  Sam.  vi.  19. 
 
150  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 bodies,  uor  by  llie  lunltitade  of  jour  assistance  ;  for  God  lias  not  promised  to  grant  tbese  bless- 
 ings b}'  tliose  means,  but  by  being  good  and  rigliteons  men  ;  and  if  you  will  be  such,  I  will  be 
 secnrit}'  to  you  for  tbe  performance  of  God's  promises."  When  Samuel  had  said  thus,  the 
 multitude  applauded  his  discourse,  and  were  pleased  with  his  exhortation  to  them,  and  gave 
 their  consent  to  resign  themselves  np  to  do  what  was  pleasing  to  God.  So  Samuel  gathered 
 fliem  togetlier  to  a  certain  city  called  Mizpeh,  which  signifies  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  a  '  watch 
 i*ower ;'  there  they  drew  water,  and  poured  it  out  to  God,  and  fasted  all  day,  and  betook 
 themselves  to  their  prayers. 
 
 2.  This  their  assembly  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  Philistines  :  so  when  they  had 
 learned  that  so  large  a  company  had  met  together,  they  fell  upon  the  Hebrews  with  a  great 
 army  and  mighty  forces,  as  hoping  to  assault  them  when  they  did  not  expect  it,  nor  were  pre- 
 pared for  it.  This  thing  afFrighted  the  Hebrews,  and  put  them  into  disorder  and  terror  ;  so 
 they  came  running  to  Samuel,  and  said,  "  that  their  souls  were  sunk  by  their  fears,  and  by  the 
 former  defeat  they  had  received,  and  that  thence  it  was  that  we  lay  still,  lest  we  should  excite  ' 
 the  power  of  our  enemies  against  us.  Now  while  thou  hast  brought  us  hither  to  oft'er  up  our 
 prayers  and  sacrifices,  and  take  oaths  [to  be  obedient,]  our  enemies  are  making  an  expedition 
 against  us,  while  we  are  naked  and  unarmed  ;  wherefore  we  have  no  other  hope  of  deliverance 
 but  that  by  thy  means,  and  by  the  assistance  God  shall  aflbrd  us  upon  thy  prayers  to  him,  we 
 shall  obtain  deliverance  from  the  Philistines."  Hereupon  Samuel  bid  them  be  of  good  cheer, 
 and  promised  them  that  God  would  assist  them  ;  and  taking  a  sucking  lamb,  he  sacrificed  it  for 
 the  multitude,  and  besought  God  to  hold  his  protecting  hand  over  them  when  they  should  fight 
 with  the  Philistines,  and  not  to  overlook  them,  nor  suffer  them  to  come  under  a  second  misfortune. 
 Accordingly,  God  hearkened  to  his  prayers,  and  accepting  their  sacrifice  with  a  gracious  inten- 
 tion, and  such  as  was  disposed  to  assist  them,  he  granted  them  victory  and  power  over  their 
 enemies.  Now  while  the  altar  had  the  sacrifice  of  God  upon  it,  and  had  not  yet  consumed  it 
 wholly  by  its  sacred  fire,  the  enemy's  army  marched  out  of  their  camp,  and  was  put  in  order 
 of  battle,  and  this  in  hope  that  they  should  be  conqnerors,  since  the  Jews  were  caught  in  dis- 
 tressed circnmstances,*  as  neither  having  their  weapons  with  them,  nor  being  assembled  there 
 in  order  to  fight.  But  things  so  fell  out,  that  they  would  hardly  have  been  credited  though 
 they  had  been  foretold  by  any  body ;  for  in  the  first  place,  God  disturbed  the  enemies  with  an 
 earthquake,  and  moved  the  ground  under  them  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  caused  it  to  tremble, 
 and  made  them  to  shake,  insomuch  that,  by  its  trembling,  he  made  some  unable  to  keep  their 
 feet,  and  made  them  fall  down,  and  by  opening  its  chasms,  he  caused  that  others  should  be 
 hurried  down  into  them,  after  which  he  caused  such  a  noise  of  thunder  to  come  among  them, 
 and  made  fiery  lightning  shine  so  terribly  round  about  them,  that  it  was  ready  to  burn  their 
 faces ;  and  he  so  suddenly  shook  their  weapons  out  of  their  hands,  that  he  made  them  fly  and 
 return  home  naked.  So  Samuel  with  the  multitude  pursued  them  to  Bethcar,  a  place  so  called  ; 
 iiud  there  he  set  up  a  stone  as  a  boundary  of  their  victory,  and  their  enemies'  flight,  and  called 
 it  the  '  Stone  of  Power,'  as  a  signal  of  that  power  God  had  given  them  against  their  enemies. 
 
 3.  So  .the  Philistines,  after  this  stroke,  made  no  more  expeditions  against  the  Israelites,  but 
 lay  still  out  of  fear,  and  out  of  remembrance  of  what  had  befallen  them  ;  and  what  courage  the 
 Philistines  had  formerly  against  the  Hebrews,  that,  after  this  victory,  was  transferred  to  the 
 Hebrews.  Samuel  also  made  an  expedition  against  the  Philistines,  and  slew  many  of  them, 
 and  entirely  humbled  their  proud  hearts,  and  took  from  them  that  country,  which,  when  they 
 were  formerly  conquerors  in  battle,  they  had  cut  off  from  the  Jews,  which  was  the  country  that 
 extended  from  the  borders  of  Gath  to  the  city  Ekrou  :  but  the  remains  of  the  Canaanites  weie 
 at  this  time  iu  friendship  with  the  Israelites. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Samuel,  when  he  mas  so  hifirm  with  old  Age,  that   hn  could  not  take  care  of  the  Public 
 
 Affairs,  intrusted  them  to  his  Sotis ;  andhoiv,  upon  the  ei-il  Administration  of  the  Government 
 
 by   them,  the  Multitude  were  so  angry,  that  they  required  to   have  a  King  to  govern  them, 
 
 although  Samuel  was  much  displeased  thsreat. 
 
 <S   1.  But  Samuel  the  prophet,  when  he  had  ordered  the  affairs  of  the  people  after  a  convenient 
 
 manner,  and  had  appointed  a  city  for  every  district  of  them,  he  commanded  them  to  come  to 
 
 such  cities,  to  have  the  controversies  that  they  had   one  with  another  determined  in  them,  he 
 
 himself  going  over  those  cities  twice   a  year,  and  doing  them  justice  :  and  by  that  means  he 
 
 kept  them  in  very  good  order  for  a  long  time. 
 
 2.  But  afterwards  he  found  himself  oppressed  with  old  age,  and  not  able  to  do  what  he  used 
 to  do,  so  he  committed  the  government  and  the  care  of  the  multitude  to  his  sons  ;  the  elder 
 of  whom  was  called  Joel,  and  the  name  of  the  younger  was  Abiali.  He  also  enjoined  them  to 
 leside,  and  jndge  the  people,  the  one  at  the  city  Bethel,  and  the  other  at  Beersheba,  and 
 divided  the  people  into  districts  that  should  be  uuder  the  jurisdiction  of  each  of  them.  Now 
 these  men  aflbrd  us  an  evident  example  and  demonstration,  how  some  children  are  not  of  the 
 
 •  This  ia  the  first  place,  so  for  as  T  remember,  in  tliese  Antiquities,  where  Joscphus  hesjins  to  call  his  nation 
 '  .Tews,'  he  having  hitherto  usually,  if  uot  coustiintly,  called  them  either  '  Hebrews' or  '  Israelites.'  Tlieeecond 
 place  soon  follows,  chap.  iii.  §  5. 
 
 1 
 
BOOK    VI. — CPIAP.    HI.  151 
 
 line  tlispositious  with  tlieir  parents,  but  sometimes  perhaps  good  and  moderate,  tliough  born  of 
 wicked  parents,  and  sometimes  shewing  themselves  to  be  wicked,  tiiough  born  of  good  parents  ; 
 for  these  men,  turning  aside  from  their  father's  good  courses,  and  taking  a  course  that  was  con- 
 trary to  them,  perverted  justice  for  the  filthy  lucre  of  gifts  and  bribes,  and  made  their  deter- 
 minations not  according  to  truth,  but  according  to  bribery,  and  turned  aside  to  luxury,  and  a 
 costly  way  of  living,  so  that,  as  in  tlie  first  place  they  practised  what  was  contrary  to  the  will 
 of  God,  so  did  they,  in  the  second  place,  what  was  contrary  to  the  will  of  the  prophet  their 
 father,  who  had  taken  a  great  deal  of  care,  and  made  a  very  careful  provision  that  the  multi- 
 tude should  be  righteous. 
 
 3.  But  the  people,  upon  these  injuries  oflered  to  their  former  constitution  r.nd  government 
 by  the  prophet's  sons,  were  very  uneasy  at  their  actions,  and  came  runuiug  to  the  prophet, 
 who  ih^ii  lived  at  the  city  Rainali,  and  informed  him  of  the  transgressions  of  his  sons;  and 
 said,  "that  as  he  was  himself  olil  already,  and  too  infirm  by  that  age  of  his  to  oversee  their 
 aflairs  in  the  manner  he  used  to  do,  so  they  begged  of  him,  and  entreated  him  to  appoint  some 
 person  to  be  king  over  them,  who  might  rale  over  the  nation,  aud  avenge  them  of  the  Philig- 
 tinesj  who  ought  to  be  punished  for  their  former  oppressions."  These  words  greatly  afflicted 
 Samuel,  on  account  of  his  innate  love  of  justice,  and  his  hatred  to  kingly  government,  for  bo 
 was  very  fond  of  an  aristocracy,  as  what  made  the  men  that  used  it  of  a  divine  and  happy  dispo- 
 sition :  nor  could  he  either  think  of  eating  or  sleeping,  out  of  his  concern  and  torment  of  mind 
 at  what  they  bad  said,  but  all  the  night  long  did  he  continue  awake,  and  revolved  these  notiou.t 
 in  his  mind. 
 
 4.  Wl.ile  he  was  thus  disposed,  God  appeared  to  him,  and  comforted  him,  saying,  "That 
 be  ought  not  to  be  uneasy  at  what  the  multitude  desired,  because  it  was  not  he,  but  Himself 
 whom  they  so  insolently  despised,  and  would  not  have  to  be  alone  their  King  ;  that  they  had 
 been  contriving  these  things  from  the  very  day  that  they  came  out  of  Egypt;  that,  however,  iu 
 no  long  time  they  would  sorely  repent  of  what  they  did,  which  repentance  yet  could  not  undo 
 what  was  thus  done  for  futurity  :  that  they  would  be  sufiifiently  rebuked  for  tlieir  contempt, 
 and  the  ungrateful  conduct  they  have  nsed  towards  me,  and  towards  thy  prophetic  office.  So 
 I  command  thee  to  ordain  them  such  a  one  as  I  shall  name  beforehand  to  be  their  king,  when 
 thou  hast  first  described  what  mischiefs  kingly  government  will  bring  upon  them,  aud  openly 
 testify  before  them  unto  what  a  great  change  of  affairs  they  are  hasting." 
 
 5.  When  Samuel  bad  beard  this,  he  called  the  Jews  early  in  the  morniug,  and  confessed  to 
 Ihera  that  he  was  to  ordain  them  a  king  ;  but  be  said  that  he  was  first  to  describe  to  them  what 
 would  follow,  what  treatment  they  would  receive  from  their  kings,  and  with  how  many  mis- 
 chiefs they  must  struggle  :  "  For  know  ye,  (said  he,)  that,  in  the  first  place,  they  will  take  your 
 sons  away  from  you,  and  they  will  command  some  of  them  to  be  drivers  of  their  chariots,  and 
 some  to  be  their  horsemen,  aud  the  guards  of  their  body,  and  others  of  them  to  be  ruiineri* 
 before  them,  and  captains  of  thousands,  and  captains  of  hundreds  ;  they  will  also  make  them 
 tlieir  artificers,  makers  of  armour,  and  of  chariots,  and  of  instruments ;  they  will  make  tliein 
 their  husbacidmen  also,  and  the  curators  of  their  own  fields,  and  the  diggers  of  their  own  vine- 
 yards ;  nor  will  there  be  any  thing  whieh  they  will  cot  do  at  their  commands,  as  if  they  were 
 slaves  bought  with  money.  Tliey  will  also  appoint  your  daughters  to  be  confectioners,  and 
 cooks,  and  bakers  ;  and  these  will  be  obliged  to  do  all  sorts  of  work,  which  women  slaves, 
 that  are  in  fear  of  stripes  and  torments,  submit  to.  They  will,  besides  this,  take  away  your 
 possessions,  and  bestow  them  upon  their  eunuchs,  and  the  guards  of  their  bodies,  and  will 
 give  the  herds  of  your  cattle  to  their  own  servants;  and  to  say  briefly  all  at  once,  you,  and  all 
 that  is  yours,  will  be  servants  to  your  king,  aud  will  become  no  way  superior  to  his  slaves; 
 and  when  you  suffer  thus,  you  will  thereby  be  put  in  mind  of  what  I  now  say.  And  when 
 you  repent  of  what  you  have  done,  you  will  beseech  God  to  have  mercy  upon  you,  and 
 to  grant  you  a  quick  deliverance  from  your  kings ;  but  he  will  not  accept  your  prayers, 
 but  will  neglect  you,  and  permit  you  to  suffer  the  punishment  your  evil  conduct  has 
 deser»ed." 
 
 6.  But  the  multitude  was  still  so  foolish  as  to  be  deaf  to  these  predictions  of  what  would 
 befall  them  :  and  too  peevish  to  suffer  a  determination  which  they  had  injudiciously  once  made, 
 to  be  taken  out  of  their  mind,  for  they  could  not  he  turned  from  their  purpose:  nor  did  they 
 regard  the  words  of  Samuel,  but  peremptorily  insisted  on  their  resolution,  and  desired  him  to 
 ordain  them  a  king  immediately,  and  not  to  trouble  himself  with  fears  of  what  would  happen 
 hereafter,  for  that  it  was  necessary  they  should  have  with  them  one  to  fight  their  battles,  and 
 to  avenge  them  of  their  enemies,  and  that  it  was  no  way  absurd,  when  their  neighbours  were 
 under  kingly  government,  that  they  should  have  the  same  form  of  government  also.  So  when 
 Samuel  saw  that  what  he  had  said  bad  not  diverted  them  from  their  purpose,  but  that  they 
 continued  resolute,  he  r.nid,  "Co  you  every  one  home  for  the  present;  when  it  is  fit,  I  will 
 send  for  you,  as  soon  as  I  shall  have  learned  from  God,  who  it  is  that  he  will  give  you  for 
 yoar  king." 
 
152  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 The  Appointment  of  a  King  over    the  Israelites,   whose   Name    was   Sanl ;  and  this  by  the 
 
 Command  of  God. 
 
 §  1.  There  was  one  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  a  man  of  good  family,  and  of  a  virtuous  dispo- 
 silion  ;  his  name  was  Kish.  He  had  a  son,  a  young  man  of  comely  countenance,  and  of  a  tall 
 body,  but  his  understanding  and  his  mind  were  preferable  to  what  was  visible  ia  him  ;  they 
 called  him  Saul.  Now  this  Kish  had  some  fine  she-asses  that  were  wandered  oat  of  the  pas- 
 ture wherein  they  fed,  for  he  was  more  delighted  with  these  than  with  any  other  cattle  he  had ; 
 so  he  sent  out  his  son  and  one  servant  with  him,  to  search  for  the  beasts  ;  but  when  he  had 
 gone  over  his  own  tribe  in  search  after  the  asses,  he  went  to  other  tribes,  and  when  he  found 
 tiiem  not  there  neither,  he  determined  to  go  his  way  home,  lest  he  should  occasion  any  concern 
 to  his  father  about  himself.  Bat  when  his  servant  that  followed  him,  told  him,  as  ibey  were 
 near  the  city  of  Raniah,  that  there  was  a  true  prophet  in  that  city,  and  advised  him  to  go  to 
 him,  for  that  by  him  they  would  know  the  upshot  of  the  affair  of  their  asses,  he  replied.  That 
 if  they  should  go  to  him,  they  had  nothing  to  give  him  as  a  reward  for  his  prophecy,  for  their 
 subsistence  money  was  spent.  The  servant  answered,  that  he  had  still  the  fourth  part  of  a 
 shekel,*  and  he  would  present  him  witli  that,  for  they  were  mistaken  out  of  ignorance,  as  not 
 knowing  that  the  prophet  received  no  such  reward.  So  they  went  to  him,  and  when  they  were 
 before  the  gates,  they  lit  upon  certain  maidens  that  were  going  to  fetch  water ;  and  they 
 asked  them  which  was  the  prophet's  house?  Thev  shewed  them  which  it  was  ;  and  bid  theui 
 make  haste  before  he  sat  down  to  supper,  for  he  had  invited  many  guests  to  a  feast,  and  that 
 he  used  to  sit  down  before  those  that  were  invited.  Now  Samuel  had  gathered  many  toge- 
 ther to  feast  with  hira  on  this  very  account,  for  while  he  every  day  prayed  to  God  to  tell 
 hiui  beforehand,  whom  he  would  make  king,  he  had  informed  him  of  this  man  the  day  before, 
 for  that  he  would  send  him  a  certain  young  man  out  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  about  this  hour 
 of  the  day  ;  and  he  sat  on  the  top  of  the  house  in  expectation  of  that  time  being  come.  And 
 when  the  time  was  completed,  he  came  down  and  went  to  supper;  so  he  met  with  Saul,  and 
 God  discovered  to  him,  that  this  was  he  who  should  rule  over  them.  Then  Saul  went  up  to 
 Samuel  and  saluted  him,  and  desired  him  to  inform  him  which  was  the  prophet's  house?  for 
 he  said  he  was  a  stranger,  and  did  not  know  it.  When  Samuel  had  told  him  that  he  was  him- 
 self the  person,  he  led  him  in  to  supper,  and  assured  hira  that  the  asses  were  found  which  he 
 had  been  to  seek,  and  that  the  greatest  of  good  tilings  were  assured  to  him  ;  he  replied,  "  Sir, 
 I  am  too  inconsiderable  to  hope  for  any  such  thing,  and  of  a  tribe  too  small  to  have  kings 
 made  out  of  it,  and  of  a  family  smaller  than  several  other  families  ;  but  thou  tellest  me  this  in 
 jest,  and  makest  me  an  object  of  laughter,  when  thou  discoursest  with  me  of  greater  matters 
 than  what  I  stand  in  need  of."  However,  the  prophet  led  hira  in  to  the  feast,  and  made  him 
 sit  down,  hira  and  his  servant  that  followed  him,  above  the  other  guests  that  were  invited, 
 which  were  seventy  in  number  ;t  and  he  gave  order  to  the  servants  to  set  the  royal  portion 
 before  Saul.  But  when  the  time  of  going  to  bed  was  come,  the  rest  rose  up,  and  every  one 
 of  them  went  home,  but  Saul  stayed  with  the  prophet,  he  and  his  servant,  and  slept 
 with  him. 
 
 2.  But  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  Samuel  raised  up  Sanl  out  of  his  bed,  and  conducted  bim 
 homeward  ;  and  when  he  was  out  of  the  city,  he  desired  him  to  cause  his  servant  to  go  before, 
 but  to  stay  behind  himself,  for  that  he  had  somewhat  to  say  to  him,  when  nobody  else  was 
 present.  Accordingly,  Saul  sent  away  his  servant  that  followed  him  ;  then  did  the  prophet 
 take  a  vessel  of  oil,  and  poured  it  upon  ilie  head  of  the  young  man,  and  kissed  him,  and  said, 
 "  Be  thou  a  king  by  the  ordination  of  God  against  the  Philistines,  and  for  avenging  the 
 Hebrews  for  what  they  have  suffered  by  them  ;  of  this  thou  shalt  have  a  sign,  which  1  would 
 Lave  thee  take  notice  of;  as  soon  as  thou  art  departed  hence,  thou  wilt  lind  three  men  upon 
 the  road,  going  to  worship  God  at  Bethel,  the  first  of  whom  thou  wilt  see  carrying  three  loaves 
 of  bread,  the  second  carrying  a  kid  of  the  goats,  and  the  third  will  follow  them,  carrying  a 
 bottle  of  wine.  These  three  men  will  salute  thee,  and  ^;peak  kindly  (o  thee,  and  will  give  thee 
 two  of  their  loaves  ;  which  thou  shalt  accept  of.  And  thence  thou  shalt  come  to  a  place  called  i 
 Rachel's  Monument,  where  thou  shalt  meet  with  those  that  vvill  tell  thee  thy  asses  are  found;  .! 
 after  this,  when  thou  coniest  to  Gabatha,  thou  shalt  overtake  a  company  of  prophets,  and  thou 
 shalt  be  seized  with  the  divine  Spirit, |  and  prophesy  along  with  them,  till  evtry  one  that  sees 
 thee  shall  be  astonished,  and  wonder,  and  say,  '  Whence  is  it  that  the  son  of  Kish  has  arrived 
 at  this  degree  of  happiness?'  And  when  these  sigrvs  have  happened  to  thee,  know  that  God  is 
 with  thee  ;  then  do  thon  salute  thy  father,  and  thy  kindred.     Thou  shalt  also  come  when  I  send 
 
 *  Of  this  grent  mistake  of  Saul  and  his  servant,  as  if  a  true  prophet  of  God  would  accept  of  a  gift  or  pre- 
 sent, for  foretelling  what  was  desired  of  him :  see  the  note  on  b.  iv.  eh.  vi.  5  3. 
 
 +  It  seems  to  mc  not  improhable,  that  these  seventy  guests  of  Samuel,  as  here  with  himself  at  the  head  of 
 them,  were  a  Jewish  Saiiliedrim,  and  that  hereby  Samuel  intimated  to  Saul,  lliat  these  seventy-one  wore  to  be 
 his  constant  counsellors,  and  that  he  was  to  act  not  lite  a  sole  monarch,  but  with   the  advice  aiul  direc- 
 tion of  tl.tse  seventy-one  members  of  the  Jewish  Sanhedrim  upon  all  occasions,  which  yet  we  never  read  that . 
 be  coniiulted  afltrwards.  J 
 
 t  An  instance  of  this  divine  furv  we  have  after  this  in   Saul,  chap.  v.  42,  3.  1  Sam.  xi.  6.    See  the  liketl 
 Judg.  iii.  10.  and  vi.  34.  and  xi.  '29.  and  xiii.  25.  and  xiv.O. 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.   V,  153 
 
 for  tliee  to  Gilgnl,  tliat  we  may  oft'er  Uiank-oflerin£!;s  to  God  far  these  blessings."  WIipu 
 Samuel  liad  said  this,  and  foretold  these  tilings,  he  sent  the  young  man  away.  Now  all  things 
 fell  out  to  Saul  according  to  the  propliecy  of  Samuel. 
 
 3.  But  as  soon  as  Saul  came  into  the  house  of  his  kinsman  Abner,  whom  indeed  he  loved 
 better  tlian  any  other  of  his  relations,  he  was  asked  by  him  conce'ning  his  journey,  and  what 
 accidents  happened  to  him  therein  ;  and  he  concealed  none  of  the  other  things  from  him,  no, 
 rot  his  coining  to  Samuel  the  prophet,  nor  how  he  told  him  the  asses  were  found ;  but  he  said 
 nothing  to  him  about  the  kingdom,  and  what  belonged  theitlo,  which  he  thought  would  procure 
 Lini  envy ;  and  when  such  things  are  heard,  they  are  not  easily  believed  ;  nor  did  he  think  it 
 prudent  to  tell  those  things  to  him,  although  he  appeared  very  friendly  to  him,  and  one  whom 
 he  loved  above  the  rest  of  his  relations,  considering,  I  suppose,  what  human  nature  really  is, 
 that  DO  one  is  a  (inn  friend,  neither  among  our  intimates,  nor  of  our  kindred,  nor  do  they  pre- 
 serve that  kind  disposition  when  God  advances  men  to  great  prosperity,  bat  they  are  still  ill- 
 natured  and  envious  at  those  tliat  are  in  eminent  stations. 
 
 4.  Then  Samuel  called  the  people  together  to  the  city  Mizpeh,  and  spake  to  them  in  the 
 words  following,  which  he  said  he  was  to  speak  by  the  commHiid  of  God  :  That  "  when  he  had 
 granted  them  a  state  of  liberty,  and  brought  their  enemies  into  subjection,  they  were  become 
 unmindful  of  his  benefits,  and  rejected  God  that  he  should  not  be  their  King,  as  not  considering 
 that  it  wonkl  be  most  for  their  advantage  to  be  presided  over  by  the  best  of  beings ;  for  God 
 is  the  best  of  beings,  and  they  chose  to  have  a  man  for  their  king  ;  while  kings  will  use  their 
 subjects  as  beasts,  according  to  the  violence  of  their  own  wills  and  inclinations,  and  other  pas- 
 sions, as  wholly  carried  away  with  the  lust  of  power,  but  will  not  endeavour  to  preserve  the 
 race  of  mankind  as  his  own  workmanship  and  creation,  which,  for  that  very  reason,  God 
 would  take  care  of.  But  since  you  have  come  to  a  fixed  resolution,  and  this  injurious  treat- 
 ment of  God  has  quite  prevailed  over  you,  dispose  yourselves  by  your  tribes  and  sceptres,  and 
 cast  lots." 
 
 5.  When  the  Hebrews  had  so  done,  the  lot  fell  upon  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  ;  and  when  the 
 lot  was  cast  for  the  families  of  this  tribe,  that  which  was  called  Matri  was  taken  ;  and  when 
 the  lot  was  cast  for  the  single  persons  of  that  family,  Saul,  the  son  of  Kish,  was  taken  for  their 
 king.  When  the  young  man  knew  this,  he  prevented  [their  sending  for  him,]  and  immediately 
 went  away,  and  hid  himself.  I  suppose  that  it  was  because  he  would  not  have  it  thought  that 
 he  willingly  took  the  government  upon  him ;  nay,  he  shewed  such  a  degree  of  command  over 
 himself,  and  of  modesty,  that  while  the  greatest  part  are  not  able  to  contain  their  joy,  even  in 
 the  gaining  of  small  advantages,  but  presently  shew  themselves  publicly  to  all  men,  this  man 
 did  not  only  shew  nothing  of  that  nature,  when  he  was  appointed  to  be  the  lord  of  so  many, 
 and  so  great  tribes,  but  crept  away  and  concealed  himself  out  of  the  sight  of  those  he  was  to 
 reign  over,  and  made  them  seek  him,  and  that  with  a  good  deal  of  trouble.  So  when  the  people 
 were  at  a  loss,  and  solicitous,  because  Saul  disappeared,  the  prophet  besought  God  to  shew 
 where  the  young  man  was,  and  to  produce  him  before  them.  So  when  they  had  learned  of 
 God  the  place  where  Saul  was  hidden,  they  sent  men  to  bring  him,  and  when  he  was  come, 
 they  set  him  in  tiie  midst  of  the  multitude.  Now  he  was  taller  than  any  of  them,  and  bis 
 stature  was  very  majestic. 
 
 6.  Then  said  the  prophet,  God  gives  you  this  man  to  be  your  king  :  see  how  he  is  higher 
 than  any  of  the  people,  and  worthy  of  this  dominion.  So  as  soon  as  the  people  bad  made 
 acclamation,  God  save  the  king  I  the  prophet  wrote  down  what  would  come  to  pass  in  a  book, 
 and  read  it  in  the  hearing  of  the  king,  and  laid  up  the  book  in  the  tabernacle  of  God,  to  be  a 
 ■witness  to  future  generations  of  what  he  had  foretold.  So  when  Samuel  had  finished  this 
 matter,  he  dismissed  the  multitude,  and  came  himself  to  the  city  Kamah,  for  it  was  his  own 
 country.  Saul  also  went  away  to  Gibeah,  where  he  was  born  :  and  many  good  men  there  were 
 who  paid  him  the  respect  that  was  due  to  him;  but  the  greater  part  were  ill  men,  who 
 despised  him,  and  derided  the  others,  who  neither  did  bring  him  presents,  nor  did  they  in 
 aft'ectioD,  or  even  in  words,  regard  to  please  him. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Saul's  Expedition  against  the  NalloH  of  the  Ammnnites,  and  Victory  over  them,  and  the  Spoils 
 
 he  took  from  them. 
 §  1.  After  one  month,  the  war  which  Saul  had  with  Nahash,  the  king  of  the  Ammonites, 
 obtained  him  respect  from  all  the  people,  for  this  Nahash  had  done  a  great  deal  of  mischief 
 to  the  Jews  that  lived  beyond  Jordan,  by  the  expedition  he  had  made  against  them  with  a  great 
 and  warlike  army.  He  also  reduced  their  cities  into  slavery,  and  that  not  only  by  subduing 
 them  for  the  present,  which  he  did  by  force  and  violence,  but  weakening  them  by  subtilty  and 
 cunning,  that  they  might  not  be  able  afterward  to  get  clear  of  the  slavery  they  were  under  to 
 him  ;  for  he  put  out  the  right  eyes  of  those  that  either  delivered  themselves  to  him  upon  terms,* 
 or  were  taken  by  him  in  war;  and  this  he  did,  that  when  their  left  eyes  were  covered  by  their 
 
 1  A  1  "''j  ''^™  rheodorct's  note,  cited  Viv  Pr.  Hudson  ;  "  He  thnt  exposes  his  sliield  to  the  enemy  with  his 
 en  hniid,  thereby  hides  his  left  eye,  and  looks  at  the  enemy  with  his  right  eye :  he  therefore  that  plucks  out 
 iu«i  e>e  mnkes  men  useless  in  war.  " 
 
154  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 shields,  they  iiiighl  be  wholly  useless  in  war.  Now  when  the  king  of  the  Ammonites  liad 
 served  those  beyond  Jordan  in  this  manner,  he  led  his  army  against  those  that  were  called 
 Gileadites;  and  having  pitched  his  camp  at  the  metropolis  of  bis  enemies,  which  was  the  city 
 Jabesh,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  them,  commanding;  them  either  to  deliver  themselves  up,  on 
 condition  to  have  their  ris(ht  eyes  plucked  out,  or  to  underoo  a  siege,  and  to  have  their  cities 
 overthrown.  He  gave  them  their  choice,  whether  they  would  cut  oft'  a  small  member  of  their 
 body,  or  universally  perish.  However,  ihe  Gileadites  were  so  aiVrighted  at  these  offers,  that 
 they  had  not  courage  to  say  any  thing  to  either  of  them,  neither  that  they  would  deliver  them- 
 selves up,  nor  tiiat  they  would  fight  him.  But  they  desired  that  he  would  give  them  seven 
 days'  respite,  that  they  might  send  ambassadors  to  their  countrymen,  and  entreat  their  assist- 
 ance ;  and  if  they  came  to  assist  them,  they  would  fight,  but  if  that  assistance  were  impossible 
 to  be  obtained  from  them,  they  said  they  would  deliver  themselves  up  to  sufler  whatever  be 
 pleased  to  inflict  upon  them. 
 
 2.  So  Nahash,  contemning  the  multitude  of  the  Gileadites,  and  the  answer  they  gave, 
 allowed  them  a  respite,  and  gave  them  leave  to  send  to  whomsoever  they  pleased  for  assistance. 
 So  they  immediately  sent  to  the  Israelites,  city  by  city,  and  informed  them  what  Nahasb  had 
 threatened  to  do  to  them,  and  what  great  distress  they  were  in.  Now  the  people  fell  into  tears 
 and  grief,  at  the  hearing  of  what  the  ambassadors  from  Jabesh  said ;  and  the  terror  they  were 
 in  permitted  them  to  do  nothing  more.  But  when  the  messengers  were  come  to  the  city  of 
 king  Saul,  and  declared  the  dangers  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh  were,  the  people  were 
 in  the  same  affliction  as  those  in  the  other  cities,  for  they  lamented  the  calamity  of  those  re- 
 lated to  them.  And  when  Saul  was  returned  from  his  husbandry  into  the  city,  be  found  his 
 fellow-citizens  weeping ;  and  when,  upon  inquiry,  he  had  learned  the  cause  of  the  confusion 
 and  sadness  they  were  in,  he  was  seized  with  a  divine  fury,  and  sent  away  the  ambassadors 
 from  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh,  and  promised  them  to  come  to  their  assistance  on  the  third  day, 
 anl  to  beat  their  enemies  before  sun-rising,  that  the  sun,  ppon  its  rising,  might  see  tiiat  they 
 had  already  conquered,  and  were  freed  from  the  fears  they  were  under :  but  he  bid  some  of 
 them  stay  to  conduct  them  the  right  way  to  Jabesh. 
 
 3.  So  being  desirous  to  turn  the  people  to  this  war  against  the  Ammonites  by  fear  of  the 
 losses  they  should  otherwise  undergo,  and  (hat  they  might  the  more  suddenly  be  gathered  to- 
 gether, he  cut  the  sinews  of  his  oxen,  and  threatened  to  do  the  same  to  all  such  as  did  not 
 come  with  their  armour  to  Jordan  the  next  day,  and  follow  him  and  Samuel  the  prophet 
 whithersoever  they  should  lead  them.  So  they  came  together,  oui  of  fear  of  the  losses  they 
 were  threatened  with,  at  the  appointed  time.  And  the  multitude  were  numbered  at  the  city 
 Bezek.  And  he  found  the  number  of  those  that  were  gathered  together,  besides  that  of  the 
 tribe  of  Judab,  to  be  seven  hundred  thousand,  while  those  of  that  tribe  were  seventy  thousand. 
 So  he  passed  over  Jordan,  and  proceeded  in  marching  all  that  night,  thirty  furlongs,  and  came 
 to  Jabesh  before  sun-rising.  So  he  divided  the  army  into  three  companies ;  and  fell  upon 
 their  enemies  on  every  side  on  the  sudden,  and  when  they  expected  bo  such  thing:  and  joiising 
 battle  with  them,  they  slew  a  great  many  of  the  Ammonites;  as  also  their  king  Nahasli.  This 
 glorious  action  was  done  by  Saul,  and  was  related  with  great  comtnendation  of  him  to  all  the 
 Hebrews;  and  he  thence  gained  a  wonderful  reputation  for  his  valour:  for  although  there 
 were  some  of  thorn  that  contemned  him  before,  they  now  changed  their  minds,  and  honoured 
 him,  and  esteemed  him  as  the  best  of  men;  for  he  did  not  conttnt  himself  with  having  saved 
 the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh  only,  but  he  made  an  expedition  into  the  country  of  the  Ammonites, 
 and  laid  it  all  waste,  and  took  a  large  prey,  and  so  returned  to  his  own  country  most  gloriously  : 
 so  the  people  were  greatly  pleased  at  these  excellent  performances  of  Saul,  and  rejoiced  that 
 they  had  constituted  him  their  king.  They  also  made  a  clamour  against  those  that  pretended  he 
 would  be  of  no  advantage  to  their  affairs ;  and  they  said,  "  Where  now  are  these  men,  let  tliein 
 be  brought  to  punishment,"  with  all  the  like  things  that  multitudes  do  usually  say,  when  tliey 
 are  elevated  with  prosperity,  against  those  that  lately  had  despised  the  authors  of  it.  Cut 
 Saul,  although  he  took  the  good-will  and  the  affection  of  these  men  very  kindly,  yet  did  he 
 swear  that  he  would  not  see  any  of  his  countrymen  slain  that  day,  since  it  v/p.s  absurd  to  mix 
 this  victory,  which  God  had  given  them,  with  Ihe  blood  and  slaughter  of  those  that  were  of  the 
 same  image  with  themselves  ;  and  that  it  was  more  agreeable  to  be  men  of  a  friendly  disposi- 
 tion, and  so  to  betake  themselves  to  feasting. 
 
 4.  And  when  Samuel  bad  told  them  that  he  ought  to  confirm  the  kingdom  to  Saul  by  a 
 second  ordination  of  him,  they  all  came  together  to  the  city  Gilgal,  for  thither  did  he  com-" 
 mand  them  to  come.  So  the  prophet  anointed  Saul  with  the  holy  oil,  in  the  sight  of  the  multi- 
 tude, and  declared  him  to  he  king  the  second  time.  And  so  the  government  of  the  Hebrews 
 was  changed  into  a  regal  government;  for  in  the  days  of  Moses,  and  his  disciple  Joshua,  who 
 was  their  general,  they  continued  under' an  aristocracy,  but  after  the  de»tb  of  Joshua,  for 
 eighteen  years  in  all,  the  multitude  had  no  settled  form  of  government,  but  were  in  an  anarchy  ; 
 afl.T  which  they  returned  to  their  former  government,  thev  then  permitting  themselves  to  he 
 judged  by  him  who  appeared  to  be  the  best  warrior,  and  most  courageous,  whence  it  was  that 
 Ihey  called  this  interval  of  their  government,  The  Judges. 
 
 5.  I  hen  did  Samuel  the  prophet  call  another  assembly  also,  and  said  to  them,  "  I  solemnly 
 
BOOK   V  I. — CHAP.  VI.  155 
 
 adjure  you  by  God  x^lmiglity,  wlio  brought  those  excellent  brethren,  T  mean  Moses  and  Aaron, 
 into  the  woild,  and  delivered  our  fathers  from  the  Egyptians,  and  from  the  slavery  they 
 endured  under  them,  that  you  will  not  speak  what  you  say  to  gratify  me,  nor  suppress  any 
 ;hiu2  out  of  fear  of  rae,  nor  be  overborne  by  any  other  passion,  but  say,  what  have  I  ever  done 
 that  was  cruel  or  unjust ;  or  what  have  I  done  out  of  lucre  or  covetousness,  or  to  [{ratify 
 others?  Bear  witness  a^aInst  me,  if  I  have  taken  an  ox  or  a  sheep,  or  any  such  thing,  which 
 yet,  when  they  are  taken  to  support  men,  it  is  esteemed  blameless  ;  or  have  I  taken  an  ass  for 
 inine  own  use  of  any  one  to  his  grief?  Lay  some  one  such  crime  to  niy  charge,  now  we  are 
 in  your  kinj^'s  presence."  But  they  cried  out.  That  "  no  such  thing  had  been  done  by  him, 
 bat  that  he  had  presided  over  the  nation  after  a  holy  and  righteous  manner." 
 
 6.  Hereupon  Samuel,  when  such  a  testimony  had  been  given  him  by  them  all,  said,  "  Since 
 you  grant  that  you  are  not  able  to  lay  any  ill  thing  to  my  charge  hitherto,  come  on  now,  and  do 
 you  hearken  while  I  speak  with  great  freedom  to  you.  You  have  been  guilty  of  great  impiety 
 against  God  in  asking  you  a  king.  It  behoves  you  to  remember,  that  our  grandfather  Jacob 
 came  down  into  Egypt,  by  reason  of  a  famine,  with  seventy  souls  only  of  our  family,  and  that 
 their  posterity  multiplied  there  to  many  ten  thousands,  whom  the  Egyptitins  brought  into 
 slavery  and  hard  oppression;  that  God  himself,  upon  the  prayers  of  our  fathers,  sent  l^loses 
 and  Aaron,  who  were  brethren,  and  gave  them  power  to  deliver  the  multitude  out  of  liieir 
 distress,  and  this  without  a  king.  These  brought  us  into  this  very  land  which  yon  now  pos- 
 sess:  and  when  you  enjoyed  these  advantages  from  Gnd,  you  betrayed  his  worship  and  reli- 
 gion ;  nay,  moreover,  when  you  were  brought  under  the  hands  of  your  enemies,  Le  delivered 
 yon,  first  by  rendering  you  superior  to  the  Assyrians  and  their  forces  ;  he  then  made  you  to 
 overcome  the  Ammonites,  and  Moabites,  and  last  of  all,  the  Philistines;  and  these  things  have 
 been  achieved  under  the  conduct  of  Jephiha  and  Gideon.  "What  madness  therefr)re  pos- 
 sessed you  to  !ly  from  God,  and  to  desire  to  be  under  a  king;  yet  have  I  ordained  him  for 
 king  whom  he  chose  for  you.  However,  that  I  may  make  it  plain  to  you,  that  God  is  angry 
 and  displeased  at  your  choice  of  kingly  government,  I  will  so  dispose  him  that  he  shall  declare 
 this  very  plainly  to  you  by  strange  signals  ;  for  what  none  of  you  ever  saw  here  before,  I  mean 
 a  winter  storm  in  the  midst  of  harvest,*  I  will  entreat  of  God,  and  will  make  it  visible  to  you." 
 Now,  as  soon  as  he  had  said  this,  God  gave  such  great  signals  by  thunder  and  lightning,  and 
 the  descent  of  hoil,  as  attested  the  truth  of  all  tliat  the  prophet  had  said,  insomuch  that  they 
 were  amazed  and  tenified,  and  confessed  they  had  sinned,  and  had  fallen  into  the  sin  through 
 ignorance;  and  besought  the  prophet,  as  one  that  was  a  tender  and  gentle  father  to  them,  to 
 render  God  so  merciful  as  to  forgive  this  their  sin,  which  they  had  added  to  those  other  offences 
 whereby  they  had  affronted  hira  and  transgressed  against  him.  So  he  promised  them  that 
 he  would  beseech  God,  and  persuade  him  to  forgive  them  their  sins.  However,  he  advised 
 ihera  to  be  righteous,  and  to  be  good,  and  ever  to  remember  the  miseries  that  had  befallen 
 them  on  account  of  their  departure  from  virtue  :  as  also,  to  remember  the  strange  signs  God 
 had  shewed  them,  and  the  body  nf  laws  that  Moses  had  given  them,  if  they  had  any  desire  of 
 being  preserved  and  made  happy  with  their  king.  But  he  said,  that  if  they  should  grow 
 careless  of  these  things,  great  judgments  would  come  from  God  upon  thera,  and  upon  their 
 king.  And  when  Samuel  had  thus  prophesied  to  the  Hebrews,  he  dismissed  them  to  their 
 own  homes,  having  confirmed  the  kingdom  to  Saul  the  second  time. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  the  PJiilistines  made  mtothcr  Expedition  against  the  Hebrews,  mid  tcere  beaten. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Saul  chose  out  of  "the  multitude  about  three  thousand  men,  and  he  took  two  thou- 
 sand of  them  to  be  the  guards  of  his  own  body,  and  abode  in  the  city  of  Bethel,  but  he  gave  the 
 rest  of  them  to  Jonathan  his  son  to  be  the  guards  of  his  body  ;  and  sent  him  to  Gibeah,  where 
 he  besieged  and  tonic  a  certain  garrison  of  the  Philistines,  not  far  from  Gilgal,  for  the  Philis- 
 tines of  Gibeah  had  beaten  the  Jews,  and  taken  their  weapons  away,  and  had  put  garrisons  into 
 the  strongest  places  of  tlie  country,  and  had  forbidden  them  to  carry  any  instrument  of  iron, 
 or  at  all  to  make  use  of  any  iron  in  any  case  whatsoever.  And  on  account  of  this  proiiihition 
 it  was,  that  the  husbandmen,  if  they  had  occasion  to  sharpen  any  of  their  tools,  whrtlier  it 
 were  the  coulter  nr  the  spade,  or  any  instrument  of  husbandry,  they  came  to  the  Philistines  to 
 do  it.  Now  as  soon  as  the  Philistines  beard  of  this  .slaughter  of  their  garrison,  they  were  iii  a 
 rage  abnut  it,  and  lonking  on  this  contempt  as  a  terrible  affront  offered  them,  they  made  war 
 against  the  Jews,  with  three  hundred  thousand  footmen,  and  thirty  thousand  chariots,  and  six 
 thousand  horses,  and  they  pitched  their  camp  at  the  city  of  Wichmasli.  When  Saul,  the  king 
 of  the  Hebrews,  was  informed  of  this,  lie  went  down  to  the  city  of  Gilgal,  and  made  proclamation 
 over  all  the  country,  that  they  should  try  to  regain  tlK-ir  liberty  ;  and  called  tliem  to  the  war 
 against  the  Philistines,  diminishing  their  forces,  and  despising  them  as  not  very  considerable, 
 and  as  not  so  great,  but  tliat  they  might  hazard  a  battle  with  them.  But  when  the  peojile  about 
 SanI  oh  ^rved  how  numerous  the  Philistines  were,  they  were  under  a  great  consternation  ;  and 
 
 •  Mr.  Helaiid  observes  here,  and  proves  elsewhtre  in  his  note  on  Antirj.  h.  iii.  chap.  i.  ^6.  that  aIthou;-li 
 Biiinder  and  lightning  witli  us  happen  usually  in  summer,  yet  in  Palestine  and  Syria  they  are  chieHy  coutiu»d 
 •-wiiitor.    Jooephus  lakeii  notice  of  the  same  thing  afc-ain.    Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  chap.  iv.  ji). 
 
156  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 some  of  them  hid  themselves  in  caves,  and  in  dens  under  ground,  but  the  greater  part  fled  into 
 the  land  beyond  Jordan,  which  belonged  to  Gad  and  Reubel. 
 
 2.  Bat  Saul  sent  to  the  prophet,  and  called  hira  to  consult  wiUi  him  about  the  war,  and  the 
 public  affairs :  so  he  commanded  him  to  stay  there  for  him,  and  to  prepare  sacrifices,  for  be 
 would  come  to  him  within  seven  days,  that  they  might  offer  sacrifices  on  the  seventh  day,  and 
 might  then  join  battle  with  their  enemies.  So  he  waited,*  as  the  prophet  sent  to  him  to  do, 
 jet  did  not  he  however  observe  the  command  that  was  given  hira,  but  when  he  saw  that  the 
 prophet  tarried  longer  than  he  expected,  and  that  he  was  deserted  by  the  soldiers,  he  took  the 
 sacrifices  and  offered  them,  and  when  he  heard  that  Samuel  was  come,  he  went  out  to  meet 
 hira.  But  the  prophet  said  he  had  not  done  well  in  disobeying  the  injunctions  he  had  sent  to 
 him,  and  had  not  stayed  till  his  coming,  which  being  appointed  according  to  the  will  of  God,  he 
 had  prevented  him  in  offering  up  those  prayers,  and  those  sacrifices,  that  he  should  have  made 
 for  the  multitude,  and  that  he  therefore  had  performed  divine  offices  in  an  ill  manner,  and  had 
 been  rash  in  performing  them.  Hereupon  Saul  made  an  apology  for  himself,  and  said,  "That 
 be  had  waited  as  many  days  as  Samuel  had  appointed  him  ;  that  he  had  been  so  quick  in 
 offering  his  sacrifices,  upon  account  of  the  necessity  he  was  in,  and  because  his  soldiers  were 
 departing  from  him,  out  of  their  fear  of  the  enemy's  camp  at  Michmash,  the  report  being  gone 
 abroad  that  they  were  coming  down  upon  him  to  Gilgal."  To  which  Samuel  replied,  "  Nay, 
 certainly,  if  thou  badst  been  a  righteous  man,t  and  hadst  not  disobeyed  me,  nor  slighted  the 
 commands  which  God  suggested  to  me  concerning  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and  hadst  not 
 acted  more  hastily  than  the  present  circumstances  required,  thou  wonldst  have  been  permitted 
 to  reign  a  long  time,  and  thy  posterity  after  thee."  So  Samuel,  being  grieved  at  what  had 
 happened,  returned  home;  but  Saul  came  to  the  city  Gibeah,  with  his  son  Jonathan,  having 
 only  six  hundred  men  with  him;  and  of  these  the  greater  part  had  no  weapons,  because  of  the 
 scarcity  of  iron  in  that  country,  as  well  as  of  those  that  could  make  such  weapons,  for,  as  we 
 shewed  a  little  before,  the  Philistines  had  not  suffered  them  to  have  such  iron,  or  such  work- 
 men. Now  the  Philistines  divided  their  army  into  three  companies,  and  took  as  many  roads, 
 and  laid  waste  the  country  of  the  Hebrews,  while  king  Saul  and  his  son  Jonathan  saw  what 
 was  done,  but  were  not  able  to  defend  the  land,  as  no  more  than  six  hundred  men  were  with 
 them.  But  as  he  and  his  son,  and  Abiah  the  high  priest,  who  was  of  the  posterity  of  Eli  the 
 high  priest,  were  sitting  upon  a  pretty  high  hill,  and  seeing  the  land  laid  waste,  they  were 
 mightily  disturbed  at  it.  Now  Saul's  son  agreed  with  his  armour-bearer,  that  they  would  go 
 privately  to  the  enemy's  camp,  and  make  a  tumult  and  a  disturbance  among  them.  And  when 
 the  armour-bearer  had  readily  promised  to  follow  him  whithersoever  he  should  lead  him, 
 though  he  shoidd  be  obliged  to  die  in  the  attempt,  Jonathan  made  use  of  the  young  man's 
 assistance,  and  descended  from  the  hill,  and  went  to  their  enemies.  Now  the  enemy's  camp 
 was  upon  a  precipice,  which  had  three  tops,  that  ended  in  a  small  but  sharp  and  long  ex- 
 tremity, while  there  was  a  rock  that  surrounded  them,  like  lines  made  to  prevent  the  attacks 
 of  an  enemy.  There  it  so  happened,  that  the  out-guards  of  the  camp  were  neglected,  because 
 of  the  security  tliat  here  arose  from  the  situation  of  the  place,  and  because  they  thought  it 
 altogether  impossible,  not  only  to  ascend  up  to  the  camp  on  that  quarter,  but  so  much  as  to 
 come  near  it.  As  soon  therefore  as  they  came  to  the  camp,  Jonathan  encouraged  his  armour- 
 bearer,  and  said  to  him,  "  Let  us  attack  our  enemies  ;  and  if  when  they  see  as  they  bid  us 
 come  up  to  them,  take  that  for  a  signal  of  victory  ;  but  if  they  say  nothing,  as  not  intending 
 to  invite  us  to  come  up,   let  us  return  back  again."     So  when  they  were  approaching  to  the 
 
 *  Saul  seems  to  have  staid  till  near  the  time  of  the  evening  sacrifice,  on  the  seventh  day,  which  Samuel  the 
 prophet  of  God  had  appointed  him,  but  not  till  the  end  of  that  day,  as  he  ought  to  have  done;  and  Samuel 
 appears,  by  delaying  to  come  to  the  full  time  of  the  evening  sacrifice  on  that  seventh  day,  to  have  tried  him, 
 (who  seems  to  have  been  already  for  some  time  declining  from  his  strict  and  bounden  subordination  to  God, 
 and  his  prophet,  to  have  taken  life-guards  for  himself  and  his  son,  which  was  eaitirely  a  new  thing  in  I  srael, 
 and  savoured  of  a  distrust  of  God's  providence,  and  to  have  aff'ected  more  than  he  ought,  that  independent 
 authority  which  the  pagan  kings  took  to  themselves;)  Samuel,  I  say,  seems  to  have  here  tried  Saul,  whether 
 he  would  stay  till  the  priest  came,  who  alone  could  lawfully  ofl:er  the  sacrifices,  or  would  boldly  and  pro- 
 fanely usurp  the  priest's  office,  whicJi  he  venturing  upon,  was  justly  rejected  for  his  profaneness.  See  Constit. 
 Apost.  b.  ii.  chai).  xxvii.  And,  indeed,  since  Saul  had  accepted  kingly  power,  which  naturally  becomes 
 ungovernable  and  tyrannical,  as  God  foretold,  and  the  experience  of  all  ages  has  shewn,  the  divine  settlement 
 by  Moses  had  soon  been  laid  aside  under  the  kings,  had  not  God,  by  keeping  strictly  to  his  laws,  and  severely 
 executing  the  tlireatenings  therein  contained,  restrained  Saul  and  other  kings  in  some  degree  of  obedience  to 
 himself:  nor  was  even  this  severity  sufficient  to  restrain  most  of  the  future  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  from 
 the  grossest  idolati-y  and  impiety.  Of  the  advantage  of  which  strictness,  in  the  observing  divine  laws,  and 
 inflicting  their  threatened  penalties,  see  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  xii.  ^7.  and  Contra  Apion,  b.  ii.  ^30.  where  Jose- 
 Dhns  speaks  of  that  matter,  though  it  must  be  noted  that  it  seems  at  least  in  three  instances,  that  good  men 
 Hid  not  always  immediately  approve  of  such  divine  severity.  There  seems  to  be  one  instance,  ISani.  vi.  19, 
 SO.  another,  1  Sam.  xv.  11.  and  a  third,  2  Sam.  vi.  8,  9.  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  vii.  §2.  though  they  all  at  last 
 acquiesced  in  the  divine  conduct,  as  knowing  that '  God  is  wiser  than  men.' 
 
 +  By  this  answer  of  (Samuel,  and  that  from  a  divine  commission,  which  is  fuller  in  1  Sam.  xiii.  14.  and  by 
 that  parallel  note  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  just  now  quoted  concerning  the  great  wickedness  of  Saul  in 
 venturing,  even  under  a  seeming  necessity  of  aiTairs,  to  usurp  the  priest's  office,  and  offer  sacrifices  without  the 
 ])Tiest,  we  arc,  in  some  degree,  able  to  answer  that  question,  which  I  have  ever  thought  a  very  hard  one,  viz. 
 Whether  if  there  were  a  city,  or  country  of  lay  Christians,  without  any  clergyman,  it  were  lawful  for  the  laily 
 alone  to  baptize,  or  celebrate  the  eucharist,  ^c.  or  indeed  whether  they  alone  could  ordain  themselves  either 
 liishopB,  priests,  or  deacons,  for  the  due  performance  of  such  sacerdotal  ministration  ?  or  whether  they  ought 
 not  rather,  till  they  procure  clergymen  to  come  among  them,  to  conline  themselves  within  those  l>oun<Is  of  piety 
 ajid  Christianity,  which  belong  "alone  to  the  laity  :"  such  particularly  as  are  recommended  in  the  first  book  of 
 the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  peculiarly  concent  the  laity,  and  are  intimated  in  Clement's  undoubtea 
 epistle,  5  40.    To  which  latter  opinion  1  incline. 
 
BOOK  VI.— CHAP.    VI.  157 
 
 enemies'  camp,  just  after  break  of  day,  aiul  the  Pliilistines  saw  tliein,  lliey  said  oue  to  anotlier, 
 "  The  Hebrews  come  out  of  their  dens  aud  ciives  :"  and  >hey  said  to  Jonathan  and  to  bis 
 armour-bearer,  "Come  on,  ascend  up  to  us,  that  we  may  inflict  a  just  {lunishment  upon  yon, 
 for  your  rash  attempt  upon  us."  So  Saul's  son  accepted  of  that  invitation,  as  what  sigoified 
 to  him  victory,  and  he  immediately  came  out  of  the  place  whence  they  were  seen  by  their  ene- 
 mies ;  so  he  changed  bis  place,  and  came  to  the  rock  which  had  none  to  guard  it,  because  of 
 its  own  strength  ;  from  thence  they  crept  ap  with  great  labour  and  ditficulty  ;  and  so  far  overcame 
 by  force  the  nature  of  the  place,  till  they  were  able  to  fight  with  their  enemies.  So  they  fell 
 upon  them  as  they  were  asleep,  and  slew  about  twenty  of  them,  and  thereby  filled  them  with 
 disorder  and  surprise,  insomuch  that  some  of  them  threw  away  their  entire  armour  and  fled  ;  but  the 
 greatest  part,  not  knowing  one  another  because  they  were  of  different  nations,  suspected  one 
 another  to  be  enemies,  (for  they  did  not  imagine  there  were  only  two  of  the  Hebrews  that 
 came  up,)  and  so  they  fought  one  against  another:  and  some  of  them  died  in  battle,  and  some, 
 as  they  were  flying  away,  were  tlirown  down  from  the  rock  headlong. 
 
 3.  Now  .Saul's  watchmen  told  the  king,  that  the  camp  of  the  Philistines  was  in  confusion  ; 
 then  he  inquired  whether  any  body  was  gone  away  from  the  army  ?  and  when  he  heard  that 
 Lis  son,  and  with  iiira  his  armour-bearer,  were  absent,  he  bid  thehi^h  priest  take  the  garments 
 of  his  high  priesthood,  and  prophesy  to  him  what  success  they  should  have  ;  who  said,  "  That 
 they  should  get  the  victory,  and  prevail  against  their  enemies."  So  he  went  out  after  the 
 Philistines,  and  set  upon  them  as  tliey  were  slaying  one  another.  Those  also  came  running 
 to  him,  who  had  fled  to  dens  and  caves,  upon  hearing  that  Saul  was  gaining  a  victory.  When 
 therefore  the  number  of  the  Hebrews  that  came  to  Saul  amounted  to  about  ten  thousand,  he 
 pursued  the  enemy,  who  were  scattered  all  over  the  country ;  but  then  he  fell  into  an  action, 
 which  was  a  very  unhappy  one,  and  liable  to  be  very  much  blamed  ;  for  whether  out  of  igno- 
 rance, or  whether  out  of  joy  f«r  a  victory  gained  so  strangely,  for  it  frequently  happens,  that 
 persons  so  fortunate  are  not  then  able  to  use  their  reason  consistently,  as  he  was  desirous  to 
 avenge  himself,  and  to  exact  a  due  punishment  of  the  Philistines,  he  denounced  a  curse  on  the 
 Hebrews,*  "  That  if  any  one  put  a  stop  to  his  slaughter  of  the  enemy,  and  fell  on  eating,  and 
 left  off  the  slaughter  or  the  pursuit  before  the  night  came  on,  aud  obliged  them  so  to  do,  he 
 should  be  accursed."  Now  after  Saul  had  denounced  this  curse,  since  they  were  now  in  a 
 wood  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  which  was  thick  and  full  of  bees,  Saul's  son,  who  did 
 not  hear  his  father  denounce  that  curse,  nor  hear  of  the  approbation  the  multitude  gave  to  it, 
 broke  off  a  piece  of  a  honeycomb,  and  ate  part  of  it.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  he  was  informed 
 with  what  a  curse  his  father  had  forbidden  them  to  taste  any  thing  before  snn-setting  :  so  he 
 left  off  eating,  and  said,  "  His  father  had  not  done  well  in  this  prohibition,  because,  had  they 
 taken  some  food,  they  had  pursued  the  enemy  with  greater  vigour  and  alacrity,  and  had  both 
 taken  and  slain  many  more  of  their  enemies." 
 
 4.  When  therefore  they  had  slain  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Philistines,  they  fell  upon 
 spoiling  the  camp  of  the  Philistines,  but  not  till  late  in  the  evening.  They  also  took  a  great 
 deal  of  prey,  and  cattle,  and  killed  them,  and  ate  them  with  their  blood.  This  was  told  to 
 the  king  by  the  scribes,  that  the  multitude  were  sinning  against  God,  as  they  sacrificed,  and 
 were  eating  before  the  blood  was  well  washed  away,  and  the  flesh  made  clean.  Then  did  Saul 
 give  order  that  a  great  stone  should  be  rolled  into  the  midst  of  them,  and  he  made  proclama- 
 tion that  they  should  kill  their  sacrifices  upon  it,  and  not  feed  upon  the  flesh  with  the  blood, 
 for  that  was  not  acceptable  to  God.  And  when  all  the  people  did  as  the  king  commanded 
 them,  Saul  erected  an  altar  there, t  and  offered  burnt-offerings  upon  it  to  God.  This  was  the 
 first  altar  that  Saul  built. 
 
 5.  So  when  Saul  was  desirous  of  leading  Ihs  men  to  the  enemy's  camj)  before  it  was  day,  in 
 order  to  plunder  it,  and  when  the  soldiers  were  not  unwilling  to  follow  him,  but  indeed  shewed 
 great  readiness  to  do  as  he  commanded  them,  the  king  called  Ahitub  the  high  priest,  and 
 enjoined  him  to  know  of  God,  whether  he  would  graUt  him  the  favour  and  permission  to  go 
 against  the  enemy's  camp,  in  order  to  destroy  those  that  were  in  it.  And  when  the  priest  said, 
 that  God  did  not  give  any  answer,  "And  not  without  some  cause,"  said  Saul,  "  does  God  refuse 
 to  answer  what  we  inquire  of  him,  while  yet  a  little  while  ago  he  declared  to  us  all  that  we 
 desired  beforehand,  and  even  prevented  us  in  his  answer.  To  be  sure  there  is  some  sin 
 against  him,  that  is  concealed  from  us,  which  is  the  occasion  of  his  silence.  Now  I  swear  by 
 Him  himself,  that  though  he  that  hath  committed  this  sin  should  prove  to  be  my  own  son  Jona- 
 than, I  will  slay  him,  and  by  that  means  will  appease  the  anger  of  God  against  us,  and  that  in 
 the  very  same  manner  as  if  I  were  to  punish   a  stranger,  and  one  not  at  all   related  to  me,  for 
 
 *  This  rash  vow  or  curse  of  Saul's,  which  Josephus  says  was  confirmed  by  the  people,  and  yet  not  executed, 
 I  suppose  principally,  because  Jonathan  did  not  know  of  it,  is  very  remarkable,  being  of  the  essence  of  the 
 oolitfation  of  all  laws,  tliat  they  be  sufficiently  known  and  promulgated  ;  otherwise  the  conduct  of  Providence, 
 as  to  the  sacreduess  of  solemn  oaths  and  vows,  in  God's  refusing  to  answer  by  I'rim,  till  tlie  breach  of  Saul's 
 vow  or  curse  was  understood  and  sot  right,  and  God  propitiated  by  public  prayer,  ie  here  very  remarkable,  as 
 indeed  it  is  every  where  else  in  the  Old  Testament. 
 
 +  Here  we  have  still  more  indications  of  Saul's  affectation  of  despotic  power,  and  of  his  entrenching  upon 
 the  priesthood,  and  making  and  endeavourint:  to  execute  a  rash  vow  or  curse  without  consulting  Samuel  or 
 tlie  Sanhedrim.  In  this  view  it  is  also,  that  1  look  upou  this  erection  of  a  new  altar  by  Saul,  and  liis  offering 
 of  burnt-otfermgs  Jiimself  upon  it;  and  not  as  auy  proper  instauce  of  devotion  or  religion,  with  other  com- 
 mentators. 
 
158  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  same  oflence."  So  when  the  muliltade  cried  out  to  him  so  to  do,  he  presentlj  set  all  (he 
 rest  on  one  side,  and  he  and  his  son  stood  on  the  other  side,  and  he  sought  to  discover  the 
 ofl'ender  by  lot.  Now  the  lot  appeared  to  fall  upon  Jonathan  himself.  So  when  he  was  asked 
 by  his  father  what  sin  he  had  been  guilty  of?  and  what  he  was  conscioas  of  in  the  course  of  his 
 life  that  might  be  esteemed  instances  of  guilt  or  profaneness?  his  answer  was  this,  "  O  father, 
 I  have  done  nothing  more  than  that  yesterday  ;  without  knowing  of  the  curse  and  oath  thou 
 Ladst  denounced,  while  I  was  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  I  tasted  of  a  honeycomb."  But  Saul 
 sware  that  he  would  slay  hi-m,  and  prefer  the  observation  of  his  oath  before  all  the  ties  of 
 birth  and  of  nature.  And  Jonathan  was  not  dismayed  at  this  threatening  of  death,  but  offering 
 himself  to  it  generously,  and  nndauntediy,  he  said,  "  Nor  do  I  desire  you,  father,  to  spare  me  : 
 death  will  be  to  me  very  acceptable,  when  it  proceeds  from  thy  piety,  and  after  a  glorious 
 victory  ;  for  it  is  the  greatest  consolation  to  me,  that  I  leave  the  Hebrews  victorious  over  tiie 
 Philistines."  Hereupon  all  the  people  were  very  sorry,  and  greatly  afflicted  for  Jonathan,  and 
 they  sware  that  they  would  not  overlook  Jonathan,  and  see  him  die,  who  was  the  author  of 
 their  victory.  By  which  means  they  snatched  him  out  of  the  danger  he  was  in  from  his  father's 
 curse,  while  they  made  their  prayers  to  God  also  for  the  yonng  man,  that  he  would  remit  his  sin. 
 
 6.  So  Saul  having  slain  about  sixty  thousand  of  the  enemy,  returned  home  to  his  own  city, 
 and  reigned  happily  :  and  he  also  fought  against  the  neighbouring  nations,  and  subdued  the 
 Ammonites,  and  JMoabites,  and  Philistines,  and  Edomites  and  Amalekites,  as  also  the  king  of 
 Zobah.  He  had  three  male  children,  Jonathan,  and  Tsui,  and  Melchishua  ;  with  Merab  and 
 Michal  his  daughters.  He  had  also  Abner,  his  uncle's  son,  for  the  captain  of  his  host;  that 
 uncle's  name  was  Ner.  Now  Ner  and  Kish,  the  father  of  Saul,  were  brothers.  Saul  had 
 also  a  great  many  chariots  and  horsemen  :  against  whomsoever  he  made  war,  he  returned  con- 
 ([ueror,  and  advanced  the  affairs  of  the  Hebrews  to  a  great  degree  of  success  and  prosperity, 
 and  made  them  superior  to  other  nations  :  and  he  made  such  of  the  young  men  that  were  re- 
 markable for  tallness  and  comeliDess,  the  guards  of  his  body. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Saufs  War  with  the  Amalekites,  and  Conquest  of  them. 
 §  1.  Now  Samuel  came  unto  Saul,  and  said  to  him,  "That  he  was  sent  by  God  to  put  him  in 
 mind  that  God  had  preferred  him  above  all  others,  and  ordained  him  king;  that  he  therefore 
 ought  to  be  obedient  to  him,  and  to  submit  to  his  authority,  as  considering,  that  tbough  he  had 
 the  dominion  over  the  other  tribes,  yet  that  God  had  the  dominion  over  him,  and  overall 
 things.  That  accordingly.  God  said  to  him,  that  because  the  Amalekites  did  the  Hebrews  a 
 great  deal  of  mischief  while  they  were  in  the  wilderness,  and  when,  upon  their  coming  out  of 
 Egypt,  they  were  making  their  way  to  that  country  which  is  now  their  own,  I  enjoin  thee  to 
 punish  the  Amalekites,  by  making  war  upon  them,  and  when  thou  hast  subdued  them,  to  leave 
 none  of  them  alive,  but  to  pursue  them  through  every  age,  and  to  slay  them,  beginning  with 
 the  women  and  the  infants,  and  to  require  this  as  a  punishment  to  be  inflicted  upon  them  for 
 the  mischief  they  did  to  our  forefathers.  To  spare  nothing,  neither  asses  nor  other  beasts,  nor 
 to  reserve  any  of  them  for  your  own  advantage  and  possession,  but  to  devote  them  universally 
 to  God,  and,  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  Moses,  to  blot  out  the  name  of  An)alek* 
 entirely. 
 
 2.  So  Saul  promised  to  do  what  he  was  commanded  ;  and  supposing  that  his  obedience  to 
 God  would  be  shewn,  not  only  in  making  war  against  the  Amalekites,  but  more  fully  in  the 
 readiness  and  quickness  of  his  proceedings,  he  made  no  delay,  but  immediately  gathered  toge- 
 ther all  his  forces  ;  and  when  lie  had  numbered  them  in  Gilgal,  he  found  them  to  be  about  four 
 hundred  thousand  of  the  Israelites,  besides  the  tribe  of  Judah;  for  that  tribe  contained  by 
 itself  thirty  thousand.  Accordingly,  Saul  made  an  irruption  into  the  country  of  the  Amalek- 
 ites, and  set  many  men  in  several  parties  in  ambush  at  the  river,  that  so  he  might  not  only  do 
 them  a  mischief  by  open  fighting,  but  might  fall  upon  them  unexpectedly  in  the  ways,  and 
 might  thereby  compass  them  round  about,  and  kill  them.  And  when  he  had  joined  battle  with 
 the  enemy,  he  beat  them,  and,  pursuing  them  as  they  fled,  he  destroyed  them  all.  And  \\{lien 
 that  undertaking  had  succeeded,  according  as  God  had  foretold,  he  set  upon  the  cities  of  the 
 Amalekites  :  he  besieged  them,  and  took  them  by  force,  partly  by  warlike  machines,  partly  by 
 mines  dug  under  ground,  and  partly  by  building  walls  on  the  outsides.  Some  they  starved  out 
 with  famine,  and  some  they  gained  by  other  methods  ;  and  after  all,  he  betook  himself  to  slay  . 
 the  women  and  the  children,  and  thought  he  did  not  act  therein  either  barbarously  or  inhu- 
 manly ;  lirst,  because  they  were  enemies  whom  he  thus  treated,  and,  in  the  next  place,  because 
 it  was  done  by  the  command  of  God,  whom  it  was  dangerous  not  to  obey.  He  also  took  Agag, 
 the  enemy's  kins,  captive  ;  the  beauty  and  tallness  of  whose  body  he  admired  so  much,  that  be 
 thought  him  worthy  of  preservation  :  yet  was  not  this  done,   however,  according  to  the  will  of 
 
 •  The  reason  of  this  sereriiy  is  dislinctly  given,  1  Sam.  xv.  18.  "  Go.  and  utterly  destroy  the  sinners  the 
 Amalekites."     .Nor  indeed  do  we  ever  meet  with  these  y\malekites  but  as  very  cruel   and  bloody  people,  and 
 
 Particularly  seeking  to  injure  aud  utterly  lo  destroy  the  nation  of  Israel,  K.\od.  xvii.ft— 16.  Numb.  xiv.  45. 
 leut.  1XV.  17— ID.  .Tudpes  vi.  .1.  6.  1  Sam.  xv.  3.1.  Psalm  Ixxxiii.  7.  and  above  all,  the  most  barbarous  of 
 all  cruelties,  that  of  Ilaman  the  Agafitc,  or  one  of  the  posterity  of  Agag,  the  old  king  of  tlie  Amalekites, 
 Esther  iii.  I— 10. 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.    VII.  159 
 
 God,  but  by  giving  way  to  Lunifin  passions,  and  suSTering  bimself  to  be  moved  wltli  an  unseii- 
 sonable  commiseration,  in  a  point  where  it  was  not  safe  for  him  to  indulge  it,  for  God  hated 
 the  nation  of  the  Amalekites  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  commanded  Saul  to  have  no  pity  on 
 even  those  infants  which  we  by  nature  chiefly  compassionate ;  but  Saul  preserved  their  king 
 and  governor  from  the  miseries  which  the  Hebrews  brought  on  the  people,  as  if  he  preferred 
 the  fine  appearance  of  the  enemy  to  the  memory  of  what  God  had  sent  him  about.  Tlie  mul- 
 titude were  also  guilty,  together  with  Saul,  for  they  spared  the  herds  and  the  flocks,  and  took 
 them  for  a  prey,  when  God  had  commanded  they  should  not  spare  them.  They  also  carried 
 olF  with  them  the  rest  of  their  wealth  and  riches,  but  if  there  were  any  thing  that  was  not 
 worthy  of  regard,  that  they  destroyed. 
 
 3.  But  when  Saul  had  conquered  all  those  Amalekites  that  reached  from  Pelusinraof  Egypt 
 to  the  Red  Sea,  he  laid  waste  all  the  rest  of  the  enemy's  country  :  but  for  the  nation  of  the 
 Shechemiles,  he  did  not  touch  them,  although  they  dwelt  in  the  very  middle  of  the  country  of 
 Midian  ;  for,  before  the  battle,  Saul  had  sent  to  them,  and  charged  them  to  depart  thence,  lest 
 they  should  be  partakers  of  the  miseries  of  the  Amalekites,  for  he  had  a  just  occasion  for  sav- 
 ing them,  since  they  were  of  the  kindred  of  Raguel,  Moses'  father-in-law. 
 
 4.  Hereupon  Saul  returned  home  with  joy,  for  the  glorious  things  he  had  done,  and  for  the 
 conquest  of  his  enemies,  as  though  he  had  not  neglected  any  thing  which  the  prophet  had 
 enjoined  him  to  do,  when  he  was  going  to  make  war  with  the  Amalekites,  and  as  though  he  had 
 exactly  observed  all  that  he  ought  to  have  done.  But  God  was  grieved  that  the  king  of  the 
 Amalekites  was  preserved  alive,  and  that  the  multitude  had  seized  on  the  cattle  for  a  prey, 
 because  these  things  were  done  without  his  permission ;  for  he  thought  it  an  intolerable  thing, 
 that  they  should  conquer  and  overcome  their  enemies  by  that  power  which  he  gave  them,  and 
 then  that  he  himself  should  be  so  grossly  despised  and  disobeyed  by  them,  that  a  mere  man, 
 that  was  a  king,  would  not  bear  it.  He  therefore  told  Samuel  the  prophet,  that  he  repented 
 that  he  had  made  Saul  king,  while  he  did  nothing  that  he  had  commanded  them,  but  indulged 
 his  own  inclinations.  When  Samuel  heard  that,  he  was  in  confusion  ;  and  began  to  beseech 
 God  all  that  night  to  be  reconciled  to  Saul,  and  not  to  be  angry  with  him :  but  he  did  not  grant 
 that  forgiveness  to  Saul  which  the  prophet  asked  for,  as  not  deeming  it  a  fit  thing  to  grant  for- 
 giveness of  [such]  sins  at  his  entreaties,  since  injuries  do  not  otherwise  grow  so  great  as  by 
 the  easy  tempers  of  those  that  are  injured  ;  for  while  they  hunt  after  the  glory  of  being  thought 
 gentle  and  good-natured,  before  they  are  aware  they  produce  other  sins.  As  soon  therefore 
 as  God  had  rejected  the  intercession  of  the  prophet,  and  it  plainly  appeared  he  would  not 
 change  his  mind,  at  break  of  day  Samuel  came  to  Saul  to  Gilgal.  When  the  king  saw  him,  be 
 ran  to  him,  and  embraced  him,  and  said,  "  I  return  thanks  to  God  wlio  hath  given  me  the  vic- 
 tory, for  I  have  performed  every  thing  that  he  hath  commanded  nie."  To  which  Samuel  re- 
 plied, "  How  is  it  then  that  1  hear  the  bleating  of  the  sheep,  and  the  lowing  of  the  greater  cat- 
 tle, in  the  camp?"  Saul  made  answer,  that  "  the  people  had  reserved  them  for  sacrifices,  but 
 that,  as  to  the  nation  of  the  Amalekites,  it  was  entirely  destroyed,  as  he  had  received  it  in 
 command  to  see  done,  and  that  no  one  man  was  left,  but  that  he  had  saved  alive  the  king  alone, 
 and  brought  him  to  him,  concerning  whom  lie  s.id  they  would  advise  togetlier  what  should  be 
 done  with  him."  But  the  prophet  said,  '■  God  is  not  delighted  with  sacrifices,  but  with  good 
 «nd  righteous  men,  who  are  such  as  follow  his  will  and  his  laws,  and  never  think  that  any 
 thing  is  well  done  by  them,  but  when  they  do  it  as  God  bath  commanded  them  :  that  he  then 
 looks  upon  himself  as  aflVonted,  not  when  any  one  does  not  sacrifice,  but  when  any  one  appears 
 to  be  disobedient  to  him.  But  that  from  those  who  do  not  obey  him,  nor  pay  him  that  duty 
 which  is  the  alone  true  and  acceptable  worship,  he  will  not  kindly  accept  their  oblations,  be 
 those  they  ofler  never  so  many  and  so  fat,  and  be  the  presents  they  make  him  never  so  orna- 
 mental, nay,  though  they  were  made  of  gold  and  silver  themselves,  but  he  will  reject  them,  and 
 esteem  them  instances  of  wickedness,  and  not  of  piety.  And  that  he  is  delighted  with  those 
 that  still  bear  in  mind  this  one  thing,  and  this  only,  how  to  do  that,  whatsoever  it  be,  which 
 God  pronounces  or  commands  for  them  to  do,  and  to  choose  rather  to  die  than  to  transgress 
 any  of  those  commands  ;  nor  does  he  require  so  much  as  a  sacrifice  from  them.  And  when 
 these  do  sacrifice,  though  it  be  a  mean  oblation,  he  better  accepts  of  it  as  the  honour  of  poverty, 
 than  sucli  oblations  as  come  from  the  richest  men  that  ofl'er  them  to  hira.  Wherefore  take 
 notice,  that  thou  art  under  the  wrath  of  God,  for  thou  hast  despised  and  neglected  what  he 
 commanded  thee.  How  dost  thou  then  suppose  that  he  will  accept  a  sacrifice  out  of  such 
 things  as  he  hath  doomed  to  destruction?  unless  perhaps  thou  dost  imagine  that  it  is  almost 
 all  one  to  ofler  it  in  sacrifice  to  God  as  to  destroy  it.  Do  thou  therefore  expect  that  thy  king- 
 dom will  be  taken  from  thee,  and  that  authority  which  thou  hast  abused  by  such  insolent 
 behaviour,  as  to  neglect  that  God  who  bestowed  it  upon  thee."  Then  did  Saul  confess  that 
 he  had  acted  unjustly,  and  did  not  deny  that  he  had  sinned,  because  he  had  transgressed  the 
 iirjunclions  of  the  prophet  ;  but  he  said,  that  it  was  out  of  a  dread  and  fear  of  the  soldiers, 
 that  he  did  not  prohibit  and  restrain  them  when  they  seized  on  the  prey.  But  forgive  me, 
 said  he,  and  be  merciful  to  me,  for  I  will  be  cautious  how  I  offend  for  the  time  to  come.  He 
 also  entreated  the  proplvet  to  go  back  with  him,  that  he  might  ofler  his  thank-olTerings  to  God  ; 
 but  Samuel  went  home,  because  he  saw  that  God  would  not  be  reconciled  to  him. 
 
K;0  antiquities  of  the  jews. 
 
 5.  But  then  Saul  was  so  desirous  to  retain  Samael,  that  he  took  bold  of  his  cloak,  and 
 because  the  vehemence  of  Samuel's  departure  made  the  motion  to  be  violent,  the  cloak  was 
 rent.  Upon  which  the  prophet  said,  that  after  the  same  manner  should  the  kingdom  be  rent 
 from  him,  and  that  a  good  and  a  just  man  should  take  it ;  that  God  persevered  in  what  he  had 
 decreed  about  him  ;  that  to  be  mutable  and  changeable  in  what  is  determined,  is  agreeable  to 
 human  passions  only,  but  is  not  agreeable  to  the  divine  power.  Hereupon  Saul  said,  that  he 
 had  been  wicked,  but  that  what  was  done  could  not  be  undone  :  he  therefore  desired  him  to 
 honour  him  so  far,  that  the  multitude  might  see  that  he  would  accompanj  him  in  worshipping 
 God.  So  Samuel  granted  hira  that  favour,  and  went  with  him  and  worshipped  God.  Agag, 
 also,  the  king  of  the  Amalekites,  was  brought  to  hira ;  and  when  the  king  asked.  How  bitter 
 death  was?  Samuel  said:  As  thou  hast  made  many  of  the  Hebrew  mothers  to  lament  and  bewail 
 their  children,  so  shalt  thou  by  thy  death  cause  thy  mother  to  lament  thee  also.  Accordingly, 
 he  gave  order  to  slay  him  immediately  at  Gilgal,  and  then  went  away  to  the  city  Ramab. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Hoiv,  upon  Saul's  Transgression  of  the  Prophet's  Commands,  Samuel  ordained  another  Person 
 to  be  King  privately,  whose  name  ivas  David,  as  God  commanded  him. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Saul  being  sensible  of  the  miserable  condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  and  that 
 he  had  made  God  to  be  his  enemy,  he  went  up  to  his  royal  palace  at  Gibeah,  which  name 
 denotes  a  '  hill,'  and  after  that  day  he  came  no  more  into  the  presence  of  the  prophet.  And 
 when  Samuel  mourned  for  him,  God  bid  him  leave  off  his  concern  for  him,  and  to  take  the  ho!y 
 oil,  and  go  to  Bethlehem  to  Jesse,  the  son  of  Obed,  and  to  anoint  such  of  his  sons  as  he  should 
 shew  him,  for  their  future  king.  But  Samuel  said,  he  was  afraid  lest  Saul,  when  he  came  to 
 know  of  it,  should  kill  him,  either  by  some  private  method  or  even  openly.  But  upon  God's 
 suggesting  to  him  a  safe  way  of  going  thither,  he  came  to  the  forementioned  city;  and  when 
 they  all  saluted  him,  and  asked,  "  What  was  the  occasion  of  his  coming?"  he  told  them,  be 
 came  to  sacrifice  to  God.  When,  therefore,  he  had  gotten  the  sacrilice  ready,  he  called 
 Jesse  and  his  sons  to  partake  of  those  sasrifices  ;  and  when  he  saw  his  eldest  sou  to  be  a  tail 
 and  handsome  man,  he  guessed  by  his  comeliness  that  he  was  the  person  who  was  to  be  their 
 future  king.  But  he  was  mistaken  in  judging  about  God's  providence,  for  when  .Samuel 
 inquired  of  God,  n-hether  he  should  anoint  this  youth,  whom  he  so  admired,  and  esteemed 
 worthy  of  the  kingdom?  God  said,  "  Men  do  not  see  as  God  seeth.  Thou  indeed  hast  respect 
 to  the  fine  appearance  of  this  youth,  and  thence  esteemest  him  worthy  of  the  kingdom,  while  I 
 propose  the  kingdom  as  a  reward,  not  of  the  beauty  of  bodies,  but  of  the  virtue  of  souls,  and 
 I  inquire  after  one  that  is  perfectly  comely  in  that  respect.  I  mean  one  who  is  beautiful  in 
 piety,  and  righteousness,  and  fortitude,  and  obedience,  for  in  them  consists  the  comeliness  of 
 the  soul."  When  God  had  said  this,  Samuel  bade  Jesse  to  shew  him  all  his  sons.  So  he  made 
 five  others  of  liis  sons  to  come  to  him  ;  of  all  of  whom  Eliab  was  the  eldest,  Aminadab  the  second, 
 Shammah  the  third,  Nathaneel  the  fourth,  Rael  the  fifth,  and  Asam  the  sixth.  And  when  the 
 prophet  saw  that  these  were  no  way  inferior  to  the  eldest  in  their  countenances,  he  inquired  of 
 God,  which  of  them  it  was  whom  be  chose  for  their  king  ?  And  when  God  said  it  was  none  of 
 them,  he  asked  Jesse,  whether  be  had  not  some  other  sons  beside  these.''  and  when  he  said 
 that  he  had  one  more  named  David,  but  that  he  was  a  shepherd,  and  tcok  care  of  the  flocks, 
 Samuel  bid  them  call  him  immediately,  for  that  till  he  was  come  they  could  not  possibly 
 sit  down  to  the  feast.  Now  as  soon  as  his  father  had  sent  for  David,  and  he  was  come,  he 
 appeared  to  be  of  a  yellow  complexion,  of  a  sharp  sight,  and  a  comely  person  in  other  respects 
 also.  This  is  he,  said  Samuel  privately  to  himself,  whom  it  pleases  God  to  mak.e  our  king. — 
 So  he  sat  down  to  the  feast,  and  placed  the  youth  under  him,  and  Jesse  also,  with  his  other 
 sons  ;  after  which  he  took  oil,  in  the  presence  of  David,  and  anointed  him,  and  whispered  him 
 in  the  ear,  and  acquainted  him,  that  God  chose  him  to  be  their  king :  and  exhorted  him  to  be 
 righteous,  and  obedient  to  his  commands,  for  that  by  this  meanj  his  kingdom  would  continue 
 for  a  long  time,  and  that  his  house  should  be  of  great  splendour,  and  celebrated  in  the  world  : 
 that  he  should  overthrow  the  Philistines  ;  and  that  against  what  nation  soever  he  should  make 
 war,  he  should  be  the  conqueror,  and  survive  the  fight  ;  and  that  while  he  lived  he  should 
 enjoy  a  glorious  name,  and  leave  such  a  name  to  his  posterity  also. 
 
 '2.  So  Samuel,  when  he  had  given  him  these  admonitions,  went  away  :  but  the  divine  power 
 departed  from  Saul,  and  removed  to  David  ;  who,  upon  this  removal  of  the  Divine  Spirit  to 
 him,  began  to  prophesy.  But  as  for  Saul,  some  strange  and  demoniacal  disorders  came  upon 
 him,  and  brought  upon  him  such  suflbcations  as  were  ready  to  choke  him,  for  which  the  physi- 
 cians could  find  no  other  remedy  but  this,  that  if  any  person  could  charm  those  passions  by 
 singing,  and  playing  upon  the  harp,  they  advised  them  to  inquire  for  such  a  one,  and  to  observe 
 when  these  demons  came  upon  him  and  disturbed  him,  and  to  take  caie  that  such  a  person  might 
 stand  over  him  and  play  on  the  harp,*  and  recite  hymns  to  him.  Accordingly,  Saul  did  not 
 delay,  but  commandcil  them  to  seek  out  such  a  man.    And  when  a  certain  stauder-by  said,  that 
 
 •  Spanhdm  takes  notice  here,  that  the  Greeks  had  such  '  singers  of  hymns,'  and  that  usually  children  or 
 youth  were  lucked  out  for  tluit  service  ;  as  also  that  those  called  '  siugers  to  the  harp,'  did  the  same  that  David 
 did  here,  i.  e.  join  their  own  vocal  and  instrumental  music  together. 
 
BOOK   VI. — CHAP.    IX.  IGl 
 
 tie  had  seen  in  the  city  of  Bellilebem  a  son  of  Jesse,  who  was  yet  no  more  than  a  child  in  age, 
 but  comely  nnd  beautiful,  and  in  other  respects  one  that  was  deserving  of  great  regard,  who 
 was  skilful  in  playing  on  the  harp,  ami  in  singing  of  hymns,  and  an  excellent  soldier  in  war,  he 
 sent  to  Jesse,  and  desired  him  to  take  David  away  from  the  (locks,  and  send  him  to  him,  for 
 he  had  a  mind  to  see  him,  as  having  heard  an  advantageous  character  of  his  comeliness  and  his 
 valour.  So  Jesse  sent  his  son,  and  gave  him  presents  to  carry  to  Saul.  And  when  he  was 
 come,  Saul  was  pleased  with  him,  and  made  him  his  armour-bearer,  and  had  him  in  very  great 
 esteem,  for  he  charmed  his  passion,  and  was  the  only  physician  against  the  trouble  he  had  from 
 the  demon,  whensoever  it  was  tiiat  it  came  upon  him,  and  tliis  by  reciling  of  hymns,  and  play- 
 ring  upon  the  harp,  and  bringing  Saul  to  his  right  mind  again.  However,  he  se'fit  to  Jesse  the 
 father  of  the  child,  and  desired  him  to  permit  David  to  stay  with  him,  for  that  he  was  delighted 
 ivith  his  sight  and  company  ;  which  stay,  that  he  might  not  contradict  Saul,  he  granted. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How  'he  Philisllnes  tnade  anotlitr  Expedition  against  the  Hebrews,    timler  the  Reign  of  Sutil; 
 and  how  they  were  overcome  by  David's  sluying  Goliath  in  a  single  Combat. 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  Philistines  gathered  themselves  together  again  no  very  long  time  afterward,  and 
 having  gotten  together  a  great  army,  they  made  war  against  the  Israelites  :  and  having  seized 
 a  place  between  Shoccoh  and  Azekab,they  there  pitched  their  camp.  Saul  also  drew  out  his 
 army  to  oppose  them  ;  and  by  pitching  his  own  camp  on  a  certain  hill,  he  forced  the  Philistines 
 to  leave  their  former  camp,  and  to  encamp  themselves  upon  such  another  hill,  over  against  that 
 on  which  Saul's  army  lay,  so  that  a  valley,  which  was  between  the  two  hills  on  which  they  laj', 
 divided  their  camps  asunder.  Now  there  came  down  a  man  out  of  the  camp  of  the  Philistines, 
 whose  name  was  '  Goliath,'  of  the  city  of  Gath,  a  man  of  vast  bulk,  for  he  was  of  four  cubits  and 
 a  span  in  tallness,  and  had  about  him  weapons  suitable  to  the  largeness  of  his  body,  for  he  had 
 a  breastplate  on  that  weighed  five  thousand  shekels  ;  he  had  also  a  helmet  and  greaves  of  brass 
 as  large  as  you  would  naturally  suppose  might  cover  the  limbs  of  so  vast  a  body.  His  spear 
 was  also  such  as  was  not  carried  like  a  light  thing  in  his  right  hand,  but  he  carried  it  as  lying 
 on  his  shoulders.  He  had  also  a  lance  of  six  hundred  shekels  :  and  many  followed  him  to 
 carry  his  armour.  Wherefore  this  Goliath  stood  between  the  two  armies,  as  they  were  in  bat- 
 tle array,  and  sent  out  a  loud  voice,  and  said  to  Saul,  and  to  the  Hebrews,  "  I  will  free  you 
 from  fighting  pnd  from  dangers  ;  for  what  necessity  is  there  that  your  army  should  fall  and  be 
 afflicted?  Give  me  a  man  of  you  that  will  fight  with  me,  and  he  that  conquers  shall  have  the 
 reward  of  the  conqueror,  and  determine  the  war  ;  for  these  shall  serve  those  others  to  whom 
 the  conqueror  sliall  belong;  and  certainly  it  is  much  better,  and  more  prudent,  to  gain  what 
 you  desire  by  the  hazard  of  one  man  than  of  all."  When  he  said  this,  he  retired  to  his  own 
 carap  ;  but  the  next  day  he  came  again,  and  used  the  same  words,  and  did  not  leave  oflP  forty 
 days  together,  to  cliallence  the  enemy  in  the  same  words,  till  Saul  and  his  army  were  therewith 
 terrified,  while  they  put  themselves  in  array  as  if  they  would  fight,  but  did  not  come  to  a  close 
 battle. 
 
 2.  Now  while  this  war  between  the  Hebrews  and  the  Philistines  was  going  on,  Saul  sent 
 away  David  to  his  father  Jesse,  and  contented  himself  with  those  three  sons  of  his  whom  he 
 had  sent  to  his  assistance,  and  to  be  partners  in  the  dangers  of  the  war  ;  and  at  first  David 
 returned  to  feed  his  sheep  and  his  flocks  ;  but  after  no  long  time  he  came  to  the  cam])  of  the 
 Hebrews,  as  sent  by  his  father  to  carry  provisions  to  his  brethren,  and  to  know  what  they 
 were  doing;  while  Goliath  came  again,  and  challenged  them,  and  reproached  them,  that  they 
 Had  no  man  of  valour  among  them,  that  durst  come  down  to  fight  him  :  and  as  David  was  talk- 
 ing with  his  brethren  about  the  business  for  which  his  father  had  sent  him,  he  heard  the  Phi- 
 listine reproaching  and  abusing  the  army,  and  had  indignation  at  it,  and  said  to  his  brethren, 
 I  am  ready  to  fight  a  single  combat  with  this  adversary.  'Whereupon  Eliab,  his  eldest  brother, 
 reproved  him,  and  said,  that  he  spake  too  rashly  and  improperly  for  one  of  his  age,  and  bid  him 
 go  to  his  flocks,  and  to  his  father.  So  he  was  abashed  at  his  brother's  words,  and  went  away, 
 but  still  spake  to  some  of  the  soldiers,  that  he  was  willing  to  fight  with  him  that  challenged 
 them.  And  when  they  had  informed  Saul  what  was  the  resolution  of  the  young  man,  the  king 
 sent  for  him  to  come  to  him  :  and  when  the  king  a.>ked  what  he  had  to  say,  he  replied,  "  O 
 king,  be  not  cast  down,  nor  afraid,  for  I  will  depress  the  insolence  of  this  adversary,  and  will 
 go  down  and  fight  with  him,  and  bring  him  under  me,  as  tall  and  as  great  as  he  is,  till  he  shall 
 be  sufliciently  laughed  at,  and  thy  army  shall  get  great  glory,  when  he  shall  be  slain  by  one 
 that  is  not  yet  of  man's  estate,  neither  lit  for  fighting,  nor  capable  of  being  intrusted  with  the 
 marshalling  an  army,  or  ordering  a  battle,  but  by  one  that  looks  like  a  child,  and  is  really  no 
 elder  in  age  than  a  child." 
 
 3.  Now  Saul  wondered  at  the  boldness  and  alacrity  of  David,  but  durst  not  presume  on  bis 
 ability,  by  reason  of  his  age  ;  but  said  he  must  on  that  account  be  too  weak  to  fight  with  one 
 that  was  skilful  in  the  art  of  war.  "  I  undertake  this  enterprise,"  said  David,  "  in  depend- 
 ence on  God's  being  with  me,  for  I  have  had  experience  already  of  his  assistance  ;  for  I  onre 
 pursued  after  and  caught  a   liou  that  assaulted  my  flocks,  and  took  away  a  lamb  from  ibem; 
 
 X 
 
IC\2  ANTIQUITIES    OK    THE  JEWS. 
 
 ai)il  I  snatched  the  lamb  ouf  of  tlie  wild  beast's  inoutli,  and  when  he  leaped  upoii  me  with  vii;- 
 lence,  I  took  him  by  the  tail,  and  dashed  him  against  the  ground.  In  the  same  UKuuier  did  I 
 avenge  myself  on  a  bear  also ;  and  let  this  adversary  of  ours  be  esteemed  like  one  of  these  wild 
 beasts,  since  he  has  along  while  reproached  our  array,  and  blasphemed  our  God,  who  will  yet 
 reduce  him  under  my  own  power." 
 
 4.  However,  Saul  prayed  that  the  end  might  be,  by  God's  assistance,  not  disagreeable  to  tlie 
 alacrity  and  boldness  of  the  child ;  and  said,  "  Go  thy  way  to  the  fight."  So  he  put  about  him 
 his  bieast-plate,  and  girded  on  his  sword,  and  fitted  the  helmet  to  his  head,  and  sent  him 
 away.  But  David  was  burdened  with  his  armour,  for  he  had  not  been  exercised  to  it.'-nor  had 
 he  learned  to  walk  with  it;  so  he  said,  "Let  this  armour  be  thine,  O  king,  who  art  able  to 
 bear  it,  but  give  uie  leave  to  fight  as  thy  servant,  and  as  1  myself  desire."  Accordingly  he 
 laid  by  the  armour,  and  taking  his  staff  with  him,  and  putting  five  stones  out  of  the  brook  into 
 a  shepherd's  bag,  and  having  a  sling  in  his  rigiit  hand,  he  went  towards  Goliath.  But  the  ad- 
 versary seeing  him  in  such  a  manner,  disdained  him,  and  jested  upon  him,  as  if  he  had  n<;t 
 such  weapons  with  him  as  are  usual  when  one  man  fights  against  another,  but  such  as  are  used 
 in  driving  away  and  avoiding  of  dogs;  and  said,  "  Dost  thou  take  me  not  for  a  man,  but  a 
 dog?''  To  which  he  replied,  "  No,  not  for  a  dog,  but  for  a  creature  worse  than  a  dog."  This 
 provoked  Goliath  to  anger,  who  thereupon  cursed  him  by  the  name  of  God,  and  threatened  to 
 give  his  flesii  to  the  beasts  of  tiie  earth,  and  to  the  fowls  of  the  air,  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by 
 them.  To  whom  David  answered,  "  Thou  comest  to  me  with  a  sword,  and  with  a  spear,  and 
 with  a  breast-plate,  but  1  have  God  for  my  armour,  in  coming  against  thee,  who  will  destroy 
 thee  and  all  thy  ami}  by  my  hands  ;  for  I  will  this  day  cot  off  thy  head,  and  cast  the  other 
 parts  of  ihy  body  to  the  dogs,  and  all  men  shall  learn  that  God  is  the  protector  of  the  Hebrews, 
 and  that  oiir  armour  and  our  strength  is  in  his  providence,  and  that,  without  God's  assistance, 
 all  other  warlike  preparations  and  power  are  useless."  So  the  Philistine  being  retarded  by  the 
 weight  of  his  armour,  when  he  attempted  to  meet  David  in  haste,  came  on  but  slowly,  as  de- 
 spising him,  and  depending  npon  it  that  he  should  slay  him,  who  was  both  unarmed,  and  a  child 
 also,  without  any  trouble  at  all. 
 
 5.  But  the  youth  met  his  antagonist,  being  accompanied  with  an  invisible  assistant,  who 
 was  no  other  than  God  himself.  And  taking  one  of  the  s'cowes  that  he  had  out  of  the  brook, 
 and  had  put  into  his  shepherd's  bag,  and  fitting  it  to  his  sling,  he  slang  it  against  the  Philistine. 
 This  stone  fell  upon  his  forehead,  and  sunk  into  his  brain,  insomuch  (bat  Goliath  was  stunned, 
 ^nd  fell  upon  his  face.  So  David  ran,  and  stood  upon  his  adversary  as  he  lay  down,  and  cut 
 off  his  head  with  his  own  sword ;  for  he  had  no  sword  himself.  And  npon  the  fall  of  Goliath, 
 the  Philistines  were  beaten,  and  fled  :  for  when  they  saw  their  champion  prostrate  on  the 
 ground,  they  were  afraid  of  the  entire  issue  of  their  aft'airs,  and  resolved  not  to  stay  any 
 longer,  but  committed  themselves  to  an  ignominious  and  indecent  digit,  and  thereby  endea- 
 voured to  save  themselves  from  the  dangers  they  were  in.  But  Saul  and  the  entire  army  of 
 the  Hebrews  made  a  shout,  and  rushed  upon  them,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  them,  and 
 pursued  the  rest  to  the  borders  of  Gath,  and  to  the  gates  of  Ekron  ;  so  that  there  were  slain 
 of  the  Philistines  thirty  thousand,  and  twice  as  many  wounded.  But  Saul  returned  to  their 
 camp,  and  pulled  their  fortification  to  pieces,  and  burnt  it ;  hut  David  carried  the  head  of 
 Goliath  into  his  own  tent,  but  dedicated  his  sword  to  God  [at  the  tabernacle.] 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Saul  envies  David  for  his  (jlorious  Success,  and  takes  an  Occasion  of  entrapping  him,  from  the 
 Promise  he  made  him  of  giving  him  his  Daughter  in  Marriage,  but  this  upon  Condition  of  h'<.i 
 bringing  six  hundred  Heads  of  the  Philistines. 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  women  were  au  occasion  of  Saul's  envy  and  hatred  to  David  ;  for  they  came  to 
 meet  their  victorious  army  with  cymbals,  and  drums,  and  all  demonstrations  of  joy,  and  sang 
 thus:  the  wives  said,  That  "Saul  had  slain  his  many  thousands  of  the  Philistines."  The 
 virgins  replied,  that  "  David  had  slain  his  ten  thousands."  Now,  when  the  king  heard  them 
 singing  thus,  and  that  he  had  himself  the  smallest  share  in  their  commendations,  and  that  the 
 greater  number,  the  ten  thousands,  were  ascribed  to  the  young  man  ;  and  when  he  considered 
 ■with  himself,  that  there  was  nothing  more  wanting  to  David,  after  such  a  mighty  applause,  but 
 the  kingdom,  be  began  to  be  afraid  and  suspicious  of  David.  Accordingly,  he  removed  him 
 from  the  station  he  was  in  before,  for  he  was  his  armour-bearer,  which  out  of  fear  seemed  to 
 him  much  too  near  a  station  for  him ;  and  so  he  made  him  captain  over  a  thousand,  and  be- 
 stowed on  him  a  post  better  indeed  in  itself,  but,  as  he  thought,  more  for  his  own  security  ;  for 
 he  bad  a  mind  to  send  him  against  the  enemy,  and  into  battles,  as  hoping  he  would  be  slain  io 
 such  dangerous  conflicts. 
 
 2.  But  David  had  God  going  along  with  him  whithersoever  he  went,  and  accordingly  he 
 greatly  prospered  in  his  undertakings,  and  it  was  visible  that  he  had  mighty  success,  insomuch 
 that  Saul's  daughter,  who  was  still  a  virgin,  fell  in  love  with  him ;  and  her  affection  so  far 
 prevaded  over  ber  that  it  could  not  be  concealed,  and  her  father  became  acquainted  with  it. 
 N.>w  Sa':l  heard  this  gladly,  as  intending  to  make  use  of  it  for  a  snare  against  David,  and  he 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.   XI.  163 
 
 liopod  tli.it  it  would  prove  tlift  cause  of  destruction  and  nf  hazard  to  liiiii  ;  so  lie  told  those  tliat 
 iiiloriiied  liiiii  of  liis  daughter's  afleclion,  tliat  he  would  willingly  give  Disvid  the  virgin  in  mar- 
 riige,  and  said,  "  I  engage  myself  to  marry  my  daughter  to  liiui,  if  he  will  bring  me  six  hun- 
 dred heads  of  my  enemies,*  (supposing  that  when  a  reward  so  ample  was  proposed  to  him,  and 
 when  he  should  aim  to  gel  him  great  glory,  by  undertaking  a  thing  so  dangerous  and  incredible, 
 lie  would  immediately  set  about  it,  and  so  perish  by  the  Philistines,)  and  my  designs  about 
 him  will  succeed  finely  to  my  mind,  for  I  shall  be  freed  from  him  and  get  him  slain,  not  by 
 myself,  but  by  another  man."  So  he  gave  order  to  his  servants  to  try  how  David  would  relish 
 this  proposal  of  marrying  the  damsel.  Accordingly,  they  began  to  speak  thus  to  him,  that 
 king  Saul  loved  him,  as  well  as  did  all  the  i)eople,  and  that  he  was  desirous  of  his  allinity  by 
 the  marriage  of  this  damsel.  To  which  he  gave  this  answer,  "  Seemeth  it  to  30U  a  light  thing 
 to  be  made  the  king's  son-in-law?  It  does  not  seem  so  to  me,  especially  when  I  am  one  of  a 
 family  that  is  low,  and  without  any  glory  or  honour."  Mow  when  Saul  was  informed  by  his 
 servants  what  answer  David  had  made,  he  .said,  "  Tell  him,  that  I  do  not  want  any  money  nor 
 dowry  from  him,  which  would  be  rather  to  set  my  daughter  to  sale  than  to  give  her  in  marriage, 
 but  I  desire  only  such  a  son-in-law  as  hith  in  him  fortitude,  and  all  other  kinds  of  virtue,  (of 
 which  he  saw  David  was  possessed,)  and  that  his  desire  was  to  receive  of  him,  on  account  of  his 
 marrying  his  daughter,  neither  gold,  nor  silver,  nor  that  he  should  bring  such  wealth  out  of  his 
 father's  house,  but  only  some  revenge  on  the  Philistines,  and  indeed  six  hundred  of  their 
 heads,  than  which  a  more  desirable  or  a  more  glorious  present  could  not  be  brought  him,  and 
 that  lie  had  much  rather  obtain  this,  than  any  of  the  accustomed  dowries  for  his  daughter,  viz. 
 that  she  should  be  m.'.rried  to  a  man  of  that  character,  and  to  one  who  had  a  testimony  as 
 having  coiujnered  his  enemies." 
 
 3.  ^^  hen  tliese  words  of  Siul  were  brouglit  to  David,  he  was  pleised  with  them,  and  sup- 
 posed that  Saul  was  really  desirouij  of  this  allinity  with  him  ;  so  that  without  bearing  to  deli- 
 berate any  longer,  or  casting  about  in  his  mind  whether  what  was  proposed  was  possible,  or 
 was  diflicull  or  not,  he  and  his  com|)anions  immediately  set  upon  the  enemy,  and  went  about 
 doing  what  was  proposed  as  the  condition  of  the  marriage.  Accordingly,  because  it  was  Gud 
 ivho  made  all  things  easy  and  possible  to  David,  he  slew  many  [of  the  Philistines,]  and  cut 
 oil"  the  heads  of  six  hunrired  of  them,  and  came  to  the  king,  and  by  shewing  him  these  heads 
 of  the  Philistines,  required  that  he  might  have  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Accordingly,  Saul 
 haviiif)  no  way  of  getting  oil"  his  engagements,  as  thinking  it  a  base  thing  either  to  seem  a  liar 
 v\hen  he  promised  him  this  marriage,  or  to  appear  to  have  acted  treacherously  by  hiin,  in 
 putting  him  upon  what  was  in  a  manner  impossible,  in  order  to  have  him  slain,  gave  him 
 his  daughter  in  marriage ;  her  name  was  Michal 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 JIow  David,  upon  Said's  laying  Snares  for  }ilm,  did  yet  escape  the  Dangers  he  was  in,  by  the 
 Ajfecliun  and  Care  0/  Jonathan,  and  the  Contrivances  of  his  Wife  Michal:  and  how  he  came 
 to  Samuel  the,  Propiiet. 
 
 §  1.  However,  Saul  was  not  disposed  to  persevere  long  in  the  slate  wherein  lie  was,  for 
 when  he  saw  that  David  was  in  great  esteem,  both  with  God  and  with  the  multitude,  he  was 
 afraid  :  and  being  not  able  to  conceal  his  fear  as  concerning  great  things,  his  kingdom,  and 
 his  life,  10  be  di  prived  of  either  of  which  was  a  very  great  calamity,  he  resolved  to  have  David 
 slain,  an<i  commanded  his  son  Jonathan  and  his  most  faithful  servants  to  kill  him:  but  Jona- 
 than wondered  at  his  father's  change  with  relation  to  David,  that  it  should  be  made  to  so  great 
 a  degree,  from  shewing  him  no  small  good-will,  to  contrive  how  to  have  him  killed.  Now, 
 because  he  loved  the  young  man,  and  reverenced  him  for  hi.s  virtue,  he  informed  him  of  the 
 secret  charge  his  father  had  given,  and  what  liis  intentions  were  concerning  him.  However, 
 he  advised  him  to  take  care  and  be  absent  the  next  day,  for  that  he  would  salute  his  father, 
 and,  if  he  met  with  a  favourable  ojiporlunity,  he  would  discourse  with  him  about  him,  and 
 learn  the  cause  of  his  disgust,  and  shew  how  little  ground  there  was  for  it,  and  that  for  it  he 
 ought  not  to  kill  a  man  that  had  done  so  many  good  things  to  the  multitude,  and  had  been  ,1 
 benefactor  to  himself,  on  account  of  which  he  ought  in  reason  to  obtain  pardon,  had  he  been 
 guilty  of  the  greatest  crimes;  and  I  will  then  inform  thee  of  my  father's  resolution.  Accord- 
 ingly, David  complied  with  such  advantageous  advice,  and  kept  himself  then  out  of  the 
 kings  sight. 
 
 2.  On  the  next  day  Jonathan  came  to  Saul  as  soon  as  he  saw  him  in  a  cheerful  and  joyful 
 disposition,  and  began  to  introduce  a  discourse  about  David  ;  "  What  unjust  action,  O  father, 
 either  little  or  great,  hast  thou  found  so  cxceptionalile  in  David,  as  to  induce  thee  to  order  us 
 10  sJay  a  man  who  hath  been  of  great  advantage  to  thy  own  presorvation,  and  of  still  greater 
 to  the  punisbmeut  of  the  Philistines? — a  man  who  hath  delivered  the  people  of  the  Hebrews 
 
 ♦  .loscplius  says  'tlirioH'  in  this  chapter,  and  '  twice'  afterwards,  rhap.  xi.  42.  and  b.  vii.  chap.  i.  $4-  >-  ?■ 
 five  times  in  all,  that  Saul  nuuirpcl,  not  a  )>are  "  liuinlr»d  of  Iho  foreskins' of  the  Philistines,  but  "bix  hundred 
 of  their  h»ads.'  The  Sei'tuagint  have  100  fciri^^Kiiis,  b;it  thi-  .Syriac  and  Arabic  Con.  Now  that  these  were  not 
 ■  foreskins'  with  o\ir  olh'r  eopie'!,  bnt  '  heads,'  w  iih  .Insiphua's  copy.  <:p(nis  somewhat  iirobable,  from  1  .Sam. 
 xxit.  4.  where  all  cojiies  bay,  that  it  was  with  llic  litada  of  biich  1  liilir'ines  that  lliivul  niohl  reconcile  hiiu 
 self  to  his  master  Saul. 
 
1{)4  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 from  reproach  and  derision,  which  they  underwent  for  forty  days  together,  when  he  alone  bad 
 couraffe  enough  lo  sustain  the  challenge  of  the  adversary,  and  after  that  brought  as  many  heads 
 of  our  enemies  as  lie  was  appointed  to  bring,  and  had,  as  a  reward  for  the  same,  my  sister  in 
 marriage;  insomuch  that  his  death  would  be  very  sorrowful  to  us,  not  only  on  accoont  of  his 
 ■virtue,  but  on  account  of  the  nearness  of  our  relation,  for  thy  daughter  must  be  injured  at  the 
 same  time  that  he  is  slain,  and  must  be  obliged  to  experience  widowhood,  before  she  can  come 
 to  enjoy  any  advantage  from  their  mutual  conversation.  Consider  these  things,  and  change 
 your  mind  to  a  more  merciful  temper,  and  do  no  mischief  to  a  man,  who,  in  the  first  place, 
 hath  done  us  the  greatest  kindness  of  preserving  thee ;  for  when  an  evil  spirit  and  demons  had 
 seized  upon  thee,  he  cast  them  out,  and  procured  rest  to  thy  soul  from  their  incursions  :  and  in 
 the  second  place,  hath  avenged  us  of  our  enemies  ;  for  it  is  abase  thing  to  forget  such  benefits." 
 So  Saul  was  pacified  with  these  words;  and  sware  to  his  son  that  he  would  do  David  no  harm, 
 for  a  righteous  discourse  proved  too  hard  for  the  king's  anger  and  fear.  So  Jonathan  sent  for 
 David,  and  brought  him  good  news  from  his  father,  that  he  was  to  be  preserved.  He  also 
 lirought  him  to  his  father;  and  David  continued  with  the  king  as  formerly. 
 
 3.  About  this  time  it  was,  that,  upon  the  Philistines  making  a  new  expedition  against  the 
 Hebrewo,  Saul  sent  David  with  an  array  to  fight  with  them  ;  and  joining  battle  with  them,  he 
 slew  many  of  them,  and  after  his  victory  he  returned  to  the  king.  But  his  reception  by  Saul 
 was  not  as  he  expec-ted  upon  such  success,  for  he  was  grieved  at  his  prosperity,  because  he 
 thought  he  would  be  more  dangerous  to  him  by  having  acted  so  gloriously :  but  when  the 
 demoniacal  spirit  came  upon  him,  and  put  him  into  disorder,  and  disturbed  him,  he  called  for 
 Duvid  into  his  bed-chamber  wherein  he  lay,  and  having  a  spear  in  his  hand,  he  ordered  him  to 
 charm  him  with  playing  on  his  harp,  and  with  singing  hjmns;  which,  when  David  did  at  his 
 command,  he  with  great  force  threw  the  spear  at  him,  but  David  was  aware  of  it  before  it 
 came,  and  avoided  it,  and  fled  to  his  own  house,  and  abode  there  all  that  day. 
 
 4.  But  at  night  the  king  sent  officers,  and  commanded  that  he  should  be  watched  till  the 
 morning,  lest  he  should  get  quite  away  ;  that  he  might  come  to  the  judgment-haJl,  and  so  might 
 be  delivered  up,  and  condemned  and  slain.  But  when  Michal,  David's  wife,  the  king's 
 daughter,  understood  what  her  father  designed,  she  came  to  her  husband,  as  having  small 
 hopes  of  his  deliverance,  and  as  greatly  concerned  about  her  own  life  also,  for  she  could  not 
 bear  to  live  in  case  she  were  deprived  of  him  ;  and  she  said,  "  Let  not  the  sun  find  thee  here 
 when  it  rises,  for  if  it  do,  that  will  be  the  last  time  it  will  see  thee  :  lly  away  then  while  the 
 night  may  aflord  thee  opportunity;  and  may  God  lengthen  it  for  thy  sake!  for  know  this,  that 
 if  my  father  find  thee,  thou  art  a  dead  man."  So  she  let  him  down  by  a  cord  out  of  the  win- 
 dow, and  saved  him :  and  after  she  had  done  so,  she  fitted  up  a  bed  for  him  as  if  he  were  sick, 
 and  put  under  the  bed-clothes  a  goat's  liver  ;*  and  when  her  father,  as  soon  as  it  was  day, 
 sent  to  seize  David,  she  said  to  those  that  were  there,  that  he  had  not  been  well  that  night, 
 and  shewed  them  the  bed  covered,  and  made  them  believe  by  the  leaping  of  the  liver,  which 
 caused  the  bed-clothes  to  move  also,  that  David  breathed  like  one  that  was  asthmatic.  So 
 when  those  that  were  sent  told  Saal  that  David  had  not  been  well  in  the  night,  he  ordered  him 
 to  be  brought  in  that  condition,  for  he  intended  to  kill  him.  Now  when  they  came,  and  un- 
 covered the  bed,  and  found  out  the  woman's  contrivance,  they  told  it  to  the  king;  and  when 
 her  fiither  complained  of  her,  that  she  had  saved  his  enemy,  and  had  put  a  trick  upon  himself, 
 she  invented  this  plausible  defence  for  herself,  and  said,  "  That  when  he  threatened  to  kill 
 her,  she  lent  him  her  assistance  for  his  preservation,  out  of  fear ;  for  which  her  assistance  she 
 ought  to  be  forgiven,  because  it  was  not  done  of  her  own  free  choice,  but  out  of  necessity  ;  for, 
 (said  she,)  I  do  not  suppose  that  thou  wast  so  zealous  to  kill  thy  enemy,  as  thou  wast  that  I 
 should  he  saved."  Accordingly  Saul  forgave  the  damsel ;  but  David,  when  he  had  escaped 
 this  danger,  came  to  the  prophet  Samuel  to  Ramah,  and  told  him  what  snares  the  king  had 
 laid  for  him,  and  how  he  was  very  near  to  death  by  Saul's  throwing  a  spear  at  him,  although 
 he  had  been  no  way  guilty  with  relation  lo  him,  nor  had  he  been  cowardly  in  his  battles  with 
 his  enemies,  but  had  succeeded  well  in  them  all,  by  God's  assistance  :  which  thing  was  indeed 
 the  cause  of  Saul's  hatred  to  David. 
 
 5.  When  the  prophet  was  made  acquainted  with  the  unjust  proceedings  of  the  king,  he  left 
 the  city  Ramah,  and  took  David  with  him.  to  a  certain  place  called  Naioth,  and  there  be  abode 
 with  him.  But  when  it  was  told  SanI  that  David  was  with  the  prophet,  he  sent  soldiers  to 
 him,  and  ordered  them  to  take  him,  and  bring  him  to  him  :  and  when  they  came  to  Samuel, 
 and  found  there  a  congregation  of  prophets,  ihey  became  partakers  of  the  divine  Spirit,  and 
 began  to  prophesy  ;  which  when  Saul  heard  of,  he  sent  others  to  David,  who  prophesying  in 
 like  manner  as  did  the  first,  he  again  sent  others;  which  third  sort  prophesying  also,  at  last  he 
 was  angrv,  and  went  thither  in  great  haste  himself;  and  when  he  was  just  by  the  place, 
 Samuel,  before  he  saw  him,  made  'Inni  prophesy  also.  And  when  Saul  came  to  him,  he  was 
 disordered   in   mind,t    and    under  the  vehement  agitation  of   a   spirit,   and  patting   off  his 
 
 •  Since  the  modern  .lews  have  lost  the  signification  of  the  Hehrew  worn  here  used  '  Ccbir ;'  and  since  the 
 LXXI  I.  as  well  as  .losephvis,  render  it  the  '  liver'  of  the  goat,  and  since  this  rendering,  in  Josephus's  account, 
 is  here  so  mnch  more  cJear  and  prohable  than  those  of  others,  it  is  almost  unaccountable  that  our  com- 
 mentators should  so  ranch  as  hesitate  about  its  true  i  terprelafion. 
 
 t  Tliese  violent  and  wild  asitatiims  of  Saul  seem  to  me  to  have  been  no  other  than  demoniacal ;  and  that  the 
 ftimc  dfUion  whit-h  used  to  seize  him  since  he  was  forsaken  of  God,aud  which  the  divine  hymns  and  i>salra«. 
 
BOOK   VI. —  CHAP.  XI.  165 
 
 Xaruients,*  he  fell  down,  and  lay  on   the   ground   all  tliat  day  and  night,  in  the   presence  of 
 Samuel  and  David. 
 
 G.  Arid  David  went  thence,  and  cante  to  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul,  and  lamented  to  him 
 what  snares  were  laid  for  him  by  his  father;  and  said,  that  "  though  he  had  been  guilty  of  no 
 evil,  nor  had  oft'ended  against  liim,  yet  he  was  very  zealous  to  get  him  killed."  Hereupon 
 Jonathan  exhorted  him  not  to  give  credit  to  his  own  suspicions,  nor  to  the  calumnies  of  those 
 that  raised  those  reports,  if  there  were  any  that  did  so,  but  to  depend  on  him,  and  take 
 courage ;  for  iliat  his  father  had  no  such  intention,  since  he  would  have  acquainted  him  with 
 that  matter,  and  taken  his  advice,  had  it  been  so,  as  he  used  to  consult  with  him  in  common, 
 when  he  acted  in  other  affairs.  But  David  sware  to  him,  that  so  it  was ;  and  he  desired  him 
 rather  to  believe  him,  and  to  provide  for  his  safety,  than  to  despise  what  he,  with  great 
 sincerity,  told  him  :  that  he  would  believe  what  he  said,  when  he  should  either  see  him 
 killed  himself,  or  learn  it  upon  inquiry  from  others:  and  that  the  reason  why  his  father  did 
 not  tell  him  of  these  things,  was  this,  that  he  knew  of  the  friendship  and  affection  that  he  bore 
 towards  him. 
 
 7.  Hereupon,  when  Jonathan  found  that  this  intention  of  Saul's  was  so  well  attested,  he 
 asked  him,  "  What  he  would  have  him  do  for  him."  To  which  David  replied,  "  I  am  sensi- 
 ble that  thou  art  willing  to  gratify  me  in  every  thing,  and  procure  me  what  I  desire.  Now 
 to-morrow  is  the  new  moon,  and  I  was  accustomed  to  sit  down  then  with  the  king  at  supper  ; 
 now  if  it  seem  good  to  thee,  I  will  go  out  of  the  city,  and  conceal  myself  privately  there  i  and 
 if  Saul  inquire  why  I  am  absent,  tell  him  that  I  am  gone  to  my  own  city  Bethlehem,  to  keep  a 
 festival  with  my  own  tribe  ;  and  add  this  a.lso,  that  thou  gavest  me  leave  so  to  do.  And  if  he 
 say,  as  is  usually  said  in  the  case  of  friends  that  are  gone  abroad, '  It  is  well  that  he  went,' then 
 assure  thyself  that  no  latent  mischief  or  enmity  may  be  feared  at  his  hands :  but  if  he  answer 
 otherwise,  that  will  be  a  sure  sign  that  he  hath  some  designs  against  me.  Accordingly,  thou 
 shalt  inform  me  of  thy  father's  inclinations;  and  that  out  of  pity  to  my  case,  and  out  of  thy 
 friendship  for  me,  as  instances  of  which  friendship  thou  hast  vouchsafed  to  accept  of  the 
 assurances  of  my  love  to  thee,  and  to  give  the  like  assurances  to  me,  that  is,  fhose  of  a  master 
 to  his  servant ;  but  if  thou  discoverest  any  wickedness  in  me,  do  thou  prevent  thy  father,  and 
 kill  me  tbyself." 
 
 8.  But  Jonathan  heard  these  last  words  with  indignation,  and  promised  to  do  what  he 
 desired  of  him,  and  to  inform  him  if  his  father's  answers  implied  any  thing  of  a  melancholy 
 nature,  and  any  enmity  against  him.  And  that  he  might  the  more  firmly  depend  upon  him,  he 
 took  him  out  into  the  open  field,  into  the  pure  air,  and  suare  that  he  would  neglect  nothing 
 that  might  tend  to  the  preservation  of  David;  and  he  said,  "  I  appeal  to  that  God,  who,  as 
 thou  seest,  is  diffused  every  where,  and  knoweth  this  intention  of  mine,  before  I  explain  it  in 
 words,  as  the  witness  of  this  my  covenant  with  thee,  that  I  will  not  leave  off  to  make  frequent 
 trials  of  the  purpose  of  my  father,  till  1  learn  whether  there  be  any  lurking  distemper  in  the 
 secretest  parts  of  his  soul ;  and  when  I  have  learnt  it,  I  will  not  conceal  it  from  thee,  but  will 
 discover  it  to  thee,  whether  he  be  gently  or  peevishly  disposed;  for  this  God  himself  knows, 
 that  I  pray  he  may  always  be  with  thee,  for  he  is  with  thee  now,  and  will  not  forsake  thee,  and 
 will  make  thee  superior  to  thine  enemies,  whether  my  father  be  one  of  them,  or  whether  I 
 myself  be  such.  Do  thou  only  remember  what  we  now  do:  and  if  it  fall  out  that  I  die,  pre- 
 serve my  children  alive,  and  requite  what  kindnesses  thou  hast  now  received,  to  them."  Mheu 
 he  had  thus  sworn,  he  dismissed  David,  bidding  him  go  to  a  certain  place  of  that  plain  wherein 
 he  used  to  perform  his  exercises,  for  that  as  soon  as  he  knew  the  mind  of  his  father,  he  would 
 come  thither  to  him,  with  one  servant  only  :  and  "  if  (says  he)  I  shoot  three  darts  at  the  mark, 
 and  then  bid  my  servant  to  carry  these  three  darts  away,  for  they  are  before  him,  know  thou 
 that  there  is  no  mischief  to  be  feared  from  my  father ;  but  if  thou  hearest  me  say  the  contrary, 
 expect  the  contrary  from  the  king:  however,  thou  shalt  gain  security  by  my  means,  and  shall 
 by  no  means  sutler  any  harm  ;  but  see  thou  dost  not  forget  what  I  have  desired  of  thee,  in  the 
 time  of  thy  prosperity,  and  be  serviceable  to  my  children."  Now  David,  when  he  had 
 received  these  assurances  from  Jonathan,  went  his  way  to  the  place  appointed. 
 
 9.  But  on  the  next  day,  which  was  the  new  moon,  the  king,  when  he  had  purified  himself, 
 as  the  custom  was,  came  to  supper  ;  and  when  there  sat  by  him  his  son  Jonathan  on  his  right 
 hand,  and  Abner,  the  captain  of  his  host,  on  the  other  hand,  he  saw  David's  seat  was  empty, 
 but  said  nothing,  supposing  that  he  had  not  purified  himself  since  he  had  accompanied  with  his 
 wife,  and  so  could  not  be  present;   but  when  he  saw  that  he  was  not  there  the  second  day  of 
 
 which  were  sung  (o  the  harp  by  David,  used  to  expel,  was  now  in  a  judicial  way  broucht  upon  him,  not  only 
 in  order  to  disappoint  his  intentions  a^jainst  innorunt  David,  but  to  expose  him  to  the  laughter  and  C'  utempt 
 ot'  all  that  saw  him,  or  heard  of  those  nKitatious ;  such  viohiit  and  wild  agitations  being  never  observed  in 
 true  proijluts,  when  they  were  under  tlie  inspiration  of  the  Spirit  of  God.  (Jur  other  copies,  which  say,  '  the 
 Spirit  of  God  came  upon  him,'  seem  not  so  right  here  as  Josephus's  copy,  which  mentions  nothing  of  (iod  at 
 all.  Mor  does.Iosephus  seem  to  ascribe  tliis  impulse  and  ecstasy  of  Saul's  to  any  other  than  his  old  demoniacal 
 spirit,  which  on  all  accounts  appears  the  most  probable.  Nor  does  the  former  description  of  Saul's  real  inspi- 
 ration by  the  divine  Spirit,  1  Sam.  x.  9—12.  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  iv.  §  2.  which  was  before  he  was  become 
 wicked,  well  agree  with  the  description  before  us. 
 *  What  is  meant  by  SnuYs  '  lying  down  naked  all  that  d.iy,  and  all  that  night,'  1  Sam.  xix.  24.  and  whether 
 
 liiy  more  ihan  laying  aside  his  royal  apparel,  or  upijer  garmenls,  as  Josephus  eeems  to  understand  it,  is  by  no 
 
 iiieaiii, certain.    See  the  note  on  Auliq.  b.  Tiii,  thdp.  xiv.  ^?, 
 
1G6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ilie  lUdiitb  ueitber,  lie  inquired  of  his  son  Jouatliau  wby  tlie  son  of  Jesse  did  uot  cciaie  to  the 
 supper  and  the  feast,  neither  the  day  before  nor  that  da}'.  So  Jonathan  said,  that  "  he  was 
 gone,  according  to  tlie  agreement  between  tisem,  to  his  own  city,  where  his  irilH;  kept  a 
 festival,  and  that  by  bis  permission:  that  he  also  invited  bim  to  come  to  their  sacrihce;  and, 
 <^says  Jonathan,)  if  thou  wilt  give  rae  leave,  I  will  go  thither,  for  thou  knowest  the  good-will 
 that  I  bear  him."  And  then  it  was  that  Jonathan  understood  his  father's  hatred  to  David,  and 
 plainly  saw  his  entire  disposition ;  for  Saul  could  not  restrain  his  ai^er,  but  reproached  Jona- 
 than, and  called  him  the  son  of  a  runagate,  and  an  enemy  ;  and  said,  "  He  was  a  partner  with 
 David,  and  his  assistant,  and  that  by  his  behaviour  he  shewed  he  bad  no  regard  to  himself,  or 
 to  his  mother,  and  would  not  be  persuaded  of  this,  that  while  David  is  alive,  their  kingdom 
 was  not  secure  to  them  ;  yet  did  he  bid  him  send  for  him,  that  he  might  be  punislied."  And 
 when  Jonathan  said,  in  answer,  "  What  hath  he  done,  that  thou  wilt  punish  him?"  Saul  no  longer 
 contented  himself  to  express  his  anger  in  bare  words,  but  snatched  up  his  spear,  and  leaped 
 upon  bim,  and  was  desirous  to  kill  him.  He  did  not  indeed  do  wh;il  he  intended,  because  be 
 was  hindered  by  bis  friends,  but  it  appeared  plainly  to  his  son  that  ho  bated  David,  and  greatly 
 desired  to  despatch  him,  insomuch  that  he  had  almost  slain  his  son  with  bis  own  bands  on  bis 
 account. 
 
 10.  And  then  it  was  that  the  king's  son  rose  hastily  fro.n  supper;  and  being  not  able  to 
 admit  any  thing  into  his  mouth  for  grief,  he  wept  all  night,  both  because  he  had  himself  been 
 near  destruction,  and  bei  ause  the  death  of  David  was  determined  :  but  as  soon  as  it  was  day, 
 he  went  out  into  tlie  plain  that  was  before  the  city,  as  going  to  perform  his  exercises,  but  in 
 reality  to  inform  his  friend  what  disposition  his  father  was  in  towards  him,  as  he  bad  agreed 
 with  him  to  do.  And  when  Jonathan  had  done  what  bad  been  thus  agreed,  lie  dismissed  bis 
 servant  that  followed  bim,  to  return  to  the  city,  but  he  himself  went  into  the  desert,  and  came 
 into  bis  presence,  and  communed  with  him.  So  David  appeared,  and  fell  at  Jonathan's  feet, 
 and  bowed  down  to  bim,  and  called  bim  the  preserver  of  his  soul:  but  he  lifted  him  up  from 
 the  earth,  and  they  mutually  embraced  one  another,  and  made  a  long  greeting,  and  that  not 
 without  tears.  They  also  lamented  their  age,  and  that  familiarity  which  envy  would  deprive 
 them  of,  and  that  separation  which  must  now  be  exjiected,  which  seemed  to  them  no  better 
 than  death  itself.  So,  recollecting  themselves  at  length  from  their  lamentation,  and  exhorting 
 one  another  to  be  mindful  of  the  oaths  they  had  sworn  to  each  other,  they  parted  asunder. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Hove  David  fled  to  Ahlmelecli,  and  afterwards  to  the   Kings  <f  th"   Philislities,  and  of  the 
 Moabites  ;  and  how  Saul  shw  Ahimelech  and  his  Family. 
 
 ^  1.  BliT  David  fled  from  the  king,  and  that  death  he  was  in  danger  of  by  bim,  and  came  to 
 the  city  of  Nob,  to  Ahimelech  the  priest,  who,  when  he  saw  him  coming  all  alone,  and  neither 
 a  friend  nor  a  servant  with  him,  be  wondered  at  it,  and  desired  to  learn  of  bim  the  caii'^e  wby 
 there  was  nobody  with  him?  To  which  David  answered,  "  That  the  king  had  cninmanded  him 
 to  do  a  certain  thing  that  was  to  be  kept  secret,  to  which,  if  he  had  a  mind  to  know  so  much, 
 he  had  no  occasion  for  any  one  to  accompany  him  ;  however,  I  have  ordered  my  servants  to 
 meet  me  at  such  and  such  a  place."  So  he  desired  bim  to  let  him  have  somewhat  to  eat;  and 
 that  in  case  he  would  supply  him,  he  would  act  the  part  of  a  friend,  and  be  assisting  to  the 
 business  be  was  now  about :  and  when  he  had  obtained  what  he  desired,  be  also  asked  him 
 whether  he  bnd  anv  weapons  with  him,  either  sword  or  spear?  Now  there  was  at  Nob  a 
 servant  of  Saul's,  by  birth  a  Syrian,  whose  name  was  Docg,  one  that  kept  the  king's  mules. 
 The  high  priest  said,  that  be  had  no  such  weapons,  but  be  added,  "  Here  is  the  sword  of 
 Goliath,  which,  when  thou  hadst  slain  the  Philistine,  thou  didst  dedicate  to  God." 
 
 2,  When  David  bad  received  the  sword,  be  (led  out  of  the  country  of  the  Hebrev/s  into  that 
 of  the  Philistines,  over  which  Achish  reigiud:  and  when  the  king's  servants  knew  him,  and 
 be  was  made  known  to  the  king  himself,  the  servants  informing  bim  that  he  was  that  David 
 who  had  killed  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Philistines,  David  was  afraid  lest  the  king  should 
 put  bim  to  death,  and  that  he  should  experience  that  danger  from  bim  which  he  had  escaped 
 from  Saul;  so  he  pretended  to  be  distracted  and  nmd,  so  that  his  spittle  ran  out  of  his  mouth, 
 and  be  did  other  ihe  like  actions  before  the  king  of  Gatb,  which  might  make  him  believe  that 
 they  proceeded  from  such  a  distemper.  Accordingly  the  king  was  very  angry  with  his  servants 
 that  they  had  brought  bim  a  madman  ;  and  he  gave  orders  that  they  should  eject  David  imme- 
 diately [out  of  the  city.] 
 
 3.  So  when  David  had  escaped  in  this  manner  out  of  Gath,  he  came  to  the  tribe  of  Jndah, 
 and  abode  in  a  cave  by  the  city  of  AduUam.  Then  it  was  that  he  sent  to  his  brethren,  and 
 informed  them  where  be  was,  who  then  came  to  him  with  all  their  kindred  ;  and  as 
 many  others  as  were  either  in  want,  or  in  fear  of  king  Saul,  came  and  made  a  body  together, 
 and  told  him  they  were  ready  to  obey  bis  orders:  they  were  in  all  about  four  hundred. 
 Whereupon  be  took  courage,  now  such  a  force  and  assistance  was  come  to  him  :  so  he  re- 
 moved thence,  and  came  to  the  king  of  the  Moabites,  and  desired  him  to  entertain  bis 
 parents  in   his  country,  while  the  issue  of  bis  affairs  were  in  such  an  uncertain  condition^ 
 
BOOK    VI. — CIIAF.    XI[.  1(>7 
 
 The  king  granted  iiim  lliis   i'avour,    aud   puLl   great  resjiect  to    Dnvid's  parents  all  the  time 
 lliey  were  with  liini. 
 
 4.  As  fur  himself,  upon  the  prophet's  conimandin<T  him  to  leave  the  desert,  and  to  go  info 
 the  portion  of  the  tribe  of  Jiidah,  and  abide  there,  he  complied  therewith;  and  coming  to  the 
 city  of  Hareth,  which  was  in  that  tribe,  he  remained  (here.  Now  when  Saal  heard  that 
 David  ha«l  been  seen  with  a  uiultilade  about  him,  he  fell  Into  no  small  dstnrbance  and  tniuble  : 
 but  as  be  knew  that  David  was  a  bold  and  courageous  man,  he  suspected  that  somewhat  ex- 
 traordinary woold  appear  from  liini,  and  that  openly  also,  which  would  make  him  weep,  and 
 put  him  into  distress ;  so  he  called  together  to  him  his  friends  and  his  commanders,  and  the 
 tribe  from  which  he  was  himself  derived,  to  the  hill  where  his  palace  was;  and  sitting  upon  a 
 place  called  Aroura,  bis  courtiers  that  were  in  dignities,  and  the  guards  of  his  body  being  with 
 him,  he  spake  thus  to  them :  "  You  that  are  men  of  my  own  tribe,  I  conclude  that  you  re- 
 member the  benefits  that  1  have  bestowed  upon  yea  ;  and  that  I  have  made  some  of  you 
 owners  of  land,  and  made  you  commanders,  and  bestowed  posts  of  honour  upon  you,  and  set 
 some  of  yoa  over  the  common  people,  and  others  over  the  soldiers ;  I  ask  you,  therefore, 
 whether  you  expect  greater  and  more  donations  from  the  son  of  Jesse?  For  I  know  that  you 
 are  all  inclinable  to  him,  even  my  own  son  Jonathan  himself  is  of  that  opinion,  and  persuades 
 you  to  be  of  tlie  same;  for  I  am  not  unacquainted  with  the  oaths  and  the  covenants  that  are 
 between  him  and  David,  and  that  Jonathan  is  a  counsellor  and  an  assistant  to  those  that  con- 
 spire against  me ;  and  none  of  you  are  concerned  about  these  things,  but  you  keep  silence,  and 
 watch  to  see  what  will  be  the  upshot  of  these  things."  "When  the  king  had  done  his  speech, 
 not  one  of  the  rest  of  those  that  were  present  made  any  answer,  but  Doeg  the  Syrian,  who  fed 
 his  mules,  said,  that  he  saw  David  when  he  came  to  the  city  of  Nob  to  Ahimclech  the  high 
 priest,  and  that  he  had  learned  future  events  by  bis  prophesying:  that  he  received  food  from 
 him,  and  the  sword  of  Goliath,  and  was  conducted  by  him  with  security  to  such  as  he  desired 
 to  go  to. 
 
 5.  Saul  therefore  sent  for  the  high  priest,  and  for  all  his  kindred,  and  said  fo  them,  "  What 
 terrible  or  ungrateful  thing  hast  thou  suffered  from  me,  that  thou  bast  received  the  son  of 
 Jesse,  and  hast  bestowed  on  him  both  food  and  weapons,  when  he  was  contriving  to  get  the 
 kingdom?  And  further,  why  didst  thou  deliver  oracles  to  him  concerning  futurities  ?  For 
 thou  couldst  not  be  unacquainted  that  he  was  fled  away  from  me,  and  that  be  hated  my  family.' 
 But  the  high  priest  did  not  betake  himself  to  deny  what  he  had  done,  but  confessed  boldiv 
 that  be  had  supplied  him  with  these  things,  not  to  gratify  David,  but  Saul  himself:  and  be 
 said,  "  I  did  not  know  that  he  was  thy  adversary,  but  a  servant  of  thine,  who  was  very  faithful 
 to  thee,  and  a  captain  over  a  thousand  of  thy  soldiers,  and,  what  is  more  than  these,  thy  son- 
 in-law,  and  kinsman.  Wen  do  not  use  to  confer  such  favours  on  their  adversaries,  but  on 
 those  who  are  esteemed  to  bear  the  highest  good-will  and  respect  to  them.  Nor  is  this  the 
 first  time  that  I  prophesied  for  him,  but  I  have  done  it  often,  and  at  other  times,  as  well  as 
 now.  And  when  he  told  me  that  he  was  sent  by  thee  in  great  haste  to  do  somewhat,  if  I  had 
 furnished  him  with  nothing  that  he  desired,  I  should  have  thought  that  it  was  rather  in  con- 
 tradiction to  thee  than  to  him :  wherefore,  do  not  thou  entertain  any  ill  opinion  of  me,  nor  do 
 thou  have  a  suspicion  of  what  I  then  thought  an  act  of  humanity,  from  what  is  now  told  thee 
 of  David's  attempts  against  thee,  for  I  did  then  to  him  as  to  thy  friend  and  son-in-law,  and 
 cnptain  of  a  thousand,  and  not  as  to  thine  adversary." 
 
 0.  When  the  high  priest  had  spoken  thus,  he  did  not  persuade  Saul ;  his  fear  was  so  pre- 
 valent, that  he  could  not  give  credit  to  an  a])ology  that  was  very  just.  So  he  commanded  his 
 armed  men  that  stood  about  him  to  kill  him,  and  all  bis  kindred  ;  but  as  they  durst  not  touch 
 the  high  priest,  but  were  more  afraid  of  disobeying  God  than  the  king,  he  ordered  Doeg  the 
 Syrian  to  kill  them.  Accordingly,  he  took  to  his  assistance  such  wicked  men  as  were  like 
 himself,  and  slew  Ahiraelech  and  his  family,  who  were  in  all  three  hundred  and  eighty-five. 
 Saul  also  sent  to  Nob,*  the  city  of  the  priests,  and  slew  all  that  we<-e  there,  without  sparing 
 either  women  or  children,  or  any  other  age,  and  burnt  it  ;  only  there  was  one  son  of  Ahinie- 
 lech,  whose  name  was  Abiathar,  who  escaped.  However,  these  things  came  to  pass  as  God 
 had  foretold  to  Eli  the  high  priest,  when  he  said  that  his  posterity  should  be  destioyed,  on 
 account  of  the  transgressions  of  his  two  sons. 
 
 7.  Now  this  king  Saul,t  by  perpetrating  so  barbarous  a  crime,  and   murdering  the  whole 
 
 *  This  city  of  Nob  was  not  a  city  allotted  to  the  priests,  nor  had  the  prophets,  that  we  know  of.  any  parti- 
 cular cities  allotted  thera.  It  seems  the  tabernacle  was  now  at  Noh,  and  probably  a  school  of  the  jiropheis 
 was  here  also.  It  was  full  two  days'  jouniey  on  foot  from  Jerusalem,  1  Sara.  xxi.  5.  'I'he  number  of  priests 
 here  slaiii  in  Josephus  is  3ii5,  and  hut  a5  in  our  Hebrew  copies,  yet  are  they  .305  in  the  Septua'„'iut :  I  prefer 
 Josephus's  number,  the  Hebrew  haviu^-.  1  suppose,  only  dropped  the  hundreds,  the  other  the  tens.  This  city 
 of  >.ob  seems  to  have  been  the  chief,  or  perhaps  the  only  seat  of  the  family  of  Ithamar,  which  here  perished 
 accordmg  to  God's  former  terrible  threatenings  to  Kli,  1  Sam.  ii.  2T— 36.  iii.  11— IB.  See  chap.  xiv.  iS  9, 
 hereafter. 
 
 +  This  section  contains  an  admirable  reflection  of  Josephus  concerning  the  general  wickedness  of  men  in 
 great  authority,  and  the  danger  they  are  in  of  rejecting  that  regard  to  justice  and  humanity,  to  divine  provi- 
 dence  and  the  fear  of  God,  which  they  either  really  had,  or  pretended  to  have,  while  they  were  in  a  lower 
 condition.  It  can  never  be  too  often  perused  by  kings  and  great  men,  norbv  those  who  expect  to  obtain  such 
 elevated  dignities  among  mankind.  See  the  like  reflections  of  our  Josephus,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.  i.  ^5.  at  the 
 end,  and  b.  yiii.  chap.  x.^e.  at  the  beginning.  They  uro  t)  the  like  purport  with  one  branch  of  A-i  r* 
 piviyer,  "  One  thing  hiivc  I  requii-oci  of  thee .  deny  me  not  before  1  dig  ;  give  me  not  riches,  lest  1  he  full,  and 
 deny  thco,  and  say,  who  is  the  Lord  ;"'  Prov.  xxx.  7,  8,  y 
 
1G8  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 family  of  the  high  priestlj  dignit)',  bj  having  no  pity  of  the  infants,  nor  reverence  for  the  aged, 
 and  by  overtlirowing  the  city  which  God  had  chosen  for  the  property,  and  for  the  support  of 
 the  priests  and  prophets  wliich  were  tliere,  and  liad  ordained  as  the  only  city  allotted  for  the 
 education  of  snch  men,  gives  all  to  understand  and  consider  the  disposjliou  of  men,  that  while 
 they  are  private  persons,  and  in  a  low  condition,  because  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  indulge 
 nature,  ncr  to  venture  upon  what  they  wish  for,  they  are  equitable  and  moderate,  ami  pursue 
 nothing  but  what  is  just,  and  bend  their  whole  niiuds  and  labours  that  way  ;  then  it  is  that  they 
 have  this  belief  about  God,  that  be  is  present  to  all  the  actions  of  their  lives,  and  that  he  does 
 not  only  see  the  actions  that  are  done,  but  clearly  knows  those  their  thougiits  also,  whence 
 those  actions  do  aiise:  but  when  once  they  are  advanced  into  power  and  authority,  then  they 
 put  off  all  such  notions;  and  as  if  they  were  no  other  than  actors  upon  a  theatre,  they  lay  aside 
 their  disguised  parts  and  raanners,  and  take  up  boldness,  insolence,  and  a  contempt  of  both 
 human  and  divine  laws;  and  this  at  a  time  when  they  especially  stand  in  need  of  piety  and 
 righteousness,  because  they  are  then  most  of  all  exposed  to  envj',  and  all  they  think,  and  all 
 they  say,  are  in  the  view  of  all  men  ;  then  it  is  that  they  become  so  insolent  in  their  actions,  as 
 though  God  saw  them  no  longer,  or  were  afraid  of  them  because  of  their  power:  and  what- 
 soever it  is  that  they  either  are  afraid  of  by  the  rumours  they  hear,  or  they  hate  by  inclination, 
 or  they  love  without  reason,  these  seem  to  them  to  be  authentic,  and  firm,  and  true,  and  pleas- 
 ing both  to  men  and  to  God ;  but  as  to  what  will  come  hereafter,  tliey  have  not  the  least  regard 
 to  it.  They  raise  those  to  honour  indeed  who  had  been  at  a  great  deal  of  pains  for  them,  and 
 after  that  honour  they  envy  them  ;  and  when  they  have  brought  them  into  high  dignity,  they  do 
 not  only  deprive  them  of  what  they  had  obtained,  but  also,  on  that  very  account,  of  their  lives 
 also,  and  that  on  wicked  accusations,  and  such  as,  on  account  of  their  extravagant  nature,  are 
 incredible.  They  also  punish  men  for  their  actions,  not  such  as  deserve  condemnation,  bnt 
 from  calumnies  and  accusations  without  examination ;  and  tliis  extends  not  only  to  such  as 
 deserve  to  be  punished,  but  to  as  many  as  they  are  able  to  kill.  This  reflection  is  openly 
 confirmed  to  us  from  the  example  of  Saul,  the  son  of  Kish,  who  was  the  first  king  who  reigned 
 after  our  aristocracy  and  government  under  the  judges  were  over;  and  that  by  his  slaughter 
 of  three  hundred  priests  and  prophets,  on  occasion  of  his  suspicion  about  Ahimelech,  and  by 
 the  additional  wickedness  of  the  overthrow  of  their  city,  and  this  as  if  he  were  endeavouriDg 
 in  some  sort  to  render  the  temple  [tabernacle]  destitute,  both  of  priests  and  prophets,  which 
 endeavour  he  shewed  by  slaying  so  many  of  them,  ajid  not  suffering  the  very  city  belonging  to 
 them  to  remain,  that  so  others  might  succeed  them. 
 
 8.  But  Abiathar,  the  son  of  Ahimelech,  who  alone  could  be  saved  cot  of  the  family  of 
 priests  slairr  by  Saul,  fled  to  David,  and  informed  him  of  the  calamity  that  had  befallen  their 
 family,  and  of  the  slaughter  of  his  father:  who  hereupon  said,  "  He  was  not  unapprized  of 
 what  would  follow  with  relation  to  them,  when  he  saw  Doee;  there ;  for  he  had  then  a  suspicion 
 that  the  high  priest  would  be  falsely  accused  by  him  to  the  king,  and  he  blamed  himself  as 
 having  been  the  cause  of  this  misfortune."  But  he  desired  him  to  stay  there,  and  abide  with 
 him,  as  in  a  place  where  he  might  be  better  concealed  than  any  where  else. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 How  David,  toJien  he  had  hvice  the  Opportunity  of  killing  Saul,  did  not  kill  him.     Also,  cu:i- 
 cernirig  the  Death  of  Samuel  and  Nabal, 
 
 §  1.  About  tbis  time  it  was  that  David  heard  how  the  Philistines  had  made  an  inroad  into 
 the  country  of  Keilah,  and  robbed  it ;  so  he  offered  himself  to  fight  against  them,  if  God,  when 
 he  should  be  consulted  by  the  prophet,  would  grant  him  the  victory.  And  when  the  prophet 
 said,  that  God  gave  a  signal  of  victory,  he  made  a  sudden  onset  upon  the  Philistines  with  his 
 companions,  and  he  shed  a  great  deal  of  their  blood,  and  carried  otT  tlieir  prey,  and  stayed  with 
 the  inhabitants  of  Keilah  till  they  had  securely  gathered  in  their  corn  and  their  fruits.  How- 
 ever, it  was  told  Saul  the  king,  that  David  was  with  the  men  of  Keilah  ;  for  what  had  been 
 done,  and  the  great  success  that  had  attended  him.  were  not  confined  among  the  people  where 
 the  things  were  done,  bnt  the  fame  of  it  went  all  abroad,  and  came  to  the  hearing  of  others, 
 and  both  the  fact  as  it  stood,  and  the  author  of  the  fact,  were  carried  to  the  king's  ears.  Then 
 was  Saul  glad  when  he  heard  that  David  was  in  Keilnli  ;  and  he  said,  "  God  hath  now  put  him 
 into  my  hands,  since  he  hath  obliged  him  to  come  into  a  city  that  hath  walls,  and  gates,  and 
 bars."  So  he  commanded  all  the  people  to  set  upon  Keilah  suddenly,  and  wlien  they  had 
 besieged  and  taken  it,  to  kill  David.  But  when  David  perceived  this,  and  learned  of  God, 
 that  if  he  stayed  there,  the  men  of  Keilah  would  deliver  him  up  to  Saul,  he  took  his  four  hun- 
 dred men,  and  retired  into  a  desert  that  was  over-against  a  city  called  Engedi.  So  when  the 
 kinj;  heard  that  he  was  fled  away  from  the  men  of  Keilah,  he  left  off  his  expedition  against  hira. 
 
 2.  Then  David  removed  thence,  and  came  to  a  certain  place  called  the  New  Place,  belong- 
 ing to  Ziph  ;  where  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul,  came  to  him,  and  saluted  hira,  and  exhorted  him 
 to  be  of  good  courage,  and  to  hope  well  as  to  his  condition  hereafter,  and  not  to  despond  at 
 his  present  circumstances,  for  that  he  should  be  king,  and  have  all  the  forces  of  the  Hebrews 
 under  him ;  bat  told  him,  that  such  happiness  uses  to  corae  with  great  labour  and  pains :  they 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.    XIII.  1G9 
 
 also  took  oatbs,  ttiat  tliey  would  all  their  lives  long  continue  in  ^ood-will  and  fidelity  one  to 
 atiollier;  and  lie  called  God  to  witness,  as  to  what  execrations  be  made  upon  himself,  if  he 
 should  transgress  his  covenant,  and  should  change  to  a  contrary  behaviour.  So  Jonathan 
 left  him  there,  haviuf;;  rendered  bis  cares  and  fears  somewhat  lif;liter,  and  returned  home.  Now 
 the  men  of  Ziph,  to  gratify  Saul,  informed  hni  that  David  abode  with  them,  and  [assured  him] 
 that  if  be  would  come  to  thera,  they  would  deliver  bira  up,  so  that  if  the  king  could  seize  on  the 
 straits  of  Ziph,  David  could  not  escape  to  any  other  people.  So  the  king  commended  them, 
 and  confessed  that  he  had  reason  to  thank  them,  because  they  bad  given  him  information  of  his 
 enemy  ;  and  he  promised  thera  that  it  should  not  be  long  ere  he  would  requite  their  kindness. 
 He  also  sent  men  to  seek  for  David,  and  to  search  the  wilderness  wherein  he  was  ;  aud  he 
 answered,  that  hi  himself  would  follow  them.  Accordingly,  they  went  before  the  king,  to  bunt 
 for,  and  to  catch  David,  and  used  endeavours,  not  only  to  shew  their  good-wiil  to  Saul,  by 
 informing  bira  where  his  enemy  was,  but  to  evidence  the  same  more  plainly  by  delivering  hiin 
 up  into  his  power.  But  these  men  failed  of  those  their  unjust  and  wicked  desires,  who,  while 
 they  underwent  no  iiazard  by  not  discovering  such  an  ambition  of  revealing  this  to  Saul,  yet  did 
 they  falsely  accuse,  and  promise  to  deliver  up,  a  man  beloved  of  God,  and  one  that  was  unjustly 
 sought  for  to  be  put  to  death,  and  one  that  might  otherwise  have  lain  concealed,  and  this  out 
 of  flattery,  and  expectation  of  gain  from  the  king  ;  for  when  David  was  apprized  of  the  malig- 
 nant intention  of  the  men  of  Ziph,  and  of  the  approach  of  Saul,  he  left  the  straits  of  that  coun- 
 try, and  fled  to  the  great  rock  that  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon. 
 
 3.  Hereupon,  Saul  made  haste  to  pursue  him  thither  ;  for  as  he  was  marching,  he  learned 
 that  David  was  gone  away  from  the  straits  of  Ziph,  and  Saul  removed  to  the  other  side  of  the 
 rock.  But  the  report  that  the  Philistines  bad  again  made  an  incursion  into  the  country  of  the 
 Hebrews,  called  Saul  another  way  from  the  pursuit  of  David,  when  he  was  ready  to  be  caught ; 
 for  be  returned  back  again  to  oppose  those  Philistines,  who  were  naturally  their  enemies,  as 
 judging  it  more  necessary  to  avenge  himself  of  them,  than  to  take  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  catch 
 an  enemy  of  his  own,  and  to  overlook  the  ravage  that  was  made  in  the  land. 
 
 4.  And  by  this  means  David  unexpectedly  escaped  ont  of  the  danger  he  was  in,  and  came  to 
 the  straits  of  Engedi.  And  when  Saul  had  driven  the  Philistines  out  of  the  land,  there  came 
 some  messengers,  who  told  bira  that  David  abode  within  the  bounds  of  Engedi:  so  he  took 
 three  thousand  chosen  men  that  were  armed,  and  made  haste  to  him,  and  when  be  was  not  far 
 from  those  places,  he  saw  a  deep  and  hollow  cave  by  the  way  side  ;  it  was  open  to  a  great 
 length  and  breadth,  and  there  it  was  that  David  with  bis  four  hundred  men  were  concealed. — 
 When  therefore  be  had  occasion  to  ease  nature,  he  entered  into  it  by  himself  alone;  and 
 being  seen  by  one  of  David's  companions,  and  be  that  saw  bini,  saying  to  him,  that  "  be  had 
 now,  by  God's  providence,  an  opportunity  of  avenging  himself  of  bis  adversary  ;  and  advising 
 him  to  cut  off  his  head,  and  so  deliver  himself  out  of  that  tedious  wandering  condition,  and  the 
 distress  he  was  in,''  he  rose  up,  and  only  cut  oft'  the  skirt  of  that  garment  which  Saul  had  on. 
 But  soon  he  repented  of  what  be  bad  done  ;  and  said  it  was  not  rit;lit  to  kill  him  that  was  bis 
 master,  and  one  whom  God  bad  thought  worthy  of  the  kingdom  ;  "  for  that  although  he  were 
 wickedly  disposed  towards  us,  yet  does  it  not  behove  me  to  be  so  disposed  towards  him,"  But 
 when  Saul  had  left  the  cave,  David  came  near,  and  cried  out  aloud,  and  desired  Saul  to  bear 
 biui,  whereupon  the  king  turned  bis  face  back,  and  David,  according  to  custom,  fell  down  on 
 bis  face  before  the  king,  and  bowed  to  him;  and  said,  '*  O  king,  thou  ougbtest  not  to  hearken 
 to  wicked  men,  nor  to  such  as  forge  calumnies,  nor  to  gratify  them  so  far  as  to  believe  what 
 they  say,  nor  to  entertain  suspicions  of  such  as  are  your  best  friends,  but  to  judge  of  the  dispo- 
 sition of  all  men  by  their  actions,  for  calumny  deludes  men,  but  men's  own  actions  area  clear 
 demonstiation  of  their  kindness.  Words  indeed,  in  their  own  nature,  may  be  either  true  or 
 false,  but  men's  actions  expose  their  intentions  nakedly  to  onr  view.  By  these,  therefore,  it 
 will  be  well  for  thee  to  believe  me,  as  to  my  regard  to  thee  and  to  thy  bouse,  and  not  to  believe 
 those  that  frame  such  accusations  against  me  as  never  came  into  my  mind,  nor  are  possible  to 
 be  executed,  and  do  this  farther  by  pursuing  after  my  life,  and  have  no  concern  either  day  or 
 night,  but  how  to  compass  my  life  and  to  murder  me,  which  thing  I  think  thou  dost  unjustly 
 prosecute.  For  how  comes  it  about,  that  thou  hast  embraced  this  false  opinion  about  me,  as 
 if  I  had  a  desire  to  kill  thee  ?  Or  how  canst  thou  escape  the  crime  of  impiety  towards  God, 
 when  thou  wishes!  thou  couldst  kill,  and  deemest  thine  adversary,  a  man  who  had  it  in  his  power 
 this  day  to  avenge  himself,  and  to  punish  thee,  but  would  not  do  it,  nor  make  use  of  such  an 
 opportunity,  which,  if  it  had  fallen  out  to  thee  against  me,  thou  hadst  not  let  it  slip  ;  for  when  I 
 cut  off  the  skirt  of  thy  garment,  I  could  have  done  the  same  to  thy  head  ?"  So  he  shewed  him 
 the  piece  of  his  garment,  and  thereby  made  him  agree  to  what  he  said  to  be  true  ;  and  added, 
 "  I,  for  certain,  have  abstained  from  taking  a  just  revenge  upon  thee,*  yet  art  thou  not  ashamed 
 to  prosecute  me  with  unjust  hatred.  May  God  do  justice,  and  determine  about  each  of  our 
 dispositions."  But  Saul  was  amazed  at  the  strange  delivery  he  had  received  ;  and  being 
 greatly  affected  with  the  moderation  and  disposition  of  the  young  man,  he  groaned :  and  when 
 David  had  done  the  same,  the  king  answered,  that  "  be  bad  the  justest  occasion  to  groan,  for 
 
 •  The  phrase  in  David's  speech  to  Saul,  ns  set  down  in  .losephus,  that  he  had  abstained  from  '  juBt  revenge,' 
 pnta  me  in  mind  of  tlie  liiie  words  in  the  Apostolical  ConstitiUions,  b.  vii-  chap.  ii.  that  '  rcveuge  is  not  evil, 
 out  that  patience  ib  more  honourable.' 
 
 Y 
 
170  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 thou  hast  been  the  author  of  good  to  me,  as  I  have  been  the  author  of  calamity  to  thee.  And 
 tliou  hast  demonstrated  this  day,  that  thou  possessest  the  righteousness  of  the  ancients,  who 
 determined  that  men  ought  to  save  their  enemies,  though  they  caught  them  in  a  desert  place. — 
 I  am  now  persuaded  that  God  reserves  the  kingdom  for  thee,  and  that  thou  wilt  obtain  the 
 dominion  over  all  the  Hebrews.  Give  roe  then  assurances  upon  oath,  that  thou  wilt  not  root 
 out  my  family,  nor,  out  of  remembrance  of  what  evil  I  have  done  thee,  destroy  my  posterity, 
 but  save  and  preserve  my  house."  So  David  sware  as  he  desired,  and  sent  back  Saul  to  his 
 own  kingdom  ;  but  he,  and  those  tliat  were  with  him,  went  up  to  the  straits  of  Mastheroth. 
 
 5.  About  this  time  Samuel  the  prophet  died.  He  was  a  man  whom  the  Hebrews  honoured 
 in  an  extraordinary  degree  ;  for  that  lamentation  which  the  people  made  for  him,  and  this 
 during  a  long  time,  manifested  his  virtue,  and  the  afiection  which  the  people  bore  for  hira  ;  as 
 also  did  the  solemnity  and  concern  that  appeared  about  his  funeral,  and  about  the  complete 
 observation  of  all  his  funeral  rites.  Tbey  buried  him  in  his  own  city  Ramah ;  and  wept  for 
 him  a  very  great  number  of  days,  not  looking  on  it  as  a  sorrow  for  the  death  of  another  man, 
 but  as  that  in  which  tbey  were  every  one  themselves  concerned.  He  was  a  righteous  man, 
 and  geulie  in  his  nature,  and  on  that  account  he  was  very  dear  to  God.  Now  he  governed  and 
 presided  over  the  people  alone,  after  the  death  of  Eli  the  high  priest,  twelve  years,  and  eigh- 
 teen years  together  with  Saul  the  king  :  and  thus  we  have  finished  the  history  of  Samuel. 
 
 6.  There  was  a  man  that  was  a  Ziphite,  of  the  city  of  Maoo,  who  was  rich,  and  had  a  vast 
 number  of  cattle  :  for  be  fed  a  flock  of  three  thousand  sheep,  and  another  flock  of  a  thousand 
 goats.  Now  David  bad  charged  his  associates  to  keep  these  flocks  without  hurt  and  without 
 damage,  and  to  do  them  no  mischief,  neither  out  of  covetousness,  nor  because  they  were  in 
 want,  nor  because  they  were  in  the  wilderness,  and  so  could  not  easily  be  discovered ;  but  to 
 esteem  freedom  from  injustice  above  all  other  motives,  and  to  look  upon  the  touching  of  what 
 belonged  to  another  man  as  a  horrible  crime,  and  contrary  to  the  will  of  God.  These  were  the 
 instructions  he  gave,  thinking  that  the  favours  he  granted  this  man  were  granted  to  a  good 
 man,  and  one  that  deserved  to  have  such  care  taken  of  his  affairs.  This  man  was  Nabal,  for 
 that  was  his  name,  a  harsh  man,  and  of  a  very  wicked  life,  being  like  a  cynic  in  the  course  of 
 Lis  behaviour,  but  still  had  obtained  for  his  wife  a  woman  of  a  good  character,  wise  and  hand- 
 some. To  this  Nabal,  therefore,  David  sent  ten  men  of  his  attendants  at  the  time  when  he 
 sheared  his  sheep,  and  by  them  saluted  him  :  and  also  wished  he  might  do  what  he  now  did  for 
 many  years  to  come,  but  desired  him  to  make  him  a  present  of  what  he  was  able  to  give  him, 
 since  he  had,  to  be  sure,  learned  from  liis  shepherds,  that  he  had  donethera  no  injury,  but  had 
 been  their  guardian  a  long  time  together,  while  they  continued  in  the  wilderness  ;  and  he 
 assured  him  he  should  never  repent  of  giving  any  thing  to  David.  When  the  messengers  had 
 carried  this  message  to  Nabal,  he  accosted  them  after  an  inhuman  and  rough  manner;  for  he 
 asked  them,  who  David  was?  and  when  he  heard  that  he  was  the  son  of  Jesse,  "  Now  is  the 
 time,  said  he,  that  fugitives  grow  insolent,  and  make  a  figure,  and  leave  their  masters."  When 
 they  told  David  this,  he  was  wroth  ;  and  commanded  four  hundred  armed  men  to  follow  him  ; 
 andleft  two  hundred  to  take  care  of  the  stuff,  (for  he  had  already  six  hundred,)*  and  went 
 against  Nabal  :  he  also  sware,  that  he  would  that  night  utterly  destroy  the  whole  house  and 
 possessions  of  Nabal :  for  that  he  was  grieved,  not  only  that  he  bad  proved  ungrateful  to  them, 
 without  making  any  return  for  the  humanity  they  had  shewn  liim,  but  that  he  had  also  re- 
 proached them,  and  used  ill  language  to  them,  when  he  had  received  no  cause  of  disgust  from 
 them. 
 
 7.  Hereupon,  one  of  those  that  kept  the  flocks  of  Nabal,  said  to  his  mistress,  Nabal's  wife, 
 that  "  when  David  sent  to  her  husband,  he  had  received  no  civil  answer  at  all  from  him,  but 
 that  her  husband  had  moreover  added  very  reproachful  language,  while  yet  David  had  taken 
 extraordinary  care  to  keep  his  flocks  from  harm,  and  that  what  had  passed  would  prove  very 
 pernicious  to  his  master."  When  the  servant  bad  said  this,  Abigail,  for  that  was  tlie  wife's 
 name,  saddled  her  asses,  and  loaded  them  with  all  sorts  of  presents  :  and  without  telling  her 
 husband  any  thing  of  what  she  was  about,  (for  he  was  not  sensible,  on  account  of  his  drunken- 
 ness,) she  went  to  David.  She  was  then  met  by  David  as  she  was  descending  a  hill,  who  was 
 coming  against  Nabal  with  four  hundred  men.  When  the  woman  saw  David,  she  leaped  down 
 from  her  ass,  and  fell  on  her  face,  and  bowed  down  to  the  ground;  and  entreated  him  not  to 
 bear  in  mind  the  words  of  Nabal,  since  he  knew  that  he  resembled  his  name  :  now  Nabal,  in 
 the  Hebrew  tongue,  signifies  '  folly.'  So  she  made  her  apology,  "  That  she  did  not  see  the 
 messengers  whom  he  sent :  forgive  me,  therefore,  (said  she,)  and  thank  God  who  hath  hindered 
 thee  from  shedding  human  blood  ;  for  so  long  as  thou  keepest  thyself  innocent.t  he  will  avenge 
 
 •  The  number  of  men  that  came  first  to  David,  are  distincttv  in  Josephus,  and  in  onr  common  copies,  but 
 400.  When  he  was  at  Keilah,  still  but  4OT,  both  in  Josephus  and  in  the  LXXII.  ;ljut  600  in  our  Hebrew  copies, 
 1  Sam.  xxiii.  13.  xxx.  9.  10.  Now  the  600  there  mentioned  are  here  intimated  by  Josephus  to  have  been  so 
 many,  only  by  an  augmentation  of  200  afterward,  which,  I  suppose,  is  the  true  solution  of  this  seeming  dis- 
 agreement. 
 
 t  In  this,  and  the  two  next  sections,  we  may  perceive  how  Josephus,  nay,  how  Abigail  herself,  Veould  under- 
 stand, the  '  not  avenging  ourselves,  but  heaping  coals  of  tire  on  the  head  of  the  injurious,' Prov.  xxv.  15.  Rom. 
 xii.  20.  not  as  we  commonly  do  now,  of  melting  them  into  kindness,  but  of  leaving  them  to  the  judgment  of 
 God,  to  whom  vengeance  belongeth,  lleut.  xxxii.  .'{.5.  Psalm  xciv.  1.  Heb.  x.  30.  and  who  will  take  vengeance 
 on  the  wicked.  And  since  all  (Jod's  judgments  arejust,  and  all  tit  to  be  executed,  and  all  at  length  for  thegood 
 or  the  persons  punished,  1  incline  to  think  that  to  be  the  meaning  of  this  phrase  of  heaping  coals  of  lire  oa 
 tlMir  heads. 
 
BOOK   VI. — CHAP.  XIII.  171 
 
 thee  of  wicked  men,  for  what  miseries  await  Nabal,  they  will  fall  upon  the  heads  of  thine  ene- 
 mies. Be  thou  gracious  to  me,  and  think  me  so  far  worthy  as  to  accept  these  presents  from 
 me;  and  out  of  regard  to  me,  remit  that  wrath  and  that  anger  which  thou  hast  against  my 
 husband  and  his  house ;  for  mildness  and  humanity  become  thee,  especially  as  thou  art  to  be 
 our  king."  Accordingly,  David  accepted  herpresenis,  and  said,  "  Nay,  but  O  woman,  it  was 
 no  other  than  God's  mercy  which  brought  thee  to  us  to-day,  for  otherwise  thou  hadst  not  seen 
 another  day,  I  having  sworn  to  destroy  Nabal's  house  this  very  night,*  and  to  leave  alive  not 
 one  of  you  who  belonged  to  a  man  that  was  wicked  and  ungrateful  to  me  and  my  companions; 
 but  now  hast  thou  prevented  me,  and  mollified  my  anger,  as  being  thyself  under  the  care  of 
 God's  providence  ;  but  as  for  Nabal,  although  for  thy  sake  he  now  escape  punishment,  he  will 
 not  always  avoid  justice,  for  his  evil  conduct  on  some  other  occasion  will  be  his  ruin." 
 
 8.  "When  David  bad  said  this,  he  dismissed  the  woman.  But  when  she  came  home  and 
 found  her  husband  feasting  with  a  great  company,  and  oppressed  with  wine,  she  said  nothing 
 then  to  him  about  what  had  happened  ;  but  on  the  next  day,  when  he  was  sober,  she  told  him 
 all  the  particulars,  and  made  his  whole  body  to  appear  like  that  of  a  dead  man  by  her  words, 
 and  by  that  grief  which  arose  from  them  :  so  Nabal  survived  ten  days,  and  no  more,  and  then 
 died.  And  when  David  heard  of  his  death,  he  said,  that  "God  had  justly  avenged  hitn  of 
 this  man,  for  that  Nabal  died  by  his  own  wickedness,  and  had  suffered  punishment  on  his 
 account,  while  be  had  kept  his  own  hands  clean."  At  which  time  he  understood,  that  the  wicked 
 are  prosecuted  by  God  ;  that  he  does  not  overlook  any  man,  but  bestows  on  the  good  what  is 
 suitable  to  them,  and  inflicts  a  deserved  punishment  on  the  wicked.  So  he  sent  to  Nabal's 
 wife,  and  invited  her  to  come  to  him,  to  live  with  him,  and  to  be  his  wife.  Whereupon  she 
 replied  to  those  that  came,  that  she  was  not  worthy  to  touch  his  feet ;  however,  she  came  with 
 all  her  servants,  and  became  his  wife  ;  having  received  that  honour  on  account  of  her  wise  and 
 righteous  course  of  life.  She  also  obtained  the  same  honour,  partly  on  account  of  her  beauty. 
 Now  David  had  a  wife  before,  whom  he  married  from  the  city  Abesar  ;  for  as  to  Michal,  the 
 daughter  of  king  Saul,  who  had  been  David's  wife,  her  father  had  given  her  in  marriage  to 
 Phaiti  the  sou  of  Laish,  who  was  of  the  city  of  Gallim. 
 
 9.  After  this  came  certain  of  the  Ziphites,  and  told  Saul,  that  David  was  come  again  into 
 their  country  ;  and  if  he  would  afford  them  his  assistance,  they  could  catch  him.  So  he  came 
 to  them  with  three  thousand  armed  men  ;  and  upon  the  approach  of  the  night,  he  pitched  his 
 camp  at  a  certain  place  called  Hachilah.  But  when  David  heard  that  Saul  was  coming 
 against  him,  he  sent  spies,  and  bid  thera  let  him  know  to  what  place  of  the  country  Saul  was 
 already  come  ;  and  when  they  told  him  that  he  was  at  Hachilah,  he  concealed  his  going  away 
 from  his  own  companions,  and  came  to  Saul's  camp,  having  taken  with  hitn  Abishai,  his  sister 
 Zeruiah's  son,  and  Ahimelech  the  Hittite.  Now  Saul  was  asleep;  and  the  armed  men,  with 
 Abner  their  commander,  lay  round  about  him  in  a  circle.  Hereupon  David  entered  into  the 
 king's  tent  :  but  he  did  neither  kill  Saul,  though  he  knew  where  he  lay,  by  the  spear  that  was 
 struck  down  by  him,  nor  did  he  give  leave  to  Abishai,  who  would  have  killed  him,  and  was 
 earnestly  bent  upon  it  so  to  do  :  for  he  said,  "  It  was  a  horrid  crime  to  kill  one  that  was 
 ordained  king  by  God,  although  he  was  a  wicked  man  :  for  that  He  who  gave  him  tiie  domi- 
 nion, would  in  time  inflict  punishment  upon  him."  So  he  restrained  his  eagerness:  but  that 
 it  might  appear  to  have  been  in  bis  power  to  have  killed  him  when  he  refrained  from  it,  he 
 took  his  spear  and  the  cruse  of  water  which  stood  by  Saul  as  he  lay  asleep,  without  being 
 perceived  by  any  of  the  camp,  who  were  all  asleep,  and  went  securely  away,  having  performed 
 every  thing  among  the  king's  attendants  that  the  opportunity  afforded,  and  his  boldness  encou- 
 raged him  to  do.  So  when  he  had  passed  over  a  brook,  and  was  gotten  up  to  the  top  of  a 
 hill,  whence  he  might  be  snfliciently  heard,  he  cried  aloud  to  Saul's  soldiers,  and  to  Ai)ner 
 their  commander,  and  awakened  them  out  of  their  sleep,  and  called  both  to  him  and  to  the 
 people.  Hereupon  the  commander  heard  him,  and  asked  who  it  was  that  called  him?  To 
 whom  David  replied,  "  It  is  I,  the  son  of  Jesse,  whom  you  make  a  vagabond.  But  what  is 
 the  matter?  Dost  thou,  that  art  a  man  of  so  great  dignity,  and  of  the  first  rank  in  the  king's 
 court,  take  so  little  care  of  thy  master's  body  ?  and  is  a  sleep  of  moi-e  consecpience  to  Ihee 
 than  his  preservation,  and  thy  care  of  him?  'I'iiis  negligence  of  yours  deserves  death,  and  pu- 
 nishment to  be  inflicted  on  you,  who  never  perceived  when  a  little  while  ago  some  of  us  entered 
 inloyour  camp,  nay,  as  far  as  to  the  king  himself,  and  all  the  rest  of  you.  If  thou  look  for  the 
 king's  spear,  and  his  cruse  of  water,  thou  wilt  learn  what  a  mighty  misfortune  was  ready  to 
 overtake  you  in  your  very  camp  without  your  knowing  of  it."  Now,  when  Saul  knew  David's 
 voice,  and  understood  that  when  he  had  him  in  his  power  while  he  was  asleep,  and  his  guards 
 took  no  care  of  him,  yet  did  not  he  kill  hini,  but  spared  bim  when  he  might  justly  have  cut 
 him  off,  he  said,  that  "he  owed  him  thanks  for  his  preservation  ;  and  exhorted  him  to  be  of 
 good  courage,  and  not  to  be  afraid  of  stiflcring  any  mischief  from  him  any  more,  end  to  return  to 
 his  own  home,  for  he  was  now  persuaded  that  he  did  not  love  himfelf  so  well  as  he  was  be- 
 loved by  him :  that  he  bad  driven  away  him  that  could  guard  him,  and  had  given  nianv  demon- 
 
 •  We  may  note  )iere,  that  how  sacred  soever  an  oath  was  esteemed  among  the  people  of  God  in  old  times, 
 ♦hey  did  not  thinlt  it  obligatory,  where  the  action  was  plainly  unlawful.  Kdtso  we  see  it  was  in  this  of  l>avid, 
 Willi,  although  he  had  sworn  to  destroy  Mahal  and  his  family,  yet  does  h(^  hero,  ai\d  1  Sam.  xxv.  .ii;— 51.  bless 
 God  for  preventing  his  keeping  his  oath,  and  from  shedJii.ii  of  blood,  as  he  had  sworn  to  do. 
 
172  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 strations  of  his  good-will  to  him  :  that  he  Lad  forced  him  to  live  so  long  in  a  state  of  baaish- 
 ment,  and  in  great  fears  of  his  life,  destitute  of  his  friends  and  his  kindred,  while  still  he  was 
 often  saved  bjr  him,  and  frequently  received  his  life  again  when  it  was  evidently  in  danger  of 
 perishing."  So  David  bade  them  send  for  the  spear  and  the  cruse  of  water,  and  take  them 
 back;  adding  this  withal,  that  "  God  would  be  the  judge  of  both  their  dispositions,  and  of 
 the  actions  that  flowed  from  the  same,  who  knows  that  when  it  was  this  day  in  my  power  to 
 Lave  killed  thee,  I  abstained  from  it.'" 
 
 10.  Thus  Saul  having  escaped  the  bands  of  David  twice,  he  went  his  way  to  his  royal  palace, 
 and  his  own  city  :  but  David  was  afraid,  that  if  he  stayed  there  he  should  be  caught  by  Saul, 
 so  he  thought  it  better  to  go  up  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines  and  abide  there.  Accordingly, 
 he  came,  with  the  six  hundred  men  that  were  with  him,  to  Achish,  the  king  of  Gath,  which  was 
 one  of  their  five  cities.  Now  the  king  received  both  him  and  his  men,  and  gave  them  a  place 
 to  inhabit  in.  He  had  with  him  also  his  two  wives,  Ahinoam  and  Abigail,  and  he  dwelt  in 
 Gath.  But  when  Saul  heard  this,  he  took  no  farther  care  about  sending  to  him,  or  going  after 
 hiia,  because  he  had  been  twice,  in  a  manner,  caught  by  him,  while  he  was  himself  endeavour- 
 ing to  catch  him.  However,  David  had  no  mind  to  continue  in  the  city  of  Gath,  but  desired 
 the  king,  that  since  he  had  received  him  with  such  humanity,  that  he  would  grant  him  another 
 favour,  and  bestow  upon  him  some  place  of  that  country  for  his  habitation  ;  for  he  was  ashamed, 
 by  living  in  the  city,  to  be  grievous  and  burdensome  to  him.  So  Acliish  gave  him  a  certain 
 village  called  Ziklag ;  which  place  David  and  his  sons  were  fond  of  when  he  was  king,  and 
 reckoned  it  to  be  their  peculiar  inheritance.  But  about  those  matters  we  shall  give  the  reader 
 farther  information  elsewhere.  Now  the  time  that  David  dwelt  in  Ziklag,  in  the  land  of  the 
 Philistines,  was  four  months  and  twenty  days.  And  now  he  privately  attacked  those  Geshnr- 
 ites  and  Amalekites  that  were  neighbours  to  the  Philistines,  and  laid  waste  their  country,  and 
 took  much  prey  of  their  beasts  and  camels,  and  then  returned  home  ;  but  David  abstained  from 
 the  men,  as  fearing  they  should  discover  him  to  king  Achish,  yet  did  he  send  part  of  the  prey 
 to  him  as  a  free  gift.  And  when  the  king  inquired  whom  they  had  attacked  when  they  brought 
 away  the  prey,  he  said,  those  that  lay  on  the  south  of  the  Jews,  and  inhabited  in  the  plain ; 
 whereby  he  persuaded  Achish  to  approve  of  what  he  had  done,  for  he  hoped  that  David  had 
 fought  against  his  own  nation,  and  that  now  he  should  have  bini  for  bis  servant  all  his  life  long, 
 and  that  he  would  stay  in  bis  country. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 How  Saul,  upon  God's  not  answering  him  concerning  the  Fight  icith  the  Philistines,  desired  a 
 necromantic  Wotnan  to  raise  up  the  Soul  of  Samuel  to  him ;  and  how  he  died  ivith  his  Sons 
 upon  the  Overthrow  of  the  Hebreivs  in  Battle. 
 
 §  1.  About  the  same  time  the  Philistines  resolved  to  make  war  against  the  Israelites,  and 
 sent  to  all  their  confederates  that  they  would  go  along  with  them  to  the  war  to  Pveggan,  [near 
 the  city  Sbunem,]  whence  they  might  gather  themselves  together,  and  suddenly  attack  the  He- 
 brews. Then  did  AchisL,  the  king  of  Gath,  desire  David  to  assist  them  with  his  armed  men 
 against  tne  Hebrews.  This  he  readily  promised  ;  and  said  that  the  time  was  now  come 
 wherein  he  might  requite  him  for  his  kindness  and  hospitality  :  so  the  king  promised  to  make 
 him  the  keeper  of  his  body  after  the  victory,  supposing  that  the  battle  with  the  enemy  suc- 
 ceeded to  their  mind  ;  which  promise  of  honour  and  confidence  he  made  oa  purpose  to  increase 
 his  zeal  for  his  service. 
 
 2.  Now  Saul,  the  king  of  the  Hebrews,  had  cast  out  of  the  country  the  fortune-tellers,  and 
 the  necromancers,  and  all  such  as  exercised  the  like  arts,  excepting  the  prophets.  But  when 
 he  heard  that  the  Philistines  were  already  come,  and  had  pitched  their  camp  near  the  city 
 Shunera,  situate  in  the  plain,  he  made  haste  to  oppose  tliera  with  bis  forces  ;  and  when  he  was 
 come  to  a  certain  mountain  called  Gilboa,  he  pitched  his  camp  over  against  the  enemy  ;  but 
 when  he  saw  the  enemy's  army  he  was  greatly  troubled,  because  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  na- 
 Dierous,  and  superior  to  his  own  ;  and  he  inquired  of  God  by  the  prophets  concerning  the  bat- 
 tle, that  he  might  know  beforehand  what  would  be  the  event  of  it.  And  when  God  did  not 
 answer  him,  Saul  was  under  a  still  greater  dread,  and  his  courage  fell,  foreseeing,  as  was  but 
 reasonable  to  suppose,  that  mischief  would  befall  him,  now  God  was  not  there  to  assist  him  ; 
 yet  did  he  bid  his  servants  to  inquire  out  for  him  some  woman  that  was  a  necromancer,  and 
 called  up  the  souls  of  the  dead,  that  so  he  might  know  whether  his  afl'airs  would  succeed  to 
 his  mind  ;  for  this  sort  of  necromantic  women  that  bring  up  the  souls  of  the  dead,  do  by  them 
 foretell  future  events  to  such  as  desire  them.  And  one  of  his  servants  told  him,  that  there  was 
 such  a  woman  in  the  city  of  Endor,  but  was  known  to  nobody  in  the  camp  :  hereupon  Siiul  put 
 ofl"  his  royal  apparel,  and  took  two  of  those  his  servants  with  him,  whom  he  knew  to  be  most 
 faithful  to  him,  and  caine  to  Endor  to  the  woman,  and  entreated  her  to  act  the  part  of  a  for- 
 tuneteller, and  to  bring  up  such  a  soul  to  him  as  he  should  name  to  her.  But  when  the  woman 
 opposed  his  motion,  and  said,  she  did  not  despise  the  king,  who  had  banished  this  sort  of 
 fortunetellers,  and  that  he  did  not  do  well  himself,  when  she  had  done  him  no  harm,  to  endea- 
 ▼our  to  lay  a  snare  for  her,  and  to  discover  that  she  exercised  a  forbidden  art,  in  order  to  pro- 
 
BOOK   VI.— CHAP.    XIV.  173 
 
 cure  her  to  be  punished ;  lie  sware  tliat  nobody  should  know  what  she  did  ;  and  that  he 
 would  not  tell  any  one  else  what  she  foretold,  but  that  she  should  incur  no  danger.  As  soon 
 as  he  had  induced  her  by  this  oath  to  fear  no  harm,  he  bade  her  bring  up  to  him  the  soul  of 
 Samuel.  She  not  knowing  who  Samuel  was,  called  him  out  of  Hades.  When  he  appeared, 
 and  the  woman  saw  one  that  was  venerable,  and  of  a  divine  form,  she  was  in  disorder;  and 
 being  astonished  at  the  sight,  she  said,  '  Art  not  thou  king  Saul?"  for  Samuel  had  informed 
 her  who  he  was.  When  he  had  owned  that  to  be  true,  and  had  asked  her  whence  her  disor- 
 der arose?  she  said,  that  "  she  saw  a  certain  person  ascend,  who  in  his  form  was  like  to  a  god." 
 And  when  he  bade  her  tell  him  what  he  resembled,  in  what  habit  he  appeared,  and  of  what  age 
 he  was?  she  told  him,  "  He  was  an  old  man  already,  and  of  a  glorious  personage,  and  had  on 
 a  sacerdotal  mantle."  So  the  king  discovered  by  these  signs  that  he  was  Samuel ;  and  he  fell 
 down  upon  the  ground,  and  saluted,  and  worshipped  him.  And  when  the  sonl  of  Samuel  asked 
 him  why  he  had  disturbed  him,  and  caused  him  to  be  brought  up?  he  lamented  the  necessity 
 he  was  under;  for  he  said,  that  his  "enemies  pressed  heavily  upon  him;  that  he  was  in  dis- 
 tress what  to  do  in  his  present  circumstances;  that  he  was  forsaken  of  God,  and  oould  obtain 
 no  prediction  of  what  was  coming,  neither  by  prophets,  nor  any  dreams  ;  and  that  these  were 
 the  reasons  why  I  have  recourse  to  thee,  who  always  tookest  care  of  me."  But  Samuel, 
 seeing  that  the  end  of  Saul's  life  was  come,*  said,  "  It  is  vain  for  ihee  to  desire  to  learn  of  me 
 any  thing  turther,  when  God  hath  forsaken  thee:  however,  hear  what  I  say,  that  David  is  to 
 be  king,  and  to  finish  this  war  with  good  success;  and  thou  art  to  lose  thy  dominion  and  lliy 
 life,  because  thou  didst  not  obey  God  in  the  war  with  the  Amalekites,  and  hast  not  kept  his 
 commandments,  as  I  foretold  thee  while  I  was  alive.  Know,  therefore,  that  the  people  shall 
 be  made  subject  to  their  enemies,  and  that  thou,  with  thy  sous,  shall  fall  in  the  battle  to-mor- 
 row, and  thou  shalt  be  with  me  [in  Hades.]" 
 
 3.  When  Saul  had  heard  this,  he  could  not  speak  for  grief,  and  fell  down  on  the  floor,  whe- 
 ther it  were  from  the  sorrow  that  arose  upon  what  Samuel  had  said,  or  from  his  emptiness, 
 for  be  had  taken  no  food  the  foregoing  day  nor  night,  he  easily  fell  quite  down ;  and  when  with 
 dilficulty  he  had  recovered  himself,  the  woman  would  force  him  to  eat,  begging  this  of  him  as 
 a  favour  on  account  of  her  concern  in  that  dangerous  instance  of  forlunetelling,  which  it  was 
 not  lawful  for  her  to  have  done,  because  of  the  fear  she  was  under  of  the  king,  while  she  knew 
 not  who  he  was,  yet  did  she  undertake  it,  and  go  tlirnuiih  wiili  it,  on  which  account  she 
 entreated  him  to  admit  that  a  table  and  food  might  be  set  before  him,  that  he  might  recover  his 
 strength,  and  so  get  safe  to  his  own  camp.  And  when  he  opposed  her  motion,  and  entirely 
 rejected  it,  by  reason  of  his  anxiety,  she  forced  him,  and  at  last  persuaded  him  to  it.  Now  she 
 had  one  calf  that  she  was  very  fond  of,  and  one  that  she  took  a  great  deal  of  care  of,  and  fed  it 
 herself,  for  she  was  a  woman  that  got  her  living  by  the  labour  of  her  own  hands,  and  had  no 
 other  possession  but  that  one  calf;  this  she  killed,  and  made  ready  its  llesh,  and  set  it  before 
 his  servants  and  himself.     So  Saul  came  to  the  camp  while  it  was  yet  night. 
 
 4.  Now  it  is  but  just  to  recommend  ihe  generosity  of  this  woman,!  because  when  the  king 
 had  forbidden  her  to  use  that  art  whence  her  circumstances  were  bettered  and  improved,  and 
 when  she  had  never  seen  the  king  before,  she  still  did  not  remember  to  his  disadvantage  that 
 he  had  condt-mned  her  sort  of  learning,  and  did  not  refuse  him  as  a  stranger,  and  one  that  she 
 had  no  ac(inaintance  with  ;  but  she  had  compassion  upon  him,  and  comforted  him,  and  exhorted 
 him  to  do  what  he  was  greatly  averse  to,  and  oflered  him  the  only  creature  she  had,  as  a  poor 
 woman,  and  that  earnestly,  and  with  great  humanity,  while  she  had  no  requital  made  to  her 
 for  her  kindness,  nor  hunted  after  any  future  favour  from  him,  for  she  knew  he  was  to  die; 
 whereas  men  are  naturally  either  ambitious  to  please  those  that  bestow  benefits  upon  them,  or 
 are  very  ready  to  serve  those  from  whom  they  may  reieive  some  advantage.  It  would  be  well 
 therefore  to  imitate  the  example  of  this  woman,  and  to  do  kindnesses  to  all  such  as  are  in 
 want;  and  to  think  that  nothing  is  better,  nor  more  becoming  mankind,  than  such  a  general 
 beneficence,  nor  what  will  sooner  render  God  favourable,  and  ready  to  bestow  good  things 
 upon  us.  And  so  far  may  siiflice  to  have  spoken  concerning  this  woman.  But  I  shall  speak 
 liirthtr  npon  another  subject,  which  will  afford  nie  an  opportunity  of  discoursing  on  what  is 
 for  the  advantage  of  cities,  and  people,  and  nations,  and  suited  to  the  taste  of  good  men,  and 
 will  encourage  them  all  in  the  prosecution  of  virtue,  and  is  capable  of  shewing  them  the  method 
 of  ac<|uiring  glory,  and  an  everlasting  fame  ;  and  of  iniprinliag  in  the  kings  of  nations,  and  the 
 rnlers  of  cities,  great  inclination  and  diligence  of  doing  well  ;  as  also  of  encouraging  them  to 
 undergo  dangers,  and  to  die  for  their  countries,  and  of  instructing  them  how  to  despise  all  the 
 
 •  I'liis  Iiistory  of  Saul's  consultation,  7iot  with  a  '  mtrh,'  as  we  render  the  Ilchrfen-  word  hern,  but  with  a 
 "  riecroioaiici'r,'  as  the  whole  history  shews,  is  cnsily  nnderslood.  especially  if  wo  ccmsult  the  KicoKnilions  of 
 Cleuu'iit,  1).  i.  chap.  v.  at  large,  anil  more  briefly,  and  iwarer  the  days  of  .Samuel,  t'cclcs.  xlvi.  'JO.  "  .Samuel 
 jirophesied  after  hisdealh,  and  shewed  Ihe  liini;  his  end,  and  lift  up  his  voice  from  the  earth  in  prophecy,"  to 
 b'ol  out  "  the  wickedness  of  the  people."  Nor  does  the  ejaelness  of  the  accomplLshment  of  this  prediction, 
 the  very  next  day,  permit  us  to  suppose  any  imposition  upon  .Saul  in  the  present  history  ;  for  as  to  all  modem 
 hypotheses  afraiust  the  natural  sense  of  such  ancient  and  authentic  histories,  I  lake  them  to  be  of  very  small 
 value  or  consideration. 
 
 i  These  preat  commendations  of  this  necromantic  woman  of  F.ndor,  and  of  Saul's  martial  courage,  when  ye 
 he  knew  he  should  dib  in  the  battle,  are  somewhat  unusual  diKressions  in  .losephua.  'I'hey  seem  to  be  ex- 
 tracted from  some  speeches  or  declamations  of  his,  composed  formerly  in  the  way  of  oratory,  that  lay  by  him- 
 aud  which  he  thought  (it  lo  insert  ujion  this  occasion,    bee  before  on  Ami  i.  b.  ii.  chap.  vi.  58. 
 
174  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 most  terrible  adversities  ;  and  I  have  a  fair  occasion  ofl'ered  me  to  enter  on  such  a  discour  '3; 
 by  Saul,  king  of  the  Hebrews  :  for  allliough  he  knew  what  was  corning  upon  him,  and  that  he 
 ■was  to  die  immediately,  by  tlie  prediction  of  the  prophet,  he  did  not  resolve  to  fly  from  death, 
 nor  so  far  to  indulge  the  love  of  life,  as  to  betray  his  own  people  to  the  enemy,  or  to  bring  a 
 disgrace  on  his  royal  dignity,  but  exposing  himself,  as  well  as  all  his  family  and  children  to 
 clangers,  he  thought  it  a  brave  thing  to  fall  together  with  them,  as  be  was  fighting  for  his  sub- 
 jects, and  that  it  was  better  his  sons  should  die  thus,  shewing  their  courage,  than  to  leave  them 
 to  theii  uncertain  conduct  afterward,  while,  instead  of  succession  and  posterity,  they  gained 
 commendation  and  a  lasting  name.  Such  a  one  alone  seems  to  me  to  be  a  just,  a  courageous, 
 and  a  prudent  man ;  and  vhen  any  one  has  arrived  at  these  dispositions,  or  shall  hereafter 
 arrive  at  them,  he  is  the  man  that  ought  to  be  by  all  honoured  with  the  testimony  of  a  virtuous 
 or  courageous  man  ;  for  as  to  those  that  go  out  to  war  with  hopes  of  success,  and  that  they 
 shall  return  safe,  supposing  they  have  performed  some  glorious  action,  1  think  those  do  not  do 
 well  who  call  these  valiant  men,  as  so  many  historians  and  other  writers  who  treat  of  them  are 
 wont  to  do,  although  I  confess  those  do  justly  deserve  some  commendation  also;  but  those  only 
 may  be  styled  courageous  and  bold  in  great  undertakings,  and  despisers  of  adversities,  who 
 imitate  Saul ;  for  as  for  those  that  do  not  know  what  the  event  of  war  will  be  as  to  themselves, 
 and  though  they  do  not  faint  in  it,  but  deliver  themselves  up  to  uncertain  futurity,  and  are 
 tossed  this  way  and  that  way,  this  is  not  so  very  eminent  an  instance  of  a  generous  mind, 
 although  they  happen  to  perform  many  great  exploits  ;  but  when  men's  minds  expect  no  good 
 event,  but  tiiey  know  beforehand  they  must  die,  and  that  they  must  undergo  that  death  in  the 
 battle  also,  after  this  neither  to  be  affrighted,  nor  to  be  astonished  at  the  terrible  fate  that  is 
 coming,  but  to  go  directly  upon  it,  when  they  know  it  beforehand,  this  it  is  what  I  esteem  the 
 character  of  a  man  truly  courageous.  Accordingly,  this  Saul  did,  and  thereby  demonstrated 
 (hat  all  men  who  desire  fame  after  they  are  dead,  are  so  to  act  as  they  may  obtain  the  same : 
 this  especially  concerns  kings,  who  ought  not  to  think  it  enough  in  their  high  station  that  they 
 are  not  wicked  in  the  government  of  their  subjects,  but  to  be  more  than  moderately  good  to 
 them.  I  could  say  more  than  this  about  Saul  and  his  courage,  the  subject  aflbrding  matter 
 sufficient ;  but  that  I  may  not  appear  to  run  out  improperly  in  his  commendalioD,  I  return  again 
 to  that  history  from  which  I  made  this  digression. 
 
 5.  Now  when  the  Philistines,  as  I  said  before,  had  pitched  their  camp,  and  had  taken  an 
 account  of  their  forces,  according  to  their  nations,  and  kingdoms,  and  governments,  king 
 Achisb  came  last  of  all  with  his  own  army;  after  whom  came  David  with  his  six  hundred 
 armed  men.  And  when  the  commanders  of  the  Philistines  saw  him,  they  asked  the  king, 
 whence  these  Hebrews  came,  and  at  whose  invitation.  He  answered,  that  "  It  was  David, 
 who  was  fled  away  from  his  master  Saul,  and  that  he  had  entertained  him  when  he  came  to 
 bim,  and  that  now  he  was  willing  to  make  him  a  requital  for  his  favours,  and  to  avenge  him- 
 self upon  Saul,  and  so  was  become  his  confederate."  The  commanders  complained  of  this, 
 that  be  had  taken  him  for  a  confederate  who  was  an  enemy  ;  and  gave  him  counsel  to  send  him 
 away,  lest  he  should  unawares  do  his  friends  a  great  deal  of  mischief  by  entertaining  him,  for 
 that  he  afforded  him  an  opportunily  of  being  reconciled  to  his  master  by  doing  mischief  to  our 
 army.  They  thereupon  desired  him,  out  of  a  prudent  foresight  of  this,  to  send  him  away,  with 
 bis  six  hundred  armed  men,  to  the  place  he  had  given  him  fur  his  habitation  ;  that  this  was  that 
 David  whom  the  virgins  celebrated  in  their  hymns,  as  having  destroyed  many  ten  thousands  of 
 the  Philistines,  AVhen  the  king  of  Galh  heard  this,  he  thought  they  spake  well  ;  so  he  called 
 David,  and  said  to  him,  "  As  for  myself,  I  can  bear  witness  that  thou  hast  shewn  great  dili- 
 gence and  kindness  about  me,  and  on  that  account  it  was  that  I  took  thee  for  my  confederate  ; 
 however,  what  I  have  done  does  not  please  the  commanders  of  the  Philistines;  go  therefore 
 within  a  day's  time  to  the  place  I  have  given  thee,  without  suspecting  any  harm,  and  there 
 keep  my  country,  lest  any  of  our  enemies  should  make  an  incursion  upon  it,  which  will  be  one 
 part  of  that  assistance  which  I  expect  from  thee."  So  David  came  to  Ziklag,  as  the  king  of 
 Gath  bid  him  ;  but  it  happened,  that  while  he  was  gone  to  the  assistance  of  the  Philistines,  (he 
 Amalekites  had  made  an  incursion,  and  taken  Ziklag  before,  and  had  burnt  it:  and  vv^hen  they 
 had  taken  a  great  deal  of  other  prey  out  of  that  place,  and  out  of  the  other  parts  of  the  Philis- 
 tines' country,  they  departed. 
 
 G.  Now  when  David  found  that  Ziklag  was  laid  waste,  and  that  it  was  all  spoiled,  and  that 
 as  well  his  own  wives,  who  were  two,  as  the  wives  of  his  companions,  with  their  children, 
 were  made  captives,  he  presently  rent  his  clothes,  weeping  and  lamenting,  together  with  his 
 friends  ;  and  indeed  he  was  so  cast  down  with  these  misfortunes,  thai  at  length  tears  themselves 
 failed  him.  He  was  also  in  danger  of  being  stoned  to  death  by  his  companions,  who  were 
 greatly  afllicted  at  the  captivity  of  their  wives  and  children,  for  they  laid  the  bliime  upon  him 
 of  what  had  happened.  But  when  he  bad  recovired  himself  out  of  his  grief,  and  had  raised 
 up  his  mind  to  God,  he  desired  the  high  priest  Abiathar  to  put  on  his  sacerdotal  garments,  and 
 to  inquire  of  Cod,  and  to  prophesy  to  him,  "  Whether  G"od  would  grant,  that  if  he  pursued 
 after  the  Amalekites,  Im  should  overtake  them,  and  save  their  wives  and  their  children,  and 
 avenge  himself  on  (he  enemies."  And  when  (he  high  priest  bade  him  pursue  after  them,  he 
 marched  apace,  with  his  six  hundred  men,  after  the  enemy ;  and  wheu  he  was  come  to  a  certain 
 
BOOK   VI. — CHAP.    XIV.  175 
 
 brook  called  Besor,  and  had  lit  upon  one  tliat  was  wandering  about,  an  Egyptian  by  birth, 
 who  was  almost  dead  with  want  and  famine,  (for  he  had  continued  wandering  about  without 
 food  in  the  wilderness  three  days,)  he  first  of  all  gave  him  sustenance,  both  meat  and  drink, 
 and  thereby  refreshed  him.  He  then  asked  him  to  whom  he  belonged,  and  whence  he  came? 
 Whereupon  the  man  told  him  he  was  an  Egyptian  by  birth,  and  was  left  behind  by  his  master, 
 because  he  was  so  sick  and  weak  that  he  could  not  follow  him.  He  also  informed  him,  that 
 be  was  one  of  those  that  had  burnt  and  plundered,  not  only  other  parts  of  Judea,  but  Ziklag 
 itself  also.  So  David  made  use  of  him  as  a  guide  to  find  out  the  Araalekites  ;  and  when  he  had 
 overtaken  them,  as  they  lay  scattered  about  on  the  ground,  some  at  dinner,  some  disordered, 
 and  entirely  drunk  with  wine,  and  in  the  fruition  of  their  spoils  and  their  prey,  he  fell  upon 
 them  on  the  sudden,  and  made  a  great  slaughter  among  them,  for  they  were  naked,  and  ex- 
 pected no  such  thing,  bnt  had  betaken  themselves  to  drinking  and  feasting,  and  so  they  were 
 all  easily  destroyed.  Now  some  of  them  that  were  overtaken  as  they  lay  at  the  table,  were 
 slain  in  that  posture,  and  their  blood  brought  up  with  it  their  meat  and  their  drink.  They  slew 
 others  of  them  as  they  were  drinking  to  one  another  in  their  cups,  and  some  of  them  when 
 their  full  bellies  had  made  them  fall  asleep  ;  and  for  so  many  as  had  time  to  put  on  all  their 
 armour,  they  slew  them  with  the  sword  with  no  less  ease  than  they  did  those  that  were  naked; 
 and  for  the  partisans  of  David,  they  continued  also  the  slaughter  from  the  lirst  hour  of  the 
 day  to  the  evening,  so  that  there  were  not  above  four  hundred  of  the  Amalekites  left,  and  they 
 only  escaped  by  getting  upon  their  dromedaries  and  camels.  Accordingly,  David  recovered 
 not  only  all  the  spoils  which  the  enemy  had  carried  away,  but  his  wives  also,  and  the  wives  of 
 his  companions.  But  when  they  were  come  to  the  place  where  they  had  left  the  two  hundred 
 men,  which  were  not  able  to  follow  them,  but  were  left  to  take  care  of  the  stufl",  the  four  hun- 
 dred men  did  not  think  lit  to  divide  among  them  any  other  parts  of  what  they  had  gotten,  or 
 of  the  prey,  since  they  did  not  accompany  them,  but  pretended  to  be  feeble,  and  did  not  follow 
 them  in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  but  said,  they  should  be  contented  to  have  safely  recovered 
 their  wives  :  yet  did  David  pronounce,  that  this  opinion  of  theirs  was  evil  and  unjust,  and  that 
 when  God  had  granted  them  such  a  favour,  that  they  had  avenged  themselves  on  their  enemies, 
 and  bad  recovered  all  that  belonged  to  themselves,  they  should  make  an  equal  distribution  of 
 what  they  had  gotten  to  all,  because  the  rest  had  tarried  behind  to  guard  their  stufl";  and  from 
 that  time  this  law  obtained  among  them,  that  those  who  guarded  the  stufl",  should  receive  an 
 equal  share  with  those  that  fought  in  the  battle.  Now  when  David  was  come  to  Ziklag,  he 
 sent  portions  of  the  spoils  to  all  that  had  been  familiar  with  him,  and  to  his  friends  in  the  tribe 
 of  Judah.  And  thus  ended  the  aft"air  of  the  plundering  of  Ziklag,  and  of  the  slaughter  of  the 
 Aniiilekites. 
 
 7.  Now  upon  the  Philistines  joining  battle,  there  followed  a  sharp  engagement,  and  the 
 Philistines  became  the  conquerors,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  their  enemies ;  but  Saul  the  king 
 of  Israel,  and  his  sons,  fought  courageously,  and  with  the  utmost  alacrity,  as  knowing  that  their 
 entire  glory  lay  in  nothing  else  but  dying  honourably,  and  exposing  themselves  to  the  utmost 
 danger  from  the  enemy,  (for  they  had  nothing  else  to  hope  for,)  so  they  brought  upon  them- 
 selves the  whole  power  of  the  enemy,  till  they  were  encompassed  round,  and  slain,  but  not 
 before  they  had  killed  many  of  the  Philistines.  Now  the  sons  of  Saul  were  Jonathan,  and 
 Abinadab,  and  Melchisua ;  and  when  these  were  slain,  the  multitude  of  the  Hebrews  were  put 
 to  flight,  and  all  was  disorder  and  confusion,  and  slaughter,  upon  the  Philistines  pressing  in 
 upon  them.  But  Saul  himself  fled,  having  a  strong  body  of  soldiers  about  him;  and  upon 
 the  Philistines  sending  after  him  those  that  threw  javelins  and  shot  arrows,  he  lost  all 
 bis  company  except  a  few;  as  for  himself,  he  fought  with  great  bravery,  and  when  he  had  re- 
 ceived so  many  wounds,  that  he  was  not  able  to  bear  up,  nor  to  oppose  any  longer,  and  yet 
 was  not  able  to  kill  himself,  he  bid  his  armour-bearer  draw  his  sword,  and  run  him  through, 
 before  the  enemy  should  take  iiim  alive.  But  his  armour-bearer  not  daring  to  kill  his  master, 
 be  drew  his  own  sword,  and  placing  himself  over  against  its  point,  he  threw  himself  upon  it, 
 and  when  he  could  neither  run  it  through  him,  nor  by  leaning  against  it,  make  the  sword  pass 
 through  him,  he  turned  him  round,  and  asked  a  certain  young  man  that  stood  by,  who  he  was? 
 and  when  he  understood  that  he  was  an  Amalekite,  he  desired  him  to  force  the  sword  through 
 him,  because  he  w;is  not  able  to  do  it  with  his  own  hands,  and  thereby  to  procure  him  such  a 
 death  as  he  desired.  This  the  young  man  did  accordingly ;  and  he  took  the  golden  bracelet 
 that  was  on  Saul's  arm,  and  his  royal  crown  that  was  on  his  head,  and  ran  away.  And  when 
 Saul's  armour-bearer  saw  that  he  was  slain,  he  killed  himself;  nor  did  any  of  the  king's  guards 
 escape,  but  they  all  fell  upon  the  mountain  called  Gilboa.  But  when  those  Hebrews  that 
 dwelt  in  the  valley  beyond  Jordan,  and  those  who  had  their  cities  in  the  plain,  heard  that  Saul 
 and  his  sons  were  fallen,  and  that  the  multitude  about  them  were  destroyed,  they  left  their 
 own  cities,  and  fled  to  such  as  were  the  best  fortified  and  fenced  ;  and  the  Philistines  finding 
 those  cities  deserted,  came  and  dwelt  in  them. 
 
 8,  On  the  next  day,  when  the  Philistines  came  to  strip  their  enemies  that  were  slain,  they 
 got  the  bodies  of  Saul,  and  of  his  sons,  and  stripped  them  and  cut  ofi"  their  heads;  and  they 
 sent  messengers  all  about  Ihcir  country,  to  acquaint  them  that  their  enemies  were  fallen:  and 
 they  dedicated  their  armour  in  the  temple  of  Astarle,  but  hung  their  bodies  on  crosses  at  the 
 
J76  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 walls  of  the  city  of  BetLshan,  wbicb  is  now  called  Scytliopolis.  But  when  the  iuhabltants  o. 
 Jabesh-Gilead  beard  that  they  had  dismembered  the  dead  bodies  of  Saul,  and  of  his  sous,  tbej 
 deemed  it  so  horrid  a  thing  to  overlook  this  barbarity,  and  to  suffer  them  to  be  without  funeral 
 rites,  that  the  most  courageous  and  hardy  among  them  (and  indeed  that  city  had  in  it  men  that 
 were  very  stout  both  in  mind  and  body)  journeyed  all  night,  and  came  to  Bethsban,  and  ap-* 
 proached  to  the  enemy's  wall,  and  taking  down  the  bodies  of  Saul,  and  of  his  sons,  they  carried 
 them  to  Jabesh,  while  the  enemy  were  not  able  enough  nor  bold  enough  to  hinder  them,  be- 
 cause of  their  great  courage  :  so  the  people  of  Jabesh  wept  all  in  general,  and  buried  their 
 bodies  in  the  best  place  of  their  country,  which  was  named  Aroura  ;  and  they  observed  a 
 public  monrniog  for  them  seven  days,  with  their  wives  and  children,  beating  their  breasts,  and 
 lamenting  the  king  and  his  sons,  without  either  tasting  meat  or  drink  [till  the  evening.]* 
 
 9.  To  this  his  sad  end  did  Saul  come,  according  to  the  prophecy  of  Samuel,  because  he  dis- 
 obeyed the  commands  of  God  about  the  Araalekltes,  and  on  the  account  of  his  destroying  the 
 family  of  Ahimelech  the  high  priest,  with  Ahimelech  himself,  and  the  city  of  the  high  priests. 
 Now  Saul,  when  he  had  reigned  eighteen  years,  while  Samuel  was  alive,  and  after  his  death 
 two  [and  twentj,3  ended  bis  life  in  this  manner. 
 
 BOOK  VII. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  FORTY  YEABS.-FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  SAUL  TO  THE 
 
 DEATH  OF  DAVIU. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Hoiu  David  reigned  over  one  Tribe  at  Uehron,  while  the  Son  of  Saul  reigned  over  the  rest  of 
 the  Multitude;  and  how  in  the  civil  War,  which  then  arose,  Asahel  and  Abner  were  slain. 
 
 §  1.  This  fight  proved  to  be  on  the  same  day  whereon  David  was  come  back  to  Ziklag,  after 
 he  had  overcome  the  Amalekiles.  Now  when  he  iaad  been  already  iwo  days  at  Ziklag,  there 
 came  to  him  the  man  who  slew  Saul,  which  was  the  third  day  after  the  light.  He  had  escaped 
 out  of  the  battle  which  the  Israelites  had  with  the  Philistines,  and  had  his  clothes  rent,  and 
 ashes  upon  bis  head.  And  when  he  made  his  obeisance  to  David,  he  inquired  of  him  whence 
 he  came.  He  replied,  from  the  battle  of  the  Israelites:  and  he  informed  him,  that  the  end  of 
 it  was  unfortunate,  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Israelites  having  been  cut  oft",  and  Saul,  toge- 
 ther with  his  sons,  slain.  He  also  said,  that  he  could  well  give  him  this  information,  because 
 he  was  present  at  the  victory  gained  over  the  Hebrews,  and  was  with  the  king  when  he  lied. 
 Nor  did  he  deny  that  he  had  himself  slain  the  king,  when  he  was  ready  to  be  taken  by  the 
 enemy,  and  be  himself  exhorted  him  to  do  it,  because,  when  he  was  fallen  on  his  sword,  his 
 great  wounds  had  made  him  so  weak  that  he  was  not  able  to  kill  himself.  He  also  produced 
 demonstrations  that  the  king  was  slain,  which  were  the  golden  bracelets  that  had  been  on  the 
 king's  arras,  and  his  crown,  which  he  had  taken  away  from  Saul's  dead  body,  and  had  brought 
 them  to  him.  So  David  having  no  longer  any  room  to  call  in  question  the  truth  of  what  he 
 said,  but  seeing  most  evident  marks  that  Saul  was  dead,  he  rent  his  garments,  and  continued 
 all  that  day  with  his  companions,  in  weeping  and  lamentation.  This  grief  was  augmented  by 
 the  consideration  of  Jonathan,  the  sou  of  Saul,  who  bad  been  his  most  faithful  friend,  and  the 
 occasion  of  his  own  deliverance.  He  also  demonstrated  himself  to  have  such  great  virtue,  and 
 such  great  kindness  for  Saul,  as  not  only  to  take  his  death  to  heart,  though  he  had  been  fre- 
 quently in  danger  of  losing  his  life  by  his  means,  but  to  punish  him  that  slew  him:  for  when 
 David  had  said  to  him  that  he  was  become  his  own  accuser,  as  the  very  man  who  had  slain 
 the  king,  and  when  he  had  understood  that  he  was  the  son  of  an  Amalekite,  he  commanded 
 liim  to  be  slain.  He  also  committed  to  writing  some  lamentations  and  funeral  commendations 
 of  Saul  and  Jonathan,  which  have  continued  to  ray  own  age. 
 
 2.  Now  when  David  had  paid  these  honours  to  the  king,  he  left  off  bis  mourning;  and  in- 
 quired of  God  by  the  prophet,  which  of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  he  would  bestow  upon 
 him  to  dwell  in?  Who  answered,  that  he  bestowed  upon  him  Hebron.  So  he  left  Ziklag,  and 
 came  to  Hebron,  and  took  with  him  his  wives,  who  were  in  number  two,  and  bis  armed  men; 
 whereupon   all  the   people  of  the   fore-mentioned   tribe  came  to  him,  and  ordained  him  their 
 
 •  riiis  way  of  speaking  in  .losephus,  of  fasting  seven  days  without  meat  or  drink,'  is  almost  like  that  of 
 St.  Paul's,  Acts  xxvii.  33.  "  This  day  is  the  fourteenth  day  that  ye  have  Carried,  and  continued  fasting, having 
 •aken  nothing  :"  and  as  the  nature  of  the  thing,  and  the  impn.ss  jbility  of  strictly  fasting  so  long,  require  us  here 
 to  understand  both  Josephus  and  the  sacred  author  of  this  history,  1  Sam  xxxi.  13.  from  whence  he  took  it,  of 
 only  fasting  till  the  evening  ;  so  must  we  understand  St.  Paul,  either  that  this  was  really  the  fourteenth  day  of 
 their  tempestuous  weather  in  the  Adriatic  Sea,  as  verse  C7.  and  that  on  this  fourteenth  day  alone  they  had 
 "continued  fasting  and  had  taken  nothing'  before  the  evening.  I'he  mention  of  their  "long  abstinence,'  verse 
 21.  inclines  me  to  believe  the  former  explication  to  he  the  truth,  and  that  the  case  was  then  for  a  '  fortnight' 
 what  it  was  here  for  a  '  week,'  that  they  kept  all  those  davs  entirely  as  fasts  till  the  eveniug,  but  not  longer.  Se« 
 Judg.  XX. 26.  xxi.8.  ISam.  xiv.  S4.  CSam.  i.  12.  Auti.j.'b.  vii.  chap.  vii.  ^4. 
 
BOOK    VII, — CHAP.    I.  177 
 
 king.  But  when  lie  heard  that  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh-Gilead  had  buried  Saul  and  his  sons, 
 [honourably,]  he  sent  to  Ihem  and  ccmmended  them,  and  took  what  they  had  done  kindly,  and 
 promised  to  make  them  amends  for  their  care  of  those  that  were  dead  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
 lie  informed  them,  that  the  tribe  of  Judali  had  chosen  him  for  their  king. 
 
 3.  But  as  soon  as  Abner,  the  son  of  Ner,  who  was  general  of  Saul's  army,  and  a  very  active 
 man,  and  good-natured,  knew  tliat  the  king,  and  Jonathan,  and  his  two  other  sons,  wera  fallen 
 in  the  liiiltle,  he  made  haste  into  tlie  camp;  and  taking  away  with  him  the  remaining  son  of 
 Saul,  whose  name  was  Ishbosheth,  he  passed  over  to  the  land  beyond  Jordan,  and  ordained 
 iiim  the  king  of  the  whole  multitude,  excepting  the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  and  made  his  royal  seat  in 
 a  place  called  in  our  own  language  Mahanaini,  but  in  the  language  of  the  Grecians,  The  Camps  : 
 from  whence  Abper  made  haste  with  a  select  body  of  soldiers,  to  light  with  such  of  the  tribe 
 of  Judrili  as  were  disposed  to  it,  for  he  v\as  angry  that  this  tribe  had  set  up  David  for  their 
 king.  But  Joab,  whose  father  was  Suri,  and  his  mother  Zeruiih,  Dawd's  sister,  who  was 
 general  of  David's  arni3',  met  him,  accoiciing  to  David's  appointiaent.  He  had  with  him  his 
 brethren  Abishai  and  Asabel,  as  also  all  David's  armed  men.  Now  when  he  met  Abner  at  a 
 certain  fountain,  in  the  city  of  Gibeon,  he  prepared  to  fight.  And  when  Abner  said  to  him, 
 that  he  had  a  mind  to  know  which  of  them  had  the  most  valiant  soldiers;  it  was  agreed 
 between  them,  that  twelve  soldiers  of  each  side  should  light  together.  So  those  that  were 
 chosen  out  by  both  the  g?nerals  for  this  fight,  came  betsveen  the  two  armies,  and  throwing 
 their  lances  one  against  the  other,  they  drew  their  swords,  and  catching  one  anotlier  by  the 
 bead,  tliev  held  one  another  f;ist,  and  ran  each  other's  swords  into  their  sides  and  groins,  until 
 they  all,  as  it  were  by  mutual  agreement,  perislied  together.  When  these  were  fallen  down 
 dead,  the  rest  of  the  army  came  to  a  sore  battle,  and  Abner's  men  were  beaten  ;  and  when  they 
 were  beaten,  Joab  did  not  leave  off  pursuing  them,  but  he  pressed  upon  them,  and  excited  the 
 soldiers  to  follow  them  close,  and  not  to  grow  weary  of  killing  them.  His  brethren  also  pur- 
 sued them  with  great  alacrity,  and  especially  the  younger,  Asahel,  who  was  the  most  eminent 
 of  them.  He  was  very  famous  for  bis  swiftness  of  foot,  for  he  could  not  only  be  too  hard  for 
 men,  but  is  reported  to  have  over-run  a  horse,  when  they  had  a  race  together.  This  Asahel 
 ran  violently  alter  Abner,  and  would  not  turu  in  the  least  out  of  the  straight  way,  either  to  the 
 one  side  or  to  the  other.  Hereupon  Abner  turned  back,  and  attempted  artfully  to  avoid  his 
 violence.  Sometimes  he  bade  him  leave  od"  the  pursuit,  and  take  the  armour  of  one  of  his 
 soldiers;  and  sometimes,  when  he  could  not  persuade  him  so  to  do,  he  exhorted  him  to  restrain 
 liimself,  and  not  to  pursue  liim  any  longer,  lest  he  should  force  him  to  kill  him,  and  he  should 
 then  not  be  able  to  look  his  brotlier  in  the  face.  But  when  Asahel  would  not  admit  of  any 
 persuasion,  but  still  continued  to  pursue  biin,  Abner  smote  him  with  his  spear,  as  he  held  it  in 
 his  lliglit,  and  that  by  a  back  stroke,  and  gave  him  a  deadly  wound,  so  that  he  died  imme- 
 diately ;  but  those  that  were  with  him  pursiii;)g  Abner,  when  they  came  to  the  place  where 
 Asahel  lay,  they  stood  round  about  the  dead  body,  and  left  oil'  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  How- 
 ever, both  Joab  himself  and  his  brother  Abishai  ran  past  the  dead  corpse.*  and  making  their 
 anger  at  the  death  of  Asahel  an  occasion  of  greater  zeal  against  Abner,  they  went  on  willi 
 incredible  haste  and  alacrity,  and  pursued  Abner  to  a  certain  place  called  Ammah  :  it  was  about 
 sunset.  Then  did  Joab  ascend  a  certain  hill,  as  he  stood  at  that  place,  having  the  tr'be  of 
 Benjiimin  with  [before]  him,  whence  he  took  a  view  of  them  and  of  Abner  also.  Hereupon 
 Abner  cried  aloud,  and  said,  "That  it  was  not  fit  that  they  should  irritate  men  of  the  same 
 nation  to  fight  so  bitterly  one  against  another;  that  as  for  Asahel  his  brotlier,  he  was  himself 
 ill  the  wrong,  when  he  would  not  be  advised  by  him  not  to  pursue  him  any  further,  which  was 
 the  occasion  of  his  wounding  and  death."  So  Joab  consented  to  what  he  said,  and  accepted 
 these  his  words  as  an  excuse  about  [Asahel,]  and  called  the  soldiers  back  with  the  sound  of 
 the  trumpet,  as  a  signal  for  their  retreat,  and  thereby  put  a  stop  to  any  further  pursuit.  After 
 which,  Joab  pitched  his  camp  there  (hat  night:  but  Abner  marched  all  that  night,  and  passed 
 over  the  river  Jordan,  and  came  to  Tshbosheth,  .Saul's  son,  to  Mahanaini.  On  the  next  day 
 Joab  counted  the  dead  men,  and  took  care  of  all  their  funerals.  Now  there  were  slain  of 
 Abner's  soldiers  about  three  hundred  and  sivly,  but  of  those  of  David  nineteen,  and  Asahel, 
 whose  body  Joab  and  AbishTi  carried  to  !5etlilehem  ;  and  when  they  had  buried  him  in  the 
 .sepulchre  of  their  fathers,  they  came  to  David  to  Hebron,  From  this  time  therefore  there 
 began  an  intestine  war,  which  lasted  a  great  while,  in  which  the  followers  of  David  grew 
 stronger  in  the  dangers  they  underwent,  and  the  servants  and  subjects  of  Saul's  son  did  almost 
 every  day  become  weaker. 
 
 4.  About  this  time  David  was  become  the  father  of  six  sons,  born  of  as  many  mothers.  The 
 eldest  was  by  Ahinoam,  and  he  was  called  Amnon  ;  the  second  was  Daniel,  by  his  wife  Abi- 
 gail ;  the  name  of  the  third  was  Absalom,  by  Maacr.h,  the  daughter  of  Talniai,  king  of  Geshur; 
 the  fourth  he  named  Adonijah,  by  his  wife  Hasrgith  ;  the  fifth  was  Shephatia,  by  Abital  ;  the 
 sixth  he  called  Ithream,  by  Kglah.  Now  while  this  intestine  war  went  on,  and  the  subjects 
 of  the  two  kings  came  frequently  to  action  and  to  li^ihting,  it  was  Abner,  the  general  of  the 
 host  of  Saul's  son,  who  by  his  prudence,   and  the  great   interest   he  had  among  the  multitude, 
 
 •  It  oimht  here  to  be  notril,  that  Joab,  and  Abishai,  and  Asabel,  wer«  all  three  David's  nephews,  the  sons 
 of  his  sister  Zeruiah,  as  1  Cliioii.  ii.  6.  and  that  Aniasa  was;  also  his  nephew  by  his  other  sister  Abigail, 
 rerae  17. 
 
 Z 
 
178  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 made  them  all  continue  with  Ishboshelh ;  and  indeed  it  was  a  considerable  time  that  thej  con- 
 tinued of  his  part}' ;  but  afterward  Abner  was  blamed,  and  an  accusation  was  laid  against  him, 
 that  he  went  in  to  Saul's  concubine  :  her  name  was  Rispah,  the  daughter  of  Aiah.  So  when 
 he  was  complained  of  by  Ishboshelh,  he  was  very  uneasy  and  angry  at  it,  because  he  had  not 
 justice  done  liiin  by  Isbbosheth,  to  whom  he  had  shewn  the  greatest  kindness ;  whereupon  he 
 threatened  that  he  would  transfer  the  kingdom  to  David,  and  demonstrate  that  he  did  not  rule 
 over  tlie  people  beyond  Jordan  by  his  own  abilities  and  wisdom,  but  by  his  warlike  conduct 
 and  fidelity,  in  leading  his  army.  So  he  sent  ambassadors  to  Hebron  to  David,  and  desired 
 that  he  would  give  him  security  upon  oath,  that  he  would  esteem  him  his  companion  and  his 
 friend,  upon  condition  that  be  should  persuade  the  people  to  leave  Saul's  son,  and  choose  him 
 king  of  the  whole  country.  And  when  David  had  made  that  league  with  Abner,  for  be  was 
 pleased  with  his  message  to  him,  he  desired  that  he  would  give  this  as  the  first  mark  of  per- 
 formance of  the  present  league,  that  he  might  have  his  wife  Michal  restored  to  him,  as  her 
 whom  he  had  purchased  with  great  hazards,  and  wiih  those  six  hundred  heads  of  the  Philistines 
 which  he  had  brought  to  Saul  her  falher.  So  Abner  took  Michal  from  Phaltiel,  who  was  then 
 her  husband,  and  sent  her  to  David,  Ishboshelh  himself  affording  him  his  assistance,  for  David 
 had  written  to  him  that  of  right  he  ought  to  have  this  his  wife  restored  to  him.  Abner  also 
 calk'd  together  the  elders  of  the  multitude,  the  commanders,  and  captains  of  thousands,  and 
 spake  thus  to  them,  that  "  he  had  formerly  dissuaded  them  from  their  own  resolution  when  they 
 were  ready  to  forsake  Ishboshelh,  and  to  join  themselves  to  David  ;  that,  however,  he  now 
 gave  them  leave  so  to  do,  if  they  had  a  mind  to  it,  for  they  knew  that  God  had  appointed 
 David  to  be  king  of  all  the  Hebrews,  by  Samuel  the  prophet :  and  had  foretold  that  he  should 
 punish  the  Philistines,  and  overcome  them,  and  bring  thera  under."  Now  when  the  elders 
 and  rulers  heard  Ibis,  and  understood  that  Abner  was  come  over  to  those  seutiments  abont  the 
 public  affairs  which  they  were  of  before,  they  changed  their  measures,  and  came  in  to  David. 
 When.liiese  men  had  agreed  to  Abner's  proposal,  be  called  together  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  for 
 all  of  that  tribe  were  the  guards  of  Ishbosheth's  body,  and  he  spake  to  them  to  the  same  pur- 
 pose. And  when  be  saw  that  they  did  not  in  the  least  oppose  what  he  said,  but  resigned 
 themselves  up  to  his  opinion,  he  took  about  twenty  of  his  friends,  and  came  to  David,  in  order 
 to  receive  himself  security  upon  oath  from  him ;  for  we  may  justly  esteem  those  things  to  be 
 firmer,  which  every  one  of  us  do  by  ourselves,  than  those  which  we  do  by  another.  He  also 
 gave  him  an  account  of  what  he  had  said  to  the  rulers,  and  to  the  whole  tribe  of  Benjamin. 
 And  when  David  had  received  him  in  a  courteous  manner,  and  had  treated  him  with  great 
 hospitality  for  many  days,  Abner,  when  he  was  dismissed,  desired  him  to  permit  him  to  bring 
 the  mullilude  with  him,  that  be  might  deliver  up  the  government  to  him,  when  David  himself 
 was  present,  and  a  spectator  of  what  was  done. 
 
 5.  When  David  had  sent  Abner  away,  Joab,  the  general  of  his  army,  came  immediately  to 
 Hebron ;  and  when  he  had  understood  that  Abner  had  been  with  David,  and  had  parted  with 
 him  a  little  before,  under  leagues  and  agreements  that  the  government  should  be  delivered  up 
 to  David,  he  feared  lest  David  should  place  Abner,  who  had  assisted  hira  to  gain  the  kingdom, 
 in  the  first  rank  of  dignity,  especially  since  he  was  a  shrewd  man  in  other  respects,  in  under 
 standing  affairs,  and  in  managing  them  artfully,  as  proper  seasons  should  require,  and  that  he 
 should  himself  be  put  lower,  and  be  deprived  of  the  command  of  the  army ;  so  he  took  a 
 knavish  and  wicked  course.  In  the  first  place,  he  endeavoured  to  calumniate  Abner  to  the 
 king,  exhorting  him  to  have  a  care  of  him,  and  not  to  give  attention  to  what  be  had  engaged 
 to  do  for  him,  because  all  he  did  tended  to  confirm  the  government  to  Saul's  son  :  that  he  came 
 to  him  deceitfully  and  with  guile,  and  was  gone  away  in  hopes  of  gaining  his  purpose  by  this 
 management.  But  when  he  could  not  thus  persuade  David,  nor  saw  him  at  all  exasperated, 
 he  betook  himself  to  a  project  bolder  than  the  former.  He  determined  to  kill  Abner;  and  in 
 order  thereto  he  sent  some  messengers  after  him,  to  whom  he  gave  in  charge,  that  when  they 
 should  overtake  him,  they  should  recall  hira  in  David's  name,  and  tell  him  that  he  had  some- 
 what to  say  to  him  about  his  affairs,  which  he  had  not  remembered  to  speak  of  when  he  was 
 with  him.  Now  when  Abner  heard  what  the  messengers  said,  (for  they  overtook  him  in  a 
 certain  place  called  Besira,  which  was  distant  from  Hebron  twenty  furlongs,)  he  suspected 
 none  of  the  mischief  which  was  befalling  him,  and  came  back.  Hereupon  Joab  met  him  in  the 
 gate,  and  received  him  in  the  kindest  manner,  as  if  he  were  Abner's  most  benevolent  acquaint- 
 ance and  friend  ;  for  such  as  undertake  the  vilest  actions,  in  order  to  prevent  the  suspicion  of 
 any  private  mischief  intended,  do  frequently  make  the  greatest  pretences  to  what  really  good 
 men  sincerely  do.  So  he  took  him  aside  from  his  own  followers,  as  if  be  would  speak  with 
 him  in  private,  and  brought  him  to  a  void  place  of  the  gate,  having  himself  nobody  with  him 
 but  his  brother  Abishai ;  then  he  drew  his  svvoid,  and  smote  bin)  in  the  groin;  upon  which 
 Abner  died  by  this  treachery  of  Joab's,  which,  as  he  said  himself,  was  in  the  way  of  punish- 
 ment for  his  brother  Asahel,  whom  Abner  smote  and  slew  as  he  was  pursuing  after  him  in  the 
 battle  of  Hebron,  but  as  the  truth  was,  out  of  his  fear  of  losing  bis  command  of  the  army,  and 
 bis  dignity  with  the  king,  and  lest  he  should  be  deprived  of  those  advantages,  and  Abner 
 should  obtain  the  first  rank  in  David's  court.  By  these  examples  any  one  may  learn,  bow 
 many  and  how  great  instances  of  wickedness  men  will  venture  upon,  for  the  sake  of  getting 
 
BOOK  VII.-   CHAl'.   II.  179 
 
 money  and  authority,  and  that  they  may  not  fnil  of  eillier  cf  iheni ;  for  as  wheo  lliev  are  desir- 
 ous of  obtaining  the  same,  they  acquire  them  by  ten  thnasaiid  evil  practices,  so  when  they  are 
 afraid  of  losing  them,  they  get  them  confirmed  to  them  by  practices  much  worse  tlian  the 
 former,  as  if  [no]  oilier  calamity  so  terrible  coiild  hefall  them  as  the  failure  of  acquirin.;  so 
 exalted  an  authority,  and  when  they  have  acquired  it,  and  by  long  custom  found  the  sweetness 
 of  it,  the  losing  it  again  ;  and  since  this  last  would  be  the  heaviest  of  all  afllictions,  they  all  of 
 them  contrive  and  venture  upon  the  most  diflicult  actions,  out  of  the  fear  of  losing  the  same. 
 But  let  it  suflice  that  I  have  made  these  short  rellections  upon  that  subject. 
 
 6.  When  David  heard  that  Abner  was  slain,  it  grieved  his  soul  ;  and  he  called  all  men  to 
 witness,  with  stretcliing  out  his  hands  to  God,  and  crying  out,  that  he  was  not  partaker  in  llie 
 murder  of  Abner,  and  that  his  death  was  not  procured  by  his  command  or  approbation.  lie 
 also  wished  the  heaviest  curses  might  light  upon  him  that  slew  liiui,  and  upon  his  whole  house; 
 and  he  devoted  those  that  had  assisted  him  in  this  murder  to  the  same  penalties  on  its  accouiit ; 
 for  he  took  care  not  to  appear  to  have  had  any  hand  in  this  murder,  contrary  to  the  assurances 
 he  had  given,  and  the  oaths  he  had  taken  to  Abner.  However,  he  commanded  all  the  people 
 to  weep  and  lament  this  man,  and  to  honour  his  dead  body  witli  the  usual  solemnities;  that  is, 
 by  rending  their  garments,  and  putting  on  sackcloth,  and  that  this  should  be  the  habit  in  which 
 Ihey  should  go  before  the  bier,  after  which  he  followed  it  himself,  with  the  elders  and  those 
 that  were  rulers,  lamenting  Abner,  and  by  his  tears  demonstrating  his  good-will  to  him  while 
 he  was  alive,  and  his  sorrow  for  him  now  he  was  dead,  and  that  he  was  not  taken  off  with  bis 
 consent.  So  he  buried  him  at  Hebron,  in  a  magnificent  manner,  and  endited  funeral  elegies  for 
 him  :  he  also  stood  lirst  over  the  monument  weeping,  and  caused  others  to  do  the  same  ;  nay, 
 so  deeply  did  the  death  of  Abner  disorder  him,  that  his  comjyanions  could  by  no  means  force 
 him  to  take  any  food,  for  he  affirmed  with  an  oath  that  he  would  taste  nothing  till  the  sun  was 
 set.  This  procedure  gained  him  the  good-will  of  the  multitude ;  for  such  as  had  an  affection 
 for  Abner,  were  mightily  satisfied  with  the  respect  he  paid  him  when  he  was  dead,  and  the 
 observation  of  that  faith  he  had  plighted  to  him,  which  was  shewed  in  his  vouchsafing  him  all 
 the  usual  ceremonies,  as  if  he  had  been  his  kinsman  and  his  friend,  and  not  suffering  him  to  be 
 neglected  and  injured  witli  a  dishonourable  burial,  as  if  he  had  been  his  enemy;  insomuch  tliat 
 the  entire  nation  rejoiced  at  the  king's  gentleness  and  mildness  of  disposition,  every  one  being 
 ready  to  suppose  that  the  king  would  have  taken  the  same  care  of  them  in  the  like  circum- 
 stances, which  they  saw  he  shewed  in  the  burial  of  the  dead  body  of  Abner.  And  indeed 
 David  principally  intended  to  gain  a  good  reputation,  and  therefore  be  took  care  to  do  what 
 was  proper  in  this  case,  whence  none  had  any  suspicion  that  he  was  the  author  of  Abner's 
 death.  He  also  said  this  to  the  multitude,  that  "  he  was  greatly  troubled  at  the  death  of  so 
 good  a  man  ;  and  that  the  affairs  of  the  Hebrews  had  sulVered  great  detriment  by  being 
 deprived  of  him,  who  was  of  so  great  abilities  to  preserve  them  by  his  excellent  advice,  and 
 by  the  strength  of  his  hands  in  war.  But  he  added,  that  God,  who  hath  a  regard  to  all  men's 
 actions,  will  not  suffer  this  man  [Joab]  to  go  off  unrevenged  ;  but  know  ye,  that  I  am  not  able 
 to  do  any  thing  to  these  sons  of  Zeruiah,  Joab  and  Abishai,  who  have  more  power  than 
 f  have,  but  God  will  requite  their  insolent  attempts  upon  their  own  heads  :"  and  this  was 
 the  fatal  conclusion  of  the  life  of  Abner. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 TItuI  ttpon  the  Slaughter  of  Ishhosheth  by  the  Treachery  of  his  Friends,  David  received  the 
 
 whole  Kingdom. 
 
 §  I.  When  Ishhosheth  the  son  of  Saul  had  heard  of  the  death  of  Abner,  he  took  it  to  heart 
 to  be  deprived  of  a  man  that  was  of  his  kindred,  and  had  indeed  given  him  the  kingdom,  but 
 was  greatly  afflicted,  and  Abner's  death  very  much  troubled  him  ;  nor  did  he  himself  outlive 
 any  longtime,  but  was  treacherously  set  upon  by  the  sons  of  Kimmon,  (Baanah  and  Rechab 
 were  the  names,)  and  was  slain  by  them  ;  for  these  bein;;  of  a  family  of  the  Benjamites,  and 
 of  the  first  rank  among  them,  thought  that  if  they  should  slay  Ishbosheih,  they  should  obtain 
 large  presents  from  David,  and  be  made  commanders  by  him  ;  or,  however,  should  have  some 
 other  trust  committed  to  them.  So  when  they  once  fouiul  him  alone,  asleep  at  noon,  in  an 
 upper  room,  when  none  of  his  guards  were  there,  and  when  the  woman  that  kept  the  door  was 
 not  watching,  but  was  fallen  asleep  also,  partly  on  account  of  the  labour  she  had  undergone, 
 and  partly  on  account  of  the  heat  of  the  day,  these  men  went  into  the  room  in  whii;h  Ishbo- 
 sheih, Saul's  son,  lay  asleep,  and  slev*'  him  ;  they  also  cut  oil'  his  head,  and  took  their  journey 
 all  that  night,  and  the  next  day,  as  supposing  themselves  flying  away  from  those  they  had 
 injured,  to  one  that  would  accept  of  this  action  as  a  favour,  and  would  afi'ord  them  security. 
 So  they  came  to  Hebron,  and  shewed  David  the  head  of  Ishhosheth,  aiid  presented  themselves 
 to  him  as  his  well-wishers,  and  such  as  had  killed  one  that  was  his  enemy  and  antagonist. — 
 Yet  David  did  not  relish  what  they  had  done  as  they  expected,  but  said  to  them,  "  You  vile 
 wretches,  you  shall  immediately  receive  the  punishment  you  deserve.  Did  not  you  know  what 
 vengeance  1  executed  on  him  that  murdered  Saul,  and  brought  me  his  crown  of  gold,  and  this 
 while  he  who  made  this  slaughter  did  it  as  a  favour  to  him,  that  he  might  not  be  caught  by  his 
 
180  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 enemies?  Or  do  you  imap;ine  that  I  am  altered  iu  my  disposition,  and  suppose  that  I  am  not 
 the  same  man  I  then  »vas,  but  am  pleased  with  men  tliat  are  wicked  doers,  :ind  esteem  your 
 vile  actions,  when  you  are  become  murderers  of  your  master,  as  grateful  to  nie,  when  you 
 Lave  slain  a  righteous  man  upon  his  bed,  who  ne^er  did  evil  to  anybody,  and  treated  you  with 
 great  good-will  and  respect?  Wiierefore  you  siiajl  suH'er  the  panishiaent  due  on  bis  account, 
 and  the  vengeance  I  ought  to  inflict  upon  you  for  killing  Ishbosheth,  and  for  supposing  that  I 
 should  take  his  death  kindly  at  your  hands,  for  you  could  not  lay  a  greater  blot  on  my  honour, 
 thau  by  making  such  a  supposal."  When  David  had  said  this,  he  tormented  them  with  all 
 sorts  of  torments,  and  then  put  them  to  death ;  and  he  bestowed  ail  accustomed  rites  on  the 
 burial  of  the  head  of  Ishbosheth,  and  laid  it  in  the  grave  of  Abner. 
 
 2.  When  these  things  were  brought  to  this  conclusion,  all  the  principal  men  of  the  Hebrew 
 people  came  to  David  to  Hebron,  wilh  the  heads  of  thousands,  and  other  rulers,  and  delivered 
 themselves  up  to  him,  putting  him  in  mind  of  ilie  good-will  they  had  borne  to  him  in  Saul's 
 lifetime,  and  the  respect  they  then  had  not  ceased  to  pay  him  when  he  was  captain  of  a  thou- 
 sand, as  also  that  he  was  chosen  of  Gcd  by  Samuel  the  prophet,  he  and  his  sons  :*  and  declar- 
 ing besides,  how  God  had  given  him  power  to  save  the  land  of  the  Hebrews,  and  to  overcome 
 the  Philistines.  Whereupon  he  received  kindly  this  their  alacrity  on  his  account;  and 
 exhorted  thera  to  continue  in  it,  for  that  they  should  have  no  reason  to  repent  of  being  thus 
 disposed  to  hiiu.  So  when  he  had  feasted  them,  and  treated  thera  kindly,  he  sent  them  out  to 
 bring  all  the  people  to  hiin  ;  upon  which  there  came  to  him  about  six  thousand  and  eight  hun- 
 dred armed  men  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who  bare  shields  and  spears  for  their  weapons,  for 
 these  had  [till  now]  cniitiuued  with  Saul's  son,  when  the  rest  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  had 
 ordained  David  for  their  king.  There  came  also  seven  thousand  and  one  hundred  out  of  the 
 tribe  of  Simeon.  Out  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  came  four  thousand  and  seven  hundred,  having 
 Jehoiada  for  their  leader.  After  these  came  Zadok,  the  high  priest,  with  twenty-two  captains 
 of  his  kindred.  Out  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  the  armed  men  were  four  thousand,  but  the  rest 
 of  the  tribe  continued,  still  expecting  that  some  one  of  the  house  of  Saul  should  reign  over 
 thera.  Those  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraira  were  twenty  thousand  and  eight  hundred,  and  these 
 mighty  raen  of  valonr,  and  eminent  for  their  strength.  Out  of  the  half  tribe  of  Maoasseh  came 
 eighteen  thousand  of  the  most  potent  men.  Out  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar,  came  two  hundred, t 
 who  foreknew  what  was  to  come  hereafter,  but  of  armed  men  twenty  thousand.  Of  the  tribe 
 of  Zebulun  fifty  thousand  chosen  men.  This  was  the  only  tribe  that  came  universally  in  to 
 David,  and  all  these  had  the  same  weapons  with  the  tribe  of  Gad.  Out  of  the  tribe  of  Neph- 
 tali  the  eminent  men  and  rulers  were  one  thousand,  whose  weapons  were  shields  and  spears, 
 and  the  tribe  itself  followed  after,  being  (in  a  manner,)  innumerable,  [thirty-seven  thousand.] 
 Out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  there  were  of  chosen  men  twenty- seven  thousand  and  six  hundred.  Out 
 of  the  tribe  of  Asher  were  forty  thousand.  Out  of  the  two  tribes  that  were  beyond  Jordan, 
 and  the  rest  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  such  as  used  shields,  and  spears,  and  bead  pieces,  and 
 swords,  were  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand.  The  rest  of  the  tribes  also  made  use  of  swords. 
 This  multitude  came  together  to  Hebron  to  David,  with  a  great  quantity  of  corn,  and  wine, 
 and  all  other  sorts  of  food,  and  established  David  in  his  kingdom  with  one  consent.  And  when 
 the  people  had  rejoiced  for  tliree  days  in  Hebron,  David  and  all  the  people  removed  and  came 
 10  Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAP.  Ill, 
 
 How  David  laid  Siege  to  Jerusalem ;  and  when  he  had  taken  the  City,  he  cast  the  Canaanites  out 
 of  it)  and  brought  in  the  Jews  to  inhabit  therein. 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  Jebusites,  who  were  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  were  by  extraction 
 Canaanites,  shut  their  gates,  and  placed  the  blind,  and  the  lame,  and  all  their  maimed  persons, 
 upon  the  wall,  in  way  of  derision  of  the  king;  and  said,  that  the  very  lame  themselves  would 
 hinder  his  entrance  iuto  it.  Tliis  ihey  did  out  of  contempt  of  his  power,  and  as  depending  on 
 the  strength  of  their  walls.  David  was  hereby  enraged,  and  began  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 employed  his  utmost  diligence  and  alacrity  therein,  as  intending  by  the  taking  of  this  place  to 
 demonstrate  his  power,  and  lo  intimidate  all  others  that  might  be  of  the  like  [evil]  disposition 
 towards  him  :  so  he  look  the  lower  city  by  force,  but  the  citadel  held  out  still  ;t  whence  it  was 
 
 •  This  may  be  a  true  ohservatioTi  of  .losephus,  that  Samuel,  by  command  from  God,  entailed  the  crown  on 
 David  and  his  posterity,  for  no  farther  did  that  entail  ever  reach,  Solomoj  himself  having  never  had  promise 
 made  him  that  his  posterity  should  always  have  the  right  to  it. 
 
 +  These  words  of  .losephus  concerning  the  tribe  of  Issachar.  "who  foreknew  what  was  to  come  hereafter," 
 are  best  paraphrased  by  the  parallel  text,  1  Chrou.  xii.  32.  "  Who  had  understanding  of  the  times  to  know  what 
 Israel  ought  to  do ;"  that  is.  Who  had  so  much  knowledge  in  astronomy  as  to  make  calendars  for  the  Israel- 
 ites, that  they  might  keep  their  festivals,  and  plough  and  sow,  and  gather  in  their  harvests  and  vintage  in  due 
 season. 
 
 1  What  our  other  copies  say  of  mount  Siou,  as  alone  properly  called  the  '  City  of  David,'  2  .'^am.  v.  6—9.  and 
 of  this  Its  siege  and  corctutst  now  by  David,  Josephus  applies  to  the  whole  city  Jerusalem,  though  including 
 the  citadel  also  :  by  what  authority  we  do  not  now  know  ,  perhaps  after  David  had  united  them  together  ;  or 
 joined  the  citadel  lo  the  lower  city,  as  V2.  .losephus  esteemed  thera  as  one  city.  However,  this  notion  seems  to 
 be  contirnud  by  what  tlie  same  .losephus  says  concerning  David's  and  many  other  kings  of  Judah's  sepul- 
 cjires,  w_lii(-h,  as  the  authors  of  the  books  of  Kiugs  and  Chronicles  say,  were  in  the  city  of  David,  so  does  Jose- 
 phus still  say  they  were  in  Jerusalem.  The  sepulchre  of  David  seems  to  have  been  also  a  known  place  in  the 
 ■e^eral  daysof  Hyrcanus,  of  Herod,  and  St.  Peter,  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap,  viii.^  4.  b.  xvi.  chap.  vii.  i>  1.  Acts 
 J.  rt>.    tiov  uo  such  royal  sepulclires  have  been  found  about  mount  Sion,  but  are  found  close  by  tlie  uortk 
 
BOOK    VII. — CHAP.    IV.  181 
 
 that  tbe  king,  knowing  tbat  the  proposal  of  dignities  aud  rewards  would  enconrage  the  soldiers 
 to  greater  actions,  promised  that  lie  who  should  first  go  over  the  ditches  that  were  beneath 
 the  citadel,  and  should  ascend  to  the  citadel  itself  and  take  it,  should  have  the  command  of  the 
 entire  people  conferred  upon  him.  .So  they  all  were  ambitious  to  ascend,  aud  tlioii-rlit  no 
 pains  too  great  in  order  to  ascend  tliitlier  ;  out  of  their  desire  of  the  chief  command.  How- 
 ever, Joab,  the  sr,n  of  Zeruiidi,  prevented  the  rest ;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  got  up  to  the  citadel, 
 cried  oat  to  the  king,  and  claimed  the  chief  command. 
 
 2.  When  David  bad  cast  the  Jebusites  out  of  the  citadel,  be  also  rebuilt  Jerusalem,  and 
 named  it  'The  City  of  David,'  and  abode  there  all  the  time  of  his  reign  :  but  for  the  time  that 
 he  reigned  over  the  tribe  of  Judiib  only  in  Hebron,  it  was  seven  years  and  six  months.  Now 
 when  he  had  chosen  Jerusalem  to  be  his  royal  city,  his  affairs  did  more  and  more  prosper,  by 
 the  providence  of  God,  who  look  care  that  they  should  improve  and  be  augmented,  Hiram 
 also,  the  king  of  the  Tyrians,  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  and  made  a  league  of  mutual  friendship 
 and  assistance  with  him.  He  also  sent  him  presents,  cedar  trees  and  mechanics,  and  men 
 skilful  in  building  and  architecture,  that  they  might  build  him  a  royal  palace  at  Jerusalem. — 
 Now  David  made  buildings  round  about  the  lower  city  :  he  also  joined  the  citadel  to  it,  and 
 made  it  one  body  ;  and  when  he  bad  encompassed  all  with  walls,  he  appointed  Joab  to  take 
 care  of  them.  It  was  David,  therefore,  who  first  cast  the  Jebusites  out  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 called  it  by  his  own  name,  the  City  of  David  :  for  under  our  forefather  Abraham  it  was  called 
 [Salem  or]  Solyraa  :*  but  after  that  time  some  say  that  Homer  mentions  it  by  that  name  of 
 Solynia,  [for  he  named  the  temple  Solyma,  according  to  the  Hebrew  language,  which  denotes 
 security.]  Now  the  whole  lime  from  the  warfare  under  Joshua  our  general  against  the  Canaan  • 
 ites,  and  from  that  war  in  which  he  overcame  them,  and  distributed  the  land  among  the  Hebrews, 
 (nor  conid  the  Israelites  ever  cast  the  Canaanites  out  of  Jerusalem  until  this  time,  when  David 
 took  it  by  siege,)  this  whole  time  was  five  hundred  and  fifteen  years. 
 
 3.  I  shall  now  make  mention  of  Araunah,  who  was  a  wealthy  man  among  the  Jebusites,  but 
 was  not  slain  by  David  in  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  because  of  tbe  good-will  he  bore  to  the 
 Hebrews,  and  a  particular  benignity  and  alfection  whch  he  had  to  the  king  himself,  which  I 
 shall  take  a  more  seasonable  opfxirtnnily  to  speak  of  a  little  afterwards.  Now  David  married 
 other  wives  over  and  above  those  which  he  bad  before:  he  bad  also  concubines.  The  sons 
 whom  he  had  were  in  number  eleven,  whose  names  were  Amnon,  Eranos,  Eban,  Nathan,  Solo- 
 mon, Jeban,  Elieu,  Plialna,  Eimaphen,  Jenae,  Eliphale  ;  and  a  daughter,  Tamar.  Nine  of  these 
 were  born  of  legitimate  wives,  but  tlie  two  last  named  of  concubines  :  and  Tamar  had  the  same 
 mother  with  Absalom. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 That  when  David  had  conquered  the  Philisti7ies,  who  made  War  against  him  at  Jerusalem,  he 
 removed  the  Arlc  to  Jerusalem,  and  hadainindto  build  a  Temple. 
 
 §  1.  When  the  Philistines  understood  that  David  was  made  king  of  the  Hebrews,  they  made 
 war  against  him  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  they  had  seized  upon  that  valley  which  is  called  the 
 valley  of  the  Giants,  and  is  a  place  not  far  from  the  city,  they  pitched  their  carnp  therein. 
 Uut  the  king  of  the  Jews,  who  never  permitted  himself  to  do  any  ihing  without  prophecy,* 
 and  the  command  of  God,  aud  without  depending  on  bira  as  a  security  for  the  time  to  come, 
 bade  the  high  priest  foretell  to  him  what  was  the  will  of  God,  and  what  would  be  the  event  of 
 this  batlle.  And,  when  he  foretold  that  he  should  gain  the  victory,  and  the  dominion,  he  led 
 his  ar.Tiy  out  against  ihe  Philistines  ;  and  when  the  battle  was  joined,  he  came  himself  behind, 
 and  fell  upon  the  enemy  on  the  sudden,  and  slew  son.e  of  them,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight.  And 
 lei  no  one  suppose  that  it  whs  a  small  army  of  tlin  Philistines  that  came  against  the  Hebrews, 
 as  guessing  so  from  the  suddenness  of  their  defeat,  and  from  their  having  performed  no  great 
 r.ction,  or  that  was  worth  recording,  from  the  slowness  of  their  march,  and  want  of  courage  ; 
 but  let  him  know  that  all  Syria  aud  Plienicia,  with  many  other  nations  besides  them,  and  those 
 
 wall  of  Jerusalem,  which  T  suspect,  therefore,  to  he  these  very  sepulchres.  See  the  note  on  chap.  xv.  f>  3.  In 
 the  mean  time,  .loseplius's  explication  of  the  '  lame,  and  the  blind,  and  the  maimed,'  as  set  to  keep  this  city 
 or  cit.idel,  seems  to  be  the  truth,  and  pives  the  be?t  light  to  that  history  in  our  Bible.  Mr.  Ottius  truly  observes, 
 ap.  Havercamp.p.  .30.5.  that  Josephus  never  mentions  mount  Sionby  that  name,  as  taking  it  for  an  appellative 
 as  I  suppose,  and  not  for  a  proper  name  :  he  still  either  st>'les  it  '  the  citadel,'  or  '  the  upper  city ;'  nor  do  i  see 
 any  reason  for  Mr.  Ottius's  evil  suspicions  about  this  procedure  of  Josephus. 
 
 •  .Some  copies  of  Josephus  have  here  Solyma,  or  Salem,  and  others  Hierosolyma,  or  Jerusalem.  The  latter 
 best  agree  to  what  Josephus  says  elsewhere.  Of  the  War,  b.  vi.  chap.  x.  that  this  city  was  called  Solyma,  or 
 Salem,  before  the  days  of  Melchisedec,  but  was  by  him  called  Hierosolyma,  or  Jerusalem  :  I  suppose  it  to 
 have  been  so  callei  after  Abraliam  had  received  that  oracle  Jehovah-Jiruh.  "  The  Lord  will  see,  r  p.'ovide," 
 (ren.  xxii.  14.  The  latter  woi-d  .lireh,  with  a  little  alteration,  prelixtd  to  the  old  name  Salem,  Peace,  will  be 
 Jerusalem.  And  since  that  exi)ression,  "  God  will  see,"  or  rather,  "  God  will  provide  hijnself  a  larab  for  a 
 burnt-offering,"  ver.  8,  14.  is  there  said  to  have  been  proverbial,  till  the  days  of  Moses,  this  seems  to  me  the 
 most  probable  derivation  of  that  name,  which  will  then  denote,  that  "  God  would  provide  peace  by  that  Lamb 
 of  God  which  was  to  take  a-vay  the  sins  of  the  world."  However,  that  which  is  put  into  brackets,  can  hardly 
 be  supposed  the  genuine  words  of  Josephus,  as  Dr.  Hudson  well  judges. 
 
 +  It  deserves  here  to  be  remarked,  that  Saul  very  rarely,  and  David  very  frequently,  consulted  God  by 
 Urim,  and  that  David  aimed  always  to  depend,  not  on  his  ovm  prudence  or  abilities,  but  on  ihc  divine  direc- 
 tion, contrary  to  .Siiul's  practice.  See  ij  2.  and  the  note  on  yiutiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  ^  9.  And  when  Saul's 
 daughter  (but  David's  wife)  Michal  laughed  at  David's  dancing  before  the  ark.  1  Sam.  vi.  Ki,  iVc.  and  here 
 «  1—3.  it  is  probable  she  did  so,  because  her  father  Saul  did  not  use  to  pay  such  a  regard  to  the  ark,  to  the 
 t'lim  there  inquired  by,  or  to  God's  worship  before  it,  and  because  she  thought  it  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  king 
 to  be  so  religious. 
 
18t  ANT!QUrriE«  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 warlike  uatioiis  also,  came  to  their  assistance,  aud  liad  a  sliare  in  Ibis  war.  Which  thing  was 
 the  only  cause  why,  when  they  had  been  so  ot'tfii  conquered,  and  had  lost  so  many  ten  thousands 
 of  their  men.  tliey  still  came  upon  the  Hebrews  with  greater  armies  ;  nay,  indeed,  when 
 they  had  so  often  failed  of  tlieir  purpose  in  these  battles,  they  came  upon  David  with  an 
 army  three  times  as  numerous  as  before,  and  pitched  their  camp  on  tiie  same  spot  of  ground 
 as  before.  The  king  of  Israel  therefore  inquired  of  God  again  concerning  the  event  of  the 
 battle  ;  and  the  high  priest  prophesied  to  hira,  that  he  should  keep  his  army  in  the  groves, 
 called  the  Groves  of  Weeping,  which  were  not  far  from  the  enemy's  camp,  aud  that  he 
 should  not  move,  nor  begin  to  fight,  till  the  trees  of  the  grove  should  be  in  motion  with- 
 out the  wind's  blowing;  but  as  soon  as  these  trees  moved,  and  the  time  foretold  to  him 
 by  God  was  come,  he  sboald  without  delay  go  out  to  gain,  what  was  already  prepared,  an 
 evident  victory  ;  for  the  several  ranks  of  the  enemy's  army  did  not  sustain  hira,  but  retreated 
 at  the  first  onset,  whom  he  closely  followed,  and  slew  them  as  he  went  along,  and  pursued 
 them  to  thecity  of  Gaza,  (which  is  the  limit  of  their  coantry  ;)  after  this,  he  spoiled  their  camp, 
 in  which  he  found  great  riches  ;  and  he  destroyed  their  gods. 
 
 2.  When  this  had  proved  the  event  of  the  battle,  David  thought  it  proper,  upon  a  consulta- 
 tion with  the  elders,  and  rulers,  and  captains  of  thousands,  to  send  for  those  that  were  in  the 
 flower  of  their  age,  out  of  all  his  countrymen,  and  out  of  the  whole  land,  aud  withal  for  the 
 priests  and  the  Levites,  in  order  to  their  going  to  Kirjathjearim,  to  bring  up  the  ark  of  God 
 out  of  that  city,  and  to  carry  it  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  to  keep  it.  and  ofl'er  before  it  those 
 sacrifices,  and  those  other  honours,  with  which  God  used  to  be  well  pleased  :  for  had  they  done 
 ihas  in  the  reign  of  Saul,  they  had  not  undergone  any  great  misfortunes  at  all.  So  when  the 
 whole  body  of  the  people  were  come  together,  as  they  had  resolved  to  do,  the  king  came  to 
 the  ark,  wliicli  the  priests  brought  out  of  the  house  of  Aminadab,  and  laid  it  upon  a  new  cart, 
 and  permitted  their  brethren  and  their  children  to  draw  it,  together  with  the  oxen.  Before  it 
 went  the  king  and  the  whole  multitude  of  the  people  with  him,  singing  hymns  to  God,  and 
 making  use  of  all  sorts  of  songs  usual  among  them,  with  variety  of  the  sounds  of  musical 
 instruments,  and  with  dancing  and  singing  of  psaiins,  as  also  with  the  sound  of  trumpets  and 
 of  cymbals,  and  so  brought  the  ark  to  Jerusalem.  But  as  they  were  come  to  the  threshing- 
 floor  of  Chidon,  a  place  so  called,  Uzzah  was  slain  by  the  anger  of  God;*  for  as  the  oxen 
 shook  the  ark,  he  stretched  out  his  hand,  and  would  needs  tahe  hold  of  it.  Now  because  he 
 was  not  a  priest,  and  yet  touched  the  ark,  God  struck  hira  dead.  Hereupon  both  the  king 
 and  the  people  were  displeased  at  the  death  of  Uzzah  ;  and  the  place  where  he  died  is  still 
 called  the  Breach  of  Uzzah  unto  this  day.  So  David  was  afraid,  and  supposing  that  if  he 
 received  the  ark  to  himself  into  the  city,  he  might  suffer  in  the  like  manner  as  Uzzah  had  suf- 
 fered, who,  upon  his  bare  putting  out  his  hand  to  the  ark,  died  in  the  manner  already  mentioned, 
 he  did  not  receive  it  to  himself  into  the  city,  but  he  took  it  aside  unto  a  certain  place  belonging 
 to  a  righteous  man,  whose  name  was  Obcdedora,  who  was  by  his  family  a  Levite,  and  depo- 
 sited the  ark  with  him;  and  it  remained  there  three  entire  months.  This  augmented  the  hcuse 
 of  Obededom,  and  conferred  many  blessings  upon  it.  And  when  the  king  beard  what  had 
 befallen  Obededom,  how  he  was  become,  of  a  poor  man  in  a  low  estate,  exceedingly  happy,  and 
 the  object  of  envy  to  all  those  that  saw  or  inquired  after  his  house,  he  took  courage,  and  hop- 
 ing that  he  should  meet  with  no  misfortune  thereby,  he  transferred  the  ark  to  his  own  house, 
 the  priests  carrying  it, while  seven  companies  of  singers,  who  were  set  in  that  order  by  the  king, 
 went  before  it,  and  while  he  himself  played  upon  the  harp,  and  joined  in  the  music,  insomuch, 
 that  when  his  wife  Michal,  the  daughter  of  Saul,  who  was  our  first  king,  saw  him  so  doing, 
 she  laughed  at  him.  But  when  they  had  brought  in  the  ark,  they  placed  it  under  the  taberna- 
 cle which  David  had  pitched  for  it,  and  he  offered  costly  sacrifices  and  peace-offerings,  and 
 treated  the  whole  multitude,  and  dealt  both  to  the  women  and  the  men,  and  the  infants,  a  loaf 
 of  bread  and  a  cake,  and  another  cake  baked  in  a  pan,  with  a  portion  of  tlie  sacrifice.  So  when 
 he  had  thus  feasted  the  people,  he  sent  them  away,  and  he  himself  returned  to  his  own  house. 
 
 3.  But  when  Michal  his  v/ife,  the  daughter  of  Saul,  came  and  stood  by  him,  she  wished  him 
 all  other  happiness;  and  entreated  that  whatsoever  he  should  farther  desire,  to  the  utmost  pos- 
 sibility, might  be  given  him  by  God,  and  that  be  might  be  favourable  to  him;  yet  did  she 
 blame  him,  that  so  great  a  king  as  he  was  should  dance  after  an  unseemly  manner,  and  in  his 
 dancing,  uncover  himself  among  the  servants  and  the  handmaidens.  But  he  replied,  "That  he 
 was  not  ashamed  to  do  what  was  acceptable  to  God,  who  had  preferred  hira  before  her  father, 
 and  before  all  others  ;  that  he  would  pray  frequently,  and  dance,  without  any  regard  to  what 
 the  handmaidens  and  she  herself  thought  of  it."  So  this  Michal  had  no  children  ;  however, 
 when  she  was  afterward  married  to  him  to  whom  Saul  her  father  had  given  her,  (for  at  this  time 
 David  had  taken  her  away  from  him,  and  had  her  himself,)  she  bare  five  children.  But  con- 
 cerning those  matters  I  shall  discourse  in  a  proper  place. 
 
 •  Josephus  seems  to  be  partly  in  the  right,  when  he  observes  here  that  Uzzah  was  no  priest,  (though  per 
 haps  he  might  be  a  I.evite.)  and  was  therefore  struck  dead  for  touchiug  the  ark  contrary  to  the  law,  and  for 
 which  profane  rashness,  death  was  the  penalty  by  tlie  law.  Numb.  iv.  15—20.  See  the  like  before,  Autiq.  b. 
 vi.  chap.  i.  ^  4.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  putting  the  ark  in  a  cart,  when  it  ought  to  have  been  carried  by  the 
 priests  or  Levites,  as  it  was  presently  here  in  .loscplins  so  carried  from  Obededom's  house  to  David's,  might 
 be  also  an  occasion  of  that  auger  of  God  on  that  breach  of  his  law.    See  Numb.  iv.  15,  1  Chron.  xv.  13. 
 
BOOK  VII.— CHAP.  V.  183 
 
 4.  Now,  when  the  king  saw  that  his  affairs  g;revv  better  almost  every  day,  by  the  will  of  God,  he 
 thought  he  should  ofl'end  him,  if  while  he  liiraself  continued  in  houses  made  of  cedar,  such  as 
 were  of  a  great  height,  and  had  the  most  curious  works  of  architecture  in  them,  he  should 
 overlook  the  ark  while  it  was  laid  in  a  tabernacle,  and  was  desirous  to  build  a  temple  to  God, 
 as  Moses  had  predicted  such  a  temple  should  be  built.*  And  when  be  had  discoursed  with 
 Nnthan  the  prophet  about  these  things,  and  been  encouraged  by  him  to  do  whatsoever  he  had 
 a  mind  to  do,  as  having  God  nilh  him,  and  his  helper  in  all  things,  he  was  thereupon  the  more 
 ready  to  set  about  that  building.  Hut  (.'od  appeared  to  Nathan  that  very  night,  and  com- 
 manded liim  to  say  to  David, t  that  "  he  took  his  purpose  and  bis  desires  kindly,  since  nobody 
 had  before  now  taken  it  into  their  bead  to  build  him  a  temple,  althoogh  upon  his  having  such 
 a  notion  he  would  not  permit  biin  to  build  liini  that  temple,  because  be  had  made  many  wars, 
 and  was  defiled  with  the  slaii!;hter  of  his  enemies  :  that  bovvever,  after  his  death,  in  his  old 
 age,  and  when  he  bad  lived  a  long  life,  there  should  be  a  temple  built  by  a  son  of  his,  who 
 should  take  the  kingdom  alter  him,  and  should  be  called  Solomon,  whom  he  promised  to  pro- 
 vide for,  as  a  father  provides  for  his  son,  by  preserving  the  kingdom  for  his  son's  posterity,  and 
 delivering  it  to  them,  but  that  he  would  still  punish  him  if  be  sinned,  with  diseases  and  bar- 
 renness of  land."  When  David  understood  this  from  the  prophet,  and  was  overjoyful  at  this 
 knowledge  of  the  sure  continuance  of  the  dominion  to  his  posterity,  and  that  his  house  should 
 be  splendid,  and  very  famous,  he  came  to  the  ark,  and  fell  down  on  his  face,  and  began  to 
 adore  God,  and  to  return  thanks  to  him  for  all  bis  benefits,  as  well  for  those  that  he  had  already 
 bestowed  upon  him  in  raising  him  from  a  low  state,  and  from  the  employment  of  a  shepherd, 
 to  so  great  dignity  of  dominion  and  glory  ;  as  for  those  also  which  he  bad  promised  to  his 
 posterity  ;  and  besides,  for  that  providence  which  he  bad  exercised  over  the  Hebrews  in  pro- 
 curing them  the  liberty  they  enjoyed  :  and  when  be  had  said  thus,  and  had  sung  a  hymn  of 
 praise  to  God,  he  went  his  way. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Hoiv  David  brought  under  the  Philistines,  and  the  Moabites,  and  the  Kings  of  Sophene,  and  of 
 Damascus,  and  of  the  Syrians,  as  also  the  Idiimeans,  in  War ;  and  houy  he  wade  a  League 
 with  the  King  of  Hanialh ;  and  was  mindful  uf  the  Friendship}  that  Jonathan,  the  Son  of  Saul, 
 had  borne  to  hint. 
 
 $  1.  A  LITTLE  while  after  this,  he  considered  that  he  ought  to  make  war  against  the  Philis- 
 tines, and  not  to  see  any  idleness  or  laziness  permitted  in  his  management,  that  so  it  might 
 prove,  as  God  had  foretold  to  him,  that  when  be  had  overthrown  bis  enemies  he  should  leave 
 his  posterity  to  reign  in  peace  afterward:  so  he  called  together  his  army  again,  and  when  be 
 bad  charged  them  to  be  ready  and  prepared  for  war,  and  when  he  t'nonghtthat  all  things  in  his 
 army  were  in  a  good  state,  he  removed  from  Jerusalem,  and  came  against  the  Philistines;  and 
 when  he  had  overcome  them  in  battle,  and  had  cut  ofTa  great  part  of  their  country  and  adjoined 
 it  to  the  country  of  the  Hebrews,  he  transferred  the  war  to  the  Moabites  ;  and  when  he  had 
 overcome  two  parts  of  their  army  in  the  battle,  he  took  the  remaining  part  captive,  and 
 imposed  tribute  upon  them,  to  be  paid  annually.  He  then  made  war  against  Hadadezer,  the 
 son  of  Rehob,  king  of  Sophene  ;  and  when  he  had  joined  battle  with  him  at  the  river  Euphrates, 
 he  destroyed  twenty  thousand  of  his  footmen,  and  about  seven  thousand  of  his  horsemen.  He 
 also  took  about  a  thousand  of  his  chariots,  and  destroyed  the  greatest  part  of  them,  and  ordered 
 tbat  no  more  than  one  hundred  should  be  kept.,: 
 
 2.  Now  when  Hadad,§  king  of  Damascus  and  of  Syria,  beard  that  David  fought  against  Ha- 
 dadezer, who  was  his  friend,  he  came  to  bis  assistance  with  a  powerful  army,  in  hopes  to 
 rescue  him  ;  and  when  he  had  joined  battle  with  David  at  the  river  Euphrates,  he  failed  of  his 
 purpose,  and  lost  in  the  battle  a  great  number  of  his  soldiers  ;  for  there  were  slain  of  the  array 
 of  Iladad  twenty  thousand,  and  all  the  rest  fled.  Nicolaus  also  [of  Damascus]  makes  mention 
 of  this  king,  iu  the  fourth  book  of  his  histories;  where  he  speaks  thus  :  "  A  great  while  after 
 
 •  .Tosephus  here  informs  us,  that,  arcordinp  to  his  understanding  of  the  sense  of  his  copy  of  the  Pentateuch, 
 Moses  had  himself  foretold  the  building  of  the  temple,  which  yet  is  nowhere,  that  1  know  of,  iu  our  present 
 copies.  And  that  this  is  not  a  mistake  set  down  by  him  unwarily,  appears  l)y  what  he  observed  before,  on 
 Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  viii.  ^40.  how  Moses  foretold  that  upon  the  Jews'  future  disobedie?ice,  their  temple  should 
 he  burnt  and  rebuilt,  and  that  not  once  ouly,  but  several  times  afterward.  See  also  Josephus's  mention  of 
 God's  former  commands  to  build  such  a  tiiraple  presently,  chap.  xiv.  ^  2.  coutrary  to  our  other  copies,  or  at 
 least  to  our  translation  of  the  Hebrew,  2  Sam.  vii.6,  7.  1  Chron.  xvii.  5,  6. 
 
 +  Josephus  seems  in  Ihis  place,  with  our  modern  interpreters,  to  confound  the  two  distinct  predictions  which 
 God  made  to  Uavid  and  to  Nathan,  concerning  the  building  him  a  temple  by  one  of  Uavid's  posterity  :  the 
 one  beloupeth  to  Solomou.  the  other  to  the  Messiah ;  the  distinction  between  whom  is  of  the  greatest  conse- 
 quence to  the  Christian  religion. 
 
 t  David's  reserving  only  100  chariots  forhimeslf  out  of  ItXK)  he  had  taVen  from  Hadadezer,  was  most  proba- 
 bly done  in  compliance  with  the  law  of  Moses,  which  forbade  a  king  of  Israel  to  'multiply  horses  to  himself,' 
 Ilcut.  xvii.  16.  one  of  tlie  principal  uses  of  horses  in  Judea  at  that  time  being  for  drawing  their  chariots.  See 
 Josh.  xii.  6.  Antiq.  b.  v.  chap.  i.  5  18. 
 
 i  It  deserves  here  to  bo  remarked,  that  this  Hadad,  being  a  very  great  king,  was  conquered  by  David, 
 whose  posterity  yet  for  several  generations  were  called  15enliadad,  or  the  son  of  Hadad,  till  the  days  of  Ilazael, 
 whose  son  Adnr  or  Ader,  is  also  in  our  Hebrew  copy,  2  Kings  xiii.  24.  written  lienhadad,  but  in  Josephus 
 Adad  or  Ader.  And  strange  it  is,  that  the  son  of  Ilazael,  said  to  be  such  in  the  same  text,  and  in  Josephus, 
 Antiq.  b.  ix.  chap.  viii.  §  7.  should  still  be  called  the  son  of  Hadad  :  1  would,  therefore,  here  correct  our  He- 
 brew copy  from  Josephus',  which  seems  to  have  the  true  reading. 
 
184  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 these  things  liad  iiappened,  there  was  one  of  that  country  whose  name  was  Hadad,  who  was 
 become  very  potent;  he  reigned  over  Damascus,  a)id  the  other  parts  of  Syria,  excepting  Phe- 
 nicia.  He  made  war  against  David,  the  king  of  Judea,  and  tried  his  fortnne  in  many  battles, 
 and  particularly  in  the  last  battle  at  Euphrates,  wlierein  he  was  beaten.  He  seemed  to  have 
 been  the  most  excellent  of  all  their  kings  in  strength  and  manhood."  Nay,  besides  this,  he 
 says  of  his  posterity,  that  "  after  his  death  they  succeeded  one  another  in  his  kingdom,  and  in 
 his  name  ;"  where  he  thus  speaks  :  "  When  Hadad  was  dead,  his  posterity  reigned  for  ten  gene- 
 rations, each  of  his  successors  receiving  from  his  father  that  his  dominion,  and  this  his  name  ; 
 as  did  the  Ptolemies  in  Egypt.  But  the  third  was  the  most  powerful  of  tliem  all,  and  was 
 willing  to  avenge  the  defeat  his  forefathers  had  received  ;  so  he  made  an  expedition  against  the 
 Jews,  and  laid  waste  the  city  which  is  now  called  Samaria."  Nor  did  he  err  from  the 
 truth  ;  for  this  is  that  Hadad  who  made  the  expedition  against  Samaria,  in  the  reign  of  Ahab, 
 king  of  Israel  ;  concerning  whom  we  shall  speak  ia  due  place  hereafter. 
 
 3.  Now  when  David  had  made  an  expedition  against  Damascus,  and  the  other  parts  of 
 Syria,  and  had  brought  it  all  into  subjection,  and  had  placed  grrrisons  in  the  country,  and 
 fsppointed  that  they  should  pay  tribute,  he  returned  home.  He  also  dedicated  to  God  at  Jeru- 
 salem, the  golden  quivers,  the  entire  armour  which  the  guards  of  Hadad  used  to  wear,  which 
 Shishak  the  king  of  Egypt  took  away  when  he  fought  with  David's  grandson  Rehoboara,  with 
 B  great  deal  of  other  wealth  which  he  carried  out  of  Jerusalem.  However,  these  things  will 
 come  to  be  explained  in  their  proper  places  hereafter.  Now  as  for  the  king  of  the  Hebrews, 
 he  was  assisted  by  God,  who  gave  him  great  success  in  his  wars,  and  made  an  expedition 
 against  the  best  cities  of  Hudadezer,  Betah,  and  Maclion  ;  so  he  took  them  by  force,  and  laid 
 ihem  waste.  Therein  was  found  a  very  great  quantitj'  of  gold  and  silver,  besides  that  sort  of  brass 
 which  is  said  to  be  more  valuable  than  gold  ;  of  which  brass  Solomon  made  that  large  vessel 
 which  was  called  the  [brazen]  sea,  and  those  most  curious  lavers,  when  he  built  the  temple  for 
 God. 
 
 4.  But  when  the  king  of  Hamath  wis  informed  of  the  ill  success  of  Hadadezer,  and  had 
 heard  of  the  ruin  of  his  army,  he  was  afraid  on  his  own  account,  and  resolved  to  make  a  league 
 of  friendship  and  fidelity  with  David  before  he  should  come  against  him  ;  so  he  sent  to  him  his 
 son  Joram,  and  professed  that  he  owed  liim  thanks  for  his  fighting  against  Hadadezer,  who  was 
 his  enemy,  and  made  a  league  with  him  of  mutual  assistance  and  friendship.  He  also  sent 
 him  presents,  vessels  of  ancient  workmanship,  both  of  gold,  of  silver,  and  of  brass.  So  when 
 David  had  made  this  league  of  mutual  assistance  with  Toi,  (for  that  was  the  name  of  the  king 
 of  Hamath,)  and  had  received  the  presents  he  .sent  him,  he  dismissed  his  son  with  that  respect 
 which  was  due  on  both  sides.  But  then  David  brought  those  presents  that  were  sent  by  him, 
 as  also  the  rest  of  the  gold  and  silver  which  he  had  taken  of  the  cities  whom  he  had  conquered, 
 and  dedicated  them  to  God.  Nor  did  God  give  victory  and  success  to  him  only  when  he  went 
 to  the  battle  himself,  and  led  his  own  army,  but  he  gave  victory  to  Abishai,  the  brother  of 
 Joab,  general  of  his  forces,  over  the  Idumeans,*  and  by  him  to  David,  when  he  sent  him  with 
 an  army  into  Idumea  ;  for  Abishai  destroyed  eighteen  thousand  of  them  in  the  battle  :  where- 
 upon the  king  [of  Israel]  placed  garrisons  through  all  Idumea,  and  received  the  tribute  of  the 
 country,  and  of  every  head  among  them.  Novk'  David  was  in  his  nature  just,  and  made  his 
 determination  with  regard  to  truth.  He  had  for  the  general  of  his  whole  army  Joab  ;  and  he 
 made  Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Ahilud,  recorder.  He  also  appointed  Zadok,  of  the  family  of  Phi- 
 neas,  to  be  high  priest,  together  with  Abiathar,  for  he  was  his  friend.  He  also  made  Seisan 
 the  scribe :  and  committed  the  command  over  the  guards  of  his  body  to  Benaiah,  the  son  of 
 Jeboiada.     His  elder  sons  were  near  his  body,  and  had  the  care  of  it  also. 
 
 5  He  also  called  to  mind  the  covenants  and  the  oaths  he  had  made  with  Jonathan  the  son 
 of  Saul,  and  the  friendship  and  affection  Jonathan  had  for  him  ;  for  besides  all  the  rest  of  his 
 excellent  qualities  with  which  he  was  endowed,  he  was  also  exceeding  mindful  of  such  as  had 
 at  other  times  bestowed  benefits  upon  him.  He  therefore  gave  order  that  inquiry  should  he 
 made,  whether  any  of  Jonathan's  lineage  were  living,  to  whom  he  might  make  return  of  that 
 familiar  acquaintance  which  Jonathan  had  had  with  him,  and  for  which  he  was  still  debtor. 
 And  when  one  of  Saul's  free-men  was  brought  to  him,  who  was  acquainted  with  those  of  his 
 family  that  were  still  living,  he  asked  him,  •'  Whether  he  could  tell  him  of  any  one  belonging 
 lo  Jonathan  that  was  now  alive,  and  capable  of  a  requital  of  the  benefits  which  he  had  received 
 from  Jonathan?"  And  when  he  said,  "  That  a  son  of  his  was  remaining,  whose  name  was 
 Mephibosheth,  but  that  he  was  lame  of  his  feet;  for  that  when  his  nurse  heard  that  the  father 
 and  grandfather  of  the  child  were  fallen  in  the  battle,  she  snatched  him  up,  and  fled  away,  and 
 let  him  fall  from  her  shoulders,  and  his  feet  were  lamed."  So  when  he  had  learned  where 
 and  by  whom  he  was  brought  up,  he  sent  messengers  to  Machir,  to  the  city  of  Lodebar,  for 
 with  him  was  the  son  of  Jonathan  brought  up,  and  sent  for  him  to  come  lo  him.  So  when 
 Mephibosheth  came  to  the  king,  he  fell  on  his  face  and  worshipped  him  ;  but   David  encou- 
 
 *  ^y  this  great  victory  over  the  Idumeans  or  Edomites,  the  posterity  of  Esau,  and  by  the  consequent  trihufe 
 paid  by  that  nation  to  tlie  Jews,  were  the  prophecies  delivered  to  Rebecca  before  Jacob  and  lisau  were  born, 
 and  by  old  Isaac  before  his  death,  that  '  tlie  '  elder'  Ksau.or  the  Edomites, '  should  serve  the  younger,'  Jacob, 
 or  tne  Israelites,  and  Jacob,  or  the  Israelites,  should  be  Esau's,  or  the  Edomites'  lord,  the  Lord  remarkably 
 fulUlled.    See  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  vii.  ^  6.  Oen.  xxv.  23.  aud  the  notes  on  Antiq.  b.  i.  chap,  xviii.  ^5,  6. 
 
BOOR    VII. — CHAP.    VI.  185 
 
 raged  liiui,  and  bade  liim  be  of  j^ood  cheer,  and  expect  better  times.  So  lie  gave  bim  bis 
 Calher's  bouse,  and  all  Ibe  eslate  wbicb  bis  (^raiidt'atber  Saul  was  in  possession  of,  and  bade 
 liiin  come  and  dietwilli  iiini  at  bis  own  table,  and  never  to  be  absent  one  day  from  that  table. 
 And  wben  tbe  joutb  bad  worsliipped  bim  on  account  of  bis  words  and  gifts  given  to  bim,  ba 
 called  for  Ziba,  and  told  bim  tbat  be  bad  given  tbe  youtli  bis  fatber's  lionse,  and  all  Saul's 
 estate.  He  also  ordered  tbat  Ziba  sliould  cultivate  liis  land,  and  take  care  of  it,  and  bring  him 
 tbe  profits  of  all  to  Jerusalem.  Accordingly,  David  brought  him  to  bis  tcible  every  day  ;  and 
 bestowed  upon  tbe  youth,  Ziba  and  bis  sons,  who  were  in  number  fifteen,  and  his  servants, 
 who  were  in  number  twenty.  When  the  king  bad  made  these  appointments,  and  Ziba  bad 
 worshipped  him,  and  promised  to  do  all  that  be  had  bidden  him,  be  went  his  way  ;  so  tbat  this 
 son  of  Jonathan  dwelt  at  Jerusalem,  and  dieted  at  the  kin;j's  table,  and  had  the  same  care  taken 
 of  him,  that  a  son  could  claim.     He  also  bad  himself  a  son,  whom  lie  named  Micha. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Hoiv  the  War  teas  waged  against  the  Ammonites,  and  happibj  concluded. 
 
 §  1.  These  were  the  honours  that  such  as  were  left  of  Saul's  and  Jonathan's  lineage  received 
 from  David.  About  this  time  died  Nabash,  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  xvbo  was  a  friend  of 
 David;  and  when  his  son  bad  succeeded  his  father  in  the  kingdom,  David  sent  ambassadors 
 to  him  to  comfort  bim  ;  and  exhorted  bim  to  take  bis  father's  death  patiently,  and  to  expect 
 that  be  would  continue  tbe  same  kindness  to  himself  which  he  bad  shewed  to  his  father.  But 
 the  princes  of  the  Ammonites  took  this  message  in  evil  part,  and  not  as  David's  kind  disposi- 
 tions gave  reason  to  take  it;  and  they  excited  the  king  to  resent  it,  and  said,  that  David  had 
 sent  men  to  spy  out  tbe  country,  and  what  strength  it  bad,  under  the  pretence  of  humanity  and 
 kindness.  They  further  advised  bim  to  have  a  care,  and  not  to  give  heed  to  David's  words, 
 lest  he  should  be  deluded  by  bim  ;  and  so  fall  into  an  inconsolable  calamity.  Accordingh', 
 Nabash's  [son,]  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  thought  these  princes  spake  what  was  more  pro- 
 bable than  the  truth  would  admit,  and  so  abused  the  ambassadors  after  a  very  harsh  manner; 
 for  he  shaved  tbe  one  half  of  their  beards,  and  cut  off  one  half  of  their  garments,  and  sent  bis 
 answer  not  in  words  but  in  deeds.  When  the  king  of  Israel  saw  this,  be  had  indignation  at 
 it,  and  shewed  openly  that  be  would  not  overlook  this  injurious  and  contumelious  treatment, 
 but  would  make  war  with  tbe  Ammonites,  and  would  avent;e  ibis  wicked  treatment  of  bis 
 ambassadors  on  their  king.  So  that  king's  intimate  friends  and  commanders,  understanding 
 that  they  had  violated  their  league,  and  were  liable  to  be  punished  for  the  same,  made  prepa- 
 rations for  war;  they  also  sent  a  thousand  talents  to  the  Syrian  king  of  Mesopotamia,  and 
 endeavoured  to  prevail  with  him  to  assist  them  for  tbat  pay,  and  Siiobach.  Now  these  kings 
 Lad  twenty  thousand  foatmen.  Thev  also  hired  tbe  king  of  the  country,  called  Maacah,  and  a 
 fourth  king,  by  name  Ishtob;  which  last  had  twelve  thousand  armed  men. 
 
 2.  Hut  David  was  under  no  consternation  at  this  confederacy,  nor  at  the  forces  of  the 
 Ammonites ;  and  putting  his  trust  in  God,  because  he  was  going  to  war  in  a  just  cause,  on 
 account  of  the  injurious  treatment  he  bad  met  with,  he  immediately  sent  Joab,  the  captain  of 
 his  host,  against  them,  and  gave  him  the  flower  of  bis  army,  who  pitched  his  camp  by  Kab- 
 bah, the  metropolis  of  the  Ammonites  ;  whereupon  the  enemy  came  out,  and  set  themselves  in 
 array,  not  all  cf  them  together,  but  in  two  bodies;  for  the  auxiliaries  were  set  in  array  in  the 
 plain  by  themselves,  but  the  army  of  the  Ammonites  at  the  gates  over  against  the  Hebrews. 
 When  Joab  saw  this,  be  opposed  one  stratagem  against  another,  and  chose  out  the  most  hardy 
 part  of  bis  men,  and  set  tliem  in  opposition  to  tbe  king  of  Syria,  and  the  kings  tbat  were  with 
 him,  and  gave  the  other  part  to  his  brother  Abishai,  and  bade  him  set  them  in  opposition  to  the 
 Ammonites  ;  and  said  to  him,  "  That  in  case  he  should  see  that  the  Syrians  distressed  him, 
 and  were  too  haid  for  him,  be  should  order  bis  troops  to  turn  about  and  assist  bim:"  and 
 be  said,  that  "  he  himself  would  do  the  same  to  him,  if  he  saw  him  in  t!ie  like  distress  from  the 
 Ammonites."  So  be  sent  his  brother  before,  and  encouraged  bim  to  do  every  thing  courage- 
 ously and  with  alacrity,  wbicb  would  teach  them  to  be  afraid  of  disgrace,  and  to  fight  manfully; 
 and  so  he  dismissed  bim  to  fight  with  tbe  Atnnionites,  while  be  fell  upon  the  .Syrians.  And 
 though  they  made  a  strong  opposition  for  a  while,  Joab  slew  many  of  them,  and  compelled  the 
 rest  to  betake  themselves  to  flight;  wbicb,  when  the  Ammonites  saw,  and  were  withal  afraid  of 
 Abishai  and  his  army,  they  staid  no  longer,  but  imitated  their  auxiliaries,  and  fled  to  the  city.. 
 .So  Joab,  when  he  had  thus  overcome  tbe  enemy,  returned  with  great  joy  to  Jerusalem  to 
 the  king. 
 
 3.  Still  this  defeat  did  not  induce  the  Ammonites  to  be  quiet,  nor  to  acknowledge  as 
 superior  to  them  those  who  were  so,  but  they  sent  to  Chalaman  the  king  of  the  Syrians, 
 beyond  Euphrates,  and  hired  bim  for  an  auxiliary.  He  bad  Sbobach  for  the  captain  of  bis 
 host,  with  eighty  thousand  footmen,  and  ten  thousand  horsemen.  Now,  wben  tbe  king  of  the 
 Hebrews  understood  that  the  Ammonites  bad  again  gathered  so  great  an  army  together,  he 
 determined  to  make  war  with  them  no  longer  by  his  generals,  liut  be  passed  over  tbe  river 
 Jordan  himself  with  all  his  army;  and  wben  he  met  them  he  joined  battle  with  them,  and  over- 
 came them,  and  slew  forty  thousand  of  their  footmen,  and  seven  thousand  of  their  horsemen. 
 
 2  a 
 
186  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 He  also  wonnded  Sliobach,  the  general  of  Chalaman's  forces,  who  died  of  that  stroke  ;  but  the 
 people  of  Mesopotamia,  upon  such  a  conclusion  of  the  battle,  delivered  themselves  up  to 
 David,  and  sent  him  presents,  who  at  winter-time  returned  to  Jerusalem.  But  at  the  beginning 
 of  the  spring  he  sent  Joab,  the  captain  of  his  host,  to  fight  against  the  Ammonites ;  who 
 over-ran  all  their  country,  and  laid  it  waste,  and  shut  them  up  in  their  metropolis  Kab- 
 bah, and  besieged  them  therein. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  David  fell  in  love  with  Bathsheba,  and  sleio  her  Husband  Uriah,  for  which  he  is  reproved 
 
 by  Nathan. 
 
 §  1.  But  David  fell  now  into  a  very  grievous  sin,  though  he  were  otherwise  naturally  a 
 righteous  and  a  religious  man,  and  one  that  firmly  observed  the  laws  of  our  fathers :  for  when 
 late  in  an  evening  he  took  a  view  round  him  from  the  roof  of  his  royal  palace,  where  he  used 
 to  walk  at  that  hour,  lie  saw  a  woman  washing  herself  in  her  own  house  ;  she  was  one  of  extra- 
 ordinary beauty,  and  therein  surpassed  all  other  women  ;  her  name  was  Bathsheba.  So  he 
 was  overcome  by  that  woman's  beauty,  and  was  not  able  to  restrain  his  desires,  but  sent  for 
 her,  and  lay  with  her.  Hereupon  she  conceived  with  child,  and  sent  to  the  king,  that  he 
 should  contrive  some  way  for  concealing  her  sin,  (for  according  to  the  laws  of  their  fathers, 
 she,  who  had  been  guilty  of  adultery,  ought  to  be  put  to  death.)  So  the  king  sent  for  Joab's 
 armour-bearer  from  the  siege,  who  was  the  womau's  husband  ;  and  his  name  was  Uriah  :  and 
 when  he  was  come,  the  king  inquired  of  him  about  the  army,  and  about  the  siege,  and  when 
 he  had  made  answer,  that  all  their  aft'airs  went  according  to  their  wishes,  the  king  took  some 
 portions  of  meat  from  his  supper  and  gave  them  to  him,  and  bade  him  go  home  to  his  wife, 
 and  take  bis  rest  with  her.  Uriah  did  not  do  so,  but  slept  near  the  king,  with  the  rest  of  his 
 armour-bearers.  When  the  king  was  informed  of  this,  he  asked  him  why  he  did  not  go  home 
 to  his  house,  and  to  his  wife,  after  so  long  an  absence?  which  is  the  natural  custom  of  all  men, 
 when  they  come  from  a  long  journey.  He  replied,  that  it  was  not  right,  while  his  fellow- 
 soldiers,  and  the  general  of  the  army,  slept  upon  the  ground,  in  the  camp,  and  in  an  enemy's 
 country,  that  he  should  go  and  take  his  rest,  and  solace  himself  with  his  wife.  So  when  be 
 had  thus  replied,  the  king  ordered  him  to  stay  there  that  night,  that  he  might  dismiss  him  the 
 next  day  to  the  general.  So  the  king  invited  Uriah  to  the  supper,  and  after  a  cunning  and 
 dexterous  manner  plied  him  with  drink  at  supper,  till  he  was  thereby  disordered  ;  yet  did  he 
 nevertheless  sleep  at  the  king's  gates,  without  any  inclination  to  go  to  his  wife.  Upon  this  the 
 king  was  very  angry  at  him ;  and  wrote  to  Joab,  and  commanded  him  to  punish  Uriah,  for  he 
 told  him  that  he  had  olTended  him  ;  and  he  suggested  to  him  the  manner  in  which  he  would 
 liave  him  punished,  that  it  might  not  be  discovered  that  he  was  himself  the  author  of  this  his 
 punishment ;  for  he  charged  him  to  set  him  over  against  that  part  of  the  enemy's  army  where 
 the  attack  would  be  most  hazardous,  and  where  he  might  be  deserted,  and  be  in  the  greatest 
 jeopardy,  for  he  bade  him  order  his  fellow-soldiers  to  retire  out  of  the  fight.  When  he  had 
 written  this  to  him,  and  sealed  the  letter  with  his  own  seal,  he  gave  it  to  Uriah  to  carry  it  to 
 Joab.  When  Joab  had  received  it,  and  upon  reading  it  understood  the  king's  purpose,  he 
 set  Uriah  in  that  place  where  he  knew  the  enemy  would  be  most  troublesome  to  them  ;  and 
 gave  him  for  his  partners  some  of  the  best  soldiers  in  the  army;  and  said,  that  he  would  also 
 come  to  their  assistance  with  the  whole  army,  that  if  possible  they  might  break  down  some 
 part  of  the  wall,  and  enter  the  city.  And  he  desired  him  to  be  glad  of  the  opportunity  of 
 exposing  himself  to  such  pains,  and  not  to  be  displeased  at  it,  since  he  was  a  valiant  soldier, 
 and  had  a  great  reputation  for  his  valour,  both  with  the  king  and  with  his  countrymen.  And 
 when  Uriah  undertook  the  work  he  was  set  upon  with  alacrity,  he  gave  private  orders  to  those 
 ■who  were  to  be  his  companions,  that  when  they  saw  the  enemy  make  a  sally,  they  should  leave 
 him.  When,  therefore,  the  Hebrews  made  an  attack  upon  the  city,  the  Ammonites  were 
 afraid  that  the  enemy  might  prevent  them,  and  get  up  into  the  city,  and  this  at  the  very  place 
 whither  Uriah  was  ordered,  so  they  exposed  their  best  soldiers  to  be  in  the  fore-front,  and 
 opened  their  gates  suddenly,  and  fell  upon  the  enemy  with  great  vehemence,  and  ran  violently 
 upon  them.  Wheu  those  that  were  with  Uriah  saw  this,  they  all  retreated  backward,  as  Joab 
 had  directed  them  beforehand  ;  but  Uriah,  as  ashamed  to  run  away  and  leave  his  post,  sustained 
 the  enemy,  and  receiving  the  violence  of  their  onset,  he  slew  many  of  them,  but  being  encom- 
 passed around,  and  caught  in  the  midst  of  Iheni,  he  was  slain,  and  some  other  of  his  com- 
 panions were  slain  with  him. 
 
 2.  When  this  was  done,  Joab  sent  messengers  (o  the  king,  and  ordered  them  to  tell 
 Lim,  That  "  he  did  what  he  could  to  take  the  city  soon,  but  that,  as  they  made  an  assault  on 
 the  wall,  they  had  been  forced  to  retire  with  great  loss."  And  hid  them,  if  they  saw  the 
 king  was  angry  at  it,  to  add  this,  that  "Uriah  was  slain  also."  When  the  king  bad  heard 
 this  of  the  messengers,  he  took  it  heinously,  and  said,  That  "  they  did  wrong  when  they 
 assaulted  the  wall,  whereas  they  ought,  by  undermining  and  other  stratagems  of  war,  to  en- 
 deavour the  taking  of  the  city,  especially  when  they  had  before  their  eyes  the  example  of 
 Abimelech,  the  son  of  Gideon,  who  would  needs  take  the  tower  of  Thebes  by  force,  and  was 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.    VII.  187 
 
 killed  by  a  large  stone  tlnown  at  him  by  an  old  woman  ;  and  althougb  be  was  a  man  of  great 
 prowess,  he  died  ignominiouslj  by  the  dangerous  manner  of  bis  assault :  that  they  should 
 remember  this  accident,  and  not  come  near  the  enemy's  wall,  for  that  the  best  method  of  iiiak 
 ing  war  with  success  was  to  call  to  mind  the  accidents  of  former  wars,  and  what  good  or  bad 
 success  had  attended  them  in  the  like  dangerous  cases,  that  so  they  might  imitate  the  one,  and 
 avoid  the  other."  But  when  the  king  was  in  this  disposition,  the  messenger  told  him,  that 
 Uriah  was  slain  also,  whereupon  ho  was  pacified.  So  be  bid  the  messenger  t;o  back  to  Joab 
 and  tell  him,  that  "  this  misfortune  is  no  other  than  what  is  common  among  mankind,  and 
 that  such  is  the  nature  and  such  the  accidents  of  war  ;  insomuch,  thut  sometimes  the  enemy 
 will  have  success  therein,  and  sometimes  others,  but  that  be  ordered  him  to  go  on  still  in  his 
 care  about  the  siege,  that  no  ill  accident  might  befall  him  in  it  hereafter;  that  they  should 
 raise  bulwarks,  and  use  machines  in  besieging  the  city;  and  when  they  had  gotten  it,  to 
 overturn  its  very  foundations,  and  to  destroy  all  those  that  are  in  it."  Accordingly  the  mes- 
 senger carried  the  king's  message  with  which  he  was  charged,  and  made  haste  to  Joab.  But 
 Bathsheha,  the  wife  of  Uriah,  when  she  was  informed  of  the  deatii  of  her  husband,  mourned 
 for  his  death  many  days  ;  and  when  her  mourning  was  over,  and  the  tears  which  she  shed 
 for  Uriah  were  dried  up,  the  king  took  her  to  wife  presently,  and  a  son  was  born  to  him 
 by  her. 
 
 3.  With  this  marriage  God  was  not  well  pleased,  but  was  thereupon  angry  at  David  ;  and 
 he  appeared  to  Nathan  the  prophet  in  his  sleep,  and  complained  of  the  king.  Now  Nathan 
 was  a  fair  and  prudent  man  ;  and  considering  that  kings,  when  they  fall  into  a  passion,  are 
 guided  more  by  that  passion  than  they  are  by  justice,  be  resolved  to  conceal  the  threatenings 
 that  proceeded  from  God,  and  made  a  good-natured  discourse  to  liim,  and  this  after  the  man- 
 ner following  :  He  desired  that  the  king  would  give  him  his  opinion  in  the  following  case  : 
 "  There  were,  (said  he,)  two  men  inhabiting  the  same  city,  the  one  of  them  was  rich,  and  [the 
 other  poor  ;]  the  rich  man  bad  a  great  many  flocks  of  cattle,  of  sheep,  and  of  kiue,  but  the 
 poor  man  bad  but  one  ewe  lamb  ;  this  be  brought  up  with  his  children,  and  let  her  eat  her 
 food  with  them,  and  he  had  the  same  natural  ali'ection  for  her  which  any  one  might  have  for 
 a  daughter.  Now  upon  the  coming  of  a  stranger  to  the  rich  man,  he  would  not  vouchsafe  to 
 kill  any  of  his  own  Hooks,  and  thence  feast  his  friend,  but  he  sent  for  the  poor  man's  lamb, 
 and  took  her  away  from  him,  and  made  her  ready  for  food,  and  thence  feasted  the  stranger." 
 This  discourse  troubled  the  king  exceedingly  ;  and  he  denounced  to  Nathan,  that  "  this  man 
 was  a  wicked  man,  who  could  dare  to  do  such  a  thing;  and  that  it  was  but  just  that  he  should 
 restore  the  lamb  fourfold,  and  be  punished  with  death  for  it  also."  Upon  this  Nathan  irume- 
 diately  said,  that  "  he  was  himself  the  man  who  ought  to  sufl'er  those  punishments,  and  that 
 by  his  own  sentence,  and  that  it  was  he  who  had  perpetrated  this  great  and  horrid  crime.  He 
 also  revealed  to  him,  and  laid  before  him,  the  anger  of  God  against  him,  who  had  made  him 
 king  over  the  army  of  the  Hebrews,  and  lord  of  all  the  nations,  and  those  many  and  great 
 nations  round  about  him;  who  had  formerly  delivered  him  out  of  the  hands  of  Saul,  and  had 
 given  him  such  wives  as  he  had  justly  and  legally  married  ;  and  now  this  God  was  despised 
 by  him,  and  aflVonted  by  his  impiety,  when  he  bad  married,  and  now  bad  another  man's  wife  ; 
 and  by  exposing  her  husband  to  the  enemy,  had  really  slain  bira  ;  that  God  woold  inflict 
 punishments  upon  him  on  account  of  those  instances  of  wickedness  ;  that  his  own  wives  should 
 be  forced  by  one  of  bis  sons  ;  and  that  he  should  be  treacherously  supplanted  by  the  same 
 son  ;  and  that  althongh  he  bed  perpetrated  his  wickedness  secretly,  yet  should  that  punish- 
 ment which  he  was  to  undergo  be  indicted  i)ublicly  upon  him  ;  that  moreover,  said  he,  the 
 child  which  was  born  to  thee  of  her,  shall  soon  die."  When  the  king  was  troubled  at  these 
 messages,  and  sufliciently  confounded,  and  said  with  tears  and  sorrow,  that  be  bad  sinned, 
 (for  he  was  without  controversy  a  pious  man,  and  guilty  of  no  sin  at  all  in  his  whole  life, 
 excepting  those  in  the  matter  of  Uriah,)  God  had  compassion  on  him,  and  was  reconciled  to 
 bim,  and  promised  that  he  would  preserve  to  him  both  his  life  and  his  kingdom  :  for  he  said, 
 (hat  "  seeing  he  repented  of  the  things  he  bad  done,  he  was  no  longer  displeased  with  bim." 
 So  Nathan,  when  he  had  delivered  this  prophecy  to  the  king,  returned  home. 
 
 4.  However,  God  sent  a  dangerous  distemper  upon  the  child  that  was  born  to  David  of  the 
 wife  of  Uriah  ;  at  which  the  king  was  troubled,  and  did  not  take  any  food  for  seven  days, 
 althongh  his  servants  almost  forced  him  to  take  it  ;  but  be  clothed  himself  in  a  black  garment, 
 and  fell  down,  and  lay  upon  the  ground  in  sackcloth,  entreating  God  for  the  recovery  of  the 
 child,  for  he  vehemently  loved  the  child's  mother.  But  when,  on  the  seventii  day,  the  child 
 was  dead,  the  king's  servants  durst  not  tell  him  of  it,  as  supposing  that  when  he  knew  it,  he 
 would  still  less  admit  of  food,  and  other  care  of  himself,  by  reason  of  his  grief  at  the  death  of 
 bis  son,  since,  when  the  child  was  only  sick,  be  so  greatly  afflicted  himself,  and  grieved  for 
 him.  But  when  the  king  perceived  that  bis  servants  were  in  disorder,  and  seemed  to  be 
 affected,  as  those  are  who  are  very  desirous  to  conceal  something,  he  understood  that  the 
 child  was  dead  ;  and  when  be  had  called  one  of  his  servants  to  him,  and  discovered  that  so  it 
 was,  he  arose  up  and  washed  himself,  and  took  a  white  garment,  and  came  into  the  taber- 
 r  cle  of  God.  He  also  commanded  them  to  set  snpi)er  before  him  ;  and  thereby  greatly  sur- 
 prised bis  kindred  and  servants,  while  he  did  nothing  of  this  when  the  child  was  sick,  but  did 
 
188  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 it  all  when  he  was  dead.  Whereupon,  having  first  begged  leave  to  ask  him  a  question,  they 
 besought  him  to  tell  them  the  reason  of  this  his  conduct ;  be  then  caJled  them  unskilful  peo- 
 ple ;  and  instructed  them  how  he  had  hopes  of  the  recovery  of  the  child  while  it  was  alive, 
 and  accordingly  "  did  all  that  was  projier  for  him  to  do,  as  thinking  by  such  means  to  ren- 
 der God  propitious  to  him,  but  that  when  the  child  was  dead,  there  was  no  longer  any  occa- 
 sion for  grief,  which  was  then  to  no  purpose."  When  he  had  said  this,  they  commended 
 the  king's  wisdom  and  understanding.  He  then  went  in  unto  Bathsbeba  his  wife,  and 
 she  conceived  and  bare  a  son,  and,  by  the  command  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  called  his  name 
 Solomon. 
 
 8.  But  Joab  sorely  distressed  the  Ammonites  in  the  siege,  by  cutting  off  their  waters,  and 
 depriving  them  of  other  means  of  subsistence  ;  till  they  were  in  the  greatest  want  of  meat  and 
 drink  ;  for  they  depended  only  on  one  small  well  of  water,  and  this  they  durst  not  drink  of 
 too  freelv,  lest  the  fountain  should  entirely  fail  them.  So  he  wrote  to  the  king,  and  informed 
 liiin  thereof;  and  persuaded  him  to  come  himself  to  take  the  city,  that  he  might  have  the 
 honour  of  tiie  victory.  Upon  this  letter  of  Joab's,  the  king  accepted  of  his  good-will  and 
 fidelity,  and  took  with  him  his  army,  and  came  to  the  destruction  of  Rabbah  ;  and  when  he 
 Lad  taken  it  by  force,  he  gave  it  to  his  soldiers  to  plunder  it ;  but  he  himself  took  the  king  of 
 the  Ammonites'  crown,  whose  weight  was  a  talent  of  gold,*  and  it  had  in  its  middle  a  pre- 
 cious stone  called  a  sardonyx  :  which  crown  David  ever  after  wore  on  his  own  head.  He 
 also  found  many  other  vessels  in  the  city,  and  those  both  splendid  and  of  great  price  ;  but  as 
 for  the  men  he  tormented  them,t  and  then  destroyed  them  :  and  when  he  had  taken  the  other 
 cities  of  the  Ammonites  by  force,  he  treated  them  after  the  same  manner. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Hoiv  Absalom  murdered  Amnon,  who  had  forced  his  otcn  Sister,  and  how  lie  was  banished,  and^ ^ 
 afterwards  recalled  by  David.  '  . 
 
 §  1.  When  the  king  was  returned  to  Jernsalem,  a  sad  misfortune  befell  his  house,  on  the 
 occasion  following  :  He  had  a  daughter,  who  was  yet  a  virgin,  and  very  handsome,  insomuch 
 that  she  surpassed  all  the  most  beautiful  women  ;  her  name  was  Tamar  :  she  had  the  same 
 mother  with  Absalom.  Now  Amnon,  David's  eldest  son,  fell  in  love  with  her,  and  being  not 
 able  to  obtain  his  desires,  on  account  of  her  virginity,  and  the  custody  she  was  under,  was 
 much  out  of  order ;  nay,  his  grief  so  ate  up  his  body,  that  he  grew  lean,  and  his  colour  was 
 changed.  Now  there  was  one  Jonadab,  a  kinsman  and  friend  of  his,  who  discovered  this  bis 
 passion,  for  he  was  an  extraordinary  wise  man,  and  of  great  sagacity  of  mind.  When  there- 
 fore he  saw  that  every  morning  Amnon  was  not  in  body  as  he  ought  to  be,  he  came  to  him, 
 and  desired  him  to  tell  him  what  was  ihe  cause  of  it  :  liowever,  he  said,  that  he  guessed  that 
 it  arose  from  the  passion  of  love.  Amnon  confessed  his  passion,  that  he  was  in  love  with  a 
 sister  of  his,  who  had  the  same  father  with  himself.  So  Jonadab  suggested  to  him  by  what 
 method  and  contrivance  he  might  obtain  his  desires  ;  for  he  persuaded  him  to  pretend  sick- 
 ness, and  bade  him,  when  his  father  should  come  to  him,  to  beg  of  him  that  his  sister  might 
 come  and  minister  to  him,  for  if  that  were  done,  he  should  be  better  ;  and  should  quickly  re- 
 cover from  his  distemper.  So  Amnon  lay  down  on  his  bed,  and  pretended  to  be  sick,  as  Jona- 
 dab had  suggested.  When  his  father  came,  and  inquired  how  he  did,  he  begged  of  him  to 
 send  his  sister  to  him.  Accordingly  he  i)resently  ordered  her  to  be  brought  to  him;  and  when 
 she  was  come,  Amnon  bade  her  make  cakes  for  him,  and  fry  them  in  a  pan,  and  do  it  all  with 
 her  own  hands,  because  he  should  take  them  better  from  her  hand  [than  from  any  one's  else.] 
 So  she  kneaded  the  flour  in  the  sight  of  her  brother,  and  made  him  cakes,  and  baked  them  in 
 a  pan,  and  brought  them  to  him ;  but  at  that  time  he  would  not  taste  them,  but  gave  order  to 
 his  servants  to  send  ail  that  were  there  out  of  his  chamber,  bef  ause  he  had  a  mind  to  repose 
 himself,  free  from  tumult  and  distmb.mce.  As  soon  as  what  lie  had  commanded  was  done, 
 he  desired  his  sister  to  bring  his  supper  to  him  into  the  inner  parlour  ;  which,  when  the  dam- 
 sel had  done,  he  took  hold  of  her,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  her  to  lie  with  him.  Where- 
 upon the  damsel  cried  out,  and  said,  "  Nay,  brother,  do  not  force  me,  nor  be  so  wicked  as 
 to  transgress  the  laws,  and  liring  upon  thyself  the  utmost  confusion.  Curb  this  thy  unright- 
 eous and  impure  lust,  from  which  our  house  will  get  nothing  but  reproach  and  disgrace."  She 
 also  advised  him  to  speak  to  his  father  about  this  affair,  for  he  would  permit  him  [to  marry 
 
 •  That  a  talent  of  gold  was  about  711).  weight,  see  the  description  of  the  temples,  chap.  xiii.  Nor  could 
 Josephus  well  estimate  it  higher,  since  he  here  says  that  David  wore  it  on  his  head  perpetually. 
 
 +  Whether  Josephus  saw  the  words  of  our  copies,  2  Sara.  xii.  .31.  and  IChron.  xx.  3.  that  David  'put' the 
 inhabitants,  or  at  least  the  garriso  of  1-iabbah,  and  the  other  Ammonite  cities,  which  he  besieged  and  took, 
 '  under,  or  cut  them  with  saws,  and  under,  or  with  harrows  of  iron,  and  under,  or  with  axes  of  iron,  and  made 
 them  pass  through  the  biiclc  kiln,  is  not  here  directly  expressed.  If  he  saw  them,  as  it  is  most  probable  he  did, 
 he  certainly  expounded  them  of  torraentinsr  these  Ammonites  to  death,  who  were  none  of  those  seven  nations 
 of  Canaan,  whose  wickedness  had  rendered  them  incapable  of  mercy;  otherwise  1  should  be  inclinable  to 
 think,  that  the  meanintr,  at  least  as  the  words  are  in  Samuel,  might  only  be  this,  that  they  were  made  the 
 lowest  slaves,  to  work  in  sawinjf  timber  or  stone,  in  harrowing  the  fields,  in  hewing  timber,  in  making  and 
 l)urnim^  bricks,  and  tlic  like  hard  services,  but  without  taking  away  their  lives.  We  nevtr  elsewhere,  that  I 
 reuieniber,  meet  with  such  methods  of  cruelty  in  putting  men  to  death  in  all  the  Bible,  or  i;i  a/iy  other  ancient 
 history  wbiitsoevcr:  uor  do  the  words  in  Samuel  seem  naturally  to  refer  to  any  such  thiuft. 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.    VIII.  189 
 
 her.]  This  she  said,  as  desirous  to  avoid  her  brother's  violent  passion  at  present.  But  he 
 would  not  yield  to  her,  but,  inflamed  with  love,  and  blinded  with  the  vehemency  of  his  passion, 
 he  forced  his  sister:  but  as  soon  as  Amnon  had  satisfied  his  lust,  he  hated  her  immediately,  and 
 giving  her  reproachful  words,  bade  her  rise  up  and  be  gone.  And  when  she  said,  That  "  this 
 was  a  more  injurious  treatment  than  the  former,  if,  now  he  had  forced  her,  he  would  not  let 
 her  stay  with  him  til!  the  evening,  but  bid  her  go  away  in  the  daytime,  and  while  it  was 
 light,  that  she  might  meet  with  people  that  would  be  witnesses  of  her  shame,"  he  commanded 
 liis  servant  to  turn  her  out  of  his  house.  Whereupon  she  was  sorely  grieved  at  the  injury 
 and  violence  that  had  been  ofl'ered  to  her,  and  rent  her  loose  coat,  [for  the  virgins  of  old  time 
 wore  such  loose  coats  tied  at  the  hands,  and  let  down  to  the  ankles,  that  the  inner  coats  might 
 not  be  seen,]  and  sprinkled  ashes  on  her  head  ;  and  went  up  the  middle  of  the  city,  crying 
 out,  and  lamenting,  for  the  violence  that  had  been  oilered  her.  Now,  Absalom  her  brother 
 happened  to  meet  her,  and  asked  her.  What  sad  thing  had  befallen  her,  that  she  was  in  that 
 plight?  and  wlien  she  had  told  him  what  injury  had  been  ofl'ered  her,  he  comforted  her,  and 
 desired  her  to  be  quiet,  and  to  lake  all  patiently,  and  not  to  esteem  her  being  corrupted  by 
 her  brother  as  an  injury.  So  she  yielded  to  his  advice,  and  left  oil'  her  crying  out,  and  dis- 
 covering the  force  offered  her  to  the  multitude  :  and  she  continued  as  u  widow  with  her  bro- 
 ther Absalom  a  long  time. 
 
 2.  When  David  his  father  knew  this,  he  was  grieved  at  the  actions  of  Amnon;  but  be- 
 cause he  had  an  extraordinary  aft'ection  for  him,  for  he  was  his  eldest  son,  he  was  compelled 
 not  to  aHlict  him  :  but  Absalom  watched  for  a  fit  opportunity  of  revenging  this  crime  upon 
 him,  for  lie  thoroughly  hated  him.  Now  the  second  year  after  this  wicked  all'air  about  his  sister 
 was  over,  and  Absalom  was  about  to  go  to  shear  his  own  sheep  at  Baalhazor,  which  is  a  city 
 in  the  portion  of  Ephraim,  he  besought  his  father,  as  well  as  his  brethren,  to  come  and  feast 
 with  him  :  But  when  David  excused  himsell',  as  not  being  willing  to  be  burdensome  to  him, 
 Absalom  desired  he  would  however  send  his  brethren  ;  whom  he  did  send  accordingly.  Then 
 Absalom  charged  his  own  servants,  that  when  they  should  see  Amnon  disordered  and  drowsy 
 with  wine,  and  he  should  give  thera  a  signal,  they  should  fear  nobody,  but  kill  him. 
 
 3.  When  they  had  done  as  they  were  commanded,  the  rest  of  his  brethren  were  astonished 
 and  disturbed,  and  were  afraid  for  themselves,  so  they  immediately  got  on  horseback,  and 
 rode  away  to  their  father:  but  somebody  there  was  who  prevented  them,  and  told  their  father 
 they  were  all  slain  by  Absaloia  ;  whereupon  he  was  overcome  with  sorrow,  as  for  so  many  of 
 liis  sons  that  were  destroyed  at  once,  and  that  by  their  brother  also  ;  and  by  this  considera- 
 tion, that  it  was  their  brother  that  appeared  to  have  slain  them,  he  aggravated  his  sorrow  for 
 them.  So  he  neither  inquired  what  was  the  cause  of  this  slaughter,  nor  stayed  to  hear  any 
 thing  else,  which  yet  it  was  but  reasonable  to  have  done,  when  so  very  great,  and  by  that 
 greatness  so  incredible  a  misfortune  was  related  to  him,  but  rent  his  clothes,  and  threw 
 himself  upon  the  ground,  and  there  lay,  lamenting  the  loss  of  all  his  sons,  both  those  who,  as 
 he  was  informed,  were  slain,  and  of  him  who  slew  them.  But  Jonadab,  the  son  of  his  bro- 
 ther Shimeah,  entreated  him  not  indulge  his  sorrow  so  far,  for  as  to  the  rest  of  his  sous  he 
 did  not  believe  that  they  were  slain,  for  he  found  no  cause  for  such  a  suspicion  ;  but  he  said 
 it  might  deserve  inquiry  as  to  Amnon,  for  it  was  not  unlikely  that  Absalom  might  venture 
 to  kill  him  on  account  of  the  injnry  he  had  ofl'ered  to  Taniar.  In  the  mean  time,  a  great  noise 
 of  horses,  and  a  tumult  of  some  jieople  that  were  coming,  turned  their  attention  to  them  ;  they 
 were  the  king's  sons,  who  were  fled  away  from  the  feast.  So  their  father  met  them  as  they 
 were  in  their  grief,  and  he  himself  grieved  with  them  ;  but  it  was  more  than  he  expected 
 to  see  those  his  sons  again,  whom  he  had  a  little  before  heard  to  have  perished.  However, 
 there  were  tears  on  both  sides  ;  they  lamenting  their  brother  who  was  killed,  and  the  king 
 lamenting  his  son,  who  was  killed,  also  :  but  Absalom  fled  to  Geshur,  to  his  grandfather  by 
 his  mother's  side,  who  was  king  of  that  country,  and  he  remained  with  him  three  whole  years. 
 
 4.  Now  David  had  a  design  to  send  to  Absalom,  not  that  he  should  come  to  be  punished, 
 but  that  he  might  be  with  him,  for  the  ef.'ecfs  of  his  anger  were  abated  by  length  of  time.  It 
 was  Joab  the  cai)t.iiii  of  his  host,  that  chiefly  persuaded  him  so  to  do  ;  for  he  suborned  an 
 ordinary  woman,  that  was  stricken  in  age,  to  go  to  the  king  in  mourning  apparel,  who  said 
 thus  to  him  :  "  That  two  of  her  sons,  in  a  coarse  wav,  had  some  difl'erence  between  them,  and 
 that  in  the  progress  of  that  difl'erence  they  came  to  an  open  quarrel,  and  that  one  was  smitten 
 by  the  other,  and  was  dead  ;  and  she  desired  him  to  interpose  in  this  case,  and  to  do  her  the 
 favour  to  save  this  her  son  from  her  kindred,  who  were  very  zealous  to  have  him  that  had 
 slain  his  brother  put  to  death  ;  that  so  she  might  not  be  farther  deprived  of  the  hopes  she  hiid 
 of  being  taken  care  of  in  her  old  age  by  him,  and  that  if  he  would  hinder  this  slaughter  of  her 
 son  by  those  that  wished  for  it,  he  would  do  her  a  great  favour,  because  the  kindred  would  not 
 be  restrained  from  their  purpose  by  any  thing  else  than  by  the  fear  of  him."  And  when  the  king 
 had  given  his  consent  to  what  the  woman  had  begged  of  him,  she  made  this  reply  to  him  :  "  I 
 owe  thee  thanks  for  thy  benignity  to  me  in  pitying  my  old  age,  and  preventing  the  loss  of  my 
 only  remaining  child  :  but  in  order  to  assure  me  of  this  thy  kindness,  be  first  reconciled  to 
 thine  own  son,  and  cease  to  be  angry  with  him  ;  for  how  shall  1  persuade  myself  that  thou 
 liast  really  bestowed  this  favour  upon  me,  while  thou  thyself  conlinuesl  after  the  like  manner 
 
19d  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 io  thy  wrath  to  thine  own  son  ?  for  it  is  a  foolish  thing  to  add  wilfully  another  to  thy  dead 
 son,  while  the  death  of  the  other  was  brought  about  without  thy  own  consent."  And  now  the 
 king  perceived  tliat  this  pretended  story  was  a  subornation  derived  from  Joab,  and  was  of  hb 
 contrivance  ;  and  wben,  upon  inquiry  of  the  old  woman,  he  understood  it  to  be  so  in  reality, 
 he  coiled  for  Joab,  and  told  him  he  had  obtained  what  he  requested  according  to  his  own 
 mind  ;  and  he  bade  hira  bring  Absalom  back,  for  he  was  not  now  displeased,  but  had  already 
 ceased  to  be  angry  with  him.  So  Joab  bowed  himself  down  to  the  king,  and  took  his  words 
 kindly,  and  went  immediately  to  Geshur,  and  took  Absalom  with  him,  and  came  to  Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 5.  However,  the  king  sent  a  message  to  his  son  beforehand,  as  be  was  coming,  and  com- 
 manded him  to  retire  to  his  own  house,  for  he  was  not  yet  in  sucli  a  disposition  as  to  think  fit 
 at  present  to  see  him.  Accordingly,  upon  his  father's  command,  he  avoided  coming  into  his 
 presence,  and  contented  himself  with  the  respects  paid  him  by  his  own  family  only.  Now,  his 
 beauty  was  not  impaired,  either  by  the  grief  he  had  been  under,  or  by  the  want  of  such  care 
 as  was  proper  to  be  taken  of  a  king's  son,  for  he  still  surpassed  and  excelled  all  men  in  the 
 tallness  of  bis  body,  and  was  more  eminent  [in  a  fine  appearance]  than  those  that  dieted  the 
 most  luxuriously,  and  indeed  such  was  the  thickness  of  the  hair  of  his  head,  that  it  was  with 
 difiiculty  that  he  was  polled  every  eighth  day  :  and  his  hair  weighed  two  hundred  shekels,* 
 which  are  five  pounds.  However,  he  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  two  years,  and  became  the  father 
 of  three  sons,  and  one  daughter  ;  which  daughter  was  of  very  great  beauty,  and  whom  Reho- 
 boam,  the  son  of  Solomon,  took  to  wife  afterward,  and  had  by  her  a  son  named  Abijah.  But 
 Absalom  sent  to  Joab,  and  desired  him  to  pacify  his  father  entirely  towards  him  ;  and  to 
 beseech  him  to  give  hira  leave  to  come  to  him  to  see  him,  and  speak  with  him.  But  when 
 Joab  neglected  to  do  so,  he  sent  some  of  bis  own  servants,  and  set  fire  to  the  field  adjoining  - 
 to  hiui ;  which,  when  Joab  understood,  he  came  to  Absalom,  and  accused  him  of  what  he  had 
 done;  and  asked  him  the  reason  why  he  did  so?  To  which  Absalom  replied,  "  I  have 
 found  out  this  stratagem  that  might  bring  thee  to  us,  while  thou  hast  taken  no  care  to  perform 
 the  injunction  I  laid  upon  thee,  which  was  this,  to  reconcile  my  father  to  me :  and  I  really 
 beg  it  of  thee,  now  thou  art  here,  to  pacify  my  father  as  to  me,  since  I  esteem  my  coming 
 hither  to  be  more  grievous  than  my  banishment,  while  my  father's  wrath  against  me  con- 
 tinues." Hereby  Joab  was  persuaded,  and  pitied  the  distress  that  Absalom  was  in,  and  be- 
 came an  intercessor  with  the  king  for  hira.  And  wl^en  he  had  discoursed  with  his  father,  he 
 soon  brought  him  to  that  amicable  disposition  towards  Absalom,  that  he  presently  sent  for 
 Lim  to  come  to  hira  ;  and  when  he  had  cast  himself  down  upon  the  ground,  and  had  begged 
 for  the  forgiveness  of  his  offences,  the  king  raised  hira  up,  and  promised  him  to  forget  what 
 Le  had  formerly  done. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Insurrection  of  Absalom  against  David;  and  concerning  Ahithophel  and  Hushai; 
 
 and  concerning  Ziba  and  Shimei;  and  hoiv  Ahithophel  hanged  himself, 
 
 §  Now  Absalom,  upon  this  success  with  the  king,  procured  to  himself  a  great  many  horses,  aud 
 many  chariots,  and  that  in  a  little  time  also.  He  had  moreover  fifty  armour-bearers  that  were 
 about  him  ;  and  he  came  early  every  day  to  the  king's  palace,  and  spake  what  was  agreeable 
 to  such  as  came  for  justice,  and  lost  their  causes,  as  if  that  happened  for  want  of  good  coun- 
 sellors about  the  king,  or  perhaps  because  the  judges  mistook  in  that  unjust  sentence  they 
 gave;  whereby  he  gained  the  good-will  of  them  all.  He  told  them,  that  had  he  but  such 
 authority  committed  to  him,  he  would  distribute  justice  to  them  in  a  most  equitable  manner. 
 When  he  had  made  himself  so  popular  among  the  multitude,  he  thought  he  had  already  the 
 good-will  of  the  people  secured  to  him;  but  when  four  years  had  passed  since  his  father's 
 reconciliation  to  him,t  he  came  to  him,  and  besought  him  to  give  him  leave  to  go  to  Hebron, 
 and  pay  a  sacrifice  to  God,  because  he  vowed  it  to  him  when  he  fled  out  of  the  country.  So 
 when  David  had  granted  his  request,  he  went  thither,  and  great  multitudes  came  running  toge^- 
 ther  to  him,  for  he  had  sent  to  a  great  number  so  to  do. 
 
 2.  Among  them  came  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,  a  counsellor  of  David,  and  two  hundred 
 men  out  of  Jerusalem  itself,  who  knew  not  his  intentions,  but  were  sent  for  as  to  a  sacrifice. 
 So  he  was  appointed  king  by  all  of  them,  wliich  he  obtained  by  this  stratagem.  As  soon  as 
 tl>is  news  was  brought  to  David,  and  he  was  informed  of  what  he  did  not  expect  from  his  son, 
 he  was  aflVighted  at  this  his  impious  and  bold  undertaking,  and  wondered  that  he  was  so  far 
 fiom  remembering  how  his  offence  had  been  so  lately  forgiven  him,  that  he  undertook  much 
 
 •  Of  this  -weiiiht  of  Absalom's  hair,  how  in  twenty  or  thirty  years  it  might  well  amount  to  200  shekels,  or  to 
 somewhat  above  61b.  avoirduiiois,  see  the  Literal  Accomplishment  of  Prophecies,  p.  77,  7H.  But  a  late  very 
 judicious  author  thinks  that  the  LXXII.  meant  not  its  '  sveipht'  but  its  '  yalue'  was  200  shekels.  Dr.  Wall's 
 critical  notes  on  the  Old  restament,  uiion  2  Sam.  xiv.  26.  It  does  not  appear  what  was  Josejihus's  opinion  :  he 
 gets  the  text  down  linnestly  as  he  found  it  in  his  copies,  only  he  thought,  that  'at  the  end  of  days,'  when 
 Absalom  polled  or  weighed  his  hair  was  '  once  a  week.' 
 
 ■t  This  is  one  of  the  best  corrections  that  Josephus's  copy  affords  us  of  a  text  that  in  our  ordinary  copies  is 
 grossly  corrupted.  They  say,  that  this  rebellion  of  /Xbsalom  was  forty  years  after  what  went  before,  (of  his 
 reconciliation  to  his  father,)  whereas  the  series  of  the  histoi-y  shews  it  could  not  be  more  than  'four'  years 
 after  it,  as  here  in  .losephus;  whose  number  is  directly  confirmed  by  that  copy  of  the  Septuagint  version 
 whence  the  Armenian  trnaslatiou  was  made,  which  gives  us  the  small  number  of  four  years. 
 
BOOK  VII.-CHAP.  IX.  191 
 
 worse  and  more  wicked  enterprises;  first  to  deprive  him  of  that  kingdom  which  was  give?  Iiim 
 of  God ;  aud  secondly,  to  take  away  his  own  father's  life.  He  therefore  resolved  to  Ily  Jo  the 
 parts  beyond  Jordan  :  so  he  called  his  most  intimate  friends  together,  and  coniniunicated  to 
 them  all  that  he  heard  of  his  son's  madness.  He  committed  himself  to  God,  to  judge  between 
 them  about  all  their  actions ;  and  left  the  care  of  his  royal  palace  to  liis  ton  concubines,  and 
 went  away  from  Jerusalem,  being  willingly  accompanied  by  the  rest  of  the  multitude ;  v/ho 
 went  hastily  away  with  him,  and  particularly  by  those  six  hundred  armed  men,  who  had  been 
 with  him  from  his  first  llight  in  the  days  of  Saul.  Bat  he  persuaded  Abiathar,  and  Zadok,  the 
 high  priests,  who  had  determined  to  go  away  with  him,  as  also  all  the  Levites,  who  were  with 
 the  ark,  to  stay  behind,  as  hoping  that  God  would  deliver  him  without  its  removal :  but  he 
 charged  them  to  let  him  know  privately  how  all  things  went  on  :  and  he  had  their  sons, 
 Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok,  and  Jonathan  the  son  of  Abiatbar,for  faithful  ministers  in  all  things; 
 but  Ittai  the  Gittite  went  out  with  him  whether  David  would  let  him  or  not,  for  he  would 
 have  persuaded  him  to  stay,  and  on  that  account  he  appeared  the  most  friendly  to  him.  But 
 as  he  was  ascending  the  mount  of  Olives  barefooted,  and  all  his  company  were  in  tears,  it  was 
 told  him  that  Ahithophel  was  with  Absalom,  and  was  of  his  side.  This  hearing  augmented  his 
 grief:  and  he  besought  God  earnestly  to  alienate  the  mind  of  Absalom  from  Ahithophel,  for  he 
 was  afraid  that  he  should  persuade  him  to  follow  his  pernicious  counsel,  for  he  was  a  prudent 
 man.  and  very  sharp  in  seeing  what  was  advantageous.  When  David  was  gotten  upon  the 
 top  of  the  mountain  he  took  a  view  of  the  city  ;  and  prayed  to  God  with  abundance  of  tears,  as 
 having  alreadv  lost  his  kingdom :  and  here  it  was  that  a  faithful  friend  of  his,  whose  name  was 
 Hushai,  met  him.  When  David  saw  him  with  his  clothes  rent,  and  having  ashes  all  over  his 
 bead,  and  in  lamentation  for  the  great  change  of  affairs,  he  comforted  him,  and  exhorted  him 
 to  leave  olY  grieving  ;  nay,  at  length  he  besought  him  to  go  back  to  Absalom,  and  appear  as 
 one  of  his  party,  and  to  lish  out  the  secretest  counsels  of  his  mind,  and  to  contradict  the 
 counsels  of  Ahithophel,  for  that  he  could  not  do  himself  so  much  good  by  being  with  him  as 
 he  might  by  being  with  Absalom.  So  he  was  prevailed  on  by  David,  and  left  him,  and  came 
 to  Jerusalem,  whither  Absalom  himself  came  also  a  little  while  afterward. 
 
 3.  When  David  was  gone  a  little  further,  there  met  him  Ziba,  the  servant  of  Mephiboshetb, 
 (whom  he  had  sent  to  take  care  of  the  possessions  which  had  been  given  him,  as  tlie  son  of 
 Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul,)  with  a  couple  of  asses,  laden  with  provisions,  and  de^iired  him  to 
 take  as  much  of  them  as  he  and  his  followers  stood  in  need  of.  And  when  the  king  asked  him 
 where  he  had  left  Mephiboshetb?  he  said,  "  He  had  left  him  in  Jerusalem,  expecting  to  be 
 chosen  king  in  the  present  confusions,  in  remembrance  of  the  benefits  Saul  had  conferred  upon 
 them."  At  this  the  king  had  great  indignation,  and  gave  to  Ziba  all  that  he  had  formerly 
 bestowed  on  Mephiboshetb  ;  for  he  determined  that  it  was  much  fitter  that  he  should  have  them 
 than  the  other ;  at  which  Ziba  greatly  rejoiced. 
 
 4.  When  David  was  at  Bahurim,  a  place  so  called,  there  came  out  a  kinsman  of  Saul's, 
 whose  name  was  Sliimei,  and  threw  stones  at  him,  and  gave  him  reproachful  words:  and  as 
 his  friends  stood  about  the  king  and  protected  him,  be  persevered  still  more  in  his  reproaches, 
 and  called  him  a  bloody  man,  and  the  author  of  all  sorts  of  mischief.  He  bade  him  also  *'  go 
 out  of  the  land  as  an  impure  and  accursed  wretch,  and  he  thanked  God  for  depriving  him  of  his 
 kingdom,  and  causing  him  to  be  punished  for  what  injuries  he  had  done  to  his  master  [Saul, 3 
 and  this  by  the  means  of  his  own  son."  Now  when  they  were  all  provoked  ;igainst  him,  and 
 angry  at  him,  and  particularly  Abishai,  who  had  a  mind  to  kill  Shimei,  David  restrained  his 
 anger,  "  Let  us  not,  said  he,  bring  upon  ourselves  another  fresh  misfortune  to  those  we  have 
 already,  for  truly  I  have  not  the  least  regard  or  concern  for  this  dog  that  raves  at  me :  I  sub- 
 mit myself  to  God,  by  whose  permission  this  man  treats  me  in  such  a  wild  manner ;  nor  is  it 
 any  wonder  that  I  am  obliged  to  undergo  these  abuses  from  him,  while  I  experience  the  like 
 from  an  impious  son  of  my  own ;  but  perhaps  God  will  have  some  commiseration  upon  us,  if 
 it  he  his  will  we  shall  overcome  them."  So  he  went  on  his  way  without  troubling  himself 
 with  Shimei,  who  ran  along  the  other  side  of  the  mountain,  and  threw  out  his  abusive  language 
 plentifully.  But  when  David  was  come  to  Jordan,  he  allowed  those  that  were  with  him  to 
 refresh  themselves ;.  for  they  were  weary. 
 
 5.  But  when  Absalom,  and  Ahithophel  his  counsellor,  were  come  to  Jerusalem,  with  all  the 
 people,  David's  friend,  Hushai,  came  to  them;  and  when  he  had  worshipped  Absalom,  he 
 withal  wished  that  bis  kingdom  might  last  a  long  time,  and  continue  for  all  ages.  But  when 
 Absalom  said  to  him,  "  How  comes  this,  that  he  who  was  so  intimate  a  friend  of  my  father's, 
 and  appeared  faithfal  to  liiin  in  all  things,  is  not  with  him  now,  but  bath  left  him,  and  is  come 
 over  to  me?"  Hushai's  answer  was  very  pertinent  and  prudent;  for  be  said,  "  We  ought  to 
 follow  God  and  the  multitude  of  the  people;  while  these,  therefore,  my  lord  and  master,  are 
 with  thee,  it  is  fit  that  I  should  follow  them,  for  thou  hast  received  the  kingdom  from  God. 
 I  will  therefore,  if  thou  believest  me  to  be  thy  friend,  shew  the  same  fidelity  and  kindness  to 
 thee,  which  thou  knowest  1  have  shewed  to  thy  father:  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  be  in  the 
 least  dissatisfied  with  the  present  state  of  afifairs,  for  the  kingdom  is  not  transferred  unto 
 another,  but  remains  still  in  the  same  family,  by  the  son's  receiving  it  after  his  father."  This 
 sptjech  persuaded   Absalom,  who  before  suspected  Hushai.     And  now  he  culled  Ahithophel, 
 
192  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  consulted  with  bim  what  he  ought  to  do;  he  persuaded  him  to  go  in  unto  his  father's  con- 
 cubines ;  for  he  said,  that  "  bj  tliis  action  the  people  will  believe  that  tby  difference  with  thy 
 father  is  irreconcileable,  and  will  thence  fight  with  great  alacrity  against  tby  father,  for  hitherto 
 they  are  afraid  of  taking  up  open  enmity  against  bira,  out  of  an  expectation  that  yon  will  be 
 reconciled  again."  Accordingly  Absalom  was  prevailed  on  by  this  advice,  and  commanded 
 his  servants  to  pitch  him  a  tent  upon  the  top  of  the  royal  palace,  in  the  sight  of  the  multitude ; 
 and  be  went  in  and  lay  with  bis  father's  concubines.  Now  this  came  to  pass  according  to  the 
 prediction  of  Nathan,  when  he  prophesied  and  signified  to  him,  that  his  sen  would  rise  up  in 
 rebellion  against  him. 
 
 6.  And  when  Absalom  had  done  what  he  was  advised  to  by  Ahitbophel,  he  desired  his 
 advice,  in  the  second  place,  about  the  war  against  bis  father.  Now,  Ahithophel  only  asked 
 hira  to  let  him  have  ten  thousand  chosen  men,  and  he  promised  he  would  slay  his  father,  and 
 bring  the  soldiers  back  again  in  safety ;  and  be  said,  that  "  then  the  kingdom  would  be  firm  to 
 him  when  David  was  dead,  [birf  not  otherwise."]  Absalom  was  pleased  with  this  advice  ; 
 and  called  for  Husbai,  David's  friend,  (for  so  did  he  style  him,)  and  informing  bim  of  the 
 opinion  of  Ahithophel,  he  asked  further  what  was  his  opinion  concerning  that  matter?  Now, 
 he  was  sensible  that  if  Ahitbophel's  counsel  was  followed,  David  would  be  in  danger  of  being 
 seized  on,  and  slain;  so  he  attempted  to  introduce  a  contrary  opinion,  and  said;  "  Thou  art 
 not  unacquainted,  O  king,  with  the  valour  of  tby  father,  and  of  those  that  are  now  with  him  ; 
 that  he  bath  made  many  wars,  and  hath  always  come  off  with  victory ;  though  probably  he  now 
 abides  in  the  camp,  for  be  is  very  skilful  in  stratagems,  and  in  foreseeing  the  deceitful  tricks 
 of  bis  enemies,  yet  will  he  leave  his  own  soldiers  in  the  evening,  and  will  either  hide  himself 
 in  some  valley,  or  will  place  an  ambush  at  some  rock  :  so  that  when  our  army  joins  battle  with 
 him,  his  soldiers  will  retire  for  a  little  while,  but  will  come  upon  us  again,  as  encouraged  by 
 the  king's  being  near  them;  and  in  the  mean  lime  your  father  will  shew  himself  suddenly  in 
 the  time  of  the  battle,  and  will  infuse  courage  into  his  own  people  when  they  are  in  danger, 
 but  bring  consternation  to  thine.  Consider,  therefore,  my  advice,  and  reason  upon  it,  and  if 
 thou  canst  not  but  acknowledge  it  to  be  the  best,  reject  the  opinion  of  Ahitbophel.  Send  to 
 the  entire  country  of  the  Hebrews,  and  order  them  to  come  and  fight  with  tby  father;  and  do 
 thou  thyself  take  the  army,  and  be  thine  own  general  in  this  war,  and  do  not  trust  its  manage- 
 ment to  another;  then  expect  to  conquer  hira  with  ease,  when  thou  overtakest  him  openly  with 
 his  few  partisans,  but  hast  thyself  many  ten  thousands,  who  will  be  desirous  to  demonstrate 
 to  thee  their  diligence  and  alacrity.  And  if  thy  father  shall  shut  himself  up  in  some  city,  and 
 bear  a  siege,  we  will  overthrow  that  city  with  machines  of  war,  and  by  undermining  it." 
 When  Husbai  had  said  this,  he  obtained  his  point  against  Ahithophel,  for  his  opinion  was 
 preferred  by  Absalom  before  the  other's :  however,  it  was  no  other  than  God  who  made  the 
 counsel  of  Husbai  appear  best  to  the  mind  of  Absalom.* 
 
 7.  So  Hushai  made  haste  to  the  high  priests,  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  and  told  them  the 
 opinion  of  Ahithophel,  and  his  own,  and  that  the  resolution  was  taken  to  follow  this  latter 
 advice.  He  therefore  bade  them  send  to  David,  and  tell  him  of  it,  and  to  inform  him  of  the 
 counsels  that  had  been  taken;  and  to  desire  bim  further  to  pass  quickly  over  Jordan,  lest  his 
 son  should  change  his  mind,  and  make  haste  to  pursue  him,  and  so  prevent  him,  and  seize 
 upon  him  before  he  be  in  safety.  Now,  the  high  priests  had  their  sons  concealed  in  a  proper 
 place  out  of  the  city,  that  they  might  carry  news  to  David  of  what  was  transacted.  Accord- 
 ingly, they  sent  a  maid-servant  whom  they  could  trust,  to  carry  them  the  news  of  Absalom's 
 counsels,  and  ordered  them  to  signify  the  same  to  David  with  all  speed.  So  they  made  no 
 excuse  or  delay,  but  taking  along  with  them  their  fathers'  injunctions,  became  pious  and  faith- 
 ful ministers,  and  judging  that  quickness  and  suddenness  was  the  best  mark  of  faithful  service, 
 they  made  haste  to  meet  with  David ;  but  certain  horsemen  saw  them  when  they  were  two 
 furlongs  from  the  city,  and  informed  Absalom  of  them,  who  immediately  sent  some  to  take 
 them;  bnt  when  the  sons  of  the  high  priests  perceived  this,  they  went  out  of  the  road,  and 
 betook  themselves  to  a  certain  village;  that  village  was  called  Bahurim;  there  they  desired  a 
 certain  woman  to  bide  them,  and  afford  them  security.  Accordingly,  she  let  the  young  men 
 down  by  a  rope  into  a  well,  and  laid  fleeces  of  wool  over  them :  and  when  those  that  pursued 
 them  came  to  her,  and  asked  her  whether  she  saw  them?  she  did  not  deny  that  she  had  seen 
 them,  for  that  tliey  staid  with  her  some  time,  bnt  she  said  they  then  went  their  ways ;  and  she 
 foretold,  that,  however,  if  they  would  follow  them  directly,  they  would  catch  them.  But  when 
 after  a  long  pursuit  they  could  not  catch  them,  they  came  back  again ;  and  when  the  woman 
 
 ^  .*  This  reflection  of  Josephus,  that  God  brought  to  noupht  the  dangereus  counsel  of  Ahithophel,  and  directly 
 infatuated'  wicked  Absalom  to  reject  it.  (which  '  infatuation'  is  what  the  scripture  styles  the  judicial  '  har- 
 dening the  hearts  and  blinding  the  eyes'  of  men,  who,  by  their  former  voluntary  wickedness,  have  justly 
 deserved  to  be  destroyed,  and  are  thereby  brought  to  destruction,)  is  a  very  just  one,  and  in  him  not  unfrequent. 
 ^  or  does  Josephus  ever  puzzle  himself,  or  perplex  his  readers,  with  subtile  hypotheses  as  to  the  '  manner'  of 
 sijcu  judicial  infatuations  by  Hod,  while  the  'justice'  of  them  is  generally  so  obvious.  That  peculiar  'manner' 
 of  the  divine  operations,  or  permissions,  or  the  '  means'  God  makes  use  of  in  such  cases,  is  often  impenetrable 
 oy  "*•  "  Secret  things  belong  to  the  Lord  our  God  ;  but  those  things  that  are  revealed  belong  to  us,  and  to 
 our  children,  for  ever,  that  we  may  do  all  the  words  of  this  law."  Deut.  xxix.  29.  Nor  have  all  the  subtilties 
 ot  the  modems,  so  far  as  1  see,  given  any  considerable  light  in  this,  and  many  other  the  like  points  of  diffi- 
 culty, relatmg  either  to  divine  or  human  operations.  See  the  notes  on  Antiq.  b.T  -chap.  i.  42.  and  Antiq.  b.vjc. 
 chap.  IV.  ^3. 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.  X.  193 
 
 saw  tliose  men  weru  letunied,  and  that  there  was  no  longer  any  fear  of  the  young  meir.s 
 being  caught  by  them,  slie  drew  them  up  by  the  rope,  and  bade  them  go  on  iheir  jonruev 
 Accordingly,  they  used  great  diligence  in  the  pioseculion  of  that  journey,  and  came  to  Duvid 
 and  informed  him  accurately  of  all  the  counsels  of  Absalom.  So  he  commanded  tliose  that 
 were  with  him  to  pass  over  Jordan  while  it  was  night,  and  not  to  delay  at  all  on  that 
 account. 
 
 b.  But  Ahithophel,  on  rejection  of  his  advice,  got  upon  his  ass,  and  rode  away  to  his  own 
 country  Gilon  ;  and  calling  Lis  family  together,  he  told  them  distinctly  what  advice  he  lia<l 
 given  Absalom ;  and  since  he  had  not  been  persuaded  by  it,  he  said  he  would  evidently  perish, 
 and  this  in  no  long  time,  and  that  David  would  overcome  him,  and  return  to  his  kingdom  again  . 
 so  he  said  it  was  better  that  he  should  take  his  own  life  away  with  freedom  and  magnanimity, 
 than  expose  himself  to  be  punished  by  David,  in  opposiiion  to  whom  he  had  acted  entirely  for 
 Absalom.  When  he  had  discoursed  thus  to  them,  he  went  into  the  inmost  room  of  his 
 house,  and  hanged  himself;  and  ihiis  was  the  death  of  Ahithophel,  who  was  self-condemned; 
 and  when  his  relations  had  taken  him  down  from  the  halter,  they  took  care  of  his  funeral. 
 Now,  as  for  David,  he  passed  over  Jordan,  as  we  have  said  already,  and  came  to  Mahanairn, 
 a  very  fine  and  \ery  strong  city  ;  and  all  the  chief  men  of  the  country  received  him  with  great 
 pleasure,  both  out  of  the  shame  they  had  that  he  should  be  forced  to  flee  away  [from  Jeru- 
 salem,] and  out  of  the  respect  they  bare  him  while  he  was  in  his  former  prosperity.  These 
 were  Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  and  Siphar  the  ruler  among  the  Ammonites,  and  Machir  the 
 ;)rincipal  man  of  Gilead  ;  and  these  furnished  him  with  plentiful  provisions  for  himself  and  his 
 followers,  insomuch  that  they  wanted  no  beds  nor  blankets  for  them,  nor  loaves  of  bread,  nor 
 wine  ;  nay,  they  brought  them  a  great  many  cattle  for  slaughter,  and  offered  tiiem  what 
 furniture  they  wanted  for  their  refreshment  when  they  were  weary,  and  for  food,  with  plenty 
 of  other  necessaries. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How,  when  Absalom  tvas  beaten,  he  was  caught  in  a  Tree  by  his  Hair,  and  was  slain. 
 
 §  I.  And  this  was  the  slate  of  David  and  his  followers.  But  Absalom  got  together  a  vast 
 army  of  the  Hebrews  to  oppose  his  father,  and  passed  therewith  over  the  river  Jordan,  and  sat 
 down  not  far  off  Mahanaiui,  in  the  country  of  Gilead.  He  appointed  Amasa  to  be  captain  of 
 all  his  host,  instead  of  Joab  his  kinsman:  his  father  was  Ithra,  and  his  mother  Abigail:  now 
 she  and  Zeruiah,  the  mother  of  Joab,  were  David's  sisters.  But  when  David  had  numbered  his 
 followers,  and  found  ihein  to  be  about  four  thousand,  he  resolved  not  to  tarry  till  Absalom 
 attacked  him,  but  set  over  his  men  captains  of  thousands,  and  captains  of  hundreds,  and 
 divided  his  army  into  three  parts:  the  one  part  he  committed  to  Joab,  the  next  to  Abishai, 
 Joab's  brother,  and  the  third  to  Ittai,  David's  companion  and  friend,  but  one  that  came  from 
 the  city  of  Galh.  And  when  he  was  desirous  of  fighting  himself  among  them,  his  friends 
 would  not  let  him  ;  and  this  refusal  of  theirs  was  founded  upon  very  wise  reasons :  "  For,  (said 
 they,)  if  we  be  conquered  when  be  is  with  us,  we  have  lost  all  good  hopes  of  recovering  our- 
 selves ;  but  if  we  should  be  beaten  in  one  part  of  our  army,  the  other  parts  may  retire  to  him, 
 and  may  thereby  prepare  a  greater  force,  whde  the  enemy  will  naturally  suppose  that  he  hath 
 another  army  with  him."  .So  David  was  pleased  with  this  their  advice,  and  resolved  himself 
 to  tarry  at  Mahanaim.  And  as  he  sent  his  friends  and  commanders  to  the  battle,  he  desired 
 them  to  shew  all  possible  alacrity  and  fidelity,  and  to  bear  in  mind  what  advantages  they 
 received  from  him,  which  though  (hey  had  not  been  very  great,  yet  had  they  not  been  quite 
 inconsiderable  ;  and  he  begged  of  them  to  spare  the  young  man  Absalom,  lest  some  mischief 
 should  befall  himself  if  he  should  be  killed.  And  thus  did  he  send  out  his  army  to  the  battle, 
 and  wished  them  a  victory  therein. 
 
 2.  Then  did  Joab  put  his  army  in  battle  array  over  against  the  enemy  in  the  great  plain, 
 where  he  had  a  wood  behind  him.  Absalom  also  brought  his  army  into  the  field  to  oppose 
 him.  Upon  the  joining  of  the  battle,  both  sides  shewed  great  actions  with  their  hands,  and 
 their  boldness  ;  the  one  side  exposing  themselves  to  the  greatest  hazards,  and  using  their 
 utmost  alacrity,  that  David  might  recover  his  kingdom ;  and  the  other  being  no  way  deficient, 
 either  in  doing  or  sullering,  tliat  Absalom  might  not  be  deprived  of  that  kingdom,  and  be 
 brought  to  punishment  by  his  father,  for  his  impudent  attempt  against  him.  Those  also  that 
 were  the  most  numerous  were  solicitous  that  they  might  not  be  conquered  by  those  few  that 
 were  with  Joab,  and  with  the  other  commanders,  because  that  would  be  the  greatest  disgrace 
 to  them,  while  David's  soldiers  strove  greatly  to  overcome  so  many  ten  thousands  [as  the 
 enemy  had  with  them.]  Now  David's  men  were  conquerors,  as  superior  in  strength  and  skill 
 in  war  ;  so  they  followed  the  others  as  they  fled  a«  ay  through  the  forests  and  valleys  ;  some  they 
 took  prisoners,  and  many  they  slew,  and  more  in  the  flight  than  in  the  battle,  for  there  fell 
 about  twenty  thousand  that  day.  But  all  David's  men  ran  violently  upon  Absalom,  for  he 
 was  easily  known  by  his  beauty  and  tallness.  He  was  himself  also  afraid  lest  his  enemies 
 should  seize  on  him,  so  he  got  upon  the  king's  mule,  and  fled  ;  but  as  he  was  carried  with 
 violence,  and  noise,  and  a  great  motion,  as  being  himself  light,  he  entangled  his  hair  greatly  in 
 the  large  boughs  of  a  knotty  tree  that  spread  a  great  wav,  and  there  he  hung  after  a  surprising 
 
 2b 
 
J94  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 maatier  ;  and  as  fi)r  the  beast,  it  went  on  further,  and  that  swiftly,  as  if  his  master  had  been 
 still  upon  his  back ;  but  he  hanging  in  the  air  upon  the  boflghs,  was  taiien  by  his  enemies. 
 Now  when  one  of  David's  soldiers  saw  this,  he  informed  Joabof  it;  and  when  the  general  said, 
 tliat  "  if  be  had  shot  at  and  killed  Absalom,  he  would  have  given  him  fifty  shekels,"  he 
 replied,  "  I  would  not  have  killed  ray  master's  son  if  thou  wouldst  have  given  me  a  thousand 
 shekels,  especially  when  he  desired  that  the  young  man  might  be  spared,  in  the  bearing  of  us 
 all."  But  Joab  bade  him  shew  him  where  it  was  that  be  saw  Absalom  hang;  whereupon  he 
 shot  him  to  the  heart,  and  slew  him,  and  Joab's  armour-bearers  stood  round  about  the  tree, 
 and  pulled  down  bis  dead  bod}',  and  cast  it  into  a  great  chasm  that  was  out  of  sight,  and  laid 
 a  heap  of  stones  upon  him  till  the  cavity  was  filled  up,  and  had  both  the  appearance  and  the 
 bigness  of  a  grave.  Then  Joab  sounded  a  retreat,  and  recalled  his  own  soldiers  from  pursuing 
 the  enemy's  army,  in  order  to  spare  their  countrymen. 
 
 3.  Now  Absalom  had  erected  for  himself  a  marble  pillar  in  the  king's  dale,  two  fur- 
 longs distant  from  Jerusalem,  which  he  named  Absalom's  Hand,  saying,  that  if  his  children 
 were  killed,  his  name  would  remain  by  that  pillar;  for  he  had  three  sons,  and  one  daughter, 
 named  Tamar,  as  we  said  before,  who,  when  she  was  married  to  David's  grandson,  Rehoboam, 
 bare  a  son,  Abijah  by  name,  who  succeeded  his  father  in  the  kingdom:  but  of  these  we  shall 
 speak  in  a  part  of  our  history  which  will  be  more  proper.  After  the  death  of  Absalom,  they 
 returned  every  one  to  their  own  homes  respectively. 
 
 4.  But  now  Ahimaaz,  the  son  of  Zaduk,  the  high  priest,  went  to  Joab,  and  desued  he  would 
 permit  him  to  go  and  tell  David  of  this  victory,  and  to  bring  him  the  good  nev/s  that  God  had 
 allbrded  his  assistance  and  his  providence  to  him.  However,  he  did  not  grant  his  rtquesl ; 
 but  said  (o  him,  "  Wilt  thou,  who  hast  always  been  the  messenger  of  good  news,  now  go  and 
 accguaint  the  king  that  his  son  is  dead?"  So  he  desired  him  to  desist.  He  then  called  Cushi, 
 and  committed  the  business  to  him,  that  he  should  tell  the  king  what  he  had  seen.  But  when 
 Aiiimaa'^  again  desired  him  to  let  him  go  as  a  messenger,  and  assured  him  that  he  would  only 
 relate  what  concerned  the  victory,  but  unt  concerning  the  death  of  Absalom,  he  gave  him  leave 
 to  go  to  David.  Now  he  took  a  nearer  road  than  the  former  did,  for  nobody  knew  it  but 
 himself,  and  he  came  before  Cushi.  Now  as  David  was  sitting  between  the  gates,*  and  waiting 
 to  see  when  somebody  would  come  to  him  from  the  battle,  and  tell  him  how  it  went,  one  of  the 
 •watchmen  saw  Ahimaaz  running,  and  before  he  could  discern  who  he  was,  he  told  David  that 
 he  saw  somebody  coming  to  him,  who  said,  he  was  a  good  messenger.  A  little  while  after,  he 
 informed  him,  that  another  messenger  followed  him ;  whereupon  the  king  said  that  he  was  also 
 a  good  messenger:  but  when  the  watchman  saw  Ahimaaz,  and  that  he  was  already  very  near, 
 he  gave  the  king  notice  that  it  was  the  son  of  Zadok  the  high  priest  who  came  running.  So 
 David  was  very  glad,  and  said,  "  He  was  a  messenger  of  good  tidings,  and  brought  him  some 
 such  news  from  the  battle  as  he  desired  to  hear." 
 
 5.  While  the  king  was  saying  thus,  Ahimaaz  appeared,  and  worshipped  the  king.  And 
 when  the  king  inquired  of  him  about  the  battle,  he  said,  "  He  brought  him  the  good  news  of 
 victory  and  dominion."  And  when  he  inquired  what  he  had  to  say  concerning  his  son?  he 
 said,  that  "  he  came  away  on  the  sudden  as  soon  as  the  enemy  was  defeated,  but  that  he  heard 
 a  great  noise  of  those  that  pursued  Absalom,  and  that  he  could  learn  no  more,  because  of  the 
 haste  he  made  when  Joab  sent  him  to  inform  him  of  the  victory."  But  when  Cushi  was  come, 
 and  had  worshipped  him,  aud  informed  him  of  the  victory,  he  asked  him  about  his  son;  who 
 replied,  "May  the  like  misfortune  befall  thine  enemies  as  hath  befallen  Absalom."  That  word 
 did  not  permit  either  himself  or  his  soldiers  to  rejoice  for  the  victory,  though  it  was  a  very 
 great  one ;  but  David  went  up  to  the  highest  part  of  the  city,t  and  wept  for  his  son,  and  beat 
 bis  breast,  tearing  [the  hair  of]  his  head,  and  tormenting  himself  all  manner  of  ways,  and 
 crying  out,  "  O  my  son!  I  wish  that  I  had  died  myself,  and  ended  my  days  with  thee!"  For 
 he  was  of  a  tender  natural  affection,  and  had  extraordinary  compassion  for  this  son  in  parti- 
 cular. But  when  the  army  and  Joab  heard  that  the  kirjg  mourned  for  this  son,  they  were 
 ashamed  to  enter  the  city  in  the  habit  of  conquerors,  but  they  all  came  in  as  cast  down,  and  in 
 tears,  as  if  they  had  been  beaten.  Now  while  the  king  covered  himself,  and  grievously 
 lamented  his  son,  Joab  went  in  to  him,  and  comforted  him,  and  said,  "  O  my  lord  the  king, 
 thou  art  not  aware  that  thou  layest  a  blot  on  thyself  by  what  thou  now  doest :  for  thou  seeniest 
 to  hate  those  that  love  thee,  and  undergo  dangers  for  thee  ;  nay,  to  hate  thyself  and  thy  family, 
 and  to  love  those  that  are  thy  bitter  enemies,  and  to  desire  the  company  of  those  that  are  no 
 more,  and  who  have  been  justly  slain  ;  for  had  Absalom  gotten  the  victory,  and  firmly  settled 
 himself  in  the  kingdom,  there   had   been  none  of  us  left  alive,  but  all  of  aS,  beginning  with 
 
 •  The  reader  need  not  be  surprised  at  this  account  of  David's  throne,  both  here,  and  C  Sam.  xviii.  C4.  that  it 
 was  between  two  gates,  or  portals :  gates  being  in  cities,  as  well  as  at  the  temple,  large  open  places,  with  a 
 portal  at  the  entrance  and  another  at  the  exit,  between  which  judicial  causes  were  heard,  and  public  consulta- 
 tions taken,  as  it  is  well  known  from  several  places  of  scripture,  2  Chron.  xxxi.  2.  Psal.  ix.  H.  cxxii.  5. 
 Prov.  1.  21.  viii.  3,^.  xxxi.  2.1.  aud  often  elsewhere. 
 
 +  Since  David  was  now  in  Mahanaim,  and  in  the  open  place  of  that  city  gate,  which  seems  still  to  have  been 
 built^thc  highest  of  nny  part  of  the  wall,  and  since  our  other  copies  say,  he  '  went  up  to  the  chamber  over  the 
 pate,  2 Sam.  xviii.  .33.  1  think  we  ought  to  conect  our  present  reading  in  Josephus,  and  for  '  city'  should 
 ruad  •  gale,J  i.  e.  instead  of  the  highest  part  of  the  '  city,'  should  say  the  highest  part  of  the  '  gate.'  Accord - 
 inply,  wo  mid  David  prSijiiitly  Ui  Josephui,  as  Well  as  in  our  o'.her  copies,  2  Sam.  xix.  8.  sitting  as  before  iu 
 the  ■  gate'  of  the  city. 
 
BOOK   VII. — CHAP.    XI.  195 
 
 ttiysplf  and  thy  cbildreii,  tjad  miserably  perished,  while  our  enemies  had  not  wept  over  us,  but 
 rejoiced  over  us,  and  punislied  even  those  that  pitied  us  in  ouv  misfortunes  ;  and  thou  art  not 
 ashamed  to  do  Ibis  in  the  case  of  one  that  has  been  thy  bitter  enemy,  who,  while  be  was  thine 
 own  son,  hath  proved  so  wicked  to  thee.  Leave  oil',  therefore,  thy  unreasonable  grief,  and 
 come  abroad  and  be  seen  by  thy  solxliers,  and  return  them  thanks  for  the  alacrity  they  shewed 
 in  the  fighi ;  for  I  myself  will  this  day  persuade  the  people,  to  leave  thee,  and  to  give  the 
 kingdom  to  another,  if  thou  continuest  to  do  thus  ;  and  then  I  shall  make  thee  to  grieve  bitterly, 
 and  in  earnest."  Upon  Joab's  speaking  thus  to  him,  he  made  the  king  leave  oft'  his  sorrow  ; 
 and  brought  him  to  the  consideration  of  his  affairs.  So  David  changed  his  habit,  and  exposed 
 himself  in  a  manner  tit  to  be  seen  by  the  multitude,  and  sat  at  the  gates  ;  whereupon  all  the 
 people  heard  of  it,  and  ran  together  to  hira,  and  saluted  him.  And  this  was  the  present  state  of 
 David's  afiairs. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  David,  when  he  had  recovered  his  Kingdom,  wa.s  reconciled  to  Shimei,  and  to  Ziba;  and 
 shewed  a  great  Affection  to  Barzdlai:  and  huw^vpon  the  Rise  of  a  Sedition,  he  made  Amasa 
 Captain  of  his  host,  in  order  to  pursue  Sheba,  ivhich  Amasa  was  slain  by  Joab. 
 
 V  1.  Now  those  Hebrews  that  had  been  with  Absalom,  and  had  retired  ojit  of  the  battle, 
 when  they  were  all  returned  home,  sent  messengers  to  every  city  to  put  them  in  mind  of  what 
 benefits  David  had  bestowed  upon  them,  and  of  that  liberty  which  be  had  procured  them,  by 
 delivering  them  from  many  and  great  wars.  But  they  complained,  that  whereas  they  bad 
 ejected  him  out  of  bis  kingdom,  and  committed  it  to  another  governor,  which  other  governor, 
 whom  they  had  set  up,  was  already  dead,  they  did  not  now  beseech  David  to  leave  off'  his 
 anger  at  them,  and  to  become  friends  with  them,  and,  as  he  used  to  do,  to  resnme  the  care  of 
 their  afiairs,  and  take  the  kingdom  again.  This  was  often  told  to  David.  And,  this  notwith- 
 standing, David  sent  to  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  high  priests,  that  they  should  speak  to  the 
 rulers  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  after  the  manner  following  :  That  "  it  would  be  a  reproach 
 upon  lliem  to  permit  the  other  tribes  to  choose  David  for  their  king  before  their  tribe,  and 
 this,  (said  he,)  while  you  are  akin  to  him,  and  of  the  same  common  blood."  He  commanded 
 them  also  to  say  the  same  to  Amasa  the  captain  of  their  forces.  That  "  whereas  he  was  his 
 sister's  son,  he  had  not  persuaded  the  multitude  to  restore  the  kingdom  of  David  :  That  he 
 might  expect  from  hira  not  only  a  reconciliation,  for  that  was  already  granted,  but  that  supreme 
 command  of  the  army  also  which  Absalom  bad  bestowed  upon  him."  Accordingly  the  high 
 priests,  when  titey  bad  discoursed  with  the  rulers  of  the  tribe,  and  said  what  the  king  bad 
 ordered  then),  persuaded  Amasa  to  undertake  the  care  of  his  atlairs.  So  he  persuaded  that 
 tnhe  to  send  immediately  anibassadors  to  him,  to  beseerh  him  to  retuni  to  his  kingdom.  The 
 same  did  all  the  Israelites,  at  the  like  persuasion  of  Amasa. 
 
 2.  When  the  ambassadors  came  to  hira,  he  came  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  tribe  of  Judah  was 
 the  first  that  came  to  meet  the  king  at  the  river  Jordan.  And  Shimei,  the  son  of  Gera,  came 
 with  a  thousand  men  ;  which  he  brought  with  him  out  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  Ziba,  the 
 freedman  of  Saul,  witli  his  sons  tifteen  in  number,  and  with  his  twenty  servants.  All  these, 
 as  well  as  the  tribe  of  Judah,  laid  abridge  [of  boats]  over  the  river,  that  the  king  and  those 
 that  were  with  hini,  might  with  ease  pass  over  it.  Now  as  soon  as  be  wiis  come  to  Jordan, 
 the  tribf  of  .Judah  saluted  him.  Shimei  also  came  upon  the  bridge,  and  look  hold  of  his  feet, 
 and  prayed  him  "  to  forgive  hira  what  he  had  oftended,  and  not  to  be  loo  bitter  against  him, 
 nor  to  think  (it  to  make  him  the  first  example  of  severity  under  his  new  authority  ;  but  to  con- 
 sider that  he  had  repented  of  his  failure  of  duty,  and  had  taken  care  to  come  first  of  all  to 
 bim."  While  he  was  thus  entreating  the  king,  and  moving  him  to  compassion,  Abisbai, 
 Joab's  brother,  saifl,  "  And  shall  not  this  man  die  for  this,  that  he  hath  cursed  that  king  whom 
 God  hath  appointed  to  reign  over  us  ?"  But  David  turned  himself  to  him,  and  said,  "  Will  je 
 never  leave  olF,  ye  sons  of  Zeruiah?  Do  not  you,  I  pray,  raise  new  troubles  and  seditions 
 among  ns,  now  the  former  are  over  ;  for  I  would  not  have  you  ignorant  that  I  this  day 
 begin  my  reign,  and  ilicrcfore  swear  to  remit  all  oflVnders  their  punishments,  and  not 
 to  animadvert  on  any  one  lliat  has  sinned.  Be  thou  therefore,  (said  lie,)  O  Shimei,  of  good 
 courage,  and  do  not  at  all  fear  being  put  to  death."  .So  he  worshipped  him,  and  went  ou 
 before  hira. 
 
 S.  Mephiboshoth  also,  Saul's  grandson,  met  David,  clothed  in  a  sordid  garment,  and  having 
 his  hair  thick  and  neglected  :  for  after  David  was  tied  away,  he  was  in  such  grief  that  he  had 
 not  polled  his  head,  nor  bad  he  washed  his  clothes,  as  dooming  himself  to  nudergo  such  hard- 
 ships upon  occasion  of  the  change  of  the  king's  all'airs.  Now  he  had  ben  unjustly  calumniated 
 to  the  king  by  Ziba  his  steward.  When  he  had  saluted  the  king,  and  worshipped  him,  the 
 king  began  to  ask  him,  "  Why  be  did  not  go  out  of  Jerusalem  with  liim,  and  accompany  him 
 "luring  his  flight?"  He  replied,  That  "  this  piece  of  injustice  was  owing  to  Zeba  ;  because, 
 when  he  was  ordered  to  get  things  ready  for  his  going  out  with  him,  he  took  no  care  of  it,  but 
 regarded  him  no  moro  than  if  be  had  been  a  slave  ;  and  indeed,  liad  I  had  my  feet  sound  and 
 strong,  I  had  not  deserted  thee,  for  I  could  then  have  made  use  of  them  in  my  Highl  :  but 
 this  is  not  all  the  injury  that  Ziha  has  done  mc,  as  to  my  duty  to  thee,  my  Icrd  .iiid  my  master. 
 
1D6  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS 
 
 but  he  Lath  calumniated  me  besides,  and  told  lies  aboat  me  of  bis  own  inveiilion  ;  bat  I  know 
 tby  mind  will  not  admit  of  such  cnlumnies,  but  is  righteouslj  disposed,  and  a  lo?er  of  truib, 
 ^vllich  it  is  also  the  will  of  God  should  prevail.  For  when  thon  wast  in  the  greatest  tlaoj^er 
 of  suffering  by  my  grandfather,  and  when,  on  that  account,  our  whole  family  might  justly  have 
 been  destroyed,  thou  wast  moderate  and  merciful,  and  uidst  then  especially  forget  all  those 
 injuries,  when,  if  thou  badst  rem'^mbered  them,  thou  hadst  the  power  of  punishing  us  for 
 them  ;  but  thou  hast  judged  me  to  be  thy  friend,  and  hast  set  me  everj  day  at  thine  own  table, 
 nor  have  I  wanted  any  thing  which  one  of  thine  own  kinsmen,  of  greatest  esteem  with  thee, 
 could  have  expected."  When  he  said  this,  David  resolved  neither  to  punish  Mephibosheth,* 
 nor  to  condemn  Ziba,  as  having  belied  his  master  ;  but  said  to  him,  that  as  he  bad  [before] 
 granted  all  his  estate  to  Ziba  because  he  did  not  come  along  with  him,  so  he  [now]  promised 
 to  forgive  him,  and  ordered  that  the  one  half  of  his  estate  should  be  restored  to  him.  Where- 
 upon Mephibosheth  said,  "  Nay,  let  Ziba  take  all ;  it  suffices  me  that  thou  hast  recovered  thy 
 kingdom." 
 
 4.  But  David  desired  Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  that  great  and  good  man,  and  one  that  had  made 
 a  plentiful  provision  for  him  at  Mahanaim,  and  conducted  him  as  far  as  Jordan,  to  accompany 
 bim  to  Jerusalem,  for  he  promised  to  treat  him  in  his  old  age  with  all  manner  of  respoct ; 
 to  take  care  of  him,  aud  provide  for  him.  But  Barzillai  was  so  desirou?-  to  live  at  home, 
 that  he  entreated  Lim  to  excuse  hira  from  attendance  on  him  ;  and  said,  That  "his  age  was 
 too  great  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  [of  a  court,]  since  he  was  fourscore  ye-rs  old,  and  was  there- 
 fore  making  provision  for  his  death  and  burial ;  so  he  desired  him  to  gratify  him  in  this  request, 
 and  dismiss  him,  for  be  had  no  relish  of  his  meat  or  his  drink,  by  reason  of  his  age ;  and  that 
 Lis  ears  were  too  much  shut  up  to  hear  the  sound  of  pipes,  or  the  melody  of  other  musical 
 iostrumeuts,  such  as  those  that  live  with  kings  delight  in."  When  he  entreated  for  this  so 
 earnestly,  the  king  said,  "  1  dismiss  thee,  but  thou  shall  grant  me  thy  son  Chimbam,  and  upon 
 him  I  will  bestow  all  sorts  of  good  things."  So  Barzillai  left  his  son  with  him,  and  worship- 
 ped the  king,  and  wished  bim  a  prosperous  conclusion  of  all  his  affairs  according  lo  his  own 
 mind,  and  then  returned  home  :  but  David  came  to  Gilgal,  having  about  him  half  the  people 
 [of  Israel,]  and  the  [whole]  tribe  of  Judah. 
 
 5.  Now  the  principal  men  of  the  country  came  to  Gilgal  to  him  with  a  great  multitude,  and 
 complained  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  that  they  had  come  to  him  in  a  private  manner,  whereas 
 they  ought  all  conjointly,  and  with  one  and  the  same  intention,  to  have  given  him  the  meeting. 
 But  the  rulers  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  desired  them  not  to  be  displeased,  if  they  had  been  pre- 
 vented by  them  ,  for,  said  they,  "  We  are  David's  kinsmen,  and  on  that  account  we  the 
 rather  took  care  of  hira,  and  loved  him,  and  so  came  first  to  hira,  yet  had  they  not,  by  their 
 early  coming,  received  any  gifts  from  bim;  which  might  give  them  who  came  last  any  uneasi- 
 ness." When  the  rulers  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  had  said  this,  tlie  rulers  of  (he  other  tribes 
 were  not  quiet,  bnt  said  farther,  "O  brethren,  we  cannot  but  wonder  at  you  when  you  call 
 the  king  your  kinsman  alone,  whereas  he  that  hath  received  from  God  the  power  over  all  of 
 us  in  common,  ought  to  be  esteemed  a  kinsman  to  us  all ;  for  which  reason  the  whole 
 people  have  eleven  parts  in  hira,t  and  you  but  one  part :  we  also  are  elder  than  you  ; 
 wherefore  you  have  not  done  justly  in  coming  to  the  king  in  this  private  and  conoealod 
 manner." 
 
 6.  While  these  rulers  were  thus  disputing  one  with  another,  a  certain  wicked  man  who 
 took  a  pleasure  in  seditious  practices,  (his  name  was  Sheha,  the  son  of  Bichri,  of  the  tribe  of 
 Benjamin,)  stood  up  in  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  and  cried  aloud,  and  spake  thus  to  them  : 
 "  We  have  no  part  in  David,  nor  inheritance  in  the  son  of  Jesse."  And  when  be  had  used 
 those  words,  he  blew  with  a  trumpet,  and  declared  war  against  the  king,  and  they  all  left 
 David,  and  followed  him  ;  the  tribe  of  Judah  alone  staid  with  bim,  and  settled  him  in  his  royal 
 palace  at  Jerusalem.  But  as  for  his  concubines,  with  whom  Absalom  his  son  bad  accompanied, 
 truly  he  removed  them  to  another  house  ;  and  ordered  those  that  had  the  care  of  them  to  make 
 a  plentiful  provision  for  them,  but  he  came  not  near  them  any  more.  He  also  appointed  Amasa 
 for  the  captain  of  his  forces,  and  gave  hira  the  same  high  office  which  Joab  before  bad  ;  and 
 commanded  bim  to  gather  together  out  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  as  great  an  army  as  be  conld, 
 and  to  come  to  him  within  three  days,  that  he  might  deliver  his  entire  army,  and  mi^ht  send 
 Lim  to  fight  against  [Sheba]  the  son  of  Bichri.  Now  while  Amasa  was  gone  out,  and  made 
 some  delay  in  gathering  tlie  army  together,  and  so  was  not  yet  returned,  on  the  third  day  the 
 king  said  to  Joab,  "  It  is  not  fit  we  should  make  any  delay  in   this  affair  of  Sheba,  lest  he  get 
 
 *  By  David's  disposal  of  half  Mephibosheth's  estate  to  Ziba,  one  would  imagine  that  he  was  a  good  deal 
 dissatisfied,  and  doubtful  whether  Mephibosheth's  story  were  entirely  true  or  not.  Nor  does  David  now  invite 
 him  to  diet  witli  him,  as  he  did  before,  but  only  forsriVes  him,  if  he  had  been  at  all  guilty.  f*or  is  this  odd 
 way  of  mournir.!?  tliat  Mephibosheth  made  use  of  here,  and  2  Sam.  xix.  15.  wholly  free  from  suspicion  of 
 hyporrisy.  If  ziba  neprlected  or  refused  to  bring  Mephibosheth  an  ass  of  his  own,  on  which  he  might  ride 
 to  David,  it  is  hard  to  suppose  that  so  great  a  man  as  he  was,  should  not  be  able  to  procure  some  other  beast 
 »or  the  same  purjioee. 
 
 +  I  clearly  prefer  Josephus's  reading  here,  when  it  supposes  eleven  tribes,  includiug  Benjamin,  to  bo  on  the 
 one  side,  and  the  tribe  of  Judah  alone  on  the  other,  since  Benjamin  in  general  had  been  still  fonder  of  the 
 house  of  Saul,  and  less  tirm  to  David  hitherto  than  any  of  the  rest,  and  so  cannot  be  supposed  to  be  joined 
 with  ludrili  at  tliis  time  to  make  it  double,  especially  when  the  following  rebellion  wa.«  headed  by  a  Benjauiite. 
 oee  J  0.  and  2  .Sam.  xx.  e,  i. 
 
KOOK   VII. — CHAP.    XII  J97 
 
 a  niimeroas  army  about  him,  and  be  (be  occasion  of  greater  mischief,  and  Innl  our  afl'airs  more, 
 tiian  did  Absalom  liimself ;  do  not  thou  llierefore  wait  any  longer,  but  take  such  forces  as  thou 
 hast  at  hand,  and  that  [old]  body  of  six  hundred  men,  and  thy  brother  Abishai  with  thee,  and 
 pursue  after  our  enemy,  and  endeavour  to  fight  Iiim  wheresoever  thou  canst  overtake  liim. 
 Make  haste  to  prevent  him,  lest  he  seize  upon  some  fenced  cities,  and  cause  ns  great  labour 
 and  pains  before  we  take  him." 
 
 7.  So  Joab  resolved  to  make  no  delay,  but  taking  with  him  his  brother,  and  those  six  hun- 
 dred men,  and  giving  orders  that  tiie  rest  of  the  army  which  was  at  Jerusalem  should  follow 
 Liin,  he  marched  with  great  speed  against  Sheba ;  and  when  he  was  come  to  Gibeon,  which  is 
 a  village  forty  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem,  Amasa  brought  a  great  army  with  him,  and  met 
 Joab.  Now  Joab  was  girded  with  a  sword  and  his  breastplate  on;  and  when  Amasa  came 
 near  him  to  salute  him,  he  took  particular  care  that  his  sword  should  fall  out  as  it  were  of  its 
 own  accord  :  so  he  took  it  up  from  the  ground,  and  while  he  approached  Amasa,  who  was  then 
 near  him,  as  though  he  would  kiss  him,  he  took  hold  of  Amasa's  beard  witli  his  other  hand, 
 and  he  smote  him  in  his  belly  when  he  did  not  foresee  it,  and  slew  him.  This  impious  and 
 altogether  profane  action,  Joab  did  to  a  good  young  man,  and  his  kinsman,  and  one  that  had 
 done  him  no  injury,  and  this  out  of  jealousy  (hat  he  would  obtain  the  chief  command  of  the 
 army,  and  be  in  equal  dignity  with  himself  about  the  king  :  and  for  the  same  cause  it  was  (hat 
 he  killed  Abner.  But  as  to  that  former  wicked  action,  the  death  of  his  brother  Asahel,  which 
 he  seemed  to  revenge,  aflbrded  him  a  decent  pretence,  and  made  that  crime  a  pardonable  one  ; 
 hut  in  this  murder  of  Amasa  there  was  no  such  covering  for  it.  Now  when  Joab  had  killed 
 this  general,  he  pursued  after  Sheba,  having  left  a  man  with  the  dead  body,  who  was  ordered 
 to  proclaim  aloud  to  the  army,  that  Amasa  was  justly  slain,  and  deservedly  punished.  "  But, 
 (said  he,)  if  you  be  for  the  king,  follow  Joab  his  general,  and  Abishai  Joab's  brother."  But  be- 
 cause the  body  lay  on  the  road,  and  all  the  multitude  came  running  to  it,  and,  as  is  usual  with 
 (he  multitnde,  wondering  a  great  while  at  it,  he  that  guarded  it  removed  it  thence,  and  car- 
 ried it  to  a  certain  place  that  was  very  remote  from  the  road,  and  there  laid  it,  and  covered  it 
 with  his  garment.  When  this  was  done,  all  the  people  followed  Joab.  Now  as  he  pursued 
 Sheba  through  all  the  country  of  Israel,  one  told  him,  that  he  was  in  a  strong  city  called 
 Abcl-bethmaachab  ;  hereupon  Joab  went  thither,  and  set  about  it  with  his  army,  and  cast  up  a 
 bank  round  it,  and  ordered  his  soldiers  to  undermine  the  walls,  and  to  overthrow  them  ;  and 
 since  the  people  in  the  city  did  not  admit  him,  he  was  greatly  displeased  at  them. 
 
 8.  Now  there  was  a  woman  of  small  account,  and  yet  both  wise  and  intelligent,  who  seeing 
 her  native  city  lying  at  the  last  extremity,  ascended  upon  the  wall,  and  by  means  of  the  armed 
 men  called  for  Joab  ;  and  when  he  came  near  her,  she  began  to  say,  that  "  God  ordained 
 kings  and  generals  of  armies  that  they  might  cut  off  the  enemies  of  the  Hebrews,  and  intro- 
 duce a  universal  peace  among  thera  ;  but  thou  art  endeavouring  to  overthrow  and  depopulate 
 a  metropolis  of  the  Israelites,  which  hath  been  guilty  of  no  offence."  But  he  replied,  "  God 
 continue  to  be  merciful  unto  me  :  I  am  disposed  to  avoid  killing  any  one  of  the  people,  much 
 less  would  I  destroy  such  a  city  as  this  :  and  if  they  will  deliver  me  up  Sheba,  the  son  of 
 Bichri,  who  hath  rebelled  against  the  king,  I  will  leave  off  the  siege,  and  withdraw  the  army 
 from  the  place."  Now  as  soon  as  (he  woman  heard  what  Joab  siad,  she  desired  him  to  inter- 
 mit the  siege  for  a  little  while,  for  that  he  should  have  the  head  of  his  enemy  thrown  out  to 
 him  presently.  So  she  went  down  to  the  citizens,  and  said  to  them,  "  Will  yon  be  so  wicked 
 as  to  perish  miserably,  with  your  children  and  wives,  for  the  sake  of  a  vile  fellow,  and  one 
 whom  nobody  knows  who  he  is  ?  And  will  you  have  him  for  your  king  instead  of  David,  who 
 hath  been  so  great  a  benefactor  to  you,  and  oppose  your  city  alone  to  such  a  mighty  and  strong 
 army?"  So  she  prevailed  with  them,  and  they  cut  off  the  head  of  Sheba,  and  threw  it  into 
 Joab's  army.  W^hen  this  was  done,  the  king's  general  sounded  a  retreat,  and  raised  the  siege. 
 And  when  he  wfis  come  to  Jerusalem,  he  was  again  appointed  to  be  general  of  all  the  people. 
 The  king  also  constituted  Benaiah  captain  of  the  guards  and  of  (he  six  hundred  men.  He 
 also  set  Adoram  over  the  tribute,  and  Sabathes  and  Achilaus  over  the  records.  He  made 
 Sheva  the  scribe ;  and  appointed  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  high  priests. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 JIow  the  Ilehreios  loere  delivured  ftsm  a  Famine,  when  the  Giheonites  had  caused  Punishment 
 to  he  inflicted  for  those  of  them  that  had  been  slain:  as  also,tvhal  (jreat  Actions  were  per- 
 formed against  the  Philistines  hij  David,  and  the  Men  of  Valour  about  him. 
 
 §  1.  Aftep.  this,  when  the  country  was  greatly  afflicted  with  a  famine,  David  besought  God 
 to  have  mercy  on  the  people,  and  to  discover  to  him  what  was  the  cause  of  it,  and  how  a  remedy 
 might  be  found  for  that  distemper.  And  then  the  prophets  answered,  That  God  would 
 have  the  Glbeonites  avenged,  whom  Saul  (he  king  was  so  wicked  as  to  be(ray  to  slaughter, 
 and  had  not  observed  the  oath  which  Joshua  the  general  and  the  senate  had  sworn  to  them. 
 If,  therefore,  said  God,  the  king  would  permit  such  vengeance  to  be  taken  for  those  that  wore 
 slain,  as  the  Giheonites  should  desire,  he  promised  that  he  would  be  reconciled  to  them,  and 
 fice  the   multitude  from  their  miseries.      As   soon  therefore  as  the  kins;  understood  that  this 
 
198  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 it  was  wliich  God  sought,  he  seut  for  the  Gibeonites,  and  asked  them,  What  it  was  they  shoald 
 have  !  and  when  they  desired  to  have  seven  sons  of  Saul  delivered  to  them,  to  be  punished,  he 
 delivered  them  up,  but  spared  Mephibosheth  the  son  of  Jonatliao.  So  when  the  Gibeonites 
 had  received  the  men,  they  punished  Ihein  as  they  pleased;  upon  which  God  began  to  send 
 rain,  and  to  recover  the  earth  to  brin<;  forth  its  fruit  as  usual,  and  to  free  it  from  the  foregoing 
 drought,  so  that  the  country  of  the  Hebrews  nourished  again.  A  Utile  afterward  the  king  mads 
 war  against  the  Philistines  ;  and  when  he  had  joined  battle  with  them,  and  put  them  to  llight, 
 be  was  left  alone  as  he  was  in  pursuit  of  them  ;  and  when  ht  was  qnitr  tired  down,  he  was 
 seen  by  one  of  the  enemy,  his  name  was  Achnion,  the  son  of  Araph  ;  nt  « js  one  of  the  sons 
 of  the  giants.  He  bad  a  spear,  the  handle  of  which  weiglied  three  hundred  shekels,  and  a 
 breastplate  of  chain  work,  and  a  sword.  He  turned  back,  and  ran  violently  to  slay  [David] 
 their  enemies' king,  for  he  was  quite  tired  out  with  labour;  but  Abishai,  Joab's  brother, 
 appeared  on  the  sudden,  protected  the  king  with  bis  shield,  as  he  lay  down,  and  slew  the 
 enemy.  Now  the  multitude  were  very  uneasy  at  these  dangers  of  the  king,  and  that  he  was 
 very  near  to  be  slain  ;  and  the  rulers  made  him  swear  that  he  would  no  more  go  out  with  them 
 to  battle,  lest  he  should  come  to  some  great  misfortune  by  his  ojurage  and  boldness,  and 
 thereby  deprive  the  people  of  the  benefits  they  now  enjoyed  by  his  means,  and  of  those  that 
 they  might  hereafter  enjoy  by  bis  living  a  long  time  among  them. 
 
 2.  When  the  king  heard  that  the  Philistines  were  gathered  together  at  the  city  of  Gazara, 
 he  sent  an  army  against  them,  when  Sibbechai  the  Hittite,  one  of  David's  most  courageous 
 men,  behaved  himself  so  as  to  deserve  ,reat  commendation,  for  be  slew  many  of  those  that 
 bragged  they  were  the  posterity  of  the  giants,  and  vaunted  themselves  highly  on  that  account ; 
 and  thereby  was  the  occasion  of  victory  to  the  Hebrews.  After  which  defeat,  the  Philistines 
 made  war  again  :  and  when  David  had  sent  an  army  against  them,Nephan  his  kinsman  fought 
 in  a  single  combat  with  tiie  stoutest  of  all  the  Philistines,  and  slew  him,  aiid  put  the  rest  to 
 flight.  Many  of  them  also  were  slain  in  the  flight.  Now  a  little  while  after  this,  the  Philis- 
 tines pitched  their  camp  at  a  city  which  lay  not  far  off  the  bounds  of  the  country  of  the  Hebrews. 
 They  had  a  man  who  was  six  cubits  tall,  and  bad  on  each  of  his  feet  and  hands  one  more  toe 
 and  finger  than  men  naturally  have.  Now  the  person  who  was  sent  against  him  by  David  out 
 of  his  army  was  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Shimea,  who  fought  this  man  in  a  single  comi)at,  and 
 slew  him  ;  and  as  he  was  the  person  who  gave  the  turn  to  the  battle,  he  gained  the  greatest 
 reputation  for  courage  therein.  This  man  also  vaunted  himself  to  be  of  the  sons  of  the  giants. 
 Bat  after  this  fight,  the  Philistines  made  war  no  more  against  the  Israelites. 
 
 3.  And  now  David  being  freed  from  wars  and  dangers,  and  enjoying  for  the  future  a  pro- 
 found peace,  composed  songs  and  hymns  to  God  of  several  sorts  of  metre;*  some  of  those 
 which  he  made  were  trimeters,  and  some  were  pentameters  :  he  also  made  instruments  of 
 music,  and  tangtit  the  Levites  to  sing  hymns  to  God,  both  on  that  called  the  Sabbath-day,  and 
 on  the  other  festivals.  Now  the  construction  of  the  instruments  was  thus  :  the  viol  waa  an  instrn- 
 nient  of  ten  strings,  it  was  played  upon  with  a  bow  ;  the  psaltery  had  twelve  musical  notes,  and 
 was  played  upon  by  the  fingers  ;  the  cymbals  were  broad  and  large  instruments,  and  were  made 
 of  brass.  And  so  much  shall  suflice  to  be  spoken  by  us  about  these  instruments,  that  the 
 readers  may  not  be  wholly  unacquainted  with  their  nature. 
 
 4.  Now  all  the  men  that  were  about  David,  were  men  of  courage.  Those  that  were  most 
 illustrious  and  famous  of  them  for  their  actions  were  thirty-eight ;  of  five  of  whom  I  will  only 
 relate  the  performances,  for  these  will  suffice  to  make  manifest  the  virtues  of  the  others  also  ; 
 for  these  were  powerful  enough  to  subdue  countries,  and  conquer  great  natimis.  First,  there- 
 fore, was  Jessai,  the  son  of  Achiraaas,  who  frequently  leaped  upon  the  troops  of  the  enemy,  and 
 did  not  leave  off  lighting  till  he  overthrew  nine  hundred  of  them.  After  him  was  Eleazar,  the 
 son  of  Dodo,  who  was  with   the  king  at  Arasam.     This  man,  when  once  the  Israelites  were 
 
 •  This  section  is  a  very  rcniarliablc  one,  and  shews,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Josephus,  David  composed  tho 
 Rook  of  Psalms,  not  at  several  times  before,  as  their  present  inscriptions  frequently  imply,  but  generally  atthii 
 latter  end  of  his  life,  or  after  his  wars  were  over.  Nor  does  Josephus,  nor  the  authors  of  the  known  hooks  of 
 the  Old  aiul  Sew  Testament,  uor  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  seem  to  have  ascribed  any  of  ihem  to  any 
 other  author  than  to  David  himself.  Hee  Essay  on  the  Old  Testament,  p.  174,  175  Of  these  metres  of  the 
 Psalms,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  ii.  chap.  xvi.  5  4.  However,  we  must  observe  here,  that  as  Josephus  sa.vs, 
 Antiq.  b.  ii.  chap.  xvi.  i)  4.  that  the  song  at  the  Red  Si  a,  Exod.  xv.  1—21.  was  composed  by  Moses  in  the 
 hexameter  tune,  or  metre,  as  also  Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap,  viii.^  44.  that  tho  song  of  Moses,  Deut.  xxxii.  1 — 43.  was  an 
 hexameter  poem,  so  does  he  say,  that  the  Psalms  of  David  v^•ere  of  various  kinds  of  metre,  and  particularly, 
 'hai  they  coutaiued  trimeters  and  pentameters,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap,  xii,  §  3.  all  which  implies,  that  he  thought 
 these  Hebrew  poems  might  be  best  described  to  the  Greets  and  Komans  under  those  names  and  characters  of 
 hexameters,  and  trimeters,  and  pentameters.  Now,  it  appears  that  the  instruments  of  music  that  were  origi- 
 nally used  by  the  command  of  king  David  and  Solomon,  and  were  carried  to  Babylon  at  the  captivity  of  the 
 '.wo  tribes,  were  brought  back  after  that  captivity  ;  as  also,  that  the  singers  and  musicians,  who  outlived  that 
 captivity,  came  back  with  those  instruments,  Ezra  ii.  41.  vii.  C4.  Neh.  vii.  44.  Antiq.  b.  xi.  chap.  iii.  ^  8. 
 and  chap.  iv.  §  C.  and  that  this  music,  and  these  instruments  at  the  temple,  could  not  but  be  well  known  to 
 Tosephus,  a  priest  belonging  to  that  temple  :  who  accordingly  gives  us  a  short  description  of  three  of  the  instru- 
 ments, Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.  xii.  5  3.  and  gives  us  a  ilistiuct  account,  that  such  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung 
 in  his  days  at  that  temple,  Antiq.  b.  xx.  oh  .p.  ix.  C)  6.  so  that  .Tosephus's  .luthority  is  beyond  exception  in  th-'-o 
 matters.  Nor  can  a«y  hyjiothesis  of  the  moderns,  that  does  not  agree  with  Josephus's  characters,  be  jub, 
 supposed  the  true  metre  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  ;  nor  indeed  is  there,  I  think,  any  other  original  authority 
 now  extant,  hereto  relating,  to  be  opposed  to  those  testimonies  before  us.  That  the  ancient  music  of  the  He- 
 brews was  very  complete  also,  and  had  in  it  great  variety  of  tunes,  is  evident  by  the  number  ofthei  musical 
 instruments,  and  by  the  testimony  of  another  most  authentic  witness,  .lesus  the  Son  of  Siracb,  EccIls.  i.  W. 
 who  says,  that  at  the  temple  in  his  days,  "  The  singeis  sang  praises  with  their  voice,  with  great  viiriety  01 
 sounds  ■»  i;b  lJ;tic  made  =,wcit  melody," 
 
book:  VII. — CHAP.  XIII.  199 
 
 under  a  consternation  at  the  multitude  of  the  Philistines,  and  were  running  aw&y,  stood  alone, 
 and  fell  upon  the  enemy,  and  slew  many  of  them,  till  his  sword  cinng  to  his  hand  by  the  blood 
 he  had  shed,  and  till  the  Israelites,  seeing  the  Philistines  retire  by  his  means,  came  down  from 
 the  mountains  and  pursued  them,  and  at  tiiat  lime  won  a  surprising  and  a  famous  victory,  while 
 Eleazar  slew  the  men,  and  the  multitude  followed  and  spoiled  their  dead  bodies.  The  third 
 ■was  Sheba,  the  son  of  Ilus.  J^ow  this  man,  when,  in  the  wars  against  the  Philistines,  they 
 pitched  their  camp  at  a  place  called  Lehi,  and  when  the  Hebrews  were  again  afraid  of  their 
 enemy,  and  did  not  stay,  he  stood  still  alone,  as  an  army  and  a  body  of  men,  and  some  of  them 
 he  overthrew,  and  some,  who  were  not  able  to  abide  his  strength  and  force,  he  pursued.  These 
 are  the  works  of  the  hands,  and  of  fighting,  which  these  three  performed.  Now  at  the  time 
 when  the  king  was  once  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  arn)y  of  the  Philistines  came  upon  him  to  figh; 
 Lira,  David  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  citadel,  as  we  have  already  said,  to  inquire  of  God  con- 
 cerning the  buttle,  while  the  enemy's  camp  lay  in  the  valley  that  extends  to  the  city  Bethle- 
 hem, which  is  twenty  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem.  Now  David  said  to  his  companions, 
 "  We  have  excellent  water  in  my  own  city,  especially  that  which  is  in  the  pit  near  the  gate," 
 wondering  if  anyone  would  bring  him  some  of  it  to  drink  :  but  he  said,  that  "  he  would  rather 
 have  it  ihan  a  great  deal  of  money."  When  these  three  men  heard  what  he  said,  tliey  ran  away 
 immediately,  and  burst  through  the  midst  of  their  enemy's  camp,  and  came  to  Bethlehem  ;  and 
 when  they  had  drawn  the  water,  they  returned  again  through  the  enemy's  camp  to  the  king, 
 insomuch  that  the  Philistines  were  so  surprised  at  their  boldness  and  alacrity,  that  they  were 
 quiet,  and  did  nothing  against  them,  as  if  they  despised  their  small  number.  But  when  the 
 water  was  brought  to  the  king,  he  would  not  drink  it,  saying,  that  "it  was  brought  by  the 
 danger  and  the  blood  of  men,  and  that  it  was  not  proper  on  that  account  to  drink  it."  But  he 
 poured  it  out  to  God,  and  gave  him  thanks  for  the  salvation  of  the  men.  Next  to  these  were 
 Abishai,  Joab's  brother;  for  he  in  one  day  slew  six  hundred.  The  fiftli  of  these  was  Benaiah, 
 by  lineage  a  priest;  for  being  challenged  by  [two]  eminent  men  in  the  country  of  Moab,  he 
 overcame  them  by  his  valour.  Moreover,  there  was  a  man,  by  nation  an  Egyptian,  who  was 
 of  a  vast  bulk,  and  challenged  him,  yet  did  he,  when  he  was  unarmed,  kill  him  with  his  own 
 spear,  which  he  threw  at  him,  for  he  caught  him  by  force,  and  took  away  his  weapons,  while 
 he  was  alive  and  hghting,  and  slew  him  with  his  own  weapons.  One  may  also  add  this  to  the 
 forementioned  actions  of  the  same  man,  either  as  the  principal  of  them  in  alacrity  or  as  resem- 
 bling the  rest.  When  God  sent  a  snow,  there  was  a  lion  who  slipped  and  fell  into  a  certain 
 pit,  and  because  the  pit's  mouth  was  narrow,  it  was  evident  he  would  perish,  being  enclosed 
 with  the  snow  ;  so  when  he  saw  no  way  to  get  out  and  save  himself,  he  roared.  When  Benaiah 
 heard  the  wild  beast,  he  went  towards  him,  and  coming  at  the  noise  he  made,  he  went  down 
 into  the  mouth  of  the  pit,  and  smote  him,  as  he  struggled,  with  a  stake  that  lay  there,  and 
 immediately  slew  him.     The  other  thirty-three  were  like  these  in  valour  also. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 That  when  David  had  numbered  Ihe  People,  they  were  punished ;  and  how  the  Divine  Compassion 
 restrained  that  Punishment. 
 
 §  1.  Now  king  David  was  desirous  to  know  how  many  ten  thousands  there  were  of  the  people, 
 but  forgot  the  commands  of  Moses,  who  told  them  beforehand,  that  if  the  multitude  were  num- 
 bered, they  should  pay  half  a  shekel  to  God  for  every  head.*  Accordingly,  the  king  commande<l 
 Joab,  the  captain  of  his  host,  to  go  and  nuniber  Ihe  whole  multitude  :  but  when  he  said  there 
 was  no  necessity  for  such  a  numeration,  he  was  not  persuaded,  [to  countermand  it,]  bnt  he 
 enjoined  him  to  make  no  delay,  but  to  go  about  the  numbering  of  the  Hebrews  immediately.  So 
 Joab  took  with  him  the  heads  of  the  tribes,  and  the  scribes,  and  went  over  the  country  of  the 
 Israelites,  and  took  notice  how  numerous  the  multitude  were,  and  returned  to  Jerusalem  to  the 
 king,  after  nine  months  and  twenty  days  ;  and  he  gave  in  to  the  king  the  iii'mber  of  the  people, 
 wilhont  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  for  he  had  not  yet  numbered  that  tribe,  no  more  than  the  tribe 
 of  Levi,  for  the  king  repented  of  his  having  sinned  against  God.     Now  the  number  of  tlie  rest 
 
 •  The  words  of  Ooil  l)y  Moses,  I'xod.  xxx.  12.  sufficiently  justify  the  reason  here  given  by  Josephus  forlhe 
 great  plague  mentioned  in  tliis  rhnptcr. 
 
 "  \V  hen  thou  takest  the  sum  of  tlie  children  of  Israel,  after  their  number,  then  shall  they  give  every  man  a 
 ransom  for  his  soul  unto  the  Lord,  when  thou  nuinberest  them,  that  there  be  no  plague  amongst  them  when 
 thou  numbcrest  them."  ><or  indued  could  David's,  or  the  Sanhedrim's  neglect  of  executing  this  law  at  this 
 numeration,  excuse  the  people,  whu  ought  still  to  have  brought  their  bounden  oblation  of  half  a  shetel  apiece 
 with  them,  when  they  came  to  be  numbered.  The  great  reason  wliy  nations  are  so  constantly  punished  by 
 and  with  their  wicked  kings  and  goveniors,  is  this,  that  they  .almost  constantly  comply  with  them  in  their 
 neglect  of  or  disobedience  to  the  divine  laws,  and  suffer  those  divine  laws  to  go  into  disuse  or  contempt,  iu 
 order  to  please  those  wicked  kings  and  governors  ;  and  that  they  submit  to  several  wicked  political  laws  and 
 commands  of  those  kings  and  governors,  instead  of  the  righteous  laws  of  (jod,  which  all  mankind  ous;ht  ever 
 to  obey,  let  their  kings  and  governors  say  what  they  i)lease  to  tlie  contrary  ;  this  preference  of  human  before 
 divine  laws  seeming  to  me  the  principal  character  of  idolatrous  or  antichristian  nations.  Accordingly,  Jose- 
 phus well  observes,  /\nti.i.  h.  iv.  chap.  viii.  ^  17.  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  people  of  Israel  to  take  cave  that  their 
 kings,  when  they  .shoiiUl  have  them,  did  not  exceed  their  proper  linjits  of  power,  and  prove  ungovernable  by 
 the  laws  of  God,  whicli  would  certr.inly  be  a  most  pernicious  tiling  to  their  divine  settlement.  Nor  do  1  think 
 that  negligence  peculiar  to  the  Jews  :  those  nations  which  are  called  (hristiaus.  are  sometimes  indeed  very 
 solicitous  to  restraiu  iheir  kings  and  governors  from  breaking  the  human  laws  of  thoir  several  kingdoms,  but 
 without  the  like  care  for  restraniing  them  from  breaking  the  laws  of  tiod.  "  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight 
 of  (lod.to  hearken  uuto  men  more  than  uuto  God,  judge  ye,"  Acts  iv.  19.  "  We  ought  to  obey  God  rather 
 than  men,"  v.  2y. 
 
200  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 of  the  Israelites  was  nine  bandred  thousand  men,  v?ho  were  able   to  bear  aims  and  go  to  war  . 
 but  the  tribe  oT  Jodah  by  iiselT  was  foar  bandred  tboasand  men. 
 
 2.  Now  when  the  prophets  had  signified  to  David,  that  God  was  angry  at  him,  he  began  to 
 entreat  him,  and  to  desire  he  would  be  merciful  to  him,  and  forgive  his  sin.  But  God  sent 
 Nathan  the  prophet  to  him  to  propose  to  him  the  election  of  three  things,  that  he  might  choose 
 which  he  liked  best :  "  Whether  he  would  have  famine  come  upon  the  country  for  seven  years  ? 
 or  would  have  a  war,  and  be  subdued  three  months  by  his  enemies?  or  whether  God  should 
 send  a  pestilence  and  a  distemper  upon  the  Hebrews  for  three  days?"  But  as  he  was  fallen 
 to  a  fatal  clioice  of  great  miseries,  he  was  in  trouble,  and  sorely  confounded  ;  and  when  the 
 prophet  had  said,  that  he  must  of  necessity  make  his  choice,  and  had  ordered  him  to  answer 
 quickly,  that  he  might  declare  what  he  bad  chosen  to  God,  the  king  reasoned  with  himself,  that 
 in  case  he  should  ask  for  famine,  he  would  appear  to  do  it  for  others,  and  without  danger  to 
 himself,  since  he  had  a  great  deal  of  corn  hoarded  up,  but  to  the  harm  of  others  ;  that  in  case 
 he  should  choose  to  be  overcome  [by  his  enemies]  for  three  months,  he  would  appear  to  have 
 chosen  war,  because  he  had  valiant  men  about  hira,  and  strong  holds,  and  that  therefore  he 
 feared  nothing  therefrom  ;  so  he  chose  that  affliction  which  is  common  to  kings,  and  to  their 
 subjects,  and  in  which  the  fear  was  equal  on  all  sides  ;  and  said  this  beforehand,  that  it  was 
 much  better  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  God,  than  into  those  of  his  enemies." 
 
 3.  When  the  prophet  had  heard  this,  he  declared  it  to  God  ;  who  thereupon  sent  a  pestilence 
 and  a  mortality  upon  the  Hebrews  ;  nor  did  they  die  after  one  and  the  same  manner,  nor  so 
 that  it  was  easy  to  know  what  the  distemper  was.  Now,  the  miserable  disease  was  one 
 indeed,  but  it  carried  them  off  by  ten  thousand  causes  and  occasions,  which  those  that  were 
 afflicted  could  not  understand;  for  one  died  upon  the  neck  of  another,  and  the  terrible  malady 
 seized  them  before  they  were  aware,  and  brought  tbem  to  their  end  suddenly,  some  giving  up 
 the  ghost  immediately  with  very  great  pains  and  hitter  grief,  and  some  were  worn  away  by 
 their  distempers,  and  had  nothing  remaining  to  be  buried,  but  as  soon  as  ever  they  fell,  were 
 entirely  macerated;  some  were  choked,  and  greatly  lamented  their  case,  as  being  also  stricken 
 with  a  sudden  darkness  ;  some  there  were,  who,  as  they  were  burying  a  relation,  fell  down 
 dead,*  without  finishing  the  rites  of  the  funeral.  Now  there  perished  of  this  disease,  which 
 began  with  the  morning,  and  lasted  till  the  hour  of  dinner,  seventy  thousand.  Nay,  the  angel 
 strelciied  out  his  hand  over  Jerusalem,  as  sending  this  terrible  judgment  upon  it.  But  David 
 bad  put  on  sackcloth,  and  lay  upon  the  ground,  entreating  God,  and  begging  that  the  distemper 
 might  now  cease,  and  that  he  would  be  satisfied  with  those  tliat  had  already  perished.  And 
 when  the  king  looked  up  into  the  air,  and  saw  the  angel  carried  along  thereby  into  Jerusalem, 
 with  his  sword  drawn,  he  said  to  God,  that  "  he  might  justly  be  punished, who  was  their  shep- 
 herd, but  that  the  sheep  ought  to  be  preserved,  as  not  having  sinned  at  all ;  and  he  implored 
 God  that  he  would  send  his  wrath  upon  him,  and  upon  all  his  family,  but  spare  tlie  people." 
 
 4.  "When  God  heard  his  supplication,  he  caused  the  pestilence  to  cease  ;  and  sent  Gad  the 
 prophet  to  him,  and  commanded  him  to  go  up  immediately  to  the  threshing  Door  of  Araunab 
 the  Jebusite,  and  build  an  altar  there  to  God,  and  oiler  sacrifices.  When  David  heard  that, 
 he  did  not  neglect  his  duty  ;  but  made  haste  to  the  place  appointed  him.  Now  Araunab  was 
 tlireshing  wheat ;  and  when  he  saw  the  king  and  all  his  servants  coming  to  him,  he  ran  before, 
 and  came  to  him,  and  worshipped  him:  he  was  by  his  lineage  a  Jebusite,  but  a  particular 
 friend  of  David  ;  and  for  that  canse  it  was,  that  when  he  overthrew  the  city  he  did  him  no 
 harm,  as  we  informed  the  reader  a  little  before.  Now  Araunab  inquired,  "  \Vberefore  is  my 
 lord  come  to  his  servant?"  He  answered,  "  To  buy  of  hira  the  threshing-floor,  that  he  might 
 therein  build  an  altar  to  God,  and  offer  a  sacrifice."  He  replied,  that  "he  freely  gave  him 
 both  the  threshing-floor,  and  the  ploughs,  and  t'.ie  oxen  for  a  burnt-offering  ;  and  he  besought 
 God  graciously  to  accept  his  sacrifice."  But  the  king  made  answer,  that  he  took  his  genero- 
 sity and  magnanimity  kindly,  and  accepted  his  good-will,  but  he  desired  him  to  take  the  pries 
 of  them  all,  for  that  it  was  not  just  to  offer  asacrifice  thatcost  nothing.  And  when  Araunab  said, 
 he  would  do  as  he  pleased,  he  bought  the  threshing-floor  of  him  for  fifty  shekels.  And  when 
 he  had  built  an  altar,  he  performed  divine  service,  and  brought  a  burnt-ofirring,  and  offered 
 peace-offerings  also.  W  ith  these  God  was  pacified,  and  became  gracious  to  ihenj  again.  Now 
 it  happened,  that  Abraham  came  and  oflered  his  son  Isaac  for  a  burnt-ofiering  at  that  very 
 place  ;t  and  when  the  youth  was  ready  to  have  his  throat  cut,  a  ram  appeared  on  a  sudden, 
 standing  by  the  altar,  which  Abraham  sacrificed  in  the  stead  of  his  son,  as  we  have  befcre 
 related.  Now  when  king  David  saw  that  God  bad  iieard  his  prayer,  and  had  graciously 
 accepted  of  his  sacrifices,  he  resulved  to  call  that  entire  place  the  altar  of  all  the  people,  and 
 to  huild  a  temple  to  Gud  there.  Vv'hich  words  be  uttered  very  appositely  to  what  was  to  be 
 done  afterward  ;  for  God  sent  the  propliet  to  hira,  and  told  hira,  that  there  should  his  son  build 
 him  an  altar,  that  son  who  was  to  take  the  kingdom  after  him. 
 
 *  W'lience  Jospphus  tpcik  thftse  his  distinct  and  melancholy  accounts  of  the  particular  symptotiiE,  and  moi^t 
 ni  iscrabli;  methods  of  dying  iu  this  terrible  pestilence,  we  cannot  now  tell,  our  other  copies  atfordiug  us  no  anch 
 accounts. 
 
 +  ^\ J"''  JMeph-is  odds  hire  is  very  remarkable,  that  this  mount  IMoriah  was  not  only  the  verv  place  where 
 Al)raham  offered  i:p  Isaaf?  long  ago,  but  that  tiod  had  foretold  to  David  by  a  prophet,  that  here  his  son  should 
 l)uud  him  a  temple  ;  which  is  not  directly  in  any  of  our  oiher  copies,  thoueli  very  acreeable  to  what  is  in 
 liiem.parucuJarl.v  m  1  Chron.  xxi.  20-2tJ.  and  xxii.  1,  to  which  placsrt  1  Tt-fer  the  reader. 
 
BOOK    VII.— CHAP.  XIV.  201 
 
 CHAP.   XIV. 
 
 That  David  made  great  Preparations  for  the  House  of  God:  and  that  upon  Adunijah's  Atteinpt 
 
 to  gain  the  Kingdom,  he  appointed  Solomon  to  reign. 
 ^  1.  After  the  delivery  of  tbis  prophecy,  the  king  commanded  the  strangers  to  be  number- 
 ed ;  and  they  were  found  to  be  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  :  of  tliese  he  appointed  four- 
 score thousand  to  be  Lowers  of  stone,  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude  to  cany  the  stones,  and  of 
 them  he  set  over  the  workmen  three  thousand  and  five  hundred.  He  also  prepared  a  great 
 quantity  of  iron  and  brass  for  the  work,  with  many  (and  those  exceeding  large)  cedar  trees  j 
 tlie  Tyrians  and  Sidonians  sending  them  to  him,  for  be  had  sent  to  them  for  a  supply  of  those 
 trees.  And  he  told  his  friends,  tliat  these  things  were  now  prepared,  that  he  raiglit  leave 
 materials  ready  for  the  building  of  the  temple  to  his  son,  who  was  ro  reign  after  him,  and  that 
 he  might  not  have  them  to  seek  then,  when  he  was  very  young,  and,  by  reason  of  bis  age, 
 unskilful  in  such  matters,  but  might  have  them  lying  by  him,  and  so  might  Uie  more  readily 
 complete  the  work. 
 
 2.  So  David  called  his  son  Solomon,  and  charged  him,  when  he  had  received  the  kingdom, 
 to  build  a  temple  to  God  ;  and  said,  "  I  was  willing  to  build  God  a  temple  myself,  but  he 
 prohibited  me,  because  I  was  polluted  with  blood  and  wars  :  but  he  hath  foretold,  that  Solo- 
 mon, my  youngest  son,  should  build  him  a  temple,  and  should  be  called  by  that  name ;  over 
 whom  he  hath  promised  to  take  the  like  care,  as  a  father  takes  over  his  son  :  and  that  he  would 
 make  the  country  of  the  Hebrews  happy  under  him,  and  that,  not  only  in  other  respects,  but 
 by  giving  it  peace  and  freedom  from  wars,  and  from  internal  seditions,  which  are  the  greatest 
 of  all  blessings.  Since,  therefore,  (says  he,)  thou  wast  ordained  king  by  God  himself  before 
 thou  wast  boru,  endeavourto  render  thyself  worthy  of  this  his  providence,  as  in  other  instances, 
 so  particularly  in  being  religions,  and  righteous,  and  courageous.  Keep  thou  also  his  com- 
 mands, and  his  laws,  which  he  hath  given  us  by  Sloses,  and  do  not  permit  others  to  break 
 them.  Be  zealous  also  to  dedicate  to  God  a  temple,  which  he  hath  chosen  to  be  built  under 
 thy  reign  ;  nor  be  thou  affrighted  by  the  vastness  of  the  work,  nor  set  about  it  timorously,  for 
 I  will  make  all  things  ready  before  I  die  :  and  take  notice,  that  there  are  already  ten  thousand 
 talents  of  gold,  and  a  hundred  thousand  talents  of  silver,  collected  together.*  Ihave  also  laid 
 togetiier  brass  and  iron  without  number,  and  an  immense  quantity  of  timber  and  of  stones. 
 Moreover,  thou  hast  many  ten  thousand  slone-cutters;  and  carpenters  ;  and  if  thou  shalt  want 
 any  thing  farther,  do  thou  add  somewhat  of  thine  own.  Wherefore,  if  thou  performest  this 
 work,  thou  wilt  be  acceptable  to  Cod,  and  have  him  for  thy  patron."  David  also  farther 
 exhorted  the  rulers  of  the  people  to  assist  his  son  in  this  building,  and  to  attend  to  the  divine 
 service,  when  they  should  be  free  from  all  their  misfortunes,  for  that  they  by  this  means  should 
 enjoy,  instead  of  them,  peace,  and  a  happy  settlement,  with  which  blessings  God  rewards  such 
 as  are  religious  and  righteous.  He  also  gave  orders,  that  when  the  temple  should  be  once 
 built,  they  should  put  the  ark  therein,  with  the  holy  vessels  ;  and  he  assured  them,  that  they 
 ought  to  have  had  a  temple  long  ago,  if  their  fathers  had  not  been  negligent  of  God's  com- 
 mands, who  had  given  it  in  charge  that  when  they  had  got  the  possession  of  this  land,  they 
 should  build  him  a  temple.     Thus  did  David  discourse  to  the  governors,  and  to  his  son. 
 
 3.  David  was  now  in  years,  and  his  body,  by  length  of  time,  was  become  cold,  and 
 benumbed,  insomuch  that  he  could  get  no  heat  by  covering  himself  with  many  clothes  :  and 
 when  the  physicians  came  together,  tiiey  agreed  to  this  advice,  that  a  beautiful  virgin,  chosen 
 out  of  the  whole  couniry,  should  sleep  by  the  king's  side,  and  (hat  this  damsel  would  commu- 
 nicate heat  to  him,  and  be  a  remedy  against  his  numbness.  Now  there  was  found  in  the  city 
 one  woman  of  a  superior  beauty  to  all  oilier  women,  (her  name  was  Abishag,)  who,  sleeping 
 with  the  king, did  no  more  than  communicate  warmlli  to  him,  for  he  was  so  old  that  he  could  not 
 know  Iier  as  a  husband  knows  his  wife.     But  of  this  woman  we  shall  speak  more  presently. 
 
 4.  Now  the  fourth  son  of  David  was  a  beautiful  joung  marr,  and  tall,  born  to  him  of  Hag- 
 gith  his  wife.  He  was  named  Adonijah,  and  was  in  his  disposition  like  to  Absalom  ;  and 
 exalted  himself  as  hoping  to  be  king  ;  and  told  his  friends  that  he  ought  to  take  the  govern- 
 ment upon  him.  He  also  prepared  many  chariots  and  horses,  and  fifty  men  to  run  before  him. 
 When  his  father  saw  this,  he  did  not  reprove  him,  nor  restrain  him  from  his  purpose,  nor  did 
 be  go  so  far  as  to  ask  wherefore  he  did  so?  Now  Adonijali  had  for  his  assistants,  Joab  the 
 captain  of  the  army,  and  Abiathar  the  high  priest;  and  the  only  persons  that  opposed  him  were 
 Zadok  the  high  priest,  and  the  prophet  Nathan,  and  Benaiah,  who  was  c:iptain  of  the  guards, 
 and  .Shiniei,  David's  friend,  with  all  the  other  most  mighty  men.  Now  Adonijah  had  prepared 
 a  supper  out  of  the  city,  near  the  fountain  that  was  in  the  king's  paradise,  and  had  invited  all 
 his  brethren  except  Solomon,  and  had  taken  with  him  Joab  the  captain  of  the  army,  and  Abia- 
 thar, and  the  rulers  of  the  tribe  of  Judali ;  but  had  not  invited  to  this  feast  neither  Zadok  the 
 high  priest,  nor  Nathan  the  prophet,  nor  Benaiah  the  captain  of  the  guards,  nor  any  of  those  of 
 the  contrary  party.  This  matter  was  told  by  Nathan  the  prophet  to  Bathsheba,  Solomon's 
 mother,  that  Adonijah  was  kii;g,  and  that  David   knew  nothing  of  it ;  and  he  advised  her  to 
 
 t  Of  the  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  pxpoiidod  in  tjio  bulldins  of  .Solomo-n's  tcmpl^,  and  whence  it  arose,  s«« 
 .  descriplion  of  the  lem;)li;s,  clirn).  xiii. 
 
 2  c 
 
202  ANTIQUITIES    01'    THE  JEWS. 
 
 nave  herself,  and  lier  son  Solotnoii,  and  to  go  by  litrst-lf  to  David,  and  say  to  Lim,  that  "  he 
 had  indeed  sworn  tlint.  Solomon  should  reign  after  him,  but  that,  in  the  mean  time,  Adonijab 
 had  already  taken  the  kingdom."  lie  said,  tliat  he,  ihe  prophet  himself,  would  come  after 
 her,  and  wlien  she  had  spoken  thus  to  the  king,  would  confirm  ■nliat  she  had  said.  Accord- 
 ingly, Bathsheba  agreed  with  Nathan,  and  went  in  to  the  king,  and  worshipped  him,  and  wlien 
 she  had  desired  leave  to  speak  with  him,  she  told  him  all  things  in  the  manner  that  Nathan 
 had  suggested  to  her  ;  and  related  what  a  supper  Adonijab  liad  made,  and  who  they  were 
 whom  he  bad  invited  ;  Abiathar,  the  high  priest,  and  Joab  the  general,  and  David's  sons, 
 excepting  Solomon  and  his  intimate  friends.  She  also  said,  "  That  all  the  people  bad  their 
 eyes  upon  him,  to  know  whom  be  would  choose  for  their  king."  She  desired  liim  also  to  consider 
 bow,  after  his  departure,  Adonijab,  if  he  were  king,  would  slay  her  and  her  son  Solomon, 
 
 5.  Now  as  Bathsheba  was  speaking,  the  keeper  of  tlie  king's  chambers  told  him,  that  Na- 
 than desired  to  see  bim.  And  when  the  king  had  commanded  tliat  he  should  be  admitted,  he 
 came  in,  and  asked  him,  whether  he  had  ordained  Adonijah  to  be  king,  and  delivered  the 
 government  to  him  or  not?  for  that  he  had  made  a  splendid  supper,  and  invited  all  his  sons, 
 except  Solomon,  as  also  that  he  had  invited  Joab,  the  captain  of  his  host,  [and  Abiathar,  the 
 high  priest,]  who  are  feasting  with  applauses,  and  many  joyful  sounds  of  instruments,  and  wish 
 that  his  kingdom  may  last  for  ever :  but  he  hath  not  invited  me,  nor  Zadnk  the  high  priest,  nor 
 Benaiah  the  captain  of  the  guards :  and  it  is  but  fit  that  all  should  know  whether  this  be  done 
 by  thy  approbation  or  not.  When  Nathan  had  said  thus,  the  king  commanded  that  they  should 
 call  Bathsheba  to  him,  for  she  had  gone  out  of  the  room  when  the  prophet  came.  And  when 
 Bathsheba  was  come,  David  said,  "  I  swear  by  Almighty  God,  that  thy  son  Solomon  shall 
 certainly  be  king,  as  I  formerly  swore,  and  that  be  shall  sit  uj)on  my  throne,  and  that  this  very 
 day  also."  So  Bathsheba  worshipped  him,  and  v/ished  bim  a  ioiig  life :  and  the  king  sent  for 
 Zadok  the  high  priest,  and  Benaiah  the  captain  of  the  guards  ;  and  when  they  were  come,  he 
 ordered  tliem  to  take  with  them  Nathau  the  prophet,  and  all  the  armed  men  about  the  palace, 
 and  to  set  his  son  Solomon  upon  the  king's  mule,  and  to  carry  him  out  of  the  city  to  the  foun- 
 tain called  Gihon,  and  to  anoint  him  t'.iere  with  the  holy  oil,  and  to  make  bim  king.  This  ho 
 charged  Zadok  the  high  priest,  and  Nathan  the  prophet,  to  do,  and  commanded  them  to  follow 
 Solomon  through  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  to  souml  the  trumpets,  and  to  wish  aloud,  "That 
 Solomon  the  king  may  sit  upon  the  royal  throne  for  ever,"  that  so  all  the  people  may  know 
 that  he  is  ordained  king  by  his  father.  He  also  gave  Solomon  a  charge  concerning  his  govern  • 
 ment,  to  rule  the  whole  nation  of  the  Iltbrews,  and  particularly  the  tribe  of  Judali,  religiously 
 and  righteously.  And  when  Benaiah  had  prayed  to  God  to  be  favourable  to  Solomon,  without 
 any  delay  they  set  Solomon  upon  the  mule,  and  brought  him  out  of  the  city  to  the  fountain, 
 and  anointed  him  with  oil,  and  brought  him  into  the  city  again,  with  acclamations  and  wishes 
 that  his  kingdom  might  continue  a  long  time  :  and  when  they  had  introduced  bim  into  the 
 king's  house,  they  set  him  upon  the  throne.  Whereupon  all  the  people  betook  themselves  to 
 make  merry,  and  to  celebrate  a  festival,  dancing,  and  delighting  themselves  with  musical 
 pipes,  till  both  the  earth  and  the  air  echoed  with  the  multitude  of  the  instruments  of  music. 
 
 6.  Now  when  Adonijab  and  his  guests  perceived  this  noise,  they  were  in  disorder;  and  Joab 
 the  captain  of  the  host  snici,  "  He  was  not  pleased  with  these  echoes,  and  the  sound  of  these 
 trumpets."  And  when  siij.pei'  was  set  before  them,  nobody  tasted  of  it,  but  they  were  all  very 
 thoughtful  what  would  ':e  ihe  matter.  Then  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Abiathar  the  high  priest, 
 came  running  to  them  ;  and  when  Adonijah  saw  the  young  man  gladly,  and  said  to  him  that  he 
 was  a  good  messenger,  he  declared  to  them  the  whole  matter  about  Solomon,  and  the  deter- 
 mination of  king  David  :  hereupon  both  Adonijah  and  all  his  guests  rose  hastily  from  the  feast, 
 and  every  one  lied  to  their  own  homes  ;  Adonijah  also,  as  afraid  of  the  king  for  what  he  had 
 done,  became  a  supplicant  to  God,  and  took  hold  of  the  horns  of  the  altar,  which  were  promi- 
 nent. It  was  also  told  Solomon  that  he  had  so  done  ;  and  that  be  desired  to  receive  assur- 
 ances from  Lim  that  he  would  not  remember  the  injury  he  had  done,  and  not  inflict  any  severe 
 punishment  for  it.  Solomon  answered  very  mildly  and  prudently,  that  "  he  forgave  hira  this 
 his  offence  ;  but  said  withal,  that  if  he  were  found  out  in  any  attempt  for  new  innovations,  that 
 he  would  be  the  author  of  his  own  punishment."  So  he  sent  to  him,  and  raised  bim  up  from 
 the  place  of  his  supplication.  And  when  he  was  come  to  the  king,  and  had  worshipped  bim, 
 the  king  bade  hira  go  away  to  his  own  heme,  and  have  no  suspicion  of  any  harm  :  and  desired 
 him  to  shew  himself  a  worthy  man,  as  what  would  lend  to  his  own  advantage. 
 
 7.  But  David  being  desirous  of  ordaining  his  son  king  of  all  the  people,  called  together 
 their  rulers  to  Jerusalem,  with  the  priests  and  the  Levites  ;  and  having  first  numbered  the 
 Levites,  he  found  them  to  be  thirty-eight  thousand,  from  thirty  years  old  to  fifty  ;  out  of  which 
 he  appointed  twenty-three  thous^ind  to  take  care  of  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  out  of  the 
 same  six  thousand  to  be  judges  of  the  people,  and  scribes,  four  thousand  for  porters  to  the 
 bouse  of  God,  and  as  many  for  singers,  to  sing  to  the  instruments  which  David  had  prepared, 
 as  we  have  said  already.  He  divided  them  also  into  courses:  and  when  he  bad  separated  the 
 priests  from  them,  he  found  of  these  priests  tweuty-fonr  courses,  sixteen  of  the  house  of  Elea- 
 zar,  and  eiglit  of  that  of  Ithamar:  and  he  ordained  that  one  course  should  minister  to  God 
 eight  days,   from  Sabbatii  to  Sabbath.     And  thus  were  the  courses  distributed  by  lot,  in  the 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.   XIV.  203 
 
 preecnce  of  Pa v id,  r»wl  Zadok  mid  Abi'itliar  the  liigli  priests,  and  of  all  tlie  rulers:  and  llisit 
 course  wliicli  came  up  (irst  was  written  down  as  the  first.  and»  accordingly  the  second,  and  so 
 on  to  tbc  twenty-fourth;  and  this  partition  hath  remained  to  this  day.  lie  also  made  twenty- 
 lonr  parts  of  the  tribe  of  Levi ;  and  when  they  cast  lots,  they  came  up  in  the  same  manner  for 
 their  courses  of  eij^lit  days.  He  also  honoured  the  posterity  of  Moses,  and  made  thera  the 
 keepers  of  the  treasures  of  God,  and  of  tlie  donations  which  the  kings  dedicated.  He  also 
 ordained,  that  all  the  trilie  of  Levi,  as  well  as  the  priests,  should  serve  God  uight  and  day, 
 as  Moses  had  enjoined  tliem. 
 
 8.  After  this  be  parted  the  entire  army  into  twelve  parts,  with  their  leaders,  (and  captains 
 of  hundreds,)  and  commanders.  Now  every  part  had  twenty-four  thousand,  which  were 
 ordered  to  wait  on  Solomon,  by  thirty  days  at  a  time,  from  the  first  day  till  the  last,  with  the 
 captains  of  thousands,  and  captains  of  hundreds.  He  also  set  rulers  over  every  part,  such  as 
 he  knew  to  be  good  and  ricihteous  men.  He  set  others  also  to  take  eharge  of  the  treasures, 
 and  of  the  villages,  and  of  the  fields,  and  of  the  beasts,  whose  names  I  do  not  think  it  neces- 
 sary to  mention.  When  David  had  ordered  nil  these  oflices  after  the  manner  !)fcfore  mentioned, 
 he  called  the  rulers  of  the  Hebrews,  and  their  heads  of  tribes,  and  the  officers  over  the  several 
 divisions,  and  those  that  were  appointed  over  every  work,  and  eve<y  possession;  and  standing- 
 upon  a  high  pulpit,  lie  said  to  the  multitude  as  follows  :  "  My  brethren  and  my  people,  I 
 would  have  you  know,  that  I  intended  to  build  a  house  for  God,  and  prepared  a  large  quantity 
 of  gold,  and  n  hundred  thousand  taleuts  of  silver,  but  God  prohiI)ited  me  by  the  piophet  Nathan, 
 because  of  the  wars  1  had  on  your  account,  and  because  my  right  band  was  polluted  with  the 
 slaughter  of  our  enemies  ;  but  he  commanded  that  my  son,  who  was  to  succeed  me  in  the  king- 
 dom, should  build  a  temple  for  him.  Now,  therefore,  since  you  know  that  of  the  twelve  sons 
 whom  Jacob  our  forefather  had,  Judah  was  appointed  to  be  king,  and  that  I  was  preferred 
 before  my  six  brethren,  and  received  the  government  from  God,  and  that  none  of  them  were 
 uneasy  at  it,  so  do  I  also  desire  that  my  sons  be  not  seditious  one  against  another,  now  Solomon 
 has  received  the  kingdom,  but  to  bear  him  cheerfully  for  their  lord,  as  knowing  that  God  liatb 
 chosen  him  :  for  it  is  not  a  grievous  thing  to  obey  even  a  foreigner  as  a  ruler,  if  it  be  God's 
 will,  but  it  is  III  to  rejoice  wbeu  a  brother  hath  obtained  that  dignity,  since  the  rest  partake  of 
 it  with  hill).  And  I  pray  that  the  promises  of  God  may  be  fulfilled;  and  that  this  happiness 
 which  he  bath  promised  to  bestow  upon  king  Solomon,  over  all  the  country,  may  continue 
 therein  for  all  time  to  come.  And  these  promises,  O  son,  will  be  firm,  and  come  to  a  hapjjy 
 end,  if  thou  shewest  thyself  to  be  a  religious  and  a  righteous  man,  and  an  observer  of  the  laws 
 of  thy  country  ;  but  if  not,  expect  adversity  upon  thy  disobedience  to  them." 
 
 9.  Now  when  the  king  bad  said  this,  he  left  oft',  but  gave  the  description  and  pattern  of  the 
 building  of  the  temple  in  the  sight  of  thera  all,  to  Solomon  :  of  the  foundations  and  of  the 
 chambers,  inferior  and  superior,  how  many  they  were  to  be,  and  how  large  in  height  and  in 
 breadth ;  as  also  he  determined  the  weight  of  the  golden  and  silver  vessels ;  moreover,  he 
 earnestly  excited  tlieni  with  his  words,  to  use  the  utmost  alacrity  about  the  work;  he  exhorted 
 the  rulers  also,  and  particularly  the  tribe  of  Levi,  to  assist  him,  both  because  of  his  youth, 
 aud  because  God  had  chosen  him  to  take  care  of  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  of  the  govern- 
 ment of  the  kingdom.  He  also  declared  to  them  that  the  work  would  be  easy,  and  not  very 
 laborious  to  them,  because  he  had  prepared  for  it  many  talents  of  gold,  and  more  of  silver, 
 with  timber,  and  a  great  many  carpenters  and  stone-cutters,  and  a  large  ([uantily  of  emeralds, 
 and  all  sorts  of  precious  stones  :  and  he  said,  that  even  now  he  would  give  of  the  proper  goods 
 of  his  own  dominion  two  hundred  talents,  and  three  hundred  other  talents  of  pure  gold,  for  the 
 most  holy  place,  and  fur  the  chariot  of  God,  the  cherubinis,  which  are  to  stand  over  and  cover 
 tl:e  ark.  Now  when  David  had  done  speaking,  there  appeared  great  alacrity  among  the  rulers 
 and  the  priest.s,  and  the  Levites,  who  now  contributed,  and  made  great  and  splendid  promises 
 lor  a  future  contribution ;  for  they  undertook  to  briiig  of  gold  five  thousand  talents,  and  ten 
 thousand  drachms,  and  of  silver,  ten  thousand  falenls,  and  many  ten  thousand  talents  of  iron; 
 and  if  any  one  had  a  precious  stone  be  brought  it,  and  bequeathed  it  to  be  put  among  the 
 treasmies  ;  of  which  Jachiel,  one  of  the  posterity  of  Moses,  had  the  care. 
 
 10.  Upon  this  occasion  all  the  people  rejoiced,  as  in  particular  did  David,  when  he  saw  the 
 Zeal  and  forward  ambition  of  the  rulers  and  the  priests,  and  of  all  the  rest;  and  he  began  to 
 bless  God  with  a  loud  voice,  calling  him  "  the  Father  and  Parent  of  the  universe,  and  the 
 Author  of  human  and  divine  things,  with  which  he  had  adorned  Solomon,  the  patron  and 
 guardiim  of  (he  Hebrew  nation,  and  of  its  happiness,  and  of  that  kingdom  which  he  hath  given 
 his  son.  l>esidus  this,  he  prayed  for  ha|>piness  to  all  the  people  ;  and  to  Solomon  his  son,  a 
 sound  and  a  righteous  mind,  and  confirmed  in  all  sorts  of  virtue;"  and  then  be  commanded  the 
 multitiido  to  bless  God.  Uiion  which  they  all  fell  down  upon  the  ground,  and  worshipped 
 him.  They  also  gave  thanks  to  David,  on  account  of  all  the  blessings  which  they  had  received 
 ever  since  ho  had  taken  the  kingdom.  On  the  next  day  he  presented  sacrifices  to  God,  a 
 thousand  bullncks,  and  as  many  lambs,  which  they  ofiVMed  for  burnt-oflerings.  They  also 
 iiO'ercd  pcacc-oireriugs,  and  slew  many  ten  thousand  sacrifices ;  and  the  king  feasted  oil 
 <'..!V,  together  wi(b  all  tlie  people  ;  and  they  anointed  Solomon  a  second  time  with  the  oil, 
 and  appointed  him   to   be   king,  and  Zadok  to  be   the  high  priest  of  tin:   v\  hole  multitude. 
 
204  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 And  when  thej  had  brought  Solomon  to  the  rojal  palace,  and  had  set  h'm  upon  liis  father's 
 throne,  they  were  obedient  to  him  from  that  day. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 What  Charge  David  gave  to  his  Son  Solomon,  at  the  Approach  of  his  Death;  and  how  many 
 
 Things  he  left  him  for  the  Building  of  the  Temple. 
 §  1.  A  LITTLE  afterward  David  also  fell  into  a  distemper  by  reason  of  his  age;  and  perceiving; 
 that  he  was  near  to  death,  he  called  liis  son  Solomon,  and  discoursed  to  him  thus  :  "  I  am  now, 
 
 0  my  SOD,  going  to  my  grave,  and  to  my  fathers,  which  is  the  common  way  which  all  men  that 
 now  are,  or  shall  be  hereafter,  must  go,  from  which  way  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  return,  and 
 to  knovv  any  thing  that  is  done  in  this  world.  On  which  account  I  exhort  thee,  while  I  am 
 still  alive,  though  already  very  near  to  death,  in  the  same  manner  as  I  have  formerly  said  in 
 my  advice  to  thee,  to  be  righteous  towards  thy  subjects,  and  religious  towards  God,  that  hath 
 given  thee  thy  kingdom  :  to  observe  his  commands,  and  his  laws,  which  he  hath  sent  us  by 
 Moses,  and  neither  do  thou,  out  of  favour  nor  flattery,  allow  any  lust  or  other  passion  to  weigh 
 ■with  thee,  to  disregard  them ;  for  if  thou  transgressest  his  laws,  thou  wilt  lose  the  favour  of 
 God,  and  thou  wilt  turn  away  his  providence  from  thee  in  all  things  ;  but  if  thou  behave  thyself 
 so  as  it  behoves  thee,  and  as  I  exhort  thee,  thou  wilt  preserve  our  kingdom  to  our  family,  and 
 no  other  house  will  bear  rule  over  the  Hebrews,  but  we  ourselves,  for  all  ages.  Be  thou  also 
 mindful  of  the  transgressions  of  Joab,  the  captain  of  the  host,  who  hath  slain  two  generals  out 
 of  envj',  and  those  righteous  and  good  men,  Abner  the  son  of  Ner,  and  Amasa,  the  son  of 
 Jether,  whose  death  do  thou  avenge  as  shall  seem  good  to  thee,  since  Joab  hath  been  too  hard 
 for  me,  and  more  potent  than  myself,  and  so  hath  escaped  punishment  hitherto.*  I  also  com- 
 mit to  thee  the  sou  of  Barzillai  the  Gileadite,  whom,  in  order  to  gratify  me,  thou  shalt  have  in 
 great  honour,  and  take  great  care  of;  for  we  have  not  done  good  to  him  first,  but  we  only 
 repay  that  debt  which  we  owe  to  his  father,  for  what  he  did  to  me  in  my  flight.  There  is  also 
 Shimei,  the  son  of  Gera,  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  who,  after  he  had  cast  many  reproaches 
 upon  me,  when,  in  my  fliglit,  I  was  going  to  Mahanaira ;  met  me  at  Jordan,  and  received 
 assurances  that  he  should  then  suder  nothing.  De  thou  now  seek  out  for  some  just  occasion, 
 and  punish  him." 
 
 2.  When  David  had  given  these  admonitions  to  his  son  about  public  affairs,  and  about  his 
 frieuds,  and  about  those  whom  he  knew  to  deserve  punishment,  he  died,  having  lived  seventy 
 years,  and  reigned  seven  years  and  six  months  in  Hebron,  over  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  thirty- 
 three  years  in  Jerusalem,  over  all  the  country.  This  man  was  of  an  excellent  character,  and 
 was  endowed  with  all  virtnes  that  were  desirable  in  a  king,  and  in  one  that  had  the  preserva- 
 tion of  so  many  tribes  cojumitted  to  him  ;  for  he  was  a  man  of  valour  in  a  very  extraordinary 
 degree,  and  went  readily  and  first  of  all  into  dangers,  when  he  was  to  fight  for  his  subjects,  as 
 exciting  the  soldiers  to  action  by  his  own  labours,  and  fighting  for  them,  and  not  by  com- 
 manding lliem  in  a  despotic  way.  He  was  also  of  very  great  abilities  in  understanding,  and 
 apprehension  of  present  and  future  circumstances,  when  he  was  to  manage  any  nfl'airs.  He 
 was  prudent  and  moderate,  and  kind  to  such  as  were  under  any  calamities :  he  was  righteous 
 and  humane ;  which  are  good  qualities,  peculiarly  fit  for  kings  :  nor  was  guilty  of  any  offence 
 in  the  exercise  of  so  great  an  authority,  but  in  the  business  of  the  wife  of  Uriah.  He  also  left 
 behind  him  greater  wealth  than  any  otherking,eilheroftheHebrews,or  of  other  nations,  ever  did. 
 
 3.  He  was  buried  by  his  son  Solomon,  in  Jerusalem,  with  great  magnificence,  and  with  all 
 the  other  funeral  pomp  which  kings  use  to  be  buried  with :  moreover,  he  had  great  and 
 immense  wealth  buried  with  him;  the  vastness  of  which  may  be  easily  conjectured  at  by  what 
 
 1  shall  now  say ;  for  a  thousand  and  three  hundred  years  afterward,  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest, 
 when  he  was  besieged  by  Antiochus,  that  was  called  the  Pious,  the  son  of  Demetrius,  and  was 
 desirous  of  giving  him  money  to  get  him  to  raise  the  siege,  and  draw  off  his  army  ;  and  having 
 no  other  method  of  compassing  the  money,  opened  one  room  of  David's  sepulchre,  and  took 
 out  three  thousand  talents,  and  gave  part  of  that  sum  to  Antiochus,  aud  by  this  means  caused 
 the  siege  to  be  raised,  as  we  have  informed  the  reader  elsewhere.  Nay,  after  him,  and  that 
 many  years,  Herod  the  king  opened  another  room,  and  took  away  a  great  deal  of  money,  and 
 yet  ueilher  of  them  came  at  the  coffins  of  the  kings  themselves,  for  their  bodies  were  buried 
 under  the  earth  so  artfully,  that  they  did  not  appear  even  to  those  that  entered  into  their 
 monuments.     But  so  much  shall  suffice  us  to  have  said  concerning  these  matters. 
 
 *  David  is  here  greatly  blamed  by  some  for  recommpnijing  Joab  and  Shimei  to  be  punished  by  Solomon, 
 if  be  CDuld  lind  a  proper  occasion,  after  he  had  borne  with  the  first  a  long  while,  and  seemed  to  have  pardoned 
 the  other  entirely,  which  . 'Solomon  executed  accordingly;  yet  I  cannot  discern  any  fault  either  in  David  or 
 Solomon  in  these  cases ;  Joab's  mui-der  of  Abner  and  Amasa  were  very  barbarous,  and  could  not  properly  be 
 forgiven  either  by  Uavid  or  Solomon  ;  for  a  dispensing  power  in  kings  for  the  crime  of  wilful  murder  is  war- 
 ranted by  no  law  of  God,  nay,  is  directly  against  it  every  where  ;  nor  is  it,  for  certain,  in  the  power  of  men  to 
 grant  such  a  prerogative  to  any  of  their  kings.  Thongh  Joab  was  so  nearly  related  to  David,  and  so  potent  in 
 the  ariuy  under  a  warlike  administration,  that  David  durst  not  himself  put  him  to  death,  2  Sam.  iii.  39.  and 
 XIX.  (.  ShiL'uji's  'cursing  the  T.crd's  anointed,'  and  this  without  any  just  cause,  was  the  highest  act  of  treason 
 against  dod,  and  his  anointed  king,  and  justly  deserved  death ;  and  though  David  could  forgive  treason 
 i'gamst  hnnself,  yet  had  he  done  no  more  in  the   case   of  Shimei   than   promised  him,  that   lie  would  not 
 
 '•  S^  *"'  *i  1  '^^^  °'  ^'*  '■•^'urn  and  re-inauguration,  or  upon  that  occasion,  himself  put  him  (o  deatli,  2  Sam. 
 JC1X.22.  and  he  swore  to  him  no  further,  v.»'5.  as  the  words  are  in  Josephus,  than  that  he  would  not '  then'  put 
 iiiiu  to  death,  which  he  performed :  nor  was  Solomon  under  any  obligation  to  spare  such  a  tn.itor. 
 
EonK  VIII. — CHAT.  f.  205 
 
 BOOK  VIII. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  IJ^TERVAL  OF   ONE   HUNDRED  AND  SIXTY-THREE   YEAI!S.-TROM 
 THE  DEATH  OF  DAVJD,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  AHAD. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Solomon,  when  he  had  received  the  Kingdom,  took  off  his  Enemies. 
 
 §  1.  We  have  already  treated  of  David,  and  his  virtue ;  and  of  the  benefits  he  was  the  author 
 of  to  his  countrymen  ;  of  his  wars  also,  and  battles  which  he  managed  with  success,  and  then 
 died  an  old  man,  in  the  foregoing  book.  And  when  Solomon  his  son,  who  was  but  a  youth  in 
 age,  had  taken  the  kingdom,  and  whom  David  had  declared,  while  he  was  alive,  the  lord  of 
 that  people,  according  to  God's  will :  when  be  sat  upon  the  throne,  the  whole  body  of  the 
 people  made  joyful  acclamations  to  him,  as  is  usual  at  the  beginning  of  a  reign;  and  wished 
 that  all  bis  aQ'uirs  might  come  to  a  blessed  conclusion ;  and  that  he  might  arrive  at  a  great 
 age,  and  at  the  most  happy  state  of  afl'airs  possible. 
 
 2.  But  Adonijah,  who,  while  his  father  was  living,  attempted  to  gain  possession  of  the 
 government,  came  to  the  king's  mother  Bathsheba,  and  saluted  her  with  great  civility  ;  and 
 when  she  asked  liim,  whether  he  came  to  her  as  desiring  her  assistance  in  any  thing  or  not? 
 and  bade  him  tell  her  if  that  were  the  case,  for  that  she  would  cheerfully  afl'ord  it  him ;  he 
 began  to  say,  that  "she  knew  herself  that  the  kingdom  was  his,  both  on  account  of  his  elder 
 age,  and  of  the  disposition  of  the  multitude,  and  that  yet  it  was  transferred  to  Solomon  her 
 son,  according  to  the  will  of  God.  He  also  said,  that  he  was  contented  to  be  a  servant  under 
 him,  and  was  pleased  with  the  present  settlement,  but  he  desired  her  to  be  a  means  of  obtain- 
 ing a  favour  from  his  brother  to  him,  and  to  persuade  him  to  bestow  on  him  in  marriage 
 Abishag,  who  had  indeed  slept  by  his  father,  but  because  his  father  was  too  old,  he  did  not 
 lie  with  her,  and  she  was  still  a  virgin."  So  Bathsheba  promised  him  to  afford  him  her 
 assistance  very  earnestly,  and  to  bring  this  marriage  about ;  because  the  kiug  would  be  willing 
 to  gratify  him  in  such  a  thing,  and  because  she  would  press  it  to  him  very  earnestly.  Accord- 
 ingly he  went  away  in  hopes  of  succeeding  in  this  match.  So  Solomon's  mother  went  pre- 
 sently to  her  son,  to  speak  to  hira  about  what  she  had  promised,  upon  Adonijah's  supplication 
 to  her.  And  when  her  son  cam.e  forward  to  meet  her,  and  embraced  her,  and  when  he  h:'.d 
 brought  her  into  the  house  where  the  royal  throne  was  set,  he  sat  thereon,  and  l)a(le  them  set 
 another  throne  on  the  right  hand  for  his  mother.  AVhen  Bathsheba  was  set  down,  she  said, 
 "  O  my  son,  grant  me  one  request  that  I  desire  of  thee,  and  do  not  any  thing  to  me  that  is 
 disagreeable  or  ungrateful ;  which  thou  wilt  do,  if  thou  deniest  me."  And  when  Solomon  bade 
 her  to  lay  her  commands  upon  him,  because  it  was  agreeable  to  his  duty  to  grant  htr  every 
 thing  she  should  ask,  and  complained  that  she  did  not  begin  her  discourse  with  a  firm 
 expectation  of  obtaining  what  she  desired,  but  bad  some  suspicion  of  a  denial,  she  entreated 
 Lim  to  grant  that  his  brother  Adonijah  might  marry  Abishag. 
 
 3.  But  the  king  was  greatly  offended  at  these  words,  and  sent  away  his  mother,  and  said, 
 that  "  Adonijah  aimed  at  great  things,  and  that  he  wondered  that  she  did  not  desire  him  to 
 yield  up  the  kingdom  to  him,  as  to  his  elder  brother,  since  she  desired  that  he  might  marry 
 Abishag,  and  that  he  had  potent  friends,  Joab  the  captain  of  the  host,  and  Abiathar  the  priest." 
 So  he  called  for  Benaiah,  the  captain  of  the  guards,  and  ordered  him  to  slay  his  brother 
 Adonijah.  He  also  called  for  Abiathar  the  priest,  and  said  to  him,  "  I  will  not  put  thee  to 
 death,  because  of  those  other  hardships  which  thou  hast  endured  with  my  father,  and  because 
 of  the  ark  which  thou  hast  borne  along  with  me,  but  I  inllict  this  following  punishment  upon 
 thee,  because  thou  wast  among  Adonijah's  followers,  and  wast  of  his  party.  Do  not  thou  con- 
 tinue here,  nor  come  any  juore  into  my  sight,  but  go  to  thine  own  town,  and  live  on  thy  own 
 fields,  and  there  abide  all  thy  life  ;  for  thou  hast  otl'ended  so  greatly,  that  it  is  not  just  that 
 thou  shouldest  retain  thy  dignity  any  longer."  For  the  fore-mentioned  cause  therefore  it  was, 
 that  the  house  of  Itiiamar  was  deprived  of  the  sacerdotal  dignity,  as  God  had  foretold  to  Eli, 
 the  grandfather  of  Abiathar.  So  it  was  transferred  to  the  family  of  Phineas,  to  Zadok.  Now 
 those  that  were  of  the  family  of  Phineas,  but  lived  privately  during  the  time  that  the  high 
 priesthood  was  transferred  to  the  house  of  Itiiamar,  (of  which  family  Eli  was  the  first  that 
 received  it,)  were  these  that  follow  :  Bukki,  the  son  of  Abishua  the  high  priest;  his  son  was 
 Joatham;  Joatham's  son  was  IMeraioth  ;  IMeraioth's  son  was  Arophieus ;.  Aropha'us'  son  was 
 Ahitub;  and  Ahitub's  son  was  Zadok,  who  was  first  made  high  priest  in  the  reign  of  David. 
 
 4.  Now  when  Joab  the  captain  of  the  host  heard  of  the  slaughter  of  Adonijah,  he  was 
 greatly  afraid,  for  he  was  a  greater  friend  to  him  than  to  Solomon ;  and  suspecting,  not  without 
 reason,  that  he  was  in  danger  on  account  of  his  favour  to  Adonijah,  he  fled  to  the  altar,  and 
 supposed  he  might  procure  safety  thereby  to  himself,  because  of  the  king's  piety  towards  God. 
 But  when  some  told  the  king  what  Joab's  supposal  was,  be  sent  Benaiah,  and  commanded  him 
 to  raise  him  up  from  the  altar,  and  bring  hira  to  the  judgment-seat,  in  order  to  make  his 
 defence.     However,  Joab  said,  he  would  not  leave  the  altar,  but  would  die  there,  rather  than 
 
206  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 in  aiiotlier  place.  Ami  when  Botiaiali  liad  reported  his  answer  to  (lie  king,  Solomon  com- 
 iiianded  hiui  to  cut  oft' his  head  llierc,*  and  let  him  lake  that  as  a  |iuiiisliiuent  lor  those  two 
 captains  of  the  host  whom  he  had  wickedly  slain,  and  to  bury  his  hodj,  that  his  sins  might 
 never  leave  his  family,  but  that  himscir  and  his  ftither,  by  Jonb's  death,  might  be  guiltless. 
 And  when  Benaiah  had  done  what  he  was  commanded  to  do,  he  was  himself  appointed  to  be 
 captain  of  the  whole  army.  The  king  also  made  Zadok  to  be  alone  the  high  priest,  in  the  room 
 of  Abiathar,  whom  he  l.ad  removed. 
 
 5.  But  as  to  Sliimei,  Solomon  commanded  that  he  should  build  him  a  house,  and  slay  at 
 Jerusalem,  and  attend  upon  him,  and  should  not  have  a"thority  to  go  over  the  brook  Ccdron ; 
 and  that  if  he  disobeyed  that  command,  death  should  be  nis  punishment.  He  also  threatened 
 him  so  terribly,  that  he  compelled  him  to  take  an  oath  that  he  would  obey.  Accordingly, 
 Shimei  said,  that  "he  had  reason  to  thank  .Solomon  for  giving  him  such  an  injunction;  and 
 added  an  oath,  that  he  would  do  as  he  bade  him ;"  and  leaving  his  own  country,  he  made  his 
 abode  in  Jerusalem.  But  three  years  afterwards,  when  he  heard  that  two  of  his  servants  were 
 run  away  from  him,  and  were  in  Gath,  he  went  for  his  servants  in  haste ;  and  when  he  was 
 come  back  with  them,  the  king  perceived  it,  and  was  much  displeased  that  he  had  contemned 
 Ills  commands,  and  what  was  more,  had  no  regard  to  the  oaths  he  had  sworn  to  God  ;  so  he 
 called  him,  and  said  to  him,  "  Didst  thou  not  swear  never  to  leave  me,  nor  to  go  out  of  this 
 city  to  another?  thou  shall  not  therefore  escape  punishment  for  thy  perjury  ;  but  I  will  punish 
 tliee,  thou  wicked  wretch,  both  for  this  crime,  and  for  those  wherewith  thou  didst  abuse  my 
 father  when  he  was  iu  his  flight,  that  thoa  mayest  know  that  wicked  men  gain  nothing  at  last, 
 although  they  be  not  punished  immediately  upon  their  unjust  practices,  but  that  in  all  the  time 
 wherein  they  think  themselves  secure,  because  they  have  yet  suffered  nothing,  their  punisb- 
 juent  increases,  and  is  heavier  upon  them,  and  that  to  a  greater  degree  than  if  they  had  been 
 punished  immediately  upon  the  commission  of  their  crimes."  So  Benaiah,  on  (he  king's 
 command,  slew  Shimei. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 CoHcernhig  the  Wife  of  Solomon;  concerning  his  Wisdom  and  Riches ;  and  concerning  ivliat  he 
 obtained  of  Hiram  for  the  building  of  the  Temple. 
 
 §  1.  .SoLOM0^4  having  already  settled  himself  firmly  in  his  kingdom,  and  having  brought  his 
 enemies  to  punishment,  he  married  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh  king  of  Egypt,  and  built  the  walls 
 of  Jerusalem, t  much  larger  and  stronger  than  those  that  had  been  before,  and  thenceforward 
 he  managed  public  affairs  very  peaceably  :  nor  was  his  youth  any  hinderance  in  the  exercise  of 
 justice,  or  in  the  observation  of  the  laws,  or  in  the  remembrance  of  what  charges  his  father  had 
 given  him  at  his  death,  but  he  discharged  every  duly  with  great  accuracy,  that  might  have 
 been  expected  from  such  as  ere  aged,  and  of  the  greatest  prudence.  He  now  resolved  to  go 
 to  Hebron,  and  sacrilice  to  God  upon  the  brazen  altar  that  was  built  by  Moses.  Accordingly,  he 
 offered  there  burnt-offerings,  in  number  a  thousand  ;  and  when  he  had  done  this,  he  thought  he 
 had  paid  great  honour  to  God,  for  as  he  was  asleep  that  very  night,  God  appeared  to  him,  and 
 commanded  him  to  ask  of  him  some  gifts  which  he  was  ready  to  give  him,  as  a  reward  for  his 
 piety.  So  Solomon  asked  of  God  what  was  most  excellent,  and  of  tlie  greatest  worth  in  itself, 
 what  God  would  bestow  with  the  greatest  joy.  and  what  it  was  most  profitable  for  man  to  receive  ; 
 tor  he  did  not  desire  to  have  bestowed  upon  him  either  gold  or  silver,  or-any  other  riches,  as  a 
 man  and  a  youth  might  naturally  have  done,  for  these  are  the  things  that  generally  are  esteemed  by 
 most  men,  as  alone  of  the  greatest  worth,  and  the  best  gifts  of  God  ;  but,  said  he,  "  Give  me, 
 O  Lord,  a  sound  mind,  and  a  good  understanding,  whereby  I  may  speak  and  judge  the  people 
 according  to  truth  and  righteousness."  With  these  petitions  God  was  well  pleased  ;  and  pro- 
 mised to  give  him  all  those  things  that  he  had  not  mentioned  in  his  option,  riches,  glory,  victory 
 over  his  enemies  ;  and,  in  the  first  place,  understanding  and  wisdom,  and  this  in  such  a  degree 
 as  no  other  mortal  man,  neither  kings  nor  ordinary  persons,  ever  had.  He  also  promised  to 
 preserve  the  kingdom  to  his  posterity  for  a  very  long  time,  if  he  continued  righteous,  and 
 obedient  to  him,  and  imitated  his  father  in  those  things  wherein  he  excelled.  W  hen  Solomon 
 heard  this  from  God,  he  presently  leaped  out  of  his  bed  :  and  when  he  had  worshipped  him, 
 he  returned  (o  Jerusalem,  and  after  he  had  offered  great  sacrifices  before  the  tabernacle,  he 
 feasted  all  his  own  family. 
 
 2.  In  these  days  a  hard  cause  came  before  him  in  judgment,  which  it  was  very  didicult  to 
 find  any  end  of;  and  1  think  it  necessary  to  explain  the  fact  about  which  the  contest  was, 
 that  such  as  light  upon  my  writings  may  know  what  a  difficult  cause  Solomon  was  to  deter- 
 nnne,  and  those  that  are  concerned  in  such  matters  may  lake  this  sagacity  of  the  king's  for  a 
 pattern,  that  they  may  the  more  easily  give  sentence  about  such  questions.  There  were  two 
 women,  who  were  harlots  in  the  course  of  their  lives,  that  came   to  him  ;  of  whom  she  tha 
 
 *  This  execution  upon  .Toab,  as  a  murderer,  by  slaying  him,  even  when  he  had  taken  sanctuary  nt  Ooii's 
 altar,  is  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  law  of  Moses,  which  enjoins,  that  "  if  a  man  come  presumptuously  upon 
 Jiis  neighbour  to  slay  him  with  guilo,  thou  shall  take  him  from  mine  altar  that  he  die,"  i-xod.  xxi.  14. 
 
 t  'fhis  '  building  of  tiio  walls  of  .Jirusaleni,'  soon  after  David's  death.  illuBtrates  the  conclusion  of  the  .'ilst 
 psalm,  whcie  Havid  prays,  '  liuild  th.m  t!ip  walls  of  lnnis.ilem.'  they  btiiib,  it  seems,  unliniblicd  or  imperfeci 
 at  tlial  iiuie.    See  chap.  vi.  J  i.  and  chap.  vii.  57.  also  1  Kings  ix.  15. 
 
BOOK  VIII.— CHAP.    H.  207 
 
 seemed  to  be  iiijiuoil,  began  to  speak  first,  and  said,  "O  lung,  I  ami  this  oilier  woman  dwell 
 tceilier  in  one  room  :  now  it  c.une  to  pass  iliat  we  both  bare  a  son  at  ihc  same  hour  of  the 
 same  day,  and  on  the  third  day  this  woman  overlaid  her  son ;  and  killed  it,  and  then  took  my 
 son  out  of  my  bosom,  and  removed  him  to  herself,  and  as  I  was  asleep  she  laid  her  dead  son  in 
 my  arms.  Now,  when,  in  the  morning,  I  was  desirous  to  give  the  breast  to  the  child,  I  did  not 
 find  my  own,  but  saw  the  woman's  dead  child  lying  by  me,  for  I  considered  it  exactly,  and 
 found  it  so  to  be.  Hence  it  was  that  I  demanded  my  son;  and  when  I  could  not  obtain  him, 
 I  have  recourse,  my  lord,  to  thy  assistance  ;  for  since  we  were  alone,  and  there  was  nobody 
 there  that  could  convict  her,  she  cares  for  nothing,  but  perseveres  in  the  stout  denial  of  the 
 fact."  When  this  woman  had  told  this  her  story,  the  king  asked  the  other  woman  what  she 
 had  to  say  in  contradiction  to  that  story?  But  when  she  denied  that  she  had  done  what  was 
 charged  upon  her,  and  said,  that  it  was  her  child  that  was  living,  and  that  it  was  her  antago- 
 nist's child  that  was  dead,  and  when  no  one  could  devise  what  judgment  could  be  given,  and 
 the  whole  court  were  blind  in  their  understanding,  and  could  not  tell  how  to  lliid  out  this  rid- 
 dle, the  king  alone  invented  the  following  way  how  to  discover  it :  He  bade  them  bring  in 
 both  the  dead  child  and  the  living  child ;  and  sent  one  of  his  guards,  and  commanded  him  to 
 fetch  a  sword,  nnd  draw  it,  and  to  cut  both  the  children  into  two  pieces,  that  each  of  the 
 women  might  have  half  the  living,  and  naif  the  dead  child.  Hereupon  all  the  people  privately 
 laughed  at  the  king,  as  no  more  than  a  youth.  But  in  the  mean  time,  she  that  was  the  real 
 mother  of  the  living  child  cried  out,  that  he  should  not  do  so,  but  deliver  that  child  to  the 
 other  woman  as  her  own,  for  she  would  be  satisfied  with  the  life  of  the  child,  and  with  tlie 
 sight  of  it,  although  it  were  esteemed  the  other's  child  :  but  the  other  woman  was  ready  to 
 see  the  child  divided,  and  was  desirous  moreover  that  the  first  woman  should  be  tormented. 
 When  the  king  understood  that  both  their  words  proceeded  from  the  truth  o*"  their  passions, 
 he  adjudged  the  child  to  her  that  cried  out  to  save  it,  for  that  she  was  the  real  mother  of  it, 
 nnd  he  condemned  the  other  as  a  wicked  woman,  who  had  not  only  killed  her  own  child,  but 
 was  endeavouring  to  see  her  friend's  child  destroyed  also.  Now  the  multitude  looked  on  this 
 determination  as  a  great  sign  and  demonstration  of  the  king's  sagacity  and  wisdom,  and,  after 
 that  day,  attended  to  him  as  to  one  tliat  had  a  divine  mind. 
 
 3.  Now  the  captains  of  his  armies,  and  odicers  appointed  over  the  whole  country,  were 
 these  :  over  the  lot  of  Ephraim  was  Ures  ;  over  the  toparchy  of  Bethlehem,  was  Dioclerus  : 
 Abinadab,  who  married  Solomon's  daughter,  bad  the  region  of  Dora,  and  the  sea  coast,  under 
 him  :  the  great  plain  was  under  Benaiaii,  the  son  of  Achilus  ;  he  also  governed  all  the  country 
 as  far  as  Jordan  :  Gabarius  ruled  over  Gilead  and  Gaidanitis,  and  had  under  him  the  sixty 
 great  and  fenced  cities  [of  Og:]  Achinadab  managed  the  affairs  of  all  Galilee,  as  far  as  Sidon, 
 and  had  himself  also  married  a  daughter  of  Solomon,  whose  name  was  Basima  :  Banacatcs 
 had  the  sea  coast  about  Area  ;  as  had  Shapliat  mount  Tabor,  and  Carmel,  and  [the  Lower] 
 Galilee,  as  far  as  the  river  Jordan  ;  one  man  vvas  appointed  over  all  this  country  :  Shiniei 
 was  intrusted  with  the  lot  of  Benjamin  ;  and  Gabares  had  the  country  beyond  Jordan,  over 
 whom  there  was  again  one  governor  appointed.  Now  the  people  of  the  Hebrews,  and  parti- 
 cularly the  tribe  of  Judah,  received  a  wonderful  increase  when  they  betook  themselves  to 
 husbandry,  and  tiie  cultivation  of  their  grounds  :  for  as  they  enjoyed  peace,  and  were  not  dis- 
 tracted with  wars  and  troubles,  and  having  besides  an  abundant  fruition  of  the  most  desir- 
 able liberty,  every  one  was  busy  in  augmenting  the  product  of  their  own  lands,  and  making 
 them  worth  more  than  they  had  formerly  been. 
 
 4.  The  king  had  also  other  rulers,  who  were  over  the  land  of  Syria,  and  of  the  Philistines, 
 which  reached  from  the  river  Euphrates  to  Egypt,  and  these  collected  his  tributes  of  the 
 nations.  Now  these  contributed  to  (he  king's  table,  and  to  his  supper  every  day,*  thirty  cori 
 of  fine  flour,  and  sixty  of  meal ;  as  also  ten  fat  oxen,  and  twenty  oxen  out  of  the  pastures,  and 
 an  hundred  fat  lambs  ;  all  these  were  besides  what  were  taken  by  hunting,  harts  and  buffa- 
 loes, and  birds  and  fishes,  which  were  brought  to  the  king  by  foreigners  day  by  day.  Solo- 
 mon had  also  so  great  a  number  of  chariots,  that  the  stalls  of  his  horses  for  those  chariots 
 were  forty  thousand  ;  and  besides  these  he  had  twelve  thousand  horsemen,  the  one  half  of 
 whom  waited  upon  tlio  king  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  rest  were  dispersed  abroad,  and  dwelt  in 
 the  royal  villages:  but  the  same  oHicer  who  provided  for  the  king's  expenses,  supplied  also 
 the  fodder  for  the  horses,  and  still  carried  it  to  the  place  where  the  king  abode  at  that  time. 
 
 .5.  Now  the  sagncity  and  wisdom  which  God  had  bestowed  on  Solomon  v;as  so  great,  that  he 
 exceeded  the  ancients  ;  ijisomuch  that  he  was  no  way  inferior  to  the  Egyptians,  who  are  said 
 
 *  It  may  not  1)c  ami-is  to  compare  the  daily  furniture  of  king  Solomon's  table,  here  set  (Io\vn,  and  1  Kinprs 
 iv.  £2,  23.  with  the  like  daily  I'arnituiv  of  Nehcmiah  the  tfovoriior's  table,  after  the  Jews  were  come  back 
 from  Babylon  :  and  to  remember  witha),  that  Neliemiah  was  now  building  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 maintained,  more  than  usual,  above  150  considerable  men  every  day,  and  that,  because  tlie  nation  was  tlien 
 very  poor,  at  his  own  charges  also,  without  laying  any  burden  upon  the  people  at  all.  "  Mow  that  which  was 
 prepared  for  me  daily  was  one  ox,  and  six  choice  sheep;  also  fowls  were  prepared  for  rae  ;  and  once  in  ten 
 days,  store  of  all  sorts  of  wine  ;  and  yet  for  all  this  I  required  not  the  bread  of  the  governor,  because  the  bon- 
 dage was  heavy  a;)on  this  people,"  Nell.  v.  18.  ade  the  whole  context,  viT.  It— 19.  Mor  did  the  governor's 
 usual  allowance  oi  forty  slicki  Is  of  silver  a  day,  ver.  15.  amount  to  £5  a  day,  nor  to  f  Uioo  a  year.  Nor  does 
 It  indeed  .ippear,  that  under  the  judKes,  or  under  Samuel  the  prophet,  there  was  a.iy  such  public  allowance 
 to  those  governors  at  all.  I'iuise  tneat  chargos  upon  the  public,  for  maintaining  courts,  came  in  with  kings, 
 as  Ood  foretold  tliey  would,  1  Sam.  viii.  U— la. 
 
208  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  have  been  beyond  all  men  in  undeistanding  ;  uay,  indeed,  it  is  evident  that  their  sagacity 
 was  very  much  inferior  to  that  of  the  king's.  He  also  excelled  and  distiugnisbed  himself  in 
 wisdom  above  those  who  were  most  eminent  among  the  Hebrews  at  that  time  for  shrewdness  ; 
 those  I  mean  were  Ethan,  and  Hemau,  and  Chalcol,  and  Darda,  the  sons  of  Mahol.  He  also 
 composed  books  of  odes  and  songs,  a  thoasand  and  five ;  of  parables  and  similitudes,  three 
 thousand  ;  for  he  spake  a  parable  upon  every  sort  of  tree,  from  the  hyssop  to  the  cedar ;  and 
 in  like  manner  also  about  beasts,  about  all  sorts  of  living  creatures,  whether  upon  the  earth, 
 or  in  the  seas,  or  in  the  air;  for  he  was  not  unacquainted  with  any  of  their  natures,  nor  omit- 
 ted inquiriea  about  them,  but  described  them  all  like  a  philosopher,  and  demonstrated  his 
 exquisite  knowledge  of  their  several  properties.  God  also  enabled  him  to  learn  that  skill 
 which  expels  demons,*  which  is  a  science  useful  and  sanative  to  men.  He  composed  such 
 incantations  also  by  which  distempers  are  alleviated.  And  be  left  behind  him  the  manner  of 
 using  exorcisms,  by  which  they  drive  away  demons,  so  that  tbey  never  return  :  and  this  me- 
 thod of  core  is  of  great  force  unto  this  day ;  for  I  have  seen  a  certain  man  of  my  own  country 
 •whose  name  was  Eleazar,  releasing  people  that  were  demoniacal  in  the  presence  of  Vespasian, 
 and  his  sons  and  his  captains,  and  the  whole  multitude  of  his  soldiers.  The  manner  of  the 
 cure  was  this  :  be  pat  a  ring  that  had  a  root  of  one  of  those  sorts  mentioned  by  Solomon,  to 
 the  nostrils  of  the  demoniac,  after  which  be  drew  out  the  demon  through  his  nostrils :  and 
 when  the  man  fell  down  immediately,  he  adjured  him  to  retnrn  into  him  no  more,  making 
 still  mention  of  Solomon,  and  reciting  the  incantations  which  he  composed.  And  when 
 Eleazar  would  persuade  and  demonstrate  to  the  spectators  that  he  had  such  a  power,  he  set  a 
 little  way  off  a  cup  or  bason  fall  of  water,  and  commanded  the  demon,  as  he  went  out  of  the 
 roan,  to  overturn  it,  and  thereby  to  let  the  spectators  know  that  he  had  left  the  man  :  and 
 when  this  was  done,  the  skill  and  wisdom  of  Solomon  was  shewed  very  manifestly  ;  for  which 
 reason  it  is  that  all  men  may  know  the  vastness  of  Solomon's  abilities,  and  how  he  was 
 beloved  of  God,  and  that  the  extraordinary  virtues  of  every  kind  with  which  this  king  was 
 endowed,  may  not  be  unknown  to  any  people  under  the  sun  ;  for  this  reason,  I  say,  it  is  that 
 we  have  proceeded  to  speak  so  largely  of  these  matters. 
 
 9.  Moreover  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  when  he  had  heard  that  Solomon  succeeded  to  his 
 father's  kingdom,  was  very  glad  of  it,  for  he  was  a  friend  of  David.  So  he  sent  ambassa- 
 dors to  him,  and  saluted  him,  and  congratulated  him  on  the  present  happy  state  of  his  affairs. 
 Upon  which  Solomon  sent  him  an  epistle,  the  contents  of  which  here  follow : 
 
 Solomon  to  King  Hiram. 
 
 "  Know  thou  that  my  father  would  have  built  a  temple  to  God,t  but  was  hindered  by  wars 
 and  continual  expeditions  ;  for  he  did  not  leave  off  to  overthrow  his  enemies  till  he  made 
 them  all  subject  to  tribute:  but  I  give  thanks  to  God  for  the  peace  1  at  present  enjoy,  and 
 on  that  account  1  am  at  leisure,  and  design  to  build  a  house  to  God,  for  God  foretold  to  my 
 father  that  such  a  house  should  be  built  by  me  ;  wherefore  I  desire  thee  to  send  some  of  thy 
 subjects  with  mine  to  mount  Lebanon  to  cut  down  timber,  for  the  Sidooians  are  more  skilful 
 than  onr  people  in  cutting  of  wood.  As  for  wages  to  the  hewers  of  wood,  I  will  pay  what- 
 soever price  thou  sbalt  determine." 
 
 7.  When  Hiram  had  read  this  epistle,  he  was  pleased  with  it :  and  wrote  back  this  answer 
 to  Solomon. 
 
 Hiram  to  King  Solomon. 
 
 "  It  is  fit  to  bless  God,  that  he  hath  committed  thy  father's  government  to  thee,  who  art  a 
 wise  man,  and  endowed  with  all  virtues.  As  for  myself,  I  rejoice  at  the  condition  thou  art  in, 
 and  will  be  subservient  to  thee  in  all  that  thou  sendest  to  me  about  ;  for  when  by  my  sub- 
 jects I  have  cut  down  many  and  lara;e  trees  of  cedar,  and  cypress  wood,  I  will  send  them  to 
 sea,  and  will  order  my  subjects  to  make  floats  of  them,  and  to  sail  to  what  place  soever  of  thy 
 country  thou  sbalt  desire,  and  leave  them  there,  after  which  thy  subjects  may  carry  them  to 
 Jerusalem  :  But  do  thou  take  care  to  procure  us  corn  for  this  timber,  which  we  stand  in 
 need  of,  because  we  inhabit  in  an  island. "J 
 
 8.  The  copies  of  tbese  epistles  remain  at  this  day,  and  are  preserved  not  only  in  our 
 books,  but  among  the  Tyrians  also,  insomuch  that  if  any  one  would  know  the  certainty  about 
 
 •  Some  pretended  fragments  of  these  boolcs  of  conjuration  of  Solomon  are  still  extant  in  I'abricius'  Cod. 
 Pseudepigr.  Vet.  Test,  page  1051,  though  1  entirely  differ  from  Josephus  in  this  his  supposal,  that  such  books 
 and  arts  of  Solomon  were  parts  of  that  wisdom  which  was  imparted  to  him  by  God  in  his  younger  days ;  they 
 must  rather  have  belonged  to  such  profane,  but  curious  arts,  as  we  lind  mentioned  Acts  xix.  1:3—20.  and  had 
 been  derived  from  the  idolatry  and  superstition  of  his  heathen  wives  and  concubines  in  his  old  age,  when  he 
 bad  forsaken  tJod,  and  God  had  forsaken  him,  and  given  him  up  to  demoniacal  delusions.  Nor  does.lose- 
 phus's  strange  account  of  his  root  13aara  (Of  the  War,  b.  viii.  cliap.  vi.  ^  3.)  seem  to  be  other  than  that  of  its 
 niagical  use  in  such  conjurations.  As  for  the  following  history,  it  confirms  wtat  Christ  says,  Matt.  xii.  C7. 
 "  If  I  by  Beelzebub  cast  out  demons,  by  whom  do  your  sons  cast  them  out  ?" 
 
 +  These  epistles  of  Solomon  and  Hiram  are  those  in  1  Rings  v.  3—9.  and  as  enlarged,  in  2  Chrou,  ii.  3 — 16. 
 but  here  given  us  by  Josephus,  in  his  ovra  words. 
 
 t  ^'h»t  Josephus  here  puts  into  his  copy  of  Hiram's  epistle  to  Solomon,  and  repeats  afterwards,  chap.  v.  ^  3- 
 that  lyre  was  now  au  '  island, '  is  not  in  any  of  the  three  other  copies,  viz.  that  of  the  Kings,  Chronicles,  or 
 l-.usebius ;  nor  is  it  auy  otlier,  T  suppose,  tlian  his  own  conjectural  paraphrase  ;  for  when  1,  many  years  ago, 
 inciuired  mto  this  matter.  I  found  the  state  of  this  famous  cilv,  and  of  llie  island  whereupon  it  stood,  to  have 
 been  very  different  at  different  times.    The  result  of  my  inquiries  iu  this  matter,  with  the  addition  of  some 
 
S  (fffJLeM^N"'  S    TEMJPILE 
 
 'GdDJLBEK  € APJ3DILE  S  TirX  = 
 
COOK  viii.— -ciiAi'.  in.  209 
 
 tlioiii,  lie  may  desire  of  llie  keepers  of  the  public  records  of  Tyre  lo  shew  him  Iheui,  and  he 
 will  find  what  h  there  set  down  to  agree  witli  what  wc  have  said.  I  have  said  so  much,  out 
 of  a  desire  (hat  my  readers  may  know  that  wc  sjjeak  nothing  hut  the  truth,  and  do  not  com- 
 pose a  history  out  of  some  plausihie  relations,  which  deceive  nicu  and  please  them  at  the  same 
 time  ;  nor  attempt  to  avoid  examination,  nor  desire  men  to  helieveus  immediate! v  ;  nor  are  we 
 at  liberty  to  depart  from  speaking  truth,  whxh  is  the  proper  cummcndation  of  an  historian  ; 
 and  yet  be  blameless  :  but  we  insist  upon  no  admission  of  what  we  say,  unless  we  be  able 
 to  manifest  its  truth  by  demonstration  and  the  strongest  vouchers. 
 
 9.  Now  king  Solomon,  as  soon  as  this  epistle  from  the  king  of  Tyre  was  brought  him, 
 commended  the  readiness  and  good  will  he  declared  tliereiu,  and  repaid  him  in  what  he 
 desired,  and  sent  him  yearly  twenty  thousand  cori  of  wheat,  and  as  many  baths  of  oil  •  now 
 the  bath  is  able  to  contain  seventy-two  sextaries.  He  also  sent  him  the  same  measure  of 
 wine.  So  the  friendship  between  Hiram  and  Solomon  hereby  increased  more  and  more  :  and 
 they  swore  to  continue  it  for  ever.  And  the  king  appointed  a  tribute  to  be  laid  on  all  the  peo- 
 ple, of  thirty  thousand  labourers,  whose  work  he  rendered  easy  to  them  by  prudently  dividing 
 it  among  them  :  for  he  made  ten  thousand  cut  timber  in  mount  Lebanon  for  one  month,  and 
 then  to  come  home;  and  the  rest  two  months  until  the  lime  when  the  other  twenty  thousand 
 had  finished  their  task  at  the  appointed  time  ;  and  so  afterward  it  came  to  pass  that  the  first 
 ten  thousand  returned  to  their  work  every  fourth  month:  and  it  w,:s  Adoram  who  was  over 
 this  tribute.  There  were  also  of  the  strangers  who  were  left  by  David,  who  were  to  carry 
 the  stones,  and  other  materials,  seventy  thousand  ;  and  of  those  that  cut  the  stones,  eighty 
 thousand.  Of  liiose,  three  thousand  and  three  hundred  were  rulers  over  the  rest.  He  also 
 enjoined  them  to  cut  out  large  stones  for  the  foundations  of  the  temple,  and  that  they  should 
 lit  ihem  and  unite  them  togetlier  in  the  mountain,  and  so  bring  them  to  the  city.  This  was 
 done  not  only  by  our  own  country  workmen,  but  by  those  workmen  whom  Hiram  sent  also. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 Of  the  Building  of  the  Temple. 
 
 §  1.  Solomon  began  to  build  the  temple  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  on  the  second  month, 
 which  the  Macedonians  call  Artemisius,  and  the  Hebrews  Jar,  five  hundred  and  ninety-two 
 years  after  the  exodus  out  of  Egypt,  but  after  one  thousand  and  twenty  years  from  Abraham's 
 coming  out  of  Mesopotamia  into  Canaan,  and  after  the  deluge  one  tliousand  four  hundred  and 
 forty  years;  and  from  Adam,  the  first  man  who  was  created,  until  Solomon  built  the  templt, 
 there  had  passed  in  all  three  thousand  one  hundred  and  two  years.  Now,  that  year  on  which 
 the  temple  began  to  be  built,  was  already  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Hiram  ;  but  from 
 the  building  of  Tyre  to  the  building  of  the  temple,  there  had  passed  two  hundred  and  forty 
 years. 
 
 2.  Now,  therefore,  the  king  laid  the  foundations  of  the  temple  very  deep  in  the  ground,*  and 
 the  materials  were  strong  stones,  and  such  as  would  resist  the  force  of  lime;  these  were  to 
 unite  themselves  with  the  earth,  and  become  a  basis  and  a  sure  foundation  for  that  superstruc- 
 ture which  was  to  be  erected  over  it  :  they  were  to  be  so  strong,  in  order  lo  sustain  with  ease 
 those  vast  superstructures,  and  precious  ornaments,  whose  own  weight  was  to  be  not  less  than 
 the  weight  of  those  other  high  and  heavy  buildings  which  tlie  king  designed  lo  be  very  orna- 
 mental and  magnificent ;  they  erected  its  entire  body,  (juite  up  to  the  roof,  of  white  stone :  its 
 height  was  sixty  cubits,  and  its  length  was  the  same,  and  its  breadth  twenty.  There  was 
 another  building  erected  over  it,  equal  to  it  in  its  measures  :  so  that  the  entire  altitude  of  the 
 temple  was  a  hundred  and  twenty  cubits.  Its  front  was  to  the  east.  As  to  the  porch,  they 
 built  h  before  the  temple ;  its  length  was   twenty  cubits,  and  it  was  so  ordered  that  it  might 
 
 t 
 later  improvempnts,  stands  thvis— That  the  best  testimonies  hereto  relating,  imply  that  Pala;t>Tus,  or  oldcs 
 'lyre,  was  no  other  than  that  most  anciunt  smaller  fort,  or  city  'J  yie,  situated  on  the  continent,  and  mentioned 
 in  Joshua  xix.  2y.  out  of  which  the  Cauaanite,  or  Phenician  inhabitants,  were  driven  into  a  largo  island,  that 
 lay  not  far  off  in  the  sea,  hy  Joshua  ;  that  this  island  was  then  joined  to  the  continent,  as  the  present  remains  of 
 Valiplynis.  hy  a  neck  of  land  over  atjaiusl  Solomon's  cisterns,  still  so  called  ;  and  the  city's  fresh  water  pro- 
 bubly  was  carried  along  in  pipes  by  that  neck  of  laud  ;  and  that  this  island  was  therefore  in  strictness  no  other 
 than  a  peninsula,  having  '  villages  in  its  fields,'  Ezek.  xxvi.  ti.  and  a  '  wall'  about  it,  Amos  i.  10.  and  the  city 
 was  not  of  so  yreat  reputation  as  Sidon  for  some  ages.  That  it  was  attacked  both  by  sea  and  land  by  Sal- 
 manasser,  as  Jospphus  informs  us.  Antiq.  b.  ix.  chap.  xiv.  ^2.  and  afterwards  came  to  be  the  meiropqlis  of 
 Phenicia,  and  afterwards  taken  and  destroyed  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  according  to  the  numerous  scripture 
 prophecies  thereto  relating.  Isa.  x.\xiii.  Jer.  xxv.  22.  xxvii.  ,3.  xlvii.  4.  Ezek.  xxvi.  xxvii.  xxviii.  'that 
 seventy  years  after  that  destruction  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  this  city  was  in  some  measure  rerived  and  rebuilt, 
 Isa.  xxii'i.  17,  IH.  but  that,  as  the  prophil  Kzckicl  had  foretold,  xxvi.  3,  4,  5,  14.  xxvii.  .34.  the  sea  arose  higher 
 than  before,  till  at  last  it  overflowed,  not  only  the  neck  of  land,  but  the  main  island  or  peninsula  itself,  ajid 
 destroyed  that  old  and  famous  city  for  ever ;  that,  however,  there  still  remained  an  adjoining  smaller  island, 
 once  connected  to  old  Tyre  itself  by  Hiram,  which  was  afterward  inhabited ;  to  which  Alexander  the  Great, 
 with  incredible  pains,  raised  a  new  hank  or  causeway.  And  that  it  plainly  appears  from  Maundrell,  a  most 
 authentic  eye-witness,  that  the  old  large  and  famous  city,  on  the  original  large  island,  is  now  laid  so  generally 
 under  water,  that  scarce  more  than  forty  acres  of  it,  or  rather  of  that  adjoming  small  island,  remain  at  this 
 day  ;  so  that,  perhaps,  not  above  an  hundredth  part  of  the  first  island  and  city  is  now  above  water,  this  was 
 foretold  in  the  same  prophecies  of  Ezekiel ;  and  according  to  them,  as  Maundrell  distinctly  observes,  these 
 poor  remains  of  Old  Tyre  are  now  "  become  like  the  top  of  a  rook,  a  place  f-ir  spreading  of  nets  in  the  midst  of 
 Uie  sea." 
 
 ♦  Of  the  temple  of  Solomon,  here  describod  by  Joscphus,  in  this  and  the  following  sections  of  this  chapter, 
 gnu  my  description  of  the  temples  belonging  to  this  work,  chi'i).  xiii. 
 
 2  D 
 
210  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 agree  with  the  breadth  of  the  house  :  and  it  had  twelve  cubits  in  latitude,  and  its  height  was 
 raised  as  high  as  a  hundred  and  twenty  cubits.  He  also  built  round  about  the  temple  thirty  small 
 rooms,  which  might  include  the  whole  temple,  by  their  closeness  one  to  another,  and  by  their 
 number,  and  outward  position  round  it.  He  also  made  passages  through  them,  that  they  might 
 come  into  one  through  anotVier.  Every  one  of  these  rooms  had  five  cubits  in  breadth,*  and  the 
 same  in  length,  but  in  height  tv^enty.  Above  these  there  were  other  rooms,  and  others  above 
 them,  equal  both  in  their  noeasures  and  number;  so  that  these  reached  to  a  height  equal  to  the 
 lower  part  of  the  house  ;  for  the  upper  part  had  no  buildings  about  it.  The  roof  that  was  over 
 the  house  was  of  ceJar;  and  truly  every  one  of  these  rooms  had  a  loof  of  their  own,  that  was 
 not  connected  with  the  other  rooms ;  but  for  the  other  parts,  there  was  a  covered  roof  common 
 to  them  all,  and  built  with  very  long  beams,  that  passed  through  the  rest,  and  through  the 
 >vhole  building,  so  that  the  middle  walls  being  strengthened  by  the  same  beams  of  timber, 
 might  be  thereby  made  firmer;  but  as  fur  that  part  of  the  roof  that  was  under  the  beams,  it 
 was  made  of  the  same  materials,  and  was  all  mude  smooth,  and  had  ornaments  proper  for 
 roofs,  and  plates  of  gold  nailed  upon  them.  And  as  he  enclosed  the  walls  with  boards  of 
 cedar,  so  he  iixed  on  them  plates  of  gold,  which  had  sculptures  upon  them,  so  that  the  whole 
 temple  shined,  and  dazzled  the  eyes  of  such  as  entered,  by  the  splendour  of  the  gold  that  was 
 on  every  side  of  ilieni.  iMovv  the  whole  structure  of  the  temple  was  made  with  great  skill,  of 
 polished  stones,  and  those  laid  together  so  very  harmoniously  and  smoothly,  that  there  appeared 
 to  the  sjiectators  no  sign  of  any  hammer,  or  other  instrument  of  architecture,  but  as  if,  without 
 any  use  of  them,  the  entire  materials  had  naturally  united  themselves  together,  that  the  agree- 
 ment of  one  part  with  another  seemed  rather  to  have  been  natural,  than  to  have  arisen  from 
 the  force  of  tools  upon  them.  The  king  also  had  a  fine  contrivance  for  an  ascent  to  the  upper 
 room  over  the  temple,  and  that  was  by  steps  in  the  thickness  of  its  wall  ;  for  it  had  no  large 
 door  on  the  east  end,  as  the  lower  house  had,  but  the  entrances  were  by  the  sides,  through  very 
 small  doors.  He  also  overlaid  the  temple,  both  within  and  without,  with  boards  of  cedar, 
 that  were  kept  close  together  by  thick  chains,  so  that  this  contrivance  was  in  the  nature  of  a 
 support  and  a  strength  to  the  building. 
 
 3.  Now  when  the  king  had  divided  the  temple  into  two  parts,  he  made  the  inner  house  of 
 twenty  cubits  [every  way,]  to  be  the  most  secret  chamber,  but  he  appointed  that  of  forty  cubits 
 to  be  the  sanctuary;  and  when  he  had  cut  a  door-|)lace  out  of  the  wall,  he  put  therein  doors 
 of  oedar,  and  overlaid  them  witli  a  great  deal  of  gold,  that  had  sculptures  upon  it.  He  also 
 bad  veils  of  blue  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  and  the  brightest  and  softest  linen,  with  the  most 
 curious  flowers  wrought  upon  them,  which  were  to  be  drawn  before  those  doors.  He  also 
 dedicated  for  the  most  secret  place,  whose  breadth  was  twenty  cubits,  and  length  the  same, 
 two  cherubims  of  solid  gold  ;  the  height  of  each  of  them  was  five  cubits  :t  they  had  each  of 
 them  two  wings  stretched  out  as  far  as  five  cubits;  wherefore  Solomon  set  them  up  not  far 
 from  each  other,  that  with  one  wing  they  might  touch  the  southern  wall  of  the  secret  place,  and 
 with  another  the  northern  :  their  other  wings,  which  joined  to  each  other,  were  a  covering  to 
 the  ark,  which  was  set  between  them  :  but  nobody  can  tell,  or  even  conjecture,  what  was  the 
 shape  of  these  cherubims.  He  also  laid  the  floor  of  the  temple  with  plates  of  gold  ;  and  he 
 added  doors  to  the  gate  of  the  temple,  agreeable  to  the  measure  of  the  height  of  the  wall,  but 
 in  breadth  twenty  cubits,  and  on  them  he  glued  gold  plates.  And,  to  say  all  in  one  word,  he 
 left  no  part  of  the  temple,  neither  internal  nor  external,  but  what  was  covered  with  gold. 
 He  also  had  curtains  drawn  over,  those  doors  in  like  manner  as  they  were  drawn  over  the  inner 
 doors  of  the  most  holy  place;  but  the  porch  of  the  temple  had  nothing  of  that  sort. 
 
 4.  Now  Solomon  sent  for  an  artificer  out  of  Tyre,  whose  name  was  Hiram  .  he  was  by  birth 
 of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  on  the  mother's  side,  (for  she  was  of  that  tribe,)  but  his  father  was 
 Ur,  of  the  stock  of  the  Israelites.  This  man  was  skilful  in  all  sorts  of  work  :  but  his  chief 
 s-kill  lay  in  working  in  gold,  in  silver,  and  brass,  by  whom  were  made  all  the  mechanical 
 works  about  the  temple,  according  to  the  will  of  Solomon.  Moreover,  this  IJlraui  made  two 
 [hollow]  pillars,  whose  outsides  were  of  brass,  and  the  thickness  of  the  brass  was  four  fingers' 
 breadth,  and  the  height  of  the  jiillars  was  eighteen  cubits, t  and  their  circumference  twelve 
 cubits,  but  there  was  cast  with  each  of  their  chapiters  lily  work  that  stood  upon  the  pillar, 
 and  it  was  elevated  five  cubits,  round  about  which  there  was  net-work  interwoven  with  smalt 
 palms,  made  of  brass,  and  covered  the  lily  work.  To  this  also  were  hung  two  hundred  pome- 
 granates, in  two  rows  :  the  one  of  these  pillars  he  set  at  the  entrance  of  the  porch  on  the  right 
 baud,  and  called  it  Jachin,  and  the  other  at  the  left  hand,  and  called  it  Boo/,. 
 
 •  These  small  rooms,  or  side  chambers,  seom  to  have  been,  by  Josephus's  description,  no  less  than  twenty 
 cubits  high  apiece,  otherwise  there  must  iiave  lieen  a  large  interval  between  one  and  the  other  that  was  over  it, 
 and  tliis  with  double  floors,  the  one  of  six  cubits  distance  from  the  floor  beneath  it,  as  1  Kings  vi.  5. 
 
 t  .loeephiis  says  here  that  the  cherubims  were  of  solid  gold,  and  only  five  cubits  high,  while  our  Hebrew 
 copies,  ]  Ki:i«s  vi.  <,':i— '.'!!.  say  they  wore  of  the  olive-tree,  and  the  LXXII.  of  the  Cyprus  tree,  and  only  over- 
 laid with  gold  ;  and  both  agree  they  were  ten  cubits  high.  I  suppose  the  number  here  is  falsely  transcribed, 
 and  that  .losephus  wrote  ten  cubits  "also. 
 
 t  As  for  these  two  famous  pillars,  Jachin  and  Booz,  their  height  could  be  no  more  than  18  cubits,  as  here, 
 and  1  Kings  vii.  15.  2  Kings  xxv.  17.  Jer.  lit,  21. ;  those  35  cubits  in  2  Chrou.  iii.  15.  being  contrai-y  to  all  liie 
 rules  of  aj-chittcturc  iii  tiie  world. 
 
BOOK    VIII. — CHAP.  III.  211 
 
 .I.  Solomon  also  cast  a  brazen  sea,  whose  figure  wus  that  of  a  Leruisphere  :  this  brazen 
 vessel  was  called  a  sea,  for  its  largeness,  for  the  laver  was  ten  feet  in  diameter,  and  castot 
 the  thickness  of  a  palm  :  its  middle  part  rested  on  a  short  pillar,  that  had  ten  spirals  round 
 it;  and  that  pillar  was  ten  cubits  in  diameter.  There  stood  round  abont  it  twelve  oxen,  that 
 looked  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  three  to  each  wind,  having  their  hinder  parts  depressed, 
 that  so  the  hemispherical  vessel  might  rest  upon  them,  which  itself  was  also  depressed  round 
 about  inwardly.     Now  this  sea  contained  three  thousand  baths. 
 
 G.  He  also  made  ten  brazen  bases  for  so  many  quadrangular  lavers  :  the  length  of  every  one 
 of  these  bases  was  five  cubits,  and  the  breadth  four  cubits,  and  the  height  six  cubits.  This 
 vessel  was  partly  turned,  and  was  thus  contrived  :  there  were  four  small  quadrangular  pillars  that 
 stood  one  at  each  corner,  these  had  the  sides  of  the  base  fitted  to  them  on  each  quarter  :  they 
 v.ere  parted  into  three  parts  j  every  interval  had  a  border  fitted  to  support  [the  laver,]  upon 
 '.vhich  was  engraven,  in  one  place  a  lion,  and  in  another  place  a  bull,  and  an  eagle.  The  small 
 pillars  had  the  same  animals  engraven  that  were  engraven  on  the  sides.  The  whole  work  was 
 elevated,  and  stood  upon  four  wheels,  which  were  also  cast,  which  bad  also  naves  and  felloes, 
 and  were  a  loot  and  a  half  in  diameter.  Any  one  who  saw  the  spokes  of  the  wheels,  how 
 exactly  they  were  turned,  and  united  to  the  sides  of  the  bases,  and  with  what  harmony  they 
 agreed  to  the  felloes,  would  wonder  at  them.  However,  their  structure  was  this:  certain 
 shoulders  of  hands  stretclied  out  held  the  corners  above,  upon  which  rested  a  short  spiral  pil- 
 lar, that  lay  under  the  hollow  part  of  the  laver,  resting  upon  the  fore  part  of  the  eagle  and  the 
 lion,  which  were  adapted  to  them,  insomuch  that  those  who  viewed  them  would  think  they 
 were  of  one  piece  :  between  these  were  engravings  of  palm-trees.  This  was  the  construction 
 of  the  ten  bases.  He  ailso  made  ten  large  round  brass  vessels,  which  were  the  lavers  them- 
 selves, each  of  which  contained  forty  baths  ;*  for  it  had  its  height  four  cubits,  and  its  edges 
 were  as  much  distant  from  each  other.  He  also  placed  these  lavers  upon  the  ten  bases  that 
 were  called  Mcchonoth  ;  and  he  set  five  of  the  lavers  on  the  left  side  of  the  temple, t  which  was 
 that  side  towards  the  north  wind,  and  as  many  on  the  right  side,  towards  the  south,  but  look- 
 ing towards  the  east :  the  same  [eastern]  way  he  also  set  the  sea.  Now,  he  appointed  the 
 sea  to  be  for  washing  the  hands  and  the  feet  of  the  priests,  when  they  entered  into  the  temple, 
 and  were  to  ascend  the  altar,  bat  the  lavers  to  cleanse  the  entrails  of  the  beasts  that  were  to 
 be  bnrnt-ofl'erings,  with  their  feet  also. 
 
 7.  He  also  made  a  brazen  altar,  whose  length  was  twenty  cubits,  and  its  breadth  the  same, 
 and  its  height  ten,  for  the  burnt-oft'erings.  He  also  made  all  its  vessels  of  brass,  the  pots,  and 
 the  shovels,  and  the  basons,  and  besides  these,  the  snuffers  and  the  tongs,  and  all  its  other 
 vessels,  he  made  of  brass,  and  such  brass  as  was  in  splendour  and  beauty  like  gold.  The  king 
 also  dedicated  a  great  number  of  tables,  but  one  that  was  large  and  made  of  gold,  upon  which 
 they  set  the  loaves  of  God:  and  he  made  ten  thousand  more  that  resembled  them,  but  were 
 done  after  another  manner,  upon  which  lay  the  vials  and  the  cups ;  those  of  gold  were  twenty 
 thousand;  those  of  silver  were  forty  thousand.  He  also  made  ten  thousand  candlesticks, 
 according  to  the  command  of  Moses,  one  of  which  he  dedicated  for  the  temple,  that  it  might 
 burn  in  the  day-time,  according  to  the  law  ;  and  one  table  with  loaves  upon  it,  on  the  north 
 side  of  the  temple,  over  against  the  candlestick  ;  for  this  he  set  on  the  south  side,  but  the 
 golden  altar  stood  between  them.  All  these  vessels  were  contained  in  that  pnrt  of  the  holy 
 house,  which  was  forty  cubits  long,  and  were  before  the  vail  of  that  most  secret  place  whereia 
 the  ark  was  to  be  set. 
 
 8.  The  king  also  made  pouring  vessels,  in  number  eighty  thousand,  and  a  hundred  thousand 
 golden  vials,  and  twice  as  many  silver  vials:  of  golden  dishes,  in  order  therein  to  oiler 
 kneaded  fine  flour  at  the  altar,  there  were  eighty  thousand,  and  twice  as  many  of  silver.  Of 
 large  basons  also,  wherein  they  mised  fine  flour  with  oil,  sixty  thousand  of  gold,  and  twice  as 
 many  of  silver.  Of  the  measures  like  those  which  Moses  called  the  Hin  and  the  Assaron,  [a 
 tenth  deal,]  there  were  twenty  thousand  of  gold,  and  twice  as  many  of  silver.  The  goldeu 
 censers,  in  which  they  carried  the  incense  to  the  altar,  were  twenty  thousand:  the  other  cen- 
 sers, ill  which  they  carried  fire  from  tlie  great  altar  to  the  little  altar,  within  li.e  temple,  were 
 fifty  thousand.  The  sacerdotal  garments  which  beloiigid  to  the  high  priest;  with  the  long 
 robes,  and  the  oracle,  and  the  precious  stones,  were  a  thousand.  Uut  the  crown  upon  which 
 Moses  wrote  [the  name  of  God,]^:  was  only  one,  and  liath  remained  to  this  very  day.    He  also 
 
 *  The  round  or  cylindrical  lavers  of  four  cubits  in  diameter,  and  four  in  height,  both  in  our  copies,  1  Kings 
 vii.  .■«!,  W.  and  here  in  Josiplius,  must  have  contained  a  great  deal  more  than  these  40  baths,  wliieh  are  always 
 assigned  them.  Where  tlie  error  lii's  is  hard  to  say  ;  perhaps  Josephus  honestly  followed  his  copies  here, 
 though  they  had  been  corrupted,  and  he  was  not  able  to  restore  the  true  reading.  In  the  mean  time,  the  40 
 hatha  are  probabljr  the  true  quantity  contained  in  each  laver,  since  they  weut  upon  wheels,  and  were  to  be 
 drawni  by  the  l/evites  abont  the  cotirts  of  the  priests,  for  the  washings  they  were  designed  for ;  and  kiid  they 
 held  much  more,  they  would  have  been  too  heavy  to  have  been  so  drawn. 
 
 +  Hero  ,Tosephust;ives  us  a  key  to  liis  own  language,  of  right  and  left  hand  in  the  tabernacle  and  temple,  lint 
 by  the  right  hand  he  means  what  is  against  our  left,  when  we  suppose  ourselves  goinK  n))  from  ihe  east  pairs 
 of  the  courts  towards  the  tabernacle  or  temple  themselves,  and  so  vice  versa  ;  wlienco  it  follows,  ihat  the  pillar 
 .laehin,  on  the  right  baud  of  the  temple,  wa«  on  the  south  against  our  left  hand,  and  ISooz  on  the  north,  against 
 our  right  hand. 
 
 I  t)f  tlie  '  golden  plate'  on  the  high  priest's  forehead,  Ihat  was  in  being  iu  the  days  of  Josephus,  and  a  cen- 
 tury or  two  at  leaiit  later,  see  the  uo'.e  on  Autnj.  b   iij.  chap,  vii   iO 
 
212  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 made  ten  tliousand  sacerdotal  garments  of  fine  linen,  with  purple  girdles,  for  evcr^'  priest,  and 
 two  Lundred  tliousand  trumpets,  according  to  the  coramaud  of  Moses  :  also,  two  hundred 
 thousand  garments  of  fine  linen  for  the  sio'^ers  that  were  Levites.  And  he  made  mnsical 
 instruments,  and  such  as  were  invented  for  singing  of  hymns,  called  Nablas  and  Cinyrae,  [psal- 
 teries and  harps,]  which  were  made  of  eleclrum,  (the  finest  brass,)  forty  thousand. 
 
 9.  Solomon  made  ail  these  things  for  the  honour  of  God,  with  great  variety  and  magni- 
 ficence, sparing  no  cost,  but  using  all  possible  liberality  in  adorning  the  temple ;  and  these 
 things  he  dedicated  to  the  treasui-es  of  God.  He  also  placed  a  partition  round  about  the 
 temple,  which  in  our  tongue  we  call  Gison,  but  it  is  called  Thrinijcos  by  the  Greeks,  and  he 
 raised  it  up  to  the  height  of  three  cubits ;  and  it  was  for  the  exclusion  of  the  mrdtitude  from 
 coming  into  the  temple,  and  shewing  that  it  was  a  place  that  was  free  and  open  only  for  the 
 priests.  He  also  built  beyond  this  court  a  temple,  whese  figure  was  that  of  a  quadrangle,  and 
 erected  for  it  great  and  broad  cloisters;  this  was  entered  into  by  very  high  gates,  each  of 
 which  had  its  front  exposed  to  one  of  the  (four)  winds,  and  were  shut  by  golden  doors.  Into 
 this  temple  all  the  people  entered  that  were  distinguished  from  the  rest  by  being  pure,  and 
 observant  of  the  laws.  But  he  made  that  temple  which  was  beyond  this  a  wonderful  one 
 indeed,  and  such  as  exceeds  all  description  in  words  ;  nay,  if  I  may  so  say,  is  hardly  believed 
 upon  sight:  for  when  he  had  filled  up  great  valleys  with  earth,  which,  on  account  of  their 
 immense  depth,  could  not  be  looked  on,  when  you  bended  down  to  see  them,  without  pain, 
 and  had  elevated  the  ground  four  hundred  cubits,  he  made  it  to  be  on  a  level  with  the  top  of 
 the  mountain,  on  which  the  temple  was  built,  and  by  this  means  the  utmost  temple,  which  was 
 exposed  to  the  air,  was  even  with  the  temple  itself.*  He  encompassed  this  also  with  a  build- 
 ing of  a  double  row  of  cloisters,  which  stood  on  high  pillars  of  native  stone,  while  the 
 roofs  were  of  cedar,  and  were  polished  in  a  manner  proper  for  «uch  high  roofs  ;  but  hd 
 made  all  the  doors  of  this  temple  of  silver. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  SoiOmon  removed  iha  Ark  iniu  the  Temple:  how  he  maik  St'.pplLation  io  God,  and  offei'td 
 
 public  SacriJlciS  to  him. 
 
 §  1.  When  king  Solomon  had  finished  these  works,  these  large  and  beautiful  buildings,  and 
 had  laid  up  his  donations  in  llie  temple,  and  all  this  in  the  interval  of  seven  years, t  and  had 
 given  a  demonstration  of  his  riches  and  alacrity  therein,  insomuch  that  any  one  who  saw  it 
 would  have  thought  it  must  have  been  an  immense  time  ere  it  could  have  been  finished;  and 
 [would  be  surprised]  that  so  much  should  be  finished  in  so  short  a  time  ;  short,  I  mean,  if  com- 
 pared with  the  greatness  of  the  work  ;  he  also  wrote  to  the  rulers  and  elders  of  the  Hebrews, 
 and  ordered  all  the  people  to  gather  themselves  together  to  Jerusalem,  both  to  see  the  temple 
 which  he  had  built,  and  to  remove  the  ark  of  God  into  it;  and  when  this  invitation  of  the  whole 
 body  of  the  people  to  come  to  Jerusalem  was  every  where  carried  abroad,  it  was  the  seventh 
 month  before  they  came  together  ;  which  month  is  by  our  countrymen  called  Tliisri,  but  by  the 
 Macedonians  Hyperberetaeus.  The  feast  of  tabernacles  happened  to  fall  at  the  same  time, 
 which  was  celebrated  by  the  Hebrews  as  a  most  holy  and  most  eminent  feast.  So  they  carried 
 the  ark  and  the  tabernacle  which  Moses  had  pitched,  and  all  the  vessels  that  were  for  minis- 
 tration to  the  sacrifices  of  God,  and  removed  them  to  the  temple.^  The  king  himself,  and  all 
 the  people,  and  the  Levites,  went  before,  rendering  the  ground  moist  with  sacrifices,  and  drink- 
 ofTerings,  and  the  blood  of  a  great  number  of  oblations,  and  burning  an  immense  quantity  of 
 incense ;  and  this  till  the  very  air  itself  every  where  round  about  was  so  full  of  these  odours, 
 that  it  met,  in  a  most  agreeable  manner,  persons  at  a  great  distance,  and  was  an  indication  of 
 God's  presence,  and,  as  men's  opinions  were,  of  his  habitation  with  them  iu  this  newly  built 
 and  consecrated  place;  for  they  did  not  grow  weary  either  of  singing  hymns  or  of  dancing, 
 until  they  came  to  the  temple:  and  in  this  manner  did  they  carry  the  ark.  But  when  they 
 should  transfer  it  into  the  most  secret  place,  the  rest  of  the  multitude  went  away,  and  only 
 those  priests  that  carried  it  set  it  between  the  two  cherubims,  which  embracing  it  with  their 
 wings,  for  so  were  they  framed  by  the  artificer,  they  covered  it  as  under  a  tent  or  a  cupola. 
 Now  the  ark  contained  nothing  else  but  those  two  tables  of  stone  that  preserved  the  ten  com- 
 mandments, which  God  spake  to  Moses  in  Mount  Sinai,  and  which  were  engravtd  upon  them ; 
 
 •  When  JosephuB  here  says,  that  the  floor  of  the  outmost  temple,  or  court  of  the  Gentiles,  was  with  vast 
 labour  raised  to  be  '  even,'  or  of  equal  height'  with  the  floor  rf  the  inner,  or  court  of  the  priests,  he  must 
 mean  thia  in  a  gross  estimation  only,  for  lie  and  all  others  agre?,  thai  the  in.ier  temple,  or  court  of  the  priests, 
 was  a  few  cubits  more  elevated  than  the  middle  ccnrt,  the  court  of  Israel ;  and  much  more  was  ihe  court  of 
 the  priests  elevated  several  cubits  above  the  outmost  court,  since  the  court  of  Israel  was  lower  than  the  one, 
 and  liigher  than  the  other. 
 
 t  The  Septuagint  say.  "  that  they  prepared  timber  and  stones  tc  build  the  temple  for  three  years,"  1  Kings 
 V.  18.  and  although  neither  our  present  Hebrew  copy,  nor  .losephus,  directly  name  that  number  of  years,  yet 
 do  they  both  say  tne  building  itself  did  not  begin  till  Solomon's  '  fourth'  year;  and  both  speak  of  the  prepara- 
 tion of  materials  beforehand,  1  Kings  v.  18.  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  v.  ^  1.  There  is  no  reason,  therefore,  to  alter 
 the  Septuagint's  number,  but  we  are  to  suppose  three  years  to  have  been  the  just  time  of  preparation,  as  I  have 
 done  m  my  computation  of  the  expense  in  building  the  temple. 
 
 t  This  solemn  removal  of  the  ark  from  moifnt  .Sion  to  mount  Moriah.  at  the  distance  of  almost  three-quar- 
 ters of  a  mile,  confutes  that  notion  of  the  modern  .lews,  and  followed  l>y  many  Christians  also,  as  if  those  two 
 were  after  a  sort  one  aud  tlie  same  mouutain,  for  which  theri  is,  1  think,  very  I'ttle  foundation. 
 
COOK    Vlll. — CHAP.    IV.  213 
 
 but  Hiey  set  the  candlestick,  and  table,  aiid  llic  golden  altar,  in  the  temple,  before  tiie  most 
 secret  place,  in  the  very  sasne  places  wherein  they  stood  till  that  time  iii  the  tabernacle.  So 
 they  oflered  up  the  daily  sacrifices ;  bnt  for  the  brazen  altar,  Solomon  set  it  before  the  temple, 
 over  at;ainst  tho  door,  that  when  the  door  was  opened,  it  might  be  exposed  to  sight,  and  the 
 sacred  solemnities,  and  the  richness  of  the  sacrifice,  might  be  thence  seen  :  and  all  the  rest  of 
 the  vessels  they  gathered  together,  and  put  them  within  the  temple. 
 
 2.  Now,  as  soon  as  the  priests  had  put  all  things  in  order  about  the  ark,  and  were  gone 
 out,  there  came  down  a  thick  cloud,  and  stood  there,  and  spread  itself  after  a  gentle  manner 
 into  the  temple ;  snch  a  cloud  it  was,  as  was  diflused,  and  temperate,  not  such  a  rough  one 
 as  we  see  full  of  rain  in  the  winter  season.  This  cloud  so  darkened  the  place,  that  one  priest 
 could  not  discern  another,  but  it  afforded  to  the  minds  of  all  a  visible  image,  and  glorions 
 appearance  of  God's  having  descended  into  this  temple,  and  of  his  having  gladly  pitched  his 
 tabernacle  therein.  So  these  men  were  intent  upon  this  thought.  But  Solomon  rose  up,  (for  he 
 was  sitting  before,)  and  nsed  snch  words  to  God  as  he  thought  agreeable  to  the  divine  nature  to 
 receive,  and  lit  for  him  to  give  :  for  he  said,  "  Thou  hast  an  eternal  house,  O  Lord,  and  such  an 
 one  as  thou  hast  created  for  thyself  out  of  thine  own  works  ;  we  know  it  to  be  the  heaven,  and  the 
 air,  and  the  earth,  and  the  sea,  which  thou  pervadest ;  nor  art  thou  contained  within  their  limits. 
 I  have  indeed  built  this  temple  to  thee,  and  thy  name,  that  from  thence,  when  we  sacrifice,  and 
 perform  sacred  operations,  we  may  send  our  prayers  up  into  the  air,  and  may  constantly  believe 
 <liat  tliou  art  present,  and  art  not  remote  from  what  is  thine  own  ;  for  neither  when  thou  seest 
 all  things,  and  hearest  all  things,  nor  now,  when  it  pleases  thee  to  dwell  here,  dost  thou  leave 
 the  care  of  all  men,  but  rather  thou  art  very  near  to  them  all,  but  especially  thou  art  present 
 to  those  that  address  themselves  to  thee,  whether  by  night  or  by  day."  When  he  had  thus 
 solemnly  addressed  bimgelf  to  God,  he  converted  his  discourse  to  the  multitude,  and  strongly 
 represented  the  power  and  providence  of  God  to  them  ;  how  he  had  shewed  all  things  that 
 were  come  to  pass  to  David  his  father,  as  many  of  those  things  had  already  come  to  pass,  and 
 the  rest  would  certainly  come  to  pass  hereafter  ;  and  how  he  had  given  him  his  name,  and 
 told  to  David  what  he  should  be  called  beibre  he  was  born  ;  and  foretold,  that  when  he 
 should  be  king  after  his  father's  death  he  should  build  him  a  temple,  which,  since  they 
 saw  accomplished  according  to  his  prediction,  be  required  them  to  bless  God,  and  by  believ- 
 ing him,  from  the  sight  of  what  they  had  seen  accomplished,  never  to  despair  of  any  thing  that 
 he  had  promised  for  the  future,  in  order  to  their  happiness,  or  snspect  that  it  would  not  come 
 to  pass. 
 
 3.  When  the  king  had  thus  discoursed  to  the  multitude,  he  looked  again  towards  the  tem- 
 ple, and,  lifting  up  his  right  hand  to  the  multitude,  he  said,  "  It  is  not  possible  by  what  men 
 can  do  to  return  sufficient  thanks  to  God  for  his  benefits  bestowed  upon  them,  for  the  Deity 
 stands  in  need  of  nothing,  and  is  above  any  such  requital ;  but  so  far  as  we  have  been  made 
 superior,  O  Lord,  to  other  animals  by  thee,  it  becomes  us  to  bless  thy  majesty,  and  it  is  neces- 
 sary for  us  to  return  thee  thanks  for  what  thou  hast  bestowed  upon  our  house,  and  on  the 
 Hebrew  people  ;  for  with  what  other  instrument  can  we  better  appease  thee,  when  thou  art 
 angry  at  us,  or  more  properly  preserve  thy  favour,  than  with  our  voice ;  which,  as  we  have 
 it  from  the  air,  so  do  we  know  that  by  that  air  it  ascends  upwards  [towards  thee.]  I  there- 
 fore ought  myself  to  return  thee  thanks  th.ereby  in  the  first  place,  concerning  my  father, 
 '.vhom  thou  hast  raised  from  obscurity  unto  so  great  joy  ;  and  in  the  next  place,  concerning 
 myself,  since  thou  hast  performed  all  that  thou  hast  promised  unto  this  very  day.  And  I 
 beseech  thee,  for  the  time  to  come,  to  afiord  us  whatsoever  thou,  O  God,  hast  power  to 
 bestow  on  surli  as  thou  dost  esteem  ;  and  to  augment  our  house  for  all  ages,  as  thou  hast 
 promised  to  David  my  fathsr  to  do,  both  in  his  lifetime  and  at  his  death,  that  our  kingdom 
 shall  continue,  and  that  his  posterity  should  successively  receive  it  to  ten  thousand  genera- 
 tions. Do  not  thou  therefore  fail  to  give  us  these  blessings,  and  to  bestow  on  my  children 
 that  virtue  in  which  thou  delightest.  And  besides  all  this,  I  humbly  beseech  thee,  that 
 thou  wilt  let  some  portion  of  thy  Spirit  come  down  and  inhabit  in  this  temple,  that  thou 
 niayest  appear  to  be  with  ns  upon  earth.  As  to  thyself,  the  entire  heavens,  and  the  immen- 
 sity of  the  things  that  are  therein,  are  but  a  small  habitation  for  thee,  much  more  is  this 
 I'.oor  temple  so  ;  but  I  entreat  thee  to  keep  it,  as  thine  own  house,  from  being  destroyed  by 
 our  enemies  for  ever,  and  to  take  care  of  it  as  thine  own  possession  :  but  if  this  people  be 
 found  to  have  sinned,  and  be  thereupon  afflicted  by  thee  with  any  plague  because  of  their 
 sin,  as  with  dearth,  or  pestilence,  or  any  other  affliction  which  thou  usest  to  inflict  on  those 
 that  transgress  any  of  thy  holy  laws,  and  if  they  fly  all  of  them  to  this  temple,  beseeching 
 thee,  and  begging  of  thee  to  deliver  them,  then  do  thou  hear  their  prayers,  as  being  within 
 thine  house,  and  have  mercy  upon  them,  and  deliver  thera  from  their  afflictions  ;  nay,  more- 
 over, this  help  is  what  I  implore  of  thee,  not  for  the  Hebrews  only,  when  they  are  in  distress, 
 but  when  any  shall  come  hither  from  any  ends  of  the  world  whatsoever,  and  shall  return 
 from  their  sins  and  implore  thy  pardon,  do  thou  then  pardon  them,  and  hear  their  prayer. 
 For  hereby  all  shall  learn  that  thou  thyself  wast  pleased  with  the  building  of  this  house  for 
 thee,  and  that  we  are  not  ourselves  of  an  unsocial  nature,  nor  behave  ourselves  like  enemies 
 to  such  as  arc  not  of  our  own  people  ;  hut  are  willing  that  thy  assistance  should  he  touimuui 
 
214  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 cated  by  tlioe  to  all  men  in  common,  and  that  tbey  have  the  enjoyment  of  thy  benefits  bestowed 
 upon  them.  ' 
 
 4.  When  Solomon  had  said  this,  and  had  cast  himself  upon  the  ground,  and  worshipped  a 
 lono-  time,  be  rose  up,  and  brought  sacrifices  to  the  altar  ;  and  when  he  had  filled  it  with 
 unblemished  victims,  he  most  evidently  discovered  that  God  had  with  pleasure  accepted  of 
 all  that  Le  bad  sacrificed  to  him,  for  there  came  a  fire  running  out  of  the  air,  and  rushed  with 
 violence  upon  the  altar,  in  the  sight  of  all,  and  caught  hold  of  and  consumed  the  sacrifices. 
 Now,  when  this  divine  appearance  was  seen,  the  people  supposed  it  to  be  a  demonstration  of 
 God's  abode  in  the  temple,  and  were  pleased  with  it,  and  fell  down  upon  the  ground  and 
 worshipped.  Upon  which  the  king  began  to  bless  God,  and  exhorted  the  multitude  to  do  the 
 same,  as  now  having  sufiicient  indications  of  God's  favourable  disposition  to  thera  ;  and  to 
 pray  that  they  might  always  have  the  like  indications  from  him,  and  that  he  would  preserve 
 in  them  a  mind  pure  from  all  wickedness,  in  righteousness  and  religious  worship,  and  that  they 
 might  continue  in  the  observation  of  those  precepts  which  God  had  given  them  by  Moses, 
 because  by  that  means  the  Hebrew  nation  would  be  happy,  and  indeed  the  most  blessed  of  all 
 nations  among  all  mankind.  He  exhorted  them  also  to  be  mindful,  that  by  what  methods  they 
 Lad  attained  their  present  good  things,  by  the  same  they  must  preserve  them  sure  to  them- 
 selves, and  make  them  greater,  and  more  than  they  were  at  present  ;  for  that  it  was  not  sufiS- 
 cient  for  them  to  suppose  they  bad  received  them  on  account  of  their  piety  and  righteousness, 
 but  that  they  had  no  other  way  of  preserving  them  for  the  time  to  come,  for  that  it  is  not  so 
 o-reat  a  thing  for  men  to  acquire  somev;hat  which  they  want,  as  to  preserve  what  they  have 
 acquired,  and  to  be  guilty  of  no  siu,  whereby  it  may  be  hurt. 
 
 5.  So  when  the  king  had  spoken  thus  to  the  multitude,  he  dissolved  the  congregation,  but 
 not  till  he  had  completed  his  oblations,  both  for  himself  and  for  the  Hebrews,  insomuch  that 
 lie  sacrificed  twenty  and  two  thousand  oxen,  and  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  sheep  ;  for 
 then  it  was  that  the  temple  did  first  of  all  taste  of  the  victims,  and  all  the  Hebrews,  with  their 
 wives  and  children,  feasted  therein  ;  nay,  besides  this,  the  king  then  observed  splendidly  and 
 magnificently  the  feast  which  is  called  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  before  the  temple,  for  twice 
 seven  days;  and  he  then  feasted  together  with  all  the  people. 
 
 t>.  When  all  these  solemnities  were  abundantly  satisfied,  and  nothing  was  omitted  that  con- 
 cerned the  divine  worship,  the  king  dismissed  them  ;  and  they  every  one  went  to  their  own 
 homes,  giving  thanks  to  the  kin^  for  the  care  he  had  taken  of  them,  and  the  '.virks  he  had 
 done  for  them  ;  and  praying  to  God  to  preserve  Solomon  to  be  their  king  for  a  long  time. 
 They  also  took  their  journey  home  with  rejoicing,  and  making  merry,  and  singing  hymns  to 
 God  :  and  indeed  the  pleasure  they  enjoyed  took  away  the  sense  of  the  pains  they  all  under- 
 went in  their  journey  home.  So  when  ihey  had  brought  the  ark  into  the  temple,  and  had 
 seen  its  greatness,  and  how  fine  it  was,  and  had  been  partakers  of  the  many  sacrifices  that 
 had  been  offered,  and  of  the  festivals  that  had  been  solemnized,  they  every  one  returned  to 
 their  own  cities.  But  a  dream  that  appeared  to  the  king  in  his  sleep,  informed  him,  That 
 "  God  had  heard  bis  prayers;  and  that  he  would  not  only  preserve  the  temple,  but  would 
 always  abide  in  it,  that  is,  in  case  his  posterity  and  the  whole  multitude  would  be  righteous. 
 And  for  himself,  it  said,  that  if  he  continued  according  to  the  admonitions  of  his  father,  he 
 would  advance  him  to  an  immense  degree  of  dignity  and  happiness,  and  that  then  his  pos- 
 terity should  be  kings  of  that  country,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  for  ever  :  but  that  still  if  he  should 
 be  found  a  betrayer  of  the  ordinances  of  the  law,  and  forget  them,  and  turn  away  to  the  wor- 
 ship of  strange  gods,  he  would  cut  him  off  by  the  roots,  and  would  neither  sufifer  any  remainder 
 of  his  family  to  continue,  nor  would  overlook  the  temple  of  Israel,  or  preserve  tliem  any  longer 
 from  afllictions,  but  would  utterly  destroy  them  with  ten  thousand  wars  and  misfortunes  ;  would 
 cast  them  out  of  the  land  which  he  had  given  their  fathers,  and  make  them  sojourners  in 
 strange  lands  ;  and  deliver  that  temple,  which  was  now  built,  to  be  burnt  and  spoiled  by  their 
 enemies  ;  and  that  city  to  be  utterly  overthrown  by  the  hands  of  their  enemies ;  and  make 
 their  miseries  deserve  to  be  a  proverb,  and  such  as  should  very  hardly  be  credited  for  their 
 stupendous  magnitude,  till  their  neighbours,  when  they  should  hear  of  them,  should  wonder  at 
 their  calamities,  and  very  earnestly  inquire  for  (lie  oci^asion,  why  the  Hebrews,  who  had  been 
 so  far  advanced  by  God  to  such  glory  and  wealth,  should  be  then  so  hated  by  him?  And  that 
 the  answer  that  should  be  made  by  the  remainder  of  the  people  should  be,  by  confessing  their 
 sins,  and  their  transgression  of  the  laws  of  their  country." — Accordingly,  we  have  it  trans- 
 mitted to  us  in  writing,  that  thus  did  God  speak  to  Solomon  in  his  sleep. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Solomon  built  lihnself  a  royal  Palace,  very  costly  and  splendid;  and  Jww  he   solved  the 
 Riddles  which  were  sent  him  by  Hiram, 
 
 §  1.  After  the  building  of  the  temple,  which,  as  we  have  before  said,  was  finished  in  seven 
 years,  the  king  laid  the  foundation  of  his  palace,  which  he  did  not  finish  under  thirteen  years, 
 for  he  was  not  equally  zealous  in  the  building  of  this  palace  as  he  had  been  about  the  temple; 
 for  as  to  that,  though  it  was  a  great  work,  and  required  vvoudurful  aud  suipiising  application. 
 
HOOK   VHI. — CHAP.  V.  215 
 
 yet  God,  for  whom  it  was  mntle,  so  fia-  co-operated  (herewllli,  (Iiat  it  was  finished  in  the  fore- 
 inentioned  number  of  years;  but  the  palace,  which  was  a  building  much  inferior  in  dignity  to 
 the  temple,  both  on  account  that  its  materials  had  not  been  so  long  beforehand  gotten  readv, 
 nor  had  been  so  zealously  prepared,  and  on  account  that  this  was  only  an  habitation  for  kings, 
 and  not  for  God,  it  was  longer  in  finishing.  However,  this  building  was  raised  so  magnifi- 
 cently, as  suited  the  happy  state  of  the  Hebrews,  and  of  the  king  thereof:  but  it  is  necessary 
 that  I  descpdje  the  entire  structure  and  disposition  of  the  parts,  that  so  those  that  light 
 upon  this  book,  may  thereby  make  a  conjecture,  and,  as  it  were,  have  a  prospect  of  its 
 magnitude. 
 
 2.  This  house  was  a  large  and  curious  building,  and  was  supported  by  many  pillars,  which 
 Solomon  built  to  contain  a  multitude  for  hearing  causes,  and  taking  cognizance  of  suits.  It 
 was  sufficiently  capacious  to  contain  a  great  body  of  men,  who  would  come  together  to 
 have  causes  determined.  It  was  an  hundred  cubits  long,  and  fifty  broad,  and  thirty  high, 
 supported  by  quadrangular  pillars,  which  were  all  of  cedar,  but  its  roof  was  according  to  the 
 Corinthian  order,*  with  folding  doors,  and  their  adjoining  pillars  of  equal  magnitude,  each 
 fluted  with  three  cavities :  which  building  was  at  once  firm,  and  very  ornamental.  There 
 was  also  another  house,  so  ordered,  that  its  entire  breadth  was  placed  in  the  middle:  it  was 
 quadrangular,  and  its  breadth  was  thirty  cubits,  having  a  temple  over  against  it,  raised  upon 
 massy  pillars;  in  which  temple  there  was  a  large  and  very  glorious  room,  wherein  the  king  sat 
 in  judgment.  To  this  was  joined  nnother  house,  that  was  built  for  his  queen.  There  were 
 other  smaller  edifices  for  diet,  and  for  sleep,  after  public  matters  were  over;  and  these  were 
 all  floored  with  boards  of  cedar.  Some  of  these  Solomon  built  with  stones  of  ten  cubits,  and 
 wainscoted  the  walls  with  other  stones  that  were  sawed,  and  were  of  great  value,  snch  as  are 
 dug  out  of  the  earth  for  the  ornaments  of  temples,  and  to  make  fine  prospects  in  royal  palaces, 
 and  which  make  the  mines  whence  they  are  dug  famous.  Now  the  contexture  of  the  curious 
 workmanship  of  these  stones  was  in  three  rows,  but  the  fourth  row  would  make  one  admire  its 
 sculptures,  whereby  were  represented  trees,  and  all  sorts  of  plants,  with  the  shades  that  arose 
 from  their  branches,  and  leaves  that  hung  down  from  them.  Those  trees  and  plants  covered 
 the  stone  (hat  was  beneath  them,  and  their  leaves  were  wrought  so  prodigious  thin  and  subtile, 
 that  you  would  think  they  were  in  motion  :  but  the  other  part  up  to  the  roof  was  plastered 
 over,  and,  as  it  were,  embroidered  with  colours  and  pictures.  He  moreover  built  other  edifices 
 for  pleasure  ;  as  also  very  long  cloisters,  and  those  situate  in  an  agreeable  place  of  the  palace ; 
 and  among  them  a  most  glorious  dining  room,  for  feastings  and  corapotations,  and  full  of  gold, 
 and  such  other  furniture  as  so  fine  a  room  ought  to  have  for  the  convenieucy  of  the  guests, 
 and  where  all  the  vessels  were  made  of  gold.  Now  it  is  very  hard  to  reckon  up  the  magni- 
 tude and  the  variety  of  the  royal  apartments;  how  niany  rooms  there  were  of  the  largest  sort ; 
 how  many  of  a  bigness  inferior  to  those  ;  and  how  many  that  were  subterraneous  and  invisible  ; 
 the  curiosity  of  those  that  enjoyed  the  fresh  air ;  and  the  groves  of  the  most  delightful  pros- 
 pect, for  the  avoiding  the  heat,  and  covering  of  their  bodies.  And  to  say  all  in  brief,  Solomon 
 made  the  whole  building  entirely  of  while  stone,  and  cedar  wood,  and  gold  and  silver.  He 
 also  adorned  the  roofs  and  walls  with  stones  set  in  gold,  and  beautified  them  thereby  in  the 
 same  manner  as  he  had  beautified  the  temple  of  God  with  the  like  stones.  He  also  made  him- 
 self a  throne  of  prodigious  bigness  of  ivory,  constructed  as  a  seat  of  justice,  and  having  six 
 steps  to  it ;  on  every  one  of  which  stood,  on  each  end  of  the  step,  two  lions,  two  other  lions 
 standing  above  also;  but,  at  tiie  sitting  place  of  the  throne,  hands  came  out,  and  received  the 
 king;  and  when  he  sat  backward,  he  rested  on  half  a  bullock,  that  looked  towards  his  back, 
 but  still  all  was  fastened  togetlier  with  gold. 
 
 3.  When  Solomon  had  completed  all  this  in  twenty  years'  time,  because  Hiram  king  of  Tyre 
 had  contributed  a  great  deal  of  gold,  and  more  silver  to  these  buildings,  as  also  cedar  wood 
 and  pine  wood,  he  also  rewarded  Hiram  with  rich  presents ;  corn  he  sent  him  also  year  by 
 year,  and  wine  and  oil,  which  were  the  principal  things  that  he  stood  in  need  of,  because  he 
 inhabited  an  island,  as  we  have  already  said.  And  besides  these,  he  granted  him  certain  cities 
 of  Galilee,  twenty  in  number,  that  lay  not  far  from  Tyre;  which,  when  Hiram  went  to,  and 
 viewed,  and  did  not  like  the  gift,  he  sent  word  to  Solomon,  that  he  did  not  want  such  cities  as 
 tlit'y  were;  and  after  that  time  those  cities  were  called  the  laud  of  Cabul,  which  name,  if  it  bo 
 interpreted  according  to  the  language  of  the  Phenicians,  denotes,  ivhat  does  not  please.  More- 
 over, the  king  of  Tyre  sent  sophisms  and  enigmatical  sayings  to  Solomon,  and  desired  lie 
 would  solve  them,  and  free  them  from  the  ambiguity  that  was  in  them.  Now  so  sagacious 
 and  understanding  was  Solomon,  that  none  of  these  problems  were  too  hard  for  him,  but  he 
 
 ♦  This  mention  of  the  Corinthian  ornaments  of.architecture  in  Solomon's  palace  by  Josephus,  seems  to  bo 
 here  set  down  by  way  of  prolei)sis :  for  although  it  appears  to  me  that  the  Grecian  and  Ivoman  most  ancient 
 orders  of  architecture  were  taken  from  Solomon's  temple,  as  from  their  original  patterns,  yet  it  is  not  so  clear 
 that  the  last  and  most  ornamental  order  of  the  Corinthian  was  so  ancient,  although  what  the  same  Josephus 
 says,  ()f  the  War,  b.  v.vchap.  v.  ()X.  that  one  of  the  gates  of  Herod's  temple  was  built  according  to  the  rules 
 of  this  Corinthian  order,  is  no  way  improbable,  that  order  being,  without  dispute,  much  older  than  the  reign 
 of  Herod.  However,  upon  some  trial,  I  confess  I  have  not  hitherto  been  able  fully  to  understand  the  struc- 
 ture of  this  piilace  of  Solomon's,  either  as  described  in  our  I'.ibles,  or  even  with  the  additional  help  of  this 
 description  here  by  Josephus ;  only  the  reader  may  easily  observe  with  me,  that  the  measures  of  this  first 
 l)uilduig  in  losephns,  100  cubits  long,  and  lil'ty  cubits  broad,  are  the  very  same  with  the  area  uf  tUo  court  of 
 ilie  lubernacle  ol  Moses,  and  just  half  an  lii:ypliau  '  aroura,'  or  acre. 
 
216  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 conquered  them  all,  hy  ills  reasanings,  and  discovered  their  hidden  meaning,  and  brouglit  it  to 
 light.  Menandcr  also,  one  who  translated  theTyrian  arcliives  out  of  the  dialect  of  the  Phcni- 
 ci:»ns  into  the  Greek  language,  makes  nientiuu  of  tliese  two  kings,  where  he  says  thus  :  "  When 
 Abibrdiis  was  dead,  his  son  Hiram  received  the  kingdom  from  him,  who,  when  he  had  lived 
 iifty-three  years,  reigned  thirty-four.  He  raised  a  bank  in  the  large  place,  and  dedicated  the 
 golden  pillar  which  is  in  Jupiter's  temple.  He  also  went  and  cut  down  materials  of  timber 
 out  of  the  mountain  called  Libanus,  for  the  roofs  of  temples  ;  and  when  he  had  pulled  down  the 
 ancient  temples,  he  both  built  the  temple  of  Hercules  and  that  of  Astarte:  and  he  first  set  up 
 the  temple  of  Hercules  in  the  month  Peritius ;  he  also  made  an  expedition  against  the  Eiichii 
 [or  Titii,]  who  did  not  pay  their  tribute,  and  when  he  had  subdued  them  to  liimself,  he 
 returned.  Under  this  king  there  was  Abdemnn,  a  very  youth  in  age,  who  always  conquered 
 the  didicult  probieras  which  Solomon,  king  of  Jerusalem,  commanded  him  to  explain."  Dius 
 also  makes  mention  of  him,  where  he  says  thus ;"  When  Abibalus  was  dead,  his  son  Hiram 
 reigned.  He  raised  the  eastern  parts  of  the  city  higher,  and  made  (he  city  itself  larger.  He 
 also  joined  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  which  before  stood  by  itself  to  the  city,  by  raising  a  bank  in 
 the  middle  between  them  ;  and  he  adorned  it  with  donations  of  gold.  Moreover,  he  went  up 
 to  mount  Libanus,  and  cut  down  materials  of  wood  for  the  building  of  the  temples."  He  savs 
 also,  that  "  Solomon,  who  was  then  king  of  Jerusalem,  sent  riddles  to  Hiram,  and  desired  to 
 receive  the  like  from  him,  but  that  he  who  could  not  solve  them  should  pay  money  to  them 
 that  did  solve  them,  and  that  Hiram  accepted  the  conditions ;  and  when  he  was  not  able  to 
 solve  the  riddles  [proposed  by  Solomon,]  he  paid  a  great  deal  of  money  for  his  fine  :  but  that 
 he  afterward  did  solve  the  proposed  riddles  by  means  of  Abdemon,  a  man  of  Tyre;  and  that 
 Hiram  proposed  other  riddles,  which,  when  Solomon  could  not  solve,  he  paid  back  a  great 
 deal  of  money  to  Hiram."     This  it  is  which  Dins  wrote. 
 
 CHAP.  \I. 
 
 }]o'W  Solomon  fortified  the  City  of  Jentsalem,  and  built  great  Cities:  and  lioia  he  brought  some 
 of  the  Canaanites  into  Subjection,  and  eittcftained  the  Queen  of  F.ijypt  and  of  Ethiopia. 
 
 §  1.  Nnw  when  the  king  saw  that  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  stood  in  need  of  being  better 
 secured,  and  made  stronger^  (for  he  thought  the  walls  that  encompassed  Jerusalem  ought  to 
 correspond  to  the  dignity  of  the  city,)  he  both  repaired  them,  and  made  them  higher,  with 
 great  towers  upon  them  ;  he  also  built  cities  which  might  be  counted  amonff  the  strongest, 
 Hazor,  and  Megiddo,  and  the  third,  Gezer,  which  had  indeed  belonged  to  the  Philistines  ;  but 
 Pharaoh  the  king  of  Egjpt  had  made  an  expedition  against,  and  besieged  it,  and  taken  it  by 
 force,  and  when  he  had  slain  all  its  inhabitauts,  he  utterly  overthrew  it,  and  gave  it  as  a  pre- 
 sent to  his  daughter,  who  had  been  married  to  Solomon  ;  for  which  reason  the  king  rebuilt  it, 
 as  a  city  that  was  naturally  strong,  and  might  be  useful  in  wars,  and  the  mutations  of  affairs 
 that  sometimes  happen.  Moreover,  he  built  two  other  cities  not  far  from  it;  Beth-horon  was 
 the  name  of  one  of  them,  and  Baalath  of  the  other.  He  also  built  other  cities  that  lay  con- 
 veniently for  these,  in  order  to  the  enjoyment  of  pleasures  and  delicacies  in  them,  such  as  were 
 naturally  of  a  good  temperature  of  the  air,  and  agreeable  for  fruits  ripe  in  their  proper  seasons, 
 and  well  watered  with  springs.  Nay,  Solomon  went  as  far  as  the  desert  above  Syria,  and 
 possessed  himself  of  it,  and  built  there  a  very  great  city,  which  was  distant  two  days'  journey 
 from  Upper  Syria,  and  one  day's  journey  from  Euphrates,  and  six  long  days'  journey  from 
 Babylon  the  great.  Now,  the  reason  why  this  city  lay  so  remote  from  the  parts  of  Syria  that 
 are  inhabited  is  this,  that  below  there  is  no  water  to  be  had,  and  that  it  is  in  that  place  only 
 that  there  are  springs  and  {>its  of  water.  When  he  had  therefore  built  this  city,  and  encom- 
 passed it  with  very  strong  walls,  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Tadmor,  and  that  is  the  name  it  is  still 
 called  by  at  this  day  among  the  Syrians ;  but  the  Grecian  name  is  Palmyra. 
 
 2.  Now  Solomon  the  king  was  at  this  time  engaged  in  building  these  cities.  But  if  any 
 inquire  why  all  the  kings  of  Egypt  from  Menes,  who  built  Memphis,  and  was  many  years 
 earlier  than  our  forefather  Abraham,  until  Solomon,  where  the  interval  was  more  than  cue 
 thousand  three  hundred  years,  were  called  Pharaohs,  and  took  it  from  one  Pharaoh  that  lived 
 after  the  kings  of  that  interval,  I  think  it  necessary  to  inform  them  of  it,  in  order  to  cure 
 their  ignorance,  and  to  make  the  occasion  of  that  name  manifest.  Pharaoh,  in  the  Egyptian 
 tongue,  signifies  a  king,*  but  I  suppose  they  made  use  of  other  names  fiom  their  childhood  ; 
 hut  when  they  were  made  kings,  they  changed  them  into  the  name  which  in  their  own  tongue 
 denoted  their  authority  ;  for  thus  it  was  also  that  the  kings  of  Alexandria,  who  were  called 
 formerly  by  other  names,  when  they  took  the  kingdom,  were  named  Ptolemies,  from  their  first 
 
 •  This  signification  of  the  name  Pharaoh  appears  to  bo  true.  But  what  Josephus  adds  presently,  that  'no 
 king  of  Egj'pt  was  called  Phavaoh  after  Solomon's  father-iu-law,'  does  hardly  as^ree  to  our  copies,  which  have 
 long  afterwards  the  names  of  '  Pharaoh-nechoh,'  and  '  Pharaoh-hophrah,"  2  Kings  xxiii.  Ci?.  .Icr.  xliv.  X>. 
 besides  the  frequent  mention  of  that  name  Pharaoh  in  the  prophets.  However,  Josephus  himself,  in  his  own 
 speech  to  the  Jews,  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  ix.  i  4.  speaks  of  >iechao,  '  who  was  also  called  Pharaoh,'  as  the 
 name  of  that  king  of  Eso'Pt  with  whom  Abraham  was  concerned  ;  of  which  name  Kechao  yet  we  have  else- 
 where no  meution  till  the  davs  of  Josiah,  but  only  of  Pharaoh.  And  indeed  it  must  be  confessed,  that  here, 
 and  5  5.  we  have  more  mistakes  made  by  Josephus ;  and  those  relating  to  the  kings  of  I'gypt,  and  to  that 
 queen  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia  whom  lie  supposes  to  have  coiue  to  see  Solomon,  than  almost  any  where  else 
 lu  all  his  Autiipiilies. 
 
BOOK   VIII. — CHAP.    VI.  217 
 
 king.  Tlie  Roman  emperors  also  were  from  their  nativity  called  by  other  names,  hiit  are 
 styled  Ca\s3r.<,  tiieir  empire  and  their  dignity  imposing  that  name  upon  lliem,  and  not  suffering 
 them  to  continne  in  those  names  which  their  fathers  gave  them,  I  suppose  also  that  Hero- 
 dotus of  Halicarnassus,  when  he  said  there  were  three  hundred  and  thirty  kings  of  Kt;ypt  :ifttr 
 Menes,  who  built  Memphis,  did  therefore  not  tell  us  their  names,  because  they  were  in  com- 
 mon called  Pharaohs  ;  for  when  after  their  death  there  was  a  queen  reigned,  he  calls  her  by  her 
 name  Nicaule,  as  thereby  declaring,  that  while  the  kings  were  of  the  male  line,  and  so  admit- 
 ted of  the  same  name,  while  a  woman  did  not  admit  the  same,  he  did  therefore  set  down  that 
 her  name  which  she  could  not  naturally  have.  '  As  for  myself,  I  have  discovered  from  our 
 own  hooks,  that  after  Pharaoh,  the  father-in-law  of  Solomon,  no  other  king  of  Egypt  did  any 
 longer  use  that  name  ;  and  that  it  was  after  that  time  when  the  fore-mentioned  queen  of  Egypt 
 and  Ethiopia  came  to  Solomon,  concerning  whom  we  shall  inform  the  reader  presently  ;  but  I 
 have  now  made  mention  of  these  things,  that  I  may  prove  that  our  books  and  those  of  the 
 Egyptians  agree  together  in  many  things. 
 
 3.  But  king  Solomon  subdued  to  himself  the  remnant  of  the  Canaanites  that  had  not  before 
 submitted  to  him  ;  those  [  mean  that  dwelt  in  mount  Lebanon,  and  as  far  as  the  city  of 
 Haiiiaili ;  and  ordered  them  to  pay  tribute.  He  alse  chose  out  of  them  every  year  such  as 
 were  to  serve  him  in  the  meanest  oHioes,  and  to  do  his  domestic  works,  and  to  follow  hus- 
 bandry ;  for  none  of  the  Hebrews  were  servants  [in  such  low  employments  ;]  nor  was  it 
 reasonable,  that  when  God  had  brought  so  many  nations  under  their  power,  they  should 
 depress  their  own  people  to  such  mean  ofTices  of  life,  rather  than  those  nations ;  while  all  the 
 Israelites  were  concerned  in  warlike  affairs,  and  were  in  armour;  and  were  set  over  the 
 chariots  and  the  horses,  rather  than  leading  the  life  of  slaves.  He  appointed  also  five  hundred 
 and  fifty  rulers  over  those  Canaanites  who  were  reduced  to  such  domestic  slavery,  who 
 received  the  entire  care  of  them  from  the  king,  and  instructed  thera  in  those  labours  and 
 operations  wherein  he  wanted  their  assistance. 
 
 4.  Moreover,  the  king  built  many  ships  in  the  Egyptian  Bay  of  the  Red  Sea,  in  a  certain 
 place  called  Ezion-Geber :  it  is  now  called  Berenice,  and  is  not  far  from  the  city  of  Eloth, 
 This  country  belonged  formerly  to  the  Jews,  and  became  useful  for  shipping,  from  the  dona- 
 tions of  Hiram  king  of  Tyre  ;  for  he  sent  a  sufficient  number  of  men  thither  for  pilots,  and  such 
 as  were  skilful  in  navigation,  to  whom  Solomon  gave  this  command,  that  they  should  go  along 
 with  his  own  stewards  to  the  land  that  was  of  old  called  Ophir,  but  now  the  Aurea  Chersonesus, 
 which  belongs  to  India,  to  fetch  him  gold.  And  when  they  had  gathered  four  hundred  talents 
 together,  they  returned  to  the  king  again. 
 
 r>.  There  was  then  a  woman,  queen  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia:*  she  was  inquisitive  into  philo- 
 sophy, and  one  that  on  other  accounts  also  was  to  be  admired.  When  this  queen  beard  of  the 
 virtue  and  prudence  of  Solomon,  she  had  a  great  mind  to  see  him,  and  the  reports  that  went 
 every  day  abroad  induced  her  to  come  to  him,  she  being  desirous  to  be  satisfied  by  her  own 
 experience,  and  not  by  a  bare  hearing;  (for  reports  thus  beard  are  likely  enough  to  comply 
 with  a  false  opinion,  while  they  wholly  depend  on  the  credit  of  the  relators,)  so  she  resolved 
 to  come  to  him,  and  that  especially  in  order  to  have  a  trial  of  bis  wisdom,  while  she  proposed 
 questiins  of  very  great  difficulty,  and  entreated  that  he  would  solve  their  hidden  meaning. 
 Accordingly,  she  came  to  Jerusalem  with  great  splendour,  and  rich  furniture;  for  she  brought 
 with  her  camels  laden  with  gold,  with  several  sorts  of  sweet  spices,  and  with  precious  stones. 
 Now,  upon  the  king's  kind  reception  of  her,  he  both  shewed  a  great  desire  to  please  her,  and 
 easily  comprehending  in  his  mind  the  meaning  of  the  cnrious  questions  she  propounded  to  him, 
 be  resolved  them  sooner  than  any  body  could  have  expected.  So  she  was  amazed  at  tlie  wis- 
 dom of  Solomon,  and  discovered  that  it  was  more  excellent  upon  trial  than  what  she  had  heard 
 by  report  beforehand ;  and  especially  she  was  surprised  at  the  fineness  and  largeness  of  his 
 royal  palace,  and  not  less  at  the  good  order  of  the  apartments,  for  she  observed  that  the  king 
 had  therein  shewn  great  wisdom  ;  but  she  was  beyond  measure  astonished  at  the  house  which 
 was  called  the  forest  of  Lebanon,  as  also  at  the  magnificence  of  his  daily  table,  and  the  cir- 
 cumstances of  its  preparation  and  ministration,  wi;h  the  apparel  of  his  servants  that  wailed, 
 and  the  skilful  and  decent  management  of  their  attendance:  nor  was  she  less  affected  with 
 those  daily  sacrifices  which  were  offered  to  God,  and  the  careful  management  which  tlie 
 priests  and  Leviles  used  about  them.  "When  st.e  saw  this  done  every  day,  she  was  in  tha 
 greatest  admiration  imaginable,  insomuch  that  she  was  not  K.ble  to  contain  the  surprise  she  was 
 in,  but  openly  confessed  how  wonderfully  she  was  allected  ;  for  she  proceeded  to  discourse 
 with  the  king,  and  thereby  owned  that  she  was  overcome  with  admiration  at  the  things  before 
 relateit  ;  and  said,  "  All  things  indeed,  O  king,  that  came  to  our  knowledge  by  report,  came 
 with  uncertainty  as  to  our  belief  of  them  ;  but  as  to  those  good  things  that  to  thee  appert:iin, 
 both  such  as  thou  thyself  possesses!,  I  mean  wisdom   and  prudence,  and  the  happiness  tliou 
 
 *  That  this  queen  of  Sheba  was  a  queen  of  Rahaea  in  South  Arabia,  and  not  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  as  Joso- 
 plins  here  asserts,  is,  I  suppose,  now  (,'enerally  agreed.  And  since  Snbsea  is  well  known  to  be  a  country  n<ar 
 the  sea,  in  the  south  of  Arabia  Felix,  which  lay  south  from  Judea  also  ;  and  since  our  .Saviour  calls  this  queen, 
 ■  the  queen  of  the  south,'  and  s.ivs  '  she  came  fnnri  the  utmost  parts  of  the  earth,'  Matth,  xii.  42.  Lul<e  xi.  .'il. 
 which  descriptions  agree  better  to  this  Arabia  than  to  Kgyiit  and  I'.thiopia,  there  is  lilllc  occasion  for  doubting 
 iu  tliis  niatlev. 
 
 2    E 
 
218  ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE  JEWS. 
 
 bast  from  thy  kingdom,  certainly  the  fame  that  came  to  us  was  no  falsity ;  it  was  not  only  a  trne 
 report,  but  it  related  tliy  happiness  after  a  much  lower  manner  Ihan  I  now  see  it  to  be  before 
 ray  eyes.  For,  as  for  the  report,  it  only  attempted  to  persuade  our  hearing,  but  did  not  so 
 make  known  the  dignity  of  the  things  themselves  as  does  the  sight  of  them,  and  being  present 
 among  them.  I  indeed,  who  did  not  believe  what  was  reported,  by  reason  of  the  multitude 
 and  grandeur  of  the  ihings  I  inquired  about,  do  see  them  to  be  &iuch  more  numerous  than  they 
 were  reported  to  be.  Accordingly,  I  esteem  the  Hebrew  people,  as  well  as  lliy  servants  and 
 friends,  to  be  happy,  who  enjoy  thy  presence,  and  hear  thy  wisdom  every  day  continually. 
 One  would  therefore  bless  God  who  hath  so  loved  this  country,  and  those  that  iuhabit  therein, 
 as  to  make  thee  king  over  them." 
 
 6.  Now  when  the  queen  had  thus  demonstrated  in  words  how  deeply  the  king  had  affected 
 her,  her  disposition  was  known  by  certain  presents,  for  she  gave  him  twenty  talents  of  gold, 
 and  an  immense  quantity  of  spices,  and  precious  stones.  (They  say  also  that  we  possess  the 
 root  of  that  balsam  which  our  country  still  bears  by  this  woman's  gift.)*  Solomon  also  repaid 
 her  with  many  good  things,  and  principally  by  bestowing  upon  her  what  she  chose  of  her  own 
 incNnatiou,  for  there  was  nothing  that  she  desired  which  he  denied  lier;  and  as  lie  was  very 
 generous  and  liberal  in  his  own  temper,  so  did  he  shew  the  greatness  of  his  soul  iu  bestowing 
 on  her  what  she  herself  desired  of  bini.  So  when  this  queen  of  Etiiiopia  had  obtained  what  we 
 have  already  given  an  account  of,  and  had  again  communicated  to  the  king  what  she  brought 
 with  her,  she  returned  to  her  own  kingdom. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  Solomon  grew  rich,  and  fell  desperately  in  love  with  Women,  and  how  God,  being  incensed 
 at  it,  raised  up  Ader  and  Jeroboam  against  him.      Concerning  the  Death  of  Solomon. 
 
 ^  1.  About  the  same  time  there  were  brought  to  the  king  from  the  Anrea  Chersonesus,  a 
 country  so  called,  precious  stones,  and  pine  trees,  and  tliese  trees  he  made  use  of  for  support- 
 ing the  temple,  and  the  palace,  as  also  for  the  materials  of  musical  instruments,  the  harps  and 
 the  psalteries,  that  the  Levites  might  make  use  of  them  in  their  hymns  to  Cod.  The  wood 
 which  was  brougiit  to  him  at  this  time  was  larger  and  finer  than  any  that  had  ever  been 
 brtmght  before;  but  let  no  one  imagine  that  these  pine  trees  were  like  those  which  are  now  so 
 named,  and  which  take  that  their  denomination  from  the  merchants,  who  so  call  them,  that 
 they  may  procure  them  to  be  admired  by  those  that  purchase  them;  for  those  we  speak  of 
 were  to  the  sight  like  the  wood  of  the  fig-tree,  but  were  whiter  and  more  shining.  Now  we 
 have  said  thus  much,  that  nobody  may  be  ignorant  of  the  difference  of  these  sorts  of  wood,  nor 
 unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  genuine  pine-tree;  and  we  thought  it  both  a  seasonable 
 and  humane  thing  when  we  mentioned  it,  and  the  uses  the  king  made  of  it,  to  explain  this  dif- 
 ference so  far  as  we  have  done. 
 
 2.  Now  the  weight  of  gold  that  was  brought  him  was  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  talents,  not 
 including  in  that  sum  what  was  brought  by  the  merchants,  nor  what  the  toparchs  and  kings  of 
 Arabia  gave  him  in  presents.  He  also  cast  two  hundred  targets  of  gold,  each  of  them  weigh- 
 ing sis  hundred  shekels.  He  also  made  three  hundred  shields,  every  one  weighing  three 
 pounds  of  gold,  and  he  had  them  carried,  and  put  into  that  house  which  was  called  the  forest 
 of  Lebanon.  He  also  made  cups  of  gold,  and  of  [precious]  stones,  for  the  entertainment  of 
 his  guests,  and  had  them  adorned  in  the  most  artificial  manner;  and  he  contrived  that  all  his 
 other  furniture  of  vessels  should  be  of  gold,  for  there  was  nothing  then  to  be  sold  or  bought 
 for  silver,  for  the  king  had  many  ships  which  lay  upon  the  sea  of  Tarsus  ;  these  he  commanded 
 to  carry  out  all  sorts  of  merchandise  unto  the  remotest  nations,  by  the  sale  of  which  silver  and 
 gold  were  brought  to  the  king,  and  a  great  quantity  of  ivory,  and  Ethiopians,  and  apes,  and 
 they  finished  their  voyage,  going  and  returning,  in  three  years'  time. 
 
 3.  Accordingly,  there  went  a  great  fame  all  around  the  neighbouring  countries,  which  pro- 
 claimed the  virtue  and  wisdom  of  Solomon,  insomuch  that  all  the  kings  every  where  were 
 desirous  to  see  him,  as  not  giving  credit  to  what  was  reported,  on  account  of  its  being  almost 
 incredible;  they  also  demonstrated  the  regard  they  had  for  him,  by  the  presents  they  made 
 him;  for  they  sent  him  vessels  of  gold,  and  silver,  and  purple  garments,  and  many  sorts  of 
 spices  and  horses,  and  chariots,  and  as  many  mules  for  bis  carriages  as  they  could  find  proper 
 to  please  the  king's  eyes,  by  their  strength  and  beauty.  This  addition  that  he  made  to  those 
 chariots  and  horses  which  he  had  before  from  those  that  were  sent  him,  augmented  the  num- 
 
 •  Some  'blame  .Tosephus  for  supposing,  that  the  balsam  tree  might  be  first  brought  out  of  Arabia,  or  Egypt, 
 or  Ethiopia,  into  Judea,  by  this  queen  of  Sheba,  since  several  have  said,  that  of  old  uo  country  bore  this  pre- 
 cious balsam  but  Judea:  yet  it  is  not  only  false  that  this  balsam  was  peculiar  to  Judea,  but  both  Egypt  and 
 Arabia,  and  particularly  Sabaea,  had  it;  which  last  was  that  vei"y  country  whence  losephus,  if  understood  not 
 of  Ethiopia  but  of  Arabia,  intimates  this  queen  might  bring  it  first  into  Judea.  Nor  are  we  to  suppose  that  the 
 queen  of  Sabaea  could  well  omit  such  a  present  as  this  balsam  tree  would  be  esteemed  t)y  Solomon,  in  case  it 
 were  then  almost  peculiar  to  her  own  country  :  nor  is  the  mention  of  balm  or  balsam,  as  carried  by  merchants, 
 and  sent  as  a  present  out  of  Judea  by  Jacob,  to  the  governor  of  Egypt,  Gen.  xxxvii.  25.  and  xliii.  11.  to  be 
 alleged  to  the  contrary,  since  what  we  there  render  '  balm'  or  '  balsam,'  denotes  rather  that  '  turpentine,'"which 
 we  now  call  '  turpentine  of  Chio,'  or  '  Cyprus,'  the  juice  of  the  turpentine  tree,  than  this  precious  balsam. 
 This  last  is  also  the  same  word  that  we  elsewhere  render  by  the  same  mistake  '  balm  of  Gilead  '  it  should  be 
 rendered  the  '  turpeutine  of  Gilead,'  Jer.  viii. 
 
BOOK  VIII. — CHAP.  VII.  219 
 
 ber  of  bis  cbariots  by  above  four  hundred,  for  he  had  a  thousand  before,  and  au);mented  the 
 number  of  his  horses  by  two  thousand,  for  he  had  twenty  thousand  before.  These  horses  also 
 were  so  inach  exercised,  in  order  to  their  making  a  fine  appearance,  and  running  swiftly,  that 
 no  others  could,  upon  the  comparison,  appear  either  liner  or  swifter  ;  but  they  were  at  once  the 
 most  beautiful  of  all  others,  and  thtir  swiftness  was  incomparable  also.  Their  riders  also 
 were  a  further  ornament  to  them,  being  in  the  first  place  young  men  in  the  most  delightful 
 flower  of  their  age,  and  being  eminent  for  their  largeness,  and  far  taller  than  other  men.  They 
 had  also  very  long  heads  of  hair  hanging  down,  and  were  clothed  in  garments  of  Tyrian  purple. 
 They  had  also  dust  of  gold  every  day  sprinkled  on  their  hair,  so  that  their  heads  sparkled  with 
 the  reflection  of  the  sunbeams  from  the  gold.  The  king  himself  rode  upon  a  chariot  in  the 
 midst  of  these  men,  who  were  still  in  armour,  and  had  their  bows  fitted  to  them.  He  had  ou 
 a  white  garment ;  and  used  lo  take  his  progress  out  of  the  city  in  the  morning.  There  was  a 
 certain  place  about  fifty  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem,  which  is  called  Etham,*  very  |)leasant 
 it  is  in  fine  gardens,  and  abounding  in  rivulets  of  water;  thither  did  he  use  to  go  out  in  the 
 morning,  sitting  on  high  [in  his  chariot.] 
 
 4.  Now  Solomon  bad  divine  sagacity  in  all  things,  and  was  very  diligent  and  studious  lo 
 have  things  done  after  an  elegant  manner:  so  he  did  not  neglect  tiie  care  of  the  ways,  but  be 
 laid  a  causeway  of  black  stone  along  the  road  that  led  to  Jerusalem,  which  was  the  royal  city, 
 ))otli  to  render  them  easy  for  travellers,  and  to  manifest  the  grandeur  of  his  riches  and  govern- 
 ment. He  also  parted  his  chariots,  and  set  them  in  a  regular  order,  that  a  certain  number  of 
 them  should  be  in  every  city,  still  keeping  a  few  about  him  ;  and  those  cities  he  called  the 
 cities  of  his  chariots.  And  the  king  made  silver  so  plentiful  in  Jerusalem  as  stones  in  the 
 street ;  and  so  multiplied  cedar  trees  in  the  plains  of  Judea,  which  did  not  grow  there  before, 
 that  they  were  like  the  multitude  of  common  sycamore  trees.  He  also  ordained  the  Egyptian 
 merchants  that  brought  him  their  merchandise  to  sell  him  a  chariot,  with  a  pair  of  horses,  for 
 six  hundred  drachmse  of  silver,  and  he  sent  them  to  the  kings  of  Syria,  aud  to  those  kings  that 
 were  beyond  Euphrates. 
 
 5.  But  although  Solomon  was  become  tiie  most  glorious  of  kings,  and  the  best  beloved  of 
 fiod,  and  had  exceeded  in  wisdom  and  riches  those  that  had  been  rulers  of  the  Hebrews  before 
 him,  yet  did  not  he  persevere  in  this  happy  state  till  he  died.  Nay,  he  forsook  the  observa- 
 tion of  the  law  of  his  fathers,  and  came  to  an  end,  no  way  suitable  to  our  foregoing  history  of 
 liini.  He  grew  mad  in  his  love  of  women,  and  laid  no  restraint  on  himself  in  his  lust:  nor 
 was  he  satisfied  with  the  women  of  bis  country  alone  ;  but  he  married  many  wives  out  of 
 foreign  nations,  Sidonians,  and  Tyrians,  and  Ammonites,  and  Edomites,  and  he  transgressed 
 the  laws  of  Moses,  which  forbade  Jews  to  marry  any  but  those  that  were  of  their  own  people. 
 He  also  began  to  worship  their  gods,  which  he  did  to  the  gratification  of  bis  wives,  and  out 
 of  his  artection  for  them.  This  verv  thing  our  legislator  suspected,  and  so  admonished  us 
 beforehand,  that  we  should  not  marry  women  of  other  countries,  lest  we  should  be  entangled 
 with  foreign  customs,  and  apostatise  from  our  own,  lest  we  should  leave  oflto  honour  our  own 
 (Jod,  and  should  worship  their  gods.  But  Solomon  was  fallen  headlong  into  unseasonable 
 pleasures,  and  regarded  not  these  admonitions.  For  when  he  had  married  seven  hundred  wives, t 
 the  daughters  of  princes,  and  of  eminent  persons,  and  three  hundred  concubines,  and  these 
 besides  the  king  of  Egypt's  daughter,  he  soon  was  governed  by  them  till  he  came  to  imitate 
 their  practices.  He  was  forced  to  give  them  this  demonstration  of  bis  kindness  and  alFecliou 
 to  them,  to  live  according  to  the  laws  of  their  countries.  And  as  he  grew  into  years,  and  his 
 reason  became  weaker  by  length  of  time,  it  was  not  snirinlent  to  recall  to  his  mind  the  institu- 
 tions of  his  own  country,  so  he  still  more  and  more  contemned  his  own  God,  and  continued  to 
 regard  the  gods  that  his  marriages  had  introduced:  nay,  before  this  happened,  he  sinned,  and 
 fell  into  an  error  about  the  observation  of  the  law,  when  he  made  the  images  of  brazen  oxen 
 that  supported  the  brazen  sea,}:  and  the  images  of  lions  about  his  own  throne  ;  for  these  he 
 made,  although  it  was  not  agreeable  to  piety  so  to  do  ;  and  this  he  did,  notwithstanding  that 
 he  had  his  father  as  a  most  excellent  and  domestic  pattern  of  virtue,  and  knew  what  a  glorious 
 
 *  Whether  these  fine  pardens  and  rivulets  of  Etham,  ahoiit  six  milea  from  Jerusalem,  whither  Solomon  rode 
 6o  often  in  slate,  be  not  those  alluded  to,  Kccles.  ii.  5,6.  where  he  says,  "  tie  made  him  gardens  and  orchards  ; 
 and  planted  trees  in  them  of  all  kinds  of  fruits  ;  he  mad<:  him  pools  of  water,  to  water  the  wood  that  briiiyeth 
 forth  titis."  And  to  the  finest  part  wlitreof  he  seems  to  allnde,  when.in  the  Canticles,  he  compares  liisspouse 
 to  a  '■  garden  enclosed  ;'  to  a  '  sjirincr  shut  up  ;'  to  a  '  fountai.i  sealed,'  chap.  iv.  IC.  (part  of  which  fountains 
 are  still  extant,  as  Mr.  MauudreU  informs  us,  page  87,  i«>.)  cannot  now  he  certainly  (icteriuined,  hut  may  be 
 Ter>  probably  conjectured.  J5ut  whether  this  '  Etham"  ha-s  any  relation  to  those  '  rivers  of  t'.thara'  which  Pro- 
 vidence once  dried  up  in  a  miraculous  manner,  Psalm  Ixxiv.  15.  and  in  the  Septuab'int,  1  caunot  say. 
 
 ••  These  700  wives,  or  the  daughters  of  great  men,  snd  the  :W0  concubines,  the  daughters  of  the  ifnioble, 
 make  Iikk)  in  all :  and  are,  I  suppose,  those  very  KXX)  women,  intimated  elsewhere  by  Solomon  himself,  when 
 lie  speaks  of  his  not  having  found  one  [goodj  woman  among  that  veiy  number,  Kccius.  vii.  SB. 
 
 i  Josephus  is  here  certainly  too  severe  upon  Solomon,  who.  in  making  the  cherubinis,  and  these  twelve  brazen 
 oxen,  seems  lo  have  done  no  more  than  imitiite  the  patterns  lel'l  him  by  David,  which  were  all  given  David  by 
 divine  inspiration.  See  my  description  of  the  temples,  chap.  x. ;  and  althougli  (iod  gave  no  direction  for  tho 
 lions,  that  adorned  his  throne,  yet  does  not  Solomon  seem  tlureiii  to  have  broken  any  law  of  IMoses  ;  for 
 although  the  Phnrisres  and  laiter  rabbins  have  extended  the  second  commandment  In  forliiA  the  very  making  of 
 any  image,  though  witliout  any  iiili-iition  to  have  it  worshipped,  yet  do  not  1  su|ipoM.  Ihiil  Snlomun  so  under- 
 stood it,  nor  that  it  niii-'ht  In  lie  so  understood,  'the  making  any  other  aliar  lor  Morsliip  liul  that  ai  the  t.iher- 
 nacle,  was  equally  forbidden  by  Mo.-cs,  Antiq.b.  iv.chap.  viii.'cv  ."i.  yet  did  not  the  two  tubes  and  u  half  offcnu 
 when  they  made  an  altar  for  a  memorial  only.  Josh.  xxii.  AuIkj.  b.  v.  chap.  i.  ^tiO  '2^. 
 
220  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 character  he  had  left  behind  him,  because  of  his  piety  towards  God  :  nor  did  he  imitate  Davii!, 
 although  God  had  twice  appeared  to  hira  in  his  sleep,  and  e^iborted  hira  to  imilate  his  father ; 
 so  he  died  ingloriously.  There  came  therefore  a  prophet  to  liim,  who  was  sent  by  God,  and 
 told  him,  (hat  "  his  wicked  actions  were  not  concealed  from  God  ;  and  threatened  him  that  be 
 should  not  long  rejoice  in  what  be  bad  done  :  that  indeed  the  kingdom  should  not  be  taken  from 
 Iiini  while  he  was  alive,  because  God  had  promised  to  his  father  David  that  he  would  make 
 him  his  successor,  but  that  he  would  take  care  thit  this  should  befall  his  son  when  he  was 
 dead  ;  not  that  he  would  withdraw  all  the  people  from  him,  but  that  he  would  give  ten  tribes 
 to  a  servant  of  his,  and  leave  only  two  tribes  to  David's  grandson,  for  his  sake,  because  he 
 loved  God,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  city  Jerusalem,  wherein  he  would  have  a  temple." 
 
 6.  When  Solomon  heard  this,  he  was  grieved,  and  greatly  confounded,  upon  this  change  of 
 almost  all  that  happiness  which  had  made  him  to  be  admired,  into  so  bad  a  state;  nor  hr.d 
 there  much  time  passed  after  the  prophet  had  foretold  what  was  coming,  before  God  raised  up 
 an  enemy  against  him,  whose  name  was  Ader,  who  took  the  following  occasion  of  his  enmity 
 to  hint :  he  was  a  child  of  the  stock  of  the  Edomites,  and  of  the  blood  royal ;  and  when  Joab, 
 the  captain  of  David's  host,  laid  waste  ihe  land  of  Edom,  and  destroyed  all  that  were  men 
 grown,  and  able  to  hear  arms,  for  six  months'  time,  this  Hadad  fled  away,  and  came  to  Pharaoh 
 the  king  of  Egypt,  who  received  him  kindly,  and  assigned  him  a  house  to  dwell  in,  and  a 
 country  to  supply  him  with  food  ;  and  when  be  was  grown  up,  he  loved  him  exceedingly, 
 insomuch  that  he  gave  him  his  wife's  sister,  whose  name  was  Tahpenes,  to  wife,  by  whom  lie 
 Lad  a  son,  who  was  brought  up  with  the  king's  children.  When  Hadad  heard  in  Egypt  that 
 both  David  and  Joab  were  dead,  he  came  to  Pharaoh,  sind  desired  that  he  would  permit  him  to 
 s;o  to  bis  own  country  :  upon  which  the  king  asked  what  it  was  that  he  wanted,  and  what 
 hardships  he  had  met  with,  that  be  was  so  desirous  to  leave  him  ?  And  when  he  was  often 
 troublesome  to  him,  and  entreated  him  to  dismiss  him,  he  did  not  then  do  it ;  but  at  the  time 
 ■when  Solomon's  affairs  began  to  grow  worse,*  on  account  of  his  forenientioned  transgressions, 
 and  God's  anger  against  him  for  the  same,  Hadad,  by  Pharaoh's  permission,  came  to  Edom  ; 
 and  when  he  was  not  able  to  make  the  people  forsake  Solomon,  for  it  was  kept  under  by  many 
 garrisons,  and  an  innovation  was  not  to  be  made  with  safety,  he  removed  thence,  and  came  into 
 Syria  ;  there  he  lit  upon  one  Rezon,  who  had  run  away  from  Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobab, 
 liis  master,  and  was  become  a  robber  in  that  country,  and  joined  friendship  with  him,  who 
 bad  already  a  band  of  robbers  about  him.  So  he  went  up,  and  seized  upon  that  part  of  Syria, 
 and  was  made  king  thereof.  He  also  made  incursions  into  the  land  of  Israel,  and  did  it  no 
 small  mischief,  and  spoiled  it,  and  that  in  the  lifetime  of  Solomon.  And  this  was  the  calamity 
 which  the  Hebrews  suil'ered  by  Hadad. 
 
 7.  There  was  also  one  of  Solomon's  own  nation  that  made  an  attempt  against  him,  Jeroboam 
 the  son  of  Nebat,  who  bad  an  expectation  of  rising,  from  a  prophecy  that  had  been  made  to 
 him  long  before.  He  was  left  a  child  by  his  father,  and  brought  up  by  his  mother  ;  and  when 
 Solomon  saw  that  he  was  of  an  active  and  bold  disposition,  he  made  him  the  curator  of  the 
 walls  which  he  built  round  about  Jerusalem  ;  and  be  took  such  care  of  those  works,  that  the 
 king  approved  of  his  behaviour,  and  gave  him,  as  a  reward  for  the  same,  the  charge  over  the 
 tribe  of  Joseph.  And  when  about  that  time  Jeroboam  was  once  going  out  of  Jerusalem,  a 
 prophet  of  the  city  Shiloh,  whose  name  was  Ahijah,  met  him  and  saluted  him,  and  when  he  had 
 taken  him  a  little  aside,  to  a  place  out  of  the  way,  where  there  was  not  one  other  person  pre- 
 sent, he  rent  the  garment  he  had  on  into  twelve  pieces,  and  bade  Jeroboam  take  ten  of  them  : 
 and  told  hira  beforehand,  that  "This  is  the  will  of  God  ;  he  will  part  the  dominion  of  Solo- 
 mon, and  give  one  tribe,  with  that  which  is  next  it,  to  his  son,  because  of  the  promise  made 
 to  David  fur  his  succession,  and  will  give  ten  tribes  to  thee,  because  Solomon  hath  sinned 
 against  him,  and  delivered  up  himself  to  women,  and  to  their  gods.  Seeing,  therefore,  thou 
 knowest  the  cause  for  which  God  hath  changed  bis  mind,  and  is  alienated  from  Solomon,  be 
 thou  righteous,  and  keep  the  laws,  because  he  hath  proposed  to  thee  the  greatest  of  all  rewards 
 for  thy  piety,  and  the  honour  thou  shah  pay  to  God,  namely,  to  be  as  greatly  exalted  as  thou 
 knewest  David  to  have  been." 
 
 8.  So  Jeroboam  was  elevated  by  these  words  of  the  prophet ;  and  being  a  young  man  of  a 
 warm  temper,  and  ambitious  of  greatness,  he  could  not  be  quiet  :t  and  when  he  had  so  great  a 
 charge  in  the  government,  and  called  to  mind  what  had  been  revealed  to  him  by  Ahijah,  he 
 endeavoured  to  persuade  the  people  to  forsake  Solomon,  to  make  a  disturbance,  and  to  bring 
 the  government  over  to  himself.  But  when  Solomon  understood  bis  intention  and  treachery, 
 be  soutiht  to  catch  and  kill  him  ;  but  Jeroboam  was  informed  of  it  beforehand,  and  lied  to 
 Shishak,  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  there  abode  till  the  death   of  Solomon,  by  which  means  he 
 
 •  Since  the  hepinning  of  Solomon's  evil  life  and  adversity  was  the  time  when  Hadad,  or  Ader,  who  was 
 born  at  least  twenty  or  thirty  years  before  Solomon  came  to  the  crown,  in  the  days  of  Oavid,  began  to  give 
 him  disturbance,  this  inif  lies  that  Solomon's  evil  life  began  early,  and  continued  very  long,  which  the  multi- 
 tude of  his  wives  and  concubines  does  imply  also  ;   1  suppose  when  he  was  not  50  years  of  age. 
 
 t  This  youth  of  Jeroboam,  v.-hen  Solomon  built  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  not  very  long  after  he  had  finished 
 his  20  years' building  of  the  temple,  and  his  own  palace,  or  not  very  long  after  the  C-lth  of  his  reign,  1  Kings  ix. 
 24.  2  Chroa.  viii.  11.  and  his  youth  here  still  mentioned,  when  Solomo)i's  wickedness  was  become  intolerable, 
 fully  confirm  my  former  observation,  that  such  his  wickedness  begau  early,  and  continued  very  long.  See 
 Ecelus.  xlvii.  14. 
 
BOOK    VIII. — CHAP.    VIII.  221 
 
 gained  these  two  advantages,  to  suflTer  no  harm  from  Solomon,  and  to  l)e  preserved  for  the 
 kingdom.  So  Solomon  died  when  lie  was  already  an  old  man,  having  reigned  eighty  years, 
 and  lived  ninety-four.  He  was  hiiried  in  Jerasalem,  having  been  superior  to  all  other  kings 
 in  happiness,  and  riches,  and  wisdom,  excepting  tliat  when  he  was  growing  into  years  he  was 
 deluded  by  women,  and  transgressed  tiie  law  ;  concerning  which  transgressions,  and  the  mise- 
 ries which  befell  the  Hebrews  thereby,  I  think  proper  to  discourse  at  another  opportunity. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Hmv,  upon  the  Death  of  Solomo7t,  the  People  forsook  his  Son  Rehoboam,and  ordained  Jeroboam 
 
 King  over  the  ten  Tribes. 
 §  1.  Now  when  Solomon  was  dead,  and  his  son  Rehoboain,  (who  was  born  of  an  Ammonite 
 wife,  whose  name  was  Naaniah,)  had  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  the  rulers  of  the  multi- 
 tude sent  immediately  into  Egypt,  and  called  back  Jeroboam  ;  and  when  he  was  come  to  them, 
 to  the  city  Shechem,  Rehoboani  came  to  it  also,  for  he  had  resolved  to  declare  himself  king  to 
 the  Israelites,  while  they  were  there  gathered  together.  So  the  rulers  of  the  people,  as  well 
 as  Jeroboam,  came  to  him  and  besought  him,  and  said,  "  That  he  ought  to  relax,  and  to  be 
 gentler  than  his  father,  in  the  servitude  he  had  imposed  on  them,  because  they  had  borne  a 
 heavy  yoke,  and  tliat  then  they  should  be  better  affected  to  him,  and  be  well  contented  to 
 serve  him  under  his  moderate  government,  and  should  do  it  more  out  of  love  than  fear."  But 
 Rehoboam  told  them  they  should  come  to  him  again  in  three  days'  time,  when  he  would  give 
 an  answer  to  their  request.  This  delay  gave  occasion  to  a  present  suspicion,  since  he  had  not 
 given  them  a  favourable  answer  to  their  mind  immediately,  for  they  thought  that  he  should 
 have  given  tliera  a  humane  answer  off-hand,  especially  since  he  was  but  young.  However, 
 they  thought  that  his  consultation  about  it,  and  that  he  did  not  presently  give  them  a  denial, 
 afforded  them  some  good  hope  of  success- 
 
 2.  Rehoboam  now  called  his  father's  friends,  and  advised  with  them  what  sort  of  answer  he 
 ought  to  give  to  the  multitude  :  upon  which  they  gave  him  the  advice  which  became  friends, 
 and  those  that  knew  the  temper  of  sivh  a  multitude.  They  advised  him,  "  to  speak  in  a  way 
 more  popular  than  suited  the  grandeur  of  a  king,  because  he  would  thereby  oblige  them  to 
 submit  to  him  with  good-will,  it  being  most  agreeable  to  subjects,  that  their  kings  should  be 
 almott  upon  the  level  with  them."  But  Rehoboam  rejected  this  so  good,  and  in  general  so 
 profitable  advice  ;  (it  was  such,  at  least,  at  that  time,  when  he  was  to  be  made  king,)  God  him- 
 self, 1  suppose,  causing  what  was  most  advantageous  to  be  condemned  by  him.  So  he  called 
 for  the  young  men,  who  were  brought  up  with  him,  and  told  them  what  advice  the  elders 
 had  given  him,  and  bade  them  speak  what  they  thought  he  ought  to  do.  They  advised  him  to 
 give  the  following  answer  to  the  people,  (for  neither  their  youth,  nor  God  himself,  suffered 
 them  to  discern  what  was  best :)  "  That  his  little  finger  should  be  thicker  than  his  father's 
 loins  ;  and  if  they  had  met  with  hard  usage  from  his  father,  they  should  experience  much 
 rougher  treatment  from  him  ;  and  if  his  father  had  chastised  them  with  whips,  they  must  expect 
 that  he  would  do  it  with  scorpions."*  The  king  was  pleased  with  this  advice,  and  thought  it 
 agreeable  to  the  dignity  of  his  government  to  give  them  such  an  answer.  Accordingly,  when 
 the  multitude  was  come  together  to  hear  his  answer  on  the  third  day,  all  the  people  were  in 
 great  expectation,  and  very  intent  to  hear  what  the  king  would  say  to  them,  and  supposed  they 
 should  hear  something  of  a  kind  nature  ;  but  he  passed  by  his  friends,  and  answered  as  the 
 young  men  had  given  him  counsel.  Now  this  was  done  according  to  the  will  of  God,  that 
 what  Ahijah  had  foretold  might  come  to  pass. 
 
 3.  By  these  words  the  people  were  struck  as  it  were  by  an  iron  hammer,  and  were  so  grieved 
 at  the  words,  as  if  tiiey  had  already  felt  the  effects  of  them,  and  they  had  great  indignation  at 
 the  king  ;  and  all  cried  out  aloud  and  said,  "  We  will  have  no  longer  any  relation  to  David  or 
 his  posterity  after  this  dsiy."  And  they  said  farther,  "  We  only  leave  to  Rehoboam  the  tem- 
 ple which  his  father  built;"  and  they  threatened  to  forsake  him.  Nay,  they  were  so  bitter, 
 and  retained  thtir  wrath  so  long,  that  when  he  sent  Adoram,  who  was  over  the  tribute,  that  he 
 might  pacify  them,  and  render  them  milder,  and  persuade  them  to  forgive  him  if  he  had  said 
 any  tiling  that  was  rash  or  grievous  to  them  in  his  youth,  they  would  not  hear  it,  but  threw 
 stones  at  him  and  killed  him.  When  Rehoboam  saw  this,  he  thought  himself  aimed  at  by 
 those  stones  with  which  tliey  had  killed  his  servant,  and  feared  lest  he  should  undergo  the  h.sl 
 of  punishments  in  earnest,  so  he  got  immediately  into  his  chariot,  and  (led  to  Jerusalem,  where 
 the  tribe  of  Judah  and  that  of  Benjamin  ordained  him  king  :  but  the  rest  of  the  multitude  for- 
 sook the  sons  of  David  from  that  day,  and  appointed  Jeroboam  to  be  the  ruler  of  their  publib 
 affairs.  VJpon  this,  Rehoboam,  Solomon's  son,  assembled  a  great  congregation  of  those  two 
 tribes  that  submitted  to  him,  and  was  ready  to  take  a  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  chosen  men 
 out  of  the  army,  to  make  an  expedition  against  Jeroboam  and  his  people,  that  he  might  force 
 them  by  war  to  be  his  servants;  but  he  was  forbidden  of  God  by  the  prophet  [Shemaiah]  to 
 go  to  war,  for  that  it  was  not  just  that  bicthren  of  the  same  country  should    light  one   against 
 
 •  That  by  scorpions  is  not  here  meant  that  small  animal  so  called,  which  was  never  used  in  corrections,  but 
 pithor  a  shrub,  with  shaip  prickles  like  ihe  slinks  of  scorpions,  such  as  our  furze  bush,  or  else  some  lerriblo 
 suit  of  whip  of  the  like  uature.    See  11  k.ijiioTi'ij  and  Spaulieim's  notes  here. 
 
222  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 another.  He  also  said,  that  this  defection  of  the  multitude  was  according  to  the  purpose  of 
 God.  So  he  did  not  proceed  in  this  expedition.  And  now  I  will  relate  first  the  actions  of 
 Jeroboam  the  king  of  Israel,  after  which  we  will  relate  what  are  therewith  connected,  the 
 actions  of  Rehoboam,  the  king  of  the  two  tribes  ;  by  this  means  we  shall  preserve  the  good 
 order  of  the  history  entire. 
 
 4.  When  therefore  Jeroboam  had  built  him  a  palace  in  the  city  Sbechem,  he  dwelt  there.  He 
 also  built  him  another  at  Penuel,  a  city  so  culled.  And  now  the  feast  of  tabernacles  was 
 approacliing  in  a  little  time,  Jeroboam  considered,  that  if  he  should  permit  the  multitude  to  go 
 to  worship  God  at  Jerusalem,  and  there  to  celebrate  the  festival,  they  would  probably  repent 
 of  what  they  had  done,  and  be  enticed  by  the  temple,  and  by  the  worship  of  God  there  per- 
 formed, and  would  leave  him,  and  return  to  their  first  king  ;  and  if  so,  he  should  run  the  risk 
 of  losing  his  own  life  :  so  he  invented  this  contrivance;  he  made  two  golden  heifers,  and  built 
 two  little  temples  for  them,  the  one  in  the  city  Bethel,  and  the  other  in  Dan,  which  last  was  at 
 the  fountains  of  the  lesser  Jordan,*  and  he  put  the  heifers  into  both  the  little  temples,  in  the 
 forementioned  cities.  And  when  he  had  called  those  ten  tribes  together,  over  whom  he  ruled, 
 he  made  a  speech  to  the  people  in  these  words  :  "  1  suppose,  my  countrymen,  that  you  know 
 this,  that  every  place  hath  God  in  it,  nor  is  there  any  one  determinate  place  in  which  he  is, 
 but  lie  every  where  hears  and  sees  those  that  worship  him;  on  which  account  I  do  not  think  it 
 right  for  you  to  go  so  long  a  journey  to  Jerusalem,  which  is  an  enemy's  city,  to  worship  him. 
 It  was  a  man  that  built  the  temple  :  I  have  also  made  two  golden  heifers,  dedicated  lo  the  same 
 God  ;  and  the  one  of  them  I  have  consecrated  in  the  city  Bethel,  and  the  other  in  Dan,  to  the 
 end  that  those  of  you  that  dwell  nearest  those  cities,  may  go  to  them,  and  worship  God  there  ; 
 and  I  will  ordain  for  you  certain  priests  and  Levites  from  among  yourselves,  that  you  may 
 have  no  want  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  or  of  the  sons  of  Aaron  ;  but  let  him  that  is  desirous  among 
 you  of  being  a  priest,  bring  to  God  a  bullock  and  a  ram,  which  they  say  Aaron  the  first  priest 
 brought  also."  When  Jeroboam  had  said  this,  he  deluded  the  people,  and  made  them  to  revolt 
 from  the  worship  of  their  forefathers,  and  to  transgress  their  laws.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
 miseries  lo  the  Hebrews,  and  the  cause  why  they  were  overcome  in  war  by  foreigners,  and  so 
 fell  into  captivity.     But  we  shall  relate  those  things  in  their  proper  places  hereafter. 
 
 5.  When  the  feast  [of  tabernacles]  was  just  approaching,  Jeroboam  was  desirous  to  cele- 
 brate it  himself  in  Bethel,  as  did  the  two  tribes  celebrate  it  in  Jerusalem.  Accordingly  he 
 built  an  altar  before  the  heifer,  and  undertook  to  be  high  priest  himself.  So  he  went  up  to 
 the  altar,  with  his  own  priests  about  him  ;  but  when  he  was  going  to  offer  the  sacrifices,  and 
 the  burnt-offerings,  in  the  sight  of  all  the  people,  a  prophet,  whose  name  was  Jadon,  was  sent 
 by  God,  and  came  to  him  from  Jerusalem,  who  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  and  in  the 
 hearing  of  the  king,  and  directing  his  discourse  to  the  altar,  said  thus,  "  God  foretells  that 
 there  shall  be  a  certain  man  of  the  family  of  David,  Josiah  by  name,  who  shall  slay  upon  thee 
 those  false  priests  that  shall  live  at  that  time,  and  upon  thee  shall  burn  the  bones  of  those  de- 
 ceivers of  the  people,  those  impostors  and  wicked  wretches.  However,  that  this  people  may 
 believe  that  these  things  shall  so  come  to  pass,  I  foretell  a  sign  to  them  that  shall  also  come 
 to  pass ;  This  altar  shall  be  broken  to  pieces  immediately,  and  all  the  fat  of  the  sacrifices  that 
 is  upon  it,  shall  be  poured  upon  the  ground."  When  the  prophet  had  said  this,  Jeroboam 
 fell  into  a  passion,  and  stretched  out  his  hand,  and  bade  them  lay  hold  of  him  ;  but  that  hand 
 which  he  stretched  out  was  enfeebled,  and  he  was  not  able  to  pull  it  in  again  to  him,  for  it 
 was  become  withered,  and  hung  down,  as  if  it  were  a  dead  hand.  The  altar  also  was  broken 
 to  pieces,  and  all  that  was  upon  it  was  poured  out,  as  the  prophet  had  foretold  should  come 
 to  pass.  So  the  king  understood  that  he  was  a  man  of  veracity,  and  had  a  divine  foreknow- 
 ledge ;  and  entreated  him  to  pray  to  God  that  he  would  restore  his  right  hand.  Accord- 
 ingly the  prophet  did  pray  to  God  to  grant  him  that  request.  So  the  king  having  his  hand 
 recovered  to  its  natural  state,  rejoiced  at  it,  and  invited  the  prophet  to  sup  with  him  ;  but 
 Jadon  said.  That  "  he  could  not  endure  to  come  into  his  house,  no,  or  to  taste  of  bread  or  water  in 
 this  city,  for  that  was  a  thing  God  had  forbidden  him  to  do;  as  also  to  go  back  by  the  same 
 way  which  he  came,  but  he  said  he  was  to  return  by  another  way."  So  the  king  wondered 
 at  the  abstinence  of  the  man,  but  was  himself  in  fear,  as  suspecting  a  change  of  his  affairs  for 
 the  worse,  from  what  had  been  said  lo  him. 
 
 CHAP,  IX. 
 
 How  Jadon  the  prophet  was  persuaded  by  another  lying  prophet,  and  returned  [to  Bethel,^  and 
 was  aflerti-ards  slain  by  a   lion.     As  also  ivhat  words  the  wicked  prophet  made  use  of  to  per- 
 suade the  king,  and  thereby  alienated  his  mind  from  God. 
 §  1.  Now  there  was  a  certain  wicked  man  in  that  citv  who  was  a  false  prophet,  whom  Jeroboam 
 bad  in  great  esteem,  but  was  deceived  by  him,  and  his  llattering  words.  This  man  was  bed-rid  by 
 
 *  Whether  these  fonntains  of  the  Lessor  Jordan  were  near  a  place  called  Dan,  and  the  fountains  of  the 
 BTfiater  near  a  place  called  Jor,  before  their  conjunction  ;  or  whether  there  was  only  one  fountain  arising  at  the 
 lake  Phiala,  at  first  sinUinf?  under  gi'ound,  and  then  arisinK  near  the  mountain  Paneum,  and  thence  running 
 through  the  lake  Semochonitis  to  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  so  far  called  the  Lesser  Jordan,  is  hardly  certain,  even 
 m  Josephus  himself,  though  the  latter  account  be  the  most  probable.  However,  the  northern  idolatrous  calf, 
 set  up  by  Jeroboam,  was  wliere  Little  Jordan  fell  into  <  inat  Jordan,  near  a  place  called  L^aphnpe,  as  Josepbu* 
 elsewhere  informs  us.  Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  chap.  i.  §  1.    bee  the  note  there. 
 
BOOK  VIII.— CHAP.   X.  '  223 
 
 reaion  of  the  infirmities  of  old  age  :  however,  he  was  informed  bj^  his  sons  concerning  the  prophet 
 that  was  come  from  Jerusalem,  and  ooncerning  the  signs  done  by  him  ;  and  how,  when  Jeroboam's 
 right  hand  had  been  enfeebled,  at  the  prophet's  prayer  he  had  it  revived  again.  Whereupon  he 
 was  afraid  that  this  stranger  and  prophet  should  be  in  better  esteem  with  the  king  than  himself, 
 and  obtain  greater  honour  from  him,  and  he  gave  order  to  his  sons  to  saddle  his  ass  presently, 
 and  make  all  ready  that  he  might  go  oat.  Accordingly  they  made  haste  to  do  whai  they  were 
 commanded,  and  he  got  upon  the  ass,  and  followed  after  the  prophet ;  and  when  he  had  over- 
 taken him,  as  he  was  resting  himself  under  a  very  large  oak  tree  that  was  thick  and  shadv, 
 he  at  first  saluted  him,  but  presently  he  complained  of  him,  because  he  had  not  come  into  his 
 house,  and  partaken  of  his  hospitality.  And  when  the  other  said,  that  "  God  had  forbidden 
 him  to  taste  of  any  one's  provision  in  that  city,"  he  replied  that  "  for  certain  God  had  not  for- 
 bidden that  I  should  set  food  before  thee,  for  I  am  a  prophet  as  thou  art,  and  worship  God  in 
 the  same  manner  that  thou  dost  ;  and  I  am  now  come  as  sent  by  him,  in  order  to  bring  thee 
 into  my  house,  and  make  thee  "my  guest."  Now  Jadon  gave  credit  to  this  lying  prophet, 
 and  returned  back  with  him.  Bat  when  they  were  at  dinner,  and  were  merry  together,  God 
 appeared  to  Jadon,  and  said,  that  "  he  should  suffer  punishment  for  transgressing  his  com  • 
 mands,  and  he  told  him  what  that  punishment  should  be  ;  for  he  said  that  he  should  meet 
 with  a  lion  as  he  was  going  on  his  way,  by  which  lion  he  should  be  torn  in  pieces,  and  be 
 deprived  of  burial  in  the  sepulchres  of  his  fathers."  Which  things  came  to  pass,  as  I  sup- 
 pose, according  to  the  will  of  God,  that  so  Jeroboam  might  not  give  heed  to  the  words  of 
 Jadon,  as  of  one  that  had  been  convicted  of  lying.  However,  as  Jadon  was  again  going  to 
 Jerusalem,  a  lion  assaulted  him,  and  pulled  him  off  the  beast  he  rode  on,  and  .slew  him,  yet 
 did  he  not  at  all  hurt  the  ass,  but  sat  by  him,  and  kept  him,  as  also  tlie  prophet's  body.  This 
 continned  till  some  travellers  that  saw  it  came  and  told  it  in  the  city  to  the  false  prophet,  who 
 sent  his  sons,  and  brought  the  body  unto  the  city,  and  made  a  fujeral  for  him  at  great  expense. 
 He  also  charged  his  sons  to  bury  himself  with  him  ;  and  said,  that  all  which  he  had  foretold 
 against  that  city,  and  the  altar,  and  priests,  and  false  prophets,  would  prove  true  ;  and  that  if 
 he  were  buried  with  him,  he  should  receive  no  injurious  treatment  after  his  death,  the  bones 
 not  being  then  to  be  tiistinguishcd  asunder."  But  now,  when  he  had  performed  those  funeral 
 rites  to  the  prophet,  and  had  given  that  charge  to  his  sons,  as  he  was  a  wicked  and  an  impioM.i 
 man,  he  goes  to  Jeroboam,  and  says  to  him,  ''  And  wherefore  is  it  now  that  thou  art  disturbed 
 at  the  words  of  this  silly  fellow  ?"  And  when  the  king  had  related  to  him  what  had  happened 
 about  the  altar,  and  about  his  own  hand,  and  gave  him  the  name  of  a  divine  man,  and  an 
 excellent  prophet,  he  endeavoured,  by  a  wicked  trick,  to  weaken  that  his  opinion,  and  by  using 
 plausible  words  concerning  what  had  happened,  he  aimed  to  injure  the  truth  that  was  in  them ; 
 for  he  attempted  to  persuade  him,  that  "  his  hand  was  enfeebled  by  the  labour  it  had  under- 
 gone in  supporting  the  sacrifices,  and  that  upon  its  resting  awhile  it  returned  to  its  former 
 nature  again  ;  and  that  as  to  the  altar,  it  was  bnt  new,  and  had  borne  abundance  of  sacrifices, 
 and  those  large  ones  too,  and  was  accordingly  broken  to  pieces,  and  fallen  down  by  the 
 weight  of  what  had  been  laid  upon  it."  He  also  informed  him  of  the  death  of  him  that  had 
 foretold  those  things,  and  how  he  perished  ;  [whence  he  concluded  that]  he  had  not  any  thitig 
 in  him  of  a  prophet ;  nor  spake  any  thing  like  one.  W^hen  he  had  thus  spoken,  he  persuaded 
 the  king,  and  entirely  alienated  his  mind  from  God,  and  from  doing  works  that  were  righteous 
 and  holy,  and  encouraged  him  to  go  on  in  his  impious  practices  ;*  and  accordingly,  he  was 
 to  that  degree  injurious  to  God,  and  so  great  a  transgressor,  that  he  songht  for  nothing  else 
 every  day,  but  how  he  might  be  guilty  of  some  new  instances  of  wickedness,  and  such  as 
 should  be  more  detestable  than  what  he  had  been  so  insolent  as  to  do  before.  And  so  much 
 shall  at  present  suflice  to  have  said  concerning  Jeroboam. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Concerning  Rehoboam,   and  how   God  iiijlicled  Punishment  upon  him,  for  his   Impiety,  by 
 tShishak,  [King  of  Egypt.J 
 
 §  4.  Now  Rehoboam,  the  son  of  .Solomon,  who,  as  we  said  before,  was  king  of  tlie  two  tribes, 
 built  strong  and  large  cities,  Bethlehem,  and  Etam,  and  Tekoa,  and  Bethzur,  and  Shoco,  and 
 Adullam,  and  Ipan,  and  Maresha,  and  Ziph,  and  Adoram,  and  Lachish,  and  Ay.ekal:,  and 
 Zorah,  and  Aij:iliin,  and  Hebron  ;  these  he  built  first  of  all  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.  He  also 
 built  other  large  cities  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  walled  them  about,  and  put  garrisons  in 
 them  all,  and  c;iptains,  and  a  great  deal  of  corn,  and  wine,  and  oil,  and  he  furnished  every  one 
 of  them  plentifully  with  other  provisions  that  were   necessary  for  sustenance;  moreover,  he 
 
 •  How  much  larper  'and  better  copy  Josephus  had  in  this  remarkable  history  of  the  tme-prophet  of  Judea. 
 and  liis  concern  with  Jeroboam,  and  with  the  false  prophet  of  Bethel,  than  our  other  copies  have,  is  evident 
 at  first  sight.  The  prophet's  very  name,  Jadon,  or,  as  the  Conslitutions  call  him,  Adoiiais,  is  wanting  in  our 
 other  copies  ;  and  it  is  there,  with  no  little  absurdity,  said,  that  God  revealed  Jadon.  the  true  prophet's  death, 
 not  to  himself,  as  here,  but  to  the  false  prophet.  Whether  the  particular  account  of  the  arguments  made  use 
 01.  nfter  all,  by  the  false  prophet,  against  his  o^vn  belief  and  his  own  conscience,  in  order  to  persuade  Jero- 
 boam to  persevere  in  his  idolatry  and  wickedness,  than  which  more  plausible  could  not  be  invented,  was  inti- 
 niaifd  in  Josephus'  copy,  or  in  some  other  ancient  bock,  cannot  now  be  determined;  our  other  copies  say 
 not  one  word  of  it. 
 
224  ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE  JEV/S. 
 
 put  therein  sliields  and  spears,  for  many  ten  thousand  men.  The  priests  also  ihat  were  in  all 
 Israel,  and  the  Levites,  and  if  there  were  any  of  the  niullitude  lhat  were  good  and  righteous 
 men,  they  gathered  themselves  together  to  him,  having  left  their  own  cities,  that  they  might 
 worship  God  in  Jerusalem  ;  for  they  were  not  willing  to  be  forced  to  worship  the  heifers 
 which  Jeroboam  had  made  ;  and  they  augmented  the  kingdom  of  Reboboani  for  tliree  years. 
 And  after  he  had  married  a  woman  of  his  own  kindred,  and  had  by  her  three  children  born  to 
 hira,  he  married  also  another  of  his  own  kindred,  who  was  daughter  of  Absalom  by  Tamar, 
 whose  name  was  Maachah,  and  by  her  he  bad  a  son,  whom  he  named  Abijah.  He  bad  more- 
 over many  other  children  by  other  wives  ;  but  he  loved  Maachab  above  them  all.  Now  he 
 had  eighteen  legitimate  wives,  and  thirty  concubines  :  and  he  had  born  to  him  twenty-eight 
 sons  and  threescore  daughters  ;  bat  he  appointed  Abijah,  whom  he  had  by  JIaachab,  to 
 be  his  successor  in  the  kingdom ;  and  intrusted  him  already  with  the  treasures,  and  th 
 strongest  cities. 
 
 2.  Now  I  cannot  bat  think,  that  the  greatness  of  a  kingdom,  and  its  change  into  posterity, 
 often  becomes  the  occasion  of  mischief  and  of  transgression  to  men  ;  for  when  Rehoboam  saw 
 this  his  kingdom  so  much  increased,  he  went  out  of  the  right  way,  and  to  unrighteous  and  irre- 
 ligious practices  ;  and  he  despised  the  worship  of  God,  till  the  people  themselves  imitated  his 
 wicked  actions;  for  so  it  usually  happens,  that  the  manners  of  subjects  are  corrupted  at  the 
 same  time  with  those  of  their  governors,  which  subjects  then  lay  aside  their  own  sober  way 
 of  living,  as  a  reproof  of  their  governors'  intemperate  courses,  and  follow  their  wickedness,  as 
 if  it  were  virtue,  for  it  is  not  possible  to  shew  that  men  approve  of  the  actions  of  their  kings, 
 unless  they  do  the  same  actions  with  them.  Agreeably  whereto  it  now  happened  to  the  sub- 
 jects of  Rehoboam  ;  for  when  he  was  grown  impious,  and  a  transgressor  himself,  they  endea- 
 voured not  offend  him  by  resolving  still  to  be  righteous.  But  God  sent  Shishak,  king  of  Egypt, 
 to  punish  them  for  their  unjust  behaviour  towards  hira,  concerning  whom  Herodotus  was  mis- 
 taken, and  applied  bis  actions  to  Sesostris  ;  for  this  Shishak,*  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of 
 Rehoboam,  made  an  expedition  [into  Judea]  with  many  ten  thousand  men,  for  he  had  one 
 thousand  two  hundred  chariots  in  number  that  followed  him,  and  threescore  thousand  horse- 
 men, and  four  hundred  thousand  footmen.  These  he  brought  with  bim,  and  they  were  the 
 greatest  part  of  them  Libyans  and  Ethiopians.  Now  therefore,  when  be  fell  upon  the  country 
 of  the  Hebrews,  he  took  the  strongest  cities  of  Rehoboam 's  kingdom  without  fighting  ;  and 
 when  he  had  put  garrisons  in  them,  he  came  last  of  all  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 3.  Now  when  Rehoboam,  and  the  multitude  with  him,  were  shut  up  in  Jerusalem  by  the 
 means  of  the  army  of  Shishak,  and  when  tliey  besought  God  to  give  them  victory  and  deliver- 
 ance, they  could  not  persuade  God  to  be  on  their  side  :  but  Sliemaiah  the  prophet  told  them, 
 that  God  threatened  to  forsake  them,  as  they  had  forsaken  his  worship.  When  they 
 beard  this,  they  were  immediately  in  a  consternation  of  mind,  and  seeing  no  way  of 
 deliverance,  they  all  earnestly  set  themselves  to  confess  that  God  might  justly  overlook  them, 
 since  they  had  been  guilty  of  impiety  towards  bim,  and  had  let  his  laws  lie  in  confusion.  So 
 when  God  saw  them  in  that  disposition,  and  that  they  acknowledged  their  sins,  he  told  the 
 prophet,  that  he  would  not  destroy  them,  but  that  he  would  however  make  them  servants  to 
 the  Egyptians,  that  they  may  learn  whether  they  will  suffer  less  by  serving  men  or  God.  So 
 when  Shishak  had  taken  the  city  without  fighting,  because  Rehoboam  was  afraid,  and  received 
 bim  into  it,  yet  did  not  Shishak  stand  to  the  covenant  she  bad  made,  but  he  spoiled  the  temple, 
 and  emptied  the  treasures  of  God,  and  those  of  the  king,  and  carried  off  innumerable  ten 
 thousands  of  gold  and  silver,  and  left  nothing  at  all  behind  him.  He  also  took  away  the 
 bucklers  of  gold,  and  the  shields,  which  Solomon  the  king  had  made  ;  nay,  he  did  not  leave 
 the  golden  quivers  which  David  had  taken  from  the  king  of  Zobah,  and  had  dedicated  to  God. 
 And  when  he  had  thus  done,  be  returned  to  bis  own  kingdom.  Now  Herodotus  of  Halicar- 
 nassus  mentions  this  expedition,  having  only  mistaken  the  king's  name  ;  and  [in  saying  that]  he 
 made  war  upon  many  other  nations  also,  and  brought  Syria  of  Palestine  into  subjection,  and 
 took  the  men  that  were  therein  prisoners  without  fighting.  Now  it  is  manifest,  that  he  intended 
 to  declare  that  our  nation  was  subdued  by  hira  :  for  he  saith.  That  "  he  left  behind  him  pillars 
 in  the  land  of  those  that  delivered  themselves  up  to  him  without  fighting,  and  engraved  ujiori 
 them  the  secret  parts  of  women."  Now  our  king  Rehoboam  delivered  up  our  city  without 
 fighting.     He  says  withal.t  That  "  the  Ethiopians  learned  to  circumcise  their  privy  parts  from 
 
 •  Tliat  this  Shishak  was  not  the  same  person  with  the  famous  Sesostris,  as  some  have  very  lately,  in  con 
 tradiclion  to  all  antiquity,  supposed,  and  that  our  .losephus  did  not  take  him  to  be  the  same  as  they  pretend 
 but  that  Sesostris  was  many  centuries  earlier  than  Shishak,  see  Autheut.  Records,  part  2.  page  10C4. 
 
 ■Ulerodotus,  as  here  quoted  by  Josephus,  and  as  this  passage  still  stands  in  his  present  copies,  b.  ii.  chap, 
 civ.  affirms,  'that  "  the  Phenicians  aud  Syrians  in  Palestine  [which  last  are  generally  supposed  to  denote  the 
 .lews]  owned  their  receiving  circumcision  from  the  Egyptians ;"  whereas  it  is  abundantly  evident,  that  the 
 .Tews  received  their  circumcision  from  the  patriarch  Abraham,  Gen.  xvii.  9—14.  John  vii.  22,  2.3.  as  1  con- 
 clude the  Kgyptian  priests  did  also.  It  is  not  therefore  very  unlikely  thai  Herodotus,  because  the  Jews 
 had  lived  long  in  Egypt,  and  came  out  of  it  circumcised,  did  thereupon  think  they  had  learned  that 
 circumcision  in  Egypt,  and  had  it  not  before.— Manetho,  the  famous  Egyptian  chronologcr  and  historian, 
 who  knew  the  history  of  his  own  country  much  better  than  Herodotus,  complains  frequently  of  his  mistake* 
 .ibout  their  affairs,  as  does  Josephus  more  than  once  in  this  chapter :  nor  indeed  does  Herodotus  seem  at  all 
 acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the  Jews:  for  as  he  never  names  them,  so  little  or  nothing  of  what  he  says 
 about  them,  their  country,  or  maritime  cities,  two  of  which  he  alone  mentions,  Cadytus  aud  Jcnysus,  provM 
 true ;  nor  iudeed  do  there  appear  to  have  ever  been  bucU  cities  on  their  coast. 
 
BOOK    VIII. — CHAP.  XI.  225 
 
 the  Egyptians  ;  with  this  addition,  that  the  Phenicisns  and  Syrians  that  live  in  Palestine,  con 
 less  that  they  learned  it  of  the  Egyptians."  Yet  it  is  evident,  that  no  other  of  tlie  Syrians 
 that  live  in  Palestine,  besides  ns  alone,  sre  circumcised ;  but  as  to  such  matters,  let  every 
 one  speak  what  is  agreeable  to  his  own  opinion. 
 
 4.  When  Shishak  was  gone  away,  king  Rehoboam  made  bucklers  and  shields  of  brass, 
 instead  of  those  of  gold,  and  delivered  the  same  number  of  them  to  the  keepers  of  the  king's 
 palace:  So,  instead  of  warlike  expeditions,  and  that  glory  which  results  from  those  public 
 actions,  he  reigned  in  great  quietness,  though  not  without  fear,  as  being  always  an  enemy  to 
 Jeroboam,  and  he  died  when  he  had  lived  fifty-seven  years,  and  reigntd  seventeen.  He  was 
 in  his  disposition  a  proud  and  a  foolish  man,  and  lost  [part  of  his]  dominions  by  not  hearken- 
 ing to  his  fatlier's  friends.  He  was  buried  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  ;  and 
 his  son  Abijah  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  this  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  Jeroboam's 
 reign  over  the  ten  tribes  :  and  this  was  the  conclusion  of  these  adairs.  It  must  be  now  our 
 business  to  relate  the  aflairs  of  Jeroboam,  and  how  he  ended  his  life  :  for  he  ceased  not,  nor 
 rested  to  be  injurious  to  God,  but  every  day  raised  up  altars  upon  high  mountains,  and  went 
 on  making  priests  out  of  the  multitude. 
 
 CHAP.  XL 
 
 Concerning  the  Death  of  a  Son  of  Jeroboam.  How  Jeroboam  was  beaten  by  Abijah,  who  died 
 a  little  afterwards,  and  was  succeeded  in  his  Ki7igdom  by  Asa.  And  also  how,  after  the  Death 
 of  Jeroboam,  Baasha  destroyed  his  son  Nadab,  and  all  the  House  of  Jeroboam. 
 
 §  1.  However,  God  was  in  no  long  time  ready  to  return  Jeroboam's  wicked  actions,  and  the 
 punishment  they  deserved,  upon  his  own  head,  and  upon  the  heads  of  all  his  house.  And  whereas 
 a  son  of  his  lay  sick  at  that  time,  who  was  called  Abijah,  he  enjoined  his  wife  to  lay  aside  her 
 robes,  and  to  take  the  garments  belonging  to  a  private  person,  and  to  go  to  Abijah  the  prophet, 
 for  that  he  was  a  wonderful  man  in  foretelling  futurities,  it  having  been  he  who  "  told  me  that 
 I  should  be  king."  He  also  enjoined  her,  when  she  came  to  him,  to  inquire  concerning  the 
 child,  as  if  she  were  a  stranger,  whether  he  should  escape  this  distemper.  So  she  did  as  her 
 husband  bade  her,  and  changed  her  habit,  and  came  to  the  city  Shiloh,  for  there  did  Ahijab  live  : 
 and  as  she  was  going  into  his  house,  his  eyes  being  then  dim  with  age,  God  appeared  to  him, 
 and  informed  him  of  two  tbings,  that  the  wife  of  Jeroboam  was  to  come  to  him  ;  and  what 
 answer  he  should  make  to  her  inquiry.  Accordingly,  as  the  woman  was  coming  into  the  house 
 !ike  a  private  person,  and  a  stranger,  he  cried  out,  "  Come  in,  O  thou  wife  of  Jeroboam  !  Why 
 concealest  thou  thyself?  Thou  art  not  concealed  from  God,  who  hath  appeared  to  me,  and 
 informed  me  that  thou  wast  coming,  and  hath  given  me  in  command  what  I  shall  say  to  thee." 
 So  he  said,  "  That  she  should  go  away  to  her  husband,  and  speak  to  him  thus :  Since  I  made 
 thee  a  great  man  when  thou  wast  little,  or  rather  wast  nothing,  and  rent  the  kingdom  from  the 
 house  of  David,  and  gave  it  to  thee,  and  thou  hast  been  unmindful  of  these  benefits,  bast  left 
 off  my  worship,  hast  made  thee  molten  gods  and  honoured  them  ;  I  will  in  like  manner  cast 
 thee  down  again,  and  will  destroy  all  thy  house,  and  make  them  food  for  the  dogs  and  the 
 fowls  ;  for  a  certain  king  is  rising  up,  by  appniutraent,  over  all  this  people,  who  shall  leave 
 none  of  the  family  of  Jeroboam  remaining.  The  multitude  also  shall  themselves  partake  of  the 
 same  punishment,  and  shall  be  cast  out  of  this  good  land,  and  shall  be  scattered  into  the  places 
 beyond  Euphrates,  because  they  followed  the  wicked  practices  of  their  king,  and  have  wor- 
 shipped the  gods  that  he  made,  and  forsaken  my  sacrifices.  But  do  thou,  O  woman,  make 
 haste  back  to  thy  husband,  and  tell  him  this  message  ;  but  thou  shall  then  find  thy  son  dead, 
 for  as  thou  enterest  the  city  he  shall  depart  this  life  :  yet  shall  he  be  buried  wiih  the  lamenta- 
 tion of  all  the  multitude,  and  honoured  with  a  general  mourning,  for  he  is  the  only  person  of 
 goodness  of  Jeroboam's  family."  When  the  prophet  bad  foretold  these  events,  the  woman 
 went  hastily  away  with  a  disordered  mind,  and  greatly  grieved  at  the  death  of  the  forenamed 
 child  :  So  she  was  in  lamentation  as  she  went  along  the  road,  and  mourned  for  the  death  of 
 her  son,  that  was  just  at  hand.  She  was  indeed  in  a  miserable  condition  at  the  unavoidable 
 misery  of  his  death,  and  went  apace,  but  in  circumstances  very  unfortunate,  because  of  her 
 son  ;  for  the  greater  haste  she  made,  she  would  the  sooner  see  her  son  dead,  yet  was  she 
 forced  to  make  sucli  haste  on  account  of  her  husband.  Accordingly,  when  she  was  come 
 back,  she  found  that  the  child  had  given  up  the  ghost,  as  the  prophet  had  said;  and  she 
 related  all  the  circumstances  to  the  king. 
 
 2.  Yet  did  not  Jeroboam  lay  any  of  these  things  to  heart,  b'jt  he  brought  together  a  very 
 numerous  army,  and  made  a  warlike  expedition  against  Abijah,  the  son  of  Rehoboam,  who  had 
 succeeded  his  father  in  the  kingdom  of  the  two  tribes,  for  he  despised  him  because  of  his  age. 
 But  when  he  heard  of  the  expedition  of  Jeroboam,  he  was  not  aiiVighted  at  it,  but  proved  of 
 a  courageous  temper  of  mind,  superior  both  to  his  youth,  and  to  the  hopes  of  his  enemy  ;  so 
 hcchose  him  an  army  out  of  the  two  tribes,  and  met  Jeroboam  at  a  place  called  mount  Zema- 
 raim,  and  pitched  his  camp  near  the  other,  and  prepared  every  thing  necessary  for  the  fight. 
 His  army  consisted  of  four  hundred  thousand,  but  the  army  of  Jeroboam  was  double  to  it. 
 Now,  as  the  armies  stood  in  array,  ready  for  action  aud  dangers,  and  were  just  going  to  fight, 
 
 2  F 
 
22C  ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 Abijab  stood  upon  an  elevated  place,  and  beckoning  with  bis  hand,  he  desired  the  multitnde 
 and  Jeroboam  himself  to  hear  first  with  silence  what  be  had  to  say.  And  when  silence  was 
 made,  be  began  to  speak,  and  told  them,  "  God  bad  consented  that  David  and  his  posterity 
 should  be  their  rulers  for  all  time  to  come,  and  this  you  yourselves  are  not  unacquainted  with  ; 
 but  I  cannot  but  wonder  bow  you  should  forsake  my  father,  and  join  yourselves  to  his  servant 
 Jeroboam,  and  are  now  here  with  him  to  fight  against  those,  who,  by  God's  own  determina- 
 tion, are  to  reign,  and  to  deprive  them  of  that  dominion  which  they  have  still  retained  ;  for 
 as  to  the  greater  part  of  it,  Jeroboam  is  unjustly  in  possession  of  it.  However,  I  do  not  sup- 
 pose he  will  enjoy  it  any  longer,  but  when  he  hath  suffered  that  punishment  which  God  thinks 
 due  to  him  for  what  is  past,  be  will  leave  off  the  transgressions  he  bath  been  guilty  of,  and  the 
 injuries  he  bath  offered  to  him,  and  which  he  bath  still  continued  to  offer,  and  hath  persuaded 
 you  to  do  the  same  ;  yet  when  you  were  not  any  farther  unjustly  treated  by  my  father  than 
 that  he  did  not  speak  to  you  so  as  to  please  you,  and  this  only  in  compliance  with  the  advice 
 of  wicked  men,  you  in  auger  forsook  him,  as  you  pretended,  but  in  reality  you  withdrew 
 yourselves  from  God,  and  from  his  laws,  allhough  it  had  been  right  for  you  to  have  forgiven 
 a  man  that  was  young  in  age,  and  not  used  to  govern  people,  not  only  some  disagreeable  words, 
 but  if  his  youth  and  his  unskilfuluess  in  affairs  had  led  him  into  some  unfortunate  actions, 
 and  that  for  the  sake  of  bis  father  Solomon,  and  the  benefits  yon  received  from  him,  for  men 
 ought  to  excuse  the  sins  of  posterit}'  on  account  of  the  benefactioHs  of  parents  :  but  you  con- 
 sidered nothing  of  all  this  then,  neither  do  you  consider  it  now,  but  come  with  so  great  an 
 army  against  us.  And  what  is  it  you  depend  upon  for  victory  ?  is  it  upon  the  golden  heifers, 
 and  the  altars  that  you  have  on  high  places,  which  are  demonstrations  of  your  impiety,  and 
 not  of  religious  worship  ?  Or  is  it  the  exceeding  multitude  of  your  army  which  gives  you 
 such  good  hopes?  Yet  certainly  there  is  no  strength  at  ail  in  an  army  of  many  ten  thousands, 
 when  the  war  is  unjust;  for  we  ought  to  place  our  surest  hopes  of  success  against  our  ene- 
 mies in  righteousness  alone,  and  in  piety  towards  God,  which  hope  we  justly  have,  since  we 
 Lave  kept  the  laws  from  the  beginning,  and  have  worshipped  our  own  God,  who  was  not  made 
 by  bands  out  of  corruptible  matter,  nor  was  he  formed  by  a  wicked  king,  in  order  to  deceive 
 the  multitude  ;  but  who  is  his  own  workmanship,*  and  the  beginning  and  end  of  all  things.  I 
 therefore  give  yon  counsel  even  now  to  repent,  and  to  take  better  advice,  and  to  leave  oiTtbe 
 prosecution  of  the  war ;  and  to  call  to  mind  the  laws  of  your  couniry,  and  to  reflect  what  it 
 Lath  been  that  hath  advanced  you  to  so  happy  a  state  as  you  are  now  in." 
 
 3.  This  was  the  speech  which  Abijab  made  to  the  multitude.  But  while  he  was  still  speak- 
 ing, Jeroboam  sent  some  of  his  soldiers  privately  to  encompass  Abijab  round  about,  on  certain 
 parts  of  the  camp  that  were  not  taken  notice  of;  and  when  he  was  thus  within  the  compass  of 
 the  enemy,  his  army  was  affrighted,  and  their  courage  failed  them ;  but  Abijab  encouraged 
 them,  and  exhorted  them  to  place  their  hopes  on  God,  for  that  he  was  not  encompassed  by  the 
 enemy.  So  they  all  at  once  implored  the  divine  assistance,  while  the  priests  sounded  with  the 
 trumpet,  and  they  made  a  shout,  and  fell  upon  their  enemies,  and  God  brake  the  courage  and 
 cast  down  the  force  of  their  enemies,  and  made  Abijah's  army  superior  to  them  :  for  God 
 vouchsafed  to  grant  them  a  wonderful  and  very  famous  victory ;  and  such  a  slaughter  was  now 
 made  of  Jeroboam's  army,  as  is  never  recorded  to  have  happened  in  any  other  war,t  whether  it 
 were  of  the  Greeks,  or  of  the  Barbarians,  for  they  overthrew  [and  slew]  five  hundred  thousand 
 of  their  enemies,  and  they  took  their  strongest  cities  by  force,  and  spoiled  them ;  and  besides 
 those,  they  did  the  same  to  Bethel  and  her  towns,  and  Jeshanah  and  her  towns.  And  after 
 this  defeat  Jeroboam  never  recovered  himself  during  the  life  of  Abijab,  who  yet  did  not  long 
 survive,  for  he  reigned  but  three  years,  and  was  buried  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  sepulchres  of  his 
 forefathers.  He  left  behind  him  twenty-two  sons,  and  sixteen  daughters  ;  and  he  bad  also 
 those  children  by  fourteen  wives ;  and  Asa  his  son  succeeded  in  the  kingdom ;  and  the  young 
 man's  mother  was  Micaiah.  Under  his  reign  the  country  of  the  Israelites  enjoyed  peace  for 
 ten  years. 
 
 4.  And  so  far  concerning  Abijab,  the  son  of  Reboboam,  the  son  of  Solomon,  as  his  history 
 hath  come  down  to  us :  but  Jeroboam,  the  king  of  the  ten  tribes,  died  when  he  had  governed 
 them  two-and-twenty  years ;  whose  son  Nadab  succeeded  him,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 
 of  Asa.  Now  Jeroboam's  son  governed  two  years,  and  resembled  his  father  in  impiety  and 
 wickedness.  In  these  two  years  he  made  an  expedition  against  Gibbethon,  a  city  of  the  Phi- 
 listines, and  continued  the  siege  in  order  to  take  it;  but  he  was  conspired  against  while  he  was 
 there,  by  a  friend  of  bis,  whose  name  was  Baasha,  the  son  of  Abijab,  and  was  slain ;  which 
 Baasha  took  the  kingdom  after  the  other's  death,  and  destroyed  the  whole  house  of  Jeroboam. 
 
 •  This  18  a  strange  expression  in  Joscnhus,  that  '  God  is  his  own  workmanship,'  or  that  he  '  made  himself,' 
 contrary  to  common  sense,  and  to  catholic  Christianity  :  perhaps  he  only  means  that  he  was  '  Dot  made  by  any 
 one,'  but  was  '  unoriginated.' 
 
 +  By  this  terrible,  and  perfectly  unparalleled  slaughter  of  500,000  men  of  the  newly  idolatrous  and  rebellious 
 ten  tribes,  God's  high  displeasure  and  indignation  against  that  idolatry  and  rebellion  fully  appeared ;  the 
 remainder  were  thereby  seriously  cautioned  not  to  persist  in  them,  and  a  kind  of  balance  or  equilibrium  was 
 made  between  the  ten  and  the  two  tribes  for  the  time  to  come ;  while  otherwise  the  perpetually  idolatrous  and 
 rebellious  teu  tribes  would  naturally  have  been  too  powerful  for  the  two  tribes  ;  which  were  pretty  frequently 
 free  both  from  such  idolatry  and  rebellion;  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  prodigious 
 BHinber  slam  upon  so  signal  an  occasion 
 
BOOK  VIII. — CHAP.  XII.  227 
 
 It  also  came  to  pass,  according  as  God  had  foietold,  that  some  of  Jeroboam's  kindred  that  died 
 ill  the  city  were  torn  to  pieces  and  devoured  by  dogs,  and  that  others  of  ihein  that  died  in  the 
 fields,  were  torn  and  devoured  by  the  fowls.  So  the  house  of  Jeroboam  sullered  the  jait 
 piiiiiiihment  of  his  impiety,  and  of  his  wicked  actions. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 How  Zerah,  King  of  the  Elhiopians,  was  beaten  bij  Asa;  and  how  Asa,  upon  Baasha's  makinij 
 ■war  against  him,  invited  the  King  of  the  Damascens  to  assist  him ;  and  how  on  the  Destruc- 
 tion of  the  House  of  Bausha,  Omri  got  the  Kingdom,  as  did  his  Son  Ahab  after  him. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Asa,  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  was  of  an  excellent  character,  and  had  a  regard  to 
 God,  and  neither  did  nor  designed  any  thing  but  what  had  relation  to  the  observation  of  the 
 laws.  He  made  a  reformation  of  his  kingdom,  and  cut  oft'  whatsoever  was  wicked  therein,  and 
 purified  it  from  every  impurity.  Now  he  had  an  army  of  chosen  men  that  were  armed  with 
 targets  and  spears  ;  out  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  three  hundred  thousand  ;  and  out  of  the  tribe  of 
 IJenjamin,  that  bore  shields  and  drew  bows,  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand-  But  when  he 
 had  already  reijined  ten  years,  Zerah  king  of  Ethiopia  made  an  expedition  against  him,*  with  a 
 great  army,  of  nine  hundred  thousand  footmen,  and  one  hundred  tiiousand  horsemen,  and  three 
 hundred  chariots,  and  came  as  far  as  Mareshali,  a  city  that  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
 Now  when  Zerah  bad  passed  so  far  witli  his  own  army,  Asa  met  him,  and  put  his  army  in  array 
 over  against  him,  in  a  valley  called  Zephathah,  not  far  from  the  city:  and  when  he  saw  the 
 multitude  of  the  Ethiopians,  he  cried  out,  and  besought  God  to  give  him  the  victory,  and  that 
 be  might  kill  many  ten  thousands  of  the  enemy:  "  For,  said  he,  I  depend  on  nothing  else  but 
 that  assistance^ivhich  I  expect  from  tkee,  which  is  able  to  make  the  fewer  superior  to  the  more 
 mirjerous,  and  the  weaker  to  the  stronger;  and  thence  it  is  alone  that  I  venture  to  meet 
 Zerah,  and  fight  him." 
 
 2.  While  Asa  was  saying  this,  God  gave  him  a  signal  of  victory,  and  joining  battle  cbeer- 
 fnily  on  account  of  what  God  had  foretold  about  if,  he  slew  a  great  many  of  the  Ethiopians, 
 and  when  he  had  put  them  to  flight,  he  pursued  them  to  the  couDt.-y  of  Gcrar;  and  when  they 
 left  off"  killing  their  enemies,  they  betook  themselves  to  spoiling  them,  (for  the  citv  Gerar  was 
 already  taken,)  ajul  to  spoiling  their  camp,  so  that  tbej  carried  off'  much  gold,  and  much  silver, 
 and  a  great  deal  of  [other]  prey,  and  camels,  and  great  cattle,  and  flocks  of  sheep.  Accord- 
 ingly, when  Asa  and  his  army  had  obtained  such  a  victory,  and  such  wealth  from  God,  they 
 returned  to  Jerusalem.  Now  as  they  were  coming,  a  prophet,  whose  name  was  Azariab,  met 
 them  on  the  road,  and  bade  them  stop  their  journey  a  little;  and  began  to  say  to  them  thus  : 
 that  "  The  reason  why  they  had  obtained  this  victory  from  God  was  this,  that  they  bad  shewn 
 tliemselves  righteous  and  religious  men,  and  had  done  every  thing  according  to  the  will  of 
 God  ;  that  therefore  he  said,  if  they  persevered  therein,  God  would  grant  that  they  should 
 always  overcome  their  enemies,  and  live  happily:  but  that  if  they  left  off  bis  worship,  all 
 things  shall  fall  out  on  the  contrary ;  and  a  time  should  com^.t  wherein  no  true  prophet  shall  be 
 left  in  your  whole  multitude,  nor  a  priest  who  shall  deliver  you  a  true  answer  from  the  oracle  ; 
 hut  your  cities  shall  be  overthrown,  and  your  nation  scattered  over  the  whole  earth,  and  live 
 the  life  of  strangers  and  wanderers."  So  he  advised  them,  while  they  had  time,  to  be  good, 
 and  not  to  deprive  themselves  of  the  favour  of  God.  When  the  king  and  the  people  heard 
 this,  they  rejoiced  •,  and  all  in  common,  and  every  one  in  particular,  took  great  care  to  behave 
 themselves  righteously.  The  king  also  sent  some  to  take  care  that  those  in  the  country  should 
 observe  the  laws  also. 
 
 3.  And  this  was  the  state  of  Asa,  king  of  the  two  tribes.  I  now  return  to  Baaslia,  the  king 
 of  the  multitude  of  the  Israelites,  who  slew  Nadab,  the  son  of  Jeroboam,  and  retained  the 
 government.  He  dwelt  in  the  city  of  Tirzah,  having  made  that  his  habitation,  and  reigned 
 twenty-four  years.  He  became  more  wicked  and  impious  than  Jeroboam  or  bis  son.  He  did 
 a  great  deal  of  miscliief  to  the  multitude  ;  and  was  injurious  to  God,  who  sent  the  prophet 
 Jehu,  and  told  him  beforehand,  that  "  his  whole  family  should  he  destroyed,  and  that  he  would 
 bring  the  same  miseries  on  his  house,  v.hich  had  brought  that  of  Jeroboam  to  ruin;  because 
 when  he  had  been  made  king  by  him,  he  had  not  requited  his  kindness,  by  governing  the 
 multitude  righteously,  and  religiously  ;  which  things,  in  the  first  place,  tended  to  their  own 
 happiness,  and,  in  the  next  place,  were  pleasing  to  God  :  that  he  had  imitated  this  very  wicjked 
 king,  JeroI)oam  ;  and  although  that  man's  soul  had  perished,  yet  did  be  express  to  the  life  his 
 wickedness  ;  and  he  said,  that  he  should  therefore  justly  experience  the  like  calamity  with  him, 
 since  he  had  been  guilty  of  the  like  wickedness."  But  Baasha,  though  he  hoard  beforehand 
 what  miseries  would  befall  him  and  his  whole  family  for  their  insolent  behaviour,  yet  did  he 
 not  leave  oil"  his  wicked  practices  for  the  time  to  come,  nnr  did  he  care  to  appear  to  he  other 
 than  worse  and  worse  till  he  diiii  ;  nor  did  be  then  repent  of  his  past  actions,  nor  endeavour  to 
 obtain  pardon  of  God  for  them,  but  did  as  those  do  who  have  rewards  proposed  to  them,  when 
 
 •  The  reader  is  to  remember,  that  '  Cush'  is  not '  Ethiopia,'  but  '  Arabia.'    See  ISochart,  b.  iv.  chap.  ii. 
 +  Here  is  a  very  great  error  in  our  Hebrew  copy  in  this  place,  2  Chron.  xvi.  .■?— 6.  as  applying  what  foUoTns 
 lo  times  past,  and  not  to  times  future ;  whence  that  text  is  quite  misapplied  by  Sir  Iftiac  ISewtou 
 
Ji28  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 they  have  once  in  earnest  set  about  their  work,  they  do  not  leave  off  their  labours ;  for  thus 
 did  Baasha,  when  the  prophet  foretold  to  him  what  would  come  to  pass,  grow  worse,  as  if 
 what  were  threatened,  the  perdition  of  his  family,  and  the  destruction  of  his  house,  (which  are 
 really  among  the  greatest  of  evils,)  were  good  things ;  and,  as  if  he  were  a  combatant  for 
 wickedness,  he  every  day  took  more  and  more  pains  for  it:  and  at  last  he  took  his  array,  and 
 assaulted  a  certain  considerable  city  called  Ramali,  which  was  forty  furlongs  distant  from 
 Jerusalem ;  and  when  he  had  taken  it,  he  fortified  it,  having  determined  beforehand  to  leave 
 a  garrison  in  it,  that  they  might  thence  make  excursions,  and  do  mischief  to  the  kingdom 
 of  Asa. 
 
 4.  Whereupon  Asa  was  afraid  of  the  attempts  the  enemy  might  make  upon  him;  and  consi. 
 dering  with  himself  how  many  mischiefs  this  army  that  was  left  in  Ramah  might  do  to  the 
 country  over  which  he  reigned,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  the  king  of  the  Damascens,  with  gold 
 and  silver,  desiring  his  assistance,  and  putting  him  in  mind  that  we  have  had  a  friendship  toge- 
 ther from  the  times  of  our  forefathers.  So  he  gladly  received  that  sum  of  money,  and  made  a 
 league  with  him,  and  broke  the  friendship  he  had  with  Baasha,  and  sent  the  commanders  of 
 his  own  forces  unto  the  cities  that  were  under  Baasha's  dominion,  and  ordered  them  to  do 
 them  mischief.  So  they  went  and  burnt  some  of  them,  and  spoiled  others,  Ijon,  and  Dan,  and 
 Abelmaim,*  and  many  others.  Now  when  the  king  of  Israel  heard  this,  he  left  off  building 
 and  fortifying  Ramah,  and  returned  presently  to  assist  his  own  people  under  the  distresses 
 they  were  in ;  but  Asa  made  use  of  the  materials  that  were  prepared  for  building  that  city,  for 
 building  in  the  same  place  two  strong  cities,  the  one  of  which  was  called  Geba  and  the  other 
 Mizpah  :  so  that  after  this  Baasha  had  no  leisure  to  make  expeditions  against  Asa,  for  he  was 
 prevented  by  death,  and  was  buried  in  the  city  of  Tirzah,  and  Elah  his  son  took  the  kingdom, 
 who,  when  he  bad  reigned  two  years,  died,  being  treacherously  slain  by  Zimri,  the  captain  of 
 half  his  army  ;  for  when  he  was  at  Arza,  his  steward's  house,  he  persuaded  some  of  the  horse- 
 men that  were  under  him  to  assault  Elah,  and  by  that  means  he  slew  him,  when  he  was  without 
 his  armed  men  and  his  captains,  for  they  were  all  busied  in  the  siege  of  Gibbethon,  a  city  of 
 the  Philistines. 
 
 6.  When  Zimri,  the  captain  of  the  army,  had  killed  Elah,  he  took  the  kingdom  himself,  and, 
 according  to  Jelm's  prophecy,  slew  all  the  house  of  Baasha;  for  it  came  to  pass  that  Baasha's 
 house  utterly  perished,  on  account  of  his  impiety,  in  the  same  manner  as  we  have  already 
 described  the  destruction  of  the  house  of  Jeroboam  :  but  the  army  that  was  besieging  Gib- 
 bethon, when  they  heard  what  had  befallen  the  king,  and  that  when  Zimri  had  killed  him,  he 
 Lad  gained  the  kingdom,  they  made  Omri,  their  general,  king,  who  drew  off  his  army  from 
 Gibbethon,  and  came  to  Tirzah  where  the  royal  palace  was,  and  assaulted  the  city  and  took  it 
 by  force.  But  when  Zimri  saw  that  the  city  had  none  to  defend  it,  he  fled  into  the  inmost  part 
 of  the  palace,  and  set  it  on  fire;  and  burnt  himself  with  it,  when  he  had  reigned  only  seven 
 days.  Upon  which  the  people  of  Israel  were  presently  divided,  and  part  of  them  would  have 
 Tibni  to  be  king  and  part  Omri ;  but  when  those  that  were  for  Omri's  ruling  had  beaten  Tibni, 
 Omri  reigned  over  all  the  multitude.  Now  it  was  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Asa  that 
 Omri  reigned,  (for  twelve  years  ;)  six  of  these  years  he  reigned  in  the  city  of  Tirzah,  and  the 
 rest  in  the  city  called  Semareon,  but  namedj  by  the  Greeks  Samaria;  but  he  himself  called  it 
 Semareon,  from  Semer,  who  sold  him  the  mountain  whereon  he  built  it.  Now  Omri  was  no 
 ■way  different  from  those  kings  that  reigned  before  him,  but  that  he  grew  worse  than  they;  for 
 they  all  sought  how  they  might  turn  the  people  away  from  God,  by  their  daily  wicked  practices  ; 
 and  on  that  account  it  was  that  God  made  one  of  them  to  be  slain  by  another,  and  that  no  one 
 person  of  their  families  should  remain.  This  Omri  also  died  at  Samaria :  and  Ahab  his  son 
 succeeded  him. 
 
 6.  Now  by  these  events  we  may  learn  what  concern  God  hath  for  the  affairs  of  mankind, 
 and  how  he  loves  good  men,  and  hates  the  wicked,  and  destroys  them  root  and  branch;  for 
 many  of  these  kings  of  Israel,  they  and  their  families,  were  miserably  destroyed  and  taken 
 away  one  by  another,  in  a  short  time,  for  their  transgression  and  wickedness ;  hut  Asa,  who 
 was  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  two  tribes,  attained,  by  God's  blessing,  a  long  and  a  blessed 
 old  age,  for  his  piety  and  righteousness,  and  died  happily,  when  he  had  reigned  forty  and  one 
 years :  and  when  he  was  dead,  his  son  Jehoshapliat  succeeded  him  in  the  government.  He 
 was  born  of  Asa's  wife  Azubab.  And  all  men  allowed  that  he  followed  the  works  of  David 
 his  forefather,  and  this  both  in  courage  and  piety ;  bat  we  are  not  obliged  now  to  speak 
 any  more  of  the  affairs  of  this  king. 
 
 *  This  '  Abelmaim,'  or,  in  Josephus's  copy  '  Abcllatie.'  that  belonged  to  the  land  of  Israel,  and  bordered  on 
 the  country  of  Damascus,  is  supposed,  both  by  Hudson  and  Spanheim,  to  be  the  same  with  Abel,  or  Abila, 
 •whence  came  Abilene.  This  may  be  that  city  so  denominated  from  Abel  the  righteous  there  buried,  con- 
 cerning the  shedding  of  whose  blood  within  the  compass  of  the  land  of  Israel,  I  understand  our  Saviour's 
 words  about  the  fatal  war  aud  overthrow  of  Judea  by  Titus  and  his  Roman  army,  "That  upon  you  may  come 
 all  the  righteous  blood  shed  upon  the  land,  from  the  blood  of  righteous  Abel  to  the  blood  of  Zacnarias,  son  of 
 lisracliias,  wliom  ye  slew  between  the  temple  and  the  altar.  Verily  I  say  uuto  you,  all  these  things  shall 
 come  upon  this  geueratiou."    Mat.  xxiii.  33,  36.  Luke  xi.  61. 
 
BOOK    VIII. — CHAP.    XIII.  2'it) 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 NdW  Ahab,  when   he   had  taken  Jezebel  to  Wife,  became  more  wicked  than  all  (he  Kings  that 
 
 had  been  before  him.  Of  the  Actions  of  the  Prophet  Elijah;  and  what  befell  Naboth. 
 ^  1.  Now  Ahab,  the  king  of  Israel,  dwelt  in  Samaria,  and  held  the  government  for  twenty- 
 two  years ;  and  made  uo  alteration  iu  the  conduct  of  the  kings  that  were  his  predecessors,  but 
 only  in  such  things  as  were  of  his  own  invention  for  the  worse,  and  in  his  most  gross  wicked- 
 ness. He  imitated  them  in  their  wicked  courses,  and  in  iheir  injurious  behaviour  towards 
 God,  and  more  especially  he  imitated  the  transgression  of  Jeroboam;  for  he  worshipped  the 
 heifers  that  he  had  made  ;  and  he  contrived  other  absurd  objects  of  worship  besides  those 
 heifers;  he  also  took  to  wife  the  daughter  of  Etbbaal,  king  of  the  Tyrians  and  Sidonians, 
 whose  name  was  Jezebel,  of  whom  he  learned  to  worship  her  own  gods.  This  woman  was 
 active  and  bold,  and  fell  into  so  great  a  degree  of  impurity  and  madness,  that  she  built  a 
 temple  to  the  god  of  the  Tyrians,  which  they  call  Belus,  and  planted  a  giove  of  all  sorts  of 
 trees  ;  she  also  appointed  priests  and  false  prophets  to  this  god.  The  king  also  himself  had 
 many  such  about  him,  and  so  exceeded  in  madness  and  wickedness  all  [the  kings]  that  went 
 before  him. 
 
 2.  There  was  now  a  prophet  of  God  Almighty,  of  Thesbon,  a  country  in  Gilead,  that  came 
 to  Ahab,  and  said  to  him,  that  "  God  foretold  he  would  not  send  rain  nor  dew  in  those  years 
 upon  the  country  but  when  he  should  appear."  And  when  he  had  confirmed  this  by  an  oath, 
 he  departed  into  the  southern  parts,  and  made  his  abode  by  a  brook,  nut  of  which  he  had 
 water  to  drink;  for  as  for  his  food,  ravens  brought  it  to  him  every  day;  but  when  that  river 
 was  dried  up  for  want  of  rain,  he  came  to  Zarephath,  a  city  not  far  from  Sidon  and  Tyre,  for 
 it  lay  between  tiiem,  and  this  at  the  command  of  God,  for  [God  told  him]  that  he  should  there 
 find  a  woman  who  was  a  widow,  that  should  give  him  sustenance :  so  when  he  was  not  far  oft' 
 the  city,  he  saw  a  woman  that  laboured  with  her  own  hands  gathering  of  sticks  ;  so  God 
 informed  him  that  this  was  the  wom^n  who  was  to  give  him  sustenance  :  so  he  came  and 
 saluied  her,  and  desired  her  to  bring  him  some  water  to  drink;  but  as  she  was  going  so  to  do, 
 he  called  to  her,  and  would  have  her  bring  him  a  loaf  of  bread  also:  whereupon  she  aflirmed 
 on  oath  that  she  had  at  home  nothing  more  than  one  handful  of  meal  and  a  little  oil,  and  that 
 she  was  going  to  gather  some  sticks,  that  she  might  knead  it,  and  make  bread  for  herself  and 
 her  son ;  after  which,  she  said,  they  must  perish,  and  be  consumed  by  the  famine,  for  they  had 
 nothing  for  themselves  any  longer.  Hereupon  he  said,  "  Go  on  with  good  courage,  and  hope 
 for  better  things ;  and  first  of  all  make  me  a  little  cake,  and  bring  it  to  me,  for  I  foretell  to 
 thee  that  this  vessel  of  uieal  and  this  cruse  of  oil  shall  not  fail,  until  God  send  rain."  When 
 the  prophet  had  said  this,  she  came  to  him,  and  made  him  the  before-named  cake:  of  which 
 she  had  part  for  herself,  and  gave  tlie  rest  to  her  son,  and  to  the  prophet  also ;  nor  did  any 
 thing  of  this  fail  until  the  drought  ceased.  Now  Wenander  mentions  this  drought  in  his 
 account  of  the  acts  of  Eihbaal,  king  of  the  Tyrians;  where  he  says  thus  :  "  Under  him  there 
 was  a  want  of  rain  from  the  month  Hyperberetaeus  till  the  month  HyperberetEcus  of  the  year 
 following  :  but  when  he  made  supplications,  there  came  great  thunders.  This  Ethbaal  built 
 the  city  of  Botrys  in  Pheuicia,  and  the  city  of  Auza  in  Libya."  By  these  words  he  designed 
 this  want  of  rain  that  was  in  the  days  of  Ahab,  for  at  that  time  it  was  that  Ethbaal  also 
 reigned  over  the  Tyrians,  as  Menander  informs  us. 
 
 3.  Now  this  woman,  of  whom  we  spake  before,  that  sustained  the  prophet,  when  her  son 
 was  fallen  into  a  distemper  till  he  gave  up  the  ghost,  and  appeared  to  be  dead,  came  to  the 
 prophet  weeping,  and  beating  her  breast  with  her  hands,  and  sending  out  such  expressions  as 
 her  passions  dictated  to  her,  and  complained  to  him,  that  he  had  come  to  her  to  reproach  her 
 for  her  sins,  and  that  on  this  account  it  was  that  her  son  was  dead.  But  he  bade  her  be  of 
 good  cheer,  and  deliver  her  son  to  hira,  for  that  he  would  deliver  him  again  to  her  alive.  So 
 when  she  had  delivered  her  son  up  to  him,  be  carried  him  into  an  upper  room,  where  he  him- 
 self lodged,  and  laid  him  down  upon  the  bed,  and  cried  unto  God,  and  said,  that  "  God  had 
 not  done  well  in  rewarding  the  woman  who  had  entertained  him,  and  sustained  him,  by  taking 
 away  her  son;  and  he  prayed  that  he  would  send  again  the  soul  of  the  child  into  him,  and 
 bring  him  to  life  again."  Accordingly  God  took  pity  on  the  mother,  and  was  willing  to  gratify 
 the  prophet,  that  be  might  not  seem  to  have  come  to  her  to  do  her  a  mischief;  and  the  child, 
 beyond  all  expectation,  came  to  life  again.  So  the  mother  returned  the  prophet  thanks,  and 
 said  she  was  then  clearly  satisfied  that  Cod  did  converse  wiih  him. 
 
 4.  After  a  little  while  Elijah  came  to  king  Ahab,*  according  to  God's  will,  to  inform  him  that 
 rain  was  coming.  Now  the  famine  had  seized  upon  the  whole  country,  and  there  was  a  great 
 want  of  what  was  necessary  for  sustenance;  insomuch,  that  it  was  not  only  men  that  wanted 
 it,  but  the  earth  itself  also,  which  did  not  produce  enough  for  the  horses  and  the  other  beasts, 
 
 *  .Tosephus,  in  his  present  copies,  says,  that  '  a  little  while  after'  the  recovery  of  the  widow's  son  of  Sarepta, 
 Cod  seat  rain  upon  the  eartli ;  whereas,  in  our  other  copies,  it  is  '  after  many  days,'  1  Kings  xviii.  1.  Several 
 years  are  also  intimated  there,  and  in  .fosephus,  ^1.  as  belonging  to  this  drought  and  famine  ;  nay,  we  have 
 the  express  mention  of  the  '  third  year,'  which,  I  suppose,  was  reckoned  for  the  recovery  of  the  widow's  son, 
 and  the  ceasing  of  thisdrnurht  in  Plienicia,  (which,  as  Meuander  informs  us  here,  lasted  one  whole  year:} 
 AxxA  hothonr  Saviour  and  si.  .lames  affirm,  that  this  drought  lasted  in  all  three  years  and  six  mouths,  as  their 
 copies  of  the01dTcst^'>Tnt  then  informed  Ihom,  Luke  iv,  25.  James  v.  l?. 
 
230  ANTiQurrrES  of  the  jews. 
 
 of  what  was  nsefiil  for  (hem  to  feed  on,  by  reason  of  the  drought.  So  the  king  called  for 
 Obadiah,  who  was  steward  over  his  cattle,  and  said  to  him,  "That  he  would  have  him  go  to 
 the  fountains  of  water,  and  tu  the  brooks,  that  if  any  herbs  could  be  found  for  theiu,  they  might 
 mow  it  down,  and  reserve  it  for  the  beasts."  And  when  he  had  sent  persons  all  over  the 
 habitable  earth,*  to  discover  the  prophet  Elijah,  and  they  could  not  find  him,  he  bade  Obadiah 
 accompany  him :  so  it  was  resolved  they  should  make  a  progress,  and  divide  the  ways  between 
 them,  and  Obadiah  took  one  road  and  the  king  another.  Now  it  happened,  that  the  same 
 time  when  queen  Jezebel  slew  the  prophets,  that  this  Obadiah  had  hidden  a  hundred  prophets, 
 and  had  fed  them  with  nothing  but  bread  and  water.  But  when  Obadiah  was  alone  and  absent 
 from  the  king,  the  prophet  Elijah  met  him  :  and  Obadiah  asked  him  who  he  was  ;  and  when  he 
 bad  learned  it  from  him,  he  worshipped  him.  Elijah  then  bade  him  go  to  the  king,  and  "  tell  him 
 that  I  am  here  ready  to  wait  on  him,"  but  Obadiah  replied,  "  What  evil  have  I  done  to  thee, 
 that  thou  sendest  me  to  one  who  seeketh  to  kill  thee,  and  hath  sought  over  all  the  earth  for 
 thee?  Or,  was  he  so  ignorant  as  not  to  know  tiiat  the  king  had  left  no  place  nntouched  unto 
 which  he  had  not  sent  persons  to  bring  him  back,  in  order,  if  they  could  take  him,  to  have  him 
 put  to  death?"  For  he  told  him  he  was  afraid  lest  God  should  appear  to  him  again,  and  he 
 should  go  away  into  another  place,  and  that  when  the  king  should  send  him  for  Elijah,  and  he 
 should  miss  of  him,  and  not  be  able  to  find  him  any  where  upon  earth,  he  should  be  put  to 
 death.  He  desired  him  therefore  to  take  care  of  his  preservation ;  and  told  him  how  dili- 
 gently he  had  provided  for  those  of  his  own  profession,  and  had  saved  a  hundred  prophets, 
 when  Jezebel  slew  the  rest  of  them,  and  had  kept  them  concealed,  and  that  they  had  been 
 sustained  by  him.  But  Elijah  bade  him  fear  nothing,  but  go  to  the  king:  and  he  assured  him 
 upon  oath,  that  he  would  certainly  shew  himself  to  Abab  that  very  day. 
 
 5.  So  when  Obadiah  had  informed  the  king  that  Elijah  was  there,  Ahab  met  him,  and  asked 
 him,  in  anger,  "If  he  were  the  man  that  afdicted  the  people  of  the  Hebrews,  and  was  the 
 occasion  of  the  drought  they  lay  under."  But  Elijah,  without  any  flattery,  said,  "  That  he 
 was  himself  the  man,  he  and  his  house,  which  brought  such  sad  afflictions  upon  them,  and  that 
 by  introducing  strange  gods  into  their  country,  and  worshipping  them,  and  by  leaving  their 
 own,  who  was  the  only  true  God,  and  having  no  manner  of  regard  to  him."  However,  he 
 bade  him  go  his  way,  and  gather  together  all  the  people  to  him,  to  mount  Carmel,  with  his 
 own  prophets,  and  those  of  his  wife,  telling  him  how  many  there  were  of  them,  as  also  the 
 prophets  of  the  groves,  about  four  hundred  in  number.  And  as  all  the  men  whom  Ahab  sent 
 for,  ran  away  to  the  forenamed  mountain,  the  prophet  Elijah  stood  in  the  midst  of  them,  and 
 said,  "  How  long  will  you  live  thus  in  uncertainty  of  mind  and  opinion?"  He  also  exhorted 
 them,  that  in  case  they  esteemed  their  own  country  God  to  be  the  true  and  only  God,  they 
 would  follow  him  and  his  commandments  ;  but  in  case  they  esteemed  him  to  be  nothing,  but 
 Lad  an  opinion  of  the  strange  gods,  and  that  they  ought  to  worship  them,  his  counsel  was,  that 
 they  should  follow  them.  And  when  the  multitude  made  no  answer  to  what  he  said,  Elijah 
 desired,  that  for  a  trial  of  the  power  of  the  strange  gods,  and  of  their  own  God,  he,  who  was 
 his  only  prophet,  while  they  had  four  hundred,  might  take  a  heifer,  and  kill  it  as  a  sacrifice, 
 and  lay  it  upon  pieces  of  wood,  and  not  kindle  any  fire,  and  that  they  should  do  the  same 
 things,  and  call  upon  their  own  gods  to  set  the  wood  on  fire,  for  if  that  were  done,  they  would 
 thence  learn  the  nature  of  the  true  God.  This  proposal  pleased  the  people.  So  Elijah  bade  the 
 prophets  to  choose  out  a  heifer  first,  and  kill  it,  and  to  call  on  their  gods  ;  but  when  there 
 appeared  no  effect  of  the  prayer  or  invocation  of  the  prophets  upon  their  sacrifice,  Elijah 
 derided  them,  and  bade  them  call  upon  their  gods  with  a  loud  voice,  for  they  might  either 
 be  on  a  journey,  or  asleep;  and  when  these  prophets  had  done  so  from  morning  till  noon,  and 
 cut  themselves  with  swords  and  lancets, t  according  to  the  customs  of  their  country,  and  he  was 
 about  to  ofler  his  sacrifice,  he  bade  [the  prophets]  go  away,  but  bade  [the  people]  come  near  and 
 observe  what  he  did,  lest  he  should  privately  hide  fire  among  the  pieces  of  wood.  So,  upon 
 the  approach  of  the  multitude,  he  took  twelve  stones,  one  for  each  tribe  of  the  people  of  the 
 Hebrews,  and  built  an  altar  with  them,  and  dug  a  very  deep  trench  ;  and  when  he  had  laid  the 
 ])ieces  of  wood  upon  the  altar,  and  upon  them  had  laid  the  pieces  of  the  sacrifices,  he  ordered 
 them  to  fill  four  barrels  with  the  water  of  the  fountain,  and  to  pour  it  upon  the  altar,  till  it  ran 
 over  it,  and  till  the  trench  was  filled  with  the  water  poured  into  it.  When  he  had  done  this, 
 he  began  to  pray  to  God,  and  to  invocate  him  to  make  manifest  his  power  to  a  people  that  had 
 •ilready  been  in  an  error  a  long  time  :  upon  which  words  a  fire  came  on  a  sudden  from  heaven 
 in  the  sight  of  the  multitude,  and  fell  upon  the  altar,  and  consumed  the  sacrifice,  till  the  very 
 water  was  set  on  fire,  and  the  place  was  become  dry. 
 
 C.  Now  when  the  Israelites  saw  this,  they  fell  down  upon  the  ground,  and  worshipped  one 
 God,  and  called  him  the  great  and  the  only  true  God,  but  they  called  the  others  mere  names, 
 framed  hv  the  evil  and  vile  opinions  of  men.  So  Ihey  caught  their  prophets,  and,  at  the  com- 
 mand of  Elijah,  slew  them.    Elijah  also  said  to  the  king,  that  he  should  go   to  dinner  without 
 
 *  Josephus  here  8eems  to  mean,  that  this  drought  affected  '  all  the  habitable  earth,'  and  presently  '  all  the 
 earth,"  as  our  Saviour  says  it  was  '  upon  all  the  earth,'  Luke  iv.  25.  They  who  restrain  those  expressions  to 
 the  "land  of  Judea'  alone,  go  without  sufficient  authority  or  examples. 
 
 +  Mr.  Spanlieim  takes  notice  here,  that  in  the  worship  of  Wilhra,  (the  god  of  the  PersianB)  the  priests  cut 
 fliemsclveb  in  the  same  muuner  as  did  these  priests  iu  tlicir  invocation  of  Banl,  (the  god  of  the  Pheniciaas.) 
 
BOOK  VIII. — CHAP.   XIII.  231 
 
 any  further  concern,  for  that  in  a  litlle  time  he  would  see  God  send  tliem  rain.  Accordingly, 
 Aliab  went  his  way  :  but  Elijah  went  np  inlo  the  highest  top  of  mount  Carniel,  and  sat  down 
 upon  the  ground,  and  leaned  his  head  upon  his  knees,  and  bade  his  servant  go  up  to  a  certain 
 elevated  place,  and  look  towards  tlie  sea,  and  when  he  should  see  a  cloud  rising  any  where,  he 
 should  give  hiui  notice  of  it,  for  till  that  time  the  air  had  been  clear.  When  the  servant  had 
 gone  up,  and  had  said  many  times  that  he  saw  nothing,  at  Ihe  seventh  time  of  his  going  up,  he 
 said  that  he  saw  a  small  black  thing  in  the  sky,  not  larger  than  a  man's  foot.  When  Elijah 
 heard  thai,  he  sent  to  Ahab,  and  desired  him  to  go  away  to  the  city  before  the  rain  came  down. 
 So  he  came  to  the  city  Jezreel  ;  and  iu  a  litlle  time  the  air  was  all  obscured,  and  covered  with 
 clouds,  and  a  vehement  storm  of  wind  came  upon  the  earth,  and  with  it  a  great  deal  of  rain  ; 
 and  the  prophet  was  under  a  divine  fury,  and  ran  along  with  the  king's  chariot  unto  Jezreel,  a 
 city  of  Izar  [Issachar.]* 
 
 7.  When  Jezebel,  the  wife  of  Ahab,  understood  what  signs  Elijah  had  wrought,  and  how  he 
 had  slain  her  prophets,  she  was  angry,  and  sent  messengers  to  him,  and  by  them  threatened  to 
 kill  him,  as  he  had  destroyed  her  prophets.  At  this  Elijah  was  affrighted,  and  fled  to  the  city 
 called  Beersheba,  which  is  situate  at  the  utmost  limits  of  the  country  belonging  to  the  tribe  of 
 Juilah,  towards  the  land  of  Edom  ;  and  there  he  left  his  servant,  and  went  away  into  the  desert. 
 He  prayed  also  that  he  might  die,  for  that  he  was  not  better  than  his  fathers,  nor  need  he  be 
 very  desirous  to  live,  when  they  were  dead  :  and  he  lay  and  slept  under  a  certain  tree  ;  and 
 when  somebody  awakened  him,  and  he  was  risen  up,  he  found  food  set  by  him,  and  water  ;  so 
 when  he  had  eaten  and  recovered  his  strength  by  that  his  food,  he  came  to  that  mountain 
 which  is  called  Sinai,  where  it  is  related  that  Moses  received  his  laws  from  God  ;  and  finding- 
 there  a  certain  hollow  cave,  he  entered  inlo  it,  and  continued  to  make  his  abode  in  it.  But 
 when  a  certain  voice  came  to  him,  but  from  whence  he  knew  not,  and  asked  him,  "  Why  he 
 was  come  thither,  and  had  left  the  city  ?"  he  said,  that  "  because  be  had  slain  the  prophets  of 
 the  foreign  gods,  and  had  persuaded  the  people  that  he  alone  whom  they  had  worshipped 
 from  the  beginning  was  God,  he  was  sought  for  by  the  king's  wife  to  be  punished  for  so  doing." 
 And  when  he  had  heard  another  voice,  telling  him  that  he  should  come  out  the  next  day  into 
 Ihe  open  air,  and  should  thereby  know  what  he  was  to  do,  he  came  out  of  the  cave  the  next 
 day  accordingly,  when  he  both  heard  an  earthquake,  and  saw  the  bright  splendour  of  a  fire  ; 
 and  after  a  silence  made,  a  divine  noise  exhorted  him  not  to  be  disturbed  with  the  circum- 
 stances he  was  in,  for  that  none  of  his  enemies  should  have  power  over  him.  The  voice  also 
 commanded  him  to  return  home,  and  to  ordain  Jehu,  the  son  of  Nitnshi,  to  be  king  over  their 
 own  multitude;  and  Hazael  of  Damascus,  to  be  over  the  Syrians;  and  Elisha,  of  the  city  Abel, 
 to  be  a  prophet  in  his  stead  ;  and  that  of  the  impious  multitude,  some  should  be  slain  by  Ha- 
 zael, and  others  by  Jehu.  So  Elijah,  upon  hearing  this  charge,  returned  into  the  land  of  the 
 Hebrews.  And  when  he  found  Elisha,  the  sou  of  Shaphat,  ploughing,  and  certain  others  with 
 him,  driving  twelve  yoke  of  oxen,  he  came  to  him,  and  cast  his  own  garment  upon  him  ;  upon 
 wiiich  Elisha  began  to  prophesy  presenllv,  and  leaving  his  oxen,  he  followed  Elijah.  And 
 when  he  desired  leave  to  salute  his  parents,  Elijah  gave  him  leave  so  to  do  :  and  when  he  had 
 taken  his  leave  of  them,  he  followed  him,  and  became  the  disciple  and  the  servant  of  Elijah  all 
 the  days  of  his  life.  And  thus  have  I  despatched  the  affairs  in  which  this  prophet  was 
 concerned. 
 
 8.  Now  there  was  one  Naboth  of  the  city  Izar  [Jezreel,]  who  had  a  field  adjoining  to  that 
 of  the  king  :  the  king  would  have  persuaded  him  to  sell  hiin  that  his  field,  which  lay  so  near 
 to  his  own  lands,  at  what  price  he  pleased,  that  he  might  join  them  together,  and  make  them 
 one  farm  ;  and  if  he  would  not  accept  of  money  for  it,  he  gave  him  leave  lo  choose  any  of  his 
 other  fields  in  its  stead.  But  Naboth  said,  he  would  not  do  so,  but  would  keep  the  possession 
 of  that  land  of  his  own,  which  he  had  hy  inheritance  from  his  father.  Upon  this,  the  king  was 
 grieved,  as  if  he  had  received  an  injury,  when  he  could  not  get  another  man's  possession,  and 
 he  would  neither  wash  himself,  nor  take  any  food  :  and  when  Jezebel  asked  him,  what  it  was 
 that  troubled  him?  and  why  he  would  neither  wash  himself,  nor  eat  either  dinner  or  supper? 
 he  related  to  her  iheperverseness  of  Naboth,  and  how,  when  he  had  made  use  of  gentle  words 
 lo  him,  and  such  as  were  beneath  the  royal  authority,  he  had  been  affronted,  and  had  not 
 obtained  what  he  desired.  However,  she  persuaded  him  not  to  be  cast  down  at  this  accident, 
 but  to  leave  off'  his  grief,  and  return  to  the  usual  care  of  his  body,  for  that  she  would  take  care 
 to  have  Naboth  punished  :  and  she  immediately  sent  letters  to  the  rulers  of  the  Israelites 
 f  Jezreelites]  in  Ahab's  name,  and  commanded  them  to  fast,  and  to  assemble  a  congregation, 
 and  lo  set  Naboth  at  the  head  of  them,  because  he  was  of  an  illostrions  family,  and  to  have 
 three  bold  men  ready  to  bear  witness  that  he  had  blasphemed  God  and  the  king,  and  then  to 
 stone  him,  and  slay  him  in  that  manner.  Accordingly,  when  Nabnth  had  been  thus  testified 
 agninst,  as  the  queen  had  written  to  them,  that  he  had  blasphemed  against  God  and  Ahab  the 
 king,  sne  desired  him  to  take  i>ossession  of  Naboth's  vineyard  on  free  cost.  So  Ahab  was 
 glad  at  what  had  been  done,  and  rose  up  immediatelv  from  the  bed  whereon  he  lay,  to  go  to 
 see  Naboth's  vineyard  ;  but  God  had  great  indignation  at  it,  and  sent  Elijah  the  prophet  to  the 
 
 •  For  Izar  we  may  here  read  (with  Hudson  end  Cocccius)  Issachar,  i.  o.  of  the  tribe  of  ls?achar,  for  to  that 
 Iribe  did  Jezi-eel  belong:  and  presently  at  the  heKinning  of  ^8.  as  also  chap.  xv.  §  1.  wo  may  read  for  Isiar, 
 with  one  MS.  nearly,  and  the  Scripture,  Jezreel,  for  tlial  was  the  city  meant  m  the  history  of  Naboth. 
 
232  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 field  of  Naboth,  to  speak  to  Abab,  and  to  say  to  him,  that  "  he  had  slain  the  true  owner  of 
 that  field  unjustly."  And  as  soon  as  he  came  to  bim,  and  the  king  had  said,  that  he  might  do 
 with  hira  what  he  pleased,  (for  he  thought  it  a  reproach  to  him  to  be  thus  caught  in  his  sin,) 
 Elijah  said,  that  "  in  that  very  place  in  which  the  dead  body  of  Naboth  was  eaten  by  dogs, 
 both  his  own  blood  and  that  of  his  wife  should  be  shed,  and  that  all  his  family  should 
 perish,  because  he  had  been  so  insolently  wicked,  and  had  slain  a  citizen  unjustly,  and  contrary  to 
 the  laws  of  his  country."  Hereupon  Ahab  began  to  be  sorry  for  the  things  he  had  done,  and 
 to  repent  of  them,  and  he  put  on  sackcloth,  and  went  barefoot,  and  would  not  touch  any  food  :* 
 he  also  confessed  his  sins,  and  endeavoured  thus  to  appease  God.  But  God  said  to  the  pro- 
 phet, that  "while  Ahab  was  living  he  would  put  off  the  punishment  of  his  family,  because  he 
 repented  of  those  insolent  crimes  he  had  been  guilty  of,  but  that  still  he  would  fulfil  his  threat- 
 euing  under  Ahah's  son."     Which  message  the  prophet  delivered  to  the  king. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 How  Hadad,  King  of  Damascus  and  of  Syria,  made  tivo  Expeditions  against  Ahab,  and  ivas 
 
 beaten. 
 
 $  1.  When  the  affairs  of  Ahab  were  thus,  at  that  very  time  the  son  of  Hadad  [Benhadad,] 
 who  was  king  of  the  Syrians  and  of  Damascus,  got  together  an  army  out  of  all  his  country, 
 and  procured  thirty-two  kings  beyond  Euphrates  to  be  his  auxiliaries  :  so  he  made  an  expedi- 
 tion against  Ahab  ;  but  because  Ahab's  army  was  not  like  that  of  Benhadad's,  he  did  not  set 
 in  array  to  fight  him,  but  having  shut  up  every  thing  that  was  in  the  country,  in  the  strongest 
 cities  he  had,  he  abode  in  Samaria  himself,  for  the  walls  about  it  were  very  strong,  and  it 
 appeared  to  be  not  easily  to  be  taken  in  other  respects  also.  So  the  king  of  Syria  took  his 
 army  with  hira,  and  came  to  Samaria,  and  placed  his  army  round  about  the  city,  and  besieged 
 it.  He  also  sent  a  herald  to  Ahab,  and  desired  he  would  admit  the  ambassadors  he  would 
 send  him,  by  whom  he  would  let  hi;n  know  his  pleasure.  So  upon  the  king  of  Israel's  per- 
 mission for  hira  to  send,  those  ambassadors  came,  and,  by  their  king's  command,  spake  thus: 
 that  "  Ahab's  riches,  and  his  childi'en,  and  his  wives,  were  Benhadad's,  and  if  he  would  make 
 an  agreement,  and  give  hira  leave  to  take  as  much  of  what  he  had  as  he  pleased,  he  would  with- 
 draw his  army,  and  leave  off  the  siege."  Upon  this,  Ahab  bade  the  ambassadors  to  go  back, 
 and  tell  their  king,  that  both  he  himself  and  all  that  he  had,  were  his  possessions.  And  when 
 these  ambassadors  had  told  this  to  Benhadad,  he  sent  to  hira  again,  and  desired,  since  he  con- 
 fessed that  all  he  had  was  his,  that  he  would  admit  those  servants  of  his  which  he  should  send 
 the  next  day  ;  and  he  commanded  hira  to  deliver  to  those  whom  he  should  send,  whatsoever, 
 upon  their  searching  his  palace,  and  the  houses  of  his  friends  and  kindred,  they  should  find  to 
 be  excellent  in  its  kind,  but  what  did  not  please  ihem  they  should  leave  to  him.  At  this 
 second  embassa[:;e  of  the  king  of  Syria,  Ahab  was  surprised,  and  gathered  together  the  multi- 
 tude to  a  congregation,  and  told  them,  "  That  for  himself  he  was  ready,  for  their  safety  and 
 peace,  to  give  up  his  own  wives  and  children  to  the  enemy,  and  to  yield  to  him  all  his  own 
 possessions,  for  that  was  what  the  Syrian  king  required  at  his  first  embassage  ;  but  that  now 
 he  desires  to  send  his  servants  to  search  all  their  houses,  and  in  them  to  leave  nothing  that  is 
 excellent  in  its  kind,  seeking  an  occasion  of  fighting  against  him,  as  knowing  that  I  would  not 
 spare  what  is  mine  own  for  your  sakes,  but  taking  a  handle  from  the  disagreeable  terms  he 
 offers  concerning  you  to  bring  a  war  upon  us  ;  however,  I  will  do  what  you  shall  resolve  is  fit 
 to  be  done."  But  the  multitude  advised  him  to  hearken  to  none  of  his  proposals,  but  to 
 despise  him,  and  be  in  readiness  to  fight  him.  Accordingly,  when  he  had  given  the  ambassa- 
 dors this  answer  to  be  reported,  that  "  he  still  continued  in  the  mind  to  comply  with  what 
 terms  he  at  first  desired,  for  the  safety  of  the  citizens  ;  but  as  for  his  second  desires,  he  can- 
 not submit  to  them,"  he  dismissed  them. 
 
 Now  when  Benhadad  heard  this,  he  had  indignation,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Ahab  the 
 third  time,  and  threatened  that  his  army  "  would  raise  a  bank  higher  than  those  walls,  in 
 confidence  of  whose  strength  he  despised  him,  and  that  by  only  each  man  of  his  army  taking  a 
 handful  of  earth  ;"  hereby  making  a  show  of  the  great  number  of  his  army,  and  aiming  to 
 affright  him.  Ahab  answered,  that  "  he  oaght  not  to  vaunt  himself  when  he  had  only  put  on 
 his  armour,  but  when  he  should  have  conquered  his  enemies  in  the  battle."  So  the  ambassa- 
 dors came  back,  and  found  the  king  at  supper  with  his  thirty-two  kings,  and  informed  bim  of 
 Ahab's  answer ;  who  then  immediately  gave  order  for  proceeding  thus  to  make  lines  round 
 the  city,  and  raise  a  bulwark,  and  to  prosecute  the  siege  all  manner  of  ways.  Now  as  this  was 
 doing,  Ahab  was  in  a  great  agony,  and  all  his  people  with  him  ;  but  he  took  courage,  and  was 
 freed  from  his  fears,  upon  a  certain  prophet's  coming  to  him,  and  saying  to  him,  that  "  God 
 had  promised  to  subdue  so  many  ten  thousands  of  his  enemies  under  hira."  And  when  be 
 inquired  by  whose  means  the  victory  was  to  be  obtained,  he  said,  "  By  the  sons  of  the  princes, 
 but  under  thy  conduct  as  their  leader,  by  reason  of  their  unskilfulness  [in  war."]     Upon  which 
 
 *  "  The  Jews  weep  to  this  day,  (says  Jerome,  here  cited  by  Relaiid,)  and  roll  themselves  upon  sackcloth, 
 in  ashes,  barefoot,  upon  such  occasions."  To  which  Spanheim  adds,  "  That  after  the  same  manner,  Bemice, 
 when  his  life  was  in  danger,  stood  at  the  tribunal  of  Florus  barefoot."  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  xv.  §  1.  bea 
 tUe  like  of  David,  2  Sam.  xv.  30.  Antiq.  b.  vji.  chap.  ix.  j  S. 
 
BOOK    VIII. — CHAP.    XIV.  233 
 
 Le  called  for  tlie  sons  of  the  princes,  and  found  tbein  to  be  two  hundred  tbirtv  and  two  per- 
 sons. So  when  he  was  informed  that  the  king  of  Syria  had  betaken  himself  to  feasting  and 
 repose,  he  opened  the  gates,  and  sent  out  the  princes'  sons.  Now  wlien  the  sentinels  had  told 
 Benhadad  of  it,  he  sent  some  to  meet  them,  and  commanded  them,  that  if  these  men  were 
 come  out  for  fighting,  the)'  should  Itind  them,  and  hring  them  to  him  ;  and  that  if  they  came 
 out  peaceably,  they  should  do  the  same.  Now  Aiiab  had  another  army  ready  within  the  walls, 
 but  tiie  sons  of  the  princes  fell  upon  the  out-guard,  and  slew  many  of  them,  and  pursued  the 
 rest  of  them  to  the  camp ;  and  when  the  king  of  Israel  saw  that  these  had  the  upper  hand,  he 
 sent  out  all  the  rest  of  his  army,  which  fulling  suddenly  upon  the  Syrians,  beat  them,  for  they 
 did  not  think  they  would  iiave  come  out ;  on  which  account  it  was  that  they  assaulted  them 
 when  they  were  naked*  and  drunk,  insonincb  that  they  left  all  their  armour  behind  them 
 when  they  fled  out  of  the  camp,  and  the  king  himself  escaped  with  difficulty,  by  flying  away 
 on  horseback  :  but  Ahab  went  a  great  way  in  pursuit  of  the  Syrians  ;  and  when  they  had 
 spoiled  their  camp,  which  contained  a  great  deal  of  wealth,  and  moreover  a  large  quantity  of 
 gold  and  silver,  he  took  Benhadad's  chariots  and  horses,  and  returned  to  the  city  ;  but  as  the 
 prophet  told  him,  he  ought  to  have  his  array  ready,  because  the  Syrian  king  would  make 
 another  expedition  against  him  the  next  year,  Ahab  was  busy  in  making  provision  for  it 
 accordingly. 
 
 3.  Now  Benhadad,  when  he  had  saved  himself  and  as  much  of  his  army  as  he  could,  ont  of 
 the  battle,  he  consulted  with  his  friends  how  he  might  make  another  expedition  against  the 
 Israelites.  Now  those  friends  advised  him  not  to  fight  with  them  on  the  hills,  because  their 
 God  was  potent  in  such  places,  and  thence  it  had  come  to  pass  that  they  had  very  lately  been 
 beaten  ;  but  they  said,  that  if  they  joiffed  battle  with  them  in  the  plain,  they  should  beat  them. 
 They  also  gave  him  this  farther  advice,  to  send  home  those  kings  whom  he  had  brought  as  his 
 auxiliaries,  but  to  retain  their  army,  and  to  set  captains  over  it  instead  of  the  kings,  and  to 
 raise  an  army  out  of  tbeir  country,  and  let  them  be  in  the  place  of  the  former  who  perished  in 
 the  battle,  together  with  horses  and  chariots.  So  he  judged  their  counsel  to  be  good,  and 
 acted  according  to  it  in  the  management  of  the  army. 
 
 4.  At  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  Benhadad  took  his  army  with  him,  and  led  it  against  the 
 Hebrews  ;  and  when  he  was  come  to  a  certain  city  which  was  called  Aphek,  he  pitched  his 
 camp  in  the  great  plain.  Ahab  also  went  to  meet  him  with  his  army,  and  pitched  his  camp 
 over-against  him,  although  his  array  was  a  very  small  one,  in  comparison  to  that  of  the  enemy  : 
 but  the  prophet  came  again  to  him,  nnd  told  him,  that  "  God  would  give  him  the  victory,  that 
 he  might  demonstrate  his  own  power  to  be,  not  only  on  the  mountains,  but  on  the  plains  also  ;" 
 which  it  seems  was  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  Syrians.  So  they  lay  quiet  in  their  camp 
 seven  days,  but  on  the  last  of  those  days,  when  the  enemies  came  out  of  their  camp,  and  put 
 themselves  in  array  in  order  to  fight,  Ahab  also  brought  out  his  own  army,  and  when  the  bat- 
 tle was  joined,  and  they  fought  valiantly,  he  put  the  enemy  to  flight,  and  pursued  them,  and 
 pressed  upon  them,  and  slew  them  ;  nay,  they  were  destroyed  by  their  own  chariots,  and  by 
 one  another  ;  nor  could  any  more  than  a  few  of  them  escape  to  their  own  city  Aphek,  who 
 were  also  killed  by  the  walls  falling  upon  them,  being  in  number  twenty-seven  thonsand.t 
 Now  there  were  slain  in  this  battle  a  hundred  thousand  more  :  but  Benhadad,  the  king  of  the 
 Syrians,  fled  away,  with  certain  olhers  of  his  most  faithful  servants,  and  hid  himself  in  a  cellar 
 under  ground  ;  and  when  these  told  him  that  the  kings  of  Israel  were  humane  and  merciful 
 men,  and  that  they  might  make  use  of  the  usnal  manner  of  supplication,  and  obtain  deliverance 
 from  Ahab,  in  case  he  would  give  them  leave  to  go  to  him,  he  gave  them  leave  accordingly. 
 So  they  came  to  Ahab,  clothed  in  sackcloth,  with  ropes  about  their  heads, t  (for  this  was  the 
 ancient  manner  of  supplication  among  the  Syrians,)  and  said,  that  "  Benhadad  desired  he 
 would  save  him,  and  that  he  would  ever- be  a  servant  to  hira  for  that  favour."  Ahab  replied, 
 "  he  was  glad  that  he  was  alive,  a;;d  not  hurt  in  the  battle."  And  he  further  promised  him 
 the  same  honour  and  kindness  that  a  man  would  shew  to  his  brother.     So  they  received  assur- 
 
 *  Mr.  Reland  notes  here  very  truly,  ihat  the  word  '  naked,'  does  not  always  signify  entirely  naVed,  but  some 
 times  without  men's  usual  armour,  without  their  usual  robes  or  upper  garments;  as  when  Virgil  bids  the  hus- 
 bandman plough  naked  and  sow  naked  ;  when  .losephus  says,  Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  iii.  ^  2.  that  God  had  given 
 the  Jews  the  security  of  armour  when  they  were  naked  ;  and  when  he  here  says,  that  Abab  fell  on  the  Sj-rians 
 when  rhcy  were  both  naked  and  drunk  ;  when,  Antiq.  b.  xi.  chap.  v.  ^8.  hesays  that  Nehemiah  commanded  those 
 .Tews  that  were  building  the  walls  of  .Jerusalem,  to  take  care  to  have  their  armour  on  upon  occasion,  that  the 
 enemy  might  not  fall  upon  ihem  naked.  I  may  add,  that  the  case  seems  to  be  the  same  in  the  .Scripture,  when 
 it  says,  that  Saul  lay  down  naked  among  the  prophets,  1  Sam.  xix.  24..  when  itsa.vs,  that  Isaiah  walked  naked 
 and  barefoot,  Isa.  xx.  2.  .3.  and  when  it  savs,  that  Peter,  before  he  girt  his  fisher's  coat  to  him,  was  naked,  John 
 xxi.  7.  What  is  said  of  Pavid  also  gives  light  to  this,  who  was  reproached  by  Michal  for  "  dancing  before  the 
 ark,  and  un/iovering  himself  in  the  eyes  of  his  handmaids,  as  one  of  the  vain  fellows  shamelessly  uncovereth 
 himself,"  2  Sam.  vi.  14—20.  yet  it  is  tliere  expressly  said,  v.  14.  that  "  David  was  girded  with  a  linen  ephod," 
 i.  e.  he  had  laid  aside  his  robes  of  state,  and  put  ou  the  sacerdotal,  Levitical,  or  sacred  garments,  proper  for 
 such  a  solemnity. 
 
 +  Joscphus'a  number,  two  myriads  and  seven  thousand,  agrees  here  with  that  in  otir  other  copies,  as  those 
 that  were  slain  by  the  falling  down  of  the  walls  of  Aphek  ;  but  I  suspected  at  tirst  that  this  number  in  Jose- 
 phus's  present  copies  could  not  be  his  original  number,  because  he  calls  them  '  oligoi.'  a  few,  which  could 
 hardly  be  said  of  so  many  as  27,0(10,  and  because  of  the  improbabilitvof  the  fall  of  a  particular  wall  killing  so 
 many  :  yet  then  I  consider  Josejjhus's  next  words,  how  the  reel  which  were  slain  in  the  batile  were  ten  other 
 myriads  ;  that27,t)(xi  are  but  a  few  in  comparison  of  100,000;  and  that  it  was  not  a  wall,  as  in  our  English 
 version,  but  the  wall,  or  the  entire  walls,  of  the  city  that  fell  down,  as  in  all  the  originals. 
 
 i  This  manner  of  siipplication  for  men's  lives  among  tk?  Syrians,  with  ropes  or  halters  about  their  heads,  or 
 necks,  is,  1  suppose,  no  straitije  thing  in  latter  ages,  even  in  bur  own  country. 
 
 2  o 
 
234  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ances  upon  oath  from  him,  that  when  he  came  to  hira,he  should  receire  no  harm  from  him,  and 
 then  went  and  brought  him  out  of  the  cellar  wherein  he  was  hid,  and  brought  him  to  Ahab 
 as  he  sat  in  his  chariot.  So  Benhadad  worshipped  him  ;  and  Ahab  gave  him  his  hand,  and  bade 
 him  come  up  to  him  into  his  chariot,  and  kissed  him,  and  bade  him  be  of  good  cheer,  and  not 
 to  expect  that  any  mischief  was  to  be  done  to  him.  So  Benhadad  returned  him  thanks,  and 
 professed  that  he  would  remember  his  kindness  to  him  all  the  days  of  his  life  :  and  promised  he 
 would  restore  those  cities  of  the  Israelites  which  the  former  kings  had  taken  from  them,  and 
 grant  that  he  should  have  leave  to  come  to  Damascus,  as  his  forefathers  had  come  to  Samaria. 
 So  they  confirmed  their  covenant  by  oaths,  and  Ahab  made  him  many  presents,  and  sent  him 
 hack  to  his  own  kingdom.  And  this  was  the  conclusion  of  that  war  that  Benhadad  made 
 against  Ahab  and  the  Israelites. 
 
 5.  But  a  certain  prophet,  whose  name  was  Micaiah,*  came  to  one  of  the  Israelites,  and  bade 
 him  smite  him  on  the  head,  for  by  so  doing  he  would  please  God  ;  but  when  be  would  not  do 
 so,  he  foretold  to  him,  that  since  he  disobeyed  the  commands  of  God,  he  should  meet  with  a 
 lion  and  be  destroyed  by  him.  When  this  sad  accident  had  befallen  the  man,  the  prophet  came 
 again  to  another,  and  gave  him  the  same  injunction,  so  he  smote  him,  and  wounded  his  skull  ; 
 upon  which  he  bound  up  his  head,  and  came  to  the  king,  and  told  him,  that  he  had  been  a 
 soldier  of  his,  and  had  the  custody  of  one  of  the  prisoners  committed  to  him  by  an  officer,  and 
 that  the  prisoner  being  run  away,  he  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  own  life  by  the  means  of  that 
 officer,  who  had  threatened  him,  that  if  the  prisoner  escaped,  he  would  kill  him.  And  when 
 Ahab  had  said,  that  he  would  justly  die,  he  took  off  the  binding  about  his  head,  and  was  known 
 by  the  king  to  be  Micaiah  the  prophet,  who  made  use  of  this  artifice  as  a  prelude  to  bis  follow- 
 ing words  :  for  he  said,  that  "  God  would  punish  him,  who  had  suffered  Benhadad,  a  blas- 
 phemer against  him,  to  escape  punishment ;  and  that  he  would  so  bring  it  about,  that  he  should 
 die  by  the  other's  means,  aud  his  people  by  the  other's  army."t  Upon  which  Ahab  was  very 
 angry  at  the  prophet,  and  gave  commandment  that  he  should  be  put  in  prison,  and  there  kept  ; 
 but  for  himself,  he  was  in  confusion  at  the  words  of  Mioaiah,  and  returned  to  his  own  house. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 Concerning  Jehoshaphat,  the  King  of  J erusalem ;  and  how  Ahab  made  an  Expedition  against  the 
 Syrians,  and  was  assisted  therein  by  Jehoshaphat,  but  was  himself  cvcrcome  in  Battle,  and 
 perished  therein. 
 
 §  1.  And  these  were  the  circumstances  in  which  Ahab  was.  But  I  now  return  to  Jehosha- 
 phat, the  king  of  Jerusalem,  who,  when  he  had  augmented  his  kingdon),  and  had  set  garri- 
 sons in  the  cities  of  the  countries  belonging  to  his  subjects,  and  had  put  such  garrisons  no  less 
 into  those  cities  which  were  taken  out  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  by  his  grandfather  Abijah, 
 when  Jeroboam  reigned  over  the  ten  tribes,  [than  he  did  into  the  other  :]  but  then  he  had 
 God  favourable  and  assisting  to  him,  as  being  both  righteous  and  religious,  and  seeking  to  do 
 somewhat  every  day,  that  should  be  agreeable  and  acceptable  to  God.  The  kings  also  that 
 Were  round  about  him,  honoured  him  with  the  presents  they  made  him,  till  the  riches  that  he 
 had  acquired  were  immensely  great,  and  the  glory  he  had  gained  was  of  a  most  e:xalted 
 nature. 
 
 2.  Now,  in  third  year  of  his  reign,  he  called  together  the  rulers  of  the  country,  and  the 
 priests,  and  commanded  them  to  go  round  the  land,  and  teach  all  the  people  that  were  under  him, 
 city  by  city,  the  laws  of  Moses,  and  to  keep  them,  and  to  be  diligent  in  the  worship  of  God. 
 With  this  the  whole  multitude  was  so  pleased,  that  they  were  not  so  eagerly  set  upon,  or 
 affected  with  any  thing  so  much  as  the  observation  of  the  laws.  The  neighbouring  nations 
 also  continued  to  love  Jehoshaphat,  and  to  be  at  peace  with  him.  The  Philistines  paid  their 
 appointed  tribute  ;  and  the  Arabians  supplied  him  every  year  with  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
 lambs,  and  as  many  kids  of  the  goats.  He  also  fortified  the  great  cities,  which  were  many  in 
 number,  and  of  great  consequence.  He  prepared  also  a  mighty  army  of  soldiers  and  weapons 
 against  their  enemies.  Now  the  army  of  men  that  wore  their  armour,  were  three  hundred 
 thousand  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  of  whom  Adnah  was  the  chief;  but  John  was  chief  of  two 
 hundred  thousand  ;  the  same  man  was  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  and  had  two  hundred 
 thousand  archers  nnder  him.  There  was  another  chief,  whose  name  was  Jehozabad,  who 
 had  a  hundred  and  fourscore  thousand  armed  men.  This  multitude  was  distributed  to  be 
 ready  for  the  king's  service,  besides  those  whom  he  sent  to  the  best  fortified  cities. 
 
 •  It  is  here  remarkable,  that  in  Josephus's  copy,  this  prophet,  whose  severe  denunciation  of  a  disobedient 
 person's  slaughter  by  a  lion  had  lately  come  to  pass,  was  no  other  than  Micaiah  the  son  of  Imlah,  who, 
 as  he  now  denounced  God's  judgment  on  disobedient  Ahab,  seems  directly  to  have  been  that  very  prophet 
 whom  the  same  Ahab,  in  1  Kings  X3(ii.  8—13.  complains  of,  "  as  one  whom  he  hated,  because  he  did  not  pro- 
 phesy good  concerning  him,  but  evil,"  and  who  in  that  chapter  openly  repeats  his  denunciations  against  him  ; 
 all  which  came  to  pass  accordingly  :  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  but  this  and  the  former  were  the  very 
 same  prophet. 
 
 +  What  is  most  remarkable  in  this  history,  aud  in  many  histories  on  other  occasions  in  the  Old  Testament, 
 is  this,  that  during  the  .Jewish  theocracy,  God  acted  entirely  as  the  supreme  king  of  Israel,  and  supreme  gene- 
 ral of  their  armies,  and  always  expected  that  the  Israelites  should  be  in  such  absolute  subjection  to  liim,  their 
 supreme  and  heavenly  King,  and  general  of  their  armies,  as  subjects  and  soldiers  are  to  their  earthly  kings  and 
 generals,  and  that  usually  without  knowing  the  particular  reasons  of  their  injunctions. 
 
BOOK  VIII. — CHAP.  XV.  235 
 
 3.  Jeliosliaphat  took  for  his  son  Jehorara  to  wife,  the  daughter  of  Ahab,  the  king  of  the 
 t«n  tribes,  whose  name  was  Athaliah.  And  when,  after  some  time,  he  went  to  Samaria,  Ahab 
 received  him  courteously,  and  treated  the  army  that  followed  him  in  a  splendid  manner,  with 
 great  plenty  of  corn  and  wine,  and  of  slain  beasts  :  and  desired  that  he  wonld  join  with  him 
 in  his  war  against  the  king  of  Syria,  that  he  might  recover  from  him  the  city  Ramoth,  ia 
 Gilead  ;  for  though  it  had  belonged  to  his  father,  yet  had  the  king  of  Syria's  father  taken  it 
 away  from  him :  and  upon  Jehosbaphat's  promise  to  afl'ord  him  assistance,  (for  indeed  his 
 army  was  not  inferior  to  the  other's,)  and  his  sending  for  his  army  from  Jerusalem  to  Samaria, 
 the  two  kings  went  out  of  the  city,  and  each  of  them  sat  on  his  own  throne,  and  each  gave 
 their  orders  to  their  several  armies.  Now  Jehoshaphat  bade  them  call  some  of  the  prophets, 
 if  there  were  any  there,  and  inquire  of  them  concerning  this  expedition  against  the  king  of 
 Syria,  whether  they  would  give  them  counsel  to  make  that  expedition  at  this  time,  for  there 
 was  peace  at  that  time  between  Ahab  and  the  king  of  Syria,  which  had  lasted  three  years, 
 from  the  time  he  had  taken  him  captive  till  that  day. 
 
 4.  So  Ahab  called  his  own  prophets,  being  in  number  about  four  hundred,  and  bade  them 
 inquire  of  God  whether  he  would  grant  him  the  victory,  if  he  made  an  expedition  against 
 Beuhadad,  and  enable  him  to  overthrow  that  city,  for  whose  sake  it  was  that  he  was  going  to 
 war.  Now  these  prophets  gave  their  counsel  for  making  this  expedition ;  and  said.  That  "he 
 would  beat  the  king  of  Syria,  and,  as  formerly,  would  reduce  him  under  his  power."  But 
 Jehoshaphat,  understanding  by  their  words  that  they  were  false  prophets,  asked  Ahab,  whe- 
 ther there  were  not  some  other  prophet,  and  he  belonging  to  the  true  God,  that  we  may  have 
 surer  information  concerning  futurities  ?  Hereupon  Ahab  said,  "  there  was  indeed  such  a  one, 
 but  that  he  hated  him,  as  having  prophesied  evil  to  him,  and  having  foretold  that  he  should  be 
 overcome,  and  slain  by  the  king  of  Syria,  and  that  for  this  cause  he  had  him  now  in  prison, 
 and  that  bis  name  was  Micaiah,  the  son  of  Iralah."  But  upon  Jehosbaphat's  desire  that  ha 
 might  be  produced,  Ahab  sent  an  eunuch,  who  brought  Micaiah  to  him.  Now  the  eunuch  had 
 informed  him  by  the  way,  that  all  the  other  prophets  had  foretold  that  the  king  should  gain 
 the  victory  ;  but  he  said.  That  it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  lie  against  God,  but  that  he  must 
 speak  what  he  should  say  to  him  about  the  king,  whatsoever  it  were."  When  he  came  to 
 Ahab,  and  he  had  adjured  him  upon  oath  to  speak  the  truth  to  him,  he  said,  that  "  God  had 
 shewed  to  him  the  Israelites  running  away,  and  pursued  by  the  Syrians,  and  dispersed  upon 
 the  mountains  by  them,  as  are  flocks  of  sheep  dispersed  when  their  shepherd  is  slain."  He 
 said  farther,  that  "  God  signified  to  him,  that  those  Israelites  should  return  in  peace  to  their 
 own  home,  and  that  he  only  should  fall  in  battle."  When  Micaiah  had  thus  spoken,  Ahab 
 said  to  Jehoshaphat,  "  I  told  thee  a  little  while  ago  the  disposition  of  the  man  with  regard  to 
 me,  and  that  he  uses  to  prophesy  evil  to  me."  Upon  which  Micaiah  replied,  That  he  ought 
 to  hear  all,  whatsoever  it  be,  that  God  foretells  ;  and  that  in  particular,  they  were  false  pro- 
 phets that  encouraged  him  to  make  this  war  in  hope  of  victory,  whereas  be  must  fight  and  be 
 killed."  Whereupon  the  king  was  in  suspense  with  himself  :  but  Zedekiah,  one  of  those  false 
 prophets,  came  near,  and  exhorted  him  not  to  hearken  to  Micaiah,  for  he  did  not  at  all  speak 
 truth  ;  as  a  demonstration  of  which,  he  instnnced  in  what  Elijah  had  said,  who  was  a  better  pro- 
 phet in  foretelling  futurities  than  Micaiah,*  for  he  foretold,  That  "  the  dogs  should  lick  his  blood 
 in  the  city  of  Jezreel,  in  the  field  of  Naboth,  as  they  licked  the  blood  of  Naboth,  who  by  his 
 means  was  there  stoned  to  death  by  the  multitude  ;"  that  therefore  it  was  plain  that  this 
 Micaiah  was  a  liar,  as  contradicting  a  greater  prophet  than  himself,  and  saying,  that  he  would 
 be  slain  at  three  days'  journey  distance.  And  [said  he]  you  shall  soon  know  whether  he  be 
 a  true  prophet,  and  hath  the  power  of  the  divine  Spirit  ;  for  I  will  smite  him,  and  let  him  then 
 hurt  my  hand,  as  Jadon  caused  the  hand  of  Jeroboam  the  king  to  wither  when  he  would  have 
 caught  him  ;  for  I  suppose  thou  hast  certainly  heard  of  that  accident."  So  when,  upon  his 
 smiting  Micaiah,  no  harm  happened  to  him,  Ahab  took  courage,  and  readily  led  his  army 
 against  the  king  of  Syria,  for,  as  I  suppose,  fate  was  too  hard  for  him,  and  made  him  believe 
 that  the  false  prophets  spake  truer  than  the  true  one,  that  it  might  take  an  occasion  of  bring- 
 ing him  to  his  end.  However,  Zedekiah  made  horns  of  iron,  and  said  to  Ahab,  That,  "  God 
 made  those  horns  signals,  that  by  them  he  should  overthrow  all  Syria."  But  Micaiah  replied. 
 That  "  Zedekiah,  in  a  few  days,  .should  go  from  one  secret  chamber  to  another,  to  hide  him- 
 self, that  he  might  escape  the  punishment  of  his  lying."  Then  did  the  kifig  give  orders  that 
 they  should  take  Micaiah  away,  and  guard  him  to  Amou  the  governor  of  the  city,  and  to  give 
 liim  nothing  but  bread  and  water. 
 
 .5.  Then  did  Ahab  and  Jehoshaphat  the  king  of  Jerusalem  take  their  forces,  and  marched 
 to  Ramoth,  a  city  of  Gilead  ;  and  when  the  king  of  Syria  heard  of  this  expedition,  he  brought 
 out  his  army  to  oppose  them,  and  pitched  his  camp  not  far  from  Ramoth.     Now  Ahab  and 
 
 •  These  reasonings  of  Zedekiah  the  false  prophet,  in  order  to  persuade  Ahab  not  to  believe  Micaiah  the  true 
 prophet,  are  plausitde,  but  being  omitted  in  our  other  copies,  we  cannot  now  tell  whence  Josephus  had  ihem, 
 whether  from  his  own  temple  copy,  from  some  other  original  author,  or  from  certain  ancient  notes.  That 
 some  such  plausible  objection  was  now  raised  against  Micaiah  is  very  likely,  otherwise  Jehoshaphat,  who 
 used  0  disbelieve  all  such  false  prophets,  could  never  have  been  induced  to  accompany  Ahab  in  theso 
 desperate  circumstances. 
 
236  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Jeboshaphat  had  agreed,  that  Ahab  should  !ay  aside  his  rojal  robes,*  but  that  the  king  of 
 Jerusalem  should  pat  on  bis  [Ahab's]  proper  habit,  and  stand  before  the  army,  in  order  to 
 disprove,  by  this  artifice,  what  Micaiah  had  foretold  :  but  Ahab's  fate  found  him  out  without 
 his  robes  ;  for  Benhadad  the  king  of  Syria  had  charged  his  army,  by  the  means  of  their  com- 
 manders, to  kill  nobody  else  but  only  the  king  of  Israel.  So  when  the  Syrians,  upon  their 
 joining  battle  with  the  Israelites,  saw  Jeboshaphat  stand  before  the  army,  and  conjectured 
 that  be  was  Ahab,  they  fell  violently  upon  him,  and  encompassed  him  round  :  but  when  thej 
 were  near,  and  knew  that  it  was  not  he,  they  all  returned  back  ;  and  while  the  fight  lasted 
 from  the  morning-light  till  late  in  the  evening,  and  the  Syrians  were  conquerors,  they  killed 
 nobody,  as  their  king  had  commanded  them.  And  when  they  sought  to  kill  Ahab  alone,  but 
 could  not  find  him,  there  was  a  young  nobleman  belonging  to  king  Benhadad,  whose  name 
 was  Naaman  ;  he  drew  his  bow  against  the  enemy,  and  wounded  the  king  through  his  breast- 
 plate, in  his  lungs.  Upon  this,  Ahab  resolved  not  to  make  his  mischance  known  to  his  army. 
 Jest  they  should  run  away,  but  he  bade  the  driver  of  his  chariot  to  turn  it  back  and  carry  him 
 out  of  the  battle,  because  he  was  sorely  and  mortally  wounded  :  however,  he  sat  in  his 
 chariot  and  endured  the  pain  till  sunset,  and  then  he  fainted  away  and  died. 
 
 6.  And  now  the  Syrian  army,  upon  the  coming  of  the  night,  retired  to  their  camp ;  and 
 when  the  herald  belonging  to  the  camp  gave  notice  that  Ahab  was  dead,  they  returned  home  ; 
 and  they  took  the  dead  body  of  Ahab  to  Samaria,  and  buried  it  there  ;  but  when  they  had 
 washed  his  chariot  in  the  fountain  of  Jezreel,  which  was  bloody  with  the  dead  body  of  the 
 king,  they  acknowledged  that  the  prophecy  of  Elijah  was  true,  for  the  dogs  licked  his  blood, 
 and  the  harlots  continued  afterwards  to  wash  themselves  in  that  fountain  ;  but  still  he  died  at 
 Ramotli,  as  Micaiah  had  foretold.  And  as  what  things  were  foretold  should  happen  to  Ahab 
 by  the  two  prophets,  came  to  pass,  we  ought  thence  to  have  high  notions  of  God,  and  every 
 where  to  honour  and  worship  him,  and  never  to  suppose  that  what  is  pleasant  and  agreeable 
 is  worthy  of  belief  before  what  is  true,  and  to  esteem  nothing  more  advantageous  than  the  gift 
 of  prophecy  ,t  and  that  foreknowledge  of  future  events  which  is  derived  from  it,  since  God 
 shews  men  thereby  what  we  ought  to  avoid.  We  may  also  guess,  from  what  happened  to  this 
 king,  and  have  reason  to  consider  the  power  of  fate,  that  there  is  no  way  of  avoiding  it,  even 
 when  we  know  it.  It  creeps  upon  human  souls,  and  flatters  them  with  pleasing  hopes,  till 
 it  leads  them  about  to  the  place  where  it  will  be  too  hard  for  them.  Accordingly,  Ahab  appears 
 to  have  been  deceived  thereby,  till  he  disbelieved  those  that  foretold  his  defeat,  but  by  giving 
 credit  to  such  as  foretold  what  was  grateful  to  him,  was  slaiD :  and  bis  sod  Abaziah  sue 
 ceeded  him. 
 
 BOOK  IX. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ONE  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY  SEVEN  YEAHS.-FROM 
 THE  DEATH  OF  AHAB  TO  THE  CAPTIVITY  OF  THE  TEN  TRIBES. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Concerning  Jehoshaphat  again;  how  he  constituted  Judges,  and,  by  God's  Assistance,  overcame 
 
 his  Enemies. 
 $  1.  When  Jeboshaphat  the  king  was  come  to  Jerusalem,  from  the  assistance  be  had  afforded 
 Ahab,  the  king  of  Israel,  when  he  fought  with  Benhadad  king  of  Syria,  the  prophet  Jehu  met 
 him,  and  accused  him  for  assisting  Aliab,  a  man  both  impious  and  wicked ;  and  said  to  him. 
 That  "  God  was  displeased  with  him  for  so  doing,  but  that  he  delivered  him  from  the  enemy, 
 notwithstanding  he  had  sinned,  because  of  his  own  proper  disposition,  which  was  good." 
 Whereupon  the  king  betook  himself  to  thanksgivings  and  sacrifices  to  God  :  after  which  he 
 presently  went  over  all  that  country  which  he  ruled  round  about ;  and  taught  the  people,  as  well 
 the  laws  which  God  gave  them  by  Moses,  as  that  religious  worship  that  was  due  to  hira.  He 
 also  constituted  judges  in  every  one  of  the  cities  of  his  kingdom  ;  and  charged  them  "  to  have 
 regard  to  nothing  so  much  in  judging  the  multitude  as  to  do  justice,  and  not  to  be  moved  by 
 bribes,  nor  by  the  dignity  of  men  eminent  for  either  their  riches  or  their  high  birth,  but  to 
 distribute  justice  equally  to  all,  as  knowing  that  God  is  conscious  of  every  secret  action  of 
 
 •  This  reading  of  Josephus',  that  Jehoshaphat  put  on  not  his  own  but  Ahab's  robes,  in  order  to  appear  to  be 
 Ahab,  while  Ahab  was  without  any  robes  at  all,  and  hoped  thereby  to  escape  his  own  evil  fate,  and  disprove 
 Micaiah's  prophecy  against  him,  is  exceeding  probable.  It  gives  great  light  also  to  this  whole  history  ;  and 
 shews,  that  although  Ahab  hoped  Jehoshaphat  woiild  be  mistaken  for  him,  and  run  the  only  risk  of  being 
 slain  in  the  battle,  yet  was  he  entirely  disappointed,  while  still  the  escape  of  the  good  man  Jehoshaphat,  and 
 the  slaughter  of  the  bad  man  Ahab,  demonstrated  the  great  distinction  that  divine  Providence  made  betwixt 
 them. 
 
 +  We  have  here  a  verv  ^-ise  reflection  of  Josephus  about  divine  Providence,  and  what  is  derived  from  it, 
 prophecy,  and  the  inevitable  certainty  of  its  accomplishment,  and  that  when  wicked  men  think  they  take 
 proper  methods  to  elude  what  is  denounced  against  them,  and  to  escape  the  divine  judgments  thereby  threat- 
 ened them,  without  repentance,  they  are  ever  by  Providence  infatuated  to  bring  about  their  own  destruction, 
 and  therebv  withal  to  demonstrate  the  perfect  veracity  of  that  Ood  whose  predictions  they  »n  vain  endeavour 
 to  elude. 
 
BOOK  IX.— CHAP.  I.  237 
 
 theirs."  When  he  had  himself  instructed  them  thus,  and  gone  over  every  cit)'  of  the  two  tribes, 
 he  returned  to  Jerusalem.  He  there  also  constituted  judges  out  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites,* 
 and  principal  persons  of  ihe  multitude,  and  admonished  them  to  pass  all  their  sentences  with 
 care  and  justice.  And  that  if  anj  of  the  people  of  his  country  had  diflerences  of  great  con- 
 sequence, they  should  send  them  out  of  the  other  cities  to  these  judges,  who  would  be  obliged 
 to  give  rigliteous  sentences  concerning  such  causes  ;  and  this  with  the  greater  care,  because 
 it  is  proper  that  the  sentences  which  are  given  in  that  city  wherein  the  temple  of  God  is,  and 
 wherein  the  king  dwells,  be  given  with  great  care,  and  the  utmost  justice.  Now  he  set  over 
 them  Amariah  the  priest,  and  Zebadiah,  [both]  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  :  and  after  this  manner 
 it  was  tliat  the  king  ordered  these  afi'airs. 
 
 2.  About  (he  same  time  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  made  an  expedition  against  Jehosha- 
 phat,  and  took  with  them  a  great  body  of  Arabians,  and  pitched  their  camp  at  Engedi,  a  city 
 that  is  situate  at  the  lake  Asphaltitis,  and  distant  three  hundred  furlongs  from  Jeiusaiem.  In 
 that  place  grows  the  best  kind  of  palm-trees,  and  the  opobalsamuni.t  Now  Jehosha|)hat 
 heard  (hat  the  enemies  had  passed  over  the  lake,  and  had  made  an  irruption  into  that  country, 
 which  belonged  to  his  kingdom  ;  at  which  news  he  was  affrighted,  and  called  the  people  of 
 Jerusalem  to  a  congregation  in  the  temple,  and  standing  over  against  the  tetnple  itself,  he 
 called  upon  God  "  to  afford  him  power  and  strength,  so  as  to  inllict  punishment  on  those 
 that  made  this  expedition  against  them,  (for  that  those  who  built  this  his  temple  had  prayed 
 that  he  would  protect  that  city,  and  take  vengeance  on  those  that  were  so  bold  as  to  come 
 against  it,)  for  they  are  come  to  take  from  us  that  land  which  thou  hast  given  us  for  a  pos- 
 session." When  he  had  prayed  thus,  he  fell  into  tears;  and  the  whole  multitude,  together 
 with  their  wives  and  children,  made  their  supplications  also  :  upon  which  a  certain  prophet, 
 Jahazicl  by  name,  came  into  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  and  cried  out,  and  spake  both  to  the 
 multitude  and  to  the  king,  that  God  heard  their  prayers,  and  promised  to  fight  against  their 
 enemies.  He  also  gave  order  that  the  king  should  draw  his  forces  out  the  next  day,  for  that 
 he  should  find  them  between  Jerusalem  and  the  ascent  of  Engedi,  at  a  place  called  the  Emi- 
 nence, and  that  he  should  not  fight  against  them,  but  only  stand  still,  and  see  how  God  would 
 fight  against  them.  When  the  prophet  had  said  this,  both  the  king  and  the  multitude  fell 
 upon  their  faces,  and  gave  thanks  to  God,  and  worshipped  him;  and  the  Levites  continued 
 singing  hymns  to  God  with  their  instruments  of  music. 
 
 3.  As  soon  as  it  was  day,  and  the  king  was  come  into  that  wilderness  whicli  is  under  the 
 city  of  Tekoa,  he  said  to  the  multitude,  That  "they  ought  to  give  credit  to  what  the  prophet 
 had  said,  and  not  to  set  themselves  in  array  for  fighting,  but  to  set  the  priests  with  tlieir 
 trumpets,  and  the  Levites,  with  the  singers  of  hymns,  to  give  thanks  to  God,  as  having  already 
 delivered  our  country  from  our  enemies."  This  opinion  of  the  king  pleased  [the  people,] 
 and  they  did  what  he  advised  them  to  do.  So  God  caused  a  terror  and  commotion  to  arise 
 among  the  Ammonites,  who  thought  one  another  to  be  enemies,  and  slew  one  another,  inso- 
 much that  not  one  man  out  of  so  great  an  army  escaped  :  and  when  Jehoshaphat  looked  upon 
 that  valley  wherein  their  enemies  had  been  encanip-ed,  and  saw  it  full  of  dead  men,  he 
 rejoiced  at  so  surprising  an  event,  as  was  this  assistance  of  God,  while  he  himself  by  his  own 
 power,  and  without  their  labour,  had  given  them  the  victory.  He  also  gave  his  army  leave 
 to  take  the  prey  of  the  enemies'  cnnjp,  and  to  spoil  their  dead  bodies  ;  and  indeed  so  they  did 
 for  three  days  together,  till  they  were  weary,  so  great  was  the  number  of  tlie  slain  ;  and  on 
 the  fourth  day,  all  the  people  were  gathered  together  unto  a  certain  hollow  place  or  valley, 
 and  bless.Lil  God  for  his  power  and  assistance,  from  which  the  place  had  this  name  given  it, 
 the  valley  of  [Berachah,  or]  blessing. 
 
 4.  And  when  the  king  had  brought  his  army  back  to  Jerusalem,  he  brtook  himself  to  cele- 
 brate festivals,  and  offer  sacrifices,  and  this  for  many  days.  And,  indeed,  after  this  destruc- 
 tion of  their  enemies,  and  when  it  came  to  the  ears  of  the  foreign  nations,  they  were  all  greatly 
 affrighted,  as  supposing  that  God  would  openly  fight  for  him  hereafter.  So  Jehoshaphat  from 
 that  lime  lived  in  great  glory  and  splendour,  on  account  of  his  righteousness  and  his  piety 
 towards  God.  He  was  also  in  friendship  with  Ahab's  son,  who  was  king  of  Israel  :  and  he 
 joined  with  him  in  the  building  of  ships  that  were  to  sail  to  Pontus,t  and  the  traffic  cities  of 
 Thrace;  but  lie  failed  of  his  gains,  for  the  ships  were  destroyed  by  being  so  great  [and  un- 
 wieldy;] on  which  account  he  was  no  longer  concerned  about  shipping.  And  this  is  the  his- 
 tory of  Jehoshaphat  the  king  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 •  TJiese  judges,  constituted  by  Jehoshaphat,  were  a  kind  of  Jerusalem  sanhedrim,  out  of  the  priests,  the 
 Levites,  and  the  principal  of  the  people,  both  here  and  2  Chron.  xix.  8.  much  lite  the  old  Chi'istian  judica- 
 tures of  the  bishop,  the  preslyters,  the  deacons,  and  the  people. 
 
 t  Concerning  this  precious  balsam,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  vi.  4  ^■ 
 
 1  What  are  here  Pontus  and  Thrace,  as  the  places  whither  Jehoshaphat's  fleet  sailed,  are  in  our  other  copies 
 Ophir  and  'larsliish,  and  the  place  whence  it  sailed  is  inlhem  Eziongeber,  which  lay  on  the  Ui-d  -Sea.  whence 
 it  was  impossible  for  any  ships  to  sail  to  Pontus  or  Thrace  ;  so  that  Josephus's  coiiy  diilereil  from  our  other 
 copies,  as  is  farther  plain  from  his  own  words,  which  render  what  we  read,  that  the  sliips  were  broken 
 at  EzionRebor,  'from  their  uuwieldy  KTcatness.'  Hut  so  far  we  may  conclude,  that  Josephus  thought  one 
 Ophir  to  be  somewhere  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  not  in  the  South  Sea,  though  perhaps  tliere  might  be  another 
 Ophir  in  that  South  Sea  also,  and  that  fleets  might  then  sail  both  from  Phoenicia,  and  from  the  Ked  Sea,  to 
 fetch  the  gold  of  Ophir. 
 
238  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Concerning  Ahaziah,  the  King  of  Israel,  and  again  concerning  the  Prophet  Elijah. 
 
 §  1.  And  DOW  ALaziab,  the  son  of  Abab,  reigned  over  Israel,  and  made  bis  abode  in  Samaria. 
 He  was  a  winked  man,  and,  in  all  respects,  like  to  botb  bis  parents,  and  to  Jeroboam,  who 
 first  of  all  transgressed,  and  began  to  deceive  the  people.  On  tbe  second  year  of  bis  reign, 
 the  king  of  Moab  fell  ofT  from  bis  obedience,  and  left  off  paying  those  tributes  which  be  be- 
 fore paid  to  his  father  Ahab.  Now  it  happened  that  Ahaziah,  as  he  was  coming  down  from 
 the  top  of  bis  bouse,  fell  down  from  it,  and  in  his  sickness  sent  to  tbe  Flj,*  which  was  tbe  god 
 ofEkron,  for  that  was  this  god's  name,  to  inquire  about  bis  recovery:  but  the  God  of  the 
 Hebrews  appeared  to  Elijah  the  prophet,  and  commanded  him  to  go  and  meet  the  messengers 
 that  were  sent,  and  to  ask  them,  ''  Whether  the  people  of  Israel  had  not  a  God  of  tbeir  own, 
 that  the  king  sent  to  a  foreign  god  to  inquire  about  his  recovery?  and  to  bid  them  return  and 
 tell  the  king,  that  be  would  not  escape  this  disease."  And  when  Elijah  had  performed  what 
 God  had  commanded  him,  and  the  messengers  had  beard  what  he  said,  they  returned  to  tbe 
 king  immediately :  and  when  the  king  wondered  bow  they  could  return  so  soon,  and  asked 
 them  the  reason  of  it,  they  said,  that  a  certain  man  met  them,  and  forbade  them  to  go  any 
 farther ;  "  but  to  return  and  tell  thee,  from  the  command  of  the  God  of  Israel,  that  this  disease 
 will  have  a  bad  end."  And  when  the  king  bade  them  describe  tbe  man  that  said  this  to  them, 
 they  replied,  "  that  he  was  a  hairy  mafi,  and  was  girt  about  with  a  girdle  of  leather."  So 
 the  king  understood  by  this  that  the  man  who  was  described  by  tbe  messengers  was  Elijah  ; 
 whereupon  he  sent  a  captain  to  bim,  with  fifty  soldiers,  and  commanded  them  to  bring  Elijah 
 to  him ;  and  when  the  captain  that  was  sent  found  Elijah  sitting  upon  tbe  top  of  a  bill,  be 
 commanded  him  to  come  down,  and  to  come  to  the  king,  for  so  bad  he  enjoined,  but  that  in 
 case  he  refused,  they  would  carry  him  by  force.  Elijah  said  to  bim,  ''  That  you  may  have  a 
 trial  whether  I  be  a  true  prophet,  I  will  pray  that  fire  may  fall  from  heaven,!  and  destroy  botb 
 the  soldiers  and  yourself."  So  be  prayed,  and  a  whirlwind  of  fire  [fell  from  heaven,]  and 
 destroyed  the  captain,  and  those  that  were  with  him.  And  when  the  king  was  informed  of 
 tbe  destruction  of  these  men,  be  was  very  angry,  and  sent  another  captain  with  the  like  number 
 of  armed  men  that  were  sent  before.  And  when  this  captain  also  threatened  the  prophet,  that 
 unless  be  came  down  of  bis  own  accord,  he  would  take  him  and  carry  him  away  ;  upon  bis 
 prayer  against  bira,  tbe  fire  [from  heaven]  slew  this  captain  as  well  as  the  other.  And  when, 
 upon  inquiry,  the  king  was  informed  of  what  bad  happened  to  him,  be  sent  out  a  third  captain. 
 But  when  this  captain,  who  was  a  wise  man,  and  of  a  mild  disposition,  came  to  the  place 
 where  Elijah  happened  to  be,  and  spake  civilly  to  him  ;  and  said,  that  "  he  knew  that  it  was 
 without  bis  own  consent,  and  only  in  submission  to  the  king's  command  that  he  came  unto  him ; 
 and  that  those  that  came  before  did  not  come  willingly,  but  on  the  same  account:  he  therefore 
 desired  him  to  have  pity  on  those  armed  men  that  were  with  him ;  and  that  be  would  come 
 down  and  follow  him  to  the  king."  So  Elijah  accepted  of  his  discreet  words  and  courteous 
 behaviour,  and  came  down  and  followed  him.  And  when  be  came  to  tbe  king,  he  prophesied 
 to  bim,  and  told  him,  that  "  God  said.  Since  thou  hast  despised  him  as  not  being  God,  and  so 
 unable  to  foretell  the  truth  about  thy  distemper,  but  bast  sent  to  the  god  of  Ekron  to  inquire  of 
 bim  what  will  be  the  end  of  this  thy  distemper,  know  this,  that  thou  shalt  die." 
 
 2.  Accordingly,  the  king  in  a  very  little  time  died,  as  Elijah  had  foretold ;  but  Jehoram  his 
 brother  succeeded  bim  in  tbe  kingdom,  for  be  died  without  children  :  but  for  this  Jehoram,  he 
 was  like  his  father  Ahab  in  wickedness,  and  reigned  twelve  years,  indulging  himself  in  all  sorts 
 of  wickedness,  and  impiety  towards  God ;  for,  leaving  off  bis  worship,  he  worshipped  foreign 
 gods :  but  in  other  respects  be  was  an  active  man.  Now  at  this  time  it  was  that  Elijah  dis- 
 appeared from  among  men,  and  no  one  knows  of  bis  death  to  this  very  day ;  but  be  left  behind 
 liini  bis  disciple  Elisba,  as  we  have  formerly  declared.  And  indeed,  as  to  Elijah,  and  as  to  Enoch 
 who  was  before  the  deluge,  it  is  written  in  the  sacred  books  that  they  disappeared,  but  so  that 
 nobody  knew  that  they  died. 
 
 •  This  god  of  flies  seems  to  have  been  so  called,  as  was  the  like  god  among  the  Greeks,  from  his  supposed 
 power  over  flies  in  driving  them  away  from  the  flesh  of  their  sacrifices,  which  otherwise  would  have  been  very 
 troublesome  to  them. 
 
 +  It  is  commonly  esteemed  a  very  cruel  action  of  Elijah's,  when  he  called  for  a  fire  from  heaven,  and  con- 
 sumed no  fewer  than  two  captains  and  a  hundred  soldiers,  and  this  for  no  other  crime  than  obeying  the  orders 
 of  their  king,  in  attempting  to  seize  him  ;  and  it  is  owned  by  our  Saviour,  that  it  was  an  instance  of  greater 
 severity  than  the  spirit  of  the  New  Testament  allows,  Luke  ix.  54.  But  then  we  must  consider  that  it  is  not 
 unlikely  that  these  captains  and  soldiers  believed  that  they  were  sent  to  fetch  the  prophet,  that  he  might  be 
 put  to  death  for  foretelling  the  death  of  the  king,  and  this  while  they  knew  hira  to  be  the  prophet  of  the  true 
 God,  the  supreme  King  of  Israel,  (for  they  were  still  under  the  theocracy,)  which  was  no  less  than  impiety, 
 rebellion,  and  treason,  in  the  highest  degree  :  nor  would  the  command  of  a  subaltern,  or  inferior  captain, 
 contradicting  the  commands  of  the  general,  when  the  captain  and  the  soldiers  both  knew  it  to  be  so,  as  1  sup- 
 pose, justify  or  excuse  such  gross  rebellion  and  disobedience  in  soldiers  at  this  day.  Accordingly,  when 
 Saul  commanded  his  guards  to  slay  Abimelech,  and  the  priests  at  Nob,  they  knew  it  to  be  an  unlawful  com- 
 mand, and  would  not  obey  it,  1  Sara.  xxii.  I7.  From  which  cases  both  officers  and  soldiers  may  learn,  that 
 the  comraaiids  of  their  leaders  or  kings  cannot  justify  or  excuse  them  in  doing  what  is  wicked  in  the  sight  of 
 Ood,  or  m  fighting  in  an  unjust  <;riiise,  when  they  know  it  so  to  be. 
 
BOOK  IX. — CHAP.    III.  239 
 
 CHAP.  HI. 
 
 How  Joram  and  Jehoshaphal  made  an  Expedition  agcunst  the  Moabites:  as  also  concerning  the 
 Wotiders  of  EUsha;  and  the  Death  of  Jchoshaphat, 
 
 §  I.  When  Joram  bad  taken  upon  bim  the  kingdom,  he  determined  to  make  an  expedition 
 ajjainst  the  king  of  Moab,  whose  name  was  Meslia  ;  for,  as  we  told  you  before,  be  was  departed 
 from  bis  obedience  to  his  brother  [Ahaziah,]  while  he  paid  to  bis  father  Ahab  two  hundred 
 thousand  sheep,  with  their  fleeces  of  wool.  When  therefore  he  bad  gathered  his  own  anuy 
 together,  he  sent  also  to  Jehoshaphat,  and  entreated  him,  that  since  he  had  from  the  beginning 
 been  a  friend  to  his  father,  he  would  assist  him  in  the  war  that  he  was  entering  into  against 
 the  Moabites,  who  had  departed  from  their  obedience  ;  who  not  only  himself  promised  to  assist 
 him,  but  would  also  oblige  the  king  of  Edom,  who  was  under  his  authority,  to  make  the  same 
 expedition  also.  When  Joram  had  received  these  assurances  of  assistance  from  Jehoshaphat, 
 be  took  his  army  with  bim,  and  came  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  he  had  been  sumptuously  enter-- 
 tained  by  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  it  was  resolved  upon  by  them  to  take  their  march  against 
 their  enemies  through  the  wilderness  of  Edom;  and  when  they  had  taken  a  compass  of  seven 
 days'  journey,  they  were  in  distress  for  want  of  water  for  the  cattle,  and  for  the  array,  from  the 
 mistake  of  their  roads  by  the  guides  iliat  conducted  them,  insomuch  that  they  were  all  in  an 
 agony,  especially  Joram ;  and  cried  to  God,  by  reason  of  their  sorrow,  and  [desired  to  know] 
 what  wickedness  had  been  committed  by  them,  that  induced  him  to  deliver  three  kings  toge- 
 ther, without  fighting,  unto  the  king  of  Moab.  But  Jehoshaphat,  who  was  a  righteous  man, 
 encouraged  him,  and  bade  him  send  to  the  camp,  and  know  whether  any  prophet  of  God  was 
 come  along  with  them,  that  we  might  by  him  learn  from  God  what  we  should  do.  And  when 
 one  of  the  servants  of  Joram  said,  that  he  had  seen  there  Elisha,  the  son  of  Shaphat,  the  dis- 
 ciple of  Elijah,  the  three  kings  went  to  him,  at  the  entreaty  of  Jehoshaphat ;  and  when  they 
 were  come  at  the  prophet's  tent,  which  tent  was  pitched  out  of  the  camp,  they  asked  him, 
 "What  would  become  of  the  army?"  and  Joram  was  particularly  very  pressing  with  him 
 about  it.  And  when  he  replied  to  him,  that  "  he  should  not  trouble  him,  but  go  to  his  father's 
 and  mother's  prophets,  for  they  [to  be  sure]  were  true  prophets,"  he  still  desired  him  to  pro- 
 ptiesy,  and  to  save  them.  So  he  swore  by  God,  that  he  would  not  answer  him  unless  it  were 
 on  account  of  Jehoshaphat,  who  was  an  holy  and  righteous  man  ;  and  when,  at  his  desire,  they 
 brought  him  a  man  that  could  play  on  the  psaltery,  the  divine  spirit  came  upon  him  as  the 
 music  played,  and  he  commanded  them  to  dig  many  trenches  in  the  valley  ;  for,  said  he, 
 "  Though  there  appear  neither  cloud,  nor  wind,  nor  storm  of  rain,  ye  shall  aee  this  valley  full 
 of  water,  till  the  army  and  the  cattle  be  sa\  ed  for  you  by  drinking  of  it :  nor  will  this  be  all 
 the  favour  that  you  shall  receive  from  God,  bat  you  sliall  also  overcome  your  enemies,  and 
 take  the  best  and  strongest  cities  of  the  Moabites,  and  yon  shall  cut  down  then'  fruit-trees,*  and 
 lay  waste  their  country,  and  stop  np  their  fountains  and  rivers." 
 
 2.  When  the  prophet  bad  said  this,  the  next  day,  before  the  sun-rising,  a  great  torrent  ran 
 strongly  ;  for  God  had  caused  it  to  rain  very  plentifully  at  the  distance  of  three  days'  journey 
 into  Edom ;  so  that  the  army  and  the  cattle  found  water  to  drink  in  abundance.  But  when  the 
 Moabites  beard  that  the  three  kings  were  coming  upon  them,  and  made  their  approach  through 
 the  wilderness,  the  king  of  Moab  gathered  his  army  together  presently,  and  commanded  them 
 to  pilch  their  camp  upon  the  mountains,  that  when  the  enemies  should  attempt  to  enter  their 
 country,  they  might  not  be  concealed  from  them.  But  when  at  the  rising  of  the  sun  they  saw 
 the  water  in  the  torrent,  for  it  was  not  far  from  the  land  of  Moab,  and  that  it  was  of  the  colour 
 of  blood,  for  at  such  a  time  the  water  especially  looks  red,  by  the  shining  of  the  sun  upon  if, 
 they  formed  a  false  notion  of  the  state  of  their  enemies,  as  if  they  had  slain  one  another  for 
 thirst,  and  that  the  river  ran  with  their  blood.  However,  supposing  that  this  was  the  case, 
 they  desired  their  king  would  send  them  out  to  spoil  their  enemies;  whereupon  they  all  went 
 in  baste,  as  to  an  advantage  already  gained,  and  came  to  the  enemy's  camp,  as  supposing  them 
 destroyed  already.  But  their  hope  deceived  them,  for  as  their  enemies  stood  round  about 
 them,  some  of  them  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  others  of  them  were  dispersed,  and  fled  to  their 
 own  country.  And  when  the  kings  entered  the  land  of  Moab,  they  overthrew  the  cities  that 
 were  in  it,  and  spoiled  their  fields,  and  marred  ihem,  filling  them  with  stones  out  of  the  brooks, 
 and  cut  down  the  best  of  their  trees,  and  sti)pped  up  their  fountains  of  water,  and  overthrew 
 their  walls  to  their  foundations.  But  the  king  of  Moab,  when  he  was  pursued,  endured  a 
 siege,  and  seeing  his  city  in  danger  of  being  overthrown  by  force,  made  a  sally,  and  went  out 
 with  seven  hundred  men,  in  order  to  break  through  the  enemies'  camp  with  his  horsemen,  on 
 that  side  where  the  watch  seemed  to  be  kept  most  negligently  :  and  when,  upon  trial,  he  could 
 not  get  away,  for  he  lit  upon  a  place  that  was  carefully  watched,  be  returned  into  the  city, 
 and  did  a  thing  that  shewed  despair  and  the  utmost  distress;  for  be  took  his  eldest  son,  who 
 
 *  This  practice  of  cutting  down,  or  plucking  up  by  the  roots,  the  fruit-trees,  was  forbidden,  even  inordinary 
 wars,  by  the  law  of  Moses,  Deut.  xx.  19,  CO.  and  only  allowed  by  God  in  this  particular  case,  when  the 
 Moabites  were  to  be  punished  and  cut  oif  in  an  extraordinary  manner  for  their  wickedness.  See  .ler.  xlviii. 
 11— l.'f.  and  many  the  like  prophecies  against  them.  Nothing  could  therefore  justify  this  practice  but  a 
 piirlicular  commission  from  God  bv  his  prophet,  as  in  the  present  case,  which  was  ever  a  suflioiect  warrant 
 for  Ireakinu  any  such  ritual  or  ceremonial  law  whatsoever. 
 
240  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 was  to  reign  after  him,  and  lifting  bim  up  upon  the  wall,  tbat  he  might  be  visible  to  all  the 
 enemies,  he  offered  him  as  a  whole  burnt-offering  to  God,  whom,  when  the  kings  saw,  they  com- 
 miserated the  distress  that  was  the  occasion  of  it,  and  were  so  affected,  in  way  of  humanity 
 and  pity,  tbat  they  raised  the  siege,  and  every  one  returned  to  his  own  house.  So  Jebosba- 
 phat  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  continued  in  peace  there,  and  outlived  this  expedition  but  a 
 little  time,  and  then  died,  having  lived  in  all  sixty  years,  and  of  tbem  reigned  twenty-five.  He 
 was  buried  in  a  magnificent  manner  iu  Jerusalem,  for  he  had  imitated  the  actions  of  David. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Jehoram.  succeeds   Jehoshaphat :  how  Joram,  Ms  Namesake,  King  of  Israel,  fouglit  with  the 
 Syrians;  and  what  Wonders  xvere  done  hy  the  Prophet  Elisha. 
 
 §  1.  Jehoshaphat  bad  a  good  number  of  children  ;  but  he  appointed  his  eldest  son  Jeboram 
 to  be  bis  successor,  who  had  the  same  name  with  bis  mother's  brother,  tbat  was  king  of  Israel, 
 and  the  son  of  Ahab.  Now  when  the  king  of  Israel  was  come  out  of  the  land  of  Moab  to 
 Samaria,  he  had  with  him  Elisha  the  prophet,  whose  acts  I  have  a  mind  to  go  over  parti- 
 cularly, for  they  were  illustrious  and  worthy  to  be  related,  as  we  have  tbem  set  down  in  the 
 sacred  books. 
 
 2.  For  tliey  say  that  the  widow  of  Obadiah,*  Ahab's  steward,  came  to  him;  and  said,  that 
 "  he  was  not  ignorant  bow  her  husband  bad  preserved  the  prophets  that  were  to  be  slain  by 
 Jezebel,  the  wife  of  Ahab  :  for  she  said  tbat  he  bid  a  hundred  of  tbem,  and  bad  borrowed  money 
 for  their  maintenance  ;  and  tbat  after  her  husband's  death,  she  and  her  children  were  carried  away 
 to  be  made  slaves  by  the  creditors ;  and  she  desired  of  him  to  have  mercy  upon  her  on  account 
 of  what  her  husband  did,  and  afford  her  some  assistance."  And  when  be  asked  her  what  she 
 had  in  the  bouse,  she  said.  Nothing  but  a  very  small  quantity  of  oil  in  a  cruse.  So  the  pro- 
 phet bade  her  go  away,  and  borrow  a  great  many  empty  vessels  of  her  neighbours,  and  when 
 she  had  shut  her  chamber  door,  to  pour  the  oil  into  them  all ;  for  God  would  fill  them  full. 
 And  when  the  woman  bad  done  what  she  was  commanded  to  do,  and  bade  her  children  bring 
 every  one  of  the  vessels,  and  all  were  filled,  and  not  one  left  empty,  she  came  to  the  prophet, 
 and  told  bini  that  tbey  were  all  full :  upon  which  he  advised  her  to  go  away,  and  sell  the  oil, 
 and  pay  the  creditors  what  was  owing  to  them,  for  that  there  would  be  some  surplus  of  the 
 price  of  the  oil,  which  she  might  make  use  of  for  the  maintenance  of  her  children.  And  thus 
 did  Elisha  discbarge  the  woman's  debts,  and  free  her  from  the  vexation  of  her  creditors. 
 
 3.  Elisha  also  sent  an  hasty  message  to  Joram, t  and  exhorted  him  to  take  care  of  that 
 place,  for  that  therein  were  some  Syrians  lying  in  ambush  to  kill  him.  So  the  king  did  as  the 
 prophet  exhorted  bim,  and  avoided  his  going  a  hunting.  And  when  Benbadad  missed  of  the 
 success  of  bis  lying  in  ambush,  he  was  wroth  with  his  own  servants,  as  if  tbey  bad  betrayed 
 his  ambushment  to  Joram  ;  and  sent  for  tbem,  and  said  tbey  were  the  betrayers  of  his  secret 
 counsels ;  and  he  threatened  that  he  would  put  tbem  to  death,  since  such  their  practice  was 
 evident,  because  be  bad  intrusted  this  secret  to  none  but  tbem,  and  yet  it  was  made  known  to 
 bis  enemy.  And  when  one  that  was  present  said,  tbat  "  be  should  not  mistake  himself,  nor 
 suspect  that  tbey  bad  discovered  to  his  enemy  his  sending  men  to  kill  bim,  but  that  he  ought 
 to  know  that  it  was  Elisha  the  prophet  who  discovered  all  to  him,  and  laid  open  all  his  coun- 
 sels," he  gave  order  tbat  they  should  send  some  to  learn  in  what  city  Elisha  dwelt.  Accord- 
 ingly, those  that  were  sent  brought  word,  that  he  was  in  Bothan :  wherefore  Benbadad  sent  to 
 that  city  a  great  army,  with  horses  and  chariots,  to  take  Elisha;  so  they  encompassed  the  city 
 round  about  by  night,  and  kept  him  therein  confined:  I)ut  when  the  prophet's  servant  in  the 
 morning  perceived  this,  and  that  his  enemies  sought  to  take  Elisha,  he  came  running  and  cry- 
 ing out  after  a  disordered  manner  to  him,  and  told  him  of  it ;  but  he  encouraged  him,  and  bade 
 
 •  That  this  woman  who  cried  to  Elisha,  and  who  in  our  Bible  is  styled  '  the  wife  of  one  of  the  sons  of  the 
 prophets,'  2  Kings  iv.  1.  was  no  other  than  the  widow  of  Obadiah,  the  tood  steward  of  Ahab,  is  confirmed  by 
 the  Chaldee  paraphrast,  and  by  the  rabbins  and  others.  Nor  is  that  unlikely  which  Josephus  here  adds,  that 
 these  debts  were  contracted  by  her  husband  for  the  support  of  those  '  hundred  of  the  Lord's  prophets,  whom 
 he  maintained  by  fifty  in  a  cave,'  in  the  days  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel,  livings  xviii.  4.  which  circumstance 
 rendered  it  highly  fit  that  the  prophet  Elisha  should  pro-\nde  her  a  remedy,  and  enable  her  to  redeem  herself 
 and  her  sons  from  the  fear  of  that  slavery  which  insolvent  debtors  were  liable  to  by  the  law  of  Jloses,  he\. 
 XXV.  39.  Matt,  xviii.  25.  which  he  did  accordingly,  with  God's  help,  at  the  expense  of  a  miracle. 
 
 t  Dr.  Hudson,  with  very  good  reason,  suspects  that  there  is  no  small  defect  in  our  present  copies  of  Josephus ; 
 just  before  the  beginning  of  this  section,  and  that  chiefly  as  to  that  distinct  account  which  he  had  given  us 
 reason  to  expect  in  the  first  section,  and  to  which  he  seems  to  refer,  chap.  viii.  i$6.  concerning  the  glorious 
 miracles  which  Elisha  wrought,  which  indeed  in  our  Bibles  are  not  a  few.  2  Kings  iv— ix.  but  of  which  we 
 have  several  omitted  in  Josephus's  present  copies.  One  of  those  histories,  omitted  at  present,  was  evidently 
 in  his  Bible,  I  mean  that  of  the  curing  of  Maaman's  leprosy,  2  Kings  v.  for  he  plainly  alludes  to  it,  b.  iii. 
 chap.  xi.  i  4.  where  he  observes,  that  "  there  were  lepers  in  "many  nations  who  yet  have  been  in  honour,  and 
 not  only  free  from  reproach  and  avoidance,  but  who  have  been  great  captains  of  armies,  and  been  intrusted 
 with  high  offices  in  the  commonwealth,  and  have  had  the  privilege  of  entering  into  holy  places  and  temples." 
 But  what  makes  me  most  regret  the  want  of  that  history  in  our  present  copies  of  Josephus,  is  this,  that  we  have 
 here,  as  it  is  commonly  understood,  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  in  all  the  Bible,  that  in  2  Kings  v.  18, 19. 
 where  Naaman,  after  he  had  been  miraculously  cured  by  a  prophet  of  the  true  God,  and  had  thereupon  pro- 
 mised, ver.  17.  that  "  he  would  henceforth  offer  neither  burnt-oifering  nor  sacrifice  unto  other  gods,  but  unto 
 the  Lord,  adds,  In  this  thing  the  Lord  pardon  thy  servant,  that  when  my  master  goeth  into  the  house  of  Kim- 
 mon  to  worship  there,  and  he  leaneth  on  my  hands,  and  I  bow  myself  in  the  house  of  I^imraon  ;  when  1  bow 
 down  myself  in  the  house  of  Kimmon,  the  Lord  pardon  thy  servant  in  this  thing.  And  Elisha  said.  Go  in 
 peace."  this  looks  like  a  prophet's  pennission  for  being  partaker  in  idolatry  itself,  out  of  compliance  with  an 
 idolatrous  court. 
 
BOOK   IX. — CHAF.   IV.  241 
 
 nim  not  be  afraid,  and  to  despise  the  enemy,  and  trust  in  the  assistance  of  God,  and  was  himself 
 without  fear;  and  he  besoup;ht  Cod  to  make  manifest  to  !iis  servant  his  power  and  presence, 
 so  far  as  was  possible,  in  order  to  the  inspiring  him  with  hope  and  courage.  Accordingly,  God 
 heard  the  prayer  of  the  propLetj  and  made  the  servant  see  a  multitude  of  chariots  and  horses 
 encompassing  Elisha,  till  he  laid  aside  his  fear,  and  his  courage  revived  at  the  sight  of  what  he 
 supposed  v/as  come  to  their  assistance.  After  this  Elisha  did  further  entreat  God,  that  he 
 would  dim  the  eyes  of  their  enemies,  and  cast  a  mist  before  them,  whereby  they  might  not 
 discern  him.  When  this  was  done,  he  went  into  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  and  asked  them 
 who  it  was  that  they  came  to  seek  ?  and  when  they  replied,  the  prophet  Elisha,  he  promised 
 Le  would  deliver  him  to  them,  if  they  would  follow  him  to  the  city  where  he  was.  So  these 
 men  were  so  darkened  by  God  in  their  sight  and  in  their  mind,  that  they  followed  him  very 
 diligently;  and  when  Elisha  had  brought  them  to  Samaria,  he  ordered  Joram  the  king  to  shut 
 the  gates,  and  to  place  his  own  army  round  about  them  ;  and  prayed  to  God  to  clear^he  eves 
 of  these  their  enemies,  and  take  the  mist  from  before  them.  Accordingly,  when  they  were 
 freed  from  the  obscurity  they  had  been  in,  they  saw  themselves  in  the  midst  of  their  enemies  ; 
 and  as  the  Syrians  were  strangely  amazed  and  distressed,  as  was  but  reasonable,  at  an  action 
 so  divine  and  surprising;  and  as  king  Joram  asked  the  prophet,  if  he  would  give  him  leave  to 
 shoot  at  them,  Elisha  forbade  him  so  to  do ;  and  said,  that  "  it  is  just  to  kill  those  that  are 
 taken  iu  battle,  but  that  these  men  had  done  the  country  no  harm,  but,  without  knowing  it, 
 were  come  thither  by  the  divine  power."  So  that  his  counsel  was  tn  treat  them  in  a  hospi- 
 table manner  at  his  table,  and  then  send  them  away  without  hurting  them.'*  Wherefore 
 Joram  obeyed  the  prophet;  and  when  he  had  feasted  the  Syrians  in  a  splendid  and  magnificent 
 manner,  he  let  them  go  to  Benhadad  their  king. 
 
 4.  Now  when  these  men  were  come  back,  and  had  shewed  Benhadad  how  strange  an  acci-* 
 dent  had  befallen  them,  and  what  an  appearance  and  power  they  had  experienced  of  the  God 
 of  Israel,  he  wondered  at  it,  as  also  at  that  prophet  with  whom  God  was  so  evidently  present: 
 so  he  determined  to  make  no  more  secret  atiempts  upon  the  king  of  Israel,  out  of  fear  of 
 Elisha,  but  resolved  to  make  open  war  with  them,  as  supposing  he  could  be  too  hard  for  his  ■ 
 enemies  by  the  multitude  of  his  army  and  power.  So  he  made  an  expedition  with  a  great 
 army  against  Joram,  who,  not  thinking  himself  a  match  for  him,  shut  himself  up  in  Samaria, 
 and  depended  on  the  strength  of  its  walls  ;  but  Benhadad  supposed  he  should  take  the  city,  if 
 not  by  his  engines  of  war,  yet  that  he  should  overcome  the  Samaritans  by  frauine,  and  the 
 want  of  necessaries,  and  brought  his  army  upon  them,  and  besieged  the  city :  and  the  plenty 
 of  necessaries  was  brought  so  low  with  Joram,  that  from  the  extremity  of  want  an  ass's  head 
 was  sold  in  Samaria  for  fourscore  pieces  of  silver,  and  the  Hebrews  bought  a  sextary  of  dove's 
 dnng,  instead  of  salt,  for  five  pieces  of  silver.  Nov;  Joram  was  in  fear  lest  somebody  should 
 betray  the  city  to  the  enemy  by  reason  of  the  famine,  and  went  every  day  round  the  walls  and 
 the  guards,  to  see  whether  any  such  were  concealed  among  them  ;  and  by  being  thus  seen, 
 and  taking  such  care,  he  deprived  them  of  the  opportunity  of  contriving  any  such  thing,  and  if 
 they  had  a  mind  to  do  it,  he,  by  this  means,  prevented  them  ;  but  upon  a  certain  woman's 
 crying  out,  "  Have  pity  on  me,  my  lord,"  while  he  thought  that  she  was  about  to  ask  for 
 somewhat  to  eat,  he  imprecated  God's  curse  upon  her,  and  said,  "  he  had  neither  threshing- 
 floor  nor  wine-press,  whence  he  might  give  her  any  thing  at  her  petition."  Upon  which  she 
 said,  "  She  did  not  desire  his  aid  in  any  such  thing,  nor  trouble  him  about  food,  but  desired 
 that  he  would  do  her  justice  as  to  another  woman."  And  when  he  bade  her  say  on,  and  let 
 him  know  what  she  desired,  she  said,  "She  had  made  an  agreement  with  the  other  woman, 
 who  was  htr  neighbour  and  her  friend,  that  because  the  famine  and  want  was  intolerable,  they 
 should  kill  their  children,  each  of  them  having  a  son  of  their  own,  and  we  will  live  upon  them 
 ourselves  for  two  days,  the  one  day  upon  one  son,  and  the  other  day  upon  the  other:  and, 
 (said  she,)  I  have  killed  my  son  the  first  day,  and  we  lived  upon  my  son  yesterday,  but  this 
 other  woman  will  not  do  the  same  thing,  but  hath  broken  her  agreement,  and  hath  hid  her 
 son."  This  story  mightily  grieved  Joram  when  he  heard  it;  so  he  rent  his  garment,  and  cried 
 out  with  a  loud  voice,  and  conceived  great  wrath  against  Elisha  the  prophet,  and  set  himself 
 eagerly  to  have  him  slain,  because  he  did  not  pray  to  God  to  provide  them  some  exit  and  way 
 of  escape  out  of  the  miseries  with  which  they  were  surrounded,  and  sent  one  away  imme- 
 diately to  cut  off  his  head,  who  made  haste  to  kill  (he  prophet;  but  Elisha  was  not  unac- 
 quainted with  the  wrath  of  the  king  against  him  ;  for  as  he  sat  in  his  house  by  himself,  with 
 none  but  his  disciples  about  him,  he  told  them,  that  Joram,  who  was  the  son  of  a  murderer,* 
 Lad  sent  one  to  take  away  his  head  ;  but,  said  he,  "  when  he  that  is  commanded   to  do  this 
 
 *  Upon  occasion  of  this  stratagem  of  Elisha  in  Joscphus,  we  may  taVo  notice,  that  although  Josephus  was 
 one  of  the  greatest  lovers  of  truth  in  the  world,  yet  in  a  just  war  he  seems  to  have  had  noinanner  of  scruple 
 upon  him  by  all  such  stratagems  possible  to  deceive  public  enemies.  See  also  Joseuhus's  accouut  of  Jere- 
 miah's imposition  on  the  great  men  of  the  Jews  in  somewhat  a  like  case.  Antiq.  D.  x.  chap.  vii.  §6.  and 
 2  Sam.  xvi.  16,  &c. 
 
 •  This  '  son  of  a  murderer'  was  Joram,  the  son  of  Ahab,  which  Ahab  slew,  or  permitted  his  wife  Jezebel  to 
 slay,  the  Lord's  prophets,  and  Naboth,  1  Kings  xviii.  4.  xxi.  I'.t.  and  he  is  here  called  by  this  name,  1  supposo, 
 tiedaui'e  he  had  now  also  himself  sent  an  otlicer  to  '  murder'  him  ;  yet  is  Josephus's  account  of  Jorara's  coming 
 1  ■T'^flf  at  last,  as  repenting  of  his  intended  cruelty,  much  more  probable  thau  that  in  our  copies,  2  Kin'^s  vi. 
 
 ■•  licii  rather  implies  the  contrary. 
 
 2  II 
 
242  ANTIQUITIES   or    THE  JEWS. 
 
 comei,  lake  care  lliat  30U  do  not  let  him  come  in,  but  press  the  door  against  him,  and  hold  him 
 last  there,  for  tlie  king  himself  will  follow  Lira,  and  come  to  me,  having  altered  his  mind." 
 Accordingl_>',  they  did  as  they  were  bidden,  when  he  that  was  sent  by  the  king  to  kill  Elisba 
 came;  but  Jorara  repented  of  his  wrath  against  the  prophet,  and  for  fear  he  that  was  com- 
 manded to  kill  him  should  have  done  it  before  he  came,  he  made  haste  to  hinder  his  slaughter, 
 and  to  save  the  prophet :  and  when  he  came  to  him,  he  accused  him  that  he  did  not  pray  to 
 God  for  their  deliverance  from  the  miseries  they  now  lay  under,  but  saw  them  so  sadly 
 destroyed  by  them.  Hereupon  Elisha  promised,  ihat  the  very  next  day,  at  the  very  same 
 hour  in  which  the  king  came  to  him,  they  should  have  great  plenty  of  food,  and  that  two  seahs 
 of  barley  should  be  sold  in  the  market  for  a  shekel,  and  a  seah  of  fine  flour  should  be  sold  for  a 
 shekel.  This  prediction  made  Joram,  and  those  that  were  present,  very  joyful,  for  they  did 
 not  scruple  believing  what  the  prophet  said,  on  account  of  the  experience  they  had  of  Ihe  truth 
 of  his  farmer  predictions  ;  and  the  expectation  of  plenty  made  the  want  they  were  iu  that  day, 
 with  the  uneasiness  that  accompanied  it,  appear  a  light  thing  to  them:  but  the  captain  of  the 
 third  band,  who  was  a  friend  of  the  king,  and  on  whose  hand  the  king  leaned,  said,  "  Thou 
 lalkest  of  incredible  things,  O  prophet!  for  as  it  is  impossible  for  God  to  pour  down  torrents 
 of  barley,  or  fine  Oour,  out  of  heaven,  so  it  is  impossible  that  what  thou  sayest  should  come  to 
 pass."  To  which  the  prophet  made  this  reply,  "Thou  shalt  see  these  things  come  to  pass, 
 but  thou  shalt  not  be  in  the  least  a  partaker  of  them." 
 
 5.  Now  what  Elisha  had  thus  foretold,  came  to  pass  iu  the  manner  following:  there  was  a 
 law  at  Samaria,*  that  those  that  had  the  leprosy,  and  whose  bodies  were  not  cleansed  from  it, 
 should  abide  without  the  city  ;  and  there  were  four  men  that  on  this  account  abode  before  the 
 gates,  while  nobody  gave  them  any  food,  by  reason  of  the  extremity  of  the  famine:  and  as 
 they  were  prohibited  from  entering  into  the  city  by  the  law,  and  they  considered  that  if  they 
 were  permitted  to  enter,  they  should  miserably  perish  by  the  famine,  as  also,  that  if  they  ctaid 
 where  they  were,  they  should  snlTer  in  the  same  manner,  they  resolved  to  deliver  themselves 
 up  to  the  enemy,  that  in  case  they  should  spare  them,  they  should  live,  but  if  they  should  be 
 killed,  that  would  be  an  easy  death.  So  when  they  had  confirmed  this  their  resolution,  ihejr 
 came  by  night  to  the  enemies'  camp.  Now  God  had  begun  to  affright  and  disturb  the  Syrians, 
 and  to  bring  the  noise  of  chariots  and  armour  to  their  ears,  as  though  an  army  were  coming 
 upon  them,  and  had  made  them  suspect  that  it  was  coming  nearer  and  nearer  to  them.  In 
 short,  they  were  in  sucli  a  dread  of  this  ai-my,  that  they  left  their  tents,  and  ran  together  to 
 Benhadad,  and  said,  that  "  Joram  the  king  of  Israel  had  hired  for  auxiliaries,  both  the  king  of 
 Egypt  and  the  king  of  the  islands,  and  led  them  against  them,  for  they  heard  the  noise  of 
 them  as  they  were  coming."  And  Benhadad  believed  what  they  said,  (for  there  came  ihe 
 same  noise  to  his  ears  as  well  as  it  did  to  theirs,)  so  they  fell  into  a  mighty  disorder  and 
 tumult,  and  left  their  horses  and  beasts  in  their  camp,  with  immense  riches  also,  and  betook 
 themselves  to  flight.  And  those  lepers  who  had  departed  from  Samaria,  and  were  gone  to  the 
 camp  of  the  Syrians,  of  whom  we  made  mention  a  little  before,  when  they  were  in  the  camp, 
 saw  nolliiiig  but  great  quietness  and  .silence  :  accordingly  they  entered  into  it,  and  went  haslil}' 
 into  one  of  their  tents,  and  when  they  saw  nobody  there,  they  ate  and  drank,  and  carried  gar- 
 ments and  a  great  quantity  of  gold,  and  hid  it  out  of  the  camp;  after  which  they  went  into 
 another  tent,  and  carried  ofT  what  was  in  it,  as  they  did  at  the  former,  and  this  did  they  for 
 several  times,  without  the  least  interruption  from  any  body.  So  they  gathered  thereby  that 
 the  enemies  were  departed ;  whereupon  they  reproached  themselves  that  they  did  not  inform 
 Joram  and  the  citizens  of  it.  .So  they  came  to  the  walls  of  Samaria,  and  called  aloud  to  the 
 watchmen,  and  told  them  in  what  state  the  enemies  were,  as  did  these  tell  the  king's  guards, 
 by  whose  means  Joram  came  to  know  of  it;  who  thon  sent  for  bis  friends,  and  the  captains  of 
 his  host,  and  said  to  them,  that  "  he  suspected  that  this  departure  of  the  king  of  Syria  was  by 
 way  of  ambush  and  treachery,  and  that  out  of  despair  of  ruining  you  by  famine,  when  you 
 imagine  thetn  to  be  fled  away,  you  may  come  out  of  the  city  to  spoil  their  camp,  and  he  may 
 then  fall  upon  you  on  a  sudden,  and  inay  both  kill  you,  and  take  the  city  without  fighting; 
 whence  it  is  that  I  exhort  you  to  guard  the  city  carefully,  and  by  no  means  to  go  out  of  it,  or 
 proudly  to  despise  your  enemies,  as  though  they  were  really  gone  away."  And  when  a  certain 
 person  said,  that  "  he  did  very  well  and  wisely  to  admit  such  a  suspicion,  but  that  he  still- 
 advised  him  to  send  a  couple  of  horsemen  to  search  all  the  country,  as  far  as  Jordan,  that  if 
 they  were  seized  by  an  ambush  of  the  enemy,  they  might  be  a  security  to  your  army,  that  they 
 may  not  go  out  as  if  they  suspected  nothing,  nor  undergo  the  like  misfortune  ;  and,  (said  he,) 
 those  horsemen  may  be  numbered  among  those  that  have  died  by  the  famine,  supposing  they 
 be  caught  and  destroyed  by  the  enemy."  So  the  king  was  pleased  with  this  opinion,  and  sent 
 such  as  might  search  out  the  truth,  who  performed  their  journey  over  a  road  that  was  with- 
 out any  enemies,  but  found  it  full  of  provisions,  and  of  weapons,  that  they  had  therefore  thrown 
 away,  and  left  behind  them,  in  order  to  their  being  light  and  expeditious  in  their  flight.  When 
 the  king  heard  this,  he  sent  out  the  multitude  to  take  the  spoils  of  the  camp  ;  which  gains  of 
 theirs  were  imt  of  things  of  small  value,  but  they  took  a  great  quantity  of  gold,  and  a  great 
 
 •  Tlus  law  of  the  .lewe.  for  the  exclusion  of  lepers  out  of  the  camp  in  the  wilderness,  and  out  of  the  cities  in 
 JudoB,  IS  a  Well  UnowQ  one.  Lev.  xiii.  46.  and  Num.  v.  1-4. 
 
BOOK    IX. — CHAP.    V.  243 
 
 quantity  of  silver,  and  flocks  of  ail  kinds  of  cattle.  They  also  possessed  themselves  of  [so 
 many]  ten  thousand  measures  of  Avheat  and  barley,  as  they  never  in  the  least  dreamed  of;  and 
 were  not  only  freed  from  their  former  miseries,  but  had  such  plenty,  that  two  seabs  of  barley 
 were  bought  for  a  shekel,  and  a  seah  of  fine  flour  for  a  shekel,  according  to  the  prophecy  of 
 Klisha.  Now  a  seah  is  equal  to  an  Italian  modius  and  a  half.  The  captain  of  the  third  band 
 was  the  only  man  that  received  no  benefit  by  this  plenty  ;  for  as  he  was  appointed  by  the  kins^ 
 to  oversee  the  gate,  that  he  might  prevent  too  great  a  crowd  of  the  multitude,  that  they 
 might  not  endanger  one  another  and  perish,  by  treading  on  one  another  in  the  press,  he  suf- 
 fered himself  in  that  very  way,  and  died  in  that  very  manner,  as  Elisha  had  foretold  such  his 
 death,  when  he  alone  of  them  all  disbelieved  what  he  said  concerning  that  plenty  of  provisions 
 which  they  should  soon  have. 
 
 G.  Hereupon,  when  ]>enhadad,  tlie  king  of  Syria,  had  escaped  to  Damascus,  and  understood 
 Ihat  it  was  God  himself  that  cast  all  his  array  into  this  fear  and  disorder,  and  that  it  did  not 
 arise  from  the  invasion  of  enemies,  he  was  mightily  cast  down  at  his  having  God  so  greatly  for 
 his  enemy,  and  fell  into  a  distemper.  Now  it  happened  that  Elisha  the  prophet,  at  that  time, 
 was  gone  out  of  his  own  country  to  Damascus,  of  which  Benhadad  was  informed;  he  sent 
 Hazael,  the  most  faithful  of  all  his  servants,  to  meet  him,  and  to  carry  him  presents,  and  bade 
 him  inquire  of  him  about  his  distemper,  and  whether  he  should  escape  the  danger  that  it 
 threatened.  So  Hazael  came  to  Elisha  with  forty  camels,  that  carried  the  best  and  most  pre- 
 cious fruits  that  the  country  of  Damascus  aflbrded,  as  well  as  those  which  the  king's  palace 
 supplied.  He  saluted  him  kindly,  and  said,  that  "he  was  sent  to  him  by  king  Benhadad,  and 
 brought  presents  with  him,  in  order  to  inquire  concerning  his  distemper,  whether  he  should 
 recover  from  it  or  not?"  "Whereupon  tlie  prophet  bade  him  tell  the  king  no  melancholy  news, 
 but  still  he  said  he  would  die.  So  the  king's  servant  was  troubled  to  hear  it;  and  Elisha 
 wept  also,  and  his  tears  ran  down  plenteously  at  his  foresight  of  what  miseries  his  people 
 would  nndergo  after  the  death  of  Benhadad.  And  when  Hazael  asked  him,  what  was  the  occa- 
 sion of  this  confusion  he  was  in?  he  said,  that  "  he  wept  out  of  commiseration  for  the  muHitudf 
 of  the  Israelites,  and  what  terrible  miseries  they  will  sutler  by  thee  ;  for  thou  wilt  slay  the 
 strongest  of  them,  and  will  burn  their  strongest  cities,  and  will  destroy  their  children,  and 
 dash  them  against  the  stones,  and  will  rip  up  their  women  with  cliiid."  And  when  Hazael 
 said,  "How  can  it  be  that  I  should  have  power  enough  to  do  such  things?"  The  prophet 
 replied,  "  That  God  had  informed  him  that  he  should  be  king  of  Syria."  So  when  Hazael 
 was  come  to  Benhadad,  he  told  him  good  news  concerning  his  distemper;*  but  on  the  next 
 day  he  spread  a  wet  cloth  in  the  nature  of  a  net  over  him,  and  strangled  him,  and  took  his 
 dominion.  He  was  an  active  man,  and  had  the  good-will  of  the  Syrians,  and  of  the  people  of 
 Damascus,  to  a  great  degree  ;  by  whom  both  Benhadad  himself,  and  Hazael,  who  ruled  after 
 him,  are  honoured  to  this  day  as  gods  by  reason  of  their  benefactions,  and  their  building  them 
 temples,  by  which  they  adorned  the  city  of  the  Damascenes,  They  also  every  day  do  with 
 great  pomp  pay  their  worship  to  these  kings, +  and  value  themselves  upon  their  antiquity  ;  nor 
 do  they  know  that  these  kings  are  much  later  than  they  imagine,  and  that  they  are  not  yet 
 eleven  hundred  years  old.  Now  when  Joram,  the  king  of  Israel,  heard  that  Benhadad  was 
 dead,  he  recovered  out  of  the  terror  and  dread  he  had  been  in  on  his  account,  and  was  very 
 glad  to  live  in  peace. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Concerniiuj  the  Wickedness  of  JeJioram  King  of  Jerusalem,     His  Defeat  and  Death. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Jehoram  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  for  we  have  said  before  that  he  had  the  same  name 
 with  the  king  of  Israel,  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  the  government  upon  him,  betook  himself  to 
 the  slaughter  of  his  brethren,  and  his  father's  friends,  who  were  governors  under  him,  and 
 thence  made  a  beginning,  and  a  demonstration  of  his  wickedness ;  nor  was  he  at  all  better  than 
 those  kings  of  Israel  who  at  first  transgressed  against  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  of  tlie 
 Hebrews,  and  against  God's  worship.  And  it  was  Alhaliah,  the  daughter  of  Aliab,  whom  he 
 had  married,  who  taught  him  to  he  a  bad  man  in  other  respects,  and  also  to  worship  foreign 
 gods.  Now  God  would  not  quite  root  out  this  family,  because  of  the  promise  he  had  made  to 
 David.  However,  .Jehoram  did  not  leave  off  the  introduction  of  new  sorts  of  customs,  to  the 
 propagation  of  impiety,   and   to  the  ruin  of  the  customs  of  bis  own  country.     And  when  the 
 
 *  Since  Elijah  did  not  live  to  anoint  Hazael  king  of  Syria  hin^self,  as  he  was  empowered  to  no,  1  Kings  xix. 
 15.  it  was  most  probably  now  done,  in  his  name,  by  his  servant  and  successor  Elisha  ;  nor  does  it  seem  to  me 
 olhir^vise,  but  that  Henhadnd  immediately  recovered  of  his  disease,  as  the  prophet  foretold  ;  and  that  liazael, 
 upon  his  being  anointed  to  succeed  him,  though  he  oupht  to  have  staid  till  he  died  by  the  course  of  nature,  or 
 some  olher  way  of  diviiuj  pnnishmi'iit,  as  did  Havid  for  many  years  in  the  like  case,  was  too  impatient,  and 
 die  very  next  day  smothered  or  slranfled  him,  in  order  to  coiue  directly  to  the  succession. 
 
 +  What  M.  Le  Clerc  pretends  here,  that  it  is  more  probable  that  Hazael  and  his  son  were  worshipped  by 
 the  Syrians,  and  people  of  Damascus,  till  the  days  of  .loseiihus.  tlinn  I'lnhadad  ami  llanael,  because  under 
 l!enhailad  they  had  ijreatly  sulfered,  and  because  it  is  almost  incre-dilile.  ihat  both  a  king,  and  that  kine's 
 murderer,  should  be  worshipped  by  the  same  Syrians,  is  of  little  force  ai,'aiiist  those  rc^cords  out  of  which  .losc- 
 phus  drew  his  history,  especially  when  it  is  likely  that  they  thoupht  Benhadad  died  ot  the  distemper  he 
 l::boured  under,  and  not  by  Hazael's  treachery.  Besides,  the  reason  that  Josephus  gives  for  this  adoration, 
 and  that  these  two  kings  had  been  frrtat  benefactors  to  the  iuhabitants  of  Damascus,  and  had  built  them 
 ■•  iiples.is  too  remote  from  the  political  suspicions  of  Le  Clevc  ;  uorouKhl  such  weak  suspicions  to  be  deemed 
 
 i  nny  force  against  authentic  testimonies  of  antiquity. 
 
244  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Edomites  about  that  time  had  revolted  from  him,  and  slain  their  former  king,  who  was  in  sab- 
 iection  to  his  father,  and  had  set  up  one  of  tbeir  own  choosing,  Jehoram  fell  upon  the  land  of 
 Edora,  %Tilh  t!ie  horsemen  that  were  about  him,  and  tlie  chariots,  bj  night,  and  destroyed  those 
 that  lay  near  to  his  own  kingdom,  but  did  not  proceed  further.  However,  this  expedition  did 
 him  no  service,  for  they  all  revolted  from  him,  witli  those  that  dwelt  in  the  country  of  Libnah. 
 He  was  indeed  so  mad,  as  to  compel  the  people  to  go  up  to  the  high  places  of  the  mountains, 
 and  worship  foreign  gods. 
 
 2.  And  as  he  was  doing  thia,  and  had  entirely  cast  his  own  country  laws  out  of  his  mind, 
 there  was  brought  him  an  epistle  from  Elijah  the  prophet,*  which  declared  that  "  God  would 
 execute  great  judgments  upon  him,  because  he  had  not  imitated  his  own  fathers,  but  had  fol- 
 lowed the  wicked  courses  of  the  kings  of  Israel ;  and  had  compelled  the  tribe  of  Jiidab,  and 
 the  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  to  leave  the  holy  worship  of  their  own  God,  and  to  worship  idols,  as 
 Ahab  had  compelled  the  Israelites  to  do,  and  because  he  had  slain  his  brethren,  and  the  men 
 that  were  good  and  righteous."  And  the  prophet  gave  him  notice  in  this  epistle,  what 
 punishment  he  should  undergo  for  these  crimes,  namely,  "  the  destruction  of  his  people,  with 
 the  corruption  of  the  king's  own  wives  and  children,  and  that  he  should  himself  die  of  a  dis- 
 temper in  his  bowels,  with  long  torments,  those  his  bowels  falling  out  by  the  violence  of  the 
 inward  rottenness  of  the  parts,  insomuch,  that  though  he  see  his  own  misery,  he  shall  not  be 
 able  at  all  to  help  himself,  but  shall  die  in  that  manner."  This  it  was  which  Elijah  denounced 
 to  Lira  in  that  epistle. 
 
 3.  It  was  not  long  after  this  that  an  army  of  those  Arabians  that  lived  near  to  Ethiopia,  and 
 of  the  Philistines,  fell  upon  the  kingdom  of  Jehoram,  and  spoiled  the  country  and  the  king's 
 house ;  moreover,  they  slew  his  sons  and  his  wives  :  one  only  of  his  sons  was  left  him,  who 
 escaped  the  enemy  ;  his  name  was  Ahaziah:  after  which  calamity,  he  himself  fell  into  that 
 disease  which  was  foretold  by  the  prophet,  and  lasted  a  great  while,  (for  God  inflicted  this 
 pnnishment  upon  him  in  his  belly,  out  of  his  wrath  against  him,)  and  so  he  died  miserably,  and 
 saw  his  own  bowels  fall  out.  The  people  also  abased  his  dead  body  :  I  suppose  it  was 
 because  they  thought  that  such  his  death  came  upon  him  by  the  wrath  of  God,  and  that  there- 
 fore he  was  not  worthy  to  partake  of  such  a  funeral  as  became  kings.  Accordingly,  ihey 
 neither  buried  him  in  the  sepulchres  of  his  fathers,  nor  vouchsafed  him  any  honours,  but  buried 
 him  like  a  private  man,  and  this  when  he  had  lived  forty  years,  and  reigned  eight :  and  the 
 people  of  Jerasalem  delivered  the  government  to  his  son  Ahaziah. 
 
 CHAP,  VI. 
 
 How  Jehu  was  anointed  Kiitg,  and  sleto  both  Joram  and  Ahaziah;  as  also  what  he  did  for  the 
 Punishment  of  the  Wicked. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Joram  the  king  of  Israel,  after  the  death  of  Benhadad,  hoped  that  he  might  now 
 take  Ramolh,  a  city  of  Gilead,  from  the  Syrians.  Accordingly,  he  made  an  expedition  against 
 it,  with  a  great  army :  but  as  he  was  besieging  it,  an  arrow  was  shot  at  him  by  one  of  the 
 Syrians,  hat  the  wound  was  not  mortal :  so  he  returned  to  have  his  wound  healed  in  Jezreel, 
 but  left  his  whole  army  in  Ramoth,  and  Jehu  the  son  of  Nimshi  for  their  general,  for  he  had 
 already  taken  the  city  by  force;  and  he  proposed,  after  he  was  healed,  to  make  war  with  the 
 Syrians ;  but  Elisha  the  prophet  sent  one  of  his  disciples  to  Ramoth,  and  gave  him  holy  oil  to 
 anoint  Jehu,  and  to  tell  him,  that  God  had  chosen  him  to  be  their  king.  He  also  sent  him  to 
 say  other  things  to  him,  and  bade  him  take  his  journey  as  if  he  fled,  that  when  he  came  away 
 be  might  escape  the  knowledge  of  all  men.  So  when  he  was  come  to  the  city,  he  found  Jehu 
 sitting  in  the  midst  of  the  captains  of  the  army,  as  Elisha  had  foretold  he  should  find  him.  So 
 he  came  up  to  him,  and  said,  that  he  desired  to  speak  with  him  about  certain  matters  ;  mid 
 when  he  was  arisen,  and  had  followed  him  into  an  inward  chamber,  the  young  man  took  the 
 oil,  and  poured  it  on  his  head,  and  said,  that  "  God  ordained  him  to  be  king,  in  order  to  his 
 destroying  the  house  of  Ahab,  and  that  he  might  revenge  the  blood  of  the  prophets,  that  were 
 unjustly  slain  by  Jezebel,  that  so  their  house  might  utterly  perish,  as  those  of  Jeroboam  the 
 son  of  Nebat,  and  of  Baasha,  had  perished  for  their  wickedness,  and  no  seed  might  remain  of 
 Abab's  family."  So  when  he  had  said  this,  he  went  away  hastily  out  of  the  chamber,  and 
 endeavoured  not  to  be  seen  by  any  of  the  army. 
 
 2.  But  Jehu  came  out,  and  went  to  the  place  where  he  before  sat  with  the  captains:  and 
 when  they  asked  him,  and  desired  him  to  tell  them,  wherefore  it  was  that  this  young  man  carno 
 to  him;  and  added  withal  that  he  was  mad;  he  replied,  "You  guess  right,  for  the  words  he 
 spake  were  the  words  of  a  madman  :"  and  wuen  they  were  eager  about  the  matter,  and  desired 
 he  would  fell  them,  he  answered,  that  God  had  said,  he  had  chosen  hira  to  be  king  "over  the 
 multitude."     When  he  had  said  this,  every  one  of  them  put  off  his  garmeut,t  and   strewed  it 
 
 •  This  epistle,  in  some  copies  of  Joseplius,  is  said  to  come  to  Joram  from  Elijah,  with  this  addition,  '  for  ha 
 was  yet  upon  earth,'  which  could  not  he  true  of  Elijah,  who,  as  all  agree,  was  gone  from  the  earth  about  four 
 years  before,  and  conla  only  be  true  of  Elisha:  nor,  perhaps,  is  there  anymore  mystery  here,  than  that  the 
 UBioe  of  Elijoh  has  vftiy  anciei.lly  crept  into  the  text  instead  of  Elisha,  by  the  copiers,  there  being  nothing  m 
 any  copy  of  that  epistle  peculiar  to  Elijah. 
 
 +  Spajiheimhere  notes,  that  this  putting  off  men's  garments,  and  strewing  them  ucder  a  ling,  was  an  eastern 
 cujtum   which  he  had  elsewhere  explained. 
 
BOOK   IX. CHAF.  VI.  245 
 
 under  him,  and  blew  with  trumpets,  and  gave  notice  that  Jehu  was  king.  So  wlien  he  Lad 
 gotten  the  array  together,  he  was  preparing  to  set  out  immediately  against  Joram,  at  the  city 
 of  Jezreel,  in  which  city,  as  we  said  before,  he  was  healing  of  the  wound  which  he  had 
 received  in  the  siege  of  Ramoth.  It  happened  also  that  Ahaziah,  king  of  Jerusalem,  was  now 
 come  to  Joram,  for  he  was  his  sister's  son,  as  we  have  said  already,  to  see  how  be  did  after 
 his  wound,  and  this  upon  account  of  their  kindred  ;  but  as  Jehu  was  desirous  to  fall  upon 
 Joram  and  those  with  him  on  the  sudden,  he  desired  that  none  of  the  soldiers  might  run  away 
 and  tell  to  Joram  what  had  happened,  for  that  this  would  be  an  evident  demonstration  of  their 
 kindness  to  him,  and  would  shew  that  their  real  inclinations  were  to  make  him  king. 
 
 3.  So  thev  were  pleased  with  what  he  did,  and  guarded  the  roads,  lest  somebody  should 
 privately  tell  the  thing  to  those  that  were  at  Jezreel.  Now  Jehu  took  his  choice  horsemen, 
 and  sat  upon  his  chariot,  and  went  on  for  Jezreel ;  and  when  he  was  come  near,  the  v/atcliman 
 whom  Joram  had  sent  there  to  spy  out  such  as  came  to  the  city,  saw  Jehu  marching  on,  and 
 told  Joram  that  he  saw  a  troop  of  horseman  marching  on.  Upon  which  he  imn^ediately  gave 
 orders,  that  one  of  his  horsemen  should  be  sent  out  to  meet  them,  and  to  know  who  it  was  that 
 was  coming.  So  when  the  horsemen  came  up  to  Jehu,  he  asked  him,  in  what  condition  the 
 army  was?  for  that  the  king  wanted  to  know  it;  but  Jehu  bade  him  not  at  all  to  meddle  with 
 such  matters,  but  to  follow  him.  When  the  watchman  saw  this,  he  told  Joram  that  the  horse- 
 man had  mingled  himself  among  the  company,  and  came  along  with  them.  And  when  the 
 king  had  sent  a  second  messenger,  Jehu  commanded  him  to  do  as  the  former  did  ;  as  soon  as 
 the  watchman  told  this  also  to  Joram,  he  at  last  got  upon  his  chariot  himself,  together  with 
 Ahaziah,  the  king  of  Jerusalem ;  for,  as  we  said  before,  he  was  there  to  see  how  Joram  did, 
 after  he  had  been  wounded,  as  being  his  relation.  So  he  went  out  to  meet  Jehu,  who  marched 
 slowly,*  and  in  good  order;  and  wlien  Joram  met  him  in  the  field  of  Naboth,  he  asked  him,  if 
 all  things  were  well  in  the  camp?  but  Jehu  reproached  him  bitterly,  and  ventured  to  call  his 
 mother  a  witch  and  an  harlot.  Upon  this  the  king,  fearing  what  he  intended,  and  suspecting 
 he  had  no  good  meaning,  turned  his  chariot  about  as  soon  as  he  could,  and  said  to  Ahaziah, 
 "We  are  fought  against  by  deceit  and  treachery  :"  but  Jehu  drew  his  bow,  and  smote  him,  the 
 arrow  going  through  his  heart ;  so  Joram  fell  down  immediately  on  his  knee,  and  gave  up  the 
 ghost.  Jehu  also  gave  orders  to  Bidkar,  the  captain  of  the  third  part  of  his  army,  to  cast  the 
 dead  body  of  Joram  into  the  field  of  Naboth,  putting  him  in  mind  of  the  prophecy  which  Elijah 
 prophesied  to  Ahab  his  father,  when  he  had  slain  Naboth,  that  both  he  and  his  family  should 
 perish  in  that  place,  for  that  as  they  sat  behind  Ahab's  chariot,  they  heard  the  prophet  say  so, 
 and  that  it  was  now  come  to  pass  according  to  his  prophecy.  Upon  the  fall  of  Joram,  Ahaziah 
 was  afraid  of  his  own  life,  and  turned  his  chariot  into  another  road,  supposing  he  should  not  be 
 seen  by  Jehu  ;  but  he  followed  after  him,  and  overtook  him  at  a  certain  acclivity,  and  drew 
 his  bow,  and  wounded  him,  so  he  left  his  chariot,  and  got  upon  his  horse,  and  lied  from  Jehu 
 to  Megiddo,  and  though  he  was  under  cure,  in  a  little  time  he  died  of  that  wound,  and  was 
 carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  buried  there,  after  he  had  reigned  one  year,  and  had  proved  a 
 wicked  man,  and  worse  than  his  father. 
 
 4.  Now  when  Jehu  was  come  to  Jezreel,  Jezebel  adorned  herself,  and  stood  upon  a  tower, 
 and  said,  "he  v^as  a  fine  servant  that  had  killed  his  master."  And  when  he  looked  up  to  her, 
 he  asked  who  she  was,  and  commanded  her  to  come  down  to  him.  At  last  he  ordered  the 
 eunuchs  to  throw  her  down  from  the  tower,  and  being  thrown  down,  she  besprinkled  the  wall 
 with  her  blood,  and  was  trodden  upon  by  the  horses,  and  so  died.  When  this  was  done,  Jehu 
 came  to  the  palace  with  his  friends,  and  took  some  refreshment  after  his  journey,  both  with 
 other  things,  and  by  eating  a  meal.  He  also  bade  his  servants  to  take  up  Jezebel  and  bury 
 her,  because  of  the  nobility  of  her  blood,  for  she  was  descended  from  kings;  but  those  that 
 were  appointed  to  bury  her  found  nothing  else  remaining  but  the  extreme  parts  of  her  body, 
 for  all  the  rest  were  eaten  by  dogs.  When  Jehu  heard  this,  he  admired  the  prophecy  of  Elijah, 
 for  he  foretold  that  she  should  perish  in  this  manner  at  Jezreel. 
 
 .5.  Now  Ahab  had  seventy  sons  brought  up  in  Samaria.  So  Jehn  sent  two  epistles,  the  one 
 to  them  that  brought  up  the  children,  the  other  to  the  rulers  of  Samaria,  which  said,  that 
 "they  should  set  up  the  most  valiant  of  Ahab's  sous  for  king,  for  that  they  had  abundance  of 
 chariots,  and  horses,  and  armour,  and  a  great  army,  and  fenced  cities,  and  that  by  so  doing 
 Ihey  might  avenge  the  murder  of  Ahab."  This  he  wrote  to  try  the  intentions  of  those  of 
 Samaria.  Now  when  the  rulers,  and  those  that  had  brought  up  the  children,  had  read  the 
 letter,  they  were  afraid,  and  considering  that  they  were  not  at  all  able  to  oppose  him,  and  that 
 he  had  already  subdued  two  very  great  kings,  they  returned  him  this  answer,  that  "  they 
 owned  him  for  their  lord,  and  would  do  whatsoever  he  bade  them."  So  he  wrote  back  to 
 them  such  a  reply  as  enjoined  them  to  obey  what  he  gave  order  for,  and  to  cut  oil'  the  heads 
 of  Ahab's  sons,  and  send  them  to  him.     Accordingly,  the  rulers  sent  for  those  that  brought 
 
 •  Our  copies  say,  fliat  this  "  driving  of  the  chariots  was  like  the  driving  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Nimshi,  for  ho 
 driveth  furiously,  2  KinKS  ix.  20.  whereas  Josephus's  copy,  as  he  understood  it,  was  this,  that,  on  the  con- 
 trary, Jehu  marched  slowly  and  iu  good  order.  JJ  or  can  it  be  denied,  that  since  there  was  interval  enough  for 
 king  Joram  to  send  out  two  horsemen,  one  after  another,  to  Jehu,  and  at  length  to  ko  out  wiih  king  Ahaziah 
 to  meet  him,  and  all  this  after  he  was  come  within  sight  of  the  watchman,  and  beforo  he  was  cuiue  to  Jezreel, 
 the  probability  is  greatly  ou  the  side  of  Josephus's  copy  or  interpretation. 
 
246  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 up  the  sons  of  Abab,  and  cntnmanded  them  to  slay  them,  to  cut  off  (Iieir  heads,  and  send  them 
 to  Jehu,  So  they  did  whatsoever  they  were  commanded,  without  omitting  any  thing  at  all,  and 
 put  them  up  in  wicker  baskets,  and  sent  therato  Jezreel.  And  when  Jehu,  as  he  was  at  supper 
 ^vith  his  friends,  was  informed  that  the  heads  of  Ahab's  sons  were  brought,  he  ordered  them 
 to  make  two  heaps  of  them,  one  before  each  of  the  gates,  and  in  the  morning  he  went 
 out  to  take  a  view  of  them,  and  when  he  saw  them,  he  began  to  say  to  the  people  that  were 
 present,  that  "  he  did  himself  make  an  expedition  against  his  master  [Joram,]  and  slew  him, 
 but  that  it  was  not  he  that  slew  all  these:  and  he  desired  them  to  take  notice,  that  as  to  Ahab's 
 family,  all  things  had  come  to  pass  according  to  God's  prophecy,  and  his  house  was  perished, 
 according  as  Elijah  had  foretold."  And  when  he  had  further  destroyed  all  the  kindred  of 
 Ahab  that  were  found  in  Jezreel,  he  went  to  Samaria;  and  as  he  was  upon  the  road,  he  met 
 the  relations  of  Ahaziah  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  asked  them,  whither  they  were  going?  they 
 replied,  that  they  came  to  salute  Joram,  and  their  own  king  Aha/.iah  ;  for  they  knew  not  that 
 lie  had  slain  them  both :  so  Jehu  gave  orders  that  they  should  catch  these,  and  kill  them,  being 
 in  number  forty-two  persons. 
 
 6.  After  these,  there  met  hira  a  good  and  a  righteous  man,  whose  name  was  Jehonadab,  and 
 who  had  been  his  friend  of  old.  He  saluted  Jehu,  and  began  to  commend  hira,  because  he  had 
 done  every  thing  according  to  the  will  of  God,  in  extirpating  the  house  of  Ahab.  So  Jehu 
 desired  him  to  come  up  into  his  chariot,  and  to  make  his  entry  with  him  into  Samaria;  and 
 told  him,  that  "  he  would  not  spare  one  wicked  man,  but  would  punish  the  false  prophets,  and 
 false  priests,  and  those  that  deceived  the  multitude,  and  persuaded  them  to  leave  the  worship 
 of  God  Almighty,  and  to  worship  foreign  gods  ;  and  that  it  was  a  most  excellent  and  a  most 
 pleasing  sight  to  a  good  and  a  righteous  man  to  see  the  wicked  punished."  So  Jehonadab  was 
 persuaded  by  these  arguments,  and  came  up  into  Jehu's  chariot,  and  came  to  Samaria.  And 
 Jehu  sought  out  for  all  Ahab's  kindred,  and  slew  them.  And  being  desirous  that  none  of  the 
 false  prophets,  nor  the  priests  of  Ahab's  god,  might  escape  punishment,  he  caught  them  deceit- 
 fully by  this  wile  :  for  he  gathered  all  the  people  together,  and  said,  that  "  he  would  worship 
 twice  as  many  gods  as  Ahab  worshipped,  .nnd  desired  that  his  priests,  and  prophets,  and 
 servants  might  be  present,  because  be  would  oiler  costly  and  great  sacrilices  to  Ahab's  god, 
 and  that  if  any  of  his  priests  were  wanting,  they  should  be  punished  with  death."  Now  Ahab's 
 t;od  was  called  Baal.  And  when  he  had  appointed  a  day  on  which  he  would  ofler  those  sacri- 
 lices, he  sent  messengers  through  all  the  coimtry  of  the  Israelites,  that  they  might  bring  the 
 priests  of  Baal  to  him.  So  Jehu  commanded  to  give  all  the  priests  vestments  ;  and  when  they 
 Lad  received  them,  he  went  into  the  house  [of  Baal,]  with  his  friend  Jehonadab,  and  gave 
 orders  to  make  search  whether  there  were  not  any  foreigner  or  stranger  among  them,  for  he 
 would  have  no  one  of  a  different  religion  to  mix  among  their  sacred  olhces.  And  when  they 
 Kaid  that  there  was  no  stranger  there,  and  they  were  beginning  their  sacrifices,  he  set  four- 
 score men  without,  they  being  such  of  his  soldiers  as  he  knew  to  be  most  faithful  to  him,  and 
 bade  them  slay  the  prophets,  and  now  vindicate  the  laws  of  their  country,  which  had  been  a 
 long  time  in  disesteem.  He  also  threatened,  that  if  any  one  of  them  escaped,  their  own  lives 
 should  go  for  them.  So  they  slew  them  all  with  the  sword,  and  burnt  the  house  of  Baal  ;  and 
 by  that  means  purged  Samaria  of  foreign  customs,  [idolatrous  worship.]  Now  this  Baal  was 
 the  god  of  the  Tyrians  ;  and  Ahab,  in  order  to  gratify  his  father-in-law,  Elhbaal,  who  was  the 
 king  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  built  a  temple  for  hira  in  Samaria,  and  appointed  hira  prophets,  and 
 worshipped  him  with  all  sorts  of  worship,  although,  when  this  god  was  demolished,  Jehu  per- 
 mitted the  Israelites  to  worship  the  golden  heifers.  However,  because  he  had  done  thus,  and 
 taken  care  to  punish  the  wicked,  God  foretold  by  his  prophet,  that  his  sons  should  reign  over 
 Israel  for  four  generations :  and  in  this  condition  was  Jehu  at  this  time. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  Athaliah  reigned  over  Jerusalem  for  five  [a;'*]  Years,  ivhcn  Jeholada  the  High  Priest 
 sleiu  her,  and  made  Jehoash,  the  Son  of  Ahaziah,  King. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab,  heard  of  the  death  of  her  brother  Joram,  and 
 of  her  son  Ahaziah,  and  of  the  royal  family,  she  endeavoured  that  none  of  the  house  of  David 
 might  be  left  alive,  but  that  the  whole  family  miglit  be  exterminated,  that  no  king  might  arise 
 out  of  it  afterward  ;  and,  as  she  thought,  she  had  actually  done  it ;  i^.it  one  of  Ahaziah's  sons 
 was  preserved,  who  escaped  death  after  the  manner  following :  Ahaziah  had  a  sister  by  the 
 same  father,  whose  name  was  Jehosheba,  and  she  was  married  to  the  high  priest  Jehoiada.  She 
 went  into  the  king's  palace,  and  found  Jehoash,  for  that  was  the  little  child's  name,  who  was 
 not  above  a  year  old,  among  those  that  were  slain,  but  concealed  with  his  nr.rse  ;  so  she  took 
 liim  with  her  into  a  secret  bedchamber,  and  shut  hira  up  there,  and  she  and  her  husband  Jehoi- 
 ada brought  him  up  privately  in  the  temple  six  years,  during  which  time  Athaliah  reigned  over 
 Jerusalem  and  the  two  tribes. 
 
 2.  Now  on  the  seventh  year,  Jehoiada  communicated  the  matter  to  certain  of  the  captains 
 of  hundreds,  five  in  number,  and  persuaded  them  to  be  assisting  to  what  attempts  he  was  mak- 
 ing against  Athaliah,  and  to  join  with   him  in    a  .serting  the  kingdom   to  the  child.     Ho  also 
 
BOOK  IX.— CHAP.  vni.  247 
 
 received  such  oatlis  from  them  as  are  proper  to  secure  tnose  that  assist  one  another  from  thr 
 fear  of  discovery  ;  and  he  was  then  of  good  hope  that  they  shouKl  depose  Athaliah.  Now 
 those  men  whom  Jehoiada  tlie  priest  had  taken  to  be  his  partners,  went  into  all  the  country, 
 and  gathered  together  the  priesis  and  the  Levites,  and  the  heads  of  the  tribes  out  of  it,  and 
 came  and  brought  them  to  Jerusalem  to  tbe  high  prieat.  So  he  demanded  the  security  of  an 
 oath  of  them,  to  keep  private  whatsoever  he  should  discover  to  them,  which  required  both 
 their  silence  and  their  assistance.  So  when  they  had  taken  the  oath,  and  had  thereby  made  it 
 safe  for  him  to  speak,  he  produced  the  child  tliat  he  had  brought  up  of  the  family  of  David,  and 
 said  to  them,  "  This  is  your  king,  of  that  house  which  you  know  God  hath  foretold  should 
 reign  over  you  for  all  time  to  come :  I  exhort  you,  therefore,  that  one-third  part  of  you  guard 
 him  in  the  temple,  and  that  a  fourth  part  keep  watch  at  all  the  gates  of  the  temple,  and  that 
 the  next  part  of  you  keep  guard  at  the  gate  which  opens  and  leads  to  the  king's  palace,  and  let 
 tbe  rest  of  the  multitude  be  unarmed  in  the  temple,  and  let  no  armed  person  go  into  the  tem- 
 ple, but  the  priest  only."  He  also  gave  them  this  order  besides,  that  a  part  of  the  priests  and 
 the  Leviles  should  be  about  the  king  himself,  and  be  a  guard  to  him,  with  their  drawn  swords, 
 and  to  kill  that  man  immediately,  whoever  he  be,  that  should  be  so  bold  as  to  enter  armed  into 
 the  temple  ;  and  bade  them  be  afraid  of  nobody,  but  persevere  in  guarding  the  king.  So  these 
 men  obeyed  what  the  high  priest  advised  them  to,  and  declared  the  reality  of  their  resolution 
 by  their  actions.  Jehoiada  also  opened  that  armoury  which  David  had  made  in  the  temple, 
 and  distributed  to  the  captains  of  hundreds,  as  also  to  the  priests  and  Levites,  all  the  spears 
 and  quivers,  and  what  kind  of  weapons  soever  it  contained,  and  set  them  armed  in  a  circle 
 round  about  the  temple ;  so  as  to  touch  one  another's  hands,  and  by  that  means  excluding 
 those  from  entering  that  ought  not  to  enter.  So  they  brought  the  child  into  the  midst  of  them, 
 and  put  on  him  tbe  royal  crown,  and  Jehoiada  anointed  him  with  tbe  oil,  and  made  him  king  ; 
 and  the  multitude  rejoiced;  and  made  a  noise,  and  cried,  "  God  save  tbe  king!" 
 
 3.  When  Athaliah  unexpectedly  heard  the  tumult  and  the  acclamations,  she  was  greatly 
 disturbed  in  her  mind,  and  suddenly  issued  out  of  the  royal  palace  with  her  own  army ;  and 
 when  she  was  come  to  the  temple,  the  priests  received  her,  but  as  for  those  that  stood  round 
 about  tlie  temple,  as  they  were  ordered  by  the  high  priest  to  do,  they  hindered  the  armed  men 
 that  followed  her  from  going  in.  But  when  Athaliah  saw  the  child  standing  upon  a  pillar, 
 with  tbe  royal  crown  upon  his  head,  she  rent  her  clothes,  and  cried  out  vehemently,  and  com- 
 manded [her  guards]  to  kill  him  that  had  laid  snares  for  her,  and  endeavoured  to  deprive  her 
 of  the  government :  but  Jehoiada  called  for  the  captains  of  hundreds,  and  commanded  them  to 
 bring  Athaliah  to  the  valley  of  Cedron,  and  slay  her  there,  for  he  would  not  have  the  temple 
 defded  with  the  punishment  of  this  pernicious  woman  ;  iind  he  gave  order,  that  if  any  one  came 
 near  to  help  her,  he  should  be  slain  also  ;  wherefore  those  that  had  tbe  charge  of  her  slaughter, 
 took  hold  of  her,  and  led  her  to  the  gate  of  the  king's  mules,  and  slew  her  there. 
 
 4.  Now  as  soon  as  what  concerned  Athaliah  was  by  this  stratagem,  after  this  manner  de- 
 spatched, Jehoiada  called  together  the  people  and  the  armed  men  into  the  temple,  and  made 
 them  take  an  oath  that  they  would  be  obedient  to  the  kint;,  and  take  care  of  his  safety,  and  of 
 the  safety  of  his  government ;  after  which  he  obliged  tbe  king  to  give  security  [upon  oath]  that 
 he  would  worship  God,  and  not  transgress  the  laws  of  3Ioses.  Tliey  then  ran  to  the  house  of 
 Baal,  which  Atbaliah  and  her  husband  Jehoram  had  built,  to  the  dishonour  of  the  God  of  their 
 fathers,  and  to  the  honour  of  Ahab,  and  demolished  it,  and  slew  Matan,  that  had  bis  priesthood. 
 But  Jehoiada  intrusted  tbe  care  and  custody  of  the  temple  to  the  priests  and  Levites,  accord- 
 ing to  the  appointment  of  king  David,  and  enjoined  them  to  bring  their  regular  burnt-offerings 
 twice  a  day,  and  to  offer  incense  according  to  tbe  law.  lie  also  ordained  some  of  the  Levites, 
 with  the  porters,  to  be  a  guard  to  the  temple,  that  no  one  that  was  defded  might  come  there. 
 
 5.  And  when  Jehoiada  had  set  these  things  in  order,  he,  with  the  eiiptains  of  hundreds,  and 
 the  rulers,  and  all  the  people,  took  Jehoash  out  of  the  temple  into  the  kinj;'s  palace,  and  when 
 he  had  set  him  upon  the  kini;'s  throne,  the  people  shouted  for  joy,  and  betook  tliemselves  to 
 feasting,  and  kept  a  festival  for  many  davs  ;  but  the  city  was  quiet  upon  the  death  of  Athaliah. 
 Now  Jehoash  was  seven  years  old  when  he  took  the  kingdom  :  his  mother's  name  was  Zibiah, 
 of  the  city  Beersheba.  And  all  the  time  that  Jehoiada  lived,  Jehoash  was  careful  that  the  laws 
 should  be  kept,  and  very  zealous  in  the  worship  of  God  ;  and  when  he  was  of  age,  he  married 
 two  wives,  who  were  given  to  him  by  the  high  priest,  by  whom  were  born  to  him  both  sons 
 and  daughters.  And  thus  much  shall  suffice  to  have  related  concerning  king  Jehoash,  how  he 
 escaped  the  treachery  of  Athaliah,  and  how  he  received  tbe  kingdom. 
 
 CHAP.  vin. 
 
 JIazael  makes  an  Expedition  against  tlie  People  of  Israel,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  Jerusalem. 
 Jehu  dies,  and  Jehuahaz  succeeds  in  the  Government.  Jehoash,  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  at 
 first  is  careful  about  the  Worship  of  God,  hut  aflerirards  becomes  impious,  and  commands 
 Zachariah  to  be  stoned.  When  Jehoash  [_King  of  Judjh]  was  dead,  Aniaziah  succeeds  him 
 in  the  Kingdom. 
 §  1.  Now  Hazael,king  of  Syria,  fought  against  the  Israelites  and  their  king  Jehu,  and  spoiled 
 the  eastern  parts  of  the  country  beyond  Jordan,  which  belonged  to  the  Reubenites  and  Gadites. 
 
24S  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  to  [the  half  tribe  of]  Manassites ;  as  also  Gilead  and  Basban,  burning  and  si>oiling,  and 
 oll'ering  violence  to  all  that  he  laid  his  hands  on  ;  and  this  without  impeachment  from  Jeha,  who 
 made  no  haste  to  defend  the  country  when  it  was  under  this  distress  :  nay,  he  was  become  a 
 contemner  of  religion,  and  a  despiser  of  holiness,  and  of  the  laws  ;  and  died  when  he  had 
 reigned  over  the  Israelites  twenty-seven  years.  He  was  buried  in  Samaria  :  and  left  Jehoabaz, 
 bis  son,  his  successor  in  the  government. 
 
 2.  Now  Jehoash,  king  of  Jerusalem,  had  an  inclination  to  repair  the  temple  of  God  ;  so  he 
 called  Jehoiada,  and  bade  him  send  the  Levites  and  priests  through  all  the  countrj',  to  require 
 half  a  shekel  of  silver  for  every  head,  towards  the  rebuilding  and  repairing  of  the  temple, 
 which  was  brought  to  decay  by  Jehoram,  and  Athaliah,  and  her  sons.  But  the  high  priest  did 
 not  do  this,  as  concluding  that  no  one  would  willingly  pay  that  money  ;  bat  on  the  twenty-t'uird 
 year  of  Jeboash's  reign,  vyhen  the  king  sent  for  him  and  the  Levites,  and  complained  that  they 
 had  not  obeyed  what  he  enjoined  them,  and  still  commanded  them  to  take  care  of  the  rebuild- 
 ing the  temple,  he  used  this  stratagem  for  collecting  the  money,  with  which  the  multitude  was 
 pleased.  He  made  a  wooden  chest,  and  closed  it  up  fast  on  all  sides,  but  opened  one  hole  in 
 it ;  he  then  set  it  in  the  temple  beside  the  altar,  and  desired  every  one  to  cast  into  it,  through 
 the  hole,  what  he  pleased,  for  the  repair  of  the  temple.  This  contrivance  was  acceptable  to 
 the  people,  and  they  strove  one  with  another,  and  brought  in  jointly  large  quantities  of  silver 
 and  gold  :  and  when  the  scribe  and  the  priest  that  were  over  the  treasuries  had  emptied  the 
 chest,  and  counted  the  money  in  the  king's  presence,  they  then  set  it  in  its  former  place,  and 
 thus  did  they  every  day.  But  when  the  multitude  appeared  to  have  cast  in  as  much  as  was 
 wanted,  the  high  priest  Jehoiada,  as?d  king  Jehoash,  sent  to  hire  masons  and  carpenters,  and  to 
 buy  large  pieces  of  timber,  and  of  the  most  curious  sort,  and  when  they  had  repaired  the 
 temple,  they  made  use  of  the  remaining  gold  and  silver,  which  was  not  a  little,  for  bowls,  and 
 basons,  and  cups,  and  other  vessels,  and  they  went  on  to  make  the  altar  every  day  fat  with 
 sat  rifices  of  great  value.  And  these  things  were  taken  suitable  care  of,  as  long  as  Jehoiada 
 lived, 
 
 3.  But  as  soon  as  he  was  dead,  which  was  when  he  had  lived  one  hundred  and  thirty  years, 
 having  been  a  righteous,  and  in  every  respect  a  very  good  man,  he  was  buried  in  the  king's 
 sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  (because  he  had  recovered  the  kingdom  to  the  family  of  David,)  king 
 Jehoash  betrayed  his  [want  of]  care  about  God.  The  principal  men  of  the  people  were  cor- 
 rupted also  together  with  him,  and  offended  against  their  duty,  and  what  their  constitution 
 determined  to  be  most  for  their  good.  Hereupon  God  was  displeased  with  the  change  that 
 was  made  on  the  king,  and  on  the  rest  of  the  people  ;  and  sent  prophets  to  testify  to  them  what 
 their  actions  were,  and  to  bring  them  to  leave  off  their  wickedness :  but  they  had  gotten  such 
 a  strong  affection  and  so  violent  an  inclination  to  it,  that  neither  could  the  examples  of  those 
 that  had  offered  affronts  to  the  laws,  and  had  been  so  severely  punished,  they  and  their  entire 
 families,  nor  could  the  fear  of  what  the  prophets  now  foretold,  bring  them  to  repentance,  and 
 turn  them  back  from  their  course  of  transgression,  to  their  former  duty.  But  the  king  com- 
 manded that  Zachariah,  the  son  of  the  high  priest  Jehoiada,  should  be  stoned  to  death  in  tbtj 
 temple,  and  forgot  the  kindnesses  he  had  received  from  his  father  ;  for  when  God  had  appointed 
 him  to  prophesy,  he  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  and  gave  this  counsel  to  them  and  to 
 the  king,  that  they  should  act  righteously,  and  foretold  to  them,  that  if  they  would  not  hearken 
 to  his  admonitions,  they  should  suffer  a  heavy  punishment :  but  as  Zachariah  was  ready  to  die, 
 he  appealed  to  God,  as  a  witness  of  what  he  suffered,  for  the  good  counsel  he  had  given  them, 
 and  how  he  perished  after  a  most  severe  and  violent  manner  for  the  good  deeds  his  father  had 
 done  to  Jehoash. 
 
 4.  However,  it  was  not  long  before  the  king  suffered  punishment  for  his  transgression  :  for 
 when  Hazael,  king-  of  Syria,  made  an  irruption  into  his  country,  and  when  he  had  overthrown 
 Gath,  and  spoiled  it,  he  made  an  expedition  against  Jerusalem  :  upon  which  Jehoash  was 
 afraid,  and  emptied  all  the  treasures  of  God,  and  of  the  kings  [before  him,]  and  took  down  the 
 gifts  that  had  been  dedicated,  [in  the  temple,]  and  sent  them  to  the  king  of  Syria,  and  pro- 
 cured so  much  by  them,  that  he  was  not  besieged,  nor  his  kingdom  quite  endangered,  but 
 Hazael  was  induced  by  the  greatness  of  the  sum  of  money  not  to  bring  his  army  against  Jeru- 
 salem :  yet  Jehoash  fell  into  a  severe  distemper,  and  was  set  upon  by  his  friends,  in  order  to 
 revenge  the  death  of  Zachariah  the  son  of  Jehoiada.  These  laid  snares  for  the  king,  and  slew 
 him.  He  was  indeed  buried  in  Jerusalem,  but  not  in  the  royal  sepulchres  of  his  forefathers, 
 because  of  his  impiety.  He  lived  forty-seven  years,  and  Amaziah  his  sou  succeeded  him  in  the 
 kingdom. 
 
 5.  In  the  one-and-twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Jehoash,  Jehoahaz,  the  son  of  Jehu,  took 
 the  government  of  the  Israelites  in  Samaria,  and  held  it  seventeen  years.  He  did  not  [properly] 
 imitate  his  father,  but  was  guilty  of  as  wicked  practices  as  those  that  first  had  God  in  con- 
 tempt :  but  the  king  of  Syria  brought  hira  low,  and  by  an  expedition  against  him  did  so  greatly 
 reduce  his  forces,  that  there  remained  no  more  of  so  great  an  army  than  ten  thousand  armed 
 men,  and  fifty  horsemen.  He  also  took  away  from  him  his  great  cities,  and  many  of  them 
 also,  and  destroyed  his  army.  And  these  were  the  things  that  the  people  of  Israel  suffered, 
 according  to  the  prophecy  of  Elisha,  when  he  foretold  that  Hazael  should  kill  his  master,  and 
 
BOOK    IX  — CHAP.  IX.  249 
 
 reign  over  the  Sj'rians  and  Daniascens.  Bat  wlieu  Jehoabaz  was  under  such  unavoidable 
 miseries,  Le  had  recourse  to  prayer  and  supplication  to  God,  and  besought  him  to  deliver  him 
 oat  of  the  hands  of  Hazael,  and  not  overlook  him,  and  give  him  up  into  his  bands.  Accord- 
 ingly, God  accepted  of  his  •■epentauce  instead  of  virtue,  and  being  desirous  rather  to  admonish 
 those  that  might  repent,  and  not  to  determine  that  they  should  be  utterly  destroyed,  be  granted 
 them  deliverance  from  wars  and  dangers.  So  the  country  having  obtained  peace,  returned 
 again  to  its  former  condition,  and  flourished  as  before. 
 
 G.  Now  after  the  death  of  Jehoabaz,  his  son  Joash  took  the  kingdom,  in  the  thirty-seventh 
 year  of  Jehoasb,  the  king  of  the  tribe  of  Judaii.  This  Joash  then  took  tlie  kingdom  of  Israel 
 io  Samaria,  for  he  had  the  same  name  with  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  he  retained  the  king- 
 dom sixteen  years.  lie  was  a  good  man,  and  in  his  disposition  not  at  all  like  his  father.* — 
 Now  at  this  time  it  was,  that  when  Elisha  the  prophet,  who  was  already  very  old,  and  was  now 
 fallen  into  a  disease,  the  king  of  Israel  came  to  visit  him  ;  and  when  be  found  him  very  near 
 death,  be  began  to  weep  in  his  sight,  and  lament,  to  call  him  his  fatlier,  and  his  weapons, 
 because  it  was  by  his  means  that  he  never  made  use  of  his  weapons  against  bis  enemies,  but 
 that  ho  overcame  bis  own  adversaries  by  bis  prophecies,  without  lighting  ;  and  that  he  was 
 now  departing  this  life,  and  leaving  him  to  the  Syrians,  that  were  already  armed,  and  to  other 
 enemies  of  his  that  were  under  their  power:  so  he  said  it  was  not  safe  for  him  to  live  any 
 longer,  but  that  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  hasten  to  his  end,  and  depart  out  of  this  life  with 
 liim.  As  the  king  was  thus  bemoaning  himself,  Elisha  comforted  him,  and  bade  the  king 
 bend  a  bow  that  was  brought  him  :  and  when  the  king  bad  fitted  the  bow  for  shooting,  Elisha 
 took  hold  of  his  bands  and  bade  him  shoot ;  and  when  he  bad  shot  three  arrows,  and  then  left 
 oft",  Elisha  said,  "  If  thou  hadst  shot  more  arrows,  thou  hadst  cut  the  kingdom  of  Syria  up  by 
 the  roots,  but  since  thou  hast  been  satisfied  with  shooting  three  times  only,  thou  shall  fight 
 and  beat  the  Syrians  no  more  times  than  three,  that  thou  inayest  recover  that  country  which 
 they  cut  otT  from  thy  kingdom  in  the  reign  of  thy  father."  .So  when  the  king  had  heard  that,  be 
 departed  ;  and  a  little  while  after,  the  propiietdied.  He  was  a  man  celebrated  for  righteousness  ; 
 and  in  eminent  favour  with  God.  He  also  performed  wonderful  and  surprising  works  by  pro- 
 phecy, and  such  as  were  gloriously  preserved  in  memory  among  the  Hebrews.  He  also  obtained 
 a  magnificent  funeral,  such  a  one  indeed  as  it  was  fit  a  person  so  beloved  of  God  should  have. 
 It  also  happened,  that  at  that  time  certain  robbers  cast  a  man  whom  they  bad  slain  into  Elisha's 
 grave,  and,  upon  his  dead  body  coming  close  to  Elisha's  body,  it  revived  again.  And  thus  far 
 Lave  we  enlarged  about  the  actions  of  Elisha  the  prophet,  both  such  as  he  did  while  he  was 
 alive,  and  how  be  had  a  divine  power  after  his  death  also. 
 
 7.  Now  upon  the  death  of  Hazael,  the  king  of  Syria,  that  kingdom  came  to  Adad  his  son, 
 with  whom  Joash  king  of  Israel  made  war,  and  when  he  had  beaten  him  in  three  battles,  he 
 took  from  him  all  that  country,  and  all  those  cities  and  villages  which  his  father  Hazael  hail 
 taken  from  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  which  came  to  pass,  however,  according  to  the  prophecy  of 
 Elisha.  But  when  Joash  happened  to  die,  he  was  buried  in  Samaria,  and  the  government 
 devolved  on  his  son  Jeroboain. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Hoiv  Amaziah  made  an  Expedition  against  the  F.dnndtes  and  Amalckites,  and  conquered  them; 
 but  when  he  afterwards  made  War  against  Joash,  he  ivas  beaten,  and  not  long  after  was 
 slain,  and  Uzziah  succeeded  in  the  Government. 
 
 §  1.  NoAV  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  f  Joash  over  Israel,  Amaziah  reigned  over  the 
 tribe  of  Judah  at  Jerusalem.  His  mother's  name  was  Jehohaddan,  who  was  born  at  Jerusa- 
 lem. He  was  exceedingly  careful  in  doing  what  was  right,  and  this  when  be  was  very  young  ; 
 but  when  he  came  to  the  management  of  afl'airs,  and  to  the  government,  he  resolved  that  be 
 ought  first  of  all  to  avenge  his  I'alhyr  Jehoash,  and  to  punish  those  bis  friends  that  had  laid 
 violent  hands  upon  him  ;  so  he  seized  upon  lliem  :dl,  and  put  them  to  death,  yet  did  he  execute 
 no  severity  upon  their  children,  but  acted  therein  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  who  did  not 
 think  it  just  to  punish  children  for  the  sins  of  their  fathers.  After  this  be  chose  him  an  army 
 out  of  tiie  tribe  of  Jadah  and  Benjamin,  of  such  as  were  in  the  (lower  of  their  age,  and  about 
 twenty  years  old  ;  and  when  he  had  collected  about  three  hundred  thousand  of  them  together, 
 lie  set  captains  of  hundreds  over  them.  He  also  sent  to  the  king  of  Israel,  and  hired  a  hun- 
 dred thousand  of  bis  soldiers  for  a  hundred  talents  of  silver,  for  he  bad  resolved  to  make  an 
 expedition  against  the  nations  of  the  Amalekites,  and  Edomites,  and  Gebalites  :  bat  as  be  was 
 
 *  ']  lii!=  character  of  Joash,  the  son  of  Jehoahaz,  that  he  vas  a  good  nan,  "  and  in  his  disposition  not  at  all 
 lil.o  his  father,"  seems  a  direct  contradiction  to  our  ordinary  copies,  ^vhich  say,  2  Kings  xiii.  11.  that  "  he  did 
 evil  ill  the  sicht  of  the  Lord  ;  and  that  he  departed  not  from  all  the  sins  of  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Isebat,  who 
 made  Israel  to  sin  ;  he  walked  thereiu."  Which  copies  are  here  the  truest,  it  is  hard  positively  to  determine. 
 If  Josephus's  be  true,  this  Joash  is  the  single  instance  of  agood  Uiug  over  the  ten  tribes  :  if  the  other  he  true, 
 wc  have  not  one  such  example.  The  account  that  follows  in  all  copies,  of  Elisha  the  prophet's  concern  for 
 him.  and  his  concern  for  Elisha,  greatly  favour  Josephus's  copies,  ai.  J  sjpnnge  this  king  to  have  been  then  a 
 good  man,  and  no  idolater,  with  whom  God's  prophets  used  not  to  be  so  t'amiliar.  I'pon  the  whole,  since  it 
 appears,  even  by  Josephus's  own  account,  that  Ama.-yahthegood  king  of  Judah,  while  lie  was  a  good  king,  was 
 forbidden  to  make  use  of  the  100,00*)  auxiliaries  he  had  of  this  Joash  the  king  of  Israel,  as  if  he  and  they  were 
 then  idolaters,  2  Chron.  xxv.6— 9.  it  is  most  likely  that  these  dilTercni  characters  of  Joash  suited  the  differ 
 ent  parts  of  his  reign,  and  that,  according  to  our  common  copies,  he  waa  at  first  a  wicked  king,  and  aft«r«ara» 
 wua  reclaimed,  and  became  a  good  one,  according  to  Josephus. 
 
250  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 luepaiing  for  his  expedition,  and  ready  to  go  out  to  tlie  war,  a  projiliet  gave  liim  counsel  lo 
 dismiss  tlie  army  of  tlie  Israelites,  hecuiise  they  were  bad  men,  and  because  flod  foretold  that 
 he  should  be  beaten,  if  he  made  use  of  them  as  auxiliaries  ;  but  that  he  should  overcome  his 
 enemies,  though  he  had  but  a  few  soldiers,  when  it  so  pleased  God.  And  when  the  king 
 grudged  at  his  having  already  paid  the  hire  of  the  Israelites,  the  prophet  exhorted  him  to  do 
 what  God  would  have  him,  because  he  shoald  thereby  obtain  much  wealth  from  God.  So  he 
 dismissed  them,  and  said,  that  he  still  freely  gave  them  their  pay,  and  went  himself  with  bis 
 own  army,  and  made  war  with  the  nationj  before  mentioned  ;  and  when  he  had  beaten  them  io 
 battle,  he  slew  of  them  ten  thousand,  and  took  as  many  prisoners  alive  ;  whom  he  brought  to 
 the  great  rock  which  is  in  Arabia,  and  tlirew  them  down  from  it  headlong.  He  also  brought 
 away  a  great  deal  of  prey,  and  vast  ri'-lies,  from  those  uations.  But  while  Amnziah  was 
 engaged  in  this  expedition,  those  Israelites  whom  he  had  hired,  and  then  dismissed,  were  very 
 uneasy  at  it,  and  taking  their  dismission  for  an  adVont,  as  supposing  that  this  would  not  have 
 been  done  to  (hem  but  out  of  contempt,  they  fell  upon  his  kingdom,  and  proceeded  to  spoil  the 
 country  as  far  as  Bethhoron,  and  took  much  cattle,  and  slew  three  thousand  men. 
 
 2.  Now  uj>on  the  victory  which  Amaziah  had  gotten,  and  the  great  acts  he  had  done,  he  was 
 puft'ed  up,  and  began  to  overlook  God,  who  had  given  him  the  victory,  and  proceeded  to  wor- 
 ship the  gods  he  had  brought  out  of  the  country  of  the  Amalekites.  So  a  prophet  came  to  him 
 and  said,  that  "  he  wondered  how  he  could  esteem  these  to  be  gods,  who  had  been  of  no 
 advantage  to  their  own  people,  who  paid  them  honours  ;  nor  had  delivered  them  from  his 
 hand,  but  had  overlooked  the  destruction  of  many  of  them,  and  had  snflfered  themselves  to  be 
 carried  captive ;  for  that  they  had  been  carried  to  Jerusalem,  ih  the  same  manner  as  any  one 
 might  have  taken  jome  of  the  enemy  alive,  and  led  them  thither."  This  reproof  provoked  the 
 king  to  anger,  and  he  commanded  the  prophet  to  hold  his  peace,  and  threatened  to  punish 
 Iiira  if  he  meddled  with  his  conduct.  So  he  replied,  "  That  he  should  indeed  hold  his  peace  ; 
 but  foretold  withal,  that  God  would  not  overlook  his  attempts  for  innovation."  But  Amaziah 
 was  not  able  to  contain  himself  under  that  prosperity  which  God  had  given  him,  although  he 
 bad  affronted  God  thereupon  ;  but  in  a  vein  of  insolence  he  wrote  to  Joash,  the  king  of  Israel, 
 and  "  commanded  that  he  and  all  his  people  should  be  obedient  to  him,  as  they  had  formerly 
 been  obedient  to  his  progenitors,  David  and  Solomon  ;  and  lie  let  him  know,  that  if  he  would 
 not  be  so  wise  as  to  do  what  he  commanded  him,  he  must  fight  for  bis  dominion."  To  which 
 message  Joash  returned  this  answer  in  writing  :  "  King  Joash  to  king  Amaziah.  There  was 
 a  vastly  tall  cypress  tree  in  mount  Lebanon,  as  also  a  thistle  :  this  thistle  sent  to  the  cypress 
 tree  to  give  the  cypress  tree's  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  thistle's  son  ;  but  as  the  thistle  was 
 saying  this,  there  came  a  wild  beast,  and  trode  down  the  thistle  :  and  this  may  be  a  lesson  to 
 thee,  not  to  be  so  ambitious,  and  to  have  a  care,  lest  upon  thy  good  success  in  the  fight  against 
 the  Amalekites,  thou  growest  so  proud,  as  to  bring  dangers  upon  thyself  and  upon  thy  kingdom. 
 
 3.  When  Amaziah  had  read  this  letter,  he  was  more  eager  upon  this  expedition,  which,  I 
 suppose,  was  by  the  impulse  of  God,  that  he  might  be  punished  for  his  offence  against  him. 
 But  as  soon  as  he  led  out  his  army  against  Joash,  and  they  were  going  io  join  battle  with  hira, 
 there  came  such  a  fear  and  consternation  upon  the  army  of  Amaziah,  as  God  when  he  is  dis- 
 pleased, sends  upon  men,  and  discomfited  them,  even  before  they  came  to  a  close  fight.  Now 
 it  happened,  that  as  they  were  scattered  about  by  the  terror  that  was  upon  them,  Amaziah  was 
 left  alone,  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy  ;  whereupon  Joash  threatened  to  kill  him, 
 unless  he  would  persuade  the  people  of  Jerusalem  to  open  their  gates  to  him,  and  receive 
 Lim  and  his  army  into  the  city.  Accordingly,  Amaziah  was  so  distressed,  and  in  such  fear  of 
 Lis  life,  that  he  made  his  enemy  to  be  received  into  the  city.  So  Jnash  overthrew  a  part  of 
 the  wall,  of  the  length  of  four  hundred  cubits,  and  drove  his  chariot  through  the  breach  into 
 Jerusalem,  and  led  Amaziah  captive  along  with  him  :  by  which  means  he  became  master  of 
 Jerusalem,  and  took  away  the  treasures  of  God,  and  carried  off  all  the  gold  and  silver  that  was 
 in  the  king's  palace,  and  then  freed  the  king  from  captivity,  and  returned  to  Samaria.  Now 
 these  things  happened  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Ama- 
 ziah, who  after  this  had  a  conspiracy  made  against  him  by  his  friends,  and  fled  to  the  city  of 
 Lachish,  and  was  there  slain  by  the  conspirators,  who  sent  men  thither  to  kill  him.  So  they 
 took  up  his  dead  body,  and  carried  it  to  Jerusalem,  and  made  a  royal  funeral  for  him.  This 
 was  the  end  of  the  life  of  Amaziah,  because  of  bis  innovations  in  religion,  and  his  contempt  of 
 God,  when  he  had  lived  fifty-four  years,  and  had  reigned  twenty-nine.  He  was  succeeded  by 
 his  son,  whose  name  was  Uzziah. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Concerning  Jeroboam,  King  of  Israel,  and  Jonali  the  Prophet:   and  how,  after  the.  Death   of 
 
 Jtirohoam,  his   Son   Zachariah   took  the  Goivriimetit.     How  Uzziah,   King   of  Jerusalem, 
 
 .>iihduid  the  Nations    that  were  round  about  him ;  and  what  befell  him  when  he  altempted  to 
 
 offer  Incense  lo  God. 
 
 5  1.  In  the  fifteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Amaziah,  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Joash  reigned  over 
 
 Israel  and  Samaria  forty  years.     The  king  was  guilty  of  contumely  against  God,*  and  became 
 
 *  What  I  have  above  rol5<l  eonceminu  Jehoash,  geems  to  me  to  have  been  true  also  concerning  his  son  Jero- 
 boam II.  viz.  that  altho'jgU  he  begau  wickedly,  as  Josephus  agrees  with  our  other  copies,  aad,  as  lie  adds 
 
BOOK  IX. — CHAP.  X.  251 
 
 very  wicked  in  woisliipping  of  idols,  aiul  in  many  undertakings  tliat  were  absurd  and  foreifjn. 
 lie  was  also  the  cause  often  thousand  misfortunes  to  the  people  of  Israel.  Now  oria  Jouah, 
 a  prophet,  foretold  to  him,  that  he  should  make  war  with  the  Syrians,  and  conquer  their  army, 
 and  enlarge  the  bounds  of  his  kingdom  on  the  northern  parts,  to  the  city  Haraath,  a:id  on  the 
 southern,  to  the  lake  Asphaltitis,  for  the  bounds  of  the  Canaaniles  originally  were  these,  a-s 
 Joshua  their  general  had  determined  them.  So  Jeroboam  made  au  expedition  again:jt  the 
 Syrians,  and  overran  all  their  country,  as  Jonah  had  foretold. 
 
 2.  Now  I  cannot  but  think  it  necessary  for  me,  who  have  promised  to  give  an  accurate 
 account  of  our  affairs,  to  describe  the  actions  of  this  prophet,  so  far  as  I  have  found  them  writ- 
 ten down  in  the  Hebrew  books.  Jonah  had  been  commanded  by  God  to  go  to  the  kingdom  of 
 Nineveh  ;  and  when  he  was  there,  to  publish  in  that  city,  how  it  should  lose  the  dominion 
 it  had  over  the  naticms.  But  he  went  not,  out  of  fear  ;  nay,  he  ran  away  from  Cod  to  the 
 city  of  Joppa,  and,  finding  a  ship  tliere,  he  went  into  it,  and  sailed  to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,*  and 
 upon  the  rise  of  a  most  terrible  storm,  which  was  so  great  that  the  ship  was  in  danger  of  sink- 
 ing, the  mariners,  the  master,  and  the  pilot  himself,  made  prayers  and  vows,  in  case  they 
 escaped  the  sea:  but  Jonah  lay  still  and  covered  [in  the  ship,]  without  imitating  any  thing 
 that  the  others  did  :  but  as  the  waves  grew  greater,  and  the  sea  became  more  violent  by  the 
 winds,  they  suspected,  as  is  usual  in  sucli  cases,  that  some  one  of  the  persons  that  sailed  with 
 them  was  the  occasion  of  this  storm,  and  agreed  to  discover  by  lot  which  of  them  it  was. — 
 When  they  had  cast  lots,  the  lot  fell  upon  the  prophet;!  and  when  they  asked  him,  whence  he 
 caine  ?  and  what  he  had  done?  he  replied,  that  he  was  a  Hebrew  by  nation,  and  a  prophet  of 
 Almighty  God  ;  and  he  persuaded  them  to  cast  him  into  the  sea,  if  they  would  escape  the 
 danger  they  were  in,  for  that  he  was  the  occasion  of  the  storm  which  was  upon  them.  Now 
 at  Uie  first  tliey  durst  not  do  so,  as  esteeming  it  a  wicked  thing  to  cast  a  man  who  was  a 
 stranger,  and  who  had  cinnniitted  his  life  to  them,  into  such  manifest  perdition  ;  but  at  last, 
 when  their  misfortunes  overbore  them,  and  the  ship  was  just  going  to  be  drowned,  and  when 
 they  were  animated  to  do  it  by  the  prophet  himself,  and  by  the  fear  concerning  their  own 
 safety,  they  cast  him  into  the  sea;  upon  which  the  sea  became  calm.  It  is  also  related,  that 
 Jonah  was  swallowed  down  by  a  whale,  and  that  when  he  had  been  there  three  days,  and  as 
 many  nights,  he  was  vomited  out  upon  the  EuxineSea,  and  this  alive,  and  without  any  hurt 
 upon  his  body;  and  there,  on  his  prayer  to  God,  he  obtained  pardon  for  his  sins,  and  went  to 
 the  city  Nineveh,  where  he  stood  so  as  to  he  heard :  and  preached,  that  "in  a  very  little  time 
 they  should  lose  the  dominion  of  Asia."  And  when  he  had  published  this,  be  returned.  Now, 
 I  have  given  the  account  about  him,  as  I  found  it  written  [in  our  books.] 
 
 3.  When  .leroboam  the  king  had  passed  his  life  in  great  happiness,  and  had  ruled  forty 
 years,  he  died,  and  was  buried  in  Samaria,  and  his  son  Zechariah  took  the  kingdom.  After 
 the  same  manner  did  Uzziah,  the  son  of  Amaziah,  begin  to  reign  over  the  two  tribes  in  Jeru- 
 salem, in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam.  He  was  born  of  Jecoliah,  his  mother, 
 who  was  a  citizen  of  Jerusalem.  He  was  a  good  man,  and  by  nature  righteous  and  magna- 
 nimous, and  laborious  in  taking  c;ire  of  the  aflairs  of  his  kingdom.  He  made  an  expedition 
 also  against  the  Philistines,  and  overcame  them  in  battle,  and  took  the  cities  of  Gath  and  Jab- 
 neh,  and  brake  down  their  walls  :  after  which  expedition,  he  assaulted  those  Arabs  that 
 adjoined  to  Egypt.  He  aJso  built  a  city  upon  the  Red  Sea,  and  put  a  garrison  into  it.  He 
 after  this  overthrew  the  Ammonites,  and  appointed  that  they  should  pay  tribute.  He  also 
 overcame  all  the  countries  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Egypt,  and  then  began  to  take  care  of 
 Jerusalem  itself  for  the  rest  of  his  life,  for  he  rei)uili  and  repaired  all  those  parts  of  the  wall 
 which  had  either  fallen  down  by  length  of  time,  or  by  the  carelessness  of  the  kings  his  pre- 
 decessors, as  well  as  all  (hat  part  which  had  been  thrown  down  by  the  king  of  Israel,  when 
 lie  took  his  father  Amaziah  prisoner,  and  entered  with  him  into  the  city.  Moreover,  he  built 
 a  great  many  towers,  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  cubits  high,  and  built  walled  towns  in  desert 
 places,  and  put  garrisons  into  them,  and  dug  many  channels  for  conveyance  of  water.  He  had 
 also  many  beasts  for  labour,  and  an  immense  number  of  cattle  ;  for  his  country  was  lit  for 
 pasturage.      He   vvas  also  given   to   husbandry,  and  took  care    to  cultivate  the  ground,  and 
 
 "was  the  cause  of  a  vast  numher  of  misfortimos  to  the  Tsraelites,"  in  tlio«o  his  tirst  yeai-s,  (the  particulars  of 
 which  are  unhamiily  wanting  both  in  loseplius  ami  in  all  our  copies,)  sii  does  it  seem  to  me  thai  he  was  after- 
 wards reclaimed,  and  became  a  Kood  king,  and  so  was  encouraged  bv  the  prophet  Jonah,  and  had  great  suc- 
 cesses afterward,  when  "God  had  saved  the  Isiaeliles  by  the  hand  of  Jeroboam,  llie  son  of  Joash,"2  Kings 
 xiv.  27.  which  encouragement  by  Jonah,  and  great  successes,  are  equally  observable  in  Jos^phus  and  in  the 
 other  copies. 
 
 _  *  When  Jonah  issaidin  ourHibles  tobavegone  toTarshisb,  Jonah  i.  3.  Josephus  untterstoou  it  that  he  went  to 
 Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  or  to  the  Weditcrraneau  Sea,  upon  which  Tarsus  lay :  so  that  he  does  not  appear  to  have  read 
 the  text,  1  Kings  \xii.48.  as  our  copiec  do,  tli.it  ships  of  Tarshish  could  lie  at  EzionOeber,  upon  the  Hed 
 •Sea.  Kut  as  to  Josephus's  assertion  that  Jonah's  fish  was  carried  by  the  strength  of  the  current,  upon  a  storm, 
 as  far  as  the  Euxine  .Sea,  it  is  no  way  impossible  ;  and  since  the  storm  might  have  driven  the  ship,  while  Jonah 
 was  in  it,  near  to  the  Euxine  Sea  ;  and  since  in  three  more  days,  while  he  was  in  the  ILsh's  belly,  that  current 
 might  bring  him  to  the  Assyiian  coast;  and  since  withal  that  coast  could  bring  him  nearer  to' 'Nineveh  than 
 could  any  coast  of  the  Alediterranean— it  is  by  no  means  an  improbable  delermination  in  Josephus. 
 
 +  This  ancient  piece  of  religion,  of  supposing  there  was  great  sin  where  there  was  great  misery,  and  of  cast- 
 ing lots  to  discover  great  sinners,  not  only  among  the  Isr.ielitcs.  but  among  these  heathen  mariners,  seems  a 
 remarkable  remains  of  the  ancient  tradition  which  prevailed  over  ill  mankirul,  that  Providence  used  to  inti  r- 
 jose  visibly  in  all  hnm.in  affairs,  and  never  to  bring,  or  at  leasl  unt  bii.g  10  .-oulinm^  notorious  judgments  but 
 for  notorious  sins,  which  the  most  ancient  book  of  Job  shews  to  have  been  the  stale  of  mankind  for  about  the 
 lormer  :«XK)  years  of  the  world,  till  the  days  of  Job  and  Moses. 
 
353  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 planted  it  with  all  sorts  of  plants,  and  sowed  it  with  all  sorts  of  seeds.  He  had  also  aboat 
 hira  an  army  composed  of  cliosen  men,  in  number  tbree  hundred  and  seventy  thousand,  who 
 were  governed  by  general  officers  and  captains  of  thousands,  who  were  men  of  valour  and  of 
 unconquerable  strength,  in  number  two  thousand.  He  also  divided  his  whole  army  into  bands, 
 and  armed  them,  giving  every  one  a  sword,  wilh  brazen  bucklers  and  breast-plates,  with  bows 
 and  slings ;  and  besides  these,  he  made  for  iheni  many  engines  of  war,  for  besieging  of  cities, 
 such  as  cast  stones  and  darts,  with  grapplers,  and  other  instruments  of  that  sort. 
 
 4.  While  Uzziah  was  in  this  state,  and  making  preparation  [for  futurity,]  he  was  corrnpted 
 in  his  mind  by  pride,  and  became  insolent,  and  this  on  account  of  that  abundance  which  he 
 had  of  things  that  will  soon  perish,  and  despised  that  power  which  is  of  eternal  duration, 
 (which  consisted  in  piety  towards  God,  and  in  the  observation  of  his  laws,)  so  he  fell  by 
 occasion  of  the  good  success  of  his  affairs,  and  was  carried  headlong  into  those  sins  of  his 
 fathers  wliich  the  splendour  of  that  prosperity  he  enjoyed,  and  the  glorious  actions  he  had  done, 
 led  him  into,  while  he  was  not  able  to  govern  himself  well  about  them.  Accordingly,  when  a 
 remarkable  day  was  come,  and  a  general  festival  was  to  be  celebrated,  he  put  on  the  holy  gar- 
 ment, and  went  into  the  temple  to  offer  incense  to  God  upon  the  golden  altar,  which  he  was  pro- 
 hibited to  do  by  Azariah  the  high  priest,  who  had  fourscore  priests  with  him,  and  who  told  him  that 
 it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  ofl'er  sacrifice,  and  that  "  none  besides  the  posterity  of  Aaron  were 
 permitted  so  to  do."  And  when  they  cried  out,  that  he  must  go  out  of  the  temple,  and  not 
 transgress  against  God,  he  was  wroth  at  them,  aud  threatened  to  kill  them,  unless  they  would 
 hold  their  peace.  In  the  mean  time,  a  great  earthquake  shook  the  ground,*  and  a  rent  was 
 made  in  the  temple,  and  the  bright  rays  of  the  sun  shone  through  it,  and  fell  upon  the  king's 
 face,  insomuch  that  the  leprosy  seized  npon  him  immediately.  And  before  the  city,  at  a 
 place  called  Eroge,  half  the  mountain  broke  off  from  the  rest  on  the  west,  and  rolled  iiself 
 lour  furlongs,  and  stood  still  at  the  east  mountain,  till  the  roads,  as  well  as  the  king's  gardens, 
 were  spoiled  by  the  obstruction.  Now,  as  soon  as  the  priests  saw  that  the  king's  face  was 
 infected  with  the  leprosy,  they  told  him  of  the  calamity  he  was  under,  and  commanded  that  he 
 should  go  out  of  the  city  as  a  polluted  person.  Hereupon  he  was  so  confounded  at  the  sad  dis- 
 temper, and  sensible  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  contradict,  that  he  did  as  he  was  commanded, 
 and  underwent  this  miserable  and  terrible  punishment  for  an  intention  beyond  what  befitted 
 a  man  to  have,  and  for  that  impietj'  against  God  which  was  implied  therein.  So  he  abode  out 
 of  the  city  for  some  time,  and  lived  a  private  life,  while  his  son  Jotham  took  the  government ; 
 after  which  he  died  with  grief  and  anxiety  at  what  had  happened  to  him,  when  he  bad  lived  sixty- 
 eight  years,  and  reigned  of  them  fifty-two  ;  and  was  buried  by  himself  in  his  own  gardens. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  Zechariah,  Shullum,  MiMaham,  Pelcahiah,  and  Pekah  took  the  Government  over  the 
 Jsraelites ;  and  hoiv  Pul  <nid  Tiglath-Pileser  made  an  Expedition  against  the  Isradiles. 
 HoiL^  Jotham,  the  Son  of  Uzzi/.h,  reigned  over  the  Tribe  of  Judah  :  and  ivhat  things  Nahum 
 prophesied  against  the  Assyrians . 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Zechariah,  the  son  of  Jeroboam,  had  reigned  six  months  over  Israel,  he  was 
 slain  by  the  treachery  of  a  certain  friend  of  his,  whose  name  was  Shallum,  the  son  of  .labesh, 
 who  took  the  kingdom  afterward,  but  kept  it  no  longer  than  thirty  days  ;  for  Menaheni,  the 
 general  of  his  army,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the  city  of  Tirzah,  and  heard  of  what  had  befallen 
 Zechariah,  removed  thereupon  wilh  all  his  forces  to  Samaria,  and  joining  battle  with  Shallum, 
 slew  hira ;  and  when  he  had  made  himself  king,  he  went  thence,  and  came  to  the  city  Tipbsah, 
 but  the  citizens  that  were  in  it  shnt  their  gates,  and  barred  them  against  the  king,  and 
 would  not  admit  him  ;  but  in  order  to  be  avenged  on  them,  he  burnt  the  country  round  about 
 it,  and  took  the  city  by  force,  upon  a  siege  ;  and  being  very  much  displeased  at  what  the 
 inhabitants  of  Tipbsah  had  done,  he  slew  them  all,  and  spared  not  so  much  as  the  infants, 
 without  omitting  the  utmost  instances  of  cruelty  and  barbarity  ;  for  he  used  such  severity 
 upon  bis  own  countrymen,  as  would  not  be  pardonable  with  regard  to  strangers  who  had  been 
 conquered  by  hira.  And  after  this  manner  it  was  that  this  Menahem  continued  to  reign  with 
 cruelty  and  barbarity  for  ten  years  :  but  when  Pul,  king  of  Assyria,  had  made  an  expedition 
 against  him,  he  did  not  think  meet  to  fight  or  engage  in  battle  with  the  Assyrians,  but  he  per- 
 suaded him  to  accept  of  a  thousand  talents  of  silver,  and  to  go  away,  and  so  pnt  an  end  to  the  war. 
 This  sura  the  multitude  collected  for  Menahem,  by  exacting  fifty  drachmae  as  poll  wcr.ey  for 
 every  head  :t  after  which  he  died,  and  was  buried  in  Samaria,  and  left  his  son  Pekahiah  his 
 successor  in  the  kingdom,  who  followed  the  barbarity  of  his  father,  and  so  ruled  but  two  years 
 
 *  This  acconnt  of  an  earthquake  at  Jerusalem  at  the  very  same  time  when  TJzziah  usurped  the  priest's  oflSce, 
 and  -went  into  the  sanctuary  to  bum  incense,  and  of  the  consequences  of  that  earthquake,  is  entirely  wanting 
 ill  our  other  copies,  thou!,'h  it  he  exceedingly  like  to  a  prophecy  of  Jeremiah's  now  in  Zech.  xiy.  5.  in  which 
 prophecy,  mention  is  made  of  "  lieeing  from  that  eartUqtiake,  n3  they  fled  from  this  earthquake  in  the  days  of 
 Uzziah  king  of  Judah  ;"  so  that  tliere  seems  to  liave  been  some  considerable  resemblance  between  these  his- 
 torical and  prophetical  earthquakes. 
 
 +  Dr.  Wall,  in  his  critical  notes  on  2  Kings  xv.  20.  obcerves,  "  That  when  this  Menahem  is  said  to  have 
 exact-ed  the  money  of  Israel  of  all  the  mighty  men  of  wealth,  of  each  man  50  shekels  of  silver,  to  give  Pui 
 
BOOK    IX. — CHAP.    XII.  263 
 
 only,  after  wbich  he  was  slain  with  his  friends  at  a  feast,  by  the  treachery  of  one  Pekali,  the 
 general  of  his  horse,  and  the  son  of  Rinialiah,  v<1jo  laid  snares  for  him.  Now  this  Pekah 
 held  the  government  twenty  years,  and  proved  a  wicked  man,  and  a  transgressor.  Bat  the 
 king  of  Assyria,  whose  name  was  Tiglath-Pileser,  when  he  had  made  an  expedition  against 
 the  Israelites,  and  had  overrun  all  the  land  of  Gilead,  and  the  region  beyond  Jordan,  and  the 
 adjoining  country,  which  is  called  Galilee,  and  Kadesh  and  ITazor,  he  made  the  inhabitants 
 prisoners,  and  transplanted  them  into  his  o^vn  kingdom.  And  so  much  shall  snilice  to  Lave 
 related  here  concerning  the  king  of  Assyria. 
 
 2.  Now  Jotham,  the  son  of  Uzziah,  reigned  over  the  tribe  of  Judah  iu  Jerusalem,  being  a 
 citizen  thereof  by  his  mother,  whose  name  was  Jerusha.  This  king  was  not  defective  in  any 
 virtue,  but  was  religious  towards  God,  and  righteous  towards  men,  and  careful  of  the  good  of 
 the  city,  (fur  what  parts  soever  wanted  to  be  repaired  or  adorned,  he  magnificently  repaired 
 and  adorned  them.)  He  also  took  care  of  the  foundations  of  tha  cloisters  in  the  temple,  and 
 repaired  the  walls  that  were  fallen  down,  and  built  very  gTeat  towers,  and  such  as  were 
 almost  impregnable  ;  and  if  any  thing  else  in  his  kingdom  had  been  neglected,  he  took  great 
 care  of  it.  He  also  made  an  expedition  against  the  Ammonites,  and  overcame  them  in  battle, 
 and  ordered  ihem  to  pay  tribute,  a  hundred  talents  and  ten  thousand  cori  of  wheat,  and  as  many 
 of  barley,  every  ycor,  and  so  augmented  his  kingdom,  that  his  enemies  could  not  despise  it, 
 and  his  own  people  lived  happily. 
 
 3.  Now  there  was  at  that  time  a  prophet,  whose  name  was  Nahura,  who  spake  after  this 
 manner  concerning  the  overthrow  of  the  Assyrians,  and  Nineveh  :  "  Nineveh  shall  be  a  pool 
 of  water  in  motion;*  so  shall  a'l  her  people  be  troubled,  and  tossed,  and  go  away  by  flight, 
 while  they  say  one  to  another,  stand,  stand  still,  seize  their  gold  and  silver,  for  there  shall  be 
 no  one  to  wish  them  well,  for  they  will  rather  save  their  lives  than  their  money;  for  a  terri- 
 ble contention  shall  possess  thorn  one  with  another,  and  lamentation,  and  loosing  of  the  mem- 
 bers, and  their  countenances  shall  be  perfectly  black  with  fear.  And  there  will  be  the  den  of 
 the  lions,  and  the  mother  of  the  young  lions.  God  says  to  tliee,  Nineveh,  that  they  shall  deface 
 thee,  and  the  lion  shall  no  longer  go  out  from  thee  to  give  laws  to  the  world."  And  indeed 
 this  prophet  prophesied  many  other  things  besides  these  concerning  Nineveh,  which  I  do  not 
 think  necessary  to  repeat,  and  I  here  omit  tliem,  that  I  may  not  appear  troublesome  to  my 
 readers  ;  all  which  things  happened  about  Nineveh  a  hundred  and  fifteen  years  afterwards  ; 
 so  this  may  snflice  to  have  spoken  of  these  matters. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 How,  iipon  the  Death  of  Jotham,  Ahaz  reigned  ill  his  stead;  against  whom  Rezin,  King  of 
 Syria,  and  Pekah,  King  of  Israel,  made  War :  and  how  Tiglath-Pileser,  King  of  Assyria, 
 came  to  the  Assistance  of  Ahaz ,  and  laid  Syria  waste,  and  removing  the  Damascens  into 
 Media,  placed  other  Nations  in  their  room. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Jotham  died  when  he  lived  forty-one  years,  and  of  them  reigned  sixteen,  and  was 
 buried  in  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  ;  and  the  kingdom  came  to  his  son  Ahaz,  who  proved 
 most  impious  towards  God,  and  a  transa;ressor  of  the  laws  of  his  country.  He  imitated  the 
 kings  of  Israel,  and  reared  altars  in  Jerusalem,  and  oflered  sacrifices  upon  them  to  idols  ;  to 
 which  also  he  ofl'ered  his  own  son  as  a  burnt-offering,  according  to  the  practices  of  the  Canaan- 
 ites.  His  other  actions  were  also  of  the  same  sort.  Now  as  he  was  going  on  in  this  mad 
 course,  Rezin,  the  king  of  Syria  and  Damascus,  and  Pekah  the  king  of  Israel,  who  were  now 
 at  amity  one  with  another,  made  war  with  him  ;  and  when  they  had  driven  him  into  Jerusalem, 
 they  besiegi^d  that  city  a  long  while,  making  but  a  small  progress,  on  account  of  the  strength 
 of  its  walls  ;  and  when  the  king  of  Syria  had  taken  the  city  Elath,  upon  the  Red  Sea,  and 
 had  slain  the  inhabitants,  he  peopled  it  with  Syrians,  and  when  he  had  slain  those  in  the  [other] 
 garrisons,  and  the  Jews  in  their  neighbourhood,  and  had  driven  away  much  prey,  he  returned 
 with  his  army  hack  to  Damascus.  Now  when  the  king  of  Jerusalem  knew  that  the  Syrians  were 
 returned  home,  he,  supposing  himself  a  match  for  the  king  of  Israel,  drew  out  his  army  against 
 him,  and,  joining  battle  with  him,  was  beaten  ;  and  this  happened  because  God  was  angry  with  him 
 on  account  of  his  many  and  great  enormities.  Accordingly,  there  were  slain  by  the  Israelites 
 one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  of  his  men  that  day,  whose  general,  Amaziah  by  name,  slew 
 Zechariah  the  king's  son  in  his  conflict  with  Ahaz,  as  well  as  the  governor  of  the  kingdom, 
 whose  name  was  Azricam.  Ife  also  carried  Elcanah,  the  general  of  the  troops  of  the  tribe  ot 
 Judah,  into  captivity.  They  "Iso  carried  the  women  and  children  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
 captives;  and  when  they  had  gotten  a  great  deal  of  prey,  they  returned  to  Samaria. 
 
 (heliingof  AssyaialOOO  talents,  this  is  the  first  public  money  raised  by  any  [Israelite]  king  by  a  tax  on  thepeo- 
 jile  ;  tliat  they  used  before  to  raise  it  out  of  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  or  of  their  own  house  ; 
 that  it  was  a  poll  money  on  the  rich  men  [aiul  thera  only]  to  raise  £353,000,  or,  as  others  count  a  talent, 
 ,t'100,0(K),  at  the  rate  of  £'6  or  £7  per  bead  ;  and  that  God  comraat^ed.'by  Ezekiel.chap.  xlv.  8.  aud  xlvi.  la. 
 that  uo  such  thing  should  be  done  [at  the  Je.vs'  restoration,]  but  the  king  should  have  land  of  his  own." 
 
 *  This  passage  is  taken  out  of  the  prophet  Nahum,  cliap.  ii.  8—13.  and  is  the  principal,  or  rather  the  only 
 one  that  is  given  us  almost  veil)atini,  but  a  little  abridged,  in  all  Josephus's  known  writings  :  by  which  ipio- 
 tation,we  liam  what  he  himself  always  asserts,  viz.  that  he  made  use  of  the  Hebrew  origiDal,  [and  not  of  tho 
 Ciree-k  version;]  as  also  we  learn,  thVit  his  Hebrew  copy  considerably  differed  from  ours.  See  all  three  texts 
 particularly  set  dowu  and  compartd  together  in  the  Essay  on  the  lUJ  Test,  paije  187. 
 
254 
 
 ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  Now  there  was  one  Obed,  who  was  a  prophet  at  that  time  in  Samaria,  he  met  the  arm^  before 
 the  city  walls,  and  with  a  loud  voice  told  them,  "  that  they  had  gotten  the  victory  not  by 
 their  own  strength,  but  by  reason  of  the  anger  God  had  against  king  Ahaz.  And  he  com- 
 plained, that  they  were  not  satisfied  with  the  good  success  they  had  against  him,  but  were  so 
 bold  as  to  make  captives  out  of  their  kinsmen  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin.  He  also 
 gave  them  counsel  to  let  them  go  home  without  doing  them  any  harm,  for  that  if  they  did  not 
 obey  God  herein,  they  should  be  punished."  So  the  people  of  Israel  came  together  to  their 
 assembly,  and  considered  of  these  matters,  when  a  man  whose  name  was  Berechiah,  and  who 
 was  one  of  chief  reputation  in  the  government,  stood  up,  and  three  others  with  him,  and 
 said,  "  We  will  not  suffer  the  citizens  to  bring  these  prisoners  into  the  city,  lest  we  be  all 
 destroyed  by  God  :  we  have  sins  enough  of  our  own  that  we  have  committed  against  hira,  as 
 the  prophets  assure  us  ;  nor  ought  we  therefore  to  introduce  the  practice  of  new  crimes." 
 When  the  soldiers  heard  that,  they  permitted  them  to  do  what  they  thought  best.  So  the 
 forenaraed  men  took  the  captives  and  let  them  go,  and  took  care  of  them,  and  gave  them  pro- 
 visions, and  sent  thera  to  their  own  country,  without  doing  tbetn  any  harm.  However,  these 
 four  went  along  with  thera,  and  conducted  them  as  far  as  Jericho,  which  is  not  far  from  Jeru- 
 salem, and  returned  to  Samaria. 
 
 3.  Hereupon  king  Ahaz,  having  been  so  thoroughly  beaten  by  the  Israelites,  sent  to  Tiglatli 
 Pileser,  king  of  the  Assyrians,  aud  sued  for  assistance  from  him  in  his  war  against  the  Israel- 
 ites, and  Syrians,  and  Damascens,  with  a  promise  to  send  him  much  money  ;  he  sent  him 
 also  great  presents  at  the  same  time.  Now  this  king,  upon  the  reception  of  those  ambassadors, 
 came  to  assist  Ahaz,  and  made  war  upon  the  Syrians,  and  laid  their  country  waste,  and  took 
 Damascus  by  force,  and  slew  Rezin  their  king,  and  transplanted  the  people  of  Damascus  into 
 the  upper  Media,  and  brought  a  colony  of  Assyrians,  and  planted  them  in  Damascus.  He 
 also  afllicted  the  land  of  Israel,  and  took  many  captives  out  of  it.  While  he  was  doing  thus 
 with  the  Syrians,  the  king  Ahaz  took  all  the  gold  that  was  in  the  king's  treasures,  and  the 
 silver,  and  what  was  in  the  temple  of  God,  and  what  precious  gifts  were  there,  and  he  carried 
 them  with  him,  and  came  to  Damascus,  and  gave  it  to  the  king  of  Assyria,  according  to  his 
 agreement.  So  he  confessed  that  ho  ovved  him  thanks  for  all  they  had  done  for  him,  and 
 returned  to  Jerusalem.  Now  this  king  was  so  sottish,  and  thoughtless  of  what  was  for  his 
 own  good,  that  he  would  not  leave  off  worshipping  the  Syrian  gods  when  he  was  beaten  by 
 them,  but  he  went  on  in  worshipping  them,  as  though  they  would  procure  him  the  victory  : 
 and  when  he  was  beaten  again,  he  began  to  honour  the  gods  of  the  Assyrians  ;  and  he  seemed 
 more  desirous  to  honour  any  other  gods  than  his  own  paternal  and  true  God,  whose  anger  was 
 •the  cause  of  his  defeat;  nay,  he  proceeded  to  such  a  degree  of  despite  and  contempt  [of  God's 
 worship,]  that  he  shut  up  the  temple  entirely,  and  forbade  them  to  bring  in  their  appointed 
 sacrifices,  and  took  away  the  gifts  that  bad  been  given  to  it.  Aud  when  be  had  offered  these 
 indignities  to  God,  he  died,  having  lived  thirty-six  years,  and  of  them  reigned  sixteen  ;  and 
 he  left  his  sou  Hezekiah  for  his  successor. 
 
 CHAP.  XIIl. 
 
 How  Pekah  died  by  the  Treachery  ofHoshea,  who  was  n  Utile  after  suhdiied  by  Shalmaneser ;  and 
 how  Hezekiah  reigned  instead  of  Ahaz  ;  and  what  Actions  of  Piety  and  Justice  he  did. 
 
 §  1.  About  the  same  time,  Pekah,  the  king  of  Israel,  died,  by  the  treachery  of  a  friend  of 
 liis,  whose  name  was  Hosliea,  who  retained  the  kingdom  nine  years'  time,  but  was  a  wicked 
 man,  and  a  despiser  of  the  divine  worship.  And  Shahnaneser,  the  king  of  Assyria,  made  an 
 expedition  against  him,  and  overcame  him,  (which  must  have  been  because  he  had  not  God 
 favourable  or  assistant  to  him,)  and  brought  him  to  submission,  and  ordered  him  to  pay  an 
 appointed  tribute.  Now  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hoshea,  Hezekiah,  the  son  Ahaz, 
 began  to  reign  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  his  mother's  name  was  Abijah,  a  citizen  of  Jerusalem.  His 
 nature  was  good,  and  righteous,  and  religious  ;  for  when  he  came  to  the  kingdom,  he  thought 
 that  nothing  was  prior,  or  more  necessary,  or  more  advantageous  to  himself,  and  to  his  sub- 
 jects, than  to  worship  God.  Accordingly,  he  called  the  people  together,  and  the  priests  and  the 
 Levites,  and  made  a  speech  to  them,  and  said,  "  You  are  not  ignorant,  how  by  the  sins  of  my 
 father,  who  transgressed  that  sacred  honour  which  was  due  to  God,  you  have  had  experience 
 of  many  and  great  miseries,  while  you  were  corrupted  in  your  mind  by  him,  and  were  induced 
 to  worship  those  which  he  supposed  to  be  gods  :  I  exhort  you,  therefore,  who  have  learned 
 by  sad  experience  how  dangerous  a  thing  impiety  is,  to  put  that  immediately  out  of  yoar 
 memory,  and  to  purify  yourselves  from  your  former  pollutions,  and  to  open  the  temple  to  these 
 priests  and  Levites  who  are  here  convened,  and  to  cleanse  it  with  the  accustomed  sacrifices, 
 and  to  recover  all  to  the  ancient  honour  which  our  fathers  paid  to  it;  for  by  this  means  we 
 may  render  God  favourable,  and  he  will  remit  the  anger  he  hath  had  to  us." 
 
 2.  When  the  king  had  said  this,  the  priests  opened  the  temple  ;  and  when  they  bad  set  in 
 order  the  vessels  of  God,  and  cast  out  what  was  impure,  they  laid  the  accustomed  sacrifices 
 upon  the  altar.  The  king  also  sent  to  the  country  that  was  under  him,  and  called  the  people 
 to  Jerusalem  to  celebrate   the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  for  it  had  been  intermitted  a  long 
 
BOOK  IX. — CHAP.  XIV.  255 
 
 lime,  on  account  of  (lie  wickedness  of  tlie  forementioned  kings.  He  also  sent  to  the  Israelites, 
 and  exhoiipd  tlieni  to  leave  oil"  their  present  way  of  living,  and  return  to  their  ancient  prac- 
 tices, and  to  worship  Hod,  for  that  he  gave  them  leave  to  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  celehrate, 
 nil  in  one  body,  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  ;  and  this,  he  said,  was  by  way  of  invitation 
 only,  and  to  be  done  of  their  own  good-will,  and  for  their  own  advantap;e,  and  not  out  of  obe- 
 dience to  him,  because  it  would  make  them  happy.  But  the  Israelites,  upon  the  coming  of 
 the  ambassadors,  and  upon  their  laying  before  them  what  they  had  in  charge  from  their  own 
 king,  were  so  far  from  complying  therewith,  that  they  laughed  the  ambassadors  to  scorn,  and 
 mocked  them  as  fools  :  as  also  they  afl>onted  the  prophets  who  gave  them  the  same  exhor- 
 tations, and  foretold  what  they  woold  suffer  if  they  did  not  return  to  the  worship  of  God,  inso- 
 much that  at  length  tliey  caught  them,  and  slew  them  :  nor  did  this  degree  of  transgressing 
 suflice  ihem,  but  they  had  more  wicked  contrivances  than  what  have  been  described :  Nor  did 
 they  leave  off,  before  God,  as  a  punishment  for  their  impiety,  brought  them  under  their  ene- 
 mies ;  but  of  that,  more  hereafter.  However,  many  there  were  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  and 
 of  Zebulon,  and  of  Issachar,  who  were  obedient  to  what  the  prophets  exhorted  them  to  do, 
 and  returned  to  the  worship  of  God.  Now  all  these  came  running  to  Jerusalem,  to  Hezekiab, 
 that  they  might  worship  God  [there.] 
 
 3.  When  these  men  were  come,  king  Hezekiab  went  up  into  the  temple,  with  the  rulers  and 
 all  the  people,  and  offered  for  himself  seven  bulls,  and  as  many  rams,  with  seven  lambs,  and 
 as  many  kids  of  the  goats.  The  king  also  himself,  and  the  rulers,  laid  their  hands  on  the 
 lieads  of  the  sacrifices,  and  permitted  the  priests  to  complete  the  sacred  offices  about  them. 
 So  they  both  slew  the  sacrifices,  and  burnt  the  burot-oflerings,  while  the  Levites  stood  round, 
 about  them,  with  their  musical  instruments,  and  sang  hymns,  to  God,  and  played  on  their 
 psalteries,  as  they  v;ere  instructed  by  David  to  do,  and  this  while  the  rest  of  the  priests 
 returned  the  music,  and  sounded  the  trumpets  which  they  had  in  their  hands  :  and  when  this 
 was  done,  the  king  and  the  multitude  threw  themselves  down  upon  their  face,  and  worshipped 
 God.  He  also  sacrificed  seventy  bulls,  one  hundred  rams,  and  two  hundred  lambs.  He  also 
 granted  the  multitude  sacrifices  to  feast  upon,  six  hundred  oxen,  acd  three  thousand  other 
 cattle  ;  and  the  priests  performed  all  things  according  to  the  law.  Now  the  king  was  so 
 pleased  herewith,  that  he  feasted  wiih  the  people,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  :  But  as  the 
 feast  of  unleavened  bread  was  now  come,  when  they  had  offered  that  sacrifice  which  is  called 
 !he  Passover,  they  after  that  offered  other  sacrifices  for  seven  days.  When  the  king  had 
 bestowed  on  the  multitude,  besides  what  they  sanctified  of  themselves,  two  thousand  bulls, 
 and  seven  thousand  other  cattle,  the  same  thing  was  done  by  the  rulers  ;  for  they  gave  them 
 a  thousand  bulls,  and  a  thousand  aud  forty  other  cattle.  Nor  had  this  festival  been  so  well 
 observed  from  the  days  of  king  Solomon,  as  it  was  now  first  observed  with  great  splendour 
 and  magnificence:  and  when  the  festival  was  ended,  they  went  out  into  the  country,  and 
 purged  it  :  and  cleansed  the  city  of  all  the  pnllution  of  the  idols.  Tho  king  also  gave  order 
 that  the  daily  sacrifice  should  be  ofiered,  at  his  own  charges,  and  according  to  the  law  ;  and 
 appointed  that  the  tithes,  and  the  first-fruits  should  be  given  by  the  multitude  to  the  priests 
 and  Levites,  that  they  might  constantly  attend  upon  divine  service,  and  never  be  taken  off 
 from  the  worship  of  God.  Accordingly,  the  multitude  brought  together  all  sorts  of  their 
 fruits  to  the  priests  and  the  Levites.  The  king  also  made  garners  and  receptacles  for  these 
 fruits,  and  distributed  them  to  every  one  of  their  priests  and  Levites,  and  to  their  children  and 
 wives.  And  thus  did  they  return  to  their  old  form  of  divine  worship.  Now  when  the  king 
 had  settled  these  matters  after  the  manner  already  described,  he  made  war  tipoa  the  Philis- 
 tines, and  beat  them,  and  possessed  himself  of  all  the  enemies'  cities  from  Gaza  to  Gath  ;  but 
 the  king  of  Assyria  sent  to  him,  and  threatened  to  overturn  all  his  dominions,  unless  he  would  pay 
 him  the  tribute  which  his  father  paid  him  formerly  ;  but  king  Hezekiab  was  not  concerned 
 at  his  threatenings,  but  depended  on  his  piety  towards  God,  and  upon  Isaiah  the  prophet,  by 
 whom  he  inquired,  and  accurately  knew  all  future  events.  And  thus  much  shall  suflice  for 
 the  present  concerning  this  king  Hezekiab. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 IIow  Shalmaneser  took  Samaria  hij  Force,  mid  how  he  transplanted  the  Ten  Tribes  into  Media, 
 and  brought  the  l^atioit  of  the  Cutheans  into  their  Country  [in  their  Room.'\ 
 
 §  1.  Whf.n  Shalmaneser,  the  king  of  Assyria,  had  it  told  him,  that  [Hoshea,]  the  king  oF 
 Israel  had  sent  privately  to  So,  the  king  of  Egypt,  desiring  his  assistance  against  him,  he  was 
 very  angry,  and  made  an  expedition  against  Samaria,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of 
 Hoshea  ;  but  when  he  was  not  admitted  [into  the  city]  by  the  king,  he  besieged  Samaria 
 three  years,*  and  took  it  by  force  in  the  ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hoshea,  and  in  the  seventh 
 
 •  The  siege  of  Samaria,  though  not  given  a  particular  account  of,  either  in  our  Hebrew  or  Greek  Bibles, 
 or  in  Josephus,  was  »o  very  long,  no  less  than  three  years,  that  it  -wtts  no  way  improbable  but  that  parents, 
 and  particularly  mothers,  might  therein  be  reduced  to  cat  their  own  children,  as  the  law  of  Moses  liad  threat- 
 ened upoTi  their  disobedience.  Levit.  xxvi.  29.  Deui.  xviii.  5^— 67.  and  as  was  aocomplishtd  in  the  otliiT 
 shorter  sieges  of  both  the  capital  cities,  .lerusalem  and  Samaria;  the  former  mentioned,  Jer.  xix.  9.  Antiq. 
 h.  ix.  chap.  iv.  j  4.  and  the  latter,  2  Kings  vi.  26—29. 
 
250  ANTiQurriF.s  of  the  jews. 
 
 year  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  qnite  demolished  the  government  of  tlie  Isrnelitcs, 
 aud  transplanted  all  the  people  into  Media  and  Persia,  among  v.hom  he  took  king  Hoshea 
 alive  ;  and  when  he  bad  removed  these  people  out  of  this  their  land,  be  transplanted  other 
 nations  out  of  Cnthali,  a  place  so  called,  (lor  there  is  [stillj  a  river  of  that  name  in  Persia) 
 into  Samaria,  and  into  the  country  of  the  Israelites.  So  the  ten  tribes  of  the  Israelites  were 
 removed  out  of  Judea,  nine  hundred  and  forty-seven  years  after  their  forefathers  were  come 
 out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  possessed  themselves  of  this  country,  but  eight  hundred  years 
 after  Josliua  had  been  their  leader,  and,  as  I  have  already  observed,  two  hundred  and  forty 
 years,  seven  months,  and  seven  days,  after  they  had  revolted  from  Rehoboam,  the  grandson  of 
 David,  and  had  given  the  kingdom  to  Jeroboam.  And  such  a  conclusion  overtook  the  Israel- 
 ites, when  they  had  transgressed  the  laws,  and  would  not  hearken  to  the  prophets,  who  fore- 
 told that  this  calamity  would  couie  upon  them,  if  they  would  not  leave  oft'  their  evil  doings. 
 What  gave  birth  to  these  evil  doings,  was  that  sedition  which  they  raised  against  Rehoboam 
 the  grandson  of  David,  when  they  set  np  Jeroboam  his  servant  to  be  their  king,  who,  by  sin- 
 ning against  God,  and  bringing  them  to  imitate  his  bad  example,  made  God  to  be  their  enemy, 
 while  Jeroboam  underwent  that  punishment  which  he  justly  deserved. 
 
 2.  And  now  the  king  of  Assyria  invaded  all  Syria  and  Phenicia  in  a  hostile  manner.  The 
 name  of  this  king  is  also  set  down  in  the  archives  of  Tyre,  for  he  made  an  expedition  against 
 Tyre,  in  the  reign  of  Eluleus  ;  and  Menander  attests  to  it,  who,  when  he  wrote  his  Chronology, 
 and  translated  the  archives  of  Tyre  into  the  Greek  language,  gives  us  tlie  following  history: 
 "  One,  whose  name  was  Eluleus,  reigned  thirty-six  years  :  this  king,  upon  the  revolt  of  the 
 Citteans,  sailed  to  them,  and  reduced  them  again  to  submission.  Against  these  did  the  king 
 of  Assyria  send  an  army,  and  in  a  hostile  manner  overran  all  Phenicia,  but  soon  made  peace 
 with  them  all,  and  returned  back  :  but  Sidou  and  Ace,  and  Palaetyrus,  revolted;  and  many 
 other  cities  there  were  which  delivered  themselves  up  to  the  king  of  Assyria.  Accordintjly, 
 when  the  Tyriaos  would  not  submit  to  him,  the  king  returned,  and  fell  upon  them  again,  while 
 the  Phenicians  had  furnished  him  with  threescore  ships,  and  eight  hundred  men  to  row  them  ; 
 and  when  the  Tyriaos  had  come  upon  them  in  twelve  ships,  and  the  enemies'  ships  were  dis- 
 persed, they  took  live  hundred  men  prisoners,  and  the  reputation  of  all  the  citizens  of  Tyre  was 
 thereby  increased :  but  the  king  of  Assyria  returned,  Jind  placed  guards  at  their  river  and 
 aqueducts,  who  should  hinder  the  Tyrians  from  drawing  water.  This  continued  for  five  years, 
 .ind  still  the  Tyrians  bore  the  siege,  and  drank  of  the  water  they  had  out  of  the  wells  they 
 dug."  And  this  is  what  is  written  in  the  Tyrian  archives  concerning  Shalmaneser,  the  king 
 of  Assyria. 
 
 3.  But  now  the  Cutheans  who  removed  into  Samaria,  (for  that  is  the  name  they  have  been 
 called  by  to  this  time,  because  they  v^ere  brought  out  of  the  country  •called  Cuthah,  which  is  a 
 country  of  Persia,  and  there  is  a  river  of  the  same  name  in  it,)  each  of  them,  according  to  their 
 nations,  which  were  in  number  five,  brought  their  own  gods  into  Samaria ;  and  by  worshipping 
 them,  as  was  the  custom  of  their  own  countries,  they  provoked  Almighty  God  to  be  angry  and 
 displeased  at  them,  for  a  plague  seized  upon  them,  by  which  they  were  destroyed;  and  when 
 they  found  no  cure  for  their  miseries,  they  learned  by  the  oracle  that  they  ought  to  worship 
 Almighty  God,  as  the  method  for  their  deliverance.  So  they  sent  ambassadors  to  the  king  of 
 Assyria,  and  desired  him  to  send  them  some  of  those  priests  of  the  Israelites  whom  he  had 
 taken  captive.  And  when  he  thereupon  sent  them,  and  the  people  were  by  them  taught  the 
 laws,  and  the  boly  worship  of  God,  tliey  worshipjied  him  in  a  respectful  manner,  nnd  the 
 plague  ceased  immediately  ;  and  indeed  they  continue  to  make  use  of  the  very  same  customs 
 to  this  very  time,  and  are  called  in  the  Hebrew  tongue  Cutheans,  but  in  the  Greek  tongue 
 Samaritans.  And  when  they  see  the  Jews  in  prosperity,  they  pretend  that  they  are  changed, 
 and  allied  to  them,  and  call  them  kinsmen,  as  though  they  were  derived  from  Joseph,  and  had 
 by  that  means  an  original  alliance  with  them  :  but  when  tliey  see  them  falling  into  a  low  con- 
 dition, they  say  Ihey  are  no  way  related  to  them,  and  that  the  Jews  have  no  right  to  expect 
 any  kindness  or  marks  of  kindred  from  them,  but  they  declare  that  they  are  sojourners,  that 
 come  from  other  countries.  But  of  these  we  shall  have  a  more  seasonable  opportunity  to  dis- 
 course hereafter. 
 
BOOK  X. — criAF.  I.  257 
 
 BOOK  X. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF   ONE  HUNDRED  AND  EIGHTY-TWO  YEABS  AND 
 HALF.-EROM  THE  CAPTIVITY  OF  THE  TEN  TRIBES  TO  THE  FIRST  OF  CYRUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Hoio  Senncicherih  made  an  Expeditiojt  against  Hezekiah;  what  Tlirealenings  Babshakeh  mach 
 to  Hezekiah  when  Sennacherib  was  gone  against  the  Egyptians:  horn  Isaiah  the  Prophet 
 encouraged  him ;  hoiv  Sennacherib,  having  failed  of  Success  in  Egypt,  returned  thenae  to 
 Jerusalem;  and  how,  upon  his  finding  his  Army  destroyed,  he  relumed  home ;  and  what 
 befell  him  a  little  afterward. 
 
 §  1/  It  was  now  the  foarteentli  year  of  tlie  government  of  Hezekiah,  king  of  the  two  tribes, 
 when  the  king  of  Assyria,  whose  name  was  Sennacherib,  made  an  expedition  against  him  with 
 a  great  army,  and  took  all  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  by  force  ;  and  when 
 he  was  ready  to  bring  his  army  against  Jerusalem,  Hezekiah  sent  ambassadors  to  him  before- 
 hand, and  promised  to  submit,  and  pay  what  tribute  he  should  appoint.  Hereupon  Sennacherib, 
 when  he  heard  of  what  offers  the  ambassadors  made,  resolved  not  to  proceed  in  the  war,  but 
 to  accept  of  the  proposals  that  were  made  him;  and  if  he  might  receive  three  hundred  talents 
 of  silver,  and  thirty  talents  of  gold,  he  promised  that  he  would  depart  in  a  friendly  manner; 
 and  he  gave  security  upon  oath  to  the  ambassadors  that  he  would  then  do  him  no  harm,  but  go 
 away  as  he  came.  So  Hezekiah  submitted,  and  emptied  his  treasures,  and  sent  the  money,  as 
 supposing  he  should  be  freed  from  his  enemy,  and  from  any  further  distress  about  his  king- 
 dom. Accordingly,  the  Assyrian  king  took  it;  and  yet  hud  no  regard  to  what  he  had  pro- 
 mised; but  while  he  himself  went  to  the  war  against  the  Egyptians  and  Ethiopians,  he  left  his 
 general  Rabsbakeh,  and  two  other  commanders,  with  great  forces,  to  destroy  Jerusalem.  The 
 names  of  the  two  other  commanders  were  Tartan  and  Rabsaris. 
 
 2.  Now  as  soon  as  they  were  come  before  the  walls,  they  pitched  tbeir  camp,  and  sent 
 messengers  to  Hezekiah,  and  desired  that  they  might  speak  with  him  :  but  he  did  not  himself 
 come  out  to  them  for  fear,  but  he  sent  three  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  the  name  of  one  was 
 Eliakim,  who  was  over  the  kingdom,  and  Shebna,  and  Joah  the  recorder.  So  these  men  came 
 out,  and  stood  over  against  the  commanders  of  the  Assyrian  array ;  and  when  Rabsbakeh  saw 
 them,  he  bade  them  go  and  speak  to  Hezekiah  in  the  manner  following:  that  "  Seunacherib 
 the  gi-eat  king*  desires  to  know  of  him,  on  whom  it  is  that  he  relies  and  depends  in  flying 
 from  his  lord,  and  will  not  hear  him,  nor  admit  his  army  into  the  city?  Is  it  on  account  of 
 the  Egyptians,  and  in  hopes  that  his  army  would  be  beaten  by  them?  Whereupon  he  lets  liiin 
 know,  that  if  this  be  what  he  expects,  he  is  a  foolish  man,  and  lite  one  who  leans  on  a  broken 
 reed,  while  such  a  one  will  not  only  fall  down,  but  will  have  his  hand  pierced  and  hurt  by  it. 
 That  he  ought  to  know  he  makes  this  expedition  against  him  by  the  will  of  God,  who  bath 
 granted  this  favour  to  him,  that  be  shall  overthrow  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  that  in  the  very 
 same  manner  he  shall  destroy  those  that  are  his  subjects  also."  When  Rabsbakeh  had  made 
 this  speech  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  for  he  was  skilful  in  that  language,  Eliakim  was  afraid  lest 
 the  multitude  that  heard  him  should  be  disturbed,  so  he  desired  him  to  speak  in  the  Syrian 
 tongue ;  but  the  general  understanding  what  he  meant,  and  perceiving  the  fear  that  he  was  in, 
 he  made  his  answer  with  a  greater  and  a  louder  voice,  but  in  the  Hebrew  tongue;  and  said, 
 that  "  since  they  all  heard  what  were  the  king's  commands,  they  would  consult  their  own 
 advantiige  in  delivering  up  themselves  to  us,  for  it  is  plain  that  both  you  and  your  king  dis- 
 suade the  people  from  submitting  by  vain  hopes,  and  so  induce  them  to  resist :  but  if  you  be 
 courageous,  and  think  to  drive  our  forces  away,  I  am  ready  to  deliver  to  you  two  thousand 
 of  these  horses  that  are  with  me,  for  your  use,  if  you  can  set  as  many  horsemen  on  their  backs, 
 and  shew  your  strength ;  but  what  you  have  not,  you  cannot  produce.  Why  therefore  do 
 you  delay  to  deliver  up  yourselves  to  a  superior  force,  who  can  take  you  without  your 
 consent?  although  it  will  be  safer  for  you  to  deliver  yniirselves  up  voluntarily,  while  a  forcible 
 capture,  when  you  are  beaten,  must  appear  more  dangerous,  and  will  bring  further  cala- 
 mities upon  you." 
 
 3.  When  the  people,  as  well  as  the  ambassadors,  heard  what  the  Assyrian  commander  said, 
 they  related  it  to  Hezekiah,  who  thereupon  put  off  his  royal  apparel,  and  clothed  himself  with 
 sackcloth,  and  took  the  habit  of  a  mourner;  and,  after  the  manner  of  his  country,  he  fell  upon 
 his  face,  and  besought  God,  and  entreated  him  to  assist  them,  now  they  had  no  other  hope  of 
 relief.  He  also  sent  some  of  his  friends,  and  some  of  the  priests,  to  the  prophet  Isaiah,  and 
 desired  that  he  would  pray  to  God,  and  offer  sacrifices  for  their  common  deliverance,  and  so 
 put  up  supplications  to  him,  that  he  would  have  indignation  at  the  expectations  of  their 
 enemies,  and  have  mercy  upon  his  people.  And  when  the  prophet  had  done  accordingly,  ao 
 oracle  came  from  God  to  him,  and  encouraged  the  king  and  his  friends  that  were  about  him  ;  and 
 
 '  The  title  of  Great  King,"  botliin  our  Bibles,  2  Kinp.d  xviii.  19.  T?a.  xxxvi.  4.  aiirl  here  in  Joscplius,  is  the 
 ■Vfiy  same  that  Herodotus  gives  this  Seunacherib,  as  Spaiih.im  takes  notice  uu  this  place. 
 
 2   K 
 
258  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 foretold,  tliat  "  their  enemies  should  be  beaten  wilboat  fighting,  and  should  go  away  in  an 
 ignominious  manner,  and  not  with  that  insolence  which  they  now  shew,  for  tliat  God  would 
 lake  care  that  they  should  be  destroyed."  He  also  foretold,  that  "  Senuacherib  the  king  of 
 Assyria  should  fail  of  his  purpose  against  Egypt,  and  that  when  he  came  home  he  should 
 perish  by  the  sword." 
 
 4.  About  the  same  time  also,  the  king  of  Assyria  wrote  an  epistle  to  Hezekiah,  iu  which  he 
 said,  "  he  was  a  foolish  man  in  supposing  that  he  should  escape  from  being  his  servant,  since 
 he  had  already  brought  under  many  and  great  nations  ;  and  he  threatened,  that  when  he  took 
 him,  he  would  utterly  destroy  him,  unless  h»  now  opened  the  gates,  and  willingly  received  his 
 army  into  Jerusalem."  When  he  read  this  epistle,  be  despised  it  on  account  of  the  trust  that 
 he  bad  in  God,  but  he  rolled  up  the  epistle,  and  laid  it  up  within  the  temple.  And  as  he  made 
 his  further  prayers  to  God  for  the  city,  and  for  the  preservation  of  all  the  people,  the  prophet 
 Isaiah  said,  that  "  God  had  heard  his  prayer,  and  that  he  should  uot  be  besieged  at  this  time 
 by  the  king  of  Assyria  ;*  that  for  the  future  he  might  be  secure  of  not  being  at  all  disturbed  bj 
 him  ;  and  that  the  people  might  go  on  peaceably,  and  without  fear,  with  their  husbandry  and  other 
 affairs."  But  after  a  little  while,  the  king  of  Assyria,  when  he  had  failed  of  bis  treacherous 
 designs  against  the  Egyptians,  returned  home  without  success,  on  the  following  occasion:  he 
 spent  a  long  time  in  the  siege  of  Pelusiuni ;  and  when  the  banks  that  he  bad  raised  over  against 
 the  walls  were  of  a  great  height,  and  when  he  was  ready  to  make  an  immediate  assault  upou 
 them,  he  heard  that  Tirhaka,  king  of  the  Ethiopians,  was  coming  and  bringing  great  forces  to 
 aid  the  Egyptians,  and  was  resolved  to  march  through  the  desert,  aud  so  fall  directly  upon  the 
 Assyrians,  this  king  Sennacherib  was  disturbed  at  the  news,  and,  as  I  said  before,  left  Pelu- 
 sium,  and  returned  back  without  success.  Now  concerning  this  Sennacherib,  Herodotus  also 
 says,  in  the  second  bonk  of  his  histories,  "  How  this  king  came  against  the  Egyptian  king, 
 who  was  the  priest  of  Vulcan,  and  that  as  he  was  besieging  Pelusium,  he  broke  up  the  siege 
 on  the  following  occasion  ;  this  Egyptian  priest  prayed  to  God,  and  God  heard  his  prayer,  and 
 sent  a  judgment  upon  the  Arabian  king."  But  in  this  Herodotus  was  mistaken  when  he 
 called  this  king  not  king  of  the  Assyrians,  but  of  the  Arabians  ;  for  he  saith,  that  "  a  multitude 
 of  mice  gnawed  to  pieces  in  one  night  both  the  bows  and  the  rest  of  the  armour  of  the 
 Assyrians,  and  that  it  was  on  that  account  that  the  king,  when  he  had  no  bows  left,  drew  off 
 his  army  from  Pelusium."  And  Herodotus  does  indeed  give  us  this  history  ;  nay,  and  Berosus, 
 who  wrote  of  the  affairs  of  Chaldea,  makes  mention  of  this  king  Sennacherib,  and  that  he 
 ruled  over  the  Assyrians,  and  that  he  made  an  expedition  against  all  Asia  and  Egypt;  and 
 says  thus:t 
 
 5.  "  Now  when  Sennacherib  was  returning  from  his  Egyptian  war  to  Jerusalem,  he  found 
 his  army  under  Rabshakeh  his  general,  in  danger  [by  a  plague,]  for  God  had  sent  a  pestilen- 
 tial distemper  upou  his  army  ;  and  on  the  very  first  night  of  the  siege,  a  hundred  fourscore  and 
 five  thousand,  with  their  captains  and  generals,  were  destroyed :  so  the  king  was  in  a  great 
 oread,  and  in  a  terrible  agony,  at  this  calamity  ;  and  being  in  great  fear  for  his  whole  army,  he 
 fled  with  the  rest  of  his  forces  to  his  own  kingdom,  and  to  his  city  of  Nineveh  :  and  when  he 
 had  abode  there  a  little  while,  he  was  treacherously  assaulted,  and  died  by  the  hands  of  his 
 elder  sons  Adrammelech  and  Seraser.i  and  was  slain  in  his  own  temple,  which  was  called 
 Araske.  Now  these  sons  of  his  were  driven  away  on  account  of  the  murder  of  their  father  by 
 the  citizens,  and  went  into  Armenia,  while  Assarachoddas  took  the  kingdom  of  Sennacherib." 
 And  this  proved  to  be  the  conclusion  of  this  Assyrian  expedition  against  the  people  of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Hezekiah  was  sick  and  ready  to  die ;  and  how  God  beslowed  upon  him  fifteen  Years  longer 
 Life,  [and  secured  that  Promise,']  hy  the  going  hack  of  the  Shadow  ten  Degrees. 
 
 §  1.  Now  king  Hezekiah  being  thus  d:livered,  after  a  surprising  manner,  from  the  dread  he 
 was  in,  nftered  thank-oflerings  to  Gnd,  with  all  his  people,  because  nothing  else  had  destroyed 
 some  of  their  enemies,  and  made  the  rest  so  fearful  of  undergoing  the  same  fate,  that  they 
 departed  from  Jerusalem,  but  that  divine  assistance  :  yet,  while  he  was  very  zealous  and  dili- 
 gent about  the  worship  of  God,  did  he  soon  afterward  fall  into  a  severe  distemper,  insomuch 
 
 *  What  Josephus  says  here,  how  Isaiah  the  prophet  assured  Hezetiah,  that  "  at  this  time  he  should  not  be 
 besieged  by  the  tfius  of  Assyria,  that  for  the  future  he  might  be  secure  of  being  uot  at  all  disturbed  by  him  ; 
 and  that  [afterward]  the  people  might  go  on  peaceably,  and  without  fear,  with  their  husbandry  and  other 
 affairs,"  is  more  distinct  in  our  other  copies,  both  of  the  Kings  and  of  Isaiah,  and  deserves  very  great  consi- 
 deration. The  words  are  these  :  "  This  shall  be  a  sign  unto  thee  ;  ye  shall  cat  this  year  such  as  groweth  of 
 itself ;  and  the  second  year  that  which  springeth  of  the  same  ;  and  in  the  third  year  sow  ye.  and  reap,  and 
 plant  vineyards,  and  eat  the  fruit  thereof,"  2  Kings  xix.  CO.  Isa.  xxxvii.  30.  which  seem  to  me  plainly  to  design 
 ■  a  sabbatic  year,  a  year  of  jubilee,'  next  after  it,  and  the  succeeding  usual  labours  and  fruits  of  them  on  the 
 third  and  following  years. 
 
 t  That  this  terrible  calamity  of  the  slaughter  of  the  185,000  Assyrians  is  here  delivered  in  the  words  of 
 Berosus  the  Chaldean  ;  and  that  it  was  certainly  and  frequently  foretold  by  the  Jewish  prophets,  and  that  it 
 was  certainly  and  undeniably  accomplished,  see  Authentic  llec.  part  ii.  page  858. 
 
 I  We  are  here  to  take  notice,  that  these  two  sons  of  Sennacherib,  that  ran  away  into  Armenia,  became  the 
 heads  of  two  famous  families  there,  the  Arzerunii  and  Genunii ;  of  which  see  the  particular  histories  in  Moses 
 CUoronensis,  p.  60, 
 
BOOK    X. — CHAP.  II.  259 
 
 thnt  the  physicians  despaired  of  him,  and  expected  no  good  issue  of  his  sickness,  as  neither  did 
 his  friends  ;*  and  hesides  the  distemper  itself,  tliere  was  a  very  melancholy  circumstauce  that 
 disordered  the  king,  which  was  the  consideration  that  he  was  childless,  and  was  going  to  die, 
 and  leave  his  house  and  his  government  without  a  successor  of  his  own  body  ;  so  he  was 
 troubled  at  the  thoughts  of  this  his  condition,  and  lamented  himself,  and  entreated  of  God  that 
 lie  would  prolong  his  life  for  a  little  while  till  he  had  some  children,  and  not  sufler  hira  to 
 depart  this  life  before  he  was  become  a  father.  Hereupon  God  had  mercy  upon  him,  and 
 accepted  of  his  supplication,  because  the  trouble  he  was  under  at  his  supposed  death  was  not 
 because  he  was  soon  to  leave  the  advantages  he  enjoyed  in  the  kingdom,  nor  did  he  on  that 
 account  pray  that  he  might  have  a  longer  life  afforded  him,  but  in  order  to  have  sons,  that 
 might  receive  the  government  after  him.  And  God  sent  Isaiah  tlie  prophet,  and  commanded 
 bim  to  inform  Hezekiah,  that  "  wiliiiii  three  days'  time  he  should  get  clear  of  his  distemper, 
 and  should  survive  it  fifteen  years,  and  that  he  should  have  children  also."  Now  upon  the 
 prophet's  saying  tliis,  as  God  had  commanded  him,  he  could  hardly  believe  it,  both  on  account 
 of  the  distemper  he  was  under,  which  was  very  sore,  and  by  reason  of  the  surprising  nature  of 
 what  was  told  him,  so  he  desired  that  Isaiah  would  give  him  some  sign  of  wonder,  that  he 
 might  believe  him  in  what  he  had  said,  and  be  sensible  that  he  came  from  God  :  for  things  tliat 
 are  beyond  expectation,  and  greater  than  our  hopes,  are  made  credible  by  actions  of  like 
 nature.  And  when  Isaiah  had  asked  him  what  sign  he  desired  to  he  exhibited;  he  desired 
 that  he  would  make  the  shadow  of  the  sun,  which  he  had  already  made  to  go  down  ten  steps 
 [or  degrees]  in  his  house,  to  return  again  to  the  same  place,  and  to  make  it  as  it  was  before. t 
 And  when  the  prophet  prayed  to  God  to  exhibit  this  sign  to  the  king,  he  saw  what  he  desired 
 to  see,  and  was  freed  from  his  distemper,  and  went  up  to  the  temple,  where  he  worshipped 
 God  and  made  vows  to  him. 
 
 2.  At  this  time  it  was  that  the  dominion  of  the  Assyrians  was  overthrown  by  the  Medes,^  but 
 of  these  things  I  shall  treat  elsewhere.  But  the  king  of  Babylon,  whose  name  was  Baladan, 
 sent  ambassadors  to  Hezekiah,  with  presents,  and  desired  he  would  be  his  ally  and  his  friend. 
 So  he  received  the  ambassadors  gladly,  and  made  them  a  feast,  and  shewed  them  his  treasures, 
 and  his  armoury,  and  the  other  wealth  he  was  possessed  of,  in  precious  stones,  and  in  gold, 
 and  gave  them  presents  to  be  carried  to  Baladan,  and  sent  them  back  to  him.  Upon  which 
 the  prophet  Isaiah  came  to  him,  and  inquired  of  him,  "  Whence  those  ambassadors  came?  To 
 which  he  replied,  that  "  they  came  from  Babylon,  from  the  king  ;  and  that  he  had  shewed 
 them  all  he  had,  that  by  the  sight  of  his  riches  and  forces  they  might  thereby  guess  at  [the 
 plenty  he  was  in,]  and  be  able  to  inform  the  king  of  it."  But  the  prophet  rejoined,  and  said, 
 "  Know  thou,  that,  after  a  little  while,  these  riches  of  thine  shall  be  carried  away  to  Babylon, 
 and  thy  posterity  shall  be  made  eunuchs  there,  and  lose  their  manhood,  and  be  servants  to  the 
 king  of  Babylon,  for  that  God  foretold  such  things  would  come  to  pass."  Upon  which  words 
 Hezekiah  was  troubled,  and  said,  that  "  he  was  himself  unwilling  that  his  nation  should  fall 
 into  such  calamities,  yet  since  it  is  not  possible  to  alter  what  God  had  determined,  he  prayed 
 that  there  might  be  peace  while  he  lived."  Berosus  also  makes  mention  of  this  Baladan  king 
 of  Babylon.  Now  as  to  this  jirophet,  [Isaiah,]  he  was  by  the  confession  of  all  a  divine  and 
 wonderful  man  in  speaking  truth  ;  and  out  of  the  assurance  that  he  had  never  written  what  was 
 false,  he  wrote  down  all  his  prophecies,  and  left  them  behind  bim  in  books,  that  their  accom- 
 plishment might  be  judged  of  from  the  events,  by  posterity:  nor  did  this  prophet  do  so  alone, 
 but  the  others,  which  were  twelve  in  number,  did  the  same.  And  whatsoever  is  done  among 
 us,  whether  it  be  good,  or  whether  it  be  bad,  comes  to  pass  according  to  their  prophecies ;  but 
 of  every  one  of  these  we  shall  speak  hereafter. 
 
 •  .Tosephus,  and  all  our  copies,  place  the  '  sickness'  of  Hezekiah  after  the  '  destruction'  of  Sennacherili's 
 '  army,'  because  it  appears  to  have  been  after  his  first  assault,  as  he  was  going  into  Arabia  and  Egypt,  whure 
 he  pushed  his  conquests  as  far  as  they  would  po ;  and  in  order  to  despatch  his  story  altogether  ;  yet  does  no 
 copy  but  this  of  Josephus  say  it  was  'after'  that  destruction,  but  only  that  it  happened  '  in  those  days,'  or  about 
 the  time  of  tlezekiah's  life.  >ior  will  the  fifteen  years'  prolongation  of  his  life  after  his  sickness,  allow  that 
 sickness  to  have  been  later  than  the  former  part  of  the  l.'ith  year  of  his  reign,  since  chronology  does  not  allow 
 him  in  all  above  twenty-nine  years  and  a  few  months,  whereas  the  first  assault  of  Sennacherib  was  ou  the  14tti 
 year  of  Hezekiah,  but  the  destruction  of  Sennacherib's  army  was  not  till  his  18th  year. 
 
 +  As  to  this  regress  of  the  shadow,  either  upon  a  sun-dial,  or  the  steps  of  the  royal  palace  built  by  Ahaz, 
 whether  it  were  physically  done  by  the  real  miraculous  revolution  of  the  earth  in  its  diurnal  motion  back- 
 ward iiom  east  to  west,  for  a  while,  and  its  return  again  to  its  old  natural  revolution  from  west  to  east,  or 
 whether  it  were  not  apparent  only,  and  performed  by  an  ainal  phosphoms,  which  imitated  the  sun's  motion 
 backward,  while  a  cloud  hid  the  real  sun,  cannot  now  be  determined.  Philosophers  and  astronomers  will 
 naturally  incline  to  the  latter  hypolhesis.  However,  it  must  be  noted,  that  .Tosephus  seems  to  have  understood 
 it  otherwise  than  we  generally  do ;  that  the  shadow  was  accelerated  as  much  at  first  forward  as  it  was  made  to 
 BO  backward  afterward,  and  so  the  day  was  neither  longer  nor  shorter  than  usual,  which,  it  must  be  confessed, 
 agrees  best  of  all  to  astronomy,  whose  eclipses  older  tlinn  that  time  were  observed  at  the  same  limes  of  the  day  as 
 if  this  miracle  had  never  happened.  After  all,  this  wonderful  signal  was  not,  it  seems,  peculiar  to  Judea,  bnt 
 cither  seen,  or  at  least  heard  of,  at  P.abylon  also,  as  appears  by  'Z  Chron.  xxxii.  31.  where  we  learn,  that  the 
 Babylonian  ambassadors  were  sent  to  llessekiah,  among  other  things,  '  to  inquire  of  the  wonder  that  was  done 
 in  the  laud.' 
 
 t  This  expression  of  .losephus,  that  the  Medcs,  upon  this  destruction  of  the  Assyrian  army,  'overthrew'  the 
 Assyrian  empire,  seems  to  be  too  strong,  for  although  they  immediately  cast  otf  the  Assyrian  yoke,  and  set  up 
 Deioccs  a  king  of  their  own,  yet  it  was  some  time  before  the  Medes  and  Babylonians  overthrew  N  ineveh,  and 
 some  generations  ere  the  Medes  and  Persians  uuder  Cyaxares  and  Cyrus  overthrew  the  Assyriau  or  Baby 
 loniaa  empire. 
 
260  ANTIQUITIES  OF   r'AK  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Manasseh  reigned  after  Hezekiah ;  and  how,  when  he  was  in  Captivity,  he  » etitrned  to  God, 
 and  was  restored  to  his  Kingdom,  and  left  it  to  [his  <S'on]  Anon. 
 
 §  1.  When  king  Hezekiah  Lad  survived  the  Interval  of  time  already  mentioned,  and  had 
 dwelt  all  that  time  in  peace,  he  died,  having  completed  fiftj-four  years  of  his  life,  and  reigned 
 twenty-nine  :  but  when  his  son  Manasseh,  whose  mother's  name  was  Htplizibah,  of  Jerusalem, 
 had  taken  the  kingdom,  he  departed  from  the  conduct  of  his  father,  and  fell  into  a  course  of 
 life  quite  contrary  thereto,  and  shewed  himself  in  his  manners  most  wicked  in  all  respects, 
 and  omitted  no  sort  of  impiety,  but  imitated  those  transgressions  of  the  Israelites,  by  the  com- 
 mission of  which  against  God  they  had  been  destroyed  ;  for  he  was  so  hardy  as  to  defile  the 
 temple  of  God,  and  the  city,  and  the  v/hole  country;  for,  by  setting  out  from  a  contempt  of 
 God,  he  barbarously  slew  all  the  righteous  men  who  were  among  the  Hebrews,  nor  would  he 
 spare  the  prophets,  for  he  every  day  slew  some  of  them,  till  Jerusalem  was  overflown  with 
 blood.  So  God  was  angry  at  these  proceedings,  and  sent  prophets  to  the  king,  and  to  the 
 multitude,  by  whom  he  threatened  the  very  same  calamities  to  them,  which  their  brethren  the 
 Israelites,  upon  the  like  affronts  offered  to  God,  were  now  under.  But  these  men  would  not 
 belieye  their  words,  by  which  belief  they  might  have  reaped  the  advantage  of  escaping  all  those 
 miseries,  yet  did  they  in  earnest  learn  that  what  the  propliets  had  told  them  was  true, 
 
 2.  And  when  they  persevered  in  the  same  course  of  life,  God  raised  up  war  against  them, 
 from  the  king  of  Babylon  and  Chaldea,  who  sent  an  army  against  Judea,  and  laid  waste  the 
 country;  and  caught  king  IManasseh  by  treachery,  and  ordered  him  to  be  brought  to  him,  and 
 had  him  under  his  power  to  inflict  what  punishment  be  pleased  upon  him.  But  then  it  was 
 that  Manasseh  perceived  what  a  miserable  condition  he  was  in,  and  esteeming  himself  the 
 cause  of  all,  he  besought  God  to  render  his  enemy  humane  and  merciful  to  him.  Accordingly, 
 God  heard  his  prayer,  and  granted  him  what  he  prayed  for.  So  Manasseh  was  released  by 
 the  king  of  Babylon,  and  escaped  the  danger  he  was  in  :  and  when  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem, 
 he  endeavoured,  if  it  were  possible,  to  cast  out  of  his  memory  those  bis  former  sins  against 
 God,  of  which  he  now  repented,  and  to  apply  himself  to  a  very  religious  life.  He  sanctified 
 the  temple,  and  purged  the  city,  and  for  the  remainder  of  his  days  he  was  intent  on  nothing  but 
 to  return  his  thanks  to  God  for  his  deliverance,  and  to  preserve  him  propitious  to  him  all  his 
 life  long.  He  also  instructed  the  multitude  to  do  the  same,  as  having  very  nearly  experienced 
 what  a  calamity  he  was  fallen  into  by  a  contrary  conduct.  He  also  rebuilt  the  altar,  and 
 offered  the  legal  sacrifices,  as  Moses  commanded.  And  when  he  had  re-established  what 
 concerned  the  divine  worship  as  it  ought  to  be,  he  took  care  of  the  security  of  Jerusalem :  he 
 did  not  only  repair  the  old  walls  with  great  diligence,  but  added  another  wall  to  the  former. 
 He  also  built  very  lofty  towers,  and  the  garrisoned  places  before  the  city  he  strengthened,  not 
 only  in  other  respects,  but  with  provisions  of  all  sorts  that  they  wanted.  And  indeed,  when 
 lie  had  changed  his  former  course,  he  so  led  his  life  for  the  time  to  come,  that  from  the  time  of 
 his  return  to  piety  towards  God,  he  was  deemed  a  happy  man,  and  a  pattern  for  imitation: 
 when  therefore  he  had  lived  sixty-seven  years,  he  departed  this  life,  having  reigned  fifty-five 
 years,  and  was  buried  in  his  own  garden  ;  and  the  kingdom  came  to  his  son  Amon,  whose 
 mother's  name  was  Meshulemeth,  of  the  city  of  Jotbath. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Hoio  Amon  reigned  instead  of  Manasseh ;  and  after  Amon,  reigned  Josiah;  he  was  both  righteous 
 
 and  religious.  As  also  concerning  Huldah  the  Prophetess. 
 §  1.  This  Amon  imitated  those  works  of  his  father  which  he  insolently  did  when  he  was 
 young:  so  he  had  a  conspiracy  made  against  him  by  his  own  servants,  and  was  slain  in  his 
 own  house,  when  he  had  lived  twenty-four  years,  and  of  them  had  reigned  two  :  but  the  multi- 
 tude punished  those  that  slew  Amon,  and  buried  him  with  his  father,  and  gave  the  kingdom  to 
 his  son  Josiah,  who  was  eight  years  old.  His  mother  was  of  the  city  of  Boscath  ;  and  her 
 name  was  Jedidah.  He  was  of  a  most  excellent  disposition,  and  naturally  virtuous,  and  fol- 
 lowed the  actions  of  king  David,  as  a  pattern  and  a  rule  to  him  in  the  whole  conduct  of  his  life. 
 And  when  he  was  twelve  years  old,  he  gave  demonstrations  of  his  religious  and  righteous 
 behaviour;  for  he  brought  the  people  to  a  sober  way  of  living,  and  exhorted  them  to  leave  off 
 the  opinion  they  had  of  their  idols,  because  they  were  not  gods,  but  to  worship  their  own  God. 
 And  by  reflecting  on  the  actions  of  his  progenitors,  he  prudently  corrected  what  they  did 
 ^7rong,  like  a  very  elderly  man,  and  like  one  abundantly  able  to  understand  what  was  fit  to 
 be  done ;  and  when  he  found  they  had  well  done,  he  observed  all  the  country  over,  and 
 imitated  the  same.  And  thus  he  acted  in  following  the  wisdom  and  sagacity  of  his  own 
 nature,  and  in  compliance  with  the  advice  and  instruction  of  the  elders;  for  by  following 
 the  laws  it  was  that  he  succeeded  so  well  in  the  order  of  his  government,  and  in  piety 
 with  regard  to  the  divine  worship.  And  this  happened  because  the  transgressions  of  the 
 former  kings  were  seen  no  more,  but  quite  vanished  away;  for  the  king  went  about  the  city, 
 and  the  whole  country,  and  cut  down  the  groves  which  were  devoted  to  strange   gods,  and 
 
HOOK  X. — ruAP.  IV.  261 
 
 overtlirew  tlieir  altars;  and  if  there  wt're  any  giftj  dedictited  to  tliem  by  liis  forefiithers,  lie 
 uiade  them  ignominous  and  plucked  them  down,  and  by  tiiis  means  he  brotiglit  the  people  hack 
 from  their  opinion  about  them  to  the  worship  of  God.  He  also  oilered  his  accustomed  sacri- 
 fices and  bnrnt-offerings  upon  the  altar.  Moreover,  he  ordained  certain  judges  and  overseers, 
 liiat  thej  might  order  the  matters  to  them  severally  belonging,  and  have  regard  to  justice  above 
 all  things,  and  distribute  it  with  the  same  concern  they  would  have  about  their  own  soul.  He 
 also  sent  over  all  the  country,  and  desired  such  as  pleased  to  bring  gold  and  silver  for  the 
 repairs  of  the  temple,  according  to  every  one's  inclinations  and  abilities.  And  when  the 
 money  was  brought  in,  he  made  one  Miiaseiah  the  governor  of  the  city,  and  Shaphan  the 
 scribe,  and  Joash  the  recorder,  and  Eliakim  the  high  priest,  curators  of  the  temple,  and  of  the 
 charges  contributed  thereto,  who  made  no  dela}',  nor  pot  oft"  the  work  at  all,  but  prepared 
 architects,  and  whatsoever  was  proper  for  those  repairs,  and  set  closely  about  the  work.  So 
 (be  temple  was  repaired  by  this  means,  and  became  a  public  demonstration  of  the  king's  piety. 
 
 2.  But  when  he  was  now  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign,  he  sent  to  Eliakim  the  high 
 priest,  and  gave  order,  that  out  of  what  money  was  overplus,  he  should  cast  cups  and  dishes, 
 and  vials,  for  ministration  [in  the  temple ;]  and  besides,  that  they  should  bring  all  the  gold  and 
 silver  which  was  among  the  treasures,  and  expend  that  also  in  making  cups  and  the  like  ves- 
 sels. But  as  the  high  priest  was  bringing  out  the  gold,  he  lit  upon  the  holy  books  of  Moses 
 that  were  laid  up  in  the  temple,  and  when  he  had  brought  them  out,  he  gave  them  to  Shaphan 
 the  scribe,  who,  when  he  had  read  them,  came  to  the  king,  and  informed  him  that  all  was 
 finished  which  he  had  ordered  to  be  done.  He  also  read  over  the  books  to  Lim,  who,  when 
 he  had  heard  them  read,  rent  his  garment:  and  called  for  Eliakim  the  high  priest,  and  for 
 [Shaphan]  the  scribe,  and  for  certain  [other]  of  his  most  particular  friends,  and  sent  them  to 
 Huldah  the  pro[)hetess,  the  wife  of  Shallum,  (which  Shallum  was  a  man  of  dignity  and  of  an 
 eminent  family,)  and  bade  them  go  to  her  and  say,  that  [he  desired]  "  she  would  appease  God, 
 ai.d  endeavour  to  render  him  propitious  to  iliem,  for  that  there  was  cause  to  fear,  lest,  upon 
 the  transgression  of  the  laws  of  Moses  by  their  forefathers,  they  should  be  in  peril  of  going 
 into  captivity,  and  of  being  cast  out  of  their  own  country;  lest  they  should  be  in  want  of  all 
 things,  and  so  end  their  days  miserably."  When  the  prophetess  had  heard  tliis  from  the 
 messengers  that  were  sent  to  her  by  the  king,  she  bade  them  go  hack  to  the  king,  and  say, 
 that  "  God  had  already  given  sentence  against  them,  to  destroy  the  people,  and  cast  thera  out 
 of  their  country,  and  deprive  them  of  all  the  happiness  they  enjoyed  ;  which  sentence  none 
 could  set  aside  by  any  prayers  of  theirs,  since  it  was  passed  on  account  of  their  transgressions 
 of  the  laws,  and  of  their  not  having  repented  in  so  long  a  time,  while  the  prophets  had  exhorted 
 them  to  amend,  and  had  foretold  the  punishment  that  would  ensue  on  their  impious  practices ; 
 which  threatening  God  would  certainly  execute  upon  them,  that  they  might  be  persuaded  that 
 he  is  God,  and  bad  not  deceived  them  in  any  respect  as  to  what  be  had  denounced  by  his  pro- 
 phets :  that  yet,  because  Josiah  was  a  righteous  man,  he  would  at  present  delay  those  cala- 
 mities, but  that,  after  bis  death,  he  would  send  on  the  multitude  what  miseries  he  had  deter- 
 mined for  thera." 
 
 3.  So  these  messengers,  upon  this  prophecy  of  th  woman,  came  aud  told  it  to  the  king  ; 
 whereupon  he  sent  to  the  people  every  where,  and  ordered  that  the  priests  and  the  Levites 
 suonld  come  together  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  commanded  that  those  of  every  age  should  be  present 
 also:  and  when  they  were  gathered  together,  he  first  read  to  them  the  holy  books;  after  which 
 he  stood  upon  a  pulpit,  in  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  and  obliged  them  to  make  a  covenant, 
 with  an  oath,  that  they  would  worship  God,  and  keep  the  lavi^s  of  Moses.  Accordingly,  they 
 gave  their  assent  willingly,  and  undertook  to  do  what  the  king  had  recommended  to  them.  So 
 they  immediately  oflered  sacrifices,  and  that  after  m  acceptable  manner,  and  besought  God  to 
 be  gracious  and  merciful  to  them.  He  also  enjoined  the  high  priest,  that  if  there  remained  in 
 the  temple  any  vessel  that  was  dedicated  to  idols,  or  to  foreign  gods,  they  should  cast  it  out: 
 so  when  a  great  number  of  such  vessels  were  got  together,  he  burnt  them,  and  scattered  their 
 ashes  abroad,  and  slew  the  priests  of  the  idols,  that  were  not  of  the  family  of  Aaron. 
 
 4.  And  when  he  had  done  thus  in  Jerusalem,  he  came  into  the  country,  and  utterly  destroyed 
 what  buildings  had  been  made  therein  by  king  Jeroboam,  in  honour  of  strange  gods  ;  and  he 
 burnt  the  bones  of  the  false  prophets  upon  that  altar  which  Jeroboam  first  built.  And  as  the 
 prophet  [Jadon,]  who  came  to  Jeroboam  when  he  was  ottering  sacrifice,  and  when  all  the  peo- 
 ple heard  him,  foretold  what  would  come  to  pass,  viz.  that  "a  certain  man  of  the  house  of 
 David,  Jnsiah  by  name,  should  do  what  is  here  mentioned."  And  it  happened  that  those  pre- 
 dictions took  effect  after  three  hundred  and  sixty-one  years. 
 
 5.  After  these  things,  Jnsiah  went  also  to  such  other  Israelites  as  had  escaped  captivity  and 
 slavery  under  the  Assyrians,  and  persuaded  them  to  desist  from  their  impious  practices,  and 
 to  leave  off  the  honours  they  paid  to  strange  gods,  but  to  worship  rightly  their  own  Almighty 
 Cod,  and  adhere  to  him.  He  also  searched  the  bouses  and  the  villages,  and  the  cities,  out  of 
 suspicion  that  somebody  might  have  one  idol  or  other  in  private  ;  nay,  indeed,  be  took  away 
 the  chariots  [of  the  sun]  that  were  set  up  in  his  royal  palace,*  which  his  predecensors  bad 
 
 •  It  is  hard  to  reconcile  the  account  in  the  second  book  of  Kings,  chap,  xxiii.  11.  with  this  account  of  Joee- 
 plius,  auu  10  translate  this  passage  truly  in  Joscphus,  whose  coiiius  are  supposed  to  he  here  imperfect :  however. 
 
262  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 iVamed  ;  and  what  thing  soever  tbere  was  besides,  which  they  worsliipped  as  a  god.  And 
 when  he  had  thus  purged  all  the  country,  he  called  the  people  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  cele- 
 brated the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  and  Unit  called  the  Passover.  Me  also  gave  the  people, 
 for  paschal  sacrifices,  young  kids  of  the  goats  and  lambs,  thirty  thousand,  and  three  thousand 
 oxen  for  burnt-offerines.  The  principal  of  the  priests  also  gave  to  the  priests  against  the 
 passover,  two  thousand  and  six  hundred  lambs  ;  the  principal  of  the  Leviles  also  gave  to  the 
 Levites  five  thousand  lambs  and  five  hundred  oxen,  by  which  means  there  was  great  plenty 
 of  sacrifices  ;  and  they  ofl'ered  those  sacrifices  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  while  every 
 priest  explained  the  matter,  and  ministered  to  the  niidtitude.  And  indeed  there  had  been  no 
 other  festival  thus  celebrated  by  the  Hebrews  from  the  times  of  Samuel  the  prophet ;  and  the 
 plenty  of  sacrifices  now  was  the  occasion  thai  all  things  were  performed  according  to  the  laws, 
 and  according  to  the  custom  of  their  forefathers.  So  when  Josiah  had  after  this  lived  in 
 peace,  nay,  in  riches  and  reputation  also  among  all  men,  he  ended  his  life  in  the  manner  following. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Josiah  fought  with  Neco  \^King  of  Egypt, "]  and  teas  wounded,  and  died  in  a  little  afterward: 
 as  also,  how  Neco  carried  Jehoakaz,  who  had  been  made  King,  into  ligypt,  and  delivered  the 
 Kingdom  to  Jehoiakim  :  and  [^lastly^  cvncerning  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel. 
 §  1.  Now  Neco,  king  of  Egypt,  raised  an  army,  and  marched  to  the  river  Euphrates,  in 
 order  to  fight  with  the  Medes  and  Babylonians,  who  had  overthrown- the  dominion  of  the  Assy- 
 rians,* for  he  had  a  desire  to  reign  over  Asia.  Now  when  he  was  come  to  the  tity  Mendes, 
 which  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  Josiah,  he  brought  an  army  to  hinder  him  from  passing 
 through  his  own  country,  in  his  expedition  against  the  Medes.  Now  Neco  sent  a  herald  to 
 Josiah,  and  told  him,  that  "  he  did  not  make  this  expedition  against  him,  but  was  making 
 haste  to  Euphrates  ;  and  desired  that  he  would  not  provoke  him  to  fight  against  him,  because 
 he  obstructed  his  march  to  the  place  wbilher  he  had  resolved  to  go."  But  Josiah  did  not 
 admit  of  this  advice  of  Neco,  but  put  himself  into  a  posture  to  hinder  hiin  from  this  intended 
 march.  I  suppose  it  was  fate  that  pushed  him  on  to  this  conduct,  that  it  might  take  an  occa- 
 sion against  him  ;  for  as  he  was  setting  his  army  in  array, t  and  rode  about  in  his  chariot,  from 
 one  wing  of  his  army  to  another,  one  of  tl  e  Egyptians  shot  an  arrow  at  him,  and  put  an  end  to 
 his  eagerness  of  fighting  ;  for  being  sorely  wounded,  he  commanded  a  retreat  to  be  sounded  for 
 Lis  army,  and  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  died  of  that  wound;  and  was  magnificently  buried 
 in  the  sepulchre  of  his  fathers,  when  he  had  lived  thirty-nine  years,  and  of  them  had  reigned 
 thirty-one.  But  all  the  people  mourned  greatly  for  him,  lamenting  and  grieving  on  his  account 
 many  days:  and  Jeremiah  the  prophet  composed  an  elegy  to  lament  him,  wiiich  is  extant  till 
 this  time  also.J  Moreover,  this  prophet  denounced  beforehand,  the  sad  calamities  that  were 
 coming  upon  the  city.  He  also  left  behind  him  in  writing  a  description  of  that  destruction  of 
 our  nation  which  has  lately  happened  in  our  days,  and  the  taking  of  Babylon  ;  nor  was  he  the 
 only  prophet  who  delivered  such  predictions  beforehand  to  the  multitude,  but  so  did  Ezekiel 
 also,  who  was  the  first  person  that  wrote,  and  left  behind  him  in  writing,  two  books  concerning 
 these  events.  Now  these  two  prophets  were  priests  by  birth  ;  but  of  them  Jeremiah  dwelt  in 
 Jerusalem,  from  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Josiah,  until  the  city  and  temple  were 
 utterly  destroyed.  However,  as  to  what  befell  this  prophet,  we  will  relate  it  in  its  proper 
 place. 
 
 2.  Upon  the  death  of  Josiah,  which  we  have  already  mentioned,  his  son,  Jehoahaz  byname, 
 took  the  kingdom  ;  being  about  twenty-three  years  old  :  be  reigned  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  his 
 mother  was  Hamutal,  of  the  city  Libnah.  He  was  an  impious  man,  and  impure  in  his  course 
 of  life  :  but  as  the  king  of  Egypt  returned  from  the  battle,  he  sent  for  Jehoahaz  to  come  to 
 him,  to  the  city  called  Hamath,^  which  belongs  to  Syria;  and  when  he  was  come,  he  put  him 
 in  bonds,  and  delivered  the  kingdom  to  a  brother  of  his,  by  the  father's  side,  whose  name  was 
 Eliakim,  and  changed  his  name  to  Jehoiakim,  and  laid  a  tribute  upon  the  land  of  a  hundred 
 talents  of  silver,  and  a  talent  of  gold,  and  this  sum  of  money  Jehoiakim  paid  by  way  of  tribute  : 
 but  Neco  carried  away  Jehoahaz  into  Egypt,  where  he  died  when  he  had  reigned  three  months 
 
 the  general  sense  of  both  seems  to  be  this,  thnt  there  were  certain  chariots  with  their  horses,  di=(licated  to  the 
 idol  of  tlje  sun,  or  to  Moloch :  which  idol  must  be  carried  about  in  procession,  niid  worshipped  by  tlie  people  ; 
 which  chariots  were  now  taken  away,  as  Josephus  says,  or,  as  the  book  of  the  Kings  says,  burnt  with  fire  by 
 Josiah. 
 
 •  This  is  a  remarkable  passage  of  chronology  in  Josephus,  that  about  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Josiah, 
 the  Medes  and  Babylonians  overthrew  the  empire  of  tlie  Assyrians;  or,  in  the  words  of '1  obit's  continuator, 
 that  "before  Tobias  died,  he  heard  of  the  destruction  of  Nineveh,  which  was  taken  by  Nebucliodonosor  the 
 Ealiylonian,  and  Assuerus  the  Mede,"  Tob.  xiv.  15.— See  Dean  Prideaux'  Connection  at  the  year  612. 
 
 +  This  battle  is  justly  esteemed  the  very  same  that  Herodotus,  b.  ii.  (>  156.  mentions,  when  he  says,  that 
 "  Nccao  joined  battle  with  the  Syrians  [or  Jews]  at  Magdolum  (Megiddo,)  and  beat  them,"  as  Dr.  Hudson  here 
 observes. 
 
 1  Whetner  Josephns,  from  2  Chron.  xxxv.  C5.  here  means  the  book  of  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  still 
 extant,  which  chiefly  belongs  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  under  Nebuchadne/.zar,  or  to  any  other  like 
 melancholy  poem  now  lost,  but  extant  in  the  days  of  Josephus,  belonging  peculiarly  to  Josiah,  cannot  now  bo 
 deiermined. 
 
 $  This  ancient  city  ITamath,  which  is  joined  with  Arpad.  or  Aradus,  and  with  Damascus,  C  Kings  xviii.  .S4. 
 Isa.  xxxvi.  19.  Jer.  xlix.CS.  cities  of  Syria  and  Phenicia  near  the  borders  of  Judea,  was  also  itself  evidtuiiy 
 near  the  same  borders,  though  long  ago  utterly  destroyed. 
 
BOOK  X. — CHAP.  VI.  vir.  2o:5 
 
 arul  lei)  days.  Now  Jelioiakiin's  mother  vvns  called  Zebudah,  of  (lie  city  Rumali.  He  was  of 
 a  wicked  disposition,  and  ready  to  do  mischief:  nor  was  be  eitlier  religious  towards  God  or 
 goodnatured  towards  men. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Hoiv  Nabuchadnezzar,  when  he  had  cotujitered  the  King  of  Egypt,  made  an  Expedition  against 
 
 the  Jews,  and  slew  Jehoiakim,  and  made  Jehoiachin  his  son  King. 
 §  1.  Now  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reigu  of  Jehoiakim, one  whose  name  was  Nebuchadnezzar 
 took  the  government  over  the  Babylonians,  who  at  the  same  time  went  up  with  a  great  army 
 to  the  city  Carchemish,  which  v\as  at  Euphrates,  upon  a  resolution  be  bad  taken  to  fight  with 
 Neco  king  of  Egypt,  under  whom  all  Syria  then  was.  And  when  Neco  understood  the  inten- 
 tion of  the  king  of  Babylon,  an<l  that  this  expedition  was  made  against  him,  he  did  not  despise 
 bis  attempt,  but  made  basle  with  a  great  band  of  men  to  Euphrates,  to  defend  himself  from 
 Nebuchadnezzar;  and  when  they  bad  joined  battle,  he  was  beaten,  and  lost  many  ten  thousands 
 [of  bis  soldiers]  in  the  battle.  So  the  king  of  Babylon  passed  over  Euphrates,  and  took  all 
 Syria,  as  far  as  Pelusium,  excepting  Judea.  But  when  Nebuchadnezzar  had  already  reigned 
 four  years,  which  was  the  eighth  of  Jehoiakim's  government  over  the  Hebrews,  the  king  of 
 Babylon  made  an  expedition  with  mighty  forces  against  the  Jews,  and  required  tribute  of 
 Jehoiakim,  and  threatened  on  his  refusal  to  make  war  against  him.  He  was  afTrighted  at  this 
 threatening,  and  bought  bis  peace  with  money,  and  brought  the  tribute  he  was  ordered  to  bring 
 for  three  years. 
 
 2.  But  on  the  third  year,  upon  hearing  that  the  king  of  the  Babylonians  made  an  expedition 
 against  the  Egyptians,  he  did  not  pay  his  tribute,  yet  was  he  disappointed  of  his  hope,  for  the 
 Egyptians  durst  not  fight  at  this  time.  And  indeed  the  prophet  Jeremiah  foretold  every  day, 
 bow  vainly  they  relied  on  their  hopes  from  Egypt,  and  bow  the  city  *yould  be  overthrown  by 
 the  king  of  Babylon,  and  Jehoiakim  the  king  would  be  subdued  by  him.  But  what  he  thus 
 spake  proved  to  be  of  no  advantage  to  them,  because  there  were  none  that  should  escape  ;  for 
 both  the  multitude,  and  the  rulers,  when  they  heard  him,  Iiad  no  concern  about  what  they 
 beard;  but  being  displeased  at  what  was  said,  as  if  the  prophet  were  a  diviner  against  the 
 king,  they  accused  Jeremiah,  and  bringing  him  before  the  court,  they  required  that  a  sentence 
 and  a  punishment  might  be  given  against  him.  Now  all  the  rest  gave  their  votes  for  his  con- 
 demnation, but  the  elders  refused,  who  prudently  sent  away  the  prophet  from  the  court  of  [the 
 prison]  and  persuaded  the  rest  to  do  Jeremiah  no  harm;  for  they  said,  that  "he  was  not  the 
 only  person  who  foretold  what  would  come  to  the  city,  but  that  Micah  signified  the  same  before 
 him,  as  well  as  many  others,  none  of  which  sulTered  any  thing  of  the  kings  that  then  reigned, 
 but  were  honoured  as  the  prophets  of  God."  So  they  mollified  the  multitude  with  these  words, 
 and  delivered  Jeremiah  from  the  punishment  to  which  he  was  condemned.  Now  when  this 
 prophet  had  written  all  his  prophecies,  aud  the  people  were  fasting,  and  assembled  at  the 
 temple,  on  the  ninth  month  of  tlie  fifth  year  of  Jehoiakim,  he  read  the  book  he  had  composed 
 of  his  predictions,  of  what  was  to  befall  the  city,  and  the  temple,  and  the  multitude.  And 
 when  the  rulers  heard  of  it,  they  took  the  book  from  him,  and  bade  him  and  Baruch  the  scribe 
 to  go  their  ways,  lest  they  should  be  discovered  by  one  or  other;  but  they  carried  the  book, 
 and  gave  it  to  tlie  king,  so  he  gave  order,  in  the  presence  of  his  friends,  that  his  scribe  should 
 lake  it,  and  read  it.  When  the  king  heard  what  it  contained,  he  was  angry,  and  tore  it,  and 
 cast  it  into  the  fire,  where  it  was  consumed.  He  also  commanded  that  they  should  seek  for 
 Jeremiah  and  Baruch  the  scribe,  and  bring  them  to  him,  that  Ihey  might  be  punished.  How- 
 ever, they  escaped  bis  anger. 
 
 3.  Now  a  little  time  afterward,  the  king  of  Babylon  made  an  expedition  against  Jehoiakim, 
 whom  he  received  into  the  city,  and  (his  out  of  fear  of  the  foregoing  predictions  of  this  pro- 
 j)het,  as  supposing  that  he  should  sufl'er  nothing  that  was  terrible,  because  he  neither  shut  the 
 gates,  nor  fought  against  him;  yet  when  he  was  come  into  the  city,  he  did  not  observe  the 
 covenants  he  had  made,  but  he  slew  such  as  were  in  the  flower  of  their  age,  and  such  as  were 
 of  the  greatest  dignity,  together  with  their  king  Jehoiakim,  whom  hecommanded  (o  be  (brown 
 before  the  walls,  without  any  burial  ;  and  made  his  son  Jehoiachin  king  of  the  country,  and  of 
 the  city  :  he  also  took  (he  principal  persons  in  digni(y  for  captives,  three  thousand  in  number, 
 and  led  them  away  to  Babylon  ;  among  whom  was  the  prophet  Ezekiel,  who  was  then  but 
 young.  And  this  was  (he  end  of  king  Jehoiakim,  when  be  bad  lived  thirty-six  years,  and  of 
 them  reigned  eleven  :  but  Jehoiachin  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  whose  mother's  name 
 was  Nebushta  :  she  was  a  citizen  of  Jerusalem.     He  reigned  three  months  and  ten  days. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 That  the  King  of  Bahijlon  repented  of  making  Jehoiachin  King,  and  took  him  away  to  Babylon, 
 and  delivered  the  Kingdom  to  Zcdekiuh.  This  King  would  not  believe  what  ivas  predicted  by 
 Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  but  joined  himself  to  the  Egi/ptians;  who,  when  they  came  into  Judea, 
 were  vanquished  by  the  King  of  Babylon:  as  also  what  befell  Jeremiah. 
 
 §  1.  But  a  terror  seized  on  the  king  of  Babylon,  who  had  given  the  kingdom  to  Jehoiachin, 
 and  that  immediately  :   he  was  afraid  that  he  should  bear  hira  a  grndge,  because  of  his  killing 
 
264  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 his  father,  and  thereupon  should  make  the  coantry  revolt  from  Liin  ;  wherefore  he  sent  an 
 army,  and  besieged  Jehoiaciiin  in  Jernsalem  ;  but  because  he  was  of  a  gentle  and  just  disposi- 
 tion, he  did  not  desire  to  see  the  city  endangered  on  his  account,  but  he  took  his  mother,  and 
 kindred,  and  delivered  tbeni  to  the  commanders  sent  by  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  accepted  of 
 their  oaths,  that  neither  should  they  suffer  any  harm,  nor  the  city;  which  agreement  they  did 
 not  observe  for  a  single  year,  for  the  king  of  Babylon  did  not  keep  it,  but  gave  orders  to  his 
 generals  to  take  all  that  were  in  the  city  captives,  both  the  youth  and  the  handicraftsmen  ;  and 
 bring  them  bound  to  him ;  their  number  was  ten  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-two  ;  as 
 also  Jehoiachin,  and  his  mother  and  friends  :  and  when  these  were  brought  to  him,  he  kept 
 them  in  custody,  and  appointed  Jehoiachiu's  uncle  Zedekiah  to  be  king  ;  and  made  him  take 
 an  oath,  that  he  would  certainly  keep  the  kingdom  for  him,  and  make  no  innovation,  nor  have 
 any  league  of  friendship  with  the  Esyptians. 
 
 2.  Now  Zedekiah  was  twenty  and  one  years  old  when  he  took  the  government ;  and  had  the 
 same  mother  with  his  brother  Jehoiakim,  but  was  a  despiser  of  justice  and  of  his  duty,  for 
 truly  those  of  the  same  age  with  him  were  wicked  about  him,  and  the  whole  multitude  did  what 
 unjust  and  insolent  things  they  pleased  ;  for  which  reason  the  prophet  Jeremiah  came  often  to 
 Iiim,  and  protested  to  him,  and  insisted,  that  "  he  must  leave  off  his  impieties  and  transgres- 
 sions, and  take  care  of  what  was  right,  and  neither  give  ear  to  the  rulers,  (among  whom  were 
 wicked  men,)  nor  give  credit  to  their  false  prophets,  who  deluded  them,  as  if  the  king  of  Ba- 
 bylon would  make  no  more  war  against  them,  and  as  if  the  Egyptians  would  make  war  against 
 him,  and  conquer  him,  since  what  they  said  was  not  true,  and  the  events  would  not  prove  such 
 [as  they  expected."]  Now,  as  to  Zedekiah  himself,  while  he  heard  the  prophet  speak,  he 
 believed  him,  and  agreed  to  everything  as  true,  and  supposed  it  was  for  his  advantage  ;  but 
 then  his  friends  perverted  him,  and  dissuaded  him  from  what  the  prophet  advised,  and  obliged 
 him  to  do  what  they  pleased.  Ezekiel  also  foretold  in  Babylon  what  calamities  were  coming 
 upon  the  people,  which  when  he  heard,  he  sent  accounts  of  them  into  Jernsalem  :  but  Zedekiah 
 did  not  believe  their  prophecies,  for  the  reasons  following  :  it  happened  that  the  two  prophets 
 agreed  with  one  another  in  what  they  said,  as  in  all  other  things,  that  the  city  should  be  taken, 
 and  Zedekiah  himself  should  be  taken  captive ;  but  Ezekiel  disagreed  with  him,  and  said  that 
 "  Zedekiah  should  not  see  Babylon,"  while  Jeremiah  said  to  him,  that  "  the  king  of  Babylon 
 should  carry  him  away  thither  in  bonds."  And  because  they  did  not  both  say  the  same  thing 
 as  to  this  circumstance,  he  disbelieved  what  they  both  appeared  to  agree  in,  and  condemned 
 them  as  not  speaking  truth  therein,  although  all  the  things  foretold  him  did  come  tc  pass  accord- 
 ing to  their  prophecies,  as  we  shall  shew  upon  a  fitter  opportunity. 
 
 3.  Now  when  Zedekiah  preserved  the  league  of  mutual  assistance  he  had  made  with  the 
 Babylonians,  for  eight  years,  he  brake  it,  and  revolted  to  the  Egyptians,  in  hopes,  by  their 
 assistance,  of  overcoming  the  Babylonians.  When  the  king  of  Babylon  knew  this,  he  made 
 war  against  him  :  he  laid  his  coantry  waste,  and  took  his  fortified  tov/ns,  and  came  to  the  city 
 Jernsalem  itself  to  besiege  it  :  but  when  the  king  of  Egypt  heard  what  circumstances  Zedekiah 
 his  ally  was  in,  he  took  a  great  army  with  him,  and  came  into  Judea,  as  if  he  would  raise  the 
 siege  :  upon  which  the  king  of  Babylon  departed  from  Jerusalem,  and  met  the  Egyptians,  and 
 joined  battle  with  them,  and  beat  them,  and  when  he  had  put  them  to  flight,  he  pursued  them, 
 and  drove  them  out  of  all  Syria,  Now  as  soon  as  the  king  of  Babylon  was  departed  from  Jeru- 
 salem, the  false  prophets  deceived  Zedekiah,  and  said,  that  "  the  king  of  Babylon  would  not 
 any  more  make  war  against  him  or  his  people,  nor  remove  them  out  of  their  own  country  into 
 Babjion,  and  that  those  then  in  captivity  would  return,  with  all  those  vessels  of  the  temple, 
 of  which  the  king  of  Babylon  had  despoiled  that  temple."  But  Jeremiah  came  among  them, 
 and  prophesied  what  contradicted  those  predictions,  and  what  proved  to  be  true,  that  "  they 
 did  ill,  and  deluded  the  king ;  that  the  Egyptians  would  be  of  no  advantage  to  them,  but  that 
 the  king  of  Babylon  would  renew  the  war  against  Jerusalem,  agd  besiege  it  again,  and  would 
 destroy  the  people  by  famine,  and  carry  away  those  th.at  remained  into  captivity,  and  would 
 take  away  what  they  had  as  spoils,  and  would  carry  oil' those  riches  that  were  in  the  temple; 
 nay,  that,  besides  this,  he  would  burn  it,  and  utterly  overthrow  the  city,  and  that  they  should 
 serve  him  and  his  posterity  seventy  years  ;  that  then  the  Persians  and  the  Medes  should  put 
 an  end  to  their  servitude,  and  overthrow  the  Babylonians,  and  that  we  shall  be  dismissed,  and 
 return  to  this  land,  and  rebuild  the  temple,  and  restore  Jerusalem."*  When  Jeremiah  said 
 this,  the  greater  part  believed  him,  but  the  rulers,  and  those  that  were  wicked,  despised  him, 
 as  one  disordered  in  his  senses.  Now  he  had  resolved  to  go  elsewhere,  to  his  own  country,, 
 which  was  called  Anathoth,  and  was  twenty  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem  ;  and  as  he  was 
 going,  one  of  the  rulers  met  him,  and  seized  upon  him,  and  accused  him  falsely,  as  though  he 
 were  going  as  a  deserter  to  the  Babylonians  :  but  Jeremiah  said,  that  he  accused  him  falsely, 
 and  added,  that  he  was  only  going  to  his  own  country  ;  but  the  other  would  not  believe  him, 
 but  seized  upon  him,  and  led  him  away  to  the  rulers,  and  laid  an  accusation  against  him,  under 
 whom  he  endured  all  sorts  of  torments  and   tortures,  and  was  reserved  to  be  punished ;  and 
 
 *  .losephus  saysherp,  that  Jeremiah  prophesied  not  only  of  the  return  of  the  .Tews  from  the  Babylonian  cap- 
 tivity, nnd  this  under  the  Persians  and  Medt-s.  as  in  our  other  copies  :  but  of  their  rebuilding  the  temple,  and 
 even  tlie  city  Jerusalem,  which  do  not  appear  in  our  copies  under  his  name,  see  the  note  on  AuUij.  b.  xi. 
 chap.  i.  j  .3. 
 
BOOK    X. — CHAP.    VII.  2G5 
 
 this  was  the  coiulitioo  lie  was  iu  for  some  time,  while  ha  sufl'eied  what  I  have  alreadj  describ- 
 ed unjustly. 
 
 4.  Now  in  the  iiirilb  year  of  the  reign  of  Zedekiali,  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  tenth  month,  the 
 kioif  of  Babylon  made  a  second  expedition  against  Jerusalem,  and  lay  before  it  eighteen 
 months,  and  besieged  it  with  the  utmost  application.  There  came  upon  them  also  two  of  the 
 greatest  calamities  at  the  same  time  that  Jerusalem  was  besieged,  a  famine  and  pestilential  dis- 
 temper, and  made  great  bavock  of  them  :  and  though  the  prophet  Jeremiah  was  in  prison,  he 
 did  not  rest,  but  cried  out,  and  proclaimed  aloud,  and  exhorted  the  multitude  to  open  their 
 gates,  and  admit  theTiing  of  Babylon,  for  that  if  they  did  so,  they  should  be  preserved,  and 
 their  whole  families,  but  if  they  did  not  so,  they  should  be  destroyed  ;  and  he  foretold,  that  if 
 any  one  stayed  in  the  city,  he  should  certainly  perish  by  one  of  these  ways,  either  be  consumed 
 by  the  famine,  or  slain  by  the  enemy's  sword,  but  that  if  he  would  fly  to  the  enemy  be  should 
 escape  death  :  yet  did  not  these  rulers  who  heard  believe  him,  even  when  they  were  in  the 
 midst  of  their  sore  calamities,  but  tliey  came  to  the  king,  and,  in  their  anger,  informed  him 
 what  Jeremiah  said,  and  accused  him,  and  complained  of  the  prophet  as  of  a  madman,  and  one 
 that  disheartened  their  minds,  and  by  the  denunciation  of  miseries,  weakened  the  alacrity  of 
 the  multitude,  who  were  otherwise  ready  to  expose  themselves  to  dangers  for  him,  and  for 
 tlieir  country,  while  he,  io  a  way  of  threatening,  warned  them  to  fly  to  the  enemy,  and  told 
 them  that  the  city  should  certainly  be  taken,  and  be  utterly  destroyed. 
 
 5.  But  the  king  himself  was  not  at  all  irritated  against  Jeremiah,  such  was  his  gentle 
 and  righteous  disposition  ;  yet  that  be  might  not  be  engaged  in  a  quarrel  with  those  rulers  at 
 such  a  time,  by  opposing  what  they  intended,  he  let  tbem  do  with  the  prophet  whatsoever 
 they  would  :  whereupon,  when  the  king  had  granted  them  such  a  permission,  they  presently 
 came  into  the  prison  and  took  him,  and  let  hira  down  with  a  cord  into  a  pit  full  of  mire, 
 that  he  might  be  suflocated,  and  die  of  himself.  So  he  stood  up  to  the  neck  in  the  mire, 
 which  was  all  about  him,  and  so  continued  :  but  there  was  of  the  king's  servants,  who  was  in 
 esteem  with  him,  an  Ethiopian  by  descent,  who  told  the  king  what  a  state  the  prophet  was  in, 
 and  said,  that  his  friends  and  his  rulers  had  done  evil  in  putting  the  prophet  into  the  mire,  and 
 by  that  means  contriving  against  him  that  he  should  suffer  a  death  more  bitter  than  that  by 
 his  bonds  only.  When  the  king  heard  this,  he  repented  of  bis  having  delivered  up  the  pro- 
 phet to  the  rulers,  and  bade  the  Ethiopian  take  thirty  men  of  the  kings  guards,  and  cords  with 
 them,  and  whatsoever  else  they  understood  to  be  necessary  for  the  prophet's  preservation, 
 bnd  draw  him  up  immediately.  So  the  Ethiopian  took  tlie  men  he  was  ordered  to  take,  and 
 drew  up  the  prophet  out  of  the  mire,  and  left  him  at  liberty  [in  the  prison.] 
 
 6.  But  when  the  king  had  sent  to  call  him  privately,  and  inquired  what  he  could  say  to  him 
 from  God,  which  might  be  suitable  to  his  present  circumstances,  and  desired  him  to  inform 
 liim  of  it,  Jeremiah  replied,  that  "  he  had  somewhat  to  say  :"  but  he  said  withal,  he  "  should 
 uot  be  believed,  nor,  if  he  admonished  them,  should  be  hearkened  to  ;  for,  (said  he,)  thy  friends 
 have  determined  to  destroy  me,  as  though  I  had  been  guilty  of  some  wickedness  :  and  where 
 are  now  those  men  who  deceived  us,  and  said  that  the  king  of  Babylon  would  not  come  and 
 fight  against  us  any  more  ;  but  I  am  afraid  now  to  speak  the  truth,  lest  thou  shouldst  con- 
 demn me  to  die."  And  when  the  king  had  assured  him  upon  oath,  that  he  would  neither 
 himself  pnt  him  to  death,  nor  deliver  him  up  to  the  rulers,  he  became  bold  upon  that  assurance 
 that  was  given  him  ;  and  gave  him  this  advice,  that  "  he  should  deliver  the  city  up  to  the 
 Babylonians  ;  and  he  said,  that  it  was  God  that  prophesied  this  by  him,  that  (he  must  do  so) 
 if  he  would  be  preserved  and  escape  out  of  the  danger  he  was  in,  and  that  then  neither  should 
 the  city  fall  to  the  ground,  nor  should  the  temple  be  burned  ;  but  that  (if  he  disobeyed)  be 
 would  be  the  cause  of  these  miseries  coming  upon  the  citizens,  and  of  the  calamity  that  would 
 befall  his  whole  house."  When  (he  king  heard  this,  he  said,  that  "he  would  willingly  do 
 what  he  persuaded  him  to,  and  what  he  declared  would  be  to  his  advantage,  but  that  he 
 was  afraid  of  those  of  his  own  country  that  had  fallen  away  to  the  Babylonians,  lest  he  should 
 be  accused  by  them  to  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  be  punished."  But  the  prophet  encouraged 
 hira,  and  said,  "  He  had  no  cause  to  fear  such  punishment,  for  that  he  should  not  have  the 
 experience  of  any  misfortune,  if  he  would  deliver  all  up  to  the  Babylonians,  neither  himself, 
 nor  his  children,  nor  his  wives,  and  that  the  temple  should  then  continue  unhurt."  So  when 
 Jeremiah  had  said  this,  t^ie  king  let  him  go,  and  charged  him  "to  betray  what  they  had 
 resolved  on  to  none  of  the  citizens,  nor  to  tell  any  of  the  rulers,  if  they  should  have  learned 
 that  he  had  been  sent  for,  and  what  be  had  said  to  him  ;  but  to  pretend  to  them,  that  he  he- 
 sought  hira  that  he  might  not  be  kept  in  bonds  and  in  prison."  And  indeed  he  said  so  to  them  ; 
 for  they  came  to  the  prophet,  and  asked  him,  what  advice  it  was  that  lie  came  to  give  the 
 king  relating  to  them?  And  thus  I  have  finished  what  concerns  this  matter. 
 
 2L 
 
266  ANTIQUITIES   OP    THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  the  King  of  Babylon  took  Jerusalem  and  burnt  the  Temple,  and  removed  the  People  qf 
 Jerusalem,  and  Zedekiah  to  Babylon,  As  also,  who  they  were  that  Imd  succeeded  in  the  High 
 Priesthood  tinder  the  Kings. 
 
 §  1.  Now  tbe  king  of  Babylon  was  very  intent  and  earnest  upon  the  siege  of  Jerusalem;  and 
 lie  erected  towers  upon  great  banks  of  earth,  and  from  them  repelled  those  that  stood  upon 
 the  walls  :  he  also  made  a  great  number  of  such  banks  round  about  the  whole  city,  whose 
 height  was  equal  to  those  walls.  However,  those  that  were  within  bore  the  siege  with 
 courage  and  alacrity,  for  they  were  not  discouraged,  either  by  the  famine,  or  by  ihe  pestilen- 
 tial distemper,  but  were  of  cheerful  minds  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  although  those 
 miseries  within  oppressed  them  also,  ahd  they  did  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  terrified,  either 
 by  the  contrivances  of  the  «nemy,  or  by  their  engines  of  war,  but  contrived  slill  different 
 engines  to  oppose  all  the  other  withal,  till  indeed  there  seemed  to  be  an  entire  struggle  between 
 the  Babylonians  and  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  which  had  the  greater  sagacity  and  skill  ;  the 
 former  party  supposing  they  should  be  thereby  too  hard  for  the  other,  for  the  destruction  of 
 the  city  ;  the  latter  placing  their  hopes  of  deliverance  in  nothing  else  but  in  persevering  in  such 
 inventions  in  opposition  to  the  other,  as  might  demonstrate  the  enemies'  engines  were  useless 
 to  them.  And  this  siege  they  endured  for  eighteen  months,  until  they  were  destroyed  by 
 the  famine,  and  by  the  darts  which  the  enemy  threw  at  them  from  the  towers. 
 
 2.  Now  the  city  was  taken  in  the  ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the 
 reign  of  Zedekiah.  They  were  indeed  only  generals  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  to  whom  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar committed  the  care  of  the  siege,  for  he  abode  himself  in  the  city  of  Riblah.  The 
 names  of  these  generals  who  ravaged  and  subdued  Jerusalem,  if  any  one  desire  to  know  them, 
 were  these,  Nergal  Sharezer,  Samgar  Nebo,  Rabsaris,  Sarsechim,  and  Rahmag.  Aud  when 
 the  city  was  taken  about  midnight,  and  the  enemies'  generals  were  entered  into  the  temple, 
 and  when  Zedekiah  was  sensible  of  it,  he  took  his  wives  and  his  children,  and  his  captains, 
 and  his  friends,  and  with  them  fled  out  of  the  city,  through  the  fortified  ditch,  and  through  the 
 desert :  and  when  certain  of  the  deserters  had  informed  the  Babylonians  of  this,  at  break  of 
 day  they  made  haste  to  pursue  after  Zedekiah,  and  overtook  him  not  far  from  Jerii-ho,  and 
 encompassed  him  about  ;  but  for  those  friends  and  captains  of  Zedekiah  who  had  fled  out  of 
 the  city  with  him,  when  they  saw  their  enemies  near  them,  they  left  him,  and  dispersed  them- 
 selves some  one  way  and  some  another,  and  every  one  resolved  to  save  himself  j  so  the 
 enemy  took  Zedekiah  alive,  when  he  was  deserted  by  all  but  a  few,  with  his  children  and  his 
 wives,  and  brought  him  to  the  king.  When  he  was  come,  Nebnchadneazar  began  to  "  call 
 him  a  wicked  wretch,  and  a  covenant-breaker,  and  one  that  had  forgotten  his  former  words, 
 when  he  promised  to  keep  the  country  for  him.  He  also  reproached  him  for  his  ingratitude, 
 that  when  he  had  received  the  kingdom  from  him,  who  had  taken  it  from  Jehoiacbin,  and 
 given  it  him,  he  had  made  use  of  the  power  he  gave  him  against  him  that  gave  it  ;  but,  said  he, 
 God  is  great,  who  hated  that  conduct  of  thine,  and  hath  brought  thee  under  us."  And  when 
 be  had  used  these  words  to  Zedekiah,  he  commanded  his  sons  and  his  friends  to  be  slain, 
 while  Zedekiah  and  the  rest  of  the  captains  looked  on,  after  which  he  put  oat  the  eyes  of 
 Zedekiah,  and  bound  him,  and  carried  him  to  Babylon.  And  these  things  happened  to  him,* 
 as  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  had  foretold  to  him,  that  he  should  be  caught,  and  brought  before 
 the  king  of  Babylon,  and  should  speak  to  him  face  to  face  ;  and  should  see  his  eyes  with  bis 
 own  eyes  ;  and  thus  far  did  Jeremiah  prophesy  ;  but  he  was  also  made  blind,  and  brought  to 
 Babylon,  but  did  not  see  it,  according  to  the  prediction  of  Ezekiel. 
 
 3.  We  have  said  thus  much,  because  it  was  suiBcient  to  shew  the  nature  of  God  to  such 
 as  are  ignorant  of  it,  that  it  is  various,  and  acts  many  different  ways,  and  that  all  events  hap- 
 pen after  a  regular  manner,  in  their  proper  season,  and  that  it  foretells  what  must  come  to  pass. 
 It  is  also  sufficient  to  shew  the  ignorance  and  incredulity  of  men,  whereby  they  are  not  per- 
 mitted to  foresee  any  thing  that  is  future,  and  are,  without  any  gnard,  exposed  to  calamities, 
 so  that  it  is  impossible  for  them  to  avoid  tbe  experience  of  those  calamities. 
 
 4.  And  after  this  manner  have  the  kings  of  David's  race  ended  their  lives,  being  in  number 
 twenty-one,  until  the  last  king,  who  altogether  reigned  five  hundred  and  fourteen  years,  and 
 six  months,  and  ten  days  ;  of  whom  Saul,  who  was  their  first  king,  retained  the  government 
 twenty  years,  though  he  was  not  of  the  same  tribe  with  the  rest. 
 
 5.  And  now  it  was  that  the  king  of  Babylon  sent  Nebuzaradan,  the  general  of  bis  army,  to 
 Jerusalem,  to  pillage  the  temple,  who  had  it  also  in  command  to  burn  it  and  the  royal  palace, 
 and  to  lay  the  city  even  with  tUe  ground,  and  to  transplant  the  people  into  Babylon.  Accord- 
 ingly, he  came  to  Jerusalem  in  the  eleventh  year  of  king  Zedekiah,  and  pillaged  the  temple, 
 and  carried  out  the  vessels  of  God,  both  gold  and  silver,  and  particularly  that  large  laver 
 which  Solomon  dedicated,  as  also   the  pillars  of  brass,  and  their   chapiters,  with  the  golden 
 
 •  rhis  obBCTvafion  of  Josephus'  about  the  seeming  disagreement  of  .Icremiah,  chap,  xxxii.  4.  andxxxiv.  3.  and 
 tzek.  xii.  13.  but  real  agreement  at  last,  concerning  the  fate  of  Zedekiah,  is  very  true,  and  very  remarkable, 
 bee  chap.  vii.  ^  2.  Nor  is  it  at  all  unlikely  that  the  courtiers  and  false  prophets  might  make  use  of  this  seem- 
 ing cmitradiction  to  dissuade  Zedekiah  from  believing  either  of  those  prophets,  as  Joseohus  here  intimates  ha 
 was  dissuaded  thereby. 
 
BOOK   X.— CHAP.    IX.  267 
 
 tables  and  canilleslicks  ;  and  when  he  bad  carried  these  off,  he  set  fire  to  the  temple  in  the 
 liflh  month,  the  first  dav  ol  the  month,  on  ihe  eleventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Zedekiah,  and  in 
 the  eigliteenth  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  he  also  burnt  the  palace,  and  overthrew  the  city. 
 Now  the  temple  was  burnt  four  hundred  and  seventy  years,  six  montiis,  and  ten  days,  after  it 
 was  built.  It  was  then  one  thousand  and  sixty-two  years,  six  mouths,  and  ten  days,  from  the 
 departure  out  of  Egypt  ;  and  from  the  deloj^e  to  the  destruction  of  the  temple,  the  whole 
 interval  was  one  thousand  nine  hundred  fifty-seven  years,  six  months,  and  ten  days  ;  but  from 
 the  generation  of  Adam,  uiitil  this  befell  the  temple,  there  were  three  thousand  five  hundred 
 and  thirteen  years,  six  mouths,  and  ten  days;  so  great  was  the  number  of  years  hereto  belong- 
 ing. And  what  actions  were  done  during  these  years,  we  have  particularly  related.  But  the 
 general  of  the  Babylonian  king  now  overthrew  the  city  to  the  very  foundations,  and  removed 
 all  the  people,  and  took  for  prisoners  the  high  priest  Seraiah,  and  Zephaniah  the  priest  that 
 was  next  to  him,  and  the  rulers  that  guarded  the  temple,  who  were  three  iu  number,  and  the 
 eunuch  who  was  over  the  armed  men,  and  seven  friends  of  Zedekiah,  and  his  scribe,  and  sixty 
 other  rulers,  all  which,  together  with  the  vessels  which  they  had  pillaged,  he  carried  to  the 
 kiif:  of  Babylon  to  Riblah,  a  city  of  Syria,  So  the  king  commanded  the  Leads  of  the  high 
 priest  and  of  the  rulers  to  be  cut  off  there  ;  but  he  himself  led  all  the  captives,  and  Zedekiah, 
 to  Babylon.  He  also  led  Joscdek  the  high  priest  away  bound.  He  was  the  son  of  Seraiah 
 the  high  priest,  whom  the  king  of  Babylon  had  slain  in  Riblah,  a  city  of  Syria,  as  we  have 
 just  now  related. 
 
 G.  And  now,  because  we  have  enumerated  the  succession  of  the  kings,  and  who  they  were, 
 and  how  long  they  reigned,  I  think  it  necessary  to  set  down  the  names  of  the  high  priests,  iind 
 who  they  were  that  succeeded  one  another  in  the  high  priesthood  under  the  kings.  The  first 
 high  priest  then  at  the  temple  which  Solomon  built,  was  Zadoc  ;  after  him  his  son  Achimas 
 received  that  dignity  ;  after  Achimas  was  Asarias  ;  his  sou  was  Joram,  and  Joram's  son  was 
 Issus ;  after  him  was  Axioramus  :  his  son  was  Phideas,  and  Phideas' son  was  Sudcas,  and 
 Sudeas'  son  was  Juelus,  and  Juelus'  son  was  Jotham,  and  Jotham's  son  was  Urias,  and  Urias' 
 son  was  Nerias,  and  Nerias'  son  was  Odeas,  and  his  son  was  Salluinus,  and  Salluraus'  son 
 was  Elcias,  and  his  son  [was  Azarias,*  and  his  son]  was  Sareas,  and  his  son  was  Josedek, 
 ■who  was  carried  captive  to  Babylon.  All  these  received  the  high  priesthood  by  succession, 
 the  sons  from  their  father, 
 
 7.  When  the  king  was  come  to  Babylon,  he  kept  Zedekiah  in  prison  until  he  died,  and 
 Lnried  him  magnificently,  and  dedicated  the  vessels  he  had  pillaged  out  of  the  temple  of  Jeru- 
 salem to  his  own  gods,  and  planted  the  people  in  the  country  of  Babylon,  but  freed  the  high 
 ]>riest  from  bis  bonds. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How  Nehuzaradan  set  GedaJuih  over  the  Jews  that  were  left  in  Judea,  ivhich  Gedaliah  was  a 
 Utile  afterward  slain  hij  Ishmael :  and  how  Johanan,  after  Ishmael  was  driven  away,  went 
 down  into  Ei/i/pt  with  the  People,  tchich  People,  Nebuchadnezzar,  when  he  made  an  Expedition 
 against  the  Egyptians,  took  captive,  and  brought  them  away  to  Babylon. 
 
 ^  I.  Now  the  general  of  the  army,  Nebuzaradan,  when  he  had  carried  the  people  of  the  Jews 
 into  captivity,  left  the  poor,  and  those  that  had  deserted,  in  the  country,  and  made  one,  whose 
 name  was  Gedaliah,  the  sou  of  Ahikain,  a  person  of  a  noble  family,  their  governor:  which 
 Gedaliah  was  of  a  gentle  and  righteous  disposition.  He  also  commanded  them  that  they  should 
 cultivate  the  ground,  and  pay  an  appointed  tribute  to  the  king.  He  also  took  Jeremiah  the 
 prophet  out  of  prison,  and  would  have  persuaded  him  to  go  along  with  him  to  Babylon,  for 
 that  he  had  been  enjoined  by  the  kino  to  supply  him  with  whatsoever  he  wanted  :  and  if  he 
 did  not  like  to  do  so,  he  desired  him  to  inform  him  where  he  resolved  to  dwell,  that  he  might 
 signify  the  same  to  the  king  :  but  the  prophet  bad  no  mind  to  follow  hira,  nor  to  dwell  any 
 where  else,  but  would  gladly  live  in  the  ruins  of  his  country,  and  in  the  miserable  remains  of 
 it.  When  tlie  general  understood  what  his  purpose  was,  he  enjoined  Gedaliah,  whom  he 
 left  behind,  to  take  all  possible  care  of  him,  and  to  supply  him  with  whatsoever  he  wanted  : 
 so  when  he  had  given  him  rich  presents,  he  dismissed  him.  Accordingly,  Jeremiah  abode  in 
 a  city  of  that  country,  which  was  called  3Iispali  ;  and  desired  of  Nebuzaradan,  that  he  would 
 set  at  liberty  his  disciple  Baruch.t  the  son  of  Neraiah,  one  of  a  very  eminent  family,  and  exceed- 
 ing skilful  in  the  language  of  his  country. 
 
 2.  When  Nebuzaradan  had  done  thus,  he  made  haste  to  Babylon  :  but  as  to  those  that 
 fled  away  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  had  been  scattered  over  the  country,  wlen  they 
 heard  that  the  Babylonians  were  gone  away,  and  had  left  a  remnant  in  the  land  of  Jerusalem, 
 and  those  such   as  were  to  cultivate  the  same,  they  came   together  from  all  parts  to  Gedaliaii 
 
 *  I  have  here  inserted  in  brackets  Ihis  high  priest  Azarias,  though  he  be  omitted  in  ail  Joscphus'  copies, 
 out  of  the  Jewish  chronicle,  Sedar  Olam,  of  how  little  authority  soever  I  generally  esteem  such  late  rabbini- 
 cal historians,  because  we  know  from  .losephus  himself,  that  the  number  of  the  high  priests  belouging  to  this 
 interval  was  eighteen,  Anliq.  b.  xx.  chap  x.  whereas  his  copies  have  here  but  seventeen. 
 
 i  Of  this  character  of  Baruch  the  son  of  Neraiah,  and  the  genuineness  of  his  book  that  stands  now  in  our 
 Apocryiiha,  and  thai  it  is  really  a  canonical  book,  and  an  appeudijt  to  Jeremiah,  see  Authent.  Uec.  pait  1. 
 page  1—11. 
 
268  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  Mispab.  Now  the  rulers  that  were  over  them  were  Jobanan^  the  son  of  Kareab,  and  Jaze- 
 niah,  and  Seraiah,  and  others  beside  them.  Now  there  was  of  the  rojal  family  one  Ishmaei, 
 a  wicked  man,  and  very  crafty,  who,  daring  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  tied  to  Baalis,  the  king 
 of  the  Ammonites,  and  abode  with  him  during  that  time  :  and  Gedaliah  persuaded  them  now 
 they  were  there,  to  stay  with  hira,  and  to  have  no  fear  of  the  Babylonians,  for  that  if  they 
 would  cultivate  the  country,  tliey  should  suffer  no  harm.  This  he  assured  them  of  by  oath  ; 
 and  said,  that  they  should  have  him  for  their  patron,  and  that  if  any  disturbance  should  arise, 
 they  should  find  him  ready  to  defend  them.  He  also  advised  them  to  dwell  in  any  city,  as 
 every  one  of  them  pleased  ;  and  that  they  would  send  men  along  with  his  own  servants,  and 
 rebuild  their  houses  upon  the  old  foundations,  and  dwell  there,  and  he  admonished  them 
 beforehand,  that  they  should  make  preparation,  while  the  season  lasted,  of  corn,  and  wine, 
 and  oil,  that  they  might  have  whereon  to  feed  during  the  winter.  When  he  had  thus  dis- 
 coursed to  them,  he  dismissed  them,  that  every  one  might  dwell  in  what  place  of  the  country 
 he  pleased. 
 
 3.  Now  when  this  report  was  spread  abroad  as  far  as  the  nations  that  bordered  on  Judea, 
 that  Gedaliah  kindly  entertained  those  that  came  to  him,  after  they  had  fled  away,  upon  this 
 [only]  condition,  that  they  should  pay  tribute  to  the  kiiii;  of  Babylon,  they  also  came  readily 
 to  Gedaliah,  and  inhabited  the  country.  And  when  Johanan  and  the  rulers  that  were  with 
 him  observed  the  country,  and  the  humanity  of  Gedaliah,  tley  were  exceedingly  in  love  with 
 Liin,  and  told  him  tliat  Baalis,  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  had  sent  Isliraael  to  kill  him  bj 
 treachery,  and  secretly,  that  he  might  have  the  dominion  over  the  Israelites,  as  being  of  the 
 royal  family  ;  and  they  said  that  he  might  deliver  himself  from  this  treacherous  design,  if  he 
 ■would  give  them  leave  to  slay  Ishraael,  and  nobody  should  know  it,  for  they  told  him  they 
 were  afraid  that  when  he  was  killed  by  the  other,  the  entire  ruin  of  the  remaining  strength  of 
 the  Israelites  would  ensue  :  but  he  professed.  That  "  he  did  not  believe  what  they  said,  when 
 they  told  him  of  snch  a  treacherous  design,  in  a  man  that  had  been  well  treated  by  him  ; 
 because  it  was  not  probable  that  one  who,  under  snch  a  want  of  all  things,  had  failed  of  nothing 
 that  was  necessary  for  hira,  sliould  be  found  so  wicked  and  ungrateful  towards  his  benefactor, 
 that  when  it  would  be  an  instance  of  wickedness  in  him  not  to  save  hira,  had  he  been  treacher- 
 ously assaulted  by  others,  to  endeavour,  and  that  earnestly,  to  kill  him  with  his  own  hand  : 
 that  however,  if  he  ought  to  suppose  this  information  to  be  true,  it  was  better  for  himself  to 
 be  slain  by  the  other,  than  to  destroy  a  man  wl.o  lied  to  hira  for  refuge,  and  intrusted  his  own 
 safety  to  him,  and  committed  himself  to  his  disposal." 
 
 4.  So  Johanan,  and  the  ralers  that  were  with  him,  not  being  able  to  persuade  Geualiab, 
 went  away  :  but  after  the  interval  of  thirty  days  was  over,  Ishmaei  came  again  to  Gedaliah, 
 to  the  city  of  Mispah,  and  ten  men  with  him ;  and  when  he  had  feasted  Ishmaei  and  those  that 
 were  with  him  in  a  splendid  manner,  at  his  table,  and  bad  given  them  presents,  he  became 
 disordered  in  drink,  while  he  endeavoured  to  be  very  merry  with  ihem  ;  and  when  Ishmaei 
 saw  him  in  that  case,  and  that  he  was  drowned  in  his  cups  to  the  degree  of  insensibility,  and 
 fallen  asleep,  be  rose  up  on  a  sudden,  with  his  ten  friends,  and  slew  Gedaliah  and  those  that  were 
 with  him  at  the  feast,  and  when  he  had  slain  tbcm,  he  went  out  by  night,  and  slew  all  the  Jews 
 that  were  in  the  city,  and  those  soldiers  also  which  were  left  therein  by  the  Babylonians  : 
 but  the  next  day  fourscore  men  came  out  of  the  country  with  presents  to  Gedaliah,  none  of 
 them  knowing  what  had  befallen  him;  when  Ishmaei  saw  them,  he  invited  them  in  to  Geda- 
 liah, and  when  they  were  come  in,  he  shut  up  the  court,  and  slew  them,  and  cast  their  dead 
 bodies  down  into  a  certain  deep  pit,  that  {\ie^  might  not  be  seen  ;  but  of  these  fourscore  men 
 Ishmaei  spared  those  that  entreated  him  not  to  kill  them  ;  till  they  had  delivered  up  to  him 
 what  riches  they  had  concealed  in  the  fields,  consisting  of  their  furniture,  and  garments,  and  corn : 
 but  he  took  captive  the  people  that  were  in  ftlispah,  with  their  wi»es  and  children;  among 
 whom  were  the  daughters  of  king  Zedekiah,  whom  Nebuzaradan,  the  general  of  the  army  of 
 Babylon,  had  left  with  Gedaliah  :  and  when  he  had  done  this,  he  came  to  the  king  of  the 
 Ammonites. 
 
 5.  But  when  Johanan  and  the  rulers  with  him  heard  of  what  was  done  at  Mispah  by  Ish- 
 maei, and  of  the  death  of  Gedaliah,  they  had  indignation  at  it,  and  every  one  of  them  look  his 
 own  armed  men,  and  came  suddenly  to  fight  with  Ishmaei,  and  overtook  him  at  the  fountain 
 in  Hebron  :  and  when  those  that  were  carried  away  captives  by  Ishmaei,  saw  Jahanan  and 
 the  rulers,  they  were  very  glad,  and  looked  upon  them  as  coming  to  their  assistance  ;  so 
 they  left  him  that  had  carried  them  captives,  and  came  over  to  Johanan  :  then  Ishmaei,  with 
 eight  men,  fled  to  the  king  of  the  Ammonites  ;  but  Johanan  took  those  whom  he  had  rescued 
 out  of  the  hands  of  Ishmaei,  and  the  eunuchs,  and  their  wives  and  children,  and  came  to  a 
 certain  place  called  Mandra,  and  there  they  abode  that  day,  for  they  had  determined  to  remove 
 from  thence,  and  go  into  Egypt,  out  of  fear  lest  the  Babylonians  should  slay  them  in  case  they 
 continued  in  the  country,  and  that  out  of  anger  at  the  slaughter  of  Gedaliah,  who  had  been  by 
 them  set  over  it  for  governor. 
 
 (i.  Now  while  they  were  under  this  deliberation,  Johanan,  the  son  of  Kareah,  and  the  rulers 
 that  were  with  him,  came  to  Jeremiah  the  prophet,  and  desired  that  he  wo-ild  pray  to  God, 
 that  because  they  were  at  an  utter  loss  abuut  what  they  ought  to  do,  he  would   discover  it  to 
 
BOOK    X  — CHAP.   X.  269 
 
 tlieni,  and  tbey  sware  that  they  would  do  whatsoever  Jeremiah  should  say  to  them.  And 
 wheu  the  prophet  said  he  would  be  their  intercessor  with  God  .')t  came  to  pass,  that  after  ten 
 days  God  appeared  to  him,  and  said,  "  That  he  wonid  inform  Johana.i  and  the  other  rulers,  and  all 
 the  people,  that  he  would  be  with  them  while  they  continued  in  that  country,  and  tuke  care  of 
 them,  and  keep  them  from  being  hurl  by  the  Babylonians,  of  whom  tliey  were  afraid,  but  that  he 
 would  desert  the.  J  if  thej'  went  into  Egypt,  and,  out  of  his  wrath  against  them,  would  iuQict 
 the  same  punisluneuts  upon  them  which  they  knew  their  brethren  had  already  endured."  So 
 when  the  prophet  had  iuforraed  Jolianau  and  the  people  that  God  had  foretold  these  things,  he  was 
 not  believed,  when  he  said  that  God  commanded  lliem  to  continue  in  that  country,  but  they 
 imagined  that  lie  said  so  to  gratify  Barucli,  his  own  disciple,  and  belied  God,  and  that  he  per- 
 suaded tlieni  to  stiiy  there,  that  they  might  be  destrnyed  by  the  BabUonians.  Accordingly, 
 both  the  people  and  Johanan  disobeyed  the  counsel  of  God,  which  he  gave  them  by  the  pro- 
 phet, and  removed  into  Egy|it,  and  carried  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  along  with  tliem. 
 
 7.  And  when  they  were  there,  God  signified  to  the  prophet,  that  the  king  of  Babylon  was 
 about  making  an  expedition  against  the  Egyptians,  and  commanded  him  to  foretell  to  the  peo- 
 ple that  Egypt  should  be  taken,  and  the  king  of  Babylon  should  slay  some  of  iheni,  and  should 
 lake  others  captive,  aqd  bring  them  to  Babylon  ;  which  things  came  to  pass  accordingly  :  for 
 on  the  iiflh  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  the  twenty-third  of  the  reign  of 
 Nebuchadnezzar,  he  made  an  expedition  against  Coelosyria,  and  when  he  had  possessed  him- 
 self of  it,  he  made  war  against  the  Ammonites  and  Moabites  ;  and  when  he  had  brought  all 
 those  nations  under  subjection,  he  fell  upon  Egypt,  in  order  to  overthrow  it  ;  and  he  slew  the 
 king  that  then  rei;;ned,*  and  set  up  another;  and  he  took  those  Jews  that  were  there  ca[)tives, 
 and  led  them  away  to  Babylon.  And  such  was  the  end  of  the  nation  of  the  Hebrews,  as  it 
 hath  been  delivered  down  to  us,  it  liaving  twice  gone  beyond  Euphrates;  for  the  people  of  the 
 ten  tribes  were  carried  out  of  Samaria  by  the  Assyrians,  in  the  days  of  king  Hoshea  ;  after 
 which  the  people  of  the  two  t^be^  that  remained  after  Jerusalem  was  taken,  [were  carried 
 away]  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  king  of  Babylon  and  Chali'ea.  Now  as  to  Shalmanezer,  he 
 removed  the  Israelites  out  of  their  country,  and  placed  therein  the  nation  of  theCutheans,  who 
 had  formerly  belonged  to  the  iinier  parts  of  Persia  and  Media,  but  were  then  called  Samari- 
 tans, by  taking  the  name  of  the  country  to  which  they  were  removed  ;  but  the  king  of  Baby- 
 lon, who  brouiiht  out  the  two  tribes, t  placed  no  other  nation  in  their  country,  by  which  means 
 ail  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  and  the  temple,  continued  to  be  a  desert  for  seventy  years  :  but  tbe 
 entire  interval  of  time  which  passed  from  the  captivity  of  the  Israelites,  to  the  carryingr  away 
 of  the  two  tribes,  proved  to  be  a  hundred  and  thirty  jears,  six  months,  and  ten  days. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Concerning  Daniel,  and  what  befell  him  at  Babylon. 
 
 §  1.  But  now  Nebuchadnezzar  king  of  Babylon  took  some  of  the  most  noble  of  the  Jews  that 
 were  children,  and  the  kinsmen  of  Zedekiah  their  king,  such  as  were  remarkable  for  the  beauty 
 of  iheir  bodies,  and  the  comeliness  of  their  countenances,  and  delivered  them  into  tbe  hands  of 
 tutors,  and  to  the  improvement  to  be  made  by  them.  He  also  made  some  of  them  to  be 
 eunuchs,  which  course  he  took  also  with  those  of  other  nations,  whom  he  had  taken  in  the 
 flower  of  their  age,  and  alTorded  them  tlieir  diet  from  his  own  table,  and  had  them  instructed 
 in  the  institutes  of  the  country,  and  tiuglit  the  learning  of  the  Chaldeans  ;  and  they  had  now 
 exercised  themselves  sufiiciently  in  that  wisdom  which  he  had  ordered  thev  should  apply  them- 
 selves to.  Now  among  these  there  were  four  of  the  family  of  Zedekiah,  of  most  excellent  dis- 
 positions, one  of  whom  was  railed  Daniel,  another  was  called  Ananias,  another  Misael,  and 
 the  fourth  Azarias  :  and  the  king  of  Babylon  changed  their  names,  and  commanded  that  they 
 should  make  use  of  other  names  ;  Daniel  he  called  Baltasar,  Ananias,  Shadrach,  Misael,  Me- 
 shach,  and  Azarias,  Abednego.  These  the  king  had  in  esteem,  and  continued  to  love,  because 
 of  the  very  excellent  tem|.'er  they  were  of,  and  because  of  their  application  to  learning,  and 
 the  progress  they  had  made  in  v\isdcm. 
 
 2.  Now  Daniel  and  his  kinsmen  had  resoived  to  use  a  severe  diet,  and  to  abstain  from  those 
 kinds  of  food  which  came  from  the  king's  table,  and  entirely  to  forbear  to  eat  of  all  living  crea- 
 tures :  so  he  came  to  Asphenaz,  who  was  that  eunuch  to  whom  the  care  of  them  was  commit- 
 ted,! a"d  desired  him  to  take  and  spend  what  was  brought  for  them  from  the  king,  but  to  give 
 tiiem  pulse  and  dates  for  their  food,  and   any  thing  else,  besides  the  flesh  of  living  creatures, 
 
 •  tierndotus  pays,  this  liing  of  Epyjit  [Pharaoh  Ilophra,  or  Apries]  was  slain  by  the  Fjiyptians,  as  Jeremiah 
 foretold  liis  shiiiKhtcr  by  his  enemies,  Inr.  xliv.  29,  .Slj.  and  that  as  a  sifm  of  the  destruction  of  EfcTpt  [by  I>Je. 
 buchadnczzar,]  Josephus  says,  this  king  was  slaia  by  Nebuchadnezzar  himself. 
 
 +  We  see  here  that  Judea  was  left  in  a  manner  desolate  after  the  captivity  of  the  two  tribes,  and  was  not 
 repeopled  with  foreign  colonies,  perhaps  as  an  indication  of  Providence  that  tlie  Jews  were  to  repeople  it  with- 
 out opposition  themselves.  I  also  esteem  the  latter  and  present  desolate  condition  of  the  same  country-,  with- 
 out btiner  rejioopled  by  foreign  colonies,  to  lie  a  liUe  nidication,  that  the  same  Jews  are  hereafter  to  repeople 
 it  ayain  themselves,  at  their  so  long  expected  restoration. 
 
 t  That  Daniel  was  made  one  of  these  eunuchs  of  which  Tsaiah  prophesied,  Isa.  xxxix.  7.  and  the  three  chil- 
 dren his  companions  also,  seems  to  me  nliiin,  both  here  in  Josephus,  and  in  our  copies  of  Daniel,  Dan.  i.  3,6, 
 7.  11.  18.  although  it  must  be  granted  that  some  married  persons,  that  had  children,  were  sometimes  called 
 eumtchs,  in  a  general  acceptatioB  for  courtiers,  on  account  that  so  many  of  the  ancient  courtiers  were  real 
 eunuchs,    bee  tjtn.  xxxix.  1. 
 
270  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 that  he  pleased  ;  for  that  their  inclinations  were  to  that  sort  of  food,  and  that  thej  despised  the 
 other.  He  replied,  that  he  was  ready  to  serve  them  in  what  they  desired,  but  he  suspected 
 that  they  would  be  discovered  by  the  king,  from  their  meagre  bodies,  and  the  alteration  of 
 their  countenances,  because  it  could  not  he  avoided  but  their  bodies  and  colours  must  be 
 changed  with  their  diet,  especially  while  they  would  be  clearly  discovered  by  (be  finer  appear- 
 ance of  the  other  children,  who  would  fare  better,  and  thus  they  should  bring  him  in  danger, 
 and  occasion  him  to  be  punished  :  yet  did  they  persuade  Arioch,  who  was  thus  fearful,  to  give 
 them  what  food  they  desired  for  ten  days,  by  way  of  trial,  and  in  case  the  habit  of  their  bodies 
 were  not  altered,  to  go  on  in  the  same  way,  as  expecting  that  they  should  not  be  hurt  thereby 
 afterwards,  but  if  he  saw  them  look  meagre,  and  worse  than  the  rest,  he  should  reduce  them 
 to  their  former  diet.  Now,  when  it  appeared  that  they  were  so  far  from  becoming  worse  by 
 the  use  of  this  food,  that  they  grew  plumper  and  fuller  in  body  than  the  rest,  insomuch  that 
 he  thought  those  who  fed  on  what  came  from  the  king's  table  seemed  less  plump  and  full, 
 ■while  those  that  were  with  Daniel  looked  as  if  they  had  lived  in  plenty,  and  all  sorts  of  lux- 
 ury ;  Arioch,  from  that  time,  securely  took  himself  what  the  king  sent  every  day  from  his 
 supper,  according  to  custom,  to  the  children,  but  gave  them  the  forementioned  diet,  while  they 
 had  their  souls  in  some  measure  more  pure,  and  less  burdened,  and  so  fitter  for  learning,  and 
 bad  their  bodies  in  better  tune  for  hard  labour,  for  they  neither  had  the  former  oppressed  and 
 heavy  with  variety  of  meats,  nor  were  the  other  effeminate  on  the  same  account  ;  so  they  rea- 
 dily understood  all  the  learning  that  was  among  the  Hebrews,  and  among  the  Chaldeans,  as 
 especially  did  Daniel,  who  being  already  sufficiently  skilled  in  wisdom,  was  very  busy  about 
 the  interpretafici!  of  dreams  ;  and  God  manifested  himself  to  him. 
 
 3.  Now,  two  years  after  the  destruction  of  Egypt,  king  Nebuchadnezzar  saw  a  wonderful 
 dream,  the  accomplishment  of  which  God  shewed  him  in  his  sleep,  but  when  he  arose  out  of 
 his  bed,  he  forgoi  the  accomplishment :  so  he  sent  for  the  Chaldeans,  and  magicians,  and  the 
 prophets,  and  told  them,  that  he  had  seen  a  dream,  and  informed  them  that  he  had  forgotten 
 the  accomplishment  of  what  he  had  seen,  and  he  enjoined  them  to  tell  him,  both  what  the 
 dream  was,  and  what  was  its  signification  ;  and  they  said  that  this  was  a  thing  impossible  to  be  dis- 
 covered by  men,  but  they  promised  him,  that  if  he  would  explain  to  them  what  dream  he  had 
 seen,  they  would  tell  him  its  signification.  Hereupon  he  threatened  to  plrt  them  to  death, 
 nnless  they  told  him  his  dream  :  and  he  gave  command  to  have  them  all  put  to  death,  since 
 they  confessed  they  could  not  do  what  they  were  commanded  to  do.  Now  when  Daniel  heard 
 that  the  king  had  given  a  command,  that  all  the  wise  men  should  be  pot  to  death,  and  that 
 among  them  himself  and  his  three  kinsmen  were  in  danger,  he  went  to  Arioch,  who  was  cap- 
 tain of  the  king's  guards,  and  desired  to  know  of  him  what  was  the  reason  why  the  king  had 
 given  command  that  all  the  wise  men,  and  Chaldeans,  and  magicians,  should  be  slain.  So  when 
 be  had  learned  that  the  king  had  had  a  dream,  and  had  forgotten  it,  and  that  when  they  were 
 enjoined  to  inform  the  king  of  it,  they  had  said  they  could  not  do  it,  and  had  thereby  provoked 
 bim  to  anger ;  he  desired  of  Arioch  that  he  would  go  in  to  the  king,  and  desire  respite  for  the 
 magicians  for  one  night,  and  to  put  off  their  slaughter  so  long,  for  that  he  hoped  within  that 
 time  to  obtain,  by  prayer  to  God,  the  knowledge  of  the  dream.  Accordingly,  Arioch  informed 
 the  king  of  what  Daniel  desired  :  so  the  king  bade  them  delay  the  slaughter  of  the  magicians 
 till  he  knew  what  Daniel's  promise  would  come  to;  but  the  young  man  retired  to  his  own 
 bouse,  with  his  kinsmen,  and  besought  God  that  whole  night  to  discover  the  dream,  and 
 thereby  deliver  the  magicians  and  Chaldeans,  with  whom  they  were  themselves  to  perish,  from 
 the  king's  anger,  by  enabling  him  to  declare  his  vision,  and  to  make  manifest  what  the  king 
 had  seen  the  night  before  in  his  sleep,  but  had  forgotten  it.  Accordingly,  God,  out  of  pity  to 
 those  that  were  in  danger,  and  out  of  regard  to  the  wisdom  of  Daniel,  made  known  to  him  the 
 dream  and  its  interpretation,  that  so  the  king  might  understand  by  him  its  signification  also. 
 When  Daniel  had  obtained  this  knowledge  from  God,  he  arose  very  joyful,  and  told  it  his 
 brethren,  and  made  them  glad,  and  to  hope  well,  that  they  should  now  preserve  their  lives,  of 
 which  they  despaired  before,  and  had  their  minds  full  of  nothing  but  the  thoughts  of  dying. 
 So  when  he  had  with  them  returned  thanks  to  God  who  bad  commiserated  their  youth,  when 
 it  was  day  he  came  to  Arioch,  and  desired  him  to  bring  him  to  the  king,  because  he  would  dis- 
 cover to  him  that  dream  which  he  had  seen  the  night  before. 
 
 4.  When  Daniel  was  come  in  to  the  king,  he  excused  himself  first,  that  he  did  not  pretend 
 to  be  wiser  than  the  other  Chaldeans  and  magicians,  when,  upon  their  entire  inability  to  dis- 
 cover his  dream,  be  was  undertaking  to  inform  him  of  it,  for  this  was  not  by  his  own  skill,  or 
 on  account  of  his  having  better  cultivated  his  understanding  than  the  rest,  but  he  said,  "God 
 Lath  had  pity  upon  us,  when  we  were  in  danger  of  death,  and  when  I  prayed  for  the  life  of 
 myself,  and  of  those  of  my  own  nation,  hath  made  manifest  to  me  both  the  dream,  and  the  inter- 
 pretation thereof,  for  I  was  not  less  concerned  for  thy  glory  than  for  the  sorrow  that  we  were 
 by  thee  condemned  to  die,  while  thou  didst  so  unjustly  command  men,  both  good  and  excellent 
 in  themselves,  to  be  put  to  death,  when  thou  enjoinedst  them  to  do  what  was  entirely  above 
 the  reach  of  human  wisdom,  and  requiredst  of  them  what  was  the  work  only  of  God.  Where- 
 fore, as  thou  in  thy  sleep  wast  solicitous  concerning  those  that  should  succeed  thee  in  the 
 government  of  the  whole  world,  God  was  desirous  to   shew  thee  all  tbos    that  should  reign 
 
BOOK    X. — CHAP.  XI.  271 
 
 af'.er  lliee,  and  fo  that  end  exhibited  to  thee  the  following  dream  :  Thoa  seemedst  to  see 
 a  ireat  image  standing  before  thee,  the  head  of  which  proved  to  be  of  gold,  the  shoulders  and 
 arms  of  silver,  and  the  belly  and  the  thighs  of  brass,  but  the  legs  and  the  feet  of  iron  ;  after 
 which  thou  sawest  a  stone  broken  oil' from  a  mountain,  which  fell  upon  the  image,  and  threw  it 
 down,  and  brrike  it  to  pieces,  and  did  not  permit  any  pait  of  it  to  remain  whole  ;  but  the  gold, 
 the  silver,  the  iron,  and  the  brass,  became  smaller  than  meal,  whicli,  upon  the  blast  of  a  violent 
 wind,  was  by  force  carried  away,  and  scattered  abroad,  but  the  s!one  did  increase  to  sucli  a 
 degree,  that  the  whole  earth  beneath  it  seemed  to  be  filled  therewith.  This  is  the  dream  which 
 thou  sawest,  and  its  interpretation  is  as  follows  :  The  head  of  gold  denotes  thee,  and  the  kings 
 of  Babylon  tliat  have  been  before  thee  ;  but  the  two  hands  and  arms  signify  this,  that  your 
 government  shall  be  dissolved  by  two  kings  ;  but  another  king  that  shall  come  from  the  west, 
 armed  with  brass,  shall  destroy  that  government ;  and  another  govenmient  that  shall  be  like 
 unto  iron  shall  put  an  end  lo  the  power  of  the  former,  and  shall  have  dominion  over  all  the 
 earth,  on  account  of  the  nature  of  iron,  which  is  stronger  than  that  of  gold,  of  silver,  and  of 
 brass  "  Daniel  did  also  declare  the  meaning  of  the  stone  to  the  king,*  but  I  do  not  think 
 proper  to  relate  it,  since  I  have  only  undertaken  to  describe  things  past  or  things  present,  but 
 not  things  that  are  future  :  yet  if  any  one  be  so  very  desirous  of  knowing  truth,  as  not  to  wave 
 such  points  of  curiosity,  and  cannot  curb  his  inclination  for  understanding  the  uncertainties  of 
 futurity,  and  whether  they  will  happen  or  not,  let  him  he  diligent  in  reading  the  book  of  Da- 
 niel, which  he  will  find  among  the  sacred  writings. 
 
 5.  When  Nebuchadnezzar  heard  this,  and  recollected  his  dream,  he  was  astonished  at  the 
 nature  of  Daniel,  and  fell  npcn  his  face,  and  saluted  Daniel  in  the  manner  that  men  worship 
 God,  and  gave  command  that  he  should  be  sacrificed  to  as  a  god.  And  this  was  not  all,  for  he 
 also  imposed  the  name  of  his  own  god  upon  him,  [Baltasar,]  and  made  him  and  his  kinsmen 
 rulers  of  his  whole  kingdom  ;  which  kinsmen  of  his  happened  to  fall  into  great  danger  by  the 
 envy  and  malice  of  [their  enemies  ;]  for  they  offended  the  king  upon  the  occasion  following  : 
 he  made  an  image  of  gold,  whose  height  was  sixty  cubits,  and  its  breadth  six  cubits,  and  set 
 it  in  the  great  plain  of  Babylon  ;  and  when  he  was  going  to  dedicate  the  image,  he  invited  the 
 principal  men  out  of  all  the  earth  that  was  under  his  dominions,  and  commanded  them  in  the 
 first  place,  that  when  they  should  hear  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  they  should  then  fall  down 
 and  worship  the  image  ;  and  he  threatened  that  those  who  did  not  so,  should  be  cast  into  a 
 fiery  furnace.  When  therefore  all  the  rest,  upon  the  hearing  of  the  sound  of  the  trumpet, 
 wcfshipped  the  image,  they  related  that  Daniel's  kinsmen  did  not  do  it,  because  they  would 
 not  transgress  the  laws  of  their  country  :  so  these  men  were  convicted  and  cast  immediately 
 into  the  fire,  but  were  saved  by  divine  providence,  and  after  a  surprising  manner  escaped 
 death,  for  the  fire  did  not  touch  them  :  and  1  suppose  that  it  touched  them  not,  as  if  it  rea- 
 soned with  itself,  that  they  were  cast  into  it  without  any  fault  of  theirs,  and  that  therefore  it 
 was  too  weak  to  burn  the  young  men  when  they  were  in  it.  This  was  done  by  the  power  of 
 God,  who  made  their  bodies  so  far  superior  to  the  fire,  that  it  could  not  consume  them.  This 
 it  was  which  recommended  them  to  the  king  as  righteous  men,  and  men  beloved  of  God,  on 
 ■which  account  they  continued  in  great  esteem  with  him. 
 
 6.  A  little  ifter  this  the  king  saw  in  his  sleep  again  another  vision  ;  how  he  should  fall  from 
 liis  dominion,  and  feed  among  the  wild  beasts,  and  tliat  when  he  had  lived  in  this  manner  in 
 the  desert  for  seven  years,t  he  should  recover  his  dominion  again.  When  he  had  seen  this 
 dream,  he  called  the  magicians  together  again,  and  inquired  of  them  about  it,  and  desired  them 
 to  tell  him  what  it  signified  ;  but  when  none  of  them  could  find  out  the  meaning  of  the  dream, 
 nor  discover  it  lo  the  king,  Daniel  was  the  only  person  that  explained  it  :  and  as  he  foretold,  so 
 it  came  to  pass  ;  for  after  he  had  continued  in  the  wilderness  the  forementioned  interval  of  time, 
 while  no  one  durst  attempt  to  seize  his  kingdom  during  those  seven  years,  he  prayed  to  God 
 that  he  might  recover  his  kingdom,  and  he  returned  to  it.  But  let  no  one  blame  me  for  writ- 
 ing down  every  thing  of  this  nature,  as  I  find  it  in  our  ancient  books  ;  for  as  to  that  matter,  I 
 have  plainly  assured  those  that  think  me  defective  in  any  such  point,  or  complain  of  my  manage- 
 
 •  Of  this  most  remarkable  passage  in  Josephus,  concerning  the  '  stone  cut  out  of  the  mountain,  and  de- 
 stroying the  image,' which  he  would  not  explain,  but  intimated  to  be  a  prophecy  of  futurity,  and  probably  not 
 safe  for  him  to  explain,  as  belonging  to  the  destruction  of  the  Homan  empire  by  Jesus  Christ,  the  true  Messiah 
 of  the  Jews,  take  tbe  words  of  Ilavercarap,  chap.  x.  ^4.  "  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  tliat  he  would  not  now 
 meddle  with  things  future,  for  he  had  no  mind  to  provoke  the  Romans,  by  speaking  of  the  destruction  of  that 
 city,  which  they  called  the  'eternal  city.'" 
 
 t  Since  Josephus  here  explains  the  seven  prophetic  times  which  were  to  pass  over  Nebuchadnezzar,  Dan. 
 iv.  16.  to  be  seven  years,  we  thence  learn  how  he  most  probably  must  have  understood  those  other  parallel 
 phrases  of  a  time,  times  and  a  half,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.  xxv.  of  so  many  prophetic  years  also,  though  he  withal 
 lets  us  know,  by  his  hint  at  the  interpretation  of  the  seventy  weeks,  as  belonging  to  the  fourth  monarchy,  and 
 the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  ttomans  in  the  days  of  Josephus,  chap.  ii.  5  7.  that  he  did  not  think  those 
 years  to  be  hare  years,  but  rather  days  for  years  ;  by  which  reckoning,  and  by  which  alone,  could  70  weeks,  (r 
 490  days,  reach  to  the  age  of  Josephus.  J'.ut  as  to  the  truth  of  tliose  seven  years'  banishment  of  Nebuchad- 
 nezzar from  men,  and  his  living  so  long  among  the  beasts,  the  very  small  remains  we  have  any  where  else  of 
 this  Nebuchadnezzar,  prevent  our  expectation  of  any  other  full  .account  of  it.  .So  far  we  know  by  Ptolemy's 
 canon,  a  contemporary  record,  as  well  as  by  Josephus  presently,  that  he  reicned  in  all  43  years,  that  is,  eight 
 years  aft«r  we  meet  with  any  account  of  his  actions  ;  one  of  tlie  last  of  which  was  the  13  years'  siege  of  Tyre, 
 Antiq.b.  xi.  chap  xi.  where  yet  the  Old  Latin  has  but  tliree  years  and  ten  months;  yet  were  his  actions  before 
 BO  remarkable,  both  in  sacred  and  profane  authors,  that  such  a  vacuity  of  eight  years  at  the  least,  at  the  latter 
 end  of  his  reign,  must  be  allowed  to  agree  very  well  with  Daniel's  accounts,  that  after  a  seven  years'  brutal 
 life,  he  might  return  to  his  reason,  and  to  the  exercise  of  his  royal  authority,  for  cue  whole  year  at  least  before 
 his  death. 
 
272  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 inent,  and  liave  told  Ihein  in  the  beginning  of  this  history,  that  I  intended  to  do  no  more  than 
 translate  the  Hebrew  books  into  the  Greek  language,  and  promised  thera  to  explain  those 
 facts,  without  adding  any  thing  to  them  of  my  own,  or  taking  any  thing  away  from  them. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Concerning  Nehnchadnezzar  and  his  Successors  :  and  liom  thetr  Giwernment  icas  dissolved  by  the 
 Persians;  and  what  things  befell  Vaniel  in  Media,  and  what  Prophecies  he  delivered  there, 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Nebuchadnezzar  had  rei;jued  forty-three  years,*  he  ended  his  life.  He  was  an 
 active  man,  and  more  fortunate  than  the  kings  that  were  before  him.  Now  Berosus  makes 
 mention  of  his  actions  in  the  '.hird  book  of  his  Chaldaic  history,  where  he  says  thus  :  "  When 
 his  father  Nebuchodonosor  [Nabopollassar]  heard  that  the  governor  v\hom  he  had  set  over 
 Egypt,  and  the  places  about  Coelosyria  and  Phenicia,  had  revolted  from  him,  while  he  was 
 not  himself  able  any  longer  to  undergo  the  hardships  [of  war,]  he  coramilted  to  his  son  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, who  was  still  but  a  youtli,  some  parts  of  his  army,  aad  sent  him  against  them. 
 So  when  Nebuchadnezzar  had  given  battle,  and  fought  with  the  rebel,  he  beat  him,  and 
 reduced  the  country  from  under  his  subjection,  and  made  it  a  branch  of  his  own  kingdom  ; 
 but  about  that  time  it  happened,  that  his  father  Nebuchodonosor  [Nabopollassar]  fell  ill,  and 
 ended  his  life  in  the  city  of  Babylon,  when  he  had  reigned  twenty-oue  years  ;t  and  when  he  was 
 made  sensible,  as  he  was  in  a  litlle  time,  that  his  father  Nebuchodooosor  [Nabopollassar]  was 
 dead,  rnd  having  settled  the  affairs  of  Egypt,  and  the  other  countries,  as  also  those  that  con- 
 cerned the  captive  Jews  and  Phenicians,  aad  Syrians,  and  those  of  the  Egyptian  nations,  and 
 Laving  committed  the  conveyance  of  them  to  Babylon  to  certain  of  his  friends,  together  with 
 the  gross  of  his  army,  and  the  rest  of  their  ammunition  and  provisions,  he  went  himself  hastily, 
 accompanied  with  a  few  others,  over  the  desert,  and  came  to  Babylon.  So  he  took  upon  him 
 the  management  of  public  affairs,  and  of  the  kingdom  which  had  been  kept  for  him  by  one  that 
 was  the  principal  ot^  the  Chaldeans,  and  he  received  the  entire  dominions  of  his  father,  and 
 appointed,  that  when  the  captives  came,  they  should  be  placed  as  colonies,  in  the  most  proper 
 places  of  Babylonia  :  but  then  he  adorned  the  temple  of  Belus,  and  the  rest  of  the  temples,  in 
 a  magnificent  manner,  with  the  spoils  he  had  taken  in  war.  He  also  added  another  city  to 
 that  which  was  there  of  old,  and  rebuilt  it,  that  such  as  would  besiege  it  hereafter  might  no 
 more  (urn  the  course  of  the  river,  and  thereby  attack  the  city  itself:  he  therefore  built  three 
 walls  round  about  the  inner  city,  and  three  others  about  that  which  was  the  outer,  and  this  he 
 did  with  burnt  brick.  And  after  he  had,  after  a  beooming  manner,  walled  the  city,  and 
 adorned  its  gates  gloriously,  he  built  another  palace  before  his  father's  palace,  but  so  that  it  was 
 joined  to  it ;  to  describe  whose  vast  height,  and  immense  riches,  it  would  perhaps  be  too  much 
 for  me  to  attempt ;  yet  as  large  and  lofty  as  they  were,  they  were  completed  in  fifteen  days.| 
 He  also  erected  elevated  places  for  walking,  of  stone,  and  made  it  resemble  mountains,  and 
 built  it  so  that  it  might  be  planted  with  all  sorts  of  trees.  He  also  erected  what  was  called  a 
 pensile  paradise,  because  his  wife  was  desirous  to  have  things  like  her  own  country,  she  hav 
 ing  been  bred  up  in  the  palaces  of  Media."  Megasthenes  also,  in  his  fourth  book  of  his 
 accounts  of  India,  makes  mention  of  these  things,  and  thereby  endeavours  to  shew  that  this 
 king  [NebuehadnezzarJ  exceeded  Hercules  in  fortitude,  and  in  the  greatness  of  his  actions  , 
 for  he  saith,  that  "  he  conquered  a  great  part  of  Libya  and  Iberia."  Diodes  also,  in  the 
 second  book  of  his  accounts  of  Persia,  mentions  this  kipg  ;  as  does  Pliilostratus,  in  his  accounts 
 both  of  India  and  of  Phenicia,  say,  that  "  this  king  besieged  Tyre  thirteen  years,  while  at  the 
 same  time  Etlibaal  reigned  at  Tyre."  These  are  all  the  histories  that  I  have  met  with  con- 
 cerning this  king. 
 
 2.  But  now,  after  the  death  of  Nebuchadnez.zar,  Evil-lVIerodach  his  son  succeeded  in  the 
 kingdom,  who  immediately  set  Jeconiah  at  liberty,  and  esteemed  him  among  his  most  intimate 
 friends-,  he  also  gave  him  many  presents,  and  made  him  honourable  above  the  rest  of  the  kings 
 that  were  in  Babylon  ;  for  his  father  had  not  kept  his  faith  with  Jeconiah,  when  he  voluntarily 
 delivered  up  himself  to  him,  with  his  wives  and  children,  and  bis  whole  kindred,  for  the  sake 
 of  his  country,  that  it  might  not  be  taken  by  siege,  and  utterly  destroyed,  as  we  said  before. 
 When  Evil-Merodach  was  dead,  after  a  reign  of  eighteen  years,  Niglissar  his  son  took  the 
 government,  and  retained  it  forty  years,  and  then  ended  his  life :  and  after  him  the  succession 
 
 •  These  43  years  for  the  duration  of  the  reign  of  Nebuchadnezzar  are,  as  I  have  just  now  observed,  the  very 
 jatte  number  in  Ptolemy's  canon.  Moses  Choroneusis  does  also  confirm  this  captivity  of  the  Jews  under  Ne- 
 buchadnezzar, and  adds,  what  is  very  remarkable,  that  one  of  those  Jews  tliat  were  carried  by  him  into  capti- 
 vity got  away  into  Armenia,  and  raised  the  ^reat  family  of  the  liagraditee  there. 
 
 +  1''fise  21  years  here  ascribed  to  one  named  Naboulasser  in  the  first  book  against  Apion,  or  to  Nabopollas- 
 ^/?'"'j  father  of  the  great  "Nebuchadnezzar,  are  also  the  very  same  with  those  given  hiro  in  Ptolemy's  canon. 
 And  note  here,  that  what  Dr.  Prideaux  says,  at  the  year  612,  that  Nebuchadnezzar  must  have  been  a  common 
 name  of  other  kings  of  Babylon,  besides  the  great  Nebuchadnezzar  himself,  is  a  groundless  mistake  of  some 
 Diodem  clironologers  only,  and  destitute  of  all  proper  original  authority. 
 
 i  these  fifteen  days  for  finishing  such  vast  buildings  at  Babylon,  in  Josephus's  copy  of  Berosus,  would 
 seem  too  absurd  to  be  supposed  to  be  the  true  number,  were  it  not  for  the  same  teslimouy  extant  also  in  the 
 u"  J  against  Apion,  <i  19.  with  the  same  number.  It  thence  indeed  appears,  that  Josephus's  copy  of  Be- 
 rosus had  this  small  number,  but  that  it  is  the  true  number  I  still  doubt.  Josephus  assures  us,  that  the  walls 
 ot  so  much  a  smaller  city  as  Jerusalem  were  two  years  and  four  months  in  buikliog  bv  Nehemiah.  who  yet 
 hastened  the  work  all  he  could,  Antiq.  b.  xi.  chap.  v.  ^  8.  1  should  think  115  days,  or  a  year  and  15  days, 
 much  more  proportionable  to  so  great  a  work. 
 
liooK  X. — CHAP.  XI.  273 
 
 in  the  kinjjdom  came  to  his  son  Lubosordaoiis,  wlio  continued  in  it  ir,  al!  l.ut  iiiiio  months  j  and 
 wlieii  he  was  dead  it  came  to  Baltasar,*  who,  by  tiie  Babjlcmians,  was  called  Nabouudelus  ; 
 a-ainst  him  did  Cjrus,  tlie  king  of  Persia,  and  Darius,  the  king  of  Media,  make  war; 
 and  when  he  was  besieged  in  Babylon,  there  happened  a  wonderful  and  prodigious  \isinn. 
 He  was  sal  down  at  supper  in  a  large  room,  and  there  were  a  great  many  vessels  of  silver, 
 such  as  were  made  for  royal  entertainments,  and  he  had  with  him  Lis  concubines,  and  his 
 friends;  whereupon  he  came  to  a  resolution,  and  commanded  that  tliose  vessels  of  God  which 
 Nebuchadne/zar  had  plundered  out  of  Jerusalem,  and  had  not  marie  use  of,  but  had  pat  them 
 into  his  own  temple,  should  be  brought  out  of  that  temple.  He  also  grew  so  haughty  as  to 
 proceed  to  use  them  in  the  midst  of  his  cups,  driokiug  out  of  tlieni,  and  blaspheming  against 
 God.  In  the  mean  time,  he  saw  a  hand  proceed  out  of  the  wall,  and  wiiting  upon  the  wall 
 certain  syllables :  at  which  sight  being  disturbed,  he  called  the  magicians  and  Chaldeans  toge- 
 ther, and  all  sort  of  men  that  are  among  these  Barbarians,  and  were  able  to  interpret  signs 
 and  dreams,  that  tliey  might  explain  the  writing  to  him.  But  when  the  magicians  said  they 
 could  discover  nothing,  nor  did  understand  it,  the  king  was  in  great  disorder  of  mind,  and 
 under  great  trouble  at  this  surprising  accident ;  so  he  caused  it  to  be  proclaimed  through  all 
 the  country,  and  promised,  that  to  him  who  could  explain  the  writing,  and  give  the  significa- 
 tion couched  therein,  he  would  give  him  a  golden  chain  for  his  neck,  and  leave  to  wear  a 
 j)urple  garment,  as  did  the  kings  of  Chaldea,  and  would  bestow  on  him  the  third  part  of  his 
 own  dominions.  When  this  proclamation  was  made,  the  magicians  ran  together  more  earnestly, 
 and  were  very  ambitious  to  find  out  the  importance  of  the  writing,  but  still  hesitated  about  it 
 as  much  as  before.  Now  when  the  king's  grandmother  saw  him  cast  down  at  this  accident.t 
 she  began  to  encourage  him,  and  to  say,  that  "  there  was  a  certain  captive  who  came  from 
 Judea,  a  Jew  by  birth,  but  brought  away  thence  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  when  he  had  destroyed 
 Jerusalem,  whose  name  was  Daniel,  a  wise  man,  and  one  of  great  sagacity  in  finding  out  what 
 was  impossible  for  others  to  discover,  and  what  was  known  to  God  alone  ;  who  brought  to 
 light  and  answered  such  questions  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  as  no  one  else  was  able  to  answer, 
 when  they  were  consulted.  She  therefore  desired  that  he  would  send  for  him,  and  inquire  of 
 him  concerning  the  writing,  and  to  condemn  th;  unskilfulness  of  those  that  could  not  find  their 
 meaning,  and  this,  although  what  God  signified  thereby  should  be  of  a  melancholy  nature." 
 
 3.  When  Baltasar  heard  this,  he  called  for  Daniel ;  and  when  he  had  discoursed  to  him  what 
 he  had  learned  cnncerning  him  and  his  wisdom,  and  how  a  divine  spirit  was  with  him;  and 
 that  he  alone  was  fully  capable  of  finding  out  what  others  would  never  have  thought  of,  he 
 desired  him  to  declare  lo  him  what  this  writing  meant:  that  if  be  did  so,  be  would  give  him 
 leave  to  wear  purple,  and  to  put  a  chain  of  gold  about  his  neck,  and  would  bestow  on  him  the 
 lliird  part  of  his  dominion,  as  an  honorary  reward  for  his  wisdom,  that  thereby  he  might 
 become  illustrious  to  those  who  saw  him,  and  who  inquired  upon  what  occasion  he  obtained 
 such  honours.  But  Daniel  desired,  that  "  he  would  keep  his  gifts  to  himself:  for  what  is  the 
 eflect  of  wisdom,  and  of  divine  revelation,  admits  of  no  gifts,  and  bestows  its  advantages  on 
 petitioners  freely,  but  that  still  he  would  explain  the  writing  to  him  :  which  denoted,  that  he 
 should  soon  die,  and  this  because  he  had  not  learnt  to  honour  God,  and  not  to  admit  things 
 above  human  nature,  by  what  punishments  his  progenitors  had  undergone,  for  the  injuries  he 
 had  ollered  to  God  ;  and  because  he  had  quite  forgotten  how  Nebuchadnezzar  was  removed  to 
 feed  among  wild  beasts,  for  his  impieties,  and  did  not  recover  his  former  life  among  men,  and 
 his  kingdom,  but  upon  God's  mercy  to  him,  after  many  supplications  and  prayers;  who  did 
 thereupon  praise  God  all  the  days  of  his  life,  as  one  of  almighty  power,  and  who  takes  care  of 
 mankind.  [He  also  put  him  in  mind]  how  he  had  greatly  blasphemed  against  God,  and  had 
 made  use  of  his  vessels,  amongst  his  concubines  :  that  therefore  God  saw  this,  and  was  angry 
 with  him,  and  declared  by  this  writing  beforehand  what  a  sad  conclusion  of  life  he  should  come 
 to.  And  he  explained  the  writing  thus; — Maneii.  This,  if  it  be  expounded  in  the  Greek 
 language,  may  signify  a  Number,  because  God  hath  numbered  so  long  a  time  for  thy  life,  and 
 for  thy  government,  and  that  there  remains  but  a  small  portion.  Thf.KEL.  This  signifies,  a 
 Wi'ight,  and  means  that  God  hath  weighed  thy  kingdom  in  a  balance,  and  finds  it  going  down 
 already.  Phares.  This  also,  in  the  Greek  tongue,  denotes  a  Fragment;  God  will  there- 
 fore break  thy  kingdom  in  pieces,  and  divide  it  among  the  Uledes  and  Persians." 
 
 *  It  is  here  remarkable,  tliat  .Tosephus,  without  the  knowledge  of  Ptolcrov's  canon,  should  call  the  same 
 king  whom  he  himself  here  (liar,  i,  11.  Dan.  v.  1,  2,  9,  12,  22,  29,  .SO.)  styles  '  Heltazar,'  or,  '  Belshaazar,'  from 
 the  Babylonian  god  Bel,  '  N aboandehis'  also;  and  in  the  first  book  against  Apion,  ^  20.  from  the  same  cit.i- 
 tioii  out  of  lierosus,  '  Nabonnedus.'  from  the  Babylonion  god  Nabo  or  Nebo.  This  last  is  not  remote  from 
 the  oriHiual  pronuuciatioii  itself  iu  Ptolemy's  canon,  '  N  abonadius,'  for  both  tlie  plaee  of  this  khig  in  that  canon, 
 as  the  last  of  the  Assyrian  or  Babylonian  kings,  and  the  number  of  years  of  his  rui^n,  seventeen,  the  same  in 
 both,  demonstrate  that  it  is  one  aiid  the  same  king  that  is  meant  by  them  all.  It  is  also  worth  noting,  that 
 JoSL-phns  knew  that  Darius,  the  partner  of  Cyrus,  was  the  son  of  Astyages,  and  was  called  by  another  name 
 among  the  Greeks,  though  it  does  not  appear  he  knew  what  that  name  was,  as  having  never  seen  the  best  Iji.s- 
 tory  of  iJiis  period,  which  is  Xenophon's:  but  then  what  Josephus's  present  copies  say  prese.ntly,  ^4.  that  it  was 
 only  within  '  no  long  time'  after  the  handwriting  on  the  wall  that  Ijeltasar  was  slaiii,  does  not  so  agree  with 
 our  copies  of  Daniel,  which  say  it  was  '  the  same  night,'  Dan.  v.  30. 
 
 t  This  grandmother  or  mother  of  F.aUasnr,  the  queen  dowager  of  Babylon,  (for  she  is  distinguished  from 
 his  cmeen,  Dau.  v.  10,  23.)  sienis  to  have  hecii  the  famous  Nitociis,  who  fortitic<l  I'.abylon  against  the  Weues 
 and  Prjsians,  and  in  all  probability  go  •trued  under  Baltasar.  who  seenis  to  liave  been  a  weak  and  etfemuiaio 
 prince. 
 
 2  M 
 
274  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 4.  Wlieu  Daniel  had  told  the  king  that  the  writing  upon  the  wall  signified  these  events, 
 Baltasar  was  in  great  sorrow  and  affliction,  as  was  to  be  expected,  when  the  interpretation 
 was  so  heavy  upon  liini.  However,  he  did  not  refuse  what  he  had  promised  Daniel,  although 
 he  were  become  a  foreteller  of  misfortunes  to  him,  but  bestowed  it  all  upon  him :  as  reasoning 
 thus,  that  what  he  was  to  reward  was  peculiar  to  himself,  and  to  fate,  and  did  not  belong  to 
 the  prophet ;  but  that  it  was  the  part  of  a  good  and  a  jnst  man  to  give  what  he  had  promised, 
 although  the  events  were  of  a  melancholy  nature.  Accordingly,  the  king  determined  so  to  do. 
 Now  after  a  little  while,  both  himself  and  the  city  were  taken  by  Cyrus,  the  king  of  Persia, 
 who  fought  against  him;  for  it  was  Baltasar  under  whom  Babylon  was  taken,  when  he  had 
 reigned  seventeen  years.  And  this  is  the  end  of  the  posterity  of  king  Nebuchadnezzar,  as 
 history  informs  us ;  but  when  Babylon  was  taken  by  Darius,  and  when  he,  with  his  kinsman 
 Cyrus,  had  put  an  end  to  the  dominion  of  the  Babylonians,  he  was  sixty-two  years  old.  He 
 was  the  son  of  Astyages,  and  had  another  name  among  the  Greeks.  Moreover,  he  took  Daniel 
 the  prophet,  and  carried  him  with  him  into  Media,  and  honoured  him  very  greatly,  and  kept 
 faim  with  liim  ;  for  he  was  one  of  the  three  presidents  whom  he  set  over  his  three  hundred  and 
 sixty  provinces,  for  into  so  many  did  Darius  part  them. 
 
 5.  However,  while  Daniel  was  in  so  great  a  dignity,  and  in  so  great  favour  with  Darius,  and 
 was  alone  intrusted  with  every  thing  by  him,  as  having  somewhat  divine  in  him,  he  was  envied 
 by  the  rest;  for  those  that  see  others  in  greater  honour  than  themselves  with  kings,  envy 
 them  :  and  when  those  that  were  grieved  at  the  great  favour  Daniel  was  in  with  Darius, 
 souglit  for  an  occasion  against  him,  he  afforded  them  no  occasion  at  all,  for  as  be  was  above  all 
 the  leinptalions  of  money,  and  despised  bribery,  and  esteemed  it  a  very  base  thing  to  take  any 
 thing  by  way  of  reward,  even  when  it  might  be  justly  given  him,  he  afforded  those  that  envied 
 him  not  the  least  handle  for  an  accusation.  So  when  they  could  find  nothing  for  which  they 
 might  calumniate  him  to  the  king;  nothing  that  was  shameful  or  reproachful,  and  thereby 
 deprive  him  of  the  honour  he  was  in  with  him,  they  sought  for  some  other  method  whereby 
 they  might  destroy  him.  When  therefore  they  saw  that  Daniel  prayed  to  God  three  times 
 a  day,  they  thought  they  had  gotten  an  occasion  by  which  they  might  ruin  him;  so  they  came 
 to  Darius,  and  told  him,  that  "  the  princes  and  governors  had  thought  proper  to  allow  the 
 multitude  a  relaxation  for  thirty  days,  that  no  one  might  offer  a  petition  or  prayer  either  to 
 himself,  or  to  the  gods,  but  that  he  who  shall  transgress  this  decree  shall  be  cast  into  the  den 
 of  lions,  and  there  perish." 
 
 6.  Whereupon,  the  king,  being  not  acquainted  with  their  wicked  design,  nor  suspecting 
 that  it  was  a  contrivance  of  theirs  against  Daniel,  said,  he  was  pleased  with  this  decree  of 
 theirs,  and  he  promised  to  confirm  what  they  desired  ;  he  also  published  an  edict  to  promulgate 
 to  the  people  that  decree  which  the  princes  had  made.  Accordingly,  all  the  rest  took  care  not 
 to  transgress  those  injunctions,  and  rested  in  quiet;  but  Daniel  had  no  regard  to  them,  but,  as 
 be  was  wont,  he  stood  and  prayed  to  God  in  the  sight  of  them  all :  but  the  princes  having  met 
 with  the  occasion  they  so  earnestly  sought  to  find  against  Daniel,  came  presently  to  the  king, 
 and  accused  him,  that  Daniel  was  the  only  person  that  transgressed  the  decree,  while  not  one 
 of  the  rest  durst  pray  to  their  gods.  This  discovery  they  made,  not  because  of  his  impiety, 
 but  because  they  had  watched  him,  and  observed  him  out  of  envy;  for  supposing  that  Darius 
 did  thus  out  of  a  greater  kindness  to  him  than  they  expected,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  grant 
 bim  a  pardon  for  this  contempt  of  his  injunctions,  and  envying  this  very  pardon  to  Daniel,  they 
 did  not  become  very  favourable  to  him,  but  desired  he  might  be  cast  into  the  den  of  lions, 
 according  to  the  law.  So  Darius,  hoping  that  God  would  deliver  him,  and  that  he  would 
 undergo  nothing  that  was  terrible  by  the  wild  beasts,  bade  him  bear  this  accident  cheerfully : 
 and  when  he  was  cast  info  the  den,  he  put  his  seal  to  the  stone  that  lay  upon  the  mouth  of  the 
 den,  and  went  his  way ;  but  be  passed  all  the  night  without  food,  and  without  sleep,  being  in 
 great  distress  for  Daniel.  But  when  it  was  day,  he  got  up,  and  came  to  the  den,  and  found 
 the  seal  entire,  which  he  had  left  the  stone  sealed  withal ;  he  also  opened  the  seal,  and  cried 
 out,  and  called  to  Daniel,  and  asked  him.  If  he  were  alive?  And  as  soon  as  he  heard  the 
 king's  voice,  and  said  that  he  had  suffered  no  harm,  the  king  gave  order  that  he  should  be 
 drawn  up  out  of  the  den.  Now  when  his  enemies  saw  that  Daniel  had  suffered  nothing  which 
 ■was  terrible,  they  would  not  own  that  he  was  preserved  by  God,  and  by  his  providence;  but 
 they  said,  that  the  lions  had  been  filled  full  with  food,  and  on  that  account  it  was,  as  they  sup- 
 posed, that  the  lions  would  not  touch  Daniel,  nor  come  to  him  ;  and  this  they  alleged  to  the 
 king:  but  the  king,  out  of  an  abhorrence  of  their  wickedness,  gave  order,  that  they  should 
 throw  in  a  great  deal  of  flesh  to  the  lions  ;  and  when  they  liad  filled  themselves,  he  gave  further 
 order  that  Daniel's  enemies  should  be  cast  into  the  den,  that  he  might  learn  whether  the  lions, 
 now  they  were  full,  would  touch  them  or  not.  And  it  appeared  plain  to  Darius,  after  the 
 princes  had  been  cast  to  the  wild  beasts,  that  it  was  God  who  preserved  Daniel,  for  the  lions 
 spared  none  of  them,*  but  tore  them  all  to  pieces,  as  if  they  had  been  very  hungry,  and  wanted 
 
 •  Tt  is  nn  way  improbable  that  Daniel's  enemies  might  suggest  this  reason  to  the  kins  why  the  lions  did  not 
 meddle  with  him,  and  that  they  might  suspect  the  king's  kindness  to  Daniel  had  procured  these  lions  to  be  so 
 filled  beforehand,  and  that  thence  it  was  that  he  encouraged  Daniel  to  submit  to  this  experiment,  in  hopes  of 
 ■coming  off  safe  ;  and  that  this  was  the  true  reason  of  making  so  terrible  an  experiment  upon  those  his  euemiea. 
 and  all  their  families,  Dan.  vi.  S4,  though  our  other  copies  do  not  directly  take  notice  of  it. 
 
BOOK  X. — CHAP.  XI.  275 
 
 fo'iJ.  I  suppose  tlierefore  it  was  not  their  hunj^er,  which  had  been  a  little  before  satisfied 
 wilh  abundance  of  flesh,  but  the  wickedness  of  these  men,  that  provoised  them  [to  destroy  the 
 princes;]  for  if  it  so  please  God,  that  wickedness  might,  even  by  those  irrational  creatures,  be 
 esteemed  a  plain  foundation  for  their  punishment. 
 
 7.  When  therefore  those  that  had  intended  thus  to  destroy  Daniel  by  treachery,  were  them- 
 selves destroyed,  king  Darius  sent  [letters]  over  all  the  country,  and  praised  that  God  whom 
 Daniel  worshipped  ;  and  said,  that  "  he  was  the  only  true  God,  and  had  all  power."  He  had 
 also  Daniel  in  very  great  esteem,  and  made  him  the  principal  of  bis  friends.  Now  when 
 Daniel  was  become  so  illustrious  and  famous,  on  account  of  the  opinion  men  had  that  he  was 
 beloved  of  God,  he  built  a  tower  at  Ecbatana  in  Media  :  it  was  a  most  elegant  building,  and 
 wonderfully  made,  and  it  is  still  remaining,  and  preserved  to  this  day;  and  to  such  as  see  it,  it 
 appears  to  have  been  lately  built,  and  to  have  been  no  older  than  that  very  day  when  any  one 
 looks  upon  it,  it  is  so  fresh,  flourishing,  and  beautiful,  and  no  way  grown  old  in  so  long  time,* 
 for  buildings  sutter  the  same  as  men  do,  they  grow  old  as  well  as  they,  and  by  numbers  of 
 years  their  strength  is  dissolved,  and  their  beauty  withered.  Now  they  bury  the  kings  of 
 Media,  of  Persia,  and  Parthia,  in  this  tower  to  this  day;  and  he  who  was  intrusted  with  the 
 care  of  it,  was  a  Jewish  priest ;  which  thing  is  also  observed  to  tliis  day  :  but  it  is  fit  to  give 
 an  account  of  what  this  man  did,  which  is  most  admirable  to  hear,  for  he  was  so  happy  as  to 
 Lave  strange  revelations  made  to  him,  and  those  as  to  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  prophets, 
 insomuch,  that  while  he  was  alive  he  had  the  esteem  and  applause  both  of  the  kings  and  of  the 
 multitude,  and  now  he  is  dead,  be  retains  a  remembrance  that  will  never  fail,  for  the  several 
 books  that  he  wrote  and  left  behind  him  are  still  read  by  us  till  this  time,  and  from  them  we 
 believe  that  Daniel  conversed  with  God  ;  for  be  did  not  only  prophesy  of  future  events,  as  did 
 the  other  prophets,  but  be  also  determined  the  time  of  their  accomplishment:  and  while  pro- 
 phets used  to  foretell  misfortunes,  and  on  that  account  were  disagreeable  both  to  the  kings  and 
 to  the  multitude,  Daniel  was  to  them  a  prophet  of  good  things,  and  this  to  such  a  degree,  that, 
 by  the  agreeable  nature  of  his  predictions,  he  procured  the  good-will  of  nil  men,  and  by  the 
 accomplishment  of  them  he  procured  the  belief  of  their  truth,  and  the  opinion  of  [a  sort  of] 
 divinity  for  himself,  among  the  multitude.  He  also  wrote  and  left  behind  him  what  made 
 manifest  the  accuracy  and  undeniable  veracily  of  bis  predictions;  for  he  saith,  that  "  when  he 
 ■was  in  Susa,  the  metropolis  of  Persia,  and  went  out  into  the  field  with  his  companions,  there 
 •was,  on  the  sudden,  a  motion  and  concussion  of  the  earth,  and  that  he  was  left  alone  by  him- 
 self, his  friends  flying  away  from  him  ;  and  that  he  was  disturbed,  and  fell  on  bis  face,  and  on 
 his  two  hands,  and  that  a  certain  person  touched  him,  and,  at  the  same  time,  bade  bim  rise, 
 and  see  what  would  befall  his  countrymen  after  many  generations.  He  also  related,  that  when 
 be  stood  up,  he  was  shewn  a  great  ram,  with  many  horns  growing  out  of  his  head,  and  that 
 the  last  was  higher  than  the  rest;  that  after  this  he  looked  to  the  west,  and  sasv  a  he-goat 
 carried  through  the  air  from  that  quarter;  that  be  rushed  upon  the  ram  with  violence,  and 
 smote  liim  twice  with  bis  boms,  and  overthrew  bim  to  the  ground,  and  trampled  upon  bim  : 
 that  afterward  he  saw  a  very  great  horn  growing  out  of  the  head  of  the  he-goat,  and  that  when 
 it  was  broken  off,  four  horns  grew  up  that  were  exposed  to  each  of  the  four  winds,  and  he 
 wrote  that  out  of  them  arose  another  lesser  horn,  which,  as  he  said,  waxed  great;  and  that 
 <Jod  shewed  to  him,  that  it  should  fight  against  his  nation,  and  take  their  city  by  force,  and 
 bring  the  temple-worship  to  confusion,  and  forbid  the  sacrifices  to  be  offered  for  one  thousand 
 two  hundred  and  ninety-six  days."  Daniel  wrote  that  he  saw  these  visions  in  the  plain  of 
 Susa;  and  be  hath  infurnied  us,  that  God  interpreted  the  appearance  of  this  vision  after  the 
 following  manner:  "  He  said  that  the  ram  signified  the  kingdoms  of  the  Medes  and  Persians, 
 and  the  boms  those  kings  that  were  to  reign  in  them  ;  and  that  the  last  horn  signified  the  last 
 king,  and  that  be  should  exceed  all  the  kings  in  riches  and  glory;  that  the  goat  signified  iJiat 
 one  should  come  and  roign  from  the  Greeks,  who  should  twice  fight  with  the  Persian,  and 
 overcome  him  in  battle,  and  should  receive  his  entire  dominion;  that  by  the  great  horn  which 
 sprang  out  of  the  forehead  of  the  he-goat  was  meant  the  first  king;  and  that  the  springing  up 
 of  four  horns  upon  its  falling  ol^",  and  the  conversion  of  every  one  of  them  to  the  four  quarters 
 of  the  earth,  signified  tlic  successors  that  should  arise  after  the  deatli  of  the  first  king,  and 
 the  partition  of  the  kingdom  among  them,  and  that  they  should  be  neither  his  children,  nor  of 
 his  kindred,  that  should  r>'ign  over  the  babilahle  earth  for  many  years;  and  that  from  among 
 tliem  there  should  arise  a  certain  king  that  should  overcome  our  nation  and  their  laws,  and 
 siiould  lake  away  their  political  government,  and  should  spoil  the  temple,  and  forbid  the  sacri- 
 fices to  be  ofTered  for  thn  e  years'  lime."  And  indeed  so  it  came  to  pass,  that  our  nation  suf- 
 fered these  things  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  according  to  Daniel's  vision,  and  what  he  wrote 
 many  vears  before  they  came  to  pass.  In  the  very  same  manner  Daniel  ;ilso  wrote  concerning 
 the  Roman  government,   and  that  our  country  should   be  made  desolate   by  them.     All  these 
 
 *  What  .Tosephus  liere  says,  that  the  stones  of  the  sepulchres  of  the  liings  of  Persia  at  tnis  tower,  or  those 
 perhtps  fif  the  same  sor:  that  are  now  commonly  called  the  ruins  of  Persepolis,  continued  so  entire  and  unal- 
 tered in  his  days,  as  if  tljey  were  lately  put  thtre,  "  1,"  says  lielaud,  "  here  can  shew  to  be  true,  as  to  those 
 stones  of  the  Persian  kings' mausoleum  which  t^orv  Hruniiis  brake  oif  and  gave  me."  He  ascribed  this  to 
 the  hardness  of  the  stone,  which  scarcely  yields  to  irou  tools,  aud  proves  frequently  too  hard  for  cutting  by 
 tJie  chisel,  but  oftentimes  breaks  into  pieces. 
 
276  ANi'IQUITIKS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 things  did  this  man  leave  in  writia^,  as  God  had  shewed  them  to  iiitn,  iosomucb,  that  sacb  as 
 read  liis  prophecies,  and  see  how  thej  have  been  fulfilled,  would  wonder  at  the  honour  where- 
 with God  honoured  Daniel ;  and  may  thence  discover  how  the  Epicureans  are  in  an  error,  who 
 cast  providence  out  of  human  life,  and  do  not  believe  that  God  lakes  care  of  the  affairs  of  the 
 world,  nor  that  the  universe  is  governed  and  continued  in  being  bj  that  blessed  and  Immortal 
 nature,  but  say  that  the  world  is  carried  along  of  its  own  accord,  without  a  ruler  and  a 
 curator;  which,  were  it  destitute  of  a  guide  to  conduct  it,  as  they  imagine,  it  would  be  like 
 ships  without  pilots,  which  we  see  drowned  by  the  winds,  or  like  chariots  without  drivers, 
 which  are  overturned,  so  would  the  world  be  d;ished  to  pieces  by  its  being  carried  without  a 
 Providence,  and  so  perish,  and  come  to  nought.  So  that,  by  the  foreraentioned  predictions  of 
 Daniel,  those  men  seem  to  me  very  much  to  err  from  the  truth,  who  determine,  that  God  exer- 
 cises no  providence  over  human  affairs  ;  for  if  that  were  the  case,  that  the  world  went  on  by 
 mechanical  necessity,  we  should  not  see  that  all  things  would  come  to  pass  according  to  his 
 prophecy.  Now  as  to  myself,  I  have  so  described  these  matters  as  I  have  found  them  and 
 read  them  ;  but  if  any  one  is  inclined  to  another  opinion  about  them,  let  him  enjoy  his  dill'ereot 
 sentiments  without  any  blame  from  me. 
 
 BOOK  XI. 
 
 CONTAIMI^JG  THE  INTEKVAL  OF  TWO  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY-THREE  YEARS  AND 
 FIVE  MONTHS.-FROM  THE  FIRST  OF  CYRUS,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE 
 GREAT. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Cyrus,  King  of  the  Persians,  delivered  the  Jetos  out  of  Babylon,  and  suffered  them  to  return 
 to  their  own  Country,  and  to  build  their  Temple,  for  which  Work  he  gave  them  Money. 
 
 $  1.  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus,*  which  was  the  seventieth  from  the  day  that  our 
 people  were  removed  out  of  their  own  land  into  Babylon,  God  commiserated  the  captivity  and 
 calamity  of  these  poor  people,  according  as  he  had  foretold  to  them  by  Jeremiah  the  prophet, 
 before  the  destruction  nf  tlie  city  ;  that  after  they  had  served  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his  posterity, 
 and  after  they  had  undergone  that  servitude  seventy  years,  he  would  restore  them  again  to  the 
 land  of  their  fathers,  and  they  should  build  iheir  temple,  and  enjoy  their  ancient  prosperity. 
 And  these  things  God  did  afford  them  :  for  he  stirred  up  the  mind  of  Cyrus,  and  made  him 
 write  this  throughout  all  Asia,  "  Thus  saith  Cyrus  the  king,  Since  God  Almighty  hath  appointed 
 roe  to  be  king  of  the  habitable  earth,  i  believe  that  he  is  that  God  which  the  nation  of  the 
 Israelites  worship,  for  indeed  he  foretold  my  name  by  the  prophets,  and  that  I  should  build 
 him  an  house  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  country  of  Jadea." 
 
 2.  This  was  known  to  Cyrus  by  his  reading  the  book  which  Isaiah  left  behind  him  of  his 
 prophecies;  for  this  prophet  said,  that  God  hath  spoken  thus  to  him  in  a  secret  vision ;  "  iUy 
 will  is,  that  Cyrus,  whom  I  ha^e  appointed  to  be  king  over  many  and  great  nations,  send  back 
 my  people  to  their  own  land;  and  build  my  temple."  This  was  foretold  by  Isaiah  one  hun- 
 dred and  forty  years  before  the  temple  was  demolished.  Accordingly,  when  Cyrus  read  this, 
 and  admired  the  divine  power,  an  earnest  desire  and  ambition  seized  upon  bim,  to  fulfil  what 
 was  so  written  ;  so  he  called  for  the  most  eminent  Jews  that  were  in  Babylon,  and  said  to  them, 
 that  "  he  gave  them  leave  to  go  back  to  tlieir  ovvn  country,  and  to  rebuild  their  city  Jeru- 
 salem,f  and  the  temple  of  God,  for  that  he  would  be  their  assistant,  and  that  he  would  write 
 to  the  rulers  and  governors  that  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  their  country  of  Judea,  that 
 they  should  contribute  to  them  gold  and  silver  for  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  besides  that, 
 beasts  for  their  sacrifices." 
 
 3.  When  Cyrns  had  said  this  to  the  Israelites,  the  rulers  of  the  two  tribes  of  Jndah  and 
 Benjamin,  with  (be  Levites,  and  priests,  went  in  haste  to  Jerusalem,  yet  did  many  of  them  stay 
 at  Babylon,  as  not  willing  to  leave  their  possessions  ;  and  when  thev  were  come  thither,  all 
 the  king's  friends  assisted  them,  and  brought  in,  for  the  building  of  the  temple,  some  gold  and 
 some  silver,  and  some  a  great  many  cattle  and  horses.     So  they  performed  their  vows  to  God, 
 
 *  This  Cyrus  is  called  '  God's  shepherd,'  by  Xenophon,  as  well  as  by  Isaiah,  Isa.  xliv.  28.  as  also  it  is  said 
 of  him  by  the  same  prophet,  that  "  1  will  make  a  man  more  precious  than  iine  gold,  evea  a  mar  than  the 
 polilen  wedge  of  Ophir,"'  laa.  xiii.  12.  which  character  makes  Xeuophon's  most  excellent  history  ot  liim  very 
 credible. 
 
 t  This  leave  to  build  .Tenisalem,  ^  2,  3.  and  the  epistle  of  Cjtus  to  Sisinnes  and  Sathrahuzanes,  to  the  same 
 purpose,  are  most  uufortunately  oniitted  in  all  our  copies  but  "this  best  and  completest  copy  of  Josephus,  and 
 by  such  omission  the  famous  prophecy  of  Isaiah,  Isa.  xliv.  28.  where  we  are  informed,  that  God  said  of  or 
 to  Cyrus,  "  He  is  my  shepherd,  and  shall  perform  all  my  pleasure;  even  saying  to  .Jerusalem,  thou  shalt  be 
 built,  and  to  the  temple,  thy  foundati.m  shall  be  laid,"  could  not  hitherto  be  demonstrated  from  the  sacred 
 history  to  have  been  completely  fulfilled  ;  1  mean  as  to  that  part  of  it  which  concerned  his  giving  leave  or 
 <  ominission  lor  rebuilding  the  city  of  Jerusalem  as  distinct  from  the  temple,  whose  rebuilding  is  alone  per- 
 muicd  or  directed  in  the  decree  of  Cyrus  iu  all  our  copies. 
 
BOOK  XI.— CHAP.  n.  277 
 
 fiBil  offered  the  sacrifices  Ibat  had  been  accustomed  of  old  lime ;  I  mean  this  upon  the  rebuild- 
 ing of  their  city,  and  the  revival  of  the  ancient  practices  relating  to  their  worship.  Cyrus  also 
 sent  back  to  them  the  vessels  of  God  which  king  Nebuciiadnozzar  had  pillaged  out  of  the 
 temple,  and  had  carried  to  Babylon.  So  he  committed  these  things  to  Mithridates,  the  trea- 
 surer, to  be  sent  away,  with  an  order  to  give  them  to  Sanabassar,  that  he  might  keep  them  till 
 the  temple  was  built ;  and  when  it  was  finished,  he  might  deliver  them  to  the  priests  and  rulers 
 of  the  multitude,  in  order  to  their  being  restored  to  the  temple.  Cyrus  also  sent  an  epistle  to 
 the  governors  that  were  in  Syria,  the  contents  whereof  here  follow : 
 
 "  King  Cyrus  to  Sisinnes  and  Sathrabuzanes,  sendeth  greeting. 
 
 "  I  have  given  leave,  to  as  many  of  the  Jews  that  dwell  in  my  country  as  please,  to  return 
 to  their  own  country,  and  to  rebuild  their  city,  and  to  build  the  temple  of  Cod  at  Jerusalem, 
 on  the  same  place  where  it  was  before.  I  have  also  sent  my  treasurer  Mithridates,  and  Zoro- 
 babel,  the  governor  of  the  Jews,  that  they  may  lay  the  foundations  of  the  temple,  and  may 
 build  it  sixty  cubits  high,  and  of  the  same  latitude,  making  three  edifices  of  polished  stones, 
 and  one  of  the  wood  of  the  country  ;  and  the  same  order  extends  to  the  altar,  whereon  they 
 offer  sacrifices  to  God.  I  require  also,  that  the  sacrifices  for  these  things  may  be  given  out  of 
 my  revenues.  Moreover,  I  have  also  sent  the  vessels  which  king  Nebuchadnezzar  pillaged 
 out  of  the  temple,  and  have  given  them  to  Mithridates,  the  treasurer,  and  to  Zorobabel  the 
 governor  of  the  Jews,  that  they  may  have  thetn  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  may  restore  them  to 
 the  temple  of  God.  Now  their  number  is  as  follows  :*  fifty  cliargers  of  gold,  and  five  hundred 
 of  silver;  forty  Thericleon  cups  of  gold,  and  five  hundred  of  silver;  fifty  basons  of  gold,  and 
 five  hundred  of  silver,  thirty  vessels  for  pouring,  [the  drink-offerings,]  and  three  hundred  of 
 silver  ;  thirty  vials  of  gold,  and  two  thousand  four  hundred  of  silver;  with  a  thousand  other 
 large  vessels.  I  permit  tliera  to  have  the  same  honour  which  they  were  used  to  have  from 
 their  forefathers,  as  also  for  their  small  cattle,  and  for  wine  and  oil,  two  hundred  and  five 
 thousand  and  five  hundred  drachmas ;  and  for  wheat  (lour,  twenty  thousand  and  five  hundred 
 artabas ;  aud  I  give  order,  that  these  expenses  shall  be  given  them  out  of  the  tributes  due  from 
 Samaria.  The  priests  shall  also  offer  these  sacrifices  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses  in  Jeru- 
 salem :  and  when  they  offer  them,  they  shall  pray  to  God  for  the  preservation  of  the  king  and 
 of  his  family,  that  the  kingdom  of  Persia  may  continue.  But  my  will  is,  that  those  who  dis- 
 obey these  injunctions,  and  make  them  void,  shall  be  hung  upon  a  cross,  and  their  substance 
 brought  into  the  king's  treasury."  And  such  was  the  import  of  this  epistle.  Now  the  num- 
 ber of  those  that  came  out  of  captivity  to  Jerusalem,  were  forty-two  thousand  four  hundred 
 aud  sixty-two. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 How,  upon  the  Death  of  Cyrus,  the  Jews  were  hindered  in  building  of  the  Templeby  the  Cutheans, 
 
 and  the  neighbouring  Governors  :  and  how   Cambyses  entirely  forbade   the  Jews  to  do  any 
 
 such  thing. 
 
 §  1.  When  the  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laying,  and  when  the  Jews  were  very 
 /.ealous  about  building  it,  the  neighbouring  nations,  especially  the  Cutheans,  whom  Shal- 
 manezer,  king  of  Assyria,  had  brnught  out  of  Persia  and  Media,  and  had  planted  in  Samaria, 
 when  he  carried  the  people  of  Israel  captives,  besought  the  governors,  and  those  that  had 
 the  care  of  such  all'airs,  that  they  would  interrupt  the  Jews,  both  in  the  rebuilding  of  their 
 city,  and  in  the  building  of  their  temple.  Now  as  these  men  were  corrupted  by  them  with 
 money,  they  sold  the  Cutheans  their  interest  for  rendering  this  building  a  slow  and  a 
 careless  work,  for  Cyrus,  who  was  busy  about  other  wars,  knew  nothing  of  all  this;  and  it 
 so  hajjpened,  that  when  he  had  led  his  army  against  the  Massagetw  he  endid  his  life.t  But 
 ■when  Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  had  taken  the  kingdom,  the  governor  in  Syria,  and  Pheni- 
 cia,  and  in  the  countries  of  Ammon,  aud  Moab,  and  Samaria,  wrote  an  epistle  to  Cambyses; 
 whose  contents  were  as  follow  :  "  To  our  lord  Cambyses;  we  thy  servants,  Rathunias  the 
 historiographer,  and  Seinelliiis  the  scribe,  and  the  rest  that  are  thy  judges  in  Syria  and  Phe- 
 nicia,  send  greeting  :  It  is  fit,  O  king,  that  thou  shouldest  know  that  those  Jews  who  were 
 carried  to  Babylon,  are  come  into  our  country,  and  are  building  that  rebellious  and  yvicked 
 city,  and  its  market  places,  and  setting  up  its  walls,  and  raising  up  the  temple  :  know  there- 
 fore, that  when  these  things  are  finished,  they  will  not  be  willing  to  pay  tribute,  nor  will  they 
 
 •  Of  the  true  number  of  golden  and  silver  vessels  here  and  elsewhere  belonging  to  the  temple  of  Solomon, 
 sec  my  IJescriijtion  of  Temples,  chap.  xiii. 
 
 +  .losephus  here  follows  Herodotus,  and  those  that  related  how  Cyrui  made  war  with  the  Scythians  and 
 Massagetes,  near  the  Caspian  sea,  and  perished  in  it  ;  while  Xenniihon's  account,  which  appears  never  to  have 
 been  seen  by  .tosephus,  that  Cyrus  died  in  peace,  in  his  own  country  of  Persia,  is  attested  to  by  the  writers 
 of  the  affairs  of  Alexander  the  Great,  when  they  agree  that  he  found  C^yrus'  sepulchre  at  Pasargadii",  near 
 Persepolis.  This  account  of  Xenophon's  is  also  cnntirmed  by  the  circumslances  of  Cambyses,  upon  his  suc- 
 cession to  Cyrus,  who,  instead  of  a  war  to  avenge  his  father's  death  upon  the  Scythians  and  IMassagetoe,  and 
 to  prevent  those  nations  from  overrunning  his  northern  provinces,  which  would  have  been  the  natural  con- 
 setjuence  of  his  father's  ill  success  and  death  there,  went  imniediately  to  an  Kgyptiau  war,  long  ago  beg.in  by 
 Cyrus,  according  to  Xennpbon.  page  644,  and  conqaered  that  kingdom, nor  is  there,  that  I  ever  heard  of,  the 
 Ie.ist  mention  in  the  reign  of  this  Cambyseb  of  any  war  Bgaiuat  the  Scythiaus  and  Massatetes  that  ht  was  ever 
 engaged  in  all  his  lift.  . 
 
278  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 submit  to  thy  commands,  but  will  resist  kings,  and  will  choose  ralher  to  rule  over  others, 
 tban  be  ruled  over  themselves.  We  therefore  thought  it  proper  to  write  to  thee,  O  king, 
 while  the  works  about  the  temple  are  going  on  so  fast,  and  not  to  overlook  this  matter,  that 
 thou  mavest  search  into  the  books  of  thy  fathers,  for  thou  wilt  find  in  them,  that  the  Jews 
 have  been  rebels,  and  enemies  to  kings,  as  hath  their  cities  been  also,  which,  for  that  reason, 
 Lave  been  till  now  laid  waste.  We  thought  proper  also  to  inform  thee  of  this  maiter,  because  thou 
 ma^'est  otherwise  perhaps  be  ignorant  of  it,  that  if  this  city  be  once  inhabited,  and  be  entirely 
 encompassed  with  walls,  thou  wilt  be  excluded  from  thy  passage  to  Celosjria  and  Phenicia." 
 
 2.  When  Cambyses  had  read  the  epistle,  being  naturally  wicked,  he  was  irritated  at  what 
 they  told  him  ;  and  wrote  back  to  them  as  follows  :  "  Cambyses  the  king,  to  Rathnmus  the 
 historiographer,  to  Beeltethmns,  to  Semellius  the  scribe,  and  the  rest  that  are  in  commission, 
 and  dwelling  in  Samaria  and  Phenicia,  after  this  manner  :  I  have  read  the  epistle  that  was 
 sent  from  you  ;  and  I  gave  order  that  the  books  of  ray  forefathers  should  be  searched  into, 
 and  it  is  there  found,  that  this  city  hath  always  been  an  enemy  to  kings,  and  its  inhabitants 
 have  raised  seditions  and  wars.  We  also  are  sensible  that  their  kings  have  been  powerful, 
 and  tyranuical,  and  have  exacted  tribute  of  Celosyria  and  Phenicia  :  Wherefore  I  give  order 
 that  the  Jews  shall  not  be  permitted  to  build  that  city,  lest  such  mischief  as  they  used  to 
 bring  upon  kings  be  greatly  augmented."  When  this  epistle  was  read,  Rathumus,  and  Semel- 
 lius the  scribe,  and  their  associates,  got  suddenly  on  horseback,  and  made  haste  to  Jerusalem  ; 
 they  also  brought  a  great  company  with  thera,  and  forbade  the  Jews  to  build  the  city,  and  the 
 temple.  Accordingly,  these  works  were  hindered  from  going  on  till  the  second  year  of  the 
 reign  of  Darius,  for  nine  years  more  ;  for  Cambyses  reigned  six  years,  and  within  that  time 
 overthrew  Egypt,  and  when  be  was  come  back,  he  died  at  Damascus. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How,  after  the  Death  of  Cambyses,  arid  the  Slaughter  of  the  Magi,  but  under  the  Reign  of 
 Darius,  Zorobabel  was  superior  to  the  rest  in  the  Solution  of  Problems,  and  thereby  obtained 
 this  Favour  of  the  King,  that  the  Temple  should  be  built. 
 
 §  I.  After  the  slaughter  of  the  Magi,  who,  upon  the  death  of  Cambyses,  attained  (he  govern- 
 ment of  the  Persians  for  a  year,  those  families  which  were  called  the  seven  families  of  the 
 Persians,  appointed  Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  to  be  their  king.  Now  he,  while  he  was  a 
 private  man,  had  made  a  vow  to  God,  that  if  he  came  to  be  king,  he  would  send  all  the  ves- 
 sels of  God  that  were  in  Babylon  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  about 
 this  time  Zorobabel,  who  had  been  made  governor  of  the  Jews  that  had  been  in  captivity, 
 came  to  Darius  from  Jerusalem  :  for  there  had  been  an  old  friendship  between  him  and  the 
 king.  He  was  also,  with  two  others,  thought  worthy  to  be  guard  of  the  king's  body  ;  and 
 obtained  that  honour  which  he  hoped  for. 
 
 2.  Now  in  the  first  year  of  the  king's  reign,  Darius  feasted  those  that  were  about  him,  and 
 those  born  in  his  house,  with  the  rulers  of  the  Medes,  and  princes  of  the  Persians,  and  the 
 toparchs  of  India  and  Ethiopia,  and  the  generals  of  the  armies  of  his  hundred  and  twenty- 
 seven  provinces  :  but  when  tliey  had  eaten  and  drunk  to  satiety,  and  abundantly,  they  every 
 one  departed  to  go  to  bed  at  their  own  houses,  and  Darius  the  king  went  to  bed  ;  but  after  he 
 had  rested  a  little  part  of  the  night,  he  awaked,  and  not  being  able  to  sleep  any  more,  he  fell 
 into  conversation  with  the  three  guards  of  his  body,  and  promised,  that  to  him  who  should 
 make  an  oration,  about  points  that  he  should  inquire  of,  such  as  should  be  most  agreeable  to 
 truth,  and  to  the  dictates  of  wisdom,  he  would  grant  it  as  a  reward  of  bis  victory,  to  put  on  a 
 purple  garment,  and  to  drink  in  cups  of  gold,  and  to  sleep  upon  gold,  and  to  have  a  chariot 
 with  bridles  of  gold,  and  a  bead-tire  of  fine  linen,  and  a  chain  of  gold  about  his  neck,  and  to 
 sit  next  to  himself,  on  account  of  his  wisdom  ;  and,  says  he,  he  shall  be  called  my  cousin. 
 Now  when  he  had  promised  to  give  them  these  gifts,  he  asked  the  first  of  them.  Whether  wine 
 was  not  the  strongest  ?  The  second,  Whether  kings  were  not  such  ?  And  the  third.  Whe- 
 ther women  were  not  such?  Or,  Whetht^r  truth  was  not  the  strongest  of  all  ?  When  he  had 
 proposed  that  they  should  make  their  inquiries  about  these  problems,  he  went  to  rest  ;  but  in 
 the  morning  he  sent  for  his  great  men,  his  princes,  and  toparchs  of  Persia  and  Media,  and  set 
 himself  down  in  the  place  where  he  used  to  give  audience,  and  bade  each  of  the  guards  of  his 
 body  to  declare  what  they  thought  proper  concerning  the  proposed  questions,  in  the  hearing 
 of  them  all. 
 
 3.  Accordingly,  the  first  of  them  began  to  speak  of  the  strength  of  wine,  and  demonstrated 
 it  thus:  "When  (said  he)  I  am  to  give  my  opinion  of  wine,  O  you  men,  I  find  that  it 
 exceeds  every  thing,  by  the  following  indications  :  It  deceives  the  minds  of  those  that  drink 
 it,  and  reduces  that  of  the  king  to  the  same  state  with  that  of  the  orphan  and  he  who  stands 
 in  need  of  a  tutor,  and  erects  that  of  the  slave  to  the  boldness  of  him  that  is  free,  and  that  of 
 the  needy  becomes  like  that  of  the  rich  man,  for  it  changes  and  renews  the  souls  of  men  when 
 it  gels  into  them,  audit  quenches  the  sorrow  of  those  that  are  under  calamities,  and  makes 
 men  forget  the  debts  they  owe  to  others,  and  makes  them  think  themselves  to  be  of  all  men  the 
 richest ;  it  makes  them  talk  of  no  small  things,  but  of  talents,  and  such  other  names  as  become 
 
BOOK  XI. — CHAP.    HI.  279 
 
 ■wealthy  men  only ;  nay  more,  it  makes  tliein  insensible  of  llieir  commanders,  and  of  their 
 kings,  and  takes  away  llie  remembrance  of  their  friends  and  companions,  for  it  arms  men  eveu 
 against  those  that  are  dearest  to  them,  and  makes  tliein  appear  the  greatest  strangers  to  them, 
 and  when  they  are  become  sober,  and  they  Lave  slept  oul  their  wine  in  the  night,  they  arise 
 without  knowing  any  tiling  they  have  done  in  their  cups  ;  I  take  these  for  signs  of  power,  and 
 by  them  discover  that  wine  is  the  strongest  and  most  insuperable  of  all  things." 
 
 4.  As  soon  as  the  first  had  given  the  fore-mentioned  demonstrations  of  the  strength  of  wine, 
 he  left  ofl";  and  the  next  to  him  began  to  speak  about  the  strength  of  a  king,  and  demonstrated 
 that  it  was  the  strongest  of  all,  and  more  powerful  than  any  thing  else  that  appears  to  have 
 any  force  or  wisdom.  He  began  bis  demonstration  after  the  following  manner;  and  said, 
 "  They  are  men  who  govern  all  things  ;  they  force  the  earth  and  the  sea  to  become  profitable 
 to  them  in  what  they  desire,  and  over  these  men  do  kings  rule,  and  over  them  they  have 
 authority.  Now,  those  men  who  rule  over  that  animal  which  is  of  all  the  strongest  and  most 
 powerful,  must  needs  deserve  to  be  esteemed  insuperable  in  power  and  force  ;  for  example, 
 when  these  kings  command  their  subjects  to  make  war,  and  underf;o  dangers,  they  are  heark- 
 ened to,  and  when  they  send  them  against  their  enemies,  and  their  power  is  so  great  that  they 
 are  obeyed.  They  command  men  to  level  mountains,  and  to  pull  down  walls  and  towers;  nay, 
 when  they  are  commanded  to  be  killed  and  to  kill,  they  submit  to  it,  that  they  may  not  appear  to 
 transgress  the  king's  commands  ;  and  when  they  have  conquered,  they  bring  what  thej'  huve 
 gained  in  the  war  to  the  king.  Those  also  who  are  not  soldiers,  but  cultivate  the  ground, 
 and  plough  it,  and  when,  after  they  have  endured  the  labour,  and  all  the  inconveniences  of 
 such  works  of  husbandry,  thev  have  reaped  and  gathered  in  their  fruits,  they  bring  tributes 
 to  the  king.  And  whatsoever  it  is  which  the  king  says  or  commands,  it  is  done  of  necessity, 
 and  that  without  any  delay,  while  he  in  the  mean  time  is  satiated  with  all  sorts  of  food  and 
 pleasures,  and  sleeps  in  quiet.  He  is  guarded  by  such  as  watch,  and  such  as  are  as  it  were 
 fixed  down  to  the  place  through  fear,  for  no  one  dares  leave  him,  even  when  he  is  asleep,  nor 
 does  any  one  go  away  and  take  care  of  his  own  affairs,  but  he  esteems  this  one  thing  the  only 
 work  of  necessity,  to  guard  the  king,  and  accordingly  to  this  he  wholly  addicts  himself.  How 
 then  can  it  be  otherwise,  but  that  it  must  appear  (hat  the  king  exceeds  all  in  strength,  while 
 so  great  a  multitude  obeys  his  injunctions?" 
 
 5.  Now  when  this  man  had  held  his  peace,  the  third  of  them,  who  was  Zorobabel,  began 
 to  instruct  them  about  won)en,  and  about  truth,  who  said  thus  :  "  Wine  is  strong,  as  is  the 
 king  also,  whom  all  men  obey,  but  women  are  superior  to  them  in  power,  for  it  was  a  woman 
 that  brought  the  king  into  the  world  ;  and  for  those  that  plant  the  vines  and  make  the  wine, 
 they  are  women  who  bear  them,  and  bring  them  up  :  nor  indeed  is  there  any  thing  wliich  we 
 do  not  receive  from  tt'.em  :  for  these  women  weave  garments  for  us,  and  our  household  affairs 
 are  by  their  means  taken  care  of,  and  preserved  in  safety  ;  nor  can  we  live  separate  from 
 women.  And  when  we  have  gotten  a  great  deal  of  gold  and  silver,  and  any  other  thing  that 
 is  of  great  value,  and  deserving  regard,  and  see  a  beautiful  woman,  we  leave  all  things,  and 
 with  open  mouth  fix  our  eyes  upon  her  countenance,  and  are  willing  to  forsake  what  we  have, 
 that  we  may  enjoy  her  beauty,  and  procure  it  to  ourselves.  We  also  leave  father,  and  mother, 
 and  the  earth  that  nourishes  us,  and  frequently  forget  our  dearest  friends,  for  the  sake  of 
 women  :  nay,  we  are  so  hardy  as  to  lay  down  our  lives  for  them.  But  what  will  chiefly  make 
 you  take  notice  of  the  strength  of  women,  is  this  that  follows:  Do  not  we  lake  pains,  and 
 endure  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  and  that  both  by  land  and  sea,  and  when  we  have  procured 
 somewhat  as  the  fruit  of  our  labours,  do  we  not  bring  them  to  the  women,  as  to  oar  mistresses  ; 
 and  bestow  them  upon  them  ?  nay,  I  once  saw  the  king,  who  is  lord  of  so  many  people,  smit- 
 ten on  the  face  by  Apame,  the  daughter  of  Rabsases  Themasius,  his  concubine,  and  his  dia- 
 dem taken  from  him,  and  put  upon  her  own  head,  while  he  bore  it  patiently  ;  and  when 
 she  smiled  he  smiled,  and  when  she  was  angry  he  was  sad  ;  and  according  to  the  change  of 
 her  passions,  he  flattered  his  wife,  and  drew  her  to  reconciliation  by  the  great  humiliation  of 
 himself  to  her,  if  at  any  time  he  saw  her  displeased  at  him." 
 
 G.  And  when  the  princes  and  rulers  looked  one  upon  another,  he  began  to  speak  about 
 truth  ;  and  he  said,  "  I  have  already  demonstrated  how  powerful  women  are  ;  but  both  these 
 women  themselves,  and  the  king  himself,  are  weaker  than  truth  ;  for  although  the  earth  be 
 large,  and  the  heaven  high,  and  the  course  of  the  sun  swift,  yet  are  all  these  moved  according 
 to  the  will  of  God,  who  is  true  and  righteous,  for  which  cause  we  also  ought  to  esteem  truth 
 to  be  strongest  of  all  things,  and  (hat  what  is  unrighteous  is  of  no  force  against  it.  More- 
 over, all  things  else  that  have  any  strength  are  mortal,  and  short-lived,  but  truth  is  a  thing 
 that  is  immortal,  and  eternal.  It  afibrds  us  not  indeed  such  a  beauty  as  will  wither  away 
 by  time,  nor  such  riches  as  may  be  taken  away  by  fortune,  but  righteous  rales  and  laws.  It 
 distinguishes  them  from  injustice,  and  puts  what  is  unrighteous  to  rebuke."* 
 
 *  The  reader  is  to  note,  that  although  the  speeches  or  papers  of  these  three  of  the  king's  guard  are  much 
 the  same  in  our  third  book  of  Esdras,  chai).  iii.  and  iv.  as  they  are  here  in  .losephus,  yet  tliat  the  introduction 
 of  them  is  entirely  different,  while  in  our  Esdras  the  whole  is  related  as  the  contrivance  of  the  three  of  the 
 King  8  guard  themselves ;  and  even  the  mighty  rewards  are  spoken  of  as  proposed  by  themselves,  and  the 
 speeches  are  related  to  have  been  delivered  by  themselves  to  the  king  in  writing,  while  all  is  contrary  in 
 Joseplius.    1  need  not  say  whose  account  is  the  most  probable,  the  matters  speak  for  themselves;  ajid  tl'ier* 
 
280  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 7.  So  wbeu  Zorobiibei  had  left  off  bis  discourse  aboat  trntli,  and  the  multitude  had  cried  out 
 aloud  that  he  had  spoken  the  most  wisely,  and  that  it  was  truth  alone  that  had  immutable 
 strength,  and  such  as  never  would  wax  old,  the  king  commanded,  that  he  should  ask  for 
 somewhat  over  and  above  what  he  had  promised,  for  that  he  would  give  it  bini  because  of  bis 
 wisdom,  and  that  prudence  wherein  he  exceeded  the  rest  ;  and  thou  shall  sit  with  me,  said 
 the  king,  and  shall  be  called  ray  cousin.  When  he  had  said  this,  Zorobabel  put  him  in  mind 
 of  the  vow  he  had  made,  in  case  he  should  ever  have  the  kingdom.  Now  this  vow  was,  "  to 
 rebuild  Jerusalem,  and  to  build  therein  the  temple  of  God  ;  as  also  to  restore  the  vessels 
 vvhich  Nebuchadnezzar  had  pillaged,  and  carried  to  Babylon,"  And  this,  said  he,  is  that 
 request  which  thou  now  permittest  rae  to  make,  on  account  that  I  have  been  judged  to  be 
 wise  and  understanding. 
 
 8.  So  the  king  was  pleased  with  what  he  had  said,  and  arose  and  kissed  him ;  and  wrote 
 to  the  tiiparchs  and  governors,  and  enjoined  them  to  conduct  Zorobabel,  and  those  that  were 
 going  with  him  to  build  the  temple.  He  also  sent  letters  to  those  rulers  that  were  in  Syria 
 and  Pheiiicia,  to  cut  down  and  carry  cedar  trees  from  Lebanon  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  assist  him 
 in  building  the  city.  He  also  wrote  to  them,  that  all  the  captives  who  should  go  to  Judea 
 should  be  free  ;  and  he  prohibited  his  deputies  and  governors  to  lay  any  king's  taxes  upon  the 
 Jews ;  he  also  permitted  that  they  should  have  all  that  land  which  they  could  possess  them- 
 selves of  williout  tributes.  He  also  enjoined  the  Idumeans  and  Samaritans,  and  the  inhabitants 
 of  Celosyria,  to  restore  those  villages  which  they  had  taken  from  the  Jews  ;  and  that,  besides 
 all  this,  fifty  talents  should  be  given  them  for  the  building  of  the  temple.  He  also  permitted 
 them  to  oft'er  their  appointed  sacrifices,  and  that  whatsoever  the  high  priest  and  the  priests 
 wanted,  and  those  sacred  garments  wherein  they  used  to  worship  God,  should  be  made  at  his 
 own  charges  ;  and  that  the  musical  instruments  which  the  Levites  used  in  singing  hvmns  to 
 God  should  be  given  them.  Moreover,  be  charged  them  that  portions  of  land  should  be  given 
 to  those  that  guarded  the  city  and  the  temple,  as  also  a  determinate  sum  of  money  every  year 
 for  their  maintenance  :  and  withal  he  sent  the  vessels.  And  all  that  Cyrus  intended  to  do 
 before  him,  relating  lo  the  restoration  of  Jeiusalem,  Darius  also  ordained  should  be  done 
 accordingly. 
 
 9.  Now  when  Zorobabel  had  obtained  these  grants  from  the  king,  he  went  ont  of  the  palace, 
 and,  looking  up  to  heaven,  he  began  to  return  liianks  to  God  for  the  wisdom  lie  had  given  him, 
 and  the  victory  he  had  gained  thereby,  even  in  the  presence  of  Darius  himself;  for,  said  he, 
 "  1  had  not  been  thought  worthy  of  these  advantages,  O  Lord,  unless  thou  hadsl  been  favour- 
 able to  me."  When  tlierefore  he  had  returned  these  thanks  to  God  for  the  present  circum- 
 stances he  was  in,  and  had  prayed  to  him  to  afl'ord  him  the  like  favour  for  the  time  to  come, 
 he  oame  to  Babvlon,  and  brought  the  good  news  to  his  countrymen,  of  what  grants  he  had  pro- 
 cuied  for  them  from  the  king  ;  who,  when  they  heard  the  same,  gave  thanks  also  to  God  that 
 he  restored  ihe  land  of  tiieir  forefathers  to  them  again.  So  they  betook  themselves  to  drink- 
 ing Hnd  eating,  and  for  seven  days  they  continued  feasting,  and  kept  a  festival  for  the 
 rebuilding  and  restoration  of  their  country.  After  this  they  chose  themselves  rulers,  who 
 should  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  out  of  the  tribes  of  their  forefathers,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
 and  cattle,  who  travelled  to  Jerusalem  with  joy  and  pleasure,  under  the  conduct  of  those 
 whom  Darius  sent  along  with  them,  and  making  a  noise  with  songs,  and  pipes,  and  cymbals. 
 T'ie  rest  of  the  Jewish  multitude  also  besides  accompanied  them  with  rejoicing. 
 
 10.  And  thus  did  these  men  go,  a  certain  and  determinate  number  out  of  every  family, 
 though  I  do  not  think  it  proper  to  recite  particularly  the  names  of  those  families,  that  I  may 
 nol  take  oft"  the  mind  of  my  readers  from  the  connexion  of  the  historical  facls,  and  make  it 
 hard  for  them  to  follow  the  coherence  of  my  narration  ;  but  the  sum  of  those  that  went  up, 
 above  the  age  of  twelve  years,  ol  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  was  four  hundred  sixty- 
 two  myriads  and  eight  thousand;*  the  Levites  were  seventy-four  :  the  number  of  the  women 
 and  children  mixed  together  was  forty  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty-two;  and  besides 
 these,  there  were  singers  of  the  Levites  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight,  and  porters  one  hnij- 
 dred  and  ten  j  and  of  the  sacred  ministers  three  hundred  and  ninety-two ;  there  were  also  others 
 
 can  be  no  doubt  but  Josephus's  history  is  liere  to  be  very  much  preferred  before  the  other.  Nor  indeed  does 
 it  seem  to  me  at  all  unlikely,  that  the  whole  was  a  contrivance  of  kitifr  Darius's  own,  in  order  to  be  decently 
 and  inoffensively  put  in  mind  by  Zorobabel,  of  fulfilling  his  old  vow  for  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
 temple,  and  the  restoration  of  the  worship  of  the  One  True  God  there.  Is' or  does  the  full  mesnitg  of  Zoro- 
 babel, when  he  cries  out,  1  Esdras  iv.  40.  "  Blessed  be  the  God  of  truth  :"  and  here  "  God  is  true  and  right- 
 eous." or  even  of  all  the  people,  1  Esdras  iv.  41.  "Great  is  truth,  and  mighty  above  all  things,"  seem  to  be 
 mnch  different  from  tliis,  "There  is  but  One  True  God,"  the  God  of  Israel,  io  which  doctrine,  such  as 
 t'vTus,  and  Uarius,  &c,  the  Jews'  great  patrons,  seem  not  to  have  been  very  averse,  though  the  entire  idolatry 
 of  their  kingdoms  made  them  generully  conceal  it. 
 
 *  ITiis  strange  reading  in  Josephus's  present  copies  of  4,000,000  instead  of  40,000,  is  one  of  the  grossest  errors 
 that  is  in  them,  and  ought  to  be  corrected  from  Ezra  ii.  &4.  1  Esd.  v.  40.  and  Neh.  vii.  66.  who  all  agree  tL4 
 ireneral  sum  was  but  about  42,360.  It  is  also  very  plain,  that  Josephus  thought,  that  when  Esdras  afterwards 
 brought  up  another  company  out  of  Babylon  and  Persia,  in  the  days  of  Xerxes,  they  were  also,  as  well  as 
 these,  out  of  the  two  tj-ibes,  and  out  of  them  only,  and  were  in  all  no  more  than  '  a  seed'  and  '  a  remnant,'  while 
 an  '  immense  number' of  the  ten  tribes  never  returned,  but,  as  be  believed,  coutinued  then  beyond  Euphratt^s, 
 chap.  V.  5  2.  3.  Of  which  multitude,  the  Jews  beyond  Euphrates,  he  speaks  fr«iquently  elsewhere  ;  though, 
 by  the  way.  he  never  takes  them  to  be  idolaters,  but  looks  on  them  still  as  observers  of  the  laws  of  Moses.  The 
 ■  certain  i)nrt'  of  the  people  thai  now  came  up  from  Babvlpu,  at  the  end  of  thischapter,  imply  the  same  smaller 
 number  of  Jews  that  now  came  up,  aud  will  no  wav  agree  with  the  4,000,000 
 
BOOK    XI. — CHAP.  IV.  281 
 
 besides  tbese,  who  said  tliey  were  Israelites,  but  were  notable  to  shew  their  genealogies, 
 six  hundred  and  sixty-two ;  some  there  were  also,  who  were  e>,pelied  out  of  the  number  and 
 honour  of  the  priests,  as  having  married  wives  whose  genealogies  thej  could  not  produce,  nor 
 were  they  found  in  the  genealogies  of  the  Levites  and  priests:  they  were  about  five  hundred 
 and  twenty-five;  the  multitude  also  of  servants  that  followed  those  that  went  up  out  of  Jeru- 
 salem were  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and  thirty-seven ;  the  singing  men  and  singing 
 women  were  two  hundred  and  forty-five ;  the  camels  wore  four  hundred  and  thirly-five  ;  the 
 beasts  used  to  the  yoke  were  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty-live ;  and  the  governors  of 
 all  this  multitude  thus  numbered  were  Zorobabel,  the  son  of  Salathiel,  of  the  posterity  of 
 David,  and  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  Jeshua,  the  son  of  Josedek  the  high  priest ;  and  besides 
 these  there  were  Mordecai  and  Serebeus,  who  were  distinguished  fiora  the  multitude,  and  were 
 rulers,  who  also  contributed  a  hundred  pounds  of  gold,  and  five  thousand  of  silver.  By  this 
 means  therefore  the  priests  and  the  Levites,  and  a  certain  part  of  the  entire  people  of  the  Jews 
 that  were  in  Babylon,  came  and  dwelt  in  Jerusalem,  but  the  rest  of  the  multitude  returned 
 every  one  to  their  own  countries. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  the  Temple  was  built,  while  the  Cutheans  endeavoured  in  vain  to  obstruct  the  Wori. 
 
 §  1.  Now  in  the  seventh  month,  after  they  were  departed  out  of  Babylon,  both  Jeshua  the  high 
 priest,  and  Zorobabel  the  governor,  sent  messengers  every  way  round  about :  and  gatliered  those 
 that  were  in  the  country  together  to  Jerusalem  universally,  who  came  very  gladly  thither.  He 
 then  built  the  dtar  on  the  same  place  ii  had  formerly  been  built,  that  they  might  olFer  the 
 appointed  sacrifices  upon  it  to  God,  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses.  But  while  they  did  this, 
 they  did  not  please  the  neighbouring  nations,  who  all  of  them  bare  an  ill  will  to  them.  They 
 also  celebrated  the  feast  of  tabernacles  at  that  time,  as  the  legislator  had  ordained  concerning 
 it,  and  after  that  they  oflered  sacrifices,  and  what  were  called  the  daily  sacrifices,  and  the  oblations 
 proper  for  the  Sabbaths,  and  for  all  the  holy  festivals.  Those  also  that  had  made  vows  per- 
 formed them,  and  offered  their  sacrifices,  from  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month.  They  also 
 began  to  build  the  temple,  and  gave  a  great  deal  of  money  to  tiie  tnasons  and  to  the  carpen- 
 ters, and  what  was  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  workujen.  The  Sidonians  also  were 
 very  willing  and  ready  to  bring  the  cedar  trees  from  Libanus,  to  bind  them  together,  and  to 
 make  a  united  tloat  of  them,  and  to  bring  them  to  the  port  of  Joppa,  for  that  was  what  Cyrus 
 liad  commanded  at  first,  and  what  was  now  done  at  the  command  of  Darius. 
 
 2.  In  the  second  year  of  their  coming  to  Jerusalem,  as  the  Jews  were  there  in  the  second 
 month,  the  building  of  the  temple  went  on  apace  ;  and  when  they  had  laid  its  foundations  on 
 the  first  day  of  the  second  month  of  that  second  year,  they  set,  as  overseers  of  the  work,  such 
 Levites  as  were  full  twenty  years  old  ;  and  Jeshua  and  his  sons  and  brethren,  and  Codmiel  the 
 brother  of  Judas,  the  son  of  Aminadab,  with  his  sons  ;  and  the  temple,  by  the  great  diligence  of 
 those  that  had  the  care  of  it,  was  finished  sooner  than  any  one  would  have  expected.  And 
 when  the  temple  was  finished,  the  priests,  adorned  with  their  accustomed  garments,  stood 
 with  their  trumpets,  while  the  Levites,  and  the  sons  of  Asaph,  stood  and  sung  hymns  to  God, 
 according  as  David  first  of  all  appointed  them  to  bless  God.  Now  the  priests  and  Levites, 
 and  the  elder  part  of  the  families,  recollecting  with  themselves  how  much  greater  and  more 
 sumptuous  the  old  temple  had  been,  seeing  that  now  made,  how  much  inferior  it  was,  on 
 account  of  their  poverty,  to  that  which  had  been  built  of  old,  considered  with  themselves  how 
 much  their  liappy  state  was  sunk  below  what  it  had  been  of  old,  as  well  as  their  temple. 
 Hereupon  they  were  disconsolate,  and  not  able  to  contain  their  grief,  and  proceeded  so  far  as 
 to  lament  and  shed  tears  on  those  accounts  ;  but  the  people  in  general  were  contented  with 
 their  present  condition,  and  because  they  were  allowed  to  build  them  a  temple,  they  desired  no 
 more,  and  neither  regarded  nor  remembered,  nor  indeed  at  all  tormented  themselves  with  the 
 comparison  of  that  and  the  former  temple,  as  if  this  were  below  their  expectations  ;  but  the 
 wailing  of  the  old  men,  and  ot  the  priests,  on  account  of  the  deficiency  of  this  temple,  in  their 
 opinion,  if  compared  with  that  which  had  been  demolished,  overcame  the  sounds  of  the  trum- 
 pets and  the  rejoicings  of  the  people. 
 
 3.  But  when  the  Samaritans,  who  were  still  enemies  to  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
 heard  the  sound  of  the  trumpets,  they  came  running  together,  and  desired  to  know  what  was 
 the  occasion  of  this  tumult?  and  when  they  perceived  that  it  was  from  the  Jews,  who  had  been 
 carried  captive  to  Babylon,  and  were  rebuilding  their  temple,  they  came  to  Zorobabel,  and  to 
 Jeshua,  and  to  the  heads  of  the  families,  and  desired  that  they  would  give  them  leave  to  build 
 the  temple  with  them,  and  to  he  partners  with  them  in  biiildin?  it;  for  they  said,  "  We  wor- 
 s'.iip  your  God,  and  especially  pray  to  him,  and  are  desirous  of  your  religious  settlement,  and 
 this  ever  since  Shalmaneser,  the  king  of  Assyria,  transplanted  us  out  of  Cutliah  and  Media  to 
 this  place."  When  they  said  thus,  Zorobabel  and  Jeshua  the  high  priest,  and  the  heads  of 
 the  families  of  the  Israelites,  replied  to  them,  that  "  it  was  impossible  for  thein  to  permit  them 
 to  be  their  partners,  while  they  [only]  had  been  appointed  to  build  that  temple  at  first  by  Cy- 
 rus, and  now  bv  Darius,  although  it  was  indeed  lawful  for  them  to  come  and  worship  there  if 
 
 2  N 
 
282  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tbey  pleased,  and  that  tbej  could  allow  tbera  nothing  but  that  in  common  with  them,  which 
 ■was  common  to  them  with  all  other  men,  to  come  to  their  temple,  and  worship  God  there." 
 
 4.  When  the  Cutbeans  beard  this,  for  the  Samaritans  have  that  appellation,  they  had  indig- 
 nation at  it,  and  persuaded  the  nations  of  Syria  to  desire  of  the  governors,  in  the  same  manner 
 as  they  bad  done  formerly  in  the  days  of  Cyrus,  and  again  in  the  days  of  Cambyses  after- 
 wards, to  put  a  stop  to  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  to  endeavour  to  delay  and  protract  the 
 Jews  in  their  zeal  abont  it.  Now  at  this  time  Sisinnes,  the  governor  of  Sjria  and  Phenicia, 
 and  Sathrabuzanes,  with  certain  others,  came  up  to  Jerusalem,  and.  asked  the  rulers  of  the 
 Jews,  "  By  whose  grant  it  was  that  tbey  built  the  temple  in  this  manner,  since  it  was  more 
 like  to  a  citadel  than  a  temple  ?  and  for  what  reason  it  was  that  they  built  cloisters  and  walls, 
 and  those  strong  ones  too,  about  the  city  ?"  To  which  Zorobabel  and  Jeshua  the  high  priest 
 replied,  "  that  they  were  the  servants  of  God  Almighty  :  that  this  temple  was  built  for  him  by 
 a  king  of  theirs  that  lived  in  great  prosperity,  and  one  that  exceeded  all  men  in  virtue,  and  that 
 it  continued  a  long  time,  but  that  because  of  their  fathers'  impiety  towards  God,  Nebuchadnez- 
 zar, king  of  the  Babylonians,  and  of  the  Chaldeans,  took  their  city  by  force,  and  destroyed  it, 
 and  pillaged  the  temple,  and  burnt  it  down,  and  transplanted  the  people  whom  he  bad  made 
 captives,  and  removed  them  to  Babylon  :  that  Cyrus,  who  after  bim  was  king  of  Babylonia  and 
 Persia,  wrote  to  them  to  build  the  temple,  and  committed  the  gifts  and  vessels,  and  whatso- 
 ever Nebuchadnezzar  bad  carried  out  of  it,  to  Zorobabel  and  Mithridates  the  treasurer  ;  and 
 gave  order  to  have  them  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  have  them  restored  to  their  own  temple 
 when  it  was  built ;  for  he  had  sent  to  them  to  have  done  it  speedily,  and  commanded  Sauabassar 
 to  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  take  care  of  the  building  of  the  temple  ;  who,  upon  receiving 
 that  epistle  from  Cyrus,  came,  and  immediately  laid  its  foundations:  and  although  it  hatb  been 
 in  building  from  that  time  to  this,  it  hatb  not  yet  been  finished,  bj-  reason  of  the  malignity  of 
 our  enemies.  If  therefore  you  have  a  mind,  and  think  it  proper,  write  this  account  to  Darius, 
 that  when  he  hath  consulted  the  records  of  the  kings,  he  may  find  that  we  have  told  you 
 nothing  that  is  false  about  this  matter." 
 
 5.  When  Zorobabel  and  the  high  priest  had  made  this  answer,  Sisinnes,  and  those  that  were 
 with  him,  did  not  resolve  to  hinder  the  building,  until  they  had  informed  king  Darius  of  all 
 this.  So  they  immediately  wrote  to  him  about  these  affairs ;  but  as  the  Jews  were  now  under 
 terror,  and  afraid  lest  the  king  should  change  bis  resolutions  as  to  the  building  of  Jerusalem 
 and  of  the  temple,  there  were  two  prophets  at  that  time  among  them,  Haggai  and  Zechariali, 
 ■who  encouraged  them,  and  bade  them  be  of  good  cheer,  and  to  suspect  no  disconragement  from 
 the  Persians,  for  that  God  foretold  this  to  them.  So,  in  dependence  on  those  prophets,  they 
 applied  themselves  earnestly  to  building,  and  did  not  intermit  one  day. 
 
 6.  Now  Darius,  when  the  Samaritans  had  written  to  him,  and  in  their  epistle  had  accused 
 the  Jews,  how  tbey  fortified  the  city,  and  built  the  temple  more  like  to  a  citadel  than  a  tem- 
 ple;  and  said,  that  their  doings  were  not  expedient  for  the  king's  affairs  ;  and  besides,  they 
 shewed  the  epistle  of  Cambyses,  wherein  he  forbade  them  to  build  the  temple  ;  and  when 
 Darius  thereby  understood  that  the  restoration  of  Jerusalem  was  not  expedient  for  his  affairs, 
 and  when  be  had  read  the  epistle  that  was  brought  bim  from  Sisinnes,  and  those  that  were 
 with  him,  he  gave  order  that  what  concerned  these  matters  should  be  sought  for  among  the 
 royal  records.  Whereupon  a  book  was  found  at  Ecbatana,  in  the  tower  that  was  in  Media, 
 wherein  was  written  as  follows  :  "  Cyrus  the  king,  in  the  first  year  of  bis  reign,  commanded 
 that  the  temple  should  be  built  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  altar  in  height  threescore  cubits,  and  its 
 breadth  of  the  same,  with  three  edifices  of  polished  stone,  and  one  edifice  of  stone  of  their  own 
 country;  and  he  ordained  that  the  expenses  of  it  should  be  paid  out  of  the  king's  revenue. 
 He  also  commanded  that  the  vessels  which  Nebuchadnezzar  bad  pillaged  [out  of  the  temple,] 
 and  had  carried  to  Babylon,  should  be  restored  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  and  that  the  care 
 of  these  things  should  belong  to  Sanabassar  the  governor  and  president  of  Syria  and  Phenicia, 
 and  to  his  associates,  that  they  may  not  meddle  with  that  place,  but  may  permit  the  servants  of 
 God,  the  Jews  and  their  rulers,  te  build  the  temple.  He  also  ordained  that  they  should  assist 
 them  in  the  work  ;  and  that  they  shoald  pay  to  the  Jews,  out  of  the  tribute  of  the  country 
 where  they  were  governors,  on  account  of  the  sacrifices,  bulls  and  rams,  and  lambs  and  kids 
 of  the  goats,  and  fine  fionr,  and  oil,  and  wine,  and  all  other  things  that  the  priests  should  sug- 
 gest to  them  ;  and  that  they  should  pray  for  the  preservation  of  the  king,  and  of  the  Persians, 
 and  that  for  such  as  transgressed  any  of  these  orders  thus  sent  to  them,  he  commanded  that 
 they  should  be  caught,  and  hung  upwn  a  cross,  and  their  substance  confiscated  to  the  king's 
 use.  He  also  prayed  to  God  against  them,  that  if  any  one  attempted  to  hinder  the  building  of 
 the  temple,  God  would  strike  him  dead,  and  thereby  restrain  his  wickedness." 
 
 7.  When  Darius  bad  fonnd  this  book  among  the  records  of  Cyrus,  be  wrote  an  answer  to 
 Sisinnes  and  bis  associates,  whose  contents  were  these;  "  King  Darius  to  Sisinnes  the  governor, 
 and  to  Sathrabuzanes,  sendeth  greeting:  having  found  a  copy  of  this  epistle  among  the  records 
 of  Cyrus,  I  have  sent  it  you ;  and  I  will  that  all  things  be  done  as  is  therein  written.  Fare  ye 
 well."  So  when  Sisinnes,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  understood  the  intention  of  the  king, 
 tbey  resolved  to  follow  his  directions  entirely  for  the  time  to  come.  So  they  forwarded  the 
 cacred  works,  and  assisted  the  elders  of  the  Jews,  and  the  princes  of  the  sanhedrim,  and  tiie 
 
BOOK   XI. — CHAP,  V.  283 
 
 structure  of  tbe  temple  was  with  great  diligence  brought  to  a  conclusioD,  by  the  prophecies  of 
 Haggai  and  Zechariah,  according  to  God's  commands,  and  by  the  injunctions  of  Cjrus  and 
 Darius  the  kings.  Now  the  temple  was  built  in  seven  years'  time  :  and  in  tbe  ninth  year  of 
 the  reign  of  Darius,  on  the  twenty-third  day  of  the  twelfth  month,  which  is  by  us  called  Adar, 
 but  by  the  Macedonians  Dystrus,  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  the  other  multitude  of  (he 
 Israelites,  ottered  sacrifices,  as  the  renovation  of  their  former  prosperity  after  their  captivity, 
 and  because  they  had  now  the  temple  rebuilt,  a  hundred  bulls,  two  hundred  rams,  four  hun- 
 dred Iambs,  and  twelve  kids  of  the  goats,  according  to  the  number  of  their  tribes,  (for  so 
 many  are  the  tribes  of  the  Israelites,)  and  this  last  for  the  sins  of  every  tribe.  The  priests 
 also  and  the  Levites  set  the  porters  at  every  gate,  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses.  The  Jews 
 also  built  the  cloisters  of  the  inner  temple,  that  were  round  about  the  temple  itself. 
 
 8.  And  as  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  was  at  hand,  in  the  first  month,  which,  according 
 to  the  Macedonians,  is  called  Xanthicus,  but  according  to  us,  Nisan,  all  the  people  ran  toge- 
 ther out  of  the  villages  to  the  city,  and  celebrated  the  festival,  having  purified  themselves,  with 
 their  wives  and  children,  according  to  the  law  of  their  country  ;  and  they  ottered  the  sacrifice 
 which  was  called  the  Passover,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  same  month,  and  feasted  seven 
 days,  and  spared  for  no  cost,  but  ott'ered  whole  burnt-offerings  to  God,  and  performed  sacrifices 
 of  thanksgiving,  because  God  had  led  them  again  to  the  land  of  their  fathers,  and  to  the  laws 
 thereto  belonging,  and  had  rendered  the  mind  of  the  king  of  Persia  favourable  to  them.  So 
 these  men  offered  the  largest  sacrifices  on  these  accounts,  and  used  great  magnificence  in  the 
 worship  of  God,  and  dwelt  in  Jerusalem,  and  made  use  of  a  form  of  government  that  was 
 aristocratical,  but  mixed  with  an  oligarchy,  for  the  high  priests  were  at  the  head  of  their  affairs, 
 until  the  posterity  of  the  Asamoneans  set  up  kingly  government;  for  before  their  captivity,  and 
 the  dissolution  of  their  polity,  they  at  first  had  kingly  government  from  Saul  and  David,  for 
 five  hundred  and  thirty-two  years,  six  months,  and  ten  days ;  but  before  those  kings,  such 
 rulers  governed  them  as  were  called  Judges  and  Monarclis.  Under  this  form  of  government 
 they  continued  for  more  than  five  hundred  years,  after  the  death  of  Moses,  and  of  Joshua  their 
 commander.  And  this  is  the  account  I  had  to  give  of  the  Jews  who  had  been  carried  into 
 captivity,  but  were  delivered  from  it  in  the  times  of  Cyrus  and  Darius. 
 
 9.  But  the  Samaritans,*  being  evil  and  enviously  disposed  to  the  Jews,  wrought  them  many 
 mischiefs,  by  reliance  on  their  riches,  and  by  their  pretence  that  they  were  allied  to  the  Per- 
 sians, on  account  that  thence  they  came  ;  and  whatsoever  it  was  that  they  were  enjoined  to  pay 
 the  Jews  by  the  king's  order  out  of  their  tributes,  for  the  sacrifices,  they  would  not  pay  it. 
 They  had  also  the  governors  favourable  to  them  and  assisting  them  for  that  purpose ;  nor  did 
 ihey  spare  to  hurt  them,  either  by  themselves,  or  by  others,  as  far  as  they  were  able.  So  the 
 Jews  determined  to  send  an  embassage  to  king  Darius,  in  favour  of  the  people  of  Jerusalem, 
 and  in  order  to  accuse  the  Samaritans.  The  ambassadors  were  Zorobabel,  and  four  others  of 
 the  rulers  :  and  as  soon  as  the  king  knew  from  the  ambassadors  the  accusations  and  complaints 
 they  brought  against  the  Samaritans,  he  gave  them  an  epistle  to  be  carried  to  the  governors 
 and  council  of  Samaria.  The  contents  of  which  epistle  were  these  :  "  King  Darius  to  Tanga- 
 nas  and  Sambabas,  the  governors  of  the  Samaritans,  to  Sadraces  and  Bobelo,  and  the  rest  of 
 their  fellow-servants  that  are  in  Samaria ;  Zorobabel,  Ananias,  and  Mordecai,  ambassadors  of 
 the  Jews,  complain  of  you,  that  you  obstruct  them  in  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  do  not 
 supply  them  with  the  expenses  which  I  commanded  yon  to  do  for  the  ottering  their  sacrifices. 
 My  will  therefore  is  this,  that  upon  the  reading  of  this  epistle,  you  supply  them  with  whatso- 
 ever they  want  for  their  sacrifices,  and  that  out  of  the  royal  treasury,  of  the  tributes  of  Samaria, 
 Bs  the  priest  shall  desire,  that  ihey  may  not  leave  off  ottering  their  daily  sacrifices,  nor  praying 
 to  God  for  me  and  the  Persians."     And  these  were  the  contents  of  that  epistle. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Xerxes,  the  Son  of  Darius,  ivas  well  disposed  to  the  Jews :  as  also  concerniuy  Esdras 
 
 and  Nehemiah. 
 
 §  1.  Upon  the  death  of  Darius,  Xerxes  his  son  took  the  kingdom,  who,  as  he  inherited  his 
 father's  kingdom,  so  did  he  inherit  his  piety  towards  God,  and  honour  of  him;  for  he  did  all 
 things  suitably  to  his  father  relating  to  divine  worship,  and  he  was  exceeding  friendly  to  the 
 Jews,  Now  about  this  time,  a  son  of  Jesbua,  whose  name  was  Joacim,  was  the  high  priest. 
 IMoreovtr,  there  was  now  in  Babylon  a  righteous  man,  and  one  that  enjoyed  a  great  reputation 
 among  the  multitude  ;  he  was  the  principal  priest  of  tbe  people,  and  his  name  was  Esdras. 
 He  was  very  skilful  in  the  law  of  Moses,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  king  Xerxes.  He 
 had  determined  to  go  op  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  take  with  him  some  of  those  Jews  that  were  in 
 Babylon,  and  he  desired  that  the  king  would  give  him  an  epistle  to  the  governors  of  Syria,  by 
 which  they  might  know  who  he  was.  Accordingly,  the  king  wrote  the  following  epistle  to 
 those  governors :  "  Xerxes,  king  of  kings,  to  Ezra  the  priest,  and  reader  of  the  divine  law, 
 greeting:  I  think  it  agreeable  to  that  love  which  I  bear  to  mankind,  to  permit  those  of  the 
 
 •    the  history  eontaiued  in  tUis  section  is  entirely  wau'.ing  in  all  our  other  copies,  both  of  Ears  aud 
 Egdras. 
 
284  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Jewish  nation  tbat  are  so  disposed,  as  well  as  those  of  the  priests  and  Levites  that  are  in  cor 
 kingdom,  to  go  together  to  Jerusalem.  Accordinfrly,  I  have  given  command  for  that  purpose ; 
 and  let  every  one  tbat  hath  a  mind,  go,  according  as  it  hatli  seemed  good  to  me,  and  to  my 
 seven  counsellors,  and  this  in  order  to  their  review  of  the  affairs  of  Judea,  to  see  whether  they 
 be  agreeable  to  the  law  of  God.  Let  them  also  take  with  them  those  presents  which  I  and 
 my  friends  have  vowed,  with  all  that  silver  and  gold  that  is  found  in  the  country  of  the  Baby- 
 lonians, as  dedicated  to  God,  and  let  all  this  be  carried  to  Jerusalem,  to  God  for  sacrifices. 
 Let  it  also  be  lawful  for  thee  and  thy  brethren  to  make  as  many  vessels  of  silver  and  gold  as 
 thou  pleasest.  Thou  shalt  also  dedicate  those  holy  vessels  which  have  been  given  thee,  and 
 as  many  more  as  thou  hast  a  mind  to  make,  and  shalt  take  the  expenses  out  of  the  king's 
 treasury.  I  have  moreover  written  to  the  treasurers  of  Syria  and  Phenicia,  that  they  take 
 care  of  those  affairs  that  Esdras  the  priest,  and  reader  of  the  laws  of  God,  is  sent  about.  And 
 that  God  mny  not  be  at  all  angry  with  me,  or  with  my  children,  I  grant  all  that  is  necessary  for 
 sacrifices  to  God,  according  to  the  law,  as  far  as  a  hundred  cori  of  wheat.  And  I  enjoin  yoa 
 Dot  to  lay  any  treacherous  imposition,  or  any  tributes,  upon  their  priests  or  Levites,  or  sacred 
 singers,  or  porters,  or  sacred  servants,  or  scribes  of  the  temple.  And  do  thou,  O  Esdras, 
 appoint  judges  according  to  the  wisdom  [given  thee]  of  God,  and  those  such  as  understand  the 
 law,  that  they  may  jadge  in  all  Syria  and  Phenicia;  and  do  thou  instruct  tlioso  also  who  are 
 ignorant  of  it,  that  if  any  one  of  thy  countrymen  transgress  the  law  of  God,  or  that  of  the  king, 
 he  may  be  punished,  as  not  transgressing  it  out  oC  ignorance,  but  as  one  that  knows  it  indeed, 
 but  boldly  despises  and  contemns  it;  and  such  may  be  punished  by  death,  or  by  paying  fines. 
 Farewell." 
 
 2.  "When  Esdras  had  received  this  epistle,  he  was  very  joyful,  and  began  to  worship  God, 
 and  confessed  that  he  had  been  the  cause  of  the  king's  great  favour  to  him,  and  that  for  the 
 same  reason  he  gave  all  the  thanks  to  God.  So  he  read  the  epistle  at  Babylon  to  those  Jews 
 that  were  there,  but  he  kept  the  epistle  itself,  and  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  all  those  of  his  own 
 nation  that  were  in  Media.  And  when  these  Jews  had  understood  what  piety  the  king  had 
 towards  God,  and  what  kindness  he  bad  for  Esdras,  they  were  all  greatly  pleased  ;  nay,  many 
 of  them  took  their  effects  with  them,  and  came  to  Babylon,  as  very  desirous  of  going  down  to 
 Jerusalem  ;  but  then  the  entire  body  of  the  people  of  Israel  remained  in  that  country,  wherefore 
 there  are  but  two  tribes  in  Asia  and  Europe  subject  to  the  Romans,  while  the  ten  tribes  are 
 beyond  Euphrates  till  now,  and  are  an  immense  multitude,  and  not  to  be  estimated  by  num- 
 bers. Now  there  came  a  great  number  of  priests,  and  Levites,  and  porters,  and  sacred  singers, 
 and  sacred  servants,  to  Esdras.  So  he  gathered  those  that  were  in  the  captivity  together 
 beyond  Euphrates,  and  stayed  there  three  days,  and  ordained  a  fast  for  them,  that  they  might 
 make  prayers  to  God  for  their  preservation,  that  they  might  suffer  no  misfortunes  by  the 
 way,  either  from  their  enemies,  or  from  any  other  ill  accident ;  for  Esdras  had  said  beforehand, 
 that  he  Lad  told  the  king  how  God  would  preserve  them,  and  so  he  had  not  thought  fit  to 
 request  that  he  would  send  horsemen  to  conduct  them.  So  when  they  had  finished  their 
 prayers,  they  removed  from  Euphrates  on  the  twelfth  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  seventh 
 year  of  tie  reign  of  Xerxes,  and  they  came  to  Jerusalem  on  the  fifth  month  of  the  same  year. 
 Now  Esdras  presented  the  sacred  money  to  the  treasurers,  who  were  of  the  family  of  the 
 priests,  of  silver  siv  hundred  and  fifty  talents,  vessels  of  silver  one  hundred  talents,  vessels  of 
 gold,  twenty  talents,  vessels  of  brass,  that  was  more  precious  than  gold,*  twelve  talents  by 
 weight,  for  these  presents  had  been  made  by  the  king  and  his  counsellors,  and  by  all  the 
 Israelites  that  stayed  at  Babylon.  So  when  Esdras  had  delivered  these  things  to  the  priests, 
 be  gave  to  God,  as  the  appointed  sacrifices  of  whole  burnt-offerings,  twelve  bulls  on  account 
 of  the  common  preservaticj  of  the  people,  ninety  rams,  and  seventy-two  lambs,  twelve  kids  of 
 the  goats,  for  the  remission  of  sins.  He  also  delivered  the  king's  epistles  to  the  king's  officers, 
 and  to  the  governors  of  Celosyria  and  Phenicia ;  and  as  they  were  under  a  necessity  of  doing 
 what  was  enjoined  by  him,  they  honoured  our  nation,  and  were  assistant  to  them  in  all  their 
 necessities. 
 
 3.  Now  these  things  were  truly  done  under  the  conduct  of  Esdras,  and  he  succeeded  in 
 them,  because  God  esteemed  him  worthy  of  the  success  of  his  conduct,  on  account  of  his 
 goodness  and  righteousness.  But  some  time  afterward  there  came  some  persons  to  him,  and 
 brought  an  accusation  against  certain  of  the  multitude,  and  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  who 
 bad  transgressed  their  settlement,  and  dissolved  the  laws  of  their  country,  by  marrying  strange 
 wives,  and  had  brought  the  family  of  the  priests  into  confusion.  These  persons  desired  him 
 to  support  the  laws,  lest  God  should  take  up  a  general  anger  against  them  all,  and  reduce 
 them  to  a  calamitous  condition  again.  Hereupon  he  rent  his  garment  immediately  out  of  grief, 
 and  pulled  off  the  hair  of  his  head  and  beard,  and  cast  himself  upon  the  ground,  because  this 
 crime  had  reached  the  principal  men  among  the  people,  and  considering  that  if  he  should 
 enjoin  them  to  cast  out  their  wives,  and  the  children  they  had  by  them,  he  should  not  be 
 beai  kened  to,  he  continued  lying  upon  the  ground.  However,  all  the  better  sort  came  running 
 to  him,  who  also  themselves  wept  and  partook  of  the  grief  he  was  under  for  what  had  been 
 
 •  Dr.  Hudson  takes  notice  here,  that  this  kind  of  brass  or  copper,  or  rather  mixture  of  gold  and  bisss  ol' 
 copper  was  called  '  aurichalcum,'  and  that  this  was  of  old  esteemed  the  most  precious  of  all  metals. 
 
BOOK    XI. — CHAP.    V.  285 
 
 done.  So  Esdras  rose  up  from  the  ground,  and  strelcbed  out  his  Iiaiids  towards  heaven,  and 
 said,  that  "  he  was  ashamed  to  look  towards  it,  because  of  the  sins  whicli  the  people  had  cotn- 
 initted,  while  they  had  cast  out  of  tlieir  memories  what  their  fatliers  had  unde'-gone  on  account 
 of  their  wickedness  :  and  he  besought  God,  who  had  saved  a  seed  and  a  remnant  out  of  the 
 calamity  and  captivity  they  had  been  in,  and  had  restored  them  again  to  Jerusalem  and  to  their 
 own  land,  and  had  obliged  the  kings  of  Persia  to  have  compassion  on  them,  that  he  would  also 
 forgive  them  their  sins  they  had  now  committed,  which,  though  they  deserved  death,  yet  it 
 was  agreeable  to  the  mercy  of  God  to  remit  even  to  these  the  punishment  due  to  them." 
 
 4.  After  Esdras  had  said  this,  he  left  oil'  praying;  and  when  all  those  that  came  to  him  with 
 their  wives  and  children  were  under  lamentation,  one  whose  name  was  Jechonias,  a  principal 
 man  in  .lerusalem,  came  to  him,  and  said,  that  they  had  sinned  in  marrying  strange  wives  ;  and 
 he  persuaded  him  to  adjure  them  all  to  cast  those  wives  out,  and  the  children  born  of  them, 
 and  that  those  should  be  punished  who  would  not  obey  the  law.  So  Esdras  hearkened  to  this 
 advice,  and  made  the  heads  of  the  priests,  and  of  the  Levites,  and  of  the  Israelites,  swear  that 
 they  would  put  away  those  wives  and  children;  according  to  the  advice  of  Jechonias.  And 
 when  he  had  received  their  oaths,  he  went  in  haste  out  of  the  temple  into  the  chamber  of 
 Johanan,  the  son  of  Eliasib,  and  as  he  had  hitherto  tasted  nothing  at  all  for  grief,  so  he  abode 
 there  that  day.  And  when  proclamation  was  made,  that  all  those  of  the  captivity  slmuld 
 gather  themselves  together  to  „erusalem,  and  those  that  did  not  meet  there  in  two  or  three 
 days  should  be  banished  from  the  mnltitude,  and  that  their  substance  should  be  appropriated 
 to  the  uses  of  the  temple,  according  to  the  sentence  of  the  elders,  those  that  were  of  the  tribes 
 of  Judah  and  Benjamin  came  together  in  three  days,  viz.  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  ninth 
 month,  which,  according  to  the  Hel)rews,  is  called  Tebeth,  and  according  to  the  Macedonians, 
 Apelleus,  Now,  as  they  were  sitting  in  the  upper  room  of  the  temple,  where  the  elders  also 
 were  present,  but  were  uneasy  because  of  the  cold,  Esdras  stood  up,  and  accused  them,  and 
 told  them  that  they  had  sinned  in  marrying  wives  that  were  not  of  their  own  nation  ;  but  that 
 now  they  would  do  a  thing  both  pleasing  to  God,  and  advantageous  to  themselves,  if  they 
 would  put  those  wives  away.  Accordingly  they  all  cried  out,  that  they  would  do  so.  Tliat 
 however  the  multitude  was  great,  and  that  the  season  of  the  ysar  was  winter,  and  that  this 
 work  would  require  more  than  one  or  two  days.  "  Let  their  rulers,  therefore,  [said  they,]  and 
 those  that  have  married  strange  wives,  come  hither  at  a  proper  time,  while  tlie  elders  of  every 
 place,  that  are  in  common,  to  estimate  the  number  of  those  that  have  thus  married,  are  to  be 
 there  also."  Accordingly,  this  wms  resolved  on  by  thera,  and  they  began  the  inquiry  after 
 those  that  had  married  strange  wives  on  the  first  day  of  the  tenth  month,  and  continued  the 
 inquiry  to  the  first  day  of  the  next  month,  and  found  a  great  many  of  the  posterity  of  Jeshaa 
 the  high  priest,  and  of  the  priests,  and  Levites,  and  Israelites,  who  had  a  greater  regard  to 
 the  observation  of  the  law  than  to  their  natural  all'ection,  and  immediately  cast  out  their  wives, 
 and  the  children  which  were  born  of  them.*  And  in  order  to  appease  God,  they  offered  sacri- 
 fices, and  slew  rams,  as  oblations  to  him  ;  but  it  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  necessary  to  set 
 down  the  names  of  these  men.  So  when  Esdras  had  reformed  this  sin  about  the  marriages  of 
 the  forementioned  persons,  he  reduced  that  practice  to  purity,  so  that  it  continued  in  that  stale 
 for  the  time  to  come. 
 
 5.  Now  when  they  kej)t  the  feast  of  tabernacles  in  the  seventh  month, t  and  almost  all  the 
 people  were  come  together  to  it,  they  went  up  to  the  open  part  of  the  temple,  to  the  gate 
 which  looked  eastward,  and  desired  of  Esdras  that  the  laws  of  Moses  might  be  read  to  them. 
 Accordingly,  he  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  multitude  and  read  them  ;  and  this  he  did  from 
 morning  to  noon.  Now,  by  hearing  the  laws  read  to  them,  they  were  instructed  to  be  righte- 
 ous men  for  the  present  and  for  the  future ;  but  as  for  their  past  offences,  they  were  displeased 
 at  themselves,  and  proceeded  to  shed  tears  on  their  account,  as  considering  with  themselves, 
 that  if  they  had  kept  the  law,  they  had  endured  none  of  these  miseries  which  they  had  expe- 
 rienced. But  when  Esdras  saw  them  in  that  disposition,  he  bade  them  go  home  and  not  weep, 
 for  that  it  was  a  festival,  and  that  they  ought  not  to  weep  thereon,  for  that  it  was  not  lawful  so 
 to  do4  He  exhorltd  them  rather  to  proceed  immediately  to  feasting,  and  to  do  what  was 
 suitable  to  a  feast,  and  what  was  agreeable  to  a  day  of  joy,  but  to  let  their  repentance  and 
 sorrow  for  their  former  sins  be  a  security  and  a  guard  to  them,  that  they  fall  no  more  into  the 
 like  offences.  So  upon  Esdras's  exhortation  they  began  to  feast,  and  when  they  had  so  done 
 for  eight  days,  in  their  tabernacles,  they  departed  to  their  own  homes,  singing  hymns  to  God, 
 
 *  This  procedure  of  Kzra,  and  of  the  best  part  of  the  Jewish  nation,  after  their  return  from  the  Babylonislx 
 captivity,  of  reducing  the  .lewish  marriages,  once  for  all,  to  the  strictness  of  the  law  of  JNIoses,  without  auy 
 rt(,'avd  to  the  greatness  of  those  who  lind  broken  it,  and  without  regard  to  that  natural  affection  or  compassion 
 for  tlieir  heathen  wives,  and  their  children  by  them,  which  made  it  so  hard  for  IJzra  to  correct  it,  deserves 
 prcatly  to  be  observed  and  imitated  in  ali  attempts  for  reformation  amons;  Christians,  the  contrary  couduct 
 having  ever  been  the  bane  of  true  religion,  both  among  .lews  and  Christians,  while  political  views,  or  human 
 passions,  or  prudential  motives,  are  sufl'ered  to  take  place  instead  of  the  divine  laws,  and  so  the  blessing  of 
 CJod  is  forfeited,  and  the  church  still  sutTered  to  continue  corrupt  from  one  generation  t  ■  another.  See  chap, 
 viii.  <j2. 
 
 +  This  .lewish  feast  of  tabernacles  was  imitated  in  several  heathen  solemnities,  as  Spanheim  here  observes 
 and  proves,  lie  also  further  observes  presently,  what  great  regard  many  heathens  had  to  the  raouuraents  of 
 their  forefathers,  as  Nehemiah  had  here,  ^6. 
 
 J  This  rule  of  ('zra's  not  to  fast  on  a  festiTal  day,  is  quoted  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  'i.  v.  as  obtain 
 ing  anioug  Christians  also. 
 
286  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  returning  Ihauks  to  Esdras,  for  his  reformation  of  what  corruptions  had  been  introduced 
 into  their  settJement.  So  it  came  to  pass,  that  after  he  had  obtained  this  reputation  among  the 
 people,  he  died  an  old  man,  and  was  buried  in  a  magnificent  manner  at  Jerusalem.  About  the 
 same  time  it  iiappened  also,  that  Joachim  the  high  priest  died;  and  bis  son  Eliasib  succeeded 
 in  the  high  priesthood. 
 
 6.  Now  there  was  one  of  those  Jews  that  had  been  carried  captive,  who  was  cup-bearer  to 
 king  Xerxes ;  bis  name  was  Neheniiah.  As  this  man  was  walking  before  Susa,  the  metropolis 
 of  the  Persians,  he  heard  some  strangers  that  were  entering  the  ciij  after  a  Jong  journey, 
 speaking  to  one  another  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  so  he  went  to  them  and  asked  them  whence  they 
 came?  And  when  their  answer  was,  that  they  came  from  Judea,  he  began  to  inquire  of  them 
 again  in  what  state  the  multitude  was?  and  in  what  condition  Jerusalem  was?  and  when  they 
 replied,  that  they  were  in  a  bad  state,*  for  that  their  walls  were  thrown  down  to  the  ground, 
 and  that  the  neighbouring  nations  did  a  great  deal  of  mischief  to  the  Jews,  while  in  the  day 
 time  they  overran  the  country,  and  pillaged  it,  and  in  the  night  did  them  mischief,  insomuch 
 that  not  a  few  were  led  away  captive  out  of  the  country,  and  out  of  Jerusalem  itself,  and  that 
 the  roads  were  in  the  day  time  found  full  of  dead  men.  Hereupon  Nehemiah  shed  tears,  out 
 of  commiseration  for  the  calamities  of  his  countrymen:  and  looking  up  to  heaven,  he  said, 
 "  How  long,  O  Lord,  wilt  thou  overlook  our  nation,  while  it  suffers  so  great  miseries,  and 
 while  we  are  made  the  prey  and  spoil  of  all  men."  And  while  he  stayed  at  the  gate  and 
 lamented  thus,  one  told  him  that  the  king  was  going  to  sit  down  to  supper;  so  he  made  haste, 
 and  went  as  he  was,  without  washing  himself,  to  minister  to  the  king  in  his  office  of  cup- 
 bearer:  but  as  the  king  was  very  pleasant  after  supper,  and  more  cheerful  than  usual,  he  cast 
 his  eyes  on  Nehemiah,  and  seeing  him  look  sad,  he  asked  him,  why  he  was  sad?  Whereupon 
 he  prayed  to  God  to  give  him  favour,  and  afford  him  the  power  of  persuading  by  his  words, 
 and  said,  "  How  can  I,  O  king,  appear  otherwise  than  thus,  and  not  be  iu  trouljle,  while  I  hear 
 that  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  the  city  where  are  the  sepulchres  of  my  fathers,  are  thrown  down 
 to  the  ground,  and  that  its  gates  are  consumed  by  fire ;  but  do  thou  grant  me  the  favour  to  go 
 and  build  its  wall,  and  .to  finish  the  building  of  the  temple."  Accordingly,  the  king  gave  him 
 a  signal,  that  he  freely  granted  him  what  he  asked ;  and  told  him  that  he  should  carry  an 
 epistle  to  the  governors,  that  they  might  pay  him  due  honour,  and  afford  him  whatsoever 
 assistance  he  wanted,  and  as  he  pleased.  "  Leave  off  thy  sorrow  then,  said  the  king,  and  be 
 cheerful  in  the  performance  of  thy  ofKce  hereafter."  So  Nehemiah  worshipped  God ;  and  gave 
 the  king  thanks  for  his  promise,  and  cleared  up  his  sad  and  cloudy  countenance,  by  the  plea- 
 sure he  had  from  the  king's  promises.  Accordingly,  the  king  called  for  him  the  next  day,  and 
 gave  him  an  epistle  to  be  carried  to  Adeus,  the  governor  of  Syria,  and  Phenicia,  and  Samaria; 
 wherein  he  sent  to  him  to  pay  due  honour  to  Nehemiah,  and  to  supply  him  with  what  he 
 wanted  for  his  building. 
 
 7.  Now  when  he  was  come  to  Babylon,  and  had  taken  with  bim  many  of  his  countrymen, 
 who  voluntarily  followed  bim,  be  came  to  Jerusalem  in  the  twenty  and  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of 
 Xerxes:  and  when  he  bad  shewn  the  epistles  to  God.t  he  gave  them  to  Adeus,  and  to  the 
 other  governors.  He  also  called  together  all  the  people  to  Jerusalem,  and  stood  in  the  midst 
 of  the  temple,  and  made  the  following  speech  to  them  :  "  You  know,  O  Jews,  that  God  hath 
 kept  our  fathers  Abraham,  and  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  in  mind  continually;  and  for  the  sake  of  their 
 righteousness  hath  not  left  off  the  care  of  you  :  indeed  he  hath  assisted  me  in  gaining  this 
 authority  of  the  king  to  raise  up  our  wall,  and  finish  what  is  wanting  of  the  temple.  I  desire 
 you,  therefore,  who  well  know  the  ill-will  our  neighbouring  nations  bear  to  us;  and  that  when 
 once  they  are  made  sensible  that  we  are  in  earnest  about  building,  they  will  come  upon  us,  and 
 contrive  many  ways  of  obstructing  our  works,  that  you  will,  in  the  first  place,  put  your  trust 
 in  God,  as  iu  him  that  will  assist  us  against  their  hatred,  and  to  intermit  building  neither  night 
 ni)r  day,  but  to  use  all  diligence,  and  to  hasten  on  the  work  ;  now  we  have  this  especial  oppor- 
 tunity for  it."  When  he  bad  said  this,  he  gave  order  that  the  rulers  should  measure  the  wall, 
 and  part  the  work  of  it  among  the  people,  according  to  their  villages  and  cities,  as  every  one's 
 abilities  should  require.  And  when  be  had  added  this  promise,  that  he  himself,  with  his  ser- 
 vants, would  assist  them,  he  dissolved  the  assembly.  So  the  Jews  prepared  for  the  work  : 
 that  is  the  name  they  are  called  by  from  the  day  that  they  came  up  from  Babylon,  which  is 
 taken  from  the  tribe  of  Judah,  which  came  first  to  these  places,  and  thence  both  tkej  and  the 
 country  gained  that  appellation. 
 
 8.  But  now  when  the  Ammonites,  and  Moabites,  and  Samaritans,  and  all  that  inhabited 
 Celosyria,  heard  that  the  building  went  on  apace,  they  took  it  heinously,  and  proceeded  to  lay 
 snares  for  them,  and  to  hinder  their  intentions.     They  also  slew  many  of  the  Jews,  and  sought 
 
 *  This  miserable  condition  of  the  Jews,  and  their  capital,  must  have  been  after  the  death  of  Ezra,  their 
 former  governor,  and  before  Nehemiah  came  with  his  commission  to  build  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Nor  is 
 that  at  all  disagreeable  to  these  histories  in  Josephus,  since  Ezra  came  on  the  7th,  and  Neheaiiah  not  till  the 
 iiSlh  of  Xerxes,  at  the  interval  of  eighteen  years. 
 
 +  This  shewing  king'  Xerxes'  epistles  to  God,  or  laying  them  open  before  God  in  the  temple,  is  very  like 
 the  laying  open  the  epistles  of  Sennacherib  before  him  also  by  llezekiah,  2  Kings  xix.  14.  Isa.  xxxvii.  14. 
 although  this  last  was  for  a  memorial,  to  put  him  in  mind  of  the  enemies,  in  order  to  move  the  divine  com- 
 passion, and  the  present  as  a  token  of  gratitude  for  mercies  already  received,  as  Havercainp  well  observes  on 
 thjs  place. 
 
BOOK  XI. — CHAP.  VI.  287 
 
 how  they  might  destroy  Neheraiah  himself,  by  hiring  some  of  the  foreigners  to  kill  him.  They 
 also  put  the  Jews  in  fear,  and  disturbed  thera,  and  spread  abroad  rumours,  as  if  many  nations 
 were  ready  to  make  an  expedition  against  them,  by  which  means  tliey  were  harassed,  and  had 
 almost  left  off  the  building  :  but  none  of  these  things  could  deter  Nehemiah  from  being  diligent 
 about  the  work,  he  only  set  a  number  of  men  about  him  as  a  goard  to  his  body,  and  so  unwea- 
 riedly  persevered  therein,  and  was  insensible  of  any  trouble,  oot  of  his  desire  to  perfect  this 
 work.  And  thus  did  he  attentively  and  with  great  forecast  take  care  of  his  own  safety,  not 
 that  he  feared  death,  but  of  this  persuasion,  that  if  he  were  dead,  the  walls  for  his  citizens 
 would  never  be  raised.  He  also  gave  orders,  that  the  builders  should  keep  their  ranks,  and 
 have  their  armour  on  while  they  were  building.  Accordingly,  the  mason  had  his  sword  on,  as 
 well  as  he  that  brought  the  materials  for  building.  He  also  appointed  that  their  shields  should 
 lie  very  near  them  ;  and  he  placed  trnmpeters  at  every  five  hundred  feet,  and  charged  them 
 that  if  their  enemies  appeared,  they  should  give  notice  of  it  to  the  people,  that  they  might 
 fight  in  their  armour,  and  their  enemies  might  not  fall  upon  them  naked.  He  also  went  about 
 the  compass  of  the  city  by  night,  being  never  discouraged,  neither  about  the  work  itself,  nor 
 about  his  own  diet  and  sleep,  for  he  made  no  use  of  those  things  for  his  pleasure,  but  out  of 
 necessity.  And  this  trouble  he  underwent  for  two  years  and  four  months  ;*  for  in  so  long 
 time  was  the  wall  built,  in  the  twenty-eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  in  the  ninth  month. 
 Now  when  the  walls  were  finished,  Nehemiah  and  the  multitude  offered  sacrifices  to  God  for 
 the  building  of  thera,  and  they  continued  in  feasting  eight  days.  However,  when  the  nations 
 ■which  dwelt  in  Syria  heard  that  the  building  of  the  wall  was  finished,  they  had  indignation  at 
 it  :  but  when  Nehemiah  saw  that  the  city  was  thin  of  people,  he  exhorted  the  priests  and 
 the  Levites,  that  they  would  leave  the  country,  remove  themselves  to  the  city,  and  there  con- 
 tinue ;  and  he  built  them  houses  at  his  own  expenses  ;  and  he  commanded  that  part  of  the  peo- 
 ple which  were  employed  in  cultivating  the  land  to  bring  the  tithes  of  their  fruits  to  Jerusalem, 
 that  the  priests  and  Levites  having  whereof  they  might  live  perpetually,  might  not  leave 
 the  divine  worship  ;  who  willingly  hearkened  to  the  constitutions  of  Nehemiah,  by  which  means 
 the  city  of  Jerusalem  came  to  be  fuller  of  people  than  it  was  before.  So  when  Nehemiah  had 
 doue  many  other  excellent  things,  and  things  worthy  of  commendation  in  a  glorious  manner, 
 be  came  to  a  great  age,  and  then  died.  He  was  a  man  of  a  good  and  righteous  disposition, 
 and  very  ambitions  to  make  his  own  nation  happy  :  and  he  hath  left  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  as 
 an  eternal  monument  for  himself.     Now  this  was  done  in  the  days  of  Xerxes. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Concerning  Esther,  and  Mordecai,  and   Human:  and  how,  in   the  Eeign  of  Artaxerxcs,  the 
 whole  Nation  of  the  Jews  was  in  Danger  of  perishing, 
 
 §  1.  After  the  death  of  Xerxes,  the  kingdom  came  to  be  transferred  to  his  son  Cyrus,  whom 
 the  Greeks  called  Artaxerxes.  When  this  man  had  obtained  the  government  over  the  Per- 
 sians, the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,t  with  their  wives  and  children,  were  in  danger  of  perish- 
 ing: the  occasion  whereof  we  shall  declare  in  a  little  time,  for  it  is  proper,  in  the  first  place, 
 to  explain  somewhat  relating  to  this  king,  and  how  he  came  to  marry  a  Jewish  wife,  who  was 
 herself  of  the  royal  family  also,  and  who  is  related  to  have  saved  our  nation  ;  for  when  Arta- 
 xerxes had  taken  the  kingdom,  and  had  set  governors  over  the  hundred  and  twenty  and  seven 
 provinces,  from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  he  made  a  costly  feast 
 for  his  friends,  and  for  the  nations  of  Persia,  and  for  their  governors,  such  an  one  as  was  pro- 
 per for  a  king  to  make,  when  he  had  a  mind  to  make  a  public  demonstration  of  his  riches,  and 
 this  for  a  hundred  and  fourscore  days  ;  after  which  he  made  a  feast  for  other  nations,  and  for 
 their  ambassadors  at  Shashan,   for  seven  days.     Now  this  feast  was  ordered  after  the  manner 
 
 •  It  may  not  be  very  improper  to  remark  here,  with  what  an  unusual  accuracy  Joscphus  deteiroines  these 
 years  of  Xerxes,  in  which  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  built,  viz.  that  Nehemiah  came  with  his  commission 
 on  the  25th  of  Xerxes ;  that  the  walls  were  two  years  four  months  in  building,  and  that  they  were  linished 
 on  the  2{5th  of  Xerxes,  §  7,  8-  It  may  also  be  remarked  further,  that  Josephus  hardly  ever  mentions  more 
 than  one  infallible  astronomical  character,  I  mean  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  this  a  little  before  the  death  of 
 Herod  the  Great,  Autiq.  b.  xvii.  chap.  vi.  ^4.  Now  on  these  two  chronolopical  characters  in  a  great  measure 
 depend  some  of  the  most  important  points  belonging  to  Christianity,  viz.  the  explication  of  Daniel's  seventy 
 weeks,  and  the  duration  of  our  Saviour's  ministry,  and  the  time  of  his  death,  in  correspondence  to  these 
 geventy  weeks.    .See  the  Supplement  to  the  Lit.  Accomp.  of  Proph.  page  "2. 
 
 t  Since  some  sceptical  persons  are  willing  to  discard  this  book  of  Esther  as  no  true  history  ;  and  even  oUr 
 learned  and  judicious  Dr.  Wall,  in  his  late  posthumous  critical  notes  upon  all  the  other  Hebrew  books  of  the 
 Old  Testament,  gives  us  none  upon  the  Canticles,  or  upon  Ksther,  and  seems  thereby  to  give  up  this  book,  as 
 well  as  he  gives  up  the  Canticles,  as  indefensible  :  I  shall  venture  to  say,  that  almost  all  the  objections  against 
 this  book  of  I'.sther  are  gone  at  once,  if,  as  we  certainly  ought  to  do,  and  as  Dean  Prideaux  has  justly  done,  wo 
 place  this  history  under  Artaxerxes  i.ongimanus,  as  ilo  both  the  Septuagint  interpreters  and  Josephus.  The 
 learned  Dr.  I,ee,  in  his  posthumous  dissertation  on  the  second  book  of  Ksdras.  page  25.  also  says,  that  "  the 
 truth  of  this  history  is  demonstrated  by  the  feast  of  Purim,  kept  up  from  that  time  to  this  ver>'  day.  And  this 
 surprising  providential  revolution  in  favour  of  a  captive  people,  tlu'reby  constantly  commemorated,  standeth 
 even  upon  a  firmer  basis  than  that  there  ever  was  such  a  man  as  king  Alexander  [the  Great]  in  the  world,  of 
 whose  reign  there  is  no  such  abiding  monument  at  this  day  to  be  found  any  where.  Nor  will  they,  I  dare 
 say,  who  quarrel  at  this  or  any  other  of  the  sacred  histories,  find  it  a  very  easy  matter  to  reconcile  the  different 
 accounts  which  were  given  by  historians  of  the  affairs  of  this  king,  or  to  conilrm  any  one  fact  Sf  his  whatever 
 with  the  same  evidence  which  is  here  given  for  the  principal  fact  in  the  sacred  book,  or  even  so  much  as  to 
 prove  the  existence  of  such  a  person,  of  whom  so  gi'eat  things  are  related,  but  upon  granting  this  book  of 
 Ksther,  or  sixth  of  F.sdras,  (as  it  ie  placed  in  some  of  the  most  ancient  copies  of  the  Vulgate,)  to  be  a  most 
 true  and  certain  historj',"  &c. 
 
288  ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE  JEWS. 
 
 following:  he  caused  a  tent  to  be  pitched,  which  was  sapported  by  pillars  of  gold  and  silver, 
 with  curtains  of  linen  and  purple  spread  over  them,  that  it  might  afford  room  for  many  ten 
 thousands  to  sit  down.  The  cups  with  which  the  waiters  ministered  were  of  gold,  arid  adorned 
 with  precious  stones,  for  pleasure  and  for  sight.  He  also  gave  order  to  the  servants  that 
 they  should  not  force  them  to  drink,  by  bringing  them  wine  contionaliy,  as  is  the  practice  of 
 the  Persians,  but  to  permit  every  one  of  the  guests  to  enjoy  himself  according  to  his  own 
 inclination.  Moreover,  he  sent  messengers  through  the  country,  and  gave  order  that  tiiev 
 should  have  a  remission  of  their  labours,  and  should  keep  a  festival  many  days,  on  account  of 
 Lis  kingdom.  In  like  manner  did  Vashti  the  queen  gather  her  guests  together,  and  made  them 
 a  feast  in  the  palace.  Now  the  king  was  desirous  to  shew  her,  who  exceeded  all  other  women 
 in  beauty,  to  those  that  feasted  with  him,  and  he  sent  some  to  command  her  to  come  to  his 
 feast.  But  she,  oat  of  regard  to  the  laws  of  the  Persians,  which  forbid  the  wires  to  be  seen 
 by  strangers,  did  not  go  to  the  king  ;*  and  though  he  oftentimes  sent  the  eunuchs  to  lier,  she  did 
 nevertheless  stay  away,  and  refused  to  come,  till  the  king  was  so  much  irritated,  that  he  broke 
 np  the  entertainment,  and  rose  up,  and  called  for  those  seven  who  had  the  interpretation  of  the 
 laws  committed  to  them,  and  accused  his  wife,  and  said,  that  he  had  been  aflVonted  by  her, 
 because  that  when  she  was  frequently  called  by  him  to  his  feast,  she  did  not  obey  him  once. 
 He  therefore  gave  order,  that  they  should  inform  him  what  could  be  done  by  the  law  against 
 her.  So  one  of  them,  whose  name  was  Memucan,  said,  that  "this  afiVont  v.as  offered  not  to 
 Lira  alone,  but  to  all  the  Persians,  v?ho  were  in  danger  of  leading  their  lives  very  ill  with  their 
 wives,  if  they  must  be  thus  despised  by  them;  for  that  none  of  their  wives  would  have  any 
 reverence  for  their  husbands,  if  they  had  such  an  example  of  arrogance  in  the  queen  towards 
 thee,  who  rulest  over  all."  Accordingly,  he  exhorted  him  to  punish  her,  who  had  been  guilty 
 of  so  great  an  affront  to  him,  after  a  severe  manner  ;  and  when  he  had  so  done,  to  publish  to 
 the  nations  what  had  been  decreed  about  the  queen.  So  the  resolution  was  to  put  Vashti 
 away,  and  to  give  her  dignity  to  another  woman. 
 
 2.  But  the  king  having  been  fond  of  her,  did  not  well  bear  a  separation,  and  yet  by  the  law 
 he  could  not  admit  of  a  reconciliation,  so  he  was  undertrouble,  as  not  having  it  in  his  power 
 to  do  what  he  desired  to  do.  But  when  his  friends  saw  him  so  uneasy,  they  advised  him  to 
 cast  the  memory  of  his  wife,  and  his  love  for  her,  out  of  his  mind,  but  to  send  abroad  over  all 
 the  habitable  earth,  and  to  search  oat  for  comely  virgins,  and  to  take  her  whom  he  should  like 
 best  for  a  wife,  because  his  passion  for  his  former  wife  would  be  quenched  by  the  introduction 
 of  another,  and  the  kindness  he  had  to  Vashti  would  be  withdrawn  from  her,  and  be  placed  on 
 her  that  was  with  him.  Accordingly,  he  was  persuaded  to  follow  this  advice,  and  gave  orders 
 to  certain  persons  to  choose  out  of  the  virgins  that  were  in  his  kingdom  those  that  were 
 esteemed  the  most  comely.  So  when  a  great  number  of  these  virgins  were  gathered  together, 
 there  was  found  a  damsel  in  Babylon,  whose  parents  were  both  dead,  and  she  was  brought  np 
 with  her  uncle  Mordecai,  for  that  was  her  uncle's  name.  This  uncle  was  of  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
 jamin, and  was  one  of  the  principal  persons  among  the  Jews.  Now  it  jiroved  that  this  damsel, 
 whose  name  was  Esther,  was  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  rest,  and  that  the  grace  of  her 
 countenance  drew  the  eyes  of  the  spectators  principally  upon  her:  so  she  was  committed  to  one 
 of  the  eunuchs  to  take  the  care  of  her:  and  she  was  very  exactly  provided  with  sweet  odours, 
 in  great  plenty,  and  with  costly  ointments,  such  as  her  body  required  to  be  anointed  withal : 
 and  this  was  used  for  six  months  by  the  virgins,  who  were  in  number  four  hundred.  And 
 when  the  eunuch  thought  the  virgins  had  been  sufficiently  purified,  in  the  forementioned  time, 
 and  were  now  fit  to  go  to  the  king's  bed,  he  sent  one  to  be  with  the  king  every  day.  So  when 
 he  bad  accompanied  with  her,  he  sent  her  back  to  the  eunuch :  and  when  Esther  had  come  to 
 him,  he  was  pleased  with  her,  and  fell  in  love  with  the  damsel,  and  married  her,  and  made  her 
 Lis  lawful  wife,  and  kept  a  wedding  feast  for  her  on  the  twelfth  month  of  the  seventh  year  of 
 his  reign,  which  was  called  Adar.  He  also  sent  aiigari,  as  they  are  called,  or  messengers, 
 onto  every  naiion,  and  gave  orders  that  they  should  keep  a  feast  for  his  marriage,  while  he 
 himself  treated  the  Persians  and  the  Medes,  and  the  principal  men  of  the  nations,  for  a  whole 
 month,  on  account  of  this  his  marriage.  Accordingly,  Esther  came  to  his  royal  palace,  and  he 
 set  a  diadem  on  her  head :  and  thus  was  Esther  married,  without  making  known  to  the  king 
 what  nation  she  was  derived  from^  Her  uncle  also  removed  from  Babylon  to  Shushan,  and 
 dwelt  there,  being  every  day  about  the  palace,  and  inquiring  how  the  damsel  did,  for  he  loved 
 her  as  though  she  had  been  his  own  daughter. 
 
 3.  Now  the  king  had  made  a  law,  that  none  of  his  own  people  should  approach  him  unless  he 
 were  called,  when  he  sat  npon  his  throne  ;t  and  men,  with  axes  in  their  hands,  stood  round  about 
 
 •  If  the  Chaldee  paraphrast  be  in  the  right,  that  Artaxerxes  intended  to  shew  Vashti  to  his  guests  nalted, 
 it  is  no  wonder  at  all  that  she  would  not  suhmit  to  such  an  indignity;  but  still  if  it  were  not  so  gross  as  that, 
 yet  it  might,  in  the  king's  cups,  be  done  in  a  way  so  indecent,  as  the  Persian  laws  would  not  then  bear,  no 
 more  than  the  common  laws  of  modesty.  And  tljat  the  king  had  some  such  design,  seems  not  improbable,  for 
 otherwise  the  principal  of  these  royal  guests  could  be  no  strangers  tc  the  queen,  nor  unapprized  of  her  beauty, 
 so  far  as  decency  admitted.  However,  since  Providence  was  now  paving  the  way  for  the  introduction  of  a 
 Jewess  into  the  king's  affections,  in  order  to  bring  about  one  of  the  most  wonderful  deliverances  which  the 
 Jewish  or  any  nation  ever  had,  we  need  not  be  further  solicitous  about  the  motives  by  which  the  king  was 
 induced  to  divorce  Vashti,  and  marry  Esther. 
 
 +  Herodotus  says,  that  this  law  [against  any  one's  coming  uncalled  to  the  kings  of  Persia  when  they  were 
 sitting  ou  their  ihoues]  was  first  enacted  by  "Deioces,  i.  e.  (by  him  who  hrst  withdrew  the  Wedes  from  the 
 
BOOK   XI.  — CHAF.    VI,  289 
 
 his  throne,  in  order  to  punish  such  as  approached  lo  him  without  being  called.  However,  the 
 kinjj  sat  with  a  golden  sceptre  in  his  liand,  which  he  held  out  when  he  had  a  mind  to  save  any 
 one  of  those  that  approaclied  to  him  without  being  called  :  and  he  who  touched  it  was  free  from 
 danger.     But  of  this  matter  we  have  discoursed  sufficiently. 
 
 4.  Some  time  after  this  [two  tunuchs]  Bigthan  and  Teresh  plotted  against  the  king;  and 
 Baruabazus,  the  servant  of  one  of  the  eunuchs,  being  by  birlh  a  Jew,  was  acquainted  witli 
 their  conspiracy,  and  discovered  it  to  the  queen's  uncle;  and  Blordecai,  by  the  means  of 
 Estlier,  made  the  conspirators  known  to  the  king.  This  troubled  the  king,  but  he  discovered 
 the  truth,  and  hanged  the  eunnchs  upon  a  cross,  while  at  that  time  he  gave  no  reward  to  Mor- 
 decai,  who  had  been  the  occasion  of  his  preservation.  He  only  bade  the  scribes  to  set  down 
 Lis  name  in  the  records,  and  bade  hira  sta_v  in  the  pulace,  as  an  intimate  friend  of  the  king. 
 
 5.  Now  there  was  one  Haman,  the  son  of  Amedatlia,  by  birth  an  Amalekite,  that  used  to 
 go  in  to  the  king;  and  the  foreigners  and  Persians  worshipped  him,  as  Artaxerxes  had  com- 
 manded that  such  honour  shonld  be  paid  to  him  ;  but  Mordecai  was  so  wise,  and  so  observant 
 of  his  own  country's  laws,  that  he  would  not  v/orsiiip  the  man.*  Wiien  Haman  observed  this, 
 he  inquired  whence  he  came?  and  when  he  understood  that  he  was  a  Jew,  he  had  indigualinn 
 at  him,  and  said  within  himself,  that  "  whereas  the  Persians,  who  were  free  men,  worshipped 
 him,  this  man,  who  was  no  better  than  a  slave,  does  not  vouchsafe  to  do  so."  And  vyhen  he 
 desired  to  punish  Mordecai,  he  thought  it  too  small  a  thing  (o  request  of  the  king  that  he  alone 
 might  be  punished;  he  rather  determined  to  abolisli  the  whole  nation,  for  he  was  naturally  an 
 enemy  to  the  Jews,  because  the  nation  of  the  Amalekites,  of  which  he  was,  had  been  destroyed 
 by  them.  Accordingly  he  came  to  the  king,  and  accused  them,  saying,  "  There  is  a  certain 
 wicked  nation,  and  it  is  dispersed  over  all  the  habitable  earth  that  is  under  thy  dominion  ;  a 
 nation  separate  from  others,  unsociable,  neither  admitting  the  same  sort  of  divine  woiship  that 
 others  do,  nor  using  laws  like  to  the  laws  of  others:  at  enmity  with  thy  people,  and  wiih  all 
 men,  both  in  their  manners  and  practices.  Now,  if  thoa  wilt  be  a  benefactor  to  thy  subjects, 
 thou  wilt  give  order  to  destroy  them  utterly,  and  not  leave  the  least  remains  of  them,  nor  pre- 
 serve any  of  them  either  for  slaves  or  for  captives."  But  that  the  king  might  not  be  damni- 
 fied by  the  loss  of  the  tributes  which  the  Jews  paid  hira,  Haman  promised  to  j^ive  l.im  out  of 
 his  own  estate  forty  thousand  talents  whensoever  he  pleased ;  and  he  said,  he  would  pay  this 
 money  very  willingly,  that  the  kingdom  might  be  freed  from  such  a  misfortune. 
 
 6.  When  Haman  had  made  this  peliiion,  the  king  both  forgave  him  (he  money,  and  granted 
 hira  the  men,  to  do  what  he  would  with  them.  So  Haman  having  gained  what  he  desired, 
 sent  out  immediately  a  decree,  as  from  the  king,  to  all  nations,  the  contents  whereof  were 
 these:  "  Artaxerxes,  the  great  king,  to  the  rulers  of  the  hundred  twenty  and  seven  provinces, 
 from  India  to  Ethiopia,  sends  this  writing :  Whereas  I  have  governed  many  nations,  and 
 obtained  the  dominion  of  all  the  habitable  earth,  according  to  my  desire,  and  have  not  been 
 obliged  to  do  any  thing  that  is  insolent  or  cruel  to  my  subjects  by  such  my  power,  but  have 
 shewed  myself  mild  and  gentle,  by  taking  care  of  their  peace  and  good  order,  and  have  sought 
 how  they  might  enjoy  those  blessings  for  all  time  to  come.  And  whereas  I  have  been  kindly 
 informed  by  Haman,  who,  on  account  of  his  prudence  and  justice,  is  the  first  in  my  esteem,  and 
 in  dignity,  and  only  second  to  myself  for  his  fidelity  and  constant  good-will  to  me,  that  there 
 is  an  ill-natured  nation  intermixed  with  all  mankind,  that  is  averse  to  our  laws,  and  not  sub- 
 ject to  kings,  and  of  a  different  conduct  of  life  from  others,  that  hateth  monarchy,  and  of  a 
 disposition  that  is  pernicious  to  our  afTnirs,  I  give  order  that  these  men,  of  whom  Haman 
 <iur  second  father  hath  informed  us,  be  destroyed,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  that  none 
 of  them  be  spared,  and  that  none  prefer  pity  to  them  before  obedience  to  this  decree.  And 
 this  I  will  to  be  executed  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month  of  this  present  year,  that 
 so  when  all  that  have  enmity  to  us  are  destroyed,  and  this  in  one  day,  we  may  be  allowed  to 
 lead  tlie  rest  of  our  lives  in  peace  hereafter."  Now  when  this  decree  was  brought  to  the  cities, 
 and  to  the  country,  all  were  ready  for  the  destruction  and  entire  abolishment  of  the  Jews, 
 against  the  day  belore  mentioned  ;  and  they  were  very  hasty  about  it  at  Shushan  in  particular. 
 Accordingly,  the  king  and  Haman  spent  their  time  in  feasting  together  with  good  cheer  and 
 wine,  but  the  city  was  in  disorder. 
 
 7.  Now  when  INlordecai  was  informed  of  what  was  done,  he  rent  his  clo'hes  and  put  on 
 sackcloth,  and  sprinkled  ashes  upon  his  head,  and  went  about  the  city,  crying  out,  that  "  a 
 nation  that  had  been  injurious  to  no  man,  was  to  be  destroyed."  And  he  wont  on  saying  thus 
 as  far  as  the  king's  palace,  and  there  he  stood,  for  it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to  go  into  it  in 
 that  habit.  The  same  thing  was  done  by  all  the  Jews  that  were  in  the  several  cities  wherein 
 this  decree   wis  published,   with  iarocntation    and  mourning,  on   account  of  the  calamities 
 
 dominion  of  the  Assyrians,  and  himself  first  reigned  over  them.  Thus  also,  says  Spanheim,  Ptnod  cruards, 
 ■with  their  axes,  about  the  throne  of  Xenus,  or  Tenudus,  that  the  offender  might  Ijy  tliem  be  punished  imme- 
 diately. 
 
 •  Whether  this  adoration  required  of  Mordecai  to  Ilaman  were  by  him  deemed  too  like  the  adoration  du* 
 only  to  God,  as  Josephus  ccenis  hero  to  think,  as  well  as  the  Septuaijint  interpreters  also,  by  their  translation 
 of  f'.sther  xiii.  12—14.  or  whether  he  tliought  he  ought  to  pay  no  sort  of  adoration  to  an  Atnaletitc,  «-hii-a 
 nation  had  been  such  great  sinners  as  to  have  been  universally  devoted  to  destruction  by  tJod  himself, 
 Ji'.xod  xvii.  14—10.  1  Saul.  xv.  la.  or  whether  bulh  causes  concurred,  cauuol  now,  1  doubt,  be  ctTtaiuIy 
 ddv^rniiiicd. 
 
 2  o 
 
290  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 denounced  against  them.  But  as  soon  as  certain  persons  had  (old  !ne  queen  that  Mordocai 
 stood  before  the  court  in  a  mourning  habit,  she  was  disturbed  at  this  report,  and  sent  outsu<:!« 
 as  should  change  his  garments ;  but  when  he  could  not  be  induced  to  put  od'  his  sackcloth, 
 because  the  sad  occasion  that  forced  him  to  put  it  on  was  not  vet  ceased  ;  she  called  ihe 
 eunuch  Acratheus,  for  he  was  then  present,  and  sent  him  to  Mordecai,  in  ordc  r  to  know  of  him 
 wliat  sad  accident  had  befallen  him,  for  which  he  was  in  mourning,  and  would  not  put  oil'  the 
 habit  he  had  put  on  at  her  desire.  Then  did  Mordecai  inform  the  eunuch  of  tlie  occasion  of 
 his  mourning,  and  of  the  decree  which  was  sent  by  the  king  into  all  the  country,  and  of  ibe 
 promise  of  money  whereby  Haman  bought  the  destruction  of  their  nation.  He  also  gave  biu» 
 a  copy  of  what  was  proclaimed  at  Sbusban,  to  be  carried  to  Esther ;  and  he  charged  her  lo 
 petition  the  king  about  this  matter,  and  not  to  think  it  a  dishonourable  thing  in  her  to  put  on  a 
 humble  habit,  for  the  safety  of  her  nation,  wherein  she  n)ight  deprecate  the  ruin  of  the  Jews, 
 who  were  in  danger  of  it ;  for  that  Haman,  whose  dignity  was  only  inferior  to  that  of  the  king, 
 had  accused  the  Jews,  and  had  irritated  the  king  against  them.  When  she  was  informed  of 
 this,  she  sent  to  Mordecai  again,  and  told  him  that  she  was  not  called  by  the  king,  and  that  he 
 who  goes  in  to  him  wilhont  being  called,  is  to  be  slain,  unless,  when  he  is  willing  to  save  any 
 one,  he  holds  out  his  golden  sceptre  to  him  ;  hut  that  to  v^homsoever  he  does  so,  although  he 
 go  in  without  being  called,  that  person  is  so  far  from  being  slain,  that  lie  obtains  pardon,  and 
 is  entirely  preserved.  Now  when  the  eunuch  carried  this  message  from  Esther  to  Mordecai, 
 be  bade  him  also  tell  her  that  she  must  not  only  provide  for  her  own  preservation,  but  for  the 
 common  preservation  of  her  n:ition,  for  that  if  she  now  neglected  this  opportunity,  there  would 
 certainly  arise  help  to  them  from  God  some  other  way,  but  she  and  her  father's  house  would 
 be  destroyed  by  those  whom  slie  now  despised.  But  Esther  sent  the  very  same  eunuch  back 
 to  Mordecai  [to  desire  hin;]  to  go  to  Shushan,and  to  gather  the  Jews  that  were  there  together 
 to  a  congregation,  and  to  fast  and  abstain  from  all  sorts  of  food  on  her  account,  and  [to  let  him 
 know  that]  she  with  her  maidens  would  do  the  same  ;  and  then  she  promised  that  she  would 
 go  to  the  king,  though  it  were  agaiust  the  law,  and  that  if  she  must  die  for  it,  she  would  not 
 refuse  it. 
 
 8.  Accordingly,  Mordecai  did  as  Esther  had  enjoined  bim,  and  made  the  people  fast ;  and 
 he  besought  God,  together  with  them,  "  not  to  overlook  his  nation,  particularly  at  this  time, 
 ■when  it  was  going  to  be  destroyed  ;  but  that,  as  he  had  often  before  provided  for  them,  and 
 forgiven,  when  they  had  sinned,  so  he  would  now  deliver  them  from  that  destruction  which 
 was  denounced  against  them  ;  for  although  it  was  not  all  the  nation  that  had  oU'euded,  yet 
 must  they  so  ingloriously  be  slain,  and  that  he  was  himself  the  occasion  of  the  wrath  of  Haraan, 
 because,  said  be,  I  did  not  worship  him,  nor  could  I  endure  to  pay  that  honour  to  him  which 
 I  used  to  pay  to  thee,  O  Lord,  for  upon  that  his  anger  hath  he  contrived  this  present  mischief 
 agaiust  those  that  have  not  transgressed  thy  laws."  The  same  supplications  did  the  multitude 
 put  up;  and  entreated  that  God  would  provide  for  their  deliverance,  and  free  the  Israelites 
 that  were  in  all  the  earth  from  this  calamity  which  was  now  coming  upon  them,  for  they  had 
 it  before  their  eyes,  and  expected  its  coming.  According!}',  Esther  made  supplication  to  God 
 after  the  manner  of  her  country,  by  casting  herself  down  upon  the  earth,  and  putting  on  her 
 mourning  garments,  and  bidding  farewell  to  meat  and  drink,  and  all  delicacies,  for  three  days' 
 lime  ;  and  she  entreated  God  to  have  mercy  upon  her,  and  make  her  words  appear  persuasive 
 to  the  king,  and  render  her  countenance  more  beautiful  than  it  was  before,  that  both  by  her 
 words  and  beauty  she  might  succeed,  for  the  averting  of  the  king's  anger,  in  case  he  were  at 
 all  irritated  against  her,  and  for  the  consolation  of  those  of  her  own  country,  now  they  were  in 
 the  utmost  danger  of  perishing ;  as  also  that  he  would  excite  a  hatred  in  the  king  against  the 
 enemies  of  the  Jews,  and  those  that  had  contrived  their  future  destrocliou,  if  they  proved  to 
 be  contemned  by  him. 
 
 9.  When  Esther  had  used  this  supplication  for  three  days,  she  put  oft"  those  garments, 
 changed  her  habit,  and  adorned  herself  as  became  a  queen,  and  took  two  of  her  hand-maids 
 with  her,  the  one  of  which  supported  her,  as  she  gently  leaned  upon  her,  and  the  other  fol- 
 lowed after,  and  lifted  up  her  large  train  (which  swept  along  the  ground,)  with  the  extremities 
 of  her  fingers  :  and  thus  she  came  to  the  king,  having  a  blushing  redne>s  in  her  countenance, 
 with  a  pleasant  agreeableness  in  her  behaviour,  yet  did  she  go  in  to  him  with  fear  ;  and  as  soon 
 as  she  was  conie  over-against  him,  as  he  was  silting  on  his  throne,  in  his  royal  apparel,  which 
 was  a  garment  interwoven  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  which  made  bim  seem  to  her  more 
 terrible,  especially  when  he  looked  at  her  somewhat  severely,  and  with  a  countenance  on  fire 
 with  anger,  her  joints  failed  her  immediately,  out  of  the  dread  she  was  in,  and  she  fell  down 
 sideways  in  a  swoon  :  but  the  king  changed  his  mind,  which  liappened,  as  I  suppose,  by  the 
 will  of  God,  and  was  concerned  for  his  wife,  lest  her  fear  should  bring  some  very  ill  thing  upon 
 her,  and  he  leaped  from  his  throne  and  took  her  in  bis  arms,  and  recovered  her,  by  embracing 
 her,  and  speaking  comfortably  to  her,  and  exhorting  her  to  be  of  good  cheer,  and  not  to  sus- 
 pect any  thing  that  was  said  on  account  of  her  coming  to  bim  without  being  called,  because  that 
 law  was  made  for  subjects,  but  that  she,  who  was  a  queen,  as  well  as  he  a  king,  might  be 
 entirely  secure :  and  as  he  said  this,  be  |)ut  the  sceptre  info  her  hand,  and  laid  his  rod  upon 
 her  ueck,  on  account  of  the  law  ;  and  so  freed  her  from  her  fear.     And  after  she  had  recovered 
 
V  BOOK    XL— CHAP.    VI.  291 
 
 herself  by  these  encouragements,  slie  said,  "  iMy  lord,  it  is  not  easy  for  mc,  on  ttie  sudden,  to 
 say  wliat  liatli  happened,  for  as  snon  as  1  saw  thee  to  be  j!;reTt,  and  ciKnely,  and  terrible,  my 
 spirit  departed  from  ine,  and  I  bad  no  soul  left  in  me."  And  while  it  was  with  didioidly,  and 
 in  alow  voice,  that  she  could  say  thus  much,  the  king  was  in  a  great  agony  and  disorder,  and 
 encouraged  Esther  to  be  of  good  cheer,  and  to  expect  better  furliine,  since  he  was  rendy,  if 
 occasion  should  require  it,  to  grant  to  her  the  half  of  his  kingdom.  Accordingly,  Esther 
 desired  that  he  and  liis  friend  Haman  would  come  to  her  to  a  banquet,  for  she  said  she  ha-l 
 prepared  a  supper  for  him.  He  consented  to  it ;  and  when  they  were  there,  as  they  were 
 drinking,  he  bade  Esther  to  "  let  him  know  what  she  desired  :  for  that  slie  should  tiot  be  dis- 
 appointed, though  she  should  desire  tlie  half  of  his  kingdom."  But  she  put  oft"  the  discovery 
 of  her  petition  till  the  next  day,  if  he  would  come  again,  together  with  Haman,  to  her  banquet. 
 
 10.  Now  when  the  king  had  promised  so  to  do,  Haman  went  away  very  glad,  because  he 
 alone  had  the  honour  of  supping  with  the  king  at  Esther's  banquet,  and  because  no  one  else 
 partook  of  the  same  honour  with  kings  but  himself:  yet  when  he  saw  Mordecai  in  the  court, 
 he  was  very  much  displeased,  for  he  paid  him  no  manner  of  respect  when  he  saw  him.  So  ha 
 went  home  and  cal'ed  for  his  wife  Zeresli,  and  his  friends,  and  when  they  were  come,  he 
 shewed  them  what  honour  he  enjoyed  not  only  from  the  king,  but  from  the  queen  also,  for  as 
 he  alone  had  that  day  supped  with  her,  together  with  the  king,  so  was  he  also  invited  again  for 
 the  next  day  ;  yet,  said  he,  am  I  not  pleased  to  see  Mordecai  the  Jew  in  the  court.  Hereupon 
 his  wife  Zcresh  advised  him  to  give  order  that  a  gallows  should  be  made  fifty  cubits  high,  and 
 that  in  the  morning  he  should  ask  it  of  the  king,  that  Mordecai  might  be  hanged  thereon.  So 
 he  commended  her  advice,  and  gave  order  to  his  servants  to  prepare  the  gallows,  and  to  place 
 it  in  the  court,  for  the  punishment  of  Mordecai  thereon,  which  was  accordingly  prepared.  But 
 God  laughed  to  scorn  the  wicked  expectations  of  Haman  ;  and  as  he  knew  what  the  event 
 would  be,  was  delighted  at  it,  for  that  night  he  took  away  the  king's  sleep  ;  and  as  the  king 
 ■was  not  willing  to  lose  the  time  of  his  lying  awake,  but  to  spend  it  in  something  that  might  be 
 of  advantage  to  his  kingdom,  he  commanded  the  scribe  to  bring  him  the  chronicles  of  the  for- 
 mer kings,  and  the  records  of  his  own  actions  ;  and  when  be  had  brought  them  and  was  read- 
 ing them,  one  was  found  to  have  received  a  country  on  account  of  his  excellent  management 
 on  a  certain  occasion,  and  the  name  of  the  country  was  set  down  ;  another  was  found  to  have 
 had  a  present  made  him  on  account  of  his  fidelity  :  then  the  scribe  came  to  Bigthan  and  Te- 
 resh,  the  eunuchs  that  had  made  a  conspiracy  against  the  king,  which  Mordecai  had  discovered, 
 and  when  the  scribe  said  no  more  but  that,  and  was  going  on  to  another  history,  the  king 
 stopped  hira,  and  inquired,  "  Whether  it  was  not  added  that  Mordecai  had  a  reward  given 
 him?"  and  when  he  said  there  was  no  such  addition,  he  bade  him  leave  off",  and  he  inquired  of 
 those  that  were  appointed  for  that  purpose,  what  hour  of  the  night  it  was?  and  when  he  was 
 informed  that  it  was  already  day,  he  gave  order,  that  if  they  found  any  one  of  bis  friends 
 already  come,  and  standing  before  the  court,  they  should  tell  him.  Now  it  happened  that  Ha- 
 man was  found  theie,  for  he  was  come  sooner  than  ordinary  to  petition  the  king  to  have  Mor- 
 decai put  to  death  ;  and  when  the  servants  said,  that  Haman  was  before  the  court,  he  bade 
 them  call  him  in  ;  and  when  he  was  come  in,  he  said,  "  Because  I  know  that  thou  art  my  only 
 fast  friend,  I  desire  thee  to  give  me  advice,  how  I  may  honour  one  that  I  greatly  love,  and  that 
 after  a  manner  suitable  to  my  magnificence."  Now  Haman  reasoned  with  himself,  that  what 
 opinion  he  shoidd  give  would  be  for  hinistlf,  since  it  was  he  alone  who  was  beloved  by  the 
 king:  so  he  gave  that  advice  which  he  thought  of  all  other  the  best;  for  he  said,  "If  thou 
 wouldest  truly  honour  a  man  whom  thou  sayest  thou  dost  love,  give  order  that  he  may  ride  on 
 horseback,  with  the  same  garment  on  which  thou  wearesl,  and  with  a  gold  chain  about  his  neck, 
 and  let  one  of  thy  intimate  friends  go  before  him,  and  proclaim  through  the  whole  city,  that 
 whosoever  the  king  bonoureth,  obtaineth  this  mark  of  his  honour."  This  was  the  advice  which 
 Haman  gave,  out  of  a  supposal  that  such  a  reward  would  come  to  himself.  ■  Hereupon  the  king 
 was  pleased  with  the  advice,  and  said,  "  Go  thou,  therefore,  for  thou  hast  the  horse,  the  gar- 
 ment, and  the  chain,  ask  for  Mordecai  the  Jew,  and  give  him  those  things,  and  go  before  his 
 horse,  and  proclaim  accordingly;  for  thou  art  (said  he)  ray  intimate  friend,  and  hast  given  me 
 good  advice  ;  be  thou  then  the  minister  of  what  thou  hast  advised  me  to  do.  This  shall  he  his 
 reward  from  ns,  for  preserving  my  life."  When  he  heard  this  order,  which  was  entirely  unex- 
 pected, he  was  confounded  in  his  mind,  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  However,  he  went  out  and 
 led  the  horse,  and  took  the  purple  garment,  and  the  golden  chain  for  the  neck,  and  finding 
 Mordecai  before  the  court,  clothed  in  sackcloth,  he  baoe  him  put  that  garment  oil',  and  put  the 
 purple  garment  on  :  but  Mordecai,  not  knowing  the  truth  of  the  matter,  hut  thinking  that  it 
 was  di.ue  in  mockery,  said,  *'  O  thou  wretch,  the  vilest  of  all  mankind,  dost  thou  thus  laugh  at 
 our  calamities?"  But  when  he  was  satisfied  that  the  king  bestowed  this  honour  upon  hira,  for 
 the  deliverance  he  had  procured  him,  when  he  convicted  the  eunuchs  who  had  conspired 
 against  him,  he  put  on  that  purple  garment  which  the  king  always  wore,  and  jjut  the  chain  about 
 his  neck,  and  got  on  horseback,  and  went  round  the  city,  while  Haman  went  before,  and  pro- 
 claimed, "  This  shall  be  the  reward  which  the  king  will  bestow  on  every  one  whom  he  loves, 
 and  esteems  worthy  of  honour  "  And  when  they  had  gone  round  the  city,  Mordecai  went  in  to 
 the  king,  but  Haman  went  home,  out  of  shame,  and  informed  his  wife  andtViends  of  utiat  had 
 
292  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 liappened,  and  this  with  tears  :  who  said,  tbat  "  he  would   never  be  able   to  be  revenged  of 
 Mordecai,  for  that  God  was  with  him." 
 
 11.  Now  while  these  men  were  thus  talking  one  to  another,  Esther's  eunuchs  hastened 
 Hanian  away  to  come  to  supper;  but  one  of  the  eunuchs,  named  Sabuchadas,  saw  the  gallows 
 that  was  fixed  in  Hainan's  house,  and  inquired  of  one  of  his  servants,  for  what  purpose  they 
 bad  prepared  it?  So  he  knew  that  it  was  for  tlie  queen's  uncle,  because  Hainan  was  about  to 
 petition  ilie  king  that  he  might  be  punished,  but  at  present  be  lield  his  peace.  Now  when  the 
 king,  with  Haman,  were  at  the  banquet,  he  desired  the  queen  to  tell  him  what  gift  she  desired 
 to  obtain,  and  assured  her  that  she  should  have  whatsoever  she  bad  a  mind  to.  She  then 
 lamented  the  danger  ber  people  were  in  ;  and  said,  that  "she  and  her  nation  were  given  up  to 
 be  destroyed,  and  that  she,  on  that  acconnt,  made  this  her  petition  :  tliat  she  would  not  have 
 troubled  him  if  be  had  only  given  order  that  they  should  be  sold  into  bitter  servitude,  for  such 
 a  misfortune  would  not  bare  been  intolerable  ;  but  she  desired  that  they  migbl  be  delivered 
 from  such  destruction."  And  when  the  king  inquired  of  her  who  was  the  author  of  this 
 misery  to  them  ?  she  then  openly  accused  Haraan,  and  convicted  him,  that  he  had  been  the 
 ■wicked  instrument  of  this,  and  had  formed  this  plot  against  them.  When  the  king  was  here- 
 upon in  disorder,  and  was  gone  hastily  out  of  the  banquet  into  the  gardens,  Haman  began  to 
 intercede  with  Esther,  and  to  beseech  her  to  forgive  him,  as  to  what  be  had  ott'ended,  for  he 
 perceived  that  he  was  iti  a  very  bad  case.  And  as  he  had  fallen  upon  the  queen's  bed,  and 
 was  making  supplication  to  ber,  the  king  came  in,  and  being  still  more  provoked  at  what  he 
 saw,  "  O  thou  wretch,  said  he,  thou  vilest  of  all  mankind,  dost  thou  aim  to  force  my  wife?" 
 And  when  Haman  was  astonished  at  this,  and  not  able  to  speak  one  word  more,  Sabuchadas 
 the  eunuch  came  in,  and  accused  llaman,  and  said,  "  He  found  a  gallows  at  his  house  pre- 
 pared for  Mordecai,  for  that  the  servant  told  him  so  much  upon  his  inquiry,  when  he  was  sent 
 to  him  to  call  him  to  supper."  He  said  farther,  "  that  the  gallows  was  fifty  cubits  high." 
 Which  when  the  king  heard,  he  determined  that  Haman  should  be  punished  after  no  other 
 manner  than  that  which  had  been  devised  by  him  against  Mordecai :  so  he  gave  order  imme- 
 diately that  be  should  be  bung  upon  that  gallows,  and  be  put  to  death  after  that  manner.  And 
 from  hence  I  cannot  forbear  to  admire  God,  and  to  learn  hence  his  wisdom  and  bis  justice,  not 
 only  in  punishing  the  wickedness  of  Haraan,  but  in  so  disposing  it,  that  he  should  undergo  the 
 \ery  same  punishment  which  be  had  contrived  for  another  ;  as  also,  because  he  thereby 
 teaches  others  tliis  lesson,  that  what  mischiefs  any  one  prepares  against  another,  he,  without 
 knowing  of  it,  first  contrives  it  against  himself. 
 
 12.  Wherefore  Haman,  who  had  immoderately  abused  the  honour  he  had  from  the  king,  was 
 destroyed  after  this  manner,  and  the  king  granted  his  estate  to  the  queen.  He  also  called  for 
 Mordecai,  (for  Esther  had  informed  him  that  she  was  akin  to  him,)  and  gave  that  ring  to  Mor- 
 decai, which  he  bad  before  given  to  Haraan.  The  queen  also  gave  Haman's  estate  to  Morde- 
 cai ;  and  prayed  the  king  to  deliver  the  nation  of  the  Jews  from  the  fear  of  death,  and  shewed 
 bim  what  had  been  written  over  all  the  country  by  Haman  the  son  of  Ammedatha:  for  that  if 
 ber  country  were  destroyed,  and  her  countrymen  were  to  perish,  she  could  not  bear  to  live  her- 
 self any  longer.  So  the  king  promised  her,  that  he  would  not  do  any  thing  that  should  be 
 disagreeable  to  her,  nor  contradict  what  she  desired,  but  he  bade  her  write  what  she  pleased 
 about  the  Jews,  in  the  king's  name,  and  seal  it  with  his  seal,  and  send  it  to  all  his  kingdom,  for 
 that  those  who  read  epistles  whose  authority  is  secured  by  having  the  king's  seal  to  them, 
 would  no  way  contradict  what  was  written  therein.  So  be  commanded  the  king's  scribes  to 
 be  sent  for,  and  to  write  to  the  nations  on  the  Jews'  behalf,  and  to  his  lieutenants  and  gover- 
 nors, that  were  over  his  hundred  twenty  and  seven  jirnvinces,  from  India  to  Ethiopia.  Now 
 the  contents  of  this  epistle  were  these:  "The  great  king  Artaxerxes  to  our  rulers,*  and  those 
 that  are  our  faithful  subjects,  sendeth  greeting  :  many  men  there  are,  who,  on  account  of  the 
 greatness  of  the  benefits  bestowed  on  them,  and  because  of  the  honour  which  they  have 
 obtained  from  the  wonderful  kind  treatment  of  those  that  bestowed  it,  are  not  only  injurious  to 
 their  inferiors,  hut  do  not  scruple  to  do  evil  to  those  that  have  been  their  benefactors,  as  if 
 they  would  take  away  gratitude  from  among  men,  and  by  their  insolent  abuse  of  such  benefits 
 as  they  never  expected,  they  turn  the  abundance  they  have  against  those  that  are  the  authors 
 of  it,  and  suppose  they  shall  lie  concealed  from  God  in  that  case,  and  avoid  that  vengeance 
 which  comes  from  him.  Some  of  these  men,  when  they  have  had  the  management  of  aifairs 
 committed  to  them  by  their  friends,  and  bearing  private  malice  of  their  own  against  some 
 others,  by  deceiving  those  that  have  tlie  power,  persuade  them  to  be  angry  at  such  as  have 
 done  them  no  barm,  till  they  are  in  danger  of  perishing,  and  this  by  laying  accusations  and 
 calumnies  :  nor  is  this  state  of  things  to  be  discovered  by  ancient  examples,  or  such  as  we 
 have  learned  by  report  only ;  but  by  some  examples  of  such  impudent  attempts  under  our  own 
 eyes,  so  that  it  is  not  fit  to  attend  any  longer  to  calumnies  and  accusations,  nor  to  the  persua- 
 
 *  'I'he  true  reason  why  liing  Artaxerxes  did  not  here  properly  revoke  his  former  barbarous  decree  for  the 
 universal  slauwhter  of  the  Jews,  but  only  empowered  and  encouraged  the  Jews  to  fight  for  their  lives,  and  to  tiU 
 their  enemies  if  they  attempted  their  deatruction,  seems  to  have  been  that  old  law  of  the  Wedes  and  Persiaus, 
 rot  yet  laid  aside,  that  whatever  decree  was  signed  both  by  the  king  and  his  lords,  '  could  not  be  changed, 
 bulremamed  unalterable,  Daniel  vi.7— 17.  Esther  i.  19.  arid  viii.  9.  .And  Haman  having  engiossed  the  royal 
 favour,  miglit  perhaps  have  himself  signed  this  decree  for  the  Jews'  slaughter  instead  of  the  ancient  lords,  and 
 80  might  have  rendered  it  by  their  rules  irrevocable. 
 
BOOK   XI. —  CHAP.  VI.  293 
 
 sions  of  others,  bat  to  determine  what  any  otie  knows  of  himself  to  have  been  really  done,  and 
 to  punish  what  justly  deserves  it,  and  to  grant  favours  to  such  as  are  innocent.  Tliishatli  been 
 the  case  of  Hanian,  tlie  son  of  Animedatha,  by  birth  an  Amalekite,  and  alien  from  tlic  blood  of 
 the  Persians,  who,  when  he  was  hosiiitably  entertained  by  us,  and  partook  of  that  kindness 
 which  we  bear  to  all  men,  to  so  great  a  degree  as  to  be  called  my  father,  and  to  be  all  along 
 worshipped,  and  to  have  honour  paid  him  by  all  in  the  second  rank  after  the  royal  honour  due 
 to  ourselves,  he  could  not  bear  his  good  fortune,  nor  govern  the  magnitude  of  his  prosperity, 
 with  sound  reason  ;  nay,  he  made  a  conspiracy  against  me  and  my  life,  who  gave  him  his  autho- 
 rity, by  endeavouring  to  take  away  Mordecai,  my  benefactor,  and  my  saviour,  and  by  basely 
 and  treacherously  requiring  to  have  Esther,  the  partner  of  my  life,  and  of  my  dominion,  brought 
 to  destruction  ;  for  he  contrived  by  this  means  to  deprive  me  of  my  faithful  friends,*  and  trans- 
 fer the  government  to  others  :  but  since  I  perceived  that  these  Jews,  that  were  by  this  perni- 
 cious fellow  devoted  to  destruction,  were  not  wicked  men,  but  conducted  their  lives  after  the 
 best  manner,  and  were  men  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  that  God  who  hath  preserved  the 
 kingdom  to  me  and  to  ray  ancestors,  I  do  not  only  free  iheni  from  the  punishment  which  the 
 former  epistle,  which  was  sent  by  Haraau,  ordered  to  be  inflicted  on  them,  to  which  if  you 
 refuse  oI)edience,  you  shall  do  well,  but  I  will  that  they  have  all  honour  paid  to  them.  Ac- 
 cordingly, I  have  hanged  up  the  man  that  contrived  such  things  against  them,  with  his  family, 
 bt;fore  the  gates  of  Shnshan,  that  punishment  being  sent  upon  him  by  God,  who  seeth  all 
 things.  And  I  give  you  in  charge,  that  you  publicly  propose  a  copy  of  this  epistle  through  all 
 my  kingdom,  that  the  Jews  may  be  permitted  peaceably  to  use  their  own  laws,  and  that  you 
 assist  them,  that  at  the  same  season  whereto  their  miserable  estate  did  belong,  they  may  defend 
 themselves  the  very  same  day  from  unjust  violence,  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  moi.lb, 
 which  is  Adar,  for  God  bath  made  that  day  a  day  of  salvation  instead  of  a  day  of  destruction 
 to  them  ;  and  may  it  bo  a  good  day  to  those  that  wish  us  well,  and  a  memorial  of  t!ie  punish- 
 ment of  the  conspirators  against  us  :  and  I  will  that  you  take  notice,  that  every  city,  and  every 
 naliorv  that  shall  disobey  any  thing  that  is  contained  in  this  epistle,  shall  be  destroyed  by  fire 
 and  sword.  However,  le»  this  epistle  be  published  through  all  the  country  that  is  under  our 
 obedience,  and  let  all  the  Jews  by  all  means  be  ready  against  the  day  before-mentioned,  that 
 they  may  avenge  themselves  upon  their  enemies." 
 
 13.  Accordingly,  the  horsemen  who  carried  the  epistles,  proceeded  on  the  ways  which  they 
 were  to  go  with  speed  :  but  as  for  Mordecai,  as  soon  as  he  had  assumed  the  royal  garment, 
 and  the  crown  of  gold,  and  had  put  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  went  forth  in  a  public  proces- 
 sion ;  and  when  the  Jews,  who  were  at  Shushan,  saw  him  in  so  great  honour  with  the  king,  they 
 thought  his  good  fortune  was  common  to  themselves  also;  and  joy  and  a  beam  of  salvation 
 encompassed  the  Jews,  both  those  that  were  in  the  cities,  and  those  that  were  in  the  countries, 
 upon  the  publication  of  the  king's  letters,  insomuch,  that  many  even  of  other  nations  circum- 
 cised their  foreskin  for  fear  of  the  Jews,  that  they  might  procure  safety  to  themselves  thereby  ; 
 for  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month,  which  according  to  the  Hebrews  is  called  Adar, 
 but  according  to  the  Macedonians,  Dystrus,  those  that  carried  the  king's  epistle  gave  them 
 notice,  that  the  same  day  wherein  their  danger  was  to  have  been,  on  that  very  day  should  they 
 destroy  their  enemies.  But  now  the  rulers  of  the  provinces,  and  the  tyrants,  and  the  kings, 
 and  the  scribes,  had  the  Jews  in  esteem  ;  for  the  fear  they  were  in  of  Mordecai  forced  them  to 
 act  with  discretion.  Now  when  the  roval  decree  was  come  to  all  the  country  that  was  sub- 
 ject to  the  king,  it  fell  out  that  the  Jews  at  Shushan  slew  five  hundred  of  their  enemies:  and 
 when  the  king  had  told  Esther  the  number  of  those  that  were  slain  in  that  city,  but  did  not  well 
 know  what  had  been  done  in  the  provinces,  he  asked  her,  whether  she  would  have  any  thing 
 farther  done  against  them  ?  for  that  it  should  be  done  accordingly  :  upon  which  she  desired  that 
 the  Jews  might  be  permitted  to  treat  their  remaining  enemies  in  the  same  manner  the  next 
 day;  as  also  that  they  might  hang  the  ten  sons  ofHamanupon  the  gallows.  So  the  king  permit- 
 ted the  Jews  so  to  do,  as  desirous  not  to  contradict  Esther.  So  they  gathered  themselves 
 together  again  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  Djstrus,  and  slew  about  three  hundred  of 
 their  enemies,  but  touched  nothing  of  what  riches  they  had.  Now  there  was  slain  by  the  Jews 
 that  were  in  the  country,  and  in  the  other  cities,  seventy-five  thousand  of  their  enemies,  and 
 these  were  slain  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month,  and  the  next  day  they  kept  as  a  festival. 
 In  like  manner,  the  Jews  that  were  in  Shushan  gathered  themselves  together,  and  feasted  on 
 the  fourteenth  day  aud  that  which  followed  it  ;  whence  it  is,  that  even  now  ;ill  the  Jews  that  are 
 in  the  habitable  earth  keep  these  days  fistival,  and  send  portions  to  one  another.  Mordecai 
 also  wrote  to  those  Jews  that  lived  in  the  kingdom  of  Artaxerxes  to  observe  these  days,  and 
 celebrate  them  as  festivals,  and  to  deliver  them  down  to  posterity,  that  this  festival  might 
 continue  for  all  time  to  come,  and  that  it  might  never  be  buried  in  oblivion,  for  since  they  were 
 
 *  These  words  frive  an  intimation  as  if  Artaxerxes  suspected  a dteper  design  inllaraanthan  oi)eDly  apireared, 
 viz.  I  liat  knowing  the  Jews  would  be  faithful  lo  biiu.and  that  he  could  never  trimsf'ir  the  crown  to  his  own 
 family,  who  was  an  Agagite,  Esth.  iii.  1—10.  or  of  the  posterity  of  Agag,  the  old  king  of  the  Araalekiics, 
 1  Sam.  XV.  tJ — 33.  while  they  were  alive,  and  spread  over  all  hi<  dominions,  he  therf  fore  endeavoured  ti.  de- 
 stroy them.  Nor  is  it  tome  improbable,  tliat  tnosu  76,800  of  the  .lews'  enemies  which  were  soon  destroyed  by 
 the  .lews,  onihe  i)ermis3inn  of  the  king,  wiiiih  must  be  on  sojne  griat  ocunsion,  wern  Amalekites,  their  old 
 and  hereditary  enemies.  Rxnd.  xvii.  11. 15.  and  thiit  lh>^rohy  was  ful!i!lod  Halaam's  prophecy,  "  Amakk  was 
 the  first  of  the  nations,  l)ut  his  latter  end  shall  be,  that  lie  pcriili  for  ever."    Num.  xiiv.  2u. 
 
2^4  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 about  to  be  destroyed  on  these  days  by  Hanian,  iliey  would  do  a  right  tbin^ ,  upon  escaping 
 the  danger  in  them,  and  on  them  infliclino- punishments  on  their  enemies,  to  observe  those 
 days,  and  give  thanks  to  God  on  them  i  for  which  cause  the  Jews  still  keep  the  forementioned 
 days,  and  call  them  days  of  Phurim  [or  Pnrini.*]  And  Mordecai  became  a  great  and  illus- 
 trious person  '.vith  the  king,  and  assisted  him  in  the  government  of  the  people.  He  also  lived 
 with  the  queen  :  so  that  the  afl'airs  of  the  Jews  were  by  their  means  better  than  they  could  ever 
 have  hoped  for.     And  this  was  the  stale  of  the  Jews  under  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes.t 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  John  sleiv  his  Brother  Jesus  in  the  Temple;  and  hnw  Baijoses  offered  many  Injuries  to  the 
 Jews;  and  what  Sanballat  did. 
 
 §  1.  When  Eliashab  the  liigh  priest  was  dead,  his  son  Judas  succeeded  in  the  high  priest- 
 hood :  and  when  he  was  dewd,  his  son  John  took  that  dignity  ;  on  whose  account  it  was  also 
 that  Bagoses,  the  general  of  another  Artaxerxes's  arn)y,|  polluted  the  temple,  and  imposed 
 tributes  on  the  Jews,  that  out  of  the  public  stock,  before  they  offered  the  daily  sacrifices,  they 
 shonld  pay  for  every  lamb  fifty  shekels.  Now  Jesus  was  the  brother  of  John,  and  was  a 
 friend  of  Bagoses,  who  had  promised  to  procure  him  the  high  priesthood.  In  confidence  of 
 whose  support,  Jesus  qiiarrelie('  with  John  in  the  temple,  and  so  provoked  bis  brother,  that 
 in  his  anger  his  brother  slew  him.  Now  it  was  a  horriljle  thing  for  John,  when  be  was  high 
 priest,  to  perpetrate  so  great  a  crime;  and  so  much  the  more  horrible,  that  there  never  was  so 
 cruel  and  impious  a  thing  done  nrilher  by  the  Greeks  nor  barbarians.  However,  God  did  not 
 neglect  its  punishment,  but  the  people  were  on  that  very  account  enslaved,  and  the  temple  was 
 polluted  by  the  Persians.  Now  when  Bagoses,  the  general  of  Artaxerxes's  army,  knew  that 
 John,  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  had,  slain  his  own  brother  Jisiis  in  the  temple,  he  came  upon 
 the  Jews  immediately,  and  began  in  anger  to  say  to  them,  "  Have  you  had  the  impudence  to 
 perpetrate  a  murder  in  your  temple?"  And  as  he  was  aiming  to  go  into  the  temple,  they  for- 
 bade hira  so  to  do  ;  but  he  said  to  them,  "  Am  not  I  purer  than  he  that  was  slain  in  the  tem- 
 ple ?"  And  when  be  had  said  these  words,  he  went  into  the  temple.  Accordingly,  Bagoses 
 made  use  of  this  pretence,  and  punished  the  Jews  seven  years  fur  the  murder  of  Jesus. 
 
 2.  Now  when  John  had  departed  this  life,  his  son  Jaddua  succeeded  in  thehigii  priesthood. 
 He  had  a  brothei,  whose  name  was  Manrisseh.  Now  there  was  one  Sanballat,  who  was  sent 
 by  Darius,  the  last  king  [of  Persia]  into  Samaria.  He  was  a  Culhean  by  birth  ;  of  which 
 stock  were  the  Samaritans  also.  This  man  knew  that  the  city  Jerusalem  was  a  famous  city, 
 and  that  their  kings  had  given  a  great  deal  of  trouble  to  the  Assyrians,  and  the  people  of  Ce- 
 losyriii  ;  so  that  he  willingly  gave  his  daugliter,  whose  name  was  Nicaso,  in  marriage  to  Ma- 
 nasseh,  as  thinking  this  alliance  by  marriage  would  be  a  pledge  and  security  that  the  nation  of 
 the  Jews  should  continue  their  good  will  to  him. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Concerning  Sanballat  and  Manasseh,  and  the  Temple  which  they  hnilt  on  Mount  Gerizzim;  as 
 also  how  Alexander  made  his  Etitnj  into  the  City  Jerusalem  ;  and  ivhat  Benefits  he  bestuived  ow 
 the  Jews. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Philip,  king  of  Macedoo,  was  treacherously  assaulted  and 
 slain  at  Egea  by  Pausanias,  the  son  of  Cerastes,  who  was  derived  from  the  family  of  Orestse, 
 and  his  son  Alexander  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  who  passing  over  the  Hellespont,  over- 
 came the  generals  of  Darius's  army  in  a  battle  fought  at  Granicum.  So  he  marched  over 
 Lydia,  and  subdued  Ionia,  and  overran  Caria,  and  fell  upon  the  places  of  Pampliylia,  as  has 
 been  related  elsewhere. 
 
 •  Take  here  jiart  of  Roland's  note  on  this  disputed  passage  :  "  In  Josephus's  copies  these  Hebrew  words 
 '  days  of  Piirim'  or  '  lots,'  as  ia  the  Greek  copies  of  Esther,  chap.  ix.  C6,  C8— .30.  is  read  '  days  of  phtirim,'  or 
 '  days  of  protection,'  but  ouyht  to  be  read  '  days  of  purim,'  as  in  the  Hebrew  ;  than  which  emeudation,  (says  he.) 
 nothing  is  more  certain."  And  had  we  any  assurance  that  Josephus's  copy  uieuiioned  the  casiiiig  of  lots,  as 
 our  other  copies  do,  Esth.iii.  7.  1  should  fully  agTee  with  KeUmd,  but  as  it  uow  stands  it  seems  to  me  by  lio 
 means  certain. 
 
 +  As  to  this  whole  book  of  Esther  in  the  present  Hebrew  copy,  it  is  so  very  imperfect,  ia  a  case  where  the 
 providence  of  God  was  so  very  roraarkable,  and  the  Sepluagiiit  and  Josephus  have  so  much  of  religion,  that  it 
 has  not  so  much  as  the  name  of  God  once  in  it ;  and  it  is  liard  to  say  who  made  that  epitome  which  the  Ma- 
 sorites  have  Riven  us  for  the  penuine  hook  itself:  no  religious  Jews  could  well  be  the  authors  of  it,  whose 
 education  obliged  them  to  have  a  constant  regard  to  God  and  whatsoever  related  to  his  worship;  nor  do  we 
 know  that  there  ever  was  so  imperfect  a  copy  of  it  in  the  world  till  after  the  days  of  I'arch'ocab,  in  the  secontl 
 century. 
 
 t  Concerning  this  other  Artaxerxes,  called  Mnemon,  and  the  Persian  affliction  and  captivity  of  the  Jews 
 under  him,  occasioned  by  the  murder  of  the  high  priest's  brother  in  the  holy  house  itself,  see  Authent.  Rec.  at 
 large,  page  49.  And  if  any  wonder  why  Josephus  wholly  omits  the  rest  of  the  kings  of  Persia  after  Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon,  till  be  ccme  to  their  last  king  Darius,  who  was  conquered  by  Alexander  the  Great,  1  shall  give  them 
 Vossins's  and  Dr.  Hudson's  answer,  though  in  my  own  words,  viz.  that  Josephus  did  not  do  ill  in  omitting 
 those  kings  of  Persia  with  whom  the  Jews  had  no  concern  ;  because  he  was  giving  the  history  of  the  Jews,  and 
 not  of  the  Persians :  [which  is  a  sufficient  reason  also  why  he  entirely  omits  the  history  and  the  book  of  Job, 
 a«  not  particularly  relating  to  that  nation.]  He  justly,  therefore,  returns  to  the  Jewish  affairs  after  the  death 
 of  Eonfjimaims,  without  any  mention  of  Darius  IT.  befcre  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  or  of  the  Oehus  or  Arogus, 
 as  the  I'anon  of  Ptolemy  names  them  after  him.  Nor  had  he  probably  mentioned  this  other  Artaxerxes  unless 
 l'atros«'s,  one  of  the  govirnors  and  ci'mmanders  under  him.  had  oceasioutd  the  i olUitiou  A  ihe  Jewish  tcm- 
 f!e.  i'.nd  had  g:eatly  iistressed  the  Jchs  upon  that  pollution. 
 
LOOK  XI. — CHAP.  viir.  295 
 
 2.  But  the  elders  ofjcrusalem  beins;  very  uneasy  tbat  tlie  hrotlier  of  JiuMiia  t!io  Ligb  |iricsl, 
 tlioiii,r||  n)arried  to  a  foreigiirr,  should  t)0  a  partner  with  him  in  the  high  priesthood,  qmirrelled 
 with  him  ;  for  they  esteemed  this  man's  marriage  a  step  to  snch  as  should  he  desirous  of  trans- 
 gressing about  tlie  marriage  of  [strange]  wives,  and  tbat  this  would  be  the  beginning  of  a 
 luutnai  society  with  foreigners,  although  the  offence  of  some  about  marriages,  and  their  having 
 married  wives  that  were  not  of  their  own  country,  had  been  an  occasion  of  their  former  capti- 
 vity, and  of  the  miseries  they  then  underwent;  so  they  commanded  Manasseh  to  divorce  his 
 wife,  or  not  to  approach  the  altar,  the  high  priest  himself  joining  with  the  people  in  their 
 indignatiou  against  his  brother,  and  driving  him  away  from  the  altar.  Whereupon  Manasseh 
 came  to  his  father-in-law,  Sanballat,  and  told  him,  that  "  although  he  loved  bis  daughter 
 iNicaso,  yet  was  be  not  willing  to  be  deprived  of  his  sacerdotal  dignity  on  her  account,  which 
 was  the  principal  dignity  in  thtir  nation,  and  always  continued  in  the  same  family."  And 
 then  Sanballat  promised  bira  not  only  to  preserve  to  bira  the  bonour  of  liis  priesthood,  but  to 
 procure  for  him  the  power  and  dignity  of  a  high  priest,  and  would  make  him  governor  of  all 
 the  places  he  himself  now  ruled,  if  be  would  keep  his  daughter  for  his  wife.  He  also  told 
 bim  further,  that  he  would  build  him  a  temple  like  to  that  at  Jerusalem,  upon  mount  Gerizzini, 
 which  is  the  highest  of  all  the  mountains  that  are  in  Samaria,  and  he  promised  that  be  would 
 do  this  with  the  approbation  of  Darius  the  king.  Manasseh  was  elevated  with  these  promises, 
 and  staid  with  Sanballat,  uiion  a  supposal  that  be  should  gain  a  bigli  priesthood,  as  bestowed 
 on  him  by  Darius,  for  it  happened  that  Sanballat  wiis  tben  in  years.  But  there  was  now  a 
 great  disturbance  among  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  because  many  of  those  priests  and  Levites 
 .vere  entangled  in  such  matches;  for  tbey  all  revolted  to  Manasseh,  and  Sanballat  afforded 
 them  money,  and  divided  among  them  land  for  tillage,  and  habitations  also,  and  all  this  in  order 
 every  way  to  gratify  his  son-in-law. 
 
 3.  About  this  time  it  was  tbat  Darius  beard  bow  Alexander  had  passed  over  the  Helles- 
 pont, and  had  beaten  his  lieutenants  in  the  battle  of  Granicum,  and  was  proceeding  farther  ; 
 whereupon  he  gathered  together  an  army  of  horse  and  foot,  and  determined  that  he  would 
 meet  the  Macedonians  before  they  should  assault  and  confjuer  all  Asia.  .So  he  passed  over 
 llie  river  Euphrates,  and  came  over  Taurus,  the  Cilician  mountain,  and  at  Issus  of  Cilicia  he 
 wailed  for  the  enemy,  as  ready  there  to  give  him  battle.  Upon  which  Sanballat  was  glad  that 
 Darius  was  come  down  ;  and  told  Manasseh  that  be  would  suddenly  perform  bis  promises  to 
 liini,  and  this  as  soon  as  ever  Darius  should  come  back,  after  he  had  beaten  bis  enemies  ;  for 
 not  be  only,  but  all  those  that  were  in  Asia  also,  were  persuaded  tliat  the  Macedonians  would 
 not  so  much  as  come  to  a  battle  with  the  Persians,  on  account  of  their  multitude.  But  the 
 event  proved  otherwise  than  they  expected,  for  the  king  joined  battle  with  the  Macedonians, 
 and  was  beaten,  and  lost  a  great  part  ofhis  aimy.  His  mother  also,  and  his  wife  and  children 
 were  taken  captives,  and  he  fled  into  Persia.  So  Alexander  came  into  Syria,  and  took 
 Damascus  ;  and  when  he  had  obtained  Sidon,  he  besieged  Tyre,  when  he  sent  an  epistle  to  the 
 Jewish  high  priest,  "  To  send  him  some  auxiliaries,  and  to  supply  bis  army  with  provisions; 
 and  that  what  presents  be  formerly  sent  to  Darius,  he  would  now  send  to  him,  and  choose  the 
 friendship  of  the  Macedonians,  and  that  be  should  never  repent  of  so  doing."  But  the  high 
 priest  answered  the  messengers,  tbat  "  he  bad  given  bis  oath  to  Darius  not  to  bear  arms 
 against  him  ;  and  be  said,  that  he  would  not  transgress  this  while  Darius  was  in  the  land  of 
 the  living."  Upon  hearing  this  answer,  Alexander  was  very  angry  ;  and  though  he  determined 
 not  to  leave  Tyre,  which  was  just  readv  to  be  taken,  yet  as  soon  as  be  had  tuken  it,  he  threat- 
 ened that  he  would  make  an  expedition  against  the  Jewish  high  priest,  and  through  him  teach 
 all  men  to  whom  tliey  must  keep  their  oaths.  So  when  he  bad,  with  a  good  deal  of  pains  during 
 the  siege,  taken  Tyre,  and  had  settled  its  afl'airs,  he  came  to  the  city  of  Gaza,  and  besieged 
 both  the  city,  and  him  who  was  governor  of  the  garrison,  whose  name  was  Babenieses. 
 
 4.  But  Sanballat  thought  he  had  now  gotten  a  proper  opportunity  to  make  bis  attempt,  so 
 he  renounced  Darius,  and,  taking  with  him  seven  thousand  of  his  subjects,  he  came  to 
 Alexander;  and  finding  him  beginning  the  siege  of  Tyre,  he  said  to  him,  that  he  delivered  up 
 to  him  these  men,  who  came  out  of  places  under  his  dominion,  and  did  gladly  accept  of  him 
 for  their  lord,  instead  of  Darius.  So  when  Alexander  had  received  him  kindly,  Sanballat  there- 
 upon took  courage,  and  spake  to  bim  about  his  present  affair.  He  told  him,  that  "  he  had  a 
 son-in-law,  ISlanasseh,  who  was  brolher  to  tlie  high  priest  .laddua;  and  that  there  were  many 
 others  of  his  own  nation,  now  with  him,  tbat  were  desirous  to  have  a  temple  in  the  places 
 subject  to  bim  ;  that  it  would  be  for  the  king's  advantage  to  have  the  strengtii  of  the 
 .lews  divided  into  two  parts,  lest  win  n  the  nation  is  of  one  mind  and  united,  upon  any  at  empt 
 for  innovation,  it  prove  troublesome  to  kiifgs,  as  it  had  formerly  proved  to  the  kings  of 
 Assyria."  Wheren])on  Alexander  gave  Sanballat  leave  so  to  do,  who  used  the  utmost  dili- 
 gence, and  built  the  temple,  and  made  ]\Ianassi.-h  the  priest,  and  deemed  it  a  great  reward, 
 that  his  daughter's  cbil(lr<ii  should  have  tbat  dignity:  but  when  the  seven  months  of  the  siege 
 of  Tyre  were  over,  and  the  two  months  of  the  siege  of  G:iza,  Sanballat  died.  Now  Alexajider, 
 when  he  bad  taken  (ia/a,  made  haste  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  Jaddua  the  bii;h  priest, 
 when  he  heard  that,  w;is  in  an  agony,  and  under  terror,  as  not  knowing  how  be  should  meet 
 the  Macedonians,  since  the  king  was  displeased  at  his  foregoing  disobedience.     He  therefore 
 
r96  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ordained  thai  llie  people  should  make  supplications,  and  should  join  with  him  in  ofi'ering  sacri- 
 fice to  God,  whom  he  besought  to  protect  that  nation,  and  to  deliver  them  from  the  perils  that 
 were  coming  upon  them :  whereupon  God  warned  him  in  a  dream,  which  came  upon  him  after 
 he  had  offered  sacrilice,  thai  "he  should  take  courage,  and  adorn  the  city,  and  open  the  gates; 
 that  the  rest  should  appear  in  white  garments,  but  that  he  and  the  priests  should  meet  the 
 king  in  the  habits  proper  to  their  order,  without  the  dread  of  any  ill  consequences,  which  the 
 providence  of  God  would  prevent."  Upon  which,  when  be  rose  from  his  sleep,  he  greatly 
 rejoiced  ;  and  declared  to  all  the  warning  he  had  received  from  God.  According  to  which 
 dream  he  acted  entirely,  and  so  waited  for  the  corning  of  the  king. 
 
 5.  And  when  he  understood  that  he  was  not  far  from  the  city,  he  went  out  in  procession, 
 with  the  priests  and  the  multitude  of  the  citizens.  The  procession  was  venerable,  and  the 
 niauner  of  it  different  fiom  thiit  of  other  nations.  It  reached  to  a  place  called  Sapha,  which 
 name,  translated  into  Greek,  signifies  a  prospect,  for  you  have  thence  a  prospect  both  of  Jern- 
 saleni  and  of  the  temple ;  and  when  the  Phenicians  and  the  Chaldeans  that  followed  him, 
 thought  they  should  ha\e  liberty  to  plunder  the  city,  and  torment  the  high  priest  to  death, 
 vhich  the  king's  displeasure  fairly  promised  them,  the  very  reverse  of  it  happened  ;  for  Alexan- 
 der, when  he  saw  the  multitude  at  a  distance,  in  while  garments,  while  the  priests  stood  clothed 
 with  fine  linen,  and  the  high  priest  in  purple  and  scarlet  clotliing,  with  his  mitre  on  his  head, 
 having  the  golden  plate  whereon  the  name  of  God  was  engraved,  he  approached  by  himself, 
 and  adored  that  Name,  and  first  saluted  the  high  priest.  The  Jews  also  did  altogether,  with 
 one  voice,  salute  Alexander,  and  encompass  him  about :  whereupon  the  king  of  Syria,  and  the 
 rest,  were  surprised  at  what  Alexander  had  done,  and  supposed  him  disordered  in  his  miud. 
 However,  Parmenio  alone  went  up  to  biro,  and  asked  him,  "  How  it  came  to  pass,  that  when 
 all  others  adored  him,  he  should  adore  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews?"  To  whom  he  replied,  "  I 
 did  not  adore  him,  but  that  God  who  hath  honoured  him  with  this  high  priesthood  ;  for  I  saw 
 this  very  persnn  in  a  dream,  in  this  very  habit,  when  I  was  at  Dios  in  Macedonia,  who,  when 
 I  was  considering  with  myself  how  I  might  obtain  the  dominion  of  Asia,  exhorted  me  to  make 
 no  delay,  but  boldly  to  pass  over  the  sea  thither,  for  that  he  would  conduct  my  army,  and 
 would  give  me  the  dominion  over  the  Persians;  whence  it  is,  that  having  seen  no  other  in  that 
 habit,  and  now  seeing  this  person  in  it,  and  remembering  that  vision,  and  the  exhortation 
 which  I  had  in  my  dream,  I  believe  that  I  bring  this  army  under  the  divine  conduct,  and  shall 
 therewith  conquer  Darius,  and  destroy  the  power  of  the  Persians,  and  that  all  things  will  suc- 
 ceed according  to  what  is  in  my  own  mind."  And  when  he  had  said  this  to  Parmenio,  and 
 had  given  the  high  priest  his  right  hand,  the  priests  ran  along  by  him,  and  he  came  into  the 
 city.  And  when  he  went  up  into  the  temple,  he  offered  sacrifice  to  God,  according  to  the  high 
 priest's  direction  ;  and  magnificently  treated  i)oth  the  high  priest  and  the  priests.  And  when 
 the  book  of  Daniel  was  shewn  him,*  wherein  Daniel  declared  that  one  of  the  Greeks  should 
 destroy  the  empire  of  the  Persians,  he  supposed  that  himself  was  the  person  intended  :  and  as 
 he  was  then  glad,  he  dismissed  the  multitude  for  the  present,  but  the  next  day  he  called  them 
 to  him,  and  bade  them  ask  what  favours  they  pleased  of  him  ;  whereupon  the  high  priest 
 desired  that  they  might  enjoy  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  might  pay  no  tribute  on  the 
 seventh  year.  He  granted  all  they  desired.  And  when  they  entreated  him  that  he  would 
 permit  the  Jews  in  Babylon  and  Media  to  enjoy  their  own  laws  also,  he  willingly  promised  to 
 do  hereafter  what  they  desired.  And  when  he  said  to  the  multitude,  that  if  any  of  them  would 
 list  themselves  in  his  array,  on  this  condition,  that  they  should  continue  under  the  laws  of  their 
 forefathers,  and  live  according  to  them,  he  was  willing  to  take  them  with  him,  many  were 
 ready  to  accompany  him  in  his  wars. 
 
 6.  So  when  Alexander  had  thus  settled  matters  at  Jerusalem,  he  led  his  army  into  the 
 neighbouring  cities;  and  when  jill  the  inhabitants,  lo  whom  he  came,  rereived  him  with  great 
 kindness,  the  Samaritans,  who  had  then  Shechem  for  their  metropolis,  (a  city  situate  at  mount 
 Gerizzim,  and  inhabited  b}'  apostates  of  the  Jewish  nation,)  seeing  that  Alexander  had  so 
 greatly  honoured  the  Jews,  determined  to  profess  themselves  Jews,  for  such  is  the  disposition 
 of  the  Samaritans,  as  we  have  already  elsewhere  declared,  that  when  the  Jews  are  in  adversity 
 they  deny  that  they  are  of  kin  to  them,  and  then  they  confess  the  truth  ;  but  when  they  perceive 
 that  some  good  fortune  hath  befallen  them,  they  immediately  pretend  to  have  communion  with 
 them,  saying,  that  they  belong  to  them,  and  derive  their  genealogy  from  the  posterity  of 
 Joseph,  Ephraim,  and  Blanasseh.  Accordingly,  they  made  their  address  to  the  king  with 
 splendour,  and  shewed  great  alacrity  in  meeting  him  at  a  little  distance  from  Jerusalem.  And 
 when  Alexander  had  commanded  them,  the  Sheehemites  approached  to  him,  taking  with  them 
 the  troops  that  Sanballat  had  sent  him,  and  they  desired  that  he  would  come  to  their  city,  and 
 do  honour  to  their  teniple  also.  To  whom  he  promised,  that  when  he  returned  he  would  come 
 to  them.  And  when  they  petitioned  that  he  would  remit  the  tribute  of  the  seventh  year  to 
 them,  because  they  did  not  sow  thereon,  he  asked  who  they  were  that  made  such  a  petition, 
 and  when  they  said  that  they  were  Hebrews,  but  had  the  name  of  Sidonians,  living  at  She- 
 chem ;  he  asked  them  again,  whether  they  were  Jews;  and  when  they  said  they  were  not  Jews, 
 
 •  Tlis  place  shewed  Alexander,  miglitbe  Dan.  vii.6.  v5ii.  3— 8,  £0,  CJ,  22.  xi.  3.  some  or  all  of  them  very  plaic 
 predicliots  of  yVlexauder"6  conquests  aud  successors.  v 
 
BOOK   XII.— CHAP.    I.  297 
 
 "  It  was  to  tlie  Jews,  said  he,  that  1  granted  that  prlvilej>e ;  however,  wlien  I  retiiru,  and  aiu 
 tlioroiighly  informed  by  you  of  this  matter,  1  will  do  what  I  shall  thinkvproper."  And  iu  this 
 manner  he  took  leave  of  the  Shecheraites ;  but  ordered  tliat  the  troops  of  Sanballat  should  fol- 
 low hira  into  Egjpt,  because  there  he  designed  to  give  them  lands,  >vhich  he  did  a  little  after 
 in  Thebais,  when  he  ordered  them  to  guard  that  country. 
 
 7.  Now  when  Alexander  was  dead,  the  government  was  parted  among  his  successors,  bat 
 the  temple  upon  mount  Gerizzini  remained.  And  if  any  one  were  accused  by  those  of  Jeru- 
 salem, of  having  eaten  things  common,*  or  of  having  broken  the  Sabbath,  or  of  any  other  crime 
 of  the  like  nature,  he  (led  away  to  the  Shechemites,  and  said  that  he  was  accused  unjustly. 
 About  this  time  it  was  that  Jaddua  the  high  priest  died;  and  Onias  bis  son  took  the  high 
 priesthood.     This  was  the  state  of  the  affairs  of  the  people  of  Jerusalem  at  this  time. 
 
 BOOK  XII. 
 
 CONTAINING   THE   INTERVAL   OF   A   HUNDRED   AND   SEVENTY    YEARS.-FROM  THE 
 DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  JUDAS  MACCABEUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Ptolemy,  the  Son  ofLagus,  took  Jerusalem  and  Judea  by  Deceit  and  Treachery,  and  carried 
 many  of  the  Jews  thence,  and  planted  them  in  Eyypt, 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  had  put  an  end  to  the  dominion  of  the  Persians, 
 and  had  settled  the  afl'airs  in  Judea  after  the  forementioned  manner,  he  ended  his  life.  And 
 ns  his  government  fell  among  many,  Anli;j;oiius  obtained  Asia;  Seleucus,  Babylon;  and  of  the 
 other  nations  which  were  there,  Lysimachus  governed  tlie  Hellespont,  and  Cassander  pos- 
 sessed Macedonia ;  as  did  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  seize  upon  Egypt.  And  while  these 
 princes  ambitiously  strove  one  against  another,  every  one  for  his  own  principality,  it  came  to 
 pass  that  there  were  continual  wars,  and  those  lasting  wars  too ;  and  the  cities  were  sufferers, 
 and  lost  a  great  many  of  their  inhabitants  in  these  times  of  distress,  insomuch  that  all  Syria, 
 by  tlie  means  of  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Lagus,  underwent  the  reverse  of  that  denomination  of 
 Saviour  which  he  then  had.  He  also  seized  upon  Jerusalem,  and  for  that  end  made  nse  of 
 deceit  and  treachery :  for  as  he  came  into  the  city  on  a  Sabbath-day,  as  if  he  would  offer  sacri- 
 fices, he  without  any  tronble  gained  the  city,  while  the  Jews  did  not  oppose  him,  for  they  did 
 not  suspect  him  to  be  their  enemy  ;  and  he  gained  it  thus,  because  they  were  free  from  suspi- 
 cion of  him,  and  because  on  that  day  they  were  at  rest  and  quietness;  and  when  he  had  gained 
 it,  he  ruled  over  it  in  a  cruel  manner.  Nay,  Agatharchides  of  Cnidus,  who  wrote  the  acts  of 
 Alexander's  successors,  reproaches  us  with  superstition,  as  if  we,  by  it,  had  lost  our  liberty  ; 
 where  he  says  thus  ;  "  There  is  a  nation  called  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  who  inhabit  a  city  strong 
 and  great,  iiau,ed  Jerusalem.  These  men  took  no  care,  but  let  it  come  itito  the  hands  of 
 Ptolemy,  as  not  willing  to  take  arms,  and  thereby  they  submitted  to  be  under  a  hard  master, 
 by  reason  of  their  unseasonable  superstition."  This  is  what  Agatharchides  relates  of  our 
 nation.  But  when  Ptolemy  had  taken  a  great  many  captives,  both  from  the  mountainous  parts 
 <if  Judea,  and  from  the  places  about  Jerusalem  and  Samaria,  and  the  places  near  mount 
 (ierizzim,  he  led  them  all  into  Egypt,  and  settled  them  there.t  And  as  he  knev/  that  the  peo- 
 ple of  Jerusalem  were  most  faithful  in  the  observation  of  oaths  and  covenants;};  and  this  from 
 the  answer  they  made  lo  Alexander,  when  he  sent  an  ambassage  to  them,  aftt-r  he  had  beaten 
 Darius  in  battle ;  so  he  distributed  many  of  them  into  garrisons,  and  at  Alexandria  gave  them 
 eqnal  privileges  of  citizens  with  the  Macedonians  themselves  ;  and  required  of  them  to  take 
 their  oaths,  that  they  would  keep  their  fidelity  to  the  posterity  of  those  who  committed  these 
 places  to  their  care.  Nay,  there  were  not  a  few  other  Jews,  who,  of  their  own  accord,  went 
 into  Egypt,  as  invited  by  the  goodness  of  the  soil,  and  by  the  liberality  of  I'toleniy.  However, 
 there  were  disorders  among  their  posterity,  with  relation  to  the  Samaritans, on  account  of  their 
 resolution  to  preserve  that  conduct  of  life  which  was  delivered  to  them  by  their  forefathers, 
 and  they  thereupon  contended  one  with  another;  while   those  of  Jerusalem   said,   that  their 
 
 •  Here  .Toscplius  nses  the  very  word  ^omophagia,  '  eating  things  common,'  for  'eating  tilings  uDclcan  ;'  as 
 <'oes  our  New  Teatanieut,  Acts  x.  14,  15,  28.  xi.  8,  9.  Romans  xiv.  H. 
 
 t  the  threat  numher  of  the  Jews  and  Samaritans  that  were  formerly  carried  into  i'Vyi't  ''V  Alexander,  ana 
 now  by  I'tolemy  the  son  of  Lnffiis,  appear  afterwards  in  the  vast  multitude,  who,  as  we  shall  see  presently, 
 wi  re  soon  ransomed  hy  Phihidelphns,  and  by  him  made  free,  before  he  sent  for  the  seventy  two  interpreters , 
 in  the  many  niirrisons,  and  other  soldiers  of  that  nation  in  Egypt;  in  the  f 'mons  settliiiuict  uf  .Tews,  and  the 
 nuiiil)er  of  tlitir  syiiagosucs  at  Alexandria,  lo;iir  afterward  ;  and  ii,  the  vehement  co'itiiuioii  lutween  the  Jews 
 end  >ianiarilai!s  uucUt  Philometor,  about  the  plane  appointed  for  public  worship  in  the  law  of  Moses  ;  whelher 
 at  the  Jewish  temple  at  Jerusalem,  oral  the  .Samaritans' temple  attierizzim:  of  all  which  our  autlior  treais 
 hereafter.  And  as  to  the  Samaritans  carried  inlo  I'^gypl  under  the  same  princes,  Scaliger  supposes,  that  those 
 who  have  a  great  synagogue  at  Cairo,  as  also  those  whom  the  Arabic  geographer  speaks  of  as  having  seized 
 on  an  island  in  the  Red  Sea,  are  remains  of  them  at  this  very  day,  as  the  notes  here  inform  us. 
 ,   I  Of  the  gacrediiess  of  oaths  among  the  Jews  in  the  Old  1  estamcnt,  see  Scripture  Politics,  p.  5J,  65. 
 
2J)S  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 temple  was  holy,  and  resolved  to  send  their  sacrifices  thither  j  but  the  Samaritans  were 
 resolved  that  tbev  should  be  sent  lo  mount  Gerizzim. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Hoio  Plolemy  Philadelphiis  procured  the   Laws  of  the  Jews  to  be  tray/slated  into  the  Greek 
 Tongue;  and  set  many  Captives  free;  and  dedicated  many  Gifts  to  God. 
 
 §  1.  When  Alexander  bad  reigned  twelve  years,  and  after  him  Ptolemy  Soter  forty  years, 
 Philadelphus  then  took  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  and  held  it  forty  years  within  one.  He  pro- 
 cured the  law  to  be  interpreted  ;*  and  set  free  those  that  were  come  from  Jerusalem  into  Egvjit, 
 and  were  in  slavery  there,  who  were  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand.  The  occasion  was 
 this:  Demetrius  Phalerins,  who  was  library  keeper  to  the  king,  was  now  endeavouring,  if  it 
 were  possible,  to  gather  together  all  the  books  that  were  in  the  habitable  earth,  and  buying 
 whatsoever  was  any  where  valuable,  or  agreeable  to  the  king's  inclination,  (who  was  very 
 earnestly-  set  upon  collecting  of  books  ;)  to  which  inclination  of  his,  Demetrius  was  zealously 
 snbservient.  And  when  once  Ptolemy  asked  him,  How  many  ten  thousands  of  books  he  had 
 collected?  he  replied,  That  he  had  already  about  twenty  times  ten  thousand,  but  that,  in  a 
 little  time,  he  should  have  fifty  times  ten  thousand.  But  he  said,  he  had  been  informed  that 
 there  were  many  books  of  laws  amorg  the  Jews,  worthy  of  inquiring  after,  and  worthy  of  the 
 king's  library,  but  which  being  written  in  characters  and  in  a  dialect  of  their  own,  will  cause 
 no  small  pains  in  getting  them  translated  into  the  Greek  tongue ;  that  the  character  in  which 
 they  are  written  seems  to  be  like  to  that  which  is  the  proper  character  of  the  Syrians;  and  that 
 its  sound,  when  pronounced,  is  like  theirs  also;  and  that  this  sound  appears  to  be  peculiar  to 
 themselves.  Wherefore  he  said,  that  nothing  hindered  why  they  might  not  get  thos-e  books 
 to  be  translated  also,  for  while  nothing  is  wanting  that  is  necessary  for  that  purpose,  we 
 may  have  their  books  also  in  this  library.  So  the  king  thought  that  Demetrius  was  very 
 zealous  to  procure  him  abundance  of  books,  and  that  he  suggested  what  was  exceeding 
 proper  for  him  to  do  ;  and  therefore  he  wrote  to  the  Jewish  high  priest,  that  he  should  act 
 accordingly. 
 
 2.  Now  there  was  one  Aristens,  who  was  among  the  king's  most  intimate  friends,  and  on 
 account  of  his  modesty  very  accejtable  to  Uini.  This  Aristeus  resolved  frequently,  .ind  that 
 before  now,  to  petition  the  king  that  he  would  set  all  the  captive  Jevps  in  his  kingdom  free ; 
 and  he  thought  this  to  be  a  convenient  opportunity  for  the  making  that  petition.  So  he  dis- 
 coursed, in  the  first  place,  with  the  captains  of  the  king's  guards,  Sosibius  of  Tarentum,  and 
 Andreas ;  and  persuaded  them  to  assist  him  in  what  lie  was  going  to  intercede  with  the  king 
 for.  Accordingly,  Aristeus  embraced  the  same  opinion  with  those  that  have  been  before 
 mentioned;  and  went  to  the  king,  and  made  the  following  speech  to  him:  "  It  is  not  fit  for  us, 
 O  king,  to  overlook  things  hastily,  or  to  deceive  ourselves,  but  to  lay  the  truth  open  ;  for  since 
 we  have  determined  not  only  to  get  tiie  laws  of  the  Jews  transcribed,  but  interpreied  also,  for 
 thy  satisfaction,  by  what  means  can  we  do  this,  while  so  many  of  the  Jews  are  now  .slaves  iu 
 thy  kingdom?  Do  thou  then  what  will  be  agreeable  to  thy  magnanimity,  and  to  thy  good 
 nature;  free  them  from  the  miserable  condition  they  are  in,  because  that  God,  who  supporteth 
 thy  kingdom,  was  the  author  of  their  laws,  as  I  have  learned  by  particular  inquiry;  for  both 
 these  people,  and  we  also,  viorship  the  same  God,  the  framer  of  all  things.  W^e  call  him,  and 
 that  truly,  by  the  name  of  Zijva,  [or  Life,  or  Jupiter,]  because  be  breathes  life  into  all  men. 
 Wherefore  do  thou  restore  these  men  to  their  own  country,  and  this  do  to  tha  honour  of  God, 
 because  these  men  pay  a  peculiarly  excellent  worship  lo  him.  And  know  this  further,  thai 
 though  I  be  not  of  kin  to  them  by  birth,  iu)r  one  of  the  same  country  with  them,  yet  do  I 
 desire  these  favours  to  be  done  them,  since  all  men  are  the  workmanship  of  God ;  and  I  am 
 sensible  that  he  is  well  pleased  with  those  that  do  good.  I  do  therefore  put  up  this  petition 
 to  thee,  to  do  good  to  them." 
 
 3,  When  Aristeus  was  saying  thus,  the  king  looked  upon  him  with  a  cheerful  and  joyful 
 countenance,  and  said,  "  How  many  ten  thousands  dost  thou  suppose  there  are  of  such  as  want 
 to  be  made  freei"  To  which  Andreas  replied,  as  he  stood  by,  and  said,  "  A  few  more  than 
 tea  limes  ten  thousand."  The  kinc  made  answer,  "  And  is  this  a  small  gift  that  thou  askest, 
 Aristeus?"  But  Sosibius,  and  the  rest  that  stood  by,  said,  that  "  he  ought  to  offer  such  ;i 
 thank-ofiering,  as  was  worthy  of  his  greatness  of  soul,  to  that  God  who  had  given  him  hi.-, 
 kingdom.  With  this  answer  he  vfas  much  pleased;  and  gave  order,  that  when  they  paid  the. 
 soldiers  their  wajces,  they  should  lay  down  [a  hundred  and]  twenty  drachmas  for  every  one  of 
 the  slaves. t     And  he  promised  to  publish  a  magnificent  decree,   about  what  they  requested, 
 
 •  Of  the  translation  of  the  othfir  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  hy  seventy  Egyptian  Jews,  in  the  reign  of 
 Ptolemy  the  sou  of  Lagus,  and  Piiiladelphus ;  as  also  of  the  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  by  seventy-two 
 Jerusalem  lews,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Philadelphus,  at  Alexandria,  as  given  us  an  account  of  by  Aristeus, 
 and  thence  by  Phiio  and  lospphus,  with  a  vi  dication  of  Aristeus'  history,  see  the  AppenGix  to  Lit.  Accomp. 
 of  Proph.  at  laige,  p.  117—152. 
 
 t  Although  this  number  120  drachma  fof  Alexandria,  or  six!y  Jewish  shetels)  be  here  three  times  repeated, 
 and  that  in  ail  Josephus's  copies,  Greek  and  Latin,  yet  since  all  the  copies  of  Ar'steus,  whence  Josephus  took 
 hi9  relation,  have  this  sum  several  times,  and  still  as  no  more  than  twenty  drachmee,  or  ten  Jewish  shekels; 
 aMl  since  the  sum  of  the  talents,  to  be  set  down  presently,  which  is  a  little  above  460,  for  somewhat  more  than 
 J(X»,000  slaves,  and  is  nearly  the  same  in  Josephus  and  Aristeus,  does  better  agree  to  twenty  than  to  120 
 
EOOK  XII. — CHAP.  II.  299 
 
 Tvhieli  shoOld  confirm  wlrat  Aristeus  had  proposed,  and  especially  what  God  willed  should  be 
 done  ;  whereby  he  said,  he  would  not  only  set  those  free  who  bad  been  kd  tway  captive  by  his 
 father  and  his  army,  but  those  wiio  were  in  his  kingdom  before,  and  tiiose  also,  if  aay  such 
 there  were,  who  had  been  brou;;lit  away  since.  And  when  they  said  that  their  redemption 
 money  would  amount  to  above  four  hundred  talents,  lie  granted  it.  A  copy  of  which  decree 
 I  have  determined  to  preserve,  that  the  magnanimity  of  this  king  may  be  made  known.  Its 
 contents  were  as  follows:  "  Let  all  those  who  were  soldiers  under  oui-  father,  and  who,  when 
 they  overran  Syria  and  Plieiiicia,  and  laid  waste  Judea,  took  the  Jews  captives,  and  made 
 lliem  slaves,  and  brought  tliem  into  our  cities,  and  into  this  country,  and  then  sold  them  ;  as 
 also  all  those  that  were  in  my  kinjidom  before  them,  and  if  there  be  any  that  have  been  lately 
 bronffht  thither,  be  made  free  by  those  that  possess  them  ;  and  let  tiiem  accept  of  [an  hundred 
 and]  twenty  drachma;  for  every  slave.  And  let  the  soldiers  receive  this  redemption  money 
 »itii  their  pay,  but  ihe  rest  out  of  the  king's  treasury  :  for  I  suppose  that  thzj  were  made 
 captives  without  our  father's  consent,  and  against  equity ;  and  that  their  country  was  harassed 
 by  the  insolence  of  the  soldiers,  and  that,  by  removing  them  into  Egypt,  the  soldiers  have  mane 
 a  great  profit  by  them.  Out  of  regard  therefore  to  justice,  and  out  of  pity  to  those  that  havs 
 been  fyrannixod  over,  contrary  to  equity,  I  enjoin  those  that  liave  such  Jews  in  their  service  to 
 set  them  at  liberty,  upon  the  receipt  of  the  before-mentioned  sum  ;  and  that  no  one  xise  »ny 
 deceit  about  llieni,  but  obey  what  is  here  commanded.  And  I  will,  that  they  give  in  their 
 names,  within  three  days  after  the  publication  of  this  edict,  to  such  as  are  appointed  to  execute 
 the  ^ame,  and  to  produce  the  slaves  before  them  also,  for  I  think  it  will  be  for  the  advantage 
 of  my  affairs:  and  let  every  one  that  will,  inform  against  those  that  do  not  obey  this  decree: 
 and  I  will  that  their  estates  be  confiscated  into  the  king's  treasuiy."  When  this  decree  was 
 read  to  the  king,  it  at  first  contained  the  rest  that  is  here  inserted,  and  omitted  only  tho^e 
 Jews  that  had  formerly  been  brought,  and  those  brought  afterwards,  which  had  not  been  dis- 
 tinctly mentioned,  so  he  added  these  clauses  out  of  his  humanity,  and  with  great  generosity. 
 He  also  gave  order  that  the  payment,  which  was  likely  to  be  done  in  a  hurry,  should  be 
 divided  among  the  king's  ministers,  and  among  the  officers  of  his  treasury.  When  this  was 
 over,  what  the  king  had  decreed  was  quickly  brought  to  a  conclusion;  and  this  in  no  more 
 than  seven  days'  time,  the  number  of  the  talents  paid  for  the  capiives  being  above  four  hun- 
 dred and  sixty,  and  this  because  their  masters  required  the  [hundred  and]  twenty  drachmae 
 for  the  children  also,  the  king  having  in  effect  commanded  that  these  should  be  paid  for,  when 
 Le  said  in  his  decree  that  they  should  receive  the  foreraentioned  sum  for  every  slave. 
 
 4.  Now  when  this  had  been  done  after  so  magnificent  a  manner,  acconiiog  to  the  king's 
 inclinations,  he  gave  order  to  Demetrius  to  give  him  in  writing  his  sentiments  concerning  Ihe 
 transcribing  of  the  Jewish  books,  for  no  part  of  the  administration  is  done  rashly  by  these 
 kings,  but  all  things  are  managed  with  great  circumspection.  On  which  account  I  have  sub- 
 joined a  copy  of  these  epistles,  and  set  down  the  multitude  of  the  vessels  sent  as  gifts  [to 
 Jerusalem,]  and  the  construction  of  every  one,  that  the  exactness  of  the  artificer's  workman- 
 ship, as  it  appeared  to  those  that  saw  thera,  and  which  workman  made  every  vessel,  may  be 
 made  manifest,  and  this  on  account  of  the  excellency  of  the  vessels  themselves.  Now  the  copj- 
 of  the  epistle  was  to  this  purpose ;  "  Demetrius  to  the  great  king :  When  thou,  O  king,  gavest 
 me  a  charge  concerning  the  collection  of  books  that  were  wanting  to  fill  your  library,  and  con- 
 cerning the  care  that  ought  to  be  taken  about  such  as  are  imperfect,  I  have  used  the  utmost 
 diligence  about  those  matters.  And  I  let  you  know,  that  we  want  the  books  of  the  Jewish 
 legislation,  with  some  others ;  for  they  are  written  in  the  Hebrew  characters,  and  being  in  the 
 language  of  that  nation,  are  to  us  unknown.  It  hath  also  happened  to  them,  thit  they  have 
 been  transcribed  more  carelessly  than  (hey  ought  to  have  been,  because  they  have  not  had 
 hitherto  royal  care  taken  about  them.  Now  it  is  necessary  that  thou  shouldest  have  accurate 
 copies  of  them.  And  indeed  this  legislation  is  full  of  hidden  wisdom,  and  entirely  blameless, 
 as  being  the  legislation  of  God  :  for  which  cause  it  is,  as  Hecateus  of  Abdera  says,  that  the 
 poets  and  historians  make  no  mention  of  it,  nor  of  those  men  who  lead  their  lives  according  to 
 it,  since  it  is  a  holy  law,  and  ought  not  to  be  published  by  profane  months.  If  then  it  please 
 thee,  O  king,  thou  mayest  write  to  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  to  se.id  six  of  the  elders 
 cut  of  every  tribe,  and  those  such  as  are  most  skilful  of  the  laws,  that  by  their  means  we 
 may  learn  the  clear  and  agreeing  sense  of  these  books  ;  and  may  obtain  an  accurate  inter- 
 pretation of  their  contents,  and  so  may  have  such  a  collection  of  these  as  may  be  suitable  to 
 thy  desire." 
 
 5.  When  this  epistle  was  sent  to  the  king,  he  commanded  that  an  epistle  should  be  drawu 
 up  for  Eleazar,  the  Jewish  high  priest,  concerning  these  matters;  and  that  they  should  inform 
 him  of  the  release  of  the  Jews  that  had  been  in  slavery  among  them.  lie  also  sent  fifty  talents 
 of  gold  for  the  making  of  large  basons,  and  vials,  and  cups,  and  an  immense  quantity  of  pre- 
 cious stones.  He  also  gave  orders  to  those  who  had  the  custody  of  the  chest  that  contained 
 these  stones,  to  give  the  artificers  leave  to  choose  out  what  sorts  of  them  they  pleased.     He 
 
 drachmae  :  and  since  the  value  of  a  Riave  of  old  was,  at  the  utmost,  hut  twenty  shekels,  or  sixty  drachmje,  see 
 Kxod.  xxi.  ."52.  while  in  the  present  circumstances  of  these  Jewit-h  slaves,  and  those  so  very  numerous,  Phila- 
 delphus  would  rather  redeem  them  at  a  cheuiier  than  at  a  dearer  rate,  there  is  great  reason  to  prefer  hera 
 Aristeus'  copies  before  Josephus. 
 
300  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 withal  appointed,  that  a  hundred  talents  in  money  should  be  sent  to  the  temple,  for  sacrifices, 
 and  for  other  uses.  Now  I  will  give  a  description  of  these  ve:  --jIs,  and  the  manner  of  their 
 constrnction,  but  not  till  after  I  have  set  down  a  copy  of  the  epistle  which  was  written  to 
 Eleazar  the  high  priest,  who  had  obtained  that  dignity  on  the  occasion  following:  when  Onias 
 the  high  priest  was  dead,  his  son  Siraon  became  his  successor.  He  was  called  Simon  the 
 Just,*  because  of  both  his  piety  towards  God,  and  his  kind  disposition  to  those  of  his  own 
 nation.  When  he  was  dead,  and  had  left  a  young  son,  who  was  called  Onias,  Simon's  brother 
 Eleazar,  of  whom  we  are  speaking,  took  the  high  priesthood;  and  he  it  was  to  whom  Ptolemy 
 wrote,  and  that  in  the  manner  following:  "  King  Ptolemy  to  Eleazar  the  high  priest,  sendeth 
 greeting:  There  are  many  Jews  who  now  dwell  in  my  kingdom,  whom  the  Persians,  when 
 they  were  in  power,  carried  captives.  These  were  honoured  by  my  father ;  some  of  them  he 
 placed  in  the  army,  and  gave  them  greater  pay  than  ordinary:  to  others  of  them,  when  they 
 came  with  him  into  Egypt,  he  committed  his  garrisons,  and  the  guarding  of  tliem,  that  they 
 might  be  a  terror  to  the  Egyptians.  And  when  I  had  taken  the  government,  I  treated  all  men 
 with  humanity,  and  especially  those  that  are  thy  fellow  citizens,  of  whom  I  have  set  free  above 
 a  hundred  thousand  that  were  slaves,  and  paid  the  price  of  their  redemption  to  their  masters 
 out  of  my  own  revenues ;  and  those  that  are  of  a  fit  age,  I  have  admitted  into  the  number  of 
 my  soldiers.  And  for  such  as  are  capable  of  being  faithful  to  me,  and  proper  for  my  court,  I 
 hare  put  them  in  such  a  post,  as  thinking  this  [kindness  done  to  them]  to  be  a  very  great  and 
 an  acceptable  gift,  which  I  devote  to  God  for  his  providence  over  me.  And  as  I  am  desirous 
 to  do  what  will  be  grateful  to  these,  and  to  all  the  other  Jews  in  the  habitable  earth,  I  have 
 determined  to  procure  an  interpretation  of  your  law,  and  to  have  it  translated  out  of  Hebrew 
 into  Greek,  and  to  be  reposited  in  my  library.  Thou  wilt  therefore  do  well  to  choose  out  and 
 send  to  me  men  of  a  good  character,  who  are  now  elders  in  age,  and  six  in  number  out  of  every 
 tribe.  These,  by  their  age,  must  be  skilful  in  the  laws,  and  of  abilities  to  make  an  accurate 
 interpretation  of  them  :  and  when  this  shall  be  finished,  I  shall  think  that  I  have  done  a  work 
 glorious  to  myself.  And  I  have  sent  to  thee  Andreas,  the  captain  of  my  guard,  and  Aristeus, 
 men  whom  I  have  in  very  great  esteem ;  by  whom  I  have  sent  those  first-fruits  which  I  have 
 dedicated  to  the  temple,  and  to  the  sacrifices,  and  to  other  uses,  to  the  value  of  a  hundred 
 talents.  And  if  thou  wilt  send  to  us,  to  let  us  know  what  thou  wouldest  have  further,  thou 
 wilt  do  a  thing  acceptable  to  me." 
 
 6.  When  this  epistle  of  the  king  was  brought  to  Eleazar,  he  wrote  an  answer  to  it  with  all 
 the  respect  possible:  "  Eleazar  the  high  priest,  to  king  Ptolemy,  sendeth  greeting:  If  thoa 
 and  thy  qaeen  Arsinoe,  and  thy  children,  be  well,  we  are  entirely  satisfied. t  When  we 
 received  thy  epistle,  we  greatly  rejoiced  at  thy  intentions:  and  when  the  multitude  were 
 gathered  together,  we  read  it  to  them,  and  thereby  made  them  sensible  of  the  piety  thou  hast 
 towards  God.  We  also  shewed  them  the  twenty  vials  of  gold,  and  thirty  of  silver,  and  the 
 five  large  basons,  and  the  table  for  the  .shew-bread  ;  as  also  the  hundred  talents  for  the  sacri- 
 fices, and  for  the  making  what  sliall  be  needful  at  the  temple.  Which  things  Andreas  and 
 Aristeus,  those  most  honoured  friends  of  thine,  have  brought  us  :  and  truly  they  are  persons 
 of  an  excellent  character,  and  of  great  learning,  and  worthy  of  thy  virtue.  Know  then,  that 
 v/e  will  gratify  thee  in  what  is  for  thy  advantage,  though  we  do  what  we  used  not  to  do  before, 
 for  we  ought  to  make  a  return  for  the  numerous  acts  of  kindness  which  thou  bast  done  to  our 
 countrymen.  We  immediately,  therefore,  oflered  sacrifices  for  thee  and  thy  sister,  with  thy 
 children,  and  friends  ;  and  the  multitude  made  prayers,  that  thy  affairs  may  be  to  thy  mind, 
 and  that  thy  kingdom  may  be  preserved  in  peace,  and  that  the  translation  of  our  law  may 
 come  to  the  conclusion  thou  desirest,  and  be  for  thy  advantage.  W^e  have  also  chosen  six 
 elders  out  of  every  tribe,  whom  we  have  sent,  and  the  law  with  them.  It  will  be  thy  part,  out 
 of  thy  piety  and  justice,  to  send  back  the  law,  when  it  hath  been  translated;  and  to  return 
 those  to  us  that  bring  it  in  safety.     Farewell." 
 
 7.  This  was  the  teply  which  the  high  priest  made.  But  it  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  neces- 
 sary to  set  down  the  names  of  the  seventy  [two]  elders  who  were  sent  by  Eleazar,  and  carried 
 the  law,  which  yet  were  subjoined  at  the  end  of  the  epistle.  However,  I  thought  it  not 
 improper  to  give  an  account  of  those  very  valuable  and  artificially  contrived  vessels  which  the 
 king  sent  to  God,  that  all  may  see  how  great  a  regard  the  king  had  for  God  ;  for  the  king 
 allowed  a  vast  deal  of  expenses  for  these  vessels;  and  came  often  to  the  workmen,  and  viewed 
 their  works,  and  suflered  nothing  of  carelessness  or  negligence  to  be  any  damage  to  their 
 operations.  And  I  will  relate  how  rich  they  were  as  well  as  I  am  able,  although  perhaps  the  • 
 nature  of  this  history  may  not  require  such  a  description,  but  I  imagine  I  shall  thereby  recom- 
 mend the  elegant  taste  and  magnanimity  of  this  king  to  those  that  read  this  history. 
 
 8.  And  first  I  will  describe  what  belongs  to  the  table.  It  was  indeed  in  the  king's  mind 
 to  make  this  table  vastly  large  in  its  dimensions;  but  then  he  gave  orders  that  they  should 
 learn  what  was  the  magnitude  of  the  table  which  was  already  at  Jerusalem,  and  how  large  it 
 
 •  We  have  a  very  great  encomium  of  this  '  Simon  the  Just,'  the  son  of  Onias  I.  in  tlie  tiftieth  chapter  of  the 
 Ecclusiasticus,  throngh  the  whole  chapter.    Nor  is  it  improper  to  consult  that  chapter  itself  on  this  occasion. 
 
 t  When  we  have  here  and  preseiitlv  mention  made  of  Philadelphus's  queeu,  and  sister  Arsinoe,  we  are  to 
 remember,  with  Spanheim,  that  Arsinoe  was  both  his  sister  and  his  wife,  according  to  the  old  custom  of 
 Persia,  and  of  Egypt  at  this  very  time  :  nay,  of  the  Assyrians  long  afterward.  See  Antiq.  b.  xx.  chap,  ii.^^l. 
 ^Vhcnce  we  have,  upon  the  coins  of  Philadelphue,  this  known  inscription,  '  the  divine  brother  and  eister." 
 
BOOK    XII. — CHAP.    11.  301 
 
 was,  ap.d  whellier  tliere  were  a  possibility  of  making  one  larger  ttian  it.  And  when  lie  was 
 informed  how  large  that  was  wliich  was  already  tliere,  and  that  nothing  hindered  but  a  larger 
 Hiin-ht  be  made,  he  said,  that  "  he  was  willing  to  have  one  made  that  should  be  five  times  as 
 large  as  the  present  table,  but  his  fear  was  that  it  might  be  then  useless  in  their  sacred  minis- 
 trations, by  its  too  great  largeness;  for  he  desired  that  the  gifts  he  presented  them  should  not 
 only  be  there  for  show,  but  should  be  useful  also  in  their  sacred  ministrations."'  According 
 to  which  reasoning,  that  the  former  table  was  made  of  so  moderate  a  size  for  use,  and  not  for 
 want  of  gold,  he  resolved  that  he  would  not  exceed  the  former  table  in  largeness ;  but  would 
 make  it  exceed  it  in  the  variety  and  elegance  of  its  materials.  And  as  he  was  sagacious  in 
 observing  the  nature  of  all  things,  and  in  having  a  just  notion  of  what  was  new  and  surprising, 
 and  wiiere  there  were  no  sculptures,  he  would  invent  such  as  were  proper,  by  his  own  skill,  and 
 ■would  shew  them  to  the  workmen,  he  commanded  that  such  sculptures  should  now  be  made, 
 and  that  those  which  were  delineated,  should  be  most  accurately  forjned  by  a  constant  regard 
 to  their  delineation. 
 
 y.  When  therefore  the  workmen  had  undertaken  to  make  the  table,  they  framed  it  in  length 
 two  cubits  [and  a  half,]  in  breadth  one  cubit,  and  in  height  one  cubit  and  a  half;  and  the  entire 
 structure  of  the  work  was  of  gold.  'I'liey  withal  made  a  crown  of  a  handbreadlh  round  it,  with 
 wave-work  wreathed  about  it,  and  with  an  engraving  which  imitated  a  cord,  and  was  adinirabiy 
 turned  on  its  three  parts ;  for  as  they  were  of  a  trianuular  figure,  every  angle  had  (he  same 
 disposilion  of  its  sculptures,  that  when  you  turned  them  about,  the  very  same  form  of  them  was 
 turned  about  without  any  variation.  Now  that  part  of  the  crown-work  that  was  enclosed  under 
 the  table  had  its  sculptures  very  beautiful,  but  that  part  which  went  round  on  the  outside  was 
 more  elaborately  adorned  with  most  beautiful  ornaments,  because  it  was  exposed  to  sight,  and 
 to  the  view  of  the  spectators ;  for  which  reason  it  was  that  both  those  sides  which  were  extant 
 above  the  rest,  were  acute ;  and  none  of  the  angles,  which  we  before  told  you  were  three, 
 appeared  less  than  another,  when  the  table  was  turned  about.  Now  into  the  cord-work  thus 
 turned  were  precious  stones  inserted  in  rows  parallel  one  to  the  other,  enclosed  in  golden  but- 
 tons, which  had  ouches  in  them  ;  but  the  parts  which  were  on  the  side  of  the  crown,  and  were 
 exposed  to  the  sight,  were  adorned  with  a  row  of  oval  figures  obliquely  placed,  of  the  most 
 excellent  sort  of  precious  stones,  which  imitated  rods  laid  close ;  and  encompassed  the  table 
 round  about.  But  under  these  oval  figures,  thus  engraven,  the  workmen  had  put  a  crown  all 
 round  it,  where  the  nature  of  all  sorts  of  fruit  was  represented,  insomuch  that  the  bunches  of 
 grapes  hang  up.  And  when  they  had  made  the  stones  to  represent  all  the  kinds  of  fruit  before 
 mentioned,  and  that  each  in  its  proper  colour,  they  made  them  fast  with  gold  round  the  whole 
 table.  The  like  disposition  of  the  oval  figures,  and  of  the  engraved  rods,  was  framed  under 
 the  crown,  that  the  table  might  on  each  side  shew  the  same  appearance  of  variety  and  elegance 
 of  its  ornaments,  so  that  neither  the  position  of  the  wave-work  nor  of  the  crown  might  be  dif- 
 ferent, although  ihe  table  were  turned  on  the  other  side,  but  that  the  prospect  of  the  same 
 artificial  contrivances  might  be  extended  as  far  as  the  feet;  for  there  was  made  a  plate  of  gold 
 of  four  fingers  broad,  through  the  entire  breadth  of  the  table,  into  which  they  inserted  the  feet, 
 and  then  fastened  them  to  the  table  by  buttons  and  button-holes,  at  the  place  where  the  crown 
 was  situate,  that  so  on  what  side  soever  of  the  table  one  should  stand,  it  might  exhibit  the  very 
 same  view  of  the  exquisite  workmanship,  and  of  the  vast  expenses  bestowed  upon  it ;  but 
 upon  the  table  itself  they  engraved  a  meander,  inserting  into  it  very  valuable  stones  in  the 
 middle,  like  stars  of  various  colours  :  the  carbuncle  and  the  emerald,  each  of  which  sent  out 
 agreeable  rays  of  light  to  the  spectators;  with  such  stones  of  other  sorts  also  as  were  most 
 curious  and  best  esteemed,  as  being  most  precious  in  their  kind.  Hard  by  this  meander  a 
 texture  of  net-work  ran  round  it,  the  middle  of  which  appeared  like  a  rhombus,  into  which 
 were  inserted  rock  crystal  and  amber,  which,  by  the  great  resemblance  of  the  appearance 
 they  made,  gave  wonderful  delight  to  those  that  saw  them.  The  chapiters  of  the  feet  imitated 
 the  first  buddings  of  lilies,  while  their  leaves  were  bent  and  laid  under  the  table,  but  so  thut 
 the  chives  were  seen  standing  upright  within  them.  Their  bases  were  ra  ide  of  a  carbuncle  ; 
 and  the  place  at  the  bottom,  which  rested  on  that  carbuncle,  was  one  palm  deep,  and  eight 
 fingers  in  breadth.  Now  they  had  engraven  upon  it  with  a  very  fine  tool,  and  with  a  great 
 deal  of  pains,  a  branch  of  ivy,  and  tendrils  of  the  vine,  sending  forth  clusters  of  grapes,  that 
 you  would  guess  they  were  no  wise  dillcrent  from  real  tendrils,  for  they  were  so  very  thin, 
 and  so  very  far  extended  at  their  extremities,  that  they  were  moved  wiih  the  wind,  and  made 
 one  believe  that  they  were  the  product  of  nature,  and  not  the  representation  of  ai  t.  They  also 
 made  the  entire  workmanship  of  the  table  appear  to  be  threefold,  while  the  joints  of  the  several 
 parts  were  so  united  together  as  to  be  invisiWe,  and  the  places  where  they  joined  could  not  he 
 distinguished.  Now  the  thickness  of  the  table  was  not  less  than  half  a  cubit.  So  that  this 
 gift,  by  the  king's  great  generosity,  by  the  great  value  of  the  materials,  and  the  variety  of  its 
 exquisite  structure,  and  the  artificer's  skill  in  imitating  nature  with  graving  tools,  was  at  length 
 brought  to  perfection,  while  the  king  was  very  desirous  that  though  in  largeness  it  were  not  to 
 be  ditlerent  from  that  which  was  already  dedicated  to  (Jod,  yet  that  in  exquisite  workmanship, 
 and  the  novelty  of  Ihe  contrivances,  and  in  the  splendour  of  its  construction,  it  should  far 
 exceed  it,  and  be  more  illustrious  than  that  was. 
 
302  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 10.  Now  of  the  cisterns  of  gold  there  were  two,  whose  sculptnre  was  of  scale-work,  from 
 its  basis  to  ils  belt-like  circle,  with  various  sorts  of  stone  inchased  in  the  spiral  circles.  Next 
 to  which  there  was  upon  it  a  meander  of  a  cubit  in  height ;  it  was  composed  of  stones  of  all 
 sorts  of  colours.  And  next  to  this  was  the  rod-work  engraven  ;  and  next  to  that  was  a 
 rhombus  in  a  texture  of  net-work,  drawn  out  to  the  brim  of  the  bason,  while  small  shields 
 made  of  stones,  beautiful  in  their  kind,  and  of  four  fingers'  depth,  filled  up  the  middle  parts. 
 About  the  top  of  the  bason  were  wreathed  the  leaves  of  lilies,  and  of  the  convolvulus,  and 
 the  tendrils  of  vines,  in  a  circular  manner.  And  this  was  the  construction  of  the  two  cisterns 
 of  gold,  each  containing  two  fiikins.  But  those  which  were  of  silver  were  much  more  bright 
 and  splendid  than  looking-glasses,  and  you  might  in  them  see  the  images  that  fell  upon  them 
 more  plainlj  than  in  the  other.  The  king  also  ordered  thirty  vials  ;  those  of  which  the  parts 
 that  were  of  gold,  and  filled  up  with  precious  stones,  were  shadowed  over  with  leaves  of 
 ivy,  and  of  vines,  artificially  engraven.  And  these  were  the  vessels  that  were,  after  an 
 extraordinary  manner,  brought  to  this  perfection,  partly  by  the  skill  of  the  workmen,  who 
 v/ere  admirable  in  such  fine  work,  but  much  more  by  the  diligence  and  generosity  of  the  king, 
 who  not  only  supplied  the  artificers  adundantly,  and  with  great  generosity,  with  what  they 
 wanted,  but  he  forbade  public  audiences  for  the  time,  and  came  and  stood  by  the  workmen, 
 and  saw  the  whole  operation.  And  this  was  the  cause  why  the  workmen  were  so  accurate  in 
 their  performance,  because  they  had  regard  to  the  king,  and  to  his  great  concern  about  the 
 wessels,  and  so  the  more  indefatigably  kept  close  to  the  work. 
 
 11.  And  these  were  what  gifts  were  sent  by  Ptolemy  to  Jerusalem,  and  dedicated  to  God 
 there.  But  when  Eleazar  the  high  priest  had  devoted  them  to  God,  and  bad  paid  due  respect 
 to  those  that  brought  them,  and  had  given  them  presents  to  be  carried  to  the  king,  he  dis- 
 missed them.  And  when  they  were  come  to  Alexandria,  and  Ptolemy  heard  that  they  were 
 come,  and  that  the  seventy  elders,  were  come  also,  he  presently  sent  for  Andreas  and  Aris- 
 teus,  his  ambassadors,  who  came  to  him,  and  delivered  Lim  the  epistle  which  they  had  brought 
 liim  from  the  high  priest,  and  made  answer  to  all  tlie  questions  he  put  to  them  by  word  of 
 mouth.  He  then  made  haste  to  meet  the  elders  that  came  from  Jerusalem,  for  the  inter|jreta- 
 tiou  of  the  laws  ;  and  he  gave  command,  that  every  body,  who  came  on  other  occasions,  should 
 be  sent  away,  which  was  a  thing  surprising,  and  what  he  did  not  use  to  do,  for  those  that 
 were  drawn  thither  upon  such  occasions  used  to  come  to  him  on  the  fifth  day,  but  ambassa- 
 dors at  the  month's  end.  But  when  he  had  sent  those  away,  he  wailed  for  these  that  were 
 sent  by  Eleazar ;  but  as  the  old  men  came  in  with  the  presents,  which  the  high  priest  had 
 given  them  to  bring  to  the  king,  and  wiUi  the  membranes,  upon  which  they  had  their  laws 
 written  in  golden  letters,*  he  put  questions  to  them  concerning  those  books  ;  and  when  they 
 had  taken  oil"  the  covers  wherein  tliey  were  wrapt  up,  they  shewed  him  the  membranes.  So 
 the  king  stood  admiring  the  thinness  of  those  membranes,  and  the  exactness  of  the  junctures  ; 
 whii'h  could  not  be  perceived,  (so  exactly  were  they  connected  one  with  another  ;)  and  this 
 he  did  for  a  considerable  time.  He  then  said  that  he  returned  them  thanks  for  coming  to  him, 
 and  still  greater  thanks  to  him  that  sent  them  ;  and,  above  all,  to  that  God  whose  laws  they 
 appeared  to  be.  Then  did  the  elders,  and  those  that  were  present  with  them,  cry  out  with  one 
 voice,  and  wished  all  happiness  to  the  king.  Upon  which  he  fell  into  tears  by  the  violence 
 of  the  pleasure  he  had,  it  being  natural  to  men  to  afibrd  the  same  indications  in  great  joy,  that 
 they  do  under  sorrow.  And  when  he  had  bidden  them  deliver  the  books  to  those  that  were 
 appointed  to  receive  them,  he  saluted  the  men  ;  and  said,  that  it  was  but  just  to  discourse,  in 
 the  first  place,  of  the  errand  they  were  sent  about,  and  then  to  address  himself  to  themselves. 
 He  promised,  however,  that  he  would  make  this  day  on  which  they  came  to  him  remarkable 
 and  eminent  every  year  through  the  whole  course  of  his  life  ;  for  their  coming  to  him,  and  the 
 victory  which  he  gaineiil  over  Autigonus  by  sea,  proved  to  be  on  the  very  same  day.  He  also 
 gave  orders,  tiiat  they  should  sup  with  him  ;  and  gave  it  in  charge  that  they  should  have 
 excellent  lodgings  provided  for  them  in  the  upper  part  of  the  city. 
 
 12.  Now  he  that  was  apppointed  to  take  care  of  the  reception  of  strangers,  Nicanor  by 
 name,  called  for  Dorotheus,  whose  duty  it  was  to  make  provision  for  them,  and  bade  him  pre- 
 pare for  every  one  of  them  what  should  be  requisite  for  their  diet  and  way  of  living.  Which 
 thing  was  ordered  by  the  king  after  this  manner  :  he  took  care,  that  those  that  belonged  to 
 every  city,  which  did  not  use  the  same  way  of  living,  that  all  things  should  be  prepared  for 
 them  according  to  the  custom  of  those  that  came  to  him,  that  being  feasted  according  to  the 
 usual  method  of  their  own  way  of  living,  they  might  be  the  better  pleased,  and  might  not  be 
 nneasy  at  any  thing  done  to  them,  from  which  they  were  naturally  averse.  And  this  was  now 
 done  in  the  case  of  these  men  by  Dorotheus,  who  was  put  into  this  office  because  of  his  great 
 skill  in  such  matters  belonging  to  common  life  ;  for  he  took  care  of  all  such  matters  as  con- 
 cerned the  reception  of  strangers,  and  appointed  them  double  seats  for  them  to  sit  on,  accord- 
 ing as  the  king  had  commanded  him  to  do;  for  he  had  commanded  that  half  of  their  seats 
 should  be  set  at  his  right  hand,  and  the  other  half  behind  bistable,  and  took  care  that  no  respect 
 should  be  omitted  that  could  be  shewn  them.     And  when   they  were  thus  set  down,  he   bade 
 
 •  The  Tamnldists  say,  that  it  is  not  lawful  to  write  the  law  in  letters  of  gold,  contrary  to  this  certain  and 
 very  ancient  example.    See  Hudson's  and  Kelaud's  notes  here. 
 
BOOK  XII. —  CHAP.   II.  303 
 
 Doiotliens  to  miiiistir  lo  all  those  lliat  were  come  to  him  from  Judea,  after  the  manner  they 
 used  to  be  ministered  to  :  for  which  cause  he  sent  away  their  sacred  heralds,  and  those  that 
 slew  the  sacrifices,  and  the  rest  that  used  to  say  grace  :  but  called  to  one  of  those  that  were 
 come  to  him,  whose  name  was  Eleazar,  who  was  a  priest,  and  desired  him  to  say  grace;* 
 v.bo  then  stood  in  the  raidst  of  them,  and  prayed,  that  "  all  prosperity  might  attend  the  king, 
 and  those  that  were  iiis  subjects."  Upon  which  an  acclamation  was  made  by  the  whole  com- 
 pany, with  joy  and  a  great  noise  ;  and  when  that  was  over,  they  fell  to  eating  their  supper, 
 and  to  the  enjoyment  of  what  was  set  before  them.  And  at  a  little  interval  afterward,  when 
 the  king  thought  a  sufficient  time  had  been  interposed,  he  began  to  talk  philosophically  to 
 them,  and  he  asked  every  one  of  them  a  philosophical  question, t  and  such  an  one  as  might 
 give  light  in  those  inquiries  ;  and  when  they  had  explained  all  the  problems  that  had  been 
 proposed  by  the  king  about  every  point,  he  was  well  pleased  with  tlieir  answers.  This  took 
 up  the  twelve  days  in  which  they  were  treated  :  and  he  that  pleases  may  learn  the  particular 
 questions  in  that  book  of  Aristens',  which  he  wrote  on  this  very  occasion. 
 
 13.  And  while  not  the  king  only,  but  the  philosopher  Menederaus  also,  admired  tbem,  and 
 said,  "  that  all  things  were  governed  by  Providence  :  and  that  it  was  probable  that  thence 
 it  was  that  such  force  or  beauty  was  discovered  in  these  men's  words,"  they  then  left  oft"  ask- 
 ing any  more  such  questions.  Bnt  the  king  said  that  he  h.id  gained  very  great  advantages  by 
 their  coming,  for  that  he  had  received  this  profit  from  them,  that  he  had  learned  how  he  ought 
 to  rule  his  subjects.  And  he  gave  order  that  they  should  have  every  one  three  talents  given 
 them,  and  that  those  that  were  to  conduct  them  to  their  lodging  should  do  it.  Accordingly, 
 when  three  days  were  over,  Demetrius  took  them,  and  went  over  the  causeway  seven  furlongs. 
 It  was  a  bank  in  the  sea,  to  an  island.  And  when  they  had  gone  over  the  bridge,  he  pro- 
 ceeded to  the  northern  parts,  and  shewed  them  where  they  should  meet,  which  was  in  a  honse 
 that  was  built  near  the  shore,  and  was  a  quiet  place,  and  fit  for  their  discoursing  together 
 about  their  work.  When  he  had  brought  them  thither,  he  entreated  them,  (now  they  had 
 all  things  about  them  which  they  wanted  for  the  interpretation  of  their  law,)  that  they  would 
 suH'er  nothing  to  interrupt  them  in  their  work.  Accordingly,  they  made  an  accurate  interpre- 
 tation, with  great  zeal  and  great  pains,  and  this  they  continued  to  do  till  the  ninth  hour  of  the 
 day  ;  after  which  time  they  relaxed,  and  took  care  of  their  body,  while  their  food  was  pro- 
 vided for  them  in  great  plenty  :  besides,  Dorotheus,  at  the  king's  command,  brought  them  a 
 great  deal  of  what  was  provided  for  the  king  himself.  But  in  the  morning  they  came  to  the 
 court,  and  saluted  Ptolemy,  and  then  went  away  to  their  former  place,  where,  when  they  had 
 washed  their  hands, |  and  purified  themselves,  they  betook  themselves  to  the  interpretation  of 
 the  laws.  Now  when  the  law  was  transcribed,  and  the  labour  of  interpretation  was  over, 
 which  came  to  its  conclusion  in  seventy-two  days,  Demetrius  gathered  all  the  Jews  together 
 to  the  place  where  the  laws  were  translated,  and  where  the  interpreters  were,  and  read  them 
 over.  The  multitude  did  also  approve  of  those  elders  that  were  the  interpreters  of  the  law. 
 They  withal  commended  Demetrius  for  his  proposal,  as  the  inventor  of  what  was  greatly  for 
 their  happiness  ;  and  they  desired  that  he  would  give  leave  to  their  rulers  also  to  read  the 
 law.  Moreover,  they  all,  both  the  priest  and  the  ancientest  of  the  elders,  and  the  principal 
 men  of  their  commonwealth,  made  it  their  request,  that  since  the  interpretation  was  happily 
 finished,  it  might  continue  in  the  state  it  now  was,  and  might  not  be  altered.  And  when  they 
 all  commended  that  determination  of  theirs,  they  enjoined,  that  if  any  one  observed  cither  any 
 thing  superlluous,  or  any  thing  omitted,  that  he  would  take  a  view  of  it  again,  and  have  it  laid 
 before  them,  and  corrected  ;  which  was  a  wise  action  of  theirs,  that  when  the  thing  was 
 judged  to  have  been  well  done,  it  might  continue  for  ever. 
 
 14.  So  the  king  rejoiced,  when  he  saw  that  his  design  of  this  nature  was  brought  to  per- 
 fection to  so  great  advantage :  and  lie  was  chiefly  delighted  with  hearing  the  laws  read  to  hiui, 
 and  was  astonished  at  the  deep  meaning  and  wisdom  of  the  legislator.  And  he  began  to  dis- 
 course with  Demetrius,  "  How  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  this  legislation  was  so  wonderful, 
 no  one,  cither  of  the  poets  or  of  the  historians,  had  made  mention  of  it."  Demetrius  made 
 answer,  that  "  no  one  durst  be  so  bold  as  to  touch  upon  the  description  of  these  laws,  because 
 they  were  divine  and  venerable,  and  because  some  that  had  attempted  it  were  afllicted  by 
 God."  He  also  told  him,  that  "  Thcopompus  was  desirous  of  writing  somewhat  about  them, 
 but  was  thereupon  disturbed  in  his  mind  for  above  thirty  days'  time ;  and  upon  some  inter- 
 mission, of  his  distemper,  he  appeased  God  [by  prayer,]  as  suspecting  that  his  madness  pro- 
 
 *  This  is  the  most  ancient  example  I  have  met  with,  of  a  grace,  or  short  prayer,  or  thanksgiving,  before 
 meat ;  which,  as  it  used  to  be  said  by  an  heathen  priest,  was  now  said  by  Eleazar,  a  Jewish  priest,  who  was 
 one  of  tliose  seventy-two  interpreters.  Tlie  next  example  1  have  met  with  is  that  of  the  Rssenes,  Of  the  War, 
 b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  ^  5.  both  before  and  aflcr  it ;  those  of  our  Saviour  before  it,  Mark  viii.  6.  John  vi.  11,  2.3. 
 and  St.  Paul,  Acts  xxvii.  33.  and  a  form  of  such  a  grace  or  prayer  for  (Christians,  at  the  end  of  the  fif'.h  book 
 of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  which  seem  to  have  been  iuteuded  for  both  times,  both  before  aud  after 
 meat. 
 
 t  Ihey  were  rather  political  questions  aud  answers,  tending  to  the  good  and  religious  goyemment  of 
 mankind. 
 
 t  This  purification  of  the  interpreters  by  washing  in  the  sea,  before  they  prayed  to  God  every  morning,  and 
 before  they  set  about  translating,  may  be  compared  with  the  like  practice  of  Peter  thi'  apostle,  in  the  Decogni- 
 tions  of  Clement,  b.  i  v.  chap  iii.  and  b.  v. chap,  xxxvi.andwiththeplace.sof  the  Proseuch.v.or  of  prayer,  whirh 
 were  sometimes  built  near  the  sea  or  rivers  ;\Iso.  Of  which  mutter,  see  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  x.  }  13.  and 
 .\: is  .\vi.  1.3,  16 
 
304  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ceeded  from  tliat  cause."  Nay,  indeed,  he  further  saw  in  a  dream,  that  his  distemper  hefell  him 
 wliile  he  indulged  too  great  a  curiosity  about  divine  matters,  and  was  desirous  of  puljlishing 
 them  among  common  men  ;  but  when  he  left  oft'  that  attempt,  he  recovered  his  understanding 
 again.  Moreover,  he  informed  him  of  Theodectes,  the  tragic  poet,  concerning  whom  it  was 
 reported,  that  when,  in  a  certain  dramatic  representation,  he  was  desirous  to  make  mention  of 
 things  that  were  contained  in  the  sacred  books,  he  was  afflicted  with  a  darkness  in  his  eyes  ; 
 and  that  upon  his  being  conscious  of  the  occasion  of  his  distemper,  and  appeasing  God  [by 
 prayer,]  he  was  freed  from  tliat  affliction. 
 
 15.  And  when  the  king  had  received  these  books  from  Demetrius,  as  we  have  said  already, 
 he  adored  them,  and  gave  order  that  great  care  should  be  taken  of  them,  that  they  might 
 remain  uncorrupted.  He  also  desired  that  the  interpreters  would  come  often  to  him  out  of 
 Judea,  and  that  both  on  account  of  the  respects  that  he  would  pay  them,  and  on  account  of 
 the  presents  he  would  make  them  :  for  he  said  "  it  was  now  but  jnst  to  send  them  away, 
 although,  if  of  their  own  accord  they  would  come  to  him  hereafter,  they  should  obtain  all  that 
 their  own  wisdom  might  justly  requiie,  and  what  bis  generosity  was  able  to  give  them."  So 
 he  then  sent  them  away  ;  and  gave  to  everyone  of  them  three  garments  of  the  best  sort,  and 
 two  talents  of  gold,  and  a  cup  of  the  value  of  one  talent,  and  the  <'urniture  of  the  room  wherein 
 they  were  feasted.  And  these  were  the  things  he  presented  to  them.  But  by  them  he  sent  to 
 Eleazar  the  high  priest,  ten  beds,  with  feet  of  silver,  and  the  furniture  to  them  belonging,  and 
 a  cup  of  the  value  of  thirty  talents  ;  and  besides  these,  ten  garments  and  purple,  and  a  very 
 beautiful  crown,  and  a  hundred  pieces  of  the  finest  woven  linen;  as  also  vials  and  dishes,  and 
 vessels  for  pouring,  and  two  golden  cisterns  to  be  dedicated  to  God.  He  also  desired  him, 
 by  an  epistle,  that  he  wonld  give  these  interpreters  leave,  if  any  of  them  were  desirous  of 
 coming  to  him,  because  he  highly  valued  a  conversation  with  men  of  such  learning ;  and 
 should  be  very  willing  to  lay  out  his  wealth  upon  such  men.  And  this  was  what  came  to  the 
 Jews,  and  was  much  to  their  glory  and  honour,  from  Ptolemy  Fbiladelphns. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  the  Kings  of  Asia  honoured  the  Nation  of  the  Jews,  and  made  them  Citizens  of  those  Cities 
 
 ivhich  they  built, 
 §  1.  The  Jews  also  obtained  honours  from  the  kings  of  Asia,  when  they  became  their  auxilia- 
 ries ;  for  Seleucus  Nicator  made  tliein  citizens  in  those  cities  which  he  built  in  Asia  ;  and  in 
 the  Lower  Syria,  and  in  the  metropolis  itself,  Antioch  ;  and  gave  them  privileges  equal  to  those 
 of  the  Macedonians  and  Greeks,  who  were  the  inhabitants,  insomuch  that  these  privileges  con- 
 tinue 'o  this  very  day  :  an  argument  for  which  you  have  in  this,  that  whereas  the  Jews  do  not 
 make  use  of  oil  prepared  by  foreigners,*  they  receive  a  certain  sum  of  money  from  the  proper 
 officers  belonging  to  their  exercises  as  the  value  of  that  oil  ;  which  money  when  the  people 
 of  Antioch  would  have  deprived  them  of,  in  the  last  war,  Slucianus,  who  was  then  pre- 
 sident of  Syria,  preserved  it  to  them.  And  when  the  people  of  Alexandria  and  of  An- 
 tioch did  after  that,  at  the  time  that  Vespasian  and  Titus  his  son  governed  the  habitable 
 earth,  pray  that  these  privileges  of  citizens  might  be  taken  away,  they  did  not  obtain 
 their  request.  In  which  behaviour  any  one  may  discern  the  equity  and  generosity  of  the 
 Roraans,t  especially  of  Vespasian  and  Titus,  who,  although  they  had  been  at  a  great  deal  of 
 pains  in  the  war  against  the  Jews,  and  were  exasperated  against  tbeni,  because  they  did  not 
 deliver  up  their  weapons  to  them,  but  continued  the  war  to  the  very  last,  yet  they  did  not  take 
 away  any  of  their  forementioned  privileges  belonging  to  them  as  citizens,  but  restrained  their 
 angi'r;  and  overcame  the  prayers  of  the  Alexandrians  and  Antiochians,  who  were  a  very 
 powerful  people,  insomuch  tliat  they  did  not  yield  to  them,  neither  out  of  their  favour  to  those 
 people,  nor  out  of  their  old  grudge  at  those  whose  wicked  opposition  they  had  subdued  in  the 
 war ;  nor  would  they  alter  any  of  the  ancient  favours  granted  to  the  Jews,  but  said,  that  those 
 who  had  borne  arms  against  them,  and  fought  them,  had  suffered  punishment  already,  and  that 
 it  was  not  just  to  deprive  those  that  had  not  offended  of  the  privileges  they  enjoyed. 
 
 2.  W^e  also  know  that  Marcus  Agrippa  was  of  the  like  disposition  towards  the  Jews  :  for 
 when  tlie  people  of  Ionia  were  very  angry  at  them,  and  besought  Agrippa  that  they,  and  ihey 
 only,  might  have  those  privileges  of  citizens  which  Aniiochus,  the  grandson  of  Seleucus,  (wiio 
 by  the  Greeks  was  called  'the  god,')  had  bestowed  on  them;  and  desired  that  if  the  Jews 
 were  to  be  joint-partakers  with  them,  they  might  be  obliged  to  worship  the  gods  Ihey  them- 
 selves worshipped :  but  when  these  matters  were   brought  to  trial,  the  Jews  prevailed,  and 
 
 *  The  use  of  oil  was  much  greater,  and  the  donatives  of  it  much  more  valuable,  in  Judea  and  the  neigh- 
 bouring countries,  than  it  is  amongst  us.  It  was  also,  in  tlie  days  of  Josephus,  thought  unlawful  for  Jews  to 
 make  use  of  any  oil  that  was  prepared  by  heathens,  perhaps  on  account  of  some  superstitions  intermixed  with 
 its  preparation  by  those  heathens.  When  therefore  the  heathens  were  to  make  them  a  donative  of  oil,  they 
 paid  Uiem  money  instead  of  it.  See  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  xxi.  ^  2.  the  life  of  Josephus,  5  13.  and  Ilud- 
 eon's  note  ou  the  place  before  us. 
 
 +  Tliis,  and  the  like  great  and  just  characters,  of  the  justice  and  equity,  and  generosity  of  the  old  Roman-s, 
 both  to  llie  J'-n-s  and  other  couquered  nations,  aflFords  us  a  very  good  reason  why  Almighty  (iod,  upon  the 
 rejection  of  the  .lews  for  their  wickedness,  chose  them  for  his  people,  and  first  established  Christianity  in 
 that  empire.  Of  which  matter,  see  Josephus  here,  }  2.  as  also  Autiq.  b.  xiv,  chap.  x.  5-2,  23.  b.  xvi. 
 chap.  ii.  §  4. 
 
BOOK    XII.— CHAF.  III.  305 
 
 obtained  leave  to  make  use  of  their  own  customs,  and  this  uuder  the  pationaj^e  of  Nicolaus  o 
 Damascus;  for  Agrippa  gave  sentence  that  he  could  not  innovate.  And  if  any  one  liath  a 
 miud  to  know  this  matter  accurately,  let  him  peruse  the  hundred  aud  twenty-third,  and  hun- 
 dred and  twenty-fourth  books  of  the  history  of  this  Nicolaus.  Now,  as  to  this  determination 
 of  Agrippa,  it  is  not  to  be  so  much  admired,  for  at  this  time  our  nation  had  not  made  war 
 against  the  Romans.  But  one  may  well  be  astouished  at  the  geneiosity  of  Vespasian  and  Titus, 
 that  after  sogreat  wars  and  conquests  which  they  had  from  us,  they  should  use  sucli  moderation. 
 But  I  will  now  return  to  that  part  of  my  history  whence  I  made  the  present  digression. 
 
 3.  Now  it  happened,  that  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  who  ruled  overall  Asia,  that 
 the  Jews,  as  well  as  the  inhabitants  of  Celosyria,  sufl'ered  greatly,  and  their  land  was  sorely 
 harassed  :  for  while  he  was  at  war  with  Ptolemy  Philopater,  and  with  his  son  who  was  called 
 Epiphanes,  it  fell  out,  that  these  nations  were  equally  snft'erers,  both  when  he  was  beaten,  and 
 when  he  beat  the  others  :  so  that  they  were  very  like  to  a  ship  in  a  storm,  which  is  tossed  by 
 the  waves  on  both  sides;  and  just  thus  were  they  in  their  situation  in  the  middle  between 
 Antiochus's  prosperity  and  its  change  to  adversity.  But  at  length,  when  Antiochus  had  beaten 
 Ptolemy,  he  seized  upon  Judea  :  and  when  Philopater  was  dead,  his  son  sent  out  a  great  army 
 under  Scopas,  the  general  of  his  forces,  against  the  inhabitants  of  Celosyria,  who  look  many 
 of  their  cities,  and  in  particular  our  nation  ;  which,  when  he  fell  upon  them,  went  over  to  him. 
 Yet  was  it  not  long  afterward  when  Antiochus  overcame  Scopas,  in  a  battle  fought  at  the 
 fountains  of  Jordan,  and  destroyed  a  great  part  of  his  army.  But  afterward,  when  Antiochus 
 subdued  those  cities  of  Celosyria  which  Scopas  had  gotten  into  his  possession,  and  Samaria 
 with  them,  the  Jews  of  their  own  accord  went  over  to  him,  and  received  him  into  the  city  [Je- 
 rusalem,] and  gave  plentiful  provision  to  all  his  array,  and  to  his  elephants,  and  readily  assisted 
 Lira  when  he  besieged  the  garrison  which  was  in  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem.  Wherefore  Antio- 
 chus thought  it  but  just  to  requite  the  Jews'  diligence  and  zeal  in  his  service  :  so  he  wrote  to 
 the  generals  of  his  armies,  and  to  his  friends,  and  gave  testimony  to  the  good  behaviour  of  the 
 Jews  towards  him,  and  informed  them  wliat  rewards  he  bad  resolved  to  bestow  on  them  for 
 that  their  behaviour.  I  will  set  down  presently  the  epistles  themselves,  which  he  wrote  to  the 
 generals  concerning  them,  bat  will  first  produce  the  testimonies  of  Polybius  of  Megalopolis, 
 for  thus  does  he  speak  in  the  sixteenth  book  of  his  history  :  "  Now  Scopas,  the  general  of 
 Ptolemy's  array,  went  in  haste  to  the  superior  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  the  winter  time 
 overthrew  the  nation  of  the  Jews.  He  also  saith,  in  the  sarae  book,  that  when  Scopas  was 
 conquered  by  Antiochus,  Antiochus  received  Batanea  and  Samaria,  and  Abila  and  Gadara  :  and 
 that,  a  while  afterwards,  there  came  in  to  him  those  Jews  that  inhabited  near  that  teraple  which 
 was  called  Jerusalem,  concerning  which,  although  I  have  more  to  say,  and  particularly  con- 
 cerning the  presence  of  God  about  that  tetnple,  yet  do  I  put  oft'  that  history  till  another  oppor- 
 tunity. This  it  is  which  Polybius  relates.  But  we  will  return  to  the  series  of  the  history, 
 when  we  have  first  produced  the  epistles  of  king  Antiochus  : 
 
 "King  Antiochus  to  Ptolemy,  sendeth  greeting  : 
 
 "  Since  the  Jews,  upon  our  first  entrance  on  their  country,  demonstrated  their  friendship 
 towards  us;  and  when  we  came  to  their  city  [Jerusalem,]  received  us  in  a  splendid  manner, 
 and  came  to  meet  us  with  their  senate,  and  gave  abundance  of  provisions  to  our  soldiers,  and 
 to  the  elephants,  and  joined  with  us  in  ejecting  the  garrison  of  the  Egyptians  that  were  in  the 
 citadel,  we  have  thought  fit  to  reward  them,  and  to  retrieve  the  condition  of  their  city,  which 
 hath  been  greatly  depopulated  by  such  accidents  as  have  befallen  its  inhabitants,  and  to  bring 
 those  that  have  been  scattered  abroad  back  to  the  city.  And,  in  the  first  place,  we  have  deter- 
 mined, on  account  of  their  piety  towards  God,  to  bestow  on  them,  as  a  pension,  for  their  sacri- 
 fices of  animals  that  are  fit  for  sacrifice,  for  wine  and  oil,  and  frankincense,  the  value  of 
 twenty  thousand  pieces  of  silver  and  [six]  sacred  artabte  of  fine  flour,  with  one  thousand  four 
 hundred  and  sixty  medimni  of  wheat,  and  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  medimni  of  salt. 
 And  these  payments  I  would  have  fully  paid  them,  as  I  have  sent  orders  to  you.  I  would  also 
 have  the  work  about  the  temple  finished,  and  the  cloisters,  and  if  there  be  any  thing  else  that 
 ought  to  be  rebuilt.  And  for  the  raaterialr.  of  wood,let  it  be  brought  them  out  of  Judea  itself, 
 and  out  of  the  other  countries,  and  out  of  Libanus,  tax  free  :  and  the  same  I  would  have 
 observed  as  to  those  other  materials  which  will  be  necessary,  in  order  to  render  t!ie  temple 
 more  glorious.  And  let  all  of  that  nation  live  according  to  the  laws  of  their  own  country  ;  and 
 let  the  senate  and  the  priests,  and  the  scribes  of  the  temple,  and  the  sacred  singers,  be  dis- 
 charged from  poll-money  and  the  crown  tax,  and  other  taxes  also.  And  that  the  city  may  the 
 sooner  recover  its  inhabitants,  I  grant  a  discharge  from  taxes  for  three  years  to  its  present 
 inhabitants  ;  and  to  such  as  shall  come  to  it,  until  the  month  Hyperberefa;us.  We  also  dis- 
 charge them  for  the  future  from  a  third  part  of  their  taxes,  that  the  losses  they  have  sustained 
 may  be  repaired.  And  all  those  citizens  that  have  been  carried  away,  and  are  become  slaves, 
 we  grant  them  and  their  children  their  freedom  ;  and  give  order  that  their  substance  be  restored 
 to  tliera." 
 
 4.  Aud  these  were  the  contents  of  this  epistle.  He  also  published  a  decree,  through  all  hi* 
 kingdom,  in  honour  of  the  temple,  which  contained  what  follows  :  "  It  shall   be  lawful  fur  uo 
 
 2  Q 
 
306  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 foreigner  to  come  within  the  limits  of  the  temple  round  about ;  which  thing  is  forbidden  also 
 to  the  Jews,  uuless  to  those  who,  according  to  their  own  custom,  have  purified  themselves. 
 Nor  let  ABy  flesh  of  horses,  or  of  mules,  or  of  asses,  be  brought  into  the  citj',  whether  they 
 be  wild  or  tame  ;  nor  that  of  leopards,  or  foxes,  or  hares,  and,  in  general,  that  of  any  animal 
 ■which  is  forbidden  for  the  Jews  to  eat.  Nor  let  their  skins  be  brought  into  it ;  nor  let  any 
 such  animal  be  bred  up  in  the  city.  Let  them  only  be  permitted  to  use  the  sacrifices  derived 
 from  their  forefathers,  with  which  they  have  been  obliged  to  make  acceptable  atonements  to 
 God.  And  he  that  transgresseth  any  of  these  orders,  let  hira  pay  to  the  priests  three  thousand 
 drachmae  of  silver."  Moreover,  this  Antiochus  bare  testimony  to  our  piety  and  fidelity,  in  an 
 epistle  of  his,  written  when  he  was  informed  of  a  sedition  in  Phrygia  and  L^dia,  at  which  time 
 he  was  in  the  superior  provinces,  wherein  he  commanded  Zeuxis,  the  general  of  his  forces,  and 
 his  most  intimate  friend,  to  send  some  of  our  nation  out  of  Babylon  into  Phrygia.  The  epistle 
 was  this : 
 
 "  Kiiii)  Antiochus  to  Zeuxis,  his  Father,  sendeih greeting. 
 
 "If  you  are  in  health  it  is  well.  I  also  am  in  health.  Having  been  informed  that  a  sedi- 
 tion is  arisen  in  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  1  thought  that  matter  required  great  care :  and  upon 
 advising  with  my  friends  what  was  fit  to  be  done,  it  hath  been  thought  proper  to  remove  two  thou- 
 sand families  of  Jews,  with  their  effects,  out  of  Mesopotamia  and  Babylon,  unto  the  castles  and 
 places  that  lie  most  convenient ;  for  1  am  persuaded  that  ihey  will  be  well  disposed  guardians 
 of  our  possessions,  because  of  their  piety  towards  God,  and  because  I  know  that  ray  predeces- 
 sors have  borne  witness  to  them,  that  tliey  are  faithful,  and  with  alacrity  do  what  they  are 
 desired  to  do.  I  will,  therefore,  though  it  be  a  laborious  work,  that  thou  remove  these  Jews  ; 
 under  a  promise,  that  they  shall  be  pernutted  to  use  their  own  laws.  And  when  thou  shalt 
 Lave  brought  them  to  the  places  forementioned,  thou  shalt  give  every  one  of  their  families  a 
 place  for  building  their  houses,  and  a  portion  of  land  for  their  husbandry,  and  for  the  plantation 
 of  their  viues  ;  and  thou  shalt  discharge  them  from  paying  taxes  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth  for 
 ten  years  :  and  let  them  have  a  proper  quantity  of  wheat  for  the  maintenance  of  their  servants, 
 until  they  receive  bread-corn  out  of  the  earth:  also  let  a  sufficient  share  be  given  to  such  as 
 minister  to  them  in  the  necessaries  of  life,  that  by  enjoying  the  eflects  of  our  humanity,  they 
 may  shew  themselves  the  more  willing  and  ready  about  our  affairs.  Take  care  likewise  of 
 that  nation,  as  far  as  thou  art  able,  that  they  may  not  have  any  disturbance  given  them  by  any 
 one."  Now  these  testimonials  which  I  have  produced,  are  sufficient  to  declare  the  friendship 
 that  Antiochus  the  Great  bare  to  the  Jews. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  Antiochus  made  a  League  with  Ptolemy;  and  how  Onias  provoked  Ptolemy  Euergetes  to 
 Anger  ;  and  how  Joseph  brought  all  things  right  again,  and  entered  into  Friendship  with  him; 
 and  what  other  things  ivere  done  by  Joseph  and  his  son  Hyrcanus. 
 
 §  i.  After  this,  Antiochus  made  a  friendship  and  a  league  with  Ptolemy;  and  gave  him  his 
 daughter  Cleopatra  to  wife,  and  yielded  up  to  him  Celosyria,  and  Samaria,  and  Judea,  and 
 Pheoicia,  by  way  of  dowry.  And  upon  the  division  of  the  taxes  between  the  two  kings,  all 
 the  principal  men  farmed  the  taxes  of  their  several  countries,  and,  collecting  the  sura  that  was 
 settled  for  them,  paid  the  same  to  the  [two]  kings.  Now  at  this  time  the  Samaritans  were  in  a 
 flourishing  condition,  and  niucli  distressed  the  Jews,  cutting  off  pans  of  their  land,  and  carry- 
 ing off  slaves.  This  happened  when  Onias  was  high  priest ;  for  after  Eleazar's  death,  his 
 uncle  Manasseh  took  the  priestliood,  and,  afler  he  had  ended  his  life,  Onias  received  that  dig- 
 nity. He  was  the  son  of  Simon,  who  was  called  the  Just,  which  Simon  was  the  brother  of 
 Eleazar,  as  I  said  before.  This  Onias  was  one  of  a  liltle  soni,  and  a  great  lover  of  money  ; 
 and  for  that  reason,  because  he  did  not  pay  the  tax  of  twenty  talents  of  silver,  which  his  fore- 
 fathers paid  to  these  kings  out  of  their  own  estates,  he  provoked  king  Ptolemy  Euergetes  to 
 anger,  who  was  the  father  of  Philopater.  Euergetes  sent  an  ambassador  to  Jerusalem,  and 
 complained  that  Onii-s  did  not  pay  his  taxes,  and  threatened,  that  if  he  did  not  receive  them, 
 he  would  seize  upon  their  land,  and  send  soldiers  to  live  upon  it.  When  the  Jews  heard  this 
 message  of  the  king,  they  were  confounded  :  but  so  sordidly  covetous  was  Onias,  that  nothing 
 of  this  nature  made  him  ashamed. 
 
 2.  There  was  now  one  Joseph,  young  in  age,  but  of  great  reputation  among  the  people  of. 
 Jerusalem,  for  gravity,  prudence,  and  justice.  His  fatlier's  name  was  Tobias  ;  and  his  mother 
 was  the  sister  of  Onias  the  high  priest,  who  informed  him  of  the  coming  of  the  ambassador  : 
 for  he  was  then  sojourning  at  a  village  named  Phicol,  where  he  was  born.*  Hereupon  he 
 came  to  the  city  [Jerusalem,]  and  reproved  Onias  for  not  taking  care  of  the  preservation  of 
 his  countrymen,  but  bringing  the  nation  into  dangers,  by  not  paying  thisjroooey.  For  which 
 preservation  of  them,  he  told  hira  he  had  received  the  authority  over  them,  and  had  been  made 
 high  priest  :  but  that  in  case  he  was  so  great  a  lover  of  money,  as  to  endure  to  see  his  country 
 
 *  The  name  of  this  place,  Phicol,  is  the  very  same  with  that  of  the  chief  captain  of  Abimelech's  host,  in 
 the  days  of  Abraham,  C.en.  xxi.  22.  and  might  possibly  be  the  place  of  that  Phicol's  nativity  or  abode,  for  it 
 Betmt  to  have  been  in  the  south  part  of  Palestine,  as  that  wag. 
 
BOOK    XII. — CHAP.    IV.  307 
 
 M  danger  on  lliat  acc-mnt,  and  liis  countrymen  suffer  the  greatest  damages,  he  advised  him  to 
 go  to  the  king,  and  petition  him  to  remit  either  the  whole,  or  a  part  of  the  sum  demanded. 
 Oiiias's  answer  was  this,  that  he  did  not  care  for  his  authority,  and  that  he  was  ready,  if  the 
 tiling  were  practicable,  lo  lay  down  his  high  priesthood;  and  that  he  would  not  go  to  the  king, 
 because  he  troubled  not  liimself  at  all  about  sucb  matters.  Joseph  then  asked  him,  if  he  would 
 not  give  him  leave  to  go  ambassador  on  behalf  of  the  nation?  He  replied,  that  he  would  give 
 iiim  leave.  Upon  which  Joseph  went  up  into  the  temple  ;  and  called  the  multitude  together 
 to  a  congregation,  and  exhorted  them  not  to  be  disturbed  or  aflVighted  because  of  his  uncle 
 Onias's  carelessness,  but  desired  them  to  be  at  rest,  and  not  terrify  themselves  with  fear  about 
 it;  for  he  promised  them  that  he  would  be  their  ambassador  to  the  king,  and  persuade  him 
 that  they  had  done  hira  no  wrong.  And  when  the  multitude  heard  this,  they  returned  thanks 
 to  Joseph.  So  he  went  down  from  the  temple,  and  treated  Ptolemy's  ambassador  in  a  hospi- 
 table manner.  He  also  presented  him  with  rich  gifis  ;  and  feasted  hira  magnificently  for  many 
 days,  and  then  sent  him  to  the  king  before  him,  and  told  him  that  he  would  soon  follow  him: 
 for  he  was  now  more  willing  lo  go  to  the  king,  by  the  encouragement  of  the  ambassador,  who 
 earnestly  persuaded  him  to  come  into  Egypt;  and  promised  him  that  he  would  take  care  that  ' 
 lie  should  obtain  every  thing  that  he  desired  of  Ptolemy,  for  he  was  highly  pleased  with  his 
 frank  and  liberal  temper,  and  with  the  gravity  of  his  deportment. 
 
 3.  When  Ptolemy's  ambassador  was  come  into  Egypt,  he  told  the  king  of  the  thoughtless 
 tensper  of  Onias ;  and  informed  him  of  the  goodness  of  the  disposition  of  Joseph  ;  and  that  he 
 was  coming  to  him,  to  excuse  the  multitude,  as  not  having  done  him  any  harm,  for  that  he  was 
 their  patron.  In  short,  he  was  so  very  large  in  his  encomiums  upon  the  young  man,  that  he 
 disposed  both  the  king  and  bis  wife  Cleopatra  to  have  a  kindness  for  him  before  he  came.  So 
 Joseph  sent  to  his  friends  at  Samaria,  and  borrowed  money  of  them ;  and  got  ready  what  was 
 necessary  for  his  journey,  garments  and  cups,  and  beasts  for  burden  which  amounted  to  about 
 twenty  thousand  drachmas,  and  went  to  Alexandria.  Now  it  happened,  that  at  this  time  all  the 
 principal  men  and  rulers  went  up  out  of  the  cities  of  Syria  and  Plienicia,  to  bid  for  their  taxes  ; 
 for  every  year  the  king  sold  them  to  the  men  of  the  greatest  power  in  every  city.  So  these 
 men  saw  Joseph  journeying  on  the  way,  and  laughed  at  him  for  his  poverty  and  meanness.  But 
 when  he  came  to  Alexandria,  and  heard  that  king  Ptolemy  was  at  Memphis,  he  went  up  thi- 
 ther to  meet  with  hira  ;  which  happened  as  the  king  was  sitiing  in  his  chariot,  with  his  wife 
 and  with  his  friend  Athenion,  who  was  the  very  person  who  had  been  ambassador  at  Jerusa- 
 lem, and  been  entertained  by  Joseph.  As  soon  therefore  as  Athenion  saw  him,  he  presently 
 made  him  known  to  the  king,  how  good  and  generous  a  young  man  he  was.  So  Ptolemy  saluted 
 Lira  first,  and  desired  hira  to  come  up  into  his  chariot ;  and  as  Joseph  sat  there,  he  began  to 
 complain  of  the  management  of  Onias.  To  which  he  answered,  Forgive  him,  on  account  of  his 
 age,  for  thou  canst  not  certainly  be  unacquainted  with  this,  that  old  men  and  infants  have  their 
 minds  exactly  alike  ;  but  thou  shalt  have  from  us,  who  are  young  men,  every  thing  thou 
 desirest,  and  shall  have  no  cause  to  complain.  With  this  good  humour  and  pleasantry  of  the 
 young  man  the  king  was  so  delighted,  that  he  began  already,  as  though  he  had  long  expe- 
 rience of  him,  to  have  a  still  greater  aflection  for  him,  insomuch  that  he  bade  him  take  his 
 diet  in  the  king's  palace,  and  be  a  guest  at  his  own  table  every  day.  But  when  the  king  was 
 come  to  Alexandria,  the  principal  men  of  Syria  saw  him  sitting  with  the  king,  aud  were  much 
 ollended  at  it. 
 
 4.  And  when  the  day  came,  on  which  the  king  was  to  let  the  taxes  of  the  cities  to  farm,  and 
 those  that  were  the  principal  men  of  dignity  in  their  several  countries  were  to  bid  for  them, 
 the  sum  of  the  taxes  together  of  Celosyria  and  Phenicia,  and  Judea,  with  Samaria,  [as  they 
 were  bidden  for,]  came  to  eight  thousand  talents.  Hereupon  Joseph  accused  the  bidders,  as 
 having  agreed  together  to  estimate  the  value  of  the  taxes  at  too  low  a  rate  ;  and  he  promised, 
 that  he  would  himself  give  twice  as  much  for  them  :  but  for  those  who  did  not  pay,  he  would 
 send  the  king  their  whole  substance  ;  for  this  privilege  was  sold  together  with  the  taxes 
 themselves.  The  king  was  pleased  to  hear  that  oiler ;  and  because  it  augmented  his  revenues, 
 he  said  he  would  confirm  the  sale  of  the  taxes  to  him.  But  when  he  asked  liiiii  this  question, 
 Whether  he  had  any  sureties,  that  would  be  bound  for  the  payment  of  the  money?  he  answered 
 very  pleasantly,  I  will  give  such  security,  and  those  of  persons  good  and  responsible,  and 
 which  you  shall  have  no  reason  to  distrust.  And  when  he  bade  him  name  them,  who  they 
 were,  he  replied,  1  give  thee  no  other  persons,  O  king,  for  my  sureties,  than  thyself  and  this 
 thy  wife  ;  and  you  shall  be  security  for  both  parties.  So  Ptolemy  laughed  at  the  proposal,  and 
 granted  him  the  farming  of  the  taxes  without  any  surfities.  This  procedure  was  a  sore  grief 
 to  those  that  came  from  the  cities  into  Egypt,  who  were  utterly  disappointed  ;  aud  they  returned 
 every  one  to  their  mvn  country  with  shame. 
 
 5.  But  Josejih  took  with  him  two  thousand  foot  soldiers  from  the  king,  for  he  desired  he 
 might  have  some  assistance,  in  order  to  force  such  as  were  refractory  in  the  cities  to  pay.  And 
 borrowing  of  the  king's  friends  at  Alexandria  five  hundred  talents,  he  made  haste  back  into 
 Syria.  And  when  he  was  at  Askclon,  and  demnnded  the  taxes  of  the  people  of  AskeloD,  they 
 refused  to  pay  ai^y  thing  ;  and  affronted  him  also  :  upon  which  he  seized  upon  about  twenty  of 
 the  principal   men,  and  slew  them,  aud  gathered  what  they  had  together,  and  sent  it  all  to  tlie 
 
308  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 «ing  .  and  informed  Lim  what  he  had  done.  Ptolemy  admired  the  prndent  conduct  of  the  man, 
 and  commended  him  for  what  he  had  done ;  and  gave  him  leave  to  do  as  he  pleased.  When 
 the  Syrians  heard  of  this,  they  were  astonished :  and  having  before  them  a  sad  example  in  the 
 men  of  Askelon  that  were  slain,  they  opened  their  gates,  and  willingly  admitted  Joseph,  and 
 paid  ttieir  taxes.  And  when  the  inhabitants  of  Scythopolis  attempted  to  affront  him,  and 
 would  not  pay  him  those  taxes  which  they  formerly  used  to  pay,  without  disputing  about  them, 
 he  slew  also  the  principal  men  of  that  city,  and  sent  their  effects  to  the  king.  By  this  means 
 he  gathered  great  wealth  together,  and  made  vast  gains  by  this  farming  of  the  taxes :  and  he 
 made  use  of  what  estate  he  had  thus  gotten,  in  order  to  support  his  authority,  as  thinking  it  a 
 piece  of  prudence  to  keep  what  had  been  the  occasion  and  foundation  of  his  present  good  for- 
 tune ;  and  this  he  did  by  the  assistance  of  what  he  was  already  possessed  of,  for  he  privately 
 sent  many  presents  to  the  king,  and  to  Cleopatra,  and  to  their  friends,  and  to  all  that  were 
 powerful  about  the  court,  and  thereby  purchased  their  good-will  to  himself. 
 
 6.  This  good  fortune  he  enjoyed  for  twenty-two  years :  and  was  become  the  father  of  seven 
 sons,  by  one  wife:  he  had  also  another  son,  whose  name  was  Hyrcanus,  by  bis  brother  Soly- 
 mius'  daughter,  whom  he  married  on  the  following  occasion.  He  once  came  to  Alexandria 
 with  his  brother,  who  had  along  with  him  a  daughter  already  marriageable,  in  order  to  give 
 her  in  wedlock  to  some  of  the  Jews  of  chief  dignity  there.  He  then  supped  with  the  king, 
 and  falling  in  love  with  an  actress,  that  was  of  great  beauty,  and  came  into  the  room  where 
 they  feasted,  he  told  his  brother  of  it,  and  entreated  him,  because  a  Jew  is  forbidden  by  their 
 law  to  come  near  to  a  foreigner,  to  conceal  his  offence,  and  to  be  kind  and  subservient  to  him, 
 and  to  give  him  an  opportunity  of  ful tilling  his  desires.  Upon  which  his  brother  willingly 
 entertained  the  proposal  of  serving  him,  and  adorned  his  own  daughter,  and  brought  her  to 
 Lim  by  night,  and  put  her  into  his  bed.  And  Joseph,  being  disordered  with  drink,  knew  not 
 ■who  she  was,  and  so  lay  with  his  brother's  daughter;  and  this  did  he  raauy  times,  and  loved 
 her  exceedingly,  and  said  to  his  brother,  that  he  loved  this  actress  so  well,  that  he  should  run 
 the  hazard  of  his  life  [if  he  must  part  with  her,]  and  yet  probably  the  king  would  not  give 
 him  leave  [to  take  her  with  him.]  But  his  brother  bade  him  be  in  no  concern  abont  that 
 matter,  and  told  him,  he  might  enjoy  her  whom  he  loved  withoat  any  danger,  and  might  have 
 her  for  his  wife ;  and  opened  the  truth  of  the  matter  to  him,  and  assured  him  that  he  chose 
 rather  to  have  his  own  daughter  abused,  than  to  overlook  him,  and  see  him  come  to  [public] 
 disgrace.  So  Joseph  commended  him  for  this  his  brotherly  love;  and  married  his  daughter; 
 and  by  her  begat  a  son,  whose  name  was  Hyrcanus,  as  we  said  before.  And  when  this  his 
 youngest  son  shewed,  at  thirteen  years  old,  a  mind  that  was  both  courageous  and  wise,  and 
 was  greatly  envied  by  his  brethren,  as  being  of  a  genius  much  above  them,  and  such  a  one  as 
 they  might  well  envy,  Joseph  had  once  a  mind  to  know  which  of  his  sons  had  the  best  dispo- 
 sition to  virtue,  and  when  he  sent  them  severally  to  those  that  had  then  the  best  reputation  for 
 instructing  youth,  the  rest  of  his  children,  by  reason  of  their  sloth,  and  unwillingness  to  take 
 pains,  returned  to  him  foolish  and  unlearned.  After  tbem  he  sent  out  the  youngest,  Hyrcanus, 
 and  gave  him  three  hundred  yoke  of  oxen,  and  bade  him  go  two  days'  journey  in  the  wilder- 
 ness, and  sow  the  land  there,  and  yet  kept  back  privately  the  yokes  of  the  oxen  that  coupled 
 them  together.  When  Hyrcanus  came  to  the  place,  and  found  he  had  no  yokes  with  him,  he 
 contemned  the  drivers  of  the  oxen,  who  advised  him  to  send  home  to  bis  father,  to  bring  them 
 some  yokes  ;  but  he  thinking  that  he  ought  not  to  lose  his  time,  while  they  should  be  sent  to 
 bring  him  the  yokes,  he  invented  a  kind  of  stratagem,  and  what  suited  an  age  elder  than  his 
 own  ;  for  he  slew  ten  yoke  of  the  oxen,  and  distributed  their  llesh  among  the  labourers,  and 
 cut  their  bides  into  several  pieces,  and  made  him  yokes,  and  yoked  the  oxen  together  with 
 them  ;  by  which  means  be  sowed  as  much  land  as  his  father  had  appointed  him  to  sow,  and 
 returned  to  him.  And  when  he  was  come  back,  his  father  was  mightily  pleased  with  his  saga- 
 city, and  commended  the  sharpness  of  his  understanding,  and  his  boldness  in  what  he  did. 
 And  he  still  loved  him  the  more,  as  if  he  were  his  only  genuine  son,  while  his  brethren  were 
 much  troubled  at  it. 
 
 7.  But  when  one  told  him  that  Ptolemy  had  a  son  just  born,  and  that  all  the  principal  men 
 of  Syria,  and  the  other  countries  subject  to  him,  were  to  keep  a  festival,  on  account  of  the 
 child's  birthday,  and  went  away  in  haste  with  great  retinues  to  Alexandria,  he  was  himself 
 indeed  hindered  from  going  by  old  age,  but  he  made  trial  of  his  sons,  whether  any  of  them 
 would  be  willing  to  go  to  the  king.  And  when  the  elder  sons  excused  themselves  from  going, 
 and  said,  they  were  not  courtiers  good  enough  for  such  conversation,  and  advised  him  to  send 
 their  brother  Hyrcanus,  he  gladly  hearkened  to  that  advice;  and  called  Hyrcanus,  and  asked 
 him,  whether  he  would  go  to  the  king;  and  whether  it  was  agreeable  to  him  to  go  or  not? 
 And  upon  his  promise  that  he  would  go,  and  his  saying  that  he  would  not  want  much  money 
 for  his  journey,  because  be  would  live  moderately,  and  that  ten  thousand  drachmae  would  be 
 suflicient,  he  was  pleased  with  his  son's  prudence.  After  a  little  while,  the  son  advised  his 
 father  not  to  send  his  presents  to  the  king  from  thence,  but  to  give  him  a  letter  to  his  steward 
 at  Alexandria,  that  he  might  furnish  him  with  money,  for  purchasing  what  would  be  most 
 excellent  and  most  precious.  So  he  thinking  that  the  expense  of  ten  talents  would  be  enough 
 for  presents  to  be  made  the  king,  and  commending  his  son  as  giving  him  good  advi«e,  wrot« 
 
BOOK  XII.— CHAP.    IV.  309 
 
 to  Ar.'oii  bis  steward,  that  managed  all  his  iiionev  matters  at  Alexaadria;  which  money  was  not 
 less  (lian  tliree  tliousand  talents  on  his  account,  for  .Tosepli  sent  the  money  lie  received  in 
 Syria  to  Alexandria.  And  when  the  day  appointed  for  the  payment  of  the  taxes  to  the  king 
 came,  he  wrote  to  Arion  to  pay  them.  So  when  the  son  had  asked  his  father  for  a  letter  to 
 this  steward,  and  had  received  it,  he  made  haste  to  Alexandria.  And  when  he  was  gone,  his 
 bretiiren  wrote  to  all  tlie  king's  friends,  that  they  should  destroy  him. 
 
 8.  But  when  he  was  conie  to  Alexandria,  he  delivered  his  letter  to  Arion,  who  asked  him 
 how  many  talents  he  would  have?  (hoping  he  would  ask  for  no  more  than  ten,  or  a  little  more,) 
 he  said  he  wauled  a  thousand  talents.  At  which  the  steward  was  an^ry,  and  rebuked  him,  as 
 one  that  intended  to  live  extravan;antly  ;  and  he  let  him  know  how  his  father  had  gathered 
 together  his  estate  by  pains-taking,  and  resisting  his  inclinations,  and  wished  him  to  imitate 
 the  example  of  his  fatiier:  he  assured  him  withal,  that  he  would  give  him  but  ten  talents,  and 
 that  for  a  present  to  the  king  also.  The  son  was  irritnled  at  this,  and  threw  Arion  into  prison. 
 But  when  Arion's  wife  had  informed  Cleopatra  of  this,  with  her  entreaty  that  she  would 
 rebuke  the  child  for  what  he  had  done,  (for  Arion  was  in  great  esteem  with  her,)  Cleopatra 
 informed  the  king  of  it.  And  Ptolemy  si  nt  for  Hyrcanus,  and  told  liiui,  that  "  he  wondered 
 when  he  was  sent  to  him  by  bis  father,  that  he  had  not  yet  come  into  his  presence,  but  had 
 laid  the  steward  in  prison."  And  he  gave  order,  therefore,  that  he  should  come  to  him,  and 
 give  an  account  of  the  reason  of  what  he  had  done.  And  they  report,  that  the  answer  he  made 
 to  the  king's  messenger  was  this :  that  "  there  was  a  law  of  his  that  forbade  a  child  that  was 
 born,  to  taste  of  the  sacrifice,  before  he  had  been  at  the  temple  and  sacrificed  to  God.  Accord- 
 ing to  which  way  of  reasoning  he  did  not  himself  come  to  him  in  expectation  of  the  present  he 
 ■was  to  make  to  him,  as  to  one  who  had  been  his  father's  benefactor:  and  that  he  had  punished 
 the  slave  for  disobeying  his  commands,  for  that  it  mattered  not  whether  a  master  was  little  or 
 great;  so  that  unless  we  punish  such  as  these,  thou  thyself  mayest  also  expect  to  be  despised 
 by  thy  subjects."  Upon  hearing  this  his  answer,  he  fell  a  laughing,  and  wondered  at  the  great 
 soul  of  the  child. 
 
 9.  When  Arion  was  apprized  that  this  was  the  king's  disposition,  and  that  he  had  no  way 
 to  help  himself,  he  gave  the  child  a  thousand  talents,  and  was  let  out  of  prison.  So  sfter  three 
 days  were  over,  Hyrcanus  came  and  saluted  the  king  and  queen.  They  saw  him  with  pleasure, 
 and  feasted  him  in  an  obliging  manner,  out  of  the  respect  they  bare  to  his  father.  So  he  came 
 to  the  merchants  privately,  and  bought  a  hundred  boys  that  had  learning,  and  were  in  the 
 flower  of  their  ages,  each  at  a  talent  apiece ;  as  also  lie  bought  a  hundred  maidens,  each  at  the 
 same  price  as  the  other.  And  when  he  was  invited  to  feast  with  the  king  among  the  princijial 
 men  of  the  country,  he  sat  down  the  lowest  of  them  all,  because  he  was  little  regarded,  as  a 
 child  in  age  still ;  and  this  by  those  who  placed  every  one  according  to  their  dignity.  Now 
 when  all  those  that  sat  with  him  had  laid  the  bones  of  the  several  parts  on  a  heap  before  Hyr- 
 canus, (for  they  had  themselves  taken  away  the  flesh  belonging  to  them.)  til!  the  table  where 
 be  sat  was  filled  full  with  them  ;  Trypho,  who  was  the  king's  jester,  and  was  appointed  for 
 jokes  and  laughter  at  festivals,  was  now  asked  by  the  guests  that  sat  at  the  table  [to 
 expose  him  to  laughter.]  So  he  stood  by  the  king,  and  said,  "  Dost  thou  not  see,  my  lord, 
 the  bones  that  lie  b^' Hyrcanus?  by  this  similitude  thou  mayest  conjecture  that  his  father  roa.^e 
 all  Syria  as  bare  as  be  hath  made  these  bones."  And  the  king  laughing  at  what  Trypho  said, 
 and  asking  of  Hyrcanus,  "  How  he  came  to  have  so  many  bones  before  him?"  he  replied, 
 "  Very  rightfully,  my  lord :  for  they  are  dogs  that  eat  the  flesh  and  the  bones  together,  as 
 these  thy  guests  have  done,  (looking  in  the  mean  time  at  those  guests,)  for  there  is  nothing 
 before  them  ;  but  they  are  men  that  eat  the  flesh,  and  cast  away  the  bones,  as  I,  who  am  also 
 a  man,  have  now  done."  Upon  which  the  king  admired  at  his  answer,  which  was  so  wisely 
 made;  and  bade  them  all  make  an  acclamation,  as  a  mark  of  their  approbation  of  his  jest, 
 which  was  a  truly  facetious  one.  On  the  next  day  Hyrcanus  went  to  every  one  of  the  king's 
 friends,  and  of  the  men  powerful  at  court,  and  saluted  them  ;  but  still  i.nquired  of  the  servants 
 what  present  they  would  make  the  king  on  his  sons  birth  day?  and  when  some  said  that  they 
 would  give  twelve  talents,  and  that  otlicrs  of  greater  dignity  would  every  one  give  according 
 to  the  quantity  of  their  riches,  he  pretended  to  every  one  to  be  grieved  that  he  was  not  able  to 
 bring  so  large  a  present;  for  that  he  had  no  more  than  five  talents.  And  when  the  servants 
 heard  what  he  said,  they  told  their  masters,  and  they  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  that  Joseph 
 would  be  disapproved,  and  would  make  the  king  angry,  by  the  smallness  of  his  present. 
 When  the  day  came,  the  others,  even  those  that  brought  the  most,  offered  the  king  not  above 
 twenty  talents  ;  but  Hyrcanus  gave  to  every  one  of  the  hundred  boys,  and  hundred  maidens 
 thai  he  had  bought,  a  talent  apiece,  for  them  to  carry,  and  introduced  them,  the  boys  to  the 
 king,  and  the  maidens  to  Cleopatra:  every  body  wondering  at  the  unexpected  richness  of  the 
 presents,  even  the  king  and  queen  themselves.  He  also  presented  those  that  attended  about 
 the  king  with  gifts  to  the  value  of  a  great  nnrober  of  talents,  that  he  might  escape  the  danger 
 he  was  in  from  them  ;  for  to  these  it  was  that  Hyrcanus's  brethren  had  written  to  destroy  him. 
 Now  Ptolemy  admired  at  tlie  young  man's  magnanimity ;  and  commanded  him  to  ask  what  gift 
 he  pleased.  But  he  desired  nothing  else  to  be  done  for  him  by  the  king  than  to  write  to  his 
 father  and  brethren  about  him.     So  when  the  king  bad  paid  him  very  great  respects,  and  bad 
 
310  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 given  him  very  large  gifts,  and  had  written  to  his  father  and  his  brethren,  and  all  his  com- 
 manders, and  officers  about  him,  he  sent  him  away.  But  when  his  brethren  heard  that  H^r- 
 canus  had  received  such  favours  from  the  king,  and  was  returning  home  with  great  honour. 
 they  went  out  to  meet  him,  and  to  destroy  him,  and  that  with  the  privity  of  their  father;  for 
 lie  was  angry  at  him  for  the  [large]  sum  of  money  that  he  bestowed  for  presents,  and  so  had 
 no  concern  for  his  preservation.  However,  Joseph  concealed  the  anger  he  iiad  at  his  son,  out 
 of  fear  of  the  king.  And  when  Hyrcanus'  brethren  came  to  fight  him,  he  slew  many  others  of 
 those  that  were  with  them ;  as  also  two  of  his  brethren  themselves,  but  the  rest  of  them 
 escaped  to  Jerusalem  to  their  father.  But  when  Hyrcanus  came  to  the  city,  where  nobody 
 would  receive  him,  he  was  afraid  for  himself,  and  retired  beyond  the  river  Jordan,  and  there 
 abode,  but  obliging  the  Barbarians  to  pay  their  taxes. 
 
 10.  At  this  time  Seleucus,  who  was  called  Soter,  reigned  over  Asia,  being  the  son  of  Antio- 
 chus  the  Great.  And  [now]  Hyrcanus'  father  Joseph  died.  He  was  a  good  man,  and  of  great 
 magnanimity  ;  and  brought  the  Jews  out  of  a  state  of  poverty  and  meanness,  to  one  that  was 
 more  splendid.  He  retained  tiie  farm  of  the  taxes  of  Syria,  and  Phenicia,  and  Samaria, 
 twenty-two  years.  His  uncle  also,  Onias,  died  [about  this  time,]  and  left  the  high  priesthood 
 to  his  son  Simon.  And  when  he  was  de;id,  Onias  his  son  succeeded  him  in  that  dignity. 
 To  him  it  was  that  Areus,  king  of  the  Lacedemonians,  sent  an  embassage,  with  an  epistle;  the 
 copy  whereof  here  follows : 
 
 "  Areus  King  of  the  Lacedemonians,  to  Onias,  seiidelli  greeting: 
 
 "  We  have  met  witli  a  certain  writing,  whereby  we  have  discovered  that  both  the  Jews  and 
 the  Lacedemonians  are  of  one  stock,  and  are  derived  from  the  kindred  of  Abraham.*  It  is  but 
 just,  therefore,  that  you,  v/ho  are  our  brethren,  should  send  to  us  about  any  of  your  concerns  as 
 you  please.  We  will  also  do  the  same  thing,  and  esteem  your  concerus  as  our  own  ;  and  will 
 look  upon  our  concerns  as  in  common  with  yours.  Deraoleles,  who  brings  you  this  letter,  will 
 bring  your  answer  back  to  us.  This  letter  is  foursquare;  and  the  seal  is  an  eagle,  with  a 
 dragon  in  its  claws." 
 
 11.  And  these  were  the  contents  of  the  epistle  which  was  sent  from  the  king  of  the  Lacede- 
 monians. But  upon  the  death  of  Joseph,  the  people  grew  seditious,  on  account  of  his  sons; 
 for  whereas  the  elders  made  war  against  Hyrcanus,  who  was  the  youngest  of  Joseph's  sons, 
 the  multitude  was  divided,  but  the  greater  part  joined  with  the  elders  in  this  war ;  as  did 
 Simon  the  high  priest,  by  reason  of  his  kin  to  them.  However,  Hjrcanus  determined  not  to 
 return  to  Jerusalem  any  more,  but  seated  himself  beyond  Jordan ;  and  was  at  perpetual  war 
 with  the  Arabians,  and  slew  many  of  them,  and  took  many  of  them  captives.  He  also  erected 
 a  strong  castle,  and  built  it  entirely  of  white  stone  to  the  very  roof;  and  had  animals  of  a  pro- 
 digious magnitude  engraven  upon  it.  He  also  drew  round  it  a  great  and  deep  canal  of  water. 
 He  also  made  caves  of  many  furlongs  in  length,  by  hollowing  a  rock  that  was  over  against  him  ; 
 and  then  he  made  large  rooms  in  it,  some  for  feasting,  and  some  for  sleeping  and  living  in. 
 He  introduced  also  a  vast  quantity  of  waters  which  ran  along  it,  and  which  were  very  delight- 
 ful and  ornamental  in  the  court.  Bat  still  he  made  the  entrances  at  the  mouth  of  the  caves  so 
 narrow,  that  no  more  than  one  person  could  enter  by  them  at  unce.  And  the  reason  why  he 
 built  them  after  that  manner  was  a  good  one  ;  it  was  for  his  own  preservation,  lest  he  should 
 be  besieged  by  his  brethren,  and  run  the  hazard  of  being  caught  by  them.  Moreover,  he  built 
 courts  of  greater  magnitude  than  ordinary,  which  he  adorned  with  vastly  large  gardens.  And 
 when  he  hsd  brought  the  place  to  this  state,  he  named  it  Tyre.  This  place  is  between  Arabia 
 and  Judea,  beyond  Jordan,  not  far  from  the  country  of  Heshbon.  And  he  ruled  over  those 
 parts  for  seven  years,  even  all  the  time  that  Seleucus  was  king  of  Syria.  But  when  he  was 
 dead,  his  brother  Antiochus,  who  was  called  Epiphanes,  took  the  kingdom.  Ptolemy  also,  the 
 king  of  Egypt,  died,  who  was  besides  called  Epiphanes.  He  left  two  sons,  and  both  young  in 
 age;  the  elder  of  whom  was  called  Philometor,  and  the  youngest  Physcon.  .As  for  Hyrcanus, 
 when  he  saw  that  Aniiochns  had  a  great  army,  and  feared  lest  he  should  be  caught  by  him, 
 and  brought  to  punishment  for  what  he  had  done  to  the  Arabians,  he  ended  his  life,  by  slaying 
 himself  with  bis  own  band ;  while  Antiochus  seized  upon  all  his  substance. 
 
 *  Whence  it  comes  that  these  Lacedemonians  declare  themselves  here  to  be  of  kin  to  the  Jews,  as  derived 
 from  the  same  ancestor  Abraham,  I  cannot  tell,  unless,  as  Grotius  supposes,  they  were  derived  from  the 
 Dores,  that  came  of  the  Pelasgi.  These  are  by  Herodotus  called  '  Barbarians,'  and  perhaps  were  derived 
 from  the  Syrians  and  Arabians,  the  posterity  of  Abraham  by  Keturah.  See  Antiq.  b.  xiv .  chap.  x.  J  '22.  and 
 Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  xxvi.  ^1.  and  Grot,  on  1  Maccab.  xii.  7.  We  may  further  observe,  from  the  Kecogni- 
 tions  of  Clement,  that  Kliezer  of  Damascus,  the  '  servanf'  of  Abraham,  Gen.  xv.  2.  and  xxir.  was  of  old  by 
 some  taken  for  his  '  son  '  So  that  if  the  Lacedemonians  were  sprung  from  hini,  they  might  think  themselves 
 to  be  of  the  posterity  of  Abraham,  as  well  as  the  Jews  who  were  sprunir  from  Isaac.  And  perhaps  this 
 Kli.  7,er  of  Damascus  is  that  very  Damascus  whom  TrogusPompeins,  as  abridged  by  Justm,  makes  the  founder 
 of  the  Jewish  nation  itself,  though  he  afterwards  blunders,  and  makes  Azelns,  Adores,  Abraham,  and  Israel, 
 kinps  of  Judea,  and  successors  to  this  Damascus.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  observe  farther,  that  Moses 
 t'horenensis,  in  his  history  of  the  Armenians,  informs  us,  that  the  nation  of  the  Parthians  was  also  derived  from 
 Abraham,  by  Keturah  and  her  children. 
 
BOOK    XU. — CHAP    V.  311 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How,  upon  the  Quarrels  of  the  feus  one  wjainst  another  about  the  High  Priesthood,  Anlio- 
 chus  made  an  Expedition  against  Jerusalem,  took  the  City  and  pillaged  the  Temple,  and 
 distressed  the  Jews:  As  also  how  many  of  the  Jetos  forsook  the  Laws  of  their  Country;  and 
 how  the  Samaritans  followed  the  Customs  of  the  Greeks,  and  ?iamed  their  Temple  at  the 
 Mount  Gerizzim,  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Hellenius. 
 
 $  1.  About  this  time,  upon  the  death  of  Onias  the  high  priest,  they  gave  the  high  priest- 
 liood  to  Jesus  bis  brother ;  for  tbat  son  which  Onias  left  [or  Onias  IV.]  was  yet  but  an  infant  : 
 and,  in  its  proper  place,  we  will  inform  the  reader  of  all  the  circumstances  that  befell  this 
 child.  But  tliis  Jesus,  who  was  the  brotiier  of  Onias,  was  deprived  of  the  high  priesthood 
 by  the  king,  who  was  angry  with  him,  and  gave  it  to  his  yonuger  brother,  whose  name  also 
 was  Onias,  for  Siuion  had  these  three  sons,  to  each  of  which  the  priesthood  came,  as  we  have 
 already  informed  tlie  reader,*  This  Jesus  changed  his  name  to  Jason ;  but  Onias  was  called 
 Menelaus,  Now  as  the  former  high  priest,  Jesus,  raised  a  sedition  against  IVIenelaus,  who 
 was  ordained  after  him,  the  multitude  were  divided  between  them  both.  And  the  sons  of 
 Tobias  took  the  part  of  Menelaus,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  people  assisted  Jason  :  and  by 
 that  means  Menelaus,  and  the  sons  of  Tobias,  were  distressed,  and  retired  to  Antiochus,  and 
 informed  him,  that  they  were  desirous  to  leave  the  laws  of  their  oountry,  and  the  Jewish  way 
 of  living  according  to  them,  and  to  follow  the  king's  laws,  and  the  Grecian  way  of  living. 
 Wherefore  they  desired  his  permission  to  build  tiiem  a  Gymnasium  at  Jerusalem. t  And 
 when  be  had  given  them  leave,  they  also  hid  the  circumcision  of  their  genitals,  that  even  when 
 they  were  naked,  they  might  appear  to  be  Greeks.  Accordingly  they  left  ofiT  all  the  customs 
 that  belonged  to  their  own  country,  and  imitated  the  practices  of  the  other  nations. 
 
 2.  Now  Aniiochus,  upon  the  agreeable  situation  of  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom,  resolved  to 
 make  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  both  because  he  had  a  desire  to  gain  it,  and  because  he 
 contemned  the  son  of  Ptolemy,  as  now  weak,  and  not  yet  of  abilities  to  manage  allairs  of  such 
 consequence  ;  so  he  came  with  great  forces  to  Pelusiuni,  and  circumvented  Ptolemy  Philorae- 
 tor  by  treachery,  and  seized  upon  Egypt.  He  then  came  to  the  places  about  Memphis ;  and 
 when  he  had  taken  them,  he  made  haste  to  Alexandria,  in  hopes  of  taking  it  by  siege,  aiid  of 
 subduing  Ptolemy,  who  reigned  there.  But  he  was  di^iven  not  only  from  Alexandria,  but  out 
 of  all  Egypt,  by  the  declarations  of  the  Romans,  wlio  charged  him  to  let  that  country  alone  ; 
 according  as  I  have  elsewhere  formerly  declared.  I  will  now  give  a  particular  account  of 
 what  concerns  this  king,  how  he  subdued  Judea  and  the  temple;  for  in  my  former  work  I 
 mentioned  those  things  very  briefly,  and  have  therefore  now  thought  it  necessary  to  go  over 
 that  history  again,  and  that  with  greater  accuracy. 
 
 3.  King  Aniiochus  returning  out  of  Egypt,:):  for  fear  of  the  Romans,  made  an  expedition 
 against  the  city  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  he  was  there,  in  the  hundred  forty  and  tliird  year  of  the 
 kingdom  of  the  Seleucida3,  he  took  the  city  v,ritlioiit  fighting,  those  of  his  own  party  opening 
 the  gates  to  him.  And  when  he  had  gotten  possession  of  Jerusalem  he  slew  many  of  the 
 opposite  party  ;  and  when  he  had  plundered  it  of  a  great  deal  of  money,  he  returned  to 
 Antioch. 
 
 4.  Now  it  came  to  pass,  after  two  years,  in  the  hundred  forty  and  fifih  year,  on  the  twenty- 
 fifth  day  of  that  month,  which  is  by  us  called  Casleu,  and  by  the  Macedonians  Apelleus,  in  the 
 hundred  and  lilty-third  olympiad,  that  the  king  came  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  pretending  peace, 
 got  possession  of  the  city  by  treachery  :  at  which  time  he  spared  not  so  much  as  those  that 
 admitted  him  into  it,  on  account  of  the  riflies  that  lay  in  the  temple ;  but,  led  by  his  covetous 
 inclination,  (for  he  saw  there  was  in  it  a  great  deal  of  gold,  and  many  ornaments  that  had  been 
 dedicated  to  it  of  very  great  value,)  and  in  order  to  plunder  its  wealth,  he  vetitursd  to  break 
 the  league  he  had  made.  So  he  left  the  temple  bare  ;  and  took  away  the  golden  candlesticks, 
 and  the  golden  altar  [of  incense,]  and  table  [of  shew-bread,]  aud  the  altar  [of  burnt-offering  ;] 
 and  did  not  abstain  from  even  the  vails  which  were  made  of  fine  linen  and  scarlet.     He  also 
 
 *  We  have  hitherto  had  but  a  few  of  those  many  citations  where  Josephus  says,  that  he  had  elsewhere 
 formerly  treated  of  many  things,  of  whicli  yet  his  present  boolts  have  not  a  syllable.  Our  commentators  have 
 hitherto  been  able  to  give  no  tolerable  account  of  these  citations,  which  are  far  too  numerous,  and  that 
 usually  in  all  his  copies,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  to  be  supposed  later  interpolations,  which  is  almost  all 
 that  has  been  hitherto  said  upon  this  occasion.  What  I  have  to  say  farther  is  jiis,  that  we  have  but  very 
 few  of  those  references  before,  and  vcn/  many  in  and  after  the  history  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes;  and  that 
 Josephus'  first  book,  the  Hebrew  or  C'lialdee,  as  well  as  the  Greek  history  of  the  .lewish  War,  long  siuc^ 
 lost,  began  with  that  very  history,  so  that  the  references  are  most  probably  made  to  that  edition  of  the  seven 
 Books  of  the  War.  See  several  other  examples,  besides  those  in  the  two  sections  before  us,  in  Antiq.  b.  xiii. 
 chap.  ii.  i  1,  4.  and  chap.  iv.  j  6,  8.  chap.  v.  5  6,  11,  chap.  viii.  5  4.  and  chap,  xiii.  }  4,  5.  and  Antiq,  b.  xviii, 
 chap.  ii.  §  5. 
 
 t  This  word  Gymnasium,  properly  denotes  a  place  where  the  exercises  were  performed  naked,  which  be- 
 cause it  would  naturally  distinguish  circumcised  .lews  from  uncircumcised  Gentiles,  these  .lewish  apostates 
 endeavoured  to  appear  uncircumcised,  by  means  of  a  chirurgical  operation,  hinted  at  by  St.  Paul,  1  Cor,  vii. 
 18.  and  described  by  Celsus.b.  vii,  chap,  xxv,  as  JJr.  Hudson  here  informs  us. 
 
 t  llereab  uts  Josephus  begins  to  follow  the  first  book  of  the  Maccabees,  a  most  excellent  .ind  most  authen- 
 tic history;  and  accordingly  it  is  here,  with  great  fidelity  aud  exactness,  abridged  by  him;  between  whose 
 present  copies  there  seem  to  be  fewer  variations  than  in  any  other  sacred  Hebrew  book  of  the  Old  'testament 
 whatsoever,  (for  this  book  was  originally  written  in  Hebrew,)  which  is  very  natural,  because  it  was  writlea 
 so  much  nearer  to  the  times  of  Josephus  that  the  rest  were. 
 
312  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 emptied  it  of  its  secret  treasures,  and  left  nothing  at  all  remaining ;  and  by  these  means  cast 
 tlie  Jews  into  great  lamentation,  for  he  forbade  them  to  oiler  those  daily  sacrifices  which  they 
 used  to  offer  to  God,  according  to  the  law.  And  when  he  had  pillaged  the  whole  city,  some 
 of  the  inhabitants  he  slew,  and  some  he  carried  captive,  together  with  their  wives  and  children, 
 so  that  the  multitude  of  those  captives  that  were  taken  alive  amounted  to  about  ten  thousand. 
 He  also  burnt  down  the  finest  buildings  ;  and  when  he  had  overthrown  the  city  walls,  he  built 
 a  citadel  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city,*  for  the  place  was  high,  and  overlooked  the  temple,  on 
 which  account  he  fortified  it  with  high  walls  and  towers  ;  and  put  into  it  a  garrison  of  3Iace- 
 donians.  However,  in  that  citadel  dwelt  the  impious  and  wicked  part  of  the  [Jewish]  multi- 
 tude, from  whom  it  proved  that  the  citizens  suifered  many  and  sore  calamities.  And  when  the 
 king  had  built  an  idol  altar  upon  God's  altar,  he  slew  swine  upon  it,  and  so  offered  a  sacrifice 
 neither  according  to  the  law,  nor  the  Jewish  religious  worship  in  that  country.  He  also  com- 
 pelled them  to  forsake  the  worship  which  they  paid  their  own  Goil,  and  to  adore  those  whom  he 
 took  to  be  gods,  and  made  them  biiild  temples,  and  raise  idol  altars  in  every  city  and  village, 
 and  offer  swine  upon  them  every  day.  He  also  commanded  them  not  to  circumcise  their  sons, 
 and  threatened  to  punish  any  that  should  be  found  to  have  transgressed  his  injunctions.  He  also 
 appointed  overseers,  who  should  compel  them  to  do  what  he  commanded.  And  indeed  many 
 Jews  there  were  who  complied  with  the  king's  commands,  either  voluntarily  or  out  of  fear 
 of  the  penalty  that  was  denounced  :  but  the  best  men,  and  those  of  the  noblest  souls,  did  not 
 regard  him,  but  did  pay  a  greater  respect  to  the  customs  of  their  country,  than  concern  as  to 
 the  punishment  which  he  threatened  to  the  disobedient ;  on  which  account  they  every  day 
 underwent  great  miseries,  and  bitter  torments,  for  they  were  whipped  with  rods,  and  their 
 bodies  were  torn  to  pieces,  and  were  crucified,  while  they  were  still  alive,  and  breathed  : 
 they  also  strangled  those  womeu  and  their  sons  whom  they  had  circumcised,  as  the  king  had 
 appointed,  hanging  their  sons  about  their  necks  as  they  were  upon  the  crosses.  And  if  there 
 were  any  sacred  book  of  the  law  found,  it  was  destroyed,  and  those  with  whom  they  were 
 found,  miserably  perished  also. 
 
 5.  When  the  Samaritans  saw  the  Jews  under  these  sufferings,  they  no  longer  confessed 
 that  they  were  of  their  kindred,  nor  that  the  temple  on  mount  Gerizzim  belonged  to  Almighty 
 God.  This  was  according  to  their  nature,  as  we  have  already  shewn.  And  they  now  said, 
 that  they  were  a  colony  of  Modes  and  Persians  :  and  indeed  they  were  a  colony  of  theirs.  So 
 thev  sent  ambassadors  to  Antiochus,  and  an  epistle  ;  whose  contents  are  these:  "  To  king 
 Antiochus  the  god,  Epiphanes,  a  memorial  from  Sidonians,  who  live  at  Shechem.  Onr  fore- 
 fathers, upon  certain  frequent  plagues,  and  as  following  a  certain  ancient  superstition,  had  a 
 cnstoui  of  observing  that  day  which  by  the  Jews  is  called  the  Sabbath. t  And  when  they  had 
 erected  a  temple  at  the  mountain  called  Gerizzim,  though  without  a  name,  they  offered  upon 
 it  the  proper  sacrifices.  Now,  upon  the  just  treatment  of  these  wicked  Jews,  those  l^at 
 manage  their  affairs,  supposing  that  we  were  of  kin  to  them,  and  practised  as  they  do,  make 
 us  liable  to  the  same  accusations,  although  we  be  originally  Sidonians,  as  is  evident  from  the 
 public  records.  We  therefore  beseech  thee,  our  benefactor  and  saviour,  to  give  order  to 
 Apollonius,  the  governor  of  this  part  of  the  country,  and  to  Nicanor,  the  procurator  of  thy 
 affairs,  to  give  us  no  disturbance,  nor  to  lay  to  our  charge  what  the  Jews  are  accused  for, 
 since  we  are  aliens  from  their  nation,  and  from  their  customs  ;  but  let  our  temple,  which  at 
 present  hath  no  name  at  all,  be  named,  The  temple  of  Jupiter  Hellenius.  If  this  were  once 
 done,  we  should  be  no  longer  disturbed,  but  should  be  more  intent  on  our  own  occupation 
 with  quietness,  and  so  bring  in  a  greater  revenue  to  thee."  When  the  Samaritans  had  peti- 
 tioned for  this,  the  king  sent  them  back  the  following  answer,  in  an  epistle  :  "  King  Antiochus 
 to  Ninanor.  The  Sidonians,  who  live  at  Shechem,  have  sent  me  the  memorial  enclosed.  When 
 therefore  we  were  advising  with  our  friends  about  it,  the  messengers  sent  by  them  represented 
 to  us,  that  they  are  no  way  concerned  with  accusations  which  belong  to  the  Jews,  but  choose 
 to  live  after  the  customs  of  the  Greeks.  Accordingly  we  declare  them  free  from  such  accusa- 
 tions, and  order  that,  agreeable  to  their  petition,  their  temple  be  named,  The  temple  of  Jupiter 
 Hellenius."  He  also  sent  the  like  epistle  to  Apollonius,  the  governor  of  that  part  of  the 
 country,  in  the  forty-sixth  year,  and  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  month  Hecatombeon. 
 
 *  This  citadel,  of  which  we  have  such  frequent  mention  in  the  following  history,  both  in  the  Maccabees 
 and  in  Josephus,  seems  to  have  been  a  castle  built  on  a  hill,  lower  than  mount  Zion,  though  upon  its  stirts, 
 and  higher  than  mount  Moriah,  but  between  them  both  ;  which  hill  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  now  got  possession 
 of.  and  built  on  it  this  citadel,  and  fortified  it,  till  a  good  while  afterwards  the  Jews  regained  it,  demolished  it, 
 and  levelled  the  hill  itself  with  the  common  ground,  that  their  enemies  might  no  more  recover  it,  and  might 
 thence  overlook  the  temple  itself,  and  do  them  such  mischief  as  they  had  long  undergone  from  it,  Antiq. 
 b.  xiii.  chap.  vi.  j  6. 
 
 +  This  allegation  of  the  Samaritans  is  remarkable,  that  though  they  were  not  Jews,  yet  did  they,  from 
 ancient  limes,  observe  the  Sabbath-day,  and  as  they  elsewhere  pretend,  the  Sabbatic  year  also,  Antiq.  b.  xi. 
 chap.  viii.  §  6. 
 
BOOK   XII.  —  CHAP.    VI.  '313 
 
 CHAP    YI. 
 
 How,  upon  Aiitiochus'  Prohibition  to  the  Jews  to  make  use  of  the  Laws  of  their  Country,  Mnt- 
 tathias  the  Son  of  Asmoneus  alone  despised  the  King,  and  overcame  the  Gencru/s  of  Anlio- 
 chns'  army  ;  as  also  concerning  the  Death  of  Matlalhias,  and  the  Succession  of  Judas. 
 
 i  1.  Now  at  this  time  there  was  one  wliose  uame  was  Mattatbias,  who  dwelt  at  Modin,  ihe 
 son  of  Joljn,  the  son  of  Simeon,  the  son  of  Asmonens,  a  priest  o(  the  order  of  Joarib,  and  a 
 citizen  of  Jerusalem.  He  had  live  sons,  John,  who  was  called  Gaddis,  and  Simon  who  was 
 called  Mattlies,  and  Jiuhis  who  was  called  Maccabeus,*  and  Eieazar,  who  was  called  Auran, 
 and  Jonathan,  who  was  called  Apphus.  Now  this  Mattatbias  lamented  to  his  children  the  sad 
 state  of  their  affairs,  and  Ihe  ravage  made  iu  the  city,  and  the  phindtrino;  of  the  temple,  and 
 the  calamities  Ihe  multitude  were  under  ;  and  he  told  tbein,  that  it  was  better  for  them  to  die 
 for  the  laws  of  their  country,  than  to  live  so  ingloriously  as  they  then  did. 
 
 2.  But  when  those  that  were  appointed  by  the  king  were  come  to  Modin,  that  they  might 
 compel  the  Jews  to  do  what  they  were  commanded  ;  and  to  enjoin  tliose  that  were  there  to 
 oiTer  sacrifice,  as  the  king  had  commanded,  they  desired  that  Mattatbias,  a  person  of  the 
 greatest  character  among  them,  both  on  other  accounts,  and  particularly  on  account  of  such  a 
 numerous  and  so  deserving  a  family  of  children,  would  begin  the  sacrifice,  because  his  fellow- 
 citizens  would  follow  his  example,  and  because  such  a  procedure  would  make  him  honoured 
 by  the  king.  But  Mattatbias  said,  "  he  would  not  do  it  ;  and  that  if  all  the  other  nations 
 would  obey  the  commands  of  Antiochus,  either  out  of  fear,  or  to  please  him,  yet  would  not  he 
 nor  (lis  sons  leave  the  religious  worship  of  their  country."  But  as  soon  as  he  had  ended  his 
 speech,  there  came  one  of  the  Jews  into  the  midst  of  them,  and  sacrificed,  as  Antiochus  had 
 commanded.  At  which  Mattatbias  had  great  indignation,  and  ran  upon  him  violently,  with 
 his  sons,  who  had  swords  with  them,  and  slew  both  the  man  himself  that  sacrificed,  and  ApeFles 
 the  king's  general,  who  compelled  them  to  sacrifice,  with  a  few  of  his  soldiers.  He  also 
 overthrew  the  idol  altar  ;  aud  cried  out,  "  If  (said  he)  any  one  be  zealous  for  the  laws  of 
 his  country,  and  for  the  worship  of  God,  let  him  follow  me."  And  when  he  had  said  this,  he 
 made  haste  into  the  desert  with  bis  sous,  and  left  all  his  substance  in  the  village.  Many  others 
 did  the  same  also,  and  fled  with  their  children  and  wives  into  the  desert,  and  dwelt  in  caves. 
 But  when  the  king's  generals  heard  this,  they  took  all  the  forces  they  then  had  in  the  citadel 
 at  Jerusalem,  and  pursued  the  Jews  into  the  desert  ;  and  when  they  had  overtaken  them,  they 
 in  the  first  place  endeavoured  to  persuade  ihem  to  repent,  and  to  choose  what  was  most  for 
 their  advantage,  and  not  put  them  to  the  necessity  of  using  them  according  to  the  law  of  war. 
 But  when  they  would  not  comply  with  their  persuasions,  but  continued  to  be  of  a  difierent 
 mind,  they  fought  against  them  on  the  Sabbath-day,  and  they  burnt  them,  as  they  were  in  the 
 caves,  without  resistance,  and  without  so  much  as  stopping  up  the  entrances  of  the  caves.  And 
 they  avoided  to  defend  themselves  on  that  day,  because  they  were  not  willin;^  to  break  iu  upon  the 
 honour  they  owed  the  Sabbiith,  in  such  distresses,  for  our  law  requires  that  we  rest  npon  that 
 day.  There  were  about  a  thousand,  with  their  wives  and  children,  who  were  smothered,  and 
 died  in  these  caves;  but  many  of  those  that  escaped  joined  themselves  to  Mattatbias,  and 
 appointed  him  to  be  their  ruler,  who  taught  them  to  fight,  even  on  the  Sabbath-day  ;  and 
 told  tliem,  that  "  unless  they  would  do  so,  they  would  become  their  own  enemies,  by  observ- 
 ing the  law  [so  rigorously,]  while  their  adversaries  would  still  assault  them  on  this  day,  and 
 they  would  not  then  defend  themselves,  and  that  nothing  could  then  hinder  but  they  must  all 
 perish  without  fighting."  This  speech  persuaded  them.  And  this  rule  continues  among  us 
 to  this  day,  that  if  there  be  a  necessity,  we  may  fight  on  Sabbath-days.  So  Mattatbias  got 
 a  great  army  about  him,  and  overthrew  their  idol  altars,  and  slew  those  that  broke  the  laws, 
 even  all  that  he  could  get  under  his  power,  for  many  of  them  were  dispersed  among  the  nations 
 round  about  them  for  (ear  of  him.  He  also  commanded,  that  those  boys  which  were  not  yet 
 circumcised  should  be  circumcised  now  ;  and  he  drove  those  away  that  were  appointed  to 
 hinder  such  their  circumcision. 
 
 3.  But  when  he  bad  ruled  one  year,  and  was  fallen  into  a  di,stemper,  he  called  for  his  sons, 
 and  set  them  round  about  him,  and  said,  "  O  my  sons,  I  am  going  the  way  of  all  the  earth, 
 and  I  recommend  to  you  my  resolution,  and  beseech  you  not  to  be  negligent  in  keeping  it,  but 
 to  be  mindful  of  the  desires  of  him  who  begat  you,  and  brought  yon  up,  and  to  preserve  the 
 customs  of  your  country,  and  to  recover  your  ancient  form  of  government,  which  is  in  danger 
 of  being  overturned,  aud  not  to  be  carried  away  with  those  that,  either  by  their  own  inc.ina- 
 tion,  or  out  of  necessity,  betray  it,  but  to  become  such  sons  as  are  worthy  of  me  ;  to  be  above 
 all  force  and  necessity,  and  so  to  dispose  your  souls,  as  to  be  ready,  when  it  shall  be  neces- 
 sary, to  die  for  your  laws,  as  sensible  of  this  by  just  reasoning,  that  if  God  see  that  30U  are  so 
 
 •  That  this  appellation  of  Maccahee  was  not  first  of  all  {rfvcn  to  ludaa  Maccabeus,  nor  was  derived  from 
 ly  initiiil  letters  of  the  Hebrew  words  on  hi.s  banner,  Alt  h'amohi  He  Elim,  Jehovah  ?  "  Who  is  like  unto  thee 
 none  the  gods,  ()  ,Iehov;ih  r  !'.xod.  xv.  11.  as  tin-  modern  Rabbins  vainly  pretend,  see  Authenl.  Kee.  part  1. 
 iKes  205.  26.  Only  we  may  note,  by  the  way,  that  the  original  name  of  these  Maccabees,  aud  their  posterity, 
 ;  which  was  derived  from  Asmoneus,  a  great-grandfather  of  Mattathias,  as  Joscphus  here 
 
 any 
 
 urn     ,.       _  ,^ ,    ,  .. 
 
 pases  205,  26.    Only 
 was  Asmoiieaas 
 informs  us. 
 
 2  R 
 
314  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 disposed  he  will  not  overlook  you,  but  will  have  a  great  value  for  your  virtue,  and  will  restore 
 to  you  again  what  you  have  lost,  and  will  return  to  you  that  freedom  in  which  you  sliall  live 
 quietly,  and  enjoy  your  own  customs.  Your  bodies  are  mortal,  and  subject  to  fate,  but  Ihej 
 receive  a  sort  of  immortality,  by  the  remembrance  of  what  actions  they  have  done.  And  I 
 would  have  you  so  in  love  with  this  immortality,  that  yoa  may  pursue  after  glory  ;  and  that, 
 when  you  have  undergone  the  greatest  difficulties,  you  may  not  scruple,  for  such  things,  to  lose 
 your  lives.  I  exhort  you,  especially,  to  agree  with  one  another  ;  and  in  what  excellency  any 
 one  of  you  exceeds  another,  to  yield  to  him  so  far,  and  by  that  means  to  reap  the  advantage  of 
 every  one's  own  virtues.  Do  you  then  esteem  Simon  as  your  father,  because  he  is  a  man  of 
 extraordinary  prudence,  and  be  governed  by  him  in  what  counsels  he  gives  you.  Take 
 Maccabeus  for  the  general  of  your  army,  because  of  his  courage  and  strength,  for  he  will  avenge 
 your  nation,  and  will  bring  vengeance  on  your  enemies.  Admit  among  yoa  the  righteous  and 
 religious,  and  augment  their  power." 
 
 4.  When  Mattathias  had  thus  discoursed  to  his  sons,  and  had  prayed  to  God  to  be  their 
 assistant,  and  to  recover  to  the  people  their  former  constitution,  he  died  a  little  afterward,  and 
 was  buried  at  Modin  ;  all  the  people  making  great  lamentation  for  him.  Whereupon  his  son 
 Judas  took  upon  him  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  in  the  hundred  forty  and  sixth  year  : 
 and  thus  by  the  ready  assistance  of  his  brethren,  and  of  others,  Judas  cast  their  enemies  out  of 
 the  country,  and  put  those  of  their  own  country  to  death  who  bad  transgressed  its  laws,  and 
 purified  the  land  of  all  the  pollutions  that  were  in  it. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 How  Judas  overthrew  the  Forces  ofApollnnius  and  Seron,  and  killed  the  Generals  of  their  A  rmies 
 themselves ;  and  how,  when  a  little  while  afterward,  Lysias  and  Gorgias  were  beaten,  lie  went 
 up  to  Jerusalem,  a/td  purified  the  Temple, 
 
 §  1.  When  Apollonius,  the  general  of  the  Samaritan  forces,  heard  this,  he  took  his  army, 
 and  made  haste  to  go  against  Judas  ;  who  met  him,  and  joined  battle  with  him,  and  beat  him, 
 and  slew  many  of  his  men,  and  among  them  Apollonius  himself,  their  general,  whose  sword 
 being  that  which  he  happened  to  wear,  he  seized  upon,  and  kept  for  himself;  but  he  wounded 
 more  than  he  slew,  and  took  a  great  deal  of  prey  from  the  enemy's  camp,  and  went  his  way. 
 But  when  Seron,  who  was  general  of  the  army  of  Celosyria,  heard  that  many  had  joined  them- 
 selves to  Judas,  and  that  he  had  about  him  an  army  sufficient  for  fighting,  and  for  making  war, 
 be  determined  to  make  an  expedition  against  him,  as  thinking  it  became  him  to  endeavour  to 
 punish  those  that  transgressed  the  king's  injunctions.  He  then  got  together  an  army  as  large 
 as  he  was  able,  and  joined  to  it  the  runagate  and  wicked  Jews,  and  came  against  Judas.  He 
 then  came  as  far  as  Bethhoron,  a  village  of  Judea,  and  there  pitched  his  camp  :  upon  which  Judas 
 met  him  ;  and  when  be  intended  to  give  him  battle,  he  saw  that  his  soldiers  were  backward  to 
 ■fight,  because  their  number  was  small,  and  because  they  wanted  food,  for  they  were  fasting,  he 
 encouraged  them,  and  said  to  them,  that  "victory  and  conquest  of  enemies  is  not  derived  from 
 the  multitude  in  armies,  but  in  the  exercise  of  piety  towards  God;  and  that  they  had  the 
 plainest  instances  in  their  forefathers,  who  by  their  righteousness,  and  exerting  themselves  on 
 behalf  of  their  own  laws,  and  their  own  children,  had  frequently  conquered  many  ten  thousands, 
 for  innocence  is  the  strongest  army."  By  this  speech  he  induced  his  men  to  contemn  the  mul- 
 titude of  the  enemy,  and  to  fall  upon  Seron.  And  upon  joining  battle  with  bira,  he  beat  the 
 Syrians  ;  and  when  their  general  fell  among  the  rest,  they  all  ran  away  with  speed,  as  think- 
 ing that  to  be  their  best  way  of  escaping.  So  be  pursued  them  unto  the  plain,  and  slew  about 
 eight  hundred  of  the  enemy,  but  the  rest  escaped  to  the  region  which  lay  near  to  the  sea. 
 
 2.  When  king  Antinchus  heard  of  these  things,  he  was  very  angry  at  what  had  hap- 
 pened ;  so  he  got  together  all  his  own  army,  with  many  mercenaries,  whom  he  had  hired  from 
 the  islands,  and  took  them  with  him,  and  prepared  to  break  into  Judea  about  the  beginning  of 
 the  spring.  But  when,  upon  his  mustering  his  soldiers,  he  perceived  that  his  treasures  were 
 deficient,  and  there  was  a  want  of  money  in  them,  for  all  the  taxes  were  not  paid,  by  reason  of 
 the  seditions  there  had  been  among  the  nations,  be  having  been  so  magnanimous  and  so  liberal 
 that  what  he  had  was  not  sufficient  for  him,  he  therefore  resolved  first  to  go  into  Persia,  and 
 collect  the  taxes  of  that  country.  Hereupon  he  left  one  whose  name  was  Lysias,  who  was  in 
 great  repute  with  him,  governor  of  the  kingdom,  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Egypt,  and  of  the 
 Lower  Asia,  and  reaching  from  the  river  Euphrates,  and  committed  to  him  a  certain  part  of 
 his  forces,  and  of  his  elephants,  and  charged  him  to  bring  up  his  son  Antiochus  with  all  possi- 
 ble care,  until  he  came  back  ;  and  that  he  should  conquer  Judea,  and  take  its  inhabitants  for 
 slaves,  and  utterly  destroy  Jerusalem,  and  abolish  the  whole  nation.  And  when  king  Antio- 
 chus had  given  these  things  in  charge  to  Lysias,  he  went  into  Persia  :  and  in  the  hundred  and 
 forty-seventh  year  he  passed  over  Euphrates,  and  went  to  the  superior  provinces. 
 
 3.  Upon  this,  Lysias  chose  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Dorymenes,  and  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias,  very 
 potent  men  among  the  king's  friends,  and  delivered  to  them  forty  thousand  foot  soldiers,  and 
 seven  thousand  horsemen,  and  sent  them  against  Judea,  who  came  as  far  as  the  city  Eromaus, 
 and  pitched  their  camp  in  the  plain  coiintrj.     There  came  also  to  them  aujiiliaries  out  of  Syria, 
 
BOOK    XII. — CHAP.    VII.  315 
 
 and  (he  country  round  about ;  as  also  many  of  the  runagate  Jews.  And  besides  these  came 
 some  merchants  to  buy  those  that  should  be  carried  captives, (having  bunds  with  them  to  bind 
 those  that  should  be  made  prisoners,)  with  that  silver  and  gold  which  they  were  to  pay  for 
 their  price.  And  when  Judas  saw  their  camp,  and  how  numerous  their  enemies  were,  he  per- 
 suaded his  own  soldiers  to  be  of  good  courage ;  aud  exhorted  them  to  place  their  hopes  of 
 victory  in  God,  and  to  make  supplication  to  him,  according  to  the  custom  of  their  country, 
 clothed  in  sackcloth  ;  aud  to  shew  what  was  their  usual  habit  of  supplication  in  the  greatest 
 dangers,  and  thereby  to  prevail  with  God  to  grant  you  the  victory  over  your  enemies.  So  he 
 set  them  in  their  ancient  order  of  battle  used  by  their  forefathers,  under  their  captains  of  thou- 
 sands, and  other  officers  ;  and  dismissed  such  as  were  newly  married,  as  well  as  those  that  had 
 newly  gained  possessions,  that  they  might  not  fight  in  a  cowardly  manner,  out  of  an  inordinate 
 love  of  life,  in  order  to  enjoy  those  blessings.  When  he  had  thus  disposed  his  soldiers,  he  encou- 
 raged thera  to  fight  by  the  following  speech,  which  he  made  to  them  :  "  O  my  fellow- soldiers,  no 
 otiier  time  remains  more  opportune  than  the  present  for  courage,  and  contempt  of  dangers  ;  for 
 if  you  now  fight  manfully  you  may  recover  your  liberty,  which,  as  it  is  a  thing  of  itself  agreea- 
 ble to  all  men,  so  it  proves  to  be  to  us  much  more  desirable,  by  its  affording  us  the  liberty  of 
 ■worshipping  God.  Since  therefore  yoa  are  in  such  circumstances  at  present,  that  you  must 
 either  recover  that  liberty,  and  so  regain  a  happy  and  blessed  way  of  living,  which  is  that 
 according  to  our  laws  and  the  customs  of  our  country,  or  to  submit  to  the  most  opprobious  suffer- 
 ings ;  nor  will  any  seed  of  your  nation  remain  if  you  be  beat  in  this  battle.  Fight,  therefore, 
 manfully  :  and  suppose  that  you  must  die,  though  you  do  not  fight.  But  believe,  that  besides 
 such  glorious  rewards  as  those  of  the  liberty  of  your  country,  of  your  laws,  of  your  religion, 
 vou  shall  then  obtain  everlasting  glory.  Prepare  yourselves  therefore,  and  put  yourselves  into 
 such  an  agreeable  posture,  that  you  may  be  ready  to  fight  with  the  enemy  as  soon  as  it  is  day 
 to-morrow  morning." 
 
 4.  And  this  was  the  speech  which  Judas  made  to  encourage  thera.  But  when  the  enemy 
 sent  Gorgias,  with  five  thousand  foot,  and  one  thousand  horse,  that  he  might  fall  upon  Judas 
 by  night,  and  had  for  that  purpose  certain  of  the  runagate  Jews  as  guides,  the  son  of  Matta- 
 thias  perceived  it,  and  resolved  to  fall  upon  those  enemies  that  were  in  their  camp,  now  their 
 forces  were  divided.  When  they  had  therefore  supped  in  good  time,  and  had  left  many  fires 
 in  their  camp,  he  marched  all  uight  to  those  enemies  that  were  at  Emmaus  ;  so  that  whea 
 Gorgias  found  no  enemy  in  their  camp,  but  suspected  that  they  were  retired  and  had  hidden 
 themselves  among  the  mountains,  he  resolved  to  go  and  seek  them  wheresoever  they  were. 
 But  about  break  of  day,  Judas  appeared  to  those  enemies  that  were  at  Emmaus,  with  only 
 three  thousand  men,  and  those  ill  armed,  by  reason  of  their  poverty,  and  when  he  saw  the 
 enemy  very  well  and  skilfully  fortified  in  their  camp,  he  encouraged  the  Jews,  and  told  them, 
 "  that  they  ought  to  fight,  though  it  were  with  their  naked  bodies,  for  that  God  had  sometimes 
 of  old  given  such  men  strength,  and  that  against  such  as  were  more  in  number,  and  were 
 armed  also,  out  of  regard  to  their  great  courage."  So  he  commanded  the  trumpeters  to  sound 
 for  the  battle  :  and  by  thus  falling  upon  the  enemies  when  they  did  not  expect  it,  and  thereby 
 astonishing  aod  disturbing  their  minds,  be  slew  many  of  those  that  resisted  him,  and  went  on 
 pursuing  the  rest  as  far  as  Gadara,  and  the  plains  of  Idumea,  and  Ashdod,  and  Jamina;  and  of 
 these  there  fell  about  three  thousand.  Yet  did  Judas  exhort  his  soldiers  not  to  be  too  desirous 
 of  the  spoils,  for  that  still  they  must  have  a  contest  and  a  battle  with  Gorgias,  and  the  forces 
 that  were  with  him  :  but  that  when  they  had  once  overcome  them,  then  they  might  securely 
 plunder  the  camp,  because  they  were  the  only  enemies  remaining,  and  thev  expected  no  others. 
 And  just  as  he  was  speaking  to  his  soldiers,  Gorgias's  men  looked  down  into  that  array  which 
 they  left  in  their  camp,  and  saw  that  it  was  overthrown  ;  and  the  camp  burnt  ;  for  the  smoke 
 that  arose  from  it  shewed  them,  even  when  they  were  a  great  way  off",  what  had  happened. 
 When  therefore  those  that  were  with  Gorgias  understood  that  things  were  in  this  posture,  and 
 perceived  that  those  that  were  with  Judas  were  ready  to  fight  them,  they  also  were  affrighted, 
 and  put  to  flight ;  bat  then  Judas,  as  thongh  he  had  already  beaten  Gorgias's  soldiers  without 
 fighting,  returned  and  seized  on  the  spoils.  He  took  a  great  quantity  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
 purple,  and  blue,  and  then  returned  home  with  joy,  and  singing  hymns  to  God  for  their  good 
 success ;  for  this  victory  greatly  contributed  to  the  recovery  of  their  liberty. 
 
 5.  Hereupon  Lysias  was  confounded  at  the  defeat  of  the  army  which  he  had  sent,  and  the 
 next  year  he  got  together  sixty  thousand  chosen  men.  He  also  took  five  tlionsand  horseuieu, 
 and  fell  upon  Judea  ;  and  he  went  up  to  the  hill-country  of  Bethsur,  a  village  of  Judea,  and 
 pitched  his  camp  there,  where  Judas  met  him  with  ten  thousand  men  ;  and  when  he  saw  the 
 groat  number  of  his  enemies,  he  prayed  to  God  that  he  would  assist  him,  and  joined  battle 
 with  the  first  of  the  enemy  that  appeared,  and  beat  them,  and  slew  about  five  thousand  of  iheni, 
 and  thereby  became  terrible  to  the  rest  of  them.  Nay,  indeed,  Lysias  observing  the  great 
 j>;>irit  of  the  Jews,  how  they  were  prepared  to  die  rather  than  lose  their  liberty,  and  being 
 fl''raid  of  their  desperate  way  of  fighting,  as  if  it  were  real  strength,  he  took  the  lesl  of  the 
 army  back  with  him,  and  returned  to  Antioch,  where  he  listed  foreigners  into  the  service,  and 
 prepared  to  fall  upon  Judea  with  a  greater  army. 
 
 f.  When  therefore   the  generals   of  Autiochus'  armies    had   been  beaten  so  often,  Judas 
 
816  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 assembled  the  people  together,  and  told  them,  that  "  after  these  many  victories  which  God  liaj 
 given  them,  they  ought  to  go  np  to  Jerusalem,  and  purify  the  temple,  and  offer  the  appointed 
 sacrifices."  But  as  soon  as  he,  wilh  the  whole  multitude,  was  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  fouud 
 the  temple  deserted,  and  its  gates  burnt  down,  and  plants  growing  in  the  temple  of  their  own 
 accord,  on  account  of  its  desertion,  he  and  those  that  were  with  him  began  to  lament,  and  were 
 quite  confounded  at  the  sight  of  the  temple  ;  so  he  chose  out  some  of  his  soldiers,  and  gave 
 them  order  to  fight  against  those  guards  that  were  in  the  citadel,  until  he  should  have  purified 
 the  temple.  When  therefore  he  had  carefully  purged  it,  and  had  brought  in  new  vessels,  the 
 candlestick,  the  table  [of  shew-bread,]  and  the  altar  [of  incense,]  which  were  made  of  gold,  he 
 Lung  up  the  vails  at  the  gates,  and  added  doors  to  them.  He  also  took  down  the  altar  [of 
 lurnt-offering,]  and  built  a  new  one  of  stones  that  he  gathered  together,  and  not  of  snch  as 
 were  hewn  with  iron  tools.  So  on  the  five-and-twentietb  day  of  the  month  Casleo,  which  the 
 Macedonians  call  Apelleus,  they  lighted  t!ie  lamps  that  were  on  the  candlestick,  and  offered 
 incense  upon  the  [altar  of  incense,]  and  laid  the  loaves  upon  the  table  [of  shew-bread,]  and 
 offered  burnt-offerings  upon  the  new  altar  [of  burnt-offering.]  Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  these 
 things  were  done  on  the  very  same  day  on  which  their  divine  worship  had  fallen  off,  and  was 
 reduced  to  a  profane  and  common  use,  after  three  years'  time  ;  for  so  it  was,  that  the  temple 
 wac  made  desolate  by  Antiocbus,  and  so  continued  for  three  years.  This  desolation  happened 
 to  the  temple  in  the  hundred  forty  and  fifth  year,  on  the  twenty-fifthday  of  the  month  Apelleus, 
 and  on  the  hundred  fifty  and  third  Olympiad  :  but  it  was  dedicated  anew,  on  the  same  day, 
 the  twenty-fifth  of  the  month  Apelleus,  on  the  hundred  and  forty-eighth  year,  and  on  the  hun- 
 dred and  fifty-fourth  Olympiad.  And  this  declaration  came  to  pass  according  to  the  prophecy 
 of  Daniel,  which  was  given  four  hundred  and  eight  years  before  ;  for  he  declared  that  the 
 Macedonians  would  dissolve  that  worship  [for  some  time.] 
 
 7.  Now  Judas  celebrated  the  festival  of  the  restoration  of  the  sacrifices  of  the  temple  for 
 eight  days  ;  and  omitted  no  sort  of  pleasures  thereon ;  but  he  feasted  them  upon  very  rich  and 
 splendid  sacrifices;  and  he  honoured  God,  and  delighted  them  by  hymns  and  psalms.  Nay, 
 they  were  so  very  glad  at  the  revival  of  their  customs,  when,  after  a  long  time  of  intermission, 
 they  unexpectedly  had  regained  the  freedom  of  their  worship,  that  they  made  it  a  law  for  their 
 posterity,  that  they  should  keep  a  festival  on  account  of  the  restoration  of  their  temple  wor- 
 ship, for  eight  days.  And  from  that  time  to  this  we  celebrate  this  festival,  and  call  it  '  Lights.' 
 I  suppose  the  reason  was,  because  this  liberty  beyond  our  hopes  appeared  to  us  ;  and  that 
 thence  was  the  name  given  to  that  festival.  Judas  also  rebuilt  the  walls  round  about  the  city  ; 
 and  reared  towers  of  great  height  against  the  incursions  of  enemies ;  and  set  guards  therein. 
 He  also  fortified  the  city  Bethshura,  that  it  might  serve  as  a  citadel  against  any  distresses  that 
 might  come  from  our  enemies. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Horn  Judas  subdued  the  Nations  round  about ;  and  how  Simo7i  bent  the  People  of  Tyre  ojid 
 Ptolemais  ;  and  how  Judas  overcame  Timotheus,  and  forced  him  to  fly  away,  and  did  many 
 other  things,  after  Joseph  and  Azarias  had  been  beaten. 
 §  1.  When  these  things  were  over,  the  nations  round  about  the  Jews  were  very  aneasy  at  the 
 revival  of  their  power,  and  rose  up  together,  and  destroyed  many  of  them,  as  gaining  advantage 
 over  them  by  layinsf  snares  for  them,  and  making  secret  conspiracies  against  them.  Judas 
 made  perpetual  expeditions  against  these  men,  and  endeavoured  to  restrain  them  from  those 
 incursions,  and  to  prevent  the  mischiefs  they  did  to  the  Jews.  So  he  fell  upon  the  Idumeans, 
 the  posterity  of  Esau,  at  Acrabattene,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  and  took  their  spoils. 
 He  also  shut  up  the  sons  of  Bean,  that  laid  wait  for  the  Jews,  and  he  sat  down  about  them, 
 and  besieged  them,  and  burnt  their  towers,  and  destroyed  the  men  [that  were  in  them.]  After 
 this  he  went  thence  in  haste  against  the  Ammonites,  who  had  a  great  and  a  numerons  army  ; 
 of  which  Timotheus  was  the  commander.  And  when  he  had  subdued  them,  he  seized  on  the 
 city  Jazer,  and  took  their  wives  and  their  children  captives,  and  burnt  the  city,  and  then  returned 
 into  Judea.  But  when  the  neighbouring  nations  understood  that  he  was  returned,  they  got 
 together  in  great  numbers  in  the  land  of  Gilead,  and  came  against  those  Jews  that  were  at  their 
 borders,  who  then  fled  to  the  garrison  of  Datheina  ;  and  sent  to  Judas  to  inform  bim  that  Timo- 
 theus was  endeavouring  to  take  the  place  whither  they  were  fled.  And  as  these  epistles  were 
 leading,  there  came  other  messengers  out  of  Galilee,  who  informed  him  that  the  inhabitants  of 
 Ptolemais,  and  of  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  strangers  of  Galilee,  were  gotten  together. 
 
 2.  Accordingly,  Judas,  upon  considering  what  was  fit  to  be  done,  with  relation  to  the  neces- 
 sity both  these  cases  required,  gave  order,  that  Simon  his  brother  should  take  three  thousand 
 chosen  men,  and  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  Jews  in  Galilee,  whilst  he  and  another  of  his 
 brothers,  Jonathan,  made  haste  into  the  land  of  Gilead,  with  eight  thousand  soldiers.  And  he 
 left  Joseph,  the  son  of  Zacharias,  and  Azarias,  to  be  over  the  rest  of  the  forces ;  and  charged 
 them  to  keep  Judea  very  carefully,  and  to  fight  no  battles  with  any  persons  whomsoever  until 
 his  return.  Accordingly,  Simon  went  into  Galilee,  and  fought  the  enemy,  and  put  them  to 
 flight,  and  pursued  them  to  the  very  gates  of  Ptolemais,  and  slew  about  three  thousand  of 
 
BOOK   XII.— CHAP.    VIII.  317 
 
 them  ;  and  look  the  spoils  of  those  that  were  slain,  and  tliose  Jews  whom  thej  had  made  cap- 
 tives, with  their  baggage  ;  and  then  returned  home. 
 
 3.  Now  as  (or  Judas  Maccabeus,  and  his  brother  Jonathan,  they  passed  over  tiie  river 
 Jordan;  and  when  Ihey  had  gone  three  dajs'  journey,  they  lit  upon  the  Nabaleans,  who  came 
 to  meet  them  peaceably,  and  who  told  them  how  the  afiairs  of  those  in  the  land  of  Galilea 
 stood  ;  and  how  many  of  them  were  in  distress,  and  driven  into  garrisons,  and  into  the  cities  of 
 Galilee  ;  and  exhorted  him  to  make  haste  to  go  against  the  foreigners,  and  to  endeavour  to  save 
 his  own  countrymen  out  of  their  hands.  To  this  exhortation  Judas  hearkened,  and  returned 
 into  the  wilderness;  and  in  the  fust  place  fell  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Bosor,  and  took  tlie  city, 
 and  beat  the  inhabitants,  and  destroyed  all  the  males,  and  all  that  were  able  to  fight,  and  burnt 
 the  city.  Nor  did  he  stop  even  when  night  came  on,  but  he  journeyed  in  it  to  the  garrison 
 where  the  Jews  happened  to  be  then  shut  up,  and  where  Tiniolheus  lay  round  the  place  with 
 his  armv:  and  Judas  came  upon  the  city  in  the  morning;  and  when  he  found  that  the  enemy 
 were  making  an  assault  upon  the  walls,  and  that  some  of  them  brought  ladders,  on  which  they 
 might  get  u|ion  those  walls,  and  that  others  brought  engines  to  [baiter  llieni,]  lie  bade  the 
 trumpeter  to  sound  his  trumpet,  and  he  encouraged  his  soldiers  cheerfully  to  undiTgo  dangers 
 for  the  sake  of  their  brethren  and  kindred  ;  he  also  parted  his  army  into  three  bodies,  and  fell 
 upon  the  backs  of  their  enemies.  But  when  Timotheus'  men  perceived  that  it  was  Maccabeus 
 that  was  upon  them,  of  both  whose  courage  and  good  success  in  war  they  had  formerly  had 
 .«iufl[icient  experience,  they  were  put  to  (light  ;  but  Judas  followed  them  with  his  army,  and 
 slew  about  eight  thousand  of  them.  He  then  tn.ned  aside  to  a  city  of  the  foreigners  called 
 Malle,  and  look  it,  and  slew  all  the  males,  and  burnt  the  city  itself.  He  then  removed  from 
 thence,  and  overthrew  Casphom,  and  Bosor,  and  many  other  cities  of  the  land  of  Gilead. 
 
 4.  But  not  long  after  this,  Timollieus  prepared  a  great  army,  and  took  many  others  as 
 auxiliaries,  and  induced  some  of  the  Arabians,  by  the  promise  of  rewards,  to  go  with  him  in 
 this  expedition,  and  came  with  his  army  beyond  the  brook,  over  against  the  city  of  Raphon. 
 And  he  encouraged  his  soldiers,  if  it  came  to  a  battle  with  the  Jews,  to  fight  coiirHgenusly,  and 
 to  hinder  their  passing  over  the  brook  :  for  he  said  to  them  beforehand,  that  "  if  they  come 
 over  it,  we  sliall  be  beaten."  And  when  Judas  heard  that  Timotheus  prepared  himself  to  fight, 
 he  took  all  his  own  army,  and  went  in  haste  against  Timotheus  his  enemy  ;  and  when  he  had 
 passed  over  the  brook,  he  fell  upon  his  enemies,  and  some  of  them  met  him,  whom  he  slew, 
 and  others  of  them  he  so  terrified,  that  he  compelled  them  to  throw  down  their  arms,  and  fly  ; 
 and  some  of  them  escaped,  but  some  of  them  fled  to  what  was  called  the  temple  at  Carnaim, 
 and  hoped  thereby  to  preserve  themselves;  but  Judas  took  the  city,  and  slew  them,  and  burnt 
 the  temple,  and  so  used  several  ways  of  destroying  his  enemies. 
 
 5.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  gathered  the  Jews  together,  with  their  children,  and  wives, 
 and  the  substance  that  belonged  to  them,  and  was  going  to  bring  them  back  into  Judea:  but 
 as  soon  as  he  was  come  to  a  certain  city,  whose  name  was  Ephron,  (hat  lay  upon  the  road, 
 (and  as  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  go  any  other  way,  so  he  was  not  willing  to  go  back  again,) 
 he  then  sent  to  the  inhabitants,  and  desired  that  they  would  open  their  gates,  and  permit  them 
 to  go  on  their  way  through  the  citv,  for  they  had  stopped  up  the  gates  with  stones,  and  cut  oft' 
 their  passage  through  it.  And  when  the  inhabitants  of  Ephron  would  not  agree  to  this  pro- 
 posal, he  encouraged  those  that  were  with  liiniT  and  encompassed  the  city  round,  and  besieged 
 it,  and  lying  round  it  by  day  and  night,  took  the  city,  and  slew  every  male  in  it,  and  burnt  it 
 all  down,  and  so  obtained  a  way  through  it;  and  the  multitude  of  those  that  were  slain  was  so 
 great,  that  they  went  over  the  dead  bodies.  So  they  came  over  Jordan,  and  arrived  at  the 
 great  plain,  over  against  which  is  situate  the  city  of  Bethshan,  which  is  called  by  the  Greeks 
 Scvthopolis.*  And  going  away  hastily  from  tiience,  they  came  into  Judea,  singing  psalms 
 and  hymns  as  they  went,  and  indulging  such  tokens  of  mirth  as  are  usual  in  triumphs  upon 
 victory.  They  also  ofl'ered  tliank-oll'erings,  both  for  their  good  success,  and  for  the  preserva- 
 tion of  their  army,  for  not  one  of  the  Jews  was  slain  in  these  battles. t 
 
 C.  But  as  to  Joseph,  the  son  of  Zacharias,  and  Azarias,  whom  Judas  left  generals  [of  the  rest  of 
 the  forces]  at  the  same  time  when  Simon  was  in  Galilee,  fighting  against  the  people  of  Ptolemais, 
 and  Judas  himself  and  his  brother  Jonathan  were  in  the  land  of  Gilead,  did  these  men  also 
 ail'ect  the  glory  of  being  courageous  generals  in  war,  in  order  whereto  they  took  the  army  that 
 was  under  their  command,  aixl  came  to  Jamiiia.  There  Gorgias,  the  general  of  the  forces  of 
 Janinia,  met  them;  and  upon  joining  battle  with  lira,  they  lost  two  thousand  of  their  army,t 
 and  lied  away,  and  were  pursued  to  the  very  borders  of  Judea.     And  this  misfortune  befell 
 
 •  The  reason  why  Bethshan  was  called  '  Scythopolis,'  is  well  Icnown  frnm  Herodotus,  b.  i.  p.  105,  and  Syn- 
 cellug.  p.  214.  that  the  Scythians,  when  they  overran  Asia,  in  the  days  of  Josiah,  seized  on  this  city,  and  kept 
 it  as  Innt;  as  they  coutiuued  iu  Asia,  from  which  time  it  retained  the  name  of '  Scythopolis,'  or  the  '  city  of  tlie 
 Scylhia  s.' 
 
 t  'this  most  providential  preservation  of  all  the  rcliijious  Jews  in  this  expedition,  whieh  was  according  to 
 the  will  of  (.oil,  is  observable  often  among  Clod's  people,  the  Jews,  and  somewha-  very  like  it  in  the  changes 
 of  the  four  monarchies,  which  were  also  providential.     See  Prideaux  at  the  years  .331,  33.'),  and  .3.'i4. 
 
 t  Ttere  is  another  great  instance  of  providence,  that  when,  even  at  the  veiT  time  that  Simon,  and  Judas,  and 
 lonathan,  were  so  miraculously  preserved,  and  blessed  in  the  .iust  defence  of  their  laws  and  relision,  these 
 other  generals  of  the  Jews  who  went  to  lit;lit  for  honour,  ii.  a  vain-glcrious  way,  and  without  a.;y  eouimission 
 from  (iod,  or  the  family  he  had  raised  up  to  deliver  them,  were  miserably  disappointed  and  defeated.  See 
 1  Maccab.  v.  CI,  oa. 
 
318  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 them  by  their  disobedience  to  what  injuDctions  Judas  had  given  them,  "  Not  to  fight  with  any 
 one  before  his  return."  For  besides  the  rest  of  Judas'  sagacious  counsels,  one  may  well 
 wonder  at  this  concerning  the  misfortune  lijat  befell  tbe  forces  commanded  by  Joseph  and 
 Azarias,  wLich  be  understood  would  happen,  if  they  broke  any  of  the  injunctions  be  had  given 
 them.  But  Judas  and  his  brethren  did  not  leave  off  fighting  with  the  Idumeans,  but  pressed 
 upon  them  on  all  sides,  and  took  from  them  the  city  of  Hebron,  and  demolished  all  its  fortifi- 
 cations, and  set  all  its  towers  on  fire,  and  burnt  the  country  of  the  foreigners,  and  the  city  of 
 Marissa.  They  came  also  to  Ashdod,  and  took  it,  and  laid  it  waste,  and  took  away  a  great 
 deal  of  the  spoils  and  prey  that  were  in  it,  and  returned  to  Judea. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Death  of  Antiochus  Epiplianes.  How  Antiochus  Eupaior  fought  against  Judas, 
 and  besieged  him  in  the  Temple,  and  afterwards  made  Peace  with  him  and  departed.  Of 
 Alcimus  and  Onias. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  king  Antiochus,  as  be  was  going  over  the  upper  countries, 
 heard  that  there  was  a  very  rich  city  in  Persia,  called  Elymais ;  and  therein  a  very  rich  tem- 
 ple of  Diana,  and  that  it  was  full  of  all  sorts  of  donations  dedicated  to  it;  as  also  weapons  and 
 breastplates,  which,  upon  inquiry,  he  found  had  been  left  there  by  Alexander,  the  sou  of 
 Philip,  king  of  Macedonia.  And  being  incited  by  these  motives,  he  went  in  haste  to  Elymais, 
 and  assaulted  it,  and  besieged  it.  But  as  those  that  were  in  it  were  not  terrified  at  his  assault, 
 nor  at  his  siege,  but  opposed  bim  very  courageously,  be  was  beaten  off  his  hopes  ;  for  they 
 drove  him  away  from  the  city,  and  went  out  and  pursued  after  him ;  insomuch  that  he  fled 
 away  as  far  as  Babylon,  and  lost  a  great  many  of  his  army.  And  when  he  was  grieving  for 
 this  disappointment,  some  persons  told  him  of  the  defeat  of  his  commanders  whom  he  had  left 
 behind  him  to  fight  against  Judea,  and  what  strength  the  Jews  bad  already  gotten.  When  this 
 concern  about  these  affairs  was  added  to  the  former,  he  was  confounded,  and,  by  the  anxiety 
 he  was  in,  fell  into  a  distemper,  which,  as  it  lasted  a  great  while,  and  as  his  pains  increased 
 upon  him,  so  he  at  length  perceived  he  should  die  in  a  little  time;  so  he  called  his  friends  to 
 bim,  and  told  them,  that  his  distemper  was  severe  upon  him;  and  confessed  withal,  that  this 
 calamity  was  sent  upon  him  for  the  miseries  be  bad  brought  upon  the  Jewish  nation,  while  he 
 plundered  their  temple,  and  contemned  their  God  ;  and  when  he  had  said  this,  he  gave  up  the 
 ghost.  Whence  one  may  wonder  at  Polybins  of  Megalopolis,  who,  though  otherwise  a  good 
 man,  yet  sailh,  that  "Antiochus  died  because  he  had  a  purpose  to  plunder  the  temple  of  Diana 
 in  Persia ;"  for  the  purposing  to  do  a  thing,*  but  not  actually  doing  it,  is  not  worthy  of  punish- 
 ment. But  if  Polybius  could  think  that  Antiochus  thus  lost  his  life  on  that  account,  it  is 
 much  more  probable  that  this  king  died  on  account  of  his  sacrilegious  plundering  of  the  temple 
 at  Jerusalem.  But  we  will  not  contend  about  this  matter  with  those  who  may  think,  that  the 
 catise  assigned  by  this  Polybius  of  Megalopolis  is  nearer  the  truth  than  that  assigned  by  us. 
 
 2.  However,  Antiochus,  before  he  died,  called  for  Philip,  who  was  one  of  bis  companions, 
 and  made  him  the  guardian  of  his  kingdom  ;  and  gave  bim  his  diadem,  and  his  garment,  and 
 Ills  ring,  and  charged  him  to  carry  them,  and  deliver  them  to  his  son  Antiochus  ;  and  desired 
 him  to  take  care  of  his  education,  and  to  preserve  the  kingdom  for  him.t  This  Antiochus  died 
 in  the  hundred  and  forty  and  ninth  year:  but  it  was  Lysias  that  declared  bis  death  to  the  mul- 
 titude, and  appointed  his  son  Antiochus  to  be  king,  (of  whom  at  present  be  had  the  care.)  and 
 called  bim  Eupator. 
 
 3.  At  this  time  it  was  that  the  garrison  in  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem,  with  the  Jewish  run- 
 agates, did  a  great  deal  of  harm  to  the  Jews  :  for  the  soldiers  that  were  in  that  garrison  rushed 
 out  upon  the  sudden,  and  destroyed  such  as  were  going  up  to  the  temple  in  order  to  offer  their 
 sacrifices,  for  this  citadel  adjoined  to  and  overlooked  the  temple.  When  these  misfortunes 
 had  often  happened  to  them,  Judas  resolved  to  destroy  that  garrison ;  whereupon  be  got  all  the 
 people  together,  and  vigorously  besieged  those  that  were  in  the  citadel.  This  was  in  the  hun- 
 dred and  fiftieth  year  of  the  dominion  of  the  Seleucidas.  So  he  made  engines  of  war,  and 
 erected  bulwarks,  and  very  zealously  pressed  on  to  take  the  citadel:  but  there  were  not  afew 
 of  the  runagates  who  were  in  the  place,  that  went  out  by  night  into  the  country,  and  got  toge- 
 ther some  other  wicked  men  like  themselves,  and  went  to  Antiochus  the  king,  and  desired  of 
 bim,  that  "  be  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  neglected,  under  the  great  hardships  that  lay  upon 
 them  from  those  of  their  own  nation,  and  this  because  their  sufferings  were  occasioned  on  his 
 father's  account,  while  they  left  the  religious  worship  of  their  fathers,  and  preferred  that  which 
 he  had  commanded  them  to  follow ;  that  there  was  danger  lest  the  citadel,  and  those  appointed 
 to  garrison  it  by  the  king,  should  be  taken  by  Judas,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  unless  be 
 
 '  Since  St.  Paul,  a  Pharisee,  confesses,  that  he  had  not  'known  concupiscence,'  or  '  desires,'  to  be  sinful, 
 had  not  the  tenth  commandment  said,  '  Thou  shall  not  covet,'  Rom.  vii.  7.  the  case  seems  to  have  been  much 
 the  same  with  our  Josephns,  who  was  of  the  same  sect ;  that  he  had  not  a  deep  sense  of  the  greatness  of  any 
 Eins  that  proceeded  no  farther  than  the  intention.  However,  since  Josephus  speaks  nere  properly  of  the  pun 
 ishmeut  of  death,  which  is  not  inflicted  by  any  law  either  of  God  or  man  for  the  bare  intention,  his  words  need 
 not  to  be  strained  to  mean,  that  sins  intended,  but  not  executed,  were  no  sins  at  all. 
 
 t  No  wonder  that  Josi^phus  here  describes  Antiochus  Eupator  as  j'ourp,  and  wanting  tuition  when  he  caraa 
 to  the  crown,  since  Appiaa  informs  us,  Syriac,  p.  177,  that  he  was  then  but '  nine'  years  old. 
 
BOOK    XII.— CHAP.    IX.'"  319 
 
 would  send  them  succours."  When  Antiochus,  who  was  hut  a  child,  heard  this,  he  was  angry, 
 and  sent  for  his  captains,  and  his  friends,  and  gave  order,  that  they  should  get  an  army  of 
 mercenaries  together,  with  such  men  also  of  his  own  kingdom  as  were  of  an  age  fit  for  war. 
 Accordingly,  an  army  was  collected  of  ahout  a  hundred  thousand  footmen,  amd  twenty  thou- 
 sand horsemen,  and  thirty-two  elephants. 
 
 4.  So  the  king  took  this  army,  and  marched  hastily  out  of  Antioch,  with  Lysias,  who  had 
 the  command  of  the  whole,  and  came  to  Idumea,  and  thence  went  np  to  the  city  of  Bethsura, 
 a  city  that  was  strong,  and  not  to  be  taken  without  great  difficulty ;  he  set  about  this  city,  and 
 besieged  it.  And  while  the  inhabitants  of  Bethsura  courageously  opposed  him,  and  sallied  out 
 upon  him,  and  burnt  his  engines  of  war,  a  great  deal  of  time  was  spent  in  the  siege.  But 
 when  Judas  beard  of  the  king's  coming,  he  raised  the  siege  of  the  citadel,  and  met  the  king, 
 and  pitched  his  camp  in  certain  straits,  at  a  place  called  Bethzachariab,  at  the  distance  of 
 seventy  furlongs  from  the  enemy ;  but  the  king  soon  dre-.v  his  forces  from  Bethsura,  and 
 brought  them  to  those  straits.  And  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  he  put  his  men  in  battle  array,  and 
 made  his  elephants  follow  one  another  through  the  narrow  passes,  because  they  could  not  be 
 set  sideways  by  one  another.  Now  round  about  every  elephant  there  were  a  thonsand  footmen, 
 and  five  hundred  horsemen.  The  elephants  also  had  high  towers  [upon  their  backs,]  and 
 archers  [in  them.]  And  he  also  made  the  rest  of  his  army  to  go  up  the  mountains,  and  put 
 his  friends  before  the  rest ;  and  gave  orders  for  the  army  to  shout  aloud,  and  so  be  attacked 
 the  enemy.  He  also  exposed  to  sight  their  golden  and  brazen  shields,  so  that  a  glorious 
 splendour  was  sent  from  them;  and  when  they  shouted,  the  mountains  echoed  again.  When 
 Judas  saw  this,  he  was  not  terrified,  but  received  the  enemy  with  great  courage,  and  slew 
 about  six  hundred  of  the  first  ranks.  But  when  his  brother  Eleazar,  whom  they  called  Auran, 
 saw  the  tallest  of  the  elephants  armed  with  royal  breast-plates,  and  supposed  that  the  king  was 
 upon  him,  he  attacked  him  with  great  quickness  and  bravery.  He  also  slew  many  of  those 
 that  were  about  the  elephant,  and  scattered  the  rest,  and  then  went  under  the  belly  of  the 
 elephant,  and  smote  him,  and  slew  him  ;  so  the  elephant  fell  upon  Eleazar,  and  by  his  weight 
 crushed  him  to  death.  And  thus  did  this  man  come  to  his  end,  when  he  bad  first  courageously 
 destroyed  many  of  his  enemies. 
 
 5.  But  Judas,  seeing  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  retired  to  Jerusalem,  and  prepared  to 
 endure  a  siege.  As  for  Antiochus,  he  sent  part  of  his  army  to  Bethsura,  to  besiege  it,  and 
 with  the  rest  of  his  array  he  came  against  Jerusalem  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Bethsura  -were 
 terrified  at  his  strength ;  and  seeing  that  their  provisions  grew  scarce,  they  delivered  them- 
 selves up  on  the  security  of  oaths,  that  they  should  suffer  no  hard  treatment  from  the  king. 
 And  when  Antiochus  had  thus  taken  the  city,  he  did  them  no  other  harm  than  sending  them 
 out  naked.  He  also  placed  a  garrison  of  'sis  own  in  the  city.  But  as  for  the  temple  of  Jeru- 
 salem, he  lay  at  its  siege  a  long  time,  while  they  within  bravely  defended  it,  for  what  engmes 
 soever  the  king  set  against  them,  they  set  other  engines  again  to  oppose  them.  But  then  their 
 provisions  failed  them  ;  what  fruits  of  the  ground  they  had  laid  up  were  spent,  and  the  land 
 being  not  ploughed  that  year,  continued  unsowed,  because  it  was  the  seventh  year,  on  wliich, 
 by  our  laws,  we  were  obliged  to  let  it  lie  uncultivated.  And  withal  so  many  of  the  besieged 
 ran  away  for  want  of  necessaries,  that  but  a  few  only  were  left  in  the  temple. 
 
 6.  And  these  happened  to  be  the  circumstances  of  such  as  were  besieged  in  the  temple. 
 But  then,  because  Lysias,  the  general  of  the  army,  and  Antiochus  the  king,  were  informed  that 
 Philip  was  coming  upon  them  out  of  Persia;  and  was  endeavouring  to  get  the  management  of 
 public  affairs  to  himself,  they  came  into  these  sentiments,  to  leave  the  siege,  and  to  make  haste 
 to  go  again  to  Philip  ;  yet  did  they  resolve  not  to  let  this  be  known  to  the  soldiers  nor  to  the 
 officers :  but  the  king  commanded  Lysias  to  speak  openly  to  the  soldiers  and  the  officers, 
 without  saying  a  word  about  the  business  of  Philip ;  and  to  intimate  to  them,  that  the  siege 
 would  be  very  long  ;  that  (he  place  was  very  strong;  that  they  were  already  in  want  of  provi- 
 sions; that  many  affairs  of  the  kingdom  wanted  regulation;  and  that  it  was  much  better  to 
 make  a  league  with  the  besieged,  and  to  become  friends  to  the  whole  nation,  by  permitting 
 them  to  observe  the  laws  of  their  fathers,  while  they  broke  out  into  this  war  only  because  they 
 were  deprived  of  them,  and  so  to  depart  home.  When  Lysias  had  discoursed  thus  to  them, 
 both  the  army  and  the  officers  were  pleased  with  this  resolution. 
 
 7.  Accordingly,  the  king  sent  to  Judas,  and  to  those  that  were  besieged  with  them,  and  pro- 
 mised to  give  them  peace,  and  to  permit  them  to  make  use  of  and  live  according  to  the  laws 
 of  their  fathers.  And  they  gladly  received  his  proposals;  and  when  they  had  gained  security 
 upon  oath,  for  their  performance,  they  went  out  of  the  temple.  But  when  Antiochus  came 
 into  it,  and  saw  how  strong  the  place  was,  he  broke  his  oaths,  and  ordered  his  army  that  was 
 there  to  pluck  down  the  walls  to  the  ground,  and  when  he  had  so  done,  he  returned  to 
 Antioch:  he  also  carried  with  him  Onias  the  high  priest,  who  was  also  called  Menelaus;  for 
 Lysias  advised  the  king  to  slay  Menelaus,  if  he  would  have  the  Jews  be  quiet,  and  cause 
 him  no  further  disturbance,  for  that  this  man  was  the  origin  of  all  the  mischief  the  Jews  had 
 done  them,  by  persuading  his  father  to  compel  the  Jews  to  leave  the  religion  of  their  fathers: 
 so  the  king  sent  Menelaus  to  Berea,  a  city  of  Syria,  and  there  had  him  put  to  death,  when  he 
 bad  been  high  priest  ten  years.     He  bad  been  a  wicked  and  an  impioas  man  :  and,  in  order 
 
820  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  jret  tlie  government  to  himself,  had  compelled  hia  nation  to  transgress  their  own  laws.  After 
 the  death  of  Menelaus,  Alcimas,  who  was  also  called  Jacimus,  was  made  high  priest.  But 
 when  king  Antiochus  found  that  Philip  had  already  possessed  himself  of  the  government,  he 
 made  war  against  him,  and  subdued  him,  and  took  him  and  slew  him.  Now,  as  to  Onias  the 
 son  of  the  high  priest,  who,  as  we  before  informed  you,  was  left  a  child  when  his  father  died, 
 when  he  saw  that  the  king  had  slain  his  uncle  Menelaus,  and  given  the  high  priesthood  to  Alci- 
 mus,  »vlio  was  not  of  the  high  priest  stock,  but  as  induced  by  Lysias  to  translate  that  dignity 
 from  his  family  to  another  house,  he  fled  to  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt ;  and  when  he  found  he 
 was  in  great  esteem  with  him,  and  with  his  wife  Cleopatra,  he  desired  and  obtained  a  place  in 
 the  Nonius  of  Heliopolis,  wherein  he  built  a  temple  like  to  that  at  Jerusalem  :  of  which  there- 
 fore we  shall  hereafter  give  an  account  in  a  place  more  proper  for  it. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  Bacchides,  the  General  of  Demetrius'  army,  made  an  Expedition  against  Jiidea,  and 
 relumed  ivithout  Success  ;  and  how  Nicanor  was  sent  a  little  afterward  against  Judas,  and 
 perished,  together  with  his  Army  :  as  also  concerning  the  Death  of  Alcimus,  and  the  Succes- 
 sion of  Judas. 
 $  1.  About  the  same  lime  Demetrius,  the  sou  of  Seleucus,  fled  away  from  Rome,  and  took 
 Tripoli,  a  city  of  Syria,  and  set  the  diadem  on  his  own  head.  He  also  gathered  certain  mer- 
 cenary soldiers  together,  and  entered  into  his  kingdom,  and  was  joyfully  received  by  all,  who 
 delivered  themselves  up  to  him.  And  when  they  had  taken  Antiochus,  the  king,  and  Lysias, 
 tliev  brought  them  to  him  alive;  both  of  whom  were  immediately  put  to  death  by  the  command 
 of  Demetrius,  when  Antiochus  had  reigned  two  years,  as  we  have  already  elsewhere  related. 
 Ent  tliere  were  now  many  of  the  wicked  Jewish  runagates  that  came  together  to  him,  and 
 with  them  Alcimus  the  high  priest,  who  accused  the  whole  nation,  and  particularly  Judas  and 
 his  brethren  ;  and  said,  That  "  they  had  slain  all  his  friends,  and  that  those  in  his  kingdom 
 that  were  of  his  party,  and  waited  for  his  return,  were  by  them  put  to  death  ;  that  these  men 
 had  ejected  thera  out  of  their  own  country  ;  and  caused  them  to  be  sojourners  in  a  foreign 
 land  ;  and  they  desired  that  he  would  send  some  one  of  his  own  friends,  and  know  from  him 
 what  n>ischief  Judas'  party  had  done." 
 
 2.  At  this  Demetrius  was  very  angry,  and  sent  Bacchides,  a  friend  of  Antiochas  Epiphanes, 
 a  good  man,*  and  one  that  had  been  intrusted  with  all  Mesopotamia,  and  gave  him  an  army, 
 and  committed  Aloimus  the  high  priest  to  his  care;  and  gave  him  charge  to  slay  Judas,  and 
 those  that  were  with  him.  So  Bacchides  made  haste,  and  went  out  of  Antioch  with  his  army; 
 and  when  he  was  come  into  Judea,  he  sent  to  Judas  and  his  brethren,  to  discourse  with  him 
 about  a  league  of  friendship  and  peace  ;  for  he  had  a  mind  to  take  him  by  treachery.  Bat 
 Judas  did  not  give  credit  to  him,  for  he  saw  that  he  came  with  so  great  an  army  as  men  do 
 not  bring  when  they  come  to  make  peace,  but  to  make  war.  However,  some  of  the  people 
 acquiesced  in  what  Bacchides  caused  to  be  proclaimed  ;  and  supposing  they  should  undergo 
 no  considerable  harm  from  Alcimus,  who  was  their  countryman,  they  went  over  to  them ;  and 
 when  they  had  received  oaths  from  both  of  them,  that  neither  they  themselves,  nor  those  of  the 
 same  sentiments,  should  come  to  any  harm,  they  intrusted  themselves  with  thera  ;  but  Bac- 
 chides troubled  hiraself  not  about  the  oaths  he  had  taken,  and  slew  threescore  of  them, 
 although  by  not  keeping  his  faith  with  those  that  first  went  over,  he  deterred  all  the  rest,  who 
 had  intentions  to  go  over  to  him,  from  doing  it.  But  as  he  was  gone  out  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 was  at  the  village  called  Belhzetha,  he  sent  out  and  caught  many  of  the  deserters,  and  some 
 of  the  people  also,  and  slew  them  all  ;  and  enjoined  all  that  lived  in  the  country  to  submit  to 
 Alcimus.  So  he  left  him  there,  with  some  part  of  the  army,  that  he  might  have  wherewith 
 to  keep  the  country  in  obedience,  and  returned  to  Antioch,  to  king  Demetrius. 
 
 3.  But  Alcimus  was  desirous  to  have  the  dominion  more  firmly  assured  to  him  ;  and  under- 
 standing, thut  if  he  could  bring  it  about  that  the  multitude  should  be  his  friends,  he  should 
 govern  with  greater  security,  he  spake  kind  words  to  them  all,  and  discoursed  to  each  of  them 
 after  an  agreeable  and  pleasan  tmanner,  by  whichmeans  he  quickly  had  a  great  body  of  men  and 
 an  army  about  him,  although  the  greater  part  of  them  were  of  the  wicked,  and  the  deserters. 
 With  these,  whom  he  used  as  his  servants  and  soldiers,  he  went  all  over  the  country,  and 
 slew  all  that  he  cdulii  llnd  of  Judas'  party.  But  when  Jndas  sav/  that  Alcimus  was  already 
 become  great,  and  had  destroyed  many  of  the  good  and  holy  men  of  the  country,  he  also  went 
 all  over  the  country,  and  destroyed  tliose  that  were  of  the  other's  party.  But  when  Alcimus 
 saw  that  he  was  not  able  to  oppose  Judas,  nor  was  equal  to  him  in  strength,  he  resolved  to 
 apply  hiraself  to  king  Demetrius  for  his  assistance  ;  so  he  came  to  Antioch,  and  irritated  him 
 against  Judas,  and  accused  him,  alleging  that  he  had  undergone  a  great  many  miseries,  and 
 that  he  would  do  more  mischief  unless  he  were  prevented,  and  brought  to  punishment,  which 
 mast  be  done  by  sending  a  powerful  force  against  him. 
 
 •  It  is  no  way  probablfi  that  Josephus  would  call  Bacchides,  that  bitter  and  bloody  eDemy  of  the  Jews,  as 
 onr  copies  have  it,  a  good  man,  or  kind  and  gentle.  What  the  author  of  the  first  boot  of  Maccabees,  whom 
 Josephus  here  follows,  instead  of  that  character,  says  of  him,  is,  that  he  was  a  great  man  in  tlie  kiugdom  and 
 faithful  to  his  king  :  which  was  very  probably  Josephus'  meaniog  also. 
 
BOOK    XII. — CHAP.  X.  321 
 
 4.  So  Demetrius,  being  ahead}'  ol'  opinion  that  it  woukl  be  a  (liinjj  pernicious  1o  his  own 
 allairs  to  (  veilook  Judas,  now  be  was  becoming  so  great,  sei.t  agiiinst  him  Nioanor,  llie  most 
 kind  and  most  raillil'iil  of  all  bis  friends  ;  for  be  it  was  who  lied  away  wiili  bitn  from  tiie  city  of 
 Konie.  He  also  "uve  him  as  many  forces  as  be  (bought  sudicient  for  him  lo  conquer  Judas  wiihal, 
 and  bid  bira  not  lo  spare  the  nation  at  all.  When  Nicanor  wns  come  lo  Jerusalem,  be  did  not 
 resolve  to  light  Judas  immediately,  but  judged  it  better  to  get  him  into  bis  power  by  treachery  ; 
 so  he  sent  him  a  message  of  peace,  and  said,  "  there  was  no  manuer  of  necessity  for  them  to 
 light  and  hazard  themselves  ;  and  that  he  would  give  him  his  oath  that  he  v.'ould  do  him  no 
 harm,  for  Ibat  he  only  came  with  some  friends,  in  order  to  let  him  know  whi;t  kinj;  Demetrius' 
 intentions  were,  and  what  opinion  be  bad  of  their  nation."  W  leii  Ni  anor  had  delivered  Ibis 
 message,  Judas  and  his  brethren  complied  with  him,  and  suspecting  no  deceit,  ihi-y  gave  hi.'ii 
 assurances  of  friendship,  and  received  Nicanor  and  his  army  ;  but  while  he  was  saluting 
 Judas,  and  they  were  talking  together,  he  gave  a  certain  signal  to  his  own  soldiers,  upon 
 which  they  were  to  seize  upon  Judas  ;  but  he  perceived  the  treacliery,  and  ran  back  to  his  own 
 soldiers,  and  lied  away  with  tbem.  .So  upon  this  discovery  of  bis  purpose,  and  of  the  snares 
 laid  for  Judas,  Nicanor  determined  to  make  open  war  with  bira,  and  gathered  his  army 
 together,  and  prepared  for  lighting  him  ;  and  upon  joining  battle  with  hiin  at  a  certain  vil- 
 lage called  Capharsalama,  he  beat  Judas,  and  forced  him  lo  (ly  to  that  citadel  which  was  at 
 Jerusalem.* 
 
 5.  And  when  Nicanor  came  down  from  the  citadel  unto  the  temple,  some  of  the  priests  and 
 elders  met  him,  and.  saluted  him  ;  and  shewed  bira  the  saciifices  which  they  said  ihey  olFi  red 
 to  G(;d  for  the  king:  upon  which  he  blasphemed,  and  threatened  them,  that  unless  the  people 
 would  deliver  up  Judas  to  bira,  upon  his  return  lie  would  pull  down  their  temple.  And  when 
 be  had  thus  threatened  them,  he  departed  from  Jerusalem  :  but  the  priests  fell  into  (eais  out 
 of  grief  of  what  he  had  said,  and  besought  God  to  deliver  tbem  from  their  enemies.  But  now 
 for  Nicanor,  when  he  was  gone  out  of  Jerusalem,  and  was  at  a  certain  village  called  Bethboron, 
 he  there  pitched  his  camp,  another  army  out  of  Syria  having  joined  him  :  and  Judas  pitched 
 bis  camp  at  Adasa,  another  village,  which  was  thirty  furlongs  distant  from  Bethboron, 
 having  no  more  than  one  thousand  silditrs.  And  when  be  bad  encouraged  Ibem  not  to  be 
 dismayed  at  the  multitude  of  their  enemies,  nor  to  regard  how  many  they  were  against  wL(  in 
 they  were  going  to  liglit,  but  to  consider  who  they  themselves  were,  and  for  what  grtat 
 rewards  they  hazarded  themselves,  and  to  attack  the  enemy  courageously,  he  led  tbem 
 out  to  figbt,  and  joining  battle  with  Nicanor,  wiiicb  proved  to  be  a  severe  one,  he  over- 
 came the  enemy,  and  slew  many  of  tbem  ;  and  at  last  Nicanor  himself,  as  be  was  lighting, 
 gloriously  fell.  Upon  whose  fall  the  army  did  not  stay,  but  when  they  bad  lost  their  general 
 they  were  put  to  (light  and  threw  down  their  arms  ;  Judas  also  pursued  them,  and  slew  them  ; 
 and  gave  notice  by  the  sound  of  the  trumpets  to  the  neighbouring  villages,  that  he  bad  con- 
 quered the  enemy  ;  which,  when  the  inhabitants  heard,  they  put  on  their  armour  hastily,  and 
 met  their  enemies  in  the  face  as  they  were  running  away,  and  slew  them,  insomuch  that  not 
 one  of  tbem  escaped  out  of  this  battle,  who  were  in  number  nine  thousand.  This  victory  hap- 
 pened lo  fall  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  that  ninnth,  which  by  the  Jews  is  called  Adar,  and  the 
 Macedonians  Dystrus  ;  and  the  Jews  thereon  celebrate  this  victory  every  year,  and  esteem  it 
 as  a  festival  day.  After  which  the  Jewish  nation  were,  for  a  while,  free  from  wars,  and 
 enjoyed  peace  ;  but  afterward  they  returned  into  their  former  state  of  wars  and  hazards. 
 
 G.  But  now  as  the  high  priest  Alcimus  was  resolving  to  pidl  down  the  wall  of  the  sanctuary, 
 whi  b  had  been  there  of  old  time,  and  bad  been  built  by  the  holy  prophet,  he  was  smitten  sud- 
 denly by  God.t  and  fell  down.  This  stroke  made  him  fall  down  speechless  upon  the  ground  : 
 and  undergoing  torments  for  many  days,  be  at  length  died,  when  he  bad  been  high  priest  four 
 years.  And  when  be  was  dead,  the  peojile  bestowed  the  high  priesthood  on  Judas  ;  who 
 bearing  of  the  power  of  the  Romans, f  and  that  they  had  conquered  in  war  Calatia,  and  Iberia, 
 and  Carthage,  and  Libya  ;  and  that,  besides  tliese,  they  had  subdued  Greece,  and  their  kings, 
 Perseus,  and  Philip,  and  Atiliocbus  the  Great  also,  be  resolved  to  enter  into  a  league  of 
 friendsliip  with  them.  lie  therefore  sent  to  Rome  some  of  his  friends,  Enpoleraus  the  son  of 
 John,  and  Jason  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  by  them  desired  the  Romans  that  they  would  assist 
 tbem,  and  be  their  friends,  and  would  write  to  Demetrius  that  he  would  not  fight  against  the 
 Jews.  So  the  senate  received  the  ambassadors  thai  came  from  Judas  to  Rome,  and  discoursed 
 with  them  about  the  errand  on  which  they  came,  and  then  granted  them  a  league  of  assistance. 
 
 •  Tosephus"  copim  inusf  have  bffin  corrupted  when  they  here  give  victory  to  Nicanor,  contrary  to  the  words 
 following,  which  imply,  tliat  he  who  was  beaten  fled  to  the  citadel,  which  for  certain  helonsed  to  the  city  of 
 David,  or  to  Mount  Zion,  and  was  in  the  possession  of  Nicanor's  parrison,  and  not  of  .liidas' ;  as  also  it  is 
 contrary  to  the  express  words  of  Josephns'  original  author,  1  Maccab.  vii.  32.  who  says  that  Nioanor  lost 
 about  50(X)  men,  aud  fled  to  the  city  of  David. 
 
 f  This  account  of  ihe  miserable  death  of  Alcimus  or  Jacimus,  the  wicked  high  priest,  (the  first  that  was  not 
 of  the  family  of  the  high  priests,  and  made  by  a  vile  heathen,  I.ysias,)  before  the  death  of  Judas,  and  of 
 Judas'  succession  to  him  as  a  high  priest,  lu)th  here,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  this  boolc,  directly  coutradicrs 
 1  .'ilaccab.  ix.  54—57.  which  places  his  death  af'er  the  death  of  Judas,  aud  says  not  a  syllable  of  the  high 
 prieriihood  of  Judas. 
 
 I  How  well  the  Tloraan  histories  agree  to  this  account  of  the  conquests  and  powerful  condition  of  the 
 HoiDiiiis  at  this  time,  see  the.  notes  in  llavercamp's  edition  ;  only  that  the  number  of  the  senators  of  Home 
 wa.i  tlieo  just  3-20,  is,  1  thiak,  ouly  known  from  1  Maccab   viii.  15. 
 
 2  s 
 
322  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 They  also  made  a  decree  concerning  it,  and  sent  a  copy  of  it  into  Judea.  It  was  also  laid  up 
 in  tlie  capilol,and  engraven  in  brass.  The  decree  itself  was  this:  "  The  decree  of  the  senate 
 concernina;  a  league  of  assistance  and  friendship  witii  the  nation  of  the  Jews.  It  shall  not  be 
 lawful  for  any  lliat  ".re  subject  to  the  Romans  to  make  war  witli  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  nor  to 
 assist  those  that  do  so,  either  by  sendine;  them  corn,  or  ships,  or  money  ;  and  if  any  attack  be 
 made  upon  the  Jews,  the  Romans  shall  assist  them,  as  far  as  they  are  able :  and  again,  if  any 
 attack  be  made  upon  the  Romans,  the  Jews  shall  assist  them.  And  if  the  Jews  have  a  mind 
 to  add  to,  or  to  take  any  thing  from,  this  league  of  assistance,  that  shall  be  done  with  the 
 common  consent  of  the  Romans.  And  whatsoever  addition  shall  thus  be  made,  it  shall  be 
 of  force."  This  decree  was  written  by  Eupolemus  the  son  of  John,  and  by  Jason  the  son  of 
 Eleazar,*  when  Judas  was  high  priest  of  the  nation,  and  Simon  his  brother  was  general  of  the 
 army.  And  this  was  the  first  league  that  the  Romans  made  with  the  Jews,  and  was  managed 
 after  this  manner. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 That  Bacchides  was  again  sent  out  against  Judas;  and  how  Judas  fell  as  he   was  courageously 
 
 fighting. 
 
 §  1.  But  when  Demetrius  was  informed  of  the  death  of  Nicanor,  and  of  the  destruction  of 
 the  army  that  was  with  him,  he  sent  Bacchides  again  with  an  array  into  Judea,  who  marched 
 ont  of  Antioch,  and  came  into  Judea,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Arbela,  a  city  of  Galilee,  and 
 having  besieged  and  taken  those  that  were  there  in  caves,  (for  many  of  the  people  fled  into 
 such  places,)  he  removed,  and  made  all  the  haste  he  could  to  Jerusalem.  And  when  he  had 
 learned  that  Judas  pitched  bis  camp  at  a  certain  village  whose  name  was  Bethzetho,  he  led  his 
 army  against  him  :  they  were  twenty  thousand  footmen,  and  two  thousand  horsemen.  Now  Judas 
 had  iij  more  soldiers  than  one  thousand.t  When  these  saw  the  multitude  of  Bacchides'  men, 
 they  were  afraid,  and  left  their  camp,  and  fled  all  away,  excepting  eight  hundred.  Now  when 
 Judas  was  deserted  by  his  own  soldiers,  and  the  enemy  pressed  upon  him,  and  gave  him  no 
 time  (o  gather  his  army  together,  he  was  disposed  to  fight  with  Bacchides'  army,  though  he 
 had  but  eight  hundred  men  with  him  ;  so  he  exhorted  these  men  to  undergo  the  danger  courage- 
 ously, and  encouraged  them  to  attack  the  enemy.  And  when  they  said  they  were  not  a  body 
 sufficient  to  fight  so  great  an  army,  and  advised  that  they  should  retire  now,  and  save  them- 
 selves, and  that  when  he  had  gathered  his  own  men  together,  then  he  should  fall  upon  the 
 enerny  afterwards,  his  answer  was  tliis  :  "  Let  not  the  snn  ever  see  such  a  thing  that  I  should 
 shew  my  back  to  the  enemy  ;  and  althoogh  this  be  the  time  that  will  bring  me  to  my  end,  and 
 I  must  die  in  this  battle,  1  will  rather  stand  to  it  courageously,  and  bear  whatsoever  comes 
 upon  me,  than  by  now  running  away,  bring  reproach  upon  my  former  great  actions,  or  tarnish 
 their  glory."  This  was  the  speech  he  made  to  those  that  remained  with  him,  whereby  he 
 encouraged  them  to  attack  the  enemy. 
 
 2.  But  Bacchides  drew  his  army  ont  of  their  camp,  and  put  them  in  array  for  the  battle. 
 He  set  tiie  horsemen  on  both  the  wings,  and  the  light  soldiers  and  the  archers  he  placed 
 before  the  whole  army,  but  he  was  himself  on  the  right  wing.  And  when  he  had  thus  put  his 
 array  in  order  of  battle,  and  was  going  to  join  battle  with  the  enemy,  he  commanded  the 
 trumpeter  to  give  a  signal  of  battle,  and  the  army  to  make  a  shout  and  to  fall  on  the  enemy. 
 And  when  Judas  had  done  the  same,  he  joined*battle  with  them  ;  and  as  both  sides  fought 
 valiantly,  and  the  battle  continued  till  sunset,  Judas  saw  that  Bacchides  and  the  strongest 
 part  of  the  army  was  in  the  right  wing,  and  thereupon  took  the  most  courageous  men  with 
 bin),  and  ran  upon  that  part  of  the  army,  and  fell  upon  those  that  were  there,  and  broke  their 
 ranks,  and  drove  them  into  the  middle,  and  forced  them  to  run  away,  and  pursued  them  as  far 
 as  to  a  mountain  called  Aza ;  hut  when  those  of  the  left  wing  saw  that  the  right  wing  was  put  to 
 flight,  they  encompassed  Judas  ;  and  pursued  him,  and  came  behind  him,  and  took  him  inlo 
 the  middle  of  their  army  ;  so  being  not  able  to  fly,  but  encompassed  round  about  with  ene- 
 mies, he  stood  still,  and  he  and  those  that  were  with  him  fought,  and  when  he  had  slain  it 
 great  many  of  those  that  came  against  him,  he  at  last  was  himself  wounded,  and  fell,  and  gave 
 up  the  ghost,  and  died  in  a  way  like  to  his  former  famous  actions.  When  Judas  was  dead, 
 those  that  were  with  him  had  no  one  whom  they  could  regard  [as  their  commander,]  but 
 when  they  saw  themselves  deprived  of  such  a  general,  they  fled.  But  Simon  and  Jonathan, 
 Judas'  brethren,  received  his  dead  body  by  a  treaty  from  the  enemy,  and  carried  it  to  the  vil- 
 lage of  Modin,  where  their  father  had  been  buried,  and  there  buried  him  ;  while  the  multi- 
 tude lamented  him  many  days,  and  performed  the  usual  solemn  rites  of  a  funeral  to  him.  And 
 this  was  the  end  that  Judas  came  to.     He  had  been  a  man  of  valour  and  a  great  warrior,  and 
 
 •  This  subscription  is  wanting,  1  Maccab.  viii.  17,  19.  and  must  be  the  words  of  Josephus,  who  by  mistake 
 thought,  as  we  have  just  now  seen,  that  .Judas  was  at  tliis  time  high  priest,  and  accordinglv  then  reckoned  his 
 brother  Jonathan  to  be  the  general  of  the  army,  which  yet  he  seems  not  to  have  been  till  after  the  death  of 
 Judas. 
 
 +  That  this  copy  of  Josephus,  as  he  wrote  it,  had  here  not  1000  but  3(XK)  with  1  Maccab.  ix.  5.  is  very  plain, 
 because  though  the  main  part  ran  away  at  first  even  in  Josephus,  as  well  as  in  1  Maccab.  ix.  C.  yet,  as  there, 
 go  here  800  are  said  to  have  remained  with  Judas,  which  would  be  absurd,  if  the  whole  number  had  been  no 
 more  thaik  1000, 
 
BOOK  XIII. — CHAP.  I.  323 
 
 mindful  of  ilic  commatids  of  his  father  Mattatbias  ;  and  bad  andergone  all  difficulties,  botb  in 
 doing  and  suffering,  for  the  liberty  of  his  countrymen.  And  when  his  character  was  so  excel- 
 lent I  while  he  was  alive,]  he  left  behind  him  a  glorious  reputation  and  memorial,  by  gaining 
 freedom  for  his  nation,  and  delivering  them  from  slavery  under  the  Macedoniajis,  And  when 
 he  had  retained  the  high-priesthood  three  years,  he  died. 
 
 BOOK  XIII. 
 
 CONTAINING   THE   INTERVAL  OF  EIGHTY-TWO  YEARS.-FROM  THE  DEATH   OF 
 JUDAS  MACCABEES,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  QUEEN  ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Jonathan  took  the  Government  after  his  brother  Judas,  and  hoiv  he,  together  with  his 
 brother  Simon,  waged  War  against  Bacchides. 
 
 §  1.  By  what  means  the  nation  of  the  Jews  recovered  their  freedom  when  they  had  been 
 brought  into  slavery  by  the  Macedonians,  and  what  struggles  and  bow  many  great  battles 
 Judas  the  general  of  their  army  ran  through,  till  he  was  slain  as  he  was  fighting  for  them,  hath 
 been  related  in  the  foregoing  book  ;  but  after  he  was  dead,  all  the  wicked,  and  those  that 
 transgressed  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  sprung  up  again  in  Judea,  and  grew  upon  them,  and 
 distressed  them  on  every  side.  A  famine  also  assisted  their  wickedness,  and  afflicted  the 
 country,  till  not  a  few,  who  bv  reason  of  their  want  of  necessaries,  and  because  they  were  not 
 able  to  bear  up  the  miseries  lli;;t-both  the  famine  and  their  enemies  brought  upon  them,  deserted 
 their  country,  and  went  to  the  Macedonians.  And  now  Bacchides  gathered  those  Jews  toge- 
 ther who  iiad  apostatized  from  the  accustomed  way  of  living  of  their  forefathers,  and  chose  to 
 live  like  their  neighbours,  and  committed  the  care  of  the  country  to  them,  who  also  caught 
 the  friends  of  Judas,  and  those  of  his  party,  and  delivered  them  up  to  Bacchides,  who,  when 
 he  had,  in  the  first  place  tortured  and  tormented  them  at  his  pleasure,  he  by  that  means  at 
 length  killed  them.  And  when  this  calamity  of  the  Jews  was  become  so  great,  as  they  had 
 never  had  experience  of  the  like  since  their  return  out  of  Babylon,  those  that  remained  of  the 
 companions  of  Judas,  seeing  that  the  nation  was  about  to  be  destroyed  after  a  miserable  man- 
 ner, came  to  his  brother  Jonathan,  and  desired  him  that  he  would  imitate  his  brother,  and 
 that  care  which  he  took  of  his  countrymen,  for  whose  liberty  in  general  he  died  also ;  and  that 
 lie  would  not  permit  the  nation  to  be  without  a  governor,  especially  in  those  destructive  cir- 
 cumstances wherein  it  now  was.  And  when  Jonathan  said,  that  he  was  ready  to  die  for  them, 
 and  was  indeed  esteemed  no  way  inferior  to  his  brother,  he  was  appointed  to  be  the  general 
 of  the  Jewish  army. 
 
 2.  When  Bacchides  heard  this,  and  was  afraid  that  Jonathan  might  be  very  troublesome  to 
 the  king  and  the  Macedonians,  as  Judas  had  been  before  him,  he  sought  how  he  might  slay 
 him  by  treachery  :  but  this  invention  of  his  was  not  unknown  to  Jonathan,  nor  to  his  brother 
 Simon  :  but  when  these  two  were  apprized  of  it,  they  took  all  their  companions,  and  presently 
 fled  into  that  wilderness  which  was  nearest  to  the  city  ;  and  when  they  were  come  to  a  lake 
 called  Asphar,  they  abode  there.  But  when  Bacchides  was  sensible  that  they  were  in  a  low 
 state,  and  were  in  that  place,  he  hasted  to  fall  npon  them  with  all  his  forces,  and  pitching  his 
 camp  beyond  Jordan,  he  recruited  his  army  :  but  when  Jonathan  knew  that  Bacchides  was 
 coming  upon  them,  he  sent  his  brother  John,  who  was  also  called  Gaddis,  to  the  Nabatean 
 Arabs,  that  he  might  lodge  his  baggage  with  them  until  the  battle  with  Bacchides  should  be 
 over,  for  they  were  the  Jews'  friends.  And  the  sons  of  Ambri  laid  an  ambush  for  John  from 
 the  city  Medaba,  and  seized  upon  him,  and  upon  those  that  were  with  him,  and  plundered  all 
 that  they  bad  with  them:  they  also  slew  John  and  all  his  companions.  However,  they  were 
 sufliciently  punished  for  what  they  now  did  by  John's  brethren,  as  we  shall  relate  presently. 
 
 3.  But  when  Bacchides  knew  that  Jonathan  had  pitched  his  camp  among  the  lakes  of  Jor- 
 dan, he  observed  when  their  Sabbath-day  came,  and  then  assaulted  him,  as  supposing  that  he 
 would  not  fight  because  of  the  law  [for  resting  on  that  day  :]  but  he  exhorted  his  companions 
 [to  fight ;]  and  told  them  that  their  lives  were  at  stake,  since  they  were  encompassed  by  the 
 river,  and  by  their  enemies,  and  had  no  way  to  escape,  for  that  their  enemies  pressed  upon 
 them  before,  and  the  river  was  behind  them.  So  after  he  had  prayed  to  God  to  give  them  the 
 victory,  he  joined  battle  with  the  enemy,  of  whom  he  overthrew  many  ;  and  as  he  saw  Bac- 
 chides coming  up  boldly  to  him,  he  stretched  out  his  right  hand  to  smite  him,  but  the  other 
 foreseeing  and  avoiding  the  stroke,  Jonathan  with  his  companions  leaped  into  the  river,  and 
 swam  over  it,  anil  by  that  means  escaped  beyond  Jordan,  while  the  enemy  did  not  pass  over 
 that  river  :  but  Bacchides  returned  presently  to  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem,  having  lost  auout  two 
 tliiiiisand  of  his  army.  He  also  fortified  many  cities  of  Juden,  whose  walls  had  been  deino- 
 li.-.iicd,  Jericho,  and  Einiuaus,  and  Bethoron,  and  Bethel,  and  Tiraua,  and  Pharatho,  and  'I'tkoa, 
 
324  ANTIQUiTIEL"!  OV  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  Gazara,  rnd  built  towers  in  every  one  of  these  cities,  and  encompassed  them  wi,'!i 
 strong  walls,  that  were  very  large  also,  and  put  garrisons  into  fbeni,  tbat  they  might  issue  out 
 of  tbem,  and  do  mischief  to  the  Jews.  He  also  fortified  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem  more  than  all 
 the  rest.  Moreover,  he  took  the  sons  of  the  principal  Jews  as  pledges,  and  shut  them  up  in 
 the  citadel,  and  in  that  manner  guarded  it. 
 
 4.  About  the  same  time  one  came  to  Jonathan,  and  to  his  brother  Simon,  and  told  them  that 
 the  sons  of  Anibri  were  celebrating  a  marriage,  and  bringing  the  bride  from  the  city  Gabatha, 
 who  was  the  daughter  of  one  of  the  illustrious  men  among  the  Arabians,  and  that  the  dnmsel 
 ■was  to  be  conducted  with  pomp  and  sjilendour,  and  much  riches :  so  Jonathan  and  Simon 
 thinking  this  appeared  to  be  the  fittest  time  for  them  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  brother,  and 
 that  they  had  forces  sufficient  for  receiving  satisfaction  from  them  for  his  death,  they  made 
 haste  to  Medaba,  and  lay  in  wait  among  the  mountains  for  the  coming  of  their  enemies  ;  and 
 as  soon  as  they  saw  tiiem  conducting  the  virgin  and  her  bridegroom,  and  such  a  great  company 
 of  their  frii-nds  with  them  as  was  to  be  expected  at  this  wedding,  they  sallied  out  of  their 
 auibush,  and  slew  them  all;  and  took  their  ornaments,  and  all  the  prey  that  then  followed 
 them,  and  so  returned,  and  received  this  satisfaction  for  their  brother  John  from  the  sons  of 
 Ambri ;  for  as  well  those  sons  tliemselves,  as  their  fiiends,  and  wives,  and  children,  that  fol- 
 lowed them,  perished,  being  in  number  about  four  hundred. 
 
 5.  However,  Simon  and  Jonathan  returned  to  the  lakes  of  the  river,  and  abode  there.  Bat 
 Baochides,  when  he  had  secured  all  Jiidea  with  his  garrisons,  returned  to  the  king  :  and  then  it 
 was  that  the  aflairs  of  Judea  were  quiet  fnr  two  years.  But  when  the  deserters  and  the  wicked 
 saw  that  Jonathan  and  those  that  were  with  Lira  lived  in  the  country  very  quietly,  by  reason 
 of  the  peace,  they  sent  to  king  Demetrius,  and  excited  him  to  send  Bacchides  to  seize  upon 
 Jonathan,  which  they  said  was  to  be  done  without  any  trouble,  and  in  one  night's  time  ;  and 
 that  if  they  fell  upon  them  before  they  were  avpare.they  might  slay  them  all.  So  the  king  sint 
 Bacchides,  who,  when  he  was  come  into  Judea,  wrote  to  all  his  friends,  both  Jews  and  auxilia- 
 ries, that  they  should  seize  upon  Jonathan,  and  bring  him  to  him  ;  and  when,  npon  all  their 
 endeavours,  they  were  not  able  to  seize  upon  Jonathan,  for  he  was  sensible  of  the  snares  they 
 laid  for  him,  and  very  carefully  guarded  against  them,  Bacchides  was  angry  at  these  deserters, 
 as  having  in)posed  upon  him,  and  upon  the  king,  and  slew  fifty  of  their  leaders.  Whert-upon 
 Jonathan,  with  bis  brother,  and  those  that  were  with  them,  retired  to  Bethagla,  a  village  that 
 lay  in  the  wilderness,  out  of  his  fear  of  Bacchides.  He  also  built  towers  on  it,  and  encom- 
 passed it  with  walls,  and  took  care  that  it  should  be  safely  guarded.  Upon  the  hearing  of 
 ■which,  Bacchides  led  his  own  army  along  with  him,  and  besides  took  his  Jewish  auxiliaries, 
 and  came  against  Jonathan,  and  made  an  assault  upon  his  fortifications,  and  besieged  him  many 
 days  ;  but  Jonathan  did  not  abate  of  his  courage  at  the  zeal  Bacchides  used  in  the  siege,  but 
 courageously  opposed  him  :  and  while  he  left  bis  brother  Simon  in  the  city,  to  fight  with  Bac- 
 chides, he  went  privately  out  himself  into  the  country,  and  got  a  great  body  of  men  together 
 of  his  own  party,  and  fell  upon  Bacchides'  camp  in  the  night-time,  and  destroyed  a  great  many 
 of  them.  His  brother  Simon  knew  also  of  tiiis  his  falling  upon  them,  because  be  perceived 
 that  the  enemies  were  slain  by  him.  so  he  sallied  out  upon  them,  and  burnt  the  engines  which 
 the  Macedonians  used,  and  made  a  gieat  slaughter  of  them.  And  when  Bacchides  saw  himself 
 encompassed  with  enemies,  and  some  of  them  before  and  some  behind  him,  he  fell  into  despair 
 and  trouble  of  mind,  as  confounded  at  the  unexpected  ill  success  of  this  siege.  However,  he 
 vented  his  displeasure  at  these  misfortunes  upon  those  deserters  who  sent  for  him  from  the 
 king,  as  having  deluded  him.  So  he  had  a  mind  to  finish  this  siege  after  a  decent  manner,  if 
 it  were  possible  for  him  so  to  do,  and  then  to  return  home. 
 
 6.  When  Jonathan  understood  these  his  intentions,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  about  a 
 league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance,  and  that  they  might  restore  those  they  had  takt ri 
 captive  on  both  sides.  So  Bacchides  thought  this  a  prettv  decent  way  of  retiring  home,  and 
 made  a  league  of  friendship  with  Jonathan,  when  they  sware  that  they  would  not  any  more 
 make  war  one  against  another.  Accordingly,  he  restored  the  captives,  and  took  his  own  men 
 with  him,  and  returned  to  the  king  of  Antioch  :  and  after  this  his  departure,  he  never  came 
 into  Judea  again.  Then  did  Jonathan  take  the  opportunity  of  this  quiet  state  of  things,  and 
 went  and  lived  in  the  city  Michmash  ;  and  there  governed  the  multitude,  and  punished  the 
 wicked  and  ungodly,  and  by  that  means  purged  the  nation  of  them. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Alexander  [Bala"]  in  his  War  with  Demetrius,  granted  Jonathan  many  Advantages,  and 
 
 appointed  him  to  be  High  Priest,  and  persuaded  liiin  to  assist  him,  although  Demetrius  promised 
 
 him  greater  Advantages  on  the  other  Side,      Concerning  the  Death  of  Demetrius. 
 
 §  1.  No'W  in  the  hundred  and   sixtieth  year,  it   fell  out  that  Alexander,  the  son  of  Antiochns 
 
 Epiphanes,*  came  np  into  Syria,  and  took  Ptoleniais,  the  soldiers  within  having  betrayed  it  to 
 
 *  This  Alexander  Eala,  -n'ho  certainly  pretended  to  he  the  son  of  Autiochus  EiJphanes,  and  -teas  omied  fop 
 Biich  by  the  Jews  and  Romans,  and  many  othtrs,  yet  is  by  several  historians  deemed  to  he  a  counterfeit,  and 
 of  no  family  at  all,  is,  hoivever,  by  .losephns  believed  to  have  been  the  real  son  of  that  Antiochns.  and  by  him 
 always  tpokeu  of  accurdingly.    And  truly,  since   the  oriaiual  coutemiiorary  and  authentic  author  of  ihelia^st 
 
BOOK   XIII.— CHAP.  I.  325 
 
 him  for  they  were  al  euniiu  witli  Demetrius,  on  account  of  his  insolence  and  rlilllcuUy  of 
 access  ;  for  he  shut  hiiiisell'  uj)  in  a  palace  of  liis  that  had  four  towers,  which  he  had  built  him- 
 self, not  far  from  Anliorh,  and  adniilted  nobody.  He  was  withal  slothful  and  nei^ligent  about 
 the  public  pffairs,  wiierebv  the  hatred  of  his  subjects  was  the  more  kindled  against  hint,  as  we 
 liave  elseivhere  already  related.  AVIien  iherefoie  Demetrius  heard  that  Alexander  was  in  Pto- 
 lemnis,  he  took  his  wijole  army  and  led  it  aojainst  him  :  be  also  sent  am!)assadors  lo  Jonathan, 
 about  a  league  of  mutunl  assistance  and  friendship,  for  he  resolved  lo  be  beforehand  with  Alex- 
 ander, lest  the  other  shoidd  treat  with  him  first,  and  gain  assistance  from  him  :  and  this  he  did 
 out  of  the  fear  he  had,  lest  Jonathan  sliould  remember  how  ill  Demetrius  had  formerly  treated 
 him,  and  should  join  with  him  in  this  war  against  him.  He  therefore  gave  orders  that  Jonathan 
 should  be  allowed  to  raise  an  army,  and  should  get  armour  made,  and  should  receive  back 
 those  hostages  of  the  Jewisli  nation  whom  Hacchides  had  shut  up  in  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem. 
 When  this  gond  fortune  had  befallen  Jonathan,  by  the  concession  of  Demetrius,  he  came  to 
 Jerusalem,  and  read  the  king's  letter,  in  the  audience  of  the  people,  and  of  those  that  kept  the 
 citadel.  When  these  were  read,  those  wicked  men  and  deserters,  who  were  in  the  citadel, 
 were  greatly  afraid,  upun  the  king's  permission  lo  Jonathan  lo  raise  an  army,  and  to  receive 
 back  the  hostages:  so  he  delivered  every  one  of  them  (o  his  own  parents.  And  thus  did  Jona- 
 thnn  make  his  abode  at  Jerusalem,  renewing  the  city  lo  a  better  state,  and  relorniing  the  build- 
 ings as  he  pleased  ;  for  he  gave  orders  that  the  walls  of  the  city  should  be  rebuilt  with  square 
 sti>nes,  that  it  might  be  more  secure  from  their  enemies.  And  when  those  that  kept  the  garri- 
 sons that  were  in  Judea  saw  this,  they  all  left  them,  and  (led  lo  Antiooh,  excepting  those  that 
 were  in  the  city  of  Bethsura,  and  those  that  were  in  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem,  for  the  greatest 
 part  of  these  was  of  the  wicked  Jews  and  deserters,  and  on  that  account  these  did  not  deliver 
 up  tlair  garrisons. 
 
 2.  When  Alexander  knew  what  promises  Demetrius  had  made  Jonatlian,  and  withal  knew 
 liis  courage,  and  what  great  things  lie  had  done  when  he  fought  the  Macedonians,  and  besides 
 what  hardships  he  had  undergone  by  the  means  ol'  J>emetrius,  and  of  Bacchides,  the  general  of 
 Demetrius's  army,  he  told  his  friends,  that  "  he  could  not  at  present  (ind  any  one  else  that 
 mi;;ht  afford  him  better  assistance  than  Jonaihan,  who  was  bntli  courageous  against  his  ene- 
 mies, and  had  a  particular  hatred  against  Demetrius,  as  having  both  sudered  many  hard 
 things  from  him,  and  acted  many  hard  things  against  him.  If  therefore  they  were  of  opinion 
 that  thev  should  make  him  their  friend  against  Demetrius,  it  was  more  for  their  advantage  to 
 invite  him  to  assist  them  now  than  at  anotlier  time."  It  being  therefore  determined  by  him 
 and  his  friends  to  send  to  Jonathan,  he  wrote  lo  him  this  epistle  :  "  King  Alexander  lo  his  bro- 
 ther Jonathan,  sendeth  greeting:  We  have  long  ago  heard  of  thy  courage  and  thy  fidelity,  and 
 for  that  reason  have  sent  to  thee,  to  make  with  thee  a  lef.gue  of  frieudship  and  mutual  assist- 
 ance. We  therefore  do  ordain  thee  this  day  liigh  priest  of  the  Jews,  and  that  thou  beest 
 called  my  friend.  I  have  also  sent  thee,  as  presents,  a  purple  robe  and  a  golden  crown,  and 
 desire,  that  now  thou  art  oy  us  honoured,  thou  wilt  in  like  manner  respect  us  also." 
 
 3.  When  Jonathan  had  received  this  letter,  he  put  on  the  pontifical  robe  at  the  time  of  the 
 feast  of  tabernacles,*  four  years  after  the  death  of  his  brother  Judas,  for  at  that  lime  no  high 
 priest  had  been  made.  So  he  raised  great  forces,  and  had  abundance  of  armour  got  ready. 
 This  greatly  grieved  Demetrius  when  he  heard  of  it,  and  m^de  him  bbime  himself  for  his 
 slowness,  that  he  had  not  prevented  Alexander,  and  got  the  good-will  of  Jonathan,  but  had 
 given  him  time  so  to  do.  However,  he  also  himself  wrote  a  letter  to  Jonathan,  and  to  the 
 peoj>le  ;  the  contents  whereof  are  these  :  "  King  Demetrius  to  Jonathan,  and  to  the  nation  of 
 the  Jews,  sendeth  greeting  :  Since  you  have  preserved  ynur  friendship  for  us  ;  and  when  you 
 have  been  tempted  by  our  enemies,  you  have  not  joined  yourselves  to  them  ;  I  both  c  nimend 
 you  for  this  your  fidelity,  and  exhort  you  to  continue  in  the  same  disposition,  for  which  you 
 slia'l  be  repaid,  and  receive  rewards  from  us  :  for  I  will  free  you  from  the  greatest  part  of  the 
 tributes  and  taxes  wliich  you  formerly  paid  to  the  kings  my  predecessors,  and  to  myself;  and 
 1  do  now  set  you  free  from  those  tributes  which  you  have  ever  paid  ;  and  besides,  I  forgive 
 \<a  the  l;iK  upon  salt,  and  the  value  of  the  crowns  which  you  used  to  offer  to  me  ;t  and  instead 
 of  the  third  part  of  the  fruits  [of  the  field,]  and  the  half  of  the  fruits  of  the  trees,  1  relinquish 
 my  pari  of  ihem  from  this  day  :  and  as  to  the  poll-money,  which  ought  to  be  given  me  for  every 
 head  of  the  inhabitants  of  Judea,  and  of  the  three  toparchies  that  adjoin  to  Judea,  Samaria,  and 
 G.ililee,  and  Perea,  that  I  relinquish  to  you  for  this  time,  and  for  all  lime  to  come.     I  will  also 
 
 Dook  of  Mnccabecs  chap.  x.  1.  calls  him  tjy  his  father's  name  Epiphanes,  andsayshe  was  the  son  of  Antiochus, 
 I  suppose  the  other  writers,  who  are  al!  much  Inter,  are  tiottohe  followed  against  such. evidence,  thoui,'h  i)er- 
 haps  I'piphaiies  mipihl  have  him  by  a  woman  of  no  family.  The  king  of  l-^gypt  also.  Philomator,  sooii  gave 
 him  his  daughter  in  marria-ge,  vvliich  he  would  hardly  have  done,  had  he  believed  him  to  be  a  counterfeit,  and 
 of  so  vury  mtan  a  birth  as  the  laler  historians  pretenil. 
 
 •  Since  Jonatlian  plainly  did  imt  put  on  the  pontifical  robes  till  seven  or  eight  years  after  the  death  of  his 
 brother  .ludas,  or  not  till  the  feast  of  tabernacles  in  the  160th  of  the  .Seleucidic,  1  Maccab.  x.  CI.  Petitus'!? 
 emendation  seems  here  to  deserve  consideration,  who,  instead  of  after  four  years  since  the  death  of  his  brother 
 .luilas.  would  have  us  read,  "  and  therefore  after  eight  years  since  the  dea'h  of  his  brother. I  uilns."  This  would 
 tolerably  well  a;ri-ee  with  the  date  of  the  Maccabees,  and  with  .losephr.s's  own  exact  chronology  at  the  end  of 
 the  twentieth  book  of  these  Antiquities,  which  the  present  text  cannot  be  made  to  do. 
 
 i  Trike  (Tfotius's  note  here  :  "  The  Jews  (says  he)  were  wout  to  present  crowns  to  the  kings  [of  Syria  ;]  after- 
 wards thiit  i-'old,  which  was  paid  instead  of  those  crowns,  or  which  was  expended  in  makiuu  them,  was  called 
 the  crown  gold  and  crown  tax."    On  1  Maccab.  x.  29. 
 
326  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tliat  the  citj  of  Jerusalem  be  lioly  and  inviolable  ;  and  free  from  the  tithe,  and  from  the  taxes, 
 unto  its  utmost  bounds  :  and  I  so  far  recede  from  my  title  to  the  citadel,  as  to  permit  Jonathan 
 your  high  priest  to  possess  it,  that  he  may  place  such  a  garrison  in  it  as  he  approves  of  for 
 fidelity  and  good-will  to  himself,  that  they  may  keep  it  for  us.  I  also  make  free  all  those 
 Jews  who  have  been  made  captives  and  slaves  in  my  kingdom.  I  also  give  order  that  the 
 beasts  of  the  Jews  be  not  pressed  for  our  service.  And  let  their  Sabbaths,  and  all  their  festi- 
 vals, and  three  days  before  each  of  them,  be  free  from  any  imposition.  In  the  same  manner,  I 
 set  free  the  Jews  that  are  inhabitants  in  my  kingdom,  and  order  that  no  injury  be  done  to 
 them.  I  also  give  leave  to  such  of  them  as  are  willing  to  list  themselves  in  my  army,  that 
 they  may  do  it,  and  those  as  far  as  thirty  thousand  ;  which  Jewish  soldiers,  wheresoever  they 
 go,  shall  have  the  same  pay  that  my  own  army  hath  :  and  some  of  them  I  will  place  in  my  gar- 
 risons, and  some  as  guards  about  mine  own  body,  and  as  rulers  over  those  that  are  in  my 
 court.  I  give  them  leave  also  to  use  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  to  observe  them  ;  and 
 I  will,  that  they  have  power  over  the  three  toparchies  that  are  added  to  Judea  ;  and  it  shall  be 
 in  the  power  of  the  high  priest,  to  take  care  tliat  not  one  Jew  shall  have  any  other  temple  for 
 worship,  but  only  that  at  Jerusalem.  I  bequeath  also,  out  of  my  own  revenues,  yearly,  for  the 
 expenses  about  the  sacrifices,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  [drachmas  ;]  and  what  money  is  to 
 spare,  I  will  that  it  shall  be  your  own.  I  also  release  to  you  those  ten  thousand  drachmae 
 which  the  kings  received  from  the  temple,  because  they  appertain  to  the  priests  that  minister 
 in  that  temple.  And  whosoever  shall  fly  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  or  to  the  places  thereto 
 belonging,  or  who  owe  the  king  money,  or  are  there  on  any  other  account,  let  them  be  set  free, 
 and  let  their  goods  be  in  safety.  1  also  give  you  leave  to  repair  and  rebuild  your  temple,  and 
 that  all  be  done  at  my  expenses.  I  also  allow  you  to  build  the  walls  of  your  city,  and  to  erect 
 high  towers,  and  that  they  be  erected  at  my  charge.  And  if  there  be  any  fortified  town  that 
 would  be  convenient  for  the  Jewish  country  to  have  very  strong,  let  it  be  so  built  at  my 
 expenses." 
 
 4.  This  was  what  Demetrius  promised,  and  granted  to  the  Jews,  by  this  letter.  But  king 
 Alexander  raised  a  great  army  of  mercenary  soldiers,  and  of  those  that  deserted  to  him  out  of 
 Syria,  and  made  an  expedition  against  Demetrius.  And  when  it  was  come  to  a  battle,  the  left 
 wing  of  Demetrius  put  those  who  opposed  them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  a  great  way,  and 
 slew  many  of  them,  and  spoiled  their  camp,  but  the  right  wing,  where  Demetrius  happened  to 
 be,  was  beaten  ;  and  as  for  all  the  rest,  they  ran  away  :  but  Demetrius  fought  courageously, 
 and  slew  a  great  many  of  the  enemy ;  but  as  he  was  in  the  pursuit  of  the  rest,  his  horse  car- 
 ried him  into  a  deep  bog,  where  it  was  hard  to  get  out,  and  there  it  happened,  that  upon  his 
 horse's  falling  down,  he  could  not  escape  being  killed  ;  for  when  his  enemies  saw  what  had 
 befallen  him,  they  returned  back,  and  encompassed  Demetrius  round,  and  they  all  threw  their 
 darts  at  him  ;  but  he  being  now  on  foot,  fought  bravely,  bat  at  length  he  received  so  many 
 wounds,  that  he  was  not  able  to  bear  up  any  longer,  but  fell.  And  this  is  the  end  that  Deme- 
 trius came  to  when  he  had  reigned  eleven  years,*  as  we  have  elsewhere  related. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 The  Friendship  that  was  between  Oniasand  Ptolemy  Philomator ;  and  how  Onias  built  a  Temple 
 
 in  Egypt  like  to  that  at  Jerusalem. 
 §  1.  But  then  the  son  of  Onias  the  high  priest,  who  was  of  the  same  name  with  his  father,  and 
 who  fled  to  king  Ptolemy,  who  was  called  Pbilometor,  lived  now  at  Alexandria,  as  we  have  said 
 already.  When  this  Onias  saw  that  Judea  was  oppressed  by  the  Macedonians  and  their 
 kings,  out  of  a  desire  to  purchase  to  himself  a  memorial  and  eternal  fame,  he  resolved  to  send 
 to  king  Ptolemy  and  queen  Cleopatra,  to  ask  leave  of  thera  that  he  might  build  a  temple  in 
 Egypt  like  to  that  at  Jerusalem,  and  might  ordain  Levites  and  priests  out  of  their  own  stock. 
 The  chief  reason  why  he  was  desirous  so  to  do,  was,  that  he  relied  upon  the  prophet  Isaiah, 
 who  lived  above  six  hundred  years  before,  and  foretold  that  there  certainly  was  to  be  a  temple 
 built  to  Almighty  God  in  Egypt  by  a  man  that  was  a  Jew.  Onias  was  elevated  with  this  predic- 
 tion ;  and  wrote  the  following  epistle  to  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra  :  "  Having  done  many  and 
 great  things  for  yon  in  the  aflTairs  of  the  war,  by  the  assistance  of  God,  and  that  in  Celosyria 
 and  Phenicia,  I  came  at  length  with  the  Jews  to  Leontopolis,  and  to  other  places  of  your 
 nation,  where  I  found  that  the  greatest  part  of  your  people  had  temples  in  an  improper  man- 
 ner, and  that  on  this  account  they  bare  ill-will  one  against  another,  which  happens  to  the  Egyp- 
 tians by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  their  temples,  and  the  dift'erence  of  opinions  about  divine 
 worship.  Now  I  found  a  very  fit  place  in  a  castle  that  hath  its  name  from  the  country  Diana  ; 
 this  place  is  full  of  materials  of  several  sorts,  and  replenished  with  sacred  animals  :  I  desire 
 therefore  that  you  will  grant  me  leave  to  purge  this  holy  place,  which  belongs  to  no  master, 
 and  is  fallen  down,  and  to  build  there  a  temple  to  Almighty  God,  after  the  pattern  of  that  in 
 Jerusalem,  and  of  the  same  dimensions  ;  that  may  be  for  the  benefit  of  thyself,  and  thy  wife 
 and  children,  that  those  Jews  who  dwell  in  Egypt  may  have  a  place  whither  they  may  come 
 and  meet  together  in  mutual  harmony  one  with  another,  and  be  subservient  to  thy  advantages, 
 
 •  Since  the  rest  of  the  historians  now  extant  -ive  tliis  n.nietriiis  13  years,  and  Josephus  only  11  years,  DeM 
 Prideaux  does  not  amiss  iu  ascribing  to  him  tlie  uitan  niimbt;-  lil. 
 
BOOK   XIII.  —  CHAP.   III.  327 
 
 for  the  propLet   Isaiah   foretold,  that  there  should  be   an  altar   in    Egjpt   to  the  Lotd  God.* 
 And  many  other  such  things  did  he  prophesy  relating  to  that  place." 
 
 2.  And  this  was  what  Onias  wrote  to  king  Ptolemy.  Now  any  one  may  observe  his  piety, 
 and  that  of  his  sister  and  wife  Cleopatra,  by  that  epistle  which  they  wrote  in  answer  to  it ;  for 
 they  laid  the  blame  and  the  transgression  of  the  law  upon  the  head  of  Onias.  And  this  was 
 Iheir  reply:  "King  Ptolemy  and  queen  Cleopatra  to  Onias,  send  greeting:  We  have  read  tiiy 
 petition,  wherein  thou  desirest  leave  to  be  given  thee  to  purge  that  temple  which  is  fallen 
 down  at  Leontopolis,  in  the  Noraus  of  Heliopolis,  and  which  is  named  from  the  country 
 Bubastis ;  on  which  account  we  cannot  but  wonder  that  it  should  be  pleasing  to  God  to  have  a 
 temple  erected  in  a  place  so  unclean,  and  so  full  of  sacred  animals:  but  since  thou  sayest  that 
 Isaiah  the  prophet  foretold  this  long  ago,  we  give  thee  leave  to  do  it,  if  it  may  be  done  accord- 
 ing to  your  law,  and  so  that  we  may  cot  appear  to  have  at  all  offended  God  herein." 
 
 3.  So  Onias  look  the  place,  and  built  a  temple,  and  an  altar  to  God,  like  indeed  to  that  in 
 Jerusalem,  but  smaller  and  poorer.  I  do  not  think  it  proper  for  me  now  to  describe  its 
 dimensions,  or  its  vessels,  which  have  been  already  described  in  my  seventh  bonk  of  the  wars 
 of  the  Jews.  However,  Onias  found  other  Jews  like  to  himself,  together  with  priests  and 
 Levites,  that  there  performed  divine  service.     But  we  have  said  enough  above  this  temple. 
 
 4.  Now  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  and  those  Samaritans  who  paid  their 
 worship  to  the  temple  that  was  built  in  the  days  of  Alexander  at  mount  Gerizzim,  did  now 
 make  a  sedition  one  against  another,  and  disputed  about  their  temples  before  Ptolemy  himself, 
 the  Jews  saying,  that,  according  to  the  law  of  Moses,  the  temple  was  to  be  built  at  Jerusalem  ; 
 and  the  Samaritans  saying,  that  it  was  to  be  built  at  Gerizzim.  They  desired  therefore  the 
 king  to  sit  with  his  friends,  and  hear  the  debates  about  these  matters,  and  punish  those  with 
 death  who  were  baffled.  Now  Sabbeus  and  Theodosius  managed  the  argument  for  the  Sama- 
 ritans, and  Andronicus  the  son  of  Messalamus,  for  the  people  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  they  took  an 
 oath  by  God  and  the  king,  to  make  their  demonstrations  according  to  the  law  ;  and  they  desired 
 of  Ptolemy,  that  whomsoever  he  should  find  that  transgressed  what  they  had  sworn  to,  he 
 would  put  bim  to  death.  Accordingly,  the  king  took  several  of  his  friends  into  the  council, 
 and  sat  down,  in  order  to  heav  what  the  pleaders  said.  Now  the  Jews  that  were  at  Alexan- 
 dria were  in  great  concern  for  those  men  whose  lot  it  was  to  contend  for  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
 salem; for  they  took  it  very  ill  that  any  should  tako  away  the  reputation  of  that  temple,  which 
 was  so  ancient,  and  so  celebrated  all  over  the  habitable  earth.  Now  when  Sabbeus  and 
 Theodosius  had  given  leave  to  Andronicus  to  speak  first,  he  began  to  demonstrate  out  of  the 
 law,  and  out  of  the  successions  of  the  high  priests,  how  thev  every  one  in  succession  from  his 
 father  had  received  that  dignity,  and  ruled  over  the  temple  ;  and  how  all  the  kings  of  Asia  had 
 honoured  that  temple  with  their  donations,  aud  with  the  most  splendid  gifts  dedicated  thereto: 
 but  as  for  that  at  Gerizzim,  he  made  no  account  of  it,  nor  regarded  it,  as  if  it  had  never  had  a 
 being.  By  this  speech,  and  other  arguments,  Andronicus  persuaded  the  king  to  deteimine 
 that  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  was  built  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses, t  and  to  put  Sabbeus 
 and  Theodosius  to  dealh.  And  these  were  the  events  that  befell  the  Jews  at  Alexandria  in 
 the  days  of  Ptolemy  Philometor. 
 
 •  It  seems  to  me,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Josephus,  and  of  the  moderns,  both  Jews  and  Christians,  that 
 this  prophecy  of  Isaiah  xix.  19.  itc.  '  In  (hat  day  there  shall  be  an  altar  to  the  Lord  in  the  midst  of  the  land  of 
 Egypt,'  iltc.  directly  foretold  the  building  of  this  temple  ofOnias  in  Egypt,  and  was  a  sufficient  warrant  to  the 
 Jews  for  building  it,  and  for  worshipping  the  true  God,  the  God  of  Israel,  therein.    See  Aulhent.  Kec.  vol.  ii. 
 
 ?.  755.  That  God  seems  to  have  soon  belter  accepted  of  the  sacrifices  and  prayers  here  offered  him  than  those  at 
 enisalem,  see  the  note  on  chap.  x.  i7.  And  truly  the  marks  of  .le  wish  corruption  or  interpolation  in  this  text, 
 in  order  to  discourage  their  people  from  approving  of  the  worship  of  God  here,  are  very  strong,  aud  highly  de- 
 serve our  consideration  and  correction.  Ihe  foregoing  verse  in  Isaiah  runs  thus  in  our  common  copies,  'In 
 that  day  shall  iive  cities  in  the  land  of  Kgypt  speak  the  language  of  Canaan,  [the  Hebrew  language  ;  shall  be  full 
 of  Jews,  whose  sacred  books  were  in  Hebrew,]  and  swear  to  the  Lord  of  hosts.  One  [for  the  tirstj  shall  be  called 
 the  City  of  Destruction,  Isa.  xx.  18.  A  strange  name,  city  of  destruction  !  upon  so  joyful  an  occasion,  and  a  name 
 never  heard  of  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  or  perhaps  in  any  other  nation.  The  old  reading  was  evidently  the  city  of 
 the  eun,  or  Heliopolis ;  and  Onkelog,  in  effect,  and  .Symmachus,  with  the  Arabic  version,  entirely  confess  that  to 
 be  the  true  reading.  The  Septuagint  also,  though  they  have  the  text  disguised  in  the  common  copies,  and  call  it 
 Asedek,  the  ci'y  of  righteousness  ;  yet  in  two  or  three  other  copies,  the  Hebrew  word  itself  for  the  sun,  Acheres, 
 orThares,  is  preserved.  And  since  Onias  insists,  with  the  king  and  queen,  that  Isaiah's  prophecy  contained 
 many  other  predictions  relating  to  this  place,  besides  the  words  recited  ;  it  is  highly  probable  that  these  were 
 especially  meant  byhira  ;  and  that  one  main  reason  why  he  applied  this  prediction  to  himself,  and  to  his  prefec- 
 ture of  Heliopolis,  which  Dean  Prideaux  well  proves  was  in  that  part  of  Egypt,  and  why  he  chose  to  build  in 
 that  prefecture  of  Heliopolis,  though  otherwise  an  improper  place,  was  this,  that  the  same  authority  that  he 
 had  for  building  this  temple  in  Egypt,  the  very  same  he  had  for  building  it  in  his  own  prefecture  of  Heliopo- 
 lis also,  which  he  desired  to  do,  and  which  he  did  accordingly.  Dean  Prideaux  has  much  ado  to  avoid  seeing 
 this  corruption  of  the  Hebrew,  but  it  being  in  support  of  his  own  opinion  about  this  temple,  he  durst  not  see 
 it ;  and  indeed  he  reasons  here  in  t':ie  most  injudicious  manner  possible.    See  him  at  the  year  149. 
 
 +  A  very  unfair  disputation  this!  while  the  Jewish  disputant,  knowing  that  he  could  not  properly  prove  out 
 of  the  Pentateuch,  that  '  the  place  which  tlie  Lord  their  God  shall  choose  to  place  his  name  there,  so  often 
 referred  to  in  the  book  of  I)euteronomy,  was  Jerusalem  any  more  than  Gerizzim.  that  being  not  determined 
 till  the  days  of  David,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap,  xiii.  i  4.  proves  only,  what  the  Samaritans  did  not  deny,  that  the 
 temple  at  Jerusalem  was  much  more  ancient,  and  much  more  celebrated  and  honoured,  than  thai  at  Gerizzim, 
 which  was  nothing  to  the  present  purpose.  I  he  whole  evidence,  by  the  very  oaths  of  both  parties,  being,  we 
 «ee,  obliged  to  be  confined  to  the  law  of  Moses,  or  to  the  Pentateuch  alone.  However,  ^yo^ldly  policy  and 
 interest,  and  the  multitude,  prevailing,  the  court  gave  sentence,  as  usual,  on  the  stronger  side,  and  poor  Sab- 
 beus and  Theodosius,  the  Samaritan  disputants,  were  martyrid,  and  this,  so  far  ns  appears,  without  any  direct 
 hearing  at  all,  which  is  like  the  usual  practice  of  such  political  courts  about  matters  of  religion.  Our  copies 
 say,  that  the  body  of  the  Jews  were  in  a  great  concern  about  '  those  men,'  in  the  plural,  who  were  to  dispute 
 for  their  temple  at  Jerusalem,  whereas  it  seems  here  they  had  but  one  disputant,  Andronicus  by  name  :  per- 
 haps more  were  prepared  to  speak  on  the  Jews'  side  ;  but  the  first  having  answered  to  his  name  and  overcome 
 the  Samaritans,  there  was  nouecessity  fur  any  other  defender  of  the  Jerusalem  temple. 
 
328  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How  Alexander  honoured  Jonathan  after  an  extraordinary  Manner,  and  how  Demetrius,  tlie  Son 
 of  Demetrius,  overcame  Alexander,  and  made  a  League  of  Friendship  with  Jonathan, 
 
 §  1.  Demetrius  being  thus  slain  in  battle,  as  we  have  above  related,  Alexander  took  the 
 kingdom  of  Syria ;  and  wrote  to  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and  desired  his  daughter  in  marriage; 
 aud  said,  it  was  but  just  that  he  should  be  joined  in  affinity  to  one  that  had  now  received  the 
 principality  of  his  forefathers,  and  had  been  promoted  to  it  by  God's  providence,  and  had  con- 
 quered Demetrius,  and  that  was  on  other  accounts  not  unworthy  of  being  related  to  him.  Ptolemy 
 received  this  proposal  of  marriage  gladly  ;  and  wrote  to  him  an  answer,  saluting  him  on  account 
 of  his  having  received  the  principality  of  his  forefathers;  and  promising  him  that  he  would 
 give  him  his  daughter  in  marriage ;  and  assured  him  that  he  was  coming  to  meet  him  at  Ptole- 
 niais,  and  desired  that  he  would  there  meet  him,  for  that  he  would  accompany  ber  from  Ejiypt 
 so  far,  and  would  there  marry  his  child  to  him.  When  Ptolemy  had  written  thus,  he  came 
 suddenly  to  Ptolemais,  and  brought  his  cousin  Cleopatra  along  with  him  ;  ajid  as  he  found 
 Alexander  there  before  him,  as  he  desired  him  to  come,  he  gave  him  his  child  in  marriage, 
 and  for  her  portion  gave  her  as  much  silver  and  gold  as  became  such  a  king  to  give. 
 
 2.  When  the  wedding  was  over,  Alexander  wrote  to  Jonathan  the  high  priest,  and  desired 
 him  to  come  to  Ptolemais.  So  when  he  came  to  these  kings,  aud  had  made  them  magnificent 
 presents,  he  was  honoured  by  them  both.  Alexander  compelled  him  also  to  put  off  his  own 
 garment,  and  to  take  a  purple  garment,  and  made  him  sit  with  him  in  his  throne  ;  and  com- 
 manded his  captains  that  they  should  go  with  him  into  the  middle  of  the  city,  and  proclaim, 
 that  it  was  not  permitted  to  any  one  to  speak  against  him,  or  to  give  him  any  disturbance. 
 And  when  the  captains  had  thus  done,  those  that  were  prepared  to  accuse  Jonathan,  and  who 
 bore  him  ill-will,  when  they  saw  the  honour  that  was  done  him  by  proclamation,  and  ihat  by 
 the  king's  order,  ran  away,  and  were  afraid  lest  some  mischief  should  befall  them.  Nay, 
 king  Alexander  was  so  very  kiud  to  Jocathan,  that  he  set  him  down  as  the  principal  of  his 
 friends. 
 
 3.  But  then,  upon  the  hundred  and  .sixty-fifth  year,  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Demetrius,  came 
 from  Crete  with  a  great  number  of  mercenary  soldiers,  which  Lasthenes,  the  Cretan,  brought 
 hiiD,  and  sailed  to  Cilicia.  This  thing  cast  Aluxander  into  great  concern  aud  disorder  when 
 he  heard  it ;  so  ho  made  haste  immediafily  out  ol  Pheuicia,  and  came  to  Antioch,  that  he  might 
 put  matters  in  a  safe  posture  there,  btfore  Demetiius  should  come.  He  also  left  Apollonius 
 Daus  governor  of  Celosyria,*  who  coming  to  Jamnia  with  a  great  army,  sent  to  Jonathan  the 
 bigh  priest,  and  told  him,  that  "  it  was  not  right  that  he  alone  should  live  at  rest,  aud  with 
 authority,  and  not  he  subject  to  the  king  ;  ar.d  this  thing  liad  made  him  a  reproach  among  all 
 men,  that  he  had  not  yet  made  him  subject  to  the  king.  Do  not  thou  therefore  deceive  thyself, 
 aud  sit  still  among  the  mountains,  and  pretend  to  have  forces  with  thee :  but  if  thou  hast  any 
 dependence  on  thy  strength,  come  down  into  the  plain,  and  let  our  armies  be  compared  toge- 
 ther, and  the  event  of  the  battle  will  demonstrate  which  of  us  is  the  most  courageous.  How- 
 ever, tiike  notice,  that  the  most  valiant  men  of  every  city  are  in  my  army,  and  that  these  are 
 the  very  men  who  have  always  beaten  thy  progenitors ;  but  let  us  have  the  battle  in  such  a 
 place  of  the  country  where  we  may  fight  with  weapons,  and  not  with  stones,  and  where  there 
 may  be  no  place  whither  those  that  are  beaten  may  fly." 
 
 4.  With  this,  Jonathan  was  irritated  ;  and  choosing  himself  out  ten  thousand  of  his  soldiers, 
 he  went  out  of  Jerusalem  in  haste  with  his  brother  Simon,  and  came  to  Joppa,  and  pitched  his 
 camp  on  the  outside  of  the  city,  because  the  people  of  Joppa  had  shut  their  gates  against  him, 
 for  they  had  a  garrison  in  the  city  put  there  by  Apollonius  ;  but  when  Jonathan  was  preparing 
 to  besiege  them,  they  were  afraid  he  would  take  them  by  force,  and  so  they  opened  the  gates  to 
 him.  But  Apollonius,  when  he  heard  that  Joppa  was  taken  by  Jonathan,  took  three  thousand 
 horsemen,  and  eight  thousand  footmen,  and  came  to  Ashdod,  and  removing  thence,  be  made 
 his  journey  silently  and  slowly,  and  going  up  to  Joppa,  he  made  as  if  he  was  retiring  from  the 
 place,  and  so  drew  Jonathan  into  the  plain,  as  valuing  himself  highly  upon  his  horsemen,  and 
 having  his  hopes  of  victory  principally  in  them.  However,  Jonathan  sallied  out,  and  pursued 
 Apollonius  to  Ashdod  ;  but  as  soon  as  Apollonius  perceived  that  his  enemy  was  in  the  plain, 
 be  came  back  and  gave  him  battle  :  but  Apollonius  had  laid  a  thousand  horsemen  in  ambush 
 in  a  valley,  that  they  might  not  be  seen  by  their  enemies  as  behind  them  :  which  when  Jona- 
 than perceived,  he  was  under  no  consternation,  but  ordering  his  array  to  stand  in  a  square 
 battle  array,  he  gave  them  a  qharge  to  fall  on  the  enemy  on  both  sides,  and  set  them  to  face  those 
 that  attacked  them  both  before  and  behind,  and  while  the  fight  lasted  till  the  evening,  he  gave 
 part  of  his  forces  to  his  brother  Simon,  and  ordered  him  to  attack  the  enemies,  but  for  himself, 
 he  charged  those  that  were  with  him  to  cover  themselves  with  their  armour,  and  receive  the 
 darts  of  the  horsemen,   who  did  as   they  were  commanded  ;   so  that  the  enemy's  horsemen, 
 
 *  Of  the  several  '  Apnllonii'  about  these  ages,  see  Dean  Prideaux  at  the  year  118.  This  Apollonius  Daus 
 was.  by  his  account,  the  son  of  that  Apollonius  who  had  been  made  governor  of  Celosyria  and  1  henicia  by 
 Seleucus  Philopater,  and  was  himself  a  confidant  of  his  son  Demetrius  the  father,  and  restored  to  his  lathers 
 government  by  him,  but  afterwards  revolted  from  him  to  Alexander,  but  not  to  Demetrius  tiii  60u,  as  tie 
 supposes 
 
BOOK.    XIII. — CHAP.    IV.  329 
 
 while  ihey  threw  their  darts  till  they  Iiad  no  more  left,  did  ihem  no  harm,  for  the  darts  that 
 were  thrown  did  not  enter  into  their  bodies,  being  thrown  upon  the  sh  elds,  that  were  united 
 and  conjoined  together,  the  closeness  of  wliich  easily  overcame  tlie  forces  of  the  darts,  and 
 ibey  flew  about  without  any  elVect.  But  when  the  enemy  grew  remiss  in  throwing  their  darts 
 from  morning  till  late  at  night,  Simon  perceived  their  weariness,  and  fell  upon  the  body  of  men 
 before  him  ;  and  because  his  soldiers  shewed  great  alacrity,  he  put  tiie  enemy  to  flight,  and 
 when  the  horsemen  saw  that  the  footnun  ran  away,  neither  did  they  stay  themselves,  but  they 
 being  very  weary,  by  the  duration  of  the  fight  till  the  evening,  and  their  hope  from  the  footmen 
 beinij  quite  gone,  they  basely  ran  away,  and  in  great  confusion  also,  till  they  were  separated 
 one  from  another,  and  scattered  over  all  the  plain.  Upon  which  Jonathan  pursued  them  as  far 
 as  Ashilod,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  and  compelled  the  rest,  in  despair  of  escaping,  to 
 fly  to  the  temple  of  Dagon,  which  was  atAsbdod;  but  Jonathan  took  tl.a  city  on  the  first 
 onset,  and  burnt  it,  and  the  villages  about  it,  nor  did  he  abstain  from  the  temple  of  Dagon 
 itself,  but  burnt  it  also,  and  destroyed  those  that  had  fled  to  it.  Now  the  entire  multitude  of 
 the  enemies  that  fell  in  the  battle,  and  were  consumed  in  the  temple,  were  eight  thousand. 
 When  Jonathan  therefore  had  overcome  so  great  an  army,  he  removed  from  Ashdod,  and  came 
 to  Askelon:  and  when  he  had  pitched  his  camp  without  the  city,  the  people  of  Askolon  came 
 out  and  met  him,  bringing  hira  hospitable  presents,  and  honouring  him  ;  so  he  accepted  of  their 
 kind  intentions,  and  returned  thence  to  Jerusalem  with  a  great  deal  of  prey,  which  he  brought 
 thence  when  he  conquered  his  enemies ;  bat  when  Alexander  heard  that  Apollonius  the  general 
 of  his  army  was  beaten,  he  pretended  to  be  glad  of  it,  because  he  had  fought  with  Jonathan  his 
 friend  and  ally  against  his  directions.  Accordingly,  he  sent  to  Jonathan,  and  gave  testimony 
 to  his  worth  ;  and  gave  him  honorary  rewards,*  as  a  golden  button,  which  it  is  the  custom  to 
 give  the  king's  kinsmen  ;  and  allowed  hira  Ekron,  ahd  its  toparchy,  for  liis  own  inheritance. 
 
 5.  About  this  time  it  was  that  king  Ptolemy,  who  was  called  Philometor,  led  an  army,  part 
 by  the  sea,  and  part  by  land,  and  came  to  Syria,  to  the  assistance  of  Alexander,  who  was  his 
 son-in-law;  and  accordingly  all  the  cities  received  him  willingly,  as  Alexander  had  commanded 
 them  to  do,  and  conducted  him  as  I'ar  as  Ashdod  ;  where  they  all  made  loud  complaints  about 
 the  temple  of  Dagon,  which  was  burnt,  and  accused  Jonathan  of  having  laid  it  waste,  and 
 destroyed  the  country  adjoining  with  fire,  and  slain  a  great  number  of  them.  Ptolemy  heard 
 these  accusations,  but  said  nothing.  Jonathan  ;;lso  went  to  n-eet  Ptolemy  as  far  as  Joppa,and 
 obtained  from  him  hospitable  presents,  and  those  glorious  in  their  kinds,  with  all  the  marks  of 
 honour.  And  when  he  bad  conducted  hiiii  as  far  as  the  river  called  Eleutherus,  he  returned 
 again  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 6.  But  as  Ptolemy  was  at  Ptolemais,  he  was  very  near  to  a  most  unexpected  destruction,  for 
 a  treacherous  design  was  laid  for  his  life  by  Alexander,  by  the  means  of  Ammonius,  who  was 
 his  friend  ;  and  as  the  treachery  was  very  plain,  Ptolemy  wrote  to  Alexander,  and  required  of 
 him  that  he  should  bring  Ammonius  to  condign  punishment,  informing  him  what  snares  had 
 been  laid  for  him  by  Ammonius,  and  desiring  that  he  might  be  accordingly  punished  for  it. 
 Bat  when  Alexander  did  not  comply  with  his  demands,  he  perceived  that  it  was  he  himself 
 who  laid  the  design,  and  was  very  angry  at  hira.  Alexander  had  also  formerly  been  on  very 
 ill  terms  with  the  people  of  Antioch,  for  they  had  suffered  very  much  by  his  means;  yet  did 
 Ammonius  at  length  undergo  the  punishment  his  insolent  crimes  had  deserved,  for  he  was 
 killed  in  an  opprobrious  manner,  like  a  woman,  while  he  endeavoured  to  conceal  himself  in  a 
 feminine  habit,  as  we  have  elsewhere  related. 
 
 7.  Hereupon  Ptolemy  blamed  himself  for  having  given  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Alexan- 
 der, and  for  the  league  be  had  made  with  him  to  assist  hira  against  Demetrius  ;  so  he  dissolved 
 his  relation  to  him,  and  took  his  daughter  away  from  him,  and  immediately  sent  to  Demetrius, 
 and  offered  to  make  a  league  of  mutual  assistance  and  friendship  with  him,  and  agreed  with 
 hira  to  give  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  to  restore  hira  to  the  principality  of  his  fathers. 
 Demetrius  was  well  pleased  with  this  embassage,  and  acce])ted  of  his  assistance,  and  of  the 
 marriage  of  his  daughter.  But  Ptolemy  had  still  (me  more  hard  task  to  do,  and  that  was,  to 
 persuade  the  people  of  Antioch  to  receive  Demetri'is,  because  they  were  greatly  displeased  at 
 bim  on  account  of  the  injuries  his  father  Demetrius  had  done  them;  yet  did  he  bring  this 
 about ;  for  as  the  people  of  Antioch  hated  Alexander  on  Ammonias'  account,  as  we  have  shewed 
 already,  they  were  easily  prevailed  with  to  cast  him  o'lt  of  Antioch  ;  who,  thns  expelled  out  of 
 Antioch,  came  into  Cilicia.  Ptolemy  came  then  to  Antioch,  and  was  made  king  by  its  inha- 
 bitants, and  by  the  army ;  so  that  he  was  forced  to  put  on  two  diadems,  the  nne  of  Asia,  the 
 other  of  Egvpt;  but  being  naturally  a  good  and  a  righteous  man,  and  not  desirous  of  what 
 belonged  to  others,  and,  besides  these  dispositions,  being  also  a  wise  man  in  reasoning  about 
 futurities,  he  determined  to  avoid  the  envy  of  the  Romans;  so  he  called  the  people  of  Antioch 
 together  ti  a-i  assembly,  and  persuaded  Ihem  to  receive  Demetrius;  and  assured  them,  that  he 
 would  not  be  mindful  of  what  they  did  to  his  father,  in  case  he  should  now  be  obliged  by  them  ; 
 and  he  undertook  that  he  would  himself  he  a  good  monitor  and  governor  to  him  ;  and  promised 
 that  he  would  not  permit  him  to  attempt  any  bad  actions  ;  but  that,  for  his  own  part,  he  was 
 
 •  Dr.  Ilndson  here  ohserves,  that  the  Pheuicians  and  l^omftus  used  to  reward  such  as  had  deserved  well  o 
 them,  by  presenting  to  them  a  '  gold  buttou.'    See  chap,  v,  j-l. 
 
 2  T 
 
330  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 contented  with   the  kingdom  of  Egjpt."     B)'  which   discourse  he  persaaded  the   people  of 
 Antioch  to  receive  Demetrius. 
 
 8.  But  now  Alexaoder  made  haste  with  a  numerous  and  great  army,  and  came  out  of  Cilicia 
 into  Syria,  and  burnt  the  country  belonging  to  Antioch,  and  pillaged  it;  whereupon  Ptolemy, 
 nnd  his  son-in-law  Demetrius,  brought  their  army  against  him,  (for  he  had  already  given  him 
 his  daughter  in  marriage,)  and  beat  Alexander,  and  put  him  to  flight;  and  accordingly  he  lied 
 into  Arabia.  Now  it  happened,  in  the  time  of  the  battle,  that  Ptolemy's  horse,  upon  hearing  the 
 noise  of  an  elephant,  cast  him  oft'  Lis  back,  and  threw  him  on  the  ground ;  upon  the  sight  of 
 ■which  accident,  his  enemies  fell  upon  him,  and  gave  him  many  wounds  upon  his  head,  and 
 brought  liim  into  danger  of  death  ;  for  when  his  guards  caught  him  up,  he  was  so  very  ill,  that 
 for  four  days'  time  he  was  not  able  either  to  understand,  or  to  speak.  However,  Zabdiel,  a 
 prince  among  the  Arabians,  cut  off  Alexander's  head,  and  sent  it  to  Ptolemy,  who  recovering 
 of  his  Wounds,  and  returning  to  his  understanding  on  the  fifth  day,  heard  at  once  a  most  agree- 
 able hearing,  and  saw  a  most  agreeable  sight,  which  were,  the  death  and  the  head  of  Alexan- 
 der ;  yet  a  little  after  this  his  joy  for  the  death  of  Alexander,  with  which  he  was  so  greatly 
 satisfied,  he  also  departed  this  life.  Now,  Alexander,  who  was  called  Balas,  reigned  over  Asia 
 five  years;  as  we  have  elsewhere  related. 
 
 9.  But  when  Demetrius,  who  was  styled  Nicator,*  had  taken  the  kingdom,  he  was  so 
 wicked  as  to  treat  Ptolemy's  soldiers  very  hardly,  neitlier  remembering  the  league  of  mutual 
 assistance  that  was  between  them,  nor  that  he  was  his  son-in-law  and  kinsman,  by  Cleopatra's 
 marriage  to  him  ;  so  the  soldiers  fled  from  his  wicked  treatment  to  Alexandria,  but  Demetrius 
 kept  his  elephants.  But  Jonathan  the  high  priest  levied  an  army  out  of  all  Judea,  and 
 attacked  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem,  and  besieged  it;  it  was  held  by  a  garrison  of  Macedonians, 
 and  by  some  of  those  men  who  had  deserted  the  customs  of  their  forefathers.  These  men 
 at  first  despised  the  attrmpts  of  Jonathan  for  taking  the  place,  as  depending  on  its  strength; 
 but  some  of  those  wicked  men  went  out  by  night  and  came  to  Demetrius,  and  informed  him 
 that  the  citadel  was  besieged ;  who  was  irritated  with  what  he  heard,  and  took  his  army,  and 
 came  from  Antioch,  against  Jonathan.  And  when  he  was  at  Antioch,  he  wrote  to  him,  and 
 commanded  him  to  come  to  him  quickly  to  Ptolemais  ;  upon  which  Jonathan  did  not  intermit 
 the  siege  of  the  citadel,  but  took  with  him  the  elders  of  the  people,  and  the  priests,  and  carried 
 with  him  gold,  and  silver,  and  garments,  and  a  great  number  of  presents  of  friendship,  and 
 came  to  Demetrius,  and  presented  him  with  them,  and  thereby  pacified  the  king's  anger.  So 
 he  was  honoured  by  him,  and  received  from  him  the  confirmation  of  his  high  priesthood,  as  he 
 Lad  possessed  it  by  the  grants  of  the  kings  his  predecessors.  And  when  the  Jewish  deserters 
 accused  him,  Demetrius  was  so  far  froii.  j-"ving  credit  to  them,  that  when  he  petitioned  him 
 that  he  would  demand  no  more  than  three  l.ueidred  talents  for  the  tribute  of  all  Judea,  and  the 
 three  toparchies  of  Samaria,  and  Perca,  and  Galilee,  be  complied  with  the  proposal,  and  gave 
 him  a  letter  confirming  all  those  grants,  whose  contents  were  as  follows:  "  King  Demetrius 
 to  Jonathan  his  brother,  and  to  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  sendeth  greeting:  We  have  sent  you  a 
 copy  of  that  epistle  which  we  have  written  to  Lasthenes  our  kinsman,  that  you  may  know  its 
 contents.  King  Demetrius  to  Lasthenes  our  fatht-r,  sendeth  greeting:  I  have  determined  to 
 return  thanks,  and  to  shew  favour  to  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  who  hath  observed  the  rules  of 
 justice  in  our  concerns.  Accordingly,  I  remit  to  them  the  three  prefectures,  Apherima,  and 
 Lydda,  and  Ramatha,  which  have  been  added  to  Judea  out  of  Samaria,  with  their  appur- 
 tenances :  as  also  what  the  kings  mv  predecessors  received  from  those  that  ofl'ered  sacrifices  in 
 Jerusalem,  and  what  are  due  from  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  of  the  trees,  and  what  else 
 belongs  to  us  ;  with  the  salt  pits  and  the  crowns  that  used  to  be  presented  to  us.  Nor  shall 
 they  be  compelled  to  pay  any  of  these  taxes  from  this  time  to  all  futurity.  Take  care  there- 
 fore that  a  copy  of  this  epistle  be  taken,  and  given  to  Jnnatiian,  and  be  set  up  in  an  eminent 
 place  of  their  holy  temple."  And  these  were  the  contents  of  this  writing.  And  now  when 
 Demetrius  saw  that  there  was  peace  every  where,  and  that  there  was  no  danger,  nor  fear  of 
 war,  he  disbanded  the  greatest  part  of  his  army,  and  diminished  their  pay,  and  even  retained 
 in  pay  no  others  but  such  foreigners  as  came  op  with  him  from  Crete,  and  from  the  other 
 islands.  However,  this  procured  him  ill-will  and  hatred  from  the  soldiers,  on  whom  he 
 bestowed  nothing  from  this  time,  while  the  kings  before  him  used  to  pay  them  in  time  of 
 peace,  as  they  did  before,  that  they  might  have  their  good-will,  and  that  they  might  be  very 
 ready  to  undergo  the  diOiculties  of  war,  if  any  occasion  should  require  it. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Tryplio,  afler  he  had  beaten  Demetrius,  delivered  the  Kingdom  to  Aniiochus,  the  Son  of 
 
 Alexander,    and  gained  Jonathan  for   his    Assistant:    and  concerning   the    Actions  and 
 
 Embassies  of  Jonathan. 
 
 §  1.  Now  there  was  a   certain  commander    of   Alexander's   forces,    an   Apamian  by  birth, 
 
 whose  name  was  Diodotus,  and  was  also  called  Trypho,  took  notice  of  the  ill-will  the  soldiers 
 
 bare  to  DemeUius,  and  went  to   Malchus  the  Arabian,  who  brought  up  Autiochus  the  son  of 
 
 *  This  name  '  Demetrias  Nicator,'  or  '  Demetrius  the  Conqueror,'  is  so  written  on  his  coins,  still  extant ;  a» 
 Hunson  and  Spanheim  inTorm  u»;  the  latter  of  whom  gi^ee  us  here  the  entire  inscription,  '  King  Demetriu* 
 the  God  Philadelphus  Nicator.' 
 
BOOK    XIII. — CHAP.  V.  331 
 
 Alexander,  and  told  bim  what  ill-will  the  army  bare  Demetrius,  and  persuaded  him  to  give 
 him  Antiochus,  becanse  be  woi'.ld  make  him  king,  and  recover  to  him  the  kingdom  of  his 
 father.  Malchns  at  the  first  opposed  him  in  this  attempt,  because  he  coald  not  believe  him, 
 but  when  Trvpho  lay  hard  at  hiin  for  a  long  time,  he  over-persuaded  him  to  comply  with 
 Trypho's  intentions  and  entreaties.     And  this  was  the  state  Trvpho  was  now  in. 
 
 2.  Bui  Jonathan  the  high  priest,  being  desirous  lo  get  clear  of  those  that  were  in  the  citadel 
 o*"  Jerusalem,  anil  of  the  Jewish  deserters,  and  wicked  men,  as  well  as  of  those  in  all  the  gar- 
 risons in  the  counlrv,  sent  presents  and  ambassadors  to  Demetrius,  and  entreated  him  to  t^ke 
 away  his  soldiers  out  of  the  strong  holds  of  Judea.  Demetrius  made  answer.  That  after  the 
 war,  which  he  was  now  deeply  etigaged  in,  was  over,  he  would  not  only  grant  him  that,  but 
 greater  things  tlmn  tliat  also,  and  he  desired  he  would  send  him  some  assistance;  and  inlbrmed 
 liim  that  his  armv  had  deserted  him.  So  Jonathan  chose  out  three  thousand  of  his  soldiers, 
 and  sent  them  to  Demetrius. 
 
 3.  Now  the  people  of  Antioch  hated  Demetrius,  both  on  account  of  what  mischief  he  had 
 himself  done  them,  and  because  they  were  his  enemies  also  on  account  of  his  father  Deme- 
 trius, who  hud  greatly  abused  tliem  ;  so  they  watched  some  opportunity  which  they  might  lay 
 bold  on,  to  fall  up'ui  liim.  And  when  they  were  inlbrmed  of  the  assistance  that  was  coming  to 
 Demetrius  from  Jonathan,  and  considered  at  the  same  time  that  he  would  raise  a  numerous 
 army,  unless  they  prevented  him,  and  seized  upon  him,  they  look  their  weapons  immediately, 
 and  encompassed  his  palace  in  the  way  of  a  siege,  and  seizing  upon  all  the  ways  of  getting  out, 
 they  sought  to  subdue  their  kin[j.  And  when  he  saw  that  the  people  of  Antioch  were  become 
 his  bitter  enemies,  and  that  they  were  thus  in  arms,  he  took  the  mercenary  soldiers,  which  he 
 bad  with  him,  and  those  Jews  who  were  sent  by  Jonathan,  and  assaulted  the  Antiochians  ;  but 
 be  was  overpowered  by  tliem.jfor  they  were  many  ten  thousands,  and  was  beaten.  But  when 
 the  Jews  saw  that  the  Antiochians  were  superior,  they  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  palace,  and 
 shot  at  them  from  thence;  and  because  they  were  so  remote  from  them  by  their  height,  that 
 they  sullered  nothing  on  their  side,  but  did  great  execution  on  the  others,  as  fighting  from 
 such  an  elevation,  they  drove  them  out  of  the  adjoining  houses,  and  immediately  set  them  on 
 lire,  whereupon  the  (lame  spread  itself  over  the  whole  city,  and  burnt  it  all  down.  This  hap- 
 pened by  reason  of  the  closeness  of  the  houses,  and  because  they  were  generally  built  of  wood  ; 
 so  the  Antiochians,  when  they  were  not  able  to  help  themselves,  nor  to  stop  the  fire,  were  put 
 to  flight.  And  as  the  Jews  leaped  from  the  top  of  one  house  to  the  top  of  another,  and  pur- 
 sued them  after  that  manner,  it  thence  happened  that  the  pursuit  was  so  very  surprising.  But 
 when  the  king  saw  that  the  Antiochians  were  very  busy  in  saving  their  children  and  their 
 wives,  and  so  did  not  fight  any  longer,  he  fell  upon  them  in  the  narrow  passages,  and  fought 
 them,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  tliern,  till  at  last  they  were  forced  to  throw  down  their  arms, 
 and  to  deliver  themselves  up  to  Demetrius.  So  he  forgave  them  this  their  insolent  behaviour, 
 and  put  an  end  to  the  sedition:  and  when  he  had  given  rewards  lo  the  Jews  out  of  the  rich 
 spoils  he  had  gotten,  and  had  returned  them  thanks,  as  the  cause  of  his  victory,  he  sent  them 
 away  to  Jerusalem,  to  Jonathan,  with  an  ample  testimony  of  the  assistance  they  had  afforded 
 him.  Yet  did  he  prove  an  ill  man  to  Jonathan  afterward,  and  broke  the  promises  he  had 
 made ;  and  he  threatened  that  he  would  make  war  upon  him,  unless  he  would  pay  all  that  tri- 
 bnle  which  the  Jewish  nation  owed  to  the  first  kings  [of  Syria.]  And  this  he  had  done,  if 
 Try|iho  had  not  hindered  him,  and  diverted  his  preparations  against  Jonathan,  to  a  concern  for 
 his  own  preservation  ;  tor  he  now  returned  out  of  Arabia  info  Syria,  with  the  child  Antiochus, 
 for  he  was  yet  in  age  but  a  youth,  and  put  the  diadem  on  his  head:  and  as  the  whole  forces  that 
 had  left  Demetrius,  because  they  had  no  pay,  oame  to  his  assistance,  he  made  war  upon  Deme- 
 trius, and  joining  battle  with  him,  overcame  him  in  the  fight,  and  took  from  bim  both  his 
 elephants  and  the  city  of  Antioch. 
 
 4.  Demetrius  upon  his  defeat  retired  into  Cilicia  :  but  the  child  Antiochus  sent  ambassa- 
 dors and  an  epistle  to  Jonathan,  and  made  him  his  friend  and  confederate,  and  confirmed  to 
 liim  the  high  priesthood,  and  yielded  up  to  him  the  four  prefectures  which  had  been  added  to 
 Judea.  Moreover,  he  sent  him  vessels  and  cups  of  gold,  r.nd  a  purple  garment;  and  gave 
 him  leave  to  use  them.  He  also  presented  him  with  a  golden  button,  and  styled  him  one  of 
 iiis  principal  friends,  and  appointed  his  brother  .Simon  to  be  the  general  over  the  forces,  from 
 the  ladder  of  Tyre  unto  Egypt.  So  Jonathan  was  so  well  pleased  with  these  grants  made  him 
 by  Antiochus,  that  he  sent  ambassadorss  to  him,  and  to  Tryplio,  and  professed  himself  to  be 
 their  friend  and  confederate,  fcnd  said  he  would  join  with  him  in  a  war  against  Demetrius, 
 informing  him  that  he  had  made  no  proper  returns  for  the  kindnesses  he  had  done  him ;  for 
 that  when  he  bad  received  many  marks  of  kindness  from  him,  when  be  stood  in  great  need  of 
 them,  he,  for  such  good  turns,  had  requited  him  with  further  injuries. 
 
 5.  So  Antiochus  gave  Jonathan  leave  to  raise  himself  a  numerou.s  army  out  of  Syria  and 
 Phenicia,  and  to  make  war  against  Demetrius'  generals  ;  wheieupon  he  wi-nt  in  haste  to  the 
 several  cities,  which  received  him  splendidly  indeed,  but  put  no  forces  into  his  hands.  And 
 when  he  was  come  from  thence  to  Askel'in,  the  inhabitants  of  Askelon  came  and  brought  him 
 presents,  and  met  bim  iu  a  splendid  maimer.  He  exhorted  them,  and  every  one  of  the  cities 
 of  Celosyria,  to  forsake   Demetrius,  oud   to  join  with  Antiochus  ;  and   in   assisting  him,  to 
 
332  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 endeavour  <o  punish  Demetrius  for  what  offences  he  had  been  gnilty  of  against  themselves ; 
 and  told  them  there  were  many  reasons  for  that  tlieir  procedure,  if  they  had  a  mind  so  to  do. 
 And  when  he  had  persuaded  those  cities  to  promise  their  assistance  to  Aniiochns,  he  came  to 
 Gaza,  in  order  to  induce  thera  also  to  be  friends  to  Antioi.hns  ;  but  he  found  the  inhabitants 
 of  Gaza  much  more  alienated  from  him  than  he  expected,  for  they  shut  their  gates  against  him, 
 and  altbongh  tliey  had  deserted  Demetrius,  they  had  not  resolved  to  join  themselves  to  Aniio- 
 chus.  This  provoked  Jonathan  to  besiege  them,  and  to  harass  their  country,  for  as  he  set  a 
 part  of  his  army  round  about  Gaza  itself,  so  with  the  rest  he  overran  their  land,  and  spoiled 
 it,  and  burnt  what  was  in  it.  "When  the  inhabitants  of  Gaza  saw  themselves  in  this  state  of 
 affliction,  and  that  no  assistance  came  to  them  from  Demetrius,  that  what  distressed  them 
 was  at  hand,  but  what  should  profit  them  was  still  at  a  great  distance,  and  it  was  uncertain 
 whether  it  would  come  at  all  or  not,  they  thought  it  would  be  prudent  conduct  to  leave  oft'  any 
 longer  continuance  with  him,  and  to  cultivate  friendship  with  the  other  ;  so  t!iey  sent  to  Jona- 
 athan,  and  professed  they  would  be  his  friends,  and  afford  him  assistance;  for  such  is  the 
 temper  of  men,  that  before  they  have  had  the  trial  of  great  afDicticns,  they  do  not  understand 
 what  is  for  (heir  advantage  ;  but  when  they  find  themselves  under  such  afilictions,  they  then 
 change  their  minds  ;  and  what  it  had  been  better  for  them  to  have  done  before  they  had  been 
 at  all  daraaijed,  t!iey  choose  to  do,  but  not  till  after  they  have  suffered  such  damages,  How- 
 pver,  be  made  a  league  of  friendship  with  them,  and  took  from  thera  hostages  for  their  per- 
 formance of  it,  and  sent  these  hostages  to  Jerusalem,  while  he  went  himself  over  all  the 
 country  as  far  as  Damascus. 
 
 G.  But  when  he  heard  that  the  generals  of  Demetrius'  forces  were  come  to  the  city  Kadesh 
 with  a  nnmerous  army,  (the  place  lies  between  the  land  of  the  Tyrians  and  Galilee,)  for  Ihey 
 supposed  they  should  hereby  draw  him  out  of  Syrin,  in  order  to  preserve  Galilee,  and  that 
 he  would  not  overlook,  the  Galileans,  who  were  his  own  people,  when  war  was  made  upon 
 them,  he  went  to  meet  them,  having  left  Simon  in  Judea,  who  raised  as  great  au  array  as  he  was 
 able  out  of  the  rouiilry,  and  then  sat  down  before  Bethsura,  and  besieged  it,  that  being  the 
 strongest  place  in  all  Judea  ;  and  a  garrison  of  Demetrius'  kept  it,  as  we  liave  already  related. 
 But  as  Simon  was  raising  banks,  and-  bringing  his  engines  of  war  against  Bethsura,  and  was 
 very  earnest  about  the  siege  of  it,  the  garrison  was  afraid  lest  the  place  should  be  taken  of 
 Simon  by  force,  and  they  put  to  the  sword;  so  they  sent  to  Simon,  and  desired  the  security 
 of  his  oath,  that  they  should  come  to  no  harm  from  him,  and  that  they  would  leave  the  place, 
 and  go  away  to  Demetrius.  Accordingly  he  gave  them  his  oath,  and  ejected  thera  out  of  the 
 city,  and  he  put  therein  a  garrison  of  his  own. 
 
 7.  But  Jonathan  removed  out  of  Galilee,  and  from  the  waters  which  are  called  Gennesar, 
 for  there  he  was  before  encam"ed,  and  came  into  the  plain  that  is  called  Asor,  without  know- 
 ing that  the  enemy  was  there.  ".Vhen  therefore  Demetrius'  men  knew,  a  day  beforehand,  that 
 Jonathan  was  coming  against  them,  they  laid  an  ambush  in  the  mountain,  who  were  to  assault 
 Lira  on  the  sudden,  while  they  themselves  met  I'im  with  an  army  in  the  plain  :  which  army 
 when  Jonathan  saw  ready  to  engage  him,  he  also  got  ready  his  own  soldiers  for  the  battle  as  well 
 as  he  was  able  ;  but  those  that  were  laid  in  ambush  by  Demetrius'  generals  being  behind 
 them,  the  Jews  were  afraid  lest  they  should  be  caught  in  the  midst  between  two  bodies,  and 
 perish,  so  they  ran  away  in  haste,  and  indeed  all  the  rest  left  Jonathan  ;  but  a  few  there  were, 
 in  number  about  fifty,  who  staid  with  him,  and  with  them  Mattathias  the  son  of  Absalom,  and 
 Judas  the  son  of  Chapseus,  who  were  commanders  of  the  whole  army.  These  marched  boldly, 
 and  like  men  desperate,  against  the  enemy,  and  so  pushed  them,  that  by  tlieir  courage  they 
 daunted  them,  and  with  their  weapons  in  their  hands  they  put  them  to  flight.  And  when  those 
 soldiers  of  Jonathan  that  had  retired  saw  the  enemy  giving  way,  the}'  got  together  after  their 
 flight,  and  pursued  them  wil:h  great  violence,  and  this  did  they  as  far  as  Kadesh,  where  the 
 camp  of  the  enemy  lav. 
 
 8.  Jonathan  having  thus  gotten  a  glorious  victory,  and  slain  two  thousand  of  the  enemy, 
 returned  to  Jerusalem.  So  when  he  saw  that  all  his  affairs  prospered  according  to  his  mind, 
 by  the  providence  of  God,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Romans,  being  desirous  of  renewing 
 that  friendship  which  their  nation  had  with  them  formerly.  Ha  enjoined  the  same  ambassa- 
 dors, that,  as  they  came  back,  ihev  should  go  to  the  Spartans,  and  put  them  in  mind  of  their 
 friendship  and  kindred.  So  when  the  ambassadors  came  to  Rome,  they  went  into  their  senate, 
 and  said  what  they  were  commande?^'  by  Jonathan  the  high  priest  to  say,  how  he  liad  sent  them 
 to  confirm  their  friendship.  The  senate  then  confirmed  what  had  been  formerly  decreed  con-  ' 
 cerning  their  friendship  with  the  Jews  ;  and  gave  them  letters  to  carry  to  all  the  kings  of 
 Asia  and  Europe,  and  to  the  governors  of  the  eities,  that  tliey  might  safely  conduct  them  to 
 their  own  country.  Accordingly,  as  they  returned,  the  y  came  to  Sj'arta,  and  delivered  the 
 epistle  which  Ihey  had  received  of  Jonathan  to  them  ;  a  copy  of  which  here  follows  :  "Jona- 
 than the  liigli  priest  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the  senate,  and  body  of  the  people  of  tlie  Jews, 
 to  the  epliori  and  senate,  and  people  of  the  Lacedemonians,  send  greeting  :  If  you  be  well, 
 and  both  yonr  public  and  private  affairs  be  agreeable  to  your  minds,  it  is  according  to  our 
 wishes.  We  are  well  also.  When  in  former  times  an  epistle  was  brought  to  Onias,  who  was 
 tben  our  bigb  priest,  from  Areus,  who  at  that  time  was  your  king,  by  Demoteles,  concerning 
 
BOOK    XIII. — CHAP.    V. 
 
 the  kiodred  that  was  between  ns  and  you,  a  copy  of  which  is  here  subjoined,  we  both  joyfully 
 received  the  epistle,  and  were  well  pleased  with  Demoteles  and  Areas,  altliongh  we  did  not 
 need  such  adeiiionslration,  because  we  were  well  satisfied  about  it  from  the  sacred  writings,*  yet 
 did  not  we  think  fit,  first  to  be^in  the  claim  of  this  relation  to  you,  lest  we  should  seera  too 
 early  in  taking  to  ourselves  the  glory  which  is  now  given  us  by  you.  It  is  a  long  time  since 
 this  relation  of  ours  to  you  hath  been  renewed;  and  when  we,  upon  holy  and  festival  days, 
 (ifi'er  sacrifices  to  God,  we  pray  to  liiiu  for  your  preservation  and  victory.  As  to  ourselves, 
 although  we  have  had  many  wars  that  have  compassed  us  around,  by  reason  of  the  covetous- 
 iiess  of  our  neiglibours,  yet  did  we  not  delermine  to  be  troublesome  either  to  you,  or  to  otliers 
 that  were  related  to  us  ;  but  since  we  have  now  overcome  our  enemies,  and  have  occasion  to 
 send  Numenius,  the  son  of  Antiociius,  and  Antipater  the  son  of  Jason,  who  are  both  honourable 
 men  belonging  to  our  senate,  lo  the  Romans,  we  gave  them  this  epistle  to  you  also,  that  tliey 
 migiit  renew  that  friendship  which  is  between  us.  You  will  therefore  do  well  your>elves  to 
 write  to  us,  and  send  us  an  account  of  what  you  stand  in  need  of  from  us,  since  we  are  in  all 
 things  disposed  to  act  according  to  your  desires."  So  the  Lacedemonians  received  the  ambas- 
 sadors kindly,  and  made  a  decree  for  (riendship  and  mulual  assistance,  and  sent  it  to  tliem. 
 
 y.  .At  tliis  time  there  were  three  sects  among  the  Jews,  who  had  diil'erent  opinions  concerning 
 human  actions  ;  the  one  was  called  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  another  the  sec  t  of  the  Saridncees, 
 and  the  other  the  sect  of  the  Essens.  Now  for  the  Pharisees, t  tliey  say  ihat  some  actions, 
 but  not  all,  are  the  work  of  fate,  and  some  of  them  are  in  our  own  power,  and  that  they  are 
 liable  to  fate,  but  are  not  caused  by  fate.  But  the  sect  of  the  Essens  adirm,  that  fate  governs 
 all  things,  and  that  nothing  befalls  men  but  what  is  according  to  its  determination.  And  for 
 the  .Sadducees,  they  take  away  fate,  and  say  there  is  no  such  thing,  and  that  the  events  of  human 
 affairs  are  not  at  its  disposal,  but  they  suppose  that  all  our  actions  are  in  our  own  power,  so 
 that  we  are  ourselves  the  causes  of  what  is  good,  and  receive  what  is  evil  from  our  own  folly. 
 However,  I  have  given  a  more  exact  account  of  these  opiuions  iu  the  second  book  of  the 
 Jewish  War. 
 
 10.  But  now  the  generals  of  Demetrius,  being  willing  to  recover  the  defeat  they  had  had, 
 gathered  a  greater  army  together  than  they  had  beforfe,  and  came  agniust  Jonathan  ;  but  as 
 soon  as  he  was  informed  of  their  coming,  he  went  suddenly  to  meet  them,  lo  the  country  of 
 Hamotli,  for  he  resolved  to  give  them  no  opportunity  of  coming  into  Judea,  so  he  piiched  his 
 camp  at  fifty  furlongs  distant  from  the  enemy,  and  sent  out  spies  to  take  a  view  of  I  heir  camp, 
 and  after  what  manner  they  were  encamped.  When  his  spies  had  given  him  full  infurmation, 
 and  had  seized  upon  some  of  them  by  night,  who  told  him  the  enemy  would  soon  attack  him, 
 lie,  thus  aiipri/.ed  beforehand,  provided  for  his  security,  and  placed  watchmen  beyond  bis 
 camp,  and  kept  all  his  forces  armed  all  night ;  and  he  gave  them  a  charge  to  be  of  good 
 courage,  and  to  have  their  minds  prepared  to  fight  in  the  night  time,  if  they  should  be  obliged 
 to  do  so,  lest  their  enemies'  designs  should  seem  concealed  from  (hem.  But  when  Deme- 
 trius' comniauders  wore  informed  that  Jonathan  knew  what  they  intended,  their  counsels  were 
 disordered,  and  it  alarnn^d  them  to  find  that  the  enemy  had  discovered  those  their  intentions, 
 flor  did  they  expect  to  overcome  them  any  other  way,  now  they  had  failed  in  the  snares  they 
 had  laid  for  them  ;  for  should  they  hazaid  an  open  battle,  they  did  not  think  they  should  be  a 
 match  for  Jonathan's  army,  so  they  resolved  to  lly  :  and  having  lighted  many  fires,  that  when 
 the  enemy  saw  them  they  might  suppose  they  were  there  still,  they  retired.  But  when  Jona- 
 than came  lo  give  tliera  battle  in  the  morning  in  their  camp,  and  found  it  deserted,  and  under- 
 stood they  were  lied,  he  pursued  them,  yet  he  could  not  overtake  them,  for  they  had  already 
 passed  over  the  river  Ekulherus,  and  were  out  of  danger.  So  when  Jonathan  was  returned 
 thence,  he  went  into  Arabia,  and  fought  against  the  Nahateans,  and  drove  away  a  great  deal 
 of  their  prey,  and  took  [many]  captives,  and  came  to  Damascus,  and  there  sold  oil"  what  he  had 
 taken.  Abciut  the  same  lime  it  wa.s,  that  Simon  his  brother  went  over  all  Judea  and  Palestine, 
 as  far  as  Askelon,  and  fortified  the  strong  holds  ;  and  when  he  had  made  them  very  strong, 
 both  in  the  edifices  erected,  and  in  the  garrisons  placed  in  them,  he  came  to  Joppa,  and  when 
 lie  had  taken  it,  he  brought  a  great  garrison  into  it,  for  he  heard  that  the  people  of  Joppa 
 were  disposed  to  deliver  up  the  city  to  Demetrius'  generals. 
 
 •  This  clause  is  olherwise  rendered  in  the  first  book  of  Mac-cabePS,  xii.  9.  "  For  that  we  hare  the  holy  books 
 of  scripture  in  our  iiands  to  comfort  us."  the  Hebrew  original  beins;  lost,  we  cannot  ccrlainly  judtre  which 
 was  the  truest  version,  only  the  coherence  favours  .losephus.  But  if  this  were  the  .lews'  meaning,  that  they 
 were  satisfied  out  of  their  iJible  that  llie  .lews  and  Lacedemonians  were  of  kin,  that  part  of  their  -Hibit.  u  now 
 lost,  for  we  tind  no  such  assertion  in  our  present  copies. 
 
 t  Those  that  suppose  .losephus  to  contradict  himself  in  his  three  several  accounts  of  the  notioi  s  of  the 
 Pharisees,  this  here,  and  that  earlier  one,  which  is  the  largest.  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  ij  14.  ai'O  V'e  lat- 
 ter, Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  i.  i  .'J.  as  if  he  sornetiini  s  s  id  thiv  introduced  an  absolute  fatality,  and  denied  all 
 freedom  of  human  actio  9,  is  almost  wholly  groundless  :  ha  ever,  as  the  very  learned  Casaut.on  here  truly 
 observes,  asserting,  that  the  Pharisees  were  bciweeu  the  Essens  and  Sadducees,  and  did  so  tar  ascribe  all  to 
 fate,  or  divine  providence,  as  was  consistent  with  the  froedimi  of  human  actions.  However,  iheir  perplexed 
 way  of  talking  about  fate  or  providence,  as  overruling  all  things,  made  it  comnionly  thought  they  were  will- 
 ing to  excuse  their  sins  by  ascribing  them  to  fate,  as  in  the  Apostoluul  Coiislituiious,  b.  vi.  chap.  vi.  Per- 
 h:ips  under  the  same  general  name  some  dilTerent  opinions  in  this  iniiiit  mi^'lit  be  propagated,  as  is  very 
 common  in  all  parties,  especially  in  points  of  inetaphvsical  suhtilly  :  however,  our  .losephus.  who  iu  his  heart 
 WHS  a  great  adriiirer  of  the  piety  of  the  I'.ssens,  was  yet  iu  practice  a  Pharisee,  as  he  himself  informs  us,  iii 
 his  own  life,  ^  2.  And  his  account  of  this  doctrine  of  the  Pharisees  is  for  certain  agreeable  to  his  own  opinion, 
 wlio  both  fully  allowed  the  freedom  of  human  actions,  and  yet  strongly  believed  the  powerful  int^rpoei- 
 tion  of  divine  Providence.    .See  concerning  this  matter  a  remarkable  clause,  Autiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  xi.  5  7. 
 
334  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 II.  When  Simon  and  Jonathan  had  finished  these  affairs,  they  returned  to  Jerusalem, 
 where  Jonathan  gathered  all  the  people  together,  and  took  counsel  to  restore  the  walls  of 
 Jerusalem,  and  to  rebuild  the  wall  that  encompassed  the  temple,  which  had  been  thrown  down, 
 and  to  make  the  places  adjoining  stronger  by  very  high  towers;  and  besides  that,  to  build 
 another  wall  in  the  midst  of  the  city,  in  order  to  exclude  the  market-place  from  the  garrison, 
 which  was  in  the  citadel,  and  by  that  means  to  hinder  them  from  any  plenty  of  provisions  ;  and 
 moreover,  to  make  the  fortresses  that  were  in  the  country  much  stronger,  and  more  defensible, 
 than  they  were  before.  And  when  these  things  were  approved  of  by  the  multitude,  as  rightly 
 proposed,  Jonathan  himself  took  care  of  the  building  that  belonged  to  the  city,  and  sent  Simon 
 away  to  make  the  fortresses  in  the  country  more  secure  than  formerly.  But  Demelrins  passed 
 over  [Euphrates,]  and  came  into  Mesopotamia,  as  desirous  to  retain  that  country  still,  as  well 
 as  Babylon  ;  and  when  he  should  have  obtained  the  dominion  of  the  upper  provinces,  to  lay  a 
 foundation  for  recovering  his  entire  kingdom  ;  for  those  Greeks  and  Macedonians  who  dwelt 
 there,  frequently  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  and  promised,  that  if  he  would  come  to  them,  they 
 would  deliver  themselves  up  to  him,  and  assist  him  in  fighting  against  Arsaces,*  the  king  of 
 the  Parthians.  So  he  was  elevated  with  these  hopes,  and  came  hastily  to  them,  as  having 
 resolved  that,  if  he  had  once  overthrown  the  Parthians,  and  gotten  an  army  of  his  own,  he 
 would  make  war  against  Trypho,  and  eject  him  out  of  Syria ;  and  the  people  of  that  country 
 received  him  with  great  alacrity.  So  he  raised  forces,  with  which  he  (ought  against  Arsaces, 
 and  lost  all  his  army,  and  was  himself  taken  alive,  as  we  have  elsewhere  related. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  Jonathan  was  slain  by  Treachery ;  and  how  thereupon  the  Jews  made  Simon  their  General 
 and  High  Priest:  ivhat  courageous  Actions  he  also  performed,  especially  against  Trypho. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Trypho  knew  what  had  befallen  Demetrius,  he  was  no  longer  firm  to  Antio- 
 chns,  but  contrived  by  snbtilty  to  kill  him,  and  then  take  possession  of  his  kingdom  ;  but  the 
 fear  that  he  was  in  of  Jonathan  was  an  obstacle  to  this  his  design,  for  Jonathan  was  a  friend 
 to  Antiochus,  for  which  cause  he  resolved  first  to  take  Jonathan  out  of  the  way,  and  then  to 
 set  about  his  design  relating  to  Antiochus  ;  but  he  judging  it  best  to  take  him  ofT  by  deceit 
 and  treachery,  came  from  Antioch  to  Bethshan,  which  by  the  Greeks  is  called  Scuhopolis,  at 
 which  place  Jonathan  met  him  with  forty  thousand  chosen  men,  for  be  thought  that  he  came 
 to  fight  him  ;  but  when  he  perceived  that  Jonathan  was  ready  to  fight,  he  attempted  to  gain 
 Lim  by  presents  and  kind  treatment,  and  gave  order  to  his  captains  to  obey  him,  and  by  these 
 means  was  desirous  to  give  assurance  of  his  good-will,  and  to  take  away  all  suspicions  out  of 
 his  mind,  that  so  he  might  make  him  careless  and  inconsiderate,  and  might  take  him  when  he 
 was  unguarded.  He  also  advised  him  to  dismiss  his  array,  because  there  was  no  occasion 
 for  bringing  it  with  him  when  there  was  no  war,  but  all  was  in  peace.  However,  he  desired 
 bim  to  retain  a  few  about  him,  and  go  with  him  to  Ptolemais,  for  that  he  would  deliver  the 
 city  np  to  him,  and  would  bring  all  the  fortresses  that  were  in  the  country  under  his  dominion; 
 and  he  told  him,  that  he  came  with  those  very  designs. 
 
 2.  Yet  did  not  Jonathan  suspect  any  thing  at  all  by  this  his  management,  but  believed  that 
 Trypho  gave  him  this  advice  out  of  kindness,  and  with  a  sincere  design.  Accordingly,  he  dis- 
 missed his  army  ;  and  retained  no  more  than  three  thousand  of  them  with  him,  and  left  two 
 thousand  in  Galilee,  and  he  himself,  with  one  thousand,  came  with  Trypho  to  Ptolemais  : 
 but  when  the  people  of  Ptolemais  had  shut  their  gates,  as  it  had  been  commanded  by  Trypho 
 to  do,  he  took  Jonathan  alive,  and  slew  all  that  were  with  him.  He  also  sent  soldiers 
 against  those  two  thousand  that  were  left  in  Galilee,  in  order  to  destroy  them  :  but  those 
 men  having  beard  the  report  of  what  had  happened  to  Jonathan,  they  prevented  the  execu- 
 tion, and  before  those  that  were  sent  by  Trypho  came,  they  covered  themselves  with  thejr 
 armour,  and  went  away  out  of  the  country.  Now  when  those  that  were  sent  against  them 
 saw  that  they  were  ready  to  fight  for  their  lives,  they  gave  them  no  disturbance,  but  returned 
 back  to  Trypho. 
 
 3.  But  when  the  people  of  Jerusalem  heard  that  Jonathan  was  taken,  and  that  the  soldiers 
 who  were  with  him  were  destroyed,  they  deplored  his  sad  fate,  and  there  was  earnest  inquiry 
 made  about  him  by  every  body,  and  a  great  and  just  fear  fell  upon  them,  and  made  them  sad, 
 lest,  now  they  were  deprived  of  the  courage  and  conduct  of  Jonathan,  the  nations  about  them 
 should  bear  them  ill  will  ;  and  as  they  were  before  quiet  on  account  of  Jonathan,  they  should 
 now  rise  up  against  them,  and  by  making  war  with  them,  should  force  them  into  the  utmos* 
 dangers.  And  indeed  what  they  suspected  really  befell  them,  for  when  those  nations  heard 
 of  the  death  of  Jonathan,  they  began  to  make  war  with  the  Jews  as  now  destitute  of  a  governor ; 
 and  Trypho  himself  got  an  army  together,  and  had  an  intention  to  go  up  to  Judea,  and  make 
 war  against  its  inhabitants.     But  when  Simon  saw  that  the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  terrified 
 
 •  This  kin^,  who  was  of  the  famous  race  of  Arsaces,  is  both  here,  and  1  Mac.  xiy  C  called  by  the  family 
 name  Arsaces ;  but  Appion  says,  his  proper  name  was  Phraates.  He  is  here  also  called  by  Josephus  the  kin^ 
 of  the  Parthians,  as  ttie  Greeks  ased  to  call  them,  but  by  the  elder  author  of  the  farst  INIaccabees,  the  king  of 
 tlte  Persian*  and  Medes, according  to  the  language  of  the  taetern  nations.    See  Authenl.  Kec.part  U.  p.  iiws 
 
BOOK  xiir.— CHAP.  VI.  335 
 
 at  the  circumstances  lliej  were  in,  lie  desired  to  make  a  speecli  to  them,  and  thereby  to  render 
 them  more  resolute  in  opposing  Tr^'pho  when  he  should  come  against  them.  He  then  called 
 the  people  together  into  tiie  temple,  and  thence  began  thus  to  encourage  them,  "  O  my  coan- 
 trymen,  you  are  not  ignorant  that  our  father,  myself,  and  my  brethren,  have  ventured  to 
 hazard  onr  lives,  and  tliat  willingly,  for  the  recovery  nf  your  liberty  ;  since  I  have  therefore 
 such  plenty  of  examples  before  me,  and  we  of  our  family  have  determined  with  ourselves  to 
 die  for  our  laws,  and  our  divine  worship,  there  shall  no  terror  be  so  great  as  to  banish  this 
 resolution  from  our  souls,  nor  to  introduce  in  its  place  a  love  of  life,  and  a  contempt  of  glory. 
 Do  you  therefore  follow  nie  with  alacrity  whithersoever  I  shall  lead  you,  as  not  destitute  of 
 such  a  captain  as  is  willing  to  suffer,  and  to  do  the  greatest  things  for  you  ;  for  neither  am  I 
 belter  than  my  brethren  that  I  should  be  sparing  of  my  own  life,  nor  so  far  worse  than  they  as 
 to  avoid  and  refuse  what  they  thought  the  most  honourable  of  all  things  ;  I  mean,  to  undergo 
 death  for  your  laws,  and  for  that  worship  of  God  which  is  peculiar  to  yon  ;  I  will  therefore  give 
 such  proper  demonstrations  as  will  shew  that  I  am  their  own  brother  ;  and  I  am  so  bold  as  to 
 expect  that  I  shall  avenge  their  blood  upon  our  encmits,  and  deliver  you  all,  with  your  wives  and 
 children,  from  the  injuries  they  intend  against  you,  and,  with  God's  assistance,  to  preserve  your 
 temple  from  destruction  by  them,  for  I  see  that  these  nations  have  you  in  contempt,  as  being 
 witliout  a  governor,  and  that  they  thence  are  encouraged  to  make  war  against  you." 
 
 4.  By  this  speech  of  Simon  s  he  inspired  the  multitude  with  courage,  and  as  they  had  been 
 before  dispirited  through  fear,  they  were  now  raised  to  a  good  hope  of  better  things,  insomuch, 
 that  the  whole  multitude  of  the  people  cried  out  all  at  once,  that  Simon  should  be  their  leader; 
 and  that  instead  of  Judas  and  Jonathan  his  brethren,  he  should  have  the  government  over  thera  : 
 and  tliey  promised  that  they  would  readily  obey  him  in  whatsoever  he  should  command  them. 
 So  he  sjot  together  immediately  all  his  own  soldiers  that  were  fit  for  war,  and  made  haste  in 
 rebudding  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  stiengthening  them  by  very  high  and  strong  towers,  and 
 sent  a  friend  of  liis,  one  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Absalom,  to  Joppa,  and  gave  him  orders  to  eject 
 the  inhabitants  out  of  the  city,  for  he  was  afraid  lest  they  should  deliver  up  the  city  lo  Trypho, 
 but  he  himself  stayed  to  secure  Jerusalem. 
 
 o.  But  Trypho  removed  from  Ptolemais  with  a  great  army,  and  came  into  Judea,  and  brought 
 Jonathan  with  iiiin  in  bonds.  Simon  also  met  him  with  his  army  at  the  city  Adida,  which  is 
 upon  a  hill,  and  beneath  it  lie  the  plains  of  Judea.  And  when  Trypho  knew  that  Simon  was 
 by  the  Jews  made  their  governor,  he  sent  to  him,  and  would  have  imposed  upon  him  by  deceit 
 and  treachery  ;  and  desired,  if  he  would  have  his  brother  Jonathan  released,  that  he  would 
 send  him  a  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  two  of  Jonathan's  sons  as  hostages,  that  when  he 
 shall  be  released,  he  may  not  make  Judea  revolt  from  the  king,  for  that  at  present  he  was  kept 
 in  honds  on  account  of  the  money  he  had  borrowed  of  the  king,  and  now  owed  it  to  him.  But 
 Simon  was  aware  of  the  craft  of  Trypho,  and  although  he  knew  that  if  he  gave  him  the  money 
 hb  should  lose  it,  and  that  Trypho  would  not  set  his  brother  free,  and  withal,  should  deliver  the 
 sons  of  Jonathan  to  the  enemy,  yet  because  he  was  afraid  that  he  should  have  a  calumny  raised 
 against  him  among  the  multitude  as  the  cause  of  his  brother's  death,  if  he  neither  gave  the 
 money  nor  sent  Jonathan's  sons,  he  gathered  bis  army  together,  and  told  them  what  offers 
 Trypho  had  made,  and  added  this,  that  the  offers  were  ensnaring  and  treacherous,  and  yet  that 
 it  was  more  eligible  to  send  the  money  and  Jonathan's  sons  than  to  be  liable  to  the  imputation 
 of  not  complying  with  Trypho's  offers,  and  thereby  refusing  to  save  his  brother.  Accordingly, 
 Simon  sent  the  sons  of  Jonathan  and  the  money;  but  when  Trypho  had  received  them,  he  did 
 not  keep  his  promise,  nor  set  Jonathan  free,  but  took  bis  army,  and  went  about  all  the  coun- 
 try, and  restilved  to  go  afterward  to  Jerusalem  by  the  way  of  Idumea,  while  Simon  went  over 
 against  him  witli  his  army,  and  all  along  pitched  his  own  camp  over-against  his. 
 
 a.  But  when  llinse  that  were  in  the  citadel  had  sent  to  Trypho,  and  l)esnught  him  to  make 
 baste  aiid  come  to  them,  and  to  send  them  provisions,  he  prepared  his  cavalry  as  though  he 
 would  be  at  Jerusalem  that  very  night,  but  so  great  a  quantity  of  snow  fell  in  the  night,  that 
 it  ciivered  the  roads,  and  made  them  so  deep,  that  there  was  no  passing,  es|)ecially  for  the 
 cavalry.  This  hindered  him  from  coming  to  Jerusalem  ;  whereupon  Trypho  removed  thence, 
 and  came  into  Celosyria,  and  falling  vehemently  upon  the  land  of  Gilead,  he  slew  Jonathan 
 tnere,  and  when  he  had  given  order  for  his  burial,  he  returned  himself  to  Aniioeh.  However, 
 Simon  sent  some  to  the  city  Basca  to  bring  away  his  brother's  bones,  and  buried  them  in  their 
 own  city  Modin  ;  and  all  the  people  made  great  lamentation  over  him.  Simon  also  erected  a 
 very  large  monument  for  his  father  and  his  brethren,  of  white  and  polished  stone,  and  raised 
 it  a  great  height,  and  so  as  to  be  seen  a  long  way  off,  and  made  cloisters  about  it,  and  set  up 
 pillars,  which  were  of  one  stone  apiece  ;  a  work  it  was  wonderful  to  see.  Moreover,  he  built 
 seven  pyramids  also  for  his  parents  and  his  brethren,  one  for  each  of  them,  which  were  made 
 V.  ry  surprising,  both  for  their  largeness  and  beauty,  and  which  have  been  preserved  to  this 
 day  ;  and  we  know  that  it  was  Simon  who  bestowed  so  much  zeal  about  the  burial  of  Jonathan, 
 and  the  building  of  these  monuments  for  his  relations.  Now  Jonathan  died  when  he  had  been 
 high  priest  four  years,*  and  had  been  also  the  governor  of  his  nation.  And  these  were  tl.'S 
 circumstances  that  concerned  his  death. 
 
 •  There  is  some  error  in  the  copies  here,  when  no  more  than  four  years  are  ascribed  to  the  high  priesthood 
 of  Jooatban.    AVe  know  by  Josephtts's  last  Jewish  chronology,  Antiq.  b.  xx.  chap.  x.  that  there  was  an  iuier- 
 
333  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 7.  Bat  Simon,  who  was  made  liigh  priest  by  the  maltittide,  on  the  very  fiist  year  of  his 
 liigh  priesthood  set  his  people  free  from  ih(  ir  slavery  under  the  Macedonians,  and  permitted 
 tliein  to  pay  tribute  to  them  tio  longer  ;  which  liberty  and  freedom  from  tribule  ihey  obtained 
 after  a  hundred  and  seventy  years  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Assyrians,*  which  was  after  Seleucus, 
 who  was  called  Nicator,  got  the  dominion  over  Syria.  Now  the  affection  of  the  multitude 
 towards  Simon  was  so  great,  that  in  their  contracts  one  with  another,  and  in  the  public  records, 
 tliey  wrote,  "In  the  first  year  of  Simon  the  benefactor  and  elhnarch  of  the  Jews  :"  for  under 
 him  they  were  very  happy,  and  overcame  the  enemies  that  were  ronud  aboat  them,  for  Simon 
 overthrew  the  city  Gazara.aud  Joppa,  and  Jamnia.  He  also  took  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem  by 
 siege,  and  cast  it  down  to  the  ground,  that  it  might  not  be  any  more  a  place  of  refuge  to  their 
 enemies  when  thev  took  it,  to  do  them  a  mi>cl)ief,  as  it  had  been  till  now.  And  when  he  had 
 done  this,  he  thought  it  their  best  way,  and  most  for  their  advantage,  to  level  the  very  moon- 
 tain  itself  upon  which  the  citadel  happened  to  stand,  that  so  the  temple  might  be  higher  than 
 it.  And,  indeed,  when  he  had  called  ihe  multiuuie  lo  an  assembly,  he  persuaded  them  to  have 
 it  so  demolished,  and  this  by  putting  tliem  in  mind  what  tniseries  tliey  had  suifered  by  its  gar- 
 ri^-.on,  and  the  Jewish  deserters,  and  what  njiseries  they  might  hereafter  sull'er  in  case  any 
 foreigner  should  obtain  the  kingdom,  and  put  a  garrison  into  that  citadel.  This  speech  induced 
 the  niujlitude  lo  a  compliance,  because  he  exhorted  tliem  to  do  nothing  but  what  was  for  their 
 own  good :  so  they  all  set  themselves  to  the  work,  and  levelled  the  mountain,  and  in  that  work 
 spent  both  day  and  night  without  any  intermission,  which  cost  themlhjee  whole  yeais  before  it 
 was  removed,  and  brought  to  an  entire  level  with  the  plain  of  the  rest  of  the  city.  After  which 
 the  temple  was  the  highest  of  all  the  buildings,  now  the  citadel,  as  well  as  the  mouuiain 
 whereon  it  stood,  were  demolished.     And  these  actions  were  thus  performed  under  Simon. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Hovj  Simon  confederated  himself  wilh  Antiochus  Pius,  and  made  War  against  Trypho ;  and  n 
 little  afterward  against  Cendebeus,  the  General  of  Antiochus' s  Army:  as  also  huw  Simon  was 
 murdered  by  his  son-rn-law  Ptolemy,  and  that  by  Treachery. 
 
 §  1.  Now  a  little  while  after  Demetrius  had  been  carried  into  captivity, t  Trypho  liis  g-overnor 
 destroyed  Antiochus  the  son  of  Alexander, J  who  was  also  called  '  the  god,"§  and  this  vvhenhs; 
 had  reigned  four  years,  though  he  gave  it  out  that  he  died  under  the  hands  of  the  surgeons. 
 He  then  sent  his  friends,  and  those  that  were  most  intimate  with  him,  to  ihe soldiers;  and  pro- 
 mised that  he  would  give  them  a  great  deal  of  money  if  thej  would  make  him  king.  He  inti- 
 mated to  them  that  Demetrius  was  made  a  captive  by  the  Parthians  ;  and  tliat  Denietrius's  bro- 
 ther Antiochus,  if  he  came  to  be  king,  would  do  them  a  great  deal  of  mischief,  in  way  of 
 revenge  for  their  revoliing  from  his  brother.  So  the  soldiers,  in  expectation  of  the  wealth  they 
 should  get  by  bestowing  the  kingdom  on  Trypho,  made  him  their  ruler.  However,  when 
 Trypho  had  gained  the  management  of  affairs,  he  demonstrated   his  disposition  to  be  wicked  ; 
 
 val  of  seven  years  between  the  death  of  Alcimus  or  Jacimus.the  last  high  priest,  and  the  real  high-priesthood  of 
 -lonathau,  to  whom  yet  those  seven  years  seem  here  to  be  ascribed,  as  a  part  of  them  were  to  Judas  before, 
 Antiq.  b.  xii.  chap.  x.  ^6.  I>ow  since,  besides  these  seven  vears'  interregnum  in  the  pontificate,  we  are  told, 
 AntiQ.  b.  XX.  chap.  x.  that  Jonathan's  real  high  priesthood  lasted  seven  years  more ;  these  two  se/ven  years 
 vrill  make  up  fourteen  years,  which  I  suppose  was  Josephus's  own  number  in  this  place,  instead  of  the  four  m 
 our  present  copies. 
 
 *  'i'hese  1(0  years  of  the  Assyrians  mean  no  more,  as  Josephus  explains  himself  here,  than  from  the  eera  of 
 Seleucits,  which,  as  it  is  known  to  have  beyun  on  the  :U2th  year  before  the  Christian  eera,  from  its  spring' in 
 the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  and  from  its  autumn  in  the  second  book  of  IMaccabees,  so  did  it  not  begin  at  Ba- 
 bylon till  the  next  spring,  on  the  311th  year,  ^ee  Prid.  at  the  year  .'512.  And  it  is  truly  observed  by  Ur.  Hud- 
 son on  this  place,  that  the  Syrians  and  Assyrians  are  sometimes  confounded  in  ancient  authors,  accordiuc  to 
 the  words  of  Justin  the  epitoraizer  of  Trogus  Pompeius.  who  says,  that  "the  Assyrians  were  afterwards  called 
 Syrians,"  b.  i.  chap.  xi.  See  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  ix.  ^  4.  where  the  Philistines  themselves,  at  the  very 
 south  limit  of  Syria,  in  its  utmost  extent,  are  called  Assyrians  by  Josephus,  asSpanheim  observes. 
 
 +  It  must  here  be  diligently  noted,  that  Josephus's  copv  of  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  which  he  had  so 
 carefully  followed,  and  faithfully  abridged,  as  far  as  the  50th  verse  of  the  13th  chapter,  seems  taere  to  have 
 endi-d.  What  few  things  there  are  afterward  common  to  both,  might  probably  be  learned  by  him  from  some 
 other  more  imperfect  records.  However,  we  must  exactly  observe  here,  what  the  remaining  part  of  that  book 
 of  the  Maccabees  informs  us  of,  and  what  Josephus  would  never  have  omitted,  had  his  copy  contained  so 
 much,  that  this  Simon  the  Great,  the  .Maccabee,  made  a  league  with  Antiochus  Soter,  the  sou  of  Demetrius 
 Soter,  and  brother  of  the  other  Demetrius,  wlio  was  now  a  captive  in  Parthia,  that  upon  his  coming  to  the 
 crown,  about  the  140th  year  before  the  Christian  asra,  he  granted  great  privileges  to  the  Jewish  natiou,  and  to 
 Simon  their  high  priest  and  ethnarch,  which  privileges  Simon  seems  to  have  taken  ot  his  own  accord  about 
 three  years  before.  In  particular,  he  gave  him  leave  to  coin  money  for  his  country  with  his  own  stamp ;  and 
 as  concerning  Jerusalem,  and  the  sanctuary,  that  thev  should  ba  free,  or,  as  the  vulgar  LaUn  hath  it,  holy  and 
 free,  1  Maccab.  xv.  6,  7.  which  I  take  to  be  the  true  reading,  as  being  the  very  words  of  his  father  8  conces- 
 sion offered  to  Jonathan  several  vears  before,  chap.  x.  31.  and  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  ii.  i,  3.  Mow  what  makes 
 this  date,  and  these  grants,  greatly  remarkable,  is  the  state  of  the  remaining  genuine  shekels  ot  the  Jews  vyitn 
 Samaritan  characters,  which  seem  to  have  been  Cmost  of  them  at  least)  coined  in  the  four  hrst  years  ot  this 
 Simon  the  Asmonean,  and  having  upon  them  these  words  on  one  side,  "  Jerusalem  the  Holy,  and  pn  tna 
 reverse,  '  In  the  Year  of  freedom,"  1,  or  2,  or  3,  or  4,  wliich  shekels  therefore  are  original  moauments  ot  those 
 times,  and  undeniable  marks  of  the  truth  of  the  history  in  these  chapters,  though  it  be  in  great  measure 
 omitted  by  Josephus.  See  Kssav  on  the  OUl  Test.  p.  1.57,  15B.  The  reason  why  I  rather  suppose  that  his  copy 
 of  the  Maccabees  wanted  these  chapters,  than  that  his  own  copies  are  here  imperfect,  is  this,  that  all  tlietr 
 contents  are  not  here  omitted,  though  much  the  greater  part  he. 
 
 1  How  Trypho  killed  this  Antiochus,  the  ei)itome  of  Livy  informs  us,  chap.  55.  viz.  that  he  corrupted  his 
 physicians  or  surgeons,  who  falsely  pretending  to  the  people  that  he  was  perishing  with  the  stone,  as  tuey  cut 
 mm  for  it,  killed  him,  which  exactly  agrees  wilh  Josephus. 
 
 i  That  this  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Alexander  Balas,  was  called  '  the  god,'  is  evident  from  his  coins,  which 
 3pauheim  assures  us  bear  this  inscription,  '  King  Antiochus  the  God,  Eiriphanes  the  \  ictorious. 
 
BOOK  XIII. —  CHAF.  VIII,  337 
 
 for  while  lie  was  a  private  person,  lie  cultivated  a  familiarity  with  the  multitude,  and  pretended 
 to  (Trent  moderation,  and  so  drew  them  on  artfully  to  whatsoever  he  pleased  ;  but  when  he  had 
 once  taken  tlie  kinu;dom,  he  laid  aside  any  farther  dissimulation,  and  was  the  true  Trypho,  whicli 
 behaviour  made  his  enemies  superior  to  him,  for  the  soldiery  bated  hira,  and  revolted  from  him 
 to  Cleopatra  the  wife  of  Demetrius,  who  was  then  shut  up  in  Seleucia  with  her  children.  But 
 as  Antioclius,  the  brother  of  Demetrius,  who  was  called  Soter,  was  not  admitted  by  any  of  the 
 cities  on  account  of  Trypho,  Cleopatra  sent  to  bim,  and  invited  hira  to  marry  her,  and  to  take 
 the  kinfidom.  The  reasons  why  she  made  this  invitation  were  these  :  that  her  friends  per- 
 suaded her  to  it,  and  that  she  was  afraid  of  herself,  in  case  some  of  the  people  of  Seleucia 
 should  deliver  up  the  city  to  Trypho. 
 
 2.  As  Antiocbus  was  now  come  to  Seleucia,  and  bis  forces  increased  every  dav,  he  marched 
 io  fight  Trypho  ;  and  having  beaten  him  in  the  battle,  he  ejected  him  out  of  the  Upper  Syria 
 into  Phenicia,  and  pursued  hira  thither,  and  besieged  him  in  Dora,  which  was  a  fdrtress  hard 
 to  be  taken,  whither  he  had  fled.  He  also  sent  ambassadors  to  Sim  n  tlie  Jewish  high  priest, 
 about  a  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  ;  who  readily  accepted  of  the  invitation,  and 
 sent  to  Antiochus  great  sums  of  money,  and  provisions,  for  those  that  besieged  Dora,  and 
 thereby  supplied  ti.em  very  plentifully,  so  that  for  a  little  while  he  was  looked  upon  as  one  of 
 bis  most  intimate  friends  :  but  still  Trypho  fled  from  Dora  to  Apamia,  where  he  was  takeu 
 during  the  siege,  and  put  to  death,  when  he  had  reigned  three  years. 
 
 3-  However,  Antiochus  forgot  the  kind  assistance  that  Simon  had  afforded  him  in  his  neces- 
 sity, by  reason  of  bis  covetous  and  wicked  disposition,  and  committed  an  army  of  soldiers  to 
 his  friend  Cendebeus,  and  sent  him  at  once  to  ravage  Judea,  and  to  seize  Simon,  When  Simon 
 heard  of  Aniiochus's  breaking  his  league  with  him,  although  he  were  now  in  years,  yet,  pro- 
 voked with  the  unjust  treatment  he  bad  ioet  witli  from  Antiochus,  and  takirg  a  resolution 
 brisker  than  bis  age  could  well  bear,  be  went  like  a  young  man  to  act  as  general  of  bis  army. 
 He  also  sent  his  sons  before  among  the  most  hardy  of  his  soldiers,  and  be  himself  marched  on 
 with  his  army  another  way,  and  laii!  many  of  bis  iw^n  in  ambushes  in  the  narrow  valleys 
 between  the  mountains  ;  nor  did  be  fail  of  success  in  any  one  of  his  attempts,  but  was  too  hard 
 for  his  enemies  in  every  one  of  them.  So  be  led  the  rest  of  his  life  in  peace,  and  did  also  him- 
 self make  a  league  with  the  Romans. 
 
 4.  Now  he  was  the  ruler  of  the  Jews  in  all  eight  years  ;  but  at  a  feast  came  to  his  end.  It. 
 was  caused  by  the  treachery  of  his  son-in-lav?  Ptolemy;  who  caught  also  his  wife,  and  two  of 
 his  sons,  and  kept  them  in  bonds.  He  also  sent  some  to  kill  John  the  third  son,  whose  name 
 was  Hjrcanus  ;  but  the  young  man  perceiving  them  coming,  he  avoided  the  danger  he  was  in 
 from  them,  and  made  baste  into  the  city  [Jerusalem,*]  as  relying  on  the  good-will  of  the  mul- 
 litude,  because  of  the  benefits  they  had  received  from  his  father,  and  because  of  the  hatred  the 
 same  multitude  bare  to  Ptolemy  ;  so  that  when  Ptolemy  was  endeavouring  to  enter  the  city  by 
 another  gate,  they  drove  him  away,  as  having  already  admitted  Hyrcaous. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Ilyrcanus  receives   llie  High  Priesthood,  and  ejects  Ptolemy  out   of  the  Country.     Antiochus 
 tnakes  War  (tyuinst  Hyrcanus,  and  ajierwcu'ds  makes  a  League  with  him. 
 
 5  1.  So  Ptolemy  retired  to  one  of  the  fortresses  (hat  was  above  Jericho,  which  was  called 
 Dagon  :  but  Hyrcanus  having  taken  the  priesthood  that  had  been  his  father's  before,  and  in  the 
 first  place  propitiated  God  by  sacrifices,  he  then  made  an  expedition  against  Ptolemv  ;  and 
 when  he  made  his  attacks  upon  the  place,  in  other  points  he  was  too  hard  for  him,  but  was 
 rendered  weaker  than  he,  by  the  commiseration  he  had  for  his  mother  and  brethren,  and  bv 
 that  only,  for  Ptolemy  brought  them  upon  the  wall,  and  tormented  them  in  the  sight  ofall,  and 
 threatened  that  he  would  throw  them  down  headlong,  unless  Hyrcanus  would  leave  off  the 
 siege.  And  as  he  lhou<;ht,  that  so  far  as  he  relaxed  as  to  the  siege  and  taking  of  the  place,  so 
 much  favour  did  he  shew  to  those  that  were  dearest  to  him  by  preventing  their  misery,  his 
 zeal  about  it  was  cooleil.  However,  his  mother  spread  out  her  hands,  and  bp^rcjed  of  him  that 
 be  would  not  grow  remiss  on  her  account,  but  indulge  his  indignation  so  murb  the  more,  and 
 that  he  would  do  bis  utmost  to  t.ike  the  place  quickly,  in  order  to  get  their  enemy  under  bis 
 power,  and  then  to  avenge  upon  him  what  he  had  done  to  those  tliit  were  dearest  to  himself; 
 for  that  death  would  be  to  her  sweet,  though  with  torment,  if  that  enemy  of  theirs  might  be 
 brought  to  punishment  for  bis  wicked  dealings  to  tliem.  Now,  vi  hen  his  mother  said  so,  he 
 resolved  to  take  the  fortress  immediately  ;  but  when  he  saw  her  beaten,  and  torn  to  pieces,  his 
 courage  failed  him,  and  be  could  not  but  sympathize  with  what  his  mother  sullered,  and  was 
 thereby  overcome.  And  as  the  siege  was  drawn  out  into  length  by  this  means,  that  year  on 
 which  the  Jews  used   to   rest  cime  on,  for  the  Jews  observe  this  rest  every  seventh  year,  as 
 
 •  Here  .losephug  begins  to  follow,  and  to  abridg^e,  the  next  sacred  Ilebivw  book,  styled  in  the  end  of  the  first 
 bnok  of  Maccabees,  '  The  Chronicle  of  John's  [llyrcanus's]  lli'^h  Priesthood,"  but  in  souie  of  the  Greek  copies 
 the  fourth  book  of  Maccabees.  A  Greek  version  of  this  chronicle  was  extant  not  very  lonp  ago,  in  ll  e  days 
 of  Santes  Pagninus  and  hixtus  Senensis,  at  Lyons,  ihoufh  it  feeins  to  have  been  there  burnt,  and  to  be  now 
 unnly  lost.  See  Sixtus  Senensis'  account  of  it,  of  its  many  Hebraisms,  and  its  great  aB.jement  with  Jose- 
 pliu.s'*  abridsment,  in  the  Autbeut.  llec.  part  i.  206.  207.  208. 
 
 2  u 
 
3:^8  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tliey  do  every  seveiitli  day  ;  so  that  Ptolemy  being  for  this  cause  released  from  the  war,*  lie 
 slew  the  brethren  of  Hyrcanos,  and  bis  mother :  and  when  be  had  so  done,  he  fled  to  Zeno, 
 who  was  called  Cotylas,  who  was  then  Ihe  tyrant  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
 
 2.  But  Antioohus  being  very  uneasy  at  the  miseries  that  Simon  had  brought  upon  him,  he 
 invaded  Judea  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  and  the  first  year  of  the  principality  of  Hyrca- 
 nus,  in  the  hundred  and  sixty-second  Olympiad.!  And  when  he  had  bnrnt  the  country,  he  shut 
 up  Ilyrcanus  in  the  city,  which  he  encompassed  round  with  seven  encampments,  but  did  nothing 
 at  the  first,  because  of  the  strength  of  the  walls,  and  because  of  the  valour  of  the  besieged  ; 
 although  they  were  once  in  want  of  water,  which  yet  they  were  delivered  from  by  a  large 
 shower  of  rain,  which  fell  at  the  setting  of  the  Pleiades. +  However,  about  the  north  part  of 
 the  wall,  where  it  happened  the  city  was  upon  a  level  with  the  outward  ground,  the  king  raised 
 a  hundred  towers  of  three  stories  high,  and  placed  bodies  of  soldiers  upon  them,  and  as  he 
 made  his  attacks  every  day,  he  cut  a  double  ditch,  deep  and  broad,  and  confined  the  inhabit- 
 ants within  it  as  within  a  wall ;  but  the  besieged  contrived  to  make  frequent  sallies  out,  and  if 
 the  enemy  were  not  any  where  upon  their  guard,  they  fell  upon  them,  and  did  them  a  great 
 deal  of  mischief,  and  if  they  perceived  them,  they  then  retired  into  the  city  with  ease. — 
 But  because  Hyrcanus  discerned  the  inconvenience  of  so  great  a  number  of  men  in  the  city, 
 while  the  provisions  were  the  sooner  spent  by  them,  and  yet,  as  is  natural  to  suppose,  those 
 great  numbers  did  nothing,  he  separated  the  useless  part  and  excluded  them  out  of  the  city, 
 and  retained  that  part  only  who  were  in  the  flower  of  their  age,  and  fit  for  war.  However, 
 Antiocbus  would  not  let  those  that  were  excluded  go  away,  who  therefore  wandering  about 
 between  the  walls,  and  consuming  away  by  famine,  died  miserably  ;  but  when  the  feast  of 
 tabernacles  was  at  hand,  those  that  were  within  commiserated  their  condition,  and  received 
 them  in  again.  And  when  Hyrcanus  sent  to  Antiocbus,  and  desired  there  might  be  a  truce  for 
 seven  days,  because  of  the  festival,  he  gave  way  to  his  piety  towards  God,  and  made  that  truce 
 accordingly  :  and  besides  that,  he  sent  in  a  magnificent  sacrifice,  balls  with  their  horns  gilded, § 
 with  all  sorts  of  sweet  spices,  and  with  cups  of  gold  and  silver.  So  those  that  were  at  the 
 gates  received  the  sacrifices  from  those  that  brought  them,  and  led  them  to  the  temple,  Antio- 
 cbus in  the  mean  while  feasting  his  army  ;  which  was  a  quite  different  conduct  from  Antiocbus 
 Epiphanes,  who,  when  he  had  taken  the  city,  offered  swine  upon  the  altar,  and  sprinkled  the 
 temple  with  the  broth  of  their  flesh,  in  order  to  violate  the  laws  of  the  Jews,  and  the  religion 
 they  derived  from  their  forefathers  ;  for  which  reason  our  nation  made  war  with  him,  and  would 
 never  be  reconciled  to  bim  :  but  for  this  Antiocbus,  all  men  called  him  Antiocbus  the  Pious, 
 for  the  great  zeal  he  bad  about  religion. 
 
 3.  Accordingly,  Hyrcanus  look  this  moderation  of  his  kindly  ;  and  when  he  understood  lio^r 
 religious  he  was  towards  t!ie  Deity,  be  sent  an  embassage  to  him,  and  desired  that  be  would 
 restore  the  settlements  they  received  from  ibuir  forefathers.  So  be  icjected  the  counsel  of 
 those  that  would  have  him  utterly  destroy  the  nation  by  reason  of  their  way  of  living, ||  which  , 
 was  to  others  unsociiibic,  and  did  not  regard  what  they  said.  But  being  persuaded  that  all 
 they  said  was  out  of  a  religious  mind,  be  answered  the  ambassadors.  That  if  the  besieged 
 would  deliver  up  their  arms,  and  pay  tribute  for  Joppa,  and  the  other  cities  which  bordered 
 upon  Judea,  and  admit  a  garrison  of  his,  on  these  terras  he  would  make  war  against  them  no 
 longer.  But  the  Jews,  although  they  were  content  with  the  other  conditions,  did  not  agree  to 
 admit  the  garrison,  because  they  could  not  associate  with  other  people,  norcouverse  with  them  ; 
 yet  were  they  willing,  instead  of  the  admission  of  the  garrison,  to  give  him  hostages,  and  five 
 hundred  talents  of  silver,  of  which  they  paid  down  three  hundred,  and  sent  the  hostages  imme- 
 diately, which  king  Antiocbus  accepted.  One  of  these  hostages  was  Hyrcanus's  brother;  but 
 still  he  broke  down  the  fortifications  that  encompassed  the  city  :  and  upon  these  conditions 
 Antiocbus  broke  op  the  siege  and  departed. 
 
 4.  But  Hyrcanus  opened  the  sepulchre  of  David,  who  excelled  all  other  kings  in  riches,  and 
 took  out  of  it  three  thousand  talents.     He  was  also  the  first  of  the  Jews  that,  relying  on  this 
 
 *  Hence  we  learu,  that  in  the  days  of  this  excellent  high  priest,  John  Tlvrcanus,  the  obsei-vation  of  the  Sab- 
 batic year,  as  Josephus  supposed,  required  a  rest  from  war,  as  did  that  of  the  weekly  Sabbath  fromwoik  ;  I 
 mean  this,  unless  in  the  case  of  necessity,  when  the  .lews  were  attacked  by  their  eneinies,  in  which  case  indeed, 
 and  in  which  alone,  they  then  allowed  defensive  liyhiing  to  he  lawful  even  ou  the  Saljbath-day,  as  we  see  in 
 several  places  of  Josephus,  Anliq.  b.  xii.  chap.  vi.  §2.  b.  xiii.  chap.  1.  ^^.  Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  vii.  5  3. 
 But  then  it  must  be  noted,  that  this  rest  from  war  no  way  appears  in  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  chap.  xvi. 
 but  the  direct  contrary  ;  though  indeed  the  Jews,  in  the  days  of  Antiocbus  Epiphanes,  did  not  venture  upon 
 nghtins  on  the  Sabbath-day,  even  in  the  defence  of  their  own  lives,  till  the  Asmoneans  or  Maccabees  decreed 
 80  10  do,  1  Mac.  ii.  32 — 11.  Antiq.  b.  xii.  chap.  vii.  4  <.'. 
 
 Josephus's  copies,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  have  here  a  gross  mistake,  when  they  say  that  this  first  year  of 
 .John  Ily rranus,  which  we  have  just  now  seen  to  have  been  a  .Sabbatic  year,  was  in  the  162d  Olympiad,  w^hereas 
 it  was  lor  certain  the  second  year  of  the  161st.    See  the  like  before,  b.  xii.  chap.  vii.  5  6. 
 
 1  This  heliacal  setting  of  the  Pleiades,  or  seven  stars,  was,  in  the  days  of  Ilyrcanus  and  Josephus,  early  in 
 the  sprr.'is,  about  KebruaiT,  the  time  of  the  latter  rain  in  Judea,  and  this,  so  far  as  I  remember,  is  the  only 
 astronomical  character  of  time,  besides  one  eclipse  of  the  moon  in  tJie  reigiiof  Ilerod,  that  we  meet  with  m  all 
 .losephiis,  th>^  Jews  being  little  accustomed  to  astronomical  observations,  any  farther  than  for  the  uses  of  their 
 calendar,  lud  utterly  forbidden  those  astrological  uses  which  the  heathens  commonly  made  of  them. 
 
 «  Dr.  Hudson  tells  us  here,  that  this  custom  of  gilding  the  horas  of  those  oxen  that  were  to  be  sacrificed ,  is 
 a  known  thing  both  in  Ihe  poets  and  orators. 
 
 |1  This  account  in  Josephus,  that  the  present  Antiocbus  was  persuaded,  though  in  vain,  not  to  make  peace 
 with  the  Jews,  but  to  cut  them  off  utterly,  is  fully  confirmed  by  Diodorus  Siculus,  in  Photius's  extractd  out  of 
 his  34tU  book. 
 
BOOK    XIII. — CHAP.  IX.  339 
 
 wealth,  maintained  foreign  troops.  There  was  also  a  league  of  friendship  and  matual  assist- 
 ance made  between  them  :  npon  which  Hyrcanus  admilted  him  into  tl)e  city,  and  furnished 
 him  with  whatsoever  his  army  wanted  in  great  plenty,  and  with  great  generosity,  and  marched 
 along  with  him  when  he  made  an  expedition  against  the  Parthians  ;  of  wbicii  Nicolaus  ot 
 Damascus  is  a  witness  for  us  ;  who  in  his  history  writes  thus:  "  When  Antiochus  l<!id  erected 
 a  trophy  at  the  river  Lycus,  npon  his  conquest  of  Indates,  the  general  of  the  Parthians,  he 
 stayed  there  two  days.  It  was  at  the  desire  of  Hyrcanus  the  Jew,  because  it  was  such  a  fes- 
 tival derived  to  them  from  their  forefathers,  whereon  the  law  of  the  Jews  did  not  allow  them 
 to  travel."  And  truly  he  did  not  speak  falsely  in  saying  so;  for  that  festival,  wliicli  we  call 
 Pentecost,  did  then  fall  out  to  be  the  next  day  to  the  Sabbath  :  nor  is  it  lawfid  for  us  to 
 journey,*  either  on  the  Sabbath-df  t.  or  on  a  festival  day.  But  when  Antiochus  joined  battle 
 ■with  Arsaces,  the  king  of  Parlhia,  he  lost  a  great  part  of  his  army,  and  was  himself  slain  :  and 
 his  brother  Demetrius  succeeded  in  the  kingdom  of  Syria  by  the  permission  nf  Arsaces,  who 
 freed  him  from  his  captivity,  at  the  same  time  that  Antiochus  attacked  Parlhia,  as  we  have 
 formerly  related  elsewhere. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How,  after  the  Death  of  Antiochns,  Hyrcanus  made  an  Expedition  against  Syria,  and  made  a 
 League  uith  the  Romans.      (Joncerning  the  D^ath  of  King  Demetrius  and  Alexander. 
 
 §  1.  But  when  Hyrcanus  heard  of  the  death  of  Antiochus,  he  presently  made  an  expedition 
 against  the  cities  of  Syria,  hoping  to  find  them  destitute  of  fighting  men,  and  of  such  as  were 
 able  to  defend  thera.  However,  it  was  not  till  the  sixth  month  that  he  took  Medaba,  and  that 
 not  without  the  great  distress  of  his  army.  After  this  he  took  Samega,  and  the  neighbouring 
 places;  and  besides  these,  Shechera  and  Gerizziin,  and  the  nation  of  the  Cutheans,  who  dwelt 
 at  the  temple  which  Alexander  permitted  Sanballat,  the  general  of  his  army,  to  build  for  the 
 sake  of  Blanasseh,  who  was  son-in-law  to  .Taddua  the  high  priest,  as  we  have  formerly  related  ; 
 which  temple  was  now  deserted  two  hundred  years  after  it  was  built.  Hyrcanus  took  also 
 Dora  and  Marissa,  cities  of  Idumea,  and  subdued  all  the  Idumeans;  and  permitted  them  to 
 stay  in  that  country,  if  they  would  circumcise  their  genitals,  and  make  use  of  the  laws  of  the 
 Jews;  and  they  were  so  desirous  of  living  in  the  country  of  their  forcrcithers,  that  they  sub- 
 mitted to  the  use  of  circumcision,  and  of  the  rest  of  the  Jewish  ways  of  living  :t  at  which  time 
 therefore  this  beftll  them,  that  they  were  hereafter  no  other  than  Jews. 
 
 2.  But  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest  was  desirous  to  renew  that  league  of  friendship  they  had 
 with  the  Romans.  Accordingly,  he  sent  an  embassage  to  them  ;  and  when  the  senate  had 
 received  their  epistle,  they  made  a  league  of  friendship  with  them,  after  tiie  manner  following: 
 "  Fanius,  the  son  of  Marcus  the  prtetor,  gathered  the  senate  together  on  the  eighth  day  before 
 the  ides  of  February,  in  the  senate  house,  when  Lucius  Manlius,  the  son  of  Lucius,  of  the 
 Mentine  tribe,  and  Caius  Sempronius,  the  son  of  Cains,  of  the  Falernian  tribe,  were  present. 
 The  occasion  was,  that  the  ambassadors  sent  by  the  people  of  the  Jews,  Simon  the  son  of 
 Dosilheus,  and  Apollonius,  the  son  of  Alexander,  and  Diodorus,  the  son  of  Jason,  who  were 
 good  and  virtuous  men,  had  somewhat  to  propose  about  that  league  of  friendship  and  mutual 
 assistance  which  subsisted  between  them  and  the  Romans,  and  about  tther  public  affairs,  who 
 desired  that  Joppa,  and  the  havens,  and  Gazara,  and  the  springs  [of  Jordan,]  and  the  several 
 other  cities  and  countries  of  theirs,  which  Antiochus  had  taken  from  them  in  the  war,  contrary 
 to  the  decree  of  the  senate,  might  be  restored  to  them ;  and  that  it  might  not  be  lawful  for  the 
 king's  troops  to  pass  through  their  country,  and  the  countries  of  those  that  are  subject  to 
 them.  And  that  what  attempts  Antiochus  had  made  during  that  war,  without  the  decree  of  the 
 senate,  might  be  made  void  ;  and  that  they  would  send  ambassadors,  who  should  take  care  tliat 
 restitution  be  made  them  of  what  Antiochus  had  taken  from  them,  and  that  they  should  mike 
 an  estimate  of  the  country  that  had  been  laid  waste  in  the  war,  and  that  they  would  grant  them 
 
 *  ITie  Jews  were  not  to  march  or  journey  on  the  Saljbath,  or  on  such  a  great  festival  as  was  equivalent  to 
 the  Sabliath,  auy  farther  than  a  '  Sabbath-day's  journey,'  or  2000  cubits,  see  the  note  on  Autiq.  b.  xx. 
 chap.  viii.  ^  6. 
 
 t  This  account  of  the  Idumeans  ndmitting  circumni.^ion,  and  the  entire  Jewish  law,  from  this  time,  or  from 
 the  days  of  Hyrcanus,  is  continued  l)y  their  entire  liistory  afterward.  See  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  viii.  ^1.  b.  xv. 
 cliap.  vii.  i)  9.  Of  the  W  nr,  b.  ii.  tha]).  iii.  %  1.  b.  iv.  ctiap.  iv.  ^  5,  ?'his,  in  the  opiuion  of  Josephus,  mode 
 them  proselytes  of  justice,  or  entire  Jews,  as  here  and  elsewhere,  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  viii.  .-i  1.  However, 
 Antii»onus,  the  cneiuy  of  Herod,  tlioutrh  Herod  were  derived  from  such  a  proselyte  of  justice  for  several  cene- 
 ratious,  will  allow  him  to  be  no  more  than  a  '  half  Jew,'  b.  xiv.  chap.  xv.  ^  2.  I!ut  siill  tale  out  of  De;iii 
 Prideaux,  at  the  year  129,  the  words  of  Ammouius  a  grammarian,  which  fully  conlirm  this  account  of  the 
 Idumeans  in  Josephus.  "  The  lews,  (says  he,)  are  such  by  nature,  and  from  the  be^innint,',  wliilst  the  Idu- 
 means were  not  Jew.s  from  the  bev,'iiining,  but  Phenicians  and  Syrians;  but  being  afterward  subdued  by  the 
 Jews,  and  compelled  (o  be  circumcised,  and  to  unite  into  one  natiou,  and  be  subject  to  the  sariie  laws,  the.y 
 were  called  Jews."  l)io  also  says,  as  the  Dean  there  qiiotes  him,  from  book  xxxvi.  p.  H7.  "  That  country  is 
 called  '  Judea,'  and  the  people  'Jews;'  and  this  name  is  i;iven  also  to  as  many  others  as  embrace  their  reli- 
 cion,  though  of  other  nations."  But  then  upon  what  foundation  so  good  a  governor  as  Hyrcanus  took  upon 
 iiim  to  '  compel'  those  Idumeans  either  lo  become  Jews  or  to  leave  the  countr.v,  deserves  great  considcraiion. 
 I  suppose  it  wasbecause  they  had  long  ago  been  driven  out  of  the  land  of  Edom.andhad  seized  on  and  pos.'-essed 
 the  tribe  of  Simeon,  and  all  thi-  southern  part  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  which  was  the  peculiar  inheritance  of  the 
 worshippers  of  the  true  God  without  idolatry,  as  the  reader  may  learn  from  Ueland,  Palestine,  part  i.  pp.  154. 
 305.  and  from  Prideaux,  at  the  years  140,  and  165. 
 
 •  In  this  decree  of  the  Roman  Senate,  it  seems  that  these  anihassadore  were  sent  from  the  'iieople  of  tha 
 Jews,"  as  well  as  from  then  '  prince,'  or  '  high  j'viest,  John  Hyrcanus,' 
 
310  ANTIQUITIES    OK    THE  JEWS. 
 
 letters  of  protection  to  the  kings,  and  free  people,  in  order  to  tbeir  quiet  return  home.  It  was 
 therefore  decreed,  as  to  those  points,  to  renew  their  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assist- 
 ance with  these  good  men,  and  who  were  sent  b3'  a  good  and  a  friendl^i  people."  But  that  as 
 to  the  letters  desired,  ilieir  answer  was,  tli^t  t'lie  senate  would  consult  about  that  matter,  when 
 tlieir  own  affiiirs  would  give  them  leave,  and  that  they  would  endeavour,  for  the  time  to  come, 
 that  no  like  injury  should  be  done  them ;  and  that  their  praetor  Fanius  should  oive  them  money 
 out  of  the  public  treasury  to  bear  their  expenses  home.  And  thus  did  Fanius  dismiss  the 
 Jewish  ambassadors,  and  gave  Ihem  money  out  of  the  public  treasury;  and  gave  the  decree  of 
 the  senate  to  those  that  were  to  conduct  them,  and  take  care  that  they  should  return  home 
 in  safety. 
 
 3.  And  thus  stood  the  afTairs  of  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest.  But  as  for  king  Demetrius,  who 
 had  a  mind  to  make  war  against  Hvrcanus,  there  was  no  opportunity  nor  room  for  it,  while 
 both  the  Syrians  and  the  soldiers  bare  ill-nill  to  him,  because  he  was  an  ill  man.  But  when 
 they  had  sent  ambassadors  to  Ptolemy,  who  was  called  Physcon,  that  he  would  send  ihemone 
 of  the  family  of  Seleucns,  in  order  to  take  the  kingdom,  and  he  had  sent  them  Alexander,  who 
 was  called  Zehina,  with  an  army,  and  there  had  beeu  a  battle  between  them,  Demetrius  was 
 beaten  in  the  fij^ht,  and  fled  to  Cleopatra  his  wife,  to  PtoIeni:us,  but  his  wife  would  not 
 receive  him.  He  went  thence  to  Tyre,  and  was  theie  caught:  and  when  he  bad  sufl'ered  much 
 from  his  eueniies  before  his  death,  he  was  slain  by  them.  So  Alexander  took  the  kingdom, 
 and  made  a  league  with  Hyrcanus,  who  yet,  when  lie  afterward  fouglit  with  Autiochus  theson 
 of  Demetrius,  who  was  called  Grypus,  was  also  beaten  in  the  fight,  and  slain. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How,  upon  the.  Quarrel  betiveen  Aiiliuchus  Grypits,  ami  Antiuchus  Cyzicenus,  uhont  the  King- 
 dom. Hyrcanus  took  Samaria,  and  utterly  demolished  it;  and  how  Hyrcanus  joined  himself  to 
 the  Sect  of  the  Sadducees,  and  left  that  of  the  Pharisees. 
 
 §  I.  When  Antiochus  had  taken  the  kingdom,  he  was  afraid  to  make  war  against  Jndea, 
 because  he  heard  that  his  brother,  by  the  same  mother,  who  was  also  called  Antiochus,  was 
 raising  an  army  against  him  out  of  Cyzicum;  so  lie  staid  in  his  own  land,  and  resolved  to  pre- 
 pare himself  for  the  attack  he  expected  from  his  brother,  who  was  called  Cyzicenus,  because 
 he  had  been  brought  up  in  that  city.  He  was  the  son  of  Antiochus  that  was  called  Sot^r, 
 who  died  in  Partbia.  He  was  the  brother  of  Demetrius,  the  father  of  Grypus,  for  it  had  so 
 happened,  that  one  and  the  same  Cleopatra  was  n.arried  to  two,  who  were  brethren,  as  we 
 have  related  elsewhere.  But  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  coming  into  Syria,  continued  many  years 
 at  war  with  his  brother.  Now  Hyrcanus  lived  all  this  while  in  peace;  for  after  the  death  of 
 Antiochus,  he  revolted  from  the  Macedonians,*  nor  did  he  any  longer  pay  them  the  least  regard, 
 either  as  their  subject  or  their  friend,  but  his  affairs  were  iu  a  very  improving  and  flourishing 
 condition  in  the  times  of  Alexander  Zebina,  and  especially  under  these  brethren,  for  the  war 
 which  they  had  with  one  another  gave  Hyrcanus  the  opportunity  of  enjoying  himself  in  Judea 
 quietly,  insomuch  that  be  got  an  immense  quantity  of  money.  However,  when  Antiochus 
 Cyzicenus  distressed  his  land,  he  then  openly  shewed  what  he  meant.  And  when  he  saw  that 
 Antiochus  was  destitute  of  Egyptian  auxiliaries,  and  that  both  he  and  his  brother  were  in  an 
 ill  conditiou  in  the  struggles  they  had  with  one  another,  he  despised  them  both. 
 
 2.  So  he  made  an  expedition  against  Samaria,  which  was  a  ver^  strong  city ;  of  whose  pre- 
 sent name  Sebaste,  and  its  rebuilding  by  Herod,  we  shall  speak  at  a  proper  time :  but  he  made 
 his  attack  against  it,  and  besieged  it  with  a  great  deal  of  pains,  for  he  was  greatly  displeased 
 with  the  Samaritans  for  the  injuries  they  had  done  to  the  people  of  Merissa,  a  colony  of  the 
 Jews,  and  confederate  with  them,  and  this  in  compliance  to  the  kings  of  Syria.  When  he  had 
 therefore  drawn  a  ditch,  and  built  a  double  wall  round  the  city,  which  was  fourscore  furlongs 
 long,  he  set  his  sons  Aniignnus  and  Aristobulus  over  the  siege,  v.  hioh  brought  the  Samaritans 
 to  that  great  distress  by  famine,  that  they  were  forced  to  eat  what  used  not  to  be  eaten,  and  to 
 call  for  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  to  help  them,  who  came  readily  to  their  assistance,  but  was  beaten 
 by  Aristobulus,  and  when  he  was  pursued  as  far  as  Scythopnlis  by  the  two  brethren,  he  got 
 away.  So  they  returned  to  Samaria,  and  shut  them  again  within  the  wall,  till  they  were 
 forced  to  send  for  the  same  Antiochus  a  second  time  to  help  them,  who  procured  about  six 
 tliousand  men  from  Ptolemy  Luthyrus,  which  were  sent  them  without  his  mother's  consent, 
 who  had  then  in  a  manner  turned  him  out  of  his  government.  Wiih  these  Egyptians  Antiochus 
 did  at  first  over-run  and  ravage  the  country  of  Hyrcanus  after  the  manner  of  a  robber,  for  he 
 durst  not  meet  him  in  the  face  to  flight  with  him,  as  not  having  an  army  sufficient  for  that  par- 
 pose,  but  only  from  this  supposal,  that  by  thus  harassing  his  land  he  should  force  Hyrcanus  to 
 raise  the  siege  of  Samaria ;  but  because  he  fell  into  snares,  and  lost  many  of  his  soldiers  therein, 
 he  went  away  to  Tripoli,  and  committed  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  the  Jews  to  Calli- 
 mander  and  Epicrates. 
 
 •  Dean  Prideaux  takes  notice  at  tlie  year  130,  that  .Instin,  in  agreement  with  .Tosephus,  gays,  "  The  power  of 
 the  ,Ie«-s  was  nnw  grown  so  great,  that  after  this  Antiochus,  they  would  not  bear  any  Macedociftri  king  9ver 
 them,  and  that  they  set  up  a  Eovernment  of  their  own,  and  icfeeted  Syria  with  great  wars." 
 
BOOK   Xill. — CHAP,  X.  341 
 
 3.  B:.t  as  to  Cailimander,  he  attacked  tbe  enemy  too  rashly,  and  whs  put  lo  flight,  and 
 destroyed  immediately ;  and  as  to  Epicrales,  he  was  such  a  lover  of  niouey,  that  he  openly 
 betrayed  Seythopolis,  and  other  places  near  it,  to  the  Jews,  but  was  not  able  to  make  them 
 raise  the  siege  of  Samaria.  And  when  Hyrcanus  had  taken  the  city,  which  was  not  done  till 
 after  a  year's  siege,  he  was  not  couteoted  with  doing  that  only,  but  he  demolished  it  entirely, 
 and  brought  rivulets  to  it  to  drown  it,  for  he  dug  such  hollows  as  might  let  the  water  run 
 under  it;  nay,  he  took  away  the  very  marks  that  there  had  ever  been  such  a  city  there.  Now 
 a  very  surprising  thing  is  related  of  this  high  priest  Hyrcanus,  how  Cod  came  to  discourse 
 with  him  :  for  they  say,  that  on  the  very  same  day  on  which  his  sons  fought  with  Antiochus 
 Cyzicenus.he  was  alone  in  the  temple,  as  high  priest,  oftering  incense,  and  heard  a  voice,  that 
 "  his  scms  had  just  then  overcome  Antioclius."  And  this  he  openly  declared  before  all  the 
 multitude  upon  his  coming  out  of  the  temple ;  and  it  accordingly  proved  true:  and  in  this 
 posture  were  the  affairs  of  Hvrcnnus. 
 
 4.  Now  it  happened  at  Ibis  time,  that  not  only  those  Jews  who  were  at  Jerusalem  and  in 
 Judea  were  in  prosperity,  but  also  those  of  them  that  were  at  Alexandria,  and  in  Egypt  and 
 Cyprus,  for  Cleopatra  tl.e  queen  was  at  variance  with  her  son  Ptolemy,  who  was  called 
 Ijathyrus,  end  appointed  for  her  generals  Chelcias,  and  Ananias,  the  sons  of  that  Onias  who 
 built  the  temple  in  the  prefectnre  of  Heliopolis,  like  that  at  Jerusalem,  as  we  have  elsewhere 
 related.  Cleopatra  intrusted  these  men  with  her  army;  and  did  nothing  without  their  advice, 
 as  Sirabo  of  Cappadocia  attests,  when  he  saith  thus,  "  Now  the  greater  part,  both  those  tliat 
 came  to  Cyprus  with  us,  and  those  that  were  sent  afterward  thither,  revolted  to  Ptolemy 
 immediately;  only  those  that  were  called  Onias'  party,  being  Jews,  continued  faithful, because 
 their  countrymen  Chelcias  and  Ananias  were  in  cliief  favour  with  the  queen."  These  are  the 
 words  of  Strabo. 
 
 5.  However,  this  prosperous  state  of  affairs  moved  the  Jews  to  envy  Hyrcanus,  but  they 
 that  were  the  worst  disposed  lo  him  were  the  Pharisees,*  who  were  one  of  tlie  sects  of  the 
 Jews,  as  we  have  informed  you  already.  These  have  so  great  a  power  over  the  multitude, 
 that  when  they  say  any  thing  ag:iinst  the  king,  or  against  the  high  priest,  they  are  presently 
 believed.  Now  Hyrcanus  was  a  disciple  of  theirs,  and  greatly  beloved  by  them.  And  when 
 lie  once  invited  them  to  a  feast,  and  entertained  them  very  kindly,  when  he  saw  them  in  a 
 good  humour,  he  began  to  say  to  them,  that  "  they  knew  he  was  desirous  to  be  a  righteous 
 inan,  and  to  do  ail  things  whereby  he  might  please  God,  which  was  the  profession  of  the  Pha- 
 lisees  also.  However,  he  desired,  if  (hey  observed  him  offending  in  any  point,  and  going  out 
 of  the  right  way,  they  would  call  him  back  and  correct  him."  On  which  occasion  they  attested 
 lo  his  being  entirely  virtuous,  with  which  commendation  he  was  well  pleased.  But  still  there 
 was  one  of  his  guests  there,  whose  name  was  Eleazar.f  a  man  of  an  ill  temper,  and  delighting 
 ju  seditious  practices.  This  man  said,  "  since  thou  desirest  to  know  the  truth,  if  thou  wilt  be 
 ri;4hteous  in  eoruest,  lay  down  the  high  priesthood,  and  content  thj-self  with  the  civil  goverti- 
 inent  of  the  people."  And  when  he  desired  to  know  for  what  cause  he  ought  to  lay  down  the 
 high  priesthood,  the  other  replied,  "  We  have  heard  it  from  old  men,  Ihnt  thy  mother  had 
 been  a  captive  under  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes."  This  story  was  false,  and  Hyrcanus 
 was  provoked  agaiust  him  ;  and  all  the  Pharisees  had  a  very  great  indignation  against  him. 
 
 (i.  Now  there  was  one  Jonathan,  a  very  great  friend  of  Hyrcanus,  but  of  the  sect  of  the 
 Sadducees,  whose  notions  are  quite  contrary  to  those  of  the  Pharisees.  He  told  Hyrcinus, 
 liiat  "  Eleazar  had  cast  such  a  reproach  upon  him,  according  to  the  common  sentiments  of  all 
 the  Pharisees,  and  that  this  would  be  made  manifest,  if  he  would  but  ask  them  the  question, 
 what  punishment  they  thou;;ht  this  man  deserved?  for  that  he  might  depend  upon  it,  that  the 
 reproach  was  not  laid  on  him  with  their  approbation,  if  they  were  for  punishing  him  as  his 
 crime  deserved."  So  the  Pharisees  made  answer,  that  "  he  deserved  stripes  and  bonds,  but 
 that  it  did  not  seem  right  to  punish  reproaches  with  death."  And  indeed  the  Pharisees,  even 
 upon  other  occasions,  are  not  apt  to  be  severe  in  punishments.  At  this  gentle  sentence,  Hyr- 
 canus was  very  angry,  and  thought  that  this  man  reproached  him  by  their  approbation.  It 
 was  this  Jonatliar)  who  chiefly  irritated  him,  and  influenced  him  so  far,  that  he  made  him  leave 
 the  party  of  Ihe  Pharisees,  and  abolish  the  decrees  they  had  imposed  on  tiie  people,  and 
 jmnish  those  that  observed  them.  From  this  source  arose  that  hatred  which  he  and  his  son.s 
 met  with  from  the  multitude;  but  of  these  matters  we  shall  speak  hereafter.  W'ljat  I  would 
 »iow  explain  is  this,  that  the  Pharisees  have  delivered  to  the  people  a  great  many  observances 
 
 •  The  original  of  the  Sadducees,  as  a  considerable  party  among  the  Jews,  being  contained  in  this  and  the 
 two  following  sections,  take  Dean  Pridi'uux'snote  upon  this  their  lirst  public  appearance,  winch  1  suppose  to 
 be  true  :  "  Hyrcanus  (■says  he)  went  over  to  the  party  of  the  Saddurees ;  that  is,  by  embracing'  their  doctrine 
 against  the  tradition  of  the  elders,  added  to  the  written  law,  and  made  of  eipial  authority  witli  it,  Imt  not  their 
 docrrine  against  the  resurrection  and  a  future  state,  for  this  cannot  be  supposed  of  so  food  and  righteous  a 
 man  as  John  Hyrcanus  is  said  to  be.  It  is  most  probable,  that  at  this  time  the  Simducees  had  gone  no  further 
 in  the  doctrines  of  that  sect  than  to  deuy  all  the  unwritten  trailiiions,  which  tlie  Pharisees  were  so  fond  of:  for 
 Josi'phua  mentions  no  other  difference  at  this  time  between  them  ;  neither  doth  he  say  that  Hyrcanus  went 
 over  to  the  .Sadducees  in  any  other  particular  than  in  the  abolisliing  of  all  the  traditionary  constitutions  of  the 
 Pharisees,  which  nur  .Saviour  condemned  as  well  as  they."— [At  the  year  108.] 
 
 +  This  slander,  that  arose  from  a  Pharisee,  has  been  preserved,  by  their  successors  the  Rabbins,  to  these 
 later  ages,  for  Dr.  Hudson  assures  us,  that  David  Gant7.,  in  his  Chroiiolog^',  S.  pr.  p.  77-  in  V'oioliui*'  version, 
 relates  that  Hyrcanus'  mother  was  taken  captive  in  Mount  Modiilh.    See  ciiap.  xiii.  j  5 
 
342  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 by  succession  from  their  fathers,  which  are  not  written  in  the  laws  of  Moses ;  and  for  that 
 reason  it  is  that  the  Sadducees  reject  them,  and  say,  tliat  we  are  to  esteem  those  obsf-rvances 
 to  be  obligatory  which  are  in  the  written  word,  but  are  not  to  observe  what  are  derived  from 
 the  tradition  of  our  forefathers.  And  concerning  these  things  it  is  that  great  disputes  and  dif- 
 ferences have  arisen  among  them,  while  the  Sadducees  are  able  to  persuade  none  but  the  rich, 
 and  have  not  the  populace  obsequious  to  them,  but  the  Pharisees  have  the  multitude  on  their 
 side.  But  about  these  two  sects,  and  that  ot  the  Essens,  I  have  treated  accurately  in  the 
 second  book  of  Jewish  aflairs. 
 
 7.  But  when  Hyrcanus  had  put  an  end  to  this  sedition,  he  after  that  lived  happily,  and 
 administered  the  government  iu  the  best  manner  for  thirty-one  years,  and  then  died  ;*  leaving 
 behind  him  five  suns.  He  was  esteemed  by  God  worthy  of  the  three  greatest  privileges,  the 
 government  of  his  nation,  the  dignity  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  prophecy,  for  God  was  with 
 him,  and  enabled  him  to  know  futurities  ;  and  to  foretell  this  in  particular,  that  as  to  his  two 
 eldest  sons,  he  foretold  that  they  would  not  long  continue  in  the  government  of  public  aflairs  ; 
 whose  unhappy  catastrophe  will  be  worth  our  description,  that  we  may  thence  learn  how  very 
 much  they  were  inferior  to  their  father's  happiness. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  Aristohulus,  iclien  he  had  taken  the  Government,  first  of  all  put  a  Diadem  on  his  Head,  and 
 was  most  barbarously  cruel  to  his  Mother  and  his  Brethren ;  and  how,  after  he  had  slnin 
 Aittigonus,  ha  himself  died. 
 
 J  1.  Now  when  their  father  Hyrcanus  was  dead,  the  eldest  son  Aristohulus,  intending  to 
 change  the  government  into  a  kingdom,  for  so  he  resolved  to  do,  first  of  all  put  a  diadem  on 
 his  head,  four  hundred  eightv  and  one  years  and  three  months  after  the  people  had  been  deli- 
 vered from  the  Babylonish  slavery,  and  were  returned  to  their  own  country  again.  This 
 Aristohulus  loved  his  next  brother  Anligonus,  and  treated  hiui  as  his  equal,  but  the  others  he 
 held  in  bonds.  He  also  cast  his  mother  into  prison,  because  she  disputed  the  government  with 
 him,  for  Hyrcanus  had  left  her  to  be  mistress  of  all.  He  also  proceeded  to  that  degree  of 
 barbarity,  as  to  kill  her  in  prison  with  hunger ;  nay,  he  was  alienated  from  his  brother  Anti- 
 gonus  by  cafuuinies,  and  added  him  to  the  rest  whom  he  slew,  yet  he  seemed  to  have  an  affec- 
 tion for  him,  and  made  him  above  the  rest  a  partner  with  him  in  the  kingdom.  Those  calum- 
 nies he  at  first  did  not  give  credit  to,  partly  because  he  loved  him,  and  so  did  not  give  heed 
 to  what  was  said  ai;ainst  him,  and  partly  because  he  thought  the  reproaches  were  derived  from 
 the  envy  of  the  reliiters.  But  when  Anligonus  was  once  returned  from  the  army,  and  that 
 feast  was  then  at  hand  when  they  make  tabernacles  to  the  [honour  of]  God,  it  happened  that 
 Aristohulus  was  fallen  sick,  and  that  Antigonus  went  up  most  splendidly  adorned,  and  with 
 his  soldiers  about  him  in  their  armour,  to  the  temple,  to  celebrate  the  feast,  and  to  put  up 
 many  prayers  for  the  recovery  of  his  brother,  when  some  wicked  persons,  who  had  a  great 
 mind  to  raise  a  difference  between  the  brethren,  made  use  of  (his  opportunity  of  the  pompous 
 appearance  of  Antigonus,  and  of  the  great  actions  which  he  had  done,  and  went  to  the  king, 
 and  spitefully  aggravated  the  pompous  show  of  his  at  the  feast,  and  pretended  that  all  these 
 circumstances  were  not  like  those  of  a  private  person;  that  these  actions  were  indications 
 of  an  affection  of  royal  authority;  and  that  his  coming  with  a  strong  body  of  men  must  be 
 with  an  intention  to  kill  him;  and  that  his  way  of  reasoning  was  this,  that  it  was  a  silly  thing 
 in  him,  while  it  was  in  his  power  to  reign  himself,  to  look  upon  it  as  a  great  favour  that  he  was 
 honoured  with  a  lower  dignity  by  his  brother. 
 
 2.  Aristohulus  yielded  to  these  imputations,  but  took  care  both  that  his  brother  should  not 
 suspect  him,  and  that  he  himself  might  not  run  the  hazard  of  his  own  safety  ;  so  he  ordered  his 
 guards  to  lie  in  a  certain  place  that  was  underground,  and  dark,  (he  himself  then  lying  sick  in 
 the  tower  which  was  called  Antonia,)  and  he  commanded  them,  that  in  case  Antigonus  came 
 in  to  him  unarmed,  they  should  not  touch  any  body,  but  if  armed,  they  should  kill  him;  yet 
 did  he  send  to  Antigonus,  and  desired  that  he  would  come  unarmed  ;  but  the  queen,  and  those 
 that  joined  with  her  in  the  plot  against  Antigonus,  persuaded  the  messenger  to  (ell  him  the 
 direct  contrary:  how  his  brother  had  heard  that  he  had  made  himself  a  fine  suit  of  armour  for 
 
 *  Here  ends  the  high  priesthood,  and  the  life  of  this  excellent  person  John  Hyrcanus,  and  together  with  him 
 the  holy  '  theocracy,'  or  '  divine  government'  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  its  concomitant  i  racle  by  Urim. 
 J>Jow  follows  the  profane  and  tyrannical  Jewish  '  monarchy,'  first  of  the  Asmoncans  or  Maccabees,  and  tii.-n 
 of  Herod  the  Great,  the  Idumean,  till  the  coming  of  the  JNlessiah.  See  the  note  on  Andq.  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  5<J. 
 Hear  Strabo's  testimony  on  this  occasion,  b.  xvi.  pages  761,  762.  "  Those  (says  he)  that  succeeded  Moses, 
 continued  for  some  time  in  earnest,  both  in  righteous  actions,  and  in  piety  ;  but  after  a  while,  there  were  others 
 tliat  took  upon  them  the  high  priesthood ;  at  lirst  superstitious,  and  afterwards  tyrannical  persons.  Such  a 
 prophet  was  Moses  and  those  that  succeeded  him,  beginning  iu  a  way  not  to  be  blamed,  but  changing  for  the 
 worse.  And  when  it  openly  appeared  that  the  government  was  become  tyrannical,  Alexander  was  the  first 
 that  set  up  himself  for  a  king  instead  of  a  priest;  and  his  sons  were  Hyrcanus  and  Aristohulus."  All  in 
 agi-eemcut  with  Josephus,  excepting  this,  that  Strabo  omits  the  first  king  Aristohulus,  whose  reign  being  but 
 a  single  year,  seems  hardly  to  have  come  to  his  knowledge.  Nor  indeed  does  Aristohulus,  the  son  of  Alex- 
 ander, pretend  that  the  name  of '  king'  was  taken  before  his  father  Alexander  took  it  himself,  Antici.  b.  xiv. 
 cha|).  iii.  i  '2.  See  also  chap.  xii.  5  1.  which  favours  Strabo  also.  And  indeed,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  very 
 different  characters  of  Uie  I'.uyptian  Jews  under  high  priests,  and  of  the  Palestine  Jews  under  kings,  in  the  two 
 next  ceriiuries,  we  may  well  s-iippose,  ihat  the  divine  Shechinah  was  removed  iuto  Egypt  and  that  the  worship 
 pers  at  the  temple  of  Onias  were  better  men  than  those  at  the  temple  of  Jerusalem. 
 
HOOK  xiir.  — CHAP.  XII.  343 
 
 war,  and  desired  bim  to  come  to  liiin  in  that  armour,  tliat  he  miglit  see  Low  fine  it  was.  So 
 Antigonus  suspecting  no  treachery,  but  depending  on  the  good-will  of  Lis  brotiier,  came  t.> 
 Aristobulus  armed,  as  he  used  to  be,  with  his  entire  armour,  in  order  to  shew  it  to  him  ;  but 
 when  lie  was  come  to  a  place  which  was  called  .Slruto's  Tower,  where  the  passage  happened  to 
 be  exceeding  dark,  the  guards  slew  him  ;  which  death  of  his  demonstrates  that  nothing  is 
 stronger  than  envy  and  calumny,  and  that  nothing  does  more  certainly  divide  the  good-will  and 
 natural  ailections  of  men  than  those  passions.  But  here  one  may  take  occasion  to  wonder  at 
 one  Judas,  who  was  of  the  sect  of  the  Essens,  and  who  never  missed  the  trnth  in  his  predic- 
 tions ;  for  this  man,  when  he  saw  Antigonus  passing  by  the  temple,  cried  out  to  his  companions 
 and  friends,  who  abode  with  him  as  his  scholars,  in  order  to  learn  the  art  of  foretelling  things 
 to  come,*  "  That  it  was  good  for  bim  to  die  now,  since  he  had  spoken  falsely  about  Antigonus, 
 who  is  still  alive,  and  I  see  him  passing  by,  although  he  had  foretold  that  he  should  die  at  the 
 place  called  Strato's  Tower,  that  very  day,  while  yet  the  place  is  six  hundred  furlongs  oft", 
 where  he  had  foretold  he  should  be  slain;  and  still  this  day  is  a  great  part  of  it  already  past, 
 io  fjat  he  was  in  d:inger  of  proving  a  false  prophet."  As  he  was  saying  this,  and  that  in  a 
 melancholy  mood,  the  news  came  that  Antigonus  was  slain  in  a  place  under  ground,  which 
 itstlf  was  called  also  Strato's  Tower,  or  of  the  same  name  with  that  Cesarea  which  is  seated 
 at  the  sea.     This  event  put  the  prophet  into  a  great  disorder. 
 
 3.  But  Aristobulus  repented  immediately  of  this  slaughter  of  his  brother,  on  which  account 
 Lis  disease  increased  upon  him,  and  he  was  disturbed  in  his  mind,  upon  the  guilt  of  such 
 wickedness,  insomuch  that  his  entrails  were  corrupted  by  his  intolerable  pain,  and  he  vomited 
 blood  ;  at  which  time  one  of  the  servants  that  attended  upon  him,  and  was  carrying  his  blood 
 away,  did,  by  divine  providence,  as  I  cannot  but  suppose,  slip  down  and  shed  part  of  his  blood 
 at  the  very  place  where  there  were  spots  of  Antigonus'  blood  there  slain,  still  remaining;  and 
 when  there  was  a  crv  made  by  the  spectators,  as  if  the  servant  had  on  purpose  shed  the  blood 
 on  that  place,  Aristobulus  heard  it,  and  inquired  what  the  matter  was?  And  as  they  did  not 
 answer  him,  he  was  the  more  earnest  to  know  what  it  was,  it  being  natural  to  men  to  suspect 
 that  wliat  is  thus  concealed  is  very  had;  so  upon  his  threatening,  and  forcing  them  by  terrors 
 to  speak,  they  at  length  told  him  the  truth;  whereupon  he  slied  many  tears,  in  that  disorder  of 
 ;nind  which  arose  from  his  consciousness  of  what  he  had  done,  and  gave  a  deep  groan,  and 
 said,  "  I  am  not  therefore,  I  perceive,  to  be  concealed  from  God,  in  the  impious  and  horrid 
 crimes  I  have  been  guilty  of,  but  a  sudden  punishment  is  coming  upon  me  for  the  shedding  the 
 blood  of  mv  relations.  And  now,  O  thou  most  imprudent  body  of  mine,  how  long  will  thou 
 retain  a  soul  that  ought  to  die,  in  order  to  appease  the  ghosts  of  my  brother  and  my  mother? 
 Why  dost  thou  not  give  it  all  np  at  once?  And  why  do  I  deliver  up  my  blood  drop  by  drop, 
 to  those  whom  I  have  so  wickedly  murdered?"  In  saying  which  last  words,  he  died,  having 
 reigned  a  year.  He  was  called  a  lover  of  the  Grecians,  and  had  conferred  many  benefits  on 
 his  own  country,  and  made  war  against  Iturea,  and  added  a  great  part  of  it  to  Judea,  and 
 compelled  the  inhabitants,  if  they  would  continue  in  that  country,  to  be  circumcised,  and  to 
 live  according  to  the  Jewish  laws.  He  was  naturally  a  man  of  candour,  and  of  great  modesty, 
 as  Strabo  bears  witness,  in  the  name  of  Timagenes ;  who  says  thus :  "  This  man  was  a  person 
 of  candour,  and  very  serviceable  to  the  Jews,  for  he  added  a  country  to  them,  and  obtained  a 
 part  of  the  nation  of  the  Itureans  for  them,  and  bound  them  to  them  by  the  bond  of  the 
 circumcision  of  their  genitals." 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 How  Alexandi'fytvken  he  had  taken  the  Government,  made  an  Expedition  against  Ptohmais, 
 and  then  raised  the  Sieije  out  of  fear  vf  Ptolemy  Lalhyrus ;  and  how  Ptolemy  made  War 
 against  him,  because  lie  had  sent  to  Cleopatra  to  persuade  her  to  make  War  against  Ptolemy, 
 and  yet  pretended  to  be  in  Friendship  with  him,  ivhen  he  went  to  beat  the  Jews  in  Battle. 
 
 $  When  Aristobulus  was  dead,  his  wife  Salome,  who  by  the  Greeks  was  called  Alexandra, 
 let  his  brethren  out  of  prison,  for  Aristobulus  had  kept  them  in  bonds,  as  we  have  said  already, 
 and  made  Alexander  Janneus  king,  who  was  superior  iu  age  and  in  moderation.  This  child 
 happened  to  be  hated  by  his  father  as  soon  as  he  was  born,  and  could  never  be  permitted  to 
 come  into  his  father's  sight  till  he  died.  The  occasion  of  which  hatred  is  thus  reported  : 
 When  Ilyrcanus  chiefly  loved  the  two  eldest  sons,  Antigonus  and  Aristobulus,  God  appeared 
 to  him  in  his  sleep,  of  whom  he  incpiired,  which  of  his  sons  should  be  his  successor?  Upon 
 God's  representing  to  him  the  countenance  of  Alexander,  he  was  grieved  that  he  was  to  be 
 the  heir  of  all  his  goods,  and  sulfered  him  to   be   brought  up  in  Galilee.t     However,  God  did 
 
 *  Hence  we  learn  that  the  Essons  pretended  to  have  rules  whereby  men  might  foretell  things  to  come, 
 and  that  this  Judas,  the  Essen,  taught  those  rules  to  his  scholars:  but  whether  their  pretences  were  of  nn 
 EBtrolopical  or  magical  nature,  which  yet  in  such  religious  Jews,  who  were  utterly  forliiddeu  such  arts,  isiio 
 way  proliable,  or  to  any  liath-Col,  spoken  of  by  the  later  rabbins,  or  otherwise,  1  cauuot  tell.  See  Of  tlie 
 War,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  ^  i2. 
 
 +  The  reason  why  Ilyrcanus  suffered  not  this  son  of  his,  whom  he  did  not  lovo,  to  come  to  Tudca,  but 
 ordered  him  to  be  'lirouRlit  up  in  Galilee,  ia  suggested  by  Dr.  Hudson,  thatGuhlee  was  not  esteemed  so  happy 
 aiid  wkII  cultivated  a  country  as  Judea,  .M;Ul.  xxvi.  73.  Jolin  vii.  52.  Acts  ii.  7-  although  aniuhiT  obvious 
 reason  occurs  also,  that  he  was  farther  out  of  his  siyht  iu  Galilee  than  he  would  have  been  in  Judea. 
 
344  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 not  deceive  Hyrcanas,  for  after  the  death  of  Aristobulus,  be  certainly  took  tl:e  kingdom,  and 
 one  of  his  brethren,  who  afTected  the  kingdom,  he  slew,  and  the  other,  who  chose  to  lire  a 
 private  and  a  qaiet  life,  he  had  in  esteem. 
 
 2.  When  Alexander  Janneos  had  settled  the  government  in  the  manner  that  be  jadged 
 best,  he  made  an  expedition  against  Ptolemais  ;  and  having  overcome  the  men  in  battle,  lia 
 shut  them  up  in  the  city,  and  sat  round  about  it,  and  besieged  it ;  for  of  the  maritime  cities 
 there  remained  only  Ptolemais  and  Gaza  to  be  conquered,  besides  Strato's  Tower,  and  Dora, 
 which  were  held  by  the  tyrant  Zoiliis.  Now  while  Antiochus  Philometor,  and  Antiochus  who 
 was  called  Cyzicenus,  were  making  war  one  against  another,  and  destroying  one  another's  armies, 
 the  people  of  Ptolemais  could  have  no  assistance  from  them  ;  but  when  they  were  distressed 
 with  this  siege,  Zoilus,  who  possessed  Strato's  Tower  and  Dora,  and  maintained  a  legion  of 
 soldiers,  and,  on  occasion  of  the  contest  between  the  kings,  aflected  tyranny  himself,  came  and 
 brought  some  small  assistance  to  the  people  of  Ptolemais  ;  nor  indeed  had  the  kings  such  a 
 friendship  for  them,  as  that  they  should  hope  for  any  advantage  from  them  :  both  these  kings 
 were  in  the  case  of  wrestlers,  who  finding  themselves  deficient  in  strength,  and  yet  being 
 ashamed  to  yield,  put  off  the  fight  by  laziness,  and  by  lying  still  as  long  as  they  can.  The 
 only  hope  they  bad  remaining  was  from  the  kings  of  Egypt,  and  from  Ptolemy  Lalhyrus, 
 who  now  held  Cyprus,  and  who  came  to  Cyprus  v.hen  he  was  driven  from  the  government  of 
 Egypt  by  Cleopatra  his  mother  :  so  the  people  of  Ptolemais  sent  to  this  Ptolemy  Lathyrns, 
 and  desired  him  to  come  as  a  confederate,  to  deliver  them,  now  they  were  in  snch  danger,  out 
 of  the  bands  of  Alexander.  And  as  the  ambassadors  gave  him  hopes,  that  if  he  would  pass 
 over  into  Syria,  he  would  have  the  people  of  Gaza  on  the  side  of  those  of  Ptolemais  ;  as  they 
 also  said,  that  Zoilus,  and  besides  these  the  Sidonians,  and  many  others,  would  assist  them  :  so 
 he  was  elevated  at  this,  and  got  his  fleet  ready  as  soon  as  possible. 
 
 3.  But  in  this  interval,  Demenetus,  one  that  was  of  abilities  to  persuade  men  to  do  as  he 
 would  have  them,  and  a  leader  of  the  populace,  made  those  of  Ptolemais  change  their  opinions  : 
 and  said  to  them.  That  "  it  was  better  to  run  the  hazard  of  being  subject  to  the  Jews,  than  to 
 admit  of  evident  slavery  by  delivering  themselves  up  to  a  roaster  :  and  besides  that,  to  have 
 not  only  a  war  at  present,  but  to  expect  a  much  greater  war  from  Egypt,  for  that  Cleopatra 
 would  not  overlook  an  army  raised  by  Ptolemy  for  himself  out  of  the  neighbourhood,  but 
 would  come  against  them  with  a  great  army  of  her  own,  and  this  because  she  was  labouring  t<i 
 eject  her  son  out  of  Cyprus  also  ;  that  as  for  Ptolemy,  if  he  fail  of  his  hopes  he  can  still 
 retire  to  Cyprus,  but  that  they  will  be  left  in  the  greatc;>t  danger  possible."  Now  Ptolemy, 
 although  he  had  beard  of  the  change  that  vk-as  made  in  the  people  of  Ptolemais,  yet  did  he 
 still  go  on  with  his  voyage,  and  came  to  the  country  called  Sycamine,  and  there  set  his  array 
 on  shore.  This  army  of  his  in  the  whole,  horse  and  foot  together,  were  about  thirty  thousand, 
 with  which  he  marched  near  to  Ptolemais,  and  there  pitched  his  camp  :  but  when  the  people 
 of  Ptolemais  neither  received  his  ambassadors,  uor  would  hear  what  they  had  to  say,  he 
 was  under  a  very  great  concern. 
 
 4.  But  when  Zoilus  and  the  people  of  Gaza  came  to  him,  and  desired  his  assistance,  because 
 their  country  was  laid  waste  by  the  Jews,  and  by  Alexander,  Alexander  raised  the  siege,  for 
 fear  of  Ptolemy:  and  when  he  had  drawn  off  his  army  into  his  own  country,  he  used  a  strata- 
 gem afterwards,  by  privately  inviting  Cleopatra  to  come  against  Ptolemy,  but  publicly  pre- 
 tending to  desire  a  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  with  him  ;  and  promising  to 
 give  him  four  hundred  talents  of  silver,  he  desired  that,  by  way  of  requital,  be  would  take  off 
 Zoilus  the  tyrant,  and  give  his  country  to  the  Jews.  And  then  indeed  Ptolemy,  with  pleasure, 
 made  such  a  league  of  friendship  with  Alexander,  and  subdued  Zoilus  ;  but  when  he  afterward 
 heard  that  he  had  privily  sent  to  Cleopatra  his  mother,  he  broke  the  league  of  friendship  wiili 
 him,  and  besieged  Ptolemais,  because  it  would  not  receive  him.  However,  leaving  his  gene- 
 rals, with  some  part  of  his  forces,  to  go  on  with  the  siege,  he  went  himself  immediately  with 
 the  rest  to  lay  waste  Judea  ;  and  when  Alexander  understood  this  to  be  Ptolemy's  intention, 
 he  nlso  got  together  about  fifty  thousand  soldiers  out  of  his  own  country  ;  nay,  as  some 
 writers  have  said,*  eighty  thousand.  He  then  took  his  airny,  and  went  (o  meet  Ptolemy;  but 
 Ptolemy  fell  upon  Assochis,  a  city  of  Galilee,  and  took  it  by  force  on  the  sabbath-day,  and 
 there  he  took  about  ten  thousand  slaves,  and  a  great  deal  of  other  prey. 
 
 5.  He  then  tried  to  take  Sephoris,  which  was  a  city  not  far  from  that  which  was  destroyed, 
 bnt  lost  many  of  his  men  ;  yet  did  he  then  go  to  fight  with  Alexander,  which  Alexander  met 
 him  at  the  river  Jordan,  near  a  certain  place  called  Saphoth  [not  far  from  the  river  Jordan,]' 
 and  pitched  his  camp  near  to  the  enemy.  He  had,  however,  eight  thousand  in  the  first  rank, 
 which  he  styhd  Hecatontomachi,  having  sliields  of  brass.  Those  in  the  first  rank  of  Ptolemy's 
 soldiers  also  had  shields  covered  with  brass  :  bnt  Ptolemy's  soldiers  in  other  respects  were 
 inferior  to  those  of  Alexander,  and  therefore  were  more  fearful  of  running  hazards:  but 
 Philostephanas,  the  camp  master,  put  great  courage  into  them,  and  ordered  them  to  pass  the 
 
 *  From  these  and  other  occasional  expressions,  dropped  by  Josephns,  we  may  learn,  that  where  the  sacred 
 bonVsofihe  Jews  were  deficient,  he  had  several  other  histories  then  extant,  bi;t  now  most  of  them  lost, 
 which  he  faithfully  followed  in  his  own  history.— Nor  indeed  have  we  any  other  records  of  those  times 
 relating  to  .ludea,  that  can  be  compared  to  these  accounts  of  Josephns,  though  when  we  do  meet  with  auiheu 
 tic  fragments  of  8uch  original  records,  they  do  always  confirm  his  history. 
 
BOOK  XIII. —  CHAP.  XIII.  845 
 
 river,  which  was  between  their  cnmps  :  nor  did  Alexander  think  fit  to  hinder  their  pitssags 
 over  it,  for  he  tliought,  that  if  the  enemy  Iiad  once  gotten  the  river  on  their  hack,  that  he 
 should  the  easier  take  them  prisoners,  when  tli^;v  could  not  flee  out  of  the  battle  ;  in  the 
 beginning  of  which,  the  acts  on  both  sides,  with  their  hands,  and  with  their  alacrity,  were 
 alike,  and  a  great  slaughter  was  made  by  both  the  armies  ;  but  Alexander  was  superior,  till 
 Philostephanus  opportunely  brought  up  the  auxili«ries,  to  help  those  that  were  giving  way  ; 
 but  as  there  were  no  auxiliaries  to  afi'ord  help  to  that  part  of  the  Jews  that  gave  way,  it  fell 
 out  that  they  fled,  and  those  near  them  did  not  assist  them,  but  fled  along  with  them.  How- 
 ever, Ptolemy's  soldiers  acted  quite  otherwise  ;  for  they  followed  the  Jews,  and  killed  thera, 
 till  at  length  those  that  slew  them  pursued  after  them,  vi-hen  they  had  make  them  all  run  away, 
 and  slew  them  so  long,  that  their  weapons  of  iron  were  blunted,  and  their  hands  quite  tired  with 
 the  slaughter  ;  for  the  report  was,  that  thirty  thousand  men  were  then  slain.  Timagenes  says, 
 they  were  fifty  thousand.  As  for  the  rest,  they  were  part  of  them  taken  captives,  and  the 
 other  part  ran  away  to  their  own  country. 
 
 6.  After  this  victory,  Ptolemy  overran  all  the  country  ;  and  when  night  came  on,  he  abode 
 in  certain  villages  of  Judea,  which  when  he  found  full  of  women  and  children,  he  commanded 
 his  soldiers  to  strangle  thera,  and  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  then  to  cast  them  into  boiling  cal- 
 drons, and  then  to  devour  their  limbs  as  sacrifices.  This  commandment  was  given,  that  such 
 as  fled  from  the  battle,  and  came  to  them,  might  suppose  their  enemies  were  cannibals,  and 
 ate  i3;en's  flesh,  and  might  on  that  account  be  still  more  terrified  at  them  upon  such  a  sight. 
 And  both  Strabo  and  Nicholaus  [of  Damascus]  afiirm,  that  they  used  these  people  after  this 
 manner,  as  I  have  already  related.  Ptolemy  also  took  Ftolemais  by  force,  as  we  have  declared 
 elsewhere. 
 
 CHAP,  XIII. 
 
 How  Alexander,  upon  the  League  of  mutual  Defence  which  Cleopatra  held  agreed  ickh  him,  made 
 (m  Expedition  against  Celosyria,  and  utterly  overthrew  the  City  of  Gaza;  and  how  he  sleio 
 mam/ ten  thousands  of  Jews  that  rebelled  against  him :  also  concerning  Anliochus  Grypus, 
 Seleucus,  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  and  Anliochus  Pius,  and  others. 
 
 §  1.  When  Cleopatra  saw  that  her  son  was  grown  great,  and  laid  Judea  waste  without 
 disturbance,  and  had  gotten  the  city  of  Gaza  under  his  power,  she  resolved  no  longer  to 
 overlook  what  he  did,  when  he  was  almost  at  her  gates  ;  and  she  concluded,  that  now  he  was 
 so  much  stronger  than  before,  he  would  be  very  desirous  of  the  dominion  over  the  Egyptians  ; 
 but  she  immediately  marched  against  him  with  a  fleet  at  sea,  and  an  army  of  foot  on  land,  and 
 made  Chelsias  and  Ananias  the  Jews,  generals  of  her  whole  army,  while  she  sent  the  greatest 
 part  of  her  riches,  her  grand-children,  and  her  testament,  to  the  people  of  Cos.*  Cleopatra 
 also  ordered  her  son  Alexander  to  sail  with  a  great  fleet  to  Phenicia  :  and  when  that  country 
 Lad  revolted,  she  came  to  Ptolemais  ;  and  because  the  people  of  Ptolemais  did  not  receive 
 her,  she  besieged  the  city  ;  but  Ptolemy  went  out  of  Syria,  and  made  haste  into  Egypt,  sup- 
 posing that  he  should  find  it  destitute  of  an  army  and  soon  take  it,  though  he  failed  of  his 
 hopes.  At  this  time  Chelcias,  one  of  Cleopatra's  generals,  happened  to  die  in  Celosyria,  as 
 be  was  in  pursuit  of  Ptolemy. 
 
 2.  When  Cleopatra  heard  of  her  son's  attempt,  and  that  his  Egyptian  expedition  did  not 
 succeed  according  to  his  expectations,  she  sent  thither  part  of  her  army,  and  drove  him  out  of 
 that  country  ;  so  when  he  was  returi}ed  out  of  Egypt  again,  and  abode  during  the  winter  at 
 (,'aza,  in  which  time  Cleopatra  took  the  garrison  that  was  in  Ptolemais  by  siege,  as  well  as 
 the  city;  and  when  Alexander  came  to  her,  he  gave  her  presents,  and  such  marks  of  respect 
 as  were  but  proper,  since  under  the  miseries  he  endured  by  Ptolemy,  he  had  no  other  refuge 
 but  her.  Now  there  were  some  of  her  friends  who  persuaded  her  to  seize  Alexander,  and  to 
 overrun  and  take  possession  of  the  country,  and  not  to  sit  still  and  see  such  a  multitnde  of  brave 
 Jews  subject  to  one  man.  But  Ananias'  counsel  was  contrary  to  theirs,  who  said,  that  "she 
 would  do  an  unjust  action,  if  she  deprived  a  ni.in  that  was  her  ally,  of  that  authority  which 
 belonged  to  him,  and  this  a  man  who  is  related  to  us  ;  for,  (said  he,)  I  would  not  have  thee 
 ignorant  of  this,  that  what  injustice  thou  dost  to  him,  will  make  all  us  that  are  Jews  to  be  thy 
 enemies."  This  desire  of  Ananias,  Cleopatra  complied  with,  and  did  no  injury  to  Alexander, 
 but  made  a  league  of  mutual  assistance  with  him,  at  Scythopolis,  a  city  of  Celosyria. 
 
 :5.  So  when  Alexander  was  delivered  from  the  fear  he  was  in  of  Ptolemy,  he  presently 
 made  an  expedition  against  Celosyria.  He  also  took  Gadara,  after  a  siege  often  months.  He 
 took  also  Aniathus,  a  very  strong  fortress  belonging  to  the  inhabitants  above  Jordan,  where 
 Theodorus,  the  sun  of  Zeno,  had  his  chief  treasure,  and  what  he  esteemed  most  precious.  This 
 Zeno  fell  unexpectedly  upcm  the  Jews,  and  slew  ten  thousand  of  them,  and  seized  upon  Alexan- 
 der's baggage  :  yet  did  not  this  misfortune  terrify  Alexander,  but  he  made  an  expedition  upon 
 the  maritime  parts  of  the  country,  Raphia  and  Anthedon,  (the  name  of  which  king  Herod  after- 
 
 •  The  city,  or  island,  Cos,  is  not  that  remote  island  in  the  Kgean  Sea,  faranus  for  the  birth  of  the  great  Hip- 
 pocrates, but  a  citvor  island  of  the  same  name,  adjoining;  to  Ksypt,  mentioned  liouli  by  Steiilianiis  and  l^tolemy, 
 »K  l»r.  Hudson  informs  ua.  Of  which  Cos,  and  the  treasures  there  laid  up  by  Cleoputra  ,iud  the  Jews,  mttt 
 Aiaiq.  b.  XIV.  chaliiVii.  ^  2. 
 
 2  X 
 
346  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 wards  changed  to  Agrippias,)  and  took  even  that  by  force  :  but  when  Alexander  saw  ttiat  Pto- 
 lemy was  retired  from  Gaza  to  Cyprus,  and  his  mother  Cleopatra  was  returned  to  Eijypt,  he  grew 
 angry  at  the  people  of  Gaza,  because  they  had  invited  Ptolemy  to  assist  them,  and  besieged  their 
 city  and  ravaged  their  country.  But  as  Apollodotus,  the  general  of  the  army  of  Gaza,  fell  upon 
 tile  camp  of  the  Jews  by  night,  with  two  thousand  foreign,  and  ten  thousand  of  his  own  forces, 
 while  the  iiightlasted,  those  of  Gaza  prevailed,  the  enemy  was  made  to  believe  that  it  was  Ptolemy 
 who  attacked  them  :  but  when  day  was  come  on,  and  that  mistake  was  corrected,  and  the  Jews 
 knew  the  truth  of  the  matter,  they  came  back  again  and  fell  upon  those  of  Gaza,  and  slew  of  them 
 about  a  thousand  ;  but  as  those  of  Gaza  stoutly  resisted  them,  and  would  not  yield  for  either 
 their  want  of  anything,  nor  for  the  great  multitude  that  were  slain,  for  they  v/ould  rather  sufl'er 
 any  hardship  whatever  than  come  under  the  power  of  their  enemies,  Aretus,  king  of  the  Ara- 
 bians, a  person  then  very  illustrious,  encouraged  them  to  go  on  with  alacrity,  and  promised  them 
 that  he  would  come  to  their  assistance  ;  but  it  happened,  that  before  he  came,  Apollodotus 
 was  slain,  for  his  brother  Lvsimachus,  envying  him  for  the  great  reputation  he  had  gained 
 among  the  citizens,  slew  him,  and  got  the  army  together,  and  delivered  up  the  city  to 
 Alexander,  who,  when  he  came  in  at  iirst,  lay  quiet,  and  afterward  set  his  army  upon  the 
 inhabitants  of  Gaza,  and  gave  them  leave  to  punish  them  ;  so  some  went  one  way,  and  some 
 ■went  another,  and  slew  the  inhabitants  of  Gaxa  ;  y«t  were  not  they  of  cowardly  hearts,  but 
 opposed  those  that  came  to  slay  them,  and  slew  as  many  of  the  Jews  ;  and  some  of  them,  when 
 they  saw  themselves  deserted,  burnt  their  own  hoases,  that  the  enemy  might  get  none  of  their 
 spoils  ;  nay,  some  of  them  with  their  own  hands  slew  their  children  and  their  wives,  having 
 DO  other  way  but  this  of  avoiding  slavery  for  them  ;  bnt  the  senators,  who  were  in  all  live 
 hnndred,  fled  to  Apollo's  temple,  (for  this  attack  happened  to  be  made  as  they  were  sitting.) 
 whom  Alexander  slew  ;  and  when  he  had  utterly  overthrown  their  city,  he  returned  to  Jeru- 
 salem, having  spent  a  year  in  that  siege. 
 
 4.  About  this  very  time  Antiochus,*  who  was  called  Grypus,  died.  His  death  was  caused 
 by  Heracleon's  treachery,  when  he  had  lived  forty-five  years,  and  had  reigned  twenty-nine. t 
 His  son  Seleucus  succeeded  him  in  his  kingdom  ;  and  made  war  with  Antiochus,  his  father's 
 brother,  who  was  called  Antiochus  Cy  zicenus,  and  beat  him,  and  took  him  prisoner,  and  slew  him. 
 But  after  a  while,  Antiochus,!  the  son  of  Cyzicenus,  who  was  called  Pius,  caane  to  Aradus,  and 
 put  the  diadem  on  his  own  head,  and  made  war  with  Seleucus,  and  beat  him,  and  drove  him  ont 
 of  all  Syria.  But  when  he  fled  out  of  Syria,  he  came  to  Mopsuestia  a^ain,  and  levied  money 
 upon  them ;  but  the  people  of  Mopsuestia  had  indignation  at  what  he  did,  and  burnt  down  his 
 palace,  and  slew  him,  together  with  his  friends.  But  when  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Cyzicenus, 
 was  king  of  Syria,  Antiochus  the  brother  of  Seleucus  made  war  upon  him,  and  was  overcome, 
 and  destroyed,  he  and  his  army.  After  him,  his  brother  Philip  put  on  the  diadem,  and  reigned 
 over  some  part  of  Syria  ;  but  Ptolemy  Lathyrus  sent  for  his  fourtli  brother  Demetrius,  who  was 
 called  Eucerus,  from  Cnidus,  and  made  him  king  of  Damascus.  Both  these  brothers  did  Antio- 
 chus vehemently  oppose,  but  presently  died  ;  for  when  he  was  come  as  an  auxiliary  to  Lao- 
 dice,  queen  of  the  Gileadites,||  when  she  was  making  war  against  the  Parthians,  and  he 
 was  fi£;h)ii!g  courageously,  he  fell,  while  Demetrius  and  Philip  governed  Syria,  as  hath  been 
 elsewhere  related. 
 
 5.  As  to  Alexander,  his  own  people  were  seditions  against  him  ;  for  at  a  festival  which  was 
 then  celebrated,  when  he  stood  upon  the  altar,  and  was  going  to  sacrifice,  the  nation  rose  upon 
 him  and  pelted  him  with  citrons,  [which  they  then  had  in  their  hands,]  because  the  law  of  the 
 Jews  required,  that  at  the  feast  of  tabernacles  every  one  should  have  branches  of  tiie  palm- 
 tree  and  citron-tree:  which  thing  we  have  elsewhere  related.  They  also  reviled  him,  as 
 derived  from  a  captive,*'*  and  so  unworthy  of  bis  dignity,  and  of  sacrificing.  At  this  he  was 
 in  a  rage,  and  slew  of  them  about  six  thousand.  He  also  built  a  partition  wall  of  wood  round 
 the  altar  and  the  temple,  as  fur  as  that  partition  within  which  it  was  only  lawful  for  the  priests 
 to  enter,  and  by  this  means  he  obstructed  the  multitude  from  coming  at  him.  He  also  main- 
 tained foreigners  of  Pisidia  and  Cilicia,  for  as  to  the  Syrians,  he  was  at  war  with  them,  and 
 so  made  no  use  of  them.  He  also  overcame  the  Arabians,  such  as  the  Moabites,  and  Gilead- 
 ites,  and  made   them  bring  tribute.     Moreover,  he  demolished   Amathus,  while  Theodorus 
 
 *  This  account  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  Grypus  is  confirmed  by  Appian,  Syriac.  page  13S.  here  cited 
 hy  Spanheim. 
 
 t  Porphyry  says,  that  this  Antiochus  Grypus  reiga;d  hut  twenty-six  years,  as  Dr.  Hudson  obsei-ves. 
 
 J  The  copies  of  Josephus,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  have  here  so  grossly  false  a  reading,  Antiochus  and  Anto- 
 ninus, or  Antonius  Pius,  for  Antiochus  Pius,  that  the  editors  are  forced  to  correct  the  text  from  the  other  his- 
 torians, who  all  agree  that  this  king's  unme  was  nothing  more  than  Antiochus  Pius. 
 
 §  These  two  brothers,  Antiochus  and  Philippus,  are  called  twins  by  Porphyry ;  the  fourth  brother  was  king 
 of^Damascus.    Both  which  are  ilie  observations  of  Spanheim. 
 
 II  This  Loadicea  was  a  city  of  Gilead  beyond  Jordai.  However  Porphyry  says,  that  this  Antiochus  Pius 
 did  not  die  in  this  battle,  but  running  away,  was  drowned  in  the  river  Oronles.  A])pian  says  that  lie  was 
 deprived  of  the  kingdom  of  Syria  by  Tigranes  ,  but  Porphyry  makes  this  Laodice,  queen  of  tlie  Calamans— 
 all  which  is  noted  by  Spanheim.  In  such  confusion  of  the  later  historians,  we  have  no  reason  to  prefer  any 
 of  them  before  Josephus,  who  had  more  origina  ones  before  him. 
 
 **  This  reproach  upon  AUxander,  that  he  was  sprung  from  a  captive,  seems  only  the  repetition  of  the  old 
 rharisaical  calumny  upon  his  father,  chap.  %.  §  v. 
 
BOOK    XIII. — CilAP.    XIV.  347 
 
 darst  not  fight  with  iiim  ;"*  but  as  he  hnd  joined  battle  with  Obedas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  ^ 
 aud  fell  into  an  ambush  in  the  places  that  were  rugged  and  dillicalt  to  be  travelled  over,  he  was 
 thrown  down  into  a  deep  valley,  bjthe  muliiiude  of  the  ('auiels  at  Gadara,  a  village  oi'  Gilead, 
 and  hardly  escaped  with  his  life.  From  thence  he  fled  to  Jerusalem,  where,  besides  his 
 other  ill  success,  the  nation  insulted  him,  and  he  fought  against  them  for  six  years,  and  slew 
 no  fewer  than  fifty  thousand  of  them.  And  when  he  desired  that  they  would  desist  from  their 
 ill-will  to  him,  they  hated  hira  so  much  the  more,  on  account  of  what  had  already  happened  ; 
 and  when  he  had  asked  them  what  he  ought  to  do,  they  all  cried  out,  that  "  he  ought  to  kill 
 himself."  They  also  sent  to  Demetrius  Eucerns,  and  desired  him  to  make  a  league  of  mutual 
 defence  with  them. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 How  Demetrius  Eucerus  overcame  Alexander,  and  yet  in  a  litth  time  retired  out  of  the  Country 
 fur  fear  of  the  Jews.  As  also  how  Alexander  slew  many  of  the  Jews,  and  thereby  got  clear  of 
 his  Troubles,     Concerning  the  Death  of  Demetrius. 
 
 §  1.  So  Demetrius  came  with  an  army,  aud  took  tliose  that  invited  him,  and  pitched  his  camp 
 near  the  city  Shechem  ;  upon  which  Alexander,  with  his  six  thousand  two  hundred  mercena- 
 ries, and  about  twenty  thousand  Jews,  who  were  of  his  party,  went  against  Demetrius,  who 
 had  three  thousand  horsemen,  and  forty  thousand  footmen.  Now  there  were  great  endeavours 
 used  on  both  sides,  Demetrius  trying  to  bring  off  the  mercenaries  that  were  with  Alexander, 
 because  they  were  Greeks,  and  Alexander  trying  to  bring  oft"  the  Jews  that  were  with  Deme- 
 trius. However,  when  neither  of  them  could  persuade  them  so  to  do,  they  came  to  a  battle, 
 and  Demetrius  was  the  conqueror,  in  which  all  Alexander's  mercenaries  were  killed,  when 
 they  had  given  demnnstratiou  of  their  fidelity  and  courage.  A  great  number  of  Demetrius's 
 soldiers  were  slain  also. 
 
 2.  Now  as  Alexander  lied  to  the  mountains,  six  thousand  of  the  Jews  hereupon  came  toge- 
 ther [from  Demetrius]  to  him,  out  of  pity  at  the  change  of  his  fortune  ;  upon  which  Demetrius 
 was  afraid,  and  retired  oi;t  of  tlie  country;  after  which  the  Jews  fought  against  Alexander,  and 
 being  beaten,  were  slain  in  great  numbers  in  the  several  battles  which  they  had  ;  and  when  he 
 had  shut  np  the  most  powerful  of  them  iu  the  city  Bethome,  he  besieged  them  therein  ;  and 
 when  he  had  taken  the  city,  and  gotten  the  men  into  his  power,  he  brought  them  to  Jerusalem, 
 and  did  one  of  the  most  barbarous  actions  in  the  world  to  them  :  for  as  he  was  feasting  with 
 his  concubines,  in  the  sight  of  all  the  city,  he  ordered  about  eight  hundred  of  them  to  be  cru- 
 cified, and  while  they  were  living,  he  ordered  the  throats  of  tlieir  children  and  wives  to  be  cut 
 before  their  eyes.  This  was  indeed  by  way  of  revenge  for  the  injuries  they  had  done  him  ; 
 which  punisiiment  vet  was  of  an  inhuman  nature,  though  we  suppose  that  he  had  been  ever  so 
 much  distressed,  as  indeed  he  had  been,  by  his  wars  with  them,  for  he  had  by  their  means 
 come  to  the  last  degree  of  hazard,  both  of  his  life  and  of  his  kingdom,  while  they  were  not 
 satisfied  by  themselves  only  to  light  against  him,  hut  introduced  foreigners  also  lor  the  same 
 purpose  ;  nay,  at  length  they  reduced  him  to  that  degree  of  necessity,  that  he  was  forced  to  X 
 deliver  back  to  the  king  of  Arabia  tlie  land  of  Moab  and  Gilead,  which  he  had  subdued,  and 
 the  places  that  were  in  them,  that  they  might  not  join  with  them  in  the  war  against  him,  as  they 
 bad  done  ten  thousand  other  things  that  tended  to  affront  and  reproach  him.  i'owever,  this 
 barbarity  seems  to  have  been  without  any  necessity,  on  which  account  he  bare  the  name  of  a 
 Thracian  among  the  Jews  ;t  whereupon  the  soldiers  that  had  fought  against  him,  being  about 
 eight  thousand  in  number,  ran  away  by  night,  and  continued  fugitives  all  the  time  that  Alex- 
 ander lived  ;  who  being  now  freed  from  any  farther  disturbance  from  them,  reigned  the  rest  of 
 his  time  in  the  utmost  tranquillity. 
 
 3.  Hut  when  Demetrius  was  departed  out  of  Judea,  he  went  to  Berea,  and  besieged  his 
 brother  Philip,  having  with  him  ten  thousand  footmen,  and  a  thousand  horsemen.  However, 
 Strak)  the  tyrant  of  Beiea,  the  confederate  of  Philip,  called  in  Zizoo  the  ruler  of  the  Arabian 
 tribes,  and  Mithridates  Sinax,  the  ruler  of  the  Partliians,  who  coming  with  a  great  number  of 
 forces  and  besieging  Demetrius  in  his  encampment,  into  which  they  had  driven  him  with  iheir 
 arrows,  they  compelled  those  that  were  with  him  by  thirst  to  deliver  up  themselves.  So  they 
 look  a  great  many  spoils  out  of  that  country,  and  Demetrius  himself,  whom  they  sent  to  Mith- 
 ridates, who  was  then  king  of  Parthia,  but  as  to  those  whom  they  took  captives  of  the  peo- 
 ple of  Antioch,  they  restored  them  to  the  Antiochians  without  any  reward.  Now  Mithridates, 
 the  king  of  Parthia,  had  Demetrius  in  great  honour,  till  Demetrius  ended  his  life  by  sickness. 
 So  Philip,  presently  after  the  fight  was  over,  came  to  Antioch,  and  took  it,  and  reigned  over 
 Syria. 
 
 *  'I'his  Theoflorus  was  the  sou  of  Zisno,  and  was  in  possession  of  Amathus,  as  we  Icani  from  4  3.  foregoing. 
 +  'I'liis  uarae  Thracida.  which  the  Jews  gave  Alexauder.  mu.st,  bvthe  coherence,  denote  'as  barbarous  as  a 
 Tliracian,'  or  somewhat  like  it ;  but  what  it  propcTly  ijiguities  i£  not  known. 
 
34i5  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  XV, 
 
 How  Anliochus,  who  luns  railed  Dionysus,  and  after  him  Arefas,  made  Expeditions  trio  Judea  ; 
 as  also,  how  Alexander  took  many  Cities,  and  then  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and,  after  a  Sick- 
 ness of  Three  Years,  died ;  and  what  Counsel  he  gave  to  Alexandra. 
 
 §  1.  After  this,  Antioclins,  who  was  called  Dionysus,  and  was  Philip's  brother,*  aspired  to 
 the  dominion,  and  came  to  Damascus,  and  got  the  power  into  his  hands,  and  there  he  reigned  : 
 but  as  he  was  making  war  against  the  Arabians,  his  brother  Philip  heard  of  it,  and  came  to 
 Damascus,  where  Milesius,  who  had  been  left  governor  of  the  citadel,  and  the  Damascenes 
 themselves,  delivered  up  the  city  to  him  ;  yet  because  Philip  was  become  ungrateful  to  him, 
 and  had  bestowed  upon  liim  nothing  of  that  in  hopes  whereof  he  hadrecei\ed  him  intothecitv, 
 but  had  a  mind  to  have  it  believed  that  it  was  rather  delivered  up  out  of  fear  than  by  the  kind- 
 ness of  Milesius,  and  because  he  had  not  rewarded  him  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  he  became 
 suspected  by  him,  and  so  he  was  obliged  to  leave  Damascus  again  ;  for  Milesius  canglit  him 
 marching  out  into  the  Hippodrome,  and  shut  him  up  in  it,  and  kept  Damascus  for  Antiocbus 
 [Eucerus,]  who,  hearing  how  Philip's  affairs  stood,  came  back  out  of  Arabia.  He  also  came 
 immediately,  and  made  an  expedition  against  Judea,  with  eight  thousand  armed  footmen,  and 
 eight  hundred  horsemen.  So  Alexander,  out  of  fear  of  his  coming,  dug  a  deep  ditch,  begin- 
 ning at  Chabarzaba,  which  is  now  called  Antipatris,  to  the  sea  of  Joppa,  on  which  part  only 
 his  army  could  be  brought  against  him.  He  also  raised  a  wall,  and  erected  wooden  towers, 
 and  intermediate  redoubts,  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  furlongs  in  length,  and  there  expected  the 
 coming  of  Antiochns,  bnt  he  soon  burnt  them  all,  and  made  his  army  pass  by  thai  way  into 
 Arabia.  The  Arabian  king  [Aretas]  at  first  retreated,  but  afterward  appeared  on  the  sudden 
 with  ten  thousand  horsemen.  Antiocbus  gave  them  the  meeting,  and  fought  desperately  ;  and 
 indeed  when  he  bad  gotten  the  victory,  and  was  bringing  some  auxiliaries  to  that  part  of  his 
 army  that  was  in  distress,  he  was  slain.  When  Antiocbus  was  fallen,  his  army  fled  to  the 
 village  Cana,  where  the  greatest  part  ofthera  perished  by  famine. 
 
 2.  After  him  Aretas  reigned  over  Celosyria,t  being  called  to  the  government  by  those  that 
 held  Damascus,  by  reason  of  the  hatred  they  bare  to  Ptolemy  Menneus.  He  also  madethence 
 an  expedition  against  Judea,  and  beat  Alexander  in  battle,  near  a  place  called  Adida,  yet  did 
 he,  upon  certain  conditions  agreed  on  between  them,  retire  out  of  Judea. 
 
 3.  But  Alexander  marched  again  to  the  city  Dios,  and  took  it ;  and  then  made  an  expedition 
 against  Essa,  wherf  was  the  bestnart  of  Zeno's  treasures,  and  there  he  encompassed  the  place 
 with  three  walls  ;  and  when  be  had  taken  the  city  by  fighting,  he  marched  to  Golan  and  Seleucia  ; 
 and  when  he  had  taken  these  cities,  he,  besides  them,  took  that  valley  which  is  called  the  val- 
 ley of  Antiocbus,  as  also  the  fortress  of  Garaala.  He  also  accused  Demetrius,  who  was  gover- 
 nor of  those  places,  of  many  crimes,  and  turned  him  out  :  and  after  he  had  spent  three  years  in 
 this  war,  he  returned  to  his  owu  country,  when  the  Jews  joyfully  received  him  upon  this  his 
 good  success. 
 
 4.  Now  at  this  time  the  Jews  were  in  possession  of  the  following  cities  that  had  belonged  to 
 the  Syrians,  and  Idumeans,  and  Phenicians  ;  at  the  sea  side,  Strato's  Tower,  Apollonia,  Joppa, 
 Jamnia,  Ashdod,  Gaza,  Anthedon,  Rapliia,  and  Rhinocolura;  in  the  middle  of  the  country, 
 near  to  Idumea,  Adora,  and  Marissa ;  near  the  country  of  Samaria,  Mount  Carniel.and  Mount 
 Tabor,  Scythnpolis,  and  Gadara  ;  of  the  country  of  Gaulonitis,  Seleucia,  and  Cabala;  in  the 
 country  of  Moab,  Heshbon  and  Medaba,  Lemba,  and  Oronas,  Gelithon,  Zara,  the  valley  of  the 
 Celices,  and  Pella;  which  last  they  utterly  destroyed,  because  its  inhabitants  would  not  bear 
 to  change  their  religious  rites  for  those  peculiar  to  the  Jews.:}:  The  Jews  also  possessed  others 
 of  the  principal  cities  in  Syria,  which  had  been  destroyed. 
 
 5.  After  this,  king  Alexander,  although  he  fell  into  a  distemper  by  hard  drinking,  and  had 
 a  quartan  ague,  which  held  him  three  years,  yet  would  not  leave  off  going  out  with  bis  army, 
 till  he  was  quite  spent  with  the  labours  he  had  undergone,  and  died  in  the  bounds  of  Regaba, 
 a  fortress  beyond  Jordan.  Bnt  when  his  queen  saw  that  he  was  ready  to  die,  and  had  no 
 longer  any  hopes  of  surviving,  she  came  to  him  weeping  and  lamenting,  and  bewailed  herself, 
 and  her  sons,  on  the  desolate  condition  they  should  be  left  in  :  and  said  to  him,  "To  whora 
 dost  thou  thus  leave  me  and  my  children,  who  are  destitute  of  all  other  supports,  and  this  when 
 thou  knowest  how  much  ill-will  thy  nation  bears  thee  ?"     But  he  gave  her  tlie  following  advice, 
 
 *  Spanheim  talics  notice,  tliat  this  Antiochns  Dionysus  (the  hrother  of  Philip,  and  of  Demetrius  Eucerus, 
 and  of  two  others)  was  the  fifth  son  of  AutiochusGrypus  ;  and  that  he  is  styled  on  the  coins  "  Amiochas  Epi- 
 phanes  Dionysus." 
 
 +  This  Aretas  was  the  first  king  of  the  Araluans  who  tnoV  Damascus,  and  reigned  there  :  which  name  hecame 
 afterwards  common  to  such  Arabian  kings,  both  at  Petra  and  Damascus,  as  we  learn  from  Josephus  in  many 
 places,  and  from  St.  Paul,  2  Cor.  xi.  32.    See  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  ix.  §  4. 
 
 t  We  may  here,  and  elsewhere,  take  notice,  that  whatever  countries  or  cities  the  Asamoneans  conquered 
 from  anv  of  the  neighbouring  nations,  or  whatever  countries  or  cities  they  gained  from  them,  that  had  not 
 belongetl  to  them  before,  they,  after  the  days  of  Hyrcanus,  compelled  the  inhabitants  to  leave  their  idolatry, 
 and  entirely  to  receive  the  law  of  Moses,  as  proselytes  of  justice,  or  else  banished  thera  into  other  lauds.  That 
 excellent  prince,  .lohn  Hyrcanus,  did  it  to  the  Idumeans,  as  1  have  noted  on  chap  ix.  ^  1.  already,  who  lived 
 then  in  the  promised  land,  and  this  I  suppose  justly  ;  but  by  what  right  the  rest  did  it,  even  to  the  countries 
 or  cities  that  were  no  part  of  that  land,  1  do  not"  at  all  know.  This  looks  too  like  unjust  peraecuiion  for 
 religion. 
 
HOOK    XIII. — CHAP.    XVI.  S49 
 
 "  Tliat  she  need  but  follow  what  lie  would  suggest  to  her,  in  order  to  retain  the  kitinjdom 
 securely,  with  her  children:  that  she  sliould  conceal  his  death  from  the  soldiers  till  she  should 
 have  taken  that  place  ;  after  this  she  should  go  in  triumph,  as  upon  a  victory,  to  Jerusalem, 
 and  put  some  of  her  autliority  into  the  hands  of  the  Pharisees,  for  that  they  would  commend 
 her  for  the  honour  she  had  done  them,  and  would  reconcile  the  nation  to  her;  for  he  told  her, 
 they  had  great  authority  among  the  Jews,  both  to  do  hurt  to  such  as  they  hated,  and  to  bring 
 advantages  to  those  to  whom  they  were  friendly  disposed,  for  that  they  are  then  believed  best 
 of  all  by  the  multitude  when  tiiey  speak  any  severe  thing  against  others,  though  it  be  only  out 
 of  envy  at  them.  And  he  said,  that  it  was  by  their  means  that  he  had  incurred  (he  displeasure 
 of  the  nation,  whom  indeed  he  had  injured.  Do  thou,  therefore,  said  he,  when  thou  art  come 
 to  Jerusalem,  send  for  the  leading  men  among  them,  and  shew  them  my  body,  and  with  great 
 appearance  of  sincerity,  give  them  leave  to  use  it  as  they  themselves  please,  whether  they  will 
 dishonour  the  dead  body,  by  refusing  it  burial,  as  having  severely  suffered  by  my  means,  or 
 whether  in  their  anger  they  will  ofl'er  any  other  injury  to  that  body.  Promise  them  also,  that 
 thou  wilt  do  nothing  without  them  in  the  afl'airs  of  the  kingdom.  If  thou  dost  but  say  this  to 
 them,  I  shall  have  the  honour  of  a  more  glorious  funeral  from  them  than  thou  conldst  have 
 made  for  me  ;  and  when  it  is  in  their  power  to  abuse  my  dead  body,  they  will  do  it  no  injury  at 
 all,  and  thou  wilt  rule  in  safety."*  So  when  he  had  given  his  wife  this  advice,  he  died,  after 
 he  Lad  reigned  twenty-seven  years,  and  lived  fifty  years  within  one. 
 
 CHAP.  XVI. 
 
 How  Alexandra,  hxj  gainiiuj  the  good-will  of  the  Pharisees,  retained  the  Kingdom  Nine  Years, 
 and  then,  having  dune  many  glorious  Actions,  died. 
 
 §  1 .  So  Alexandra,  when  she  had  taken  the  fortress,  acted  as  her  husband  liad  suggested  to 
 ber,  and  sjiake  to  the  Pharisees,  and  put  all  things  into  tlieir  power,  both  as  to  the  dead  body, 
 and  as  to  the  alTaiis  of  the  kingdom,  and  thereby  pacified  their  anger  against  Alexander,  and 
 made  them  bear  good-will  and  friendship  to  him  ;  who  then  came  among  the  multitude,  and 
 made  speeches  to  them,  and  laid  before  them  the  actions  of  Alexander,  and  told  them  that  they 
 had  lost  a  righteous  king ;  and  by  the  commendation  they  gave  him,  they  brought  them  to 
 grieve,  and  to  be  in  heaviness  for  him,  so  that  he  had  a  funeral  more  splendid  than  had  any  of 
 the  kings  before  him.  Alexander  left  behind  him  two  sons,  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus,  but 
 committed  the  kingdom  to  Alexandra.  Now,  as  to  these  two  sons,  Hyrcanus  was  indeed 
 unable  to  manage  public  all'airs,  and  delighted  rather  in  a  qniet  life  ;  but  the  younger,  Aristo- 
 bulus, was  an  active  and  a  bold  man  ;  and  for  this  woman  herself,  Alexandra,  she  was  loved 
 by  the  multitude,  because  she  seemed  displeased  at  the  offences  her  husband  had  been  guilty  of. 
 2.  So  she  made  Hyrcanus  high  priest,  because  he  was  tlie  elder,  but  much  more  because  he 
 cared  not  to  meddle  with  politics,  and  permitted  the  Pharisees  to  do  every  thing  ;  to  whom 
 also  slie  ordered  the  multitude  to  he  obedient.  Siie  also  restored  again  those  practices  which 
 the  Pharisees  had  introduced,  according  to  the  traditions  of  their  forefathers,  and  which  her 
 father-in-law,  Hyrcanus,  had  abrogated.  So  she  had  indeed  the  name  of  the  Regent,  but  the 
 Pharisees  had  the  authority  ;  for  it  was  they  who  restored  such  as  had  been  banished,  and  set 
 such  as  were  prisoners  at  liberty,  and,  to  say  all  at  once,  they  differed  in  nothing  from  lords. 
 However,  the  queen  also  took  care  of  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  got  together  a  great  body 
 of  mercenary  soldiers,  and  increased  her  own  army  to  such  a  degree,  that  she  became  terrible 
 to  the  neighbouring  tyrants,  and  took  hostages' of  them  ;  and  the  country  was  entirely  at  peace, 
 excepting  the  Pharisees  ;  for  they  disturbed  the  queen,  and  desired  that  she  should  kill  those 
 who  persuaded  Alexander  to  slay  the  eight  hundred  men  ;  after  which  they  cut  the  throat  of 
 one  of  them,  Diogenes  :  and  after  him  they  did  the  same  to  several,  one  after  another,  till  the 
 men  tliat  were  the  most  potent  came  into  the  palace,  and  Aristobulus  with  them,  for  he  seemed 
 to  be  displeased  at  what  was  done,  and  it  appeared  openly,  that  if  he  had  an  opportunity,  he 
 would  not  permit  his  mother  to  go  on  so.  These  put  the  queen  in  mind  what  great  dangers 
 they  had  gone  through,  and  great  things  they  had  done,  whereby  they  had  demonstrated  the 
 firmness  of  tlieir  fidelity  to  their  master,  insomuch,  that  they  had  received  the  greatest  marks 
 of  favour  from  hiin  ;  and  they  begged  of  her,  that  she  would  not  utterly  blast  their  hopes,  as 
 
 It  sepnis,  by  this  dying  advice  of  Alexander  .Tai.ueus  to  his  wife,  that  he  had  himself  pursued  the  mea- 
 sures of  his  fatlitr  Hyrcanus,  and  taken  part  with  the  SariduceeB,  who  kept  close  to  the  written  law,  against 
 the  I'harisees,  wlio  had  introduced  their  o-mi  traditions,  chap.  xvi.  Vi.  and  that  he  now  saw  a  political  neces- 
 sity of  submitting  to  the  Pharisees,  and  their  traditions  hereafter,  if  his  widow  and  l^jniily  minded  to  retain 
 flieir  monarchical  government  or  tyranny  over  the  Jewish  nation  :  which  sect  yet.  tlius  supported,  were  at  last 
 in  a  great  measure  the  ruin  of  the  religion,  government,  and  nation  of  the  .lews,  and  l>ro\iv;lit  lluni  into  so  wicked 
 a  state,  that  the  vengeance  of  (iod  came  upon  them  to  their  utter  excision.  Just  tlii;s  did  Caiaphas  politically 
 advise  the  .lewish  sanhedrim,  .lohn  xi.  50.  '  that  it  was  expedient  for  them  that  one  man  should  die  for  the 
 peojile,  and  that  the  whole  nation  perish  not,'  and  this  in  consequence  of  their  own  political  supposal,  ver.  4K. 
 that  '  if  they  let  .lesus  alone,  with  his  miracles,  all  men  would  believe  on  him,  and  the  Romans  would  come 
 and  take  away  both  their  place  and  nation.'  Which  political  crucifixion  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  brought  down 
 the  vengeance  of  God  upon  them,  and  occasioned  those  very  Komans,  of  whom  they  seemed  so  much  afraid, 
 that  to  prevent  it  they  put  him  to  death,  actually  to  come  and  take  awav  both  their  place  and  nation,  within  3K 
 years  afterwards.  1  heartily  wish  the  polnicians  of  Christendom  would  consider  these  and  the  like  examples, 
 and  no  longer  sacrifice  all  virtue  and  religion  to  tlieir  pernicious  schemes  of  government,  to  the  bringing  down 
 the  judgment  of  liod  upon  themselves,  and  the  several  nalions  intrusted  to  their  care.  But  this  is  a  digres- 
 sion ;  1  wish  it  were  an  unseasonable  one  also.  J osephus  himself  several  time?  makes  such  digressions,  and  \ 
 here  venture  to  follow  him.    bee  one  of  them  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ver-  next  chapter. 
 
350  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 it  now  happened,  that  when  they  had  escaped  the  hazards  tliat  arose  from  their  [open]  ene. 
 niics,  they  were  to  be  cut  off  at  liunie,  by  their  [private]  enemies,  like  brute  beasts,  without  any 
 lielj)  whatsoever.  They  said  also,  that  if  their  adversaries  would  be  satisfied  with  those  that  had 
 been  slain  already,  they  would  take  what  had  been  done  patiently,  on  account  of  their  natural  love 
 to  their  governors  ;  but  if  they  must  expect  the  same  for  the  future  also,  they  implored  of  her  a 
 dismission  from  her  service,  for  they  could  not  bear  to  think  of  attempting  any  method  for  their 
 deliverance  without  her,  but  would  rather  die  willingly  before  the  palace-gate,  in  case  she 
 would  not  forgive  lliem.  And  that  it  was  a  great  shame  both  for  themselves,  and  for  the  queen, 
 that  when  they  were  neglected  by  her,  they  should  come  under  the  lash  of  her  husband's  ene- 
 mies :  for  tliat  Arelas,  the  Arabian  king,  and  the  monarchs,  would  give  any  reward,  if  they 
 could  get  such  men  as  foreign  auxiliaries,  to  whom  their  very  names,  before  their  voices  be 
 beard,  may  perhaps  be  terrible  :  bnt  if  they  could  not  obtain  this  their  second  request,  and  if 
 she  had  determined  to  prefer  the  Pharisees  before  them,  they  still  insisted  that  she  would  place 
 them  every  one  in  her  fortresses  ;  for  if  some  fatal  demon  had  a  constant  spite  against  Alexan- 
 der's house,  they  would  be  willing  to  bear  their  part,  and  to  live  in  a  private  station  there." 
 
 3.  As  these  men  said  thus,  and  called  upon  Alexander's  ghost  for  commiseration  of  those 
 already  slain,  and  those  in  danger  of  it,  all  the  bystanders  brake  out  into  tears  :  but  Aristobu- 
 lus  chietly  made  manifest  what  were  his  sentiments,  and  used  many  reproachful  expressions  to 
 Lis  mother  [saying,]  "  Nay,  indeed,  the  case  is  this,  that  they  have  been  themselves  the  authors 
 of  their  own  calamities,  who  have  permitted  a  woman  who,  against  reason,  was  mad  with  am- 
 bition, til  reign  over  them,  when  there  were  sons  in  the  flower  of  their  age  fitter  for  it."  So 
 Alexandra  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  any  decency,  committed  the  fortresses  to  them,  all  but 
 Hyrcania  and  Alexandrium,  and  Macherus,  where  her  principal  treasures  were.  After  a  little 
 while  also,  she  sent  her  son  Aristobulus  with  an  army  to  Damascus  against  Ptolemy,  who  was 
 called  Menneus,  who  was  such  a  bad  neighbour  to  the  city;  but  he  did  nothing  considerable 
 there,  and  so  returned  home. 
 
 4.  About  this  time  news  was  brought  that  Tigranes,  the  king  of  Armenia,  had  made  an 
 irruption  into  Syria  with  five  hundred  thousand  soldiers,*  and  was  coming  against  Judea.  This 
 news,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  terrified  the  queen  and  the  nation.  Accordingly,  they  sent  him 
 many  and  very  valuable  presents  ;  as  also  ambassadors,  and  that  as  he  was  besieging  Ptoie- 
 mais;  for  Selene  the  queen,  the  same  that  was  also  called  Cleopatra,  ruled  then  over  Syria, 
 ■who  had  persuaded  the  inhabitants  to  exclude  Tigranes.  So  the  Jewish  ambassadors  interceded 
 with  him,  and  entreated  him  that  he  would  determine  nothing  that  was  severe  about  their 
 queen  or  nation.  He  commended  them  for  the  respects  they  paid  him  at  so  great  a  distance, 
 and  gave  them  good  hopes  of  his  favour.  But  as  soon  as  Ptolemais  was  taken,  news  came  to 
 Tigranes  that  LucuUus,  in  his  pursuit  of  Mithridates,  could  not  light  upon  him,  who  was  fled 
 into  Iberia,  but  was  laying  waste  Armenia,  and  besieging  its  cities.  Now  when  Tigranes 
 knew  this,  he  returned  home. 
 
 5.  After  this,  when  the  qneen  was  fallen  into  a  dangerous  distemper,  Aristobulus  resolved 
 to  attempt  the  seizing  of  the  government ;  so  be  stole  away  secretly  by  night,  with  only  one  of 
 his  servants,  and  went  to  the  fortresses  wherein  his  friends  that  were  such  from  the  days  of 
 bis  father,  were  settled :  for  as  he  had  been  a  great  while  displeased  at  his  mother's  conduct, 
 so  he  was  now  much  more  afraid,  lest,  upon  her  death,  their  whole  family  should  be  under  the 
 power  of  the  Pharisees,  for  he  saw  the  inability  of  his  brother,  who  was  to  succeed  in  the 
 government:  nor  was  any  one  conscious  of  what  he  was  doing,  but  only  his  wife,  whom  he  left 
 at  Jerusalem  with  their  children.  He  first  of  all  came  to  Agaba,  where  was  Galestes,  one  of 
 tlis  potent  men  before  mentioned,  and  was  received  by  him.  When  it  was  day  the  queen  per- 
 ceived that  Aristobulus  was  fled  ;  and  for  some  time  she  supposed  that  his  departure  was  not 
 in  order  to  make  any  innovation  ;  but  when  messengers  came  one  after  another  with  the  news 
 that  he  had  secured  the  first  place,  the  second  place,  and  all  the  places,  for  as  soon  as  one  had 
 begun,  they  all  submitted  to  his  disposal,  then  it  was  that  the  queen  and  the  nation  were  in  the 
 gi-eatest  disorder,  for  tliey  were  aware  that  it  would  not  be  long  ere  Aristobulus  would  be 
 iilile  to  settle  himself  firmly  in  the  government.  What  they  were  principally  afraid  of  was 
 this,  that  he  would  inllict  punishment  upon  them  for  the  mad  treatment  his  house  had  had  from 
 them  :  so  they  resolved  to  take  his  wife  and  children  into  custody,  and  keep  them  in  the  for- 
 tress that  was  over  the  temple. t  Now  there  was  a  mighty  conflux  of  people  that  came  to 
 Aristobulus  from  all  parts,  insomuch  that  he  had  a  kind  of  royal  attendants  about  him  ;  for  in 
 little  more  than  fifteen  days  he  got  twenty-two  strong  places,  which  gave  him  the  opportunity 
 of  raising  an  army  from  Libanus  and  Trachonitis,  and  the  monarchs  :  for  men  are  easily  led  by 
 the  greater  number,  and  easily  submit  to  them.  And  besides  this,  that  by  affording  him  their 
 assistance  when  he  could  not  expect  it,  they,  as  well  as  he,  should  have  the  advantages  that 
 would  come  by  his  being  king,  because  they  had  been  the  occasion  of  his  gaining  the  kingdom. 
 
 •  The  number  of  5C.0,(XX1,  or  even  300.000,  as  one  Greek  copy,  with  the  Latin  copies,  have  it,  Tigranes' 
 army,  that  came  out  of  Armenia  into  Syvin  and  .ludea,  seems  much  too  large.  We  have  had  already  several 
 such  extravagant  numbers  iji  .losephus's  present  copies,  which  are  not  to  be  at  all  ascribed  to  him.  Accord- 
 ingly, I  incline  to  Dr.  Hudson's  emendation  here,  which  supposes  them  but  40,000. 
 
 +  This  fortress,  castle,  citadel,  or  tower,  whither  the  wife  and  children  of  Aristobulus  were  now  sent,  and 
 which  overlooked  the  temple,  could  be  no  other  than  what  ItjTcanus  1.  built.  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap,  iv.  i  3. 
 and  lierod  the  Great  rebuilt,  and  called  the  Tower  of  Aulouia,  .Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  xi.  §  5. 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP.   I.  351 
 
 Now  the  elders  of  tUe  Jews,  and  Hyrcanus  with  them,  went  in  unto  the  qut-en,  and  desired, 
 "  that  she  would  give  them  her  sentiments  about  the  present  posture  of  ad'airs,  for  that  Aris- 
 tobulus  was  in  ellect  lord  of  almost  all  the  kingdom,  bj  possessing  of  so  many  strong  holds, 
 and  that  it  was  absurd  for  them  to  take  any  counsel  by  themselves,  how  ill  soever  she  were, 
 whilst  she  was  alive,  and  that  the  danger  would  be  upon  thsm  in  no  long  time."  But  she 
 "bade  them  do  what  they  thought  proper  to  be  done  :  that  they  had  man3-  circumstances  in 
 their  favour  still  remaining;  a  nation  in  good  heart,  an  army,  and  money  in  their  several  trea- 
 suries, for  that  she  had  small  concern  for  public  affairs  cow,  when  the  strength  of  her  body 
 already  failed  her." 
 
 C.  Now  a  little  while  after  she  had  said  this  to  them,  she  died,  when  she  bad  reigned  nine 
 years,  and  had  in  all  lived  seventy-three.  A  woman  she  was  who  shewed  no  signs  of  the 
 weakness  of  her  sex,  for  she  was  sagacious  to  the  greatest  degree  in  her  ambition  of  govern- 
 ing, and  demonstrated  by  her  doini;s  at  once,  that  her  mind  was  fit  for  action,  and  that  some- 
 times men  themselves  shew  the  little  understanding  they  Lave  by  the  frequent  mistakes  they 
 make  in  point  of  government;  for  she  always  preferred  the  present  to  futurity,  and  preferred 
 the  power  of  an  imperious  dominion  above  all  things,  and  in  comparison  of  that  had  no  regard 
 to  what  was  good,  or  what  was  right.  However,  she  brought  the  affairs  of  her  house  lo  such 
 an  unfortunate  condition,  that  she  was  the  occasion  of  the  taking  away  that  authority  from  it, 
 and  that  in  no  long  time  afterward,  which  she  had  obtained  by  a  vast  number  of  hazards  and 
 misfortunes,  and  this  ont  of  a  desire  of  what  does  not  belong  to  a  woman^  and  all  by  a  com- 
 pliance in  her  sentiments  with  those  that  bare  ill-will  to  their  family,  and  by  leaving  the  admi- 
 nistration destitute  of  a  proper  support  of  great  men  :  and  indeed  her  management  during  her 
 administration,  while  she  was  alive,  was  such,  as  filled  the  palace  after  her  death,  with  cala- 
 mities and  disturbance.  However,  although  this  had  been  her  way  of  governing,  she  preserved 
 the  nation  in  peace.     And  this  is  the  conclusion  of  the  affairs  of  Alexandra. 
 
 BOOK  XIV. 
 
 COT-JTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  THIRTY-TWO  yEABS.-FROM  THE  DEATH   OF 
 QUEEN  ALEXANDRA  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ANTIGONUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 The  War  between  Aristohubis  and  Hyrcanus  ahnulthe  Kingdom;  and  how  Ihey  made  an  Agree- 
 ment that  Aristobulus  should  be  King,  and  Hyrcanus  live  a  private  Life:  as  also,  how  Hyr- 
 canus, a  little  afterward,  was  jiersuadedby  Aiitipater  tojiy  to  Areias. 
 
 §  1.  We  have  related  the  affairs  of  queen  Alexandra,  and  her  death,  in  the  foregoing  book, 
 and  will  now  speak  of  what  followed,  and  was  connected  with  those  histories  ;  declaring,  before 
 we  proceed,  that  we  have  nothing  so  ranch  at  heart  as  this,  that  we  may  omit  no  facts,*  either 
 through  ignorance  or  laziness,  for  we  are  upon  the  history  and  explication  of  such  things  as 
 the  greatest  part  are  unacquainted  withal,  because  of  their  distance  from  our  times  ;  and  we 
 aim  to  do  it  with  a  proper  beauty  of  style,  so  far  as  that  is  derived  from  proper  words  harmo- 
 nically disposed,  and  frora  such  ornaments  of  speech  also  as  may  contribute  to  the  pleasure  of 
 our  readers,  that  we  may  entertain  the  knowledge  of  what  we  write  with  some  agreeable  satis- 
 faction and  pleasure.  But  the  principal  scope  that  authors  ought  to  aim  at  above  all  the  rest,  is 
 to  speak  accurately,  and  to  speak  truly,  for  the  satisfaction  of  those  that  are  otherwise  unac- 
 quainted with  such  transactions,  and  obliged  to  believe  what  these  writers  inform  them  of. 
 
 2.  Hyrcanus  then  began  his  high  priesthood  on  tiie  third  year  of  the  hundred  and  seventy- 
 seventh  Olympiad,  when  Quintus  Hortensius  and  Quintus  Metellus,  who  was  called  Metellus  ot 
 Crete,  were  consuls  at  Rome  ;  when  presently  Aristobulus  began  to  make  war  against  him,  and  as 
 it  came  to  a  battle  with  Hyrcanus  at  Jericho,  many  of  the  soldiers  deserted  him,  and  went  over 
 to  his  brother  ;  upon  which  Hyrcanus  fled  into  tlie  citadel,  where  Aristobuius's  wife  and 
 children  were  imprisoned  by  their  mother,  as  we  have  said  already,  and  attacked  and  overcame 
 those  his  adversaries  that  had  fled  thither,  and  lay  within  the  walls  of  the  temple.  So  when  he 
 had  sent  a  message  to  his  brother  about  agreeing  the  matters  between  thein,  he  laid  aside  his 
 enmity  to  him  on  these  conditions,  that  Aristobulus  should  be  king,  that  he  should  live  with- 
 out intermeddling  with  public  affairs,  and  quietly  enjoy  the  estate  he  had  acquired.  When 
 they  had  agreed  upon  these  terms  in  the  temple,  and  had  confirmed  the  agreement  with  oaths, , 
 and  the  giving  one  another  their  right  hands,  and  embracing  one  another  in  the  sight  of  the 
 whole  multitude,  they  departed ;  the  one,  Aristobulus,  to  the  palace  ;  and  Hyrcanus,  as  a  pri- 
 vate man,  to  the  former  house  of  Aristobulus. 
 
 *  Reland  takes  notice  here,  very  justly,  how  .losephus's  declaration,  that  it  was  his  great  concern  not  only 
 to  write  au  agreeaWe.  an  accurate,  and  a  true  history',  but  also  distinctly  not  to  omit  any  thing  fofoonseiiuencej 
 either  tVirouvrh  ignorance  or  laziness,  implies  that  he  could  uot,  consisteutly  with  that  resolution,  omit  the 
 intniion  of  [so  famous  a  person  as]  Jesus  Christ. 
 
852  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS 
 
 3.  But  there  was  a  certain  friend  of  Hyrcanos,  an  Idumean,  called  Antipater,  who  wai 
 Tery  rich,  and  in  his  nature  an  active  and  a  seditious  man  ;  who  was  at  enmity  with  Aristobu- 
 liis,  and  had  diflerences  with  him  on  account  of  his  good-will  to  Hyrcanus.  It  is  true  that 
 I^icolaus  of  Damasoas  says,  that  Antipater  was  of  the  stock  of  the  principal  Jews  who  came 
 out  of  Babylon  intojadea;  but  that  assertion  of  his  was  to  gratify  Herod,  who  was  his  son, 
 and  who,  by  certain  revolutions  of  fortune,  came  afterward  to  be  king  of  tlie  Jews,  whose  his- 
 tory we  shall  give  you  in  its  proper  place  hereafter.  However,  this  Antipater  was  at  first 
 called  Antipas,*  and  that  was  his  father's  name  also:  of  whom  they  relate  this,  that  king  Alex- " 
 ander  and  bis  wife  made  him  general  of  all  Idumea,  and  that  he  made  a  league  of  friendship 
 with  those  Arabians,  and  Gazites,  and  Ascalonites,  that  were  of  his  own  party,  and  had,  by 
 many  and  large  presents,  made  them  his  fast  friends.  But  now,  this  younger  Antipater  was  suspi- 
 cious of  the  power  of  Aristobulus,  and  was  afraid  of  some  mischief  he  might  do  him,  because 
 of  his  hatred  to  him,  so  he  stirred  up  the  most  powerful  of  the  Jews,  and  talked  against  him  to 
 them  privately;  and  said,  that  "it  wasnnjust  to  overlook  the  conduct  of  Aristobulus,  who  had 
 gotten  the  government  unrighteously,  and  ejected  his  brother  out  of  it,  who  was  the  elder,  and 
 ought  to  retain  what  belonged  to  him  by  prerogative  of  his  birth."  And  the  same  speeches  he 
 perpetually  made  to  Hyrcanus  ;  and  told  him,  that  his  own  life  would  be  in  danger,  unless  he 
 guarded  himself,  and  got  shut  of  Aristobulus  ;  for  he  said,  that  the  friends  of  Aristobulus  omit- 
 ted no  opportunity  of  advising  him  to  kill  him,  as  being  then,  and  not  before,  sure  to  retain 
 his  principality.  Hyrcanus  gave  no  credit  to  these  words  of  his,  as  being  of  a  gentle  disposi- 
 tion, and  one  that  did  not  easily  admit  of  calumnies  against  other  men.  This  temper  of  his, 
 not  disposing  him  to  meddle  with  public  affairs,  and  want  of  spirit,  occasioned  him  to  appear 
 to  spectators  to  be  degenerate  and  unmanly;  while  Aristobulus  was  of  a  contrary  temper,  an 
 active  man,  and  one  of  a  great  and  generous  soul. 
 
 4.  Since  therefore  Antipater  saw  that  Hyrcanus  did  not  attend  to  what  he  said,  he  never 
 ceased,  day  by  day,  to  charge  feigned  crimes  upon  Aristobulus,  and  to  calumniate  him  before 
 Lim,  as  if  he  had  a  mind  to  kill  him,  and  so,  by  urging  him  perpetually,  he  advised  him,  and 
 persuaded  him  to  fly  to  Aretas,  the  king  of  Arabia,  and  promised,  that  if  he  would  comply  with 
 his  advice,  he  would  also  himself  assist  him,  [and  go  with  him.]  When  Hyrcanus  heard  this, 
 he  said  that  it  was  for  his  advantage  to  fly  away  to  Aretas.  Now  Arabia  is  a  country  that  bor- 
 ders upon  Judea.  However,  Hyrcanus  sent  Antipater  first  to  the  king  of  Arabia,  in  order  to 
 receive  assurances  from  him,  that  when  he  should  come  in  the  manner  of  a  supplicant  to  him, 
 he  would  not  deliver  him  up  to  his  enemies.  So  Antipater  having  received  such  assurances, 
 returned  to  Hyrcanus  to  Jerusalem.  Awhile  afterward  he  took  Hyrcanus,  and  stole  out  of 
 the  city  by  night,  and  went  a  great  journey,  and  came  and  brought  him  to  the  city  called  Petra, 
 where  the  palace  of  Aretas  was  ;  and  as  he  was  a  very  familiar  friend  of  that  king's,  he  per- 
 suaded him  to  bring  back  Hyrcanus  into  Judea,  and  his  persuasion  he  continued  every  day 
 without  any  intermission.  He  also  proposed  to  make  him  presents  on  that  account.  At  length 
 he  prevailed  with  Aretas  in  his  suit.  Moreover,  Hyrcanus  promised  him,  that  when  he  had 
 been  brought  thither,  and  had  received  his  kingdom,  he  would  restore  that  country,  and  those 
 twelve  cities  which  his  father  Alexander  had  taken  from  the  Arabians,  which  were  these,  Me- 
 daba,  Nabailo,  Libias,  Tharabasa,  Agala,  Athooe,  Zoar,  Orone,  Marissa,  Rudda,  Lussa,  and 
 Oruba. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 Hoic  Aretas  and  Hyrcanus  made  r.n  Expedilion  against  Aristobulus,  and  besieged  Jerusalem ; 
 
 and  how  Scuurus,  the  Roman  General,  raised  the  Siege,  Concerning  the  Death  of  Onias. 
 §  1.  After  these  promises  had  been  given  to  Aretas,  he  made  an  expedition  against  Aristo- 
 bulus, with  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  horse  and  foot,  and  beat  him  in  the  battle.  And  when 
 after  that  victory  many  went  over  to  Hyrcanus  as  deserters,  Aristobulus  was  left  desolate,  and 
 fled  to  Jerusalem^  upon  which  the  king  of  Arabia  took  all  his  army  and  made  an  assault  upon 
 the  temple,  and  besieged  Aristobulus  therein,  the  people  still  supporting  Hyrcanus,  and  assist- 
 ing him  in  the  siege,  while  none  but  the  priests  continued  with  Aristobulus.  So  Aretas  united 
 the  forces  of  the  Arabians  and  of  the  Jews  together,  and  pressed  on  the  siege  vigorously.  As 
 this  happened  at  the  time  whe«i  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  was  celebrated,  which  we  call 
 the  passover,  the  principal  men  among  the  Jews  left  the  country  and  fled  into  Egypt.  Now 
 there  was  one  whose  name  was  Onias,  a  righteous  man  he  was,  and  beloved  of  God,  who,  in  a 
 certain  drought,  had  prayed  to  God  to  put  an  end  to  the  intense  heat,  and  whose  prayers  God 
 had  heard,  and  had  sent  them  rain.  Tliis  man  had  hid  himself,  because  he  saw  that  this  sedi- 
 tion would  last  a  great  while.  However,  they  brought  him  to  the  Jewish  camp,  and  desired, 
 that  as  by  his  prayers  he  had  once  put  an  end  to  the  drought,  so  he  would  in  like  manner  make 
 imprecations  on  Aristobulus,  and  those  of  his  faction.  And  when,  upon  his  refusal,  and  the 
 excuses  that  he  made,  he  was  still  by  the  multitude  compelled  to  speak,  he  stood  up  in  the 
 midst  of  them,  and  said,  "  O  God,  the  king  of  the  whole  world!  since  those  that  stand  now 
 with  me  are  thy  people,  and  those  that  are  besieged  are  also  thy  priests,  I  beseech  thee,  that 
 
 *  That  the  famous  Antipater's  or  Antipas's  father  was  also  Antipater  or  Antipas,  (which  two  may  justly  be 
 esteemed  one  and  the  same  name,  tin;  former  with  a  (Ireek  or  Gentile,  the  latter  with  a  Hebrew  or  JewisU 
 termination,)  .(osephus  here  assures  us,  tliough  Eusehiiis  indeed  says  it  was  Herod. 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP,  III.  353 
 
 Uiou  wilt  neither  heHrken  to  llie  prayers  of  those  against  these,  nor  bring  to  e(rect  what  these 
 pray  ngainst  those."  Wliereupon  such  wicked  Jews  as  stood  al)0ut  him,  us  soon  as  he  had 
 made  this  prayer,  stoned  him  to  deatli. 
 
 2.  But  God  punished  them  immediately  for  this  their  barbarity,  and  took  vengeance  of  thetn 
 lor  tlie  murder  of  Onias,  in  the  manner  following :  while  the  priests  and  Aristobulus  were 
 besieged,  it  happened  that  the  feast  called  the  passover  was  come,  at  which  it  is  our  custom 
 to  ofler  a  great  ijuniber  of  sacrifices  to  God;  but  those  that  were  with  Aristobulus  wanted 
 sacrifices,  and  desired  that  their  countrymen  without  would  furnish  them  with  such  sacrifices, 
 and  assured  them  they  should  have  ns  much  money  for  them  as  they  should  desire ;  and  when 
 they  required  them  to  pay  a  thousand  drachmae  for  each  head  of  cattle,  Aristobulus  and  the 
 priests  willingly  undertook  to  pay  for  them  accordingly,  and  those  within  let  down  the  money 
 over  the  walls,  and  gave  it  them.  But  when  the  others  had  received  it,  they  did  not  deliver 
 the  sacrifices,  but  arrived  at  that  height  of  wickedness  as  to  break  the  assurances  they  hail 
 given,  and  to  be  guilty  of  impiety  towards  God,  by  not  furnishing  those  that  wanted  them  witli 
 sacrifices.  And  when  the  priests  found  they  had  been  cheated,  and  that  the  agreements  they 
 had  made  were  violated,  they  prayed  to  God,  that  he  would  avenge  them  on  their  countrymen. 
 Nor  did  be  delay  (hat  their  punishment,  but  sent  a  strong  and  vehement  storm  of  wind,  that 
 destroyed  the  frails  of  the  whole  country,  till  a  modius  of  wheat  was  then  bought  for  eleven 
 drachmae. 
 
 3.  In  the  mean  time  Porapey  sent  Scaurus  into  Syria,  while  he  was  himself  in  Armenia,  and 
 making  war  with  Tigranes :  but  when  Scaurus  was  come  to  Damascus,  and  found  that  Lollius 
 and  Metelius  had  newly  taken  the  city,  he  came  himself  hastily  into  Judea.  And  when  he 
 was  come  thither,  ambassadors  came  to  him,  both  from  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus,  and  both 
 desired  he  would  assist  them.  And  when  lioth  of  them  promised  to  give  him  money,  Aristo- 
 bulus four  hundred  thousand  talents,  and  Hyrcanus  no  less,  he  accepted  of  Aristobulus'  pro- 
 mise, for  he  was  rich  and  had  a  great  soul,  and  desired  to  obtain  nothing  but  what  was  mode- 
 rate ;  whereas  the  other  was  poor,  and  tenacious,  and  made  incredible  promises  in  hopes  of 
 greater  advantages;  for  it  was  not  the  same  thiug  to  take  a  city,  that  was  exceeding  strong 
 and  powerful,  as  it  was  to  eject  out  of  the  country  some  fugitives,  with  a  greater  number  of 
 Nahateans,  who  were  no  very  warlike  people.  He  therefore  made  an  agreement  with  Aristo- 
 bulus, for  the  reasons  before  mentioned,  and  took  his  money,  and  raised  the  siege,  and  ordered 
 .\rctas  to  depart,  or  else  he  should  be  declared  an  enemy  to  the  Romans.  So  Scaurus  returned 
 to  Damascus  again ;  and  Aristobulus,  with  a  great  army,  made  war  with  Aretas  and  Hyrcanus, 
 and  fought  them  at  a  place  called  Papyron,  and  beat  them  in  the  battle,  and  slew  about  six. 
 thousand  of  the  enemy  ;  with  whom  felt  Pbalion  also,  the  brother  of  Antipater. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus  came  to   Potiipey,  in  order  to  arijue  who  ought  to  have  tha 
 Kiiigdutn  ;  and  how  upon  the  Flight  of  Aristobulus  to  the  Fortress  Alexandrium,   Powpey 
 led  his  Army  against  him,   and  ordered  him  to  deliver  up  the  Fortresses  whereof  he  ivas 
 possessed. 
 §  1.  A  LITTLE  afterward  Pompey  came  to  Damascus,  and  marched  over  Celosyria,  at  which 
 time  there  came  ambassadors  to  him  from   all    Syria,   and  Egypt,   and  out  of  ,)udea  also,  for 
 Aristobulus  had  sent  him  a  great  present,  which  was  a  golden  vine,*  of  the  value  of  five  hun- 
 dred talents.     Now  Strabo  of  Cappadocia  mentions  this  present  in  these  words  :  "  There  came 
 also  an  embassage  out  of  Egypt,  and  a  crown  of  the  value  of  four  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  and 
 out  of  Judea  there  came  another,  whether  you  call  it  a  vine  or  a  garden  :  they  called  the  thing 
 Terpole,  The  Delight.     However,  we  ourselves  saw  that  present  reposiled  at  Rome  in  the 
 temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  with  this  inscription,  The  gift  of  Alexander  the  king  cf  the  Jews. 
 It  was  valued  at  five  hundred  talents  ;  and  the  report  is,  that  Aristobulus,  the  governor  of  the 
 Jews,  sent  it." 
 
 2.  In  a  little  time  afterward  came  ambassadors  again  to  him,  Antipater  from  Hyrcanus,  and 
 Nicodemns  from  Aristobulus;  which  last  also  accused  such  as  had  taken  bribes,  first  G;il)inius, 
 and  then  Scaurus,  the  one  three  hundred  talents,  and  the  other  four  hundred  ;  by  which  proce- 
 dure he  made  these  two  bis  enemies,  besides  those  he  had  before.  And  when  Pompey  had 
 ordered  those  that  had  controversies  one  with  anotlur  to  conje  to  him  in  the  beginning  of  the 
 spring,  he  brought  his  army  out  of  their  winter  quarters,  and  marched  into  the  country  of 
 Damascus;  and  as  he  went  along  he  demolished  the  citadel  that  was  at  Apamia,  which  Antio- 
 chus  Cyzicenus  had  built,  and  took  cognizance  of  the  country  of  Ptolemy  Menneus,  a  wicked 
 
 •  'J'his  '  golden  vine,'  or  '  garden,'  seen  by  Strabo  at  Rome,  has  Us  inscription  hrre  ns  if  it  were  the  gift  of 
 Alexander,  the  father  of  Aristobulus,  and  not  of  Aristobulus  himsi'lf,  to  whom  yet  losuphuB  ascribes  it ;  and 
 in  order  to  prove  the  truth  of  that  part  of  liis  history,  introduces  tliis  testimony  of  >trabo  ;  so  that  the  ordi- 
 nary coi)ics  seem  to  be  here  either  erroneous  or  defective,  and  the  original  reading  seems  tn  have  been  either 
 ■  Aristobulus,'  instead  of"  Alexander,'  with  one  (ireek  copy,  or  else  '  Aristobulus  the  son  of  Alexander,'  with 
 the  l^atin  copies,  which  last  seems  to  me  llje  most  probable.  V'or  as  to  Archbishop  Usher's  conjectures,  that 
 Alexander  made  it,  and  dedicated  it  to  tiod  in  the  temple,  and  that  thenoe  Avistobnbn  took  it,  and  sent  it  to 
 Pompey,  they  are  iioth  very  improbable,  and  no  way  agreeable  to  Joseplms,  who  woiM  hardly  have  avoided 
 the  recording  both  these  uncommon  points  of  history, had  he  laniwu  any  of  lliem  ;  nor  would  either  the  Jowi.sh 
 nation,  or  even  Pompey  hiniKeir,  then  have  relished  such  a  thujiunt  niBtauce  ofaoerilcKe. 
 
 2  Y 
 
351  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Kian,  and  not  less  so  than  Dionysius  of  Tripoli,  who  had  been  beheaded,  who  was  also  his 
 relation  by  marriage ;  yet  did  he  buy  oil'  the  punishment  of  his  crimes  for  a  thousand  talents, 
 with  which  money  Pompey  paid  the  soldiers  their  wages.  He  also  conquered  the  place  called 
 Lysias,  of  which  Silas,  a  Jew,  was  tyrant.  Aud  when  he  had  passed  over  the  cities  of  Helio- 
 polis  and  Chalcis,  and  got  over  the  mountain  which  is  on  the  limit  of  Celosyria,  he  came  from 
 Pella  to  Damascus ;  and  there  it  was  that  he  heard  the  causes  of  the  Jews,  and  of  their 
 governors  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus,  who  were  at  difference  one  with  another,  as  also  of  the 
 nation  against  them  both,  which  did  not  desire  to  be  under  kingly  government,  because  the 
 form  of  government  they  received  from  their  forefathers  was  that  of  subjection  to  the  priests 
 of  that  God  whom  they  worshipped,  and  [they  complained,]  that  though  these  two  were  tlie 
 posterity  of  priests,  yet  did  they  seek  to  change  the  government  of  their  nation  to  another 
 form,  in  order  to  enslave  them.  Hyrcanus  complained,  that  although  he  were  the  elder  bro- 
 ther, he  was  deprived  of  the  prerogative  of  his  birth  by  Aristobulus,  and  that  he  hath  but  a 
 small  part  of  the  country  under  him,  Aristobulus  having  taken  away  the  rest  from  him  by 
 force.  He  also  accnsed  him,  that  the  incursions  which  had  been  made  into  their  neighbours' 
 countries,  and  the  piracies  that  had  been  at  sea,  were  owing  to  him ;  and  that  the  nation  would 
 not  have  revolted,  unless  Aristobulus  had  been  a  man  given  to  violence  and  disorder ;  and  there 
 were  no  fewer  than  a  thousand  Jews,  of  the  best  esteem  amor.g  them,  who  confirmed  this 
 accusation;  which  confirmation  was  procured  by  Antipater.  But  Aristobulus  alleged  against 
 him,  that  it  was  Hyrcanus'  own  temper,  which  was  inactive,  and  on  that  account  contemptible, 
 which  caused  him  to  be  deprived  of  the  government;  and  that  for  himself  he  was  necessitated 
 to  take  it  upon  him,  for  fear  lest  it  should  be  transferred  to  others  And  that  as  to  his  title  [of 
 king,]  it  was  no  other  than  what  his  father  had  taken  [before  him.]  He  also  called  for  wit- 
 nesses of  what  he  said,  some  persons  who  were  both  yonng  and  insolent;  whose  purple  gar- 
 ments, fine  heads  of  hair,  and  other  ornaments,  were  detested  [by  the  court,]  and  which  they 
 appeared  in,  not  as  though  they  were  to  plead  their  cause  in  a  court  of  justice,  but  as  if  they 
 were  marching  in  a  pompous  procession. 
 
 3.  When  Pompey  had  heard  the  causes  of  these  two,  and  had  condemned  Aristobulus  for 
 his  violent  procedure,  he  then  spake  civilly  to  ihem,  aud  sent  them  away;  and  told  them,  that 
 when  he  came  again  info  their  country  he  would  settle  all  their  affairs,  after  he  had  first  takea 
 a  view  of  the  affairs  of  the  Nabateans.  In  the  mean  time,  he  ordered  them  to  be  quiet;  and 
 treated  Aristobulus  civilly,  lest  he  should  make  the  nation  revolt,  and  hinder  his  return  ;  which 
 yet  Aristobulus  did  ;  for  without  expecting  any  further  determination,  which  Pompey  had 
 promised  them,  he  went  to  the  city  of  Delius,  and  thence  marched  into  Judea. 
 
 4.  At  this  behaviour  Pompey  was  angry ;  and  taking  with  him  that  army  which  he  was 
 leading  against  the  Nabateans,  and  the  auxiliaries  that  came  from  Damascus,  and  the  other 
 parts  of  Syria,  with  the  other  Roman  legions  which  he  had  with  him,  he  made  an  expedition 
 against  Aristobulus ;  but  as  he  passed  by  Pella,  and  Scythopolis,  he  came  to  Corese,  which  is 
 the  first  entrance  into  Judea  when  one  passes  over  the  midland  countries,  where  he  came  to  a 
 most  beautiful  fortress  that  was  built  on  the  top  of  a  mountain  called  Alexandrium,  whither 
 Aristobulus  had  fled,  and  thence  Pompey  sent  his  commands  to  him,  that  he  should  come  to 
 him.  Accordingly,  at  the  persuasions  of  many,  that  he  would  not  make  war  with  the  Romans, 
 be  came  down ;  and  when  he  had  disputed  with  his  brother  about  the  right  to  the  government, 
 he  went  up  again  to  the  citadel,  as  Pompey  gave  him  leave  to  do;  and  this  he  did  two  or  three 
 times,  as  flattering  himself  with  the  hopes  of  having  the  kingdom  granted  him;  so  that  he  still 
 pretended  he  would  obey  Pompey  in  whatsoever  he  commanded,  although  at  the  same  time  he 
 retired  to  his  fortress,  that  he  might  not  depress  himself  too  low,  and  that  he  might  be  pre- 
 pared for  a  war,  in  case  it  should  prove  as  he  feared,  that  Pompey  should  transfer  the  govern- 
 ment to  Hyrcanus.  But  when  Pompey  enjoined  Aristobulus  to  deliver  up  the  fortresses  he 
 held,  and  to  send  an  injunction  to  their  governors  under  his  own  band,  for  that  purpose,  for 
 they  had  been  forbidden  to  deliver  them  up  upon  any  other  commands,  he  submitted  iudeed  (o 
 do  so,  but  still  he  retired  in  displeasure  to  Jerusalem,  and  made  preparation  for  war.  A  little 
 after  this,  certain  persons  came  out  of  Pontus,  and  informed  Pompey,  as  he  was  on  the  way, 
 and  conducting  his  army  against  Aristobulus,  that  Mithridates  was  dead,  and  was  slain  by  his 
 son  Pharuaces. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 Hoio  Pompey,  when  the  Citizens  of  Jerusalem  shni  the  Gates  against  him,  besieged  the  City,  . 
 
 and  took  it  by  Force ;  as  also  tchat  other  things  he  did  in  Judea. 
 §  1.  Now  when  Pompey  had  pitched  his  camp  at  Jericho,  (where  the  palm-tree  grovrs,*  and 
 that  balsam  which  is  an  ointment  of  all  the  most  precious,   which  upon   any  incision  made  in 
 the  wood  with  a  sharp  stone,  distils  out  thence  like   a  juice,)  he  marched   in  the  morning  to 
 
 *  These  express  testimonies  of  Josephns  here,  and  Autiq.b.  viii.  chap.  vi.  ^6.  and  b.  xv.  chap.  iv.  4C.  that 
 the  only  balsam  gardens,  and  the  best  palm-trees,  were,  at  least  in  his  days,  near  Jericho  and  lingaddi,  about 
 the  noirh  part  of  the  Dead  Sea,  {where'abont  also  Alexander  the  Great  saw  the  balsam  drop,)  shew  the  mis- 
 take of  those  that  understand  Eusebius  and  Jerom,  as  if  one  of  those  gardens  were  at  the  south  part  of  that  sea, 
 at  Zoar  or  Segor,  whereas  they  must  either  mean  another  Zoar  or  Segor,  which  was  between  Jericho  and 
 Kngaddi,  agreeably  to  Josephus,  which  yet  they  do  not  appear  to  do,  or  else  they  directly  contradict  Josepbus, 
 and  were  tlierein  greatly  mistaken  ;--niiless  that  balsam  and  the  best  pabntrees  grew  much  more  southward  ia 
 Juilci  in  tl/c  days  cf  F.usebius  and  Jerom  than  they  did  iu  the  days  of  Josephus 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CJIAP.  IV.  355 
 
 Jerusalem.  Hereupon  Aristobulus  repented  of  what  be  was  doing,  aud  came  to  Poinpey,  and 
 [promised  foj  give  Lim  money,  and  received  bim  into  Jerusalem,  and  desired  tbat  be  would 
 leive  olV  tlie  war,  and  do  wbat  be  pleased  peaceably.  So  Pompey,  upon  bis  entreaty,  forgave 
 bim  ;  and  sent  Gabinius,  and  soldiers  with  bin),  to  receive  tbe  money  and  tbe  city  :  yet  was  no 
 part  of  tbis  performed,  but  Gabinius  came  back,  being  botb  excluded  out  of  tbe  city,  and 
 receiving  none  of  tbe  money  promised,  because  Aristdbulus'  soldiers  would  not  permit  tbe 
 agreements  to  be  executed.  At  tbis  Fompey  was  very  angry,  and  put  Aristobulus  into  prison, 
 and  came  himself  to  the  city,  which  was  strong  on  every  side,  excepting  the  north,  wbicli 
 was  not  so  well  fortified,  for  there  was  a  broad  and  deep  ditch  that  encompassed  the  city," 
 and  included  within  the  temple,  which  was  itself  encompassed  about  with  a  very  strong 
 stone  wall. 
 
 2.  Now  there  was  a  sedition  of  the  men  that  were  within  the  city,  who  did  not  agree  wii;it 
 was  to  be  done  in  tlieir  present  circumstances,  while  some  thought  it  best  to  deliver  up  the 
 city  to  Pompey  ;  but  Aristobulus'  party  exhorted  them  to  shut  the  gates,  because  be  was  kept 
 in  prison.  Now  these  prevented  the  others,  and  seized  upon  the  temple,  and  cut  offthe  bridge 
 which  reached  fwjm  it  to  the  city,  and  prepared  themselves  to  abide  a  siege;  but  the  others 
 admitted  Pompey's  army  in,  and  delivered  up  both  the  city  and  the  king's  palace  to  him.  So 
 Fompey  sent  his  lieutenant  Piso  with  an  army,  and  placed  garrisons  both  in  the  city  and  in 
 the  palace,  to  secure  them,  and  fortiiied  the  houses  that  joined  to  the  temple;  and  all  those 
 which  were  more  distant,  and  without  it.  And  in  the  first  place,  he  oifered  terms  of  accom- 
 modation to  those  within,  but  when  they  would  not  comply  with  wh.at  was  desired,  be  encom- 
 passed all  the  places  thereabout  with  a  wall,  wherein  Hyrcanus  did  gladly  assist  bim  on  all 
 occasions,  but  Fompey  pitched  his  camp  within  [the  wall,]  on  the  north  part  of  the  temple, 
 where  it  was  most  practicable  ;  but  even  on  that  side  there  were  greut  towers,  and  a  ditch 
 had  been  dug,  and  a  deep  valley  begirt  it  round  about,  for  on  the  parts  towards  the  city  were 
 precipices,  and  the  bridge  on  which  Ponipey  had  gotten  in  was  broken  down  ;  however,  a 
 bank  was  raised  day  by  day,  with  a  great  deal  of  labour,  while  the  Romans  cut  down  materials 
 for  it  from  the  places  round  about:  and  when  this  bank  was  suflicienily  raised  and  the  ditch 
 filled  up,  though  but  poorly,  by  reason  of  its  immense  depth,  he  brought  his  mechanical 
 engines  and  battering  rams  from  Tyre,  and  placing  them  on  the  bank,  he  battered  the  temple 
 with  the  stones  that  were  thrown  against  it.  And  bad  it  not  been  our  practice,  from  the  days 
 of  our  forefathers,  to  rest  on  the  seventh  day,  this  bank  could  never  have  been  perfected,  by 
 reason  of  the  opposition  the  Jews  would  have  made;  for  though  our  laws  give  hs  leave  then 
 to  defend  ourselves  against  those  that  begin  to  fight  with  us,  and  assault  us,  yet  it  does  not 
 permit  us  to  meddle  with  our  enemies  while  tliey  do  any  thing  else. 
 
 3.  Which  thing  when  the  Romans  understood,  on  those  days  which  we  call  Sabbaths,  they 
 threw  nothing  at  the  Jews,  nor  came  to  any  pitched  battle  with  them,  but  raised  up  their 
 earthen  banks,  and  brought  their  engines  into  such  forwardness  that  they  might  do  executidn 
 the  following  days.  And  any  one  may  hence  learn  how  very  great  piety  we  exercise  towards 
 God,  and  the  observance  of  bis  laws,  since  the  priests  were  not  at  all  hindered  from  their 
 sacred  niinistrations,  by  their  fear  during  this  siege,  but  did  still  twice  a  day,  in  the  morning, 
 and  about  the  ninth  hour,  ofler  their  sacrifices  on  the  altar;  nor  did  they  omit  those  sacrifices, 
 if  any  melancholy  accident  happened  by  the  stones  that  were  thrown  among  them ;  for  although 
 the  city  was  taken  on  the  third  month, t  on  the  day  of  the  fast,  upon  the  hundred  and  seventy-ninth 
 olympiad,  when  Caius  Autonius  and  Marcus  Tallius  Cicero  were  consuls,  and  the  enemy  then 
 fell  upon  them,  and  cut  tbe  throats  of  those  that  were  in  the  temple,  yet  could  not  those  that 
 oflered  the  sacrifice  be  compelled  to  run  away,  neither  by  the  fear  they  were  in  of  their  own 
 lives,  nor  by  the  number  that  were  already  slain,  as  thinking  it  better  to  sutler  whatever  came 
 upon  them,  at  their  very  altars,  than  to  omit  any  thing  that  their  law-  required  of  them.  And 
 that  this  is  not  a  mere  brag,  or  an  encomium  to  manifest  a  degree  of  our  piety  tbat  was  false, 
 but  is  the  real  truth,  I  appeal  to  those  that  have  written  of  the  arts  of  Ponipey ;  and  among 
 theiu,  to  Strabo  and  Nicolaus  [of  Damascus ;]  and  besides  these,  to  Titus  Livius,  the  writer 
 of  tbe  Roman  history,  who  will  bear  witness  to  this  thing. | 
 
 4.  But  when  the  battering  engine  was  brought  near,  tlie  greatest  of  the  towers  was  shaken 
 by  it,  and  fell  down,  and  brake  down  a  part  of  the  fortifications  ;  so  the  enemy  poured  in  apace, 
 and  Cornelius  Faustus,  4he  son  of  Sylla,  with  his  soldiers,  first  of  all  ascended  the  wall,  and 
 
 •  The  particular  depth  and  breadth  of  this  ditch  whence  the  stones  for  the  wall  about  the  temple  were  pro- 
 bably taktii,  are  omitted  iu  our  copies  of  Josei)hiis,  but  set  down  by  .Strabo,  b.  xvi.  p.  763.  from  whom  we 
 learn,  that  this  ditch  was  sixty  feet  deep,  and  250  feet  broad.  However,  its  ileplh  is,  in  the  first  sectiou,  saul 
 by  Josephus  to  be  '  iiuinerise,'  which  exactly  aKrees  to  Strabo's  description,  and  which  number  in  Strabo  are  a 
 eti'ong  coiilirmaiion  of  the  truth  of  Josephus'  description  also. 
 
 +  'J'hat  is,  on  the  C3d  of  .Sivan,  the  annual  fast  for  the  defection  and  idolatry  of  .leroboam,  '  who  made  Israel 
 to  sin;'  or  probalily  some  other  fast  might  fall  iuto  that  mouth,  before  and  in  the  days  of  Josephus. 
 
 t  It  deserves  here  to  be  noted,  that  this  Pharisaical  superstitious  notion,  that  offensive  fighting  was  unlawful 
 to  Jews,  even  under  the  utmost  necessity,  on  the  Sabbatn-day  ;  of  which  we  hear  nothins;  before  the  times  of 
 the  Maccabees,  was  the  pr  per  occasion  of  Jerusalem's  beinp  taken  by  Pompcy,  by  Sosius,  and  by  Titus,  as 
 appears  from  the  places  already  quoted  in  the  note  ou  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  viii.  5I.  which  scrupulous  super- 
 siitiou,  as  to  the  observation  of  such  a  rirorous  rest  upon  the  Sabbath-day,  our  .Saviour  always  opposed, 
 when  llie  Pharisaical  Jews  iiisistid  on  it,  .-is  i-;  fvidint  iu  many  places  of  llie  T^ew  Tcstaraent,  thougli  he 
 Rtill  intimated  how  pernicious  that  suptirstitiuu  bi!;;:!*.  prove  to  them  iu  their  fliplit  from  the  Romnns,  Malt, 
 ixv.  20. 
 
356  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 next  to  liim  Furius  the  centarion,  with  tliose  that  followed  on  the  other  part,  while  Fabios, 
 who  was  also  a  centurion,  ascended  it  in  the  middle,  with  a  great  body  of  men  after  biin.  But 
 now  all  was  full  of  slaughter;  some  of  the  Jews  being  slain  by  the  Romans,  and  some  by  one 
 another;  nay,  some  there  were  who  threw  themselves  down  the  precipices,  or  put  fire  to  their 
 houses,  and  burnt  them,  as  not  able  to  bear  the  miseries  they  were  under.  Of  the  Jews  there 
 fell  twelve  thousand,  but  of  the  Romans  very  few.  Absalom,  who  was  at  once  both  uncle  and 
 father-in-law  to  Aristobulus,  was  taken  captive.  And  no  small  enormities  were  coramilted 
 about  the  temple  itself,  which,  in  former  ages,  had  been  inaccessible  and  seen  by  none;  for 
 Pompey  went  into  it,  and  not  a  few  of  those  that  were  with  him  also,  and  saw  all  that  which 
 it  was  unlawful  for  any  other  men  to  see  but  only  for  the  high  priests.  There  were  in  that 
 temple  the  golden  table,  the  holy  candlestick,  and  the  pouring  vessels,  and  a  great  quantity  of 
 spices  ;  and  besides  these  there  were  among  the  treasures  two  thousand  talents  of  sacred  money  ; 
 yet  did  Pompey  touch  nothing  of  all  this,*  on  account  of  his  regard  to  religion ;  and  in  this 
 point  also  he  acted  in  a  manner  that  was  worthy  of  his  virtue.  The  next  day  he  gave  order  to 
 those  that  had  the  charge  of  the  temple  to  cleanse  it,  and  to  bring  what  offerings  the  law 
 required  to  God;  and  restored  the  high  priestheod  to  Hyrcanus,  both  because  he  had  bepn 
 useful  to  him  in  other  respects,  and  because  he  hindereo  the  Jews  in  the  country  from  giving 
 Aristobulus  any  assistance  in  his  war  against  him.  He  also  cut  ofT  those  that  had  been  the 
 authors  of  that  war  ;  and  bestowed  proper  rewards  on  Faustus,  and  those  others  that  mounted  the 
 wall  with  such  alacrity  :  and  he  made  Jerusalem  tributary  to  the  Romans ;  and  took  away  those 
 cities  of  Celosyria  which  the  inhabitants  of  Judea  had  subdued,  and  put  them  under  the  govern- 
 ment of  the  Roman  president,  and  confined  the  whole  nation,  which  had  elevated  itself  so  high 
 before,  within  its  own  bounds.  Moreover,  he  rebuilt  Gadara,  which  had  been  demolishedt  a 
 little  before,  to  gratify  Demetrius  of  Gadara,  who  was  his  freed  man,  and  restored  the  rest  of 
 the  cities,  Hippos,  and  Scythopolis,  and  Peila  and  Dios,  and  Samaria,  as  also  Marissa,  and 
 Ashdod,  and  jamnia,  and  Arethusa,  to  thtir  own  inhabitants:  these  were  in  the  inland  parts. 
 Besides  those  that  had  been  demolished,  and  also  of  the  maritime  cities,  Gaza,  and  Joppa,  and 
 Dora,  and  Strato's  Tower  ;  which  last  Herod  rebuilt  after  a  glorious  manner,  and  adorned 
 with  havens,  and  temples,  and  changed  its  name  to  Cesarea.  All  these  Pompey  left  in  a 
 state  of  freedom,  and  joined  them  to  the  province  of  Syria. 
 
 5.  Now  the  occasions  of  this  misery  which  came  upon  Jerusalem,  were  Hyrcanus  and  Aristo- 
 bulus, by  raising  a  sedition  one  against  the  other;  for  now  we  lost  our  liberty,  and  became 
 subject  to  the  Romans,  and  were  deprived  of  that  country  which  we  had  gained  by  our  arms 
 from  the  Syrians.  Moreover,  the  Romans  exacted  of  us,  in  a  little  time,  above  ten  thousand 
 talents.  And  the  royal  authority,  which  was  a  dignity  formerly  bestowed  on  those  that  were 
 high  priests,  by  the  right  of  their  family,  became  the  property  of  private  men.  But  of  these 
 matters  we  shall  treat  in  their  proper  places.  Now  Pompey  committed  Celosyria,  as  far  as 
 the  river  Euphrates  and  Egypt,  to  Scaurus,  with  two  Roman  legions,  and  then  went  away  to 
 Cilicia,  and  made  baste  to  Rome.  He  also  carried  bound  along  with  him  Aristobulus  and  his 
 children  ;  for  he  had  two  daughters,  and  as  many  sons  ;  the  one  of  whom  ran  away,  but  the 
 younger,  Antigonus,  was  carried  to  Rome,  together  with  his  sisters. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Scaurus  made  a  Leagve  of  mutual  Assistance  with  Aretas.     And  what  Gabittitts  did  in 
 Judea,  after  he  had  conquered  Alexander  the  Son  of  Aristobulus. 
 
 §  1.  SCAtJRUS  made  now  an  expedition  against  Petrea,  in  Arabia,  and  set  on  fire  all  places 
 round  about  it,  because  of  the  great  difficulty  of  access  to  it.  And  as  his  army  was  pinched 
 by  famine,  Antipater  furnished  him  with  corn  out  of  Judea,  and  with  whatever  else  be  wanted, 
 and  this  at  the  command  of  Hyrcanus.  And  when  he  was  sent  to  Aretas,  as  an  ambassador 
 by  Scanrus,  because  he  had  lived  with  hira  formerly,  he  persuaded  Aretas  to  give  Scaurus  a 
 sum  of  money,  to  prevent  the  burning  of  his  country  ;  and  undertook  to  be  his  surety  for  three 
 hundred  talents.  So  Scaurus,  upon  these  terras,  ceased  to  make  war  any  longer:  which  was 
 done  as  much  at  Scaurus'  desire,  as  at  the  desire  of  Aretas. 
 
 2.  Some  time  after  this,  when  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  made  an  incursion  into 
 Judea,  Gabioius  came  from  Rome  to  Syria,  as  commander  of  the  Roman  forces.  He  did 
 many  considerable  actions  :  and  particularly  made  war  with  Alexander,  since  Hyrcanus  was 
 not  yet  able  to  oppose  his  power,  but  was  already  attempting  to  build  the  walls  of  Jerusalem, 
 which  Pompey  had  overthrown,  although  the  Romans,  who  were  there,  restrained  him  from 
 that  his  design.  However,  Alexander  went  over  all  the  country  round  about,  and  armed  many 
 of  the  Jews,  and  suddenly  got  together  ten  thousand  armed  footmen,  and  fifteen  hundred  horse- 
 men, and  fortified  Alexandriara,  a  fortress  near  to  Coras  and  Macherns,  near  the  monutains  of 
 
 •  This  is  fully  confirmed  hy  the  testimony  of  Cicero,  who  says  in  his  oration  for  Flaccus,  that  "  Cneius 
 Pompeius,  when  he  was  conqueror,  and  had  taken  Jerusalem,  did  not  touch  any  thing  belonging  to  that 
 temple." 
 
 +  Of  this  destruction  of  Ciclara  here  presupposed,  and  its  restoration  by  Pompey,  eee  the  note  On  the  War, 
 b.  i.  chap.  vii.  5  "• 
 
BOOK  *mr— CHAP.  \i.  357 
 
 Arabia.  Gahinius  therefore  came  upon  liim,  liaTing  sent  Marcus  Antonius,  with  otlier  com- 
 luaiulers,  before.  These  armed  such  Romans  as  followed  them  ;  and,  together  with  them, 
 such  Jews  as  were  subject  to  them,  whose  leaders  were  Pitholaus  and  Malichus,  and  thej 
 took  with  them  also  their  friends  that  were  with  Antipater,  and  met  Alexander,  while  Gabi- 
 nias  himself  foil  jwed  with  his  legion.  Hereupon  Alexander  retired  to  Jerusalem,  where  they 
 fell  upon  one  another,  and  it  came  to  a  pitched  battle,  in  which  the  Romans  slew  of  their 
 enemies  about  three  thousand,  and  took  a  like  number  alive. 
 
 3.  At  which  time  Gabinins  came  to  Alexandrium,  and  invited  those  that  %vere  in  it  to 
 deliver  it  up  on  certain  conditions,  and  promised  that  then  their  former  oU'eucts  should  be 
 forgiven  :  but  as  a  great  number  of  the  enemy  bad  pitched  their  camp  before  the  fortress, 
 whom  the  Romans  attacked,  Marcus  Antonius  fought  bravely,  and  slew  a  great  number,  and 
 seemed  to  come  off  with  the  greatest  honour.  So  Gabinius  left  part  of  the  army  there,  in  order 
 to  take  the  place,  and  he  himself  went  into  other  parts  of  Judea,  and  gave  order  to  rebuild  all  the 
 cities  that  he  met  with  that  had  been  demolished  ;  at  which  time  were  rebuilt  Samaria,  Ash- 
 dod,  Scjthopolis,  Anthedon,  Raphia,  and  Dora;  Marissa  also,  and  Gaza,  and  not  a  few  others 
 besides.  And  as  the  men  acted  according  to  Gabinius'  command,  it  came  to  pass,  that  at  this 
 time  these  cities  were  securely  inhabited,  which  had  been  desolate  for  a  long  time. 
 
 4.  AVhen  Gabinius  had  done  thus  in  the  country,  he  returned  to  Alexandrium  ;  and  when 
 Le  urged  on  the  siege  of  the  place,  Alexander  sent  an  embassage  to  him,  desiring  that  he 
 would  pardon  his  former  ofl'ences  ;  he  also  delivered  up  the  fortresses,  Hyrcania  and  Macherus  ; 
 and  at  last  Alexandrium  itself,  which  fortress  Gabinius  demolished.  But  when  Alexander's 
 mother,  who  was  of  the  side  of  the  Rom.ais,  as  having  her  husband  and  oiher  children  at 
 Rome,  came  to  him,  he  granted  her  whatsoever  she  asked  ;  and  when  he  had  settled  matters 
 with  her,  he  brought  Hyrcanus  to  Jerusalem,  and  committed  the  care  of  the  temple  to  him  : 
 and  when  he  had  ordained  five  councils,  he  distributed  the  same  nation  into  the  same  number 
 of  parts  :  so  these  councils  governed  the  people;  the  first  was  at  Jerusalem,  the  second  at 
 Gadara,  the  third  at  Amathos,  the  fourth  at  Jericho,  and  the  fifth  at  Sepphoris  in  Galilee.  So 
 the  Jews  were  now  freed  from  monarchic  authority,  and  were  governed  by  an  aristocracy.* 
 
 CHAP,  VI. 
 
 How  Gahinius  cavglit  Aristohuhis  after  he  had  fled  from  Rome,  and  sent  him  back  to  Rome 
 af/ain;  and  hotv  the  same  Gabinius,  as  he  returned  out  of  Egypt,  overcame  Alexander  and 
 the  Nabaleuns  in  Bailie, 
 
 §  1.  Now  Aristobulus  ran  away  from  Rome  to  Judea,  and  set  about  the  rebuilding  of  Alexan- 
 <lrium,  which  had  been  newly  demolished  :  hereupon  Gabinius  sent  soldiers  against  him,  and 
 for  their  commanders  Sesenna,  and  Antonius,  and  Servilius,  in  order  to  hinder  him  from  getting 
 possession  of  the  country,  and  to  take  him  again.  And  indeed  many  of  the  Jews  ran  to  Aris- 
 tobulus, on  account  of  his  former  glory,  as  also  because  they  should  be  glad  of  an  innovation. 
 Now  there  was  one  Pitholaus,  a  lieutenant  at  Jerusalem,  who  deserted  to  him  with  a  thousand 
 men,  although  a  great  number  of  those  that  came  to  him  were  unarmed  ;  and  when  Aristobulus 
 Lad  resolved  to  go  to  Macherus,  he  dismissed  those  people,  because  they  were  unarmed,  for 
 they  could  not  be  useful  to  him  in  what  actions  they  were  going  about,  but  he  took  with  him 
 eight  thousand  that  were  armed,  and  marched  on  :  and  as  the  Romans  fell  upon  them  severely, 
 the  Jews  fought  valiantly,  but  were  beaten  iu  the  battle  ;  and  when  they  had  fought  with  alacrity, 
 but  were  overborne  by  the  enemy,  they  were  put  to  ilight  ;  of  whom  were  slain  about  five 
 thousand,  and  the  rest  being  dispersed,  tried,  as  well  as  they  were  able,  to  save  themselves. 
 However,  Aristobulus  had  with  him  still  above  a  thousand,  and  with  them  he  fled  to  Macherus, 
 and  fortified  the  place,  and  though  he  had  had  ill  success,  he  still  had  good  hope  of  his  affairs  : 
 but  when  he  had  struggled  against  the  siege  for  two  days' time,  and  had  received  many  wounds, 
 he  was  brought  as  a  captive  to  Gabinius,  with  his  sou  Antij^'onus,  who  also  fled  with  him 
 from  Rome.  And  this  was  the  fortune  of  Aristobulus,  who  was  sent  back  again  to  Rome, 
 and  was  there  retained  in  bonds,  having  been  bo'.h  king  and  high  priest  for  three  years  and 
 six  months  ;  and  was  indeed  an  eminent  person  and  one  of  a  great  soul.  However,  the  senate 
 let  his  children  go,  upon  Gabinius'  writing  to  them,  that  he  had  promised  their  mother  so 
 much  when  she  delivered  up  the  fortresses  to  him  ;  and  accordingly  they  then  returned  into 
 Judea. 
 
 2.  Now  when  Gabinius  was  making  an  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  and  had  already 
 passed  over  Euphrates,  he  changed  his  mind,  and  resolved  to  return  into  Egypt,  in  order  to 
 restore  Ptolemy  to  bis  kingdom.!  This  hath  also  been  related  elsewhere.  However,  Anti- 
 pater supplied  his  army,  which  he  sent  against  Archelaus,  with  corn  and  weapons,  and  money. 
 He  also  made  those  Jews  who  were  above  Pelusium,  his  friends   and   confederates,  and  had 
 
 Dciin  Pridcaux  well  observes,  "  That  notwithstanding  the  clamour  against  Oahinius  at  Home,  .Tosephus 
 gives  hiin  a  laudatile  character,  as  if  he  had  acquitted  himself  with  hoDonr  in  the  charge  committed  to  him," 
 [in  Judea.]  See  at  the  year  tifty-five. 
 
 t  This  history  is  best  illustrated  by  Dr.  Hudson  out  of  Livy,  who  says,  "That  A.  Gabinius,  thf  proconsul, 
 restored  Ptolemy  to  his  kinijdoin  ol"  Jit'ypt,  and  ejected  Archelaus,  whom  Ihcv  liad  set  up  for  kiug,"  ic.  See 
 Prid,  at  the  years  C4  and  65. 
 
358  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 beeu  the  guardians  of  the  passes  that  led  info  Egypt.  Bat  when  he  came  back  ont  of  Egjpt, 
 he  found  Syria  in  disorder,  with  seditions  and  troubles  ;  for  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobuius, 
 having  seized  on  the  gorernment  a  second  time  by  force,  made  many  of  the  Jews  revolt  to 
 him,  and  so  he  marched  over  the  country  witii  a  great  army,  and  slew  all  the  Romans  he 
 could  light  upon,  and  proceeded  to  besiege  the  monntain  called  Gerizzim,  whither  they 
 bad  retreated. 
 
 3.  But  when  Gabinius  found  Syria  in  such  a  state,  ho  sent  Antipater,  who  was  a  prudent 
 man,  to  those  that  were  seditions,  to  try  whether  he  could  cure  them  of  their  madness,  and 
 persuade  them  to  return  to  a  better  mind,  and  when  he  came  to  them,  he  brought  many  of 
 them  to  a  sound  mind,  and  induced  them  to  do  what  they  ought  to  do ;  but  he  could  not  restrain 
 Alexander,  for  he  had  an  array  of  thirty  thousand  Jews,  and  met  Gabinius,  and  joining  battle 
 with  him,  was  beaten,  and  lost  ten  thousand  of  his  men  about  mount  Tabor. 
 
 4.  So  Gabinius  settled  the  aft'airs  which  belonged  to  the  city  Jerusalem,  as  was  agreeable 
 to  Antipater's  inclination,  and  went  against  the  Nabateans,  and  overcame  them  in  battle.  He 
 also  sent  away  in  a  friendly  manner  Mithridates  and  Orsanss,  who  were  Parthian  deserters, 
 and  came  to  hira,  though  the  report  went  abroad  that  they  had  run  away  from  him.  And  when 
 Gabinius  had  performed  great  and  glorious  actions,  in  his  management  of  the  affairs  of  war, 
 he  returned  to  Rome,  and  delivered  the  government  to  Crassus.  Now,  Nicolans  of  Damas- 
 cus, and  Strabo  of  Cappadocia,  botJj  describe  the  expedition  of  Pompey  and  Gabinius  against 
 the  Jews,  while  neither  of  them  say  any  thing  new  which  is  not  in  the  other. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 IIoiv  Crassus  came  into  Judea,  and  pillaged  the  Temple ;  and  marched  against  the  Parthitms, 
 and  perished,  icith  his  army.  Also  how  Cassias  nblairied  Syria,  and  pict  a  stop  to  the  Par- 
 thians,  and  then  ivent  up  to  Judea. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Crassus,  as  he  was  going  upon  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  came  into 
 Judea,  and  carried  off  the  money  that  was  in  the  temple,  which  Pompey  had  left,  being  txvo 
 thousand  talents,  and  was  disposed  to  spoil  it  of  all  the  gold  belonging  to  it,  whi»h  was  eight 
 thonsand  talents.  He  also  took  a  beam,  which  was  made  of  solid  beaten  gold,  of  the  weight 
 of  three  hundred  minrc  ;  each  of  which  weighed  two  pounds  and  a  half.  It  was  the  pi'iest 
 who  was  guardian  of  the  sacred  treasures,  and  whose  name  was  Eleazar,  that  gave  him  this 
 beam,  not  out  of  a  wicked  design,  for  he  was  a  good  and  righteous  man,  but  being  intrusted 
 with  the  custody  of  the  veils  belonging  to  the  temple,  which  were  of  admirable  beauty,  and  of 
 very  costly  workmanship,  and  hung  down  from  this  beam,  when  he  saw  that  Crassus  was 
 busy  in  gathering  money,  and  was  in  fear  for  the  entire  ornaments  of  the  temple,  he  gave  him 
 this  beam  of  gold  as  a  ransom  for  the  whole,  but  this  not  till  he  had  given  his  oath  that  he 
 would  remove  nothing  else  out  of  the  temple,  but  be  satisfied  with  this  only,  which  he  should 
 give  him,  being  worth  many  ten  thousand  [shekels.]  Now,  this  beam  was  contained  in  a 
 wooden  beam  that  was  hollow  ;  but  was  known  to  no  others,  but  Eleazar  alone  knew  it ;  yet 
 did  Crassus  take  away  this  beam,  upon  the  condition  of  touching  nothing  else  that  belonged 
 to  the  temple,  and  then  brake  his  oath,  and  carried  away  all  the  gold  that  was  in  the  tem]ile. 
 
 2.  Let  no  one  wonder  that  there  was  so  much  wealth  in  our  temple,  since  all  the  Jews 
 throughout  the  habitable  earth,  and  those  that  worshipped  God,  nay,  even  those  of  Asia  and 
 Europe,  sent  their  contributions  to  it,  and  this  from  very  ancient  times.  Nor  is  the  largeness 
 of  these  sums  without  its  attestation  ;  nor  is  that  greatness  owing  to  our  vanity,  as  raising  it 
 without  griiund  to  so  great  a  height :  but  there  are  many  witnesses  to  it,  and  particularly 
 Strabo  of  Cappadocia,  who  says  thus  ;  ''  Mithridates  sent  to  Cos,  and  took  the  money  which 
 queen  Cleopatra  had  deposited  there,  as  also  eight  hundred  talents  belonging  to  the  Jews." 
 Now,  we  have  no  public  money  but  only  what  appertains  to  God  ;  and  it  is  evident  that  the 
 Asian  Jews  removed  this  money  out  of  fear  of  Mithridates,  for  it  is  not  probable  that  those  of 
 Judea,  who  had  a  strong  city  and  temple,  should  send  their  money  to  Cos,  nor  is  it  likely  that 
 the  Jews,  who  are  inhabitants  of  Alexandria,  should  do  so  neither,  since  they  were  in  no  fear 
 of  Mithridates.  And  Strabo  himself  bears  witness  to  the  same  thing  in  another  place,  that  at 
 the  same  time  that  Sylla  passed  over  into  Greece,  in  order  to  fight  against  Mithridates,  he  sent 
 Luculhis  to  put  an  end  to  a  sedition  that  our  nation,  of  whom  the  habitable  earth  is  full,  had 
 raised  in  Cyrcne  ;  where  he  speaks  thus:  "There  were  four  classes  of  men  among  those  of 
 Cyrene  ;  that  of  citizens,  that  of  husbandmen,  the  third  of  strangers,  and  the  fourth  of  Jews. 
 Now  these  Jews  are  already  gotten  into  all  cities,  and  it  is  hard  to  find  a  place  in  the  habit- 
 able earth  that  hath  not  admitted  this  tribe  of  men,  and  is  not  possessed  by  it:  and  it  hath 
 come  to  pass  that  Egypt  and  Cyrene,  as  having  the  same  governors,  and  a  great  number  of 
 other  nations,  imitate  their  way  of  living,  and  maintain  great  bodies  of  these  Jews  in  a  peculiar 
 manner,  and  grow  up  to  greater  jjrosperity  with  them,  and  make  use  of  the  same  laws  with  that 
 nation  also.  Accordingly  the  Jews  liave  places  assigned  them  in  Egypt,  wherein  they  inhabit, 
 besides  what  is  peculiarly  allotted  to  this  nation  at  Alexandria,  which  is  a  large  part  of  that 
 city.  There  is  also  an  ethnarch  allowed  them,  who  governs  the  nation  ;  and  distributes  jus- 
 tice to  them,  and   takes  care  of  their  contracts,  and  of  the   laws  to  them  belonging,  as  if  he 
 
BOOK    XIV. — CHAP.    VIII.  359 
 
 were  the  ruler  of  a  free  republic.  In  Egypt,  therefore,  tbis  nation  is  powerfal,  because  tlie 
 Jews  were  originally  Egyptians,  and  because  tbe  land  whereio  tbey  inhabit,  since  tbey  went 
 tbence,  is  near  to  Egypt.  Tbey  also  removed  into  Cyrene,  because  that  tbis  laud  adjoined  to 
 tbe  government  of  Egypt,  hs  well  as  does  Judea,  or  rather  was  formerly  under  the  same 
 government."     And  this  is  what  Strabo  says. 
 
 3.  So  when  Crassus  bad  settled  all  things  as  he  himself  pleased,  he  marched  into  Parthia, 
 where  both  he  himself  and  all  bis  army  perished,  as  halli  been  related  elsewhere.  But  Cas- 
 sius,  as  he  fled  from  Rome  to  Syria,  took  possession  of  it,  and  was  an  impediment  to  the  Par- 
 thians,  who,  by  reason  of  their  victory  over  Crassus,  made  incursions  upon  it  :  and  as  he  came 
 back  to  Tyre,  he  went  up  into  Judea  also,  and  fell  upon  Taricbeae,  and  presently  took  it,  and 
 carried  about  thirty  thousand  Jews  captives  ;  and  slew  Pitbolaus,  who  succeeded  Aristobulus 
 in  his  seditious  practices,  and  tlint  by  llie  persuasion  of  Antipater,  who  proved  to  have  great 
 interest  in  him,  and  ivas  at  that  time  in  great  repute  with  the  Idumeans  also:  out  of  which 
 nation  he  married  a  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  one  of  their  eminent  men,  and  her  name 
 was  Cjpios,*  by  whom  be  had  four  sons,  Phasael,  and  Herod,  -ho  was  afterwards  made  king, 
 and  Joseph,  and  Pheroras  ;  and  a  daughter  named  Salome.  This  Antipater  cultivated  also  a 
 friendship  and  mutual  kindness  with  other  potentates,  but  especially  with  the  king  of  Arabia, 
 to  whom  he  committed  his  children,  while  he  fought  against  Aristobulus.  So  Cassius  removed 
 bis  camp,  and  marched  to  Euphrates,  to  meet  those  that  were  coming  to  attack  bim,  as  bath 
 been  related  by  others, 
 
 4.  But  some  time  afterward,  Ctcsar,  when  he  had  taken  Rome,  and  after  Pompey  and  tlie 
 senate  were  fled  beyond  the  Ionian  sea,  freed  Aristobulus  from  his  bonds,  and  resolved  to 
 send  him  into  Syria,  and  delivered  two  legions  to  him,  that  be  might  set  matters  right,  as 
 being  a  potent  man  in  that  country  :  but  Aristobulus  had  no  enjoyment  of  what  he  hoped  for 
 from  the  power  that  was  given  bim  by  Coesar,  for  those  of  Pompey's  party  prevented  it,  and 
 destroyed  him  by  poison,  and  those  of  Caesar's  party  buried  bim.  His  dead  body  also  lay, 
 for  a  good  while,  imbalraed  iu  hcney,  till  Antony  afterward  sent  it  to  Judea,  and  caused  bim  to 
 be  buried  in  the  royal  sepulchre.  But  Scipio,  upon  Pompey's  sending  to  him  to  slay  Alexander, 
 the  son  of  Aristobulus,  because  the  young  man  was  accused  of  what  oflenoes  he  bad  been 
 guilty  of  at  first  against  the  Romans,  cat  oflF  his  bead  ;  and  thus  did  he  die  at  Anlioch.  But 
 Ptoieniy,  the  son  of  Menneas,  who  was  the  ruler  of  Chalcis,  under  mount  Libanus,  took  his 
 brethren  to  bim,  and  sent  his  sou  Philippion  to  Askelon  to  Aristobulus'  wile,  and  desired  her 
 to  send  back  with  him  her  son  Antigonus,  and  her  daughters  :  the  one  of  which,  whose  name 
 was  Alexandra,  Philippion  fell  in  love  with  and  married  her,  though  afterward  bis  father 
 Ptolemy  slew  bim,  and  married  Alexandra,  and  continued  to  take  care  of  her  brethren. 
 
 CHAP.  VIJI. 
 
 The  Jews  became  Coufederales  with  Casar  when  he  foughi  against  Eqtjpt.  The  glorious 
 Actions  of  Antipater,  and  his  Friendship  with  Casar.  The  Honours  which  the  Jews  received 
 from  the  Romans  and  Athenians. 
 
 §  1.  Now  after  Pompey  was  dead,  and  after  that  victory  Cassar  had  gained  over  hira,  Anti- 
 pater, who  managed  the  Jewish  aflairs,  became  very  useful  to  Cfesar  when  be  made  war 
 against  Egypt,  and  that  by  the  order  of  Hyrcanus  :  for  when  Mithridates  of  Pcrgamus  was 
 bringing  his  auxiliaries,  and  was  not  able  to  continue  his  march  through  Pelusiura,  but  obliged 
 to  stay  at  Askelon,  Antipater  came  to  him,  conducting  three  thousand  of  the  Jews,  armed  men  : 
 be  had  also  taken  care  the  principal  men  of  tbe  Arabians  should  come  to  bis  assistance  ;  and 
 on  his  account  it  was  that  all  the  Syrians  assisted  bim  also,  as  not  willing  to  appear  behind- 
 hand in  their  alacrity  for  Caesar,  viz.  Jamblicus  the  ruler,  and  Ptolemy  bis  son,  and  Tbolomy  the 
 son  of  Soheraus,  who  dwelt  at  mount  Libanus,  and  almost  all  the  cities.  So  Mithridates  marched 
 out  of  Syria,  and  came  to  Pelusium  ;  and  when  its  inhabitants  would  not  admit  him,  he  besieged 
 the  city.  Now  Antipater  signalized  himself  here,  and  was  the  first  who  plucked  down  a  part 
 of  the  wall,  and  so  opened  a  way  to  the  rest,  whereby  tbey  might  enter  the  city,  and  by  this 
 means  Pelusium  was  taken  :  but  it  happened  that  the  Egyptian  Jews,  who  dwelt  in  the  country 
 called  Onion,  would  not  let  Antipater  and  Mithridates,  with  their  soldiers,  pass  to  Ca>sar,  but 
 Antipater  persuaded  them  to  come  over  to  their  party,  because  be  was  of  the  same  people  with 
 them,  and  that  chiefly  by  shewing  them  the  epistles  of  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest,  wherein  he 
 exhorted  them  to  cultivate  friendship  with  Ca;sar,  and  to  supply  bis  army  with  money,  and  all 
 sorts  of  provisions  which  they  wanted  :  and  accordingly,  when  he  saw  Antipater  and  the  high 
 priest  of  the  same  sentiments,  they  did  as  they  weie  desired.  And  when  the  Jews  about 
 Memphis  heard  that  these  Jews  were  come  over  to  Caesar,  they  also  invited  Mithridates  to 
 come  to  them;  so  he  came,  and  received  them  also  into  bis  army. 
 
 2.  And  when  Mithridates  had  gone  over  all  Delta,  as  tbe  place  is  called,  he  come  to  a 
 pitched  battle  with  tbe  enemy,  near  the  place  called  the  Jewish  camp.  Now  Mithridates  bad 
 the  rig'.it  wing,. and  Antipater  the  left;  and  when  it  came  to  a  fight,  that  wing  where  Mifhri- 
 
 *  Dr.  lliulsou  observes,  that  the  name  of  this  wife  of  Antipater  in  Josephiis  was  Cypros,  as  an  Hebrew 
 tormiuatiou,  but  not  Cypris,  the  (jreuk  namu  for  Venus,  as  some  critics  were  ready  to  conect  u. 
 
360  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 dates  was  gave  way,  and  was  likely  to  sufler  extremely,  anless  Antipater  had  come  running 
 to  liiin  with  his  own  soldiers  along  the  shore,  when  he  had  already  beaten  the  enemy  that 
 opposed  him  ;  so  he  delivered  Mithridates,  and  put  those  Egyptians,  who  had  been  too  hard 
 for  him,  to  flight.  He  also  took  their  camp,  and  continued  in  the  pursuit  of  them.  He  also 
 recalled  Mithridates,  who  had  been  worsted,  and  was  retired  a  great  way  oil";  of  whose 
 soldiers  eight  hundred  fell,  but  of  Antipater's  fifty.  So  Mithridates  sent  an  account  of  this 
 battle  to  Cassar,  and  openly  declared,  that  Antipater  was  the  author  of  this  victory,  and  of  his 
 own  preservation,  insomach  that  Caesar  commended  Antipater  then,  and  made  use  of  hira  all 
 the  rest  of  that  war  in  the  most  hazardous  undertakings  j  he  happened  also  to  be  wounded  in 
 one  of  those  engagements. 
 
 3.  However,  when  Cassar,  after  some  time,  had  finished  that  war,  and  was  sailed  away  for 
 Syria,  he  honoured  Antipater  greatly,  and  confirmed  Hyrcanus  in  the  high  priesthood  ;  and 
 bestowed  on  Antipater  the  privilege  of  a  citizen  of  Rome,  and  a  freedom  from  taxes  every 
 ■where  :  and  it  is  reported  by  many,  that  Hyrcanus  went  along  with  Antipater  in  this  expedi- 
 tion, and  came  himself  into  Egypt.  And  Strabo  of  Cappadocia  bears  witness  to  this,  when  he 
 says  thus,  in  the  name  of  Asiuius  ;  "After  Mithridates  had  invaded  Egypt,  and  with  him  Hyr- 
 canus the  high  priest  of  the  Jews."  Nay,  the  same  Strabo  says  thus  again,  in  another  place, 
 in  the  name  of  Hypsicrates,  that  "  Mithridates  at  first  went  out  alone,  but  that  Antipater, 
 who  had  the  care  of  the  Jewish  affairs,  was  called  by  him  to  Askelon,  and  that  be  had  gotten 
 ready  three  thousand  soldiers,  to  go  along  with  him,  and  encouraged  other  governors  of  the 
 country  to  go  along  with  him  also  ;  and  that  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest  was  also  present  in  this 
 expedition."     This  is  what  Strabo  says. 
 
 4.  But  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobnlus,  came  at  this  time  to  Caesar,  and  "  lamented  Lis 
 father's  fate  :  and  complained  that  it  was  by  Antipater's  means  that  Aristobulos  was  taken  off 
 by  poison,  and  his  broliier  was  beheaded  by  Scij)io,  and  desired  that  he  would  take  pity  of  him, 
 who  had  been  ejected  out  of  that  principality  which  was  due  to  him."  He  also  accused  Hyr- 
 canus and  Antipater  as  governing  the  nation  by  violence,  and  offering  injuries  to  him.  Anti- 
 pater was  present,  and  made  his  defence  as  to  the  accusations  that  were  laid  against  him.  He 
 demonstrated,  that  Antigonus  and  his  party  were  given  to  innovation,  and  were  seditious 
 persons.  He  also  put  Csesar  in  mind  what  difhcult  services  he  had  undergone,  when  he 
 assisted  him  in  his  wars,  and  discoursed  about  what  he  was  a  witness  of  himself.  He  added, 
 that  Aristobulus  was  justly  carried  away  to  Rome,  as  one  that  was  an  enemy  to  the  Romans, 
 and  could  never  be  brought  to  be  a  friend  to  them,  and  that  his  brother  had  no  mor°  than  he 
 deserved  from  Scipio,  as  being  seized  in  committing  robberies  ;  and  that  this  punisHment  was 
 not  inflicted  on  him  in  a  way  of  violence  or  injustice  by  him  that  did  it. 
 
 5.  When  Antipater  had  made  this  speech,  Caesar  appointed  Hyrcanus  to  be  high  priest ;  and 
 gave  Antipater  what  principality  he  himself  should  choose,  leaving  the  determination  to  him- 
 self; so  he  made  him  procurator  of  Judea.  He  also  gave  Hyrcanus  leave  to  raise  up  the 
 walls  of  his  own  city,  npon  his  asking  that  favour  of  him,  for  they  had  been  demolished  by 
 Pompey.  And  this  grant  he  sent  to  the  consuls  to  Rome,  to  be  engraven  in  the  capitol.  The 
 decree  of  the  senate  was  this  that  follows  :*  "  Lucius  Valerius,  the  son  of  Lucius  the  praetor, 
 referred  this  to  the  senate,  npon  the  ides  of  December,  in  the  temple  of  Concord.  There  were 
 present  at  the  writing  of  this  decree  Lucius  Coponius,  the  son  of  Lucius  of  the  Colline  tribe, 
 and  Pepirius  of  the  Quirine  tribe,  concerning  the  affairs  which  Alexander  the  son  of  Jason, 
 and  Numenius  the  son  of  Antiochus,  and  Alexander  the  son  of  Dositheus,  ambassadors  of  the 
 Jews,  good  and  worthy  men,  proposed,  who  came  to  renew  that  league  of  good-will  and  friend- 
 ship with  the  Romans  which  was  in  being  before.  They  also  brought  a  shield  of  gold,  as  a 
 mark  of  confederacy,  valued  at  fifty  thousand  pieces  of  gold  ;  and  desired  that  letters  might  be 
 given  them,  directed  both  to  the  free  cities  and  to  the  kings,  that  their  country  and  their 
 havens  might  be  at  peace,  and  that  no  one  among  them  might  receive  any  injnry.  It  therefore 
 pleased  [the  senate]  to  make  a  league  of  friendship  and  good-will  with  them,  and  to  bestow  on 
 them  whatsoever  they  stood  in  need  of,  and  to  accept  of  the  shield  which  was  brought  by  them. 
 This  was  done  in  the  ninth  year  of  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest  and  ethnarch,  in  the  moith  Pane- 
 mus."  Hyrcanus  also  received  honours-  from  the  people  of  Athens,  as  having  been  useful  to 
 them  on  many  occasions.  And  when  they  wrote  to  hira  they  sent  hira  this  decree,  as  it  here 
 follows  :  "  Under  the  Prutaneia,  and  priesthood  of  Dionysius,  the  son  of  Escupalius,  on  the 
 fifth  day  of  the  latter  part  of  the  month  Panemus,  this  decree  of  the  Athenians  was  given  to 
 their  commanders,  when  Agathocles  was  archon,  and  Eucles,  the  son  of  Menander  of  Alimusia, 
 was  the  scribe.  In  the  month  Munychion,  on  the  eleventh  day  of  the  Prutaneia,  a  council  of 
 the  presidents  was  held  in  the  theatre.  Dorotheus  the  high  priest,  and  the  fellow  presidents 
 with  him,  put  it  to  the  vote  of  the  people.     Dionysius,  the  son  of  Dionysius,  gave  the  sentence  : 
 
 *  Take  Dr.  Hudson's  note  upon  this  place,  which  1  suppose  to  be  the  truth :  "  Here  is  some  mistake  in  Jo 
 sephus  :  for  when  he  had  promised  us  a  decree  for  the  restoration  of  Jerusalem,  he  brings  in  a  decree  of  far 
 grtater  antiquity,  and  that  a  league  of  friendship  and  union  only.  One  may  easily  believe  that  Josephus  gave 
 order  for  one  tiling,  and  his  amanuensis  performed  another,  by  transposingf  decrees  that  concerned  tjie  Hyr- 
 cani,  and  as  deluded  by  the  sameness  of  their  names,  for  that  belongs  to  the  first  high  priest  of  this  name  [John 
 Hyrcanus,]  which  Josephus  ascribes  to  one  that  lived  later,  [Hyrcimus  the  son  of  Ale.xander  Janneus.J  llo«'- 
 ever,  the  decree  which  he  proposes  to  set  down  follows  a  little  lower,  in  the  collection  of  Koman  decrees 
 that  concerned  the  Jews,  and  is  that  dated  when  Cit-sar  was  consul  the  fifth  time."    Sec  chap.  10.  j  6. 
 
J]RlRTr*,^AXIE]ML  IIQ.  M2Ii) 
 
 HIGM  FMESTiiiliis  JRCHiBIES  , 
 
BOOK    XIV.— CHAP.  IX.  301 
 
 Since  Hyrcnnus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  the  higli  priest  and  etlinarch  of  the  Jews,  continues  to 
 bear  good-will  to  our  people  in  general,  and  to  every  one  of  our  citizens  in  particular,  and 
 treats  tiiem  witli  all  sorts  of  kindness  ;  and  when  anv  of  the  Atl'enians  come  to  him,  either  as 
 ambassadors,  or  any  occasion  of  their  own,  lie  receives  them  in  an  oblij^ing  manner,  and  sees 
 that  they  are  conducted  back  in  safety,  of  wiiich  we  have  had  several  former  testimonies,  it  is 
 now  also  decreed,  at  the  report  of  Theodosins,  the  son  of  Theodorns,  and  upon  his  putting  Iho 
 people  in  mind  of  the  virtue  of  tliis  man,  and  that  his  purpose  is  to  do  us  all  the  good  that  is 
 in  his  power,  to  honour  him  with  a  crown  of  gold,  the  usual  reward  according  to  the  law,  and 
 to  erect  his  statue  in  brass  in  the  temple  of  Demus,  and  of  the  Graces  ;  and  that  this  present  of 
 a  crown  shall  be  proclaimed  publicly  in  the  theatre,  in  the  Dionysian  shows,  while  the  new 
 trai^edies  are  acting  ;  and  in  the  Pauathenean,  Eleusinian,  and  Gymnii-al  shows  also  ;  and 
 that  the  commanders  shall  take  care,  while  he  continues  in  his  friendship,  and  preserves  liis 
 good-will  to  us,  to  return  all  possible  honour  and  favour  to  the  man  for  his  affection  and  gene- 
 rosity;  that  by  this  treatment  it  may  appear  how  our  people  receive  the  good  kindly,  and 
 repay  them  a  suitable  reward  ;  and  he  may  be  induced  to  proceed  in  his  affection  towards  us, 
 by  the  honours  we  have  already  paid  him.  That  ambassadors  be  also  chosen  ont  of  all  the 
 Athenians,  who  shall  carry  this  decree  to  him,  and  desire  him  to  accept  of  the  honours  we  do 
 him,  and  to  endeavour  always  to  be  doing  some  good  to  ourcity."  And  this  shall  suffice  us  to 
 have  spoken  as  to  the  honours  that  were  paid  by  the  Romans  and  the  people  of  Athens  to 
 Hyrcanus. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How  Antlpater  committed  the  care  uf  Galilee  to  Herod,  and  that  of  Jerusalem  to  Pha.iaelus  ; 
 as  aho,  how  Herod,  upon  the  Jews'  Envy  at  Antipciter,  ivas  accused  before  Hyrcanus, 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Ca;sar  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Syria,  he  sailed  away  ;  and  as  soon  as  Anti 
 pater  had  conducted  Caesar  out  of  Syria,  he  returned  to  Judea.  He  then  immediately  raised 
 up  the  wall  which  had  been  thrown  down  by  Pompey ;  and,  by  coming  thither,  he  pacified  that 
 tumult  which  had  been  in  the  country  ;  and  this  by  both  threatening  and  advising  them  to  be 
 quiet :  for  that  "  if  thsy  would  be  of  Hyrcanus's  side,  they  would  live  happily,  and  lead  their 
 lives  without  disturbance,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  own  possessions ;  bnt  if  they  were  addicted 
 to  the  hopes  of  what  might  come  by  innovation,  and  aimed  to  get  wealth  thereby,  they  should 
 have  him  a  severe  master,  instead  of  a  gentle  governor ;  and  Hyrcanus  a  tyrant,  instead  of  a 
 king ;  and  the  Romans,  together  with  Ca[;sar,  their  bitter  enemies,  instead  of  rulers  ;  for  that 
 they  would  never  bear  him  to  be  set  aside  whom  they  had  appointed  to  govern."  And  whea 
 Antipater  had  said  this  to  them,  he  himself  had  settled  the  aflairs  of  this  country. 
 
 2.  And  seeing  that  Hyrcanus  was  of  a  slow  and  slothful  temper,  he  made  Phasaelus,  his 
 eldest  son,  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  places  that  were  about  it,  but  committed  Galilee 
 to  Herod,  his  next  son,  who  was  tliei.  a  very  young  man,  for  he  was  but  fifteen  years  of  age  :* 
 but  that  youth  of  his  was  no  impediment  to  him  ;  but  as  he  was  a  youth  of  great  mind,  he  pre- 
 sently met  with  an  opportunity  of  signalizing  his  courage  ;  for  finding  that  there  was  one  He- 
 zekias,  a  captain  of  a  band  of  robbers,  who  overran  the  neighbouring  parts  of  Syria  with  a 
 great  troop  of  them,  he  seized  him,  and  slew  him,  as  well  as  a  great  number  of  the  other  rob- 
 bers that  were  with  him  ;  for  which  action  he  was  greatly  beloved  by  the  Syrians  ;  for  when 
 they  were  very  desirous  to  have  their  country  freed  from  this  nest  of  robbers,  he  purged  it  of 
 tliem  :  so  they  sung  songs  in  his  commendation,  in  their  villages  and  cities,  as  having  procured 
 tliem  peace,  and  the  secure  enjoyment  of  their  possessions,  and  on  this  account  it  was  thai  iie 
 became  known  to  Sextus  Ca;sar,  who  was  a  relation  of  the  great  Cxsar's,  and  was  now  presi- 
 dent of  Syria.  Now  Phasaelus,  Herod's  brother,  was  moved  with  emulation  at  his  actions,  and 
 envied  the  fame  he  had  thereby  gotten,  and  became  ambitions  not  to  be  behindhand  with  hiia 
 in  deserving  it:  so  he  made  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  bear  him  the  greatest  good-will, 
 while  he  held  the  city  himself,  bnt  did  neither  manage  its  affairs  improperly,  nor  abuse  his 
 authority  therein.  This  conduct  procured  from  (he  nation  to  Antipater  such  respect  as  is  due 
 to  kings,  and  such  honours  as  he  might  jiartakeof,  if  he  were  an  absolute  lord  of  the  country 
 Yet  did  not  this  splendour  of  his,  as  frequently  happens,  in  the  least  diminish  in  him  thai  kind- 
 ness and  fidelity  which  he  owed  to  Hyrcanus. 
 
 3.  But  now  the  principal  men  among  the  Jews,  when  they  saw  Antipater  and  his  sons  to 
 grow  so  much  in  the  good-will  the  nation  bare  to  tliem,  and  in  the  revenues  which  they 
 received  out  of  Judea,  and  out  of  Hyrcanus's  own  wealth,  they  became  ill  disposed  to  him  : 
 for  indeed  Antipater  had  contracted  a  friendship  with  the  Koman  emperors:  and  when  he  had 
 prevailed  with  Il^rcanns  to  send  them  money,  he  took  it  to  himself,  and  purloined  ihe  present 
 intended,  and  sent  it  as  if  it  were  his  own,  and  not  Hyrcanus's  gift  to  them.  Hyrcanus  heard 
 of  this  his  management,  but  took  no  care  aboot  it  :  nay,  he  rather  was  very  glad  of  it :  but  Ihe 
 chief  men  of  the  Jews  were  therefore  in  fear,  because  they  saw  that  Herod  was  a  violent  and 
 
 ■  I'liose  who  will  carefully  observe  the  several  occasional  ntimbors  and  chronoloii!"al  characters  in  the  life 
 Bnd  de;iUi  of  lliis  Herod,  and  of  his  children,  hereafter  noted,  will  see,  that  '  twenty-five'  years,  and  not '  fiftee...' 
 must  for  certain  have  lieen  here  ,lope|ilm8's  owti  number  for  the  age  of  1  lerod  when  he  was  made  go^erni  r  of 
 (iulilee.  See  chap,  xxiii.  i  5.  and  chai-.  xxiv.  iS7.  and  particularly  Autiq.  i>.  xvii.  chap.  via.  ^  1.  where  f.bout 
 40  years  afterwards  1  Itiod  dies  an  old  man  at  about  70. 
 
 2  z 
 
362  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 bold  man,  and  very  desirous  of  acting  tyrannically  ;  so  tbey  came  to  Hyrcanus,  and  now  accused 
 Antipaler  openly,  and  said  to  bim,  "  How  long  wilt  thou  be  quiet  under  such  actions  as  are 
 now  done?  Or  dost  thou  not  see  that  Antipater  and  his  sons  have  already  seized  upon  the 
 governraent?  and  that  it  is  only  the  name  of  a  king  which  is  given  thee?  Bat  do  not  thou 
 suffer  these  things  to  be  hidden  from  thee ;  nor  do  thou  think  to  escape  danger,  by  being  so 
 careless  of  thyself  and  of  thy  kingdom,  for  Antipater  and  his  sons  are  not  now  stewards  of  thine 
 aiTairs  :  do  not  thou  deceive  thyself  with  such  a  notion,  they  are  evidently  absolute  lords,  for 
 Herod,  Aotipater's  son,  hath  slain  Hezekiah  and  those  that  were  with  him,  and  hath  thereby 
 transgressed  our  law,  which  hath  forbidden  to  slay  any  man,  even  though  he  were  a  wicked 
 man,  unless  he  had  been  first  condemned  to  sufter  death  by  the  sanhedrim  ;*  yet  hath  he  been 
 so  insolent  as  to  do  this,  and  that  without  any  authority  from  thee." 
 
 4.  Upon  Hyrcanus  hearing  this,  he  complied  with  them.  The  mothers  also  of  those  that 
 had  been  slain  by  Herod  raised  this  indignation  ;  for  those  women  continued  every  day  in  the 
 temple,  persuading  the  king  and  the  people,  that  Herod  might  undergo  a  trial  before  the  sanhe- 
 drim for  what  he  had  done.  Hyrcanus  was  so  moved  by  these  complaints,  that  he  summoned 
 Herod  to  come  to  his  trial,  for  what  was  charged  upon  him.  Accordingly  he  carae  :  but  bis 
 father  had  persuaded  him  to  come  not  like  a  private  man,  but  with  a  guard,  for  the  security 
 of  his  person  ;  and  that  when  he  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Galilee  in  the  best  manner  he  could 
 for  his  own  advantage,  he  should  come  to  bis  trial,  but  still  with  a  body  of  men  sufKcient  for 
 his  security  on  his  journey,  yet  so  that  he  shonld  not  come  with  so  great  a  force  as  might  look 
 like  terrifying  Hyrcanus,  but  still  such  a  one  as  might  not  expose  bim  naked  and  unguarded 
 [to  his  enemies.]  However,  Sextus  Caesar,  president  of  Syria,  wrote  to  Hyrcanus,  and  de- 
 sired him  to  clear  Herod,  and  dismiss  him  at  bis  trial,  and  threatened  him  beforehand,  if  he 
 «lid  not  do  it.  Which  epistle  of  his  was  the  occasion  of  Hyrcanus's  delivering  Herod  from 
 suffering  any  harm  from  the  sanhedrim,  for  he  loved  him  as  bis  own  son.  But  when  Herod 
 stood  before  the  sanhedrim  with  his  body  of  men  about  him,  he  affrighted  them  all,  and  no  one 
 of  his  former  accusers  durst  after  that  bring  any  charge  against  bim,  but  there  was  a  deep 
 silence,  and  nobody  knew  what  was  to  be  done.  When  afl'airs  stood  thus,  one  whose  name 
 was  Semeas,t  a  righteous  man  he  was,  and  for  that  reason  above  all  fear,  rose  up,  and 
 said,  "  O  yon  that  are  assessors  with  me,  and  O  thou  that  art  our  king,  I  neither  have  ever 
 myself  known  soch  a  case,  nor  do  I  suppose  that  any  one  of  you  can  name  its  parallel,  that  one 
 who  is  called  to  take  his  trial  by  us  ever  stood  in  such  a  manner  before  as  ;  but  every  one. 
 whosoever  he  be,  that  comes  to  be  tried  by  this  sanhedrim,  presents  himself  in  a  submissive 
 manner,  and  like  one  that  is  in  fear  of  himself,  and  that  endeavours  to  move  us  to  compassion, 
 with  his  hair  dishevelled,  and  in  a  black  mourning  garment  :  but  this  admirable  man  Herod, 
 who  is  accused  of  murder,  and  called  to  answer  so  heavy  an  accusation,  stands  here  clothed  in 
 purple,  and  with  the  hair  of  his  head  finely  trimmed,  and  with  his  armed  men  about  him,  that 
 if  we  shall  condemn  bim  by  our  law,  be  may  slay  us,  and  by  overbearing  justice,  may  himself 
 escape  death.  Yet  do  not  I  make  this  complaint  against  Herod  himself:  be  is  to  be  sure  more 
 concerned  for  himself  than  for  the  laws;  but  my  complaint  is  against  yourselves,  and  yoar 
 king,  who  gave  him  a  license  so  to  do.  However,  take  you  notice,  that  God  is  great,  and  that 
 this  very  man,  whom  you  are  going  to  absolve  and  dismiss,  for  the  sake  of  Hyrcanus,  will  one 
 day  punish  both  you  and  your  king  himself  also."  Nor  did  Senieas  mistake  in  any  part  of  this 
 prediction  ;  for  when  Herod  had  received  the  kingdom,  he  .slew  all  the  members  of  this  san- 
 hedrim, and  Hyrcanus  himself  also,  excepting  Semeas,  for  he  bad  a  great  honour  for  him  on 
 account  of  his  righteousness,  and  because,  when  the  city  was  afterwards  besieged  by  Herod 
 and  Sosius,  he  persuaded  the  people  to  admit  Herod  into  it ;  and  told  them,  "  That  for  their 
 sins  they  would  not  be  able  to  escape  bis  hands."  Which  things  will  be  related  by  us  in  their 
 proper  places. 
 
 5.  But  when  Hyrcanus  saw  that  the  members  of  the  sanhedrim  were  ready  to  pronounce  the 
 sentence  of  death  upon  Herod,  he  put  ofi"  the  trial  to  another  day,  and  sent  privately  to 
 Herod,  and  advised  bim  to  fly  out  of  the  city,  for  that  by  this  means  he  might  escape.  So  he 
 retired  to  Damascus,  as  though  he  fled  from  the  king :  and  when  he  had  been  with  Sextus 
 Caesar,  and  had  put  his  own  allairs  in  a  sore  posture,  he  resolved  to  do  thus,  that  in  case  he 
 were  again  summoned  before  the  sanhedrim  to  take  his  trial,  be  would  not  obey  that  summons. 
 Hereupon  the  members  of  the  sanhedrim  had  great  indignation  at  this  posture  of  affairs,  and 
 endeavoured  to  persuade  Hyrcanus  that  all  these  things  were  against  him.  Which  state  of 
 matters  he  was  not  ignorant  of,  but  bis  temper  was  so  unmanly,  and  so  foolish,  that  he  was 
 able  to  do  nothing  at  all.  But  when  Sextus  had  made  Herod  general  of  the  army  of  Celo- 
 syria,  for  he  sold  him  that  post  for  money,  Hyrcanus  was  in  fear  lest  Herod  should  make  war 
 upon  him  ;  nor  was  the  effect  of  what  be  feared  long  in  coming  upon  bim,  for  Herod  came  and 
 brought  an   army  along  with  bim,  to  fight  with  Hyrcanus,   as   being  angry  at  the  trial  be  bad 
 
 *  It  is  here  worth  our  while  to  remark,  that  none  could  be  put  to  death  in  Judea,  but  by  the  approbation  of 
 the  Jewish  sanhedrim,  there  being  an  excellent  provision  in  the  law  of  Woses,  that  even  m  criminal  causes, 
 and  particularly  where  life  was  concerned,  an  appeal  r.hould  lie  from  the  lesser  councils  of  seven  in  the  other 
 cities,  to  the  supreme  council  of  seventy-one  at  Jtrusalem.  And  this  is  exactly  according  to  our  Saviours 
 words,  when  he  says,  "  It  could  not  be  that  a  prophet  should  perish  out  of  Jerusalem."  Luke  xiii.  33. 
 
 +  This  account,  as  Reland  observes,  is  confirmed  by  the  Talmudists,  who  call  this  Semeas,  Simeon  the  son 
 of  Shetaob. 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP.  X.  863 
 
 been  sutnrooned  to  undergo  before  the  sanhedrim ;  but  his  father  Antipater,  and  his  brother 
 [Pliasaelus,]  met  him,  and  liiridered  him  from  assaulting  Jerusalem.  Tliey  also  pacified  bis 
 vehement  temper,  and  persuaded  liim  to  do  no  overt  action,  but  on]y  to  allright  them  with 
 threatenings,  and  to  proceed  no  further  against  one  who  had  given  him  the  dignity  he  hadj 
 they  also  desired  him  not  only  not  to  be  angry  that  he  was  summcned,  and  obliged  to  come  to  his 
 trial,  but  lo  remember  withal,  how  he  was  dismissed  without  condemnation,  and  how  he  ought 
 to  give  Hyroanus  tlianks  for  the  same,  and  that  he  was  not  to  regard  only  what  was  disagree- 
 able to  him,  and  be  iiritliacikful  for  bis  deliverance.  So  they  desired  him  to  consider,  that  since 
 it  is  God  that  turns  the  scales  of  war,  there  is  great  uncertainty  in  the  issues  of  battles,  and 
 that  therefore  he  ought  not  to  expect  the  victory,  when  he  should  fight  with  his  king,  and  him 
 that  had  supported  hitn,  and  bestowed  many  benefits  upon  him,  and  bad  done  nothing  of  itself 
 very  severe  to  him  ;  for  that  his  accusation,  which  was  derived  from  evil  counsellors,  and  not 
 from  himself,  had  rather  the  suspicion  of  some  severity,  than  anything  really  severe  in  it. 
 Herod  was  persuaded  by  these  arguments,  and  believed  that  it  was  sullicient  for  his  future 
 hopes  to  have  made  a  show  of  his  strength  before  the  nation,  and  done  no  more  to  it:  and  in 
 this  state  were  tie  affairs  of  Judea  at  this  time. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Tlie  Honours  that  were  paid  the  Jeirs ;  mid  the  Leagues  that  were  made  by  the  Romans,  and 
 other  Nations,  with  them. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Caesar  was  come  to  Rome,  be  was  ready  to  sail  into  Africa  to  fight  against 
 Scipio  and  Cato,  when  Hyrcanus  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  and  by  them  desired  that  he  would 
 ratify  that  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  alliance  which  was  between  them.  And  it  seems 
 to  me  to  be  necessary  here  to  give  an  account  of  all  the  honours  that  the  Romans  and  their 
 emperors  paid  to  our  nation,  and  of  the  leagues  of  mutual  assistance  they  have  made  with  it, 
 that  all  the  rest  of  mankind  may  know  what  regard  the  kings  of  Asia  and  Europe  have  had  to 
 ns,  and  that  they  have  been  abundantly  satisfied  of  our  courage  and  fidelity  ;  for,  whereas 
 many  will  not  believe  what  hath  been  written  about  us  by  the  Persians  and  Macedonians, 
 because  those  writings  are  not  every  where  to  be  met  with,  nor  do  lie  in  public  places,  but 
 among  us  ourselves,  and  certain  other  barbarous  nations,  while  there  is  no  contradiction  to  be 
 made  against  the  decrees  of  the  Romans,  for  they  are  laid  up  in  the  public  places  of  the  cities, 
 and  are  extant  still  in  the  capitol,  and  engraven  upon  pillars  of  brass  ;  nay,  besides  this,  Julius 
 Caesar  made  a  pillar  of  brass  for  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  and  declared  publicly  that  they  were 
 citizens  of  Alexandria.  Out  of  these  evidences  will  I  demonstrate  what  I  say  ;  and  will 
 now  set  down  the  decrees  made  both  by  the  senate,  and  by  Julius  Cicsar,  which  relate  to 
 Hyrcanus,  and  to  our  nation. 
 
 2.  "  Caius  Julius  Ciesar,  imperator  and  high  priest,  and  dictator  the  second  time,  to  the 
 magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  Sidon,  sendeth  greeting:  If  you  be  in  health,  it  is  well.  I 
 also  and  the  army  are  well.  I  have  sent  yon  a  copy  of  that  decree,  registered  on  the  tables, 
 which  concerns  Hyrcanus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  the  high  priest  and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews, 
 that  it  may  be  laid  up  among  the  public  records;  and  I  will  that  it  be  openly  proposed  in  a 
 fable  of  brass,  both  in  fireek,  and  in  Latin  :  it  is  as  follows :  I  Julius  Ca?sar,  imperator  the 
 second  time,  and  high  priest,  have  made  this  decree,  with  the  approbation  of  the  senate  : 
 Whereas  Hyrcanus,  the  son  of  Alexander  the  Jew,  hath  demonstrated  his  fidelity  and  dili- 
 gence about  our  afrairs,  and  this  both  now  and  in  former  times,  both  in  peace  and  in  war,  as 
 many  of  our  generals  have  borne  witness,  and  came  to  our  assistance  in  the  last  Glexandriari 
 war*  with  fifteen  hundred  soldiers  ;  and  when  he  was  sent  by  me  to  Mithridates,  shewed  him- 
 self superior  in  valour  to  all  the  rest  of  that  army  :  for  these  reasons  J  will  that  Hyrcanus  the 
 son  of  Alexander,  and  his  children,  be  ethnarchs  of  the  Jews,  and  have  the  high  priesthood  of 
 the  Jews  for  ever,  according  to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers,  and  that  he  and  his  sons  be 
 our  confederates,  and  that  besides  this,  every  one  of  them  be  reckoned  among  our  particular 
 friends.  I  also  ordain,  that  he  and  his  children  retain  whatsoever  privileges  belong  to  the 
 ofHce  of  high  priest,  or  whatsoever  favours  have  been  hitherto  granted  them.  And  if  at  any 
 time  hereafter  there  arise  any  questions  about  the  Jewish  customs,  1  will  that  he  determine 
 the  same.  And  I  think  it  not  proper  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  find  us  winter  quarters,  or 
 that  any  money  should  be  required  of  them. 
 
 3.  "  The  decrees  of  Caius  Caesar,  consul,  containing  what  hath  been  granted  and  deter- 
 mined, are  as  follows:  That  Hyrcanus  and  his  children  bear  rule  over  the  nation  of  the  Jews, 
 and  have  the  profits  of  the  places  to  them  bequeathed  :  and  that  he,  ashimsulf  the  high  priest 
 and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews,  defend  those  that  are  injured.  And  that  ambassadors  be  sent  to 
 Hyrcanus  the  son  of  Alexander,  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  that  may  discourse  with  him  about 
 a  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance,  and  that  a  table  of  brass,  containing  the  premises, 
 be  openly  proposed  in  the  capitol,    and   at  Sidon   and  Tyre,  and  Askelon,  and  in  the  temple, 
 
 •  That  ITyrcanuswas  himself  in  Egypt.  alonK  with  Antipater,  at  tliis  tiiro.  to  whom  accordingly  the  bold 
 nnil  pruilent  actions  of  hia  deputy  Antipater  are  here  ascribed,  as  this  dirreo  of  liiiins  (';esar  supposes,  we  are 
 further  assured  by  the  testimony  of  Strabo,  already  produced  by  Jostphus,  chap.  viii.  ^  S, 
 
364  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 engraven  in  Roman  and  Greek  letters :  that  this  decree  may  also  be  tommuoicated  to  the 
 questors  and  praters  of  the  several  cities,  and  to  the  friends  of  the  Jews:  and  that  the 
 ambassadors  niay  have  presents  made  them,  and  that  tlieso  decrees  be  sent  every  where." 
 
 4.  "  Caius  Caesar,  imperator,  dictator,  consul,  hath  granted.  That  out  of  regard  to  the 
 honour  and  virtue,  and  kindness  of  the  man  ;  and  for  the  advantage  of  the  senate,  and  of  the 
 people  of  Rome,  Hyrcanus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  both  he  and  bis  children,  be  high  priests 
 and  priests  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  Jewish  nation,  by  the  same  right,  and  according  to  the 
 same  laws,  by  which  their  progenitors  have  held  the  priesthood." 
 
 5.  "  Caius  Csesar,  consul  the  fifth  time,  hath  decreed,  That  the  Jews  bhall  possess  Jeru- 
 salem, and  may  encompass  that  city  with  walls;  and  that  Hyrcanus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  the 
 high  priest  and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews,  retain  it,  in  the  manner  he  himself  pleases  ;  and  that  the 
 Jews  be  allowed  to  deduct  out  of  their  tribute  every  second  year  the  land  is  let  [in  the  sab- 
 batic period]  a  corus  of  that  tribute,  and  that  the  tribute  they  pay  be  not  lot  to  farm,  nor  that 
 they  pay  always  the  same  tribute." 
 
 ti.  "  Caius  Caesar,  imperator  the  second  time,  hath  ordained,  That  all  the  country  of  the 
 Jews,  excepling  Joppa,  do  pay  a  tribute  yearly  for  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  excepting  the 
 seventh ;  which  they  call  the  sabbatical  year,  because  thereon  they  neither  receive  the  fruits 
 of  their  trees,  nor  do  they  sow  their  land ;  and  that  they  pay  their  tribute  in  Sidon  on  the 
 second  year  [of  that  sabbatical  period,]  the  fourth  part  of  what  was  sown  :  and  besides  this, 
 tliey  are  to  pay  the  same  titlies  to  Hyrcanus  and  his  sons,  which  they  paid  to  their  forefathers. 
 And  that  no  one,  neither  president,  nor  lieutenant,  nor  ambassador,  raise  auxiliaries  within  the 
 bonnds  of  Judea,  nor  may  soldiers  exact  money  of  them  for  winter  quarters,  or  under  any  other 
 pretence,  but  that  they  may  be  free  from  all  sorts  of  injuries  :  and  that  whatsoever  they  shall  here- 
 after have,  and  are  in  possession  of,  or  have  bought,  they  shall  retain  them  all.  It  is  also  our 
 pleasure,  that  the  city  of  Joppa,  which  the  Jews  had  originally,  when  they  made  a  league  of 
 friendship  with  the  Romans,  shall  belong  to  them,  as  it  formerly  did,  and  that  Hyrcanus,  the 
 son  of  Alexander,  and  his  sons,  have  as  tribute  of  that  city  from  those  that  occupy  the  land  for 
 the  country,  and  for  what  they  export  every  year  to  Sidon,  twenty  thousand,  six  hundred,  and 
 seventy-five  modii  every  year,  the  seventh  year,  which  they  call  the  sabbatic  year,  excepted, 
 ■whereon  they  neither  plough  nor  receive  the  product  of  their  trees.  It  is  also  the  pleasure  of 
 the  senate,  that  as  to  the  villages  which  are  in  the  great  plain,  which  Hyrcanus  and  his  fore- 
 fathers, formerly  possessed,  Hyrcanus  and  the  Jews  have  them  with  the  same  privileges  with 
 which  they  formerly  had  them  also,  and  that  the  same  original  ordinances  remain  still  in 
 force,  which  concern  the  Jews,  with  regard  to  their  high  priests;  and  that  they  enjoy  the  same 
 benefits  which  they  have  had  formerly  by  the  concession  of  the  people,  and  of  the  senate ,  and 
 let  them  enjoy  the  like  privileges  in  Lydda.  It  is  the  pleasure  also  of  the  senate,  that  Hyr- 
 canus the  ethnarch,  and  the  Jews,  retain  those  places,  countries,  and  villages,  which  belonged 
 to  the  kings  of  Syria  and  Phenicia,  the  confederates  of  the  Romans,  and  which  they  had 
 bestowed  on  them  as  their  free  gifts.  It  is  also  granted  to  Hyrcanus,  and  to  his  sons,  and  to 
 the  ambassadors  by  them  sent  to  us,  that  in  the  fights  between  single  gladiators,  and  in  those 
 with  beasts,  they  shall  sit  among  the  senators  to  see  those  shows,  and  that  when  they  desire 
 an  audience,  they  shall  be  introduced  into  the  senate  by  the  dictator,  or  by  the  general  of  the 
 horse;  and  when  they  have  introduced  them,  their  answers  shall  be  returned  them  in  ten  days 
 at  the  farthest,  after  the  decree  of  the  senate  is  made  about  their  aftairs." 
 
 7.  "  Caius  Caesar,  imperator,  dictator  the  fourth  time,  and  consul  the  fifth  time,  declared  to 
 be  perpetual  dictator,  made  this  spee»,h  concerning  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Hyrcanus  the 
 son  of  Alexander,  the  high  priest  and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews.  Since  those  imperators*  that  have 
 been  in  the  provinces  before  me  have  borne  witness  to  Hyrcanus,  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews, 
 and  to  the  Jews  themselves,  and  this  before  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  when  the  people 
 and  senate  returned  their  thanks  to  them,  it  is  good  that  we  now  also  remember  the  same,  and 
 provide  that  a  requital  be  made  to  Hyrcanus,  to  the  natijn  of  the  Jews,  and  to  the  sons  of 
 Hyrcanus,  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  and  that  suitably  to  what  good-will  they  have 
 shewn  us,  and  to  the  benefits  they  have  bestowed  upon  us." 
 
 8.  "  Julius  Caius,  pretor  [consul]  of  Rome,  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  the 
 Parians,  sendeth  greeting.  The  Jews  of  Delos,  and  some  other  Jews  that  sojourn  there,  ia 
 the  presence  of  your  ambassadors,  signified  to  us,  that  by  a  decree  of  yours,  you  forbid  them 
 to  make  use  of  the  customs  of  their  forefathers,  and  their  way  of  sacred  worship.  Now  it 
 does  not  please  me,  that  such  decrees  should  be  made  against  our  friends  and  confederates, 
 whereby  they  are  forbidden  to  live  according  to  their  own  customs,  or  to  bring  in  contribu- 
 tions for  common  suppers  and  holy  festivals,  while  they  are  not  forbidden  so  to  do  even  at 
 Rome  itself;  for  even  Caius  Caesar,  our  imperator  and  consul,  in  that  decree  wherein  he  for- 
 l)ade  the  Bacchanal  rioters  to  meet  in  the  city,  did  jet  permit  these  Jews,  and  these  only,  both 
 to  bring  in  their  contributions,  and  to  make  their  common  suppers.     Accordingly,  when  I  for- 
 
 Ur.  Hudson  justly  supposes,  that  the  Roman  imperators.  or  generals  of  armies,  meant  both  here,  and  $2.  who 
 pave  ti.stimoiiy  to  lIjTcanus'  and  the  Jews'  faithfulness  aucl  good-will  to  the  Romans  before  the  senate  and 
 people  ot  HoTue,  were  principally  Ponipey,  Scaurus,  and  Gabiuius ;  of  all  whom  Joscphus  had  already  given 
 us  Hie  hitilory,  so  far  as  the  Jews  were  coucerued  with  them. 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP.  X.  S65 
 
 bid  other  Bacchanal  rioters,  I  permit  these  Jews  to  gather  themselves  together,  according  to 
 the  customs  and  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  to  persist  therein.  It  will  be  therefore  good  for 
 yon,  that  if  ^ou  have  made  any  decree  against  these  our  friends  and  confederates,  to  abrogate 
 the  same,  by  reason  of  tlieir  virtue,  and  liind  disposition  towards  us." 
 
 9.  Now  after  Caius  was  slain,  when  Marcus  Antonius,  and  Publius  Dolabella,  were  consuls, 
 they  both  assembled  the  senate,  and  introduced  Hyrcanus'  ambassadors  into  it,  and  discoursed 
 of  what  they  desired,  and  made  a  league  of  friendship  with  them.  The  senate  also  decreed, 
 to  grant  them  all  they  desired.  I  add  the  decree  itself,  that  those  who  read  the  present 
 work,  may  have  ready  by  them  a  demonstration  of  the  truth  of  what  we  say  :  the  decree 
 was  this : 
 
 10.  "  The  decree  of  the  senate,  copied  out  of  the  treasury,  from  the  public  tables  belonging- 
 to  the  questors,  when  Quintus  Ratilius  and  Caius  Cornelius  were  queslors,  and  taken  out  of 
 tlie  second  table  of  the  iirst  class,  on  the  third  day  before  the  ides  of  April,  in  the  temple  of 
 Concord.  There  were  present  at  the  writing  of  this  decree,  Lucius  Calpurnius  Piso  of  the 
 Menenian  tribe,  Servius  Papinias  Potitus  of  the  Lemnnian  tribe,  Caius  Caniiiius  Rebiliiis  of 
 the  Terentine  tribe,  Publius  Tidetus,  Lucius  Apulinus,  the  son  of  Lucius,  of  the  Sergian  tribe. 
 Flavins,  the  son  of  Lucius,  of  the  Lemonian  tribe,  Publius  Platius,  the  son  of  Publius,  of  the 
 Papyriau  tribe,  Marcus  Acilius,  the  son  of  Marcus,  of  tlie  Mecian  tribe,  Lucius  Erucius,  the 
 Bon  of  Lucius,  of  the  Stellatine  tribe,  Marcus  Quintus  Plancillus,  the  son  of  Marcus,  of  the 
 Pollian  tribe,  and  Publius  Serins.  Publius  Dolabella,  and  Marcus  Antonius,  the  conscis, 
 made  this  reference  to  the  senate,  that  as  to  those  things  which,  by  the  decree  of  the  senate, 
 Cains  Csesar  had  adjudged  about  the  Jews,  and  yet  had  not  hitherto  that  decree  brought  into 
 the  treasury,  it  is  our  will,  as  it  is  also  the  desire  of  Fuhlius  Dolabella,  and  Marcus  Antonius, 
 onr  consuls,  to  have  these  decrees  put  into  the  public  tables,  and  brought  to  the  city  questors, 
 thai  they  may  take  care  to  have  them  put  upon  the  double  tables.  This  was  done  before  the 
 fifth  of  the  ides  of  February,  in  the  temple  of  Concord.  Now  the  ambassadors  from  Hyrcanus 
 the  liigh  priest  were  these,  Lysimachns  the  son  of  Pausanias,  Alexander  the  sou  of  Theodorus, 
 Palroclus  the  son  of  Cheras,  and  Jonathan  the  son  ofOnias." 
 
 11.  Hyrcanus  sent  also  one  of  these  ambassadors  to  Dolabella,  who  was  then  the  prefect  of 
 Asia,  and  desired  him  to  dismiss  the  Jews  from  military  services,  and  to  preserve  to  them  the 
 customs  of  their  forefathers,  and  to  permit  them  to  live  according  to  tiiem.  And  when  Dola- 
 bella had  received  Hyrcanus'  letter,  without  any  further  deliberation,  be  sent  an  epistle  to  all 
 the  Asiatics,  and  particularly  to  the  city  of  the  Ephesians,  the  metropolis  of  Asia,  about  the 
 Jews,  a  copy  of  which  epistle  here  follows  : 
 
 12.  "  When  Artemon  was  prytanis,  on  the  first  day  of  the  month  Lenenn,  Dolabella  impe- 
 ralor,  to  the  senate,  and  magistrates,  and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  sendeth  greeting:  Alexan- 
 der, the  son  of  Theodorus,  the  ambassador  of  Hyrcanus,  the  son  of  Alexander  the  high  priest 
 and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews,  appeared  before  me,  to  shew  that  his  countrymen  could  not  go  into 
 their  armies,  because  they  are  not  allowed  to  bear  arms,  or  to  travel  on  the  Sabbath-days,  nor 
 tiiere  to  procure  themselves  those  sorts  of  food  which  they  have  been  used  to  eat  from  the 
 times  of  their  forefathers;  I  do  therefore  grant  them  a  freedom  from  going  into  the  army,  as 
 the  former  prefects  have  done,  and  permit  them  to  use  the  customs  of  their  forefathers,  in 
 assembling  together  for  sacred  and  religious  purposes,  as  their  law  requires,  and  for  collecting 
 oblations  necessary  for  sacrifices :  and  my  will  is,  that  you  write  this  to  the  several  cities 
 under  your  jurisdiction." 
 
 lit.  And  these  were  the  concessions  that  Dolabella  made  to  onr  nation  when  Hyrcanus  sent 
 an  embassage  to  him.  But  Lucius  the  consul's  decree  ran  thus:  "  I  have  at  my  tribunal  set 
 these  Jews,  who  are  citizens  of  Rome,  and  follow  the  Jewish  religious  rites,  and  yet  live  at 
 Epiiesus,  free  ftoni  going  into  the  army,  on  account  of  the  superstition  they  are  under.  This 
 was  done  before  the  twelfth  of  the  calends  of  October,  when  Lucius  Lentulus,  and  Caius 
 Murcellus,  were  consuls,  in  the  presence  of  Titus  Appius  Baigus,  the  son  of  Titus,  and  lieute- 
 nant of  the  Horatiaii  tribe;  of  Titus  Tongius,  the  son  of  Titus,  of  the  Crustumine  tribe;  of 
 Quintus  Resius,  the  son  of  Quintus  ;  of  Titus  Pompeius  Longinus,  the  son  of  Titus  ;  of  Caius 
 Servilius,  the  son  of  Cains,  of  the  Terentine  tribe;  of  Bracchus  the  military  tribune  ;  of  Publius 
 Lucius  Callus,  the  son  of  Publius,  of  the  Veturian  tribe  ;  of  Caius  .Senlius,  the  son  of  Caius,  of 
 the  Sabbatine  tribe  ;  of  Titus  Attilius  Bulbns,  the  son  of  Titus,  lieutenant  and  vice-pretor,  to 
 the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  sendeth  greeting:  Lucius  Lentulus  the 
 consul  freed  the  Jews  that  are  in  Asia  from  going  into  the  armies,  at  my  intercession  fnr  then). 
 And  when  I  had  made  the  same  pelilion  sometime  afterward  to  Phanius  the  imperator,  and  to 
 Lucius  Antonius  the  vice-questnr,  I  obtained  that  privilege  of  them  also;  and  my  will  is,  that 
 ydu  take  care  that  no  one  give  them  any  disturbance." 
 
 14.  The  decree  of  the  Delians.  "  The  answer  of  the  prelors,  when  Beotus  was  archon,  on 
 the  twentiethday  of  the  month  Thargeleon.  While  Marcus  Piso  the  lieutenant  lived  inourcity, 
 who  was  also  appointed  over  the  choice  of  the  soldiers,  he  called  us,  and  many  other  of  the 
 citizens,  and  gave  order,  that  if  there  be  here  any  Jews,  who  are  Roman  citizens,  no  one  is  to 
 give  them  any  disturbance  about  going  into  the  army,  because  Cornelus  Lentulus,  the  consul, 
 freed  the  Jews  from  going  into  the  army,   ou  accouut  of  the  superstition  they  arc  under ;  you 
 
366  AMTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 are  therefore  obliged  to  sabmit  to  the  pretor."     And  the  like  decree  was  made  by  the  Sar- 
 diaos  aboat  us  also. 
 
 15.  "  Caius  Phanias,  the  son  of  Caius,  imperator  and  consul,  to  the  magistrates  of  Cos, 
 sendeth  greeting:  I  would  have  jou  know  that  the  ambassadors  of  the  Jews  have  been  with 
 jue,  and  desired  they  might  have  those  decrees  which  the  senate  had  made  about  them ;  which 
 decrees  are  here  subjoined.  My  will  is,  that  you  have  a  regard  to,  and  take  care  of  these  men, 
 according  to  the  senate's  decree,  that  they  may  be  safely  conveyed  home  through  your  country." 
 
 16.  The  declaration  of  Lucius  Lentulus  the  consul:  "  I  have  dismissed  those  Jews  who 
 are  Roman  citizens,  and  who  appear  to  me  to  have  their  religious  rites,  and  to  observe  the 
 laws  of  the  .Jews  at  Epbesus,  on  account  of  the  superstition  they  are  under.  This  act  was 
 done  before  the  thirteenth  of  the  calends  of  October." 
 
 17.  "  Lucius  Antonius,  the  son  of  Marcus,  yice-questor,  and  vice-pretor,  to  the  magistrates, 
 senate,  and  people  of  the  Sardians,  sendeth  greeting:  Those  Jews  that  are  our  fellow-citizens 
 of  Rome,  came  to  me,  and  demonstrated  that  they  had  an  assembly  of  their  own,  according  to 
 the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  this  from  the  beginning,  as  also  a  place  of  their  own,  whereiti 
 they  determined  their  suits  and  controversies  with  one  another:  upon  their  petition  therefore 
 to  me,  that  these  might  be  lawful  for  them,  I  gave  order  that  these  their  privileges  be  pre- 
 served, and  they  be  permitted  to  do  accordingly." 
 
 18.  The  declaration  of  Marcus  Publius,  the  son  of  Spurius,  and  of  Marcus,  the  son  of 
 Marcos,  and  of  Lucius  the  son  of  Publius  :  "  We  went  to  the  proconsul,  and  informed  him  of 
 what  Dositheus,  the  son  of  Cleopatrida  of  Alexandria  desired,  that,  if  he  thought  good,  he 
 would  dismiss  those  Jews  who  were  Roman  citizens,  and  were  wont  to  observe  the  rites  of 
 the  Jewish  religion,  on  account  of  the  superstition  they  were  under.  Accordingly,  he  did  dis- 
 miss them.     This  was  done  before  the  thirteenth  of  the  calends  of  October." 
 
 19.  "  In  the  month  Quintilis,  when  Lucius  Lentulus  and  Caius  Marcellus  were  consuls  ; 
 and  there  were  present  Titus  Appius  Balbus,  the  son  of  Titus,  lieutenant  of  the  Horation  tribe. 
 Titus  Tongius  of  the  Crustnmine  tribe,  Quintus  Resius  the  son  of  Quintus,  Titus  Pompeius  the 
 son  of  Titus  Cornelius  Longinus,  Caius  Servilius  Bracchus,  the  son  of  Caius,  a  military  tribune, 
 of  the  Tarentine  tribe,  Publius  Clausius  Gallus,  the  son  of  Publius,  of  the  Veturian  tribe,  Caius 
 Teutius  the  son  of  Caius,  a  military  tribune,  of  the  Einilian  tribe,  Sextus  Atilius  Serranus,  the 
 son  of  Sextus,  of  the  Esquiline  tribe,  Caius  Pompeius,  the  son  of  Caius,  of  the  Sabbatine  tribe, 
 Titus  Appius  Menander,  the  sou  of  Titus  Publius  Servilius  Sirabo,  the  son  of  Publius,  Lucius 
 Paccius  Capito,  the  son  of  Lucius,  of  the  Colline  tribe,  Aulus  Furius  Tertius,  the  son  of 
 Aulus,  and  Appius  Menas.  In  the  presence  of  these  it  was  that  Lentulus  pronounced  this 
 decree :  I  have  before  the  tribunal  dismissed  those  Jews  that  are  Roman  citizens,  and  are 
 accustomed  to  observe  the  sacred  rites  of  the  Jews  at  Ephesus,  on  account  of  the  superstition 
 they  are  under." 
 
 20.  "  The  magistrates  of  the  Laodiceans  to  Caius  Rubilius,  the  son  of  Cains,  the  consul, 
 sendeth  greeting :  Sopater  the  ambassador  of  Hyrcanus,  the  high  priest,  hath  delivered  us  an 
 epistle  from  thee,  whereby  he  lets  us  know,  that  certain  ambassadors  were  come  from  Hyr- 
 canus, the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  and  brought  an  epistle  written  concerning  their  nation, 
 wherein  they  desire  that  the  Jews  may  be  allowed  to  observe  their  Sabbaths,  and  other  sacred 
 rites,  according  to  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  that  they  may  be  under  no  command, 
 because  they  are  our  friends  and  confederates,  and  that  nobody  may  injure  them  in  our  pro- 
 vinces. Now  although  the  Trallians  there  present  contradicted  them,  and  were  not  pleased 
 with  these  decrees,  yet  didst  thou  give  order  that  they  should  be  observed,  and  informedst  us 
 that  thou  hadst  been  desired  to  write  this  to  us  about  them.  We  therefore,  in  obedience  to 
 the  injunctions  we  have  received  from  thee;  have  received  the  epistle  which  thou  sentest  ns, 
 and  have  laid  it  up  by  itself  among  our  public  records.  And  as  to  the  other  things  about 
 which  thou  didst  send  to  us,  we  will  take  care  that  no  complaint  be  made  against  us." 
 
 21.  "  Publius  Servilius,  the  son  of  Publius,  of  the  Galban  tribe,  the  proconsul  to  tb« 
 magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  the  Milesians,  sendeth  greeting:  Prytanes  the  son  of 
 Hermes,  a  citizen  of  yours,  came  to  me  when  I  was  at  Tralles,  and  held  a  court  there,  and 
 informed  me  that  you  used  the  Jews  in  a  way  different  from  my  opinion,  and  forbade  them  to 
 celebrate  their  Sabbaths,  and  to  perform  the  sacred  rites  received  from  their  forefathers,  and 
 to  manage  the  fruits  of  the  land  according  to  their  ancient  custom,  and  that  he  had  himself 
 been  the  promulger  of  your  decree,  according  as  your  laws  require:  I  would  therefore  have 
 you  know,  that  upon  hearing  the  pleadings  on  both  sides,  I  gave  sentence  that  the  Jews  should 
 not  be  prohibited  to  make  use  of  tlieir  own  customs." 
 
 22.  The  decree  of  those  of  Pergamus.  When  Cratippus  was  prytanis,  on  the  first  day  of 
 the  month  Desius,  the  decree  of  the  pretors  was  this:  "  Since  the  Romans,  following  the  con- 
 duct of  tlieir  ancestors,  undertake  dangers  for  the  common  safety  of  all  mankind,  and  are 
 ambitious  to  settle  their  confederates  and  friends  in  happiness,  and  in  firm  peace  ;  and  since  the 
 nation  of  the  Jews,  and  their  high  priest  Hyrcanus,  sent  as  ambassadors  to  tliem^  Strato,  the 
 son  of  Tlieodatus,  and  Apollouius,  the  son  of  Alexander,  and  Eneas,  the  son  of  Antipater,  and 
 Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Amyntus,  and  Sosipater,  the  son  of  Philip,  worthy  and  good  men,  who 
 gave   a  particular  account  of  their  all'airs,  the  senate  thereupon  made  a  decree  about  what 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP.  X. 
 
 tbey  liad  desired  of  Uiem,  that  Antioclius  the  kin^,  the  son  of  Antiochus,  sliould  do  no 
 injury  to  the  Jews,  the  coufederates  of  the  Romans;  and  that  llie  fortresses,  and  the 
 havens,  and  tlie  country,  and  wiialsoever  else  he  had  taken  from  them,  should  be  restored 
 to  them;  and  that  it  may  be  lawful  for  them  to  export  their  goods  out  of  their  own  havens; 
 and  that  no  king  nor  people  may  have  leave  to  export  any  goods,  either  out  of  the  country 
 of  Judea,  or  out  of  their  havens,  without  paying  customs,  but  only  Ptolemy  the  king  of 
 Alexandria,  because  he  is  our  confederate  and  friend  ;  and  that  according  to  their  desire, 
 the  garrison  that  is  in  Joppa  may  be  ejected.  Now  Lucius  Pettius,  one  of  the  senators,  a 
 worthy  and  good  man,  gave  order  that  we  should  take  care  that  these  things  should  be  done 
 according  to  the  senate's  decree  ;  and  that  we  sliould  take  care  also  that  their  ambassadors 
 might  return  home  in  safety.  Accordinglv,  we  admitted  Theodoras  into  our  senate  and  assem- 
 bly, and  took  the  epistle  out  of  his  hands,  as  well  as  the  decree  of  the  senate  ;  and  as  he  dis- 
 coursed with  great  zeal  abont  the  Jews,  and  described  Hyrcanns'  virtue  and  generosity,  and 
 how  he  was  a  benefactor  to  all  men  in  common,  and  particularly  to  every  body  that  comes  to 
 bim,  we  laid  up  the  epistle  in  our  public  records;  and  made  a  decree  ourselves,  that  since  we 
 also  are  in  confederacy  with  the  Romans,  we  would  do  every  thing  we  could  for  the  Jews, 
 according  to  the  setiate's  decree.  Theodorus  also,  who  brought  the  epistle,  desired  of  our 
 pretors,  that  they  would  send  Uyrcanus  a  copy  of  that  decree,  as  also  ambassadors  to  signify 
 to  him  the  aflection  of  our  people  to  him,  and  to  exhort  them  to  preserve  and  augment  their 
 friendship  for  us,  and  be  ready  to  bestow  other  benefits  upon  us,  as  justly  expecting  to  receive 
 proper  requitals  from  us;  and  desiring  them  to  remember  that  our  ancestors*  were  friendly  to 
 the  Jews  even  in  the  days  of  Abraham,  who  was  the  father  of  all  the  Hebrews,  as  we  have 
 [also]  found  it  set  down  in  our  public  records." 
 
 23.  The  decree  of  those  of  Halicaruassus.  When  Memnon,  the  son  of  Oristidas  by  descent, 
 but,  by  adoption,  of  Eunonymus,  was  priest,  on  the  *  *  *  day  of  the  month  Aristerion,  the 
 decree  of  the  people,  upon  the  representation  of  Marcus  Alexander,  was  this:  "  Since  we 
 Lave  ever  a  great  regard  to  piety  towards  God,  and  to  holiness,  and  since  we  aim  to  follow  the 
 people  of  the  Romans,  who  are  the  benefactors  of  all  men,  and  what  they  have  written  to  us 
 about  a  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  between  the  Jews  and  our  city,  and  that 
 their  sacred  oflices,  and  accustomed  festivals  and  assemblies,  may  be  observed  by  them,  we 
 have  decreed,  that  as  many  men  and  women  of  the  Jews  as  are  willing  so  to  do,  may  celebrate 
 their  Sabbaths,  and  perform  their  holy  odices,  according  to  the  Jewish  laws;  and  may  make 
 their  proseuchas  at  the  seaside,  according  to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers ;  and  if  any  one, 
 whether  he  be  a  magistrate  or  private  person,  hindereth  them  from  so  doing,  he  shall  be  liable 
 to  a  fine,  to  be  applied  to  the  uses  of  the  city." 
 
 24.  The  decree  of  the  Sardians.  This  decree  was  made  by  the  senate  and  people,  upon  the 
 representation  of  the  pretors  :  "  Whereas  those  Jews,  who  are  our  fellow-citizens,  and  live 
 with  us  in  this  city,  have  ever  had  great  benefits  heaped  upon  them  by  the  people,  and  have 
 come  now  into  the  senate,  and  desired  of  the  people  that  upon  the  restitution  of  their  law  and 
 their  liberty,  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  they  may  assemble  together,  according  to  their 
 ancient  legal  custom,  and  that  we  will  not  bring  any  suit  against  them  about  it;  and  that  a 
 place  may  be  given  them  where  they  may  hold  their  congregations,  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
 dren, and  may  oiler,  as  did  their  forefathers,  their  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  God;  now  the 
 senale  and  people  have  decreed  to  permit  them  to  assemble  together  on  the  days  formerly 
 appointed,  and  to  act  according  to  their  own  laws;  and  that  such  a  place  be  set  apart  for  them 
 by  the  pretors,  for  the  building  and  iidiabiiing  the  same,  as  they  shall  esteem  fit  for  that  pur- 
 pose. And  that  those  that  take  care  of  the  provisions  for  the  city,  shall  take  care  that  such 
 sorts  of  (bod  as  they  esteem  fit  for  their  eating,  may  be  imported  into  the  city." 
 
 2.5.  The  decree  of  the  Ephesians.  When  Menophilus  was  prytanis,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
 month  Artemisius,  this  decree  was  made  by  the  people:  "  Nicatior,  the  son  of  Euphemius, 
 pronounced  it,  upon  the  representation  of  the  pretois.  Since  the  Jews  that  dwell  in  this  city 
 have  petitioned  Marcus  Julius  Porapeius,  the  son  of  Hrutus,  the  proconsul,  that  they  might 
 be  allowed  to  observe  their  Sabbaths,  and  to  act  in  all  things  according  to  the  customs  of  their 
 forefathers,  without  impediment  from  any  body,  the  pretor  hath  granted  their  petition.  Accord- 
 ingly, it  was  decreed  by  the  senate  and  people,  that  in  this  aft'air  that  concerned  the  Romans, 
 no  one  of  thern  should  be  hindered  from  Ueepins;  the  Sabbath-day,  nor  be  fined  for  so  doing, 
 but  that  they  may  be  allowed  to  do  all  things  according  to  their  own  laws." 
 
 2ti.  Now  there   are  many  such   decrees  of  the  senate  and  imperators  of  the  Romans,!  and 
 
 •  We  have  here  a  most  remarkable  and  aulhentic  attestation  of  the  citizens  of  Perpamus.that  Abraham  was 
 the  father  of  all  the  Hebrews  ;  that  their  own  aucestors  were,  i:i  the  oldest  tiine,  the  friends  of  those  Hebrews ; 
 and  tliat  the  puldic  acts  of  their  city,  then  extaiit,  confirmed  the  same;  which  evidence  is  too  strong  to  bo 
 evaded  by  our  present  iKnorance  of  the  particular  occasion  of  such  ancient  friendship  and  alliance  between 
 those  people.  .See  the  like  full  i-vidence  of  the  kindred  of  the  I.aoidcmonians  and  the  Jews  ;  and  that  because 
 tliwy  were  both  the  posterity  of  Abraham,  by  a  public  epistle  of  those  people  to  the  .lews, preserved  in  the  first 
 book  of  Maccabees  xii.  19— 2:i.  and  thence  by  .losephus,  Antiq.  b.  xii.  chap.  iv.  ^10.  both  which  authentic 
 records  are  highly  valuable.  U  is  also  well  worthy  of  oljservation.  what  Moses  C'horonensis,  the  principal 
 Armenian  historian,  informs  us  of,  p.  8.3.  that  Arsaces,   who  raised  the   Parthian  empire,  was  of  the  seed  of 
 
 hraham  by  t'hetura,  and  that  thereby  was  accomplished  that  prediction  which  said,  "  Kinijs  of  nations  shall 
 proceed  from  thee,"  Gen.  .xvii.  (j. 
 
 1  If  we  compare  Josephns'  promise  in  ^  1.  to  produce  '  all'  the  public  decrees  of  the  Itomans  in  favour  of 
 the  Jews,  with  his  excuse  here  for  omillini;  '  many'  of  tUem,  we  may  observe,  that  wltcu  he  came  to  transcribe 
 
368  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 those  difiFerent  from  these  before  us,  which  hare  been  made  in  favour  of  Hjroanns,  and  of  our 
 nation  ;  as  also,  there  have  been  more  decrees  of  the  city,  and  rescripts  of  the  pretors, 
 to  such  epistles  as  concerned  our  rights  and  privileges  :  and  certainly  snch  as  are  not  ill 
 disposed  to  what  we  write,  may  believe  that  they  are  all  to  this  purpose,  and  that  by  tlio 
 specimens  which  we  have  inserted;  for  since  we  have  produced  evident  marks  that  may  still 
 be  seen,  of  the  friendship  we  have  had  with  the  Romans,  and  demonstrated  that  those  marks 
 are  engraven  upon  columns  and  tables  of  brass  in  the  oapitol,  that  are  still  in  being,  and  pre- 
 served to  this  day,  we  have  omitted  to  set  them  all  down,  as  needless  and  disagreeable  ;  for 
 I  cannot  suppose  any  one  so  perverse  as  not  to  believe  the  friendship  we  have  had  with  the 
 Romans,  while  they  have  demonstrated  the  same  by  such  a  great  number  of  their  decrees 
 relating  to  us  ;  nor  will  they  doubt  of  our  fidelity  as  to  the  rest  of  those  decrees,  since  we  have 
 shewed  the  same  in  tliose  we  have  produced.  And  thus  have  we  sufficiently  explained  that 
 friendship  and  confederacy  we  at  those  times  had  with  the  Romans. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  Marcus*  succeeded  Sextus,  when  he  had  been  slain  by  Bassus^  treachery;  and  how,  afle''' 
 the  Death  of  Ccesar,  Cassius  came,  into  Syria,  and  distressed  Judea;  as  also,  how  Malichus 
 slew  Antipater,  and  was  himself  slain  by  Herod. 
 
 §  1.  Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  about  this  very  time  the  affairs  of  Syria  were  in  great  disorder, 
 and  this  on  the  occasion  following  :  Cecilius  Bassus,  one  of  Pompey's  party,  laid  a  treach- 
 erous design  against  Sextus  Cajsar,  and  slew  him,  and  then  took  his  army,  and  got  the  manage- 
 ment of  public  affairs  into  his  own  hand;  so  there  arose  a  great  war  about  Apamia,  while 
 Caesar's  generals  came  against  him  with  an  army  of  horsemen  and  footmen  :  to  these  Antipater 
 also  sent  succours,  and  his  sons  with  them,  as  calling  to  mind  the  kindnesses  they  had  received 
 from  Csesar,  and  on  that  account  he  thought  it  but  just  to  require  punishment  for  him,  and  to 
 take  vengeance  on  the  man  that  had  murdered  him.  And  as  the  war  was  drawn  out  into  a 
 great  length,  Marcus  came  from  Rome  to  take  Sextus'  government  upon  him  :  but  Cassar  was 
 slain  by  Cassius  and  Brutus  in  the  senate-house,  after  he  had  retained  the  government  three 
 years  and  six  months.     This  fact,  however,  is  related  elsewhere. 
 
 2.  As  the  war  that  arose  upon  the  death  of  Ca?sar  was  now  begun,  and  the  principal  men 
 ■were  all  gone,  some  one  way,  and  some  another,  to  raise  armies,  Cassius  came  from  Rome 
 into  Syria,  in  order  to  receive  the  [army  that  lay  iu  the]  camp  at  Apamia  ;  and  having  raised 
 the  siege,  he  brought  over  both  Bassus  and  Marcus  to  bis  party.  He  then  went  over  the 
 cities,  and  got  together  weapons  and  soldiers,  and  laid  great  taxes  upon  those  cities ;  and  he 
 chiefly  oppressed  Judea,  and  exacted  of  it  seven  hundred  talents  :  but  Antipater,  when  he 
 saw  the  state  to  be  in  so  great  consternation  and  disorder,  divided  the  collection  of  that 
 sum,  and  appointed  his  two  sons  to  gather  it,  and  so  that  part  of  it  was  to  be  exacted  by 
 Malichus,  who  was  ill-disposed  to  him,  and  part  by  others.  And  because  Herod  did  exact 
 what  is  required  of  him  from  Galilee  before  others,  he  was  in  the  greatest  favonr  with  Cas- 
 sius ;  for  he  thought  it  a  part  of  prudence  to  cultivate  a  friendship  with  the  Romans,  and 
 to  gain  their  good-will  at  the  expense  of  others  ;  whereas  the  curators  of  the  other  cities,  with 
 their  citizens,  were  sold  for  slaves ;  and  Cassins  reduced  four  cities  info  slavery,  the  two  most 
 potent  of  which  were  Gophna  and  Emmaus;  and,  besides  these,  Lydda  and  Thamna,  Nay, 
 Cassius  was  so  very  angry  at  Malichus,  that  he  had  killed  him,  (for  he  assaulted  him,)  had 
 not  Hyrcanus,  by  the  means  of  Antipater,  sent  him  a  hundred  talents  of  his  own,  and  thereby 
 pacified  his  anger  against  him. 
 
 3.  But  afier  Cassius  was  gone  out  of  Judea,  Malichus  laid  snares  for  Antipater,  as  think- 
 ing that  his  death  would  be  the  preservation  of  Hyrcanus'  government;  but  his  design  was 
 not  unknown  to  Antipater,  which  when  he  perceived,  he  retired  beyond  Jordan,  and  got 
 together  an  array,  partly  of  Arabs,  and  partly  of  his  own  countrymen.  However  Malichus 
 being  one  of  great  cunning,  denied  that  he  had  laid  any  snares  for  him,  and  made  his  defence 
 with  an  oath,  both  to  himself  and  his  sons  ;  and  said,  that  while  Phasaelus  had  a  garrison  in 
 Jerusalem,  and  Herod  had  the  weapons  of  war  in  his  custody,  be  could  never  have  a  thought 
 of  any  such  thing.  So  Antipater,  perceiving  the  distress  that  Malichus  was  in,  was  reconciled 
 to  him,  and  made  an  agreement  with  him;  this  was  when  Marcus  was  president  of  Syria; 
 who  yet  perceiving  that  this  Malichus  was  making  a  disturbance  in  Jndea,  proceeded  so  far 
 that  he  had  almost  killed  him,  but  still  at  the  intercession  of  Antipater  he  saved  him. 
 
 4.  However,  Antipater  little  thought  that  by  saving  Malichus,  he  had  saved  his  own  mur- 
 derer :  for  now  Cassius  and  Marcus  had  got  together  an  army,  and  intrusted  the  entire  care 
 of  it  to  Herod,  and  made  him  general  of  the  forces  of  Celosyria,  and  gave  him   a  fleet  of 
 
 all  those  decrees  he  had  collected,  he  found  them  so  numerous  that  he  thought  he  should  too  much  tire  his 
 readers  if  he  had  attempted  it,  which  he  thought  a  suiticient  apology  for  his  omitting  the  rest  of  them  ;  yet 
 do  those  by  hiir.  produced  afford  such  a  strong  confirmation  to  his  history,  and  give  such  great  light  to  eveu 
 the  Roman  Autitiuities  themselves,  that  I  believe  the  curious  are  not  a  little  sorry  for  such  his  omissions. 
 
 *  For  Marcus,  the  president  of  Syria,  sent  as  successor  to  Sextus  Caesar,  the  Roman  historians  re(;uire  us  to 
 read  'Murcus'  in  Josephus,  aud  thi3  perpetually  both  in  these  Antiquities,  and  in  the  History  of  the  Wars,  as 
 the  learned  generally  agree. 
 
HOOK    XIV. — CHAP.    XII.  369 
 
 ships,  and  an  armj  of  horsemen  and  footmen  ;  and  promised  him,  that  after  the  war  was  over 
 they  would  make  him  king  of  Judea,  for  a  war  was  already  began  between  Antony  and  the 
 younger  Ciesar  ;  but  as  Maliclius  was  most  afraid  of  Antipater,  he  took  him  out  of  tiic  way  : 
 and,  by  the  olter  of  money,  persuaded  the  buller  of  Hyrcanus,  with  whom  they  were  both  to 
 feast,  to  kill  him  by  poison.  This  being  done,  and  he  having  armed  men  with  him,  settled 
 the  aflairs  of  the  city.  But  when  Antipater's  sons,  Herod  and  Phasaelus,  were  acquainted 
 with  this  conspiracy  against  their  father,  and  had  indignation  at  it,  Malichus  denied  all,  and 
 utterly  renounced  any  knowledge  of  the  murder.  And  thus  died  Antipater,  a  man  that  had 
 distinguished  himself  for  piety  and  justice,  and  love  to  his  country.  And  whereas  one  of  his 
 sons,  Herod,  resolved  immediately  to  revenge  their  father's  death,  and  was  coming  upon  Mali- 
 chns  with  an  army  for  that  purpose,  the  elder  of  his  sons,  Phasaelus,  thought  it  best  rather 
 to  get  this  man  into  their  hands  by  policy,  lest  they  should  appear  to  begin  a  civil  war  in 
 the  country  ;  so  he  accepted  of  Malichus'  defence  for  himself,  and  pretended  to  believe  him 
 that  he  had  no  hand  in  the  violent  death  of  Antipater  his  fatlier,  but  erected  a  fine  monu- 
 ment for  him.  Herod  also  went  to  Samaria,  and  when  he  found  them  iu  great  distress,  he 
 revived  their  spirits,  and  composed  their  dillerences. 
 
 5.  However,  a  little  after  this,  Herod,  upon  the  approach  of  a  festival,  came  with  his 
 soldiers  into  the  city  ;  whereupon  Malichus  was  afl'righted,  and  persuaded  Hyrcanus  not  to 
 permit  him  to  come  into  the  city.  Hyrcanus  complied;  and,  for  a  pretence  of  excluding  him, 
 Klleged,  that  a  rout  of  strangers  ought  not  to  be  admitted,  when  the  multitude  were  purifying 
 themselves.  But  Herod  had  little  regard  to  the  messengers  that  were  sent  to  him,  and 
 entered  the  city  in  the  night  time,  and  afl'righted  Malichus  ;  yet  did  he  remit  nothing  of  his 
 former  dissimulation,  bat  wept  for  Antipater,  and  bewailed  hira  as  a  friend  of  his,  with  a  loud 
 voice  :  but  Herod  and  his  friends  thought  it  proper,  not  openly  to  contradict  Malichus'  hypo- 
 crisy, but  to  give  him  tokens  of  mutual  friendship,  in  order  to  prevent  his  suspicion  of  them. 
 
 C.  However,  Herod  sent  to  Cassius,  and  informed  hira  of  the  murder  of  his  father  ;  who 
 knowing  what  sort  of  man  Malichus  was  as  to  his  morals,  sent  him  back  word,  that  he  should 
 ravenge  his  father's  death  ;  and  also  sent  privately,  to  the  commanders  of  his  array  at  Tyre, 
 with  orders  to  assist  Kerod  in  the  execution  of  a  very  just  design  of  his.  Now  when  Cassias 
 had  taken  Loadicea,  they  all  went  together  to  him,  and  carried  him  garlands  and  money  ;  and 
 Herod  thnuglit  that  Malichus  might  be  punished  while  he  was  there  ;  but  he  was  somewhat 
 apprehensive  of  the  thing,  and  designed  to  make  some  great  attempt,  and  because  his  son  was 
 then  an  hostage  at  Tyre,  he  went  to  that  city,  and  resolved  to  steal  hira  away  privately,  and 
 to  march  thence  into  Judea  ;  and  as  Cassius  was  in  haste  to  march  against  Antony,  he  thought 
 to  bring  the  country  to  revolt,  and  to  procure  the  government  lor  himself.  But  Providence 
 opposed  his  counsels  ;  and  Herod  being  a  shrewd  man,  and  perceiving  what  his  intention  was, 
 lie  sent  thither  beforehand  a  servant,  in  appearance  indeed  to  get  a  supper  ready,  for  he  had  said 
 before,  that  he  would  feast  them  all  there,  but  in  reality  to  the  commanders  of  the  army,  whom 
 he  persuaded  to  go  out  against  Malichus,  with  their  daggers.  So  they  went  out  and  met  the 
 man  near  the  city,  upon  the  sea-shore,  and  there  stabbed  him.  Whereupon  Hyrcanus  was  so 
 astonished  at  what  had  happened,  that  his  speech  failed  hira  ;  and  when,  after  some  difliculty, 
 Le  had  recovered  himself,  he  asked  Herod,  wiiat  the  matter  could  be,  and  who  it  was  that 
 slew  Malichus?  and  when  he  said  that  it  was  done  by  the  command  of  Cassius,  he  commended 
 the  action  ;  for  that  Malichus  was  a  very  wicked  man,  and  one  that  conspired  against  his  own 
 country.  And  this  was  the  punishment  that  was  intlicted  on  Malichus  for  wh^t  he  wickedly 
 did  to  Antipater. 
 
 7.  But  when  Cassius  was  marched  out  of  Syria,  disturbances  arose  in  Judea  :  for  Felix, 
 who  was  left  at  Jerasalem  with  an  army,  made  a  sudden  attempt  against  Phasaelus,  and  the 
 people  themselves  lose  in  arms  ;  but  Herod  went  to  Fabius,  the  prefect  of  Damascus,  and 
 was  desired  to  run  to  his  brother's  assistance,  but  was  hindered  by  a  distemper  that  seized 
 upon  him,  till  Piiasaelus  by  himself  had  been  too  hard  for  Felix,  and  had  shut  him  up  in  the 
 tower,  and  there,  on  certain  conditions,  dismissed  him.  Phasaelus  also  complained  of  Hyrca- 
 nus, that  although  he  had  received  a  great  many  benefits  from  them,  yet  did  he  support  their 
 enemies  ;  for  Malichus'  brother  made  many  places  to  revolt,  and  kept  garrisons  in  them,  and 
 particularly  Massada,  the  strongest  fortress  of  them  all.  In  the  mean  time  Herod  was  recovered 
 of  bis  disease,  and  came  and  took  from  Felix  all  the  places  he  had  gotten  ;  and,  upon  certain 
 conditions,  dismissed  him  also. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Herod  ejects  Atitiy onus,  the  Son  of  Arislobulus,  out  of  Judea,  and  ijaiiis   the    Friendship   of 
 
 Antony,  who   ivas  now  come  into  Sijria,  by  sending  him  much  Money;  on  which  Account  he 
 
 would  not   admit  of  those   that  would  have   accused  Herod:  and  tvhat  it  was  that  Antony 
 
 wrote  to  the  Tyrians  in  behalf  of  the  Jews. 
 
 <5  1.  Now  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Menneus,  brought   bark   into  Judea,  Antigoniis  the  son  of 
 
 Aristobulus,  who  had  already  raised  an  army,  and  had,  by  money,*  made  Fabius  to  be  his  friend, 
 
 *  In  this  and  the  following  chapters,  the  render  will  easily  remark,  how  truly  Gronovious  observes,  in  his 
 notes  on  the  Roman  decrees  in  favonr  of  the  lews,  that  their  rights  and  privileges  were  commonly  purchased 
 of  ilie  Komans  with  money.    Many  examples  of  this  sort,  bolli  as  to  the  Uomaus  and  others  in  authority,  will 
 
 i   A 
 
370  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  this  because  he  was  of  kin  to  Lira.  Marion  also  gave  him  assistance.  He  bad  been  left 
 by  Cassius  to  tyrannize  over  Tyre,  for  this  Cassius  was  a  man  that  seized  on  Syria,  and  then 
 kept  it  under  in  the  way  of  a  tyrant.  Marion  also  marched  into  Galilee,  which  lay  in  his 
 neighbourhood,  and  took  three  of  bis  fortresses,  and  put  garrisons  into  them  to  keep  them. 
 But  when  Herod  came,  he  took  all  from  them  ;  but  the  Tyrian  garrison  he  dismissed  in  a  very 
 civil  manner  ;  nay,  to  some  of  the  soldiers  he  made  presents,  out  of  the  good-will  he  bare  to 
 that  city.  When  he  had  despatched  these  affairs,  and  was  gone  to  meet  Antigonus,  he  joined 
 battle  with  him,  and  beat  him,  and  drove  bim  out  of  Judea  presently,  when  he  was  just  come 
 into  its  borders.  Bat  when  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem,  Hyrcanus  and  the  people  putgarlands 
 about  his  head  ;  for  he  had  already  contracted  an  affinity  with  the  family  of  Hyrcanus  by  hav- 
 ing espoused  a  descendant  of  his,  and  for  that  reason  Herod  took  the  greater  care  of  him,  as 
 being  to  marry  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  and  the  grand-daughter  of 
 Hyrcanus,  by  which  wife  he  became  the  father  of  three  male  and  two  female  children.  He 
 had  also  married  before  this  another  wife,  out  of  a  lower  family  of  his  own  nation,  whose 
 name  was  Doris,  by  whom  he  had  bis  eldest  son  Antipater. 
 
 2.  Now  Antonius  and  Caesar  had  beaten  Cassius  near  Philippi,  as  others  have  related  ;  but 
 after  the  victory,  Csesar  went  into  Gaul  [Italy,]  and  Antony  marched  for  Asia,  who,  when  he 
 was  arrived  at  Bythinia,  uad  ambassadors  that  met  him  from  all  parts.  The  principal  men 
 also  of  the  Jews  came  thither,  to  accuse  Phasaelus  and  Herod,  and  they  said,  that  Hyrcanus 
 had  indeed  the  appearance  of  reigning,  but  that  these  men  had  all  the  power  ;  but  Antony  paid 
 great  respect  to  Herod,  who  was  come  to  him  to  make  his  defence  against  bis  accusers,  on 
 which  account  his  adversaries  could  not  so  much  as  obtain  a  hearing  ;  which  favour  Herod  had 
 gained  of  Antony  by  money.  But  still,  when  Antony  was  come  to  Epiiesus,  Hyrcanus  the 
 high-priest,  and  our  nation,  sent  an  embassage  to  him,  who  carried  a  crown  of  gold  with  them, 
 and  desired  that  he  would  write  to  the  governors  of  the  provinces,  to  set  those  Jews  free  who 
 liad  been  carried  captive  by  Cassius,  and  this  without  their  having  fought  against  him,  and  to 
 restore  them  that  country,  which,  in  the  days  of  Cassius,  had  been  taken  from  tbem.  Antony 
 thought  the  Jews'  desires  were  just,  and  wrote  immediately  to  Hyrcanus,  and  to  the  Jews. 
 He  also  sent,  at  the  same  time,  a  decree  to  the  Tyrians  j  the  contents  of  which  were  to  the 
 same  purpose. 
 
 3.  "  Marcus  Antonius,  imperator,  to  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest  and  ethnarch  of  the  Jews, 
 sendeth  greeting  :  If  you  be  in  health,  it  is  well  ;  I  also  am  in  health,  with  the  army.  Lysi- 
 machus,  the  son  of  Pausanias,  and  Josephus  the  son  of  Menneus,  and  Alexander  the  son  of 
 Theodorus,  your  ambassadors,  met  me  at  Ephesus,  and  have  renewed  that  embassage  which 
 they  had  formerly  been  upon  at  Rome,  and  have  diligently  acquitted  themselves  of  the  present 
 embassage,  which  thou  and  thy  nation  have  intrusted  to  them,  and  have  fully  declared  the 
 good-will  thou  hast  for  us.  I  am  therefore  satis6ed,  both  by  your  actions  and  your  words, 
 that  you  are  well  disposed  to  us  ;  and  I  understand  that  your  conduct  of  life  is  constant  and 
 religious  :  so  I  reckon  upon  you  as  our  own  :  but  when  those  that  were  adversaries  to  you, 
 and  to  the  Roman  people,  abstained  neither  from  cities  nor  temples,  and  did  not  observe 
 the  agreement  they  had  confirmed  by  oath,  it  was  not  only  on  account  of  our  contest  with  them, 
 but  on  account  of  all  mankind  in  common,  that  we  have  taken  vengeance  on  those  who  have 
 been  the  authors  of  great  injustice  towards  men,  and  of  great  wickedness  towards  the  gods; 
 for  the  sake  of  which  we  suppose  it  was  that  the  sun  turned  away  his  light  from  us,*  as  unwil- 
 ling to  view  the  horrid  crime  they  were  guilty  of  in  the  case  of  Caesar.  We  have  also  over- 
 come their  conspiracies,  which  threatened  the  gods  themselves,  which  Macedonia  received,  as 
 it  is  a  climate  peculiarly  proper  for  impious  and  insolent  attempts  :  and  we  have  overcome 
 that  confused  rout  of  men,  half  mad  with  spite  against  us,  which  they  got  together  at  Philippi. 
 in  Macedonia,  when  they  seized  on  the  places  that  were  proper  for  their  purpose,  and,  as  it 
 were,  walled  them  round  with  mountains  to  the  very  sea,  and  where  the  passage  was  open  only 
 through  a  single  gate.  This  victory  we  gained  because  the  gods  had  condemned  these  men 
 for  their  wicked  enterprises.  Now  Brutus,  when  he  had  fled  as  far  as  Philippi,  was  shut  up 
 by  us,  and  became  a  partaker  of  the  same  perdition  with  Cassius  ;  and  now,  these  have  received 
 their  punishment,  we  suppose,  that  we  may  enjoy  peace  for  the  time  to  come,  and  that  Asia 
 may  be  at  rest  from  war.  We  therefore  make  that  peace  which  God  hath  given  us  common 
 to  our  confederates  also,  insomuch,  that  the  body  of  Asia  is  now  recovered  out  of  that  distem- 
 per it  was  under  by  the  means  of  our  victory.  I,  therefore,  bearing  in  mind  both  tliee  and 
 your  nation,  shall  take  care  of  what  may  be  for  your  advantage.  I  have  also  sent  epistles  in 
 writing  to  the  several  cities,  that  if  any  persons,  whether  freemen  or  bondmen,  have  been  sold 
 under  the  spear  by  Caius  Cassius,  or  his  subordinate  officers,  they  may  be  set  free.  And  I 
 ■will  that  you  kindly  make  use  of  the  favours  which  I   and  Dolabella  have    granted  you.     I 
 
 occur  in  onr  Josephus,  both  now  and  hereafter,  and  need  not  be  taken  particular  notice  of  on  the  several  occa- 
 sions in  these  notes.  Accordingly,  the  chief  captain  confesses  to  St.  Paul,  that  "  with  a  great  sum  he  had 
 obtained  his  freedom,"  Acts  xxii.28.  as  had  St.  Paul's  ancestors,  very  probably,  purchased  the  like  freedom 
 for  their  family  by  money,  as  the  same  author  justly  concludes  also. 
 
 •  This  clause  plainly  alludes  to  that  well  known  but  unusual  and  very  long  darkness  of  the  sun,  which  hap- 
 pened upon  the  murder  of  Julius  Caesar  by  Brutus  and  Cassius,  which  is  greatly  taken  notice  of  by  Virgil, 
 PUny.  .--.nd  other  HomBU  authors.  See  Virgil's  Georgics,  b.  i.  just  before  the  end;  and  Pliny's  Nat.  Hist, 
 b.  ii.  chap.  xxx. 
 
BOOK    XIV. — CHAP.    XIII.  371 
 
 also  forbid  the  Tjrians  to  use  any  violence  with  jou  ;  and  for  what  places  of  the  Jews  they 
 now  possess,  I  order  them  to  restore  them  ;  1  huve  withal  accepted  of  the  crown  which  iliou 
 sentest  me." 
 
 4.  "  Marcus  Antonius,  imperator,  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  Tyre,  sendetli 
 greeting :  The  ambassadors  of  Hjrcanus  the  high  priest  and  ethnarch  [of  the  Jews]  appeared 
 before  me  at  Ephesus,  and  told  me,  that  you  are  in  possession  of  part  of  their  country,  which 
 you  entered  upon  under  the  government  of  our  adversaries.  Since,  therefore,  we  have  under- 
 taken a  war  for  the  obtaining  the  government,  and  have  taken  care  to  do  what  was  agreeable 
 to  piety  and  justice,  and  have  brought  to  punishment  those  tiiat  had  neither  any  remembrance 
 of  the  kindnesses  they  had  received,  nor  have  kept  their  oaths,  I  will  that  you  be  at  peace  with 
 those  that  are  our  confederates  ;  as  also,  that  what  you  have  taken  by  the  means  of  our  adver- 
 saries shall  not  be  reckoned  your  own,  but  be  returned  to  those  from  whom  you  took  them  ; 
 for  none  of  them  took  their  provinces  or  (heir  armies  by  the  gift  of  the  senate,  but  they  seized 
 them  by  force,  and  bestowed  them  by  violence  upon  such  as  became  useful  to  them  in  their 
 unjust  proceedings.  Since,  therefore,  those  men  have  received  the  punishment  due  to  them, 
 we  desire  that  our  confederates  may  retain  whatsoever  it  was  that  they  formerly  possessed 
 without  disturbance,  and  that  you  restore  all  the  places  which  belong  to  Hyrcanus  the  ethnarch 
 of  the  Jews,  which  yon  have  had,  though  it  were  but  one  day  before  Caius  Cassins  began  an 
 unjustifiable  war  against  us,  and  entered  into  our  provinces  ;  nor  do  you  use  any  force  against 
 hira,  in  order  to  weaken  him,  that  he  may  not  be  able  to  dispose  of  that  which  is  his  own,  but 
 if  you  have  any  contest  with  him  about  your  respective  rights,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  you  to 
 plead  your  cause  when  we  come  upon  the  places  concerned,  for  we  shall  alike  preserve  the 
 rights,  and  hear  all  the  causes,  of  our  confederates." 
 
 5.  "  Marcus  Antonius,  imperator,  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  Tyre,  sendeth 
 greeting :  I  have  sent  you  my  decree,  of  which  I  will  that  ye  take  care  that  it  be  engraven  on 
 the  public  tables,  in  Roman  and  Greek  letters,  and  that  it  stand  engraven  in  the  most  illus- 
 trious places,  that  it  may  be  read  by  all."  Marcus  Antonius,  imperator,  one  of  the  triumvirate 
 over  the  public  ali'airs,  made  this  declaration  :  "  Since  Caius  Cassius,  in  this  revolt  he  hath 
 made,  hath  pillaged  that  province  which  belonged  not  to  him,  and  was  held  by  garrisons  there 
 encamped,  while  they  were  our  confederates,  and  hath  spoiled  that  nation  of  the  Jews  that  was 
 in  friendship  with  the  Roman  people,  as  in  war  ;  and  since  we  have  overcome  his  madness  by 
 arms,  we  now  correct  by  our  decrees  and  judicial  determinations  what  lie  hath  laid  waste,  that 
 those  things  may  be  restored  to  our  confederates.  And  as  for  what  hath  been  sold  of  the 
 Jewish  possessions,  whether  they  be  bodies  or  possessions,  let  them  be  released,  the  bodies 
 into  that  state  of  freedom  they  were  originally  in,  and  the  possessions  to  their  former  owners. 
 J  also  will,  that  he  who  shall  not  comply  with  this  decree  of  mine,  shall  be  punished  for  his 
 disobedience  :  and  if  such  a  one  be  caught,  I  will  lake  care  that  the  oftenders  suffer  condign 
 punishment." 
 
 G.  The  same  thing  did  Antony  vfrite  to  the  Sidonians,  and  the  Antiochians,  and  the  Ara- 
 bians. We  have  produced  these  decrees,  therefore,  as  marks  for  futurity  of  the  truth  of  what 
 we  have  said,  that  the  Romans  had  a  great  concern  about  our  nation. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 How  Anlonij  made  Herod  and  Phasaelus  Telrarchs  after  they  had  been  accused  to  no  purpose  ; 
 and  hoiu  the.  Parthians,  lohen  they  brought  Antigonu.s  into  Judea,  took  Hyrcanus  and  Phasae- 
 lus captives.  Herod's  Flight ;  and  ivhat  Afflictions  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus  endured. 
 §  1.  When,  after  this,  Antony  came  into  Syria,  Cleopatra  met  him  inCilicia,  and  brought  him 
 to  fall  in  love  with  her.  And  there  came  now  also  a  hundred  of  the  most  potent  of  the  Jews 
 to  accuse  Herod  and  those  about  him,  and  set  the  men  of  the  greatest  eloquence  among  them 
 to  speak.  But  Messala  contradicted  them,  on  behalf  of  the  young  men,  and  all  this  in  the 
 presence  of  Hyrcanus,  who  was  Herod's  father-in-law  already.*  When  Antony  had  heard  both 
 sides  at  Daphne,  he  asked  Hyrcanus  who  they  were  that  governed  the  nation  best?  he  replied, 
 Herod  and  his  friends.  Hereupon  Antony,  by  reason  of  the  old  hospitable  friendship  he  had 
 made  with  his  father  [Antipater,]  at  (hat  time  when  he  was  with  Gabinius,  he  made  both  Herod 
 and  Phasaelus  tetrarchs,  and  committed  the  public  alVairs  of  the  Jews  to  them,  and  wrote  let- 
 ters to  that  purpose.  He  also  bound  fifteen  of  their  adversaries,  and  was  going  to  kill  them, 
 but  that  Herod  obtained  their  pardon. 
 
 2.  Yet  did  not  these  men  continue  quiet  when  they  were  come  back,  but  a  thousand  of  the 
 Jews  came  to  Tyre  to  meet  him  there,  whither  the  report  was  that  he  would  come.  But 
 Antony  was  corrupted  by  the  money  which  Herod  and  his  brother  had  given  him,  and  so  he 
 gave  order  to  the  governor  of  the  place  to  punish  the  Jewish  ambassadors,  who  were  for  mak- 
 ing innovations,  and  to  settle  the  government  upon  Herod;  bnt  Herod  went  out  hastily  to  thetn, 
 and  Hyrcanus  was  with  hitn  (for  they  stood   upon  the  shore  before  the  city,)  and  he  charged 
 
 •  We  may  here  take  notice,  that  espouRals  alone  were  of  old  esteemed  a  sufficient  foundation  for  aHinitv, 
 llvriiiniirt  luiiiK  here  called  father-in  law  to  Utrod,  because  liis  pranddniit.liti.r  Marianine  was  betrothed  li» 
 huu,  although  the  marriage  was  not  cujnpleted  till  four  years  afterward,    bee  Matt.  i.  iO. 
 
372  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 lliem  to  go  their  ways,  because  great  mischief  would  befall  tliera  if  they  went  nn  wifh  their 
 accnsation.  But  tliey  did  not  acquiesce  ;  whereupon  the  Romans  ran  upon  them  with  their 
 daggers,  and  slew  some,  and  wounded  more  of  tiiem,  and  the  rest  fled  away  and  went  home, 
 and  lay  still  in  great  consternation  :  and  when  the  people  made  a  clamour  against  Herod,  An- 
 tony was  so  provoked  at  it  that  he  slew  the  prisoners. 
 
 3.  Now,  in  the  second  year,  Pacorus,  t))e  king  of  Parthia's  son,  and  Barzapbarnes,  a  com- 
 mander of  the  Parthians,  possessed  themselves  of  Syria.  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Menneus,  also 
 •was  now  dead,  and  Lysanias  his  son  took  his  government,  and  made  a  league  of  friendship  with 
 Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobnlus  ;  and  in  order  to  obtain  it,  made  use  of  that  commandi-r, 
 ■who  had  a  great  interest  in  hira.  Now  Antigonus  had  promised  to  give  the  Parthians  a  tliou- 
 sand  talents,  and  five  hundred  women,  upon  condition  they  would  take  the  gnvernment  away 
 from  Hyrcanus,  and  bestow  it  upon  liim,  and  withal  kill  Herod.  And  althongh  he  did  not  give 
 them  what  he  had  promised,  yet  did  the  Parthians  make  an  expedition  into  Judea  on  that 
 account,  and  carried  Antigonus  wiili  them.  Pacorus  went  along  the  maritime  parts,  but  the 
 commander  Barznpharnes  through  the  midland.  Now  the  Tyrians  excluded  Pacorus,  but  the 
 Sidonians,  and  those  of  Ptoleniais,  received  him.  However,  Pacorus  sent  a  troop  of  horsemen 
 into  Judea,  to  take  a  view  of  the  state  of  the  country,  and  to  assist  Antigonus  ;  and  sent  also 
 the  king's  butler,  of  the  same  name  with  himself.  So  when  the  Jews  that  dwelt  about  mount 
 Carmel  came  to  Antigonus,  and  were  ready  to  march  with  him  into  Judea,  Antigonus  hoped  to 
 get  some  part  of  the  country  by  their  assistance.  The  place  is  called  Drymi ;  and  when  some 
 others  came  and  met  them,  the  men  privately  fell  upon  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  some  more  were 
 come  to  tliera,  they  got  together  in  great  numbers,  and  came  against  the  king's  palace  and 
 besieged  it.  But  as  Phasaelus's  and  Herod's  party  came  to  the  other's  assistance,  and  a  bat- 
 tle happened  between  them  in  the  market-place,  the  young  men  beat  their  enemies,  and  pursued 
 them  into  the  temple,  and  sent  some  armed  men  into  the  adjoining  houses  to  keep  them  in, 
 ■who  yet  being  destitute  of  such  as  should  support  them,  were  burnt,  and  the  houses  with  tbem, 
 by  the  people  who  rose  up  against  them.  But  Herod  was  revenged  on  tliese  seditious  adver- 
 saries of  his  a  little  afterward  for  this  injury  they  had  offered  him,  when  he  fought  with  theni, 
 and  slew  a  great  number  of  them. 
 
 4.  But  while  there  were  daily  skirmishes,  the  enemy  waited  for  the  coining  of  the  multi- 
 tude out  of  tiie  country  to  Pentecost,  a  feast  of  ours  so  called  :  and  when  that  day  was  come, 
 many  ten  thousands  of  the  people  were  gathered  together  about  the  temple,  some  in  armour, 
 and  some  without.  Now  those  that  came,  guarded  both  the  temple  and  the  city,  excepting 
 M'liat  belonged  to  the  p>!lace,  wliich  Herod  guarded  with  a  few  of  his  soldiers  ;  and  Phasaelus 
 hnd  the  charge  of  the  wall,  while  Herod,  with  a  body  of  his  men,  sallied  out  upon  the  enemy, 
 who  lay  in  the  suburbs,  and  fought  courageously,  and  put  many  ten  thousands  to  flight,  some 
 flying  into  the  city,  and  some  into  the  temple,  and  some  into  the  outer  fortifications,  for  some 
 such  fortifications  there  were  in  that  place.  Ph:^saelns  came  also  to  his  assistance  ;  yet  was 
 Pacorus,  the  general  of  the  Parthians,  at  the  desire  of  Antigonus,  admitted  into  the  city,  with 
 a  few  of  his  horsemen,  under  pretence  indeed  as  if  he  would  still  the  sedition,  but  in  reality  to 
 assist  Antigonus  in  obtaininc:  the  government.  And  when  Phasaelus  met  him,  and  received 
 Iiim  kindly,  Pacorus  persuaded  him  to  go  himself  as  ambassador  to  Barzapbarnes,  which 
 •was  done  fraudulently.  Accordingly,  Phasaelus,  suspecting  no  harm,  complied  with  his 
 proposal,  while  Herod  did  not  give  his  consent  to  what  was  don«,  because  of  the  perfi- 
 diousness  of  these  barbarians,  but  desired  Phasaelus  rather  to  fight  those  that  were  come  into 
 the  city. 
 
 5.  So  both  Hyrcanus  and  Piiasaelus  went  on  the  embassage  ;  but  Pacorus  left  with  Herod 
 two  hundred  horsemen,  and  ten  men,  who  were  called  '  The  Freemen  ;'  and  conducted  the 
 others  on  their  journey  ;  and  when  they  were  in  Galilee,  the  governors  of  the  cities  there  met 
 them  in  their  arms.  Barzapbarnes  also  received  them  at  the  first  with  cheerfulness,  and  made  them 
 presents,  though  he  afierward  conspired  against  them  ;  and  Phasaelus,  with  his  horsemen,  were 
 conducted  to  the  seaside  :  but  when  they  beard  that  Antigonus  had  promised  to  give  the  Par- 
 thians a  thousand  talents,  and  five  hundred  women,  to  assist  him  against  them,  thev  soon  had 
 a  suspicion  of  the  barbarians.  Moreover,  there  was  one  who  informed  them  that  snares  were 
 laid  for  them  by  night,  while  a  guard  came  secretly,  and  they  b  id  then  been  seized  upon, 
 liad  not  they  waited  for  the  seizure  of  Herod  by  the  Parthians  that  were  ab"ut  Jerusalem,  lest, 
 •upon  the  slaughter  of  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus,  he  should  have  an  intimation  of  it,  and  escape 
 out  of  their  hands.  And  these  were  the  circumstances  thev  were  now  in,  and  they  saw  who 
 they  were  that  guarded  them.  Some  persons  indeed  would  have  persuaded  Phasaelus  to  fly 
 away  immediately  on  horseback,  and  not  stay  any  longer  ;  and  there  was  one  Ophellius,  who, 
 above  all  the  rest,  was  earnest  with  him  to  do  so,  for  he  had  heard  of  this  treachery  from  Sara- 
 inalla,  the  richest  of  all  the  Syrians  at  that  time,  who  also  promised  to  provide  him  ships  to  carry 
 him  ofT;  for  the  sea  was  just  by  them  :  but  he  had  no  mind  to  desert  Flyrcanus,  nor  bring  his 
 brother  into  danger  ;  but  he  went  to  Barzapbarnes,  and  told  him  he  did  not  act  justly  when  be 
 made  such  a  contrivance  against  them,  for  that  if  he  wanted  money,  he  would  give  him  more 
 than  Antigonus  ;  and  besides,  that  it  was  a  horrible  thing  to  slay  those  that  came  to  him  upon 
 the  security  of  their  oaths,  and  that  when  they  had  done  them   no  injury.     But  ibe  barbarian 
 
BOOK   XIV. — CHAP,  xii;.  873 
 
 swore  to  him  that  there  was  no  trutli  in  anj  of  his  saspicioos,  but  that  be  was  troubled  witb 
 nothing  but  false  proposals,  and  tlien  went  away  to  Pacorus. 
 
 G.  Hut  as  soon  as  he  was  gone  away,  some  men  came  and  bound  Hyroanus  and  Phasaeliis, 
 while  Pliasaelus  greatly  reprnaclied  the  Parthians  for  their  perjury.  However,  that  butler 
 wlio  was  sent  against  Herod  had  it  in  command  to  get  him  without  the  walls  of  the  city,  and 
 seize  upon  liim  ;  but  messengers  had  been  sent  by  Phasaehis  to  inform  Herod  of  the  perlidious- 
 ness  of  the  Parthians  :  and  when  he  knew  that  the  enemy  had  seized  upon  him,  he  went  to 
 Pacorus,  and  to  the  most  potent  of  the  Parthians,  as  to  the  lords  of  the  rest,  who,  although 
 they  knew  the  whole  matter,  dissembled  with  him  in  a  deceitful  way  ;  and  said,  "That  he 
 ought  to  go  out  with  Ihem  before  the  walls,  and  meet  those  who  were  bringing  him  his  letters, 
 for  that  they  were  not  taken  by  his  adversaries,  hut  were  coining  to  give  him  an  account  of 
 the  good  success  Phasiielus  had  had."  Herod  did  not  give  credit  to  what  they  said  ;  for  he 
 had  heard  that  his  brother  was  seized  upon  by  others  also  :  and  the  diinghter  of  Hyrcanus, 
 whose  daughter  he  had  espoused,  was  his  monitor  also  [not  to  credit  them, J  which  made  him 
 still  more  suspicious  of  the  Parthians,  for  although  other  people  did  not  give  heed  to  her,  yet 
 did  he  believe  her  as  a  woman  of  very  great  wisdom. 
 
 7.  Now  while  tiie  Parthians  were  in  consultation  what  was  fit  to  be  done  ;  for  they  did  not 
 think  it  proper  to  make  an  open  attempt  upon  a  person  of  his  character  :  and  while  they  put 
 off  the  determination  to  the  next  day,  Herod  vvas  under  great  disturbance  of  mind  ;  and  rather 
 inclining  to  believe  the  reports  he  heard  about  his  brother  and  the  Parthians,  than  to  give  heed 
 to  what  was  said  on  the  other  side,  he  determined  that  when  the  evening  came  on,  he  would 
 make  use  of  it  for  his  (light,  and  not  make  any  longer  delay,  as  if  the  dangers  from  the  enemy 
 were  not  yet  certain.  He  therefore  removed  with  the  armed  men  whom  he  had  with  him  ; 
 and  set  his  wives  np^n  the  beasts,  as  also  his  mother  and  sister,  and  her  whom  he  vvas  about 
 to  marry,  [Mariamne]  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobuliis,  with  her  mother  the 
 daughter  of  Hyrcanus,  and  his  youngest  brother,  and  all  their  servants,  and  the  rest  of  the 
 multitude  that  was  with  him,  and  without  the  enemies'  privity  pursued  his  way  to  Iduinea  : 
 nor  could  any  enemy  of  his,  who  then  saw  him  in  this  case,  be  so  hardhearted,  bu{  would 
 have  commiserated  his  fortune,  while  the  women  drew  along  their  infant  children,  and  left 
 their  own  country,  and  their  friends  in  prison,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  and  sad  lamentations, 
 and  in  expectation  of  nothing  but  what  was  of  a  melancholy  nature. 
 
 8.  But  for  Herod  himself,  he  raised  his  mind  above  the  miserable  state  he  was  in,  and  was 
 of  good  courage  in  the  midst  of  his  misfortunes  ;  and,  as  he  passed  along,  he  bade  every 
 one  to  be  of  good  cheer,  and  not  to  give  themselves  up  to  sorrow,  because  that  would  hinder 
 them  in  their  llight,  which  was  now  tlie  only  hope  of  safely  that  they  had.  Accordingly,  they 
 tried  to  bear  with  patience  the  calamity  they  were  under,  as  he  exhorted  them  to  do  ;  yet  was 
 he  once  almost  going  to  kill  himself,  upon  the  overthrow  of  a  wagjion,  and  the  danger  his 
 mother  was  then  in  of  being  killed,  and  this  on  two  accounts,  because  of  his  great  concern  for 
 her,  and  because  he  was  afraid  lest,  by  this  delay,  the  enemv  should  overtake  him  in  the  pur- 
 suit ;  but  as  he  was  drawing  his  sword,  and  going  to  kill  himself  therewith,  those  that  were 
 present  restrained  him,  and  being  so  many  in  number,  were  too  hard  for  him  :  and  told  him 
 that  he  ought  not  to  desert  them,  and  leave  them  a  prey  to  their  enemies,  for  that  it  was  not 
 the  part  of  a  brave  man  to  free  himself  from  the  distresses  he  was  in,  and  to  overlook  his 
 friends  that  were  in  the  same  distresses  also.  So  he  was  compelled  to  let  that  horrid  attempt 
 alone,  partly  out  of  shame  at  what  they  said  to  him,  and  partly  out  of  regard  to  the  great  num- 
 ber of  those  that  would  not  permit  him  to  do  what  he  intended.  So  he  encouraged  his  mother, 
 and  look  all  the  care  of  her  the  time  would  allow,  and  proceeded  on  the  way  he  proposed  to 
 go  with  the  utmost  haste,  and  that  was  to  the  fortress  ofMassada.  And  as  he  had  many  skir- 
 mishes with  such  of  the  Parthians  as  attacked  him,  and  pursued  hira,  he  was  conqueror  in 
 them  all. 
 
 I).  Nor  indeed  was  he  free  from  the  Jews  all  along  as  he  was  in  his  flight ;  for  by  the  time 
 lie  had  gotten  sixty  furlongs  out  of  the  city,  and  was  upon  the  road,  they  fell  upon  him,  and 
 fought  hand  to  hand  with  him,  whom  he  also  put  to  flight,  and  overcame,  not  like  one  that  was 
 in  distress  and  in  necessity,  but  like  one  that  was  excellently  prepared  for  war,  and  had  what 
 he  wanted  in  great  plenty.  And  in  this  very  place  where  he  overcame  the  Jews,  it  was  that 
 he  some  time  afterward  built  a  most  excellent  palace,  and  a  city  round  about  it,  and  called  it 
 Herodium.  And  when  he  was  come  to  Idumea,  at  a  place  called  Thressa,  his  brother  Joseph 
 met  him,  and  he  then  held  a  council  to  take  advice  about  all  his  afi'airs,  and  what  was  'it  to  be 
 done  in  his  circumstances,  since  he  had  a  great  multitude  that  followed  him,  besides  his  mer- 
 cenary soldiers,  and  the  place  Massada,  whither  he  proposed  to  fly,  was  too  small  to  contain 
 so  great  a  multitude  ;  so  he  sent  away  the  greater  part  of  his  company,  being  above  nine  thou- 
 sand, and  bade  them  go  some  one  way,  and  some  another,  and  to  save  themselves  in  Idumea, 
 and  gave  them  what  would  buy  them  provisions  on  their  journey  ;  but  he  took  with  him  those 
 that  were  the  least  encumbered,  and  «ere  most  intimate  with  him,  and  came  to  the  fortress, 
 and  placed  there  his  wives,  and  his  followers,  being  eight  hundred  in  number,  there  being  in 
 the  place  a  sufficient  quantity  of  corn  and  water,  and  other  nec(\ssaries,  and  went  directly  for 
 Petra,  in  Arabia.     But  when  it  was  day,  the  Parthians  plundered  all  Jerusalem,  and  Ihepalace, 
 
374  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  abstained  from  nothing  but  Hyrcanus'  money,  which  was  three  hundred  talents.  A 
 great  deal  of  Herod's  money  escaped,  and  principally  all  that  the  man  had  been  so  provi- 
 dent as  to  send  into  Idumea  beforehand :  nor  indeed  did  what  was  in  the  city  sutfice  the 
 Parthians,  but  they  went  out  into  the  country,  and  plundered  it,  and  demolished  the  city  of 
 Marissa. 
 
 10.  And  thus  was  Antigonus  brought  back  into  Jndea  by  the  king  of  the  Parthians,  and 
 received  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus  for  his  prisoners;  but  he  was  greatly  cast  down  because  the 
 ■women  had  escaped,  whom  be  intended  to  have  given  the  enemy,  as  having  promised  thej' 
 should  have  them,  with  the  money,  for  their  reward  :  but  being  afraid  that  Hyrcanus,  who  was 
 under  the  guard  of  the  Parthians,  might  have  his  kingdom  restored  to  him  by  the  multitude, 
 be  cut  off  his  ears,  and  thereby  took  care  that  the  high  priesthood  should  never  come  to  him 
 any  more,  because  he  was  maimed,  while  the  law  required  that  this  dignity  should  belong  to 
 none  but  such  as  had  all  their  members  entire.*  But  now  one  cannot  but  here  admire  the 
 fortitude  of  Phasaelus,  who,  perceiving  that  he  was  to  be  put  to  death,  did  not  think  death  any 
 terrible  thing  at  all;  but  to  die  thus  by  the  means  of  his  enemy,  this  he  thought  a  most  pitiable 
 and  dishonourable  thing,  and  therefore,  since  he  had  not  his  hands  at  liberty,  for  the  bonds  he 
 was  in  prevented  him  from  killing  himself  thereby,  he  dashed  his  head  against  a  great  stone, 
 and  thereby  took  away  his  own  life,  which  he  thought  to  be  the  best  thing  he  could  do  in  such 
 a  distress  as  he  was  in,  and  thereby  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  enemy  to  bring  him  to  any 
 death  he  pleased.  It  is  also  reported,  that  when  he  had  made  a  great  wound  in  his  head, 
 Antigonus  sent  physicians  to  cure  it,  and,  by  ordering  them  to  infuse  poison  into  the  wound, 
 killed  him.  However,  Phasaelus  hearing,  before  be  was  quite  dead,  by  a  certain  woman,  tha* 
 his  brother  Herod  had  escaped  the  enemy,  underwent  his  death  cheerfully,  since  he  now  left 
 behind  him  one  who  would  revenge  his  death,  and  who  was  able  to  inflict  punishment  on  his 
 enemies. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 How  Herod  got  away  from  the  King  of  Arabia,  and  made  haste  to  go  into  Egypt,  and  thence 
 went  away  in  haste  also  to  Rome  :  and  how,  by  promising  a  great  deal  of  Money  to  Antony, 
 he  obtained  of  the  Senate  and  of  Casar,  to  be  made  King  of  the  Jews. 
 
 §  1.  As  for  Herod,  the  great  miseries  he  was  in  did  not  discourage  him,  but  made  him  sharp 
 in  discovering  surprising  undertakings;  for  he  went  to  Malchiis,  king  of  Arabia,  whom  he  had 
 formerly  been  very  kind  to,  in  order  to  receive  somewhat  by  way  of  requital,  now  he  was  in 
 more  than  ordinary  want  of  it,  and  desired  he  would  let  him  have  some  money,  either  by  way 
 of  loan,  or  as  his  free  gift,  on  account  of  the  many  benefits  he  had  received  from  him;  for  not 
 knowing  what  was  become  of  his  brother,  he  was  in  haste  to  redeem  him  out  of  the  hands  of 
 bis  enemies,  as  willing  to  give  three  hundred  talents  for  the  price  of  his  redemption.  He  also 
 took  with  him  the  son  of  Phasaelus,  who  was  a  child  of  but  seven  years  of  age,  for  this  very 
 reason,  that  he  might  be  a  hostage  for  the  repayment  of  the  money ;  but  there  came  messengers 
 from  Malchus  to  meet  hira,  by  whom  he  was  desired  to  be  gone,  for  that  the  Parthians  hud 
 laid  a  charge  upon  him  not  to  entertain  Herod.  This  was  only  a  pretence  which  he  made 
 use  of  that  he  might  not  be  obliged  to  repay  him  what  he  owed  hira  :  and  this  he  was  further 
 induced  to  by  the  principal  men  among  the  Arabians,  that  they  might  cheat  him  of  what  sums 
 they  had  received  from  [his  father]  Antipaler,  and  which  he  had  committed  to  their  fidelity. 
 He  made  answer,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  be  troublesome  to  them  by  his  coming  thither,  but 
 that  he  desired  only  to  discourse  with  them  about  certain  affairs  that  were  to  him  of  the 
 greatest  importance. 
 
 2.  Hereupon  he  resolved  to  go  away,  and  did  go  very  prudently  the  road  to  Egypt ;  and 
 then  it  was  that  he  lodged  in  a  certain  temple,  for  he  had  left  a  great  many  of  his  followers 
 there.  On  the  next  day  he  came  to  Rhinocolura,  and  there  it  was  that  he  heard  what  had 
 befallen  his  brother.  Though  Malchus  soon  repented  of  what  he  liad  done,  and  came  running 
 after  Herod,  bat  with  no  manner  of  success,  for  he  was  gotten  a  very  great  way  off,  and  made 
 haste  into  the  road  to  Pelusium;  and  when  the  stationary  ships  that  lay  there  hindered  him 
 from  sailing  to  Alexandria,  he  went  to  their  captains,  by  whose  assistance,  and  that  out  of 
 much  reverence  of,  aud  great  regard  to  him,  he  was  conducted  into  the  city  [Alexandria,]  and 
 was  retained  there  by  Cleopatra,  yet  was  she  not  able  to  prevail  with  him  to  stay  there, 
 because  he  was  making  haste  to  Rome,  even  though  the  weather  was  stormy,  and  he  was 
 informed  that  the  affairs  of  Italy  were  very  tumultuous  and  in  great  disorder. 
 
 3.  So  he  set  sail  from  thence  to  Pi-mphylia,  and,  falling  into  a  violent  storm,  he  had  much 
 ado  to  escape  to  Rhodes,  with  the  loss  of  the  ship's  burden;  and  there  it  was  that  two  of  his 
 friends,  Sappinas  and  Ptolemeus,  met  with  him  :  and  as  he  found  that  city  very  much  damaged 
 in  the  war  against  Cassius,  though  he  were  in  necessity  himself,  he  neglected  not  to  do  it  a 
 kindness,  but  did  what  he  could  to  recover  it  to  its  former  state.  He  also  built  there  a  three- 
 decked  ship,  and  set  sail  thence,  with  his  friends,  for  Italy,  and  came  to  the  port  of  Brundu- 
 sium;  and  when  he  was  come  from  thence  to  Rome,   he  first  related  to  Antony  what  had 
 
 •  This  law  of  Moses,  that  the  priests  were  to  be  '  without  blemish,'  as  to  all  the  parts  of  then  bodies,  is  in 
 Levit.  sii.  17—24. 
 
BOOK  XIV. — CHAP.    XIV.  375 
 
 befallen  blm  in  Jiidea,  and  bow  Phas&elus  liis  brother  was  seized  on  bv  the  Parthians,  and  put 
 to  deatli  by  them  ;  and  bow  Hjrcanns  was  detained  captive  by  thcni,  and  bow  they  made 
 Aiiti;;onus  kiiii;,  who  bad  promised  them  a  sum  of  money,  no  less  than  a  thousand  talents, 
 with  live  hundred  women,  who  were  to  be  of  the  principal  families,  and  of  the  Jewish  stock, 
 and  that  lie  had  carried  ofT  liie  women  by  night,  and  that  bj-  undergoing  a  great  many  bard- 
 sliips,  he  had  escaped  the  hands  uf  bis  enemies ;  as  also,  that  his  own  relations  were  in  danger 
 of  being  besieged  and  taken,  aud  that  he  had  sailed  through  a  storm,  and  contemned  all  these 
 terrible  dangers,  in  order  to  come  as  soon  as  possible  to  him,  who  was  bis  hope  and  only  suc- 
 cour at  this  time. 
 
 4.  This  account  made  Antony  commiserate  the  change  that  had  happened  in  Herod's  condi- 
 tion ;*  and  reasoning  with  himself  that  this  was  a  common  case  among  those  that  are  placed  in 
 such  great  dignities,  and  tliat  they  are  liable  to  the  mutations  that  come  from  fortune,  he  was 
 very  ready  to  give  him  the  assistance  be  desired,  and  this  because  be  called  to  mind  the  friend- 
 ship he  bad  had  with  Antipater,  because  Herod  offered  bim  money  lo  make  him  king,  as  he 
 had  formerly  given  it  him  to  make  him  tetrarch,  and  chiefly  because  of  his  hatred  to  Aoti- 
 gonus,  for  he  took  him  to  be  a  seditious  person,  and  an  enemy  to  the  Romans.  Caesar  was 
 also  the  forwarder  to  raise  Herod's  dignity,  and  to  give  him  his  assistance  in  what  he  desired, 
 on  account  of  the  toils  of  war  which  he  had  himself  undergone  with  Antipater  his  father  in 
 Egypt,  and  of  the  hospitality  be  bad  treated  him  wiihal,  and  the  kindness  he  had  always 
 shewed  him,  as  also  to  gratify  Antony,  who  was  very  zealous  for  Herod.  So  a  senate  was 
 convocated  ;  and  iUessala,  first,  and  then  Atratinus,  introduced  Herod  into  it,  and  enlarged 
 upon  the  benefits  they  had  received  from  his  father,  and  put  them  in  mind  of  the  good- will  he 
 bad  borne  to  the  Romans.  At  the  same  time  they  accused  Antigonus,  and  declared  him  aa 
 enemy,  not  only  because  of  his  former  opposition  to  them,  but  that  he  had  now  overlooked  the 
 Romans,  and  taken  the  government  from  the  Parthians.  Upon  this  the  senate  was  irritated  : 
 and  Antony  informed  them  further,  that  it  was  for  tbeir  advantage  in  the  Parthian  war  that 
 Herod  should  be  king.  This  seemed  good  to  all  the  senators;  and  so  they  made  a  decree 
 accordingly. 
 
 5.  And  this  was  the  principal  instance  of  Antony's  afTection  for  Herod,  that  he  not  only 
 procured  him  a  kingdom  which  he  did  not  expect,  for  he  did  not  come  with  an  intention  to 
 ask  the  kingdom  (for  himself,  which  be  did  not  suppose  the  Romans  would  grant  him,  who 
 used  to  bestow  it  on  some  of  the  royal  family,  but  intended  to  desire  it  for  his  wife's  brother, 
 who  was  grandson  by  his  father  to  Aristobulus,  and  to  Hyrcanus  by  his  mother,)  but  that  he 
 procured  it  for  bim  so  suddenly  that  he  obtained  what  he  did  not  expect,  and  departed  out  of 
 Italy  in  so  few  days  as  seven  in  all.  This  young  man  [the  grandson]  Herod  afterward  took 
 care  to  have  slain,  as  we  shall  shew  in  its  proper  place.  But  when  the  senate  was  dissolved, 
 Antony  and  Csesar  went  out  of  the  senate-house,  with  Herod  between  them,  and  with  the  con- 
 suls and  other  magistrates  before  them,  in  order  to  offer  sacrifices,  and  to  lay  up  their  decrees 
 in  the  capilol.  Antony  also  feasted  Herod  the  first  day  of  his  reign.  And  thus  did  this 
 man  receive  the  kingdom,  having  obtained  it  on  the  hundred  and  eighty-fourth  Olympiad, 
 when  Caius  Domitius  Calvinus  was  consul  the  second  time,  and  Caius  Asinius  Pollio  [the 
 first  time.] 
 
 6.  All  this  while  Antigonus  besieged  those  that  were  in  Massada,  who  had  plenty  of  all 
 otlier  necessaries,  but  were  only  in  want  of  water, t  insomuch  that  on  this  occasion  Joseph, 
 Herod's  brother,  was  contriving  to  run  away  from  it,  with  two  hundred  of  his  dependants,  to 
 the  Arabians ;  for  be  heard  that  Malchus  repented  of  the  offences  he  had  been  guilty  of  with 
 regard  to  Herod:  but  God,  by  sending  rain  in  the  night  time,  prevented  his  going  away,  for 
 their  cisterns  were  thereby  filled,  and  be  was  under  no  necessity  of  running  away  on  that 
 account ;  but  they  were  now  of  good  courage,  and  the  more  so,  because  the  sending  that  plenty 
 of  water  which  they  had  been  in  want  of,  seemed  a  mark  of  divine  providence;  so  they  made 
 a  sally,  and  fought  hand  to  hand  with  Antigonus'  soldiers,  with  some  openly,  with  some  pri- 
 vately, and  destroyed  a  great  number  of  them.  At  the  same  time,  Ventidius,  the  general  of 
 the  Romans,  was  sent  out  of  Syria,  to  drive  the  Parthians  out  of  it,  and  marched  after  them 
 into  Judea,  in  pretence  indeed  to  succour  Joseph,  but  in  reality  the  whole  affair  was  no  more 
 than  a  stratagem,  in  order  to  get  money  of  Antigonus  ;  so  they  pitched  their  camp  very  near  to 
 Jerusalem,  and  stripped  Antigonus  of  a  great  deal  of  money,  and  then  be  retired  himself  with 
 the  greater  part  of  the  army  ;  but,  that  the  wickedness  he  bad  been  guilty  of  might  not  be 
 found  out,  be  left  Silo  there,  with  a  certain  part  of  his  soldiers,  with  whom  also  Antigonus  cul- 
 tivated an  acquaintance,  that  he  might  cause  bim  no  disturbance,  and  was  still  in  hopes  that 
 the  Parthians  would  come  again  aud  defend  him. 
 
 •  Concerning  the  chronolosry  of  Herod,  and  the  time  when  he  was  first  made  king  at  Rome,  and  con- 
 cerning the  time  when  he  began  his  second  rei^n,  without  a  "rival,  vipon  the  conquest  and  slauKhter  of 
 Antigonus,  both  principally  derived  from  this  and  the  two  next  chapters  m  Josephus,  gee  the  note  on  ^6.  and 
 chap.  XV.  5  10. 
 
 +  This  grievous  want  of  water  at  Massada,  till  the  place  had  like  to  have  been  taken  by  the  Parthians, 
 mentioned  both  here,  and  Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  xv.  ^  1.  is  an  indication  that  it  was  now  summer  time. 
 
376  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 How  Herod  sailed  out  of  Ilaly  to  Judea,  and  fought  with  Antigonus ;  and  what  other  thingi 
 happened  in  Judea  about  that  Time. 
 
 §  1.  By  this  time  Herod  had  sailed  out  of  Italy  to  Ptolem»is,  and  had  gotten  together  no 
 small  array,  both  of  strangers  and  of  his  own  countrymen,  and  marciied  though  Galilee  against 
 Antigonus.  Silo  also,  and  Ventidius,  came  and  assisted  him,  being  persuaded  by  Dellius,  who 
 was  seut  by  Antony  to  assist  in  bringing  back  Herod.  Now,  for  Ventidius,  he  was 
 employed  in  composing  the  disturbances  that  had  been  made  in  the  cities  by  the  means  of  the 
 Parthians ;  and  for  Silo,  he  was  in  Judea  indeed,  but  corrupted  b^  Antigonus.  However,  as 
 Herod  went  along,  his  army  increased  every  day,  and  all  Galilee,  with  some  small  exception, 
 joined  him  ;  but  as  he  was  marching  to  those  that  were  at  Massada,  for  he  was  obliged  to 
 endeavour  to  save  those  that  were  in  that  fortress,  now  they  were  besieged,  because  they  were 
 his  relations,  Joppa  was  a  hinderance  to  him,  for  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  take  that  place 
 first,  it  being  a  city  at  variance  with  hira,  that  no  strong  hold  might  be  left  in  his  enemies' 
 hands  behind  him,  when  be  should  go  to  Jerusalem:  and  when  Silo  made  this  a  pretence  for 
 rising  up  from  Jerusalem,  and  was  thereupon  pursued  by  the  Jews,  Herod  fell  upon  them  with 
 a  small  body  of  men,  and  both  put  the  Jews  to  flight  and  saved  Silo,  when  he  was  very  poorly 
 able  to  defend  himself;  but  when  Herod  had  taken  Joppa,  he  made  haste  to  set  free  those  of 
 bis  family  that  were  in  Massada.  Now  of  the  people  of  the  country,  some  joined  hira  because 
 of  the  friendship  they  had  had  with  his  father,  and  some  because  of  the  splendid  appearance 
 he  made,  and  others  by  way  of  requital  for  the  benefits  they  had  received  from  both  of  them, 
 but  the  greatest  number  came  to  him  in  hopes  of  getting  somewhat  from  him  afterward,  if  he 
 were  once  firmly  settled  in  the  kingdom. 
 
 2.  Herod  had  now  a  strong  army  ;  and  as  he  marched  on,  Antigonus  laid  snares  and 
 ambushes  in  the  passes  and  places  most  proper  for  them,  but  in  truth  he  thereby  did  little  or 
 no  damage  to  the  enemy  :  so  Herod  received  those  of  his  family  out  of  Massada,  and  the  for- 
 tress llessa,  and  then  went  on  for  Jerusalem.  The  soldiery  also  that  was  with  Silo  accom- 
 panied him  all  along,  as  did  many  of  the  citizens,  being  afraid  of  his  power ;  and  as  soon  as 
 he  had  pitched  his  camp  on  the  west  side  of  the  city,  the  soldiers  that  were  set  to  guard  that 
 part  shot  their  arrows,  and  threw  their  darts  at  him  ;  and  when  some  sallied  out  in  a  crowd, 
 and  came  to  fight  hand  to  hand  with  the  first  ranks  of  Herod's  army,  he  gave  orders  that  they 
 should,  in  the  first  place,  make  proclamation  about  the  wall,  that  "  he  came  for  the  good  of 
 the  people,  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  city,  and  not  to  bear  any  old  grudge  at  even  his 
 most  open  enemies,  but  ready  to  forget  the  offences  which  his  greatest  adversaries  had  done 
 him."  But  Antigonus,  by  way  of  reply  to  what  Herod  had  caused  to  be  proclaimed,  and  this 
 before  the  Romans,  and  before  Silo  also,  said,  "  That  they  would  not  do  justly,  if  they  gave  the 
 kingdom  to  Herod,  who  was  no  more  than  a  private  man,  and  an  Idumean,  i.  e.  a  half  Jew,* 
 whereas  they  ought  to  bestow  it  on  one  of  the  royal  family,  as  their  custom  was  ;  for,  that  in 
 case  they  at  present  bare  an  ill-will  to  him,  aud  had  resolved  to  deprive  hiin  of  the  kingdom, 
 as  having  received  it  from  the  Parthians,  yet  were  there  many  otiiers  of  his  family  that  wight 
 by  their  law  take  it,  and  these  such  as  had  no  way  offended  the  Romans,  and  being  of  the 
 sacerdotal  family,  it  would  be  an  unworthy  thing  to  put  them  by."  Now,  while  they  said 
 thus  one  to  another,  and  fell  to  reproaching  one  another  on  both  sides,  Antigonus  permitted 
 his  own  men  that  were  upon  the  wall  to  defend  themselves,  who  using  their  bows,  aud  shew- 
 ing great  alacrity  against  their  enemies,  easily  drove  them  away  from  the  towers. 
 
 3.  And  now  it  was  that  Silo  discovered  that  he  had  taken  bribes  :  for  he  set  a  good  number 
 of  his  soldiers  to  complain  aloud  of  the  want  of  provisions  they  were  in,  and  to  require  money  to 
 buy  them  food,  and  that  it  was  fit  to  let  them  go  into  places  proper  for  winter  quarters,  since 
 the  places  near  the  city  were  a  desert,  by  reason  that  Antigonus'  soldiers  had  carried  all 
 away  ;  so  he  set  the  army  upon  removing,  and  endeavoured  to  march  away  :  but  Herod  pressed 
 Silo  not  to  depart  ;  and  exhorted  Silo's  captains  and  soldiers  not  to  desert  him,  when  Cassar 
 and  Antony,  and  the  senate,  had  sent  him  thitlier,  for  that  he  would  provide  them  plenty  of  all 
 the  things  they  wanted,  and  easily  procure  them  a  great  abundance  of  what  they  required  ; 
 ufter  which  entreaty,  he  immediately  went  into  the  country,  and  left  not  the  least  pretence 
 to  Silo  for  his  departure,  for  he  brought  an  unexpected  quantity  of  provisions,  and  sent  to 
 those  friends  of  his  who  inhabited  about  Samaria,  to  bring  down  corn,  and  wine,  and  oil,  and 
 cattle,  and  all  other  provisions,  to  Jericho,  that  there  might  be  no  want  of  a  supply  for  the 
 soldiers  for  the  time  to  como.  Antigonus  was  sensible  of  this,  and  sent  presently  over  tlie 
 country  such  as  might  restrain  aud  lie   in  ambush  for  those  that  went  out  for  provisions.     So 
 
 tivitv  chai)  i  4  3  Accordiiiglv  Josephus  always  esteems  him  an  Idumean,  though  he  says  his  father  Apu- 
 Daisr  was  of  the  same  people  with  the  Jews,  chap.  viii.  ^  1.  and  by  birth  a  Jew,  Aatiii.  b.  xx.  chap.  vm.  =57. 
 ss  indeed  all  auch  Drosolytes  of  justice,  as  the  Idiimeans,  were  in  tuue  esteemed  the  very  same  people  as 
 the  Jews. 
 
BOOK   XIV.— CHAP.  XV.  377 
 
 these  men  obeyed  the  orders  of  Aiitigonus,  and  got  together  a  great  number  of  armed  men  about 
 Jericho,  and  sat  upon  tlie  mountains,  and  watched  tliose  that  broiij^ht  the  provisions.  How- 
 ever, Herod  was  not  idle  in  tlie  mean  time,  for  he  took  ten  bands  of  soldiers,  of  whom  five 
 were  of  the  Romans,  and  live  of  tlie  Jews,  with  seine  mercenaries  among  them,  and  with  some 
 few  horsemen,  and  came  to  Jericho  ;  and  as  they  found  the  city  deserted,  but  that  five  hun- 
 dred of  them  had  settled  themselves  on  the  tops  of  the  hills,  with  their  wives  and  children,  lhosv> 
 he  look  and  sent  away  ;  but  the  Romans  fell  upon  the  city,  and  plundered  it,  and  found  the 
 houses  full  of  all  sorts  of  good  tliin;^s  :  so  the  king  left  a  garrison  at  Jericho,  and  came  back 
 again,  and  sent  the  Roman  army  to  take  their  winter-quarters  in  the  countries,  that  were  coma 
 over  to  him,  Judea  and  Galilee,  and  Samaria.  And  so  much  did  Antigonus  gain  of  Si!o  for 
 the  bribes  he  gave  him,  that  part  of  (he  army  should  be  quartered  at  Lydda,  in  order  to  please 
 Antony.     So  the  Romans  laid  tlicir  weapons  aside,  and  lived  in  plenty  of  all  things. 
 
 4.  But  Herod  was  not  pleased  with  lying  still,  but  sent  out  his  brother  Joseph  against 
 Iduniea  with  two  thousand  armed  footmen,  and  four  hundred  horsemen,  while  he  himself  came 
 to  Samaria,  and  left  his  mother  and  his  other  relations  there,  for  they  were  already  gone  out 
 of  fliiissada,  and  went  into  Galilee,  to  take  certain  places  which  were  held  by  the  garrisons  of 
 Antigonus  ;  and  he  passed  on  to  .Sepphoris,  as  God  sent  a  snow,  while  Antigonus'  garrisons 
 withdrew  themselves,  and  had  great  plenty  of  provisions.  He  also  went  thence,  and  resolved 
 to  destroy  those  robbers  that  dwelt  in  the  caves,  and  did  much  mischief  in  the  country  :  so  he 
 sent  a  troop  of  horsemen,  and  three  companies  of  armed  footmen,  against  them.  They  were 
 very  near  to  a  village  called  Arbela  ;  and  on  the  fortieth  day  after,  he  came  himself  with  his 
 whole  army  ;  and  as  the  enemy  sallied  out  boldly  upon  him,  the  left  wing  of  his  army  gave 
 way,  but  he  appearing  with  a  body  of  men,  put  those  to  llight  who  were  already  coftquerors, 
 and  recalled  his  men  that  ran  away-  He  also  pressed  upon  his  enemies,  and  pursued  them  as 
 I'ar  as  the  river  Jordan,  though  they  ran  away  by  difi'erent  roads.  So  he  brought  over  to  him 
 all  Galilee,  excepting  those  that  dwelt  in  the  caves,  and  distributed  money  to  every  one  of  his 
 soldiers,  giving  them  a  hundred  and  fifty  drachmae  apiece,  and  much  more  to  their  captains, 
 and  sent  them  into  winter-quarters :  at  which  time  Silo  came  to  him,  and  his  commanders 
 with  him,  because  Antigonus  would  not  give  them  provisions  any  longer,  for  be  supplied  theiti 
 for  no  more  than  one  month ;  nay,  he  had  sent  to  all  the  country  about,  and  ordered  them  to 
 carry  off  tlie  provisions  that  were  there,  and  retire  to  the  mountains,  that  the  Romans  might 
 have  no  provisions  to  live  upon,  and  so  might  perish  by  famine  :  but  Herod  committed  the 
 care  of  that  matter  to  Pheroras,  his  youngest  brother,  and  ordered  him  to  repair  Alesandrium 
 also.  Accordingly,  he  quickly  made  the  soldiers  abound  with  great  plenty  of  provisions,  and 
 rebuilt  Alexandrium,  which  had  been  before  desolate. 
 
 5.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Antony  continued  some  time  at  Athens,  and  that  Ventidius, 
 who  was  now  in  Syria,  sent  for  Silo,  and  commanded  him  to  assist  Herod  in  the  first  place, 
 to  finish  the  present  war,  and  then  to  send  for  their  confederates,  for  the  war  they  were  them- 
 selves engaged  in  ;  but  as  for  Herod,  he  went  in  haste  against  the  robbers  that  were  in  the 
 caves,  and  sent  Silo  away  to  Ventidius,  while  he  marched  against  them.  These  caves  were  in 
 mountains,  that  were  exceedingly  abrupt,  and  in  their  middle  were  no  other  than  precipices,  with 
 certain  entrances  into  the  caves,  and  those  caves  were  encompassed  with  sharp  rocks,  and  in 
 these  did  the  robbers  lie  concealed,  with  all  their  families  about  them  ;  but  the  king  caused 
 certain  chests  to  be  made,  in  order  to  destroy  them,  and  to  be  hung  down,  bound  about  with 
 iron  chains,  by  an  engine,  from  (he  top  of  the  mountain,  it  being  not  possible  to  get  up  to 
 them,  by  reason  of  the  sharp  ascent  of  the  mountains,  nor  to  creep  down  to  them  from  above. 
 Now  these  chests  were  filled  with  armed  men,  who  had  long  hooks  in  their  hands,  by  whic'fi 
 they  might  pull  out  such  as  resisted  them,  and  then  tumble  them  down,  and  kill  them  by  so 
 doing  :  but  the  letting  the  chest  down  proved  to  be  a  matter  of  great  danger,  because  of  the 
 vast  depth  they  were  to  be  let  down,  although  they  had  their  provisions  in  the  chests  them- 
 selves :  but  when  the  chests  were  let  down,  and  not  one  of  those  in  the  mouths  of  the  caves 
 durst  come  near  them,  but  lay  still  out  of  fear,  some  of  the  armed  men  girt  on  their  armour, 
 and  by  both  their  hands  took  hold  of  the  chain,  by  which  the  chests  were  let  down,  and  went 
 into  the  mouths  of  the  caves,  because  they  fretted  that  such  delay  was  made  by  the  robbers 
 not  daring  to  come  out  of  the  caves  ;  and  when  the)  were  at  any  of  tliose  mouths,  they  first 
 killed  many  of  those  that  were  in  the  mouths  with  their  darts,  and  afterwards  pulled  those  to 
 them  that  resisted  them  with  their  hooks,  and  tumbled  them  down  the  precipices,  and  after- 
 wards went  into  the  caves,  and  killed  many  more,  and  then  went  into  their  chests  again,  and 
 lay  still  there  ;  but  upon  this,  terror  seized  the  rest,  when  they  heard  the  lamentations  that 
 were  made,  and  they  despaired  of  escaping  :  however,  when  the  night  came  on,  that  put  an 
 end  to  the  whole  work  ;  and  as  the  king  proclaimed  pardon  by  a  herald  to  such  as  delivered 
 Iheinsclves  up  to  him,  raiiny  accepted  of  the  offer.  The  same  method  of  assault  was  made 
 Vise  of  tlie  next  day  ;  and  they  went  farther,  and  got  out  in  baskets  to  lipht  them,  and  fought 
 them  at  their  doors,  and  sent  fire  among  them,  and  set  their  caves  on  fire,  for  there  was  a  great 
 deal  of  combustible  matter  within  them.  Now  there  was  one  old  man  who  was  caught  witliiy 
 one  of  these  caves,  with  seven  rhlidreti  and  a  wife;  llieso  prayed  him  to  give  them  leave  iiv 
 go  out,  aud  yield  themselves  up  to  the  enemy  ;   hut  ho  stood  at  the  cave's  luoulh,  and  alwa;,- 
 
 3  B 
 
378  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 slew  tliat  child  of  his  who  weut  out,  till  he  had  destroyed  tbem  every  one,  and  after  that  be 
 slew  his  wife,  and  cast  their  dead  bodies  down  the  precipice,  and  himself  after  them,  and  so 
 underwent  death  rather  than  slavery  :  but  before  he  did  this,  he  greatly  reproached  Herod 
 with  the  meanness  of  his  family,  although  he  was  then  king.  Herod  also  saw  what  be  was 
 doing,  and  stretched  out  bis  hand,  and  offered  him  all  manner  of  security  for  his  life  :  by  which 
 means  all  these  caves  were  at  length  subdued  entirely. 
 
 (3.  And  when  the  king  had  set  Ptolemy  over  these  parts  of  the  country  as  his  general,  he 
 went  to  Samaria,  with  six  hundred  horsemen,  and  three  thousand  armed  footmen,  as  intending 
 to  fight  Antigonus.  But  still  this  command  of  the  army  did  not  succeed  well  with  Ptolemy, 
 but  those  that  had  been  troublesome  to  Galilee  before  attacked  him,  and  slew  bim  ;  and  when 
 they  had  done  this,  they  fled  among  the  lakes  and  places  almost  inaccessible,  laying  waste  and 
 plundering  whatsoever  they  could  come  at  in  those  places.  But  Herod  soon  returned,  and 
 punished  them  for  what  they  had  done  ;  for  some  of  these  rebels  he  slew,  and  others  of  them, 
 who  bad  fled  to  the  strongholds,  he  besieged,  and  both  slew  them,  and  demolished  their  strong- 
 holds :  and  when  he  had  thus  put  an  end  to  their  rebellion,  he  laid  a  fine  upon  the  cities  of  a 
 Lundred  talents. 
 
 7.  In  the  mean  time  Pacorus  was  fallen  in  a  battle,  and  the  Parthians  were  defeated.  When 
 Ventidius  sent  Macherus  to  the  assistance  of  Herod,  with  two  legions  and  a  thousand  horse- 
 men, while  Antony  encouraged  him  to  make  haste.  But  Macherus,  at  the  instigation  of  Anti- 
 gonus, without  the  approbation  of  Herod,  as  being  corrupted  by  money,  went  about  to  take  a 
 view  of  bis  aiTairs :  but  ActJigonus  suspecting  this  intention  of  his  coming,  did  not  admit  him 
 into  the  city,  but  kept  him  at  a  distance,  with  throwing  stones  at  him,  and  plainly  shewed  what 
 he  himself  meant.  But  when  Macherus  was  sensible  that  Herod  had  given  him  good  advice, 
 and  that  he  had  made  a  mistake  himself  in  not  hearkening  to  that  advice,  he  retired  to  the  city 
 of  Emmaus  ;  and  what  Jews  he  met  with  be  slew  tbem,  whether  they  were  enemies  or  friends, 
 out  of  the  rage  he  was  in  at  what  hardships  he  had  undergone.  The  king  was  provoked  at 
 this  conduct  of  his,  and  went  to  Samaria,  and  resolved  to  go  to  Antony  about  these  afl'airs,  and 
 to  inform  him  that  he  stood  in  no  need  of  such  helpers,  who  did  him  more  mischief  than  they 
 did  his  enemies,  and  that  he  was  able  of  himself  to  beat  Antigonus  ;  but  Macherus  followed 
 him,  and  desired  that  he  would  not  go  to  Antony,  or,  if  be  was  resolved  to  go,  that  he  would 
 join  his  brother  Joseph  with  them,  and  let  them  fight  against  Antigonus.  So  he  was  recon- 
 ciled to  Macherus,  upon  his  earnest  entreaties.  Accordingly  he  left  Joseph  there  with  his 
 army,  but  charged  him  to  run  no  hazards,  nor  to  quarrel  with  Macherus. 
 
 8.  But  for  his  own  part,  he  made  haste  to  Antony,  (who  was  then  at  the  siege  of  Samosata, 
 a  place  upon  Euphrates,)  with  his  troops,  both  horsemen  and  footmen,  to  be  auxiliaries  to 
 him:  and  when  be  came  to  Antioch,  and  met  there  a  great  number  of  men  gotten  together, 
 that  were  very  desirous  to  go  to  Antony,  but  durst  not  venture  to  go  out  of  fear,  because  the 
 barbarians  fell  upon  men  on  the  road,  and  slew  many,  so  he  encouraged  them,  and  became 
 their  conductor  upon  the  road.  Now  when  they  were  witiiin  two  days'  march  of  Samosata,  the 
 barbarians  had  laid  an  ambush  there  to  disturb  those  that  came  to  Antony  ;  and  where  the 
 woods  made  the  passes  narrow,  as  they  led  to  the  plains,  there  they  laid  not  a  few  of  their 
 horsemen,  who  were  to  lie  still  until  those  passengers  were  gone  by  into  the  wide  place.  Now 
 as  soon  as  their  first  ranks  were  gone  by,  (for  Herod  brought  on  the  rear,)  those  that  lay  in 
 ambush,  who  were  aboot  five  hundred,  fell  upon  them  on  the  sudden,  and  when  they  had  put 
 the  foremost  to  flight,  the  king  came  riding  hard,  with  the  forces  that  were  about  him,  and 
 immediately  drove  back  the  enemy ;  by  which  means  he  made  the  minds  of  his  own  men 
 courageous,  and  emboldened  them  to  go  on,  insomuch  that  those  who  ran  away  before,  now 
 returned  back,  and  the  barbarians  were  slain  on  all  sides.  The  king  also  went  on  killing 
 them,  and  recovered  all  the  baggage  ;  among  which  were  a  great  number  of  beasts  for  burden, 
 and  of  slaves,  and  proceeded  on  in  his  march ;  and  whereas  there  were  a  very  great  number  of 
 those  in  the  woods  that  attacked  them,  and  were  near  the  passage  that  led  into  the  plain,  he 
 made  a  sally  upon  these  also  with  a  strong  body  of  men,  and  put  them  to  flight,  and  slew  many 
 of  them,  and  thereby  rendered  the  way  safe  for  those  that  came  after;  and  these  called  Herod 
 their  saviour  and  protector. 
 
 9.  And  when  he  was  near  to  Samosata,  Antony  sent  out  his  army  m  all  their  proper  babili  - 
 ments  to  meet  him,  in  order  to  pay  Herod  this  respect,  and  because  of  the  assistance  he  bad 
 given  him,  for  he  had  beard  what  attacks  the  barbarians  had  made  upon  him  [in  Judea.]  He 
 also  was  very  glad  to  see  him  there,  as  having  been  made  acquainted  with  the  great  actions  he 
 had  performed  upon  the  road  :  so  he  entertained  him  very  kindly,  and  could  not  but  admire  bis 
 courage.  Antony  also  embraced  bim  as  soon  as  he  saw  him,  and  saluted  him  after  a  most 
 affectionate  manner,  and  gave  him  the  upper  band,  as  having  himself  lately  made  him  a  king; 
 and  in  a  little  time  Autiochus  delivered  up  the  fortress,  and  on  that  account  this  war  was  at  an 
 end ;  then  Antony  committed  the  rest  to  Sosius,  and  gave  him  orders  to  assist  Herod,  and 
 went  himself  to  Egypt.  Accordingly,  Sosius  stnt  two  legions  before  into  Judea  to  the  assist- 
 ance of  Herod,  and  he  followed  himself  with  the  body  of  the  army. 
 
 10.  Now  Joseph  was  already  slain  in  Judea,  in  the  manner  following  :  he  forgot  what 
 charge  his  brother  Herod  had  given  him  when  he  went  to  Antony  ;  and  when  he  had  pitched 
 
BOOK    XIV. — CHAP.    XV.  379 
 
 his  camp  among  (be  mountains,  for  Maclierns  had  lent  him  five  regiments,  with  these  be  went 
 hastily  to  Jericlio,  in  order  to  reap  the  corn  thereto  belonging :  and  as  tiie  Roman  regiments 
 were  but  newly  raised,  and  were  unskilful  in  war,  for  they  were  in  great  part  collected  out  of 
 Syria,  he  was  attacked  by  the  enemy,  aud  caught  in  those  places  of  dilliculty,  and  was  himself 
 slain,  as  he  was  fighting  bravely,  and  the  whole  army  was  lost,  for  tbere  were  six  regiments 
 slain.  So  when  Antigoiius  had  got  possession  of  the  dead  bodies,  he  cut  oft' Joseph's  bead, 
 although  Pberoras  his  brother  would  have  redeemed  it  at  the  price  of  fifty  talents.  After 
 which  defeat  tlie  Galileans  revolted  from  their  commanders,  and  took  those  of  Herod's  party, 
 and  drowned  them  in  ihe  lake,  and  a  great  part  of  Judea  was  become  seditious ;  hut  Macberus 
 fortified  the  place  Gitta  [in  Samaria.] 
 
 11.  At  this  time  messengers  came  to  Herod,  and  informed  him  of  what  bad  been  done;  and 
 when  he  was  come  to  Daphne  by  Antioch,  they  told  him  of  the  ill  fortune  that  had  befallen  his 
 brother;  which  yet  he  expected,  from  certain  visions  that  appeared  to  him  in  his  dreams, 
 which  clearly  foreshewed  his  brother's  death.  So  he  hastened  his  march;  and  when  he  came 
 to  mount  Libanus,  he  received  about  eight  hundred  of  the  men  of  that  place,  having  already 
 with  him  also  one  Roman  legion,  and  with  these  he  came  to  Ptolemais.  He  also  marched 
 thence  by  night  with  his  army,  and  proceeded  along  Galilee.  Here  it  was  that  the  enemy  met 
 him,  and  fought  him,  and  were  beaten,  and  shut  up  in  the  same  place  of  strength  whence  they 
 had  sallied  out  the  day  before.  So  he  attacked  the  place  in  the  morning,  but  by  reason  of  a 
 great  storm  that  was  then  very  violent,  he  was  able  to  do  nothing,  but  drew  off  his  array  into 
 the  neighbouring  villages  ;  yet  as  soon  as  the  other  legion  that  Antony  sent  him  was  come  to 
 his  assistance,  those  that  were  in  garrison  in  the  place  were  afraid,  and  deserted  it  in  the  night 
 time.  Then  did  the  king  march  hastily  to  Jericho,  intending  to  avenge  himself  on  the  enemy 
 for  the  slaughter  of  his  brother ;  and  when  he  had  pitched  bis  tents,  he  made  a  feast  for  the 
 principal  commanders,  and  alter  this  collation  was  over,  and  he  had  dismissed  bis  guests,  ha 
 retired  to  his  own  chamber;  and  here  one  may  see  what  kindness  God  had  for  the  king,  for 
 the  upper  part  of  the  bouse  fell  down  when  nobody  was  iu  it,  and  so  killed  none,  insomuch 
 that  all  the  people  believed  that  Herod  was  beloved  of  God,  since  he  had  escaped  such  a  great 
 and  surprising  danger. 
 
 12.  But  the  next  day  six  thousand  of  the  enemy  came  down  from  the  tops  of  the  mountains 
 to  fight  the  Romans,  which  greatly  terrified  them  ;  and  the  soldiers  that  were  in  light  armour 
 came  near,  and  pelted  the  king's  guards  that  were  come  out  with  darts  and  stones,  and  one  of 
 them  hit  him  on  the  side  with  a  dart.  Antigonus  also  sent  a  commander  against  Samaria, 
 whose  name  was  Pappus,  with  some  forces,  being  desirous  to  shew  the  enemy  how  potent  he 
 was,  and  that  he  had  men  to  spare  in  his  war  with  them  :  he  sat  down  to  oppose  Macherus  ; 
 but  Herod,  when  he  had  taken  five  cities,  took  such  as  were  left  in  them,  being  about  two 
 thousand,  and  slew  them,  and  burnt  the  cities  themselves,  and  then  returned  to  go  against  Pap- 
 pus, who  was  encamped  at  a  village  called  Isanas  ;  and  there  ran  in  to  him  many  out  of  Jericho 
 and  Judea,  near  to  which  places  he  was,  and  the  enemy  fell  upon  his  men,  so  stout  were  they 
 at  this  time,  and  joined  battle  with  them,  but  he  beat  them  in  the  fight  ;  and  in  order  to  be 
 revenged  on  them  for  the  slaughier  of  his  brother,  he  pursued  the'u  shari)ly,  and  killed  them 
 as  they  ran  away  :  and  as  the  houses  were  full  of  armed  men,*  and  many  of  them  ran  as  far  as 
 the  tops  of  the  houses,  he  got  them  under  his  power,  and  pulled  down  the  roofs  of  the  houses, 
 and  saw  the  lower  rooms  full  of  soldiers  that  were  caught,  and  lay  all  on  a  heap  :  so  they  threvi» 
 stones  down  upon  them  as  they  lay  piled  one  upon  another,  and  thereby  killed  them  ;  nor  was 
 there  a  more  fiightful  spectacle  in  all  the  war  than  this,  where  beyond  the  walls  an  immense 
 multitude  of  dead  men  lay  heaped  one  upon  another.  This  action  it  was  which  chiefly  broke 
 the  spirits  of  the  enemy,  who  expected  now  what  would  come,  for  there  appeared  a  mighty 
 number  of  peo|'le  that  came  from  places  far  distant,  that  were  now  about  the  village,  but  then 
 ran  away  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  depth  of  winter,  which  then  restrained  them,  the  king's 
 army  had  presently  ijone  to  Jerusalem,  as  being  very  courageous  at  this  good  success,  and  the 
 whole  work  had  been  done  immediately,  for  Antigonus  was  already  looking  about  how  he  might 
 lly  away,  and  leave  the  city. 
 
 13.  At  this  time  the  king  gave  order  that  the  soldiers  should  go  to  supper,  for  it  was  late 
 at  liight,  while  he  went  into  a  chamber  to  use  the  bath,  for  he  was  very  weary  :  and  here  it 
 was  that  he  was  in  the  greatest  danger,  which  yet,  by  God's  providence,  he  escaped  ;  for  as 
 be  was  naked,  and  had  but  one  servant  that  followed  l.lm,  to  be  with  him  while  he  was  bath- 
 ing in  an  inner  room,  certain  of  (he  enemy,  who  were  in  their  armour,  and  had  fled  thither  out 
 of  fear,  were  then  in  the  place  ;  and  as  he  was  bathing,  the  first  of  them  came  out  with  his 
 naked  sword  drawn,  and  went  out  at  the  doors,  and  after  him  a  second  and  a  third,  arniftd  in 
 like  manner,  and  were  under  such  a  consternation,  that  they  did  no  hurt  to  the  king,  and 
 thought  themselves  to  have  come  off  very  well  in  sulVcring  no  barm  themselves,  in  their  get- 
 ting out  of  the  house.     However,  on  the  next  day,   he  cut  off  the  head  of  Pappus,  for  he  was 
 
 '  tt  niay  be  worth  our  ol>scrvation  here,  that  these  soldiers  of  Herod  s  could  not  have  gotten  upon  the  Ir'ps 
 of  these  houses,  which  wire  full  of  eutmies,  in  order  to  pull  up  Ihe  upper  floors,  and  destroy  them  beiu-aih. 
 hut  on  ladiiers  from  the  oiitsiile  ;  whieli  illustrates  some  texts  iu  the  Now  I'estament,  by  which  it  appears  that 
 men  Ubcd  to  ascend  thither  by  ladders  ou  the  outsides.    bee  Matt,  xxiv,  17.  Mark  xiii.  13.  l.uke  v.  19.  xvii.3i. 
 
880  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 alread}'  slain,  and  sent  it  to  Pheroras,  as  a  punishment  of  what  their  brother  bad  suffered  bj 
 liis  means,  for  be  was  the  man  that  slew  hira  with  bis  own  hand. 
 
 14,  When  the  ri^onr  of  winter  was  over,  Herod  removed  his  army,  and  came  near  to  Jeru- 
 salem, and  pitched  his  camp  hard  bj  the  city.  Now  this  was  the  third  year  since  lie  had  been 
 made  king  at  Rome  ;  and  as  he  removed  his  camp,  and  came  near  that  part  of  the  wall  where 
 it  could  be  most  easily  assaulted,  be  pitched  that  camp  before  the  temple,  intending  to 
 make  his  attacks  in  the  same  manner  as  did  Pompey  :  so  he  encompassed  the  place  with  three 
 bulwarks,  and  erected  towers,  and  employed  a  great  many  hands  about  the  work,  and  cutdown 
 the  trees  that  were  round  about  the  city  ;  and  when  be  had  appointed  proper  persons  to  over- 
 .see  the  works,  even  while  the  army  lay  before  the  city,  he  himself  went  to  .Samaria,  to  com- 
 plete his  marriage,  and  to  take  to  wife  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus  ;  for 
 lie  bad  betrothed  her  already,  as  I  hare  before  related. 
 
 CHAP.  XVI. 
 
 Hoiv  Herod,  when  he  had  married  Mariamne,  took  Jerusalem,  with  the  Assistance  of  Sosius,  by 
 Force;  and  how  the  Government  oj  the  Asamoneans  ivas  put  an  end  to, 
 
 §  1.  After  the  wedding  was  over,  came  Sosins  through  Pbenicia,  having  sent  out  bis  array 
 btfore  him  over  the  midland  parts.  He  also,  who  was  Iheir  commander,  came  himself  with  a 
 };reat  number  of  horsemen  and  footmen.  The  king  also  came  himself  from  Samaria,  and  brought 
 with  him  no  small  army,  besides  that  which  was  there  before,  for  they  were  about  thirty  thou- 
 sand :  and  they  all  met  together  at  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  encamped  at  the  north  wall  of 
 the  city,  being  now  an  arnsy  of  eleven  legions,  armed  men  on  foot,  and  six  thousand  horsemen, 
 with  other  auxiliaries  out  of  Syria.  The  generals  were  two,  Sosius,  sent  by  Antony  to  assist 
 Herod,  and  Herod  on  his  own  account,  in  order  to  take  the  government  from  Antigonus,  who 
 was  declared  an  enemy  to  Kome,  and  that  he  might  himself  he  king,  according  to  the  decree 
 of  the  senate. 
 
 2.  Now  the  Jews  that  were  enclosed  within  the  walls  of  the  city  fought  against  Herod  with 
 great  alacrity  and  zeal,  (for  the  whole  nation  was  gathered  together ;)  they  also  gave  out  many 
 jiropbecies  about  the  temple,  and  many  things  agreeable  to  the  people,  as  if  God  would  deliver 
 tliem  out  of  the  dangers  they  were  in  ;  they  had  also  carried  off  what  was  out  of  the  city,  that 
 they  might  not  leave  any  thing  to  afford  sustenance  either  for  men  or  for  beasts  ;  and  by  pri- 
 vate robberies,  they  made  the  want  of  necessaries  greater.  When  Herod  understood  this,  he 
 opposed  ambushes  in  the  fittest  places  against  their  private  robberies,  and  he  sent  legions  of 
 armed  men  to  bring  in  provisions,  and  that  from  remote  places,  so  that  in  a  little  time  they  had 
 great  plenty  of  provisions.  Now  the  three  bulwarks  were  easily  erected,  because  so  many 
 bands  were  continually  at  work  upon  them  ;  for  it  was  summer  time,  and  there  was  nothing  to 
 hinder  their  works,  neither  from  the  air,  nor  from  the  workmen  :  so  they  brought  their  engines 
 to  bear,  and  shook  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  tried  all  manner  of  ways  to  get  in  ;  yet  did  not 
 those  within  discover  any  fear,  but  tliey  also  contrived  not  a  few  engines  to  oppose  their 
 engines  withal.  They  also  sallied  out,  and  burnt  not  only  those  engines  that  were  not  yet  per- 
 lected,  but  those  that  were  ;  and  when  they  came  hand  to  hand,  their  attempts  were  not  less 
 bold  than  those  of  the  Romans,  though  they  were  behind  them  in  skill.  They  also  erected 
 new  works  when  the  former  were  ruined,  and  making  mines  underground,  they  met  each  other, 
 and  fought  there  ;  and  making  use  of  brutish  courage  rather  than  of  prudent  valour,  they  per- 
 sisted in  this  war  to  the  very  last  :  and  this  they  did  while  a  mighty  army  lay  round  about 
 them,  and  while  they  were  distressed  by  famine,  and  the  want  of  necessaries,  forthis  happened 
 to  be  a  sabbatic  year.  The  first  that  scaled  the  walls  were  twenty  chosen  men,  the  next  were 
 Sosius's  centurions,  for  the  first  wall  was  taken  in  forty  days,  and  the  second  in  fifteen  more, 
 when  some  of  the  cloisters  that  were  about  the  temple  were  burnt,  which  Herod  gave  out  to 
 have  been  burnt  by  Antigonus,  in  order  to  expose  him  to  the  hatred  of  the  Jews.  And  when 
 the  outer  court  of  the  temple,  and  the  lower  city,  were  taken,  the  Jews  lied  into  the  inner 
 court  of  the  temple,  and  into  the  upper  city  :  but  now  fearing  lest  the  Romans  should  binder 
 them  from  offering  their  daily  sacrifices  to  God,  they  sent  an  embassage,  and  desired  that  they 
 would  only  permit  them  to  bring  in  beasts  for  sacrifices  :  which  Herod  granted,  hoping  i,hey 
 •were  going  to  yield,  but  when  he  saw  that  they  did  nothing  of  what  he  supposed,  but  bitterly 
 opposed  hira,  in  order  to  preserve  the  kingdom  to  Antigonus,  he  made  an  assault  upon  the  city, 
 and  took  it  by  storm  ;  and  now  all  parts  were  fuli  of  those  that  were  slain  by  the  rage  of  the 
 Romans  at  the  long  duration  of  the  siege,  and  by  the  zeal  of  the  Jews  that  were  on  Herod's 
 side,  V.  ho  were  not  willing  to  leave  one  of  their  adversaries  alive,  so  they  were  murdered  con- 
 tinually in  the  narrow  streets  and  in  the  houses  by  crowds,  and  as  they  were  flying  to  the  tem- 
 ple for  shelter,  and  there  was  no  pity  taken  of  either  infants  or  the  aged,  nor  did  they  spare 
 so  much  as  the  weaker  sex  ;  nay,  although  the  king  sent  about,  and  besought  them  to  spare  the 
 people,  yet  nobody  restrained  their  hand  from  slaughter,  but,  as  if  they  were  a  company  of 
 madmen,  they  fell  upon  persons  of  all  ages  without  distinction  ;  and  then  Antigonus,  without 
 regani  to  either  his  past  or  present  circumstances,  came  down  from  the  citadel,  and  ftU  down 
 at  the  feel  of  Sosius,  who  took  no  pity  of  him  in  the  change  of  his  fortune,   but  insulted  him 
 
BOOK  XV. — CHAP.  I  '381 
 
 hevond  measure,  and  called  Jjini  Antigone  [J.  e.  a  wonmn,  and  not  a  man  ;]  jet  did  he  not 
 treat  liim  as  if  he  were  a  woman,  by  letting  bira  go  at  liberty,  hut  put  him  into  bonds,  and  kept 
 him  in  close  custody. 
 
 3.  And  now  Herod  having  overcome  his  enemies,  his  care  was  to  govern  those  foreigners 
 who  bad  been  his  assistants,  for  ihe  crowd  of  strangers  rushed  to  see  the  temple,  and  ihe 
 sacred  things  in  the  temple  ;  but  the  king  thinking  a  victory  to  be  a  more  severe  afllictinn  than 
 a  defeat,  if  any  of  those  things  which  it  was  not  lawful  to  see  should  he  seen  by  them, 
 used  entreaties  and  tlireatenings,  and  even  sometimes  force  itself,  to  restrnin  them.  He  also 
 prohibited  the  ravage  that  was  made  in  the  city,  and  many  limes  asked  Sosius,  whether  the 
 Romans  would  empty  lire  city  both  of  money  and  men,  and  leave  him  king  of  a  desert?  and 
 told  bira,  that  he  esteemed  the  dominion  over  the  whole  habitable  earth  as  by  no  means  an 
 equivalent  satisfaction  for  such  a  murder  of  his  citizens  ;  and  wiien  he  said,  that  this  plunder 
 was  justly  to  be  permitted  Ihe  soldiers,  for  the  siege  they  had  underj^one,  be  replied,  that  he 
 would  give  every  one  their  reward  out  of  his  own  money,  and  by  this  means  he  redeemed  what 
 remained  of  the  city  from  destruction  ;  and  he  performed  what  he  had  promised  him,  for  he 
 gave  a  noble  present  to  every  soldier,  and  a  proportionable  present  to  their  comraauders,  but 
 a  most  royal  present  to  Sosius  himself,  till  they  all  went  away  full  of  money. 
 
 4.  This  destruction  befell  the  city  of  Jerusalem*  when  Marcus  Agrippa  and  Caninius  Cal- 
 lus were  consuls  of  Rome,  on  the  hundred  eighty  and  fifth  Olympiad,  on  the  third  month,  on 
 the  solemnity  of  the  fast,  as  if  a  periodical  revolution  of  calamities  bad  returned,  since  that 
 which  befell  the  Jews  under  Pompey,  for  the  Jews  were  taken  by  him  on  the  same  day,  and 
 this  was  after  twenty-seven  years'  time.  So  when  Sosius  had  dedicated  a  crown  of  gold  to 
 God,  be  marched  away  from  Jerusalem,  and  carried  Antigonus  with  him  in  bonds  to  Antony; 
 but  Herod  was  afraid  lest  Antigonus  should  be  kept  in  prison  [only]  by  Antony,  and  that  when 
 he  was  carried  to  Rome  by  him,  he  might  get  his  cause  to  be  heard  by  the  senate,  and  might 
 demonstrate,  as  he  was  himself  of  the  royal  blood,  and  Herod  but  a  private  man,  that  there- 
 tore  it  belonged  to  his  sons  however  to  have  the  kingdom,  on  account  of  the  family  they  were 
 vf,  in  case  he  bad  himself  ofl'ended  the  Romans  by  what  he  had  done.  Out  of  Herod's  fear  of 
 {Ms  it  was,  that  he,  by  giving  Antony  a  great  deal  of  money,  endeavoured  to  persuade  him 
 to  have  Antigonus  slain,  which  if  it  were  once  done,  be  should  be  free  from  that  fear.  And 
 thus  did  the  government  of  the  Asamoneans  cease,  a  hundred  twenty  and  six  years  after  it 
 was  first  set  up.  This  family  was  a  splendid  and  an  illustrious  one,  both  on  account  of  the 
 nobility  of  their  stock,  and  of  the  dignityof  the  high  priesthood,  as  also  forthe  glorious  actions 
 their  ancestors  had  performed  for  our  nation  :  but  these  meu  lost  the  government  by  their 
 dissensions  one  with  another,  and  it  c.jiie  to  Herod  the  son  of  Antipater,  who  was  of  no  more 
 than  a  vulgar  family,  and  of  no  eminent  extraction,  but  one  that  was  subject  to  other  kings  : 
 aud  this  is  what  history  tells  us  was  the  eud  of  the  Asamoneau  family. 
 
 BOOK  XV. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  TNTEllVALOF  EIGHTEEN  YEARS.— KROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ANTI- 
 GONUS TO  THE  FINISHING  OF  THE  TEMPLE  BY  HEROD. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 ConceruiiKj  Vollio  and  Samcas,     Herod  slays  the  principal  of  Antigonus'  friends,  and  spoils 
 
 the  City  of  its  Wealth.  Antony  beheads  Antigonus. 
 §  I.  How  Sosius  and  Herod  took  Jerusalem  by  force  ;  and,  besides  that,  how  they  took 
 Antigonus  captive,  has  been  related  by  us  in  the  foregoing  book.  We  will  now  proceed  in 
 the  narration.  And  since  Herod  had  now  the  government  of  all  Judea  put  into  his  hands,  he 
 promoted  such  of  the  private  men  in  the  city  as  had  been  of  his  party,  but  never  left  otf  aveng- 
 ing and   punishing  every  day  those   that  bad  chosen    to  be  of  the   party  of  his  enemies  :   but 
 
 •  Nolo  liere,  that.  .Insciihii3  fully  and  freeiucntly  assvires  as,  that  there  passed  above  three  years  between  lie- 
 rod's  first  obtainiii}?  the  kingdom  at  Rome,  and  his  second  obtaining  it  upon  the  taking  of  .lerusalem,  and 
 uealh  of  Antigonus.  the  present  history  of  this  interval  twice  mentions  the  army's  vtoing  into  winter  quar- 
 t(!'.-s,  which  perhaps  belonged  to  two  several  winters,  chap.  xv.  i  S,  4.  and  though  Josephus  says  nothing  how 
 long  they  lay  in  those  quarters,  yet  does  he  give  such  an  account  of  the  long  and  studied  delays  of  Ventidius 
 Mlo,  and  Macherus,  who  were  to  see  tlerod  settled  in  his  new  kingdom,  but  seem  not  to  have  had  sufficient 
 forces  for  that  purpose,  and  were  for  certain  all  corrupted  l)y  Anti-gonus  to  make  the  longest  delays  possible, 
 and  gives  us  such  i)articular  accounts  of  the  many  great  actions  of  tlerod  during  the  same  interval,  as  fairly 
 imply  tliat  interval  before  Herod  went  to  Samosata,  to  have  been  very  considerable.  I  lowever,  what  is  want- 
 ing in  .Idscjdius  is  fully  supplied  by  Moses  Choronensis,  the  Armenian  histiu-ian,  in  his  history  of  that  inter- 
 val, b.  ii.  chap,  xviii.  where  he  directly  assures  us,  that  Tigranes,  then  king  of  Armenia,  aud  the  principal 
 Jnanager  of  this  I'arthian  war,  reigned  two  years  after  Ilerod  was  made  king  at  Rome,  and  yet  Antony  did  not 
 hear  of  hi^;  death,  in  that  very  neighboiirhood,  at  Samosata,  till  he  was  come  thither  to  besiege  it ;  after  which 
 Ilerod  brought  him  an  army,  which  was  .'i40  miles'  march,  and  through  a  difiicult  country,  full  of  enemies 
 ills  ■,  and  joined  with  hira  iu  the  siege  of  Samosata  till  that  city  was  taken  :  then  Ilerod  and  Sosius  marched 
 Vrfick  with  their  large  armies  the  same  number  of  .'>;()  miles,  and  when  in  a  little  lime  they  sat  down  to  besiege 
 .lerusalem,  they  were  not  able  to  take  it  but  by  a  siege  of  live  monihs.  All  which  put  togelher,  fully  supplies 
 what  is  wanting  iu  Josephus,  and  secures  the  entire  chrouoloey  of  these  limes  beyoud  coulradictiou. 
 
382  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 Pollio,  the  Pharisee,  and  Sameas,  a  disciple  of  his,  were  honoured  by  him  above  all  the  rest, 
 for  when  Jerusalem  was  besieged,  they  advised  the  citizens  to  receive  Herod,  for  which 
 advice  tbey  were  well  requited  ;  but  this  Pollio,  at  the  time  when  Herod  was  once  upon  his 
 trial  of  life  and  death,  foretold  in  way  of  reproach,  Hyrcanus  and  the  other  judges,  how  this 
 Herod,  whom  they  sulFered  now  to  escape,  would  afterward  inflict  pnuishmeut  on  them  all  ; 
 which  had  its  completion  in  time,  while  God  fulfilled  the  words  he  had  spoken. 
 
 2.  At  this  time  Herod,  now  he  had  got  Jerusalem  under  his  power,  carried  off  all  the  royal 
 ornaments,  and  spoiled  the  wealthy  men  of  what  tbey  had  gotten  ;  and  when  by  these  means 
 he  had  heaped  together  a  great  quantity  of  silver  and  gold,  he  gave  it  all  to  Antony,  and  his 
 friends  that  were  about  him.  He  also  slew  forty-five  of  the  principal  men  of  Antigonus' 
 party,  and  set  guards  at  the  gates  of  the  city,  that  nothing  migiit  be  carried  out  together  with 
 their  dead  bodies.  They  also  searched  the  dead,  and  whatsoever  was  found,  either  of  silver 
 or  gold,  or  other  treasure,  it  was  carried  to  the  king  ;  nor  was  there  any  end  of  the  miseries 
 be  brought  upon  them,  and  this  distress  was  in  part  occasioned  by  the  covetousness  of  the 
 prince  regent,  who  was  still  in  want  of  more,  and  in  part  by  the  sabbatic  year,  which  was 
 still  going  ou,  and  forced  the  country  to  lie  still  uncultivated,  since  we  are  forbidden  to  sow 
 the  land  in  that  year.  Now  when  Antony  had  received  Antigonns  as  his  captive,  be  deter- 
 mined to  keep  him  against  his  triumph  ;  but  when  he  heard  that  the  nation  grew  seditious, 
 and  that,  oat  of  their  hatred  to  Herod,  they  continued  to  bear  good-will  to  Antigonus,  he 
 resolved  to  behead  him  at  Antioch,  for  otherwise  the  Jews  could  no  way  be  brought  to  be 
 quiet.  And  Strabo  of  Cappadocia  attests  to  what  I  have  said,  when  he  thus  speaks  :  "Antony 
 ordered  Antigonus  ihe  Jew  to  be  brought  to  Antioch,  and  there  to  be  beheaded  :  and  this 
 Antony  seems  to  me  to  have  been  the  very  first  man  who  beheaded  a  king,  as  supposing  he 
 could  no  other  way  bend  the  minds  of  the  Jews,  so  as  to  receive  Herod,  whom  he  had  made  king 
 in  bis  stead,  for  by  no  torments  could  they  be  forced  to  call  him  king,  so  great  a  fondness 
 they  had  for  their  former  king  ;  so  he  thought  that  this  dishonourable  death  would  diminish 
 the  value  they  had  for  Antigonus'  memory,  and  at  the  same  time  would  diminish  the  haired 
 they  bare  to  Herod. '     Thus  far  Strabo. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Hyrcanus  was  set  at  liberty  by  the  Parthians,  and  returned  to  Herod;  and  lohat  Alexan- 
 dra did  when  she  heard  that  Ananelus  was  made  Hiyh  Priest. 
 
 §  1.  Now  after  Herod  was  in  possession  of  the  kingdom,  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest,  who  was 
 then  a  captive  among  the  Parthians,  came  to  him  again,  and  was  set  free  from  his  captivity, 
 in  the  manner  following  :  Barzapharnes  and  Pacnrns,  the  generals  of  the  Parthians,  took 
 Hyrcanus,  who  was  first  made  high  priest  and  afterward  king,  and  Herod's  brother  Phasaelus, 
 captives,  and  were  carrying  them  away  into  Parthia.  Phasaelus  indeed  could  not  bear  the 
 reproach  of  being  in  bonds,  and  thinking  that  death  with  glory  was  better  than  any  life  what- 
 soever, he  became  his  own  executioner,  as  I  have  formerly  related. 
 
 2.  But  when  Hyrcanus  was  brought  into  Parthia,  the  king  Phraates  treated  him  after  a 
 very  gentle  manner,  as  having  already  learned  of  what  an  illustrious  family  he  was  ;  on  which 
 account  he  set  him  free  from  his  bonds,  and  gave  him  an  habitation  at  Babylon,*  where  there 
 were  Jews  in  great  numbers.  These  Jews  honoured  Hyrcanus  as  their  high  priest  and  king  ; 
 as  did  all  the  Jewish  nation  that  dwelt  as  far  as  Euphrates  ;  which  respect  was  very  much  to 
 his  satisfaction.  But  when  he  was  informed  that  Herod  had  received  the  kingdom,  new 
 hopes  came  opon  him,  as  having  been  himself  still  of  a  kind  disposition  towards  him,  and 
 expecting  that  Herod  would  bear  in  mind  what  favour  he  had  received  from  him,  and  when 
 he  was  upon  his  trial,  and  when  he  was  in  danger  that  a  capital  sentence  would  be  pronounced 
 against  him,  he  delivered  him  from  that  danger,  and  from  all  punishment.  Accordingly,  he 
 talked  of  that  matter  with  the  Jews  that  came  often  to  him  with  great  aftection  •,  but  they 
 endeavoured  to  retain  him  among  them,  and  desired  that  he  should  stay  with  them,  putting 
 him  in  mind  of  the  kind  offices  and  honours  Ihey  did  him,  and  that  those  honours  they  paid 
 him  were  not  at  all  inferior  to  what  they  could  pay  to  either  tlieir  high  priests  or  their  kings  : 
 and  what  was  a  greater  motive  to  determine  him,  they  said,  was  this,  that  he  could  not  have 
 those  dignities  [in  Judea]  because  of  that  maim  in  his  body,  which  had  been  inflicted  on  him  by 
 Antigonus  ;  and  that  kings  do  not  use  to  requite  men  for  those  kindnesses  which  they  received 
 when  they  were  private  persons,  the  height  of  their  fortune  making  usually  no  small  changes 
 in  them. 
 
 3.  Now  although  they  suggested  these  arguments  to  him  for  his  own  advantage,  yet  did 
 Hyrcanus  still  desire  to  depart.  Herod  also  wrote  to  him,  and  persuaded  him  to  desire  of 
 phraates,  and  the  Jews  that  were  there,  thai  they  should  not  grudge  him  the  royal  authority, 
 which  he  should  have  jointly  with  himself,  for  that  now  was  the  proper   time  for  himself  to 
 
 •  The  city  here  called  Babylon  by  .losephus,  seems  to  be  one  which  was  b\iilt  by  some  of  the  Seleucidsa 
 uiion  tlie  I'lgris,  which  long  after  the  utter  desolation  of  old  Babylon  was  commonly  so  called,  and  1  sup- 
 l«)se  not  far  from  Seleucia  ;  just  as  the  latter  adjoining  city  Bagdalhas  been,  and  is  ofieu  talli-d  by  tlie  «aius 
 old  name  of  Babylon  till  this  very  day. 
 
BOOK  XV.— CHAP.    II.  383 
 
 make  him  amends  for  the  favours  he  had  received  from  him,  as  having  been  bronglit  up  by 
 hira,  and  saved  by  him  also,  as  well  as  for  Hyroaniis  to  receive  i(.  And  as  he  wrote  thus  to 
 Ifyrcaiins,  so  did  lie  send  also  Saraniallas,  his  ambassador,  to  Pliraates,  and  inaiiv  presents 
 with  liini,  and  desired  him  in  the  most  obliging  way,  that  he  would  be  no  hindernnce  to  his 
 gratitude  towards  his  benefactor.  Bu-t  this  zeal  of  Herod's  did  not  flow  from  that  principle, 
 but  because  he  had  been  made  governor  of  that  country,  without  having  any  just  (daim  to  it, 
 be  was  afraid,  and  that  upon  reasons  good  enough,  of  a  change  in  his  condition,  and  so  made 
 what  haste  lie  could  to  get  Hyrcanus  into  bis  power,  or  indeed  to  put  hira  quite  out  of  the 
 way  :   which  last  thing  he  compassed  afterward. 
 
 4.  Accordingly,  when  Hyrcanus  came,  full  of  assurance,  by  the  permission  of  the  king  of 
 Parthia,  and  at  the  expense  of  the  Jews,  who  supplied  him  with  money,  Herod  received  him  with 
 all  possible  respect,  and  gave  him  the  upper  place  at  public  meetings,  and  set  him  above  all 
 the  rest  at  feasts,  and  thereby  deceived  hira.  He  called  him  his  father;  and  endeavoured  by 
 all  the  ways  possible,  that  he  might  have  no  suspicion  of  any  treacherous  design  against  him. 
 He  also  did  other  things,  in  order  to  secure  his  government,  which  yet  occasioned  a  sedition 
 in  his  own  family  ;  Cor  being  cautious  how  he  made  any  illustrious  person  the  high  priest  of 
 God,*  he  sent  for  an  obscure  priest  out  of  Babylon,  whose  name  was  Ananelus,  and  bestowed 
 the  high  priesthood  upon  him. 
 
 5.  However,  Alexandra,  the  daughter  of  Hyrcanus,  and  wife  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aris- 
 tobulus  the  king,  who  had  also  brought  Alexander  [two]  children,  could  not  bear  this  indig- 
 nity. Now  this  son  was  one  of  the  greatest  comeliness,  and  was  called  Aristobulus  :  and  the 
 daughter,  Mariamne,  was  married  to  Herod,  and  eminent  for  her  beauty  also.  This  Alexandra 
 was  much  disturbed,  and  took  this  indignity  oft'ered  to  her  son  exceeding  ill,  that  while  he  was 
 alive,  any  one  else  should  be  sent  for  to  have  the  dignity  of  the  high  priesthood  conferred  upon 
 him.  Accordingly  she  wrote  to  Cleopatra  (a  musician  assisting  her  in  taking  care  to  have  her 
 letters  carried)  to  desire  her  intercession  with  Antony,  in  order  to  gain  the  high  priesthood 
 for  her  son. 
 
 6.  But  as  Antony  was  slow  in  granting  this  request,  his  friend  Delliust  came  into  Judea 
 upon  some  afl'airs,  and  when  he  saw  Aristobulus,  he  stood  in  admiration  at  the  talliiess  and 
 handsomeness  of  the  child,  and  no  less  at  Mariamne,  the  king's  wife,  and  was  open  in  his 
 commendations  of  Alexandra,  as  the  mother  of  most  beautiful  children  :  and  when  she  oarae 
 to  discourse  with  him,  he  persuaded  her  to  get  pictures  drawn  of  ihem  both,  and  send  them 
 to  Antony,  for  that  when  he  saw  them,  he  would  deny  her  nothing  that  she  should  ask.  Accord- 
 ingly Alexandra  was  elevated  with  these  words  of  his,  and  sent  the  pictures  to  Antony.  Del- 
 lins  also  talked  extravagantly,  and  said,  That  "  these  children  seemed  not  derived  from  men, 
 but  from  some  god  or  other."  His  design  in  doing  so  was  to  entice  Antony  into  lewd  plea- 
 sures with  them,  who  was  ashamed  to  send  for  the  damsel,  as  being  the  wife  of  Herod,  and 
 avoided  it,  because  of  the  reproaches  he  should  have  from  Cleopatra  on  that  account,  but  he 
 sent,  in  the  most  decent  manner  he  could,  for  the  young  man  ;  but  added  this  withal,  "Unless 
 he  thought  it  hard  upon  him  so  to  do."  When  this  letter  was  brought  to  Herod,  he  did  not 
 think  it  safe  for  him  to  send  one  so  handsome  as  was  Aristobulus,  in  the  prime  of  his  life,  for 
 he  was  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  of  so  noble  a  family,  and  particularly  not  to  Antony,  the 
 j)rincipal  man  among  the  Romans,  and  one  that  would  abuse  him  in  his  amours,  and  besides, 
 one  that  openly  indulged  himself  in  such  pleasures,  as  his  power  allowed  him,  without  con- 
 trol. He  therefore  wrote  back  to  him,  that  "  if  this  boy  should  only  go  out  of  the  country, 
 all  would  be  in  a  state  of  war  and  uproar,  because  the  Jews  were  in  hopes  of  a  change  in  the 
 government,  and  to  have  another  king  over  them." 
 
 7.  When  Herod  had  thus  excused  himself  to  Antony,  he  resolved  that  he  would  not  entirely 
 permit  the  child  or  Alexandra  to  be  treated  dishonourably  :  but  his  wife  Mariamne  lay 
 vehemently  at  him  to  restore  the  high  priesthood  to  her  brother,  and  he  judged  it  was  for  his 
 advantage  so  to  do,  because,  if  he  once  had  that  dignity,  he  could  not  go  out  of  the  country. 
 So  be  called  all  his  friends  together,  and  told  them,  that  ' '  Alexandra  privately  conspired  against 
 his  royal  authority,  and  endeavoured  by  the  means  of  Cleopatra,  so  to  bring  it  about,  that  he 
 might  he  deprived  of  the  government,  and  that  by  Antony's  means  this  youth  might  have  the 
 management  of  public  afl'airs  in  his  stead  ;  and  that  this  procedure  of  hers  was  unjust,  since 
 she  would  at  the  same  time  deprive  her  daughter  of  the  dignity  she  now  had,  and  would  bring 
 disturbances  upon  the  kingdom,  for  which  he  had  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains,  and  had  gotten 
 it  with  extraordinary  hazards  :  that  yet  while  he  well  remembered  her  wicked  practices,  he 
 would  not   leave  o(f  doing  what  was  right  himself,  but  would  even  now  give   the  youth  the 
 
 *  litre  we  have  an  eminpnt  example  of  Herod's  worldly  and  profanr  politics,  when  by  the  abuse  of  his  un- 
 lawful and  usurped  power,  to  make  whom  he  pleased  high  priest,  in  the  person  of  Ananelus,  he  occasioned 
 such  disturbances  in  his  kingdom,  and  his  own  family,  as  suffered  him  to  enjoy  no  lasting  peace  or  tranquillity 
 ever  afterward  :  and  such  is  frequently  the  eifect  of  profane  court  politics  alioui  matters  of  religion,  in  other 
 ages  and  nations.  The  Old  Testament  in  full  of  tlie  miseries  the  people  of  the  ,Tcvs  derived  from  such  court 
 politics,  ef^pecially  in  and  after  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nehat,  who  nude  Israel  to  sin  ;  who  gave 
 the  most  pernicious  example  of  it ;  who  briiUMht  on  the  grossest  corruption  of  reliv  ion  by  it ;  and  the  punish- 
 ment of  whose  family  for  it  was  most  remarkable.  The  case  is  too  well  known  to  staud  in  need  of  particu- 
 lar citations. 
 
 t  l>f  this  wicked  Dellius,  see  note  on  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  xv.  v  3. 
 
384  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 high  priesthood  :  and  that  he  formerly  set  up  Ananclus,  becaase  Aristobulus  was  then  so  very 
 young  a  child."  Now  when  he  had  said  this,  not  at  random,  but  as  he  ihouglit  with  the  best 
 discretion  he  had,  in  order  to  receive  the  women,  and  those  friends  whom  he  had  taken  to 
 consult  withal,  Alexandra,  out  of  tho  great  joy  she  had  at  this  unexpected  promise,  and  ont 
 of  fear  from  the  suspicions  she  lay  under,  fell  a-weeping,  and  made  the  following  apology  for 
 herself;  and  said,  that  "  as  to  the  [high]  priesthood,  she  was  very  much  concerned  for  the 
 disgrace  her  son  was  under,  and  so  did  her  utmost  endeavours  to  procure  it  for  him,  but  that 
 as  to  the  kingdom,  she  had  made  no  attempts,  and  that  if  it  were  oft'ered  her  [for  her  son,]  she 
 would  not  accept  it;  and  that  now  she  would  be  satisfied  with  her  son's  dignity,  while  he  him- 
 self held  the  civil  government,  and  she  bad  thereby  the  security  that  arose,  from  his  peculiar 
 ability  in  governing,  to  all  tbe  remainder  of  her  family  ;  that  she  was  now  overcome  by  his 
 benefits,  and  thankfully  accepted  of  this  honour  shewed  by  him  to  her  son,  and  that  she  would 
 hereafter  be  entirely  obedient :  and  she  desired  him  to  excuse  her,  if  the  nobility  of  her  family 
 and  that  freedom  of  acting  which  she  thought  that  allovced  her,  liad  made  her  act  too  precipi- 
 tately and  imprudently  in  this  matter."  So  when  they  had  spoken  thus  to  one  another,  they 
 came  to  an  agreement,  and  all  suspicious,  so  far  as  appeared,  were  vanished  away. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Herod,  upon  his  maJciiig  A  ristohulus  High  Priest,  took  care  that  he  should  be  murdered 
 in  a  little  Time:  and  what  apology  he  made  to  Antony  about  Aristobulus:  as  also  concerning 
 Joseph  and  Mariamne. 
 
 ^  1.  So  king  Herod  immediately  took  the  high  priesthood  away  from  Ananelas,  who,  as  we 
 said  before,  was  not  of  this  country,  but  one  of  those  Jews  that  had  been  carried  captive 
 beyond  Euphrates ;  for  there  were  not  a  few  ten  thousands  of  this  people  that  had  been  carried 
 captives,  and  dwelt  about  Babylonia,  whence  Ananelus  came.  He  was  one  of  the  stock  of  the 
 high  priests,*  and  had  been  of  old  a  paiticnlar  friend  of  Ilerod  ;  and  when  he  was  first  made 
 king,  he  conferred  that  dignity  upon  him,  and  now  put  him  out  of  it  again,  in  order  to  quiet 
 the  troubles  in  his  family,  though  what  he  did  was  plainly  unlawful,  for  at  no  other  time  [of 
 old]  was  any  one  that  had  once  been  in  that  dignity  deprived  of  it.  It  was  Antiochus  Epi- 
 plianes  who  first  broke  that  law,  and  deprived  Jesus,  and  made  his  brother  Onias  high  priest 
 in  his  stead.  Aristobulus  wss  the  second  that  did  so,  and  took  that  dignity  from  his  brother 
 [Hyrcanus ;]  and  this  Horod  was  the  third,  who  took  that  high  office  away  [from  Ananelus,'] 
 and  gave  it  to  this  young  man,  Aristobulus,  in  his  stead. 
 
 2.  And  now  Herod  seemed  to  have  healed  the  divisions  in  his  family ;  ypt  was  he  not  with- 
 out suspicion,  as  is  frequently  the  case,  of  people  seeming  to  be  reconciled  to  one  another,  but 
 thought  that,  as  Alexandra  had  already  made  attempts  tending  to  innovations,  so  did  he  fear 
 that  she  would  go  on  therein,  if  she  found  a  fit  opportunity  for  so  doing;  so  he  gave  a  com- 
 mand, that  she  should  dwell  in  the  palace,  and  meddle  with  no  public  affairs :  her  guards  also 
 were  so  careful,  that  nothing  she  did  in  private  life  every  day  was  concealed.  All  these  hard- 
 ships put  her  out  of  patience,  by  little  and  little,  and  she  began  to  hate  Herod  ;  for  as  she  had 
 the  pride  of  a  woman  to  the  utmost  degree,  she  had  great  indignation  at  this  suspicious  guard 
 that  was  about  her,  as  desirous  rather  to  undergo  any  thing  that  could  befall  her,  than  to  be 
 deprived  of  her  liberty  of  speech,  and,  under  the  notion  of  an  honorary  guard,  to  live  in  a  state 
 of  slavery  and  terror.  She  therefore  sent  to  Cleopatra,  and  made  a  long  complaint  of  the 
 «ircumstances  she  was  in,  and  entreated  her  to  do  her  utmost  for  her  assistance.  Cleopatra 
 Hereupon  advised  her  to  take  her  son  with  her,  and  come  away  immediately  to  her  into  Egypt. 
 This  advice  pleased  her ;  and  she  had  this  contrivance  for  getting  away :  she  got  two  coffins 
 made,  as  if  they  were  to  carry  away  two  dead  bodies,  and  put  herself  into  one,  and  her  son  into 
 the  other,  and  gave  orders  to  such  of  her  servants  as  knew  of  her  intentions,  to  carry  them 
 away  in  the  night  time.  Now  their  road  was  to  be  thence  to  the  sea-side,  and  there  was  a  ship 
 ready  to  carry  them  into  Egypt.  Now  jEsop,  one  of  her  servants,  happened  to  fall  upon 
 Sabion,  one  of  her  friends,  and  spake  of  this  matter  to  him,  as  thinking  he  had  known  of  it 
 before.  When  Sabion  knew  this,  (who  had  formerly  been  an  enemy  of  Herod,  and  been 
 esteemed  one  of  those  that  laid  snares  for,  and  gave  the  poison  to  [his  father]  Antipater,)  he 
 expected  that  this  discovery  would  change  Herod's  hatred  info  kindness,  so  he  told  the  king 
 of  this  private  stratagem  of  Alexandra ;  whereupon  he  suffered  her  to  proceed  to  the  execution 
 of  her  project,  and  caught  her  in  the  very  fact,  but  still  he  passed  byher  ofience:  and  though 
 he  had  a  great  mind  to  do  it,  he  durst  not  inflict  any  thing  that  was  severe  upon  her,  for  he 
 knew  that  Cleopatra  would  not  bear  that  he  should  have  her  accused,  on  account  of  her  hatred 
 
 *  When  Joscphus  says  here,  that  this  Ananelus,  the  new  high  priest,  was  of  the  stock  of  the  high  priests, 
 and  since  he  had  heenjast  telling  us  that  lie  was  a  priest,  of  an  ohsr.ure  family  or  character,  chap.  ii.  5  4.  it 
 is  not  at  all  probable  that  he  could  so  soon  say  that  he  was  of  the  slock  of  the  hiu-h  priests.  However,  .lose- 
 phus  here  makes  a  remarkable  observation,  ihat  thi^i  Ananelus  was  the  third  that  was  ever  unjustly  and 
 wickedly  turned  out  of  the  high  priesthood  by  the  civil  power,  no  kirs  or  governor  having  ventured  to  do  so, 
 that  .losephus  knew  of,  but  that  heathen  tyrant  and  persecutor  Antiochus  lipiphaiies  :  that  barbarous  parri- 
 cide Aristobulus,  the  first  that  took  royal  authority  ainong  Uie  M,-icctibi'es  ;  and  this  tyrant  king  Ilerod  the 
 Great,  although  afterward  that  infamous  practice  hecaiufc  fr«iiueiit,  till  the  vury  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
 when  the  olhce  of  hicli  pritsthood  was  at  an  end.  , 
 
BOOK   XV. — CHAP.  III.  385 
 
 to  liiiii,  Ijut  made  a  sliow  as  if  it  were  rather  tbo  generosity  of  his  soul,  and  bis  great  modera* 
 lion,  that  luade  him  forgive  them.  However,  he  fully  projiosed  to  himself  to  put  this  youn^ 
 man  out  of  the  way,  by  one  means  or  other;  but  he  thought  he  might  in  probability  be  better 
 concealed  in  doing  it,  if  he  did  it  not  presently,  nor  immediately  after  what  had  lately 
 happened. 
 
 3.  And  now,  upon  the  approach  of  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  which  is  a  festival  very  much 
 observed  among  us,  he  let  those  days  pass  over,  and  both  he  and  the  rest  of  the  people  were 
 therein  very  merry  ;  yet  did  the  euvy  which  at  this  time  arose  in  him,  cause  him  to  make  haste 
 to  dcrwhat  he  was  about,  and  provoke  him  to  do  it:  for  when  this  youth  Aristobulus,  who  was 
 now  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his  age,  went  up  to  the  altar,  according  to  the  law,  to  offer  the 
 sacrifices,  and  this  with  the  ornaments  of  his  high  priesthood,  and  when  he  performed  the 
 sacred  offices,*  he  seemed  to  be  exceeding  comely,  and  taller  than  men  usually  were  at  that 
 age,  and  to  exhibit  in  his  countenance  a  great  deal  of  that  high  family  he  was  sprung  from, 
 and  a  warm  zeal  and  affection  towards  him  appeared  among  the  people,  and  the  memory  of  tlie 
 actions  of  his  grandfather  Aristobulus  was  fresh  in  their  minds;  and  their  affections  got  so  far 
 the  mastery  of  them,  that  they  could  not  forbear  to  shew  their  inclinations  to  him.  They  at 
 once  rejoiced,  and  were  confounded,  and  mingled  with  good  wishes  thair  joyful  acclamations 
 which  they  made  to  him,  till  the  good-will  of  the  multitude  was  made  too  evident,  and  they 
 more  rashly  proclaimed  the  happiness  ihey  had  received  from  his  family,  than  was  fit  under  a 
 monarchy  to  have  done.  Upon  all  this,  Herod  resolved  to  complete  what  he  had  intended 
 against  the  young  man.  When  therefore  the  festival  was  over,  and  he  was  feasting  at  Jerichot 
 with  Alexandra,  who  entertained  him  there,  he  was  then  very  pleasant  with  the  young  man, 
 and  drew  him  into  a  lonely  place ;  and  at  the  same  time  played  with  him  in  a  juvenile  and 
 ludicrous  manner.  Now  the  nature  of  that  place  was  hotter  than  ordinary ;  so  they  went  out 
 in  a  body  and  of  a  sudden,  and  in  a  vein  of  madness ;  and  as  they  stood  by  the  fish  ponds,  of 
 which  there  were  large  ones  about  the  house,  they  went  to  cool  themselves  [by  bathing]  because 
 it  was  in  the  midst  of  a  hot  day.  At  first  they  were  only  spectators  of  Herod's  servants  and 
 acquaintance  as  they  were  swimming,  but  after  a  while,  the  young  man,  at  the  instigation  of 
 Herod,  went  into  the  water  among  them,  while  such  of  Herod's  acquaintance,  as  he  had 
 appointed  to  do  it,  dipped  him,  as  be  was  swimming,  and  plunged  him  under  water,  in  the 
 dark  of  the  evening,  as  if  it  had  been  done  in  sport  only,  nor  did  they  desist  till  he  was  entirely 
 suffocated  ;  and  thus  was  Aristobulus  murdered,  having  lived  no  more  in  all  than  eighteen 
 years.J  and  kept  the  high  priesthood  one  year  only:  which  high  priesthood  Auanelus  now 
 recovered  again. 
 
 4.  When  this  sad  accident  was  told  the  women,  their  joy  was  soon  changed  to  lamentation, 
 at  the  sight  of  the  dead  body  that  lay  before  ihem  ;  and  their  sorrow  was  immoderate.  The 
 city  also  of  [Jerusalem,]  upon  the  spreading  of  this  news,  was  in  very  great  grief,  every 
 family  looking  on  this  calamity,  as  if  it  had  not  belonged  to  another,  but  that  one  of  themstlves 
 was  slain ,  but  Alexandra  was  more  deeply  affected,  upon  her  knowledge  that  he  had  been 
 destroyed  [on  purpose.]  Her  sorrow  was  greater  than  that  of  others,  by  her  knowing  bow 
 the  murder  was  committed,  but  she  was  under  a  necessity  of  bearing  up  under  it,  out  of  her 
 prospect  of  a  greater  mischief  that  might  otherwise  follow  :  and  she  oftentimes  came  to  an 
 inclination  to  kill  herself  with  her  own  hand,  but  still  she  restrained  herself,  in  hopes  she 
 might  live  long  enough  to  revenge  the  unjust  murder  thus  privately  committed;  nay,  she 
 lurlhei'  resolved  to  endeav.  .<  to  live  longer,  and  to  give  no  occasion  to  think  she  suspected 
 that  her  son  was  slain  on  purpose,  and  supposed  that  she  might  thereby  be  in  a  capacity  of 
 revenging  it  at  a  proper  opportunity.  Thus  did  she  restrain  herself,  that  she  might  not  be 
 noted  for  entertaining  any  such  sus|)icion.  However,  Herod  endeavoured  that  none  abroad 
 should  believe  that  the  child's  death  was  caused  by  any  design  of  his  ;  and  for  this  purpose  he 
 did  not  only  use  the  ordinary  signs  of  sorrow,  but  fell  into  tears  also,  and  exhibited  a  real  con- 
 fusion of  soul :  and  perhaps  his  afl'ections  were  overcome  on  this  occasion,  when  he  saw  the 
 child's  countenance  so  young,  and  so  beautiful,  although  his  death  was  supposed  to  tend  to  his 
 own  security  ;  so  far  at  least  this  grief  served  as  to  make  some  apology  for  him:  and  as  for 
 bis  funeral,  that  he  took  care  should  be  very  magnificent,  by  making  great  preparation  for  a 
 sepulchre  to  lay  his  body  in,  and  providing  a  great  quantity  of  spices,  and  burying  many  orna- 
 ments together  with  him,  till  the  very  women,  who  were  in  such  deep  sorrow,  were  astonished 
 at  it,  and  received  in  this  way  some  consolation. 
 
 5.  However,  no  snch  things  could  overcome  Alexandra's  grief,  but  the  remembrance  of  this 
 miserable  case  made  her  sorrow  both  deep  and  obstinate.  Accordingly,  she  wrote  an  account 
 of  this  treacherous  scene  to  Cleopatra,  and  bow  her  son  was  murdered ;  but  Cleopatra,  as  she 
 
 *  This  entirely  confutes  theTalmudists,  who  pretend  tliat  no  one  under  '  twenty' years  of  age  could  officiaie 
 us  high  priest  among  the  .lews. 
 
 t  A  Hebrew  chronicle,  cited  by  lUtland,  says,  this  drowning  was  at  .Tordan,  not  at  .Tericho,  and  this  even 
 wlieii  lie  (luotes  .losephus.  1  suspect  the  transcriber  of  the  Hebrew  chronicle  mistook  the  iianif,  and  wrote 
 Jordan  for  Jericho. 
 
 t  The  reading  of  one  of  .losephus'  Greek  M.SS.  acaras  here  to  be  rii;lit,  that  Aiistobulus  was  '  not  eighteen 
 years  old'  wlicn  he  was  ilrowned,  for  he  was  luil  '  seventeen'  wlieu  he  was  made  hiyli  priest,  ghup.  u,  ^  6. 
 ehuip.  iii.  §  3,  and  he  couiinued  iu  that  oSlcc  but  one  year,  ab  in  the  place  before  us. 
 
 3c 
 
386  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 had  formerly  been  ilesiroas  to  give  ber  wliat  satisfaction  she  could,  and  coininiserating  Alexan- 
 dra's  misfortunes,  made  the  case  her  own,  and  would  not  let  Antony  be  quiet,  bat  excited  him 
 to  punish  the  child's  murder;  for  that  it  was  an  unworthy  thing  that  Herod,  who  had  been  by 
 him  made  king  of  a  kingdom  that  no  way  belonged  to  him,  should  be  guilty  of  such  horrid 
 crimes  against  those  that  were  of  the  royal  blood  in  reality.  Antony  was  persuaded  by  tliese 
 arguments ;  and  when  he  came  to  Laodicea,  he  sent  and  commanded  Herod  to  come  and  make 
 his  defence,  as  to  what  he  had  done  to  Aristobulas,  for  that  such  a  treacherous  design  was 
 not  well  done,  if  he  had  any  hand  in  it.  Herod  was  now  in  fear,  both  of  the  accusation,  and 
 of  Cleopatra's  ill-will  to  him,  which  was  such,  that  she  was  ever  endeavouring  to  make  Antony 
 hate  hiai.  He  therefore  determined  to  obey  his  summons,  for  he  had  no  possible  way  to  avoid 
 it :  so  he  left  his  uncle,  Joseph,  procurator  for  his  government,  and  for  the  public  affairs,  and 
 gave  him  a  private  charge,  that  if  Antony  should  kill  him,  he  also  should  kill  Marlamne  imme- 
 diately; for  that  he  had  a  tender  affection  for  this  his  wife,  and  was  afraid  of  the  injury  that 
 should  be  offered  him,  if,  after  his  death,  she,  for  her  beauty,  should  be  engaged  to  some  other 
 man ;  but  his  intimation  was  nothing  but  this  at  the  bottom,  that  Antony  had  fallen  in  love 
 with  her  when  he  had  formerly  heard  somewhat  of  ber  beauty:  so  when  Herod  had  given 
 Joseph  this  charge,  and  had  indeed  no  sure  hopes  of  escaping  with  his  life,  he  went  away  to  - 
 Antony. 
 
 6.  But  as  Joseph  was  administering  the  public  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  for  that  reason  was 
 very  frequently  with  Mariamne,  both  because  his  business  required  it,  and  because  of  the 
 respects  he  ought  to  pay  to  the  queen,  he  frequently  let  himself  into  discourses  about  Herod's 
 kindness,  and  great  aflection  towards  her;  and  when  the  women,  especially  Alexandra,  used 
 do  tnrn  his  discourses  into  feminine  raillery,  Joseph  was  so  over  desirous  to  demonstrate  the 
 kdng's  inclinations,  that  he  proceeded  so  far  as  to  mention  the  charge  he  had  received,  and 
 thence  drew  his  demonstration,  that  Herod  was  not  able  to  live  without  her  ;  and  that  if  he 
 should  come  to  any  ill  end,  he  could  not  endure  a  separation  from  her,  even  after  he  was  dead. 
 Thos  spake  Joseph.  But  the  women,  as  was  natural,  did  not  take  this  to  be  an  instance  of 
 Herod's  strong  affection  for  them,  but  of  his  severe  usage  of  them,  that  they  could  not  escape 
 destruction,  nor  a  tyrannical  death,  even  when  he  was  dead  himself :  and  this  saying  [of 
 Joseph]  was  a  foundation  for  the  women's  severe  suspicions  about  him  afterwards. 
 
 7.  At  this  time  a  report  went  about  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  among  Herod's  enemies,  that 
 Antony  had  tortured  Herod,  and  put  him  to  death.  This  report,  as  is  natural,  disturbed  those 
 that  were  about  the  palace,  hut  chiefly  the  women :  upon  which  Alexandra  endeavoured  to 
 persuade  Joseph  to  go  out  of  the  palace,  and  fly  to  the  ensigns  of  the  Roman  legion,  which  then 
 lay  encamped  about  the  city  as  a  guard  to  the  kingdom,  under  the  command  of  Julius ;  for 
 that,  by  this  means,  if  any  disturbance  should  happen  about  the  palace,  they  should  be  in 
 greater  security,  as  having  the  Romans  favourable  to  them ;  and  that  besides,  they  hoped  to 
 obtain  the  highest  authority,  if  Antony  did  but  once  see  Mariamne,  by  whose  means  they 
 should  recover  tiie  kingdom,  and  want  nothing  which  was  reasonable  for  them  to  hope  for, 
 because  of  their  loyal  extraction. 
 
 8.  But  as  they  were  in  the  midst  of  these  deliberations,  letters  were  brought  from  Herod 
 about  all  his  affairs,  and  proved  contrary  to  the  report,  and  of  what  they  before  expected ;  for 
 when  he  was  come  to  Antony,  he  soon  recovered  his  interest  with  him,  by  the  presents  he 
 made  him,  which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Jerusalem,  and  he  soon  induced  him,  upon 
 disconrsing  with  him,  to  leave  off  his  indignation  at  him,  so  that  fcifcopatra's  persuasions  had 
 less  force  than  the  arguments  and  presents  he  brought,  to  regain  his  friendship,  for  Antony 
 .said,  that,  "  it  was  uot  good  to  require  an  account  of  a  king,  as  to  the  affairs  of  his  govern- 
 ment, for  at  this  rate  he  could  be  no  king  at  all,  but  that  those  who  had  given  him  that  autho- 
 rity onght  to  permit  him  to  make  use  of  it."  He  also  said  the  same  things  to  Cleopatra,  that 
 it  would  be  best  for  her  not  busily  to  meddle  with  the  acts  of  the  king's  government.  Herod 
 wrote  an  account  of  these  things,  and  "  enlarged  npon  the  other  honours  which  he  had  received 
 from  Antony;  how  he  sat  by  him  at  his  hearing  causes,  and  took  his  diet  with  him  every  day, 
 and  that  he  enjoyed  those  favours  from  him,  notwithstanding  the  reproaches  that  Cleopatra  so 
 severely  laid  against  him,  who  having  a  gieat  desire  of  his  country,  and  earnestly  entreating 
 Antony  that  the  kingdom  might  be  given  to  her,  laboured  with  her  utmost  diligence  to  have 
 him  out  of  the  way,  but  that  he  still  found  Antony  just  to  him,  and  had  no  longer  any  appre- 
 hensions of  hard  treatment  from  him  ;  and  that  he  was  soon  upon  his  return,  with  a  firmer  addi- 
 tional assurance  of  his  favour  to  him,  in  his  reigning  and  managing  public  affairs  ;  and  that  there  ■ 
 was  no  longer  any  hope  for  Cleopatra's  covetous  temper,  since  Antony  had  given  her  Celosyria 
 instead  of  what  she  desired,  by  which  means  he  had  at  once  pacified  her,  and  got  clear  of  the 
 entreaties  which  she  made  him  to  ha9e  Judea  bestowed  upon  her." 
 
 9.  When  these  letters  were  brought,  the  women  left  off  their  attempt  for  flying  to  the 
 Romans,  whicii  they  thought  of  while  Herod  was  supposed  to  be  dead,  yet  was  not  that  pur- 
 pose of  theirs  a  secret;  but  when  the  king  had  conducted  Antony  on  his  way  against  the  Par- 
 thians,  he  returned  to  Judea,  when  both  his  sister  Salome  and  bis  mother  informed  him  of 
 Alexiindra's  intentions.  Salome  also  added  somewhat  further  against  Joseph,  tliongh  it  were 
 uo  n^ore  than  a  calumny    that   he  had  often  bad  criminal  conversation  with  Mariamne.     Th» 
 
BOOK   XV. — CHAP.  IV.  387 
 
 rea«on  of  her  sajing  so  was  this,  that  slie  for  a  long  time  bare  her  ill-will,  for  when  (Iiev  had 
 difterences  with  one  another,  Mai-iainne  took  great  freedoms,  and  reproached  the  rest  for  the 
 meanness  of  their  birth.  But  Herod,  whose  aflection  to  Mariaiuue  was  always  very  warm, 
 was  p»esently  disturbed  at  this,  and  could  not  bear  the  torments  of  jealousy,  but  was  still 
 restrained  from  doing  any  rash  thing  to  her  by  the  love  he  had  for  her;  yet  did  his  vehement 
 aflection  and  jealousy  together  make  him  ask  Marianine  by  herself  about  this  matter  of 
 Joseph  ;  but  she  denied  it  upon  her  oath,  and  said  all  that  an  innocent  woman  could  possibly 
 s;iy  in  her  own  defence,  so  thai  by  little  and  little  the  king  was  prevailed  upon  to  drop  the 
 suspi<  ion,  and  left  off  his  anger  at  her;  and  being  overcome  with  his  passion  for  his  wife,  he 
 made  an  apology  to  her  for  having  seemed  to  believe  what  he  had  heard  about  her,  and  returned 
 (u'r  a  great  many  acknowledgments  of  her  modest  behaviour,  and  professed  the  extraordinary 
 aflection  and  kindness  he  had  for  her,  till  at  last,  as  is  nsual  between  lovers,  they  both  fell  into 
 tears,  and  embraced  one  another  with  a  most  tender  affection.  But  as  the  king  gave  more 
 and  more  assurances  of  his  belief  of  her  fidelity,  and  endeavoured  to  draw  her  to  a  like  confi- 
 dence in  him,  Marianine  said,  "Yet  was  not  that  command  thou  gavest,  that  if  any  harm  came 
 to  thee  from  Antony,  I,  who  had  been  no  occasion  of  it,  should  perish  with  thee,  a  sign  of  thy 
 love  to  me."  When  these  words  were  fallen  from  her,  the  king  was  shocked  at  them,  and 
 presently  let  her  go  out  of  his  arms,  and  cried  out,  and  tore  his  hair  with  his  own  hands,  and 
 said,  that  "  now  he  had  an  evident  demonstration  that  Joseph  had  had  criminal  conversation 
 with  his  wife,  for  that  he  would  never  have  uttered  what  he  had  told  him  alone  by  himself, 
 unless  there  had  been  such  a  great  familiarity  and  firm  confidence  between  them."  And  while 
 he  was  in  this  passion  he  had  like  to  have  killed  his  wife,  but  being  still  overborne  by  his  love 
 to  her,  he  restrained  this  his  [lassiou,  though  not  without  a  lasting  grief,  and  disquietness  of 
 mind.  However,  he  gave  order  to  slay  Joseph,  without  permitting  him  to  come  into  his 
 sight;  and  as  for  Alexandra,  he  bound  her,  and  kept  her  in  custody,  as  the  cause  of  all  this 
 mischief. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Iloio  Cleopatra,  when  she  had  gotten  from  Antony  some  parts  of  Jiidea  and  Arabia,  came  into 
 Jitdea ;  and  how  Herod  gave  her  many  Presents,  and  conducted  her  on  her  way  back  to 
 Egypt. 
 
 $  1 .  Now  at  this  time  the  afTairs  of  Syria  were  m  confusion  by  Cleopatra's  constant  persua- 
 sions to  Antony  to  make  an  attempt  upon  every  body's  dominions ;  for  she  persuaded  him  to 
 take  those  dominions  away  fioni  their  several  princes,  and  bestow  them  upon  her;  and  she  had 
 a  mighty  influence  upon  him,  by  reason  of  his  being  enslaved  to  her  by  his  afi'ections.  She 
 was  also  by  nature  very  covetous,  and  stuck  at  no  wickedness.  She  had  already  poisoned  her 
 brother,  because  she  knew  that  he  was  to  be  king  of  Egypt,  and  this  when  he  was  but  fifteen 
 years  old  ;  and  she  got  her  sister  Arsinoe  to  be  slain,  by  the  means  of  Antony,  when  she  was 
 a  supplicant  at  Diana's  temple  at  Ephesns  ;  for  if  there  were  but  any  hopes  of  getting  money, 
 she  would  violate  both  temples  and  sepulchres.  Nor  was  there  any  holy  place,  that  was 
 esteemed  the  most  inviolable,  from  which  she  would  not  fetch  the  ornaments  it  had  in  it ;  nor 
 any  place  so  profane,  but  was  to  sufier  the  most  flagitious  treatment  possible  from  her,  if  it 
 could  but  contribute  somewhat  to  the  covetous  humour  of  this  wicked  creature  ;  yet  did  not  all 
 lliis  sullicc  so  extravagant  a  woman,  who  was  a  slave  to  her  lusts,  but  she  still  imagined  that 
 .she  wanted  every  thing  she  could  think  of,  and  did  her  utmost  to  gain  it ;  for  which  reason  she 
 hurried  Antony  on  perpetually  to  deprive  others  cf  their  dominions,  and  give  them  to  her. 
 And  as  she  went  over  Syria  with  him,  she  contrived  to  get  it  into  her  possession,  so  he  slew 
 Lysanius,  the  son  of  Ptolem^  accusing  him  of  his  bringing  the  Parthians  upon  those  countries. 
 She  also  petitioned  Antony  to  give  her  Judea  and  Arabia,  and  in  order  thereto,  desired  him  to 
 take  these  countries  away  from  their  present  governors.  As  for  Antony,  he  was  so  entirely 
 overcome  by  this  woman,  that  one  would  not  think  her  conversation  only  could  do  it,  but  that 
 Le  was  some  way  or  other  bewitched  to  do  whatsoever  she  would  have  him;  yet  did  the 
 grossest  parts  of  her  injustice  make  him  so  ashamed,  that  he  would  not  always  hearken  to 
 ber,  to  do  those  flagrant  enormities  she  would  have  persuaded  him  to.  That  therefore  he 
 might  not  totally  deny  her,  nor,  by  doing  every  thing  which  she  enjoined  him,  appear  openly 
 fo  be  an  ill  man,  be  took  some  parts  of  each  of  those  countries  away  from  their  former 
 governors,  and  gave  them  to  her.  Thus  he  gave  her  the  cities  that  were  within  the  river 
 Eleutherus,  as  far  as  Egypt,  excepting  Tyre  and  Sidon,  which  he  knew  to  have  been  free  cities 
 from  their  ancestors,  altliough  she  jjressed  him  very  often  to  bestow  those  on  her  also. 
 
 2.  When  Cleoiialra  had  obtained  thus  much,  and  Lad  accompanied  Antony  in  his  expedition 
 to  Armenia,  as  far  as  Euphrates,  she  returned  back,  and  came  to  Apaniia  and  Damascus,  and 
 passed  on  to  Judea,  where  Herod  met  her,  and  farmed  of  her  parts  of  Arabia,  and  those  reve- 
 nues that  came  to  her  from  the  region  about  Jericho.  This  country  bears  that  balsam,  which 
 is  the  most  precious  drug  that  is  there,  and  grows  there  alone.  The  place  bears  also  palm- 
 trees,  both  many  in  number,  and  those  excellent  in  their  kind.  When  she  was  there,  and  was 
 very  often  with  Herod,  she  endeavoured  to  have  criminal  cnnvers:\tion  with  the  king:  nor  did 
 she  aflect  secrecy  in  the  indulgence  of  such  sort  of  pleasures;  and  perhaps  she  had  in  some 
 
388  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 measure  a  passion  of  love  to  him,  or  rather,  what  is  most  probable,  slie  laid  a  treHCueroug 
 sDire  for  him,  by  aiming  to  obtain  such  adulterous  conversation  from  him :  however,  upon  tlie 
 whole,  she  seemed  overcome  with  Jove  to  him.  Now  Herod  had  a  great  while  borne  no  good- 
 will to  Cleopatra,  as  knowing  that  she  was  a  woman  irksome  to  all ;  and  at  that  time  bethought 
 her  particularly  worthy  of  his  hatred,  if  this  attempt  proceeded  out  of  lust;  he  had  also 
 thought  of  preventing  her  intrigues,  by  putting  her  to  death,  if  such  were  her  endeavours. 
 However,  he  refused  to  couiply  with  her  proposals,  and  called  a  council  of  his  friends  to  consult 
 with  tliem,  "  Whether  he  should  not  kill  her,  now  he  had  her  in  his  power?  for  that  he  should 
 thereby  deliver  all  those  from  a  multitude  of  evils  to  whom  she  was  already  become  irksome, 
 and  was  expected  to  be  still  so  for  the  time  to  cnme ;  and  that  this  very  thing  would  be  much 
 for  the  advantage  of  Antony  himself,  since  she  would  certainly  not  be  faithful  to  him,  in  case 
 anj'  such  reason  or  necessitv  should  come  upon  him  as  that  he  should  stand  in  need  of  her 
 fidelity."  But  when  be  thought  to  follow  this  advice,  his  friends  would  not  let  him  ;  and  told 
 him,  that  "in  the  first  place,  it  was  not  right  to  attempt  so  great  a  thing,  and  run  himself 
 thereby  into  the  utmost  danger;  and  they  lay  hard  at  him,  and  begged  of  him  to  undertake 
 nothing  rashly,  for  that  Antony  would  never  bear  it,  no,  not  though  any  one  should  evidently 
 lay  before  his  eyes  that  it  was  for  his  own  advantage;  and  that  the  appearance  of  depriving 
 him  of  her  conversation,  by  this  violent  and  treacherous  method,  would  probably  set  his  affec- 
 tions more  in  a  flame  than  before.  Nor  did  it  appear  that  he  could  offer  any  thing  of  tolerable 
 weight  in  his  defence,  this  attempt  being  against  such  a  woman  as  was  of  the  highest  dignity 
 of  any  of  her  sex  at  that  time  in  the  world;  and  as  to  any  advantage  to  be  expected  from  such 
 an  undertaking,  if  any  such  could  be  supposed  in  this  case,  it  would  appear  to  deserve  con- 
 demnation, on  account  of  the  insolence  he  must  take  upon  him  in  doing  it.  Which  considera- 
 tions made  it  very  plain  that  in  so  doing  he  would  find  his  government  filled  with  mischiefs, 
 both  great  and  lasting,  both  to  himself  and  his  posterity,  whereas  it  was  still  in  his  power  to 
 reject  that  wickedness  she  would  persuade  him  to,  and  to  come  off  honourably  at  the  same 
 time."  So  by  thus  affrighting  Herod,  and  representing  to  him  the  hazard  he  must,  in  all  pro- 
 babilitj',  run  by  this  undertaking,  they,  restrained  him  from  it.  So  he  treated  Cleopatra  kindly, 
 and  made  her  presents,  and  conducted  her  on  her  way  to  Egypt. 
 
 3.  But  Antony  subdued  Armenia,  and  sent  Artabazes,  the  son  of  Tigranes,  in  bonds,  with  his 
 children  and  procurators,  to  Egypt,  and  made  a  present  of  them,  and  of  all  the  royal  ornaments 
 which  be  had  taken  out  of  that  kingdom,  to  Cleopatra.  And  Artaxias,  the  eldest  of  his  sons, 
 •who  had  escaped  at  that  time,  took  the  kingdom  of  Armenia;  who  yet  was  ejected  by  Arche- 
 lans  and  Nero  Cassar,  when  they  restored  Tigranes,  his  younger  brother,  to  that  kingdom : 
 but  this  happened  a  good  while  afterward. 
 
 4.  But  then,  as  to  the  tributes  which  Herod  was  to  pay  Cleopatra  for  that  country  which 
 Antony  had  given  her,  he  acted  fairly  with  her,  as  deeming  it  not  safe  for  him  to  afford  any 
 cause  for  Cleopatra  to  hate  him.  As  for  the  king  of  Arabia,  whose  tribute  Herod  had  under- 
 taken to  pay  her,  for  some  time  indeed  he  paid  him  as  much  as  came  to  two  hundred  talents, 
 but  he  afterward  became  very  niggardly,  and  slow  in  his  payments,  and  could  hardly  be 
 brought  to  pay  some  parts  uf  it,  and  was  not  willing  to  pay  even  them,  without  some 
 dedactioDS. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 How  Herod  made  War  tvith  the  King  of  Arabia,  and  after  they  had  fought  many  Battles,  at 
 length  conquered  him,  and  hyis  chosen  by  the  Arabs  to  be  Governor  of  that  Nation:  as  also 
 concerning  a  great  Earthquake. 
 
 §  1.  Hereupon  Herod  held  himself  ready  to  go  against  the  kvHg  of  Arabia,  because  of  his 
 ingratitude  to  him,  and  because,  after  all,  he  would  do  nothing  that  was  just  to  him,  although 
 Herod  made  the  Roman  war  an  occasion  of  delaying  his  own,  for  the  battle  of  Actium  was 
 now  expected,  which  fell  into  the  hundred  and  eighty-seventh  Olympiad,  where  Caesar  and 
 Antony  were  to  fight  for  the  supreme  power  of  the  world  ;  but  Herod  having  enjoyed  a  country 
 that  was  very  fruitful,  and  that  now  for  a  long  time,  and  having  received  great  taxes,  and  raised 
 great  armies  therewith,  got  together  a  body  of  men,  and  carefully  furnished  them  with  all  neces- 
 saries, and  designed  them  as  auxiliaries  for  Antony;  hut  Antony  said,  he  had  no  want  of  his 
 assistance ;  but  he  commanded  him  to  punish  the  king  of  Arabia ;  for  he  had  heard  both  from 
 him,  and  from  Cleopatra,  how  perfid.ous  he  was ;  for  this  was  what  Cleopatra  desired,  who 
 thought  it  for  her  own  advantage,  that  these  two  kings  should  do  one  another  as  great  mis- 
 chief as  possible.  Upon  this  message  from  Antony,  Herod  returned  back,  but  kept  his  army 
 with  him,  in  order  to  invade  Arabia  immediately.  So  when  his  army  of  horsemen  and  footmen 
 was  ready,  he  marched  to  Diospolis,  whither  the  Arabians  ca.me  also  to  meet  them,  for  they 
 were  not  nnapprized  of  this  war  that  was  coming  upon  them  ;  and  after  a  great  battle  had 
 been  fought,  the  Jews  had  the  victory.  But  afterward  there  were  gotten  together  another 
 numerous  army  of  the  Arabians,  at  Cana,  which  is  a  place  of  Celosyria.  Herod  was  informed 
 of  this  beforehand  :  so  he  came  marching  against  them  with  the  greatest  part  of  the  forces  he 
 had ;  and  when  he  was  come  near  to  Cana,  he  resolved  to  encamp  himself,  and  be  cast  up  a 
 bulwark,  that  he  might  take  a  proper  season  for  attacking  the  enemy,  but  as  he  was  giving 
 
BOOK  XV.—  CHAP.  V.  389 
 
 those  orders,  tlie  multitude  of  the  Jews  cried  out,  that  he  should  make  no  delay,  but  lead 
 them  ai^aiiist  the  Arabians.  They  went  with  great  spirit,  as  believing  they  were  in  very  good 
 order,  and  those  especially  were  so  that  had  been  in  the  former  battle,  and  had  been  con- 
 querors, and  had  not  permitted  their  enemy  so  much  as  to  come  to  a  close  fight  with  them. 
 And  when  they  were  so  tumultuous,  and  shewed  such  great  alacrity,  the  king  resolved  to  make 
 use  of  thn.t  zeal  the  multitude  then  exhibited  ;  and  when  he  had  assured  them  he  would  not  be 
 bchi  idhand  with  them  in  courage,  he  led  them  on,  and  stood  before  them  all  in  his  armour,  all 
 the  regiments  following  him  in  their  several  ranks:  whereupon  a  consternation  fell  upon  the 
 Arabians  ;  for  when  they  perceived  that  the  Jews  were  not  to  be  conquered,  and  were  full  of 
 spirit,  the  greater  part  of  them  ran  away,  and  avoided  fighting,  and  they  had  been  quite 
 destroyed,  had  not  Athenion  fallen  upon  the  Jews,  and  distressed  them,  for  this  man  was 
 Cleopatra's  general  over  the  soldiers  she  had  there,  and  was  at  enmity  witli  Herod,  and  very 
 wistfully  looked  on  to  see  what  the  event  of  the  battle  would  be;  he  had  also  resolved,  that 
 in  case  the  Arabians  did  any  thing  that  was  brave  and  successful,  he  would  lie  still,  but  in  case 
 tLey  were  beaten,  as  it  really  happened,  he  would  attack  the  Jews  with  those  forces  he  had  of 
 ])is  own,  and  with  those  tiiat  the  country  had  gotten  together  for  him  :  so  he  fell  upon  the  Jews 
 unexpectedly,  when  they  were  fatigued,  and  thought  they  had  already  vanquished  the  enemy, 
 and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  them ;  for  as  the  Jews  had  spent  their  courage  upon  their  known 
 enemies,  and  were  about  to  onjoy  themselves  in  quietness  after  the  victory,  they  were  easily 
 beaten  by  these  that  attacked  them  afresh,  and  in  particular  received  a  great  loss  in  places 
 where  the  horses  could  not  be  of  service,  and  which  were  very  stony,  and  where  those  that 
 attacked  them  were  better  acquainted  with  the  places  than  themselves.  And  when  the  Jews 
 had  sullered  this  loss,  the  Arabians  raised  their  spirits  after  their  defeat,  and  returning  back 
 again,  slew  those  that  were  already  put  to  flight;  and  indeed  all  sorts  of  slaughter  were  now 
 frequent,  and  of  those  that  escaped,  a  few  only  returned  into  the  carap.  So  king  Herod,  when 
 lie  despaired  of  the  battle,  rode  up  to  them  to  bring  them  assistance,  yet  did  he  not  come  time 
 enough  to  do  them  any  service,  though  he  laboured  hard  to  do  it,  but  the  Jewish  camp  was 
 taken,  so  that  the  Arabians  had  unexpectedly  a  most  glorious  success,  having  gained  that 
 victory  which  of  themselves  they  were  no  way  likely  to  have  gained,  and  slaying  a  great  part 
 of  the  enemy's  army  :  whence  afterward  Herod  could  only  act  like  a  private  robber,  and  make 
 excursions  upon  many  parts  of  Arabia,  and  distress  them  by  sudden  incursions,  while  he 
 encamped  among  the  mountains,  and  avoided  by  any  means  to  come  to  a  pitched  battle,  yet  did 
 he  greatly  harass  the  enemy  by  his  assiduity,  and  the  hard  labour  he  took  in  this  matter.  He 
 also  took  great  care  of  his  own  forces,  and  used  all  the  means  he  could  to  restore  his  aff'airs  to 
 their  old  state. 
 
 2.  At  this  time  it  was  that  the  fight  happened  at  Actium,  between  Octavius  Caesar,  and 
 Antony,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Herod  :*  and  then  it  was  also  that  there  was  an  earth- 
 quake in  Judea,  such  a  one  as  had  not  happened  at  any  other  time,  and  which  earthquake 
 brought  a  great  destruction  upon  the  cattle  in  that  country.  About  ten  thousand  men  also 
 perished  by  the  fall  of  houses;  but  the  army,  which  lodged  in  the  field,  received  no  damage  by 
 this  sad  accident.  When  the  Arabians  were  informed  of  this,  and  when  those  that  hated  the 
 Jews,  and  pleased  themselves  with  aggravating  the  reports,  told  them  of  it,  they  raised  their 
 spirits,  as  if  their  enemy's  country  was  quite  overthrown,  and  the  men  were  utterly  destroyed, 
 and  thought  there  now  remained  nothing  that  could  oppose  them.  Accor<lingly,  they  took  the 
 Jewish  ambassadors,  who  came  to  them  after  all  this  had  happened,  to  make  peace  with  them, 
 and  slew  them,  and  came  with  great  alacrity  against  their  army ;  but  the  Jews  durst  not  with- 
 stand them,  and  were  so  cast  down  by  the  calamities  they  were  under,  that  they  took  no  care  of 
 'heir  ail'airs,  but  gave  up  themselves  to  despair,  for  they  had  no  hope  that  they  should  be  upon 
 a  level  again  with  them  in  battle,  nor  obtain  any  assistance  elsewhere  while  their  affairs  at 
 home  were  in  such  great  distress  also.  When  matters  were  in  this  condition,  the  king  per- 
 suaded the  commanders  by  his  words,  and  tried  to  raise  their  spirits,  which  were  quite  sunk  ; 
 and  first  he  endeavoured  to  encourage  and  embolden  some  of  the  better  sort  beforehand,  and 
 then  ventured  to  make  a  speech  to  the  multitude,  which  he  had  before  avoided  to  do.  lest  he 
 should  lind  them  uneasy  thereat,  because  of  the  misfortunes  which  had  happened  ;  so  he  made 
 a  consolatory  speech  to  the  multitude,  in  the  manner  following: 
 
 8.  "  You  are  not  unacquainted,  my  fellow-soldiers,  that  we  have  had  not  long  since  many 
 accidents  that  have  put  a  stop  to  what  we  are  about ;  and  it  is  probable  that  even  those 
 that  arc  most  distinguished  above  others  for  their  courage,  can  hardly  keep  np  their  spirits  in 
 such  circumstances  ;  but  since  we  cannot  avoid  fighting,  and  nothing  that  hath  happened  is  of 
 such  a  nature  but  it  may  by  ourselves  be  recovered  into  a  good  state,  and  this  by  one  brave 
 action  only  well  performed,  I  have  proposed  to  myself  both  to  give  you  some  encouragement, 
 and,  at  the  same  time,  some  information,  both  which  parts  of  my  design  will  tend  to  this  point, 
 that  you  may  still  continue  in  your  own  proper  fortitude.  I  will  then,  in  the  first  place,  demon- 
 strate to  you,  that  this    war  is  a  just  one  on  our  side,  and  that  on  this  account  it  is  a  war  of 
 
 •  The  reader  is  here  to  take  notice,  that  this  *  seventh'  year  of  the  reigm  of  Ilcrod,  and  all  the  other  year* 
 fi.'  his  reipn,  in  .losephus,  are  dated  from  the  death  of  Antitronus,  or  at  the  soonest  frrrn  i!.e  ciiiui'ie^t  of  Anti 
 Kuniis,  and  ihe  taking  of  Jerusalem  a  few  months  before,  and  never  from  his  first  obininiiiu  the  kinijaoiu  at 
 llomc  above  three  years  before  as  eome  have  very  weakly  and  injudiciously  done. 
 
300  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 necessity,  and  occasiuiied  by  the  injustice  of  our  adversaries,  for  if  you  be  once  satisfied  of 
 this,  it  will  be  a  real  cause  of  alacrity  to  you,  after  which  I  will  farther  demonstrate,  that  the 
 misfortunes  we  are  under  are  of  no  great  consequence,  and  that  we  have  the  greatest  reason  to 
 hope  for  victory.  I  shall  begin  with  the  first,  and  appeal  to  yourselves  as  witnesses  to  what 
 I  shall  say.  You  are  not  ignorant  certainly  of  the  wickedness  of  the  Arabians,  which  is  to 
 that  degree  as  to  appear  incredible  to  all  other  men,  and  to  include  somewhat  that  shews  the 
 grossest  barbarity  and  ignorance  of  God.  The  chief  things  wherein  they  have  affronted  us, 
 have  arisen  from  covetousness  and  envy;  and  they  have  attacked  us  in  an  insidious  manner, 
 and  on  the  sudden.  And  what  occasion  is  there  for  me  to  mention  many  instances  of  such 
 their  procedure?  When  they  were  in  danger  of  losing  their  own  government  of  themselves, 
 and  of  being  slaves  to  Cleopatra,  what  others  were  they  that  freed  them  from  that  fear  ?  For 
 it  was  the  friendship  I  had  with  Antony,  and  the  kind  disposition  he  was  in  towards  us,  that 
 hath  been  the  occasion  that  even  these  Arabians  have  not  been  utterly  undone,  Antony  being 
 unwilling  to  undertake  any  thing  which  might  be  suspected  by  us  of  unkindness :  but  when  be 
 had  a  mind  to  bestow  some  parts  of  each  of  our  domiuions  on  Cleopatra,  I  also  managed  that 
 matter  so,  that  by  giving  him  presents  of  my  own,  I  might  obtain  a  security  to  both  nations, 
 while  1  undertook  myself  to  answer  for  the  money,  and  gave  him  two  hundred  talents,  and 
 became  surety  for  those  two  hundred  more  which  were  imposed  upon  the  land  that  was  subject 
 to  this  tribute  :  and  this  they  have  defrauded  us  of,  although  it  was  not  reasonable  that  Jews 
 should  pay  tribute  to  any  man  living,  or  allow  part  of  their  land  to  be  taxable;  but  although 
 that  was  to  be,  yet  ought  we  not  to  pay  tribute  for  these  Arabians,  whom  we  have  ourselves 
 preserved  ;  nor  is  it  fit  that  they,  who  have  professed,  and  that  with  great  integrity  and  sense 
 of  our  kindness,  that  it  is  by  our  means  that  they  keep  their  principality,  should  injure  us,  and 
 deprive  us  of  what  is  our  due,  and  this  while  we  have  been  still  not  their  enemies  but  their 
 friends.  And  whereas  observation  of  covenants  takes  place  among  the  bitterest  enemies,  but 
 among  friends  is  absolutely  necessary,  this  is  not  observed  among  these  men,  who  think  gain 
 to  be  the  best  of  all  things,  let  it  be  by  any  means  whatsoever,  and  that  injustice  is  no  harm, 
 if  they  may  but  get  money  by  it;  is  it  therefore  a  question  with  yoa.  Whether  the  unjust  are 
 to  be  punished  or  not?  When  God  himself  hath  declared  his  mind  that  so  it  ought  to  be,  and 
 hath  commanded  us  that  we  ever  should  hate  injuries  and  injustice,  which  is  not  only  just  but 
 necessary  in  wars  between  several  nations  ;  for  these  Arabians  have  done  what  both  the  Greeks 
 and  barbarians  own  to  be  an  instance  of  the  grossest  wickedness,  with  regard  to  our  ambassa- 
 dors, whom  they  have  beheaded,  while  the  Greeks  declare  that  such  ambassadors  are  sacred 
 and  inviolable.*  And  for  ourselves,  we  have  learned  from  God  the  most  excellent  of  our  doc- 
 trines, and  the  most  holy  part  of  our  law  by  angels,  or  ambassadors  ;  for  this  name  brings  God 
 to  the  knowledge  of  mankind,  and  is  suflicient  to  reconcile  enemies  one  to  another.  What 
 wickedness  then  can  be  greater  than  the  slaughter  of  ambassadors,  who  come  to  treat  about 
 doing  what  is  right.  And  when  such  have  been  their  actions,  how  is  it  possible  they  can 
 Jive  securely  in  common  life,  or  be  successful  in  war  ?  in  my  opinion  this  is  impossible  ;  but 
 perhaps  some  will  say,  that  what  is  holy  and  what  is  righteous,  is  indeed  on  our  side,  but  the 
 Arabians  are  either  more  courageous,  or  more  numerous  than  we  are.  Now  as  to  this,  in  the 
 first  place,  it  is  not  fit  for  us  to  say  so,  for  with  whom  is  what  is  righteous,  with  them  is  God 
 himself;  now  where  God  is,  there  is  both  multitude  and  courage.  But  to  examine  our  own 
 circumstances  a  little,  we  were  conquerors  in  the  first  battle  ;  and  when  we  fought  again,  they 
 were  not  able  to  oppose  us,  but  ran  away,  and  ccuid  not  endure  our  attacks  or  our  courage  ; 
 but  when  we  had  conquered  them,  then  came  Athenion,  and  made  war  against  us  without 
 declaring  it  ;  and  pray,  is  this  an  instance  of  their  manhood  ?  or  is  it  not  a  second  instance  of 
 their  wickedness  and  treachery?  Why  are  we,  therefore,  of  less  courage,  on  account  of  that 
 which  ought  to  inspire  us  with  stronger  hopes?  and  why  are  we  terrified  at  these,  who,  when 
 they  fight  upon  the  level,  are  continually  beaten,  and  when  they  seem  to  be  conquerors,  they 
 gain  it  by  wickedness  ?  and  if  we  suppose  that  any  one  should  deem  them  to  be  men  of  real 
 courage,  will  not  he  be  excited  by  that  very  consideration  to  do  his  utmost  against  them?  for 
 true  valour  is  not  shewn  by  fighting  against  weak  persons,  but  in  being  able  to  overcome  the 
 most  hardy.  But  then,  if  the  distresses  we  are  ourselves  under,  and  the  miseries  that  have 
 come  by  the  earthquake,  have  affrighted  any  one,  let  him  consider  in  the  first  place,  that  this 
 very  thing  will  deceive  the  Arabians,  that  what  hath  befallen  us  is  greater  than  it  really  is. 
 Moreover,  it  is  not  right  that  the  same  thing  that  emboldens  them  should  discourage  us  ;  for 
 these  men,  you  see,  do  not  derive  their  alacrity  from  any  advantageons  virtue  of  their  own, 
 but  from  their  hope,  as  to  us,  that  we  are  quite  cast  down  by  our  miifortunes  ;  but  when  we 
 boldly  march  against  them,  we  shall  soon  pull  down  their  insolent  conceit  of  theraselve.".  and 
 shall  gain  this  by  attacking  them,  that  they  will  not  be  so  insolent  when  we  come  to  the  battle, 
 for  our  distresses  are  not  so  great,  nor  is  what  haih  happened  an  indication  of  the  angei  of 
 God  against  us,  as  some  imagine,  for  such  things  are  accidental,  and  adversities  that  come  iu 
 the  usual  course  of  things  ;  and  if  we  allow  that  this  was  done  by  the  will  of  God,  we  must 
 allow  that   it  is  now  over  by  his  will  also,  and  that  he  is  satisfied  with  what  bath  already  hap- 
 
 *  Iferod  snys  here,  that  as  ambassadors  were  sncrcd,  when  they  carried  messages  to  others,  so  did  the  lava 
 of  the  lews  derive  a  sacred  authority  by  being  deliTured  from  God  by  angels  [or  divine  aiabassadorSjj  wuch 
 is  yt.  ruul'e  exiTCbsiou  about  tlie  same"laws,  Gal.  iii.  VJ.  Hcb.  ii.  2. 
 
BOOK    XV. — CHAP.    VI.  391 
 
 pcncd,  for  had  he  been  willing  to  afflict  as  still  more  thereby,  he  had  not  changed  his  mind  so 
 .soon.  And  as  for  the  war  we  are  engaged  in,  he  hath  himself  demonstrated,  that  he  is  willing 
 it  should  go  on,  and  tbr.t  he  knows  it  to  be  a  just  war  ;  for  while  some  of  the  people  in  the 
 country  have  perished,  all  you  who  were  in  arms  have  suHered  nothing,  but  are  all  preserved 
 alive  ;  whereby  God  makes  it  plain  to  us,  that  if  you  had  universally,  with  your  children  and 
 wives,  been  in  the  army,  it  had  come  to  pass,  that  you  had  not  undergone  anything  that  would 
 have  much  hurt  you.  Consider  these  things,  and,  what  is  more  than  all  the  rest,  that  you  have 
 (j'od  at  all  times  for  your  protector  ;  and  prosecute  these  men  with  a  just  bravery,  who,  in  point 
 of  friendship  are  unjust,  in  their  battles  perfidious,  towards  ambassadors  impious,  and  always 
 inferior  to  you  in  valour." 
 
 4.  When  the  Jews  heard  this  speecli,  Ihey  were  much  raised  in  their  minds,  and  more  dis- 
 posed to  fight  than  before.  So  Herod,  when  he  had  offered  the  sacrifices  appointed  by  the 
 lasv,*  made  haste,  and  took  them,  and  led  them  against  the  Arabians;  and  in  order  to  that 
 passed  over  Jordan,  and  pitched  his  camp  near  to  that  of  the  enemy.  He  also  thought  fit  to 
 seize  upon  a  certain  castle  that  lay  in  the  midst  of  them,  as  hoping  it  would  be  for  his  advan- 
 tage, and  would  the  sooner  produce  a  battle,  and  that  if  there  were  occasion  for  delay,  he 
 should  by  it  have  his  camp  foitified  ;  and  as  the  Arabians  had  the  same  intentions  upon  that 
 place,  a  contest  arose  about  it :  at  first  they  were  but  skirmishes,  alter  which  there  came  more 
 soldiers,  and  it  proved  a  sort  of  fight,  and  some  fell  on  both  sides,  till  those  of  the  Arabian 
 side  were  beaten  and  retreated.  This  was  no  small  encouragement  to  the  Jews  immediately  ; 
 and  when  Herod  observed  that  the  enemies'  array  was  disposed  to  any  thing  rather  than  to 
 come  to  an  engagement,  he  ventured  boldly  to  attempt  the  bulwark  itself,  and  to  pull  it  to 
 pieces,  and  so  to  get  nearer  to  their  camp,  in  order  to  fight  them  ;  for  when  they  were  forced 
 out  of  their  trenches,  they  went  out  in  disorder,  and  had  not  the  least  alacrity,  or  hope  of  vic- 
 tory ;  yet  did  they  fight  hand  to  hand,  because  they  were  more  in  number  than  the  Jews,  and 
 because  they  were  in  such  a  disposition  of  war  that  they  were  under  a  necessity  of  coming  on 
 boldly  :  so  they  came  to  a  terrible  battle,  while  not  a  few  fell  on  each  side.  However,  at 
 length  the  Arabians  fled  ;  and  so  great  a  slaughter  was  made  upon  their  being  routed,  that 
 they  were  not  only  killed  by  their  enemies,  but  became  the  authors  of  their  own  deaths  also, 
 and  were  trodden  down  by  the  multitude,  and  the  great  current  of  people  in  disorder,  and  were 
 destroyed  by  their  own  armour  ;  so  five  thousand  men  lay  dead  upon  the  spot,  while  the  rest 
 of  the  multitude  soon  ran  within  the  bulwark  [for  safety,]  but  had  no  firm  hope  of  safety,  by 
 reason  of  their  want  of  necessaries,  and  especially  of  water.  The  Jews  pursued  them  ;  but 
 could  nut  get  in  with  them,  but  sat  round  about  the  bulwark,  and  watched  any  assistance  that 
 would  get  in  to  them,  and  prevented  any  there,  that  had  a  mind  to  it,  from  running  away. 
 
 5.  \\  hen  the  Arabians  were  in  these  circumstances,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  Herod,  in  the 
 first  place  to  propose  terms  of  accommodation,  and  after  that  to  offer  him,  so  pressing  was 
 their  thirst  upon  them,  to  undergo  whatsoever  he  pleased,  if  he  would  free  them  from  their 
 j)resent  distress  ;  but  he  would  admit  of  no  ambassadors,  of  no  price  of  redemption,  nor  of  any 
 other  moderate  terms  whatever,  being  very  desirous  to  revenge  those  unjust  actions  which 
 they  had  been  guilty  of  towards  his  nation.  So  they  were  necessitated  by  other  motives,  and 
 particularly  by  their  thirst,  to  come  out,  and  deliver  themselves  up  to  him,  to  be  carried  away 
 captives  ;  and  in  five  days'  time,  the  number  of  four  thousand  were  taken  prisoners,  while  all 
 the  rest  resolved  to  make  a  sally  upon  their  enemies,  and  to  fight  it  ont  with  them,  choosing 
 rather,  if  so  it  must  be,  to  die  therein,  than  to  perish  gradually  and  ingloriously.  When  they 
 had  taken  this  resolution,  they  came  out  of  their  trenches,  but  could  no  way  sustain  the  fight, 
 being  too  much  disabled,  both  in  mind  and  body,  and  having  not  room  to  exert  themselves,  and 
 thought  it  an  advantage  to  be  killed,  and  a  misery  to  survive  ;  so  on  the  first  onset  there  fell 
 about  seven  thousand  of  them,  after  which  stroke,  they  let  all  the  courage  they  had  put  on  before 
 fall,  and  stood  amazed  at  Herod's  warlike  spirit  under  his  own  calamities  ;  so,  for  the  future, 
 they  yielded,  and  made  him  ruler  of  their  nation  ;  whereupon  he  was  greatly  elevated  at  so 
 seasonable  a  success,  and  returned  home,  taking  great  authority  upon  him,  on  account  of  so 
 bold  and  glorious  an  expedition  as  he  had  made. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Hmv  Herod  slew  Hyrcanus,  and  then  liasti-d  away  to  Censor,  and  obtained  the  Kingdom  from 
 him  also ;  arid  how,  a  little  time  afterivnrd,  he  entertained  Ctesar  in  a  most  honourable  manner. 
 
 §  1.  Herod's  other  affairs  were  now  very  prosperous  ;  and  he  was  not  to  be  easily  assaulted 
 on  any  side.     Yet  did  there  come  upon   him  a  danger  that  would  hazard  his  entire  dominions, 
 
 •  This  piece  of  reliirion,  the  supplicatiiitr  God  with  sacrifices,  by  Ilcrod,  before  he  went  to  this  fifht  with 
 tlie  Aral)ians,  taken  notice  of  also  in  ihe  tirst  hool<  of  the  War,  cliap.  xix.  i  5.  is  worth  remarking,  liecause  it 
 is  the  only  example  of  this  nature,  so  fiir  as  I  reniemhor.  that  losephns  ever  mentions  in  all  liis  large  and  par- 
 ncnlar  accounts  of  this  Herod  ;  and  it  was  when  he  hud  heen  in  niightv  distress,  and  discouraged  bv  a  Rreat 
 defeat  of  his  former  army,  and  by  a  very  great  eartluiuake  in  .ludea,  such  times  of  atlliction  making  men  most 
 religious.  Nor  was  he  disappointed  of  his  hopes  here,  but  mmiediately  gained  a  most  signal  victory  over  the 
 ^raliians.  while  they  who  just  before  had  been  so  great  victors,  and  so  much  elevated  upon  tlio  earthquake  in 
 .luriea.  as  to  vcntura  to  slay  lUe  Jewish  ambassadors,  were  uow  under  a  strange  consternatiou,  aud  hardly  abie 
 to  hghtai  all. 
 
392  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 after  Antony  Lad  been  beaten  at  the  battle  of  Actium  by  Caesar  [Octavian  ;]  for  at  that  time  both 
 Herod's  enemies  and  friends  despaired  of  bis  affairs,  for  it  was  not  probable  that  he  would 
 remain  without  punishment,  who  bad  shewed  so  much  friendship  for  Antony.  So  it  happened 
 that  his  friends  despaired,  and  bad  no  hopes  of  bis  escape,  but  for  his  enemies,  they  all  out- 
 wardly appeared  to  be  troubled  at  his  case,  but  were  privately  very  glad  of  it,  as  hoping  to 
 obtain  a  change  for  the  better.  As  for  Herod  himself,  he  saw  that  there  was  no  one  of  royal 
 dignity  left  but  Hyrcanns,  and  therefore  he  thought  it  would  be  for  his  advantage  not  to  suffer 
 him  to  be  an  obstacle  in  bis  way  any  longer  ;  for  that  in  case  he  himself  survived,  and  escaped 
 the  danger  he  was  in,  he  thought  it  the  safest  way  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  such  a  man  to 
 make  any  attempt  against  him  at  such  junctures  of  affairs,  as  was  more  worthy  of  the  king- 
 dom than  himself;  and  in  case  be  should  be  slain  by  Cassar,  his  envy  prompted  him  to  desire 
 to  slay  him  that  would  otherwise  be  king  after  bim. 
 
 2.  While  Herod  bad  these  things  in  his  mind,  there  was  a  certain  occasion  afforded  him  ; 
 for  Hyrcanus  was  of  so  mild  a  temper,  both  then  and  at  other  times,  that  be  desired  not  to 
 meddle  with  public  affairs,  nor  to  concern  himself  with  innovations,  but  left  ail  to  fortune,  and 
 conlented  himself  with  what  that  afforded  him  :  but  Alexandra  [his  daughter]  was  a  lover  of 
 strife,  and  was  exceeding  desirous  of  a  change  of  the  government,  and  spake  to  her  father  not 
 to  bear  for  ever  Herod's  injurious  treatment  of  their  family,  but  to  anticipate  their  future 
 Lopes,  as  he  safely  might ;  and  desired  him  to  write  about  these  matters  to  Malcbus,  who  was 
 then  governor  of  Arabia,  to  receive  tlieni,  and  to  secure  tbera  [from  Herod,]  for  that  if  they 
 went  away,  and  Herod's  affairs  proved  to  be,  as  it  was  likely  they  would  be,  by  reason  of 
 Cffsar's  enmity  to  bim,  they  should  then  be  the  only  persons  that  could  take  the  government, 
 and  this  both  on  account  of  the  r«yal  family  they  were  of,  and  on  account  of  the  good  disposi- 
 tion of  the  multitude  to  them.  While  she  used  these  persuasions,  Hyrcanus  put  off  her  suit ; 
 but  as  she  shewed  that  she  was  a  woman,  and  a  contentions  woman  too,  and  would  not  desist 
 either  night  or  day,  but  would  always  be  speaking  to  him  about  these  matters,  and  about 
 Herod's  treacherous  designs,  she  at  last  prevailed  with  him  (o  intrust  Dositheus,  one  of  bis 
 friends,  with  a  letter,  wherein  his  resolution  was  declared  ;  and  he  desired  the  Arabian  gover- 
 nor to  send  to  him  some  horsemen,  who  sliould  receive  him,  and  conduct  bim  to  the  lake  As- 
 phaltites,  which  is  from  the  bounds  of  Jerusalem  three  hundred  furlongs  :  and  be  did  there- 
 fore trust  Dositheus  with  this  letter,  because  he  was  a  careful  attendant  on  him  and  on  Alex- 
 andra, and  had  no  small  occasion  to  bear  ill-will  to  Herod:  for  be  wns  a  kinsman  of  one 
 Joseph,  whom  he  bad  slain,  and  a  brother  of  those  that  were  formerly  slain  at  Tyre  by  An- 
 tony ;  yet  could  not  these  motives  induce  Dositheus  to  serve  Hyrcanus  iu  this  affair,  for  pre- 
 ferring the  hopes  be  had  from  the  present  king  to  those  he  bad  from  him,  he  gave  Herod  the  letter. 
 So  he  took  his  kindness  in  good  part,  and  bade  liim  besides  do  what  he  had  already  done,  that 
 is,  go  on  in  serving  bim,  by  rolling  up  the  epistle,  and  sealing  it  again,  and  delivering  it  to 
 Malchus,  and  then  to  bring  back  his  letter  in  answer  to  it;  for  it  would  be  much  better  if  he 
 could  know  Malchus's  intentions  also.  And  when  Dositheus  was  very  ready  to  serve  him  in 
 this  point  also,  the  Arabian  governor  returned  hack  for  answer,  that  he  would  leceive  Hyrca- 
 nus, and  all  that  should  come  with  him,  and  even  all  the  Jews  that  were  of  his  party  :  that  he 
 would,  moreover,  send  forces  sufficient  to  secure  them  in  their  journey,  and  that  he  should  be 
 in  no  want  of  any  thing  he  should  desire.  Now  as  soon  as  Herod  had  received  this  letter,  be 
 immediately  sent  for  Hyrcanus,  and  questioned  bim  about  the  league  be  had  made  with  Mal- 
 clius;  and,  when  he  denied  it,  shewed  his  letter  to  the  sanhedrim,  and  put  the  man  to  death 
 immediately. 
 
 3.  And  this  account  we  give  the  reader,  as  it  is  contained  in  the  commentaries  of  king 
 Herod  :  but  other  historians  do  not  agree  with  them,  for  they  suppose  that  Herod  did  not  find, 
 but  rather  make  this  an  occasion  for  thus  putting  bim  to  death,  and  that  by  treacherously  lay- 
 ing a  snare  for  him  ;  for  thus  do  they  write  ;  That  Herod  and  he  were  once  at  a  treat,  and  that 
 Herod  had  given  no  occasion  to  suspect  [that  he  was  displeased  at  him,]  but  put  this  question 
 to  Hyrcanus,  Whether  he  had  received  any  letters  from  Malchus  ?  and  when  he  answered, 
 that  he  bad  received  letters,  but  those  of  salutation  only  ;  and  when  be  asked  farther,  whether 
 be  had  not  received  any  presents  from  him  ?  and  when  he  had  replied,  that  he  had  received 
 no  more  than  four  horses  to  ride  on,  which  Malchus  had  sent  him ;  they  pretended  that 
 Herod  charged  tliese  upon  him  as  the  crimes  of  bribery  and  treason,  and  gave  order  that  be 
 should  be  led  away  and  slain.  And  in  order  to  demonstrate  that  be  had  been  guilty  of  no 
 offence,  when  he  was  thus  brought  to  his  end,  they  alleged  how  mild  bis  temper  had  been,  and  - 
 that  even  in  his  youth  he  bad  never  given  any  demonstration  of  boldness  or  rashness,  and  that 
 the  case  was  the  same  when  he  came  to  be  king,  but  that  he  even  then  committed  the  manage- 
 ment of  the  grcatestr  part  of  public  affairs  to  Antipater  ;  and  that  he  was  now  above  fourscore 
 years  old,  and  knew  that  Herod's  government  was  in  a  secure  state.  He  also  came  over  Eu- 
 phrates, and  left  those  wl-o  greatly  honoured  him  beyond  that  river,  though  be  were  to  be 
 entirely  under  Herod's  government,  and  that  it  was  a  most  incredible  thing  that  he  should 
 enterprise  any  thing  by  way  of  innovation,  and  not  at  all  agreeable  to  his  temper,  but  that  this 
 was  a  plot  of  Herod's  contrivance. 
 
 4.  And  this  was  the  fate  of  Hyrcanus  ;   and  thus  did  he  end   bis  life,  after  he  had  endnred 
 
BOOK    XV. — CHAP.    VI.  393 
 
 various  and  manifold  turns  of  fortune  in  liis  lifetime  .  for  he  was  made  biglipriesl  of  llie  Jewish 
 nation  in  the  beginning  of  liis  mother  Alexandra's  reign,  who  held  the  government  nine  years  ; 
 and  when,  after  his  mother's  death,  he  look  the  kingdom  himself,  and  held  it  three  months,  he 
 lost  it,  by  the  means  of  his  brother  Aristobulus.  He  was  then  restored  by  Pompey,  and 
 received  all  sorts  of  honour  from  iiim,  and  enjoyed  them  forty  years  ;  but  when  he  was  again 
 deprived  by  Aniigonus,  and  was  maimed  in  his  body,  he  was  made  a  captive  by  the  Parthians, 
 and  thence  returned  home  again  after  some  time,  on  account  of  the  hopes  tliat  Herod  had  given 
 him  ;  none  of  which  came  to  pass  according  to  his  expectation,  but  he  still  conflicted  with  many 
 misfortunes  through  the  whole  course  of  his  life  ;  and  what  was  the  heaviest  calamity  of  all, 
 as  we  have  related  already,  he  came  to  an  end  which  was  undeserved  by  him.  His  character 
 appeared  to  ba  that  of  a  man  of  a  mild  and  moderate  disposition,  and  suflered  the  administra- 
 tion of  afl'airs  to  be  generally  done  by  others  under  him.  He  was  averse  to  much  meddling 
 with  the  public,  nor  had  shrewdness  enough  to  govern  a  kingdom  :  and  both  Antipater  and 
 Herod  came  to  their  greatness  by  reason  of  his  mildness,  and  at  last  he  met  with  such  an  end 
 from  them  as  was  not  agreeable  either  to  justice  or  piety. 
 
 5.  Now  Herod,  as  soon  as  he  put  Hyrcanus  out  of  the  way,  made  haste  to  Caesar;  and 
 because  he  could  not  have  any  hopes  of  kindness  from  him,  on  account  of  the  friendship  he  had 
 for  Antony,  he  had  a  suspicion  of  Alexandra,  lest  she  should  take  this  opportunity  to  bring 
 the  multitude  to  a  revolt,  f  nd  introduce  a  sedition  into  the  afl'airs  of  the  kingdom  ;  so  he  com- 
 mitted the  care  of  every  thing  to  his  brother  Pheroras,  and  placed  his  mother  Cypros,  and  his 
 sister  [Salome,]  and  the  whole  family  at  Massada,  and  gave  him  a  charge,  that  if  he  should 
 hear  any  sad  news  about  him,  he  should  take  care  of  the  government :  but  as  to  Mariamne 
 his  wife,  because  of  the  misunderstanding  between  her  and  his  sister,  and  his  sister's  mother, 
 which  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  live  together,  he  placed  her  at  Alexandrium,  with 
 Alexandra  her  mother,  and  left  his  treasurer  Joseph,  and  Sohemus  of  Iturea,  to  take  care  of 
 that  fortress.  These  two  had  been  very  faithful  to  him  from  the  beginning,  and  were  now  left 
 as  a  guard  to  the  wonien.  They  also  had  it  in  charge,  that  if  they  should  hear  any  mischief 
 Lad  befallen  him,  they  should  kill  them  both,  and  as  far  as  they  were  able,  to  preserve  the 
 kingdom  for  his  sons,  and  for  his  brother  Pheroras. 
 
 G.  When  he  had  given  them  this  charge,  he  made  haste  to  Rhodes,  to  meet  Ca5sar ;  and 
 when  he  had  sailed  to  that  city,  he  took  oft"  his  diadem,  but  remitted  nothing  else  of  his  usual 
 dignity  :  and  when,  upon  his  meeting  him,  he  desired  that  he  would  let  him  spoak  to  him, 
 he  therein  exhibited  a  much  more  noble  specimen  of  a  great  soul,  for  he  did  not  betake  him- 
 self to  supplications,  as  men  usually  do  upon  such  occasions,  nor  ofl'ered  him  any  petition,  as 
 if  he  were  an  offender,  but,  after  an  undaunted  manner,  gave  an  account  of  what  he  had  done  ; 
 for  he  spake  thus  to  Caesar,  That  "  he  had  the  greatest  friendship  for  Antony,  and  did  every 
 thing  he  could  that  he  might  attain  the  government :  that  he  was  not  indeed  in  the  army  with 
 him,  because  the  Arabians  had  diverted  him,  but  that  he  had  sent  him  both  money  and  corn, 
 which  was  but  too  little  in  comparison  of  what  he  ought  to  have  done  for  him  ;  for,  if  a  man  owns 
 himself  to  be  another's  friend,  and  knows  him  to  be  a  benefactor,  he  is  obliged  to  hazard  every 
 thing,  to  use  every  faculty  of  his  soul,  every  member  of  his  body,  and  all  the  wealth  he  hath, 
 for  him,  in  which  I  confess  I  have  been  too  deficient.  However,  I  am  conscious  to  myself, 
 that  so  far  I  have  done  right,  that  I  have  not  deserted  him  upon  his  defeat  at  Actium  ;  nor 
 upon  the  evident  change  of  his  fortune  have  1  transferred  my  hopes  from  him  to  another,  but 
 have  preserved  myself,  thongh  not  as  a  valuable  fellow-soldier,  yet  certainly  as  a  faithful 
 counsellor  to  Antony,  when  I  demonstrated  to  him  that  tlie  only  way  that  he  had  to  save  him- 
 self, and  not  to  lose  all  his  authority,  was  to  slay  Cleopatra;  for  wlun  she  was  once  dead, 
 there  would  be  room  for  him  to  retain  his  authority,  and  rather  to  bring  thee  to  make  a  com- 
 position with  him,  thsn  to  continue  at  enmity  any  longer.  Nouf  of  whicli  advices  would  he 
 attend  too,  but  preferred  his  own  rash  resolutions  before  them,  which  have  happened  unpro- 
 fitably  for  him,  but  profitably  for  thee.  Now  therefore,  in  case  thou  determinest  about  nie, 
 and  my  alacrity  in  serving  Antony,  according  to  thy  anger  at  him,  I  own  there  is  no  room  for 
 me  to  deny  what  I  have  done,  nor  will  1  be  ashamed  to  own,  and  that  publicly  too,  that  [  had 
 a  great  kindness  for  him  :  but  if  thou  wilt  put  him  out  of  the  case,  and  only  examine  how  I 
 behaved  myself  to  my  benefactors  in  general,  and  what  sort  of  friend  I  am,  thou  wilt  find  by 
 experience  that  we  shall  do  and  be  the  same  to  thyself,  for  it  is  but  changing  the  names,  and 
 the  firmness  of  friendship  that  we  shall  bear  to  thee  will  not  be  disapproved  by  thee." 
 
 7.  By  this  speech,  and  by  his  behaviour,  which  shewed  Ca'sar  the  frankness  of  his  mind, 
 he  greatly  gained  upon  him,  who  was  himself  of  a  generous  and  magnificent  temper,  insomuch 
 that  those  very  actions,  which  were  the  foundation  of  the  accusation  against  him,  procured 
 him  C'scsar's  good-will.  Accordingly,  he  restored  him  his  diadem  again  ;  and  encouraged  him 
 111  exhibit  himself  as  great  a  friend  to  himself  as  he  had  been  to  Antony,  and  llien  had  him  in 
 {•leat  esteem.  Moreover,  he  adtlfd  this,  that  Quintus  Didius  had  wrilten  to  him,  that  Herod 
 had  very  readily  assisted  him  in  the  afi'air  of  the  gladiators,  v  So  when  he  had  obtained  sucii  a 
 kind  reception,  and  had,  beyond  all  his  hopes,  procured  his  crown  to  he  more  entirely  a  id 
 (iinily  seltlfiil  upon  him  than  ever  by  Cirsar's  donation,  as  well  as  by  that  decree  of  the  Homims, 
 w'.iicli  Caesar  took  care  to  procure  for  his  greater   security,  he  conducted  Caesar  on  his  way 
 
 3  u 
 
304  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ♦o  Egypt,  and  made  presents  even  beyond  liis  ability,  to  both  liim  and  Lis  friends,  and  in 
 general  behaved  himself  witli  great  magnanimity.  lie  also  desired  that  Caesar  would  not  put 
 to  death  one  Alexander,  who  had  been  a  companion  of  Antony's  ;  but  Ca3sar  had  sworn  to 
 put  him  to  death,  and  so  he  could  not  obtain  that  his  petition :  and  now  he  returned  to  Judea 
 again  with  greater  honour  and  assurance  than  ever,  and  affrighted  those  that  had  expectations 
 to  the  contrarv,  as  slill  acquiring  from  his  very  dangers  greater  splendour  than  before,  by  the 
 favour  of  God  to  him.  So  he  prepared  for  the  reception  of  Caesar,  as  he  was  going  out  of 
 Syria  to  invade  Egypt  ;  and  when  he  came,  he  entertained  him  at  Ptolemais  with  all  royal 
 magnificence.  He  also  bestowed  presents  on  the  army,  and  brought  them  provisions  in 
 abundance.  He  also  proved  to  be  one  of  Caesar's  most  cordial  friends,  and  put  the  army  in 
 array,  and  rode  along  with  Caesar,  and  had  a  hundred  and  fifty  men,  well  appointed  in  all 
 respects,  after  a  rich  and  sumptuous  manner,  for  the  better  reception  of  him  and  his  friends. 
 He  also  provided  them  with  what  they  should  want,  as  they  passed  over  the  dry  desert,  inso- 
 much that  they  lacked  neither  wine  nor  water,  which  last  the  soldiers  stood  in  the  greatest 
 need  of,  and  besides,  he  presented  Ciesar  with  eight  hundred  talents,  and  procured  to  himself 
 the  good-will  of  them  all,  because  he  was  assisting  to  tlieni  in  a  much  greater  and  more 
 splendid  degree  than  the  kingdom  he  had  obtained  could  afford,  by  which  means  he  more  and 
 more  demonstrated  to  Caesar  the  firmness  of  his  friendship,  and  his  readiness  to  assist  him  ; 
 and  what  was  the  greatest  advantage  to  him  was  this,  that  his  libeKility  came  at  a  seasonable 
 lime  also:  and  when  they  returned  again  out  of  Egypt,  his  assistances  were  no  way  inferior 
 to  the  good  offices  be  had  formerly  done  them. 
 
 CHAP.  vn. 
 
 Hovj  Herod  slew  Soheniits,  and  Mariamub,  and  afterivard  Alexandra,  and  Costoharus,  and  his 
 most  intimate  Friends,  and  at  last  the  Sotis  of  B aha  also. 
 
 §  1.  However,  when  he  came  into  his  kingdom  again,  he  found  liis  house  all  in  disorder, 
 and  his  wife  Mariamne  and  her  mother  Alexandra  very  uneasy  ;  for,  as  they  supposed,  what 
 was  easy  to  be  supposed,  that  they  were  not  put  into  that  fortress  [Alexandrium]  for  the 
 security  of  their  persons,  but  as  into  a  garrison  for  their  imprisonment,  and  that  they  had  no 
 power  over  any  thing,  either  of  others,  or  of  their  own  affairs,  they  were  very  uneasy  ;  and 
 Mariamne  supposing  that  the  king's  love  to  her  was  but  hypocritical,  and  rather  pretended, 
 as  advantageous  to  himself,  than  real,  she  looked  upon  it  as  fallacious.  She  also  was  grieved 
 that  he  would  not  allow  her  any  bopes  of  surviving  him,  if  he  should  come  to  any  harm  him- 
 self. She  also  recollected  what  commands  he  had  formerly  given  to  Joseph,  insomuch  that 
 she  endeavoured  to  please  her  keepers,  and  especially  Sohemus,  as  well  apprized  how  all  was 
 in  his  power.  And  at  tlie  first  Sohemus  was  faithful  to  Herod,  and  neglected  none  of  the 
 things  he  had  given  him  in  charge  ;  but  when  the  women,  by  kind  words,  and  liberal  presents, 
 bad  gained  his  afl'ections  over  to  them,  he  was  by  degrees  overcome,  and  at  length  discovered 
 to  them  all  the  king's  injunctions,  and  this  on  that  account  principally,  that  he  did  not  so  much 
 as  hope  he  would  come  back  with  the  same  authority  he  had  before,  so  that  he  thought  he 
 should  both  escape  any  danger  from  bim,  and  supposed  that  he  did  hereby  much  gratify  the 
 women,  who  were  likelv  nr.i  to  be  overlooked  in  the  settling  of  the  government,  nay,  that  they 
 would  be  able  to  make  him  abundant  recompense,  since  they  must  either  reign  themselves,  or 
 be  very  near  to  him  that  should  reign.  He  had  a  further  ground  of  hope  also,  that  though 
 Herod  should  have  all  the  success  he  could  wish  for,  and  should  return  again,  he  could  not 
 contradict  his  wife  in  what  she  desired,  for  he  knew  that  the  king's  fondness  for  his  wife  was 
 inexpressible.  These  were  the  motives  that  drew  Sohemus  to  discover  what  injunctions  had 
 been  given  him.  So  Mariamne  was  greatly  displeased  to  hear  that  there  was  no  end  of  the 
 dangers  she  was  under  from  Herod,  and  was  greatly  uneasy  at  it,  and  wished  he  might  obtain 
 no  favours  [from  Csesar,]  and  esteemed  it  almost  an  insupportable  task,  to  live  with  him  any 
 longer  :   and  this  she  afterward  openly  declared  without  concealing  her  resentment. 
 
 2.  And  now  Herod  sailed  home  with  joy,  at  the  unexpected  good  success  he  had  had  ;  and 
 went  first  of  all,  as  was  proper,  to  this  his  wife,  and  told  her,  and  her  only,  the  good  news,  as  pre- 
 ferring her  before  the  rest,  on  account  of  his  fondness  for  her,  and  the  intimacy  there  had  been 
 between  them,  and  saluted  her;  but  so  it  happened,  that  as  he  (old  her  of  the  good  success 
 he  had  had,  she  was  so  far  from  rejoicing  at  it,  that  she  rather  was  sorry  for  it;  nor  was  she 
 able  to  conceal  her  resentments,  but,  depending  on  her  dignity,  and  the  nobility  of  her  birth, 
 in  return  for  his  salutations,  she  gave  a  groan,  and  declared  evidently  that  she  rather  grieved 
 than  rejoiced  at  his  success,  and  this  till  Herod  was  disturbed  at  her,  as  afiording  him  not 
 only  marks  of  her  suspicion,  but  evident  signs  of  her  dissatisfaction.  This  much  tronbled  him, 
 to  see  that  Ibis  surprising  hatred  of  his  wife  to  him  was  not  concealed,  but  open  ;  and  he  took 
 this  so  ill,  and  yet  was  so  unable  to  bear  it,  on  account  of  the  fondness  he  had  for  her,  that  he 
 could  not  continue  long  in  any  one  mind,  but  sometimes  was  angry  at  her,  and  sometimes 
 reaonciled  himself  to  her  ;  but  by  always  changing  one  passion  for  another,  he  was  still  in  great 
 uncertainty,  and  thus  was  he  entangled  between  hatred  and  love,  and  was  frequesitly  disposed 
 to  inflict  punishment  on  her  for  her  insolence  towards  him  ;  but  being  deeply  in  love  wiifc  her 
 
COOK  XV.  — CHAP.    Vll.  fJOi") 
 
 in  liis  soul,  lie  was  not  aljle  to  get  quit  of  ibis  woman.  lu  short,  as  lie  would  gladly  have  her 
 punislied,  so  was  he  afraid  lest,  ere  he  were  aware,  he  should,  hy  pulliiig  her  to  deutli,  bring 
 a  heavier  punishment  upon  liiiiiself  at  the  same  time. 
 
 3.  When  Herod's  sister  ami  mother  perceived  that  lie  was  in  this  temper  with  regard  to 
 ]Mariamnc,  they  ihouglit  they  had  now  got  an  excellent  opportunity  to  exercise  their  hatred 
 against  her,  and  provoked  Herod  to  wrath  by  telling  him  such  long  stories  and  calumnies 
 about  her,  as  might  at  once  excite  his  hatred  and  his  jealousy.  Now,  though  he  willingly 
 enough  heard  their  words,  yet  had  not  he  courage  enough  to  do  any  thing  to  her,  as  if  he 
 believed  them,  but  still  he  became  worse  and  worse  disposed  to  her,  and  these  ill  passions 
 were  more  and  more  inllanied  on  boili  sides,  while  she  did  not  hide  her  disposition  towards 
 liim,  and  be  turned  his  love  to  her  into  wrath  against  her.  Bui  when  he  was  just  going  to  put 
 this  matter  past  all  remedy,  he  beard  the  news  that  Cicsar  was  the  victor  in  the  war,  and  that 
 Autony  and  Cleopatra  were  both  dead,  and  that  he  had  conqnered  Egypt,  whereupon  he  made 
 haste  to  go  to  meet  Ciesar,  and  left  the  aflairs  of  his  laniily  in  ihcir  present  state.  However, 
 Mariamne  recommended  Sohemus  to  him,  as  he  was  setting  out  on  his  journey,  and  professed 
 that  she  owed  him  thanks  for  the  care  he  had  taken  of  her,  and  asked  of  the  king  (or  him  a 
 place  in  the  government;  upon  which  an  honourable  crap!o)ment  was  bestowed  upon  him 
 accordingly.  Now,  when  Herod  was  come  into  Egypt,  be  was  introduced  to  Caesar  with 
 great  freedom,  as  already  a  friend  of  bis,  and  received  very  great  favours  from  him  ;  for  he  bad 
 made  him  a  present  of  those  four  hundred  Galatians  who  had  been  Cleopatra's  guards,  and 
 restored  that  country  to  him  again,  which  by  her  means  had  been  taken  away  from  him.  He 
 also  added  to  his  kingdom,  Gadara,  Hippos,  and  Samaria  ;  and,  besides  these,  the  maritime 
 cities,  Gaza,  Anthedon,  Joppa,  and  Strato's  Tower. 
 
 4.  Upon  these  new  acquisitions,  be  grew  more  magnificent,  and  conducted  Caesar  as  far  as 
 Antioch  ;  but  upon  bis  return,  as  much  as  his  prosperity  was  augmented  by  the  foreign  addi- 
 tions that  bad  been  made  bim,  so  much  the  greater  were  the  distresses  that  came  npou  him  in 
 his  own  family,  and  cliielly  in  the  alfair  of  his  wife,  wherein  he  formerly  appeared  to  have  been 
 most  of  all  fortunate  ;  for  the  all'cclion  be  had  lor  Mariamne  was  no  way  inferior  to  the  all'ec- 
 tions  of  such  as  are  on  that  account  celebrated  in  history,  and  this  very  justly.  As  for  her, 
 she  was  in  other  respects  a  chaste  woman,  and  faithful  to  him  ;  yet  had  she  somewhat  of  a 
 woman  rough  by  nature,  and  treated  her  husband  iuii)erionsly  enough,  because  she  saw  be  was 
 so  fond  of  her  as  to  be  enslaved  to  her.  She  did  not  also  consider  seasonably  with  herself 
 that  she  lived  under  a  monarchy,  and  that  she  was  at  another's  disposal,  and  accordingly  would 
 behave  herself  after  a  saucy  manner  to  bim,  which  yet  he  usually  put  oil'  in  a  jesting  way,  and 
 bore  with  moderation  and  good  tem[)er.  She  would  also  e\posc  her  mo.tber  and  his  sister 
 openly,  on  account  of  the  meanness  of  their  birth,  and  would  speak  unkindly  ot  them,  inso- 
 mu(;li,  that  there  was  before  this  a  disagreement  and  unpaidonaiile  hatred  among  the  women, 
 and  it  was  now  come  to  greater  reproaches  of  one  another  than  formerly,  which  suspicions 
 increased,  and  lasted  a  whole  year  after  Herod  returned  from  Ca'sar.  However,  these  mis- 
 Ibrlunes,  which  had  been  kept  under  some  decency  for  a  great  while,  burst  out  all  at  once 
 upon  such  au  occasion  as  was  now  oll'ered  ;  for  as  the  king  one  day  about  noon  was  laid  down 
 on  bis  bed  to  rest  him,  he  called  for  Mariamne,  out  of  the  great  aU'ection  he  had  always  for 
 lier.  She  came  in  accordingly,  but  would  not  lie  down  by  him  :  and  when  he  was  very 
 desirous  of  her  companv,  she  shewed  her  contempt  of  him  ;  and  added,  by  way  of  reproach, 
 that  he  bad  caused  her  father  and  her  brother  to  be  slain.*  And  when  he  took  ibis  injury  verv 
 unkindly,  and  was  ready  lo  use  violence  to  her,  in  a  precipitate  manner,  the  king's  sister 
 Salome,  observing  that  he  was  more  than  ordinarily  disturbed,  sent  into  the  king  his  cup- 
 bearer, who  had  been  prepared  long  beforehand  for  such  a  design,  and  bade  him  tell  the  king, 
 how  Mariamne  had  persuaded  him  to  give  his  assistance  in  preparing  a  love  potion  for  him  , 
 and  if  be  appear  to  be  greatly  concerned,  and  to  ask  what  that  love  potion  was?  to  tell  bim, 
 that  she  bad  the  potion,  and  that  he  was  desired  only  to  give  it  him  :  but  that  in  case  he  did 
 not  appear  to  be  much  concerned  at  this  potion,  to  let  the  thing  drop,  and  that  if  be  did  so, 
 no  harm  should  thereby  come  to  him.  When  abe  had  given  him  these  instructions,  she  sent 
 liini  in  at  this  time  to  make  such  a  s|)ecch.  So  be  went  in,  after  a  com[)osed  manner,  to  gain 
 credit  to  what  be  should  say,  and  yet  somewhat  hastily,  and  said,  that  "  Mariamne  had  given 
 liini  presents,  and  persuaded  bim  to  give  him  a  love  potion."  And  when  this  moved  the  king, 
 he  said,  that  "this  love  |)atioii  was  a  composition  that  she  had  given  bin),  whose  ell'ects  he 
 did  not  know,  which  was  the  reason  of  his  resolving  to  give  him  this  information,  as  the  safest 
 course  be  could  take,  both  for  himself  and  for  the  king.  '  When  Herod  heard  what  he  said, 
 and  was  in  an  ill  disposition  before,  his  indignation  grew  more  violent :  and  he  orderud  that 
 eunuch  of  Mariamne's  who  was  most  faithful  (o  her,  to  be  brought  to  torture  about  this  potimi, 
 as  well  knowing  it  was  not  possible  that  any  thing  sniall  or  great  could  be  done  wiihout  him. 
 And  wheu  the  mau  was  uuder  the  utmost  agonies,  he  could  say  nothing  concerning  the  thing 
 
 'Whoroas  TMariamne  is  here  represented  asreproachiu,;  ITerotl  with  the  muraerof  her  father  [Alexander.]  as 
 well  .IS  her  brother  f  Aristobiilus.]  while  it  was  her  grandfather  Hyrcanus,  and  not  her  father  Alexander,  whom 
 lie  caused  lo  be  slain,  (as  Josephus  himself  iuforms  us,  chap.  vi.  ^  2.)  we  must  either  take  Zonara's  readii\R, 
 which  is  hure  grandfather  rightly,  or  else  we  must,  as  bclorc,  chap  i.  i  1.  allow  a  slip  of  Joscphus'  pen,  oi 
 uumeiy,  in  the  place  before  us. 
 
396  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 he  was  tortured  about,  but  so  far  be  knew  that  Mariaoine's  hatred  ap;alDst  him  was  occasioDed 
 by  somewhat  that  Sohemus  had  said  to  her.  Now,  as  he  was  saying  lliis,  Herod  cried  out 
 alood,  and  said,  tliat  "  Sobenms,  who  had  been  at  all  other  times  most  faithTul  to  him,  and  to 
 his  government,  would  not  have  betrayed  what  injunctions  he  had  given  him,  unless  he  had 
 had  a  nearer  conversation  tban  ordinary  with  Mariamne."  So  be  gave  order  that  Sohemus 
 should  be  seized  on  and  slain  immediately  ;  but  he  allowed  his  wife  to  take  her  trial  ;  and  got 
 together  those  that  were  most  faithful  to  him,  aud  laid  an  elaborate  accusation  against  ber  for 
 tliis  love  potion  and  composition,  wbich  had  been  charged  upon  her  by  way  of  calumny  only. 
 However,  he  kept  no  temper  in  what  be  said,  and  was  in  too  great  a  passion  for  judging  well 
 about  this  matter.  Accordingly,  wben  the  court  was  at  length  satisfied  that  he  was  so  resolved, 
 they  passed  the  sentence  of  death  upon  her  :  but  when  the  sentence  was  passed  upon  her, 
 this  temper  was  suggested  by  himself,  and  by  some  others  of  the  court,  that  she  should  not  be 
 thus  hastily  put  to  death,  but  be  laid  in  prison  in  one  of  the  fortresses  belonging  to  the  king- 
 dom :  but  Salome  and  her  party  laboured  hard  to  have  the  woman  put  to  death  ;  and  they 
 prevailed  with  the  king  to  do  so,  and  advised  this  out  of  caution,  lest  the  multitude  should  be 
 tumultuous  if  she  were  sufiered  to  live  ;  and  thus  was  Mariamne  led  to  execution. 
 
 5.  When  Alexandra  observed  how  things  went,  and  that  there  were  small  hopes  that  she 
 herself  should  escape  the  like  treatment  from  Herod,  she  changed  her  behaviour  to  quite  the 
 reverse  of  what  might  have  been  expected  from  her  former  boldness,  and  this  after  a  very 
 indecent  manner :  for  out  of  her  desire  to  shew  how  entirely  ignorant  she  was  of  the  crimes 
 laid  against  Mariamne,  she  leaped  out  of  ber  place,  and  rejiroacbed  her  daughter  in  the  hear- 
 ing of  all  the  people  ;  and  cried  out,  that  "  she  had  been  an  ill  woman  and  ungrateful  to  her 
 husband,  and  that  her  punishmentcame  justly  upon  her,  for  such  her  insolent  behaviour,  for  that 
 she  had  not  made  proper  returns  to  him  who  had  been  their  common  benefactor."  And  when 
 she  had  for  some  time  acted  after  this  hypocritical  manner,  and  been  so  outrageous  as  to  tear 
 her  hair,  this  indecent  and  dissembling  behaviour,  as  was  to  be  expected,  was  greatly  con- 
 demned by  the  rest  of  the  spectators,  as  it  was  principally  by  the  poor  woman  who  was  to 
 suffer  ;  for  at  the  first  she  gave  her  not  a  word,  nor  was  discomposed  at  her  peevishness,  and 
 only  looked  at  her,  yet  did  she,  out  of  a  greatness  of  soul,  discover  her  concern  for  ber  mother's 
 offence,  and  especially  for  her  exposing  herself  in  a  manner  so  unbecoming  her  ;  but  as  for 
 herself,  she  went  to  her  death  with  an  unshaken  firmness  of  mind,  and  without  changing  the 
 colour  of  her  face,  and  thereby  evidently  discovered  the  nobility  of  her  descent  to  the  specta- 
 tors, even  in  the  last  moments  of  her  life. 
 
 6.  And  thus  died  Mariamne  ;  a  woman  of  an  excellent  character,  both  for  chastity  and  great- 
 ness of  soul ;  but  she  wanted  moderation,  and  had  too  much  of  contention  in  her  nature,  yet 
 had  she  all  that  can  be  said  in  the  beauty  of  her  body,  and  her  majestic  appearance  in  conver- 
 sation ;  and  thence  arose  the  greatest  part  of  the  occasions  why  she  did  not  prove  so  agreeable 
 to  the  king,  nor  live  so  pleasantly  with  liim,  as  she  might  otherwise  have  done;  for  while  she 
 was  most  indulgently  used  by  the  king,  out  of  his  fondness  to  her,  and  did  not  expect  that  he 
 could  do  any  hard  thing  to  her,  she  took  too  unbounded  a  liberty.  Moreover,  that  which 
 most  afllicted  her  was,  what  he  had  done  to  her  relations,  and  she  ventured  to  speak  of  all 
 they  had  suffered  by  him,  and  at  last  greatly  provoked  both  the  king's  mother  and  sister,  till 
 they  became  enemies  to  her;  and  even  he  himself  also  did  the  same,  on  whom  alone  she 
 depended  for  her  expectations  of  escaping  the  last  of  punishments. 
 
 7.  But  when  she  was  once  dead,  the  king's  affections  for  her  were  kindled  in  a  more  out- 
 rageous manner  than  before,  whose  old  passion  for  her  we  have  already  described  ;  for  his 
 love  to  her  was  not  of  a  calm  nature,  nor  such  as  we  usually  meet  with  among  other  husbands, 
 for  at  its  commencement  it  was  of  an  enthusiastic  kind,  nor  was  it  by  their  long  cohabitation, 
 and  free  conversation  together,  brought  under  his  power  to  manage;  but  at  this  time  his  love 
 to  Mariamne  seemed  to  seize  him  in  such  a  peculiar  manner,  as  looked  like  divine  vengeance 
 upon  him  for  the  taking  away  her  life,  for  he  would  frequently  call  for  her,  and  frequently 
 lament  for  her  in  a  most  indecent  manner.  Moreover,  he  bethought  him  of  every  thing  he 
 could  make  use  of  to  divert  his  mind  from  thinking  of  her,  and  contrived  feasts  and  assemblies 
 for  that  purpose,  but  nothing  would  suffice  ;  he  therefore  laid  aside  the  administration  of  public 
 affairs,  and  was  so  far  conquered  by  his  passion,  that  he  would  order  his  servants  to  call  for 
 Mariamne,  as  if  she  were  still  alive,  and  could  still  hear  them.  And  when  he  was  in  this  way, 
 there  arose  a  pestilential  disease,  that  carried  off  the  greatest  part  of  the  muliitude,  and  of  his 
 best  and  most  esteemed  friends,  and  made  all  men  suspect  that  this  was  brought  npon  them  by 
 the  anger  of  God,  for  the  injustice  that  had  been  done  to  Mariamne.  This  circumstance  affected 
 the  king  still  more,  till  at  length  he  forced  himself  to  go  into  desert  places,  and  there,  under 
 pretence  of  going  a-hunting,  bitterly  afllicted  himself;  yet  had  he  not  borne  his  grief  there 
 many  days  before  he  fell  into  a  most  dangerous  distemper  himself:  he  had  an  intlammation 
 upon  him,  and  a  pain  in  the  hinder  part  of  his  head,  joined  with  madness  ;  and  for  the  reme- 
 dies that  were  used,  they  did  him  no  good  at  all,  but  proved  contrary  to  bis  case,  and  so  at 
 length  brought  him  to  despair.  All  the  physicians  also  that  were  about  him,  partly  because 
 the  medicines  they  brought  for  his  recovery  could  not  at  all  conquer  the  disease,  and  partly 
 because  his  diet  could  be  no  other  than  what  lii^  disease  incliucd   him  to,  desired   him  to  eat 
 
ROOii  XV. —  GHAP.  vir.  897 
 
 wbalever  be  had  a  mind  to,  aud  so  left  the  small  hopes  they  liad  of  his  recovery  in  the  power 
 of  lliat  diet,  and  committed  him  to  fortune.  And  thus  did  his  distemper  go  on,  wliile  he  was 
 at  Samaria,  now  called  Sehasfe. 
 
 8.  Now  Alexandra  abode  at  this  time  in  Jerusalem,  and  beina;  informed  what  condition 
 Herod  was  in,  she  endeavoured  to  get  possession  of  the  fortified  places  that  were  about  (he 
 city,  which  were  two,  the  one  belonging  to  the  city  itself,  ihe  other  belono;ing  to  the  temple  ; 
 and  tliose  that  could  get  them  into  their  hands  had  the  whole  nation  under  their  power,  for 
 without  the  command  of  them  it  was  not  possible  to  ofter  their  sacrifices  ;  and  to  thinlc  of  leav- 
 ing oil"  those  sacrifices,  is  to  every  Jew  plainly  impossible,  who  are  still  more  ready  to  lose 
 their  lives  than  to  leave  ofF  that  divine  worship  which  they  have  been  wont  to  pay  unto  God. 
 Alexandra,  therefore,  discoursed  with  those  that  had  the  keeping  of  these  strongholds,  that  it 
 •was  proper  for  them  to  deliver  the  same  to  her,  and  to  Herod's  sons,  lest,  upon  his  death,  any 
 other  person  should  seize  upon  the  government;  and  that  upon  his  recovery  none  could  keep 
 them  more  safely  for  him  than  those  of  his  own  family.  These  words  were  not  by  them  at  all 
 taken  in  good  part;  and  as  they  had  been  in  former  times  faithful  [to  Herod,]  they  resolved 
 to  continue  so  more  than  ever,  both  because  they  hated  Alexandra,  and  because  they  thought 
 it  a  sort  of  impiety  to  despair  of  Herod's  recovery  wliile  he  was  yet  alive,  for  they  had  been 
 his  old  friends;  and  one  of  them,  whose  name  was  Achiabns,  was  his  cousin-german.  They 
 sent  messengers  therefore  to  acquaint  him  with  Alexandra's  design ;  so  he  made  no  longer 
 delay,  but  gave  orders  to  have  her  slain :  yet  was  it  slill  with  diflicully,  and  after  he  had 
 endured  great  pain,  that  he  got  clear  of  bis  distemper.  He  was  still  sorely  afflicted  both  in 
 mind  and  body,  and  made  very  uneasy,  and  readier  than  ever  upon  all  occasions  to  indict 
 punishment  upon  those  that  fell  under  his  hand.  He  also  slew  the  most  intimate  of  his  friends, 
 Costobarus,  and  Lysiniachus,  and  Gadias,  who  was  also  called  Antipater;  as  also  Dositheus, 
 and  that  upon  the  following  occasion. 
 
 9.  Costobarus  was  an  Idumean  by  birth,  and  one  of  principal  dignity  among  them,  and  one 
 ivhose  ancestors  had  been  priests  to  the  Koze,  whom  the  Idumeans  had  [formerly]  esteemed 
 as  a  god  ;  but  after  Hyrcanus  had  made  a  change  in  their  political  government,  and  made  them 
 receive  the  Jewish  customs  and  law,  Herod  made  Costobarus  governor  of  Idamea  and  Gaza, 
 and  gave  him  his  sister  Salome  to  wife ;  and  this  was  upon  his  slaughter  of  [his  uncle]  Joseph, 
 who  had  that  government  before,  as  we  have  related  already.  When  Costobarus  had  gotten 
 to  be  so  highly  advanred,  it  pleased  him,  and  was  more  than  he  hoped  for,  and  he  was  more 
 and  more  pulled  up  by  his  good  success,  and  in  a  little  while  he  exceeded  all  bounds,  and  did 
 not  think  fit  to  obey  what  Herod,  as  their  ruler,  commanded  him,  or  that  the  Idumeans  should 
 make  use  of  the  Jewish  customs,  or  be  subject  to  them.  He  therefore  sent  to  Cleopatra,  and 
 informed  her  that  the  Idumeans  had  been  always  under  his  progenitors,  and  that  for  the  same 
 reason  it  v.as  but  just  that  she  should  desire  that  country  for  hira  of  Antony,  for  that  he  was 
 ready  to  transfer  his  friendship  to  her  ;  and  this  he  did,  not  because  he  was  better  pleased  to 
 be  under  Cleopatra's  government,  but  because  he  thought  that,  upon  the  diminution  of  Herod's 
 power,  it  would  not  be  difficult  for  him  to  obtain  himself  the  entire  government  over  the  Idu- 
 means, and  somewhat  more  also ;  for  he  raised  his  hopes  still  higher,  as  having  no  small  pre- 
 tences, both  by  his  birth  and  by  these  riches,  which  he  had  gotten  by  his  constant  attention  to 
 filthy  lucre ;  and  accordingly  it  was  not  a  small  matter  that  he  aimed  at.  So  Cleopatra  desired 
 this  country  of  Antony,  but  failed  of  her  purpose.  An  account  of  this  was  brought  to  Herod, 
 who  was  thereupon  ready  to  kill  Costobarus,  yet  upon  the  entreaties  of  his  sister  and  mother, 
 he  forgave  him,  and  vouchsafed  to  pardon  him  entirely,  though  he  still  had  a  suspicion  of  him 
 afterward  for  this  his  attempt. 
 
 10.  But  some  time  afterward,  when  Salome  happened  to  quarrel  with  Costobarus,  slie  sent 
 him  a  bill  of  divorce,*  and  dissolved  her  marriage  with  him,  though  this  was  not  according  to 
 the  Jewish  laws  ;  for  with  us  it  is  lawful  for  a  husband  to  do  so;  but  a  wife,  if  she  departs 
 from  her  husband,  cannot  of  herself  be  married  to  another,  unless  her  former  husband  put  her 
 away.  However,  Salome  chose  not  to  follow  the  law  of  her  country,  but  the  law  of  her  autho- 
 rity, and  so  renounced  her  wedlock ;  and  told  her  brother  Herod,  that  she  left  her  hn-.band 
 out  of  her  good-will  to  him,  because  she  perceived  that  he,  with  Antipater  and  Lvsimachus, 
 and  Dositheus,  were  raising  a  sedition  against  him :  as  an  evidence  whereof,  she  alleged  the 
 case  of  the  sons  of  Habas,  that  they  had  been  by  hira  preserved  alive  already  for  the  interval 
 of  twelve  years;  which  proved  to  be  true.  But  when  Herod  thus  unexpectedly  heard  of  it, 
 lie  was  greatly  surprised  at  it,   and  was  the   more   surprised,  because   the  relation  appeared 
 
 *  Here  is  a  plain  example  of  a  .Tpwish  Indy  giviiifj  a  bill  sf  divorce  to  her  husband,  though  in  tho  days  of 
 .liistphus  it  was  not  esteemed  lawful  for  a  woman  so  to  do.  St-e  alike  amont;  the  Parthians,  Antiq.  b.  iviii. 
 chap.  ix.  (s  6.  However,  the  (.'hristian  law,  when  it  allowed  divorce  for  adullery,  jMatt.  v.  S'Z.  allowed  Ihe 
 innocent  wife  to  divorce  hor  guilty  husband,  as  well  as  the  innocent  husband  to  divorci;  his  guilty  wife,  as  we 
 learn  from  the  shepherd  of  Hernias,  Mand.  b.  iv.  a)id  from  the  second  Apolntry  of.luslin  Martyr,  where  a  per- 
 poculion  was  brought  upo[i  the  Christians  upon  such  a  divorce  ;  and  1  think  the  Konuin  laws  iM'rniilted  it  at 
 that  time,  as  well  as  th(^  laws  of  t'lu-istianity.  Now  this  I'abas,  wlio  was  one  of  llu'  laie  of  i  lie  AsiinKuicans 
 <ir  Maccabees,  as  the  latter  end  of  this  section  informs  us,  is  n  lated  by  llu. lews,  as  I'r.  I  luiisnu  lurrrcuiarks.lo 
 have  been  so  eminently  reli^iious  in  the  Jewish  way,  that  except  the  day  foUowiUk'  the  tenth  of  lisri,  the  Kreut  day 
 of  atonement,  when  he  seems  to  have  supposed  all  his  sins  entirely  foit;iven,  he  used  every  day  of  the  whole 
 year  to  offer  a  sacrifice  for  his  sins  of  iKnorance,  or  such  as  he  supposcil  he  had  been  guilty  of,  but  did  not 
 distinctly  remember.  Sec  somewhat  like  it  of  Agrippa  the  Uicat,  Antiq.  b.  xix.  chap.  iii.  ^3.  and  albo  iu 
 Job  i.  i,  5. 
 
398  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 incredible  to  liiii.  As  for  the  fact  relating  to  these  sons  of  Babas,  Herod  had  formerly  taken 
 great  pains  to  bring  them  to  punishment,  as  being  enemies  to  his  government,  but  they  were 
 now  forgotten  by  liim,  on  account  of  the  length  of  time  [since  he  had  ordered  them  to  be  slain.] 
 Now,  the  cause  of  his  ill-will  and  hatred  to  them  arose  hence,  that  while  Antigonus  was  king, 
 Herod  with  his  army  besieged  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  where  the  distress  and  miseries  which 
 the  besieged  endured  were  so  pressing,  that  the  greater  number  of  them  invited  Herod  into 
 the  city,  and  already  placed  their  hopes  on  him.  Now,  the  sons  of  Babas  were  of  great  dig- 
 nity, and  had  power  among  the  multitude,  and  were  faithful  to  Antigonus,  and  were  always 
 raising  calumnies  against  Herod,,  and  encouraged  the  people  to  preserve  the  government  to 
 that  royal  family  which  held  it  by  inheritance.  So  these  raen  acted  thus  politically,  and,  as 
 they  thought,  for  their  own  advantage ;  but  when  the  city  was  taken,  and  Herod  had  gotten  the 
 government  into  his  own  bands,  and  Costobarus  was  appointed  to  hinder  men  from  passing  out 
 at  the  gates,  and  to  guard  the  city,  that  those  citizens  that  were  guilty,  and  of  the  party  o|)po- 
 'site  to  the  king,  might  not  get  out  of  it,  Costobarus  being  sensible  that  the  sons  of  Babas  were 
 had  in  respect  and  honour  by  the  whole  multitude,  and  supposing  that  their  preservation  might 
 be  cf  great  advantage  to  him  in  the  changes  of  government  afterward,  he  set  them  by  them- 
 selves, and  concealed  them  in  his  own  farms ;  and  when  the  thing  was  suspected,  he  assured 
 Herod  upon  oath  that  he  really  knew  nothing  of  that  matter,  and  so  overcame  the  suspicions 
 that  lay  upon  him ;  nay,  after  that,  when  the  king  bad  publicly  proposed  a  reward  for  the  dis- 
 covery, and  had  put  in  practice  all  sorts  of  methods  for  searching  out  this  matter,  he  would 
 not  confess  it,  but  being  persuaded  that  when  he  had  at  first  denied  it,  if  the  men  were  found, 
 he  should  not  escape  unpunished,  he  was  forced  to  keep  them  secret,  not  only  oat  of  bis  good- 
 will to  them,  bat  out  of  a  necessary  regard  to  his  own  preservation  also  :  but  when  the  king 
 knew  the  thing,  by  his  sister's  information,  he  sent  men  to  the  places  where  he  had  the  inti- 
 timation  they  were  concealed,  and  ordered  both  them,  and  those  that  were  accused  as  guilty 
 with  them,  t^  be  slain,  insomuch  that  there  were  now  none  at  all  left  of  the  kindred  of  Hyr- 
 oanus,  and  ttie  kingdom  was  entirely  in  Herod's  own  power,  and  there  was  nobody  remaining 
 of  such  dignity  as  could  put  a  stop  to  what  be  did  against  the  Jewish  laws. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII, 
 
 Hoiv  ten  men  of  the  Citizens  [of  Jerusalem']  made  a  Conspiraaj  against  Herod,  for  the  foreign 
 Practices  he  had  introduced,  which  ims  a  Transgression  of  the  Laivs  of  their  Country.  Con- 
 cerning the  building  of  Sebaste  and  Cesarea,  and  other  Edifices  of  Herod. 
 §  1.  On  this  account  it  was  that  Herod  revolted  from  the  laws  of  his  country,  and  cor- 
 rupted their  ancient  constitution,  by  the  introduction  of  foreign  practices,  which  consti- 
 tution yet  ought  to  have  been  preserved  inviolable  ;  by  which  means  we  became  guilty  of 
 ••real  wickedness  afterward,  while  those  religious  observances  which  used  to  lead  the  multi- 
 tude to  piety,  were  now  neglected  :  for,  in  the  first  place,  he  appointed  solemn  games  to  be 
 celebrated  every  fifth  year,  in  honour  of  C;esar,  and  built  a  theatre  at  Jerosalem,  as  also  a 
 very  great  ampliilheatre  in  the  plain.  Both  of  them  were  indeed  costly  works,  but  opposite 
 to  the  Jewish  notions  ;  for  we  have  had  no  such  shows  delivered  down  to  us  as  fit  to  be  useil 
 or  exhibited  by  us  ;  yet  did  he  c;;lebrate  these  games  every  five  years,  in  the  most  solemn 
 and  splendid  manner.  He  also  made  proclamation  to  the  neighbouring  countries,  and  called 
 tmn  together  out  of  every  nation.  The  wrestlers  also,  and  the  rest  of  those  that  strove  for 
 the  prizes  in  such  games,  were  invited  out  of  every  land,  both  by  the  hopes  of  the  rewards 
 there  to  be  bestowed,  and  by  the  glory  of  victory  to  be  there  gained.  So  the  principal  per- 
 sons that  were  the  most  eminent  in  these  sorts  of  exercises,  were  gotten  together,  for  there 
 were  very  great  rewards  for  victory  proposed,  not  only  to  those  that  performed  their  exer- 
 cises naked,  but  to  those  that  played  the  musicians  also,  and  were  called  Thymelici  ;  and  he 
 spared  no  pains  to  induce  all  persons,  the  most  famous  fur  such  exercises,  to  come  to  this 
 contest  for  victory.  He  also  proposed  no  small  rewards  for  those  who  ran  for  the  prizes  in 
 chariot  races,  when  they  were  drawn  by  two,  or  three,  or  four  pair  of  horses.  He  also  imi- 
 tated every  thing,  though  ever  so  costly  or  magnificent,  in  other  nations,  out  of  an  ambition 
 that  he  might  give  most  public  demonstration  of  his  grandeur.  Inscriptions  also  of  (he  great 
 actions  of  Cxsar,  and  trophies  of  those  nations  which  he  had  conquered  in  his  wars,  and  all 
 made  of  the  purest  gold  and  silver,  encompassed  the  theatre  itself:  nor  was  there  any  thing 
 that  could  be  subservient  to  his  design,  whether  it  were  precious  garments  or  precious  stones  ■ 
 set  in  order,  which  was  not  also  exposed  to  sight  in  these  games.  He  had  also  made  a  great 
 preparation  of  wild  beasts,  and  of  lions  themselves  in  great  abundance,  and  of  such  other 
 beasts  as  were  either  of  uncommon  strength,  or  of  such  a  sort  as  were  rarely  seen.  These 
 were  prepared  either  to  fight  one  with  another,  or  that  men  who  were  condemned  to  death 
 were  to  fight  with  them.  And  truly  foreigners  were  greatly  surprised  and  delighted  at  the 
 vastness  of  the  expenses  here  exhibited,  and  at  the  great  dangers  that  were  here  seen;  hut  to 
 natural  Jews,  this  was  no  better  than  a  dissolution*  of  those  customs  for  which  they  had  so 
 
 *  Thpse  grand  plays  and  shows,  and  '  thymelici,'  ov  music  meetings,  and  chariot  races,  when  the  chariots 
 were  drawn  by  two, "three,  or  four  pair  of  horses.  &c.  instituted  by  llerod  in  his  theatres,  were  still,  as  we  see 
 here,  looked  ou  l>y  the  eober  Jews  as  htathtuish  sports,  and  teudiug  uol  only  to  corrupt  the  aiauuers  ol  the  Jewish 
 
BOOK  XV. — CHAP.  VIII.  S99 
 
 great  a  veneration.  It  appeared  also  no  hotter  than  an  instance  of  harefaced  impiety,  totlirow 
 men  to  wild  beasts,  for  the  adbrding  delijjht  to  the  spectators,  and  it  appeared  an  instance  of 
 no  less  impiety,  to  change  their  own  laws  for  such  foreign  exercises  :  but,  above  all  the  rest, 
 the  trophies  gave  more  distaste  to  the  Jews,  for  as  they  imagined  them  to  be  images,  included 
 within  the  armour  that  hung  round  about  them,  they  were  sorely  displeased  at  them,  because 
 it  was  not  the  custom  of  their  country  to  pay  honours  to  such  images. 
 
 2.  Nor  was  Herod  unacquainted  with  tlie  disturbance  they  were  under  ,  and  as  he  thought 
 it  onseasonable  to  use  violence  witli  them,  so  he  spoke  to  some  of  them  by  way  of  consolation, 
 and  in  order  to  free  them  from  that  supersiitious  fear  they  were  under  ;  yet  could  not  ho 
 satisfy  them,  but  they  cried  out  with  one  accord,  out  of  their  great  uneasiness  at  tlie  ofiences 
 they  thought  he  had  been  guilty  of,  that  although  they  should  think  of  bearing  all  the  rest,  yet 
 would  tliey  never  bear  images  of  men  in  their  city,  meaning  the  trophies,  because  this  was 
 disagreeable  to  the  laws  of  their  country.  Now  when  Herod  saw  them  in  such  a  disorder,  and 
 that  they  would  not  easily  change  their  resolution  unless  they  received  satisfaction  in  this 
 point,  he  called  to  him  the  most  eminent  men  among  them,  and  brought  them  upon  the  theatre, 
 and  shewed  them  the  trophies,  and  asked  them  what  sort  of  things  they  took  these  trophies 
 to  be?  and  when  they  cried  out,  that  they  were  the  images  of  men,  he  gave  order  that  they 
 should  be  stripped  of  tliese  outward  ornaments  which  were  about  them,  and  shewed  them  the 
 naked  pieces  of  wood  ;  which  pieces  of  wood,  now  without  any  ornament,  became  matter  of 
 great  sport  and  laughter  to  them,  because  they  had  before  always  had  the  ornaments  of  images 
 themselves  in  derision. 
 
 3.  When  therefore  Herod  bad  thus  got  clear  of  the  multitude,  and  had  dissipated  the  vehc- 
 mency  of  passion  under  which  they  had  been,  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  were  disposed 
 to  change  their  conduct,  and  not  to  be  displeased  at  bini  any  longer  ;  but  still  some  of  them 
 continued  in  their  displeasure  against  him  for  his  introduction  of  new  customs,  and  esteemed 
 the  violation  of  the  laws  of  their  country  as  likely  to  be  the  origin  of  very  great  mischiefs  to 
 them,  so  that  they  deemed  it  an  instance  of  piety  rather  to  hazard  themselves  [to  be  put  to 
 death,]  than  to  seem  as  if  they  took  no  notice  of  Herod,  who,  upon  the  change  he  had  made 
 in  their  government,  introduced  such  customs,  and  that  in  a  violent  manner,  which  they  had 
 never  been  used  to  before  ;  as  indeed  in  pretence  a  king,  but  in  reality  one  that  shewed  him- 
 self an  enemy  to  their  whole  nation  ;  on  which  account  ten  men  that  were  citizens  [of  Jerusa- 
 lem] conspired  together  against  him,  and  swore  to  one  another  to  undergo  any  dangers  in  the 
 attempt,  and  took  daggers  with  them  under  their  garments,  [for  the  purpose  of  killing  Herod.] 
 Now  there  was  a  certain  blind  man  among  those  conspirators,  who  had  thus  sworn  to  one 
 another,  on  account  of  the  indignation  he  had  against  what  he  heard  to  have  been  done  ;  he  was 
 not  indeed  able  to  allbrd  the  rest  any  assistance  in  the  undertaking,  but  was  ready  to  undergo 
 any  sufi'cring  with  them,  if  so  be  they  should  come  to  any  harm,  insorauch,  that  he  became  a 
 very  great  encourager  of  the  rest  of  the  undertakers. 
 
 4.  When  they  bad  taken  this  resolution,  and  that  by  common  consent,  they  went  into  the 
 theatre,  hoping  that,  in  the  first  place,  Herod  himself  could  not  escape  them,  as  they  should 
 fall  upon  him  so  unexpectedly  ;  and  supposing,  however,  that  if  they  missed  him,  they  should 
 kill  a  great  many  of  those  that  were  about  him  ;  and  this  resolution  they  took,  though  they 
 should  die  for  it,  in  order  to  suggest  to  the  king  what  injuries  be  bad  done  to  the  multitude. 
 These  conspirators,  therefore,  standing  thus  prepared  beforehand,  went  about  their  design  with 
 great  alacrity  ;  but  there  was  one  of  those  spies  of  Herod's,  that  were  appointed  for  such  pur- 
 poses, to  fish  out  and  inform  him  of  any  conspiracies  that  should  he  made  against  him,  who 
 found  out  the  whole  aflair,  and  told  the  king  of  it,  as  he  was  about  to  go  into  the  theatre.  So 
 when  he  reflected  ttn  the  hatred  which  he  knew  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  bare  him,  and 
 on  the  disturbances  that  arose  upon  every  occasion,  he  thought  this  plot  against  him  not  to  be 
 improbable.  Accordingly,  he  retired  info  bis  palace,  and  called  those  that  were  accused  of 
 this  conspiracy  before  him  by  their  several  names  ;  and  as,  upon  the  guards  falling  npon  them, 
 they  were  caught  in  the  very  fa(;t,  and  knew  thev  could  not  escape,  they  prepared  themselves 
 for  their  ends  with  all  the  decency  they  could,  and  so  as  not  at  all  to  recede  from  their  reso- 
 lute behaviour  ;  for  they  shewed  no  shame  lor  what  they  were  about,  nor  denied  it,  but  when 
 they  were  seized,  they  shewed  their  daggers,  and  professed,  that  "  the  conspiracy  they  had 
 sworn  to  was  a  holy  and  a  pious  action  ;  that  what  they  intended  to  do  was  not  for  gain,  or  out 
 of  any  indulgence  to  their  passions,  but  principally  for  tlinse  common  customs  of  their  conn- 
 try  which  all  the  .lews  were  oliliged  to  observe,  or  to  die  for  tliem."  This  is  what  these  men 
 said,  out  of  their  undaunted  courage  in  this  conspiracy.  So  they  were  led  away  to  execution 
 by  the  king's  guards  that  stood  about  them,  and  patiently  underwent  all  the  torments  inflicted 
 C"  them  till  they  died.  Nor  was  it  long  before  that  spy  who  had  discovered  them  was  seized 
 on  by  some  of  the  people,  out  of  the  hatred  they  bore  to  him,  and  was  not  only  slain  by  them, 
 but  pulled  to  pieces  limb  from  limb,  and  given  to  the  dogs.  This  execution  war.  seen  by  many 
 of  the  citizens,  yet  would  not  one  of  them  discover  the  doers  of  it,  till  upon  Herod's  making  a 
 
 nation,  and  to  Imrg  them  in  love  with  paganish  idolatrj',  and  patianish  conduct  of  lire,  but  to  the  dissolution 
 of  the  law  of  Moses,  and  accordingly  were  greatly  and  justly  i-ond<;iniird  by  ihoni,  as  avipear*  here  and  every 
 where  else  in  Josephns.  Nor  is  the  ease  of  our  inod«rn  nintiiuerades,  plays,  operas,  and  the  like  pouips  and 
 vanities  of  this  wicked  world,  of  any  better  tendency  under  C'hristianit>-. 
 
40C  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 strict  scrutiny  after  tliem,  by  bitter  and  severe  tortures,  certain  women  that  were  tortured, 
 confessed  what  they  had  seen  done ;  the  authors  of 'which  fact  were  so  terribly  punished  by 
 the  king,  that  their  entire  families  were  destroyed  for  this  tlieir  rash  attempt ;  yet  did  not  the 
 obstinacy  of  the  people,  and  that  undaunted  constancy  they  shewed  in  the  defence  of  their 
 laws,  make  Herod  any  easier  to  thera,  but  he  still  strengthened  himself  after  a  more  secure 
 manner,  and  resolved  to  encompass  the  multitude  every  way,  lest  such  innovations  should  end 
 in  an  open  rebellion. 
 
 5.  Since,  therefore,  he  had  now  the  city  fortified  by  the  palace  in  which  he  lived,  and  by 
 the  temple,  which  had  a  strong  fortress  by  it,  called  Antonia,  and  was  rebuilt  by  himself,  he 
 contrived  to  make  Samaria  a  fortress  for  himself  also  against  all  the  people,  and  called  it  Se- 
 baste,  supposing  that  this  place  would  be  a  stronghold  against  the  country,  not  inferior  to  the 
 former.  So  he  fortified  that  place,  which  was  a  day's  journey  distant  from  Jerusalem,  and 
 which  would  be  useful  to  him  in  common,  to  keep  both  the  country  and  the  city  in  awe.  He 
 also  built  another  fortress  for  the  whole  nation  ;  it  was  of  old  called  Strato's  Tower,  but  was 
 by  him  named  Ca;sarea.  Moreover,  he  chose  out  some  select  horsemen,  and  placed  them  in 
 the  great  plain  :  and  built  [for  them]  a  place  in  Galilee  called  Gaba,  with  Hesebonitis  in  Pe- 
 rea.  And  these  were  the  places  which  he  particularly  built,  while  he  was  always  inventing  some- 
 what farther  for  his  own  security,  and  encompassing  the  whole  nation  with  guards,  that  they 
 might  by  no  means  get  from  under  his  power,  nor  fall  into  tumults,  which  they  did  continually 
 upon  any  small  commotion  ;  and  that  if  they  did  make  any  commotions  he  might  know  of  it, 
 while  some  of  his  spies  might  be  upon  them  from  the  neighbourhood,  and  might  both  be  able 
 to  know  what  they  were  attempting,  and  to  prevent  it.  And  when  he  went  about  building  the 
 wall  of  Samaria,  he  contrived  to  bring  thither  many  of  those  that  had  been  assisting  to  him  in 
 Lis  wars,  and  many  of  the  people  in  that  neighbourhood  also,  whom  he  made  fellow-citizens 
 with  the  rest.  This  he  did  out  of  an  ambitious  desire  of  building  a  temple,  and  out  of  a  desire 
 to  make  the  city  more  eminent  than  it  had  been  before,  but  principally  because  he  contrived 
 that  it  might  at  once  be  for  his  own  security,  and  a  monument  of  his  magnificence.  He  also 
 changed  its  name,  and  called  it  Sebaste.  Moreover,  he  parted  the  adjoining  country,  which 
 was  excellent  in  its  kind,  among  the  inhabitants  of  Samaria,  that  they  might  be  in  a  happy  con- 
 dition, upon  their  first  coming  to  inhabit  it.  Besides  all  which,  he  encompassed  the  city  with 
 a  wall  of  great  strength,  and  made  use  of  the  acclivity  of  the  place  for  making  its  fortifications 
 stronger ;  nor  was  the  compass  of  the  place  made  now  so  small  as  it  had  been  before,  but  was 
 snch  as  rendered  it  not  inferior  to  the  most  famous  cities  ;  for  it  was  twenty  furlongs  in  circum- 
 ference. Now,  within  and  about  the  middle  of  it  he  built  a  sacred  place,  of  a  furlong  and  a 
 half  [in  circuit,]  and  adorned  it  with  all  sorts  of  decorations,  and  therein  erected  a  temple, 
 which  was  illustrious  on  account  of  both  its  largeness  and  beauty.  And  as  to  the  several  parts 
 of  the  city,  he  adorned  them  with  decorations  of  all  sorts  also :  and  as  to  what  was  necessary 
 to  provide  for  his  own  security,  he  made  the  walls  very  strong  for  that  purpose,  and  made  it 
 for  the  greatest  part  a  citadel ;  and  as  to  the  elegance  of  the  building,  it  was  taken  care  of 
 also,  that  he  might  leave  monuments  of  the  fineness  of  his  taste,  and  of  his  beneficence,  to 
 future  ages. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Famine  that  happened  in  Judea  and  Syria ;  and  how  Herod,   after  he  Jtad  mar- 
 ried another  Wife,  rebuilt  Cesarea,  and  other  Grecian  Cities, 
 
 §  I.  Now  on  this  very  year,  which  was  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Herod,  very  great 
 calamities  came  upon  the  country  ;  whether  they  were  derived  from  the  anger  of  God,  or  whe- 
 ther this  misery  returns  again  naturally  in  certain  periods  of  time  ;*  for  in  the  first  place  there 
 were  perpetual  droughts,  and  for  that  reason  the  ground  was  barren,  and  did  not  bring  forth 
 the  same  quantity  of  fruits  that  it  used  fo  produce  ;  and  after  this  barrenness  of  the  soil,  that 
 change  of  food  which  the  want  of  corn  occasioned,  produced  distempers  in  the  bodies  of  men, 
 and  a  pestilential  disease  prevailed,  one  misery  following  upon  the  back  of  another  :  and  the 
 circumstances,  that  they  were  destitute  both  of  methods  of  cure  and  of  food,  made  the  pesti- 
 lential distemper,  which  began  after  a  violent  manner,  the  more  lasting.  The  destruction  of 
 men  also  after  such  a  manner  deprived  those  that  survived  of  all  their  courage,  because  they 
 had  no  way  to  provide  remedies  suflicient  for  the  distresses  they  were  in.  When  therefore 
 the  fruits  of  that  year  were  spoiled,  and  whatsoever  they  had  laid  up  beforehand  was  spent, 
 there  was  no  foundation  of  hope  for  relief  remaining,  but  the  misery,  contrary  to  what  they 
 expected,  still  increased  upon  them  ;  and  this  not  only  in  that  year,  while  they  had  uotliing  for 
 themselves  left  at  Ihe  end  of  it,  but  what  seed  they  had  sown  perished  also,  by  reason  of  the 
 ground  not  yielding  its  fruits  on  the  second  year.f     This  distress  they  were  in  made  them  also, 
 
 *  Here  we  have  an  eminent  example  of  the  language  of  losephus  in  his  writing  to  Gentiles,  different  from  that 
 when  lie  wrote  to  .lews  ;  in  h  s  writing  to  whom  lie  still  derives  all  such  judgments  from  the  aiiger  of  (iod  ; 
 but  because  he  knew  many  of  the  Cientiles  thought  they  might  naturally  come  in  certaia  periods,  he  complies 
 with  them,  in  the  above  sentence.    See  the  note  on  the  War,  b.  i.  chap,  xxxiil.  ^2. 
 
 t  I'his  famine  that  for  two  years  affected  Judea  and  Syria,  the  13th  and  14th  years  of  Herod,  which  are  the 
 C:!d  a  d  24th  yeare  before  the  Christian  era,  seems  to  have  been  more  terrible  during  this  time  than  wa?  tlint 
 ii^  the  days  of  Jacob,  fJen.  xli.  xlii.  And  what  mt^kes  the  comparison  the  more  remarkable  is  this,  tliat  now,  as 
 w  ell  as  then,  the  relief  they  had  was  from  Egj'pl  also ;  then  from  Joseph  tlie  governor  of  Egypt,  under  I'liaraoU 
 
BOOK  XV. — CHAP.  IX.  401 
 
 out  of  necessity,  to  eat  many  tliini^s  that  did  not  use  to  be  eaten;  nor  was  the  king  himself  free 
 I'roni  this  distress  any  more  tlian  (itlier  men,  as  being  deprived  of  that  tribute  he  used  to  have 
 from  the  fruits  of  the  wronnd,  and  liaviiig  already  expended  what  money  he  had,  in  his  liberality 
 to  those  whose  cities  he  had  built  ;  nor  iiad  he  any  people  that  were  worthy  of  his  assistance, 
 since  this  miserable  slate  of  lhin;j;s  had  procured  him  the  hatred  of  his  subjects,  for  it  is  a  con- 
 stant rule,  that  misfortunes  are  still  laid  to  the  account  of  those  that  govern. 
 
 2.  In  these  circumstances  he  considered  with  liimself  how  to  procure  some  seasonable  help  ; 
 but  this  was  a  hard  thinii  to  be  tioiie,  while  their  neighbours  had  no  food  to  sell  them,  and  their 
 money  also  was  gone,  had  it  been  possible  to  purchase  a  little  food  at  a  great  price,  however, 
 he  thouijht  it  his  best  way,  by  ail  means,  not  to  leave  oft"  his  endeavours  to  assist  his  people; 
 so  be  cut  ofl"  the  rich  furrjiture  that  was  in  his  palace,  both  of  silver  and  gold,  insomuch  that  he 
 did  not  spare  the  linest  vessels  he  had,  or  those  that  were  made  with  the  most  elaborate  skill 
 of  the  artificers,  but  sent  the  money  to  Petronius,  who  bad  been  made  prefect  of  Egypt  by 
 Caesar  ;  and  as  not  a  fevv  had  already  lied  to  him  under  their  necessities,  and  as  he  was  parti- 
 cularly a  friend  to  Herod,  and  desirous  to  have  his  subjects  preserved,  he  gave  leave  to  them 
 in  the  first  place  to  export  corn,  and  assisted  them  every  way,  both  in  purchasing  and  export- 
 ing the  same,  so  that  he  was  the  principal,  if  not  the  only  person,  whoaflorded  them  what  help 
 they  had.  And  Herod  taking  care  the  people  should  understand  that  this  help  came  from 
 himself,  did  thereby  not  only  remove  from  him  the  ill  opinion  of  those  that  formerly  hated  him, 
 but  gave  them  the  greatest  demonstration  possible  of  hjs  good-will  to  them,  and  care  of  them  ; 
 for,  in  the  first  place,  as  for  those  who  were  able  to  provide  their  own  food,  be  distributed  to 
 them  their  proportion  of  corn  in  the  exactest  manner,  but  for  those  many  that  were  not  able, 
 either  by  reason  of  their  old  age,  or  any  other  infirmity,  to  provide  food  for  themselves,  he 
 made  this  provision  for  them,  that  the  bakers  should  make  their  bread  ready  for  them.  He  also 
 took  care  that  they  might  not  be  hurt  by  the  dangers  of  winter,  since  they  were  in  great  want 
 of  clothing  also,  by  reason  of  the  utter  destruction  and  consumption  of  their  sheep  and  goals, 
 till  they  had  no  wool  to  make  use  of,  nor  any  thing  else  to  cover  themselves  withal.  And  when 
 he  had  procured  these  things  for  his  own  subjects,  he  went  farther,  in  order  to  provide  neces- 
 saries for  their  neighbours,  and  gave  seed  to  the  Syrians,  wliich  thing  turned  greatly  to  his  own 
 advantage  also,  this  charitable  assistance  being  aflbrded  most  seasonably  to  their  fruitful  soil, 
 so  that  every  one  had  now  a  plentiful  provision  of  food.  Upon  the  whole,  when  the  harvest  of 
 the  land  was  approaching,  he  sent  no  fewer  than  fifty  thousand  men,  whom  he  had  sustained, 
 into  the  country  ;  by  which  means  he  both  repaired  the  afllicted  condition  of  his  own  kingdom 
 with  great  generosity  and  diligence,  and  lightened  the  afilictions  of  his  neighbours,  who  were 
 under  the  same  calamities,  for  there  was  nobody  who  had  been  in  waul,  that  was  left  destitute  of  a 
 seitable  assistance  by  him  :  nay,  farther,  there  were  neither  any  people,  nor  any  cities,  nor  any 
 private  men,  who  were  to  make  provision  for  the  multitudes,  and  on  tiiat  account  were  in  want 
 of  support,  and  had  recourse  to  him,  but  received  what  they  stood  in  need  of,  insomuch,  that 
 it  appeared  upon  a  computation,  that  the  number  of  cori  of  wheat,  of  len  Attic  medimni  apiece, 
 that  were  given  to  foreigners,  amounted  to  ten  thousand,  and  the  nuniber  that  was  given  in  his 
 own  kingdom  was  about  fourscore  thonsand.  Now  it  happened  that  this  care  of  his,  and  this 
 seasonable  benefaction,  had  such  inlluence  on  the  Jews,  and  was  so  cried  up  among  other 
 nations,  as  to  wipe  ofl'  that  old  hatred  which  his  violation  of  some  of  their  customs,  during  his 
 reign,  had  procured  him  among  all  the  nation;  and  that  this  liberalily  of  his  assistance  in  this 
 their  greatest  ne<-.cssity  was  full  satisfaction  for  all  that  he  had  done  of  that  nature,  as  it  also 
 procured  him  great  fame  among  foreigners:  and  it  looked  as  if  tliese  calamities  that  afllicted 
 liis  land  to  adegiee  plainly  incredible,  came  in  order  to  raise  his  glory,  and  to  be  to  his  great 
 advantage,  for  the  greatness  of  his  liberality  in  these  distresses,  which  he  now  demonstrated 
 l)eyoud  all  exjiectation,  did  so  change  the  disposition  of  the  multitude  towards  him,  that  they 
 were  ready  to  suppose  he  had  been  from  the  beginning  not  such  a  one  as  they  had  found  him 
 to  be  by  experience,  but  such  a  one  as  the  care  he  had  taken  of  them  in  supplying  their  neces- 
 sities proved  him  now  lo  be. 
 
 ;j.  About  this  time  it  was  that  he  sent  five  hundred  chosen  men  out  of  the  guards  of  his 
 body  as  auxiliaries  to  Ca-sar,  whom  TElius  Gallns  led  to  the  Red  .Sea,*  and  who  were  of  great 
 service  to  him  there.  When  therefore  his  afl'airs  were  thus  improved,  and  were  again  in  a 
 flourishing  condition,  he  built  himself  a  palace  in  the  upper  city,  raising  the  rooms  to  a  very 
 great  height,  and  adorning  them  with  the  most  costly  furniture  of  gold,  and  marble  seats  and 
 beds,  and  these  were  so  large,  that  they  could  contain  very  many  companies  of  men.  These  apart- 
 ments were  also  of  distinct  magnitudes,  and  had  particular  names  given  them,  for  one  apartment 
 was  called  Ca-sar's,  another  Agrippa's.  He  also  fell  in  love  again,  and  married  another  wife, 
 not  suflering  bis  reason  to  hinder  him  from  living  as  he  pleased.  The  occasion  of  this  his  roar- 
 king  of  F.gypt,  and  now  from  Petronius  the  prefect  of  Egj'pt,  under  Augustus  the  Homnn  emperor.  See  almost 
 the  like  case.  Aiitiq.  b.  xx.  chap.  ii.  ^  fi.  It  is  also  -vrell  worth  our  observation  here,  that  these  two  years  were 
 a  sabbatic  year,  and  n  year  of  jubilee,  for  which  Providence,  durini?  the  theocracy,  used  to  provuie  a  trei>le 
 orop  beforvliaiid,  but  which  became  now,  when  the  .lews  had  forfeited  that  bltsaing,  the  greatest  years  of 
 famine  to  them  ever  since  the  days  of  .Ahab,  1  Kinps  xvii.  xviii. 
 
 •  'i'his  JF.liwB  CFallus  %eem8  to  be  no  other  than  that  A'.lins  I-argus  whom  l^io  spchks  of  as  conductine  an 
 expedition  that  was  about  this  linii!  ma<le  into  Arabia  i'elix,  occordiuu  lo  Petavius,  Who  is  here  cited  by 
 SlJaiilieim     Sec  u  full  account  of  this  e;(peditioii  in  Prideaux,  at  the  years  2,'!  and  CI. 
 
 3  E 
 
402  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 riage  was  as  foUows  :  there  was  one  Simon,  a  citizen  of  Jerusalem,  the  son  of  one  Boethus,  a 
 citizen  of  Alexandria,  and  a  priest  of  great  note  there :  this  roan  had  a  daughter,  who  was 
 esteeemed  the  most  beautiful  woman  of  that  time  ;  and  vvheo  the  people  of  Jerusalem  began  to 
 speaii  much  in  her  commendation,  it  happened  that  Herod  was  much  adected  with  what  was 
 said  of  her  ;  and  when  be  saw  the  damsel,  he  was  smitten  with  her  beauty,  yet  did  he  entirely 
 reject  the  thoughts  of  using  his  authority  to  abase  her,  as  believing,  what  was  the  truth,  that 
 by  so  doing  he  should  be  stigmatized  for  violence  and  tyranny,  so  he  thought  it  best  to  take 
 the  damsel  to  wife.  And  while  Simon  was  of  a  dignity  too  inferior  to  be  allied  to  him,  but 
 still  too  considerable  to  be  despised,  he  governed  his  inclinations  after  the  most  prudent  man- 
 ner, by  augmenting  tl)e  dignity  of  the  family,  and  making  them  more  honourable  ;  so  he  imme- 
 diately deprived  Jesus,  the  son  of  Phabet,  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  conferred  that  dignity 
 on  Simon,  and  so  joined  in  affinity  with  him  [by  marrying  his  daughter.] 
 
 4.  When  this  wedding  was  over,  he  built  another  citadel  in  that  place  where  he  had  con- 
 quered the  Jews  when  he  was  driven  out  of  his  government,  and  Antigonus  enjoyed  it.  This 
 citadel  is  distant  from  Jerusalem  abont  threescore  furlongs.  It  was  strong  by  nature,  and  fit 
 for  snob  a  building.  It  is  a  sort  of  a  moderate  hill,  raised  to  a  farther  height  by  the  hand  of 
 !!inn,  till  it  was  of  the  shape  of  a  woman's  breast.  It  is  encompassed  with  circular  towers,  and 
 hath  a  strait  ascent  up  to  it,  which  ascent  is  composed  of  steps  of  polished  stones,  in  number 
 two  hundred.  Within  it  are  royal  and  very  rich  apartments,  of  a  structure  that  provided  both 
 for  seonrity  and  for  beauty.  About  the  bottom  there  are  habitations  of  such  a  structure  as  are 
 well  worth  seeing,  both  on  other  accounts,  and  also  on  account  of  the  water  which  is  brought 
 thither  from  a  great  way  o(I',  and  at  vast  expenses,  for  the  place  itself  is  destitute  of  water. 
 The  plain  that  is  abont  this  citadel  is  full  of  edifices  ;  not  inferior  to  any  city  In  largeness,  and 
 having  the  hill  above  it  in  the  nature  of  a  castle. 
 
 5.  And  now,  when  all  Herod's  designs  had  succeeded  according  to  his  hopes,  he  had  not  the 
 least  suspicion  that  any  troubles  could  arise  in  his  kingdom,  because  he  kept  his  people  obe- 
 dient, as  well  bj'  the  fear  they  stood  in  of  him,  for  he  was  implac&ble  in  the  infliction  of  his 
 punishments,  as  by  the  provident  care  he  had  shewed  towards  them,  after  the  most  magnani- 
 mous manner,  when  they  were  under  their  distresses  :  but  still  he  took  care  to  have  external 
 security  for  his  government  as  a  fortress  against  his  subjects ;  for  the  orations  he  made  to  the 
 cities  were  very  fine,  and  full  of  kindness,  and  he  cultivated  a  seasonable  good  understanding 
 with  their  governors,  and  bestowed  presents  on  every  one  of  them,  inducing  them  thereby  to 
 be  more  friendly  to  him,  and  using  his  magnificent  disposition,  so  as  his  kingdom  might  be 
 the  better  secured  to  him,  and  this  till  all  his  alFairs  were  every  way  more  and  more  augmented. 
 But  then,  this  magnificent  temper  of  his,  and  that  submissive  behaviour  and  liberality  which  he 
 exercised  towards  Caesar,  and  the  most  powerful  men  of  Rome,  obliged  him  to  transgress  the 
 customs  of  his  nation,  and  to  set  aside  many  of  their  laws,  and  by  building  cities  after  an 
 extravagant  manner,  and  erecting  temples  ;*  not  in  Jndea  indeed,  for  that  would  not  have  been 
 borne,  it  being  forbidden  for  ns  to  pay  any  honour  to  images,  or  representations  of  animals, 
 after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks,  but  still  he  did  tiius  in  the  country  [properly]  out  of  our  bounds 
 and  in  the  cities  thereof.  The  apology  which  he  made  to  the  Jews  for  these  things  was  this, 
 that  all  was  done,  not  out  of  his  own  inclinations,  but  by  the  commands  and  injunctions  of 
 others,  in  order  to  please  Caesar  and  the  Romans,  as  though  he  had  not  the  Jewish  customs  so 
 much  in  his  eye  as  he  had  the  honour  of  tliose  Romans,  while  j'et  he  had  himself  entirely  in 
 view  all  the  while,  and  indeed  was  very  ambitious  to  leave  great  monuments  of  his  government 
 to  posterity  ;  whence  it  was  that  he  was  so  zealous  in  building  such  fine  cities,  and  spent  such 
 vast  sums  of  money  upon  them. 
 
 6.  Now  upon  his  observation  of  a  place  near  the  sea,  which  was  very  proper  for  containing 
 a  city,  and  was  before  called  Strato's  Tower,  he  set  about  getting  a  plan  for  a  magnificent 
 city  there,  and  erected  many  edifices  with  great  diligence  all  over  it,  and  this  of  white  stone. 
 He  also  adorned  it  with  most  sumptuous  palaces,  and  large  edifices  for  containing  the  people  ; 
 and  what  was  the  greatest  and  most  laborious  work  of  all,  he  adorned  it  with  a  haven,  that 
 was  always  free  from  the  waves  of  the  sea.  Its  largeness  was  not  less  than  the  Pyreum  [at 
 Athens,]  and  had  towards  the  city  a  double  station  for  the  ships.  It  was  of  excellent  work- 
 manship ;  and  this  was  the  more  remarkable  for  its  being  built  in  a  place  that  of  itself  was 
 not  suitable  to  such   noble  structures,  but  was  to  be  brought  to  perfection  by  materials  from 
 
 ♦  One  may  here  take  notice,  that  how  tyrcnuical  and  extravagant  soever  Herod  was  in  himself,  and  in  his 
 fir«cian  cities,  as  to  those  plays,  and  shows,  nnd  temples  for  idolatry,  mentioned  al)0ve,  chap.  viii.  5  1.  and" 
 here  also,  yet  durst  even  he  introduce  very  few  of  them  into  the  cities  of  the  Jews,  who,  as  .losephus  here 
 notes,  would  not  even  then  have  borne  them,  so  zealous  were  they  still  for  many  of  the  laws  of  Moses,  even 
 v.nder  so  tyrannical  a  porernraent  as  this  was  of  ileiod  the  Great ;  which  tyrannical  government  puts  me 
 naturally  in  mind  of  Dean  Prideaux's  honest  reflection  upon  the  like  ambition,  after  such  tyrannical  power  iu 
 Pompey" and  Casar  ;  "  One  of  these  fsay.s  he,  at  tlie  year  60J  could  not  bear  an  euual.  nor  the  other  a  supe- 
 rior ;  and  through  this  ambitious  humour  and  thirst  after  more  power  in  these  two  men,  the  whole  Roman 
 etnpire  being  diTided  into  two  opposite  factions,  there  was  produced  hereby  the  most  destructive  war  that  ever 
 afflicted  it ;  and  the  like  folly  too  much  reitpis  in  ill  other  places.  Could  about  thirty  men  be  persui-ded  to 
 l^e  at  home  in  peace,  without  enterprising  upon  the  rieht  of  each  other,  for  the  vain  glory  of  conquest,  and 
 the  enlartreraent  of  power,  the  whole  world  might  be  at  quiet;  but  their  ambition,  their  follies,  and  their 
 humour,  lending  them  constantly  to  encroach  upon  niul  quarrel  with  each  other,  they  in-volve  all  that  are  under 
 them  in  the  mischiefs  thereof;  and  many  thousands  are  they  which  yearly  perish  by  it ;  so  that  it  may  almost 
 raise  at!oiji>',  whether  the  benefit  which  the  worirt  receives  from  troven.mcnt  be  Butficient  to  make  amends  for 
 the  Ciilamniis  which  it  suffers  from  the  follies,  mistakes,  and  ma\  administrations  of  those  that  manage  it.'' 
 
liOOK    XV. — CHAP.    X.  403 
 
 oihet  places,  and  at  very  great  expeuses.  Tbis  city  is  situate  in  Plieiiicia,  ia  tiie  |>assage  by 
 sea  to  Egvpt,  between  Joppa  and  Dora,  wliich  are  lesser  maritime  cities,  and  not  fit  for  havens, 
 on  account  of  the  iinpetuons  south  winds  that  beat  upon  them,  which  rolling  the  sands  that 
 come  from  the  sea  against  the  shores,  do  not  admit  of  ships  lying  in  their  station,  but  the 
 merchants  are  generally  there  forced  to  ride  at  their  anchors  in  the  sea  itself.  So  Herod 
 endeavoured  to  rectify  this  inconvenience,  and  laid  out  such  a  corupass  towards  the  land  as 
 might  be  suftloient  for  a  haven,  wherein  the  great  ships  might  lie  in  safety  ;  and  this  he  effected 
 by  letting  down  vast  stones  of  above  fifty  feet  iu  length,  not  less  than  eighteen  in  breadth,  and 
 nine  in  depth,  into  twenty  fathom  deep,  and  as  some  were  lesser,  so  were  others  bigger  than 
 those  dimensions.  This  mole  which  be  built  by  the  sea-side  was  two  hundred  feet  wide,  the 
 half  of  which  was  opposed  to  the  current  of  the  waves,  so  as  to  keep  off  those  waves  which 
 were  to  break  ujjon  them,  and  so  was  called  Procyniatia,  or  the  first  breaker  of  the  waves, 
 but  the  other  Inlf  had  upon  it  a  wall,  wilh  several  towers,  the  largest  of  which  was  named 
 Drusus,  and  was  a  work  of  very  great  excellence,  and  bad  its  name  from  Drusus,  the  son-in- 
 law  of  Caesar,  who  died  young.  There  were  also  a  great  number  of  arches  where  the  mari- 
 ners dwell.  There  were  also  before  them  a  key  [or  landing  place,]  which  ran  round  the  entire 
 haven,  and  was  a  most  agreeable  walk  to  sui-h  as  bad  a  mind  to  that  exercise  ;  but  the  entranco 
 or  mouth  of  the  port  was  made  on  the  north  quarter,  on  which  side  was  the  stillest  of  the 
 winds  of  all  in  this  place:  and  the  basis  of  the  whole  circuit  on  the  left  band,  as  you  enter 
 the  port,  supported  a  round  turret,  which  was  made  very  strong,  in  order  to  resist  the  greatest 
 waves,  vvhile  on  the  right  hand,  as  you  enter,  stood  two  vast  stones,  and  those  each  of  them 
 larger  than  the  turret,  which  was  over  against  them  :  these  stood  upright,  and  were  joined 
 together.  Now  tliere  were  edifices  all  along  the  circular  haven,  made  of  the  most  polished  stone, 
 with  a  certain  elevation,  whereon  was  erected  a  temple,  that  was  seen  a  great  way  off  by  those 
 that  were  sailing  for  that  haven,  and  had  in  it  two  statues,  the  one  of  Rome,  and  the  other  of 
 Caesar.  The  city  itself  was  called  Caesarea,  which  was  also  itself  built  of  fine  materials, 
 and  was  of  a  fine  structure  ;  nay,  the  very  subterranean  vaults  and  cillars  had  no  less  of 
 architecture  bestowed  on  them  than  had  the  buildings  above  ground.  Some  of  these  vaults 
 carried  things  at  even  distances  to  the  haven  and  to  the  sea,  but  one  of  them  ran  obliquely, 
 and  bound  all  the  rest  together,  that  both  the  rain  and  the  filth  of  the  citizens  were  together 
 carried  oil"  with  ease,  and  the  sea  itself,  upon  the  (lux  of  the  tide  from  without,  came  into  the 
 city,  and  washed  it  all  clean.  Herod  also  built  therein  a  theatre  of  stone  ;  and  on  the  south 
 quarter,  behind  the  i)ort,  an  amphitheatre  also,  capable  of  holding  a  vast  luimber  of  men,  and 
 conveniently  situated  for  a  prospect  to  the  sea.  So  this  city  was  thus  finished  in  twelve 
 years  ;*  during  which  time  the  king  did  Dot  fail  to  go  on  both  with  the  work,  and  to  pay  the 
 charges  that  were  necessary. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  Herod  sunt  /«'*■  Sons  to  Rome;  how  also  he  was  accused  by  Zenndoriis,  and  the  Gadaieu.s, 
 hut  was  cleared  of  what  thcij  accused  him  of,  and  uithal  gained  to  himself  the  good-will  of 
 Caisar,      Concerning  the  Pharisees,  the  Essens,  and  Manahem. 
 
 §  1.  When  Herod  was  engaged  in  such  matters,  and  when  he  had  already  re-edified  Sebaste 
 [Samaria,]  he  resolved  to  send  his  sons  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  to  Rome,  to  enjoy  the 
 company  of  Ca'sar  ;  who,  when  they  came  thither,  lodged  at  the  bouse  of  Pollio,t  who  was 
 very  fond  of  Herod's  friendship;  and  they  had  leave  to  lodge  in  Cipsar's  own  palace,  for  he 
 received  these  sons  of  Herod  with  all  humanity,  and  gave  Herod  leave  to  give  his  kingdom  to 
 whicli  of  his  sons  he  pleased  ;  and,  besides  all  this,  he  bestowed  on  him  Trachon,  and  Batanea, 
 and  Auranitis,  which  he  gave  him  on  the  occasion  following:  one  ZenodorusJ  had  hired  what 
 was  called  the  house  of  Lysanias,  who,  as  he  was  not  satisfied  with  its  revenues,  became  a 
 partner  with  the  robbers  that  inhabited  the  Tracbones,  and  so  procured  himself  a  larger  income  ; 
 for  the  inhabitants  of  those  places  lived  in  a  mad  way,  and  pillaged  the  country  of  the  Damas- 
 cenes, while  Zenodorns  did  not  restrain  them,  but  partook  of  the  prey  they  acquired.  Now, 
 as  the  nfc'ghhouring  people  were  hereby  great  sufferers,  ihey  complained  to  Varro,  who  was 
 llien  president  [of  Syria,]  and  entreated  him  to  write  to  Cassar  about  this  injustice  of  Zeno- 
 dorus.  When  these  matters  were  laid  before  Cnesar,  he  wrote  back  to  Varro  to  destroy  those 
 nests  of  robbers,  and  to  give  the  hind  lo  Herod,  that  so  by  his  care  the  neighbouring  countries 
 might  be  no  longer  disturbed  with  tlitsc  doings  of  the  Trachonites,  for  it  was  not  an  easy  thing 
 to  restrain  them,  since  this  way  of  robbery  had  been  their  usual  practice,  and  they  bad  no  other 
 way  to  get  their  living,  because  they  liKd  neither  any  city  of  their  own,  nor  lands  in  iheir  pos- 
 session, but  only  some  receptacles  and  dens  in  the  earth,  and  there  they  and  lluir  cattle  lived 
 
 •  (ipsareo  being  here  said  to  lie  rctniiU  nnd  ariorned  in  twelve  years,  and  soon  aflernards  iu  ten  years. 
 Anijq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  v.  ^  1 .  there  must  be  a  mistake  in  one  of  the  places  as  to  llie  Tuu  number,  but  in  which  of 
 them  it  is  hard  pof-itivelv  to  deterniiue. 
 
 +  This  Pollio,  Avith  whom  Derod's  sons  lived  at  Uome ,  was  not  Pollio  the  Pharisee,  already  mentioned  by 
 .losephus,  cliap.  i.  i  1.  and  again  presently  after  this,  chap.  x.  §  4.  but  Asinius  Pollio,  the  Koman,  as  Spau- 
 heim  here  observes. 
 
 t  The  character  of  this  Zenodorns  is  so  like  thai  of  a  ftmnus  robber  of  the  same  name  in  Sirabo,  and  tlint 
 abont  tbis  very  roiiiiiry.and  about  this  very  lime  ah-o,  ihat  I  tJiiuk  Dr.  Hudbon  hardly  needed  lo  have  put  a 
 'perhaps'  lo  his  dttermination  that  they  were  the  same. 
 
404  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS, 
 
 in  conimoij  together.  However,  tbey  had  made  contrivances  to  get  pools  of  water,  and  laid 
 up  corn  in  granaries  for  themselves,  and  were  able  tW  make  great  resistance,  by  issuing  out  on 
 the  sudden  against  any  that  attacked  thera  ;  for  the  entrances  of  their  caves  were  narrow,  in 
 ■which  but  one  could  come  in  at  a  time,  and  the  places  within  incredibly  large,  and  made  very 
 wide  ;  but  ihe  ground  over  their  habitations  was  not  very  high,  but  rather  on  a  plain,  while  the 
 rocks  are  altogether  hard  and  difficult  to  be  entered  upon,  unless  any  one  gets  into  the  plain 
 road  by  the  guidance  of  another,  for  these  roads  are  not  straight,  but  have  several  revolutions. 
 But  when  these  men  are  hindered  from  their  wicked  preying  upon  their  neighbours,  their  cus- 
 tom is  to  prey  one  upon  another,  insomuch  that  no  sort  of  injustice  comes  amiss  to  them.  But 
 when  Herod  had  received  this  grant  from  Caesar,  and  was  come  into  this  coontry,  he  procured 
 skilful  guides,  and  put  a  stop  to  their  wicked  robberies,  and  procured  peace  and  quietness  to 
 the  neighbouring  people. 
 
 2.  Hereupon  Zenodorus  was  grieved,  in  the  first  place,  because  his  principality  was  taken 
 away  from  him,  and  still  more  so,  because  he  envied  Herod,  who  had  gotten  it;  so  he  went  up 
 to  Rome  to  accuse  him,  but  returned  back  again  without  success.  Now  Agrippa  was  [about 
 this  time]  sent  to  succeed  C;esar  in  the  government  of  the  countries  beyond  the  Ionian  sea, 
 upon  whom  Herod  lit  when  he  was  wintering  about  Mitylene,  for  he  bad  been  his  particular 
 friend  and  companion,  and  then  returned  into  Judea  again.  However,  some  of  the  Gadarens 
 came  to  Agrippa,  and  accused  Herod,  whom  he  sent  back  bound  to  the  king  without  giving 
 Iheni  the  hearing:  but  still  the  Arabians,  who  of  old  bare  ill-will  to  Herod's  government,  were 
 nettled,  and- at  that  time  attempted  to  raise  a  sedition  in  bis  dominions,  and  as  they  thought 
 upon  a  more  justifiable  occasion  :  for  Zenodorus,  despairing  already  of  success,  as  to  his  own 
 aft'airs,  prevented  [bis  enemies,]  by  selling  to  those  Arabians  a  part  of  his  principality,  called 
 Auranitis,  for  the  value  of  fifty  talents  ;  but  as  this  was  included  in  the  donations  of  Ca?sar, 
 they  contested  the  point  with  Herod,  as  nnjustly  deprived  of  what  they  had  bought.  Some- 
 times they  did  this  by  making  incursions  upon  him,  and  sometimes  by  attempting  force  against 
 liim,  and  sometimes  by  going  to  law  with  him.  Moreover,  they  persuaded  the  poorer  soldiers 
 to  help  them,  and  were  troublesome  to  him,  out  of  a  constant  hope  that  they  should  seduce  the 
 people  to  raise  a  sedition  ;  in  which  designs  those  that  are  in  the  most  miserable  circumstances 
 of  life,  are  still  the  most  earnest;  and  although  Herod  had  been  a  great  while  apprized  of  tbese 
 attempts,  yet  did  not  he  indulge  any  severity  to  them,  but  by  rational  methods  aimed  to  miti- 
 gate things,  as  not  willing  to  give  any  handle  for  tumults. 
 
 3.  Now  when  Herod  had  already  reigned  seventeen  years,  Caesar  came  into  Syria;  at  which 
 time  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gadara  clamoured  against  Herod,  as  one  that  was 
 heavy  in  his  injunctions,  and  tyrannical.  These  reproaches  they  mainly  ventured  upon  by  the 
 encouragement  of  Zenodorus,  who  took  his  oath  that  he  would  never  leave  Herod  till  he  had 
 procured  that  they  should  be  severed  from  Herod's  kingdom,  and  joined  to  Caesar's  province. 
 The  Gadarens  were  induced  hereby,  and  made  no  small  cry  against  him,  and  that  the  more 
 boldly,  because  those  that  had  been  delivered  up  by  Agrippa  were  not  punished  by  Herod, 
 who  let  them  go,  and  did  them  no  harm,  for  indeed  he  was  the  principal  man  in  the  world  who 
 appeared  almost  inexorable  in  punishing  crimes  in  his  own  family,  but  very  generous  in  remit- 
 ting the  offences  that  were  committed  elsewhere.  And  while  they  accused  Herod  of  injuries, 
 and  plunderings,  and  subversion  of  temples,  he  stood  onconcerned,  and  was  ready  to  make 
 Ills  defence.  However,  Caesar  gave  him  his  right  hand,  and  remitted  nothing  of  his  kindness 
 to  him,  upon  this  disturbance  by  the  mullitude ;  and  indeed  these  things  were  alleged  the  first 
 day,  but  the  hearing  proceeded  no  further;  for  as  the  Gadarens  saw  the  inclination  of  Caesar 
 and  of  his  assessors,  and  expected,  as  they  had  reason  to  do,  that  they  should  be  delivered  up 
 to  the  king,  some  of  them,  out  of  a  dread  of  the  torments  they  might  undergo,  cut  their  own 
 throats  in  the  night  time,  and  some  of  them  threw  themselves  down  precipices,  and  others  of 
 them  cast  themselves  into  the  river,  and  destroyed  themselves  of  their  own  accord  ;  which 
 accidents  seemed  a  sufficient  condemnation  of  the  rashness  and  crimes  they  had  been  guilty 
 of:  whereupon  Caesar  made  no  longer  delay,  but  cleared  Herod  from  the  crimes  he  was 
 accused  of.  Another  happy  accident  there  was,  which  was  a  further  advantage  to  Herod  at 
 this  time ;  for  Zenodorus'  belly  burst,  and  a  great  quantity  of  blood  issued  from  him  in  his 
 sickness,  and  he  thereby  departed  this  life  at  Antiocb  in  Syria;  so  Caesar  bestowed  his  coun- 
 try, which  was  no  small  one,  upon  Herod  ;  it  lay  between  Trachon  and  Galilee,  and  contained 
 Ulatha,  and  Paneas,  and  the  country  roiind  about.  He  also  made  him  one  of  the  procurators 
 of  Syria,  and  commanded  that  they  should  do  every  thing  with  his  approbation  ;  and,  in  short, 
 he  arrived  at  that  pitch  of  felicity,  that  whereas  there  were  but  two  men  that  governed  the 
 vast  Roman  empire,  first  Caesar,  and  then  Agrippa,  who  was  bis  principal  favourite  ;  Caesar 
 preferred  no  one  to  Herod  besides  Agrippa,  and  Agrippa  made  no  one  his  greater  friend  than 
 Herod  besides  Caesar.  And  when  he  had  acquired  such  freedom,  he  begged  of  Caesar  a 
 letrarcliy*  for  his  brother  Pheroras,  while  he  did  himself  bestow  upon  him  a  revenue  of  a  hun- 
 dred talents  out  of  his  own  kingdom,   that  in  case  he  came  to  any  harm  himself,  his  brother 
 
 •  A  '  tetrarchy'  properly  and  originally  denoted  the  fourth  part  of  an  entire  kingdom  or  country,  and  a 
 '  tetrarch"  one  that  was  a  ruler  of  such  a  fourth  part  which  always  implies  somewhat  less  extent  of  domiuion 
 and  powvr  tliivn  bcl  Ub'  l'.>  a  kiiife'dom  and  to  a  king. 
 
BOOK  XV.— CHAP.    X.  405 
 
 iiiislit  I'^e  in  safety,  and  tbal  bis  sons  might  not  have  dominion  over  him.  So  when  he  had 
 conducted  CsEsar  to  the  sea,  and  was  returned  home,  he  built  him  a  most  beautiful  temple  of 
 the  whitest  stone,  in  Zenodorus'  country,  near  the  place  called  Paniura.  This  is  a  very  line 
 cave  in  a  mountain,  under  which  there  is  a  great  cavity  in  the  earth,  and  the  cavern  is  abrupt, 
 and  prodigiously  deep,  and  full  of  a  still  water;  over  it  hangs  a  vast  mountain  ;  and  under  the 
 caverns  arise  the  springs  of  the  river  Jordan.  Herod  adorned  this  place,  which  was  already 
 a  very  remarkable  one,  still  further,  by  the  erection  of  this  temple,  which  he  dedicated  to 
 Ca;sar. 
 
 4.  At  which  time  Herod  released  to  his  subjects  the  third  part  of  their  taxes,  under  pre- 
 tence indeed  of  relieving  them,  after  the  dearth  they  had  had  ;  but  the  main  reason  was,  to 
 recover  their  good-will,  which  he  now  wanted,  for  they  were  uneasy  at  him,  because  of  the 
 innovations  he  had  introduced  in  their  practices,  of  the  dissolution  of  their  religion,  and  of  the 
 disuse  of  their  own  customs;  and  the  people  every  where  talked  against  him,  like  those  that 
 were  still  more  provoked  and  disturbed  at  his  procedure :  against  which  discontents  he  greatly 
 guarded  himself,  and  took  away  the  opportunities  they  might  have  to  disturb  him,  and  enjoined 
 them  to  be  always  at  work,  nor  did  he  permit  the  citizens  either  to  meet  together,  or  to  walk, 
 or  to  eat  together,  but  watched  every  thing  they  did,  and  when  any  were  caught  they  were 
 severely  punished,  and  many  there  were  who  were  brought  to  the  citadel  Hyrcania,  both 
 openly  and  secretly,  and  were  there  put  to  death  ;  and  there  were  spies  set  every  where,  botii 
 in  the  city,  and  in  the  roads,  who  watched  those  that  met  together;  nay,  it  is  reported,  that 
 he  did  not  himself  neglect  this  part  of  caution,  but  that  he  would  oftentimes  himself  take  the 
 Iiabit  of  a  private  man,  and  mix  among  the  multitude,  in  the  night-time,  and  make  trial  what 
 opinion  they  had  of  his  government ;  and  as  for  those  that  could  no  way  be  reduced  to  acquiesce 
 under  his  scheme  of  government,  he  prosecuted  them  all  manner  of  ways,  but  for  the  rest  of 
 the  multitude,  he  required  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  him,  and 
 at  the  same  time  compelled  them  to  swear  that  they  would  bear  him  good-will,  and  continue 
 certainly  so  to  do,  in  his  management  of  the  government;  and  indeed  a  great  part  of  them, 
 cither  to  please  him,  or  out  of  fear  of  him,  yielded  to  what  he  required  of  them,  but  for  such 
 as  were  of  a  more  open  and  generous  disposition,  and  had  indignation  at  the  force  he  used  to 
 them,  he  by  one  means  or  other  made  away  with  there.  He  endeavoured  also  to  persuade 
 Pollio  the  Pharisee,  and  Sameas,  and  the  greatest  part  of  their  scholars,  to  take  the  oath;  bnt 
 these  would  neither  submit  so  to  do,  nor  were  they  punished  together  with  the  rest,  out  of  the 
 reverence  he  bore  to  Pollio.  The  Essens  also,  as  we  call  a  sect  of  ours,  were  excused  from 
 this  imposition.  These  men  live  the  same  kind  of  life  as  do  those  whom  the  Greeks  call 
 Pythagoreans,  concerning  whom  I  shall  discourse  more  fully  elsewhere.  However,  it  is  but 
 fit  to  set  down  here  the  reasons  wherefore  Herod  bad  these  Essens  in  such  honour,  and  thought 
 higher  of  them  than  their  mortal  nature  required;  nor  will  this  account  be  unsuitable  to  the 
 nature  of  this  history,  as  it  will  shew  the  opinion  men  had  of  these  Essens. 
 ^  Now  there  was  one  of  these  Essens,  whose  name  was  Manahem,  who  had  this  testimony, 
 tliat  he  not  only  conducted  his  life  after  an  excellent  manner,  but  had  the  foreknowledge  of 
 future  events  given  him  by  God  also.  This  man  once  saw  Herod  when  he  was  a  child,  and 
 going  to  school,  and  saluted  him  as  king  of  the  Jews  ;  but  he  thinking  that  either  he  did  not 
 know  him,  or  that  he  was  in  jest,  put  him  in  mind  that  he  was  but  a  private  man  ;  but  Mana- 
 liem  smiled  to  himself,  and  clapped  him  on  his  backside  with  his  hand,  and  said,  "  However 
 that  be,  thou  wilt  be  king,  and  wilt  begin  thy  reign  happily,  for  God  finds  thee  worthy  of  it. 
 And  do  thou  remember  the  blows  that  ]\Ianaliem  hath  given  thee,  as  being  a  signal  of  the 
 change  of  thy  fortune.  And  truly  this  will  be  the  best  reasoning  for  thee,  that  thou  love  justice 
 [towards  men,]  and  piety  towards  God,  and  clemency  towards  thy  citizens;  yet  do  1  know  how 
 thy  whole  conduct  will  be,  that  thou  wilt  not  be  such  a  one,  for  thou  wilt  excel  all  men  in 
 happiness,  and  obtain  an  everlasting  reputation,  but  wilt  forget  piety  and  righteousness  ;  and 
 these  crimes  will  not  be  concealed  from  God,  at  the  conclusion  of  thy  life,  when  thou  wilt  (ind 
 that  he  will  be  mindful  of  them,  and  punish  thee  for  them."  Now  at  that  time  Herod  did  not 
 at  all  attend  to  what  Manahem  said,  as  having  no  hopes  of  such  advancement;  but  a  little 
 afterward,  when  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  be  advanced  to  the  dignity  of  king,  and  was  in  the 
 height  of  his  dominion,  he  sent  for  Manahem,  and  asked  him.  How  long  he  should  reign? 
 Manahem  did  not  tell  him  the  full  length  of  his  reign,  wherefore,  upon  that  silence  of  his,  he 
 asked  him  further.  Whether  he  should  reign  ten  years,  or  not?  lie  replied,  "  Yes,  twenty,  fiay, 
 thirty  years,"  but  did  not  assign  the  just  determinal*'  limit  of  his  reign.  Herod  was  satisfied 
 with  these  replies,  and  gave  Manahem  his  hand,  and  dismissed  him,  and  from  that  time  he 
 continued  to  honour  all  the  Essens.  We  have  thought  it  proper  to  relate  these  facts  to  our 
 readers,  bow  strange  soever  they  be,  and  to  declare  what  hath  happened  among  us,  because 
 many  of  the  Essens  have  by  their  excellent  virtue  been  thought  worthy  of  this  knowledge  of 
 divine  revelations. 
 
40G  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 How  Herod  rebuilt  Ike  Temple,  and  7-aised  it  higher,  and  made  it  more  muijniftcenl  than  it  was 
 before;  as  also  concerning  that  Totver  which  he  called  Antonia. 
 
 §  I.  And  now  Herod,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign,  and  after  the  acts  already  uientiniied, 
 undertook  a  very  great  work,  that  is,  to  build  of  himself  the  temple  of  God,*  and  made  it 
 larger  in  compass,  and  to  raise  it  to  a  most  raagnificent  altitude,  as  esteeming  it  lo  be  the  most 
 glorious  of  all  his  actions,  as  it  really  was,  to  bring  it  to  perfection,  and  this  would  be  suffi- 
 cient for  an  everlasting  memorial  of  him  ;  but  as  he  knew  the  multitude  were  not  ready  nor 
 willing  lo  assist  him  in  so  vast  a  design,  he  thought  to  prepare  them  first  by  making  a  speech 
 to  them,  and  then  set  about  the  work  itself;  so  he  called  them  together,  and  spake  thus  to 
 them:  "  1  think  I  need  not  speak  to  you,  my  countrymen,  about  such  other  works  as  I  have 
 done  since  I  came  to  the  kingdom,  allhough  I  may  say  they  have  been  performed  in  such  a 
 manner  as  to  bring  more  security  to  you  than  glory  to  myself;  for  I  have  neither  been  negli- 
 gent in  the  most  difficult  times  about  what  tended  to  ease  your  necessities,  nor  have  the  build- 
 ings I  have  made  been  so  proper  to  preserve  me  as  yourselves  from  injuries;  and  I  imagine 
 that,  with  God's  assistance,  I  have  advanced  the  nation  of  the  Jews  to  a  degree  of  happiness 
 which  they  never  had  before;  and  for  the  particular  edifices  belonging  to  your  own  country, 
 and  your  own  cities,  that  we  have  lately  acquired,  which  we  have  erected  and  greatly  adorned, 
 and  thereby  augmented  the  dignity  of  your  nation,  it  seems  lo  n)e  a  needless  task  to  enume- 
 rate them  to  you,  since  you  well  know  them  yourselves ;  but  as  to  that  undertaking  which  I 
 Lave  a  mind  to  set  about  at  present,  and  which  will  be  a  work  of  the  greatest  piety  and  excel- 
 lence that  can  possibly  be  undertaken  by  us,  I  will  now  declare  it  to  you.  Our  fathers 
 indeed,  when  they  were  returned  from  Babylon,  built  this  temple  to  God  Almighty,  yet  does 
 it  want  sixty  cubits  of  its  largeness  in  altitude;  for  so  much  did  that  first  temple  which  Solo- 
 mon built  exceed  this  temple  ;  nor  let  anyone  condemn  our  fathers  for  their  negligence  or  want 
 of  piety  herein,  for  it  was  not  their  fault  that  the  temple  was  no  higher;  for  they  were  Cyrus, 
 and  Darius  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  who  determined  the  measures  for  its  rebuilding ;  and  it  hath 
 been  by  reason  of  the  subjection  of  those  fathers  of  ours  to  them,  and  to  iheir  posterity,  and 
 after  them  to  the  Macedonians,  that  they  had  not  the  opportunity  to  follow  tlie  original  model 
 of  this  pious  edilice,  nor  could  raise  it  to  its  ancient  altitude:  but  since  I  am  now,  by  God's 
 will,  your  governor,  and  I  have  had  peace  a  long  time,  and  have  gained  great  riches,  and  large 
 revenues,  and,  what  is  the  principal  thing  of  all,  I  am  at  amity  with,  and  well  regarded  by,  the 
 Romans,  who,  if  I  may  so  say,  are  the  rulers  of  the  whole  world,  I  will  do  my  endeavour  to 
 correct  that  imperfection,  which  hath  arisen  from  the  necessity  of  our  aifairs,  and  the  slavery 
 we  have  been  under  formerly,  and  to  make  a  thankful  return,  after  the  most  pious  manner,  to 
 God,  for  what  blessings  I  have  received  from  him,  by  giviug  me  this  kingdom,  and  that  by 
 rendering  his  temple  as  complete  as  I  am  able." 
 
 2.  And  this  was  the  speech  which  Herod  made  to  them:  but  still  this  speech  afiTrighlcd 
 many  of  the  people,  as  being  unexpected  by  them  ;  and,  because  it  seemed  incredible,  it  did 
 not  encourage  them,  but  put  a  damp  upon  them,  for  they  were  afraid  that  be  would  pull  dovva 
 the  whole  edifice,  and  not  be  able  to  bring  his  intentions  to  perfection  for  its  rebuilding ;  and 
 this  danger  appeared  to  them  to  be  very  great,  and  the  vastness  of  the  undertaking  to  be  such 
 as  could  hardly  be  accomplished.  But  while  they  were  in  this  disposition,  the  king  encouraged 
 them,  and  told  them,  "  he  would  not  pull  down  their  temple  till  all  things  were  gotten  ready 
 for  building  it  up  entirely  again."  And  as  he  promised  them  this  beforehand,  so  he  did  not 
 break  his  word  with  them,  but  got  ready  a  thousand  waggons,  that  were  to  bring  stones  for 
 the  building,  and  chose  out  ten  thousand  of  the  most  skilful  workmen,  aud  brought  a  thousand 
 sacerdotal  garments  for  as  many  of  the  priests,  and  had  some  of  them  taught  the  arts  of  stone- 
 cutters, and  others  of  carpenters,  and  then  began  to  build,  but  this  not  till  every  thing  was  well 
 prepared  for  the  work. 
 
 3.  So  Herod  took  away  the  old  foundations,  and  laid  others,  and  erected  the  temple  upon 
 them,  being  in  length  a  hundred  cubits,  and  in  height  twenty  additional  cubits,  which  [twenty,] 
 upon  the  sinking  of  their  foundations,!  fell  down  :  and  this  part  it  was  that  we  resolved  to 
 raise  again  in  the  days  of  Nero.     Now   the  temple  was  built  of  stones  that  were  white  and 
 
 •  We  mav  here  ohserve,  that  the  faticv  of  the  modern  Jews,  in  -.ailing  this  temple,  which  was  reall)-  the 
 '  tViriV  of  their  temples,  the  '  second'  temple,  followed  so  long  bv  I'Ster  Christians,  seems  to  be  without  any 
 feolid  foundation.  'I'he  reason  why  the  Christians  here  followed  the  'ews,  is,  because  the  prophecy  ot  ilag- 
 pai  ii.  0—0.  which  they  expound  of  the  Messiah's  coniius,'  to  the  secou,*  or  Zorobabel  s  temple,  of  which  they 
 snppose  this  of  ITerod's  to  be  only  a  continuation,  which  is  meant,  T  think,  of  his  coming  to  the  fourth  and 
 •  last'  temple,  or  to  that  future,  largest,  and  most  glorious  one,  described  by  Ezekiel :  whence  1  take  the  former 
 notion,  how  general  soever,  to  he  a  great  mistake.    See  Lit.  Accomp.  of  Proph.  p.  "4. 
 
 f  Some  of  our  modern  students  in  architecture  have  made  a  strange  blunder  here,  when  they  imagine  that 
 Joseuhus  atiirms  the  entire  foundation  of  the  temple,  or  holy  house,  sunk  down  into  the  rocky  mountain  on 
 Which  it  stood,  no  less  than  twenty  cubits ;  whereas  lie  is  clear,  that  they  were  the  foundations  ot  the  addi- 
 tional twenty  cubits  only  above  the  hundred,  (made  perhaps  weak  on  purp<>se,  and  only  for  show  and  grao- 
 tieur,)  that  sunk  or  fell  down,  as  Ur.  Hudson  rightly  understands  him;  nor  is  the  thing  itself  possible  in  the 
 other  sense.  Agripoa's  prejiaration  for  building  the  inner  parts  of  the  terapls  twenty  cubits  higher,  (History 
 of  the  War,  b.  v.  cfiap.  i.  (,  .■>.)  must  in  all  probability  refer  to  this  matter,  -since  Jesephus  says  here,  that  this 
 which  had  fallen  down  was  designed  lo  be  raised  up  again  under  Nero,  under  wHom  Agrippa  made  that  pre- 
 
BOOK    XV. — CHAP.    XI.  407 
 
 strong,  and  each  of  tbeir  length  was  twenty-five  cu4jits,  tlifir  tieigiit  was  eight,  and  their 
 breadth  about  twelve  ;  and  the  whole  strnctnre,  as  was  also  the  structure  of  the  royal  cloister, 
 was  on  each  side  much  lower,  but  the  middle  was  much  higher,  till  they  were  visible  to  those 
 that  dwelt  in  the  country  for  a  great  many  furlongs,  bat  chiefly  to  such  as  lived  over  against 
 them,  and  those  that  approached  to  them.  The  temple  had  doors  also  at  the  entrance,  and 
 lintels  over  them,  of  the  same  height  with  the  temple  itself.  They  were  adorned  with  embroi- 
 dered vails,  with  their  flowers  of  purple,  and  pillars  interwoven  :  and  over  these,  but  nnder  the 
 crown-work,  was  spread  out  a  golden  vine,  with  its  branches  hanging  down  from  a  great 
 height,  tb*  largeness  and  fine  workmanship  of  which  was  a  surprising  sight  to  the  spectators, 
 to  see  what  vast  materials  there  were,  and  with  what  great  skill  the  workmanship  was  done. 
 He  also  encompassed  the  entire  temple  with  very  large  cloisters,  contriving  them  to  be  in  a 
 doe  proportion  thereto  ;  and  he  laid  out  larger  sums  of  money  upon  them  than  had  been  done 
 before  him,  till  it  seemed  that  no  one  else  had  so  greatly  adorned  the  temple  as  he  had  done. 
 There  was  a  large  wall  to  both  the  cloisters,  which  wall  was  itself  the  most  prodigious  work 
 that  was  ever  heard  of  by  man.  The  hill  was  a  rocky  ascent,  that  declined  by  degrees  towards 
 the  east  parts  of  the  city,  till  it  came  to  an  elevated  level.  This  hill  it  was  which  Solomon, 
 who  was  the  first  of  our  kings,  by  divine  revelation,  encompassed  with  a  wall  ;  it  was  of  excel- 
 lent workmanship  upwards,  and  round  the  top  of  it.  He  also  built  a  wall  below,  beginning  at 
 the  bottom,  which  was  encompassed  by  a  deep  valley;  and  at  the  south  side  he  laid  rocks 
 together,  and  bound  them  one  to  another  with  lead,  and  included  some  of  the  inner  parts,  till 
 it  proceeded  to  a  great  height,  and  till  both  the  largeness  of  the  square  edifice,  and  its  altitude, 
 were  immense,  and  till  the  vastness  of  the  stones  in  the  front  were  plainly  visible  on  the  out- 
 side, yet  so  that  the  inward  parts  were  fastened  together  with  iron,  and  preserved  the  joints 
 iramoveable  for  all  future  times.  When  this  work  [for  the  foundation]  was  done  in  this  man- 
 ner, and  joined  together  as  part  of  the  hill  itself  to  the  very  top  of  it,  he  wrought  it  all  into 
 one  outward  surface,  and  filled  up  the  hollow  places  which  were  about  the  wall,  and  made  it  a 
 level  on  the  external  upper  surface,  and  a  smooth  level  also.  This  hill  was  walled  all  round, 
 and  in  compass  four  furlongs,  [the  distance  of]  each  angle  containing  in  length  a  furlong  :  bnt 
 within  this  wall,  and  on  the  very  top  of  all,  there  ran  another  wall  of  stone  also,  having,  on  the 
 east  quarter,  a  double  cloister,  of  the  same  length  with  the  wall ;  in  the  midst  of  which  was 
 the  temple  itself.  This  cloister  looked  to  the  gates  of  the  temple ;  and  it  had  been  adorned  by 
 many  kings  in  former  times.  And  round  about  the  entire  temple  were  fixed  the  spoils  taken 
 from  barbarous  nations ;  all  these  had  been  dedicated  to  the  temple  by  Herod,  with  the  addi- 
 tion of  those  he  had  taken  from  the  Arabians, 
 
 4.  Now  on  the  north  side  [of  the  temple]  was  built  a  citadel,  whose  walls  were  square,  and 
 strong,  and  of  extraordinary  firmness.  This  citadel  was  built  by  the  kings  of  the  Asamonean 
 race,  who  were  also  high  priests  before  Herod,  and  they  called  it  the  Tower,  in  which  were 
 reposited  the  vestments  of  the  high  priest,  which  the  high  priest  only  put  on  at  the  time  when 
 he  was  to  ofl'er  sacrifice.  These  vestments  king  Herod  kept  in  that  place,  and  after  his  death 
 they  were  under  the  power  of  the  Romans,  until  the  time  of  Tiberins  Cscsar ;  under  whose 
 reign  Vitellius,  the  president  of  Syria,  when  he  once  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  been 
 most  magnificently  received  by  the  multitude,  had  a  mind  to  make  them  some  requital  for  the 
 kindness  they  had  shewed  him  ;  so,  upon  their  petition  to  have  those  holy  vestments  in  their 
 own  power,  he  wrote  about  them  to  Tiberius  Cajsar,  who  granted  Lis  request ;  and  this  their 
 power  over  the  sacerdotal  vestments  continued  with  the  Jews  till  the  death  of  king  Agrippa; 
 but  after  that,  Cassius  Longinus,  who  was  president  of  Syria,  and  Cuspius  Fadus,  who  was 
 procurator  of  Judea,  enjoined  the  Jews  to  reposit  those  vestments  in  the  Tower  of  Antonia,  for 
 that  they  ought  to  have  them  in  their  power,  as  they  formerly  had.  However,  the  Jews  sent 
 ambassadors  to  Claudius  Ca'sar,  to  intercede  with  liim  for  them,  upon  whose  coming,  king 
 Agrippa,  jun.  being  then  at  Rome,  asked  for,  and  obtained,  the  power  over  them  from  the 
 emperor,  who  gave  command  to  Vitellius,  who  was  (hen  commander  in  Syria,  to  give  it  them 
 accordingly.  Before  that  time,  they  were  kept  under  the  seal  of  the  high  priest,  and  of  the 
 treasurers  of  the  temple;  which  treasurers,  the  day  before  a  festival,  went  up  to  the  Roman 
 captain  of  the  temple  guards,  and  viewed  their  own  seal,  and  received  the  vestments  ;  and  again, 
 when  the  festival  was  over,  they  brought  them  to  the  same  place,  and  shewed  the  captain  of 
 the  temple  guards  their  seal,  which  corresponded  with  his  seal,  and  reposited  them  there. 
 And  that  these  things  were  so,  the  afllictions  that  happened  to  us  afterward  [about  them] 
 are  suflicient  evidence:  but  for  the  tower  itself,  when  Herod  the  king  of  the  Jews  had 
 fortified  it  more  firmly  than  before,  in  order  to  secure  and  guard  the  temple,  he  gratified 
 Antonius,  who  was  his  friend,  and  the  Roman  ruler,  and  then  gave  it  the  name  of  the  Tower  of 
 Antonia, 
 
 5.  Now  in  the  western  quarters  of  the  enclosure  of  the  temple  there  were  four  gates  ;  the 
 first  led  to  the  king's  palace,  and  went  to  a  passage  over  the  intermediate  valley;  two  more 
 led  to  the  suburbs  of  the  city;  and  the  last  led  to  the  other  city,   where  the  road  descended 
 
 pjirniicn.  But  what  Josephus  savs  presently,  that  Solomon  was  the  first  king  of  the  .Tews,  appears  by  the 
 iiarallel  place.  Antlq.  b.  xx.  chap.  ix.  57.  and  other  places,  to  be  meant  only  thu  first  of  David's  posterity, 
 atii  the  lirst  builder  of  the  temple. 
 
408  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 down  into  Ibe  valley  by  a  great  number  of  steps,  and  tlience  up  again  by  the  ascent,  for  tlio 
 city  lay  over  against  the  temple  in  the  manner  of  a  theatre,  and  was  encompassed  with  a  deep 
 valley  along  the  entire  south  quarter ;  but  the  fourth  front  of  the  temple,  which  was  southward, 
 had  indeed  itself  gates  in  its  middle,  as  also  it  had  the  royal  cloister,  with  three  walks  which 
 readied  in  length  from  the  east  valley  unto  that  on  the  west,  for  it  was  impossible  it  should 
 reach  any  farther  :  and  this  cloister  deserves  to  be  mentioned  better  than  any  other  under  the 
 sun ;  for  while  the  valley  was  very  deep,  cud  its  bottom  could  not  be  seen,  if  you  looked  from 
 above  into  the  depth,  this  farther  vastly  high  elevation  of  the  cloister  stood  upon  that  height, 
 insomuch,  that  if  any  one  looked  down  from  the  top  of  the  battlements,  or  down  both  those 
 altitudes,  he  would  be  giddy,  while  his  sight  could  not  reach  to  such  an  immense  depth.  This 
 cloister  had  pillars  that  stood  in  four  rows  one  over-against  the  other  all  along,  for  the  fourth 
 row  was  interwoven  into  the  wall,  which  [also  was  built  of  stone ;]  and  the  thickness  of  each 
 pillar  was  such,  that  three  men  might,  with  their  arms  extended,  fathom  it  round,  and  join 
 their  hands  again,  while  its  length  was  twenty-seven  feet  with  a  double  spiral  at  its  basis ;  and 
 the  number  of  all  the  pillars  [in  that  court]  was  a  hundred  and  sixty-two.  Their  chapiters 
 were  made  with  sculptures  after  the  Corinthian  order,  and  caused  an  amazement  [to  the  spec- 
 tators,] by  reason  of  the  grandeur  of  the  whole.  These  four  rows  of  pillars  included  three 
 intervals  for  walking  in  the  middle  of  this  cloister;  two  of  which  walks  were  made  parallel  to 
 each  other,  and  were  contrived  after  the  same  manner ;  the  breadth  of  each  of  them  was  thirty 
 feet,  the  length  was  a  furlong,  and  the  height  fifty  feet,  but  the  breadth  of  the  middle  part  of 
 the  cloister  was  one  and  a  half  of  the  other,  and  the  height  was  double,  for  it  was  much  higher 
 than  those  en  each  side  ;  but  the  roofs  were  adorned  with  deep  sculptures  in  wood,  represent- 
 ing many  sorts  of  figures  :  the  middle  was  much  higher  than  the  rest,  and  the  wall  of  the  front 
 was  adorned  with  beams,  resting  upon  pillars  that  were  interwoven  into  it,  an<l  that  front  was 
 all  of  polished  stone;  insomuch,  that  its  fineness,  to  such  as  had  not  seen  it,  was  incredible, 
 and  to  such  as  had  seen  it,  was  greatly  amazing.  Thus  was  the  first  enclosure,  in  the  midst 
 of  which,  and  not  far  from  it,  was  the  second,  to  be  gone  op  to  by  a  few  steps ;  this  was 
 encompassed  by  a  stone  wall  for  a  partition,  with  an  inscription,  which  forbade  any  foreigner 
 to  go  in  under  pain  of  death.  Now,  this  inner  enclosure  had  on  its  southern  and  northern 
 quarters  three  gates  [equally]  distant  one  from  another ;  but  on  the  east  quarter,  towards  the 
 sunrising,  there  was  one  large  gate,  through  which  such  as  were  pure  came  in,  together  with 
 their  wives,  but  the  temple  farther  inward  in  that  gate  was  not  allowed  to  the  women  ;  but 
 still  more  inward  was  there  a  third  [court  of  the]  temple,  whereinto  it  was  not  lawful  for  any 
 but  the  priests  alone  to  enter.  The  temple  itself  was  within  this ;  and  before  that  temple  was 
 the  altar,  upon  which  we  offer  our  sacrifices  and  burnt-offerings  to  God.  Into  none  of  these 
 three  did  king  Herod  enter,*  for  he  was  forbidden,  because  he  was  not  a  priest.  However, 
 he  took  care  of  the  cloisters,  and  the  outer  enclosures,  and  these  he  built  in  eight  years. 
 
 C.  But  the  temple  itself  was  built  by  the  priests  in  a  year  and  six  months:  upon  which  all 
 the  people  were  full  of  joy  ;  and  presently  they  returned  thanks,  in  the  first  place  to  God,  and 
 in  the  next  place,  for  the  alacrity  the  king  had  shewed.  They  feasted,  and  celebrated  this 
 rebuilding  of  the  temple:  and  for  the  king,  he  sacrificed  three  hundred  oxen  to  God,  as  did 
 the  rest,  every  one  according  to  his  ability  ;  the  number  of  which  sacrifices  is  not  possible  to 
 be  set  down,  for  it  cannot  be  that  we  should  truly  relate  it :  for  at  tlie  same  time  with  this 
 celebration  for  the  work  about  the  temple,  fell  also  the  day  of  the  king's  inauguration,  which 
 he  kept  of  an  old  custom  as  a  festival,  and  it  now  coincided  with  the  other,  which  coincidence 
 of  them  both  made  the  festival  most  illustrious. 
 
 7.  There  was  also  an  occult  passage  built  for  the  king:  it  led  from  Antonia  to  the  inner 
 temple,  at  its  eastern  gate;  over  which  be  also  erected  for  himself  a  tower,  that  he  might  have 
 the  opportunity  of  a  subterraneous  ascent  to  the  temple,  in  order  to  guard  against  any  sedition 
 which  might  be  made  by  the  people  against  their  kings.  It  is  also  reported,!  that  during  the 
 time  that  the  temple  was  building,  it  did  not  rain  in  the  daytime,  but  that  the  showers  fell  iu 
 the  night,  so  that  tlie  work  was  not  hindered.  And  this  our  fathers  have  delivered  to  us ;  nor 
 is  it  incredible,  if  any  one  have  regard  to  the  manifestations  of  God.  And  thus  was  performed 
 the  work  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple. 
 
 •  '  Into  none  of  these  three  did  king  Ilerod  enter,'  i.  e.  1.  'Not  into  the  court  of  the  priests;  2.  nor  into  the 
 holy  house  itself;  3.  nor  into  the  separate  place  belonging  to  the  altar,  as  the  words  following  imply,  for  none 
 but  priests,  or  their  atlendanis,  the  Levites,  might  come  into  any  one  of  them.  See  Antiq.  b.  xvi.  ch.  iv.  <)6. 
 when  f  lerod  goes  into  the  temple,  and  makes  a  speech  in  it  to  the  people,  but  that  could  only  be  into  the  court 
 of  Israel,  whither  the  people  could  come  to  hear  him. 
 
 +  This  tradition  which  Josephus  here  meutions,  as  delivered  down  from  fathers  to  their  children,  of  t'ai» 
 particular  remarkable  circumstance  relating  to  the  building  of  lierod's  temple,  is  a  demonstration  that  such 
 its  building  was  a  known  thing  in  Judea  at  that  time.  He  was  born  but  forty-six  years  after  it  is  related  to 
 have  been  finished,  and  might  himself  have  seen  and  spoken  witli  some  of  tlie  builders  themselves,  and  with  a 
 great  number  of  those  that  had  seen  it  building.  The  doubt  therefore  about  the  truth  of  this  history,  of  the 
 pulling  down  and  rebuilding  this  temple  by  Ilerod,  which  some  weak  people  have  indulged,  was  not  then  much 
 greater  than  it  soon  may  be,  whether  or  not  our  St.  Paul'-s  Church  in  l>ondou  was  burnt  down  in  the  fire  of 
 L/)adon,  A.  D.  1666,  and  rebuilt  by  Sir  Christopher  Wren  a  little  afterward. 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  I.  II.  409 
 
 BOOK  XVI. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  TWELVE  YEARS.-FUOM  TIIF.  FINISHING  OF  THE 
 TEMPLE  BY  HEROU,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  AND  ARISTOJJULUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 A  Law  of  Herod  about  Thieves.     Salome  and  Pheroras  calumviate  Alexander  and  Aristohuhts 
 
 upon  their  Return  from  Rome,  for  tvhom  yet  Herod  provides  Wives. 
 §  1.  As  king  Herod  was  very  zealous  in  Ibe  administration  of  liis  entire  government,  at)d 
 desirous  to  put  a  stop  to  particular  acts  of  injustice  which  were  done  by  criminals  about  tlie 
 city  and  country,  lie  made  a  law,  no  way  like  our  original  laws,  and  wliicli  he  enacted  of  him- 
 self, to  expose  iiousebreakers  to  be  ejected  out  of  his  kingdom  ;  wliich  punisliment  was  not  only 
 grievous  to  be  borne  by  the  offenders,  but  contained  in  it  a  dissolution  of  the  customs  of  nur 
 forefathers  ;  for  this  slavery  to  foreigners,  and  such  as  did  not  live  after  the  manner  of  Jews, 
 and  tiiis  necessity  that  they  were  under  to  do  whatsoever  such  men  should  command,  was  aa 
 offence  against  our  religious  settlement,  rather  than  a  punisliment  to  such  as  were  found  to 
 Lave  oflended,  such  a  punishment  being  avoided  in  our  original  laws  ;  for  those  laws  ordain, 
 that  the  thief  shall  restore  fourfold  ;  and  that  if  he  have  not  so  much,  he  shall  be  sold  indeed, 
 but  not  to  foreigners,  nor  so  that  he  be  under  perpetual  slavery,  for  he  must  have  been  released 
 alter  six  years.  But  this  law,  thus  enacted,  in  order  to  introduce  a  severe  and  illegal  punish- 
 ment, seemed  to  be  a  piece  of  insolence  in  Herod,  whtn  he  did  not  act  as  a  king,  but  »s  a 
 tyrant,  and  thus  contemptuously,  and  without  any  regard  to  his  subjects,  did  he  venture  to 
 introduce  such  a  punishment.  Now  this  penally,  thus  brought  into  practice,  was  like  Herod's 
 other  actions,  and  became  a  part  of  his  accusation,  and  an  occasion  of  the  hatred  be  lay  under. 
 
 2.  Now  at  this  time  it  was  that  he  sailed  to  Italy,  as  very  desirous  to  meet  with  Caesar,  and 
 to  see  his  sons  who  lived  at  Rome  :  and  Csesar  was  not  only  very  obliging  to  hira  in  other 
 respects,  but  delivered  him  his  sons  again,  ihat  he  might  take  them  home  with  him,  as  having 
 already  completed  themselves  in  the  sciences  ;  but  as  soon  as  theyoung  men  were  come  from 
 Italy,  the  multitude  were  very  desirous  1o  see  them,  and  they  became  conspicuous  among  them 
 all,  as  adorned  with  great  blessings  of  fortune,  and  having  the  countenances  of  persons  of  royal 
 dignity.  So  they  soon  appeared  to  be  the  objects  of  envy  to  Salome,  the  king's  sister,  and  lo 
 such  as  had  raised  calumnies  against  Mariamne  ;  for  lUey  were  suspicious,  that  when  these 
 came  to  the  government,  they  should  be  punished  for  the  wickedness  they  had  been  guilty  of 
 against  their  mother  :  so  they  made  this  very  fear  of  theirs  a  motive  to  raise  calumnies  against 
 them  also.  They  gave  it  out  that  they  were  not  pleased  with  their  father's  company,  because 
 he  had  put  their  mother  to  death,  as  if  it  were  not  agreeable  to  piety  to  appear  to  converse  with 
 their  mother's  murderer.  Now  by  carrying  these  stories,  that  had  indeed  a  true  foundation 
 [in  the  fact.]  but  were  only  built  on  probabilities  ;  as  to  the  present  accusation,  they  were  able 
 to  do  them  mischief,  and  to  make  Herod  take  away  that  kindness  from  his  sons  which  he  had 
 before  borne  lo  them,  for  they  did  not  say  these  things  to  liim  openly,  but  scattered  abroad 
 such  words  among  the  rest  of  the  multitude  ;  from  which  words,  when  carried  to  Herod,  he 
 was  induced  [at  last]  to  hate  them,  and  which  natural  ad'cction  itself,  eveu  in  length  of  time, 
 was  not  able  to  overcome  ;  yet  was  the  king  at  that  lime  in  a  condition  to  prefer  the  natural 
 ail'eclion  of  a  father  before  all  the  suspicions  and  calumnies  his  sons  lay  under  ;  so  he  respected 
 them  as  he  ought  to  do,  and  married  them  to  wives,  now  they  were  of  an  age  suitable  thereto. 
 To  Aristobulus  he  gave  for  a  wife  Bernice,  Salome's  daughter,  and  to  Alexander,  Glaphyra, 
 the  daughter  of  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Herod  twice  sailed  to  Afjrippa  :  and  how,  upon  the  Coniphdnt  of  the  Jews  in  Ionia  against 
 the  Greeks,  A(jrippa  confirmed  the  Laws  of  the  Jews  to  them. 
 
 §  1.  When  Herod  had  despatched  these  aflairs,  and  he  understood  that  Marcus  Agrippa  had 
 sailed  again  out  of  Italy  into  Asia,  he  made  haste  to  him,  and  besought  him  to  come  to  him 
 into  his  kingdom,  and  to  partake  of  what  he  might  justly  expect  from  one  that  had  been  his 
 gnest,  and  was  his  friend.  This  re()uest  he  greatly  pressed,  and  to  it  Agrippa  agreed,  and  came 
 intojudea;  whereupon  Herod  omitted  notliing  that  might  please  him.  He  entertained  hii-i 
 in  his  new-built  cities,  ?nd  shewed  him  the  edifices  he  had  built,  and  provided  all  sorts  of  the 
 best  and  most  costly  dainties  for  him  and  his  friends,  and  that  at  .Sebaste  and  Cicsarea,  about 
 that  port  that  he  had  built,  and  at  the  fortresses  which  he  had  erected  at  great  expenses,  Alex- 
 andrium,  and  Herodium,  and  Hyrcania.  He  also  conducted  him  to  the  city  Jerusalem,  where 
 all  the  people  met  hira  in  their  festival  garments,  and  received  him  with  acclamations.  Agrippa 
 also  ofl'ered  a  hecatomb  of  sacrifices  to  God  ;  and  feasted  the  people,  without  omitting  any  of 
 the  greatest  dainties  that  could  be  gotten.  He  also  took  so  much  pleasure  there,  thai  he  abode 
 many  days  with  them,  and  would  willingly  h:ive  staid  longer,  but  that  the   season  of  the  year 
 
 3  F 
 
410  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 made  lilin  make  haste  aviay  ;  for,  as  winter  was  cotuiog  on,  he  thought  it  not  safe  to  go  to  sea 
 later,  and  jet  he  was  of  necessity  to  return  again  to  louia. 
 
 2.  So  Agrippa  went  awav,  when  Herod  had  bestowed  on  him,  and  on  the  principal  of  those 
 that  were  with  him,  many  presenis  ,  but  king  Herod,  when  he  had  passed  the  winter  in  his  own 
 dominions,  made  haste  to  get  to  him  again  in  the  spring,  when  he  knew  he  designed  to  go  to  a 
 campaign  at  the  Bosphorus.  So  when  he  had  sailed  by  Rhodes,  and  by  Cos,  he  touched  at 
 Lesbos,  as  thinking  he  sliould  have  overtaken  Agrippa  there,  but  he  was  taken  short  here  by 
 a  north  wind,  which  hindered  his  ship  from  going  to  the  shore ;  so  he  continued  many  days  at 
 Chios,  and  there  he  kindly  treated  a  great  many  that  came  to  him,  and  obliged  them  by  giving 
 them  royal  gifts.  And  when  he  saw  that  the  portico  of  the  city  was  fallen  down,  which,  as  it 
 was  overthrown  in  the  Mithridatic  war,  and  was  a  very  large  and  fine  building,  so  was  it  not 
 so  easy  to  rebuild  that,  as  it  was  the  rest,  yet  did  he  furnish  a  sum  not  only  large  enough  for 
 that  purpose,  but  what  was  more  than  sufTicient  to  flnish  the  building,  and  ordered  them  not 
 to  overlook  that  portico,  but  to  rebuild  it  quickly,  that  so  the  city  might  recover  its  proper 
 ornaments.  And  when  the  high  winds  were  laid,  he  sailed  to  Mytilone,  and  thence  to  Byzan- 
 tium ;  and  when  he  heard  that  Agrippa  was  sailed  beyond  the  Cyanean  rocks,  ho  made  all  the 
 baste  possible  to  overtake  him,  and  came  up  with  him  about  Sinope,  in  Pontus.  He  was  seen 
 sailing  by  the  sbipraen  most  unexpectedly,  but  appeared  to  their  great  joy ;  and  many  friendly 
 salutations  there  were  between  them,  insomuch  that  Agrippa  thought  he  had  received  the 
 greatest  marks  of  the  king's  kindness  and  humanity  towards  him  possible,  since  the  king  had 
 come  so  long  a  voyage,  t-nd  at  a  very  proper  season,  for  his  assistance,  and  had  left  the  govern- 
 ment of  his  own  dominions,  and  thought  it  more  worth  his  while  to  come  to  him.  Accordingly, 
 Herod  was  all  in  all  to  Agrippa  in  the  management  of  the  war,  and  a  great  assistant  in  civil 
 affairs,  and  in  giving  him  counsel  as  to  particular  matters.  He  was  also  a  pleasant  companion 
 for  him  when  he  relaxed  himself,  and  a  joint  partaker  with  him  in  all  things  :  in  troubles, 
 because  of  his  kindness,  and  in  prosperity,  because  of  the  respect  Agrippa  had  for  him.  Now 
 as  soon  as  those  affairs  of  Pootus  were  finished,  for  wlinse  sake  Agrippa  was  sent  thither,  they 
 did  not  think  fit  to  return  by  sea,  but  passed  through  Paphlagonia  and  Cappadocia  ;  they  then 
 travelled  thence  over  great  Phrygia,  and  came  to  Ephesus,  and  then  they  sailed  from  Ephesos 
 to  Samos,  And  indeed  the  king  bestowed  a  great  many  benefits  on  every  city  that  he  came  to, 
 according  as  they  stood  in  need  of  them  ;  for  as  for  those  that  wanted  either  money  or  kind 
 treatment,  he  was  not  wanting  to  them  ;  hut  he  supplied  the  former  himself  out  of  his  own 
 expenses  :  he  also  became  an  intercessor  with  Agrippa  for  all  such  as  sought  after  his  favour, 
 and  he  brought  things  so  about,  that  the  petitioners  failed  in  none  of  their  suits  to  him,  Agrippa 
 being  himself  of  a  good  disposition,  and  of  great  generosity,  and  ready  to  grant  all  such 
 requests  as  might  be  advantageous  to  the  petitioners,  provided  they  were  not  to  the  detrimef  t 
 of  others.  The  inclination  of  the  king  was  of  great  weight  also,  and  still  excited  Agrippa,  who 
 was  himself  ready  to  do  good  ;  for  he  made  a  reconciliation  between  the  people  of  Ilium,  at 
 whom  he  was  angry,  and  paid  what  money  the  people  of  Chios  owed  Caesar's  procurators,  and 
 discharged  them  of  their  tributes  ;  and  helped  all  others  according  as  their  several  necessities 
 required. 
 
 3.  But  now  when  Agrippa  and  Herod  were  in  Ionia,  a  great  multitude  of  Jews,  who  dwelt 
 in  their  cities,  came  to  them,  and  laying  hold  of  the  opportunity  and  the  liberty  now  given  them, 
 laid  before  them  the  injuries  which  they  suflFered,  while  they  were  not  permitted  to  use  their 
 own  laws,  but  were  compelled  to  prosecute  their  lawsuits  by  the  ill  usage  of  the  judges,  upon 
 their  holy-days,  and  were  deprived  of  the  money  they  used  to  lay  up  at  Jerusalem,  and  were 
 forced  into  the  army,  and  upon  such  other  offices  as  obliged  them  to  spend  their  sacred  money : 
 from  which  burdens  they  always  used  to  be  freed  by  the  Romans,  who  had  still  permitted  them 
 to  live  according  to  their  own  laws.  When  this  clamour  was  made,  the  king  desired  of  Agrippa 
 that  he  would  hear  their  cause,  and  assigned  Nicolaus,  one  of  his  friends,  to  plead  for  those 
 their  privileges.  Accordingly,  when  Agrippa  had  called  the  principal  of  the  Romans,  and 
 such  of  the  kings  and  rulers  as  were  there,  to  be  his  assessors,  Nicolaus  stood  np,  and  pleaded 
 for  the  Jews  as  follows  :  "  It  is  of  necessity  incumbent  on  such  as  are  in  distress  to  have 
 recourse  to  those  that  have  it  in  their  power  to  free  them  from  those  injuries  they  lie  under; 
 and  for  those  that  now  are  complainants,  they  approach  you  with  great  assurance ;  for  as  they 
 have  formerly  often  obtained  your  favour,  so  far  as  they  have  even  wished  to  have  it,  they  now 
 only  entreat  that  you,  who  have  been  the  donors,  will  take  care  that  those  favours  you  have 
 already  granted  them  may  not  be  taken  away  from  them.  We  have  received  these  favours 
 from  you,  who  alone  have  power  to  grant  them,  but  have  them  taken  from  ns  by  such  as  are 
 no  greater  than  ourselves,  and  by  such  as  we  know  are  as  much  subjects  as  we  are  :  aud 
 certainly,  if  we  have  been  vouchsafed  great  favours,  it  is  to  our  commendation,  who  have 
 obtained  them,  as  having  been  found  deserving  of  such  great  favours ;  and  if  those  favours  be 
 but  small  cues,  it  would  be  barbarous  for  the  donors  not  to  confirm  them  to  us  ;  and  for  those 
 that  are  the  hindcrance  of  the  Jews,  and  use  them  reproachfully,  it  is  evident  that  they  aft'ront 
 botL  the  receivers,  while  they  will  not  allow  those  to  be  worthy  men  to  whom  their  excellent 
 rulprs  themselves  have  borne  their  testimony,  and  the  donors,  while  they  desire  those  favours 
 already  granted  may  be  abrogated.     Now  if  any  one  should  ask  these  Gentiles  themselves. 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  II.  411 
 
 which  of  the  two  tbings  they  would  choose  to  part  with,  their  lives,  or  the  customs  of  tbeir 
 forefathers,  tbeir  solemnities,  tbeir  sacrifices,  tlieir  festivals,  which  they  celebrated  in  honour 
 of  those  they  sappose  to  be  gods  ?  I  know  very  well  that  they  would  choose  to  sufler  any 
 thing  whatsoever,  rather  tbiin  a  dissolution  of  any  of  the  customs  of  their  forefathers  ;  for  a 
 great  many  of  them  have  rather  chosen  to  go  to  war  on  that  account,  as  very  solicitous  not  to 
 transgress  in  those  matters  :  and  indeed  we  take  au  estimate  of  that  happiness  which  all  man- 
 kind do  now  enjoy  by  your  means  from  this  very  thing,  thnt  we  are  allowed  every  one  to  wor- 
 ship as  our  own  institutions  require,  and  yet  to  live  [in  peace,]  and  although  they  would  not 
 be  thus  treated  themselves,  yet  do  they  endeavour  to  compel  others  to  comply  with  them,  as  if 
 it  were  not  as  great  an  instance  of  impiety,  profanely  to  dissolve  the  religious  solemnities  of 
 any  others,  as  to  be  negligent  in  the  observation  of  their  own  towards  tbeir  gods.  And  let  us 
 now  consider  the  one  of  these  practices  :  is  there  any  people  or  city,  or  community  of  men,  to 
 whom  your  government  and  the  Roman  power  does  not  appear  to  be  the  greatest  blessing  ?  Is 
 there  any  one  that  can  desire  to  make  void  the  favours  they  have  granted  ?  No  one  is  certainly 
 so  mad  :  for  there  are  no  men  but  such  as  have  been  partakers  of  their  favonrs,  both  public 
 and  private  ;  and  indeed  those  that  take  away  what  you  have  granted,  can  have  no  assurance  ; 
 but  every  one  of  their  own  grants  made  them  by  you,  may  be  taken  from  them  also  ;  which 
 grants  of  yours  can  yet  never  be  sufHciently  valued  ;  for  if  they  consider  the  old  governments, 
 under  kings,  together  with  your  present  government,  besides  the  great  number  of  benefits 
 which  this  government  hath  bestowed  on  them  in  order  to  their  happiness,  this  is  instead  of  all 
 the  rest,  that  they  appear  to  be  no  longer  in  a  state  of  slavery,  but  of  freedom.  Now  the  pri- 
 vileges we  desire,  even  when  we  are  in  the  best  circumstances,  are  not  such  as  deserve  to  be 
 envied,  for  we  are  indeed  in  a  prosperous  state  by  your  means,  but  this  is  only  in  common  with 
 others  ;  and  it  is  no  more  than  this  which  we  desire,  to  preserve  our  religion  without  any  pro- 
 hibition; which  as  it  appears  not  in  itself  a  privilege  to  be  envied  us,  soit  is  for  the  advantage 
 of  those  that  grant  it  to  us ;  for  if  the  divinity  delights  in  being  honoured,  he  must  delight  in 
 those  that  permit  him  to  be  honoured  :  and  there  are  none  of  our  customs  which  are  inhuman, 
 but  all  tending  to  piety,  and  devoted  to  the  preservation  of  justice;  nor  do  we  conceal  these 
 injunctions  of  ours,  by  which  we  govern  our  lives,  they  being  memorials  of  piety,  and  of  a 
 friendly  conversation  among  men :  and  the  seventh  day  we  set  apart  from  labour  ;  it  is  dedi- 
 cated to  the  learning  of  our  customs  and  laws,*  we  thinking  it  proper  to  reflect  on  them,  as  well 
 as  on  any  [good]  thing  else,  in  order  to  our  avoiding  of  sin.  If  any  one,  therefore,  examine 
 into  our  observances,  he  will  find  they  are  good  in  themselvi'S,  and  that  they  are  ancient  also, 
 though  some  think  otherwise,  insomuch,  that  those  who  hare  received  them  cannot  easily  be 
 brought  to  depart  from  them,  out  of  that  honour  they  pay  to  the  length  of  titne  they  have  reli- 
 giously enjoyed  them  and  observed  them.  Now  our  adversaries  take  these  our  privileges 
 away,  in  the  way  of  injustice  :  they  violently  seize  upon  that  money  of  ours  which  is  offered  to 
 God,  and  called  sacred  money,  and  this  openly,  after  a  sacrilegious  manner  ;  and  they  impose 
 tributes  upon  us,  and  bring  us  before  tribunals  on  holy-days,  and  then  require  other  like  debts 
 of  us,  not  because  the  contracts  require  it,  or  for  their  own  advantage,  but  because  they  would 
 put  an  affront  on  our  religion,  of  which  they  are  conscious  as  well  as  we,  and  have  indulged 
 themselves  in  an  unjust,  and,  to  them  involuntary,  hatred;  for  you/ government  over  all  is  one, 
 tending  to  the  establishing  of  benevolence,  and  abolishing  of  ill-will  among  such  as  are  dis- 
 posed to  it.  This  is  therefore  what  we  implore  from  thee,  most  excellent  Agrippa,  that  we 
 may  not  be  ill  treated  ;  that  we  may  not  be  abused  ;  that  we  may  not  be  hindered  from  mak- 
 ing use  of  our  own  customs  ;  nor  be  despoiled  of  our  goods  ;  nor  be  forced  by  these  men  to 
 do  what  we  ourselves  force  nobody  to  do  ;  for  these  privileges  of  ours  are  not  only  according 
 to  justice,  but  have  been  granted  us  by  you.  And  we  are  able  to  read  to  you  many  dei-rees 
 of  the  senate,  and  the  tables  that  contain  them,  which  are  still  extant  in  the  capitol,  concern- 
 ing these  things,  which  it  is  evident  were  granted  after  you  had  experience  of  our  fidelity 
 towards  you,  and  which  ought  to  be  valued  though  no  such  fideliiy  had  been  ;  for  you  have 
 hitherto  preserved  what  people  were  in  possession  of,  not  to  us  only,  but  almost  to  all  men, 
 and  have  added  greater  advantages  than  they  could  have  lio[)ed  for,  and  thereby  your  govern- 
 ment is  become  a  j^reat  advantage  to  them.  And  if  any  one  were  able  to  enumerate  the  bene- 
 fits you  have  cnnferrid  on  every  nation,  which  they  possess  by  your  means,  he  could  never 
 put  au  end  to  his  discourse  ;  but  that  we  may  demonstrate  that  we  are  not  unworthy  of  all 
 those  advantages  we  have  obtained,  it  will  be  suflicient  for  us  to  say  nothing  of  other  things, 
 but  to  speak  freely  of  this  king  who  now  governs  us,  and  is  now  one  of  thy  assessors  :  and 
 indeed,  in  what  instance  of  good- will,  as  to  your  bouse,  bath  he  been  deficient?  What  mark  of 
 fidelity  to  it  hath  he  omitted  ?  What  token  of  honour  hath  he  not  devised?  What  occasion  for 
 bis  assistance  of  you  hath  he  not  regarded  at  the  very  first?  What  hindereth,  therefore,  but 
 that  your  kindnesses  may  be  as  numerous  as  his  so  great  benefits  to  you  have  been.  It  may 
 also  perhaps  be  fit  here  not  to  pass  over  in  silence  the  valour  of  his  father  Antipalcr,  who, 
 when  Caesar  made  an  expedition  into  Egypt,  assisted  him  with  two  thousand  armed  men,  and 
 
 *  We  may  here  observe  the  ancient  practice  of  the  Jews,  c'  dedicating  the  Sabbath  day  not  to  idleness,  hut 
 ;o  llie  leaniing  their  sacred  rites  and  religious  custom.';,  and  to  the  mi;dilatioii  on  the  law  of  Moses.  The  lik» 
 10  which  we  mtel  with  elsowhore  iji  Josephus,  also  Ayaiust  Aiiioii,  b.  i.  ^  S2 
 
412  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 proved  iiifeiior  to  none,  neither  in  the  battles  on  land,  nor  in  the  management  of  the  navy ;  and 
 what  need  1  say  any  thing  of  how  great  weight  those  soldiers  were  at  thai  juncture?  or  how 
 many  and  bow  great  presents  they  were  vouchsafed  by  Caesar?  And  truly  I  ought  before 
 now  to  have  mentioned  the  epistles  which  Caesar  wrote  to  the  senate  ;  and  how  Antipater  had 
 honours,  and  the  freedom  of  the  city  of  Rome,  bestowed  upon  him,  for  these  are  demonstra- 
 tions both  that  we  have  received  these  favours  by  our  own  deserts,  and  do  on  that  account 
 petition  thee  for  thy  confirmation  of  them,  from  whom  we  had  reason  to  hope  for  them,  though 
 they  had  not  been  given  us  before,  both  out  of  regard  to  our  king's  disposition  towards  you, 
 and  your  disposition  towa'rds  him.  And  farther,  we  have  been  informed  by  those  Jews  that 
 were  there,  with  what  kindness  thou  earnest  into  our  country,  and  how  thou  offeredst  the  most 
 perfect  sacrifices  to  God  and  honoored  him  with  remarkable  vows,  and  how  thou  gavest  the 
 people  a  feast,  and  acceptedst  of  their  own  hospitable  presents  to  thee.  We  ought  to  esteem 
 ail  these  kind  entertainments  made  both  by  our  nation  and  our  city,  to  a  man  who  is  the  ruler 
 and  manager  of  so  much  of  the  public  affairs,  as  indications  of  that  friendship  which  thou  hast 
 returned  to  the  Jev?ish  nation,  and  which  hath  been  procured  them  by  the  family  of  Herod.  So 
 we  put  thee  in  mind  of  these  things,  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  now  sitting  by  thee,  and 
 make  our  request  for  no  more  but  this,  that  what  yon  have  given  us  yourselves,  you  will  not 
 see  taken  awav  by  others  from  us." 
 
 5.  When  Nicolaus  had  made  his  speech,  there  was  no  opposition  made  to  It  by  the  Greeks, 
 for  this  was  not  an  inquiry  made,  as  in  a  court  of  justice,  but  an  intercession  to  prevent  vio- 
 lence to  be  offered  to  the  Jews  any  longer ;  nor  did  the  Greeks  make  any  defence  of  them- 
 selves, or  deny  what  it  was  supposed  they  had  done.  Their  pretence  was  no  more  than  this, 
 that  while  the  Jews  inhabited  in  their  country,  they  were  entirely  unjust  to  them  [in  not  join- 
 ing in  their  worship,]  but  they  demonstrated  their  generosity  in  this,  that  though  they  wor- 
 shipped according  to  their  own  institutions,  they  did  nothing  that  ought  to  grieve  them.  So 
 when  Agrippa  perceived  that  they  had  been  oppressed  by  violence,  he  made  this  answer: 
 "  That  on  account  of  Herod's  good-will  and  friendship,  he  was  ready  to  grant  the  Jews  what- 
 soever they  should  ask  him,  and  that  their  requests  seemed  to  him  in  themselves  just  ;  and 
 that  if  they  requested  any  thing  farther,  he  should  not  scruple  to  grant  it  them,  provided  it 
 was  no  way  to  the  detriment  of  the  Roman  government  ;  but  that,  while  their  request  was  no 
 more  than  this,  that  what  privileges  they  had  already  given  them  might  not  be  abrogated,  he 
 confirmed  this  to  them,  that  they  might  continue  in  the  observation  of  their  own  customs,  with- 
 out any  one's  offering  them  the  least  injury."  And  when  he  had  said  this,  he  dissolved  the 
 assembly  ;  upon  which  Herod  stood  up,  and  saluted  him,  and  gave  him  thanks  for  the  kind 
 disposition  he  shewed  to  them.  Agrippa  also  took  this  in  a  very  obliging  manner,  and  saluted 
 him  again,  and  embraced  him  in  his  arras  ;  after  which  he  went  away  from  Lesbos  ;  but  the 
 king  determined  to  sail  from  Samos  to  his  own  country;  and  when  he  had  taken  his  leave  of 
 Agrippa,  he  pursued  his  voyage,  and  landed  at  Cassarea  in  a  few  days'  time,  as  having  favour- 
 able winds,  from  whence  he  went  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  gathered  all  the  people  together  to 
 an  assembly,  not  a  few  being  there  out  of  the  country  also.  So  he  came  to  them,  and  gave 
 them  a  particular  account  of  all  his  journey,  and  of  the  affairs  of  all  the  Jews  in  Asia,  how  by 
 his  means  they  would  live  without  injurious  treatment  for  the  time  to  come.  He  also  told 
 them  of  the  entire  good  fortune  he  had  met  with,  and  how  he  had  administered  the  govern- 
 ment, and  had  not  neglected  any  thing  which  was  for  their  advantage;  and  as  he  was  very 
 joyful,  he  now  remitted  to  them  the  fourth  part  of  their  taxes  for  the  last  year.  Accordingly, 
 they  were  so  pleased  with  his  favour  and  speech  to  them,  that  they  went  their  ways  with 
 great  gladness,  and  wished  the  king  all  manner  of  happiness. 
 
 CHAP.  in. 
 
 How  great  Disturbances  arose  in  Het-od's  Family  on  his  preferring  Antipater,  his  eldest  Son, 
 
 before  the  rest,  till  Alexander  took  that  Injury  very  heinously. 
 §  1.  But  now  the  affairs  in  Herod's  family  were  in  more  disorder,  and  became  more  severe  npon 
 him,  by  the  hatred  of  Salome  to  ihe  young  men  [Alexander  and  Aristobulus,]  which  desceuiKd 
 as  it  were  by  inheritance  [from  their  mother  Maiianine  :]  and  as  he  had  fully  succeeded  against 
 iheir  mother,  so  she  pmceeded  to  that  degree  of  madness  and  insolence  as  to  endeavour  that 
 none  of  her  posterity  might  be  left  alive,  who  might  have  it  in  their  power  to  revenge  her 
 death.  The  young  men  had  also  somewhat  of  a  bold  and  uneasy  disposition  toward  their 
 father,  occasioned  by  the  remembrance  of  what  their  mother  had  unjustly  suffered,  and  by 
 their  own  affectation  of  dominion.  The  old  grudge  was  also  renewed  ;  and  they  cast  reproaches 
 <in  Salome  and  Pheroras,  who  requited  the  young  men  with  malicl.ius  designs,  and  actually 
 laid  treacherous  snares  for  fheiu.  Now,  as  for  this  hatred  it  was  equal  on  both  sides,  but  the 
 manner  of  exerting  that  hatred  was  dilltTCUl :  for  as  for  the  young  men  they  were  iai,h, 
 reproaching  and  ailVonting  the  others  openly,  and  were  unexperienced  enough  to  think  it  the 
 most  generous  to  declare  their  minds  in  that  undaunted  manner :  but  the  others  did  not  take 
 that  method,  but  made  use  of  calumnies  after  a  subtle  and  a  spiteful  manner,  still  provoking 
 thj  young  men,  and  imagining  that  their  boldness  might  iu  time  turn  to  the  offering  violence 
 to  ihtir  father  ;  for  inasmuch  as   they  wtre  not  ashamed  of  tbc  pretended  crimes  of  their 
 
BOOK    XVI. —  CHAP.    III.  413 
 
 mother,  nor  thought  she  suiTered  justly,  these  supposed  that  it  might  at  leriRth  exceed  all 
 bounds,  and  induce  them  (o  think  tiioy  nni^ht  to  be  aven;i;ed  on  their  father,  though  it  were 
 bj  despatcliing  him  with  their  own  hatuls.  At  length  it  came  to  this,  tlint  the  whole  city  was 
 full  of  their  discourses,  and.  as  is  usual  in  such  contests,  the  unskilfuluiss  <.f  the  young  men 
 was  pitied,  but  the  contrivance  of  Salom»-  was  too  hird  for  them,  and  whiit  imputations  she 
 laid  upon  them  came  to  be  believed,  by  means  of  their  own  conduct  ;  for  they  were  so 
 deeply  aflected  with  the  death  cf  their  mother,  that  while  they  said  both  she  and  themselves 
 were  in  a  miserable  case,  they  vehemently  complained  of  her  pitiable  end,  which  indeed  was 
 truly  such,  and  said  tliat  they  were  themselves  in  a  pitiable  case  also,  because  they  were  forced 
 to  live  with  those  that  had  bifu  hei  murderers,  and  to  be  partakers  with  ihem. 
 
 2.  These  disorders  increased  greatly,  and  the  king's  absence  abroad  had  afl'orded  a  fit 
 opportunity  for  that  increase  ;  but  as  soon  as  Herod  was  returned,  and  had  made  the  fore- 
 mentioned  speech  to  the  multitude,  Pheroras  and  Salome  let  fall  words  immediately,  as  if  he 
 were  in  great  danger,  and  as  if  the  young  men  openly  threatened  that  they  would  not  spare 
 him  any  longer,  but  revenge  their  mother's  death  upon  him.  They  also  adiled  another  cir- 
 cumstance, that  their  hopes  were  fixed  on  Archelaus,  the  kingof  Cappadocia,  that  they  should 
 be  able  by  his  me-ns  to  come  to  Ca'sar,  and  accuse  their  father.  Upon  hearing  such  things, 
 Herod  was  immediately  disturbed  ;  and  iiuleed  was  the  more  astonished,  because  the  same 
 things  were  related  to  him  by  some  others  also.  He  then  called  to  mind  his  former  calamity, 
 and  considered  that  the  disorders  in  his  family  had  hindered  him  from  enjoying  any  comfort 
 from  those  that  were  dearest  to  him,  or  from  his  wife  whom  he  loved  so  well ;  and  suspecting 
 that  his  future  troubles  would  soon  be  heavier  and  greater  than  those  that  were  ))ast,  he  was 
 in  great  confusinn  of  vnind  ;  for  divine  Providence  had  in  reality  conferred  upon  him  a  great 
 many  outward  advantages  for  his  happiness,  even  beyond  his  hopes,  but  the  troubles  he  had 
 at  home  were  such  as  he  never  expected  to  have  met  with,  and  rendered  him  unfortunate  ;  nay, 
 both  sorts  came  upon  him  to  such  a  degree  as  no  one  could  imagine,  and  made  it  a  doubtful 
 question,  whether,  upon  the  comparison  of  both,  he  ought  to  have  exchanged  so  great  a  suc- 
 cess of  outward  good  things,  for  so  great  misfortunes  at  home,  or  whetber  he  ought  not  to 
 have  chosen  to  avoid  the  calamities  relating  to  his  family,  though  he  had,  for  a  compensation, 
 never  been  possessed  of  the  admired  grandeur  of  a  kingdom. 
 
 3.  As  he  was  thus  disturbed  and  aillicted,  in  order  to  depress  these  young  men,  he  brought 
 to  court  another  of  his  sons,  that  was  born  to  him  when  he  was  a  private  man  :  his  name  was 
 Antipater  ;  yet  did  he  not  then  indulge  him  as  he  did  afterwards,  when  he  was  quite  overcome 
 by  him,  and  let  him  do  every  thing  as  he  pleased,  but  rather  with  a  design  of  depressing  the 
 insolence  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne,  and  managing  this  elevation  of  his  so,  that  it  might  be  for  a 
 warning  to  them,  for  this  bold  behaviour  of  theirs  (he  thought)  would  not  be  so  great,  if  they 
 were  once  persuaded,  that  the  succession  to  the  kingdom  did  not  appertain  to  them  alone,  or 
 must  of  necessity  come  to  them.  So  be  introduced  Antipater  as  their  antagonist,  and  imagined 
 that  he  made  a  good  provision  for  discouraging  their  pride,  and  that  after  this  was  done  to  the 
 voung  men,  there  might  be  a  proper  season  for  expecting  these  to  be  of  a  better  disposition  : 
 but  the  event  proved  otherwise  than  ho  intended,  for  the  young  men  thought  he  did  ;hera  a 
 very  great  inJMry  :  and  as  Antipater  was  a  shrewd  man,  when  lie  had  once  obtaiuetl  this  de!;ree 
 of  freedom,  and  began  to  expect  greater  things  than  he  had  before  hoped  for,  he  had  but  one 
 single  design  in  his  head,  and  that  was,  to  distress  his  brethren,  and  not  at  all  to  yield  to 
 them  the  pre-eminence,  but  to  keep  close  to  his  father,  who  was  already  alienated  fmm  theni 
 by  the  calumnies  he  had  heard  about  them,  and  ready  to  be  wrought  upon  in  any  way  his  zeal 
 against  tliem  should  advise  him  to  pursue,  that  he  might  be  continually  more  and  more  severe 
 against  them.  Accordincly,  all  the  reports  that  were  spread  abroad  came  from  him,  while  he 
 avoided  himself  the  suspicion  of  those  discoveries  proceeding  from  him,  for  he  rather  chose  to 
 make  use  of  those  persons  for  his  assistants  that  were  unsuspected,  and  such  as  might  be 
 believed  to  speak  truth  by  reason  of  the  good-will  they  bare  to  the  king;  and  indeed  there 
 were  already  not  a  few  who  cultivated  a  friendship  witli  Antipater,  in  hopes  of  gaining  some- 
 what by  iiiin,  and  these  were  the  men  who  most  of  all  persuaded  Herod,  because  they  appeared 
 to  speak  thus  out  of  their  good-will  lo  him  :  and  while  these  joint  accusations,  from 
 various  foundations,  supported  one  another's  veracity,  the  young  men  themselves  aflordcd  far- 
 ther occasions  to  Antipater  also  :  for  they  were  observed  to  shed  tears  often,  on  account  of  the 
 injury  that  was  oft'ered  them,  and  had  their  mother  in  their  mouths,  and  amone  their  friends 
 they  ventured  to  reproach  their  father,  as  not  acting  justly  by  them  ;  all  v\hich  things  were 
 with  an  evil  intention  reserved  in  memory  by  Antipater  against  a  proper  opportunity  ;  and 
 when  they  were  told  to  Herod,  with  aggravations,  increased  the  disorder  so  much,  that  it 
 brought  a  great  tumult  into  the  family  ;  for  while  the  king  was  very  angry  at  imputations  that 
 were  laid  upon  the  sons  of  Mariamne,  and  was  desirous  to  bumble  them,  he  still  increased  the 
 honour  that  he  had  bestowed  on  Antipater;  and  was  at  last  so  overcome  by  his  persuasions, 
 that  he  brought  his  mother  to  court  also.  He  also  wrote  frequently  to  Ca;sar  in  favour  of  him, 
 and  more  earnestly  recommended  him  to  his  particular  care.  And  when  Agrippa  was  return- 
 ing to  Rome,  after  he   hud    (inishcd    his  ten  years'  government  in  Asia,*  Herod  sailed  from 
 
 *  I'liis  interval  often  years  for  the  diiratir.ii  of  Marnn's  Aijripi.a's  trovcrnincut  in  Asia,  seems  to  lie  true, 
 aiul  n;jTceablc  to  the  Homan  liistory.    bee  Usher's  Auiials  al  A.  M.  33'>2. 
 
414  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Juilea  ;  and  wben  he  met  with  him,  he  had  none  with  him  but  Aiitipater,  whom  he  delivered 
 to  Agrippa,  that  he  might  take  him  along  with  him,  together  with  many  presents,  that  so  he 
 might  become  Caesar's  friend,  insomuch,  that  things  already  looked  as  if  he  had  all  his  father  s 
 favour,  and  that  the  young  men  were  entirely  rejected  from  any  hopes  of  the  kingdom. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 How,  during  Antipaters  Abode  at  Rome,  Herod  brought  Alexander  and  Aristohulus  before 
 Ccesar,  and  accused  them.  Alexander'i  Defence  of  himself  before  Ccesar,  and  Reconciliation 
 to  his  Father. 
 
 §  1.  And  now,  what  happened  during  Antipater's  absence,  augmented  the  honour  to  which  he 
 had  been  promoted,  and  his  apparent  eminence  above  liis  brethren,  for  he  had  made  a  great 
 figure  in  Rome,  because  Herod  had  sent  recommendations  of  him  to  all  bis  friends  there,  only 
 he  was  gweved  that  he  was  not  at  home,  nor  had  proper  opportunities  of  perpetually  calura  • 
 niating  his  brethren  ;  and  his  chief  fear  was,  lest  his  father  should  alter  his  mind  and  enter- 
 tain a  more  favourable  opinion  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne  ;  and  as  he  had  this  in  his  mind,  he 
 did  not  desist  from  bis  purpose,  but  continually  sent  from  Rome  any  such  stories  as  he  hoped 
 might  grieve  and  irritate  his  father  against  bis  brethren,  under  pretence  indeed  of  a  deep  con- 
 cern for  his  preservation,  but  in  truth,  such  as  his  malicious  mind  dictated,  in  order  to  pur- 
 chase a  greater  hope  of  the  succession,  which  yet  was  already  great  in  itself;  and  thus  he  did 
 till  he  bad  excited  such  a  degree  of  anger  in  Herod,  that  he  was  already  become  very  ill  dis- 
 posed towards  the  young  men  ;  but  still,  while  he  delayed  to  exercise  so  violent  a  disgust 
 against  them,  and  that  he  might  not  either  be  too  remiss  or  too  rash,  and  so  offend,  he  thought 
 it  best  to  sail  to  Rome,  and  there  aci^use  his  sons  before  Caesar,  and  not  indulge  himself  in 
 any  such  crime  as  might  be  heinous  enough  to  be  suspected  of  impiety  ;  but  as  he  was  going 
 up  to  Rome,  it  happened  that  he  made  such  haste  as  to  meet  with  Caesar  at  the  city  Aquilei  :* 
 so  when  he  came  to  the  speech  of  Caesar,  he  asked  for  a  time  for  bearing  this  great  cause, 
 wherein  be  thought  himself  very  miserable,  and  presented  bis  sons  there,  and  accused  tbeni 
 of  their  mad  actions,  and  of  their  attempts  against  him  :  that  "  they  were  enemies  to  him  ; 
 and  by  all  the  means  they  were  able,  did  their  endeavours  to  shew  their  hatred  to  their  own 
 father,  and  would  take  away  his  life,  and  so  obtain  his  kingdom,  after  the  most  barbarous 
 manner ;  that  he  had  power  from  Cassar  to  dispose  of  it,  not  by  necessity,  but  by  choice,  to 
 biin  who  shall  exercise  the  greatest  piety  towards  him,  while  these  ray  sons  are  not  so  desirous 
 of  ruling,  as  they  are,  upon  a  disappointment  thereof,  to  expose  their  own  life  ;  if  so  be  they  may 
 but  deprive  their  father  of  his  life,  so  wild  and  polluted  is  their  mind  by  time  become,  out  of 
 their  hatred  to  him  ;  that  whereas  he  had  a  long  time  borne  this  his  misforlune,  he  was  now 
 compelled  to  lay  it  before  Caesar,  and  to  pollute  his  ears  with  such  language,  while  he  him- 
 self wants  to  know  what  severity  they  have  ever  suffered  from  him  ?  or  what  hardships  he 
 hath  ever  laid  upon  them  to  make  them  complain  of  him  ?  and  how  they  can  think  it  just,  that 
 he  should  not  be  lord  of  that  kingdom,  which  he  in  a  long  time,  and  with  great  danger,  had 
 gained,  and  not  allow  him  to  keep  it  and  dispose  of  it  to  him  who  should  deserve  best  ?  and 
 this,  with  other  advantages,  he  proposes  as  a  reward  for  the  piety  of  such  a  oae  as  will  here- 
 after imitate  the  care  he  hath  taken  of  it,  and  that  such  a  one  may  gain  so  great  a  requital  as 
 that  is  ;  and  that  it  is  an  impious  thing  for  them  to  pretend  to  meddle  with  it  beforeliaud,  for 
 he  who  hath  ever  the  kingdom  in  his  view,  at  the  same  time  reckons  upon  procuring  the  death 
 of  his  father,  because  otherwise  he  cannot  come  at  the  government  ;  that  as  for  himself,  he 
 had  hitherto  given  them  all  that  he  was  able,  and  what  was  agreeable  to  such  as  are  subject 
 to  the  royal  authority,  and  the  sons  of  a  king :  what  ornaments  they  wanted,  with  servants 
 and  delicate  fare,  and  had  married  them  into  the  most  illustrious  families,  the  one  [AristobnlusJ 
 to  his  sister's  daughter,  but  Alexander  to  the  daughter  of  king  Archelaus  ;  and  what  was  the 
 greatest  favour  of  all,  wben  their  crimes  were  so  very  bad,  and  he  had  authority  to  punish 
 them,  yet  had  he  not  made  nse  of  it  against  them,  but  had  brought  them  before  Cicsar 
 their  common  benefactor,  and  had  not  used  the  severity  which,  either  as  a  father  who  had  been 
 impiously  abused,  or  as  a  king  who  had  been  assaulted  treacherously,  he  might  have  done,  be 
 made  them  stand  upon  the  level  with  him  in  judgment;  that,  however,  it  was  necessary  that 
 all  this  should  not  be  passed  over  without  punishment,  nor  himself  live  in  the  greatest  fears  ; 
 nay,  that  it  was  not  for  their  own  advantage  to  see  the  light  of  the  sun  after  what  they  have 
 done,  although  they  should  escape  at  this  time,  since  they  had  done  the  vilest  things,  and 
 would  certainly  suffer  the  greatest  punishments  that  were  ever  known  among  mankind." 
 
 2.  These  were  the  accusations  which  Herod  laid  with  great  vehemency  against  his  sons 
 before  Cassar.  Now,  the  young  men,  both  while  he  was  speaking,  and  cliiefiy  at  bis  con- 
 cluding, wept,  and  were  in  confusion.     Now,  as  to  themselves,  they  knew  in  their  own   cou- 
 
 *  Although  Herod  met  Augustus  at  Aquilei,  yet  was  this  accusadon  of  his  sons  deferred  till  they  c^me  to 
 Kome,  as  i  3.  assures  us,  and  as  we  are  particularly  informed  in  the  history  of  the  War,  b.  1.  chap,  xxiii.  i  3. 
 though  what  he  here  says  belonged  distinctly  to  Alexander  the  elder  brother.  I  mean,  his  being  brought  to 
 Home,  is  here  justly  extended  to  both  the  brothers,  and  that  not  only  in  our  copies,  but  in  that  of  Zonaras  also  : 
 nor  is  there  reason  to  doubt  but  they  were  both  at  Uiis  solemn  hearing  by  Auguslsis.  although  the  defence 
 was  made  by  Akocauder  alone,  who  was  the  eldest  brotjier,  and  oue  that  could  speak  very  well.^ 
 
BOOK    XVI. — CHAP.    IV.  415 
 
 sciences  tliey  were  innocent,  but  because  tbey  were  accused  bj  tbeir  father,  tbey  were  sensi- 
 ble, as  the  truth  was,  that  it  was  hard  for  them  to  make  their  apology,  since,  though  Ihey 
 were  at  liberty  to  speak  their  minds  freely  as  the  occasion  required,  and  miglit  with  force 
 and  earnestness  refute  the  accusation,  yet  was  it  not  now  decent  so  to  do.  There  was  there- 
 fore a  difficulty  how  they  should  be  able  to  speak,  and  tears,  and  at  length  a  deep  groan  fol- 
 lowed, while  they  were  afraid,  that  if  they  said  nothing,  they  should  seem  to  be  in  this  difli- 
 culty  from  a  consciousness  of  guilt,  nor  had  they  any  defence  ready,  l)y  reason  of  their  youth, 
 and  the  disorder  they  were  under  ;  yet  was  not  Caesar  unapprized,  when  he  looked  upon  them 
 in  the  confusion  they  were  in,  that  their  delay  to  make  their  defence  did  not  arise  from  any 
 consciousness  of  great  enormities,  but  from  their  unskilfulness  and  modesty.  They  were  aJso 
 commiserated  by  those  that  were  there  in  particular,  and  they  moved  their  father's  affections 
 in  earnest,  till  he  had  much  ado  to  conceal  them. 
 
 3.  But  when  they  saw  there  was  a  kind  disposition  arisen  both  in  him  and  in  Caesar,  and 
 that  every  one  of  the  rest  did  either  shed  tears,  or  at  least  did  all  grieve  with  them,  the  one 
 of  Ihem,  whose  name  was  Alexander,  called  to  his  father,  and  attempted  to  answer  his  accusa- 
 tion and  said,  "O  father,  the  benevolence  thou  hast  shewed  to  us,  is  evident,  even  in  this 
 very  judicial  procedure,  for  hadst  thou  had  any  pernicious  intentions  about  us,  thou  hadst  not 
 produced  ns  bore  before  the  common  saviour  of  all,  for  it  was  in  thy  power,  both  as  a  king, 
 and  as  a  father,  to  punish  the  guilty,  but  by  thus  bringing  ns  to  Rome,  and  making  Caesar 
 lilmself  a  witness  to  what  is  done,  thou  intimatest  that  thou  intendest  to  save  us,  for  no  one 
 that  hath  a  design  to  slay  a  man  will  bring  him  to  the  temples,  and  to  the  altars  :  yet  are  our 
 circarastances  still  worse,  for  we  cannot  enduie  to  live  ourselves  any  longer,  if  it  be  believed 
 that  we  have  injured  such  a  father;  nay,  perhaps  it  would  be  worse  for  us  to  live  with  this 
 suspicion  upon  us,  that  we  have  injured  him,  than  to  die  without  such  guilt  :  and  if  our  open 
 defence  may  be  taken  to  be  true,  we  shall  be  happy,  both  in  pacifying  thee,  and  in  escaping 
 the  danger  we  are  in,  but  if  this  calumny  so  prevails,  it  is  more  than  enough  for  us  that  we 
 liave  seen  the  sun  this  day  ;  which  why  should  we  see,  if  this  suspicion  be  fixed  upon  us  ? 
 Now  it  is  easy  to  say  of  young  men,  that  they  desire  to  reign  ;  and  to  say  farther,  that  this 
 evil  proceeds  from  the  case  of  our  unhappy  mother.  This  is  abundantly  sufficient  to  produce 
 our  misfortune  out  of  the  former  ;  but  consider  well,  whether  such  an  accusation  does  not  suit 
 all  such  young  men,  and  may  not  be  said  of  them  all  promiscuously  ?  for  nothing  can  hinder 
 him  that  reigns,  if  he  have  children,  and  their  mother  be  dead,  but  the  father  may  have  a  sus- 
 picion upon  all  his  sons,  as  intending  some  treachery  to  him  :  but  a  suspicion  is  not  sufficient 
 to  prove  such  an  impious  practice.  Now  let  any  roan  say,  whether  we  have  actually  and  inso- 
 lently atteujpted  any  such  thing,  whereby  actions  otherwise  incredible,  use  to  be  made  credi- 
 ble. Can  any  body  prove  that  poison  hath  been  prepared  ?  or  prove  a  conspiracy  of  our 
 equals,  or  the  corruption  of  servants,  or  letters  written  against  thee  ?  though  indeed  there  are 
 none  of  those  things  but  have  sometimes  been  pretended  by  way  of  calumny,  when  they  were 
 never  done  ;  for  a  royal  family  that  is  at  variance  with  itself  is  a  terrible  thing  :  and  that 
 which  thou  callest  a  reward  of  piety,  often  becomes,  among  very  wicked  men,  such  a  founda- 
 tion of  hope,  as  makes  them  leave  uo  sort  of  mischief  untried  :  nor  does  any  one  lay  any 
 wicked  practices  to  our  charge  ;  but  as  to  calumnies  by  hearsay,  how  can  he  put  an  end  to  Uiem, 
 who  will  not  hear  what  we  have  to  say?  Have  we  talked  with  too  great  freedom?  yes  ;  but 
 not  against  thee,  for  that  would  be  unjust,  but  against  those  that  never  conceal  any  thing  that 
 is  spoken  to  them.  Hatli  either  of  us  lamented  our  mother?  yes  ;  but  not  because  she  is 
 dead,  but  because  she  was  evil  spoken  of  by  those  who  had  no  reason  so  to  do.  Are  we 
 desirous  of  that  dominion  which  we  know  our  father  is  possessed  of?  For  what  reason  can  we 
 be  so  ?  If  we  already  have  royal  honours,  as  we  have,  should  not  we  labour  in  vain  ?  And  if  we 
 liave  them  not,  yet,  are  not  we  in  hopes  of  them  ?  Or,  supposing  that  we  had  killed  thee, 
 could  we  expect  to  obtain  thy  kingdom?  while  neither  tlie  earth  would  let  us  tread  upon  it, 
 nor  the  sea  let  us  sail  upon  it,  after  such  an  action  as  that  :  nay,  the  religion  of  all  your  sub- 
 jects, and  the  piety  of  the  whole  nation,  would  have  prohibited  parricides  from  assuming  the 
 government,  and  from  entering  into  that  most  holy  temple  which  was  built  by  thee.*  But  sup- 
 pose we  had  made  light  of  other  dangers,  can  any  murderer  go  oft"  unpunished,  while  Cassar 
 is  alive?  We  are  thy  sons,  and  not  so  impious,  or  so  thoughtless,  as  that  comes  to,  though 
 perhaps  more  unfortunate  than  is  convenient  for  thee.  But  in  case  thou  neither  findest  any 
 causes  of  complaint,  nor  any  treacherous  designs,  what  sufficient  evidences  hast  thou  to  make 
 such  a  wickedness  of  ours  credible?  Our  mother  is  dead  indeed,  but  then  what  befell  her 
 might  be  an  instruction  to  us  to  caution,  and  not  an  incitement  to  wickedness.  We  are  will- 
 ing to  make  a  larger  apology  for  ourselves,  but  actions  never  done  do  not  admit  of  discourse  : 
 nuy,  we  will  make  this   agreement  with  tiiee,  and   that  before  Csesar,  the   lord  of  all,  who  is 
 
 work,  to  the  honour  ofCJod,  as  lUis  was."    Aut'iq.  b.  xvii.  chap.  vi.  <>  3 
 
4iG  AN TIQUlTlIilS  OF  THE  JETVS 
 
 MOW  a  mediator  between  us  :  If  tliou,  O  fatber,  canst  bring  tbyself,  Uy  tbe  evidence  ol"  trulb,  to 
 have  a  mind  free  from  suspicion  concerning  us,  iul  us  live,  tbougb  even  tLen  we  sball  live  iu 
 Mu  unhappy  way,  for  to  be  accused  of  great  act-i  of  wickedness,  tbougb  falsely,  is  a  terrible 
 tiling  ;  but  if  tboa  bast  any  fear  remaining,  continue  tbou  on  in  thy  pious  life,  we  will  give  tbis 
 reason  for  our  own  conduct,  our  life  is  not  so  desirable  to  as  ■*.&  to  desire  to  have  it,  if  it  tend 
 to  the  barm  of  our  fatber  wbo  gave  it  us." 
 
 4.  When  Alexander  had  thus  spoken,  Caesar,  who  did  not  before  believe  so  gross  a  calumny, 
 was  still  more  moved  by  it,  and  looked  intently  upon  Herod,  and  perceived  he  was  a  little 
 confounded  ;  the  persons  there  present  were  under  an  anxiety  about  the  young  men,  and  the 
 fame  that  was  spread  abroad  made  the  king  hated,  for  the  very  incredibility  of  the  calumny, 
 and  the  commiseration  of  the  flower  of  youth,  the  beauty  of  body,  which  vvere  in  the  young 
 men,  pleaded  for  assistance  ;  and  the  more  so  on  tbis  account,  that  Alexander  had  made  their 
 defence  with  dexterity  and  prudence;  nay,  they  did  not  themselves  any  longer  continue  in  their 
 former  countenances,  which  had  been  bedewed  with  tears  and  cast  downwards  to  the  ground, 
 but  now  there  arose  in  them  a  hope  of  the  best;  and  the  king  himself  appeared  not  to  have 
 bad  foundation  enough  to  build  such  an  accusation  upon,  be  having  no  real  evidence  wherewith 
 to  convict  tbeui.  Indeed  he  wanted  some  apology  for  making  the  accusation ;  but  Caesar,  after 
 some  delay,  said,  that  "  although  the  young  men  were  thoroughly  innocent  of  that  for  which 
 they  were  calumniated,  yet  had  they  been  so  far  to  blame,  that  they  had  not  demeaned  them- 
 selves towards  their  father  so  as  to  prevent  that  suspicion  which  was  spread  abroad  concern^ 
 ing  theui."'  He  also  exhorted  Herod  to  liy  all  such  suspicions  aside,  and  to  be  reconciled  to 
 bis  sons  ;  fur  that  it  was  not  just  tu  give  any  credit  to  such  reports  concerning  his  own  children  ; 
 and  that  this  repentance  on  both  sides  might  still  heal  those  breaches  that  had  happened 
 between  them,  and  might  improve  their  good- will  to  one  another,  whereby  those  on  both  sides, 
 excusing  the  rashness  of  their  suspicions,  might  resolve  to  b.>ar  a  greater  degree  of  aUection 
 towards  each  other  than  they  bad  before.  After  Caesar  had  given  them  this  admonition,  be 
 beckoned  to  the  young  men.  When  therefore  they  were  disposed  to  fall  down  to  make  inter- 
 cession to  their  father,  be  look  them  up,  and  embraced  them,  as  they  were  in  tears,  and  took 
 each  of  them  distinctly  in  his  arms,  till  not  one  of  those  that  were  present,  whether  freeman  or 
 slave,  but  was  deeply  aft'ected  with  what  they  saw. 
 
 5.  Then  did  tiiey  return  thanks  to  Caesar,  and  went  away  together;  and  with  them  went 
 Antipater,  with  a  hypocritical  pretence  that  he  rejoiced  at  this  reconciliation.  And  in  the  last 
 days  they  were  with  Caesar,  Herod  made  him  a  present  of  three  hundred  talents,  as  be  was 
 then  exhibiting  shows  and  largesses  to  the  people  of  Rome ;  and  Ca;sar  made  him  a  present  of 
 half  the  revenue  of  the  copper  mines  in  Cyprus,  and  committed  the  care  of  the  other  half  lo 
 Liiu,  and  honoured  him  with  other  gifts  and  incomes:  and  as  to  his  own  kingdom,  he  left  it  in 
 his  own  power  to  appoint  which  of  his  sons  be  pleased  for  bis  successor,  or  to  distribute  it  ia 
 parts  to  every  one,  that  the  dignity  might  thereby  come  to  them  all.  And  when  Herod  was 
 disposed  to  make  such  a  settlement  immediately,  Cajsar  said,  "  He  would  not  give  him  leave 
 to  deprive  himself,  while  he  was  alive,  of  the  power  over  bis  kingdom,  or  over  bis  sons." 
 
 6.  After  this  Herod  returned  to  Judea  again,  but  during  bis  absence  no  small  part  of  his 
 dominions  about  Trachnn  had  revolted,  whom  yet  the  commanders  he  left  there  had  vanquished, 
 and  compelled  to  a  submission  again.  Now,  as  Herod  was  sailing  with  his  sons,  and  was  come 
 over  against  Cilicia,  to  [the  island]  Eleusa,  which  hath  now  changed  its  name  for  Sebaste,  he 
 met  with  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  who  received  him  kindly,  as  rejoicing  that  be  was 
 reconciled  to  bis  sons,  and  that  the  accusation  against  Alexander,  who  had  married  his  daugh- 
 ter, was  at  an  end.  They  a!-o  wade  one  another  such  presents  as  it  became  kings  to  make. 
 From  thence  Herod  came  lo  Judea,  and  to  the  temple,  where  he  made  a  speech  to  the  people, 
 concerning  what  had  been  done  in  this  his  journey:  "He  also  discoursed  to  them  about 
 Caesar's  kindness  to  liim,  and  about  as  many  of  the  particulars  he  had  dene,  as  he  thought  it 
 for  bis  advantage  other  people  should  be  acquainted  with.  At  last  he  turned  his  speech  to  the 
 admonition  of  his  sons  ;  and  exhorted  those  that  lived  at  court,  and  the  multitude,  to  concord  ■ 
 and  informed  iheni,  that  his  sous  were  to  reign  after  him;  Antipater  lirst,  and  then  Alexander 
 and  Aristobulas,  the  sons  of  Mariamne;  but  he  desired  that  at  present  they  should  all  have 
 regard  to  himself,  and  esteem  him  king  and  lord  of  all,  since  be  was  not  yet  hindered  by  old 
 age,  but  was  in  that  period  of  life  whtn  he  must  be  the  most  skilful  in  governing;  and  that  he 
 was  not  deficient  in  other  arts  of  management  that  might  enable  liim  to  govern  the  kinrdom 
 well,  and  to  rule  over  bis  cliildren  also.  He  farther  told  the  rulers  under  bini,  and  the  sol- 
 diery, that  in  case  they  would  look  upon  him  alone,  their  life  would  be  led  in  a  peaceable 
 manner,  and  they  would  make  one  another  happy."  And  when  he  bad  said  this,  he  dismissed 
 the  assembly.  Which  speech  was  acceptable  lo  the  greatest  part  of  the  audience,  but  not  so 
 tn  them  all,  for  the  contention  among  his  sons,  and  the  hopes  he  had  given  them,  occasioned 
 thoughts  and  desires  of  innuvatious  among  them. 
 
BOOK  XVI.  — CIIAl'.    V.  417 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Hutv  Herod  celebrated  the  Games  that  were  to  return  every  fifth  Y'ear,  upon  the  Biiihling  of 
 Ciesarea;  and  how  he  biiiit  and  adorned  many  other  Places  after  a  magnificent  manner;  and 
 did  many  other  Actions  fjloriously. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Caesarea  Sebaste,  which  he  had  built,  was  finished.  The 
 entire  building  being  accomplished  in  the  tenth  yeir,  the  s  leiiinity  of  it  fell  into  the  tweufj'- 
 eiglith  year  of  Herod's  reiffii,  and  into  tlie  hundred  and  ninety-second  olympiad.  There  was 
 accordingly  a  great  festival,  and  most  sumptuous  preparations  made  presently,  iu  order  to  its 
 dedication,  for  he  had  appointed  a  contention  in  music,  and  games  to  be  performed  naked. 
 He  had  also  gotten  ready  a  great  number  of  those  that  fight  single  combafs,  nnd  of  beasts  for 
 the  like  purpose  :  horse  races  also,  and  the  most  chargeable  of  such  sports  and  shows  as  used 
 to  be  exhibited  at  Rome,  and  in  other  places.  He  consecrated  this  combat  to  Caesar,  and 
 ordered  it  to  be  celebrated  every  fifth  year.  He  also  sent  all  sorts  of  ornaments  for  it  out  of 
 his  own  furniture,  that  it  might  want  nothing  to  make  it  decent:  uay  Julia,  Casar's  wife,  sent 
 a  great  part  of  her  most  valuable  furniture  [from  Rome,]  insomuch  that  he  had  no  want  of  any 
 thing.  The  sura  of  them  all  was  estimated  at  five  hiuidred  talents.  Now  when  a  great  multi- 
 tude was  come  to  that  city,  to  see  the  shows,  as  well  as  the  ambassadors  whom  other  people 
 sent,  on  account  of  the  benefits  they  had  received  [from  Herod,]  he  entertained  them  all  in 
 the  public  inns,  and  at  public  tables,  and  with  perpetual  feasts,  this  solemnity  having  in  the 
 day-time  the  diversions  of  the  fights,  and  in  the  night-time  such  merry  meetings  as  cost  vast 
 sums  of  money,  and  publicly  demonstrated  the  generosity  of  his  soul,  for  in  all  his  undertakings 
 he  was  ambitious  to  exhibit  what  exceeded  whatsoever  had  been  done  before  of  the  same  kind. 
 And  it  is  related  that  Caesar  and  Agrippa  often  said,  that  "  the  dominions  of  Herod  were  too 
 Jiitle  for  the  greatnt-ss  of  his  soul,  for  that  he  deserved  to  have  both  all  the  kingdom  of  Syria, 
 and  that  of  Egypt  also." 
 
 2.  After  this  solemnity  and  these  festivals  were  over,  Herod  erected  another  city  in  the 
 plain  called  Capharsaba,  where  he  chose  out  a  fit  place,  both  for  plenty  of  water,  and  goodness 
 of  soil,  and  proper  for  the  production  of  what  was  there  planted,  where  a  river  encompassed 
 the  cily  itself,  and  a  grove  of  the  best  trees  for  magnitude  was  rouiai  about  it ;  this  be  named 
 Aiilipatris,  from  his  father  Autipater.  He  also  built  upon  another  spot  of  ground  above  Jericho, 
 of  tlie  same  name  with  his  mother,  a  place  of  great  security,  and  very  pleasant  for  habitation, 
 and  called  it  Cypres.  He  also  dedicated  the  finest  monuments  to  his  brother  Phasaelus,  on 
 account  of  the  great  natural  affection  there  had  been  between  them,  by  erecting  a  tower  in  the 
 city  itself,  not  less  than  the  tower  of  Pharos,  which  he  named  Phasaelus,  which  was  at  once  a 
 part  of  the  strong  defences  of  the  city  and  a  memorial  for  him  that  was  deceased,  because  it 
 bare  his  name.  He  also  built  a  city  of  the  same  name  in  the  valley  of  Jericho,  as  yon  go  from 
 it  northward,  whereby  he  rendered  the  neighbouring  country  more  fruitful,  by  the  cultivation 
 its  inhabitants  introduced  ;  and  this  also  be  called  Phasaelus. 
 
 3.  But  as  for  his  other  benefits,  it  is  impossible  to  reckon  them  up,  those  which  he  bestowed 
 on  cities,  both  in  .Syria  and  in  Greece,  and  in  all  the  places  be  came  to  in  his  voyages;-  for  he 
 seems  to  have  conferred,  and  that  after  a  most  i)lentiful  manner,  what  would  minister  to  many 
 necessities,  and  the  building  of  public  works,  and  gave  them  the  money  that  was  necessary  to 
 snch  works  as  wanted  it,  to  support  them  apon  the  failure  of  their  other  revenues :  but,  what 
 v»as  the  greatest  and  most  illustrious  of  all  his  works,  he  erected  Apollo's  temple  at  Rhodes, 
 at  his  own  expenses,  and  gave  them  a  great  number  of  talents  of  silver  for  the  repair  of  their 
 lleet.  He  also  built  the  greatest  part  of  the  public  edifices  for  the  inhabitants  of  Nicopolis,* 
 at  Actinm  :  and  for  the  Antiochians,  the  inhabitants  of  the  principal  city  of  Syria,  where  a 
 broad  street  cuts  through  the  place  lengthways,  he  built  cloisters  along  it  on  both  sides;  and 
 laid  the  open  road  with  polished  stone,  which  was  of  very  great  advantage  to  the  inhabitants. 
 And  as  to  the  01ymj>ic  games,  which  were  in  a  very  low  condition,  by  reason  of  the  failure  of 
 their  revenues,  he  recovered  their  reputation,  and  appointed  revenues  for  their  maintenance, 
 and  made  that  solemn  meeting  more  venerable,  as  to  the  sacrifices  and  other  ornaments:  and 
 by  reason  of  this  vast  liberality,  he  was  generally  declared  in  their  inscriptions  to  be  one  of  the 
 perpetual  managers  of  those  games. 
 
 4.  Now  some  there  are  who  stand  amazed  at  the  diversity  of  Herod's  nature  and  purposes ; 
 for  when  we  have  respect  to  his  magnificence,  and  the  benefits  which  he  bestowed  on  all  man- 
 kind, there  is  no  possibility  for  even  those  that  had  the  least  respect  for  him,  to  deny,  or  not 
 openly  to  confess,  that  he  had  a  natare  vastly  beneficent ;  bnt  when  anyone  looks  upon  the 
 punishments  he  inllicted,  and  the  injuries  he  did,  not  only  to  bis  subjects,  but  to  his  nearest 
 relations,  and  takes  notiie  of  his  severe  and  unrelenting  disposition  there,  he  will  be  forced  to 
 allow  that  he  was  brutish,  and  a  stranger  to  all  humanity,  insomncb  that  these  men  suppose  his 
 nature  to  be  different,   and  sometimes  at  contradiction  with  itself:  but  I  am  myself  of  another 
 
 *  Dr.  Iluflson  here  gives  us  the  words  of  Suetonius  concernlnfr  this  Nicopolis,  when  Augustus  rebuilt  It : 
 "  And  that  the  memory  of  the  victory  at  Actinm  misht  he  celebrated  the  more  afterward,  he  built  Mcopoli* 
 at  .Actium,  aud  .ipiiointed  public  shows  to  be  there  exhibited  every  fifth  year."    In  August,  j  18. 
 
 3   G 
 
418  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 opinion,  and  imagine  that  the  occasion  of  both  these  sort  of  actions  was  one  and  the  same ;  for 
 being  a  man  ambitious  of  honoar,  and  quite  overcome  by  that  passion,  he  was  induced  to  be 
 magnificent,  wherever  there  appeared  any  hopes  of  a  future  memorial,  or  of  reputation  at  pre- 
 sent ;  and  as  his  expenses  were  beyond  his  abilities,  he  was  necessitated  to  be  harsh  to  his 
 subjects ;  for  the  persons  on  whom  he  expended  his  money  were  so  many,  that  they  made  him 
 a  very  bad  procurer  of  it;  and  because  he  was  conscious  that  he  was  hated  by  those  under 
 him,  for  the  injuries  he  did  them,  he  thought  it  not  an  easy  thing  to  amend  his  offences,  for 
 that  it  was  inconvenient  for  his  revenue  ;  he  therefore  strove  on  the  other  side  to  make  their  ill- 
 will  an  occasion  of  his  gains.  As  to  his  own  court,  therefore,  if  any  one  was  not  very  obse- 
 quious to  him  in  his  language,  and  would  not  confess  himself  to  be  his  slave,  or  but  seemed  to 
 think  of  any  innovation  in  his  government,  he  was  not  able  to  contain  himself,  but  prosecuted 
 his  very  kindred  and  friends,  and  punished  them  as  if  they  were  enemies  ;  and  this  wickedness 
 he  undertook  out  of  a  desire  that  he  might  be  himself  alone  honoured.  Now  for  this  my 
 assertion  about  that  passion  of  his,  we  have  the  greatest  evidence,  by  what  he  did  to  honour 
 Cassar  and  Agrippa,  and  his  other  friends;  for  with  what  honours  he  paid  his  respects  to  them 
 who  were  his  superiors,  the  same  did  he  desire  to  be  paid  to  himself;  and  what  he  thought  the 
 most  excellent  present  he  could  make  another,  he  discovered  an  inclination  to  have  the  like 
 presented  to  himself.  But  now  the  Jewish  nation  is  by  their  law  a  stranger  to  all  such  things, 
 and  accustomed  to  prefer  righteousness  to  glory;  for  which  reason  that  nation  was  not  agree- 
 able to  him,  because  it  was  out  of  their  power  to  flatter  the  king's  ambition  with  statues  or 
 temples,  or  any  other  such  performances.  And  this  seems  to  me  to  have  been  at  once  the 
 occasion  of  Herod's  crimes,  as  to  his  own  courtiers  and  counsellors,  and  of  his  benefactions, 
 as  to  foreigners  and  those  that  had  no  relation  to  him. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 An  Embassage  of  the  Jews  in  Cyrene  and  Asia  to  Casar,  concerning  the  Complaints  they  had 
 to  make  against  the  Greeks :  with  Copies  of  the  Epistles  which  Casar  and  Agrippa  wrote  to 
 the  Cities  for  them. 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  cities  ill  treated  the  Jews  in  Asia,  and  all  those  also  of  the  same  nation  which 
 lived  in  Libya,  which  joins  to  Cyrene,  while  the  former  kings  had  given  them  equal  privileges 
 with  the  other  citizens ;  but  the  Greeks  aftronted  them  at  this  time,  and  that  so  far  as  to  take 
 away  their  sacred  money,  and  to  do  them  mischief  on  other  particular  occasions.  When  there- 
 fore they  were  thus  afflicted,  and  found  no  end  of  the  barbarous  treatment  they  met  with  amonpr 
 the  Greeks,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  Cajsar  on  those  accounts ;  who  gave  them  the  same  pri- 
 vileges as  they  had  before,  and  sent  letters  to  the  same  purpose  to  the  governors  of  the  pro- 
 vinces, copies  of  which  I  subjoin  here,  as  testimonials  of  ihe  ancient  favourable  disposition  the 
 Roman  emperors  had  towards  us. 
 
 2.  "  Caesar  Augustus,  high  priest,  and  tribune  of  the  people,  ordains  thus  :  Since  the  nation 
 of  the  Jews  hath  been  found  grateful  to  the  Roman  people,  not  only  at  this  time,  but  in  time 
 past  also,  and  chiefly  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest,  under  my  father  Cajsar  the  emperor,*  it  seemed 
 good  to  me  and  my  counsellors,  according  to  the  sentence  and  oath  of  the  people  of  Rome, 
 that  the  Jews  have  liberty  to  make  use  of  their  own  customs,  according  to  the  law  of  their 
 forefathers,  as  they  made  use  of  them  under  Hyrcanus  the  high  priest  of  Almighty  God  ;  and 
 that  their  sacred  money  be  not  touched,  but  be  sent  to  Jerusalem,  and  that  it  be  committed  to 
 the  care  of  the  receivers  at  Jerusalem;  and  that  they  be  not  obliged  to  go  before  any  judge 
 ■on  the  Sabbath  day,  nor  on  the  day  of  the  preparation  to  it,  after  the  ninth  hour  :t  but  if  any 
 one  be  caught  stealing  their  holy  books,  or  their  sacred  money,  whether  it  be  out  of  the  syna- 
 gogue, or  public  school,  he  shall  be  deemed  a  sacrilegious  person,  and  his  goods  shall  be 
 brought  into  the  public  treasury  of  the  Romans.  And  I  give  order,  that  the  testimonial  which 
 they  have  given  me,  on  account  of  my  regard  to  that  piety  which  I  exercise  toward  all  man- 
 kind, and  out  of  regard  to  Caius  Marcus  Censorious,  together  with  the  present  decree,  be  pro- 
 posed in  that  most  eminent  place  which  hath  been  consecrated  to  me,  by  the  community  of 
 Asia  at  Aocyra.  And  if  any  one  trausgress  any  part  of  what  is  above  decreed,  be  shall  be 
 severely  punished."     This  was  inscribed  upon  a  pillar  in  the  temple  of  Csesar. 
 
 3.  "  Caesar  to  Norbanus  Flaccus,  seudeth  greeting:  Let  those  Jews,  how  many  soever  they 
 be,  who  have  been  used  according  to  their  ancient  custom,  to  send  their  sacred  money  to  Jeru- 
 salem, do  the  same  freely."     These  were  the  decrees  of  Caesar. 
 
 4.  Agrippa  also  did  himself  write  after  the  manner  following,  on  behalf  of  the  Jews: 
 "  Agrippa,  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  sendeth  greeting :  I  will 
 fhat  the  care  and  custody  of  the  sacred  money  that  is  carried  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  be 
 left  to  the  Jews  of  Asia,  to  do  with  it  according  to  their  ancient  custom ;  and  that  such  as  steal 
 that  sacred  money  of  the  Jews,  and  fly  to  a  sanctuary,  shall  be  taken  thence  and  delivered  to 
 
 •  Augustus  here  calls  Julius  Csesar  his  'father,'  though  by  birth  he  was  only  his  'uncle,' on  account  of  his 
 adoption  bj-  him.    Soe  the  same,  Autiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  xiv.  ^4. 
 
 t  This  is  authentic  evidence,  that  the  .Tews,  in  the  days  of  Augustus,  began  to  prepare  for  the  celebration  of 
 the  Sabbath  at  the  ninth  hour  on  I'riday,  as  the  tradition  of  the  elders  did,  it  seems,  then  require  of  them. 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  VII.  419 
 
 tlie  Jews,  by  the  same  law  tbat  sacrilegious  persons  are  taken  tbence.  I  have  also  written  to 
 Sjlvanus  the  pretor,  that  no  one  compel  the  Jews  to  come  before  a  judge  on  the  Sabbath-day.' 
 
 5.  "  Marcos  Agrippa,  to  the  raa,^istrates,  senate,  and  people  of  Cyrene,  stndeth  greeting  » 
 The  Jews  of  Cyrene  have  interceded  with  me  for  the  performance  of  what  Augustus  sent 
 orders  about  to  Flavins,  the  then  pretor  of  Libya,  and  to  the  other  procurators  of  that  pro- 
 vince, that  the  sacred  money  may  be  sent  to  Jerusalem  freely,  as  hath  been  their  custom  from 
 their  forefathers,  they  complaining  tiiat  they  are  abused  by  certain  informers,  and,  under  pre- 
 tence of  taxes  which  were  not  due,  are  hindered  from  sending  them,  which  I  command  to  be 
 restored,  without  any  diminution  or  disturbance  given  to  them  :  and  if  any  of  that  sacred 
 iponey  in  the  cities  be  taken  from  their  proper  receivers,  I  farther  enjoin,  that  the  same  be 
 exactly  returned  to  the  Jews  in  tbat  place." 
 
 G.  "  Caius  Norbanus  Flaccus,  proconsul,  to  the  magistrates  of  the  Sardians  sendeth  greet- 
 ing :  Caesar  hath  written  to  me,  and  commanded  me  not  to  forbid  the  Jews,  how  many  soever 
 they  be,  from  assembling  together  according  to  the  custom  of  their  forefathers,  nor  from  send- 
 ing their  money  to  Jerusalem  :  I  have  Iberefme  written  to  you,  that  you  may  know  that  both 
 Cscsar  and  I  would  have  you  act  accordingly." 
 
 7.  Nor  did  Julius  Antooius,  the  proconsul,  write  otherwise,  "To  the  magiArates,  senate, 
 and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  sendeth  greeting  :  As  I  was  dispensing  justice  at  Ephesus,on  the 
 ides  of  February,  the  Jews  that  dwell  in  Asia  demonstrated  to  me,  that  Augustus  and  Agrippa 
 had  permitted  them  to  use  their  own  laws  and  customs,  and  to  offer  those  their  first-fruits 
 which  every  one  of  them  freely  offers  to  tiie  Deity  on  account  of  piety,  and  to  carry  them  in  a 
 company  together  to  Jerusalem  without  disturbance.  They  also  petitioned  nie,  that  I  also 
 would  confirm  what  had  been  granted  by  Augustus  and  Agrippa  by  my  own  sanction.  I  would 
 therefore  have  you  take  notice,  that  according  to  the  will  of  Augustus  and  Agrippa,  I  permit 
 them  to  use  and  do  according  to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers  without  disturbance." 
 
 8.  I  have  been  obliged  to  set  down  these  decrees,  because  t!ie  present  history  of  our  own 
 acts  will  go  generally  among  the  Greeks  ;  and  I  have  hereby  demonstrated  to  them  that  we 
 have  formerly  been  in  great  esteem,  and  have  not  been  prohibited  by  those  governors  we  were 
 under  from  keeping  any  of  the  laws  of  our  forefathers  :  nay,  that  we  have  been  supported  by 
 them,  while  we  followed  our  own  religion,  and  the  worship  we  paid  to  God  :  and  I  frequently 
 make  mention  of  these  decrees,  in  order  to  reconcile  other  people  to  us,  and  to  take  away  the 
 causes  of  that  hatred  which  unreasonable  men  bear  to  us.  As  for  our  customs,*  there  is  no 
 nation  which  always  makes  use  of  the  same,  and  in  every  city  almost  we  meet  with  them  dif- 
 ferent from  one  another  ;  but  natural  justice  is  most  agreeable  to  the  advantage  of  all  men 
 equally,  both  Greeks  and  barbarians,  to  which  our  laws  have  the  greatest  regard,  and  thereby 
 render  us,  if  we  abide  in  them  after  a  pure  manner,  benevolent  and  friendly  to  all  men  :  on 
 which  account  we  have  reason  to  expect  the  like  return  from  others,  and  to  inform  them  that 
 they  ought  not  to  esteem  difference  of  [lositive  institutions  a  snflicient  cause  of  alienation,  but 
 [join  with  us  in]  the  pursuit  of  virtue  and  probity,  for  this  belongs  to  all  men  in  common,  and 
 of  itself  alone  is  suflicieut  for  the  preservation  of  human  life,  I  now  return  to  the  thread  of 
 my  history, 
 
 CHAP,  VII. 
 Hoiv,  upun  Herod's  going  dnwii  into  David's  Sepulchre,  the  Sedition  in  his  Famili/  greatbj 
 
 increased. 
 
 §  i.  As  for  Herod,  he  had  spent  vast  sums  about  the  cities,  both  without  and  within  his  own 
 kingdom  :  and  as  he  had  before  heard  that  Hyrcanus,  who  had  been  king  before  him,  had 
 opened  David's  sepulchre,  and  taken  out  of  it  three  thousand  talents  of  silver,  and  that  there 
 was  a  much  greater  number  left  behind,  and  indeed  enough  to  sullice  all  his  wants,  he  had  a 
 great  while  an  intention  to  make  the  attempt ;  and  at  this  time  be  opened  that  sepulchre  by 
 night,  and  went  into  it,  and  endeavoured  that  it  should  not  beat  all  known  in  the  city,  but  took 
 ouly  his  most  faithful  friends  with  him.  As  for  any  money,  he  found  none,  as  Hyrcanus  had 
 done,  but  that  furniture  of  gold,  and  those  precious  goods  that  were  laid  up  there;  nil  which 
 he  took  away.  However,  he  bad  a  great  desire  to  make  a  more  diligent  search,  and  to  go  far- 
 ther in,  even  as  far  as  the  very  bodies  of  David  and  Solomon  ;  where  two  of  his  guards  were 
 slain,  by  a  llarac  that  burst  out  upon  those  that  went  in,  as  the  report  was.  So  he  was  terri- 
 bly affrighted,  and  went  out  and  built  a  propitiatory  monument  of  that  fright  he  had  been  in, 
 and  this  of  white  stone  at  the  mouth  of  the  sepulchre,  and  that  at  a  great  expense  also.  And 
 even  Nicolaus  his  historiographer  makes  mention  of  this  monument  built  l)y  Herod, t  though  he 
 
 •  The  rer.iainiug  part  of  this  chapter  is  remarkable,  as  justly  distinpuishing  natural  justice,  religion,  and 
 morality,  from  positive  institutions  in  all  countries,  and  evidently  preferring  the  former  before  tlie  latter, 
 as  did  the  true  prophets  of  (iod  always  under  the  Old  Testament,  and  Christ  and  his  apostles  always  under  tlie 
 >iew  ;  whence  our  Josephus  seems  to  have  been  at  this  time  nearer  Christianity  thai>  were  the  Scribes  and 
 Pharisees  of  his  age,  who,  as  we  know  from  the  New  Testament,  were  entirely  of  a  ditfereut  opinion  and 
 practice. 
 
 t  It  is  here  worth  our  observation,  how  careful  .Tosephus  was  to  the  discovery  of  truth  in  Herod's  history, 
 since  he  would  not  follow  Nicolaus  of  Damascus  himself,  so  great  an  historian,  where  there  was  great  reason 
 to  suspect  that  he  flattered  Herod;  which  impartiality  in  history  .loscphus  here  solemnly  professes,  and  of 
 which  imiiarliality  he  has  given  more  demonstration  than  almost  any  other  historian:  but  as  to  Herod's 
 faking  great  wealth  out  of  David's  sepulchre,  though  I  csuuot  prove  it,  yet  do  1  strongly  suspect  it  from  thi» 
 very  history, 
 
420  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 does  not  menlion  his  going  down  into  the  sepulchre,  as  knoning  that  action  to  beof  ill  repute  ; 
 nod  many  ollitr  things  he  treats  of  in  the  same  manner  in  his  book  ;  for  he  wrote  in  Herod's 
 lifetime,  and  under  his  reign,  and  so  as  to  please  him,  and  as  a  servant  to  him,  touching  upon 
 nothing  but  what  tended  to  his  glory,  and  openly  excusing  many  of  his  notorious  crimes,  and 
 very  diligently  concealiiig  Ihem.  And  as  be  was  desirous  to  put  handsome  colours  on  the 
 death  of  Mariamne  and  her  sons,  which  were  barbarous  actions  in  the  king,  he  tells  false- 
 iioods  about  the  incontinence  of  Mariamne,  and  the  treacherous  designs  of  his  sons  upon  him  ; 
 and  thus  be  proceeded  iu  his  whole  work,  making  a  pompous  encomium  upon  what  just  actions 
 he  had  done,  but  earnestly  apologizing  for  his  unjust  ones.  Indeed  a  man,  as  I  said,  may  have 
 a  great  deal  to  say  by  way  of  excuse  for  Nicolaus  ;  for  he  did  not  so  properly  write  this  as  a 
 history  for  others,  as  somewhat  tliat  might  be  subservient  to  the  king  himself.  As  for  our- 
 selves, who  come  of  a  family  nearly  allied  to  the  Asamonean  kings,  and  on  that  account  have  an 
 honourable  place,  which  is  the  priesthood,  we  think  it  indecent  to  say  any  thing  that  is  false 
 about  them,  nnd  accordinjily  we  have  described  their  actions  after  an  unblemished  and  upright 
 manner.  And  although  we  reverence  many  of  Herod's  posterity,  who  still  reign,  yet  do  we 
 j>ay  a  greater  regard  to  truth  than  to  them,  and  this  though  it  sometimes  happens  that  we  incur 
 their  displeasure  by  so  doing. 
 
 2.  And  indeed  Herod's  troubles  in  his  family  seem  to  be  augmented  by  reason  of  this  attempt 
 be  made  upon  David's  sepulchre,  whether  divine  vengeance  increased  the  calamities  he  lay 
 under,  in  order  to  render  them  incurable,  or  whether  fortune  made  an  assault  upon  him  in 
 those  cases,  wherein  the  seasonableness  of  the  cause  made  it  strongly  believed  that  the  cala- 
 mities came  upon  him  for  his  impiety ;  for  the  tumult  was  like  a  civil  war  in  his  palace,  and 
 their  hatred  towards  one  another  was  like  that  where  each  one  strove  to  exceed  another  in 
 calumnies.  However,  Antipater  used  stratagems  perpetually  against  his  brethren,  and  that 
 very  cunningly:  while  abroad,  be  loaded  them  with  accusations,  but  still  took  upon  him  fre- 
 quently to  apologize  for  them,  that  this  apparent  benevolence  to  them  might  make  him  be 
 believed,  and  forward  his  attempts  against  them,  by  which  means  he,  after  various  manners, 
 circumvented  his  father,  who  believed  that  all  he  did  was  for  his  preservation.  Herod  also 
 recommended  Ptolemy,  who  was  a  great  director  of  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom,  to  Antipater  ; 
 and  consulted  with  his  mother  about  the  public  affairs  also.  And  indeed  these  were  all  in  all, 
 and  did  what  they  pleased,  and  made  the  king  angry  against  any  other  persons,  as  they  thought 
 it  might  be  to  their  own  advantage  :  but  still  the  sons  of  Mariamne  were  in  a  worse  and  worse 
 condition  perpetually,  and  while  they  were  thrust  out,  and  set  in  a  more  dishonourable  rank, 
 who  yet  by  birth  were  the  most  noble,  they  could  not  bear  the  di.shonour.  And  for  the  women  ; 
 Glaphyra,  Alexander's  wife,  the  daughter  of  Archelaus,  hated  Salome,  both  because  of  her 
 love  to  her  husband,  and  because  Glaphyra  seemed  to  behave  herself  somewhat  insolently 
 towards  Salome's  daughter,  who  was  the  wife  of  Aristobulns,  which  equality  of  hers  to  her- 
 self Glaphyra  t^iok  very  impatiently. 
 
 3.  Now,  besides  this  second  contention  that  had  fallen  among  them,  neither  did  the  king's 
 brother  Pheroras  keep  himself  out  of  trouble,  but  had  a  particular  foundation  for  suspicion 
 and  hatred  ;  for  he  was  overcome  with  the  charms  of  his  wife  to  such  a  degree  of  madness, 
 that  he  despised  the  king's  daughter,  to  whom  he  bad  been  betrothed,  and  wholly  bent  his 
 mind  to  the  other,  who  bad  been  but  a  servant.  Herod  also  was  grieved  by  the  dishonour 
 that  was  done  him,  because  he  had  bestowed  many  favours  upon  him,  and  had  advanced  him 
 to  that  height  of  power  that  he  was  almost  a  partner  with  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  saw  that 
 Le  had  not  made  him  a  due  return  for  his  favours,  and  esteemed  himself  unhappy  on  that 
 account.  So  upon  Pheroras'  unworthy  refusal,  he  gave  the  damsel  to  Phasaelus's  son:  but 
 after  some  time,  when  he  thought  the  heat  of  his  brother's  affections  was  over,  he  blamed  him 
 for  his  former  conduct,  and  desired  him  to  take  his  second  daughter,  whose  name  was  Cypres. 
 Ptolemy  also  advised  him  to  leave  off  affronting  his  brother,  and  to  forsake  her  whom  he  bad 
 loved,  for  that  it  was  a  base  thing  to  be  so  enamoured  of  a  servant,  as  to  deprive  himself  of 
 the  king's  good-will  to  him,  and  become  an  occasion  of  his  trouble,  and  make  himself  hated 
 by  him.  Pheroras  knew  that  this  advice  would  be  for  his  own  advantage,  particularly  because 
 he  had  been  accused  before,  and  forgiven  ;  so  he  put  his  wife  away,  although  he  already  had 
 a  son  by  her,  and  engaged  to  the  king  that  he  would  take  his  second  danghter,  and  agreed  that 
 the  thirtieth  day  after  should  be  the  day  of  marriage;  and  swore  he  woald  have  no  farther 
 conversation  with  her  whom  he  had  put  away  ;  but  when  the  thirty  days  were  over,  he  was 
 such  a  slave  to  his  affections,  that  he  no  longer  performed  anything  he  had  promised,  but  con- 
 tinued still  with  his  former  wife.  This  occasioned  Herod  to  grieve  openly,  and  made  him 
 angry,  while  the  king  dropped  one  word  or  other  against  Pheroras  perpetually  ;  and  many 
 made  the  king's  anger  an  opportunity  for  raising  calumnies  against  him.  Nor  had  the  king 
 any  longer  a  single  quiet  day  or  hour,  but  occasions  of  one  fresh  quarrel  or  another  arose 
 among  his  relations,  and  those  that  were  dearest  to  him  ;  for  Salome  was  of  a  harsh  temper, 
 and  ill-natured  to  Mariamne's  sons  ;  nor  would  she  suffer  her  own  daughter,  who  was  the 
 wife  of  Aristobulus,  one  of  those  young  men,  to  bear  a  good-will  to  her  husband,  but  persuaded 
 her  to  tell  her  if  he  had  said  any  thing  to  her  in  private  ;  and  when  any  misunderstandings 
 happened,   as  is  common,  she  raised  a  great  many  suspicions  out  of  it ;  by  which  means  she 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  VII.  421 
 
 learned  all  tbeir  concerns,  and  made  the  damsel  ill-natured  to  the  yoimg  man.  And  in  order 
 to  gratify  her  mother,  she  often  said,  that  tlie  young  men  used  to  mention  Mariamne  when 
 they  were  by  themselves  :  and  that  they  hated  their  father,  and  were  continually  threatening, 
 that  if  they  had  once  got  the  kingdom,  they  would  make  Herod's  sons  by  his  former  wives 
 country  schoolmasters,  for  tiiat  the  present  education  which  was  given  them,  and  their  dili- 
 gence in  learning,  fitted  tliem  for  such  an  employment.  And  as  for  the  women,  whenever  they 
 saw  them  adorned  with  tlieir  motiier's  clothes,  they  threatened,  that  instead  of  their  present 
 gaudy  apparel,  they  should  be  clothed  in  sackcloth,  and  confined  so  closely  that  they  should 
 not  see  the  li;;ht  of  the  sun.  These  stories  were  presently  carried  by  Salome  to  the  king,  who 
 was  troubled  to  hear  them,  and  endeavoured  to  make  up  matters  :  but  these  suspicions  aflllcted 
 him,  and  becoming  more  and  more  uneasy,  he  believed  everybody  against  every  body.  How- 
 ever, upon  his  rebuking  his  sons,  and  hearing  the  defence  they  made  for  themselves,  he  was 
 easier  for  a  while,  though  a  little  afterwards  much  worse  accidents  came  upon  him. 
 
 4.  For  Pheroras  came  to  Alexander,  the  husband  o.f  Glaphyra,  who  was  the  daughter  of 
 Archelaus,  as  we  have  already  told  you,  and  said,  that  he  had  heard  from  Salome,  that  Herod 
 was  enamoured  of  Glaphyra,  and  that  his  passion  for  her  was  incurable.  When  Alexander 
 heard  that,  he  was  all  on  fire,  from  his  youth  and  jealousv  ;  and  he  iiilerpreted  the  instances 
 of  Herod's  obliging  behaviour  to  her,  which  were  very  frequent,  for  the  worse,  which  came 
 from  those  suspicions  he  had  on  account  of  that  word  which  fell  from  Pheroras  ;  nor  could  he 
 conceal  his  grief  at  the  thing,  but  informed  him  what  words  Pheroras  had  said.  Upon  which 
 Herod  was  in  a  greater  disorder  than  ever  ;  and  not  bearing  such  a  false  calumny,  which  was 
 to  his  shame,  was  much  disturbed  at  it  :  and  often  did  he  lament  the  wickedness  of  his  domes- 
 tics, and  how  good  he  had  been  to  them,  and  how  ill  requitals  they  had  made  him.  So  he  sent 
 for  Pheroras,  and  /  proached  him,  and  said,  "Thou  vilest  of  all  men!  art  ihou  come  to  that 
 unmeasurable  and  extravagant  degree  of  ingratitude,  as  not  only  to  suppose  such  things  of  me, 
 but  to  speak  of  them?  I  now  indeed  perceive  what  thy  intentions  are  :  it  is  not  thy  only  aim 
 to  reproach  me,  when  thou  usest  such  words  to  ray  son,  but  thereby  to  persuade  him  to  plot 
 against  me,  and  get  me  destroyed  by  poison.  And  who  is  there,  if  he  had  not  a  good  genius 
 at  his  elbow,  as  hath  my  son,  that  would  bear  such  a  suspicion  of  his  father,  but  would 
 revenge  himself  upon  him?  Dost  thou  suppose  that  thou  hast  only  dropped  a  word  for  him  to 
 think  of,  and  not  rather  hast  put  a  sword  into  his  hand  to  siny  his  father  ?  And  what  dost  tlion 
 mean,  when  thou  really  hatest  both  him  and  his  brother,  to  pretend  kindness  to  them,  only  in 
 order  to  raise  a  reproach  against  me,  and  talk  of  such  things  as  no  one  but  such  an  impious 
 wretch  as  thou  art  could  either  devise  in  their  mind,  or  declare  in  their  words.  Begone,  thou 
 that  art  such  a  plague  to  thy  benefactor,  and  thy  brother,  and  mav  that  evil  conscience  of  thine 
 go  along  with  thee  ;  while  I  still  overcome  ray  relations  by  kindness,  and  am  so  far  from 
 avenging  myself  of  them  as  they  deserve,  that  I  bestow  greater  benefits  upon  them  than  they 
 are  worthy  of." 
 
 5.  Thus  did  the  king  speak.  Whereupon  Pheroras,  who  was  caught  in  the  very  act  of  his 
 villany,  said,  that  "  it  was  Salome  who  was  the  framer  of  this  plot,  Hnd  that  the  words  carae 
 (Vom  her."  But  as  soon  as  she  heard  that,  for  she  was  at  hand,  slie  cried  out,  like  one  that 
 would  be  believed,  that  no  such  thing  ever  came  out  of  her  mouth  ;  tliat  they  all  earnestly 
 endeavoured  to  make  the  king  hate  her,  and  to  make  her  away,  because  of  the  good-will  she 
 bore  to  Herod,  and  because  she  was  always  fnreseeing  the  dangers  that  were  comingupon  him, 
 and  that  at  present  there  were  more  plots  against  him  than  usual  ;  for  while  she  was  the  only 
 person  who  persuaded  her  brother  to  put  away  the  wife  he  now  had,  and  to  take  the  king's 
 daughter,  it  was  no  wonder  if  she  were  hated  by  him.  As  she  said  this,  and  often  tore  her 
 hair,  and  often  beat  her  breast,  her  conntenance  made  her  denial  to  be  believed  ;  but  the  per- 
 verseness  of  her  manners  declared  at  the  same  time  her  dissimulation  in  these  proceedings  : 
 but  Pheroras  was  caught  between  them,  and  had  nothing  plausible  to  oflTer  in  his  own  defence, 
 while  he  confessed  that  he  had  said  what  was  charged  upon  him,  but  was  not  believed  when  he 
 said  he  had  heard  it  from  Salome:  so  the  confusion  among  them  was  increased,  and  their 
 quarrelsome  words  one  to  another.  At  last  the  king,  out  of  his  hatred  to  his  brother  and 
 sister,  sent  them  both  away  ;  and  when  he  had  commended  the  moderation  of  his  son,  and  that 
 he  had  himself  told  him  of  the  report,  he  went  in  the  evening  to  refresh  himself.  After  such 
 a  contest  as  this  had  fallen  out  among  them,  Salome's  reputation  suft'ored  greatly,  since  she 
 was  supposed  to  have  first  raised  the  calumny  ;  and  the  king's  wives  were  grieved  at  her,  as 
 knowing  she  was  a  very  ill-natured  woman,  and  sometimes  be  a  friend,  and  sometimes  an  enemy 
 at  difl'erent  seasons  :  so  they  perjietnally  said  one  thing  or  another  against  her,  and  somewhat 
 that  now  fell  out  iriac'e  them  the  bolder  in  speaking  against  her. 
 
 (i.  There  was  one  Obodas,  king  of  Aral)ia,  an  inactive  and  slothful  man  in  his  nature  ;  but 
 Sylleus  managed  most  of  his  afl'airs  for  him.  He  was  a  shrewd  man,  although  lie  whs  but 
 young,  and  was  handsome  withal.  This  Sylleus,  upon  some  occasion  coming  to  Herod,  and 
 supping  with  him,  saw  Salome,  and  set  his  heart  upon  her  ;  and,  understanding  thai  she  was 
 a  widow,  he  discoursed  with  her.  Now  because  Salome  was  at  this  time  less  in  favour  with 
 her  brother,  she  looked  upon  Sylleus  with  some  passion,  and  was  very  earnest  to  lie  married 
 to  hini;  and  on  the  days  following  there  appeared  many,  and  those  very  great,  indications  of 
 
422  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 tlieir  agreement  together.  Now  the  women  carried  this  news  to  the  king,  and  laughed  at  the 
 indecencj  of  it  ;  whereupon  Herod  inquired  about  it  farther  of  Pberoras,  and  desired  him  to 
 observe  them  at  supper,  how  their  behaviour  was  one  toward  another  ;  who  told  him,  that  by 
 the  signals  which  came  from  their  heads  and  their  eyes,  they  both  were  evidently  in  love. 
 After  this,  Sylleus  the  Arabian  being  suspected,  went  away,  but  came  again  in  two  or  three 
 months  afterwards,  as  it  were  on  that  very  design,  and  spake  to  Herod  about  it,  and  desired 
 that  Salome  might  be  given  him  to  wife  ;  for  that  his  affinity  might  not  be  disadvantageous  to 
 his  aflairs,  by  a  union  with  Arabia,  the  government  of  which  country  was  already  in  effect 
 under  his  power,  and  more  evidently  would  be  his  hereafter.  Accordingly,  when  Herod  dis- 
 coursed with  his  sister  about  it,  and  asked  her,  whether  she  were  disposed  to  this  match  ?  she 
 immediately  agreed  to  it.  But  when  Sylleus  was  desired  to  come  over  to  the  Jewish  religion, 
 and  then  he  should  marry  her,  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  do  it  on  any  other  terms,  he  could 
 not  bear  that  proposal,  and  went  bis  way ;  for  he  said  that  if  he  should  do  so,  he  should  be 
 stoned  by  the  Arabs.  Then  did  Pheroras  reproach  Salome  for  her  incontinency,  as  did  the 
 women  much  more  ;  and  said  that  Sylleus  had  debauched  her.  As  for  that  damsel,  whom  the 
 king  Lad  betrothed  to  bis  brother  Pheroras,  but  he  bad  not  taken  her,  as  I  have  before  related, 
 because  he  was  enamoured  of  bis  former  wife,  Salome  desired  of  Herod  she  might  be  given 
 to  her  son  by  Costobarus  ;  which  match  he  was  very  willing  to,  but  was  dissuaded  from  it  by 
 Pheroras,  who  pleaded,  that  this  young  man  would  not  be  kind  to  her,  since  his  father  had 
 been  slain  by  bim,  and  that  it  was  more  just  that  his  son,  who  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the 
 tetrarchy,  should  have  her  :  so  he  begged  his  pardon,  and  persuaded  him  to  do  so.  Accord- 
 ingly, the  damsel,  upon  this  change  of  her  espionsals,  was  disposed  of  to  this  young  man,  the 
 son  of  Pheroras,  the  king  giving  for  her  portion  a  hundred  talents. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  Herod  took  up  Alexander,  and  hound  him;  whom  yet  Archelaus,  King  of  Cappadocia, 
 reconciled  to  his  Father  Herod  again, 
 
 §  1.  But  still  the  affairs  of  Herod's  family  were  no  better,  but  perpetually  more  tronblesonie. 
 Now  this  accident  happened,  which  arose  from  no  decent  occasion,  but  proceeded  so  far  as  to 
 bring  great  difficulties  upon  him.  There  were  certain  eunuchs  which  the  king  had,  and  on 
 account  of  their  beauty  was  very  fond  of  them  ;  and  the  care  of  bringing  bira  drink  was 
 intrusted  to  one  of  them,  of  bringing  him  his  supper  to  another,  and  of  putting  him  to  bed  to 
 the  third,  who  almost  managed  the  principal  affairs  of  the  government ;  and  there  was  one  told 
 the  king  that  these  eunnchs  were  corrupted  by  Alexander  the  king's  son,  with  great  sums  of 
 money  :  and  when  they  were  asked,  whether  Alexander  had  had  criminal  conversation  with 
 them  ?  they  confessed  it,  but  said  they  knew  of  no  farther  mischief  of  his  against  his  father, 
 but  when  they  were  more  severely  tortured,  and  were  in  the  utmost  extremity,  and  the  tormen- 
 tors, out  of  compliance  with  Antipater,  stretched  the  rack  to  the  very  utmost,  they  said,  that 
 Alexander  bare  great  ill-will  and  innate  hatred  to  his  father  :  and  that  he  told  them,  that  Herod 
 despaired  to  live  much  longer ;  and  that  in  order  to  cover  his  great  age,  he  coloured  bis  hair 
 black,  and  endeavoured  to  conceal  what  would  discover  how  old  he  was  ;  but  that  if  he  would 
 apply  himself  to  bim,  when  he  should  attain  the  kingdom,  which,  in  spite  of  his  father,  could  come 
 to  no  one  else,  he  should  quickly  have  the  first  place  in  that  kingdom  under  him,  for  that  he 
 was  now  ready  to  take  the  kingdom,  not  only  as  his  birtb»right,  but  by  the  preparations  he 
 bad  made  for  obtaining  it,  because  a  great  many  of  the  rulers,  and  a  great  many  of  his  friends, 
 were  of  his  side,  and  those  no  ill  men  neither,  ready  both  to  do  and  tu  suffer  whatsoever  should 
 come  on  that  account. 
 
 2.  When  Herod  heard  this  confession,  he  was  all  over  anger  and  fear,  some  parts  seem- 
 ing to  him  reproachful,  and  some  made  bim  suspicious  of  dangers  that  attended  him,  inso- 
 much that  on  both  accounts  lie  was  provoked,  and  bitterly  afraid  lest  some  more  heavy  plot 
 was  laid  against  him  than  he  should  be  then  able  to  escape  from  ;  whereupon  he  did  not  now 
 icake  an  open  search,  but  sent  about  spies  to  watch  such  as  he  suspected,  for  he  was  now  over- 
 run with  suspicion  and  hatred  against  ull  about  him  ;  and  indulging  abundance  of  those  suspi- 
 cions, in  order  to  bis  preservation,  be  continued  to  suspect  those  that  were  guiltless  ;  nor  did 
 he  set  any  bounds  to  himself,  but  supposing  that  those  who  staid  with  him  had  the  most  power 
 to  hurt  him,  they  were  to  him  very  frightful  ;  and  for  those  that  did  not  use  to  come  to  bim, 
 it  seemed  enough  to  name  them  [to  make  them  suspected,]  and  he  thought  himself  safer  when 
 they  were  destroyed:  and  at  last  his  domestics  were  como  to  that  pass,  that  being  no  way  secure 
 of  escaping  themselves,  they  fell  to  accusing  one  another,  and  imagining  that  he  who  first  accused 
 another,  was  most  likely  to  save  himself;  yet,  when  any  had  overthrown  others,  they  were 
 bated,  and  they  were  thought  to  suffer  justly,  who  unjustly  accused  others,  and  they  only 
 thereby  prevented  their  own  accusation  ;  nay,  they  now  executed  their  own  private  enmities 
 by  this  means,  and  when  they  were  caught  they  were  punished  in  the  same  way.  Thus  these 
 men  contrived  to  make  use  of  this  opportunity  as  an  instrument  and  a  snare  against  their 
 enemies,  yet  when  they  tried  it,  were  themselves  caught  also  in  the  same  snare  which  they  laid 
 for  others  :  and  the  king  soon  repented  of  what  he  bad  done,  because  he  had  no  clear  evideooa 
 
BOOK    XVI.— CHAP.    Mil.  42-3 
 
 of  the  gnilt  of  those  whom  he  had  slain  ;  and  yet  what  was  still  more  severe  iu  him,  he  did 
 not  make  use  of  his  repentance  in  order  to  leave  oft"  doing  the  lika  again,  but  in  order  to 
 inflict  the  same  punishment  upon  their  accusers. 
 
 3.  And  in  this  state  of  disorder  were  llie  affairs  of  the  palace  :  and  he  had  already  told 
 many  of  bis  friends  directly,  that  tiiey  ought  not:,  to  appear  before  bini,  uor  come  into  the 
 palace  ;  and  the  reason  of  this  injunction  was,  that  [when  they  were  there]  lie  had  less  free- 
 dom of  acting,  or  a  greater  restraint  on  himself  on  their  account :  for  at  this  time  it  was  that 
 he  expelled  Andromachus  and  Gamellus,  men  who  had  of  old  been  his  friends,  and  been  very 
 useful  to  him  in  the  all'airs  of  his  kingdom,  and  been  of  advantage  to  his  family,  by  their 
 embassages  and  counsels  ;  and  bad  been  tutors  to  his  sons,  and  had  in  a  manner  the  first 
 degree  of  freedom  with  him.  He  expelled  Andromachus,  because  his  son  Demetrius  was  a 
 companinn  to  Alexander;  and  Gamellus,  because  he  knew  that  he  wished  him  well,  wlilcli 
 arose  from  his  having  been  with  him  in  his  youth,  when  he  was  at  school,  and  absent  at 
 Rome.  These  he  expelled  out  of  his  palace,  and  was  willing  enough  to  have  done  worse 
 by  tliem  ;  but  that  he  might  not  seem  to  take  such  liberty  against  men  of  so  great  reputation, 
 be  contented  himself  with  depriving  them  of  their  dignity,  and  of  their  power  to  hinder  his 
 wicked  proceedings. 
 
 4.  Now  it  was  Antipater  who  was  the  cause  of  all  this;  who  when  he  knew  what  a  mad 
 and  licentious  way  of  actiug  his  father  was  in,  and  had  been  a  great  while  one  of  his  coun- 
 sellors, he  hurried  him  on,  and  then  thought  he  should  bring  him  to  do  somewhat  to  purpose, 
 when  every  one  that  could  oppose  him  was  taken  away.  When  therefore  Andromachus  and 
 his  friends  were  driven  away,  and  had  no  discourse  nor  freedom  with  the  king  any  longer, 
 the  king  in  the  first  place  examined  by  torture  all  whom  he  thought  to  be  faithful  to  Alexan- 
 der, whether  they  knew  of  any  of  his  attempts  against  him  ;  but  these  died  without  having 
 any  thing  to  say  to  that  matter,  which  made  the  king  more  zealous  [after  discoveries,]  when 
 he  could  not  find  out  what  evil  proceedings  he  suspected  them  of.  As  for  Antipater,  he  was 
 very  sagacious  to  raise  a  calumny  against  those  that  were  really  innocent,  as  if  their  denial 
 was  only  their  constancy  and  fidelity  [to  Alexander,]  and  thereupon  provoked  Herod  to  discover, 
 by  the  torture  of  great  numbers,  what  attempts  were  still  concealed.  Now  there  was  a  cer- 
 tain person  among  the  many  that  were  tortured,  who  said,  that  he  knew  that  the  young  man 
 bad  often  said,  that  when  he  was  commended  as  a  tall  man  in  his  body,  and  a  skilful  marks- 
 man, and  that  in  his  commendable  exercises  he  exceeded  all  men,  these  qualifications  given 
 him  by  nature,  though  good  in  themselves,  were  not  advaulfigeous  to  him,  because  his  father 
 was  grieved  at  them,  and  envied  him  for  them  ;  and  that  when  be  walked  along  with  his 
 father  he  endeavoured  to  depress  and  shorten  himself,  that  he  might  not  appear  too  tall,  and 
 that  when  he  shot  at  any  thing  as  he  was  hunting,  when  his  father  was  by,  he  missed  bis  mark 
 on  purpose,  for  he  knew  how  ambitious  his  father  was  of  being  superior  in  such  exercises. 
 So  when  the  man  was  tormented  about  this  saying,  and  had  ease  given  his  body  after  it,  he 
 added,  that  he  had  his  brother  Aristobulus  for  his  assistance,  and  contrived  to  lie  in  wait  for 
 their  father,  as  they  were  hunting,  and  kill  him  :  and  when  they  had  done  so,  to  ily  to  Rome, 
 and  desire  to  have  the  kingdom  given  them.  There  were  also  letters  of  the  young  man  found, 
 written  to  his  brother,  wherein  he  complained,  that  his  father  did  not  act  justly  in  giving 
 Antipater  a  country,  whose  [yearly]  revenues  amounted  to  two  hundred  talents.  Upon  these 
 confessions  Herod  presently  thought  he  had  somewhat  to  depend  on,  in  his  own  opinion,  as  to 
 his  suspicion  about  his  sons  :  so  be  took  up  Alexander  and  bound  him  :  yet  did  he  still  con- 
 tinue to  be  uneasy,  and  was  not  quite  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  what  he  had  heard  ;  aud  when 
 Le  came  to  recollect  himself,  he  found  that  they  had  only  made  juvenile  complaints  and  con- 
 tentions, and  that  it  was  an  incredible  thing,  that  when  his  son  should  have  slain  him,  he 
 should  openly  go  to  Rome  [to  beg  the  kingdom,]  so  he  was  desirous  to  have  some  surer  mark 
 of  his  son's  wickedness,  and  was  very  solicitous  about  it,  that  he  miglit  not  appear  to  have 
 condemned  him  to  be  put  in  prison  too  rashly  ;  so  be  tortured  the  principal  of  Alexander's 
 friends,  and  put  not  a  few  of  them  to  death,  without  getting  any  of  the  things  out  of  them 
 which  he  suspected.  And  while  Herod  was  very  busy  about  this  matter,  and  the  palace  was 
 full  of  terror  and  trouble,  one  of  the  younger  sort,  when  be  was  in  the  utmost  agony,  confessed 
 that  Alexander  had  sent  to  his  friends  at  Rome,  and  desired  that  be  miglit  be  quickly  invited 
 thither  by  Caesar,  and  that  he  could  discover  a  plot  against  him  ;  that  Blithridates,  the  king 
 of  Parthia,  was  joined  in  a  friendship  with  his  father  against  the  Romans,  and  that  he  bad  a 
 poisonous  potion  ready  prepared  at  Askelon. 
 
 5.  To  these  accusations  Herod  gave  credit,  and  enjoyed  hereby,  in  his  miserable  case,  some 
 sort  of  consolation,  in  excuse  of  bis  rashness,  as  flattering  himself  with  finding  things  in  so 
 bad  a  condition:  but  as  for  the  poisonous  potion,  which  he  laboured  to  find,  he  could  find 
 none.  As  for  Alexander,  he  was  very  desirous  to  aggravate  the  vast  misfortunes  he  was 
 under,  so  be  pretended  not  to  deny  the  accusations,  but  punished  the  rashness  of  bis  father 
 with  a  great  crime  of  his  own  ;  and  perhaps  he  was  willing  to  make  his  father  ashamed  of 
 his  easy  belief  of  sutli  calumnies  :  he  aimed  especially,  if  he  could  gain  belief  to  his  story,  to 
 plague  him  and  his  whole  kingdom  ;  for  he  wrote  four  letters,  and  sent  them  to  him,  that  "he 
 did  not  need  to  torture  any  more  persons,  for  he  had  plotted  against  him ;  and  that  he  had 
 
424  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 for  Lis  partners  Pberoras,  and  the  most  faitbful  of  bis  friends ;  and  that  Salome  came  in  to 
 Lira  bj  night,  and  that  she  lay  with  him  whetbarbe  weald  or  no  ;  and  that  all  men  were  come 
 to  be  of  one  mind,  to  make  away  with  him  as  soon  as  they  could,  and  so  get  clear  of  tlie  con- 
 tinual fear  they  were  in  from  him."  Among  these  were  accused  Ptolemy  and  Sapinnias,  who 
 were  the  most  faithful  friends  to  the  king.  /And  what  more  can  be  said,  but  that  tliose  who 
 before  were  the  most  intimate  friends,  were  become  wild  beasts  to  one  another,  as  if  a  certain 
 madness  bad  fallen  upon  them,  while  there  was  no  room  for  defence  or  refutation,  in  order  to 
 the  discovery  of  the  truth,  but  all  were  at  random  doomed  to  destruction  ;  so  that  sorn* 
 lamented  those  that  were  in  prison,  some  those  that  were  put  to  death,  and  otliers  lamented 
 that  they  were  in  the  expectation  of  the  same  miseries  ;  and  a  melancholy  solitude  rendered 
 the  kingdom  deformed,  and  quite  the  reverse  lo  that  happy  state  it  was  formerly  in  :  Herod's 
 own  life  also  was  entirely  disturbed  ;  and  because  he  could  trust  nobody,  he  was  sorely  pun- 
 ished by  the  expectation  of  farther  misery,  for  he  often  fancied  iu  his  imagination,  that  his  son 
 had  fallen  upon  him,  or  stood  by  bim  with  a  sword  in  his  hand  ;  and  thus  was  his  mind  night 
 and  da3'  intent  upon  this  thing,  and  revolved  it  over  and  over,  no  otherwise  than  if  he  were 
 under  a  distraction.     And  this  was  the  sad  condition  Herod  was  now  in. 
 
 6.  But  when  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  heard  of  the  stale  that  Herod  was  in,  and 
 being  in  great  distress  about  his  daughter,  and  the  young  man  [her  husband,]  and  grieving 
 with  Herod,  as  with  a  roan  that  was  his  friend,  on  account  of  so  great  a  disturbance  as  he  was 
 under,  he  came  [to  Jerusalem]  on  purpose  to  compose  their  differences  ;  and  when  he  found 
 Herod  in  such  a  temper,  he  thought  it  wholly  unseasonable  to  reprove  him,  or  to  pretend  that 
 be  had  done  any  thing  rashly,  for  that  be  should  thereby  naturally  bring  him  to  dispute  the 
 point  with  him,  and  by  still  more  and  more  apologizing  for  himself  to  be  the  more  irritated. 
 He  went  therefore  another  way  to  work,  in  order  to  correct  the  former  misfortunes,  and 
 appeared  angry  at  the  young  man,  and  said,  that  Herod  had  been  so  very  mild  a  man,  that  he 
 had  not  acted  a  rash  part  at  all.  He  also  said,  he  would  dissolve  his  daughter's  marriaga 
 with  Alexander,  nor  could  in  justice  spare  his  own  daughter,  if  she  were  conscious  of  any 
 thing,  and  did  not  inform  Herod  of  it.  When  Archelaus  appeared  to  be  of  this  temper,  and 
 otherwise  than  Herod  expected  or  imagined,  and  for  the  main,  took  Herod's  part,  and  was 
 angry  on  bis  account,  the  king  abated  of  bis  harshness,  and  took  occasion,  from  bis  appearing 
 to  have  acted  justly  hitherto,  to  come  by  degrees  to  put  on  the  aflection  of  a  father,  and  was 
 on  both  sides  to  be  pitied  ;  for  when  some  persons  refuted  the  calumnies  that  were  laid  on 
 the  young  man,  he  was  thrown  into  a  passion,  but  when  Archelaus  joined  in  the  accusation, 
 be  was  dissolved  into  tears  and  sorrow  after  an  affectionate  manner.  Accordingly,  he  desired 
 that  he  would  not  disssolve  bis  son's  marriage,  and  became  not  so  angr}'  as  before  for  his 
 offences.  So  when  Archelaus  had  brought  him  to  a  more  moderate  temper,  be  transferred  the 
 calumnies  upon  his  friends  ;  and  said,  it  must  be  owing  to  them  that  so  young  a  man,  and  one 
 unacquainted  with  malice,  was  corrupted,  and  he  supposed  that  there  was  more  reason  to  sus- 
 pect the  brother  than  the  son.  Upon  which  Herod  was  very  much  displeased  at  Pberoras, 
 who  indeed  now  had  no  one  that  could  make  a  reconciliation  between  bim  and  his  brother ;  so 
 when  he  saw  that  Archelaus  had  the  greatest  power  with  Herod,  he  betook  himself  to  him  in 
 the  habit  of  a  mourner,  and  like  one  that  had  all  the  signs  upon  him  of  an  undone  man.  Upon 
 this,  Archelaus  did  not  overlook  the  intercession  he  made  to  him,  nor  yet  did  he  undertake  to 
 change  the  king's  disposition  towards  him  immediately ;  and  he  said,  that  it  was  better  for  bim 
 to  come  himself  to  the  king,  and  confess  himself  the  occasion  of  all ;  that  this  would  make  the 
 king's  anger  not  to  be  extravagant  towards  him,  and  that  then  be  would  be  present  to  assist 
 him.  When  he  had  persuaded  bim  to  this,  he  gained  his  point  with  both  of  them  ;  and  the 
 calumnies  raised  against  the  young  man  were,  beyond  all  expectation,  wiped  off.  And  Arche- 
 laus, as  soon  as  he  had  made  the  reconciliation,  went  then  away  to  Cappadocia,  having  proved  at 
 this  juncture  of  time  the  most  acceptable  person  to  Herod  in  the  world;  on  which  account  he 
 gave  him  the  richest  presents,  as  tokens  of  his  respect  to  him,  and  being  on  other  occasions 
 magnanimous,  be  esteemed  him  one  of  his  dearest  friends.  He  also  made  an  agi-eement  with 
 him  that  he  would  go  to  Rome,  because  he  had  written  to  CfEsar  about  these  affairs  ;  so  they 
 went  together  as  far  as  Antioch,  and  there  Herod  made  a  reconciliation  between  Archelaus 
 and  Titus,  the  president  of  Syria,  who  had  been  greatly  at  variance,  and  so  returned  back  to 
 Jndea. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  the  Revolt  of  the  Trachoniles  :  hotv  Sy  Ileus  accused  Herod  before  Cessar:  and  how 
 Herod,  ivhen  Casar  was  angry  at  him,  resolved  to  send  Nicolaus  to  Rome. 
 
 §  1.  When  Herod  had  been  at  Rome,  and  was  come  back  again,  a  war  arose  between  him 
 and  the  Arabians,  on  the  occasion  following:  the  inhabitants  of  Trachonitis,  after  Cassar  had 
 taken  the  country  away  from  Zenodorus,  and  added  it  to  Herod,  had  not  now  power  to  tcb. 
 but  were  forced  to  plough  the  land,  and  to  live  quietly,  which  was  a  thing  they  did  not  like  ; 
 and  when  they  did  take  that  pains,  the  ground  did  not  produce  much  fruit  for  them.  How- 
 ever, at  the  first  the  king  would  not  permit  them  to  rob,  and  so  they  abstained  from  that 
 unjust  way  of  living  upon  their  neighbours,  which  procured  Herod  a  great  reputation  for  his 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  IX.  425 
 
 care  :  but  vTlien  lie  was  sailiti|{  to  Rome,  (it  was  at  that  time  when  he  wont  to  accuse  his  sou 
 Alexander,  and  to  commit  Aiitipater  to  Caesar's  protection,)  the  Trachonites  spread  a  report 
 OS  if  he  were  dead,  and  revolted  from  his  dominion,  and  betook  themselves  again  to  their 
 accustomed  waj  of  robbin<j  their  neighbours  ;  at  which  lime  the  king's  commanders  subdued 
 them  during  his  absence,  but  about  forty  of  the  principal  roobers,  being  terrified  bj  those  that 
 had  been  taken,  left  the  country,  and  retired  into  Arabia,  Sylleus  entertaining  thsra,  after  he 
 had  missed  of  marrying  Salome,  and  gave  them  a  place  of  strength,  in  which  they  dwelt.  So 
 they  overran  not  only  Judea,  but  all  Celnsyria  also,  and  carried  oil"  the  prey,  while  Sylleus 
 afibrded  them  places  of  protection  and  quietness  during  their  wicked  practices.  But  when 
 Herod  came  back  from  Rome,  he  perceived  that  his  dominions  had  greatly  suffered  by  them, 
 and  since  he  could  not  reach  the  robbers  themselves,  because  of  the  secure  retreat  they  had 
 in  that  country,  and  which  the  Arabian  government  afforded  them,  and  yet  being  very  uneasy  at 
 the  injuries  they  had  done  him,  he  went  all  over  Trachonitis,  and  slew  their  relatious  ;  where- 
 upon these  robbers  were  more  angry  than  before,  it  being  a  law  among  them  to  be  avenged  on 
 the  murderers  of  their  relations  by  all  possible  means,  so  they  continued  to  tear  and  rend  every 
 thing  under  H^'rod's  dominion  wiih  impunity:  then  did  he  discourse  about  these  robberies 
 to  Salurninns  and  Volumnius,  and  re<iuire(i  iliat  they  should  be  punished  ;  upon  which  occa- 
 sion they  still  the  more  condrmed  themselves  in  their  robberies,  and  became  more  numerous  ; 
 and  made  very  great  disturbances,  laying  waste  the  countries  and  villages  that  belonged  to 
 Herod's  kingdom,  and  killing  those  men  whom  they  cauglit,  till  these  unjust  proceedings 
 came  to  be  like  a  real  war,  for  the  robbers  were  now  become  about  a  thousand.  At  which 
 Herod  was  sore  displeased,  and  required  the  robbers,  as  well  as  the  money  which  he  had  lent 
 Obodas,  by  Sylleus,  which  was  sixty  talents,  and  since  the  time  of  payment  was  now  past,  he 
 desired  to  have  it  paid  him  ;  but  Sylleus,  who  had  laid  Obodas  aside,  and  managed  all  by 
 himself,  denied  that  the  robbers  were  in  Arabia,  and  put  off  the  payment  of  the  money  ;  about 
 which  there  was  a  hearing  before  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  who  were  then  the  presidents* 
 of  Syria.  At  last,  he,  by  their  means,  agreed,  that  within  thirty  day's  time  Herod  should  be 
 paid  his  money,  and  that  each  of  them  should  deliver  up  the  other's  subjects  reciprocally. 
 Now,  as  to  Herod,  there  was  not  one  of  the  other's  subjects  found  in  his  kingdom,  either  as 
 doing  any  injustice,  or  on  any  other  account,  but  it  was  proved  that  the  Arabians  had  the  rob- 
 bers amongst  them. 
 
 2.  When  the  day  appointed  for  payment  of  the  money  was  past,  without  Sylleus'  perform- 
 ing any  part  of  his  agreement,  and  he  was  gone  to  Rome,  Herod  demanded  the  payment  of 
 the  money,  and  that  the  robbers  that  were  in  Arabia  should  be  delivered  up  ;  ?.nd,  by  the 
 permission  of  .Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  extcuted  the  judgment  himself  upon  those  that  were 
 refractory.  He  took  an  army  that  he  had,  and  led  it  into  Arabia  ;  and  in  three  days'  time,  by 
 forced  marches,  arriving  at  the  garrison  wherein  the  robbers  were,  he  made  an  assault  upon 
 them,  and  took  them  all,  and  demolished  the  place,  which  was  called  Raepta,  but  did  no  harm 
 to  any  others  :  but  as  the  Arnbians  came  to  their  assistance,  under  Nacebus  their  captain, 
 there  ensued  a  battle,  wherein  a  few  of  Herod's  soldiers,  and  Nacebus,  the  captain  of  the 
 Arabians,  and  about  twenty  of  his  soldiers,  fell,  while  the  rest  betook  themselves  to  flight. 
 So  when  he  had  brought  these  to  punishment,  he  placed  three  thousand  Idumeansiu  Trachoni- 
 tis, and  thereby  restrained  the  robbers  that  were  there.  He  also  sent  an  account  to  the  cap- 
 tains that  were  about  Phenicia,  and  demonstrated  that  he  had  done  nothing  but  what  he  ought 
 to  do,  in  punishing  the  refractory  Arabians,  which,  upon  an  exact  inquiry,  they  found  to  be  no 
 moie  than  what  vvas  true. 
 
 3.  However,  messengers  were  hasted  away  to  Sylleus  to  Rome,  and  informed  him  of  what 
 had  been  done,  and,  as  is  usual,  aggravated  every  thing.  Now  Sylleus  had  already  insinuated 
 liimself  into  the  knowledge  of  Cirsar,  and  vvas  then  about  the  palace  :  and  as  soon  as  he  heard 
 of  these  things,  he  changed  his  habit  into  black,  and  went  in,  and  told  Tsesar,  that  "  Arabia 
 was  afllicted  with  war,  and  that  all  his  kingdom  was  in  great  confusion,  upcui  Herod's  lay- 
 ing it  waste  with  his  array  ;  and  he  said,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  two  thousand  five  hundred 
 of  the  principal  men  among  the  Arabians  had  be^n  destroyed,  and  that  their  captain  Nacebus, 
 his  familiar  friend  and  kinsman,  was  slain  ;  and  thai  the  riches  that  were  at  Raepta  were  car- 
 ried off;  and  that  Obodas  was  despised,  whose  infinn  state  of  body  rendered  him  unlit  for  war; 
 on  which  account  neither  he,  nor  the  Arabian  army,  were  present."  "When  Sylleus  said  so, 
 and  added  invidiously,  that  "  he  would  not  himself  have  come  out  of  the  country,  unless  he 
 had  believed  that  Cscsar  would  have  provided  that  they  should  all  have  peace  one  with  another, 
 and  that,  had  he  been  there,  he  would  have  taken  care  that  the  war  should  not  have  been  to 
 Herod's  advantage  ;"  Caesar  was  j)rovoked  when  this  was  said  ;.  and  asked  no  more  thati  this 
 one  question,  both  of  Herod's  friends  that  were  there,  and  of  his  own  friends,  who  were  come 
 from  Syria,  "  Whether  Herod  had  led  an  army  thither?"  And  when  they  were  forced  t(» 
 confess  so  much,  Ca-sar,  without  staying  to  hear  for  what  reason  he  did  it,  and  how  it  was 
 done,  grew  very  angry,   and  wrote  to   Herod  sharply.     The  sum  of  his  epistle  was  this,  that 
 
 •  These  joint  presidents  of  Syria,  Sntnminus  and  Volnranius,  were  not  perhaps  of  equal  authority,  hut  the 
 latter  like  a  procurator  under  the  former,  as  the  very  leanied  N  orris  and  Pagi,  and  with  them  Dr.  Iludsou, 
 vietermiue. 
 
 3  H 
 
42G  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 '*  whereas  of  old  he  hnd  used  him  as  bis  friend,  he  should  now  use  him  as  bis  subject."  .Sj'l- 
 leus  also  wrote  an  account  of  this  to  the  Arabians ;  wlio  were  so  elevated  with  it,  that  they 
 neither  delivered  up  the  robbers  that  bad  fled  to  them,  nor  paid  the  money  that  was  due :  they 
 retained  those  pastures  also  which  they  had  hired,  and  kept  them  without  paying  their  rent, 
 and  all  this  because  the  king  of  the  Jews  was  now  in  a  low  condition,  bv  reason  of  Caesar's 
 anger  at  him.  Those  of  Trachonitis  also  made  use  of  this  opportunity,  and  rose  up  against 
 the  Idumean  garrison,  and  followed  the  same  way  of  robbing  with  the  Arabians,  who  had  pil- 
 laged their  country,  and  were  more  rigid  in  their  unjust  proceedings,  not  only  in  order  to  get 
 by  it,  but  by  way  of  revenge  also. 
 
 4.  Now  Herod  was  forced  to  bear  all  this,  that  confidence  of  his  being  quite  gone  with 
 which  Cffisar's  favour  used  to  inspire  him;  for  Caesar  would  not  admit  so  much  as  an  embas- 
 sage from  him  to  make  an  apology  for  him .  and  when  they  came  again,  he  sent  them  away 
 without  success :  so  be  was  cast  into  sadness  and  fear;  and  Sjlleus'  circumstances  grieved  him 
 exceedingly,  who  was  now  believed  by  Caesar,  and  was  present  at  Rome,  nay,  sometimes 
 aspiring  higher.  Now  it  came  to  pass  that  Obodas  was  dead :  and  Eneas,  whose  name  was 
 afterwards  changed  to  Aretas,*  took  the  government,  for  Sylleus  endeavoured  by  calumnies  to 
 get  him  turned  out  of  his  principality,  that  he  might  himself  take  it ;  with  which  design  he  gave 
 much  money  to  the  courtiers,  and  promised  much  money  to  Cassar,  who  indeed  was  angry  that 
 Aretas  had  not  sent  to  him  first  before  be  took  the  kingdom,  yet  did  Eneas  send  an  epistle  and 
 presents  to  Caesar,  and  a  golden  crown,  of  the  weight  of  many  talents.  Now  that  epistle  ac- 
 cused Sylleus  as  having  been  a  wicked  servant,  and  having  killed  Obodas  by  poison  ;  and  that, 
 while  he  was  alive,  he  had  governed  him  as  he  pleased ;  and  bad  also  debauched  the  wives  of 
 the  Arabians;  and  had  borrowed  money,  in  order  to  obtain  the  dominion  for  himself;  yet  did 
 not  Caesar  give  heed  to  these  accusations,  but  sent  his  ambassadors  back,  without  receiving  any 
 of  his  presents  ;  but  in  the  mean  time  the  aflfairs  of  Judea  and  Arabia  became  worse  and  worse, 
 partly  because  of  the  anarchy  they  were  under,  and  partly  because,  as  bad  as  they  were,  nobody 
 had  power  to  govern  them,  for  of  the  two  kings,  the  one  was  not  yet  confirmed  in  his  kingdom, 
 and  so  had  not  authority  sufBcient  to  restrain  the  evil  doers ;  and  as  for  Herod,  Caesar  was 
 immediately  angry  at  him,  for  having  avenged  himself,  and  so  he  was  compelled  to  bear  all  the 
 injuries  that  were  offered  him.  At  lenj^tb,  when  he  saw  no  end  of  the  mischief  which  sur- 
 rounded him,  he  resolved  to  send  ambassadors  to  Rome  again,  to  see  whether  his  friends  had 
 prevailed  to  mitigate  Caesar,  and  to  address  themselves  to  Cajsar  himself:  and  the  ambassador 
 he  sent  thither  was  Nicolaus  of  Damascus. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  Eurycles  falsely  accused  Herod's  Sons ;  and  how  their  Father  bound  them,  and  wrote  to 
 Cessar  about  them.     Of  Sylleus,  and  how  he  was  accused  by  Nicolaus. 
 
 §  1.  The  disorders  about  Herod's  family  and  children  about  this  time  grew  much  worse;  for 
 it  now  appeared  certain,  nor  was  it  unforeseen  beforehand,  that  fortune  threatened  the  greatest 
 and  most  insupportable  misfortunes  possible  to  his  kingdom.  Its  progress  and  augmentation 
 at  this  time  arose  on  the  occasion  following :  One  Eurycles,  a  Lacedemonian,  (a  person  of  note 
 there,  but  a  man  of  a  perverse  mind,  and  so  cunning  in  his  ways  of  voluptuousness  and  flattery, 
 as  to  indulge  both,  and  yet  seem  to  indulge  neither  of  them,)  came  in  his  travels  to  Herod,  and 
 made  him  presents,  but  so  that  he  received  more  presents  from  him.  He  also  took  such  pro- 
 per seasons  for  insinuating  himself  into  his  friendship,  that  he  became  one  of  the  most  intimate 
 of  the  king's  friends.  He  had  his  lodging  in  Antipater's  house ;  but  he  had  not  only  access, 
 but  free  conversation  with  Alexander,  as  pretending  to  him  that  he  was  in  great  favour  with 
 Arcbelaus,  the  king  of  Cappadocia ;  whence  be  pretended  much  respect  to  Glaphyra,  and,  in 
 an  occult  manner,  cultivated  a  friendship  with  them  all,  but  always  attending  to  what  was  said 
 and  done,  that  he  might  be  furnished  with  calumnies  to  please  them  all.  In  short,  he  behaved 
 himself  so  to  every  body  in  his  conversation,  as  to  appear  to  be  his  particular  friend,  and  he 
 made  others  believe  that  his  being  any  where  was  for  that  person's  advantage.  So  he  won 
 upon  Alexander,  who  was  but  young ;  and  persuaded  him,  that  he  might  open  bis  grievances 
 to  him  with  assurance,  and  with  nobody  else.  So  he  declared  his  grief  to  him,  how  his  father 
 was  alienated  from  him.  He  related  to  him  also  the  affairs  of  his  mother,  and  of  Antipater; 
 that  he  had  driven  them  from  their  proper  dignity,  and  had  the  power  over  every  thing  him- 
 self; that  no  part  of  this  was  tolerable,  since  his  father  was  already  come  to  bate  them ;  and  . 
 he  added,  that  he  would  neither  admit  them  to  his  table,  nor  to  his  conversation.  Such  were 
 the  complaints,  as  was  but  natural,  of  Alexander,  about  the  things  that  troubled  him  :  and  these 
 discourses  Eurycles  carried  to  Antipater;  and  told  him,  he  did  not  inform  him  of  this  on  his 
 own  account,  but  that,  being  overcome  by  his  kindness,  the  great  importance  of  the  thing 
 obliged  him  to  do  it :  and  he  warned  bim  to  have  a  care  of  Alexander,  for  that  what  he  said 
 was  spoken  with  vebemency,  and  that,  in  consequence  of  what  he  said,  he  would  certainly  kill 
 him  with  his  own  hand.     Whereupon  Antipater,  thinking  him  to  be  his  friend  by  this  advice, 
 
 *  This  Aretas  was  now  become  so  established  a  name  for  the  kings  of  Arabia,  [at  Petras,  and  Damascus,) 
 that  when  tlie  crown  came  to  this  Eneas,  he  changed  his  name  to  Aretas,  as  Havercamp  here  justly  obsprves. 
 bee  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  xv.  §2. 
 
BOOK  XVI.— CHAP.    X.  4'i7 
 
 }>;ave  liim  presents  upon  all  occasions,  and  at  length  persuaded  him  to  inform  Herod  of  what 
 lie  had  heard.  So  when  he  related  to  the  king  Alexander's  ill  temper,  as  discovered  by  the 
 words  he  had  heard  him  speak,  he  was  easily  believed  by  him,  and  he  thereby  brought  the 
 king  to  that  pass,  turning  him  about  by  his  words,  and  irritating  him,  lill  he  increased  his 
 hatred  to  him,  and  made  him  implacable,  which  he  shewed  at  that  very  time,  ("or  he  imme- 
 diately gave  Eiirycles  a  present  of  fifty  talents;  who,  when  he  had  gotten  them,  went  to 
 Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  commended  Alexander  before  him,  and  told  him  that  he 
 had  been  many  ways  of  advantage  to  him  in  making  a  reconciliation  between  him  and  his 
 fnther.  So  he  got  money  from  him  also,  and  went  away,  before  his  pernicious  practices  were 
 found  out;  but  when  Euryclos  was  returned  to  Lacedemon,  he  did  not.  leave  off"  doing  mis- 
 chief, and  so,  for  his  many  acts  of  injustice,  he  was  banished  from  his  own  country. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  the  king  of  the  Jews,  he  was  not  now  in  the  temper  he  was  in  formerly 
 towards  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  when  he  had  been  content  with  the  hearing  their  calum- 
 nies when  others  told  him  of  them,  but  he  was  now  come  to  that  pass  as  to  hate  them  himself, 
 and  to  urge  men  to  speak  against  them,  though  they  did  not  do  it  of  themselves.  He  also 
 observed  all  that  was  said,  and  put  questions,  and  gave  ear  to  everyone  that  would  but  speak, 
 if  they  could  but  say  any  thing  against  them,  till  at  length  he  heard  that  Enaratus  of  Cos  was 
 a  conspirator  with  Alexander,  which  thing  to  Herod  was  the  most  agreeable  and  sweetest 
 news  imaginable. 
 
 3.  But  still  a  greater  misfortune  came  upon  the  young  men ;  while  the  calumnies  against 
 them  were  continually  increased,  and,  as  a  man  may  say,  one  would  think  it  was  everv  one's 
 endeavour  to  lay  some  grievous  thing  to  their  charge,  which  might  appear  to  be  for  the  king's 
 preservation.  There  were  two  guards  of  Herod's  body,  who  were  in  great  esteem  for  their 
 strength  and  fallness,  .Tacundus  and  Tyrannus ;  these  men  had  been  cast  oft"  by  Herod,  who 
 was  displeased  at  them  ;  these  now  used  to  ride  along  with  Alexander,  and  for  their  skill  in 
 their  exercises  were  in  great  esteem  with  him,  and  had  somf  gold  and  other  gifts  bestowed 
 upon  them.  Now  the  king  having  an  immediate  suspicion  of  these  men,  had  them  tortured, 
 ■who  endured  the  torture  courageously  for  a  long  time,  but  at  last  confessed  that  Alexander 
 would  have  persuaded  them  to  kill  Herod,  when  he  was  in  pursuit  of  the  wild  beasts.  That 
 it  might  be  said  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was  run  through  with  his  own  spear,  for  that  he 
 had  once  such  a  misfortune  formerly.  They  also  shewed  where  there  was  money  hidden  in 
 the  stable  under  ground,  and  these  convicted  the  king's  chief  hunter,  that  he  had  given  the 
 young  men  the  royal  bunting  spears,  and  weapons  to  Alexander's  dependants,  at  Alexander's 
 command. 
 
 4.  After  these,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  of  Alexandrium  was  caught  and  tortured  ;  for 
 he  was  accused  to  have  promised  to  receive  the  young  men  into  his  fortress,  and  to  supply 
 them  with  that  money  of  the  king  which  was  laid  up  in  that  fortress,  yet  did  he  not  acknow- 
 ledge any  thing  of  it  himself;  but  his  son  came  in,  and  said  it  was  so,  and  delivered  up  the 
 writing,  which,  so  far  as  could  be  guessed,  was  in  Alexander's  hand.  Its  contents  were 
 these:  "  When  we  have  finished,  by  God's  help,  all  that  we  have  proposed  to  do,  we  will 
 come  to  you ;  but  d«  your  endeavours,  as  you  have  promised,  to  receive  us  into  your  fortress." 
 After  this  writing  was  produced,  Herod  had  no  doubt  about  the  treacherous  designs  of  his 
 sons  against  him.  But  Alexander  said,  that  Diophantus  the  scribe  had  imitated  his  hand,  and 
 that  the  paper  was  maliciously  drawn  up  by  Antipater;  for  Diophantus  appeared  to  be  very 
 cunning  in  such  practices,  and  as  he  was  afterward  convicted  of  forging  other  papers,  he  was 
 put  to  death  for  it. 
 
 5.  So  the  king  produced  those  that  had  been  tortured  before  the  multitude  at  Jericho,  in 
 order  to  have  them  accuse  the  young  men  ;  which  accusers  many  of  the  people  stoned  to  death  ; 
 and  when  they  were  going  to  kill  Alexander,  and  Arislouulus  likewise,  the  king  would  not 
 permit  them  to  do  so,  but  restrained  the  multitude,  by  the  means  of  Ptolemy  and  Pheroras. 
 However,  the  young  men  were  put  under  a  guard,  and  kept  in  custody,  that  nobody  might 
 come  at  them  ;  and  all  that  they  did  or  said  was  watched,  and  the  reproach  and  fear  they  were 
 in  was  little  or  nothing  dillVrent  from  these  of  condemned  criminals:  and  one  of  them,  who 
 was  Aristobulus,  was  so  dee))ly  allected,  that  he  brought  Salome,  who  was  his  aunt,  and  his 
 mother-in-law,  to  lament  with  him  for  his  calamities,  and  to  hate  him  who  had  sull'ered  things 
 to  come  to  that  pass;  when  he  said  to  her,  "  Art  not  thou  in  danger  of  destruction  also,  while 
 the  report  goes  that  thou  hadst  disclosed  beforehand  all  our  affairs  to  Sylleus,  when  thou  wast 
 in  hopes  of  being  married  to  him  ?"  But  she  immediately  carried  those  words  to  her  brother: 
 upon  this  he  was  out  of  patience,  and  gave  command  to  bind  him  ;  and  enjoined  them  both,  now 
 they  were  kept  separate  one  from  the  other,  to  write  down  the  ill  things  they  had  done  against 
 their  father,  and  bring  the  writings  to  him.  So  when  this  was  enjoined  them,  they  wrote  this, 
 (hat  they  had  laid  no  treacherous  designs,  nor  made  any  preparations  against  their  father,  but 
 that  they  had  intended  to  ffy  away;  and  tliat  by  the  distress  they  were  in,  their  lives  being  now 
 uncertain  and  tedious  to  them. 
 
 (j.  About  this  time  there  came  an  ambassador  out  of  Cappadocia  from  Archelaus,  whose 
 name  was  INlelas;  he  was  one  of  the  principal  rulers  under  him.  So  Herod  heing  desirous  to 
 shew  Archelaus'  ill-will  to  him,  called  for  Alexander,   as  he  was  in  his  bonds,  and  asked  Liin 
 
428  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 again  concerning  bis  flight,  whither  and  how  they  had  resolved  to  retire?  Alexander  replied, 
 "  To  Archelaus,  who  liad  promised  to  send  them  away  to  Rome,  but  that  tliey  had  no  wicked 
 nor  mischievous  designs  ag^ainst  tlieir  father,  and  that  nothing  of  that  nature  whicli  their  adver- 
 saries had  charged  upon  them  was  true;  and  that  their  desire  was,  that  he  might  have  exa- 
 mined Tyrannus  and  Jueuiidus  more  strictlj,  bat  that  they  had  been  suddenly  slain  by  the 
 means  of  Antipater,  who  put  his  own  friends  among  the  multitude  [for  th;:t  purpose."] 
 
 7.  Wlien  this  was  said,  Herod  commanded  that  both  Alexander  and  Melas  should  be  car- 
 ried to  Glaphyra,  Archelaus'  daughter,  and  that  she  should  be  asked,  whether  she  did  not 
 know  somewhat  of  Alexander's  treacherous  designs  against  Herod?  Now  as  soon  as  they  were 
 come  to  her,  and  she  saw  Alexander  in  bonds,  she  beat  her  head,  and  in  a  great  consternation 
 gave  a  deep  and  moving  groan.  The  young  man  also  fell  into  tears.  This  was  so  miserable 
 a  spectacle  to  those  present,  that,  for  a  great  while,  they  were  not  able  to  say  or  do  any  thing ; 
 but  at  length  Ptolemy,  who  was  ordered  to  bring  Alexander,  bade  him  say,  whether  his  wifo 
 were  conscious  of  his  actions?  He  replied,  "  How  is  it  possible  that  she,  whom  I  love  better 
 than  my  own  soul,  and  by  whom  I  have  had  children,  should  not  know  what  I  do?"  Upon 
 whicli  she  cried  out,  that  "  she  knew  of  no  wicked  designs  of  his  ;  but  that  yet,  if  her  accusing 
 herself  falsely  would  tend  to  his  preservation,  she  would  confess  it  ail."  Alexander  replied, 
 "  There  is  no  such  wickedness  as  those  (who  ought  the  least  of  all  so  to  do)  suspect,  which 
 either  I  have  imagined,  or  thou  knowesl  of,  but  this  only,  that  we  bad  resolved  to  retire  to 
 Archelaus,  and  from  thence  to  Rome."  Which  she  also  confessed.  Upon  which  Herod, 
 supposing  that  Archelaus'  ill-will  to  him  was  fully  proved,  he  sent  a  letter  by  Olympus  and 
 Yohimnius;  and  bade  theni,  as  they  sailed  by,  to  touch  at  Eleusaof  Cilicia,  and  give  Archelaaa 
 the  letter.  And  that  when  they  had  expostulated  with  him  that  he  had  a  hand  in  his  sou's 
 treacherous  design  against  him,  they  should  from  thence  sail  to  Rome  ;  and  that,  in  case  they 
 found  Nicolaus  had  gained  any  ground,  and  that  Caesar  was  no  longer  displeased  at  him, 
 he  should  give  him  his  letters,  and  the  proofs  which  he  had  ready  to  shew  against  the 
 young  men.  As  to  Archelaus,  he  made  this  defence  for  himself,  that  "  he  had  promised 
 to  receive  the  young  men,  because  it  was  both  for  their  own  and  their  father's  advantage 
 so  to  do,  lest  some  too  severe  procedure  should  be  gone  upon,  in  that  anger  and  disorder 
 they  were  in,  on  occasion  of  the  present  suspicions;  but  that  still  he  had  not  promised 
 to  send  them  to  Ctesar:  and  that  he  had  not  promised  any  thing  else  to  the  young  men 
 that  could  shew  ill-will  to  him." 
 
 8.  When  these  ambassadors  were  come  to  Rome,  they  had  a  fit  opportunity  of  delivering 
 their  letters  to  Ca;sar ;  bec.tose  they  found  him  reconciled  to  Herod;  for  the  circumstance  of 
 Nicolaus'  embassage  had  been  as  follows:  as  soon  as  he  was  come  to  Rome,  and  was  about  the 
 court,  he  did  not  first  of  ail  set  about  what  he  was  come  for  only,  but  he  thought  fit  also  to 
 accuse  Sylleus.  Now  the  Arabians,  even  before  he  came  to  talk  with  them,  were  quarrelling 
 one  with  another,  and  some  of  them  left  Sylleus'  party,  and  joining  themselves  to  Nicolaas, 
 informed  him  of  all  the  wicked  things  that  had  been  done  ;  and  produced  to  him  evident 
 demonstrations  of  the  slaughter  of  a  great  number  of  Obodas'  friends  by  Sylleus,  for  when 
 these  men  left  Syllens,  they  had  carried  ofl'  with  them  those  letters  whereby  they  could  convict 
 him.  When  Nicolaus  saw  such  an  opportunity  afforded  him,  he  made  use  of  it,  in  order  to 
 gain  his  own  point  afterward,  and  endeavoured  immediately  to  make  a  reconciliation  between 
 Cassar  and  Herod ;  for  he  was  fully  satisfied,  tiiat  if  he  should  desire  to  make  a  defence  for 
 Herod  directly,  he  should  not  be  allowed  that  liberty ;  but  that  if  he  desired  to  accuse  Sylleus, 
 there  would  an  occasion  present  itself  of  speaking  on  Herods  behalf.  So  when  the  cause  was 
 ready  for  a  hearing,  and  the  day  was  appointed,  Nicolaus,  while  Aretas'  ambassadors  were 
 present,  accused  Sylleus,  and  said,  that  "  he  imputed  to  him  the  destruction  of  the  king 
 [Obodas,]  and  of  many  others  of  the  Arabians :  that  he  had  borrowed  money  for  no  good 
 design  ;  and  he  proved  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  adultery,  not  only  with  the  Arabians,  but 
 Roman  women  also."  And  be  added,  that  "  above  all  the  rest,  he  bad  alienated  Caesar  from 
 Herod ;  and  that  all  that  he  had  said  about  the  actions  of  Herod  were  falsities."  When  Nico- 
 laus was  come  to  this  topic,  Caesar  stopped  him  from  going  on,  and  desired  him  only  to  speak 
 to  this  aft'air  of  Herod's ;  and  to  shew  that  "  he  had  not  led  an  array  into  Arabia,  nor  slain  two 
 thousand  five  hundred  men  there,  nor  taken  prisoners,  nor  pillaged  the  country.  '  To  which 
 Nicolaus  made  this  answer,  "  I  shall  principally  demonstrate,  that  either  nothing  at  all,  or  but 
 a  very  little,  of  those  imputations  are  true,  of  which  thou  hast  been  informed,  for  had  they  been 
 true,  thou  mightest  justly  have  been  still  more  angry  at  Herod."  At  this  strange  assertion 
 Cajsar  was  very  attentive  ;  and  Nicolaus  said,  that  there  was  a  debt  due  to  Herod  of  five  hun- 
 dred talents,  and  a  bond,  wherein  it  was  written,  that  if  the  time  appointed  be  elapsed,  it 
 should  be  lawful  to  make  a  seizure  out  of  any  part  of  his  country.  As  for  the  pretended  army, 
 he  said,  it  was  no  army,  but  a  party  sent  out  to  require  the  just  payment  of  the  money  :  that 
 this  was  not  sent  immediately,  nor  so  soon  as  the  bond  allowed,  but  that  Sylleus  had  frequently 
 come  before  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  the  presidents  of  Syria ;  and  that  at  last  he  had  sworn 
 at  Berytus,  by  thy  fortune,*  that  he  would  certainly   pay  the  money  within  thirty  days,  and 
 
 •  This  oath,  'by  the  fortune  of  Ctesar,'  was  put  to  Polycarp,  a  bishop  of  Smyrna,  by  the  Roman  goveriior, 
 to  try  whether  he  was  a  Chriutian,  as  they  were  then  esteemed  who  refused  to  swear  that  oath.  Martyr, 
 Polycarp,  ^  9. 
 
BOOK    XVI. — CHAP.    XI.  429 
 
 deliver  up  the  fugitives  tliat  were  under  bis  dominiou.  Aiid  that  when  Sj'Uous  Lad  performed 
 liotljiii<{  of  this,  Herod  came  again  before  the  presidents  ;  and  upon  their  permission  to  make  a 
 seizure  for  his  money,  he,  with  difliculty,  went  out  of  his  country  with  a  party  of  soldiers  for 
 that  purpose.  And  this  is  all  the  war  which  these  men  so  tragically  describe  ;  and  this  is  the 
 aii'air  of  the  expedition  into  Arabia.  And  how  can  this  be  called  a  war?  when  thy  presidents 
 permitted  it;  the  covenants  allowed  it;  and  it  was  not  executed  till  thy  name,  O  Ca-sar,  as 
 well  as  that  of  the  other  gods,  had  been  profaned.  And  now  I  must  speak  in  older  about  the 
 captives.  There  were  robbers  that  dwelt  in  Trachonitis ;  at  first  their  number  was  no  more 
 than  forty,  but  they  became  more  afterwards,  and  they  escaped  the  punishment  Herod  would 
 have  inflicttd  on  them,  by  making  Arabia  their  refuge.  Sylleus  received  them,  and  supported 
 them  with  food,  that  they  might  be  mischievous  to  all  mankind,  and  gave  them  a  country  to 
 inhabit,  and  himself  received  the  gains  they  made  by  robbery ;  yet  oid  he  promise  that  he  would 
 deliver  up  tliese  men,  and  that  by  the  same  oaths  and  same  time  that  he  swore  and  fixed  for 
 payment  of  his  debt:  nor  can  he  by  any  means  shew  that  any  other  persons  have  at  this  time 
 been  taken  out  of  Arabia,  besides  these,  and  indeed  not  all  these  neither,  but  only  so  many  as 
 could  not  conceal  themselves.  And  thus  does  the  calumny  of  the  captives,  which  hath  been  so 
 odiously  represented,  appear  to  be  no  better  than  a  fiction  and  a  lie,  made  on  purpose  to  pro- 
 voke thy  indignation  ;  for  I  venture  to  afiirm,  that  when  the  forces  of  the  Arabians  came  upon 
 us,  and  one  or  two  of  Herod's  party  fell,  he  then  only  defended  himself,  and  there  fell  Nacebus 
 their  general,  and  in  all,  about  twenty-live  others,  and  no  more;  when  Sylleus,  by  multiplying 
 every  single  soldier  to  a  hundred,  he  reckons  the  slain  to  have  been  two  thousand  five 
 hundred." 
 
 9.  This  provoked  Cncsar  more  than  ever;  so  he  turned  to  Sylleus  full  of  rage,  and  asked 
 him  how  many  of  the  Arabians  were  slain?  Hereupon  he  hesitated,  and  said  he  had  been 
 imposed  upon.  The  covenants  also  were  read  about  the  money  he  had  borrowed,  and  the  let- 
 ters of  the  presidents  of  Syria,  and  the  complaints  of  the  several  cities,  so  many  as  had  been 
 injured  by  the  robbers.  The  conclusion  was  this,  that  Sylleus  was  condemned  to  die,  and  that 
 Caesar  was  reconciled  to  Herod,  and  owned  his  repentance  for  what  severe  things  he  bad 
 written  lo  him,  occasioned  by  calumny,  insomuch  that  he  told  Svlleus,  that  he  had  compelled 
 him,  by  his  lying  account  of  things,  to  be  guilty  of  ingratitude  ag^iinst  a  man  that  was  his 
 friend.  At  ihe  last,  all  came  to  this  ;  S> Ileus  was  sent  away  to  answer  Herod's  suit,  and  to 
 repay  the  debt  that  he  owed,  and  after  that  to  be  punished  [with  death:]  but  still  Caesar  was 
 oflended  with  Aretas,  that  he  had  taken  upon  himself  the  government,  without  his  conseat  first 
 obtained,  for  he  had  determined  to  bestow  Arabia  upon  He;  od  ;  but  that  the  letters  he  had  sent 
 hindered  liini  from  so  doing,  for  Olympus  and  Volumnius,  perceiving  that  Caesar  was  now 
 become  favourable  to  Herod,  thought  fit  immediately  to  deliver  him  the  letters  they  were 
 commanded  by  Herod  to  give  him  concerning  his  sons.  When  Caesar  had  read  them,  he 
 thought  it  would  not  be  proper  to  add  another  government  to  him,  now  he  was  old,  and  in  an 
 ill  state  with  relation  to  his  sons,  so  he  admitted  Aretas'  ambassadors;  and  after  he  had  just 
 reproved  him  for  his  rashness,  in  not  tarrying  till  he  received  the  kingdom  from  him,  he 
 accepted  of  his  presents,  and  confirmed  him  in  his  government. 
 
 CHAP.  XI, 
 
 Hoxi:  Herod,  hy  Permisslan  from  Ctesar,  accused  his  Sons  before  an  Assembly  of  Judyes  at 
 Berytus;  and  ivhat  Tero  suffered  for  using  a  boundless  and  mHilnry  Liberty  of  Speech. 
 Concerning  also  the  Death  of  the  young  Men,  and  their  Burial  at  Alexandrium. 
 
 §  1.  So  Ca>sar  was  now  reconciled  to  Herod;  and  wrote  thus  lo  him,  that  "  he  was  grieved 
 for  him  on  account  of  his  sons:  and  that  in  case  they  had  been  guilty  of  any  profane  and  inso- 
 lent crimes  against  him,  it  would  behove  him  to  punish  them  as  parricides,  for  which  he  gave 
 him  power  accordingly;  but  if  they  had  only  contrived  to  fly  away,  he  would  have  him  give 
 lliem  an  admonition,  and  not  proceed  to  extremity  with  them.  He  also  advised  him  to  get  an 
 assembly  together,  and  to  appoint  some  place  near  Berytus,*  which  is  a  city  belonging  to  the 
 Romans,  and  to  take  the  presidents  of  Syria,  and  Archelaus  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  as  many 
 more  as  he  thought  to  be  illustrious,  for  their  friendship  to  him,  and  the  dignities  they  were  in, 
 and  determine  what  should  be  done  by  their  approbation."  Tliese  were  the  directions  that 
 Ca-sar  gave  him.  Accordingly  Herod,  when  the  letter  was  brought  to  him,  was  immediately 
 very  glad  of  Caesar's  reconciliation  to  him,  and  very  glad  also  that  he  had  a  complete  authority 
 given  him  over  his  sons.  And  it  strangely  came  about,  that  whereas  before,  in  his  adversity, 
 though  he  had  indeed  shewed  himself  severe,  yet  had  he  not  been  very  rash,  nor  hasty  in  pro- 
 curing the  destruction  of  his  sons,  he  now,  in  his  piosperity,  took  advantage  of  this  change  for 
 the  belter,  and  the  freedom  he  now  hsd,  to  exercise  his  hatred  against  them,  after  an  unheard 
 of  manner ;  he  therefore  sent  and  called  as  many  as  he  thought  lit  to  this  assembly,  excepting 
 
 •  Whnt  JosepVius  relates  Augustus  to  have  here  said,  that  l!eT->-tii8  '  was  a  city  belonging  to  the  Homaus,' 
 is  ciinlirmeil  by  Sjianheim's  note  here:  "  It  was,"  says  lie,  "  a  colony  placeil  there  by  Augustus.  Wliejice 
 I'lpiMU,  '  De  Cens.  15el.  1.  t.  xv.  llie  colony  of  Berytus  was  rendered  famous  by  the  beuetits  of  Caesar.' 
 And  tlienoe  it  is  that,  among  the  coins  of  Augustus,  we  meet  with  some  haviiit;  this  inscription  :  '  The  Uappy 
 colony  of  Augustus  at  Berytus.'  "■ 
 
430  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 Arclielaus,  for  as  for  Iiini,  be  either  bated  bim,  so  that  he  would  not  invite  him,  or  be  thoiiglit 
 be  would  be  au  obstacle  tu  bis  designs. 
 
 2.  When  the  presidents,  and  the  rest  that  belonged  to  tbe  cities,  were  corae  to  Berytus,  be 
 kept  bis  sons  in  a  certain  village  belonging  to  Sidon,  called  Platana,  bnt  near  to  this  city,  that 
 if  they  were  called  be  might  produce  them,  for  be  did  not  think  fit  to  bring  them  before  tbe 
 assembly :  and  when  there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  assessors  present,  Herod  came  by  him- 
 self alone,  and  accused  his  sons,  and  that  in  such  a  way  as  if  it  were  not  a  melancholy  accusa- 
 tion, and  not  made  but  out  of  necessity,  and  upon  the  misfortunes  be  was  under:  indeed,  in 
 such  a  way,  as  was  very  indecent  for  a  father  to  accuse  his  sons,  for  he  was  very  vehement  and 
 disordered,  when  be  came  to  the  demonstration  of  the  crime  they  were  accused  of,  and  gave 
 the  greatest  signs  of  passion  and  barbarity  :  nor  would  be  suffer  tbe  assessors  to  consider  of 
 the  weight  of  the  evidence,  but  asserted  them  to  be  true  by  bis  own  authority,  after  a  manner 
 most  indecent  in  a  father  against  his  sons,  and  read  himself  what  they  themselves  bad  written, 
 ■wherein  there  was  no  confession  of  any  plots  or  contrivances  against  bim,  bnt  only  how  they 
 had  contrived  to  fly  away,  and  containing  withal  certain  reproaches  against  bim,  on  account  of 
 tbe  ill-will  he  bare  them  ;  and  when  be  came  to  those  reproaches,  be  cried  out  most  of  all,  and 
 exaggerated  what  they  said,  as  if  they  bad  confessed  the  design  against  bim,  and  took  bis  oath 
 that  he  had  rather  lose  his  life  than  hear  snch  reproachful  words.  At  last  he  said,  that  "  be 
 bad  sufficient  authority  both  by  nature,  and  by  Caesar's  grant  to  him,  [to  do  what  he  thought 
 fit.]  He  also  added  an  allegation  of  a  law  of  their  country  which  enjoined  this :  that  it 
 parents  laid  their  hands  on  tbe  head  of  him  that  was  accused,  tbe  slanders  by  were  obliged  to 
 cast  stones  at  him,  and  thereby  to  slay  him,  which  though  he  was  ready  to  do  in  bis  own  coim- 
 try  and  kingdom,  yet  did  he  wait  for  their  determination:  that  yet  they  came  thither  not  so 
 much  as  judges,  to  condemn  them  for  such  manifest  designs  against  bim,  whereby  he  had 
 almost  perished  by  bis  sons'  means,  but  as  persons  who  bad  an  opportunity  of  shewing  their 
 detestation  of  such  practices,  and  declaring  how  unworthy  a  thing  it  must  be  in  any,  even  the 
 most  remote,  to  pass  over  such  treacherous  designs  [without  punishment."] 
 
 3.  When  the  king  bad  said  this,  and  the  young  men  had  not  been  produced  to  make  any 
 defence  for  themselves,  the  assessors  perceived  there  was  no  room  for  equity  and  reconcilia- 
 tion, so  they  confirmed  bis  authority.  And  in  the  first  place,  Saturuinus,  a  person  that  had 
 been  consul,  and  one  of  great  dignity,  pronounced  his  sentence,  but  with  great  moderation  and 
 trouble  ;  and  said,  "  That  be  condemned  Herod's  sons,  but  did  not  think  they  should  be  put 
 to  death.  He  bad  sons  of  his  own,  and  to  put  one's  son  to  death,  is  a  greater  misfortune 
 than  any  other  that  could  befall  him  by  their  means."  After  bim  Saturninus'  sons,  for  he  iiad 
 three  sons  that  followed  him,  and  were  his  legates,  pronounced  the  same  sentence  with  their 
 father  :  on  the  contrary,  Volumnius'  sentence  was  to  inflict  death  on  such  as  bad  been  so 
 impiously  undutiful  to  their  father  ;  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  rest  said  the  same,  insomuch 
 that  the  conclusion  seemed  to  be,  that  tbe  young  men  were  condemned  to  die.  Immediately 
 after  this,  Herod  came  away  from  thence,  and  took  his  sons  to  Tyre,  where  Nicolans  met  him 
 in  his  voyage  from  Rome  :  of  whom  he  inquired,  after  be  had  related  to  him  what  bad  passed 
 at  Berytus,  what  his  sentiments  were  about  his  sons,  and  what  his  friends  at  Rome  thought 
 of  that  matter  ?  His  answer  was,  "  That  what  they  had  determined  to  do  to  thee  was  impious, 
 and  that  thou  ougbtest  to  keep  them  in  prison  ;  and  if  thou  thinkest  any  thing  farther  neces- 
 sary, thou  mayest  indeed  so  punish  them,  that  thou  mayest  not  appear  to  indulge  thy  anger 
 more  than  to  govern  thyself  by  judgment ;  but  if  thoa  inclinest  to  the  milder  side,  thou  mayest 
 absolve  them,  lest  perhaps  thy  misfortunes  be  rendered  incurable:  and  this  is  tbe  opinion  of 
 the  greatest  part  of  thy  friends  at  Rome  also."  Whereupon  Herod  was  silent,  and  in  great 
 thoughtfulness,  and  bade  Nicolaus  sail  along  with  him. 
 
 4.  Now  as  they  came  to  Caesarea,  every  body  was  there  talking  of  Herod's  sons,  and  tbe 
 kingdom  was  in  suspense,  and  the  people  in  great  expectation  of  what  wonid  become  of  them, 
 for  a  terrible  fear  seized  upon  all  men,  lest  the  ancient  disorders  of  tbe  family  should  come  to 
 a  sad  conclusion,  and  they  were  in  great  trouble  about  their  suflerings  :  nor  was  it  without 
 danger  to  say  any  rash  thing  about  this  matter,  nor  even  to  bear  another  saying  it ;  but  men's 
 pity  was  forced  to  be  shut  up  in  themselves,  which  rendered  the  excess  of  their  sorrow  very 
 irksome,  but  very  silent;  yet  was  there  an  old  soldier  of  Herod's,  whose  name  was  Tero,  who 
 had  a  son  of  tbe  same  age  with  Alexander,  and  his  friend,  who  was  so  very  free,  as  openly  to 
 speak  out  what  others  silently  thought  about  that  matter  :  and  was  forced  to  cry  out  often 
 among  tbe  multitude,  and  said,  in  tbe  most  unguarded  manner,  "  That  truth  was  perished, 
 and  justice  taken  away  from  men,  while  lies  and  ill-will  prevailed,  and  brought  such  a  mist 
 before  public  aft'airs,  that  the  ofl'enders  were  not  able  to  see  the  greatest  mischief  that  can 
 befall  men."  And  as  he  was  so  bold,  he  seemed  not  to  have  kept  himself  out  of  danger,  by 
 speaking  so  freely ;  but  tbe  reasonableness  of  what  he  said  moved  men  to  regard  him,  as 
 liaving  behaved  himself  with  great  manhood,  and  this  at  a  proper  time  also,  for  which  reason 
 every  one  heard  what  he  said  with  pleasure;  and  although  they  first  took  care  of  their  own 
 safety,  by  keeping  silent  themselves,  yet  did  they  kindly  receive  the  great  freedom  be  took; 
 for  the  expectation  they  were  in  of  so  grci«t  an  ufilictiou,  put  a  force  upon  them  to  speak  of 
 Tero  whatsoever  they  pleased. 
 
BOOK  XVI. — CHAP.  XI.  431 
 
 5.  TLis  man  Lad  thrust  himself  into  the  kiug's  presence  with  the  greatest  freedom,  and 
 desired  to  speak  with  him  hy  himself  alone,  which  the  king  permitted  him  to  do,  where  he 
 said  this :  "  Since  1  am  not  able,  O  kin>^,  to  bear  ap  under  so  great  a  concern  as  I  am  under, 
 1  have  preferred  the  use  of  this  bold  liberty  that  I  now  take,  which  may  be  for  thy  advantage, 
 if  tlioii  mind  to  get  any  profit  by  it,  before  my  own  safety.  Whither  is  thy  understanding 
 gone,  and  left  thy  soul  cin[)ty  ?  Whither  is  that  extraordinary  sagacity  of  thine  gone,  where- 
 by thou  hast  pel  formed  so  many  and  such  glorious  actions?  Whence  comes  this  solitude, 
 and  desertion  of  thy  fiieiius  and  relations  ?  Of  which  I  cannot  but  determine,  that  they  are 
 neither  thy  friends  nor  relations,  while  they  overlook  so  horrid  wickedness  in  thy  once  happy 
 kLiigdom.  Dost  not  thou  perceive  what  is  doing  ?  Wilt  thou  slay  these  two  young  men,  bora 
 of  thy  queen,  who  are  accomplished  with  every  virtue  in  the  highest  degree,  and  leave  thyself 
 destitute  in  thy  old  age,  but  exposed  to  one  son,  who  hath  very  ill  managed  the  hopes  thou 
 hast  given  him  ;  ami  to  relations,  whose  death  thou  hast  so  often  resolved  on  thyself?  Dost  not 
 thou  take  notice,  that  the  very  silence  of  the  maltitude  at  once  sees  the  crime  and  abhors  the 
 fact  ?  The  whole  army  and  the  ollicers  have  commiseration  on  the  poor  unhappy  youths,  and 
 hatred  to  those  that  are  the  actors  in  this  matter."  These  words  the  king  heard,  and  for 
 some  time  with  good  temper.  But  what  can  one  say  ?  When  Teio  plainly  touched  upon  the 
 bad  behaviour  and  perlidiousness  of  his  domestics,  he  was  moved  at  it :  but  Tero  went  on 
 further,  and  by  degrees  u^ed  an  unbounded  military  freedom  of  speech,  nor  was  he  so  well 
 disciplined  as  to  accommodate  himself  to  the  time:  so  Herod  was  greatly  disturbed,  and 
 seeming  to  be  rather  reproached  by  this  speech,  than  to  be  hearing  what  was  for  his  advantage, 
 while  he  learned  hereby,  that  both  the  soldiers  abhorred  the  thing  he  was  about,  and  the  olli- 
 cers had  indignation  at  it,  he  gave  orders  that  all  whom  Tero  had  named,  and  Tero  himself, 
 should  be  bound  and  kept  in  prison. 
 
 G.  When  this  was  over,  one  Trypho,  who  was  the  king's  barber,  took  the  opportunity,  and 
 came  and  told  the  king,  that  Tero  would  often  have  persuaded  him,  that  wiien  he  trimmed  him 
 with  a  razor,  to  cut  his  throat,  for  that  by  this  means  he  should  be  among  the  chief  of  Alexan- 
 der's friends,  and  receive  great  rewards  from  him.  When  lie  had  said  this,  the  king  gave 
 order  that  Tero  and  his  son,  and  the  barber,  should  be  tortured,  which  was  done  accordingly; 
 but  while  Tero  bore  up  himself,  his  sou  seeing  his  father  already  in  a  sad  case,  and  had  no 
 hope  of  deliverance,  and  perceiving  what  would  be  the  consequence  of  his  terrible  suflerings, 
 said,  that  "  if  the  kin^  would  free  him  and  his  father  from  these  torments,  for  what  he  should 
 say,  he  would  tell  the  truth."  And  when  the  king  had  given  his  word  to  do  so,  he  said 
 that  "  there  was  an  agreement  made,  that  Tero  should  lay  violent  hands  on  the  king,  because 
 it  was  easy  for  him  to  come  when  he  was  alone  ;  and  that  if,  when  he  had  done  the  thing,  he 
 should  suller  deaih  for  it,  as  was  not  unlikely,  it  would  be  an  act  of  generosity  done  in  favour 
 of  Alexander."  This  was  what  Tero's  son  said,  and  thereby  freed  his  father  from  the  distress 
 he  was  in ;  but  uncertain  it  is  whether  he  had  been  thus  forced  to  speak  what  was  true,  or 
 whether  it  were  a  contrivance  of  h>s  in  order  to  procure  his  own  and  his  father's  deliveraucei 
 from  their  miseries. 
 
 7.  As  for  Herod,  if  he  had  heTore  any  doubt  about  the  slaughter  of  his  sons,  there  was  now 
 no  longer  any  room  left  in  his  soul  for  it;  but  he  had  banished  away  whatsoever  might  afTord 
 him  the  least  suggestion  of  reasoning  better  about  this  matter,  so  he  already  made  haste  to 
 bring  his  purpose  to  a  conclusion.  He  also  brought  out  three  hundred  of  the  officers  that 
 were  under  an  accusation,  as  also  Tero  and  his  son,  and  the  barber  that  accused  them,  before 
 an  assembly,  and  brought  an  accusation  against  them  all  ;  whom  the  multitude  stoned  with 
 whatsoever  came  to  hand,  and  thereby  slew  them.  Alexander  and  also  Aristobulus  wero 
 brought  to  Sehaste  hy  their  father's  command,  and  there  strangled  ;  but  their  dead  bodies 
 were  in  the  night  time  carried  to  Alexandrium,  where  their  uncle  by  their  mother's  side,  and 
 the  greatest  part  of  their  ancestors,  had  been  deposited. 
 
 8.  *And  now  perhaps  it  may  not  seem  unreasonable  to  some,  that  such  an  inveterate  hatred 
 might  increase  so  much  [on  both  sides,]  as  to  proceed  farther,  and  overcome  nature :  but  it 
 may  justly  deserve  consideration,  whether  it  be  to  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  young  men, 
 that  they  gave  such  an  occasion  to  their  father's  anger,  and  led  him  to  do  what  he  did,  and  by 
 going  on  long  in  the  same  way,  put  things  past  remedy,  and  brought  him  to  use  them  so 
 unmercifully  ;  or  whether  it  be  to  be  laid  to  the  father's  charge,  that  he  was  so  hard-hearted, 
 and  so  very  tender  in  the  desire  of  government,  and  of  other  things  that  would  tend  to  his 
 glory,  that  he  would  take  no  one  into  a  partnership  with  him,  that  so  whatsoever  he  would 
 have  done  himself  might  continue  immoveable  ;  or  indeed,  whether  fortune  have  not  greater 
 power  than  all  prudent  reasonings  :  whence  we  are  persuaded  that  human  actions  are  thereby 
 determined  beforehand  by  an  inevitable  necessity,  and  we  call  her  Fate,  because  there  is 
 nothing  which  is  not  done  by  her  :  wherefore  I  suppose  it  will  be  sullicient  to  compare  this 
 notion  with  that  other,  which  attributes  somewhat  to  ourselves,  and  renders  men  not  unac- 
 coantable  for  the  difl'erent  conducts  of  their  lives,  which  notion  is  no  other  than   the  philoso- 
 
 •  ']"he  reader  is  here  to  note,  that  this  eighth  section  is  entirely  wanting  in  the  old  Latin  version,  as  Span- 
 hcrm  truly  observes ;  nor  is  there  auy  other  reason  for  it,  I  suppose,  than  the  great  dilliculty  of  an  exact 
 translation. 
 
432  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 pbical  determiDation  of  our  ancient  law.  Accordingly,  of  the  two  ether  causes  of  this  sad 
 event,  any  body  may  lay  the  blame  on  the  young  men,  who  acted  by  youthful  vanity,  and  pride 
 of  their  royal  birth,  that  they  should  bear  to  hear  the  calumnies  that  were  raised  against  their 
 father,  while  certainly  they  were  not  equitable  judges  of  the  actions  of  his  life,  but  ill  natored 
 iu  suspecting,  and  intemperate  in  speaking  of  it,  and  on  both  accounts  easily  caught  by  those 
 that  observed  them,  and  revealed  them  to  gain  favour  ;  yet  cannot  their  father  be  thought 
 worthy  of  excuse,  as  to  that  horrid  impiety  which  he  was  guilty  of  about  them,  while  he  ven- 
 tured, without  any  certain  evidence  of  their  treacherous  designs  against  him,  and  without  any 
 proofs  that  they  had  made  preparation  for  such  attempt,  to  kill  his  own  sons  who  were  of  very 
 comely  bodies,  and  the  great  darlings  of  other  men,  and  no  way  deficient  in  their  conduct,  whether 
 it  were  in  hunting,  or  in  warlike  exercises,  or  in  speaking  upon  occasional  topics  of  discourse  : 
 for  in  all  these  tliey  were  skilful,  and  especially  Alexander,  who  was  the  eldest  ;  for  certainly 
 it  had  been  sufficient,  even  though  he  had  condemned  them,  to  have  kept  them  alive  in  bonds, 
 or  to  let  them  live  at  a  distance  fron  his  dominions  in  banishment,  while  he  was  surrounded  by 
 the  Roman  forces,  which  were  a  strong  security  to  him,  whose  help  would  prevent  his  suffering 
 any  thing  by  a  sudden  onset,  or  by  open  force  ;  but  for  him  to  kill  them  on  the  sudden,  in  order 
 to  gratify  a  passion  that  governed  him,  was  a  demonstration  of  insufferable  impiety  ;  he  also  was 
 guilty  of  so  great  a  crime  in  his  older  age  ;  nor  will  the  delays  that  he  made,  and  the  length  of 
 time  in  which  the  thing  was  done,  plead  at  all  for  his  excuse  ;  for  when  a  man  is  on  a  sudden 
 amazed,  and  in  commotion  of  mind,  and  then  commits  a  wicked  action,  although  this  be  a  heavy 
 crime, yet  is  it  a  thing  that  frequently  happens  ;  but  to  do  it  upon  deliberation,  and  after  frequent 
 attempts,  and  as  frequent  puttings  off,  to  undertake  it  at  last,  and  accomplish  it,  was  the  actiou 
 of  a  murderous  mind,  and  such  as  v-^as  not  easily  moved  from  that  which  is  evil:  and  this 
 temper  he  shewed  in  what  he  did  afterward,  when  he  did  not  spare  those  that  seemed  to  be 
 the  best  beloved  of  his  friends  that  were  left,  wherein,  though  the  justice  of  the  punishment 
 caused  those  that  perished  to  be  the  less  pitied,  yet  was  the  barbarity  of  the  man  here  equals 
 in  that  he  did  not  abstain  from  their  slaughter  also  ;  but  of  these  persons  we  shall  have  occa- 
 sion to  discourse  more  hereafter. 
 
 BOOK  XVII. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  FOURTEEN  YEARS.-FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXAN- 
 DER AND  ARISTOBULUS,  TO  THE  BANISHMENT  OF  ARCHELAUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Anlipater  was  hated  by  all  the  Nation  [of  the  Jews']  for  the  Slaughter  of  his  Brethren; 
 and  how,  for  that  Reason,  he.  got  into  peculiar  Favour  with  his  Friends  at  Rome,  by  giving 
 them  many  Presents ;  as  he  did  also  tvith  Satiirninus,  the  President  of  Syria,  and  the 
 Governors  who  tvere  under  him  ;  and  concerning  Herod's  Wives  and  Children. 
 
 $  1.  When  Antipater  had  thus  taken  off  his  brethren,  and  brought  his  father  into  the  highest 
 degree  of  impiety,  till  he  was  haunted  with  furies  for  what  he  had  done,  his  hopes  did  not  suc- 
 ceed to  bis  mind,  as  to  the  rest  of  his  life  ;  for  although  he  was  delivered  from  the  fear  of  his 
 brethren  being  his  rivals  as  to  the  government,  yet  did  he  find  it  a  very  hard  thing,  and  almost 
 impracticable,  to  come  at  the  kingdom,  because  the  hatred  of  the  nation  against  him  on  that 
 account  was  become  very  great;  and,  besides  this  very  disagreeable  circumstance,  the  affair 
 of  the  soldiery  grieved  him  still  more,  who  were  alienated  from  him,  from  which  yet  these 
 kings  derived  all  the  safety  which  they  had,  whenever  they  found  the  nation  desirous  of  inno- 
 vation :  and  all  this  danger  was  drawn  upon  him  by  his  destruction  of  his  brethren.  How- 
 ever, he  governed  the  nation  jointly  with  his  father,  being  indeed  no  other  than  a  king 
 already ;  and  he  was  for  that  very  reason  trusted,  and  the  more  firmly  depended  on,  for 
 which  he  ought  himself  to  have  been  put  to  death,  as  appearing  to  have  betrayed  his  brethren 
 out  of  his  concern  for  the  preservation  of  Herod,  and  not  rather  out  iof  his  ill-will  to 
 them,  and  before  them,  to  his  father  himself;  and  this  was  the  accursed  slate  be  was  in. 
 Now,  all  Antipater's  contrivances  fended  to  make  his  way  to  take  off  Herod,  that  he  might 
 have  nobody  to  accuse  him  in  the  vile  practices  he  was  devising  ;  and  that  Herod  might 
 have  no  refuge,  nor  any  to  afford  him  their  assistance,  since  they  must  thereby  have  Antipa- 
 ter for  their  open  enemy ;  insomuch  that  the  very  plots  he  had  laid  against  his  brethren  were 
 occasioned  by  the  hatred  he  bore  his  father.  But  at  this  time  he  was  more  than  ever  set 
 upon  the  execution  of  his  attempts  against  Herod,  because,  if  he  were  once  dead,  the  govern- 
 ment would  now  be  firmly  secured  to  him ;  but,  if  he  were  suftered  to  live  any  longer, 
 he  should  be  in  danger,  upon  a  discovery  of  that  wickedness  of  which  he  had  been  the  con- 
 triver, and  his  father  would  of  necessity  then  become  bis  enemy,  and  on  that  account  it 
 
liOOK   XVII. — CHAP.  1.  433 
 
 was  that  he  became  very  bounlilui  to  bis  t'atlier's  friends,  and  bestowed  great  sums  on  several 
 of  them,  in  order  to  surprise  men  with  bis  good  deeds,  and  take  off  their  hatred  against  him. 
 And  he  sent  great  presents  to  his  friends  at  Rome  particularly,  to  gain  their  good-will  ;  and 
 above  all  to  Saturninus,  the  president  of  Syria.  He  also  hoped  to  gain  the  favour  of  Saturni- 
 nus  s  brother  with  the  large  presents  he  bestowed  on  him  ;  as  also,  he  used  the  same  art  to 
 [Salome]  the  king's  sister,  who  had  married  one  of  Herod's  chief  friends.  And,  when  he 
 counterfeited  friendship  to  those  with  whom  he  conversed,  he  v/as  very  sobtle  in  gaining  their 
 belief,  and  very  cunning  to  hide  his  hatred  against  any  that  he  really  did  hate  But  he  could 
 not  impose  upon  his  aunt,  who  understood  him  of  a  long  lime,  and  was  a  woman  not  easily  to 
 be  deluded  ;  especially  while  she  had  already  used  all  possible  caution  iu  preventing  his  per- 
 nicious designs.  Although  Antipater's  uncle  by  the  mother's  side  was  married  to  her  dMUgh- 
 ter,  and  this  by  his  own  contrivance  and  management,  v,rhile  she  had  before  been  married  to 
 Aristobulns,  and  while  Salome's  other  daughter  by  that  husband  was  married  to  the  son  of 
 Calleas ;  yet  that  marriage  was  no  obstacle  to  her,  who  knew  how  wicked  he  was,  in  her  dis- 
 covering his  designs,  as  her  former  kindred  to  him  could  not  prevent  her  hatred  of  hun.  Now 
 Herod  had  compelled  Salome,  while  she  was  in  love  with  Syllcus  the  Arabian,  and  had  taken 
 a  fondness  for  him,  to  marry  Alexas  ;  which  match  was  by  her  submitted  to  at  the  instance  of 
 Julia,  who  persuaded  Salome  not  to  refuse  it,  lest  slie  should  herself  be  their  open  enemy, 
 since  Herod  had  sworn  that  he  would  never  be  friends  with  Salome,  if  she  would  not  accept 
 Alexas  for  her  husband  ;  so  she  submitted  to  Julia  as  being  Ca;sar's  wife,  and  besides  that, 
 she  advised  her  to  nothing  but  what  was  very  much  for  her  own  advantage.  At  this  time, 
 also,  it  was  that  Herod  sent  back  king  Archelaus'  daughter,  who  had  been  Alexander's  wife, 
 to  her  father,  returning  the  portion  he  had  with  her  out  of  his  own  estate,  that  there  might  be 
 no  dispute  between  them  about  it. 
 
 Now  Herod  brought  up  his  sons'  children  with  great  care  ;  for  Alexander  had  two  sons  by 
 Glaphyra  ;  and  Aristobulus  had  three  sons  by  Bernice,  Salome's  daughter,  and  two  daughters  ; 
 and,  as  his  friends  were  one  with  him,  he  presented  the  children  before  them,  and  deploring 
 the  hard  fortune  of  his  own  sons,  he  prayed  that  no  such  ill  fortune  would  befall  these  who 
 were  their  children,  but  that  they  might  improve  in  virtue,  and  obtain  what  they  justly  deserved, 
 and  might  make  him  amends  for  his  care  of  their  education.  He  also  caused  them  to  be 
 betrothed  against  they  should  come  to  the  proper  age  of  marriage:  the  elder  of  Alexander  s 
 sons  to  Pheroras'  daughter,  and  Antipater's  daughter  to  Aristobulus's  eldest  son.  He  also 
 allotted  one  of  Aristobulus's  daughters  to  Antipater's  son,  and  Aristobulus's  other  daughter  to 
 Herod,  a  son  of  his  own,  who  was  born  to  him  by  the  high  priest's  daughter  ;  for  it  is  the 
 ancient  practice  among  us  to  have  many  wives  at  the  same  time.  Now,  the  king  made  these 
 espousals  for  the  children,  out  of  commiseration  of  them  now  they  were  fatherless,  as  endea- 
 vouring to  render  Antipater  kind  to  them  by  these  intermarriages.  But  Antipater  did  not  fail 
 to  bear  the  same  temper  of  mind  lo  his  brothers'  children  which  he  had  home  to  his  brothers 
 themselves  ;  and  his  father's  concern  about  them  provoked  his  indignation  against  them,  upon 
 this  supposal,  that  they  would  become  greater  than  ever  his  brothers  had  been  ;  while  Arche- 
 laus, a  king,  would  sujiport  his  daughter's  sons,  and  Pheroras,  a  tetrarch,  would  accept  of  one 
 iif  the  daughters  as  a  wile  to  his  son.  What  provoked  him  also  was  this,  that  all  the  multi- 
 tude would  so  commiserate  these  fatherless  children,  and  so  hate  him,  [for  making  them  father- 
 less,] that  all  would  come  out,  since  they  were  no  strangers  to  his  vile  disposition  towards  his 
 brethren.  He  contrived,  therefore,  to  overturn  his  father's  .setllements,  as  thinking  it  a  terri- 
 ble thing  that  they  should  be  so  related  to  him,  and  be  so  powerful  withal.  So  Herod  yielded 
 to  him,  and  changed  his  resolution  at  his  entreaty  :  and  the  determination  now  was,  that  An- 
 tipater himself  should  marry  Aristobulus's  daughter,  and  Antipater's  son  should  marry  Phero- 
 ras' daughter.  So  the  espousals  for  the  marriages  were  changed  after  this  manner,  even  with- 
 out the  king's  real  approbation. 
 
 Now  Herod  the  king  had  at  this  time  nine  wives;*  one  of  them  Antipater's  mother,  and 
 another,  the  high  priest's  daughter,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  of  his  own  name  :  he  had  also  one 
 who  was  his  brother's  daughter,  and  another  his  sister's  daughter,  which  two  had  no  children. 
 One  of  his  wives  also  was  of  the  Samaritan  nation,  whose  sons  were  Antipas  and  Archelaus, 
 and  whose  daughter  was  Olynipias  ;  which  daughter  was  afterward  married  to  Joseph,  tho 
 king's  brother's  son  ;  but  Archelaus  and  Antipas  were  brought  up  with  a  certain  private  man  at 
 Rome.  Herod  had  also  to  wife  Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem,  and  by  her  he  had  his  sons  Herod 
 and  Philip  ;  which  last  was  also  brought  up  at  Rome  ;  Pallas  also  was  one  of  his  wives,  who 
 bare  him  his  son  Phasaelus.  And  besides  these,  he  had  for  his  wives  Phe<lra  and  Elpis,  by 
 whom  he  had  his  daughters  Roxana  and  Salome.  As  for  his  elder  daughters,  by  the  same 
 mother  with  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  and  whom  Pheroras  neglected  to  marry,  he  gavs  the 
 one  in  marriage  to  Antipater,  the  king's  .sister's  son,  and  the  other  to  Phasaelus,  his  brother's 
 SOD.     And  this  was  the  posterity  of  Herod. 
 
 *  Those  who  liave  a  mind  to  Imow  all  tlie  fomilv  and  deBCfiiid.iuts  of  Antipater  tiie  hliimean,  and  of  Ilorod 
 the  (rreat,  his  son,  and  have  a  nuinory  to  priserve  Iheiii  all  dislinctly,  may  consult  .losephiis,  Antiq,  b,  xviii. 
 ihnp.  V.  (:  4.  and  of  the  War,  b.  i.  rhaii.  xxviii.  ^  4.  anii  Noldiur,  in  Havcrcamp's  edition,  p.  :i36.  and  Spanheim, 
 ibiU.  p.  iu'i—H)5.  and  Kelaod,  Paleslin.  part  i,  p.  175, 17i). 
 
 3  I 
 
434  ANTIQUiriES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Concerning  Zumaris,  the  Babylonian  Jew.     Concerning  the  Plots  laid  by  Aiitipater  af/ainst  his 
 Fathei' ;  und  somettihat  about  the  Pharisees. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  it  was  that  Herod,  being  desirous  of  securing  himself  on  tlie  side  of  the  Traclio- 
 nites,  resolved  to  build  a  village  as  large  as  a  citj  for  the  Jews,  in  the  middle  of  that  country, 
 which  might  make  his  own  country  difficult  to  be  assaulted,  and  whence  he  might  be  at  hand 
 to  make  sallies  upon  them,  and  do  them  a  mischief.  Accordingly,  when  he  understood  that 
 there  was  a  man  that  was  a  Jew  come  out  of  Babylon,  with  five  hundred  horsemen,  all  of  whom 
 could  shoot  their  arrows  as  they  rode  on  horseback,  and  with  a  hundred  of  bis  relalious,  had 
 passed  over  Euphrates,  and  now  abode  at  Antioch  by  Daphne  of  Syria,  where  Saturninus,  who 
 was  then  president,  had  given  them  a  place  for  habitation,  called  Valatha,  he  sent  for  this  man, 
 with  the  multitude  that  followed  him,  and  promised  to  give  him  land  in  the  toparchy  called 
 Batauea,  which  country  is  bounded  by  Trachonitis,  as  desirous  to  make  that  his  habitation  a 
 guard  to  himself.  He  also  engaged  to  let  him  hold  the  country  free  from  tribute,  and  that 
 they  should  dwell  entirely  without  paying  such  customs  as  used  to  be  paid,  and  gave  it  him 
 tax  free. 
 
 2.  The  Babylonian  was  induced  by  these  ofiTers  to  come  hither  ;  so  he  took  possession  of  the 
 land,  and  built  in  it  fortresses  and  a  village,  and  named  it  Bathyra.  Whereby  this  man  became 
 a  safeguard  to  the  inhabitants  against  the  Trachonites,  and  preserved  those  Jews  who  came  out 
 of  Babylon  to  oft'er  their  sacrifices  at  Jerusalem,  from  being  hurt  by  the  Trachonite  robbers  ; 
 so  that  a  great  number  came  to  him  from  all  those  parts  where  the  ancient  Jewish  laws  were 
 observed,  and  the  country  became  full  of  people,  by  reason  of  their  universal  freedom  from 
 taxes.  This  continued  during  the  life  of  Herod  ;  but  when  Philip,  who  was  [tetrarch]  after 
 him,  took  the  government,  he  made  them  pay  some  small  taxes,  and  that  for  a  little  while 
 only  ;  and  Agrippa  the  Great,  and  his  son  of  the  same  name,  although  they  harassed  them 
 greatly,  yet  would  they  not  take  their  liberty  away.  From  whom,  when  the  Romans  have  now 
 taken  the  government  into  their  own  hands,  they  still  give  them  the  privilege  of  their  freedom, 
 but  oppress  them  entirely  with  the  imposition  of  taxes.  Of  which  matter  I  shall  treat  more 
 accurately  in  the  progress  of  this  history.* 
 
 3.  At  length  Zamaris,  the  Babylonian,  to  whom  Herod  had  given  that  country  for  a  posses- 
 sion, died  ;  having  lived  virtuously,  and  left  children  of  a  good  character  behind  him  ;  one  of 
 whom  was  Jacimus,  who  was  famous  for  his  valour,  and  taught  his  Babylonians  how  to  ride 
 their  horses  ;  and  a  troop  of  them  were  guards  to  the  forementloned  kings.  And  when  Jaci- 
 mus was  dead  in  his  old  age,  he  left  a  son  whose  name  was  Philip,  one  of  great  strength  in  his 
 hands,  and  in  other  respects  also  more  eminent  for  his  valour  than  any  of  his  contemporaries; 
 on  which  account  there  was  a  confidence  and  firm  friendship  between  him  and  king  Agrippa. 
 He  had  also  an  army  which  he  maintained  as  great  as  that  of  a  king  ;  which  he  exercised  and 
 led  wheresoever  he  had  occasion  to  march. 
 
 4.  When  the  affairs  of  Herod  were  in  the  condition  I  have  described,  all  the  public  affairs 
 depended  upon  Antipater ;  and  his  power  was  such,  that  he  could  do  good  turns  to  as  many  as 
 he  pleased,  and  this  by  his  father's  concession,  in  liopes  of  his  good-will  and  fidelity  to  him  ; 
 and  this  till  he  ventured  to  use  his  powers  still  farther,  because  his  wicked  designs  were  con- 
 cealed from  his  father,  and  he  made  him  believe  every  thing  he  said.  He  was  also  formidable 
 to  all,  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  power  and  authority  he  had,  as  for  the  shrewdness  of  his 
 vile  attempts  beforehand :  but  he  who  principally  cultivated  a  friendship  with  him  was  Phe- 
 roras,  who  received  the  like  marks  of  his  friendship  ;  while  Antipater  had  cunningly  encom- 
 passed him  about  by  a  companv  of  women,  whom  he  placed  as  guards  about  him  ;  for  Pheroras 
 was  greatly  enslaved  to  his  wife,  and  to  her  mother,  and  to  her  sister  ;  and  this  notwithstand- 
 ing the  hatred  he  bore  them,  for  the  indignities  they  had  ofiered  to  his  virgin  daughters.  Yet 
 did  he  bear  them,  and  nothing  was  to  be  done  without  the  women,  who  had  got  this  man  into 
 their  circle,  and  continued  still  to  assist  each  other  In  all  things,  insomuch  that  Antipater  was 
 entirely  addicted  to  them,  both  by  himself  and  by  his  mother  ;  for  these  four  woment  said  all 
 one  and  the  same  thing;  but  the  opinions  of  Pheroras  and  Antipater  were  different  in  some 
 points  of  no  consequence.  But  the  king's  sister  [Salome]  was  their  antagonist,  who  for  a  good 
 while  had  looked  about  all  their  affairs,  and  was  apprized  tliat  this  their  friendship  was  made  ■ 
 in  order  to  do  Herod  some  mischief,  and  was  disposed  to  Inform  tlie  king  of  It.  And  since 
 these  people  knew  that  their  friendship  was  very  disagreeable  to  Herod,  as  tending  to  do  hita 
 a  mischief,  they  contrived  that  their  meetings  should  not  be  discovered  ;  so  they  pretended  to 
 hate  one  another,  and  to  abuse  one  another  when  time  served,  and  especially  when  Herod  was 
 present,  or  when  any  one  was  there  that  would  tell  him  ;  but  still  their  intimacy  was  firmer 
 than  ever  when  they  were  in  private.  And  this  was  the  course  they  took  ;  but  they  could  not 
 cnnceai  from  Salome  ntither  their  first  contrivance,  when  they  bet  about  these  their  Intentions, 
 tior  whtn  they  had  made  some  progress   In  them  ;  but  she  searched  out  every  thing  ;  and, 
 
 *     his  ia  now  vranUng.  t  Pherorae'  wife,  acd  her  mother  and  sister,  and  Uoris,  Antipater's  moibcr 
 
BOOK    XVII. — CHAP.    HI.  435 
 
 aggrafatiug  the  relations  to  her  brotLer,  declared  to  him,  "  As  well  their  secret  assemblies  and 
 conipotatious,  as  their  counsels  taken  in  a  clandestine  manner,  which,  if  they  were  not  in  order 
 to  destroy  liim,  they  might  wtll  enough  have  been  open  and  public.  But,  to  appearance,  they 
 are  at  variance,  and  speak  about  one  another  as  if  tliey  intended  one  another  a  mischief,  but 
 agree  so  well  to;^eiher  v;hen  thoy  are  out  of  the  sij;ht  of  the  multitude  ;  for  when  they  are  alone 
 by  themselves,  they  act  in  concert,  and  profess  that  they  will  never  leave  oil' their  friendship, 
 but  will  light  against  those  from  whom  they  conceal  their  designs."  And  thus  did  she  search 
 out  these  things,  and  get  a  perfect  knowledge  of  them,  and  then  told  her  brother  of  them;  who 
 understood  also  of  himself  a  great  deal  of  what  she  said,  but  still  durst  not  depend  upon  it, 
 because  of  the  suspicions  he  had  of  his  sister's  calumnies.  For  there  was  a  certain  sect  of 
 men  that  were  Jews,  who  valued  themselves  highly  upon  the  exact  skill  they  had  in  the  law 
 of  their  fathers,  and  made  meu  believe  they  were  highly  favoured  by  God,  by  whom  this  set 
 of  women  were  inveigled.  These  are  those  that  are  called  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  who  were 
 in  a  capacity  of  greatly  opposing  kings.  A  cunning  sect  they  were,  and  soon  elevated  to  a 
 pitch  of  open  lighting,  and  doing  mischief.  Accordingly,  when  all  the  people  of  the  Jews  gave 
 assurance  of  their  good-will  to  Ca-sar,  and  to  the  king's  government,  these  very  men  did  not 
 swear,  being  above  six  thousand  ;  and  when  the  king  imposed  a  fine  upon  them,  Pheroras'  wife 
 paid  their  fine  for  them.  .  In  order  to  requite  which  kindness  of  hers,  since  they  were  believed 
 to  have  the  foreknowledge  of  things  to  come  by  divine  inspiration,  they  foretold  how  God  had 
 decreed  that  Herod's  government  should  cease,  and  his  posterity  should  be  deprived  of  it;  but 
 that  tlie  kingdom  should  come  to  her  and  Pheroras,  and  to  their  children.  These  predictions 
 were  not  concealed  from  Salome,  but  were  told  the  king  ;  as  also  how  they  Lad  perverted  some 
 persons  about  the  palace  itself:  so  the  king  slew  such  of  the  Pharisees  as  were  principally 
 accused,  and  Bagoas,  the  eunuch,  and  one  Carus,  who  exceeded  all  men  of  that  time  in 
 comeliness,  and  one  that  was  his  catamite.  He  slew  also  those  of  his  own  family  who 
 had  consented  to  what  'he  Pharisees  foretold  ;  and  for  Bagoas,  he  had  been  puffed  up  by  them 
 as  though  he  should  be  named  the  father  and  the  benefactor  of  him  who,  by  the  prediction, 
 was  foretold  to  he  their  appointed  king  ;  for  that  this  king  would  have  all  things  in  his  power, 
 and  would  enable  Bagoas  to  marry,  and  to  have  children  of  his  own  body  begotten. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 Concerning  the  Enmity  bettveen  Herod  and  Pltercras ;  how  Herod  sent  Antipaler  to  Casar  ;  and 
 of  the  Death  of  Pheroras. 
 
 §  1.  When  Herod  had  punished  those  Pharisees  who  had  been  convicted  of  the  foregoing 
 crimes,  he  gathered  an  assembly  together  of  his  friends,  and  accused  Piieroras'wife  ;  and  ascrib- 
 ing the  abuses  of  the  virgius  to  the  impudence  of  that  woman,  brought  an  accusation  against 
 her  fur  the  dishonour  she  had  brought  upon  llicni  ;  that  "  she  had  studiously  introduced  a 
 quarrel  between  him  and  his  brother,  and,  by  her  ill  temper,  had  brought  them  into  a  state  of 
 war,  both  by  her  words  and  actions  ;  that  the  fines  which  he  had  laid  had  not  been  paid,  and 
 the  offenders  had  escaped  punishment  by  her  means  ;  and  that  nothing  which  had  of  late  been 
 done  had  been  done  without  her:  for  which  reason  Pheroras  would  do  well,  if  he  would,  of 
 his  own  accord,  and  by  his  own  command,  and  not  at  my  entreaty,  or  as  following  my  opinion, 
 put  this  his  wife  away,  as  one  that  will  still  be  the  occasion  of  war  between  thee  and  me.  And 
 now  Pheroras,  if  thou  vainest  thy  relation  to  me,  put  this  wife  of  thine  away  ;  for  by  this 
 means  thou  wilt  continue  to  be  a  brother  to  me,  and  wilt  abide  in  thy  love  to  me."  Then  said 
 Pheroras,  (although  he  were  pressed  hard  by  the  former  words,)  that  "  as  he  would  not  do 
 so  unjust  a  thing  as  to  renounce  his  brotherly  relation  to  him,  so  would  he  not  leave  oil'  his 
 affection  for  his  wife  ;  that  he  would  rather  choose  to  die  than  to  live  and  be  deprived  of  a 
 wife  that  was  so  dear  unto  him."  Hereupon  Herod  put  ofl' his  anger  against  Pheroras  on  these 
 accounts,  although  he  himself  thereby  underwent  a  very  uneasy  punishment.  However,  he 
 forbade  Autipater  and  his  mother  to  have  any  conversation  with  Pheroras,  and  bade  them  to 
 take  care  to  avoid  the  assemblies  of  the  women  :  which  they  promised  to  do  ,  but  still  got 
 together  when  occasion  served,  and  both  Pheroras  and  Antipater  had  their  own  merry  meet- 
 ings. The  report  went  also,  that  Antipater  had  criminal  coaversatiou  with  Pheroras' wife,  and 
 that  they  were  brought  together  by  Antipater's  mother. 
 
 ti.  But  Antipater  had  now  a  suspicion  of  his  father,  and  was  afraid  that  the  cfl'ecls  of  liis 
 Jiatred  to  him  might  increase  :  so  he  wrote  to  his  friends  at  Rome,  and  bade  them  to  send  to 
 Herod,  that  he  would  immediately  send  Antipater  to  Caesar  ;  which,  when  it  was  done,  Herod 
 sent  Antipater  thither,  and  sent  most  noble  presents  along  w.h  him  ;  as  also  his  testament, 
 wherein  Antipater  was  appointed  to  be  bis  successor;  and  that  if  Antijtater  should  die  first, 
 his  son  [Herod  Philip]  by  the  high  priest's  daughter  should  succeed.  And,  together  with 
 Antipater,  there  went  to  Rome,  .Sylleus  the  Arabian,  although  he  had  done  nothing  of  all  that 
 Ca'sar  had  enjoined.  Antipater  also  accused  him  of  the  same  crimes  of  which  he  had  been 
 formerly  accused  by  Herod.  Sjlleus  was  also  accused  by  Aretas,  that  without  his  consent  he 
 Lad  slain  many  of  the  chief  of  the  Arabians  at  Petra  ;  and  particularly  Sohemus,  a  man  that 
 deserved  to  be  Lonoujtd  by   all  uicu  ;   and  that   Le  had   slain  Fabatus,  a  servant  of  Caesar. 
 
436  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Tl>ese  were  the  things  of  which  Sylleus  was  accased,  and  that  on  the  occasion  following  :  there 
 was  one  Corinthiis,  belonging  to  Herod,  of  the  guards,  of  the  king's  body,  and  one  who  was 
 greatly  trusted  by  him.  Sylleus  had  persuaded  this  man  with  the  offer  of  a  great  sum  of  money, 
 to  kill  Herod  ;  and  he  had  promised  to  do  it.  When  Fabatns  had  been  acquainted  with  this, 
 for  Sylleus  had  himself  told  iiim  of  it,  he  informed  the  king  of  it;  who  caught  Corinthus,  and 
 put  him  to  the  torture,  and  thereby  got  out  of  him  the  whole  conspiracy.  He  also  caught  two 
 other  Arabians,  who  were  discovered  by  Corinthus ;  the  one  the  head  of  a  tribe,  and  the  other 
 a  friend  to  Sylleus,  who  both  were  by  the  king  brought  to  the  torture,  and  confessed  that  they 
 were  come  to  encourage  Corinthus  not  to  fail  of  doing  what  he  had  undertaken  to  do;  and  to 
 assist  him  with  their  own  hands  in  the  murder,  if  need  should  require  their  assistance.  Su 
 Saturninus,  upon  Herod's  discovering  the  whole  to  him,  sent  them  to  Rome. 
 
 3.  At  this  lime,  Herod  commanded  Pheroras,  that  since  he  was  so  obstinate  in  his  affection 
 for  his  wife,  he  should  retire  into  his  own  tetrarchy  ;  which  he  did  very  willingly,  and  swore 
 many  oaths  that  he  would  not  come  again,  till  he  heard  that  Herod  was  dead.  And  indeed, 
 when,  upon  a  sickness  of  the  king's,  he  was  desired  to  come  to  him  before  he  died,  that  he 
 might  intrust  him  with  some  of  his  injunctions,  he  had  such  a  regard  to  his  oath,  that  he  would 
 not  come  to  him  ;  yet  did  not  Herod  so  retain  his  hatred  to  Pheroras,  but  remitted  of  his  pur- 
 pose [not  to  see  him,]  which  he  before  had,  and  that  for  such  great  causes  as  have  been 
 already  mentioned  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  began  to  be  ill,  he  came  to  him,  and  this  without  being 
 sent  for  :  and  when  ,he  was  dead,  he  took  care  of  his  funeral,  and  had  his  body  brought  to 
 Jerusalem,  and  buried  there,  and  appointed  a  solemn  mourning  for  him.  This  [death  of 
 Pheroras]  became  the  origin  of  Autipater's  misfortunes,  although  he  had  already  sailed  for 
 Rome,  God  now  being  about  to  punish  him  for  the  murder  of  his  brethren.  I  will  explain  the 
 history  of  this  matter  very  distinctly,  that  it  may  be  for  a  warning  to  mankind^  that  they  take 
 care  of  conducting  their  whole  lives  by  the  rules  of  virtue. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Pheroras'  Wife  is  accused  by  his  freed  men  as  guilty  of  poisoning  him  ;  and  how  Herod,  upon 
 examining  the  Matter  by  Torture,  found  the  Poison  ;  but  so  that  it  had  been  prepared  for  him- 
 self by  his  son  A  ntipater ,"  and,  upon  an  Inquiry  by  Torture,  he  discovered  the  dangerous  Designs 
 of  Antipater. 
 
 §  1.  As  soon  as  Pheroras  was  dead,  and  his  funeral  was  over,  two  of  Pheroras'  freed  men, 
 who  were  much  esteemed  by  him,  came  to  Herod,  and  entreated  him  not  to  leave  the  murder 
 of  his  brother  without  avenging  it,  but  to  examine  into  such  an  unreasonable  and  unhappy 
 death.  When  he  was  moved  with  these  words,  for  they  seemed  to  him  to  be  true,  Ihey  said, 
 that  "  Pheroras  supped  with  his  wife  the  day  before  he  fell  sick,  and  that  a  certain  potion  was 
 brought  him  in  such  a  sort  of  food  as  he  was  not  used  to  eat,  but  that  when  he  had  eaten  he 
 died  of  it ;  that  this  potion  was  brought  out  of  Arabia  by  a  woman,  under  pretence  indeed  as  a 
 love  potion,  for  that  was  its  name,  but  in  reality  to  kill  Pheroras  ;  for  that  the  Arabian  women 
 are  skilful  in  making  such  poisons  :  and  the  woman  to  whom  they  ascribe  this,  was  confess- 
 edly a  most  intimate  friend  of  one  of  Sylleus's  mistresses,  and  that  both  the  mother  and  the 
 sister  of  Pheroras'  wife  had  been  at  the  places  where  she  lived,  and  had  persuaded  her  to  sell 
 them  this  potion,  and  had  come  back  and  brought  it  with  them  the  day  before  that  of  his  supper." 
 Hereupon  the  king  was  provoked,  and  put  the  women  slaves  to  the  torture,  and  some  that  were 
 free  with  them  :  and  as  the  fact  did  not  yet  appear,  because  none  of  them  would  confess  it,  at 
 length  one  of  them,  under  the  utmost  agonies,  said  no  more  but  this,  that  "  she  prayed  that  God 
 would  send  the  like  agonies  upon  Antipater's  mother,  who  had  been  the  occasion  of  these  mise- 
 ries to  all  of  them."  This  prayer  induced  Herod  to  increase  the  women's  tortures,  till  thereby 
 all  was  discovered  :  "  their  merry  meetings,  their  secret  assemblies,  and  the  disclosing  of  what 
 be  had  said  to  his  son  alone  unto  Pheroras'  women."*  (Now  what  Herod  had  charged  Anti- 
 pater to  conceal,  was  the  gift  of  a  hundred  talents  to  him  not  to  have  any  conversation  with 
 Pheroras.)  "  And  what  hatred  he  bore  to  his  father;  and  that  he  complained  to  bis  mother 
 how  very  long  bis  father  lived;  and  that  he  was  himself  almost  an  old  man,  insomuch,  that  if 
 the  kingdom  should  once  come  to  him,  it  would  not  afford  him  any  great  pleasure  ;  and  that 
 there  were  a  great  many  of  his  brothers,  or  brothers'  children,  bringing  op,  that  might  have 
 hopes  of  the  kingdom,  as  well  as  himself,  all  which  made  his  own  hopes  of  it  uncertain  ;  for 
 that  even  now,  if  he  should  himself  not  live,  Herod  had  ordained  that  the  government  should 
 be  conferred,  not  on  his  son,  but  rather  on  a  brother.  He  also  had  accused  the  king  of  great 
 barbarity,  and  of  the  slaughter  of  his  sons  ;  and  that  it  was  out  of  the  fear  he  was  under,  lest 
 he  should  do  the  like  to  him,  that  made  him  contrive  this  his  journey  to  Rome,  and  Pheroras 
 contrive  to  go  to  bis  own  tetrarchy."t 
 
 *  His  wife,  her  mother  and  sister, 
 tit  seems  to  me,  by  this  whole  story  put  together,  that  Pheroras  was  not  himself  poisoned,  as  is  commonly 
 supposed ;  for  Antipater  had  persuaded  him  to  poison  Herod,  chap.  v.  4  1-  which  would  fall  to  the  ground,  if 
 he  were  himself  jioisoned  ;  nor  could  the  poisouing  of  Pheroras  serve  any  design  that  appears  now  going  for- 
 ward ,  it  was  only  the  supposal  of  two  of  his  freed  men,  that  this  love  potion,  or  poison,  which  they  knew  was 
 bronglit  to  Pherorris"  wife,  was  made  use  of  for  poisoning  him  ;  whereas  it  appears  to  have  been  brought  for 
 her  husband  to  poison  Hcjod  withal,  as  the  future  examinations  demonstrate. 
 
BOOK   XV 11. — CHAP.  V.  437 
 
 2.  These  confessions  agreed  willi  wlia*'his  sister  had  told  biin,  and  tended  gready  to  corro- 
 liorate  Iter  testimony,  and  to  free  lier  from  the  suspicion  of  her  unfhithfuluess  to  liim.  So  the 
 king  having  satisfied  himself  of  the  spite  which  Doris,  Antipater's  mother,  as  well  as  himself, 
 bore  to  him,  took  away  from  her  all  her  fine  ornaments,  which  were  worth  many  talents,  and 
 then  sent  her  away,  and  entered  into  friendship  with  Pheroras'  women.  But  he  who  most  of 
 all  irritated  the  king  against  his  son,  was  one  Antipater,  the  procurator  of  Antipater  the  king's 
 son,  who,  when  he  was  tortured,  among  other  things  said,  that  Antipater  had  prepared  a  deadly 
 potion,  and  given  it  to  Pheroras,  with  his  desire  that  he  would  give  it  to  his  father  during  his 
 absence,  and  when  he  was  too  remote  to  have  the  least  suspicion  cast  upon  him  thereto  relat- 
 ing :  that  Antiphilus,  one  of  Antipater's  friends,  brought  that  potion  out  of  Egypt,  and  that  it 
 •was  sent  to  Pheroras  by  Theudion,  the  brother  of  the  mother  of  Antipater  the  king's  sod,  and 
 by  that  means  came  to  Pheroras'  vife,  her  husband  having  given  it  her  to  keep.  And  when 
 the  king  asked  her  about  it,  she  confessed  it ;  and  as  she  was  running  to  fetch  it,  she  threw 
 herself  down  from  the  house-top,  yet  did  she  not  kill  herself,  because  she  fell  upon  her  feet: 
 by  which  means,  when  the  king  had  comforted  her,  and  had  promised  her  and  her  domestics 
 pardon,  upon  condition  of  their  concealing  nothing  of  the  truth  from  him,  but  had  threatened 
 Ler  with  the  utmost  miseries  if  she  proved  ungrateful,  [and  concealed  any  thing;]  so  she  pro- 
 mised and  swore  that  she  would  speak  out  every  thing,  and  tell  after  what  manner  every  thing 
 was  done;  and  said,  what  many  took  to  be  entirely  true,  that  "  the  potion  was  brought  out  of 
 Egypt  by  Antiphilus  ;  and  that  bis  brother,  who  was  a  physician,  had  procured  it ;  and  that 
 when  Theudion  brought  it  us,  she  kept  it  upon  Pheroras'  committing  it  to  her ;  and  that  it  was 
 prepared  by  Antipater  for  thee.  When,  therefore,  Pheroras  was  fallen  sick,  and  thou  earnest 
 to  him  and  tookest  care  of  him,  and  when  he  saw  the  kindness  thou  hadst  for  him,  his  mind  was 
 overborne  thereby.  So  he  called  me  to  him,  and  said  to  me;  '  O  woman  !  Antipater  hath  cir- 
 cumvented me  in  this  affair  of  his  father  and  my  brother,  by  persuading  me  to  have  a  murder- 
 ous intention  to  him,  and  procuring  a  jiotion  to  be  subservient  thereto  ;  do  thou,  therefore,  go 
 and  fetch  my  potion,  (since  my  brother  appears  lo  have  still  the  same  virtuons  disposition 
 towards  me  which  he  had  formerly,  and  I  do  not  expect  to  live  long  myself,  and  that  I  may 
 not  defile  my  forefathers  by  the  murder  of  a  brother,)  and  burn  it  before  my  face  :'  that  accord- 
 ingly she  immediately  brought  it,  and  did  as  her  husband  bade  her;  and  that  she  burnt  the 
 greatest  part  of  the  potion ;  but  that  a  little  of  it  was  left,  that  if  the  king,  after  Pheroras' 
 death,  should  treat  her  ill,  she  might  poison  herself,  and  thereby  get  clear  of  her  miseries." 
 Upon  her  saying  thus,  she  brought  out  the  potion,  and  the  box  in  which  it  was,  before  theiii 
 all.  Nay,  there  was  another  brother  of  Antiphilus,  and  his  mother  also,  who,  by  the  extreme 
 of  pain  and  torture,  confessed  the  same  things,  and  owned  the  box  [to  be  tliat  which  had  been 
 brought  out  of  Egypt.]  The  high  priest's  daughter  also,  who  was  the  king's  wife,  was  accused 
 to  have  been  conscious  of  all  this,  and  had  resolved  to  conceal  it ;  for  which  reason  Herod 
 divorced  her,  and  blotted  her  son  out  of  his  testament,  wherein  he  had  been  mentioned  as  one 
 that  was  to  reign  after  him  ;  and  he  took  the  high  priesthood  away  from  his  father-in-law, 
 Simeon  the  son  of  Boethus,  and  appointed  Matthias  the  son  of  Theophilus,  'wbo  was  born  at 
 Jerusalem,  to  be  high  priest  in  his  room. 
 
 3.  While  this  was  doing,  Balhyllus,  also  Antipater's  freed  man,  came  from  Rome,  and, 
 upon  the  torture,  was  found  to  have  brought  another  potion,  to  give  it  into  the  hands  of  Anti- 
 pater's mother,  and  of  Pheroras,  that  if  the  former  potinn  did  not  operate  upon  the  king,  this 
 lit  least  might  carry  him  off.  There  came  also  letters  from  Herod's  friends  at  Rome,  by  the 
 approbation  and  at  the  suggestion  of  Antipater,  to  accuse  Archelaus  and  Philip,  as  if  they 
 calumniated  their  father  on  account  of  the  slaughter  of  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  and  as  if 
 they  commiserated  their  deaths;  and  as  if,  because  they  were  sent  for  home,  (for  their  father 
 had  already  recalled  them,)  they  concluded  they  were  themselves  also  to  be  destroyed.  These 
 letters  had  been  procured  by  great  rewards,  by  Antipater's  friends;  but  Antipater  himself 
 wrote  to  his  father  about  them,  and  laid  the  heaviest  things  to  their  charge  ;  yet  did  he  entirely 
 excuse  them  of  any  guilt,  and  said,  they  were  but  young  men,  and  so  imputed  their  words  to 
 their  youth.  But  he  said,  that  he  had  himself  been  very  busy  in  the  atl'air  relating  to  Sylleus, 
 and  in  getting  interest  among  the  great  men  ;  and  on  that  account  had  brought  splendid  orna- 
 ments to  present  them  withal,  which  cost  him  two  hundred  talents.  Now,  one  may  wonder 
 how  it  came  about,  that  while  so  many  accusations  were  laid  against  him  in  Judea  during  seven 
 months  before  this  time,  he  was  not  made  acquainted  with  any  of  them.  The  causes  of  which 
 were,  that  the  roads  were  exactly  guarded,  and  that  men  hated  Antipater  ;  for  there  was  nobody 
 who  would  run  any  hazard  himself,  to  gain  him  any  advantages. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Antipaler''s  Nuvigatiun  from  Borne  to  his  Father;  ami  how  he  was  acruxed  by  Niiolniis  of 
 Damascus,  and  condemned  to  die  by  his  Father,  and  by  Qiiintiliiis  Varus,  tvho  uas  then  Pre- 
 sident of  Syria;  and  how  heivas  bound  till  Casar  should  be  informed  of  his  Cause. 
 4  1.  Now  Herod,  upon  Antipater's  writing  to  him,  that  having  done  all  that  he  was  (o  do, 
 and  this  in  the  manner  he  was  to  do  it,  he  would  siiddtrilv  come  to  him,  concealed  his  angrr 
 agaiust  him,  and  wrote  back  to  him,   and  Lade  him  not  delay  his  journey,  lest  any  harm  should 
 
438  ANTiQurncs  of  the  jews. 
 
 berall  biinself  in  his  absence.  At  tbe  same  time  q'so  be  made  some  little  complaint  about 
 his  mother,  but  promised  tliat  be  would  lay  those  complaints  aside  when  be  should  return. 
 He  wilhal  expressed  bis  entire  aflection  for  him,  as  fearing  lest  be  should  have  some 
 suspicion  of  him,  and  defer  his  journey  to  him,  and  lest,  while  he  lived  at  Rome,  be  should 
 lay  plots  for  the  kingdom,  and,  moreover,  do  somewhat  against  himself.  This  letter 
 Antipater  met  with  in  Cilicia  ;  but  had  received  an  account  of  Phercras'  death  before  at 
 Tarentum.  This  last  news  aflected  bim  deeply;  not  out  of  any  affection  for  Pheroras, 
 b^t  because  be  was  dead  without  having  murdered  his  fattier,  which  he  bad  promised 
 him  to  do.  And  when  be  was  at  Celenderis  in  Cilicia,  he  began  to  deliberate  with  him- 
 self about  his  sailing  home,  as  being  much  grieved  with  the  ejection  of  his  mother.  Now, 
 some  of  his  friends  advised  him  that  be  should  tarry  a  while  somewhere,  in  expectation  of  fur- 
 ther information.  But  others  advised  iiira  to  sail  home  withoat  delay  ;  for  that  if  he  were  once 
 come  thither,  he  would  soon  put  an  end  to  all  accusations,  and  that  nothing  afforded  any 
 weight  to  bis  accusers  at  present  but  bis  absence.  He  was  persuaded  by  these  last,  and  sailed 
 on,  and  landed  at  the  haven  called  Sebastus,  which  Herod  had  built  at  vast  expenses  in 
 honour  of  Cassar,  and  called  Sebastus,  And  now  was  Antipater  evidently  in  a  miserable  con- 
 dition, while  nobody  came  to  bim  nor  saluted  him,  as  tlie^^  did  at  bis  going  away,  with  good 
 ■wishes  or  joyful  acclamations  ;  nor  was  there  now  any  thing  to  hinder  them  from  entertaining 
 bim,  on  the  contrary,  wiMi  bitter  curses,  while  they  supposed  he  was  come  to  receive  bis  pun- 
 ishment for  the  murder  of  his  brethren. 
 
 2.  Now,  Quintilius  Varus  was  at  this  time  at  Jerusalem,  being  sent  to  sncceed  Saturuinus 
 as  president  of  Syria,  and  was  come  as  an  assessor  to  Herod,  who  bad  desired  bis  advice  in 
 his  present  affairs ;  and  as  they  were  sitting  together,  Antipater  came  npon  them,  without 
 knowing  any  thing  of  tbe  matter ;  so  he  came  into  the  palace  clothed  in  purple.  The  porters 
 indeed  received  him  in,  but  excluded  bis  friends.  And  now  he  was  in  great  disorder,  and 
 presently  understood  tbe  condition  be  was  in,  while  upon  bis  going  to  salute  bis  father,  be  was 
 repulsed  by  bim,  who  called  him  a  murderer  of  bis  brethren,  and  a  plotter  of  destruction 
 against  himself,  and  told  hira  that  Varus  should  be  his  auditor  and  bis  judge  the  very  next  day  ; 
 so  he  found,  that  what  misfortune  be  now  beard  of  was  already  upon  hira,  with  tbe  greatness 
 of  which  he  went  away  in  uonfusioii ;  npon  which  his  mother  and  bis  wife  met  him,  (which 
 wife  was  tbe  daughter  of  Antigonus,  who  was  king  of  tbe  Jews  before  Herod,)  from  whom  be 
 learned  all  circumstances  which  concerned  him,  and  then  prepared  himself  for  his  trial. 
 
 3.  On  the  next  day  Varus  and  the  king  sat  together  in  judgment,  and  both  their  friends 
 were  also  called  in,  as  also  tbe  king's  relations,  with  bis  sister  Salome,  and  as  many  as  could 
 discover  any  thing,  and  such  as  bad  been  tortured  ;  and  besides  these,  some  slaves  of  Anti- 
 pater's  mother,  who  were  taken  up  a  little  before  Antipater's  coming,  and  brought  with  them 
 a  written  letter,  tbe  sum  of  which  was  this,  that  "  he  should  not  come  back,  because  all  was 
 come  to  bis  father's  knowledge;  and  that  Cassar  was  the  only  refuge  he  had  left*  to  prevent 
 both  bis  and  her  delivery  into  his  father's  hands."  Then  did  Antipater  fall  down  at  his  father's 
 feet,  and  besought  him  "  not  to  prejudge  his  cause,  but  that  be  might  be  first  heard  by  bis 
 father,  and  that  his  father  would  keep  bim  still  unprejudiced."  So  Herod  ordered  hira  to  be 
 brought  into  tbe  midst,  and  then  lamented  himself  about  bis  children,  from  whom  he  bad  suf- 
 fered such  great  misfortunes  ;  and  because  Antipater  fell  upon  bim  in  his  old  age.  He  also 
 reckoned  up  what  maintenance  and  what  education  he  had  given  them  ;  and  what  seasonable 
 supplies  of  wealth  be  bad  afforded  them,  according  to  their  own  desires,  none  of  which  favours 
 bad  hindered  them  from  contriving  against  him,  and  from  bringing  his  very  life  into  danger,  in 
 order  to  gain  his  kingdom,  after  an  impious  manner,  by  taking  away  bis  life  before  the  course 
 of  nature,  their  father's  wishes,  or  justice,  required  that  that  kingdom  should  come  to  them  ; 
 and  that  be  wondered  what  hopes  could  elevate  Antipater  to  such  a  pass  as  to  be  hardy  enough 
 to  attempt  such  things  ;  that  he  bad  by  his  testament  in  writing  declared  him  his  successor  io 
 the  government:  and  while  be  was  alive,  be  was  io  no  respect  inferior  to  him,  either  io  his 
 illustrious  dignity,  or  in  power  and  authority,  be  having  no  less  than  fifty  talents  for  his  yearly 
 income,  and  had  received  for  bis  journey  to  Rome  no  fewer  than  thirty  talents.  He  also 
 objected  to  him  the  case  of  his  brethren  whom  he  had  accused  ;  and  if  they  were  guilty,  he 
 bad  imitated  their  example;  and  if  not,  be  bad  brought  bim  groundless  accusations  against  bis 
 near  relations ;  for  that  he  had  been  acquainted  with  all  those  things  by  him,  and  by  nobody 
 else,  and  had  done  what  was  done  by  bis  approbation,  and  whom  he  now  absolved  from  all  that 
 was  criminal,  by  becoming  the  inheritor  of  the  guilt  of  such  their  parricide." 
 
 4.  "When  Herod  had  thus  spoken,  be  fell  a-weeeping,  and  was  not  able  to  say  any  more; 
 but  at  bis  desire  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  being  the  king's  friend,  and  always  conversant  with 
 him,  and  acquainted  with  whatsoever  he  did,  and  with  the  circumstances  of  his  affairs,  pro- 
 ceeded to  what  remained,  and  explained  all  that  concerned  the  demonstrations  and  evidences 
 of  tbe  facts.  Upon  which  Antipater,  in  order  to  make  his  legal  defence,  turned  himself  to  his 
 father,  and  "  enlarged  upon  the  many  indications  he  had  given  of  bis  good-will  to  hira ;  and 
 instanced  in  the  honours  that  had  been  done  bim,  which  yet  had  not  been  done,  had  he  not 
 deserved  them  by  bis  virtuous  concern  about  him  ;  for  that  he  bad  made  provision  for  every 
 thing    that  was  fit  to  be  foreseen  beforehand,    as  to  giving    Lira    his  wisest    advice;    and 
 
BOOK    XVII. — CHAP.    V.  439 
 
 whenever  there  was  occasion  for  the  labour  of  liis  own  liamls,  lie  had  not  grudged  anj 
 snch  pains  for  liim.  And  that  it  was  almost  inipossibic  that  lie  who  liad  delivered  his 
 father  from  so  many  treacherous  contrivances  laid  against  him,  should  be  himself  in  a  plot 
 against  him,  and  so  lose  all  the  reputation  lie  had  gained  for  his  virtue,  by  his  wickedness 
 which  succeeded  it,  and  this  while  he  had  nothing  to  prohibit  him,  who  was  already  appointed 
 his  successor,  to  enjoy  the  royal  honour  with  his  father  also  at  present ;  and  that  there  was  no 
 likelihood  that  a  person  who  had  the  one  half  of  that  antliority  without  any  danger,  and  with  a 
 good  character,  should  hunt  after  the  whole  with  infamy  and  danger,  and  this  wlieu  it  was 
 doubtful  whether  he  could  obtain  it  or  not;  and  when  he  saw  the  sad  example  of  his  brethren 
 before  him,  and  was  both  the  informer  and  the  accuser  against  them,  at  a  time  when  they  might 
 not  otherwise  have  been  discovered  ;  nay,  was  the  author  of  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  them, 
 when  it  appeared  evidently  that  they  were  guilty  of  a  wicked  attempt  against  their  father  ;  and 
 that  even  the  contentions  there  were  in  the  king's  family,  were  indications  that  he  had  ever 
 managed  ali'airs  out  of  the  sincerest  aileclion  to  his  father.  And  as  to  what  he  had  done  at 
 Rome,  Caesar  was  a  witness  thereto ;  who  yet  was  no  more  to  be  imposed  upon  than  God  him- 
 self: of  whose  opinions  his  letters  sent  hither  are  sullicient  evidence,  and  that  it  was  not 
 reasonable  to  prefer  the  calumnies  of  such  as  proposed  to  raise  disturbances  before  those  let- 
 ters; the  greatest  part  of  which  calumnies  had  been  raised  during  his  absence,  which  gave 
 scope  to  his  enemies  to  forge  them,  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  do  if  he  had  been  there." 
 Moreover,  he  shewed  the  weakness  of  the  evidence  obtained  by  torture,  which  was  commonly 
 false  ;  because  the  distress  men  are  in  under  such  tortures  naturally  obliges  ihem  to  say  many 
 things  in  order  to  please  those  that  govern  them.     He  also  oflered  himself  to  the  torture. 
 
 5.  Hereupon  there  was  a  change  observed  in  the  assembly,  while  they  greatly  pitied  Anti- 
 pater,  who,  by  weeping  and  putting  on  a  countenance  suitable  to  his  sad  case,  made  them  com- 
 miserate the  same  ;  insomuch  that  his  very  enemies  were  moved  to  compassion  ;  and  it  appeared 
 plainly  that  Herod  himself  was  affected  in  his  own  mind,  although  he  was  not  willing  it  should 
 be  taken  notice  of.  Then  did  Nicolaus  begin  to  prosecute  what  the  king  had  begun,  and  that 
 with  great  bitterness;  and  summed  np  all  the  evidence  which  arose  from  the  tortures,  or  from 
 the  testimonies.  "  He  princrpallj  and  largely  cried  up  the  king's  virtues,  which  he  had  exhi- 
 bited in  the  maintenance  and  education  of  his  sons,  while  he  never  could  gain  any  advantage 
 tiiereby,  but  still  fell  from  one  misfortune  to  another.  Although  he  owned  that  he  was  not  so 
 much  surprised  with  that  thoughtless  behaviour  of  his  former  sons,  who  were  but  young,  and 
 were  besides  corrupted  by  wicked  counsellors,  who  were  the  occasion  of  their  wiping  out  of 
 their  minds  all  the  righteous  dictates  of  nature,  and  this  out  of  a  desire  of  coming  to  the  govern- 
 ment sooner  than  they  ought  to  do  ;  yet  that  he  could  not  but  justly  stand  amazed  at  the  horrid 
 wickedness  of  Anlipater,  who,  although  he  had  not  only  had  great  benefits  bestowed  on  him 
 by  his  father,  enough  to  tame  his  reason,  yet  could  not  be  more  tamed  than  the  most  envenomed 
 serpents ;  whereas  even  those  creatures  admit  of  some  mitigation,  and  will  not  bite  their  bene- 
 factors, wliile  Antipater  hath  not  let  the  misfortunes  of  his  brethren  be  any  hinderance  to  him, 
 but  be  hath  gone  on  to  imitate  their  barbarity  notwithstanding.  Yet  wast  thou,  O  Antipater! 
 (as  thou  hast  thyself  confessed,)  the  informer  as  to  what  wicked  actions  they  had  done,  and 
 the  searclier  out  of  tlie  evidence  against  them,  and  the  author  of  the  punishment  they  under- 
 went upon  their  detection.  Nor  do  we  say  this  as  accusing  thee  for  being  so  zealous  in  liiy 
 anger  against  them,  but  are  astonished  at  thy  endeavours  to  imitate  their  profligate  behaviour; 
 and  we  discover  thereby,  that  thou  didst  not  act  tliqs  for  the  safety  of  thy  father,  but  for  the 
 destruction  of  thy  brethren,  that  by  such  outside  hatred  of  their  impiety,  thou  mightest  be 
 believed  a  lover  of  thy  father,  and  mightest  thereby  get  thee  power  enough  to  do  mischief 
 with  the  greatest  impunity  ;  which  design  thy  actions  indeed  demonstrate.  It  is  trae,  thou 
 tookest  thy  brethren  oil",  because  thou  didst  convict  them  of  their  wicked  designs  ;  but  thou 
 didst  not  yield  up  to  justice  those  who  were  their  partners  ;  and  thereby  didst  make  it  evident 
 to  all  men,  that  thou  madest  covenant  with  them  ai;ainst  thy  father,  when  thou  chosest  to  be 
 the  accuser  of  thy  brethren,  as  desirous  to  gain  to  thyself  alone  tliis  advantage  of  laying  plots 
 to  kill  tiiy  father,  and  so  to  enjoy  double  pleasure,  which  is  truly  worthy  of  thy  evil  disposition, 
 which  thou  hast  openly  shewed  against  thy  brethren  ;  on  which  account  thou  didst  rejoice,  as 
 having  done  a  most  famous  exploit,  nor  was  that  behaviour  unworthy  of  thee.  But  if  thy 
 intention  were  otherwise,  thou  art  worse  than  tliey  ;  while  thou  didst  contrive  to  hide  thy 
 treachery  against  thy  father,  thou  didst  hate  them,  not  as  plotters  against  thy  father,  for  in  that 
 case  thou  hadst  not  thyself  f:dlen  upon  the  like  crime,  but  as  successors  of  his  dominions,  and 
 more  worthy  of  that  succession  than  thyself.  Thou  wouldest  kill  thy  father  after  thy  brethren, 
 >est  thy  lies  raised  against  them  migiit  be  detected  ;  and  lest  tiiou  shouldst  sulfer  what  punish- 
 ment thou  hadst  deserved,  thou  hadst  a  mind  to  exact  that  punishment  of  thy  unhappy  father, 
 and  didst  devise  such  a  sort  of  uncommon  parricide  as  the  world  never  yet  saw.  For  thou 
 who  art  his  son  did  not  only  lay  a  treacherous  design  against  thy  father,  and  didst  it  while  he 
 loved  thee,  and  had  been  thy  benefactor,  had  made  thee  in  reality  his  partner  in  the  kingdom, 
 and  had  openly  declared  thee  his  successor,  while  thou  wast  not  forbidden  to  taste  the  sweet- 
 ness of  antliority  already,  and  hadst  the  lirm  hope  of  what  was  future  by  thy  father's  deterini- 
 natioD,  and  the  security  of  a  written  testament,     liut  for  certaiu  thou  didst  not  measure  theso 
 
440  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 things  according  to  thy  father's  various  disposition,  but  according  to  thy  own  thoughts  and. 
 incliuations ;  and  was  desirous  to  take  the  part  that  remained  away  from  thy  too  indulgent 
 father,  and  soughtest  to  destroy  him  with  thy  deeds,  whom  thou  in  words  pretendedst  to  pre- 
 serve. Nor  wast  tliou  content  to  be  wicked  thyself,  but  thou  fiiledst  thy  mother's  Lead  with 
 thy  devices,  and  raisedst  disturbances  among  thy  brethren,  and  hadst  the  boldness  to  call  thy 
 father  a  wild  beast;  while  thou  hadst  thyself  a  mind  more  cruel  than  any  serpent,  whence  thou 
 sentest  out  that  poison  among  thy  nearest  kindred  and  greatest  benefactors,  and  invitedst  them 
 to  assist  thee  and  guard  thee,  and  didst  hedge  thyself  in  on  all  sides  by  the  artiilces  of  both 
 men  and  women,  against  an  old  man;  as  though  that  mind  of  thine  was  not  sufficient  of  itself 
 to  support  so  great  a  hatred  as  thou  baredst  to  him.  And  here  thou  appearest,  after  the  tor- 
 tures of  freemen,  of  domestics,  of  men  and  women,  which  have  been  examined  on  thy  account, 
 and  after  the  informations  of  thy  fellow-conspirators,  as  making  haste  to  contradict  the  truth; 
 and  hast  thought  on  ways  not  only  to  take  thy  father  out  of  the  world,  but  to  disannul  that 
 written  law  which  is  against  thee,  and  the  virtue  of  Varus,  and  the  nature  of  justice;  nay,  such 
 is  that  impudence  of  thine  on  which  thou  confidest,  that  thou  desirest  to  be  put  to  the  torture 
 thyself,  while  thou  allegest,  that  the  tortures  of  those  already  examined  thereby  have  made 
 them  tell  lies ;  that  those  that  have  been  the  deliverers  of  thy  father  may  not  be  allowed  to 
 have  spoken  the  truth  ;  but  that  thy  tortures  may  be  esteemed  the  discoverers  of  truth.  Wilt 
 not  thou,  O  Varus!  deliver  the  king  from  the  injuries  of  his  kindred?  Wilt  not  thou  destroy 
 this  wicked  wild  beast,  which  hath  pretended  kindness  to  his  father,  in  order  to  destroy  his 
 brethren  ;  while  yet  he  is  himself  alone  ready  to  carry  olF  the  kingdom  immediately,  and 
 appears  to  be  the  most  bloody  butcher  to  him  of  them  all  ?  For  thou  art  sensible,  that  par- 
 ricide is  a  general  injury  both  to  nature  and  to  common  life,  and  that  the  intention  of 
 parricide  is  nut  inferior  to  its  perpetration:  and  he  who  does  not  punish  it,  is  injurious  to 
 nature  itself." 
 
 6.  Nicolaus  added  further  what  belonged  to  Antipater's  mother,  and  whatsoever  she  bad 
 prattled  like  a  woman;  as  also  about  the  predictions  and  the  sacrifices  relating  to  the  king  ; 
 and  whatsoever  Antipater  had  done  lasciviously  in  his  cups  and  his  amours  among  Pheroras' 
 women;  the  examination  upon  torture;  and  whatsoever  concerned  the  testimonies  of  the  wit- 
 nesses, which  were  many,  and  of  various  kinds  ;  some  prepared  beforehand,  and  others  were 
 sudden  answers,  which  further  declared  and  confirmed  the  foregoing  evidence.  For  those  men 
 who  were  acquainted  with  Antipater's  practices,  but  had  concealed  them  out  of  fear,  wlien 
 they  saw  that  he  was  exposed  to  the  accusations  of  the  former  witnesses,  and  that  his  great 
 good  fortune,  which  had  supported  him  hitherto,  had  now  evidently  betrayed  him  into  the 
 hands  of  his  enemies,  who  were  now  insatiable  in  their  hatred  to  him,  told  all  they  knew  of 
 him.  And  his  ruin  was  now  hastened,  not  so  much  by  the  enmity  of  those  that  were  his 
 accusers,  as  by  his  gross,  and  impudent,  and  wicked  contrivances,  and  by  his  ill-will  to  his 
 father  and  his  brethren  ;  while  he  had  filled  their  house  with  disturbance,  and  caused  them  to 
 murder  one  another;  and  was  neither  fair  in  his  hatred,  nor  kind  in  his  friendship,  but  just  so 
 far  as  served  his  own  turn.  Now,  there  were  a  great  number  who  for  a  long  time  beforehand 
 had  seen  all  this,  and  especially  such  as  were  naturally  disposed  to  judge  of  matters  by  the 
 rules  of  virtue,  because  they  were  used  to  determine  about  affairs  without  passion,  but  had 
 been  restrained  from  making  any  open  complaints  before;  these,  upon  the  leave  now  given 
 them,  produced  all  that  they  knew  before  the  public.  The  demonstration  also  of  these  wicked 
 facts  co(dd  no  way  be  disproved :  because  the  many  witnesses  there  were  did  neither  speak 
 out  of  favour  to  Herod,  nor  were  they  obliged  to  keep  back  what  they  had  to  say  out  of  sus- 
 picion of  any  danger  they  were  in  ;  but  they  spoke  what  they  knew  ;  because  they  thought  such 
 actions  very  wicked,  and  that  Antipater  deserved  the  greatest  punishment;  and  indeed  not  so 
 much  for  Herod's  safety,  as  on  account  of  the  man's  own  wickedness.  Many  things  were  also 
 said,  and  those  by  a  great  number  of  persons,  who  were  no  way  obliged  to  say  them  ;  inso- 
 much, that  Antipater,  who  used  genernlly  to  be  very  shrewd  in  his  lies  and  impudence,  was 
 not  able  to  say  one  word  to  the  contrary.  W^hen  Nicolaus  had  left  off  speaking,  and  had  pro- 
 duced the  evidence.  Varus  bade  Antipater  to  betake  himself  to  the  making  his  defence,  if  he 
 had  prepared  any  thing  whereby  it  might  appear  that  he  was  not  guilty  of  the  crimes  he  was 
 accused  of;  for  that,  as  he  was  himself  desirous,  so  did  he  know  that  his  father  was  in  like 
 manner  desirous  also,  to  have  him  found  entirely  innocent.  But  Antipater  fell  down  on  his 
 face,  and  appealed  to  God,  and  to  all  men,  for  testim  .l'Js  of  his  iBUOcency,  desiring  that  God. 
 would  declare,  by  some  evident  signals,  that  he  had  cat  laid  any  plot  against  his  father.  This 
 being  the  usual  method  of  all  men  destitute  of  virtue,  that,  when  they  set  about  a-.y  wicked 
 undertakings,  they  fall  to  work  according  to  their  own  inclinations,  as  if  they  believed  that  God 
 was  unconcerned  in  human  affairs  ;  but  when  once  they  are  found  out,  and  are  in  danger  of 
 undergoing  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes,  they  endeavour  to  overthrow  ail  the  evidence 
 against  them,  by  appealing  to  God  ;  which  was  the  very  thing  which  Antipater  now  did  ;  for 
 whereas  he  had  done  every  thing  as  if  there  were  no  God  in  the  world,  when  he  was  on  all 
 Bides  distressed  by  justice,  and  when  he  had  no  other  advantage  to  expect  from  legal  proofs 
 by  which  he  might  disprove  the  accusations  laid  against  him,  he  impudently  abused  the  majesty 
 of  (.'od,  and  ascribed   it  to  his  power,   that  he  had   been   preserved    hitherto;   and  produced 
 
HOOK   XVII.  — CHAP.    VI.  441 
 
 before  them  all  what  difEculties  he  had  ever  undergone  in  bis  bold  acting  for  his  father's 
 lireservation. 
 
 7.  So  when  Varns,  upon  asking:  Antipater  what  he  had  to  say  for  himself,  found  that  he  had 
 nothing  to  say  besides  his  appeal  to  God,  and  saw  that  there  was  no  end  of  that,  he  bade  them 
 bring  the  potion  before  the  court,  that  he  might  see  what  virtue  still  remained  in  it;  arid  when 
 it  was  brouglit,  and  one  that  was  condemned  to  die  had  drunk  it  bj  Varus'  command,  he  died 
 presently.  Then  Varus  got  up,  and  departed  out  of  the  court,  and  went  away  the  day  follow- 
 ing to  .\ntioch,  where  his  usual  residence  was,  because  that  was  the  palace  of  the  Syrians; 
 upon  which  Herod  laid  his  son  in  bonds.  But  what  were  Varus'  discourses  to  Herod,  was 
 not  known  to  the  generality,  and  upon  what  words  it  was  that  he  went  away:  though  it  vvas 
 also  generally  supposed,  that  whatsoever  Herod  did  afterward  about  his  son,  was  done  willi 
 his  approbation.  But  when  Herod  had  bound  his  son,  he  sent  letters  to  Rome  to  Ca:sar  about 
 him,  and  such  messengers  withal  as  should,  by  word  of  mouth,  inform  Ca;sar  of  Aotipater's 
 wickedness.  Now,  at  (his  very  time  there  was  seized  a  letter  of  Antipbilus,  written  to  Anti- 
 pater out  of  Egypt,  (for  he  lived  there ;)  and,  when  it  was  opened  by  the  king,  it  was  found  to 
 contain  what  follows:  "  I  have  sent  thee  Acme's  letter,  and  hazarded  my  own  life;  for  thoa 
 knowest  that  I  am  in  danger  from  two  families,  if  1  be  discovered.  I  wish  thee  good  success 
 in  thy  afl'air."  These  were  the  contents  of  this  letter  :  but  the  king  made  inquiry  about  the 
 oilier  letter  also,  for  it  did  not  appear,  and  Antipbilus'  slave,  who  brought  that  letter  which 
 had  been  read,  deuied  that  he  had  received  the  other.  But,  while  the  king  was  in  doubt  about 
 it,  one  of  Herod's  friends  seeing  a  seam  upon  the  inner  coat  of  the  slave,  and  a  doubling  of  the 
 cloth,  (for  he  had  two  coats  on,)  he  guessed  that  the  letter  might  be  within  that  doubling, 
 which  accordingly  proved  to  be  true.  So  they  took  oat  the  letter,  and  its  contents  were  these  : 
 "  Acme  to  Antipater.  I  have  written  such  a  letter  to  thy  father  as  thou  desirest  me.  I  have 
 also  taken  a  copy  and  sent  it,  as  if  it  came  from  Salome  to  my  lady  [Livia ;]  which,  when  thou 
 leadest,  I  know  that  Herod  will  punish  Salome,  as  plotting  against  him."  Now,  this  pre- 
 tended letter  of  Salome's  to  hor  lady  was  composed  by  Antipater,  in  the  name  of  Salome,  as  to 
 its  meaning,  but  in  the  words  of  Acme.  The  letter  was  this:  "Acme  to  king  Herod.  I 
 have  done  my  endeavour  that  nothing  that  is  done  against  thee  should  be  concealed  from  thee. 
 So  upon  my  linding  a  letter  of  Salome  written  to  my  lady  against  thee,  I  have  written  out  a 
 copy,  and  sent  it  to  thee,  with  hazard  to  myself,  but  for  thy  advantage.  The  reason  why  she 
 wrote  it  was  this,  that  she  had  a  mind  to  be  married  to  Sylleus.  Do  thou  therefore  tear  this 
 letter  in  pieces,  that  I  may  not  come  into  danger  of  my  life."  Now  Acme  had  written  to 
 Antipater  himself,  and  informed  him,  that,  in  compliance  with  his  command,  she  had  both  her- 
 self written  to  Herod,  as  if  Salome  had  laid  a  sudden  plot  entirely  against  him,  and  had  herself 
 sent  a  copy  of  an  epistle,  as  coming  from  Salome  to  her  lady.  Now,  Acme  was  a  Jew  by  birth, 
 and  a  servant  to  Julia,  Caesar's  wife;  and  did  this  out  of  her  friendship  for  Antipater,  as  hav- 
 ing been  corrupted  by  him  with  a  large  present  of  money,  to  assist  in  his  pernicious  designs 
 against  his  father  and  his  aunt. 
 
 8.  Hereupon  Herod  was  so  amazed  at  the  prodigious  wickedness  of  Antipater,  that  he  was 
 ready  to  have  ordered  him  to  be  slain  immediately,  as  a  turbulent  person  in  the  most  important 
 concerns,  and  as  one  that  had  laid  a  plot  not  only  against  himself,  but  against  his  sister  also, 
 and  even  corrupted  Cwsar's  own  domestics.  Salome  also  provoked  him  to  it,  beating  her 
 breast,  and  bidding  him  kill  her,  if  he  could  produce  any  credible  testimony  that  she  had  acted 
 in  that  manner.  Herod  also  sent  for  his  son,  and  asked  hira  about  this  matter,  and  bade  him 
 contradict  it  if  he  could,  and  not  suppress  any  thing  he  had  to  say  for  himself;  and,  when  he 
 had  r)ot  one  word  to  say,  he  asked  him,  since  he  was  every  way  caught  iu  his  villany,  that  he 
 would  make  no  farther  delay,  but  discover  his  associates  in  these  his  wicked  designs.  So  he 
 laid  all  upon  Antiphilus  ;  but  discovered  nobody  else.  Hereupon  Herod  was  in  such  great 
 grief,  that  he  was  ready  to  send  his  son  to  Home  to  Cajsar,  there  to  give  an  account  of  these 
 his  wicked  contrivances.  But  he  soon  became  afraid,  lest  he  might  there,  by  the  assistance 
 of  his  friends,  escajie  the  danger  he  was  in  :  so  he  kept  him  bound  as  before,  and  sent  more 
 ambassadors  and  letters  [to  Rome]  to  accuse  his  son,  and  an  account  of  what  assistance  Acme 
 hud  given  him  iu  his  wicked  designs,  with  copies  of  the  epistles  before  mentioned. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Conrertiing  the  Disease  that  Herod  fell  into,  and  the  Sedition  which  the  Jews  raised  thereupon, 
 ivilh  the  Punishment  of  the  Seditious. 
 
 §  I.  Now  Herod's  ambassadors  made  haste  to  Rome  ;  but  sent,  as  instructed  beforehand,  what 
 answers  they  were  to  make  to  the  (|uestions  put  to  them.  They  aUo  carried  the  epistles  with 
 them.  But  Herod  now  fell  into  a  distemper,  and  made  iiis  will,  and  beqiiealhed  his  kingdom 
 to  [Antipas]  his  youngest  son  ;  and  this  out  of  that  hatred  to  Arrhelaus  and  Philip,  which  the 
 caluMiiiies  of  Antipater  had  raised  against  them.  He  also  bequeathed  a  thousand  talents  toCa>sar, 
 live  hundred  to  Jnlia,  Caesar's  wile,  to  Cffisar's  children,  and  friends,  and  freed  men.  He 
 also  distributed  among  his  sons  and  their  sons,  his  money,  his  revenues,  and  his  lands.  He 
 bIso  made  Salome  his  sister  very  rich,  because   slie   had  continued   fiiilhful    to  him  in   all  his 
 
 •i  K 
 
442  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 circiimstrtiices,  and  wus  never  so  rasli  as  to  do  him  anj  harm  :  and  as  be  despaired  of  recover- 
 iiif ,  for  he  was  about  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age,  he  t^rew  fierce,  and  indulged  the  bitterest 
 an^er  npou  all  occasions;  the  cause  whereof  was  this,  that  he  thouglit  himself  despised,  and 
 that  the  nation  was  pleased  with  his  raisfortnnes  ;  besides  which,  he  resented  a  sedition  which 
 some  of  the  lower  sort  of  men  excited  against  him,  the  occasion  of  which  was  as  follows  : 
 
 2.  There  was  one  Judas,  the  son  of  Sariphasus,  and  Matthias,  the  son  of  Marc^alothus,  two 
 of  the  most  eloquent  men  among  the  Jews,  and  the  most  celebrated  interpreters  of  the  Jewish 
 laws,  and  men  well  beloved  by  the  people,  because  of  their  education  of  their  youth  ;  for  all 
 those  that  were  studious  of  virtue  frequented  their  lectures  every  day.  These  men,  when  they 
 found  ihat  the  king's  distemper  was  incurable,  excited  the  young  men  that  they  would  pull 
 down  all  those  works  which  the  king  had  erected  contrary  to  the  law  of  their  Tithers,  and 
 thereby  obtain  the  rewards  which  the  law  will  confer  on  them  for  snch  actions  of  piety,  for 
 that  it  was  trulv  on  account  of  Herod's  rashness  in  making  sucli  things  as  the  law  had  forbidden, 
 that  his  other  misfortunes,  and  this  distemper  also,  which  was  so  unusual  among  mankind, 
 and  with  which  he  was  now  afflicted,  came  upon  him  ;  for  Herod  had  caused  such  things  to 
 he  made,  which  were  contrary  to  the  law,  of  which  he  was  accused  by  Judas  and  Matthias  ; 
 for  the  king  had  erected  over  the  great  gate  of  the  temple  a  large  golden  eagle,  of  great  value, 
 and  had  dedicated  it  to  the  temple.  Now,  the  law  forbids  those  that  propose  to  live  accord- 
 ing to  it,  to  erect  images*  or  representations  of  any  living  ceature.  .So  these  wise  men  per- 
 suaded [their  scholars]  to  pull  down  the  golden  eagle  ;  alleging  that  "  although  they  should 
 incur  any  danger,  which  might  bring  them  to  their  deaths,  the  virtue  of  the  action  now  proposed  to 
 them  would  appear  much  more  advantageous  to  them  than  the  pleasures  of  life;  since  they 
 would  die  for  the  preservation  and  observation  of  the  law  of  their  fathers ;  since  they  would 
 also  acquire  an  everlasting  fame  and  commendation  ;  since  they  would  be  both  commended  by 
 the  present  generation,  and  leave  an  example  of  life  that  would  never  be  forgotten  to  posterity  ; 
 since  that  common  calamity  of  dying  cannot  be  avoided  by  our  living  so  as  to  escape  any  such 
 dangers  ;  that  therefore  it  is  a  right  thing  for  those  who  are  in  love  with  a  virtuous  conduct, 
 to  wait  for  that  fatal  hour  by  such  a  behaviour  as  may  carry  them  out  of  the  world  with  praise 
 and  honour;  and  that  this  will  alleviate  death  to  a  great  degree,  thus  to  come  at  it  by  the 
 performance  of  brave  actions,  which  bring  us  into  danger  of  it ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  leave 
 that  reputation  behind  them  to  their  children,  and  to  all  their  relations,  whether  they  be  men 
 or  women,  which  will  be  of  great  advantage  to  them  afterward." 
 
 3.  And  with  such  discourses  as  this,  did  these  men  excite  the  young  men  to  this  action  ; 
 and  a  report  being  come  to  them  that  the  king  was  dead,  this  was  an  addition  to  the  wise  men's 
 persuasions  ;  so,  in  the  very  middle  of  the  day,  they  got  upon  the  place,  they  pulled  down  the 
 eagle,  and  cut  it  into  pieces  with  axes,  while  a  great  number  of  trhe  people  were  in  the  temple. 
 And  now  the  king's  captain,  upon  hearing  what  the  undertaking  was,  and  supposing  it  was  a  thing 
 of  a  bighsr  nature  than  it  proved  to  be,  came  up  thither,  having  a  great  band  of  soldiers  with  him, 
 such  as  was  sufficient  to  put  a  stop  to  the  multitude  of  those  who  pulled  down  what  was  dedi- 
 cated to  God  :  so  he  fell  upon  them  unexpectedly,  and  as  they  were  upon  this  bold  attempt, 
 in  a  foolish  presumption  rather  than  a  cautious  circumspection,  as  is  usual  with  the  multitude, 
 and  while  they  were  in  disorder,  and  incautious  of  what  was  for  their  advantage  ;  so  he  caught 
 no  fewer  than  forty  of  the  young  men,  who  had  the  courage  to  stay  behind  when  the  rest  ran 
 away,  together  with  the  authors  of  this  bold  attempt,  Judas  and  Matthias,  who  thought  it  an 
 ignominious  thing  to  retire  upon  his  approach,  and  led  them  to  the  king.  And  when  they  were 
 come  to  the  king,  and  he  had  asked  them  if  they  had  been  so  bold  as  to  pull  down  what  he 
 had  dedicated  to  God?  "Yes,  (said  they,")  what  was  contrived,  we  contrived,  and  what  hath 
 been  performed,  we  performed  it,  and  that  with  such  a  virtuous  courage  as  becomes  men  ;  for 
 we  have  given  our  assistance  to  those  things  which  are  dedicated  to  the  majesty  of  God,  and 
 we  have  provided  for  what  we  have  learned  by  hearing  the  law  ;  and  it  ought  not  to  be  won- 
 dered at,  if  we  esteem  those  laws  which  Moses  had  suggested  to  him,  and  were  taught  him  bj 
 God,  and  which  he  wrote  and  left  behind  him,  more  worthy  of  observation  than  thy  commands. 
 Accordingly,  we  will  undergo  death,  and  all  sorts  of  punishment  which  thou  canst  inllict  upon 
 us,  with  pleasure,  since  we  are  conscious  to  ourselves  that  we  shall  die,  not  for  any  unrigii- 
 teous  actions,  but  for  our  love  to  religion."  And  thus  they  all  said,  and  their  courage  was 
 still  equal  to  their  profession,  and  equal  to  that  with  which  they  readily  set  about  this  under- 
 taking. And  when  the  king  had  ordered  them  to  be  bound,  he  sent  them  to  Jericho,  and 
 called  together  the  principal  men  among  the  Jews  ;  and  when  they  were  con)e,  he  made  them" 
 assemble  in  the  theatre,  and  because  he  could  not  himself  stand,  he  lay  upon  a  couch,  and 
 enumerated  the  many  labours  that  he  had  lonv;  endured  on  their  account,  and  his  building 
 of  the  temple,  and  what  avast  charge  that  was  to  him,  while  the  Asamoneans,  during  the 
 hundred  and  twenty-five  years  of  their  government,  had  not  been  able  to  perform  any  so  great 
 a  work  for  the  honour  of  God,  as  that  was:  that  he  liad  also  adorned  it  with  very  valuable 
 donations,  on  which  ai-couni  he  lioped  that  he  had  left  himself  a  memorial,  and  procured  himself 
 a  reputation  after  his  death.    He  then  cried  out,  these  men  that  had  not  abstained  from  affront- 
 
 •  That  the  mal<inp  of  imapes.  without  an  intention  to  worsliipthem,  was  not  uulawfiil  to  the  Jews,  see  tii6 
 Cote  on  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  vii.  $  5. 
 
GOOK    XVII. — CHAP.    VI.  44o 
 
 in;;  liiiii,  even  iit  liis  lil'elime,  but  that,  in  tlie  very  day-time,  and  in  llie  bigLt  of  tlii?  multitude, 
 lliey  had  abused  hiit>  to  tiiat  degieu,  as  to  fall  upon  wliat  ho  had  dedicated,  and  in  that  way  of 
 abuse  liad  [)ulled  it  down  to  the  ground.  Thej  pretended,  indeed,  that  they  did  it  to  affront 
 him;  but  if  any  ont-  consider  the  thing  truly,  they  will  find  tliat  they  were  guilty  of  sacri- 
 lege against  God  therein." 
 
 '1.  But  the  people,  on  account  of  Herod's  barbarous  temper,  and  for  fear  he  should  be  so 
 cruel  as  to  inflict  punishment  on  theiu,  scid,  "What  was  done,  was  done  without  their  appro- 
 bation, and  that  it  seemed  to  them  that  the  actors  might  well  be  punished  for  what  they  had 
 done."  But  as  for  Herod,  he  dealt  more  mildly  with  others  [of  the  assembly  ;]  but  he  deprived 
 Matthias  of  the  high  priesthood,  as  in  part  on  occasion  of  this  acliiin,  and  made  Joazer,  who  was 
 Matthias'  wife's  brother,  high  priest  in  his  stead.  Now  it  happened,  that  during  the  time  of 
 the  high  priesthood  of  this  Matthias,  there  was  another  person  made  high  priest  for  a  single 
 day,  that  very  day  which  the  Jews  observed  as  a  fast.  The  occasion  was  this:  this  ftlal- 
 thias  the  high  priest,  on  the  night  before  that  day,  when  the  fast  was  to  be  celebrated,  seemed 
 in  a  dream,*  to  have  conversation  with  his  wife  ;  and  because  he  could  not  otiiciate  himself  on 
 that  account,  Joseph,  the  son  of  Ellemus,  his  kinsman,  assisted  him  in  that  sacred  ofiice.  But 
 Herod  deprived  this  Matthias  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  burnt  the  other  Matthias,  who  had 
 raised  the  sedition,  with  his  companions,  alive.  And  that  very  night  there  was  an  eclipse  ot 
 the  raoon.t 
 
 5.  But  now  Herod's  distemper  greatly  increased  upon  him  after  a  severe  manner,  and  this 
 by  God's  judgment  upon  him  for  his  sins  ;  for  a  (ire  glowed  in  him  slowly,  which  did  not  so 
 much  appear  to  the  touch  outwardly,  as  it  augmented  his  pains  inwardly  ;  for  it  brought  upon 
 him  a  vehement  appetite  to  eating,  which  he  could  not  avoid  to  supply  with  one  sort  of  food 
 or  other.  His  entrails  were  also  exulcerated,  and  the  chief  violinoe  of  his  pain  lay  on  his 
 colon  ;  an  aqueous  and  transparent  liquor  also  had  settled  itself  abniit  his  feet,  and  a  like  mat- 
 ter iifflicted  him  at  the  bottom  of  his  belly.  Nay,  farther,  his  privy  member  was  putrilied, 
 and  produced  worms  ;  and  when  he  sal  upright,  he  had  a  dilliculty  of  breathins;,  which  was 
 very  loathsome,  on  account  of  the  stench  of  his  breath,  and  the  quickness  of  its  relurns  ;  he 
 had  also  convulsions  in  all  parts  of  his  body,  which  increased  his  strength  to  an  uusutlerable 
 degree.  It  was  said  by  those  who  pretended  to  divine,  and  who  were  endued  with  wisdom  to 
 foretell  such  things,  that  God  inflicted  this  punishment  on  the  king  on  account  of  his  great 
 impiety  ;  yet  was  he -still  in  hopes  of  recovering,  thon'4:li  his  afflictions  seemed  greater  than 
 any  one  could  bear.  He  also  sent  for  physicians,  and  did  not  refuse  to  follow  what  lliey  pre- 
 scribed for  his  assistance,  and  went  beyond  the  river  Jordan,  and  bathed  himself  in  the  warm 
 baihs  that  were  at  Callirrhoe,  which,  besides  their  other  general  virtues,  were  also  lit  to  drink  ; 
 which  water  runs  into  the  lake  called  Asphallitis.  And  when  the  physicians  once  thought  (it 
 to  have  him  bathed  in  a  vessel  full  of  oil,  it  was  supposed  that  he  was  just  dying;  but  upon 
 the  lamentable  cries  of  his  domestics,  he  revived  ;  and  having  no  longer  the  least  hopes  of 
 recovering,  he  gave  order  that  every  soldier  should  be  paid  (ifty  drachmae  ;  and  he  also  gave 
 a  gieat  deal  to  (heir  ccnimanders,  and  to  his  friends,  and  came  again  to  Jericho,  where  he 
 grew  so  choleric,  that  it  brought  him  to  do  all  things  like  a  madman  ;  and  though  he  were  near 
 his  death,  he  contrived  the  following  wicked  designs.  He  commanded  that  all  the  principal 
 men  of  the  entire  Jewish  nation,  wheresoever  they  lived,  should  be  called  to  him.  Accord- 
 ingly, they  were  a  great  number  that  came,  because  ihe  whole  nation  was  called,  and  all  men 
 beard  of  this  call,  and  death  was  Ihe  penalty  of  .such  as  should  despise  the  epistles  that  were 
 sent  to  call  them.  And  nsw  the  king  was  in  a  wild  rage  against  thera  all,  the  innocent  as  well 
 as  those  that  had  atl'orded  ground  for  accusatiosis  ;  and  when  they  were  come,  he  ordered 
 them  to  be  all  shut  up  in  the  hi|>podrome,J  and  sent  for  his  sister  Salome,  and  ber  husband 
 Alexis,  and  spoke  thus  to  them  :  "  I  shall  die  iii  a  little  time,  so  great  are  my  pains  ;  which 
 death  ought  to  be  cheerfully  home,  and  to  be  welcomed  by  all  men  ;  but  what  principally 
 troubles  me  is  this,  that  I  shall  die  without  being  lamented,  and  without  such  mourning  as 
 men  usually  exjiect  at  a  king's  death.  For  that  he  was  not  unacquainted,  with  the  temper  of 
 the  Jews,  that  his  death  would  be  a  thing  very  desirable,  and  exceedingly  acceptable  to  ihem  ; 
 because  during  his  lifetime  they  were  ready  to  revolt  from  him,  and  to  abuse  the  donations  ho 
 had  dedicated   to  God  ;  that  it  was  therefore  tiieir  business   to  resolve   to  alTord  hiin   some 
 
 •  This  fact,  that  one  .lo^cph  was  made  high  priest  for  a  single  day,  on  occasion  of  the  action  here  specified, 
 that  befell  Mntthias,  tlie  real  hish  priest,  in  his  sleep,  the  night  before  the  great  day  of  expiation,  in  attested  to 
 both  in  the  Mishua  and  i  almud,  as  Dr.  Hudson  liere  informs  us.  /\nd  indeed,  from  this  fact,  thus  fully 
 aitested,  we  may  confute  the  pretended  rule  in  the  i'alraud  here  mentioned,  and  endeavoured  to  be  excused  by 
 Keland.  that  the  lii^h  priest  was  not  suffered  to  sleep  the  night  before  that  great  day  of  expiation  ;  which  watch- 
 iiig  would  Burcly  rather  unfit  him  for  the  many  important  duties  he  was  to  perform  on  that  solemn  day.  thau 
 dispose  him  duly  to  perform  them.  Ivor  do  such  Talmudical  rules,  wheu  unsupported  by  better  evidence, 
 much  less  when  contradicted  thereby,  seem  to  me  of  weiclit  enough  to  dtserve  that  so  great  a  man  na 
 Reland  should  spend  his  time  in  endeavours  at  their  vindication. 
 
 t  This  eclipse  of  the  moon  (which  is  the  only  eclipse  of  either  of  the  Inminaries  mentioned  by  our  .Tosephus 
 '"  ?"5f  "'^'"^  writings)  is  of  the  greatest  coiiscuutnce  for  the  determination  of  the  time  for  the  death  of  Herod 
 and  Aniipater,  and  for  the  birth  and  entire  chronology  of  .Fesus  Christ.  1;  hapiwned  March  13th,  in  the  year 
 of  the  .lulian  iieriod  4710,  and  the  4th  year  before  the  Christian  era.  See  its  calculation  by  the  rules  of  astro- 
 nomy, at  the  end  of  the  Astronomical  Lectures,  cdil.  Lat.  p.  451,  152. 
 
 X  A  place  for  the  horse  races. 
 
444  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 alleviation  of  liis  great  sorrows  on  this  occasion  ;  for  thai,  if  tbey  do  not  refuse  liim  tlieir  con- 
 sent in  what  be  desires,  he  shall  have  a  great  mourning  at  bis  funeral,  and  such  as  never  any 
 king  had  before  hiin  ;  for  then  the  whole  nation  would  mourn  from  their  very  soul,  which 
 othprwise  would  be  done  in  sport  and  mockery  only.  He  desired  therefore  that  as  soon  as 
 they  see  he  hath  given  up  tiie  ghost,  they  shall  place  soldiers  round  the  hippodrome,  while 
 tliey  do  not  know  ihat  he  is  dead  ;  and  that  they  shall  not  declare  his  death  to  the  multitude 
 till  this  is  done,  but  that  tliey  shall  give  orders  to  have  those  that  are  in  custody  shot  with 
 their  darts  ;  and  that  this  slaughter  of  them  ;i!l  will  cause  that  be  shall  not  miss  to  rejoice  on 
 a  double  account  ;  that  as  he  is  dying,  they  will  make  him  secure  that  bis  will  shall  be  exe- 
 cuted ill  what  be  charges  them  to  do  ;  and  that  be  shall  have  the  honour  of  a  memorable 
 mourning  at  bis  funeral.  So  he  deplored  his  condition,  with  tears  in  bis  eyes,  and  obtested 
 them  by  the  kindness  due  from  them,  as  of  his  kindred,  and  by  the  faith  they  owed  to  God, 
 and  begged  of  them  that  they  would  not  hinder  him  of  this  honourable  mourning  at  his  funeral." 
 So  they  promised  him  not  to  transgress  bis  commands. 
 
 6.  Now,  any  one  may  easily  discover  the  temper  of  this  man's  mind,  which  not  only  took 
 pleasure  in  doing  what  be  bad  dons  formerly  against  his  relations,  out  of  the  love  of  life,  but 
 by  those  commands  of  his  which  savoured  of  no  humanity,  since  he  took  care  when  he  was 
 departing  out  of  this  life,  that  the  whole  nation  should  be  put  into  mourning,  and  indeed  made 
 desolate  of  their  dearest  kindred,  when  he  gave  order  that  one  out  of  every  family  should  he 
 slain,  although  ibey  had  done  nothing  that  was  unjust,  or  that  was  against  him,  nor  were  they 
 accused  of  any  other  crimes  ;  while  it  is  usual  for  those  who  have  any  regard  to  virtue,  to  lay 
 aside  their  hatred  at  such  a  time,  even  with  respect  to  those  they  justly  esteemed  their 
 enemies. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Herod  has  Thoughts  of  killing  himself  tvith  his  own  Hand;  and  a  little  afterwards  he  orders 
 
 Anlipater  to  be  slain. 
 
 §  1.  As  he  was  giving  these  commands  to  his  relations,  there  came  letters  from  bis  ambassa- 
 dors, who  bad  been  sent  to  Rome  unto  Cfesar,  which,  when  they  were  read,  tlieir  purport  was 
 this  :  that  "  Acme  was  slain  by  Cassar,  out  of  bis  indignation  at  what  band  she  had  in  Anti- 
 pater's  wicked  practices;  and  that  as  to  Antipater  himself,  Csesar  left  it  to  Herod  to  act  as 
 became  a  father  and  a  king,  and  either  to  banish  bim  or  take  away  his  life,  which  he  pleased," 
 When  Herod  hcrird  this,  he  was  somewhat  better,  out  of  the  pleasure  he  had  from  the  con- 
 tents of  the  letters,  and  was  elevated  at  the  death  of  Acme,  and  at  the  power  that  was  given 
 him  over  his  son  ;  but,  as  bis  pains  were  become  very  great,  he  was  now  ready  to  faint  for 
 ■want  of  something  to  eat  ;  so  he  called  for  an  apple,  and  a  knife  ;  for  it  was  his  custom  formerly 
 to  pare  the  apple  himself,  and  soon  afterwards  to  cut  it,  and  eat  if.  When  he  had  got  the 
 knife,  he  looked  about,  and  had  a  mind  to  stab  himself  with  it  ;  and  he  had  done  it,  had  not 
 his  first  cousin,  Achiabus,  prevented  him,  and  held  his  hand,  and  cried  out  loudly.  Whereupon  a 
 woful  lamentation  echoed  through  the  palace,  and  a  great  tumult  was  made,  as  if  the  king  was 
 dead.  Upon  which,  Antipater,  who  verily  believed  bis  father  was  deceased,  grew  bold  in  liis 
 discourse,  as  hoping  to  be  immediately  and  entirely  released  from  his  bonds,  and  to  take  the 
 kingdom  into  bis  hands,  without  any  more  ado  ;  so  he  discoursed  with  the  jailor  about  letting 
 bim  go,  and  in  that  case  promised  him  great  things,  both  now  and  hereafter,  as  if  that  were  the 
 only  thing  now  in  question.  But  the  jailor  did  liot  only  refuse  to  do  what  Antipater  would 
 have  him,  but  informed  the  king  of  his  intentions,  and  how  many  solicitations  he  bad  had  from 
 him  [of  that  nature.]  Hereupon  Herod,  who  had  formerly  no  afl'ection  nor  good-will  towards 
 his  son  to  restrain  bim,  when  he  heard  what  the  jailor  said,  he  cried  out,  and  beat  his  head, 
 although  he  was  at  death's  door,  and  raised  himself  upon  his  elbow,  and  sent  for  some  of  bis 
 guards,  and  commanded  them  to  kill  Antipater  without  any  further  delay,  and  to  do  it  pre- 
 sently, and  to  bury  bim  in  an  ignoble  manner  at  Hyrcania. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII, 
 
 Concerning  Herod's  Death,  and  Testament,  and  Burial, 
 
 §  I.  And  now  Herod  altered  bis  testament  upon  the  alteration  of  bis  mind  ;  for  he  appointed 
 Antipas,  to  whom  he  had  before  left  the  kingdom,  to  be  tetrarcb  of  Galilee  and  Perea,  and 
 granted  the  kingdom  to  Airhelatis.  He  also  gave  Gaulonitis,  and  Trachonitis,  and  Paneas, 
 to  Philip,  who  was  his  son.  but  own  brother  to  Archelaus,*  by  the  name  of  a  fetrarchy  ;  and 
 bequeathed  Jamnia,  and  Ashdod,  and  Phasaelis,  to  Salome  his  sister,  with  five  hundred  thou- 
 sand [drachma?]  of  silver  that  was  coined.     He  also  made  provision  for  all  the   rest  of  his 
 
 •  When  it  is  said,  that  Philip  the  tctrarch,  and  Archelaus  the  king,  or  cthnarch,  were  adelphoi  gnfsioi, 
 or  genuine  brothers,  if  those  words  mean  oivn  brothers,  or  born  of  the  same  father  and  mother,  there  must  be 
 here  some  mistake  ;  because  they  had  indeed  the  same  father,  Herod,  but  different  mothers  ;  the  former 
 *-'^f>P^'.i"a,  and  Archelaus.  Maltbace.  They  were  indeed  brought  up  altOKether  at  Rome,  lite  own  brothers  ; 
 and  \  hilip  was  Archelaus'  deputy  when  he  went  to  have  his  kingdom  eonfirmrd  to  him  at  Home  :  chap.  ix. 
 J  ->.  ot  the  War,  b.  li.  chap  ii.  i  1.  which  intimacy  is  perhaps  all  that  Josephus  intended  by  the  words 
 before  us. 
 
BOOK  XVII. — CHAP.  VIII.  445 
 
 kindred,  by  giving  them  sums  of  money  and  annual  revenues,  and  so  left  them  all  in  a  wealthy 
 condition.  He  bequeathed  also  to  Ca?sar  ten  millions  of  [drachms]  of  coined  money,  besides 
 both  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  and  garments  exceeding  costly,  to  Julia,  Caesar's  wife  ;  and 
 to  certain  others,  five  millions.  When  he  had  done  these  things,  he  died,  the  fifth  day  after 
 he  had  caused  Antipater  to  be  slain  ;  having  reigned  since  he  had  procured  Antigonus  to  be 
 slain,  tliity-four  years  ;*  but  since  he  had  been  declared  king  by  the  Romans,  thirty-s^en.  A 
 man  he  was  of  great  barbarity  towards  all  men  equally,  and  a  slave  to  his  passion  ;  but  above 
 the  consideration  of  what  was  rigiit :  yet  was  he  favoured  by  fortune  as  much  as  any  man  ever 
 was,  for  from  a  private  man  he  became  a  king  ;  and  though  he  were  encompassed  with  ten 
 thousand  dangers,  he  got  clear  of  them  all,  and  continued  bis  life  to  a  very  old  age.  But  then, 
 as  to  the  aftairs  of  his  family  and  children,  in  which,  indeed,  according  to  his  own  opinion, 
 he  was  also  very  fortunate,  because  he  was  able  to  conquer  his  enemies,  yet,  in  my  opinion, 
 ho  was  herein  very  unfortunate. 
 
 2.  But  then  Salome  and  Alexas,  before  the  king's  death  was  made  known,  dismissed  those 
 that  were  siint  up  in  the  hippodrome,  and  told  them  that  the  king  ordered  them  to  go  away 
 to  their  own  lands,  and  take  care  of  their  own  affairs,  which  was  esteemed  by  the  nation  a 
 great  benefit.  And  now  the  king's  death  was  made  public,  when  Salome  and  Alexas  gathered 
 the  soldiery  together  in  the  amphitheatre  at  Jericho  ;  and  the  first  thing  they  did  was,  they 
 read  Herod's  letter,  written  to  the  soldiery,  thanking  them  for  their  fidelity  and  good-will  to 
 hira,  and  exhorting  them  to  afford  his  son  Archelaus,  whom  he  had  appointed  for  their  king, 
 like  fidelity  and  good-will.  After  which,  Ptolemy,  who  had  the  king's  seal  intrusted  to  him, 
 read  the  king's  testament,  which  was  to  be  offeree  no  otherwise  than  as  it  should  stand  when 
 Cjesar  had  inspected  it ;  so  there  was  presently  an  acclamation  made  to  Arcbelnus,  as  king, 
 and  the  soldiers  came  by  bands,  and  their  commanders  with  them,  and  promised  the  same 
 good-will  to  him,  and  readiness  to  serve  hira,  which  they  had  exhibited  to  Herod  ;  and  they 
 prayed  God  to  be  assistant  to  him. 
 
 3.  After  this  was  over,  they  prepared  for  his  funeral,  it  being  Archelaus's  care  that  the 
 procession  to  his  father's  sepulchre  should  be  very  sumptuous.  Accordingly,  he  brought  out 
 all  his  ornaments  to  adorn  the  pomp  of  the  funeral.  The  body  was  carried  upon  a  golden 
 bier,  embroidered  with  very  precious  stones  of  great  variety,  and  it  was  covered  over  with 
 purple,  as  well  as  the  body  itself  :  he  had  a  diadem  upon  his  head,  and  above  it  a  crown  of 
 gold  ;  he  also  had  a  sceptre  in  his  right  hand.  About  the  bier  were  his  sons  and  his  numerous 
 relations  ;  next  to  these  was  the  soldiery,  distinguished  according  to  their  several  countries 
 and  denominations  ;  and  they  were  put  into  the  following  order  :  first  of  all  went  his  guards  ; 
 then  the  band  of  Thracians  ;  and  after  them  the  Germans  ;  and  next  the  band  of  Galatians  ; 
 every  one  in  their  habiliments  of  war  ;  and  behind  these  marched  the  whole  army  in  the  same 
 manner  as  they  used  to  go  out  to  war,  and  as  they  used  to  be  put  in  array  by  their  muster- 
 masters  and  centurions  ;  these  were  followed  by  five  hundred  of  his  domestics  carrying  spices. 
 So  they  went  eight  furlongst  to  Herodium  ;  for  there  by  his  own  command  lie  was  to  be  buried. 
 And  thus  did  Herod  end  liis  life. 
 
 4.  Now  Archelaus  paid  him  so  much  respect,  as  to  continue  his  mourning  till  the  seventh 
 day  ;  for  so  many  days  are  appointed  for  it  by  the  law  of  our  fathers.  And  when  be  had 
 given  a  treat  to  the  mullilude,  and  left  oil'  his  mourning,  he  went  up  into  the  temple  ;  he  had 
 also  acclamations  and  praises  given  him,  which  way  soever  he  went,  every  one  striving  with 
 the  rest  who  should  appear  to  use  the  loudest  acclamations.  So  he  ascended  a  high  elevation 
 made  for  him,  and  took  his  seat,  in  a  throne  made  of  gold,  and  spoke  kindly  to  the  multitude, 
 and  declared  "  with  what  joy  he  received  their  acclamations,  and  the  marks  of  the  good-will 
 (hey  shewed  to  him  ;  and  returned  them  thanks  that  they  did  not  remember  the  injuries  his 
 father  had  done  them,  to  his  disadvantage  ;  and  promised  them  he  would  endeavour  not  to  be 
 behindhand  with  them  in  rewarding  their  alacrity  in  his  service,  after  a  suitable  manner  ;  but 
 that  he  should  abstain  at  present  from  the  name  of  king,  and  that  he  should  have  the  honour  of 
 that  dignity  if  Cicsar  should  confirm  and  settle  that  testament  which  his  father  had  made  ;  and 
 that  it  was  on  this  account,  that  when  the  army  would  have  put  the  diadem  on  him  at  Jericho, 
 he  would  not  accept  of  that  honour,  which  is  usually  so  much  desired,  because  it  was  not  yet 
 evident  that  he  who  was  to  be  principally  concerned  in  bestowing  it,  would  give  it  him  ; 
 although,  by  his  acceptance  of  the  government,  he  should  not  want  the  ability  of  rewarding 
 their  kindness  to  him  ;  and  that  it  should  be  his  endeavour,  as  to  all  things  wherein  they  were 
 concerned,  to  prove  in  every  respect  better  than  his  father."  Whereupon  the  multitude,  as 
 it  is  usual  with  them,  supposed  that  the  first  days  of  those  that  enter  upon  such  governments, 
 declare  the  intentions  of  those  that  accept  them  ;  and  so  by  how  much  Archelaus  spoke  the 
 more  gently  and  civilly  to  them,  by  so  much  did  thoy  more  highly  commend  him,  and  made 
 application  to  him  for  the  grant  of  what  they  desired.     Some  made  a  clamour  that  he  would 
 
 •  These  numbers  of  years  forTlerod's  reigu,34,and  37, are  the  vwy  same  with  those  Of  the  War,  b.i.chap. 
 xxxiii.  ^  8.  and  are  among  the  principal  chronological  characters  belonfing  to  the  reign  or  death  of  Heron. 
 See  Harm,  of  the  Evang.  p.  150—155. 
 
 t  At  eight  stadia  or  furlongs  a  day,  aa  here,  Herod's  funeral,  conducipd  lo  Herodium,  (which  lay  at  the 
 distance  from  Jericho,  where  he  died,  of  200  stadia  or  furlougs ;  Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap,  xjcxiii.  §  9.)  must 
 have  taken  up  no  kss  than  twenty-five  days. 
 
4AC}  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 ease  tbem  of  some  of  their  annual  payments  ;  but  others  desired  him  to  release  those  that  were 
 piU  into  prison  by  Herod,  who  were  many,  aud  had  been  put  there  at  several  times  ;  others 
 oi'ihem  required  that  he  would  take  awaj  those  taxes  which  had  been  severely  laid  upon  what 
 was  publicly  sold  and  bought.  So  Archelaus  contradicted  tbem  in  nothing,  since  he  pretended 
 (o  do  all  things  so  as  to  get  the  good-will  of  the  multitude  to  him,  as  looking  upon  that  good- 
 will to  be  a  great  step  towards  the  preservation  of  his  government.  Hereupon  he  went  and 
 oll'ered  sacrifice  to  God,  and  then  betook  himself  to  feast  with  his  friends. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How  the  People  raised  a  Sedition  against  Archelaus,  and  how  hesailed  to  Rome. 
 
 §  1.  At  this  time  also  it  was,  that  some  of  the  Jews  got  together  out  of  a  desire  of  innovation* 
 They  lamented  Matthias,  and  those  that  were  slain  with  him  bj  Herod,  who  had  not  any  respec^ 
 paid  them  by  a  funeral  mourning,  out  of  the  fear  men  were  in  of  that  man  ;  they  were  those 
 who  had  been  condemned  for  pulling  down  the  golden  eagle.  The  people  made  a  great  cla- 
 mour and  lamentation  hereupon,  and  cast  out  some  reproaches  against  the  king  also,  as  if  tiiat 
 tended  to  alleviate  the  miseries  of  the  deceased.  Tiie  people  assembled  together,  and  desired 
 of  Archelaus,  that,  in  way  of  revenge  on  their  account,  he  would  inflict  punishment  on  those 
 who  had  been  honoured  by  Herod  :  and  that,  in  the  first  and  principal  place,  he  would  deprive 
 that  high  priest  whom  Herod  had  made,  and  would  choose  one  more  agreeable  to  the  lavv,  and 
 of  greater  purity,  to  officiate  as  high  priest.  This  was  granted  by  Archelaus,  although  he  was 
 mightily  oflfended  at  their  importunity,  because  he  proposed  to  himself  to  go  to  Rome  imme- 
 diately, to  look  after  Caesar's  determination  about  him.  However,  he  sent  the  general  of  his 
 forces  to  use  persuasion-s,  and  to  tell  thera  that  the  death  which  was  inflicted  on  their  friends 
 was  according  to  the  law  ;  and  to  represent  to  them,  that  their  petitiotis  about  these  things 
 were  carried  to  a  great  heiglit  of  injury  to  iiini  ;  tii;it  the  time  was  not  now  proper  for  such 
 petitions,  but  required  their  unanimity  until  such  lime  as  he  should  be  established  in  the  govern- 
 ment by  the  consent  of  Caesar,  and  should  then  be  come  back  to  them  ;  for  that  he  would  then 
 consult  with  them  in  common  concerning  the  purport  of  their  petitions  ;  but  that  they  ought  at 
 present  to  be  quiet,  lest  they  should  seem  seditious  persons. 
 
 2.  So  when  the  king  had  suggested  these  things,  and  instructed  his  general  in  what  he  v/as 
 to  say,  he  sent  Lira  away  to  the  people  ;  but  they  made  a  clamour,  and  would  not  give  him 
 leave  to  speak,  and  put  him  in  danger  of  bis  life,  and  as  many  more  as  were  desirous  to  ven- 
 ture upon  saying  openly  anything  which  might  reduce  them  to  a  sober  mind,  and  prevent  them 
 going  on  in  their  present  courses  ;  because  they  had  more  concern  to  have  all  their  own  wills 
 performed,  than  to  yield  obedience  to  their  governors  ;  thinking  it  to  be  a  thing  insufTerahlt , 
 that,  ^vhile  Herod  was  alive,  they  should  lose  those  that  were  the  most  dear  to  them,  and  that 
 when  he  was  dead,  they  could  not  get  the  ar.lors  to  be  punished.  So  they  went  on  with  their 
 designs  after  a  violent  manner  ;  and  tlionght  all  to  be  lawful  and  right  which  tended  to  please 
 them,  and  being  unskilful  in  foreseeing  what  dangers  they  incurred  ;  and  when  they  had  sus- 
 picion of  such  a  thing,  yet  did  the  present  pleasure  they  took  in  the  punishment  of  those  tbey 
 deemed  their  enemies,  overweigh  all  such  considerations  ;  and  although  Archelaus  sent  many 
 to  speak  to  tbem,  yet  they  treated  them  not  as  messengers  sent  by  him,  but  as  persons  that 
 came  of  their  own  accord  to  mitigate  their  anger,  and  would  not  let  one  of  them  speak.  The 
 sedition,  also,  was  made  by  such  as  were  in  a  great  passion ;  and  it  was  evident  that  they  were 
 proceeding  farther  in  seditious  practices,  by  the  multitude's  running  so  fast  upon  them. 
 
 3.  Now,  upon  the  approach  of  that  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  which  the  law  of  their  fathers 
 had  appointed  for  the  Jews  at  this  time,  which  feast  is  called  the  passover,*  and  is  a  memorial 
 of  their  deliverance  out  of  Egypt,  (when  they  offer  sacrifices  with  great  alacrity  ;  and  when 
 they  are  required  to  slay  more  sacrifices  in  number  than  at  any  other  festival,  and  when  an 
 innumerable  multitude  came  thither  out  of  the  country,  nay,  from  beyond  its  limits  also,  in 
 order  to  worship  Cod  ;)  the  seditious  lamented  Judas  and  iMatthias,  those  teachers  of  the  laws, 
 and  kept  together  in  the  temple,  and  had  plenty  of  food,  because  these  seditious  persons  were 
 not  ashamed  to  beg  it.  And  as  Archelaus  was  afraid  lest  some  terrible  thing  should  spring 
 up  by  means  of  these  men's  madness,  he  sent  a  regiment  of  armed  men,  and  with  them  a  cap- 
 lain  of  a  thousand,  to  suppress  the  violent  efTorts  of  the  seditious,  before  the  whole  multitude 
 shonid  be  infected  with  the  like  madness  ;  and  gave  them  this  charge,  that  if  they  found  any. 
 lunch  more  openly  seditious  than  others,  and  more  busy  in  tumultuous  practices,  they  should 
 bring  them  to  him.  But  those  that  were  seditious  on  account  of  those  teachers  of  the  law, 
 irritated  the  people  by  the  noise  and  clamours  they  used  to  encourage  the  people  in  their 
 designs  ;  so  they  made  an  assault  upon  the  soldiers,  and  came  up  to  thera,  and  stoned  the 
 greatest  part  of  them,  although  some  of  them  ran  away  wounded,  and  their  captain  among 
 them  ;  and  when  they  had  thus  done,  they  returned  to  the  sacrifices  which  were  already  in 
 their  hands.  Now  Archelaus  thought  there  was  no  way  to  preserve  the  entire  government,  but 
 by  cutting  ofT those  who  made  this  attempt  upon  it ;  so  he  sent  out  the  whole  array  upon  them, 
 
 •  This  passover,  when  the  sedition  hero  mentioned  was  moved  against  Archelaus,  was  not  one,  but  thirlt>« 
 months  after  the  eclipse  of  the  uioon  alnndy  mentioned. 
 
BOOK  XVII. — CHAP.   IX.  447 
 
 and  sent  llie  horsemen  to  prevent  those  that  liad  llieir  tents  witliout  the  temple,  from  assisting 
 those  ttmt  were  within  the  temple,  and  to  kill  sur.h  as  ran  away  from  the  footmen  when  they 
 thought  themselves  out  of  danger,  which  horsemen  slew  three  thousand  men,  while  the  rest 
 went  to  the  neighhouring  mountains.  Then  did  Archelaus  order  proclamation  to  be  made  to 
 them  all,  that  they  should  retire  to  (heir  own  homes  ;  so  they  went  away,  and  left  the  festival 
 ont  of  fear  of  somewhat  worse  which  would  follow,  although  they  had  been  so  bold  by  reason 
 of  their  want  of  instruction.  So  Archelaus  went  down  to  the  sea  with  his  mother,  and  took 
 with  him  Nicolaiis  and  Ptolemy,  and  many  others  of  his  friends,  and  left  Philip,  his  brother, 
 as  governor  of  all  things  belonging  both  to  his  own  family  and  to  the  public.  There  went  out 
 also  with  him  Salome,  Herod's  sister,  who  took  with  her  her  children,  and  many  of  her  kin- 
 dred were  with  her  ;  which  kindred  of  her's  went,  as  they  pretended,  to  assist  Archelaus  in 
 gaining  the  kingdom,  but  in  reality  to  oppose  him,  and  chiefly  to  make  loud  complaints  of  what 
 he  had  done  in  the  temple.  But  Sabinus,  Cresar's  steward  for  Syrian  affairs,  as  he  was  mak- 
 ing haste  into  Jndea,  to  preserve  Herod's  eflects,  met  with  Archelaus  at  Caesarea;  but  Varus 
 (president  of  Syria)  came  at  that  time  and  restrained  him  from  meddling  with  them,  for  he  was 
 there  as  sent  for  by  Archelaus,  by  the  means  of  Ptolemy.  And  Sabinus,  out  of  regard  to 
 Varus,  did  neither  seize  upon  any  of  the  castles  that  were  among  the  Jews,  nor  did  he  seal  up 
 the  treasures  in  ihem,  but  permitted  Archelaus  to  have  them,  until  Caesar  should  declare  his 
 resolution  about  ihem  ;  so  that,  upon  this  his  promise,  he  tarried  still  at  Caesarea.  But  after 
 Archelaus  was  sailed  for  Rome,  and  Varus  was  removed  to  Antioch,  Sabinus  went  to  Jerusa- 
 lem, and  seized  on  llie  king's  palace.  lis  also  sent  for  the  keepers  of  the  garrisons,  and  for 
 all  those  that  had  the  charge  of  Herod's  effects,  and  declared  publicly,  that  he  should  require 
 them  to  give  an  acconnt  of  what  they  had  :  and  he  disposed  of  the  castles  in  the  manner  he 
 pleased  ;  but  those  who  kept  them  did  not  neglect  what  Archelaus  had  given  them  in  com- 
 mand, but  continued  to  keep  all  things  in  the  manner  that  had  been  enjoined  them  ;  and  tJieir 
 pretence  was,  that  they  kept  them  all  for  Caesar. 
 
 4.  At  the  same  time,  also,  did  Antipas,  another  of  Herod's  sons,  sail  to  Rome,  in  order  to 
 gain  the  government ;  being  buoyed  up  by  Salome  with  promises,  that  he  should  take  the 
 government  ;  and  that  he  was  a  much  honester  and  fitter  man  than  Archelaus  for  that  autho- 
 rity ;  since  Herod  bad,  in  his  former  testament,  deemed  him  the  worthiest  to  be  made  king, 
 which  ought  to  be  esteemed  more  valid  than  his  latter  testament.  Antipas  also  brought  with 
 him  his  mother,  and  Ptolemy  the  brother  of  Nicolaus,  one  that  had  been  Herod's  most 
 honoured  friend,  and  was  now  zealous  for  Antipas  :  but  it  was  Ireneus  the  orator,  and  one 
 who,  on  account  of  his  reputation  for  sagacity,  was  intrusted  with  the  afl'airs  of  the  kingdom, 
 who  most  of  all  encouraged  him  to  attempt  to  gain  the  kingdom  ;  by  whose  means  it  was,  that 
 when  some  advised  him  to  yield  to  Archelaus,  as  to  his  elder  brother,  and  who  had  been 
 declared  king  by  their  father's  last  will,  he  would  not  submit  so  to  do.  And  when  he  was 
 come  to  Rome,  all  his  relations  revolted  to  him  :  not  out  of  their  good-will  to  him,  but  out  of 
 their  hatred  to  Archelaus  ;  thouijh  i7!deed  they  were  most  of  all  desirous  of  gaining  their  liberty, 
 and  to  be  put  under  a  Roman  governor  ;  but  if  there  were  too  great  an  opposition  made  to 
 that,  they  thought  Antipas  preferable  to  Archelaus,  and  so  joined  with  him,  in  order  to  pro- 
 cure the  kingdom  for  him.     Sabinus  also,  by  letters,  accused  Archelaus  to  Caesar. 
 
 5.  Now,  when  Archelaus  had  sent  in  his  papers  to  Ca?sar,  wherein  he  pleaded  his  right  to 
 the  kingdom,  and  his  father's  testament,  with  the  accounts  of  Herod's  money,  and  with  Pto- 
 lemy, who  brought  Herod's  seal,  be  so  expected  the  event  ;  but  when  Caesar  had  read  these 
 papers,  and  Varus's  and  Sabinns's  letters,  with  the  account  of  the  money,  and  what  were  the 
 annual  revenues  of  the  kingdom,  and  understood  that  Antipas  had  also  sent  letters  to  lay  claim 
 to  the  kingdom,  he  summoned  his  friends  together,  to  know  their  opinions,  and  with  them 
 Caius,  the  son  of  Agrippa,  and  of  Julia  his  daughter,  whom  he  had  adopted,  and  took  him  and 
 made  him  sit  first  of  all,  and  desired  s«ch  as  pleased  to  speak  their  minds  about  the  afl'airs 
 now  before  them.  Mow  Antipater,  Salome's  son,  a  very  subtle  orator,  and  a  bitter  enemy  to 
 Archelaus,  spoke  first  to  this  purpose  ;  that  "  it  was  ridiculous  in  Archelaus  to  plead  now  to 
 have  the  kingdom  given  him,  since  he  had  in  reality  taken  already  the  power  over  it  to  him- 
 self, before  Cysar  had  granted  it  to  him  :  and  appealed  to  those  bold  actions  of  his,  in  destroy- 
 ing so  many  at  t'rie  Jewish  festival,  and,  if  the  men  had  acted  unjustly,  it  was  but  (it  the 
 punishing  of  them  should  have  been  reserved  to  those  that  were  out  of  the  country,  but  had 
 the  power  to  punish  them,  and  not  been  executed  by  a  man  that,  if  he  pretended  to  be  a  king, 
 he  did  an  injury  to  Caesar,  by  usurping  that  authority  before  it  was  determined  for  him  by 
 Caesar,  but,  if  he  owned  himself  to  be  a  private  person,  his  case  was  much  worse,  since  he  who 
 was  putting  in  for  the  kingdom,  could  by  no  means  expect  to  have  that  power  granted  him,  of 
 which  he  had  already  deprived  Ca'sar  [by  taking  it  to  hiinscll'.]  He  also  touched  sharply 
 upon  him,  and  appealed  to  his  changing  the  commanders  in  the  army,  and  his  sitting  in  the 
 royal  throne  beforehand,  and  his  determination  of  lawsuits  ;  all  done  ns  if  he  were  no  oth>r 
 than  a  king.  He  appe.'>.led  also  to  his  concessions  to  those  that  petitioned  him  on  a  public 
 account,  and  indeed  doing  such  things,  than  which  he  could  devise  no  greater  if  he  had 
 been  already  settled  in  the  kingdom  by  Caesar.  He  also  ascribed  to  him  the  releasing  of  the 
 prisoners  that  were  in  the  hippodrome,  and  many  other  thin;^s,  fhat  either  had  been  certainl,y 
 
448  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 done  by  him,  or  were  believed  to  be  done,  and  easily  might  be  believed  to  have  been  done, 
 because  they  were  of  such  a  nature,  as  to  be  usually  done  by  young  men,  and  by  such  as,  out 
 of  a  desire  of  ruling,  seize  upon  the  governmeni  too  soon.  He  also  charged  him  with  (he 
 neglect  of  the  funeral  mourning  for  his  father,  and  with  having  merry  meetings  the  very  night 
 in  which  he  died  ;  and  that  it  was  thence  the  multitude  took  the  handle  of  raising  a  tumult  ; 
 and  if  Archelaus  could  ttius  requite  his  dead  father,  who  had  bestowed  such  benefits  upon  him, 
 and  bequeathed  such  great  things  to  him,  by  pretending  to  shed  tears  for  him  in  the  daytime, 
 like  an  actor  on  the  stage,  but  every  night  making  rairth  for  having  gotten  the  government, 
 be  would  appear  to  be  the  same  Archelaus  with  regard  to  Csesar,  if  he  granted  him  the  king- 
 dom, which  he  hath  been  to  his  father;  since  he  had  then  dancing  and  singing,  as  though  an 
 enemy  of  bis  were  fallen,  and  not  as  though  a  man  were  carried  to  his  funeral,  that  was  so 
 nearly  related,  and  had  been  so  great  a  benefactor  to  him.  But  he  said  that  the  greatest  crime 
 of  all  was  this,  that  he  came  now  before  Cwsar  to  obtain  the  government  by  his  grant,  while 
 be  had  before  acted  in  all  things  as  he  could  have  acted  if  Caesar  himself,  who  ruled  all,  hart 
 fixed  him  firmly  in  the  government.  And  what  he  most  aggravated  in  his  pleading,  was  the 
 slaughter  of  those  about  tlie  temple,  and  the  impiety  of  it,  as  done  at  the  festival ;  and  how 
 they  were  slain  like  sacrifices  themselves,  some  of  whom  were  foreigners,  and  others  of  their 
 own  country,  till  the  temple  was  fiill  of  dead  bodies  :  and  all  this  was  done,  not  by  an  alien, 
 but  by  one  who  pretended  to  the  lawful  title  of  a  king,  that  he  might  complete  the  wicked 
 tyranny  which  his  nature  prompted  him  to,  and  which  is  hated  by  all  men.  On  which  account 
 Lis  father  never  so  much  as  dreamed  of  making  him  his  successor  in  the  kingdom,  when  he 
 ■was  of  a  sound  mind,  because  he  knew  his  disposition  ;  and  in  his  former  and  more  authentic 
 testament,  he  appointed  his  antagonist  Antipas  to  succeed  ;  but  that  Archelaus  was  called  by 
 his  father  to  that  dignity,  when  he  was  in  a  dying  condition,  both  of  body  and  mind,  while  An- 
 lipas  was  called  upon  when  he  was  ripest  in  his  judgment,  and  of  such  strength  of  body  as  made 
 Lim  capable  of  managing  his  own  affairs  ;  and  if  his  father  had  the  like  notion  of  him  formerly 
 that  be  hath  now  shewed,  yet  hath  he  given  a  sufficient  specimen  what  a  king  he  is  likely  to  be, 
 when  he  hath  [in  effect]  deprived  Caesar  of  that  power  of  disposing  of  the  kingdom,  which  he 
 justly  hath,  and  hath  not  abstained  from  making  a  terrible  slaughter  of  his  fellow-citizens  in 
 the  temple,  while  he  was  but  a  private  person." 
 
 6.  So  when  Antipater  had  made  this  speech,  and  had  confirmed  what  he  had  said  by  pro- 
 ducing many  witnesses  from  among  Archelaus's  own  relations,  he  made  an  end  of  his  pleading. 
 Upon  which  Nicolaus  arose  up  to  plead  for  Archelaus,  and  said,  "  That  what  had  been  done 
 at  the  temple  was  rather  to  be  attributed  to  the  mind  of  those  that  had  been  killed,  than  to  the 
 authority  of  Archelaus  ;  for  that  (hose  who  were  the  authors  of  such  things,  are  not  only 
 wicked  in  the  injuries  they  do  of  themselves,  but  in  forcing  sober  persons  to  avenge  themselves 
 upon  them.  Now  it  is  evident,  that  wliat  these  did  in  way  of  opposition,  was  done  under 
 pretence,  indeed,  against  Archelaus,  but  in  reality  against  Caesar  himself,  for  they,  after  an 
 injurious  manner,  attacked  and  slew  those  who  were  sent  by  Archelaus,  and  who  came  only  to 
 put  a  stop  to  their  doings.  They  had  no  regard,  either  to  God  or  to  the  festival,  whom  Anti- 
 pater  yet  is  not  ashamed  to  patronize,  whether  it  be  out  of  his  indulgence  of  an  enmity  to 
 Archelaus,  or  out  of  his  hatred  of  virtue  and  justice.  For  as  to  those  who  begin  such  tumults, 
 and  first  set  about  such  unrighteous  actions,  they  are  the  men  who  force  those  (hat  punish 
 them  to  betake  themselves  to  arms  even  against  their  will.  So  that  Antipater  in  effect  ascribes 
 the  rest  of  what  was  done  to  all  tiiose  who  were  of  counsel  to  the  accusers,  for  nothing  which 
 is  here  accused  of  injustice  has  been  done,  but  what  was  derived  from  them  as  its  authors  ; 
 nor  are  those  things  evil  in  themselves,  but  so  represented  only,  in  order  to  do  harm  to  Arche- 
 laus. Such  are  these  men's  inclinations  to  do  an  injury  to  a  man  that  is  of  their  kindred,  their 
 father's  benefactor,  and  familiarly  acquainted  with  them,  and  that  hath  ever  lived  in  friendship 
 with  them  ;  for  that,  as  to  this  testament,  it  was  made  by  the  king  when  he  was  of  a  sound 
 raind,  and  so  ought  (o  be  of  more  authority  than  his  former  ttstament  ;  and  that  for  this  rea- 
 son, because  Caesar  is  therein  left  (o  be  the  judge  and  disposer  of  all  therein  contained  ;  and 
 for  Ca?sar,  he  will  not,  to  be  sure,  at  all  imitate  the  unjust  proceedinsrs  of  those  men,  who,  dur- 
 ing Herod's  whole  life,  had  on  all  occasions  been  joint  partakers  of  power  with  him,  and  yet 
 do  zealously  endeavour  to  injure  his  determination  ;  while  they  have  not  themselves  had  (he 
 same  regard  to  (heir  kinsman  [which  Archelaus  had.]  Caesar  will  not  therefore  disannul  the 
 testament  of  a  man  whom  he  had  entirely  supported,  of  his  friend  and  confederate,  and  that 
 which  is  committed  to  him  in  trust,  to  ratify  :  nor  will  Caesar's  virtuous  and  upright  disposition,  • 
 wliich  is  known  and  uncontested  through  all  (he  habitable  world,  imitate  the  wickedness  of 
 these  men  in  condemning  a  king  as  a  madman,  and  as  having  lost  his  reason,  while  he  hath 
 bequeathed  (he  succession  to  a  good  son  of  his,  and  to  one  who  (lies  to  Caesar's  upright  deter- 
 mination for  refuge.  Nor  can  Herod  at  any  time  have  been  mistaken  in  his  judgment  about  a 
 successor,  while  he  shewed  so  much  prudence  as  to  submit  all  to  Cassar's  determination." 
 
 7.  Now  when  Nicolaus  had  laid  these  things  before  Ctesar,  he  ended  his  plea;  whereupon 
 Csesar  was  so  obliging  to  Archelaus,  that  he  raised  him  up  when  he  had  cast  himself  down  at 
 his  feet,  and  said,  that  "  he  well  deserved  the  kingdom  ;"  and  he  soon  let  him  know,  that  he 
 W08  so  far  moved  in  his  favour,  that  he  would   not  act  otherwise  than  his   father's  testament 
 
BOOK    XVII. —  CHAP.    X.  449 
 
 directed,  and  that  was  for  tlie  advantage  of  Archelaus.  However,  while  be  gave  this  encou- 
 ragement to  Arclielaus  to  depend  on  him  securely,  he  made  no  full  determination  about  him  ; 
 and,  when  the  assembly  was  broken  up,  he  considered  by  himself,  whether  he  should  confirm 
 the  kingdom  to  Archelaus,  or  whether  he  should  part  it  among  all  Herod's  posterity  j  and  this 
 because  they  all  stood  in  need  of  mnch  asaistance  to  support  them. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 A  Sedition  of  the  Jews  against  Sabinus;    and  how    Varus  brought  the  Authors  of  it   to 
 
 Punishment. 
 §  1.  But  before  these  things  could  be  brought  to  a  settlement,  Malthace,  Archelaus'  mother, 
 fell  into  a  distemper,  and  died  of  it;  and  letters  came  from  Varus,  the  president  of  Syria, 
 which  informed  Ca\sar  of  the  revolt  of  the  Jews;  for,  after  Archelaus  was  sailed,  the  whole 
 nation  was  in  a  tumult.  So  N'arus,  since  he  was  there  himself,  brought  the  authors  of  the 
 disturbance  to  punishment;  and  when  he  had  restrained  them  for  the  most  part  from  this  sedi- 
 tion, which  was  a  great  one,  he  took  his  journey  to  Antioch,  leaving  one  legion  of  his  army  at 
 Jerusalem  to  keep  the  Jews  quiet,  who  were  now  very  fond  of  innovation.  Yot  did  not  this 
 at  all  avail  to  put  an  end  to  that  their  sedition ;  for  after  Varus  was  gone  away,  Sabinus, 
 Caesar's  procurator,  staid  behind,  and  greatly  distressed  the  Jews,  relying  on  the  forces  that 
 were  left  there,  that  ihey  would  by  their  multitude  protect  him  :  for  he  made  use  of  them,  and 
 armed  them  as  his  guards,  thereby  so  oppressing  the  Jews,  and  giving  tliem  so  great  distur- 
 bance, that  at  length  they  rebelled  ;  for  be  used  force  in  seizing  the  citadels,  and  zealously 
 pressed  on  tlie  search  after  the  king's  money,  in  order  to  seize  upon  it  by  force,  on  account 
 of  his  love  of  gain,  and  his  extraordinary  covetousness. 
 
 2.  But  on  the  approach  of  Pentecost,  which  is  a  festival  of  ours,  so  called  from  the  days  of 
 our  forefathers,  a  great  many  ten  thousands  of  men  got  together;  nor  did  they  come  only  to 
 celebrate  the  festival,  but  out  of  their  indignation  at  the  madness  of  Sabinus,  and  at  the  injuries 
 he  oll'ered  them.  A  great  number  there  was  of  Galileans,  and  Idmneans,  and  many  men  from 
 Jericho,  and  others  who  had  passed  over  the  river  Jordan,  and  inhabited  those  parts.  This 
 whole  multitude  joined  themselves  to  all  the  rest,  and  were  more  zealous  than  the  others  in 
 making  an  assault  on  Sabinus,  in  order  to  be  avenged  on  him  ;  so  they  parted  themselves  into 
 three  bands,  and  encamped  themselves  in  the  places  following:  some  of  them  seized  upon  the 
 hippodrome  ;  and  of  the  other  two  bands,  one  pitched  themselves  from  the  northern  part  of  the 
 temple  to  the  southern,  on  the  east  quarter;  but  the  third  band  held  the  western  part  of  the 
 city  where  the  kings  palace  was.  Their  work  tended  entirely  to  besiege  the  Romans,  and  to 
 enclose  them  on  all  sides.  Now,  Sabinus  was  afraid  of  these  men's  number,  and  of  their  reso- 
 lution, who  had  little  regard  to  their  lives,  but  were  very  desirous  not  to  he  overcome,  while 
 they  thought  it  a  point  of  puissance  to  overcome  their  enemies ;  so  he  sent  immediately  a  letter 
 to  Varus,  and,  as  he  used  to  do,  was  very  pressing  with  him,  and  entreated  him  to  come  quickly 
 to  his  assistance ;  because  the  forces  he  had  left  were  in  imminent  danger,  and  would  probably, 
 in  no  long  time,  be  seized  upon,  and  cut  to  pieces ;  while  he  did  himself  get  up  to  the  highest 
 tower  of  the  fortress  Phasaelus,  which  had  been  built  in  honour  of  Pbasaelus,  king  Herod's 
 brother,  and  called  so  when  the  Parthians  had  brought  him  to  his  death.*  So  Sabinus  gave 
 thence  a  signal  to  the  Romans  to  fall  upon  the  Jews,  although  he  did  not  himself  venture  so 
 much  as  to  come  down  to  his  friends,  and  thought  he  might  expect  that  the  others  should 
 expose  themselves  first  to  die,  on  account  of  his  avarice.  However,  the  Romans  ventured  to 
 make  a  sally  out  of  the  place,  and  a  terrible  battle  ensued  ;  wherein,  though  it  is  true  the 
 Romans  beat  their  adversaries,  yet  were  not  the  Jews  daunted  in  their  resolutions,  even  when 
 they  had  the  sight  of  that  terrible  slaughter  that  was  made  of  them,  but  they  went  round  about, 
 and  got  upon  those  cloisters  which  encompassed  the  outer  court  of  the  temple,  where  a  great 
 light  was  still  continued,  and  they  east  stones  at  the  Romans,  partly  with  their  hands  and  partly 
 with  slings,  as  being  much  used  to  those  exercises.  All  the  archers  also  in  array  did  the 
 Romans  a  great  deal  of  mischief;  because  they  used  their  hands  dexterously  from  a  place 
 superior  to  the  others,  and  because  the  others  were  at  an  utter  loss  what  to  do;  for  when  they 
 tried  to  shoot  their  arrows  against  the  Jews  upwards,  these  arrows  could  not  reach  them,  inso- 
 much that  the  Jews  were  easily  too  hard  for  their  enemies.  And  this  sort  of  fight  lastal  a 
 great  while,  till  at  last  the  Romans,  who  were  greatly  distressed  by  what  was  done,  set  fire  to 
 the  cloisters  so  privately,  that  those  who  were  gotten  upon  them  did  not  perceive  it.  This 
 fire  being  fed  by  a  great  deal  of  comlmslible  matter, t  caught  hold  immediately  on  the  roof  of  the 
 cloisters;  so  the  wood,  which  was  full  of  pitch  and  wax,  and  whose  gold  was  laid  on  it  with 
 wax,  yielded  to  the  (lame  presently,  and  those  vast  works,  which  were  of  the  highest  value  and 
 esteem,  were  destroyed  utterly,  wliile  those  that  were  on  the  roof  unexpectedly  perished  at  tli-* 
 same  time  ;  for,  as  the  roof  tumbled  down,  some  of  these  men  tumbled  down  with  it,  and  others 
 
 •  See  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  cliai).  xiii.  ^  10.  and  Of  tho  War,  b.  ii.  chup.  xii.  §  9. 
 
 t  'I'liese  grfat  dovaslations  made  about  the  Uiiiple  here,  and  Of  the  War,  h.  ii.  chap.  iii.  i  3.  seem  no!  to 
 hnvc  bcin  tiilly  re-edified  in  the  days  of  >.cro  ;  till  v.'hose  time  there  were  18.W0  workmen  continually  cm- 
 ployed  in  rebuilding  and  repairing  that  temple,  as  .Joteplirs  informs  us,  Autiq.  b.  xx.  chap,  ix  ^  7-  Sec  tU« 
 nolo  on  that  pluco. 
 
 3  I 
 
450  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 of  them  wcfe  killed  by  their  enemies  wLo  encompassed  them.  There  was  a  great  number 
 moie,  who,  ont  of  despair  of  saTing  their  lives,  and  oat  of  astonishment  at  the  misery  that  sur- 
 rounded them,  did  either  cast  themselves  into  the  fire,  cr  threw  themselves  upon  their  own 
 swords,  and  so  got  oat  of  their  misery.  But  as  to  those  that  retired  behind  the  same  way  bj 
 which  they  ascended,  and  thereby  escaped,  they  were  all  killed  by  the  Romans,  as  being 
 unarmed  men,  and  their  courage  failing  them;  their  wild  fury  being  now  notable  to  help  them, 
 because  they  were  destitute  of  armour ;  insomuch  that,  of  those  that  went  up  to  the  top  of  tlie 
 roof,  not  one  escaped.  The  Romans  also  rushed  through  the  fire,  where  it  gave  them  room  so 
 to  do,  and  seized  on  that  treasure  where  the  sacred  money  was  reposited ;  a  great  part  of  which 
 was  stolen  by  the  soldiers,  and  Sabinus  got  openly  four  hundred  talents. 
 
 3.  But  this  calamity  of  the  Jews'  friends,  who  fell  in  this  battle,  grieved  them,  as  did  also 
 this  plundering  of  the  money  dedicated  to  God  in  the  temple.  Accordingly,  that  body  of  them 
 which  continued  best  together,  and  was  the  m^st  warlike,  encompassed  the  palace,  and  threat- 
 ened to  set  fire  to  it,  and  kill  all  that  were  in  it.  Yet  still  they  commanded  them  to  go  out 
 presently,  and  promised,  that  if  they  would  do  so,  they  would  not  hart  them,  nor  Sabinus  nei- 
 ther; at  which  time  the  greatest  part  of  the  king's  troops  deserted  to  tfaem,  while  Rufus  and 
 Gratus,  who  had  three  thousand  of  the  most  warlike  of  Herod's  army  with  them,  who  were 
 men  of  active  bodies,  went  over  to  the  Romans.  There  was  also  a  band  of  horsemen  under 
 the  command  of  Ru^as,  which  itself  went  over  to  the  Romans  also.  However,  the  Jews  went 
 on  with  the  siege,  and  dug  mines  under  the  palace  walls,  and  besought  those  that  were  gone 
 over  to  the  other  side,  not  to  be  their  hinderance,  now  they  had  such  a  proper  opportunity  for 
 the  recovery  of  their  country's  ancient  liberty  ;  and  for  Sabinus,  truly  he  was  desirous  of  going 
 away  with  his  soldiers,  but  was  not  able  to  trust  himself  with  the  enemy,  on  account  of  what 
 mischief  he  bad  already  done  them ;  and  he  took  this  great  [pretended]  lenity  of  theirs  for  an 
 argnment  why  he  should  not  comply  with  them  :  and  so,  because  he  expected  that  Varus  was 
 coming,  he  still  bore  the  siege. 
 
 4.  Now,  at  this  time  there  were  ten  thousand  other  disorders  in  Judea,  which  were  like 
 tumults  •,  because  a  great  number  put  themselves  into  a  warlike  posture,  either  out  of  hopes  of 
 gain  to  themselves,  or  out  of  enmity  to  the  Jews.  In  particular,  two  thousand  of  Herod's  old 
 soldiers,  who  had  been  already  disbanded,  got  together  in  Judea  itself,  and  fought  against  the 
 kino-'s  troops  ;  although  Achiabus,  Herod's  first  cousin,  opposed  them  ;  but  as  he  was  driven 
 out  of  the  plains  into  the  mountainous  parts,  by  the  military  skill  of  those  men,  be  kept  him- 
 self in  the  fastnesses  that  were  there,  and  saved  what  he  could. 
 
 5.  There  was  also  Judas,  the  son  of  that  Ezekias*  who  had  been  head  of  the  robbers; 
 which  Ezekias  was  a  very  strong  man,  and  had  with  great  difficulty  been  caught  by  Herod. 
 This  Judas  having  gotten  together  a  multitude  of  men  of  a  profligate  character  about  Sep- 
 phoris  in  Galilee,  made  an  assault  upon  the  palace  [there,]  and  seized  upon  all  the  weapons  that 
 were  laid  up  in  it,  and  with  them  armed  every  one  of  those  that  were  with  him,  and  carried 
 away  what  money  was  left  there:  and  he  became  terrible  to  all  men,  by  tearing  and  rending 
 those  that  came  near  him;  and  all  this  in  order  to  raise  himself,  and  out  of  an  ambitious  desire 
 of  the  royal  dignity ;  and  he  hoped  to  obtain  that  as  the  reward,  not  of  his  virtuous  skill  in 
 war,  but  of  his  extravagance  in  doing  injuries. 
 
 6.  There  was  also  Simon,  who  had  been  a  slave  of  Herod  the  king,  but  in  other  respects  a 
 comely  person,  of  a  tall  and  robust  body ;  he  was  one  that  was  much  superior  to  others  of  his 
 order,  and  had  had  great  things  committed  to  his  care.  This  man  was  elevated  at  the  disor- 
 derly state  of  things,  and  was  so  bold  as  to  put  a  diadem  on  his  head,  while  a  certain  number 
 of  the  people  stood  by  him,  and  by  them  he  was  declared  to  be  a  king,  and  thought  himself 
 more  worthy  of  that  dignity  than  any  one  else.  He  burnt  down  the  royal  palace  at  Jericho, 
 and  plundered  what  was  left  in  it.  He  also  set  fire  to  many  other  of  the  king's  houses  in 
 several  places  of  the  country,  and  utterly  destroyed  them,  and  permitted  those  that  were  with 
 him  to  take  what  was  left  in  thera  for  a  prey ;  and  he  would  have  done  greater  things,  unless 
 care  had  been  taken  to  repress  him  immediately  ;  for  Gratus,  when  he  had  joined  himself  to 
 some  Roman  soldiers,  took  the  forces  he  had  with  him,  and  met  Simon,  and  after  a  great  and 
 a  long  fight,  no  small  part  of  those  that  came  from  Perea,  who  were  a  disordered  body  of  men, 
 and  fought  rather  in  a  bold  than  in  a  skilful  manner,  were  destroyed  ;  and  althous^h  Simon  had 
 saved  himself  by  flying  away  through  a  certain  valley,  yet  Gratus  overtook  him,  and  cut  oft  his 
 head.  The  royal  palace  also  at  Amathus,  by  the  river  Jordan,  was  burnt  down  by  a  party  of 
 men  that  were  got  together,  as  were  those  belonging  to  Simon.  And  thus  did  a  great  and 
 wild  fury  spread  itself  over  the  nation,  because  they  had  no  king  to  keep  the  multitude  in  good 
 order,  and  because  those  foreigners,  who  came  to  reduce  the  seditious  to  sobriety,  did,  on  the 
 
 *  Unless  this  Judas,  tte  son  of  Ezekias,  be  the  same  with  that  Theudas  mentioned,  Acts  v.  36.  J^cphns 
 must  have  omitted  him;  for  that  other  Theudas,  whom  he  afterwards  mentioned  nnder  tadus,  the  Roman 
 governor,  h.  xx.  chap,  v.  i,  1.  is  much  too  late  to  correspond  to  him  that  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts.  Ihe  names 
 The\idas,  '1  hadeiis,  and  Judas,  differ  but  little.  See  Abp.  Usher's  Annals  at  A.  M.  40(il.  However,  since 
 Jobcphus  does  not  pretend  to  rcclion  up  the  heads  of  all  those  '  ten  thousand'  disorders  in  Judea,  which  he  tells 
 ns  Were  then  abrond  ;  see  5  4.  and  8.  the  J  heudas  of  the  Acts  might  be  at  the  bead  of  one  of  those  seditions, 
 Jioughnot  particularlv  named  bv  him.  Thus  he  informs  us  here,  iC.  and  Of  the  Ur.r.  b.  ii.  chap.  iv.  5  2.  that 
 certain  of  the  seditious  came  acd  burnt  the  royal  palace  of  Amathus,  or  Bethrami,'!:ta,  upon  the  river  Joiuan. 
 Pei-haps  their  Itadfr,  who  is  not  named  by  JosepUus,  might  be  this  Theudas. 
 
BOOK  XVll.  —  CHAP.    X.  451 
 
 coiidary,  set  (hem  more  in  a  tlauie,   because  of  the  injuries  iLejr  od'ered  tlisui,   ajitl  tht;  avari- 
 cious management  of  their  atVairs. 
 
 7.  At  this  time  also  Aihronges,  a  person  neither  eminent  by  the  dignity  of  liis  progenitors, 
 nor  for  any  great  wealth  be  was  possessed  of,  but  one  that  had  In  all  respects  been  a  shepherd 
 only,  and  was  not  known  by  any  body  ;  yet  because  he  was  a  tall  man,  and  excelled  others  in 
 (lie  strength  of  his  hands,  he  was  so  bold  as  to  set  up  for  king.  This  luan  thought  it  so  sweet 
 a  thing  to  do  more  than  ordinary  injuries  to  others,  that  although  he  should  be  killed,  he  did 
 not  much  care  if  he  lost  his  life  in  so  great  a  design.  He  had  also  four  brethren,  who  were 
 tall  men  themselves,  and  were  believed  to  be  superior  to  others  in  the  strength  of  their  hands, 
 and  thereby  were  encouraged  to  aim  at  great  things,  and  thought  that  strength  of  theirs  would 
 support  them  in  retaining  the  kingdom.  Each  of  these  ruled  over  a  band  of  men  of  their  own  : 
 for  those  that  sot  together  to  them  were  very  numerous.  They  were  every  one  of  them  also 
 commanders ;  but,  when  they  came  to  fight,  they  were  subordinate  to  him,  and  fought  for  him, 
 while  he  put  a  diadem  about  his  bead,  and  assembled  a  council  to  debate  about  what  things 
 should  be  done,  and  all  things  were  done  according  to  his  pleasure.  And  this  man  retained 
 his  power  a  great  while;  he  was  also  called  king,  and  had  nothing  to  hinder  him  from  doing 
 what  he  pleased.  He  also,  as  well  as  his  brethren,  slew  a  great  many  both  of  the  Romans 
 and  of  the  king's  forces,  and  tnansged  matters  with  the  like  hatred  to  each  of  them.  The 
 king's  forces  they  fell  upon,  because  of  the  licentious  conduct  they  had  been  allowed 
 under  Herod's  government;  and  they  fell  upon  the  Romans,  because  of  the  injuries  they  had 
 so  lately  received  from  them.  Hut  in  process  of  time,  they  grew  more  cruel  to  all  sorts  of 
 men,  nor  could  any  one  escape  from  one  or  other  of  these  seditions,  since  they  slew  some  out 
 of  the  hopes  of  gain,  and  others  from  a  mere  custom  of  slaying  men.  They  once  attacked  a 
 company  of  Romans  at  Emmaus,  who  were  bringing  corn  and  weapons  to  the  army,  and  fell 
 upon  Arius,  the  centurion,  who  commanded  tlie  company,  and  shot  forty  of  the  best  of  his 
 foot-soldiers;  but  the  rest  of  them  were  alfrighted  at  their  slaughter,  and  left  their  dead  behind 
 them,  but  saved  themselves  by  the  means  of  Gratus,  who  came  with  the  king's  troops  that 
 were  about  him  to  their  assistance.  Now,  these  four  brethren  continued  the  war  a  long  while 
 by  such  sort  of  expeditions,  and  much  grieved  the  Romans ;  but  did  their  own  nation  also  a 
 great  deal  of  mischief.  Yet  were  they  afterwards  subdued  ;  one  of  them  in  a  fight  with  Gratus, 
 another  with  Ptolemy ;  Archelaus  also  took  the  eldest  of  them  prisoner,  while  the  hist  of  them 
 was  so  dejected  at  the  others'  misfortune,  and  saw  so  plainly  that  he  had  no  way  now  left  to 
 save  hiuiself,  his  army  being  worn  away  with  sickness  and  continual  labours,  that  he  also 
 delivered  himself  up  to  Archelaus,  upon  his  promise  and  oath  to  God  [to  preserve  his  life.] 
 But  these  things  came  to  pass  a  good  while  afterward. 
 
 8.  And  now  Jodea  was  full  of  robberies  ;  and,  as  the  several  companies  of  the  seditious  lit 
 upon  any  one  to  head  them,  he  was  created  a  king  immediately,  iu  order  to  do  mischief  to  the 
 public.  They  were  in  some  small  measure  indeed,  and  in  small  matters,  hurlful  to  the  Romans  ; 
 but  the  murders  they  committed  upon  their  own  people  lasted  a  long  while. 
 
 9.  As  soon  as  Varus  was  once  informed  of  the  state  of  Judeaby  Sabinus'  writing  to  him,  he 
 was  afraid  for  the  legion  he  had  left;  so  he  took  the  two  other  legions,  (for  there  were  three 
 legions  in  all  belonging  to  Syria,)  and  four  troops  of  horsemen,  with  the  several  auxiliary 
 forces  which  either  the  kings  or  certain  of  the  tetrarchs  alibrded  him,  and  made  what  haste  he 
 could  to  assist  those  that  were  then  besieged  in  Jud.:a.  He  also  gave  order,  that  all  that  were 
 sent  out  for  this  expedition,  should  make  haste  to  Ptolemais.  The  citizens  of  Beryfus  also 
 gave  him  1500  auxiliaries,  as  he  passed  through  their  city.  Aretas  also,  the  king  of  Arabia 
 Petrea,  out  of  his  hatred  to  Herod,  and  in  order  to  jiurchase  the  favour  of  the  Romans,  sent 
 liim  no  small  assistance,  besides  their  fuoimeti  and  horsemen  ;  and,  when  he  had  now  collecitd 
 all  his  forces  together,  he  committed  part  of  them  to  his  son,  and  to  a  friend  of  his,  and  sent 
 liiem  upon  an  expedition  into  Galilee,  whith  lies  in  tlie  neighbourhood  of  Ptolemais  ;  who 
 made  an  attack  upon  the  enemy,  and  j)iit  them  to  llight,  and  took  Sepphoris,  and  made  its 
 inhabitants  slaves,  and  burnt  the  city.  But  Varus  himself  pursued  his  march  for  Samaria 
 with  his  whole  army:  yet  did  not  he  meddle  with  the  city  of  that  name,  because  it  had  not 
 at  all  joined  with  the  seditious  ;  but  pitched  his  camp  at  a  certain  village  that  behmged  to 
 Ptolemy,  whose  name  was  Arus,  which  the  Arabians  l)urnt,  out  of  their  hatred  to  Herod,  and 
 out  of  tiie  enmity  they  bore  to  his  friends;  whence  they  marched  to  another  village,  whose 
 name  was  Sampho,  which  the  Arabians  plundered  and  burnt,  although  it  was  a  fortilied  and  a 
 strong  place  ;  and  all  along  this  march  nothing  escaped  them,  but  all  places  were  full  of  lire 
 and  of  slaughter.  Emmaus  was  also  burnt  by  Varus'  order,  after  its  inhabitants  had  deserted 
 it,  that  he  might  avenge  those  that  had  there  been  disiroyed.  From  thence  he  now  marched 
 to  .Jerusalem  ;  whereupon  those  Jews  whose  camp  lay  tiierC;  and  who  had  bfsieged  the  Roman 
 legion,  now  hearing  the  coming  of  this  army,  left  tlie  siege  imperfect  ;  but  as  to  the  Jerusa- 
 lem Jews,  when  Varus  reproached  them  bitterly  for  what  had  been  done,  they  cleared  them- 
 selves of  the  accusation,  and  alleged,  that  the  conflux  of  the  people  was  occa.siuned  by  the  feast  ; 
 tliat  the  war  was  not  made  with  their  afiprobation,  but  the  rashness  of  the  strangers,  while 
 they  were  on  the  side  of  the  Romans,  and  besieged  together  with  them,  rather  than  having  any 
 inclination  to  besiege  them.     There  aLo  came  beforehand  to  pieet  Varus,  Josiph,  tlwj  oousin> 
 
452  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Rerman  of  king  Herod,  as  also  Gratus  and  Rufus,  who  brought  their  soldiers  along  with  Ibem, 
 together  with  those  Romans  who  had  been  besieged  :  but  Sabinus  did  not  come  into  Varus' 
 presence,  but  stole  out  of  the  city  privately,  and  went  to  the  sea-side, 
 
 10.  Upon  this.  Varus  sent  a  part  of  his  army  into  the  country,  to  seek  oat  those  that  had 
 been  the  authors  of  the  revolt;  and  when  they  were  discovered,  he  punished  some  of  them 
 lliat  were  most  guilty,  aud  some  be  dismissed :  now  the  number  of  those  that  were  crucified 
 on  this  account  were  two  thousand.  After  which  he  disbanded  his  army,  which  he  found  no- 
 wise useful  to  him  in  the  affairs  he  came  about  ;  for  they  behaved  themselves  very  disorderly, 
 aud  disobeyed  his  orders,  and  what  Varus  desired  them  to  do,  and  this  out  of  regard  to  that 
 gain  which  th?y  made  by  the  mischief  they  did.  As  for  himself,  wlien  he  was  informed  that 
 ten  thousand  Jews  had  gotten  together,  he  made  haste  to  catch  them  ;  but  they  did  not  pro- 
 ceed so  far  as  to  fight  him,  but,  by  the  advice  of  Achiabus,  they  came  together,  and  delivered 
 themselves  up  to  him:  hereupon  Varus  forgave  the  crime  of  revolting  to  the  multitude,  but 
 sent  their  several  commauders  to  Ca?sar  ;  many  of  them  Caesar  dismissed  :  but  for  the  several 
 relations  of  Herod  who  had  been  among  these  men  in  this  war,  they  were  the  only  persons 
 whom  he  punished,  who,  without  the  least  regard  to  justice,  fought  against  their  own  kindred. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 An  Embassage  of  the  Jews  to  Ceesar,  and  how  Casar  confirmed  Herod's  Testament. 
 
 ^  1.  So  when  Varus  had  settled  these  affairs,  and  had  placed  the  former  legion  at  Jerusalem, 
 iie  returned  back  to  Antioch  :  but  as  for  Archelaus,  he  had  new  sources  of  trouble  come  upon 
 him  at  Rome,  on  the  occasions  following  :  for  an  embassage  of  the  Jews  was  come  to  Rome, 
 Varus  having  permitted  the  nation  to  send  it,  that  they  might  petition  for  the  liberty  of  living 
 by  their  own  laws.*  Now,  the  number  of  the  ambassadors  that  were  sent  by  the  authority  of 
 the  nation  was  fifty,  to  which  they  joined  above  eight  thousand  of  the  Jews  that  were  at  Rome 
 already.  Hereupon  Caesar  assembled  his  friends,  and  the  chief  men  among  the  Romans,  in 
 the  temple  of  Apollo, t  which  lie  had  built  at  a  vast  charge  ;  whither  the  ambassadors  came, 
 and  a  multitude  of  the  .Tews  that  were  there  already  came  with  them,  as  did  also  Archelaus 
 and  his  friends  ;  but  as  for  the  several  kinsmen  wliicb  Arclielaus  had,  they  would  rjol  join 
 themselves  with  him,  out  of  their  hatred  to  him  ;  and  yet  they  thought  it  too  gross  a  thing  for 
 them  to  assist  the  ambassadors  [against  him,]  as  supposing  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  them  in 
 Caesar's  opinion  to  think  of  thus  acting  in  opposition  to  a  man  of  their  own  kindred. t  Philip 
 also  was  come  hither  out  of  Syria,  by  the  persuasion  of  Varus,  with  this  principal  intention,  to 
 assist  his  brother  [Archelaus  ;]  for  Varus  was  his  great  friend  :  but  still  so,  that  if  there  should 
 any  change  happen  in  the  form  of  government,  (which  Varus  suspected  there  would,)  and  if 
 anv  distribution  should  be  made  on  account  of  the  number  that  desired  the  liberty  of  living 
 by  their  own  laws,  that  he  might  not  be  disappointed,  but  might  have  his  share  in  it. 
 
 2.  Now  upon  the  liberty  that  was  given  to  the  Jewish  ambassadors  to  speak,  they  who 
 hoped  to  obtain  a  dissolution  of  kingly  government  betook  themselves  to  accuse  Herod  of  his 
 iniquities  ;  and  they  declared,  "  Thas  he  was  indeed  in  name  a  king,  but  that  he  had  taken  to 
 himself  that  uncontrollable  authority  whicli  tyrants  exercise  over  their  subjects,  and  had  made 
 use  of  that  authority  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  and  did  not  abstain  from  making  many 
 innovations  among  them  besides,  according  to  his  own  inclinations  ;  and  that  whereas  there 
 were  a  great  many  who  perished  by  that  destruction  he  brought  upon  them,  so  many  indeed 
 as  no  other  history  relates,  they  that  survived  were  far  more  miserable  than  those  that  sufTeied 
 under  him  ;  not  only  by  the  anxiety  they  were  in  from  bis  looks  and  disposition  towards  them, 
 but  from  the  danger  their  estates  were  in  of  being  taken  away  by  him.  That  he  did  never 
 leave  off  adorning  those  cities  that  lay  in  their  neighbourhood,  but  were  inhabited  by  foreigners  ; 
 but  so  that  the  cities  belonging  to  his  own  government  were  ruined,  and  utterly  destroyed :  ■ 
 that  whereas,  when  be  took  the  kingdom,  it  was  in  an  extraordinary  flourishing  condition,  he 
 had  filled  the  nation  with  the  utmost  degree  of  poverty  ;  and  when,  upon  unjust  pretences,  he 
 had  slain  any  of  the  nobility,  he  took  away  their  estates  ;  and  when  he  permitted  any  of  thera 
 to  live,  he  condemned  thera  to  the  forfeiture  of  what  they  possessed.  And,  besides  the  annual 
 impositions  which  he  laid  upon  every  one  of  them,  they  were  to  make  liberal  presents  to  him- 
 self, to  his  domestics  and  friends,  and  to  such  of  his  slaves  as  were  vouchsafed  the  favour  of 
 being  his  tax-gatherers ;  because  there  was  no  way  of  obtaining  a  freedom  from  unjust  vio- 
 lence, without  giving  either  gold  or  silver  for  it.  That  they  would  say  nothing  of  the  corruption 
 of  the  chastity  of  their  virgins,  and  the  reproach  laid  on  their  wives  for  incontinency,  and  those 
 things  acted  after  an  insolent  and  inhuman  manner ;  because  it  was  not  a  smaller  pleasure  to 
 the  sufTerers  to  have  such  things  concealed  than  it  would  have  been  not  to  have  suflfered  them. 
 That  Herod  had  put  such  abuses  upon  them  as  a  wild  beast  would  not  have  put  on  them,  if  he 
 had  power  given  him  to  rule  over  us  ;  and  t'nat  although  their  nation  had  passed  through  many 
 subversions  and  alterations  of  government,  their  history  gave  no  accouiit  of  any  calamity  thej 
 liad  ever  been  under,  that  could  be  compared  with  this  which  Herod  had  brought  upon  their 
 
 •  Sec  Of  iho  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  ii.  §  3.  1 1  See  the  note  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.vi.  §  I.  1 1  He  was  tetrarch  afterward. 
 
BOOK    XVII. — CHAP.    XI.  453 
 
 nation  ;  that  it  was  for  this  reason,  that  they  thouj!;ht  thej  might  ju&tly  and  gladly  salute  Arche- 
 laus  as  king,  upon  this  sapposition,  that  whosoever  shoald  be  set  over  tlieir  kingdom,  he  would 
 appear  more  mild  to  them  than  Herod  had  been  ;  and  that  they  had  joined  wilh  him  in  tiie 
 mourning  for  his  father,  in  order  to  gratify  him,  and  were  ready  to  oblige  him  in  other  points 
 also,  if  they  could  meet  with  any  degree  of  moderation  from  him  :  but  that  he  seemed  to  be 
 afraid  lest  he  should  not  be  deemed  Herod's  own  son  ;  and  so,  without  any  delay,  he  imme- 
 diately let  the  nation  understand  his  meaning,  and  this  before  his  dominion  was  well  established,  > 
 since  the  power  of  dijposing  of  it  belonged  to  C»sar,  who  could  either  give  it  to  him  or  not, 
 as  he  pleased.  That  he  had  given  a  specimen  of  his  future  virtue  to  his  subjects,  and  with 
 ■what  kind  of  moderation  and  good  administration  he  would  govern  them,  by  that  his  first  action 
 which  concerned  them,  his  own  citizens,  and  God  himself  also,  when  he  made  the  slaughter  of 
 three  thousand  of  his  own  countrymen  at  the  temple.  How,  then,  could  they  avoid  the  just 
 liatred  of  him  who,  to  the  rest  of  his  barbarity,  had  added  this  as  one  of  our  crimes,  that  we 
 liave  opposed  and  contradicted  him  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority?"  Now,  the  main  thing 
 thev  desired  was  this,  "  That  they  might  be  delivered  from  kingly  and  the  like  forms  of  govern- 
 ment,* and  might  be  added  to  Syria,  and  be  put  under  the  anthoi  ity  of  such  presidents  of  theirs 
 as  should  be  sent  to  them  ;  for  that  it  would  thereby  be  made  evident,  whether  they  be  really 
 a  seditious  people,  and  generally  fond  of  innovations,  or  whether  they  would  live  in  an  orderly 
 manner,  if  they  might  have  governors  of  any  sort  of  moderation  set  over  them." 
 
 3.  Now,  when  the  Jews  had  said  this,  Nicolaus  vindicated  the  kings  from  those  accusations, 
 and  said,  "That,  as  for  Herod,  since  he  had  never  been  thus  accused  all  the  time  of  his  life.f 
 it  was  not  fit  for  those  that  might  have  accused  him  of  lesser  crimes  than  those  now  men- 
 tioned, and  might  have  procured  him  to  be  punished  during  his  lifetime,  to  bring  an  accusa- 
 tion against  him  now  he  was  dead.  He  also  attributed  the  actions  of  Archelaus  to  the  Jews' 
 injuries  to  him,  who  aflecting  to  govern  contrary  to  the  laws,  and  going  about  to  kill  those 
 that  would  have  hindered  them  from  acting  unjustly,  when  they  were  by  him  punished  for 
 what  they  had  done,  made  their  complaints  against  him  ;  so  he  accused  them  of  their  attempts 
 for  innovation,  and  of  the  pleasure  they  took  in  sedition,  by  reason  of  their  not  Laving  learned 
 to  submit  to  justice,  and  to  the  laws,  but  still  desiring  to  be  superior  in  all  things."  This  was 
 the  substance  of  what  Nicolaus  said. 
 
 4.  When  Ca\sar  had  heard  these  pleadings,  be  dissolved  the  assembly  ;  but  a  few  days  after- 
 wards he  appointed  Archelaus,  not  indeed  to  be  king  of  the  whole  country,  but  ethnarch  of 
 oi:e  half  of  that  which  had  been  subject  to  Herod,  and  promised  to  give  him  the  royal  dignity 
 Lereafier,  if  he  governed  his  part  virtuously.  But  as  for  the  other  half,  he  divided  it  into  two 
 parts,  and  gave  it  to  two  other  of  Herod's  sons,  to  Philip  and  to  Antipas,  that  Antipas  who 
 disjjuted  with  Archelaus  for  the  whole  kingdom.  Now,  to  him  it  was  that  Perea  and  Galilee 
 paid  their  tribute,  which  amounted  annually  to  two  hundred  talents, J  while  Batanea,  wilh  Tra- 
 chonilis,  as  well  as  Auranitis,  with  a  certain  part  of  what  was  called  the  house  of  Zenodorns,§ 
 paid  the  tribute  of  one  hundred  talents  to  Philip  ;  but  Idumea,  and  Judea,  and  the  country  of 
 Samaria,  paid  tribute  to  Archelaus,  but  had  now  a  fourth  part  of  that  tribute  taken  oft"  by  the 
 order  of  Ca^sar,  who  decreed  them  that  mitigation,  because  they  did  not  join  in  this  revolt 
 
 *  If  any  one  compare  that  divine  prediction  concerning  the  tyrwnical  power  which  Jewish  kings  would 
 exercise  over  them,  if  they  would  be  so  foolish  as  to  prefer  it  hef  re  their  ancient  theocracy  or  aristocracy, 
 1  Sam.  viii.  1— C2.  Antiq.  b.  viii.  chap.  iv.  5  1.  he  will  soon  find  that  it  was  superabundantly  fullilled  in  tne 
 days  of  Herod,  and  that  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  nation  now  at  last  seem  sorely  to  repent  of  such  their 
 ancient  choice,  in  opposition  to  Clod's  better  choice  for  them,  and  had  much  rather  be  .subject  to  even  a  pagan 
 Koraangoveriiment,  and  their  deputies,  than  to  be  any  longer  under  the  oppression  of  the  family  of  tierod;  which 
 request  of  theirs  Augustus  did  not  now  grant  them,  but  did  it  for  the  one-half  of  that  nation,  in  a  few  years 
 afterward,  upon  fresh  complaints  made  by  the  .lews  against  Archelaus,  who,  under  the  more  humble  name 
 of  an  ethnarch,  which  Augustus  would  only  now  allow  him,  soon  took  upon  him  the  insolence  and  tyranny 
 of  his  father,  king  Herod,  as  the  remaining  part  of  the  book  will  inform  us,  and  particularly  chap.  xiii.  §  2. 
 
 +  This  is  not  true.  See  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  ix.  i  S.  4.  and  chap.  xii.  j  2.  and  chap.  xiii.  §  1,  2.  Antiq.  b.xv. 
 chap.  iii.  5  5.  and  chap.  x.  4  2,  3.  Antiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  ix.  ^  3. 
 
 t  Since  Joscplius  here  informs  us  that  Archelaus  had  one  half  of  the  kingdom  of  Herod,  and  presently 
 informs  us  farther  that  Archelaus'  annual  income,  after  an  abatement  of  one  quarter  for  the  present,  was  600 
 talents,  we  may  therefore  gather  pretty  nearly  what  was  1  lerod  the  Great's  yearly  income,  I  mean  about  1(300 
 talents,  which,  ;it  the  known  value  of  .3000  shekels  to  a  talent,  and  about  2s.  lOd,  to  a  shekel,  in  the  days  of 
 Josephus,  see  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  i  2.  amounts  to  £680,000  sterling  per  arnnum  ;  which  income, 
 though  great  in  itself,  bearing  no  proportion  to  his  vast  expenses  every  where  visible  in  .losephus,  and  to  the 
 vast  sums  he  left  behind  him  in  his  will,  chap.  viii.  ^  1,  and  chap.  xii.  (j  1.  the  rest  must  have  arisen,  either 
 from  his  confiscation  of  those  great  men's  estates  whom  he  put  to  death,  or  made  to  pay  a  tine  for  the  saving 
 of  their  lives,  or  from  some  other  heavy  methods  of  oppression  which  such  savage  tyrants  usually  exercise 
 upon  their  miserable  subjects  ;  or  rather  from  these  several  methods  put  together,  all  which  yet  seem  very 
 much  too  small  for  his  expenses,  being  drawn  from  no  larger  a  nation  than  that  of  the  .lews,  which  was  very 
 populous,  but  without  the  advantage  of  trade  to  bring  them  riches  ;  so  that  I  cannot  hut  strongly  suspec  t 
 that  no  small  part  of  this  his  wealth  arose  from  another  source  ;  1  mean  from  some  vast  sums  he  took  out  of 
 David's  sepulchre,  but  concealed  from  the  people.    See  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap.  xv.  ^  3. 
 
 ()  Take  here  a  very  useful  note  of  GrotiuB,  on  Luke,  chap.  iii.  vcr.  1.  here  quoted  by  Pr.  Hudson:  "When 
 .Tosephua  says  that  some  part  of  the  house  (or  possession)  of  Zenodorus  was  allotted  to  Philip,  he  there- 
 by drclares  that  the  larger  part  of  it  belonged  to  another  ;  this  other  was  T.ysanias,  whom  Luke  mentions 
 of  the  jiosterity  of  that  Lysanias  who  was  possessed  of  the  same  country  called  Abilene,  from  the  city  Abila. 
 and  by  others  Chalcidene,  from  the  city  Chalcis,  when  the  government  of  the  cast  was  under  Antonius.  and 
 this  after  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Mcnnius  :  from  which  Lysanias,  this  country  came  to  be  commonly  called  the 
 country  of  Lysanias  ;  and  as,  after  the  death  of  the  former  Lysanias,  it  was  called  the  tetrarchy  of  Zeno- 
 dorus,  so  after  the  death  of  Zenodorus,  or  when  the  time  for  which  he  had  hired  it  was  ended,  when  another 
 Lysanias,  of  the  same  name  with  the  former,  was  possessed  of  the  same  country,  it  bigati  to  bo  called  the 
 tetrarchy  of  Lysanias."  However,  since  .losephus  elsewhere,  Antiq.  b,  xx.  chap,  vii,  ^  I,  clearly  distin- 
 guishes Abilene  from  Chalcidene,  Grotius  mast  be  here  so  far  mistaken. 
 
454  ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE  JEWS. 
 
 with  the  rest  of  flie  multitude.  There  were  also  certain  of  the  cities  which  paid  tribute  to 
 Aichelaos,  Strato's  Tower,  aud  Sebaste,  with  Joppa  and  Jerusalem  ;  for  as  to  Gaza  and 
 Gadara,  and  Hippos,  they  were  Grecian  cities,  which  Caesar  separated  from  his  government, 
 and  added  them  to  the  province  of  Syria.  Now  the  tribute-money  that  came  to  Archelaus 
 every  year  from  his  own  dominions,  amounted  to  six  hundred  talents.  ^ 
 
 6.  And  so  much  came  to  Herod's  sons  from  their  father's  inheritance.  But  Salome,  besides 
 what  her  brother  left  her  by  his  testament,  which  were  Jamnia,  and  Ashdod,  and  Pbasaelis, 
 and  five  hundred  thousand  [drachma;]  of  coined  silver,  Caesar  made  her  a  present  of  a  royal 
 liabitation  at  Askelon  ;  in  all,  her  revenues  amounted  to  sixty  talents  by  the  year,  aud  her 
 dwelling-house  was  within  Archelaus'  government.  The  rest  also  of  the  king's  relations 
 received  what  his  testament  allotted  them.  Moreover,  Caesar  made  a  present  to  each  of 
 Herod's  two  virgin  daughters,  besides  what  their  father  left  them,  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
 thousand  [drachmae]  of  silver,  and  married  them  to  Pheroras'  sons  ;  he  also  granted  all  that 
 was  bequeathed  to  himself  to  the  king's  sons,  which  was  one  thousand  five  hundred  talents, 
 excepting  a  few  of  the  vessels,  which  he  reserved  for  himself;  aud  they  were  acceptable  to 
 bim,  not  so  much  for  the  great  value  they  were  of,  as  because  they  were  memorials  of  the  king 
 to  him. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Concerning  a  spurious  Alexander, 
 
 §  1.  When  these  afl'airs  had  been  thus  settled  byCiesar,  a  certain  young  man,  by  birth  a  Jew, 
 but  brought  up  by  a  Roman  freed-man  iuthe  city  of  Sidou,  ingrafted  himself  into  the  kindred  of 
 Herod,  by  the  resemblance  of  his  countenance,  which  those  that  saw  him  attested  to  be  that 
 of  Alexander  the  son  of  Herod,  whom  he  had  slain  ;  and  this  was  an  incitement  to  him  to 
 endeavour  to  obtain  the  government;  so  he  took  to  him  as  an  assistant,  a  man  of  his  own  coun- 
 try, (one  that  was  well  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the  palace,  but  on  other  accounts  an  ill 
 man,  and  one  whose  nature  made  him  capable  of  causing  great  disturbances  to  the  public,  and 
 one  that  became  a  teacher  of  such  a  mischievous  contrivance  to  the  other,)  and  declared  him- 
 self to  be  Alexander  the  son  of  Herod,  but  stolen  away  by  one  of  those  that  were  sent  to  slay 
 bim,  who,  in  reality,  slew  other  men  in  order  to  deceive  the  spectators,  but  saved  both  him 
 and  his  brother  Aristobnlus.  Thus  was  this  man  elated,  and  able  to  impose  on  those  that  came 
 to  him ;  and  when  he  was  come  to  Crete,  he  made  all  the  Jews  that  came  to  discourse  with  him 
 believe  him  [to  be  .Alexander.]  And  when  lie  had  gotten  ranch  money  which  had  been  pre- 
 sented to  him  there,  he  passed  over  to  Meios,  where  he  got  much  more  money  than  he  had 
 before,  out  of  the  belief  they  had  that  he  was  of  the  royal  family,  and  their  hopes  that  he 
 would  recover  his  father's  principality,  and  reward  his  benefactors  :  so  he  made  haste  to  Rome, 
 and  was  conducted  thither  by  those  strangers  Vi^ho  entertained  him.  He  was  also  so  fortunate, 
 as,  upon  his  landing  at  Dicearchia,  to  bring  the  Jews  that  were  there  into  the  same  delusion  ; 
 and  not  only  other  people,  but  also  all  those  that  had  been  great  with  Herod,  or  had  a  kindness 
 lor  him,  joined  themselves  to  this  man  as  to  their  king.  The  cause  of  it  was  this,  that  men 
 were  glad  of  his  pretences,  which  were  seconded  by  the  likeness  of  his  countenance,  which 
 made  those  that  had  been  acquainted  with  Alexander  strongly  to  believe  that  he  was  no  other 
 but  the  very  same  person,  which  they  also  confirmed  to  others  by  oath;  insomuch  that  when 
 the  report  went  about  him  that  he  was  coming  to  Rome,  the  whole  multitude  of  the  Jews  that 
 were  there  went  out  to  meet  him,  ascribing  it  to  divine  providence  that  he  had  so  unexpectedly 
 escaped, and  being  very  jojful  on  account  of  his  mother's  family.  And  when  he  was  come,  he 
 was  carried  in  a  royal  litter  through  the  streets,  and  all  the  ornaments  about  him  were  such  as 
 kings  are  adorned  withal ;  and  this  was  at  the  expense  of  those  that  entertained  him.  The 
 multitude  also  flocked  about  him  greatly,  and  made  mighty  acclamations  to  him,  and  nothing 
 was  omitted  which  could  be  thought  suitable  to  such  as  had  been  so  unexpectedly  preserved. 
 
 2.  When  this  thing  was  told  Ca3sar  he  did  not  believe  it,  because  Herod  was  not  so  easily  to 
 be  imposed  upon  in  such  affairs  as  were  of  great  concern  to  him  ;  yet,  having  some  suspicion 
 it  might  be  so,  he  sent  one  Celadus,  a  freed-man  of  his,  and  one  that  had  conversed  with  the 
 young  men  themselves,  and  bade  him  bring  Alexander  into  his  presence :  so  he  brought  him, 
 being  no  more  accurate  in  judging  about  him  than  the  rest  of  the  multitude.  Yet  did  not  he 
 deceive  Caesar ;  for  although  there  were  a  resemblance  between  him  and  Alexander,  yet  was  it 
 not  so  exact  as  to  impose  on  such  as  were  prudent  in  discerning ;  for  this  spurious  Alexander  - 
 had  his  hands  rough  by  the  labours  he  bad  been  put  to,  and  instead  of  that  softness  of  body 
 which  the  other  had,  and  this  as  derived  from  his  delicate  and  generous  education,  this  man, 
 for  the  contrary  reason,  had  a  rugged  body.  When,  therefore,  Csesar  saw  how  the  master  and 
 the  scholar  agreed  in  this  lying  story,  and  in  a  bold  way  of  talking,  he  inquired  about  Aristo- 
 bulus,  aud  asked  what  became  of  him,  who  (it  seems)  v.as  stolen  away  together  with  him,  and 
 for  what  reason  it  was  that  he  did  not  come  along  with  him,  and  endeavour  to  recover  that 
 dominion  which  was  due  to  his  high  birth  also?  And  when  he  said,  that  "  he  had  been  left 
 in  the  isle  of  Crete,  for  fear  of  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  that,  in  case  any  accident  should  come 
 to  himself,  the  (osterity  of  Mariamne  might  not  utterly  perish,  but  that  Aristobulus  might  sur- 
 vive, and  punish  those  that  laid  such  treacherous  designs  against  them."     And  when  he  perse- 
 
BOOK  XVII. — CHAP.  XIII.  455 
 
 vered  in  his  affirmations,  and  the  author  of  the  imposture  agreed  in  sopportiog  it,  Cassar  took 
 the  young  man  by  himself,  and  said  to  hiui,  "  If  thou  wilt  not  impose  upon  me,  thou  shall  have 
 this  for  thy  reward,  that  thou  shalt  escape  with  thy  life  ;  tell  me,  then,  who  thou  art,  and  who 
 it  was  that  had  boldness  enough  to  contrive  such  a  cheat  as  this  :  for  this  contrivance  is  too 
 considerable  a  piece  of  villany  to  be  undertaken  by  one  of  tl.y  age."  Accordingly,  because  he 
 bad  no  other  way  to  take,  be  told  Ca;sar  the  contrivance,  and  after  what  manner,  and  by  whom, 
 it  was  laid  together.  So  Caesar,  upon  observing  the  spurious  Alexander  to  be  a  strong  active 
 man,  and  fit  to  work  with  his  hands,  that  he  might  not  bieak  his  promise  to  him,  put  him 
 among  those  that  were  to  row  among  the  mariners;  but  slew  him  that  induced  him  to  do  what 
 he  had  done ;  for  as  for  the  people  of  Melos,  be  thought  them  sufHciently  punished,  in  having 
 thrown  away  so  much  of  their  money  upon  this  spurious  Alexander.  And  such  was  the  igno- 
 luinious  conelusioD  of  this  bold  oontrivance  about  the  spurious  Alexander. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 How  Archelaus,  upon  a  second  Accusation,  was  banished  to  Vienna, 
 
 §  1.  When  Archelaus  was  entered  on  his  ethnarchy,  and  was  come  into  Judeu,  he  accused 
 Joazer,  the  son  of  Boelhus,  of  assisting  the  seditious,  and  took  away  the  high  priesthood  from 
 him,  and  put  Eleazar  his  brother  in  his  place.  He  also  magnificently  rebuilt  the  royal  palace 
 that  had  been  at  Jericho,  and  he  diverted  half  the  water  with  which  the  village  of  Neara  used 
 to  be  watered,  and  drew  oft"  that  water  into  the  plain,  to  water  those  palm-trees  which  he  had 
 there  planted:  he  also  built  a  village,  and  put  his  own  name  upon  it,  and  called  it  Archelaus, 
 Moreover,  be  transgressed  the  law  of  our  fatllers,*  and  married  Glaphyra,  the  daughter  of 
 Archelaus,  who  had  been  the  wife  of  his  brother  Alexander,  which  Alexander  had  three  chil- 
 dren by  her,  while  it  was  a  thing  detestable  among  the  Jews,  to  marry  the  brother's  wife;  nor 
 did  this  Eleazar  abide  long  in  the  high  priesthood  ;  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sie,  being  put  in  his  room 
 while  he  was  still  living. 
 
 2.  But  in  the  tenth  year  of  Archelaus'  government,  both  his  brethren,  and  the  principal  men 
 of  Judea  and  Samaria,  not  being  able  to  bear  his  barbarous  and  tyrannical  usage  of  them, 
 accused  him  before  Caesar,  and  that  especially  because  they  knew  he  had  broken  the  com- 
 mands of  Caasar,  which  obliged  him  to  behave  himself  with  moderation  among  them.  Where- 
 upon, Caesar,  when  he  heard  it,  was  very  angry,  and  called  for  Archelaus'  steward,  who  took 
 care  of  his  affairs  at  Rome,  and  whose  name  was  Archelaus  also,  and  thinking  it  beneath  him 
 to  write  to  Archelaus,  he  bade  him  sail  away  as  soon  as  possible,  and  bring  him  to  Rome  :  so  the 
 man  made  haste  in  his  voyage,  and  when  he  came  into  Judea  he  found  Archelaus  feasting  with 
 his  friends  ;  so  he  told  him  what  Caesar  had  sent  him  about,  and  hastened  him  away.  And 
 when  he  was  come  [to  Rome,]  Csesar,  upon  hearing  what  certain  accusers  of  his  had  to  say, 
 and  what  reply  he  could  make,  both  banished  him,  and  appointed  Vienna,  a  city  of  Gaul,  to  be 
 the  place  of  his  habitation,  and  took  liis  money  away  from  him. 
 
 3.  Now,  before  Archelaus  was  gone  up  to  Rome  upon  this  message,  he  related  this  dream 
 to  his  friends,  that  "  he  saw  ears  of  corn,  in  number  ten,  full  of  wheat,  perfectly  ripe,  which 
 ears,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  were  devoured  by  oxen."  And  when  he  was  awake  and  gotten  up, 
 because  the  vision  appeared  to  be  of  great  importance  to  him,  he  sent  for  the  diviners,  whose 
 study  was  employed  about  dreams.  And  while  some  were  of  one  opinion,  and  some  of  another, 
 (for  all  their  interpretations  did  not  agree,)  Simon,  a  man  of  the  sect  of  the  Essens,  desired 
 leave  to  speak  his  mind  freely,  and  said,  that  "  the  vision  denoted  a  change  in  the  affairs  of 
 Archelaus,  and  that  not  for  the  better ;  that  oxen,  because  that  animal  takes  uneasy  pains  in 
 his  labours,  denoted  afflictions,  and  indeed  denoted  further,  a  change  of  affairs ;  because  that 
 land  which  is  ploughed  by  oxen  cannot  remain  in  its  former  state:  and  that  the  ears  of  corn 
 being  ten,  determined  the  like  number  of  years,  because  an  ear  of  corn  grows  in  one  year;  and 
 that  the  time  of  Archelaus'  government  was  over."  And  thus  did  this  man  expound  the 
 dream.  Now,  on  the  fifth  day  after  this  dream  came  first  to  Archelaus,  the  other  Archelaus, 
 that  was  sent  to  Judea  by  Caesar  to  call  him  away,  came  hither  also. 
 
 4.  The  like  accident  befell  Glaphyra  his  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  king  Archelaus,  who, 
 as  I  said  before,  was  married,  while  she  was  a  virgin,  to  Alexander  the  son  of  Herod,  and 
 brother  of  Archelaus ;  but  since  it  fell  oat  so  that  Alexander  was  slain  by  his  father,  she  was 
 married  to  Juba,  the  king  of  Lydia,  and  when  he  was  dead,  and  she  lived  in  widowhood  in 
 Cappadocia  with  her  father,  Archelaus  divorced  his  former  wife  Mariamne,  and  married  her, 
 80  great  was  his  afl'ection  for  this  Glaphyra ;  who,  during  her  marriage  to  him,  saw  the  follow- 
 ing dream.  She  thought  "  she  saw  Alexander  standing  by  her,  at  which  she  rejoiced,  and 
 embraced  him  wilh  great  affection  ;  but  that  he  complained  of  her,  and  said,  O  Glaphyra!  thou 
 provest  that  saying  to  be  true,  which  assures  us  that  women  are  net  to  be  trusted.  Didst  not 
 thou  pledge  thy  faith  to  me?  and  wast  nut  thou  married  to  m"  when  thou  wast  a  virgin?  and 
 had  we  not  children  between  us?     Yet  thou  hast  forgotten  the  affection  I  bore  to  thee,  out  of 
 
 *  Spanhcim  peasocably  observes  here,  that  it  was  forbi(lfl«n  the  Jev^R  to  marry  their  brother's  wife, 
 wlien  she  had  children  by  her  first  husband,  and  that  ^enoras  (cites,  or)  interprets  the  clause  before  ua 
 
 Bccordingly. 
 
45G  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  desire  of  a  second  busband.  Nor  bast  tboa  been  satisfied  with  that  injury  thou  didst  me, 
 bat  thou  hast  been  so  bold  as  to  procure  thee  a  third  husband  to  lie  by  thee,  and  in  an  inde- 
 cent and  imprudent  manner  hast  entered  into  my  house,  and  hast  been  married  to  Archelaus, 
 thy  husband,  and  my  brother.  However,  I  will  not  forget  thy  former  kind  affection  for  me, 
 but  will  set  thee  free  from  every  such  reproachful  action,  and  cause  thee  to  be  mine  again,  as 
 thou  once  wast."  When  she  had  related  this  to  her  female  companions,  in  a  few  days'  time 
 she  departed  this  life, 
 
 5.  Now,  I  do  not  think  these  histories  improper  for  the  present  discourse,  both  because  my 
 discourse  now  is  concerning  kings  ;  and  otherwise  also  on  account  of  the  advantage  hence  to  be 
 drawn,  as  well  as  for  the  confirmation  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  as  of  the  providence  of 
 God  over  human  affairs,  I  thought  them  fit  to  be  set  down ;  but  if  any  one  does  not  believe 
 such  relations,  let  him  indeed  enjoy  his  own  opinion,  but  let  him  not  hinder  another,  that  would 
 thereby  encourage  himself  in  virtue.  So  Archelaus'  country  was  laid  to  the  province  of  Syria  j 
 and  Cyrenius,  one  that  had  been  consul,  was  sent  by  Cassar  to  take  account  of  people's  effects 
 in  Syria,  and  to  sell  the  house  of  Archelaus. 
 
 BOOK  XVIII. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  THIRTY-TWO  YEARS.-FROM   THE  BANISHMENT  OF 
 ARCHELAUS,  TO  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  JEWS  FROJI  BABYLON. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Cyrenius  was  sent  by  Ctssar  to  make  a  Taxation  of  Syria  and  Judea ;  and  how  Coponius 
 uas  sent  to  be  Procurator  of  Judea :  concerning  Judas  of  Galilee,  and  concerning  the  Sects 
 that  were  among  the  Jews. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Cyrenius,  a  Roman  senator,  and  one  who  had  gone  through  other  magistracies,  and 
 had  passed  through  them  till  he  had  been  consul,  and  one  who,  on  other  accounts,  was  of  great 
 dignity,  came  at  this  time  into  Syria,  with  a  few  others,  being  sent  by  Ciesar  to  be  a  judge  of 
 that  nation,  and  to  take  an  account  of  their  substance :  Coponins  also,  a  man  of  the  equestrian 
 order,  was  sent  togelher  with  him,  to  have  the  supreme  power  over  the  Jews.  Moreover, 
 Cyrenius  came  himself  into  Judea,  which  was  now  added  to  the  province  of  Syria,  to  take  an 
 account  of  their  substance,  and  to  dispose  of  Archelaus'  money :  but  the  Jews,  although  at  the 
 beginning  they  took  the  report  of  a  taxation  heinously,  yet  did  they  leave  off  any  further  oppo- 
 sition to  it,  by  the  persuasion  of  Joazer,  who  was  the  son  of  Boethus,  and  high  priest;  so  they 
 being  over  persuaded  by  Joazer's  words,  gave  an  account  of  their  estates,  without  any  dispute 
 about  il.  Yet  was  tiiere  one  Judas,*  a  Gaulonite,  of  a  city  whose  name  was  Gamala,  who 
 taking  with  him  Saddouk,t  a  Pharisee,  became  zealous  to  draw  them  to  a  revolt,  who  both 
 said,  that  this  taxation  was  no  better  than  an  introduction  to  slavery,  and  exhorted  the  nation 
 to  assert  their  liberty,  as  if  they  could  procure  them  happiness  and  security  for  what  they  pos- 
 sessed, and  assured  enjoyment  of  a  still  greater  good,  which  was  that  of  the  honour  and  glory 
 Ihey  would  thereby  acquire  for  magnanimity.  They  also  said^  that  God  would  not  otherwise 
 be  assisting  to  them,  than  upon  their  joining  with  one  another  in  such  counsels  as  might  be 
 successful,  and  for  their  own  advantage;  and  this  especially,  if  they  would  set  about  great 
 exploits,  and  not  grow  weary  in  executing  the  same :  so  men  received  what  they  said  with 
 pleasure,  and  this  bold  attempt  proceeded  to  a  great  height.  All  sorts  of  misfortunes  also 
 sprang  from  these  men,  and  the  nation  was  infected  with  this  doctrine  to  an  incredible  degree: 
 one  violent  war  came  upon  us  after  another,  and  we  lost  our  friends  who  used  to  alleviate  our 
 pains  ;  tiiere  were  also  very  great  robberies  and  murders  of  our  principal  men.  This  was  done 
 in  pretence  indeed  for  the  public  welfare,  but  in  reality  from  the  hopes  of  gain  to  themselves; 
 whence  arose  seditions,  and  from  them  murders  of  men,  which  sometimes  fell  on  those  of  their 
 own  people,  (by  the  madness  of  these  men  towards  one  another,  while  their  desire  was  that 
 
 *  Since  St.  Luke  once,  Acts  v.  37-  and  Josephus  four  several  times,  once  here,  §  6.  and  b.  xx.  chap.  v.  ^  2. 
 Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  ^  1.  and  chap.  xvii.  i  8.  calls  this  .ludas,  who  was  the  pestilent  author  of  that  sedi- 
 tious doctrine  and  temper  which  brought  the  .Jewish  nation  to  utter  destruction,  a  Galilean;  but  here,  ^1. 
 -losephus  calls  him  a  Gaulonite,  of  the  city  of  tl.'inala.  It  is  a  great  question  where  this  .Tudas  wnsborn,  whe-  ' 
 ther  in  (.lalilee  on  the  west  side,  or  in  Gaulonitis,  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  Jordan  ;  while  in  the  place  just 
 now  cited  out  of  the  Antiquities,  b.  xx.  chap.  v.  (>  2.  he  is  not  only  called  a  Galilean,  but  it  is  added  to  his 
 story.  '  as  I  have  signified  in  the  books  that  go  before  these,'  as  if  he  had  still  called  liim  a  Galilean  in  those 
 Antiiinities  before,  as  well  as  in  that  particular  place,  as  Dean  Aldrich  observes.  On  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii. 
 4  1.  Nor  can  one  well  imagine  why  he  should  here  call  him  a  Gaulonite,  wlien  in  the  6th  sect,  following 
 here,  as  well  as  twice  Of  the  War,  he  still  calls  hira  a  Galilean.  As  for  the  city  of  Gainala.  whence  this  Judas 
 was  derived,  it  determines  nothing,  since  there  were  two  of  that  name,  the  one  in  Gaulonitis,  the  other  iu 
 Galilee.    See  Kcland  on  the  city  or  town  of  that  name. 
 
 t  It  seems  not  very  improbable  to  me,  that  this  Sadduc,  the  Pharisee,  was  the  very  same  man  of  whom  the 
 Rabhiiis  speak,  as  the  unhappy,  but  uudesigning  occasion  of  the  impietj'  or  infidelity  of  the  .Sadducees :  nor 
 perhaps  had  the  men  this  name  of  Sadducees  till  this  very  time,  though  they  were  a  distinct  sect  long  before. 
 See  the  note  on  b.  xiii.  chap.  x.  ^  3.  and  liean  Prideaux,  as  there  quoted;  tier  do  we,  that  I  know  of,  find  the 
 Itast  footsteps  of  such  impiety  or  iniidelity  of  these  Sad/Jucees  before  this  time,  tlie  Recognitions  as.sunng  ua, 
 that  they  began  about  the  days  of  John  the  Baptist,  b.  j.  chap.  liv. 
 
BOOK  XMII. — CHAP.  I.  457 
 
 none  of  Ihe  adverse  party  might  be  Jeft,)  and  soinetiraes  on  their  enemies  ;  a  famine  also  com- 
 ing upon  us,  reduced  ns  to  the  last  degree  of  despair,  as  did  also  the  taking  and  demolishing 
 of  cities  ;  nay,  the  sedition  at  last  increased  so  higli,  that  the  very  temple  of  Cod  was  burnt 
 down  by  their  enemies'  lire.  Such  were  the  consequences  of  this,  that  the  customs  of  our 
 fathers  were  altered,  and  such  a  change  was  made,  as  added  a  mighty  weight  toward  bringing 
 all  to  destruction,  which  these  men  occasioned  by  their  thus  conspiring  together,  for  Judas  and 
 Saddouk,*  who  excited  a  fourth  philosophic  sect  among  us,  and  had  a  great  many  followers 
 therein,  filled  our  civil  government  with  tumults  at  present,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  our 
 future  miseries  by  this  system  of  philosophy,  which  we  were  before  unacquainted  withal,  con- 
 cerning which  we  will  discourse  a  little,  and  this  the  rather,  because  the  infection  which  spread 
 thence  among  the  younger  sort,  who  were  zealous  for  it,  brought  the  public  to  destruction. 
 
 2.  The  Jews  had  for  a  great  while  had  three  sects  of  philosophy  peculiar  to  themselves, 
 the  sect  of  the  Essens,  and  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  and  the  third  sort  of  opinions  was  that 
 of  those  called  Pharisees  ;  of  which  sects,  although  I  have  already  spoken  in  the  second  book 
 of  the  Jewish  war,  yet  will  I  a  little  touch  upon  them  now. 
 
 3.  Now,  for  the  Pharisees,  they  live  meanly,  and  despise  delicacies  in  diet,  and  they  follow 
 the  conduct  of  reason  ;  and  what  that  prescribes  to  them  as  good  for  them,  tliey  do  ;  and  they 
 think  they  ought  earnestly  to  strive  to  observe  reason's  dictates  for  practice.  They  slso  pay  a 
 respect  to  such  as  are  in  years  ;  nor  art-  they  so  bold  as  to  contradict  them  in  any  thing  which 
 they  have  introduced  ;  and  when  they  determine  that  all  things  are  done  by  fate,  they  do  not 
 take  away  the  freedom  from  men  of  acting  as  fcliey  think  fit  ;  since  their  notion  is,  that  it  hath 
 pleased  God  to  make  a  temperament,  whereby  what  he  wills  is  done,  but  so  that  the  will  of 
 man  can  act  virtuously  or  viciously.  They  also  believe,  that  souls  have  an  immortal  vigour  in 
 them,  and  that  under  the  earth  there  will  be  rewards  or  punishments,  according  as  they  have 
 lived  virtuously  or  viciously  in  this  life  ;  and  tlie  latter  are  to  be  detained  in  an  everlasting 
 prison,  but  that  the  former  shall  have  power  to  revive  and  live  again  ;  on  account  of  which  doc- 
 trines, they  are  able  greatly  to  persuade  the  body  of  the  people,  and  whatsoever  they  do  about 
 divine  worship,  prayers,  and  sacrifices,  they  perform  them  according  to  their  direction;  inso- 
 much that  the  cities  give  great  attestations  to  them  on  account  of  their  entire  virtuous  conduct, 
 both  in  the  actions  of  their  lives,  and  their  discourses  also. 
 
 4.  But  the  doctrine  of  the  Sadducees  is  this.  That  souls  die  with  the  bodies  ;  nor  do  they 
 regard  the  observation  of  any  thing  besides  what  the  law  enjoins  them  ;  for  they  think  it  an 
 instance  of  virtue  to  dispute  with  those  teachers  of  philosophy  whom  they  frequent;  bat  this 
 doctrine  is  received  but  by  a  few,  yet  by  those  still  of  the  greatest  dignity.  But  they  are  able 
 to  do  almost  nothing  of  themselves  ;  for  when  they  become  magistrates,  as  they  are  unwillingly 
 and  by  force  sometimes  obliged  to  be,  they  addict  themselves  to  the  notions  of  the  Pharisees, 
 because  the  multitude  would  not  otherwise  bear  them. 
 
 5.  The  doctrine  of  the  Essens  is  this.  That  all  thiugs  are  best  ascribed  to  God.  They  teach 
 the  immortality  of  sonls,  and  esteem  that  the  rewards  of  righteousness  are  to  be  earnestly 
 striven  for  ;  and  when  they  send  what  they  have  dedicated  to  God  into  the  temple,  they  do 
 not  oder  sacrifices,  because  they  have  more  pure  lustrations  of  their  own  ;t  on  which  account 
 they  are  excluded  from  the  common  court  of  the  temple,  but  ofl'er  their  sacrifices  fl)emselves  ; 
 yet  is  their  course  of  life  better  than  that  of  oilier  men  :  and  they  entirely  addict  themselves  to 
 husbandry.  It  also  deserves  our  admiration,  how  much  they  exceed  all  other  men  that  addict 
 themselves  to  virtue,  and  this  in  righteousness  :  and  indeed  to  such  a  degree,  that  as  it  hath 
 never  appeared  among  any  other  men,  neither  Greeks  nor  barbarians,  no  not  for  a  little  time, 
 so  hath  it  endured  for  a  long  while  among  them.  This  is  demonstrated  by  that  institution  of 
 theirs,  which  will  not  suffer  any  thing  to  binder  them  from  having  all  things  in  common  ;  so 
 that  a  rich  man  enjoys  no  more  of  his  own  wealth  than  he  who  hath  nothing  at  all.  There  are 
 about  four  thousand  men  that  live  in  this  way  ;  and  neither  marry  wives,  nor  are  desirous  to 
 keep  servants  ;  as  thinking  the  latter  tempts  men  to  he  unjust,  and  the  former  gives  the  handle 
 to  domestic  quarrels  ;  but  as  they  live  by  themselves,  they  minister  one  to  another.  They 
 also  appoint  certain  stewards  to  receive  the  incomes  of  their  revenues,  and  of  the  fruits  of  the 
 ground  ;  such  as  are  good  men  and  priests  ;  who  are  to  get  their  corn  and  their  food  ready  for 
 them.  They  none  of  them  differ  from  others  of  the  Essens  in  their  way  of  living,  but  do  the 
 most  resemble  those  Dacas,  who  are  called  Po!ista;,t  [dwellers  in  cities.] 
 
 C.  But  of  the  fourth  sect  of  Jewish  philosophy,  Judas  the  Galilean  was  the  author.  These 
 men  agree  in  all  other  things  with  the  Pharisaic  notions ;  but  tliey  have  an  inviolable  attach- 
 ment to  liberty,  and  say,  that  God  is  to  be  their  only  Ruler  and  Lord.     They  also  do  not  value 
 
 •  See  Note  above. 
 
 t  It  seems  by  what  .losephns  says  here,  and  Phi'.o  himself  elsevv-here,  Op.  p.  67'.'>  that  these  Essens  did  no 
 use  to  go  to  the  Jewish  festivals  at  Jenisalcm,  or  to  offer  sacrifices  there,  which  may  be  one  great  occasion 
 why  they  are  never  mentioned  in  the  ordinary  books  of  the  Kew  Testament ;  thoimh  in  the  Apostolical  Con 
 stitutioDS,  they  are  mentioned  as  tliose  that  '  ohserved  the  customs  of  their  forefathers,'  and  that  without  any 
 such  ill  character  laid  upon  them,  as  is  Iherc  laid  upon  the  other  sects  among  that  people. 
 
 +  V.'ho  these  '  Polisiai'  in  .Tosei)huB,  or  '  KtislaV  in  Strabo,  among  the  Pythagoric  I)acie,  were,  it  is  not  easy 
 lo  determine.  .Scaliger  oifers  no  improbable  conjecture,  that  some  of  these  Daca;  lived  alone,  like  monks,  in 
 tents  or  caves,  but  tlial  others  of  taem  lived  together  in  built  cities,  and  theuce  were  called  by  such  names  aa 
 implied  the  same. 
 
 3  M 
 
458  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 djfing  any  kinds  of  death,  nor  indeed  do  they  heed  the  deaths  of  their  relations  and  friends, 
 Bor  can  any  such  fear  make  tbem  call  any  man  lord.  And  since  this  immoveable  resolution  of 
 theirs  is  well  known  to  a  great  many,  I  shall  speak  no  farther  about  that  matter ;  nor  am  I 
 afraid  that  any  thing  I  have  said  of  them  should  be  disbelieved,  but  rather  fear  that  what  1 
 have  said  is  beneath  the  resolution  they  shew  when  they  undergo  pain.  And  it  was  in  Ges- 
 sius  Florus'  time  that  the  nation  began  to  grow  mad  with  this  distemper,  who  was  our  procu- 
 rator, and  who  occasioned  the  Jews  to  go  wild  with  it  by  the  abuse  of  his  authority,  and  to 
 make  them  revolt  from  the  Romans.     And  these  are  the  sects  of  Jewish  philosophy. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Hov  Herod  and  Philip  built  several  Cities  in  Honour  of  Ccesar.     Concerning  the  Succession  of 
 Priests  and  Procurators  ;  as  also  what  befell  Phraates  and  the  Parthians. 
 
 §  1.  When  Cyrenius  had  now  disposed  of  Archelaus's  money,  and  when  the  taxings  were 
 come  to  a  conclusion,  which  were  made  in  the  thirty-seventh  of  Caesar's  victory  over  Antony 
 at  Actium,  he  deprived  Joazerofthe  high  priesthood,  which  dignity  had  been  conferred  on 
 him  by  the  multitude,  and  he  appointed  Ananus,  the  sou  of  Setb,  to  be  high  priest  ;  while 
 Herod  and  Philip  had  each  of  them  received  their  own  tetrarchy,  and  settled  the  affairs  there- 
 of. Herod  also  built  a  wall  about  Sepphoris,  (which  is  the  security  of  all  Galilee,)  and  made 
 it  the  metropolis  of  the  country.  He  also  built  a  wall  round  Betharamphtha,  which  was  itself 
 a  city  also,  and  called  it  Julias,  from  the  nameof  the  emperor's  wife.  When  Philip  also  had 
 built  Paneas,  a  city  at  the  fountains  of  Jordan,  be  named  it  Cesarea.  He  also  advanced  the 
 village  Bethsaida,  situate  at  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  unto  the  dignity  of  a  city,  both  by  the 
 number  of  inhabitants  il  contained,  and  its  other  grandeur,  and  called  it  by  the  name  of  Julias, 
 the  same  name  with  Caesar's  daughter. 
 
 2.  As  Coponius,  who  we  told  you  was  sent  along  with  Cyrenius,  was  exercising  his  oflSce  of 
 procurator,  and  governing  Judea,  the  following  accidents  happened.  As  the  Jews  were  cele- 
 brating the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  which  we  call  the  passover,  it  was  customary  for  the 
 priests  to  open  the  temple  gates  just  after  midnight.  When,  therefore,  those  gates  were  first 
 opened,  some  of  the  Samaritans  came  privately  into  Jerusalem,  and  threw  about  the  dead  men's 
 bodies  in  the  cloisters  ;  on  which  account  the  Jews  afterward  excluded  them  out  of  the  temple, 
 which  they  had  not  used  to  do  at  such  festivals ;  and  on  other  accounts  also  they  watched  the 
 temple  more  carefully  than  they  had  formerly  done.  A  little  after  which  accident,  Coponius 
 returned  to  Rome,  and  Marcus  Ambivius  came  to  be  his  successor  in  that  government  ;  under 
 whom  Salome,  the  sister  of  king  Herod,  died,  and  left  to  Julia  [Csesar's  wife,]  Jainnia,  all  its 
 toparchy,  and  Phasaelis  in  the  plain,  and  Archelais,  where  is  a  great  plantation  of  palm-trees, 
 and  their  fruit  is  excellent  in  its  kind.  After  him  came  Annius  Rufus,  under  whom  died 
 Caesar,  the  second  emperor  of  the  Romans,  the  duration  of  whose  reign  was  fifty-seven  years, 
 besides  six  months  and  two  days,  (of  which  time  Antonius  ruled  together  with  him  fourteen 
 years;  but  the  duration  of  his  life  was  seventy-seven  years ;)  upon  whose  death  Tiberius  Nero, 
 his  wife  Julia's  son,  succeeded.  He  was  now  the  third  emperor  ;  and  he  sent  Valerius  Gra- 
 ins to  be  procurator  of  Judea,  and  to  succeed  Annius  Rufus.  This  man  deprived  Ananus  of 
 the  high  priesthood,  and  appointed  Ishmael,  the  son  of  Phabi,  to  be  high  priest.  He  also 
 deprived  him  in  a  little  time,  and  ordained  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Ananus,  who  had  been  high 
 priest  before,  to  be  high  priest  ;  which  office,  when  he  had  held  it  for  a  year,  Gratus  deprived 
 bim  of,  and  gave  the  high  priesthood  to  Simon,  the  son  of  Carailhus,  and,  when  he  had  pos- 
 sessed that  dignity  no  longer  than  a  year,  Joseph  Caiaphas  was  made  his  successor.  When 
 Grains  had  done  those  things,  he  went  back  to  Rome,  after  he  had  tarried  in  Judea  eleven 
 years,  when  Pontius  Pilate  came  as  his  successor. 
 
 3.  And  now  Herod  the  tetrarch,  who  was  in  great  favour  with  Tiberias,  built  a  city  of  the 
 same  name  with  him,  and  called  it  Tiberias.     He  hnilt  it  in  the  best  part  of  Galilee   at   the 
 lake  of  Gennesareth.     There  are  warm  baths  at  a  little  distance  from  it,   in   a  village  named 
 Eramaus.     Strangers  came,   and   inhabited  this  city  ;  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  were 
 Galileans  also  ;  and  many  Vfere  necessitated  by  Herod  to  come  thither   out  of  the  country 
 belonging  to  him,  and  were  by  force  compelled  to  be  its  inhabitants  ;  some  of  them  were  per- 
 sons of  condition.     He   also  admitted  poor  people,  such  as  those  that  were  collected  from  all 
 parts,  to  dwell  in  it.     Nay,  some  of  them  were  not  quite  freemen,  and  these  he  was  benefactor 
 to,  and  made  them  free  in  great  numbers  ;  but  obliged  them  not  to  forsake  the  city,  by  build-  j 
 ing  them  very  good  houses   at  his  own  expense,   and  by  giving  them  land  also  ;  for  he  was  ( 
 sensible,  that   to  make  this  place  a  habitation   was  to  transgress  the  ancient  Jewish  laws,  i 
 because   many  sepulchres  were  to  be  here  taken  away,   in   order  to  make  room   for  the  city  i 
 Tiberias  ;*  whereas  our  laws  pronounce  that  such  inhabitants  are  unclean  for  seven  days.t 
 
 •  We  may  hore  take  notice,  as  well  as  in  the  parallel  parts  of  the  books  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.ix.  ^  1.  that  I 
 after  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  the  succession  of  Archelaiis,  .losephus  is  very  brief  in  his  accounts  of  J 
 Judea.  till  near  his  own  time.     I  suppose  the  reason  is,  that   after  the  large  history  of  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  f 
 including  the  life  of  Herod,  and  probably  the  succession  and  first  actions  of  his  sons,  he  had  but  ftw  good  his- 
 tories of  those  times  before  him. 
 
 t  Numb.  xix.  11-14. 
 
BOOK  XVIII. —  CHAP.  II.  459 
 
 4.  Aboal  this  time  died  Pbraates,  king  of  the  Parthians,  by  the  treacherj  of  Phraatuces  bis 
 son,  upon  the  occasion  following :  When  Phraates  had  liad  legitiiniiie  sons  of  his  own,  he  had 
 also  an  Italian  maid-servant,  whose  name  was  Thermusa,  who  had  bten  formerly  sent  to  him 
 bv  Julius  Cfcsar,  among  other  presents.  He  first  made  her  his  concubine,  but,  he  being  a 
 great  admirer  of  her  beauty,  in  process  of  time  having  a  son  by  her,  whose  name  was  Phraa- 
 taces,  be  made  her  bis  legitimate  wife,  and  bad  a  great  respect  for  her.  Now,  she  was  able 
 to  persuade  him  to  do  any  thing  that  she  said,  and  was  earnest  in  procuring  the  government  of 
 Parthia  for  her  son  ;  but  still  she  saw  that  her  endeavours  would  not  succeed,  unless  she  could 
 contrive  how  to  remove  Phraates'  legitimate  sons  [out  of  the  kingdom  ;]  so  she  persuaded  him 
 to  send  those  his  sons  as  pledges  of  his  fidelity  to  Rome  ;  and  they  were  sent  to  Rome  accord- 
 ingly, because  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  contradict  her  commands.  Now,  while  Pbraataces 
 was  alone  brought  up  in  order  to  succeed  in  the  government,  he  thought  it  very  tedious  to 
 expect  that  government  by  his  father's  donation  [as  bis  successor  ;]  be  therefore  formed  a 
 treacherous  design  against  his  father,  by  bis  mother's  assistance,  with  whom,  as  the  report 
 went,  he  had  criminal  conversation  also.  So  he  was  hated  for  both  these  vices,  while  his  sub- 
 josts  esteemed  this  [wicked]  love  of  his  mother  to  be  no  way  inferior  to  bis  parricide  ;  and  he 
 was  by  them,  in  a  sedition,  expelled  out  of  the  country  before  he  grew  too  great,  and  died. 
 But,  as  the  best  sort  of  Parthians  agreed  together,  that  it  was  impossible  they  should  be  go- 
 verned without  a  king,  while  also  it  was  their  constant  practice  to  choose  one  of  the  family  of 
 Arsaces,  [nor  did  their  law  allow  of  any  others  ;  and  they  thought  this  kingdom  bad  been  suffi- 
 ciently injured  already  by  the  marriage  with  an  Italian  concubine,  and  by  her  issue,]  they  sent 
 ambassadors,  and  called  Orodes  [to  lake  the  crown  ;]  for  tiie  multitude  would  not  otherwise 
 have  borne  them  ;  and  though  he  were  accused  of  very  great  cruelty,  and  was  of  an  untract- 
 nble  temper,  and  prone  to  wrath,  yet  still  he  was  one  of  the  family  of  Arsaces.  However,  they 
 made  a  conspiracy  against  him,  and  blew  him,  and  that,  as  some  say,  at  a  festival,  and  among 
 their  sacrifices  ;  (for  it  is  the  universal  custom  there  to  carry  their  swords  with  them  :)  but  as 
 the  more  general  report  is,  they  slew  him  when  they  had  dravvn  him  out  a-hunting.  So  they 
 sent  ambassadors  to  Rome,  and  desired  they  would  send  one  of  those  that  were  there  as  pledges, 
 to  be  their  king.  Accordingly,  Vonones  was  preferred  before  the  rest,  and  sent  to  them  ;  (for 
 be  seemed  capable  of  such  great  fortune,  which  two  of  the  greatest  kingdoms  under  the  sun 
 now  oflered  him,  his  own,  and  a  foreign  one.)  However,  the  barbarians  soon  changed  their 
 minds,  they  being  naturally  of  a  mutable  disposition,  upon  the  supposal,  that  this  man  was 
 not  worthy  to  be  their  governor;  for  they  could  not  think  of  obeying  the  commands  of  one 
 that  had  been  a  slave,  (for  so  they  called  those  that  had  been  hostages,)  nor  conid  they  bear 
 the  ignominy  of  that  name;  and  this  was  the  more  intolerable,  because  then  the  Parthians 
 must  have  such  a  king  set  over  them,  not  by  right  of  war,  but  in  time  of  peace.  So  they  pre- 
 sently invited  Artabanus,  king  of  IMedia,  to  be  tlieir  king,  he  being  also  of  the  race  of  Arsaces. 
 Artabaiius  complied  with  the  ofl'er  that  was  made  him,  and  came  to  them  with  an  army.  So 
 Vonones  met  him  ;  and  at  first  the  multitude  of  the  Parthians  stood  on  his  side,  and  he  put  his 
 army  in  array  ;  but  Artabanus  was  beaten,  and  fled  to  the  mountains  of  Media.  Yet  did  he  a  little 
 whde  after  gather  a  great  army  together,  and  fought  with  Vonones,  and  beat  him  ;  whereupon 
 Vonones  fled  away  on  horseback,  with  a  few  of  bis  attendants  about  him,  to  Selencia,  [upon 
 Tigris.]  So  when  Artabanus  had  slain  a  great  number,  and  this  after  he  had  gotten  the  vic- 
 tory, by  reason  of  the  very  great  dismay  the  barbarians  were  in,  he  retired  to  Ctesi[)hon  with  a 
 great  number  of  bis  people ;  and  so  he  now  reigned  over  the  Parthians.  But  Vonones  fled 
 awav  to  Armenia  :  and  as  soon  as  be  came  thither,  be  bad  an  inclination  to  have  the  govern- 
 ment of  the  country  given  him,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome  [for  that  purpose.]  But  because 
 Tiberius  refused  it  bini,  and  because  be  wanted  courage,  and  besause  the  Parthian  king  threat- 
 ened him,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to  denounce  war  againrt  him  if  be  proceeded,  and 
 because  he  had  no  way  to  take  to  regain  any  other  kingdom,  (for  the  people  of  authority  among 
 the  Armenians  a!)out  Nipbates  joined  themselves  to  Artabanus,)  he  delivered  up  himself  to 
 Silanus,  the  president  of  Syria,  who,  out  of  regard  to  bis  ednc&tion  at  Rome,  kept  him  in  Syria, 
 while  Artabanus  gave  Armenia  to  Orodes,  one  of  his  own  sons. 
 
 t>.  At  this  time  died  Antiochus,  the  king  of  Commagene,  whereupon  the  multitude  contended 
 with  the  nobility,  and  both  sent  ambassadors  [to  Rome  ;]  for  tlie  men  of  power  were  desirous 
 that  their  form  of  government  might  be  changed  into  that  of  a  [Roman]  province  ;  as  were  the 
 multitude  desirous  to  be  under  kings,  as  their  fathers  had  been.  So  the  senate  made  a  decree, 
 that  Germaiiicus  should  be  sent  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  east,  fortune  hereby  taking  a  proper 
 opportunity  for  depriving  him  of  his  life  ;  for  when  he  had  been  in  the  east,  and  settled  all 
 alTairs  there,  bis  life  was  taken  away  by  the  poison  which  Piso  gave  him,  as  bath  been  related 
 elsewhere.* 
 
 •  This  eitation  is  now  wanting. 
 
460  ANTIQUIl^IES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 III. 
 
 A  Sedition   of  the  Jews  against  Pontius  Pilate.     Concerning  Christ,  and  what  befell  Paulina 
 
 and  the  Jews  at  Rome, 
 
 §  1.  But  now  Pilate,  the  procurator  of  Judea,  removed  the  array  from  Caesarea  to  Jernsalem, 
 to  take  their  winter  quarters  there,  in  order  to  abolish  the  Jewish  laws.  So  he  iutroduced 
 Caesar's  effigies,  which  were  upon  the  ensigns,  and  brought  them  into  the  city  ;  whereas  our 
 law  forbids  us  the  very  mnking  of  images  ;  on  whicli  account  the  former  procurators  were  wout 
 to  make  their  entry  into  the  city  with  such  ensigns  as  had  not  those  ornaments,  Pilate  was 
 the  first  who  brought  those  images  to  Jerusalem,  and  set  them  up  there;  which  was  done  with- 
 out the  knowledge  of  the  people,  because  it  was  done  in  the  night  time  ;  but  as  soon  as  they 
 knew  it,  they  came  in  multitudes  to  Caesarea,  and  interceded  with  Pilate  many  days  that  he 
 would  remove  the  images  ;  and  when  he  would  not  grant  their  requests,  because  it  would  tend 
 to  the  injury  of  Cassar,  while  yet  they  persevered  in  their  request,  on  the  sixth  day  he  ordered 
 his  soldiers  to  have  their  weapons  privately,  while  lie  came  and  sat  upon  his  judgment-seat, 
 which  place  was  so  prepared  in  the  open  place  of  the  city,  that  it  concealed  the  army  that  lay 
 ready  to  oppress  them  ;  and  when  the  Jews  petitioned  him  again,  he  gave  a  signal  to  the  sol- 
 diers to  encompass  them  round,  and  threatened  that  their  punishments  should  be  no  less  than 
 immediate  death,  unless  they  would  leave  off  disturbing  him,  and  go  their  ways  home.  Bat 
 they  threw  themselves  upon  the  ground,  and  laid  theii  necks  bare,  and  said  they  would  take 
 their  death  very  willingly  rather  than  the  wisdom  of  their  laws  should  be  transgressed  ;  upon 
 which  Pilate  was  deeply  affected  with  their  firm  resolution  to  keep  their  laws  inviolable,  and 
 presently  commanded  the  images  to  be  carried  back  from  Jerusalem  to  Caesarea. 
 
 2.  But  Pilate  undertook  to  bring  a  current  of  water  to  Jerusalem,  and  did  it  with  the  sacred 
 money,  and  derived  the  origin  of  the  stream  from  the  distance  of  two  hundred  furlongs.  How- 
 ever, the  Jews*  were  not  pleased  with  what  had  been  done  about  this  water  ;  and  many  ten 
 thousands  of  the  people  got  together  and  made  a  clamour  against  him,  and  insisted  that  he 
 should  leave  off  that  design.  Some  of  them  also  used  reproaches,  and  abused  the  man,  as 
 crowds  of  such  people  usually  do.  So  he  habited  a  great  number  of  his  soldiers  in  their 
 habit,  who  carried  daggers  under  their  garments,  and  sent  them  to  a  place  where  they  might 
 surround  them.  So  he  bade  the  Jews  himself  go  away  ;  but  they  boldly  casting  reproaches 
 upon  him,  he  gave  the  soldiers  that  signal  which  had  been  beforehand  agreed  on  ;  who  laid 
 upon  them  with  much  greater  blows  than  Pilate  had  commanded  them,  and  equally  punished 
 those  that  were  tumultuous,  and  those  that  were  not ;  nor  did  they  spare  them  in  the  least  :  and 
 since  the  people  were  unarmed,  and  were  caught  by  men  prepared  for  what  they  were  about, 
 there  were  a  great  uumber  of  them  slain  by  this  means,  and  others  of  them  ran  av;ay  ■wotmded. 
 And  thus  an  end  was  put  to  this  sedition. 
 
 3.  Now,  there  was  about  this  time  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for 
 he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure. 
 He  drew  over  to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles.  He  was  [the]  Christ. 
 And  when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  principal  men  amongst  us,  had  condemned  him  to 
 the  cross, t  those  that  loved  him  at  the  first  did  not  forsake  him  ;  for  he  appeared  to  them 
 alive  again  the  third  day  ;|  as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold  these  and  ten  thousand  other 
 wonderful  things  concerning  him.  And  the  tribe  of  Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not 
 extinct  at  this  day. 
 
 4.  About  the  same  time,  also,  another  sad  calamity  put  the  Jews  into  disorder,  and  certain 
 shameful  practices  happened  about  the  temple  of  Isis  that  was  at  Rome.  I  will  now  first 
 take  notice  of  the  wicked  attempt  about  the  temple  of  Isis,  and  will  then  give  an  account  of 
 the  Jewish  affairs.  There  was  at  Rome  a  woman  whose  name  was  Paulina  ;  one  who,  on 
 account  of  the  dignity  of  her  ancestors,  and  by  the  regular  conduct  of  a  virtuous  life,  had  a 
 great  reputation;  she  was  also  very  rich,  and  although  she  were  of  a  beautiful  countenance, 
 and  in  that  flower  of  her  age  wherein  women  are  the  most  gay,  yet  did  she  lead  a  life  of  great 
 modesty.  She  was  married  to  Saturninus,  one  that  was  every  way  answerable  to  her  in  an 
 excellent  character.  Decius  Mundus  fell  in  love  with  this  woman,  who  was  a  man  very  high  in 
 the  equestrian  order  ;  and  as  she  was  of  too  great  dignity  to  be  caught  by  presents,  and  had 
 already  rejected   them,  though   they   had   been  sent  in   great  abundance,  he  was  still  more 
 
 *  These  .Te«-s,  as  they  are  htre  called,  whose  blood  Pilate  shed  on  this  occasion,  may  very  well  he  those 
 very  Galilean  Jews  '  whose  blftod  Pilate  had  mingled  with  their  sacrifices,'  Luke  xiii.  1,  2.  these  tumults  being 
 usually  excited  at  some  of  the  Jews'  great  festivals,  when  they  slew  abundance  of  sacrifices,  and  the  (ialileans 
 beintj  commonly  much  more  busy  in  such  tumults  than  those  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  as  we  learn  from  the 
 history  of  Archelaus,  Antiq.  b.  xvii.  chap,  ix,  ^S.and  chap.  x.  i  2,9.  Ihoagh  indeed  Josephus's  present  copies 
 say  not  one  word  of  '  those  eighteen  upon  whom  the  tower  in  .Siloam  fell  and  slew  them,'  which  the  4th  verse 
 ?.     u^  ^^'^^  ^^'''  'Chapter  of  St.  Luke  informs  us  of.     But  since  our  (iospel  teaches  us,  Luke  xxiii.  6,  7.  that, 
 
 when  Pilate  heard  of  Galilee,  he  asked  whether  Josus  were  a  Galilean  f  Aud  as  soon  as  he  knew  that  he 
 belonged  to  Herod's  jurisdiction,  he  sent  him  to  Herod  ;"  and  ver.  12.  "  The  same  day  Pilate  aud  Herod  were 
 nyide  friends  together  ;  for  before  they  had  been  at  enmity  between  themselves  ;"  take  the  very  probable  key 
 01  this  matter,  in  the  words  of  the  learned  Noldius,de  Ilerod.  IS  0.249.  "The  cause  of  the  enmity  between  He- 
 rod and  Pilate  (says  he)  seems  to  have  been  thu,  that  Pilate  intermeddled  with  the  tetrarch's  jurisdiction,  and 
 pad  slaiii  some  of  his  Galilean  subjects,  Luke  xiii.  t.  and,  as  he  was  williug  to  correct  that  error,  he  seiit  Christ 
 tu  Uerod  at  this  time." 
 
 t  A.  D.  33.  Aprils.  t  Aprils. 
 
BOOK    XVIII. — CHAP.    III.  4G1 
 
 inflamed  with  love  to  bei ,  insomuch  that  he  promised  to  give  her  two  hundred  thousand  Attic 
 drachma;  for  one  night's  lodging  ;  and  when  this  would  not  prevail  upon  b^r,  and  he  was  not 
 able  to  bear  this  misfortune  in  liis  amours,  he  thought  it  the  best  way  to  famish  himself  to 
 death  for  want  of  food,  on  account  of  Paulina's  sad  refusal  ;  and  he  determined  with  himself 
 to  die  after  such  a  manner,  and  he  went  on  with  his  purpose  accordingly.  Now,  Mundus  had 
 a  freed-woman,  who  had  been  made  free  by  his  father,  whose  name  was  Ide,  one  skilful  in  all 
 sorts  of  mischief.  This  woman  was  very  much  grieved  at  the  young  man's  resolution  to  kill 
 himself,  (for  he  did  not  conceal  bis  intentions  to  destroy  himself  from  others,)  and  came  to  hini, 
 and  encouraged  him  by  her  discourse;  and  made  him  to  hope,  by  some  promises  she  gave 
 him,  that  he  might  obtain  a  night's  lodging  with  Paulina;  and  when  be  joyfully  hearkened  to 
 her  entreaty,  she  said  she  wanted  no  more  than  fifty  thousand  dnicbmic  for  the  entrapping  of 
 the  woman.  So  when  she  bad  encouraged  the  young  man,  and  gotten  as  much  money  as  she 
 required,  she  did  not  take  the  same  methods  as  had  been  taken  before,  because  she  perceived 
 that  the  woman  was  by  no  means  to  be  tempted  by  money  ;  but  as  she  knew  that  she  was  very 
 much  given  to  the  worship  of  the  goddess  Isis.she  devised  the  following  stratagem  :  She  went 
 to  some  of  Isis'  priests,  and  upon  the  strongest  assurances  [of  concealment,]  she  persuaded 
 them  bv  words,  but  chiefly  by  the  offer  of  money,  of  25,000  drachmae  in  hand,  and  as  much 
 more  when  the  thing  had  taken  effect,  and  told  them  the  passion  of  the  young  man,  and  per- 
 suaded them  to  use  all  means  possible  to  beguile  the  woman.  So  they  were  drawn  in  to  pro- 
 mise so  to  do,  by  that  large  sum  of  gold  tliey  were  to  have.  Accordingly  the  oldest  of  them 
 went  immediately  to  Paulina,  and,  upon  his  admittance,  he  desired  to  speak  with  her  by  her- 
 self. When  that  was  granted  him,  he  told  her,  that  "  he  was  sent  by  the  god  Anubis,  who 
 was  fallen  in  love  with  her,  and  enjoined  her  to  come  to  him."  Upon  this  she  look  the  mes- 
 sage very  kindly,  and  valued  herself  greatly  upon  tliis  condescension  of  Anubis,  and  told  her 
 husband,  that  she  had  a  message  sent  her,  and  was  to  sup  and  lie  with  Anubis ;  so  he  agreed  to 
 her  acceptance  of  the  offer,  as  fully  satisfied  with  the  chastity  of  his  wife.  Accordingly,  she 
 went  to  the  temple,  and  after  she  had  supped  tiiere,  and  it  was  the  hour  to  go  to  sleep,  the 
 priest  shut  the  doors  of  the  temple,  when,  in  the  holy  part  of  it,  the  lights  were  also  pat  out. 
 Then  did  Mundus  leaj)  out,  (for  he  was  hidden  therein,)  and  did  not  fail  of  enjoying  her,  who 
 was  at  bis  service  all  the  night  long,  as  supposing  he  was  the  god  ;  and  when  he  was  gone 
 awav,  which  was  before  those  priests  who  knew  nothing  of  this  stratagem  were  stirring, 
 Paulina  came  early  to  her  husband,  and  told  him  bow  the  god  Anubis  bad  appeared  to  her. 
 Among  her  friends,  also,  she  declared  how  great  a  value  she  put  upon  this  favour,  who 
 partly  disbelieved  the  thing,  when  they  reflected  on  its  nature,  and  partly  were  amazed  at  it, 
 as  having  no  pretence  for  not  believing  it,  when  they  considered  the  modesty  and  the  dignity 
 of  the  person.  But  now,  on  the  third  day  after  what  had  been  done,  Mundus  met  Paulina, 
 and  said,  "  Nay,  Paulina,  thou  bast  saved  me  two  hundred  thousand  drachmae,  which  sum  thou 
 mightest  have  added  to  thy  own  family  ;  yet  hast  thou  not  failed  to  be  at  my  service  in  the 
 manner  I  invited  thee.  As  for  the  reproaches  thou  hast  laid  upon  Mundus,  I  value  not  the 
 business  of  names  ;  but  I  rejoice  in  the  pleasure  I  reaped  by  what  I  did,  while  I  took  to 
 myself  the  name  of  Anubis.""  When  he  said  this,  he  went  his  way.  But  now  she  began  to 
 come  to  the  sense  of  the  grossness  of  what  she  had  done,  and  rent  her  garments,  and  told  her 
 husband  of  the  horrid  nature  of  this  wicked  contrivance,  and  prayed  him  not  to  neglect  to 
 assist  her  in  this  case.  So  he  discovered  the  fact  to  the  emperor;  whereupon  Tiberius 
 inquired  into  the  matter  thoroughly  by  examining  the  priests  about  it,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
 crucified,  as  well  as  Ide,  who  was  the  occasion  of  their  perdition,  and  who  had  contrived  the 
 whole  matter,  which  was  so  injurious  to  the  woman.  He  also  demolished  the  temple  of  Isis, 
 and  gave  order  that  her  statue  should  be  thrown  into  the  river  Tiber  ;  while  he  only  banished 
 Mundus,  but  did  no  more  to  him,  because  he  supposed  that  what  crime  be  had  committed 
 was  done  out  of  the  passion  of  love.  And  these  were  the  circumstances  which  Concerned  the 
 temple  of  Isis,  and  the  injuries  occasioned  by  her  priests.  I  now  return  to  the  relation  of 
 what  happened  about  this  time  to  the  Jews  at  Rome,  as  I  formerly  told  you  I  would. 
 
 .').  There  was  a  man  who  was  a  Jew,  but  had  been  driven  away  from  his  own  country  by 
 an  accusation  laid  against  him  for  transgressing  their  laws,  and  by  the  fear  he  was  under  of 
 jiunishment  for  the  same  ;  but  in  all  resnects  a  wicked  man.  He,  then  living  at  Rome, 
 professed  to  instruct  men  in  the  wisdom  of  the  law  of  Moses.  lie  procured  also  three  other 
 men,  entirely  of  the  same  character  with  himself,  to  he  his  partners.  These  men  persuaded 
 Fulvia,  a  woman  of  great  dignity,  and  one  that  had  embraced  the  Jewish  religion,  to  send  pur- 
 ple and  gold  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and,  when  they  had  gotten  them,  they  employed 
 t  em  for  their  own  uses,  and  spent  the  money  themselves,  on  which  account  it  was  that  they 
 Hi  first  required  it  of  her.  Whereupon  Tiberius,  who  had  been  informed  of  the  thing  by 
 Saturninus,  the  husband  of  Fulvia,  who  desired  inquiry  might  be  made  about  it,  ordered  all  the 
 Jews  to  be  banished  out  of  Rome  ;  at  which  time  llie  consuls  listed  4000  men  out  of  them, 
 and  sent  them  to  the  island  of  Sardinia  ;*  but  punished  a  greatnumber  of  them,  who  were  unwill- 
 
 *  Of  the  banishment  of  these  4000  JewB  into  Sardinia  hy  Tilievius,  see  Suetonius  in  Tiber.  4  36.  But  as  for 
 Mr.  I!.=land's  nolo  here,  which  supijoses  that  .lews  could  not,  consistently  with  their  laws,  be  soldiers,  it  la 
 ccuuadictfd  by  one  branch  of  ihe  liislory  before  us,  and  coiiUary  to  iunumera'bla  iastaiices  of  thetr  tighwng. 
 
462  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 inp  to  become  soldiers,  on  account  of  keeping  the  laws  of  tLeir  forefathers.  Thus  were 
 these  Jews  banished  out  of  the  city  by  the  wickedness  of  four  raen. 
 
 CHAP,  IV. 
 
 How  the  Samaritans  made  a  Tumult,  and  Pilate  destroyed  many  of  them :  how  Pilate  wat 
 accused,  and  what  things  were  done  by  Vitellius  relating  to  the  Jews  and  the  Parthians. 
 
 §  1.  But  the  nation  of  the  Samaritans  did  not  escape  without  tumults.  The  man  who  excited 
 them  to  it,  was  one  who  thought  lyin^  a  thing  of  little  consequence,  and  who  contrived  every 
 tiling  so  that  the  multitude  might  be  pleased  :  so  he  bade  them  to  get  together  upon  Mount 
 Gerizzim,  which  is  by  them  looked  upon  as  the  most  holy  of  all  mountains,  and  assured  them, 
 that  when  they  were  come  thither,  he  would  shew  them  tliose  sacred  vessels  which  were  laid 
 under  that  place,  because  Moses*  put  them  there.  So  they  came  thither  armed,  and  thought 
 the  discourse  of  the  man  probable  ;  and  as  they  abode  at  a  certain  village,  which  was  called 
 Tirathaba,  they  got  the  rest  together  to  them,  and  desired  to  go  up  the  mountain  in  a  great 
 multitude  together  :  but  Pilate  prevented  their  going  up,  by  seizing  upon  the  roads  with  a 
 great  band  of  horsemen  and  footmen,  who  fell  upon  those  that  were  gotten  together  in  the 
 village  ;  and  when  it  came  to  an  action,  some  of  them  they  slew,  and  others  of  them  they  put 
 to  flight,  and  took  a  great  many  alive,  the  principal  of  whom,  and  also  the  most  potent  of  those 
 that  fled  away,  Pilate  ordered  to  be  slain. 
 
 2.  But  when  this  tumult  was  appeased,  the  Samaritan  senate  sent  an  embassy  to  Viteflius, 
 a  man  that  had  been  consul,  and  who  was  now  president  of  Syria,  and  accused  Pilate  of  the 
 murder  of  those  that  were  killed,  for  that  they  did  not  go  to  Tirathaoa  in  order  to  revolt  from 
 the  Romans,  but  to  escape  the  violence  of  Pilate.  So  Vitellius  sent  Marcellus,  a  friend  of 
 Lis,  to  take  care  of  the  aflairs  of  Judea,  and  ordered  Pilate  to  go  to  Rome,  to  answer  before 
 the  emperor  to  the  accusations  of  the  Jews.  So  Pilate,  when  he  had  tarried  ten  years  in 
 Judea,  made  haste  to  Rome,  and  this  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  Vitellius,  which  he  durst 
 not  contradict  ;  but  before  he  could  get  to  Rome,  Tiberius  was  dead. 
 
 3.  But  Vitellius  came  into  Judea,  and  went  up  to  Jerusalem  :  it  was  at  the  time  of  that  fes- 
 tival which  is  called  the  passover.  Vitellius  was  there  magnificenlly  received,  and  released 
 the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  from  all  the  taxes  upon  the  fruits  that  were  bought  and  sold,  and 
 gave  them  leave  to  have  the  care  of  the  high  priest's  vestments,  with  all  their  ornaments,  and 
 to  have  them  under  the  custody  of  the  priests  in  the  temple,  which  power  they  used  to  have 
 formerly,  although  at  this  time  they  were  laid  up  in  the  tower  of  Antonia,  the  citadel  so  called, 
 and  that  on  the  occasion  following:  There  was  one  of  the  [high]  priests,  named  Hyrcanus,  and 
 as  there  were  many  of  that  name,  he  was  the  first  of  them;  this  man  built  a  tower  near  the 
 temple,  and  when  he  had  so  done,  he  generally  dwelt  in  it,  and  had  these  vestments  with  him ; 
 because  it  was  lawful  for  him  alone  to  put  them  on,  and  he  had  them  there  reposited  when  he 
 went  down  into  the  city,  and  took  his  ordinary  garments ;  the  same  things  were  continued  to 
 be  done  by  his  sons,  and  by  their  sons  after  them.  But  when  Herod  came  to  be  king,  he 
 rebuilt  this  tower,  which  was  very  conveniently  situated,  in  a  magnificent  manner :  and  because 
 he  was  a  friend  to  Antonius,  he  called  it  by  the  name  of  Antonia.  And  as  he  found  these  vest- 
 ments lying  there,  he  retained  them  in  the  same  place,  as  believing  that  while  he  had  them  in 
 his  custody,  the  people  would  make  no  innovations  against  him.  The  like  to  what  Herod  did 
 was  done  by  his  son  Archelaus,  who  was  made  king  after  him  ;  after  whom  the  Romans,  when 
 they  entered  on  the  government,  took  possession  of  these  vestments  of  the  high  priest,  and  had 
 them  reposited  in  a  stone  chamber,  under  seal  of  the  priests,  and  of  the  keepers  of  the  temple, 
 the  captain  of  the  guard  lighting  a  lamp  there  every  day;  and  seven  days  before  a  festival  they 
 were  delivered  to  them  by  the  captain  of  the  guard, t  when  the  high  priest  having  purified  them, 
 and  made  use  of  them,  laid  them  up  again  in  the  same  chamber  where  they  had  been  laid  up 
 before,  and  this  the  very  next  day  after  the  feast  was  over.  This  was  the  practice  at  the  three 
 yearly  festivals,  and  on  the  fast  day  ;  but  Vitellius  put  these  girments  into  our  own  power,  as 
 in  the  days  of  our  forefathers,  and  ordered  the  captain  of  the  guard  not  to  trouble  himself  to 
 inquire  where  they  were  laid,   or  when   they  were  to  be  used  ;  and  this  he  did  as  an  act  of 
 
 and  proving  excellent  soldiers  in  war  ;  and  indeed  many  of  the  bpst  of  them,  and  even  under  heathen  kings 
 themselves,  did  so  ;  those.  I  mean,  who  allowed  them  their  rest  on  the  Sabbath-day.  and  otlier  solemn  festi- 
 vals, and  let  them  live  according  to  their  own  laws,  as  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  did. 
 It  is  true,  they  could  not  always  obtain  those  lirivileges.  and  then  they  got  excused  as  well  as  they  could,  or 
 eometimes  absolutely  refused  to  tight,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  here,  as  to  the  major  part  of  the 
 .Tews  now  banished,  but  nothing  more.  See  several  of  the  Roman  decrees  in  their  favour  as  to  such  matters, 
 b.  xir.  chap.  x. 
 
 *  Since  Moses  never  came  himself  beyond  .Tordan.  nor  particularly  to  Mount  Gerismim,  and  since  these 
 Samaritans  have  a  tradition  among  them,  related  here  by  Dr.  Hudson,  from  lieland.  who  was  very  skilful  in 
 Jewish  and  Samaritan  learning,  that  in  the  days  of  tJzzi  or  Ozzi  the  high  priest.  1  Chron.  vi.  6.  the  ark 
 and  other  sacred  vessels  were,  by  God's  command,  laid  up  or  hidden  in  Mount  Gerizzim,  it  is  highly  pro- 
 bable that  this  was  the  foolish  foundation  the  present  Samaritans  went  upon,  in  the  sedition  here  described, 
 and  that  we  should  read  here  Oseos  instead  of  Mouseos,  in  the  text  of  Josephus. 
 
 t  This  mention  of  the  high  priest's  sacred  garments  received  seven  days  before  a  festival,  and  purified  in 
 those  days  against  a  festival,  as  having  been  polluted  by  being  in  the  custody  of  heathens,  in  .losephus.  agrees 
 well  with  the  traditions  of  the  T,->!mudists,  as  Keland  here  observes.  Mor  is  there  any  question  but  the  three 
 feasts  here  mentioned,  were  the  Passover.  Pentecost,  and  Feast  of  Tabernacles;  and  the  Fast,  so  called  by 
 way  of  distinction,  as  Acts  xxvii.  <).  was  the  great  day  of  expiation. 
 
BOOK  XVIII. — CHAP.    V.  463 
 
 kindness,  to  oblige  the  nation  to  him.  Besides  which,  he  also  deprived  Joseph,  who  was  also 
 called  Caiaphas,  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  appointed  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Ananus,  the  former 
 high  priest,  to  succeed  him.     After  which,  he  took  his  journey  back  to  Antioch. 
 
 4.  Moreover,  Tiberius  sent  a  letter  to  Vitellius,  and  commanded  him  to  make  a  league  of 
 friendship  with  Artabanus,  the  king  of  Parthia;  for,  while  he  was  his  enemy,  he  terrified  him, 
 because  he  had  taken  Armenia  away  from  him,  lest  he  should  proceed  farther,  and  told  him  he 
 should  no  otherwise  trust  him  than  upon  his  giving  him  hostages,  and  especially  his  son  Arta- 
 banus. Upon  Tiberius'  writing  thus  to  Vitellius,  by  the  oft'er  of  great  presents  of  money,  he 
 persuaded  both  the  king  of  Iberia,  and  the  king  of  Albania,  to  make  no  delay,  but  to  fight 
 against  Artabanus ;  and  although  they  would  not  do  it  themselves,  yet  did  they  give  the  Scyth- 
 ians a  passage  through  their  country,  and  opened  the  Caspian  gates  to  them,  and  brought  them 
 upon  Artabanus.  So  Armenia  was  again  taken  from  the  Parthians,  and  the  country  of  Parthia 
 was  filled  with  war,  and  the  principal  of  their  men  were  slain,  and  all  things  were  in  dis- 
 order among  them:  the  king's  son  also  himself  fell  in  these  wars,  together  with  many  ten 
 thousands  of  his  army.  Vitellius  had  also  sent  such  great  sums  of  money  to  Artabanus'  father's 
 kinsmen  and  friends,  that  he  had  almost  procured  him  to  be  slain  by  the  means  of  those  bribes 
 which  they  had  taken.  And  when  Artabanus  perceived  that  the  plot  laid  against  him  was  not 
 to  be  avoided,  because  it  was  laid  by  the  principal  men,  and  those  a  great  many  in  number,  and 
 t-hat  it  would  certainly  take  effect ;  when  he  had  estimated  the  number  of  ihose  that  were  truly 
 faithful  to  him,  as  also  of  those  who  were  already  corrupted,  but  were  deceitful  in  the  kindness 
 they  professed  to  him,  and  were  likely,  upon  trial,  to  go  over  to  his  enemies,  he  made  his 
 escape  to  the  upper  provinces,  where  he  afterwards  raised  a  great  array  out  of  the  Dahae  and 
 Sacae,  and  fought  with  his  enemies,  and  retained  his  principality. 
 
 5.  When  Tiberius  had  heard  of  these  things,  he  desired  to  have  a  league  of  friendship  made 
 between  him  and  Artabanus;  and  when,  upon  this  invitation,  he  received  the  proposi-l  kindly, 
 Artabanus  and  Vitellius  went  to  Euphrates,  and  as  a  bridge  was  laid  over  the  river,  they  each 
 of  them  came  with  their  guards  about  them,  and  met  one  another  on  the  midst  of  the  bridge. 
 And  when  they  had  agreed  upon  the  terms  of  peace,  Herod  the  tetrarch  erected  a  rich  tent  iu 
 the  midst  of  the  passage,  and  made  them  a  feast  there.  Artabanus  also,  not  long  afterwards, 
 sent  bis  son  Darius,  as  a  hostage,  with  many  presents,  among  which  there  was  a  man  seven 
 cubits  tall,  a  Jew  he  was  by  birth,  and  his  name  was  Eleazar,  who,  for  his  tallness,  was  called 
 a  giant.  After  which  Vitellius  went  to  Antioch,  and  Artabanus  to  Babylon;  but  Herod  [the 
 felrarch]  being  desirous  to  give  Cassar  the  first  information  that  they  had  obtained  hostages, 
 sent  posts  with  letters,  wherein  he  had  accurately  described  all  the  particulars,  and  had  left 
 nothing  for  the  consular  Vitellius  to  inform  him  of.  But  when  Vitellius'  letters  were  sent, 
 and  Caesar  had  let  him  know  that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  affairs  already,  because  Herod 
 had  given  him  an  account  of  them  before,  Vitellius  was  very  mnch  troubled  at  it;  atid  suppos- 
 ing that  he  had  been  thereby  a  greater  sufferer  than  he  really  was,  he  kept  up  a  secret  anger 
 Bpon  this  occasion,  till  he  could  be  revenged  on  him,  which  was  after  Caius  had  taken  the 
 government. 
 
 6.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Philip,  Herod's  brother,  departed  this  life,  in  the  twentieth 
 year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,*  after  he  had  been  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis,  and  Gaulonitis,  and 
 of  the  nation  of  the  Bataneans  also,  thirty-seven  years.  He  had  shewed  himself  a  person  of 
 moderation  and  quietness  in  the  conduct  of  his  life  and  government ;  he  constantly  lived  in  that 
 country  which  was  subject  to  him  ;t  he  used  to  make  his  progress  with  a  few  chosen  friends; 
 his  tribunal  also,  on  which  he  sat  in  judgment,  followed  him  in  bis  progress  ;  and  when  any 
 one  met  him  who  wanted  his  assistance,  he  made  no  delay,  but  had  his  tribunal  set  down 
 immediately,  wheresoever  he  happened  to  be,  and  sat  down  upon  it,  and  heard  his  complaint: 
 he  there  ordered  the  guilty  that  were  convicted  to  be  punished,  and  absolved  those  that  bad 
 been  accused  unjustly.  He  died  at  Julias  ;  and  when  he  was  carried  to  that  monument  which 
 he  had  already  erected  for  himself  beforehand,  he  was  buried  with  great  pomp.  His  princi- 
 pality Tiberius  took,  for  he  left  no  sons  behind  him,  and  added  it  to  the  province  of  Syria,  but 
 gave  order  that  the  tributes  which  arose  from  it  should  be  collected,  and  laid  up  in  his 
 tetrarchy. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 Herod  the  Tetrarch  makes  War  with  Aretas,  the  Kimj  of  Arabia,  and  is  beaten  by  him;  as  also 
 concerniug  the  Death  of  John  the  Baptist;   how  Vitelitus  ivenf    up   to   Jerusalem;    together 
 with  some  Account  of  Agrippa,  and  of  the  Posterity  of  Ilerod  the  Great. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time,  Aretas,  the  king  of  Arabia  Petrea,  and  Herod,  had  a  quarrel  on  the 
 account  following : — Herod  the  tetrarch  had  married  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  and  had  lived 
 with  her  a  great  while,  but  when  he  was  once  at  Rome,  he  lodged  with  Herod,  who  was  his 
 
 •  This  calculation  from  all  .Tosephns' Greek  copies,  is  exactly  right:  for  since  Herod  died  about  September, 
 in  the  fourth  year  before  the  Christian  era,  and  Tiberius  began,  it  is  well  known,  August  19,  A.  1).  14,  it  is 
 evident  that  the  :i7th  year  of  Philip,  reckoned  from  his  father's  death,  was  the  'JOth  of  J  iberius,  or  near  the 
 end  of  A  D.  3:{.  (the  very  year  of  our  Saviour's  death  also,)  or,  however,  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,  A.  1). 
 34.  This  Philip  the  tetrarch  seems  to  have  been  the  best  of  all  the  posterity  of  Herod,  for  his  love  of  peace, 
 and  his  love  of  jusiice. 
 
 t  An  excellent  sxample  this. 
 
464  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 brother  indeed,  but  not  by  tbe  same  mother ;  for  this  Herod*  was  tbe  son  of  the  high  priest 
 Siiriou's  daughter.  However,  he  fell  in  love  with  Herodias,  this  last  Herod's  wife,  who  was 
 the  daughter  of  Aristobulas  their  brother,  and  the  sister  of  Agrippa  the  Great;  this  man  ven- 
 tured to  talk  to  her  about  a  marriage  between  them,  which  address  when  she  admitted,  an 
 agreement  was  made  for  her  to  change  her  habitation,  and  come  to  him  as  soon  as  he  should 
 return  from  Rome:  one  article  of  this  marriage  also  was  this,  that  he  should  divorce  Aretas' 
 daughter.  So  Antipas,  when  he  had  made  this  agreement,  sailed  to  Rome  ;  but  when  he  had  done 
 there  the  business  he  went  about,  and  was  returned  again,  his  wife  having  discovered  the 
 agreement  he  had  made  with  Herodias,  and  having  learned  it  before  he  had  notice  of  her 
 knowledge  of  the  whole  design,  she  desired  him  to  send  her  to  Macberus,  which  is  a  place  in 
 the  borders  of  the  dominions  of  Aretas  and  Herod,  without  informing  him  of  any  of  her  inten- 
 tions. Accordingly  Herod  sent  her  thither,  as  thinking  his  wife  had  not  perceived  any  thing. 
 Now,  she  had  sent  a  good  while  before  to  Macberus,  who  was  subject  to  her  father,  and  so  all 
 things  necessary  for  her  journey  were  made  ready  for  her  by  the  general  of  Aretas'  army;  and 
 by  that  means  she  soon  crme  into  Arabia,  under  the  conduct  of  the  several  generals,  who  car- 
 ried her  from  one  to  anotiier  successively,  and  she  soon  came  to  her  father,  and  told  him  of 
 Herod's  intentions.  So  Aretas  made  this  the  first  occasion  of  his  enmity  between  him  and 
 Herod,  who  had  also  some  quarrel  with  him  about  their  limits  at  the  country  of  Gamalitis.  So 
 t'hey  raised  armies  on  both  sides,  and  prepared  for  war,  and  sent  their  generals  to  light  instead 
 of  themselves,  and,  when  they  had  joined  battle,  all  Herod's  array  was  destroyed  by  the  trea- 
 chery of  some  fugitives,  who,  though  they  were  of  the  tetrarchy  of  Pliilip,  joined  with  Aretas' 
 army.  So  Herod  wrote  about  these  atfairs  to  Tiberius,  who  being  very  angry  at  the  attempt 
 made  by  Aretas,  wrote  to  Vitellius  to  make  war  upon  him,  and  either  to  take  him  alive,  and 
 bring  him  to  him  in  bonds,  or  to  kill  hira,  and  send  him  bis  bead.  This  was  the  charge  that 
 Tiberius  gave  to  the  president  of  Syria. 
 
 2.  Now,  some  of  the  Jews  thought  that  the  destruction  of  Herod's  army  came  from  God, 
 and  that  very  justly,  as  a  punishment  of  what  he  did  against  John,  that  was  called  the  Baptist, 
 for  Herod  slew  him,  who  was  a  good  man,  and  commanded  the  Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  both 
 as  to  righteousness  towards  one  another,  and  piety  towards  God,  and  so  to  come  to  baptism; 
 for  that  the  washing  [with  water]  would  be  acceptable  to  him,  if  they  made  use  of  it,  not  in 
 order  to  the  putting  away  [or  the  remission]  of  some  sins  [only,]  but  for  the  purification  of 
 the  body ;  supposing  still  that  the  soul  was  thoroughly  purified  beforehand  by  righteousness. 
 Now,  when  [many]  others  came  in  crowds  about  him  ;  for  they  were  greatly  moved  [or  pleased] 
 by  hearing  his  words  ;  Herod,  who  feared  lest  the  great  influence  John  bad  over  the  people 
 might  put  it  into  his  power  and  inclination  to  raise  rebellion,  (for  they  seemed  to  do  any  thing- 
 he  should  advise,)  thought  it  best,  by  putting  him  to  death,  to  prevent  any  mischief  he  might 
 cause,  and  not  bring  himself  into  difficulties,  by  sparing  a  man  who  might  make  him  repent  of 
 it  when  it  should  be  too  late.  Accordingly,  he  was  sent  a  prisoner,  out  of  Herod's  snspicious 
 temper,  to  Macberus,  the  castle  I  before  mentioned,  and  was  there  put  to  death.  Now,  the 
 Jews  had  an  opinion  that  the  destruction  of  this  army  was  sent  as  a  punishment  upon  Herod,  aud 
 a  maik  of  God's  displeasure  against  him. 
 
 3.  So  Vitellius  prepared  to  make  war  with  Aretas,  having  with  him  two  legions  of  armed 
 men  :  he  also  took  with  him  all  those  of  light  armature,  and  of  the  horsemen  which  belonged 
 to  them,  and  were  drawn  out  of  those  kingdoms  which  were  under  the  Romans,  and  made 
 baste  for  Petra,  and  came  to  Ptolemais.  But  as  he  was  marching  very  busily,  and  leading  his 
 army  through  Judea,  the  principal  men  met  him,  and  desired  that  he  would  not  thus  march 
 through  their  land  :  for  that  the  laws  of  their  country  would  not  permit  them  to  overlook  those 
 images  which  were  brought  into  it,  of  which  there  were  a  great  many  in  their  ensigns  ;  so  he 
 was  persuaded  by  what  they  said,  and  changed  that  resolution  of  his,  which  he  had  before 
 taken  in  this  matter.  Whereupon  he  ordered  the  army  to  march  along  the  great  plain,  while 
 be  himself,  with  Herod  the  tetrarch,  and  his  friends,  went  up  to  Jerusalem  to  ofl'er  sacrifice  to 
 God,  an  ancient  festival  of  the  Jews  then  just  approaching  :  and  when  he  had  been  there,  and 
 been  honourably  entertained  by  the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  be  made  a  stay  there  for  three  days, 
 within  which  time  he  deprived  Jonathan  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  gave  it  to  his  brother 
 Theophilus.  But  when  on  the  fourth  day  letters  came  to  him,  wiiich  informed  hira  of  the  death 
 of  Tiberius,  he  obliged  the  multitude  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  Caius  ;  he  also  recalled  his 
 army,  and  made  them  every  one  go  home,  and  take  their  winter-quarters  there,  since  upon  the 
 devolution  of  the  empire  upon  Caius,  he  had  not  the  like  authority  of  making  this  war  which  • 
 he  had  before.  It  was  also  reported,  that  when  Aretas  heard  of  the  coming  of  Vitellius  to 
 fight  him,  he  said,  upon  his  consulting  the  diviners,  that  it  was  impossible  that  this  army  of 
 Vitellius'  could  enter  Petra;  for  that  one  of  the  rulers  would  die,  either  he  that  gave  orders 
 
 •  This  Herod  seems  to  have  had  the  additional  name  of  Phiiip,  as  Antipas  was  named  Herod  Antipas,  and  as 
 Antipas  and  Antipater  seem  to  be  in  a  manner  the  verv  same  name,  yet  were  the  names  of  two  sons  of  Herod 
 the  Great ;  so  migl,t  Philip  the  tetrarch  and  this  Herod  Philip  be  two  different  sons  of  the  same  father,  all 
 which  Grotius  observes  on  Matt.  xiv.  .S.  JSor  was  it,  as  T  agree  wHh  Grotius  and  others  of  the  learned,  Philip 
 the  tetrarch  ;  but  this  Herod  Philip,  whose  wife  Ilerod  the  tetrarch  had  married,  and  that  in  her  first  hus- 
 band's lifetime,  and  when  her  first  husband  had  issue  by  her;  for  which  adulterous  and  incescuous  marriage, 
 John  the  ''.aptist  justly  reproved  Herod  tlie  tetrarch.  and  for  which  reproof  Salome,  the  daughter  of  Hero- 
 dias, by  her  first  husband  Ilerod  Philip,  who  was  still  alive,  occasioned  him  to  be  unjustly  beheaded. 
 
BOOR  XVIII. — CHAP.  V.  ^G5 
 
 for  the  war,  or  be  that  was  inarching  at  the  other's  desire,  in  order  to  be  subservient  to  his 
 will,  or  else  be  against  whom  this  arm^  is  prepared.  So  Vitellius  truly  retired  to  Antioch : 
 but  Agrippa,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  went  up  to  Rome,  a  jear  before  the  death  of  Tiberius,  !ii 
 order  to  treat  of  some  aflairs  with  the  emperor,  if  he  might  be  permitted  so  to  do.  I  have 
 now  a  mind  to  describe  Herod  and  his  family,  how  it  fared  with  them,  partly  because  it  is 
 suitable  to  this  history  to  speak  of  that  matter,  and  partly  because  this  thing  is  a  demonscra- 
 tion  of  the  interposition  of  Providence,  how  a  multitude  of  children  is  of  no  advantage,  no 
 more  than  any  other  strength  that  mankind  set  their  hearts  upon,  besides  those  acts  of  piety 
 which  are  done  towards  God:  for  it  happtned,  that,  within  the  revolution  of  a  hundred  years, 
 the  posterity  of  Herod,  who  were  a  great  many  in  number,  were,  excepting  a  few,  utterly 
 destroyed.*  One  may  well  apply  this  for  the  instruction  of  mankind,  and  learn  thence  how 
 unhappy  they  were ;  it  will  also  shew  us  the  history  of  Agrippa,  who,  as  he  was  a  person  most 
 worthy  of  admiration,  so  was  be  from  a  private  man,  beyond  all  the  expectation  of  those  that 
 knew  him,  advanced  to  great  power  and  authority.  I  have  said  something  of  them  formerly, 
 but  I  shall  now  also  speak  accurately  about  them. 
 
 4.  Herod  the  Great  had  two  daughters  by  Mariamne,  the  [grand]  daughter  of  Hyrcanus ; 
 the  one  was  .Salampsio,  who  was  married  to  Phasaelus,  her  first  cousin,  who  was  himself  tlie 
 son  of  Phasaelus,  Herod's  brother,  her  father  making  the  match  ;  the  other  was  Cypros,  who 
 was  herself  married  also  to  her  first  cousin  Antipater,  the  son  of  Salome,  Herod's  sister.  Pha- 
 saelus had  five  children  by  Salampsio,  Antipater,  Herod,  and  Alexander;  and  two  daughters, 
 Alexandra  and  Cypros;  which  last,  Agrippa,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  married,  and  Timius  of 
 Cyprus  married  Alexandra;  he  was  a  man  of  note,  but  had  by  her  no  children.  Agrippa  had 
 by  Cypros  two  sons,  and  three  daughters,  which  daughters  were  named  Bernice,  Mariamne, 
 and  Drusilla ;  but  the  names  of  the  sons  were  Agrippa  and  Drusiis,  of  whom,  Drusus  died 
 before  he  came  to  tlie  years  of  puberty  ;  but  their  father,  Agrippa,  was  brought  up  with 
 his  other  brethren,  Herod  and  Aristobulus,  for  these  were  also  the  sons  of  Herod  the 
 Great,  by  Beruice ;  but  Bernice  was  the  daughter  of  Costobarus  and  of  Salome,  who  was 
 Herod's  sister.  Aristobulus  left  these  infants,  when  he  was  slain  by  his  father,  together  with 
 liis  brother  Alexander,  as  we  have  already  related.  But  when  they  were  arrived  at  years  of 
 puberty,  this  Herod,  the  brother  of  Agrippa,  married  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Olympias, 
 who  was  the  daughter  of  Herod  the  king,  ami  of  Joseph,  the  son  of  Joseph,  who  was  brother 
 to  Herod  the  king,  and  had  by  her  a  son,  Aristobulus  ;  but  Aristobulus,  the  third  brother  of 
 Agrippa,  married  Jotape,the  daughter  of  Sampsigeraraus,  king  of  Eniesa ;!  they  had  a  daugh- 
 ter who  was  deaf,  whose  name  also  was  Jotape  :  and  these  hitherto  were  the  children  of  the 
 male  line.  But  Herodias,  their  sister,  was  married  to  Herod  [Philip,]  the  son  of  Herod  the 
 Great,  who  was  born  of  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Simeon  the  high  priest,  who  had  a  daughter, 
 Salome  ;  after  whose  birth  Herodias  took  upon  her  to  confound  the  laws  of  our  country,  and 
 divorced  herself  from  her  husband  while  he  was  alive,  and  was  married  to  Herod  [Antipas,] 
 her  husband's  brother  by  the  father's  side;  he  was  letrarch  of  Galilee:  but  her  daughter 
 Salome  was  married  to  Philip,  the  son  of  Herod,  and  letrarch  of  Trachonilis,  and,  as  he  died 
 childless,  Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Herod,  the  brother  of  Agrijipa,  married  her;  they  had  three 
 sons,  Herod,  Agrippa,  and  Aristobulus  ;  and  this  was  the  posterity  of  Phasaelus  and  Salampsio. 
 But  the  daughter  of  Antipater  by  Cypros,  was  Cypros,  whom  Alexas  Selcias,  the  son  of  Alexas, 
 married;  they  had  a  daughter,  Cypros  ;  but  Herod  and  Alexander,  who,  as  we  told  you,  were 
 the  brothers  of  Antipater,  died  childless.  As  to  Alexander,  the  son  of  Herod  the  king,  who 
 was  slain  by  his  father,  he  had  two  sous,  Alexander  and  Tigranes,  by  the  daughter  of  Arche- 
 laus,  king  of  Cappadocia  ;  Tigraneri,  who  was  king  of  Armenius,  was  accused  at  Rome,  and 
 died  childless  ;  Alexander  had  a  son  of  the  same  name  with  his  brother  Tigranes,  and  was  sent 
 to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  by  Nero  ;  he  had  a  son,  Alexander,  who  married 
 Jotape,!  '''6  daughter  of  Antiochus,  the  king  of  Commagena  ;  Vespasian  made  him  king  of  an 
 island  in  Cilicia.  But  these  descendants  of  Alexander,  soon  after  their  birth,  deserted  the 
 Jewish  religion,  and  went  over  to  that  of  the  Greeks;  but  for  the  rest  of  the  daughters  of 
 Herod  the  king,  it  happened  that  they  died  childless.  And  as  these  descendants  of  Herod, 
 whom  we  have  enumerated,  were  in  being  at  the  sumo  time  that  Agrippa  the  Great  took  the 
 kingdom,  and  I  have  now  given  an  account  of  tliein,  it  now  remains  that  I  relate  tlie  several 
 hard  fortunes  which  befell  Agrippa,  and  how  he  got  clear  of  them,  and  was  advanced  to  the 
 greatest  height  of  dignity  and  power. 
 
 *  Whether  this  sudden  extinction  of  almost  the  entire  lineage  of  Herod  the  Great,  which  was  verv  nume- 
 rous, as  wu  ar«  both  here  and  in  the  next  section  informed,  was  not  in  part  as  a  punishment  tor  tlie  gioss 
 incests  they  were  frequently  guilty  of,  in  marrying  their  onn  nephews  and  nieces,  well  deserves  to  be  consi- 
 dered.   See  Levit.  xviii.  6,  7.  xxi.  10.  and  Noldius,  de  Ilerod.  No.  '209,  270. 
 
 ♦  There  are  coins  still  extant  of  this  Emesa,  as  Spanheim  informs  us. 
 
 t  Spanheim  also  informs  us  of  a  coin  still  extant  of  this  .lotape,  daughter  of  the  king  of  Commagena. 
 
 3n 
 
466  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  Vf. 
 
 Of  the  Navigation  of  King  Agrippa  to  Rome  to  Tiberius  Cccsar ;  and  how,  upon  his  being 
 accused  by  his  own  freed  man,  he  was  bound:  how  also  he  ivas  set  at  liberty  by  Caius,  after 
 Tiberius's  Death,  and  was  made  King  of  the  Tetrarchy  of  Philip, 
 
 $  1.  A  LITTLE  before  the  death  of  Herod  the  king,  Agrippa  lived  at  Rome,  and  was  generally 
 brought  lip  and  conversed  with  Drusus,  the  emperor  Tiberius's  son,  and  contracted  a  friend- 
 ship with  Antonia,  the  wife  of  Drusus  the  Great,  who  had  his  mother  Bernice  in  great  esteem, 
 and  was  very  desirous  of  advancing  her  son.  Now,  as  Agrippa  was  by  nature  magnanimous 
 and  generous  in  the  presents  he  made,  while  his  mother  was  alive,  this  inclination  of  his  mind 
 did  not  appear,  that  he  might  be  able  to  avoid  her  anger  for  such  his  extravagance  ;  but  wiien 
 Bernice  was  dead,  and  be  was  left  to  his  own  conduct,  he  spent  a  great  deal  extravagantly  in 
 his  daily  way  of  living,  and  a  great  deal  in  the  immoderate  presents  he  made,  and  those  chiefly 
 among  Caesar's  freed  men,  in  order  to  gain  their  assistance,  insomuch  that  be  was  in  a  little 
 time  reduced  to  poverty,  and  could  not  live  at  Rome  any  longer.  Tiberius  also  forbade  the 
 friends  of  his  deceased  son  to  come  into  his  sight,  because  ou  seeing  them  he  should  be  put  in 
 mind  of  his  son,  and  his  grief  would  (hereby  be  revived. 
 
 2.  For  these  reasons  he  went  away  from  Rome,  and  sailed  to  Jndea,  but  in  evil  circum- 
 stances, being  dejected  with  the  loss  of  that  money  which  he  once  had,  and  because  he  had  not 
 wherewithal  to  pay  his  creditors,  who  were  many  in  number,  and  such  as  ga^-e  him  no  room 
 for  escaping  thera.  Whereupon  he  knew  not  what  to  do  ;  so,  for  shame  of  his  present  con- 
 dition, he  retired  to  a  certain  tower,  at  Malatha,  in  Iduniea,  and  had  thoughts  of  killing  him- 
 self; but  his  wife  Cypros  perceived  his  intentions,  and  tried  all  sorts  of  methods  to  divert 
 him  from  his  taking  such  a  course  :  so  she  sent  a  letter  to  his  sister  Herodias,  who  was  now 
 the  wife  of  Herod  the  tetrarch,  and  let  her  know  Agrippa's  present  design,  and  what  necessity 
 it  was  which  drove  him  thereto,  and  desired  her,  as  a  kinswoman  of  his,  to  give  him  her  help, 
 and  to  engage  her  hasband  to  do  the  same,  since  she  saw  how  she  alleviated  these  her  hus- 
 band's troubles  all  she  could,  although  she  had  not  the  like  wealth  to  do  it  withal.  So  they 
 sent  forhira,  and  allotted  him  Tiberias  for  his  habitation,  and  appointed  him  some  income  of 
 money  for  his  maintenance,  and  made  him  a  magistrate  of  that  city,  by  way  of  honour  to  him. 
 Yet  did  not  Herod  long  continue  in  that  resolution  of  supporting  bira,  though  even  that  support 
 was  not  sufficient  for  him  ;  for,  as  once  they  were  at  a  feast  at  Tyre,  and  in  their  cups,  and 
 reproaches  were  cast  upon  one  another,  Agrippa  thought  that  was  not  to  be  horns,  while  Herod 
 liit  him  in  the  teeth  with  his  poverty,  and  with  his  owing  his  necessary  food  to  him.  So  he 
 went  to  Flaccus,  one  that  had  been  consul,  and  had  been  a  very  great  friend  to  him  at  Rome 
 formerly,  and  was  now  president  of  Syria. 
 
 3.  Hereupon  Flaccus  received  him  kindly,  and  he  lived  with  him.  Flaccas  had  also  with 
 bira  there  Aristobulus,  who  was  indeed  Agrippa's  brother,  but  was  at  variance  with  him  ;  yet 
 did  not  their  enmity  to  one  another  hinder  the  friendship  of  Flaccus  to  them  both,  but  still  they 
 wexe  honourably  treated  by  him.  However,  Aristobulus  did  not  abate  of  his  ill-will  to  Agrippa, 
 till  at  length  he  brought  Lim  into  ill  terms  with  Flaccus  ;  the  occasion  of  bringing  on  which 
 estrangement  was  this  :  The  Damascens  were  at  difference  with  the  Sidonians  about  their 
 limits,  and  when  Flaccus  was  about  to  hear  the  cause  between  them,  they  understood  that 
 Agrippa  had  a  mighty  influence  on  him  ;  so  they  desired  that  he  would  be  of  their  side,  and 
 for  that  favour  promised  him  a  great  deal  of  money  ;  so  he  was  zealous  in  assisting  the  Damas- 
 cens as  far  as  he  was  able.  Now,  Aristobulus  had  gotten  intelligence  of  this  promise  of  money 
 to  him,  and  accused  him  to  Flaccus  of  the  same ;  and  when,  upon  a  thorough  examination  of 
 the  matter,  it  appeared  plainly  so  to  be,  he  rejected  Agrippa  out  of  the  number  of  his  friends. 
 So  he  was  reduced  to  the  utmost  necessity,  and  came  to  Ptolemais  ;  and  because  he  knew  not 
 where  else  to  get  a  livelihood,  be  thought  to  sail  to  Italy  ;  but  as  he  was  restrained  from  so 
 doing  by  want  of  money,  he  desired  Marsyas,  who  was  his  freed  man,  to  find  some  method  for 
 procuring  him  so  much  as  he  wanted  for  that  purpose,  by  borrowing  such  a  sum  of  some  per- 
 son or  other.  So  Marsyas  desired  of  Peter,  who  was  the  freed  man  of  Bernice,  Agrippa's 
 mother,  and  by  the  right  of  her  testament  was  bequeathed  to  Antonia,  to  lend  so  much  upon 
 Agrippa's  own  bond  and  security,  but  he  accused  Agrippa  of  having  defrauded  him  of  certain 
 soms  of  money,  and  so  obliged  Marsyas,  when  he  made  the  bond  of  20,000  Altic  drachmae,  to 
 accept  of  2,500  drachmae*  less  than  what  he  desired,  which  the  other  allowed  of,  because  he 
 could  not  help  it.  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  money,  Agrippa  came  to  Anthedon,  and  took  ship- 
 ping, and  was  going  to  set  sail  ;  but  Herennius  Capito,  who  was  the  procurator  of  Jamnia,  sent 
 a  band  of  soldiers  to  demand  of  him  300,000  drachmae  of  silver  which  were  by  him  owing  to 
 Caesar's  treasury  while  he  was  at  Rome,  and  so  forced  him  to  stay.  He  then  pretended  that 
 he  would  do  as  he  bade  him  :  but  when  night  came  on,  he  cut  his  cables,  and  went  off,  andsailed 
 to  Alexandria,  where  he  desired  Alexander  the  alabarch  t  to  lend  him  200,000  drachmae  ;  but 
 
 •  Spanheim  observes,  that  we  have  here  an  instance  of  the  Attic  quantity  of  use-money,  which  was  the  eighth 
 part  of  the  oriRinal  s>im,  or  twelve  and  a  half  per  cent,  for  such  is  the  proportion  of  2,500  to  20,000  . 
 +  The  governor  of  the  Jews  there. 
 
BOOK  XVIII. —  CHAP.  VI.  467 
 
 lie  said  he  would  not  lend  it  to  him,  but  would  not  refuse  it  to  C^-pros,  as  greatlj'  astonished  at 
 lier  aH'ection  to  her  liusband,  and  at  the  other  instances  of  her  virtue  ;  so  she  undertook  to  repay 
 it.  Accordingly,  Alexaurier  paid  them  five  talents  at  Alexandria,  and  promised  to  pay  them 
 the  rest  of  that  sum  at  Dicearchia  [Puetoli  ;]  and  this  he  did  out  of  the  fear  he  was  in  that 
 Agrippa  would  soon  spend  it.  So  this  Cypres  set  her  husband  free,  and  dismissed  him  to  go 
 on  with  his  naviijaiiou  to  Italy,  while  she  and  her  children  departed  for  Judca. 
 
 4.  And  now  Agrippa  was  come  to  Puteoli,  whence  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Tiberius  Caesar,  who 
 then  lived  at  Caprew,  and  told  him,  that  he  was  come  so  far  in  order  to  wait  on  him,  and  to 
 pay  him  a  visit ;  and  desired  that  he  would  give  him  leave  to  come  over  to  Capreae  :  so  Tibe- 
 rius made  uo  difficulty,  but  wrote  to  him  in  an  obliging  way  in  other  respects,  and  withal  told 
 him,  he  was  glad  of  his  safe  return,  and  desired  him  to  come  to  Capreaj  ;  and  when  he  was 
 cume,  he  did  not  fail  to  treat  him  as  kiudly  as  he  had  promised  him  in  his  letter  to  do.  But 
 the  next  day  came  a  letter  to  Caesar  from  Herennius  Capito,  to  inform  him,  that  Agrippa  had 
 borrowed  300,000  drachmas,  and  not  paid  it  at  the  time  appointed  ;  but,  when  it  was  demanded 
 ot  him,  he  ran  away  like  a  fugitive,  out  of  the  places  under  his  government,  and  put  it  out  of 
 his  power  to  get  the  money  of  him.  When  Caesar  had  read  this  letter,  he  was  much  troubled 
 at  it,  and  gave  order  that  Agrippa  should  be  excluded  from  his  presence  until  he  had  paid  that 
 debt  :  upon  which  he  was  no  way  daunted  at  Ciesar's  anger,  but  entreated  Antonia,  the  mo- 
 ther of  Germanicus,  and  of  Claudius,  who  was  afterwards  Caesar  himself,  to  lend  him  those 
 300,000  drachmaL",  that  he  might  not  be  deprived  of  Tiberius's  friendship  ;  so,  out  of  regard  to 
 the  memory  of  Bernice  his  mother,  (for  these  two  women  were  very  familiar  with  one  another,) 
 and  out  of  regard  to  his  and  Claudius's  education  together,  she  lent  him  the  money;  and,  upon 
 the  payment  of  this  debt,  there  was  nothing;  to  hinder  Tiberius's  friendship  to  him.  After  this, 
 Tiberius  Ca-sar  recommended  to  him  his  grandson,*  and  ordered  that  he  shonid  always  accom- 
 pany him  when  he  went  abroad.  But,  upon  Agrippa's  kind  reception  by  Antonia,  he  betook 
 himself  to  pay  his  respects  to  Caius,  who  was  her  grandson,  and  in  very  high  reputation,  by 
 reason  of  the  good-will  they  bore  his  father. t  Now  there  was  one  Thallus,  a  freed  man  of 
 Caesar,  of  whom  he  borrowed  a  million  of  drachmae,  and  thence  repaid  Antonia  the  debt  he 
 owed  her;  and  by  spending  the  overplus  in  paying  his  court  to  Caius,  became  a  person  of  great 
 authority  with  him. 
 
 5.  Now  as  the  friendship  which  Agrippa  had  for  Caius  was  come  to  a  great  height,  there 
 happened  some  words  to  pass  between  them,  as  they  once  were  in  a  chariot  together,  concern- 
 ing Tiberius  ;  Agrippa  praying  [lo  God,]  (for  they  two  sat  by  themselves,)  that  Tiberius  might 
 soon  go  off  the  stage,  and  leave  the  government  to  Caius,  who  was  in  every  respect  more 
 worthy  of  it.  Now,  Eutychus,  who  was  Agrippa's  freed  man,  and  drove  his  chariot,  heard 
 these  words,  and  at  that  time  said  nothing  of  them  :  but  when  Agrippa  accused  him  of  stealing 
 some  garments  of  his,  (which  was  certainly  true,)  he  ran  away  from  him  ;  but  when  he  was 
 caught,  and  brought  before  Piso,  who  was  governor  of  the  city,  and  the  man  was  asked  why 
 he  ran  away?  he  replied,  that  he  bad  somewhat  to  say  to  Citsar,  that  tended  to  his  security 
 and  preservation  :  so  Piso  bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  Caprese.  But  Tiberius,  according  to 
 Lis  usual  custom,  kept  him  still  in  bonds,  being  a  delayer  of  afi'airs,  if  ever  there  was  any  other 
 Jting  or  tyrant  that  was  so  ;  for  he  did  not  admit  ambassadors  quickly,  and  no  successors  were 
 despatched  away  to  governors  or  procurators  of  the  provinces,  that  had  been  formerly  sent, 
 unless  they  were  dead  ;  whence  it  was,  that  Jie  was  so  negligent  in  hearing  the  causes  of  pri- 
 soners ;  insomuch,  that  when  he  was  asked  by  his  friends,  what  was  the  reason  of  his  delay  in 
 such  cases  ?  he  said,  th.it  "  he  delayed  to  hear  ambassadors,  lest,  upon  their  quick  dismission, 
 other  ambassadors  should  be  appointed,  and  return  upon  him  ;  and  so  he  should  bring  trouble 
 upon  himself  in  tiieir  public  reception  and  dismission  :  that  he  permitted  those  governors  who 
 had  been  sent  once  from  their  government  [lo  stay  there  a  great  while,]  out  of  regard  lo  the  sub- 
 jects that  were  under  them  ;  for  that  all  governors  are  naturally  disposed  to  get  as  much  as 
 they  can,  and  that  those  who  are  not  to  fix  there,  but  to  sta3'  a  short  time,  and  that  an  uncer- 
 tainty, when  they  shall  be  turned  out,  do  the  more  severely  hurry  themselves  on  to  fleece  the 
 people  ;  but  thit,  if  their  government  be  long  continued  to  them,  they  are  at  last  satiated  with 
 the  spoils,  as  having  gotten  a  vast  deal,  and  so  become  at  length  less  sharp  in  their  pillaging; 
 but  that,  if  successors  are  sent  quickly,  the  poor  subjects,  who  are  exposed  to  them  as  a  prey, 
 will  not  be  able  to  bear  the  new  ones,  while  they  shall  not  have  the  same  time  allowed  tbera, 
 wherein  their  predecessors  had  filled  themselves,  and  so  grow  more  unconcerned  about  getting 
 more  ;  ami  this  because  they  are  removed  before  they  have  had  time  [for  their  oppressions.] 
 He  gave  them  au  example  to  shew  his  meaning  :  "  A  great  number  of  flies  came  about  the  sore 
 places  of  a  man  that  had  been  wounded  ;  upon  whinh  one  of  the  slanders  by  pitied  the  man's 
 misfortune,  and  thinking  he  was  not  able  lo  drive  those  Hies  away  himself,  was  noiiig  to  drive 
 them  away  for  him  ;  but  he  prayed  him  to  let  them  alone  :  the  other,  by  way  of  reply,  asked 
 him  the  reason  of  such  a  preposterous  proceeding,  in  preventing  relief  from  his  present  misery  ; 
 to  which  he  answered,  If  thou  drivest  these  tlies  away,  thou  wilt  hurt  me  worse  ;  for,  as  these 
 are  already  full  of  my  blood,  lliey  do  not  crowd  about  me,  nor  pain  me  so  much  as  before,  but 
 are  sometimes  more  remiss,  while  the  fresh  ones  that  come  almost  famished,  and  find  me  quite 
 
 •  tiljerius  junior.  t  •jcrmanicm. 
 
468  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 tired  down  already,  will  be  mj  destruction.  For  this  canse,  therefore,  it  is,  that  I  am  myself 
 careful  not  to  send  such  new  governors  perpetually  to  those  my  subjects,  who  are  already 
 sufficiently  harassed  by  many  oppressions,  as  many,  like  these  flies,  farther  disire.s  them  ;  and 
 so,  besides  their  natural  desire  of  gain,  may  have  Ibis  additional  incitement  to  it,  that  they 
 expect  to  be  suddenly  deprived  of  that  pleasure  which  they  take  in  it."  And,  as  a  further 
 attestation  to  what  I  say  of  the  dilatory  nature  of  Tiberius,  I  appeal  to  this  his  practice  itself; 
 for,  although  he  were  emperor  twenty-two  years,  he  sent  in  all  but  two  procurators  to  govern 
 the  nation  of  the  Jews,  Gratus,  and  his  successor  in  the  government,  Pilate.  Nor  was  he  iti 
 one  way  of  acting  with  respect  to  the  Jews,  and  in  another  with  respect  to  the  rest  of  his  sub- 
 jects. He  I'urther  informed  them,  that  even  in  the  hearing  of  the  causes  of  prisoners,  he  made 
 such  delays,  "because  immediate  death  to  those  that  must  be  condemned  to  die,  would  be  an 
 alleviation  of  their  present  miseries,  while  those  wicked  wretches  have  not  deserved  any  such 
 favour;  but  I  do  it,  that,  by  being  harassed  with  the  presant  calamity,  they  may  undergo 
 greater  misery." 
 
 6.  On  this  account  it  was  that  Entychus  could  not  obtain  a  hearing,  but  was  kept  still  in 
 prison.  However,  some  lime  afterward,  Tiberius  came  from  Caprese  to  Tnscnlanum,  which 
 is  about  a  hundred  furlongs  from  Rome.  Agrippa  then  desired  of  Antonia,  that  she  would 
 procure  a  hearing  for  Eutychus,  let  the  matter  whereof  he  accused  him  prove  what  it  would. 
 Now,  Antonia  was  greatly  esteemed  by  Tiberius  on  all  accounts,  for  the  dignity  of  her  rela- 
 tion to  him,  who  bad  been  his  brother  Drusus's  wife,  and  from  ber  eminent  chastity  ;*  for 
 though  she  were  still  a  young  woman,  she  continued  in  her  widowdood,  and  refused  all  other 
 matches,  although  Augustus  had  enjoined  her  to  be  married  to  somebody  else  ;  yet  did  she 
 all  along  preserve  her  reputation  free  from  reproach.  She  had  also  been  tbe  greatest  bene- 
 factress to  Tiberius,  when  there  was  a  very  dangerous  plot  laid  against  him  by  Sejanus,  a  man 
 who  had  been  her  husband's  friend,  and  who  had  the  greatest  authority,  because  he  was 
 general  of  the  army,  and  when  many  members  of  the  senate,  and  many  of  the  freed  men  joined 
 with  him,  and  the  soldiery  was  corrupted,  and  tbe  plot  was  come  to  a  great  height.  Nov? 
 Sejanus  had  certainly  gained  his  point,  had  not  Antonia's  boldness  been  more  wisely  conducted 
 than  Sejanus'  malice  ;  for,  when  she  bad  discovered  his  designs  against  Tiberius,  she  wrote 
 him  an  exact  account  of  the  whole,  and  gave  the  letter  to  Pallus,  the  most  faithful  of  her  ser- 
 vants, and  sent  him  to  Caprese  to  Tiberius,  who,  when  he  understood  it,  slew  Sejanus  and  his 
 confederates  ;  so  that  Tiberius,  who  had  her  in  great  esteem  before,  now  looked  upon  her 
 with  still  greater  respect,  and  depended  upon  her  in  all  things.  So,  when  Tiberius  was  desired 
 by  this  Antonia  to  examine  Eutychus,  he  answered,  "  If  indeed  Eutychus  hath  falsely  accused 
 Agrippa  in  what  he  hath  said  of  him,  he  hath  had  sufficient  punishment  by  what  I  have  done 
 to  hira  already  ;  but  if,  upon  examination,  the  accusation  appears  to  be  true,  let  Agrippa  have 
 a  care,  lest,  out  of  desire  of  punishing  his  freed  man,  he  do  not  rather  bring  a  punishment  upon 
 himself."  Now  when  Antonia  told  Agiippa  of  this,  he  was  still  much  more  pressing  that  the 
 matter  might  be  examined  into  ;  so  Antonia,  upon  Agrippa's  lying  bard  at  her  continually  to 
 beg  his  favour,  took  the  following  opportunity:  As  Tiberius  lay  once  at  bis  ease  upon  his 
 sedan,  and  was  carried  about,  and  Cajns,  her  grandson,  and  Agrippa,  were  before  him  after 
 dinner,  she  walked  by  the  sedan,  and  desired  him  to  call  Eutychus,  and  have  him  examined  ; 
 to  which  he  replied,  "O  Antonia  !  the  gods  are  my  witnesses,  that  I  am  induced  to  do  what 
 I  am  going  to  do,  not  by  my  own  inclination,  but  because  I  am  forced  to  it  by  thy  prayers." 
 When  he  had  said  this,  he  ordered  Macro,  who  succeeded  Sejanus,  to  bring  Eutychus  to  him  ; 
 accordingly,  without  any  delay,  he  was  brought.  Then  Tiberius  asked  him,  what  he  had  to 
 say  against  a  man  who  had  given  him  bis  liberty?  Upon  which  he  said,  "  O  my  lord  !  this 
 Caius,  and  Agrippa  with  him,  were  once  riding  in  a  chariot,  when  I  sat  at  their  feet,  and 
 among  other  discourses  that  passed,  Agrippa  said  to  Caius,  O  that  the  day  would  once  come, 
 when  this  old  fellow  will  die,  and  name  thee  for  the  governor  of  the  habitable  earth  !  for  then 
 this  Tiberius,  his  grandson,  would  be  no  binderance,  but  would  be  taken  oft'  by  thee,  and  that 
 earth  would  be  happy,  and  I  happy  also."  Now,  Tiberius  took  these  to  be  truly  Agrippa's 
 words,  and  bearing  a  grudge  withal  at  Agrippa,  because,  when  he  had  commanded  hira  to  pay 
 his  respects  to  Tiberius  his  grandson,  and  the  son  of  Drusus,  Agrippa  had  not  paid  him  that 
 respect,  but  had  disobeyed  his  commands,  and  transferred  all  his  regard  to  Caius  ;  he  said 
 to  Macro,  "  Bind  this  man."  But  Macro,  not  distinctly  knowing  which  of  them  it  was  whom 
 he  bade  him  bind,  and  not  expecting  that  he  would  have  any  such  thing  done  to  Agrippa,  he 
 
 •  This  high  commendation  of  Antonia  for  marrj'ing  but  once,  given  here,  and  supposed  elsewhere,  Antiq. 
 b.  xvii.  chap.  xiii.  ^  4.  and  this,  notwiihstandingthe  stronpest  temptations,  shews  how  honourable  single  mar- 
 riages were  both  among  the  Jews  and  Romans,  iu  the  days  of  Josephus  and  of  the  apostles,  and  taltes  away 
 much  of  that  surprise  which  the  modern  Protesf.ants  have  at  those  laws  of  the  apostles,  where  no  widows, 
 but  those  who  had  been  the  wives  of  one  husband  only,  are  taken  into  the  church  list,  and  no  bishops,  priests, 
 or  deacons,  are  allowed  to  marry  more  than  once  without  leaving  off  to  oiSciate  as  clergymen  any  longer. 
 See  Luke.  ii.  36.  1  I'im.  v.  11,  I'j.  iii.  2,  V2.  Tit.  i  10.  Constitut.  Apost.  b.  ii.  5  1,  C.  b.  vi.  |  17.  Can.  b.  xvii. 
 Grot,  in  Luke  ii.  .■J6.  and  Respons.  ad  Consult.  Casand.  p.  44.  and  Cotelet.  in  Constitut.  b.  vi.  4  xvii.  And 
 note,  that  TertuUian  owns  this  law,  against  second  marriages  of  the  clergy,  had  been  once  at  least  executed 
 in  his  time;  and  heavily  complains  elsewhere,  (hat  the  breach  thereof  had  not  been  always  punished  by  the 
 Catholics  as  it  ought  to' have  been.  Jerome,  speaking  of  the  ill  reputation  of  marrying  twice,  says,  I'hat  no 
 such  person  could  he  chosen  into  the  clergy  in  his  days  ;  which  Augustine  testifies  also  :  and  for  Epiphanius, 
 rather  earlier,  he  is  cleai-  and  full  to  tie  same  purpose,  and  says,  that  law  obtained  over  the  wholo  Catholjc 
 church  in  his  days ;  as  the  places  in  the  forecited  authors  inform  us. 
 
BOOK    XVIII. — CHAP.    VI.  469 
 
 forbore,  and  came  to  ask  more  distinctly  what  it  was  that  be  said  ?  But,  when  Caesar  had 
 i^one  round  the  hippodrome,  he  found  Agrippa  standing  ;  "  For  certain,"  said  he,  "  Macro, 
 (his  is  the  man  T  meant  to  have  bound  ;"  and  when  he  still  asked,  "  Which  of  these  is  to  be 
 bound?"  he  said,  "Agrippa."  Upon  which  Ajjrippa  betook  himself  to  make  supplication  for 
 himself,  putting  him  in  mind  of  his  son,  with  whom  lie  was  brought  up,  and  of  Tiberius  [his 
 grandsou]  whom  he  had  educated  :  but  all  to  no  purpose,  for  tlie^  led  him  about  bound  even 
 in  his  purple  garments.  It  was  also  very  hot  weather,  and  they  had  but  little  wine  to  their 
 meal,  so  that  he  was  very  thirsty  ;  he  was  also  in  a  sort  of  agony,  and  took  this  treatment  of 
 him  heinously  ;  as  he  therefore  saw  one  ol  Caius'  slaves,  whose  name  was  Thaumastus,  carry- 
 ing some  water  in  a  vessel,  he  desired  that  he  would  let  him  drink  ;  so  the  servant  gave  him 
 some  water  to  drink,  and  lie  drank  heartily,  and  said,  "  O  thou  boy  !  this  service  of  thine 
 to  me  will  be  for  thy  advantage  ;  for,  if  I  once  get  clear  of  these  my  bonds,  I  will  soon  pro- 
 cure thee  thy  freedom  from  Caius,  who  has  not  been  wanting  to  minister  to  me,  now  I  am  in 
 bonds,  in  the  same  manner  as  when  I  was  in  my  former  state  and  dignity."  Nor  did  he 
 deceive  liiin  in  what  he  promised  him,  but  made  him  amends  for  what  he  had  now  done  ; 
 for,  when  afterward  Agrippa  was  come  to  the  kingdom,  he  took  particular  care  of  Thaumas- 
 tus, and  got  him  his  liberty  from  Cams,  and  made  him  the  steward  over  his  own  estate  ; 
 and  when  he  died,  he  left  him  to  Agrippa  liis  son,  and  to  Beruice  his  daughter,  to  minister 
 to  them  in  the  same  capacity.  The  man  also  grew  old  in  that  honourable  post,  and  therein 
 died.     But  all  this  happened  a  good  while  later. 
 
 7.  Now  Agiippa  stood  in  his  bonds  before  the  royal  palace,  and  leaned  on  a  certain  tree 
 for  grief,  with  many  others,  who  were  in  bonds  also  ;  and  as  a  certain  bird  sat  upon  the  tree 
 on  which  Agrippa  leaned,  (the  Romans  call  this  bird  bnbo,)  [an  owl,]  one  of  those  that  were 
 bound,  a  German  by  nation,  saw  him,  and  asked  a  soldier  what  that  man  in  purple  was  ?  and 
 when  he  was  informed  that  his  name  was  Agrippa,  and  that  he  was  by  nation  a  Jew,  and  one 
 of  the  principal  men  of  that  nation,  he  asked  leave  of  the  soldier  to  whom  he  was  bound,*  to 
 let  him  come  nearer  to  him,  to  speak  with  him  ;  for  that  he  had  a  mind  to  inquire  of  him  about 
 some  things  relating  to  his  country  ;  which  libertv  when  he  had  obtained,  and  as  he  stood 
 near  him,  he  said  thus  to  him   by  an  interpreter,  that  "this  sudden  change  of  thy  condition, 
 
 0  young  m.'in  I  is  grievous  to  thee,  as  bringing  on  thee  a  manifold  and  very  great  adversity; 
 nor  wilt  thou  believe  me,  when  I  foretell  how  thou  wilt  got  clear  of  this  misery  which  thou 
 art  now  under,  and  how  divine  Providence  will  provide  for  thee.?  Know  therefore  (and  I 
 appeal  to  my  own  country  gods,  as  well  as  to  the  gods  of  this  place,'  who  have  awarded  these 
 bonds  to  us,)  that  all  I  am  going  to  say  about  thy  concerns,  shall  neither  be  said  for  favour 
 nor  bribery,  nor  out  of  an  endeavour  to  make  thee  cheerful  without  cause,  for  such  predic- 
 tions, when  they  come  to  fail,  make  the  grief  at  last,  and  in  earnest,  more  bitter  than  if  the 
 party  had  never  heard  of  any  such  thing.      However,  though  I  run  the  hazard  of  ray  own  self, 
 
 1  think  it  fit  to  declare  to  thee  the  prediction  of  the  gods.  It  cannot  be  that  thou  shoulde.st 
 long  continue  in  these  bonds  ;  but  thou  wilt  soon  be  delivered  from  them,  and  wilt  be  pro- 
 moted to  the  highest  dignity  and  power,  and  thou  wilt  be  envied  by  all  those  who  now  pity 
 thy  hard  fortune;  and  tlioii  wilt  be  happy  till  thy  death,  and  wilt  leave  thine  happiness  to  the 
 children  whom  thou  shall  have.  But,  do  thou  remember,  when  thou  seest  this  bird  again, 
 that  thou  wilt  then  live  but  five  days  longer.  This  event  will  be  brought  to  pass  by  that 
 God  who  halh  sent  tliis  bird  hither  to  be  a  sign  unto  thee.  And  I  canuot  but  think  it 
 unjost  to  conceal  from  thee  what  I  foreknow  concerning  thee,  that,  by  thy  knowing  before- 
 hand wh;it  happiness  is  coming  upon  thee,  thou  mayest  not  regard  thy  present  misfortunes. 
 But  when  this  happiness  shall  actually  befall  thee,  do  not  forget  what  misery  I  am  in  myself, 
 but  endeavour  to  deliver  me."  .So,  when  the  German  had  said  this,  he  made  Agrippa  laugh 
 at  him  as  much  as  he  afterwards  appeared  worthy  of  admiration.  But  now  Antonia  took 
 Agrippa's  misfortune  to  heart  ;  however,  to  speak  to  Tiberius  on  his  behalf,  she  took  to  be 
 a  very  difficnlt  thing,  and  indeed  quite  impracticable,  as  to  any  hope  of  success  ;  yet  did  she 
 procure  of  Macro,  that  the  soldiers  that  kept  him  should  be  of  a  gentle  nature,  and  that  the 
 centurion  who  was  over  lliem,  and  was  to  diet  with  him,  should  be  of  the  same  disposition, 
 and  that  he  might  have  leave  to  bathe  himself  every  day,  and  that  his  freed  men  and  friends 
 might  come  to  him,  and  that  other  things  that  tended  to  ease  him  might  be  indulged  him.  So 
 his  friend  Silas  came  in  to  him,  and  two  of  his  freed  men,  Marsyas  and  Stechus,  brought  liira 
 such  sorts  of  food  as  he  wus  fond  of,  and  indeed  took  great  care  of  him  ;  they  also  brought 
 him  garments,  under  pretence  of  selling  them,  and,  when  the  night  came  on,  they  laid  them 
 under  him  ;  and  the  soldiers  assisted  them,  as  Macro  had  given  them  order  to  do  b-sforehand. 
 And  this  was  Agrippa's  condition  for  six  months'  time,  and  in  this  case  were  his  all'airs. 
 
 8.  But  for  Tiberius,  upon  his  return  to  Caprew,  he  fell  sick.  At  first  his  distemper 
 was  but  gentle  ;  but  as  that  distemper  increased  upon  him,  he  had  small  or  no  hopes  of 
 recovery.  Hereupon  he  bade  Euodus,  who  was  that  freed  man  whom  he  most  of  all  respected, 
 to  bring  the  childrent  to  him  ;  for  that  he  wanted  to  talk  to   them  before  he  died.     Now  he 
 
 •  Dr.  IFiidson  here  takes  notice,  out  of  Seneca,  F.pistle  v.  that  this  was  the  custom  of  Tiberius,  to  couple 
 the  prisoner,  and  the  solilier  that  b'uarded  him,  loyether  in  the  same  chain. 
 +  Tiberius  his  own  graudsoD,  and  Caius  his  brother  Drusus'  grandson. 
 
470  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 had  at  present  no  sons  of  his  own  alive  ;  for  Drusus,  who  was  his  only  son,  was  dead  ;  bnt 
 Drosus'  son  Tiberius  was  still  living,  whose  additional  name  was  Gemellus  :  there  was  also 
 living  Caius,  ihe  son*  of  Germanicus,  who  was  the  son  of  his  brother  [Drusus.]  He  was  now 
 grown  up,  and  had  a  liberal  education,  as  well  improved  by  it,  and  was  in  esteem  and  favour 
 with  the  people,  on  account  of  the  excellent  character  of  his  father  Germanicus,  who  had  attained 
 the  highest  honour  among  the  multitude,  by  the  firmness  of  his  virtuous  behaviour,  by  the 
 easiness  and  agreeableness  of  his  conversing  with  the  multitude,  and  because  the  dignity  he 
 was  in  did  not  hinder  bis  familiarity  with  them  all,  as  if  they  were  his  equals  ;  by  which  be- 
 haviour he  was  not  only  greatly  esteemed  by  the  people  and  the  senate,  but  by  every  one  of 
 those  nations  that  were  subject  to  the  Romans  ;  some  of  whom  were  affected,  when  they  came 
 to  hira,  with  the  gracefulness  of  their  reception  by  him,  and  others  were  affected  in  the  same 
 manner  by  the  report  of  the  others  that  had  been  with  him  :  and  upon  his  death  there  was  a 
 lamentation  made  by  all  men  ;  not  such  a  one  as  was  to  be  made  in  way  of  flattery  to  their 
 rulers,  while  they  did  but  counterfeit  sorrow,  but  such  as  was  real  ;  while  every  body  grieved 
 at  his  death,  as  if  they  had  lost  one  that  was  near  to  them.  And  truly  such  had  been  his 
 conversation  with  men,  that  it  turned  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  his  son  among  all  ;  and, 
 among  others,  the  soldiery  were  so  peculiarly  affected  to  him,  that  they  reckoned  it  au  eligible 
 thing,  if  need  were,  to  die  themselves,  if  he  might  but  attain  to  the  government. 
 
 9.  But  when  Tiberius  had  given  order  to  Euodus  to  bring  the  children  to  hira  the  next  day 
 in  the  morning,  he  prayed  to  his  country  gods  to  shew  him  a  manifest  signal,  which  of  those 
 children  should  come  to  the  government ;  being  very  desirous  to  leave  it  to  his  son's  son,  but 
 still  depending  upon  what  God  should  foreshew  concerning  them,  more  than  upon  his  own 
 opinion  and  inclination  ;  so  be  made  this  to  be  the  omen,  that  the  government  should  be  left 
 to  him  who  should  come  to  him  first  the  next  day.  When  he  had  thus  resolved  within  him- 
 self, he  sent  to  his  grandson's  tutor,  and  ordered  him  to  bring  the  child  to  him  early  in  the 
 morning,  as  supposing  that  God  would  permit  hira  to  be  made  emperor.  But  God  proved 
 opposite  to  his  designation  ;  for,  while  Tiberius  was  thus  contriving  matters,  and  as  soon  as 
 it  was  at  all  day,  he  bade  Euodus  to  call  in  that  child  which  should  be  there  ready.  So  he 
 went  out,  and  found  Caius  before  the  door,  for  Tiberius  was  not  yet  come,  but  staid  waiting 
 for  his  breakfast  ;  for  Euodus  knew  nothing  of  what  his  lord  intended  ;  so  he  said  to  Caius, 
 "  Thy  father  calls  thee,"  and  then  brought  him  in.  As  soon  as  Tiberius  saw  Caius,  and  not 
 before,  he  reflected  on  the  power  of  God,  and  how  the  ability  of  bestowing  the  govern- 
 ment on  whom  he  would,  was  entirely  taken  from  hira  ;  and  thence  he  was  not  able  to  estab- 
 lish what  he  had  intended.  So  he  greatly  lamented  that  his  power  of  establishing  what  he  had 
 before  contrived  was  taken  from  him,  and  that  his  grandson  Tiberius  was  not  only  to  lose  the 
 Uoman  empire  by  his  fatality,  but  his  own  safety  also,  because  his  preservation  would  now 
 depend  upon  such  as  would  be  more  potent  than  himself,  who  would  think  it  a  thing  not  to 
 be  borne,  that  a  kinsman  should  live  with  them,  and  so  his  relation  would  not  be  able  to  pro- 
 tect hira  :  but  he  would  he  feared  and  hated  by  him  who  had  the  supreme  authority,  partly  on 
 account  of  his  being  next  to  the  empire,  and  partly  on  account  of  his  perpetually  contriving  to 
 get  the  government,  both  in  order  to  preserve  himself,  and  to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs  also. 
 Now  Tiberius  had  been  very  much  given  to  astrology, t  and  the  calculation  of  nativities,  and 
 had  spent  his  life  in  the  esteem  of  what  predictions  had  proved  true  more  than  those  whose 
 profession  it  was.  Accordingly,  when  he  once  saw  Gaiba  coming  in  to  him,  he  said  to  his 
 most  intimate  friends,  that  "  there  came  in  a  man  that  would  one  day  have  the  "  dignity  of  the 
 Roman  empire."  So  that  this  Tiberius  was  more  addicted  to  all  such  sorts  of  diviners  than 
 any  other  of  the  Roman  emperors,  because  he  had  found  them  to  have  told  him  truth  in  his 
 ov/n  affairs.  And  indeed  lie  was  now  in  great  distress  upon  this  accident  that  had  befallen 
 him,  and  was  very  much  grieved  at  the  destruction  of  his  son's  son,  which  he  foresaw,  and 
 complained  of  himself,  that  he  should  have  made  use  of  such  a  method  of  divination  before- 
 hand, while  it  was  in  his  power  to  have  died  without  grief  by  his  knowledge  of  futurity  ; 
 whereas,  he  was  now  tormented  by  his  foreknowledge  of  the  misfortunes  of  such  as  were  dear- 
 est to  him,  and  must  die  under  that  torment.  Now,  although  he  were  disordered  at  this  unex- 
 pected revolution  of  the  government  to  those  for  whom  he  did  not  intend  it,  he  spoke  thus  to 
 Caius,  though  unwillingly,  and  against  his  own  inclination:  "  O  child  !  though  Tiberius  be 
 nearer  related  to  me  than  thou  art,  I,  by  my  own  determination,  and  the  conspiring  suffrage 
 of  the  gods,  do  give,  and  put  into  thy  hand,  the  Roman  empire  ,  and  I  desire  thee  never  to 
 be  unmindful  when  thou  comest  to  it,  either  of  my  kindness  to  ihee,  who  set  thee  in  so  high  a 
 dignity,  or  of  thy  relation  to  Tiberius.  But  as  t'nou  knowest  that  I  am,  together  with  and 
 after  the  gods,  the  procurer  of  so  great  happiness  to  thee,  so  I  desire  that  thou  wilt  make  me 
 a  return  for  my  readiness  to  assist  thee,  and  wilt  take  care  of  Tiberius  because  of  his  near 
 relation  to  thee.  Besides  which,  thou  art  to  know,  that,  while  Tiberius  is  alive,  he  will  be  a 
 security  to  thee,  both  as  to  empire  and  as  to  thy  own  preservation  ;  but,  if  he  die,  that  will  be 
 but  a  prelude  to  thy  own  misfortunes;  for,  to  be  alone,  under  the  weight  of  such  vast  affairs,  is  very 
 
 *  So  I  correct  .losephus'  copy,  which  calls  Germanicus  his  brother,  who  was  his  brother's  son. 
 +  1  his  is  a  Iidowu  thing  among  Ihe  Roman  historiajis  and  poets,  that  Tiberius  was  greatly  addicted  to  astro- 
 logy iind  divination. 
 
BOOK    XVIII. — CHAP.    V!.  471 
 
 dangerous  ;  nor  will  the  gods  suffer  those  actions  wbicli  are  unjustly  done,  contrary  to  that 
 law  which  directs  ineti  to  act  otherwise,  to  go  off  unpunished."  This  was  the  speech  which 
 Tiberius  made,  which  did  not  persuade  Caius  to  act  accordingly,  although  he  promised  so  to 
 do  ;  but,  when  he  was  settled  in  the  government,  he  took  off  this  Tiberius,  as  was  predicted 
 by  the  other  Tiberius  ;  as  he  was  also  himself,  in  oo  long  time  afterward,  slain  by  a  secret 
 plot  laid  against  him. 
 
 10.  So  when  Tiberius  had  at  tiiis  time  appointed  Caius  to  be  his  successor,  he  lived  but 
 a  few  days,  and  then  died,  after  he  had  held  the  government  twenty-two  years,  five  months,  and 
 three  days :  now  Caius  was  the  fourth  emperor.  But,  when  the  Romans  understood  that  Tibe- 
 rius was  dead,  they  rejoiced  at  the  good  news,  but  had  not  courage  to  believe  it ;  not  because 
 they  were  unwilling  it  should  be  true,  for  they  would  have  given  large  suras  of  money  that  it 
 might  be  so,  but  because  they  were  afraid,  that  if  they  had  shewed  their  joy,  when  the  news 
 proved  false,  their  joy  should  be  openly  known,  and  they  should  be  accused  for  it,  and  be 
 thereby  undone.  For  this  Tiberius  had  brought  a  vast  number  of  miseries  on  the  best  families 
 of  the  Romans,  since  he  was  easily  iiitlamed  with  passion  in  all  cases,  and  was  of  such  a  tem- 
 per as  rendered  his  anger  irrevocable,  till  he  had  executed  the  same,  although  he  had  taken  a 
 liatred  against  men  without  reason  ;  for  he  was  by  nature  fierce  in  all  the  sentences  he  gave, 
 and  made  death  the  penalty  for  the  slightest  oftenccs ;  insomuch  that  when  the  Romans  heard 
 the  rumour  about  his  death  gladly,  they  were  restrained  from  the  enjoyment  of  that  pleasure  by 
 the  dread  of  such  miseries  as  they  foresaiv  would  follow,  if  their  hopes  proved  ill  grounded. 
 Now,  Marsyas,  Agrippa's  freed-man,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Tiberius'  death,  carae  running  to 
 tell  Agrippa  the  news;  and  finding  him  going  out  to  the  bath,  he  gave  him  a  nod,  and  said,  in 
 the  Hebrew  tongue,  "  The  lion  is  dead  :"*  who  understanding  his  meaning,  and  being  over- 
 joyed at  the  news,  "  Nay,  said  he,  but  all  sorts  of  thanks  and  happiness  attend  thee  for  this 
 news  of  thine :  only  1  wish  that  what  thou  sayest  may  prove  true."  Now  the  centurion,  who 
 was  set  to  keep  Agrippa,  when  he  saw  with  what  haste  Marsyas  came,  and  what  joy  Agrippa 
 had  from  what  he  said,  he  had  a  suspicion  that  his  words  implied  some  great  innovation  of 
 affairs,  and  he  asked  them  about  what  was  said.  They  at  first  diverted  the  discourse;  but 
 upon  his  further  pressing,  Agrippa,  without  more  ado,  told  him,  for  he  was  already  become 
 his  friend;  so  he  joined  with  him  in  that  pleasure  which  this  news  occasioned,  because  it  would 
 be  fortunate  to  Agrippa,  and  made  him  a  supper.  But,  as  they  were  feasting,  and  the  cups 
 went  about,  there  came  one  who  said,  that  ''  Tiberius  was  still  alive,  and  would  return  to  the 
 city  in  a  few  days."  At  which  news  the  centurion  was  exceedingly  troubled,  because  he  had 
 done  what  might  cost  him  his  life,  to  have  treated  so  joyfully  a  prisoner,  and  this  upon  the 
 news  of  the  death  of  Caesar;  &o  he  thrust  Agrippa  from  the  couch  whereon  he  lay,  and  said, 
 "  Dost  thou  think  to  cheat  me  by  a  lie  about  the  emperor  without  punishment?  and  shall  not 
 thou  pay  for  this  thy  malicious  report  at  the  price  of  thine  head?"  When  he  had  so  said,  he 
 ordered  Agrippa  to  be  bound  again,  (for  he  had  loosed  him  before,)  and  kept  a  severer  guard 
 over  him  than  formerly,  and  in  that  evil  condition  was  Agrippa  that  night;  but  the  next  day 
 the  rumour  increased  in  the  city,  and  confirmed  the  news  that  Tiberius  was  certainly  dead  ; 
 insomuch  that  men  durst  now  openly  and  freely  talk  about  it;  nay,  some  offered  sacrifices  on 
 that  account.  Several  letters  also  came  from  Caius,  one  of  them  to  the  senate,  which  informed 
 them  of  the  death  of  Tiberias,  and  of  his  own  entrance  on  the  government;  another  to  Piso, 
 the  governor  of  the  city,  who  told  him  the  same  thing.  lie  also  gave  order  that  Agrippa 
 should  be  removed  out  of  the  camp,  and  go  to  that  house  where  he  lived  before  he  was  put  in 
 prison;  so  that  he  was  now  out  of  fear  as  to  his  own  afi'airs  ;  for,  although  he  were  still  in  cus- 
 tody, yet  it  was  now  with  ease  as  to  his  own  affairs.  Now,  as  soon  as  Caius  was  come  to 
 Rome,  and  had  brought  Tiberius'  dead  body  with  him,  and  had  made  a  sumptuous  funeral  for 
 Lira,  according  to  the  laws  of  his  country,  he  was  much  disposed  to  set  Agrippa  at  liberty  that 
 very  day,  but  Antonia  hindered  him,  not  out  of  any  ill  will  to  the  prisoner,  but  out  of  regard 
 to  decency  in  Caius,  lest  that  should  make  men  believe  that  he  received  the  death  of  Tiberius 
 witn  pleasure,  when  he  loosed  one  whom  he  had  bound  immediately.  However,  there  did 
 not  many  days  pass  ere  he  sent  for  him  to  his  house,  and  had  him  shaved,  and  made 
 him  change  his  raiment,  after  which  he  put  his  diadem  upon  his  head,  and  appointed  him  to 
 be  king  of  the  tetrarchy  of  I'hilip.  He  also  gave  him  the  tetrarchy  of  Lys  mias.t  and  changed 
 his  iron  chain  for  a  golden  one  of  equal  weight.  He  also  sent  Marullus  lo  be  procurator 
 of  Judea. 
 
 11.  Now,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Caius  Caesar,  Agrippa  desired  leave  to  be  given 
 him  to  sail  home,  and  settle  the  affairs  of  his  government,  and  he  promised  to  return  again, 
 when  he  had  put  the  rest  in  order,  as  it  ought  to  be  put.  So,  upon  the  emperor's  permission, 
 lie  came  into  his  own  country,  and  appeared  to  them  all  unexpectedly  as  a  king,  and  thereby 
 demonstrated  to  the  men  that  saw  him  the  power  of  fortune,  when  they  compared  his  former 
 
 •  The  name  of  a  lion  is  often  given  lo  tyrants,  especiaHy  by  the  .Tews,  such  as  Agrippa,  and  probably  his 
 freed-man  Marsyas,  in  effect  were,  Ezek.  xix.  1,  9.  Esth.  xiv.  13.  STira.  iv.  17.  They  are  also  sometimes  com- 
 piued  to  or  represented  by  wild  beasts,  of  which  the  lion  is  the  principal.     Unn.  vii.  3,  8.  Apoc.  xiii.  1,  2. 
 
 t  Although  Caius  now  promised  to  give  Agrippa  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias.yel  was  it  not  actually  conferred 
 upon  him  till  the  reign  of  Claudius,  as  we  learn,  Autiq.  b.  xix.  chap.  v.  ^  1. 
 
472  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 poverty  with  bis  present  bappy  afflaence  ;  so  some  called  bim  a  happy  man,  and  others  coald 
 not  well  believe  that  things  were  so  much  changed  with  him  for  the  better. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 ,  How  Herod  the  Tetrarch  loas  banished. 
 
 §  I.  But  Herodias,  Agrippa's  sister,  who  now  lived  as  wife  to  that  Herod  who  v/as  tetrarch 
 of  Galilee  and  Perea,  took  this  authority  of  her  brother  in  an  envious  manner,  particularly 
 when  she  saw  that  be  bad  a  greater  dignity  bestowed  on  him  than  her  husband  had ; 
 since,  when  he  ran  away,  he  was  not  able  to  pay  his  debts  ;  and  now  he  was  come  back, 
 it  was  because  be  was  in  a  nay  of  dignity,  and  of  great  good  fortune.  She  was  there- 
 fore grieved,  and  much  displeased  at  so  great  a  mutation  of  his  aifairs,  and  chiefly  wheu 
 she  saw  him  marching  among  the  multitude  with  tlie  usual  ensigns  of  royal  authority,  she  was 
 not  able  to  conceal  bow  miserable  she  was,  by  reason  of  the  envy  she  bad  towards  him  ;  but 
 she  excited  her  husband,  and  desired  him  that  he  would  sail  to  Rome,  to  court  honours  equal 
 to  bis  :  for  she  said,  that  "  she  could  not  bear  to  live  any  longer,  while  Agrippa,  the  son  of  that 
 Aristobulus  who  was  condemned  to  die  by  his  father,  one  that  came  to  her  husband  in  such 
 extreme  poverty,  that  the  necessaries  of  life  were  forced  to  be  entirely  supplied  him  day  bj 
 day;  and  when  he  fled  away  from  his  creditors  by  sea,  he  now  returned  a  king;  while  he  was 
 himself  the  son  of  a  king,  and  while  the  near  relation  he  bore  to  royal  authority,  called  upou 
 him  to  gain  the  like  dignity,  he  sat  still,  and  was  contented  with  a  private  life.  But  then, 
 Herod,  although  tliou  wast  formerly  not  concerned  to  be  in  a  lower  condition  than  thy  father, 
 from  whom  thou  wast  derived,  had  been  ;  yet  do  thou  now  seek  after  the  dignity  which  thy 
 kinsman  hath  attained  to;  and  do  not  thoa  bear  this  contempt,  that  a  man  who  admired  thy 
 riches  should  be  in  greater  honour  than  thyself,  nor  suffer  his  poverty  to  shew  itself  able  to 
 purchase  greater  things  than  our  abundance  ;  nor  do  thou  esteem  it  other  than  a  shameful  thing 
 to  he  inferior  to  one,  who,  the  other  day,  lived  upon  thy  charity.  Bnt,  let  us  go  to  Rome,  and 
 let  us  spare  no  pains  nor  expenses,  eillier  of  silver  or  gold,  since  they  cannot  be  kept  for  any 
 better  use,  than  for  the  obtaining  of  a  kingdom." 
 
 2.  But,  for  Herod,  he  opposed  her  request  at  this  time,  out  of  the  love  of  ease,  and  having 
 s  suspicion  of  the  trouble  he  should  have  at  Rome ;  so  he  tried  to  instruct  her  better.  But 
 tne  more  she  saw  him  draw  back,  the  more  she  pressed  him  to  it,  and  desired  him  to  leave  no 
 stone  onturned  in  order  to  be  king;  and  at  last  she  left  not  off  till  she  engaged  him,  whether 
 be  would  or  not,  to  be  of  her  sentiments,  because  he  could  no  otherwise  avoid  her  importunity. 
 So  he  got  all  things  ready,  after  as  sumptuous  a  manner  as  he  was  able,  and  spared  for  nothing, 
 and  went  up  to  Rome,  and  took  Herodias  along  with  him.  But  Agrippa,  when  be  was  made 
 sensible  of  their  intentions  and  preparations,  also  prepared  to  go  thither;  and  as  soon  as  he 
 heard  they  set  sail,  he  sent  Fortanatus,  one  of  his  freed-nien,  to  Rome,  to  carry  presents  to  the 
 emperor,  and  letters  against  Herod,  and  to  give  Caius  a  particular  account  of  those  matters,  if 
 he  should  have  any  opportunity.  This  man  followed  Herod  so  quick,  and  had  so  prosperous  a 
 voyage,  and  came  so  little  after  Herod,  that  while  Herod  was  with  Caius,  he  came  himself,  and 
 delivered  his  letters;  for  they  both  sailed  to  Dicearchia,  and  found  Caius  at  Baise,  which  is 
 itself  a  little  city  of  Campania,  at  the  distance  of  about  five  furlongs  from  Dicearchia.  There 
 are  in  that  place  royal  palaces,  with  sumptuous  apartments,  every  emperor  still  endeavouring 
 to  outdo  his  predecessor's  magnificence;  the  place  also  aftords  warm  baths,  that  spring  out  of 
 the  ground  of  their  own  accord,  which  are  of  advantage  for  the  recovery  of  the  health  of  those 
 that  make  use  of  them,  and,  besides,  they  minister  to  men's  luxury  also.  Now  Caius  saluted 
 Herod,  for  he  first  met  with  him,  and  looked  upon  the  letters  which  Agrippa  had  sent  him,  and 
 which  were  written  in  order  to  accuse  Herod ;  wherein  he  accused  him,  that  he  bad  been  in 
 confederacy  with  Sejanns,  against  Tiberius'  government,  and  that  he  was  now  confederate  with 
 Artabanus,  the  king  of  Parthia,  in  opposition  to  the  government  of  Cains  ;  as  a  demonstration 
 of  which  he  alleged,  that  he  had  armour  sufiicient  for  seventy  thousand  men  ready  in  his 
 armoury.  Caius  was  moved  at  this  information,  and  asked  Herod,  whether  what  was  said 
 about  the  armour  was  true?  and  when  he  confessed  there  was  such  armour  there,  for  he  could 
 not  deny  the  same,  the  truth  of  it  being  too  notorious,  Caius  took  that  to  be  a  sufficient  proof 
 of  the  accusation,  that  he  intended  to  revolt.  So  he  took  away  from  him  his  tetrarchy,  and  gave 
 it  by  way  of  addition  to  Agrippa's  kingdom  :  he  also  gave  Herod's  money  to  Agrippa,  and  by 
 way  of  punishment,  awarded  him  a  perpetual  banishment,  and  appointed  Lyons,  a  city  of  Gaul, 
 to  be  his  place  of  habitation.  But  when  he  was  informed  that  Herodias  was  Agrippa's  sister, 
 be  made  her  a  present  of  what  money  was  her  own ;  and  told  her,  that  "  it  was  her  brother 
 who  prevented  her  being  put  under  the  same  calamity  with  her  husband."  But  she  made  this 
 reply;  "  Thou,  indeed,  O  emperor!  actest  after  a  magnificent  manner,  and  as  becomes  thyself 
 in  what  thou  ofTerest  me;  but  the  kindness  which  I  have  for  my  husband,  hinders  me  from  par- 
 taking of  the  favour  of  thy  gift ;  for  it  is  not  just,  that  I,  who  have  been  made  a  partner  in  his 
 prosperity,  should  forsake  him  in  his  misfortunes."  Hereupon  Caius  was  angry  at  her,  and 
 sent  her  with  Herod  into  banishment,  and  gave  her  estate  to  Agrippa.  And  thus  did  God 
 punish  Herodias  for  her  envy  at  her  brother,  and  Herod  also  for  giving  ear  to  the  vain  dis- 
 courses of  a  woman.     Now,  Cains  managed  public  afl'airs  with  great  magnanimity,  during  the 
 
BOOK  XVIII. — CHAP.  VIII.  473 
 
 first  and  second  jear  of  his  reign,  and  beliaved  himself  with  such  moderatioo,  tliat  he  gained 
 the  good-will  of  the  Romans  themselves,  and  of  his  other  sul)iects.  But,  in  process  of  time, 
 he  went  beyond  the  bounds  of  human  nature,  in  his  conceit  of  himself,  and,  by  reason  of  the 
 vaslness  of  his  dominions,  made  himself  a  god,  and  took  upon  himself  to  act  in  all  thiri^^s  to  the 
 reproach  of  the  Deity  itself. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII, 
 
 Concerning  the  Embassage  0}  the  Jews  to  Caius*  and  how   Caius  sent  Petronius  into  Syria  to 
 make  War  against  the  Jews,  unless  they  would  receive  his  Statue. 
 
 ji  1.  There  was  now  a  tumult  arisen  at  Alexandria,  between  the  Jewish  inhabitants  and  the 
 Greeks;  and  three  ambassadors!  were  chosen  out  of  each  party  that  were  at  variance,  who 
 came  to  Caius.  Now,  one  of  these  ambassadors  from  the  people  of  Alexandria  was  Apion, 
 who  uttered  many  blasphemies  against  the  Jews  ;  and,  among  other  things  that  he  said,  he 
 cliarged  them  with  neglecting  the  honours  that  belonged  to  Caesar  ;  for  that  while  all  who  were 
 subject  to  the  Romau  empire,  built  altars  and  temples  to  Caius,  and  in  other  regards  univer- 
 sally received  him  as  they  received  the  gods,  these  Jews  alone  (honglit  it  a  dishonourable 
 tiling  for  them  lo  erect  statues  in  honour  of  him,  as  well  as  to  swear  by  his  name.  Many  of 
 these  severe  things  were  said  by  Apion,  by  which  he  hoped  to  provoke  Caius  to  anger  at  the 
 Jews,  as  he  was  likely  to  he  ;  but  Philo,  the  principal  of  the  Jewish  embassage,  a  man  eminent 
 on  all  accounts,  brother  to  Alexander  the  alabarch.t  and  one  not  unskilful  in  philosophy,  was 
 ready  to  betake  himself  to  make  his  defence  against  those  accusations  ;  hut  Caius  prohibited 
 him,  and  hade  him  be  gone;  he  was  also  in  such  a  rage,  that  it  openly  appeared  he  was  about 
 to  do  them  some  very  great  mischief.  So  Philo  being  thus  affronted,  went  out,  and  said  to 
 those  Jews  who  were  about  him,  that  "  they  should  be  of  good  courage,  since  Caius'  words 
 indeed  shewed  anger  at  them,  but  in  reality  had  already  set  God  against  himself." 
 
 2.  Hereupon  Caius,  taking  it  very  heinously  that  he  should  be  thus  despised  by  the  Jews 
 alone,  sent  Petronius  to  be  president  of  Syria,  and  successor  in  the  government  to  Mtellius, 
 and  gave  him  order  to  make  an  invasion  into  Judea  with  a  great  body  of  troops ;  and,  if  they 
 would  admit  of  his  statue  willingly,  to  erect  it  in  the  temple  of  God  ;  but,  if  they  were  obsti- 
 nate, to  conquer  them  by  war,  and  then  to  do  it.  Accordingly,  Potronius  took  the  government 
 of  Syria,  and  made  haste  to  obey  Cassar's  epistle.  Me  got  together  as  great  a  number  of  auxi- 
 liaries as  he  possibly  could,  and  took  with  him  two  legions  of  the  Roman  army,  and  came  to 
 Ptolpmais,  and  there  wintered,  as  intending  lo  set  about  the  war  in  the  spring.  He  also  wrote 
 word  to  Caius  what  he  had  resolved  to  do,  who  commended  him  for  his  alacrity,  and  ordered 
 him  to  go  on,  and  to  make  war  with  them,  in  case  they  would  not  obey  his  coratnands.  But 
 there  came  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Jews  to  Petronius,  to  Ptolemais,  to  offer  tiieir  petitions 
 to  him,  that  "  he  would  not  compel  them  to  transgress  and  violate  the  law  of  their  forefithers  ; 
 but  if  (said  they)  thou  art  entirely  resolved  to  bring  this  statne,  and  erect  it,  do  thou  first  kill 
 us,  and  then  do  what  thou  hast  resolved  on ;  for,  while  we  are  alive,  we  cannot  permit  such 
 things  as  are  forbidden  us  to  be  done  by  the  authority  of  our  legislator,  and  by  our  forefathers' 
 determination,  that  such  prohibitions  are  instances  of  virtue."  But  Petronius  was  angry  at 
 them,  and  said,  "  If  indeed  I  were  myself  emperor,  and  were  at  liberty  to  follow  my  own 
 inclination,  and  then  had  designed  to  act  thus,  these  your  words  would  be  Justly  spoken  to  me ; 
 but  now  Cwsar  hath  sent  to  me,  I  am  under  the  necessity  of  being  subservient  to  his  decrees, 
 because  a  disobedience  to  them  will  bring  upon  me  inevitable  destruction."  Then  the  Jews 
 replied,  "Since,  therefore,  thou  art  so  disposed,  O  Petronius!  that  thou  wilt  not  disobey 
 Caius'  epistles,  neither  will  we  transgress  the  commands  of  onr  law;  and  as  we  depend  upon 
 the  excellency  of  our  laws,  and  by  the  laboiirs  of  our  ancestors,  have  continued  hitherto  with- 
 out suffering  them  to  be  transgressed,  we  dare  not  by  any  means  suffer  ourselves  to  be  so 
 timorous  as  to  transgress  those  laws  out  of  the  fear  of  death,  which  God  hath  determined  are 
 for  our  advantage  ;  and,  if  we  fall  into  misfortunes,  we  will  bear  them,  in  order  to  preserve  our 
 laws,  as  knowing,  that  those  who  expose  themselves  to  dangers,  have  good  hope  of  escaping 
 them,  because  God  will  stand  on  onr  side,  whfn,  out  of  regard  lo  him,  we  undergo  afilictions, 
 and  sustain  the  uncertain  turns  of  fortune.     But,   if  we  should  submit  to  thee,  we  should  be 
 
 •  This  is  a  most  remarkable  chapter,  as  cmitaining  such  instances  of  the  interposinon  of  Providence,  as 
 have  lieen  always  very  rare  among  the  other  idolatrous  nations,  but  of  old  very  many  among  the  posterity  of 
 Ahraham,  the  worshippers  of  the  true  (jod  ;  nor  do  these  seem  much  inferior  to  those  in  the  Old  Testament, 
 which  are  the  more  remarkatile,  because  among  all  oiher  follies  and  vices,  thii  .lews  were  not  at  this 
 tini.  idolaters;  and  the  deliverances  here  mentioned,  were  done  in  order  to  prevent  their  relapse  into 
 idolatry. 
 
 +  losephus  here  assures  us,  that  the  ambassadors  from  Alexandria  to  Caius  were  on  each  part  no  more  than 
 three  in  number,  for  the  .lews,  and  for  the  Gentiles,  which  arc  but  six  in  all :  whereas  Philo.  who  was  the 
 principal  amba-ssador  from  the  Jews,  as  .losephus  here  confesses,  (as  was  Apion  from  the  (lentiles,)  says,  tho 
 Jews' ambassadors  were  themselves  no  fewer  than  five,  towards  the  end  of  his  legation  to  Caius  ;  wliich, 
 if  there  be  no  mistake  in  the  copies,  must  be  supposed  the  truth  :  nor,  in  that  casL,  would  Josophus  have 
 contradicted  so  authentic  a  witness,  had  he  seen  iliat  account  of  Philo's :  which  that  he  ever  did,  does  not 
 appear. 
 
 I  This  Alexander  the  alabarch,  or  governor  of  the  Jews  at  Alexandria,  and  brother  to  Philo,  is  supposed 
 by  Bishop  Pearson,  in  Act.  Apost.  p.  41,  42.  to  be  the  same  witii  that  Alexauckr  who  is  menlioued  by  St. 
 Luke,  as  of  the  kindred  of  the  high  liiests,  Acts  iv.  6. 
 
 3o 
 
474  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 greatlj  reproached  for  our  cowardice,  as  thereby  shewing  ourselves  ready  to  transgress  our 
 law;  and  we  should  incur  the  great  anger  of  God  also,  who,  even  thyself  being  judge,  is 
 superior  to  Cains." 
 
 3.  When  Pelronius  saw  by  their  words  that  their  determination  was  hard  to  be  removed, 
 and  that,  without  a  war,  he  should  not  be  able  to  be  subservient  to  Caius  in  the  dedication  of 
 his  statue,  and  tbat  there  must  be  a  great  deal  of  bloodshed,  he  took  his  friends,  and  the  ser- 
 vants that  were  about  him,  and  hasted  to  Tiberius,  as  wanting  to  know  in  what  posture  the 
 affairs  of  the  Jews  were ;  and  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Jews  met  Petronius  again,  when  he 
 was  come  to  Tiberius.  These  thought  they  must  ran  a  mighty  hazard  if  they  should  have  a 
 war  with  the  Romans,  but  judged  that  the  transgression  of  the  law  was  of  mnch  greater  con- 
 sequence, and  made  supplication  to  him,  that  he  would  by  no  means  reduce  them  to  such  dis- 
 tresses, nor  defile  their  city  with  the  dedication  of  the  statue.  Then  Petronius  said  to  them, 
 "Will  you  then  make  war  with  Caesar,  without  considering  his  great  preparations  for  war,  and 
 yonr  own  weakness?"  They  replied,  "  We  will  not  by  any  means  make  war  with  him,  but 
 still  we  will  die  before  we  see  our  laws  transgressed."  So  they  threw  themselves  down  upon 
 their  faces,  and  stretched  out  their  throats,  and  said  they  were  ready  to  be  slain;  and  this  they 
 did  for  forty  days  together,  and  in  the  mean  time  left  off  the  tilling  of  their  ground,  and  that 
 while  the  season  of  the  year  required  them  to  sow  it.*  Thus  they  continued  firm  in  their  reso- 
 lution, and  proposed  to  themselves  to  die  willingly,  rather  than  to  see  the  dedication  of  the 
 statue. 
 
 4.  When  matters  were  in  this  state,  Aristobulus,  king  Agrippa's  brother,  and  Helcias  the 
 Great,  and  the  other  principal  men  of  that  family  with  them,  went  in  unto  Petronius,  and 
 besought  him,  that  "  since  he  saw  the  resolution  of  the  multitude,  be  would  not  make  any 
 alteration,  and  thereby  drive  them  to  despair;  but  would  write  to  Caius,  that  the  Jews  had  an 
 insuperable  aversion  to  the  reception  of  the  statue,  and  how  they  continued  with  hira,  and  left 
 off  the  tillage  of  their  ground  :  that  they  were  not  willing  to  go  to  war  with  him,  because  they 
 were  not  able  to  do  it,  but  were  ready  to  die  with  pleasure,  rather  than  suffer  their  laws  to  be 
 transgressed  :  and  bow,  upon  the  lands  continuing  unsown,  robberies  would  grow  up,  on  the 
 inability  they  would  be  under  of  paying  their  tributes  ;  and  that  perhaps  Caius  might  be  thereby 
 moved  to  pity,  and  not  order  any  barbarous  action  to  be  done  to  them,  nor  think  of  destroying 
 the  nation;  that  if  he  continues  inflexible  in  his  former  opinion  to  bring  a  war  upon  them,  he 
 may  then  set  about  it  himself."  And  thus  did  Aristobulus,  and  the  rest  with  him,  supplicate 
 Petronius.  So  Petrouius,t  partly  on  account  of  the  pressing  instances  which  Aristobulus  and 
 the  rest  with  him  made,  and  because  of  the  great  consequence  of  what  they  desired,  and  the 
 earnestness  wherewith  they  made  their  supplication ;  partly  on  account  of  the  firmness  of  the 
 opposition  made  by  the  Jews,  which  he  saw,  while  he  thought  it  an  horrible  thing  for  him  to 
 be  such  a  slave  to  the  madness  of  Caius,  as  to  slay  so  many  ten  thousand  men,  only  because 
 of  their  religious  disposition  towards  God,  and  after  that  to  pass  his  life  in  expectation  of 
 punishment:  Petronius,  I  say,  thought  it  much  better  to  send  to  Caius,  and  to  let  him  know 
 how  iutolerable  it  was  to  him  to  bear  the  anger  he  might  have  against  hira  for  not  serving  him 
 sooner,  in  obedience  to  his  epistle,  for  that  perhaps  he  might  persuade  him  :  and  that  if  this 
 mad  resolution  continued,  he  might  then  begin  the  war  against  them  ;  nay,  that  in  case  he 
 bhould  turn  bis  hatred  against  himself,  it  was  fit  for  virtuous  persons  even  to  die  fof  the  sake 
 of  such  vast  multitudes  of  men.  Accordingly,  he  determined  to  hearken  to  the  petitioners  in 
 (his  matter. 
 
 5.  He  then  called  the  Jews  together  to  Tiberius,  who  came,  many  ten  thousands  in  number ; 
 lie  also  placed  that  army  he  now  had  with  him  opposite  to  them  ;  hot  did  not  discover  his  own 
 meaning,  but  the  commands  of  the  emperor,  and  told  them,  that  "  his  wrath  would,  without 
 delay,  be  executed  on  &uch  as  bad  the  courage  to  disobey  what  he  had  commanded,  and  this 
 immediately  ;  and  that  it  was  fit  for  him,  who  had  obtained  so  great  a  dignity  by  bis  grant,  not 
 to  contradict  him  in  any  thing ;  yet,"  said  he,  "  I  do  not  think  it  just  to  have  such  a  regard 
 to  my  own  safety  and  honour,  as  to  refuse  to  sacrifice  them  for  your  preservation,  who  are  so 
 many  in  number,  and  endeavour  to  preserve  the  regard  that  is  due  to  your  law,  which  as  it 
 hath  come  down  to  you  from  your  forefathers,  so  do  you  esteem  it  worthy  of  your  utmost  con- 
 tention to  preserve  it;  nor,  with  the  supreme  assistance  and  power  of  God,  will  I  be  so  hardy 
 as  to  suffer  your  temple  to  fall  into  contempt  by  the  means  of  the  imperial  authority.  I  will, 
 therefore,  send  to  Caius,  and  let  him  know  what  your  resolutions  are,  and  will  assist  your  suit 
 as  far  as  I  am  able  ;  that  you  may  not  be  exposed  to  suffer  on  account  of  the  honest  designs  yon 
 have  proposed  to  yourselves  ;  and  may  God  be  your  assistant,  for  his  authority  is  beyond  all 
 the  contrivance  and  power  of  men,  and  may  he  procure  you  the  preservation  of  your  ancient 
 
 *  What  .Tosephus  here,  and  $  6.  relates  as  done  by  the  .lews,  before  seed-time,  is  in  Philo  not  far  off  the 
 time  when  the  com  was  ripe,  who,  as  Le  Clerc  notes,  difiFer  here  one  from  the  other.  '1  his  is  another  indi- 
 cation that  .losephus,  when  he  wrote  this  account,  had  not  seen  Philo's  Legal,  ad  Caium,  otherwise  he  would 
 hardly  liave  herein  diflfered  from  him. 
 
 t  Tliis  Publius  Petronius  was  after  this  still  president  of  Syria,  under  Claudius,  and,  at  the  desire  of  Agrippa, 
 published  a  severe  decree  against  the  inhabitants  of  15ora,  who,  in  a  sort  of  imitation  of  Caius,  had  set  up  a 
 statue  of  Claudius  in  a  Jewish  synagogue  there.  J  his  decree  is  extant,  b.  x'lx.  chap.  vi.  ^  3.  and  greatly 
 confirms  the  present  accounts  of  J  osephus,  as  do  the  other  decrees  of  Claudius,  relating  to  the  like  Jewish 
 affairs,  b.  xix.  chap.  v.  5  2,  3.  to  which  I  refer  the  inquisitive  reader 
 
BOOK  XVIII.  — CHAP     VIII.  475 
 
 jaws,  and  maj  not  he  be  deprived,  though  without  your  consent,  of  his  accustomed  honours. 
 But  if  Caius  be  irritated,  and  turn  the  violence  of  his  rage  upon  me,  I  will  ratlier  undergo 
 all  that  danger  and  that  afilictiou  that  may  come  either  upon  my  body  or  my  soul,  than  to  see 
 BO  many  of  you  to  perish,  while  you  are  acting  in  so  excellent  a  manner.  Do  you,  therefore, 
 every  one  of  you,  go  your  way  about  your  own  occupations,  and  fall  to  the  cultivation  of  your 
 ground  ;  I  will  myself  send  to  Rome,  and  will  not  refuse  to  serve  you  in  all  things,  both  by 
 myself  and  by  my  friends." 
 
 6.  When  Petronius  bad  said  this,  and  bad  dismissed  the  assembly  of  the  Jews,  he  desired 
 the  principal  of  them  to  take  care  of  their  husbandry,  and  to  speak  kindly  to  the  people,  and 
 encourage  them  to  have  a  good  hope  of  their  affairs.  Thus  did  he  readily  bring  the  multitude 
 to  be  cheerful  again.  And  now  did  God  shew  his  presence*  to  Petronius,  and  signify  to  him, 
 that  he  would  aflbrd  him  his  assistance  in  his  whole  design  ;  for  he  had  no  sooner  finished  the 
 speech  that  he  Kiade  to  the  Jews,  but  God  sent  down  great  showers  of  rain,  contrary  to  human 
 expectation,  for  that  day  was  a  clear  day,  and  gave  no  sign,  by  the  appearance  of  the  sky,  of 
 any  rain ;  nay,  the  whole  year  had  been  subject  to  a  great  drought,  and  made  men  despair  of 
 any  water  from  above,  even  when  at  any  time  they  saw  the  heavens  overcast  with  clouds  ; 
 iDSoraDch,  that  when  such  a  great  quantity  of  rain  came,  and  tliat  in  an  unusual  manner,  and 
 without  any  other  expectation  of  it,  the  Jews  hoped  that  Petronius  would  by  no  means  fail  in 
 his  petition  for  them.  But  as  to  Petronius,  he  was  mightily  surprised  when  be  perceived  tliat 
 God  evidently  took  care  of  the  Jews,  and  gave  very  plain  signs  of  his  appearance, t  and  this 
 to  such  a  degree,  that  those  that  were  in  earnest  much  inclined  to  the  contrary,  had  no  power 
 left  to  contradict  it.  This  was  also  among  those  other  particulars  which  he  wrote  to  Caius, 
 which  all  tended  to  dissuade  him,  and  by  all  means  to  entreat  him  not  to  make  so  many  ten 
 tbousands  of  these  men  go  distracted,  whom  if  he  should  slay,  (for  without  war  ihey  would 
 by  no  means  suffer  the  laws  of  their  worship  to  be  set  aside,)  he  would  lose  the  revenue  they 
 paid  him,  and  would  be  publicly  cursed  by  them  for  all  future  ages.  Moreover,  that  God, 
 who  was  their  governor,  bad  shewn  his  power  most  evidently  on  their  account,  and  that  such 
 a  power  of  his  as  left  no  room  for  doubt  about  it.  And  this  was  the  business  that  Petronius 
 was  now  engaged  in. 
 
 7.  But  king  Agrippa,  who  now  lived  at  Rome,  was  more  and  more  in  the  favour  of  Caius  ; 
 and  when  he  had  once  made  him  a  supper,  and  was  careful  to  exceed  all  others,  both  in 
 expenses  and  in  such  preparations  as  might  contribute  most  to  his  pleasure  ;  nay,  it  was  so  far 
 from  the  ability  of  others,  that  Caius  himself  could  never  equal,  much  less  exceed  it,  (such  care 
 Lad  he  taken  beforehand  to  exceed  all  men,  and  particularly  to  make  all  agreeable  to  Ca?sar  :) 
 hereupon  Caius  admired  his  understandiug  and  magnificence,  that  he  should  force  himself  to  do 
 all  to  please  him,  even  beyond  such  expenses  as  he  could  bear,  and  was  desirous  not  to  be 
 behind  with  Agrippa  in  that  generosity  which  be  exerted  in  order  to  please  him.  So  Caius, 
 when  he  had  drunk  wine  plentifully,  and  was  merrier  than  ordinary,  said  thus  during  the  feast, 
 when  Agrippa  had  drunk  to  him  :  "  I  knew  before  now  how  great  a  respect  thou  hast  had  for 
 me, I  and  how  great  kindness  thou  hast  shewn  me,  though  with  those  hazards  to  thyself,  which 
 thou  underwentest  under  Tiberius  on  that  account;  nor  hast  thou  omitted  any  thing  to  shew 
 thy  good-will  towards  us,  even  beyond  thy  ability ;  whence  it  would  be  a  base  thing  for  me  to 
 be  conquered  by  thy  afi'ection.  I  am  therefore  desirous  to  make  thee  amends  for  every  thing 
 in  which  I  have  been  formerly  deficient,  for  all  that  I  have  bestowed  on  thee,  that  may  be 
 called  my  gifts,  is  but  little.  Every  thing  that  may  contribute  to  thy  happiness  shall  be  at  thy 
 service,  and  that  cheerfully,  and  so  far  as  my  ability  will  reach."  And  this  was  what  Caius  said 
 to  Agrippa,  thinking  he  would  ask  for  some  large  country,  or  the  revenues  of  certain  cities. 
 But,  although  he  had  prepared  beforehand  what  he  would  ask,  yet  had  he  not  discovered  his 
 intentions,  but  made  this  answer  to  Caius  immediately,  that,  "  it  was  not  out  of  any  expecta- 
 tion of  gain  that  he  formerly  paid  bis  respects  to  him,  contrary  to  the  commands  of  Tiberius, 
 nor  did  he  now  do  any  thing  relating  to  him  out  of  regard  to  his  own  advantage,  and  in  order 
 to  receive  any  thing  from  him  :  that  the  gifts  he  had  already  bestowed  upon  him  were  great,  and 
 beyond  the  hopes  of  even  a  craving  man  ;  for,  although  they  may  be  beneath  thy  power,  [who 
 art  the  donor,]  yet  are  they  greater  than  my  inclination  and  dignity,  who  am  the  receiver." 
 And,  as  Caius  was  astonished  at  Agrippa's  inclinations,  and  still  the  more  pressed  him  to  make 
 his  request  for  somewhat  which  he  might  gratify  him  with,  Agrippa  replied,  "Since  thou,  O 
 my  lord !  declarest  such  is  thy  readiness  to  grant,  that  I  am  worthy  of  thy  gifts,  I  will  ask 
 nothing  relating  to  my  own  felicity  ;  for  what  thou  hast  already  bestowed  on  me  has  made  me 
 excel  therein  ;  but  I  desire  somewhat  which  may  make  thee  glorious  for  piety,  and  render  the 
 Divinity  assistant  to  thy  designs,  and  may  be  for  an  honour  to  me  among  those  that  inquire 
 about  it,  as  shewing  that  I  never  once   fail  of  obtaining  what  I  desire  of  thee;  for  my  petition 
 
 *  Josophus  here  uses  the  solemn  ?Jew  Testament  words  parmisia  and  epiphanein,  the  prcfe7ice  and  appear- 
 ance  of  Clod,  for  the  extraordinary  manifestation  of  his  power  and  providence  to  Petronius,  by  sendiiitjrain 
 in  a  lime  of  distress,  immediately  upon  the  resolution  he  had  taken  to  preserve  the  temple  unpolluted,  at  the 
 hazard  of  his  own  life,  without  any  other  miraculous  appearance  at  all  in  that  case,  which  well  deserves  to 
 be  taken  notice  of  here,  and  greatly  illustrates  several  texts,  both  iu  the  Old  and  New  XeBtament. 
 
 t  See  the  preceding  note. 
 
 t  This  behaviour  of  Caius  to  Afp-ippa.  is  very  like  that  of  Ilerod  Antipas,  his  uncle,  to  Uerodias,  Agrippa's 
 Bister,  about  John  the  Baptist,  Matt.  xiv.&— 11. 
 
478  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 is  tbis,  That  thou  wilt  no  longer  think  of  the  dedication  of  that  statue  which  thou  hast  oniered 
 to  be  set  up  in  the  Jewish  temple  bj  Petronins." 
 
 8.  And  thus  did  Agrippa  venture  to  cast  the  die  upon  this  occasion,  so  great  was  the  aflair 
 in  his  opinion,  and  in  reality  though  he  knew  how  dangerous  a  thing  it  was  so  to  speak  ;  for, 
 hadnot  Cains  approved  of  it,  it  had  tended  to  no  less  than  the  loss  of  his  life.  So  Caius,  who 
 was  mightily  taken  with  Agrippa's  obliging  behaviour,  and  on  other  accounts  thinking  it  a  dis- 
 honourable thing  to  be  guilty  of  falsehood  before  so  raanj  witnesses,  in  points  wherein  he  had 
 with  such  alacrity  forced  Agrippa  to  become  a  petitioner,  and  that  it  would  look  as  if  he  had 
 already  repented  of  what  he  had  said,  and  because  he  greatly  admired  Agrippa's  virtue,  in  not 
 desiring  him  at  all  to  augment  his  own  dominions,  either  with  large  revenues,  or  other  autho- 
 rity, but  took  care  of  the  public  tranquillity,  of  the  laws,  and  of  the  Divinity  itself,  he  granted 
 him  what  he  had  requested.  He  also  wrote  thus  to  Petronius,  commending  him  for  assem- 
 bling his  army,  and  tiien  consulting  him  about  these  affairs.  "  If,  therefore,  (said  he,)  thou  hast 
 already  erected  my  statue,  let  it  stand;  but,  if  thou  hast  not  yet  dedicated  it,  do  not  trouble 
 thyself  farther  about  it,  but  dismiss  thy  army,  go  back,  and  take  care  of  those  affairs  which  I 
 sent  thee  about  at  first,  for  I  have  now  no  occasion  for  the  erection  of  that  statue.  This  I  have 
 granted  as  a  favour  to  Agrippa,  a  man  whom  I  honour  so  very  greatly,  that  I  am  not  able  to 
 contradict  what  he  would  have,  or  what  he  desired  nie  to  do  for  him."  And  this  is  what  Cains 
 wrote  to  Petronius,  which  was  before  he  received  his  letter,  informing  liini  that  the  Jews  were 
 very  ready  to  revolt  about  the  statue,  and  that  they  seemed  resolved  to  threaten  war  against 
 the  Romans,  and  nothing  else.  When  therefore  Caiiit  was  much  displeased  that  any  attempt 
 should  be  made  against  his  government,  as  he  was  a  slave  to  base  and  vicious  actions  on  all 
 occasions,  and  had  no  regard  to  what  was  virtuous  and  honourable,  and  against  whomsoever 
 he  resolved  to  shew  his  anger,  and  that  for  any  case  whatsoever,  he  suffered  not  himself  to  be 
 restrained  by  any  admonition,  but  thouiiht  the  indulging  his  anger  to  be  a  real  pleasure,  he 
 wrote  thus  to  Petronius  :  "  Seeing  thou  esteeraest  the  presents  made  thee  by  the  Jews  to  be 
 of  greater  value  than  my  commands,  and  art  grown  insolent  enough  to  be  subservient  to  their 
 pleasure,  I  charge  thee  to  become  thy  own  judge,  and  to  consider  what  thou  art  to  do,  now 
 thou  art  under  my  displeasure  ;  for  I  will  make  thee  an  example  to  the  present  and  to  all  future 
 ages,  that  they  may  not  dare  to  contradict  the  commands  of  their  emperor." 
 
 9.  That  was  the  epistle  which  Caius  wrote  to  Petronius,  but  Petronius  did  not  receive  It 
 while  Caius  was  alive,  that  ship  which  carried  it  sailed  so  slow,  that  other  letters  came  to 
 Petronius  before  this,  by  which  he  understood  that  Caius  was  dead  ;  for  God  would  not  forget 
 the  dangers  Petronius  had  undertaken  on  account  of  the  Jews,  and  of  his  own  honour.  But 
 when  he  had  taken  Caius  away,  out  of  his  indignation  of  what  he  had  so  insolently  attempted 
 in  assuming  to  himself  divine  worship,  both  Rome  and  all  that  dominion  couspired  with  Petro- 
 nius, especially  those  that  were  of  the  senatorian  <irder,  to  give  Caius  his  <lue  reward,  because 
 he  had  been  unmercifully  severe  to  them  ;  for  he  ditd  not  long  after  he  had  written  to  Petro- 
 nius that  epistle  which  threatened  him  with  death.  But  as  for  the  occasion  of  his  death,  and 
 the  nature  of  the  plot  against  him,  I  shall  relate  liiem  iu  the  progress  of  this  narration.  Now, 
 that  epistle  which  informed  Petronius  of  Cnius's  death,  came  first,  and  a  little  afterward  came 
 that  which  commanded  him  to  kill  himself  wiih  hi .  osvn  hands.  Whereupon  he  rejoiced  at 
 this  coincidence  as  to  the  death  of  Caius,  and  admired  God's  providence,  who  without  theleast 
 delay,  and  immediately,  gave  him  a  reward  fur  the  reg-ird  he  had  to  the  temple,  and  the  assist- 
 ance he  afforded  the  Jews  for  avoiding  the  dangers  they  were  in.  And  by  this  means  Petro- 
 nius escaped  the  danger  of  death,  which  he  could  not  foresee. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 What  befell  the  Jetvs  that  were  in  Babylon,  on  occasion  of  Asineus  and  Anileus,  two  Brothers. 
 
 §  1.  A  very  sad  calamity  now  befell  the  Jews  that  were  in  Mesopotamia,  and  especially  those 
 that  dwelt  in  Babvtonia.  Inferior  it  was  to  none  of  the  calamities  which  had  gone  before,  and 
 came  together  with  a  great  slaughter  of  them,  and  that  greater  than  any  upon  record  before; 
 concerning  all  which  I  shall  speak  accurately,  and  shall  explain  the  occasions  whence  those 
 miseries  came  upon  them.  There  was  a  city  in  Babylonia  called  Neerda;  not  only  a  very 
 populous  one,  but  one  that  had  a  good  and  a  large  territory  about  it,  and,  besides  its  other 
 advantages,  full  of  men  also.  It  was,  besides,  not  easily  to  be  assaulted  by  enemies,  Ironi  the 
 river  Euplirates  encompassing  it  all  round,  and  from  the  walls  that  were  built  about  it.  There 
 was  also  the  city  Nisihis,  situate  on  the  same  current  of  the  river.  For  which  reason,  the 
 Jews,  depending  on  the  natural  strength  of  these  places,  deposited  in  them  that  half  shekel 
 which  every  one,  by  the  custom  of  our  country,  offers  unto  God,  as  well  as  they  did  other 
 things  devoted  to  him,  for  they  made  use  of  these  cities  as  a  treasury,  whence,  at  a  proper 
 lime,  they  were  transmitted  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  many  ten  thousand  men  undertook  the  carriage 
 of  those  donations,  out  of  fear  of  the  ravages  of  the  Partliians,  to  whom  the  Babylonians  were 
 then  subject.  Now,  there  were  two  men,  Asineus  and  Anileus,  of  the  city  Neerda  by  birth, 
 and  brethren  to  one  another.  They  were  destitute  of  a  father,  and  their  mother  put  them  to 
 learn  the  art  of  weaving  curtains,  it  not  being  esteemed  a  disgrace  among  them  for  men  to  be 
 
BOOK    XVIII. — CHAP.    IX.  477 
 
 weavers  of  clotli.  Now,  he  that  taught  them  that  art,  and  was  set  over  them,  complained  that 
 tliey  came  too  late  to  their  woik,  and  punished  them  with  stripes  :  but  they  took  this  just 
 punishment  as  an  ailront,  and  cariied  ofl'  all  the  weapons  which  were  kept  in  that  house,  which 
 were  not  a  few,  and  went  into  a  certain  place  where  was  a  partition  of  the  rivers,  and  was  a 
 place  naturally  very  fit  for  the  feeding  of  cattle,  and  fur  preserving  such  fruits  as  were  usually 
 laid  up  against  winter.  The  poorest  sort  of  the  young  men  also  resorted  to  tliem,  whom  they 
 armed  with  the  weapons  they  had  gotten,  and  became  their  captains  ;  and  nothing  hindered 
 them  flora  being  their  leaders  into  mischief;  for,  as  soon  as  they  were  become  invincible,  and 
 Lad  built  them  a  citadel,  they  sent  to  such  as  fed  cattle,  and  ordered  them  to  pay  them  so  much 
 trihiite  out  of  them  as  might  be  suflicient  for  their  maintenance,  proposing  also  that  they  would 
 be  their  friends  if  they  would  submit  to  tliem,  and  that  they  would  defend  them  from  all  their 
 (ilher  enemies  on  every  side,  but  that  they  would  kill  all  the  cattle  of  those  that  refused  to 
 obey  them.  So  tliey  hearkened  to  their  proposals,  (for  they  could  do  nothing  else,)  and  sent 
 them  as  many  sheep  as  were  required  of  tliem,  whereby  their  forces  grew  greater,  and  they 
 became  lords  over  all  they  pleased,  because  they  marched  suddenly,  and  did  them  a  mischief, 
 insomuch,  that  every  body  who  had  to  do  with  tlietn,  chose  to  pay  them  respect,  and  they 
 became  formidable  to  such  as  cair.e  to  assault  them,  till  the  report  about  them  came  to  the 
 ears  of  the  king  of  Parthia  himself. 
 
 2.  But  when  the  governor  of  Babylonia  understood  this,  and  had  a  mind  to  put  a  slop  to 
 them  before  tliey  grew  greater,  and  before  greater  mischiefs  should  arise  from  them,  he  got 
 tOj^elher  as  great  an  army  as  lie  could,  both  of  Parthians  and  Babylonians,  and  marched  against 
 them,  thinking  to  attack  them,  and  destroy  them  before  any  one  should  carry  them  the  news 
 that  he  had  got  an  army  together,  lie  tlien  encamped  kt  a  lake,  and  lay  slill  ;  but,  on  the 
 next  day,  (it  was  the  Sabbath,  which  is  among  the  Jews  a  day  of  rest  from  all  sorts  of  wf.rk,) 
 lie  supposed  that  the  enemy  would  not  dare  to  fight  liini  ihereoii,  but  that  he  would  take  tliein 
 and  carry  tlieiri  away  prisoners  without  fighting.  He  therefore  proceeded  gradually,  and 
 thought  to  fall  upon  them  on  the  sudden.  Now  Asineus  was  sitting  with  the  rest,  and  their 
 veapons  lay  by  them  ;  upon  which  he  said,  "  Sirs,  I  hear  a  neighing  of  horses  ;  not  of  such  as 
 are  feeding,  but  such  as  have  men  on  their  backs  ;  I  also  hear  such  a  noise  of  their  bridles, 
 that  I  am  afraid  that  some  enemies  are  coming  upon  us  to  encompass  us  round.  However, 
 let  somebody  go  to  look  about,  and  make  report  of  what  reality  there  is  in  the  present  state  of 
 tilings  ;*  and  may  what  I  have  said  prove  a  false  alarm."  And  when  he  said  this,  some  of 
 them  went  to  spy  out  what  was  the  matter,  and  they  came  again  immediately  and  said  to  him,  that 
 "  neither  hast  thou  been  mistaken  in  telling  us  what  ourenemies  were  doing,  nor  will  those  enemies 
 permit  us  to  be  injurious  to  people  any  longer.  We  are  caught  by  their  intrigues  like  brute 
 beasts,  and  there  is  a  large  body  of  cavalry  marching  upon  us,  while  we  are  destitute  of  hands 
 to  defend  ourselves  withal,  because  we  are  restrained  from  doing  it  by  the  prohibition  of  our 
 law,  which  obliges  us  to  rest  [on  this  day."]  But  Asineus  did  not  by  any  means  agree  with 
 the  opinion  of  his  spy  as  to  what  was  to  be  done,  but  thought  it  more  agreeable  to  the  law  to 
 pluck  up  their  spirits  in  this  necessity  they  were  fallen  into,  and  break  their  law  by  avenging 
 themselves,  although  they  should  die  in  the  action,  than  by  doing  nothing,  to  please  their  ene- 
 mies in  submitting  to  be  slain  by  them.  Accordingly,  he  took  up  his  weapons,  and  infused 
 courage  into  those  that  were  with  Lim  to  act  as  courageously  as  himself.  So  they  fell  upon 
 their  enemies,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  because  they  despised  them,  and  came  as  to  a 
 certain  victory,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight. 
 
 :{.  But  when  the  news  of  this  fight  came  to  the  king  of  Parthia,  he  was  surprised  at  the 
 boldness  of  these  brethren,  and  was  desirous  to  see  them,  and  speak  with  them.  He  therefore 
 sent  the  most  trusty  of  all  his  guards  to  say  thus  to  them,  "That  king  Artabanus,  although  he 
 Iiath  been  unjustly  treated  by  you,  who  have  made  an  attempt  against  his  government,  yet  hath 
 he  more  regard  to  your  courageous  behaviour  than  to  the  anger  be  bears  to  you,  and  hath  sent 
 me  to  give  you  his  right  hand,t  and  security,  and  he  permits  you  to  come  to  him  safely,  and 
 without  any  violence  upon  the  road,  and  he  wants  to  have  yon  address  yourselves  to  him  as 
 friends,  without  meaning  any  guile  or  dereit  to  ynu.  He  also  promises  to  make  you  presents, 
 and  to  pay  you  those  respects  which  will  make  an  addition  of  his  power  to  your  courage,  and 
 thereby  be  of  advantage  to  you."  Yet  did  Asineus  himself  put  oil'  his  journey  thither,  but 
 sent  his  brother  Anileus  with  all  such  presents  as  he  could  procure.  So  he  went,  and  was 
 admitted  to  the  king's  presence;  and  when  Artabanus  saw  Anileus  coming  alone,  he  inquired 
 into  the  reason  why  Asineus  avoided  to  come  along  with  him  ;  and  when  be  understood  that 
 he  was  afraid,  and  staid  by  the  lake,  he  took  an  oath  by  the  gods  of  his  country,  that  he  would 
 do  them  no  barm,  if  they  came  to  him  upon  the  assurances  he  gave  (hem,  and  gave  them  his 
 right  hand.t     'i'his  is  of  the  greatest  force  there  with  all  these  barbarians,  and   alVords  a  firm 
 
 •  Eue.'lekoion  is  litre,  and  in  very  maiiv  other  places  of  Jnseyilius,  '  immediately  at  band,'  nnd  is  to  be  .'o 
 expounded,  2  rhtss.ii.2.  when  some  faUVlv  pretended  that  .St.  Paul  had  said,  either  by  word  of  moulh  or  by 
 an  ei)istle,  or  l)y  both,  that  '  the  day  of  C'hribt  was  immediately  at  hand ;'  for  still  St.  Paul  did  then  plainly 
 think  that  day  not  very  many  years  future. 
 
 +  The  joining  of  the  right  hands  was  esteemed  among  the  Persians  [and  Parthinns]  in  particular,  a  most 
 inviolable  obliyation  to  fidelity,  as  Dr.  Umtson  here  observes,  and  refers  to  the  Comment,  on  Justin,  b.  xi. 
 chap.  XV.  for  its  confirmation.    We  often  meet  with  the  like  use  of  it  in  Josephus. 
 
 \  See  (ho  tibore  note. 
 
478  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 security  to  those  who  converse  with  them  ;  for  none  of  them  will  deceive  yon,  when  once  they 
 have  given  you  their  right  hands,  nor  will  any  one  doubt  of  their  fidelity,  when  that  is  once 
 given,  even  though  they  were  before  suspected  of  injustice.  When  Artabanus  had  done  thi?, 
 he  sent  away  Aniieus  to  persuade  his  brotiier  to  come  to  Lira.  Now  this  the  kingdid,  becaute 
 he  wanted  to  curb  his  own  governors  of  provinces  by  the  courage  of  these  Jewish  brethreti 
 lest  they  should  make  a  league  with  them  ;  for  they  were  reaiiy  for  a  revolt,  and  were  disposed 
 to  rebel,  had  they  been  sent  on  an  expedition  against  them.  He  was  also  afraid,  lest,  when 
 he  was  engaged  in  a  war  in  order  to  subdue  those  governors  of  provinces  that  had  revolted, 
 the  party  of  Asineus,  and  those  in  Babylonia,  should  be  augmented,  and  either  make  war  upon 
 him  when  they  should  hear  of  that  revolt,  or,  if  they  should  be  disappointed  in  that  case,  they 
 would  not  fail  of  doing  farther  mischief  to  him. 
 
 4.  When  ihe  king  had  these  intentions,  he  sent  away  Anilens,  and  Aniieus  prevailed  on  his 
 brother  [to  come  to  the  king,]  when  he  had  related  to  him  the  king's  good-will,  and  the  oath 
 that  he  had  taken.  Accordingly,  they  made  haste  to  go  to  Artabanus,  who  received  them, 
 when  they  were  come,  with  pleasure,  and  admired  Asineus's  courage  in  the  actions  he  had 
 done,  and  this  because  he  was  a  little  man  to  see  to,  and  at  first  sight  appeared  contemptible 
 also,  and  such  as  one  might  deem  a  person  of  no  value  at  all.  He  also  said  to  his  friends, 
 how,  upon  a  comparison,  he  shewed  his  sonl  to  be,  in  all  respects,  superior  to  his  body  ;  and 
 when,  as  they  were  drinking  together,  he  once  shewed  Asineus  to  Abdagases,  one  of  the  gene- 
 rals of  his  army,  and  told  him  his  name,  and  described  the  great  courage  he  was  of  in  war,  and 
 Abdagases  had  desired  leave  to  kill  him,  and  thereby  to  inflict  on  him  a  punishment  for  those 
 injuries  he  had  done  to  the  Parthian  government,  the  king  replied,  "  I  will  never  give  thee  leave 
 to  kill  a  man  who  hath  depended  on  my  faith,  especially  not  after  I  have  sent  him  my  right 
 hand,  and  endeavoured  to  gain  his  belief  by  oaths  made  by  the  gods.  But  if  thou  beest  a  truly 
 warlike  man,  thou  standest  not  in  need  of  my  perjury.  Go  thou  then  and  avenge  the  Parthian 
 government  ;  attack  this  man,  when  he  is  returned  back,  and  conquer  him  by  the  forces  that 
 are  under  thy  command,  without  my  privity."  Hereupon  the  king  called  for  Asineus,  and 
 said  to  him,  "It  is  time  for  thee,  O  tliou  young  man  !  to  return  home,  and  not  provoke  the" 
 indignation  of  the  generals  of  my  army  in  this  place  any  farther,  lest  they  attempt  to  murder 
 thee,  and  that  without  my  approbation.  T  commit  to  thee  the  country  of  Babylonia  in  trust, 
 that  it  may,  by  thy  care,  be  preserved  free  from  robbers,  and  from  other  mischiefs.  I  have 
 kept  my  faith  inviolable  to  thee,  and  that  not  in  trifling  affairs,  but  in  those  that  concerned  thy 
 safety,  and  do  therefore  deserve  thou  shouldest  be  kind  to  me."  When  he  had  said  this, 
 and  given  Asineus  some  presents,  he  sent  him  away  immediately ;  who,  when  he  was  come 
 home,  built  fortresses,  and  became  great  in  a  little  time,  and  managed  things  with  such  courage 
 and  success,  as  no  other  person,  that  had  no  higher  a  beginning,  ever  did  before  him.  Those 
 Parthian  governors  also,  who  were  sent  that  way,  paid  him  great  respect ;  and  the  honour  that 
 was  paid  him  by  the  Babylonians  seemed  to  them  too  small,  and  beneath  his  deserts,  although 
 he  were  in  no  small  dignity  and  power  there;  nay,  indeed,  all  the  affairs  of  Mesopotamia 
 depended  on  him,  and  he  more  and  more  flourished  in  this  happy  condition  of  his  for  fifteen 
 years. 
 
 5.  But  as  their  aflfairs  were  in  so  flourishing  a  state,  there  sprang  up  a  calamity  among  them 
 on  the  following  occasion.  When  once  they  had  deviated  from  that  course  of  virtue  whereby 
 they  had  gained  so  great  power,  they  affronted  and  transgressed  the  laws  of  their  forefathers, 
 and  fell  under  the  dominion  of  their  lusts  and  pleasures.  A  certain  Parthian,  who  came  as 
 general  of  an  army  into  those  parts,  had  a  wife  following  him,  who  had  a  vast  reputation  for 
 other  accomplishments,  and  particularly  was  admired  above  all  other  women  for  her  beauty ; 
 Aniieus,  the  brother  of  Asiueus,  either  heard  of  that  her  beauty  from  others,  or  perhaps  saw 
 her  himself  also,  and  so  became  at  once  her  lover  and  her  enemy;  partl.y  because  he  could  not 
 hope  to  enjoy  this  woman  but  by  obtaining  power  over  her  as  a  captive,  and  partly  because  he 
 thought  he  could  not  conquer  his  inclinations  for  her  ;  as  soon  therefore  as  her  husband  had 
 been  declared  an  enemy  to  them,  and  was  fallen  in  the  battle,  the  widow  of  the  deceased  was 
 married  to  this  her  lover.  However,  this  woman  did  not  come  into  their  house  without  pro- 
 ducing great  misfortunes  both  to  Aniieus  himself,  and  to  Asineus  also,  but  brought  great  mis- 
 chiefs upon  them  on  the  occasion  following.  Since  she  was  led  away  captive,  upon  the  death 
 of  her  husband,  she  concealed  the  images  of  those  gods  which  were  their  country  gods,  com- 
 mon to  her  husband  and  to  herself:  now  it  is  the  custom*  of  that  country  for  all  to  have  the 
 idols  they  worship  in  their  own  houses,  and  to  carry  them  along  with  them  when  they  go  into 
 a  foreign  land,  agreeable  to  which  custom  of  theirs  she  carried  her  idols  with  her.  Now  at 
 first  she  performed  her  worship  to  them  privately,  but  when  she  became  Anileus's  married 
 wife,  she  worshipped  them  in  her  accustomed  manner,  and  with  the  same  appointed  ceremonies 
 which  she  used  in  her  former  husband's  days  ;  upon  which  their  most  esteemed  friends  blamed 
 him  at  first  that  he  did  not  act  after  the  manner  of  the  Hebrews,  nor  perform  what  was  agree- 
 able to  their  laws,  in  marrying  a  foreign  wife,  and  one  that  transgressed  the  accurate  appoint- 
 
 *  This  custom  of  the  IMesopotamians  to  carry  their  household  gods  along  with  them  wherever  they  travelled, 
 is  as  old  as  the  days  of  Jacob,  when  Rachel  his  wife  did  the  same.  Gen.  xxxi.  19.  30—35.  nor  is  it  to  pass 
 here  unobserved,  what  great  miseries  came  on  these  .Tews,  because  they  suffered  one  of  their  leaders  to  marry 
 ED  idolatrous  wife,  contiary  to  the  law  of  Moses.    Of  which  matter  see  the  note  on  b.  xix.  chap.  v.  §  3. 
 
BOOK  XVIII. — CHAP.  IX.  479 
 
 nients  of  their  sacrifices  and  religious  ceremonies  ;  that  he  ought  to  consider,  lest  bv  allowing 
 himself  in  many  pleasures  of  the  body,  be  might  lose  his  principality,  on  account  of  the  beauty 
 of  a  wife,  and  that  high  authority  which,  by  God's  blessing,  he  had  arrived  at.  But,  when 
 they  prevailed  not  at  all  upon  him,  he  slew  one  of  them  for  whom  he  had  the  greatest  respect, 
 because  of  the  liberty  he  took  with  him  ;  who,  when  be  was  dying  out  of  regard  to  the  laws, 
 imprecated  a  punishment  upon  his  murderer,  Aniieas,  and  upon  Asineus  also,  aud  that  ail  their 
 companions  might  come  to  a  like  end  from  their  enemies ;  upon  the  two  first  as  the  principal 
 actors  of  this  wickedness,  and  upon  the  rest  as  those  that  would  not  assist  him  when  he  suf- 
 fered in  the  defence  of  their  laws.  Now  these  latter  were  sorely  grieved,  yet  did  they  tolerate 
 these  doings,  because  they  remembered  that  they  had  arrived  at  their  present  happy  state  by 
 no  other  means  than  their  fortitude.  But  when  they  also  beard  of  the  worship  of  those  gods 
 whom  the  Parthians  adore,  they  thought  the  injury  that  Anileus  offered  to  their  laws  was  to 
 be  borne  no  longer;  and  a  great  number  of  them  came  to  Asineus,  and  loudly  complained  of 
 Anileus,  and  told  him,  that  "  it  had  been  well  tiiat  he  had  of  himself  seen  what  was  advan- 
 tageous to  them,  but  that  however  it  was  now  high  time  to  correct  what  had  been  done  amiss, 
 before  the  crime  that  had  been  committed  proved  the  ruin  of  himself  and  all  the  rest  of  them. 
 They  added,  that  the  marriage  of  this  woman  was  made  without  their  consent,  and  without  a 
 regard  to  their  own  laws  ;  and  that  the  worship  which  this  woman  [paid  to  their  gods]  was  a 
 reproach  to  the  God  whom  they  worshipped."  Now,  Asineus  was  sensible  of  his  brother's 
 ofience,  that  it  had  been  already  the  cause  of  great  mischiefs,  and  would  be  so  for  the  time  to 
 come ;  yet  did  he  tolerate  the  same,  from  the  good-will  he  had  to  so  near  a  relation,  and  forgiv- 
 ing it  to  him,  on  account  that  his  brother  was  quite  overborne  by  liis  wicked  inclinations. 
 But  as  more  and  more  still  came  about  him  every  day,  and  the  clamours  about  it  became 
 greater,  he  at  length  spoke  to  Anileus  about  these  clamours,  reproving  him  for  his  former 
 actions,  and  desiring  him  for  the  future  to  leave  them  off,  and  send  the  woman  back  to  her 
 relations.  But  nothing  was  gained  by  these  reproofs  ;  for,  as  the  woman  perceived  what  a 
 tumult  was  made  among  the  people  on  her  account,  and  was  afraid  for  Anileus,  lest  he  should 
 come  to  any  harm  for  his  love  to  her,  she  infused  poison  into  Asineus'  food,  and  thereby  took 
 him  ofl",  and  was  now  secure  of  prevailing,  when  her  lover  was  to  be  judge  of  what  should  bo 
 done  about  her. 
 
 6.  So  Anileus  took  the  government  upon  himself  alone,  and  led  bis  army  against  the  villages 
 of  Mithridates,  who  was  a  man  of  principal  authority  in  Parthia,  and  had  married  king  Arto- 
 banus'  daughter;  he  also  plundered  them,  and  among  thai  prey  was  found  much  money,  and 
 many  slaves,  as  also  a  great  number  of  sheep  and  many  other  things,  which,  when  gained,  make 
 men's  coudition  happy.  Now,  when  Mithridates,  who  was  there  at  this  time,  heard  that  his 
 villages  were  taken,  he  was  very  much  displeased  to  find  that  Anileus  had  first  begun  to  injure 
 him,  and  to  affront  him  in  his  present  dignity,  when  he  had  not  offered  any  injury  to  him 
 beforehand ;  and  he  got  together  the  greatest  body  of  horsemen  he  was  able,  and  those  out  of 
 that  number  which  were  of  an  age  fit  for  war,  and  came  to  fight  Anileus;  and  when  he  was 
 arrived  at  a  certain  village  of  his  own,  he  lay  still  there,  as  intending  to  fight  him  on  the  day 
 following,  because  it  was  the  sabbath,  the  day  on  which  the  Jews  rest.  And  when  Anileus 
 was  informed  of  this  by  a  Syrian  strauger  of  another  village,  who  not  only  gave  him  an  exact 
 account  of  other  circumstances,  but  told  him  where  Mithridates  would  have  a  feast,  he  took 
 his  supper  at  a  proper  time,  and  marched  by  niglit,  with  an  intent  of  falling  upon  the  Parthians 
 while  they  were  unapprised  what  they  should  do  ;  so  he  fell  upon  them  about  the  fourth  watch 
 of  the  night,  and  some  of  them  he  slew  while  they  were  asleep,  and  others  he  put  to  flight,  and 
 took  Mithridates  alive,  and  set  him  naked  upon  an  ass,*  which,  among  the  Parthians,  is 
 esteemed  the  greatest  reproach  possible.  And  when  he  had  brought  him  into  a  wood  with 
 such  a  resolution,  and  his  friends  desired  him  to  kill  Mithridates,  he  soon  told  them  his  own 
 mind  to  the  contrary,  and  said,  that  "  it  was  not  right  to  kill  a  man  who  was  one  of  the  prin- 
 cipal families  among  the  Parthians,  and  greatly  honoured  with  matching  into  the  royal  family ; 
 that  so  far  as  they  had  hitherto  gone  was  tolerable;  for  although  they  had  injured  Mithridates, 
 yet  if  they  preserved  his  life,  this  benefit  would  be  remembered  by  him  to  the  advantage  of 
 those  that  gave  it  him,  but  that  if  he  were  once  put  to  death,  the  king  would  not  be  at  rest  till 
 he  had  made  a  great  slaughter  of  the  Jews  that  dwelt  at  Babylon  ;  to  whose  safely  we  ought 
 to  have  a  regard,  both  on  account  of  our  relation  to  them,  and  because  if  any  misfortune  befall 
 us,  we  have  no  other  place  to  retire  to,  since  he  hath  gotten  the  flower  of  their  youth  under 
 him."  By  this  thought,  and  this  speech  of  his  made  in  council,  he  persuaded  them  to  act 
 accordingly,  so  Mithridates  was  let  go.  But,  when  he  was  got  away,  his  wife  reproached  him, 
 that  although  he  was  son-in-law  to  the  king,  be  neglected  to  avenge  himself  on  those  that  had 
 injured  him,  while  he  took  no  care  about  it,  hut  was  contented  to  have  been  made  a  captive  by 
 the  Jews,  and  to  have  escaped  them,  and  she  bade  him  either  go  back  like  a  man  of  courage, 
 or  else  she  swore  by  the  gods  of  their  royal  family,  that  she  would  certainly  dissolve  her  mar- 
 riage with  him."    Upon  which,  partly  because  he  could  not  bear  the  daily  trouble  of  her  taunts, 
 
 •  This  custom  in  Syria  and  Mesopotamia,  of  setting  men  upon  an  ass.  by  way  of  disprace,  is  still  l:ept  up  at 
 Damascus  in  Syria,  where,  in  order  to  shew  their  despite  agiiiust  the  Christians,  the  lurks  will  not  sufl'er  llieia 
 to  hire  horses,  but  asses  ou!y,  wtiea  they  go  abroad  to  see  the  country,  as  Mr.  Maundrell  assures  us. 
 
480  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  partlj  because  Le  was  afraid  of  her  insolence,  lest  sbe  sboald  in  earnest  dissolve  ber  mar- 
 riage, be  unwillingly,  and  against  bis  inclinations,  got  together  again  as  great  an  armj  as  bo 
 could,  and  marched  along  with  iheni,  as  himself  thinking  it  a  thing  not  to  be  borne  any  longer, 
 that  he,  a  Parthian,  should  owe  bis  preservation  to  the  Jews,  when  they  had  been  too  bard  for 
 bim  in  the  war. 
 
 7.  But  as  soon  as  Anileus  understood  that  Mithridates  was  marching  with  a  great  army 
 against  him,  he  thought  it  too  ignominious  a  thing  to  tarry  about  the  lakes,  and  not  lo  take  the 
 brst  opportunity  of  meeting  his  enemies,  and  be  hoped  to  have  the  same  success,  and  to  beat 
 their  enemies  as  they  did  before;  as  also  be  ventured  boldly  upon  the  like  attempts.  Accord- 
 ingly, he  led  out  his  army,  and  a  great  many  more  joined  themselves  to  that  army,  in  order  to 
 betake  themselves  lo  plunder  the  people,  and  in  order  to  terrify  the  enemy  again  by  their  num- 
 bers. But  when  they  bud  marched  ninety  furlongs,  while  the  road  had  been  through  dry  [and 
 sandy]  places,  and  about  the  midst  of  the  day,  they  were  become  very  thirsty  ;  and  Mithridates 
 appeared,  and  fell  upon  them,  as  they  were  in  distress  for  want  of  water,  on  which  account, 
 and  on  account  of  the  time  of  the  day,  they  were  not  able  to  bear  their  weapons.  So  Anileus 
 and  his  men  were  put  to  an  ignominious  rout,  while  men  in  despair  were  to  attack  those  that 
 were  fresh  and  in  good  plight;  so  great  slaughter  was  made,  and  many  ten  thousand  men  fell. 
 Now  Anileus.  and  all  that  stood  firm  about  him,  ran  away  as  fast  as  they  were  able,  into  a 
 wofld,  and  afforded  Mithridates  the  pleasure  of  having  gained  a  great  victory  over  them.  But 
 there  now  came  unto  Anileus  a  conflux  of  bad  men,  who  regarded  their  own  lives  very  little,  if 
 they  might  but  gain  some  present  ease,  insomuch  that  they,  by  thus  coming  to  bim,  compen- 
 sated the  multitude  of  those  that  perished  in  the  fight.  Yet  were  not  these  men  like  to  those 
 that  fell,  because  they  were  rash,  and  unexercised  in  war;  however,  with  these  he  came  upon 
 the  villages  of  the  Babylonians,  and  a  mighty  devastation  of  all  things  was  made  there  by  the 
 injuries  that  Anileus  did  them.  So  the  Babylonians,  and  those  that  Lad  already  been  in  the 
 war,  sent  to  Neerda  to  the  Jews  there,  and  demanded  Anileus.  Bnt,  although  they  did  not 
 agree  to  their  demands,  (for  if  they  bad  been  willing  to  deliver  bim  up,  it  was  not  in  their 
 power  so  to  do,)  vet  did  they  desire  to  make  petice  with  them.  To  which  the  other  replied, 
 that  they  also  wanted  to  settle  condiiions  of  peace  with  them,  and  sent  men  together  with  the 
 Babylonians,  who  discoursed  with  Anileus  about  them.  But  the  Babylonians,  upon  taking  a 
 view  of  his  situation,  and  having  learned  where  Anileus  and  bis  men  lay,  fell  secretly  upon 
 them  as  they  were  drunk,  and  fallen  asleep,  and  slew  all  that  they  caught  of  them,  without  any 
 fear,  and  killed  Anileus  himself  also. 
 
 8.  The  Babylonians  were  now  freed  from  Anileus'  heavy  incursions,  which  had  been  a  great 
 restraint  to  the  effects  of  that  hatred  they  bore  to  the  Jews,  for  they  were  almost  always  at 
 variance,  by  reason  of  the  contrariety  of  their  laws  ;  and  which  party  soever  grew  boldest 
 before  the  other,  they  assaulted  the  other;  and  at  this  time  in  particular  it  was,  that  upon 
 the  ruin  of  Anileus'  party,  the  Babylonians  attacked  the  Jews,  which  made  those  Jews 
 so  vehemently  to  resent  the  injuries  they  received  from  the  Babylonians,  that  being, 
 neither  able  to  fight  them,  nor  bearing  to  live  with  them,  they  went  to  Seleucia,  the  prin- 
 cipal city  of  those  parts,  which  was  built  by  Seleucus  Nicator.  It  was  inhabited  by  many 
 of  the  Macedonians,  bat  by  more  of  the  Grecians  ;  not  a  few  of  the  Syrians  also  dwelt 
 there ;  and  thither  did  the  Jews  fly,  and  lived  there  five  years,  without  any  misfortunes. 
 But  on  the  sixth  year,  a  pestilence  came  upon  those  at  Babylon,  which  occasioned  new  re- 
 movals of  men's  habitations  out  of  that  city  :  and  because  they  came  to  Seleucia,  it  happened 
 that  a  still  heavier  calamity  came  upon  tbein  on  that  account,  which  I  am  going  to  relate 
 immediately. 
 
 9.  Now  the  way  of  living  of  the  people  of  Seleucia,  who  were  Greeks  and  Syrians,  was 
 commonly  quarrelsome,  and  full  of  discords,  though  the  Greeks  were  too  hard  for  the  Syrians. 
 When,  therefore,  the  Jews  were  come  thither  and  dwelt  among  them,  there  arose  a  sedition, 
 and  the  Syrians  were  too  bard  f«r  the  other,  by  the  assistance  of  the  Jews,  who  are  men  that 
 despise  dangers,  and  very  ready  to  fight  upon  any  occasion.  Now,  when  the  Greeks  had  the 
 worst  in  this  sedition,  and  saw  that  they  had  but  one  way  of  recovering  their  former  authority, 
 and  that  was,  if  they  could  prevent  the  agreement  between  the  Jews  and  the  Syrians,  they  every 
 one  discoursed  with  such  of  the  Syrians  as  were  formerly  their  acquaintance,  and  promised 
 they  would  be  at  peace  and  friendsliip  with  them.  Accordingly,  they  gladly  agreed  so  to  do; 
 and  when  this  was  done  by  the  principal  men  of  both  nations,  they  soon  agreed  to  a  reconcilia- 
 tion, and  when  they  were  so  agi'eed,  they  both  knew  that  the  great  design  of  such  their  union 
 would  be  their  common  hatred  to  the  Jews.  Accordingly,  they  fell  upon  them,  and  slew  about 
 fifty  thousand  of  them;  nay,  the  Jews  were  all  destroyed,  excepting  a  few  who  escaped,  by  the 
 compassion  which  their  friends  or  neighbours  afforded  them,  in  order  to  let  them  fly  away. 
 These  retired  to  Ctesiphon,  a  Grecian  city,  and  situate  near  to  Seleucia,  where  the  king  [of 
 Parthia]  lives  in  winter  every  year,  and  where  the  greatest  part  of  his  riches  are  reposited, 
 but  the  Jews  had  here  no  certain  settlement,  those  of  Seleucia  having  little  concern  for  the 
 king's  honour.  Now  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews  were  in  fear  both  of  the  Babylonians,  and 
 of  the  Seleucians,  because  all  the  Syrians  that  lived  in  those  places  agreed  with  the  Seleucians 
 in  the  war  against  the  Jews :  so  the  most  of  them  gathered  themselves  together,  aud  went  to 
 
BOOK    XIX. — CHAP.    I.  481 
 
 Neerda,  and  Nisibis,  and  obtained  security  there  by  the  strength  of  those  cities  ;  besides  which, 
 their  inhabitants,  who  were  a  great  many,  were  all  warlike  men.  And  this  was  the  state  of 
 the  Jews  at  this  lime  in  Babylonia. 
 
 BOOK  XIX. 
 
 CPNTAINING   THE   INTERVAL   OF  THREE  YEARS  AND  A  HALF.-FROM  THE  DEPAR- 
 TURE  OF  THE  JEWS  OUT  OF  BABYLON.  TO  FADUS,  THE  ROMAN  PROCURATOR. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 How  Coins  was  stum  by  Cherea* 
 
 ^  1.  Now  this  Caiust  did  not  demonstrate  his  madness  in  offering  injuries  only  to  the  Jews  at 
 Jerusalem,  or  to  those  that  dwelt  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  suffered  it  to  extend  itself  through 
 all  the  earth  and  sea,  so  far  as  was  in  subjection  to  the  Romans,  and  filled  it  with  ten  thousand 
 mischiefs,  so  many  indeed  in  number  as  no  former  history  relates.  But  Rome  itself  felt  the 
 most  dismal  eifects  of  what  he  did,  while  he  deemed  that  not  to  be  any  way  more  honourable 
 than  the  rest  of  the  cities  ;  but  he  pulled  and  hauled  its  other  citizens,  but  especially  the  senate, 
 and  particolarly  the  nobility,  and  such  as  had  been  dignified  by  illustrious  ancestors  ;  he  also 
 had  ten  thousand  devices  against  such  of  the  equestrian  order,  as  it  was  styled,  who  were 
 esteemed  by  the  citizens  equal  in  dignity  and  wealth  witli  the  senators,  because  out  of  them 
 the  senators  were  themselves  chosen ;  these  he  treated  after  an  ignominious  manner,  and 
 removed  them  out  of  his  way,  while  they  were  at  once  slain,  and  their  wealth  plundered; 
 because  be  slew  men  generally  in  order  to  seize  on  their  riches.  He  also  asserted  his  own 
 divinity,  and  insisted  on  greater  honours  to  be  paid  him  by  his  subjects,  than  are  due  to  man- 
 kind. He  also  frequented  that  temple  of  Jupiter  which  they  style  the  Capitol,  which  is  with 
 them  the  most  holy  of  all  temples,  and  had  boldness  enough  to  call  himself  the  brother 
 of  Jupiter.  And  other  pranks  he  did  like  a  madman;  as  when  he  laid  a  bridge  from  the  city 
 of  Dicearchia,  which  belongs  to  Campania,  to  Misenum,  another  city  upon  the  seaside,  from 
 one  promontory  to  another,  of  the  length  of  thirty  furlongs,  as  measured  over  the  sea.  And 
 this  was  done,  becau.«e  he  esteemed  it  to  be  a  most  tedious  thing  to  row  over  it  in  a  small  ship, 
 and  thought  withal,  that  it  became  him  to  make  that  bridge,  since  he  was  lord  of  the  sea,  and 
 might  oblige  it  to  give  marks  of  obedience  as  well  as  the  earth ;  so  he  enclosed  the  whole  bay 
 within  his  bridge,  and  drove  his  chariot  over  it,  and  thought  that,  as  he  was  a  god.  it  was  fit 
 for  him  to  travel  over  such  roads  as  this  was.  Nor  did  he  abstain  from  the  plunder  of  any  of 
 the  Grecian  temples,  and  gave  order  that  all  the  engravings  and  sculptures,  and  tlie  rest  of  the 
 ornaments  of  the  statues  and  donations  therein  dedicated,  should  be  brought  to  him,  saying, 
 that  "  the  best  things  ought  to  be  set  no  where  but  in  the  best  place,  and  that  the  city  of  Rome 
 was  that  best  place."  He  also  adorned  his  own  house  and  his  gardens  with  the  curiosities 
 brought  from  those  temples,  together  with  the  houses  he  lay  at  when  he  travelled  all  over  Italy  ; 
 whence  he  did  not  scruple  to  give  a  command,  that  the  statue  of  Jupiter  Olynipius,  so  called 
 because  he  was  honoured  at  the  Olympian  games  by  the  Greeks,  which  was  the  work  of  Phi- 
 dias the  Athenian,  should  be  brought  to  Rome.  Yet  did  not  he  compass  his  end,  because  the 
 architects  told  l\Iemmius  Regulus,  who  was  commanded  to  remove  that  statue  of  Jupiter,  that 
 the  workmanship  was  such  as  would  be  spoiled,  and  would  not  bear  the  removal.  It  was  also 
 reported  that  Memraius,  both  on  that  account,  and  on  account  of  some  such  mighty  prodigies 
 as  are  of  an  incredible  nature,  put  oil"  the  taking  it  down,  and  wrote  to  Caius  those  accounts, 
 as  his  apology  for  not  having  done  what  his  epistle  required  of  him  ;  and  that  when  he  was 
 thence  in  danger  of  perishing,  he  was  saved  by  Caius  being  dead  himself,  before  he  bad  put 
 him  to  death. 
 
 2.  Nhv,  Cains'  madness  came  to  this  height,  that  when  he  had  a  daughter  born,  he  carried 
 her  into  the  Capitol,  and  put  her  upon  the  knee  of  the  statue,  and  said,  that  the  child  was  com- 
 mon to  him  and  to  Jupiter,  and  determined  that  she  had  two  fathers,  but  which  of  these  fathers 
 was  the  greatest,  he  left  undetermined  ;  and  yet  mankind  bore  with  him  in  such  his  pranks  !  He 
 also  gave  leave  to  slaves  to  accuse  their  masters  of  any  crimes  whatsoever  they  pleased  ;  for 
 all  such  accusations  were  terrible,  because  they  were  in  great  part  made  to  please  him,  and 
 at  his  suggestion,  insomuch  that  Pollux,  Claudius'  slave.  Lad  the  boldness  to  lay  an  accusa- 
 
 •  In  this  and  the  next  three  chapters,  we  have,  I  think,  a  larger  and  more  distinct  account  of  the  slauchter 
 of  Cams,  and  the  succession  of  Claudius,  than  we  have  of  any  such  ancient  facts  whatsoever  elsewhere. 
 Some  of  the  occasions  of  which  probably  were,  Josephus'  bitter  hatred  against  tyranny,  and  the  pleasure  he 
 took  in  giving  the  history  of  the  slaughter  of  such  a  barbaious  tyrant  as  was  tins  Caius  Caligula,  as  also  the 
 deliverance  his  own  nation  had  by  that  slaughter,  of  which  he  speaks,  ^2.  together  with  the  great  intimacy  he 
 had  with  Agrippa  junior,  whose  father  was  deeply  concerned  in  the  advancement  of  Claudius  upon  the  death 
 of  Caius  ;  from  which  Agrii)pa  junior,  Josephus  might  be  fully  informed  of  this  history. 
 
 t  Called  t/'aligula  by  the  liouiang. 
 
 3  P 
 
482  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 tion  against  Claudius  bimself,  and  Caius  was  not  ashamed  ta  be  present  at  Lis  trial  of  life  and 
 death,  to  hear  that  trial  of  Lis  own  uncle,  in  hopes  of  being  able  to  take  him  ofl",  although  he 
 did  not  succeed  to  his  mind.  But  when  he  had  filled  tlie  whole  habitable  world,  which  he 
 governed,  with  false  accusations  and  miseries,  and  had  occasioned  the  greatest  insults  of  slaves 
 against  their  masters,  who,  indeed,  in  a  great  measure  ruled  them,  there  were  many  secret 
 plots  now  laid  against  him  ;  some  in  anger,  and  in  order  for  men  to  revenge  themselves,  on 
 account  of  the  miseries  they  had  already  undergone  from  him,  and  others  made  attempts  upon 
 him,  in  order  to  take  him  oil'  before  they  should  fall  into  such  great  miseries,  while  his  death 
 came  very  fortunately  for  the  preservation  of  the  laws  of  all  men,  and  a  great  influence  upon 
 the  public  welfare  ;  and  this  happened  most  happily  for  our  nation  in  particular,  which  had 
 almost  utterly  perished  if  he  had  not  been  suddenly  slain.  And  I  confess  I  have  a  mind  to 
 give  a  full  account  of  this  matter,  particularly  because  it  will  afford  great  assurance  of  the 
 power  of  God,  and  great  comfort  to  those  that  are  under  afflictions,  and  wise  cantion  to  those 
 who  think  their  happiness  will  never  end,  nor  bring  them  at  length  to  the  most  lasting  miseries, 
 if  they  do  not  conduct  their  lives  by  the  principles  of  virtue. 
 
 3.  Now  there  were  three  several  conspiracies  made,  in  order  to  take  off  Caius,  and  each  of 
 these  three  was  conducted  by  excellent  persons.  Emilius  Regulus,  born  at  Corduba  in  Spain, 
 got  some  men  together,  and  was  desirous  to  take  Caius  oil'  either  by  them,  or  by  himself. 
 Another  conspiracy  there  was  laid  by  them,  under  the  conduct  of  Cherea  Cassius,  the  tribune 
 [of  the  Petronian  band  ;]  Minucianus  Annius  was  also  one  of  great  consequence  among  those 
 that  were  prepared  to  oj)pose  his  tyranny.  Now  the  several  occasions  of  these  men's  hatred 
 and  conspiracy  against  Caius  were  these  :  Regulus  had  indignation  and  hatred  against  all 
 injustice,  for  he  had  a  mind  naturally  angry,  and  bold,  and  free,  which  made  him  not  conceal 
 his  counsels  ;  so  he  communicated  them  to  many  of  his  friends,  and  to  others,  who  seemed  to 
 him  persons  of  activity  and  vigour;  Minucianus  entered  into  this  conspiracy,  because  of  the 
 injustice  done  to  Lepidus  his  particular  friend,  and  one  of  the  best  characters  of  all  the  citizens, 
 wbnm  Caius  had  slain,  as  also  because  he  was  afraid  of  himself,  since  Caius'  wrath  tended  to 
 the  slaughter  of  all  alike  :  and  for  Cherea,  he  came  io,  because  he  thought  it  a  deed  worthy 
 of  a  free  ingenuous  man  to  kill  Caius,  and  was  ashamed  of  the  reproaches  he  lay  under  from 
 Cains,  as  though  he  were  a  coward  ;  as  also  because  he  was  himself  in  danger  every  day  from 
 his  friendship  with  him,  and  the  observance  he  paid  him.  These  men  proposed  this  attempt 
 to  all  the  rest  that  were  concerned,  who  saw  the  injuries  that  were  ofl'ered  them,  and  were 
 desirous  that  Caius'  slaughter  might  succeed  by  their  raatud  assistance  of  one  another,  that 
 they  might  themselves  escape  being  killed  by  the  removal  of  Caius  :  lliat  perhaps  they  should 
 gain  their  point,  and  that  it  would  be  a  happy  thing  if  they  shonld  gain  it,  to  approve  them- 
 selves to  so  many  excellent  persons  as  earnestly  wished  to  be  partakers  with  them  in  their 
 design,  for  the  delivery  of  (he  city  and  of  the  government,  even  at  the  h:iz;ird  of  their  own 
 lives.  But  still  Cherea  was  the  most  zealous  of  them  all,  both  out  of  a  desire  of  getting  him- 
 self the  greatest  name,  and  also  by  reason  of  his  access  to  Caius'  presence  with  less  danger, 
 because  he  was  tribune,  and  could  therefore  the  more  easily  kill  him. 
 
 4.  Now  at  this  time  came  on  the  horse-races  [Circensian  games,]  the  view  of  which  games 
 was  eagerly  desired  by  the  people  of  Rome,  for  they  come  with  great  alacrity  into  the 
 hippodrome  [circus]  at  such  times,  and  petition  their  emperors,  in  great  multitudes,  for  what 
 they  stand  in  need  of;  who  usually  did  not  think  fit  to  deny  them  their  requests,  but  readily 
 and  gratefully  granted  them.  Accordingly  they  most  importunately  desired,  that  Caius  would 
 now  ease  them  in  their  tributes,  and  abate  somewhat  of  the  rigour  of  the  taxes  imposed  upon 
 them  ;  but  he  would  not  hear  their  petition  ;  and,  when  their  clamours  increased,  he  sent  sol- 
 diers, some  one  way,  and  some  another,  and  gave  order  that  they  should  lay  hold  on  those  that 
 made  the  clamours,  and,  without  any  more  ado,  bring  them  out,  and  put  them  to  death.  These 
 were  Caius'  commands,  and  those  who  were  commanded  executed  the  same  ;  and  the  number 
 of  those  who  were  slain  on  this  occasion  was  very  great.  Now  the  people  saw  this,  and  bore 
 it  so  far,  that  they  left  off  clamouring,  because  they  saw  with  their  own  eyes,  that  this  peti- 
 tion to  be  relieved,  as  to  the  payment  of  their  money,  brought  immediate  death  upon  them. 
 These  things  made  Cherea  more  resolute  to  go  on  with  his  plot,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  this 
 barbarity  of  Caius  against  men.  He  then,  at  several  times,  thought  to  fall  upon  Caius  even  as 
 he  was  feasting  :  yet  did  he  restrain  himself  by  some  considerations  ;  not  that  he  had  anj'  doubt 
 on  him  about  killin?  him,  but  as  watching  for  a  proper  season,  that  the  attempt  might  not  be 
 frustrated,  but  that  he  might  give  the  blow  so  as  might  certainly  gain  his  purpose. 
 
 5.  Cherea  had  been  in  the  army  a  long  time,  yet  was  he  not  pleased  with  conversing  to 
 much  with  Caius.  But  Caius  had  sent  him  to  require  the  tributes,  and  other  dues,  which, 
 ■when  not  paid  in  due  time,  were  forfeited  to  Caesar's  treasury  ;  and  he  had  made  some  delays 
 in  requiring  them,  because  those  burdens  had  been  doubled,  and  had  rather  indulged  his  own 
 mild  disposition,  than  performed  Caius'  command  ;  nay,  indeed,  he  provoked  Caius  to  anger 
 by  his  sparing  men,  and  |)itying  the  hard  fortunes  of  those  from  whom  he  demanded  the  taxes, 
 and  Caius  upbraided  him  with  his  sloth  and  effeminacy  in  being  so  long  about  collecting  the 
 taxes.  And  indeed  he  did  not  only  affVool  him  in  other  respects,  but  when  he  gave  him  the 
 V.  :i:;h-wor(l  ,,f  (be  day,  to  whom  it  was  to  he  given  by  his  place,  he  gave  him  feminine  words, 
 
UOOK  XIX.  — CIIAP.    I.  i;83 
 
 nnd  lliose  of  a  nature  very  reproachful  ;  and  tbese  watcli-vvords  he  gave  (lut,  as  h.-iviiig  bten 
 initialed  in  the  secrets  of  certain  mysteries,  which  he  had  been  himself  the  autiinr  of.  Now, 
 although  he  had  sometimes  put  on  woman's  clothes,  and  had  been  wrapt  in  some  embroidered 
 garments  to  them  belonging,  and  done  a  great  many  other  things,  in  order  to  make  the  company 
 mistake  him  for  a  woman  ;  yet  did  he,  by  way  of  reproach,  object  the  like  womanish  behaviour  to 
 Cherea.  But  when  Cherea  received  the  watcli-word  from  him,  he  had  indignation  at  it,  but  had 
 great  indignation  at  the  delivery  of  it  to  otiiers,  as  being  laughed  at  by  those  that  received  it  ; 
 insomuch  that  his  fellow-tribunes  made  him  the  subject  of  their  drollery  ;  for  they  would  foretell 
 that  he  would  bring  them  some  of  his  useful  watch-words  when  he  was  about  to  take  the  watch- 
 word from  Caesar,  and  would  thereby  make  him  ridiculous  ;  on  which  accounts  he  took  tlie 
 courage  of  assuming  certain  partners  to  him,  as  having  just  reasons  for  his  indignation  against 
 Caius.  Now  there  was  one  Pompedius,  a  cenator,  and  one  who  had  gone  through  almost  all 
 posts  in  the  government,  but  otherwise  an  epicurean,  and  for  that  reason  loved  to  lead  an  inac- 
 tive life.  Now  Timidius,  au  enemy  of  his,  had  informed  Cains  that  he  had  used  indecent 
 reproaches  against  liim,  and  he  made  use  of  Quintiiia,  for  a  witness  to  them  ;  a  woman  she 
 was,  much  beloved  by  many  that  frequented  the  theatre,  and  particularly  by  Pompedius,  on 
 ccount  of  her  great  beauty.  Now  this  woman  thought  it  a  horrible  thing  to  attest  to  an  aocusa- 
 tion  that  touched  the  life  of  her  lover,  which  was  also  a  lie.  Timidius,  however,  wanted  to 
 Iiave  her  brought  to  the  torture.  Cains  was  irritated  at  this  reproach  upon  him,  and  com- 
 manded Cherea,  without  any  delay,  to  torture  Quintiiia,  as  he  used  to  employ  Cherea  in  sucli 
 bloody  matters,  and  those  that  required  the  torture,  because  be  thought  he  would  do  it  the 
 more  barbarously,  in  order  to  avoid  that  imputation  of  effeminacy  which  he  had  laid  upon  him. 
 But  Quintiiia,  when  she  was  brought  to  the  rack,  trod  upon  the  foot  of  one  of  her  associates, 
 and  let  him  know,  that  he  might  be  of  good  courage,  and  not  be  afraid  of  the  consequence  of 
 her  tortures  ;  for  that  she  would  bear  them  with  magnanimity.  Cherea  tortured  this  woman 
 al'ier  a  cruel  manner:  unwillingly  indeed,  but  because  he  could  not  help  it.  He  then  broaght 
 her,  without  being  in  the  least  moved  at  what  she  had  suH'ered,  into  the  presence  of  Cains, 
 and  that  in  such  a  stale  as  was  sad  to  behold  ;  and  Caius,  being  somewhat  affected  with  the 
 .^iiiht  of  Quintiiia,  who  had  her  body  miserably  disordered  by  the  pains  she  had  undergone, 
 freed  both  her  and  Pompedius  of  the  crime  laid  to  their  charge.  He  also  gave  her  money  to 
 make  her  an  honourable  amends,  and  comfort  her  for  that  maiming  of  her  body  which  she  had 
 sufl'ered  ;  and  for  her  glorious  patience  under  such  unsuH'erable  torments. 
 
 0.  This  matter  sorely  grieved  Cherea,  as  having  been  the  cause,  as  far  as  he  could,  or  tlie 
 instrument,  of  those  miseries  to  men,  which  seemed  woitliy  of  consolntiou  to  Caius  himself; 
 on  which  account  he  said  to  Clement  and  to  Papinius,  (of  whom  Clement  was  general  of  the 
 army,  and  Papinius  was  a  tribune,)  "To  be  sure,  Clement,  we  have  no  way  failed  in  our 
 guarding  the  emperor;  for  as  to  those  that  have  made  conspiracies  against  his  govern- 
 ment, some  have  been  slain  by  our  care  and  pains,  and  some  have  been  by  us  toitured,  and 
 this  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  hath  himself  pitied  them.  How  great  then  is  our  virtue  in  sub- 
 mitting to  conduct  Lis  armies  !"  Clement  held  his  peace,  but  shewed  the  shame  he  was  under 
 in  obeying  Caius'  orders,  both  by  his  eyes  and  his  blushing  countenance,  while  he  thought  it 
 by  no  means  right  to  accuse  the  emperor  in  express  words,  lest  their  own  safety  should  he 
 endangered  thereby.  Upon  which  Cherea  took  courage,  and  spoke  to  him  without  fear  of  the 
 dangers  that  were  before  him,  and  discoursed  largely  of  the  sore  calamities  under  which  the 
 (ity  and  the  government  then  laboured,  and  said,  "  We  may  indeed  pretend  in  words,  that 
 Caius  is  the  person  unto  whom  the  cause  of  such  miseries  ought  to  be  imputed  ;  but,  in  the 
 opinion  of  such  as  are  able  to  judge  uprightly,  it  is  I,  O  Clement  !  and  this  Papinius,  and 
 before  us  thou  thyself,  who  bring  these  tortures  upon  the  Romans,  and  upon  all  mankind.  It 
 is  not  done  by  our  being  subservient  to  the  commands  of  Caius,  but  it  is  done  by  our  own 
 consent ;  for  whereas  it  is  in  our  power  to  put  an  end  to  I  he  life  of  this  man,  who  hath  so  ter- 
 ribly injured  the  cilizens  and  his  subjects,  we  are  bis  guard  in  mischief,  aud  his  executioners 
 instead  of  liis  soldiers,  and  are  the  instruments  of  his  cruelty.  We  bear  the  weapons  not  for 
 our  liberty,  not  for  the  Roman  government,  but  only  for  his  preservation,  who  hath  enslaved 
 both  their  bodies  and  their  minds  ;  and  we  are  every  day  polluted  with  the  blood  that  we  shed, 
 and  the  torments  we  inflict  upon  others  ;  and  this  we  do,  till  somebody  becomes  Caius'  instru- 
 ment in  bringing  the  like  miseries  upon  ourselves.  Nor  does  he  thus  employ  us,  because  he 
 hath  a  kindness  for  us,  but  rather  because  he  hath  a  suspicion  of  ns,  as  also  because  when 
 abundance  more  have  been  killed,  (for  Caius  will  set  no  bounds  to  his  wrath,  siuiie  he  aims  to 
 do  all,  not  out  of  regard  to  justice,  but  to  his  own  pleasure,)  we  shall  also  ourselves  be  exposed 
 to  his  cruelty  ;  whereas  we  ought  to  be  the  means  of  confirming  the  security  and  liberty  of 
 all,  and  at  the  same  time  lo  resolve  to  free  ourselves  from  dangers." 
 
 7.  Hereuj)on  Clement  openly  commended  Cherea's  intentions;  but  bade  him  "  hold  his 
 tongue  ;  for  that  in  case  his  words  should  get  out  among  many,  aud  such  things  should  be 
 .spread  abroad  as  were  fit  to  be  concealed,  the  plot  would  come  to  be  discovered  before  it  was 
 executed,  and  they  should  be  brought  to  punishment  :  but  that  they  >hould  leave  all  to  futurity, 
 and  the  hope  which  then  arose,  that  some  fortunate  event  would  como  to  their  assistance  ; 
 tlmt,  as  for  himsulf,  his  age  would  not   ptiiiiit  him  to  make  any  attempt  in  that  case.     How 
 
484  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ever,  althouj,-h  perhaps  I  could  suggest  what  may  be  safer  than  what  thou,  Cherea,  hast  coo- 
 trived  and  said,  yet  how  is  it  possible  for  any  one  to  suggest  wbat  is  more  for  thy  reputation  ?" 
 So  Clement  went  his  way  home,  with  deep  reflections  on  what  he  had  heard,  and  what  he  had 
 himself  said.  Cherea  was  also  under  a  concern,  and  went  quickly  to  Cornelius  Sabinus,  who 
 was  himself  one  of  Ibe  tribunes,  and  whom  he  otherwise  knew  to  be  a  worthy  man,  and  a  lover 
 of  liberty,  and  on  that  account  very  uneasy  at  the  present  management  of  public  afiairs,  he 
 being  desirous  to  come  immediately  to  the  execution  of  what  had  been  determined,  and  think- 
 ing it  right  for  him  to  propose  it  to  the  other,  and  afraid  lest  Clement  should  discover  them, 
 and  besides  looking  upon  delays  and  puttings  oflF  to  be  the  next  to  desisting  from  the  enterprise. 
 
 8.  But  as  all  was  agreeable  to  Sabinus,  who  bad  himself,  equally  with  Cherea,  the  same 
 design,  but  had  been  silent  for  want  of  a  person  to  whom  he  could  safely  communicate  that 
 design,  so  having  now  met  with  one,  who  not  only  promised  to  conceal  what  he  heard,  but  who 
 bad  already  opened  his  mind  to  him,  he  was  much  more  encouraged,  and  desired  of  Cherea, 
 that  DO  delay  might  be  made  therein.  Accordingly,  they  went  to  Minucianus,  who  was  as 
 virtuous  a  man,  and  as  zealous  to  do  glorious  actions,  as  themselves,  and  suspected  by  Caius 
 on  occasion  of  the  slaughter  of  Lepidus ;  for  Minucianus  and  Lepidus  were  intimate  friends, 
 and  both  in  fear  of  the  dangers  that  they  were  under  ;  for  Caius  was  terrible  to  all  the  great 
 men,  as  appearing  ready  to  act  a  mad  part  towards  each  of  them  in  particnlar,  and  towards  all 
 of  them  in  general  ;  and  these  men  were  afraid  of  one  another,  while  tbey  were  yet  uneasy  at 
 the  posture  of  afl'airs,  but  avoided  to  declare  their  mind  and  their  hatred  against  Caius  to  one 
 another,  out  of  fear  of  the  dangers  they  might  be  in  thereby,  although  they  perceived  by  other 
 means  iheir  mutual  hatred  against  Caius,  and  «n  that  account  were  not  averse  to  mutual  kind- 
 ness one  towards  another. 
 
 9.  When  Minucianus  and  Cherea  bad  met  together,  and  saluted  one  another,  (as  they  had 
 been  used  on  former  conversations  to  give  the  upper  hand  to  Minucianus,  both  on  account  of 
 his  eminent  dignity,  for  he  was  tlie  noblest  of  all  the  citizens,  and  highly  commended  by  all 
 men,  especially  when  he  made  speeches  to  them,)  Minucianus  began  first,  and  asked  Cherea, 
 what  was  the  watch-word  he  had  received  that  day  from  Caius?  for  the  affront  which  was 
 offered  Cherea  in  giving  the  watch-words,  was  famous  over  the  city.  But  Cherea  made  no 
 delay^,  so  long  as  to  reply  to  that  question,  out  of  the  joy  he  had  that  Minucianus  would  have 
 such  confidence  in  him  as  to  discourse  with  him.  "  But  do  thou,"  said  he,  "  give  me  the 
 watch-word  of  Liberty.  And  I  return  thee  ray  thanks,  that  thou  hast  so  greatly  encouraged  me 
 to  exert  myself  after  an  extraordinary  manner  ;  nor  do  I  stand  in  need  of  many  words  to 
 encourage  me,  since  both  thou  and  I  are  of  the  same  mind,  and  partakers  of  the  same  resolu- 
 tions, and  this  before  we  have  conferred  together.  I  have  indeed  but  one  sword  girt  on,  but 
 this  one  will  serve  us  both.  Come  on,  therefore,  let  us  set  about  the  work.  Do  thou  go  first, 
 if  thou  hast  a  mind,  and  bid  me  follow  thee  ;  or  else  I  will  go  first,  and  thou  shalt  assist  me, 
 and  we  will  assist  one  another,  and  trust  one  another.  Nor  is  there  a  necessity  for  even  one 
 sword  to  such  as  have  a  mind  disposed  to  such  works,  by  which  mind  the  sword  uses  to  be 
 successfnl.  I  am  zealous  about  this  action,  nor  am  I  solicitous  what  I  may  myself  undergo  ; 
 for  I  am  not  at  leisure  to  consider  the  dangers  that  may  come  upon  myself,  so  deeply  am  I 
 troubled  at  the  slavery  our  once  free  country  is  now  under,  and  at  the  contempt  cast  npon  our 
 excellent  laws,  and  at  the  destruction  which  hangs  over  all  men,  by  the  means  of  Caius.  I 
 wish  that  I  may  be  judged  by  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  esteem  me  worthy  of  credit  in  these 
 matters,  seeing  we  are  both  of  the  same  opinion,  and  there  is  herein  no  difference  between  us." 
 
 10.  W^hen  Minucianus  saw  the  vehemency  with  wiiich  Cherea  delivered  himself,  he  gladly 
 embraced  him,  and  encouraged  him  in  his  bold  attempt,  commending  him,  and  embracing  him  ; 
 so  he  let  him  go  with  his  good  wishes  ;  and  some  affirm,  that  be  thereby  confirmed  Minucianus 
 in  the  prosecution  of  what  had  been  agreed  among  them  ;  for,  as  Cherea  entered  into  the  court, 
 the  report  runs,  that  a  voice  came  from  among  the  multitude  to  encourage  him,  which  bade  him 
 finish  what  he  was  about,  and  take  the  opportunity  that  providence  afforded  :  and  that  Cherea 
 at  first  suspected  that  some  one  of  the  conspirators  had  betrayed  hiw,  and  he  was  caught,  but 
 at  length  perceived  that  it  was  by  way  of  exhortation.  Whether  somebody,*  that  was  con- 
 scious of  what  he  was  about,  gave  a  signal  for  his  encouragement,  or  whether  it  were  God 
 himself,  who  looks  upon  the  actions  of  men,  that  encouraged  him  to  goon  boldly  in  his  design, 
 is  uncertain.  The  plot  was  now  communicated  to  a  great  many,  and  they  were  all  in  their 
 armour;  some  of  the  conspirators  being  senators,  and  some  of  the  equestrian  order,  and  as 
 many  of  the  soldiery  as  were  made  acquainted  with  it,  for  there  was  not  one  of  them  who 
 would  not  reckon  it  a  part  of  his  happiness  to  kill  Caius,  and  on  that  account  they  were  all 
 very  zealous  in  the  affair,  by  what  means  soever  any  one  could  come  at  it,  that  he  might  not 
 be  behindhand  in  these  virtuous  designs,  but  might  he  ready  with  all  his  alacrity  or  power, 
 both  by  words  and  actions,  to  complete  this  slaughter  of  a  tyrant.  And  besides  these,  Cal- 
 listus  also,  who  was  a  freed-man  of  Cains,  and  was  the  only  man  that  had  arrived  at  the  great- 
 est degree  of  power  under  him  ;  such  a  power,  indeed,  as  was  in  a  manner  equal  to  the  power 
 
 *  Just  such  a  voice,  as  this  is  related  to  be,  came,  and  from  an  unknown  original  also,  to  the  famous  Poly- 
 carp,  as  he  was  goinp  to  martyrdom,  bidding  him  "  play  the  mau,"  as  the  church  of  Smyrua  assures  us  in 
 their  accounts  of  that  his  martyrdom,  i  9. 
 
BOOK  XIX. — CHAP.  I.  485 
 
 of  the  tvrant  himself,  by  the  dread  that  all  men  had  of  him,  and  by  the  great  riches  he  had 
 aoquireil  ;  for  he  took  bribes  most  pletiteously,  and  committed  injuries  without  hounds,  and 
 was  more  extravagant  in  the  use  of  his  power  in  unjnst  proceedings  than  any  other;  he  also 
 knew  the  disposition  of  Cains  to  be  implacable,  and  never  to  be  turned  from  what  he  had 
 resolved  oa.  He  had  withal  many  other  reasons  why  he  thought  himself  in  danger,  and  the 
 vastness  of  his  wealth  was  not  one  of  the  least  of  them  :  on  which  account  he  privately  ingra- 
 tiated himself  with  Claudius,  and  transferred  his  courtship  to  him,  out  of  this  hope,  that  in 
 case,  upon  the  removal  of  Caius,  the  government  should  come  to  him,  his  interest  in  such 
 changes  should  lay  a  foundation  for  his  preserving  his  dignity  under  him,  since  he  laid  in 
 beforehand  a  stock  of  merit,  and  did  Claudius  good  offices  in  his  promotion.  He  had  also  the 
 boldness  to  pretend,  that  he  bad  been  persuaded  to  make  away  Claudius,  by  poisoning  him, 
 but  had  still  invented  ten  thousand  excuses  for  delaying  to  do  it.  But  it  seems  probable  to 
 me,  that  Callistus  only  counterfeited  this,  in  order  to  ingratiate  himself  with  Claudius,  for  if 
 Caius  had  been  in  earnest  resolved  to  take  otF  Claudius,  he  would  not  have  admitted  of  Cal- 
 listus's  excuses,  nor  would  Callistus,  if  he  had  been  enjoined  to  do  such  an  act  as  was  desired 
 by  Caius,  have  put  it  oft',  nor,  if  he  had  disobeyed  those  injunctions  of  his  master,  had  he 
 escaped  immediate  punishment :  while  Claudius  was  preserved  from  the  madness  of  Caius  by 
 a  certain  divine  providence,  and  Callistus  pretended  to  such  a  piece  of  merit  as  he  no  way 
 deserved. 
 
 11.  However,  the  execution  of  Cherea's  designs  was  pat  off  from  day  to  day,  by  the  sloth 
 o(  many  therein  concerned  ;  for  as  to  Cherea  himself,  he  would  not  willingly  make  any  delay 
 in  that  execution,  thinking  every  time  a  fit  time  for  it ;  for  frequent  opportunities  oftered  them- 
 selves ;  as  when  Caius  went  up  to  the  capitol  to  sacrifice  for  his  daughter,  or  when  he  stood 
 upon  his  royal  palace,  and  threw  gold  and  silver  pieces  of  money  among  the  people,  he  might 
 be  pushed  down  headlong,  because  the  top  of  the  palace,  that  looks  towards  the  market-place, 
 was  very  high  ;  and  also  when  he  celebrated  the  mysteries,  which  he  had  appointed  at  that 
 time ;  for  he  was  then  no  way  secluded  from  the  people,  but  solicitous  to  do  every  thing  care- 
 fnlly  and  decently,  and  was  free  from  all  suspicion  that  he  should  be  tliec  assaulted  by  any 
 body  ;  and  although  the  gods  should  afford  him  no  divine  assistance  to  enable  him  to  take 
 away  his  life,  yet  had  he  strength  himself  sufBcient  to  despatch  Caius,  even  without  a  sword  : 
 thus  was  Cherea  angry  at  his  fellow-conspirators,  for  fear  they  should  sutler  a  proper  oppor- 
 tunity to  pass  by  ;  and  they  were  themselves  sensible  that  he  had  just  cause  to  be  angry  at 
 them,  and  that  his  eagerness  was  for  their  advautaage  ;  yet  did  they  desire  he  would  have  a 
 little  longer  patience,  lest,  upon  any  disappointment  they  might  meet  with,  they  should  put  the 
 city  into  disorder,  and  an  inquisition  should  be  made  after  the  conspiracy,  and  should  render 
 the  courage  of  those  that  were  to  attack  Cains  without  success,  while  he  would  then  secure 
 himself  more  carefully  than  ever  against  then  ;  that  it  would  therefore  be  the  best  to  set  about 
 the  work  when  the  shows  were  exhibited  in  the  palace.  These  siiows  were  acted  in  honour  of 
 that  Caesar*  who  first  of  all  changed  the  popular  government,  and  transferred  it  to  himself; 
 galleries  being  fixed  before  the  palace,  where  the  Romans  that  were  patricians  became  spec- 
 tators, together  with  their  children  and  their  wives,  and  Caisar  himself  was  to  be  also  a  spec- 
 tator; and  they  reckoned,  among  those  many  ten  thousands,  who  would  there  be  crowded  into 
 a  narrow  compass,  they  should  have  a  favourable  opportunity  to  make  their  attempt  upon  him 
 as  he  came  in  ;  because  his  guards  that  should  protect  him,  if  any  of  them  should  have  a  mind 
 to  do  it,  would  not  here  be  able  to  give  him  any  assistance. 
 
 12.  Cherea  consented  to  this  delay,  and  when  the  shows  were  exhibited,  it  was  resolved  to 
 do  the  work  the  lirst  day.  But  fortune,  which  allowed  a  farther  delay  to  his  slaughter,  was 
 too  hard  for  their  foregoing  resolutions,  and,  as  three  days  of  the  regular  times  for  these  shows 
 were  now  over,  they  had  much  ado  to  get  the  business  done  on  the  last  day.  Then  Cherea 
 called  the  conspirators  together,  and  spake  thus  to  them  :  "  So  much  time  passed  away  with- 
 out elFect  is  a  reproach  to  us,  as  delaying  to  go  through  such  a  virtuous  design  as  we  are 
 engaged  in  ;  but  more  fatal  will  this  delay  prove,  if  we  be  discovered  and  the  design  be  frus- 
 trated ;  for  Caius  will  then  become  more  cruel  in  his  unjust  proceedings.  Do  not  we  see  how 
 long  we  deprive  all  our  friends  of  their  liberty,  and  give  Caius  leave  still  to  tyrannize  over 
 them?  while  we  ought  to  have  procured  them  security  for  the  future,  and  by  laying  a  founda- 
 tion for  the  happiness  of  others,  gain  to  ourselves  great  admiration  and  lionour  for  all  time  to 
 come."  Now,  while  the  conspirators  had  nothing  tolerable  to  say  by  way  of  contradiction, 
 and  yet  did  not  quite  relish  what  they  were  doing,  but  stood  silent  and  astonished,  he  said 
 farther,  "  O  my  brave  comrades  !  why  do  we  make  such  delays  ?  Do  not  you  see  that  this  is 
 the  last  day  of  these  shows,  and  that  Caius  is  about  to  go  to  sea?  for  he  is  preparing  to  sail 
 to  Alexandria  in  order  to  see  Egypt.  Is  it  therefore  for  your  honour  to  let  a  man  go  out  of 
 your  hands  who  is  a  reproach  to  mankind,  and  to  permit  him  to  go  after  a  pompous  manner, 
 triumphing  both  at  land  and  sea  ?  shall  not  we  be  justly  ashamed  of  ourselves,  if  we  give  leave 
 to  some  Egyptian  or  other,  who  shall  think  his   injuries  insufferable  to  freemen,  to  kill  him? 
 
 •  Here  Josephus  supposes  ihat  it  was  Augustus,  and  not  Julius  Caesar,  who  first  changed  the  Roman  com- 
 mouwealtli  into  a  montu'cby ;  for  these  shows  were  in  honour  of  Augustus,  as  wo  shall  learu  in  the  next 
 secliuu  but  one, 
 
48(3  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 As  for  myself,  I  will  no  longer  bear  jour  slow  proceedings,  but  will  expose  myself  to  the  dan- 
 gers of  the  enterprise  this  very  day,  and  bear  cheerfully  whatsoever  shall  be  the  consequence 
 of  the  attempt;  nor,  let  them  be  ever  so  great,  will  I  put  thera  off  any  longer:  for,  to  a  wise 
 and  courageous  man,  what  can  be  more  miserable  than  that,  while  I  am  alive,  anyone  else 
 should  kill  Caios,  and  deprive  nie  of  the  honour  of  sa  virtuous  an  action.'' 
 
 13.  When  Cherea  had  spoken  thus,  he  zealously  set  about  the  work,  and  inspired  courage 
 into  the  rest  to  go  on  with  it,  and  they  were  all  eager  to  fall  to  it  without  farther  delay.  So 
 he  was  at  the  palace  in  the  morning,  with  his  equestrian  sword  girt  on  him  ;  for  it  was  the 
 custom  that  the  tribunes  should  ask  for  the  watch-word  with  their  swords  on,  and  this  was 
 the  day  on  which  Cherea  was,  by  custom,  to  receive  the  watch-word  j  and  the  mnltitude  were 
 already  come  lo  the  palace,  to  be  soon  enough  for  seeing  the  shows,  and  that  in  great  crowds, 
 and  one  tumultuously  crushing  another,  while  Caius  was  delighted  with  this  eagerness  of  the 
 multitude  ;  for  which  reason  there  was  no  oilier  observed  in  the  seating  men,  nor  was  any 
 peculiar  place  appointed  for  the  senators,  or  for  the  equ"sirian  order;  but  they  sat  at  random, 
 men  and  women  together,  and  free  men  were  mixed  with  the  slaves.  So  Caius  came  out  in  a 
 solemn  manner,  and  offered  sacrifice  to  Augustus  Caesar,  in  whose  honour  indeed  these  shows 
 were  celebrated.  Now  it  happened,  upon  the  fall  of  a  certain  priest,  that  the  garment  of 
 Asprenas,  a  senator,  was  filled  with  blood,  which  made  Caius  laugh,  altliough  this  was  an  evi- 
 dent omen  to  Asprenas,  for  he  was  slain  at  the  same  time  with  Caius.  It  is  also  rc-ialed,  tliat 
 Caius  was  that  day,  contrary  to  his  usual  custom,  so  very  affable  and  gond-natured  in  his 
 conversation,  that  every  one  of  those  that  were  present  were  astonished  at  it.  Afier  the  sacri- 
 lice  was  over,  Cains  betook  himself  to  see  the  shows,  and  sat  down  for  that  purpose,  as  did 
 also  the  principal  of  his  friends  sit  near  him.  Now  the  parts  of  the  theatre  were  so  fastened 
 together,  as  it  used  to  be  every  year,  in  the  manner  following:  it  had  two  doors,  the  one  door 
 led  to  the  open  air,  the  other  was  for  going  into,  or  going  out  of  the  cloisters,  that  those  within 
 the  theatre  might  not  be  thereby  disttrrbed  ;  but  out  of  one  gallery  there  was  an  inward  pas- 
 sage, parted  into  partitions  also,  v;hich  ed  into  another  gallery,  to  give  room  to  the  combat- 
 ants, and  to  the  musicians,  to  go  out  as  occasion  served.  When  the  multitude  were  set  down, 
 and  Cherea  with  the  other  tribunes  were  set  down  also,  and  the  right  corner  of  the  theatre 
 was  allotted  to  Caesar,  one  Vatinius,  a  senator,  commander  of  the  pretorian  band,  asked  of 
 Cluvius,  one  that  sat  by  bira,  and  was  of  consular  dignity  also,  "  Whether  he  had  heard  any 
 thing  of  the  news  or  not  ?"  but  took  care  that  uobody  should  hear  what  he  said  ;  and  when  Clu- 
 vius replied,  that  "  he  had  heard  no  news,"  "  Know  then,"  s^id  Vatinius,  "  that  the  game  of 
 the  slaughter  of  tyrants  is  to  be  played  this  day."  But  Cluvius  replied,  "  O  brave  comrade  ! 
 hold  thy  peace,  lest  some  other  of  the  Achaians  hear  thy  tale."  And  as  there  was  abundance 
 of  autumnal  fruit  thrown  among  the  spectators,  and  a  great  number  of  birds,  that  were  of  great 
 value  to  such  as  possessed  them,  on  account  of  their  rarene.ss,  Caius  was  pleased  with  the 
 birds  fighting  for  the  fruits,  and  with  the  violence  wherewith  the  spectators  seized  upon  them  ; 
 and  here  he  perceived  two  prodigies  that  hajjpened  there;  for  an  actor  was  introduced,  by 
 whom  a  leader  of  robbers  was  crucified,  and  the  pantomime  brouglit  in  a  play  called  Cyniras, 
 wherein  he  himself  was  to  be  slain,  as  well  as  his  daughter  Myrrha,  and  wherein  a  great  deal 
 of  fictitious  blood  was  shed,  both  about  him  that  was  crucified,  and  a!sn  about  Cyniras,  It  is 
 also  confessed,  that  this  was  the  same  day  wherein  Pausanias,  a  friend  of  Philip,  the  sou  of 
 Amyntas,  who  was  king  of  Macedonia,  slew  him  as  he  was  entering  into  the  theatre.  And 
 now  Caius  was  in  doubt  whether  he  would  tarry  to  the  end  of  the  shows,  because  it  was 
 the  last  day,  or  whether  he  should  not  go  first  to  the  bath,  and  to  dinner,  and  then  return  and 
 sit  down  as  before.  Hereupon  Minucianus,  who  sat  over  Caius,  ami  was  afraid  that  the  oppor- 
 tunity sliould  fail  them,  got  up,  because  be  saw  that  Cherea  was  already  gone  out,  and  made 
 haste  out,  to  confirm  him  in  his  resolution  ;  but  Caius  took  hold  of  his  garment,  in  an  obliging 
 way,  and  said  to  him,  "  O  brave  man  !  whither  art  thou  going  V  Whereupon,  out  of  reve- 
 rence to  Caesar,  as  it  seemed,  he  sat  down  again  ;  but  his  fear  prevailed  over  him,  and  in  a 
 little  time  he  got  up  again,  and  then  Caius  did  no  way  oppose  his  going  out,  as  thinking  that 
 he  went  out  to  perform  some  necessities  of  nature.  And  Asprenas,  who  was  one  of  the  confe- 
 derates, persuaded  Caius  to  go  out  to  the  bath,  and  to  dinner,  and  then  to  come  in  again,  as 
 desirous  that  what  had  been  resolved  on  might  be  brought  to  a  conclusion  immediately. 
 
 14.  So  Cherea's  associates  placed  themselves  in  order,  as  the  time  would  permit  them,  and 
 they  were  obliged  to  labour  hard,  that  the  place  which  was  appointed  them  should  not  be  left 
 by  them ;  but  they  had  an  indignation  at  the  tediousness  of  the  delays,  and  that  what  they  were 
 about  should  be  put  off  any  longer,  for  it  was  already  about  the  ninth*  hour  of  the  day,  and 
 Cherea,  upon  Caius'  tarrying  so  long,  bad  a  great  mind  to  go  in,  and  fall  upon  him  in  his  seat, 
 allhongh  he  foresaw  that  this  could  not  be  done  without  much  bloodshed,  both  of  the  senators, 
 and  of  those  of  the  equestrian  order  that  were  present;  and  although  he  knew  this  must  hap- 
 pen, yet  had  he  a  great  mind  to  do  so,  as  thinking  it  a  right  thing  to  procure  security  .and 
 freedom  to  all,  at  the  expense  of  such  as  might  perish  at  the  same  time.  And  as  they  were 
 just  going  back  into  the  entrance  to  the  theatre,  word  was  brought  them  that  Caius  was  arisen, 
 
 *  Suetonius  says  Caius  was  slain  about  the  seventh  hour  of  the  day  ;  Joseplius,  aljout  the  nioth.  The  series  ef 
 tlie  narration  favours  Joseph  us. 
 
BOOK  XIX. — CHAP.  I.  487 
 
 wlierebf  a  tumult  was  made;  hereupon  the  conspirators  thrust  away  the  crowd,  under  pretence 
 as  if  Ciiias  was  angry  at  them,  but  in  reality  as  desirous  to  have  a  quiet  place,  that  should  have 
 none  in  il  to  defend  him,  while  they  set  about  Caius'  slaup;hter.  Now  Claudius,  his  uncle,  was 
 l^one  out  before,  and  M;ircus  Vinitius,  his  sister's  husband,  as  also  Valerius  of  Asia  ;  whom, 
 (hough  they  had  such  a  m-tid  to  put  out  of  their  places,  the  reverence  to  their  dignity  hindered 
 them  so  to  do;  then  followed  Caius,  with  Faulus  Arruntius  ;  and  because  Caius  was  now  gotten 
 within  the  palace,  he  left  the  direct  road,  along  which  those  his  servants  stood  that  were  in 
 waiting,  and  by  which  road  Claudius  had  gone  out  before,  Caius  turned  aside  into  a  private 
 narrow  passage,  in  order  to  go  to  tlie  \.\ace  for  bathing,  as  also  in  order  <o  take  a  view  of  the 
 boys  that  came  out  of  Asia,  who  were  sent  thence,  partly  to  sing  hymns  in  these  mysteries, 
 ■which  were  now  celebrated,  and  partly  to  dance  in  the  Pyrriiic  way  of  dancing  upon  the  theatres. 
 So  Cherea  met  him,  and  asked  him  for  the  watch-word  ;  upon  Caius'  giving  him  one  of  his 
 ridiculous  words,  he  imniedinlely  reproached  him,  and  drew  his  sword,  and  gave  him  a  terrible 
 stroke  wiih  it,  yet  was  not  this  stroke  mortal.  And  although  there  be  those  that  say,  it  was 
 so  contrived  on  purpose  by  Cherea,  that  Caius  should  not  be  killed  at  one  blow,  but  should  be 
 punished  more  severely  by  a  multitude  of  wounds,  yet  does  this  story  appear  to  me  incredible ; 
 because  the  fear  men  are  under  in  such  actions  does  not  allow  thera  to  use  their  reason.  And 
 if  Cherea  was  of  that  mind,  I  esteem  him  the  greatest  of  fill  fools,  in  pleasing  himself  in  his 
 spite  against  Caius,  rather  than  imjnediately  procuring  safety  to  himself  and  to  his  confederates 
 from  the  dangers  they  were  in  ;  because  there  might  many  things  still  happen  for  helping  Caius' 
 escape,  if  he  had  not  already  given  up  the  ghost;  for  certainly  Cherea  would  have  regard,  not 
 so  much  to  the  punishment  of  Caius,  as  to  the  affliction  himself  and  his  friends  were  in,  while 
 it  was  in  his  power,  after  such  success,  to  keep  silent,  and  to  escape  the  wrath  of  Caius' 
 defenders,  and  not  to  leave  it  to  uncertainty  whetlier  he  should  gain  the  end  he  aimed  at  or 
 not,  and  after  an  unreasonable  manner  to  act  as  if  he  hfid  a  mind  to  ruin  himself,  and  lose  the 
 opportunity  that  lay  before  him;  but  every  body  may  guess  as  he  pleases  about  this  matter. 
 However,  Caius  was  staggered  with  the  pain  that  the  blow  gave  him  ;  for  the  stroke  of  the  sword 
 falling  in  the  middle,  between  the  shoulder  and  the  neck,  was  hindered  by  the  llrst  bone  of  the 
 breast  from  proceeding  any  further.  Nor  did  he  either  cry  out,  in  such  astonishment  was  he, 
 nor  did  he  call  out  for  any  of  his  friends;  whether  it  were  that  he  had  no  confidence  in  them, 
 or  that  his  mind  was  otherwise  disordered,  but  he  groaned  under  the  pain  he  endured,  and 
 presently  went  forward  and  fled ;  when  Cornelius  Sabinns,  who  was  alretidy  prepared  in  mind 
 so  to  do,  thrust  him  down  upon  his  knee,  where  many  of  them  stood  round  about  him,  and 
 struck  him  with  their  swords,  and  they  cried  out,  and  encouraged  one  another  all  at  once  to 
 strike  him  again  ;  but  all  agree  that  Aquila  gave  hini  the  finishing  stroke,  which  directly  killed 
 hira.  But  one  may  justly  ascribe  this  act  to  Cherea,  for  although  many  concurred  in  the  act 
 itself,  yet  was  he  the  first  contriver  of  it,  and  beijan  long  before  all  the  rest  to  prepare  for  it, 
 and  was  the  first  man  that  boldly  spoke  of  it  to  the  rest ;  and  upon  their  admission  of  what  he 
 said  about  it,  he  got  the  dispersed  conspirators  together ;  he  prepared  every  thing  after  a  pru- 
 dent manner,  and  by  suggesting  good  advice,  shewed  himself  far  superior  to  the  rest,  and  made 
 obliging  speeches  to  them,  insomuch  that  he  even  compelled  them  all  to  go  on,  who  otherwise 
 had  not  courage  enough  for  that  purpose ;  and  when  opportunity  served  to  use  his  sword  iu 
 hand,  he  appeared  first  of  all  ready  so  to  do,  and  gave  the  first  blow  in  this  virtuous  slaughter; 
 he  also  brought  Caius  easily  into  the  power  of  the  rest,  and  almost  killed  him  himself,  inso- 
 much that  it  is  but  just  to  ascribe  all  that  the  rest  did  to  the  advice,  and  bravery,  and  labours 
 of  the  hands  of  Cherea. 
 
 15.  Thus  did  Cains  come  to  his  end,  and  lay  dead,  by  the  many  wounds  which  had  been 
 given  him.  Now  Cherea  and  his  associates,  upon  Caius'  slaughter,  saw  that  it  was  impossible 
 for  them  to  save  themselves,  if  they  should  all  go  the  same  way,  pnrtly  on  account  of  the 
 astonishment  they  were  under:  for  it  was  no  small  danger  they  had  incurred  by  killing  an 
 emperor,  who  was  honoured  and  loved  by  the  madness  of  the  people,  especially  when  the  sol- 
 diers were  likely  to  make  a  bloody  inquiry  after  his  murderers.  The  passages  also  were  nar- 
 row wherein  the  work  was  done,  which  were  also  crowded  with  a  great  multitude  of  Caius' 
 attendants,  and  of  such  of  the  soldiers  as  were  of  the  emperor's  guard  that  day  :  whence  it  was 
 that  they  went  by  other  ways,  and  came  to  the  house  of  Germanicus,  the  father  of  Caius,  whom 
 they  had  now  killed,  (which  house  adjoined  to  the  palace ;  for  while  the  edifice  was  one,  it  was 
 built  in  its  several  parts  by  those  particular  persons  who  had  been  emperors,  and  those  parts 
 bore  the  names  of  those  that  built  them,  or  the  name  of  him  who  had  begun  to  build  any  of  its 
 parts.)  So  they  got  away  from  the  insults  of  the  multitude,  and  then  were  for  the  present  out 
 of  danger,  that  is,  so  long  as  the  misfortune  which  had  overtaken  the  emperor  was  not  known. 
 The  Germans  were  the  first  that  perceived  that  Caius  was  slain.  These  Germans  were  Caius' 
 guard,  and  carried  the  name  of  the  country  whence  they  were  chosen,  and  composed  the  Celtic 
 legion.  The  men  of  that  country  are  naturally  passionate,  whicli  is  commonly  the  temper  of 
 some  other  of  the  baiharous  nations  also,  as  not  being  used  to  consider  much  about  what  they 
 do;  they  are  of  robust  bodies,  and  fall  upon  their  enemies  as  soon  as  ever  they  are  attacked  by 
 them;  and  which  way  soever  they  go,  they  perform  great  exploits.  When,  therefore,  these 
 German  guards  understood  that  Caius  was  slain,  ihcy  were  very  sorry  for  it,  because  they  did 
 
488  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 not  nse  their  reason  in  judging  about  public  affairs,  but  measured  all  by  the  ndvantages  them- 
 selves received,  Caius  being  beloved  by  them,  because  of  the  money  he  gave  them,  by  vfbicli 
 be  had  purchased  their  kindness  to  him :  so  they  drew  their  swords,  and  Sabinus  led  them  on. 
 He  was  one  of  the  tribunes,  not  by  tbe  means  of  the  virtuous  aciions  of  his  progenitors,  for  he 
 had  been  a  gladiator,  bat  he  had  obtained  that  post  in  the  army  by  his  having  a  robust  body. 
 So  these  Germans  marched  along  the  houses  in  quest  of  Caesar's  murderers,  and  cut  Asprenas 
 to  pieces,  because  he  was  the  first  man  they  fell  upon,  and  whose  garment  it  was  that  the 
 blood  of  the  sacrifice  stained,  as  I  have  said  already,  and  which  foretold  that  this  his  meeting 
 the  soldiers  would  not  be  for  his  good.  Then  did  Norbanus  meet  Ihem,  who  was  one  of  the 
 principal  nobility  of  the  city,  and  could  shew  many  generals  of  armies  among  his  ancestors,  but 
 they  paid  no  regard  to  his  dignity ;  yet  was  he  of  such  great  strength,  that  he  wrested  the 
 sword  of  the  first  of  those  that  assaulted  him  out  of  his  hands,  and  appeared  plainly  not  to  be 
 willing  to  die  without  a  struggle  for  bis  life,  until  he  was  surrounded  by  a  great  number  of 
 assailants,  and  died  by  the  multitude  of  the  wounds  which  thty  gave  him.  The  tiiird  man 
 was  Auteins,  a  senator,  and  a  few  others  with  him.  He  did  not  meet  with  these  Germans  by 
 chance,  as  the  rest  did  before,  but  came  to  shew  his  hatred  to  Caius,  and  because  he  loved  to 
 see  Caius  lie  dead  with  his  own  eyes,  and  look  a  pleasure  in  that  sight,  for  Cains  had  banished 
 Anteius'  father,  who  was  of  the  same  name  with  himself,  and,  being  not  satisfied  with  that,  he  sent 
 out  his  soldiers,  and  slew  him  :  so  he  was  come  to  rejoice  at  the  sight  of  him,  now  he  was 
 tiead.  But  as  the  house  was  now  all  in  a  tumult,  when  he  was  aiming  to  hide  himself,  he 
 could  not  escape  that  accurate  search  which  the  Germans  made,  while  they  barbarously  slew 
 those  that  were  guilty  and  those  that  were  not  guilty,  and  this  equally  also.  And  thus  were 
 tiiese  [three]  persons  slain. 
 
 16.  But  when  the  rumour  that  Caius  was  slain  reached  the  theatre,  they  were  astonished  at 
 it,  and  could  not  believe  it :  even  some  that  entertained  his  destruction  with  great  pleasure, 
 and  were  more  desirous  of  its  liappeiiing  than  almost  any  Other  satisfaction  that  could  come  to 
 them,  were  under  such  a  fear,  that  they  could  not  believe  it.  There  were  also  those  who 
 greatly  distrusted  it,  because  they  were  unwilling  that  any  such  thing  should  come  to  Caius, 
 nor  could  believe  it,  though  it  were  ever  so  true,  because  they  thought  no  man  could  possibly 
 have  so  much  power  as  to  kill  Cains.  These  were  the  women,  and  the  children,  and  the 
 slaves,  and  some  of  the  soldiery.  This  last  sort  had  taken  his  pay,  and  in  a  manner  tyrannized 
 with  him,  and  had  abused  the  best  of  his  citizens,  in  being  subservient  to  his  unjust  commands, 
 in  order  to  gain  honours  and  advantages  to  themselves;  but  for  the  women,  and  the  youth, 
 iliey  had  been  inveigled  with  shows,  and  the  fightings  of  the  gladiators,  rnd  certain  distribu- 
 tions of  flesh-meat  among  them,  which  things  in  pretence  were  designed  for  the  pleasing  of  the 
 multitude,  but  in  reality  to  satiate  the  barbarous  cruelty  and  madness  of  Caius.  The  slaves 
 also  were  sorry,  because  they  were  by  Caius  allowed  to  accuse  and  to  despise  their  masters, 
 and  they  could  have  recourse  to  his  assistance  when  they  had  unjustly  aflronted  them;  for  he 
 was  very  easy  in  believing  them  against  their  masters,  even  when  they  accused  them  falsely; 
 and,  if  they  would  discover  what  money  their  masters  had,  they  might  soon  obtain  both  riches 
 and  liberty,  as  the  rewards  of  their  accusations,  because  the  reward  of  these  informers  was  the 
 eighth  part  of  the  criminal's  substance.*  As  to  the  nobles,  although  the  report  appeared 
 credible  to  some  of  them,  either  because  they  knew  of  the  plot  beforehand,  or  because  they 
 wished  it  might  be  true;  however,  they  concealed  not  only  the  joy  they  had  at  the  relation  of 
 it,  but  that  they  had  heard  any  thing  at  all  about  it.  These  last  acted  so  out  of  the  fear  they 
 had,  that  if  the  report  proved  false,  they  should  be  punished,  for  having  so  soon  let  men  know 
 their  minds.  But  those  that  knew  Caius  was  dead,  because  they  were  partners  with  the  con- 
 spirators, they  concealed  all  still  more  cautiously,  as  not  knowing  one  another's  minds;  and 
 fearing  lest  they  should  speak  of  it  to  some  of  those  to  whom  the  continuance  of  tyranny  was 
 advantageous ;  and,  if  Cains  should  prove  to  be  alive,  they  might  be  informed  against,  and 
 punished.  And  another  report  went  about,  that  although  Caius  had  been  wounded  indeed,  yet 
 was  not  he  dead,  but  alive  still,  and  under  the  physician's  hands.  Nor  was  any  one  looked 
 upon  by  another  as  faithful  enough  to  be  trusted,  and  to  whom  any  one  would  open  his  mind  ; 
 for  he  was  either  a  friend  to  Caius,  and  therefore  suspected  to  favour  his  tyranny,  or  he  wa.< 
 one  that  hated  him,  who  therefore  might  be  suspected  to  deserve  the  less  credit,  because  of 
 his  ill-will  to  him.  Nay,  it  was  said  by  some,  (and  this  indeed  it  was  that  deprived  the  nobi- 
 lity of  their  hopes,  and  made  them  sad,)  that  Caius  was  in  a  condition  to  despise  ihe  dangers 
 he  had  been  in,  and  took  no  care  of  healing  his  wonuds,  but  was  gotten  away  into  the  market- 
 place, and,  bloody  as  he  was,  was  making  an  harangue  to  the  people.  And  these  were  the  con- 
 jectured reports  of  those  that  were  so  unreasonable  as  to  endeavour  to  raise  tumults,  which 
 they  turned  different  ways,  according  to  the  opinions  of  the  hearers.  Yet  did  they  not  leave 
 their  seats,  for  fear  of  being  accused,  if  they  should  go  out  before  the  rest ;  for  they  should  not 
 be  sentenced  according  to  the  real  intention  with  which  they  went  out,  but  according  to  the 
 sup|iosals  of  the  accusers,  and  of  the  judges. 
 
 17.  But  now  a  multitude  of  Germans  had  surrounded  the  theatre,  with  their  swords  drawn; 
 
 •  The  reward  proposed  by  tho  Roman  laws  to  informers,  was  sometimes  an  eighth  part  of  the  criminal's 
 goods,  as  liere,  and  sometimes  a  fourth  part,  as  Spauhcim  assures  us,  from  Suetonius  and  Tacitus. 
 
BOOK    XIX. — CHAP.    II.  489 
 
 all  Ihe  spectators  looked  for  nothing  but  death,  and  at  every  one's  coming  in  a  fear  seized  upon 
 tliem,  as  if  they  were  to  be  cut  in  pieces  immediately  ;  and  in  great  dist  ess  they  were,  as 
 neither  having  courage  enough  to  go  out  of  the  theatre,  nor  believing  themselves  safe  from 
 dangers  if  they  tarried  there.  And  when  the  Germans  came  upon  them,  the  ery  was  so  great, 
 that  the  theatre  rang  again  with  the  entreaties  of  the  spectators  to  the  soldiers  ;  pleading 
 that  they  were  entirely  ignorant  of  every  thing  that  related  to  such  seditious  contrivances, 
 and  that  if  there  were  any  sedition  raised,  they  knew  nothing  of  it ;  they  therefore  begged 
 that  they  would  spare  them,  and  not  punish  those  that  had  not  the  least  hand  in  such  bold 
 crimes  as  belonged  to  other  persons,  while  they  neglected  to  search  after  such  as  had  really 
 done  whatsoever  it  be  tiiat  hath  been  done.  Thus  did  these  people  appeal  to  God,  and  deplore 
 their  infelicity  with  shedding  of  tears,  and  beating  their  faces,  and  said  every  thing  that  tlie 
 most  imminent  danger,  and  the  utmost  concern  for  their  lives,  could  dictate  to  them.  This 
 broke  the  fury  of  the  soldiers,  and  made  them  repent  of  what  they  minded  to  do  to  the  spec- 
 tators, which  would  have  been  the  greatest  instance  of  cruelty.  And  so  it  appeared  to  even 
 these  savages,  when  they  had  once  fixed  the  beads  of  those  that  were  slain  with  Asprenas 
 upon  the  altar  ;  at  which  sight  the  spectators  were  sorely  afllicted,  both  upon  tlie  considera- 
 tion of  the  dignity  of  the  persons,  and  out  of  a  commiseration  of  their  suflerings  ;  nay,  indeed, 
 they  were  almost  in  as  great  disorder  at  the  prosjject  of  the  danger  themselves  were  in,  seeing 
 it  was  still  uncertain  whether  they  should  entirely  escape  the  like  calamity.  Whence  it  was, 
 that  such  as  thoroughly  and  justly  hated  Cains,  could  yet  no  way  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  his 
 death,  because  thej  were  themselves  in  jeopardy  of  perishing  together  with  him,  nor  had  they 
 hitherto  any  firm  assurance  of  surviving. 
 
 11.  There  was  at  this  time  one  Euaristus  Arruntius,  a  public  crier  in  the  market,  and 
 therefore  of  a  strong  and  audible  voice,  who  vied  in  wealth  with  the  richest  of  the  Romans, 
 and  was  ahle  to  do  what  he  pleased  in  the  city,  both  then  and  afterward.  This  man  put  him- 
 self into  the  n)ost  mournful  habit  he  could,  although  he  had  a  greater  hatred  against  Caius 
 than  any  one  else,  his  fear  and  his  wise  contrivance  to  gain  his  safety  taught  him  so  to  do, 
 and  prevailed  over  his  present  pleasure  ;  so  he  put  on  such  a  mournful  dress  as  he  would 
 have  done  had  he  lost  his  dearest  friend  in  the  world  ;  this  man  came  into  the  theatre,  and 
 informed  them  of  the  death  of  Caius,  and  by  this  means  put  an  end  to  that  state  of  ignorance 
 the  men  had  been  in.  Arruntius  also  went  round  about  the  pillars,  and  called  out  to  tJie  Ger- 
 mans, as  did  the  tribunes  with  him,  bidding  them  put  up  their  swords,  and  telling  them  that 
 Caius  was  dead.  And  this  proclamation  it  was,  plainly,  which  saved  those  that  were  collected 
 together  in  the  theatre,  and  all  the  rest  who  any  way  met  the  Germans  ;  for,  while  they  had 
 hopes  that  Caius  had  still  any  breath  in  Lim,  they  abstained  from  no  sort  of  mischief;  and 
 such  an  abundant  kindness  they  still  had  for  Caius,  that  they  would  willingly  have  prevented 
 the  plot  against  him,  and  procured  his  escape  from  so  sad  a  misfortune,  at  the  expense  of  their 
 own  lives.  But  they  now  left  off  the  warm  zeal  the)'  had  to  punish  his  enemies,  now  they 
 were  fully  satisfied  that  Cains  was  dead,  because  it  was  now  in  vain  for  them  to  shew  their  zeal 
 and  kindness  to  him,  when  he  that  should  reward  them  was  perished.  They  were  also  afiaid 
 that  they  should  be  punished  by  the  senate,  if  they  should  go  on  in  doing  such  injuries,  that 
 is,  in  case  the  authority  of  the  supreme  governor  should  revert  to  them.  And  thus  at  length 
 a  stop  was  put,  though  not  without  difficulty,  to  that  rage  which  possessed  the  Germans  on 
 account  of  Caius'  death. 
 
 1'.).  But  Cherea  was  so  much  afraid  for  Minucianus  lest  he  should  light  upon  the  Germans, 
 now  tliey  were  in  their  fury,  that  he  went  and  spoke  to  every  one  of  the  soldiers,  and  prayed 
 them  to  take  care  of  his  preservation,  and  made  himself  great  inquiry  about  him,  lest  he  should 
 have  been  slain.  And  for  Clement,  he  let  Minucianus  go  when  he  was  brought  to  him,  and, 
 with  many  other  of  the  senators,  affirmed  the  action  was  right,  and  commended  the  virtue  of 
 those  Iliat  contrived  it,  and  had  courage  enough  to  execute  it ;  and  said  that  "tyrants  do  indeed 
 please  themselves  and  look  big  for  a  while,  upon  having  the  power  to  act  unjustly  ;  but  do  not 
 however  go  happily  out  of  the  world,  because  they  are  hated  by  the  virtuous;  and  that  Caius, 
 together  with  all  his  unhappiness,  was  become  a  conspirator  against  himself,  before  these 
 other  men  who  attacked  him  did  so  ;  and  by  becoming  intolerable,  in  setting  aside  the  wise 
 provision  the  laws  had  made,  had  taught  his  dearest  friends  to  treat  him  as  an  enemy  ; 
 insomuch  that  although  in  common  discourse  these  conspirators  were  those  that  slew  Caius, 
 yet  that,  in  reality,  he  lies  now  dead  as  perishing  by  his  own  self." 
 
 "20.  Now  by  ihis  time  the  people  in  the  theatre  were  arisen  from  their  seats,  and  those  that 
 were  within  made  a  very  great  disturbance;  the  cause  of  which  was  this,  that  the  spectators 
 were  too  hasty  in  getting  away.  There  was  also  one  Alcyon,  p  physician,  who  hurried  away, 
 as  if  to  cure  those  that  were  wounded,  and,  under  mat  pretence,  he  sent  those  that  were 
 with  him  to  fetcii  what  things  were  necessary  for  the  healing  of  those  wounded  persons,  but 
 in  reality  to  get  them  clear  of  the  present  dangers  they  were  in.  Now  the  senate,  during 
 this  interval,  had  met,  and  (he  people  also  assembled  together  in  the  accustomed  form,  and 
 were  both  employed  in  searching  after  the  murderers  of  Caius.  The  people  did  it  very  zea- 
 lously, but  the  senate  in  appearance  onlv;  for  there  was  present  ^'a!trius  of  Asia,  one  that 
 had  been  consul  ;  this  man  went  to  the  people,  as  they  were  in  disorder,  and  very  uneasy  that 
 
 30 
 
490  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 (hej  could  not  yet  discover  who  lliey  were  that  murdered  the  emperor:  ho  was  then  earnesll? 
 asked  by  them  all  "  who  it  was  that  had  dona  it?"  He  replied,  "  I  wisli  I  had  been  the 
 man."  Tlte  consuls*  also  published  an  edict  wherein  they  accused  Caius,  and  gave  order  to 
 the  people  then  got  together,  and  to  the  soldiers,  to  go  home  ,  and  g<ive  the  people  hopes  of 
 the  abatement  of  the  oppressions  they  lay  under  ;  and  promised  the  soldiers,  if  tiiey  lay  quiet 
 as  they  used  to  do,  and  would  not  go  abroad  to  do  mischief  unjustly,  that  they  would  bestow 
 rewards  upon  them  ;  for  there  was  renson  to  fear  lest  the  city  might  suifer  harm  by  their  wild 
 and  ungovernable  behaviour,  if  they  should  once  betake  themselves  to  spoil  the  citizens,  or 
 plunder  the  temples.  And  now  the  whole  multitude  of  the  senators  were  assembled  together, 
 and  especially  those  that  had  conspired  to  fake  away  the  life  of  Caius,  who  put  on  at  this  time 
 an  air  of  great  assurance,  and  appeared  with  great  magnanimity,  as  if  the  administration  of 
 the  public  afl'airs  were  already  devolved  upon  them. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Hoiv  the  Se7iators  determined  to  restore  the  Democracy  ;  but  the  Soldiers  were  for  preserving 
 the-  Monarch]/.  Coticmning  the  Slaughter  of  Caius'  Wife  and  Daughter.  A  Character  of 
 Caius'  Morals. 
 
 §  I.  When  the  public  affairs  were  in  this  posture,  Claudius  was  on  the  sudden  hurried  away 
 out  of  his  house  :  for  the  soldiers  had  a  meeting  together,  and  when  they  had  debated  about 
 what  was  to  be  done,  they  saw  that  a  democracy  was  incapable  of  managing  such  a  vast  weight 
 of  public  affairs  ,  and  that  if  it  should  be  set  u[),  it  would  not  be  tor  their  advantage  :  and  in 
 case  any  one  of  those  already  in  the  government  should  obtain  the  supreme  power,  it  would 
 in  all  respects  be  to  their  grief,  if  they  were  not  assisting  to  him  in  his  advancement  :  that  it 
 would  therefore  be  right  for  tlieni,  while  the  public  aflairs  were  unsettled,  to  choose  Claudins 
 emperor,  who  was  uncle  to  the  deceased  Caius,  and  of  a  superior  dignity  and  worth  to  every 
 one  of  those  that  were  assembled  together  in  the  senate,  both  on  account  of  the  virtues  of  his 
 ancestors,  and  of  the  learning  he  had  acquired  by  his  education,  and  who,  if  once  settled  in 
 the  empire,  would  reward  them  according  to  their  deserts,  and  bestow  largesses  upon  them. 
 These  were  their  consultations,  and  they  executed  the  same  immediately.  Claudins  was  there- 
 fore seized  upon  suddenly  by  the  soldiery.  But  Cneas  Sentius  Saturninus,  although  he  under- 
 stood that  Claudius  was  seized,  and  that  he  intended  to  claim  the  government,  unwillingly 
 indeed  in  appearance,  hut  in  reality  by  his  own  free  consent,  stood  up  in  the  senate,  and,  with- 
 out being  dismayed,  made  an  exhortatory  oration  to  them,  and  such  a  one  indeed  as  was  fit 
 for  men  of  freedom  and  generosity,  and  spoke  thuii : 
 
 2.  "  Although  it  be  a  thing  incredible,  O  Romans!  because  of  the  great  length  of  time,  that 
 so  unexpected  an  event  hath  happened,  yet  are  we  now  in  possession  of  liberty.  How  long 
 indeed  this  will  last  is  uncertain,  and  lies  at  the  disposal  of  the  gods,  whose  grant  it  is  ;  yet 
 such  it  is  as  is  suflicient  to  make  us  rejoice,  and  be  happy  for  the  piesent,  although  we  may 
 soon  be  deprived  of  it  ;  for  one  hour  is  sufficient  to  thuse  that  are  exercised  in  virtue,  wherein 
 we  may  live  with  a  mind  accountable  to  ourselves,  in  our  own  country,  now  free,  and  governed 
 by  such  laws  as  this  couniry  once  flourished  under.  As  for  myself,  I  cannot  remember  our 
 former  time  of  liberty,  as  being  born  after  it  was  gone  ;  but  I  am  beyond  measure  filled  with 
 joy  at  the  thoughts  of  oar  present  freedom.  I  also  esteem  those  that  were  born  and  bred  up 
 in  that  our  former  liberty,  happy  men,  and  that  those  men  are  worthy  of  no  less  esteem  than 
 the  gods  themselves,  who  have  given  us  a  taste  of  it  in  this  age  ;  and  I  heartily  wish,  that  this 
 quiet  enjoyment  of  it,  which  we  have  at  present,  might  continue  to  all  ages.  However,  this 
 single  day  may  snfiice  for  our  youth,  as  well  as  for  us  that  are  in  years.  It  will  seem  an  age 
 to  our  old  men,  if  they  might  die  during  its  happy  duration  ;  it  may  also  be  for  the  instruction 
 of  the  younger  sort,  what  kind  of  virtue  those  men,  from  whose  loins  we  are  derived,  were 
 exercised  in.  As  for  ourselves,  our  business  is,  during  the  space  of  time,  to  live  virtuously, 
 than  which  nothing  can  be  more  to  our  advantage  ;  which  course  of  virtue  it  is  alone  that  can 
 preserve  our  liberty ;  for,  as  to  our  ancient  state,  I  have  heard  of  it  by  the  relation  of  others, 
 but  as  to  our  later  state,  during  my  lifetime,  I  have  known  it  by  experience,  and  I  learned 
 thereby  what  mischiefs  tyrannies  have  brought  upon  this  commonwealth,  discouraging  all  vir- 
 tue, and  depriving  persons  of  magnanimity  of  their  liberty,  and  proving  the  teachers  of  flattery 
 and  slavish  fear,  because  it  leaves  the  public  administration  not  to  be  governed  by  wise  lav.'s, 
 but  by  the  humour  of  those  that  govern.  For  since  Julius  Caesar  took  it  into  his  head  to  dis- 
 solve our  democracy,  and,  by  overbearing  the  regular  system  of  our  laws,  to  bring  disorders 
 into  our  administration,  and  to  get  above  right  and  justice,  and  to  be  a  slave  to  his  own  incli- 
 nations, there  is  no  kind  of  misery  but  what  hath  tended  to  the  subversion  of  this  city  ;  while 
 all  those  that  have  succeeded  him  have  striven  one  with  another  to  overthrow  the  ancient  laws 
 of  their  country,  and  have  left  it  destitute  of  such  citizens  as  were  of  generous  principles  ; 
 because  they  thougiii  it   tended  to  their  safely  to  have  vicious  niea  to  converse  withal,  and 
 
 *  These  consuls  are  named  in  the  Wars  of  the  Jews,  b.  ii.  chap.  xi.  4  1.  Sentius  Saturninus,  and  Pwu 
 ponius  Secundus,  m  Spanheiin  notes  here.  The  speech  of  the  fo/mer  of  them  is  set  down  in  the  aeit 
 chnpter,  ,  5. 
 
BOOK    XIX. —  CHAP.    II.  491 
 
 not  only  to  break  tlie  spirits  of  those  tliat  were  best  esteemed  for  their  virtue,  but  to  resolve 
 upon  their  utter  destriictioi).  Of  all  whioli  emperors,  who  have  been  many  in  number,  and 
 wlio  laid  upon  us  insufTeraUle  hardships  during  t!ie  times  of  their  government,  this  Caius,  who 
 liath  beon  slain  to-day,  hath  brought  more  terrible  calamities  upon  us  than  did  all  the  rest,  not 
 onlv  by  exercising  his  ungoverned  rage  upon  hia  fellow-citizens,  but  also  upon  bis  kindred 
 aud  friends,  and  alike  upon  all  others,  and  by  inflicting  still  greater  miseries  upon  them,  as 
 punishments,  which  they  never  deserved,  he  being  equally  furious  against  men  and  against  the 
 gods.  For  tyrants  are  not  content  to  gain  their  sweet  pleasure,  and  this  by  acting  injuriously, 
 and  in  the  vexation  they  bring  both  upon  men's  estates  and  their  wives;  but  they  look  upon 
 that  to  be  their  principal  advantage,  when  they  can  utterly  overthrow  the  cnfire  families  of 
 their  enemies;  while  all  lovers  of  liberty  are  the  enemies  of  tyranny.  Nor  can  those  that 
 patiently  endure  what  miseries  they  bring  on  them,  gain  their  friendship;  for  as  the3'  are  con- 
 scious of  the  abundant  mischiefs  they  have  brought  on  these  men,  and  how  magnanimously  they 
 have  borne  their  hard  fortunes,  they  cannot  but  be  sensible  what  evils  they  have  done,  and 
 thence  only  depend  on  security  from  what  they  are  suspicious  of,  if  it  may  be  in  their  power  to 
 lake  them  quite  out  of  the  world.  Since,  then,  we  are  now  gotten  clear  of  such  great  misfor- 
 tunes, and  are  only  accountable  to  one  another,  (which  form  of  government  aflbrds  us  the  best 
 assurance  of  our  present  concord,  and  promises  us  the  best  security  from  evil  designs,  and 
 will  be  most  for  our  own  glory  in  settling  the  city  in  good  order,)  you  onglit  every  one  of  you 
 in  particular  to  make  provision  for  his  own,  and  in  general,  for  the  public  utility  ;  or,  on  the 
 contrary,  they  may  declare  their  dissent  to  such  things  as  have  been  proposed,  and  this  with- 
 out any  hazard  of  danger  to  come  upon  them  ;  because  they  have  now  no  lord  set  over  them, 
 who,  without  fear  of  punishment,  could  do  mischief  to  the  city,  and  had  an  uncontrollable 
 power  to  take  off  those  that  freely  declare  their  opinions.  Nor  has  any  thing  so  much  contri- 
 buted to  this  increase  of  tvranny  of  late  as  sloth,  and  a  timorous  forbearance  of  contradicting 
 the  emperor's  will;  while  men  bad  an  overgreat  inclination  to  the  sweetness  of  peace,  and  had 
 learned  to  live  like  slaves  ;  and  as  many  of  us  as  either  heard  of  intolerable  calamities  that  hap- 
 pened at  a  distance  from  us,  or  saw  the  miseries  that  were  near  us,  out  of  the  dread  of  dying 
 virtuously,  endured  a  death  joined  with  the  utmost  infamy.  We  ought,  then,  in  the  first 
 place,  to  decree  the  greatest  honours  we  are  able  to  those  that  have  taken  ofl'  the  tyrant,  espe- 
 cially to  Cherea  Cassius ;  for  this  one  man,  with  the  assistance  of  the  gods,  hath  by  his  counsel, 
 and  by  his  actions,  been  the  procurer  of  our  liberty.  Nor  ought  we  to  forget  bim  now  we  have 
 recovered  our  liberty,  who,  under  the  foregoing  tyranny,  took  counsel  beforehand,  and  before- 
 hand hazarded  himself  for  our  liberties,  but  ought  to  decree  him  proper  honours,  and  thereby 
 freely  declare,  that  he  from  tl'e  beginning  acted  with  our  approbation.  And  certainly  it  is  a 
 very  excellent  thing,  and  what  becomes  freemen,  to  requite  their  benefactors,  as  this  man  hath 
 been  a  benefactor  to  us  all,  though  not  at  all  like  Cassius  and  Brutus;  who  slew  Caius  Julius 
 [Caesar  ;]  for  those  men  laid  the  foundations  of  sedition  and  civil  war  in  our  city,  but  this  man, 
 together  with  his  slaughter  of  the  tyrant,  hath  set  our  city  free  from  all  those  sad  miseries 
 which  arose  from  the  tyranny."* 
 
 3.  And  this  was  the  purpose  of  Sentins's  oration,  which  was  received  with  pleasure  by  the 
 senators,  and  by  as  many  of  the  equestrian  order  as  were  present.  And  now  one  Trebellius 
 IMaximus  rose  up  hastily,  and  took  off  Sentius's  finger  a  ring,  which  had  a  stone,  with  the 
 inia;;e  of  Caius  engraven  iipnn  it,  and  which,  in  his  zeal  in  speaking,  and  his  earnestness  in 
 doiiig  what  he  was  about,  as  it  was  supposed,  he  had  forgotten  to  take  off  himself.  This 
 sculpture  was  broken  immediately.  But,  as  it  was  now  far  in  the  night,  Cherea  demanded  of 
 the  consuls  the  watch-word,  who  gave  him  this  word.  Liberty.  These  facts  were  the  subjects 
 of  admiration  to  themselves,  and  almost  incredible  ;  for  it  was  a  hundred  yearst  since  the 
 democracy  bad  been  laid  aside,  when  this  giving  the  watch-word  returned  to  tlie  consuls;  for, 
 before  the  city  was  subject  to  tyrants,  they  were  the  commanders  of  the  soldiers.  But,  when 
 Cherea  had  received  that  watch-word,  he  delivered  it  to  those  who  were  on  the  senate's  side, 
 which  were  four  regiments,  who  esteemed  the  government  without  emperors  to  be  preferable 
 to  tyranny.  So  these  went  away  with  their  tribunes.  The  people  also  now  departed  very 
 joyful,  full  of  hope  and  of  courage,  as  having  recovered  their  former  democracy,  and  were  no 
 longer  under  an  emperor ;  and  Cherea  was  in  very  great  esteem  with  them. 
 
 4.  And  now  Cherea  was  very  uneasy  that  Cains's  daughter  and  wife  were  still  alive,  and 
 that  all  his  family  did  not  perish  with  him,  since  whosoever  was  left  of  tlnm  must  be  left  for 
 the  ruin  of  the  city  and  of  the  laws.  Moreover,  in  order  to  finish  this  matter  with  tlie  utmost 
 y.eal,  and  in  order  to  satisfy  his  hatred  of  Caius,  he  sent  Julius  Lupus,  one  of  the  tribunes,  to 
 kill  Caius's  wife  and  daughter.    They  proposed  thisoflice  to  Lupus,  as  to  a  kinsman  of  Clement, 
 
 *  In  this  oration  of  Sentius  Satuminns,  Tve  may  see  the  great  value  virtuous  men  put  upon  public  liberty, 
 and  the  sad  misery  they  underwent,  while  thty  were  tyrannized  over  by  such  emperors  as  Caiu«.  See  Jose 
 phus'  owu  short  hut  pilhy  reHection  at  the  end  of  the  chapter  :  "  So  difficult,"  snys  ho,  "  it  is  for  those  to 
 obtain  the  virtue  that  is  necessarj'  to  a  wise  mau,  who  have  the  absolute  power  to  do  wliai  Ihey  please,  with- 
 out coutrol." 
 
 ■f  Hence  we  learn  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Satunnnus,  the  sovereipm  authority  of  the  consuls  and  senate  had 
 been  taken  away  just  1(H)  years  before  the  death  of  Caius,  A.  I).  ■)!.  or  in  the  OOth  year  before  the  Christian 
 era;  when  the  tirst  triumvirate  betiin  under  CicHar,  Pompcy,  aud  Crassus. 
 
492  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 that  he  might  be  so  far  a  partaker  of  this  murder  of  the  tyrant,  and  might  rejoice  in  the  virtue 
 of  having  assisted  his  fellow-citizens,  end  that  be  mi2;ht  appear  to  have  been  a  partaker  with 
 those  that  were  first  in  their  designs  against  him.  Yet  did  this  action  appear  to  some  of  the 
 conspirators  to  be  too  cruel,  as  to  this  using  such  severity  to  a  woman,  because  Cains  did  more 
 indulge  his  own  ill  nature,  than  use  her  advice  in  all  that  he  did ;  from  which  ill  nature  it  was 
 that  the  city  was  in  such  a  desperate  condition  with  the  miseries  that  were  brought  on  it,  and 
 the  flower  of  the  city  was  destroyed.  But  others  accused  her  of  giving  her  consent  to  these 
 things  :  nay,  they  ascribed  all  that  Cains  had  done  to  her  as  the  cause  of  it,  and  said  she  had 
 given  a  potion  to  Caius,  which  had  made  hira  obnoxious  to  her,  and  had  tied  him  down  to  love 
 Ler  by  such  evil  methods  ;  insomuch  that  slie,  having  rendered  hira  distracted,  was  become 
 the  author  of  all  the  mischiefs  that  had  befallen  the  Romans,  and  that  habitable  world  which 
 was  subject  to  them.  So  that  at  length  it  was  determined  that  she  must  die  ;  nor  could  those 
 of  the  contrary  opinion  at  all  prevail  to  have  her  saved  ;  and  Lupus  was  sent  accordingly.  Nor 
 was  there  any  delay  made  in  executing  what  he  went  about,  but  he  was  subservient  to  those 
 that  sent  him  on  the  first  opportunity,  as  desirous  to  be  no  way  blameable  in  what  might  be 
 done  for  the  advantage  of  the  people.  So  when  he  was  come  into  the  palace,  he  found  Ceso- 
 nia,  who  was  Caius's  wife,  lying  by  her  husband's  dead  body,  which  also  lay  down  on  the 
 ground,  and  destitute  of  all  such  things  as  the  law  allows  to  the  dead,  and  all  over  herself 
 besmeared  with  the  blood  of  her  husband's  wounds,  and  bewailing  the  great  afiliction  she  was 
 under,  her  daughter  lying  by  her  also  :  and  nothing  else  was  heard  in  these  her  circumstances, 
 but  her  complaint  of  Caius,  as  if  he  bad  not  regarded  what  she  had  often  told  him  of  before- 
 hand ;  which  words  of  hers  were  taken  in  a  diflerent  sense  even  at  that  time,  and  are  now 
 esteemed  equally  ambiguous  by  those  that  bear  of  them,  and  are  still  interpreted  according  to 
 the  diflerent  inclinations  ofpfiople.  Now  some  said  that  the  words  denoted,  that  she  had 
 advised  him  to  leave  off  his  mad  behaviour  and  his  barbarous  cruelty  to  the  citizens,  and  to 
 govern  the  public  with  moderation  and  virtue,  lest  he  should  perish  by  the  same  way,  upon 
 their  using  him  as  he  had  used  them.  But  some  said,  that,  as  certain  words  had  passed  con- 
 cerning the  conspirators,  she  desired  Caius  to  make  no  delay,  but  immediately  to  put  them  all 
 to  death,  and  this  whether  they  were  guilty  or  not,  and  that  thereby  he  would  be  out  of  the 
 fear  of  any  danger  ;  t(nd  that  this  was  what  she  reproached  him  for,  when  she  advised  him  so 
 to  do  ;  but  he  was  too  slow  and  tender  in  the  matter.  And  this  was  what  Cesonia  said,  and 
 what  the  opinions  of  men  were  about  it.  But,  when  she  saw  Lupus  approach,  she  shewed  him 
 Caius's  dead  body,  and  persuaded  him  to  come  nearer  with  lamentation  and  tears  :  and  as 
 she  perceived  that  Lupus  was  in  disorder,  and  approached  her  in  order  to  execute  some  design 
 disagreeable  to  himself,  she  was  well  aware  for  what  purpose  he  came,  and  stretched  out  her 
 naked  throat,  and  that  very  cheerfully  to  him,  bewailing  her  case,  like  one  utterly  despairing 
 of  her  life,  and  bidding  him  not  to  boggle  at  finishing  the  tragedy  they  bad  resolved  upon  relat- 
 ing to  her.  So  she  boldly  received  her  death's  wound  at  the  hand  of  Lupus,  as  did  the  daugh- 
 ter after  her.     So  Lupus  made  haste  to  inform  Cherea  of  what  he  had  done. 
 
 5.  Thus  was  the  end  of  Caius,  after  he  had  reigned  four  j'ears  within  four  months.  He  was, 
 even  before  he  came  to  be  emperor,  ill  natured,  and  one  that  had  arrived  at  the  utmost  pitch 
 of  wickedness  :  a  slave  to  his  pleasures,  and  a  lover  of  calumny  ;  greatly  afl'ected  by  every 
 terrible  accident,  and  on  that  account  of  a  very  murderous  disposition,  where  he  durst  shew 
 it.  He  enjoyed  his  exorbitant  power  to  this  only  purpose,  to  injure  those  that  least  deserved 
 it  with  unreasonable  insolence,  and  got  his  wealth  by  murder  and  injustice.  He  laboured  to 
 appear  above  regarding  either  what  was  divine  or  agreeable  to  the  laws,  but  was  a  slave  to 
 the  commendations  of  the  populace;  and  whatsoever  the  laws  determined  to  be  shameful,  and 
 punished,  that  he  esteemed  more  honourable  than  what  was  virtuous.  He  was  unmindful  of 
 his  friends,  hou  intimate  soever,  and  though  they  were  persons  of  the  highest  character  ;  and, 
 if  be  was  once  angry  at  any  of  them,  he  would  inflict  punishment  upon  tliem  on  the  smallest 
 occasions,  and  esteemed  every  man  that  endeavoured  to  lead  a  virtuous  life  his  enemy.  And 
 whatsoever  he  commanded,  he  would  not  admit  of  any  contradiction  to  bis  inclinations  :  whence 
 it  was  that  he  had  criminal  conversation  with  his  own  sister  ;*  from  which  occasion  chiefly  it 
 was  also,  that  a  bitter  hatred  first  sprang  up  against  him  among  the  citizens,  that  sort  of  incest 
 not  having  been  known  of  a  long  time  ;  and  so  this  provoked  men  to  distrust  him,  and  to  hate 
 him  that  was  guilty  of  it.  And  for  any  great  or  royal  work  that  he  ever  did,  which  might  be 
 for  the  present  and  for  future  ages,  nobody  can  name  any  such,  but  only  the  haven  that  he 
 made  about  Rhegium  and  Sicily,  for  the  reception  of  the  ships  that  brought  corn  from  Egypt ; 
 which  was  indeed  a  work  without  dispute  very  great  in  itself,  and  of  very  great  advantage  to 
 the  navigation.  Yet  was  not  this  work  brought  to  perfection  by  him,  but  was  the  one-half 
 of  it  left  imperfect,  by  reason  of  his  want  of  application  to  it;  the  cause  of  which  was  this, 
 that  he  employed  his  studies  about  useless  matters,  and  that  by  spending  his  money  upon  such 
 pleasures  as  concerned  uo  one's  benefit  but  his  own,  he  could  not  exert  his  liberality  in  things 
 
 *  Spanheim  here  notes  from  Suetonius,  that  the  name  of  Caius'  sister,  with  whom  he  was  guilty  of  incest, 
 was  Urusilla;  and  that  Suetonius  adds,  he  was  guilty  of  the  same  crime  with  all  his  sisters  also,  lie  notes 
 further,  that  Suetonius  omits  the  mention  of  the  haven  for  ships,  which  our  author  esteems  the  only  public 
 work  for  the  good  of  the  present  and  future  ages  which  Caius  left  belund  him,  though  in  an  imperfect 
 conditiou. 
 
BOOK    XIX. — CHAP.    III.  493 
 
 that  were  aiideniably  of  great  consequence.  Otherwise  he  was  an  excellent  orator,  and  tho- 
 ronghl^'  acquainted  with  the  Greek  tongae,  as  well  as  with  Lis  own  country  or  Roman  language. 
 He  was  also  able,  ofl'  hand  and  readily,  to  give  answers  to  compositions  made  by  others,  of 
 considerable  length  and  accuracy.  He  was  also  more  skilful  in  persuading  others  to  very 
 great  things  than  any  one  else,  and  this  from  a  natural  afl'ability  of  temper,  which  had  been 
 improved  by  much  exercise  and  painstaking:  for  as  he  was  the  grandson*  of  the  brother  ot' 
 Tiberius,  whose  successor  he  wis,  this  was  a  strong  inducement  to  his  acquiring  of  learning, 
 because  Tiberius  aspired  after  the  highest  pilch  of  that  sort  of  reputation  ;  and  Caius  aspired 
 after  the  like  glory  for  eloquence,  being  induced  thereto  by  the  letters  of  his  kinsman  and  his 
 emperor.  He  was  also  among  the  first  rank  of  his  own  citizens.  But  the  advantages  he 
 received  from  his  learning  did  not  countervail  the  mischief  he  brought  upon  himself  in  the 
 exercise  of  his  authority  ;  so  dillicult  it  is  for  those  to  obtain  the  virtue  that  is  necessary  for  a 
 wise  man,  who  have  the  absolute  power  to  do  what  they  please  without  control.  At  the  first 
 lie  got  himself  such  friends  as  were  in  all  respects  the  most  worthy,  and  was  greatly  beloved 
 by  them,  while  he  imitated  their  zealous  application  to  the  learning  and  to  the  glorious  actions 
 i;(  the  best  men  ;  but  when  he  became  insolent  towards  them,  they  laid  aside  the  kindness  they 
 had  for  him,  and  began  to  hale  him  ;  from  which  hatred  came  that  plot  which  they  raised, 
 iigainst  Lini,  and  wherein  he  perished. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Claudius  was  seized  upon,  and  brought  out  of  his  House,  and  brought  to  the  Camp,  and  how 
 the  Senate  sent  an  Embassage  to  him, 
 
 ^  1.  Now  Claudius,  as  I  said  above,  went  out  of  that  way  along  which  Caius  was  gone;  and, 
 as  the  family  was  in  a  mighty  disorder  upon  the  sad  accident  of  the  murder  of  Caius,  he  was 
 in  great  distress  how  to  save  himself,  and  was  found  to  liave  hidden  himself  in  a  certain  narrow 
 place, t  though  he  had  no  other  occasion  for  suspicion  of  any  dangers,  besides  the  dignity  of 
 his  birth  ;  for,  while  he  was  a  private  man,  he  behaved  himself  with  moderation,  and  was  con- 
 tented with  his  present  fortune,  applying  himself  to  learning,  and  especially  to  that  of  the 
 Greeks,  and  keeping  himself  entirely  clear  from  every  thiug  that  might  bring  on  any  distur- 
 bance. But  as  at  this  time  the  multitude  were  under  a  consternation,  and  the  whole  palace 
 was  full  of  the  soldiers'  madness,  and  the  very  emperor's  guards  seemed  under  the  like  fear 
 and  disorder  with  private  persons,  the  band  called  preforian,  which  was  the  purest  part  of  the 
 army,  was  in  consultation  what  was  to  be  done  at  this  juncture.  Now  all  those  that  were  at 
 this  consultation,  had  little  regard  to  the  punishment  Caius  had  suffered,  because  he  justly 
 deserved  such  his  fortune;  but  they  were  rather  considering  their  own  circumstances,  how  they 
 might  take  the  best  care  of  themselves,  especially  while  the  Germans  were  busy  in  punishing 
 the  murderers  of  Caius  ;  which  yet  was  rather  done  to  gratify  their  own  savage  temper,  than 
 for  the  good  of  the  public  :  all  which  things  disturbed  Claudius,  who  was  afraid  of  his  own 
 safety,  and  this  particularly  because  he  saw  the  heads  of  Asprenas  and  his  partners  carried 
 about.  His  station  had  been  on  a  certain  elevated  place,  whiilier  a  few  steps  led  him,  and 
 whither  he  had  retired  in  the  dark  by  himself.  But  when  Gratus,  who  was  one  of  the  soldiers 
 that  belonged  to  the  palace,  saw  him,  but  did  not  well  know  by  his  countenance  who  he  was, 
 because  it  was  dark,  though  he  could  well  judge  that  it  was  a  man  who  was  privately  there  on 
 some  design,  he  came  nearer  to  him,  and  when  Claudius  desired  that  he  would  retire,  he  dis- 
 covered who  he  was,  and  ownetl  him  to  be  Claudius.  So  he  said  to  his  followers,  "  This  is  a 
 Germanicus  ;%  come  on,  let  ns  choose  him  for  our  emperor."  But  when  Claudius  saw  that  they 
 were  making  preparations  for  taking  him  away  by  force,  and  was  afraid  they  would  kill  him,  as 
 they  had  killed  Caius,  he  besought  them  to  spare  him,  putting  them  in  mind  how  quietly  he 
 had  demeaned  himself,  and  that  he  was  unacquainted  with  what  had  been  done.  Hereupon 
 (I'ratus  smiled  upon  him,  and  took  hira  by  the  right  hand,  and  said,  "  Leave  off,  Sir,  these  low 
 thoughts  of  saving  yourself,  while  you  ought  to  have  greater  thoughts,  even  of  obtaining  tlie 
 empire,  which  the  gods,  out  of  their  concern  for  the  habitable  world,  by  taking  Caius  out  of 
 the  way,  commit  to  thy  virtuous  conduct.  Go  to,  therefore,  and  accept  of  the  throne  of  thy 
 ancestors."  So  they  took  him  up  and  carried  him,  because  he  was  not  then  able  to  go  on  foot, 
 such  was  his  dread  and  his  joy  at  what  was  told  hira. 
 
 2.  Now  there  was  already  gathered  togellier  about  Gratus  a  great  number  of  the  guards; 
 and  when  they  saw  Claudius  carried  ofl",  they  looked  with  a  sad  countenance,  as  supposing  that 
 he  was  carried  to  execution  for  the  mischiefs  that  had  been  lately  done  ;  while  yet  they  thought 
 him  a  man  who  never  meddled  with  public  affairs  all  his  life  long,  and  one  that  had  met  with 
 no  contemptible  dangers  under  the  reign  of  Caius ;  and  some  of  them  thought  it  reasonable 
 that  the  consuls  should  take  cognizance  of  these  matters  ;   and,   as  still    more  and  more  of  the 
 
 •  This  Claiiis  was  the  son  of  that  excellent  person  Germanicus  ;  who  was  the  son  of  Drusus,  ihe  brother  of 
 Tiberius  tlie  tmijeror. 
 
 +  The  first  place  Claudius  came  to  was  inhabited,  and  called  Uormeum,  as  Spanheim  here  informs  us  from 
 Suetonius,  in  Claud,  chap.  x. 
 
 J  flow  t'lnudius,  nr.other  son  of  Dmsus,  which  Drusus  was  the  father  of  Germanicus,  could  be  here  him- 
 »Hlf  called  (iemianicus,  Suetonius  informs  us,  when  he  assures  us  that,  by  a  decri-e  of  the  senate,  the  surname 
 of  Utrmauicus  was  bestowed  upon  Pnisas  aud  his  posterity  also,    lu  Claud,  chap.  i. 
 
494  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 soldiery  got  togellier,  ihe  crowd  about  him  ran  away,  and  Claudias  could  hardly  go  on,  hi* 
 body  was  then  so  weak ;  and  those  who  carried  his  sedan,  upon  an  inquiry  that  was  made  about 
 liis  being  carried  oil",  ran  away  and  saved  themselves,  as  despairing  of  their  lord's  preserva- 
 tion. But  when  they  were  come  into  the  large  court  of  the  palace,  (which,  as  the  report  goes 
 about  it,  was  inliabited  first  of  all  the  parts  of  the  city  of  Rome,)  and  had  just  reached  the 
 public  treasury,  many  more  soldiers  came  about  him,  as  glad  to  see  Claudius'  face,  and  thouglit 
 it  exceeding  right  to  make  him  emperor,  on  account  of  iheir  kindness  for  Germanicus,  who  was 
 liis  brother,  and  had  left  behind  him  a  vast  reputation  among  ail  that  were  acquainted  with 
 hira.  They  rellected  also  on  the  covetous  temper  of  the  leading  men  of  the  senate,  and  what 
 great  errors  they  had  beon  guilty  of,  when  the  senate  had  the  government  formerly,  they  also 
 considered  the  impossibility  of  such  an  undertaking,  as  also  what  dangers  they  should  be  in, 
 if  the  government  should  come  to  a  single  person,  and  that  such  a  one  should  possess  it  as 
 they  had  no  hand  in  advancing,  and  not  to  Claudius,  who  would  take  it  as  their  grant,  and  as 
 gained  by  their  good-will  to  him,  and  would  remember  the  favours  they  had  done  him,  and 
 would  make  them  a  sufficient  recom[)ense  for  the  same. 
 
 3.  Tbese  were  the  discourses  the  soldiers  had  one  with  another  by  themselves,  and  they 
 communicated  them  to  all  such  as  came  unlo  them.  Now,  ihose  that  inquired  about  this  mat- 
 ter, willingly  embraced  the  invitation  that  was  made  to  them  to  join  with  the  rest:  so  they 
 carried  Claudins  into  the  camp,  crowding  about  him  as  his  guard,  and  encompassing  him  about, 
 one  chairman  still  succeeding  another,  tliat  their  vehement  endeavours  might  not  be  hindered. 
 But  as  to  the  populace  and  senators,  they  disagreed  in  their  opinions.  The  latter  were  very 
 desirous  to  recover  their  former  dignity,  and  were  zealous  to  get  clear  of  the  slavery  that  had 
 been  brought  on  them  by  the  injurious  treatment  of  the  tyrants,  which  the  present  opportunity 
 afforded  them  ;  but  for  the  people,  who  were  envious  against  them,  and  knew  that  the  emperors 
 were  capable  of  curbing  their  covetous  temper,  and  were  a  refuge  from  them,  they  were  very 
 glad  that  Claudius  had  been  seized  upon,  and  brought  to  them,  and  thought,  that  if  Claudius 
 were  made  emperor,  he  would  prevent  a  civil  war,  such  as  there  was  in  the  days  of  Ponipey. 
 But,  when  the  senate  knew  that  Claudius  was  brought  into  the  camp  by  the  soldiers,  they  sent 
 to  him  those  of  their  body  which  liad  the  best  character  for  their  virtues,  that  they  might 
 inform  him,  "that  he  ought  to  do  nothing  by  violence,  in  order  to  gain  the  government:  that 
 he  who  was  a  single  person,  one  either  already,  or  hereafter  to  be,  a  member  of  their  body, 
 ought  to  yield  to  the  senate,  which  consisted  of  so  great  a  number :  that  he  ought  to  let  the 
 law  take  place  in  the  disposal  of  all  that  related  to  the  public  order,  and  to  remember  how 
 greatly  the  former  tyrants  had  afflicted  their  city;  and  what  dangers  both  he  and  they  had 
 escaped  under  Caius,  and  that  he  ought  not  to  hate  the  heavy  burden  of  tyranny,  when  the 
 injury  is  done  by  others,  while  he  did  himself  wilfully  treat  his  country  after  a  mad  and  inso- 
 lent manner;  that  if  he  would  comply  with  them,  and  demonstrate  that  his  firm  resolution  was 
 to  live  quietly  and  virtuously,  he  would  have  the  greatest  honours  decreed  to  him  that  a  free 
 people  could  bestow,  and  bj'  subjecting  himself  to  the  law,  would  obtain  this  branch  of  com- 
 mendation, that  he  acted  like  a  man  of  virtue,  both  as  a  ruler  and  a  subject ;  but  that  if  he 
 would  act  foolishly,  and  learn  no  wisdom  by  Cains'  death,  they  would  not  permit  him  to  go  on  ; 
 that  a  great  part  of  the  army  was  got  together  for  them,  with  plentv  of  weapons,  and  a  great 
 numl)er  of  slaves,  which  they  could  make  use  of:  that  good  hope  was  a  great  matter  in  such 
 cases,  as  was  also  good  fortune,  and  that  the  gods  would  never  assist  any  others  but  those  that 
 undertook  to  act  with  virtue  and  goodness,  who  can  be  no  other  than  such  as  fight  for  the 
 liberty  of  their  country." 
 
 4.  Now  the  ambassadors,  Veranius  and  Brocchus,  who  were  both  of  them  tribunes  of  the 
 people,  made  this  speech  to  Claudius,  and  falling  down  upon  their  knees,  they  begged  of  hira, 
 that  he  would  not  throw  the  city  into  wars  and  misfortunes;  but  when  they  saw  what  a  multi- 
 tude of  soldiers  encompassed  and  guarded  Claudius,  and  that  the  forces  that  were  with  the 
 cousuls  were,  in  comparison  of  them,  perfectly  inconsiderable,  they  added,  that  "  if  he  did 
 desire  the  government,  he  should  accept  of  it  as  given  by  the  senate;  that  he  would  prosper 
 better,  and  be  happier,  if  he  came  to  it,  not  by  the  injustice,  but  by  the  good-will  of  those 
 that  would  bestow  it  upon  him." 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Whal  things  King  Agrippa    did  for   Claudius,   and  how   Claudius,   ivhen  he   had  taken   the  • 
 Government,  commanded  the  Murderers  of  Caiui  to  be  slain. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Claudius,  though  he  was  sensible  after  what  an  insolent  manner  the  senate  had  sent 
 to  him,  yet  did  he,  according  to  their  advice,  behave  himself  for  the  present  with  moderation  ; 
 but  not  so  far  that  he  could  not  recover  himself  out  of  his  fright:  so  he  was  encouraged  [to 
 claim  the  government]  partly  by  the  boldness  of  the  soldiers,  and  partly  by  the  persuasion  of 
 king  Agrippa,  who  exhorted  him  not  to  let  such  a  dominion  slip  out  of  his  hands,  when  it  came 
 thus  to  him  of  its  own  accord.  Now,  this  king  Agrippa,  with  relation  to  Caius,  did  what  became 
 one  that  had  been  so  much  honoured  by  him ;  for  he  embraced  Caius'  body  after  he  was  dead, 
 and  laid  it  upon  a  bed,  and  covered   it  as  well  as  he  could,   and  went  out  to  the  g^uard.-s,  and 
 
BOOK  XIX. — CHAP.    IV.  495 
 
 (old  them  that  Caius  was  still  alive;  but  he  said  that  the^  should  call  for  physicians,  since  lie 
 was  very  ill  of  liis  wounds.  But  when  he  had  learned  that  Claudius  was  carried  away  violently 
 bv  the  soldiers,  he  rushed  through  the  crowd  to  him,  and  when  he  found  that  he  was  in  dis- 
 order, and  ready  to  resign  up  the  government  to  the  senate,  he  encouraged  him,  and  desired 
 liini  to  keep  the  gOTcrnment;  but  when  he  had  said  this  to  Claudius,  he  retired  home.  And, 
 upon  the  senate's  sending  for  him,  he  anointed  his  head  with  ointment,  as  if  he  had  lately 
 corapanied  with  his  wife,  and  had  dismissed  her,  and  then  came  to  them :  he  also  asked  of 
 the  senators  what  Claudius  did  ;  who  told  him  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and  then  asked  his 
 opinion  about  the  settlement  of  the  public.  He  told  thera  in  words,  that  he  was  ready  to  lose 
 his  life  for  the  honour  of  the  senate,  bat  desired  them  to  consider  what  was  for  U'cir  advantage, 
 without  any  regard  to  what  was  most  agreeable  to  them  ;  for  that  those  who  grasp  at  govern- 
 ment, will  stand  in  need  of  weapons,  and  soldiers  to  guard  them,  unless  they  will  set  up  with- 
 out any  preparation  for  it,  and  so  fall  into  danger.  And  v;hen  the  senate  replied,  that  "  they 
 would  bring  him  weapons  in  abundance,  and  money,  and  that  as  to  an  army,  a  part  of  it  was 
 already  collected  together  for  them,  and  they  would  raise  a  larger  one  by  giving  the  slaves 
 their  liberty;"  Agrippa  made  answer,  "  O  senators!  may  you  be  able  to  compass  what  you 
 have  a  mind  to  ;  yet  will  I  immediately  tell  you  my  thoughts,  because  they  tend  to  your  pre- 
 servation: take  notice,  then,  that  the  army  which  will  fight  for  Claudius  hath  been  long 
 exercised  in  warlike  affairs  :  but  our  army  will  be  no  better  than  a  rude  multitude  of  raw 
 men,  and  those  such  as  have  been  unexpectedly  made  free  from  slavery,  and  ungovernable ; 
 we  must  then  fight  against  those  that  are  skilful  in  war,  with  men  who  know  not  so  much 
 as  how  to  draw  their  swords.  So  that  my  opinion  is,  that  we  should  send  some  persons 
 to  Claudius,  to  persuade  him  to  lay  down  the  government,  and  I  am  ready  to  be  one  of  your 
 ambassadors." 
 
 2.  Upon  this  speech  of  Agrippa,  the  senate  complied  with  him,  and  he  was  sent  among 
 others,  and  privately  informed  Claudius  of  the  disorder  the  senate  was  in,  and  save  instructions 
 to  answer  thera  in  a  somewhat  commanding  strain,  and  as  one  invested  with  dignity  and  autho- 
 rity. Accordingly,  Claudius  said  to  the  ambassadors,  that  "  he  did  not  wonder  the  senate  had 
 no  mind  to  have  an  emperor  over  thera,  because  they  had  been  harassed  by  the  barbarity  of 
 those  that  had  formerly  been  at  the  head  of  their  affairs;  but  that  they  should  taste  of  an  equi- 
 table government  under  him,  and  moderate  times,  while  he  should  only  be  their  ruler  in  name, 
 but  the  authority  should  be  equally  common  to  them  all  ;  and  since  he  had  passed  through' 
 many  and  various  scenes  of  life  before  their  eves,  it  would  be  good  for  thera  not  to  distrust 
 him."  So  the  ambassadors,  npon  their  heaiing  this  his  answer,  were  dismissed.  But  Claudius 
 discoursed  with  the  army  which  was  there  gathered  together,  who  took  oaths  that  they  would 
 persist  in  their  fidelity  to  him  ;  upon  which  he  gave  the  guards  every  man  five  thousand 
 drachinic  apiece,*  and  a  proportionable  quantity  to  their  captains,  and  promised  to  give  the 
 same  to  the  rest  of  the  armies  wheresoever  (hey  were. 
 
 3.  And  now  the  consuls  called  the  senate  together  into  the  temple  of  Jupiter  the  Conqueror, 
 while  it  was  still  night ;  but  some  of  those  senators  concealed  themselves  in  the  city,  being 
 uncertain  what  to  do,  upon  the  hearing  of  this  summons,  and  some  of  thera  went  out  of  the  city 
 to  their  own  farms,  as  foreseeing  whither  the  public  affairs  were  going,  and  despairing  of 
 liberty;  nay,  these  supposed  it  much  better  for  them  to  be  slaves  without  danger  to  them- 
 selves, and  to  live  a  lazy  and  inactive  life,  than,  by  claiming  the  dignity  of  their  forefathers, 
 to  run  the  hazard  of  their  own  safety.  However,  a  hundred  and  no  more  were  gotten  toge- 
 ther ;  and  as  they  were  in  consultation  about  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  a  sudden  clamour 
 was  made  by  the  soldiers  that  were  on  their  side,  "  desiring  that  the  senate  would  choose  them 
 an  emperor,  and  not  bring  the  government  into  ruin  by  setting  up  a  multitude  of  rulers."  So 
 they  fully  declared  themselves  to  be  for  the  giving  the  government  not  to  all,  but  to  one;  but 
 they  gave  the  senate  leave  to  look  out  for  a  person  worthy  to  be  set  over  thera,  insomuch,  that 
 now  the  affairs  of  the  senate  were  much  worse  than  before ;  because  they  had  not  only  failed 
 in  the  recovery  of  their  liberty,  which  they  boasted  themselves  of,  but  were  in  dread  of  Clau- 
 dius also.  Yet  were  there  (hose  that  hankered  after  the  goverament,  both  on  account  of  the 
 dignity  of  their  faniilies,  and  that  accruing  to  them  by  their  marriages  ;  for  Marcus  Minncianus 
 was  illustrious,  both  by  his  own  nobility,  and  by  his  having  married  Julia,  the  sister  of  Caius, 
 who  accordingly  was  very  ready  to  claim  the  government,  although  the  consuls  discouraged 
 him,  and  made  one  delay  after  another  in  proposing  it :  that  iMinucianus  also,  who  was  one  of 
 Caius'  murderers,  restrained  \'alerius  of  Asia  from  thinking  of  such  things ;  and  a  prodigious 
 slaughter  there  had  been,  if  leave  had  been  given  to  these  men  to  set  up  for  themselves,  and 
 oppose  Claudius.  There  were  also  a  considerable  number  of  gladiators  besides,  and  of  those 
 soldiers  who  kept  watch  by  night  in  the  city,  and  roweis  of  ships,  who  all  ran  in(o  (he  camp  ; 
 insomuch,  that  of  those  who  put  in  for  the  government,  some  left  off  their  pretensions  in  order 
 to  spare  the  city,  and  others  out  of  fear  for  their  own  persons. 
 
 •  1  his  number  of  drachmse  to  be  distributpd  to  each  private  soldier,  aK)0  drachmie,  equal  to  CO.OOO  sesterces. 
 or  £l(il  sterling,  aeems  much  too  large,  and  directly  contradicts  Suetonius,  chap.  x.  who  makes  them  m  all 
 but  15  sesterces,  or  2s.  4d.  Vet  miRht  Josephus  have  this  uuiuber  from  Agrippa  junior,  though  I  doubt  tha 
 tliousanris,  or  at  least  the  huudreds,  have  been  added  by  the  transcribers,  cf  which  we  have  had  several  exam- 
 ples alrv-atly  in  Josephus. 
 
496  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 4.  But  as  soon  as  ever  it  was  day,  Cherea,  and  tliose  that  were  with  hira,  came  into  the 
 senate,  and  attempted  to  make  speeches  to  the  soldiers.  However,  tlie  multitude  of  those  sol- 
 diers, when  they  saw  that  they  were  making  signals  for  silence  with  their  hands,  and  were 
 ready  to  begin  to  speak  to  them,  grew  tamultuous,  and  would  not  let  them  speak  at  all, 
 because  they  were  all  zealous  to  be  under  a  monarchy;  and  they  demanded  of  the  senate  one 
 for  their  ruler,  as  not  enduiing  any  longer  delays ;  but  the  senate  hesitated  about  either  their 
 own  governing,  or  how  they  should  themselves  be  governed,  while  the  soldiers  would  not  admit 
 tliero  to  govern,  and  the  murderers  of  Caius  would  not  permit  the  soldiers  to  dictate  to  them. 
 When  they  were  in  these  circumstances,  Cherea  was  not  able  to  contain  the  anger  he  had,  and 
 promised,  that  if  they  desired  an  emperor,  he  would  give  them  one,  if  any  one  would  bring  him 
 the  watch-word  from  Eutjchns.  Now,  this  Eutychus  was  charioteer  of  the  green-band  faction, 
 styled  Prasine,  and  a  great  friend  of  Cains,  who  used  to  harass  the  soldiery  with  building 
 stables  for  the  horses,  and  spent  his  time  in  ignominious  labours,  which  occasioned  Cherea  to 
 reproach  them  with  him,  and  to  abuse  them  with  much  other  scurrilous  language;  and  told 
 them,  "  he  would  bring  them  the  head  of  Claudius  ;  and  that  it  was  an  amazing  thing,  that  after 
 their  former  madness,  they  should  commit  their  government  to  a  fool."  Yet  were  not  they 
 moved  with  his  words,  but  drew  their  swords,  and  took  up  their  ensigns,  and  went  to  Claudius, 
 to  join  in  taking  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  him.  So  the  senate  were  left  without  any  body  to  defend 
 them,  and  the  very  consuls  differed  nothing  from  private  persons.  They  were  also  under 
 consternation  and  sorrow,  men  not  knowing  what  would  become  of  them,  becanse  Claudius  was 
 very  angry  at  them ;  so  they  fell  a  reproaching  one  another,  and  repented  of  what  they  had 
 done.  At  which  juncture  Sabinus,  one  of  Caius'  murderers,  threatened  that  he  would  sooner 
 come  into  the  midst  of  them  and  kill  himself,  than  consent  to  make  Claudius  emperor,  and  see 
 slavery  retarning  upon  them  ;  he  also  abused  Cherea  for  loving  his  life  too  well,  while  he,  who 
 was  the  first  in  his  contempt  of  Caius,  could  think  it  a  good  thing  to  live,  when,  even  by  all 
 that  they  had  done  for  the  recovery  of  their  liberty,  they  found  it  impossible  to  do  it.  But 
 Cherea  said,  he  had  no  manner  of  doubt  upon  hira  about  killing  himself;  that  yet  he  would  first 
 sound  the  intention  of  Claudius  before  he  did  it. 
 
 5.  These  were  the  debates  [about  the  senate :]  but  in  the  camp  every  body  was  crowding 
 on  all  sides  to  pay  their  court  to  Claudius,  and  the  other  consul,  Quintus  Pomponius,  was 
 reproached  by  the  soldiery,  as  having  rather  exhorted  the  senate  to  recover  their  liberty; 
 whereupon  they  drew  their  swords,  and  were  going  to  assault  hira,  and  they  had  done  it,  if 
 Claudius  had  not  hindered  them,  who  snatched  the  consul  out  of  the  danger  he  was  in,  and  set 
 him  by  him.  But  he  did  not  receive  that  part  of  the  senate  which  was  with  Qninlus  in  the 
 like  honourable  manner;  nay,  some  of  them  received  blows,  and  were  thrust  away  as  they 
 came  to  salute  Claudius ;  nay,  Aponius  went  away  wounded,  and  they  were  all  in  danger. 
 However,  king  Agrippa  went  up  to  Claudius,  and  desired  he  would  treat  the  senators  more 
 gently;  for  if  any  mischief  should  come  to  the  senate,  he  would  have  no  others  over  whom  to 
 rule.  Claudius  complied  with  him,  and  called  the  senale  together  into  the  palace,  and  was 
 carried  thither  himself  through  the  city,  while  the  soldiery  conducted  him,  though  this  was  to 
 the  great  vexation'of  the  multitude;  for  Cherea  and  Sabinus,  two  of  Caius'  murderers,  went  in 
 the  fore-front  of  them,  in  an  open  manner,  while  Pollio,  whom  Claudius  a  little  before  had 
 made  captain  of  his  guards,  had  sent  them  an  epistolary  edict,  to  forbid  them  to  appear  in 
 public.  Then  did  Claudius,  upon  his  coming  to  the  palace,  get  bis  friends  together,  and 
 desired  their  suflTrages  about  Cherea.  They  said,  that  the  work  he  had  done  was  a  glorious 
 one,  but  they  accused  him  that  he  did  it  of  perfidiousness,  and  thought  it  just  to  inQict  the 
 punishment  [of  death]  upon  him,  to  discountenance  such  actions  for  the  time  to  come.  So 
 Cherea  was  led  to  his  executicm,  and  Lupus,  and  many  other  Romans  with  him :  now  it  is 
 reported,  that  Cherea  bore  his  calamity  courageously,  and  this,  not  only  by  the  firmness  of  his 
 own  behaviour  under  it,  but  by  the  reproaches  he  laid  upon  Lupus,  who  fell  into  tears;  for 
 when  Lupus  had  laid  his  garment  aside  and  complained  of  the  cold,*  he  said,  that  cold  was  never 
 hurtful  to  lupus,  [i.  e.  a  wolf.]  And  as  a  great  many  men  went  along  with  them  to  see  the 
 sight,  when  Cherea  came  to  the  place,  he  asked  the  soldier  who  was  to  be  their  executioner, 
 whether  this  office  was  what  he  was  used  to?  or  whether  this  was  the  first  time  of  his  using 
 his  sword  in  that  manner,  and  desired  him  to  bring  him  that  very  sword  with  which  he  himself 
 slew  Caius.  So  he  was  happily  killed  at  one  stroke.  But  Lupus  did  not  meet  with  such 
 Rood  fortune  in  going  out  of  the  world,  since  he  was  timorous,  and  had  many  blows  levelled  at 
 his  neck,  because  he  did  not  stretch  it  out  boldly,  [as  he  ought  to  have  done.] 
 
 6.  Now,  a  few  days  after  this,  as  the  parental  solemnities  were  just  at  hand,  the  Roman 
 multitude  made  their  usual  oblations  to  their  several  ghosts,  and  put  portions  into  the  fire,  in 
 honour  of  Cherea,  and  besought  him  to  be  merciful  to  them,  and  not  continue  his  anger  against 
 them  for  their  ingratitude.  And  this  was  the  end  of  the  life  that  Cherea  came  to.  But  for 
 Sabinus,  although  Claudius  not  only  set  him  at  liberty, but  gave  him  leave  to  retain  his  former 
 command  in  the  army,  yet  did  he  think  it  would  be  unjusf  in  him  to   fail  of  performing  his 
 
 •  This  piercing  cold  here  complained  of  by  Lupus,  agrees  well  to  the  time  ot  the  year  when  Claudius  begai 
 his  reign  :  it  being  for  certain  ahout  the  months  of  November,  Decemb'^r,  or  January,  and  most  probably 
 few  days  after  January  24th,  and  a  few  days  before  tho  Roman  Parentalia. 
 
BOOK   XIX.— 'CHAP.  V.  497 
 
 oblijjations  to  liis  fellow-confederates  ;  so  he  fell  upon  Lis  sword,  and  killed  himself,  the 
 wound  reacliiog  up  to  Ibe  very  hilt  of  the  sword.* 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Hoio  Claudius  restored  to  Agrippa  his  Grandfather's  Kingdoms,  and  augmented  his  Dominions  : 
 and  how  he  published  an  Edict  in  behalf  of  the  Jews. 
 
 §  1.  Now,  when  Claudius  had  taken  out  of  the  way  all  those  soldiers  whom  he  suspected, 
 which  he  did  immediately,  he  pohlished  an  edict,  and  therein  confirmed  the  kingdom  to  Agrippa, 
 which  Caius  had  fiiven  him,  and  therein  commended  the  king  higlily.  He  also  made  an  addi- 
 tion to  it,  of  all  that  country  oter  which  Herod,  who  was  his  grandfather,  had  reigned,  that 
 is,  Judea  and  Samaria  :  and  this  he  restored  to  him  as  due  to  his  family.  But  for  Ahilat  of 
 Lysanias,  and  all  that  lay  at  mouut  Libatius,  he  bestowed  thetn  npon  him,  as  out  of  bis  own 
 territories.  He  also  made  a  league  witli  Agrippa,  confirmed  by  oaths,  in  the  middle  of  the 
 forum,  in  the  city  of  Rome  :  he  also  took  away  from  Antiochus  that  kingdom  which  he  was 
 possessed  of,  but  gave  him  a  certain  part  of  Cilicia  and  Commagena  :  he  cilso  set  Alexander 
 Lysimachus,  the  alabaich,  at  liberty,  who  had  been  his  old  friend,  and  steward  to  his  mother 
 Antonia,  but  had  been  imprisoned  by  Caius,  whose  son  [Marcus]  married  Bernice,  the  daughter 
 of  Agrij>pa.  But  when  Marcus,  Alexander's  sou,  was  dead,  who  had  married  her  when  she 
 was  a  virgin,  Agrippa  gave  her  io  marriage  to  his  brother  Herod,  and  begged  for  him  of 
 Claudius  the  kingdom  of  Chaleis. 
 
 2.  Now,  about  this  time,  there  was  a  sedition  between  the  Jews  and  the  Greeks,  at  the  city 
 of  Alexandria ;  for,  when  Caius  was  dead,  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  which  had  been  very  much 
 mortified  under  the  reign  of  Caius,  and  reduced  to  very  great  distress  by  the  people  of  Alexan- 
 dria, recovered  itself,  immediately  took  up  their  arms  to  fight  for  themselves.  So  Clau- 
 dius sent  an  order  to  the  president  of  Egypt,  to  quiet  that  tumult  ;  he  also  sent  an  edict,  at 
 the  requests  of  king  Agrippa  and  king  Herod,  both  to  Alexandria  and  to  Syria,  whose  con- 
 tents were  as  follows  :  "  Tiberius  Claudius  Caesar  Augustus  Gernianicus,  high  priest,  and 
 tribune  of  the  people,  ordains  thus.  Since  I  am  assured  that  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  called 
 Alexandrians,  have  been  joint  inhabitants  in  the  earliest  times  with  the  Alexandrians,  and 
 have  obtained  from  their  kings  equal  privileges  with  them,  as  is  evident  by  the  public  records 
 that  are  in  their  possession,  and  the  edicts  themselves  ;  and  that  after  Alexandria  bad  been 
 subjected  to  our  empire  by  Augustus,  their  rights  and  privileges  have  been  preserved  by 
 those  presidents  who  have  at  divers  times  been  sent  thither ;  and  that  no  dispute  had  been 
 raised  about  those  rights  and  privileges,  even  when  Aquila  was  governor  of  Alexandria  ;  and 
 that  when  the  Jewish  ethnarch  was  dead,  Augustus  did  not  prohibit  the  making  such  eth- 
 narchs,  as  willing  that  all  men  should  be  so  subject  [to  the  Romans,]  as  to  continue  in  the 
 observation  of  their  own  customs,  and  not  be  forced  to  transgress  the  ancient  rules  of  their 
 own  country  religion  ;  but  that,  in  the  time  of  Caius,  the  Alexandrians  became  insolent  towards 
 the  Jews  that  were  among  them,  which  Caius,  out  of  bis  great  madness  and  want  of  under- 
 standing, reduced  the  nation  of  the  Jews  very  low,  because  they  would  not  .transgress  the 
 religions  worship  of  their  country,  and  call  him  a  god.  I  will,  therefore,  that  the  nation  of 
 the  Jews  be  not  deprived  of  their  rights  and  privileges,  on  account  of  the  madness  of  Caius  ; 
 but  that  those  riglits  and  privileges  which  they  formerly  enjoyed,  be  preserved  to  them,  and 
 lliat  they  may  continue  in  their  own  customs.  And  I  cliarge  both  parties  to  take  very  great 
 care  that  no  troubles  may  arise  after  the  promulgation  of  this  edict." 
 
 3.  And  such  were  the  contents  of  Ibis  edict  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  that  were  sent  fo 
 Alexandrin.  But  the  edict  that  was  sent  into  the  other  parts  of  the  habitable  earth  was  this 
 which  follows  :  "  Tiberius  Claudius  Ca;sar  Augustus  Gernianicus,  bii;b  priest,  tribune  of  the 
 people,  chosen  cousul  the  second  time,  ordains  thus.  Upon  the  petition  of  king  Agrippa,  and 
 king  Herod,  who  are  persons  very  dear  to  me,  that  I  would  grant  the  same  rights  and  privi- 
 
 •  It  is  both  here  and  elsewhere  very  remarkable,  that  the  mnrders  of  the  vilest  tyrants,  wlio  yet  highly 
 deserved  to  die,  when  those  murderers  were  under  oaths,  or  other  the  like  obligations  offidelitj-  to  them,  were 
 usually  rertnged  aud  the  murderers  were  cut  off  themselves,  and  that  after  a  remarkable  manner;  and  this 
 sometimes,  as  in  the  present  case,  by  those  very  persons  who  were  not  sorry  tor  such  murders,  but  got  kingdoms 
 by  them,  the  examples  are  very  numerous,  both  in  sacred  and  profane  histories,  and  seem  general  indications 
 ofdivme  vengeance  on  such  murderers.  Nor  is  it  unworthy  of  remark,  that  such  murderers  of  tyrants  do  it 
 usually  on  such  ill  priTiciples,  in  such  a  cruel  manner,  and  as  ready  to  involve  the  innocent  with  the  guilty, 
 which  wa.=  the  case  here,  chap.  i.  i  14.  and  chap.  ii.  4  4.  aj  justly  deserved  the  divine  vengeance  upon  them. 
 AVLich  seems  to  have  been  the  case  of  .lehu  also,  when,  besides  the  house  of  Ahab,  for  whose  slaughter  he 
 had  a  commission  from  God,  without  any  such  commission,  any  justice  or  commiseration,  he  killed  -Ahab's 
 great  men,  and  acQuainlances,  and  priests,  and  forty-two  of  the  kindred  of  Ahaziah,  2  Kings  x.  11—14.  See 
 Hos.  i.  4.  I  do  not  mean  here  to  condemn  L^hnd  or  .Judith,  or  the  like  executioners  of  (iod's  vengeance  on 
 those  wicked  tyrants,  who  had  unjustly  oppressed  God's  own  people  imder  tlieir  theocracy;  who,  as  they 
 appear  still  to  have  had  no  selfish  desiinis  nor  intentious  to  slay  the  innocenl,  so  had  they  still  a  divine  commis- 
 sion, or  a  divine  impulse,  which  was  their  cnraroission  for  what  they  did.  Judges  iii.  15,  19,  CO.  Judit;*  is,  2. 
 Test.  Levi.  5  5.    In  Authent.  llec.  p.  SIC.    See  also  page  4.'5C. 
 
 t  Here  St.  Luke  is  in  some  measure  confirmed,  when  he  informs  "us,  chap.  iii.  1.  that  Lysaniaa  was  some  timo 
 before  the  tetrarchof  Abilene,  whose  capital  w,is  Abila  ;  and  as  he  is  farther  coiWirmed  by  Ptolemy,  the  great 
 geographer,  which  Spanheim  here  observes,  when  he  calls  that  city  Abila  of  Lysanias.  See  note  on  b.  xvii. 
 chap.  xi.  i  4.  and  Prideaux  at  the  years  ."ifi.  and  CC.  I  esteem  this  principality  to  have  bcloni,-cd  lo  the  land  of 
 Cnna.in  originally,  lo  have  been  the  burying-place  of  Abel,  aud  referred  to  as  sucli,  Jlail.  xxiii.  35.  Luke 
 xt.  51     .^ee  .Authent.  Uec.  Part  ii.  p.  883— KJJ,  , 
 
 3r 
 
498  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 le<jes  should  be  preserved  to  the  Jews  which  are  iu  all  the  Romau  empire,  which  I  have 
 granted  to  those  of  Alexandria,  I  very  willingly  comply  therewith  ;  and  this  grant  I  make  not 
 only  for  the  sake  of  the  petitioners,  but  as  judging  those  Jews  for  whom  I  have  been  peti- 
 tioned worthy  of  such  a  favour,  on  account  of  tlieir  fidelity  and  friendship  to  the  Romans.  I 
 think  it  also  very  just  that  no  Grecian  city  should  be  deprived  Of  such  rights  and  privileges, 
 since  they  were  preserved  to  them  under  the  great  Augustus.  It  will  therefore  be  fit  to  per- 
 mit the  Jews,  who  are  in  all  the  world  under  us,  to  keep  their  ancient  customs,  without  being 
 hindered  so  to  do.  And  I  do  charge  them  also  to  use  this  ray  kindness  to  them  with  modera- 
 tion, and  not  to  shew  a  contempt  of  the  superstitious  observances  of  other  nations,  but  to 
 keep  their  own  laws  only.  And  I  will  that  this  decree  of  mine  be  engraved  on  tables  by  the 
 magistrates  of  the  cities  and  colonies,  and  municipal  places,  both  those  within  Italy,  and  those 
 without  it,  both  kings  and  governors,  by  the  means  of  the  ambassadors,  and  to  have  them 
 exposed  to  the  public  for  full  thirty  Aa.\  s,  in  such  a  place,*  whence  it  maj  plainly  be  read 
 from  the  ground." 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 What  things  were  done  by  Agripjia  at  Jerusalem,  when  he  was  returned  hack  into  Judea:  and 
 what  it  was  that  Pelronius  wrote  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Doris,  in  behalf  of  the  Jews. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Claudius  Caesar,  by  those  decrees  of  his  which  were  sent  to  Alexandria,  and  to  all 
 the  habitable  earth,  made  known  what  opinion  he  had  of  the  Jews.  So  he  soon  sent  Agrippa 
 away  to  take  his  kingdom,  now  he  was  advanced  to  a  more  illustrious  dignity  than  before, 
 and  sent  letters  to  the  presidents  and  procurators  of  the  provinces,  that  they  should  treat  him 
 ■very  kindly.  Accordingly,  he  returned  in  haste,  as  was  likely  he  would,  now  he  returned  in 
 ranch  greater  prosperity  than  he  had  before.  He  also  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  offered  all  the 
 sacrifices  that  belonged  to  him,  and  omitted  nothing  which  the  law  required  ;t  on  which  account 
 he  ordained  that  many  of  the  Nazarites  should  have  their  heads  shorn.  And  for  the  goldeo 
 chain  which  had  been  given  him  by  Caius,  of  equal  weight  with  that  iron  chain  wherewith  his 
 royal  hands  had  been  bound,  be  hung  it  up  within  the  limits  of  the  temple,  over  the  treasury, J 
 that  it  might  be  a  memorial  of  the  severe  fate  he  had  lain  under,  and  a  testimony  of  his  change 
 for  the  better  ;  that  it  might  be  a  demonstration  how  the  greatest  prosperity  may  have  a  fall, 
 and  that  God  sometimes  raises  up  what  is  fallen  down  :  for  this  chain  thus  dedicated  afforded 
 a  document  to  all  men,  that  king  Agrippa  had  been  once  bound  in  a  chain  for  a  small  cause, 
 but  recovered  bis  former  dignity  again  ;  and  a  little  while  afterward  got  out  of  his  bonds,  and 
 was  advanced  to  be  a  more  illustrious  king  than  he  was  before.  Whence  men  may  under- 
 stand that  all  that  partake  of  human  nature,  how  great  soever  they  are,  raay  fall  ;  and  that 
 those  that  fall  may  gain  their  former  illustrious  dignity  again. 
 
 2.  And  when  Agrippa  had  entirely  finished  all  the  duties  of  the  divine  worship,  he  removed 
 Theophilus,  the  son  of  Ananus,  from  the  high  priesthood,  and  bestowed  that  honour  of  his  on 
 Simon  the  son  of  Boethus,  whose  name  was  also  Cantheras,  whose  daughter  king  Herod  mar- 
 ried, as  I  have  related  above.  Simon,  therefore,  had  the  [high]  priesthood  with  his  brethren, 
 and  with  his  father,  in  like  manner  as  the  sons  of  Simon,  the  son  of  Onias,  who  were  three,  had 
 it  formerly  under  the  government  of  the  Macedonians,  as  we  have  related  in  a  former  book. 
 
 3.  When  the  king  had  settled  the  high  priesthood  after  this  manner,  he  returned  the  kind- 
 ness which  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  had  shewed  him  ;  for  he  released  them  from  the  tax 
 upon  houses,  every  one  of  whom  paid  it  before,  thinking  it  a  good  thing  to  requite  the  tender 
 affections  of  those  that  loved  him.  He  also  made  Silas  the  general  of  his  forces,  who  was  a  man 
 who  had  partaken  with  him  in  many  of  his  troubles.  But  after  a  very  little  while,  the  young 
 men  of  Doris,  preferring  a  rash  attempt  before  piety,  and  being  naturally  bold  and  insolent, 
 carried  a  statue  of  Cassar  into  a  synagogue  of  the  Jews,  and  erected  it  there.  This  procedure 
 of  theirs  greatly  provoked  Agrippa  ;  for  it  plainly  tended  to  the  dissolution  of  the  laws  of  his 
 country.  So  he  came  without  delay  to  Publius  Petronius,  who  was  then  president  of  Syria, 
 and  accused  the  people  of  Doris.  Nor  did  he  less  resent  what  was  done  than  did  Agrippa  ;  for 
 he  judged  it  a  piece  of  impiety  to  transgress  the  laws  that  regulate  the  actions  of  men.  So  he 
 •wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  people  of  Doris  in  angry  strain  :  "Publius  Petronius,  the 
 president  under  Tiberius  Claudius  Cajsar  Augustus  Germanicus,  to  the  magistrates  of  Doris, 
 ordains  as  follows  ;  Since  some  of  you  have  had  the  boldness,  or  madness  rather,  after  the 
 edict  of  Claudius  Caesar  Augustus  Germanicus  was  published,  for  permitting  the  Jews,  to- 
 
 *  This  form  was  so  known  and  frequent  amon;?  the  Romans,  as  Dr.  Hudson  here  tells  us,  from  the  great 
 Selden,  that  it  used  to  be  thus  represented  at  the  bottom  of  their  edicts  by  the  initial  letters  only  U.  D.  P.  H. 
 L,.  P.     Unde  De  Piano  Recte  Lcgi  Possit.    "  Whence  it  may  be  plainly  read  from  the  ground." 
 
 +  Josephus  shews  both  here  and  chap,  vii.^  3.  that  he  had  a  much  greater  opinion  of  king  Agrippa  I.  than 
 Simon  the  learned  rabbi,  than  the  peoiJle  of  Cesarea  and  Sebaste,  chap.  vii.  ^  4.  and  chap.  ix.  i  1.  and  indeed 
 than  his  double  dealing  between  the  senate  and  Claudius,  chap.  iv.  i  2.  than  his  slaughter  of  James,  the  bro- 
 ther of  John,  and  his  imprisonment  of  Peter,  or  his  vain-glorious  behaviour  before  he  died,  both  in  Acis  xii. 
 1,  C,  3.  and  here,  chap  iv.  ^  1.  will  justify  or  allow.  Josephus'  character  was  probably  taken  from  his  son, 
 Agrippa  junior. 
 
 Z  This  treasury  chamber  seems  to  have  been  the  very  same  in  which  our  Saviour  taught,  and  where  the 
 people  oSfced  tlicir  charity  money  for  the  ripairB  or  other  uses  of  the  temple.  Jlark  xii.  41,  &c.  Luke.  xxii.  1. 
 John  viii.  Cj. 
 
BOOK  XIX. — CHAP.  VII.  499 
 
 observe  the  laws  of  their  country,  not  to  obey  the  same,  but  liave  acted  in  entire  oppositina 
 thereto,  as  forbidding  the  Jews  to  assemble  togetiier  in  tlie  synagogue,  by  removing  Ca3sar"s 
 statue,  and  setting  it  up  therein,  and  tliereby  have  offended  not  only  the  Jews,  but  the 
 emperor  himself,  whose  statue  is  more  commodionsly  placed  in  his  own  temple  than  in  a 
 foreign  one,  where  is  the  place  of  assembling  together  ;  while  it  is  but  a  part  of  natural  jus- 
 tice, that  every  one  should  have  the  power  over  the  place  belonging  peculiarly  to  themselves, 
 according  to  the  determination  of  Cajsar  ;  to  say  nothing  of  my  own  determination,  which  it 
 would  be  ridiculous  to  mention  after  the  emperor's  edict,  which  gives  the  Jews  leave  to  make 
 use  of  their  own  customs,  as  also  gives  order  that  they  enjoy  equally  the  rights  of  citizens 
 with  the  Greeks  themselves.  I  therefore  ordain,  that  Proculus  Vilelius,  the  centurion,  bring 
 those  men  to  me,  who,  contrary  to  Augustas'  edict,  have  been  so  insolent  as  to  do  this  thing, 
 at  which  those  very  men,  who  appear  to  be  of  principal  reputation  among  them,  have  an  indig- 
 nation also,  and  allege  for  themselves,  that  it  was  not  done  with  Iheir  consent,  but  by  the  vio- 
 lence of  the  multitude,  that  they  might  give  an  account  of  what  hath  been  done.  I  also  exhort 
 the  principal  magistrates  among  them,  unless  they  have  a  mind  to  have  this  action  esteemed 
 to  be  done  with  their  consent,  to  inform  the  centurion  of  those  that  were  guilty  of  it,  and  take 
 care  that  no  handle  be  thence  taken  for  raising  a  sedition  or  quarrel  among  them  ;  which  those 
 seem  to  me  to  hunt  after,  who  encourage  such  doings  ;  while  both  I  myself,  and  king  Agrippa, 
 for  whom  I  have  the  highest  honour,  have  nothing  more  under  our  care,  than  that  the  nation 
 of  the  Jews  may  have  no  occasion  given  them  of  getting  together  under  the  pretence  of  aveng- 
 ing themselve.^,  and  become  tumultuous.  And  that  it  may  be  more  publicly  known  what 
 Augustus  hath  resolved  about  this  whole  matter,  I  have  suljjoined  those  edicts  which  he  iiatli 
 lately  caused  to  be  published  at  Alexandria,  and  which,  although  they  may  be  well  known  to 
 all,  yet  did  Agrippa,  for  whom  I  have  the  highest  honour,  read  them  at  that  time  before  my 
 tribunal,  and  pleaded  that  the  Jews  ought  not  to  be  deprived  of  those  rights  which  Augustas 
 had  granted  them.  I  therefore  charge  you,  that  yon  do  not,  for  the  time  to  come,  seek  for 
 any  occasion  of  sedition  or  disturbance,  but  that  every  one  be  allowed  to  follow  their  owu 
 religious  customs." 
 
 4.  Thus  did  Petronius  take  care  of  this  matter,  that  such  a  breach  of  the  law  might  be  cor- 
 rected, and  that  no  such  thing  might  be  attempted  afterwards  against  the  Jews.  And  now 
 king  Agrippa  took  the  [high]  priesthood  away  from  Simon  Cantheras,  and  put  Jonathan,  the 
 son  of  Ananus,  into  it  again,  and  owned  that  he  was  more  worthy  of  that  dignity  than  the 
 other.  But  this  was  not  a  thing  acceptable  to  him,  to  recover  that  his  former  dignity.  So 
 he  refused  it,  and  said,  "O  king!  I  rejoice  in  tiie  honour  that  thou  hast  for  ir.e,  and  take  it 
 kindly  that  thou  wouldst  give  me  such  a  dignity  of  thy  own  inclinations,  altliough  God  hath 
 judged  that  I  am  not  at  all  worthy  of  the  high  priesthood.  I  am  satisfied  with  having  once 
 put  on  the  sacred  garments  ;  for  I  then  put  them  on  after  a  more  holy  manner,  that  1  should 
 now  receive  them  again.  But,  if  thou  desirest  that  a  person  more  worthy  than  myself  should 
 have  this  honourable  employment,  give  me  leave  to  name  thee  such  a  one.  I  have  a  brother 
 that  is  pure  from  all  sin  against  God,  and  o(  all  oli'ences  against  thyself;  I  recommend  hitn 
 to  thee,  as  one  that  is  fit  for  this  dignity."  So  the  king  was  pleased  with  these  words  of  his, 
 and  passed  by  Jonathan,  and,  according  to  his  brother's  desire,  bestowed  the  high  priesthood 
 upon  Matthifis.     Nor  was  it  long  before  Marcus  succeeded  Petronius  as  president  of  Syria. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Concerning  Silas,  and  on  what  account  it  was  that  King  Agrippa  was  angry  at  him.  ~  How 
 Agrippa  began  to  encompass  Jerusalem  with  a  Wall ;  and  what  Benefits  he  bestowed  on  the 
 Inhabitants  of  Berytus, 
 
 i  1.  Now  Silas,  the  general  of  the  king's  horse,  because  he  had  been  faithful  to  him  under  all 
 his  misfortunes,  and  had  never  rei'used  to  be  a  partaker  with  him  in  any  of  his  dangers,  but 
 had  oftentimes  undergone  the  most  hazardous  dangers  for  him,  was  full  of  assurance,  and  thought 
 he  might  expect  a  sort  of  equality  with  the  king,  on  account  of  the  firmness  of  the  friendship 
 he  had  shewn  to  him.  Accordingly,  he  would  no  where  let  the  king  sit  as  his  superior,  and 
 took  the  like  liberty  in  speaking  to  him  upon  all  occasions  ;  till  he  became  tronblesotne  to  the 
 king,  when  they  were  merry  together,  extolling  himself  beyond  measure,  and  oft  putting  the 
 king  in  mind  of  the  severity  he  had  undergone,  that  he  might,  by  way  of  ostentation,  demon- 
 strate what  zeal  he  had  sliewed  in  his  service  ;  and  was  continually  harping  upon  this  string, 
 what  pains  he  had  taken  for  him,  and  much  enlarged  still  upon  that  subject.  The  repetition 
 of  this  so  frequently  seemed  to  reproach  the  king,  insinnach  that  he  took  this  ungovernable 
 liberty  of  talking  very  ill  at  his  bands.  For  the  commemoration  of  times  wheii  men  have 
 been  under  ignominy,  is  by  no  means  agreeable  to  them  ;  aud  he  is  a  very  silly  man,  who  is 
 perpetually  relating  to  a  person  what  kindness  he  had  done  him.  At  last,  therefore,  Silas  had 
 so  thoroughly  provoked  the  king's  indignation,  that  he  acted  rather  out  of  passion  than  good 
 consideraiiop,  and  did  not  only  turn  Silas  out  of  his  place,  as  general  of  his  horse,  but  sent  him 
 in  bonds  into  his  own  country.  But  the  edge  of  his  anger  wore  olf  by  length  of  lime,  and  made 
 room  for  more  jutt  reasonings  as  to  his  judgment  about  this  maOj  and  he  considered  how  many 
 
500  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 labours  he  had  undergone  Cor  his  sake.  So  when  Agrippa  was  solemnizing  liis  birthday,  and 
 he  gave  festival  entertainments  to  all  liis  subjects,  he  sent  for  Silas  on  the  sudden  to  be  his 
 guest.  But,  as  be  was  a  very  frank  man,  he  thought  he  had  now  a  jnst  handle  given  him  to 
 be  angry  ;  which  he  could  not  conceal  from  those  that  came  for  him,  but  said  tothera,  "  What 
 honour  is  this  the  king  invites  me  to,  which  I  conclude  will  soon  be  over?  for  the  king  hatb 
 not  let  me  keep  those  original  marks  of  the  good-will  I  bore  him,  which  I  once  had  from  him  ; 
 bat  be  hatii  plundered  me,  and  that  unjustly  also.  Docs  he  think,  that  I  can  leave  oil"  that  liberijr 
 of  speech,  which,  upon  the  consciousness  of  my  deserts,  I  shall  use  more  loudly  than  before, 
 and  shall  relate  how  many  misfortunes  I  have  delivered  him  from  ;  how  many  labours  I  havH 
 undergone  for  him,  whereby  I  procured  him  deliverance  and  respect ;  as  a  reward  for  which 
 I  have  borne  the  hardships  of  bonds  and  a  dark  prison.  I  shall  never  forget  this  usage.  Nay, 
 perhaps  my  very  soul,  when  it  is  departed  out  of  the  body,  will  not  forget  the  c;lorious  actions 
 I  did  on  his  account."  This  was  the  clamour  he  made,  and  he  ordered  the  messengers  to  tell 
 it  to  the  king.  So  he  perceived  that  Silas  was  incurable  in  liis  folly,  and  still  suffered  him  to 
 lie  in  prison. 
 
 2.  As  for  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  tliat  vi'ere  adjoining  to  the  new  city  [Bezetha,]  he  repaired 
 tbeni  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  and  built  them  wider  in  breadth,  and  higher  in  altitude  ; 
 and  he  had  made  them  too  strong  for  all  human  power  to  demolish,  unless  Marcus,  the  then 
 president  of  Syria,  had  by  letter  informed  Claudius  Ctesar  of  what  he  was  doing.  And  when 
 Claudius  had  some  suspicion  of  attempts  for  innovation,  he  sent  to  Agrippa  to  leave  off  the 
 building  of  those  walls  presently.  So  he  obeyed;  as  not  thinking  it  proper  to  contradict 
 Claudius. 
 
 3.  Now,  this  king  was  by  nature  very  benefioent,  and  liberal  in  his  gifts,  and  very  ambitious 
 to  oblige  people  with  such  large  donations  ;  and  he  made  himself  very  illustrious  by  the  many 
 chargeable  presents  he  made  them.  He  took  delight  in  giving,  and  rejoiced  in  living  with  good 
 reputation.  He  was  not  at  all  like  that  Herod  who  reigned  before  him  ;  for  that  Herod  was 
 ill-naturerl,  and  severe  in  his  punishments,  and  had  no  mercy  on  them  that  he  hated  ;  and  every 
 one  perceived  that  he  was  more  friendly  to  the  Greeks  than  to  the  Jews  ;  for  he  adorned 
 foreign  cities  v.-ith  large  presents  in  money  ;  with  building  them  baths  and  theatres  besides  ; 
 nay,  in  some  of  those  places  he  erected  temples,  and  porticos  in  others ;  but  he  did  not  vouch- 
 safe to  raise  one  of  the  least  edifices  in  any  Jewish  city,  or  make  them  ar.y  donation  that  was 
 worth  mentioning.  But  Agrippa's  temper  was  mild,  and  ecjually  liberal  to  all  men.  He  was 
 humane  to  foreigners,  and  made  them  sensible  of  hif  liberality.  He  was  in  like  manner  rather 
 of  a  gentle  and  compassionate  temper.  Accordingly,  he  loved  to  live  continually  at  Jerusalem, 
 and  was  exactly  careful  in  the  observance  of  the  laws  of  bis  country.  He  therefore  kept  himself 
 entirely  pure  ;  nor  did  any  day  pass  over  his  head  without  its  appointed  sacrifice. 
 
 4.  However,  there  was  a  certain  man  of  the  Jewish  nation  at  Jerusalem,  who  appeared  to 
 be  very  accurate  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law.  His  name  was  Simon.  This  man  got  together 
 au  assembly,  while  the  king  was  absent  atCesarea,  and  had  the  insolence  to  accuse  him  as  not 
 living  holily,  and  that  he  might  justly  be  excluded  out  of  the  templfe,  since  it  belonged  only  to 
 native  Jews.  But  the  general  of  Agrippa's  army  informed  him,  that  Simon  had  made  such  a 
 speecli  to  the  people.  So  the  king  sent  for  him ;  and,  as  he  was  sitting  in  the  theatre,  he  bade 
 !iim  sit  down  by  him,  and  said  to  him  with  a  low  and  gentle  voice,  "  What  is  there  done  in 
 this  place  that  is  contrary  to  the  law  ?"  But  he  had  nothing  to  say  for  himself,  but  begged 
 bis  pardon.  So  the  king  was  more  easily  reconciled  to  him  than  one  could  have  imagined,  as 
 esteeming  mildness  a  better  quality  in  a  king  than  anger,  and  knowing  that  moderation  is  more 
 becoming  in  great  men  than  passion.     So  he  made  Simon  a  small  present,  and  dismissed  him. 
 
 5.  Now,  as  Agrippa  was  a  great  builder  in  many  places,  he  paid  a  peculiar  regard  to  the 
 people  of  Berytus  ;  for  he  erected  a  theatre  for  them,  superior  to  many  other  of  that  sort,  both 
 in  sumptuousness  and  elegance,  as  also  an  amphitheatre,  built  at  vast  expenses  ;  and  besides 
 these,  he  built  them  baths  and  porticoes,  and  spared  for  no  cost  in  any  of  his  edifices  to  render 
 them  both  handsome  and  large.  He  also  spent  a  great  deal  upon  their  dedication,  and  exhi- 
 bited shows  upon  them,  and  brought  thither  musicians  of  all  sorts,  and  such  as  made  the  most 
 delightful  music  of  the  greatest  variety.  He  also  shewed  his  magnificence  upon  the  theatre, 
 in  bis  great  number  of  gladiators  ;  and  there  it  was  that  he  exhibited  the  several  antagonists, 
 in  order  to  please  the  spectators  ;  no  fewer  indeed  than  seven  hundred  men  to  fight  with  seven 
 hundred  other  men,*  and  allotted  all  the  malefactors  he  had  for  this  exercise,  that  both  the 
 malefactors  might  receive  their  punishment,  and  that  this  operation  of  war  might  be  a  recreation 
 in  peace.     And  thus  were  these  criminals  all  destroyed  at  once. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 What  other  Acts  were  done  by  Agrippa  until  his  Death  :  and  after  what  manner  he  died. 
 §  1.  When  Agrippa  had  finished  what  I  have  above  related  at  Berytns,  he  removed  to  Tibe- 
 rius, a  city  of  Galilee.     Now  he  was  in  great  esteem  among  other  kings.     Accordingly,  there 
 
 .  *  A  strange  number  of  condemned  criminals  to  be  under  the  sentence  of  death  at  once,  no  fewer,  it  seems, 
 
 1km  moo: 
 
BOOK  XIX. — CHAP.  VIII.  601 
 
 carae  to  Li;a  Antiochns,  king  of  Commagena,  Sampsigeramus,  king  of  Emesa,  and  C'olyK,  who 
 was  king  of  tbe  Lesser  Armenia,  and  Poleino,  who  was  king  of  Pontus,  as  :ilsci  Herod  his 
 brother,  who  was  king  of  Ghalcis.  AU  these  lie  treated  with  agreeable  eiitertaiiiinents, 
 and  after  an  obliging  manner,  and  so  as  to  exhibit  the  greatness  of  liis  mind,  and  to  appear 
 worthy  of  those  respects  which  the  kings  paid  to  him,  by  coming  tlius  to  see  him.  However, 
 while  these  kings  staid  with  him,  Marcus  the  president  of  Syria  came  thither.  So  the  king, 
 in  order  to  preserve  that  respect  that  was  due  to  the  Romans,  went  out  of  the  city  to  meet  him, 
 as  far  as  seven  furlongs.  But  this  proved  to  be  the  beginning  of  a  difference  between  him  and 
 Marcus  ;  for  he  took  with  liira  in  his  chariot  those  other  kings  as  his  assessors.  But  Marcus  had 
 a  suspicion  wliat  the  meaning  could  be  of  so  great  a  friendship  of  these  kings  one  with  another, 
 and  did  not  think  so  close  an  agreement  of  so  many  potentates  to  be  for  the  interest  of  the 
 Romans.  He  therefore  sent  some  of  his  domesticsto  every  one  of  them,  and  enjoined  them  to 
 go  their  ways  home  without  further  delay.  This  was  very  ill  taken  by  Agrippa,  who  after 
 that  became  his  enemy.  And  now  he  took  the  high  priesthood  away  from  Matthias,  and 
 mnde  Elioneus,  the  son  of  Caiitheras,  high  priest  in  his  stead. 
 
 2.  Now,  when  Agrippa  had  reigued  three  years  all  over  Judea,  he  came  to  the  cityCesarea, 
 which  was  formerly  called  Strato's  Tower  ;  and  there  he  exhibited  shows  in  honour  of  Caesar, 
 upon  his  being  informed  that  there  was  a  certain  festival  celebrated  to  make  vows  for  his 
 safely.  At  which  festival  a  great  multitudfe  was  gotten  together  of  tiie  principal  persons,  and 
 such  as  were  of  dignity  through  his  province.  On  the  second  day  of  which  shows  he  put  on 
 a  garment  made  wholly  of  silver,  and  of  a  contexture  truly  wonderful,  and  came  into  the  thea- 
 tre early  in  the  morning  ;  at  which  time  the  silver  of  his  garment  being  illuminated  by  the 
 fresh  rellection  of  the  sun's  rays  upon  it,  shone  out  after  a  surprising  manner,  and  was  so 
 re.spleudfnt  as  to  spread  a  horror  over  those  that  looked  iutently  upon  him ;  and  presently  his 
 flatterers  cried  out,  one  from  one  place,  and  another  from  anotiier,  (though  not  for  his  good,") 
 that  "  he  was  a  god;"  and  they  added,  "Be  thou  merciful  tons;  for  although  we  have 
 hitherto  reverenced  thee  only  as  a  man,  yet  shall  we  henceforth  own  thee  as  superior  to  mortal 
 uatttre."  Upon  this  the  king  did  neither  rebuke  them,  nor  reject  their  impious  flattery.  But 
 as  he  presently  afterwards  looked  up,  he  suvv  an  owl*  sitting  on  a  certain  rope  over  his  head, 
 and  immediately  understood  that  this  bird  was  the  messenger  of  ill  tidings,  as  it  had  onre  been 
 the  messenger  of  good  tidings  to  him ;  and  fell  into  the  deepest  sorrow.  A  severe  pain  also 
 arose  in  his  belly,  and  began  in  a  most  violent  manner.  He  therefore  looked  upon  his  friends, 
 and  said,  "  I  whom  ye  call  a  god,  am  commanded  presently  to  depart  this  life  ;  while  Provi- 
 dence thus  reproves  the  lying  words  you  just  now  said  to  me  ;  and  I,  who  was  by  you  called 
 immortal,  am  immediately  to  be  hurried  away  by  death.  But  I  am  bound  to  accept  of  what 
 providence  allots,  as  it  pleases  God  ;  for  we  have  by  no  means  lived  ill,  but  in  a  splendid  and 
 happy  manner."  When  he  had  said  this,  his  pain  was  become  violent.  Accordingly,  he  was 
 carried  into  the  palace,  and  the  rumour  went  abroad  every  where,  that  he  would  certainly  die 
 in  a  little  time.  But  the  multitude  presently  sat  in  sackeloth,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
 after  the  law  of  their  country,  and  besought  God  for  the  king's  recovery.  Ail  places  were  also 
 full  of  mourning  and  lamentation.  Now  the  king  rested  in  a  high  chamber,  and  as  he  saw  them 
 below  lying  prostrate  on  the  ground,  he  could  not  himself  forbear  weeping.  And  when  he  had 
 been  quite  worn  out  by  the  pain  in  his  belly  for  five  days,  he  departed  this  life,  being  in  the 
 fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  ;  for  he  reigned  four  years 
 under  Caius  Ca;sar,  three  of  them  were  over  Philip's  tetrarchy  only,  and  on  the  fourth  he  had 
 that  of  Herod  added  to  it,  and  he  reigned,  beside  those,  three  years  under  the  reign  of  Clau- 
 dius Caesar.  In  which  time  he  reigned  over  the  forementioned  countries,  and  also  had  Judea 
 added  to  them,  as  well  as  Samaria  and  Cesarea.  The  revenues  that  he  received  out  of  them 
 were  very  great,   no  less  than  twelve  millions  of  drachmtct     Yet  did  he  borrow  great  aunis 
 
 *  We  have  a  mighty  cry  made  here  by  some  critics,  as  if  the  great  Kusebius  had  on  purpose  falsified  this 
 accouDt  of  .Josephus,  so  as  to  make  it  agree  with  the  parallel  account  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  because 
 the  present  copies  of  his  citation  of  it.  Hist.  Eccles.  b.  ii.  chap.  x.  omit  the  -n-ords  lionhona—epi  schoiiuoutinos ,  i.  e. 
 '  an  owl~on  a  certain  rope.'  which  Josephus's  present  copies  retain,  and  onlv  ha\-e  the  explicatory  woid  tniqelon, 
 or  angel ;  as  if  he  meant  that  angel  of  the  Ixird  which  St.  I.uke  mentions"as  smiting  Herod,  Acts  xii.  C.l  and 
 not  that  owl  which  Josephus  called  an  angel  or  messenger,  formerly  of  good,  but  now  of  bad  news,  to  Agrippa. 
 'i'his  accusation  is  a  somewhat  strange  one  in  tlie  case  of  the  great  Eusebius,  who  is  known  to  have  so  accu- 
 rately and  faithfully  produced  a  vast  number  of  other  ancient  records,  aod  particularly  not  a  few  out  of  our 
 Josephus  also,  without  any  suspicion  of  prevarication,  ^ow,  not  to  allege  how  uncertain  we  are,  whether  Jose- 
 phus's and  Eusebius's  copies  of  the  fourth  century  were  just  like  the  present  in  this  clause,  which  we  have  no  dis- 
 tinct evideuco  of,  the  following  words,  preserved  still  in  Eusebius,  will  not  admit  of  any  such  exposition.  "  Tliis 
 [bird]  (says  Eusebius)  Agrippa  presently  perceived  to  be  the  '  cause  of  ill  fortune,'  a's  it  was  once  of  good  fur- 
 Wine  to  him  ;"  which  can  only  belong  to  that  bird,  the  owl,  which,  as  it  had  formerly  foreboded  his  happy  dtli- 
 verance  from  imprisonment,  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  vi.  %  7.  so  was  it  then  foretold  to  prove  afterwaril  the  unhaiipy 
 forerunner  of  his  death  in  live  days'  time,  if  the  improper  words  signifying  cause,  be  changed  for  Josephus's 
 proper  word  '  angclon,''  angel  or  messenger,  and  the  foregoing  words,  '  himhona—iin  scUoinimttinos,'  be 
 inserted.  Eusebius's  text  will  truly  represent  that  in  Josephus.  Had  this  imperfection  been  in  some  heathen 
 author  that  was  in  good  esteem  with  our  modem  critics,  they  would  have  readily  corrected  these  as  barely 
 errors  in  the  copies  ;  but  being  in  an  ancient  ClirLstian  writer,  not  so  well  relislied  by  many  of  these  critics, 
 nothing  will  serve  but  the  ill-grounded  supposal  of  ^vilful  corruption  and  prevarication. 
 
 +_This  sum  of  IC.OOO.OOO  drachm<c,  which  is  equal  to  3,000.(XX)  shekels,  i.  e.  at  C-;.  10.  a  shekel,  equal  lo 
 4C5,00()1.  sterling,  was  Agrippa  the  Great's  yearly  income,  or  about  three-quarters  of  his  grandfather  Herod's 
 income  ;  he  having  abated  the  tax  upon  houses  at  Jerusalem,  chap.  vi.  i,  3.  and  was  not  so  tyraunical  as  i  lenid 
 had  been  to  ilie  Jews.  Sec  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  xvii.  chap.  xi.  ^  4.  A  laige  sum  lliis  !  but  not,  it  sceme,  suf- 
 lieieut  fop  his  extravagant  eipoosoe. 
 
502  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 from  others  ;  for  lie  was  so  very  liberal  tbat  bis  expenses  exceeded  his  income,  and  his  gene- 
 rosity was  boumUess.* 
 
 3.  But  before  the  niultitode  were  made  acquainted  with  Agrippa's  being  expired,  Herod  the 
 king  of  Chalcis,  and  Heleias  the  master  of  his  horse,  and  the  king's  friend,  sent  Aristo,  one  of 
 the  king's  most  faithful  servants,  and  slew  Silas,  who  had  been  their  enemy,  as  if  it  had  been 
 done  by  the  king's  own  command, 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 What  Ihitigs  were  done  after  the  Death  of  Agrlppa  ;  and  how  Claudius,  on  account  of  the  Youth 
 and  Unnkilfulness  of  Agrippa  junior,  sent  Cuspius  Fadus  to  he  Procurator  of  Judea,  and  of 
 the  I'.ntire  Kingdom. 
 
 §  1.  And  thus  did  king  Agrippa  depart  this  life.  But  he  left  behind  him  a  son,  Agrippa  by 
 name,  a  youth  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his  age,  and  three  daughters  :  one  of  whom,  Beniice, 
 ■was  married  to  Herod  his  father's  brother,  and  was  sixteen  years  old  ;  the  other  two,  Marianine 
 and  Drusilla,  were  still  virgins  ;  the  former  vfas  ten  years  old,  and  Drusilla  six.  Now  thehe 
 liis  daughters  were  thus  espoused  by  their  father,  IVlarianine  to  Julius  Archelaus  Epiphanes, 
 the  son  of  Antiocbus,  the  son  of  Chelcias,  and  Diusilla  to  the  king  of  Comniagena.  But  when 
 it  was  known  that  Agrippa  was  departed  this  life,  the  inhabitants  of  Cesarea  and  of  Sebaste 
 forgot  the  kindnesses  he  had  bestowed  on  them,  and  acted  the  part  of  the  bitterest  enemies  : 
 for  they  cast  such  reproaclies  tjpon  the  deceased  as  were  not  fit  to  be  spoken  of;  and  so  many 
 •if  them  as  were  then  soldiers,  which  weie  a  great  number,  went  to  his  house,  and  hastily  car- 
 ried off  the  statuest  of  this  king's  daughters,  and  all  at  once  carried  them  into  the  brothel 
 houses,  and,  when  they  had  set  them  on  the  tops  of  those  houses,  they  abused  them  to  the 
 iiliuost  of  their  power,  aiid  did  such  things  to  them  as  are  too  indecent  to  be  related.  They 
 also  laid  themselves  down  in  public  places  and  celebrated  general  feasfings,  with  garlands  on 
 their  heads,  and  with  ointments  and  libations  to  Charon,  and  drinking  to  one  another  for  joy 
 that  the  king  was  expired.  Nay,  they  were  not  only  unmindful  of  Agrippa,  who  had  extended 
 his  liberality  to  them  in  abundance,  but  of  his  grandfather  Herod  also,  who  had  himself  rebuilt 
 their  cities,  and  had  raised  them  havens  and  temples  at  vast  expenses. 
 
 2.  Now  Agrippa,  the  son  of  the  deceased,  was  at  Rome,  and  brought  up  with  Claudius 
 Caesar.  And  when  Caesar  was  informed  that  Agrippa  was  dead,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of 
 Sebaste  and  Cesarea  had  abused  him,  he  was  sorry  for  the  first  news,  and  was  displeased  with 
 the  ingratitude  of  those  cities.  He  was  therefore  disposed  to  send  Agrippa  junior  away  pre- 
 sently to  succeed  bis  father  in  the  kingdom,  and  was  willing  to  confirm  him  in  it  by  bis  oath. 
 Butihose  freed  men  and  friends  of  his,  who  had  tiie  greatest  authority  with  him,  dissuaded 
 him  from  it,  and  said,  that  "  it  was  a  dangerous  experiment  to  permit  so  large  a  kingdom  to 
 come  under  the  government  of  so  very  young  a  man,  and  one  hardly  yet  arrived  at  years  of 
 discretion,  who  would  not  be  able  to  take  sufficient  care  of  its  administration;  while  the  weight 
 of  a  kingdom  is  heavy  enough  to  a  grown  man."  So  Caesar  thought  what  they  said  to  be  rea- 
 sonable. Accordingly,  he  sent  Cuspius  Fadus  to  be  procurator  of  Judea,  and  of  the  entire 
 kingdom  ;  and  paid  that  respect  to  the  deceased,  as  not  to  introduce  Marcus,  who  bad  been  at 
 variance  with  him,  into  his  kingdom.  But  he  determined,  in  the  first  place,  to  send  orders  to 
 Fadus,  that  he  should  chastise  the  inhabitants  of  Cesarea  and  Sebaste  for  those  abuses  they 
 had  offered  to  him  that  was  deceased,  and  their  madness  towaids  his  daughters  that  were  still 
 alive  ;  and  that  he  should  remove  that  body  of  soldiers  that  were  at  Cesarea  and  Sebaste,  witli 
 the  five  regiments,  into  Pontus,  that  they  might  do  their  military  duty  there,  and  that  he  should 
 choose  an  equal  number  of  soldiers  out  of  the  Roman  legions  that  were  in  Syria,  to  supply 
 their  place.  Yet  were  not  those  that  had  such  orders  actually  removed  ;  for  by  sending 
 ambassadors  to  Claudius,  they  mollified  him,  and  got  leave  to  abide  in  Judea  still ;  and  these 
 were  the  very  men  that  became  the  source  of  very  great  calamities  to  the  Jews  in  after  times, 
 and  sowed  the  seeds  of  that  war  which  began  under  Florus  ;  whence  it  was,  tliat  when  Vespa- 
 sian Lad  subdued  the  country,  he  removed  them  out  of  his  province,  i.s  we  shall  relate 
 hereafter.^ 
 
 *  Reland  takes  notice  here,  not  improperly,  that  Josephus  omits  the  reconciliation  of  this  Ilerod  Agrippa  to 
 the  Tyrinns  and  Sidonians,  l>y  the  means  of  Blastus  the  King's  chamberlain,  mentioned  Acts  xii.  20.  Nor  is 
 there  "any  history  in  the  world  so  complete,  as  to  omit  nothing  that  other  historians  take  notice  of,  unless  the 
 one  be  taken  out  of  the  other,  and  accommodated  to  it. 
 
 t  Photius,  who  made  an  extract  out  of  this  section,  says,  they  were  not  the  statues  or  images,  but  the  ladies 
 themselves,  who  were  thus  basely  abused  by  the  soldiers.    Cod.  ccxxxviii. 
 
 t  This  history  is  now  wanting. 
 
BOOK    XX. — CHAP.    I.  503 
 
 BOOK  XX. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  TWENTY-TWO  YEAES.-FROM    FADUS  THE 
 PROCURATOR,  TO  FLORUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 A  SeiUlion  of  the   Philadelphiaus  against  the  Jews ;  and  also  concerning  the  Vestments  of  the 
 
 High  Priest. 
 
 §  1.  Upon  the  death  of  king  Agrippa,  which  we  have  related  in  the  foregoing  book,  Claudius 
 Caesar  sent  Cassius  Longinus  as  successor  to  Marcus,  out  of  regard  to  the  memory  of  king 
 Agrippa,  who  had  often  desired  of  him  hj  letters,  while  he  was  alive,  that  he  would  not  sufl'er 
 Marcus  to  be  any  longer  president  of  Syria.  But  Fadus,  as  soon  as  he  was  come  procurator 
 into  Judea,  found  quarrelsome  doings  between  the  Jews  tliat  dwelt  in  Perea,  and  the  people 
 of  Philadelphia,  about  their  borders,  at  a  village  called  Mia,  that  was  filled  with  men  of  a 
 warlike  lemper;  for  the  Jews  of  Perea  bad  taken  up  arms  wiihout  the  consent  of  their  prin- 
 cipal men,  and  had  destroyed  many  of  the  Pbiladelpliians.  When  Fadus  was  informed  of  this 
 procedure,  it  provoked  him  very  much  that  they  had  not  left  the  determination  of  the  matter 
 to  him,  if  they  thought  that  the  Philadelphiaus  had  done  them  any  wrong,  but  had  rashly  taken 
 up  arms  against  them.  So  he  seized  upon  three  of  their  principal  men,  who  were  also  the 
 causes  of  this  sedition,  and  ordered  them  to  be  bound,  and  afterward  bad  one  of  them  slain, 
 whose  name  was  Hannibal,  and  he  banished  the  other  two,  Amram  and  Eleazar.  Tholomy 
 also,  the  arch  robber,  was,  after  some  time,  brought  to  him  bound,  and  slain,  but  not  till  he 
 had  done  a  world  of  mischief  to  Idumea  and  the  Arabians.  And  indeed,  from  that  time,  Judea 
 was  cleared  of  robberies  by  the  care  and  providence  of  Fadus.  He  also  at  this  time  sent  for 
 the  high  priests  and  the  principal  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  aud  this  at  the  command  of  the  empe- 
 ror, and  admonished  them,  that  they  should  lay  up  the  long  garment,  and  the  saored  vestment, 
 which  it  is  customary  for  nobotly  but  the  high  priest  to  wear,  in  the  tower  of  Antonia,  that 
 it  might  be  under  the  power  cf  the  Romans,  as  it  had  been  formerly.  Now  the  Jews  durst 
 not  contradict  what  he  had  said,  but  desired  Fadus,  however,  and  Longinus,  (which  last  was 
 come  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  brought  a  great  army  with  him,  out  of  a  fear  that  the  [rigid] 
 injunctions  of  Fadus  should  force  the  Jews  to  rebel,)  that  they  might,  in  the  first  place,  have 
 leave  to  send  ambassadors  to  Caesar,  to  petition  him  that  they  may  have  the  holy  vestments 
 under  their  own  power,  and  that,  in  the  next  place,  they  would  tarry  till  they  knew  what  answer 
 Claudius  would  give  to  that  their  request.  So  they  replied,  that  they  would  give  them  leave 
 to  send  their  ansbassidors,  provided  they  would  give  them  their  sons  as  pledges  [for  their 
 peaceable  behaviour.]  And  when  they  had  agreed  so  to  do,  and  had  given  them  the  pledges 
 they  desired,  the  ambassadors  were  sent  accordingly.  But  when,  upon  their  coming  to  Rome, 
 Agrippa  junior,  the  son  of  the  deceased,  understood  the  reason  why  they  came,  (for  he  dwelt 
 with  Claudius  Caesar,  as  we  said  before,)  he  besought  Casar  to  grant  the  Jews  their  request 
 about  the  holy  vestments,  and  to  send  a  message  to  Fadus  accordingly. 
 
 2.  Hereupon  Claudius  called  for  the  ambassadors,  and  told  them,  that  "  he  granted  their 
 request;"  and  bane  them  to  return  their  thanks  to  Agrippa  for  this  favour  which  had  been 
 bestowed  on  them  upon  this  entreaty.  And,  besides  these  answers  of  his,  he  sent  the  follow- 
 ing letter  by  them  :  "  Claudius  Cafsar,  Germanicus,  tribune  of  the  people  the  fifth  time,  and 
 designed  consul  the  fourth  time,  and  imperator  the  tenth  time,  the  father  of  his  country,  to  the 
 magistrates,  senate,  and  people,  and  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  sendeth  greeting.  Upon 
 the  presentation  of  your  ambassadors  to  nie  by  Agrippa,  my  friend,  whom  I  have  brought  up, 
 and  have  now  with  me,  and  who  is  a  person  of  very  great  piety,  who  are  come  to  give  me 
 thanks  for  the  care  1  have  taken  of  your  nation,  and  to  entreat  me,  in  an  earnest  and  obliging 
 manner,  that  they  may  have  the  holy  vestments,  with  the  crown  belonging  to  them,  under  their 
 power  ;  I  grant  their  request,  as  that  excellent  person  Vitellius,  who  is  very  dear  to  me,  had 
 done  before  me.  And  I  h;ive  complied  with  your  desire,  in  the  first  place,  out  of  regard  to 
 that  piety  which  I  profess,  and  because  I  would  have  every  one  worship  God  according  to  the 
 laws  of  their  own  country  ;  and  this  I  do  also  because  I  shall  hereby  highly  gratify  king 
 Herod,  and  Agrippa  junior,  whose  sacred  regards  to  me,  and  earnest  good-will  to  you,  I  am 
 well  acquainted  with,  and  with  whom  I  have  the  greatest  friendship,  and  whom  I  highly 
 esteem,  and  look  on  as  persons  of  the  best  character.  Now  I  have  written  about  these  nflairs 
 to  Ciispius  Fadus,  my  procurator.  The  names  of  those  that  brought  me  your  letter  are,  Cor- 
 nelius the  son  of  Ccro,  Trypho  the  son  of  Theudin,  Dorotheus  the  son  of  Nathaniel,  aid  John 
 (lie  son  of  John.  This  was  dated  before  the  fourth  of  the  kalenils  of  July,  when  Rufus  and 
 Pouipeius  Sylvaiius  were  consuls." 
 
 ;5.  Herod  also,  the  brother  of  the  deceased  Agrippa,  who  was  then  possessed  of  the  royal 
 authority  over  Clialcis,  petitioned  Claudius  Civsar  for  the  autliini'y  over  the  temple,  and  the 
 money  of  the  sacred  treasure,   and  the  choice  of  the  high   priests,    and  obtained   all  that  be 
 
504  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 petitioned  for.  So  tbat  after  that  tiuie  tbis  authority  continued*  among  all  his  descendants 
 till  the  end  of  the  war,  Accordingly,  Herod  removed  the  last  high  priest,  called  Cantheras, 
 und  bestowed  tbat  dignity  on  bis  successor  Joseph,  the  son  of  Camus. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Helena,  the  Queen  of  A  diabene,  and  her  Son  Izates,  embraced  the  Jewish  Religion ;  and 
 
 how  Helena  supplied  the  Poor  with  Corn,  when  there  luas  a  great  Famine  at  Jerusalem. 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Helena,  qaeen  of  Adiabene,  and  her  son  Izates,  changed 
 their  course  of  life,  and  embraced  the  Jewish  customs,  and  this  on  the  occasion  following: 
 Monohazus,  the  king  of  Adiabene,  who  bad  also  the  name  of  Bazeus,  fell  in  love  with  his 
 sister  Helena,  and  took  her  to  be  his  wife,  and  begat  her  with  child.  But  as  be  was  in  bed 
 with  her  one  night,  he  laid  bis  hand  upon  his  wife's  belly,  and  fell  asleep,  and  seemed  to  bear 
 a  voice,  which  bade  him  take  his  band  off  bis  wife's  belly,  and  not  hurt  the  infant  that  was 
 therein,  which,  by  God's  providence,  would  be  safely  born,  and  have  a  happy  end.  This  voice 
 put  bim  into  disorder;  so  bs  awaked  immediately,  and  told  the  story  to  his  wife;  and  when 
 his  son  was  born,  be  called  him  Izates.  He  had  indeed  Monohazus,  his  elder  brother,  by 
 Helena  also,  as  he  had  other  sous  by  other  wives  besides.  Yet  did  he  openly  place  all  bis 
 aft'ections  on  this  his  only  begottent  son  Izates,  which  was  the  origin  of  that  envy,  while  on 
 tbis  account  they  bated  him  more  and  more,  and  were  all  under  great  affliction  that  their 
 father  should  prefer  Izates  before  all  them.  Now  altbougli  their  father  was  very  sensible  of 
 these  their  passions,  yet  did  he  forgive  them,  as  not  indulging  those  passions  out  of  an  ill  dis- 
 position, but  out  of  a  desire  each  of  them  had  to  be  beloved  by  their  father.  However,  be 
 sent  Izates  with  many  presents  to  Abennerig,  the  king  of  Charax-Spasini,  and  that  out  of  the 
 great  dread  be  was  in  about  him,  lest  he  should  come  to  some  misfortune  by  the  hatred  bis 
 brethren  bore  him ;  and  he  committed  his  son's  preservation  to  him.  Upon  which  Abennerig 
 gladly  received  the  young  man,  and  had  a  great  affection  for  him,  and  married  him  to  bis  own 
 daughter,  whose  name  was  Samacha :  Le  also  bestowed  a  country  upon  bim,  from  which  he 
 received  large  revenues. 
 
 2.  But  when  Monohazus  was  grown  old,  and  saw  tbat  he  had  but  a  little  time  to  live,  he 
 had  a  mind  to  come  to  the  sight  of  bis  son  before  he  died.  So  he  sent  for  him,  and  embraced 
 bira  after  the  most  affectionate  manner,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  country  called  Carrae ;  it  was 
 a  soil  tbat  bare  amomum  in  great  plenty:  there  are  also  in  it  the  remains  of  that  ark,  wherein 
 it  is  related  that  Noah  escaped  the  deluge,  and  where  they  are  still  shewn  to  such  are  as  desir- 
 ous to  see  tbem.J  Accordingly,  Izates  abode  in  that  country  until  his  father's  death.  But 
 the  very  day  that  Monohazus  died,  queen  Helena  sent  for  all  the  grandees,  and  governors  of 
 the  kingdom,  and  for  those  that  had  the  armies  committed  to  their  command :  and  when  they 
 were  come,  she  made  the  following  speech  to  them;  "  I  believe  you  are  not  unacquainted 
 tbat  my  husband  was  desirous  Izates  should  succeed  him  in  the  government,  and  thought  bim 
 worthy  so  to  do.  However,  I  wait  your  determination ;  for  happy  is  be  who  receives  a  king- 
 dom not  from  a  single  person  only,  but  from  the  willing  suffrages  of  a  great  many."  This  she 
 said  in  order  to  try  those  that  were  invited,  and  to  discover  their  sentiments.  Upon  the 
 hearing  of  which,  they  first  of  all  paid  their  homage  to  the  queen,  as  their  custom  was,  and 
 then  they  said,  tbat,  "  they  confirmed  the  king's  determination,  and  would  submit  to  it ;  and 
 they  rejoiced  tbat  Izates'  father  bad  preferred  him  before  the  rest  of  bis  brethren,  as  being 
 agreeable  to  all  their  wishes  :  but  tbat  they  were  desirous  first  of  all  to  slay  his  brethren  and 
 kinsmen,  that  so  the  government  might  come  seenrely  to  Izates  ;  because  if  they  were  ouce 
 destroyed,  all  that  fear  would  be  over  which  might  arise  from  their  hatred  and  envy  to  him." 
 Helena  replied  to  this,  that  "  she  returned  them  her  thanks  for  their  kindness  to  herself,  and 
 to  Izates;  but  desired  that  they  would  however  defer  the  execution  of  this  slaughter  of  Izates' 
 brethren  till  he  should  be  there  himself,  and  give  his  approbation  to  it."  So,  since  these  men 
 had  not  prevailed  with  her  when  they  advised  her  to  slay  them,  they  exhorted  her  at  least  to 
 keep  them  in  bonds  till  he  should  come,  and  that  for  their  own  security;  they  also  gave  her 
 counsel  to  set  up  some  one  whom  she  should  put  the  greatest  trust  in,  as  a  governor  of  the 
 kingdom  in  the  mean  lime.  So  queen  Helena  complied  with  this  counsel  of  theirs,  and  set  up 
 Monohazus,  the  eldest  son,  to  be  king,  and  put  the  diadem  upon  his  head,  and  gave  him  his 
 father's  ring,  with  its  signet ;  as  also  the  ornament  which  they  call  Sarapser,  and  exhorted  him 
 to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  till  his  brother  should  come  ;  who  came  suddenly  upon 
 bearing  that  his  father  was  dead,  and  succeeded  his  brother  Monohazus,  who  resigned  up  the 
 government  to  him. 
 
 *  Here  is  some  error  in  the  copies,  or  mistalie  in  Josephus  :  for  the  power  of  appointing  high  priests,  atter 
 llerod  king  of  Chalcis  was  dead,  and  Agrippa  junior  was  made  king  o»  Chalcis  in  his  rooni,  belonged  to  hitn, 
 and  he  exercised  the  same  oU  along  till  Jerusalem  was  destroyed,  a£  Josephus  elsewhere  informs  us,  chap.vui. 
 <>  8,  11.  chap.  ix.  ^  1,  4,  6,  7. 
 
 +  Josejihiis  here  uses  the  word  monogene,  an  'Only  begotten  son,'  for  no  otlier  than  one  '  best  beloved.'  as 
 does  both  the  Old  and  NewTestament,  I  mean  where  there  were  one  or  more  sous  besides, Gen.  xxii.  2.  Heh. 
 xi.  17.    ■'see  the  note  on  b.  i.  chap.  xiii.  ^  1. 
 
 t  It  is  here  very  remarkable,  that  the  remains  of  Noah's  ark  were  believed  to  be  still  in  being  iu  the  days 
 of  Josephus.    See  the  note  ou  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ^5. 
 
BOOK    XX. — CHAP.    II.  505 
 
 3.  Now,  during  the  time  Izates  abode  at  Charax-Spasini,  a  certain  Jewish  merchant,  whose 
 name  was  Ananias,  got  among  the  women  that  belonged  to  the  king,  and  taught  them  to  wor- 
 sliip  God  according  to  the  Jewish  religion.  He,  moreover,  by  their  n.eans,  became  known  to 
 Izates,  and  persuaded  him  in  like  manner  to  embrace  that  religion  ;  he  also,  at  the  earnest 
 entrea(;y  of  Izates,  accompanied  him  when  he  was  sent  for  by  his  father  to  come  to  Adiabene ; 
 it  also  liappened  that  Helena,  about  the  same  time,  was  instructed  by  a  certain  other  Jew, 
 and  went  over  to  them.  But  when  Izates  had  taken  the  kingdom,  and  was  come  to  Adiabene, 
 and  there  saw  his  brethren  and  other  kinsmen  in  bonds,  he  was  displeased  at  it;  and  as  he 
 thouglit  it  an  instance  of  impiety  either  to  slay  or  imprison  them,  but  still  thought  it  a  hazard- 
 ous thing  for  to  let  them  have  their  liberty  with  the  remembrance  of  the  injuries  that  had  been 
 otlered  them,  he  sent  some  of  them  and  tiieir  children  for  hostages  to  Rome,  to  Claudius  Caesar, 
 and  sent  the  others  to  Artabanus,  the  king  of  Parthij.,  with  the  like  intentions. 
 
 4.  And  when  he  perceived  that  his  mother  was  highly  pleased  witii  the  Jewish  customs,  he 
 made  has1e  to  change,  and  to  embrace  them  entirely  ;  and,  as  he  supposed  that  he  could  not 
 be  thoroughly  a  Jew  unless  he  were  circumcised,  he  was  ready  to  have  it  done.  But,  when 
 his  mother  understood  what  he  was  about,  she  endeavoured  to  hinder  him  from  doing  it,  and 
 said  to  him,  tliat  "this  thing  would  bring  him  into  danger,  and  that,  as  he  was  a  king,  he 
 would  thereby  bring  himself  into  great  odium  among  his  subjects,  when  they  should  under- 
 stand that  he  was  so  fond  of  rites  that  were  to  them  strange  and  foreign  ;  and  that  they  would 
 never  bear  to  be  ruled  over  by  a  Jtw."  This  it  was  that  she  said  to  him,  and  for  tlie  present 
 persuaded  him  to  forbear.  And  when  he  had  related  what  she  had  said  to  Ananias,  he  con- 
 firmed what  his  mother  had  said,  and  when  he  had  also  threatened  to  leave  him,  unless  he 
 complied  with  him,  he  went  away  from  him,  and  said,  that  "  he  was  afraid  lest  such  an  action 
 being  once  made  public  to  all,  he  should  himself  be  in  danger  of  punishment,  for  having  been 
 the  occasion  of  it,  and  having  been  the  king's  instructor  in  actions  that  were  of  ill  reputation  ; 
 and  he  said,  that  he  might  worship  God  withort  being  circumcised,  even  though  he  did  resolve 
 to  follow  the  Jewish  law  entirely,  which  woijhip  of  God  was  of  a  superior  nature  to  circum- 
 cision. He  added,  that  God  would  forgive  him,  though  he  did  not  perfurni  the  operatiou, 
 while  it  was  omitted  out  of  necessity,  and  for  fear  of  his  subjects."  So  the  king  at  that  lime 
 complied  with  these  persuasions  of  Ananias.  But  afterwards,  as  he  had  not  quite  loft  oil'  his 
 desire  of  doing  this  thing,  a  certain  other  Jew  that  came  out  of  Galilee,  whose  name  was 
 Eleazar,  and  who  was  esteemed  very  skilful  in  the  learning  of  his  country,  persuaded  him  to 
 do  the  thing;  for  as  he  entered  into  his  palace  to  salute  him,  and  found  him  reading  the  law  of 
 Moses,  he  said  to  him,  "  Thou  dost  not  consider,  O  king !  that  thou  unjustly  breakest  the 
 principal  of  those  laws,  and  art  injurious  to  God  himself,  [by  omitting  to  be  circumcised  ;]  for 
 thna  oughtest  not  only  to  read  them,  but  chiefly  to  practise  what  they  enjoin  thee.  How  long 
 wilt  thou  continue  ttucircumcised  ?  But,  it  thou  hast  not  yet  read  the  law  about  circumcision, 
 and  dost  not  know  how  great  impiety  thou  art  guilty  of  by  neglecting  it,  read  it  now."  When 
 the  king  had  beard  what  he  said,  he  delayed  the  thing  no  longer,  but  retired  to  another  room, 
 and  sent  for  a  surgeon,  and  did  what  he  was  commanded  to  do.  He  then  sent  for  his  mother, 
 and  Ananias  his  tutor,  and  informed  them  that  he  had  done  the  thing,  upon  which  they  were 
 presently  struck  with  astonishment  and  fear,  and  that  to  a  great  degree,  lest  the  thing  should 
 be  operdy  discovered  and  censured,  and  the  king  should  hazard  the  loss  of  his  kingdom,  while 
 his  subjects  would  not  bear  to  be  governed  by  a  man  who  was  so  zealous  in  another  religion  ; 
 and  lest  they  should  themselves  run  some  hazard,  because  they  would  be  supposed  the  occa- 
 sion of  his  so  doing.  But  it  was  God  himself  who  hindered  what  they  feared  from  taking 
 eflect;  for  he  preserved  both  Izates  himself,  and  his  sons,  when  they  fell  into  many  dangers, 
 and  procured  their  deliverance  when  it  seemed  to  be  impossible,  and  demonstrated  thereby, 
 that  the  fruit  of  piety  does  not  perish  as  to  those  that  have  regard  to  him,  and  fix  their  faith 
 upon  him  only.*     But  these  events  we  shall  relate  hereafter. 
 
 .5.  But  as  to  Helena,  the  king's  mother,  when  she  saw  that  the  affairs  of  Izates'  kingdom, 
 were  in  peace,  and  that  her  son  was  a  happy  man,  and  admired  among  all  men,  and  even  among 
 foreigners,  by  the  means  of  God's  providence  over  him,  she  had  a  mind  to  go  to  the  city  of 
 Jerusalem,  in  order  to  worship  at  that  temple  of  God  which  was  so  very  famous  among  all  men, 
 and  to  offer  her  thank-oflering8  there.  So  she  desired  her  son  to  give  her  leave  to  go  thither: 
 open  which  he  gave  his  consent  to  what  she  desired  very  willingly,  and  made  great  prepara- 
 tions for  her  dismission,  and  gave  her  a  great  deal  of  money,  and  she  went  down  to  the  city 
 of  Jernsalem,  her  son  conducting  her  on  her  journey  a  great  way.  Now  her  coming  was  of 
 very  great  advantage  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  for  whereas  a  famine  did  oppress  them  at  that 
 time,  and  many  people  died  for  want  of  wihat  was  necessary  to  procure  food  withal,  (pieen 
 Helena  sent  some  of  her  servants  to  Alexandria  with  money  to  buy  a  great  quantity  of  corn, 
 and  others  of  them  to  Cyprus,  to  bring  a  cargo  of  dried  figs.  And  as  soon  as  they  w  ere  come 
 back,  and  had  brought  those  provisions,  which  was  done  very  quickly,  she  distributed  food  to 
 those  that  were  in  want  of  it,  and  left  an  excellent  memorial   behind  her  of  this  benefaction, 
 
 t  .losephus  is  very  full  and  express  in  these  three  chapters,  iii.  iv.  and  v,  in  oliserving  howcnrefully  Divine 
 Providence  preserved  this  Izates,  king  of  Adiat)enc,  and  his  sons,  while  he  did  what  he  thought  was  his 
 bounden  duty,  notwithstanding  the  strongest  political  motives  to  the  contrary. 
 
 3s 
 
506  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 which  she  bestowed  on  our  whole  nation.  And  when  her  son  Izates  was  informed  of  this 
 famine,  he  sent  great  sums  of  money  to  the  principal  men  in  Jerusalem.  However,  wliat 
 favours  this  king  and  queen  conferred  upon  our  citj  of  Jerusalem,  shall  be  further  related 
 hereafter.* 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  Artahanus,  the  King  of  Parthia,  out  of  Fear  of  the  secret  Contrivances  of  his  Subjects 
 against  him,  went  to  Izates,  and  was  by  him  reinstated  in  his  Government ;  as  also  how  Bar- 
 danes,  his  Son,  denounced  War  against  Izates. 
 
 §  1.  But  now  Artabanns,  king  of  the  Parthians,  perceiving  that  the  governors  of  the  pro- 
 vinces had  framed  a  plot  against  him,  did  not  think  it  safe  for  him  to  continue  among  them, 
 but  resolved  to  go  to  Izates,  in  hopes  of  finding  some  way  for  his  preservation  by  bis  means, 
 and  if  possible,  for  his  return  to  his  own  dominions.  So  he  came  to  Izates,  and  brought  a 
 thousand  of  his  kindred  and  servants  with  him,  and  met  him  upon  the  road,  while  he  well 
 knew  Izates,  but  Izates  did  not  know  him.  When  Artabanus  stood  near  him,  and,  in  the  first 
 place,  worshipped  him,  according  to  the  custom,  he  then  said  to  him,  "  O  king!  do  not  thou 
 overlook  me  thy  servant,  nor  do  thou  proudly  reject  the  suit  I  make  thee  ;  for,  as  I  am  reduced 
 to  a  low  estate  by  the  chanije  of  fortune,  and  of  a  king  am  become  a  private  man,  I  stand  iu 
 need  of  thy  assistance.  Have  regard,  therefore,  unto  the  uncertainty  of  fortune,  and  esteem 
 the  care  thou  shalt  take  of  me  to  be  taken  of  thyself  also  ;  for  if  I  be  neglected,  and  my  sub- 
 jects go  oft"  unpunished,  many  other  subjects  will  become  the  more  insolent  towards  other 
 kings  also."  And  this  speech  Artabanus  made  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  with  a  dejected 
 countenance.  Now  as  soon  as  Izates  heard  Artabanus'  name,  and  saw  him  stand  as  a  sup- 
 plicant before  him,  he  leaped  dowu  from  his  horse  immediately,  and  said  to  him,  "  Take 
 courage,  O  king !  nor  be  disturbed  at  thy  present  calamity,  as  if  it  were  incurable  j  for  the 
 change  of  thy  sad  condition  shall  be  sudden,  for  thou  shalt  find  me  to  be  more  thy  friend  and 
 thy  assistant  than  thy  hopes  can  promise  thee ;  for  I  will  either  re-establish  thee  in  the  king- 
 dom of  Parthia,  or  lose  my  own." 
 
 2.  When  he  had  said  this,  he  set  Artabanus  upon  his  horse,  and  followed  him  on  fool,  in 
 honour  of  a  king  whom  he  owned  as  greater  than  himself;  which,  when  Artabanus  saw,  he 
 was  very  uneasy  at  it,  and  swore  by  his  present  fortune  and  honour,  that  he  would  get  down 
 from  his  horse,  unless  Izates  would  get  upon  his  horse  again,  and  go  before  him.  So  he  com- 
 plied with  his  desire,  and  leaped  upon  his  horse :  and  when  he  had  brought  him  to  his  royal 
 palace,  be  shewed  him  all  sorts  of  respect,  when  they  sat  together,  and  he  gave  hira  the  upper 
 place  at  festivals  also,  as  regarding  not  his  present  fortune,  but  his  former  dignity,  and  that 
 upon  this  consideration  also,  that  the  changes  of  fortune  are  common  to  all  men.  He  also 
 wrote  to  the  Parthians,  to  persuade  them  to  receive  Artabanus  again  ;  and  gave  them  his 
 right  hand  and  his  faith,  that  he  should  forget  what  was  past  and  done,  and  that  he  would 
 undertake  for  this  as  a  mediator  between  them.  Now  the  Parthians  did  not  themselves  refuse 
 to  receive  him  again,  but  pleaded  that  it  was  not  now  in  their  power  so  to  do  :  because  they 
 had  committed  the  government  to  another  person,  who  had  accepted  of  it,  and  whose  name 
 was  Cinnamus,  and  that  they  were  afraid  lest  a  civil  war  should  arise  on  this  account.  When 
 Cinnaraus  understood  their  intentions,  he  wrote  to  Artabanus  himself,  for  he  had  been  brous^ht 
 up  by  him,  and  was  of  a  nature  good  and  gentle  also,  and  desired  him  to  put  confidence  in 
 him,  and  to  come  and  take  his  own  dominions  again.  Accordingly  Artabanus  trusted  him, 
 and  returned  home  ;  when  Cinnamus  met  hira,  worshipped  him,  and  saluted  him  as  a  king, 
 and  look  the  diadem  off  his  own  head,  and  put  it  on  the  bead  of  Artabanus. 
 
 3.  And  thus  was  Artabanus  restored  to  his  kingdom  again  by  the  means  of  Izates,  when  he 
 had  lost  it  by  the  means  of  the  grandees  of  the  kingdom.  Nor  was  he  unmindful  of  (he  bene- 
 fits he  had  conferred  upon  him,  but  rewarded  him  with  such  honours  as  were  of  the  greatest 
 esteem  among  them  ;  for  he  gave  him  leave  to  wear  his  tiara  upright, t  and  to  sleep  upon  a  golden 
 bed,  which  are  privileges  and  marks  of  honour  peculiar  to  the  kings  of  Parthia.  He  also  cut 
 olf  a  large  and  fruitful  country  from  the  king  of  Armenia,  and  bestowed  it  upon  him.  The 
 name  of  the  country  is  Nisibis,  wherein  the  Macedonians  had  formerly  built  that  city  which 
 they  called  Antioch  of  Mygdonia.  And  these  were  the  honours  that  were  paid  Izates  by  the 
 king  of  the  Parthians. 
 
 •  This  farther  account  of  the  henefactions  of  Izates  and  Helena  to  the  Jeiusalem  Jews,  v.-hich  Josephus 
 here  promises,  is,  I  think,  nowhere  performed  by  him  in  his  present  works.  But  of  this  ternlile  famine  itself 
 in  Judea,  take  Dr.  Hudson's  note  here  :  "  This  (says  he)  is  that  famine  foretold  by  Agalms,  Acts  xi.  2a.  which 
 happened  when  Claudius  was  consul  the  fourth  time ;  and  not  that  other  which  happened  wheri  Claudius  was 
 consul  the  second  time,  and  Csesina  was  his  colleague,  as  Scaligersays  upon  Eusebius,  p.  1*4."  Now,  when 
 Josephus  had  said  a  little  afterward,  chap.  v.  §  C.  that  "  Tiberius  Alexander  succeeded  Cuspius  Fadus  as 
 procurator,"  he  immediately  subjoins,  that  "  under  these  procurators  there  happened  a  great  tamine  in  Judea." 
 Wheuce  it  is  plain  that  this  famine  continued  for  many  years,  on  account  of  its  duration  under  these  two  pro- 
 curators. Now  Fadus  was  not  sent  into  Judea  till  after  the  death  of  king  Atrrippa,  i.  e.  towards  the  latter 
 end  of  the  fourth  year  of  Claudius ;  so  that  this  famine,  foreif.ld  by  Agabus,  happened  upon  the  5th,  0th,  and 
 7tli  years  of  Claudius,  as  says  Valerius  on  Euseb.  ii.  12.  Of  this  famine  also,  and  queen  Helena's  supplies,  and 
 her  monument,  see  Moses  Choronensis,  p.  144, 145.  where  it  is  observed  in  the  notes,  that  Pausanias  mentions 
 her  monument  also. 
 
 t  This  privilege  of  wearing  the  tiara  upright,  or  with  the  tip  of  the  cone  erect,  is  known  to  have  been.of 
 old  peculiar  to  (great)  kings,  from  Xenophon  and  others,  as  Dr.  Hudson  observes  here. 
 
BOOK    XX. — CHAP.    IV.  507 
 
 4.  Bui  ill  no  long  time  Artabanus  died,  and  left  his  kingdom  to  his  sou  Bardanes.  Now 
 /his  Bardanes  came  to  Izates,  and  would  have  peisuaded  him  to  join  him  with  his  army, 
 ,!nd  to  assist  liim  in  the  war  he  v^as  picparing  to  make  with  the  Romans,  but  he  could  not 
 prevail  with  him.  For  Izates  so  well  knew  the  strength  and  good  fortune  of  the  Romans, 
 (hat  he  took  Bardaues  to  attempt  what  was  impossible  to  be  done;  and  having  besides  sent 
 his  sons,  five  in  number,  and  they  but  joung  also,  to  learn  accurately  the  language  of  our 
 nation,  together  with  our  learning,  as  well  as  he  had  sent  his  mother  to  worship  at  our  temple, 
 as  1  have  said  already,  he  was  the  more  backward  to  a  compliance  ;  and  restrained  Bardanes, 
 telling  him  perpetually  of  the  great  armies  and  famous  actions  of  the  Romans,  and  thought 
 thereby  to  terrify  him,  and  desired  thereby  to  hinder  him  from  that  expedition.  But  the  Par- 
 thian king  was  provoked  at  this  his  behaviour,  and  denounced  war  immediately  against  Izates. 
 Y«t  did  he  gain  no  advantage  by  this  war,  because  tiod  cut  od' all  his  hopes  therein  ;  for  the 
 PsetLians,  perceiving  Bardanes'  intention,  and  how  he  had  determined  to  make  war  wilh  the 
 Romans,  slew  him,  and  gave  his  kingdom  to  his  brother  Gotarzcs.  He  also  in  no  long  lime 
 perished  by  a  plot  made  against  him,  and  Vologases,  his  brother,  succeeded  him,  who  com- 
 mitted two  of  liis  provinces  to  two  of  his  brothers  by  the  same  father  ;  that  of  the  Medes  to 
 iho  elder,  I'acorus,  and  Armenia  to  the  younger,  Tiiidates. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 IIuiv  Izates  was  betrayed  by  his  ow7i  Subjects,  and  fowjlil  against  by  the  Arabians:  and  how 
 Izates,  by  Ike  Providence  of  God,  ivus  delivered  out  of  their  Hands. 
 
 ^  1,  Now  when  the  king's  brother,  Monobaziis,  and  his  other  kindred,  saw  how  Izates,  by 
 iiis  piety  to  God,  was  become  greatly  esteemed  hy  all  men,  they  also  had  a  desire  to  leave 
 the  religion  of  llieir  counlry,  and  to  embrace  the  customs  of  the  Jews  ;  but  that  act  of  theirs 
 was  discovered  by  Iz:ites'  subjects.  Whereupon  the  grandees  were  much  displeased,  and 
 couki  not  contain  their  anger  at  thenj  :  but  had  an  intention,  when  they  should  (iiid  a  proper 
 opportunity,  to  indict  a  punishment  upon  them.  Accordingly,  they  wrote  to  Abia,  king  of  the 
 Arabians,  and  promised  him  great  sums  of  money,  if  he  would  make  an  expedition  against  their 
 king  :  and  they  farther  promised  him,  that  on  the  first  onset  they  would  desert  their  king, 
 because  they  were  desirous  to  punish  him,  by  reason  of  the  hatred  he  had  to  their  religious 
 worship  ;  then  they  obliged  themselves,  by  oaths,  to  be  faithful  to  each  other,  and  desired 
 that  he  would  make  haste  in  this  design.  The  king  of  Arabia  complied  with  their  desires,  and 
 brought  a  great  army  into  the  field,  and  marched  against  Izates  ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
 first  onset,  and  before  they  came  to  a  close  fight,  those  grandees,  as  if  they  had  a  panic 
 terror  upon  them,  all  deserted  l/.ates,  as  they  had  agreed  Jo  do,  and,  turning  their  backs  upon 
 iheir  eni'mies,  ran  away.  Yet  was  not  Izates  dismayed  at  this  :  but  when  he  understood  that 
 the  grandees  had  betrayed  him,  he  also  retired  into  liis  camp,  and  made  inquiry  into  the  mat- 
 ter ;  and  as  soon  as  he  knew  who  they  were  that  made  this  conspiracy  with  the  king  of  Arabia, 
 he  cut  oil' those  that  were  found  guilty  ;  and  renewing  the  fight  on  the  next  day,  he  slew  the 
 greatest  part  of  his  enemies,  and  forced  all  the  rest  to  betake  themselves  to  flight.  He  also 
 pursued  their  king,  and  drove  him  into  a  fortress  called  Arsamus,  and,  following  on  the  siege 
 vigorously,  he  took  that  fortress.  And,  when  he  bad  plundered  it  of  all  the  piey  that  was  in 
 it,  which  was  not  small,  he  relumed  to  Adiabene  ;  yet  did  not  he  take  Abia  alive  ;  because, 
 when  he  found  himself  encompassed  on  every  siiie,  he  slew  himself. 
 
 2.  But  although  the  grandees  of  Adiabene  had  failed  in  their  first  attempt,  as  being  delivered 
 up  by  God  into  their  king's  haiuis,  yet  would  they  not  even  then  be  quiet,  but  wrote  again  to 
 Vologases,  who  was  then  king  of  Parthia,  and  desired  that  he  would  kill  Izates,  and  set  over 
 them  some  other  potentate,  who  should  be  of  a  Parthian  family  ;  for  they  said,  that  ''  they 
 haled  their  own  king  for  abrogating  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  embracing  foreign  cus- 
 toms." When  the  king  of  Parthia  heard  this,  he  boldly  made  war  upon  Izates  ;  and  as  lie  had 
 just  pretence  for  this  war,  he  sent  to  him,  and  deniMnded  back  those  honourable  privileges 
 which  had  been  bestowed  on  him  by  his  father,  and  threatened,  on  his  refusal,  to  make  war 
 upon  him.  Upon  hearing  of  this,  Izates  was  under  no  small  trouble  of  mind,  as  thinking  it 
 would  be  a  reproach  upon  him  to  appear  to  resign  those  privileges  that  had  been  bestowed 
 upon  him,  out  of  covvardice  ;  yet,  because  he  knew,  that  though  the  king  of  Parthia  should 
 receive  back  those  honours,  yet  would  he  not  be  quiet,  he  resolved  to  commit  himself  to  God, 
 his  protector,  in  the  present  danger  he  was  in  of  his  life :  and  as  he  esteemed  him  to  be  his 
 |)rincipal  assistant,  he  intrusted  his  children  and  his  wives  to  a  very  strong  fortress,  and  laid 
 up  his  corn  in  his  citadels,  and  set  the  hay  and  the  grass  on  fire.  And  when  he  had  thus  put 
 things  in  order  as  well  as  he  could,  he  awaited  the  coming  of  the  enemy.  And  when  the  king 
 of  Parthia  was  come  with  a  great  army  of  footmen  and  horsemen,  which  he  did  sooner  than 
 was  expected,  (for  he  marched  in  great  haste,)  and  had  cast  up  a  bank  at  the  river  that  parted 
 Adiabene  from  Media  ;  Izates  also  pitched  his  camp  not  far  oil',  having  with  him  six  thousand 
 horsemen.  But  there  came  a  messenger  to  Izates,  sent  by  the  king  of  Parthia,  who  told  him, 
 "  how  large  his  dominions  were,  as  reaching  from  the  river  Euphrates  to  Bactria,  and 
 cMUijieratcd  that  king's  subjects  ;  Lc  also  threatened   him,  that  he  should  be  punished,  as  a 
 
508  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 person  ungrateful  to  his  lords  ;  and  said,  that  the  God  whom  he  worshipped  could  not  deliver  bim 
 out  of  the  king's  hands."  When  the  messenger  had  delivered  this  his  message,  Izates  replied. 
 That  "  he  knew  tiie  king  of  Partbia's  power  was  much  greater  than  his  own  ;  but  that  he  knew 
 also  that  God  was  much  more  powerful  tiian  jail  men."  And  when  be  bad  returned  thia 
 answer,  he  betook  himself  to  make  supplication  to  God,*  and  threw  himself  upon  the  grounfl, 
 and  put  ashes  upon  bis  head,  in  testimony  of  bis  confusion,  and  fasted,  together  with  bis  wives 
 and  children.  Then  he  called  upon  God,  and  said,  "  O  Lord  and  Governor,  if  I  have  not  in 
 vain  committed  myself  to  thy  goodness,  but  have  justly  determined  that  thou  only  art  the  Lord 
 and  principal  of  all  beings,  come  now  to  my  assistance,  and  defend  roe  from  my  enemies,  not 
 only  on  my  own  account,  but  on  account  of  their  insolent  behaviour  with  regard  to  thy  power, 
 while  they  have  not  feared  to  lift  up  their  proud  and  arrogant  tongue  against  thee."  Thus 
 did  he  lament  and  bemoan  himself,  with  tears  in  bis  eyes;  whereupon  God  heard  his  prayer. 
 And  immediately,  that  very  night,  Vologases  received  letters,  the  contents  of  which  werethJ-je, 
 that  a  great  band  of  Dabas  and  Sacse,  despising  him,  now  he  was  gone  so  long  a  joarney  from 
 home,  had  made  an  expedition,  and  laid  Parthia  waste;  so  that  he  [was  forced  to]  retire  back, 
 without  doing  any  thing.  And  thus  it  was  that  Izates  escaped  the  threatenings  of  the  Par- 
 thians,  by  the  providence  of  God. 
 
 3.  It  was  net  long  ere  Izates  died,  when  he  had  completed  fifty-five  years  of  his  life,  and 
 had  ruled  his  kingdom  twenty-four  years.  He  left  behind  him  twenty-fonr  sons  and  twenty- 
 four  daughters.  However,  be  gave  order  that  his  brother  Monobazus  should  succeed  in  the 
 government,  thereby  requiting  him,  because,  while  he  was  himself  absent  after  their  father's 
 death,  he  had  faithfully  preserved  the  government  for  hira.  But  when  Helena,  his  mother, 
 heard  of  her  son's  death,  she  was  in  great  heaviness,  as  was  but  natural  upon  her  loss  of  such 
 a  most  dutiful  son  ;  yet  was  it  a  comfort  to  her,  that  she  beard  tlie  succession  came  to  her 
 eldest  son.  Accordingly  she  went  to  hira  in  haste,  and  when  she  was  come  into  Adiabene,  she 
 did  not  long  outlive  her  son  Izates.  But  Monobazus  sent  her  bones,  as  well  as  those  of  Izates 
 his  brother,  to  Jerusalem,  and  gave  order  that  they  should  be  buried  at  the  pyramids!  which 
 their  mother  bad  erected  ;  they  were  three  in  number,  and  distant  no  more  than  three  furlongs 
 from  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  But  for  the  actions  of  Monobazus  the  king,  which  he  did  daring 
 the  rest  of  his  life,  we  will  relate  them  hekeafter.f 
 
 GHAP.  V. 
 
 Concerning  Theudas,  and  the  Sons  of  Judas  the  Galilean;  as  also  what  Calamity  fell  upon  the 
 Jews  on  the  Day  of  the  Passover. 
 
 §  1.  Now  it  came  to  pass,  while  Fadus  was  procurator  of  Judea,  that  a  certain  raagiciaoi 
 whose  name  was  Theudas, §  persuaded  a  great  part  of  the  people  to  take  their  effects  with  them, 
 and  to  follow  him  to  the  river  Jordan  ;  for  he  told  them  he  was  a  prophet,  and  that  he  would,  by 
 his  own  command,  divide  the  river,  and  afford  them  an  easy  passaj;e  over  it:  and  many  were 
 deluded  by  his  words.  However,  Fadus  did  not  permit  them  to  make  any  advantage  of  his  wild 
 attempt,  but  sent  a  troop  of  horsemen  out  against  them  :  who,  falling  upon  them  unexpectedly, 
 slew  many  of  them,  and  took  many  of  them  alive.  They  also  took  Theudas  alive,  and  cut  off 
 liis  head,  and  carried  it  to  Jerusalem.  This  was  what  befell  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Cuspins 
 Fadus'  government. 
 
 2.  Then  came  Tiberius  Alexander  as  successor  to  Fadus  ;  he  was  the  son  of  Alexander 
 the  alabarch  of  Alexandria,  which  Alexander  was  a  principal  person  among  all  bis  contem- 
 poraries, both  for  bis  family  and  wealth  :  he  was  also  more  eminent  for  his  piety  than  this  his 
 son  Alexander,  for  he  did  not  continue  in  the  religion  of  his  country.  Under  these  procura- 
 tors that  great  famine  happened  in  Judea,  in  which  queen  Helena  bought  corn  in  Egypt  at  a 
 great  expense,  and  distributed  it  to  those  that  were  in  want,  as  1  have  related  already.  And 
 besides  this,  the  sons  of  Judas  of  Galilee  were  now  slain, — I  mean  of  that  Judas  who  caused  the 
 people  to  revolt,  when  Cyrenins  came  to  take  an  account  of  the  estates  of  the  Jews,  as  we 
 have  shewed  in  a  foregoing  book.  The  names  of  those  sons  were  James  and  Simon,  whom 
 Alexander  commanded  to  be  crucified.  But  now  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  removed  Joseph, 
 the  son  of  Camydus,  from  the  higli  priesthood,  and  made  Ananias,  the  son  of  Nebedeus,  his 
 successor.  And  now  it  was  that  Cumanus  came  as  successor  to  Tiberius  Alexander;  as  also 
 that  Herod,  brother  of  Agrippa  the  great  king,  departed  this  life,  in  the  eighth  year  of  the 
 
 *  This  mourning-,  and  fasting,  and  praying,  used  by  Izates,  with  prostration  of  his  body,  and  ashes  upon 
 his  head,  are  plain  signs  that  he  was  become  either  a  Jew,  or  an  Ebionite  Christian,  who  indeed  differed  not 
 much  from  the  proper  Jews,  see  chap.  vi.  §  1.  However,  his  supplications  were  heard,  and  he  was  providen- 
 tially delivered  from  that  imminent  danger  he  was  in. 
 
 +  These  pyramids  or  pillars,  erected  by  Helena,  queen  of  Adiabene,  near  Jerusalem,  three  in  number,  are 
 mentioned  by  Eusebius,  in  his  Eccles.  tlist.  b.  ii.  chap.  12.  for  which  Dr.  Hudson  refers  us  to  Valesius  notes 
 upon  that  place.    They  are  also  mentioned  by  Pausanias,  as  hath  been   already  noted,  chap,  ii,  ^  6.    lleland 
 guesses  that  that  now  called  Absalom's  pillar  may  be  one  of  tliem, 
 i  This  account  is  now  wanting. 
 
 i  This  Theudas,  who  arose  under  Fadus  the  procnrator,  about  A.  D,  45  or  46,  could  not  be  that  Theuda* 
 who  arose  in  the  days  of  the  taxing,  nnder  Cyrenius;  or  about  A,  D.7.  Acts  v.  36,  37.  Wno  that  earlier 
 ihtudas  was,  sec  the  note  on  b,  xvii,  chap.  x.  ?  5, 
 
BOOK   XX. CHAP.  VI.  509 
 
 reign  of  Clandins  Cresar.  He  left  behind  him  three  sons,  Aristobulns,  whom  he  had  by  liis 
 first  wife,  with  Beruicianus,  and  Hircanus,  both  whom  he  had  by  Bernice  his  brother's  daagli- 
 ter.     But  Claudiis  Ca;sar  bestowed  his  dominions  on  Aj^rippa  junior. 
 
 3.  Now,  while  the  Jewisli  atlaiis  were  under  the  administration  of  Cumanus,  there  hap- 
 pened a  },'reat  tumult  at  the  cily  of  Jerusalem,  and  many  of  the  Jews  perished  therein.  But 
 I  shall  lirst  explain  the  occasion  whence  it  was  derived.  When  that  feast  which  is  called  the 
 Passover  was  at  hand,  at  which  time  our  custom  is  to  use  unleavened  bread,  and  a  ^reat  mul- 
 titude v/as  gathered  together  from  all  parts  to  that  feast,  Cumanus  was  afraid  lest  some  attempt 
 of  innovation  should  then  be  made  by  them  ;  so  he  ordered  that  one  regiment  of  the  army 
 should  take  their  arms,  and  stand  in  the  temple  cloisters,  to  repress  any  attempts  of  innovation, 
 if  perchance  any  such  should  begin  :  and  this  was  no  more  than  what  the  former  procurators  of 
 Judea  did  at  such  festivals.  But  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  feast,  a  certain  soldier  let  down  his 
 breeches,  and  exposed  his  privy  members  to  the  multitude,  which  put  those  that  saw  him  into 
 a  furious  rage,  and  made  them  cry  out,  that  this  impious  action  was  not  done  to  reproach  them, 
 but  Cod  himself;  nay,  some  of  them  reproached  Cuniaims,  and  pretended  that  the  soldier  was 
 set  on  by  him,  which,  when  Cumanus  heard,  he  was  also  himself  not  a  little  provoked  at  such 
 reproaches  laid  upon  him  ;  yet  did  he  exhort  them  to  leave  off  such  seditious  attempts,  and 
 not  to  raise  a  tumult  at  the  festival.  But  when  he  could  not  induce  them  to  be  quiet,  for  they 
 still  went  on  in  their  reproaches  to  him,  he  gave  order  that  the  whole  army  should  take  their 
 entire  armour,  and  come  to  Antonia,  which  was  a  fortress,  as  we  have  said  already,  which 
 overlooked  the  temple;  but  when  the  multitude  saw  the  soldiers  there,  they  were  alTrighted 
 at  them,  aud  ran  away  hastily  :  but  as  the  passages  out  were  but  narrow,  and  as  they  thought 
 their  enemies  followed  them,  they  were  crowded  together  in  their  flight,  and  a  great  number 
 were  pressed  to  death  in  these  narrow  passages  ;  nor  indeed  was  the  number  fewer  than  twenty 
 thousand  that  perished  in  this  tumult.  So,  instead  of  a  festival,  they  had  at  last  a  mournful 
 day  of  it  ;  and  they  all  of  them  forgot  their  prayers  and  sacrifices,  and  betook  themselves  to 
 lamentation  and  weeping  ;  so  great  an  afiliction  did  the  impudent  obsceneness  of  a  single  soldier 
 bring  upon  them.* 
 
 4.  Now  before  this  their  first  mourning  was  over,  another  mischief  befell  them  also  ;  for 
 some  of  those  that  raised  the  foregoing  tumult,  when  they  were  travelling  along  the  public 
 road,  about  a  hundred  furlongs  from  the  city,  robbed  Stephanns,  a  servant  of  Csesar,  as  he  was 
 journeying,  and  plundered  him  of  all  that  he  had  with  him.  Which  things  when  Cumanus 
 heard  of,  he  sent  soldiers  immediately,  aud  ordered  them  to  plunder  the  neighbouring  villages, 
 and  to  bring  the  most  eminent  persons  among  them  in  bonds  to  him.  Now,  as  this  devasta- 
 tion was  making,  one  of  the  soldiers  seized  the  laws  of  Moses  that  lay  in  one  of  those  villages, 
 and  brought  them  out  before  the  eyes  of  all  present,  and  tore  them  to  pieces  ;  and  this  was 
 done  with  reproachful  language,  and  mnch  scurrility.  Which  things  when  the  Jews  heard  of, 
 they  ran  together,  and  that  in  great  numbers,  and  came  down  to  Cesarea,  where  Cumanus  then 
 was,  and  bcsougiit  him  that  he  would  avenge,  not  themselves,  but  God  himself,  whose  laws 
 had  been  alVronted  ;  for  that  they  could  not  bear  to  live  any  longer,  if  the  laws  of  their  forefa- 
 thers must  be  alVroiiled  i\fter  this  manner.  Accordingly, ('umanus,  out  of  fear  lest  the  multi- 
 tude should  go  into  a  sedition,  and  by  the  advice  nf  his  friends  also,  took  care  that  the  soldier 
 who  had  offered  the  adVont  to  the  laws  should  be  beheaded,  and  thereby  put  a  stop  to  the 
 sedition  which  was  ready  to  be  kindled  a  second  time. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  there  happened  a  Quarrel  between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans,  and  how  Claudius  put  an 
 End  to  their  Differences, 
 
 §  1.  Now  there  arose  a  quarrel  between  the  Samaritans  and  the  Jews,  on  the  occasion  follow- 
 ing: it  was  the  custom  of  the  Galileans,  when  they  came  to  the  holy  city  at  the  festivals,  to 
 take  their  journey  llir;)Ugh  the  country  of  the  Samaritans  ;+  and  at  this  time  there  lay,  in  the 
 road  they  took,  a  village  that  was  called  Ginea,  which  was  situated  in  the  limits  of  Samaria  and 
 the  great  plain,  where  certain  persons  thereto  belonging  fought  with  the  Galileans,  and  killed 
 a  great  many  of  them.  But,  when  the  principal  of  the  Galileans  were  informed  of  what  had 
 been  done,  they  came  to  Cumanus,  and  desired  him  to  avenge  the  murder  of  those  that  were 
 killed :  hut  he  was  induced  by  the  Samaritans,  with  money,  to  do  nothing  in  the  matter :  upon 
 whioli  the  Galileans  were  much  displeased,  and  persuaded  the  multitude  of  the  Jews  to  betake 
 thenisflves  to  arms,  and  to  regain  their  liberty,  saying,  that  "  slavery  was  in  itself  a  bitter 
 thing,  but  that,  when  it  was  joined  with  direct  injuries,  it  was  perfectly  intolerable."  And  when 
 tluir  principal  men  endeavoured  to  pacify  them,  and  promised  to  endeavour  to  persuade  Cuma- 
 nus to  avenge  those  that  were  killed,  they  would  not  hearken  to  ihera,  but  took  their  weapons, 
 
 •  I'his,  and  many  more  tumults  and  seditiins,  which  arose  at  tlie  Jewish  festivals,  in  Joscphus,  illustrn.te  the 
 cauiioMs  procedure  of  the  Jewish  governors,  when  they  said,  Matt.  xxvi.  5.  "  I.el  us  not  take  Jesus  on  the 
 f.astdiiy.  lest  there  be  an  uproar  amouK  the  people  ;"  as  Itiland  well  observes  ou  this  place.  Josephus  also 
 takes  notice  of  the  same  thing.     Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  iv.  ^  3. 
 
 +  This  constant  passage  of  the  Galileans  through  the  country  of  Samaria,  as  they  went  to  Judca  and  Jerusa- 
 lem, illustrates  sevural  passages  in  the  Gospels  to  the  same  purpose,  as  Hr.  Hudson  rightly  olserves.  See  Luka 
 xvii.  J  1  Jolin  iv,  4.  See  also  Josephus  in  his  own  Life,  §  52.  when;  that  jourucy  is  determined  to  tluree  days. 
 
510  ANTiQUlTIES    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 and  entreated  ibe  assistance  of  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dinetts,  a  robber,  who  had  manv  years  made 
 Ills  abode  in  the  mountains,  with  wliich  assistance  they  plundered  many  villages  of  the  Sama- 
 ritans. When  Cumanus  heard  of  Ibis  action  of  theirs,  he  took  the  band  of  Sebaste,  with  four 
 regiments  of  footmen,  and  armed  the  Samaritans,  and  marched  out  against  the  Jews,  and 
 caught  them,  and  slew  many  of  them,  and  took  a  great  number  of  them  alive  ;  whereupon  tliose 
 that  were  the  most  eminent  persons  at  Jerusalem,  and  that  both  in  regard  to  the  respect  that 
 was  paid  tliem,  and  the  families  they  were  of,  as  soon  as  they  saw  to  what  a  height  things  were 
 gone,  put  on  sackcloth,  and  heaped  ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  by  all  possible  means  besought 
 the  seditious,  and  persuaded  them  that  they  would  set  before  their  eyes  the  utter  subversion 
 of  their  country,  the  conflagration  of  their  temple,  and  the  slavery  of  themselves,  their  wives, 
 and  children,*  which  would  be  the  consequences  of  what  they  were  doing,  and  would  alter  their 
 minds,  would  cast  away  their  weapons,  and  for  the  future  be  quiet,  and  return  to  their  own 
 homes.  These  persuasions  of  theirs  prevailed  upon  thtm.  So  the  people  dispersed  them- 
 selves, and  the  robbers  went  away  again  to  their  places  of  strength  ;  and  after  this  time  all 
 Judea  was  overrun  with  robberies. 
 
 2.  But  the  principal  of  the  Samaritans  went  to  Umraidins  Quadratus,  the  president  of  Syria, 
 who  at  that  time  was  at  Tyre,  and  accused  the  Jews  of  setting  their  villages  on  fire,  and  plun- 
 dering them  ;  and  said  withal,  that  "  they  were  not  so  much  displeased  at  what  they  had  suf- 
 fered, as  they  were  at  the  contempt  thereby  shewn  to  the  Romans  ;  while,  if  they  had  received 
 any  injury,  they  ought  to  have  made  them  the  judajes  of  what  had  been  done,  and  not  presently 
 to  make  such  devastation,  as  if  tliey  had  not  the  Romans  for  their  governors  ;  on  which  account 
 they  came  to  him,  in  order  to  obtain  the  vengeance  they  wanted."  This  was  the  accusation 
 which  the  Samaritans  brought  against  the  Jews.  But  the  Jews  alfirmed,  that  the  Samaritans 
 were  the  authors  of  this  tumult  and  fighting,  and  thai,  in  the  first  place,  Cumanus  had  been 
 corrupted  by  their  gifts,  and  passed  over  the  murder  of  those  that  were  slain  in  silence.  Which 
 allegations  when  Quadratus  heard,  he  put  oft"  the  hearing  of  the  cause,  and  promised  that  he 
 would  give  sentence  when  he  should  come  into  Judea,  and  should  have  a  more  exact  know- 
 ledge of  the  truth  of  that  matter.  So  these  men  went  away  without  success.  Yet  was  it  not 
 long  ere  Quadratus  came  to  Samaria,  where,  upon  hearing  the  cause,  he  supposed  tliat  the 
 Samaritaus  were  the  authors  of  that  disturbance.  But,  when  he  was  informed  that  certain  of 
 the  Jews  were  making  innovations,  he  ordered  those  to  be  crucihed  whom  Cumanus  had  taken 
 captives.  From  whence  he  came  to  a  certain  village  called  Lydda,  which  was  not  less  than  a 
 city  in  largeness,  and  there  heard  the  Samaritan  cause  a  second  time  before  his  tribun;\l,  and 
 there  learned  from  a  certain  Samaritan,  that  one  of  the  chief  of  the  Jews,  whose  name  was 
 Dortus,  and  some  other  innovators  with  him,  four  in  number,  persuaded  the  multitude  to  a 
 revolt  from  the  Romans,  whom  Quadratus  ordered  to  be  put  to  death  ;  but  still  he  sent  away 
 Ananias  the  high  priest,  and  Ananus  the  commander  [of  the  temple,]  in  bonds  to  Rome,  to  give 
 an  account  of  what  they  had  done  to  Claudius  Cspsar.  He  also  ordered  the  principal  men, 
 both  of  the  Samaritans  and  of  the  Jews,  as  also  Cumanus  the  procurator,  and  Celer  the  tribune, 
 to  go  to  Italy  to  the  emperor,  that  he  might  i:ear  their  cause,  aud  determine  their  diderences 
 one  with  another.  But  he  came  again  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  out  of  his  fear  that  the  multi- 
 tude of  the  Jews  should  attempt  some  innovations  :  but  he  found  the  city  in  a  peaceable  state, 
 and  celebrating  one  of  the  usual  festivals  of  their  country  to  God.  So  he  believed  that  they 
 would  not  attempt  any  innovations,  and  left  them  at  the  celebration  of  the  festival,  and  returned 
 to  Antioch. 
 
 3.  Now  Cumanus,  and  the  principal  of  the  Samaritans,  who  were  sent  to  Rome,  had  a  day 
 appointed  them  by  the  emperor,  whereon  they  were  to  have  pleaded  their  cause  about  the 
 quarrels  they  had  one  with  another.  But  now  Cesar's  freed  men,  and  his  friends,  were  very 
 zealous  on  the  behalf  of  Cumanus  and  the  Samaritans  ;  and  they  had  prevailed  over  the  Jews, 
 unless  Agrippa  junior,  who  was  then  at  Rome,  had  seen  the  principal  of  the  Jews  bard  set, 
 and  had  earnestly  entreated  Agrippina,  the  emperor's  wife,  to  persuade  her  husband  to  hear 
 the  cause,  so  as  was  agreeable  to  his  justice,  and  to  condemn  those  to  be  punished  who  were 
 really  the  authors  of  this  revolt  from  the  Roman  government.  Whereupon  Claudius  was  so 
 well  disposed  beforehand,  that  when  he  had  heard  the  cause,  and  found  that  the  Samaritans 
 had  been  the  ringleaders  in  those  mischievous  doings,  he  gave  order,  that  those  who  came  np 
 to  him  should  be  slain,  and  that  Cumanus  should  be  banished.  He  also  gave  order,  that 
 Celer  the  tribune  should  be  carried  back  to  Jerusalem,  aud  should  be  drawn  through  the  cit^ 
 in  the  sight  of  all  the  people,  and  then  should  be  slain. 
 
 CHAP.  VH. 
 
 Felix  is  made  Procurator  of  Judea;  as  also  concerning  Agrippa  junior  and  his  Sisters. 
 
 §  1.  So  Claudius  sent  Felix,  the  brother  of  Pallans,  to  take  care  of  the  afl'airs  of  Judea  ;  and 
 when  he  had  already  completed  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign,   he    bestowed  upon   Agrippa 
 
 +  Onr  Saviour  had  foretold,  fliat  the  .lews'  rejection  of  his  Gospel  would  bring  upon  them,  among  other 
 miseries,  these  thiee,  which  they  themselves  here  shew  they  expected  would  he  the  consequences  of  their 
 jiresent  tumults  and  seditious,  the  utter  subversion  of  their  country,  the  couflagratiou  of  their  temple,  aud  the 
 blavory  of  themselvts,  their  wives,  aud  ciiildren.    See  Luke  xxi.  C— 23. 
 
BOOK    XX. —  CriAP.    VIII.  511 
 
 the  tttrarcliyof  Phuip  and  Batanea.and  added  thereto  TracLonitis,  with  Abila  ;  which  last  had 
 been  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias ;  but  he  took,  from  him  Chalcis,  when  be  had  been  Rovemor 
 thereof  four  years.  And  when  Agrippa  had  received  these  countries  as  the  gift  of  C<csar,  he 
 ^ave  his  sister  Drasilla  in  marriage  to  Azizus,  king  of  Emesa,  upon  his  consent  to  he  circum- 
 cised ;  for  Epiphanes,  the  son  of  king  Antioclius,  bad  refused  to  marry  her,  because,  after  he 
 had  promised  her  father  formerly  to  come  over  to  the  Jewish  religion,  be  would  not  now  per- 
 form that  promise.  He  also  gave  Mariarane  in  marriage  to  Archelaus,  the  son  of  Helcias,  to 
 whom  she  had  formerly  been  betrothed  by  Agrippa  her  father;  from  which  marriage  was 
 derived  a  daughter,  whose  name  was  Bernice. 
 
 2.  But  for  the  marriage  of  Prusilla  with  Azizus,  it  was  in  no  long  time  afterward  dissolved 
 upon  the  following  occasion;  While  Felix  was  procurator  of  Judea,  he  saw  this  Drusilla.and 
 fell  in  love  with  her;  for  she  did  indeed  exceed  all  other  women  in  beauty,  and  he  sent  to 
 her  a  person  whose  name  was  Simon,*  one  of  bis  friends;  a  Jew  be  was,  and  by  birth  a 
 Cypriot,  and  one  who  pretended  to  be  a  magician,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  her  to  forsake 
 her  present  husband,  and  marry  him;  and  promised,  that  if  she  would  not  refuse  him,  he 
 would  make  her  a  happy  woman.  Accordingly  she  acted  ill,  and  because  she  was  desirous  to 
 avoid  her  sister  Bernice's  envy,  for  she  was  very  ill  treated  by  her  on  account  of  her  beauty, 
 was  prevailed  upon  to  transgress  the  laws  of  her  forefathers,  and  to  mairy  Felix  ;  and,  when 
 be  had  had  a  son  by  her,  he  named  him  Agrippa.  But  after  what  manner  that  young  man, 
 with  his  wife,  perished  at  the  conllagration  of  the  mountain  of  Vesuvius, t  in  the  days  of  Titus 
 Caesar,  shall  be  related  hereafler.t 
 
 3.  But  as  for  Bernice,  she  lived  a  widow  a  good  while  after  the  death  of  Herod  [king  of 
 Chalcis,]  who  was  both  bor  husband  and  her  uncle;  but  when  the  report  went  that  she  had 
 criminal  conversation  with  her  brother,  [Agrippa  junior,]  she  persuaded  Polemo,  who  was 
 king  of  Cilicia,  to  be  circumcised,  and  to  marry  her,  as  supposing  that  by  this  means  she 
 sliould  prove  those  calumnies  upon  her  to  be  false  ;  and  Polemo  was  prevailed  upon,  and  that 
 chiefly  on  account  of  her  riches.  Yet  did  not  this  matrimony  endure  long  ;  but  Bernice  left 
 Polemo,  and,  as  was  said,  with  impure  intentions.  So  he  forsook  at  once  this  matrimony,  and 
 tlie  Jewish  religion  :  and,  at  the  same  time,  Blariamne  put  away  Archelaus,  and  wns  married 
 to  Demetrius,  the  principal  man  among  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  both  for  his  family  and  his 
 wealth  ;  and  indeed  he  was  then  their  alaharcb.  So  she  named  her  son  whom  she  had  by  him 
 Agrippinus.     But  of  all  those  particulars  we  shall  hereafter  treat  more  exactly. § 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 After  what  manner,  upon  the  Death  of  Claudius,  Nero  succeeded  in  the  Government ;  rnt  also 
 what  barbarous  thim/s  he  did.  Concerning  the  Robbers,  Murderers,  and  Impostors  Ihul 
 arose  while  Felix  atid  Festus  were  Procurators  of  Judea. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Claudius  Ca?sar  died  when  he  bad  reigned  thirteen  years,  eight  months,  aud  tivonty 
 days;||  and  a  report  went  about  that  he  was  poisoned  by  his  wife  Agrippina.  Her  father  was 
 Gernianicus,  the  brother  of  Cscsar.  Her  husband  was  Domitius  jlCuobarbus,  one  of  liie  most 
 illustrious  persons  that  was  in  the  city  of  Rome;  after  whose  death,  and  her  long  continuance 
 in  widowhood,  Claudius  took  her  to  wife  :  she  brought  along  with  her  a  son,  Domitius,  of  the 
 same  name  with  bis  father.  He  bad  before  this  slain  his  wife  Messalina,  out  of  jealousy,  by 
 whom  he  had  his  children  Britannicus  and  Octavia  ;  their  eldest  sister  was  Antonia,  whom  he 
 had  by  Pelina  his  first  wife.  He  also  married  Oclavia  to  Nero;  for  that  was  the  name  that 
 Ca;sar  gave  him  afterward,  upon  adopting  him  for  his  son. 
 
 *  'J'his  Simon,  a  triend  of  Felix,  a  Jew,  born  iu  Cyprus,  though  he  pretended  to  be  a  magician,  and  seems 
 to  have  been  wicked  eaough,  could  hardly  be  that  "famous  >iraon  the  magician  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
 viii.  9,  Sec.  as  some  are  ready  to  suppose.  This  Simon  mentioned  in  the  Acts  was  not  properly  a  .lew,  but  a 
 Samaritan  of  the  town  of  Gitt*  in  the  country  of  Samaria,  as  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  vi.  7.  the  Kccog- 
 uitionsof  Clement,  ii.  6.  and  .Tustin  Martyr  himself,  born  in  the  country  of  .Samaria,  Apology,  i.  34.  inform  us. 
 }te  was  also  the  author,  not  of  any  ancient  Jewish,  but  of  the  first  Gentile  heresies,  as  the  forementioned 
 authors  assure  us.  So  1  suppose  him  a  ditferent  person  from  the  other.  I  mean  this  only  upon  the  hypothe- 
 sis, that  Josephus  was  not  mi-sinformed  as  to  his  being  a  Cypriot  Jew  ;  for  otherwise  the  time,  the  name,  the 
 professiou,  and  the  wickedni*ss  of  them  both,  would  strongly  incline  one  to  believe  them  the  very  same.  As 
 to  that  IJrusilla,  the  sister  of  Agrippa  junior,  as  Josephus  informs  us  here,  and  a  Jewess,  as  St.  L,ulie  informs 
 as.  Acts  xxiv.'24.  whom  this  Simon  mentioned  by  Josephus  persuaded  to  leave  her  former  husband,  Azizus, 
 King  of  Emesa,  a  proselyte  of  justice,  and  to  marry  I'elix,  ihe  heathen  procuratorof  Judea,  Tacitus's  Ilist.  v. '.). 
 supposes  her  to  be  a  heathen,  and  the  granddaughter  of  Autonius  and  Cleopatra,  contrary  both  to  St.  Luke  aud 
 .'osephus.  Now  Tacitus  lived  soineT<'hat  too  remote,  both  as  to  time  autl  place,  to  be  compared  to  either  of 
 those  Jewish  writers,  in  a  matter  concerning  the  Jews  in  Judea  in  their  own  days,  aud  concerning  a  sister  of 
 Agrippa  junior,  with  which  Agrippa,  Josephus  was  himself  so  well  acquainted.  It  is  probable  that  Tacitus 
 may  say  true,  when  he  informs  us,  th.if  this  Felix  (who  had  in  all  three  wives,-or  queens,  as  Suetonius  in 
 Claudius,  tj  Cii.  assures  us,)  did  once  marry  such  a  grandchild  of  Autonius  and  Cleopatra:  and,  tinding  the 
 name  of  one  of  them  to  have  been  Drusilla,  he  mistook  her  for  that  other  wife,  whose  name  he  did  not  know, 
 
 +  This  eruption  of  Vesuvins  was  one  of  the  greatest  we  have  in  history.  See  Pianchini's  ctirious  and  impor- 
 tant observations  on  this  Vesuvius,  and  'ts  seven  .several  great  eruptions,  with  their  remains  vitrilied.  and  still 
 existing,  in  so  many  different  strata  under  ground,  till  the  diggers  came  to  the  antediluvian  waters  with  tlicir 
 proportionable  interstices,  implying  the  deluge  to  have  been  above  £500  years  before  the  Christian  era,  accord- 
 ing to  our  exactest  chronology, 
 
 i  This  is  now  wancirg,  5  This  rJso  is  now  wanting. 
 
 P  This  duration  of  the  reign  of  C'laudins  agrees  with  T>io,  as  Dr.  tludwn  here  remarks  ;  as  he  also  remarks 
 that  Nero's  name,  which  was  at  first '  L.  Domitius  jEnobavbus,'  after  Claudius  hod  adopted  hira,  was  '  Nero 
 Claudius  Cseear  Dnisus  Genuanicus.'  " 
 
512  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  But  now  Agfippa  was  afraid,  lest,  wlien  Brilannicus  sLoo!d  come  to  man's  estate,  he 
 sbould  succeed  his  father  iu  the  government,  and  desired  to  seize  upon  the  principality  before- 
 Land  for  her  own  son  [Nero;]  upon  which  the  report  went,  that  she  thence  compassed  the 
 death  of  Claudius.  Accordingly,  she  sent  Burrhus,  the  general  of  the  army,  immediately,  and 
 with  hlra  the  tribunes,  and  such  also  of  the  freed-men  as  were  of  the  greatest  authority,  to 
 bring  Nero  away  into  the  camp,  and  to  salute  him  emperor.  And  when  Nero  had  thns  obtained 
 the  government,  he  got  Britannicas  to  be  so  poisoned,  that  the  multitude  should  not  perceive 
 it;  although  he  publicly  put  his^  own  mother  to  death  not  long  afterward,  making  her  this 
 requital,  not  only  for  being  born  of  her,  but  by  bringing  it  so  about  by  her  contrivances  that 
 be  obtained  the  Roman  empire.  He  also  slew  Octavia  bis  own  wife,  and  many  other  illus- 
 trious persons,  under  the  pretence  that  they  plotted  against  him. 
 
 3.  But  I  omit  any  further  discourse  about  these  affairs,  for  there  have  been  a  great  many 
 who  have  composed  the  history  of  Nero ;  some  of  whom  have  departed  from  the  truth  of  facts 
 out  of  favour,  as  having  received  benefits  from  him ;  while  others,  out  of  hatred  to  him,  and 
 the  great  ill-will  which  they  bore  him,  have  so  impudently  raved  against  him  with  their  lies, 
 that  they  justly  deserve  to  be  condemned:  nor  do  I  wonder  at  such  as  have  told  lies  of  Nero, 
 since  they  have  not  in  their  writings  preserved  the  truth  of  history  as  to  those  facts  that  were 
 earlier  than  his  time,  even  when  the  actors  could  have  no  way  incurred  tlieir  hatred,  since 
 those  writers  lived  a  long  time  after  them.  Bat  as  to  those  that  have  no  regard  to  truth,  they 
 may  write  as  they  please  ;  for  in  that  they  take  delight :  but  as  to  ourselves,  who  have  made 
 truth  our  direct  aim,  we  shall  briefly  touch  upon  what  only  belongs  remotely  to  this  underlak- 
 ing,  but  shall  relate  what  hath  happened  to  us  Jews  with  great  accuracy,  and  shall  not  grudge 
 our  pains  in  giving  an  account  both  of  the  calamities  we  have  suflTered,  and  of  the  crimes  we 
 have  been  guilty  of.     I  will  now  therefore  return  to  the  relation  of  our  own  aH'airs. 
 
 4.  For  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Nero,  upon  the  death  of  Azizus,  king  of  Emesa, 
 Soemus,*  his  brother,  succeeded  in  his  kingdom,  and  Aristobuius,  the  son  of  Herod,  king  of 
 Chalcis,was  intrusted  by  Nero  with  the  government  of  Lesser  Armenia.  Cassar  also  bellowed 
 on  Agrippa  a  certain  part  of  Galilee,  Tiberias,  and  Tarichea3,t  and  ordered  them  to  submit  to 
 liis  jurisdiction.  He  gave  him  also  Julias,  a  city  of  Perea,  with  fourteen  villages  that  lay 
 about  it. 
 
 5.  Now,  as  for  the  affairs  of  the  Jews,  they  grew  worse  and  worse  continually ;  for  the 
 country  was  again  filled  with  robbers  and  impostors,  who  deluded  the  multitude.  Yet  did 
 Felix  catch  and  put  to  death  many  of  those  impostors  every  day,  together  with  the  robbers. 
 He  also  caught  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dineas,  who  had  gotten  together  a  company  of  robbers; 
 and  this  he  did  by  treachery ;  for  he  gave  him  assurance  that  he  should  suffer  no  harm,  and 
 thereby  persuaded  him  to  come  to  him;  but  when  he  came  he  bound  him,  and  sent  him  to 
 Rome.  Felix  also  bore  an  ill  will  to  Jonathan,  the  high  priest,  because  he  frequently  gave 
 bim  admonitions  about  governing  the  Jewish  affairs  better  than  he  did,  lest  he  should  himself 
 have  complaints  made  of  him  by  the  multitude,  since  he  it  was  who  had  desired  Csesar  to  send 
 bim  as  procurator  of  Jndea.  So  Felix  contrived  a  method  whereby  he  miglit  get  rid  of  him, 
 now  be  was  become  so  continually  troublesome  to  him ;  for  such  continual  admonitions  are 
 grievous  to  those  who  are  disposed  to  act  unjustly.  Wherefore  Felix  persuaded  one  of  Jona- 
 than's most  faithful  friends,  a  citizen  of  Jerusalem,  whose  name  was  Doras,  to  bring  the  rob- 
 bers upon  Jonathan,  in  order  to  kill  him  ;  and  this  he  did  by  promising  to  give  him  a  great 
 deal  of  money  for  so  doing.  Doras  complied  with  the  proposal,  and  contrived  matters  so,  that 
 the  robbers  might  murder  him  after  the  following  manner:  Certain  of  those  robbers  went  tip 
 to  the  city,  as  if  they  were  going  to  worship  God,  while  they  had  daggers  under  their  garments, 
 and,  by  thus  mingling  themselves  among  the  multitude,  they  slew  Jonathan, I  and  as  this  mur- 
 
 *  This  Soemus  is  elsewhere  mentioned  [by  Josephus  in  his  own  Life,  $  11.  as  also]  by  Dio  Cassias  and 
 Tacitus,  as  Dr.  Hudson  informs  us. 
 
 t  This  agrees  with  Josephus'  frequent  accounts  elsewhere  in  his  own  Life,  that  Tiberias,  and  Taricheee,  and 
 Gamala,  were  under  this  Agrippa  junior,  till  Justus,  the  son  of  Pistus,  seized  upon  tiiem  for  the  Jews  upon  the 
 breaking  out  of  the  war. 
 
 t  This  treacherous  and  barbarous  murder  of  the  good  high  priest,  Jonathan,  by  the  contrivance  of  this 
 wicked  procurator,  Felix,  was  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  ensuing  murders  by  the  Sicarii  or  ruffians,  and 
 one  great  cause  of  the  following  horrid  cruelties  and  miseries  of  the  Jewish  nation,  as  Josephus  here  supposes  ; 
 ■whose  excellent  reflection  on  the  gross  wickedness  of  that  nation,  as  the  direct  cause  of  their  terrible  destruc- 
 tion, is  well  worthy  the  attention  of  every  Christian  reader.  And,  since  we  are  soon  coming  to  the  catalogue 
 of  the  Jewish  high  priests,  it  may  not  be  amiss,  with  Keland,  to  insert  this  Jonathan  among  them,  and  to  tran- 
 scribe his  particular  catalogue  of  the  last  twenty-eight  high  priests,  taken  out  of  Josephus,  and  begin  with 
 Ananelus,  who  was  made  by  Herod  the  Great.    See  Aniiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  ii.  ^  4.  and  the  note  there. 
 
 1.  Ananelus,  13.  Josephus  Caiaphas,  the  son-in-law  to  Ananus. 
 
 C.  Aristobuius.  14.  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Ananus. 
 
 3.  Jesus,  the  son  of  Fabus,  15.  Theophilus,  his  brother,  and  son  of  Ananus. 
 
 4.  Simon,  the  son  of  Boethus.  16.  Simon,  the  son  of  Boethus. 
 
 5.  Matthias,  the  son  of  Theophilus.  17.  Matthias,   the  brother  of  Jonathan,   and  son   of 
 
 Ananus. 
 
 6.  Joazer,  the  son  of  Boethus.  18.  Aljoneus. 
 
 7-  Eleazar.  the  son  of  Boethus,  19.  Josephus.  the  son  of  Camydus. 
 
 8.  .tesus.  the  son  of  .Sie.  CO.  Ananias,  the  sou  of  Nebedeus. 
 
 9.  [Annas,  or]  Ananus,  the  son  of  Setb.  21.  Jonathan. 
 
 10.  Ishmael,  the  son  of  Fabus.  22.  Ishmae),  the  son  ot  Fabi. 
 
 11.  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Ananus.  23.  Joseph  Cabi,  the  son  of  Simon. 
 IZ.  Simon,  the  son  of  Camithus.                                34.  Ananus,  the  son  of  Ananus. 
 
BOOK  XX.— CHAP.    VII.  513 
 
 der  was  never  avengeil,  iLe  robbers  went  up  with  the  greatest  security  at  the  festivals  afler 
 iliis  time,  and  having  weapons  concealed  in  like  manner  as  before,  and  mingling  themselves 
 among  the  raultilude,  they  slew  certain  of  their  own  enemies,  and  were  subservient  to  other 
 men  ibr  money,  and  slew  others,  not  only  in  remote  parts  of  the  city,  but  in  the  temple  itself 
 also;  for  they  had  the  boldness  to  murder  men  there,  without  thinking  of  the  impiety  of 
 which  they  were  guilty.  And  this  seems  to  me  to  have  been  the  reasons  why  God,  out  of  his 
 haired  of  these  men's  wickedness,  rejected  our  city,  and  as  for  the  temple,  he  no  longer 
 esteemed  it  sulliiiently  pure  for  him  to  inhabit  therein,  but  brought  the  Romans  upon  us,  and 
 threw  a  hre  upon  the  city  to  purge  it,  and  brought  upon  us,  our  wives  and  children,  slavery, 
 as  desirous  to  make  us  wiser  by  our  calamities. 
 
 ().  These  works,  that  were  done  by  the  robbers,  filled  the  city  with  all  sorts  of  impiety. 
 And  DOW  these  impostors*  and  deceivers  persuaded  the  multitude  to  follow  them  into  the 
 wilderness,  and  pretended  that  they  would  exhibit  manifest  wonders  and  signs,  that  should  he 
 performed  by  the  providence  of  God.  And  many  that  were  prevailed  on  by  them  suffered  the 
 punishment  of  their  folly :  for  Felix  brought  them  back,  and  then  punished  them.  Moreover, 
 there  came  out  of  Egyptt  about  this  time  to  Jerusalem,  one  that  said  lie  was  a  prophet,  and 
 advised  the  multitude  of  the  common  people  to  go  along  with  him  to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  aa 
 it  was  called,  which  lay  over  against  the  city,  and  at  the  distance  of  five  furlongs.  He  said 
 further,  that  he  would  shew  them  from  heace,  how,  at  his  command,  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
 would  fall  down  ;  and  he  promised  them,  that  he  would  procure  them  au  entrance  into  the  city 
 through  those  walls,  when  they  were  fallen  down.  Now,  when  Felix  was  informed  of  these 
 things,  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  take  their  weapons,  and  came  against  them  with  a  great 
 number  of  horsemen  and  footmen  from  Jerusalem,  and  attacked  the  Egyptian  and  the  people 
 that  were  with  him.  He  also  slew  four  hundred  of  them,  and  took  two  hundred  alive.  But 
 the  Egyptian  himself  escaped  out  of  the  fight,  but  did  not  appear  any  more.  And  again  the 
 robbers  stirred  up  tiie  people  to  make  war  with  the  Romans,  iind  s;ud,  they  ought  not  to  obey 
 them  at  all ;  and  when  any  person  would  not  comply  with  the:n,  Ihey  set  fire  to  their  villages, 
 and  plundered  them. 
 
 7.  And  now  it  was  that  a  great  sedition  arose  betv-'oen  the  Jews  that  inhabited  Cesarea, 
 and  the  Syrians  who  dwelt  there  also,  concerning  their  equal  right  to  the  privileges  belonging 
 to  citizesis,  for  the  Jews  claimed  the  pre-eminence,  because  Herod  their  king  was  the  builder 
 of  Cesarea,  and  because  he  was  by  birth  a  Jew.  Now,  the  Syrians  did  not  deny  what  was 
 alleged  about  Heiod;  but  they  said,  that  Cesarea  was  formerly  called  Strato's  Tower,  and 
 that  then  there  was  not  one  Jewish  inhabitant.  Wlien  the  presidents  of  that  country  heard  of 
 these  disorders,  they  caught  the  authors  of  them  on  both  sides,  and  tormented  them  yihU 
 stripes,  and  by  that  means  put  a  stop  to  the  disturbance  for  a  time.  But  the  Jewish  citizens, 
 de()eiidiiig  on  their  wealth,  and  on  that  account  despising  the  Syrians,  reproached  them  again, 
 and  hoped  to  provoke  them  by  such  reproaches.  However,  the  Syrians,  though  they  were 
 inferior  in  wealth,  yet  valuing  themselves  highly  on  this  account,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the 
 Roman  soldiers  that  were  there,  were  either  of  Cesarea  or  Sebaste,  they  also  for  some  time 
 used  reproachful  language  to  the  Jews  also:  and  thus  it  was,  till  al  length  they  came  to 
 throwing  stones  at  one  another,  and  several  were  womided,  and  fell  on  both  sides,  though  still 
 the  Jews  were  the  conquerors.  But  when  Felix  saw  that  this  quarrel  was  become  a  kind  of 
 war,  he  came  upon  them  on  the  sudden,  and  desired  the  Jews  to  desist,  and  when  they  refused 
 so  to  do,  he  armed  his  soldiers,  and  sent  them  out  upon  them,  and  slew  many  of  them,  and 
 took  more  of  ihein  alive,  and  |)erniitted  his  soldiers  to  plunder  some  of  the  houses  of  the  citi- 
 zens, which  were  full  of  riches.  Now  those  Jews  that  were  more  moderate,  and  of  principal 
 dignity  among  them,  were  afraid  of  themselves,  and  desired  of  Felix  that  he  would  sound  a 
 retreat  to  his  soldiers,  and  spare  them  for  the  future,  and  afibrd  them  room  for  repentance  for 
 what  they  had  done;  and  Felix  was  prevailed  upon  to  do  so. 
 
 8.  About  this  time  king  Agrippa  guve  the  high  priesthood  to  Ishmael,  who  was  the  son  of 
 Fabi.  And  now  arose  a  sedition  between  the  high  priests  and  the  principal  men  of  the  multi- 
 tude of  Jerusalem,  each  of  whom  got  them  a  company  of  the  boldest  sort  of  men,  and  of  those 
 that  loved  innovations,  about  them,  and  became  leaders  to  them  ;  and  when  they  struggled 
 together,  they  did  it  by  casting  reproacliful  words  against  one  another,  and  by  throwing  stones 
 also.  And  there  was  nobody  to  reprove  them  ;  but  these  disorders  were  done  after  a  licen- 
 tious manner  in  the  city,  as  if  it  had  no  government  over  it.  And  such  was  the  impudence 
 and  boldness   that  had  seized   on  the  high  priests, j;  that  they  had  the  hardiness  to  send  their 
 
 2.5.  Jesus,  the  eon  of  Damneus.  27.  Matthias,  the  son  of  Thcophilus. 
 
 20.  .lesus,  the  son  of  CJamaliel.  28.  Phannias,  the  son  of  Samuel. 
 
 As  for  Anaiius,  and  .loseph  Caiaphas,  here  mentioTied  about  the  middle  of  this  catalogue,  these  are  no  other 
 than  the  Ananus  and  Caiaphau  so  often  mentioned  in  the  four  (iogpels  ;  and  that  Ananias,  the  sou  of  Nebedeus, 
 was  that  high  priest  before  whom  St.  I'aul  pleaded  his  own  cause.  Acts  xxiv. 
 
 *  Of  these  Jewish  impostors  and  false  prophets,  with  many  other  circumstaDCCS  and  miseriesof  the  Jews,  till 
 their  utter  destruction,  foretold  by  our  Saviour, — see  Lit.  Accomp.  of  Proph.  p.  58—75. 
 
 t  Of  this  Egj-ptian  impostor,  and  the  number  of  his  followers,  iu  Josephus,  see  Acts  xxi.  38. 
 
 Z  Ihe  wickedness  here  was  very  peculiar  and  extraordinary,  that  the  high  priests  should  sn  oppress  their 
 brethren  the  priests,  a»  to  starve  the  poorest  of  Ihciu  to  death.  .See  the  like  presenllv,  chap.  ix.  5  2.  Such 
 fatal  crimes  are  covetousuess  and  tyranny  in  the  clerKV,  as  well  as  iu  the  laity,  iu  all  a^ea, 
 
 3t 
 
514  ANTIQUITIES  OP  THE  JEWS. 
 
 servants  into  t).e  (liresliing  doors,  to  take  away  those  tithes  that  vf ere  due  to  the  priests  ;  inso- 
 inticli  that  it  so  fell  out  tliat  the  .poorest  sort  of  the  priests  died  for  waiit.  To  this  degree  did 
 the  violence  of  the  seditious  prevail  over  all  right  and  justice  ! 
 
 9.  Now,  when  Porcius  Festus  was  sent  as  successor  to  Felix  by  Nero,  the  principal  of  the 
 Jewish  inhabitants  of  Cesarea  went  up  to  Rome  to  accuse  Felix  ;  and  he  had  certainly  been 
 brought  to  punishment,  unless  Nero  had  yielded  to  the  importunate  solicitations  of  his  brother 
 Pallas,  who  was  at  that  time  had  in  the  greatest  honour  by  him.  Two  of  the  principal  Syrians 
 in  Cesarea  persuaded  Burrhus,  who  was  Nero's  tutor,  and  secretary  for  his  Greek  epistles,  by 
 giving  him  a  great  sum  of  money,  to  disaunul  that  equality  of  the  Jewish  privileges  of  citizens 
 which  they  hitherto  enjoyed.  So  Burrhus,  by  his  solicitations,  obtained  leave  of  the  emperor 
 that  an  epistie  should  be  written  to  that  purpose.  This  epistle  became  the  occasion  of  the  fol- 
 lowing miseries  tliat  befell  our  nation  ;  for,  when  the  Jews  of  Cesarea  were  informed  of  the 
 contents  of  this  epistle  to  the  Syrians,  tliey  were  more  disorderly  than  before,  till  a  war  was 
 kindled. 
 
 10.  Upon  Festus'  coming  into  Jndea,  it  happened  that  Judea  was  afflicted  by  the  robbers, 
 while  all  the  villages  were  set  on  fire,  and  plundered  by  them.  And  then  it  was  that  the 
 .Sicarii,  as  they  were  called,  who  were  robbers,  grew  numerous.  They  made  use  of  small 
 swords,  not  much  different  in  length  from  the  Persian  acinacae,  but  somewhat  crooked,  and 
 like  the  Roman  sica;  [or  sickles,]  as  they  were  called  :  and  from  these  weapons  these  robbers 
 got  their  denomination,  and  with  those  weapons  they  slew  a  great  many  ;  for  (hey  mingled 
 themselves  amon^  the  multitude  at  their  festivals,  when  they  were  come  up- in  crowds  from  all 
 parts  to  the  city  to  worship  God,  as  we  said  before,  and  easily  slew  those  that  they  bad  a  mind 
 to  slay.  They  also  came  frequently  upon  the  villages  belonging  to  their  enemies,  with  their 
 weapons,  and  plundered  them,  and  set  them  on  lire.  So  Fcstns  sent  forces,  both  horsemen 
 and  footmen,  to  fall  upon  those  that  had  been  seduced  by  a  certain  impostor,  who  promised 
 them  deliverance  and  freedom  from  the  miseries  they  were  under,  if  they  would  but  follow 
 him  as  far  as  the  wilderness.  Accordingly  those  forces  that  were  sent  destroyed  both  bJni 
 that  had  deluded  them,  and  those  that  were  his  followers  also. 
 
 11.  About  the  same  time  king  Agrippa  built  himself  a  very  large  dining-room  in  the  royal 
 palace  at  Jerusalem,  near  to  the  portico.  Now  this  palace  had  been  erected  of  old  by  the 
 children  of  Asamoneus,  and  was  situate  upon  an  elevation,  and  aflorded  a  most  delightful 
 prospect  to  those  that  had  a  mind  to  take  a  view  of  the  city,  which  prospect  was  desired  by 
 the  king  ;  and  there  he  could  lie  down,  and  eat,  and  thence  observe  what  was  done  in  the  tem- 
 ple: which  thing,  when  the  chief  men  of  Jerusalem  saw,  they  were  very  much  displeased  at  it ; 
 for  it  was  i:ol  agreeable  to  the  institutions  of  our  country  or  laws,  that  what  was  done  in  the 
 temple  should  be  viewed  by  others,  especially  what  belonged  to  the  sacrilices.  They  there- 
 fore erected  a  wall  upon  the  uppermost  building  which  belonged  to  the  inner  court  of  the  tem- 
 ple towards  the  west,  which  wall,  when  it  was  built,  did  not  only  intercept  the  prospect  of  (he 
 dining-room  in  (he  palace,  but  also  of  the  western  cloisters  that  belonged  to  the  outer  court 
 of  the  temple  also,  where  it  was  that  the  Romans  kept  guards  for  the  temple  at  the  festivals. 
 At  these  doings  botli  king  Agrippa,  and  principally  Festus  the  procurator,  were  much  dis- 
 pleased ;  and  Festus  ordered  them  to  pull  the  wall  down  again  ;  but  the  Jews  petitioned  hitn 
 to  give  them  leave  to  send  an  embassage  about  this  matter  to  Nero  ;  for  they  said  they  could 
 not  endure  to  live,  if  any  part  of  the  temple  should  be  demolished  ;  and  when  Festus  had 
 given  them  leave  so  to  do,  they  sent  ten  of  their  principal  nien  to  Nero,  as  also  Tshmael  the 
 high  priest,  and  Helcias,  the  keeper  of  the  sacred  treasure.  And  when  Nero  had  heard  what 
 they  had  to  say,  he  not  only  forgave  them  ^vhat  they  had  already  done,*  but  also  gave  them 
 leave  to  let  the  wall  they  had  built  stand.  This  was  granted  them,  in  order  to  gratify  Pop- 
 pea,  Nero's  wife,  who  was  a  religious  woman,  and  had  requested  these  favours  of  Nero,  and 
 who  gave  order  to  the  ten  ambassadors  to  go  their  way  home  ;  but  retained  Helcias  and  Ish- 
 mael  as  hostages  with  herself.  As  soon  as  the  king  heard  this  news,  he  gave  the  high  priest- 
 hood to  Joseph,  who  was  called  Cabi,  the  son  of  Simon,  formerly  high  priest. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Concerning  Alhinus,  under   whose  Procuratorship   James  was  slain;   as  also  what   Edifices 
 
 were  built  by  Agrippa. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Csesar,  upon  hearing  of  the  death  of  Festus,  sent  Alhinus  into  Judea,  as  pro- 
 curator. But  the  king  deprived  Joseph  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  bestowed  the  succession 
 to  that  dignity  on  the  son  of  Ananus,  who  was  also  himself  called  Ananus.  Now  the  report 
 goes,  that  this  elder  Ananus  proved  a  most  fortunate  man  ;  for  he  had  five  sons,  who  had  all 
 performed  the  office  of  a  high  priest  to  God,  and  he  had  himself  enjoyed  that  dignity  a  long 
 time  formerly,  which  had  never  happened  to  any  other  of  onr  high  priests.     But  this  younger 
 
 *  Ve  have  here  one  emineiit  example  of  Kero's  mildness  and  poodness  in  his  goTernmeut  towards  the  Jews, 
 during  the  live  first  years  of  his  reign,  so  famous  in  antiquity  ;  we  have  perliaps  another  in  Josephus'  own 
 /.ife,  5  3.  and  a  third,  though  of  a  very  different  nature,  here,  in  ^  9.  just  before.  However,  both  the  generous 
 acts  of  kindness  were  obtained  of  Nero  by  his  queen  Poppea,  who  was  a  religious  lady,  and  perhaps  privately 
 a  Jewish  proselyte,  and  so  were  not  owing  entirely  to  Nero's  own  goodness. 
 
IJOOK    XX. —  CFFAF.    IX.  615 
 
 Aiiiiiius,  wlio,  as  V, e  Lave  told  you  already,  took  the  liigli  priesllioo<l,  was  a  hold  man  \a  Lis 
 lumper,  and  very  insolent  ;  he  was  also  of  the  sect  of  the  Saddiicees,*  who  are  very  rigid  in 
 judging  oft'enders  above  all  thfi  rest  of  the  Jews,  as  we  Lave  already  observed  :  when,  there- 
 fore, Ananus  was  of  this  disposition,  he  tljought  he  had  now  a  proper  opportunity  [to  exercise 
 his  autLority.]  Festus  was  now  dead,  and  Albinus  was  but  upon  the  road  ;  so  he  assembled 
 the  sanhedrim  of  jud£;es,  and  brought  before  them  the  brother  of  Jesus,  who  was  called  Christ, 
 whose  name  was  James,  and  some  others,  [or,  some  of  his  companions.]  And  when  he  had 
 formed  an  accusation  against  them  as  breakers  of  the  law,  he  delivered  them  to  be  stoned  ; 
 but  as  for  those  who  seemed  the  most  equitable  of  the  citizens,  and  such  as  were  ihe  most 
 imoasy  at  the  breach  of  the  laws,  they  disliked  what  was  done  ;  they  also  sent  to  the  king, 
 [Agrippa,]  desiring  him  to  send  to  Auauus  that  he  should  act  so  no  more,  for  that  what  be 
 liad  already  done  was  not  to  be  justiiied  :  nay,  some  of  them  went  also  to  meet  Albinus,  as  he 
 was  upon  his  journey  from  Alexandria,  and  informed  him  lliat  it  was  not  lawful  for  Ananus  to 
 Hssendjle  a  sanhedrim  without  his  consent. t  Whereupon  Albinus  ccuiplied  willi  what  they 
 said,  and  wrote  in  anger  to  Ananus,  and  threatened  that  he  would  bring  him  to  puishment  for 
 viliat  he  h.id  done  ;  on  which  king  Agrippa  took  the  high  priesthood  from  him,  when  lie  had 
 i;iled  hut  three  months,  and  made  Jesus  the  son  of  Dunineus  high  priest. 
 
 'J.  Now  as  soon  as  Albinus  was  come  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  he  used  all  his  endeavours 
 and  care  that  the  country  might  be  kept  in  peace,  and  this  by  destroying  many  of  the  Sicarii. 
 (Jut  as  for  the  high  priest  Ananias.^  he  increased  in  glory  every  day,  and  this  to  a  great  degree, 
 and  had  obtained  the  favour  and  esteem  of  the  citizens  in  a  signal  manner,  for  he  was  a  great 
 hoarder  up  of  money  •,  he  therefore  cultivated  the  friendship  of  Albinus,  and  of  the  high  priest 
 [Jt-sus,]  by  making  thera  presents;  he  also  had  servants  who  were  very  wicked,  who  joined 
 themselves  to  the  boldest  sort  of  the  people,  and  went  to  the  threshing-floors,  and  took  away 
 (lie  tithes  tiial  belonged  to  the  priests  by  violence,  and  did  not  refrain  from  beating  such  as 
 would  not  give  these  tithes  to  them.  So  the  other  high  priests  acted  in  the  like  manner,  as 
 did  those  his  servants,  without  any  one's  being  able  to  prohibit  them  ;  so  that  [some  of  the] 
 priests  that  of  old  were  wont  io  be  supported  with  those  tithes,  died  for  want  of  food. 
 
 H.  But  now  the  Sicarii  went  into  the  city  by  night  just  before  the  festival,  which  was  now 
 at  hand,  and  took  the  scribe  belonging  to  the  governor  of  the  temple,  whose  name  was  Eleazar, 
 who  was  the  son  of  Ananus  [Ananias]  the  high  priest,  and  bound  him,  and  carried  him  away 
 with  them  ;  after  which  they  sent  to  Ananias,  and  said  that  they  would  send  the  scribe  lo  him, 
 if  he  would  persuade  Albinus  to  release  ten  of  those  prisoners  which  he  hiid  caught  of  their 
 jiavly  ;  so  Ananias  was  plainly  forced  to  persuade  Albinus,  and  gained  his  request  of  him. 
 'I'liis  was  the  beginning  of  greater  calamities  ;  for  the  robbers  perpetually  contrived  to  catcii 
 some  of  Ananias'  servants,  and  when  they  had  taken  them  alive,  they  would  not  let  them  g'j, 
 till  they  thereby  recovered  some  of  their  own  Sicarii.  And  as  they  were  again  become  no 
 small  number,  they  grew  bold,  and  were  a  great  afiliction  lo  the  whole  country. 
 
 4.  About  this  time  it  was  that  king  Agrippa  built  L'e:;area  Philippi  larger  than  it  was 
 before,  and,  in  hononr  of  Nero,  named  it  Neronias.  And  when  he  had  built  a  theatre  at  Bery- 
 lus,  with  vast  expense,  he  bestowed  on  them  shows,  to  be  exhibited  every  year,  and  spent 
 therein  m:iny  ten  thousand  [drachraaj  ;]  he  also  gave  the  people  a  largess  of  corn,  and  dis- 
 tributed oil  among  thera,  and  adorned  the  entire  city  with  statues  of  hia  ov/n  donation,  and 
 virilii  original  images  made  by  ancient  hands  ;  nay,  he  almost  transferred  all  that  was  most 
 orndinental  in  his  own  kingdom  thither.  This  made  him  more  than  ordiiiariiy  hated  by  iiis 
 subjects  ;  because  he  took  those  things  away  tliat  belonged  to  tlieni,  lo  adorn  a  foreign  citv. 
 And  now  Jesus  the  son  of  GamaliL'l  became  the  successor  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Dainnens,  in 
 the  high  priesthood,  which  the  king  had  taken  from  the  other  ;  on  wliicli  account  a  sedition 
 arose  between  the  high  priests,  with  regard  to  one  another  ;  for  they  got  together  bodies  of 
 the  boldest  sort  of  the  people,  and  frequently  came,  from  reproaches,  lo  throwing  of  stones  at 
 each  other.  But  Ananias  was  too  hard  for  the  rest  by  his  riches,  which  enabled  him  to  gain 
 those  that  were  most  ready  to  receive.  Costobarus,  also,  and  Saulus,  did  themselves  ge* 
 together  a  multitude  of  wicked  wretches,  and  this  because  they  were  of  the  royal  family  ;  md 
 
 *  It  hence  evidently  appears,  that  Sadducces  might  be  high  priests  in  the  days  of  Joscphus,  and  that  these 
 Sadducees  were  usually  very  severe  and  inexorable  jnd„'es,  while  the  Pharisuts  were  much  milder,  nnd 
 wore  merciful,  as  appears  by  Heland's  instances  in  his  note  ou  this  place,  and  on  Josephus'  Life,  i)  34.  and 
 those  taken  from  the  New  I'estameut,  from  Josephus  himself,  and  from  the  Kabliins;  nor  do  we  meet  willi 
 any  .Sadducees  later  than  this  high  priest  in  all  Josephus. 
 
 +  Of  this  condemnation  of  James  the  Just,  and  its  causes,  as  .ilso  that  he  did  not  die  till  long  afterward?, 
 See  Prim.  Christ.  Revived,  vol.  iii.  chap.  4.'i — 16.  The  sauhcdnm  condemned  our  S.iviour.  but  could  not 
 put  him  to  death  without  the  approbation  of  the  Ilou'on  procurator;  nor  could  theicfure  Ananias  and  Lis 
 sanhedrim  do  more  here,  since  tney  never  had  Albinus'  approbation  for  the  puttintr  this  James  to  death. 
 
 t  This  Ananias  was  not  the  son  of  Nebodius,  as  1  take  it,  but  he  who  was  called  Annas  or  Ananus  the 
 elder,  Ihe  9th  in  the  catalogue,  and  who  had  been  esteemed  hiijh  priest  for  a  loub'  time  ;  and  besides,  t'aia- 
 pbas  liis  soniu  law  had  tive  of  his  own  sons  high  priests  after  him,  which  were  those  iiumbiis,  11, 14, 15,  1", 
 SI.  in  the  foregoing  catalogue.  ^  or  ought  we  to  pass  slightly  over  what  Josephus  here  says  of  this  Annas  or 
 -Anjinias,  that  he  was  hiph  priest  a  long  time  before  his  children  wore  so  ;  he  was  the  son  of  Seth,  and  is  set 
 down  first  for  high  priest  in  the  foregoing  catalogue,  under  number  0.  He  was  made  by  Quirinus,  and  rnii- 
 linued  till  Isinael,  the  10th  in  n\imber,  for  about  23  years,  which  U.ng  duration  of  his  high  priesthood,  joined 
 lo  til,.-  succession  of  his  son-in-law,  tind  five  children  of  hij  own,  made  liiiu  a  sort  ot  porpetual  high  priest,  ami 
 was  perhaps  the  occasion  that  former  high  priests  kept  their  titles  ever  afterwards ;  for  1  believed  it  is  ii;irdlv 
 iml  with  before  him. 
 
516  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 so  they  ohiained  favour  among  them,  because  of  their  kindred  to  Agrippa ;  bnt  still  tbey  used 
 violence  with  the  people,  and  were  very  ready  to  plunder  those  that  were  weaker  than  themselves. 
 And  from  that  it  principally  came  to  pass,  that  our  city  was  greatly  disordered,  and  that  all 
 things  greviT  worse  and  worse  amona;  us. 
 
 6.  But  when  Albinus  heard  that  Gessius  Floras  was  coming  to  succeed  him,  he  was  desirous 
 to  appear  to  do  somewhat  that  might  be  grateful  to  the  people  of  Jerusalem  ;  so  he  brought 
 out  all  those  prisoners  who  seemed  to  him  to  be  the  most  plainly  worthy  of  death,  and  ordered 
 them  to  be  put  to  death  accordingly.  But  as  to  those  who  had  been  put  into  prison  on  some 
 trilling  occasions,  he  took  money  of  them,  and  dismissed  them;  by  which  means  the  prisons 
 were  emptied,  but  the  country  was  filled  with  robbers. 
 
 6.  Now,  as  many  of  the  Levites,*  which  is  a  tribe  of  ours,  as  were  singers  of  hymns,  per- 
 suaded t!ie  king  to  assemble  a  sanhedrim,  and  to  give  them  leave  to  wear  linen  garments,  as 
 well  as  the  priests;  for  they  said,  that  this  would  be  a  work  worthy  the  times  of  his  govern- 
 ment, that  he  might  have  a  memorial  of  such  a  novelty,  as  being  his  doing.  Nor  did  they 
 fail  of  obtaining  their  desire  ;  for  the  king,  with  the  suffrages  of  those  that  came  into  the 
 sanhedrim,  granted  the  singers  of  hymns  this  privilege,  that  tuey  may  lay  aside  their  former 
 garments,  and  wear  such  a  linen  one  as  they  desired  ;  and  as  a  part  of  this  tribe  ministered 
 in  the  temple,  he  also  permitted  them  to  learn  those  hvmns  as  they  had  besought  him  for. 
 Now  all  this  was  contrary  to  the  laws  of  our  country,  which,  whenever  they  have  been  trans- 
 giessed,  we  have  never  been  able  to  avoid  the  punishment  of  such  transgressions. 
 
 7.  And  now  it  was  that  the  te.nple  was  finished. t  So,  when  the  people  saw  that  the  work- 
 men were  unemployed,  who  were  above  eighteen  thousand,  and  that  they,  receiving  no  wages, 
 were  in  want,  because  they  had  earned  their  bread  by  their  labours  about  the  temple,  and 
 while  they  were  unwilling  to  keep  tiiera  by  the  treasures  that  were  there  deposited,  out  of 
 fear  of  [their  being  carried  away  by]  the  Romans  :  and  while  they  had  a  regard  to  the  making 
 provision  for  the  workmen,  they  had  a  mind  to  expend  those  treasures  upon  them  ;  for  if  any 
 one  of  them  did  but  labour  for  a  single  hour,  he  received  his  pay  immediately  ;  so  they  per- 
 suaded him  to  rebuild  the  eastern  cloisters.  These  cloisters  belonged  to  the  outer  court,  and 
 vrere  situated  in  a  deep  valley,  and  had  walls  that  reached  four  hundred  cubits  [in  length,] 
 and  were  built  of  square  and  very  white  stones,  the  length  of  each  of  which  stones  was  twenty 
 cubits,  and  their  height  six  cubits.  This  was  the  work  of  king  Solomon, t  who  first  of  all  built 
 built  the  entire  temple,  But  king  Agrippa,  who  had  the  care  of  the  temple  committed  to  him 
 by  Claudius  Cassar,  considering  that  it  is  easy  to  demolish  any  building,  but  hard  to  build  it 
 up  again,  and  that  it  was  particularly  hard  to  do  it  to  these  cloisters,  which  would  require  a 
 considerable  time,  and  great  sums  of  money,  he  denied  the  petitioners  their  request  about 
 that  matter;  but  he  did  not  obstruct  them  when  they  desired  the  city  might  be  paved  vvit!i 
 white  stone.  He  also  deprived  Jesus  the  son  of  Gamaliel  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  gave  it 
 to  Matthias,  the  son  of  Theophilus,  under  whom  the  Jews'  war  with  the  Romans  to*k  its 
 beginniDg. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 An  Enumeration  of  the  High  Pnests. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  1  think  it  proper  and  agreeable  to  this  history,  to  give  an  account  of  our  higji 
 priests  ;  how  they  began,  who  those  are  which  are  capable  of  that  dignity,  and  how  many  of 
 them  there  had  been  at  the  end  of  the  war.  In  the  first  place,  therefore,  history  informs  us, 
 that  Aaron,  the  brotlier  of  jMoses,  ofliciated  to  God  as  a  high  priest,  and  that,  after  his  death, 
 liis  sons  succeeded  him  immediately  ;  and  that  this  dignity  hath  been  continued  down  from 
 them  all  to  their  posterity.  Whence  it  is  a  custom  of  our  country,  that  no  one  should  take 
 the  lii|;li  priesthood  of  God,  but  he  who  is  of  the  blood  of  Aaron,  while  every  one  that  is  of 
 another  slock,  though  he  were  a  king,  can  never  obtain  that  high  priesthood.  Accordingly,  the 
 number  of  all  the  high  priests  frotn  Aaron,  of  whom  we  have  spoken  already,  as  of  the  first  of 
 them,  until  Phanas,  who  was  made  high  priest  during  the  war  by  the  seditious,  was  eighty- 
 three  ;  of  whom  thirteen  ofliciated  as  high  priests  in  the  wilderness,  from  the  days  of  iMoses, 
 while  the  tabernacle  was  standing,  until  the  people  came  into  Judea,  when  king  Solomon  erected 
 the  temple  to  God-  fur  at  the  first  they  held  the  high  priesthood  till  the  end  of  their  life, 
 althougli  afterward  they  had  successors  while  they  were  alive.  Now  these  thirteen,  who  were 
 the  descendants  of  two  of  the  sons  of  Aaron,  received  this  dignity  by  succession,  one  after 
 another;  for  their  form  of  government  was  an  aristocracy,  and  after  that  a  monarchy,  and  in 
 the  third  place  the  government  was  regal.  Now,  the  number  of  years  during  the  rule  of  these 
 thirteen,  from  the  day  when  our  fathers  departed  out  of  Egypt,  under  Moses  their  leader, 
 until  the  building  of  that  temple  which  king  Solomon  erected  at  Jerusalem,  were  six  hundred 
 
 •  This  insolent  petition  of  some  of  the  Levites,  to  wear  the  sacerdotal  garments  wheu  they  sung  hymns 
 to  God  in  the  temple,  was  vtry  probably  owing  to  the  great  depression  and  contempt  the  haughty  high 
 priests  had  now  brought  their  brethren  the  priests  into  ;  of  which  see  chap.  viii.  i  1.  and  chap.  ix.  5  2. 
 
 +  Of  this  finishing,  not  of  the  Naos  or  /loli/  liffuse,  but  of  the  ieron,  or  courts  about  it,  called  in  general  the 
 temple,  see  the  note  on  b.  xvii.  chap,  x,  5  2. 
 
 1  Of  these  cloisters  of  Solomon,  see  the  description  of  the  temple,  chap.  xil.  They  seem,  by  Josephus'  words, 
 to  have  been  built  from  the  bottom  of  the  valley. 
 
BOOK    XX. — CHAP.    X.  517 
 
 ami  twelve.     After  those  thirteen  hiijh  priests,  eighteen  took  tlie  high  priesthood  at  Jerusalem, 
 line  in  succession  to  another,  from   the  days  of  king  Solomon,  until   Nebucliaduez/.ar,  kiiii;  o{ 
 Babylon,  made  an  expedition  against   that  cityi,  and  burnt  the  temple,  and  removed  our  nation 
 into  IJabylou,  and  then  took  Josedek,  the  high  priest,  captive  ;  the  times  of  these  high  priests 
 Were  f  inr  hundred  sixt^'-six  years  six  months  and  ten  d:iys,  while   the   Jews  were   still  under 
 tlie  regal  government.      But  after  the  terra  of  seventy  years'  captivity  under  the  Babylonians, 
 (Jyrus,  king  of  Persia,  sent  the  Jews  from  Babylon  to  their  own  land  again,  and  gave  tliem  leave 
 to  rebuild  their  temple  ;  at  which  time,  Jesus,  the  son  of  Josedek,  took  the  high  priesthood  over 
 the  c:iplives  when  they  were  returned  home.      Now  he  and  his  posterity,  who  were  in  aii  fil'teen, 
 until  king  Antiochus  Eupator,  were  under  a  deraocratical  government  fur  four  hundred  and  four- 
 teen years;  and  then  the  foremenlioned  Antiochus,  andLysias  the  general  of  his  aruiy,  deprived 
 Onias,  who  was  also  called  Menelaus,  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  slew  him  at  Berea,  and  driving 
 away  the  son  [ot  Onias  the  third,]  put  Jacinius  into  the  place  of  the  high  priest,  one  that  was 
 indeed  of  the  slock  of  Aaron,  but  notofthe  family  of  Onias.   On  which  account,  Onias,  who  was 
 t'le  nephew  of  Onias  that  was  dead,  and  bore  the  same  name  with  his  father,  came  into  Egypt, 
 and  got  into  liie  friendsiiip  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and  Cleopatra  his  wife,  and  persuaded  them  to 
 make  him  the  high  priest  of  that  temple  which  he  built  to  God  in  the  praefecture  of  Heliopolis, 
 and  this  in  imitation  of  ihat  at  Jerusalem  ;  but   as  for  that   temple  which  was  built  in  Egypt, 
 we  have  spoken  of  it  frequently  already.     Now,  when  Jaoimus   had   retained  the  priesthood 
 tiir;;e   years,   lie    died,  and   there    was   no   one   that    succeeded    him,  but   the    city   continued 
 seven  years  without  a  high  priest  ;   but  then  the  posterity  of  the  sons  of  Asamoneus,  w-lio  had 
 the  government  of  the  nation  conferred  upon  them,  when  they  had  beaten  the  Macedonians  in 
 war,  appointed  Jonatlian  to  be  their  high  priest,  who  ruled  over  them  seven  years.     And  when 
 he  had  been  slain  by  the  treacherous  contrivance  of  Trypho,  as  we  have   related  somewhere, 
 Simon  his  brotlier  took   the  high   priesthood  ;   and    when   he  was   destroyed  at  a  feast  by  the 
 treachery  of  his  son-in-law,  his  own  son,  whose  name  was  Hyrcanus,  succeeded  Lim,  after  lie 
 liad  held  the  high  priesthood  one  year  longer  than  his  brother.      This  Hyrcanus  enjoyed  that 
 dignity  thirty  years,  and  died  an  old  man,  leaving  the  succession  to  Judas,  who  was  also  called 
 Aristobulus,  whose  brother  Alexander  was  his  heir;   which  Judas   died  of  a  sore  distemper, 
 after  he  had  kept  the  priesthood,  together  with  the  royal  authority,  (for  this   Judas  was  the 
 first  that  put  on  this  head  a  diadem,)  for  one  year-   And  when  Alexander  had  been  both  king 
 and  high  priest  for  twenty-seven  years,  he  departed  this  life,  and  permitted  his  wife  Alexandra 
 to  appoint  him  that  should  be   high  priest ;   so  she  gave  the  high  priesthood  to  Hyreanus,  but 
 retained  the  kingdom  herself  nine  years,  and  then  departed  this  life.      The  like  duration  [and 
 no  longer]  did  her  son  Hyrcanus  enjoy  the   high   priesthood  ;   for  after   her  death  his  brother 
 Aristobulus  fought  against  him,  and  beat   hini,  and   deprived    him  of  his  princi|)ality  ;   and  he 
 did  himself  both  reign,  and  perforin  the  oiuce  of  high  priest  to  God.     But  when  he  had  reigned 
 three  years  and  as  many  months,  Pompey  came  upon  him,  and  not  only  took  the  city  of  Jeru- 
 salem by  force,  but   put   him  and  his  children   in   bonds,  and    sent  them   to  Rome.      He   also 
 restored  the  high  priesthood  to  Hyrcanus,  and  made  him   governor  of  the  nation,  but  forbade 
 liim  to  wear  a  diadem.     This  Hyrcanus  ruled,  besides  his  first  nine  years,  twenly-four  years 
 more,  when  Barzapharnes  and  Paconis,  the  generals  of  the  Parthians,  passed  over  Euphrates, 
 and  fought  with  Hyrcanus,  and  took  him  alive,  aiid   made  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus, 
 king  ;   and  when  he  had  reigned  three  years  and  three  months,  Sosius  and  Herod  besieged  him, 
 and  took  him,  when  Antony  had  him   brought  to  Antioch,  and  slain  there.     Herod  was  then 
 made  king  by  the  Romans,  but  did  no  longer  appoint  high  priests  out  of  the  family  of  Asa- 
 moneus ;   but  made  certain  men  to  be  so  thai  were  of  no  eminent  families,  but  barely  of  those 
 that  were  priests,  excepting  that  he  gave  that  dignity  to  Aristobulus  ;  for  when   he  had   maiie 
 this  Aristobulus,  the  grandson  of  that  Hyrcanus  who  was  then  taken  by  the  Parthians,  and  had 
 taken  his  sister  IMariamne  to  wife,  he  thereby  aimed   to  win  the  good-will  of  the   people,  who 
 had  a  kind  of  remembrance  of  Hyrcanus  [his  grandfather.]     Yet  did  he  afterward,  out  of  his 
 fear  lest  they  should  all  bend  their  inclinations  to  Arislobnius,  put  him  to  death,  and  that  by 
 contriving  how  to  have  him  suliocated  as  he  was  swimming  at   Jericho,  as  we  have  already 
 related  that  matter;   but  alter  this  man  he  never  intrusted  (lie  high  priesthood  to  the  posterity 
 of  the  sons  of  Asamoneus.     Archelaus  also,  Herod's   son,  did  like  his  father   in    the  appoint- 
 ment of  the  high  priests,  as  did  the  Romans  also,  who  took  the  government  over  the  Jews  into 
 their  hands  afterward.      Accordingly  the  numbers  of  the  high  priests,  from  the  days  of  Herod 
 until  the  day  when  Titus  took  the  temple   and    the  city,  and    burnt   them,  were  in  all  twenty- 
 eight  ;  the  time  also  that  belonged  to  them  was  a  hundred  and  seven  years.  Some  of  these  were 
 the  political  governors  of  the  people  under  the  reign  of  Herod,  and  under  the  reign  of  Arche- 
 laus his  son,  although,  after  their  death,  the   govirnmtni  became  an  aristocracy,  and  the  high 
 priests  were   intrusted  with   a  dominion  over   the  nation.     And  thus    much  may  sullice  to  be 
 said  concerning  our  high  priests. 
 
518  ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Conceriiing  Florus  the  Procurator,  who  necessitated  the  Jews   to  take   up  Arms  against  the 
 
 Romans,  The  Conclusion, 
 f  1.  Now  Gessius  Florus,  who  was  sent  as  successor  to  Albiaus  by  Nero,  filled  Judea  with 
 abundance  of  miseries.  He  was  by  birth  of  the  city  of  Clazomenae,  and  brojght  along  with 
 him  his  wife  Cleopatra,  (by  whose  friendship  with  Poppea,  Nero's  wife,  he  obtained  this 
 government,)  who  was  no  way  different  from  him  in  wickedness.  This  Florus  was  so  wicked, 
 and  so  violent  in  the  use  of  his  authority,  that  the  Jews  took  Albinus  to  have  been  [compara- 
 tively] tlieir  benefactor ;  so  excessive  were  the  mischiefs  that  be  brought  upon  tlieni.  For 
 Albinus  concealed  his  wickedness,  and  was  careful  that  it  might  not  he  discovered  to  all  men  ; 
 but  Gessius  Florus,  as  though  he  had  been  sent  on  purpose  to  shew  his  crimes  to  every  body, 
 made  a  pon)pous  ostentation  of  them  to  our  nation,  as  never  omitting  any  sort  of  vinlence,  nor 
 any  unjust  sort  of  punishment  ;  for  he  was  not  to  be  moved  by  pity,  and  never  was  satisfied 
 will)  any  degree  of  gain  that  came  in  his  way  ;  nor  had  he  any  more  regard  to  great  than  to 
 small  acquisitions,  but  became  a  partner  with  the  robbers  themselves.  For  a  great  many  fell 
 tlien  into  tliat  practice  without  fear,  as  having  him  for  their  security,  and  depending  on  him, 
 that  he  wonld  save  them  harmless  in  their  particular  robberies  ;  so  that  there  were  no  bounds 
 set  to  the  nation's  miseries  ;  but  the  unhappy  Jews,  when  they  were  not  able  to  bear  (he 
 devastations  which  the  robbers  made  among  them,  were  all  under  a  necessity  of  leaving  tlieir 
 own  habitations,  and  of  flying  away,  as  hoping  to  dwell  more  easily  any  where  else  in  the 
 world  among  foreigners,  [than  in  their  own  country.]  And  what  need  I  say  ary  more  upon 
 this  head?  since  it  was  this  Florus  who  necessitated  us  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Romans, 
 while  we  thought  it  better  to  be  destroyed  at  once,  than  by  little  and  little.  Now  thi.j  war 
 began  in  the  second  year  of  the  government  of  Florus,  and  the  twelfth  year  of  tl;e  reign  of 
 Nero.  But  then  what  actions  we  were  forced  to  do,  or  what  miseries  we  were  enabled  to 
 suHer,  may  be  accurately  known  by  such  as  will  peruse  those  books  which  I  have  written 
 about  the  Jewish  war. 
 
 2.  I  shall  now,  therefore,  make  an  end  here  of  my  Antiquities  ;  after  t'lie  conclusion  <>i" 
 which  events,  I  began  to  write  that  account  of  the  war  ;  and  these  Antiquities  contain  what 
 hath  been  delivered  down  to  us  from  the  original  creation  of  man,  until  the  twelfth  year  of  (he 
 reign  of  Nero,  as  to  what  hath  befallen  the  Jews,  as  well  in  Egypt  as  in  Syria  and  in  Paie.stine, 
 and  what  we  have  sull'ered  from  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  and  what  aflliclions  the  Per- 
 sians and  Macedonians,  and  after  them  the  Romaras,  have  brought  upon  us  ;  for  I  think  I  may 
 say  that  I  have  composed  this  history  with  sufficient  accuracy  in  all  things.  I  have  attempted 
 to  enumerate  those  high  priests  that  we  have  had  duiing  the  interval  of  two  thousand  \ears  : 
 I  have  also  carried  down  the  succession  of  our  kings,  and  related  their  actions,  and  pcliticul 
 administration,  without  [considerable]  errors,  as  also  the  power  of  our  monarchs  ;  and  all 
 according  to  what  is  written  in  ou-  sacred  books  ;  for  this  it  was  that  I  promised  to  do  in  the 
 beginning  of  this  history.  And  I  am  so  bold  as  to  say,  now  I  have  so  completely  perfected 
 the  work  I  proposed  to  myself  to  do,  that  no  other  person,  whether  he  were  a  Jew  or  a  foreigner, 
 bad  he  ever  so  great  an  inclination  to  it,  could  so  accurately  deliver  these  accounts  to  the 
 Greeks  as  is  done  in  these  books.  For  those  of  my  own  nation  freely  acknowledge,  that  I  far 
 exceed  them  in  the  learning  belonging  to  .Jews  ;  I  have  also  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  to 
 obtain  the  learning  of  the  Greeks,  and  understand  the  elements  of  the  Greek  language,  although 
 I  have  so  long  accustomed  myself  to  speak  our  own  tongue,  that  I  cannot  pronounce  Gree.k 
 with  sufficient  exactness  ;  for  our  nation  does  not  encourage  those  that  learn  the  languages 
 of  many  nations,  and  so  adorn  their  discourses  with  the  smoothness  of  their  periods  ;  because 
 they  look  upon  this  sort  of  accomplishment  as  common,  not  only  to  all  sorts  of  freemen,  but  to 
 as  many  of  the  servants  as  please  to  learn  them.  But  they  give  him  the  testimony  of  being  a 
 wise  man,  who  is  fully  acquainted  with  our  laws,  and  is  able  to  interpret  their  meaning  ;  on 
 which  account,  as  there  have  been  many  who  have  done  their  endeavours  with  great  patience 
 to  obtain  this  learning,  there  have  yet  hardly  been  so  many  as  two  or  three  that  have  st;c- 
 cet'ded  therein,  who  were  immediately  well  rewarded  for  their  pains. 
 
 3.  And  now  it  will  not  be  perhaps  an  invidious  thing,  if  I  treat  briefly  of  my  own  family,  and 
 of  the  actions  of  my  own  life,*  while  there  is  still  living  such  as  can  either  prove  what  I  say  to 
 be  false,  or  can  attest  that  it  is  true  ;  with  which  accounts  I  shall  put  an  end  to  these  Antiqui- 
 ties, which  are  contained  in  twenty  books  and  sixty  thousand  verses.     And  if  Godt  permit  me, 
 
 *  The  Life  here  referred  to,  will  be  found  at  the  beginning  of  the  work. 
 
 +  What  Josephus  here  declares  his  intention  to  do.  if  God  permitted,  to  give  the  public  again  an  abridgment 
 of  the  .lewish  War,  and  to  add  what  befell  them  farther  to  that  very  day,  the  13th  cf  Douiitian,  or  A.  U.  93. 
 is  not,  that  1  have  observed,  taken  distinct  notice  of  by  any  one  ;  nor  do  we  ever  hear  of  it  elsewhere,  whether 
 he  iierfonned  what  he  now  intended  or  not.  Some  of  the  reasons  of  this  design  ot  his  might  possibly  be,  his 
 observaiioii  of  the  many  errors  he  had  been  guilty  of  in  the  two  first  of  those  seven  boots  of  the  \\  ar,  which 
 were  written  when  he  was  comparatively  young,  and  less  acquainted  with  the  Jewish  Antiiin.ities  than  he  now 
 was,  and  in  which  abridgnieut  he  might  have  hoped  to  find  those  many  passages  which  himself,  as  well  as 
 those  several  passages  which  others  refer  to,  as  written  by  him,  but  which  are  not  extant  in  his  present 
 works.  However,  since  many  of  his  ovru  references  to  what  he  had  written  elsewhere,  as  well  as  most  of 
 his  own  errors,  belong  to  such  early  times  as  could  not  well  come  into  this  abridgment  of  the  Jewish  war ; 
 and  since  none  of  those  that  quote  things  not  now  extant  in  his  works,  including  himself  as  well  as  others, 
 tver  cite  any  such  abridgment,  1  am  forced  rather  to  suppose  that  lie  never  did  publish  any  such  work  at  all ; 
 
noOK  XX. —  CHAP.  XI.  510 
 
 I  will  hiieny  ran  ov.-r  lliis  wiir  a<;ain,  witli  wliat  befell  tis  therein  to  this  very  Jay,  which  is 
 Uie  Ihiitieiilii  vear  of  l!ie  roi^^n  of  Ciesar  Doniiliiin,  and  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  my  own  life.  I 
 have  an  intention  to  write  three  books  concerning  our  Jewish  opinions  about  God  and  his 
 essence,  and  about  our  laws  ;  why,  according  to  tbtni,  somethings  are  ponnilted  us  to  do,  and 
 others  are  prohibited. 
 
 Mill  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS, 
 
 HISTORY  OF  TilF.  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ^  1.  *W(lF,nEAS  the  war  which  the  Jews  made  with  the  Romans  hath  been  the  greatest  of 
 all  those,  nnt  only  that  have  been  in  our  times,  but,  in  a  manner,  of  those  that  ever  were  heard 
 of;  both  of  those  wherein  cities  have  fought  against  cities,  or  nations  against  nations  ;  while 
 some  men  who  were  not  concerned  in  the  affairs  themselves,  have  gotten  together  vain  and 
 contradictory  stories  by  hearsay,  and  have  written  them  down  after  a  sophistical  manner;  and 
 while  (hose  that  weie  there  present  have  given  false  accounts  of  things,  and  this  either  out  of 
 humour  of  tlattery  to  the  Ko.'ians,  or  of  hatred  towards  the  Jews;  and  while  their  writings 
 contain  sometimes  accusaliofis,  and  s-onietimes  encomiums,  but  no  where  the  accurate  truth  of 
 the  facts  ;  I  have  prnpos'.d  to  myself,  for  the  sake  of  such  as  live  under  the  government  of  the 
 Romans,  to  translate  those  books  into  the  Greek  tongue,  which  I  formerly  composed  in  the 
 lanyoage  of  our  couiitry,  and  sent  to  the  Upper  Barbarians. t  I,  Joseph,  the  sou  of  Matthias, 
 by  birth  a  iiebrew,  a  priest  also,  and  one  who  at  first  fought  against  the  Romans  n)yself,  and 
 wjis  forced  to  be  present  at  what  was  done  afterwards,  [I  am  the  author  of  this  work.] 
 
 2.  Now  at  the  time  wher.  this  great  concussion  of  affairs  happened,  the  affairs  of  the  Romans 
 were  themselves  in  great  disorder.  Those  Jews  also,  who  were  for  innovations,  then  arose 
 w  htn  tile  times  were  disturbed;  they  were  also  in  a  flourishing  condition  for  strength  and 
 riches,  insouiiich  (hat  the  affairs  of  the  east  were  then  exceeding  tumultuous,  while  some  hoped 
 for  gain,  and  others  were  afraid  of  loss,  in  such  troubles  ;  for  the  Jews  hoped  that  all  of  their 
 nation  wlio  w'ere  beyond  Euphrates  would  have  raised  an  insurrection  together  with  them.  The 
 Gauls  also,  in  the  neighbonrhond  of  (he  Romans,  were  in  motion,  and  the  Celtaj  were  not 
 quiet ;  but  all  was  in  disorder  after  the  death  of  Nero.  And  (he  opportunity  now  offered  induced 
 many  to  aim  at  the  royal  power  ;  and  the  soldiery  affected  change,  out  of  the  hopes  of  getting 
 money.     1  thought  it  therefore  an  absurd  thing  to  see  the  truth  falsified  in  affairs  of  such  great 
 
 \  mean,  as  distinct  from  bis  own  life,  -nTitteii  by  himself,  for  an  Appendix  to  these  Antiquities,  and  this  at 
 least  seven  years  after  these  AntiQuities  were  finished.  Nor  indeed  does  it  appear  to  me  that  .losephus  ever 
 published  that  other  work  here  mentioned,  as  intended  by  him  for  the  public  also  ;  1  mean  the  three  or  four 
 bonks  concerning  God  and  bis  essence,  and  concernini;  the  Jewish  laws  ;  why,  according  to  them,  some 
 things  were  permitted  the  .lews  and  others  prohil)ited  ;  whicli  last  seems  to  be  the  same  work  which  .losephus 
 had  also  promised,  if  (iod  iiermitied,  as  the  conclusion  of  bis  Preface  to  these  Anti>iuilies  ;  nor  do  I  suppose 
 that  he  ever  published  any  of  them.  The  death  of  all  his  friends  at  court,  Vespasian,  I'itus,  and  Toniitian, 
 and  the  coming  of  those  he  bad  no  acquaintance  with  to  the  crown,  I  mean  Nerva  and  Trajan,  together  with 
 his  removal  from  liome  to  .ludea,  with  what  followed  it,  might  easily  interrupt  such  his  intentions,  and  pre- 
 vent his  publication  of  those  works. 
 
 •  I  liave  already  observed  more  than  once,  that  this  history  of  the  .Jewish  war  was  .losephus's  first  book, 
 and  published  about  A.  II.  75,  when  he  was  but  38  years  of  age  ;  and  that  when  he  wrote  it,  he  was  not 
 thoroughly  acquainted  with  several  circumstances  of  "history  from  the  days  of  Aniiochus  Kpipbanes,  with 
 which  It  begins,  till  near  his  own  times,  contained  in  the  first  and  former  part  of  the  second  book,  and  so  com- 
 mitted many  involuntary  errors  therein.  That  he  published  his  Antiquities  eighteen  years  afterward,  in  the  l.'ith 
 year  nf  Doiniliiin,  A.U.O.i,  wlien  he  was  much  more  completely  acquainted  with  those  ancient  times,  and  after 
 nc  bad  perii-i(l  those  most  authentic  histories,  the  first  book  of  the  Maccabees,  and  wrote  the  Chronicles  of  the 
 priesiliood  of  .lohn  tlvrcanns,  &c.  That  accordingly  he  then  reviewed  those  parts  of  this  work,  and  gave 
 the  public  a  more  faithful,  complete,  and  accurate  account  of  the  facts  therein  related  ;  and  honestly  corrected 
 the  errors  he  had  before  run  into. 
 
 +  Who  those  Upper  Rarbarians,  remote  from  the  sea,  were,  .losephus  himself  will  inform  us,  i  2.  viz.  The 
 Parthians  and  Babylonians,  and  remotest  Arabians  [or  the  .lews  amongthcra;!  besides  the  .lews  beyond 
 Kuphrntes,  and  the  Adiabeni,  or  Assyrians.  \V  hen  we  also  learn,  that  tbesi>  Parthians,  Habylonians.  the 
 remotest  Arabians,  (or  at  least  the  .lews  among  them.)  as  also  the  .lews  bevond  Euphrates,  and  the  Adiabeni, 
 or  Assyrians,  understood  .iosephus's  Iiebrew,  or  rather  Chaldaic  books  of  the  Jewish  War,  before  they  were 
 put  into  the  Greek  lao^age. 
 
52C  PREFACE. 
 
 consequence,  and  to  take  no  notice  of  it;  but  to  suffer  those  Greeks  and  Romans  that  were  not 
 in  the  wars  to  be  ignorant  of  these  things,  and  to  read  either  flatteries  or  fictions,  while  the 
 Farlhians,  and  the  Babylonians,  and  the  remotest  Arabians,  and  those  of  our  nation  beyond 
 Euphrates,  with  the  Adiabeni,  by  my  means,  knew  accurately  both  whence  the  war  began, 
 •what  miseries  it  brought  upon  us,  and  after  what  manner  it  ended. 
 
 3.  It  is  true,  these  writers  have  the  confidence  to  call  their  accounts  histories;  wherein  yet 
 tliey  seem  to  me  to  fail  of  their  own  purpose,  as  well  as  to  relate  nothing  that  is  sound.  For 
 Ihey  have  a  mind  to  demonstrate  the  greatness  of  the  Romans,  while  they  still  diminish  and 
 lessen  the  actions  of  the  Jews  ;  as  not  discerning  how  it  cannot  be  that  those  must  appear  to 
 be  great  who  have  only  conquered  those  that  were  little.  Nor  are  they  ashamed  to  overlook 
 the  length  of  the  war,  the  multitude  of  the  Roman  forces  who  so  greally  snfiered  in  it,  or  the 
 might  of  the  commanders ;  whose  great  labours  about  Jerusalem  will  be  deemed  inglorious,  if 
 what  they  achieved  be  reckoned  but  a  small  matter. 
 
 4.  However,  I  will  not  go  to  the  other  extreme,  out  of  opposition  to  those  men  who  extol 
 the  Romans,  nor  will  I  determine  to  rai-e  the  actions  of  my  countrymen  too  high  ;  but  I  will 
 prosecute  the  actions  of  both  parties  with  accuracy.  Yet  shall  I  suit  my  language  to  the  pas- 
 sions I  am  under,  as  to  the  afl'airs  I  describe,  and  must  be  allowed  to  indulge  some  lamenta- 
 tions upon  the  miseries  undergone  by  my  own  country.  For  that  it  was  a  seditious  temper  of 
 our  own  that  destroyed  it,  and  that  they  were  the  tyrants  among  the  Jews  who  brought  the 
 Roman  power  upon  us,  who  unniilingly  attacked  us,  and  occasioned  the  burning  of  our  holy 
 temple  ;  Titus  Cansar,  who  destroyed  if,  is  himself  a  witness,  who,  during  the  entire  war, 
 pitied  the  people  who  were  kept  under  by  the  seditious,  and  did  often  voluntarily  delay  the 
 taking  of  the  city,  and  allowed  time  to  the  siege,  in  order  to  let  the  authors  have  opportunity 
 for  repentance.  But  if  any  one  makes  an  unjust  accusation  against  us,  when  we  speak  so  pas- 
 sionately aboat  the  tyrants,  or  the  robbers,  or  sorely  bewail  the  misfortunes  uf  our  country,  let 
 him  indulge  my  afl'ections  herein,  thougti  it  be  contrary  to  the  rules  for  writing  history ; 
 because  it  had  so  come  to  pass,  that  our  city,  Jerusalem,  had  arrived  at  a  higher  degree  of 
 felicity  than  any  other  city  under  the  Roman  government,  and  yet  at  last  fell  into  the  sorest  of 
 calamities  again.  Accordingly,  it  appears  to  me,  that  the  misfortunes*  of  all  men,  from  the 
 beginning  of  the  world,  if  they  be  compared  to  these  of  the  Jews,  are  not  so  considerable  as 
 they  were;  while  the  authors  of  tliem  were  not  foreigners  neither.  This  makes  it  impossible 
 for  me  to  contain  my  lamentations.  But,  if  any  one  be  inflexible  in  his  censures  of  me,  let  him 
 attribute  the  facts  themselves  to  the  historical  part,  and  the  lamentations  to  the  writer 
 himself  only. 
 
 5.  However,  I  may  justly  blame  the  learned  rnen  among  the  Greeks,  who,  when  such  great 
 actions  have  been  done  in  their  own  times,  which,  upon  the  comparison,  quite  eclipsed  the  old 
 wars,  do  yet  sit  as  judges  of  those  affairs,  and  pass  bitter  censures  upon  the  labours  of  the  best 
 writers  of  antiquity;  which  moderns,  althongh  they  may  be  superior  to  the  old  writers  in  elo- 
 quence, yet  are  they  inferior  to  them  in  the  execution  of  what  they  intended  to  do.  While 
 these  also  write  new  histories  about  the  Assyrians  and  Medes,  as  if  the  ancient  writers  h:id 
 not  described  their  afl'airs  as  they  ought  to  have  done;  althongh  these  be  as  far  inferior  to 
 them  in  abilities,  as  they  are  different  in  their  notions  from  them.  For  of  old,  every  one  took 
 upon  them  to  write  what  happened  in  his  own  time ;  where  their  immediate  concern  in  t!ie 
 actions  made  their  promises  of  value  ;  and  where  it  must  be  reproachful  to  write  lies,  when 
 they  must  be  known  by  the  readers  to  be  such.  But  then,  an  undertaking  to  preserve  the 
 memory  of  what  hath  not  been  before  recorded,  and  to  represent  the  afl'airs  of  one's  own  time 
 to  those  that  come  afterwards,  is  really  worthy  of  praise  and  commendation.  Now,  he  is  to 
 be  esteemed  to  have  taken  good  pains  in  earnest,  not  who  does  no  more  than  change  the  dis- 
 position and  order  of  other  men's  works,  but  he  who  not  only  relates  what  had  not  been  related 
 before,  but  composes  an  entire  body  of  history  of  his  own  ;  accordingly,  I  have  been  at  great 
 charges,  and  have  taken  very  great  pains  [about  this  history,]  though  I  be  a  foreigner  :  and 
 do  dedicate  this  work,  as  a  memorial  of  great  actions,  both  to  the  Greeks  and  to  the  Barba- 
 rians. But,  for  some  of  our  own  principal  men,  their  mouths  are  wide  open,  and  their  tongues 
 loosed  presently,  for  gain  and  lawsuits,  but  quite  muz'/Jed  up  when  they  are  to  write  history, 
 where  they  must  speak  truth  and  gather  facts  together  with  a  great  deal  of  pains;  and  so  they 
 leave  the  writing  such  histories  to  weaker  people,  and  to  such  as  are  not  acquainted  with  the 
 actions  of  princes.  Yet  shall  the  real  truth  of  historical  facts  be  preferred  by  us,  how  much 
 soever  it  be  neglected  among  the  Greek  historinns. 
 
 6.  To  write  concerning  the  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  who  they  were  [originally,]  and  how 
 they  revolted  from  the  Egyptians,  and  what  country  they  travelled  over,  and  what  countries 
 they  seized  upon  afterward,  and  how  they  were  removed  out  of  them,  I  think  this  not  to  be  a 
 fit  opportunity,  and,  on  other  accounts  also,  superfluous  ;  and  this  because  many  Jews  before 
 me  have  composed  the  histories  of  our  ancestors  very  exactly;  as  have  some  of  the  Greeks 
 done  it  also,  and  have  translated  our  histories  into  their  own  tongue,  and  have  not  much  mis- 
 
 *  That  those  calamities  of  the  .lews,  w))0  were  our  Saviour's  murilei-ers,  were  to  be  the  greatest  that  had 
 ever  been  since  the  beginning  of  tlie  world,  our  Saviour  had  directly  foretold,  Watt.  xxiv.  21.  Mark  xiii.  19. 
 Luke  xxi.  C4.  aud  that  they  proved  to  be  eucli  accordingly,  Josephus  is  here  a  most  authentic  witness. 
 
PREFACIi;.  521 
 
 taken  iUr;  truth  in  tlieir  histories.  But  then,  where  tlie  writers  of  these  affairs  and  our  pro- 
 phets leave  oil",  thence  shall  1  take  my  rise,  and  begin  i»y  history.  Now  as  to  what  concerns 
 that  war  which  happened  in  my  own  time,  I  will  go  over  it  very  largely,  and  with  all  the  dili- 
 gence I  ara  able  ;  but,  for  what  preceded  mine  own  age,  that  I  shall  run  over  briefly. 
 
 7.  [For  example,  I  shall  relate,]  how  Antiochus,  who  was  named  Epiphanes.  took  Jeru- 
 salem by  force,  and  held  it  three  years  and  three  months,  and  was  then  ejected  out  of  the 
 country  by  the  sons  of  Asanioneus  ;  after  that,  how  their  posterity  quarrelled  about  the  govern- 
 ment, and  broni>;ht  upon  their  settlement  the  Romans  and  Ponipey  ;  how  Herod  also,  the  son 
 of  Antipater,  dissolved  their  government,  and  brought  Sosius  upon  them  ;  as  also  how  our 
 people  made  a  sedition  upon  Herod's  death,  while  Augustus  was  the  Roman  emperor,  and 
 Quintilius  Varus  was  in  that  country  ;  and  how  the  war  broke  out  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero, 
 with  what  happened  to  Cestius  ;  and  what  places  the  Jews  assaulted  in  a  hostile  manner  in  the 
 first  sallies  of  the  war. 
 
 8.  As  also,  [1  shall  relate]  liow  they  built  walls  about  the  neighbouring  cities ;  and  how 
 Nero,  upon  Cestius'  defeat,  was  in  fear  of  the  entire  event  of  the  war,  and  thereupon  made 
 Vespasian  general  in  this  war  ;  and  how  this  Vespasian,  with  the  elder  of  his  sons,*  made  an 
 expedition  into  the  country  of  Judea;  what  was  the  number  of  the  Roman  army,  that  be  made 
 use  of;  and  how  many  of  his  auxiliaries  were  cut  off  in  all  Galilee  ;  and  how  he  took  some  of 
 its  cities  entirely,  and  by  force,  and  others  of  tlienj  by  treaty,  and  on  terms.  Now,  when  I 
 come  so  far,  I  shall  describe  the  good  order  of  the  Romans  in  war,  and  the  discipline  of  their 
 legions;  the  amplitude  of  both  the  Galilees,  with  its  nature,  and  the  limits  of  Judea.  And, 
 besides  thi;;,  I  shall  particularly  go  over  what  is  peculiar  to  the  country,  the  lakes  and  foun- 
 tains that  are  in  them,  and  what  miseries  happened  to  every  city  as  they  were  taken,  and  all 
 this  with  accuracy  as  I  saw  the  things  done,  or  suffered  in  them.  For  I  shall  not  conceal 
 any  of  the  calamities  I  myself  endured,  since.  I  shall  relate  them  to  such  as  know  the  truth 
 of  there. 
 
 9.  After  this,  [I  shall  relate]  how,  when  the  Jews'  affairs  were  become  very  bad,  Nero 
 died,  and  Vespasian,  when  be  was  going  to  attack  Jerusalem,  was  called  back  to  take  the 
 government  upon  him  ;  what  signs  happened  to  him  relatinu;  to  his  gaining  that  government, 
 and  what  mutations  of  government  then  happened  at  Rome,  and  how  he  was  unwillingly  made 
 emperor  by  his  soldiers,  and  how,  upon  his  departure  to  Egypt,  to  take  upon  him  the  govern- 
 ment of  the  empire,  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  became  very  tumultuous;  as  also  how  the  tyrants 
 rose  op  against  them,  and  fell  into  dissensions  amongst  themselves. 
 
 10.  Moreover,  [I  shall  relate]  how  Titus  marched  out  of  Egypt  into  Judea  the  second  time  ; 
 as  also  how,  and  where,  and  how  many  forces  he  got  together,  and  in  what  state  the  city  was, 
 by  the  means  of  the  seditious,  at  his  coming;  what  attacks  he  made,  and  how  many  ramparts 
 he  cast  up :  of  the  three  walls  that  encompassed  the  city,  and  of  their  measures  ;  of  the 
 strength  of  the  city,  and  the  structure  of  the  temple,  and  holy  house  ;  and  besides,  the  measures 
 of  those  edihces,  and  of  the  altar,  and  all  accurately  determined.  A  description  also  of  certain 
 of  their  festivals,  and  seven  purifications  of  purity ,t  and  the  sacred  ministrations  of  the  priests, 
 with  the  garments  of  the  priests,  and  of  the  high  priests ;  and  of  the  nature  of  the  most  holy 
 place  of  the  temple,  without  concealing  any  thing,  or  adding  any  thing  to  the  known  truth 
 of  things. 
 
 11.  After  this,  I  shall  relate  the  barbarity  of  the  tyrants  towards  the  people  of  their  own 
 nation,  as  well  as  the  indulgence  of  the  Romans  in  sparing  foreigners;  and  how  often  Titus, 
 out  of  his  desire  to  preserve  the  city  and  the  temple,  invited  the  seditious  to  come  to  terms  of 
 accommodation.  I  shall  also  distinguish  the  suflerings  of  the  people,  and  their  calamities; 
 how  far  they  were  afllicted  by  the  sedition,  and  how  far  by  the  famine,  and  at  length  were 
 taken.  Nor  shall  1  omit  to  mention  the  misfortunes  of  the  deserters,  nor  the  punishments 
 inflicted  on  the  captives:  as  also  how  the  temple  was  burnt,  against  the  consent  of  Ca;sar, 
 and  how  many  sacred  things  that  had  been  laid  up  in  the  temple,  were  snatched  out  of  the 
 fire;  and  the  destruction  also  of  the  entire  city,  with  the  signs  and  wonders  that  went  before 
 it;  and  the  taking  the  tyrants  captives,  and  the  multitude  of  those  that  were  made  slaves,  and 
 into  what  different  misfortunes  they  were  every  one  distributed.  Moreover,  what  the  Romans 
 did  to  the  remains  of  the  war;  and  how  they  demolished  the  strong  holds  that  were  in  the 
 country  ;  and  how  Titus  went  over  the  whole  country,  and  settled  its  affairs ;  together  with 
 his  return  into  Italy,  and  his  triumph. 
 
 12.  I  have  comprehended  all  these  things  in  seven  books;  and  have  left  no  occasion  for 
 complaint  or  accusation  to  such  as  have  been  acquainted  with  this  war  ;  and  I  have  written  it 
 down  for  the  sake  of  those  that  love  truth,  but  not  for  those  that  please  themselves  [with 
 fictitious  relations.]  And  I  will  begin  my  account  of  these  things  with  what  I  call  my 
 First  Chapter. 
 
 ^  These  seven,  or  rather  five,  degrees  of  purity  or  purification,  are  enumerated  hereafter,  b.  v.  chap.  v.  io. 
 The  rabbins  make  ten  degrees  of  them,  as  Kelaud  there  informs  us. 
 
 3u 
 
[)22  WARS    Ol.'    THK   JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  I. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ONE  HUNDRED  AND  SIXTY-SEVEN  YEARS.-FROM 
 THE  TARING  OF  JERUSALEM  BY  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF 
 HEROD  THE  GREAT. 
 
 CHAP.  T. 
 
 How  the  City  of  Jerusalem  was  taken,  and  the  Temple  pillaged  [by  Antiochus  Epiphaties.']  As 
 also  concerning  the  Actions  of  the  Maccabees,  Matthias,  and  Judas;  and  concerning  the 
 Death  of  Judas. 
 
 §  1.  At  the  sama  time  that  Antiochas,  wlio  is  called  Epiphanes,  had  a  qnarrel  with  the  sixth 
 Ptolemy  about  his  right  to  the  whole  country  of  Syria,  a  great  sedition  fell  among  the  men  of 
 power  in  Judea,  and  they  had  a  contention  about  obtaining  the  government ;  while  each  of  those 
 that  were  of  dignity  could  not  endure  to  be  subject  to  their  equals.  However,  Onias,  one  of 
 the  high  priests,  got  tlio  better,  and  cast  the  sons  of  Tobias  out  of  the  city;  who  fled  to  Antio- 
 chus, and  besought  him  to  make  use  of  them  for  his  leaders,  and  to  raake  an  expedition  into 
 Judea.  The  king  being  thereto  disposed  l)eforehand,  complied  with  them,  and  came  upon  the 
 Jews  with  n  great  army,  and  took  their  city  by  force,  and  slew  a  great  multitude  of  those  that 
 favoured  Ptolemy,  and  sent  out  his  soldiers  to  plunder  them  without  mercy.  He  also  spoiled 
 the  temple,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  constnnt  practice  of  cftering  a  daily  sacrifice  of  expiation  for 
 three  years  and  six  months.  But  Onias,  the  high  priest,  fled  to  Ptolemy,  and  received  a 
 place  from  him  in  the  Nomus  of  Heliopolis,  where  he  built  a  citj  resembling  Jerusalem,  and  a 
 temple  that  was  like  its  temple  ;*  concerning  which  we  shall  speak  more  in  its  proper  place 
 hereafter. 
 
 2.  Now  Antiochus  was  not  satisfied  either  with  his  unexpected  taking  the  city,  or  with  its 
 pillage,  or  with  the  great  slaughter  he  had  made  there;  but  being  overcome  with  his  violent 
 passions,  and  remembering  what  he  had  soft'eied  during  the  siege,  he  compelled  the  Jews  to 
 dissolve  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  to  keep  their  infants  uncircumcised,  and  to  sacrifice 
 swine's  Hesh  upon  the  altar ;  against  which  they  ail  opposed  themselves,  and  the  most  approved 
 among  tliera  w^re  put  to  death.  Bacchides  also,  who  was  sent  to  keep  the  fortresses,  having 
 these  Kvicked  c»ommands,  joined  to  his  own  natural  barbarity,  indulged  all  sorts  of  tiie 
 extremest  wickedness,  and  tormented  the  worthiest  of  the  inhabitants,  man  by  man,  and  threat- 
 ened the  city  every  day  with  open  destruction  ;  till  at  lengtk  he  provoked  the  poor  suffe.ers, 
 by  the  extremity  of  his  wicked  doings,  to  avenge  themselves. 
 
 3.  Accordingly,  Matthias,  the  son  of  Asamoneos,  one  of  the  priests  who  lived  in  a  village 
 called  Modin,  armed  himself,  together  with  his  own  family,  which  had  five  sons  of  his  in  it, 
 and  slew  Bacchides  with  daggers  ;  and  thereupon,  out  of  the  fear  of  the  many  garrisons  [of  the 
 enemy,]  he  fied  to  the  mountains,  and  so  many  of  the  people  followed  hira,  that  he  was  encou- 
 raged to  come  down  fiom  the  mountains,  and  to  give  battle  to  Antiochus'  generals,  when  he 
 beat  them,  and  drove  them  out  of  Judea.  So  he  came  to  the  government  by  this  his  success, 
 and  became  the  prince  of  his  own  people  by  their  own  free  consent,  and  then  died,  leaving  the 
 government  to  Judas,  his  eldest  son. 
 
 4.  Now  Judas,  supposing  that  Antiochus  would  not  lie  still,  gathered  an  army  oat  of  his 
 ov/n  countrymen,  and  was  the  first  that  mnde  a  league  of  friendship  with  the  Romans,  and 
 drove  Epiphanes  out  of  the  country  when  he  had  made  a  second  expedition  into  it,  and  this  by 
 giving  him  a  great  defeat  there;  and  when  he  was  warmed  by  this  great  success,  he  made  an 
 assault  upon  the  garrison  that  was  in  the  city,  for  it  had  not  been  cut  oft"  hitherto;  so  he 
 ejected  them  out  of  the  Upper  City,  and  drove  ibe  soldiers  into  the  Lower,  which  part  of  the 
 city  was  called  theCiti>de!.  He  then  got  the  temple  under  his  power,  and  cleansed  the  whole 
 place,  and  walled  it  round  about,  and  made  new  vessels  for  sacred  ministrations,  and  brought 
 thera  into  the  temple,  because  the  former  vessels  had  been  profaned.  He  also  built  another 
 altar,  and  began  to  olFer  the  sacrifices;  and  when  the  city  had  already  received  its  sacred  con- 
 stitution again,  Antincluis  died;  whose  son  Antiochus  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  in  ■ 
 bis  hatred  to  the  Jews  also. 
 
 5.  So  this  Antiochus  got  together  fifty  thousand  footmen,  and  five  thousand  horsemen,  and 
 fourscore  e!-epbants,  and  marched  through  Judea  into  the  mountainous  parts.  He  then  took 
 Bethsura,  which  was  a  small  city;  but  at  a  place  called  Bethzacharias,  where  the  passage  was 
 narrow,  Judas  met  him  with  his  army.  However,  before  the  forces  joined  battle,  Judas'  bro- 
 ther Eleazar,  seeing  the  very  highest  of  the  elephants  adorned  with  a  large  tower,  and  with 
 
 *  I  see  little  difference  in  the  several  accounts  in  Josephus  about  the  Egyptian  teniple  Onion,  of  which  large 
 complaints  are  made  by  his  commentators.  Onias,  it  seems,  hoped  to  have  it  made  very  like  that  at  Jerusalem, 
 and  of  the  same  dimensions ;  and  so  he  appears  to  have  really  done,  as  far  as  he  was  able  and  thought  proper. 
 Of  this  temple,  see  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  iii.  j  1,  2,  .'i.  and  Of  tho  War,  b.  vii.  chap.  x.  §  3. 
 
BOOK  I.— CHAP.    II.  .523 
 
 iiiiliKir)'  lrappiiij;s  of  gold  to  guiird  him,  and  supposing  tliat  Antiochus  liiiiiself  was  upon  him, 
 he  ran  a  great  way  hulore  his  own  army,  and  cutting  his  wav  throagli  the  enemies'  troops  he 
 got  lip  to  the  elepliant ;  yet  could  not  reach  him  who  seemed  to  be  the  king,  by  reason  of  his 
 being  so  high  ;  but  slill  he  ran  liis  weapon  into  the  belly  of  the  beast,  and  brought  him  down 
 upon  himself,  and  was  crushed  to  death,  liaviiia;  done  no  more  than  attempted  great  things,  and 
 sliewed  that  he  pieferred  glory  before  life.  Now  he  that  governed  the  elephant  was  l)ut  a 
 private  niaii,  and  had  he  proved  to  be  Ahtiochus,  Eleazar  had  performed  nothing  more  by  this 
 bold  stroke  than  that  it  might  appear  he  chose  to  die,  wi.en  he  had  the  bare  hope  of  thereby 
 doing  a  glorious  action;  nay,  this  disappointment  proved  an  omen  to  his  brother  [JudasJ  how 
 the  entire  battle  would  end.  It  is  true  that  the  Jews  fought  it  out  bravely  for  a  long  time,  but 
 the  king's  forces  being  superior  in  number,  and  having  fortune  on  their  side,  obtained  the 
 victory.  And  when  a  great  many  of  his  men  were  slain,  Judas  took  the  rest  with  him,  and 
 lied  to  the  toparchv  of  G'oplina.  So  Antioi-hus  went  to  Jerusalem,  and  staid  there  but  a  few 
 days,  for  he  wanted  [jrovisions,  and  so  he  went  his  way.  lie  left  initeed  a  garrison  behind 
 him,  such  as  he  thought  sullicient  to  keep  the  place,  but  drew  the  rest  of  his  army  ofl',  to  take 
 their  winter-quarters  in  Syria. 
 
 G.  Now,  alter  the  king  was  departed,  Judas  was  not  idle  ;  for  as  many  of  his  own  nation 
 came  to  liim,  so  did  he  gather  those  that  had  escaped  out  of  the  battle  together,  and  gave 
 battle  again  to  Antiochus'  generals  at  a  village  called  Adasa  ;  and  being  too  hard  for  his 
 enemies  in  the  bailie,  and  killing  a  great  number  of  iheni,  he  was  at  last  himself  slain  also.  Nor 
 was  it  many  days  afterward  that  his  brother  John  iiad  a  plot  laid  against  him  by  Antiochus' 
 party,  and  was  slain  by  them. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Concerning  Iha  Successors  of  Judas,  who  toere  Jonatliaii,  Simon,  and  John  Hijrcanus. 
 
 ^  1.  Wni"N  Jonathan,  who  was  Judas'  brother,  succeeded  him,  he  behaved  himself  with  gretit 
 circumspection  in  otiier  respecls,  with  relation  to  his  own  people  ;  and  he  corroborated  his 
 authority  by  preserving  his  friendship  witii  the  Romans.  He  also  made  a  league  with  Antio- 
 chus the  son.  Y'et  was  not  all  this  suilicierst  for  his  security;  for  the  tyrant  Trypho,  who  was 
 guardian  to  Antiochus'  son,  laid  a  plot  against  him  ;  and,  besides  that,  endeavoured  to  take  ott' 
 his  friends,  and  causjht  Jonathan  by  a  wile,  as  lie  was  going  to  Ptolemais  to  Antiochus,  with  a 
 (ev<  persons  in  his  company,  and  put  them  in  bonds,  and  then  made  an  expedition  against  the 
 Jews;  but  when  he  was  afterward  driven  away  by  Simon,  who  was  Jonathan's  brother,  and 
 was  enraned  at  his  deleat,  he  put  Jonathan  to  death. 
 
 2.  However,  Simon  managed  the  public  allairs  after  a  courageons  manner,  and  took 
 Gazara,  and  .lojjpa,  and  Jainnia,  which  were  cities  in  the  neighbourhood.  He  also  got  the 
 garrison  under,  and  demolished  the  citadel.  He  was  afterward  an  auxiliary  to  Antiochus, 
 against  Trypho,  whom  he  besieged  in  Dora,  before  he  went  on  his  expedition  against  the 
 Sfodes  ;  yet  could  not  he  make  the  king  ashamed  of  his  ambition,  though  he  hud  assisted  him 
 iu  killing  Trypho  ;  for  it  was  not  long  ere  Antiochus  sent  Cendebeus  his  general  with  an  army 
 to  l;iy  waste  Jud<>a,  and  to  subdue  Simon;  yet  he,  though  he  were  now  in  years,  conducted 
 the  war  as  if  he  v/ere  a  much  younger  man.  He  also  sent  his  sons  with  a  band  of  strong  men 
 against  Antiochus,  while  he  took  part  of  the  army  himself  with  him,  and  fell  upon  him  from 
 another  quarter:  he  also  laid  a  ureal  many  men  iu  ambush  in  many  places  of  the  mountains, 
 and  was  superior  in  all  his  attacks  upon  them,  and  when  he  had  been  conqueror  after  so  glori- 
 ous a  manner,  he  was  high  i)riest,  and  also  freed  the  Jews  from  the  dominion  of  the  Macedo- 
 nians, after  a  hundred  and  seventy  years  of  the  empire  of  [Seleucns.J 
 
 ;-5.  'i'liis  Siinoi!  had  also  a  plot  laid  against  him,  and  was  slain  at  a  feast  by  his  son-in-law 
 I'lolemy,  who  put  his  wife  and  two  sons  into  prison,  and  sent  some  persons  to  kill  John,  who 
 was  also  called  Hyrcanus.*  But  when  the  young  man  was  informed  of  their  coming  before- 
 hand, he  made  much  haste  to  get  to  the  city,  as  having  a  very  great  confidence  in  the  j)eople  there, 
 both  on  account  of  the  memory  of  the  glorious  actions  of  his  father,  and  of  the  hatred  they 
 could  not  but  bear  to  the  injustice  of  Ptolemy.  Ptolemy  also  made  an  attempt  lo  get  into 
 the  city  by  another  gate;  but  was  repelled  by  t!ie  peo()le,  who  had  just  then  admitted  Hyr- 
 canus; so  he  retired  presently  to  one  of  the  fortresses  that  were  about  Ji  richo,  which  was 
 called  Dagon.  Now,  when  Hyrcanus  had  received  the  high  priesthood,  which  his  father  had 
 held  before,  and  had  ofi'ered  sacrifice  to  God,  be  made  great  baste  to  attack  i'tolemy,  that  he 
 might  all'ord  relief  to  his  mother  and  brethren. 
 
 4.  So  he  laid  siege  to  the  fortress,  and  was  superior  to  Ptolemy  in  other  respects,  but  was 
 overcome  by  him  as  to  the  just  afl'ection  [he  bad  for  his  relations;]  for  when  Ptolemy  was 
 distressed,  be  brought  forth  his  mother  and  Lis  brethren,  and  set  them  upon  the  wall,  and  beat 
 
 *  Why  iliis  .Tohn,  the  son  of  Simon,  the  hit!h  priest  and  governor  of  the  Jews,  was  called  Hvrcanus,  .Tose- 
 phus  no  wli.'ic  inrdiuis  lis ;  nor  is  lie  callrd  other  lliau  .lohn  at  the  end  of  the  lirst  book  of  the  Maccabees. 
 However,  Sixiiis  Sinensis,  when  he  gives  ub  an  eiiitorue  of  the  (ireek  version  of  the  book  here  abridged  by 
 .losei)lui8,  or  of  ilie  (liionicles  of  this  John  Hyrcanus,  iheu  extant,  assures  us  that  he  was  called  Hyrcanus, 
 from  his  coiuiuest  of  one  of  that  name,  bee  Autheul  Kec.  part  i.  j).  '.!7.  But  of  this  younger  ADtiochuB,  see 
 Ueau  Aldricli'6  uote  here. 
 
624  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 them  with  rods  in  every  body's  sight,  and  threatened,  that  unless  he  would  go  away  imrae* 
 diately,  he  would  throw  them  down  headlong;  at  which  sight  Hyrcanus'  commiseration  and 
 concern  were  too  hard  for  his  anger.  But  his  mother  was  not  dismayed,  neither  at  the  stripes 
 she  received,  nor  at  the  death  with  which  she  was  threatened;  but  stretched  out  her  hands, 
 and  prayed  her  son  not  to  be  moved  with  the  injuries  (hat  she  had  snftered  to  spare  the  wretch, 
 since  it  was  to  her  better  to  die  by  the  means  of  Ptolemy  than  to  live  ever  so  long,  provided 
 he  miglithe  punished  for  the  injuries  he  had  done  to  their  family.  Now  John's  case  was  this ; 
 when  he  considered  the  courage  of  his  mother,  and  heard  her  entreaty,  he  set  about  his  attacks  ; 
 but  when  he  saw  her  beaten,  and  torn  to  pieces  with  the  stripes,  he  grew  feeble,  and  was 
 entirely'  overcome  by  his  aflTections.  And  as  the  siege  was  delayed  by  this  means,  the  year  of 
 rest  came  on,  upon  which  the  Jews  rest  every  seventh  year,  as  they  do  on  every  seventh  day. 
 On  this  year,  therefore,  Ptoleray  was  freed  from  being  besieged,  and  slew  the  brethren  of 
 John,  with  their  mother,  and  fled  to  Zeno,  who  was  also  called  Colylas,  who  was  the  tyrant 
 of  Philadelphia. 
 
 5.  And  now  Antiochns  was  so  angry  at  what  he  had  suffered  from  Simon,  that  he  made  an 
 expedition  into  Judea,  and  sat  down  before  Jerusalem,  and  besieged  Hyrcanus  ;  hut  Hyrcanus 
 opened  tlie  sepulchre  of  David,  who  was  the  richest  of  all  kings,  and  took  thence  about  three 
 tliousand  talents  in  money,  and  induced  Antiochus,  by  the  promise  of  three  thousand  talents, 
 to  raise  the  siege.  Moreover,  he  was  the  first  of  the  Jews  that  had  money  enough,  and  began 
 lo  hire  foreign  auxiliaries  also. 
 
 6.  However,  at  another  time,  when  Antiochus  was  gone  upon  an  expedition  against  the 
 Medes,  and  so  gave  Hyrcanus  an  opportunity  of  being  revncged  upon  him,  he  immediately 
 made  an  attack  upon  the  cities  of  Syria,  as  thinking,  what  proved  to  be  the  case  with  them, 
 that  they  would  find  them  empty  of  good  troops.  So  he  took  Medeba  and  Samea,  witii  the 
 towns  in  their  neighbourhood,  as  also  Shechem  and  Gerizzim  ;  and  besides  these  [he  subdued] 
 the  nation  of  the  Chutheans,  who  dwelt  round  about  that  temple  which  was  built  in  imitation 
 of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  ;  he  also  took  a  great  many  other  cities  of  Idumea,  with  Adoreon 
 and  Marissa. 
 
 7.  He  also  proceeded  as  far  as  Samaria,  where  is  now  the  city  Sebaste,  vfhich  was  built  by 
 Herod  the  king,  and  encompassed  it  all  round  with  a  wall,  and  set  his  sons  Aristobulus  and 
 AntigODUS  over  the  siege  ;  who  pushed  it  on  so  hard,  that  a  famine  so  far  prevailed  within 
 the  city,  that  they  were  forced  to  eat  what  never  was  esteemed  food.  They  also  invited  An- 
 tiochus, who  was  called  Cyzicenus,  to  come  to  their  assistance;  whereupon  he  got  ready,  and 
 complied  with  their  invitation,  but  was  beaten  by  Aristobulus  and  Antigonus  ;  and  indeed  he 
 was  pursued  as  far  as  Scythopolis  by  these  brethren,  and  fled  away  from  them.  So  they 
 returned  back  to  Samaria,  and  sent  the  multitude  again  within  the  wall  ;  and  when  they  had 
 taken  the  city,  they  demolished  it,  and  made  slaves  of  its  inhabitants.  And,  as  they  had  still 
 great  success  in  their  undertakings,  they  did  not  suQ'er  their  zeal  to  cool,  but  marched  witli  an 
 army  as  far  as  Scythopolis,  and  made  an  incursion  upon  it,  and  laid  waste  all  the  country  that 
 lay  within  Mount  Carmel. 
 
 8.  But  then,  these  successes  of  John  and  of  his  sons  made  them  be  envied,  and  occasioned 
 a  sedition  in  the  country,  and  many  there  were  who  got  together,  and  would  not  be  at  rest  till 
 they  broke  out  into  open  war,  in  which  war  they  were  beaten.  So  John  lived  the  rest  of  bis 
 life  very  happily,  and  administered  the  government  after  a  most  extraordinary  manner,  and  this 
 for  thirty-three  entire  years  together.  He  died,  leaving  five  sons  behind  him.  He  was  cer- 
 tuinly  a  very  happy  man,  and  afforded  no  occasion  to  have  any  complaint  made  of  fortune  on 
 his  acconnt.  He  it  was  who  alone  had  three  of  the  most  desirable  things  in  the  world,  the 
 government  of  his  nation,  and  the  high  priesthood,  and  the  gift  of  prophecy.  For  the  Deity 
 conversed  with  him,  and  he  was  not  ignorant  of  any  thing  that  was  to  come  afterward  ;  inso- 
 much, that  he  foresaw  and  foretold  that  his  two  eldest  sons  would  not  continue  roasters  of  the 
 government ;  and  it  will  highly  deserve  our  narration,  to  describe  their  catastrophe,  and  bow 
 far  inferior  these  men  were  to  their  father  in  felicity. 
 
 CHAP.  Ill 
 
 How  Aristobulus  tvas  the  first  that  put  a   Diadem  uhout  his  Head,  and  after  he  had  put  his 
 Mother  and  Brothi'r  to  death,  died  himself,  when  lie  had  reigned  no  more  than  a  Year, 
 
 i  1.  For  after  the  death  of  their  father,  the  elder  of  them,  Aristobulus,  changed  the  govern- 
 ment into  a  kingdom,  and  was  the  first  that  put  a  diadem  upon  his  head,  four  hundred  seventy 
 and  one  years  and  three  months  after  our  people  came  down  into  this  country,  when  they 
 ■were  set  free  from  the  Babylonian  slavery.  Now,  of  his  brethren,  he  appeared  to  have  an 
 alfe.ction  for  Antigonus,  who  was  next  to  him,  and  made  him  his  equal ;  but  for  the  rest,  be 
 hotinri  them,  and  put  them  in  prison.  He  also  put  his  mother  in  bonds,  for  her  contesting  the 
 government  with  him  ;  for  John  hsid  left  her  to  be  the  governess  of  public  afl'airs.  He  also 
 proceeded  to  that  degree  of  barbarity  as  to  cause  her  to  be  pined  to  death  in  prison. 
 
 2.  But  vengeance  circumvented  him  in  the  alfair  of  his  brother  Antigonus,  whom  he  loved, 
 and  whom  he  made  his  partner  in  the  kingdom  ;  for  he   slew  him  by  the  means  of  the  calum- 
 
BOOK    I.— CHAP.    IV.  525 
 
 iiirs  wliicii  ill  men  about  the  palace  contrived  against  biin.  At  first,  indeed,  Aristobuliis 
 would  not  believe  Ihcir  reports,  partly  out  of  the  allection  he  bad  for  his  brother,  and  partly 
 because  be  thoa2;ht  that  a  great  part  of  these  tales  were  owing  to  the  envy  of  their  relaters  ; 
 however,  as  Antigonus  came  once  in  a  splendid  manner  from  the  army  to  that  festival,  wherein 
 our  ancient  custom  is  to  make  tabernacles  for  God,  it  happened,  in  those  days,  that  Arisfobn- 
 Iqs  was  sick,  and  that,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  feast,  Antigonus  came  up  to  it,  with  his  armed 
 men  about  him  ;  and  this,  when  he  was  adorned  in  the  finest  manner  possible,  and  that,  in  a 
 great  measure,  to  pray  to  God  on  the  behalf  of  his  brother.  Now,  at  this  very  time  it  was, 
 that  these  ill  men  came  to  the  king,  and  told  hira  in  what  a  pompous  manner  the  armed  men 
 came,  and  with  what  insolence  Antigonus  marched,  and  that  such  his  insolence  was  too  great 
 for  a  private  person,  and  that  accordingly  he  was  come  with  a  great  band  of  men  to  kill  him  ; 
 (or  that  he  could  not  endure  this  bare  enjoyment  of  royal  honour,  when  it  was  in  his  power  to 
 take  the  kingdom  himself. 
 
 :i.  Now  Aristobulus,  by  degrees,  and  nnwillingly,  gave  credit  to  these  accusations;  and 
 accordingly  he  took  care  not  to  discover  his  suspicion  openly,  though  he  provided  to  be  secure 
 against  any  accidents  :  so  he  placed  the  guards  of  his  body  in  a  dark  subterranean  passage  ; 
 for  he  lay  sick  in  a  place  called  formerly  the  Citadel,  though  afterwards  its  name  was  changed 
 to  Antonia  ;  and  he  gave  orders,  that  if  Antigonus  came  unarmed,  they  should  let  him  alone  ; 
 but  if  he  came  to  him  in  his  armour,  they  should  kill  him.  He  also  sent  some  to  let  him  know 
 beforehand,  that  he  should  come  unarmed.  But,  upon  this  occasion,  the  queen  very  cunningly 
 contiived  the  matter  with  those  that  plotted  his  ruin,  for  she  persuaded  those  that  were  sent, 
 to  conceal  the  king's  message ;  but  to  tell  Antigonus  how  his  brother  had  heard  he  had  got  a 
 very  fine  suit  of  armour  made  with  fine  martial  ornaments,  in  fialilee  ;  and  because  his  present 
 sickness  hindered  him  from  coming  and  seeing  all  that  finery,  he  very  much  desired  to  see  liiui 
 now  in  his  armour  ;  "  because,  (said  he,)  in  a  little  time  thou  art  going  away  from  me." 
 
 4.  As  soon  as  Antigonus  heard  this,  the  good  temper  of  his  brother  not  allowing  hira  to  sus- 
 pect any  harm  from  him,  he  came  along  with  his  armour  on,  to  shew  it  to  his  brother;  but 
 when  he  was  going  along  that  dark  passage,  which  was  called  Strato's  Tower,  he  was  slain  by 
 the  body  guards,  and  became  an  eminent  instance  how  calumny  destroys  all  good-will  iind  n.tural 
 atlectinn,  and  how  none  of  our  good  affections  are  strong  enough  to  resist  envy  perpetu^illy. 
 
 5.  And  truly  any  one  would  be  surprised  at  Judas  upon  this  occasion.  He  was  of  the  sect 
 of  the  Essenes,  and  had  never  failed  or  deceived  men  in  his  predictions  before.  Now,  this 
 man  saw  Antigonus  as  he  was  passing  along  by  the  temple,  and  cried  out  to  his  acquaintance, 
 (they  were  not  a  few  who  attended  upon  him  as  his  scholars,)  "  O  strange  !  said  he,  it  is  good 
 for  me  to  die  now,  since  truth  is  dead  before  me,  and  somewhat  that  I  have  foretold  hath 
 proved  false;  for  (his  Antigonus  is  this  day  alive,  who  ought  to  have  died  this  day  ;  and  the 
 place  where  he  ought  to  be  slain,  according  to  that  fatal  decree,  was  Strato's  Tower,  which  is 
 at  the  distance  of  six  hundred  furlongs  from  this  place  ;  and  yet  four  hours  of  this  day  are  over 
 already,  which  point  of  time  renders  the  prediction  impossible  to  be  fulfilled."  And,  when 
 the  old  man  had  said  this,  tie  was  dejected  in  his  mind,  and  so  continued.  But,  in  a  little 
 time,  news  came  that  Antigonus  was  slain  in  a  subterraneous  place,  which  was  itself  also 
 called  Strato's  Tower,  bv  the  same  name  with  that  of  Cesarea  which  lay  by  the  sea-side,  and 
 this  ambiguity  it  was  which  caused  the  prophet's  disorder. 
 
 G.  Hereupon  Aristobulus  repented  of  the  great  crime  he  had  been  guilty  of,  and  this  gave 
 occasinn  to  the  increase  of  his  distemper.  He  also  grew  worse  and  worse,  and  his  soul  was 
 constantly  distnrbed  at  the  thoughts  of  what  he  had  done,  till  his  very  bowels  being  torn  to 
 pieces  by  the  intolerable  grief  he  was  unier,  lie  threw  up  a  great  quantity  of  blood.  And,  as 
 one  of  those  servants  that  attended  him  carried  out  that  blood,  he,  by  some  supernatural  pro- 
 vidence, slipped  and  fell  down  in  the  very  place  where  Antigonus  had  been  slain  ;  and  so  he 
 spilt  some  of  the  murderer's  blood  upon  the  spots  of  the  blood  of  him  that  had  been  murdered, 
 which  still  appeared.  Hereupon  a  lamentable  cry  arose  among  the  spectators,  as  if  the  servant 
 bad  spilled  the  blood  on  purpose  in  that  place  ;  and  as  the  king  heard  that  cry,  he  inquired 
 what  was  the  cause  of  it  1  and  while  nobody  durst  tell  him,  he  pressed  them  so  much  the  more 
 to  let  him  know  what  was  the  matter;  so,  at  length,  when  he  had  threatened  them,  and  forced 
 them  to  speak  out,  they  told  ;  whereupon  he  burst  into  tears,  and  groaned,  and  said,  "  So  I 
 perceive  I  am  not  like  to  escape  the  all-seeing  eye  ofGod,  as  to  the  great  crimes  I  have  com- 
 mitted ;  but  the  vengeance  of  the  blood  of  my  kinsman  pursues  me  hastily.  O  thou  most  im- 
 pudent body  !  how  long  wilt  thou  retain  a  soul  that  ought  to  die  on  account  of  that  punishiuent 
 it  ought  to  suffer  for  a  mother  and  a  brother  slain?  how  long  shall  I  myself  spend  my  blood 
 drop  by  drop?  let  them  take  it  all  at  once;  and  let  their  ghosts  no  longer  be  disafipointed  by 
 a  few  parcels  of  my  bowels  oflered  to  them."  As  soon  as  he  had  said  these  words,  he  pre- 
 sently (lied,  wlien  he  had  reigned  no  longer  than  a  year. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 What  Aclinns  were,  done  by  Alexander  Janneus,  wlio  reigned  Twenty-seven  Years. 
 §   1.  And  now  the  king's   wife   loosed   the   king's  brethren,  and   made  Alexander  king,  who 
 appeared  both  elder  in  age,  and  more  moderate  in   nis  temper  than  the  rest ;  who,  when  he 
 
526  W  iRS  OK  TIIK  JEWS. 
 
 came  (o  the  goveiniiient,  sle^  one  of  liis  bretliren,  as  aftecliiig  to  govern  himself;  but 
 ti.ul  the  other  of  them  in  great  esteem,  as  loving  a  quiet  life,  without  meddling  with  public 
 uH'airs. 
 
 2.  Now  it  bapppned,  that  tliere  was  a  battle  between  bim  and  Ptolemy,  who  was  called 
 Lalhyrus,  who  had  taken  the  city  Asochis.  He  indeed  slew  a  great  many  of  his  enemies,  but 
 the  victory  rather  inclined  to  Ptolemy.  But  when  this  Ptolemy  was  pursued  by  his  mother 
 Cleopatra,  and  retired  into  Egypt,  Alexander  besieged  Gadara,  and  took  it  ;  as  also  he  did 
 Amathus,  which  was  the  strongest  of  all  the  fortresses  that  were  about  Jordan,  and  therein  were 
 the  most  precious  of  all  the  possessions  of  Theodorus,  the  son  of  Zeno.  Whereupon  Tlieodorus 
 marched  against  him,  and  took  what  belonged  to  himself  as  well  as  the  king's  baggage,  and 
 slew  ten  thousand  of  the  Jews.  However,  Alexander  recovered  this  blow,  and  turned  bis 
 force  towards  the  maritime  parts,  and  took  Rapbia  and  Gaza,  with  Anthedon  also,  which  was 
 afterwards  called  Agrippias  by  king  Herod. 
 
 3.  But  when  be  had  made  slaves  of  the  citizens  of  all  these  cities,  the  nation  of  the  Jews 
 made  an  insurrection  against  him  at  a  festival  ;  for  at  those  feasts  seditions  are  generally  begun, 
 and  it  looked  as  if  be  should  not  be  able  to  escape  the  plot  they  had  laid  for  him,  bad  not  his 
 foreign  auxiliaries,  the  Pisidians  and  Cilicians,  assisted  him  :  for,  as  to  the  Syrians,  be  never 
 admitted  them  among  his  mercenary  troops,  on  account  of  their  innate  enmity  against  the 
 Jewish  nation.  And  when  be  had  slain  more  than  six  thousand  of  the  rebels,  he  made  an 
 incursion  into  Arabia,  and  when  he  had  taken  that  country,  together  with  the  Gileadites  and 
 ?tIoabites,  he  enjoined  them  to  pay  him  tribute,  and  returned  to  Amathus;  and,  as  Theodorus 
 was  surprised  at  his  great  success,  he  took  the  fortress,  and  demolished  it. 
 
 4.  However,  when  he  fought  with  Obodus,  king  of  the  Arabians,  who  laid  an  ambush  for 
 him  near  Golan,  and  a  plot  against  bim,  be  lost  bis  entire  army,  which  was  crowded  together 
 111  a  deep  valley,  and  broken  to  pieces  by  the  multiluiies  of  camels.  And,  when  hehad  made 
 bis  escape  to  Jerusalem,  he  provoked  the  multitude,  who  hated  him  before,  to  make  an  insur- 
 rection against  him,  and  this  on  account  of  the  greatness  of  the  calamity  that  he  was  under. 
 However,  he  was  then  too  hard  for  them,  and  in  the  several  battles  that  were  fought  on  both 
 sides,  he  slew  no  fewer  than  fifty  thousand  of  the  Jews,  in  the  interval  of  six  years.  Yet  had 
 he  no  reason  to  rejoice  in  these  victories,  since  he  did  but  consume  his  own  kingdom  ;  till  at 
 length  he  fell  oft"  lighting,  and  endeavoured  to  come  to  a  composition  with  them,  by  talking 
 with  his  subjects.  But  this  mutability  and  irregularity  of  his  conduct  made  them  hate  bim 
 still  more.  And,  when  he  asked  them  why  they  so  baled  him  ;  and  what  he  should  do  in 
 order  to  appease  tliein  ?  they  said,  by  killing  himself;  for  that  it  would  be  then  all  they  could 
 do  to  be  reconciled  to  him,  who  bad  done  sui'h  tragical  things  to  them,  even  when  he  was 
 dead.  At  the  same  time  they  invited  Demetrius,  who  was  called  Eucerus,  to  assist  them  ; 
 and  as  he  readily  complied  with  their  request  in  hopes  of  great  advantages,  and  came  with- 
 his  army,  the  Jews  joined  with  those  their  auxiliaries  about  Shechem. 
 
 5.  Yet  did  Alexander  meet  both  these  forces  with  one  thousand  horsemen,  and  eight  thou- 
 sand mercenaries  that  were  on  foot.  He  bad  also  with  bim  that  part  of  the  Jews  which 
 favoured  him,  to  the  number  of  ten  thousand  ;  while  the  adverse  party  had  three  thousand 
 horsemen,  and  fourteen  thousand  footmen.  Now,  before  they  joined  battle,  the  kings  made 
 Ijrocianialion,  and  endeavoured  to  draw  olF  each  other's  soldiers,  and  make  them  revolt  :  while 
 JJemetrius  hoped  to  induce  Alexander's  mercenaries  to  leave  him,  and  Alexander  hoped  to 
 induce  the  .lews  that  v;ere  with  Demetrius  to  leave  him.  But,  since  ueiiher  the  Jews  would 
 leave  olF  their  rage,  nor  the  Greeks  prove  unfaithful,  they  came  to- an  engagement,  and  to  a 
 close  fiiiht  with  their  weapons.  In  which  battle  Demetrius  was  the  conqueror,  although 
 Alexander's  mercenaries  shewed  the  greatest  exploits,  both  in  son!  and  body.  Yet  did 
 the  upshot  of  this  battle  prove  different  from  what  was  expected,  as  to  both  of  them  ; 
 for  neither  did  those  tnat  invited  Demetrius  to  come  to  them  continue  firm  to  him,  though 
 be  was  conqueror  ;  and  six  tliousand  Jews,  out  of  pity  to  the  change  of  Alexander's 
 condition,  when  be  was  lied  to  the  mountains,  came  over  to  him.  Yet  could  not  Deme- 
 trius bear  this  turn  of  affairs,  but  sujjposing  that  Alexander  was  already  become  a  match 
 for  him  again,  and  that  all  the  oatiou  would  [at  length]  run  to  bim,  he  left  the  country  aud 
 went  his  way. 
 
 6.  However,  the  rest  of  the  [Jewish]  multitude  did  not  lay  aside  their  quarrels  with  him, 
 when  the  [foreign]  auxiliaries  were  gone;  but  they  had  a  perpetual  war  with  Alexander,  until 
 he  had  slain  the  greatest  part  of  them,  and  driven  the  rest  into  the  city  Bemeselis  ;  and  when 
 be  had  demolished  that  city,  he  carried  the  captives  to  Jerusalem.  Nay,  bis  rage  was  grown 
 so  extravagant,  that  his  barbarity  proceeded  to  tlie  degree  of  impiety  ;  for,  when  he  had 
 ordered  eight  hundred  to  be  hung  upon  crosses  in  the  midst  of  the  city,  he  had  t!)e  throats  of 
 their  wives  and  children  cut  before  their  eyes  ;  and  these  executions  he  saw  as  he  was  drink- 
 ing and  lying  down  with  his  concubines.  Upon  which  so  deep  a  surprise  seized  on  the  people- 
 that  eight  thousand  of  his  opposers  lied  away  the  very  next  night,  out  of  all  Judca,  whose 
 flight  was  only  terminated  by  Alexander's  death  :  so  at  last,  though  not  till  late,  aud  with 
 great  difficulty,  be,  by  such  actions,  procured  a  quiet  kingdom,  aud  left  off  fighting  any 
 more. 
 
BOOK  I. — CHAP.  V.  527 
 
 7.  Yet  did  that  Aniiocliiis,  who  was  also  called  Dioiiysios,  liffcome  an  origin  of  troubles 
 ajraiii.  This  man  was  llie  brotlier  of  Demetrius,  and  tlie  last  of  the  race  of  the  Seleuclda'.* 
 Alexander  was  afraid  of  liini,  wiien  he  was  marching  against  the  Arabians;  so  he  cut  a  deep 
 trench  between  Antipalris,  which  was  ner.r  the  raoantains,  and  the  shores  of  Joppa;  he  also 
 erected  a  hij^h  wall  bel'oro  the  trench,  and  btiill  wooden  towers,  in  order  to  hinder  any  sud- 
 den approaches.  But  still  he  was  not  able  to  exclude  Anliochiis,  for  be  burnt  the  towers  a-id 
 Idled  up  the  trenches,  and  marched  on  with  his  arm}'.  And  as  he  looiied  ui)nn  takin^j  his 
 revvn;;e  on  Alexander,  for  endeavouring  to  stop  him,  as  a  thing  of  les!>  consequence,  he  marched 
 directly  against  the  Arabians,  whose  king  retired  into  such  parts  of  the  country  as  were  iittest 
 for  engaging  the  enemy,  and  then  on  the  sudden  made  his  horse  turn  back,  wliich  were  In 
 number  ten  fhiusand,  and  lell  upon  Antiochus"  army  while  they  were  in  disorder,  and  a  ter- 
 rible battle  ensued.  Antiochus'  troops,  so  long  as  he  was  alive,  fought  it  out,  although  a 
 mighty  slaughter  was  made  among  them  by  the  Arabians;  but  when  he  fell,  for  he  was  in  the 
 fore-front,  in  the  utmost  danger  in  rallying  his  troop**,  they  all  gave  ground,  and  the  greatest 
 part  of  his  army  were  destroyed,  either  in  the  action  or  the  flight  ;  and  i'or  the  rest,  who  fled 
 to  the  village  of  Cana,  it  happened  that  they  were  all  consumed  by  want  of  necessaries,  a  few 
 only  excepted. 
 
 8.  About  this  time  it  was  that  the  people  of  Damascus,  out  of  their  hatred  to  Ptolemy,  the 
 son  of  Menneus,  invited  Aretas  [to  take  the  government,]  and  made  him  king  of  Celosyria.  This 
 man  also  made  an  expediiion  against  Judea,  and  beat  Alexander  in  battle  ;.  but  afterwards 
 retired  by  mutual  agreement.  But  Alexander,  when  he  had  taken  Pella,  marched  to  Gerasa 
 again,  out  of  the  covetous  desire  lie  bad  of  Theodorus'  possessions;  and  when  he  bad  built  a 
 triple  wall  about  the  garrison,  he  took  the  place  by  force.  He  also  demolished  Golan,  and 
 Seleucia,  and  what  was  called  The  Valley  of  Antiochus;  besides  which,  he  took  the  strong 
 fortress  of  Gamala,  and  stripped  Demetrius,  who  was  governor  therein,  of  what  he  had,  on 
 account  of  the  many  crimes  laid  to  his  charge,  and  then  returned  info  .ludea,  after  he  had  been 
 three  whole  years  in  this  expedition.  And  now  he  was  kindly  received  of  the  nation,  because 
 of  the  good  success  he  had.  So,  when  he  was  at  rest  from  war,  he  fell  into  a  distemper  ;  for 
 he  was  afflicted  with  a  quartan  ague,  and  supposed  that  by  exercising  himself  again  in  martial 
 aflTairs,  he  should  get  rid  of  this  distemper  ;  but,  by  making  such  expeditious  at  unseasonable 
 times,  and  forcing  his  body  to  undergo  greater  ha-rdships  than  it  was  able  to  bear,  he  brought 
 himself  to  his  end.  He  died,  therefore,  in  the  midst  of  his  t-40vibles,  after  be  had  reigned 
 seven-and- twenty  years. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Alexandra  reigns  nine    Years,  during  which   lime  the  Pharisees  tvere   the  real  Rulers  of  the 
 
 Nation 
 
 §  1.  Now  Alexander  left  the  kingdom  to  Alexandra  his  wife,  and  depended  upon  it  that  the 
 Jews  would  now  very  readily  submit  to  her,  because  she  had  been  very  averse  to  such  cruelly  as 
 he  had  treated  them  with,  and  had  opposed  his  violation  of  their  laws,  and  had  thereby  got  the 
 good  will  of  the  people.  Nor  was  he  mistaken  as  to  his  expectations  ;  for  this  woman  kept  V.ie 
 dominion,  by  the  opinion  that  the  people  had  of  her  piety  ;  for  she  chielly  siuiiied  the  ancient 
 customs  of  her  country,  and  cast  those  men  out  of  the  government  that  ofTended  against  their 
 holy  laws.  And,  as  she  had  two  sons  by  Alexander,  she  made  Hyrcanus  the  elder  high  priest, 
 on  account  of  his  age,  as  also  on  account  of  his  inactive  temper,  which  no  way  disposed  him 
 to  disturb  the  public.  But  she  retained  the  younger,  Aristobulns,  with  her,  as  a  private  per- 
 son, by  reason  of  the  warmth  of  his  temper. 
 
 2.  And  now  the  Pharisees  joined  theinselves  to  her,  to  assist  her  in  the  government.  These 
 are  a  certain  sect  of  the  Jews  thai  appear  more  religious  than  others,  and  seem  to  interpret 
 the  laws  more  accurately.  Now,  Alexandra  hearkened  (o  them  to  an  extraordinary  degree, 
 as  being  herself  a  woman  of  great  piety  towards  God.  But  these  Pharisees  artfully  insinuated 
 themselves  into  her  favour  by  little  and  little,  and  became  themselves  the  real  administrators 
 of  the  public  affairs  :  they  banished  and  reduced  whom  they  pleased;  they  bound  and  loosed 
 [men]  at  their  pleasure^tl  and,  to  say  all  at  once,  they  had  the  enjoyment  of  the  royal  authority, 
 whilst  the  expenses  and  the  difliculties  of  it  belonged  to  Alexandra.  She  was  a  sagacious 
 woman  in  the  management  of  great  affairs,  and  intent  always  upon  gathering  soldiers  together ; 
 so  that  she  increased  the  army  the  one  half,  and  procured  a  great  body  of  foreign  troops,  till 
 her  own  nation  became  not  only  powerful  at  home,  but  terrible  also  to  foreign  potentates, 
 while   she   governed  other  people,  and  the  Pharisees  governed  her. 
 
 3.  Accordingly  they  themselves  slew  Diogenes,  a  person  of  figure,  and  one  that  bad  been  a 
 friend  to  Alexander  :  and  accused  him  as  having  assisted  the  king  with  bis  advice,  for  cruci- 
 
 •  Josephns  hero  calls  this  Antiochus  the  last  of  the  Seleucida>,  although  there  remained  still  a  shadow  of 
 another  kiiit;  of  that  family,  Antiochus  Asiaticus  ;  or  Comrajigenus,  who  reigued,  or  rather  lay  hid,  till  Pom- 
 pey  quite  turned  him  out,  as  Ueau  Aldrich  here  notes,  from  Apiou  and  Justiu. 
 
 +  Matt.  xvi.  19.  xviii.  ItJ. 
 
 t  Here  wc  have  the  oldest  and  mopt  authentic  Jewish  exposition  of  binding  and  loosing,  for  punishing  or 
 a1>solving  men,  act  for  declaring  actions  lawful  or  unlawful ;  aa  some  modura  Jews  and  Christians  vainly 
 pretend. 
 
528  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 fying  the  eight  hundred  men  [before  mentioned.]  They  also  prevailed  with  Alexandra  to  put 
 to  death  the  rest  of  those  who  liad  irritated  him  against  thera.  Now,  she  was  so  supersti- 
 tious as  to  comply  with  their  desires,  and  accordirigly  they  slew  whom  tliev  pleased  them- 
 selves; but  the  principal  of  those  that  were  in  danger  fled  to  Aristobulus,  who  persnaded  his 
 mother  to  spare  the  men  on  account  of  their  dignity,  but  to  expel  them  out  of  the  city,  unless 
 she  took  thera  to  be  innocent ;  so  they  were  suffered  to  go  unpunished,  and  were  dispersed  all 
 over  the  country.  But  when  Alexandra  sent  out  her  army  to  Damascus,  under  pretence  that 
 Ptolemy  was  always  oppressing  that  city,  she  got  possession  of  it ;  nor  did  it  make  any  consi- 
 derable resistance.  She  also  prevailed  wi;h  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  who  lay  wilh  his 
 troops  about  Ptolemais,  and  besieged  Cleopatra,*  by  agreements  and  presents,  to  go  away. 
 Accordingly,  Tigranes  soon  arose  from  the  siege,  by  reason  of  those  domestic  turaalls  which 
 happened  upon  Luculius'  expedition  into  Armenia. 
 
 4.  In  the  meantime,  Alexandra  fell  sick,  and  Aristobulus,  her  younger  son,  took  hold  of  this 
 opportunity  with  his  domestics,  of  which  he  had  a  great  many,  who  were  all  of  them  his  friends, 
 on  account  of  the  warmth  o<"  their  youth,  and  got  possession  of  all  the  fortresses.  He  also 
 used  the  sums  of  money  he  found  in  thera,  to  get  together  a  number  of  raercenary  soldiers, 
 and  made  himself  king;  and  besides  this,  upon  Hyrcanus'  complaint  to  his  mother,  she  coni- 
 passioned  his  case,  and  put  Aristobulus'  wife  and  sons  under  restraint  in  Antonia,  which  was 
 a  fortress  that  joined  to  the  north  part  of  the  temple.  It  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  of  old 
 called  the  Citadel ;  but  afterwards  got  the  name  of  Antonia,  when  Antony  was  lord  [of  the 
 East,]  just  as  the  other  cities,  Sebaste  and  Agrippa,  had  their  names  changed,  and  these 
 given  theia,  from  Sebastiis  and  Agrippa.  But  Alexandra  died  before  she  could  punish  Aris- 
 tobulus for  bis  disinheriting  Lis  brother,  after  she  bad  reigned  nine  years. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 When  Hyrcanus,  who  was  Alexandra  s  Heir,  receded  from  his  Claim  of  the  Crown,  Aristobulus 
 is  made  King,  and  afterward  the  same  Hyrcanus,  hy  the  means  of  Am ipater,  is  brought 
 back  by  Arelas.  At  last  Pompey  is  made  the  Arbitrator  of  the  Dispute  betiveen  the 
 Brothers. 
 
 §  I.  Now  Hyrcanus  was  heir  to  the  kin;-dora,  and  to  him  did  his  mother  coramif  it  before  she 
 died  ;  but  Aristobulus  was  snperior  to  him  in  power  and  magnanimity  ;  and  when  there  was  a 
 battle  between  them,  to  decide  the  dispute  about  the  kingdom,  near  Jericho,  the  greatest  part 
 deserted  Hyrcanus,  and  went  over  to  Aristobulus;  but  Hyrcanus,  with  those  of  his  party  who 
 staid  with  him,  fied  to  Antonia,  and  got  into  his  power  the  hostages  that  might  be  for  his  pre- 
 servation (which  were  Aristobulus'  wife,  with  her  children  ;)  but  they  came  to  an  agreement, 
 before  things  should  come  to  extremities,  that  Aristobulus  should  be  king,  and  Hyrcanus  should 
 resign  that  up,  Iiut  retain  all  the  rest  of  his  dignities,  as  being  the  king's  brother.  Hereupon 
 they  were  reconciled  to  each  other  in  the  temple,  and  embraced  one  another  in  a  very  kind 
 manner,  while  the  people  stood  round  about  them  :  they  also  changed  their  houses,  while 
 Aristobulus  went  to  the  royal  palace,  and  Hyrcanus  retired  to  the  house  of  Aristobulus. 
 
 2.  Now,  those  other  people  who  were  at  variance  with  Aristobulus  were  afraid  upon  his 
 unexpected  obtaining  the  government;  and  especially  this  concerned  Antipater,t  whom  Aristo- 
 bulus hattid  of  old.  He  was  by  birth  an  Idumean,  and  one  of  the  principal  of  that  nation  on 
 account  of  his  ancestors  and  riches,  and  other  authority  to  him  belonging;  he  also  persuaded 
 Hyrcanus  to  fly  to  Aretas,  the  king  of  Arabia,  and  to  lay  claim  to  the  kingdom;  as  also  he 
 persuaded  Aretas  to  receive  Hyrcanus,  and  to  bring  him  back  to  his  kingdom  :  he  also  cast 
 great  reproaches  upon  Aristobulus,  as  to  his  morals,  and  gave  great  commendations  to  Hyr- 
 canus, and  exhorted  Aretas  to  receive  him,  and  told  him  how  becoming  a  tiling  it  would  be 
 for  him,  who  ruled  so  great  a  kingdom,  to  afford  his  assistance  to  such  as  are  injured  ;  alleging 
 that  Hyrcanus  was  treated  unjustly,  by  being  deprived  of  that  dominion  which  belonged  to 
 liim  by  the  prerogative  of  his  birth.  And  when  he  had  predisposed  thera  both  to  do  what  he 
 would  have  them,  he  took  Hyrcanus  by  night,  and  ran  away  from  the  city,  and  continuing  his 
 flight  with  great  swiftness,  he  escaped  to  the  place  called  Petra,  which  is  the  royal  seat  of  the 
 king  of  Arabia,  where  he  put  Hyrcanus  into  Aretas'  hand;  and  by  discoursing  much  wilh  him, 
 and  gaining  upon  him  with  many  presents,  he  prevailed  with  him  to  give  him  an  army  that 
 might  restore  him  to  his  kingdom.  This  army  consisted  of  fifty  thousand  footmen  and  horse- 
 men, against  which  Aristobulus  was  not  able  to  make  resistance,  but  was  deserted  in  his  first 
 onset,  and  was  driven  to  Jerusalem  :  he  also  had  been  taken  at  first  by  force,  if  Scaurus,  the 
 Roman  general,  had  not  come  and  seasonably  interposed  himself,  and  raised  the  siege,     This 
 
 *  Sirabo,  b.  xvi.  p.  740.  relates,  that  this  Selene  Cleopatra  was  besieged  by  Tigranes,  not  in  Ptolemais,  as 
 here,  but  after  she  had  left  Syria  in  Seleucia,  a  citadel  in  Mesopotamia  ;  and  adds,  that  when  he  had  kept  her 
 a  while  in  prison,  he  put  her  to  death,  Dean  Aldrich  supposes  here,  that  Strabo  contradicts  Josephus,  which 
 does  not  appear  to  me  ;  for  although  Josephus  says,  both  here  and  in  the  Antiquities,  b.  xii.  chap.  xvi.  i  4.  that 
 Tigranes  besieged  her  now  in  Ptolemais,  and  that  he  took  the  city,  as  the  Antiquities  inform  us,  yet  does  he 
 no  where  iiitimate  that  he  now  took  the  queen  herself;  so  that  both  the  narrations  of  Strabo  and  Josephus  may 
 still  be  true  notwithstanding. 
 
 +  That  this  Antiiiaier,  the  father  of  Herod  the  Great,  was  an  Idumean,  as  Josephus  affirms  here,  see  tho 
 note  ou  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  xv.  j  2. 
 
BOOK    I.— -CHAP.    VI.  529 
 
 Scaurus  was  sent  into  Syria  fiora  Armenia  bj;  Poinpey  the  Great,  when  he  fought  against 
 Tigranes :  so  Scaurus  came  to  Damascus,  which  had  been  lately  taken  by  Metellus  and  Lol- 
 lius,  and  caused  them  to  leave  the  place  ;  and,  upon  his  hearing  how  the  aftairs  of  Judea  stood, 
 he  made  haste  thither  as  to  a  certain  booty. 
 
 3.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  he  was  corae  into  the  country,  there  came  ambassadors  from  both 
 the  brothers,  each  of  them  desiring  his  assistance  ;  bat  Aristobulus's  three  hundred  talents 
 had  more  weight  with  him  tlian  the  justice  of  the  cause  ;  which  sura,  wiien  Scaurus  had 
 received,  he  sent  a  herald  to  Hyrcanus  and  the  Arabiaus,  and  threatened  them  with  the  resent- 
 nieut  of  the  Romans,  and  of  Ponipey,  unless  they  would  raise  the  siege.  So  Aretas  was  ter- 
 rified, and  retired  oat  of  Judea  to  Philadelphia,  as  did  Scaurus  return  to  Damascus  again  : 
 nor  was  Aristobulus  satisfied  with  escaping  [out  of  his  brother's  handss]  but  gathered  all  his 
 forces  together,  and  pursued  his  enemies,  and  fought  thera  at  a  place  called  Papyron,  and  slew 
 about  six  thousand  of  them,  and,  together  with  them,  Antipater's  brother,  Phalion. 
 
 4.  When  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater  were  thus  deprived  of  their  hopes  from  the  Arabians, 
 they  transferred  the  same  to  their  adversaries  :  and  because  Pompey  had  passed  through  Syria, 
 and  was  corae  to  Damascus,  they  fled  to  him  for  assistance ;  and  without  any  bribes,*  they 
 made  the  same  equitable  pleas  that  they  had  used  to  Aretas,  and  besought  him  to  hate  the 
 violent  behaviour  of  Aristobulus,  and  to  bestow  the  kingdom  upon  him  to  whom  it  justly 
 belonged,  both  on  account  of  his  good  ciiaracler,  and  on  account  of  his  superiority  in  age. 
 However,  neither  was  Aristobulus  wanting  to  himself  in  this  case,  as  relying  on  the  bribes 
 that  Scaurus  had  received  :  he  was  also  there  himself,  aiid  adorned  himself  after  a  manner  the 
 most  agreeable  to  royalty  that  he  was  able.  But  he  soou  thought  it  beneath  hira  to  come  iii 
 such  a  servile  manner,  and  could  not  endure  to  serve  his  own  ends  in  a  way  so  much  more 
 abject  than  he  was  used  to  ;  so  he  departed  from  Diospolis. 
 
 5.  At  this  his  behaviour  Pompey  had  great  indignation  ;  Hyrcanus  also  and  his  friends  made 
 great  intercession  to  Pompey  ;  so  he  took  not  only  his  Roman  forces,  but  many  of  his  Syrian 
 auxiliaries,  and  marched  against  Aristobulus.  But  when  he  had  passed  by  Pella  and  Scytho- 
 polis,  and  was  come  to  Corea,  where  you  enter  into  the  country  of  Judea,  when  yon  go  up 
 to  it  through  the  Mediterranean  parts,  he  heard  that  Aristobulus  was  lied  to  Alexandriuni, 
 which  is  a  stronghold  fortified  with  the  utmost  magnificence,  and  situated  upon  a  high  moun- 
 tain, and  he  sent  to  him  and  commanded  liim  to  come  down.  Now  his  inclination  was  to  try 
 his  fortune  in  a  battle,  since  he  was  called  in  such  an  imperious  manner,  rather  than  to  comply 
 with  that  call.  However,  he  saw  the  multitude  were  in  great  fear,  and  his  friends  exhorted 
 him  to  consider  what  the  power  of  the  Romans  was,  and  how  it  was  irresistible;  so  he  com- 
 plied with  their  advice,  and  came  down  to  Pompey;  and  when  he  had  made  a  long  apology 
 for  himself,  and  for  the  justness  of  his  cause  in  taking  the  government,  he  returned  to  the  for- 
 tress. And  when  his  brother  invited  him  again  [to  plead  his  cause,]  he  came  down  and  spoke 
 about  the  justice  of  it,  and  then  went  away  without  any  hinderance  from  Pompey  :  so  he  was 
 between  hope  and  fear.  And  when  he  cnme  down  it  was  to  prevail  with  Pompey  to  allow  him 
 the  government  entirely ;  and  when  he  went  up  to  the  citadel,  it  was  that  he  might  not  appear 
 to  debase  himself  too  low.  However,  Pompey  commanded  him  to  give  up  his  fortified  places, 
 and  forced  him  to  write  to  every  one  of  their  governors  to  yield  them  up  ;  they  having  had 
 this  charge  given  them,  to  obey  no  letters  but  what  were  of  his  own  handwriting.  Accord- 
 ingly, he  did  what  he  was  ordered  to  do;  but  had  still  an  indignation  at  what  was  done,  and 
 retired  to  Jerusalem,  and  prepared  to  fight  wiih  Pompey. 
 
 G.  But  Pompey  did  not  give  him  time  to  make  any  ])reparations  [for  a  siege,]  but  followed 
 him  at  his  heels  ;  he  was  also  obliged  to  make  haste  in  his  attempt,  by  the  death  of  Miihridates, 
 of  which  he  was  informed  about  Jericho.  Now  here  is  the  most  fruitful  country  of  Judea, 
 which  bears  a  vast  number  of  palm-trees,  besides  the  balsam  tree.t  whose  sprouts  they  cut 
 with  sharp  stones,  and  at  the  incisions  they  gather  the  juice,  which  drops  down  like  tears.  So 
 Ponipey  pitched  his  camp  in  that  place  one  night,  and  then  hasted  away  the  next  morning  to 
 Jerusalem  ;  but  Aristobulus  was  so  affrighted  at  his  approach,  tiiat  he  came  and  met  him  by 
 way  of  supplication.  He  also  promised  him  money,  and  that  he  would  deliver  up  both  him- 
 self and  the  city  into  his  disposal,  and  thereby  mitigated  the  anger  of  Pompey.  Yet  did  not 
 he  perform  any  of  the  conditions  he  had  agreed  to  ;  for  Aristobulus's  party  would  not  so  much 
 as  admit  Gabinius  into  the  city,  who  was  sent  to  receive  the  money  that  he  had  promised. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Uow  Pompey  had  fhe  City  of  Jerusalem  delivered  up  to  him,  but  took  the  Temple  [by  Force.'] 
 
 How  he  went  into  the  Holy  of  Holies;  as  also,  what  were  his  other  Exploits  in  Judea. 
 §  1.  At  this  treatment   Pompey  was  very   angry,  and   took  Aristobulus   into  custody.     And 
 when  he  was  come  to  the  city,  he  looked  about  where  he  might  make  his  attack  ;  for  he  saw 
 
 •  It  is  somewhat  probable,  as  Ilavcrcamp  supposes,  and  partly  Spanheim  also,  that  the  Latin  copy  is  liera 
 the  trnt'st :  that  Ponipey  did  talie  the  mauy  presents  ofTered  him  hv  Hvrcanus,  as  he  would  have  iioue  the 
 others  from  Aristobulus,  j  6.  although  his  remarkable  abstinence  from  the  SOOli  talents  that  were  in  the  .lew- 
 isn  temple,  when  he  took  it  a  little  aftei-ward.chap.  vii.  ^  0.  and  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  iv.  5  4.  >vill  hardly  ptr- 
 mit  UB  to  desert  the  Greek  copies,  all  which  agree  that  he  did  not  take  them. 
 +  Ol"  the  famous  palm-trees  and  balsam  about  Jericho  and  iMi^aiWi,  seo  the  notes  in  Ilavercamp's  edition, 
 Doth  li'.Te  and  b.  ii.  chap,  ix,  5  1.    They  are  somewhat  too  loug  to  be  transcribed  in  this  place. 
 
 3  X 
 
530  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  v\alls  were  so  firm,  that  it  would  be  hard  to  overcome  them,  and  that  the  fallcy  before  the 
 walls  was  terrible  ;  and  that  the  temple,  which  was  witliin  that  valley,  was  itself  encompassed 
 with  a  very  strong  wall,  insomuch  that  if  the  city  were  taken,  the  temple  would  be  a  second 
 place  of  refuge  for  the  enemy  to  retire  to. 
 
 2.  Now,  as  he  was  long  in  deliberating  about  this  matter,  a  sedition  arose  among  the  people 
 within  the  city  :  Aristobulus's  party  being  willing  to  fight,  and  to  sot  their  king  at  liberty, 
 while  the  party  of  Hyrcanus  were  for  opening  the  gates  to  Pompey ;  and  the  dread  people 
 were  in  occasioned  these  last  to  be  a  very  numerous  party,  when  they  looked  upon  the  excel- 
 lent order  the  Roman  soldiers  were  in.  So  Aristobulus's  party  was  worsted,  and  retired  into 
 the  temple,  and  cut  off  the  communication  between  the  temple  and  the  city,  by  breaking  down 
 the  bridge  that  joined  them  together,  and  prepared  to  make  an  opposition  to  the  utmost;  bnt 
 as  the  others  had  received  the  Romans  into  the  city,  and  had  delivered  up  the  palace  to 
 him,  Pompey  sent  Piso,  one  of  his  great  officers,  into  that  palace  with  an  army,  who  distributed 
 a  garrison  about  the  city,  because  he  could  not  persuade  any  one  of  those  that  had  fled  to  the 
 temple,  to  come  to  terms  of  accommodation  ;  he  then  disposed  all  things  that  were  round  about 
 them  so  as  might  favour  their  attacks,  as  having  Hyrcanus's  party  very  ready  to  aS'ord  them 
 both  counsel  and  assistance. 
 
 8.  Bui  Pompey  himself  filled  up  the  ditch  that  v/as  on  the  north  side  of  the  temple  and  the 
 entire  valley  also,  the  army  itself  being  obliged  to  carry  the  materials  for  that  purpose.  And 
 indeed  it  was  a  hard  thing  to  fill  up  that  valley,  by  reason  of  its  immense  depth,  especially  as  the 
 Jews  used  all  the  means  possible  to  repel  them  from  their  superior  station  ;  nor  had  the  Romans 
 succeeded  in  their  endeavours,  had  not  Pompey  taken  notice  of  the  seventh  days,  on  which  the 
 Jews  abstain  from  all  sorts  of  work  on  a  religions  account,  and  raised  his  bank,  but  restrained 
 his  soldiers  from  fighting  on  those  days  ;  for  the  Jews  only  acted  defensively  on  sabbath-days. 
 But  as  soon  as  Pompey  had  filled  up  the  valley,  he  erected  high  towers  upon  the  bank,  and 
 brought  those  engines  which  they  had  fetched  from  Tyre,  near  to  the  wall,  and  tried  to  butter 
 it  down  ;  and  the  slingers  of  stones  beat  oil"  those  that  stood  above  them,  and  drove  them 
 away  ;  but  the  towers  on  this  side  of  the  city  made  very  great  resistance,  and  were  indeed 
 extraordinary  both  for  largeness  and  magnificence. 
 
 -1.  Now  here  it  was,  that  upon  the  many  hardships  which  the  Romans  underwent,  Pompey 
 could  not  but  admire  not  only  at  the  other  instances  of  the  Jews'  fortitude,  but  especially  that 
 they  did  not  at  all  intermit  their  religious  services,  even  when  they  were  encompassed  with 
 darts  on  all  sides  ;  for,  as  if  the  city  were  in  full  peace,  tlieir  daily  sacrifices  and  purifications, 
 and  every  branch  of  their  religious  worship,  was  still  performed  to  Godwith  the  utmost  exact- 
 ness. Nor  indeed,  when  the  temple  was  actually  taken,  and  they  were  every  day  slain  ahoat 
 the  altar,  did  they  leave  ofl'  the  instances  of  their  divine  worship  that  were  appointed  by  their 
 law  ;  for  it  was  in  the  third  month  of  the  siege  before  the  Romans  conld  even  with  great  dif- 
 ficulty overthrow  one  of  the  towers  and  get  into  the  temple.  Now  he  that  first  of  all  ventured 
 to  get  over  the  wall,  was  Faustus  Cornelius,  the  son  of  Sylla  ;  and  next  after  him  were  two 
 centurions,  Furius  and  Fabius  ;  and  every  one  of  these  was  followed  by  a  cohort  of  his  own, 
 who  encompassed  the  Jews  on  all  sides,  and  slew  some  of  them  as  they  were  running  for 
 shelter  to  the  temple,  and  others  as  they,  for  a  while,  fought  in  their  own  defence. 
 
 5.  And  now  did  many  of  the  priests,  even  when  they  saw  their  enemies  assailing  thera  with 
 swords  in  their  hands,  without  any  disturbance,  go  on  with  tlieir  divine  worship,  and  were 
 slain  while  they  were  od'ering  their  drink-offerings,  and  burning  their  incense,  as  preferring 
 the  duties  about  their  worship  to  God,  before  their  own  preservation.  The  greatest  part  of 
 them  were  slain  by  their  own  countrymen,  of  the  adverse  faction,  and  an  innumerable  multi- 
 tude threw  themselves  down  precipices  ;  nav,  some  there  were  who  were  so  distracted  among 
 the  insuperable  difliculties  they  were  under,  that  they  set  fire  to  the  buildings  that  were  near 
 to  the  wall,  and  were  burnt  together  with  thera.  Now  of  the  Jews  were  slain  twelve  thou- 
 sand ;  but  of  the  Romans  very  few  were  slain,  but  a  greater  number  was  wooiided. 
 
 6.  But  there  was  nothing  that  affected  the  nation  so  much,  in  the  calamities  they  were  then 
 under,  as  that  their  holy  place,  which  had  been  hitherto  seen  by  none,  should  be  laid  open  to 
 strangers  ;  for  Pompey,*  and  those  that  were  about  him,  went  into  the  temple  itself,  whither  it 
 was  not  lawful  for  any  to  enter  bnt  the  high  priest,  and  saw  what  was  reposited  therein,  the 
 candlestick  with  its  lamps,  and  the  table,  and  the  pouring  vessels,  and  the  censers,  all  made 
 entirely  of  gold,  as  also,  a  great  quantity  of  spices  heaped  together,  with  two  thousand  talents 
 of  sacred  money.  Yet  did  not  he  touch  that  mone}',  nor  any  thing  else  that  was  there  repo- 
 sited ;  bnit  he  commanded  the  ministers  about  the  temple,  the  very  next  day  after  be  had  taken 
 it,  to  cleanse  it,  and  to  perform  their  accustomed  sacrifices.  Moreover,  he  made  Hyrcanus 
 high  priest,  as  one  that  not  only  in  other  respects  had  shewed  great  alacrity  on  his  side  during 
 the  siege,  but  as  he  had  been  the  means  of  hindering  the  multitude  that  was  in  the  country  from 
 lighting  for  Aristobulus,  which  they  were  otherwise  very  ready  to  have  done  ;  by  which  means  he 
 acted  the  part  of  a  good  general,  and  reconciled  the  people  to  him  more  by  benevolence  than  by 
 terror.  Now,  among  the  captives,  Aristobulus's  father-in-law  was  taken,  who  was  also  his  uncle  : 
 
 •  Thus,  says  Tacitus,  Cu.  Pompeius  first  of  all  subdued  the  Jews,  and  went  into  their  temple,  by  ri'-'ht  of 
 coijQuest,  Histi  b.  v.  chap.  ix.  nor  did  he  touch  any  of  its  riches,  as  has  been  observed  on  the  paTailcl  plai  e 
 •f  the  Astitiuities,  b.  xiv.  chap,  iv.  §  4,  out  of  Cicero  himself. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    VIII.  531 
 
 so  tliose  that  were  the  most  guilty  he  punished  witli  decollation;  but  rewarded  Fauslus,  and 
 those  with  him  that  bad  fouglit  so  bravely,  with  glorious  presents,  and  laid  a  tribute  upon  the 
 country  and  upon  Jerusalem  itself. 
 
 7.  He  also  took  away  Iroin  the  nation  all  those  cities  they  bad  formerly  taken,  and  that 
 belonged  to  Celosyria,  and  made  them  sulijeot  to  him  that  was  at  that  time  appointed  to  be  the 
 Roman  president  there;  and  reduced  Judea  within  its  proper  bounds.  He  also  rebuilt 
 (iadara,*  that  bad  been  demolished  by  the  Jews,  in  order  to  gratify  one  Demetrius,  who  was 
 of  Gadara,  and  was  one  of  bis  own  freed  men.  He  also  made  other  cities  free  from  their 
 dominion,  that  lay  in  the  midst  of  the  country,  such,  I  mean,  as  they  bad  not  demolished 
 before  that  time,  Hippos,  and  Scylhopolis,  as  also  Peila,  and  Samaria,  and  Marissa;  and 
 besides  these,  Ashdod,  and  Jamnia,  and  Arethusa;  and  in  like  manner  dealt  he  with  the  mari- 
 time cities,  Gaza,  and  Joppa,  and  Dora,  and  that  which  was  anciently  called  Strato's  Tower; 
 hut  was  afterward  rebuilt  with  the  most  roagnilicent  edifices,  and  had  its  name  chang;ed  io 
 Cesarea  by  king  Herod.  All  which  he  restored  to  their  own  citizens,  and  put  them  under  the 
 province  of  Syria;  which  province,  together  with  Judea,  and  the  countries  as  far  as  EL;ypt  and 
 Euphrates,  he  comniilted  to  Scaiirns  as  their  governor,  and  gave  him  two  legions  to  support 
 him  ;  while  ho  made  all  the  baste  be  could  himself  to  go  through  Cilicia,  in  bis  way  to  Rome, 
 having  Arislobulas  and  his  children  along  with  him,  as  bis  captives.  They  were  two  daugh- 
 ters and  two  sons;  the  one  of  which  sons,  Alexander,  ran  away  as  be  was  going;  but  the 
 younger,  Antigonus,  willi  his  sisters,  were  carried  to  Rome. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Alexander,  the  Son  of  Aristobulus,  who  ran  away  from  Ponipey,  makes  an  Expedition  against 
 Hyrcamis ;  but  being  overcome  by  Gabiniiis,  he  delivers  up  the  Fortresses  to  him.  After 
 this  Aristobulus  escapes  from  Rome,  und  gathers  an  Army  together;  but  being  beaten  by  the 
 lloiiians,  he  is  brought  back  to  Rome;  with  other  things  relating  to  Gahinius,  Crassus, 
 and  Cassias. 
 
 §  1.  In  the  mean  time,  Scaurus  made  an  expedition  into  Arabia,  but  was  slopped  by  the  dif- 
 ticulty  of  the  places  about  Petra.  However,  be  laid  waste  the  country  about  Pella,  though 
 even  there  lie  was  under  great  baidship ;  for  his  army  was  afflicted  with  famine.  In  order  to 
 supply  which  want,  Ilyrcanus  afl'orded  him  some  assistance,  and  sent  him  provisions  by  the 
 means  of  Antipater;  whom  also  Scaurus  sent  to  Aretas,  as  one  well  acquainted  with  him,  to 
 induce  bim  to  pay  him  money  lo  buy  bis  peace.  The  king  of  Arabiat  complied  with  the 
 proposal,  and  gave  him  three  hundred  talents;  upon  which  Scaurus  drew  bis  army  out 
 of  Arabia. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  Alexander,  that  son  of  Aristobnius  who  ran  awav  from  Pompey,  in  some  time 
 lie  got  a  considerable  band  of  men  together,  and  lay  heavy  upon  Hyrcaims,  and  overran  Judea, 
 and  was  likely  to  overturn  him  quickly  ;  and  indeed  he  had  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  ven- 
 tured to  rebuild  its  wall  that  was  thrown  down  by  Pompey,  bad  not  Gabinius,  who  was  sent 
 as  successor  to  Scaurus  into  Syria,  shewed  bis  bravery,  as  in  many  oilier  points,  so  in  making 
 an  expedition  against  Alexander;  who,  as  be  was  afraid  that  be  would  attack  bim,  so  he  got 
 together  a  large  army,  composed  of  ten  thousand  armed  footmen,  and  fifteen  hundred  borse- 
 mcii.  He  also  built  walls  about  proper  places,  Alexaodrium,  and  Hjroaniom,  and  Macberus, 
 that  lay  upon  the  mountains  of  Arabia. 
 
 3.  However,  Gabinius  sent  before  him  Marcus  Antonius,  and  followed  himself  with  bis 
 whole  army ;  but  for  the  select  body  of  soldiers  that  were  about  Antipater,  and  another  body 
 of  Jews  under  the  command  of  Malithns  and  Pitholaus,  these  joined  tliemselves  to  those  cap- 
 tains that  were  about  Marcus  Antonius,  and  met  Alexander ;  to  which  body  came  Gabinius 
 with  his  main  army  soon  afterward;  and  as  Alexander  was  not  able  to  sustain  the  charge 
 of  the  enemies'  forces,  now  they  were  joined,  he  retired.  Hut  when  be  was  come  near  to  Jeru- 
 salem, he  was  forced  lo  light,  and  lost  six  thousand  men  in  the  battle;  three  thousand  of  whom 
 fell  down  dead,  and  three  thousand  were  taken  alive;  so  he  fled  with  the  remainder  (o 
 Alexandrium. 
 
 4.  Now,  when  Gabinius  was  come  to  Alexandrium,  because  be  found  a  great  many  there 
 encamped,  he  tried,  by  promising  them  pardon  for  their  former  ollences,  to  induce  them  to 
 come  over  to  him,  before  it  came  to  a  fii-i.t;  but  when  they  would  hearken  to  no  terms  of 
 accommodation,  he  slew  a  great  number  of  them,  and  shut  up  a  great  number  of  them  in  the 
 citadel.  Now  Marcus  Antonius,  their  leader,  signalized  himself  in  this  battle,  who,  as  be 
 always  shewed  great  courage,  so  did  he  never  shew  it  so  much  as  now  ;  but  Gabinius,  leaving 
 forces  to  take  the  citadel,  went  away,  himself,   and  settled  the  cities  that  had  not  been  derao- 
 
 •  *  "J  he  coin  of  this  Gadara,  still  extant,  with  its  date  from  this  era,  is  a  certain  evidence  of  this  its  rebuild- 
 ing by  Pompey,  as  Spanhcim  here  assures  us. 
 
 t  Take  the  like  attestation  to  the  truth  of  the  submission  of  Aretas  kins  of  Arabia,  to  Scaurus  Iho  Koman  gene- 
 ral, in  the  words  of  Dean  Aldrich.  "  llencc  (says  ht)  is  derived  that  old  and  famous  Denarius  helonginpr  to  the 
 Kuiiliaii  family  [represented  iu  Mavercamp's  edition,]  wherein  Aretas  appears  iu  a  posture  of  supplication, 
 and  laking  hold  of  a  camel's  bridle  with  his  left  hand,  and  with  his  right  hand  presenting  a  braucii  of  Ihs 
 frankincense  tree,  with  this  inscription,  M.  Scavna  Ex.  He.  and  beneath,  Rex  Arelas." 
 
632  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 lished,  and  reboilt  those  that  bad  been  destroyed.  Accordingly,  upon  his  injunction,  the 
 following  cities  were  restored  :  Scythopolis,  Samaria,  Anthedon,  Apollonia,  Jamnia,  Rapbia, 
 Marissa,  Adoreus,  Gainala,  Ashdod,  and  many  others;  while  a  great  number  of  men  readily 
 ran  to  each  of  them,  and  became  their  inhabitants. 
 
 5.  When  Gabinius  bad  taken  care  of  these  cities,  he  returned  to  Alexandrium,  and  pressed 
 on  the  siege.  So  when  Alexander  despaired  of  ever  obtaining  the  government,  he  sent 
 ambassadors  to  him,  and  prayed  him  to  forgive  what  be  bad  oflended  him  in,  and  gave  up  to 
 bim  the  remaining  fortresses,  Hyrcanium  and  Macherns,  as  he  put  Alexandrium  into  bis  hands 
 afterwards:  all  which  Gabioias  demolished,  at  the  persuasion  of  Alexander's  mother,  that 
 they  might  not  be  receptacles  of  men  in  the  second  war.  She  was  now  there  in  order  to  mol- 
 lify Gabinius,  out  of  her  concern  for  her  relations  that  were  captives  at  Rome,  which  were  her 
 Lnsband  and  her  other  children.  After  this  Gabinius  brought  Hyrcanus  to  Jerusalem,  and 
 committed  the  care  of  the  temple  to  him  ;  but  ordained  the  other  political  government  to  be  by 
 an  aristocracy.  He  also  parted  the  whole  nation  into  five  conventions,  assigning  one  portion 
 to  Jerusalem,  another  to  Gadara,  that  another  should  belong  to  Amathus,  a  fourth  to  Jericho, 
 and  to  the  fifth  division  was  allotted  Sepphoris,  a  city  of  Galilee.  So  the  people  were  glad 
 to  be  tlius  freed  from  monarchical  government,  and  were  governed  for  the  future  by  an 
 aristocracy. 
 
 C.  Yet  did  Aristobulns  afford  another  foundation  for  new  disturbances.  He  fled  away  from" 
 Rome,  and  got  together  again  many  of  the  Jews  that  were  desirous  of  a  change,  such  as  had 
 borne  an  affection  to  bim  of  old ;  and  when  be  had  taken  Alexandrium  in  the  first  place,  he 
 attempted  to  build  a  wall  about  it ;  but  as  soon  as  Gabinius  bad  sent  an  army  against  him  under 
 Sisenna,  Antonius,  and  Servilius,  he  was  aware  of  it,  and  retreated  to  Maclieros.  And 
 as  for  the  unprofitable  multitude,  he  dismissed  theta,  and  only  marched  on  with  those  that 
 v/ere  armed,  being  to  the  number  of  eight  thousand,  among  whom  was  Pitbolaus,  who  had 
 been  the  lieutenant  at  Jerusalem,  but  deserted  to  Aristobulus  with  a  thousand  of  bis  men:  so 
 the  Romans  followed  him,  and  v\hen  it  came  to  a  battle,  Aristobulus'  party  for  a  long  time 
 fought  courageously :  but  at  length  they  were  overborne  by  the  Romans,  and  of  them  five 
 thousand  fell  down  dead,  and  about  two  thousand  iled  to  a  certain  little  hill,  but  the  thousand 
 that  remained  with  Aristobulus  broke  through  the  Roman  army,  and  marched  together  to 
 Macberus ;  and,  when  the  king  bad  lodged  the  first  night  upon  its  ruins,  he  was  in  hopes  of 
 raising  another  army,  if  the  war  would  but  cease  a  while ;  accordingly,  he  fortified  that  strong 
 bold,  though  it  were  done  after  a  poor  manner.  But,  the  Romans  falling  upon  him,  he 
 resisted,  even  beyond  his  abilities,  for  two  days,  and  then  was  taken,  and  brought  a  prisoner 
 to  Gabinius,  with  Autigonus  his  son,  who  bad  fled  away  together  with  him  from  Rome,  and 
 from  Gabinius  he  was  carried  to  Rome  again.  Wherefore  the  senate  put  him  under  confine- 
 ment, bat  returned  bis  children  back  to  Judea,  because  Gabinius  informed  them  by  letters, 
 that  he  had  promised  Aristobulus'  mother  to  do  so,  for  ber  delivering  the  fortresses  up 
 to  him. 
 
 7.  But  now,  as  Gabinius  was  marching  to  the  war  against  the  Parthians,  be  was  hindered  by 
 Ptolemy,  whom,  upon  his  return  from  Euphrates,  he  brought  back  into  Egypt,  making  use  of 
 Hyrcanus  and  Autipater,  to  provide  every  thing  that  was  necessary  for  this  expedition  ;  for 
 Antipater  furnished  bim  with  money,  and  weapons,  and  corn,  and  auxiliaries ;  he  also  pre- 
 vailed with  the  Jews  that  were  there,  and  guarded  the  avenues  at  Pelusium,  to  let  them  pass. 
 But  now,  upon  Gabinius'  absence,  the  other  part  of  Syria  was  in  motion,  and  Alexander,  the 
 son  of  Aristobulus,  brought  the  Jews  to  revolt  again.  Accordingly,  be  got  together  a  very 
 great  army,  and  set  about  killing  all  the  Romans  that  were  in  the  country;  hereupon  Gabi- 
 nius was  afraid,  (for  he  was  come  back  already  out  of  Egypt,  and  obliged  to  come  back 
 quickly  by  these  tumnlts,)  and  sent  Antipater,  who  prevailed  with  some  of  the  revolters  to  be 
 quiet.  However,  thirty  thousand  still  continued  wiih  Alexander,  who  was  himself  eager  to 
 fight  also;  accordingly,  Gabinius  went  out  to  fight,  when  the  Jews  met  bim,  and,  as  the  battle 
 was  fought  near  Mount  Tabor,  teu  thousand  of  them  were  slain,  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude 
 dispersed  themselves,  and  fled  away.  So  Gabinius  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  settled  the  govern- 
 ment as  Antipater  would  have  it;  thence  be  marched,  and  fought  and  beat  the  Nabateans;  as 
 for  Mithridates  and  Orsanes,  who  (led  out  of  Parthia,  he  sent  them  away  privately,  but  gave  it 
 out  among  the  soldiers  that  they  had  run  away. 
 
 8.  In  the  mean  time,   Crassus  came  as  successor  to  Gabinius  in  Syria.     He  took  away  all , 
 the  rest  of  the  gold  belonging  to  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  furnish  himself  for  his 
 expeditions  against  the  Parthians.     He  also  took  away  the  two  thousand  talents  which  Pom- 
 pey  had  not  touched  ;  but  when  he  had  passed  over  Euphrates,   he  perished  himself,  and  his 
 army  with  him ;  concerning  which  aflairs  this  is  not  a  proper  time  to  speak  [more  largely.] 
 
 6.  But  now  Cassius,  after  Crassus  put  a  stop  to  the  Parthians,  who  were  marching  in  order 
 to  enter  Syria,  Cassius  had  fled  into  that  province,  and  when  he  had  taken  possession  of  the 
 same,  he  made  a  hasty  march  into  Judea;  and,  upon  his  taking  Taricbeae,  he  carried  thirty 
 thousand  Jews  into  slavery.  He  also  slew  Pitholaus,  who  had  supported  the  seditious  fol- 
 lowers of  Aristobulus.  and  it  was  Antipater  who  advised  him  so  to  do.  Now  this  Antipater 
 married  a  wife  of  an  eminent  family  among  the  Arabians,  whose   name  was  Cypros,   and  had 
 
BOOK  I. — CIIAF.  IX.  533 
 
 four  sons  born  to  liini  bj  her,  Plsasnelus  and  Heiod,  who  was  afterwards  king,  and,  besides 
 these,  Joseph  and  Pheroras ;  and  he  had  a  dau^liter  wliose  nan)e  was  S^ilonie.  Now,  as  he 
 made  himself  friends  among  the  men  of  power  every  wliere,  by  the  kind  oUices  he  did  them, 
 and  the  hospitable  manner  that  lie  treated  Ihem  ;  so  did  he  contract  the  greatest  friendship 
 with  the  king  of  Arabia,  by  marrying  his  relation  ;  insomuch,  that  when  he  made  war  with 
 Aristobulus,  he  sent  and  intrusted  his  children  with  him.  So,  when  Cassius  had  forced 
 Alexander  to  come  to  terms  and  to  be  quiet,  he  returned  to  Euphrates,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
 Parthians  from  repassing  it;  concerning  which  matter  we  shall  speak  elsewhere.* 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Aristohulus  is  fuJcpn  off  by  Pompeifs  Friends,  as  is  hi'^  Son  Alexander  by  Sclpio.  Antipater 
 cullivales  a  Friendship  with  Ciesar,  after  Pompey's  Death  ;  he  also  performs  great  Actions 
 ill  that  War,  ivherein  he  assisted  Mithridates, 
 
 §  1.  Now,  upon  the  flight  of  Pompey,  and  of  the  senate,  beyond  the  Ionian  Sea,  Caesar  got 
 konie  and  the  empire  under  his  power,  and  released  Aristobulus  from  his  bonds.  He  also 
 conimilied  two  legions  to  him,  and  sent  him  in  iiaste  into  Syria,  as  hoping  that  by  bis  means 
 he  should  easily  conquer  that  country,  and  the  parts  adjoining  to  .ludea.  But  envy  prevented 
 any  eft'ect  of  Aristobulus'  alacrity,  and  the  hopes  of  Csesar  ;  for  he  was  taken  oft"  by  poison 
 given  him  by  those  of  Pompey's  party,  and,  for  a  long  while,  he  had  not  so  much  as  a  burial 
 vouchsafed  him  in  his  own  country  ;  bnt  his  dead  body  lay  [above  ground,]  preserved  in 
 honey,  until  it  was  sent  to  the  Jews  by  Antony,  in  order  to  be  buried  in  the  royal  sepulchres. 
 
 2.  His  son  Alexander  also  was  beheaded  by  Sclpio  at  Antioch,  and  that  by  the  command  of 
 Pompey,  and  upon  an  accusation  laid  against  him  before  his  tribunal,  for  the  mischiefs  he  had 
 done  to  the  Romans.  But  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Menueus,  who  was  then  ruler  of  Chalcis  under 
 Libanus,  took  his  brethren  to  him  by  sending  his  son  Philippio  for  them  to  Ascalon,  who  took 
 Antigonus,  as  well  as  his  sisters,  away  from  Aristobulus'  wife,  and  brought  them  to  his  father  ; 
 and  falling  in  love  with  the  younger  daughter,  he  married  her,  and  was  afterwards  slain  by 
 his  father,  on  her  account  ;  for  Ptolemy  himself,  after  he  had  slain  his  son,  married  her, 
 whose  name  was  Alexandra;  on  account  of  which  marriage,  he  took  the  greater  care  of  her 
 brother  and  sister. 
 
 3.  Now,  after  Pompey  was  dead,  Antipater  changed  sides,  and  cultivated  a  friendship  with 
 Caesar.  And,  since  Milhridates  of  Perganius,  with  the  forces  he  led  against  Egypt,  was 
 excluded  from  the  avenues  about  Pelnsium,  and  was  forced  to  stay  at  Ascalon,  he  persuaded 
 the  Arabians,  among  whom  he  had  lived,  to  assist  him,  and  came  himself  to  him,  at  the  head 
 of  three  thousand  armed  men.  He  also  encouraged  the  men  of  power  in  Syria  to  come  to  his 
 assistance,  as  also  of  the  inhabitants  of  Libanus,  Ptolemy,  and  Jamblicus,  and  another  Pto- 
 lemy ;  by  which  means  the  cities  of  that  country  came  readily  into  this  war  ;  insomuch  that 
 Milhridates  ventured  now,  in  dependence  upon  the  additional  strenglh  that  he  had  gotten  by 
 Antipater,  to  march  forward  to  Pelusium  ;  and,  when  they  refused  him  a  passage  through  it, 
 he  besieged  the  city  :  in  the  attack  of  which  place,  Antipater  principally  signalized  himself, 
 for  he  brought  down  that  part  of  the  wall  which  was  over  against  hira,  and  leaped  first  of  all 
 into  the  city,  with  the  men  that  were  about  him. 
 
 4.  Thus  was  Pelusium  taken.  But  still,  as  they  were  marching  on,  those  Egyptian  Jews 
 that  inhabited  the  country,  called  the  country  of  Onias,  stopped  them.  TUUi  did  Antipater 
 not  only  persuade  them  not  to  stop  them,  but  to  afl'ord  provisions  for  their  army  ;  on  which 
 account  even  the  people  about  Memphis  would  not  h;Tht  against  them,  but,  of  their  own  accord, 
 joined  Mithridates.  Whereupon  he  went  round  about  Delta,  and  fought  the  rest  of  the  Egyp- 
 tians at  a  place  called  the  Jews'  Camp  :  nay,  when  he  was  in  danger  in  the  battle  with  all  his 
 right  wing,  Antipater  wheeled  about,  and  came  along  the  bank  of  the  river  to  him  ;  for  he  had 
 beaten  those  that  opposed  him  as  he  led  the  left  wing.  After  which  success  he  fell  upon 
 those  that  pursued  Milhridates,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  and  pursued  the  remainder 
 so  far  that  he  took  their  camp,  while  he  lost  no  more  than  fourscore  of  his  own  men  ;  as 
 Mithridates  lost,  during  the  pursuit  that  was  made  after  him,  about  eight  hundred.  He  was 
 also  himself  saved  unexpectedly,  and  became  an  unreproacbable  witness  to  Caesar,  of  the  great 
 actions  of  Antipater. 
 
 6.  Whereupon  Caesar  encouraged  Antipater  to  undertake  other  hazardous  enterprises  for 
 him,  and  that  by  giving  him  great  commendations,  and  hopes  of  reward.  In  all  which  enter- 
 prises he  readily  exposed  himself  to  many  dangers,  and  became  a  most  courageous  warrior; 
 and  had  many  wounds,  almost  all  over  his  body,  as  demonstrations  of  his  valour.  And,  when 
 C;esar  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Egjpt,  and  was  returning  into  Syria  again,  he  gave  him  the  privi- 
 lege of  a  Roman  citizen,  and  freedom  from  taxes,  and  rendered  him  an  object  of  admiration 
 by  the  honours  and  marks  of  friendship  he  bestowed  upon  him.  Ou  this  account  it  was  that 
 he  also  confirmed  Hyrcanus  in  the  high  priesthood. 
 
 •  This  citation  is  now  wanung. 
 
534  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Cmsar  makes  Antipaltr  Procurator  of  J udea ;  as  does  Amipater  appoint  Phasaelns  to  be 
 Governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod  Governor  of  Galilee  ;  ivko,  in  some  lime,  ivus  culled  to 
 answer  fur  bimselj  [before  the  Sanhedrim,'\  where  he  is  acquitted,  Sextus  Cccsaris  trtacher- 
 oHsly  killed  by  Basus,  and  is  succeeded  by  Marcus. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Anligonus,tlie  son  of  Aristobulus,  came  to  Caesar,  and  became, 
 in  a  surprising  manner,  the  occasiou  of  Antipater's  farther  advancement ;  for,  whereas  he  onght 
 to  have  lamented  that  liis  father  appeared  to  have  been  poisoned  on  account  of  his  quarrels 
 with  Pompey,  and  to  have  complained  of  Scipio's  barbarity  towards  his  brother,  and  not  to 
 mix  any  invidious  passion  when  he  was  suing  for  mercy  ;  besides  those  tilings,  he  came  before 
 Carsar,  and  accused  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater,  how  they  had  driven  him  and  his  brethren  entirely 
 out  of  their  native  country,  and  had  acted  in  a  great  many  instances  unjustly  and  extrava- 
 gantly with  regard  to  their  nation,  and  that  as  to  his  assistance  they  had  sent  him  into  Egypt, 
 it  was  not  done  out  of  good-will  to  him,  but  out  of  the  fear  they  were  in  from  former  quarrels, 
 and  in  order  to  gain  pardon  for  their  friendship  to  [his  enemy  Pompey.] 
 
 2.  Hereupon  Antipater  threw  away  his  gnrments,  and  shewed  the  multitude  of  the  wounds 
 he  had,  and  said,  that  "  as  to  his  good  will  to  Caesar,  he  had  no  occasion  to  say  a  word,  because 
 his  body  cried  aloud,  though  he  said  nothing  himself:  that  he  wondered  at  Antigonus'  bold- 
 ness, ivhile  he  was  hiniselfno  other  than  the  son  of  an  enemy  to  the  Romans,  and  of  a  fugi- 
 tive, and  had  inheritance  from  his  father  to  be  fond  of  innovations  and  seditions,  that  he  should 
 undertake  to  accuse  other  men  before  the  Roman  governor,  and  endeavour  to  gain  some  advftn- 
 ta^e  to  himself,  when  he  ought  to  be  contented  that  he  was  suft'ered  to  live  ;  for  that  Ihe  reason  of 
 his  desire  of  gove  rning  public  aB'airs,  was  not  so  much  because  he  was  in  want  of  it,  but  because, 
 if  he  could  once  obtain  the  same,  he  might  stir  up  a  sedition  among  the  Jews,  and  use  what 
 they  should  gain  from  the  Romans,  to  the  disservice  of  those  that  gave  it  him." 
 
 3.  When  Csesar  heard  this,  he  declared  Hyrcanns  to  be  the  most  worthy  of  the  high  priest- 
 hood, and  gave  leave  to  Antipater  to  choose  what  authority  he  pleased;  but  he  left  the  deter- 
 mination of  such  dignity  to  him  that  bestowed  the  dignity  upon  him  ;  so  he  was  constituted 
 procurator  of  all  J  udea,  and  obtained  leave,  moreover,  to  rebuild  those  walls  of  his  country 
 that  had  been  thrown  down.*  These  honorary  grants  Caesar  sent  orders  to  have  engraved  in 
 the  capitol,  that  they  might  stand  there  as  indications  of  his  own  justice,  and  of  the  virtue  of 
 Antipater. 
 
 4.  But  as  soon  as  Antipater  had  conducted  Caesar  out  of  Syria,  he  returned  to  Jodea,  and 
 the  first  thing  he  did,  was  to  rebmid  that  wall  of  his  own  country,  [Jerusalem,]  which  Pom- 
 pey had  overthrown,  and  then  to  go  over  the  country,  and  to  quiet  the  tumults  that  were 
 therein  ;  where  he  partly  threatened,  and  partly  advised  every  one,  and  told  them,  that,  "in 
 case  they  would  submit  to  Hyrcanus,  they  would  live  happily  and  peaceably,  and  enjoy  what 
 they  possessed,  and  that  with  universal  peace  and  quietness  ;  but  that,  in  ease  they  hearkened 
 to  such  as  had  some  frigid  hopes,  by  raising  new  troubles,  to  get  themselves  some  gain,  they 
 should  then  find  him  to  be  their  lord  instead  of  their  procurator  ;  and  find  Hyrcanus  to  be  a 
 tyrant  instead  of  a  king ;  and  both  the  Romans  and  Caesar  to  be  their  enensies,  instead  of 
 rulers ;  for  that  they  would  not  suffer  him  to  be  removed  from  the  government,  whom  they 
 had  made  their  .governor."  And,  at  the  same  tin.e  that  he  said  this,  he  settled  the  affairs  of 
 the  country  by  liimself,  because  he  saw  that  Hyrci.nus  was  inactive,  and  not  fit  to  manage  the 
 affairs  of  the  kingdom.  So  he  conslituttd  his  eldest  son,  Phasaelns,  governor  of  Jerusalem, 
 and  of  the  parts  about  it  ;  he  also  sent  his  next  son,  Herod,  who  was  very  young,t  with  equal 
 authority  into  Galilee. 
 
 5.  Now  Herod  was  an  active  man,  and  soon  found  proper  materials  for  bis  active  spirit  to 
 work  upon.  As  therefore  he  found  that  Hezekias,  tte  head  of  the  robbers,  ran  over  the 
 neighbouring  parts  of  Syria  with  a  great  band  of  men,  he  caught  him  and  slew  him,  and  many 
 more  of  the  robbers  with  him;  which  exploit  was  chiefly  grateful  to  the  Syrians,  insomuch 
 that  hymns  were  sung  in  Herod's  com;r,endation,  both  in  villages  and  in  the  cities,  as  having 
 procured  their  quietness,  and  having  preserved  what  they  possessed  to  them;  on  which 
 occasion  he  became  acquainted  with  Sextus  Caesar,  a  kinsman  of  the  great  Caesar,  and  presi- 
 dent of  Syria.  A  just  emulation  of  his  glorious  actions  excited  Fbasaelus  also  to  imitate 
 him.  Accordingly,  he  procured  the  good-will  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  by  his  own 
 management  of  the  city  affairs,  and  did  not  abuse  his  power  in  any  disagreeable  manner  ; 
 whence  it  came  to  pass,  that  the  nation  paid  Antipater  the  respects  that  were  due  only  to  a 
 king,  and  the  honours  they  all  yielded  him  were  equal  to  the  honours  due  to  an  absolute  lord; 
 yet  did  he  not  abate  any  part  of  that  good-will  or  fidelity  which  he  owed  to  Hyrcanus. 
 
 *  What  is  here  noted  by  Hudson  and  Spanheim,  that  this  grant  of  Irare  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  the  cities  of 
 .Tudea  was  made  byJulius  Cfpsar,  uot  as  here  to  Antipater,  but  to  Hyrcanus,  Antiq.  b.  xiv  chap.  vui.  ^  5. 
 has  hardly  an  appearance  of  a  coulradiction  ;  Antipattr  being  now  perhaps  considered  only  as  Hyrcanus 
 deputy  arid  minister  :  although  he  afterward  made  a  cipher  of  Hyrcanus,  and,  under  great  decency  of 
 behaviour  to  him,  took  the  real  authoritj'  to  himself. 
 
 +  Or  25  years  of  afe.  See  the  note  on  Antiq,  b.  i.  chap.  xii.  ^  3  and  on  b.  xiv.  chap.ix.  §  2.  and  Of  the 
 Mar,  b.  ii.  chap.  xi.  5  6.  and  Polyb.  b.  xvii.  p.  7-5. 
 
BOOK  I.— GMAP.    XI.  535 
 
 6.  However,  he  found  it  impossible  to  escape  envy  in  sucli  his  prosperily  ;  for  the  );Iory  of 
 these  young  men  allected  even  Hyrcanns  himself  already  privately,  though  he  said  nothing 
 of  it  to  any  body  :  but  »vhat  he  principally  was  grieved  at,  was  the  great  notions  of  Herod,  and 
 that  so  many  messengers  came  one  before  another,  and  informed  him  of  the  great  reputation 
 he  got  in  all  his  undertakings.  There  were  also  many  people  in  the  royal  palace  itself  who 
 indamed  his  envy  at  him  :  those,  I  mean,  who  were  obstructed  in  their  designs  by  the  pru- 
 dence either  of  the  young  men  or  of  Antipater.  These  men  said,  that  by  committing  the  pub- 
 lic aifairs  to  the  management  of  Antipater  and  of  his  sons,  he  sat  down  with  nothing  but  the 
 bare  name  of  a  king,  without  any  of  its  authority  ;  and  they  asked  him,  how  long  he  would 
 so  far  mistake  himself,  as  to  breed  up  kings  against  his  own  interest  ?  for  that  they  did  not 
 now  conceal  their  government  of  aiVaiis  any  longer,  but  were  plainly  lords  of  the  nation,  and 
 had  thrust  him  out  of  his  authority  :  that  this  was  the  case  when  Herod  slew  so  many  men 
 without  his  giving  him  any  command  to  do  it,  either  by  word  of  mouth,  or  by  his  letter,  and 
 this  in  contradiction  to  the  law  of  the  Jews  ;  who,  therefore,  in  case  he  be  not  a  king,  but  a 
 private  man,  still  ought  to  come  to  his  trial,  and  answer  it  to  him,  and  to  the  laws  of  his  coun- 
 try, which  do  not  permit  any  one  to  be  killed,  till  he  hath  been  condenintd  in  judgment. 
 
 7.  Now  Hyrcanus  was,  by  degrees,  iidlamed  with  these  discourses,  and  at  length  could  bear 
 no  longer,  but  summoned  Herod  to  take  his  trial.  Accordingly,  by  his  father's  advice,  and 
 as  soon  as  theaft'airsof  Galilee  would  give  him  leave,  he  came  up  to  [Jerusalem,]  when  he  had 
 lirst  placed  garrisons  in  Galilee  ;  however,  he  came  with  a  sufficient  body  of  soldiers,  so  many 
 indeed  that  he  might  not  appear  to  have  with  him  an  army  able  to  overthrow  Hyrcanus's 
 government,  nor  yet  so  few  as  to  expose  him  to  the  insults  of  those  that  envied  him.  How- 
 ever, Sextus  Csesar  was  in  fear  for  the  young  man,  lest  he  should  be  taken  by  his  enemies, 
 and  brought  to  punishment  ;  so  he  sent  some  to  denounce  expressly  to  Hyrcanus,  that  he 
 should  acquit  Herod  of  the  capital  charge  against  him ;  who  acquitted  him  accordingly,  as 
 being  otherwise  inclined  also  so  to  do,  for  he  loved  Herod. 
 
 8.  But  Herod,  sapposiiig  that  he  had  escaped  punishment,  without  the  consent  of  the  king 
 retired  to  Sextus,  to  Damascus,  and  got  every  thing  ready  in  order  not  to  obey  him,  if  he 
 should  summon  hira  again  ;  whereupon  those  that  were  evil  disposed  irritated  Hyrcanus,  and 
 told  him,  that  Herod  was  gone  away  in  anger,  and  was  prepared  to  make  war  upon  hira  ;  and 
 as  the  king  believed  what  they  said,  he  knew  not  what  to  do,  since  he  saw  that  his  antagonist 
 was  stronger  than  he  was  himself.  And  now,  since  Herod  was  made  general  of  Celosyria  and 
 Samaria  by  Sextus  C«sar,  he  vvas  formidable,  not  only  from  the  good-will  which  the  nation 
 bore  him,  but  by  the  power  he  himself  had  ;  insomuch,  that  Hyrcanus  fell  into  the  utmost 
 degree  of  terror,  and  expected  he  would  presently  march  against  him  with  his  army. 
 
 9.  Nor  was  he  mistaken  in  the  conjecture  he  made,  for  Herod  got  his  array  together,  out  of 
 the  anger  he  bore  him  for  his  threatening  him  with  the  accusation  in  a  public  court,  and  led  it 
 to  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  throw  Hyrcanus  down  from  his  kingdom  :  and  this  he  had  soon  done, 
 unless  his  father  and  brother  had  gone  out  together  and  broken  the  force  of  his  fury,  and  this 
 by  exiiorting  him  to  carry  his  revenge  no  farther  than  to  threatening  and  aft'righting,  but  to 
 spare  the  king,  under  whom  he  had  been  advanced  to  such  a  degree  of  power;  and  that  he 
 ought  not  to  be  so  much  provoked  at  his  being  tried,  as  to  forget  to  be  thankful  that  he  was 
 acquitted  ;  nor  so  long  to  think  upon  what  was  of  a  melancholy  nature,  as  to  be  ungrateful  for 
 his  deliverance  ;  and  if  we  ought  to  reckon  that  God  is  the  arbitrator  of  success  in  war,  an 
 ur)just  cause  is  of  more  disadvantage  than  an  army  can  be  of  advantage  ;  and  that  therefore  he 
 ought  not  to  be  entirely  confident  of  success  in  a  case  where  he  is  to  fight  against  his  king,  his 
 su|)porter,  and  one  that  had  often  been  his  benefactor,  and  that  had  never  been  severe  to  him, 
 any  otherwise  than  as  he  had  hearkened  to  evil  counsellors,  and  this  no  farther  than  by  bring- 
 ing a  shadow  of  injustice  upon  him.  So  Herod  was  prevailed  upon  by  these  arguments,  and 
 supposed  that  what  he  had  already  done  was  sufiicient  for  his  future  hopes,  and  that  he  had 
 enough  shewn  his  power  to  the  nation. 
 
 10.  In  the  raean  time,  there  was  a  disturbance  among  the  Romans  about  Apamia,  and  a  civil 
 war  occasioned  by  tiie  treacherous  slaughter  of  Sextus  Coesar,*  by  Cicilius  Bassus,  which  he 
 perpetrated  out  of  his  good-will  to  Pompey  ;  he  also  took  the  authority  over  his  forces  :  but 
 as  the  rest  of  Cassar's  commanders  attacked  Bassus  with  their  whole  army,  in  order  to  punish 
 him  for  the  murder  of  Csesar,  Antipater  also  sent  them  assistance  by  his  sons,  both  on  account 
 of  him  that  was  murdered,  and  on  account  of  that  Cajsar  who  was  still  alive,  both  of  whom 
 were  their  friends  ;  and  as  this  war  grew  to  be  of  a  considerable  length,  Marcus  came  from 
 Italy  as  successor  to  Sextus. 
 
 CHAP.  XT. 
 
 Herod  is  made  Procurator  of  all  Syria  :   Malichus  is  afraid  of  him,  and  takes  Antipater  off  by 
 Poison;  tvliereujjon  tliu  Tribunes  of  the  Soldiers  are  prevailed  iiiih  to  kill  him. 
 
 §  1.  There  was  at  this  time  a  mighty  war   raised  among  the  Romans  upon  the   sudden  and 
 treacherous  slaughter  of  Ca:sar  by  Cassius  and  Brutus,  after  he  had   held  the  government  for 
 
 •  Many  wiitprs  of  ihc  Roman  history  give  an  account  of  this  murder  of  Sextus  Caesar,  and  of  the  ivar  at 
 Apamia  upon  that  occasion,     ihey  are  cited  in  Ueau  Aldrich's  note. 
 
536  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 three  years  and  seven  mniitlis.*  Upon  this  murder  there  were  verj  great  agitations,  and  the 
 great  ruen  were  mightil)'  at  diflerence  one  with  another,  and  every  one  betook  himself  to  that 
 party  where  they  had  the  greatest  hopes  of  advancing  themselves.  Accordingly,  Cassius 
 came  into  Syria,  in  order  to  receive  the  forces  that  were  at  Apamia,  where  he  procured 
 a  reconciliation  betveen  Bassus  and  Marcus,  and  the  legions  which  were  at  diflerence 
 with  him  ;  so  he  raised  the  siege  of  Aparaia,  and  took  upon  him  the  command  of  the  army,  and 
 went  about  exacting  tribute  of  the  cities,  and  demanding  their  money  to  such  a  degree  as  they 
 were  not  able  to  bear. 
 
 2.  So  be  gave  command  that  the  Jews  should  bring  in  seven  hundred  talents  :  wherenpoa 
 Antipater,  out  of  his  dread  of  Cassius's  threats,  parted  the  raising  of  this  sum  among  his  sons, 
 and  among  others  of  his  acquaintance,  and  to  be  di>ne  immediately,  and  among  them  he  required 
 one  Malichus,  wlio  was  at  enmity  vvith  hiin,  to  do  his  part  also,  which  necessity  forced  him  to 
 do.  Now  Herod,  in  the  first  place,  mitigated  liie  passion  of  Cassius,  by  bringing  his  share 
 out  of  Galilee,  which  was  a  hundred  talests,  on  which  account  he  was  in  the  highest  favour 
 with  him,  and  wiien  he  reproached  the  rest  for  being  tardy,  he  was  angry  at  the  cities  them- 
 selves ;  so  he  made  slaves  of  Gophna  and  Emmaus,  and  two  others  of  less  note  ;  nay,  be  pro- 
 ceeded as  if  he  would  kill  Malichus,  because  lie  had  not  made  greater  haste  in  exacting  his 
 tribute  ;  but  Antipater  prevented  the  ruin  of  this  man,  and  of  the  other  cities,  and  got  into 
 Cassius't  favour,  by  bringing  in  a  hundred  talents  immediately. 
 
 3.  However,  when  Cassius  was  gone,  Malichus  forgot  the  kindness  that  Antipater  had  done 
 him,  and  laid  frequent  plots  against  him  that  had  saved  him,  as  making  haste  to  get  him  out  of 
 the  way,  who  was  an  obstacle  to  his  wicked  practices ;  but  Antipater  was  so  much  afraid  of 
 the  power  and  cunning  of  the  man,  that  he  went  beyond  Jordan  in  order  to  get  an  army  to 
 guard  himself  against  bis  treacherous  designs  ;  but  when  Malichus  was  caught  in  his  plot,  he 
 put  upon  Antipater's  sons  by  his  impudence,  for  he  thoroughly  deluded  Phasaelus,  who  was 
 the  guardian  of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod  who  was  intrusted  with  the  weapons  of  war,  and  this 
 bj-  a  great  many  excuses  and  oaths,  and  i)ersuaded  tbcm  to  procure  his  reconciliation  to  their 
 father.  Thus  was  he  preserved  again  by  Antipater,  who  dissuaded  Marcus,  the  then  president 
 of  Syria,  from  his  resolution  of  killing  Malichus,  on  account  of  his  attempts  for  innovation. 
 
 4.  Upon  the  war  between  Cassius  and  Brutus  on  one  side,  against  the  younger  Cassar 
 [Augustus,]  and  Antony  on  the  other,  Cassius  and  Marcus  got  together  an  army  out  of  Syria  ; 
 and  because  Herod  was  likely  to  have  a  great  share  in  providing  necessaries,  they  then  made 
 him  procurator  of  all  Syria,  and  gave  him  an  army  of  foot  and  horse.  Cassius  promised  him 
 also,  that  afler  the  war  was  over,  he  would  make  him  king  of  Judea;  but  it  so  happened  that 
 the  power  and  hopes  of  his  son  became  the  cause  of  Lis  perdition  ;  for  as  Malichus  was  afraid 
 of  this,  he  corrupted  one  of  the  king's  cupbearers  with  money,  to  give  a  poisoned  potion  to 
 Antipater  ;  so  he  became  a  sacrifice  to  Malichus's  wickedness,  and  died  at  a  feast.  He  was  a 
 man  in  other  respects  active  in  the  management  of  affairs,  and  one  that  recovered  the  govern- 
 ment to  Hyrcanus,  and  preserved  it  in  bis  hands. 
 
 5.  However,  Malichus,  when  he  was  suspected  of  poisoning  Antipater,  and  when  the  multi- 
 tude was  angry  with  him  for  it,  denied  it,  and  made  the  people  believe  he  was  not  guilty.  He 
 also  prepared  lo  make  a  great  figure,  and  raised  soldiers  ;  for  he  did  not  suppose  that  Herod 
 would  be  quiet,  who  indeed  came  upon  him  with  an  array  presently,  in  order  to  revenge  his 
 father's  death,  but  upon  bearing  the  advice  of  his  brother  Phasaelus,  not  to  punish  him  in  an 
 open  manner,  lest  the  multitude  should  fall  into  a  sedition,  he  admitted  of  Malichus's  apology, 
 and  professed  that  he  cleared  him  of  the  suspicion  ;  he  also  made  a  pompous  funeral  for  his 
 father. 
 
 G.  So  Herod  went  to  Samaria,  which  was  then  in  a  tumult,  and  settled  the  city  in  peace  ; 
 after  which,  at  the  [Pentecost]  festival,  he  returned  to  Jerusalem,  having  his  armed  men  with 
 him  ;  hereupon  Hyrcanus,  at  the  request  of  Malichus,  who  feared  his  approach,  forbade  them 
 to  introduce  foreigners  to  mix  tiieniselves  with  the  people  of  the  country,  while  they  were 
 purifying  themselves  ;  but  Herod  despised  the  pretence,  and  him  that  gave  that  command,  and 
 came  in  by  night.  Upon  which  P.Ialichus  came  to  him,  and  bewailed  Antipater;  Herod  also 
 made  him  believe  [he  admitted  of  his  lamentations  as  real,]  although  he  had  much  ado  to 
 restrain  his  passion  at  him  ;  however,  he  did  himself  bewail  the  murder  of  his  father,  in  his 
 letters  to  Cassius,  who,  on  other  accoun's,  also  hated  Malichus ;  Cassius  sent  him  word  back 
 that  he  should  avenge  his  father's  death  upon  him,  and  jirivately  gave  order  to  the  tribunes 
 that  were  under  him,  that  they  should  assist  Herod  in  a  righteous  action  he  was  about. 
 
 7.  And  because,  upon  the  taking  of  Laodicea  by  Cassius,  the  men  of  power  were  gotteo 
 together  from  all  quarters,  with  presents  and  crowns  in  their  bands,  Herod  allotted  this  time 
 for  the  punishment  of  Malichus.  When  Malichus  suspected  that,  and  was  at  Tyre,  he  resolved 
 
 •  Ip  the  Antiquities,  b.  xiv.  chap.  xi.  (j  1.  the  duration  of  the  reign  of  Julius  Ca?sar  is  three  years  six 
 months  ;  but  here  three  years  seven  months,  beginning  rightly,  says  Dean  Aldrich,  from  his  second  dictator- 
 ship,    it  is  probable  the  real  duration  might  be  three  years  and  between  six  and  seven  months. 
 
 +  It  appears  evidently  by  Josephus'  accounts,  both  here  and  in  his  Antiquities,  b.  xiv.  chap.  xi.  <S  2.  tha' 
 this  Cassius.  one  of  OJsar's  murderers,  was  a  bitter  oppressor,  and  exactor  of  tribute  in  Judea  ;  these  700 
 talents  amount  to  about  i'.IOO.OlX)  sterling,  and  are  about  half  the  yearly  revenues  of  king  Herod  afterwards. 
 See  the  note  on  Antiq.  b.  xvii.  chap,  xi  ^  4.  It  also  appears  that  Galilee  then  pa  d  no  more  than  100  talents, 
 or  the  7th  part  of  the  sum  to  be  levied  iu  all  the  country. 
 
BOOK   I. — CKAP.  XII.  537 
 
 to  withdraw  liis  son  privately  from  among  the  Tyrians,  who  was  a  liostage  there,  while  he  got 
 ready  to  fly  away  into  .ludea  ;  the  despair  he  was  in  of  escaping  excited  him  to  think  of  gjreatt  r 
 thiugs;  for  he  hoped  that  he  shoald  raise  tlie  nation  to  a  revolt  from  the  Romans,  while  Cas- 
 sius  was  busy  about  the  war  against  Antony,  and  that  he  should  easily  depose  Hyrcanus,  and 
 get  the  crowu  for  himself. 
 
 But  fate  laujbed  at  the  hopes  he  had  ;  for  Herod  foresaw  what  he  was  so  zealous  about,  and 
 invited  both  Hyrcanus  and  liitn  to  supper;  but  calling  one  of  ihe  principal  servants  that  stood 
 by  hiiu,  to  him,  he  sent  him  out,  as  though  it  were  to  get  things  ready  for  supper,  but  in 
 reality  to  give  notice  beforehand,  abojt  the  plot  that  was  laid  against  him;  accordingly  they 
 called  to  mind  what  orders  Cassius  had  given  them,  and  went  out  of  Ihe  city  with  their  swords 
 in  their  hands  upon  the  seashore,  where  they  encompassed  Maliolius  round  about,  «nd  killed 
 iiiin  with  many  wounds.  Upon  which  Hyrcanus  was  immediately  alJVighted,  till  he  swooned 
 itway,  and  fell  down  at  the  surprise  he  was  in  ;  and  it  was  with  dilliciilly  that  he  was  recovered, 
 when  he  asked  who  it  was  lliai  had  killed  Jialichus  ?  and  when  one  of  the  tribunes  replied  that 
 it  was  done  by  the  command  of  Cassius,  "  Then,  (said  he,)  Cassius  hath  saved  both  me  and 
 my  country,  by  cutting  off  one  that  was  laying  plots  against  them  both."  Whether  he  spoke 
 according  to  his  own  sentimenis,  or  whether  his  fear  was  such,  that  he  was  obliged  to  com- 
 mend the  action  by  saying  so,  is  uncertain  ;  however,  by  this  method  Herod  inflicted 
 punishment  upon  Malichus. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Phasaehts  is  too  hard  for  Felix;   Herod  also   overcomes  Anligouus  iji  Battle;   and  the  Jews 
 accuse  both  Herod  and  Phasaelus,  but  Antoiiius  acquits  them,  and  makes  them  Tetrarchs. 
 
 $  1.  When  Cassius  was  gone  out  of  Syria,  another  sedition  arose  at  Jerusalem,  wherein 
 Felix  assaulted  Phasaelus  with  an  army,  that  he  might  avenge  the  death  of  Malichus  upoa 
 Herod,  by  falling  upon  his  brother.  Now  Herod  happened  then  to  be  with  Fabius,  the 
 governor  of  Damascus,  and  as  he  was  going  to  his  brother's  assistance,  he  was  detained  br 
 sickness  ;  in  the  mean  time,  Phasaelus  was  by  himself  too  hard  for  Felix,  and  reproached 
 Hyrcanus  on  account  of  his  ingratitude,  both  for  what  assistance  he  had  afi'orded  Malichus, 
 andfor  overlooking  Malichus'  brother,  when  he  jiossessed  himself  of  the  fortresses;  for  he  had 
 gotten  a  great  many  of  them  already,  and  anintig  them  the  strongest  of  them  all,  Masada. 
 
 2.  However,  nothing  could  be  sufficient  for  him  against  the  force  of  Herod,  who,  as  soon 
 as  he  was  recovered,  took  the  other  fortresses  again,  and  drove  him  out  of  Masada  in  the 
 posture  of  a  supplicant;  he  also  drove  away  !\Iarion,  the  tyrant  of  the  Tyrians,  out  of  Galilee, 
 when  he  had  already  possessed  himself  of  three  fortified  places  ;  but  as  to  those  Tyrians  whom 
 he  had  caught,  he  preserved  them  all  alive  ;  nay,  some  of  them  he  gave  presents  to,  and  so  sent 
 tliera  away,  and  thereby  procured  good-will  to  himself  from  the  city,  and  hatred  to  the  tyrant. 
 Marion  had  indeed  obtained  that  tyrannical  power  of  Cassius,  who  set  tyrants  over  all  .Syria;* 
 and  out  of  hatred  to  Herod  it  was  that  he  assisted  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  and 
 principally  on  Fabius'  account,  whom  Antigonns  had  made  his  assistant  by  money,  and  had 
 him  accordingly  on  his  side  when  he  made  his  descent;  but  it  was  Ptolemy,  the  kinsman  of 
 Antigonus,  that  supplied  all  that  he  wanted. 
 
 3.  When  Herod  had  fought  against  these  in  the  avenues  of  Judea,  he  was  conqueror  in  the 
 battle,  drove  away  Antigonus,  and  returned  to  Jerusalem  beloved  by  every  body,  for  the 
 glorious  action  he  had  done  ;  for,  those  who  did  not  btfore  favour  him,  did  join  themselves  to 
 him  now,  because  of  his  marriage  into  the  family  of  Hyrcanus  ;  for  as  he  had  formerly  mar- 
 ried a  wife  out  of  his  own  country  of  no  ignoble  blood,  who  was  called  Doris,  of  whom  he 
 begot  Antipater  ;  so  did  he  marry  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristo- 
 bulus, and  the  granddaughter  of  Hyrcanus,  and  was  become  thereby  a  relation  of  the  king. 
 
 4.  But  when  Caesar  and  Antony  had  slain  Cassius  near  Philippi,  and  Caesar  was  gone  to 
 Italy,  and  Antony  to  Asia,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  cities  which  sent  ambassadors  to  Antony, 
 into  Bithynia,  the  great  men  of  the  Jews  came  also,  and  accused  Phasaelus  and  Herod,  that 
 they  kept  the  government  by  force,  and  that  Hyrcanus  had  no  more  than  an  honourable  name. 
 Herod  appeared  ready  to  answer  this  accusation,  and,  having  made  Antony  his  friend  by  the 
 large  sums  of  money  which  he  gave  him,  he  brought  him  lo  such  a  temper  as  not  to  hear  the 
 others  speak  against  him,  and  thus  did  they  part  at  this  time. 
 
 .5.  However,  after  this  there  came  a  hundred  of  the  principal  men  among  the  Jews  to 
 Daphne  by  Antinch  to  Antony,  who  was  already  in  love  with  Cleopatra  to  the  degree  of 
 slavery;  these  Jews  put  those  men  that  were  the  most  potent,  both  in  dignity  and  eloquence, 
 foremost,  and  accused  the  brethren. t  But  Messala  opposed  them,  and  defended  the  brethren, 
 and  that  while  Hyrcanus  stood  by  him,  on  account  of  his  relation  to  them.  When  Antony  bad 
 heard  both  sides,  he  asked  Hyrcanus  which  parly  was  the  (iltest  lo  govern?  who  replied,  that 
 Herod  and  his  party  were  the  fittest.  Antony  was  glad  of  that  answer,  for  he  had  been  for- 
 merly treated  in  a  hospitable  and  obliging  manner  by  his  father  Antipater,  when  he  marched 
 
 •  Here  we  see  tli.it  Cassius  set  tyrants  ovur  all  Syria :  so  that  his  assisting  to  destroy  Caesar  does  not  geem 
 to  have  i.roceeded  from  his  true  zeal  for  public  liberty,  but  from  a  desire  to  be  a  tyraut  himself. 
 t  Plia.-5nelus  and  Herod. 
 
 i  Y 
 
638  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 into  Jdcka  will)  fiahiiiius  ;  so  Le  constiluted  llie  bretbren  tetrarchs,  and  committed  to  tbem  tlie 
 governmenl  of  Judt-a. 
 
 6.  But  when  the  ambassadors  bad  indi|>;nation  at  tbis  procedure,  Antony  took  fifteen  of 
 them  and  put  tbem  into  custody,  wboni  be  was  also  going  to  kill  presently,  and  tbe  rest  be 
 drove  away  with  disgrace,  on  wbicb  occasion  a  still  greater  tumult  arose  at  jerasalem  ;  so  tbey 
 sent  again  a  thousand  ambassadors  to  Tyre,  where  Antony  now  abode,  as  he  was  marching  to 
 Jerusalem  ;  upon  these  mm,  who  made  a  clamour,  he  sent  out  the  governor  of  Tyre,  and 
 ordered  bim  to  punish  all  that  be  could  catcb  of  tbem,  and  to  settle  those  in  tbe  adniinistratioa 
 whom  he  bad  made  tetrarchs. 
 
 7.  But  before  tliis,  Herod  and  Hyrcanus  went  out  upon  the  seashore,  and  earnestly  desired 
 of  those  ambassadors  that  they  would  neither  bring  ruin  upon  themselves,  nor  war  upon  their 
 native  country,  by  their  rash  contentions;  and  when  they  grew  still  more  outrageous,  Antony 
 sent  ont  armed  men,  and  slew  a  great  many,  and  wounded  more  of  Ibem  ;  of  wbom  those  that 
 were  slain  were  buried  by  Hyrcanus,  as  were  the  wounded  put  under  the  care  of  physicians 
 by  him  ;  yet  would  not  those  that  had  escaped  be  quiet  still,  but  put  tbe  affairs  of  tbe  city  into 
 such  disorder,  and  so  provoked  Antony,  that  he  slew  those  whom  he  bad  in  bonds  also. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 The  Parthians  bring  Autigonus  back  iitio  Judea,  and  cast  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus  into 
 Prison.  The  fiight  of  Herod,  and  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  and  what  Hyrcanus  and 
 Phasaelus  suffered. 
 
 §  1.  Now  two  years  afterward,  when  Barzapbarnes,  a  governor  among  the  Parthians,  and 
 Pacoras,  the  king's  son,  had  possessed  tliemselves  of  Syria,  and  when  Lysanias  had  already 
 succeeded,  upon  bis  father  Ptolemy  tbe  son  of  Mennens'  death,  in  the  government  [of  Chalcis,] 
 he  prevailed  with  the  governor,  by  a  promise  of  a  thousand  talents,  and  five  hundred  women, 
 to  bring  back  Antigonus  to  bis  kingdom,  and  to  turn  Hyrcanus  out  of  it.  Pacorus  was  by 
 these  means  induced  so  to  do,  and  marched  along  the  sea  coast,  while  be  ordered  Barzapbarnes 
 to  fall  upon  tbe  Jews  as  he  went  along  the  Mediterranean  part  of  the  country  ;  but  of  tbe  mari- 
 time people,  the  Tjrians  would  not  receive  Pacorus,  although  those  of  Ptolemais  and  Sidon 
 had  received  him  :  so  be  committed  a  troop  of  his  horse  to  a  certain  cupbearer  belonging  to 
 the  royal  family,  of  his  own  name  [Pacorus,]  and  gave  bim  orders  to  march  into  Jiidea,  in 
 order  to  learn  the  state  of  affairs  among  their  enemies,  and  to  help  Antigonus  when  be  should 
 want  his  assistance. 
 
 2.  Now  as  these  men  were  ravaging  Carmel,  many  of  tbe  Jews  ran  together  to  Antigonus, 
 and  shewed  themselves  ready  to  make  an  incursion  into  tbe  country  ;  so  he  sent  them  before 
 into  that  place  called  Drymus,*  [tbe  wood-land,]  to  seize  upon  the  place  ;  whereupon  a  battle 
 was  fought  between  them,  and  they  drove  the  enemy  away,  and  pursued  them,  and  ran  after 
 them  as  far  as  Jerusalem,  and  as  their  numbers  increased,  they  proceeded  as  far  as  the  king's 
 l)Hlace  ;  but  as  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus  received  them  with  a  strong  body  of  men,  there  hap- 
 pened a  battle  in  the  market-place,  in  which  Hernd's  party  beat  the  enemy,  and  shut  them  up 
 in  the  temple,  and  set  sixty  men  in  the  houses  adjoining  as  a  guard  on  tbem.  But  the  people 
 that  were  tumultuous  against  the  brethren  came  in,  and  burnt  those  men ;  while  Herod,  in  bis 
 rage  for  killing  them,  attacked  and  slew  many  oF  the  people,  till  one  party  made  incursions  on 
 tbe  other  by  turns,  day  by  day,  in  the  way  of  ambushes,  and  slaughters  were  made  continually 
 among  tbem. 
 
 3.  Now,  when  that  festival  which  we  call  Pentecost  vvas  at  hand,  all  the  places  about  tbe 
 temple,  and  the  whole  city,  were  full  of  a  multitude  of  people  that  were  come  out  of  tbe  country, 
 and  which  were  the  greatest  part  of  tbem  armed  also,  at  which  time  Phasaelus  guarded  tbe 
 wall,  and  Herod,  with  a  few,  guarded  the  royal  palace;  and  when  he  made  an  assault  upon  his 
 enemies,  as  they  were  out  of  their  ranks,  on  tbe  north  quarter  of  the  city  be  slew  a  very  great 
 number  of  tbem,  and  put  liiem  all  to  lligbt,  and  some  of  tbem  he  shut  up  within  tbe  city,  and 
 others  within  the  outward  rampart.  In  the  mean  time,  Antigonus  desired  that  Pacorus  might 
 be  admitted  to  be  a  reconciler  betv.een  them  ;  and  Phasaelus  was  prevailed  upon  to  admit  tbe 
 Parthian  into  the  city  with  five  hundred  horse,  and  to  treat  bim  in  a  hospitable  manner,  who 
 pretended  that  be  came  to  quell  the  tumult,  but  in  reality  be  came  to  assist  Antigonus ;  how- 
 ever, he  laid  a  plot  for  Phasaelus,  and  persuaded  him  to  go  as  an  ambassador  to  Barzapbarnes,. 
 in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  although  Herod  was  very  earnest  with  him  to  tbe  contrary, 
 and  exhorted  bim  to  kill  the  plotter,  but  not  expose  himself  to  tbe  snares  be  bad  laid  for  bim, 
 because  the  barl-.arians  are  luUurally  perfidious.  However,  Pacorus  went  out  and  took  Hyr- 
 canus with  him,  that  he  might  be  the  less  suspected  ;  be  also  left  some  of  tbe  horSemen,  called 
 tbe  Freemen, t  wit!;  Herod,  and  conducted  Phasaelus  with  the  rest. 
 
 *  This  large  and  noted  wood,  or  wood-land,  helonging  to  Carmel,  called  /Itjiows  by  the  Septuagint,  is  men- 
 tioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  £  Kings  xix.  C?.  and  Isaiah  x.  18.  and  by  Strabo,  b.  xiv.  p.  758.  as  both 
 Aldrich  and  Spanheim  here  remark  very  pertinently. 
 
 t  These  accounts,  both  here  and  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  xiii.  ^  5.  that  the  Parthians  fought  chiefly  on  horse- 
 back, anr!  that  only  some  few  of  their  soldiers  were  freemen,  perfectly  agree  n  iih  I'robus  Pociptius,  in  Jusiin, 
 b.  xli.  2,  3.  a>i  Dean  Aldrich  well  observes  on  this  place. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XIII.  539 
 
 4.  But  now,  wlien  they  wtre  come  to  Galilee,  lliev  found  that  the  people  of  that  country 
 liad  revolted,  and  were  in  arms,  who  came  very  cuiinini;ly  to  tlieir  leader,  and  hesoufrjit  him 
 to  conceal  his  treacherous  intentions  hy  an  ohiiijing  behaviour  to  them  ;  accordingly,  lie  at  first 
 made  them  presents;  and  afterward,  as  they  went  away,  laid  ambushes  for  them;  and,  when 
 they  were  come  to  one  of  the  maritime  cities  called  Ecdippon,  they  perceived  that  a  plot  was 
 laid  for  them  ;  for  they  were  there  informed  of  the  promise  of  a  thousand  talents,  and  how 
 Antigonus  had  devoted  the  greatest  number  of  the  women  that  were  there  with  them,  among 
 the  live  hundred,  to  the  Parthians  ;  they  also  perceived  that  an  ambush  was  always  laid  for 
 them  by  the  barbarians  in  the  night-time;  they  had  also  been  seized  on  before  this,  unless  they 
 had  waited  for  the  seizure  of  Herod  first  at  Jerusalem,  because  if  he  were  once  informed  of 
 this  treachery  of  theirs,  he  would  take  care  of  himself;  nor  was  this  a  mere  report,  but  they 
 saw  the  guards  already  not  far  oil'  them. 
 
 5.  Nor  would  Phasaelus  think  of  forsaking  Hyrcanus  and  Hying  away,  although  Ophellius 
 earnestly  persuaded  him  to  it:  for  this  man  had  learned  the  whole  scheme  of  the  plot  from 
 Sanimalla,  tlie  richest  of  all  the  Syrians.  But  Phasaelus  went  up  to  the  Parthian  governor, 
 and  reproached  him  to  his  face  for  laying  this  treacherous  plot  against  them,  and  chiefly 
 because  be  had  done  it  for  money;  and  he  promised  him, that  he  would  give  him  more  money 
 for  their  preservation  than  Antigonus  bad  promised  to  give  for  the  kin^'dom.  But  the  sly 
 J'arihian  endeavoured  to  remove  all  this  suspicion  by  apologies  and  by  oaths,  and  then  went 
 to  [tlie  other]  Pacorus  ;  immediately  after  which  those  Parthians  who  were  left,  and  had  it  in 
 charge,  seized  upon  Phasaelus  and  Hyrcanus,  who  could  do  no  more  than  curse  their  perfidi- 
 ousness  and  their  perjury. 
 
 6.  In  the  mean  time  ihe  cupbearer  was  sent  [back,]  and  laid  a  plot  how  to  seize  upon 
 Herod,  by  deluding  him,  and  getting  him  out  of  the  city,  as  he  was  commanded  to  do.  But 
 Herod  suspected  the  barbarians  from  the  bej^inning,  and  having  then  received  intelligence  that 
 a  messenger,  who  was  to  bring  him  ihe  letters  that  informed  him  of  the  treachery  intended, 
 bad  fallen  among  the  enemy,  he  would  not  go  out  of  the  city  ;  though  Pacorus  said  very  posi- 
 tively, that  he  ought  to  go  out,  and  meet  the  messengers  that  brought  the  letters,  for  that  the 
 enemy  had  not  taken  them,  and  that  the  contents  of  them  were  not  accounts  of  any  plots  upon 
 them,  but  of  what  Phasaelus  had  done;  yet  had  he  heard  from  others  that  his  brother  was 
 seized;  and  Alexandra,*  the  shrewdest  woman  iti  the  world,  Hyrcanus"  daughter,  begged  of 
 liim  that  he  would  not  go  out,  nor  trust  himself  to  those  barbarians  who  were  now  come  to 
 make  an  attempt  upon  him  openly. 
 
 7.  Now  as  Pacorus  and  bis  friends  were  considering  bow  they  might  bring  their  plot  to 
 bear  priviitely,  because  it  was  not  possible  to  circumvent  a  man  of  so  great  prudence,  by  openly 
 attacking  him,  Herod  prevented  them,  and  went  oil"  with  the  persons  that  were  the  most  nearly 
 related  to  him  by  night,  and  this  without  th^ir  enemies  being  apprized  of  it.  But,  ns  soon  as 
 the  Parthians  perceived  it,  they  pursued  after  them,  and,  as  be  gave  orders  for  his  mother, 
 and  sister,  and  the  young  woman  who  was  betrotlied  to  him,  with  her  mother,  and  his  youngest 
 brother,  to  make  the  best  of  their  way,  he  himself,  with  his  servants,  took  all  the  care  they 
 could  to  keep  oil'  the  barbarians  ;  and  when,  at  every  assault,  he  had  slain  a  great  many  of  them, 
 be  came  to  the  strong  hold  of  Masada, 
 
 8.  Nay,  be  found  by  experience  that  the  Jews  fell  more  heavily  upon  him  than  did  the 
 Parthians,  and  created  him  troubles  perpetually,  and  this  ever  since  be  was  gotten  sixty  fur- 
 longs from  the  city  ;  these  sometimes  brougiit  it  to  a  sort  of  regular  battle.  Now,  in  the  place 
 where  Herod  beat  them,  and  killed  a  great  number  of  them,  there  he  afterward  built  a  citadel, 
 in  memory  of  the  great  actions  he  did  there,  and  adorned  it  with  the  numt  costly  palaces,  and 
 erected  very  strong  fortifications,  and  called  it  from  his  own  name  Herodium.  Now,  as  they 
 were  in  their  flight,  many  joined  themselves  to  him  every  oay  ;  and  at  a  place  called  Thressa  of 
 Idumea,  his  brother  Joseph  met  him,  and  advised  him  to  ease  himself  of  a  great  number  of  his 
 followers;  because  Masada  would  not  contain  so  great  a  multitude,  which  were  above  nine 
 thousand.  Herod  complied  with  this  advice,  and  sent  away  the  most  cumbersome  part  of 
 bis  retinue,  that  they  might  go  into  Idumea,  and  gave  tliem  provisions  for  their  journey  ; 
 but  be  got  safe  to  the  fortress  with  his  nearest  relations,  and  retained  with  him  only 
 the  stoutest  of  his  followers;  and  there  it  was  that  he  left  eight  hundred  of  bis  men  as  a 
 guard  for  the  women,  and  provisions  sufiicient  lor  a  siege,  but  be  made  hasle  himself  to  Peira 
 of  Arabia. 
 
 9.  As  for  the  Parthians  in  Jerusalem,  they  betook  themselves  to  plundering,  and  fell  upon 
 the  houses  of  those  that  were  tied,  :;nd  ii[ioii  the  king's  palace  ;  and  spared  iiothint;  ''"'  Hyrca- 
 nus' money,  which  was  not  above  (line  liuiidred  talents.  They  lighted  on  other  men's  money 
 also,  hut  not  so  much  as  they  hoptd  for  ;  for  Herod,  having  a  long  while  b:id  a  suspicion  of 
 the  perfidiousness  of  the  barbarians,  had  taken  c.ire  to  have  what  was  most  splendid  among 
 his  treasures  conveyed  into  Tdunii  a,  as  every  one  belonging  to  him  had  in  like  manner  done 
 also.  But  the  Parthians  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  injustice,  as  to  fill  all  the  country  with 
 war  witliotit  denouncing  if,  and  to  demolish  the  city  Marissa,  and  not  only  to  set  up  Autigonns 
 for  king,  hut  to  deliver  Pliasaclus  and  Hyrcanus  bound  into  his  hands,  in  order  to  their  being 
 
 *  Maiiamiio  hen-,  in  tl.c  copies. 
 
540  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 tormented  by  him.  Antigonus  himself  also  bit  off  Hjrcanus'  ears  with  his  own  leetb,  as  be 
 fell  down  ujion  his  knees  to  him,  that  so  he  might  never  be  able,  npon  any  mutation  of  aft'airs, 
 to  take  the  high  priesthood  again,  for  the  high  priests  that  officiated  were  to  be  complete  and 
 witboat  blemish. 
 
 10.  However,  be  failed  in  his  purpose  of  abasing  Pbasaelas  by  reason  of  his  courage,  for 
 though  he  neither  had  the  command  of  his  sword  nor  of  his  hands,  he  prevented  all  abuses  by 
 dashing  his  head  against  a  stone  ;  so  be  demonstrated  himself  to  be  Herod's  own  brother,  and 
 Hyrcanus  a  most  degenerate  relation,  and  died  with  great  bravery,  and  made  the  end  of  his 
 life  agreeable  to  the  actions  of  it.  There  is  also  another  report  about  his  end,  viz.  that  he 
 recovered  of  that  stroke,  and  that  a  surgeon,  who  was  sent  by  Antigonus  to  heal  him,  filled 
 the  wound  with  poisonous  ingredients,  and  so  killed  him  ;  whichsoever  of  these  deaths  he 
 came  to,  the  beginning  of  it  was  glorious.  It  is  also  reported,  that  before  he  expired  he  was 
 informed  by  a  certain  poor  woman  how  Herod  had  escaped  out  of  their  hands,  and  that  he  said 
 thereupon,  "  I  now  die  with  comfort,  since  I  leave  behind  me  one  alive,  that  will  avenge  me 
 of  mine  enemies." 
 
 11.  This  was  the  death  of  Phasaelos  ;  but  the  Parthians,  although  they  had  failed  of  the 
 women  they  chiefly  desired,  yet  did  they  put  the  government  of  Jerusalem  into  the  hands  of 
 Autigouas,  and  took  away  Hyrcanus,  and  bound  him,  and  carried  him  to  Parthia. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 When  Herod  is  rejected  in  Arabia,  he  makes  haste  to  Home,  ivhere  Autoiif/  and  Casar  join  their 
 Interest  to  make  him  King  of  the  Jews. 
 
 ^  1.  Now  Herod  did  the  more  zealously  pursue  his  journey  into  Arabia,  as  making  hnste  to 
 get  money  of  the  king,  while  his  brother  was  yet  alive,  by  which  money  alone  it  was  that  he 
 hoped  to  prevail  upon  the  covetous  temper  of  the  barbarians  to  spare  Phasaelus  ;  for  he 
 reasoned  thus  with  himself,  that  if  the  Arabian  king  was  too  forgetful  of  his  father's  friendship 
 with  hira,  and  was  too  covetous  to  make  him  a  free  gift,  he  would  however  borrow  of  him 
 as  much  as  might  redeem  his  brother,  and  put  into  his  hands,  as  a  pledge,  the  son  of  him  that 
 was  to  he  redeemed  ;  accordingly  he  led  his  brniher's  son  along  with  him,  who  was  of  the 
 age  of  seven  years.  Now  he  was  ready  to  give  three  hundred  talents  for  his  brother,  and 
 intended  to  desire  the  intercession  of  the  Tyrians  to  get  them  accepted  ;  however,  fate  had 
 been  too  quick  for  his  diligence  ;  and  since  Phasaelus  was  dead,  Herods  brotherly  love  was 
 now  in  vain.  Moreover,  he  was  not  able  to  find  any  lasting  friendship  among  the  Arabians  ; 
 for  their  king,  Malichus,  sent  to  him  immediately,  and  commanded  him  to  return  back  out  of 
 Lis  country,  and  used  the  name  of  the  Parthians  as  a  pretence  for  so  doing,  as  though  these 
 had  denounced  to  him  by  their  ambassadors  to  cast  Herod  out  of  Arabia  ;  while  in  reality  they 
 Lad  a  mind  to  keep  back  what  they  owed  to  Antipater,  and  not  be  obliged  to  make  requitals 
 to  bis  sons  for  the  free  gifts  the  father  had  made  them.  He  also  took  the  imprudent  advice 
 of  those  who,  equally  with  himself,  were  willing  to  deprive  Herod  of  what  Antipater  had 
 deposited  among  them;  and  these  men  were  the  most  potent  of  all  whom  he  had  in  his 
 kingdom. 
 
 2.  So  when  Ilerod  had  found  that  the  Arabians  were  his  enemies,  and  this  for  those  very 
 reasons  whence  he  hoped  they  would  have  been  the  most  friendly,  and  had  given  them  such 
 an  answer  as  his  passion  suggested,  he  returned  back  and  went  for  Egypt.  Now  he  lodged 
 the  first  evening  at  one  of  the  temples  of  that  country,  in  order  to  meet  with  those  whom  he 
 left  behind  ;  but  on  the  next  day  word  was  brought  him  as  he  was  going  to  Rhinocurura,  that 
 Lis  brother  was  dead,  and  how  he  came  by-  his  death  ;  and  when  he  had  lamented  him  as  much 
 as  his  present  circumstances  could  hear,  he  soon  laid  aside  such  cares,  and  proceeded  on  his 
 journey.  But  now,  after  some  time,  the  king  of  Arabia  repented  of  what  he  had  done,  and 
 sent  presently  away  messengers  to  call  him  back  :  Herod  had  prevented  them,  and  was  come 
 to  Pelusium,  where  he  could  not  obtain  a  passage  from  those  that  lay  with  the  fleet,  so  he 
 besought  their  captains  to  let  him  go  by  them  ;  accordingly,  out  of  the  reverence  they  bore  to 
 the  fame  and  dignity  of  the  man,  they  conducted  him  to  Alexandria  ;  and  when  he  came  into 
 the  city  he  was  received  by  Cleopatra  with  great  splendour,  who  hoped  he  might  be  persuaded 
 to  be  commander  of  her  forces  in  the  expedition  she  was  now  about;  but  he  rejected  the  queen's 
 solicitations,  and  being  neither  afiVighted  at  the  height  of  that  storm  which  then  happened,  nor  ■ 
 at  the  tumults  that  were  now  in  Italy,  he  sailed  for  Rome. 
 
 3.  But  as  he  was  in  peril  about  Pamphylia,  and  obliged  to  cast  out  the  greatest  part  of  the 
 ship's  lading,  he,  with  difficulty,  got  safe  to  Rhodes,  a  place  which  had  been  grievously  harassed 
 in  the  war  with  Cassius.  He  was  there  received  by  his  friends,  Ptolemy  and  Sappinius  ; 
 and,  although  he  was  then  in  want  of  money,  he  fitted  op  a  three-decked  ship  of  very  great 
 magnitude,  wherein  he  and  his  f  lends  sailed  to  Brnndnsium,*  and  went  thence  to  Rome  with 
 all  speed  ;  where  he  first  of  al'  went  to  Antony,  on  account  of  the  friendship  his  father  had 
 with  him,  and  laid  before  him  tbe  calamities  of  himself  and  his  family,  and  that  he  had  left 
 
 •  This  Brentesivim  or  Brundusium  has  coin  still  preserved,  on  which  is  written  "Brendesion,"za  Spanheim 
 here  inform:!  us. 
 
BOOR  I. — CHAP.  XV.  541 
 
 his  nearest  lelalinns  besieged  iu  a  fortress,  aud  had  sailed  to  him  through  a  storm,  to  make 
 siipplicatiou  to  liim  for  assistance. 
 
 4.  Hereupon  Antonv  was  moved  to  compassion  at  the  change  that  had  been  made  in  Herod's 
 afiairs,  and  this  both  up(.n  iiis  calling  to  mind  how  hospitably  he  liad  been  treated  by  Anti- 
 pater,  but  more  especially  on  account  of  Herod's  own  virtue  ;  so  he  then  resolved  to  gel  him 
 made  king  of  the  Jews,  whom  he  bad  himself  formerly  made  tetrarch.  The  contest  also  tliat 
 he  had  with  Antlgonus  was  another  inducement,  and  that  of  no  less  weight  than  the  great 
 regard  he  had  for  Herod  ;  for  he  looked  upon  Auligonus  as  a  seditious  person,  and  an  enemy 
 of  the  Romans  ;  and  as  for  Caesar,  Heiod  found  him  better  prepared  than  Antony,  as  remem- 
 bering very  fresh  the  wars  he  had  gone  through  together  with  his  father,  the  hospitable  treat- 
 ment he  had  met  with  from  him,  and  tiie  entire  good-will  he  had  shewn  him  ;  besides  the 
 activity  which  he  saw  in  Herod  himself.  So  he  chilled  the  senate  together,  wherein  IMessales, 
 and  after  him  Atratinus,  produced  Hemd  before  them,  and  gave  full  account  of  ihe  merits  of 
 bis  father,  and  his  own  good-will  to  the  Romans.  At  this  same  time  they  demonstrated  that 
 Antigonus,  was  their  enemy,  not  only  because  he  soon  qnarrelled  with  them,  but  because  he 
 now  overlooked  the  Romans,  and  took  the  government  by  the  means  of  the  Parthians.  These 
 reasons  greatly  moved  the  senate;  at  which  juncture  Antony  came  in  and  told  them  that  it 
 was  for  their  advantage  in  the  Parthian  war  that  Herod  should  be  king  ;  so  they  all  gave 
 their  votes  for  it.  And  when  the  senate  was  separated,  Antony  and  C<tsar  went  out,  with 
 Herod  between  them  ;  while  the  consul  and  the  rest  of  the  raajfistrates  went  before  them  in 
 order  to  olTer  sacrifices,  and  to  lay  the  decree  in  the  capitol :  Antony  also  made  a  feast  for 
 Herod  on  the  first  day  of  his  reign. 
 
 CHAP.  XV. 
 
 Antigonus  besieges  those  that  tvere  in  Mnsailn,  whom  Herod  frees  from  Confinement  when  he. 
 came  back  from  Rome,  and  presently  marches  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  finds  Silo  corrupted 
 by  Bribes. 
 
 §  1.  Now  during  this  time  Antigonus  besieged  those  that  were  in  Masada,  v.ho  had  all  other 
 necessaries  iu  sufficient  quantity,  but  were  in  want  of  water;  on  which  account  Joseph, 
 Herod's  brother,  was  disposed  to  run  away  to  the  Arabians,  with  two  hundred  of  his  own 
 friends,  becaase  he  had  heard  that  Malichus  repented  of  his  ofTences  with  regard  to  Herod  ; 
 and  he  had  been  so  quick  as  to  have  been  gone  out  of  the  fortress  already,  unless  on  that  very 
 night  when  he  was  going  away,  there  had  fallen  a  great  deal  of  rain,  insomuch  that  his  reser- 
 voirs were  full  of  water,  and  so  he  was  under  no  necessity  of  running  away.  After  which, 
 therefore,  they  made  an  irruption  upon  Antigonus'  party,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  some 
 in  open  battles,  and  some  in  private  ambush  ;  nor  had  they  always  success  in  their  attempts, 
 for  sometimes  they  were  beaten  and  ran  away. 
 
 2.  In  the  mean  time  Ventidius,  the  Roman  general,  was  sent  out  of  Syria,  to  restrain  the 
 incursions  of  the  Parthians,  and  after  he  bad  done  that,  he  came  into  Judea,  in  pretence 
 indeed  to  assist  Joseph  and  his  party,  but  in  reality  to  get  money  of  Antigonus  :  and  when  he  had 
 pitched  his  camp  very  near  to  Jerusalem,  as  soon  as  he  had  got  money  enoogh,  he  went  away 
 with  the  greatest  part  of  his  forces ;  yet  still  did  he  leave  Silo  with  some  part  of  them,  lest  if 
 he  had  taken  them  all  away,  his  taking  of  bribes  might  have  been  ton  openly  discovered.  Now 
 Antigonus  hoped  that  the  Parthians  would  come  again  to  his  assistance,  and  therefore  culti- 
 vated a  good  understanding  with  Silo  in  the  mean  time,  lest  any  interruption  should  be  given 
 to  his  hopes. 
 
 3.  Now  by  this  time  Herod  had  sailed  out  of  Italy,  and  was  come  to  Ptolemais  :  and  as 
 soon  as  he  hud  gotten  together  no  small  army  of  foreigners,  and  of  his  own  countrymen, 
 he  marched  through  Galilee  against  Antigonus,  wherein  he  was  assisted  by  Ventidius  and 
 Silo,  botii  whom  Dellius,*  a  person  sent  by  Antony,  persuaded  to  bring  Herod  [into  his 
 kingdom.]  Now  Ventidius  was  at  this  lime  among  the  cities,  and  composing  the  disturb- 
 ances which  had  happened  by  means  of  the  Parthians,  as  was  Silo  in  Judea  corrupted  by 
 the  bribes  that  Antigonus  had  given  him;  yet  was  not  Herod  himself  destitute  ol  power, 
 but  the  number  of  his  forces  increased  every  day  as  he  went  along,  and  all  Galilee  with 
 few  exceptions  joined  themselves  to  Isim.  So  he  proposed  to  himself  to  set  about  his 
 most  necessary  enterprise,  and  that  was  Masada,  in  order  to  deliver  his  relations  from  the 
 siege  they  endured.  But  still  Jnppa  stood  in  his  way,  and  hindered  his  giving  thither  ;  for  it 
 was  necessary  to  take  that  city  first,  which  was  in  the  enemies'  hands,  thai  when  he  should  go 
 to  Jerusalem,  no  fortress  might  be  left  in  the  enemies'  power  behind  him.  Silo  also  willingly 
 joined  him,  as  having  now  a  plausible  occasion  of  drawing  olT  his  forces  [from  Jerusalem;] 
 and  when  the  Jews  pursued  him  and  pressed  upon  him  [in  his  retreat,]  Herod  made  an  excur- 
 sion upon  them  with  a  small  body  of  his  men,  and  soon  put  them  to  fiight,  and  saved  Silo 
 when  he  was  in  distress. 
 
 4.  After  this  Herod  took  Joppa,  and  then  made  haste  to  Masada  to  free  his  relations.    Now 
 
 •  This  Dellius  is  famous,  or  rather  infomour.,  in  the  History  of  Mark  Antouy,  as  Spanheim  and  Aldricli 
 here  uote,  from  the  coins  froiu  Plutarch  aud  Uio. 
 
542  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 as  lie  was  marobing,  many  came  in  to  liiin  ;  some  induced  by  tlieir  friendsbip  to  his  father,  some 
 by  the  reputation  he  bad  already  gained  himself,  and  some  in  order  to  repay  the  benefits  they 
 bad  received  from  them  both ;  but  still  what  engaged  the  greatest  number  on  his  side,  was  the 
 hopes  from  him,  wiien  he  should  be  established  in  his  kingdom  ;  so  that  he  had  gotten  toge- 
 ther already  an  army  hard  to  be  conquered.  But  Antigonus  laid  an  ambush  for  him  as  he 
 inarched  out,  in  which  he  did  little  or  no  harm  to  his  enemies.  However,  he  easily  recovered 
 his  relations  again  that  were  in  Blasada,  as  well  as  the  fortress  Ressa,  and  then  marched  to 
 Jerusalem,  where  the  soldiers  that  were  witii  Silo  joined  themselves  to  bis  own,  as  did  many 
 out  of  the  city,  from  a  dread  of  liis  power. 
 
 5.  Now  when  he  bad  pitched  his  camp  on  the  west  side  of  the  city,  the  guards  that  were 
 there  sliot  their  arrows,  and  threw  their  darts  at  them,  while  others  ran  out  in  companies,  and 
 attacked  those  in  the  forefront  ;  but  Herod  commanded  proclamation  to  be  made  at  the  wall, 
 that  "  he  was  come  for  the  good  of  the  people  and  the  preservation  of  the  city,  without  any 
 design  to  be  revenged  on  his  open  enemies,  but  to  grant  oblivion  to  them,  though  they  had 
 been  the  most  obstinate  against  him."  Now  the  soldiers  that  were  for  Antigonus  made  a  con- 
 trary clamour,  and  did  neither  permit  any  body  to  hear  that  proclamation,  nor  to  change  their 
 party  ;  so  Antigonus  gave  order  to  his  forces  to  beat  the  enemy  from  the  walls ;  accordingly, 
 Ibey  soon  threw  their  darts  at  them  from  the  towers,  and  put  them  to  flight. 
 
 a.  And  here  it  was  that  Silo  discovered  be  had  taken  bribes  ;  for  he  set  many  of  the  sol- 
 diers to  clamour  about  their  want  of  necessaries,  and  to  require  their  pay,  in  order  to  buy 
 themselves  food,  and  to  demand  that  he  would  lead  them  into  places  convenient  for  their  winter 
 quarters  ;  because  all  the  parts  about  the  city  were  laid  waste  by  the  means  of  Antigonus' 
 army,  which  had  taken  all  things  away.  By  this  be  moved  the  army,  and  attempted  to  get 
 them  oil"  the  siege  ;  but  Herod  went  to  the  captains  that  were  under  Silo,  and  to  a  great  many 
 of  the  soldiers,  and  begged  of  thtan  not  to  leave  him  who  was  sent  hither  by  Ctfsar,  and 
 Antony,  and  the  senate;  for  that  he  would  take  care  to  have  their  wants  supplied  that  very 
 day.  After  the  making  of  which  entreaty,  he  went  hastily  into  the  country,  and  brought  ttii- 
 ther  so  great  an  abundance  of  necessaries,  that  be  cut  oil'  all  Silo's  pretences  ;  and  in  order  to 
 provide  that  for  the  following  days  they  should  not  want  supplies,  he  sent  to  the  people  that 
 were  about  Samaria,  (which  city  had  joined  itself  to  him,)  to  bring  corn,  and  wine,  and  oil, 
 and  cattle  to  Jericho.  When  Antigonus  heard  of  this,  he  sent  some  of  his  party  with  orders 
 to  hinder,  and  lay  ambushes  for  these  collectors  of  corn.  This  command  was  obeyed,  and  a 
 great  multitude  of  armed  men  were  gathered  together  about  Jericho,  and  lay  upon  the  moun- 
 tains, to  watch  those  that  brought  the  provisions.  Yet  was  Herod  not  idle,  but  took  with  him 
 ten  cohorts,  five  of  them  were  Romans,  and  five  Jewish  cohorts,  together  with  some  merce- 
 nary troops  intermixed  among  them,  and  besides  those  a  few  horsemen,  and  came  to  Jericho; 
 and  when  be  came  he  found  the  city  deserted,  hut  that  there  were  five  hundred  men,  with 
 their  wives  and  children,  who  had  taken  possession  of  the  tops  of  the  mountains  ;  these  he 
 took  and  dismissed  them,  while  the  Romans  fell  upon  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  plundered  it, 
 liaving  found  the  houses  full  of  all  sorts  of  good  things.  So  the  king  left  a  garrison  at  Jeri- 
 cho, and  came  back  and  sent  the  Roman  army  into  those  cities  which  were  come  over  to  him, 
 to  take  their  winter  quarters  there,  viz.  in  Judea,  [or  Idumea,]  and  Galilee,  and  Samaria. 
 Antigonus  also  by  bribes  obtained  of  Silo  to  let  a  part  of  bis  army  be  received  at  Lydda,  as 
 a  compliment  to  Antonius. 
 
 CHAP.  XVI. 
 
 Herod  takes  Sepphoris,  and  suhdties  the  Eobhers  that  iven  in  the  Caves :  he  after  that  avenges 
 himself  upon  Macheras,  as  upon  an  Enemy  of  his,  and  goes  to  Anlomj,  as  he  tvas  besieging 
 Samosata. 
 §  1.  So  the  Romans  lived  in  plenty  of  all  things,  and  rested  from  war.  However,  Herod  did 
 not  lie  at  rest,  but  seized  upon  Idumea,  and  kept  it,  with  two  thousand  footmen,  and  four 
 hundred  horsemen :  and  this  he  did  by  sending  his  brother  Joseph  thither,  that  no  innovation 
 might  be  made  by  Antigonus.  He  also  removed  his  mother,  and  all  his  relations,  who  had 
 been  in  Masada,  to  Samaria,  and  when  he  bad  settled  them  securely,  he  marched  to  take  the 
 remaining  parts  of  Galilee,  and  to  drive  away  the  garrisons  placed  there  by  Antigonus. 
 
 2.  But  when  Herod  bad  reached  Sepphoris,*  in  a  very  great  snow,  he  took  the  city  witboat 
 any  difficulty  ;  the  guards  th;it  should  have  kept  it,  flying  away  before  it  was  assaulted  ;  where 
 lie  gave  an  opportunity  to  his  followers  that  had  been  in  distress  to  refresh  themselves,  there 
 being  in  that  city  a  great  abundance  of  necessaries.  After  which  be  hasted  away  to  the  rob- 
 bers that  were  in  the  caves,  who  overran  a  great  part  of  the  country,  and  did  as  great  mischief 
 to  its  inhabitants  as  a  war  itself  could  have  done.  Accordingly,  he  sent  beforihand  three 
 cohorts  of  footmen,  and  one  troop  of  horseman,  to  the  village  Arbela,  and  came  himself  forty 
 days  afterwardst  with  the  rest  of  his  forces.     Yet  were  not  the  enemy  aflrighled  at  this  assault, 
 
 •  J'his  Sepiihoris,  the  metropolis  of  Galilee,  so  often  mentioned  by  Josephus.  has  coius  still  remaiuintr, 
 Sepp/ioron,  as  Spaiiheim  kere  iut'oi'iiis  us. 
 
 *  This  way  of  siioakii)},',  nfter  40  days,  is  iiiterinrted  by  Jcsephus  hiinsclf,  on  the  40lh  riay  ;  Aniifi.  b.  ^civ. 
 chap.  XV.  ^  4:   Iq  like  niaiiner,  when  'lustphus  says,  chap.  x.\xiii.  5  8.  that  Herod  lived  after  he  had  oidertd 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XVI.  543 
 
 but  met  liim  in  arras  ;  for  tiieir  skill  was  not  tliat  of  warriors,  but  thrir  boldness  was  the 
 boldness  of  robbers  :  when,  therefore,  it  came  to  a  pitched  battle,  they  put  to  aifjlit  Herod'si 
 left  wing  with  their  rii^hl  one;  but  llernd,  wheeling  about  on  the  sudden  from  bis  own  right 
 wing,  came  to  their  assistance,  and  bolli  made  bis  own  left  wing  return  back  from  its  llif;ht,  and 
 fell  upon  the  pursuers,  and  cooled  their  courage,  till  tliey  could  not  bear  the  attempts  thai  were 
 made  directly  upon  them,  and  so  turned  back  and  ran  away. 
 
 3.  But  Herod  followed  them,  and  slew  them  as  he  followed  them,  and  destroyed  a  great 
 part  of  them,  till  those  that  remained  were  scattered  beyond  the  river  [Jordan,]  and  Galilee 
 was  freed  from  the  terrors  ihey  bad  been  under,  excepting  from  those  that  remained,  and  lay  con- 
 cealed in  caves,  which  required  longer  time  ere  they  could  be  conquered.  In  order  to  which, 
 Herod,  in  the  first  place,  distributed  the  fruits  of  their  former  labours  to  the  soldiers,  and  gave 
 every  one  of  them  a  hundred  and  fifty  drachmie  of  silver,  and  a  great  deal  more  to  their  com- 
 manders, and  sent  them  into  their  winter  quarters.  He  also  sent  to  his  youngest  brother  Phe- 
 roras,  to  take  care  of  a  good  market  for  them,  where  they  might  buy  themselves  provisions, 
 and  to  build  a  wall  about  Alexandrium,  who  took  care  of  both  those  injunctions  accordingly. 
 
 4.  In  the  mean  time  Antony  abode  at  Athens,  while  \'entidius  called  for  Silo  and  Herod  to 
 come  to  the  war  against  the  Parthians,  but  ordered  them  first  to  settle  the  afiairs  of  Judea  ; 
 so  Herod  willinglv  dismissed  Silo  to  go  to  Veniidius,  but  he  made  an  expedition  himself 
 against  those  that  lay  in  the  caves.  Now  these  caves  were  in  the  precipices  of  craggy  moun- 
 tains, and  could  not  l)e  come  at  from  any  side,  since  they  had  only  some  winding  pathways, 
 very  narrow,  by  which  they  got  up  to  them  ;  but  the  rock  that  lay  on  their  front  had  beneath 
 it  valleys  of  a  vast  depth,  and  of  an  almost  perpendicular  declivity  ;  insomuch  that  the  king 
 was  doubtful  for  a  long  time  what  to  do,  by  reason  of  a  kind  of  impossibility  there  was  of 
 attacking  the  place.  Yet  did  he  at  length  make  use  of  a  contrivance  that  was  subject  to  the 
 utmost  hazard  ;  for  be  let  down  the  most  hardy  of  his  men  in  chests,  and  set  them  at  the 
 mouths  of  the  dens.  Now  these  men  slew  the  robbers  and  their  families,  and  when  they  made 
 resistance,  they  sent  in  fire  upon  them,  [and  burnt  them  ;]  and  as  Herod  was  desirous  of  say- 
 ing some  of  them,  he  bad  proclamation  made,  that  they  should  come  and  deliver  themselves  up 
 to  him  ;  but  not  one  of  them  came  willingly  to  him,  and  of  those  that  were  compelled  to  come, 
 many  preferred  death  to  captivity.  And  here  a  certain  old  m;in,  the  falher  of  seven  children, 
 whose  children,  together  with  their  mother,  desired  him  to  give  them  leave  to  go  out,  upon 
 the  assurance  and  right  band  that  was  offered  them,  slew  them  after  the  following  manner  :  he 
 ordered  every  one  of  them  to  go  out,  while  he  stood  himself  at  the  cave's  mouth,  and  slew  that 
 son  of  his  perpetually  who  went  out.  Herod  was  near  enough  to  see  this  Right, and  his  bowels 
 of  compassion  were  moved  at  it,  and  he  stretched  out  his  right  hand  to  the  old  man,  and 
 besought  him  to  spare  his  children  ;  yet  did  he  not  relent  at  all  upon  what  he  said,  but  over  and 
 above  reproached  Herod  on  the  lowness  of  his  descent  ;  and  slew  his  wife  as  well  as  his  chil- 
 dren ;  and  when  he  had  thrown  their  dead  bodies  down  the  precipice,  he  at  last  threw  himself 
 down  after  them. 
 
 ,5.  By  this  means  Herod  subdued  these  caves,  and  the  robbers  that  were  in  them.  He  then 
 left  there  a  part  of  his  army,  as  many  as  he  thought  sullicient  to  prevent  any  sedition,  and  made 
 Ptolemy  their  general,  and  returned  to  Samaria  :  he  led  also  with  him  three  thousand  armed 
 footmen,  and  six  hundred  horsemen,  against  Antigonus.  Now  here,  iliose  that  used  to  raise 
 tumults  in  Galilee,  having  liberty  so  to  do  upon  bis  departure,  fell  unexpectediv  upon  Ptolemv, 
 the  general  of  his  forces,  and  slew  him  :  they  also  laid  the  country  waste,  and  then  retired  to 
 the  bogs,  and  to  places  not  easily  to  be  found.  But  when  Herod  was  informed  of  this  in-<ur- 
 rection,  he  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  country  immediately,  and  destroyed  a  great  number  of 
 the  seditious,  and  raised  the  sieges  of  all  those  fortresses  they  had  besieged,  he  also  exacted 
 the  tribute  of  a  hundred  talents  of  his  enemies,  as  a  penalty  for  the  mutations  they  had  made 
 in  the  country. 
 
 6.  By  this  time  the  Parthians  being  already  driven  out  of  the  country,  and  Pacorus  slain, 
 Ventidius,  by  Antony's  command,  sent  a  thousand  horsemen  and  two  legions,  as  auxiliaries 
 to  Herod,  against  Antigonus.  Now  Antigonus  besought  Macheras,  who  was  their  general,  by 
 letters,  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  made  a  great  many  mournful  complaints  about  Herod's  vio- 
 lence, and  about  the  injuries  he  did  to  the  kingdom  ;  and  promised  to  give  him  money  for 
 such  his  assistance  :  but  he  complied  not  with  his  invitation  to  betray  his  trust,  for  he  did  not 
 contemn  him  that  sent  him,  especially  while  Herod  gave  him  more  money  [than  the  other 
 ofi'ered.]  So  he  pretended  friendship  to  Antigonus,  but  came  as  a  spy  to  discover  his  aifairs  : 
 although  he  did  not  herein  comply  with  Herod,  who  dissuaded  him  from  so  doing.  But  Anti- 
 gonus perceived  what  bis  intentions  were  beforehand,  and  excluded  him  out  of  the  city,  and 
 defended  himself  against  him,  as  against  an  enemy  from  the  walls  ;  till  Macheras  was  ashamed 
 of  what  he  had  done,  and  rttired  to  Emmaus  to  Herod  ;  and,  as  he  was  in  a  ruge  at  bis  dis- 
 appointment, he  slew  all  llie  Jews  whom  he  met  with,  witliout  sparing  those  that  were  for 
 Herod,  but  using  them  all  as  if  they  were  for  Antigonus. 
 
 Antipater  to  be  slain  five  days  ;  this  is  by  himself  interpreted.  Antic;,  b.  xvii.  chap.  viii.  i  ].  that  he  died  on  tlie 
 fifth  day  afterward.  So  also  what  is  in  this  bonk,  chap.  xiii.  ^1.  "  after  two  years,"  is  Antii).  b.  xiv.  rhup.  xiii. 
 5  3.  on  the  second  year.    And  Ut  an  Aldrich  here  notes  that  this  way  of  speaking  is  familiar  to  Josephus. 
 
544  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 7.  Hereupon  Herod  was  very  angry  at  him,  and  was  going  to  figlit  against  Macheras  as  liis 
 enemy  ;  hut  lie  restrained  his  indignation,  and  marched  to  Antony  to  accuse  Maclieras  of  male- 
 administration.  But  Maclieras  was  made  sensible  of  his  oirences,  and  followed  after  the  king 
 immediately,  and  earnestly  begged  and  obtuined  that  be  would  be  reconciled  to  bim.  How- 
 ever, Herod  did  not  desist  from  his  resolution  of  going  to  Antony ;  but  when  he  heard  that  he 
 was  besieging  Samosata*  with  a  great  army,  which  is  a  strong  city  near  to  Euphrates,  he  made 
 the  greater  baste,  as  observing  that  this  was  a  proper  opportunity  for  shewing  at  once  iiis 
 courage,  and  for  doing  what  would  greatly  oblige  Antony.  Indeed,  when  he  came,  he  soon 
 made  an  end  of  that  siege,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  the  barbarians,  and  took  from  them  a 
 large  prey  ;  insomuch  that  Antony,  who  admired  bis  courage  formerly,  did  now  admire  is  still 
 more.  Accordingly,  he  heaped  many  more  honours  upon  him,  and  gave  him  more  assured 
 hopes  that  he  should  gain  his  kingdom  :  and  now  king  Antiochus  was  forced  to  deliver  up 
 Samosata, 
 
 CHAP.  XVII. 
 
 The  Death  of  Joseph,  [Herod's  Brother, '\  which  had  been  signified  to  Herod  in  Dreams.  How 
 Herod  tvas  preserved  twice,  after  a  wonderful  Manner.  He  cuts  off  the  Head  of  Pappus, 
 who  was  the  Murderer  of  his  Brother,  and  sends  that  Head  to  [Ids  other  Brotherl  Phcroras. 
 And  in  no  long  Time  he  besieges  Jerusalem,  and  marries  Mariamne. 
 
 §  1.  In  the  mean  time,  Herod's  afF^iirs  in  Judea  were  in  an  ill  state.  He  had  left  his  brother 
 Joseph  with  full  power,  but  bad  charged  him  to  make  no  attempts  against  Antigonus,  till  Lis 
 return  ;  for  that  Macheras  would  not  be  such  an  assistant  as  he  could  depend  on,  as  it  appeared 
 by  what  be  had  done  already;  but  as  soon  as  Joseph  beard  that  his  brother  was  at  a  very 
 great  distance,  he  neglected  the  charge  he  had  received,  and  marched  towards  Jericho  with 
 tive  cohorts,  which  Jdacheras  sent  with  him.  This  movement  was  intended  for  seizing  on  the 
 corn,  as  it  was  now  in  the  midst  of  summer ;  but  when  his  enemies  attacked  him  in  the  moun- 
 tains, and  in  places  which  were  difficult  to  pass,  he  was  both  killed  himself,  as  he  was  very 
 bravely  fighting  in  the  battle,  and  the  entire  Roman  cohorts  were  destroyed;  for  these  cohorts 
 were  new  raised  men,  gathered  out  of  Syria,  and  there  was  no  mixture  of  tiiose  called  veteran 
 soldiers  among  them,  that  might  have  supported  those  that  were  unskilful  in  war. 
 
 2.  This  victory  was  not  sufficient  for  Antigonus,  but  he  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  rage,  as 
 to  treat  the  dead  body  of  Joseph  barbarously  ;  for  when  be  bad  gotten  possession  of  the  bodies 
 of  those  that  were  sJuin,  he  cut  ofT  his  head,  although  his  brother  Pheroras  would  have  given 
 fifty  talents  as  a  price  of  redemption  for  it.  And  now  the  affairs  of  Galilee  were  put  in  such 
 disorder  after  this  victory  of  Antigonus,  that  those  of  Antigonus'  party  brought  the  principal 
 men  that  were  on  Herod's  side  to  the  lake,  and  there  drowned  them.  There  was  a  great 
 change  made  also  in  Idumea,  where  3Iacberas  was  building  a  wall  about  one  of  the  fortresses, 
 which  was  called  Gitlha.  But  Herod  had  not  yet  been  informed  of  these  things  ;  for  after  the 
 taking  of  Samosata,  and  when  Antony  had  set  Sosius  over  the  afl'airs  of  S^ria,  and  given  hita 
 ordeis  to  assist  Herod  against  Antigonus,  he  departed  into  Egypt;  but  Sosius  sent  two 
 legions  before  him  into  Jadea  to  assist  Herod,  and  followed  himself  soon  after  with  the  rest 
 of  his  army. 
 
 3.  Now  when  Herod  was  at  Daphne,  by  Actiocb,  he  had  some  dreams  which  clearly  fore- 
 boded his  brother's  death,  and  as  he  leaped  out  of  his  bed  in  a  disturbed  manner,  there  came 
 messengers  that  acquainted  him  with  that  calamity.  So  when  he  had  lamented  this  misfortune 
 for  a  while,  he  put  oft'  the  main  part  of  his  mourning,  and  made  haste  to  march  against  bis 
 enemies  ;  and  when  he  bad  performed  a  march  that  was  above  his  strength,  and  was  gone  as 
 far  as  Libaous,  he  got  him  eight  hundred  men  of  those  that  lived  near  to  that  mountain,  as  his 
 assistants,  and  joined  with  them  one  Roman  legion,  wrth  which,  before  it  was  day,  he  made 
 an  irruption  into  Galilee,  and  met  his  enemies,  and  drove  them  back  to  the  place  which  they 
 had  left.  He  also  made  an  immediate  and  continual  attack  upon  the  fortress.  Yet  was  be 
 forced  by  a  most  terrible  storm  to  pitch  his  camp  in  the  neighbouring  villages,  before  be  could 
 take  it :  but  when,  after  a  few  days'  time,  the  second  legion,  that  came  from  Antony,  joined 
 themselves  to  him,  the  enemy  were  affrighted  at  bis  power,  and  left  their  fortifications  in  the 
 night  time. 
 
 4.  After  this  he  marched  through  Jericho,  as  making  what  haste  he  could  to  be  avenged  on  . 
 his  brother's  murderers;  where  happened  to  him  a  providential  sign,  out  of  which,  when  he 
 had  unexpectedly  escaped,  he  had  the  reputation  of  being  very  dear  to  God  ;  for  that  evening 
 Uiere  feasted  with  bim  many  of  the  principal  men,  and  after  that  feast  «as  over,  and  all  the 
 guests  were  gone  out,  the  house  fell  down  immediately.  And  as  he  judged  this  to  be  a  com- 
 mon signal  of  what  dangers  he  should  undergo,  and  how  be  should  escape  them  in  the  war 
 that  he  was  going  about,  he,  in  the  morning,  set  forward  with  his  army,  when  about  six  thou- 
 sand of  his  enemies  came  running  down  from  the  mountains,  and  began  to  fight  with  those  in 
 
 •  T>.is  Samosat.i,  the  metropolis  of  Oommagena,  is  well  known  from  its  coins,  88  Spanlieim  here  assures 
 MS.  Dean  Aldrich  also  confirms  what  .losephiis  here  notes,  that  Hccod  was  a  great  means  ot  taking  the  city 
 Ijy  Antouy,  atid  that  from  Phitarcb  and  Uio. 
 
J  BOOK    I. —  CHAP.    XVII.  545 
 
 his  forefront ;  yet  durst  tliey  not  be  so  very  bold  as  to  engage  tlie  Romans  band  to  band,  bnt 
 threw  stones  and  darts  at  them  at  a  distance ;  by  which  means  they  wounded  a  considerable 
 number;  in  which  action  Herod's  own  side  was  wounded  with  a  dart. 
 
 5.  Now  as  Antigonus  bad  a  mind  to  appear  to  exceed  Herod,  not  only  in  the  courage,  but 
 in  the  number  of  his  men,  he  sent  Pappus,  one  of  his  companions,  with  an  army  against 
 Suuiaria,  whose  fortune  it  was  to  oppose  Maclieras  ;  bat  Herod  overran  the  enemies'  country, 
 and  demolished  five  little  cities,  and  destroyed  two  thousand  men  that  were  in  them,  and 
 burned  their  bouses,  and  then  returned  to  his  carapj  but  his  bead  quarters  were  at  the  village 
 called  Can!). 
 
 fi.  Now  a  great  multitude  of  Jews  resorted  to  him  every  day,  both  out  of  Jericho,  and  the 
 oilier  parts  of  the  country.  Some  were  moved  so  to  do  out  of  their  hatred  to  Antigonus,  and 
 some  out  of  regard  to  the  glorious  actions  Herod  had  done ;  but  otheM  were  led  on  by  an 
 unreasonable  desire  of  change  ;  so  he  fell  upon  them  immediately.  As  for  Pappus  and  his  party, 
 they  were  not  terrified  either  at  their  number  or  at  their  zeal,  but  marched  out  with  great 
 alacritv  to  fight  them,  and  it  came  to  a  close  fight.  Now  other  parts  of  their  army  made 
 resistance  for  a  while ;  but  Herod  running  the  utmost  hazard  out  oF  the  rage  he  was  in  at  the 
 murder  of  his  brother,  that  he  might  be  avenged  on  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of  it,  soon 
 beat  those  that  opposed  him,  and,  after  be  had  beaten  them,  he  always  turned  his  forces  against 
 those  tliat  stood  to  it  still,  and  pursued  them  all;  so  that  a  great  slaughter  was  made,  while 
 some  were  forced  back  into  that  village  whence  they  came  out ;  he  also  pressed  hard  upon 
 the  hindermost,  and  slew  a  vast  number  of  them  ;  he  also  fell  into  the  village  with  the  enemy, 
 where  every  house  was  filled  with  armed  men,  and  the  upper  rooms  were  crowded  with 
 soldiers  for  their  defence ;  and  when  he  bad  beaten  those  that  were  on  the  outside,  he  pulled 
 the  houses  to  pieces,  and  plucked  out  those  that  were  within ;  upon  many  he  had  the  roofs 
 shaken  down,  whereby  they  perished  by  heaps,  and  as  for  those  that  fled  out  of  the  ruins,  the 
 soldiers  received  them  with  their  swords  in  their  bands,  and  the  multitude  of  those  slain,  and 
 l\ing  on  heaps,  was  so  great  that  the  conquerors  could  not  pass  along  the  roads.  Now  the 
 enemy  conld  not  bear  this  blow,  so  that  when  the  multitude  of  them  which  was  gathered  toge- 
 ther, saw  that  those  in  the  village  were  slain,  they  dispersed  themselves  and  fled  away  ;  upon 
 the  confidence  of  which  victory,  Herod  had  marched  immediately  to  Jerusalem,  unless  he  bad 
 been  hindered  by  the  depth  of  winter's  [coming  on.]  This  was  the  impediment  that  lay  in  the 
 way  of  this  his  entire  glorious  progress,  and  was  what  hindered  Antigonus  from  being  now 
 conquered,  who  was  alread}'  disposed  to  forsake  the  city. 
 
 7.  Now  when  at  the  evening  Herod  had  already  dismissed  his  friends  to  refresh  themselves 
 after  their  fatigue,  and  when  he  was  gone  himself,  while  he  was  still  hot  in  his  armour,  like  a 
 common  soldier,  to  bathe  himself,  and  had  bnt  one  servant  that  attended  him,  and  before  he 
 was  gotten  into  the  bath,  one  of  the  enemies  met  him  in  the  face  with  a  sword  in  his  hand, 
 and  then  a  second,  and  then  a  third,  and  after  that  more  of  them  ;  these  were  men  who  had 
 run  away  oat  of  the  battle  into  the  bath  in  their  armour,  and  they  had  lain  there  for  some  time 
 in  great  terror,  and  in  privacy  ;  and  when  they  saw  the  king,  they  trembled  for  fear,  and 
 ran  by  him  in  a  fright,  although  be  were  naked,  and  endeavoured  to  get  ofi"  into  the  public 
 road  ;  now  there  was  by  chance  nobody  else  at  hand  that  might  seize  upon  these  men,  and  as 
 for  Herod,  he  was  contented  to  have  come  to  no  harm  himself,  so  that  they  all  got  away 
 in  saf<ty. 
 
 8.  But  on  the  next  day  Herod  had  Pappus'  head  cut  ofT,  who  was  the  general  for  Antigonus, 
 and  was  slain  in  the  battle,  and  sent  it  to  his  brother  Pheroras  by  way  of  punishment  for  their 
 slain  brother,  for  he  was  the  man  that  slew  Joseph.  Now  as  winter  was  going  ofi",  Herod 
 marched  to  Jerusalem,  and  brought  his  army  to  the  wall  of  it;  this  was  the  third  year  since  he 
 had  been  made  king  at  Rome ;  so  he  pitched  his  camp  before  the  temple,  for  on  that  side  it 
 might  be  besieged,  and  there  it  was  that  Pompey  took  the  city.  So  he  parted  the  work  among 
 the  army,  and  demolished  the  suburbs,  and  raised  three  banks,  and  gave  orders  to  have  towers 
 built  upon  those  banks,  and  left  the  most  laborious  of  his  acquaintance  at  the  works.  But  he 
 went  himself  to  Samaria,  to  take  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  to  wife, 
 who  had  been  betrothed  to  him  before,  as  we  have  already  said  ;  and  thus  he  accomplished  this, 
 by  the  bye,  during  the  siege  of  the  city,  for  he  had  his  enemy  in  great  contempt  already. 
 
 9.  When  he  had  thus  married  Mariamne,  he  came  back  to  Jerusalem  with  a  greater  army  ; 
 Sosins  also  joined  him  with  a  large  army,  both  of  horsemen  and  footmen,  which  be  sent  befoie 
 him  through  the  midland  parts,  while  he  marched  himself  along  Phenicia  ;  and  when  the  whole 
 army  was  gotten  together,  wliicli  were  eleven  regiments  of  footmen,  and  six  thousand  horse- 
 men, besides  the  Syrian  auxiliaries,  which  was  no  small  part  of  the  army,  they  pitched  their 
 camp  near  to  the  north  wall.  Herod's  dependence  was  upon  the  decree  of  the  senate,  by 
 which  be  was  made  king,  and  Sosius  relied  upon  Antony,  who  sent  the  array  that  was 
 under  him  to  Herod's  assistance. 
 
 3  z 
 
546  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP,  xviii, 
 
 Iluw  Jlerud  and  Susitis  look  Jerusalem  btf  force  ;  and  what  Death  Antigouus  came  to.     Also, 
 cotuefTiing  Cleopatra  s  avaricious  Temper. 
 
 §  1.  Now  tlie  multitude  of  the  .Jews  that  were  in  the  0115  were  divided  into  several  factions  ; 
 for  the  people  that  crowded  about  the  temple,  being  the  weaker  part  of  them,  gave  it  out,  that, 
 as  the  times  were,  he  was  the  happiest  and  most  religious  man  who  should  die  first.  But  as  to 
 the  more  hold  and  hardy  men,  they  got  together  in  bodies.,  aud  fell  a  robbing  others  after 
 vaiiious  manners,  and  these  particularly  plundered  the  places  that  were  about  the  city,  and  this 
 because  there  was  no  food  left  either  for  the  horses  or  the  men ;  yet  some  of  the  warlike  men 
 who  were  used  to  fight  regularly,  were  appointed  to  defend  the  city  during  the  siege,  and  these 
 drove  those  that  raised  the  banks  away  from  the  wall,  and  these  were  always  inventing  one 
 engine  or  another  to  be  a  hinderance  to  the  engines  of  the  enemy,  nor  had  they  so  mncb  suc- 
 cess any  way  as  in  the  mines  under  ground. 
 
 2.  Nov?,  as  for  the  robberies  which  were  committed,  the  king  contrived  that  ambushes 
 should  be  so  laid,  that  they  might  restrain  their  excursions  ;  and  as  for  the  want  of  provisions, 
 he  provided  that  they  should  be  brought  to  them  from  great  distances.  He  was  also  too  hard 
 for  the  Jews,  by  the  Romans'  skill  in  the  art  of  war ;  although  they  were  bold  to  the  utmost 
 degree,  now  they  durst  not  come  to  a  plain  battle  with  the  Romans,  which  was  certain  death, 
 but  through  their  mines  under  ground  they  would  appear  in  the  midst  of  them  on  the  sudden, 
 and  before  they  could  batter  down  one  wall,  they  built  them  another  in  its  stead;  and,  to  sum 
 up  all  at  once,  they  did  not  shew  any  want  either  of  painstaking  or  contrivances,  as  having 
 resolved  to  hold  out  to  the  very  last.  Indeed,  though  they  had  so  great  an  army  lying  round 
 about  them,  they  bore  a  siege  of  five  months,  till  some  of  Herod's  chosen  men  ventured  to  get 
 upon  the  wall,  and  fell  into  the  city,  as  did  Sosius'  centurions  after  them  ;  and  now  they  first 
 of  all  seized  upon  what  was  about  the  temple,  and  upon  the  pouring  in  of  the  army,  there  was 
 slaughter  of  vast  multitudes  every  where,  by  reason  of  the  rage  the  Romans  were  in  at  the 
 length  of  this  siege,  and  by  reason  that  the  Jews  who  were  about  Herod  earnestly  endeavoured 
 that  none  of  their  adversaries  might  remain  ;  so  they  were  cut  to  pieces  by  great  multitudes,  as 
 they  were  crowded  together  in  narrow  streets,  and  in  houses,  or  were  running  away  to  the 
 temple;  nor  was  there  any  mercy  shewed  either  to  infants,  or  to  the  aged,  or  to  the  weaker 
 sex  ;  insomuch,  that  although  the  king  sent  about  and  desired  them  to  spare  the  people,  nobody 
 could  be  persuaded  to  withhold  their  right  hand  from  slaughter,  but  they  slew  people  of  all 
 ages  like  madmen.  Then  it  was  that  Antigonus,  without  any  regard  to  his  former  or  to  his 
 present  fortune,  came  down  from  the  citadel,  and  fell  down  at  Sosius'  feet,  who,  without  pitying 
 him  at  all  upon  the  change  of  his  condition,  laughed  at  him  beyond  measure,  and  called  him 
 Antigona.*  Yet  did  he  not  treat  him  like  a  woman,  or  let  him  go  free,  but  put  him  into 
 bonds,  and  kept  him  in  custody. 
 
 3.  But  Herod's  concern  at  present,  now  he  had  gotten  his  enemies  under  his  power,  was  to 
 restrain  the  zeal  of  his  foreign  auxiliaries;  for  the  multitude  of  the  strange  people  were  very 
 eager  to  see  the  temple,  and  what  was  sacred  in  the  holy  house  itself;  but  the  king  endea- 
 voured to  restrain  them,  partly  by  his  exhortations,  partly  by  his  threatenings,  nay,  partly  by 
 force,  as  thinking  the  victory  worse  than  a  defeat  to  him,  if  any  thing  that  ought  not  to  be 
 seen  were  seen  by  them.  He  also  forbade,  at  the  same  time,  the  spoiling  of  the  city,  asking 
 Sosius  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  whether  the  Romans,  by  thus  emptying  the  city  of  money 
 and  men,  had  a  mind  to  leave  him  king  of  a  desert?  and  told  him,  "That  he  judged  the 
 dominion  of  the  habitable  earth  too  small  a  compensation  for  the  slaughter  of  so  many  citi- 
 zens." And  when  Sosius  said,  "  That  it  was  but  jnst  to  allow  the  soldiers  this  plunder,  as  a 
 reward  for  what  they  snfTered  during  the  siege,"  Herod  made  answer,  that  "  he  would  give 
 every  one  of  the  soldiers  a  reward  out  of  his  own  money."  So  he  purchased  the  deliverance 
 of  his  country,  and  performed  his  promises  to  them,  and  made  presents  after  a  magnificent 
 manner  to  each  soldier,  and  proportionably  to  their  commanders,  and  with  a  most  royal  bounty 
 to  Sosius  himself,  wliereby  nobody  went  away  but  in  a  wealthy  condition.  Hereupon  Sosius 
 dedicated  a  crown  of  gold  to  God,  and  then  went  away  from  Jerusalem,  leading  Antigonus 
 away  in  bonds  to  Antony  ;  then  did  the  axet  bring  him  to  his  end,  who  still  bad  a  fond  desire 
 of  life,  and  some  frigid  hopes  of  it  to  the  last,  biit  by  his  cowardly  behaviour  well  deserved  to 
 die  by  it. 
 
 4.  Hereupon  king  Herod  distinguished  the  multitude  that  was  in  the  city,  and  for  those  that 
 were  of  his  side,  he  made  tliem  still  more  his  friends  by  the  honours  he  conferred  on  them ; 
 but  for  those  of  Antigonus'  party  he  slew  them  ;  and  as  his  money  ran  low,  he  turned  all  the 
 ornaments  he  had  into  money,  and  smt  it  to  Antony,  and  to  those  about  him.  Yet  could  ho 
 not  hereby  purchase  an  exemption  from  all  sufferings ;  for  Antony  was  now  bewitched  by  his 
 love  to  Cleopatra,   and  was  entirely  conquered   by  her  charms.     >fow,  Cleopatra   had  put  to 
 
 *  That  is,  A  woman,  not  a  man. 
 
 +  This  death  of  AntiRonus  is  confirmed  by  Plutavch  and  Straho  ;  the  latter  of  whom  is  cited  for  it  hy  Jose- 
 iihus  himself,  Antiij.  b.  xv.  chap.  i.  ^2.  as  Dean  Aldrich  here  observes. 
 
BOOK  I.~CHAP.  XIX.  547 
 
 death  all  licr  kintlred,  till  no  one  near  her  in  blood  remained  alive,  and  after  that  she  fell  a 
 slavinc  those  no  way  related  to  her.  So  she  calumniated  the  principal  men  among  the  Syrians 
 to  Antony,  and  persuaded  him  to  have  them  slain,  that  so  she  might  easily  gain  to  be  mistress 
 of  what  they  had ;  nay,  she  extended  her  avaricious  humour  to  the  Jews  and  Araliians, 
 and  secretly  laboured  to  have  Herod  and  Malichus,  the  kings  of  both  those  nations,  slain  by 
 his  order. 
 
 5.  Now  as  to  these  her  injunctions  to  Antony,  he  complied  in  part :  for  tl)nugli  he  esteemed 
 it  too  abominable  a  thing  to  kill  such  good  and  great  kings,  yet  was  he  thereby  alienated  from 
 the  friendship  he  had  for  thera.  He  also  took  away  a  great  deal  of  their  country  :  nay,  even 
 the  plantation  of  palm-trees  at  Jericho,  where  also  grows  the  balsam-tree,  and  bestowed  them 
 upon  her:  as  also  all  the  cities  on  this  side  the  river  Eleutberus,  Tyre  and  Sidon  excepted.* 
 And  when  she  was  become  mistress  of  these,  and  had  conducted  Antony  in  his  expedition 
 ajjainst  the  Parthians,  as  far  as  Euphrates,  she  came  by  Apamia  and  Damascus  into  Judea  : 
 and  there  did  Herod  pacify  her  indignation  at  him  by  large  presents.  He  also  hired  of  her 
 those  places  that  had  been  torn  away  from  his  kingdom,  at  the  yearly  rent  of  two  hundred 
 talents.  He  conducted  her  also  as  far  as  Pelusium,  and  paid  ber  all  the  respects  possible. 
 Now  it  was  not  long  after  this  that  Antony  was  come  back  from  Parthia,  and  led  with  him 
 Artabazes,  Tigranes'  son,  captive,  as  a  present  for  Cleopatra;  for  this  Parthian  was  presently 
 given  her,  with  his  money,  and  all  the  prey  that  was  taken  with  hira. 
 
 CHAP.  XIX. 
 
 Hotc  Antony,  at  the  Persuasion  of  Cleopatra,  sent  Herod  to  fight  against  the  Arabians;  and 
 how,  after  several  Battles,  he  at  tetigth  got  the  Victory.  As  also  concerning  a  great 
 Earthquake. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  the  war  about  Actium  was  begun,  Herod  prepared  to  come  to  the  assistance 
 of  Antony,  as  being  already  freed  from  his  tmubles  in  Judea,  and  having  gained  Hyrcania, 
 which  was  a  place  that  was  held  by  Anligonus'  sister.  However,  he  was  cunningly  hindered 
 from  partaking  of  the  hazards  that  Antony  went  through  by  Cleopatra  ;  for  since,  as  we  have 
 already  noted,  she  laid  a  plot  against  the  kings  [of  Judea  and  Arabia,]  she  prevailed  with 
 Antony  to  commit  the  war  against  the  Arabians  to  Herod;  that  so,  if  he  got  the  better,  she 
 might  become  mistress  of  Arabia,  or,  if  he  were  worsted,  of  Judea;  and  that  she  might 
 destroy  one  of  those  kings  by  the  other. 
 
 2.  However,  tliis  contrivance  tended  to  the  advantage  of  Herod  ;  for  at  the  very  first  he 
 took  hostages  from  the  enemy,  and  got  together  a  great  body  of  horse,  and  ordered  them  to 
 inarch  against  them  about  Diospolis,  and  he  conquered  that  arn)y,  although  it  fought  resolutely 
 against  him.  After  which  defeat,  the  Arabians  were  in  great  motion,  and  assembled  them- 
 selves together  at  Kanatha,  a  city  of  Celosyria,  in  vast  multitudes,  and  waited  for  the  Jews. 
 And  when  Herod  was  come  thither,  he  tfied  to  manage  this  war  with  particular  prudence,  and 
 gave  orders  that  they  should  build  a  wall  about  their  camp  ;  yet  did  not  the  multitude  comply 
 with  tliose  orders,  but  were  so  emboldened  by  their  foregoing  victory,  that  they  presently 
 attacked  the  Arabians,  and  beat  them  at  the  first  onset,  and  then  pursued  them  ;  yet  there 
 were  snares  laid  for  Herod  in  that  pursuit ;  while  Athenio,  who  was  one  of  Cleopatra's  generals, 
 and  always  an  antagonist  to  Hernd,  sent  out  of  Kaii;:tlia  tho  men  of  that  country  against  him, 
 for,  upon  this  fresh  onset,  the  Arabians  took  courage,  and  returned  back,  and  both  j  lined  their 
 numerous  forces  about  stony  places,  that  were  hard  to  be  gone  over,  and  there  put  Heron's 
 men  to  the  rout,  and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  them;  but  those  that  escaped  out  of  the 
 battle  (led  to  Ormiza,  where  the  Arabians  surrounded  their  camp,  and  took  it,  with  all  the 
 men  in  it. 
 
 3.  In  a  little  lime  after  this  calamity,  Herod  came  to  bring  them  succours ;  but  he  came  too 
 lale.  Now  the  occasion  of  that  blow  was  this,  (hat  the  oflicers  would  not  obey  orders  ;  fur 
 had  not  the  light  be^un  so  suddenly,  Athenio  had  not  found  a  proper  season  for  the  snares  he 
 laid  for  Herod:  however,  he  was  even  with  the  Arabians  afterward,  and  overrun  their  coun- 
 try, and  did  them  more  harm  than  their  single  victory  could  compensate.  But  as  he  was 
 avenging  himself  on  his  enemies,  there  fell  ui)on  him  anotiier  providential  calamity';  for  in  the 
 seventh  year  of  his  reign, t  when  the  war  about  Actium  was  at  the  height,  nl  the  beginning  of 
 the  spring,  the  earth  was  shaken,  and  destrovcd  an  immense  number  of  cattle,  with  thirty 
 thousand  men  ;    but  the  army  received  no  harm,  because  it  lay  in  the  open  air.      In  the  mean 
 
 •  This  ancient  liberty  of  Tyre  and  Sidnn  under  the  Homana,  taken  notice  of  by  .Toscpliua,  both  here  and 
 .'Nriliq.  b.  xv.  cliap.  iv.  ^1.  is  coutirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Strabo.b.  xvi.  p.  757,  as  )>eaii  Alarich remarks ; 
 iihhouuh,  as  he  justly  adds,  this  liberty  lasted  but  a  little  while  longer,  when  Augustus  took  it  away 
 from  them. 
 
 t  'J'his  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Herod  [from  the  conquest,  or  death  of  \nii(,'onus,]  with  the  great  enrth- 
 quake  in  the  bepinning  of  the  same  siHint;,  which  are  here  fully  implied  to  be  not  muuh  before  the  ti(jhl  at 
 Actium,  between  Octavius  and  Antony,  and  which  is  known  from  the  Koiuan  historians  tn  bave  been  in  the 
 beginniiiK  of  .September,  in  the  3l8t  year  before  ihc  Christian  era,  determines  the  chronolouv  of  Josephus  as 
 to  the  reign  of  Itfcrod,  viz.  that  he  began  in  the  year  thirty-seven,  iieyoiul  riitional  contradiotion.  f« or  is  it 
 qiiite  unworthy  oi  our  notice,  that  this  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Ili'Vod,  or  the  thirty-first  *ii  fore  the  Chris- 
 tian era,  contained  the  latter  part  ofa  Sabbalic  year,  on  nhich  Sabbatic  year,  therefore,  it  i>  platii  this  great 
 «iuithquake  happened  iu  Judea. 
 
548  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 time,  tlie  fame  of  tliis  eartbqaake  elevated  Ibe  Arabians  to  greater  conr3ge,  and  tliis  by 
 auginenling  it  to  a  fabulous  height,  as  is  constantly  the  case  in  melancholy  accidents,  asid  pre- 
 tending thai  all  Judea  was  overthrown;  upon  this  supposal,  therefore,  that  they  should  easily 
 get  a  land  that  was  destitute  of  inhabitants  into  their  power,  they  first  sacrificed  those  ambas- 
 sadors who  were  conie  to  them  from  the  Jews,  and  then  marched  into  Judea  immediately. 
 Now  the  Jewish  nation  were  affrighted  at  this  invasion,  and  quite  dispirited  at  tlje  greatness 
 i)f  tlieir  calamities  one  after  another;  whom  yet  Herod  got  together,  and  endeavoured  to  encou- 
 lage  them  to  defend  themselves,  by  the  following  speech  which  he  made  to  thera  : — 
 
 4.  "  The  present  diead  you  are  under,  seems  to  me  to  ha\e  seized  upon  you  very  unrea- 
 sonably. It  is  trne,  you  niisht  justly  be  dismayed  at  that  providential  chastisement  which 
 hath  befallen  you;  but  to  suffer  yourselves  to  be  equally  terrified  at  t!ie  invasion  of  men,  is 
 unmanly.  As  for  mystilf,  I  am  so  far  from  being  affrighted  at  our  enemies  after  tliis  earth- 
 quake, that  I  imagine  that  God  hath  thereby  laid  a  bait  for  the  Arabians,  that  we  ma}'  be 
 avenged  on  them,  for  their  present  invasion  proceeds  more  from  our  accidental  misfortunes, 
 than  that  they  have  any  great  dependence  on  their  weapons,  or  their  own  fitness  for  action. 
 Now  that  hope  which  depends  not  on  men's  own  power,  but  on  other's  ill  success,  is  a  very 
 ticklish  thing:  for  there  is  no  certainty  among  men,  either  in  their  bnd  or  good  fortunes; 
 but  we  may  easily  observe  that  fortune  is  mutable,  and  goes  from  one  side  to  another  ; 
 and  this  you  may  readily  learn  from  examples  among  ourselves  ;  for  when  you  were  once 
 victors  in  the  former  fight,  your  enemies  overcame  yon  at  last  ;  and  very  likely  it  vcill  now 
 happen  so,  that  these  who  think  themselves  sure  of  beating  you,  will  themselves  be  beaten. 
 For,  when  men  are  very  confident,  they  are  not  upon  their  guard,  while  fear  teaches  men  to 
 act  with  caution  ;  insomuch,  that  I  venture  to  prove  from  your  very  limorousness,  that  you 
 ought  to  lake  courage:  for  when  you  were  more  bold  than  you  ought  to  have  been,  and  than 
 I  would  have  had  you,  and  marched  on,  Athenio's  treachery  took  place  ;  but  your  present 
 slowness  and  seeming  dejection  of  mind,  is  to  me  a  pledge  and  assurance  of  victory.  And 
 indeed  it  is  proper  beforehand  to  be  thus  provident ;  but  when  we  come  to  action,  we  onght 
 to  erect  our  minds,  and  to  make  our  enemies,  be  they  ever  so  wicked,  believe,  that  neither 
 any  human,  no,  nor  any  providential  misfortune,  can  ever  depress  the  courage  of  Jews 
 wl'.ile  they  are  alive;  nor  will  any  of  them  ever  overlook  an  Arabian,  or  sufl'er  sucli  a  one  to 
 become  lord  of  his  good  things,  whom  he  has  in  a  manner  taken  captive,  and  that  at  many 
 times  also.  And  do  not  you  disturb  yourselves  at  the  quaking  of  inanimate  creatures,  nor 
 do  you  imagine  that  this  earthquake  is  a  sign  of  another  calamity  ;  for  smcIi  affections  of 
 the  elements  are  according  to  the  course  of  nature,  nor  does  it  import  any  thing  farther  to  men, 
 ihan  what  mischief  it  does  immediately  of  itself.  Perhaps  there  may  come  some  short  sign 
 beforehand  in  the  case  of  pestilences,  and  famines,  and  earthquakes;  but  these  calamities 
 themselves  have  their  force  limited  by  themselves,  [without  foreboding  any  other  calamity.] 
 And  indeed  what  greater  mischief  can  the  war,  though  it  should  be  a  violent  one,  do  to  us, 
 than  the  earthquake  has  done  ?  Nay,  there  is  a  signal  of  our  enemies'  destruction  visible, 
 and  that  a  very  great  one  also  ;  and  this  is  not  a  natural  one,  nor  derived  from  the  hand  of 
 foreigners  neither,  but  it  is  this,  tluit  they  have  barbarously  murdered  our  ambassadors,  con- 
 trary to  the  common  law  of  mankind,  and  they  have  destroyed  so  many,  as  if  they  esteemed 
 thera  sacrifices  for  God,  in  relation  to  this  war.  But  they  will  not  avoid  his  great  eye,  nor 
 his  invincible  right  hand  ;  and  we  shall  be  revenged  of  them  presently,  in  case  we  still  retain 
 any  of  the  courage  of  our  forefathers,  and  rise  up  boldly  to  pnnish  these  covenant  breakers. 
 Let  every  one  therefore  go  on  and  fight,  not  so  much  for  his  wife  or  his  children,  or  for  the 
 danger  his  country  is  in,  as  for  these  ambassadors  of  ours ;  those  dead  ambassadors  will  con- 
 duct this  war  of  ours  better  than  we  ourselves  who  are  alivo.  And  if  you  will  be  ruled  by 
 me,  I  will  myself  go  before  you  into  danger  ;  for  you  know  this  well  enough,  that  your  courage 
 is  irresistible,  unless  you  hurt  yourselves  by  acting  rashly."* 
 
 5.  When  Herod  had  encouraged  them  by  this  speech,  and  he  saw  with  what  alacrity  they 
 went,  he  offered  sacrifice  to  God;  and  after  that  sacrifice,  he  passed  over  the  river  Jordan 
 with  his  army,  and  pitched  his  camp  about  Philadelphia  ;  near  the  enemy,  and  about  a  forti- 
 fication that  lay  between  them.  He  then  shot  at  them  at  a  distance,  and  was  desirous  to  come 
 to  an  engagement  presently  ;  for  some  of  them  had  been  sent  beforehand  to  seize  upon  that 
 fortification  :  but  the  king  sent  some,  who  immediately  beat  them  ont  of  the  fortification,  while 
 he  himself  went  in  the  forefront  of  the  army,  which  be  put  in  battle  array  every  day,  and 
 invited  the  Arabians  to  fight.  Hut  as  none  of  thera  came  out  of  their  camp,  for  thty  were  in 
 a  terrible  fright,  and  their  general,  Elthimus,  was  not  able  to  say  a  word  for  fear  ;  so  Herod 
 came  upon  them,  and  pulled  their  fortification  to  pieces,  by  which  means  they  were  compelled 
 to  come  out  to  fight,  which  they  did  in  disorder,  and  so  that  the  horsemen  and  footmen  were 
 mixed  together.  They  were  indeed  superior  to  the  Jews  in  number,  but  inferior  as  to  their 
 alacrity,  although  they  were  obliged  to  expose  themselves  to  danger  by  their  very  despair 
 of  victory. 
 
 *  This  speech  of  Herod's  is  set  down  tTice  by  Josephus,  here  and  Anliq.  b.  xv.  chap.  v.  §  3,  to  the  very 
 same  purpose,  but  by  no  meaus  in  the  same  words;  whence  it  appears,  that  the  sense  was  Herod's,  but  the 
 composition  Josephus's. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XX.  549 
 
 C.  Now  while  tliey  made  opposition,  they  had  not  a  great  nuni!)er  slain  ;  but  as  soon  as 
 they  turned  their  backs,  a  great  many  were  trodden  to  pieces  by  the  Jews,  and  a  great  many 
 by  themselves,  and  so  perished,  lill  live  thousand  were  fallen  down  dead  in  their  flight,  while 
 the  rest  of  the  mnltitude  prevented  their  immediate  death,  by  crowding  into  the  fortification. 
 Herod  encompassed  these  around,  and  besieged  them  ;  and  while  they  were  ready  to  be  taken 
 by  their  enemies  in  arms  ;  they  had  another  additional  distress  upon  them,  which  was  thirst 
 and  want  of  water  :  for  the  king  was  above  hearkening  to  their  ambassadors,  and  when  they 
 oflered  five  hundred  talents,  as  the  price  of  their  redemption,  he  pressed  still  harder  upon 
 them.  And  as  they  were  burnt  up  by  their  thirst,  they  came  out  and  voluntarily  delivered 
 themselves  up  by  multitudes  to  the  Jews,  till  in  five  days'  time  four  thousand  of  them 
 were  put  in  bonds  ;  and  on  the  sixth  day  the  multitude  that  were  left  despaired  of  ever 
 saving  themselves,  and  came  out  to  fight  ;  with  these  Herod  fought,  and  slew  again  about 
 seven  thousand,  insomuch,  that  he  punished  Arabia  so  severely,  and  so  far  extinguished  the 
 spirits  of  the  men,  that  he  was  chosen  by  the  nation  for  their  ruler. 
 
 CHAP.  XX. 
 
 Ilernd  is  confirmed  in  his  Kingdom  hij  Ccesar,  mid  aiHivates  a  Friendship  with  the  Emperor  by 
 magnificent  Presents;  while  Casar  returns  his  Kindness  by  bestowing  on  him  that  Part  of 
 his  Kingdom  ichich  had  been  taken  away  from  it  by  Cleopatra,  with  the  Addition  of  Zeno- 
 dorus'  Country  also. 
 
 §  1.  But  now  Herod  was  under  immediate  concern  about  a  most  important  affair,  on  account 
 of  his  friendship  with  Antony,  who  was  already  overcome  at  Actiura  by  Cajsar  ;  yet  be  was 
 more  afraid  than  hurt;  for  Cnesar  did  not  think  he  had  quite  undone  Antony  while  Herod  con- 
 tinued his  assistance  to  him.  However,  the  king  resolved  to  expose  himself  to  danger  : 
 accordingly  he  sailed  to  Rhodes,  where  Cassar  then  abode,  and  came  to  hitn  without  his  dia- 
 dem, and  in  the  habit  and  appearance  of  a  private  person,  but  in  his  behaviour  as  a  king.  So 
 he  concealeil  nothing  of  tlie  truth,  but  spoke  thus  before  bis  face,  "O  Caesar,  as  I  was  made 
 king  of  tiie  Jews  by  Autonj',  so  do  I  profess  that  I  have  used  my  royal  authority  in  the  best 
 manner,  and  entirely  for  his  advantage  ;  nor  will  1  conceal  this  farther,  that  thou  haclst  cer- 
 tainly found  me  in  arms,  and  an  inseparable  companion  of  his,  had  not  the  Arabians  hindered 
 me.  However,  I  sent  him  as  many  auxiliaries  as  I  was  able,  and  many  ten  thousand  [cori] 
 of  corn.  Nay,  indeed,  I  did  not  desert  ray  beuef.ictor  after  the  blow  that  was  given  him  at 
 Actium  ;  but  I  g^ive  liiin  the  best  advice  I  was  able,  when  I  was  no  longer  able  to  assist  him 
 in  the  war  ;  and  I  tiild  him  that  there  was  but  one  way  of  recovering  his  atlairs,  and  that  was 
 to  kill  Cleopatra;  and  I  promised  him,  that  if  she  were  once  dead,  I  would  aflbrd  him  money 
 and  walls  for  his  security,  with  an  army  and  myself  to  assist  him  in  his  war  against  thee  :  but 
 his  aftections  for  Cleopatra  stopped  his  ears,  as  did  God  himself  also,  who  bath  bestowed  the 
 government  on  thee.  1  own  njyself  also  to  be  overcome  together  with  him,  and  with  his  last 
 fortune  I  have  laid  aside  my  diadem,  and  am  come  hither  lo  thee,  having  my  hopes  of  safety 
 in  thy  virtue  ;  and  I  desire  that  thou  wilt  first  consider  bow  faithful  a  friend,  and  not  whose 
 friend,  I  have  been." 
 
 2.  Caesar  replied  to  him  thus  :  "Nay,  thou  shalt  not  only  be  in  safety,  but  shall  be  a  king; 
 and  that  more  firmly  than  thou  wert  before  ;  for  thou  art  worthy  to  reign  over  a  great  many 
 subjects,  by  reason  of  the  fastness  of  thy  friendship  :  and  do  thou  endeavour  to  be  equally 
 constant  in  ihy  friendship  to  me,  upon  my  good  success,  which  is  what  I  depend  upon  from 
 the  generosity  of  thy  disposition.  However,  Antony  hath  done  well  in  preferring  Cleopatra 
 to  thee ;  for  by  this  means  we  have  gained  thee  by  her  madness,  and  thus  thou  hast  begun  to 
 be  my  friend  before  I  began  to  be  thine ;  on  which  account  Quintus  Dedius  hath  written  to  me 
 that  thou  sentest  liim  assistance  against  the  gladiators.  I  do  therefore  assure  thee,  that  1  will 
 confirm  the  kingdom  to  thee  by  decree :  I  shall  also  endeavour  to  do  thee  some  further  kind- 
 ness hereafter,  that  thou  mayest  find  no  loss  in  the  want  of  Antony." 
 
 3.  When  C»sar  had  spoken  such  obliging  things  to  the  king,  and  had  put  the  diadem  again 
 about  his  head,  he  proclaimed  what  he  had  bestowed  on  him  by  a  decree,  in  which  he  enlarged 
 in  the  commendation  of  the  man  after  a  magnificent  manner.  Whereiipon  Herod  obliged  him 
 to  be  kind  to  him  by  the  presents  he  gave  him,  and  he  desired  him  to  forgive  Alexander,  one 
 of  Antony's  friends,  who  had  become  a  supplicant  to  him.  But  Ciesar's  anger  against  him 
 prevailed,  and  he  complained  of  the  many  and  very  great  oflences  the  man  whom  he  petitioned 
 for  had  been  guilty  of;  and  by  that  means  he  rejected  his  petition.  After  this,  Ca'sar  went 
 from  Egypt  through  Syria,  when  Herod  received  him  with  royal  and  rich  entertainments  ;  and 
 then  did  he  first  of  all  ride  along  with  Ciosar,  as  he  was  reviewing  his  army  about  I'tulemais ; 
 and  feasted  him  with  all  his  friends,  and  then  distributed  among  the  rest  of  the  army  what  was 
 necessary  to  feast  them  withal.  He  also  made  a  plentiful  provision  of  water  for  thtni,  when 
 they  were  to  march  as  far  as  Pelusiuni,  through  a  dry  country,  which  he  did  also  in  like  man- 
 ner at  their  return  thence ;  nor  were  there  any  necessaries  wanting  to  that  army.  It  was 
 therefore  the  opinion,  both  of  Caesar  and  of  his  soldiers,  that  Herod's  kingdom  was  too  sm^ill 
 for  those   generous   presents    he  made  thein  ;   for  which   reason,   when  Casar  was  come  into 
 
550  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Egj])t,  and  Cleopatra  and  Antony  were  dead,  be  did  not  only  bestow  ntlier  marks  of  honour 
 upon  Lira,  but  made  an  addition  to  bis  kingdom,  by  giving  him,  not  only  tlie  country  wliich 
 liad  been  taken  from  him  by  Cleopatra,  but  besides  that,  Gadara,  and  Hippos,  and  Samaria; 
 ;ind  moreover,  of  the  maritime  cities,  Gaza,*  and  Anthedou,  and  Joppa,  and  Strato's  Tower. 
 He  also  made  him  a  present  of  four  hundred  Galls  [Galatians]  as  a  guard  for  his  body,  which 
 they  had  been  to  Cleopalra  before.  Nor  did  any  thing  so  strongly  induce  Caesar  to  make  these 
 presents  as  the  generosity  of  him  that  received  them. 
 
 4.  Moreover,  after  the  first  ga^mes  at  Actium,  he  added  to  his  kingdom  both  the  region 
 called  Trachonitis,  and  what  lay  in  its  neighbourhood,  Batanea,  and  the  country  of  Auranitis  : 
 and  that  on  the  following  occasion:  Zenodoros,  who  had  hired  the  house  of  Ijysanias,  had  all 
 along  sent  robbers  out  of  Trachonitis  among  the  Damascenes  ;  who  thereupon  had  recourse  to 
 Varro,  the  president  of  Syria,  and  desired  of  him  that  he  would  represent  the  calamity  they 
 were  in  to  Caesar;  when  Caesar  was  acquainted  with  it,  he  sent  back  orders  that  this  nest  of 
 robbers  should  be  destroyed.  Varro  therefore  made  an  expedition  against  them,  and  cleared 
 the  land  of  those  men,  and  took  it  away  from  Zenodcrns.  Caesar  did  also  afterward  bestow  it 
 nn  Herod,  that  it  might  not  again  becoiae  a  receptacle  for  those  robbers  that  had  come  against 
 J)nma=cu3.  He  also  made  him  a  procurator  of  all  Syria,  and  this  on  the  tenth  year  afterward 
 when  became  again  iuto  that  province;  and  this  was  so  established,  that  the  other  procurators 
 could  not  do  any  thing  in  the  administration  without  his  advice;  but  when  Zenodoros  was 
 dead,  Caesar  bestowed  on  him  all  that  land  which  lay  between  Trachonitis  and  Galilee.  Yet 
 what  was  still  of  more  consequence  to  Herod,  he  was  beloved  by  Caesar  next  after  Agrippa, 
 and  by  Agrippa  next  after  Cassar  ;  whence  he  arrived  at  a  very  great  degree  of  felicity.  Yet 
 did  the  greatness  of  his  soul  exceed  it,  and  the  main  part  of  bis  magnanimity  was  extended 
 to  the  promotion  of  piety. 
 
 CHAP.  XXI. 
 
 Of  the  [^Tetnple  and']  Cities  that  were  built  by  Herod,  and  erected  from  the  very  Foundations  ; 
 as  also,  of  those  other  Edifices  that  were  erecttd  by  him  :  and  tvhat  Magnificence  he  shewed  to 
 Foreigners  I  and  how  Fortune  was  in  all  things  favourable  to  him. 
 
 §  1.  Accordingly,  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  reign,  Herod  rebuilt  the  temple,  and  encom- 
 passed a  piece  of  laud  about  it  with  a  wall,  which  land  was  twice  as  large  as  that  before 
 enclosed.  The  expenses  he  laid  out  upon  it  were  vastly  large  ;  and  the  riches  about  it  were 
 also  unspeakable.  A  sign  of  which  you  have  in  the  great  cloisters  that  were  erected  about 
 the  temple,  and  the  citadel  which  was  on  its  north  side.f  The  cloisters  he  built  from  the  foun- 
 dation, but  the  citadel  he  repaired  at  a  vast  expense,  nor  was  it  other  than  a  royal  palace, 
 which  he  called  Antonia,  in  honour  of  Antony.  He  also  built  himself  a  palace  in  the  upper 
 city,  containing  two  very  large  and  most  beautiful  apartments  ;  to  which  the  holy  house  itself 
 could  not  be  compared  [in  largeness.]  The  one  apartment  he  named  Caesareum,  and  the  other 
 he  named  Agrippium,  from  his  [two  great]  friends. 
 
 2.  Yet  did  he  not  preserve  their  memory  by  particular  buildings  only,  with  their  names 
 given  them,  but  his  generosity  went  as  far  as  entire  cities  ;  for  when  be  had  built  a  most  beau- 
 tiful wall  round  a  country  in  Samaria,  twenty  furlongs  hmg,  and  had  brought  six  thousand 
 inhabitants  into  it,  and  had  allotted  to  it  a  most  fruitful  piece  of  land,  and  in  the  midst  of  this 
 city,  thus  built,  had  erected  a  very  large  temple  to  Caesar,  and  had  laid  round  about  it  a  por- 
 tion of  sacred  land  of  three  furlongs  and  a  half,  he  called  the  city  Sebaste,  from  Sebastus  or 
 Augustus,  and  settled  the  affairs  of  the  city  after  a  most  regular  manner. 
 
 3.  And  when  Caesar  had  further  bestowed  upon  him  another  additional  country,  he  built 
 there  also  a  temple  of  white  marble,  hard  by  the  fountains  of  Jordan:  the  pliice  is  called 
 Panium,  where  is  a  top  of  a  mountain  that  is  raised  to  an  immense  height,  and  at  its  side, 
 beneath,  oral  its  bottom,  a  dark  cave  opens  itself;  within  which  there  is  a  horrible  precipice, 
 that  descends  abruptly  to  a  vast  depth  ;  it  contains  a  mighty  quantity  of  water,  which  is 
 immoveable  ;  and  when  any  body  lets  down  any  thing  to  measure  the  depth  of  the  earth 
 beneath  the  water,  no  length  of  cord  is  sufficient  to  reach  it.  Now  the  fountains  of  Jordan 
 rise  at  the  roots  of  this  cavity  outwardly;  and,  as  some  think,  this  is  the  utmost  origin  of  Jor- 
 dan :   but  we  shall  speak  of  that  matter  more  accurately  in  our  following  history. 
 
 4.  But  the  king  erected  other  places  at  Jericlio,  also,  between  the  citadel  Cypros  ami  the 
 former  place,  such  as  were  better  and  more  useful  than  the  former  for  travellers,  and  named 
 them  from  iLe  same  friends  of  his.     To  say  all  at  once,   there  was  not  any  place  of  his  kiirg- 
 
 *  Since  Josephus,  both  here,  and  in  his  Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  vii.  i  3.  reclions  Gaza,  whit-.h  had  been  a  free 
 city,  among  cities  given  to  Herod  by  AuRustus,  and  vet  implies  that  Herod  had  made  Costobarus  a  governor 
 of  it  before,  Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  vii.  ()  9.  llarduin  has  some  pretence  for  saying  that  .loseplius  here  contra- 
 dicted himself.  But  perhaps  Herod  thought  he  had  sufficient  authority  to  put  a  governor  into  Gaza,  after 
 he  was  made  tetrarch  or  king,  in  the  limes  of  war,  before  the  city  was  entirely  delivered  into  his  hands  by 
 Augustus. 
 
 +  This  fort  was  first  built,  as  is  supposed,  by  John  Hyrcauus,  see  Prid.  at  the  year  107,  and  called  Baris. 
 the  tower  or  citadel.  It  was  afterwards  rebuilt,  with  great  improvements,  by  Herod,  uuder  the  govermneiit 
 of  Anionius,  and  was  named  from  him  the  Tower  of  Antonia  ;  and  about  the  time  when  Herod  rebuilt  the 
 temple,  he  seems  to  have  put  his  last  hand  to  it.  See  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  v.  5  4.  Of  the  War,  b.  chap.  iii. 
 5  4.     It  lay  ou  the  noriU-west  side  of  the  temple,  and  was  a  quarter  as  large. 
 
BOOK   I. — CHAP.   XXI.  551 
 
 lioMi  lit  for  the  purpose,  that  was  permitted  to  he  without  somewliat  that  was  for  Caesar's 
 honour,  aud  when  he  liad  fdled  his  own  country  witii  temples,  lie  poured  out  the  like  plentiful 
 inark.sof  his  esteem  into  his  provinces,  and  built  m;iMy  cities  which  he  cilled  Caesareas. 
 
 5.  And  when  he  ohserved  that  there  was  a  city  by  the  seaside,  lliat  was  much  decayed  (ils 
 iiiiuie  was  Strato's  Tower,)  but  that  the  place,  by  (he  happiness  of  its  situation,  was  capable  of 
 j;reat  improvements  from  his  liberality,  he  rebuilt  it  all  with  white  stone,  and  adorned  it  with 
 several  most  splendid  palaces,  wherein  he  especially  deiuonstrated  his  magnanimity  :  for  the 
 case  was  this,  that  all  the  seashore  between  Dora  and  Joppa,  in  the  middle,  between  which 
 this  city  is  situated,  had  no  good  haven,  insomuch  that  every  one  that  sailed  from  Phenicia  for 
 Ejjypt  was  obliged  to  lie  in  the  stormy  sea,  by  reason  of  the  south  winds  that  threatened 
 them;  which  wind,  if  it  blow  but  a  little  fresh,  such  vast  waves  are  raised,  and  dash  upon 
 tiie  rocks,  that  upon  their  retreat,  the  sea  is  in  a  great  ferment  for  a  long  way.  But  the  king, 
 by  the  expenses  be  was  at,  and  the  liberal  disposal  of  thera,  overcame  nature,  and  built  a 
 haven  larger  than  was  tlie  Pyrseum  [at  Athens;]*  and  in  the  other  retirements  of  the  water 
 he  built  other  deep  stations  ffor  the  ships  also.] 
 
 G.  Now  although  the  place  where  he  built  was  greatly  opposite  to  his  purposes,  yet  did  he 
 so  fully  struggle  with  that  difficulty,  that  the  firmness  of  his  building  could  not  easily  be  con- 
 qineied  by  the  sea  ;  and  the  beauty  and  ornament  of  the  works  was  such,  as  though  he  had  not 
 had  any  difficulty  in  the  operation  ;  for  when  he  had  measured  out  as  large  a  space  as  we  have 
 before  mentioned,  he  let  down  stones  into  twenty  fathom  water,  the  greatest  part  of  which 
 were  tifty  feet  in  length,  and  nine  in  depth,  and  ten  in  breadth,  and  some  still  larger.  But 
 when  the  haven  was  filled  up  to  that  depth,  he  enlarged  that  wall  which  was  thus  already 
 extant  above  the  sea,  till  it  was  two  hundred  feet  wide,  one  hundred  of  which  had  buildings 
 before  it,  in  order  to  break  the  force  of  the  waves,  whence  it  was  called  Procumatia,  or  the 
 (irst  breaker  of  the  waves  ,  but  the  rest  of  the  space  was  under  a  stone  wall  that  ran  round  it. 
 On  this  wall  were  very  large  towers,  the  principal  and  most  beautiful  of  which  was  called 
 Drusium,  from  Drasus,  who  was  son-in  law  to  Caesar. 
 
 7.  There  were  also  a  great  number  of  arches,  where  the  mariners  dwelt;  and  all  the  places 
 before  them  round  about  was  a  large  valley,  or  walk,  for  a  quay  [or  landing  place]  to  those 
 that  came  on  shore;  but  the  entrance  was  on  the  north,  because  the  north  wind  was  there  the 
 most  gentle  of  all  the  winds.  At  the  mouth  of  the  haven  were  on  each  side  three  great 
 (/olossi,  supported  by  pillars,  where  those  Colossi  that  ore  on  your  left  hand  as  vou  sail  into 
 the  port,  are  snppnrted  by  a  solid  tower,  but  those  on  the  right  hand  are  supported  by  two 
 upright  stones  joined  together,  which  stones  were  larger  than  that  tower  which  was  on  the 
 other  side  of  the  entrance.  Now  there  were  continual  edifices  joined  to  the  haven,  which 
 were  also  tliemselves  of  white  stone  ;  and  to  this  haven  did  the  narrow  streets  of  the  city  lead, 
 and  were  built  at  equal  distances  one  from  another.  And  over  against  the  mouth  of  the  haven, 
 upon  an  elevation,  there  was  a  temple  for  Caesar,  which  was  excellent  both  in  beauty  and 
 largeness;  and  therein  was  a  Colossus  of  Cfesar,  not  less  than  that  of  Jupiter  Olympius,  which 
 it  was  made  to  resemble.  The  other  Colossus  of  Roirie  was  equal  to  that  of  Juno  at  Argos. 
 So  he  dedicated  the  city  to  the  province,  and  the  haven  to  the  sailors  there,  but  the  honour  of 
 the  building  he  ascribed  to  Carsar.t  and  named  it  Caesarea  accordingly. 
 
 8.  He  also  built  the  other  edifices,  the  ampliitheatre,  and  theatre,  and  market-place,  in  a 
 manner  agreeable  to  that  denomination  ;  and  appointed  games  every  fifth  year,  and  called  them 
 in  like  manner,  Cxsar's  Games;  and  he  first  himself  proposed  tlie  largest  prizes  upon  the 
 hundred  ninety-second  Olympiad  ;  in  which  not  only  the  victors  themselves,  but  those  that 
 came  next  to  them,  and  even  those  that  came  in  the  third  place,  were  partakers  of  his  royal 
 boonty.  He  also  rebuilt  Anthedon,  a  city  that  lay  on  the  coast,  and  had  been  demolished  in 
 the  wars,  and  named  it  Agrippium.  Moreover,  he  had  so  very  great  a  kindness  for  his 
 friend  Agrippa,  that  he  had  his  name  engraven  upon  that  gate  which  he  had  himself  erected  in 
 the  temple. 
 
 ',(.  Herod  was  also  a  lover  of  his  father,  if  any  other  person  ever  was  so;  for  he  made  a 
 monument  for  his  father,  even  that  city  which  he  built  in  the  finest  plain  that  was  in  his  king- 
 dom, and  which  had  rivers  and  trees  in  abundance,  and  named  it  Antipatris.  He  also  built  a 
 wall  about  a  citadel  that  lay  above  Jericho,  and  was  a  very  strong  and  very  fine  building,  and 
 dedicated  it  to  his  mother,  and  called  it  Cypres.  Moreover,  he  dedicated  a  tower  that  was  at 
 Jerusalem,  and  called  it  by  the  name  of  bis  brother  Phasaelus,  whose  structure,  largeness,  and 
 magnificence,  we  shall  describe  hereafter.  He  also  built  another  city  in  the  valley  that  leads 
 northward  from  .Fericho,  and  named  it  Phasaelis. 
 
 10.  And  as  he  transmitted  to  eternity  his  family  and  friends,  so  did  he  not  neglect  a  memo- 
 rial for  himself,  but  built  a  fortress  upon  a  mouutain  towards  Arabia,  and  named  it  from  him- 
 
 •  That  Tospp'.His  speaks  tnith,  when  he  assures  us  that  "  the  haven  of  this  Caesarea  was  made  by  Herod  no 
 ess,  nay  rather  larger,  than  that  famous  hiiven  at  Athens  called  the  Pyrseum,"  will  appear,  says  Dean 
 Akir;t-li,  to  liiiu  who  compares  the  descriptions  of  that  at  Athens  in  l  hucydides  ai.d  I'ausauias,  with  this  of 
 Ca;sarea  m  Josephus  here,  aud  in  the  Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap,  ix  ^  6.  and  b.xvii.  chap.  ix.  5  1. 
 
 +  These  buildings  of  cities  by  the  name  of  Cs'sar,  and  institution  of  solemn  games  in  honour  of  Augustus 
 CsRsar.  as  here,  arid  in  the  Anticpiities,  related  of  Herod  by  .losephus.'the  Roman  historians  attest  to,  as  ihiugs 
 then  tVequeut  iu  the  iwovinces  of  that  empire,  as  Uean  Aldrich  observes  ou  this  chapter. 
 
552  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 self  Herodiiim  ;*  and  lie  called  that  liiil  that  was  of  the  shape  of  a  woman's  hreast,  and  was  sixty 
 furlongs  distant  from  Jernsalein,  by  the  same  name.  He  also  bestowed  niiicti  curious  art 
 upon  it,  with  ijreat  ambition,  and  built  round  towers  all  about  the  top  of  it,  lirid  filled  up  the 
 vemainina;  space  with  the  most  costly  palaces  round  about,  insomuch,  that  nol  only  the  sight 
 of  the  inner  apartments  was  splendid,  but  great  wealth  was  laid  out  on  the  outward  walls,  und 
 partitions,  and  roofs  also.  Besides  this,  he  brought  a  mighty  quantity  of  water  from  a  great 
 distance,  and  at  vast  charges,  and  raised  an  ascent  to  it  of  two  hundred  steps  of  the  whitest 
 marble,  for  the  hill  was  itself  moderately  hi^jh,  and  entirely  factitious.  He  also  built  other 
 palaces  about  the  roots  of  the  hill,  sufficient  to  receive  the  furniture  that  was  put  into  them, 
 with  his  friends  also  ;  insomuch,  that  on  account  of  its  containing  all  necessaries,  the  fortress 
 might  seem  to  be  a  citv,  but,  by  the  bounds  it  had,  a  palace  only. 
 
 11.  And  when  he  had  built  so  much,  he  shewed  the  greatness  of  his  soul  to  no  small  number 
 of  foreign  cities.  He  built  places  for  exercise  at  Tripoli,  and  Damascus,  and  Ptolemais  ;  he 
 built  a  wall  abont  Byblus,  as  also  large  rooms,  and  cloisters,  and  temples,  and  market  places 
 at  Berytiis  and  Tyre,  with  theatres  at  Sidon  and  Damascus.  He  fllso  built  aqueducts  for  those 
 Laodiceans  who  lived  by  the  sea-side;  and  for  those  of  Ascalon  he  built  baths  and  costly 
 fountains,  as  also  cloisters  round  a  court,  that  were  admirable  both  for  their  workmanship  and 
 largeness.  Moreover,  he  dedicated  groves  and  meadows  to  some  people  ;  nay,  not  a  few  cities 
 there  were  who  had  lands  of  his  donation,  as  if  they  were  parts  of  his  own  kingdom.  He  also 
 bestowed  annual  revenues,  and  those  for  ever  also,  on  the  settlements  for  exercises,  and 
 appointed  for  them,  as  well  as  for  the  people  of  Cos,  that  such  rewards  should  never  be  want- 
 ing. He  also  gave  corn  to  all  such  as  wanted  it,  and  conferred  upon  Rhodes  large  sums  of 
 money  for  building  siiips,  and  this  he  did  in  many  places,  and  frequent'y  also.  And  when 
 Apollo's  temple  had  been  burnt  down,  he  rebuilt  it  at  his  own  charges,  after  a  better  manner 
 than  it  was  before.  What  need  I  speak  of  the  presents  he  made  to  the  Lyceans  and  Sam- 
 nians?  or  of  his  great  liberality  through  all  Ionia?  and  that  according  to  every  body's  wants 
 of  them.  And  are  not  the  Athenians,  and  Lacedemonians,  and  Nieopolitans,  and  that  Perga- 
 mus  which  is  in  Mysia,  full  of  donations  that  Herod  presented  them  withal?  And  as  for  that 
 large  open  place  belonging  to  Antioch  in  Syria,  did  not  be  pave  it  with  polished  marble,  though 
 it  were  twenty  furlongs  long?  and  this  when  it  was  shunned  by  all  men  before,  bec:;nse  it  v/ai 
 full  of  dirt  and  filthiness,  when  he  besides  adorned  the  same  place  with  a  cloister  of  the 
 same  length. 
 
 12.  It  is  true,  a  man  may  say,  these  were  favours  peculiar  to  those  particular  places,  on 
 which  he  bestowed  his  benefits;  but  then  what  favours  he  bestowed  on  the  Eleans  was  a  dona- 
 tion not  only  in  common  to  all  Greece,  but  to  all  the  habitable  earth,  as  far  as  the  glory  of  the 
 Olympic  games  reached.  For  when  he  perceived  that  they  were  come  to  notliing  for  want  of 
 mooey,  and  that  the  only  remains  of  ancient  Greece  were  in  a  manner  gone,  he  not  only  became 
 one  of  the  combatants  in  that  return  of  the  fifth-year  games,  which  in  his  sailing  to  Rome  he 
 happened  to  be  present  at,  but  he  settled  upon  them  revenues  of  money  for  perpetuity,  inso- 
 much, that  his  memorial  as  a  combatant  there  can  never  fail.  It  would  be  an  infinite  task  if 
 I  should  go  over  his  payments  of  people's  debts,  or  tribates,  for  them,  as  he  eased  the  people 
 of  Phasaelus,  of  Batanea,  and  of  the  small  cities  about  Cilicia,  of  those  annual  pensions  they 
 before  paid.  However,  the  fear  he  was  in  much  disturbed  the  greatness  of  his  soul,  lest  he 
 should  be  exposed  to  envv,  or  seem  to  hunt  after  greater  things  than  he  ought,  while  he 
 bestowed  more  liberal  gifts  upon  these  cities,  than  did  their  owners  themselves. 
 
 14.  Now  Herod  had  a  body  suited  to  his  soul,  and  was  ever  a  most  excellent  hunter,  where 
 he  generally  had  good  success,  by  the  means  of  his  great  skill  in  riding  horses ;  for  in  one  day 
 he  caught  forty  wild  beasts  ;t  that  country  breeds  also  bears,  and  the  greatest  part  of  it  is 
 replenished  with  stags  and  wild  asses.  He  was  also  such  a  warrior  as  could  not  be  with- 
 stood :  many  men  tiierefore  there  are  wlio  have  stood  amazed  at  his  readiness  in  his  exercises, 
 %vhen  they  saw  him  throw  the  javelin  directlv  forward,  and  shoot  the  arrow  upon  the  mark. 
 And  then,  besides  these  performances  of  his,  depending  on  his  own  strength  of  mind  and  body, 
 fortune  was  also  very  favourable  to  him  ;  for  he  seldom  failed  of  success  in  his  wars ;  and 
 when  he  failed,  he  was  not  himself  the  occasion  of  such  failings,  hut  he  either  was  betrayed 
 bj  some,  or  the  rashness  of  bis  own  soldiers  procured  his  defeat. 
 
 CHAP.  XXII. 
 
 The  Murder  of  Aristohulus  and  Ilyrcauus,  the  High  Priests,  as  a!so  of  Mariamne  the  Queen. 
 
 §  1.  HowEVFR,  fortune  was  avenged  on  Herod  in  his  eternal  great  snccesses,  by  raising  him 
 up  domestic  troubles,  and  he  began  to  have  wild  disorders  in  bis  family  on  account  of  his 
 wife,  of  whom  he  was  so  very  fond.     For  when  he  came  to  the  government,  he  sent  away  her 
 
 *  There  were  two  cities,  or  citadels,  called  Herodium,  in  Judea,  and  both  mentioned  by  Josephus,  not 
 only  here,  but  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  xiii.  5  9.  b.  x.  chap.  ix.  ^  9.  Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  xiii.  j  8.  b.  iii.  chap, 
 iii.  55.  One  of  them  was  200,  and  the  other  GO  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem.  One  of  them  is  mentioned  by 
 Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  b.  v.  chap.  xiv.  as  Dean  Aldrich  observes  here. 
 
 f  Here  seems  to  be  a  small  defect  in  the  copies,  which  describe  the  wild  beasts  which  were  hunted  in  a 
 cirtaiu  country  by  llerod.  without  naming  any  such  coiintry  at  all. 
 
BOOK   I. — CHAP.  XXII.  553 
 
 whoin  lie  had  before  married  when  he  was  a  private  person,  and  who  was  born  at  Jerusalem, 
 wliose  name  was  Doris,  atid  married  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristo- 
 buliis;  on  whose  account  distarbances  arose  in  bis  family,  and  that  in  part  very  soon,  but 
 chielly  after  his  reliirn  from  Rome.  For  lirst  of  all,  he  expelled  Antipater  the  son  of  Doris, 
 lor  the  suke  of  his  sons  by  Mariamne,  out  of  the  city,  and  permitted  him  to  come  thither  at  no 
 other  times  than  at  the  festivals.  After  this  he  slew  his  wife's  grandfather,  Ilyrcanus,  when 
 lie  was  returned  out  of  Parthia  to  him,  under  this  pretence,  that  he  suspected  him  of  plotting 
 asjainst  hi;n.  Now  this  Hyrcanus  had  been  carried  captive  to  Barzapliarnes,  when  be  overran 
 Syria  ;  but  those  of  his  own  country  beyond  Euphrates  were  desirous  he  would  stay  with  them, 
 and  this  out  of  the  commiseration  they  had  for  bis  condition  ;  and  bad  he  complied  with  their 
 desires,  when  they  exhorted  him  not  to  go  over  tlie  river  to  Herod,  he  had  not  perished,  but 
 the  marriage  of  his  granddauijliter  [to  Herod]  was  his  temptation;  for  as  be  relied  upon  him, 
 and  was  over  fond  of  Jiis  own  country,  be  came  back  to  it.  Herod's  provocation  was  this, 
 not  that  Hyrcanus  made  any  attempt  to  gain  the  kingdom,  but  that  it  was  fitter  for  him  to  be 
 their  king  than  for  Herod. 
 
 2.  Now  of  the  five  children  which  Herod  had  by  Mariamne,  two  of  them  were  daughters, 
 and  three  were  sons  y  and  the  youngest  of  these  sons  was  educated  at  Rome,  and  there  died; 
 but  the  two  eldest  he  treated  as  those  of  royal  blond,  on  account  of  the  nobiiitj  of  their 
 niother,  and  because  tlicy  were  not  b.irn  till  he  was  king.  Bat  then  what  was  stronger  than 
 all  this,  was  the  lore  he  bore  to  iijariarane,  and  which  inflamed  him  every  day  to  a  great 
 degree,  and  so  far  conspired  with  the  other  motives,  that  be  felt  no  other  troubles  on  account 
 of  her  be  loved  so  entirely.  But  IMariarane's  liatred  to  him  was  not  inferior  to  his  love  to  her. 
 She  had  indeed  but  too  just  a  cause  of  indignation,  from  what  he  had  done,  while  her  boldness 
 proceeded  from  bis  aiVeciion  to  her  ;  so  she  openly  reproached  him  with  what  he  had  done  to 
 her  grandfather  Hyrcanus,  and  to  her  brother  Aristobulus ;  for  he  bad  not  spared  this  Aristo- 
 bulus,  though  he  were  but  a  child,  for  when  lie  had  given  him  the  bigb  priesthood  at  the  age 
 of  seventeen,  he  slew  bira  quickly  after  he  had  conferred  that  dignity  upon  him;  but 
 when  Aristobulus  bad  put  on  the  holy  vestments,  and  had  approached  to  the  altar,  at  a 
 festival,  the  multitude,  in  great  crowds,  fell  into  tears ;  whereupon  the  child  was  sent  by 
 night  to  Jericho,  and  was  there  dipped  by  the  Galls,  at  Herod's  command,  in  a  pool  till  he 
 was  drowned. 
 
 3.  For  these  reasons  Mariamne  reproached  Herod,  and  his  sister  and  mother,  after  a  most 
 contumelious  manner,  whilfe  he  was  dumb  on  account  of  his  affection  for  her;  yet  had  the 
 women  great  indignation  at  her,  and  raised  a  caluniiiy  against  her,  that  she  was  false  to  his 
 bed  :  which  thing  they  thought  most  likely  to  move  Herod  to  anger.  They  also  contrived  to 
 have  many  other  circumstances  believed,  in  order  to  make  the  thing  more  credible,  and 
 accused  her  of  having  sent  her  picture  into  Egypt  to  Antony,  and  that  her  lust  was  so  extra- 
 vagant, as  to  have  tlius  shewed  herself,  though  she  was  absent,  to  a  man  that  ran  mad  after 
 women,  and  to  a  man  tiiat  had  it  in  his  power  to  use  violence  to  her.  This  charge  fell  like  a 
 tliundirboh  upon  Herod,  and  put  him  into  disorder;  and  that  especially,  because  his  love  to 
 lier  occasioned  him  to  be  je  dons,  and  because  he  considered  with  himself  that  Cleopatra  was 
 a  shrewd  woman,  and  that  on  her  account  Lysanias  tlie  king  was  taken  off,  as  well  as  Mali- 
 cbus  the  Arabian  :  for  his  fear  did  not  only  extend  to  the  dissolving  of  his  marriage,  but  to 
 the  dansjer  of  his  life. 
 
 4.  When  therefore  be  was  about  to  take  a  journey  abroad,  be  committed  bis  wife  to  Joseph, 
 his  sister  Salome's  husband,  as  to  one  who  would  be  faithful  to  him,  and  bore  him  good-will  on 
 account  of  their  kindred;  he  also  gave  him  a  secret  injunction,  that  if  Antony  slew  liiin,  he 
 would  sliiy  her.  But  Joseph,  without  any  ill  design,  and  only  in  order  to  demonstrate  the 
 king's  love  to  bis  wife,  bow  he  could  not  bear  to  think  of  being  separated  from  iier,  even  by 
 death  itself,  discovered  this  grand  secret  to  her;  upon  which,  when  Herod  was  come  back,  and 
 as  they  talked  together,  he  confirmed  his  love  to  her  by  many  oaths,  and  assured  her  that  he  had 
 never  such  an  all'ection  for  any  other  woman  as  he  had  for  her.  "  Yes,*  (says  she,)  thou 
 didst,  to  he  sure,  demonstrate  thy  love  to  me  by  the  injunctions  thou  gavest  Joseph,  when  thou 
 commandedst  him  to  kill  me." 
 
 5.  When  he  heard  that  this  grand  secret  was  discovered,  be  was  like  a  distracted  man, 
 and  said,  that  Joseph  would  never  have  disclosed  that  injunction  of  his,  unless  he  had 
 debauched  her.  His  passion  also  made  him  stark  mad,  and  leaping  out  of  his  bed,  he  ran 
 about  the  palace  after  a  wild  manner  ;  at  which  time  his  sister  Salome  took  the  opportunity 
 also  1o  lilast  her  reputation,  and  confirmed  his  sHS|)icion  about  Joseph  ;  whereupon  out  of  his 
 ungovernable  jealousy  and  rage,  he  commanded  both  of  them  to  be  slain  immediately;  but  as 
 soon  as  ever  his  passion  was  over,  be  repented  of  what  he  bad  done,  and,  as  soon  as  his  anger 
 was  worn  off,  Ids  afi'eclions  were  kindled  again.  And,  indeed,  the  flame  of  his  desires  for  her 
 was  so  ardent,  that  be  could  not  think  she  was  dead,  but  would  appear  under  his  disorders  to 
 
 •  Here  is  either  a  de  ect,  or  a  great  mistake  in  Josephns' present  copies,  or  memory,  for  I\r!iriamne  did  not 
 now  reproach  Herod  with  this  his  lirst  iiijnnr.tinn  tn  .(oseph  to  kill  her,  if  he  himself  were  slain  hy  Antony, 
 but  that  he  had  (jiveii  the  like  command  a  skcoikI  time  tu  Soueuius  also,  when  he  was  afraid  of  being  slaiu  by 
 Augustus.    Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  iii.  v  6,  iVc. 
 
 4    A 
 
554  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 speak  to  her  as  if  she  were  still  alive,  till  be  were  better  instructed  by  time,  wben  liis  g-rief 
 and  trouble,  now  she  was  dead,  appeared  as  great  as  his  afi'ection  bad  beea  for  ber  while  she 
 was  living. 
 
 CHAP.  XXIII. 
 
 Calumnies  against  the  Sons  of  Mariamne.     Antipater   is  preferred  before  them.     They  are 
 accused  before  Ctesar,  and  Herod  is  reconciled  to  them, 
 
 §  1.  Now  Mariarane's  sons  were  heirs  to  that  hatred  which  had  been  borne  their  mother,  and 
 when  they  considered  the  greatness  of  Herod's  crime  towards  her,  they  were  suspicious  of 
 Lim  as  of  an  enemy  of  theirs ;  and  this  first  while  they  were  educated  at  Rome,  but  still  more 
 when  they  were  returned  to  Judea.  This  temper  of  theirs  increased  upon  them,  as  they  grew 
 np  to  be  men,  and  when  they  were  corae  to  an  age  fit  for  marriage,  the  oue  of  them  married 
 their  aunt  Salome's  daughter,  which  Salome  had  been  the  accuser  of  their  mother ;  the  other 
 married  the  daughter  of  Arcbelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia.  x\nd  now  they  used  boldness  in 
 speaking,  as  well  as  bore  hatred  in  their  minds.  Now  those  that  calumniated  them  took  a 
 handle  from  such  their  boldness,  and  certain  of  (hem  spoke  now  more  plainly  to  the  king  that 
 there  were  treacherous  designs  laid  against  him  by  both  his  sons,  and  he  that  was  son-in-law 
 to  Arcbelaus,  relying  upon  his  father-in-law,  was  preparing  to  fly  away,  in  order  to  accuse 
 Herod  before  Caesar;  and  when  Herod's  head  had  been  long  enough  filled  with  these  calum- 
 nies, he  brought  Antipater,  whom  be  bad  by  Doris,  into  favour  again,  as  a  defence  to  him 
 against  his  other  sons,  and  began  all  the  ways  he  possibly  could  to  prefer  him  before  them. 
 
 2.  But  these  sons  were  not  able  to  bear  this  change  in  their  all'airs,  for  when  they  saw 
 him  that  was  born  of  a  mother  of  no  family,  the  nnbility  of  their  birth  made  them  unable  to 
 contain  their  indignation  ;  but  whensoever  they  were  uneasy,  they  shewed  the  anger  they  bad 
 at  it.  And  as  these  sons  did  day  after  day  improve  in  that  their  anger,  Antipater  already 
 exercised  all  his  own  abilities,  which  were  very  great,  in  flattering  his  father,  and  in  contriv- 
 ing many  sorts  of  calumnies  against  his  brethren,  while  he  told  some  stories  of  them  himself, 
 and  put  it  upon  other  proper  persons  to  raise  other  stories  against  them,  till  at  length  be 
 entirely  cut  his  brethren  oil'  from  all  hopes  of  succeeding  to  the  kingdom  ;  for  he  was  already 
 publicly  put  into  his  father's  will  as  his  successor.  Accordingly,  he  was  sent  with  royal 
 ornaments,  and  other  marks  of  royalty,  to  Caesar,  excepting  the  diadem.  He  was  also  able  in 
 time  to  introduce  bis  mother  again  into  Marianine's  bed.  The  two  sorts  of  weapons  he  made 
 use  of  against  bis  brethren,  were  flattery  and  calumny,  whereby  he  brought  matters  privately 
 to  such  a  pass,  that  the  king  had  thoughts  of  putting  his  sons  to  death. 
 
 3.  So  the  father  drew  Alexander  as  far  as  Rome,  and  charged  him  with  an  attempt  of 
 poisoning  him  before  Cassar.  Alexander  could  hardly  speak  for  lamentation,  but  having  a 
 judge  that  was  more  skilful  than  Antipater,  and  more  wise  than  Herod,  he  modestly  avoided 
 laying  any  imputation  upon  his  father,  but  with  great  strength  of  reason  confuted  the  calum- 
 nies laid  against  him  ;  and  when  be  had  demonstrated  the  iiinocency  of  his  brother,  who  was 
 in  the  like  danger  with  himself,  he  at  last  bewailed  the  craftiness  of  Antipater,  and  the  dis- 
 grace they  were  under.  He  was  enabled  also  to  justify  himself,  not  only  by  a  clear  con- 
 science, which  he  carried  with  him,  but  by  his  eloquence ;  for  he  was  a  shrewd  man  in  making 
 speeches.  And  upon  his  saying  at  last,  that  if  his  father  objected  this  crime  to  them,  it  was 
 in  his  power  to  put  them  to  death,  he  made  all  the  audience  weep;  and  he  brought  Csesar  to 
 that  pass,  as  to  reject  the  accusation,  and  to  reconcile  their  f.ither  to  them  immediately.  But 
 the  conditions  of  their  reconciliation  were  these,  that  they  should  in  all  things  be  obedient 
 to  their  father,  and  that  he  should  have  power  to  leave  the  kingdom  to  which  of  ihefli  he 
 pleased. 
 
 4.  After  this  the  king  came  back  from  Rome,  and  seemed  to  have  forgiven  bis  sons  upon 
 these  accusations  ;  but  still  so,  that  he  was  not  without  his  suspicions  of  them.  They  were 
 followed  by  Antipater,  who  was  the  fountain-head  of  those  accusations;  yet  did  not  he  openly 
 discover  his  hatred  to  them,  as  revering  him  that  had  reconciled  them.  But  as  Herod  sailed 
 by  Cilicia,  he  touched  at  Eleusa,*  where  Arcbelaus  treated  them  in  the  most  obliging  manner, 
 and  gave  him  thanks  for  the  deliverance  of  his  son-in-law,  and  was  much  pleased  at  their 
 reconciliation  ;  and  tliis  the  more,  because  he  had  formerly  written  to  his  friends  at  Rome,  that 
 they  should  be  assisting  to  Alexander  at  his  trial.  So  he  conducted  Herod  as  far  as  Zephy- 
 rium,  and  made  him  presents  to  the  value  of  thirty  talents. 
 
 5.  Now  when  Herod  was  corae  to  Jerusalem,  he  gathered  the  people  together,  and  presented 
 to  them  his  three  sons,  and  gave  them  an  apologetic  account  of  his  absence,  and  "  thanked 
 God  greatly,  and  thanked  Caesar  greatly  also,  for  settling  his  bonse  when  it  was  under  distur- 
 bances, and  had  procured  concord  among  his  sons,  which  was  of  greater  consequence  than  the 
 kingdom  itself,  and  which  I  will  render  still  more  firm  ;  for  Caesar  hath  put  into  my  power  to 
 dispose  of  the  government,  and  to  appoint  my  successor.     Accordingly,  in  way  of  requital  for 
 
 *  That  this  island  Eleusa,  afterwards  called  Sebaste,  near  Cilicia,  had  in  it  the  royal  palace  of  this  Arrhe- 
 Inns,  king  of  Cappadocia,  Strnbo  testifies,  b.  xv.  page  678.  .Stephanus  of  Byzantium  also  calls  it  "  an  island 
 of  Cilicia.  which  is  now  Sebaste  ;"  both  whose  testimonies  are  pertinently  cited  here  by  Dr.  tludsoQ.  See 
 th»  ssme  liistory,  Antiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  x.  ^  7- 
 
BOOK   I.— CHAP.  XXIV.  555 
 
 liis  i.itidiiess,  and  in  order  to  provide  for  mine  own  advantage,  I  do  declare,  that  these  thres 
 sons  of  mine  sliall  be  kinijs.  And,  in  the  iiist  place,  I  |)ray  for  the  approbation  of  God  to 
 what  I  am  about ;  and,  in  tiie  next  place,  1  desire  your  approbation.  The  ajje  of  one  of  them, 
 ana  the  nobility  of  tiie  olhtr  two,  should  procure  them  the  succession.  Nay,  indeed,  my 
 kingdom  is  so  large,  that  it  may  be  suflicietit  for  more  kings.  Now  do  you  keep  those  in  tiieir 
 places  whom  Ca,'sar  hath  joined,  and  their  father  hath  appointed  ;  and  do  not  you  pay  undue 
 or  unequal  respects  to  them,  but  to  every  one  according  to  the  prerogative  of  their  births  ;  for 
 he  that  pays  such  res[)ects  unduly,  will  thereby  not  make  him  that  is  honoured  beyond  what 
 his  age  requires  so  joyful,  as  he  will  make  him  that  is  dishonoured  sorrowful.  As  for  the 
 kindred  and  friends  tiiat  are  to  converse  with  them,  1  will  appoint  them  to  each  of  them,  and 
 will  so  constitute  them,  that  they  may  be  securities  for  their  concord  :  as  well  knowing,  that 
 the  ill  tempers  of  those  with  whom  they  converse,  will  produce  quarrels  and  contentions  among 
 them  ;  but  that,  if  those  with  whom  they  converse  be  of  good  tempers,  they  will  preserve  their 
 natural  alVcctions  for  one  another.  Jiiit  still  I  desire,  that  not  these  only,  but  all  the  captains 
 of  my  army,  have,  for  the  present,  their  hopes  placed  on  me  alone;  for  I  do  not  give  away  my 
 kingdom  to  (hese  my  sons,  but  give  Iheni  royal  honours  only  ;  whereby  it  will  come  to  pass, 
 that  Ihey  will  enjoy  the  sweet  parts  of  government  as  rulers  themselves,  but  that  the  burden  of 
 administration  will  rest  upon  myself,  whether  I  will  or  not.  And  let  every  one  consider  what 
 age  I  am  of,  how  I  have  conducted  my  life,  and  what  jiiety  I  have  exercised  :  for  my  age  is 
 not  so  great,  that  men  may  soon  expect  the  end  of  my  life ;  nor  have  I  indulged  such  a  luxuri- 
 ous way  of  living  as  cuts  men  olV  when  they  are  young;  and  we  have  been  so  religious  towards 
 God,  that  we  [have  reason  to  hope  we]  may  arrive  at  a  very  great  age.  But  for  such  as  col- 
 tivate  a  friendship  with  my  sons,  so  as  to  aim  at  my  destruction,  they  shall  be  punished  by  me 
 on  their  account.  I  am  not  one  who  envy  my  own  children,  and  therefore  forbid  men  to  pay 
 them  great  rtspcct  ;  but  I  know  that  such  [extravagant]  respects  a:re  the  way  to  make  them 
 insolent.  And  if  every  one  that  comes  near  them  does  but  revolve  this  in  his  mind,  that  if  he 
 proves  a  good  man,  he  shall  receive  a  reward  from  me  ;  that  if  he  proves  seditious,  his  ill 
 intended  complaisance  shall  get  him  nothing  from  him  to  whom  it  is  shewn.  I  suppose  they 
 will  all  be  of  my  side,  that  is  of  my  sons'  side  ;  for  it  will  be  for  their  advantage  that  I  reign, 
 and  that  I  he  at  concord  with  them.  But  do  you,  O  my  good  children,  reflect  upon  the  holi- 
 ness of  nature  itself,  by  whose  means  natural  afl'ection  is  preserved,  even  among  wild  beasts; 
 in  tlie  next  place  reflect  upon  Cassar,  who  hath  made  this  reconciliation  among  us  ;  and,  in  the 
 third  place,  rellect  upon  me,  who  entreat  you  to  do  what  I  have  power  to  command  you  :  con- 
 tinue brethren.  I  give  you  royal  garments,  and  royal  honours;  and  I  pray  to  God  to  preserve 
 what  I  have  determined,  in  case  you  be  at  concord  one  with  another."  When  the  king  had 
 thus  spoken,  and  had  saluted  every  one  of  his  sons  after  an  obliging  manner,  he  dismissed  the 
 multitude;  some  of  whom  gave  their  assent  to  what  he  had  said,  and  wished  it  might  take 
 clFect  accordingly  ;  liut  for  those  who  wished  for  a  change  of  ali'airs,  they  pretended  they  did 
 not  so  much  as  hear  what  he  said. 
 
 CHAP.  XXIV. 
 
 The  Malice  of  Anlipater  and  Doris.  Alexander  is  very  uneasij  on  Glajjiiijras  Acrounl. 
 Herod  pardons  Plieroras  whom  he  suspected,  and  Salome,  whom  he  knew  lo  make  mischief 
 among  them.     Herod's  Eunuchs  are  tortured,  and  Alexander  is  bound. 
 
 $  Bdt  now  the  quarrel  that  was  between  them,  still  accompanied  these  brethren  when  they 
 parted,  and  the  suspicions  they  had  one  of  the  other  grew  worse.  Alexander  and  Aristobulus 
 were  much  grieved  that  the  privilege  of  the  (irst-horn  was  confirmed  to  Antipater,  as  was 
 Antipafer  very  angry  at  his  brethren,  that  they  were  to  succeed  him.  Bat  then  this  last  being 
 of  a  disposition  that  was  mutable  and  politic,  he  knew  how  to  hold  his  tongue,  and  used  a 
 great  deal  of  cunning,  and  thereby  concealed  the  hatred  he  bore  to  them  ;  while  the  former, 
 depending  on  the  nobility  of  their  births,  had  every  thing  upon  their  tongues  which  was  in 
 their  minds.  Many  also  there  were  who  provoked  them  further,  and  many  of  their  [seeming] 
 friends  insinuated  themselves  into  their  acquaintance,  to  spy  out  what  they  did.  Now  every 
 tiling  that  was  said  by  Alexander  was  presently  brought  to  Antipater,  and  from  Antipater  it 
 was  brought  to  Herod  with  additions.  Nor  could  the  young  man  say  any  thing  in  the  simpli- 
 city of  his  heart,  without  giving  olVence,  but  what  he  said  was  still  turned  to  calumny  against 
 him.  And  if  he  had  been  at  any  time  a  little  free  in  his  conversation,  great  imputations  were 
 forged  from  the  smallest  occasions.  Antipater  also  was  perpetually  setting  some  to  provoke 
 liim  to  speak,  that  the  lies  he  raised  of  him  might  seem  to  liave  some  foundation  of  truth  ;  and 
 if,  among  the  many  stories  that  were  given  out,  but  one  of  them  could  be  proved  true,  that 
 was  supposed  to  imply  the  rest  to  be  true  also.  And  as  to  Aniipatcr's  friends,  they  were  all 
 either  naturally  so  cautions  in  speaking,  or  had  been  so  far  bribed  to  conceal  their  thoughts, 
 that  nothing  of  these  grand  secrets  got  abroad  by  their  means.  Nor  should  one  be  mistaken 
 if  he  called  the  life  of  Antipater  a  mystery  of  wickedness  ;  for  he  either  corrupted  Alexander's 
 acquaintance  with  money,  or  got  into  their  favour  by  flatteries  ;  by  which  two  means  he  gained 
 all  his  designs,  and  brought  them  to  betray  their  master,  and  to  steal  away,  and  reveal  either  what 
 
556  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ke  did  or  said.  Thus  did  be  act  a  part  very  canninglj  in  all  points,  and  wrought  himself 
 a  passage  by  his  calatnnies,  with  the  greatest  shrewdness  ;  wliile  he  put  on  a  face  as  if  he 
 were  a  kiud  brother  to  Alexander  and  Aristobalus,  but  suborned  other  men  to  inform  of  what 
 they  did  to  Herod.  And  when  any  thing  was  told  against  Alexander,  he  would  come  in  and 
 pretend  [to  be  of  his  side,]  and  would  begin  to  contradict  what  was  said ;  but  would  after- 
 ward contrive  matters  so  privately,  that  the  king  should  have  an  indignation  at  him.  His 
 general  aim  was  this,  to  lay  a  plot,  and  to  make  it  be  believed  that  Alexander  lay  in  wait  to  kill 
 his  father ;  hr  nothing  aflbrded  so  great  a  confirmation  to  these  calumnies  as  did  Antipater's 
 apologies  for  him. 
 
 2.  By  thesf  methods  Herod  was  inflamed,  and,  as  mach  as  his  natural  afiection  to  the 
 joung  men  did  every  day  diminish,  so  much  did  it  increase  toward  Antipater.  The  courtiers 
 also  inclined  to  the  same  conduct,  some  of  their  own  accord,  and  others  by  the  king's  injunc- 
 tion, as  particularly  did  Ptolemy,  the  king's  dearest  friend,  as  also  the  king's  brethren,  and 
 all  his  children  ;  for  Antipater  was  all  in  all :  and  what  was  the  bitterest  part  of  all  to  Alexan- 
 der, Antipater's  mother  was  also  all  in  all  ;  she  was  one  that  gave  counsel  against  them,  and 
 ■was  more  harsh  than  a  stepmother,  and  one  that  hated  the  queen's  sons  more  than  is  usual  to 
 Late  sons-in-law.  All  men  did  therefore  already  pay  their  respects  to  Antipater,  in  hopes  of 
 advantage;  and  it  was  the  king's  command  which  alienated  every  body  [from  the  brethren,] 
 he  having  given  this  charge  to  his  most  intimate  friends,  that  tliey  should  not  come  near,  nor 
 pay  any  regard  to  Alexander,  or  to  his  friends.  Herod  was  also  become  terrible,  not  only  to 
 bis  domestics  about  the  court,  but  to  his  friends  abroad;  for  Cassar  had  given  such  a  privi- 
 lege to  no  other  king  as  he  had  given  to  him,  which  was  this,  that  he  might  fetch  back  anyone 
 that  Ued  from  him,  even  out  of  a  city  that  was  not  under  his  own  jurisdiction.  Now  the 
 young  men  were  not  acquainted  with  the  calumnies  raised  against  them  ;  for  which  reason  they 
 could  not  guard  themselves  against  them,  but  fell  under  them  ;  for  their  father  did  not  make 
 any  public  complaints  against  either  of  them  ;  though  in  a  little  time  they  perceived  how  things 
 were,  by  his  coldness  to  them,  and  by  the  great  uneasiness  he  shewed  upon  any  thing  that 
 troubled  him.  Antipater  had  also  made  their  uncle  Pheroras  to  be  tlieir  enemy,  as  well  as 
 their  aunt  Salome,  while  he  was  always  talking  with  her,  as  with  a  wife,  and  irritating  her 
 against  them.  Moreover,  Alexander's  wife,  Glapliyra,  augmented  this  haired  against  them, 
 by  deriving  her  nobility  and  genealogy  [from  great  persons,]  and  pretending  that  she  was  a 
 Jady  superior  to  all  others  in  that  kingdom,  as  being  derived  by  her  father's  side  from  Teme- 
 nus,  and  by  her  mother's  side  from  Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes.  She  also  frequently 
 reproached  Herod's  sister  and  wives  with  the  ignobiiity  of  their  descent ;  and  that  they  were 
 every  one  chosen  by  him  for  their  beauty,  but  not  for  their  family.  Now  those  wives  of  his  were 
 not  a  few  ;  it  being  of  old  permitted  to  the  Jews  to  marry  many  wives  ;*  and  this  king 
 delighted  in  many,  all  of  whom  hated  Alexander,  on  accoont  of  Glaphyra's  boasting  and 
 reproaches. 
 
 3.  Nay,  Aristobulus  had  raised  a  quarrel  between  himself  and  Salome,  who  was  his  mother- 
 in-law,  besides  the  anger  he  had  conceived  at  Glaphyra's  reproaches  ;  for  be  perpetnallj 
 upbraided  his  wife  with  the  meanness  of  her  family,  and  complained,  that  as  he  had  married  a 
 woman  of  a  low  family,  so  bad  his  brother  Alexander  married  one  of  royal  blood.  At  this 
 Salome's  daughter  wept,  and  told  it  her  with  this  addition,  that  Alexander  threatened  the 
 mothers  of  his  other  brethren,  that  when  he  should  ciime  to  the  crov/n,  he  would  make  them 
 weave  with  their  maidens,  aud  would  make  those  brothers  of  his  country  schoolmasiers ;  and 
 broke  this  jest  upon  them,  that  they  had  been  very  carefully  instructed  to  fit  them  for  such  au 
 employment.  Hereupon  Salome  could  not  contain  her  anger,  but  told  all  to  Herod :  nor 
 could  her  testimony  be  suspected,  since  it  was  against  her  own  son-in-law.  There  was  also 
 another  calumny  that  ran  abroad,  and  inflamed  the  king's  mind;  for  he  heard  that  these  sons 
 cf  bis  were  perpetually  speaking  of  their  mother,  and,  among  their  lamentations  for  her,  did  not 
 abstain  from  cursing  him  ;  and  that  when  lie  had  made  presents  of  any  of  Mariamne's  garments 
 to  his  later  wives,  these  threatened,  that  in  a  little  time,  instead  of  royal  garments,  they  would 
 clothe  them  in  no  better  than  iiaircloth. 
 
 4.  Now  upon  these  accounts,  though  Herod  was  somewhat  afraid  of  the  young  men's  high 
 spirit,  yet  did  he  not  de.vpair  of  reducing  them  to  a  better  mind  ;  bat  before  be  went  to  Rome, 
 whither  he  was  now  going  by  sea,  he  called  them  to  him,  and  partly  threatened  them  a  little, 
 as  a  king;  but  for  the  main,  he  admonished  them  as  a  father,  and  exhorted  them  to  love  their 
 brethren,  and  told  t!iem  that  he  would  pardon  their  former  oflVnces,  if  they  would  amend  for 
 the  time  to  come.  But  they  refuted  the  calumnies  that  had  been  raised  of  them,  and  said  they 
 were  false,  and  alleged  that  their  actions  were  sufficient  for  their  vindication,  and  said  withal, 
 that  he  himself  ought  to  shut  bis  ears  against   such  tales,  and   not  to  be  too  easy  in  believing 
 
 •  That  it  was  an  immemori:ii  custom  among  the  Jews,  and  their  forefathers,  the  patriarchs,  to  linTe  some- 
 times more  wives,  or  wives  and  concubines,  than  one  at  the  same  time,  and  ihat  ihis  polygamy  was  not 
 directly  forbidden  in  the  law  of  Moses,  is  evident ;  but  that  polypamv  was  ever  i)]Oj,(.:-iy  and  distinctly  per 
 niitti'd  in  that  law  of  Moses,  in  the  places  here  cited  by  Uean  Aldrich.  Deut.  xvii.  iP.  17.  or  xxi.  15.  or  indeed 
 any  where  else,  does  not  appear  to  me.  And  what  our  Saviour  says  about  ths  common  .lewish  divorces, 
 ■which  may  lay  much  greater  claim  to  such  a  perniissiou  than  polyt'amy.  seems  to  me  true  in  this  caso  also : 
 that  Moses  for  tlie  hnydness  of  their  hearts,  suffered  them  to  have  several  v<ivts  at  the  same  time,  but  "  that 
 ftoin  the  beginning  it  was  not  soj"  JMatt.  xix,  8.  Mark.  x.  5. 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XXIV.  557 
 
 tlieiii,  for  tliat  tliere  would  never  be  wanting  those  that  would  tell  lies  to  their  disadvantage, 
 as  loiip;  as  anv  would  give  e;ir  to  llieni. 
 
 5.  When  they  liad  thus  soon  pacified  hira,  as  bein^  their  father,  they  got  clear  of  the  pre- 
 sent fear  they  were  in.  Yet  did  they  see  occasion  for  sorrow  in  some  time  afterward  ;  for 
 they  knew  that  Salome,  as  well  as  llieir  uncle  Pheroras,  were  their  enemies  ;  who  were  both 
 of  (hem  heavy  and  severe  persons,  and  especially  Pheroras,  who  was  a  partner  with  Herod  in 
 all  the  alTairs  of  the  kingdom,  excepting  his  diadem.  He  had  also  a  hundred  talents  of  his 
 own  revenue,  and  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  all  the  land  beyond  Jordan,  which  he  had  received 
 as  a  gift  from  his  brother,  who  had  asked  of  Cassar  to  make  him  a  tetrarch,  as  he  was  mada 
 accordingly.  Herod  had  also  given  him  a  wife  out  of  the  royal  family,  vvho  was  no  other  than 
 his  own  wife's  sister,  and  after  her  death  had  solemnly  espoused  to  him  bis  own  eldest  daugh- 
 ter, with  a  dowry  of  three  hundred  talents:  but  Pheroras  refused  to  consummate  this  royal 
 marriage  out  of  his  aflection  to  a  maid-servant  of  his.  Upon  which  account  Herod  was  very 
 angry,  and  gave  that  daughter  in  matriage  to  a  brother's  son  of  his  [Joseph,]  who  was  slain 
 afterward  hy  the  Parthians  ;  but  in  some  time  he  laid  aside  his  anger  against  Pheroras,  and 
 pardoned  hira,  as  one  not  able  to  overcome  his  foolish  passion  for  the  maid-servant. 
 
 fi.  Nay,  Pheroras  had  been  accused  long  before,  while  the  queen  Marianine  was  alive,  as  if 
 he  were  in  a  plot  to  poison  Herod  ;  and  there  came  then  so  great  a  number  of  informers,  that 
 Herod  himself,  though  he  was  an  exceeding  lover  of  his  brethren,  was  brought  to  believe 
 what  was  said,  and  to  be  afraid  of  it  also;  and  when  he  had  brought  many  of  those  that  were 
 under  suspicion  to  the  torture,  he  came  at  last  to  Pheroras'  own  friends;  none  of  which  did 
 openly  confess  the  crime,  but  they  owned  that  he  had  made  preparation  to  take  her  whom  he 
 loved,  and  run  away  to  the  Parthians.  Costobarns  also,  the  husband  of  Salome,  to  whom  the 
 king  had  given  her  in  marriage,  after  her  former  husband  had  been  put  to  death  for  adultery, 
 was  instrumental  in  bringing  about  this  contrivance  and  flight  of  his.  Nor  did  Salome  escape 
 all  calumny  upon  herself;  for  her  brother  Pheroras  accused  her,  tiiat  she  had  made  an  agree- 
 ment to  marry  Silleus,  the  procurator  of  Obodas,  king  of  Arabia,  who  was  at  a  bitter  enmity 
 with  Herod  ;  but  when  she  was  convicted  of  this,  and  of  all  that  Pheroras  had  accused  her 
 of,  she  obtained  her  pardon.  The  king  also  pardoced  Pheroras  himself  the  crimes  he  had 
 been  accused  of. 
 
 7.  But  the  storm  of  the  whole  family  was  removed  to  Alexander,  and  all  of  it  rested  npon 
 bis  head.  There  were  three  eunuchs  who  were  in  the  highest  esteem  with  the  king,  as  was 
 jdain  by  the  ofllces  they  were  in  about  him  ;  for  one  of  them  was  appointed  to  be  his  butler, 
 another  of  them  got  his  supper  ready  for  him,  and  the  third  put  him  into  bed,  and  lay  down  by 
 him.  Now  Alexander  had  prevailed  with  these  men,  by  large  gifts,  to  let  him  use  them  after 
 an  obscene  manner  :  which,  when  it  was  told  to  the  king,  they  were  tortured,  and  found 
 guilty,  and  presently  confessed  the  criminal  cor.versutiori  he  had  with  them.  They  also  dis- 
 covered the  promises  by  which  they  were  induced  so  to  do,  and  how  they  were  deluded  by 
 Alexander,  who  liad  told  them,  that  "  they  ought  not  to  fix  their  hopes  upon  Herod,  an  old 
 man,  and  one  so  shameless  as  to  colour  his  hair,  unless  they  thought  that  would  make  hira 
 young  again  ;  but  they  ought  to  fix  their  attention  on  him,  who  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the 
 kingdom  whether  he  would  or  not;  and  who  in  no  long  time  would  avenge  himself  on  his  ene- 
 mies, and  make  his  friends  happy  and  blessed,  and  themselves  in  the  first  place:  that  the  men 
 of  power  did  already  pay  respects  to  Alexander  privately  ;  and  that  the  captains  of  the  sol- 
 diery, and  the  olFicers,  did  secretly  come  to  him." 
 
 8.  These  confessions  did  so  terrify  Herod,  that  he  durst  not  immediately  publish  them  ;  but 
 he  sent  spies  abroad  privately  by  night  and  by  day,  who  should  make  a  close  inquiry  after  all 
 that  was  done  and  said  ;  and  when  any  were  but  suspected  [of  treason]  he  put  them  to  death, 
 insomuch  that  the  palace  was  full  of  horribly  unjust  proceedings,  for  every  body  forged 
 calumnies,  as  the}'  were  themselves  in  a  state  of  enmity  or  hatred  against  others  ;  and  many 
 there  were  who  abused  the  king's  bloody  passion  to  tha  disadvantage  of  those  with  whom  they 
 had  quarrels,  and  lies  were  easily  believed,  and  punishments  were  inflicted  sooner  than  the 
 calumnies  were  forged:  he  who  had  just  then  been  accusing  another,  was  accused  himself,  and 
 was  led  away  to  execution  tooether  with  him  whon^  he  had  convicted;  for  the  danger  the  king 
 was  in  of  his  lil'e  made  examinations  be  very  short.  He  also  proceeded  to  such  a  degree  of 
 bitterness,  that  he  could  not  look  on  any  of  those  that  were  not  accused  with  a  pleasant  coun- 
 tenance, hut  was  in  the  most  barbarous  disposition  towards  his  own  friends.  Accordingly,  he 
 forhade  a  great  many  of  tliem  to  come  to  court,  and  to  those  whom  he  had  not  power  to  punish 
 actually,  he  spoke  harshly;  but  for  .^ntipater,  he  insulted  Alexander,  now  he  was  under  his 
 misfortunes,  and  got  a  stout  company  of  his  kindred  together,  and  raised  all  sorts  of  calumny 
 against  him  :  and  for  the  king,  he  was  brought  to  such  a.  degree  of  terror  by  those  prodigious 
 slanders  and  contrivances,  that  he  fancied  he  saw  Alexander  coniing  to  him  with  a  drawn 
 sword  in  his  hand  :  so  he  caused  l;im  to  be  seized  upon  rmmediately  and  bound,  and  fell  to 
 examining  his  friends  by  torture,  many  of  whom  died  [under  the  torture]  but  would  discover 
 nothing,  nor  s-^y  any  thing  against  their  consciences:  but  some  of  them,  being  forced  to  speak 
 falsely  by  the  pains  thev  endured,  said  that  Alexander,  and  his  brother  Arisfobulus,  plotted 
 agaiiibl  him,   and  waited  for  au  opportunity  to  kill  him  as  he  was  hunting,  and  then  fly  away 
 
558  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 to  Rome.  These  accusations,  though  thej  were  of  an  incredible  nature,  and  only  framed  upon 
 the  great  distress  tbey  were  in,  were  readil}'  believed  by  the  king,  who  thought  it  some  com- 
 fort to  him,  after  he  bad  bound  his  son,  that  it  might  appear  he  had  not  done  it  unjustly. 
 
 CHAP.  XXV. 
 
 Archelaus  procures  Reconciliation  between  Alexander,  Pheroras,  and  Herod. 
 
 §  1.  Now  as  to  Alexander,  since  he  perceived  it  impossible  to  persuade  his  father  [that  he 
 was  innocent,]  he  resolved  to  meet  his  calamities,  how  severe  soever  they  were  ;  so  he 
 composed  four  books  against  bis  enemies,  and  confessed  that  he  had  been  in  a  plot  ;  but 
 declared  withal  that  the  greatest  part  [of  the  courtiers]  were  in  a  plot  with  him,  and  chiefly 
 Pheroras,  and  Salome  ;  nay,  that  Salome  once  came  and  forced  him  to  lie  with  her  in  the  night 
 time,  whether  he  would  or  no.  These  books  were  put  into  Herod's  bauds,  and  made  a  great 
 clamour  against  the  men  in  power.  And  now  it  was  that  Archelaus  came  hastily  into  Judca, 
 as  being  afiVighted  for  his  son-in  law,  and  his  daughter  ;  and  he  came  as  a  proper  assistant, 
 and  in  a  very  prudent  manner,  and  by  a  stratagem  he  obliged  the  king  not  to  execute  what  he 
 bad  threatened  ;  for  when  he  was  come  to  him,  he  cried  out,  "Where  in  the  world  is  this 
 wretobed  son-in-law  of  mine?  W^here  shall  I  see  the  bead  of  him  who  bad  contrived  to  murder 
 his  father,  which  I  will  tear  to  pieces  with  my  own  hands  ?  I  will  do  the  same  also  to  my 
 daughter,  who  bath  such  a  fine  husband :  for  although  she  be  not  a  partner  in  the  plot,  yet,  by 
 being  the  wife  of  such  a  creature,  she  is  polluted.  And  I  cannot  but  admire  at  thy  patience, 
 against  whom  this  plot  is  laid,  if  Alexander  be  still  alive  ;  for  as  I  came  with  what  haste  I 
 could  from  Cappadocia,  I  expected  to  find  him  put  to  death  for  his  crimes  long  ago  ;  but  still 
 in  order  to  make  an  examination  with  thee  about  my  daughter,  whom  out  of  regard  to  thee,  and 
 thy  dignity,  I  had  espoused  lo  him  in  marriage  ;  but  now  we  must  take  counsel  about  them 
 both  ;  and  if  thy  paternal  afl'ection  be  so  great,  that  thou  canst  not  punish  thy  son,  who  hath 
 plotted  against  thee,  let  us  change  our  right  hands,  and  let  ns  succeed  one  to  the  other  in 
 expressing  our  rage  upon  this  occasion." 
 
 2.  When  he  had  made  this  pompous  declaration,  he  got  Herod  to  remit  of  bis  anger,  though 
 be  was  in  disorder,  who  thereupon  gave  him  the  books  which  Alexander  had  composed  to  be 
 read  by  him,  and  as  be  came  to  every  head,  be  considered  of  it,  together  with  Herod.  So 
 Archelaus  took  hence  the  occasion  for  that  stratagem  which  be  made  use  of,  and  by  degrees 
 he  laid  the  blame  on  those  men  whose  names  were  in  these  books,  and  especially  upon  Phe- 
 roras ;  and  when  he  saw  that  the  king  believed  him  [to  be  in  earnest,]  he  said,  "We  must 
 consider  whether  the  young  man  be  not  himself  plotted  against  by  such  a  number  of  wicked 
 wretches,  and  not  thou  plotted  against  by  the  young  man  ;  for  I  cannot  see  any  occasion  for 
 liis  falling  into  so  horrid  a  crime,  since  lie  enjoys  the  advantages  of  royalty  already,  and  has 
 the  expectation  of  being  one  of  thy  successors  ;  I  mean  this,  unless  there  were  some  persons 
 that  persuade  him  to  it,  and  such  persons  as  make  an  ill  use  of  the  facility  they  know  there 
 is  to  persuade  young  men  ;  for  by  such  persons,  not  only  young  men  are  sometimes  imposed 
 upon,  but  old  men  also,  and  by  them  sometimes  are  the  most  illustrious  families  and  king- 
 doms overturned." 
 
 S.  Herod  assented  to  what  he  had  said,  and,  by  degrees,  abated  of  his  anger  against 
 Alexander ;  but  was  more  angry  at  Pheroras  ;  for  the  principal  subject  of  the  four  books 
 was  Pheroras,  who  perceiving  that  the  king's  inclinations  changed  on  a  sudden,  and  that 
 Archelaus'  friendship  could  do  every  thing  with  him,  and  that  he  had  no  honourable  method  of 
 preserving  himself,  be  procured  his  safety  by  bis  imprudence.  So  be  left  Alexander,  and  bad 
 recourse  to  Archelaus,  who  told  him.  That  "he  did  not  see  how  he  could  get  him  excused, 
 now  he  was  directly  caught  in  so  many  crimes,  whereby  it  was  evidently  demonstrated  that 
 he  had  plotted  against  the  king,  and  had  been  the  cause  of  those  misfortunes  which  the  young 
 man  was  now  under,  unless  he  would  moreover  leave  off  his  cunning  knavery,  and  his  denials 
 of  what  he  was  charged  withal,  and  confess  the  charge,  and  implore  pardon  of  his  brother, 
 who  still  had  a  kindness  for  him  ;  but  that  if  he  would  do  so,  he  would  afford  bim  all  the 
 assistance  he  was  able." 
 
 4.  With  this  advice  Pheroras  complied,  and,  putting  himself  into  such  a  habit  as  might 
 most  move  compassion,  he  came  with  black  cloth  upon  his  body  and  tears  in  his  eyes,  and 
 threw  himself  down  at  Herod's  feet,  and  begged  his  pardon  for  what  be  had  done,  and  con- 
 fessed that  he  had  acted  very  wickedl  /,  and  was  guilty  of  every  thing  that  he  had  been  accused 
 of,  and  lamented  that  disorder  of  his  mind,  and  distraction  which  his  love  to  a  woman,  he 
 said,  had  brought  him  to.  So  when  Archelaus  had  brought  Pheroras  to  accuse  and  bear  wit- 
 ness against  himself,  be  then  made  an  excuse  for  hira,  and  mitigated  Herod's  anger  towards 
 him,  and  this  by  using  certain  domestic  examples, — for  that  when  he  had  sniTered  much 
 greater  mischiefs  from  a  brother  of  his  own,  he  preferr^  the  obligations  of  nature,  before  the 
 passion  of  revenge  ;  because  it  is  in  kingdoms,  as  it  is  in  gross  bodies,  where  some  member 
 or  other  is  ever  swelled  by  the  body's  weight,  in  which  case  it  is  not  proper  to  cut  off  such 
 •member,  but  to  heal  it  by  a  gentle  method  of  cure. 
 
 5.  UpoD  Archelaus'  saying  this,  and  much  more  to  the  same  purpose,  Herod's  displeasure 
 
BOOK  1. — CHAP.  XXVI.  559 
 
 against  Pheroras  was  mollified  ;  yet  did  he  persevere  in  bis  own  indignation  aii;ainst  Alexan- 
 der, and  said,  be  would  have  bis  daughter  divorced,  and  taken  away  from  biui,  and  this  till 
 he  had  brouj^lit  Herod  lo  that  pass,  that,  contrary  to  his  former  behaviour  to  him,  he  peti- 
 tioned Archelaus  for  the  young  man,  and  that  he  would  lot  his  daiie;liter  continue  espoused  to 
 him  ;  but  Archelaus  made  him  strongly  believe  tiiat  lie  would  permit  her  to  be  married  to  any 
 one  f  Ise,  but  not  to  Alexander,  because  he  looked  upon  it  as  a  very  valuable  advantage,  that  the 
 rfiiation  they  had  contracted  by  that  alliiiity,  and  the  privileges  that  went  along  with  it,  might  be 
 preserved.  And  when  the  king  said,  that  his  son  would  take  it  for  a  great  favour  done  to  him, 
 if  he  would  not  dissolve  tliat  marriage,  especially  since  they  had  already  children  between  the 
 young  man  and  her,  and  since  that  wife  of  his  was  so  well  beloved  by  him,  and  that  as  while 
 she  remains  his  wife  she  would  be  a  great  preservative  to  him,  and  keep  him  from  offending, 
 as  he  had  formerly  done  ;  so  if  she  should  bo  once  torn  away  from  him,  she  would  be  the 
 cause  of  his  falling  into  de<;pair  ;  because  such  young  men's  attempts  are  best  mollified,  wlien 
 they  are  diverted  from  them  by  settling  their  all'ections  at  home.  So  Archelaus  complied 
 with  what  Herod  desired,  but  not  witliout  didicully,  and  was  both  himself  reconciled  to  the 
 young  man,  and  reconciled  his  father  to  him  also.  However,  he  said  he  must,  by  all  means, 
 be  sent  to  Rome  to  discourse  with  Ciesar,  because  he  had  already  written  a  full  account  to 
 him  of  this  whole  matter. 
 
 (5.  Thus  a  period  was  put  to  Archelaus'  stratagem,  whereby  he  delivered  his  son-in  law  out 
 of  the  dangers  he  was  in  :  but  when  these  reconciliations  were  over,  they  spent  their  time  in 
 feastings  and  agreeable  entertainments.  And  when  Archelaus  was  going  away,  Herod  made 
 Lim  a  present  of  seventy  talents,  with  a  golden  throne  set  with  precious  stones,  and  some 
 eunuchs,  and  a  concubine  who  was  called  Pannycliis.  He  also  paid  due  honours  to  every  one 
 of  his  friends  according  to  their  dignity.  In  line  manner  did  all  the  king's  kindred,  by  his 
 command,  make  glorious  presents  to  Archelaus  ;  and  so  he  was  conducted  on  his  way  by 
 Herod  and  his  nobility  as  far  as  Antioch. 
 
 CHAP.  XXVI. 
 
 Uow  Euryc'es*  calumniated  the  Sons  of  Mariamne :  and  how  the  Apology  of  Euratus  of  Cos  for 
 
 Ihevi  had  no  effect. 
 
 §  I.  Now  a  little  afterward  there  came  into  Judea  a  man  that  was  much  superior  to  Arche- 
 laus' stratagems,  who  did  not  only  overturn  that  reconciliation  that  had  been  so  wisely  made 
 with  Alexander,  bui  proved  the  occasion  of  his  ruin.  He  was  a  Lacedemonian,  and  his  name 
 was  Eurycles.  He  was  so  corrupt  a  man,  that  out  of  the  desire  of  getting  money,  he  chose 
 to  live  under  a  king,  for  Greece  could  not  suffice  his  luxury.  He  presented  Herod  with 
 splendid  gifts,  as  a  bait  which  he  laid  in  order  to  compass  his  ends,  and  quickly  receiving 
 them  back  again  manifold  ;  yet  did  he  esteem  bare  gifts  as  nothing,  unless  he  inibrned  the 
 kingdom  in  blood  by  his  purchases.  Accordingly,  he  imposed  upon  the  king  by  llatlering  him, 
 and  by  talking  subtilely  to  him,  as  ^Iso  by  the  lying  encomiums  which  be  made  upon  him  ;  for 
 as  he  soon  perceived  Herod's  blind  side,  so  he  said  and  did  every  thin"  that  might  please  him, 
 and  thereby  became  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends  ;  for  liolh  the  king  and  all  that  were  about 
 liim,  had  a  great  regard  for  this  Spartan  on  account  of  his  country.! 
 
 2.  Now  as  soon  as  this  fellow  perceived  the  rotten  parts  of  the  family,  and  what  quarrels 
 the  brothers  had  one  with  another,  and  in  what  disposition  the  father  was  towards  each  of 
 them,  he  chose  to  take  his  lodging  at  lirst  in  the  house  of  Aotipatcr,  but  deluded  Alexander 
 with  a  pretence  of  friendship  to  him,  and  falsely  claimed  to  be  an  old  acquaintance  of  Arche- 
 laus ;  for  which  reason  he  was  presently  admitted  into  Alexander's  familiarity  as  a  faithful 
 friend.  Ho  also  soon  recommended  liiiiiseif  to  his  brother  Aristobuhis.  And  when  he  had 
 thus  made  trial  of  these  several  persons,  he  imposed  upon  one  of  them  by  one  method,  and 
 upon  another  by  another.  But  he  was  principally  hired  by  Antipater,  and  so  betrayed  Alex- 
 ander, and  tliis  by  reproaching  Antipater,  because  while  be  was  the  eldest  son,  he  overlooked 
 the  intrigues  of  those  who  stood  in  the  way  of  his  expectations  ;  and  by  reproaching  Alexan- 
 der because  he  who  was  born  of  a  queen,  and  was  married  to  a  king's  daughter,  permitted 
 one  that  was  born  of  a  mean  woman  to  lay  claim  to  the  succession,  and  this  when  he  had 
 Archelaus  to  support  him  in  the  most  com|)lete  manner.  Nor  was  his  advice  lliought  to  be 
 other  than  faithful  by  the  young  man,  because  of  his  pretended  friendship  with  Archelaus  :  on 
 which  account  it  was  that  Alexander  lamented  to  him  Antipater's  behaviour  with  regard  to 
 himself,  and  this  without  concealing  any  thing  from  him  ;  and  how  it  was  no  wonder  if  Herod, 
 after  he  had  killed  their  mother,  should  deprive  them  of  her  kingdom.     He  also,  by  a  bait 
 
 *  This  vile  fellow,  Eurycles  the  T.acedemonian,  Beems  to  have  been  the  same  who  is  mentioned  hy  Plutarch, 
 as  C.5  year  before,  a  comj/aniou  to  Mark  Antony,  and  as  living  with  llerod  ;  whence  he  might  easily  insinu- 
 ate himself  into  the  acquaintance  of  Herod's  sons,  Antipater  and  Alexander,  as  Usher,  Hudson,  and  Span 
 heim  justly  suppose.  'I'he  reason  why  his  being  a  Sjiartan  rendered  him  acceptable  to  the  Jews,  as  we  here 
 see  he  was,  is  visible  from  the  public  rcconls  of  the  .lews  and  Spartans,  owning  those  .SpartaHS  to  be  of  kia 
 to  the  .lews,  and  derived  from  their  common  ancestor  Abraham,  the  first  patriarch  of  the  Jewish  nation. 
 Anliq.  b,  xii.  chap.  iv.  ^  10.  b.  xiii.  chap.  v.  5  8,  and  1  Mac,  xii.  ?. 
 
 *  See  the  preceding  note. 
 
560  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 that  lie  laid  for  him,  procured  Aristobulns  to  say  tlie  same  things.  Thus  did  lie  inveigle  both 
 the  brothers  to  make  complaints  of  their  father,  and  then  went  to  Antipater,  and  carried  these 
 grand  secrets  to  him.  He  also  added  a  fiction  of  his  own,  as  if  his  brolhers  had  laid  a  plot 
 against  him,  and  were  almost  ready  to  come  upon  him  with  their  drawn  swords.  For  this 
 intelligence  he  received  a  great  sum  of  money,  and  on  that  acconnt  he  commended  Antipater 
 before  his  father,  and  at  length  undertook  the  work  of  bringing  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  to 
 their  graves,  and  accused  them  before  their  father.  So  he  came  to  Herod  and  told  him,  that 
 "  he  would  save  his  life,  as  a  requital  for  the  favour?  he  had  received  from  him,  and  would 
 preserve  his  light  [of  life]  by  way  of  retribution  for  his  kind  entertainment :  for  that  a  sword 
 had  been  long  whetted,  and  Alexander's  right  hand  had  been  long  stretched  out  against  him  ; 
 but  that  he  had  laid  impediments  in  his  way,  prevented  his  speed,  and  that  by  pretending  to 
 assist  him  in  his  design  :  how  Alexander  said  that  Herod  was  not  contented  to  reign  ia  a 
 kingdom  that  belonged  to  others,  and  to  make  dilapidations  in  their  mother's  government,  after 
 he  had  killed  her;  but  besides  all  tliis,  that  he  introduced  a  spurious  successor,  and  proposed 
 to  give  the  kingdom  of  their  ancestors  to  that  pestilent  fellow  Antipater  ;  that  he  would  now 
 appease  the  ghosts  of  Hyrcanus  and  Mariamne,  by  taking  vengeance  on  him  ;  for  that  it  was 
 not  fit  for  him  to  take  the  succession  to  the  government  from  such  a  father  without  bloodshed  : 
 that  many  things  happened  every  day  to  provoke  him  so  to  do,  insomuch  that  he  can  say 
 nothing  at  ail  bat  it  afi'ords  occasion  for  calumny  against  him  ;  for  that  if  any  mention  be  made 
 of  nobility  of  birth,  even,in  other  cases  he  is  abused  unjustly,  while  his  father  would  say,  that 
 nobody,  to  be  sure,  is  of  noble  birth  but  Alexander,  and  that  his  father  was  inglorious  for  want 
 of  such  nobility.  If  they  be  at  any  time  hunting,  and  he  says  nothing,  he  gives  ofi'ence  ;  and 
 if  he  commends  any  body,  they  take  it  in  way  of  jest;  that  they  always  find  their  father 
 unmercifully  severe,  and  have  no  natural  affection  for  any  of  them  but  for  Antipater;  on  which 
 accounts,  if  his  plot  does  not  take,  be  is  very  willing  to  die  ;  but  that  in  case  he  kill  his  father, 
 be  Lath  sufficient  opportunities  for  saving  himself.  In  the  first  place,  be  hath  Archelaus  his 
 father-in-law,  to  whom  he  can  easily  (ly  ;  and  in  the  next  phice  he  hath  Cassar,  who  hath  never 
 known  Herod's  character  to  this  day ;  for  that  he  shall  not  appear  then  before  him  with  that 
 dread  he  used  to  do,  when  his  father  was  there  to  terrify  him  ;  and  tiiat  he  will  not  then  pro- 
 duce the  accusations  that  concerned  himself  alone,  but  would,  in  the  first  place,  openly  insist 
 ou  the  calamities  of  their  nation,  and  how  they  are  taxed  to  deatli,  and  in  what  ways  of  luxury 
 and  wicked  practices  that  wealth  is  spent  wl)icli  was  gotten  by  bloodihed  ;  what  sort  of  per- 
 sons they  are  that  get  our  riches,  and  'o  whom  those  cities  belong,  upon  whom  he  bestows  his 
 favours  ;  that  he  would  have  inquiry  made  what  became  of  his  grandfather  [Hyrcanus,]  and  his 
 mother  [Mariamne,]  and  would  openly  proclaim  the  gross  wickedness  that  was  in  the  kingdom  ; 
 on  which  accounts  he  should  not  be  deemed  a  parricide." 
 
 3.  When  Euiycles  had  made  this  portentous  speech,  he  greatly  commended  Antipater,  as 
 the  only  child  that  had  an  all'ection  fur  his  fatlier,  and  on  that  account  was  an  impediment  to 
 the  other's  plot  against  him.  Hereupon  the  king,  who  had  hardly  repressed  his  anger  upon 
 the  former  accusations,  was  exasperated  to  an  incura!)Ie  degree.  At  which  time  Antipater 
 took  another  occasion  to  send  in  other  persons  to  his  father,  to  accuse  his  brethren,  and  to  tell 
 him,  that  they  had  privately  discoursed  with  Juciiridus  and  Tyrannus,  who  had  once  been 
 masters  of  the  horse  to  the  king,  but  for  some  offences  had  been  put  out  of  that  honourable 
 employment.  Herod  was  in  a  very  great  rage  at  these  informations,  and  presently  ordered 
 those  men  to  be  tortured  :  yet  did  not  they  confess  any  thing  of  what  the  king  had  been 
 informed,  but  a  certain  letter  was  produced,  as  v/ritten  by  Alexander  to  the  governor  of  a 
 castle,  to  desire  him  to  receive  him  and  Aristobulus  into  the  castle  when  he  had  killed  his 
 father,  and  to  give  them  weapons,  and  what  other  assistance  he  could,  upon  that  occasion. 
 Alexander  said,  that  this  letter  was  a  forgery  of  Diophantus.  This  Diophantus  was  the 
 king's  secretary,  a  bold  man,  and  cunning  in  counterfeiting  any  one's  hand,  and  after  he  had 
 counterfeited  a  great  number,  he  was  at  last  put  to  death  for  it.  Herod  did  also  order 
 the  governor  of  the  castle  to  be  tortured,  but  got  nothing  out  of  hira  of  what  the  accusation 
 suggested. 
 
 4.  However,  although  Herod  found  the  proofs  too  weak,  he  gave  order  to  have  his  sons  kept 
 in  custody:  for  till  now  they  had  been  at  liberty.  He  also  called  that  pest  of  his  family,  and 
 forger  of  all  this  vile  accusation,  Eurycles,  his  saviour  and  benefactor,  and  gave  him  a  reward 
 of  fifty  talents.  Upon  which  he  prevented  an^'  accurate  accounts  that  could  come  of  what  he 
 had  done,  by  going  immediately  into  Cappadocia,  and  there  he  got  money  of  Archelaus,  having 
 the  impudence  to  pretend  that  he  had  reconciled  Herod  to  Alexander.  He  thence  passed  over 
 into  Greece,  and  used  what  he  had  thus  wickedly  gotten  to  the  like  wicked  purposes.  Accord- 
 ingly, he  was  twice  accused  before  Ca?sar,  that  he  had  filled  Achaia  with  sedition,  and  had 
 plundered  its  cities  ;  and  so  he  was  sent  into  banishment.  And  thus  was  he  punished  for  what 
 wicked  actions  he  had  been  guilty  of  about  Aristobulus  and  Alexander. 
 
 .5.  But  it  will  be  now  woith  while  to  put  Euaratus  of  Cos  in  opposition  to  this  Spartan ;  for 
 as  he  WHS  one  of  Alexander's  most  intimate  friends,  and  came  to  him  in  his  travels  at  rne  same 
 time  that  Eurycles  came  :  so  the  king  put  the  question  to  him,  whether  those  things  of  which 
 Alexander  was  accused  were  true?     He  assured  him  upon  oath,  that  he  had  never  heard  any 
 
BOOK    I. — CHAP.    XXVII.  561 
 
 such  things  from  the  young  men  ;  yet  did  this  testimony  avail  nothing  for  t!ie  clearing  those 
 miserable  creatures  ;  lor  Herod  was  only  disposed  and  most  ready  to  hearken  to  what  made 
 aj^aiiist  then),  and  every  one  was  most  agreeable  to  him,  that  would  believe  they  were  guilty, 
 and  sliewed  their  indignation  at  them. 
 
 CHAP.  XXVII. 
 
 Herod,  \y  CfFsar's  Direction,  accuses  his  Sons  at  Berytus.  They  are  not  produced  before  the 
 Court,  but  yet  are  condemned ;  and  in  a  Utile  Time  they  are  sent  to  Sebaste,  and  strcmgled 
 there. 
 
 §  1.  MoREnvr.R,  Salome  exasperated  Herod's  cruelty  against  his  sons;  for  Aristobulus  was 
 de.sirons  to  bring  her,  who  was  his  mother-in-law  and  liis  aunt,  into  the  like  dajigers  with 
 themsi  Ives  :  so  lie  sent  to  her  to  take  care  of  her  own  safety,  and  told  her,  that  the  king  was 
 ))repariiig  to  put  her  to  death,  on  account  of  the  accusation  that  was  laid  against  her,  as  if, 
 when  she  formerly  endeavoured  to  marry  herself  to  Sylleus  the  Arabian,  she  had  discovered 
 the  king's  grand  secrets  to  him  who  was  the  king's  enemy;  and  this  it  was  that  came  as  the 
 last  storm,  and  entirely  sunk  the  young  men  when  they  were  in  great  danger  before.  For 
 S:ilome  came  running  to  the  king,  and  informed  him  of  what  admonition  had  been  given  her, 
 whereupon  be  could  bear  no  longer,  but  commanded  both  the  young  men  to  i)e  bound,  and 
 kept  tlie  one  asunder  from  the  other.  He  also  sent  Voluumius,  the  general  of  bis  army,  to 
 Cassar  immediately,  as  also  his  friend  Olympus  with  him,  who  carried  the  informations  in 
 writing  along  with  lliem.  Now,  as  socn  as  they  had  sailed  to  Rome,  and  delivered  the  king's 
 letters  to  Ca-sar,  Caesar  was  mightily  troubled  at  the  case  of  the  young  men  ;  yet  did  not  he 
 think  he  ought  to  take  the  power  from  the  father,  of  condemning  his  sons:  so  he  wrote  ■back 
 to  him,  and  appointed  him  to  have  the  power  over  his  sons  ;  but  said  withal,  that  "  he  would 
 do  well  lo  make  an  examination  info  this  matter  of  the  plot  against  him,  in  a  public  court,  and 
 to  take  for  his  assessors  his  own  kindred,  and  the  governors  of  (he  province.  And  if  those 
 sons  be  found  guilty,  to  put  them  to  death  ;  but  if  they  appear  to  have  thought  of  no  more  than 
 Pying  away  from  him,  that  he  should  in  that  case  moderate  their  punishment." 
 
 2.  With  these  directions  Herod  complied,  and  came  to  Berytus,  where  Cresar  bad  ordered 
 the  court  to  be  assembled,  and  got  the  judicature  together.  The  presidents  sat  first,  as  Cwsar's 
 letters  had  appointed,  who  were  Saturninus,  and  Fedaiiius,  and  their  lieutenants  that  were 
 with  them,  with  whom  was  the  procurator  Volunmius  also  ;  next  to  them  sat  the  king's  kins- 
 men and  friends,  with  Salome  also,  and  Pheroras  ;  after  whom  sat  the  principal  men  of  all 
 Syria,  excepting  Archelaus;  for  Herod  had  a  suspicion  of  him,  because  he  was  Alexander's 
 father-in-law.  Yet  did  not  he  produce  his  sons  in  open  court;  and  this  was  done  very  cun- 
 ningly, for  he  knew  well  enough  that  bad  they  but  appeared  only,  they  would  certainly  have 
 been  pitied  ;  and  if  withal  they  bad  been  suffered  to  speak,  Alexander  would  easily  have 
 answered  what  they  were  accused  of;  bat  they  were  in  custody  at  Platans,  a  village  of  the 
 Sidonians. 
 
 3.  So  the  king  got  up,  and  inveighed  against  his  sons,  as  if  they  were  present ;  and  as  for 
 that  part  of  the  accusation  that  they  had  plotted  against  him,  he  urged  it  but  faintly,  because 
 lie  was  destitute  of  proofs  ;  but  he  insisted  before  the  assessors  on  the  reproaches,  and  jests, 
 and  injurious  carriage,  and  ten  thousand  the  like  offences  against  him,  which  were  heavier 
 than  death  itself;  and  when  nobody  contradicted  him,  lie  moved  them  to  pity  bis  case,  as 
 tlioiigb  he  bad  been  condemned  himself,  now  he  had  gained  a  bitter  victory  against  his  sons. 
 So  he  asked  every  one's  sentence,  which  sentence  was  first  of  all  given  by  Saturninus,  and  was 
 this.  That  he  condemned  the  young  men,  but  not  to  death  ;  for  that  it  was  not  fit  for  him,  who 
 bad  three  sons  of  bis  own  now  present,  to  give  bis  vote  for  the  destruction  of  the  sons  of  an- 
 other. The  two  lieutenants  also  gave  the  like  vote ;  some  others  there  were  also  who  followed 
 their  example;  but  Volumnius  began  to  vote  on  the  more  melancholy  side,  and  all  those  that 
 came  after  hitn  condemned  the  young  men  to  die,  some  out  of  flattery,  and  some  out  of  hatred 
 to  Herod  ;  but  none  out  of  indignation  at  their  crimes.  And  now  all  Syria  and  Judea  was  in 
 great  expectation,  and  waited  for  the  last  act  of  this  tragedy;  yet  did  nobody  suppose  ihat 
 Herod  would  be  so  barbarous  as  to  murder  bis  children  ;  however,  be  carried  them  away  to 
 Tyre,  and  thence  sailed  toCsesarea;  and  deliberated  with  himself  what  sort  of  death  the  young 
 men  should  suffer. 
 
 4.  Now  there  was  a  certain  old  soldier  of  the  king,  whose  name  was  Tero,  who  had  a  son 
 that  was  very  familiar  with,  and  a  friend  to  Alexander,  and  who  himself  particularly  loved  the 
 young  men.  This  soldier  was  in  a  manner  distracted  out  of  the  excess  of  the  indignation  he 
 bad  at  what  was  doing;  and  at  first  he  cried  out  oloud,  as  he  went  about,  "  That  justice  was 
 trampled  under  foot ;  that  truth  was  perished,  and  nature  confounded  ;  and  that  the  life  of  man 
 was  full  of  iniquity,''  and  every  thing  else  that  passion  could  suggest  to  a  man  who  spared  not 
 his  own  life  ;  and  at  last  he  ventured  to  go  to  the  king,  and  said.  "  Truly,  I  think,  thou  art  a 
 most  miserable  man,  when  thou  hearkenest  to  most  wicked  wretches,  against  those  that  ought 
 to  he  dearest  to  thee;  since  thou  bast  frequently  resolved  that  Pheroras  and  Salome  should 
 be  put  to  death,  and  yet  believest  them  against  thy  sons;  while  these,  by  cutting  oft" the  succes- 
 
 4b 
 
662  WARS  OF  THE  JKVV.5. 
 
 sion  of  thine  own  sons,  leave  all  wholly  to  Antipater,  and  thereby  choose  to  liave  tliee  such  a 
 king  as  may  be  tlioiouglily  in  tlieir  own  power.  However,  consider  whether  this  death  of 
 Autipater's  brethren,  will  not  make  him  hated  by  the  soldier  ;  for  there  is  nobody  but  coni- 
 luiserales  the  young  men,  and  of  the  captains  a  great  many  shew  their  indignation  at  it  openly.'' 
 Upon  his  saying  this,  he  named  those  that  had  such  indignation  ;  hut  the  king  ordered  those 
 men,  with  Tero  himself,  and  his  son,  to  be  seized  upon  immediately. 
 
 5.  At  which  time  there  was  a  certain  barber,  whose  name  was  Trypho.  This  man  leaped 
 out  from  among  the  people  in  a  kind  of  madness,  and  accused  himself,  and  said,  "  Tliis  Tero 
 endeavoured  to  persuade  me  also  to  cut  thy  throat  with  my  razor  when  I  trimmed  thee,  and 
 promised  that  Alexander  should  give  me  large  presents  for  so  doing."  When  Herod  heard 
 this,  he  examined  Tero,  with  his  son  and  the  barber,  by  the  torture  ;  but  as  the  others  denied 
 the  accusation,  and  he  said  nothing  farther,  Herod  gave  order  that  Tero  should  be  racked 
 more  severely  ;  but  his  son,  out  of  pity  to  his  father,  promised  to  discover  the  whole  to  the 
 king,  if  he  would  grant  [that  his  father  should  be  no  longer  tortured  ;]  when  he  had  agreed 
 to  this,  he  said.  That  "  his  father,  at  the  persuasion  of  Alexander,  had  an  intention  to  kill  hira." 
 Now  some  said  this  was  forged,  in  order  to  free  his  father  from  his  torments,  and  some  said 
 it  was  true. 
 
 6.  And  now  Herod  accused  the  captains,  and  Tero,  in  an  assembly  of  the  people,  and  brought 
 the  people  together  in  a  body  against  them  ;  and  accordingly  there  were  they  put  to  death, 
 together  with  [Trypho]  the  barber  ;  they  were  killed  by  (he  pieces  of  wood  and  the  stones 
 that  were  thrown  at  them.  He  also  sent  his  sons  to  Sebasle,  a  city  not  far  from  Cacsarea, 
 and  ordered  them  to  be  there  strangled :  and  as  what  he  had  ordered  was  executed  immedi- 
 ately, so  he  commanded  that  their  dead  bodies  should  he  brought  to  the  fortress  Alexandrium, 
 to  be  buried  with  Alexander,  their  grandfather  by  the  mother's  side.  And  this  was  the  end  of 
 Alexander  and  Aristobulus. 
 
 CHAP.  XXVIII. 
 
 How  Antipater  is  haled  of  all  Men  ;  and  how  the  King  espouses  the  Sons  of  those  that  had 
 been  slain  to  his  Kindred:  but  that  Antipater  made  him  change  them  for  other  Women,  Of 
 Herod's  Marriages  and  Children. 
 
 §  1.  But  an  intolerable  hatred  fell  upon  Antipater  from  the  nation,  though  he  had  now  an 
 indisputable  title  to  the  succession  :  because  they  all  knew  that  he  was  the  person  who  con- 
 trived all  the  calumnies  against  his  brethren.  However,  he  began  to  be  in  a  terrible  fear,  as 
 he  saw  the  posterity  of  those  that  had  been  slain  growing  up  ;  for  Alexander  had  two  sons  by 
 Glaphyra,  Tigranes  and  Alexander  ;  and  Aristobulus  had  Herod,  and  Agrippa,  and  Aristo- 
 bulus, his  sons,  with  Herodias  and  Marianine,  his  daughters,  and  all  by  Bernice,  Salome's 
 daughter :  as  for  Glaphyra,  Herod,  as  soon  as  he  had  killed  Alexander,  sent  her  back,  together 
 with  her  portion,  to  Cappadocia.  He  married  Bernice,  Salome's  daughter,  to  Antipater's 
 uncle  by  his  mother,  and  it  was  Antipater,  who,  in  order  to  reconcile  her  to  him,  when  she  had 
 been  at  variance  with  him,  contrived  this  match  ;  he  also  got  into  Pheroras'  favour,  and  into 
 the  favour  of  Caesar's  friends  by  presents,  and  other  ways  of  obsequiousness,  and  sent  no  small 
 sums  of  money  to  Rome :  Saturninns  also,  and  his  friends  in  Syria,  were  all  well  replenished 
 with  the  presents  he  made  them  ;  yet  the  more  he  gave,  the  more  he  was  hated,  as  not  making 
 these  presents  out  of  generosity,  but  spending  his  money  out  of  fear.  Accordingly,  it  so  fell 
 out,  that  the  receivers  bore  him  no  more  good-will  than  before,  but  that  those  to  whom  he 
 gave  nothing  were  his  more  bitter  enemies.  However,  he  bestowed  his  money  every  day 
 more  and  more  profusely,  on  observing  that,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  the  king  was  taking 
 care  about  the  orphans,  and  discovering  at  the  same  time  his  repentance  for  killing  their 
 fathers,  by  his  commiseration  of  those  that  sprang  from  them. 
 
 2.  Accordingly,  Herod  got  together  his  kindred  and  friends,  and  set  before  them  the  children, 
 and  with  his  eyes  full  of  tears  said  thus  to  them  :  "  It  was  an  unlucky  fate  that  took  away 
 from  me  these  children's  fathers,  which  children  are  recommended  to  me  by  that  natural  com- 
 miseration which  their  orphan  condition  requires  ;  however,  I  will  endeavour,  though  I  have 
 been  a  most  unfortunate  father,  to  appear  a  better  grandfather,  and  to  leave  these  children 
 such  curators  after  myself  as  are  dearest  to  me.  I  therefore  betroth  thy  daughter,  Pheroras, 
 to  the  elder  of  these  brethren,  the  children  of  Alexander,  that  thou  mayest  be  obliged  to  take 
 care  of  them.  I  also  betroth  to  thy  son,  Antipater,  the  daughter  of  Aristobulus  ;  be  thou 
 therefore  a  father  to  that  orphan;  and  my  son  Herod  [Philip]  shall  have  her  sister,  whose 
 grandfather,  by  the  mother's  side,  was  high  priest.  And  let  every  one  that  loves  me  be  of 
 my  sentiments  in  these  dispositions,  which  none  that  hath  an  afl'ection  for  me  will  abrogate. 
 And  I  pray  God,  that  he  will  join  these  children  together  in  marriage,  to  the  advantage  of  my 
 kingdom,  and  of  my  posterity,  and  may  he  look  down  with  eyes  more  serene  upon  them  than 
 he  looked  upon  their  fathers."  ; 
 
 3.  While  he  spake  these  words,  he  wept,  and  joined  the  children's  right  hands  together; 
 after  which  he  embraced  them  every  one  alter  an  atTectionate  manner,  and  dismissed  the 
 assembly.  Upon  this,  Antipater  was  in  great  disorder  immediately,  and  lamented  publicly  at 
 what  was  done  ;  for  he  supposed  that  this  dignity  which  was  conferred  on  these  orphans  was 
 
BOOK  I.-^CHAP.  XXIX.  503 
 
 for  Ills  own  destruclion,  even  in  his  father's  lifetime,  and  tbat  Le  should  run  another  risk  cf 
 losing  the  government,  if  Alexander's  sons  should  liave  both  Archelaus  [a  king]  and  Pheroras 
 a  tetrarch,  to  support  them.  He  also  considered  how  he  was  himself  hated  by  the  nation,  and 
 how  they  pitied  these  orphans  ;  how  great  aflection  the  Jews  bore  to  those  brethren  of  his 
 when  they  were  alive,  and  how  gladly  they  remembered  them  now  they  had  perished  by  his 
 means.     So  he  resolved  by  all  the  ways  possible  to  get  these  espousals  dissolved. 
 
 4.  Now  he  was  afraid  of  going  subliiely  about  this  matter  with  his  father,  who  was  hard  to 
 be  pleased,  and  was  presently  moved  upon  the  least  saspicion  :  so  he  ventured  to  go  to  him 
 directly,  and  to  beg  <)f  him  before  his  face,  not  to  deprive  him  of  that  dignity  which  he  had 
 been  pleased  to  bestow  upon  him,  and  that  he  might  not  have  the  bare  name  of  a  king,  while 
 the  power  was  in  other  persons :  for  that  he  should  never  be  able  to  keep  the  government,  if 
 Alexander's  son  was  to  have  both  his  grandfather  Archt-laus  and  Pheroras  for  his  curators  ; 
 and  he  besought  him  earnestly,  since  there  were  so  many  of  the  royal  family  alive,  that  he 
 would  change  those  [intended]  marriages.  Now  the  king  had  nine  wives,*  and  children 
 by  seven  of  them;  Antipater  was  himself  born  of  Doris,  and- Herod  [Philip]  of  Mariamne, 
 the  high  priest's  daughter;  Antipas  also  and  Archelaus  were  by  Malthace,  the  Samaritan, 
 as  nas  his  daughter  Olyrapias,  which  his  brother  joseph'st  son  had  married;  by  Cleo- 
 patra of  Jerusalem  he  had  Herod  and  Philip,  and  by  Pallas,  Phasaelus  ;  he  had  also  two 
 •laughters,  Roxana  and  Salome,  the  one  by  Phedra,  and  the  other  by  Elpis  ;  he  bad  also  two 
 wives  that  had  no  children,  the  one  bis  first  cousin,  and  the  other  his  niece  ;  and  besides 
 these  he  had  two  daughters,  the  sisters  of  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  by  Mariamne.  Since, 
 therefore,  the  royal  family  was  so  numerous,  Antipater  prayed  him  to  change  these  [intended] 
 marriages. 
 
 5.  When  the  king  perceived  what  disposition  be  was  in  towards  these  orphans,  be  was 
 angry  at  it,  and  a  suspicion  came  into  his  mind,  as  to  those  sons  whom  he  had  put  to  death, 
 whether  tbat  had  not  been  brought  about  by  the  false  tales  of  Antipater  ;  so  at  that  time  he 
 made  Antipater  a  long  and  a  peevish  answer,  and  bid  him  begone.  Yet  was  he  afterwards 
 prevailed  upon  cunningly  by  his  (latteries,  and  changed  the  marriages;  he  married  Aristo- 
 bulus' daughter  to  him,  and  his  son  to  Pheroras'  daughter. 
 
 (>.  Now  one  may  learn,  in  this  instance,  how  very  much  this  flattering  Antipater  could  do, 
 even  what  Salome  in  the  like  circumstances  conid  not  do  ;  for  when  she,  who  was  his  sister, 
 bad,  by  the  means  of  Julia,  Ca-sar's  wife,  earnestly  desired  leave  to  be  married  to  Sylleus 
 the  Arabian,  Herod  swore  he  would  esteem  her  his  bitter  enemy,  unless  she  would  leave  off 
 that  project ;  he  also  caused  her,  against  her  own  consent,  to  be  married  to  Alexas,  a  friend 
 of  his,  and  that  one  of  her  daughters  should  be  Uiarried  to  Alexas'  son,  and  the  other  to  Antipa- 
 ter uncle  by  the  mother's  side.  And  for  the  daughters  the  king  had  by  Mariamne,  the  one  was 
 married  to  Antipater,  his  sister's  son,  aiu!  the  other  to  his  brother's  son,  Phasaelus. 
 
 CHAP.  XXIX. 
 
 Antipater  hKcomes  intolerable.     lie  is  sent  to  Rome,  and  carries  Herod's  Testament  voith  him, 
 
 Pheroras  leaves  Itis  Brother,  that  he  may  keep  his  Wife.  He  dies  at  home. 
 §  1.  Now  when  Antipater  had  cut  oil' the  hopes  of  the  orphans,  and  liad  contracted  such  affini- 
 ties as  would  be  most  for  bis  own  advantage,  he  proeeeded  briskly,  as  having  a  certain  expectation 
 of  the  kingdom  ;  and  as  he  had  now  assurance  added  to  his  wickedness,  he  became  intolerable, 
 for  not  being  able  to  avoid  the  hatred  of  all  people,  he  built  his  security  upon  the  terror  he 
 struck  into  them.  Pheroras  also  assisted  him  in  his  designs,  looking  upon  him  as  already 
 tixed  iu  his  kingdom.  There  was  also  a  company  of  women  in  the  court,  which  excited  new 
 disturbances  ;  for  Pheroras'  wife,  together  with  her  mother  and  sister,  as  also  Antipater's 
 mother,  grew  very  impudent  in  the  palace.  She  also  was  so  insolent  as  to  aflfront  the  king'sf 
 two  daughters,  on  which  account  the  king  hated  her  to  a  great  degree  ;  yet  althongh  these 
 ^vomen  were  hated  by  him,  they  domineered  over  others  :  there  was  only  Salome  who  opposed 
 their  good  agreement,  and  informed  the  king  of  their  meetings,  as  not  being  for  the  advantage 
 of  his  all'airs.  And  when  those  women  knew  what  calumnies  she  had  raised  against  tliem,  and 
 how  much  Herod  was  displeased,  they  left  ofl"  their  public  meetings,  and  friendly  entertain- 
 ments of  one  anotlier  ;  nay,  on  the  contrary,  they  pretended  to  quarrel  one  with  another,  when 
 the  king  was  within  hearing.  The  like  dissimulation  did  Antipater  make  use  of,  and  when 
 matters  were  public,  he  opposed  Pheroras ;  but  still  they  had  private  cabals  and  merry  meet- 
 ings in  the  night-time  ;  nor  did  the  observation  of  others  do  any  more  than  confirm  their  mutual 
 agreement.     However,  Salome  knew  every  thing  they  did,  and  told  every  thing  to  Herod. 
 
 •  Dean  AldricU  takes  notice  here,  that  these  nine  wives  of  Herod  were  alive  at  the  Siune  time,  and  that  if 
 the  celebrated  Mariamne,  who  was  now  dead,  be  reckoned,  those  wives  were  in  all  ten.  Vet  it  is  remarkable 
 that  ho  had  uo  more  than  fifteen  cliildren  by  them  all. 
 
 +  lo  prevent  confusion,  it  may  not  be  amiss,  with  Dean  Aldrich,  to  distinijiiish  between  four  Josephs  in  tho 
 liislory  of  Herod.  1.  Joseph,  lierod's  uncle,  and  the  fsccondj  husband  of  his  sister  Salome,  slain  by  Ilerod, 
 on  account  of  Mariumne.  2.  Joseph,  lierod's  iiusestor,  or  treasurer,  slain  on  the  simie  account.  3.  Joseph, 
 lierod's  brother,  sluin  in  battle  against  Antigonus.  4.  Joseph,  lierod's  nephew,  the  husband  of  Olympias, 
 mentioned  iu  this  place. 
 
 1  these  daughters  of  Itcrod,  whom  Pheroras'  wife  affronted,  were  Salome  and  Ttoxana,  two  virgins,  who 
 wore  bora  to  him  of  his  two  wives,  Elpis  aud  Phedra.    S«e  lierod's  gentialogy,  AMiq,.  b.  xvii.  chap.  i.  S  3., 
 
564 
 
 WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  But  he  was  inflamed  witb  anger  at  tlieni,  and  chiefly  at  Pheroras'  wife  ;  for  Salome  had 
 principally  accused  ber.  So  he  got  an  assembly  of  his  friends  and  kindred  together,  and  there 
 accused  this  woman  of  many  things,  and  particularly  of  the  affronts  she  had  ofl'ered  his  daugh- 
 ters ;  and  that  she  had  supplied  the  Pharisees  with  money,  by  way  of  rewards  for  what  they 
 had  done  against  him,  and  had  procured  his  brother  to  become  his  enemy,  by  giving  him  love 
 potions.  At  length  he  turned  his  speech  to  Pheroras,  and  told  him,  that  "  he  would  give  him 
 his  choice  of  these  two  things,  whether  he  would  keep  in  with  his  brother,  or  with  his  wife?"  And 
 when  Pheroras  said,  that  be  would  certainly  die  rather  than  forsake  his  wife,*  Herod,  not  know- 
 ing what  to  do  further  in  that  matter,  turned  his  speech  to  Antipater,  and  charged  him  to  have 
 no  intercourse  either  with  Pheroras'  wife,  or  with  Pheroras  himself,  or  with  any  one  belonging 
 to  her.  Now,  though  Antipater  did  not  transgress  that  his  injunction  publicly,  yet  did  he  in 
 secret  come  to  their  night  meetings  ;  and  because  he  was  afraid  that  Salome  observed  what  he 
 did,  he  procured,  by  the  means  of  his  Italian  friends,  that  he  might  go  and  live  at  Rome  :  for 
 ■when  they  wrote  that  it  was  proper  for  Antipater  to  be  sent  to  Caesar  for  some  time,  Herod 
 made  no  delay,  but  sent  him,  and  that  with  a  splendid  attendance,  and  a  great  deal  of  money, 
 and  gave  him  his  testament  to  carry  with  him,  wherein  Antipater  had  the  kingdom  bequeathed 
 to  him,  and  wherein  Herod  was  named  for  Anlipater's  successor,  that  Herod,  I  mean,  who 
 was  the  son  of  Mariamne,  the  high  priest's  daughter. 
 
 3.  Sylleus  also,  the  Arabian,  sailed  to  Rome,  witliont  any  regard  to  Caesar's  injunctions,  and 
 this  in  order  to  oppose  Antipater  with  all  his  might,  as  to  that  law-suit  which  Nicolaus  had 
 with  him  before.  This  Svlleus  had  also  a  great  contest  with  Aretas  his  own  king;  for  he  had 
 slain  many  others  of  Aretas'  friends,  and  particularly  Sohemus,  the  most  potent  man  in  the 
 city  of  Petra.  Moreover,  he  had  prevailed  with  Phabatus,  who  was  Herod's  steward,  by- 
 giving  him  a  great  sum  of  money,  to  assist  him  against  Herod;  but  when  Herod  gave  him 
 more,  he  induced  him  to  leave  Sylleus,  and  by  his  means  he  demanded  of  him  all  that  Caesar 
 Viad  required  of  iiim  to  pay.  But  when  Sylleus  paid  nothing  of  what  he  was  to  pay,  and  did 
 also  accuse  Phabatus  to  Caesar,  and  said  that  he  was  not  a  steward  for  Caesar's  advantage,  but 
 for  Herod's,  Phabatus  was  angry  at  him  on  that  account,  but  was  still  in  very  great  esteem 
 ■with  Herod,  and  discovered  Syllens'  grand  secrets,  and  told  the  king  that  Sylleus  had  cor- 
 rupted Corinlhus,  one  of  the  guards  of  his  body,  by  bribing  him,  and  of  whom  he  must  there- 
 fore have  a  care.  Accordingly,  the  king  complied,  for  this  Corinthus,  though  he  was  brought 
 np  in  Herod's  kingdom,  yet  was  he  by  birth  an  Arabian  ;  so  the  king  ordered  him  to  be  taken 
 up  immediately,  and  not  only  him,  but  two  other  Arabians,  who  were  caught  with  him  ;  the 
 one  of  them  was  Sylleus'  friend,  ihe  other  the  head  of  a  tribe.  The  last  being  put  to  the  tor- 
 ture, confessed  that  they  had  prevailed  with  Coriutlius,  for  a  large  sum  of  money,  to  kill 
 Herod  ;  and  when  they  had  been  further  examined  before  Saturninus  the  president  of  Syria, 
 they  were  sent  to  Rome. 
 
 4.  However,  Herod  did  not  leave  off  importuning  Pheroras,  but  proceeded  to  force  him  to 
 put  away  his  wife  ;  yet  could  he  not  devise  any  way  by  which  he  could  bring  the  woman  her- 
 self to  punishment,  although  he  had  many  causes  of  hatred  to  her ;  till  at  length  he  was  in  such 
 great  uneasiness  at  her,  that  he  cast  both  her  and  his  brother  out  of  his  kingdom.  Pheroras 
 took  this  injury  very  patiently,  and  went  away  into  his  own  tetrarchy  [Perea  beyond  Jordan,] 
 and  swore  that  there  should  be  but  one  end  put  to  his  flight,  and  that  should  be  Herod's  death  ; 
 and  that  he  would  never  return  while  he  was  alive.  Nor  indeed  would  he  return  when  his 
 brother  was  sick,  although  he  earnestly  sent  for  him  to  come  to  him,  because  he  had  a  mind 
 to  leave  some  injunctions  with  him  before  he  died  ;  but  Herod  unexpectedly  recovered.  A 
 little  afterward  Pheroras  himself  fell  sick,  when  Herod  shewed  great  moderation  :  for  he  came 
 to  him  and  pitied  his  case,  and  took  care  of  him ;  but  his  affection  for  him  did  him  no  good, 
 for  Pheroras  died  a  little  afterward.  Now,  though  Herod  had  so  great  an  affection  for  him  to 
 the  last  day  of  his  life,  yet  was  a  report  spread  abroad  that  he  had  killed  him  by  poison. 
 However,  he  took  care  to  have  his  dead  body  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  appointed  a  very 
 great  mourning  to  the  whole  nation  for  him,  and  bestowed  a  most  pompous  funeral  upon  him. 
 And  this  was  the  end  that  one  of  Alexander's  and  Aristobulus'  murderers  came  to. 
 
 CHAP.  XXX. 
 
 WlieM  Herod  made  Inquiry  about  Pheroras'  Death,  a  Discovery  was  made  that  Antipater  had 
 prepared  a  poisonous  Draught  for   him.     Herod  casts  Doris   and  her  Accomplices,  as  also    • 
 Mariamne,  out  of  the  Palrce,  and  blots  her  Son  Herod  out  of  his  Testament. 
 
 f  1.  But  now  the  punishment  was  transferred   unto   the  original  author,  Antipater,  and  took 
 its  rise  from  the  death  of  Pheroras :   for  certain  of  his  freed  men  came  with  a  sad  countenance 
 
 *  l^his  strange  obstinacy  of  Pheroras  in  retaining  his  -n-ife,  who  ■was  one  of  a  low  family,  and  refusing  to 
 marry  oue  nearly  related  to  Herod,  though  he  so  earnestly  desired  it,  as  also  that  wife's  admission  to  the 
 counsels  of  the  other  great  court  ladies,  together  with  Herod's  own  importutiity  as  to  Pheroras'  divorce  and 
 other  marriage,  all  so  remarliable  here,  or  in  the  Antiiiuities,  b.  xvii.  chap.  ii.  ^  4.  and  chap.  iii.  i  3.  cannot 
 be  -well  accounted  for,  but  on  the  supposal  that  Pheroras  believed,  and  Herod  suspected,  that  the  Pharisees' 
 prediction,  as  if  the  crown  of  .ludea  should  be  translated  from  Herod  to  Pheroras'  posterity,  and  that  most 
 probably  to  Pheroras'  posterity  by  this  his  y.'i{e,  also  would  prove  true.  See  Autiii,  b.  xvii.  chap.  ii.  5  4.  and 
 chap.  iii.  ;  1. 
 
BOOK    I. CHAP.    XXX.  5G5 
 
 to  Ihe  king,  and  told  liiin,  that  "  his  brother  had  been  destro^'ed  by  poison,  and  that  his  wife 
 had  brought  him  somewliat  that  was  prepared  after  an  unusual  manner,  and  that,  upon  his 
 eating  it,  he  presently  fell  into  his  distemper  ;  that  Antipater's  mother  and  sister,  two  days 
 before,  brought  a  woman  out  of  Arabia  that  was  skilful  in  mixing  such  drugs,  that  she  might 
 prepare  a  love  potion  for  i'lieroras  ;  and  that,  instead  of  a  love  potion,  she  had  given  him 
 deadly  poison  ;  and  that  this  was  done  by  the  management  of  Sylleus,  who  was  acquainted 
 with  that  woman." 
 
 2.  The  king  was  deeply  affected  with  so  many  suspicions,  and  had  the  maid-servants  and 
 some  of  the  free  women  also  tortured  ;  one  of  whom  cried  out  in  her  agonies,  "  May  that  God 
 that  governs  the  earth  and  the  heaven  punish  the  author  of  all  these  our  miseries,  Antipater's 
 mother!"  The  king  took  a  handle  from  this  confession,  and  proceeded  to  inqnire  further  into 
 the  truth  of  the  matter.  So  this  woman  discovered  the  friendship  of  Antipater's  mother  to 
 Pheroras  and  Antipater's  women,  as  also  their  secret  meetings,  and  that  Pheroras  and  Anti- 
 pater  had  drunk  with  them  for  a  whole  night  together  as  tliey  returned  from  the  king,  and 
 would  not  suffer  any  body,  eitlier  man-servant  or  maid-servant,  to  be  there;  while  one  of  the 
 free  women  discovered  the  whole  matter. 
 
 3.  Upon  this  Herod  tortured  the  maid-servants  everyone  by  themselves  separately,  who  all 
 unanimously  agreed  in  the  foregoing  discoveries,  and  that  accordingly  by  agreement  they  went 
 away,  Aiitipaler  to  Rome  and  Pheroras  to  Perea  :  for  that  they  oftentimes  talked  to  one 
 another  thus,  "  That  after  Herod  had  slain  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  he  would  fall  upon 
 them,  and  upon  their  wives,  becanse,  after  he  had  not  spared  Mariamne  and  her  children,  he 
 would  spare  nobody  ;  and  that  for  this  reason  it  was  best  to  get  as  far  off  the  wild  beast  as 
 they  were  able."  And  that  Anlipater  oftentimes  lamented  his  own  case  before  his  mother, 
 and  said  to  her,  that  "  he  bad  already  gray  hairs  upon  his  head,  and  (hat  his  father  grew 
 younger  again  every  day,  and  that  perhaps  death  would  overtake  hira  before  he  should  begin 
 to  be  a  king  in  earnest;  and  that  in  case  Herod  should  die,  which  yet  nobody  knew  when  it 
 would  be,  the  enjoyment  of  the  succession  could  certainly  be  but  for  a  little  time  ;  for  that 
 these  heads  of  Hydra,  the  sons  of  Alexander  aud  Aristobulus,  were  growing  up:  that  he  was 
 deprived  by  his  father  of  the  hopes  of  being  succeeded  by  his  children,  for  that  his  successor 
 after  his  death  was  not  io  be  any  one  of  his  own  sons,  but  Herod  the  son  of  Mariamne  ;  that 
 in  this  point  Hernd  was  plainly  distracted,  to  think  that  his  testament  should  therein  take 
 l)lace  ;  for  he  would  take  care  tliat  not  one  of  his  posterity  should  remain,  because  he  was  of 
 all  fathers  the  greatest  hater  of  his  children.  Yet  does  he  hate  his  brother  still  worse,  whence 
 it  was  that  he  a  while  ago  gave  himself  a  hundred  talents,  that  be  should  not  have  any  inter- 
 course with  Pheroras.  And  when  Pheroras  said,  Wherein  have  we  done  liira  any  harm  ? 
 Antipater  replied,  I  wish  he  would  but  deprive  us  of  all  we  have,  and  leave  us  naked  and 
 alive  only;  hut  it  is  indeed  impossible  to  escape  this  wild  beast,  who  is  thus  given  to  murder, 
 who  will  not  permit  us  to  love  any  person  openly,  although  we  be  together  privately ;  yet  may 
 we  be  so  openly  too,  if  we  have  but  the  courage  and  the  hands  of  men." 
 
 4.  These  things  were  said  by  the  women  upon  the  torture,  as  also  that  Pheroras  resolved 
 to  fly  with  them  to  Perea,  Now  Herod  gave  credit  to  all  they  said,  on  account  of  the  affair 
 of  the  hundred  talents;  for  he  had  bad  no  discourse  with  any  body  about  them,  but  only  with 
 Antipater.  So  he  vented  his  anger  first  of  all  against  Antipater's  mother,  and  took  away  from 
 her  all  the  ornaments  which  he  had  given  her,  which  cost  a  great  many  talents,  and  cast  her 
 out  of  the  palace  a  second  time.  He  also  took  care  of  Pheroras'  women  after  their  tortures, 
 as  being  now  rf  conciled  to  them  ;  but  he  was  in  great  consternation  himself,  and  inflamed 
 upon  every  suspicion,  and  had  many  innocent  persons  led  to  the  torture  out  of  his  fear,  lest  he 
 should  leave  any  guilty  person  untortiired. 
 
 5.  And  now  it  was  that  he  betook  himself  to  examine  Antipater  of  Samaria,  who  was  the 
 steward  of  [his  son]  Antipater  ;  and  upon  tortnring  him,  he  learned  that  Antipater  had  sent 
 for  a  potion  of  deadly  poison  for  him  out  of  Egjpt,  by  Antiphilus,  a  companion  of  his;  that 
 Theurtio,  the  uncle  of  Antipater,  had  it  from  him,  and  delivered  it  to  Pheroras  ;  for  that  Anti- 
 pater had  charged  him  to  take  his  father  off  while  he  was  at  Rome,  and  so  free  him  from  the 
 suspicion  of  doing  it  himself:  that  Pheroras  also  committed  this  potion  to  his  wife.  Then  did 
 the  king  send  for  her,  and  bade  htr  bring  to  hira  what  she  had  received  immediately.  So  she 
 came  out  of  her  liouse  as  if  she  would  bring  it  with  her,  but  threw  lierself  down  froni  the  top 
 of  the  house,  in  order  to  prevent  any  examination  and  torture  from  the  king.  However,  it 
 came  to  pass,  as  it  seems  i)y  the  providence  of  God,  when  he  intended  to  bring  Antipater  to 
 punishment,  that  she  fell  not  upon  her  head,  but  upon  other  parts  of  her  body,  and  escaped. 
 The  king,  when  stie  was  brought  to  him,  took  care  of  her,  (for  she  was  at  first  quite  senseless 
 upon  her  fall,)  and  asked  her  v.'iiy  she  had  thrown  herself  down  ?  and  gave  her  his  oath,  that 
 if  she  would  speak  tiie  real  truth,  be  would  excuse  her  from  punishment  ;  but  thai  if  she  con- 
 cealed any  thing,  he  would  have  her  body  torn  to  pieces  by  torments,  and  leave  no  part  of  it 
 to  be  buried. 
 
 G.  Upon  this  the  woman  paused  a  little,  and  then  said,  "Why  do  I  spare  to  speak  of  these 
 Rrand  secrets,  now  Pheroras  is  dead,  that  would  only  tend  to  save  Antipater,  who  is  all  our 
 slestrucliun.     Hear  then,    O  king,  and  bo   thou,   and  God  liimself  who  cannot   be   deceived. 
 
5C6  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 witnesses  to  the  truth  of  wIkU  I  am  going  to  saj.  When  thou  didst  sit  weeping  by  PLeroras 
 as  he  was  djing,  then  it  was  tlip.t  he  called  me  to  him,  and  said,  'My  dear  wife,  I  Lave  been 
 greatly  mistaken  as  to  the  disposition  of  my  brother  towards  me,  and  have  hated  him  that  is 
 so  ail'eciionate  to  me,  and  have  contrived  to  iiill  him  who  is  in  such  disorder  for  me  before  I 
 am  dead.  As  for  myself,  I  receive  the  recompense  of  my  impiety  ;  but  do  thou  bring  what 
 poison  was  left  with  us  by  Antipater,  and  whicli  tiiou  keepest  in  order  to  destroy  him,  and  con- 
 sume it  immediately  in  the  fire  in  my  sight,  that  I  may  not  be  liable  to  the  avenger  in  the 
 invisible  world.'  This  I  brought  as  he  bade  me,  and  emptied  the  greatest  part  of  it  into  the 
 fire,  but  reserved  a  little  of  it  for  my  own  use  against  uncertain  futurity,  and  out  of  my  fear 
 of  thee." 
 
 7.  When  she  had  said  this,  she  brought  the  box,  which  had  a  small  quantity  of  this  potion 
 in  it :  but  the  king  let  her  alone,  aud  transferred  the  tortures  to  Antiphilus's  mother  and  bro- 
 ther;  who  both  confessed  that  Antipliilus  brought  the  box  out  of  Egypt,  and  that  they  had 
 received  the  potion  from  a  brother  of  his  who  was  a  physician  at  Alexandria.  Then  did  the 
 ghosts  of  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  go  round  all  the  palace,  and  became  the  inquisitors  and 
 discoverers  of  what  could  not  otherwise  have  been  found  out,  and  brought  such  as  were  the 
 freest  from  suspicion  to  be  examined  ;  whereby  it  was  discovered  that  Mariamne,  the  high 
 priest's  daughter,  was  conscious  of  this  plot,  and  her  very  brothers,  when  they  were  tortured, 
 declared  it  so  to  be.  Whereupon  the  king  avenged  this  insolent  attempt  of  the  mother  upon 
 her  son,  and  blotted  Herod,  whom  he  had  by  her,  out  of  his  testament,  who  had  been  before 
 uamed  therein  as  successor  to  Antipater. 
 
 CHAP.  XXXI. 
 
 Anlipaler  is  convicted  by  Bathyllus:    but  he  still  returns  from   Rome   without  knowing   it, 
 Herod  brings  him  to  his  Trial. 
 
 §  1.  After  tuese  things  were  over,  Bathyllns  came  under  examination,  in  order  to  convict 
 Antipnter,  who  proved  the  concluding  attestation  to  Antipater's  designs  ;  for  indeed  he  was 
 no  other  than  his  freed-maa.  This  man  came,  and  brought  another  deadly  potion,  the  poison 
 of  asps,  and  the  juices  of  other  serpents,  that  if  the  first  potion  did  not  do  the  business,  Phe- 
 roras  and  his  wile  might  be  armed  with  this  also  to  destroy  the  king.  He  brought  also  an 
 addition  to  Antipater's  insolent  attempt  against  his  father,  which  was  the  letters  which  he 
 wrote  against  his  brethren,  Arciielaus  and  Philip,  who  were  the  king's  sons,  and  educated  at 
 Rome,  being  yet  youths,  but  of  generous  dispositions.  Antipater  set  himself  to  get  rid  of 
 these  as  soon  as  he  could,  tliat  they  might  not  be  prejudicial  to  his  hopes,  and  to  that  end  he 
 forged  letters  against  them  in  the  name  of  his  friends  at  Rome.  Some  of  these  he  corrupted 
 by  bribes  to  write  how  they  grossly  reproached  their  father,  and  did  openly  bewail  Alexander 
 and  Aristobulus,  and  were  uneasy  at  their  being  recalled,  for  their  father  had  already  sent  for 
 them,  which  was  the  very  thing  that  troubled  Antipater. 
 
 2.  Nay,  indeed,  while  Antipater  was  in  Judea,  and  before  he  was  upon  his  journey  to  Rome, 
 lie  gave  money  to  have  the  like  letters  against  them  sent  from  Rome,  and  thee  came  to  his 
 father,  who  as  yet  had  no  suspicion  of  him,  and  apologized  for  his  brethren,  and  alleged  on 
 their  behalf,  that  some  of  the  tilings  contained  in  those  letters  were  false,  and  others  of  them 
 were  only  youthful  errors.  Yet  at  the  same  time  that  he  expended  a  great  deal  of  his  money, 
 by  making  presents  to  such  as  wrote  against  his  brethren,  did  he  aim  to  bring  his  accounts 
 into  confusion,  by  buying  costiv  garments,  and  carpets  of  various  contextures,  with  silver 
 aiid  gold  cups,  and  a  great  many  more  curious  things,  that  so,  among  the  very  great  expenses 
 laid  out  upon  such  furniture,  he  mi^lit  conceal  the  money  he  had  used  in  hiring  men  [to  write 
 the  letters  ;]  for  he  brought  in  an  account  of  his  expenses,  amounting  to  two  hundred  talents, 
 liis  main  pretence  t\>r  which  was  the  lawsuit  he  had  been  in  with  Sylleus.  So  while  all  his 
 rogueries,  even  those  of  a  lesser  sort  also,  were  covered  by  his  greater  villanv,  while  all  the 
 examinations  by  torture  proclaimed  his  attempt  to  murder  bis  father,  and  tiie  letters  pro- 
 claimed his  second  attempt  to  murder  his  brethren  ;  yet  did  no  one  of  those  that  carae  to  Rome 
 inform  him  of  his  misfortunes  in  Judea,  although  seven  months  had  intervened  between  bis  con- 
 viction and  his  return,  so  great  was  the  hatred  which  they  all  bore  to  him.  And  perhaps 
 Ihey  were  the  ghosts  of  those  brethren  of  his  that  had  been  murdered,  that  stopped  the  mouths 
 of  those  that  intended  to  have  told  him.  He  then  wrote  from  Rome,  and  informed  [his 
 friends]  that  he  would  soon  come  to  tliera,  and  how  he  was  dismissed  with  honour  by  Cwsar. 
 
 3.  Now  the  king  being  desirous  to  get  this  plotter  against  him  into  bis  hands,  aud  being 
 also  afraid  lest  he  should  some  way  come  to  the  knowledge  how  his  aflairs  stood,  and  be  upon 
 his  guard,  he  dissembled  his  anger  in  his  epistle  to  him,  as  in  other  points  he  wrote  kindly  to 
 him,  and  desired  him  to  make  haste,  because  if  he  came  quickly,  he  would  then  lay  aside  the 
 com])lainfs  he  had  against  his  mother  ;  for  Antipater  was  not  ignorant  that  his  mother  had 
 been  expelled  out  of  the  palace.  However,  he  had  before  received  a  letter,  which  contained 
 an  account  of  the  death  of  Pheroras,  at  Tarer.tum,*  and  made  great  lamentations  at  it  ;  for 
 which  some  commended  him,  as  being  for  his  own  uncle;  though  probably  this  confusion  arose 
 
 ♦  'this  Tarentum  has  coins  still  extant,  as  Reland  informs  us  here  in  his  note. 
 
BOOK  I. — CHAP.  XXXII.  567 
 
 on  account  of  Lis  having  ihereby  failed  in  his -plot  [on  his  father's  life,]  and  his  tears  were 
 more  for  the  loss  of  iiini  that  was  to  have  been  subservient  therein,  than  for  [an  uncle]  Phe- 
 roras  :  moreover,  a  sort  of  fear  came  upon  hira  as  to  his  designs,  lest  the  poison  should  have 
 been  discovered.  Plowever,  when  he  was  in  Cilicia,  he  received  the  forenientioned  epistle 
 from  his  father,  and  made  great  haste  accordingly.  But  when  be  had  sailed  to  Celenderis, 
 a  suspicion  came  into  his  mind  relating  to  his  mother's  misfortune  ;  as  if  liis  soul  foreboded 
 some  mischief  to  itself.  Those  therefore  of  his  friends  who  were  the  most  considerate,  ad- 
 vised hira  not  rashly  to  go  to  his  father  till  he  had  learned  what  were  the  occasions  why  his 
 moilier  had  been  ejected,  because  they  were  afraid  that  he  might  be  involved  in  the  calumnies 
 that  had  been  cast  upon  his  mother :  but  those  that  were  less  considerate,  and  bad  more  regard 
 to  their  own  desires  of  seeing  their  native  country  than  to  Antipater's  safely,  persuaded  him 
 to  make  haste  home,  and  not  by  delayin>j  his  journey  aflord  his  father  ground  for  an  ill  sus- 
 picion, and  give  a  handle  to  those  that  raised  stories  against  him  ;  for  that  in  case  any  thing 
 bad  been  moved  to  his  disadvantage,  it  was  owing  to  his  absence,  which  durst  not  have  been 
 done  bad  he  been  present.  And  they  said,  it  was  absurd  to  deprive  himself  of  certain  happi- 
 ness, for  the  sake  of  an  uncertain  suspicion,  and  not  rather  to  return  to  his  father,  and  take 
 the  royal  authority  upon  him,  which  was  in  a  state  of  fluctuation  on  his  account  only.  Anti- 
 pater  complied  wiih  this  last  advice  ;  for  Providence  hurried  him  on  [to  his  destruction.] 
 So  he  passed  over  the  sea,  and  landed  at  Sebastus,  the  haven  of  Cesarea. 
 
 4.  And  here  he  found  a  perfect  and  unexpected  solitude,  while  every  body  avoided  him,  and 
 nobody  durst  come  at  him  ;  for  he  was  eipjally  hated  by  all  men  ;  and  now  that  hatred  had 
 liberty  to  shew  itself,  and  the  dread  men  were  in  at  the  king's  anger  made  men  keep  from  liim  ; 
 for  the  whole  city  [of  Jerusalem]  was  filled  with  the  rumours  about  Anlipater,  and  Autipater 
 himself  was  the  only  person  who  was  ignorant  of  them  ;  for  as  no  man  was  dismissed  more 
 magnificently  when  he  began  his  voyage  to  Rome,  so  was  no  man  now  received  back  with 
 greater  ignominy.  And  indeed  he  began  already  to  siisriect  what  misfortunes  there  were  in 
 Herod's  family  ;  yet  did  he  cunningly  conceal  his  suspicion  ;  and  while  he  was  inwardly  ready 
 to  die  for  fear,  he  put  o;i  a  forced  boldness  of  countenance.  Nor  could  he  now  lly  any  whither, 
 nor  had  be  any  way  of  emerging  out  of  the  difiiculties  which  encompassed  him,  nor  indeed  had 
 be  even  there  any  certain  intelligence  of  the  afl'airs  of  the  royal  family,  by  reason  of  the  threats 
 the  king  had  given  out:  yet  had  he  some  small  hopes  of  better  tidings;  for  perhaps  nothing 
 bad  been  discovered  ;  or,  if  any  discovery  bad  been  made,  perhaps  he  should  be  able  to  clear 
 himself  by  impudence  and  artful  tricks,  which  were  the  only  things  be  relied  upon  for  his 
 deliverance. 
 
 5.  And  with  these  hopes  did  he  screen  himself,  till  he  came  to  the  palace,  without  any 
 friends  with  him  ;  for  these  were  affronted  and  shut  out  at  (he  first  gate.  Now  Varus,  the 
 president  of  Syria,  happened  to  be  in  the  palace  [at  this  junclure:]  so  Autipater  went  in  to 
 his  father,  and,  putting  on  a  bold  face,  be  came  near  to  siilute  him  :  but  Herod  stretched  out 
 his  hands,  and  turned  his  head  away  from  him,  and  cried  out,  "  Even  this  is  an  indication  of  a 
 parricide,  to  be  desirous  to  get  me  into  his  arms,  when  he  is  under  such  heinous  accusations. 
 God  confound  thee,  thou  vile  wretch,  do  not  thou  touch  me,  till  thou  hast  cleared  thyself  of 
 these  crimes  that  are  charged  upon  thee.  I  appoint  thee  a  court  where  thou  art  to  be  judged, 
 and  this  Varus,  who  is  very  seasonably  here,  to  be  thy  judge  ;  and  get  thou  Ihy  defence  ready 
 against  to-morrow  ;  for  1  give  thee  so  much  time  to  prepare  suitable  excuses  for  thyself." 
 And  as  Antipater  was  so  confounded,  that  be  was  able  to  make  no  answer  to  this  charge,  he 
 went  away;  but  his  mother  and  wife  came  to  him,  and  told  him  of  all  the  evidence  they  had 
 gotten  against  him.  Hereupon  he  recollected  himself,  and  considered  what  defence  he  should 
 make  against  the  accusations. 
 
 CHAP.  XXXII. 
 
 AtitipatKr  is  accused  before  Varus,  and  is  convicted  of  layincj  a  Plot  [urjainst  his  Father'^  hrj 
 the  strongest  Evidence.  Ilerod  puts  off  his  Punishment  till  he  should  be  recovered,  iind,  in 
 the  mean  lime,  alters  his  Testament, 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  day  following,  the  king  assembled  a  court  of  his  kinsmen  and  friends,  and  called 
 in  Antipater's  friends  also  :  Herod  himself,  with  Varus,  were  the  presidents  ;  and  Herod 
 called  for  all  the  witnesses,  and  ordered  them  to  be  brought  in  ;  among  whom  some  of  the 
 domestic  servants  of  Antipater's  mother  were  brought  in  also,  who  had  but  a  little  while  before 
 been  caught,  as  they  were  carrying  the  following  letter  from  her  to  her  son  :  "  Since  all  those 
 things  have  been  already  discovered  to  thy  father,  do  not  thou  come  to  him,  unless  thou  canst  pro- 
 cure some  assistance  from  Caesar."  When  this  and  the  other  witnesses  were  introduced,  Anlipater 
 came  in,  and  falling  on  his  face  before  his  father's  feet,  he  said,  "  Father,  I  beseech  thee  do 
 not  condemn  me  beforehand,  but  let  thy  ears  be  unbaissed,  and  attend  to  my  defence  ;  for  if 
 thou  wilt  give  me  leave,  I  will  demonstrate  that  T  am  innocent." 
 
 2.  Hereupon  Herod  cried  out  to  him  to  hold  bis  peace,  and  spoke  thus  to  Varus,  "  I  can- 
 not but  think  that  thou.  Varus,  and  every  other  upright  judge,  will  determine  that  Antipater 
 is  a  vile  wretch.     I  am   also  afraid  that  thou  wilt  abhor  my  ill  fortune,  and  judge  me   also 
 
568  WARS  OF   THE  JEWS. 
 
 myself  wortky  of  all  sorts  of  calamity,  for  begetting  such  cLildreo,  wLile  yet  I  ought  rather  te 
 06  pitied,  wlio  have  been  so  affectionate  a  father  to  sacli  wretched  sons  ;  for  when  I  had  set- 
 tled the  kingdom  on  my  former  sons,  even  when  they  were  young,  and  when,  besides  the 
 charges  of  their  education  at  Rome,  I  had  made  them  the  friends  of  Caesar,  and  made  them 
 envied  by  other  kings,  1  found  them  plotting  against  rae  ;  these  have  been  put  to  death,  and 
 that,  in  a  great  measure,  for  the  sake  of  Antipater  ;  for  as  he  was  then  young,  and  appointed 
 to  he  my  successor,  I  took  care  chiefly  to  secure  him  from  danger  :  but  this  protligate  wild 
 beast,  when  he  had  been  over  and  above  satiated  with  t!iat  patience  which  I  shewed  him,  he 
 made  use  of  that  abundance  I  had  given  him,  against  myself;  for  I  seemed  to  him  to  live  too 
 long,  and  he  was  very  uneas3'  at  the  old  age  I  was  arrived  at;  nor  could  he  stay  any  longer, 
 but  would  be  a  king  by  parricide.  And  justly  I  am  served  by  him  for  bringing  him  back  out 
 of  the  country  to  court,  when  he  was  of  no  esteem  before,  and  for  thrusting  out  those  sons  of 
 mine  that  were  bora  of  the  queen,  and  for  making  him  a  successor  to  my  domiuions.  I  con- 
 fess to  thee,  O  Varus,  the  great  folly  I  was  guilty  of:  for  I  provoked  those  sons  of  mine  to 
 act  against  me,  and  cut  off  their  just  expectations  for  the  sake  of  Antipater;  and  indeed  what 
 kinilness  did  I  do  to  them,  that  could  equal  what  I  have  done  to  Antipater?  to  whom  I  have, 
 in  a  manner,  yielded  up  my  royal  authority  while  I  am  alive,  and  whom  I  have  openly  named 
 for  the  successor  to  ray  dominions  in  my  testament,  and  given  him  a  yearly  revenue  of  his  own, 
 of  fifty  talents,  and  supplied  bira  with  money  to  an  extravagant  degree  out  of  my  own  revenue  ; 
 and  when  he  was  about  to  sail  to  Rome,  I  gave  him  three  hundred  talents,  and  recommended 
 bim,  and  him  alone  of  all  my  children,  to  Cjesar,  as  his  father's  deliverer.  Now  what  crimes 
 were  those  other  sons  of  mine  guilty  of  like  these  of  Antipater  ?  and  what  evidence  was  there 
 brought  against  them  so  strong  as  there  is  to  demonstrate  this  son  to  have  plotted  against  rae? 
 Yet  does  this  parricide  presume  to  speak  for  himself,  and  hopes  to  secure  the  truth  by  bis 
 cunning  tricks.  Thou,  O  Varus,  must  guard  thyself  against  him  ;  for  I  know  the  wild  beast, 
 and  I  foresee  how  plausibly  he  will  talk,  and  his  counterfeit  lamentation.  This  was  he  who 
 exhorted  me  to  have  a  care  of  Alexander  when  he  was  alive,  and  not  to  intrust  my  body  with 
 all  men  !  This  was  he  who  came  to  my  very  bed,  and  looked  about  lest  any  one  should  lay  snares 
 for  me  !  This  was  he  who  took  care  of  my  sleep,  and  secured  me  from  any  fear  of  danger,  who 
 comforted  me  under  the  trouble  I  was  in  upon  the  slaughter  of  my  sons,  and  looked  to  see 
 what  affection  my  surviving  brethren  bore  me  I  This  was  my  protector,  and  the  guardian  of 
 my  body !  And  when  I  call  to  mind,  O  Varus,  his  craftiness  upon  every  occasion,  and  bis 
 art  of  dissembling,  I  can  hardly  believe  that  I  am  still  alive,  and  1  wnnder  howl  have  escaped 
 such  a  deep  plotter  of  mischief.  However,  since  some  fate  or  other  makes  my  house  desolate, 
 and  perpetually  raises  up  those  that  are  dearest  to  me  against  me,  I  will  with  tears  lament  my 
 hard  fortune,  and  privately  groan  under  my  lonesome  condition  ;  yet  I  am  resolved  that  no 
 one  who  thirsts  after  my  blood  shall  escape  punishment,  although  the  evidence  should  extend 
 itself  to  all  my  sons." 
 
 3.  Upon  Herod's  saying  this,  he  was  interrupted  by  the  confusion  he  was  in  ;  but  ordered 
 Nicolaus,  one  of  his  friends,  to  produce  the  evidence  against  Antipater.  But  in  the  mean  time 
 Antipater  lifted  up  his  head,  (for  he  lay  on  the  ground  before  his  father's  feet,)  and  cried  out 
 aloud,  "Thou,  O  father,  hast  m^ide  my  apology  for  me;  for  how  can  I  be  a  parricide,  whom 
 thou  thyself  coufessest  to  have  always  had  for  thy  guardian.'  Thou  callest  my  filial  affection 
 prodigious  lies,  and  hypocrisy  ;  how  then  could  it  he  that  I,  who  was  so  subtle  in  other  mat- 
 ters, should  here  be  so  mad  as  not  to  understand  that  it  was  not  easy  that  he  who  committed 
 so  horrid  a  crime  should  be  concealed  from  men,  but  impossible  that  he  should  be  concealed 
 from  the  .Judge  of  heaven,  who  sees  all  things,  and  is  present  every  where  ?  or  did  not  I  know 
 what  end  ray  brethren  came  to,  on  whom  God  inllicted  so  great  a  punishment  for  their  evil 
 designs  against  thee  ?  and  indeed  what  was  there  that  could  possibly  provoke  me  against 
 thee?  Could  the  hope  of  being  a  king  do  it  ?  I  was  a  king  already.  Cp'ild  1  suspect  hatred 
 from  thee?  No:  was  not  I  beloved  by  thee?  And  what  other  fear  could  I  have?  Nay,  by 
 preserving  thee  safe,  [  was  a  terror  to  others.  Did  I  want  money?  No  ;  for  who  was  able  to 
 expend  so  much  as  myself?  Indeed,  father,  had  I  been  the  most  execrable  of  all  mankind, 
 and  had  I  had  the  soul  of  the  most  cruel  wild  beast,  must  I  not  have  been  overcome  with  the 
 benefits  thou  hadst  bestowed  ni^on  me  ?  whom,  as  thou  thyself  sayest,  thou  broughtest  [into 
 the  palace  ;]  whom  thou  didst  prefer  before  so  many  of  thy  sons  ;  whom  thou  niadest  a  king 
 in  thine  own  lifetime  ;  and  by  the  vast  magnitude  of  the  other  advantages  thou  bestowedst  on 
 me,  thou  madest  me  an  object  of  envy.  O  miserable  man  1  that  thou  shonldst  undergo  this 
 bitter  absence,  and  thereby  afford  a  great  opportunity  for  envy  to  rise  against  thee !  and  a  long 
 space  for  such  as  were  laying  designs  against  thee  !  Yet  was  I  absent,  father,  on  thy  affairs, 
 that  .Sylleus  might  not  treat  thee  with  contempt  in  thine  old  age.  Rome  is  a  witness  to  my 
 filial  aii'ection,  and  so  is  Ca[?sar,  the  ruler  of  the  habitable  earth,  who  oftentimes  called  me 
 Pliilopater.*  Take  here  the  letters  he  hath  sent  thee,  they  are  more  to  be  believed  than  the 
 calumnies  raised  here  ;  these  letters  are  my  only  apology  ;  these  I  use  as  the  demonstration 
 of  that  natural  ;:ffection  I  have  to  thee.  Remember  that  it  was  against  my  own  choice  that  I 
 sailed  [to  Rome,]  as  knowing  the  latent  hatred  that  was  in  the  kingdom  against  me.     It  was 
 
 •  A  lover  of  his  father. 
 
BOOK  I.— CHAP,  xxxiu.  5G9 
 
 thon,  O  father,  however  unwillingly,  who  hast  been  ray  ruin,  by  forcing  me  to  allow  time  for 
 calumnies  against  me,  and  envy  at  me.  However,  I  am  coitie  hilber,  and  am  ready  to  hear 
 the  evidence  there  is  against  me.  If  I  be  ,a  [larricide,  I  have  passed  by  land  and  by  sea, 
 without  sutiering  any  misfortune  on  either  of  iheiu  :  but  this  method  of  trial  is  no  advantage 
 to  me  ;  for  it  seems,  O  father,  tliat  I  am  already  condemned,  both  before  God  and  before  thee  ; 
 and  as  I  am  already  condemned,  I  beg  that  thou  wilt  not  believe  the  others  that  have  been 
 tortured,  but  let  fire  be  brought  to  torment  me  ;  let  the  racks  march  through  my  bowels; 
 have  no  regard  to  any  lamentatiocs  that  this  polluted  body  can  make  ;  for  if  I  be  a  parricide, 
 I  ouglit  not  to  die  without  torture."  Thus  did  Antipater  cry  out  with  lamentation  and  weep- 
 ing, and  moved  all  the  rest,  and  Varus  in  particular,  to  commiserate  his  case.  Herod  was  the 
 only  person  whose  passion  was  too  strong  to  permit  him  to  weep,  as  knowing  that  the  testi- 
 monies against  him  were  true. 
 
 4.  And  now  it  was,  that  at  the  king's  command,  Nicolaus,  when  he  had  premised  a  great 
 deal  about  the  craftiness  of  Antipater,  and  had  prevented  the  efl'ects  of  their  commiseration  to 
 him,  afterwards  brought  in  a  bitter  and  large  accusation  against  him,  ascribing  all  the  wicked- 
 ness that  had  been  in  the  kingdom  to  him,  especially  the  murder  of  his  brethren,  and  demon- 
 strated that  they  had  perished  by  the  calumnies  he  had  raised  against  them.  He  also  said 
 that  he  had  laid  designs  against  them  that  were  still  alive,  as  if  they  were  laying  plots  for 
 the  succession  ;  and,  said  he,  how  can  it  be  supposed  that  ha  who  prepared  poison  for  his 
 father,  should  abstain  from  mischief  as  to  his  brethren  ?  He  then  proceeded  to  convict  him 
 of  the  attem|)t  to  poison  Herod,  and  gave  on  account  in  order  nf  the  several  discoveries  that 
 bad  been  made,  and  had  great  indignation  as  to  the  aflnir  of  Pheroras,  because  Antipater 
 had  been  for  making  him  murder  his  brother,  and  had  corrupted  those  that  were  dearest  to 
 the  king,  and  filled  the  whole  palace  with  wickedness  ;  and  when  he  had  insisted  on  many 
 other  accusations,  and  the  proofs  for  them,  he  left  oft". 
 
 5.  Then  Varus  bid  Antipater  make  his  defence  ;  but  he  lay  along  in  silence,  and  said  no 
 more  but  this,  "  God  is  my  witness  that  I  am  entirely  innocent."'  So  Varus  asked  for  the  potion, 
 and  gave  it  to  be  drunk  by  a  condemned  maiefactiir,  who  was  tlien  in  prison,  who  died  upon 
 the  spot.  So  Varus,  when  he  had  had  a  very  private  discourse  with  Herod,  and  had  written 
 an  account  of  this  assembly  to  Cassar,  went  awny  after  a  day's  stay.  The  king  also  bound 
 Antipater,  and  sent  away  to  inform  Csesar  of  his  misfortunes. 
 
 G.  Now  after  this,  it  was  discovered  that  Antipater  had  laid  a  plot  against  Salome  also  ; 
 for  one  of  Antiphilus's  domestic  servants  came,  and  brought  letters  from  Rome,  from  a  maid- 
 servant of  Julia,  Caesar's  wife,  whose  name  was  Acme.  By  her  a  message  was  sent  to  the 
 king,  that  she  had  found  a  letter  written  by  Salome,  among  Julia's  papers,  and  had  sent  it  to 
 him  privately,  out  of  her  good-will  to  him.  This  letter  of  Salome's  contained  the  most  bitter 
 reproaolies  of  the  king,  and  the  highest  accusations  against  him.  Antipater  had  forged  this  let- 
 ter, and  had  corrupted  Acme,  and  persuaded  litr  to  send  it  to  Herod.  This  was  proved  by 
 ber  letter  to  Antipater,  for  thus  did  this  woman  write  to  him  ;  "  As  thou  desirest,  I  have 
 written  a  letter  to  thy  father,  and  have  sent  that  letter,  and  am  persuaded  that  the  king  will 
 not  spare  his  sister  when  be  reads  it.  Thou  wilt  do  well  to  remember  what  thou  hast  promised 
 when  all  is  accomplished." 
 
 7.  Wlien  this  epistle  was  discovered,  and  what  the  epistle  forged  against  Salome  contained, 
 a  suspicion  came  into  the  king's  mind,  that  perhaps  the  letters  against  Alexander  were  also 
 forged  :  he  was  moreover  greatly  disturbed,  and  in  a  passion,  because  he  had  almost  slain  his 
 sister  on  Antipater's  account.  He  did  no  longer  delay  therefore  to  bring  him  to  punishment 
 for  all  his  crimes  ;  yet  when  he  was  eagerly  pursuing  Antipater,  he  was  restrained  by  a  severe 
 distemper  he  fell  into.  However,  he  sent  an  account  to  Caesar  about  Acme,  and  the  contri- 
 vances against  Salome  ;  he  sent  also  for  his  testament,  and  altered  it,  and  therein  made  Autipas 
 king,  as  taking  no  care  of  Archelaus  and  Philip,  because  Antipater  had  blasted  their  reputa- 
 tions with  him  ;  but  he  bequeathed  to  Ca;sar,  besides  other  presents  that  he  gave  him,  a  thou- 
 sand talents  ;  as  also  to  bis  wife  and  children,  and  friends,  and  freed-men,  about  five  hundred : 
 he  also  bequeathed  to  all  others  a  great  quantity  of  land,  and  of  money,  and  shewed  bis 
 respects  to  Salome  his  sister,  by  giving  her  most  splendid  gifts.  And  this  was  what  was  con- 
 tained in  his  testament,  as  it  was  now  altered. 
 
 CHAP.  XXXIII. 
 
 The  golden  Eagle  is  cut  to  pieces.  Herod's  Barbarity  when  he  was  ready  to  die.  Ha  attempts 
 to  kill  himself.  He  commands  Antipater  to  he  sUiiit.  He  survives  him  five  Days,  and  then 
 dies. 
 §  1.  Now  Herod's  distemper  became  more  and  more  severe  to  him,  and  this  because  these 
 his  disorders  fell  upon  him  in  his  old  age,  and  when  he  was  in  a  melancholy  condition  ;  for  he 
 was  already  almost  seventy  years  of  age,  and  had  been  brought  low  by  the  calamities  that  hap- 
 pened to  him  about  his  children,  whereby  he  had  no  pleasure  in  life,  even  when  he  was  in 
 health  ;  the  grief  also  that  Antipater  was  still  alive  aggravated  his  disease,  whom  he  resolved 
 to  put  to  death  now  not  at  random,  but  as  soon  as  he  should  be  well  again,  and  resolved  to 
 have  him  slain  [in  a  public  manner.] 
 
 4  C 
 
r>70  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  There  also  now  l)appened  to  hira,  among  his  other  calamities,  a  certain  popular  sedition. 
 There  were  two  men  of  learning  in  the  city  [Jerusalem,]  who  were  thought  the  most  skilful 
 in  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  were  on  that  account  had  in  very  great  esteem  all  over  the 
 nation  :  they  were,  the  one  Judas,  the  son  of  Seppboris  ;  and  the  other  Matthias,  the  son  of  Mar- 
 galus.  There  was  a  great  concourse  of  the  young  men  to  these  men,  when  they  expounded 
 the  laws,  and  there  got  together  every  day  a  kind  of  an  army  of  such  as  were  growing  up  to  be 
 men.  Now  when  these  men  were  informed  that  the  king  was  wearing  away  with  melancholy, 
 and  with  a  distemper,  ihey  dropped  words  to  their  acquaintance,  how  it  was  now  a  very  pro- 
 per time  to  defend  the  cause  of  God,  and  to  pull  down  what  had  been  erected  contrary  to  the 
 laws  of  their  country  ;  for  it  was  unlawful  there  should  be  any  such  thing  in  the  temple  as 
 images,  or  faces,  or  the  like  representation  of  any  animal  whatsoever.  Now  the  king  had  put 
 up  a  golden  eagle  over  the  great  gate  of  the  temple,  which  these  learned  men  exhorted  them  to 
 cut  down,  and  told  them,  that  if  there  should  any  danger  arise,  it  was  a  glorious  thing  to  die 
 for  the  laws  of  their  country  ;  because  that  the  soul  was  immortal,  and  that  an  eternal  enjoyment 
 of  happiness  did  await  such  as  died  on  that  account;  while  the  toean-spiriied,  and  those  that 
 were  not  wise  enongh  to  shew  a  right  love  of  their  souls,  preferred  death  by  a  disease, 
 before  that  which  is  the  result  of  a  virtuous  behaviour. 
 
 3.  At  the  same  time  that  these  men  made  this  speech  to  their  disciples,  a  rumour  was  spread 
 abroad,  that  the  king  was  dying,  which  made  the  young  men  set  about  the  work  with  greater 
 boldness ;  they  therefore  let  themselves  down  from  the  top  of  the  temple  with  thick  cords,  and 
 this  at  midday,  and  while  a  great  number  of  people  were  in  the  temple,  and  cut  down  that 
 golden  eagle  with  axes.  This  was  presently  told  to  the  king's  captain  of  the  temple,  who 
 came  running  with  a  great  body  of  soldiers,  and  caught  about  forty  of  the  young  men,  and 
 brought  them  to  the  king.  And  when  he  asked  them,  first  of  all,  whether  tliey  had  been  so 
 hardy  as  to  cut  down  the  golden  eagle ;  they  confessed  they  had  done  so  :  and  when  he  asked 
 Ihera  by  whose  command  they  had  dorie  it;  they  replied,  at  the  command  of  the  law  of 
 their  country  ;  and  when  he  further  asked  them,  how  they  could  be  so  joyful  when  they  were 
 to  be  put  to  death,  they  replied,  Because  they  should  enjoy  greater  happiness  after  they 
 were  dead.* 
 
 4.  At  this  the  king  was  in  such  an  extravagant  passion,  that  he  overcame  his  disease  [for 
 the  time,]  and  went  out,  and  spoke  to  the  people  ;  wherein  he  made  a  terrihie  accusation 
 against  those  men,  as  being  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  as  making  greater  attempts  under  pretence 
 of  their  law,  and  he  thought  they  deserved  to  be  punished  as  impious  persons.  Whereupon 
 the  people  were  afraid  lest  a  great  number  should  be  found  guilty,  and  desired  that  when  he 
 had  first  punished  those  that  put  them  upon  this  work,  and  then  those  that  were  caught  in  it, 
 be  would  leave  off  his  anger  as  to  the  rest.  With  this  the  king  complied,  though  not  without 
 difficulty,  and  ordered  those  that  had  let  themselves  down,  together  with  the  Rabbins,  to  be 
 burnt  alive,  hut  delivered  the  rest  that  were  caught  to  the  proper  officers  to  be  put  to  death 
 by  them. 
 
 5.  After  this,  the  distemper  seized  upon  bis  whole  body,  and  greatly  disordered  all  his 
 parts  with  various  symptoms  ;  for  there  was  a  great  fever  upon  him,  and  an  intolerable  itching 
 over  all  the  surlace  of  his  body,  and  continual  pains  in  his  colon,  and  dropsical  tumours  about 
 his  feet,  and  an  inflammation  of  the  abdomen,  and  a  putrefaction  of  his  privy  member,  that 
 produced  worms.  Besides  which,  he  had  a  difficulty  of  breathing  upon  him,  and  could  not 
 breathe  but  when  he  sat  upright,  and  had  a  convulsion  of  all  his  members,  insomuch  that  the 
 diviners  said,  those  diseases  were  a  punishment  upon  him  for  what  h,e  had  done  to  the  Rab- 
 bins. Yet  did  he  struggle  with  his  numerous  disorders,  and  still  had  a  desire  to  live,  and 
 hoped  for  recovery,  and  conifidered  of  several  methods  of  cure.  Accordingly,  he  went  over 
 Jordan,  and  made  use  of  those  hot  baths  at  Callirhoe,  which  run  into  the  lake  of  Asphaltitis, 
 but  are  themselves  sweet  enough  to  be  drunk.  And  here  the  physicians  thought  proper  to 
 bathe  his  whole  body  in  warm  oil,  by  letting  it  down  into  a  large  vessel  full  of  oil ;  whereupon 
 his  eyes  failed  him,  and  he  came  and  went  as  if  he  were  dying  ;  and  as  a  tumult  was  then 
 made  by  his  servants,  at  their  voice  he  revived  again.  Yet  did  he  after  this  despair  of  reco- 
 very, and  gave  orders  that  each  soldier  should  have  fifty  drachmae  apiece,  and  that  his  com- 
 inanders  and  friends  should  have  great  sums  of  nioney  given  them. 
 
 •  Since  in  tliese  two  sections  we  have  an  evident  account  of  the  Jewish  opinions  in  the  days  of  Joscphus, 
 about  a  future  hiippv  state,  and  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  as  iu  the  Kew  Testament,  .7ohu  xi.  24.  1  shall 
 here  refer  to  the  other  places  in  .losephus,  before  he  became  an  Ebionile  Christian,  which  concern  the  same 
 matters.  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  §  10,  U.  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  M-  b.  vii.  chap.  ri.  ^  7.  Contr.  Apion.  b.  ii. 
 i  30.  where  we  mav  observe,  that  none  of  these  passages  are  in  his  Pooks  of  Antiquities,  written  peculiarly  for 
 the  use  of  the  Gentiles,  to  whom  he  thought  it  not  proper  to  insist  ou  topics  so  much  out  of  their  way  as  these 
 ■were.  is.or  is  this  observation  to  be  omitted  here,  especially  on  account  of  the  sensible  difference  we 
 have  now  before  us  in  Josephus'  representation  of  the  argtiments  used  by  the  Rabbins  to  persuade  their 
 scholars  to  hazard  their  lives  for  the  vindication  of  God's  law  against  images,  by  Moses,  as  well  as  of  the 
 answers  those  scholars  made  to  Herod,  when  they  were  caught,  and  ready  to  die  for  the  same;  I  mean  as 
 compared  witn  the  parallel  arguments  and  answers  represented  iu  the  Antiquities,  b.  xvii.  chap.  vi.  ^  2,  3.  A 
 like  difference  between  .lewish  and  Gentile  notions,  :b«  reader  will  find  in  my  notes  on  Antiquities,  b.  iii. 
 chap.  vii.  tj  7.  b.  xv.  chap.  ix.  §  1.  See  the  like  also  iu  the  case  of  the  three  .lewish  sects  in  the  Antiquities, 
 ,b.  xiii.  chap.  v.  ^  0.  and  chap.  x.§4  and  5.  b.  xviit.  chap.  i.  i  5.  and  compared  with  this  in  his  Wars  of  the 
 Jews,  b.  ii.  chap.  viii.  ^  2—14.  Nor  does  St.  Paul  himself  reason  to  the  Gentiles  at  Atheus,  Acts  xvii.  16, 34. 
 as  he  does  to  the  Jews,  in  his  epistles. 
 
BOOK    I.— CHAP.    XXXIII.  571 
 
 G.  He  then  returned  back  and  came  to  Jcriclio,  in  such  a  melaiiclioly  slate  of  body  as  almost 
 tlireateiied  bim  with  present  deatli,  when  be  proceeded  to  attempt  a  horrid  wickedness  ;  for 
 he  got  together  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  whole  Jewish  nation,  out  of  every  village,  into 
 a  place  called  the  Hippodrome,  and  there  shut  them  in.  He  then  called  for  bis  sister  Salome, 
 and  lier  husband  Alexas,  and  made  this  speech  to  them  :  "  I  know  well  enough  that  the  Jews 
 will  keep  a  festival  upon  my  death  ;  however,  it  is  in  my  power  to  be  mourned  for  on  other 
 accounts,  and  to  have  a  splendid  funeral,  if  you  will  be  but  subservient  to  my  commands.  Do 
 vou  but  take  care  to  send  soldiers  to  encompass  these  men  that  are  now  in  custody,  and  slay 
 ibem  immediatciy  upon  my  death,  and  then  all  Judca,  and  every  family  of  them,  will  weep  at 
 it,  whether  they  will  or  no." 
 
 7.  These  were  the  commands  be  gave  them  ;  when  there  canie  letters  from  his  ambassadors 
 at  Rome,  whereby  information  wiis  given  tliat  Acme  was  put  to  death  at  Ca'sar's  command, 
 and  that  Antipater  was  condemned  to  die  :  however,  tliey  unite  withal,  that  if  Herod  bad  a 
 mind  rather  to  banish  him,  Cicsar  had  permitted  him  so  to  rlo.  So  he  for  a  little  while  revived, 
 and  had  a  desire  to  live  ;  but  presently  after  he  was  overborne  by  bis  pains,  and  was  disor- 
 dered by  want  of  food,  and  by  a  convulsive  cou;;h,  and  endeavoured  to  prevent  a  natural 
 death  ;  so  he  took  an  apple  and  asked  for  a  knife,  for  he  used  to  pare  apples  and  eat  them  ; 
 he  llieu  look  round  about  to  see  that  there  was  nobody  to  hinder  him,  and  lifted  up  his  right 
 hand  as  if  he  would  slab  himself;  but Achiabns,  bis  first  cousin,  came  running  to  liim,  and  held 
 Ills  band,  and  hindered  him  from  so  doing  ;  on  which  occasion  a  very  great  lamentation  was 
 made  in  the  palace,  as  if  the  king  was  expiring.  As  soon  as  ever  Antipater  beard  that,  be 
 took  courage,  and  with  joy  in  bis  looks  besought  bis  keepers,  for  a  sum  of  money,  to  loose 
 bim  and  let  him  go;  but  the  principal  keeper  of  the  prison  did  not  only  obstruct  him  in  that 
 bis  intention,  but  ran  and  told  the  king  what  his  design  was  ;  hereupon  the  king  cried  out 
 louder  than  bis  distemper  would  well  bear,  and  immediatel3'  sent  some  of  his  guards  and  slew 
 Antipater  ;  he  also  gave  order  to  have  bim  buried  at  Hyrcanium,  and  altered  his  testament 
 again,  and  tlierein  made  Arcbelaus,  his  eldest  son,  and  the  brother  of  Antipas,  bis  successor, 
 and  made  Antipas  tetrarcli. 
 
 8.  So  Herod  having  survived  the  slaiigliler  of  bis  son  five  days,  died,  having  reigned  thirty- 
 four  years  since  he  bad  caused  Antigonus  to  be  slain,  and  obtained  his  kingdom  ;  but  thirty- 
 seven  years  since  he  had  been  made  king  by  ihe  Romans.  Now,  as  for  bis  fortune,  it  was 
 prosperous  in  all  other  respects,  if  ever  any  other  man  could  be  so,  since,  from  a  private  man 
 be  obtained  the  kingdom,  and  kept  it  so  long,  and  left  it  to  his  own  sons  ;  but  still  in  bis 
 domestic  affairs,  he  was  a  most  unfortunate  man.  Now  before  the  soldiers  knew  of  his  death, 
 Salome  and  her  husband  came  out  and  dismissed  those  that  were  in  bonds,  whom  the  king  had 
 commanded  to  be  slain,  and  told  them  that  he  had  altered  his  mind,  and  would  have  every  one 
 of  them  sent  to  their  own  homes.  ^Ybell  these  men  were  gone,  Salome  told  the  soldiers  [the 
 king  was  dead,]  and  got  them  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude  together  to  an  assembly,  in  the 
 amphitheatre  in  Jericho,  where  I'tnlemy,  who  was  intrusted  by  tlie  Ling  with  his  signet-ring, 
 came  before  them,  and  spoke  of  the  happiness  the  king  bad  attained,  and  comforted  the  mul- 
 titude, and  read  the  epistle  which  bad  been  left  for  the  soldiers,  wherein  he  earnestly  exhorted 
 them  to  bear  good- will  to  bis  successor;  and  after  he  had  read  the  epistle,  he  opened  and 
 read  his  testament,  wherein  Philip  was  to  inherit  Trachonitis,  and  the  neighbouring  countries, 
 and  Antipas  was  to  be  tetrarcb,  as  we  said  before,  and  Archelaus  was  made  king.  He  had 
 also  been  commanded  to  carry  Herod's  ring  to  Caesar,  and  the  settlements  he  had  made  sealed 
 up,  because  Caesar  was  to  be  lord  of  all  the  settlements  he  bad  made,  and  was  to  conlirm  bis 
 testament ;  and  be  ordered  that  the  dispositions  be  had  made  were  to  be  kept  as  tliey  were  in 
 his  former  testament. 
 
 U.  So  there  was  an  acclamation  made  to  Archelaus,  to  congratulate  him  upon  his  advance- 
 ment, and  the  soldiers,  with  the  multitude,  went  round  about  in  troops,  and  promised  him  their 
 good-will,  and  besides,  prayed  God  to  bless  bis  government.  After  Ibis  they  betook  them- 
 selves to  prepare  for  the  king's  funeral  ;  and  Archelaus  omitted  nothing  of  magnificence 
 therein,  but  brouglit  out  all  the  royal  ornaments  to  augment  the  pomp  of  the  deceased.  There 
 was  a  bier  all  of  gold,  embroidered  with  precious  stones,  and  a  purple  bed  of  various  contexture, 
 with  the  dead  body  upon  it,  covered  with  ))ur[)le  ;  and  a  diadem  was  put  upon  bis  bead,  and  a 
 crown  of  gold  above  it,  and  a  sceptre  in  his  right  hand  ;  and  near  to  the  bier  were  Herod  s 
 sons,  and  a  multitude  of  his  kindred  ;  next  to  whom  came  bis  guards  and  the  regiments  of 
 'I'hracians,  the  Germans  also  and  Gauls,  all  accoutred  as  if  they  were  going  to  war  ;  but  the 
 rest  of  the  army  vvent  foremost,  armed,  and  following  fheir  captains  and  ollicers  in  a  regular 
 manner  ;  after  whom  five  hundred  of  his  domestic  servants  and  freed-men  followed  with  sweet 
 spices  in  their  hands  :  and  the  body  was  carried  two  hundred  furlongs  to  Herodium,  where 
 be  bad  given  orders  to  be  buried.  And  this  shall  suUice  for  the  couclusiou  of  the  life  of 
 Herod. 
 
672  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  II. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  SIXTY-NINE  YEARS.-FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  HEROL 
 'JILL  VESPASIAN  WAS  SENT  TO  SUBDUE  THE  JEWS  BY  NERO. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Arrhelaiis  makes  a  funeral  Feast  for  the  People,  on  the  account  of  Herod.  After  which  a  great 
 Tumult  is  raised  by  the  Multitude,  and  he  sends  the  Soldiers  ovt  iqjon  them,  who  destroy 
 about  three  Thousand  of  them. 
 
 §  1.  Now  the  necessity  which  Archeiaus  was  under  of  taking  a  journey  to  Rome  was  the 
 occasion  of  new  disturbances  ;  for  when  he  had  mourned  for  his  father  seven  days,*  and  had 
 given  a  very  expensive  funeral  feast  to  the  multitude,  (^wiiich  custom  is  the  occasion  of  poverty 
 to  many  of  the  Jews,  because  they  are  forced  to  feast  the  multitude  ;  for  if  any  one  omits  it, 
 he  is  not  esteemed  a  holy  person,)  he  put  on  a  white  garment,  and  went  up  to  the  temple,  where 
 the  people  accosted  him  with  various  acclamations.  He  also  spoke  kindly  to  the  multitude 
 from  an  elevated  seat,  and  a  throne  of  gold,  and  returned  theia  thanks  for  the  zeal  they  had 
 shewn  about  bis  father's  funeral,  and  the  submission  they  had  made  to  him,  as  if  he  were 
 already  settled  in  the  kingdom  ;  but  be  told  them  withal,  that  "  be  would  not  at  present  take 
 upon  him  either  the  authority  of  a  king,  or  the  names  thereto  belonging,  until  Caesar,  who  is 
 marie  lord  of  this  whole  affair  by  the  testament,  confirm  the  succession  ;  for  that  when  the 
 soldiers  would  have  set  tlie  diadem  on  his  head  at  Jericho,  he  would  not  accept  of  it  ;  but  that 
 he  would  make  abundant  requitals,  not  to  the  soldiers  only,  but  to  tlie  people,  for  their  alacrity 
 and  good-will  to  him,  when  the  superior  lords  [the  Romans]  should  have  given  him  a  com- 
 plete title  to  the  kingdom ;  for  that  it  should  be  his  study  to  appear  in  all  things  better  than 
 his  father." 
 
 2.  Upon  this  the  multitude  were  pleased,  and  presently  made  a  trial  of  what  he  intended, 
 by  asking  great  things  of  him  ;  for  some  made  a  clamour  that  he  would  ease  them  in  their 
 taxes  ;  others,  that  he  would  take  off  the  duties  upon  commodities  ;  and  some,  that  he  would  loose 
 those  that  were  in  prison  ;  in  all  which  cases  he  answered  readily  to  their  satisfaction,  in  order 
 lo  get  the  good-will  of  the  multitude  ;  after  which  he  offered  [the  proper]  sacrifices,  and  feasted 
 with  his  friends.  And  here  it  was  that  a  great  many  of  those  that  desired  innovations,  came 
 in  crowds  towards  the  evening,  and  began  then  to  mourn  on  their  own  account,  when  the  public 
 mourning  for  the  king  was  over.  These  lamented  those  that  were  put  to  death  by  Herod, 
 because  they  had  cut  down  the  golden  eagle  that  had  been  over  the  gate  of  the  temple.  Nor 
 was  this  mourning  of  a  private  nature,  but  the  lamentations  w^ere  very  great,  the  mourning 
 solemn,  and  the  weeping  such  as  was  loudly  heard  all  over  the  city,  as  being  for  those  men 
 who  had  perished  for  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  for  the  temple.  They  cried  out,  that  a 
 ])unishment  ought  to  be  inflicted  for  these  men  upon  those  that  were  honoured  by  Herod  ;  and 
 that,  in  the  first  place,  the  man  whom  he  had  made  high  priest  should  be  deprived,  and  that 
 it  was  fit  to  choose  a  person  of  greater  piety  and  purity  than  he  was. 
 
 S.  At  these  clamours  Archeiaus  was  provoked  ;  but  restrained  himself  from  taking  vengeance 
 on  the  authors,  on  account  of  the  haste  he  was  in  of  going  to  Rome,  as  fearing,  lest,  upon  his 
 making  war  on  the  multitude,  such  an  action  might  detain  hira  at  home.  Accordingly,  he 
 made  trial  to  quiet  the  innovators  by  persuasion  rather  than  by  force,  and  sent  his  general  in 
 a  private  way  to  them,  and  by  him  exhorted  them  to  be  quiet.  But  the  seditious  threw  stones 
 at  hhn,  and  drove  him  away,  as  he  came  into  the  temple,  and  before  he  could  say  any  thing 
 to  them.  The  like  treatment  tiiey  shewed  to  others,  who  came  to  them  after  him,  many  of 
 whom  were  sent  by  Archeiaus,  in  order  to  reduce  them  to  sobriety,  and  these  answered  still 
 on  all  occasions  alter  a  passionate  manner  ;  and  it  openly  appeared  that  they  would  not  be 
 quiet,  if  their  numbers  were  but  considerable.  And  indeed  at  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
 which  was  now  at  hand,  iind  is  by  the  Jews  called  the  Passover,  and  used  to  be  celebrated  with 
 a  great  number  of  sacriiices,  an  innumerable  multitude  of  the  people  came  out  of  the  country 
 to  worship  :  some  of  iIksc  stood  in  the  temple  bewailing  the  Rabbins  [that  had  been  put  to 
 death,]  and  procured  tlieir  sustenance  by  begging,  in  order  to  support  their  sedition.  At  this 
 Archeiaus  was  a(lVi;;h!pd,  and  privately  sent  a  tribune,  with  his  cohort  of  soldiers,  upon  them, 
 before  the  disease  should  spread  over  the  whole  multitude,  and  gave  orders  that  they  should 
 constrain  those  that  began  the  tumult,  by  force,  to  be  quiet.  At  these  the  whole  multitude 
 w«re  irritated,  and  threw  stones  at  many  of  the   soldiers,  and  killed   them  :  but  the  tribune 
 
 •  Hear  Dean  Aldrich's  note  on  this  place:  "The  law  or  cnstom  of  the  Jews,"  says  he,  "requires  sewn 
 days'  moiiniing  for  the  dead,  Antiq.  b.  xvii.  chap.  viii.  ^  4.  Whence  the  author  of  the  boolt  of  Kcclesiasticus, 
 chap.  xxii.  12.  assigns  seven  days  as  the  proper  time  of  mourning  for  ths  dead,  and  chap,  xxxviii.  17-  enjoins 
 men  to  mourn  for  the  dead,  that  they  may  not  be  evil  spoken  of;  for,  as  Josephus  s.iys  presently,  if  any  one 
 omits  this  mourning  [funeral  feasi]  lie  is  not  esteemed  a  holy  person.  Now  it  is  certain  that  such  a  seven 
 days'  mourning  has  been  customary  from  'imes  of  the  gi-eatest  antiquity.  Gen.  1.10.  Funeral  feasts  are  also 
 mentioned  as  of  co)}siderable  antiquity,  Ezek.  xxiv,  17.  Jer.  xvi.  "•  Prov.  xxxi.  6.  Deut.  xxvi.  M.  Josephus, 
 Of  the  Wars,  b.  iii.  chap.  ix.  jS." 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.    II.  573 
 
 fled  awnj  woaiided,  and  liad  much  ado  to  escape  so.  After  wliicli  they  betook  tlieniselves  to 
 their  sacrifices,  as  if  they  had  done  no  mischief-,  nor  did  it  appear  to  Archeiaus  that  the  niul- 
 titade  could  be  restrained  witliout  bloodshed  ;  so  Jie  sent  his  whole  array  upon  them,  ihe  foot- 
 men in  great  multitudes,  by  the  way  of  the  city,  and  tlie  horsemen  by  the  way  of  the  plain, 
 who,  falling  cipon  them  on  the  sudden,  as  they  were  oft'erini;  their  sacrifices,  destroyed  about 
 three  thousand  of  them  ;  but  the  rest  of  the  uinltitade  were  dispersed  upon  the  adjoining  inoun- 
 tdiris  ;  these  were  followed  by  Archeiaus'  heralds,  who  commanded  everyone  to  retire  to  their 
 own  homes  •  whither  they  all  went,  and  left  the  festival. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Archeiaus  goes  to  llonte  with  a  great  Number  of  his  Kindred.  He  is  there  accused  before 
 Casar  by  Anlipater  ;  but  is  superior  to  his  Accusers  in  Judgment,  by  the  Means  of  that 
 Defence  which  Nicolaus  made  for  him. 
 
 4  1.  ARCHEt.AUS  went  down  to  the  sea-side,  wlih  his  molLer  and  his  friends,  Poplas,  ana 
 Ptolemy,  and  Nicolaus,  and  left  behind  him  Philip,  to  be  his  steward  in  the  palace,  and  to 
 take  care  of  his  domestic  ad'airs.  Salome  went  also  along  with  him  with  her  sons,  as  did  also 
 the  king's  breihren  and  sons-in-law.  Tiiese,  in  appearance,  went  to  give  him  all  the  assistance 
 they  were  able,  in  order  to  secure  liis  succession,  but  in  reality  to  accuse  him  for  his  breach  of 
 the  laws,  by  what  he  had  done  at  the  tenij)le. 
 
 2.  But  as  they  were  come  to  Cesarea,  Sabinus,  the  procurator  of  Syria,  met  them  ;  he  was 
 going  up  to  Judea,  to  secure  Herod's  effects  :  but  Varus,  [president  of  Syria,]  who  was  come 
 thither,  restrained  him  from  going  any  farther.  This  Varus,  Archeiaus  had  sent  for,  by  tlie 
 earnest  entreaty  of  Ptolemy.  At  this  time  indeed,  Sabinus,  to  gratify  Varus,  neither  went  to 
 the  citadels,  nor  did  he  shut  up  the  treasuries  where  his  father's  money  was  laid  up,  but  pro- 
 mised that  he  would  lie  still,  until  Caesar  should  have  taken  cognizance  of  the  affair.  So  he 
 abode  at  Cesarea  ;  but  as  soon  as  those  that  were  Iiis  binderance  were  gone,  when  Varus  was 
 gone  to  Antioch,  and  Archeiaus  was  sailed  to  Rome,  he  immediately  went  on  to  Jerusalem,  and 
 seized  upon  the  palace.  And  when  he  had  called  for  the  governors  of  the  citadels,  and  the 
 stewards  [of  the  king's  private  affairs,]  he  tried  to  sift  ont  the  accounts  of  the  money,  and  so 
 take  possession  of  the  citadels.  But  the  governors  of  those  citadels  were  not  unmindful  of 
 the  commands  laid  upon  them  by  Archeiaus,  and  continued  to  guard  them,  and  said,  th«  cus- 
 tody of  them  rather  belonged  to  Cssar  than  to  Archeiaus. 
 
 S.  In  the  mean  time  Antipas  went  also  to  Rome,  to  strive  for  the  kingdom,  and  to  insist  tliat 
 the  former  testament,  wlierein  he  was  named  to  be  king,  was  valid  before  the  latter  testa- 
 ment. Salome  had  also  promised  to  assist  him,  as  had  many  of  Archeiaus'  kindred,  who  sailed 
 along  with  Archeiaus  himself  also.  He  also  carried  along  with  him  his  mother,  and  Ploleniy 
 the  brother  of  Nicolaus,  who  seemed  one  of  great  weight,  on  account  of  the  great  trust  Herod 
 put  in  him,  he  having  been  one  of  his  most  honoured  friends.  However,  Antipas  depended 
 chiefly  upon  Ireneus,  the  orator,  upon  whose  authority  he  had  rejected  such  as  advised  him  to 
 yield  to  Arclielaus,  because  he  was  his  elder  brother,  and  because  the  second  testament  gave 
 the  kingdom  to  him.  The  inclinations  also  of  all  Archeiaus'  kindred,  who  hated  him,  were 
 removed  to  Antipas,  when  they  came  to  Rome,  although  in  the  first  place  every  one  rather 
 desired  to  live  under  their  own  laws,  [without  a  king,]  and  to  be  under  a  Roman  governor; 
 but  if  they  should  fail  in  that  point,  these  desired  that  Antipas  might  be  their  king. 
 
 4.  Sabinus  did  also  afford  these  his  assistance  to  the  same  purpose,  by  the  letters  he  sent, 
 wherein  he  accused  Archeiaus  before  Cirsar,  and  highly  commended  Antipas.  Salome  also, 
 and  those  with  her,  put  Ihe  crimes  which  they  accused  Archeiaus  of  in  order,  and  ]iut  them 
 into  Caesar's  hands:  and  after  they  had  done  that,  Archeiaus  wrote  down  the  reasons  of  his 
 claim,  and,  by  Ptolemy,  sent  in  his  father's  ring,  and  his  father's  accounts.  And  when  CaL-sar 
 had  maturely  weighed  by  himself  what  both  had  to  allege  for  themselves,  as  also  had  con- 
 sidered of  the  gre.it  burden  of  the  kingdom,  and  largeness  of  the  revenues,  and  withal  the 
 number  of  the  children  Herod  had  left  bihind  him,  and  had  moreover  read  the  letters  he  had 
 received  from  Varus  and  Sabiims  on  this  occasion,  be  assembled  the  principal  jiersons  among 
 the  Romans  together,  (in  which  assembly  Cains,  the  son  of  Aglippa,  and  his  daughter  Julias, 
 but  by  himself  adopted  for  his  own  son,  sat  in  the  first  seat,)  and  gave  the  pleaders  leave 
 to  speak. 
 
 5.  Then  stood  up  Salome's  son,  Antipater,  (who  of  all  Archelaus's  antagonists  was  the 
 shrewdest  pleader,")  and  accused  him  in  the  following  speech  :  "  That  Archeiaus  did  iri  words 
 contend  for  the  kingdom,  but  that  in  deed  he  had  long  exercised  royal  authority,  and  so  did 
 but  insult  Ca-sar  in  desiring  to  be  now  heard  on  that  account  ;  since  he  had  not  staid  for  his 
 determination  about  the  succession,  and  since  he  had  suborned  certain  persons,  after  Herod's 
 death,  to  move  for  putting  the  diadem  u])on  bis  head  ;  siiice  he  had  set  himself  <lown  in  the 
 throne,  and  given  answers  as  a  king,  and  altered  the  disposition  of  the  armv,  and  granted  to 
 some  higher  dignities  :  that  he  had  als;>  complied  in  all  tilings  with  the  people  in  the  requests 
 they  hail  made  to  him  as  to  their  king,  and  had  also  dismissed  those  that  had  been  put  into  bonds 
 by  his  father,  for  most  important  reasons.  Now,  after  all  this,  he  desires  the  shadow  of  that  loyal 
 
574  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 authority,  whose  sabsiauce  he  had  already  seized  to  himself,  and  so  liath  made  C'assar  lord, 
 not  of  things,  but  of  words.  He  also  reproached  him  further,  that  his  mourning  for  his  father 
 was  only  pretended,  while  he  put  on  a  sad  countenance  in  the  day-time,  but  drank  to  great 
 excess  in  the  night,  from  which  behaviour,  he  said,  the  late  disturbance  among  the  multitude 
 came,  while  they  had  an  indignation  thereat.  And  indeed  the  purport  of  his  whole  discourse 
 was  to  aggravate  Archelans'  crime  in  slaying  such  a  multitude  about  the  temple,  which  multi- 
 tude came  to  the  festival,  but  were  barbarously  slain  in  the  midst  of  their  own  sacrihces ;  and 
 he  said,  there  was  such  a  vast  number  of  dead  bodies  heaped  together  in  the  temple,  as  even  a 
 foreign  war,  should  that  come  upon  them  [suddenly,]  before  it  was  denounced,  could  not  have 
 heaped  together.  And  he  added,  that  it  was  the  foresight  his  father  had  of  that  his  barbarity, 
 which  made  him  never  give  him  any  hopes  of  the  kingdom,  but  when  his  mind  was  more  infirm 
 than  his  body,  and  he  was  not  able  to  reason  soundly,  and  did  not  well  know  what  was  the 
 character  of  that  son,  whom  in  his  second  testament  he  made  his  successor;  and  this  was  done 
 by  him  at  a  time  when  he  had  no  complaints  to  make  of  him  whom  he  had  named  before  when 
 he  was  sound  in  body,  and  when  his  mind  was  free  from  all  passion.  That,  however,  if  any 
 one  should  suppose  Herod's  judgment,  when  he  was  sick,  was  superior  to  that  at  another  time, 
 yet  had  Archelaus  forfeited  liis  kingdom  by  his  own  behaviour,  and  those  his  actions,  which 
 were  contrary  to  the  law,  and  to  its  disadvantage.  Or  what  son  of  a  king  will  this  man  be, 
 when  he  hath  obtained  the  government  from  Caesar,  who  hath  slain  so  many  before  he  hath 
 obtained  it." 
 
 6.  When  Antipater  had  spoken  largely  to  this  purpose,  and  had  produced  a  great  number 
 of  Archelaus' kindred  as  witnesses,  to  prove  every  part  of  the  accusation,  he  ended  his  dis- 
 course. Then  stood  up  Nicolaas  to  plead  for  Archelaus.  He  alleged,  that  "  the  slaughter  in 
 the  temple  could  not  be  avoided  ;  that  those  that  were  slain  were  become  enemies  not  to 
 Archelaus'  kingdom  only,  but  to  Caesar,  who  was  to  determine  about  him.  He  also  demon- 
 strated, that  Archelaus'  accusers  had  advised  him  to  perpetrate  other  things  of  which  he 
 might  have  been  accused.  Eut  he  insisted  that  the  latter  testament  should,  for  this  reason, 
 above  all  others,  be  esteemed  valid,  because  Herod  had  therein  appointed  Csesar  to  be  the 
 person  who  should  confirm  the  succession  ;  for  he  who  shewed  such  prudence  as  to  recede 
 from  his  own  power  and  yield  it  up  to  the  lord  of  the  world,  cannot  be  supposed  mistaken  in 
 Lis  judgment  about  him  that  was  to  be  his  heir;  and  he  that  so  well  knew  whom  to  choose  for 
 arbitrator  of  the  succession,  could  not  be  unacquainted  with  him  whorn  he  chose  for  his 
 successor." 
 
 7.  When  Nicolaus  had  gone  through  all  he  had  to  say,  Archelans  came,  and  fell  down  before 
 Caesar's  knees,  without  any  noise.  Upon  which  he  raised  him  up,  after  a  very  obliging  man- 
 ner, and  declared  that  truly  he  was  worthy  to  succeed  his  father.  However,  he  still  made  no 
 firm  determination  iti  his  case  ;  but  when  he  had  dismissed  those  assessors  that  had  been  with 
 him  that  day,  he  deliberated  by  himself  about  the  allegations  which  he  had  heard,  whether  it 
 were  fit  to  constitute  any  of  those  named  in  the  testaments  for  Herod's  successor,  or  whether 
 the  government  should  be  parted  among  all  his  posterity,  and  this  because  of  the  number  of 
 those  that  seemed  to  stand  in  need  of  support  therefrom. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 The  Jews  fight  a  great  Battle  tvith   Sabhius'  Soldieis,  mid  a  great  Destruction   is  made  at 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 §  1.  Now  before  Cssar  had  determined  any  thing  about  these  affairs,  Malthace,  Archelaus 
 mother,  fell  sick  and  died.  Letters  also  were  brought  out  of  Syria  from  Varus,  about  a  revolt 
 of  the  Jews.  This  was  foreseen  by  Varus,  who  accordingly,  after  Archelaus  was  sailed,  went 
 up  to  Jerusalem  to  restrain  the  promoters  of  the  sedition,  since  it  was  manifest  that  the  nation 
 would  not  be  at  rest ;  so  he  left  one  of  those  legions  vihich  he  brought  with  film  out  of  Syria 
 in  the  city,  and  went  himself  to  Antioch.  But  Sabinus  came,  after  he  was  gone,  and  gave 
 them  an  occasion  of  making  innovations;  for  he  compelled  the  keepers  of  the  citadels  to  deliver 
 them  up  to  him,  and  made  a  bitter  search  after  the  king's  money,  as  depending  not  only  on 
 the  soldiers  who  were  left  by  Varus,  but  on  the  multitude  of  his  own  servants,  all  of  whom  he 
 armed,  and  used  as  the  instruments  of  his  covetousness.  Now  when  that  feast,  which  was 
 observed  after  seven  weeks,  and  which  the  Jews  call  Pentecost,  (i.  e.  the  50th  day)  was  at 
 hiind,  its  name  being  taken  from  the  number  of  days  [after  the  p-ssover,]  the  people  got  toge- 
 ther, but  not  on  account  of  the  accustomed  divine  worship,  but  of  the  indignation  they  had  [at 
 the  present  state  of  artairs.]  Wherefore  an  immense  multitude  ran  together,  out  of  Galilee, 
 and  Idumea,  and  Jericho,  and  Perea,  that  was  btyond  Jordan;  but  the  people  that  naturally 
 belonged  to  Judea  itself  were  above  the  rest,  lioth  in  number,  and  in  the  alacrity  of  the  meu. 
 So  they  distributed  themselves  into  three  parts,  and  pitched  their  camps  in  three  places;  one 
 at  the  north  side  of  the  temple,  another  at  the  soutii  side,  by  the  Hippodrome,  and  the  third 
 part  were  at  llie  palace  on  the  west.  So  they  lay  round  about  the  Romans  on  every  side,  and 
 besieged  them. 
 
 2.  Now  Sabinus  was  affrighted,  both  at  the  multitude  and  at  their  courage,  and  sent  mes- 
 fceugcrs  to  Varus  continually,  and  besought  bim  to  come  to  his  succour  quickly,  for  that,  if  he 
 
BOOK  11.— CHAP.  IV.  575 
 
 delayeJ,  li!s  legion  would  be  nit  to  pieces.  As  for  Sabinns  himself,  lie  got  up  to  the  highest 
 tower  of  the  fortress,  which  was  called  I'hasiieliis  :  it  is  of  the  same  iiaine  with  Herod's  bro- 
 ther, who  was  destroyed  hj  the  I'artiiians  ;  and  then  he  made  signs  to  the  soldiers  of  that 
 legion  to  attack  the  enemy  ;  for  his  astonishment  was  so  great,  that  he  durst  not  go  down  to 
 his  own  men.  Hereupon  the  soldiers  were  prevailed  upon,  and  leaped  out  into  the  temple, 
 .Tnd  fought  a  terrible  battle  with  the  Jews;  in  which,  while  there  were  none  over  their  heads 
 to  distress  them,  they  were  too  hard  for  tiiem,  by  their  skill,  and  the  others'  want  of  skill,  in 
 war  ;  but  when  once  many  of  the  Jews  had  gotten  up  to  tlie  top  of  the  cloisters,  and  threw 
 their  darts  downwards  upon  the  heads  of  the  Romans,  there  were  a  great  many  of  them 
 destroyed.  Nor  was  it  easy  to  avenge  themselves  upon  those  tliat  threw  their  weapons  from 
 on  hi::h,  nor  was  it  more  easy  for  them  to  sustain  those  who  came  to  fight  them  hand 
 to  hand. 
 
 3.  Since  therefore  the  Romans  were  sorely  afllicted  by  both  these  circumstances,  they  set 
 fire  to  their  cloisters,  which  were  works  to  be  admired,  both  on  account  of  their  ma<fnitude 
 and  costliness.  Whereupon  those  that  were  above  them  were  presently  encompassed  with 
 the  flame,  and  many  of  them  perished  therein  ;  as  many  of  them  also  were  destroyed  by  the 
 enemy,  who  came  suddenly  upon  them  ;  some  of  them  also  threw  themselves  down  from  the 
 walls  backward,  and  some  there  were  who,  from  the  desperate  condition  they  were  in,  pre- 
 vented the  fire,  by  killing  themselves  with  their  own  swords  ;  but  so  many  of  them  as  crept  out 
 from  the  walls,  and  came  upon  the  Romans,  were  easily  mastered  by  them,  by  reason  of  the 
 astonishment  they  were  under;  until  at  last,  some  of  the  Jews  being  destroyed  and  others 
 dispersed  by  the  terror  they  were  in,  the  soldiers  fell  upon  the  treasure  of  God,  which  was 
 DOW  deserted,  and  plundered  about  four  hundred  talents,  of  which  sum  Sabinus  got  together 
 all  that  was  not  carried  away  by  the  soldiers. 
 
 4.  Hov/ever,  this  destruction  of  the  works  [about  the  temple,]  and  of  the  men,  occasioned 
 a  much  greater  number,  and  those  of  a  more  warlike  sort,  to  get  together,  to  oppose  the 
 Romans.  These  encompassed  the  palace  round,  and  threatened  to  destroy  all  that  were  in  it, 
 unless  they  went  their  ways  quickly  ;  for  they  promised  that  Sabinus  should  come  to  no  harm, 
 if  he  would  go  out  with  his  legion.  There  were  also  a  great  many  of  the  king's  partj  who 
 deserted  the  Romans,  and  assiste<i  the  Jews;  yet  did  the  most  warlike  body  of  them  all,  who 
 were  three  thousand  of  the  men  of  Sebaste,  go  over  to  the  Romans.  Rufus  also,  and  Gratus, 
 their  captains,  did  the  same,  (Gratus  having  the  foot  of  the  king's  party  under  him,  and  Rufus 
 the  horse,)  each  of  whom,  even  without  the  forces  under  them,  were  of  great  weight,  on 
 account  of  their  strenjjth  and  wisdom,  which  turn  the  scales  in  war.  Now  the  Jews  perse- 
 vered in  the  sieire,  and  tried  to  break  down  the  walls  of  the  fortress,  and  cried  out  to  Sabinus 
 and  his  partv,  that  they  should  go  their  ways,  and  not  prove  a  hinderance  to  them,  now  they 
 hoped,  after  a  Ion;;  liine,  to  recover  that  ancient  liberty  which  their  forefathers  had  enjoyed. 
 Sabinus  indeed  was  well  contented  lo  get  out  of  the  danger  be  was  in,  but  he  distrusted  the 
 assurances  the  Jews  cave  him,  and  susjjccted  such  gentle  treatment  was  but  a  bait  laid  as  a 
 snare  for  them  :  this  consideraiion,  together  with  the  hopes  he  had  of  succour  from  V  arus, 
 made  iiiru  bear  the  siege  still  longer. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Herod's  veteran  Soldiers  become  tumultuous.     The  Bobberies  of  Judas.    Simon  and  Athrougcus 
 take  the  Name  of  Kiny  upon  them. 
 
 ^  1.  At  this  time  there  were  great  disturbances  in  the  country,  and  that  in  many  places  ;  and 
 the  opponunity  that  now  otl'ered  itself  induced  a  great  many  to  set  up  for  kings.  And  indeed 
 in  Idumea  two  thousand  of  Herod's  veteran  soldiers  got  together,  and  armed  themselves,  and 
 fought  against  those  of  the  king's  party  ;  against  whom  Achiabus,  the  king's  first  cousin, 
 fought,  and  that  out  of  some  of  the  places  tnat  were  the  most  strongly  lortilied  ;  but  so  as  to 
 avoid  a  direct  conilict  with  them  in  the  plains.  In  Sep])horis  also,  a  city  of  Galilee,  there  was 
 one  Judas,  (the  son  of  llie  arch-robher  Hezekias,  who  formerly  overran  the  country,  and  had 
 been  subdued  by  king  Herod  ;  this  man  got  no  small  multitude  together,  and  broke  open  the 
 place  where  the  royal  armour  was  laid  op,  and  armed  those  about  him,  and  attacked  those  that 
 were  so  earnest  to  gain  the  dominion. 
 
 2.  In  Perea  also,  .Simon,  one  of  the  servants  of  the  king,  relying  upon  the  handsome 
 appearance  and  tallness  of  his  body,  put  a  di  idem  upon  his  own  head  also  ;  he  also  went  about 
 with  a  company  of  robbers  that  he  had  gotten  together,  and  burnt  down  the  royal  palace  that 
 was  at  Jericho,  and  many  other  cosily  edifices  besides,  and  procured  himself  very  easily  spoils 
 by  rapine,  as  snatching  them  out  of  the  fire.  And  he  had  soon  burnt  down  all  the  fine  edifices,  if 
 Gratus,  the  captain  of  the  foot  of  the  king's  partv,  bad  not  taken  the  Traclionite  archers,  and 
 the  most  warlike  of  .Sebaste,  and  met  the  man.  His  footmen  were  slain  in  the  battle  in  abun- 
 dance, Gratus  also  cut  to  pieces  Simon  himself,  as  he  was  flying  along  a  strait  valley,  when 
 he  gave  him  an  oblique  stroke  upon  his  neck,  as  he  ran  awav,  and  broke  it.  The  royal  palaces 
 that  were  near  Jordan  at  Betherampha  were  also  burnt  down  by  some  other  of  the  seditious 
 that  came  out  of  Perca. 
 
o7G  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS 
 
 3.  At  this  time  it  was  that  a  certain  shepherd  ventured  to  set  himself  up  for  a  king ;  he  was 
 called  Alhrongeus.  It  was  his  strength  of  bod)i  that  made  him  expect  sucli  a  dignity,  as  well 
 as  his  soul,  which  despised  death;  and  besides  these  qualifications,  be  hud  four  brethren  like 
 liiraMelf.  He  put  a  troop  of  armed  men  under  each  of  these  his  brethren,  and  made  use  of 
 them  as  his  generals  and  commanders  when  he  made  his  incursions,  while  be  did  himself  act 
 like  a  king,  and  meddled  only  with  the  more  irapnriant  affairs  :  and  at  this  time  he  put  a 
 diadem  about  his  head,  and  continued  after  that  to  overrun  tiie  country  for  no  little  lime  with 
 his  brethren,  and  became  their  leader  in  killing  both  the  Romans  and  those  of  the  king's  party  ; 
 nor  did  any  Jew  escape  him,  if  any  gain  could  accrue  to  him  thereby.  He  once  ventured 
 to  encompass  a  whole  trocp  of  Romans  at  Eramaus,  who  were  carrying  corn  and  weapons 
 to  their  legion  ;  his  men  therefore  shot  their  arrows  and  darts,  and  thereby  slew  their  cen- 
 turion Arius,  and  forty  of  the  stoutest  men,  while  the  rest  of  them  who  were  in  danger  of  the 
 same  fate,  upon  the  coming  of  Gratus,  with  those  of  Sebaste,  to  their  assistance,  escaped. 
 And  when  these  men  had  thus  served  both  their  own  countrymen  and  foreigners,  and  that 
 through  this  whole  war,  three  of  them  were  after  some  time  subdued,  the  eldest  by  Archelaus, 
 the  two  next  by  falling  into  the  hands  of  Gratns  and  Ptolemeus  ;  but  the  fourth  delivered 
 himself  up  to  Archelaus,  upon  his  giving  him  his  right  hand  for  security.  However,  this  their 
 end  was  not  till  afterward,  while  at  present  they  filled  all  Jndea  with  a  piratic  war. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Varus  composes  the  Tumults  iit  Judea,  and  crucifies  about  two  Thousand  of  the  Seditious. 
 
 j  1.  Upon  Varus"  reception  of  the  letters  that  were  written  by  Sabiiius  and  the  captains,  he 
 could  not  avoid  being  afraid  for  the  whole  legion  [he  had  left  there.]  So  be  made  haste  to 
 their  relief,  and  took  with  him  the  other  two  legions,  with  the  four  troops  of  horsemen  to  them 
 belonging,  and  marched  to  Ptolemais  ;  having  given  orders  for  the  auxiliarit's  that  were  sent 
 by  the  kings  and  governors  of  cities  to  meet  him  there.  Moreover,  he  received  from  the  peo- 
 ple of  Berytus,  as  he  passed  through  their  city,  fifteen  hundred  armed  men.  Now  as  soon  as 
 the  other  body  of  auxiliaries  were  come  to  Ptolemais,  as  well  as  Aretas  the  Arabian,  (who, 
 out  of  the  haired  he  bore  to  Herod,  brought  a  great  army  of  horse  and  foot,)  Varus  sent  a 
 part  of  his  army  presently  to  Galilee,  which  lay  near  to  Ptolemais,  and  Caius  one  of  his  friends 
 for  their  captain.  This  Caius  pot  those  that  met  him  to  flight,  and  took  the  city  Sepphoris, 
 and  burnt  it,  and  made  slaves  of  its  inhabitants  ;  but  as  for  Varus  liimself,  he  marclied  to 
 Samaria  with  his  whole  army,  where  he  did  not  meddle  with  the  city  itself,  because  he  found 
 that  it  had  made  no  commotion  during  these  troubles,  but  pitched  his  camp  about  a  certain 
 village  which  was  called  Arus  ;  it  belonged  to  Ptolemy,  and  on  that  account  was  plundered  by 
 the  Arabians,  who  were  very  angry  even  at  Herod's  friends  also.  He  thence  marched  on  to 
 the  village  Sampho,  another  fortified  place,  which  they  plundered,  as  they  had  done  the  other. 
 As  they  carried  oft"  all  the  money  they  linhted  upon,  belonging  to  the  public  revenues,  all  whs 
 aow  full  of  fire  and  bloodshed,  and  nothing  could  resist  the  plunders  of  the  Arabians.  Emmaus 
 was  also  burnt,  upon  the  flight  of  its  inhabitants,  and  this  at  the  command  of  Varus,  out  of  his 
 rage  at  the  slaughter  of  those  that  were  about  Arius. 
 
 2.  Thence  he  marched  on  to  Jerusalem,  and  as  soon  as  be  was  but  seen  by  the  Jews,  he 
 made  their  camps  disperse  themselves  :  they  also  went  away,  and  fled  up  and  down  the  country; 
 but  the  citizens  received  him,  and  cleared  themselves  of  having  any  hand  in  this  revolt;  and 
 said,  that  they  bad  raised  no  commotions,  but  had  been  forced  to  admit  the  multitude  because 
 of  the  festival,  and  that  they  were  rather  besieged  together  with  the  Romans,  than  assisted 
 those  that  had  revolted.  There  had  before  this  met  him  Joseph  the  first  cousin  of  Archelaus, 
 and  Gratus,  together  with  Rufus,  who  led  those  of  Sebaste,  as  well  as  the  king's  army  ;  there 
 also  met  him  those  of  the  Roman  legion,  armed  after  their  accustomed  manner:  for  as  to 
 Sabinus,  he  durst  not  come  into  Varus'  sight,  but  was  gone  out  of  the  city  before  this,  to  the 
 seaside  ;  but  Varus  sent  a  part  of  liis  army  into  the  country,  against  those  that  had  been  the 
 authors  of  this  commotion,  and  as  they  caught  great  numbers  of  them,  those  that  appeared  to 
 have  been  the  least  concerned  in  these  tumults  he  put  into  custody,  but  such  as  were  the  most 
 guilty  he  crucified  ;  these  were  in  number  about  two  thousand. 
 
 3.  He  was  also  informed,  that  there  continued  in  Idumea  ten  thousand  men  still  in  arms  ; 
 but  when  he  found  that  the  Arabians  did  not  act  like  auxiliaries,  but  managed  the  war  accord-- 
 ing  to  their  own  passions,  and  did  mischief  to  the  country  otherwise  than  he  intended,  and 
 this  out  of  their  hatred  to  Herod,  he  sent  them  away,  but  made  haste,  with  his  own  legions, 
 to  march  against  those  that  had  revolted  ;  but  these,  by  the  advice  of  Achiabus,  delivered 
 themselves  up  to  him  before  it  came  to  a  battle.  Then  did  Varus  forgive  the  multitude  their 
 offences,  but  sent  their  captains  to  Caesar  to  be  examined  by  him.  Now  Cwsar  forgave  the 
 rest,  but  gave  orders  that  certain  of  the  king's  relations  (for  some  of  those  that  were  among 
 them  were  Herod's  kinsmen)  should  be  put  to  death,  because  they  had  engaged  in  a  war 
 against  a  king  of  their  own  family.  When  therefore  Varus  had  settled  matters  at  Jerusalem 
 after  this  manner,  and  had  left  the  former  legion  there  as  a  garrison,  he  returned  to  Antiocli. 
 
BOOK    II. —  CHAP.    VI.  577 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 77fe  Jews  greatly  complain  of  Archdaus,  and  desire  that  they  may  be  made  iuhject  to  Roman 
 (loveninrs.  But  when  Ceesar  had  heard  tvhat  they  had  to  say,  he  disiributed  Herod's 
 Dominions  among  his  Suns,  according  to  his  oicti  Pleasure. 
 
 f  1.  BCT  now  came  another  accusation  from  the  Jews  against  Archelaus  at  Rome,  which  he 
 was  to  answer  to.  It  was  made  by  those  ambassadors,  who,  before  the  revolt,  had  come,  by 
 Varus'  permission,  to  plead  for  the  liberty  of  their  country  ;  those  that  came  were  fifty  in 
 uuiiiber,  but  tliere  were  more  than  eight  thousand  of  the  Jews  at  Rome  wiio  supported  IheDi. 
 And  when  Cffisar  had  assembled  a  council  of  the  principal  Romans  in  Apollo's*  temple,  that 
 was  iu  the  palace,  (this  was  what  he  had  himself  built  and  adorned  at  a  vast  expense,)  the  mul- 
 titude of  the  Jews  stood  with  the  ambassadors,  and  on  the  other  side  stood  Archelaus,  with 
 bis  friends  :  but  as  for  the  kindred  of  Arclielaus,  they  stood  on  neither  side  ;  for  to  stand  on 
 Archelaus'  side,  iheir  hatred  to  him,  and  envy  at  him,  would  not  give  them  leave;  while  yet 
 they  were  afraid  to  be  seen  by  Cffisar  with  his  accusers.  Besides  these,  there  were  present 
 Archelaus'  brother  Philip,  being  sent  hither  beforehand  out  of  kindness  by  Varus  for  two  rea- 
 sons ;  the  one  was  this,  that  he  might  be  assisting  to  Archelaus  ;  and  the  other  was  this,  that 
 in  case  Ca;sar  should  make  a  distribution  of  what  Herod  possessed  among  bis  posterity,  he 
 might  ohtain  some  share  of  it. 
 
 2.  And  now,  upon  the  permission  that  was  given  the  accusers  to  speak,  they  in  the  first 
 place  went  over  Herod's  breaches  of  their  law,  and  said,  "  that  lie  was  not  a  king,  but  the 
 most  barbarous  of  all  tyrants,  and  that  they  had  found  him  to  be  such  by  the  sufl'erings  they 
 underwent  from  him;  that  when  a  very  great  number  had  been  slain  by  him,  those  that  were 
 left  had  endured  such  miseries,  that  they  called  those  that  were  dead  happy  men  ;  that  he  had 
 not  only  tortured  the  bodies  of  his  subjects,  but  entire  cities,  and  had  done  much  harm  to  the 
 cities  of  his  own  country,  while  he  adorned  those  that  belonged  to  foreigners,  and  he  shed  the 
 blood  of  Jews,  in  order  to  do  kindness  to  those  people  who  were  out  of  their  bounds  ;  that  he 
 bad  filled  the  nation  full  of  poverty  and  the  greatest  iniquity,  instead  of  that  happiness  and 
 those  laws  which  they  had  anciently  enjoyed  ;  that,  in  short,  the  Jews  had  borne  more  calami- 
 lies  from  Herod  in  a  lew  years,  than  h;;d  their  forefathers  during  all  that  interval  of  time  that 
 had  passed  since  they  had  come  out  of  Babylon,  and  returned  home,  in  the  reign  of  Xerxes  :+ 
 that,  however,  the  nation  was  come  to  so  low  a  condition,  by  being  inured  to  hardships,  that 
 they  submitted  to  his  successor  of  tlieir  own  accord,  though  be  brought  them  into  bitter 
 slavery  :  that  accordingly  they  readily  called  Archelaus,  though  he  was  the  son  of  so  great  a 
 tyrant,  king,  after  the  decease  of  his  father,  and  joined  with  him  in  mourning  for  the  death  of 
 Herod,  and  wishing  him  good  success  in  that  his  succession  ;  while  yet  this  Archelaus,  lest 
 he  should  be  in  danger  of  not  being  thought  the  genuine  son  of  Herod,  began  !iis  reign  with 
 the  muixler  of  three  thousand  citizens  ;  as  if  he  had  a  mind  to  ofi'er  so  many  bloody  sacrifices 
 to  God  for  his  government,  and  to  fill  the  temple  with  the  like  number  of  dead  bodies  at  that 
 festival :  that,  however,  those  that  were  left  after  so  many  miseries,  had  just  reason  to  con- 
 sider now  at  last  the  calamities  they  had  undergone,  and  to  oppose  themselves  like  soldiers  in 
 war,  to  receive  those  stripes  upon  their  faces  [but  not  upon  their  backs,  as  hitherto.]  Where- 
 upon they  prayed  that  the  Romans  would  have  compassion  upon  the  [poor]  remains  of  Judea, 
 and  not  expose  what  was  left  of  them  to  such  as  barbarously  tore  them  to  pieces,  and  that 
 they  would  join  their  country  to  Syria,  and  administer  the  government  by  their  own  com- 
 manders, whereby  it  would  [soon]  be  demonstrated  that  those  who  are  under  the  calumny  of 
 seditions  persons,  and  lovers  of  war,  know  how  to  bear  governors  that  are  set  over  them,  if 
 they  be  but  tolerable  ones."  So  the  Jews  concluded  their  accusation  v\ith  this  request.  Then 
 rose  up  Nicolaus,  and  confuted  the  accusations  which  were  brought  against  the  kings,  and 
 himself  accused  the  Jewish  nation,  as  hard  to  be  ruled,  and  as  naturally  disobedient  to  kings. 
 He  also  reproached  all  those  kinsmen  of  Archelaus'  who  had  left  him,  and  were  gone  over 
 to  his  accusers. 
 
 3.  So  Ca'sar,  after  he  had  heard  both  sides,  dissolved  the  assembly  for  that  time  ;  but  a  few 
 days  afterward,  he  gave  the  one  half  of  Herod's  kingdom  to  Archelans,  by  the  name  of  Eth- 
 narch,  and  promised  to  make  him  king  also  afterward,  if  he  rendered  himself  worthy  of  that 
 dignity.  But  as  to  the  other  half,  he  divided  it  into  two  tetrarchies,  and  gave  them  to  two 
 other  sons  of  Herod,  the  one  of  them  to  Philip,  and  the  other  to  that  Antipas  who  contested 
 the  kingdom  with  Archelaus.  Under  this  last  was  Perea,  and  Galilee,  with  a  revenue  of  two 
 hundred  talents :  but  Batanea,  and  Trachouitis,  and  Auranitis,  and  certain  parts  of  Zeno's 
 house  about  Jnmnia,  with  a  revenue  of  a  hundred  talents,  were  made  subject  to  Philip  :  while 
 
 •  This  holding  a  couDcil  in  4hc  temple  of  Apollo,  in  the  emperor's  palace  at  Rome,  by  Augustus,  and  even 
 the  huildiug  of  the  temple  maguificently  hy  hiHiself  in  that  pal,ice,  are  exactly  agreeable  to  Augustus,  in  his 
 elder  years,  as  Aldrich  and  Spanheira  observe  and  prove,  from  Suetonius  and  Properlius. 
 
 +  Here  we  have  a  strong  coufinnation  that  it  wag  Xerxes,  and  not  Artaxerxes,  under  whom  the  niaiu  part 
 of  ilie  Jews  returned  out  of  the  liabylonian  captivity,  i.  e.  in  tUi;  days  of  Ezra  aud  Mehemiah.  The  same  thing 
 is  in  the  Antiquities,  b.  xi.  chap,  v,  4  1. 
 
 4  D 
 
578  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 Iduniea,  and  all  Jiulea,  and  Samaria,  were  parts  of  the  etbnaroliy  of  Airhelaus,  although 
 Samaria  was  eased  of  one  quarter  of  its  taxes,  out  of  regard  to  their  not  having  revolted  with 
 the  rest  of  the  nation.  He  also  made  subject  to  iiim  the  following  cities,  viz.  Strato's  Tower, 
 and  Sebaste,  and  Joppa,  and  Jerusalem  ;  but  as  to  the  Grecian  cities,  Gaza,  and  Gadara,  and 
 Hippos,  he  cut  them  off  from  the  kingdom,  and  added  them  to  Svria.  Now  the  revenue  of 
 tiie  country  that  was  given  to  Archelaus,  was  four  hundred  talents.  Salome  also,  besides 
 what  the  king  had  left  her  in  his  testaments,  was  now  made  mistress  of  Jamnia,  and  Ashdod, 
 and  Pliasaelis.  Caesar  did  moreover  bestow  upon  her  the  rojal  palace  of  Ascalon  ;  by  all 
 which  she  got  together  a  revenue  of  sixty  talents;  but  he  put  her  house  under  the  ethnarchy 
 of  Archelaus.  And  for  the  rest  of  Herod's  offspring,  they  received  what  was  bequeathed  to 
 them  in  his  testaments  ;  but  besides  that,  Cfesar  granted  to  Herod's  two  virgin  daughters  five 
 hundred  thousand  [drachmae]  of  silver,  and  gave  them  in  marriage  to  the  sons  of  Pheroras  : 
 but  after  this  family  distribution,  he  gave  between  them  what  had  been  bequeathed  to  hira 
 by  Herod,  which  was  a  thousand  talents,  reserving  to  himself  only  some  inconsiderable 
 presents  in  honour  of  the  deceased. 
 
 CHAP.  vir. 
 
 The  History  of  the  spurious   Alexander.     Archelaus  is  banished,  and  Glaphyra  dies,  after 
 what  !('as  to  happen  to  both  of  them  had  been  shewed  them  in  Dreams. 
 
 4  1.  In  the  mean  time  there  was  a  man,  who  was  by  birth  a  Jew,  but  brought  up  at  Sidon 
 with  one  of  the  Roman  freed-men,  who  falsely  pretended,  on  account  of  the  resemblance  of 
 their  countenances,  that  he  was  that  Alexander  who  was  slain  by  Herod.  This  man  came  to 
 Rome,  in  hopes  of  not  being  detected.  He  had  one  who  was  his  assistant,  of  his  own  nation, 
 and  who  knew  all  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  and  instructed  him  to  say,  how  those  that  were 
 sent  to  kill  him  and  Aristobulns  had  pity  upon  them  and  stole  them  away,  by  putting  bodies 
 that  were  like  theirs  in  their  places.  This  man  deceived  the  Jews  that  were  at  Crete,  and  got 
 a  great  deal  of  money  of  them  for  travelling  in  splendour :  and  thence  sailed  to  Melos,  where 
 he  was  thought  so  certainly  genuine,  that  he  got  a  great  deal  more  money,  and  prevailed  with 
 those  that  had  treaied  him  to  sail  along  with  him  to  Rome.  So  he  landed  at  Dicearchia, 
 [Puteoli,]  and  got  very  large  presents  from  the  Jews  who  dwelt  there,  and  was  conducted  by 
 his  father's  friends  as  if  he  were  a  king  ;  nay,  the  resemblance  ia  his  countenance  procured 
 him  so  much  credit,  that  those  v?ho  had  seen  Alexander,  and  had  known  him  very  well, 
 would  take  their  oaths  that  he  was  the  very  sam<e  person.  Accordingly,  the  whole  body  of  the 
 Jews  that  were  at  Rome,  ran  out  in  crowds  to  see  him,  and  an  innumerable  multitude  there 
 was  who  stood  in  the  narrow  places,  through  which  he  was  carried;  for  those  of  Melos  were 
 so  far  distracted,  that  they  carried  hira  in  a  sedan,  and  maintained  a  rojal  attendance  for  hira 
 at  their  own  proper  charges. 
 
 2.  But  Caesar,  vvho  knew  perfectly  well  the  lineaments  of  Alexander's  face,  because  he  had 
 been  accused  by  Herod  before  him,  doubted  the  truth  of  the  story,  even  before  he  saw  the 
 man.  However,  he  suffered  the  agreeable  fame  that  went  of  him  to  have  some  weight  with 
 liira,  and  sent  Celedus,  one  who  well  knew  Alexander,  and  ordered  hira  to  bring  the  young 
 Ulan  to  hira.  But  when  Caesar  saw  him,  he  immediately  discerned  a  difference  in  his  counte- 
 nance, and  when  he  had  discovered  that  his  whole  body  was  of  a  more  robust  texture,  and 
 like  that  of  a  slave,  he  understood  the  whole  was  a  contrivance.  But  the  impudence  of  what 
 he  said  greatly  provoked  him  to  be  angry  at  him  ;  for  when  he  was  asked  about  Aristobulus, 
 he  said,  that  "  he  was  also  preserved  alive,  and  was  left  on  purpose  in  Cyprus  for  fear  of 
 treachery,  because  it  would  be  harder  for  plotters  to  get  them  both  into  their  power  while 
 they  were  separate."  Then  did  Caesar  take  him  by  himself  privately,  and  said  to  him,  "I  will 
 give  thee  tliy  life,  if  thou  wilt  discover  who  it  was  that  persuaded  ihee  to  forge  such  stories." 
 So  he  said,  that  he  would  discover  him,  and  followed  Cassar,  and  pointed  to  that  Jew  who 
 abused  the  resemblance  of  his  face  to  get  money  ;  for  that  he  had  received  more  presents  in 
 every  city  than  ever  Alexander  did  when  he  was  alive.  Caisar  laughed  at  the  contrivance, 
 and  put  this  spurious  Alexander  among  his  rowers,  on  account  of  the  strength  of  his  body, 
 but  ordered  him  that  persuaded  hira  to  be  put  to  death.  But  for  the  people  of  Melos,  they 
 had  been  sufficiently  punished  for  their  folly,  by  the  expenses  they  had  been  at  on  his  account. 
 
 3.  And  now  Archelaus  took  possession  ot  his  ethnarchy,  and  used  not  the  Jews  only,  but, 
 the  Samaritans  also,  barbarously;  and  this  out  of  his  resentment  of  their  old  quarrels  with 
 him.  Whereupon  they  both  of  them  sent  ambassadors  against  him  to  Casiar,  and  in  the  ninth 
 year  of  his  govertiment  he  was  banished  to  Vienna,  a  city  of  Gaul,  and  his  effects  were  put 
 into  CaRsar's  treasury.  But  the  report  goes,  that  before  he  was  sent  for  by  Cassar,  he  seemed 
 to  see  nine  ears  of  corn,  full  and  large,  but  devoured  by  oxen.  When,  therefore,  he  had 
 sent  for  the  diviners,  and  some  of  the  Chaldeans,  and  inquired  of  them  what  they  thought  it 
 portended,  and  when  one  of  them  had  one  interpretation,  and  another  had  another,  Simon,  one 
 of  the  sect  of  ihe  Essens,  said,  that  "  he  thought  the  ears  of  corn  denoted  years,  and  the  oxen 
 denoted  a  mutation  of  things,  because  by  their  ploughing  they  made  an  alteration  of  the  coun- 
 try.    That  therefore  he  should  reign  as   many  years  as  there  were  ears  of  corn,  and  after  he 
 
KOOK.    11.— CHAP.    VIII.  579 
 
 Imd  passed  through  various  alterations  of  fortune,  should  die."  Now  five  days  after  Arcbe- 
 laus  liad  heard  this  interpretation,  he  was  called  to  liis  trial. 
 
 4.  1  cannot  but  also  think  it  worthy  to  be  recorded,  what  dream  Gtaphyra,  the  daughter  of 
 Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  had,  who  had  at  first  been  wife  to  Alexander,  who  was  the 
 brother  of  Archelaus,  concerning  whom  we  have  been  discoursing.  This  Alexander  was  the 
 son  of  Herod  the  king,  by  whom  he  was  put  to  death,  as  we  have  already  related.  This 
 Glaphyra  was  married,  after  his  death,  to  Juba,  king  of  Libya,  and  afier  his  death,  was 
 returned  home,  and  lived  a  widow  with  her  father.  Then  it  was  that  Archelaus,  the  ethnarch, 
 saw  her,  and  fell  so  deeply  in  love  with  her,  that  he  divorced  Mariamne,  who  was  then  his 
 wife,  and  married  her.  When,  therefore,  she  was  come  into  Judea,  and  had  been  there  for  a 
 little  while,  she  thought  she  saw  Alexander  stand  by  her,  and  that  he  said  to  her,  "  Thy  mar- 
 riage with  llie  king  of  Libya  might  have  been  sufficient  for  thee  ;  but  thou  wast  not  contented 
 with  him,  but  ar'  returned  again  to  my  family,  to  a  third  husband,  and  him,  thou  impudent 
 woman,  hast  thou  chosen  for  thine  husband,  who  is  my  brother.  However,  I  shall  not  over- 
 look the  injury  thou  hast  oflered  me;  I  shall  [soon]  have  thee  again,  whether  thoa  wilt  or  no." 
 Now  G'.aphyra  hardly  survived  the  narration  of  this  dreara  of  hers  two  days. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII.    \/^ 
 
 Archelaus'  Ethnarchy  is  reduced  into  a  [i?owia»i]  Province.     The  Sedition  of  Judas  of  Galilee, 
 The  three  Sects  of  the  Jews, 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Archelaus' part  of  Judea  was  reduced  into  a  province ;  and  Coponius,  one  of 
 the  equestrian  order  among  the  Romans,  was  sent  as  a  procurator,  having  the  power  of  [life 
 and  death]  put  into  his  hands  by  Caesar.  Under  his  administration  it  was,  that  a  certain  Gali- 
 lean, whose  name  was  Judas,  prevailed  with  his  countrymen  to  revolt,  and  said  they  were 
 cowards  if  they  would  endure  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  Romans,  and  would,  after  God,  submit  to 
 mortal  men  as  their  lords.  This  man  was  a  teacher  of  a  peculiar  sect  of  his  own,  and  was  uot 
 at  all  like  the  rest  of  those  their  leaders. 
 
 2.  For  there  are  three  philosophical  sects  among  the  Jews  :  The  followers  of  the  first  of 
 which  are  the  Pharisees,  of  the  second  the  Sadducees,  and  the  third  sect,  which  pretends  to  a 
 severer  dicipline,  are  called  Essens.  These  last  are  Jews  by  birth,  and  seem  to  have  a  greater 
 aflection  for  one  another  than  the  other  sects  have.  These  Essens  reject  pleasures  as  au  evil, 
 but  esteem  continence,  and  the  conquest  over  our  passions,  to  be  virtue.  They  neglect  wed- 
 lock, but  choose  out  other  person's  children  while  they  are  pliable  and  fit  for  learning,  and 
 esteem  them  to  be  of  their  kindred,  and  form  them  according  to  their  own  manners.  They  do 
 not  absolutely  deny  the  fitness  of  marriage,  and  the  succession  of  mankind  thereby  continued  ; 
 but  they  guard  against  the  lascivious  behaviour  of  women,  and  are  persuaded  that  none  of 
 them  preserve  their  fidelity  to  one  man. 
 
 3.  These  men  are  despisers  of  riches,  and  so  very  communicative  as  raises  our  admiration. 
 Nor  is  there  any  one  lobe  found  among  them  who  hath  more  than  another;  for  it  is  a  law 
 among  them,  that  those  who  come  to  them  must  let  what  they  have  be  common  to  the  whole 
 order,  insomuch  that  among  them  all  there  is  no  appearance  of  poverty,  or  excess  of  riches,  but 
 every  one's  possessions  are  intermingled  with  every  other's  possessions,  and  so  there  is,  as  it 
 were,  one  patrimony  among  all  the  brethren.  They  think  that  oil  is  a  defilement ;  and  if  any 
 one  of  them  be  anointed,  without  his  own  approbation,  it  is  wiped  off  his  body  ;  for  tliey  think 
 to  be  sweaty  is  a  good  thing,  as  they  do  also  to  be  clothed  in  white  garments.  They  alNO 
 have  stewards  appointed  to  take  care  of  their  common  affairs,  who,  every  one  of  them,  have  no 
 separate  business  for  any,  but  what  is  for  the  use  of  them  all. 
 
 4.  They  have  no  one  certain  city,  but  many  of  them  dwell  in  every  city  ;  and  if  any  of  their 
 sect  come  from  other  places,  what  they  have  lies  open  for  them,  just  as  if  it  were  their  own, 
 and  they  go  into  such  as  they  never  knew  before,  as  if  they  had  been  ever  so  long  acquainted 
 with  them.  For  which  reason  ihey  carry  nothing  at  all  witli  them  when  they  travel  into  remote 
 parts,  though  still  they  lake  their  weapons  with  them,  for  fear  of  thieves.  Accordingly,  there 
 is,  in  every  city  where  they  live,  one  appointed  particularly  to  take  care  of  strangers,  atid  to 
 provide  garments  and  other  necessaries  for  them.  IJut  the  habit  and  management  of  their 
 bodies  is  suci;  as  children  use  who  are  in  fear  of  their  masters.  Nor  do  they  allow  of  the 
 change  of  garments  or  of  shoes,  till  they  first  be  entirely  torn  to  pieces,  or  worn  out  by  time. 
 Nor  do  Ibey  either  buy  or  sell  any  thing  to  one  ■another,  but  every  one  of  them  gives  what  he 
 hath  to  him  that  wanteth  it,  and  receives  from  him  again  in  lieu  of  it  what  may  be  convenient 
 for  himself;  and  although  there  be  no  requital  made,  they  are  fully  allowed  to  take  what  Ihey 
 want  of  whomsoever  they  please. 
 
 5.  And  as  for  their  piety  towards  God,  it  is  very  extraordinary ;  for,  before  sun-rising, 
 tliey  speak  not  a  word  about  profane  matters,  but  put  up  certain  prayers,  which  they  have 
 received  from  their  forefathers,  as  if  they  made  a  supplication  for  its  rising.  After  this,  every 
 one  of  them  is  sent  away  by  their  curators  to  exercise  some  of  those  arts  wherein  they  are 
 skilled,  in  which  they  labour  with  great  diligence  till  the  fifth  hour.  After  which  they  assem- 
 ble Ihcmselves  logctlur  agaiu  into  one  place,  and  when  they  have  clothed  themselves  in  while 
 
580  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 veils,  tliey  then  bathe  their  bodies  in  cold  water.  And  after  this  purification  is  over,  they 
 every  one  meet  together  in  an  apartment  of  their  own,  into  which  it  is  not  permitted  to  any  of 
 another  sect  to  enter  ;  while  they  ^o,  after  a  pure  manner,  into  the  dining-room,  as  into  a  cer- 
 tain holy  temple,  and  quietly  set  themselves  down  :  npon  which  the  baker  Jays  thera  loaves  in 
 order;  the  cook  also  brings  a  single  plate  of  one  sort  of  food,  and  sets  it  before  every  one  of 
 thera  ;  but  a  priest  says  grace  before  moat,  and  it  is  unlawful  for  any  one  to  taste  of  the  food 
 before  grace  be  said.  The  same  priest,  when  he  hath  dined,  sa^s  grace  again  after  meat, 
 and  when  (hey  begin,  and  when  they  end,  they  praise  God,  as  he  that  bestows  their  food  upoa 
 them  ;  after  which  they  lay  aside  their  [white]  garments,  and  betake  themselves  to  their  labours 
 again  till  the  evening;  theu  they  return  bomn  to  supper,  after  the  same  manner,  and  if  there  be 
 any  strangers  there,  they  sit  down  with  them.  Nor  is  there  ever  any  clamour  or  disturbance 
 to  pollute  their  house,  but  they  give  every  one  leave  to  speak  in  their  turn  ;  which  silence 
 thus  kept  in  their  house,  appears  to  foreigners  like  some  tremendous  mystery  :  the  canse  of 
 ■which  is  that  perpetual  isobriety  they  exercise,  and  the  same  settled  measure  of  meat  and  drink 
 that  is  allotted  them,  and  that  such  as  is  abundantly  sufficient  for  thera. 
 
 6.  And  truly,  as  for  other  things  they  do  nothing  but  according  to  the  injunctions  of  their 
 curators  ;  only  these  two  things  are  done  among  them  at  every  one's  own  free-will,  which  are 
 to  assist  those  that  want  it,  and  to  shew  mercy  ;  for  they  are  permitted  of  their  own  accord  to 
 afford  succour  to  such  as  deserve  it,  when  they  stand  in  need  of  it,  and  to  bestow  food  on  those  that 
 are  in  distress  ;  but  they  cannot  give  any  thing  to  their  kindred  without  the  curators.  They 
 dispense  their  auger  after  a  jnst  manner,  and  restrain  their  passion.  They  are  eminent  for 
 fidelity,  and  are  ihs  ministers  of  peace  ;  whatsoever  they  say  also  is  firmer  than  an  oath  ;  but 
 swearing  is  avoided  by  them,  and  they  esteem  it  worse  than  perjury  ;*  for  they  say,  that  he 
 who  cannot  be  believed,  without  [swearing  by]  God,  is  already  condemned.  They  also  lake 
 great  pains  in  studying  the  writings  of  the  ancients,  and  choose  out  of  them  what  is  most  for 
 the  advantage  of  their  soul  aud  body,  and  they  inquire  after  such  roots  and  medicinal  stones 
 as  may  cure  their  distempers. 
 
 7.  But  now,  if  any  one  hath  a  mind  to  come  over  to  their  sect,  he  is  not  immediately  admit- 
 ted, but  he  is  prescribed  the  same  method  of  living  which  they  use,  for  a  3'ear,  while  he  con- 
 tinues excluded,  and  they  give  him  also  a  small  hatchet,  and  the  forementioned  girdle,  and  the 
 white  garment.  And  when  he  hath  given  evidence,  during  that  time,  that  he  can  observe  their 
 continence,  he  approaches  nearer  to  their  way  of  living,  and  is  made  a  partaker  of  the  waters 
 of  porification  ;  yet  is  he  not  even  now  admitted  to  live  %vith  them  ;  for  after  this  demonstra- 
 tion of  his  fortitude,  his  temper  is  tried  two  more  years,  and  if  he  appear  to  be  worthy,  they 
 then  admit  him  into  their  society.  And  before  he  is  allowed  to  touch  their  common  food,  he 
 is  obliged  to  take  tremendous  oaths,  that  in  the  first  place  he  will  exercise  piety  towards  God, 
 and  theu  that  he  will  observe  justice  towards  men,  and  that  he  will  do  no  harm  to  any  one, 
 either  of  his  own  accord,  or  by  the  command  of  others  ;  that  he  will  always  hate  the  wicked, 
 and  be  assistant  to  the  righteous,  that  he  will  ever  shew  fidelity  to  all  men,  and  especially 
 to  those  in  authority ;  because  no  one  obtains  the  government  without  God's  assistance  ;  aud 
 that  if  he  be  in  authority,  he  will  at  no  time  whatever  abuse  bis  authority,  nor  endeavour  to 
 outshine  his  subjects,  either  in  his  garments  or  any  other  finery  ;  that  he  will  be  perpetually 
 a  lover  of  truth,  and  propose  to  himself  to  reprove  those  that  tell  lies  ;  that  he  will  keep  his 
 bands  clear  from  theft,  and  his  soul  from  unlawful  gains  ;  and  that  he  will  neither  conceal  any 
 thing  fron)  those  of  his  own  sect,  nor  discover  any  of  their  doctrines  to  others  ;  no,  not  though 
 any  one  should  compel  him  so  to  do  at  the  hazard  of  his  life.  Moreover,  he  swears  to  com- 
 iBunicate  their  doctrines  to  no  one  any  otherwise  than  as  he  received  thera  himself;  that  he 
 will  abstain  from  robbery,  and  will  equally  preserve  the  books  belonging  to  their  sect,  and 
 the  names  of  the  angels+  [or  messengers.]  These  are  the  oaths  by  which  tliey  secure  their 
 proselytes  to  themselves. 
 
 8.  But  for  tnnse  that  are  caught  in  any  heinous  sins,  they  cast  them  out  of  their  societj', 
 and  he  who  is  thus  separated  from  them,  does  often  die  after  a  miserable  manner  ;  for  as  he 
 
 *  This  practice  of  the  Esseus,  in  refusing  to  swear,  and  esteeming  swearing  on  ordinary  occasions  worse 
 than  perjurj',  is  delivered  ht.e  in  general  words,  as  are  the  parallel  injunctions  of  our  Saviour,  Watt.  vi.  34. 
 xxiii.  16.  and  of  St.  James  v,  12.  hut  all  admit  of  particular  exceptions,  for  solemn  causes,  and  on  great  and 
 necessary  occasions.  Thus  these  very  Esseus,  who  here  do  so  zealously  avoid  swearing,  are  related  iu  the 
 very  next  section,  to  admit  none  till  they  tale  tremendous  oaths  to  perform  their  several  duties  to  God  and- 
 to  their  neighhour,  without  sui)posing  tliey  thereby  break  this  rule,  not  to  swear  at  all.  The  case  is  the  same 
 in  Christianity,  as  we  learn  from  the  ApostolicarConstitutions,  which  although  they  agree  with  Christ  aud 
 St.  James,  in  forbidding  to  swear  in  general,  chap.  v.  12.  chap.  vi.  2.1.  yet  do  they  explain  it  elsewhere,  by 
 avoiding  to  "  swear  falsely,  and  to  swear  often  and  in  vain,"  chap.  ii.  36.  and  again,  by  "  not  swearing  at  all," 
 but  withal  adding,  that  "  if  that  cannot  be  avoided,  to  swear  truly  ;"  chap.  vii.  3.  which  abundantly  explain 
 to  us  the  nature  of  the  measures  of  this  general  injunction. 
 
 +  This  mention  of  the  names  of  angels,  so  particularly  preserved  by  the  Essens,  (if  it  means  more  than  those 
 messengers  which  were  employed  to  bring  them  the  peculiar  books  of  their  sect,)  looks  like  a  prelude  to  that 
 worshipping  of  angels  blamed  by  St.  Paul,  as  superstitious  and  unlawful,  in  some  such  sort  of  people  as  these 
 isstns  were.  Col.  ii.  8.  as  is  the  prayer  to  or  towards  the  sun,  for  his  rising  every  morning,  mentioned  before, 
 55.  very  like  those  not  much  later  observances  made  mention  of  in  the  preaching  of  Peter,  Authent.  Rec.  pt.  ii. 
 page  669.  and  regarding  a  kind  of  worship  of  angels,  of  the  month,  and  of  the  moon,  and  not  celebrating  the 
 new  moons,  or  other  festivals,  unless  the  mnon  appeared.  Which  indeed  seems  to  me  the  earliest  mention  of 
 any  regard  to  the  moon's  phases  in  fixing  the  Jewish  calendar,  of  which  the  Talmud  aud  later  Itabbins  talk 
 BO  much,  and  upon  so  very  little  ancient  foundation. 
 
BOOK  II. — CHAP.  VIII.  581 
 
 is  bound  by  the  oath  he  had  taken,  and  by  the  customs  he  hath  been  engaged  in,  he  is  not  at 
 liberty  to  partake  of  that  food  that  he  meets  with  elsewhere,  but  is  forced  to  eat  s^rass,  and  to 
 famish  his  body  with  hunger  till  he  perisli  ;  for  which  reason  they  receive  many  of  them  again, 
 when  they  are  at  their  last  gasp,  out  of  compassion  to  them,  as  thinking  the  miseries  tliey  have 
 endured  till  tliey  came  to  the  very  brink  of  death,  to  be  a  sufficient  punishment  for  the  sins 
 they  had  been  guilty  of. 
 
 y.  But  in  the  judgments  they  exercise  they  are  most  accurate  and  just,  nor  do  they  pass 
 sentence  by  the  votes  of  a  court  that  is  fewer  than  a  hundred.  And  as  to  what  is  once  deter- 
 mined by  that  number,  it  is  unalterable.  What  they  most  of  all  honour,  after  God  himself,  is 
 the  name  of  llieir  legislator  [Moses,]  whom  if  any  one  blaspheme,  he  is  pnnished  capitally. 
 They  also  think  it  a  good  thing  to  obey  their  elders  and  tlie  major  part.  Accordingly,  if  ten 
 of  them  be  sitting  together  no  one  of  them  will  speak  while  the  other  nine  are  against  it.  They 
 also  avoid  spitting  in  the  midst  of  them,  or  en  the  right  side.  Moreover,  they  are  stricter  than 
 any  other  of  the  Jews  in  resting  from  their  labours  on  the  seventh  day  ;  for  they  not  only  get 
 their  food  ready  the  day  before,  that  they  may  not  be  obliged  to  kindle  a  fire  on  that  day,  but 
 ihey  will  not  remove  any  vessel  out  of  ivs  place,  nor  go  to  stool  thereon.  Nay,  on  other  days 
 they  dig  a  small  pit,  a  foot  deep,  with  a  paddle,  (which  kind  of  hatchet  is  given  them  when 
 Ihey  are  first  admitted  among  them,)  and  covering  themselves  round  with  their  garment,  that 
 they  may  not  affront  the  divine  rays  of  light,  they  ease  themselves  into  that  pit,  after  which 
 they  put  the  earth  that  was  dug  out  again  into  the  pit,  and  even  this  they  do  only  in  the  more 
 lonely  places,  which  Ihey  choose  out  for  this  purpose  ;  and  although  this  easement  of  the  body 
 be  natural,  yet  it  is  a  rule  with  them  to  wash  themselves  after  it,  as  if  it  were  a  defilement 
 to  them. 
 
 10.  Now  after  the  time  of  their  preparatory  trial  is  over,  they  are  parted  into  foar  classes  ; 
 and  so  far  are  the  juniors  inferior  to  the  seniors,  that  if  th©  seniors  should  be  touched  by  the 
 juniors,  they  must  wash  themselves,  as  if  they  had  intermixed  themselves  with  the  company 
 of  a  foreigner.  They  are  longlived  also,  insomoch  that  many  of  them  live  above  a  hundred 
 years,  by  means  of  the  simplicity  of  their  diet,  nay,  as  I  thitik,  by  means  of  the  regular  course 
 of  life  they  observe  also.  They  contemn  the  miseries  of  life,  and  are  above  pain,  by  the  gene- 
 rosity of  their  mind.  And  as  for  death,  if  it  will  be  for  their  glory,  thfty  esteem  it  better  than 
 living  always  ;  and  indeed  our  war  with  the  Romans  gave  abundant  evidence  what  great  souls 
 they  had  in  their  trials,  wherein,  although  they  were  tortured  and  distorted,  burnt  and  torn  to 
 pieces,  and  went  through  all  kinds  of  instruments  of  torment,  that  they  might  be  forced  either 
 to  blaspheme  tiieir  legislator,  or  to  eat  what  was  forbidden  them,  yet  could  they  not  be  made 
 to  do  either  of  them,  no,  nor  once  to  flatter  their  tormentors,  or  to  shed  a  tear ;  but  they  smiled 
 in  their  very  pains,  and  laughed  those  to  scorn  who  inflicted  the  torments  npon  them,  and  resigned 
 up  their  souls  with  great  alacrity,  as  expecting  to  receive  them  again. 
 
 11.  For  their  doctrine  is  this,  That  bodies  are  corruptible,  and  that  the  matter  they  are 
 made  of  is  not  permanent  ;  but  that  the  souls  are  immortal,  and  continue  for  ever,  and  that 
 they  come  out  of  the  most  subtile  air,  ar.d  are  united  to  their  bodies  as  to  prisons,  into  which 
 they  are  drawn  by  a  certain  natural  enticement ;  but  that  when  they  are  set  free  from  the 
 bonds  of  the  flesh,  they  then,  as  released  from  a  long  bondage,  rejoice  and  mount  upward. 
 And  this  is  like  the  opinions  of  the  Greeks,  that  good  souls  have  their  habitations  beyond  the 
 ocean,  in  a  region  that  is  neither  oppressed  with  storms  of  rain  or  snow,  or  with  intense  heat, 
 but  that  this  place  is  such  as  is  refreshed  by  the  gentle  breathing  of  a  west  wind,  that  is  per- 
 petually blowing  from  the  ocean  ;  while  they  allot  to  bad  soals  a  dark  and  tempestuous 
 den,  full  of  never-ceasing  punishments.  And  indeed  the  Greeks  seem  to  me  to  have  followed 
 the  same  notion,  when  they  allot  the  islands  of  the  blessed  to  their  brave  men,  whom  they  call 
 heroes  and  demigods  ;  and  to  the  souls  of  the  wicked,  the  region  of  the  ungodly,  in  Hades, 
 where  their  fables  relate  that  certain  persons,  such  as  Sisyphus,  and  Tantalus,  and  Ixion,  and 
 Tityus,  are  punished  ;  which  is  built  on  this  first  supposition,  that  souls  are  immortal  ;  anj 
 thence  are  those  exhortations  to  virtue,  and  dehortations  from  wickedness  collected,  whereby 
 good  men  are  bettered  in  the  conduct  of  their  life  by  the  hope  they  have  of  reward  after  their 
 death,  and  whereby  the  vehement  inclinations  of  bad  men  to  vice  are  restrained,  by  the  (ear 
 and  expectation  they  are  in,  that  although  they  should  lie  concealed  in  this  life,  they  should 
 sufier  immortal  punishment  after  their  death.  These  are  the  divine  doctrines  of  the  Essens 
 about  the  soul,*  which  lay  an  unavoidable  bait  for  such  as  have  once  had  a  taste  of  their 
 philosophy. 
 
 12.  There  are  also  those  among  them  who  undertake  to  foretell  things  to  come,t  by  reading 
 the  holy  books,  and  using  several  sorts  of  purifications,  and  being  perpetually  conversant  in  the 
 discourses  of  the  prophets  :  and  it  is  but  seldom  that  they  miss  in  their  predictions. 
 
 •  Of  ihese  Jewish  or  E£sene,and  indeed  Christian,  doctrines,  concerning  souls,  both  good  and  had,  in  Hades, 
 see  that  excellent  discourse  or  homily  of  our  Jooephus'  concerning  Hades,  at  the  end  of  the  work. 
 
 +  Dean  Aldrich  reckons  up  three  examples  ol  this  gift  of  prophecy  in  several  of  these  Essens,  out  of  Jose- 
 plius  himself,  viz.  in  the  History  of  the  War,  b.  i  chap.  iil.  ^  5.  Judas  foretold  the  death  of  Antigonus  at 
 Strato's  J'ower,  b.  ii.  chap,  vii.53.  Simon  foretold  that  Archelaus  should  .reign  but  nine  or  ten  years  ;  and 
 Antiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  x.  ^4,  5.  Manahem  foretold  that  Herod  should  be  king,  and  should  reign  tyrsBDically,  and 
 that  lor  more  ihau  twenty  or  even  thirty  years.    All  which  came  to  pass  accordingly. 
 
582  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 13.  Moreover,  tliere  is  another  order  of  Essens,  wLo  agree  with  the  rest  as  to  their  way  of 
 livino;,  and  customs,  and  laws,  but  differ  from  them  in  the  point  of  marriage,  as  thinking  ihat 
 by  not  marrjiing  they  cut  off  the  principal  part  of  human  life,  which  is  the  prospect  of  succes- 
 sion ;  nay,  rather,  that  if  all  men  should  be  of  the  same  opinion,  the  whole  race  of  mankind 
 would  fail.  However,  they  try  their  spouses  for  three  years,  and  if  lliey  find  that  they  have 
 their  natural  purgations  thrice,  as  trials  that  they  are  likely  to  be  fruitful,  they  then  actually 
 marry  them.  But  they  do  not  use  to  accompany  with  their  wives  when  they  are  with  child, 
 as  a  demonstration  that  they  do  not  marry  out  of  regard  to  pleasure,  but  for  the  sake  of  poste- 
 rity. Now  the  women  go  into  the  baths  with  some  of  their  garments  on,  as  the  men  do  with 
 somewhat  girded  about  theiu.     And  these  are  the  customs  of  this  order  of  Essens. 
 
 14.  But  then  as  to  the  two  other  orders  at  first  mentioned.  The  Pharisees  are  those  who  are 
 esteemed  most  skilful  in  the  exact  explication  of  their  laws,  and  introduce  fhe  first  sect. 
 These  ascribe  all  to  fate,  [or  providence,]  and  to  God,  and  yet  allow,  that  to  act  what  is  right, 
 or  the  contrary,  is  principally  in  the  power  of  men:  although  fate  does  co-operate  in  every 
 action.  They  say,  that  all  souls  are  incorruptible,  but  that  the  souls*  of  good  men  only  are 
 removed  into  other  bodies,  but  that  the  souls  of  bad  men  are  subject  to  eternal  punishment. 
 But  the  Sadducees  are  those  that  compose  the  second  order,  and  lake  away  fate  entirely,  and 
 suppose  that  God  is  not  concerned  in  our  doing  or  not  doing  what  is  evil  ;  and  they  say,  that 
 lo  act  what  is  good  or  what  is  evil,  is  at  men's  own  choice,  and  that  the  one  or  the  other 
 belongs  so  to  every  one,  that  they  may  act  as  they  please.  They  also  take  away  the  belief  of 
 the  immortal  duration  of  the  soul,  and  the  punishments  and  rewards  in  Hades.  Moreover,  the 
 Pharisees  are  friendly  to  one  another,  and  are  for  the  exercise  of  concord,  and  regard  for  the 
 public;  hut  the  behaviour  of  the  Sadducees  one  towards  another  is  in  some  degree  wild,  and 
 their  conversation  with  those  that  are  of  their  own  party  is  as  barbarous  as  if  they  were 
 strangers  to  them.  And  this  is  what  I  had  to  say  concerning  the  philosophic  sects  among  the 
 Jews. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 The  Death  of  Salome.  The  Cities  tvhich  Herod  and  Philip  built.  Pilate  occasiofts  Dislurb- 
 unccs.  Tiberius  puts  Agrippa  into  Bonds,  but  Cuius  frees  him  from  them,  and  makes  him 
 King.     Herod  Antipas  is  banished. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  as  the  ethnarchy  of  Archelaus  was  fallen  into  a  Roman  province;  the  other  sons 
 of  Herod,  Philip,  and  that  Herod  who  was  called  Antipas,  each  of  them  took  upon  them  the 
 administration  of  their  own  tetrarchies ;  for  when  Salome  died,  she  bequeathed  to  Julia,  the 
 wife  of  .Augustus,  both  her  toparchy,  and  Jamnia,  as  also  her  plantation  of  palm-trees  that 
 were  in  Phasaelis.t  But  when  the  Roman  empire  was  translated  to  Tiberius,  the  son  of 
 Julia,  upon  the  death  of  Augustus,  who  had  reigned  fifty-seven  years  six  months  and  two 
 days,  both  Herod  and  Philip  continued  in  their  tetrarchies,  and  the  latter  of  them  built  the 
 city  of  Caesarea,  at  the  fountains  of  Jordan,  and  in  the  region  of  Paneas  ;  as  also  the  city  of 
 Julias,  in  the  Lower  Gaulanitis.  Herod  also  built  the  city  of  Tiberias  in  Galilee,  and  in  Perea 
 [beyond  Jordan]  another  that  was  also  called  Julias. 
 
 2.  Now  Pilate,  who  was  sent  as  a  procurator  into  Judea  by  Tiberins,  sent  by  night  those 
 images  of  Caesar  that  are  called  ensigns,  into  Jerusalem.  This  excited  a  very  great  tumult 
 among  the  Jews  when  it  was  day,  for  those  that  were  near  them  were  astonished  at  the  sight 
 of  them,  as  indications  that  their  laws  were  trodden  under  foot ;  for  those  laws  do  not  permit 
 any  sort  of  image  to  be  brought  into  the  cit^-.  Nay,  besides  the  indignation  which  the  citizens 
 themselves  bad  at  this  procedure,  a  vast  number  of  the  people  came  running  ont  of  the  conn- 
 try.  These  came  zealously  to  Pilate  to  Caesarea,  and  besought  him  to  carry  those  ensigns  out 
 of  Jerusalem,  and  to  preserve  them  their  ancient  laws  inviolable  ;   but  upon  Pilate's  denial  of 
 
 *  There  is  so  much  more  here  about  the  Essens,  than  is  cited  from  Josepnus  in  Porphyry  and  Eusebius,  and 
 yet  so  much  less  about  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees,  the  two  other  Jewish  sects,  than  would  naturally  be 
 expected  in  proportion  to  the  Essens  or  third  sect,  nay,  than  seems  to  be  referred  to  by  himself  elsewhere,  that 
 one  is  tempted  to  suppose  Josephus  had  at  first  written  less  of  the  one,  and  more  of  the  two  others,  than  his 
 present  copies  afford  us  ;  as  also  that,  by  some  unknown  accident,  our  present  copies  are  here  made  up  of  the 
 larger  edition  in  the  first  care,  and  of  the  smaller  in  the  second.  See  tlie  note  in  Havercamp's  edition.  How- 
 ever, what  Josephus  says  in  the  name  of  the  Pharisees,  that  only  the  souls  of  good  men  go  out  of  one  body 
 into  another,  although  all  souls  be  immortal,  and  still  the  souls  of  the  bad  are  liable  to  eternal  punishment ;  as 
 also  what  he  says  afterwards,  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  i.  5  3,  that  the  soul's  vigour  is  immortal,  and  that  under 
 the  earth  they  receive  rewards  or  punishments  according  as  their  lives  have  been  virtuous  or  vicious  in  the 
 present  world  ;  that  to  the  bad  is  allotted  iin  eternal  prison,  but  that  the  good  are  permitted  to  live  again  in  this 
 world,  are  nearly  agreeable  to  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  Only  Josephus'  rejection  of  the  return  of  the 
 wicked  into  other  bodies,  or  into  this  world,  which  he  grants  to  the  good,  looks  somewhat  like  a  contradiction 
 to  St.  Paul's  account  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Jews,  that  "  they  tliemselves  allowed  that  there  should  be  a 
 resurrection  of  the  dead,  both  of  the  just  and  unjust,"  Acts  xxiv.  15.  Yet  because  Josephus'  account  is 
 Ihat  of  the  Pharisees,  and  St.  Paul's  that  of  the  Jews  in  general,  and  of  himself,  the  contradiction  is  not  very 
 certain. 
 
 +  We  have  here,  in  that  Greek  MS.  which  was  once  Alexander  Petavius's,  but  is  now  in  the  library  at 
 Leyduu,  two  most  remarkable  additions  to  the  common  copies,  though  deemed  worth  little  remark  by  the  editor  ; 
 which,  upon  the  mention  of  Tiberius'  coming  to  the  empire,  inserts  first  the  famous  testimony  of  Josephus  con- 
 cerning Jesus  Christ,  as  it  stands  verbatim  in  the  Antiquities,  b.  xviii.  chap.  iii.  §  3.  with  some  parts  of  that 
 excellent  discourse  or  homilv  of  Josephus  concerning  Hades,  annexed  to  the  wovk.  Bu»  what  is  here  princi-,  , 
 pally  to  be  noted,  is  this,  that  in  this  homily,  Josephus  having  just  mentioned  Christ,  as  "  God  the  Word,  anrf 
 the  Judge  of  the  world,  appointed  by  the  Father,"  &cc,  adds,  that  "  he  had  himself  elsewhere  spoken  about 
 him  move  nicely  or  particularly." 
 
'     BOOK    II. — CHAP.    X.  583 
 
 iLeir  request,  they  fell  down  prostrate  upon   tlie  ground,    and   conlinued  immoveable    in  tliat 
 posture  for  five  days  and  as  many  nights. 
 
 3.  On  the  next  day  Pilate  sat  upon  his  tribunal,  in  the  open  market-place,  and  called  to 
 liim  the  multitude,  as  desirous  to  give  them  an  answer;  and  then  gave  a  signal  to  the  soldiers, 
 that  they  should  all  by  agreement  at  once  encompass  the  Jews  with  their  weapons  ;  so  the 
 band  of  soldiers  stood  round  about  the  Jews  in  three  ranks.  The  Jews  were  at  the  utmost 
 consternation  at  that  unexpected  sight.  Pilate  also  said  to  them,  that  they  should  be  cut  in 
 pieces,  unless  they  would  admit  of  Cassar's  images,  and  gave  intimation  to  the  soldiers  to  draw 
 their  naked  swords.  Hereupon  the  Jews,  as  it  were  at  one  signal,  fell  down  in  vast  numbers 
 together,  and  exposed  their  necks  bare,  and  cried  out  that  they  were  sooner  ready  to  be 
 slain,  than  that  tiieir  law  should  be  transgressed.  Hereupon  Pilate  was  greatly  surprised 
 at  their  prodigious  superstition,  and  gave  order  that  the  ensigns  should  be  presently  carried 
 oat  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 4.  After  this  he  raised  another  disturbance,  by  expending  that  sacred  treasure  which  is 
 called  Corban*  upon  aqueducts,  whereby  he  brought  water  from  the  distance  of  four  hundred 
 furlongs.  At  this  the  multitude  had  indignation  ;  and  when  Pilate  was  come  to  Jerusalem, 
 they  came  about  his  tribunal,  and  made  a  clamour  at  it.  Now,  when  he  was  apprised  afore- 
 hand  of  this  disturbance,  he  mixed  his  own  soldiers  in  their  ariuoar  with  the  multitude,  and 
 ordered  them  to  conceal  themselves  nnder  the  habits  of  private  men,  and  not  indeed  to  use 
 their  swords,  but  with  their  staves  to  beat  those  that  made  the  clamour.  He  then  gave  the 
 signal  from  his  tribunal  [to  do  as  he  had  bidden  them.]  Now  the  Jews  were  so  sadly  beaten, 
 that  many  of  them  perished  by  the  stripes  they  received,  and  many  of  them  perished  as  trod- 
 den to  death  by  themselves  ;  by  which  means  the  multitude  was  astonished  at  the  calamity  of 
 those  that  were  slain,  and  held  their  peace. 
 
 5.  In  the  mean  time  Agrippa,  the  son  of  that  Aristobulus  who  had  been  slaiu  by  his  father 
 Herod,  came  to  Tiberius,  to  accuse  Herod  the  tetrarch  ;  who  not  admitting  of  his  accusation, 
 he  stayed  at  Rome,  and  cultivated  a  friendship  with  others  of  the  men  of  note,  but  principally 
 with  Caius  the  son  of  Germanicus,  who  was  theu  but  a  private  person.  Now  this  Agrippa,  at 
 a  certain  time,  feasted  Caius,  and  as  he  was  very  complaisant  to  him  on  several  other  accounts, 
 he  at  length  stretched  out  his  hands,  and  openly  wished  that  Tiberius  might  die,  and  that  he 
 might  quickly  see  him  emperor  of  the  world.  This  was  told  to  Tiberius  by  one  of  Agrippa's 
 domestics  ;  who  thereupon  was  very  angry,  and  ordered  Agrippa  to  be  bound,  and  had  him 
 very  ill  treated  in  the  prison  for  six  months,  until  Tiberius  died,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty- 
 two  years  six  months  and  three  days. 
 
 6.  But  vviien  Caius  was  made  Csesar,  he  released  Ag;n"ppa  from  his  bonds,  and  made  hint 
 king  of  Philip's  tetrarchy,  who  was  now  dead ;  but  when  Agrippa  had  arrived  at  that  degree 
 of  dignity,  he  inflamed  the  ambitious  desires  of  Herod  the  tetrarch,  who  was  chiefly  induced  to 
 hope  for  the  royal  authority  by  his  wife  Herodias,  who  reproached  him  for  his  sloth,  and  told 
 him  that  it  was  only  because  he  would  not  sail  to  Caesar,  that  he  was  destitute  of  that  great 
 dignity  ;  for  since  Caesar  had  made  Agrippa  a  king,  from  a  private  person,  much  more  would 
 lie  advance  him  from  a  tetrarch  to  that  dignity.  These  arguments  prevailed  with  Herod,  so 
 that  he  came  to  Caius,  by  whom  he  was  punished  for  his  ambition,  by  being  banished  into 
 Spain;  for  Agrippa  followed  him,  in  order  to  accuse  him:  to  whom  also  Caius  gave  his 
 tetrarchy,  by  way  of  addition.     So  Herod  died  in  Spain,  whither  his  wife  had  followed  him. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 Caius  commands  that  his  Statue  should  be  set  up  in  the  Temple  itself;  and  what  Petronius  did 
 
 thereupon. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Cains  Caesar  did  so  grossly  abase  the  fortune  tie  had  arrived  at,  as  to  take  himself 
 to  be  a  god,  and  to  desire  to  be  so  called  also,  and  to  cut  off  those  of  the  greatest  nobility  out 
 of  his  country.  He  also  extended  his  impiety  as  far  as  the  Jews.  Accordingly,  he  sent 
 Petronius  with  an  army  to  Jerusalem,  to  place  his  statues  in  the  temple, t  and  commanded  him 
 that  in  case  the  Jews  would  not  admit  of  them,  he  should  slay  those  that  opposed  it,  and  carry 
 all  the  rest  of  the  nation  into  captivity  ;  but  Cod  concerned  himself  with  these  his  commands. 
 However,  Petronius  marched  out  of  Antioch  into  Judea,  with  three  legions,  and  many  Syrian 
 auxiliaries.  Now  as  to  the  Jews,  some  of  them  could  not  believe  the  stories  that  spoke  of  a 
 war,  but  those  that  did  believe  them  were  in  the  utmost  distress  how  to  defend  themselves, 
 and  the  terror  diffused  itself  presently  through  them  all ;  for  the  array  was  already  come  to 
 Ptolemais. 
 
 2.  This  Ptolemais  is  a  maritime  city  of  Galilee,  built  in  the  great  plain.  It  is  encompassed 
 with  mountains  ;  that  on  the  oast  side,  sixty  furlongs  off,  belongs  to  Galilee  ;  but  that  on  the 
 south  belongs  to  Carmel,  which  is  distant  from  it  a  hundred  and  twenty  furlongs  ;  and  that  on 
 
 "^  *  This  use  of  tlie  corban,  or  oWation,  as  hero  applied  to  the  sacred  money  dedicated  to  God  in  the  treasury 
 of  the  temple,  illustrates  our  Saviour's  words,  Mark  vii.  11, 12. 
 
 +  Tacitus  owns  that  Caius  commanded  the  Jews  to  place  his  eiBgies  in  their  temple,  though  he  be  mistaken 
 wheu  he  adds,  thai  the  Jews  thereupon  took  arras. 
 
584 
 
 WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  T.orih  is  the  higliest  of  tliein  all,  and  is  called  by  tlie  people  of  the  country,  Tlie  Ladder  of 
 the  T3'rians,  wliich  is  at  the  distance  of  a  hundred  furlongs.  The  very  small  river  Belus*  rnns 
 by  it,  at  the  distance  of  two  furlongs  ;  near  vvhich  there  is  Meninoo's  monument,!  and  hath 
 near  it  a  place  no  larger  than  a  hundred  cubits,  which  deserves  admiration ;  for  the  place  is 
 round  and  hollow,  and  affords  such  sand  as  glass  is  made  of,  which  plnce,  when  it  hath  been 
 emptied  by  the  many  ships  there  loaded,  it  is  filled  again  by  the  winds,  which  bring  into  it,  as 
 it  were  on  purpose,  that  sand  which  lay  remote,  and  was  no  more  than  bare  common  sand, 
 while  this  mine  presently  turns  it  into  a  glassy  sand.  And  what  is  to  me  still  more  wonderful, 
 that  glassy  sand  which  is  superfluous,  and  is  once  removed  out  of  the  place,  becomes  bare  com- 
 mon sand  again.     And  this  is  the  nature  of  the  place  we  are  speaking  of. 
 
 3.  But  now  the  Jews  got  together  in  great  numbers  with  their  wives  and  children  into  tiiat 
 plaiu  that  was  by  Ptolemais,  and  made  supplication  to  Pelronius,  first  for  their  laws,  and,  in 
 the  next  place,  for  themselves.  So  he  was  prevailed  upon  by  the  multitude  of  the  supplicants, 
 and  by  their  supplications,  and  left  his  army  and  the  statues  at  Ptolemais,  and  then  went  for- 
 ward into  Galilee,  and  called  together  the  multitude,  and  all  the  men  of  note,  to  Tiberias,  and 
 shewed  them  the  power  of  the  Romans,  and  the  threatenings  of  Ceesar;  and,  besides  this, 
 proved  that  their  petition  was  unreasonable;  because  while  all  the  nations  in  subjection  to 
 ■them  had  placed  the  images  of  Caesar  in  their  several  cities,  among  the  rest  of  their  gods,  for 
 them  alone  to  oppose  it,  was  almost  like  the  behaviour  of  revolters,  and  was  iujuriuns  to 
 Csesar. 
 
 4.  And  when  they  insisted  on  their  law,  and  the  custom  of  their  country,  and  how  it  was 
 not  only  not  permitted  (hem  to  make  either  an  image  of  God,  or  indeed  of  a  man,  and  to  pnt  it 
 in  any  despicable  part  cf  their  country,  mnch  less  in  the  temple  itself;  Petronins  replied, 
 "  And  am  not  I  also,"  said  he,  "  bound  to  keep  the  law  of  ray  own  lord  ?  For  if  I  transgress 
 it,  and  spare  yoa,  it  is  but  just  that  I  perish  ;  while  he  that  sent  me,  and  not  I,  will  commence 
 a  war  against  yoa  ;  lor  I  ara  under  command  as  well  as  you."  Hereupon  the  whole  multitude 
 cried  out,  that  "  they  were  ready  to  suffer  for  their  law."  Petronius  then  quitted  them,  and 
 said  to  them,  "  Will  you  then  make  war  against  Caesar?"  The  Jews  said,  "We  offer  sacri- 
 lices  twice  every  day  for  Caesar,  and  for  the  Roman  people  ;  but  that  if  he  would  place  the 
 images  among  them,  he  must  first  sacrifice  the  whole  Jewish  nation  ;  and  that  they  were  ready 
 to  expose  themselves,  together  with  their  children  and  wives,  to  be  slaiu."  At  this  Petronii.s 
 was  astonished,  and  pitied  them  on  account  of  the  inexpressible  sense  of  religion  the  men  were 
 under,  and  that  courage  of  theirs  which  made  them  ready  to  die  for  it ;  so  they  were  dis- 
 missed without  success, 
 
 5.  But  on  the  following  days  he  got  together  the  men  of  power  privately,  and  '.'me  multitude 
 publicly,  and  sometimes  lie  used  persuasions  to  them,  and  sometimes  he  gave  them  his  advice ; 
 but  he  cliiefly  made  use  of  threatening  to  them,  and  insisted  upon  the  power  of  the  Romans, 
 and  the  anger  of  Cains  ;  and  besides,  upon  the  necessity  he  was  himself  under  [to  do  as  he 
 was  enjoined.]  But  as  they  could  be  no  way  prevailed  upon,  and  he  saw  that  the  country  was 
 in  danger  of  lying  without  tillage ;  for  it  was  about  seed-time  that  the  multitude  continned  for 
 fifty  days  together  idle  ;  so  he  at  last  got  them  together,  and  told  them,  that  "  it  was  best  for 
 him  to  run  some  hazard  himself;  for  either,  by  the  divine  assistance,  I  shall  prevail  with 
 Caesar,  and  shall  myself  escape  the  danger  as  well  as  you,  which  will  be  matter  of  joy  to  us 
 both  ;  or,  in  case  Cjesar  continue  in  his  rage,  I  will  be  ready  to  expose  ray  own  life  for  such 
 a  gresit  number  as  you  are."  Whereupon  he  dismissed  the  multitude,  who  prayed  greatly  for 
 his  prosperity  ;  and  he  took  the  army  out  of  Ptolemais,  and  returned  to  Antioch ;  from  whence 
 be  presently  sent  an  epistle  to  Cassar,  and  informed  him  of  the  irruption  he  had  made  into 
 Judea,  and  of  the  supplications  of  the  nation  ;  and  that  unless  he  had  a  mind  to  lose  both  the 
 country,  and  the  men  in  it,  he  must  permit  them  to  keep  their  law,  and  must  countermand  his 
 former  injunction.  Caius  answered  that  epistle  in  a  violent  way,  and  threatened  to  have 
 Petronius  put  to  death  for  his  being  so  tardy  in  the  execution  of  what  he  had  commanded. 
 But  it  happened  that  those  who  brought  Cains'  epistle  were  tossed  by  a  storm,  and  were 
 detained  on  the  sea  for  three  months,  while  others  that  brought  the  news  of  Caius'  death  had 
 a  good  voyage.  Accordingly,  Petronius  received  the  epistle  concerning  Caius  seven  and 
 twenty  days  before  he  received  that  which  was  against  himself. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Concerning  the  Government  of  Claudius  and  the  Reign  of  Agrippa,     Concerning  the  Deaths 
 of  Agrippa,  and  of  Herod,  and  ivhat  Children  they  both  left  behind  them. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Caius  had  reigned  three  years  and  eight  months,  and  had  been  slain  by 
 treachery;  Claudius  was  hurried  away  by  the  armies  that  were  at  Rome  to  take  the  govern- 
 ment upon  him  :  but  the  senate,   upon  the  reference  of  the  consuls,  Sentius  Saturninns,  and 
 
 t  Tliis  account  of  a  place  near  the  month  of  the  river  Belus  in  Phoenicia,  where  came  that  sand  out  of  which 
 the  ancients  made  their  glass,  is  a  thing  known  in  history,  particularly  in  Tacitus  and  Strabo,  and  more 
 largely  in  Pliny. 
 
 +  'this  Memrion  had  several  monuments,  and  one  of  them  appears,  both  by  Strabo  and  Diodorus,  to  have 
 tjeeu  lu  Syria,  and  not  improbably  in  this  very  place. 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.    XI.  5b5 
 
 Poinponias  Secundus,  gave  orders  to  tlie  three  regiments  of  soldiers  tbat  sta3ed  wiili  liieui  lo 
 keep  the  citj'  quiet,  and  went  up  into  tlie  capitol  in  great  numbers,  and  resolved  to  oppose 
 Claudius  by  force,  on  account  of  tlie  barbarous  treatment  thej  bad  met  with  from  Caius  ;  and 
 tUey  determined  eitber  to  settle  the  nation  under  an  aristocracy,  as  tbey  bad  of  old  been 
 governed,  or  at  least  to  cboose  by  vote  sucb  a  one  for  emperor  as  might  be  worthy  of  it. 
 
 2.  Now  it  happened  that  at  this  time  Agrippa  sojourned  at  Rome,  and  that  both  the  senate 
 called  him  to  consult  with  them,  and  at  the  same  time  Claudius  sent  for  him  out  of  the  camp, 
 that  he  might  be  serviceable  to  him,  as  be  should  have  occasion  for  his  service.  So  he,  per- 
 ceiving that  Claudius  was  in  efTect  made  Caesar  already,  went  to  him,  who  sent  him  as  an  am- 
 bassador to  the  senate,  to  let  them  know  what  his  intentions  were  :  That  "  in  the  first  place, 
 it  was  without  his  seeking,  that  he  was  hurried  away  by  the  soldiers  ;  moreover,  that  he 
 thought  it  was  not  just  to  desert  those  soldiers  in  such  their  zeal  for  him,  and  that  if  he  should 
 do  so,  his  own  fortune  would  be  in  uncertainty  ;  for  that  it  was  a  dangerous  case  to  have  been 
 once  called  to  the  empire.  He  added  farther,  that  he  would  administer  the  government  as  a 
 good  prince,  and  not  like  a  tyrant;  for  that  he  would  be  satisfied  with  the  honour  of  being 
 called  emperor,  but  would,  in  every  one  of  his  actions,  permit  them  all  to  give  him  their 
 advice  ;  for  that  although  he  had  not  been  by  nature  for  moderation,  yet  would  the  death  of 
 Caius  afford  him  a  sufficient  demonstration  how  soberly  he  ought  to  act  in  tbat  station." 
 
 3.  This  message  was  delivered  by  Agrippa  ;  to  which  the  senate  replied,  That  "  since  they 
 had  an  army,  and  the  wisest  consuls  on  tlieir  side,  tliey  would  not  endure  a  voluntary  slavery." 
 When  Claudius  heard  what  answer  the  senate  had  made,  he  sent  Agrippa  to  them  again, 
 with  the  following  message.  That  ''  he  could  not  bear  the  tbonglits  of  betraying  them  that  had 
 given  their  oaths  to  be  true  to  him  ;  and  that  he  saw  he  must  fight,  though  unwillingly,  against 
 sucb  as  he  had  no  mind  to  fight  ;  that  however,  [if  it  must  come  to  that,]  it  was  proper  to 
 choose  a  place  without  the  city  for  the  war  ;  because  it  was  not  agreeable  to  piety  to  pollute 
 the  temples  of  their  own  city  with  the  blood  of  their  own  countrymen,  and  this  only  on  occa- 
 sion of  their  imprudent  conduct,'  And  when  Agrippa  had  heard  this  message,  he  delivered 
 it  to  the  senators. 
 
 4.  In  the  mean  time,  one  of  the  soldiers  belonging  to  the  senate  drew  his  sword,  and  cried 
 oat,  "  O  my  fellow-soldiers,  what  is  the  meaning  of  this  choice  of  ours,  to  kill  onr  brethren, 
 and  to  use  violence  to  our  kindred  that  are  with  Claudius  ?  while  we  may  have  him  for  onr 
 emperor  whom  no  one  can  blame,  and  who  hath  so  many  just  reasons  [to  lay  claim  to  the 
 government ;]  and  this  with  regard  to  thos^e  against  whom  we  are  going  to  fight."  When  he 
 had  said  this,  he  marched  through  the  whole  senate,  and  carried  all  the  soldiers  along  with 
 him.  Upon  which  all  the  patricians  were  immediately  at  a  great  fright  at  being  thus  deserted. 
 But  still,  because  there  appeared  no  other  way  whither  they  could  lorn  themselves  for  deliver- 
 ance, they  made  haste  the  same  way  with  the  soldiers,  and  went  to  Claudius.  But  those  that 
 had  the  greatest  luck  in  flattering  the  good  fortune  of  Claudius  betimes,  met  them  before  the 
 walls  with  their  naked  swords,  and  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  those  that  came  first  might 
 liave  been  in  danger,  before  Claudius  could  know  what  violence  the  soldiers  were  going  to 
 offer  them,  had  not  Agrippa  ran  before,  and  told  him  what  a  dangerous  thing  they  were  going 
 about,  and  that  unless  he  restrained  the  violence  of  these  men,  who  were  in  a  fit  of  madness 
 against  the  patricians,  he  would  lose  those  on  whose  account  it  was  most  desirable  to  rule, 
 and  would  be  emperor  over  a  desert, 
 
 5.  When  Claudius  heard  this,  he  restrained  the  violence  of  the  soldiery,  and  received  the 
 senate  into  the  camp,  and  treated  them  after  an  obliging  manner,  and  went  out  with  them 
 presently  to  offer  their  thauk-offerings  to  God,  which  were  proper  upon  his  first  coming  to  the 
 empire.  Moreover,  he  bestowed  on  Agrippa  his  whole  paternal  kingdom  immediately,  and 
 added  to  it,  besides  those  countries  that  had  been  given  by  Augustus  to  Herod,  Trachonitis 
 and  Auranitis,  and  still  besides  these,  that  kingdom  which  was  called  the  kingdom  of  Lijsatiias. 
 This  gift  he  declared  to  the  people  by  a  decree,  but  ordered  the  magistrates  to  have  the  do- 
 nation engraved  on  tables  of  brass,  and  to  be  set  up  in  the  capitol.  He  bestowed  on  bis  bro- 
 ther Herod,  who  was  also  his  son-in-law,  by  marrying  [bis  daughter]  Bernice,  the  kingdom 
 of  Chalcis. 
 
 6.  So  now  riches  flowed  in  to  Agrippa  by  his  enjoyment  of  so  large  a  dominion,  nor  did  he 
 abase  the  money  he  had  on  small  matters,  hut  he  began  to  encompass  Jerusalem  n  ith  such  a 
 wall,  which,  had  it  been  brought  to  perfection,  had  made  it  impracticable  for  the  Koinans  to 
 take  it  by  siege  ;  but  his  dealli,  which  hap]>ened  at  Cesarea,  before  he  had  raised  the  walls  to 
 their  due  height,  prevented  him.  He  had  then  reigned  three  years,  as  he  had  governed  his 
 tetrarcliies  tiiree  other  years.  He  left  behind  him  three  daughters,  born  to  him  by  Cypros, 
 viz.  Bernice,  Mariamne,  and  Drusilla,  and  a  son  born  of  the  same  mother,  whose  name  was 
 Agrippa:  he  was  left  a  very  young  child,  so  that  Claudius  made  the  country  a  Roman  pro- 
 vince, and  sent  Cuspius  Fadus  to  he  its  procurator,  and  after  him  Tiberius  Alexander,  who, 
 milking  no  alterations  of  the  ancient  laws,  kept  the  nation  in  tranquillity.  Now  alter  this, 
 Herod  liie  king  of  Chalris  died,  and  left  behind  him  two  sons  horn  to  him  of  his  brother's 
 daughter  Bernice  ;  their  names  were  Beriiicianits  and  Hyrcanus.  [He  also  left  behind  him] 
 Aristobulus,  whom  he.  had  by  his  former  wife,  Mariamue.     There  was  besides  another  brother 
 
 4  E 
 
'cSa  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 of  liis  tliat  died  a  private  person  ;  liis  name  was  also  Aristobulas,  who  left  behind  hitn  a 
 daughter,  whose  name  was  Jotape :  and  these,  as  I  have  formerly  said,  were  the  children  of 
 Aristohulus  the  son  of  Herod,  which  Aristobulus  and  Alexander  were  born  to  Herod,  by 
 Mariamne,  and  were  slain  by  him.     But  as  for  Alexander's  posterity,  they  reigned  in  Armenia. 
 
 CHAP.  XII. 
 
 Many  Tumults  under  Cumamis,  which  were  composed  by  juadratus,     Felix  is  Procurator  ofi 
 Judea.     Agrippa  is  advanced  from  Chalcis  to  a  greater  Kingdom, 
 
 $  1.  Now  after  the  death  of  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  Claudius  set  Agrippa,  the  son  of  Agrippa, 
 over  his  uncle's  kingdom,  while  Cumanus  took  upon  him  the  office  of  procurator  of  the  rest, 
 which  was  a  Roman  province,  and  therein  he  succeeded  Alexander,  under  which  Cumaiuis 
 began  the  troubles,  and  the  Jews' ruin  came  on;  for  when  the  multitude  were  come  together 
 to  Jerusalem,  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  and  a  Roman  cohort  stood  over  the  cloisters 
 of  the  temple,  (for  they  always  were  armed  and  kept  guard  at  the  festivals,  to  prevent  any 
 innovation,  which  the  multitude  thus  gathered  together  might  make,)  one  of  the  soldiers  pulled 
 back  his  garment,  and,  cov/ering  down  after  an  indecent  manner,  turned  his  breech  to  the  Jews, 
 and  spoke  such  words  as  you  might  expect  upon  such  a  posture.  At  this  the  whole  multitude 
 l)ad  indignation,  and  made  a  clamour  to  Cumanus,  that  he  would  punish  the  soldier  ;  while 
 the  rasher  part  of  the  youth,  and  such  as  were  naturally  the  most  tumultuous,  fell  to  fighting, 
 and  caught  up  stones,  and  threw  them  at  the  soldiers.  Upon  which  Camanus  was  afraid  lest 
 all  the  people  should  make  an  assault  upon  him,  and  sent  to  call  for  more  armed  men,  who, 
 when  they  came  in  great  numbers  into  the  cloisters,  the  Jews  were  in  a  very  great  consterna- 
 tion, and  being  beaten  out  of  the  temple,  they  ran  into  the  city,  and  the  violence  with  which 
 they  crowded  to  get  out  was  so  great,  that  they  trod  upon  each  other,  and  squeezed  one 
 another,  till  ten  thousand  of  them  were  killed,  insomuch  that  this  feast  became  tlae  cause  of 
 mourning  to  the  whole  nation,  and  every  family  lamented  [their  own  relations.] 
 
 2.  Now  there  followed  after  this  another  calamity,  which  arose  from  a  tumult  made  by 
 robbers  ;  for  at  the  public  road  of  Beth-horon,  one  Stephen,  a  servant  of  Csesar,  carried  some 
 furniture,  which  the  robbers  fell  upon,  and  seized  ;  upon  this  Cumanus  sent  men  to  go  round 
 about  to  the  neighbouring  villages,  and  to  bring  their  inhabitants  tn  him  bound,  as  laying  it  lo 
 their  charge  that  they  had  not  pursued  after  the  thieves,  and  caught  them.  Now  here  it  was 
 that  a  certain  soldier,  finding  the  sacred  book  of  the  law,  tore  it  to  pieces,  and  threw  it  into 
 the  fire.*  Hereupon  the  Jews  were  in  great  disorder,  as  if  their  whole  country  were  in  a 
 flame,  and  assembled  themselves  so  many  of  them  by  their  zeal  for  their  religion,  as  by  an 
 engine,  and  ran  together  with  united  clamour  to  Cesarea,  to  Cumanus,  and  made  supplication 
 to  liim,  that  he  would  not  overlook  this  man,  who  had  oflTered  such  an  affront  to  God,  and  to 
 his  law,  but  punish  him  for  what  he  had  done.  Accordingly,  he,  perceiving  that  the  multi' 
 tude  would  not  be  quiet  unless  they  had  a  comfortable  answer  from  \um,  gave  order  that  the 
 soldier  should  he  brought,  and  drawn  through  those  that  required  to  have  him  punished  to  exe- 
 cution ;   which  being  done,  the  Jews  went  their  ways. 
 
 3.  After  this  there  happened  a  fight  between  the  Galileans  and  the  Samaritans  ;  it  happened 
 at  a  village  called  Geman,  which  is  situate  in  the  great  plain  of  Samaria,  where,  as  a  great 
 number  of  Jews  were  going  up  to  Jerusalem  to  the  feast  [of  tabernacles,]  a  certain  Galileati 
 was  slain  ;  and  besides  a  vast  number  of  people  ran  together  out  of  Galilee,  in  order  to  fight 
 with  the  Samaritans  ;  but  the  principle  men  among  them  came  to  Cumanus,  and  besought  him, 
 that  before  the  evil  became  incurable,  he  would  come  into  Galilee,  and  bring  the  authors  of 
 this  murder  to  punishment,  for  that  there  was  no  other  way  to  make  the  multitude  separate 
 without  coming  to  blows.  However,  Cumanus  postponed  their  supplications  to  the  other 
 affairs  he  was  then  about,  and  sent  the  petitioners  away  without  success. 
 
 4.  But  when  the  affair  of  this  murder  came  to  be  told  at  Jerusalem,  it  put  the  multitude 
 into  disorder,  and  they  left  the  feast,  and,  without  any  generals  to  conduct  them,  they  marched 
 with  great  violence  to  Samaria ;  nor  would  they  be  ruled  by  any  of  the  magistrates  that  were 
 set  over  them,  but  they  were  managed  by  one  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dineus,  and  by  Alexander, 
 in  these  their  thievish  and  seditious  attempts.  These  men  fell  upon  those  that  were  in  the 
 neiglihoarhood  of  the  Acrabatene  toparchy,  and  slew  them,  without  sparing  any  age,  and  set 
 the  villages  on  fire. 
 
 5.  But  Cumanus  took  one  troop  of  horsemen,  called  the  troop  of  Sebaste,  out  of  Cesarea,. 
 and  came  to  the  assistance  of  those  that  were  spoiled  ;  he  also  seized  upon  a  great  number  of 
 those  that  followed  Eleazar,  and  slew  more  of  them.  And  as  for  the  rest  of  the  multitude  of 
 tliose  that  went  so  zealously  to  fight  with  the  Samaritans,  the  rulers  of  Jerusalem  ran  out 
 clothed  with  sackcloth,  and  having  ashe«  on  their  heads,  and  begged  of  them  to  go  their  ways, 
 lest  by  their  attempt  to  revenge  themselves  upon  the  Samaritans,  they  should  provoke  the 
 Romans  to  come  against  .Jerusalem  ;  to  have  compassion  upon  their  country  and  temple,  their 
 children  and  their  wives,  and  not  bring  the  utmost  dangers  of  destruction  upon  them,  in  order 
 
 *  Reland  notes  here,  that  the  Talmud,  in  recounting  ten  sad  accidents  for  which  the  Jews  ought  to  rend 
 their  garments,  reckons  tliis  for  one,  "  Wlien  they  hear  that  the  law  of  God  is  burnt." 
 
BOOK    il.  —  OHM'.    XIII.  587 
 
 to  avenge  themselves  upon  one  Galile.in  oiilv.  The  Jews  complied  with  these  persjiasinns  of 
 tlicirs,  and  dispersed  thrmselves  :  but  still  there  were  a  great  number  who  betook  themselves 
 to  robbing,  in  lio[ies  of  impunity,  and  rapines  and  insiirreclinus  of  the  bolder  sort  hitppened 
 over  the  whole  country  ;  and  the  men  of  power  among  the  Samaritans  came  to  Tyre,  to 
 Ummidius  Quadratus,*  the  president  of  Syrifi,  and  desired  that  they  that  had  laid  waste  the 
 country  might  be  punished  :  the  great  men  also  of  the  Jews,  and  Jonatlian  son  of  Ananus,  the 
 high  priest,  came  thither,  and  said,  that  tlie  Samaritans  were  the  beginners  of  the  disturbance, 
 on  account  of  that  murder  they  had  committed,  and  that  Cumanus  had  given  occasion  to  what 
 had  happened,  by  his  unwillingness  to  punish  tlie  original  authors  of  that  murder. 
 
 6.  But  Quadratus  put  both  parties  oil'  for  that  time,  and  told  them,  tiiat  when  he  should 
 come  to  those  places,  he  would  make  a  diligeut  inquiry  after  every  circumstance.  After  which 
 be  went  to  Cesarea,  and  crucified  all  those  whom  Cumanus  had  taken  alive  ;  and  when  from 
 thence  he  was  come  to  the  city  Lydda,  he  heard  the  afl'air  of  the  Samaritans,  and  sent  for 
 eighteen  of  the  Jews  whom  he  had  learned  to  have  been  concerned  in  that  fight,  and  beheaded 
 tiieni ;  but  he  sent  two  others  of  those  that  were  of  the  greatest  power  among  them,  and  both 
 Jonatlian  and  Ananias,  the  high  priests,  as  also  Ananus  the  son  of  this  Ananias,  and  certain 
 others  that  were  eminent  among  the  Jews,  to  Caesar:  as  he  did  in  like  manner  by  the  most 
 illustrious  of  the  Samaritans.  He  also  ordered  that  Cumanus  [the  procurator]  and  Celer  the 
 tribune  should  sail  to  Rome,  in  order  to  give  an  account  of  what  had  been  none  to  Caesar. 
 When  he  had  finished  these  matiers,  he  went  up  from  L>dda  to  Jerusalem,  and  finding 
 the  multitude  celebrating  their  feast  of  anleaveued  bread  without  any  tumult,  he  returned 
 to  Antioch. 
 
 7.  Now  when  Caesar  at  Rome  had  heard  what  Cumanus  and  the  Samaritans  had  to  say, 
 (where  it  was  done  in  the  hearing  of  Agrippa,  who  zealously  espoused  the  cause  of  tlie  Jews, 
 as,  in  like  manner,  many  of  the  great  men  stood  by  Cumanus,)  he  condemned  the  Samaritans, 
 and  commanded  that  three  of  the  most  powerful  men  among  tliem  should  be  put  to  death  :  he 
 banished  Cumanus,  and  sent  Celer  bound  to  Jerusalem,  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  Jews  to 
 be  tormented  ;  that  he  should  be  drawn  round  the  city,  and  then  beheaded. 
 
 8.  After  this  Caesar  sent  Felix, t  the  brother  of  Pallas  to  be  procurator  of  Galilee,  aid  Sama- 
 ria, and  Perea,  and  removed  Agrippa  from  Chalcis  unto  a  greater  kingdom  ;  for  he  gave  him 
 the  tetrarchy  which  had  belonged  to  Philip,  which  contained  Batanea,  Trachonitis,  and  Gaul- 
 anitis  :  he  added  to  it  the  kingdom  of  Lysanias,  and  that  province  [Abilene]  which  Varus  had 
 governed.  But  Claudius  himself,  when  he  had  administered  the  government  thirteen  years 
 eight  months  and  twenty  days,  died,  and  left  Nero  to  be  bis  successor  in  the  empire,  whom  be 
 had  adopted  by  his  wife  Agrippioa's  delusions,  in  order  to  be  his  successor,  although  he  lud  a 
 son  of  his  own,  whose  name  was  Britannicus,  by  Messalina  his  former  wife,  and  a  daughter 
 whose  name  was  Octavia,  whom  he  had  married  to  Nero  ;  he  had  also  another  daughter  by 
 Petina   whose  name  was  Antonia. 
 
 CHAP.  xin. 
 
 Nero  adds  four  Cities  to  Agrippa^s  Kingdom;  but  the  other  Parts  nj  Judeatcere  under  Felix 
 The  Disturbances  which  were  raised  by  the  Sicarii,  the  Magicians,  and  an  Etjyplian  false 
 Prophet.  The  Jews  and  Syrians  have  a  Content  at  Cesarea. 
 §  1.  Now  as  to  the  many  things  in  which  Nero  acted  like  a  madman,  out  of  the  extravagant 
 degree  of  the  felicity  and  riches  which  lie  enjoyed,  and  by  that  means  used  his  good  fortune 
 to  the  injury  of  others  ;  and  after  what  manner  he  slew  his  brother,  and  wife,  and  mother, 
 from  whom  his  barbarity  spread  itself  to  others  that  were  most  nearly  related  to  him  ;  and 
 how,  at  last,  he  was  so  distracted  that  he  became  an  actor  in  the  scenes,  and  upon  the  theatre, 
 I  omit  to  say  any  more  about  them,  because  there  are  writers  enough  upon  those  subjects 
 every  where;  but  I  shall  turn  myself  to  those  actions  of  his  time  in  which  the  Jews  were 
 concerned. 
 
 *  This  Ummidius,  or  'Nurnidius,  or,  as  Tacitus  calls  liim,  Vinldius  Quadratus.  Is  mentioned  in  an  ancient 
 inscriptiou  still  preserved,  as  iiiianheim  here  informs  us,  which  calls  him  Ummulius  Qiiudvaitis. 
 
 t  Take  the  charactfr  of  ihis  Felix,  (who  is  well  known  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, particularly  from  his 
 trembling  when  St,  Paul  discoursed  of  "  righteousnesa,  chastity,  and  judirment  to  come, "  Acts.  xxiv.  C5. 
 and  no  wonder,  when  we  have  elsewhere  seen,  that  he  lived  in  adultery  with  r)rusilla,  another  man's  wife. 
 (Anliq.  b.  xx.  chap.  vii.  i  \.)  in  the  words  of  I'aeitus,  produced  here  by  Uean  Aldrich  ;  "  telix  exercised,'' 
 says  'lacitus,  "the  authority  of  a  Viub',  »'iih  the  disposition  of  a  slave,  aiul,  relying  n])ou  the  b'rcat  i)ower  of 
 his  brother  Pallas  at  court,  thought  ho  might  satVly  l;u  guilty  of  all  kinds  of  wicked  pranioes."  Observe  also 
 the  time  when  he  was  made  procurator,  A.  I>.  52:  that  wheu  St.  Paul  pleaded  his  cau.se  before  hiui,  A.  1).  58. 
 he  might  have  been  "many  years  a  judge  niito  that  nation  ;"  as  St.  Paul  says  he  had  been.  .Acts  xxiv.  11). 
 But  UB  to  what  Tacitus  here  says,  thai  before  the  death  of  t'umanus,  Felix  was  procurator  over  Samaria 
 only,  it  does  not  well  agree  with  St.  Paul's  words,  who  would  hardly  have  called  Suuiaria  a  .lewish  nation. 
 In  short,  since  what  Tacitus  here  says,  is  about  countries  very  remote  from  Rome,  where  he  lived;  since 
 what  ho  says  of  two  Homan  procurators,  the  one  over  Galilee,  the  other  over  Samaria,  at  the  same  time,  ;s 
 without  all  example  dsewheri^ ;  and  since  Joscphus,  who  lived  at  that  very  time  in  .ludea,  appears  to  have 
 known  nothing  ot  ihis  procuratorship  of  I'idix,  before  the  death  of  (unianiis,  1  much  suspect  the  story 
 Itself  as  nolhing  better  lliau  a  mistake  of  Taritiis,  especially  when  it  seems  not  only  omitted,  but  ooniradictttl 
 ny  ,lose|)hus,  ns  any  one  may  tind  who  compares  their  histories  together.  Possibly  t'eli.x  miyht  have  been 
 a  subordinate  judge  among  the  .lews  some  time  before  under  Cumanus ;  but  that  he  was  iM  earnest  a  pro- 
 curator of  Samaria  before,  I  do  not  believe,  ilishop  Pearson,  as  well  as  bishop  Lloyd.  <iuoie  this  account, 
 but  with  a  doubtful  clause'  ii  fides  'J'eciti',  If  we  may  believe  Tacitus.  Pears.  Aunal.  PauUn,  p.  S.  Mar 
 Bhal's  J'ables,  at  A.  l.>.  49. 
 
588  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 2.  Nero,  therefoie,  bestowed  the  kingdom  of  the  Lesser  Armenia  upon  Aristobulus,*  Herod* 
 son,  and  he  added  to  Agrippa's  kingdom  four  cities,  with  the  loparchies  to  them  belonging  : 
 I  mean  Abila,  and  that  Julius  which  is  in  Perea,  Tarichea  also,  and  Tiberias  of  Galilee  ;  but 
 over  the  rest  of  Judea  he  made  Felix  procurator.  This  Felix  took  Eleazar  the  arch  robber, 
 and  many  that  were  with  him,  alive,  when  they  had  ravaged  the  country  for  twenty  years 
 together,  and  sent  them  to  Rome ;  but  as  to  the  number  of  the  robbers  he  caused  to  be  cruci- 
 fied, and  of  those  who  were  caught  among  them,  and  whom  he  brought  to  punishment,  they 
 were  a  multitude  not  to  be  enumerated. 
 
 3.  When  the  country  was  purged  of  these,  there  sprang  up  another  sort  of  robbers  in  Jeru- 
 salem, who  were  called  Sicani<  who  slew  men  in  the  day-time,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  city ; 
 this  they  did  chiefly  at  the  festivals,  when  they  mingled  themselves  among  the  multitude,  and 
 concealed  daggers  under  their  garments,  with  which  they  slabbed  those  that  were  their  ene- 
 mies ;  and  when  any  fell  down  dead,  the  murderers  became  a  part  of  those  that  had  indigna- 
 tion against  them,  by  which  means  they  appeared  persons  of  such  reputation  that  they  could 
 by  no  means  be  discovered.  The  first  man  who  was  slain  by  them  was  Jonathan  the  high 
 priest,  after  whose  death  many  were  slain  every  day,  while  the  fear  men  were  in  of  being  so 
 served  was  more  afflicting  than  the  calamity  itself;  and  while  everybody  expected  death  every 
 hour,  as  men  do  in  war,  so  men  were  obliged  to  look  before  them,  and  to  take  notice  of  their 
 enemies  at  a  great  distance ;  nor,  if  their  friends  were  coming  to  them,  durst  they  trust  them 
 any  longer  ;  but,  in  the  midst  of  their  suspicions  and  guarding  of  themselves,  they  were  slain. 
 Such  was  the  celerity  of  the  plotters  against  them,  and  so  cunning  was  their  contrivance, 
 
 4.  There  was  also  another  body  of  wicked  men  gotten  together,  not  so  impure  in  their 
 actions,  but  more  wicked  in  their  intentions,  who  laid  waste  the  happy  state  of  tlie  city  no  less 
 than  did  these  murderers.  These  were  such  men  as  deceived  and  deluded  the  people  under 
 pretence  of  divine  inspiration,  but  were  for  procuring  innovations  and  changes  of  the  govern- 
 ment ;  and  these  prevailed  with  the  multitude  to  act  like  madmen,  and  went  before  them  into 
 the  wilderness,  as  pretending  that  God  would  there  shew  them  the  signals  of  liberty.  But 
 Felix  thought  this  procedure  was  to  be  the  beginning  of  a  revolt ;  so  he  sent  some  horsemen 
 and  footmen  both  armed,  who  destoyed  a  great  number  of  them. 
 
 5.  But  there  was  an  Egyptian  false  prophet,  that  did  the  Jews  more  mischief  than  the  for- 
 mer; for  lie  was  a  cheat,  and  pretended  to  be  a  prophet  also,  and  got  together  thirty  thousand 
 men  that  were  deluded  by  him ;  these  he  led  round  about  from  the  wilderness  to  the  mount 
 which  was  called  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  was  ready  to  break  into  Jerusalem  by  force  from 
 that  place;  and  if  he  could  but  once  conquer  the  Roman  garrison  and  the  people,  he  intended 
 to  domineer  over  them  by  the  assistance  of  those  guards  of  his  that  were  to  break  into  the 
 city  with  him.  But  Felix  prevented  his  attempt,  and  met  him  with  his  Roman  soldiers,  while 
 all  the  people  assisted  him  in  his  attack  upon  them,  insomuch  that,  when  it  came  to  a  battle, 
 the  Egyptian  ran  away,  with  a  few  others,  while  the  greatest  part  of  those  tliat  were  with 
 him  were  either  destroyed  or  taken  alive:  but  the  rest  of  the  multitude  were  dispersed  every 
 one  to  their  own  homes,  and  there  concealed  themselves. 
 
 6.  Now,  when  these  were  quieted,  it  happened,  as  it  does  in  a  diseased  body,  that  another 
 part  was  subject  to  an  inflammation,  for  a  company  of  deceivers  and  robbers  got  together,  and 
 persnaded  the  Jews  to  revolt,  and  exhorted  them  to  assert  their  liberty,  inflicting  death  on 
 those  that  continned  in  obedience  to  the  Roman  government,  and  saying,  that  such  as  wiUingly 
 chose  slavery,  ought  to  be  forced  from  such  their  desired  inclinations  ;  for  they  parted  them- 
 selves into  different  bodies,  and  lay  in  wait  up  and  down  the  country,  and  plundered  the  houses 
 of  the  great  men,  and  slew  the  men  themselves,  and  set  the  villages  on  fire ;  and  this  till  all 
 Judea  was  filled  with  the  effects  of  their  madness.  And  thus  the  flame  was  every  day  more 
 and  more  blown  up,  till  it  came  to  a  direct  war. 
 
 7.  There  was  also  another  disturbance  at  Cesarea ;  those  Jews  who  were  mixed  with  the 
 Syrians  that  lived  there,  raising  a  tumult  against  them.  The  Jews  pretended  that  the  city  was 
 theirs,  and  said,  that  he  who  built  it  was  a  Jew,  meaning  king  Herod.  The  Syrians  confessed 
 also  that  its  builder  was  a  Jew,  but  they  still  said,  however,  that  the  city  was  a  Grecian  city  ; 
 for  that  he  who  set  up  statues  and  temples  in  it  could  not  design  it  for  Jews.  On  which 
 account  both  parties  had  a  contest  with  one  another;  and  this  contest  increased  so  much,  that 
 it  came  at  last  to  arms,  and  ihe  bolder  sort  of  them  marched  out  to  fight ;  for  the  elders  of 
 the  Jews  were  not  able  to  put  a  stop  to  their  own  people  that  were  disposed  to  be  tumultuous, 
 and  the  Greeks  thought  it  a  shame  for  them  to  be  overcome  by  the  Jews.  Now  these  Jews 
 exceeded  the  others  in  riches,  and  strength  of  body ;  but  the  Grecian  part  had  the  advantage 
 of  assistance  from  the  soldiery  ;  for  the  greatest  part  of  the  Roman  garrison  was  raised  out  of 
 Syria,  and  being  thus  related  to  the  Syrian  part,  they  were  ready  to  assist  it.  However,  the 
 governors  of  the  city  were  concerned  to  keep  all  quiet,  and  whenever  they  caught  those  that 
 were  most  for  fighting  on  either  side,  they  punished  them  with  stripes  and  bands.  Yet  did 
 not  the  sufferings  of  those  that  were  caught  affright  the  remainder,  or  make  them  desist ;  but 
 they  were  still  more  and  more  exasperated,  and  deep  engaged  in  the  sedition.  And  as  Felix 
 came  once  into  the  market  place,  and  commanded  the  Jews,  when  they  bad  beaten  the  Syrians, 
 
 •  i,  e.  Herod  king  of  Chalcis. 
 
BOOK  II. —  CHAP.  XIV.  589 
 
 to  go  their  ways,  and  tlireatened  them  if  tlicy  would  not  ;  and  as  tbey  would  not  obey  bim,  be 
 sent  bis  soldiers  out  upon  thera,  and  slew  a  great  many  of  Ibeni,  upon  wbicb  it  fell  out  ibat 
 what  Ibey  bad  was  plundered.  Aud  as  tbe  sedition  still  continued,  be  cbose  out  tbe  most 
 eminent  men  on  botb  sides  as  ambassadors  to  Nero,  to  argue  about  tbeir  several  privileges. 
 
 CHAP.  XIV. 
 
 Festits  succeeds  Felix,  who  is  succeeded  by  Albiiius,  as  he  is  by  Florus ;  who,  by  the  Barbarity 
 of  his  Government,  forces  the  Jews  into  the  War. 
 
 ^  1.  Now  it  was  that  Festus  succeeded  Felix,  as  procurator,  and  made  it  his  business  to 
 correct  those  that  made  disturbances  in  tbe  country.  So  he  caught  the  greatest  part  of  tbe 
 robbers,  and  destroyed  a  great  many  of  them.  But  then  Albinns,  who  succeeded  Festus,  did 
 not  execute  his  office  as  the  other  had  done;  nor  was  there  any  sort  of  wickedness  that  could 
 be  named,  but  be  had  a  band  in  it.  Accordingly,  he  did  not  only,  in  bis  political  capacity, 
 steal  aud  plunder  every  one's  substance,  nor  did  he  only  burden  the  whole  nation  with  taxes, 
 but  he  permitted  the  relations  of  such  as  were  in  prison  for  robbery,  and  had  been  laid  there, 
 either  by  the  senate  of  every  city,  or  by  the  former  procurators,  to  redeem  them  for  money  ; 
 and  nobody  remained  in  the  prisons,  as  a  malefactor,  but  he  who  gave  bim  nothing.  At  this 
 time  it  was,  that  the  enterprizes  of  tbe  seditious  at  Jerusalem  were  very  formidable:  tbe 
 principal  men  among  them  purchasing  leave  of  Albinns  to  go  on  with  tbeir  seditious  practices  ; 
 while  that  part  of  tbe  people  who  delighted  in  disturbances  joined  themselves  to  snob  as  bad 
 fellowship  with  Albinus:  and  every  one  of  those  wicked  wretches  was  encompassed  with  his 
 own  band  of  robbers,  while  himself,  like  au  arch  robber,  or  a  tyrant,  made  a  figure  among  his 
 company,  and  abused  his  authority  over  those  about  him,  in  order  to  plunder  those  that  lived 
 quietly.  Tbe  effect  of  which  was  this,  that  those  who  lost  their  goods  were  forced  to  bold 
 tbeir  peace,  when  tbey  had  reason  to  shew  great  indignation  at  what  they  bad  suffered  ;  but 
 those  who  had  escaped,  were  forced  to  flatter  him  that  deserved  to  be  punished,  out  of  the 
 fear  tbey  were  in  of  suffering  equally  with  the  others.  Upon  tbe  whole,  nobody  durst  speak 
 their  minds,  for  tyranny  was  generally  tolerated ;  and  at  this  time  were  those  seeds  sown  which 
 brought  the  city  to  destruction. 
 
 2.  And  though  such  was  the  character  of  Albinos,  yet  did  Gessius  Floras,'  who  succeeded 
 to  him,  demonstrate  him  to  have  been  a  most  excellent  person,  upon  the  comparison  ;  for  the 
 former  did  the  greatest  part  of  bis  rogueries  in  private,  and  with  a  sort  of  dissimulation ;  but 
 Gessius  did  his  unjust  actions  to  the  harm  of  the  nation  after  a  pompous  manner:  and  as 
 though  he  had  been  sent  as  an  executioner  to  punish  condemned  malefactors,  he  omitted  no 
 sort  of  rapine  or  of  vexation  ;  where  the  case  was  really  pitiable,  he  was  most  barbarous,  and 
 in  things  of  the  greatest  turpitude  he  was  most  impudent.  Nor  could  any  one  ontdo  him  in 
 disguising  the  truth,  nor  could  any  one  contiive  more  subtle  ways  of  deceit  than  he  did.  He 
 indeed  thought  it  but  a  petty  offence  to  get  money  out  of  single  persons,  so  he  spoiled  whole 
 cities,  and  ruined  entire  bodies  of  men  at  once,  and  did  almost  publicly  proclaim  it  all  tbe 
 country  over  ;  that  tliej  bad  liberty  given  them  to  turn  robbers,  upon  this  condition,  that  be 
 might  go  shares  with  them  in  the  spoils  they  got.  Accordingly,  this  his  gree<liness  of  gain 
 was  tbe  occasion  that  entire  toparcbies  were  brought  to  desolation ;  and  a  great  many  of  the 
 people  left  their  own  country,  and  fled  into  foreign  provinces. 
 
 3.  And  truly,  while  Ceslius  Gallus  was  president  of  tbe  province  of  Syria,  nobody  dnrst  do 
 so  much  as  send  an  embassage  to  him  against  Florus  ;  but  when  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem, 
 upon  the  approach  of  tbe  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  the  people  came  about  him  not  fewer  in 
 number  than  three  millions  :t  these  besought  him  to  commiserate  the  calamities  of  their  nation, 
 and  cried  out  upon  Florus  as  the  bane  of  tbeir  country.  But  as  he  was  present,  and  stood  by 
 Cestius,  he  laughed  at  their  words.  However,  Cestins,  when  he  had  quieted  tbe  multitude, 
 and  had  assured  them  that  be  wonld  take  care  that  Florus  should  hereafter  treat  them  in  a 
 more  gentle  manner,  returned  to  Antioch  :  Florus  idso  conducted  him  as  far  as  Caesarea, 
 and  deluded  him,  though  he  bad  at  that  very  time  tbe  purpose  of  shewing  his  anger  at  the 
 nation,  and  procuring  a  war  upon  them,  ))y  which  means  alone  it  was  that  he  supposed  be 
 might  conceal  his  enormities  ;  for  he  expected  that,  if  the  peace  continued,  he  should  have  the 
 Jews  for  his  accusers  before  Ca?sar  ;  but  that  if  be  could  procure  them  to  make  a  revolt, 
 he  should  divert  their  laying  lesser  crimes  to  his  charge,  by  a  misery  which  was  so  much 
 greater  ;  he  therefore  did  every  day  augment  their  calamities,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  a 
 rebellion. 
 
 •  Not  long  after  this  beginninf?  of  Florus,  the  wickedest  of  all  the  Roman  procurators  of  .ludea,  and  the 
 immediate  occasion  of  the  Jewish  war,  at  tlie  ICth  year  of  >.i'ro,  and  the  17th  of  Aiirippa.  or  A.  1).  66.  the 
 history  iu  the  twenty  hooks  of  Josephus' Autiiiuilics  ends  ;  althoutjh  .losephus  did  not  huish  tlicse  books  till 
 the  i;Uh  of  Domitian,  or  A.  T).  93.  twenty-seven  years  afterward  ;  as  he  did  not  lini.sh  their  Aj)()endix.  conta.in- 
 ing  an  account  of  his  own  life,  till  Agriiipa  was  dead,  which  happened  in  the  third  year  of  Irajan,  or  A.  D. 
 100,  as  1  have  several  times  observed  before. 
 
 +  Mere  we  may  note,  that  .'5,000,000  of  the  .lews  were  present  at  the  passover,  A.  V>.  65,  which  confirms 
 what  .losephua  elsewhere  informs  us  of,  that  at  a  passover  a  little  laltr.  they  counted  C5<'i..W0  paschal  lambs, 
 which,  at  twelve  to  each  lamb,  which  16  no  immoderate  calculatiou,  come  to  3,07a,OiJO.  See  b.  vi. 
 chap.  1.x.  J  3, 
 
590  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 4.  Now  al  this  time  it  happened,  that  the  Grecians  at  Casarea  had  been  too  hard  for  t!ie 
 Jews,  and  had  ohiained  of  Nero  the  government  of  the  city,  and  had  brought  the  judicial 
 determination  ;  at  the  same  time  began  the  war,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Nero  and 
 the  seventeentli  of  the  reign  of  Agrippa,  in  the  mouth  of  Artemisias  [Jyar.]  Now  the  occa- 
 sion of  this  war  was  by  no  means  proportionable  to  those  heavy  calamities  which  it  brought 
 upon  us.  For  the  Jews  that  dwelt  at  Ctesarea  liad  a  synagogue  near  the  place,  whose  owner 
 was  a  certain  Caesarean  Greek  ;  the  Jews  had  endeavoured  frequently  to  have  purchased  the 
 possession  of  the  place,  and  had  offered  many  times  its  value  for  its  price  ;  but  as  the  owner 
 overlooked  their  offers,  so  did  he  raise  other  buildings  upon  the  place,  in  way  of  affront  to 
 them,  and  made  working  shops  of  them,  and  left  them  but  a  narrow  passage,  and  such  as  was 
 very  troublesome  for  them  to  go  along  to  their  synagogue.  Whereupon  the  warmer  part  of 
 the  Jewish  youth  went  hastily  to  the  workmen,  and  forbade  them  to  build  there :  but  as 
 Florus  would  not  permit  them  to  use  force,  the  great  men  of  the  Jews,  with  John  the  publican, 
 being  in  the  utmost  distress  what  to  do,  persuaded  Florus,  with  the  offer  of  eight  talents,  to 
 hinder  the  work.  He  then,  being  intent  upon  nothing  but  getting  money,  promised  he  would 
 do  for  them  all  they  desired  of  him,  and  then  went  away  from  Caesarea  to  Sebaste,  and  left 
 the  sedition  to  take  its  full  course,  as  if  he  had  sold  a  license  to  the  Jews  to  fight  it  out. 
 
 5.  Now  on  the  next  day,  which  was  the  seventh  day  of  the  week,  when  the  Jews  were 
 crowding  apace  to  their  synagogue,  a  certain  man  of  Cassarea,  of  a  seditious  temper,  got  an 
 earthen  vessel,  and  set  it  with  the  bottom  upward  at  the  entrance  of  that  synagogne,  and  sacri- 
 ficed birds.*  This  thing  provoked  the  Jews  to  an  incurable  degree,  because  their  laws  were 
 affronted,  and  the  place  was  polluted.  Whereupon  the  sober  and  nioderaie  part  of  the  Jews 
 thought  it  proper  to  have  recourse  to  their  governors  again  ;  while  the  seditions  part,  and  such 
 as  were  iu  the  fervour  of  their  youth,  were  vehemently  inflamed  to  fight.  The  seditious  also 
 among  the  [Gentiles  of]  Cassarea  stood  ready  for  the  same  purpose;  (for  they  had  by  agree- 
 ment, sent  the  man  to  sacrifice  beforehand,  as  ready  to  support  him ;)  so  that  it  soon  came  to 
 blows.  Hereupon  Jacundus,  the  master  of  the  horse,  who  was  ordered  to  prevent  the  fight, 
 came  thither,  and  took  away  the  earthen  vessel,  and  endeavoured  to  put  a  stop  to  the  sedition ; 
 but  when  he  was  overcome  by  the  violence  of  the  people  of  Cassarea,  the  Jews  caught  up  their 
 books  of  the  law,  and  retired  to  Narbata,  which  was  a  place  to  them  belonging,  distant  from 
 Casarea  sixty  furlongs.  But  John,  and  twelve  of  the  principal  men  with  hira,  went  to  Florus, 
 to  Sebaste,  and  made  a  lamentable  complaint  of  tlieir  case,  and  besought  him  to  help  them  ; 
 and  with  all  possible  decency  put  him  in  mind  of  the  eight  talents  they  h;'.d  given  him  :  but  he 
 had  the  men  seized  upon,  and  pat  in  prison,  and  accuaed  them  for  carrying  the  books  of  the 
 law  out  of  Cassarea. 
 
 6.  Moreover,  as  to  the  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  although  they  took  this  matter  very  ill,  yet 
 did  they  restrain  their  passion  ;  but  Florus  acted  herein  as  if  he  had  been  hired,  and  blew  up 
 the  war  into  a  flame,  and  sent  some  to  take  seventeen  talents  out  of  the  sacred  treasure,  and 
 pretended  that  Ctesar  wanted  them.  At  this  the  people  were  in  confusion  immediately,  and 
 ran  together  to  the  temple,  with  prodigious  clamours,  and  called  upon  Cassar  by  name,  and 
 besought  him  to  free  them  from  the  tyranny  of  Florus.  Some  also  of  the  seditious  cried  ont 
 upon  Florus,  and  cast  the  greatest  reproaches  upon  him,  and  carried  a  basket  about  and  begged 
 some  spills  of  money  for  him,  as  for  one  that  was  destitute  of  possessions,  and  in  a  miserable 
 condition.  Yet  was  not  he  made  ashamed  hereby  of  his  love  of  money,  but  was  more  enraged, 
 and  provoked  to  get  still  more  ;  and  instead  of  coming  to  Csesarea,  as  he  ought  to  have  done, 
 and  quenching  the  flame  of  war  which  was  beginning  thence,  and  so  taking  away  the  occasion 
 of  any  disturbances,  on  which  account  it  was  that  he  had  received  a  reward  [of  eight  talents,] 
 he  marched  hastily  with  an  army  of  horsemen  and  footmen  against  Jerusalem,  that  he  might 
 gain  his  will  by  the  arras  of  the  Romans,  and  might  by  his  terror,  and  by  his  threateniugs, 
 bring  the  city  into  subjection. 
 
 7.  But  the  people  were  desirous  of  making  Florus  ashamed  of  his  attempt,  and  met  his 
 soldiers  with  acclamations,  and  put  themselves  in  order  to  receive  him  very  submissively.  But 
 he  sent  Capito,  a  centurion,  beforehand,  with  fifty  soldiers,  to  bid  them  go  back,  and  not  now 
 make  a  show  of  receiving  him  in  an  obliging  manner,  whom  they  had  so  foully  reproached 
 before;  and  said,  that  it  was  incumbent  on  them,  in  case  they  had  generous  souls,  and  were 
 free  speakers,  to  jest  upon  him  to  his  face,  and  appear  to  be  lovers  of  liberty,  not  only  in 
 words,  but  with  their  weapons  also.  With  this  messagn  was  the  multitu'^e  amazed,  and  upon 
 the  coming  of  Capito's  horsemen  into  the  midst  of  them,  they  were  dispersed  before  they 
 could  salute  Florus,  or  manifest  their  submissive  behaviour  to  hitn.  Accordingly,  they  retired 
 to  their  own  houses,  and  spent  that  night  in  fear  and  confusion  of  face. 
 
 8.  Now  at  this  time  Florus  took  up  his  quarters  at  the  palace;  and  on  the  next  day  he  had 
 his  tribunal  set  before  it,  and  sat  upon  it,  when  the  high  priests,  and  the  men  of  power,  and 
 those  of  the  greatest  eminence  in  the  city,   came  all  before  that  tribunal  ;  upon  which  Florus 
 
 •  Take  here  Dr.  Hudson's  very  pertinent  note.  "  By  this  action,"  says  he,  "  the  killing  of  a  bird  over  an 
 earthen  vessel,  the  Jews  were  exposed  as  a  leprous  people  ;  (for  that  was  to  be  done  by  the  law  in  the  cleansing 
 of  a  leper,  Levit.  chap.xiv.)  It  is  also  known  that  the  (Jentiles  reproached  the  Jews  as  subject  to  the  lepr  hy, 
 and  believed  that  they  were  driven  out  of  Egypt  oa  that  account.  This,  that  eminent  person,  Mr.  Keland, 
 sut'gested  to  me." 
 
BOOK    II. —  CHAP.  XV.  591 
 
 commanded  lliein  to  deliver  up  to  liim  tliosc  tliat  had  rpproached  liiiii,  and  told  them  that  tliey 
 should  tiieinselves  partake  of  the  vfiii^eaiice  to  them  belonging,  if  they  did  not  produce  the 
 criminals;  but  these  demonstrated  that  the  people  were  peaceably  disposed,  and  they  begged 
 forgiveness  for  those  that  had  spoken  amiss  ;  for  that  it  was  no  wonder  at  all  that  in  so  great  a 
 multitude  there  should  be  some  more  daring  than  they  ought  to  be,  and  by  reason  of  their 
 younger  age  foolisli  al^'0  ;  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  those  that  offended  from 
 the  rest,  while  every  one  was  sorry  for  what  he  had  done,  and  denied  it  out  of  fear  of  what 
 would  follow  ;  that  he  ought,  however,  to  provide  for  the  peace  of  the  nation,  and  to  take 
 snch  counsels  as  might  preserve  the  city  tor  the  Romans,  and  rather  for  the  sake  of  a  great 
 uumber  of  innocent  people,  to  forgive  a  few  that  were  guilty,  than  for  the  sake  of  a  few  of  the 
 wicked,  to  put  so  large  and  good  a  body  of  men  into  disorder. 
 
 9.  Florus  was  more  provoked  at  this,  and  railed  out  aloud  to  the  soldiers  to  |)Innder  that 
 which  was  called  the  upper  market-place,  and  to  slay  such  as  they  met  with.  So  the  sol- 
 diers, taking  this  exhortation  of  their  commander  in  a  sense  agreeable  to  their  desire  of  gain, 
 did  not  only  plunder  the  place  they  were  sent  to,  but  forcing  themselves  into  every  house,  they 
 slew  its  inhabitants  ;  so  the  citizens  fled  along  the  narrow  lanes,  and  the  soldiers  slew  those 
 that  they  caught,  and  no  method  of  plunder  was  omitted;  they  also  caught  many  of  the  quiet 
 people,  and  brought  them  before  Florus,  whom  he  first  chastised  with  stripes,  and  then  cruci- 
 fied. Accordingly,  the  whole  number  of  those  that  were  destroyed  that  day,  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  (for  they  did  not  spare  even  the  infants  themselves,)  was  about  three  thousand 
 and  six  hundred.  And  what  made  this  calamity  the  heavier,  was  this  new  method  of  Roman 
 barbarity  :  for  Florus  ventured  then  to  do  what  no  one  had  done  before,  that  is,  to  have  men 
 of  the  equestrian  order  whipped*  and  nailed  to  the  cross  before  his  tribunal ;  who  although 
 they  were  by  birth  Jews,  yet  were  they  of  Roman  dignity  notwithstanding. 
 
 ch:ap.  XV. 
 
 Concerning  Bernice's  Petition  to  Florus  to  spare  the  Jews,  but  in  vain,  as  also  how,  after  the 
 seditious  Flame  was  quenched,  it  tvas  kindled  again  by  Florus. 
 
 §  1.  About  this  very  time  king  Agrippa  was  going  to  Alexandria,  to  congratulate  Alexander 
 upon  his  having  obtained  the  government  of  Egypt  from  Nero ;  but  as  his  sister  Bernice  was 
 come  to  Jerusalem,  and  saw  the  wicked  practices  of  the  soldiers,  she  was  sorely  affected  at  it, 
 and  frequently  sent  the  mast'crs  of  her  horse,  and  her  guards,  to  Florus,  and  begged  of  him  to 
 leave  ofl'  these  slaughters  ;  bat  he  would  not  comply  with  her  request,  nnr  have  an\  regard 
 eitht;r  to  the  multitude  of  those  already  slain,  or  to  the  no!)ilily  of  her  that  interceded,  but  only 
 to  the  advantage  he  should  make  by  this  plundering;  nay,  this  violence  of  the  soldiers  broke 
 out  to  such  a  degree  of  madness,  that  it  spent  itself  on  the  queen  herself,  for  they  did  not  only 
 torment  and  destroy  those  whom  they  had  caught  under  her  very  eyes,  but  indeed  had  killed 
 herself  also,  unless  she  had  prevented  them  by  Hying  to  the  palace,  and  had  stayed  there  all 
 night  with  her  guards,  which  she  had  about  her  i"or  fear  of  an  insult  from  the  soldiers.  Now 
 she  dwelt  then  at  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  perform  a  vow  t  which  she  had  made  to  God  ;  for  it 
 is  usual  with  those  that  had  been  either  aQlicted  with  a  distemper,  or  with  any  other  distresses, 
 to  make  vows  ;  and  fur  thirty  dav's  before  they  are  to  oiler  their  sacriiices,  to  abstain  from 
 wine,  and  to  shave  the  hair  of  their  head.  Which  things  Bernice  was  now  performing,  and 
 stood  barefoot  before  Florus'  tribunal,  and  besought  him  [to  spare  the  Jews.]  Yet  could  she 
 neither  have  any  reverence  paid  to  ber,  nor  could  she  escape  without  some  danger  of  being 
 slain  herself. 
 
 2.  Tills  happened  upon  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  Artemisius,  [Jyar.]  Now  on  the 
 next  day,  the  multitude  who  were  in  a  great  agony,  ran  together  to  the  upper  market-place, 
 and  made  the  loudtst  lamentations  for  those  that  had  perished  ;  and  the  greatest  part  of  the 
 cries -were  such  as  rellected  on  Florus;  at  which  the  men  of  ()ovver  were  affrighted,  together 
 with  the  high  priests,  and  rent  their  garments,  and  fell  down  before  each  of  them,  and  besought 
 
 •  Here  we  have  examples  of  native  Jews  who  were  of  the  equestrian  order  amons  the  Romans,  and  so  ought 
 never  to  have  been  whipped  or  crucified,  according  to  the  Roman  laws.  See  almost  the  like  case  in  St,  Paul 
 himself,  Acts  xxii.  25—29. 
 
 t  This  vow  which  liernice  (here  and  elsewhere  nailed  queen,  not  only  as  daughter  and  sister  to  two  kings, 
 Agrippa  the  Great,  and  Agrippa  junior,  but  the  widow  of  llerod  king  of  Chalcis,)  came  now  to  accomplish  at 
 Jerusalem,  was  not  that  of  a  N  azarile,  but  snch  a  one  as  religious  Jews  used  to  make  in  hopes  of  any  deliver- 
 ance from  a  disease,  or  otlier  dan^tr,  ns  Jo8ei)hus  here  iutimates.  However,  tliese  thirty  days'  abode  at  Jtru- 
 Kalem,  for  fasting  and  preparation  against  the  oblation  of  a  proper  sacrifice,  seems  to  be  loo  loiig,  unless  it  were 
 wholly  voluntary  in  this  great  lady.  It  is  not  required  in  the  law  of  Moses  relating  to  NaKaritcs,  Numb.  vi. 
 and  is  very  different  from  St.  Paul's  time  foi-  such  preparation,  which  was  but  one  day.  Acts  xxi.  26.  So  we 
 want  already  the  continuation  of  the  Anlifiuilies  to  afford  us  light  liere,  as  they  have  hitherto  done  on  so 
 many  occasions  elsewhere.  Perhaps  in  this  age  the  traditions  of  the  Pharisees  had  obliged  the  Jews  to  this 
 degree  of  rigour,  not  only  as  to  these  thirty  days'  preparation,  but  as  to  the  going  barefoot  all  that  time,  which 
 here  ISernice  submitted  to  also.  I'or  we  know  that  as  (Jod's  and  our  .Saviour's  yoke  is  usually  easy,  and  his 
 burden  comparatively  light,  in  such  positive  injunctions,  iMat.  xi.  .10.  so  did  the  scribes  and  Pharisees  some- 
 times "  bind  upon  men  heavy  burdens,  and  grievous  to  be  borne,"  even  when  "  they  thein8<-lves  would  not 
 touch  thera  with  one  of  their  fingers,"  Matt,  xxiii.  4.  I.ukexi.46.  However,  ><oldius  well  observes,  V)e. 
 llerod,  No.  4CM,  414.  that  Juvenal,  in  his  sixth  satire,  alludes  (o  this  remnikablc  pennance  or  submission  of  this 
 Heroine  to  Jewish  discipline,  and  jests  upon  her  for  it,  as  do  Tacitus,  Uio,  Suetonius,  and  Sextus  y\urclius, 
 meution  her  as  well  known  at  Home,  ibid. 
 
592  WARS    OF   TflE   JEWS. 
 
 lliem  to  leave  oft',  and  not  to  provoke  Floras  to  some  incurable  procodure,  besides  wliat  tliey 
 liad  already  suffered.  Accordingly,  the  multitude  complied  immediately,  out  of  reverence  to 
 those  that  had  desired  it  of  them,  aud  out  of  the  hope  they  had  that  Floras  would  do  them  no 
 more  injuries. 
 
 3.  So  Florus  was  troubled  that  the  disturbances  were  over,  and  endeavoured  to  kindle  that 
 flame  again,  and  sent  for  the  high  priests,  with  the  other  eminent  persons,  and  said.  The  only 
 demonstration  that  the  people  would  not  make  any  other  innovations  should  be  this,  that  they 
 must  go  out  and  meet  the  soldiers  that  were  ascending  from  Cesar^a,  whence  two  cohorts 
 were  coming;  and  while  these  men  were  exhorting  the  multitude  so  to  do,  he  sent  before- 
 hand, and  gave  directions  to  the  ceuturious  of  the  cohorts,  that  they  should  give  notice  to 
 those  that  were  under  them,  not  to  return  the  Jews'  salutations  ;  and  that  if  they  made  any 
 reply  to  his  disadvantage,  they  should  make  use  of  their  weapons.  Now  the  high  priests  as- 
 sembled the  multitude  in  the  temple,  and  desired  them  to  go  and  meet  the  Romans,  and  to 
 salute  the  cohorts  very  civilly,  before  IheJr  miserable  case  should  become  incurable.  Now 
 the  seditious  part  would  not  comply  with  these  persuasions,  but  the  consideration  of  those  that 
 had  been  destroyed  made  them  incline  to  those  that  were  the  boldest  for  action. 
 
 4.  At  this  time  it  was  that  every  priest,  and  every  servant  of  God,  brought  oat  the  holy 
 vessels,  and  the  ornamental  garments  wherein  they  used  to  minister  in  sacred  things.  The 
 harpers  also,  and  the  singers  of  hymns,  came  out  with  their  instruments  of  music,  and  fell 
 down  before  the  multitude,  and  begged  of  them  that  they  would  preserve  those  holy  ornaments 
 tjo  them,  and  not  provoke  the  Romans  to  carry  off  those  sacred  treasures.  You  might  also 
 see  then  the  high  priests  themselves,  with  dust  sprinkled  in  great  plenty  upon  their  heads, 
 with  bosoms  deprived  of  any  covering,  but  what  was  rent ;  these  besought  every  one  of  the 
 eminent  men  by  name,  and  the  multitude  in  common,  that  they  would  not  for  a  small  offence 
 betray  their  country  to  those  that  were  desirous  to  have  it  laid  waste  ;  saying,  "  What  bene- 
 fit will  it  bring  to  the  soldiers  to  have  a  salutation  from  the  Jews  ?  or  what  amendment  of 
 your  affairs  will  it  bring  you,  if  you  do  not  now  go  out  to  meet  them  ?  and  that  if  they  saluted 
 them  civilly,  all  handle  would  be  cut  off  from  Florus  to  begin  a  war ;  that  they  should  thereby 
 gain  their  country,  and  freedom  from  all  farther  suflerings  ;  and  that,  besides,  it  would  be  a 
 sign  of  great  want  of  command  of  themselves,  if  they  should  yield  to  a  few  seditious  persons, 
 while  it  was  fitter  for  them,  who  were  so  great  a  people,  to  force  the  others  to  act  soberly." 
 
 5.  By  these  persuasions,  wliich  they  used  to  the  multitude,  and  to  the  seditious,  they  re- 
 strained soiDe  by  threatenings,  and  others  by  the  reverence  that  was  paid  them.  After  this 
 they  led  them  out,  and  they  met  the  soldiers  quietly,  and  after  a  composed  manner,  and  when 
 they  were  come  up  with  them,  they  saluted  them  ;  bnt  when  they  made  no  answer,  the  seditions 
 exclaimed  against  Florus,  which  was  the  signal  given  for  falling  upon  them.  The  soldiers 
 therefore  encompassed  them  presently,  and  struck  them  with  their  clubs,  and  as  they  fled 
 away,  the  horsemen  trampled  them  down,  so  that  a  great  many  fell  down  dead  by  the  strokes 
 of  the  Romans,  and  more  by  their  own  violence  in  crushing  one  another.  Now  there  was  a 
 terrible  crowding  about  the  gates,  and  while  every  body  was  making  haste  to  get  before  an- 
 other, the  flight  of  them  all  was  retarded,  and  a  terrible  destruction  there  was  among  those 
 that  fell  down,  for  they  were  suffocated,  and  broken  to  pieces  by  the  multitude  of  those  that 
 were  uppermost ;  nor  could  any  of  them  be  distinguished  by  his  relations  in  order  to  the  care 
 of  bis  funeral;  the  soldiers  also  who  beat  them,  fell  upon  those  whom  they  overtook,  witiioiit 
 shewing  them  any  mercy,  and  thrust  the  multitude  through  the  place  called  Bezetha,*  as  they 
 forced  their  way  in  order  to  get  in  and  seize  upon  the  temple,  and  the  tower  Antonia.  Floras 
 also  being  desirous  to  get  those  places  into  his  possession,  brought  such  as  were  with  him 
 out  of  the  king's  palace,  and  would  have  compelled  them  to  get  as  far  as  the  citadel  [Antonia  ;] 
 but  his  attempt  failed,  for  the  people  turned  back  upon  him,  and  stopped  the  violence  of  his 
 attempt,  and  as  they  stood  upon  the  tops  of  their  houses,  they  threw  their  darts  at  the  Ro- 
 mans, who,  as  they  were  sorely  galled  thereby,  because  those  weapons  came  from  above,  and 
 they  were  not  able  to  make  a  passage  through  the  multitude,  which  stopped  up  the  narrow 
 passages,  they  retired  to  the  camp  which  was  at  the  (lalace. 
 
 6.  But  for  the  seditious,  they  were  afraid  lest  Florus  should  come  again,  and  get  posses- 
 sion of  the  temple,  through  Antonia  ;  so  they  got  immediately  upon  those  cloisters  of  the 
 temple  that  joined  to  Antonia,  and  cut  them  down.  This  cooled  the  avarice  of  Florus,  for 
 whereas  he  was  eager  to  obtain  the  treasures  of  God  [in  the  temple,]  and  on  that  account  was 
 desirous  of  getting  into  Antonia,  as  soon  as  the  cloisters  were  broken  down,  he  left  off  his 
 attempt  ;  he  then  sent  for  the  high  priests  and  the  sanhedrim,  and  told  them  that  he  was  in- 
 deed himself  going  out  of  the  city,  but  that  he  would  leave  them  as  large  a  garrison  as  they 
 should  desire  :  hereupon  they  promised  that  they  would  make  no  innovations,  in  case  he  would 
 leave  them  one  band  ;  but  not  that  which  had  fought  with   the  Jews,  because   the  multitude 
 
 •  I  take  this  Bezetha  to  be  that  small  hill  adjoining  to  the  north  side  of  the  temple,  whereon  was  the  hos- 
 pital with  live  porticoes  or  cloisters,  and  beneath  which  was  the  sheep-pool  of  Bethesda,  into  which  an  angel, 
 or  messenger,  at  a  certain  season  descended,  aud  where  he  or  they,  who  were  the  "  liret  put  into  the  pool," 
 were  cured,  John  v.  1,  dtc.  This  situation  of  Bezetha,  in  Josephus,  on  the  north  side  of  the  temple,  and  not 
 far  off  the  tower  Antonia,  exactly  agrees  to  the  place  of  the  same  pool  at  this  day.  Only  tlie  remaining  clois- 
 ters are  but  three.  See  Maundrel,  page  106.  The  entire  buildings  seem  to  have  been  called  the  New  City, 
 and  tins  p;irt,  where  was  the  hospital,  peculiarly  Beeelha  or  Bethesda.    See  chap.  xix.  ^.  4. 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.  XVI.  593 
 
 bore  ill  will  asjainst  (liat  band,  on  acrouut  of  what  they  had  sulFercd  from  it ;  so  lie  changed 
 the  band  as  tliey  desired,  and,  with  the  rest  of  his  forces,  returned  to  CesareH. 
 
 CHAP.  XVI. 
 
 Cislius  sends  Neopolitanus  the  Tribune  to  see  in  what  Condition  the  Affairs  of  the  Jews  were. 
 Agrippa  makes  a  Speech  to  the  People  of  the  Jews,  thai  he  may  divert  them  from  their  Inten- 
 fions  of  making  War  with  the  Romans. 
 
 §.  1.  However,  Floras  contrived  another  way  to  ol)lige  the  Jews  to  begin  the  war,  and  sent 
 to  Cestius,  and  accused  the  Jews  falsely  of  revolting  [from  the  Roman  government,]  and  im- 
 puted the  beginning  of  the  former  fight  to  them,  and  pretended  they  had  been  the  authors  of 
 that  disturbance,  wherein  they  were  only  the  sufl'erers.  Yet  were  not  the  governors  of  Jera- 
 salem  silent  upon  this  occasion,  but  did  themselves  write  to  Cestius,  as  did  Bernice  also, 
 about  the  illegal  practices  of  which  Florus  bad  been  guilty  against  the  city;  who,  upon  read- 
 ing both  accounts,  consulted  with  his  captains  [what  he  should,  do.]  Now  some  of  them 
 thought  it  best  for  Cestius  to  go  up  with  his  army,  either  to  punish  the  revolt,  if  it  was  real, 
 or  to  settle  the  Roman  afl'airs  on  a  surer  foundation,  if  the  Jews  continued  quiet  under  them  : 
 but  he  thought  it  best  himself  to  send  one  of  his  intimate  friends  beforehand,  to  see  the  state 
 of  affairs,  and  to  give  him  a  faithful  account  of  the  intention  of  the  Jews.  Accordingly  he  sent 
 one  of  his  tribunes,  whose  name  was  Neopolitanus,  who  met  with  king  Agrippa,  as  he  was 
 returning  from  Alexandria,  at  Jamnia,  and  told  him  who  it  was  that  sent  him,  and  on  what  errand 
 he  was  sent. 
 
 2.  And  here  it  was  that  the  high  priests,  and  men  of  power  among  the  Jews,  as  well  as  the 
 sanhedrim,  came  to  congratulate  the  king  [upon  his  safe  return  ;]  and  after  they  had  paid  him 
 their  respects,  they  lamented  their  own  calamities,  and  related  to  him  what  barbarous  treat- 
 ment they  had  met  with  from  Florus.  At  which  barbarity  Agrippa  had  great  indignation, 
 but  transi'erred,  after  a  subtle  manner,  his  anger  towards  those  Jews  whom  he  really  pitied, 
 that  he  might  beat  down  their  high  thoughts  of  themselves,  and  would  have  them  believe  that 
 they  had  not  been  so  unjustly  treated,  in  order  to  dissuade  them  from  avenging  themselves. 
 .So  these  great  men,  as  of  better  understanding  than  the  rest,  and  desirous  of  peace,  because 
 of  the  possessions  they  had,  understood  that  this  rebuke  which  the  king  gave  them  was  in- 
 tended for  their  good  :  but,  as  to  the  people,  they  came  sixty  furlongs  out  of  Jerusalem,  and 
 congratulated  both  Agrippa  and  Neopolitanus;  but  the  wives  of  those  that  had  been  slain, 
 came  running  first  of  all  and  lamenting.  The  people  also,  wiion  they  heard  their  mourning, 
 fell  into  lamentations  also,  and  besought  Agrippa  to  assist  them  :  they  also  cried  cut  to 
 Neopolitanus,  and  complained  of  the  many  miseries  they  had  endured  under  Florus,  and  they 
 sliewed  them,  when  they  were  come  into  the  city,  how  the  market-place  was  made  desolate, 
 and  tiie  houses  plundered.  They  then  persuaded  Neopolitanus,  by  the  means  of  Agrippa,  that 
 he  would  walk  round  the  city,  with  only  one  servant,  as  far  as  Siloam,  that  lie  might  inform 
 himself  that  the  Jews  submitted  to  all  the  rest  of  the  Romans,  and  were  only  displeased  at 
 Florus,  by  reason  of  his  exceeding  barbarity  to  them.  So  he  walked  round,  and  bad  sufficient 
 experience  of  the  good  temper  the  people  were  in,  and  then  went  up  to  the  temple,  where  he 
 called  the  multitude  together,  and  highly  commended  them  for  their  fidelity  to  the  Romans, 
 and  earnestly  exhorted  them  to  keep  the  peace  ;  and  having  performed  such  parts  of  divine 
 worship  at  the  temple  as  he  was  allowed  to  do,  he  returned  to  Cestius. 
 
 3.  But  as  for  the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  they  addressed  themselves  to  the  king,  and  to  the 
 high  priests,  and  desired  they  might  have  leave  to  send  arobasadors  to  Nero  against  Florus, 
 and  not  by  their  silence  afford  a  suspicion  that  they  had  been  the  occasions  of  such  great 
 slaughter  as  had  been  made,  and  were  disposed  to  revolt,  alleging  that  they  should  seem  to 
 have  been  the  first  beginners  of  the  war,  if  they  did  not  prevent  the  report  by  shewing  who 
 it  was  that  began  it ;  and  it  appeared  openly  that  they  would  not  be  quiet,  if  any  body  should 
 hinder  them  from  sending  such  an  embassage.  But  Agrippa,  although  he  thought  it  too  dan- 
 gerous a  thing  for  them  to  appoint  men  to  go  as  the  accusers  of  Florus,  yet  did  he  not  think 
 it  fit  for  him  to  overlook  them,  as  they  were  in  a  disposition  for  war.  lie  therefore  called  the 
 multitude  together  into  a  large  gallery,  and  placed  his  sister  Bernice  in  the  house  of  the  Asa- 
 inoneans,  that  she  might  he  seen  by  them,  (which  house  was  over  the  gallery,  at  the  passage 
 to  the  upper  city,  where  the  bridge  joined  the  temple  to  the  gallery,)  and  spake  to  them  as 
 follows. 
 
 4.  *  "  Had  I  perceived  that  you  were  all  zealously  disposed  to  go  to  war  with  the  Romans, 
 and  that  the  purer  and  more  sincere  part  of  the  people  did  not  purpose  to  live  in  peace,  I  had 
 
 •  Til  this  speech  of  kinir  Aprippa  we  have  an  authentic  account  of  the  extent  and  strength  of  the  Roman 
 empire  when  the  Jewish  war  began.  And  this  speech,  with  other  circumstances  in  Josephus,  demonstrate 
 how  wise,  and  how  great  a  person  Agriiipa  was,  aud  why  .losephus  elsewhere  calls  him,  Thminiasidlalos.  a 
 "  most  wonderful"  or  "  admirable  man,"  Conlr.  Ap.  i.9.  lie  is  tne  same  Agrippa  who  said  to  Paul,  "  Almost 
 thou  pprsuadest  me  to  be  a  Christian,"  Acts  xxvi.  28.  and  of  whom  St.  Paul  said,  "  lie  was  expert  in  all  the 
 customs  and  (lueMions  of  the  Jews."  ver.  .'?.  See  another  intimation  of  the  limits  of  the  same  Uoman  empire. 
 Of  the  War,  b.  iii.  chap.  v.  5  7.  'ju'  what  seems  to  me  very  remarlcible  here  is  tliis,  that  when  Josephus,  in 
 Imitation  of  the  (.Irceks  and  Romans,  far  whose  use  he  wrote  his  Anticiuitits.  did  himself  frequently  compose 
 the  speeches  which  he  put  iulo  their  mouth ;  they  appear,  by  the  politeness  of  their  tuiupositiou,  and  llieir 
 
 4  F 
 
594  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 not  come  out  to  you,  nor  been  so  bold  as  to  give  jou  counsel;  for  all  discourses  that  tend  to 
 persuade  men  to  do  wliat  they  ought  to  do  is  superfluous,  when  the  hearers  are  agreed  to  do 
 cojitrary.  But  because  some  are  earnest  to  go  to  war,  because  they  are  young,  and  without 
 experience  of  the  miseries  it  brings  ;  and  because  some  are  for  it,  out  of  an  unreasonable 
 expectation  of  regaining  their  liberty  ;  and  because  others  hope  to  get  by  it,  and  are  therefore 
 earnestly  bent  upon  it,  that  in  the  confusion  of  your  affairs  they  may  gain  what  belongs  to  those 
 that  are  too  weak  to  resist  them  ;  I  have  thought  proper  to  get  you  all  together,  and  to  say  to 
 yoa  what  J  think  to  be  for  your  advantage ;  that  so  the  former  may  grow  wiser,  and  change 
 their  minds,  and  that  the  best  men  may  come  to  no  harm  by  the  ill  conduct  of  some  others. 
 And  let  not  any  one  be  tumultuous  against  me,  in  case  what  they  hear  me  say  do  not  pleas 
 them  ;  for  as  to  ihose  who  admit  of  no  cure,  but  are  resolved  upon  a  revolt,  it  will  still  be  in 
 their  power  to  retain  the  same  sentiments  after  my  exhortation  is  over  ;  but  still  my  discourse 
 will  fall  to  the  ground,  even  with  relation  to  those  that  have  a  mind  to  hear  me,  unless  yoa 
 will  all  keep  silence.  I  am  well  aware  that  they  make  a  tragical  exclamation  concerning  the 
 injuries  that  have  been  offered  you  by  your  procurators,  and  concerning  the  glorious  advan- 
 tiges  of  liberty  ;  but  before  I  begin  the  inquiry,  who  are  you  that  must  go  to  war?  and  who 
 tiiey  are  against  whom  yon  most  fight?  I  shall  first  separate  those  pretences  that  are  by  some 
 connected  together  ;  for  if  you  aim  at  avenging  yourselves  on  those  that  have  done  you  injury, 
 why  do  you  pretend  this  to  be  a  war  for  recovering  your  liberty  ?  but  if  you  think  all  servitude 
 intolerable,  to  what  purpose  serve  your  complaints  against  your  particular  governors?  for  if 
 they  treated  yon  with  moderation,  it  would  still  be  equally  an  unworthy  thing  to  be  in  servitude. 
 Consider  now  the  several  cases  that  may  be  supposed,  how  little  occasion  there  is  for  your 
 going  to  war.  Your  first  occasion  is  the  accusations  you  have  to  make  against  your  procura- 
 tors :  now  here  you  ought  to  be  submissive  to  those  in  authority,  and  not  give  them  any  pro- 
 vocation.; but  when  you  reproach  men  greatly  for  small  offences,  you  excite  Ihose  whom  you 
 reproach  to  be  your  adversaries  :  for  this  will  only  make  them  leave  off  hurting  you  privately, 
 and  with  some  degree  of  modesty,  and  to  lay  what  yon  have  waste  openly.  Now  nothing  so 
 much  damps  the  force  of  strokes  as  bearing  them  with  patience  ;  and  the  quietness  of  those 
 who  are  injured  diverts  the  injurious  persons  from  afflicting.  But  let  us  take  it  for  granted, 
 that  the  Roman  ministers  are  injurious  to  you,  and  are  incurably  severe  ;  yet  are  they  not 
 all  the  Romans  who  thns  injure  you  ;  nor  hath  Caesar,  against  whom  you  are  going  to  make 
 war,  injured  you  ;  it  is  not  by  their  command  that  any  wicked  governor  is  sent  to  you;  for 
 they  who  are  in  the  west  cannot  see  those  that  are  in  the  east ;  nor  indeed  is  it  easy  for  them 
 there,  even  to  hear  what  is  done  in  those  parts.  Now  it  is  absurd  to  make  war  with  a  great 
 many  for  the  sake  of  one  ;  to  do  so  with  such  mighty  people,  for  a  small  cause:  and  tliis  when 
 these  people  are  not  able  to  know  of  what  you  complain  ;  nay,  such  crimes  as  we  complain  of 
 may  soon  be  corrected,  for  the  same  procurator  will  not  continue  for  ever;  and  probable  it  is, 
 that  the  successors  will  come  with  more  moderate  inclinations.  But  as  for  war,  if  it  be  once 
 begun,  it  is  not  easily  laid  down  again,  nor  borne  withont  calamities  coming  therewith.  How- 
 ever, as  to  the  desire  of  recovering  your  liberty,  it  is  unseasonable  to  indulge  it  so  late  ; 
 whereas  you  ought  to  have  laboured  earnestly  in  old  time  that  you  might  never  have  lost  it ; 
 for  the  first  experience  of  slavery  was  hard  to  be  endured,  and  the  struggle  th^  you  migiit 
 never  have  been  subject  to  it  would  have  been  just  ;  but  that  slave  who  hath  been  once  brought 
 into  subjection,  and  then  runs  away,  is  rather  a  refractory  slave  than  a  lover  of  liberty,  for  it 
 was  then  the  proper  time  for  doing  all  that  was  possible,  that  you  might  never  have  admitted 
 the  Romans  [into  your  city,]  when  Pompey  came  first  into  the  country.  But  so  it  was,  that 
 onr  ancestors  and  their  kings,  who  were  in  much  better  circumstances  than  we  are,  both  as 
 to  money  and  [strong]  bodies,  and  [valiant]  souls,  did  not  bear  the  onset  of  a  small  body  of 
 the  Roman  army.  And  yet  you  have  not  accustomed  yourselves  to  obedience  from  one  genera- 
 lion  to  another,  and  who  are  so  much  inferior  to  those  who  first  submitted,  in  your  circum- 
 stances, will  venture  to  oppose  the  entire  empire  of  the  Romans  ;  while  those  Athenians,  who, 
 in  order  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  Greece,  did  once  set  fire  to  their  own  city,  who  pursued 
 Xerxes,  that  proud  prince,  when  he  sailed  upon  the  land,  and  walked  upon  the  sea,  and  could 
 not  be  contained  by  the  seas,  but  conducted  such  an  army  as  was  too  broad  for  Europe,  and 
 made  him  run  away  like  a  fugitive  in  a  single  ship,  and  brake  so  great  a  part  of  Asia  at  the 
 lesser  Salamis,  are  yet  at  this  time  servants  to  the  Romans  ;  and  those  injunctions  which  are 
 sent  from  Italy,  become  laws  to  the  principal  governing  city  of  Greece.  Those  Lacedemonian? 
 also,  who  got  the  great  victoiies  at  Thermopylas  and  Platea,  and  had  Agesilajs  [for  their  king,]" 
 and  searched  every  corner  of  Asia,  are  contented  to  admit  the  same  lords.  These  Mace- 
 donians also,  who  still  fancy  what  great  men  their   Philip  and  Alexander  were,  and  see  that 
 
 flights  of  oratory,  to  be  not  the  real  speeches  of  the  persons  concerned,  who  usua'.ly  were  no  orators,  bat  of 
 his  own  elegant  composition:  the  speech  before  us  is  of  another  nature,  full  of  undeniable  facts,  and  composed 
 in  a  plain  and  unartful,  but  moving  way ;  so  it  appearr.  to  be  Ling  Agrippa's  own  speech,  and  to  have  been 
 given  losephus  by  Agrippa  himself,  with  whom  .lost-phus  had  "the  greatest  friendship.  >ior  may  we  omit 
 Agrippa's  constant  dooiriue  here,  that  this  vast  IJoman  empire  was  raised  and  supported  by  divine  pro-vi- 
 dence,  and  that  therefore  it  wa",  in  vain  for  the  Jews,  or  any  others,  to  think  of  destroying  it.  Nor  may 
 we  neglect  to  take  notice  of  Agrippa's  goleniu  appeal  to  the  angels,  here  used;  the  like  appeals  to  which 
 we  have  in  8t.  Paul,  1  Tim.  v.  22.  and  by  the  apostles  in  general  in  the  form  of  the  ordination  of  bishops, 
 Coustjtut.  Apost.  viii  4. 
 
BOOK  II. — CHAP.    XVI.  595 
 
 the  latter  had  promised  tliein  tiie  empire  over  tlie  world,  tliese  bear  so  great  a  clifinge,  and 
 pay  tlieir  obedience  to  those  whom  fortune  hatli  advanced  in  their  stead.  Moreover,  ten  thou- 
 sand other  nations  there  are,  who  had  ^renter  reason  llian  we  to  claim  their  entire  liberty,  and 
 yet  do  submit.  You  are  the  only  people  ho  think  it  a  disgrace  to  be  servants  to  those  to 
 whom  all  the  wnrld  hath  submitted.  What  sort  of  an  army  do  you  rely  on  ?  What  are  the 
 arms  you  depend  on?  Where  is  your  lleet,  that  may  seize  upon  the  Roman  seas  ;  and  where 
 are  those  treasures  which  may  be  suUicient  for  your  undertakings?  Do  you  suppose,  I  pray 
 yon,  tliat  yon  are  to  make  war  with  the  Egyptians,  and  with  the  Arabians  ?  Will  you  not  care- 
 fully reflect  upon  the  Roman  empire?  Will  you  not  estimate  your  own  weakness?  Hath  not 
 your  army  been  often  beaten  even  by  your  neighbouring  nations?  while  the  power  of  the 
 Romans  is  invincible  in  all  parts  of  the  habitable  earth  ;  nay,  rather,  they  seek  for  somewhat 
 still  beyond  that,  for  all  Euphrates  is  not  a  sufiicient  boundary  for  them  on  the  east  side,  nor 
 the  Danube  on  the  north,  and  for  their  southern  limit,  Libya  hath  been  searched  over  by  them, 
 as  far  as  countries  uninhabited,  as  is  Cadiz  their  limit  on  the  west  ;  nay,  indeed,  thty  have 
 sought  for  another  habitable  earth,  beyond  the  ocean,  and  have  carried  their  arms  as  far  as 
 such  British  islands  as  were  never  known  before.  What  therefore  do  you  pretend  to?  Are 
 you  richer  than  the  Gauls,  stronger  than  the  Germans,  wiser  than  the  Greeks,  more  numerous 
 than  all  men  upon  the  habitable  earth?  What  con.fidence  is  it  that  elevates  you  to  oppose  the 
 Romans?  Perhaps  it  will  be  said.  It  is  hard  to  endure  slavery.  Yes,  but  how  much  harder 
 is  this  to  the  Greeks,  who  were  esteemed  the  noblest  of  all  people  under  the  sun.  These, 
 though  they  inhabit  in  a  large  country,  are  in  subjection  to  six  bundles  of  Roman  rods?  It  is 
 the  same  case  with  the  Macedonians,  who  have  juster  reason  to  claim  tlieir  liberty  than  you 
 have.  What  is  the  case  of  five  hundred  cities  of  Asia  ?  do  tiiey  not  submit  to  a  single  governor, 
 and  to  the  consular  bundle  of  rods?  W^bat  need  I  speak  of  the  Heniochi,  and  Cholchi,  and 
 the  nation  of  Tauri,  those  that  inhabit  the  Bosphorus,  and  the  nations  about  Pontus,  and  Meo- 
 tis,  who  formerly  knew  not  so  much  as  a  lord  of  their  own,  but  are  now  subject  to  three  thou- 
 sand armed  men,  and  where  ft>rty  long  ships  kept  the  sea  in  peace,  which  before  was  cot 
 navigable,  and  ver)'  tempestuous?  Elov/  strong  a  plea  may  Bitliynia,  and  Cappadocia,  and  the 
 people  of  Pamphylia,  the  Lycians,  and  Cilicians,  put  in  for  liberty  ?  But  they  are  made  tri- 
 butary without  an  army.  What  are  the  circumstances  of  the  Thracians?  whose  country  extends 
 in  breadth  five  days"  journey,  and  in  length  seven,  and  is  of  a  much  more  harsh  constitution, 
 and  much  more  defensible  than  yours,  and  by  the  rigour  of  its  cold  snfiicientto  keep  off  armies 
 from  attacking  them  ;  do  not  they  submit  to  two  thonsand  men  of  the  Roman  garrisons?  Are 
 not  the  lllyrians,  who  inhabit  the  country  adjoining,  as  far  as  Dalraatia  and  the  Danube, 
 governed  by  barely  two  legions  ;  by  which  also  they  put  a  stop  to  the  incursions  of  the  Dacians. 
 And  for  the  Dalmatians,  who  have  made  such  frequent  insurrections  in  order  to  regain  their 
 liberty,  and  who  could  never  before  be  so  thoroughly  subdued,  but  that  they  always  gathered 
 their  forces  together  again,  and  revolted,  yet  are  they  now  very  quiet  under  one  Roman  legion. 
 Moreover,  if  great  advantages  might  provoke  any  people  to  revolt,  the  Gauls  might  do  it  best 
 of  all,  as  being  so  thoroughly  walled  round  by  nature.  On  the  east  side  by  the  Alps,  on  the 
 north  by  the  river  Rhine,  on  the  south  by  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  and  on  the  west  by  the 
 ocean.  Now  although  these  Gauls  have  such  obstacles  before  them  to  prevent  any  attack 
 upon  them,  and  have  no  fewer  than  three  hundred  and  five  nations  among  them,  nay,  have,  as 
 one  may  say,  the  fountains  of  domestic  happiness  within  themselves,  and  send  out  plentiful 
 streams  of  happiness  over  almost  the  whole  world,  these  bear  to  be  tributary  to  the  Romans, 
 and  derive  their  prosperous  condition  from  them  ;  and  they  undergo  this,  not  because  they  are 
 of  elTeminate  minds,  or  because  they  are  of  an  ignoble  stock,  as  having  borne  a  war  of  eighty 
 years,  in  order  to  preserve  their  liberty  ;  but  by  reason  of  the  great  regard  they  have  to  the 
 power  of  the  Romans,  and  their  good  fortune,  which  is  of  greater  eflicacy  than  their  arras. 
 These  Gauls,  therefore,  are  kept  in  servitude  by  twelve  hundred  soldiers,  which  are  hardly 
 so  many  as  are  their  cities ;  nor  hath  the  gold  dug  out  of  the  mines  of  Spain  been  sufiicient  for 
 the  support  of  a  war  to  preserve  their  liberty,  nor  could  their  vast  distance  from  the  Romans 
 by  land  and  by  sea  do  it  ;  nor  could  the  martial  tribes  of  the  Lusitanians  and  Spaniards  escape ; 
 no  more  could  the  ocean,  with  its  tide,  which  yet  was  terrible  to  the  ancient  inhabitants.  Nay, 
 the  Romans  have  extended  their  arms  beyond  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  and  have  walked  among 
 the  clouds,  upon  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  and  have  subdued  these  nations.  And  one  legion 
 is  a  sufficient  guard  for  these  people,  although  they  were  so  hard  to  be  conquered,  and  at  a 
 distance  so  remote  from  Rome.  Who  is  there  among  you  who  hath  not  heard  of  the  great 
 number  of  the  Germans  ?  You  have,  to  be  sure,  yourselves  .seen  them  to  be  strong  and  tall, 
 and  that  frequently,  since  the  Romans  have  them  among  their  captives,  every  wli'-ie  ;  yet  these 
 Germans  who  dwell  in  an  immense  country,  who  have  minds  greater  than  their  boilits,  and  a 
 soul  that  despiseth  death,  and  who  are  in  rage  more  fierce  than  wild  beasts,  have  the  llhinc 
 for  the  boundary  of  their  enterprises,  and  are  tamed  by  eight  Roman  legions.  Such  of  them 
 as  were  taken  captive  became  their  servants  ;  and  the  rest  of  the  entire  nation  were  obliged 
 to  save  themselves  by  flight.  Do  you  also,  who  depend  on  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  consider 
 what  a  wall  the  Britons  had  ;  for  the  Romans  sailed  away  to  them,  and  subdued  them  while 
 they  were  encompassed  by  the  ocean,  and  inhabited  an  island  that  is  not  less   than  the  [con- 
 
r>9o  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 tinent  of  this]  Iiabitali)e  earth  ;  and  four  legions  are  a  sufficient  guard  to  so  large  an  island. 
 And  why  should  I  speak  much  raore  about  this  matter?  while  the  Parthians,  that  roost  war- 
 like body  of  men,  and  lords  of  so  many  nations,  and  encompassed  with  such  mighty  forces, 
 send  bostao;es  to  the  Romans;  whereby  you  may  sse  if  you  please,  even  in  Italy,  the  noblest 
 nation  of  the  east,  under  the  notion  of  peace,  submitting  to  serve  them.  Now  when  almost  all 
 people  under  the  sun  submit  to  the  Roman  arms,  will  you  be  the  only  people  that  make  war 
 against  them?  and  this  without  regarding  the  fate  of  the  Carthaginians,  who,  in  the  midst  of 
 their  brags  of  the  great  Hannibal,  and  the  nobility  of  their  Phenician  original,  fell  by  the  band 
 of  Scipio.  Nor  indeed  have  the  Cyrenians,  derived  from  the  Lacedemonians,  nor  the  Mar- 
 marida;,  a  nation  extended  as  far  as  the  regions  uninhabitable  for  want  of  water,  nor  have  the 
 Syrtes,  a  place  terrible  to  such  as  barely  hear  it  described,  the  Nasamons  and  Moors,  and  the 
 immense  multitude  of  the  Nnmidians,  been  able  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Roman  valour.  And  as 
 for  the  third  part  of  the  habitable  earth,  [Africa,]  whose  nations  are  so  many  that  it  is  not 
 easy  to  number  them,  and  which  is  bounded  by  the  Atlantic  sea  and  the  pillars  of  Hercules, 
 and  feeds  an  innumerable  multitude  of  Ethiopians,  as  far  as  the  Red  Sea  ;  these  have  the 
 Romans  subdued  entirely.  And  besides  the  annual  fruits  of  the  earth,  which  maintained  the 
 multitude  of  the  Romans  for  eight  months  in  the  year,  this,  over  and  above,  pays  all  sorts  of 
 tribute,  and  affords  revenues  suitable  to  the  necessities  of  the  government.  Nor  do  they,  like 
 you,  esteem  such  injunctions  a  disgrace  to  them,  although  they  have  but  one  Roman  legion 
 that  abides  among  them.  And  indeed  what  occasion  is  there  for  shewing  you  the  power  of 
 the  Romans  over  remote  countries,  when  it  is  so  easy  to  learn  it  from  Egypt,  in  your  neigh- 
 bourhood ?  This  country  is  extended  as  far  as  the  Ethiopians,  and  Arabia  the  Happy,  and 
 borders  upon  India ;  it  hath  seven  millions  five  hundred  thousand  men,  besides  the  inhabitants 
 of  Alexandria,  as  may  be  learned  from  the  revenue  of  the  pole  tax  ;  yet  it  is  not  ashamed  to 
 submit  to  the  Roman  government,  although  it  hath  Alexandria  as  a  grand  temptation  to  a 
 revolt,  by  reason  it  is  so  fnll  of  people  and  of  riches,  and  is  besides  exceeding  large,  its  length 
 being  thirty  furlongs,  and  its  breadth  no  less  than  ten ;  and  it  pays  more  tribute  to  the  Romans 
 in  one  month  than  you  do  in  a  year  ;  nay,  besides  what  it  pa^'s  in  money,  it  sends  corn  to  Rome, 
 that  supports  it  for  four  months  [in  the  year:]  it  is  also  walled  round  on  all  sides,  either  by 
 almost  impassable  deserts,  or  seas  that  have  no  havens,  or  by  rivers,  or  by  lakes;  yet  have 
 none  of  these  things  been  found  too  strong  for  the  Roman  good  fortune;  however,  two  legions 
 that  lie  in  that  city  are  a  bridle  both  for  the  remoter  parts  of  Egypt,  and  for  tl:e  parts  inha- 
 bited by  the  more  noble  Macedonians.  Where  then  are  those  people  whom  yon  are  to  have 
 for  your  auxiliaries?  Must  they  come  from  the  parts  of  the  world  that  are  uninhabited?  for 
 all  that  are  in  the  habitable  earth  are  [under  the]  Romans.  Unless  any  of  you  extend  his 
 hopes  as  far  as  beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  suppose  that  those  of  your  own  nation  that  dwell  in 
 Adiabene  will  come  to  your  assistance  ;  but  certainly  these  will  not  embarrass  themselves  with 
 an  unjustifiable  war,  nor,  if  they  should  follow  such  ill  advice,  will  the  Parthians  permit  them 
 so  to  do;  for  it  is  their  concern  to  maintain  the  truce  that  is  between  them  and  the  Romans, 
 and  they  will  be  supposed  to  break  the  covenants  between  them,  if  any  under  their  govern- 
 ment march  against  the  Romans.  What  remains,  therefore,  is  this,  that  you  have  recourse  to 
 divine  assistance  ;  but  this  is  already  on  the  side  of  the  Romans  :  for  it  is  impossible  that  so 
 vast  an  empire  should  be  settled  without  God's  providence.  Reflect  upon  it,  how  impossible 
 it  is  for  your  zealous  observation  of  your  religions  customs  to  be  here  preserved,  which  are 
 hard  to  be  observed  even  when  you  fight  with  those  whom  you  are  able  to  conquer;  and  bow 
 can  you  then  most  of  all  hope  for  God's  assistance,  when,  by  being  forced  to  transgress  his 
 law,  you  will  make  him  turn  his  face  from  you?  and  if  yon  do  observe  tbe  custom  of  the  sab- 
 bath days,  and  will  not  be  prevailed  on  to  do  any  thing  thereon,  you  will  easily  be  taken,  as 
 were  your  forefathers  by  Pompey,  who  was  the  busiest  in  his  siege  on  those  days  on  which  the 
 besieged  rested.  But  if  in  time  of  war  you  transgress  the  law  of  your  country,  I  cannot  tell 
 on  whose  account  you  will  afterward  go  to  war;  for  your  concern  is  but  one,  that  you  do 
 nothing  against  any  of  your  forefathers;  and  bow  will  you  call  upon  God  to  assist  you,  when 
 yon  are  voluntarily  transgressing  against  his  religion?  Now  all  men  that  go  to  war  do  it 
 either  as  depending  on  divine,  or  on  human  assistance;  but  since  your  going  to  war  will  cut 
 off  both  those  assistances,  those  that  are  for  going  to  war  choose  evident  destruction.  W^hat 
 binders  you  from  slaying  your  children  and  wives  with  your  own  hands,  and  burning  this  most 
 excellent  native  city  of  yours?  for  by  this  mad  prank  you  will,  however,  escape  the  reproach 
 of  being  beaten.  But  it  were  best,  O  my  friends,  it  were  best,  while  the  vessel  is  still  in  the 
 baven,  to  foresee  the  impending  storm,  and  not  to  set  sail  out  of  the  port  into  the  middle  of  the 
 hurricanes,  for  we  justly  pity  those  who  fall  into  great  misfortunes  without  foreseeing  them ; 
 but  for  him  who  rushes  into  manifest  ruin,  be  gains  reproaches  [instead  of  commiseration.] 
 But  certainly  no  one  can  imagine  that  you  can  enter  into  a  war  as  by  agreement,  or  that  when 
 the  Romans  have  got  you  under  their  power,  they  will  use  yon  with  moderation,  or  will  not 
 rather,  for  an  example  to  other  nations,  burn  your  hofy  city,  and  utterly  destroy  your  whole 
 nation  ;  for  those  of  you  who  shall  survive  the  war,  will  not  be  aMe  to  find  a  place  whither  to 
 flee,  since  <f'.i  men  have  the  Romans  for  their  lords  already,  or  are  afraid  they  shall  have 
 hereafter.     Nay,  indeed,  the  danger  concern*  not  those  Jews  that  dwell  here  only,  but  those  of 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAP.    XVII.  597 
 
 tliejn  \v!io  dwell  in  oilier  cities  also;  for  there  is  no  people  upon  tlie  liabituble  carlh  wliicli 
 li;ue  not  some  portion  of  you  among  tlieni,  whom  your  enemies  will  slay,  in  cnse  you  go  lo 
 war,  and  on  that  account  also  ;  and  so  every  city  which  hath  Jews  in  it  will  be  tilled  with 
 slaughter  for  the  sake  of  a  few  men,  and  they  who  slay  them  will  be  pardoned  :  but  if  that 
 slaughter  be  not  made  by  them,  consider  how  wicked  a  thing  it  is  to  take  arms  against  those 
 that  are  so  kind  to  you.  Have  pity,  tlierefore,  if  not  on  your  children  and  wives,  yet  upon 
 this  your  metropolis,  aud  its  sacred  walls  ;  spare  the  temple,  and  preserve  the  holy  house, 
 with  its  holy  furniture,  for  yourselves  :  for  if  the  Romans  get  you  under  their  power,  they 
 will  no  longer  abstain  from  them,  when  their  former  abstinence  shall  have  been  so  ungratefully 
 requited.  I  call  to  witness  your  sanctuary,  and  the  holy  angels  of  God,  and  this  country  com- 
 mon to  us  all,  that  1  have  not  kept  back  any  thing  that  is  for  your  preservation  ;  and  if  you 
 will  follow  that  advice,  which  yon  ought  to  do,  you  will  have  that  peace  which  will  be  common 
 to  you  and  to  me  ;  but  if  you  indulge  your  passions,  you  will  run  those  hazards  which  I  shall 
 be  free  from." 
 
 5.  When  Agrippa  liad  spoken  thus,  both  he  and  his  sister  wept,  and  by  their  tears  repressed 
 a  great  deal  of  the  violence  of  the  people  ;  but  still  they  cried  out,  that  "  they  would  not  tight 
 Hgainst  the  Romans,  but  against  Florus,  on  account  of  what  t-hey  had  suflered  by  his  means." 
 To  which  Agrippa  replied,  "  that  what  they  had  already  done  was  like  snch  as  make  war 
 against  the  Romans  ;  lor  you  have  not  paid  the  tribute*  which  is  due  to  Caesar;  and  vou  have 
 cut  off  the  cloisters  [of  the  temple]  from  joining  to  the  tower  Antonia.  You  will  therefore 
 prevent  any  occasion  of  revolt,  if  yon  will  but  join  these  together  again,  and  if  you  will  but  pay 
 your  tribute  ;  for  the  citadel  does  not  now  belong  to  Florus,  nor  are  you  to  pay  the  tribute 
 money  to  Florus." 
 
 CHAP.  XVII. 
 
 Hoio  the  War  of  the  Jews  with  the  Romans  began.     And  concerning  Manahem 
 
 §  1.  This  advice  the  people  hearkened  to,  and  went  up  into  the  temple  with  the  king  and 
 Bernice,  and  began  to  rebuild  the  cloisters  :  the  rulers  also  and  senators  divided  themselves 
 into  the  villages,  and  collected  the  tributes,  and  soon  got  together  forty  talents,  which  was  the 
 sum  that  was  deficient.  And  thus  did  Agrippa  then  put  a  stop  to  that  war  which  was  threa- 
 tened. Moreover,  he  attempted  to  persuade  the  multitude  to  obey  Florus,  until  Caesar  should 
 send  one  to  succeed  him  ;  but  they  were  hereby  wore  provoked,  and  cast  reproaches  upon  the 
 king,  and  got  him  excluded  out  of  the  city  ;  nay,  some  of  the  seditious  had  the  impudence  lo 
 throw  stones  at  him.  So  when  the  king  saw  that  the  violence  of  those  that  were  for  innova- 
 tions was  not  to  be  restrained,  and  being  very  angry  at  the  contumelies  he  had  received,  he 
 sent  their  rulers,  together  with  their  men  of  power,  to  Florus,  to  Cesarea,  that  he  might 
 appoint  whom  he  thought  fit  to  collect  the  tribute  in  the  country,  while  he  retired  into  his 
 own  kingdom. 
 
 2.  And  at  this  time  it  was  that  some  of  those  that  principally  excited  the  people  to  go  to 
 war,  made  an  assault  upon  a  certain  fortress  called  Massada.  They  took  it  by  treachery,  and 
 slew  the  Romans  that  were  there,  and  put  others  of  their  own  party  to  keep  it.  At  the  same 
 time  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Ananias  the  high  priest,  a  very  bold  youth,  who  was  at  that  time 
 governor  of  the  temple,  persuaded  those  that  ofliciated  in  the  divine  service  to  receive  no  gift 
 or  sacrifice  for  any  foreigner.  And  this  was  the  true  beginning  of  our  war  with  the  Romans  ; 
 for  they  rejected  the  sacrifice  of  Cicsar  on  this  account;  and  when  many  of  the  high  priests 
 and  principal  men  besought  them  not  to  omit  the  sacrifice,  which  it  was  customary  for  them 
 to  offer  for  their  princes,  they  would  not  be  prevailed  upon.  These  relied  much  upon  their 
 multitude,  for  the  most  flourishing  part  of  the  innovators  assisted  them  ;  but  they  had  the  chief 
 regard  to  Eleazar,  the  governor  of  the  temple. 
 
 3.  Hereupon  the  men  of  power  got  together,  and  conferred  with  the  high  priests,  as  did  also 
 the  principal  men  of  the  Pharisees  ;  and  thinking  all  was  at  stake,  and  that  their  calamities 
 were  becoming  incurable,  took  counsel  what  was  to  be  done.  Accordingly  they  determined 
 to  try  what  they  could  do  with  the  seditious  by  words,  and  assembled  the  people  before  the 
 brazen  gate,  which  was  that  gate  of  the  inner  temple  [court  of  the  priests]  which  looked 
 toward  the  sun  rising.  And,  in  the  first  place,  they  sliewed  the  great  indignation  they  bad  at 
 this  attempt  for  a  revolt,  and  for  their  bringing  so  great  a  war  upon  their  country  :  after  which 
 they  confuted  their  pretence  as  unjustifiable,  and  told  them.  That  "their  forefathers  had 
 &dorned  their  temple  in  great  part  with  donations  bestowed  on  them  by  foreigners,  and  had 
 always  received  what  had  been  presented  to  them  from  foreign  nations  ;  and  that  they  had 
 been  so  far  from  rejecting  any  person's  sacrifice,  (which  would  be  the  highest  instance  of 
 impiety,)  that  they  had  themselves  placed  those  donations  about  the  temple  which  were  still 
 visible,  and  had  remained  there  so  long  a  time  :  for  they  did  now  irritate  the  Romans  to  take 
 arms  against  them,  and  invited  them  to  make  war  upon  them,  and  brought   up  novel  rules  of 
 
 •  Julius  Cjesar  h»d  decreed,  that  the  Jpwr  nf  .TcniRalctn  should  pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  Homans. 
 excepting  the  city  Joppa,  and  for  the  sabbatical  year  :  as  Siiaiiheim  obBervee,  from  the  Antiq.  b.  xiv. 
 chap.  I, 5  6. 
 
598  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 a  strange  dWine  worsbip,  and  determined  to  ran  the  hazard  of  Iiaring  tbeir  city  condemned  for 
 impiety,  while  they  would  not  allow  any  foreigner,  but  Jews  only,  either  to  sacrifice  or  to  wor- 
 ship therein.  And  if  such  a  law  sbould  ever  be  introduced  in  the  case  of  a  single  person 
 only,  he  would  have  indignation  at  it,  as  an  instance  of  inhumanity  determined  against  him  ; 
 while  they  have  no  regard  to  llie  Romans  or  to  Caesar,  and  forbid  even  their  oblations  to  be 
 received  also  :  that,  however,  they  cannot  bat  fear,  lest,  by  rejecting  his  sacrifices,  they  shall 
 not  be  allowed  to  offer  their  own ;  and  that  this  city  will  lose"  its  principality,  unless  they  grow 
 wiser  quickly,  and  restore  the  sacrifices  as  formerly,  and  indeed  amend  the  injury  [they  have 
 offered  to  foreigners]  before  the  report  of  it  comes  to  the  ears  of  those  that  have  been  injured." 
 
 4.  And  as  they  said  these  things,  thej  produced  those  priests  that  were  skilful  in  fbe  cus- 
 toms of  tbeir  country,  who  made  the  report.  That  "  all  their  forefathers  bad  received  the 
 sacrifices  from  foreign  natious."  But  still  not  one  of  the  innovators  would  hearken  to  what 
 was  said;  nay,  those  that  ministered  about  the  temple  would  not  attend  their  divine  service, 
 but  were  preparing  matters  for  beginning  the  war.  So  the  men  of  power  perceiving  that  the 
 sedition  was  too  bard  for  them  to  subdue,  and  that  the  danger  which  would  arise  from  the 
 Romans  would  come  upon  them  first  of  all,  endeavoured  to  save  themselves,  and  sent  ambas- 
 sadors ;  some  to  Florus,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Simon  the  son  of  Ananias ;  and  others  to 
 Agrippa,  among  whom  the  most  eminent  were  Saul,  and  Antipas,  and  Costobarns,  who  were 
 of  the  king's  kindred :  and  they  desired  of  them  both  that  they  would  come  with  an  army  to  the 
 city,  and  cut  off  the  sedition  before  it  should  be  too  hard  to  be  subdued.  Now  this  terrible 
 message  was  good  news  to  Florus ;  and  because  bis  design  was  to  have  a  war  kindled,  he  gave 
 the  ambassadors  no  answer  at  all.  But  Agrippa  was  equally  solicitous  for  those  that  were 
 revolting,  and  for  those  against  whom  the  war  was  to  be  made,  and  was  desirous  to  preserve 
 the  Jews  for  the  Romans,  and  the  temple  and  metropolis  for  the  Jews  ;  he  was  also  sensible 
 that  it  was  not  for  his  own  advantage  that  the  disturbances  should  proceed  ;  so  be  sent  three 
 thousand  horsemen  to  the  assistance  of  the  people  out  of  Auranitis,  and  Batanea,  and  Tra- 
 chonitis,  and  these  under  Darius  the  master  of  his  horse,  and  Philip  the  sou  of  Jaciraus,  the 
 general  of  his  army. 
 
 5.  Upon  this  the  men  of  power,  with  the  high  priests,  as  also  all  the  part  of  the  multitude 
 that  were  desirous  of  peace,  took  courage,  and  seized  upon  the  upper  city  [Mount  Sion  ;]  for 
 the  seditious  part  had  the  lower  city  and  the  temple  in  their  power  :  so  they  made  use  of  stones 
 and  slings  perpetually  against  one  another,  and  threw  darts  continually  on  both  sides  ;  and 
 sometimes  it  happened  that  they  made  incursions  by  troops,  and  fought  it  out  band  to  hand, 
 while  the  seditious  were  superior  in  boldness,  but  the  king's  soldiers  in  skill.  These  last  strove 
 chiefly  to  gain  the  temple,  and  to  drive  those  out  of  it  who  profaned  it  ;  as  did  the  seditions, 
 with  Eleazar,  besides  what  they  bad  already,  labour  to  gain  the  upper  city.  Thus  were  there 
 perpetual  slaughters  on  both  sides  for  seven  days'  time  ;  but  neither  side  would  yield  up  the 
 parts  they  had  seized  on. 
 
 6.  Now  the  next  day  was  the  festival  of  Xylophory,  upou  which  the  custom  was  for  every 
 one  to  bring  wood  for  the  altar,  (that  there  might  never  be  a  want  of  fuel  for  that  fire  which 
 was  unquenchable  and  alwavs  burning ;)  upon  that  day  they  excluded  the  opposite  party  from 
 the  observation  of  this  part  of  religion.  And  when  they  had  joined  to  themselves  many  of  the 
 Sicarii,  who  crowded  in  among  the  weaker  people  (that  was  the  name  for  such  robbers  as  had 
 under  tbeir  bosoms  swords  called  Sicae)  they  grew  bolder,  and  carried  their  nndertakins  far- 
 ther; insomuch,  that  the  king's  soldiers  were  overpowered  by  their  multitude  and  boldness, 
 and  so  they  gave  way,  and  were  driven  out  of  the  upper  city  by  force.  The  others  then  set 
 lire  to  the  house  of  Ananias  the  high  priest,  and  to  tlie  palaces  of  Agrippa  and  Bernice  :  after 
 which  they  carried  the  fire  to  the  place  where  the  archives  were  reposited,  and  made  haste  to 
 burn  the  contracts  belonging  to  tlieir  creditors,  and  thereby  to  dissolve  their  obligations  for 
 paying  their  debts;  and  this  was  done  in  order  to  gain  the  multitude  of  those  who  had  been 
 debtors,  and  that  they  might  persuade  the  poorest  sort  to  join  in  their  insurrection  with  safety, 
 against  the  more  wealthy  ;  so  the  keepers  of  the  records  fled  away,  and  the  rest  set  fire  to 
 them.  And  when  they  had  thus  burnt  down  the  nerves  of  the  city,  they  fell  upon  their  ene- 
 mies ;  at  which  time  some  of  the  men  of  power,  and  of  the  high  priests,  went  into  the 
 vaults  under  ground,  and  concealed  themselves,  while  others  fled  with  the  king's  soldiers 
 to  the  upper  palace,  and  shut  the  gates  immediately  ;  among  whom  were  Ananias  the  high 
 priest,  and  the  ambassadors  that  had  been  sent  to  Agrippa.  And  now  the  seditious  were 
 contented  with  the  victory  they  had  gotten,  and  the  buildings  they  had  burnt  down,  and  pro- 
 ceeded no  farther. 
 
 7.  But  on  the  next  day,  which  was  the  fifteenth  of  the  month  Lous,  [Ab,]  they  made  an 
 assault  upon  Antonia,  and  besieged  the  garrison  which  was  in  it  two  days,  and  then  took  the 
 jiarrison,  and  slew  them,  and  set  the  citadel  on  fire  ;  after  which  they  marched  to  the  palace, 
 whither  the  king's  soldiers  were  fled,  and  parted  themselves  into  four  bodies,  and  made  an 
 attack  upon  the  walls.  As  for  those  that  were  within  it,  no  one  had  the  courage  to  sally  out, 
 because  those  that  assaulted  them  were  so  numerous  ;  but  they  distributed  themselves  into  the 
 breast-works  and  turrets,  and  shot  at  the  besiegers,  whereby  many  of  the  robbers  fell  under 
 the  walls;  nor  did  ihey  cease  to  fight  one  with  another  either  by  night  or   by  day,  while  the 
 
BOOK    II.— CHAP.    XVII.  599 
 
 seditious  supposed  that  those  witliin  would  grow  weary  for  want  of  food,  and  tiiosc  wiiliiii  sup- 
 posed the  others  would  do  the  like  by  tlie  tediousness  of  ihe  siege. 
 
 8.  In  tlie  mean  time  one  Manaliera,  the  son  of  Judas,  that  was  called  the  Galilean,  (who 
 was  a  very  cunning  sophister,  and  had  formerly  reproached  the  Jews  under  Cyreniiis,  that 
 after  God  they  were  suhject  to  the  Romans,)  took,  some  of  the  men  of  note  witii  him,  and 
 retired  to  Massada,  where  he  broke  open  king  Herod's  armoury,  and  gave  arras  not  only  to 
 his  own  people,  but  to  other  robbers  also.  These  he  made  use  of  for  a  guard,  and  returned 
 in  the  state  of  a  king  to  Jerusalem  ;  he  became  the  leader  of  the  sedition,  and  gave  orders  for 
 continuing  the  siege,  but  they  wanted  proper  instruments,  and  it  was  not  practicable  to  under- 
 mine the  wall,  because  the  darts  came  down  upon  them  from  above.  But  still  they  dug  a 
 mine  from  a  great  distance  under  one  of  the  towers  and  made  it  totter,  and  having  done  that, 
 they  set  fire  on  what  was  combustible,  and  left  it,  and  when  the  foundations  were  burnt  below, 
 the  tower  fell  down  suddenly.  Yet  did  they  then  meet  with  another  wall  that  had  been  built 
 within  ;  for  the  besieged  were  sensible  beforehand  of  what  they  were  doing,  and  probably  the 
 tower  shook  as  it  was  undermining,  so  they  provided  themselves  of  another  fortification; 
 which,  when  the  besiegers  unexpectedly  saw,  while  they  thought  they  had  already  gained  the 
 place,  they  were  under  some  consternation.  However,  those  that  were  within  sent  to  Mana- 
 hein,  and  to  the  other  leaders  of  the  sedftion,  and  desired  they  might  go  out  upon  a  capitula- 
 tion :  this  was  granted  to  the  king's  soldiers,  and  their  own  countrymen  only,  who  went  out 
 accordingly  ;  but  the  Romans  that  were  left  alone  were  greatly  dejected,  for  they  were  not 
 able  to  force  their  way  through  such  a  multitude  ;  and  to  desire  them  to  give  them  their  right 
 hand  for  their  security,  they  thought  it  would  he  a  reproach  to  them,  and  besides,  if  Ihey 
 should  give  it  them,  they  durst  not  depend  upon  it  ;  so  they  deserted  their  camp,  as  easily 
 taken,  and  ran  away  to  the  royal  towers  ;  that  called  Hippicns,  that  called  Phasaelus,  and  that 
 called  Mariarane.  But  Manahem  and  his  party  fell  upon  the  place  whence  the  soldiers  were 
 lied,  and  slew  as  many  of  them  as  they  could  catch,  before  they  got  up  to  the  towers,  and 
 plundered  what  they  left  behind  them,  and  set  fire  to  their  camp.  This  was  executed  on  the 
 sixth  day  of  the  month  Gorpieus,  [Elul.] 
 
 y.  But  on  the  next  day  ihe  high  priest  was  caught,  where  he  had  concealed  himself  in  an 
 aqueduct  ;  he  was  slain,  together  with  Hezekiah  his  brother,  by  the  robbers  :  hereupon  the 
 seditious  besieged  the  towers,  and  kept  them  guarded,  lest  any  one  of  the  soldiers  should 
 escape.  Now  the  overthrow  of  the  places  of  strength,  and  the  death  of  the  high  priest  Ananias, 
 so  puffed  up  Manahem,  that  he  became  barbarously  cruel,  and,  as  he  thought  he  had  no  an- 
 tagonist to  dispute  the  management  of  affairs  with  him,  he  was  no  better  than  an  insupport- 
 able tyrant  ;  but  Eleazar  and  his  party,  when  words  had  passed  between  them,  how  •'  It  was 
 not  proper  when  they  revolted  from  the  Romans,  out  of  the  desire  of  liberty,  to  betray  that 
 liberty  to  any  of  their  own  |>eople,  and  to  bear  a  lord,  who,  though  he  should  be  guilty  of  no 
 violence,  was  yet  meaner  than  themselves  ;  as  also,  that  in  case  they  were  obliged  to  set  some 
 one  over  their  public  affairs,  it  was  fitter  they  should  give  that  privilege  to  any  one  rather 
 than  to  him,"  they  made  an  assault  upon  him  in  the  temple;  for  he  went  up  thither  to  wor- 
 ship in  a  pompous  manner,  and  adorned  with  royal  garments,  and  had  his  followers  with  him 
 in  their  armour.  But  Eleazar  and  his  parly  fell  violently  npon  him,  as  did  also  the  rest  of 
 the  people,  and  taking  up  stones  to  attack  him  withal,  they  threw  them  at  the  sophister,  and 
 thought,  that  if  he  were  once  ruined,  the  entire  sedition  would  fall  to  the  ground.  Nov?  Ma- 
 nahem and  his  party  made  resistance  for  a  while,  but  when  they  perceived  that  the  whole 
 multitude  were  falling  npon  them,  Ihey  fied  which  way  every  one  was  able,  those  that  were 
 caught  were  slain,  and  those  that  hid  themselves  were  searched  for.  A  few  there  were  of 
 them  who  privately  escaped  to  Masada,  among  whom  was  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Jairus,  who 
 was  of  kin  to  Manahem,  and  acted  the  part  of  a  tyrant  at  Masada  afterward  :  as  for  Mauaheui 
 himself,  he  ran  away  to  the  place  called  Ophla,  and  there  lay  skulking  in  private  ;  but  thej 
 took  him  alive,  and  drew  him  out  before  them  all  ;  they  then  tortured  him  with  many  sorts  of 
 torments,  and  after  all  slew  him,  as  they  did  by  those  that  were  captains  under  him  also,  and 
 particularly  hv  the  prii!pi|)al  instrument  of  his  tyranny,  whose  name  was  Apsalom. 
 
 10.  And,  as  I  said,  so  far  truly  the  people  assisted  them,  while  they  hoped  this  might  afford 
 seme  amendment  to  the  seditious  practices  ;  but  the  others  were  not  in  haste  to  put  an  end  to 
 the  war,  but  hoped  to  prosecute  it  with  less  danger,  nov,;  they  had  slain  Manahem.  It  is  true, 
 that  when  the  people  earnestly  desired  that  they  would  leave  off  besieging  the  soldiers,  they 
 were  the  more  earnest  in  pressing  it  forward,  ai,d  this  till  Metilius,  wlio  was  the  Roman 
 general,  sent  to  Eli;a/.;ir,  and  desired  that  they  would  give  them  security  to  spare  their  lives 
 only,  but  agreed  to  deliver  up  their  arms,  and  what  else  they  had  with  them.  The  others 
 Madily  complied  with  their  petition,  sent  to  them  Gorion,  the  son  of  Nicodemus,  and  Ananias, 
 the  son  of  Saddnk,  and  Judas,  the  son  of  Jonathan,  that  they  might  give  them  the  security 
 of  iheir  right  hands,  and  of  their  oaths;  after  which  IMetilins  brought  down  his  soldiers, 
 which  soldiers  while  they  were  in  arms,  were  not  meddled  with  by  any  of  the  seditions,  nor 
 was  there  any  appearance  of  treachery  ;  but  as  soon  as,  according  to  the  articles  of  capitula- 
 tion, they  had  all  laid  down  their  shields  and  their  swords,  and  were  under  no  farther  sus- 
 picion of  any  harm,  but  were  going  away,  Eleazar's   meu  attacked  them  after  a  violent  man- 
 
GOO 
 
 WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 iier,  aud  encompassed  them  round,  and  slew  them,  while  they  neitiier  defended  tlieraselves, 
 nor  entreated  for  mercy,  but  only  cried  out  upon  the  breach  of  their  articles  of  capitulation, 
 aud  their  oaths.  And  thus  were  all  these  men  barbarously  murdered,  excepting  Metilius  ; 
 for  when  he  entreated  lor  mercy,  and  promised  that  he  would  turn  Jew,  and  be  circumcised, 
 ihey  saved  him  alive,  but  none  else.  This  loss  to  the  Romans  was  but  light,  there  being  no 
 more  than  a  few  slfiD  out  of  an  immense  army  ;  but  still  it  appeared  to  be  a  prelude  to  the 
 Jews'  own  destruction,  while  men  made  public  lamentation  when  they  saw  that  such  occasions 
 were  afTorded  for  a  war  as  were  incurable;  that  the  city  was  all  over  polluted  with  such 
 abominations,  from  which  it  was  but  reasonable  to  expect  some  vengeance,  eveu  though  they 
 should  escape  vengeance  from  the  Romans ;  so  that  the  city  was  filled  with  sadness,  and 
 every  one  of  the  moderate  men  in  it  were  under  great  disturbance,  as  likely  themselves  to 
 undergo  punishment  for  the  wickedness  of  the  sediiious  ;  for  indeed  it  so  happened,  that  this 
 murder  was  perpetrated  on  the  sabbath  day,  on  which  day  the  Jews  have  a  respite  from  their 
 works  on  account  of  divine  worship. 
 
 CHAP.  XVIII. 
 
 The  Calamities  and  Slaughters  that  came  upon  the  Jews. 
 
 §.  1.  Now  the  people  of  Cesarea  had  slain  the  Jews  that  were  among  them  on  the  very  same, 
 day  and  hour  [when  the  soldiers  were  slain,]  which  one  would  think  must  have  come  to  pass 
 by  the  direction  of  Providence  ;  insomuch,  that  in  one  hour's  time  above  twenty  thousand 
 Jews  were  killed,  and  all  Cesarea  was  emptied  of  its  Jewish  inhabitants  ;  for  Florus  caught 
 such  as  ran  away,  and  sent  them  in  bonds  to  the  gallies.  Upon  which  stroke  that  the  Jews 
 received  at  Cesarea,  the  whole  nation  was  greatly  enraged  ;  so  they  divided  themselves  into 
 several  parties,  and  laid  waste  the  villages  of  the  Syrians,  and  their  neighbouring  cities,  Phi- 
 ladelphia, and  Sebouiiis,  and  Gerasa,  and  Fella,  and  Scythopolis,  and  after  them  Gadara,  and. 
 Hippos  ;  and  falling  upon  Gaulanitis,  some  cities  they  destroyed  there,  and  some  they  set  on 
 fire,  and  then  went  to  Kedasa,  belonging  to  the  Tjrians,  and  to  Ptolemais,  and  to  Gaba,  and 
 to  Cesarea;  nor  was  either  Sabaste  [Samaria,]  or  Askelon  able  to  oppose  the  violence  with 
 which  they  were  attacked ;  and  when  they  had  burnt  these  to  the  ground,  they  entirely  demo- 
 lished Anthedon  and  Gaza ;  many  also  of  the  villages  that  were  about  every  one  of  those  cities 
 were  plundered,  and  an  immense  slaughter  was  made  of  the  men  who  were  caught  in  them. 
 
 2.  However,  the  Syrians  were  even  with  the  Jews  iu  the  multitude  of  the  men  whom  they 
 slew  :  for  they  killed  those  whom  they  caught  in  their  cities,  and  that  not  only  out  of  the 
 hatred  they  bore  them,  as  formerly,  but  to  prevent  the  danger  under  which  ihcy  were  from 
 them  ;  so  thai  the  soldiers  in  all  Syria  were  terrible,  and  every  city  was  divided  into  two 
 armies  encamped  one  against  another,  and  the  preservation  of  the  one  party  was  in  the  de- 
 struction of  the  other ;  so  the  day-time  was  spent  in  shedding  of  blood,  and  the  night  in  fear, 
 which  was  of  the  two  the  more  terrible ;  for  when  the  Syrians  thought  they  had  rnincd  the 
 Jews,  they  had  the  Judaizers  in  suspicion  also,  and  as  each  side  did  not  care  to  slay  those 
 whom  they  only  suspected  on  the  other,  so  did  they  greatly  fear  them  when  they  were  mingled 
 with  the  other,  as  if  they  were  certainly  foreigners.  Moreover,  greediness  of  gain  was  a 
 provocation  to  kill  the  opposite  party,  even  to  such  as  bad  of  old  appeared  very  mild  and 
 gentle  towards  them;  for  they  without  fear  pluodered  the  effects  of  the  slain,  and  carried  off 
 the  spoils  of  those  whom  they  slew  to  their  own  houses,  as  if  they  had  been  gained  in  a  set 
 battle  ;  aud  be  was  esteemed  a  man  of  honour  who  got  the  greatest  share,  as  having  prevailed 
 over  the  greatest  number  of  his  enemies.  It  was  then  common  to  see  cities  filled  with  dead 
 bodies,  still  lying  unburied,  and  those  of  old  men,  mixed  with  infants,  all  dead,  and  scattered 
 about  together;  women  also  lay  amongst  them,  without  any  covering  for  their  nakedness  ;  you 
 might  then  see  the  whole  province  full  of  inexpressible  calamities,  while  the  dread  of  still 
 more  barbarous  practices  which  were  threatened,  was  every  where  greater  than  what  had 
 been  already  perpetrated. 
 
 3.  And  thus  far  the  conflict  had  been  between  Jews  and  foreigners  ;  but  when  they  made 
 exearsions  to  Scythopolis,  they  found  Jews  that  acted  as  enemies  ;  for  as  they  stood  in  battle 
 array  with  those  of  Scythopolis,  and  preferred  their  own  safety  before  their  relation  to  ns,  they 
 fought  against  their  own  countrymen  ;  nay,  their  alacrity  was  so  very  great,  that  those  of 
 Scythopolis  suspected  them.  These  were  afraid,  therefore,  lest  they  should  make  an  assault 
 upon  the  city  in  the  night  time,  and,  to  their  great  misfortune,  should  thereby  make  an  apology 
 for  themselves  to  th»5ir  people  for  their  revolt  from  them.  So  they  comraanded  them,  that  in 
 case  tliey  would  confirm  their  agreement  and  demonstrate  their  fidelity  to  thera,  who  were  of 
 a  different  nation,  they  should  go  out  of  the  city,  with  their  families,  to  a  neighbouring  grove  ; 
 and  when  they  had  done  as  they  were  commanded,  without  suspecting  any  thing,  the  people 
 of  Scythopolis  lay  still  for  the  interval  of  two  days,  to  tempt  them  to  be  secure  ;  but  on  the 
 third  night  they  watched  their  opportunity,  and  cut  all  their  throats,  some  as  they  lay  un- 
 guarded, and  some  as  they  lay  asleep.  The  number  that  was  slain  was  above  thirteen  thou- 
 sand, and  then   they  plundered  them  of  all  that  they  had. 
 
 4.  It  will  deserve  our  relation  what  befell  Simon  :  he  was  the   son  of  cue  Saul,  a  man  of 
 
ROOK   II. — CHAP.  XV  III.  (501 
 
 reputnlion  among  tbe  Jews.  This  man  was  distinguished  from  tlie  rest  by  tlie  strength  of  his 
 l)0<lv  tiid  the  boldness  of  his  conduct,  although  he  abused  iheiu  both  to  the  niisciiieving  of  liis 
 cnontryraen  ;  for  he  came  every  day  and  slew  a  {jreat  many  of  the  Jews  of  Scythopolis,  anA 
 he  freijuentlv  put  them  to  flight,  and  became  himself  alone  liie  cause  of  his  army's  conquering. 
 I5ut  a  just  ]iuiiisiinient  overtook  him  for  the  murders  he  iiad  committed  upon  those  of  tl)e 
 same  nation  with  him  ;  for  when  the  people  of  Scythopolis  threw  their  darts  at  them  in  the 
 grove,  lie  drew  his  sword,  but  did  not  attack  any  of  the  enemy  ;  for  he  saw  that  he  could  do 
 nothing  against  such  a  multitude  ;  but  he  cried  nut  after  a  very  moving  manner,  and  said, 
 '•  O,  ye  people  of  Scythopolis,  I  deservedly  sutler  for  what  I  have  done  with  relation  to  you, 
 when  I  gave  you  such  security  of  my  fidelity  to  you,  by  slaying  so  many  of  those  that  were 
 related  to  me.  'Wherefore  we  very  justly  experience  the  perlidiousnesg  of  foreigners,  while 
 we  acted  after  a  most  wicked  manner  against  our  own  nation.  I  will  therefore  die,  polluted 
 wretch  as  I  am,  by  mine  own  hands  ;  for  it  is  not  (it  I  should  die  by  the  hand  of  our  enemies  ; 
 and  let  the  same  action  be  to  me  both  a  punishment  for  my  great  crimes,  and  a  testimony  of 
 my  courage  to  iny  commendation,  ihat  so  no  one  of  our  enemies  may  have  it  to  brag  of,  that 
 he  it  was  that  slew  me,  and  no  one  may  insult  npon  me  as  I  fall."  Now  when  he  had  said  this, 
 he  looked  round  about  him  upon  his  family,  with  eyes  of  commiseration,  and  of  rage,  (that 
 family  consisted  of  a  wife,  and  children,  and  his  aged  parents  ;)  so,  in  the  first  place,  be  caught 
 his  father  by  the  grey  hairs,  and  ran  his  sword  through  hira,  and  after  him  he  did  the  same  to 
 his  mother,  who  willingly  received  ii  ;  and  after  them  he  did  the  like  to  his  wife  and  cliildren, 
 every  one  almost  oflering  themselves  to  his  sword,  as  desirous  to  prevent  being  slain  by  their 
 enemies;  so  when  he  bad  gone  over  all  his  family,  he  stood  upon  their  bodies  to  be  seen  by 
 all,  and  stretching  out  his  right  hand,  that  his  action  might  be  observed  by  all,  he  sheathed  his 
 entire  sword  into  his  own  bowels.  This  young  man  was  to  be  pitied  on  account  of  the  strength 
 of  his  body  and  the  courage  of  his  soul ;  but  since  he  had  assured  foreigners  of  his  fidelity 
 [against  his  own  countrymen,]  he  suftVred  deservedly. 
 
 5.  Besides  this  murder  at  Scythopolis,  the  other  cities  rose  up  against  the  Jews  that  were 
 among  them  ;  those  of  Askelon  slew  two  thousand  five  hundred,  and  those  of  Ptolemais  two 
 thousand,  and  put  not  a  few  into  bonds;  those  of  Tyre  also  put  a  great  number  to  death,  but 
 kept  a  greater  number  in  prison  ;  moreover,  those  of  Hippos  and  those  of  Gadara  did  the  like, 
 while  they  put  to  death  the  boldest  of  the  Jews,  but  kept  those  of  whom  they  were  afraid  in 
 custody  ;  as  did  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  Svria,  according  as  the}'  every  one  either  hated  them, 
 or  were  afraid  of  them  ;  only  the  Anlinuhians,  the  Sidonians,  and  Apamians,  spared  those  that 
 dwelt  »ilh  them,  and  would  not  endure  either  to  kill  any  of  the  Jews,  or  to  put  them  in  bonds. 
 And  perhaps  tliev  spared  them,  because  their  own  number  was  so  great  that  they  despised 
 their  attempts  ;  but  I  think  the  greatest  part  of  this  favour  was  owing  to  their  commiseration 
 of  those  whom  they  saw  to  make  no  innovations.  As  for  the  Gerasens,  they  did  no  harm  to 
 those  that  abode  with  them  ;  and  for  those  who  had  a  mind  to  go  away,  they  conducted  them 
 as  far  as  their  borders  reached. 
 
 G.  There  was  also  a  plot  laid  against  the  Jews  in  Agrippa's  kingdom  ;  for  he  was  himself 
 gone  to  Cestius  Gallus,  to  Anlioch,  but  had  left  one  of  his  companions,  whose  name  was 
 Noarus,  to  take  care  of  tlie  public  aft'airs;  wliicli  Noarus  was  of  kin  to  king  Sohcmus.*  Now 
 there  came  certain  men,  seventy  in  number,  out  of  Batanea,  who  were  the  most  considerable 
 for  their  families  and  prudence  of  the  rest  of  the  people  ;  these  desired  to  have  an  army  put 
 into  their  hands,  that  if  any  tumult  should  happen,  they  might  have  about  them  a  guard  sufii- 
 cient  to  restrain  such  as  might  rise  up  against  them.  This  Noarus  sent  out  some  of  the  king's 
 armed  men  by  night,  and  slew  all  those  [seventy]  men  ;  which  bold  action  he  ventured  upon 
 without  the  consent  of  Agri|)pa,  and  was  such  a  lover  of  money,  that  he  chose  to  be  so  wicked  to 
 his  own  countrymen,  allhough  he  brought  ruin  on  the  kingdom  thereby  :  and  thus  cruelly  did  he 
 treat  that  nation,  and  this  contrary  to  the  laws  also,  until  .'^jjrippa  was  informed  of  it,  who  did 
 not  indeed  dare  to  put  him  to  dealh,  out  of  regard  to  Sohemus  ;  but  still  he  put  an  end  to  his 
 procuratorship  immediately.  But  as  to  the  seditious,  they  took  the  citadel  which  was  called 
 Cypros,  and  was  above  Jericho,  and  cut  the  throats  of  the  garrison,  and  utterly  demolished 
 the  fortifications  ;  this  was  about  the  same  time  that  the  mulfitude  of  the  Jews  that  were  at 
 Macherus  persuaded  the  Romans  who  were  in  garrison  to  leave  the  place,  and  deliver  it  np  to 
 them.  These  Romans  being  in  great  fear,  lest  the  place  should  be  taken  bv  force,  made  an 
 agreement  wilh  them  to  depart  upon  certain  conditions  ;  and  when  they  had  obtained  the  secu- 
 rity they  desired,  they  delivered  up  the  citadel,  into  wliich  the  people  of  Macherus  put  a 
 garrison  for  their  own  security,  and  held  it  in  their  own  power. 
 
 7.  But  for  Alexandria,  the  sedition  of  the  people  of  the  place  against  the  Jews  was  perpe- 
 tual, and  this  from  that  very  time  when  Alexander  [the  Great,]  upon  finding  the  readines!)  of 
 the  Jews  in  assisting  him  against  the  Egyptians,  and  as  a  reward  for  such  their  assistance, 
 gave  them  equal  privileges  in  this  city  with  the  Grecians  themselves.  Which  honorary  reward 
 continued  among  them  under  his  successors,  who  also  set  apart  for  theoi  a  particular  place, 
 
 •  Of  this  Roll  «Biue  we  haTe  mention  made  by  Tacitus.  We  also  learn  from  Pio,  that  his  father  wa«  king  o? 
 the  Arabian*  of  iture«,  [which  Iturea  is  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  iii.  1.)  both  wlioee  tesiimouies  are  quoted  here 
 by  Dr.  Hudsou,    See  >.oldius,  No.  371 
 
 4  a 
 
602  V/ARS    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 that  tliey  might  live  wlihout  being  polluted  [by  the  Gentiles,]  and  were  thereby  not  so  much 
 intermixed  with  foreigners  as  before:  they  also  gave  them  this  farther  privilege,  that  they 
 should  be  called  Macedonians.  Nay,  when  the  Romans  got  possession  of  Egypt,  neither  the 
 first  Ca?sar,  nor  any  one  that  came  after  him,  thought  of  diminishing  the  honours  which  Alex- 
 nnder  had  bes'.Oived  on  the  Jews.  But  still  conflicts  perpetually  arose  with  the  Grecians;  and 
 although  the  governors  dirt  every  day  punish  many  of  them,  yet  did  the  sedition  grow  worse  ; 
 hut  at  this  time  especially,  when  there  were  tumults  in  other  places  also,  the  disorders  among 
 them  were  put  into  a  greater  flame  :  for  when  the  Alexandrians  had  once  a  public  assembly,  to 
 deliberate  about  an  embassage  they  were  sending  to  Nero,  a  great  number  of  Jews  came  flock- 
 ing to  the  theatre  ;  but  when  their  adversaries  saw  them,  they  immediately  cried  out,  and 
 called  them  their  enemies,  and  said  they  came  as  spies  upon  them:  upon  which  they  rushed 
 out,  and  laid  violent  hands  upon  them  ;  and  as  for  the  rest  they  were  slain  as  they  ran  away ; 
 but  there  were  three  men  whom  they  caught,  and  hauled  them  along,  in  order  to  have  them 
 burnt  alive  ;  but  all  the  Jews  came  in  a  body  to  defend  them,  who  at  first  threw  stones  at  the 
 Grecians,  but  after  (hat  they  took  lamps,  and  rushed  with  violence  into  the  theatre,  and  threat- 
 ened that  they  would  burn  the  people  to  a  man  ;  and  this  they  had  soon  done,  unless  Tiberius 
 Alexander,  the  governor  of  the  city,  had  restrained  their  passions.  However,  this  man  did 
 not  begin  to  teach  them  wisdom  by  arms,  but  sent  among  them  privately  some  of  the  principal 
 men,  and  thereby  entreated  them  to  be  quiet,  and  not  provoke  the  Roman  army  against 
 them  ;  but  the  seditious  made  a  jest  of  the  entreaties  of  Tiberius,  and  reproached  him  for 
 so  doin?. 
 
 8.  Now  when  be  perceived  that  those  who  were  for  innovations  would  not  be  paciBed  till 
 some  great  calamity  should  overtake  them,  he  sent  out  upon  them  those  two  Roman  legions 
 thai  were  in  the  city,  and  together  «iili  them  five  thousand  other  soldiers,  who  by  chance  were 
 come  together  out  of  Libya,  to  the  ruin  of  the  Jews.  They  were  also  permitted  not  only  to 
 kill  them,  but  to  plunder  them  of  what  they  had,  and  to  set  fire  to  their  houses.  These  sol- 
 diers rushed  violently  into  that  part  of  the  city  that  was  called  Delta,  where  the  Jewish  people 
 lived  together,  and  did  as  they  were  bidden,  though  not  without  bloodshed  on  their  own  side 
 also ;  for  the  Jews  got  together,  and  set  those  that  were  the  best  armed  among  them  in  the 
 forefront,  and  made  resistance  for  a  great  while  ;  but  when  once  they  gave  back,  they  were 
 destroyed  unraerclfiilly,  and  this  their  destruction  was  complete,  some  being  caught  in  the 
 open  field,  and  others  forced  into  their  houses,  which  houses  were  first  plundered  of  what  was 
 in  them,  and  then  set  on  fire  by  the  Romans ;  wherein  no  mercy  was  shewn  to  the  infants,  and 
 no  xegard  had  to  the  aged;  but  they  went  on  in  the  slaughter  of  persons  of  every  age,  till  all 
 the  place  was  overflowed  with  blood,  and  fifty  thousand  of  them  lay  dead  upon  heaps  ;  nor  had 
 the  remainder  been  preserved  had  they  not  betaken  themselves  to  supplication.  So  Alexan- 
 der commiserated  their  condition,  and  gave  orders  to  the  Romans  to  retire :  accordingly, 
 these  being  accustomed  to  obey  orders,  left  ofi'  killing  at  the  first  intimation  ;  bnt  the  populace 
 of  Alexandria  bore  so  very  great  hatred  to  the  Jews,  that  it  was  difficult  tu  recall  them,  and 
 it  was  a  hard  thing  to  make  them  leave  their  dead  bodies. 
 
 9.  And  this  was  the  miserable  calamity  which  at  this  lime  befell  the  Jews  at  Alexandria. 
 Hereupon  Cestius  thought  fit  no  longer  to  lie  still,  while  the  Jews  were  every  where  np  in 
 arms  ;  so  he  took  out  of  Antioch  the  twelfth  legion  entire,  and  out  of  each  of  the  rest  he  selected 
 two  thousand,  with  six  cohorts  of  footmen,  and  four  troops  of  horsemen,  besides  those  auxi- 
 liaries which  were  sent  by  the  kings  ;  of  which  Antiochus*  sent  two  thousand  horsemen,  and 
 three  thousand  footmen,  with  as  many  archers  ;  and  Agrippa  sent  the  same  number  of  footmen, 
 and  one  thousand  horsemen;  Sohemus  also  followed  with  four  thousand,  a  third  part  whereof 
 were  horsemen,  but  most  part  were  archers,  and  thus  did  he  march  to  Ptolemais.  There  were 
 also  great  numbers  of  auxiliaries  gathered  together  from  the  [free]  cities,  who  indeed  had  not 
 the  same  skill  in  martial  afl'airs,  but  made  up  in  their  alacrity  and  in  tlieir  hatred  to  the  Jews 
 what  they  wanted  in  skill.  There  came  also  along  with  Cestius,  Agrippa  himself,  both  as  a 
 guide  in  his  march  over  the  country,  and  a  director  what  was  fit  to  be  done  ;  so  Cestius  took 
 part  of  his  forces,  and  marched  hastily  to  Zabulon,  a  strong  city  of  Galilee,  which  was  called 
 the  city  of  men,  and  divides  the  country  of  Ptolemais  from  our  nation :  this  he  found  deserted 
 by  its  men,  the  multitude  baring  fled  to  the  mountains,  but  full  of  all  sorts  of  good  things; 
 those  he  gave  leave  to  the  soldiers  to  plunder,  and  set  fire  to  the  city,  although  it  was  of 
 admirable  beauty,  and  had  its  houses  built  like  those  in  Tyre,  and  Sidon,  and  Berytus.  After  . 
 this  he  overran  all  the  country,  and  seized  upon  whatsoever  came  in  his  way,  and  set  fire  to 
 the  villages  that  were  round  about  them,  and  then  returned  to  Ptolemais.  But  when  the  Syr- 
 ians, and  especially  those  of  Berytus,  were  busy  in  plundering,  the  Jews  pulled  up  their  cou- 
 rage again,  for  they  knew  that  Cestius  was  retired,  and  fell  upon  those  that  were  left  behind 
 unexpectedly,  and  destroyed  about  two  tliousand  of  them. 
 
 10.  And  now  Cestius  himself  marched  from  Ptolemais,  and  came  to  Cesarea;  but  he  sent 
 part  of  his  army  before   him  to  Joppa,  and  gave  order,  that  if  they  could  take  that  city  [by 
 
 •  Spanheim  notes  on  the  place,  that  this  latter  Antiochus,  who  was  called  Epiphanes,  is  mentioned  by 
 Die,  LIX.  page  645,  and  that  he  is  mentioned  by  Josephus  elsewhere  twice  also,  b.  t.  chap.  xi.  »  3.  and 
 Antiq.  b.  xix,  chap.  viii.  §  1. 
 
BOOK   H, — CHAP.  XIX.  603 
 
 iliirprise]  tliev  should  keep  it  ;  hut  that  in  case  the  citizens  should  perceive  they  were  coming 
 to  iitlack  lliein,  that  tliey  then  should  stay  for  him,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  army.  So  some  of 
 them  made  a  brisk  inarch  by  the  sea-side,  afid  some  by  land,  and  so  coming  upon  them  on  both 
 sides,  they  took  the  citj'  with  ease  :  and  as  the  inhabitants  had  made  no  provision  aforehand 
 for  a  flight,  nor  had  gotten  any  lliing  ready  for  ligliting,  the  soliiiers  fill  upon  them,  and  slew 
 them  all,  with  their  families,  and  then  plundered  and  burnt  the  city.  The  number  of  the  slaia 
 was  eight  thousand  four  hundred.  In  like  manner  Cestius  sent  also  a  considerable  body  of 
 horsemen  to  the  toparcliy  of  Narbatene,  that  adjoined  to  Cesarea,  who  destroyed  the  country, 
 and  slew  a  great  multitude  of  its  people  ;  they  also  plundered  what  they  had,  and  burnt  their 
 villaojes. 
 
 11.  But  Ceslias  sent  Callus,  the  commander  of  the  twelfth  legion,  into  Galilee,  and  delivered 
 to  him  as  many  of  his  forces  as  he  supposed  suflicient  to  subdue  that  nation.  He  was  received 
 bv  the  strongest  city  of  Galilee,  »vhich  was  Sepphoris,  with  acclamations  of  joy  ;  which  wise 
 coNilnct  of  that  city  nccasioucd  the  rest  of  the  cities  to  be  quiet  ;  while  the  seditious  part  and 
 t!ie  robbers  ran  away  to  Ihat  mountain  which  lies  in  the  very  middle  of  Galilee,  and  is  situated 
 over  against  Sepphoris  ;  it  is  called  Asamon.  So  Callus  brought  his  forces  against  tliem  ;  but 
 wiiile  those  men  were  in  the  superior  parts  above  the  Romans  they  easily  threw  their  darts 
 upcii  the  Romans,  as  they  made  their  approaches,  and  slew  about  two  hundred  of  them  :  but 
 when  the  Romans  had  gone  round  the  muuntains,  and  were  gotten  into  parts  above  their  ene- 
 mies, the 'others  were  soon  beaten,  t.or  could  they  who  had  only  light  armour  on,  sustain  the 
 tciice  of  them  that  fought  liiem  armed  all  over;  nor  when  they  were  beaten  could  they  escape 
 the  enemy's  horsemen  ;  insomuch,  that  only  some  few  concealed  themselves  in  certain  places 
 hard  to  be  come  at,  araoi!g  the  mountains,  while  the  rest,  above  two  thousand  iu  number, 
 were  slain. 
 
 CHAP.  XIX. 
 
 What  Ceslius  did  againsl  the  Jews;  and  how,  upon  his  besierjiii;/  Jerusalem,  he  retreated  from 
 the  Cilij,  wiihnul  anij  just  Occasion  in  the  World.  As  also  what  severe  Calamities  he  under- 
 went from  the  Jews  in  his  retreat. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Callus,  seeing  nothing  more  that  looked  towards  an  innovation  in  Galilee, 
 returned  with  his  army  to  Cesarea  ;  but  Ceslius  removed  with  bis  whole  army,  and  mar(;hed 
 to  Antipatris.  And  when  he  was  informed  that  there  was  a  great  body  of  Jewish  forces  gotten 
 together  in  a  certain  tower  called  Ajihek,  lie  sent  a  party  before  to  liglil  tlieiii  ;  but  this  party 
 'dispersed  the  Jews  by  aiVriglitiug  tliem  before  it  came  to  a  battle:  so  they  came,  and  finding 
 their  camp  deserted,  they  burnt  it,  as  well  as  the  villages  that  lay  about  it.  But  when  Ces- 
 tius had  marched  from  Antipatris  to  I;ydda,  he  found  the  city  empty  of  its  men,  for  the  whole 
 multitude  were  gone  up  to  Jerusalem  to  the  feast  of  tabernacles  ;^  yet  did  he  destroy  fifty  of 
 those  that  shewed  themselves,  and  burnt  the  city,  and  so  marched  forwards  ;  and  ascending 
 by  Heth-horon,  be  pitched  his  camp  at  a  certain  place  called  Gabao,  fiflj  furlongs  distant  from 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  tlie  Jews,  when  they  saw  the  war  approaching  to  their  metropolis,  they  left 
 the  feast,  and  betook  themselves  to  their  arms  :  and  taking  courage  greallv  from  liieir  multi- 
 tude, went  in  a  sudden  and  disorderly  manner  to  the  figlit,  with  a  i;reat  noise,  and  without  any 
 consideration  had  of  the  rest  of  the  sevenlh  day,  although  the  Sabbath  was  the  day  to  which 
 ihey  had  the  greatest  regard  ;  but  that  rage  which  made  them  forget  the  religious  observation 
 [of  the  Sabbath]  made  them  too  hard  for  their  enemies  in  the  fight:  wilh  such  violence  there- 
 fore did  they  fall  upon  the  Romans,  as  to  break  into  their  ranks,  and  to  march  through  the 
 midst  of  them,  making  a  great  slaughter  as  they  went,  insomuch,  that  unless  the  horsemen, 
 and  such  part  of  the  footmen  as  were  not  yet  tired  in  the  action,  had  wheeled  round,  and  suc- 
 coured that  part  of  the  army  which  was  not  yet  broken,  Cestius,  with  his  whole  army,  had 
 been  in  danger:  however,  five  hundred  and  fifteen  of  the  Romans  were  slain,  of  which  number 
 four  hundred  were  footmen,  and  the  rest  horsemen,  while  the  Jews  lost  only  twenty-two,  of 
 whom  the  most  valiant  were  the  kinsmen  of  Monobazus  king  of  Adiabene,  and  their  names 
 were  Monobazus  and  Kenedeus  ;  and  next  to  them  were  Niger  of  Ferea,  and  Silas  of  Babylon, 
 who  had  deserted  from  king  Agrip|)a  to  the  Jews,  for  he  had  formerly  served  in  his  army. 
 When  the  front  of  the  Jewish  army  had  been  cut  ofl',  the  Jews  retired  into  the  city  ;  but  still 
 Simon,  the  son  of  Giora,  fell  upon  the  backs  of  the  Romans,  as  they  were  ascending  up  Betii> 
 
 *  Here  we  have  an  eminent  example  of  that  .lewish  language,  which  Dr.  Wall  truly  observes  we  several 
 tinn'9  find  used  in  the  sacrid  writings  ;  I  mean  whtro  the  words  all  or  ii.holc  multitude,  .V"c.  are  used  for 
 much  the  greatest  part  only  ;  hut  not  so  as  to  include  every  person,  without  exception  ;  for  when  .losephus 
 had  said,  that  the  wliole  multitude  fall  the  malesj  of  Lydda  were  gone  to  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  he  iiumedi- 
 Btely  adds,  that  however  no  fewer  than  fifty  of  them  appeared,  and  were  slain  by  the  Romans.  Other  exam- 
 ples somewhat  like  this  1  have  observed  elsewhere  in  Josephus,  but,  as  I  think,  none  so  rem.irkable  as  this. 
 See  Wall's  Critical  Observations  on  the  New  Testament,  p.  49.  50.— We  have  also  iu  this  and  the  next  section, 
 two  eminent  facts  to  be  observed,  viz.  the  first  example,  that  1  remember  in  Josophus,  of  the  onset  of  Ihe  Jews' 
 enemies  upon  their  country  when  their  males  were  gone  up  to  .lerusalein  to  one  of  their  three  sacred  festivals  ; 
 which,  during  the  Theocracy,  (iod  had  prnuiised  to  preserve  them  from,  Exod.  xxxiv.  24.  The  second  fact 
 i»  this,  the  breach  of  the  Sabbath  by  the  seditious  .lews  in  au  oftensive  light,  contrary  to  the  universal  doctrins 
 and  practice  of  their  nation  in  these  ages,  and  even  contrary  to  what  they  themselves  afterward  practiseJ  in 
 the  rest  of  this  war.    See  the  cote  ou  Amiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  2,  §  4. 
 
604  WARS   CF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 horon,  and  pot  the  biodermost  of  the  army  into  disorder,  and  carried  off  many  of  the  beasts 
 that  carried  the  weapons  of  war,  and  led  them  into  the  city.  But  as  Cestius  tarried  there 
 three  days,  the  Jewa  seized  upon  the  elevated  parts  of  the  city,  and  set  watches  at  the  entrances 
 into  the  city,  and  appeared  openly  resolved  nut  to  rest,  when  once  the  Romans  should  begin 
 to  march. 
 
 3.  And  now  when  Agrippa  observed  that  even  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  were  likely  to  be 
 in  danger,  while  such  an  immense  multitude  of  their  enemies  had  seized  upon  the  mountains 
 round  about,  he  determined  to  try  what  the  Jews  would  agree  to  by  words,  as  thinking  that 
 he  should  either  persuade  them  all  to  desist  from  fighting,  or,  however,  that  be  should  cause 
 the  sober  part  of  them  to  separate  themselves  from  the  opposite  party.  So  he  sent  Borceus 
 and  Phebus,  the  persons  of  bis  party  that  were  the  best  known  to  them,  and  promised  them, 
 that  Cestius  should  give  them  his  right  band,  to  secure  them  of  the  Romans'  entire  forgiveness 
 of  what  they  had  done  amiss,  if  they  would  throw  away  their  arms,  and  come  over  to  them  ; 
 but  the  seditious,  fearing  lest  the  vrhole  multitude,  in  hopes  of  security  to  themselves,  should 
 go  over  to  Agrippa,  resolved  immediately  to  fall  upon  and  kill  the  ambassadors  :  accord- 
 ingly they  slew  Phebus  before  he  said  a  word,  but  Borceus  was  only  wounded,  and  so  pre- 
 vented his  fate  by  flying  away  ;  and  when  the  people  were  very  angry  at  this,  they  had  the 
 seditious  beaten  with  stones  and  clubs,  and  drove  them  before  them  into  the  city. 
 
 4.  But  now  Cestius,  observing  that  the  disturbances  that  were  begun  among  the  Jews 
 afforded  him  a  proper  opportunity  to  attack  them,  took  his  whole  army  along  with  him,  and 
 put  the  Jews  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  to  Jerusalem.  He  then  pitched  his  camp  upon  the 
 elevation  called  Scopus,  [or  watch  tower,]  which  was  distant  seven  furlongs  from  the  city  ; 
 yet  did  net  he  assault  them  in  three  days'  time,  out  of  expectation  that  those  within  might 
 perhaps  yield  a  little  ;  and  in  the  mean  lime  he  sent  out  a  great  many  of  his  soldiers  into  the 
 neighbouring  villages,  to  seize  upon  their  corn.  And  on  the  fourth  day,  which  was  the  thirtieth 
 of  the  month  Hyperbereteus  [Tisri,]  when  he  had  put  his  army  in  array,  he  brought  it  into  th^e 
 city.  Now  for  the  people,  they  were  kept  under  by  the  seditious ;  but  the  seditious  them- 
 selves were  greatly  affrishted  at  the  good  order  of  the  Romans,  and  retired  from  the  suburbs, 
 and  retreated  into  the  inner  part  of  tlie  city,  and  into  the  temple.  But  when  Cestius  was  come 
 into  the  citj-,  he  set  the  part  called  Bezetha,  which  is  also  called  Cenopolis,  [or  the  new  city,]  on 
 fire  ;  as  he  did  also  to  the  timber  market :  after  which  he  came  into  the  upper  city,  and  pitched 
 his  camp  over  against  the  royal  palace  ;  and  had  he  but  at  this  very  time  attempted  to  get 
 within  the  walls  by  force,  be  bad  won  the  city  presently,  and  the  war  had  been  put  an  end  to 
 at  once  ;  but  Tyrannius  Priscus,  the  muster-master  of  the  army,  and  a  great  number  of  the 
 officers  of  the  horse,  had  been  corrupted  by  Florus,  and  diverted  him  from  that  his  attempt; 
 and  that  was  the  occasion  that  this  war  lasted  so  very  long,  and  thereby  the  Jews  were  involved 
 in  such  incurable  calamities. 
 
 5.  In  the  mean  time,  many  of  the  principal  meu  of  the  city  were  persuaded  by  Anauus,the 
 son  of  Jonathan,  and  invited  Cestius  into  the  city,  and  were  about  to  open  the  gates  for  him  ; 
 but  he  overlooked  this  offer,  partly  out  of  bis  anger  at  the  Jews,  and  partly  because  be  did 
 not  thoroughly  believe  they  were  iu  earnest ;  whence  it  was  that  he  delayed  the  matter  so 
 long,  that  the  seditious  perceived  the  treachery,  and  threw  Ananus  and  those  of  his  party 
 down  from  the  wall,  and  pelting  them  with  stones,  drove  them  into  their  houses  ;  but  they 
 stood  themselves  at  proper  distances  in  the  towers,  and  threw  their  darts  at  those  that  were 
 getting  over  the  wall.  Thus  did  the  Romans  make  their  attack  against  the  wall  for  five  days, 
 but  to  no  purpose  ;  but  on  the  next  day,  Cestius  took  a  great  many  of  his  choicest  men,  and 
 with  them  the  archers,  and  attempted  to  break  into  the  temple  at  the  northern  quarter  of  it  : 
 but  the  Jews  beat  them  off  from  the  cloisters,  and  repulsed  them  several  times  when  they 
 were  gotten  near  to  the  wall,  till  at  length  the  multitude  of  the  darts  cut  them  off,  and  made 
 them  retire  ;  but  the  first  rank  of  the  Romans  rested  their  shields  upon  the  wall,  and  so  did 
 tliose  that  were  behind  them,  and  the  like  did  those  that  were  still  more  backward,  and  guarded 
 themselves  with  what  they  call  Testudo,  [the  back  of]  a  tortoise,  upon  which  the  darts  that 
 were  thrown  fell,  and  slided  off  without  doing  them  any  barm  ;  so  the  soldiers  undermined 
 the  wall,  without  being  themselves  hurt,  and  got  all  things  ready  for  setting  fire  to  the  gate  of 
 the  temple. 
 
 6.  And  now  it  was  that  a  horrible  fear  seized  upon  the  seditious,  insomuch  that  many  of 
 them  ran  out  of  the  city,  as  though  it  were  to  be  taken  immediately  :  but  the  people  upon  this 
 took  courage,  and  where  the  wicked  part  of  the  city  gave  ground,  thither  did  they  come  in  order 
 to  set  open  the  gates,  and  to  admit  Cestius  as  their  benefactor,  who,  had  he  but  continued 
 the  siege  a  little  longer,  bad  certainly  taken  the  city;  but  it  was,  I  suppose,  owing  to  the 
 aversion  God  had  already  at  the  city*  and  the  sanctuary,  that  he  was  hindered  from  putting 
 an  end  to  the  war  that  very  day. 
 
 *  There  may  another  verv  iniiortant  and  verv  providential  reason  be  here  assigned,  for  this  strange  and 
 foolish  retreat  of  Cestins  ,  which,  if  Josephus  had  been  now  a  Christian,  he  might  probably  have  takeii 
 notice  of  also;  and  that  is,  ihe  affording  the  Jewish  Christians  in  the  city  an  opportunity  of  calling  to  mind 
 the  prediction  and  caution  given  them  by  Christ  about  thirty-three  years  and  a  half  before,  that  "when  they 
 should  see  the  abomination  of  desolation,"  [the  idolatrous  Koman  armies  with  the  images  of  their  idols  iu 
 their  ensigns,  ready  to  lay  Jerusalem  desolate,]  "  stand  where  it  ought  not ;"  or  "  iu  the  holy  place  ;"■  or. 
 
BOOK    II. —  CHA'>    XIX.  005 
 
 7.  It  tben  happened  ibat  Cestius  was  not  conscious  either  liow  the  besieged  despaired  of 
 success,  nor  how  courajjeous  tlie  people  were  for  him  ;  and  so  he  recalled  his  soldiers  from 
 tlie  place,  and  by  despairing  of  any  expectation  of  taking  it,  without  having  received  any  dis- 
 grace, he  retired  from  the  cicy,  without  any  reason  in  the  world.  Bui  when  the  robbers  per- 
 ceived this  unexpected  retreat  of  his,  they  resumed  their  courage,  and  ran  after  the  hinder 
 parts  of  his  army,  and  destroyed  a  considerable  number  of  both  their  horsemen  and  footmen  : 
 and  now  Cestius  lay  all  night  at  the  camp  which  was  at  Scopus,  and  as  he  went  off  farther 
 next  day,  he  thereby  invited  the  enemy  to  follow  him,  who  slill  fell  upon  the  hindmost,  and 
 destroyed  them  ;  they  also  fell  upon  the  flank  on  each  side  of  the  army,  and  threw  darts  upon 
 them  obliquely,  nor  durst  those  that  were  hindmost  turn  back  upon  those  who  wounded  them 
 behind,  as  imagining  that  the  multitude  of  those  that  pursued  them  was  immense  ;  nor  did  they 
 venture  to  drive  away  those  that  pressed  upon  them  on  each  side,  because  they  were  heavy 
 with  their  arms,  and  were  afraid  of  breaking  their  ranks  to  pieces,  and  because  they  saw  tiie 
 Jews  were  light,  and  ready  for  making  incursions  upon  them.  And  this  was  the  reason  why 
 the  Romans  suffered  greatly,  without  being  able  to  revenge  themselves  upon  their  enemies  ;  so 
 they  were  galled  all  the  way,  and  their  ranks  were  put  into  disorder,  and  those  that  were  thus 
 pat  out  of  their  ranks  were  slain  ;  among  whom  were  Priscus,  the  commander  of  the  sixth 
 legion,  and  Longinus  the  tribune,  and  Eniilius  Secundns,  tlie  commander  of  a  troop  of  horse- 
 men. So  it  vk'as  not  without  difriculty  tiiat  they  got  to  Gabao,  their  former  camp,  and  that  not 
 without  the  loss  of  a  great  part  of  their  baggage.  There  it  was  that  Cestius  staid  two  days, 
 and  was  in  great  distress  to  know  what  he  should  do  in  these  circumstances  ;  but  when,  on  the 
 third  day,  he  saw  a  still  greater  number  of  enemies,  and  all  the  parts  round  about  him 
 fall  of  Jews,  he  nnderstond  that  his  delay  was  to  his  o«n  detriment,  and  that  if  he  stayed  any 
 longer  there,  he  should  have  still  more  enemies  upon  him. 
 
 8.  That  therefore  he  might  fly  the  faster,  lie  gave  orders  to  cast  away  what  might  hinder 
 his  army's  march,  so  they  killed  the  mules,  and  other  creatures,  excepting  those  that  carried 
 their  darts,  and  machines,  which  they  retained  for  their  own  use,  and  this  principally  because 
 they  were  afraid  lest  the  Jews  should  seize  upon  tiiem.  He  then  made  his  army  inarch  on  as 
 far  as  Beth-horon.  Now  the  Jews  did  not  so  much  press  upon  them  when  they  were  in  large 
 open  places,  but  when  they  were  penned  up  in  their  descent  through  narrow  passages,  thcu 
 did  some  of  them  get  before,  and  hindered  them  from  getting  out  of  them,  and  others  of  them 
 thrust  the  hiuderraosl  down  into  the  lower  places,  and  the  whole  multitude  extended  them- 
 selves over  against  the  neck  of  the  passage,  and  covered  the  Roman  army  with  their  darts. 
 In  which  circumstances,  as  the  footmen  knew  not  how  to  defend  themselves,  so  the  danger 
 pressed  the  horsemen  still  more,  for  they  were  so  pelted,  that  they  could  not  inarch  along  the 
 road  in  their  ranks,  and  the  ascents  were  so  high,  that  the  cavalry  were  not  able  to  march 
 against  the  enemy  ;  the  precipices  also,  and  valleys  into  which  they  frequently  fell,  and  tum- 
 bled down,  were  such  on  each  side  of  them,  that  there  were  neither  place  for  their  flight,  nor 
 any  contrivance  could  be  thought  of  for  their  defence;  till  the  distress  they  were  at  last  in 
 was  so  great,  that  tiiey  betook  themselves  to  lamentations,  and  to  such  mournful  cries,  as  men 
 use  in  the  utmost  despair  ;  the  joyful  acclamations  of  the  Jews,  also,  as  they  encouraged  one 
 another,  echoed  the  sounds  back  again,  these  last  composing  a  noise  of  those  that  at  once  re- 
 joiced, and  were  in  a  rage.  Indeed,  things  were  come  to  such  a  pass,  that  tlio  Jews  had 
 almost  taken  Cestius'  entire  army  prisoners,  had  not  the  night  come  on,  when  the  Romans 
 fled  to  Beth-horon,  and  the  Jews  seized  upon  all  the  places  round  about  them,  and  watched 
 for  their  coming  out  [in  the  morning.] 
 
 9.  And  then  it  was  that  Cestius,  despairing  of  obtaining  room  for  a  public  march,  contrived 
 how  he  might  best  run  away  •,  and  when  he  had  selected  four  hundred  of  the  most  courageous 
 of  his  soldiers,  he  placed  them  at  tiie  strongest  of  their  fortifications,  and  gave  order,  that  when 
 they  went  up  to  the  moriiiug  guard,  they  should  erect  their  ensigns,  that  the  Jews  might  be 
 maile  to  believe  that  the  entire  army  was  there  still,  while  he  himself  took  the  rest  of  his 
 forces  with  liim,  and  marched,  without  any  noise,  thirty  furlongs.  But  when  the  .lews  per- 
 ceived, in  the  morning,  that  the  camp  was  empty,  they  ran  upon  those  four  hundred  who  had 
 delnded  them,  and  immediately  threw  their  darts  at  them,  and  slew  them,  and  they  pursued 
 after  Cestius.  But  he  had  already  made  use  of  a  great  part  of  the  night  in  his  'light, 
 and  still  marched  quicker  when  it  was  day.  Insomuch  that  the  soldiers,  through  the 
 astonishment  and  fear  they  were  in,  left  behind  them  their  engines  for  sieges,  and  for  throw- 
 ing of  stones,  and  a  great  part  of  the  instruments  of  war.  So  the  Jews  went  on  pursuing 
 the  Romans  as  far  as  Antipatris,  after  which,  seeing  they  could  not  overtake  them,  they 
 came  back,  and  took  the  engines,  and  spoiled  the  dead  bodies,  and,  gathering  the  prey 
 together  which  the  Romans  had  left  behind  them,  came  back  running  and  singing  to 
 their  metropolis  :    while  they   had  themselves  lost  a   few  only,  but  had  slain  of  the  Romans 
 
 "when  they  should  see  .Terusalera  compassed  with  armies,"  tliry  slinuld  then  "  flee  to  the  mountains."'  By 
 coinplyint,'  witli  which,  those  Jewish  (lirisiians  (Ird  to  the  mmiiitaiiis  of  Perea,  and  tscaptd  this  destruction. 
 See  l,it.  Ac.coiupl.  of  Proph.  pp.  6y,  70.  Nor  Wiis  lliere,  peiliaps,  any  one  instance  of  a  more  impolitic,  hut 
 more  providpnlial  ccuduct  than  this  retreat  of  Cestius,  visible  during  this  whole  siege  of  Jcriisalem;  wliich 
 yet  was  providentially  such  a  "  great  tribulation,  as  had  not  been  from  the  begiuniug  of  the  world  to  that 
 time;  uo,  oor  ever  should  be."    Ibid.  pp.  70.  71. 
 
600  WARS    OK    TfiE    JEWS. 
 
 five  llioasand  and  three  hundied  footmen,  and  three  hundred  ar.d  eighty  horsemen.  This, 
 defeat  happened  on  the  eighth  day  of  t!ie  month  Dius,  [Marhesvan,]  in  the  twelfth  year  of 
 the  reign  of  Nero. 
 
 CHAP.  XX. 
 
 Ceslius  sends  Ambassadors  to  Nero.  The  People  of  Damascus  slay  those  Jews  that  lived  with 
 them.  The  People  of  Jerusalem,  after  they  had  [left  off^  pursiiiny  Ceslius,  return  to 
 the  City,  a7id  get  things  ready  for  its  Defence,  and  make  a  great  many  Generals  for 
 their  Armies,  and  particularly  Josephus,  the  Writer  of  these  Books.  Some  Account  of  his 
 Adminislr  alion. 
 
 $.  1.  After  this  calamity  had  befallen  Cestius,  many  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  Jews  swam 
 away  from  the  city,  as  from  a  ship  when  it  was  going  to  sinii  ;  Costobarus,  therefore,  and 
 Saal,  who  were  brethren,  together  with  Philip,  the  son  of  Jacimus,  who  was  the  commander 
 of  king  Au;rippa's  forces,  ran  away  from  the  city,  and  went  to  Cestius.  But  then  how  Antipas, 
 who  had  been  besieged  with  them  in  the  king's  palace,  would  not  lly  away  with  them,  was 
 afterwards  slain  by  the  seditions,  we  shall  relate  hereafter.  However,  Cestius  sent  Saul  and 
 ■lis  friends,  at  their  own  desire,  to  Achaia,  to  Nero,  to  inform  him  of  the  great  distress  they 
 were  in,  and  to  lay  the  blame  of  their  kindling  the  war  upon  Florus,  as  hoping  to  alleviate  his 
 own  danger,  by  provoking  his  indignation  against  Florus. 
 
 2.  In  the  mean  time,  the  people  of  Damascus,  when  they  were  informed  of  the  destruction  of 
 the  Romans,  set  about  the  slaughter  of  those  Jews  that  were  among  them  ;  and  as  tbey  had  them 
 already  cooped  up  together  in  the  place  of  public  exercises,  which  they  had  done  out  of  the 
 suspicion  they  had  of  them,  they  thought  they  should  meet  with  no  difficulty  in  the  attempt  ; 
 yet  did  they  distrust  their  own  wives,  who  were  almost  all  of  them  addicted  to  the  Jewish 
 religion  ;  on  which  account  it  was,  that  their  greatest  concern  was,  how  they  might  conceal 
 these  things  from  them  ;  so  they  came  upon  the  Jews,  and  cut  their  throats,  as  being  in  a 
 narrow  place,  in  number  ten  thousand,  and  all  of  them  unarmed,  and  this  in  one  hour's  time, 
 without  any  body  to  disturb  them. 
 
 3.  But  as  to  those  who  had  pursued  after  Cestius,  when  tbey  were  returned  back  to  Jeru- 
 salem, tliey  overbore  some  of  those  that  favoured  the  Rrtmnns  by  violence,  and  some  they 
 persuaded  [by  entreaties]  to  join  with  them,  and  got  together  in  great  numbers  in  the  temple, 
 and  appointed  a  great  many  generals  for  the  war  ;  Joseph*  also  the  son  of  Gorion,  and  Ananus 
 the  high  priest,  weie  chosen  as  governors  of  all  affairs  within  the  city,  and  with  a  particnlar 
 charge  to  repair  the  walls  of  the  city  ;  for  they  did  not  ordain  Eieazar  the  son  of  Simon  to  that 
 oflice,  although  be  had  gotten  into  his  possession  the  prey  they  had  taken  from  the  Romans, 
 and  the  money  they  bad  taken  from  Cestius,  together  with  a  great  part  of  the  public  treasures, 
 because  they  saw  be  was  of  a  tyraiinical  temper,  and  that  his  followers  were  in  their  behaviour 
 like  guards  about  him.  However,  the  want  they  were  in  of  Eleazar's  mone}',  and  the  subtle 
 tricks  used  by  him,  brought  all  so  about,  that  the  people  were  circumvented,  and  submitted 
 themselves  to  his  authority  in  all  public  affairs. 
 
 4.  They  also  chose  other  generals  for  Idumea,  Jesus  the  son  of  Seppbias,  one  of  the  bigli 
 priests,  and  Eieazar,  the  son  of  Ananias  the  high  priest;  they  also  enjoined  Niger,  the  then 
 governor  of  Idumea,t  v/lio  was  of  a  family  that  belonged  to  Perea,  beyond  Jordan,  and  was 
 thence  called  the  Peraite,  that  he  should  be  obedient  to  those  forenamed  commanders.  Nor  did 
 they  neglect  the  care  of  other  parts  of  the  country,  but  Joseph  the  son  of  Simon  was  sent  as 
 a  general  to  Jericho,  as  was  Manasseh  to  Perea,  and  John  the  Essene  to  the  toparchy  of 
 Thamna  ;  Lydda  was  also  added  to  his  portion,  and  Joppa,  and  Emmaus.  But  John,  the  son 
 of  Matthias,  was  made  the  governor  of  the  toparchies  of  Gophnitica  and  Acrabattene,  as  was 
 Josephus,  the  son  of  Matthias,  of  both  the  Galilees.  Gainala  also,  which  was  the  strongest 
 city  in  those  parts,  was  put  under  his  command, 
 
 5.  So  every  one  of  the  other  commanders  administered  the  affairs  of  his  portion  with  that 
 alacrity  and  prudence  they  were  masters  of;  but  as  to  Josephus,  when  he  came  into  Galilee, 
 bis  first  care  was  lo  gain  the  good-will  of  the  people  of  that  country,  as  sensible  that  be  should 
 thereby  have  in  general  good  success,  altliongb  he  should  fail  in  other  points.  And  being 
 conscious  lo  himself  that  if  he  communicated  part  of  his  power  to  the  great  men,  be  should  make 
 them  bis  fast  friends  ;  and  that  he  should  gain  the  same  favour  from  the  multitude,  if  he  exe-  . 
 cuted  his  commands  by  persons  of  his  own  country,  and  with  whom  they  were  well 
 acquainted  ;  he  chose  out   seventy  of  the   most  prudent  mcD,t    and  those  elders  in  age,  and 
 
 •  From  this  name  of  Joseph  the  son  of  Gorion,  or  Gorion  the  son  of  Joseph,  as  b.  iv.  chap.  iii.  $  0.  one  of 
 llie  governors  of  Jervisalem,  who  was  slain  at  the  beginnin^f  of  the  tumults  by  the  zealots,  b.  iv.  chap.  vi.  ^  1. 
 the  much  later  Jewish  author  of  a  history  of  that  nation  takes  his  title,  and  yet  personates  our  true  Josephus, 
 the  son  of  Matthias :  but  the  cheat  is  too  gross  to  be  put  upon  the  learned  world. 
 
 +  We  may  observe  here,  that  the  Idumeans,  as  having  been  proselytes  of  justice  since  the  days  of  John  Hyr 
 canus,  during  about  195  years,  were  now  esteemed  as  part  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  were  provided  with  a 
 Jewish  commandej  accordingly.    See  the  note  upon  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  ix.  §  1. 
 
 1  We  see  here,  and  in  Josephus'  account  of  his  own  life,  ^  14.  how  exactly  he  imitated  his  legislator  Jloseg, 
 or  perhaps  only  obeyed  what  he  took  to  be  his  perpetual  law,  in  appointing  seven  lesser  judges,  for  smaller 
 causes,  in  particular  cities,  and  perhaps  for  the  tirst  hearins  of  greater  causes,  with  the  liberty  of  an  appeal  to 
 
BOOK  II.  — CHAP.    XX.  607 
 
 appointed  them  to  be  rulers  of  all  Galilee,  as  lie  clio»a  seven  judges  in  every  city  to  hear  the 
 lesser  quarrels ;  for  as  to  tlie  greater  causes,  and  those  wherein  life  and  death  were  concerned, 
 lie  enjoined  they  should  be  brouj^ht  to  Iiini,  and  the  seventy  elders. 
 
 C.  Josephus  also,  when  he  had  settled  these  rules  for  deterraininp;  causes  by  the  law,  with 
 repard  to  tiie  people's  dealiug.s  one  with  another,  betook  himself  to  make  jirovisions  for  their 
 safety  against  external  violence  ;  and  as  he  knew  the  Romans  would  fall  upon  Galilee,  he  bnilt 
 walls  in  proper  places  about  Jotapata,  and  Bersabee,  and  Selainis  ;  and  besides  these,  about 
 Capharecclio,  and  Japha,  and  Sigo,  and  what  they  call  Mount  Tabor;  and  Tarichea;,  and 
 Tiberias.  Moreover,  he  built  walls  about  the  caves  near  the  lake  of  Gennesar,  which  places 
 lay  iu  the  Lower  Galilee  ;  the  same  he  did  to  the  places  of  Upper  Galilee,  as  well  as  to  the 
 rock  called  The  Rock  of  the  Achabari,  and  to  Sepii,  and  Jamuith,  and  Merolh  ;  and  inGaula- 
 iiitis  he  fortified  Seleticia,  and  Sogane,  aud  Gamala  ;  but  as  to  those  of  Sepphoris,  they  were 
 the  only  people  to  whom  he  gave  leave  to  build  their  own  walls,  and  this  because  he  perceived 
 they  were  rich  and  wealthy,  and  ready  to  go  to  war,  without  standing  in  need  of  any  injunc- 
 tions for  that  purpose.  The  case  was  the  same  with  Gischala,  which  had  a  wall  built  about  it 
 by  John  the  son  of  Levi  himself,  but  with  the  consent  of  Josephus  ;  but  for  the  building  of 
 the  rest  of  the  fortresses,  he  laboured  together  with  all  the  other  builders,  and  was  present  to 
 give  all  the  necessary  orders  for  that  purpose.  He  also  got  together  an  array  out  of  Galilee, 
 of  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  young  men,  all  of  whom  be  armed  with  the  old  weapons 
 which  he  had  collected  together,  and  prepared  for  them. 
 
 7.  And  when  he  had  considered  that  the  Roman  power  became  invincible,  cliiedy  by  their 
 readiness  in  obeying  orders,  and  the  constant  exercise  of  their  arms,  he  despaired  of  teaching 
 these  his  men  the  use  of  their  arms,  which  was  to  be  obtained  by  experience  ;  but  observing 
 that  their  readiness  in  obeying  orders  was  owing  to  the  multitude  of  their  otiicers,  he  made 
 Lis  partitions  in  his  army  more  after  the  Roman  manner,  and  appointed  a  great  many  subal- 
 terns. He  also  distributed  the  soldiers  into  various  classes,  whom  he  put  under  captains  of 
 tens,  and  captains  of  hundreds,  and  then  under  captains  of  thousands  ;  and  besides  these  he 
 had  commanders  of  large  bodies  of  men.  He  also  taught  them  to  give  the  signals  one  to  an- 
 other, and  to  call  and  recall  the  soldiers  by  the  trumpets,  how  to  expand  the  wings  of  an  army, 
 and  make  them  wheel  about,  and  when  one  wing  hath  had  success,  to  turn  again  and  assist 
 those  that  were  hard  set,  and  to  join  in  the  defence  of  what  had  most  siifFered.  He  also  con- 
 tinually instructed  them  in  whut  concerned  the  courage  of  the  soul,  and  the  hardiness  of  the 
 body  ;  and  above  all  he  exercised  them  for  war,  by  declaring  to  them  distinctly  the  good  order 
 of  the  Romans,  and  that  they  were  to  fight  with  men  who,  both  by  the  strength  of  their  bodies 
 and  courage  of  their  souls,  had  conquered  in  a  manner  the  whole  habitable  earth.  He  told 
 them  that  he  should  make  trial  of  the  good  order  they  would  observe  in  war,  even  before  it 
 came  to  any  battle,  in  case  they  would  abstain  from  the  crimes  they  used  to  indulge  tlieniselves 
 in,  such  as  theft,  and  robbery,  and  rapine,  and  from  defrauding  their  own  countrymen,  and 
 never  to  esteem  the  harm  done  to  those  that  were  so  near  of  kin  to  tljem,  to  be  any  advantage 
 to  themselves  ;  for  that  wars  are  then  managed  the  best  when  the  warriors  preserve  a  good 
 conscience  ;  but  that  such  as  are  ill  men  in  private  life,  will  not  only  have  those  for  enemies 
 who  attack  them,  but  God  himself  also  for  their  antagonist. 
 
 8.  And  thus  did  he  continue  to  admonish  them.  Now  he  chose  for  the  war  such  an  army 
 as  was  mflicient,  i.  e.  sixty  thousand  footmen,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  horsemen  :*  and 
 besides  these,  on  which  he  put  the  greatest  trust,  there  were  about  four  thousand  live  hundred 
 mercenaries  ;  he  had  also  six  hundred  men  as  guards  of  his  body.  Now  the  cities  easily  main- 
 tained the  rest  of  his  army,  excepting  the  mercenaries,  for  every  one  of  the  cities  enumerated 
 above,  sent  out  half  their  men  to  the  array,  aud  retained  the  other  half  at  home,  in  order  to  get 
 provisions  for  them  ;  insomuch  that  the  one  part  went  to  the  war,  and  the  other  part  to  their 
 work,  and  so  those  that  sent  out  their  corn  were  paid  for  it  by  those  that  were  in  arms,  by 
 that  security  which  they  enjoyed  from  them. 
 
 seventy-one  supreme  judges,  especially  in  those  causes  where  life  and  death  are  concerned ;  as  Antiq.  b.  iT. 
 chap.  viii.  i  14.  and  Of  his  Life,  i  14.  See  also  Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  chap.  v.  4  4.  Moreover,  we  find,  ■$  7-  'tiat 
 he  imitated  Moses,  as  well  as  ihe  Romans,  in  the  number  aud  distribution  of  the  subaltern  otjicers  of  his  army, 
 as  FAod.  xviii.  i25.  Ueut.  i.  15.  and  in  his  charge  against  the  offences  common  among  soldiers,  asL)eut.  xxiii. 
 6.  in  all  which  he  shewed  his  great  wisdom,  and  piety,  and  skilful  conduct  in  martial  affairs.  Yet  may  we 
 discern  in  his  very  high  character  of  Anauus  the  high  priest,  b.  iv.  chap.  v.  ?  C.  who  seems  to  have  been  the 
 same  who  conducted  .St.  .fames,  bishop  of  .lerusalera,  to  be  stoned,  under  Albinus  the  procurator,  that  when 
 he  wrote  these  books  Of  the  War,  he  was  not  so  much  as  an  Kfjionite  Christian  ;  otherwise  he  woiild  not  have 
 failed,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  to  have  reckoned  this  his  barbarous  murder  as  a  jusi  punishment  upon 
 him  for  that  his  cruelty  to  the  chief,  or  rather  only  Christian  bisliop  of  the  circumcision.  Kor,  had  he  been 
 then  aChristian,  could  he  immediately  have  spoken  so  movingly  of  the  causes  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem, 
 without  one  word  of  either  the  condenination  of  .lames,  or  crucitixiou  of  Christ,  as  he  did  when  he  was  become 
 a  Christian  afterward.    Z 
 
 '  I  should  think  that  an  army  of  60,000  footmen  should  require  many  more  than  C50  horsemen  ;  and  we  find 
 .losephus  had  more  horsemen  under  his  command  than  250  in  his  future  history.  1  suppose  the  numter  of  th» 
 thousands  is  dropped  in  our  present  copies. 
 
OaS  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  XXI. 
 
 Concerning  John  of  Glschala.     Josephus  uses  Stratagems  against  the  Plots  John  laid  against 
 him;  and  recovers  certain  Cities  which  had  revolted  from  him. 
 
 §  1.  Now  as  JosepliBS  was  thus  enj^aged  in  the  adrainisiration  of  the  affairs  of  Galilee,  there 
 arose  a  treacherous  person,  a  man  of  Gischala,  the  son  of  Levi,  whose  name  was  John.  His 
 character  was  that  of  a  very  cunning,  and  very  knavish  person,  beyond  the  ordinary  rate  of  the 
 other  men  of  eminence  there,  and  for  wicked  practices  he  had  not  his  fellow  any  where.  Poor 
 he  was  at  first,  and  for  along  time  his  wants  w<=re  a  hinderance  to  him  in  bis  wicked  designs. 
 He  was  a  ready  liar,  and  yet  very  sharp  in  gair.ing  credit  to  his  fictions  ;  he  thought  it  a  point 
 of  virtue  to  delude  people,  and  would  delude  even  such  as  were  the  dearest  to  him.  He  was 
 a  hypocritical  pretender  to  humanity  ;  but  where  he  bad  hopes  of  gain,  be  spared  not  the 
 shedding  of  blood  :  his  desires  were  ever  carried  to  great  things,  and  he  encouraged  bis  hopes 
 from  those  mean  wicked  tricks  which  be  was  the  author  of.  He  iiad  a  peculiar  knack  at 
 thieving;  but  in  some  time  be  got  certain  companions  in  his  impudent  practices;  at  (irst  they 
 were  but  few,  but  as  he  proceeded  on  in  bis  evil  course,  thry  became  still  more  and  more 
 Duraerous.  He  took  care  tiiat  none  of  his  partners  should  be  easily  caught  in  their  rogueries, 
 but  chose  sucli  out  of  the  rest  as  had  the  strongest  constitutions  of  bod)-,  and  the  greatest 
 courage  of  soul,  together  with  great  skill  in  martial  affairs  ;  so  he  got  together  a  band  of  four 
 hundred  men,  who  came  principally  out  of  the  country  of  Tyre,  and  were  vagabonds  that  had 
 run  away  from  its  villages  ;  and  by  the  means  of  these  he  laid  waste  all  Galilee,  and  irri- 
 tated a  considerable  number,  who  were  in  great  expectation  of  a  war  then  suddenly  to  rise 
 among  them. 
 
 2.  However,  John's  want  of  money  bad  hitherto  restrained  bim  in  his  ambition  after  com- 
 mand, and  in  his  attempts  to  advance  himself.  But  when  be  saw  that  Josephus  was  highly 
 pleased  with  the  activity  of  his  temper,  be  persuaded  bim,  in  the  first  place,  to  intrust  bira 
 with  the  repfiiring  of  the  walls  of  his  native  city  [Gischala,]  in  which  work  be  got  a  great  deal 
 of  money  from  the  rich  citizens.  He  after  that  contrived  a  very  shrewd  tiick,  and  pretending 
 that  the  Jews  wiio  dwelt  in  Syria  were  obliged  to  make  use  of  oil  thiit  was  made  by  others 
 than  those  of  tbeir  own  nation,'  he  desired  leave  of  Josephns  to  send  oil  to  their  borders  :  so 
 lie  bought  four  amphorse  with  such  Tyrian  money  as  was  of  the  value  of  four  Attic  drachmas, 
 and  sold  every  half  amphorae  at  the  same  price.  And  as  Galilee  was  very  fruitful  in  oil,  and 
 was  peculiarly  so  at  that  time,  by  sending  away  great  quantities,  and  having  the  sole  privilege 
 so  to  do,  he  gathered  an  immense  sum  of  money  together,  which  money  be  immediately  used 
 to  the  disadvantage  of  him  who  gave  him  that  privilege.  And,  as  be  supposed,  that  if  be 
 could  once  overthrow  Josephus,  he  should  himself  obtain  the  government  of  Galilee,  so  he  gave 
 orders  to  the  robbers  that  were  under  his  command,  to  be  more  zealous  in  their  thievish  expe- 
 ditions, that  by  the  rise  of  many  that  desired  innovations  in  the  country,  he  might  either  catch 
 their  general  in  I'.is  snares,  as  be  came  to  the  country's  assistance,  and  then  kill  bim  ;  or  if  he 
 should  overlook  the  robbers,  he  might  accuse  him  for  his  negligence  to  the  people  of  the 
 country.  He  also  spread  abroad  a  report  far  and  near,  that  Josephns  was  delivering  up 
 the  administration  of  affairs  to  the  Romans :  and  many  such  plots  did  he  lay,  in  order  to 
 ruin  bim. 
 
 3.  Now  at  the  same  time  that  certain  young  men  of  the  village  of  Dabaritta,  who  kept  guard 
 ID  the  great  plain,  laid  snares  for  Ptolem}-,  who  was  Agrippa  and  Bernice's  steward,  and 
 took  from  bim  all  that  he  had  with  him,  among  which  things  there  were  a  great  many  costly 
 garments,  and  no  small  number  of  silver  cops,  and  six  hundred  pieces  of  gold,  yet  were  they 
 not  able  to  conceal  what  they  bad  stolen,  but  brought  it  all  to  Josephus,  to  Tarichese.  Here- 
 upon he  blamed  them  for  the  violence  they  bad  oflered  to  the  king  and  queen,  and  deposited 
 what  they  brought  to  him  with  Eneas,  the  most  potent  man  of  Taricheas,  with  an  intention  of 
 sending  the  things  back  to  the  owners  at  a  proper  time  :  which  act  of  Josephus'  brought  him 
 into  the  greatest  danger  ;  for  those  that  bad  stolen  the  things,  had  an  indignation  at  him,  both 
 because  tbey  gained  no  share  of  it  for  themselves,  and  because  they  perceived  beforehand  what 
 was  Josephus'  intention,  and  that  be  would  freely  deliver  up  what  bad  cost  them  so  much 
 pains,  to  the  king  and  queen.  These  ran  away  by  night  to  thtir  several  villages,  and  declared 
 to  all  men  that  Josephus  was  going  to  betray  them:  they  also  raised  great  disorders  in  all  the 
 neighbouring  cities,  insomncb  that  in  the  morning  a  hundred  thousand  armed  men  came  run- 
 ning together  ;  which  niulliiude  was  crowded  together  in  the  hippodrome  at  Tarichea;,  and 
 made  a  very  peevish  clamonr  against  bira ;  while  some  cried  out,  that  "  they  should  depose 
 the  traitor  ;"  and  others,  that  "  they  should  burn  him."  Now  John  irritated  a  great  many,  as 
 did  also  one  Jesus  the  son  of  Sappiiias,  who  was  then  governor  of  Tiberias.  Then  it  was  that 
 Josephus'  friends,  and  the  guards  of  his  body,  were  so  affrighted  at  this  violent  assault  of  the 
 multitude,  that  they  all  lied  away  but  four  ;  and  as  he  was  asleep,  they  awaked  bim,  as  the 
 people  were  going  to  set  fire  to  the  bouse.  And  although  those  four  that  remained  with  him 
 persuaded  liini  to  run  away,  he  was  neither  surprised  at  bis  being  himself  deserted,  nor  at  the 
 great  multitude  that  came    against  hiri),   but  leaped  out  to  them  with   his  clothes  rent,  and 
 
BOOK  II. — CHAP.    XXI.  609 
 
 ashes  sprinkled  on  his  head,  with  liis  Iiands  beliind  him,  and  his  sword  hanging  at  his  neck. 
 At  tiiis  sight,  iiis  friends,  especially  tliose  of  Taricheje,  commiserated  his  condition;  but  those 
 that  came  out  of  the  country,  and  those  in  tlieir  neighbourhood  to  whom  his  government 
 seemed  bunleiisome,  reproached  him,  and  bade  iiim  produce  the  money  which  belonged  to  them 
 all  immediately,  and  to  confess  the  agreement  he  had  made  to  betray  them  ;  for  they  imagined, 
 from  the  habit  in  which  he  appeared,  that  he  could  deny  nothing  of  what  they  suspected  con- 
 cerning him,  and  that  it  was  in  order  to  obtain  pardon,  that  he  had  put  himself  entirely  into  so 
 pitiable  a  posture.  But  this  humble  appearance  was  only  designed  as  preparatory  to  a  stra- 
 tagem of  his,  who  thereby  contrived  to  set  those  that  were  so  angry  at  him  at  variance  one 
 with  anctlier,  about  the  things  they  were  angry  at.  However,  he  promised  he  would  confess 
 all:  hereupon  he  was  permitted  to  speak,  when  he  said,  "I  did  neither  intend  to  send  this 
 money  back  to  Agrippa,  nor  to  gain  it  myself;  for  I  did  never  esteem  one  that  was  your 
 enemy  to  be  my  friend,  uor  did  I  look  upon  wiiat  would  tend  to  your  disadvantage,  to  be  my 
 advantage.  But,  O  you  people  of  Taricln'a;,  I  saw  that  your  city  stood  in  more  need  than 
 otliers  of  fortilicatioiis  for  your  security,  and  (hat  it  wanted  money  in  order  for  the  building  it 
 a  wall.  I  was  also  afraid  lest  (he  people  of  Tiberias  and  other  cities  should  lay  a  plot  to  seize 
 upon  these  spoils,  and  therefore  it  was  that  I  intended  to  retain  this  money  privately,  that  I 
 might  encompass  you  with  a  wall.  But  if  this  does  not  please  you,  I  will  produce  what  was 
 brought  me,  and  leave  it  to  you  to  plunder  it  ;  but  if  I  have  conducted  myself  so  well  as  to 
 please  you,  you  may  if  you  please  punish  joiir  benefactor." 
 
 4.  Hereupon  the  people  of  Taricheas  loudly  commended  him,  but  those  of  Tiberias,  with 
 the  rest  of  the  company,  gave  him  hard  names,  and  threatened  what  they  would  do  to  him  ;  so 
 both  sides  left  oil' quarrelling  with  Josephns,  and  fell  on  quarrelling  with  one  another.  So  hs 
 grew  bold  upon  the  depeiidence  he  had  on  his  friends,  which  were  the  people  of  Taricheas, 
 and  about  forty  ihoiisatjd  in  number,  and  spoke  more  freely  to  the  whole  multitude,  and 
 repioached  them  greatly  for  their  rashness,  and  told  them.  That  "with  this  money  he 
 woulil  build  walls  aboul  Taricheai',  and  would  put  the  other  cities  in  a  state  of  security  also  ; 
 for  that  they  should  not  want  money,  if  they  would  but  agree  for  whose  benelit  it  was  to 
 be  procured,  and  would  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  irritated  against  him  who  had  procured  it 
 for  them." 
 
 5.  Hereupon  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that  had  been  deluded  retired  ;  but  yet  so  that  thej 
 went  away  angry,  and  two  thousand  of  them  made  an  assault  upon  him  in  their  armour  ;  and 
 as  lie  was  already  gone  to  his  own  house,  they  stood  without  and  threatened  him.  On  which 
 occasion  Josephus  again  used  a  second  stratagem  to  escape  them  ;  for  he  got  upon  the  top  of 
 his  house,  and  with  his  right  hand  desired  them  to  be  silent,  and  said  to  them,  I  cannot  tell 
 what  you  would  have,  nor  can  hear  what  you  say,  for  the  confused  noise  you  make  :  but  he 
 said,  that  he  would  comply  with  all  tlieir  demands,  in  case  they  would  but  send  some  of  their 
 number  in  to  him,  that  i!ii;;!it  talk  with  him  about  it  ;"  And  when  the  principal  of  them,  with 
 their  leaders,  heard  this,  tliey  came  into  the  house.  He  then  drew  them  to  the  most  retired 
 part  of  the  house,  and  shut  the  door  of  that  hall  wheie  he  put  them,  and  then  had  them  whip- 
 ped till  every  one  of  their  inward  parts  appeared  naked.  In  the  mean  lime  the  multitude  stood 
 round  tlie  house,  and  supposed  that  he  had  a  long  discourse  with  those  that  were  gone  in, 
 about  what  they  claimed  of  him.  He  bad  then  the  doors  set  open  immediately  ;  and  sent  the 
 men  out  all  liloody,  which  so  terribly  aflVighted  those  that  had  before  threatened  him,  that 
 they  threw  away  their  arms  and  ran  away, 
 
 6.  But  as  for  John,  his  envy  grew  greater  [upon  this  escape  of  Josephus,]  and  he  framed 
 a  new  plot  against  him  ;  he  pretended  to  be  sick,  and  by  a  letter  desired  that  Josephus  would 
 give  him  leave  to  use  the  hot  baths  that  were  at  Tiberias,  for  the  recovery  of  his  health. 
 Hereupon  Josephus,  who  hitherto  suspected  nothing  of  John's  plots  against  him,  wrote  to  the 
 governors  of  the  city,  that  they  would  provide  a  lodging  and  necessaries  for  John;  which 
 favours,  when  he  had  made  use  of,  in  two  days'  time  he  did  what  he  came  about;  some  he 
 corrupted  with  delusive  frauds,  and  others  with  money,  and  so  persuaded  them  to  revolt  from 
 Josephus.  This  Silas,  who  was  appointed  guardian  of  the  city  by  Josephus,  wrote  to  him 
 immediately,  and  informed  him  of  the  plot  against  him  ;  which  epistle  when  Josephus  had 
 received,  he  marched  with  great  diligence  all  night,  and  came  early  in  the  morning  to  Tiberias  ; 
 at  which  time  the  rest  of  the  multitude  met  him.  But  John,  who  suspected  that  coming  was 
 not  for  his  advantage,  sent  however  one  of  his  friends,  and  pretended  that  he  was  sick,  and 
 that,  being  confined  to  his  bed,  he  could  not  come  to  pav  him  his  respects.  But  as  soon  as 
 Josephus  had  got  the  people  of  Tiberias  together  in  the  Stadium,  and  tried  to  discourse  with 
 them  about  the  letters  that  he  had  rectived,  John  privately  sent  some  armed  men,  and  gave 
 them  orders  to  slay  him.  But  when  the  people  saw  that  the  armed  men  were  about  to  draw 
 their  swords,  they  cried  out;  at  which  cry  Josephus  turned  liimself  about,  and  when  he  saw 
 that  the  swords  were  just  at  his  throat,  he  marched  away  in  great  haste  to  the  sea-shore,  ami 
 left  ofl"  that  speech  which  he  was  going  to  make  to  the  people,  upon  an  elevation  of  six  cubits 
 high.  He  then  seized  on  a  ship  which  lay  in  the  ^aveu,  and  leaped  into  it,  with  two  of  h'n 
 guards,  and  lied  away  into  the  midst  of  the  lake. 
 
 7.  But  now  I  lie  soldiers  he  had  with  him  took   up  their  arms   immediately,  and   marched 
 
 4  H 
 
GIO  WARS  OF  Tllh.  JEWS. 
 
 against  the  plotters  :  but  Josephus  was  afraid  .est  a  civil  war  should  be  raised  by  llie  envy  of 
 a  few  men,  and  brin^  tlie  citj  to  ruio  ;  so  he  sent  some  of  his  parly  to  tell  them,  that  they 
 should  do  DO  more  than  provide  for  their  own  sufety,  that  they  should  not  kill  any  body,  nor 
 accuse  any  for  the  occasion  they  had  afforded  [of  a  disorder.]  Accordingly  these  men  obeyed 
 liis  orders,  and  were  quiet;  but  the  people  of  the  neighbouiing  country,  when  they  were 
 informed  of  this  plot,  and  of  the  plotter,  got  together  in  great  multitudes  to  oppose  John. 
 But  he  prevented  their  attempt,  and  fled  away  to  Gischala,  his  native  city,  while  the  Galileans 
 came  running  out  of  their  several  cities  to  Josephus  ;  and  as  they  were  now  become  manj 
 ten  thousands  of  armed  men,  they  cried  out  that  they  were  come  against  John,  the  common 
 plotter  against  their  interest,  and  would  at  the  same  time  burn  him,  and  that  city  which  had 
 received  him.  Hereupon  Josephus  told  them  that  he  took  their  good-will  to  him  kindly,  but 
 still  he  restrained  their  fury,  and  intended  to  subdue  his  enemies  by  prudent  conduct,  rather  than 
 by  slaying  them  ;  so  he  excepted  those  of  every  city  which  had  joined  in  this  revolt  with  John, 
 by  name,  who  had  readily  been  shewn  him  by  those  that  came  from  every  city,  and  caused 
 public  proclamation  to  be  made,  that  he  would  seize  upon  the  effects  of  those  that  did  not  for- 
 sake John  within  five  days"  time,  and  would  burn  both  their  houses  and  their  families  with  fire. 
 Whereupon  three  thousasid  of  John's  party  left  him  immediately,  who  came  to  Josephus,  and 
 threw  their  arms  down  at  his  feet.  John  then  betoi:k  himself,  together  with  his  two  thousand 
 Syrian  runagates,  from  open  attempts  to  more  secret  ways  of  treachery.  Accordinj»ly  he  privately 
 sent  messengers  to  Jerusalem  to  accuse  Josephus  as  having  too  great  power,  and  to  let  them 
 know  that  he  would  soon  come,  as  a  tyrant,  to  their  metropolis,  u.iless  they  prevented  hira. 
 This  accusation  the  people  were  aware  of  beforehand,  but  had  no  regard  to  it.  However, 
 some  of  the  grandees,  out  of  envy,  and  some  of  the  rulers  also,  sent  money  to  John  privately, 
 that  he  might  be  able  to  get  together  mercenary  soldiers,  in  order  to  fight  Josephus  ;  they 
 also  made  a  decree  of  themselves,  and  this  for  recalling  him  from  his  government :  yet  did  they 
 not  think  that  decree  sufiicient ;  so  they  sent  withal  two  thousand  five  hundred  armed  men, 
 and  four  persons  of  the  hijihest  mnk  anioiiiist  them  ;  Joazar,  the  son  of  Nomicus,  and  Ananias 
 the  son  of  Sadduk,  as  also  Simon  and  Jud;is,  the  sons  of  Jonathan,  all  very  able  men  in  speak- 
 ing, that  these  persons  might  withdraw  the  good-will  of  the  people  from  Josephus.  These 
 had  it  in  charge,  if  he  would  voluntarily  cjnie  away,  they  should  permit  him  to  [come  and] 
 give  an  account  of  his  conduct,  but  if  he  obstinately"  insisted  upon  his  continuing  in  Ms  govern- 
 inent,  they  should  treat  him  as  an  enemy.  Now  Josephus'  friends  had  sent  him  word  that  an 
 army  was  coming  against  him,  but  they  gave  no  notice  beforehand  what  the  reason  of  their 
 coming  was,  that  being  only  known  among  some  secret  councils  of  Ids  enemies  ;  and  by  this 
 meiins  it  was  that  four  cities  revolted  from  hira  immediately,  Sepphoris,  and  Gamal:i,  and  Gis- 
 ch.ila,  and  Tiberias.  Yet  did  he  recover  these  cities  without  war,  and  when  lie  had  routed 
 those  four  commanders  by  stiatagems,  and  had  taken  the  most  potent  of  their  warriors,  he  sent 
 them  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  people  [of  Galilee]  had  great  indignation  at  them,  and  were  in  a 
 zealous  disposition  to  slay,  nut  only  these  forces,  but  those  that  sent  them  also,  had  not  these 
 forces  i^revented  it  by  running  away. 
 
 8.  Now  John  was  delaintd  afterward  within  the  walls  of  Gischala,  by  the  fear  he  was  in  of 
 Josephus;  but  within  a  fow  days  Tiberias  revolted  again,  the  people  within  it  inviting  king 
 Agrijipa  [to  return  to  the  exercise  of  his  authority  there.]  And  when  he  did  not  come  at  the 
 time  appointed,  and  when  a  few  Roman  horsemen  appeared  that  day,  they  expelled  Josephus 
 out  of  tiie  city.  Now  this  revolt  of  theirs  was  presently  known  at  Taricliea3,  and  as  Josephus 
 had  sent  out  all  the  soldiers  that  were  with  him  to  gather  corn,  he  knew  not  how  either  to 
 march  out  alone  against  the  revellers,  or  to  stay  where  he  was,  because  he  was  afraid  the 
 king's  soldiers  might  prevent  him  if  he  tarried,  and  might  get  into  the  city  :  for  he  did  not 
 intend  to  do  any  thing  on  the  next  day,  because  it  was  the  sabbath-day,  and  would  hinder  his 
 proceeding.  So  he  contrived  to  circumvent  the  revolters  by  a  stratagem  ;  and  in  the  first 
 place  he  ordered  the  gates  of  Taricheae  to  be  shut,  that  nobody  might  go  out  and  inform  [those 
 of  Tiberias,]  for  whom  it  was  intended,  what  stral.agem  he  was  about:  he  then  got  together 
 all  the  sliips  that  were  upon  the  lake,  which  were  found  to  be  two  hundred  and  thirty,  and  in 
 each  of  them  he  put  no  moie  than  four  mariners.  So  he  sailed  to  Tiberias  with  haste,  and 
 kept  at  such  a  distance  from  the  city,  that  it  was  not  easy  for  the  people  to  see  the  vessels,  and 
 ordered  that  the  empty  vessels  should  float  up  and  down  there,  while  hinwelf,  who  had  bat 
 seven  of  his  guards  with  him,  and  those  unarmed  also,  went  so  near  as  to  be  seen  ;  but  when 
 his  adversaries,  who  were  still  reproaching  him,  saw  him  from  the  walls,  they  were  so  aston- 
 ished, that  they  supposed  all  the  ships  wtre  full  of  armed  men,  and  threw  down  their  arms, 
 and  by  signals  of  intercession  they  besought  him  to  spare  the  city. 
 
 9.  Upon  this  Josephus  threatened  them  terribly,  and  reproached  them,  that  when  they  were 
 the  first  that  took  up  arms  against  the  Romans,  they  should  spend  their  force  beforehand  in 
 civil  dissensions,  and  do  what  their  enemies  desired  above  all  things  ;  and  that  besides  they 
 should  endeavour  so  hastily  to  seize  upon  him  who  tor>k  care  of  their  safety,  and  had  not  been 
 ashamed  to  shut  the  gates  of  their  city  -^.jj^-iinst  him  that  built  their  walls  ;  that,  however,  he 
 would  admit  of  any  int<rcessors  from  them  that  might  make  some  excuse  for  them,  and  with 
 wiitim  he  would  make  such  agreements  as  might  be  for  the  city's  security      Hereupon  ten  ot 
 
BOOK    II. — CHAF     XXII.  Cll 
 
 the  most  potent  men  of  Tiberias  came  down  to  liim  presently,  and  when  be  liad  taken  them 
 into  one  of  his  vessels,  he  ordered  them  to  be  carried  a  great  way  off  from  the  city.  He  then 
 commanded  that  fifty  others  of  their  senate,  such  as  were  men  of  the  greatest  eminence,  should 
 come  to  bira,  that  they  also  might  give  him  some  security  on  their  behalf.  After  whiih,  un- 
 der one  new  pretence  or  other,  he  called  fortli  others,  one  after  another,  to  make  the  leagues 
 between  tbem.  He  then  gave  order  to  the  masters  of  tliose  vessels  which  he  had  thus  filled, 
 to  sail  uway  immediately  for  Tarichea^  and  to  confine  those  men  in  the  prison  there  ;  till  at 
 length  he  look  all  tlieir  senate,  consisting  of  six  hundred  persons,  and  about  two  thous:ind  of 
 the  populace,  and  carried  tiiem  away  to  Tarichea'. 
 
 10.  And  when  the  rest  of  the  people  cried  out,  that  it  was  one  Clitus  that  was  the  chief 
 author  of  this  revolt,  they  desired  him  to  spend  bis  anger  upon  him  [only;]  but  Josephus, 
 whose  intention  it  was  to  slay  nobody,  commanded  one  Levins,  belonging  to  his  guards,  to  go 
 out  of  the  vessel,  in  order  to  cut  oil'  both  Clitns  hands;  yet  was  Levius  afraid  to  go  out  by 
 himself  alone,  to  such  a  large  body  of  enemies,  and  refused  to  go.  Now  Clitus  saw  that  Jose- 
 phus was  in  a  great  passion  in  the  ship,  and  ready  lo  leap  out  of  it,  in  order  to  execute  the 
 punishment  himself;  he  begged  therefore  from  tiie  shore,  that  he  would  leave  him  one  of  his 
 bands,  which  Josephus  agreed  to,  upon  condition  that  he  would  himself  cut  oil'  the  other  hand  ; 
 accordingly,  he  drew  his  swoid,  and  with  his  right  hand  cut  oft" bis  left,  so  great  was  tiie  fear 
 he  was  in  of  Josephus  himself.  And  thus  he  took  the  people  of  Tiberias  prisoners,  and  reco- 
 vered the  city  again  with  empty  ships*  and  seven  of  his  guard.  JMoreover,  a  few  days  after- 
 ward he  took  Gischala,  which  bad  revolted  with  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  and  gave  his  soldiers 
 leave  to  plunder  it  ;  yet  did  be  get  all  the  plunder  together,  and  restored  it  to  the  inhabitants, 
 and  the  like  he  did  to  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris  and  Tiberias.  For  when  he  had  subdued 
 those  cities,  he  had  a  mind,  by  letting  ihem  he  plundered,  to  give  them  some  good  instruction 
 while  at  the  same  time  be  regained  their  good-will,  by  restoring  them  their  money  again. 
 
 CHAP.  XXII. 
 
 ,;•  The  Jetis  make  all  ready  for  the  War.     And  Simo7t  the  Son  of  Gioras  falls  to  plimdering. 
 
 §.  I.  And  thus  were  the  distiirbiinccs  of  Galilee  quieted,  when,  upon  their  ceasing  to  prose- 
 cute their  civil  dissensions,  they  betook  themselves  to  make  preparations  for  the  war  with  the 
 Romans.  Now  in  Jerusalem  the  high  priest  Ananus,  and  as  many  of  the  men  of  power  as 
 were  not  in  the  interest  of  tlie  Romans,  both  repaired  the  walls,  and  made  a  great  many  war- 
 like instruments,  iiisoraueb  that  in  all  pr.rls  of  the  city  darts  and  all  sorts  of  armour  were  upon 
 the  anvil.  Although  the  multitude  of  the  young  men  were  engaged  in  exercises,  without  any 
 regularity,  and  all  places  were  full  of  tumultuous  doings  ;  but  the  moderate  sort  were  excted- 
 ingly  sad,  and  a  great  many  there  were  who,  out  of  the  prospects  they  had  of  the  calamities 
 that  were  coming  upon  them,  made  great  lamentations.  There  were  also  such  omens  observed 
 as  were  understood  to  be  forerunners  of  evils,  by  such  as  loved  peace,  but  were  by  those  that 
 kindled  the  war  interpreted  so  as  to  suit  their  own  inclinations  ;  and  the  very  state  of  the 
 city,  even  before  the  Romans  came  against  it,  was  that  of  a  place  doomed  to  destruction. 
 However,  Ananus'  concern  was  this,  to  lay  aside,  for  a  ivhile,  the  preparations  fur  the  war, 
 and  to  persuade  the  seditious  to  consult  their  own  interest,  and  to  restrain  the  madness  of 
 those  that  had  the  name  of  zealots ;  but  their  violence  was  too  hard  for  hiin,  and  what  end  he 
 came  to  we  shall  relate  hereafter. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  the  Acrabbeiie  toparcby,  Simon,  the  son  of  Gioras,  got  a  great  number  of 
 those  that  were  fond  of  innovations  togetlicr,  and  betook  himself  lo  ravage  the  country  ;  nor 
 did  he  only  harass  the  rich  men's  houses,  but  tormented  their  bodies,  and  appeared  openly 
 and  beforehand  to  affect  tyranny  in  his  government.  And  when  an  army  was  sent  against  him 
 by  Ananus,  and  the  other  rulers,  he  and  bis  band  retired  to  the  robbers  that  were  at  Masada, 
 and  staid  there,  and  plundered  the  country  of  Iduraea  with  them,  till  both  Ananus  and  bis 
 Other  adversaries  were  slain,  and  until  the  rulers  of  that  country  were  so  afllicted  with  the 
 multitude  of  those  that  were  slain,  and  with  the  continual  ravage  of  what  they  bad,  that  they 
 raised  an  army,  and  put  garrisons  into  the  villages,  to  secure  them  from  those  insults  ;  and  ia 
 this  stale  were  the  aft'airs  of  Judea  at  that  time. 
 
 •  I  cannot  but  thin'K  this  stratagem  of  JoBcphus,  which  is  related  both  here  and  in  his  Life,  $.  32,  33.  to  be 
 one  01"  the  finest  tliat  ever  was  invented  and  executed  by  any  warrior  whatsoever. 
 
()12  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  III. 
 
 CONTAINING    THK  INTERVAL  OF   ABOUT  ONE  YEAR.-FROM  VESPASIAN'S  COMlK© 
 TO  SUBDUE  THE  JEWS,  TO  THE  TAKING  OF  GAMALA. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Vespasian  is  sent  into  Syria  by  Nero,  in  order  to  make  War  with  the  Jews. 
 §.  1,  When  Nero  was  informed  of  the  Romans' ill  success  iu  Judea,  a  concealed  consternation 
 and  tenor,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  fell  upon  bim  ;  although  be  openly  looked  very  big,  and 
 was  very  angry,  and  said  that  what  had  happened  was  rather  owing  to  the  negligence  of  the 
 commander,  than  to  any  valour  of  the  enemy  :  and  as  he  thought  it  fit  for  him,  who  bore  the 
 burden  of  the  whole  empire,  to  des|)ise  such  misfortunes,  he  now  pretended  so  to  do,  and  to 
 likive  a  soul  superior  to  all  such  sad  accidents  whatsoever.  Yet  did  the  disturbance  that  was 
 iu  his  soul  plainly  appear  by  the  solicitude  he  was  in  [how  to  recover  his  aflairs  again.] 
 
 2.  And  as  he  was  deliberating  to  whom  he  should  commit  the  care  of  the  east,  now  it  was 
 in  .so  great  a  commotion,  and  who  might  be  the  best  able  to  punish  the  Jews  for  their  rebellion, 
 and  might  prevent  the  same  distemper  from  seizing  upon  the  neighbouring  nations  also  ;  he 
 found  no  one  but  Vespasian  equal  to  the  task,  and  able  to  undergo  the  great  burden  of  so 
 mighty  a  war,  seeing  he  was  growing  an  old  man  already  in  the  camp,  and  from  his  youth  had 
 been  exercised  in  warlike  exploits  ;  he  was  also  a  man  that  had  long  ago  pacified  the  west, 
 and  made  it  subject  to  the  Roman';,  when  it  had  been  put  into  disorder  by  the  Germaus  ;  he 
 had  also  recovered  to  them  Britain  by  his  arms,  which  had  been  little  known  before;*  where- 
 by he  procured  to  his  father  Claudius  to  have  a  triumph  bestowed  on  Lira  without  any  sweat 
 or  labour  of  bis  owu. 
 
 3.  So  Nero  esteemed  these  circumstances  as  favourable  omens,  and  saw  that  Vespasian's 
 age  gave  him  sure  experience,  and  great  skill,  and  that  he  had  bis  sons  as  hostages  for  his 
 fidelity  to  himself,  and  that  the  flourishing  age  they  were  in  would  make  them  fit  instruroeots 
 under  their  father's  prudence.  Perhaps  also  there  was  some  Interposition  of  Providence, 
 which  was  paving  the  way  for  ^'espasian's  being  himself  emperor  afterwards.  Upon  the 
 whole,  he  sent  this  man  to  take  upon  him  the  command  of  the  armies  that  were  in  Syria;  but 
 this  not  without  great  encomiums  and  flattering  compellations,  such  as  necessity  required,  and 
 such  as  might  mollify  him  into  complaisance.  So  Vespasian  sent  his  sou  Titus  from  Acbaia, 
 where  he  had  been  with  Nero,  to  Alexandria,  to  bring  back  with  him  from  thence  the  fifth  and 
 the  tenth  legions  ;  while  he  himself,  when  he  had  passed  over  the  Hellespont,  came  by  land 
 into  Syria,  where  he  gathered  together  the  Roman  forces,  with  a  considerable  number  of 
 auxiliaries  from  the  kings  iu  that  ueighbuurhood. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 A  great  Slaughter  of  the  Jews  about  Ascalon.      Vespasian  comes  to  Ptolemais, 
 
 §.  1.  Now  the  Jews,  after  they  had  beaten  Cestius,  were  so  much  elevated  with  their  unex- 
 pected success,  that  they  could  not  govern  their  zeal,  but,  like  people  blown  up  into  a  flame 
 by  their  good  fortune,  carried  the  wai  to  remoter  places.  Accordingly  they  presently  got 
 together  a  great  multitude  of  all  their  most  hardy  soldiers,  and  marched  away  for  Ascalon. 
 Tiiis  is  an  ancient  city  that  is  distant  from  Jerusalem  five  hundred  and  twenty  furlongs,  and 
 was  always  an  enemy  to  the  Jews  ;  on  which  account  they  determined  to  make  their  first 
 eflbrt  against  it,  and  to  make  their  approaches  to  it  as  near  as  possible.  This  excursion  was 
 led  on  by  three  men,  who  were  the  chief  of  them  all,  both  for  strength  and  sagacity,  Niger 
 called  the  Peraite,  Silas  of  Babylon,  and  besides  them  John  the  Essene.  Now  Ascalon  was 
 strongly  walled  about,  but  had  almost  no  assistance  to  be  relied  on  [near  them,]  for  the  garrison 
 consisted  of  one  cohort  of  footmen,  and  one  troop  of  horsemep,  whose  captain  was  Antonius. 
 
 2.  These  Jews,  therefore,  out  of  their  anger,  marched  faster  than  ordinary,  and,  as  if  they 
 had  come  but  a  little  way,  approached  very  near  the  city,  and  were  come  even  to  it ;  but  An- 
 tonius, who  was  not  unapprised  of  the  attack  they  were  going  to  make  upon  the  city,  drew 
 out  his  horsemen  beforehand,  and  being  neither  daunted  at  the  multitude  nor  at  the  courage 
 of  the  enemy,  received  their  first  attacks  with  great  bravery  :  and  when  they  crowded  to  the 
 very  walls,  he  beat  them  off.  Now  the  Jews  were  unskilful  in  war,  but  were  to  fight  with 
 those  that  were  skilful  therein  ;  they  were  footmen,  to  fight  with  horsemen  ;  they  were  in 
 disorder,  to  fight  those  that  were  united  together  ;  they  were  poorly  armed,  to  fight  those  that 
 were  completely  so  ;  they  were  to  fight  more  by  their  rage  than  by  sober  counsel,  and  were 
 
 *  Take  the  confirmation  of  this  in  the  words  of  Suetonius,  here  produced  by  Dr.  Hudson.  "  In  the  reigrn  of 
 Claudius,"  says  he,  "  Vespasian,  for  the  sake  of  Narcissus,  was  sent  as  the  lieutenant  of  a  legion  into  Ger- 
 many. Theuce  he  removed  into  Britain,  and  fought  thirty  battles  with  the  enemy."  In  Vesp.  ».  4.  We  may 
 also  here  note  from  Josephus,  that  Claudius  the  emperor,  who  triumphed  for  the  conquest  of  Britain,  was 
 enabled  so  to  do  by  Vespasian's  conduct  and  bravery,  aud  that  he  is  here  styled  "  the  father  of  Vespasian." 
 
BOOK  III.— CHAP.  III.  613 
 
 exposeil  to  soldiers  that  were  exactly  obedient,  and  did  every  tiling  tLey  were  bidden  upon  tLe 
 least  iiitiinutinn.  So  tliey  were  easily  beaten  ;  for  as  soon  as  ever  tlieir  first  ranks  were  once 
 in  disorder,  tiiey  were  pnt  to  llight  by  the  enemy's  cavalry,  and  those  of  them  that  came  behind 
 such  as  crowded  to  the  wall,  fell  upon  their  own  party's  weapons,  and  became  one  anotlier's 
 enemies  ;  and  this  so  long  till  they  were  all  forced  to  give  way  to  the  attacks  of  the  horsemen, 
 and  were  dispersed  all  the  plain  over,  which  plain  was  wide,  and  all  lit  for  the  horsemen  ; 
 which  circumstance  was  very  convenient  for  the  Romsins,  and  occasioned  the  slaughter  of  Uie 
 greatest  number  of  the  Jews  ;  for  such  as  ran  away,  they  could  overrun  them,  and  make  theui 
 tarn  back  ;  and  when  they  had  brought  them  back  after  tlieir  light,  and  driven  them  together, 
 they  ran  tliein  through,  and  slew  a  vast  number  of  them,  insomuch  that  others  encompassed 
 others  of  tiiem,  and  drove  them  before  them  whithersoever  they  turned  themselves,  and  slew 
 tbein  easily  with  their  arrows  ;  and  the  great  number  there  were  of  the  Jews  seemed  a  soli- 
 tude to  llieiiiselves,  by  reason  of  the  distress  they  were  in,  while  the  Romans  bad  such  good 
 success  witii  tlieir  small  number,  that  they  seemed  to  themselves  to  be  the  greater  multitude. 
 And  as  the  former  strove  zealously  under  their  misfortunes,  out  of  the  shame  of  a  sudden  flight, 
 and  hopes  of  the  change  in  their  success,  so  did  the  latter  feel  no  weariness  by  reason  of 
 their  good  fortune  ;  insomuch  that  the  fight  lasted  till  the  evening,  till  ten  thousand  men  of 
 the  Jews'  side  lay  dead,  with  two  of  their  gener;ils,  John  and  Silas  ;  and  the  greater  part 
 of  the  remainder  were  wounded,  with  Niger,  their  remaining  general,  who  fled  away  toge- 
 ther to  a  small  city  of  Idumea,  called  Sallis  ;  some  few  also  of  the  Romans  were  wounded  in 
 this  battle, 
 
 3.  Yet  were  not  the  spirits  of  ilie  Jews  broken  by  so  great  a  calamity,  but  the  losses  they 
 bad  sustained  rather  quickened  their  resolution  for  other  attempts  ;  for,  overlooking  the  dead 
 bodies  which  lay  under  thtir  feet,  they  were  enticed  by  their  former  glorious  actions  to  ven- 
 ture on  a  second  destructinn  ;  so  when  they  had  biin  still  so  little  a  while  that  tlieir  wounds 
 were  not  yet  thoroughly  cured,  they  got  together  all  their  forces,  and  came  with  greater  fury, 
 and  in  much  greater  numbers,  to  Ascalon.  But  their  former  ill  fortune  followed  them,  as  the 
 consequence  of  their  unskilfulness,  and  other  deficiencies  in  war;  for  Antonius  laid  aM;bushes 
 for  them  in  the  passages  they  were  to  go  through,  where  they  fell  into  snares  unexpectedly, 
 and  where  they  were  compassed  about  with  horsemen,  before  they  could  form  themselves  into 
 a  regular  body  for  fighting,  and  were  above  eight  thousand  of  them  slain  :  so  all  the  rest  of 
 them  ran  away,  and  with  them  Niger,  who  still  did  a  great  many  bold  exploits  in  his  flight. 
 However,  they  were  driven  along  together  by  the  enemy,  who  pressed  hard  upon  them,  into  a 
 certain  strong  tower  belonging  to  a  village  called  Bezedel.  Hownver,  Antonius  and  his  party, 
 that  they  might  neither  spend  any  considerable  time  about  this  tower,  which  was  hard  to  be 
 taken,  nor  sufter  their  commander,  and  the  most  courageous  man  of  lliem  all,  to  escape  from 
 them,  they  set  the  wall  on  fire  ;  and  as  the  tower  was  burning,  the  Romans  went  away  rejoicing, 
 as  taking  it  for  granted  that  Niger  was  destroyed  ;  but  he  leaped  out  of  the  tower  into  a  sub- 
 terraneous cave,  in  the  innermost  part  of  it,  and  was  preserved  ;  and  on  the  third  day  after- 
 ward he  spoke  out  of  the  ground  to  those  that  with  great  lamentations  were  searching  for  him, 
 in  order  to  give  him  a  decent  funeral  ;  and  when  he  was  come  out,  he  filled  all  the  Jews  with 
 an  unexpected  joy,  as  though  he  were  preserved  by  God's  providence  to  be  their  commaader 
 for  the  time  to  come. 
 
 4.  And  now  Vespasian  took  along  with  him  his  army  from  Antioch  (which  is  the  metropolis 
 of  Syria,  and  without  dispute  deserves  the  place  of  the  third  city*  in  the  habiiable  earth,  that 
 was  under  the  Roman  empire,  both  in  magnitude,  and  other  marks  of  piosperity,)  where  he 
 found  king  Agrippa,  willi  all  his  forces,  waiting  for  his  coming,  and  marched  to  Ptolemais. 
 At  this  city  also  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris  of  Galilee  met  him,  who  were  for  peace  with  the 
 Romans.  These  citizens  had  beforehand  taken  care  of  their  own  safety,  and  being  sensible  of 
 the  power  of  the  Romans,  they  had  been  with  Cestius  Gallus,  before  Vespasian  came,  and  liad 
 given  their  faith  to  him,  and  received  the  security  of  his  right  hand,  and  had  received  a  Roman 
 garrison;  and  at  this  time  withal  they  received  Vespasian,  the  Roman  general,  very  kindly, 
 and  readily  promised  that  they  would  assist  liiin  against  their  own  countrymen.  Now  the 
 general  delivered  them,  at  their  desire,  as  many  horsemen  and  footmen  as  he  thought  suflicient 
 to  oppose  the  incursions  of  the  Jews,  if  they  should  come  against  them.  And  indeed  the 
 danger  of  losing  Sepphoris  would  be  no  small  one,  in  this  war  that  was  now  beginning,  seeing 
 it  was  the  largest  city  of  Galilee,  and  built  in  a  place  by  nature  very  strong,  and  might  be  a 
 security  of  the  whole  nation's  [fidelity  to  the  Romans.] 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 A  Description  of  Galilee,  Samaria,  and  Jiidea. 
 
 $  1.  Now  Phenicia  and  Syria  encompass  abont  the  Galilees,  which  are  two,  and  called  the 
 Upper  Galilee,  and  the  Lower.  They  are  bounded  towards  the  sun-setting,  with  the  borders 
 of  the  territory  belonging  to  Ptolemais,  and  by  Carmel ;  which  mountain  had  formerly  belonged 
 
 •  Spanheira  and  Reland  both  agree  that  the  two  cities  here  esteemed  greater  than  Antioch,  the  metropoli* 
 ot  byria,  were  Home  and  Alexandria :  nor  is  there  any  occasion  fcr  H/>"^>  <"  ■ '-;•'  -  -— " 
 
614  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 to  the  Galileans,  but  uow  belonged  to  the  Tjrians,  to  wbich  mountain  adjoins  Gaba,  wbich  is 
 called  "  the  citj  of  horsemen,"  because  those  horsemen  that  were  dismissed  by  Herod  the 
 king  dwelt  therein :  they  are  bounded  on  tlie  south  with  Samaria  and  Scythopolis  ;  as  far  as 
 the  river  Jordan  ;  on  tlie  east  witli  Hippene  and  Gadaris,  and  alsct  with  Gaulanitis,  and  the 
 borders  of  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa  ;  its  northern  parts  are  bounded  by  Tyre,  and  tlie  country 
 of  the  Tyrians.  As  for  that  Galilee  which  is  called  the  Lower,  it  extends  in  length  from 
 Tiberius  to  Zabulon,  and  of  the  maritime  places  Ptolemais  is  its  neighbour  ;  its  breadth  is 
 from  the  village  called  Xalotli,  which  lies  in  the  great  plain,  as  far  as  Bersabe,  from  which 
 beginning  also  is  taken  tlie  breadth  of  the  Upper  Galilee,  as  far  as  the  village  Baca,  which 
 divides  the  land  of  the  Tyriaus  from  it;  its  length  is  also  from  Meloth  to  Thella,  a  village  near 
 to  Jordan. 
 
 2.  These  two  Galilees,  of  so  gr^at  largeness,  and  encompassed  with  so  many  nations  of 
 foreigners,  have  been  always  able  to  make  a  strong  resistance  on  all  occasions  of  war ;  for  the 
 Galileans  are  inured  to  war  from  their  infancy,  aad  have  been  always  very  numerous,  nor  hath 
 the  country  been  ever  destitute  of  men  of  courage,  or  wanted  a  numerous  set  of  them  :  for 
 their  soil  is  universally  rich  and  fruitful,  and  full  of  the  plantations  of  trees  of  all  sorts,  inso- 
 much that  it  invites  the  most  slothful  to  take  pains  in  its  cultivation,  by  its  fruitfulness : 
 accordingly  it  is  all  cultivated  by  its  inhabitants,  and  no  part  of  its  lies  idle.  Moreover,  the 
 cities  lie  here  very  thick,  and  the  very  many  villages  there  are  here,  are  every  where  so  full 
 of  people,  by  the  richness  of  their  soil,  that  the  very  least  of  them  contain  above  fifteea 
 thousand  inhabitants. 
 
 3.  In  short,  if  any  one  will  suppose  that  Galilee  is  inferior  to  Perea  in  magnitude,  Le  will 
 be  obliged  to  prefer  it  before  it  in  its  strength :  for  this  is  all  capable  of  cultivation,  and  is 
 every  where  fruitful  ;  but  for  Perea,  which  is  indeed  much  larger  in  extent,  the  greater  part 
 of  it  is  desert  and  rough,  and  much  less  disposed  for  the  production  of  the  milder  kinds  of 
 fruits  ;  yet  hath  it  a  moist  soil  [in  other  parts,]  and  produces  all  kinds  of  fruits,  and  its  plains 
 are  planted  with  trees  of  all  sorts,  while  yet  the  olive-tree,  the  vine,  and  palm-tree,  are  chiefly 
 cultivated  there.  It  is  also  sufficiently  watered  with  torrents,  which  issue  out  of  the  moun- 
 tains, and  with  springs  that  never  fail  to  run,  even  when  the  torrents  fail  them,  as  they  do  in 
 the  dog-days.  Now  the  length  of  Perea  is  from  Macherus  to  Pella,  and  its  breadth  from 
 Philadelphia  to  Jordan  :  its  northern  parts  are  bounded  by  Pella,  as  we  have  already  said,  as 
 well  as  its  western  with  Jordan  ;  the  land  of  Moab  is  its  southern  border,  and  its  eastern  limits 
 reach  to  Arabia,  and  Silbonitis,  and  besides  to  Phlladelphene  and  Gerasa. 
 
 4.  Now,  as  to  the  country  of  Samaria,  it  lies  between  Judea  and  Galilee  ;  it  begins  in  a  vil- 
 lage that  is  in  the  great  plain  called  Ginea,  and  ends  at  the  Acrabbene  toparchy,  and  is  entirely 
 of  the  same  nature  with  Judea;  for  both  countries  are  made  up  of  hills  and  valleys,  and  are 
 moist  enough  for  agriculture,  and  are  very  fruitful.  They  have  abundance  of  trees,  and  are 
 full  of  autumnal  fruit,  both  that  which  grows  wild,  and  tiiat  which  is  the  effect  of  cultivation. 
 They  are  not  naturally  watered  by  many  rivers,  but  derive  their  chief  moisture  from  rain 
 water,  of  which  they  have  no  want ;  and  for  those  rivers  which  they  have,  all  their  waters  are 
 exceeding  sweet :  by  reason  also  of  the  excellent  grass  they  have,  their  cattle  yield  more 
 milk  than  do  those  in  other  places  ;  and,  what  is  the  greatest  sign  of  excellency  and  of  abun- 
 dance, they  eacli  of  them  are  very  full  of  people. 
 
 5.  In  the  limits  of  Samaria  and  Judea  lies  the  village  of  Anuatb,  which  is  also  named  Bor- 
 ceos.  This  is  the  northern  boundary  of  Judea.  The  southern  parts  of  Judea,  if  they  be 
 measured  lengthways,  are  bounded  by  a  village  adjoining  to  the  confines  of  Arabia ;  the  Jews 
 that  dwell  there  call  it  Jordan.  However,  its  breadth  is  extended  from  the  river  Jordan  to 
 Joppa.  The  city  of  Jerusalem  is  situated  in  the  very  middle ;  on  which  account  some  have, 
 with  sagacity  enough,  called  that  city  the  navel  of  the  country.  Nor  indeed  is  Judea  desti- 
 tute of  such  delights  as  come  from  the  sea,  since  its  maritime  places  extend  as  far  as  Ptole- 
 mais ;  it  was  parted  in  eleven  portions,  in  which  the  royal  city  of  Jerusalem  was  the  supreme, 
 and  presided  over  all  the  neighbouring  country,  as  the  head  does  over  the  body.  As  to  the 
 other  cities  that  were  inferior  to  it,  they  presided  over  their  several  toparchies  ;  Gophna  was 
 the  second  of  those  cities,  and  next  to  that  Acrabatta,  after  them  Thamna,  and  Lydda,  and 
 Emmaus,  and  Pella,  and  Idumea,  and  En^addi,  and  Herodiura,  and  Jericho  ;  and  after  them 
 came  Jamnia  and  Joppa,  as  presiding  over  the  neighbouring  people:  and  besides  these  there 
 was  the  region  of  Gamala,  and  Gaulanitis,  and  Batanea,  and  Trachonitis,  which  are  also  parts 
 of  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa.  This  [last]  country  begins  at  mount  Libanus,  and  the  fountains 
 of  Jordan,  and  reaches  breadthways  to  the  lake  of  Tiberias  ;  and  in  length  is  extended  from  a 
 Tillage  called  Arpha,  as  far  as  Julias.  Its  inhabitants  are  a  mixture  of  Jews  and  Syrians. 
 And  thus  have  I,  with  all  possible  brevity,  described  the  country  of  Judea,  and  those  that 
 lie  round  about  it. 
 
BOOK    III. — CHAP.    V.  015 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Josephus  makes  an  Attempt  upon  Scpphoris,  but  is  repelled.      Titus  ci^mes   with  a  great  Army 
 
 to  Ptuhmais. 
 
 §  1.  Now  tlie  auxiliaries  who  were  sent  to  assist  the  people  of  Sepplioris,  bein^  a  tliousaii<l 
 Iiorsenieri,  and  six  thousand  I'ootnien,  under  Plucidus  tlie  tribune,  pitched  their  camp  in  two 
 bodies  in  tlie  great  plain.  The  foot  were  put  into  the  city  to  be  a  guard  to  it,  but  the  horse 
 lodged  abroad  in  the  camp.  These  last,  by  uiarching  conlinualiy  one  way  or  otlier,  and  over- 
 lunnina;  the  parts  of  the  luijoining  country,  were  very  troublesome  to  Josephus  and  his  men  ; 
 they  also  i)Iundered  all  the  places  that  were  out  of  the  city's  liberty,  and  intercepted  such  as 
 durst  go  abroad.  On  this  account  it  was  that  Josephus  marched  against  the  city,  as  hoping 
 to  take  what  he  had  lately  encompassed  with  a  strong  wall,  before  they  revolted  from  the  rest 
 of  the  Galileans,  that  the  Romans  would  have  had  much  ado  to  take  it  ;  by  which  means  he 
 proved  too  weak,  and  failed  of  his  hopes,  both  as  to  forcing  the  place,  and  as  to  his  pre- 
 vailing with  the  people  of  Sepplioris  to  deliver  it  up  to  him.  By  this  means  he  provoked  the 
 Romans  to  treat  the  country  according  to  the  law  of  war  ;  nnr  did  tlie  Romans,  out  o£the  anger 
 they  bore  at  this  attempt,  leave  od' either  by  night  or  by  day,  burning  the  places  in  the  plain, 
 and  stealing  away  the  cattle  that  were  in  the  country,  and  killing  whatsoever  appeared  capable 
 of  fighting  perpetually,  and  leading  the  weaker  people  as  slaves  into  captivity  ;  so  that  Galilee 
 was  all  over  Idled  with  fire  and  blood  ;  nor  was  it  exempted  from  any  kind  of  mitery  and 
 calaiiiitv,  for  the  only  refuge  Hiey  had  was  this,  that  when  they  were  jiursued,  they  could  retire 
 to  the  cities  which  had  walls  built  them  by  Josephus. 
 
 2.  But  as  to  Titus,  be  sailed  over  from  Achaia  to  Alexandria,  and  that  sooner  than  the 
 winter  season  did  usually  permit  ;  so  be  took  with  him  those  foroes  be  was  sent  for,  and  march- 
 ing with  great  expedition,  he  came  suddenly  to  Ptoleraais,  and  there  finding  his  father,  toge- 
 tiier  with  the  two  legions,  the  fifth  and  the  tenth,  wbicj  were  tlie  most  eminent  legions  of  all, 
 he  joined  them  to  that  lifteenth  legion  which  was  with  his  father:  eighteen  cohorts  followed 
 these  legions  ;  there  came  also  live  cohorts  fruni  Cesarea,  with  one  troop  of  horsemen,  and  live 
 other  troops  of  horsemen  from  Syria.  Nov  these  ten  cohorts  had  severally  a  thousand  foot- 
 men, but  the  other  thirteen  cohorts  had  no  more  than  six  hundred  footmen  apiece,  and  an  hun- 
 dred and  twenty  horsemen.  There  were  also  a  considerable  number  of  auxiliaries  got  together, 
 that  came  from  the  kings  Antiochus,  and  Agrippa,  and  Sohemus,  each  of  them  contributing 
 one  thousand  footmen  that  were  archers,  and  a  thousand  horsemen.  j\la!chtis,  also,  the  king 
 of  Arabia,  sent  a  thousand  horsemen,  besides  five  thousand  footmen,  the  greatest  part  of  whom 
 were  archers  ;  so  that  the  whole  army,  including  the  auxiliaries  sent  by  the  kings,  as  well 
 horsemen  as  footmen,  when  all  v^ere  united  together,  amounted  to  sixty  thousand,  besides  the 
 servants,  who,  as  they  followed  in  vast  numbers,  so  because  they  had  been  trained  i.'p  in  war 
 witli  the  rest,  ought  not  to  be  distinguished  from  the  lighting  men  ;  for  as  they  were  in  the 
 niaslers'  service  in  times  of  peace,  so  did  they  undergo  the  like  dangers  with  them  in  times  of 
 war,  insomuch  that  they  were  inferior  to  none,  cither  in  skill  or  in  strength,  only  they  were 
 subject  to  their  masters. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 A  Description  of  the  Roman  Armies,  and  their  Camps;  and  of  other  particulars  for  which  the 
 
 Romans  are  commended. 
 
 $  I.  Now  Here  one  cannot  but  admire  at  the  precaution  of  the  Romans,  in  providing  them- 
 selves of  such  household  servants,  as  might  not  only  serve  at  other  times  for  the  common  oiiiues 
 of  life,  but  might  also  be  of  advantage  to  them  in  their  wars.  And,  indeed,  if  any  one  does 
 but  attend  to  the  other  parts  of  their  military  discipline,  he  will  be  forced  to  confess,  that  their 
 obtaining  so  large  a  dominion  hath  been  the  acquisition  of  their  valour,  and  not  the  bare  gift 
 of  fortune  :  for  they  do  not  begin  to  use  their  weapons  first  in  time  of  war,  nor  do  they  then 
 put  tlieir  hands  first  into  motion,  while  they  avoided  so  to  do  in  times  of  peace  ;  but  as  if  their 
 weapons  did  always  cling  to  them,  they  have  never  any  truce  from  warlike  exercises;  nor  do 
 they  stay  till  limes  of  war  admonish  them  to  use  them  ;  for  their  military  exercises  differ  not 
 at  all  from  the  real  use  of  their  arms,  but  every  soldier  is  every  day  exercised,  and  that  with 
 real  diligence,  as  if  it  were  in  time  of  war,  which  is  the  reason  why  they  bear  the  fatigue  of 
 battles  so  easily  ;  for  neither  can  any  disorder  remove  them  from  their  usual  regularity,  nor 
 can  fear  afrrighl  them  out  of  it,  nor  can  labour  tire  them?  which  firmness  of  conduct  makes 
 them  always  to  overcome  those  that  have  not  the  same  firmness  ;  nor  would  he  be  mistaken 
 that  would  call  those  their  exercises  unbloody  battles,  and  their  battles  bloody  exercises.  Nor 
 can  their  enemies  easily  surprise  them  with  the  suddenness  of  their  incursions ;  for  as  soon  as 
 Ibey  have  marched  into  an  enemy's  land,  they  do  not  begin  to  fight  till  they  have  walled  their 
 camp  about  ;  nor  is  the  fence  they  raise  rashly  made,  or  uneven  ;  nor  do  they  all  abide  in  it, 
 nor  do  those  that  are  in  it  take  their  places  at   random  ;  but  if  it  hfippens   that  the  ground  is 
 
616  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 uneven,  it  is  first  levelled  :  tiieir  camp  is  also  four  square  by  measure  ;  and  carpenters  are  readj 
 in  great  numbers,  with  their  tools,  to  erect  their  buildings  for  Iheni.*" 
 
 2.  As  for  what  is  within  the  camp,  it  is  set  apart  for  tents,  but  the  outward  circumference 
 liath  ihe  resemblance  to  a  wail,  and  is  adorned  with  towers  at  equal  distances,  where  between 
 the  towers  stand  the  engines  for  throwing  arrows  and  darts,  and  for  slinging;  stones,  and 
 where  tliey  lav  all  other  engines  tiiat  can  annoy  the  enemy,  all  ready  for  their  several  operations. 
 They  also  erect  four  spates,  one  at  every  side  of  the  circumference,  and  those  large  enough  for 
 tlje  entrance  of  the  beasts,  and  wide  enough  for  making  excursions,  if  occasion  should  require. 
 They  divide  the  camp  within  into  streets  very  conveniently,  and  place  the  tents  of  the  com- 
 manders in  the  middle,  but  in  the  very  midst  of  all  is  the  general's  own  tent,  in  the  nature  of 
 a  temple,  insomuch  that  it  appears  to  be  a  city  built  on  the  sudden  ;  with  its  market  place, 
 and  place  for  handicraft  trades,  and  with  seats  for  the  ollicers,  superior  and  inferior,  where,  if 
 any  differences  arise,  their  causes  are  heard  and  determined.  The  camp,  and  all  that  is  in  it, 
 is  encompassed  with  a  wall  round  about,  and  that  sooner  than  one  would  imagine,  and  this  by 
 the  ujultitude  and  the  skill  of  the  labourers  ;  and,  if  occasion  require,  a  trench  is  drawn  round 
 the  whole,  whose  depth  is  four  cubits,  and  its  breadth  equal. 
 
 3.  When  they  have  thus  secured  themselves,  they  live  together  by  companies,  with  quiet- 
 ness and  decency,  as  are  all  their  other  aflairs  managed  with  good  order  and  security.  Each 
 company  hath  also  their  vrood,  and  their  corn,  and  their  water  brought  thetn,  when  they  stand 
 in  need  of  them  ;  for  they  neither  sup  nor  dine  as  they  please  themselves  singly,  but  all  toge- 
 ther. Their  times  also  for  sleeping,  and  watching,  and  rising,  are  notified  beforehand  by  the 
 sound  of  trumpets,  nor  is  any  thing  done  without  such  a  signal  ;  and  in  the  morning  the  sol- 
 diery go  every  one  to  their  centurions,  and  these  centurions  to  their  tribunes,  to  salute  them  ; 
 with  whom  all  the  superior  officers  go  to  the  general  of  the  whole  army,  who  then  gives  them 
 of  course  the  watchword  and  other  orders,  to  be  by  them  carried  to  all  that  are  under  their 
 command  ;  which  is  also  ol)served  when  they  go  to  fight,  and  tl'ereby  ihey  turn  themselves 
 about  on  the  sudden  wlien  there  is  occasion  for  making  sallies,  as  they  come  back  when  they 
 are  recalled  in  crowds  also. 
 
 4.  Now  when  they  are  to  go  out  of  their  camp,  the  trumpet  gives  a  sound,  at  which  time 
 nobody  lies  still,  but  at  the  first  intimation  they  take  down  their  tents,  and  all  is  made  ready 
 for  their  going  out ;  then  do  the  trumpets  sound  again,  to  order  them  to  get  ready  for  the 
 march  ;  then  do  they  lay  their  baggage  suddenly  upon  their  mules,  and  other  beasts  of  bur- 
 then, and  stand,  as  at  the  place  of  starting,  ready  to  march?  when  also  they  set  fire  to  their 
 camp,  and  this  they  do  because  it  will  be  easy  for  tliem  to  erect  another  camp,  and  tliat  it  may 
 not  ever  be  of  use  to  their  enemies.  Then  do  the  trumpets  give  a  sound  the  third  time,  that 
 they  are  to  go  out,  in  order  to  excite  those  that  on  any  account  are  a  little  tardy,  that  so  no 
 one  may  be  out  of  his  rank  when  the  army  marches.  Then  does  the  crier  stand  at  the  general's 
 right  hand,  and  asks  them  thrice  in  their  own  tongue,  whether  they  be  now  ready  to  go  out  to 
 war  or  not?  To  which  they  reply  as  often,  with  a  loud  and  cheerful  voice,  saying.  We  are 
 ready.  And  this  they  do  almost  before  the  question  is  asked  them  :  they  do  this  as  filled 
 with  a  kind  of  martial  fury,  and  at  the  same  time  that  they  cry  out,  they  lift  up  their  right 
 Lands  also. 
 
 .5.  When,  after  this,  tliey  are  gone  out  of  their  camp,  they  all  march  without  noise,  and  in 
 a  decent  manner,  and  every  one  keeps  his  own  rank,  as  if  they  were  going  to  war.  The  foot- 
 men are  armed  with  breast-plates  and  head-pieces,  and  have  swords  on  each  side,  but  the 
 sword  which  is  upon  their  left  side  is  much  longer  than  the  other,  for  that  on  the  right  side  is 
 not  longer  than  a  span.  Those  footmen  also  that  are  chosen  out  from  the  rest  to  be  about  the 
 general  himself,  have  a  lance  and  a  buckler,  but  the  rest  of  the  foot  soldiers,  have  a  spear,  and  a 
 long  buckler,  besides  a  saw  and  a  basket,  a  pickaxe,  and  an  axe,  a  thong  of  leather,  and  a  hook, 
 witij  provisions  for  three  davs,  so  that  a  footman  hath  no  great  need  of  a  mule  to  carry  his 
 burdens.  The  horsemen  have  a  long  sword  on  their  right  sides,  and  a  long  pole  in  their 
 hand ;  a  shield  also  lies  by  them  obliquely  on  one  side  of  their  horses  with  three  or  more  darts 
 that  are  home  in  their  quiver,  having  broad  points,  and  not  smaller  than  spears.  They  have 
 also  head-pieces,  and  breast-plates,  in  like  manner  as  have  all  the  footmen.  And  for  those 
 that  are  chosen  to  be  about  the  general,  their  armour  no  way  dift'ers  from  that  of  the  horse- 
 men belonging  to  other  troops  ;  and  he  always  leads  the  legions  forth  to  whom  the  lot  assigns 
 that  employment. 
 
 6.  This  is  the  manner  of  the  marching  and  resting  of  the  Romans,  as  also  these  are  the 
 several  sorts  of  weapons  they  use.  But  when  they  are  to  fight,  they  leave  nothing  without 
 forcast,  nor  to  be  done  off  hand,  but  counsel  is  ever  first  taken  before  any  work  is  begnn,  and 
 what  hath  been   there  resolved    upon  is  put  in  execution  presently;  for  which  reason  they 
 
 *  this  description  of  the  exact  symmetry  and  regularity  of  the  Roman  army,  and  of  the  Roman  encamp- 
 ments, with  the  soundiug  their  trumpets,  .tc.  and  order  of  war.  described  in  this  and  the  next  chapter,  is  so 
 very  like  the  symmetry  and  regularity  of  the  peoplu  of  Israel  iu  the  wilderness,  (see  description  of  the  temple, 
 chap,  ix.)  that  "one  cannot  well  avoid  the  supposal,  that  the  one  was  the  ultimate  pattern  of  the  other,  and  that 
 the  tactics  of  the  ancients  were  taken  from  the  rules  given  by  God  to  Moses.  And  it  is  thought  by  some  skilful 
 in  these  matters,  that  these  accounts  of  Josephus,  as  to  the  Roman  camp  and  armour,  and  conduct  in  war,  ar» 
 preferable  to  those  in  the  Kontan  authors  theuxeelves. 
 
BOOK    III.— CHAP.  VI.  617 
 
 seldom  commit  any  errors,  and  if  tbey  have  been  mistaken  at  aoj  time,  they  easily  correct 
 those  mistakes.  Tliey  also  esteem  any  errors  they  commit  upon  taking  counsel  beforehand,  to 
 be  belter  than  such  rash  success  as  is  owing  to  fortune  only;  because  such  a  fortuitous  advan- 
 tage tempts  them  to  be  inconsiderate,  while  consultation,  though  it  may  sometimes  fail  of  suc- 
 cess, hath  tliis  good  in  it,  that  it  makes  men  more  careful  hereafter  ;  but  for  the  advantages  that 
 ari.se  from  chance,  they  are  not  owing  to  him  thai  gains  them  ;  and  as  to  what  melancholy 
 accidents  iiappeo  unexpectedly,  there  is  this  comfort  in  them,  that  tbey  bad  however  taken  the 
 best  consultations  they  could  to  prevent  them. 
 
 7.  Now  they  so  manage  their  preparatory  exercises  of  their  weapons,  that  not  the  bodies 
 of  the  soldiers  onlv,  but  their  souls,  may  also  become  stronger;  they  are  moreover  hardened 
 for  war  by  fear,  for  their  laws  inflict  capital  punishments,  not  only  for  soldiers  running  away 
 from  their  ranks,  but  for  slothful ness  aud  inactivity,  though  it  be  but  in  a  lesser  degree ;  as  are 
 their  generals  more  severe  than  their  laws,  for  they  prevent  any  imputation  of  cruelty  toward 
 those  under  condemnation,  by  the  great  rewards  they  bestow  on  the  valiant  soldiers  ;  and  the 
 readiness  of  obeying  their  commanders  is  so  great,  that  it  is  very  orn  iniental  in  peace  ;  but 
 when  they  come  to  a  battle,  the  whole  army  is  but  one  body,  so  well  coupled  together  are  their 
 ranks,  so  sadden  are  their  turnings  about,  so  sharp  their  hearing,  as  to  what  orders  are  given 
 them,  so  quick  their  sight  of  the  ensigns,  and  so  nimble  are  their  hands  when  they  set  to  work  ; 
 whereby  it  comes  to  pass,  that  what  they  do  is  done  quickly,  and  what  ihey  sufl'er  they  bear 
 with  the  greatest  patience.  Nor  can  we  lind  any  examples  where  they  have  been  conquered 
 in  battle,  when  they  came  to  a  close  fight,  either  by  the  n)ultitude  of  the  enemies,  or  by  their 
 stratagems,  or  by  the  difficulties  in  the  places  they  were  in  ;  no,  nor  by  fortune  neither,  for 
 their  victories  have  been  surer  to  tliem  than  fortune  could  have  granted  them.  In  a  case, 
 therefore,  where  counsel  still  goes  before  action,  and  where,  after  taking  the  best  advice,  that 
 advice  is  followed  by  so  active  an  army,  what  wonder  is  it  that  Euphrates  on  the  east,  the 
 ocean  on  the  west,  the  most  fertile  regions  of  Libya  on  the  sontli,  and  the  Danube  and  the 
 Rhine  on  the  north,  are  the  limits  of  this  empire?  One  might  well  say,  that  the  Roman  pos- 
 sessions are  inferior  to  the  Romans  theniseUes, 
 
 8.  This  account  1  have  given  the  rtader,  not  so  much  with  the  intention  of  commending  the 
 Romans,  as  of  comforting  those  that  have  been  conquered  by  ihera,  and  for  the  deterring  others 
 from  attempting  innovations  under  tlieir  government.  This  discourse  of  the  Roman  military 
 conduct  may  also  perhaps  be  of  use  to  such  of  the  curious  as  are  ignorant  of  it,  and  yet  have  a 
 mind  to  know  it.     I  return  now  from  this  digression. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Placidits  attempts  to  take  Jotapata,  and  is  beaten  off.     Vespasian  marches  into  Galilee. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Vespasian,  with  his  son  Titus,  had  tarried  some  time  atPtoleraais,  and  had  put 
 his  artny  in  order.  But  when  Placidus,  who  had  over-run  all  Galilee,  and  had  besides  slain  a. 
 number  of  those  whom  he  had  caught,  (which  were  only  the  weaker  part  of  the  Galileans,  and 
 such  as  were  of  timorous  souls,)  saw  that  the  warriors  ran  always  to  those  cities  whose  walls 
 had  been  built  by  Josephus,  he  marched  furiously  against  Jotapata,  whicli  was  of  them  all  the 
 strongest,  as  supposing  he  should  easily  take  it  by  a  sudden  surprise,  and  that  he  should 
 thereby  obtain  great  hcaour  to  himself  among  the  commanders,  and  bring  a  great  advantage 
 to  them  in  their  future  campaign  ;  because  if  this  strongest  place  of  them  all  were  once  taken, 
 the  rest  would  be  so  affrighied  as  to  surrender  themselves.  But  he  was  mightily  mistaken  in 
 bis  undertaking  ;  for  the  men  of  Jotapata  were  apprised  of  his  comii:g  to  attack  them,  and 
 came  out  of  the  city,  and  expected  him  there.  So  they  fought  the  Romans  briskly  when  thev 
 least  expected  it,  being  both  many  in  number,  and  prepared  for  lighting,  and  of  great  alaciity, 
 as  esteeming  their  country,  their  wives,  and  their  children,  to  be  in  danger,  and  easily  put  the 
 Romans  to  fli;iht,  atid  wounded  many  of  them,  and  slew  seven  of  them  ;'*  because  their  retreat 
 was  not  made  in  a  disorderly  manner,  because  strokes  only  touched  the  surface  of  their  bodies, 
 which  were  covered  with  their  armour  in  all  parts,  and  because  the  Jev^-s  did  rather  throw 
 their  weapons  upon  them  from  a  great  distance,  than  venture  to  come  hand  to  hand  with  them, 
 and  had  only  light  armour  on,  while  the  others  were  completely  armed.  However,  three 
 men  of  the  Jews'  side  were  slain,  and  a  few  wounded  :  so  Placidus,  finding  himself  unable  to 
 assault  the  city,  ran  away. 
 
 2.  But  as  Vespasian  had  a  great  mind  to  fall  upon  Galilee,  he  marched  out  to  Ptolemais, 
 having  put  his  army  into  that  order,  wherein  the  Romans  used  to  march.  He  ordered  those 
 auxiliaries  which  were  lightly  armed,  and  the  archers,  to  march  first,  that  they  might  prevent 
 any  sudden  insults  from  the  enemy,  and  might  search  out  the  woods  that  looked  suspiciously, 
 
 •  I  •cannot  liut  here  oliserre  an  eastern  vsy  of  spcaliin?,  frequent  among  them,  but  not  usual  atnonp  us, 
 where  the  word  '  only'  or  '  alone'  is  not  set  down,  but  perhaps  some  way  supplied  in  the  pronunciation.  Thus 
 .losephus  hfre  says,  that  those  of  Jotapata  slew  seven  of  the  Itomans  as  they  were  marching  off,  because  the 
 Romans'  retreat  was  irregular,  their  bodies  were  covered  over  with  their  armour,  and  the  Jews  fought  at 
 some  distance  :  his  meaning  is  clear,  that  these  were  the  iva.sons  why  they  slew  only,  or  no  more  than  seven. 
 I  have  met  with  many  the  lilie  examples  in  the  scriptures,  in  losephus,  ilc.  hut  did  not  uow  down  the  parti- 
 cular places.    'J'his  observation  ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  upon  many  occasions. 
 
 -1  1 
 
Gi8  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 and  were  capable  of  ambuscades.  Next  to  these  followed  that  part  of  the  Romans  wlio 
 ■were  corapletel}'  armed,  both  footmen  and  horsemen.  Nest  to  these  followed  ten  out  of  every 
 hundred,  carrying  along  with  them  their  arms,  and  what  was  necessary  to  measure  out  a  cani|> 
 withal  ;  and  after  them,  such  as  were  to  make  the  road  even,  and  straight,  and  if  it  were  any 
 where  rough  and  hard  to  be  passed  over,  to  plain  it,  and  to  cut  down  the  woods  that  hindered 
 their  march,  that  the  army  might  not  be  in  distress,  or  tired  with  their  march.  Behind  these 
 he  set  such  carriages  of  the  army  as  belonged  both  to  himself  and  to  the  other  commanders, 
 ■with  a  considerable  nnuiber  of  their  horsemen  for  their  security.  After  these  he  marched 
 himself,  having  with  him  a  select  body  of  footmen,  and  horsemen,  and  pikeraen.  After  these 
 came  the  peculiar  cavalry  of  his  own  legion,  for  there  were  an  hundred  and  twenty  horsemen 
 that  peculiarly  belonged  to  every  legion.  Next  to  these  came  the  mules  that  carried  the 
 engines  for  sieges,  and  the  other  warlike  machines  of  that  nature.  After  these  came  the  com- 
 manders of  the  cohorts  and  tribunes,  having  about  them  soldiers  chosen  out  of  the  rest.  Then 
 came  the  ensigns  encompassing  the  eagle,  which  is  at  the  head  of  every  Roman  legion,  the 
 king  and  the  strongest  of  all  birds,  which  seems  to  them  a  signal  of  dominion,  and  an  omen 
 that  they  shall  conquer  all  against  whom  they  march  •,  these  sacred  ensigns  are  followed  by  the 
 trumpeters.  Then  came  the  main  army  in  their  squadrons,  and  battalions,  with  six  men  in 
 depth,  who  were  followed  at  last  by  a  centurion,  who,  according  to  custom,  observed  the 
 rest.  As  for  the  servants  of  every  legion,  they  all  followed  the  footmen,  and  led  the  baggage 
 of  the  soldiers,  which  was  borne  by  the  mules  and  other  beasts  of  burden.  But  behind  all  the 
 legions  came  the  whole  multitude  of  the  mercenaries;  and  those  that  brought  up  the  rear  came 
 last  of  all  for  the  security  of  the  whole  array,  being  both  footmen,  and  those  in  their  armour 
 also,  with  a  i^reat  number  of  hursetden. 
 
 3.  And  thus  did  Vespasian  march  with  his  array,  and  came  to  the  bounds  of  Galilee,  where 
 he  pitched  his  camp  and  restrained  his  soldiers,  who  were  eager  for  war;  he  also  shewed  his 
 army  to  the  enemy,  in  order  to  affright  them,  and  to  afford  them  a  season  for  repentance,  to 
 see  whether  they  would  change  their  minds  before  it  came  to  a  battle,  and  at  the  same  time  he 
 got  things  ready  for  besieging  their  strong  holds.  And  indeed  this  sight  of  the  general  brought 
 many  to  repent  of  their  revolt,  and  put  them  all  into  a  consternation  ;  for  those  that  were  in 
 Josephus's  camp,  which  was  at  the  city  called  Garis,  not  far  from  Sepphoris,  when  they  heard 
 that  the  war  was  come  near  them,  and  that  the  Romans  would  suddenly  fight  them  hand  to 
 hand,  dispersed  themselves,  and  fled,  not  only  before  they  came  to  a  battle,  but  before  the 
 enemy  ever  came  in  sight,  while  Josephus  and  a  few  others  were  left  behind  ;  and  as  he  saw- 
 that  he  had  not  an  array  sufficient  to  engage  the  enemy,  that  the  spirits  of  the  Jews  were  sunk, 
 and  that  the  greater  part  would  willingly  come  to  tern)s,  if  they  niinht  be  credited,  he  already 
 despaired  of  success  of  the  whole  war,  and  determined  to  get  as  far  as  he  possibly  could  get 
 out  of  danger ;  so  he  took  those  that  staid  along  with  him,  and  fled  to  Tiberias. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Vespasian,  when  he  had  taken  the  City  of  Gadara,  marches  to  Jolapala.     After  a  long  Siege' 
 the  City  is  betrayed  by  a  Deserter,  and  taken  by  Vespasian. 
 
 i  1.  So  Vespasian  marched  to  the  city  of  Gadara,  and  took  it  upon  the  first  onset,  because  he 
 found  it  destitute  of  any  considerable  number  of  men  grown  up  and  fit  for  war.  He  came  then 
 into  it,  and  slew  all  the  youth,  the  Romans  having  no  mercy  on  any  age  whatsoever  ;  and  this 
 was  done  out  of  the  hatred  they  bore  the  nation,  and  because  of  the  iniquity  they  had  been 
 guilty  of  in  the  affair  of  Cestius.  He  also  set  fire,  not  only  to  the  city  itself,  but  to  all  the: 
 villas  and  small  cities  that  were  round  about  it  ;  some  of  them  were  quite  destitute  of  inha- 
 bitants, and  out  of  some  of  them  he  carried  the  inhabitants  as  slaves  into  captivity. 
 
 2.  As  to  Josephus,  his  retiring  to  that  city,  which  he  chose  as  the  most  for  his  security,  put 
 it  into  great  fear  ;  for  the  people  of  Tiberias  did  not  imagine  that  he  would  have  run  away, 
 unless  he  had  entirely  despaired  of  the  success  of  the  war.  And  indeed  as  to  that  point,  they 
 were  not  mistaken  about  his  opinion  ;  for  he  saw  whither  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  would  tend  at 
 last,  and  was  sensible  that  they  had  but  one  way  of  escaping,  and  that  was  by  repentance.  How- 
 ever, although  he  expected  that  the  Romans  would  forgive  hira,  yet  did  he  choose  to  die  many 
 times  over,  rather  than  to  betray  his  country,  and  to  dishonour  that  supreme  command  of  the 
 army  which  had  been  entrusted  with  him,  or  to  live  happily  under  those  against  whom  he  was 
 sent  to  fight.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  give  an  exact  account  of  affairs  to  the  principal 
 men  at  Jerusalem  by  a  letter,  that  be  might  not  by  too  much  aggrandizing  the  power  of  the 
 enemy,  make  them  too  timorous,  nor  by  relating  that  their  power  beneath  the  truth,  might 
 encourage  them  to  stand  out  when  they  were  perhaps  disposed  to  repentance.  He  also  sent 
 them  word,  that  if  they  thought  of  coming  to  terms,  they  must  suddenly  write  to  him  an 
 answer;  or  if  they  resolved  upon  war,  they  must  send  him  an  army  sufficient  to  fight  the 
 Romans.  Accordingly,  he  wrote  these  things,  and  sent  messengers  immediately  to  carry  his 
 letter  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 3.  Now  Vespasian  was  very  desirous  of  demolishing  Jotapata,  for  he  had  gotten  intelligence 
 Hat  the  greatest  part  of  the  enemy  juad  retired  thither,  and  that  it  was,  on  other  accoants,  a 
 
BOOK  in. — CHAP.    VII.  619 
 
 pi  lice  of  <^i  i.-at  security  to  them.  AcconJiiigly,  he  sent  botli  footmen  and  horsemen  to  level  the 
 iiad,  which  was  niouDtainons  and  rockj,  not  williout  difficulty  to  be  trayelled  over  by  foot- 
 men, bat  absolutely  impracticable  for  horsemen.  Now  these  workmen  accomplished  what 
 tliey  were  about  in  four  days'  time,  and  opened  a  broad  way  for  the  army.  On  the  fifth  day, 
 ivhich  was  the  twenty-first  of  the  month  Artemisius  (Jyar,)  Josephus  prevented  biro,  and  came 
 from  Til)erias,  and  went  into  Jolapata,  and  raised  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  Jews.  And  a 
 certain  deserter  told  this  good  news  to  Vespasian,  that  Josephus  had  removed  himself  thither, 
 wliich  made  hira  make  haste  to  llie  city,  as  supposing,  that  with  taking  that,  he  should  take  all 
 •iudea,  in  case  he  could  but  withal  jiet  Josephus  under  his  power.  So  he  took  this  news  to 
 lie  of  the  vastest  advantage  to  him,  and  believed  it  to  be  brought  about  by  the  providence  of 
 God,  that  he  who  appeared  to  be  the  most  prudent  man  of  all  their  enemies,  of  his  own  accord, 
 shut  himself  up  in  a  place  of  sure  custody.  Accordingly,  he  sent  Placidus  with  a  thousand 
 tiorsen)en,  and  Ebutius  a  decurion,  a  person  that  was  of  eminency  both  in  council  and  in  action, 
 to  encompass  the  city  round,  that  Josephus  might  not  escape  away  privately. 
 
 4.  Vespasian  also,  the  very  next  day,  took  his  whole  army  and  followed  them,  and  by  march- 
 ing till  late  in  the  evening,  arrived  then  at  Jotapata  ;  and  bringing  his  army  to  the  northern 
 Mde  of  the  city,  he  pitched  his  camp  on  a  certaiu  small  hill  which  was  seven  furlongs  from  the 
 city,  and  still  greatly  endeavoured  to  be  well  seen  by  the  enemy,  to  put  them  into  a  consterna- 
 tion ;  which  was  indeed  so  terrible  to  the  Jews  immediateiy,  that  no  ohe  of  them  durst  go  out 
 beyond  the  wall.  Yet  did  the  Romans  put  oft'  the  attack  at  that  time,  because  they  had 
 marched  all  the  day,  although  they  placed  a  double  row  of  battalions  round  the  city,  with  a 
 third  row  beyond  them  round  the  whole,  which  consisted  of  cavalry,  in  order  to  stop  op  every 
 way  for  an  exit;  which  thing  making  the  Jews  despair  of  escaping,  excited  them  to  act  more 
 boldly  ;   for  nothing  makes  men  fight  so  desperately  in  war  as  necessity. 
 
 5.  Now  when  an  assault  was  made  the  next  day  by  the  Romans,  tlie  Jews  at  first  strayed 
 out  of  the  walls  and  opposed  them,  and  met  them  as  having  formed  themselves  a  camp  before 
 the  citv  walls.  But  when  Vespasian  had  set  against  them  the  archers  and  slingers,  and  the 
 whole  mnltitude  that  could  tiirow  to  a  great  distance,  he  permitted  them  to  go  to  work,  while 
 he  himself,  with  the  footmen,  got  upon  an  acclivity,  whence  the  city  might  easily  be  taken. 
 Josephus  was  then  in  fear  for  the  city,  and  leaped  out,  and  all  the  Jewish  raulliiude  with  him  ; 
 these  fell  together  upon  the  Romans  in  great  numbers,  and  drove  them  away  from  the  wall, 
 and  perfornitid  a  great  many  glorious  and  bold  actions.  Yet  did  they  suft'er  as  much  as  they 
 made  the  enemy  sutler;  for  as  despair  of  deliverance  encouraged  the  Jtws,  so  did  a  sense  of 
 shame  equally  encourage  the  Romans.  These  last  had  skill  as  well  as  strength  ;  the  other  had 
 ot.ly  coiirasje,  which  armed  them  and  made  them  fight  furiously.  And  when  the  fight  had 
 lasted  all  day,  it  was  put  an  end  to  by  the  coming  on  of  the  night.  They  had  wounded  a  great 
 many  of  the  Romans,  and  killed  of  them  thirteen  men  ;  of  the  Jews'  side  seventeen  were  slain, 
 and  six   hundred  wounded. 
 
 ti.  On  the  next  day  the  Jews  made  another  attack  upon  the  Romans,  and  went  out  of  the 
 walls,  and  fought  a  much  more  desperate  battle  with  them  than  before.  For  they  were  now 
 become  more  courageous  than  formerly,  and  that  on  account  of  the  unexpected  good  opposition 
 they  had  made  the  day  before,  as  they  found  the  Romans  also  to  fight  more  desperately  ;  for 
 a  sense  of  shame  inflamed  these  into  a  passion,  as  esteeming  their  failure  of  a  sudden  victory 
 to  be  a  kind  of  defeat.  Thus  did  the  Romans  try  to  make  an  impression  upon  the  Jews,  till 
 the  fifth  day  continually,  while  the  people  of  Jotapata  made  sallies  out,  and  fought  at  the  walls 
 most  desperately  ;  nor  were  the  Jews  afl'righted  at  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  nor  were  the 
 Romans  discouraged  at  the  difliculties  they  met  with  in  taking  the  city. 
 
 7.  Now  Jotapata  is  almost  all  of  it  built  on  a  precipice,  having  on  all  the  other  sides  of  it 
 every  way  valleys  immensely  deep  and  steep,  insomuch,  that  those  who  would  look  down 
 would  have  their  sight  fail  them  before  it  reaches  to  the  bottom.  It  is  only  to  be  come  at  on 
 the  north  side,  where  the  utmost  part  of  the  city  is  built  on  the  mountain,  as  it  ends  obliquely 
 at  a  plain.  This  mountain  Josephus  had  encompassed  with  a  wall  when  he  fortified  the  city, 
 that  its  top  might  not  be  capable  of  being  seized  upon  by  the  enemies.  The  city  is  covered 
 all  round  with  other  mountains,  and  can  no  way  be  seen  till  a  man  comes  just  upon  it.  And 
 this  was  the  stoug  situation  of  Jotapata. 
 
 8.  Vespasian,  therefore,  in  order  to  try  how  he  might  overcome  the  natural  strength  of  the 
 place,  as  well  as  the  bold  defence  of  the  Jews,  made  a  resolution  to  prosecute  the  siege  wiCh 
 vigonr.  To  that  end  he  called  the  commanders  that  were  under  him  to  a  counsel  of  war,  and 
 consulted  with  them  which  way  the  assault  might  be  managed  to  the  best  advantage.  And 
 when  the  resolution  was  there  taken  to  raise  a  bank  against  that  part  of  the  wall  which  was 
 practicable,  he  sent  his  whole  army  abroad  to  get  the  materials  together.  So  when  they  had 
 cut  down  all  the  trees  on  the  mountains  that  adjoined  to  the  city,  and  had  gotten  together  a 
 vast  heap  of  stones,  besides  the  wood  they  had  cut  down,  some  of  them  brought  hurdles,  in 
 order  to  avoid  the  effects  of  the  darts  that  were  shot  from  above  them.  These  hurdles  they 
 spread  over  their  banks,  under  cover  whereof  they  formed  their  bank,  and  so  were  little  or 
 nothing  hurt  by  the  darts  that  were  thrown  upon  them  from  the  wall,  while  others  pulled  the 
 ucighbouring  hillocks  to  pieces,  and   perpetually  brought  earth  to  them  ;  so   that  while  they 
 
620  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 were  busy  three  sorts  of  ways,  nobody  was  idle.  However,  the  Jews  cast  great  stones  from 
 the  walls  upon  Ihe  hurdles  which  protected  the  men,  with  all  sorts  of  darts  also  ;  and  the 
 noise  of  what  could  not  reach  them  was  yet  so  terrible,  that  it  was  some  impediment  to  the 
 workmen. 
 
 9.  Vespasian  then  set  the  esprines  for  throwing  stones  and  darts  round  about  the  city.  The 
 number  of  the  engines  was  in  all  an  hundred  and  sixty  ;  and  bade  them  fall  to  work,  and  dis- 
 lodge those  that  were  upon  the  wall.  At  the  same  time,  such  engines  as  were  intended  for 
 that  purpose  threw  at  or.ce  lances  upon  them  with  a  great  noise,  and  stones  of  the  weight  of 
 a  talent  were  thrown  by  the  engines  tliat  were  prepared  for  that  purpose,  together  with  fire, 
 and  a  vast  multitude  of  arrows,  which  made  tlie  wall  so  dangerous,  that  the  Jews  durst  not 
 only  not  come  upon  it,  but  durst  not  come  to  those  parts  within  the  walls  which  were  reached  by 
 the  engines  ;  lor  tiie  muUitu(ie  of  the  Arabian  archers,  as  well  also  as  all  those  that  threw 
 darts  and  Hung  stones,  fell  to  work  at  the  same  time  wiih  ihe  engines.  Yet  did  not  the  others 
 lie  still,  when  they  could  not  throw  at  the  Romans  from  a  higher  place  ;  for  they  then  made 
 sallies  out  of  the  city,  like  piivate  robbers  by  parties,  and  pulled  away  the  hurdles  that  cover- 
 ed the  workmen,  and  killed  ihem  when  they  were  thus  naked  ;  and  when  those  workmen  gave 
 way,  these  cast  away  the  earth  that  composed  the  bank,  and  burnt  the  wooden  parts  of  it, 
 together  with  the  hurdles,  till  at  length  Vespasian  perceived  that  the  intervals  there  were 
 between  the  works  were  of  disadvantage  to  him  ;  for  those  spaces  of  ground  alibrded  the  Jews 
 a  plaiie  for  assaulting  the  Romans.  So  he  united  the  hurdles,  and  at  the  same  time  joined  one 
 part  of  the  army  to  the  other,  which  prevented  the  private  excursions  of  the  Jews. 
 
 10.  And  when  the  bank  was  now  raised,  and  brought  nearer  than  ever  to  the  battlements 
 that  belongecl  to  the  walls,  Josephus  thought  it  would  be  entirely  wrong  in  him  if  he  could 
 make  no  contrivance  in  opposition  to  theirs,  and  that  might  be  for  the  city's  preservation  ;  so 
 he  got  together  his  workmen,  and  ordered  them  to  build  the  wall  higher  ;  and  when  they  said 
 that  this  was  impossible  to  be  done  while  so  many  darts  were  thrown  at  them,  he  invented 
 this  sort  of  cover  for  them  ;  he  bade  them  fix  piles,  and  expand  before  them  the  raw  hides  of 
 oxen,  newly  killed,  that  these  hides,  by  yielding  and  hollowing  themselves  when  the  stones 
 were  thrown  at  them,  might  receive  them,  for  tliat  the  other  darts  would  slide  ofi' them, 
 and  the  fire  that  was  thrown  would  be  quenched  by  the  moisture  tliat  was  in  them.  And 
 these  he  set  before  the  workmen,  and  under  them  these  workmen  went  on  with  their  works  ia 
 safety,  and  raised  the  wall  higher,  and  that  both  by  day  and  by  night,  till  it  was  twenty  cubits 
 high.  He  also  built  a  good  number  of  towers  upon  the  wall,  and  httedto  it  strong  battlements. 
 This  greatly  discouraged  the  Romans,  who  in  their  own  opinions  were  already  gotten  within 
 the  walls,  while  they  were  now  at  once  astonished  at  Josephus's  contrivance,  and  at  the  forti- 
 tude of  the  citizens  that  were  in  the  city. 
 
 11.  And  now  Vespasian  was  plainly  irritated  at  the  great  subtlety  of  this  statagem,  and  at 
 the  boldness  of  the  citizens  of  Jotapata  ;  for  taking  heart  again  upon  the  building  of  this 
 wall,  they  made  fresh  sallies  upon  the  Romans,  an<i  had  every  day  conflicts  with  them  by 
 parties,  together  with  all  such  contrivancps  as  robbers  make  use  of,  and  with  the  plundering 
 of  all  that  came  to  hand,  as  also  with  the  setting  fire  to  all  the  other  works  j  and  this  till 
 Ves-pasian  made  his  army  leave  off  fighting  them,  and  resolved  to  lie  round  the  city,  and  to 
 starve  them  into  a  surrender,  as  supposing  that  either  they  would  be  forced  to  petition  him  for 
 mercy  by  want  of  provisions,  or,  if  they  should  have  the  courage  to  hold  out  till  the  last,  they 
 should  perish  by  famine  :  and  he  concluded  he  should  conquer  them  the  more  easily  in  fight- 
 ing, if  he  gave  them  an  interval,  and  then  fell  upon  iheni  when  they  weakened  by  famine; 
 but  still  he  gave  orders  that  thry  should  guard  against  their  coming  out  of  the  city. 
 
 12.  Tsow  the  besieged  had  plenty  of  corn  within  the  city,  and  indeed  of  all  other  necessa- 
 ries, but  they  wanted  water,  because  there  was  no  fountain  in  the  city,  the  people  being 
 there  usually  satisfied  with  rain  water ;  yet  it  is  a  rare  thing  in  that  country  to  have  rain  in 
 summer,  and  at  this  season,  during  the  siege,  they  were  in  great  distress  for  some  contrivance 
 to  satisfy  their  thirst ;  and  they  were  very  sad  at  this  time  particularly,  as  if  they  were 
 already  in  want  of  water  entirely,  for  Josephus,  seeing  that  the  city  abounded  with  other 
 necessaries,  and  that  the  men  were  of  good  courage,  and  being  desirous  to  protract  the  siege 
 to  the  Romans  longer  than  they  expected,  ordered  their  drink  to  be  given  them  by  measure  : 
 but  this  scanty  distribution  of  water  by  measure  was  deemed  by  them  as  a  thing  more  hard 
 upon  them  than  the  want  of  it ;  and  their  not  being  able  to  drink  as  much  as  they  would,  made 
 them  more  desirous  of  drinking  than  they  otherwise  had  been  ;  nay,  they  were  as  much  dis- 
 heartened hereby  as  if  they  were  come  to  the  last  degree  of  thirst.  Nor  were  the  Romans 
 unacquainted  with  the  state  they  were  in,  for  when  they  stood  over  against  them,  beyond  the 
 wall,  they  could  see  them  running  together,  and  taking  their  water  by  measure,  which  made 
 them  throw  their  javelins  thither,  the  place  being  within  their  reach,  and  kill  a  great  many 
 of  them. 
 
 13.  Hereupon  Vespasian  hoped  that  their  receptacles  of  water  would  in  no  long  time  be 
 emptied,  and  that  they  would  be  forced  to  deliver  up  the  city  to  him  ;  but  Josephus  being 
 minded  to  break  such  his  hope,  gave  command  that  they  should  wet  a  great  many  of  their 
 clothes,  and  hang  tliem  out  about  the  battlements,  till  the  entire  wall  was  of  a  sudden  all  wet 
 
BOOK  III. — CHAP.  VII.  621 
 
 Tvith  tlie  rniiniiig  down  of  the  wfiter.  At  tbis  sight  the  Romans  were  discouraged,  and  under 
 consternation,  when  they  saw  them  able  to  throw  away  in  sport  so  much  water,  when  they 
 supposed  ihem  not  to  have  enough  to  drink  themselves.  This  made  the  Roman  general  despair 
 of  taking  their  city  by  tiieir  want  of  necessaries,  and  to  betake  himself  again  to  arms,  and  to 
 try  to  force  them  to  surrender,  which  was  what  the  Jews  greatly  desired  ;  for,  as  they  despaired 
 of  either  themselves  or  their  city  being  able  to  escape,  they  preferred  a  death  in  battle  before 
 one  by  hunger  and  thirst. 
 
 14.  However,  Josephus  contrived  another  stratagem  besides  the  foregoing,  to  get  plenty  of 
 what  they  wanted.  There  was  a  certain  rough  and  uneven  place  that  could  hardly  be  ascended, 
 and  on  that  account  was  not  guarded  by  the  soldiers  ;  so  Josephus  sent  out  certain  persons 
 along  the  western  parts  of  the  valley,  and  by  tliera  sent  letters  to  whom  he  pleased  of  the  Jews 
 that  were  out  of  the  city,  and  procured  from  t!iem  what  necessaries  soever  they  wanted  in  the 
 city  in  abundance  ;  he  enjoined  them  also  to  creep  generally  along  by  the  watch  as  they  came 
 into  the  city,  and  to  cover  their  backs  wiih  such  sheep-skins  as  had  their  wool  upon  them, 
 that  if  any  one  should  spy  them  out  in  the  night  time,  they  might  be  believed  to  be  dogs. 
 This  was  done  till  the  watch  perceived  their  contrivance,  and  encompassed  that  rough  place 
 about  themselves. 
 
 15.  And  now  it  was  that  Josephus  perceived  that  the  city  could  not  hold  out  long,  and  that 
 his  own  life  would  be  in  doubt  if  he  continued  in  it;  so  he  consult'^d  how  he  and  the  most 
 potent  men  of  the  city  might  lly  out  of  it.  When  the  multitade  understood  tliis,  they  came 
 all  round  about  him,  and  begged  of  him,  "Not  to  overlook  them  wliile  they  entirely  depended 
 on  him,  and  him  alone  ;  for  that  there  was  still  hope  of  the  city's  deliverance,  if  he  would  slay 
 with  them,  because  every  body  would  undertake  any  pains  with  great  cheerfulness  on  his 
 account,  and  in  that  case  there  would  be  some  comfort  for  them  also,  though  they  should  be 
 taken.  That  it  became  him  neither  to  fly  from  his  enemies,  nor  to  desert  bis  friends,  nor  to 
 leap  out  of  that  city,  as  out  of  a  ship  tliat  was  sinking  in  a  storm,  into  which  he  came  when  it 
 was  quiet  and  in  a  cairn  ;  for  that  by  going  away  he  would  be  the  cause  of  drowning  the  city, 
 because  nobody  would  then  venture  to  oppose  the  enemy  when  he  was  once  gone,  upon  whom 
 they  wholly  confided.'' 
 
 l(j.  Hereupon  Josephus  avoided  letting  them  know  that  be  was  to  go  away  to  provide  for 
 his  own  safety,  but  told  them,  that  "  he  would  go  out  of  the  city  for  their  sakes  ;  for  that  if 
 he  staid  with  them,  he  should  be  able  to  do  them  little  good,  while  they  were  in  a  safe  condi- 
 tion, and  that  if  they  were  once  taken  he  should  only  perish  with  them  to  no  purpose  ;  but  that 
 if  he  were  once  gotten  free  fr<im  this  siege,  he  should  be  able  to  bring  them  very  great  relief; 
 for  that  he  would  then  immediately  get  the  Galileans  together,  out  of  the  country,  in  great 
 multitudes,  and  draw  the  Romans  oil"  their  city  by  another  war.  That  he  did  not  see  what 
 advantage  he  could  bring  to  them  now  by  staying  among  them,  but  only  provoke  the  Romans 
 to  besiege  tliera  more  closely,  as  gsteemiiig  it  a  most  valuable  thing  to  take  iiini  ;  but  that  if 
 they  were  once  informed  that  he  was  fled  out  of  the  city,  they  would  greatly  remit  of  their 
 eagerness  against  it."  Yet  did  not  this  plea  move  the  people,  but  indamed  them  the  more  to 
 hang  about  him.  Accordingly,  both  the  children  and  the  old  men,  and  the  women  with  their 
 infants,  came  mourning  to  him,  and  fell  down  before  him,  and  all  of  them  caught  hold  of  his 
 feet,  and  held  him  fast,  and  besought  him  v/ith  great  lamentations,  that  he  would  take  his 
 share  with  them  in  their  fortune  ;  and  I  think  they  did  this,  not  that  they  envied  my  deliver- 
 ance, but  that  they  hoped  for  their  own  ;  for  they  could  not  thinkthey  should  suffer  any  great 
 misfortune,  provided  Josephus  would  but  stay  with  them. 
 
 17.  Now,  Josephus  thought,  that  if  he  resolved  to  stay,  it  would  be  ascribed  to  their 
 entreaties,  and  if  he  resolved  to  go  away  by  force,  he  should  be  put  into  custody.  His  com- 
 miseration also  of  the  people  under  their  lamentations  had  much  broken  that  his  eagerness  to 
 leave  them  ;  so  he  resolved  to  stay,  and  arming  himself  with  a  common  despair  of  l!ie  citizens, 
 he  said  to  them,  "  Now  is  the  time  to  begin  to  tight  in  earnest,  when  there  is  no  hope  of 
 deliverance  left.  It  is  a  brave  thing  to  prefer  glory  before  life,  and  to  set  about  some  such 
 noble  imdertaking  as  may  be  remembered  by  late  posterity."  Having  said  this,  he  fell  to 
 work  immediately,  and  made  a  sally,  and  dispersed  the  enemies'  out-guards,  and  ran  as  far  as 
 the  Roman  camp  itself,  and  pulled  the  coverings  of  their  tents  to  pieces,  that  were  upon  their 
 banks,  and  set  lire  to  their  works.  And  this  was  the  manner  in  which  he  never  left  oft'  fight- 
 ing, neither  the  next  day  nor  the  day  after  it,  but  went  on  with  it  for  a  considerable  number 
 of  both  days  and  nights. 
 
 18.  Upon  this,  Vespasian,  when  be  saw  the  Romans  distressed  by  these  sallies,  (though  they 
 were  ashamed  to  be  made  to  run  away  by  the  Jews  ;  and  when  at  any  time  they  made  the 
 Jews  run  away,  their  heavy  armour  would  not  let  the;ii  pursue  them  far,  while  the  Jews,  when 
 they  had  performed  any  action,  and  before  they  could  be  hurt  themselves,  still  retired  into  the 
 city,)  ordered  his  armed  men  to  avoid  their  onset,  and  not  fight  it  out  with  men  under  despe- 
 ration, while  nothing  is  more  courageous  than  despair;  but  that  their  violence  would  be 
 quenched  when  they  saw  thev  failed  of  their  purposes,  as  lire  is  (juenched  when  it  wants  fuel  ; 
 and  that  it  was  most  proper  for  the  Romans  to  gain  their  victories  as  cheap  as  they  could,  since 
 they  are  not  forced  to   fight,  but  only  to  enlarge   their  own   dominions.     So  he   repelled   the 
 
622  WARS    OF    THK  JEWS. 
 
 Jews  in  a  great  measure  by  tlie  Arabian  arclsers,  and  tlie  Syrian  slingers,  aucl  by  those  that 
 threw  stones  at  thetn,  nor  wns  there  any  intermission  of  the  great  number  of  their  offensive 
 engines.  Now,  tlie  Jews  sulVered  greatly  by  these  engines,  without  being  able  to  escape  from 
 them,  and  when  these  engines  threw  stones  or  javelins  a  great  way,  and  the  Jews  were  within 
 their  leach,  they  pressed  hard  upon  the  Romans,  and  fought  desperately,  without  sparing  either 
 soul  or  body,  one  part  succouring  another  by  turns,  wlien  it  was  tired  down. 
 
 19.  When,  therefore,  Vespasian  looked  upon  himself  as  in  a  manner  besieged  by  these  sal- 
 lies of  the  Jews,  and  when  his  banks  were  now  not  far  from  the  walls,  he  determined  to  make 
 use  of  his  battering  ram.  This  battering  ram  is  a  vast  beam  af  wood  like  the  mast  of  a  ship, 
 its  forepart  is  armed  with  a  thick  piece  of  iron  at  the  head  of  it,  which  is  so  carved  as  to  be 
 like  the  head  of  a  ram,  whence  its  name  is  taken.  This  ram  is  slang  in  the  air  by  ropes  pas- 
 sing over  its  middle,  and  is  hung  like  the  balance  in  a  pair  of  scales  from  another  beam,  and 
 braced  by  strong  beams  that  pass  on  both  sides  of  it,  in  the  nature  of  a  cross.  When  this 
 is  palled  backward  by  a  great  number  of  men  with  united  force,  and  then  thrust  forward  by 
 the  same  men,  with  a  mighty  noise,  it  batters  the  walls  with  that  iron  part  which  is  prominent. 
 Nor  is  there  any  tower  so  strong,  or  walls  so  broad,  that  can  resist  any  more  than  its  first  bat- 
 teries, but  all  are  forced  to  yield  to  it  at  last.  This  was  the  experiment  which  the  Roman 
 general  betook  himself  to,  when  he  was  eagerly  bent  upon  taking  the  city  ;  but  found  lying  in 
 the  tield  so  Jong  to  be  to  his  disadvantage,  because  the  Jews  would  never  let  him  be  quiet. 
 So  these  Romans  brought  the  several  engines  for  galling  an  enemy  nearer  to  the  walls,  that 
 they  might  reach  such  as  ■were  upon  the  wall,  and  endeavoured  to  frustrate  their  attempts  : 
 these  threw  stones  and  javelins  at  them,  in  the  like  manner  did  the  archers  and  slingers  come 
 both  together  closer  to  the  wall.  This  brought  matters  to  such  a  pass  that  none  of  the  Jews 
 durst  mount  the  walls,  and  then  it  was  that  the  other  Romans  brought  the  battering  ram  that 
 was  cased  with  hurdles  all  over,  and  in  the  upper  part  was  secured  with  skins  (hat  covered  it, 
 and  this  both  for  the  security  of  themselves  and  of  the  engine.  Now,  at  the  very  first  stroke 
 of  this  engine,  the  wall  was  shaken,  and  a  terrible  clamour  was  raised  by  the  people  within 
 the  city,  as  if  they  were  already  taken. 
 
 20.  And  now,  when  Josephus  saw  this  ram  still  battering  the  same  place,  and  that  the  wall 
 would  quickly  be  thrown  down  by  it,  he  resolved  to  elude  for  a  while  the  force  of  the  engine : 
 with  this  design  he  gave  orders  to  fill  sacks  with  chafl',  and  to  hand  them  down  before  that 
 place  where  they  saw  the  ram  always  battering,  that  the  stroke  might  be  turned  aside,  or  that 
 the  place  might  feel  less  of  the  strokes  by  the  yielding  nature  of  the  chaff.  This  contrivance 
 very  much  delayed  the  attempts  of  the  Romans,  because,  let  them  remove  their  engines  to 
 what  part  they  pleased,  those  that  were  above  it  removed  their  sacks,  and  placed  them  over 
 against  the  strokes  it  made,  insomuch  that  the  wall  was  no  way  hurt,  and  this  by  diversion  of 
 the  strokes,  till  the  Romans  made  an  opposite  contrivance  of  long  poles,  and  by  tying  hooks  at 
 their  ends,  cut  off  the  sacks.  Now  when  the  battering  ram  thus  recovered  its  force,  and  the 
 wall  having  been  but  newly  built,  was  giving  way,  Josephus  and  tiiose  about  hira  had  after- 
 ward immediate  recourse  to  fire,  to  defend  themselves  withal  ;  whereupon  they  took  what 
 materials  soever  they  had  that  were  but  dry,  and  made  a  sally  three  ways,  and  set  fire  to  the 
 machines  and  the  hurdles,  and  the  banks  of  the  Romans  themselves  ;  nor  did  the  Romans  well 
 know  how  to  come  to  their  assistance,  being  at  once  under  a  consternation  at  the  Jews'  bold- 
 ness, and  being  prevented  bv  the  flames  from  coming  to  their  assistance  ;  for  the  materials 
 being  dry  with  the  bitumen  and  pitch  that  were  among  them,  as  was  brimstone  also,  the  fire 
 caught  hold  of  every  thing  immediately,  and  what  cost  the  Romans  a  great  deal  of  pains  was 
 in  one  hour  consumed. 
 
 21.  And  here  a  certain  Jew  appeared  worthy  of  our  relation  and  commendation  ;  he  was  the 
 son  of  Sameas,  and  was  called  Eleazar,  and  was  born  at  Saab,  in  Galilee.  This  man  took  up 
 a  stone  of  a  vast  bigness,  and  threw  it  down  from  the  wall  upon  the  ram,  and  this  with  so 
 great  a  force  that  it  broke  oflP  the  head  of  the  engine.  He  also  leaped  down,  and  took  up  the 
 head  of  the  ram  from  the  midst  of  them,  and  without  any  concern  carried  it  to  the  top  of  the 
 wall,  and  this  while  he  stood  as  a  fit  mark  to  be  pelted  by  all  his  enemies.  Accordingly,  he 
 received  the  strokes  upon  his  naked  body,  and  was  wounded  with  five  darts  :  nor  did  he  mind 
 any  of  them  while  he  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  wall,  where  he  stood  in  the  sight  of  them  all, 
 as  an  instance  of  the  greatest  boldness  ;  after  which,  he  drew  himself  on  a  heap  with  his 
 wounds  upon  him,  and  fell  down  together  with  the  head  of  the  ram.  Next  to  him,  two  bro- 
 thers shewed  their  courage  ;  their  names  were  Nrtir  and  Philip,  both  of  them  of  the  village 
 Ruma,  and  both  of  them  Galileans  also  ;  these  men  leaped  upon  the  soldiers  of  the  tenth  legion, 
 and  fell  upon  the  Romans  with  such  a  noise  and  force  as  to  disorder  their  ranks,  and  to  pat  to 
 fliglit  all  upon  whatsoever  they  made  their  assaults. 
 
 22.  After  these  men's  performances,  Josephus,  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude  with  him,  took 
 a  great  deal  of  fire,  and  burnt  both  the  machines  and  their  coverings,  with  the  works  belong- 
 ing to  the  fifth,  and  to  the  tenth  legion,  which  they  put  to  flight;  when  others  followed  them 
 immediately,  and  buried  those  instruments  and  all  their  materials  under  ground.  However, 
 about  the  evening,  the  Romans  erected  the  battering-ram  again,  against  that  part  of  the  wall 
 which  had  sufi"ered  before ;  where  a  certain  Jew  that  defended  the  city  from  the  Roman.s,  bit 
 
BOOK  III.— CHAP.  III.  623 
 
 Vespasian  with  a  dart  in  his  foot,  and  wounded  liirn  a  little,  the  distance  being  so  great,  that 
 no  might_y  impression  could  be  made  by  the  dart  thrown  so  far  of!".  However,  this  caused  the 
 greatest  disorder  among  the  Romans  ,  for  when  (hose  who  stood  near  him  saw  his  blood,  they 
 were  disturbed  at  it,  and  a  report  went  abroad,  through  the  whole  army,  that  the  general  was 
 wounded,  while  the  greatest  part  left  the  siege,  and  came  running  together  with  surprise  and 
 fear  to  the  general  ;  and  before  them  all  came  Titus,  out  of  the  concern  he  had  for  his  father, 
 insoniiich,  that  the  multitude  were  in  great  confusion,  and  this,  out  of  the  regard  they  had  for 
 their  general,  and  by  reason  of  the  agony  that  the  son  was  in.  Yet  did  Vespasian  soon  put 
 an  end  to  the  son's  fear,  and  to  the  disorder  the  array  was  under,  for  being  superior  to  his 
 pains,  and  endeavouring  soon  to  he  seen  by  all  that  had  been  in  a  fright  about  him,  he  excited 
 them  to  fight  the  Jews  more  briskly  ;  for  now  every  body  was  willing  to  expose  himself  to 
 danger  immediately,  in  order  to  avenge  their  general  ;  and  then  they  encouraged  one  another 
 with  loud  voices,  and  ran  hastily  to  the  walls. 
 
 23.  But  still  Josephus  and  those  with  him,  although  they  fell  down  dead  one  upon  another 
 by  the  darts  and  stones  which  the  engines  threw  upon  them,  yet  did  not  they  desert  the  wall, 
 but  fell  upon  those  who  mausged  the  ram,  under  the  protection  of  the  hurdles,  with  fire,  and 
 iron  weapons,  and  stones  ;  and  these  could  do  little  or  nothing,  but  fell  themselves  perpetuiiUy, 
 while  they  were  seen  by  those  whom  they  could  not  see,  for  the  light  of  their  own  flame  shone 
 about  them,  and  made  them  a  most  visible  mark  to  the  enemy,  as  they  were  in  the  day-time, 
 while  the  engines  could  n.ot  be  seen  at  a  great  distance,  and  so  what  was  thrown  at  them  was 
 hard  to  be  avoided,  for  the  force  with  which  these  engines  threw  stones  and  darts  made  them 
 hurt  several  at  a  time,  and  the  violeni  force  of  the  stones  that  were  cast  by  the  engines  was  so 
 great,  that  they  carried  away  the  pinnacles  of  the  wall,  and  broke  off  the  corners  of  the  towers  ; 
 for  no  body  of  men  could  be  so  strong  as  not  to  be  overthrown  to  the  last  rank  by  the  large- 
 ness of  the  stones.  And  any  one  may  learn  the  force  of  the  engines  by  what  happened  this 
 very  night :  for  as  one  of  those  that  stood  round  about  Josephus  was  near  the  wall,  his  head 
 was  carried  away  by  such  a  stone,  and  his  skull  was  flung  as  far  as  three  furlongs.  In  the 
 day-time  also,  a  woman  with  child  had  her  belly  so  violently  struck,  as  she  was  just  come  out 
 of  her  house,  that  the  infant  was  carried  to  the  distance  of  half  a  furlong,  so  great  was  the 
 force  of  that  engine.  The  noise  of  the  instruments  themselves  was  very  terrible,  the  sound  of 
 the  darts  and  stones  that  were  thrown  by  them  was  so  also  ;  of  the  same  sort  was  that  noise 
 the  dead  bodies  made,  when  they  were  dashed  against  the  wall ;  and  indeed  dreadful  vas  the 
 clamour  which  these  things  raised  in  the  women  within  the  city,  which  was  echoed  back  at  the 
 same  time  by  the  cries  of  such  as  were  slain  ;  while  the  whole  space  of  ground  whereon  they 
 fought  ran  with  blood,  and  the  wall  might  have  been  ascended  over  by  bodies  of  the  dead 
 carcases  ;  the  mountains  also  contributed  to  increase  the  noise  by  their  echues,  nor  was  there 
 on  that  night  any  thing  of  terror  wanting,  that  could  either  allect  the  bearing  or  the  sight  ; 
 yet  did  a  great  part  of  those  that  fought  so  hard  for  Jotapata  fall  manfully,  as  were  a  great 
 part  of  (hem  wounded.  However,  the  morning  watch  was  come  ere  the  wall  yielded  to  the 
 machines  employed  against  it,  though  it  had  been  battered  without  intermission.  However, 
 those  within  covered  their  bodies  with  their  armour,  and  raised  works  over  against  that  part 
 which  was  thrown  down,  before  those  machines  were  laid,  by  which  the  Romans  were  to 
 ascend  into  the  city. 
 
 24.  In  the  morning  Vespasian  got  bis  army  together,  in  order  to  take  the  city  [by  storm,] 
 after  a  little  recreation  upon  the  bard  pains  they  bad  been  at  the  night  before  ;  and  as  he  was 
 desirous  to  draw  off"  those  that  oppressed  him  from  the  places  where  the  wall  had  been  thrown 
 down,  be  made  the  most  courageous  of  (he  horsemen  get  off  (heir  horses,  and  placed  them  in 
 three  ranks  over  against  these  ruins  of  the  wall,  but  covered  with  their  armour  on  every  side, 
 and  with  poles  in  their  bands,  that  so  these  might  begin  their  ascent  as  soon  as  the  instruments 
 for  such  ascent  wer»  laid  ;  behind  them  he  placed  the  flower  of  the  footmen  ;  but  for  the  rest 
 of  the  horse,  he  ordered  them  to  extend  themselves  over  against  the  wall,  upon  the  whole  hilly 
 country,  in  order  to  prevent  any  from  escaping  out  of  the  city  when  it  should  be  taken  ;  and 
 behind  these  he  placed  the  archers  round  about,  and  commanded  them  to  have  all  their  darts  ready 
 to  shoot.  The  same  commands  he  gave  to  (he  slingers,  and  to  those  that  managed  the  engines, 
 and  bade  them  to  take  up  other  ladders,  and  have  ready  to  lay  upon  those  parts  of  the  wall 
 which  were  yet  untouched,  that  the  besieged  might  be  engaged  in  trying  to  hinder  their  ascent 
 by  them,  and  leave  the  guard  of  the  parts  that  were  thrown  down,  while  the  rest  of  them 
 should  be  overborne  by  the  darts  cast  at  them,  and  might  afford  his  men  an  entrance  into 
 the  city. 
 
 25.  But  Josephus,  understanding  the  meaning  of  Vespasian's  contrivance,  set  the  old  men, 
 together  with  those  that  were  tired  out  at  the  sound  parts  of  the  wall,  as  expecting  no  harm 
 from  those  quarters,  but  set  the  strongest  of  his  men  at  the  place  where  the  wall  was  broken 
 down,  and  before  them  all  six  men  by  themselves,  among  whom  he  took  his  share  of  the  first 
 and  greatest  danger.  He  also  gave  orders,  That  "  when  the  legions  made  a  shout  they  should 
 stop  their  ears,  that  they  might  not  be  aftVighted  at  it,  and  that,  to  avoid  the  multitude  of  the 
 enemies'  darts,  they  should  bend  down  on  their  knees,  and  cover  themselves  with  their  shields, 
 and  that  they  should  retreat  a  little  backward  for  a  while,  till  the  archers  should  have  emptied 
 
624  WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 their  quivers  ;  hut  lliat,  when  the  Romans  should  lay  their  instruments  for  ascencting  the  walls, 
 ■thev  siiould  leap  out  on  llie  sudden,  and  with  their  own  instruments  should  meet  tlie  enemy, 
 and  that  tver^  oue  should  strive  to  do  his  best,  in  order,  not  to  defend  Ills  own  city,  as  if  it 
 were  possible  to  be  preserved,  but  in  order  to  revenge  il,  when  it  was  already  destroyed  ;  and 
 that  they  should  set  before  their  eyes  how  their  old  men  were  to  be  slain,  and  their  children 
 and  wives  were  to  be  liilled  immediately  by  the  enemy  ;  and  that  they  would  beforehand 
 spend  all  their  fury  on  account  of  the  calamities  just  coming  upon  them,  and  pour  it  out  on 
 the  actors." 
 
 2G.  And  thus  did  Josephus  dispose  of  both  his  bodies  of  men  ;  but  then  for  the  useless  part 
 of  the  citizens,  the  women  and  children,  when  they  saw  their  city  encompa^^sed  by  a  threefold 
 army,  (for  none  of  the  usual  guards,  that  had  been  lighting  before,  were  removed,)  when  they 
 also  saw,  not  onlv  the  walls  thrown  down,  but  (heir  enemies,  with  swords  in  their  hands,  as 
 also  the  hilly  country  above  them,  shining  with  their  weapons,  and  the  darls  in  their  hands  of 
 (he  Arabian  archers,  they  made  a  final  and  lamentable  outcry  of  the  destruction,  as  if  the 
 iriiserv  were  not  only  threatened,  but  actually  come  upon  them  already.  But  Josephus  ordered 
 the  women  to  be  shut  up  in  their  houses,  lest  they  should  render  the  warlike  actions  of  the 
 men  too  ell'eminate,  by  making  them  commiserate  their  condition,  and  commanded  them  to  bold 
 their  peace,  and  threatened  them  if  they  did  not,  while  he  came  himself  before  the  breach, 
 where  his  allotment  was  :  (or  all  those  who  brought  ladders  to  the  other  places,  he  took  no 
 notice  of  them,  but  earnestly  waited  for  the  shower  of  arrows  that  was  coming. 
 
 27.  And  now  the  trumpeters  of  the  several  Roniaa  legions  sounded  together,  and  the  army 
 made  a  terrible  shout,  and  the  darts,  as  by  order.  Hew  so  fast,  that  they  intercepted  the  light. 
 However,  Josephus's  men  remembered  the  charges  he  had  given  them  ;  they  stopped  their 
 ears  at  the  sounds,  and  covered  their  bodies  against  the  darts;  and  as  to  the  engines  that  were 
 set  ready  to  go  to  work,  the  Jews  ran  out  upon  them,  before  those  that  should  have  used  them 
 were  gotten  upon  tliem.  And  now,  on  the  ascending  of  the  soldiers,  there  was  a  great  con- 
 vict, and  many  actions  of  the  hands,  and  of  the  soul,  were  exhibited,  while  the  Jews  did  earn- 
 estly endeavour,  in  the  extreme  danger  they  were  in,  not  (o  shew  less  courage  than  those  who, 
 without  being  in  danger,  fought  so  stoutly  agaiust  them,  nor  did  they  leave  struggling  with  the 
 Romans  till  they  either  fell  down  dead  themselves,  or  killed  their  antagonists.  But  the  Jews 
 grew  weary  with  defending  themselves  continually,  and  had  not  enow  to  come  in  their  places, 
 and  succour  them  ;  while  on  the  side  of  the  Romans  fresh  men  still  succeeded  those  that  were 
 tiled,  and  still  new  men  snon  got  upon  the  machines  for  ascent,  in  the  room  of  those  that  were 
 thrust  down,  those  encouraging  one  another,  and  joining  side  to  side  with  their  shields,  which 
 were  a  protection  to  them,  they  became  a  body  of  men  not  to  be  broken,  and  as  this  band 
 thrust  away  the  Jews,  as  though  they  were  themselves  but  one  body,  they  began  already  to  get 
 upon  the  wall. 
 
 28.  Then  did  Josephus  take  necessity  for  his  counsellor  in  this  utmost  distress,  (which 
 necessity  is  very  sagacious  in  invention  when  it  is  irritated  by  despair,)  and  gave  orders  to 
 pour  scalding  oil  upon  those  whose  shields  protected  them.  Whereupon  they  soon  got  it 
 ready,  being  many  that  brought  it,  and  what  they  brought  being  a  great  quantity  also,  and 
 poured  it  on  all  sides  upon  the  Romans,  and  threw  down  upon  them  their  vessels  as  they  were 
 still  hissing  from  the  heat  of  the  fire  ;  this  so  burnt  the  Romans,  that  it  dispersed  that  united 
 band,  who  now  tumbled  down  fioni  the  wall,  with  horrid  pains,  for  the  oil  did  easily  run  down 
 the  whole  body  from  head  to  foot,  under  their  entire  armour,  and  fed  upon  iheir  flesh  like 
 flame  itself,  its  fat  and  unctuous  nature  rendering  it  soon  heated,  and  slowly  cooled ;  and  as  the 
 men  were  cooped  up  in  their  head-pieces  and  breast-plates,  they  could  in  no  way  get  free 
 from  this  burning  oil,  they  could  only  leap  and  roll  about  in  their  pains,  as  they  fell  down 
 from  the  bridges  they  had  laid.  And  as  they  thus  were  beaten  back,  and  retired  to  their 
 own  party,  who  still  pressed  them  forward,  they  were  easily  wounded  by  those  that  were 
 behind  them. 
 
 29.  However,  in  this  ill  success  of  the  Romans,  their  courage  did  not  fail  them,  nor  did 
 the  Jews  want  prudence  to  oppose  them  ;  for  the  Romans,  although  they  saw  their  own  men 
 thrown  down,  and  in  a  miserable  cendilion,  yet  were  they  vehemently  bent  against  those  that 
 poured  the  oil  upon  them,  while  every  one  reproached  the  man  before  hira  as  a  coward,  and  one 
 that  hindered  him  from  exerting  himself;  and  while  the  Jews  made  use  of  another  stratagem 
 to  prevent  their  ascent,  and  poured  boiling  fenugreek  upon  the  boards  in  order  to  make  them 
 slip  and  fall  down  ;  by  which  means  neither  could  those  that  were  coming  up,  nor  those  that 
 were  going  down,  stand  on  their  feet ;  but  some  of  them  fell  backward,  upon  the  machines  on 
 which  they  ascended,  and  were  trodden  upon  ;  many  of  them  fell  down  upon  the  bank  they  had 
 raised,  and  when  they  were  fallen  upon  it,  were  slain  by  the  Jews ;  for  when  the  Romans  could 
 not  keep  their  feet,  the  Jews  being  freed  from  fighting  hand  to  hand,  had  leisure  to  throw 
 their  darts  at  them.  So  the  general  called  ofi'  those  soldiers  in  the  evening  that  had  suflered 
 so  sorely,  of  whom  the  number  of  the  slain  was  not  a  few,  while  that  of  the  wounded  was  still 
 greater;  but  of  the  people  of  Jotapata  no  more  than  six  men  were  killed,  although  more  than 
 three  hundred  were  carried  oil"  wounded.  This  fight  happened  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the 
 month  Dcsius,  [Sivan.] 
 
KOOK   III. — CHAP.  VII.  625 
 
 30.  Hereupon  A'espasian  coiufoi  ted  iiis  army  on  occasion  of  wlial  happened,  and  as  he  found 
 Ihem  angij  indeed,  but  rather  wanting  somewhat  to  do  than  any  further  exhortations,  he  jjave 
 orders  to  raise  the  banks  still  higher,  and  to  erect  three  towers,  each  fifty  feet  high,  and  that 
 they  should  cover  Ihem  with  plates  of  iron  on  every  side,  that  they  might  be  both  firm  by  their 
 weight,  and  not  easily  liable  to  be  set  on  fire.  These  towers  he  set  upon  the  banks,  and  placed 
 upon  them  such  as  could  shoot  darts  and  arrows,  with  the  lighter  engines  for  throwing  stones 
 and  darts  also ;  and  besides  these,  he  set  upon  them  the  stoutest  men  among  the  slingers,  who 
 not  being  to  be  seen  by  reason  of  the  heiglit  they  stood  upon,  and  the  battlements  that  pro- 
 tected theui,  might  throw  their  weapons  at  those  that  were  upon  the  wall,  and  were  easily  seen 
 by  them.  Hereupon  the  Jews,  not  being  easily  able  to  escape  those  darts  that  were  thrown 
 down  upon  tiieir  htads,  nor  to  avenge  themselves  on  those  whom  they  could  not  see,  and  per- 
 ceiving that  the  height  of  the  towers  was  so  great,  that  a  dart  which  they  threw  with  their 
 band,  co'ild  hardly  re:xh  it,  and  that  the  iron  plates  about  them  made  it  very  hard  to  come  at 
 them  by  lire,  they  ran  away  from  the  walls,  and  fled  liastily  out  of  the  city,  and  fell  upon  those 
 that  shot  at  them.  And  thus  did  the  people  of  Jotapata  resist  the  Romans,  while  a  great 
 number  of  them  were  every  day  killed,  without  their  being  able  to  retort  the  evil  upon  their 
 enemies,  nor  could  they  keep  them  out  of  the  city  without  danger  to  themselves. 
 
 31.  About  this  time  it  was  that  Vespasian  sent  out  Trajan  against  a  city  called  Japha,  that 
 lay  near  to  Jotapata,  and  that  desired  innovations,  and  was  puffed  up  with  the  unexpected 
 lengtli  of  the  opposition  of  Jotapata.  This  Trajan  was  the  commander  of  the  tenth  legion,  and 
 to  him  Vespasian  committed  one  thousand  horsemen,  and  two  thousand  footmen.  When 
 TiT.jan  came  to  the  city,  he  found  it  hard  to  be  taken,  for  besides  the  natural  strength  of  its 
 situation,  it  was  also  secured  by  a  double  wall  ;  bat  when  he  saw  the  people  of  this  city  com- 
 ing out  of  it,  and  ready  to  figlit  him,  he  joined  battle  with  them,  and  after  a  short  resistance 
 which  they  made,  he  pursued  after  them  ;  and  as  they  fled  to  their  first  wall,  the  Romans  fol- 
 lowed them  so  closely  that  they  fell  in  together  with  them  :  but  when  the  Jews  were  endea- 
 vouring to  get  again  within  their  second  wall,  their  fellow-citizens  shut  them  out,  as  being 
 afraid  that  the  Romans  would  force  themselves  in  with  tiiem.  It  was  certainly  God  therefore 
 who  brought  the  Romans  to  punish  the  Galileans,  and  diJ  ilien  expose  the  people  of  the  city 
 every  one  of  them  manifestly  to  be  destroyed  by  their  bloody  enemies  ;  for  they  fell  upon  the 
 gates  in  great  crowds;  and  earnestly  calling  to  those  that  kept  them,  and  that  by  their  names 
 also,  yet  had  they  their  tliroats  cut  in  the  very  midst  of  their  supplications  ;  for  the  enemy  shut 
 the  gates  of  the  first  wall,  and  their  own  citizens  shut  the  gates  of  the  second,  so  they  were 
 enclosed  between  two  walls,  and  were  slain  in  great  numbers  together  ;  many  of  them  were 
 run  through  by  swords  of  their  own  men,  and  many  by  their  own  swords,  besides  an  immense 
 number  that  were  slain  by  the  Romans.  Nor  had  they  any  courage  to  revenge  themselves  ; 
 for  there  was  added  to  the  consternation  they  weie  in  from  the  enemy,  their  being  betrayed 
 by  their  own  friends,  which  quite  broke  their  spirits ;  and  at  last  they  died,  cursing  not  the 
 Romans,  but  their  own  citizens,  till  they  were  all  destroyed,  being  in  number  twelve  thousand. 
 So  Trajan  gathered  that  the  city  was  empty  of  people  that  could  fight,  and  although  there 
 should  a  few  of  them  be  therein,  he  supposed  that  they  would  be  too  timorous  to  venture  upon 
 any  opposition  ;  so  he  reserved  the  taking  of  the  city  to  the  general.  Accordingly,  he  sent 
 messengers  to  Vespasian,  and  desired  him  to  send  his  son  Titus  to  finish  the  victory  he  had 
 gained.  Vespasian  hereupon  imagining  there  might  be  some  pains  still  necessary  ;  sent  hist 
 son  with  an  army  of  five  hundred  horsemen,  and  one  thousand  footmen.  So  he  came  quickly 
 to  the  city,  and  put  his  army  in  order,  and  set  Trajim  over  the  left  wing,  while  he  had  the 
 right  himself,  and  led  them  to  the  siege:  and  when  the  soldiers  brought  ladders  to  be  laid 
 against  the  wall  on  every  side,  the  Galileans  opposed  them  from  above  for  a  while,  but  soon 
 afterward  they  lei't  the  walls.  Then  did  Ti'us's  men  leap  into  the  city,  and  seized  upon  it 
 presently,  but  when  those  that  were  in  it  were  gotten  together,  there  was  a  fierce  battle 
 between  them  ;  for  the  men  of  power  fell  upon  the  Romans  in  the  narrow  streets,  and  the 
 women  threw  whatsoever  came  next  to  hand  at  them,  and  sustained  a  fight  with  them  for  six 
 Lours'  time  ;  but  when  the  fighting  men  were  spent,  the  rest  of  the  multitude  had  their  throats 
 cut,  partly  in  the  open  air,  and  partly  in  their  own  houses,  both  young  and  old  together.  So 
 there  were  no  males  now  remaining  besides  infants,  who,  with  the  women,  were  carried  as 
 slaves  into  captivity  ;  so  that  the  number  of  the  slain  both  now  in  the  city,  and  at  the  former 
 figlit,  was  fifteen  thousand,  and  the  captives  were  two  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty.  This 
 calamity  befell  the  Galileans  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  month  Desius,  [Sivan.] 
 
 32.  Nor  did  the  Samaritans  escape  their  share  of  misfortunes  at  this  time  ;  for  they  assem- 
 bled themselves  together  upon  the  mountain  called  Gerizzim,  which  is  with  them  a  holy  moun- 
 tain, and  there  they  remained  :  which  collection  of  theirs,  as  well  as  the  courageous  minds 
 they  shewed,  could  not  but  threaten  somewhat  of  war  ;  nor  were  they  rendered  wiser  by  the 
 miseries  that  had  come  up(in  their  neiglibonring  cities.  They  also,  notwithstanding  the  great 
 success  the  Romans  had,  marched  on  in  an  unreasonable  manner,  depending  on  their  own 
 strength,  and  were  disposed  for  any  tumult  upon  its  first  appearance.  Vespasian  therefore 
 thought  it  best  to  prevent  their  motions,  and  to  cut  ofl'  the  foundation  of  their  atte'.npts.  For 
 although  all  Samaria  had  ever  garrisons  settled  among  them,  yet  did  the  number  of  those  that 
 
 4  K 
 
62C  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 were  coine  to  raouDt  Gerizziiii,  an^  tbeir  conspiracy  together,  give  ground  (o  fear  wLat  tliey 
 would  be  at  :  he  therefore  sent  thAher  Cerealis,  the  coRiniaiider  of  the  fifth  legion,  with  sis 
 hundred  horsemen,  and  three  thousand  footmen,  who  did  not  think,  it  safe  to  go  up  the  moun- 
 tain, and  give  them  battle,  because  many  of  the  enemy  were  on  the  higher  part  of  the  ground  ; 
 so  he  encompassed  all  the  lower  part  of  the  mountain  with  his  army,  and  watched  them  all 
 that  day.  Now  it  happened  that  the  Samarilaus,  who  were  now  destitute  of  water,  were 
 intlamed  wiih  a  violent  heat  (for  it  was  summer  time,  and  the  multitude  had  not  provided 
 themselves  with  necessaries,)  insomuch  that  some  of  them  died  that  very  day  with  heat,  while 
 others  of  them  preferred  slavery  before  such  a  death  as  that  was,  and  fled  to  the  Romans  ;  by 
 whom  Cerealis  understood,  that  those  who  still  stayed  there  were  very  much  broken  by  their 
 misfortunes.  So  he  went  up  the  mountain,  and  having  placed  his  forces  round  about  the  enemy, 
 he,  in  the  first  place,  exhorted  them  to  take  the  security  of  his  right  hand,  and  come  to  terms 
 with  him,  and  thereby  save  themselves  ;  and  assured  them  that  if  they  would  lay  down  their 
 arms,  he  would  secure  them  from  any  harm  ;  bat  when  he  could  not  prevail  with  them,  he  fell 
 upon  them  and  slew  them  all,  being  in  number  eleven  thousand  six  hundred.  This  was  done 
 on  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  the  month  Desius,  [Sivan.]  And  these  were  the  calamities  that 
 befell  the  Samaritans  at  tiiis  time. 
 
 33.  But  as  the  people  of  Jotapata  still  held  out  manfully,  and  bore  up  under  their  miseries 
 beyond  all  that  could  be  hoped  for,  on  the  forty-seventh  day  [of  the  siege]  the  banks  cast  up  by 
 the  Romans  were  become  higher  than  the  wall ;  on  which  day  a  certain  deserter  went  to  Ves- 
 pasian, and  told  him  how  few  were  left  in  the  city,  and  how  weak  ibey  were,  and  that  they  had 
 been  so  worn  out  with  perpetual  watching,  and  as  perpetual  fighting,  that  they  could  not  now 
 oppose  any  force  that  came  against  them,  and  that  they  might  be  taken  by  stratagem,  if  any 
 one  would  attack  them  ;  for  that  about  the  last  watch  of  the  night,  when  they  thought  they 
 might  have  some  rest  from  the  hardships  they  were  under,  and  when  a  morning  sleep  used  to 
 come  upon  them,  as  they  were  thoroughly  weary,  he  said  the  watch  used  to  fall  asleep  ;  accord- 
 ingly his  advice  was,  that  they  should  make  their  attack  at  that  hour.  But  Vespasian  had  a 
 suspicion  about  this  deserter,  as  knowing  how  faithful  the  Jews  were  to  one  another,  and  bow 
 much  they  despwed  any  punishments  that  could  be  inflicted  on  them  ;  this  last,  because  one  of 
 the  people  of  Jotapata  had  undergone  all  sorts  of  torments,  and  though  they  made  him  pass 
 through  a  fiery  trial  of  his  enemies  in  his  examination,  yet  would  he  inform  them  nothing  of 
 the  afTairs  within  the  city,  and  as  he  was  cracified,  smiled  at  thero.  However,  the  probability 
 there  was  in  the  relation  itself,  did  partly  confirm  the  truth  of  what  the  deserter  told  them, 
 and  they  thought  he  might  probably  speak  the  truth.  However,  Vespasian  llioiigbt  they  should 
 be  no  great  suSerers,  if  the  report  was  a  sham  ;  so  he  commanded  them  to  keep  the  man  in 
 custody,  and  prepared  the  army  for  taking  the  city. 
 
 34.  According  to  which  resolution  they  marched  without  noise,  at  the   hour  that  had  been 
 told  them,  to  the  wall  ;  and  it  was  Titus  himself  that  first  got  upon  it,  with  one  of  his  tribunes, 
 Domitius  Sabinus,  and  had  a  few  of  the  fifteenth  legion  along  with  him.     So  they  cut  the  throats 
 of  the  watch,  and  entered  the  city  very  quietly.     After  these   came  Cerealis  the  tribune,  and 
 Flacidus,  and  led  on  those  that  were  under  them.     Now  when   the  citadel  was  taken,  and  (he 
 enemy  were  in  the  very  midst  of  the  city,  and  when  it  was  already  day,  yet  was  not  the  taking  of 
 the  city  known  by  those  that  held  it ;  for  a  great  many  of  them  were  fast  asleep,  and  a  great 
 mist,  which  then  by  chance  fell  upon  the  city,  hindered  those  that  got  up  from  distinctly  see- 
 ing the  case  they  were  in,  till  the  whole  Roman  army  was  gotten  in,  and  they  were  raised  up 
 only  to  find  the  miseries  they  were   under ;  and  as  they  were  slaying,  they  perceived  the  city  ; 
 was  taken.     And  for  the  Romans,  they  so  well  remembered  what  they  had  sufJered  during  the 
 siege,  that  they  spared  none,  nor  pitied  any,  but  drove  the  people  down  the  precipice  from  the 
 citadel,  and  slew  them  as  they  drove  them  down  ;  at  which  time   the  difficulties  of  the  place  i 
 hindered  those  that  were  still  able  to  fight  from  defending  tliemselves  ;  for  as  they  were  dis-  I 
 tressed  in  the  narrow  streeets,  and  could   not  keep  their  feet  sure   along  the  precipice,  they 
 were  overpowered  with  the  crowd  of  those  that  came  fighting   them  from  the  citadel.     This  ' 
 provoked  a  great  mauy,  even  of  those  chosen  men  that  were  about  Josephus,  to  kill  themselves 
 with   their  own   hands  ;  for   when  they  saw  that  they  could  kill  none  of  the  Romans,  they 
 resolved   to  prevent  being  killed  by  the   Romans,  and  got   together  in   great  numbers  in  the 
 utmost  parts  of  the  city,  and  killed  themselves. 
 
 35.  However,  such  of  the  watch  as  at  first  perceived  they  were  taken,  and  ran  away  as 
 fabt  as  they  could,  went  up  into  one  of  the  towers  on  the  north  side  of  the  city,  and  for  a  while 
 defended  themselves  there  ;  but  as  they  were  encompassed  with  a  multitude  of  enemies,  they 
 tried  to  use  their  right  hands  when  it  was  too  late,  and  at  length  they  cheerfully  offered  their 
 necks  to  be  cut  off  by  those  that  stood  over  them.  And  the  Romans  might  have  boasted  that 
 the  conclusion  of  that  siege  was  without  blood  [on  tbeir  side,]  if  there  had  not  been  a 
 centurion,  Antonius,  who  was  slain  at  the  taking  of  the  city.  His  death  was  occasioned  by 
 the  following  treachery  :  for  there  was  one  of  those  that  were  fled  into  the  caverns,  which 
 were  a  great  number,  who  desired  that  this  Antonius  would  reach  him  his  right  hand  for  his 
 security,  and  would  assure  him  that  he  would  preserve  him,  and  give  him  his  assistance  in  getting 
 ap  out  of  the  cavern ;   accordingly  he  incautiously  reached  him  out  his  right  band,  when  the 
 
BOOK  III.— CHAP.  VIII.  0:27 
 
 oUier  man  prevented  Lim,  and  stabbed  biin  under  bis  loins  with  a  spear,  and  killed  him 
 iinmediately. 
 
 36.  And  on  Ibis  day  it  was  tbat  tbe  Romans  slew  all  the  multitude  that  appeared  openly : 
 but  on  the  following  days  they  searched  the  biding  places,  and  fell  upon  those  that  were  under 
 ground,  and  in  the  caverns,  and  went  thus  through  every  age,  excepting  the  infants  and  the 
 women,  and  of  these  there  were  gathered  together  as  captives  twelve  bundred  ;  and  as  for 
 those  that  were  slain  at  tbe  taking  of  tbe  city,  and  in  the  former  fights,  they  were  numbered 
 to  be  forty  thousand.  So  Vespasian  gave  order  that  the  city  should  be  entirely  demolished, 
 and  all  the  fortifications  burnt  down.  And  thus  was  Jotapata  taken,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of 
 the  reign  of  Nero,  on  the  first  day  of  tbe  month  Panemus,  [Tamuz.] 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  Josephus  ivas  discovered  Ly  a  Woman,  and  ivas  icilU7tg  to  deliver  himself  up  to  the  Romans ; 
 and  what  Discourse  he  had  inith  his  oivn  Men,  ichen  they  endeavoured  to  hinder  him;  and 
 what  he  said  to  Vespasian,  when  he  was  brought  to  him ;  and  in  ivhat  Manner  Vespasian 
 used  him  afterward. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  the  Romans  searched  for  Josephus,  both  out  of  the  batred  tbey  bore  him,  and 
 because  their  general  was  very  desirous  to  have  bim  taken  ;  for  he  reckoned  tbat  if  he  were 
 once  taken,  the  greatest  part  of  the  war  would  be  over.  They  then  searched  among  tbe 
 dead,  and  looked  into  the  most  concealed  recesses  of  the  city  ;  but  as  the  city  was  first  taken, 
 be  was  assisted  by  a  certain  supernatural  providence  ;  for  he  withdrew  himself  from  tbe  enerav 
 when  he  was  in  the  midst  of  tlieni,  and  leaped  into  a  certain  deep  pit,  whereto  there  adjoined 
 a  large  den  at  one  side  of  it,  which  deu  could  not  be  seen  by  those  that  were  above  ground  ; 
 and  here  he  met  with  forty  persons  of  eminence  that  bad  concealed  themselves,  and  with  pro- 
 visions enough  to  satisfy  them  for  not  a  few  days.  .So  in  the  day  time  be  hid  himself  from  the 
 enemy,  who  had  seized  upon  all  places,  and  in  the  night  lime  he  got  up  out  of  the  den,  and 
 looked  about  for  some  way  of  escaping,  and  took  exact  notice  of  the  watch  :  but  as  all  places 
 were  guarded  every  where  on  his  account,  that  there  was  no  way  of  getting  off  unseen,  be 
 went  down  again  into  the  deu.  Thus  be  concealed  himself  two  days  ;  but  on  the  third 
 day,  when  tbey  had  taken  a  woman  who  !iad  been  with  them,  be  was  discovered.  Where- 
 upon Vespasian  sent  imniediately  and  zealously  two  tribunes,  Paulinus  and  Galicanus,  and 
 ordered  them  to  give  Josephus  their  right  bands  as  a  security  for  bis  life,  and  to  exhort  bim 
 to  come  up. 
 
 2.  So  they  came  and  invited  tbe  mail  to  come  up,  and  gave  bim  assurances  that  bis  life 
 should  be  preserved  :  but  thsy  did  not  prevail  with  bim  ;  for  he  gathered  suspicions  from  the 
 probability  there  was  tbat  one  who  bad  done  so  many  thing*  against  the  Romans,  mast  suf- 
 fer for  it,  though  not  from  the  mild  temper  of  those  that  invited  bim.  However,  be  was  afraid 
 that  he  was  invited  to  come  up  in  order  to  be  punished,  until  Vespasian  sent  besides  these  a 
 third  tribune,  Nicanor,  to  him  ;  he  was  one  tbat  was  well  known  to  Josephus,  and  had  been 
 )iis  familiar  acquaintance  in  old  time.  When  be  was  come,  he  enlarged  upon  the  natural 
 mildness  of  the  Romans  towards  those  they  have  once  conquered,  and  told  bim,  that  he  had 
 behaved  himself  so  valiantly,  tbat  the  commanders  rather  admired  than  bated  him;  that  the 
 general  was  very  desirous  to  have  him  brought  to  him,  not  in  order  to  punish  bim,  for  that  be 
 could  do  though  he  should  not  come  voluntarily,  but  that  he  was  determined  to  preserve  a  n^n 
 of  his  courage.  He  moreover  added  this,  that  Vespasian,  had  be  been  resolred  to  impose 
 upon  bim,  would  not  have  sent  to  bim  a  friend  of  his  own,  nor  put  the  fairest  colour  upon  the 
 vilest  action,  by  pretending  friendship  and  meaning  perfidiousness,  nor  would  he  have  himself 
 acquiesced,  or  come  to  him,  bad  it  been  to  deceive  bim. 
 
 3.  Now  as  .Josephus  began  to  hesitate  with  himself  about  Nicanor's  proposal,  the  soldiery 
 were  so  angry,  that  they  ran  hastily  to  set  fire  to  the  den  ;  but  tbe  tribune  would  not  permit 
 them  so  to  do,  as  being  very  desirous  to  take  the  man  alive.  And  now  as  Nicanor  lav  hard  at 
 Josephus  to  comply,  and  be  understood  how  the  multitude  of  the  enemies  threatened  him,  he 
 called  to  n)ind  the  dreams  which  he  had  dreamed  in  the  night  time,  whereby  Cod  bad  signi- 
 fied to  bim  beforehand  both  the  future  calamities  of  the  Jews,  and  the  events  that  concerned 
 the  Roman  emperors.  Now  Josephus  was  able  to  give  shrewd  conjectures  about  the  inter- 
 pretation of  such  dreams  as  have  been  ambiguously  delivered  by  God.  Moreover,  he  was  not 
 nnacquainted  with  the  prophecies  contained  in  the  sacred  bonks,  as,  being  a  priest  himself, 
 and  of  the  posterity  of  priests  ;  and  just  then  was  be  in  an  ecstacy,  and  setting  before  him  the 
 tremendous  images  of  the  dreams  he  had  lately  had,  he  put  up  a  secret  |)rayer  to  God,  and 
 ^aid,  "Since  it  pleaseth  thee,  who  hast  created  tbe  .Jewish  nation,  to  depress  the  same,  and 
 since  all  their  good  fortune  is  gone  over  to  the  Romans,  and  since  thou  hast  made  choice  of 
 this  soul  of  uiiue  to  foretell  what  is  to  come  to  piss  hereafter,  I  willingly  give  them  my  bands, 
 and  am  content  to  live.  And  I  protest  openly,  that  I  do  not  go  over  to  tbe  Romans  as  a 
 deserter  of  the  Jews,  but  as  a  minister  from  thee." 
 
 4.  When  lie  said  this,  he  complied  with  Nicanor's  invitation.  But  when  those  Jews  who 
 had  lied  with  him,  understood  that  he  jifldeil  to  tluisg  that  invited  him  to  come  up,  thc-v  camo 
 
628  WARS   OF   THE  JEWS. 
 
 about  liim  in  a  body,  and  cried  out,  "  Nay,  indeed,  now  may  the  laws  of  our  forefathers, 
 vvliich  God  ordained  hiroself,  well  groan  to  purpose  ;  that  God,  we  mean,  who  hath  created  the 
 souls  of  the  Jews  of  such  a  temper,  that  they  despise  death.  O  Josephus  !  art  thou  still  fond 
 of  life?  and  canst  thou  bear  lo  see  the  light  in  a  state  of  slavery?  How  soon  hast  thou  for- 
 gotten thyself?  How  many  hast  thou  persuaded  to  lose  their  lives  for  liberty  ?  Thou  hast  there- 
 fore had  a  false  reputation  for  manhood,  and  a  like  false  reputation  for  wisdom,  if  thou  canst 
 hope  for  preservation  from  those  against  whom  thou  hast  fought  so  zealously,  and  art  however 
 wiilino-  to  be  preserved  by  them,  if  they  be  in  earnest.  But  although  the  good  fortune  of  the 
 Romans  hath  made  thee  forget  thyself,  we  ought  to  take  care  that  the  glory  of  our  forefathers 
 mav  not  be  tarnished.  We  will  lend  thee  our  right  hand  and  a  sword;  and  if  thou  wilt  die 
 willingly,  thou  wilt  die  as  general  of  the  Jews  ;  but  if  unwillingly,  thou  wilt  die  as  a  traitor 
 to  them.'"  As  soon  as  they  said  this,  they  began  to  thrust  their  swords  at  him,  and  threatened 
 they  would  kill  him,  if  he  thought  of  yielding  to  the  Romans. 
 
 5.  Upon  this,  Josephus  was  afraid  of  their  attacking  him,  and  yet  thought  he  should  be  a 
 betrayer  of  the  commands  of  God,  if  he  died  before  they  were  delivered.  So  he  began  to  talk 
 like  a  philosopher  to  them  in  the  distress  he  was  then  in,  when  he  said  thus  to  ihem  :  "  O  my 
 friends,  why  are  we  so  earnest  to  kill  ourselves  ?  and  why  do  we  set  our  soul  and  body,  which 
 are  such  dear  companions,  at  such  variance  ?  Can  any  one  pretend  that  I  am  not  the  man  I 
 was  formerly?  Nay,  the  Romans  are  sensible  how  the  mailer  stands  well  enough.  It  is  a 
 brave  thing  to  die  in  war;  but  so  that  it  be  according  to  the  law  of  war,  by  the  hand  of  con- 
 (juerors.  If,  therefore,  I  avoid  death  from  the  sword  of  the  Romans,  I  am  truly  worthy  to 
 be  killed  by  my  own  sword,  and  my  own  hand  :  but  if  they  admit  of  mercy,  and  would  spare 
 their  enemy,  how  much  more  ought  we  to  have  mercy  upon  ourselves,  and  to  spare  ourselves  ? 
 For  it  is  certainly  a  foolish  thing  to  do  that  to  ourselves  which  we  quarrel  with  them  for  doing 
 to  us.  I  confess  freely,  that  it  is  a  brave  thing  to  die  for  liberty  ;  but  still  so  that  it  be  ia 
 war,  and  done  by  those  who  take  that  liberty  from  us  ;  but  in  the  present  case  our  enemies 
 do  neither  meet  us  in  battle,  nor  do  they  kill  us.  Now,  he  is  equally  a  coward  who  will  not 
 die  when  he  is  obliged  to  die,  and  he  who  will  die  when  he  is  not  obliged  so  to  do.  What 
 are  we  afraid  of,  when  we  will  not  go  up  to  the  Romans?  Is  it  death  !  If  so,  what  we  are 
 afraid  of  when  we  but  suspect  our  enemies  will  inflict  it  on  us,  shall  we  inflict  it  on  ourselves 
 for  certain?  But  it  maybe  said,  we  must  be  slaves.  And  are  we  then  in  a  clear  state  of 
 liberty  at  present?  It  may  also  be  said,  that  it  is  a  manly  act  for  one  to  kill  himself.  No, 
 certainly,  but  a  most  unmanly  one  ;  as  I  should  esteem  that  pilot  to  be  an  errant  coward,  who, 
 out  of  fear  of  a  storm,  should  sink  his  ship  of  his  own  accord.  Now,  self-murder  is  a  crime 
 most  remote  from  the  common  nature  of  all  animals,  and  an  instance  of  impiety  against  God 
 our  Creator :  nor  indeed  is  there  any  animal  that  dies  by  its  own  contrivance,  or  by  its  own 
 means,  for  the  desire  of  life  is  a  law  engraven  in  them  all  ;  on  which  account  we  deem  those 
 that  openly  take  it  away  from  us  to  be  our  enemies,  and  those  that  do  it  by  treachery,  are 
 punished  for  so  doing.  And  do  not  you  think  that  God  is  very  angry  when  a  man  dolb  injury 
 to  what  he  hath  bestowed  on  him  ?  For  from  him  it  is  that  we  have  received  our  being,  and 
 we  ought  to  leave  it  to  bis  disposal  to  take  that  being  away  fr-jm  us.  The  bodies  of  all  men 
 are  indeed  mortal,  and  are  created  out  of  corruptible  matter;  but  the  scul  is  ever  inimorlal, 
 and  is  a  portion  of  the  divinity  that  inhabits  our  bodies.  Besides,  if  any  one  destroys  or  abuses 
 depnsitum  he  hath  received  from  a  mere  man,  he  is  esteemed  a  wicked  and  perfidious  person ; 
 but  then  if  any  one  cast  out  of  his  body  this  divine  depositum,  can  we  imagine  that  he  who  is 
 thereby  affronted  does  not  know  of  it !  Moreover,  our  law  justly  ordains  that  slaves  which 
 run  away  from  their  masters  shall  be  punished,  though  the  masters  they  run  away  from  may 
 have  been  wicked  masters  to  them.  And  shall  we  endeavour  to  run  away  from  God,  who  is 
 the  best  of  all  masters,  and  not  think  ourselves  highly  guilty  of  impiety  ?  Do  not  yon  know  th.at 
 those  who  depart  out  of  this  life,  according  lo  the  law  of  nature,  and  pay  that  dtbt  wliicli  was 
 received  from  God,  when  he  tliat  lent  it  us  is  pleased  to  require  it  back  again,  enjoy  eternal 
 fame  ;  that  their  houses  and  their  posterity  are  sure,  that  their  souls  are  pure  and  obedient, 
 and  obtain  a  most  holy  place  in  heaven,  from  whence,  in  the  revolution  of  aj^es,  they  are 
 again  sent  into  pure  bodies  ;  while  the  souls  of  those  whose  hands  have  acted  madly  against 
 themselves,  are  received  by  the  darkest  place  iu  Hades,  and  while  God,  who  is  their  father, 
 punishes  those  that  offend  against  either  of  them  in  their  posterity  ;  for  which  reason  God  hates 
 such  doings,  and  tne  crime  is  punished  by  our  most  wise  legislator.  Accordingly  our  laws 
 determine,  that  the  bodies  of  such  as  kill  themselves  should  be  exposed  till  the  sun  be  set, 
 without  burial,  although  at  the  same  time  it  be  allowed  by  them  to  be  lawful  to  bury  our  ene- 
 mies [sooner.]  The  laws  of  other  nations  also  enjoin  such  men's  hands  to  be  cut  off  when  they 
 are  dead,  which  had  been  made  use  of  in  destroying  themselves  when  alive  ;  while  they  reckoned 
 that  as  the  body  is  alien  from  the  soul,  so  is  the  hand  alien  from  the  body.  It  is,  therefore, 
 my  friends,  a  right  thing  to  reason  justly,  and  not  add  to  the  calamities  which  men  bring  upon 
 us,  impiety  towards  our  Creator.  If  we  have  a  mind  to  preserve  ourselves,  let  us  do  it;  for 
 to  be  preserved  by  those  our  enemies,  to  whom  we  have  given  so  many  demonstrations  of  our 
 courage,  is  no  way  inglorious;  but  if  we  have  a  mind  to  die,  it  is  good  to  die  by  the  hand  of 
 those  that  have  conquered  us.     For  my  part,  I  will  not  run  over  to  our  enemies'  quarters,  in 
 
BOOK    Hi. —  CHAP.  VIII.  62,0 
 
 order  to  he  a  traitor  to  myself ;/ for  certainly  I  should  then  be  mur.li  more  foolisli  than  those 
 that  deserted  to  the  euemy,  since  they  did  it  in  order  to  save  themselves,  and  1  should  do  it 
 for  destruction,  for  my  own  destruction.  However,  I  heartily  wish  the  llomnns  may  prove 
 treacherous  in  this  matter  ;  for  if,  after  the  offer  of  their  right  hand  for  security,  I  be  slain  by 
 theiD,  I  shall  die  cheerfully,  and  carry  away  with  me  the  sense  of  their  perfidiousness,  as  a 
 consolation  greater  than  victory  itself." 
 
 6.  Now  these  and  many  the  like  motives  did  Josephus  use  to  these  men  to  prevent  their 
 murdering  themselves  ;  but  desperation  bad  shut  their  eais,  as  having  long  ago  devoted  them- 
 selves to  die,  and  they  were  irritated  at  Josephus.  They  then  ran  upon  him  with  their  swords 
 in  their  hands,  one  from  one  quarter,  and  another  from  another,  and  called  bim  a  coward,  and 
 every  one  of  them  appeared  openly  as  if  be  were  ready  to  smite  him  ;  but  he  calling  to  one  of 
 them  by  name,  and  looking  like  a  genenil  to  another,  and  taking  a  third  by  the  band,  and 
 making  a  fourth  ashamed  of  himsfelf,  by  praying  him  to  forbear,  and  being  in  this  condition  dis- 
 tracted with  various  passions,  (as  he  well  might  in  the  great  distress  be  was  then  in,)  be  kept 
 off  every  one  of  their  swords  from  killing  bim,  and  was  forced  to  do  like  such  wild  beasts  as 
 are  encompassed  about  on  every  side,  who  always  turn  the-mselves  against  those  that  last 
 touched  them.  Nay,  some  of  their  right  hands  were  debilitated  by  the  reverence  they  bare  to 
 their  general  in  these  his  fatal  calamities,  and  their  swords  dropped  out  of  their  hands,  and 
 not  a  few  of  them  there  were,  who,  when  they  aimed  to  smile  liim  with  their  swords,  they 
 were  not  thoroughly  either  willing  or  able  to  do  it, 
 
 7.  However;  in  this  extreme  distress,  he  was  not  destitute  of  his  usual  sagacity  ;  hut  trust- 
 ing himself  to  the  providence  of  God,  he  put  his  life  into  hazard  [in  the  manner  following :] 
 "  And  now,"  said  be,  "  since  it  is  resolved  among  you  that  you  will  die,  come  on,  let  us  com- 
 mit our  mutual  deaths  to  ileterminaiion  by  lot.  He  whom  the  lot  falls  to  first,  let  him  be 
 killed  by  bim  that  bath  the  second  lot,  and  thus  fortune  shall  make  its  progress  through  us 
 all  ;  nor  shall  any  of  us  perish  by  bis  own  right  band,  for  it  would  be  unfair  if  when  the  rest 
 are  gone,  somebody  should  reprent  and  save  himself."  This  proposal  appeared  to  them  to  be 
 very  just  ;  and  when  he  had  prevailed  with  them  to  determine  this  matter  by  lots,  he  drew 
 one  of  the  lots  for  himself  also.  He  who  had  the  first  lot  laid  bis  neck  bare  to  him  that  had 
 the  next,  as  supposing  that  the  general  would  die  among  them  immediately  ;  for  they  thought 
 death,  if  Josephus  might  but  die  with  them,  was  sweeter  than  life  :  yet  was  he  with  another 
 left  to  the  last,  whether  we  must  say  it  happened  so  by  chance,  or  whether  by  the  providence 
 of  God.  And  as  he  was  very  desirous  neither  to  be  condemned  by  the  lot,  nor,  if  he  bad  been 
 left  to  the  last,  to  imbrue  bis  ri^ht  tianu  in  the  blood  of  his  countrymen,  he  persuaded  him  to 
 trust  his  fidelity  to  him,  and  to  live  as  will  as  himself. 
 
 8.  Thus  Josephus  escaped  in  the  war  with  the  Romans,  and  in  this  bis  own  war  with  bis 
 friends,  and  was  led  by  Nicanor  to  Vespasian.  But  now  all  the  Romans  ran  together  to  see 
 liini  ;  and  as  the  multitude  pressed  one  upon  another  about  their  general,  there  was  a  tumult 
 of  a  various  kind  ;  while  some  rejoiced  (hat  Josephus  was  taken,  and  some  threatened  him, 
 and  some  crowded  to  see  him  very  near;  but  those  that  were  more  remote  cried  out  to  have  this 
 their  enemy  put  to  death,  while  those  that  were  near  called  to  mind  the  actions  he  bad  done, 
 and  a  deep  concern  appeared  at  the  change  of  his  fortune.  Nor  were  there  any  of  the  Roman 
 commanders,  how  much  soever  they  had  been  enraged  at  bim  before,  but  relented  when  they 
 came  to  the  sight  of  him.  Above  all  the  rest  Titus's  own  valour,  and  Josephus's  own  patience 
 under  his  aQlictions,  made  bim  pity  him,  as  did  also  the  commiseration  of  his  age,  when  he 
 recalled  to  mind  that  but  a  little  while  ago  he  was  fighting,  but  lay  now  in  the  hands  of  bis 
 enemies,  which  made  bim  consider  the  power  of  fortune,  and  bow  quick  is  the  turn  of  affairs 
 in  war,  and  how  no  state  of  men  is  sure  :  for  which  reason  he  then  made  a  great  many  more  to 
 be  of  the  same  pitiful  temper  with  himself,  and  induced  them  to  commiserate  Josephus.  He 
 was  also  of  great  weight  in  persuading  his  father  to  preserve  him.  However,  Vespasian  gave 
 strict  orders  that  he  should  be  kept  with  great  caution,  as  though  he  would  in  a  very  little 
 time  send  him  to  Nero. 
 
 9.  When  Josephus  heard  him  give  these  orders,  he  said,  that  he  had  somewhat  in  his  mind 
 that  be  would  willingly  say  to  himself  alone.  When  therefore  they  were  all  ordered  to  with- 
 draw, excepting  Titus  and  two  of  their  friends,  he  said,  "  Thou,  O  Vespasian,  thinkest  no 
 more  than  that  thou  hast  taken  Josephus  himself  captive,  but  T  come  to  thee  as  a  messenger 
 of  greater  tidings;  for  had  not  I  been  sent  by  God  to  thee,  I  knew  what  was  the  law*  of  the 
 Jews  in  this  case,  and  bow  it  becomes  generals  to  die.  Dost  thou  send  me  to  Nero?  For 
 why?  Are  Nero's  successors  till  they  come  to  thee  still  alive?  Thou,  O  Vespasian,  art 
 Caesar,  and  emperor,  thou,  and  this  thy  son.  Bind  me  now  still  faster,  and  keep  me  for  thy- 
 self, for  thou,  O  CsEsar,  art  not  only  lord  over  me,  but  over  the  land  and  the  sea,  and  all  man- 
 kind ;  and  certainly  I  deserve  to  be  kept  in  closer  custody  than  I  now  am  in,  in  order  to  be 
 
 '  I  do  not  know  where  to  find  the  law  of  Moses  here  mentioned  by  Josephus,  and  afterwards  by  Eleazar, 
 b.  vii.  chap.  viii.  §  7.  and  almost  implied  in  b.  i.  chap.  xiii.  i  10.  hy  Josephus's  commendation  of  Phaeaelus 
 for  doint;  so  ;  I  mean,  whereby  Jewish  generals  and  peojile  were  oblij-'ed  to  kill  themselves,  rather  than  (io 
 into  slavery  under  healheiis.  1  doubt  this  would  have  been  no  better  than  self-murder;  and  I  believe  it  was 
 rather  some  vaiu  doctrine  or  interpretation  of  the  rigid  Pharisees,  or  Essens,  or  Ilerodians,  than  a  just  con- 
 sequence from  any  law  of  God  delivered  by  Moses 
 
630  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 punished,  if  I  raslily  aflirm  any  thing  of  God."  When  he  liad  said  this,  Vespasian  at  present 
 did  not  believe  hira,  but  supposed  that  Josephus  said  this,  as  a  cunning  trick,  in  order  to  his 
 own  preservation  ;  but  in  a  little  time  lie  was  convinced,  and  believed  what  he  said  to  be  true, 
 God  himself  erecting  his  expectations,  so  as  to  think  of  obtaining  the  empire,  and  by  other  sij{ns 
 foreshewing  his  advancement.  He  also  found  Josephus  to  have  spoken  truth  on  other  occa- 
 sions ;  for  one  of  those  friends  tliat  were  present  at  that  secret  conference,  said  to  Josephus, 
 "  I  cannot  but  wonder  how  thou  couldest  not  foretell  to  the  people  of  Jotapaia  that  they 
 should  be  taken,  nor  couldest  foretell  this  captivity  which  hath  happened  to  thyself,  unless 
 what  thou  now  sayest  be  a  vain  thing,  in  order  to  avoid  the  rage  that  is  risen  against  thy- 
 self." To  which  Josephus  replied,  "I  did  foretell  to  the  people  of  Jotapata  that  they  would 
 be  taken  on  the  forty-seventh  day,  and  that  I  should  be  caught  alive  by  the  Romans."  Now 
 when  Vespasian  had  inquired  of  the  captives  privately  about  these  predictions,  he  found  them 
 to  be  true,  and  then  he  began  to  believe  those  that  concerned  himself.  Yet  did  be  not  set 
 Josephus  at  liberty  from  his  bands,  but  bestowed  on  hira  suits  of  clothes,  and  other  precious 
 gifts  ;  he  treated  him  also  in  a  very  obliging  manner,  and  continued  so  to  do,  Titus  still  joining 
 his  interest  in  the  honoars  that  were  done  him. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 How  Joppa  was  taken,  atid  Tiberias  delivered  up. 
 
 ^  1.  Now  Vespasian  returned  to  Piolemais  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  Panemus, 
 [Taninz,]  and  from  thence  he  came  to  Cesarea,  which  lay  by  the  sea-side.  This  was  a  very 
 great  city  of  Judea,  and  for  the  greatest  part  inhabited  by  Greeks  :  the  citizens  here  received 
 both  the  Roman  army  and  its  general  with  all  sorts  of  acclamations  and  rejoicings,  and  this 
 partly  out  of  the  good-will  they  bore  to  the  Romans,  but  principally  out  of  the  hatred  they 
 bore  to  those  that  were  conquered  by  them  ;  on  which  account  they  came  clamouring  against 
 Josephus  in  crowds,  and  desired  he  might  be  put  to  death.  But  Vespasian  passed  over  this 
 petition  concerning  him,  as  oft'ered  by  the  injudicious  multitude,  with  a  bare  silence.  Two  of 
 the  legions  also  he  placed  at  Cesarea,  that  they  might  there  take  their  winter  quarters,  as 
 perceiving  the  city  very  fit  for  such  a  purpose ;  but  he  placed  the  tenth  and  the  fifth  at  Scytho- 
 polis,  that  he  might  not  distress  Cesarea  with  the  entire  army.  This  place  was  warm,  even  in 
 winter,  as  it  was  suiTocating  hot  in  the  summer  time,  by  reason  of  its  situation  in  a  plain,  and 
 near  to  the  sea  of  [Galilee.] 
 
 2.  In  the  mean  time  there  were  gathered  together  as  well  such  as  had  seditiously  got  out 
 from  among  their  enemies,  as  those  that  had  escaped  out  of  the  demolished  cities  which  were 
 in  all  a  great  number,  and  repaired  Joppa,  which  had  been  left  desolate  by  Cestius,  that  it 
 might  serve  them  for  a  place  of  refuge  ;  and  because  the  adjoining  region  had  been  laid  waste 
 in  the  war,  and  was  not  capable  of  supporting  them,  they  determined  to  go  off  to  sea.  They 
 also  built  themselves  a  great  many  piratical  ships,  and  turned  pirates  upon  the  seas  near  to 
 Syria  and  Phenicia,  and  Egypt,  and  made  those  seas  unnavigable  to  all  men.  Now  as  soon 
 as  Vespasian  knew  of  their  conspiracy,  he  sent  both  footmen  and  horsemen  to  Joppa,  which 
 was  unguarded  in  the  night  time  ;  however,  those  that  were  in  it  perceived  that  they  should 
 be  attacked,  and  were  afraid  of  it  ;  yet  did  they  not  endeavour  to  keep  the  Romans  out,  but 
 fled  to  theit  ships,  and  lay  at  sea  all  night  out  of  the  reach  of  their  darts. 
 
 3.  Now  Joppa  is  not  naturally  a  haven,  for  it  ends  in  a  rough  shore,  where  all  the  rest  of 
 it  is  straight,  but  the  two  ends  bend  towards  each  other,  where  there  are  deep  precipices,  and 
 great  stones  that  jut  out  into  the  sea,  and  where  the  chains  wherewith  Andromeda  was  bound 
 Lave  left  their  footsteps,  which  attest  to  the  antiquity  of  that  fable.  But  the  north  wind 
 opposes  and  beats  upon  the  shore,  and  dashes  mighty  waves  against  the  rocks  which  receive 
 them,  and  renders  the  haven  more  dangerous  than  the  country  they  had  deserted.  Now  as 
 those  people  of  Joppa  were  iloating  about  in  this  sea,  in  the  morning  there  fell  a  violent  wind 
 upon  them  ;  it  is  called  by  those  that  sail  there,  the  black  north  wind,  and  there  dashed  their 
 ships  one  against  another,  and  dashed  some  of  them  against  the  rocks,  and  carried  many  of 
 them  by  force,  while  they  strove  against  the  opposite  waves  into  the  main  sea  ;  for  the  shore 
 was  so  rocky,  and  had  so  many  of  the  enemy  upon  it,  that  they  were  afraid  to  come  to  land  ; 
 nay,  the  waves  rose  so  very  high,  that  they  drowned  them  ;  nor  was  there  any  place  whither 
 they  could  lly,  nor  any  way  to  save  themselves,  while  they  were  thrust  out  of  the  sea  by  the 
 violence  of  the  wind,  if  they  staid  where  they  were,  and  out  of  the  city  by  the  violence  of  the 
 Romans.  And  much  lamentation  there  was  when  the  ships  dashed  against  one  another,  and  a 
 terrible  noise  when  they  were  broken  to  pieces  ;  and  some  of  the  multitude  that  were  in  them 
 covered  with  waves,  and  so  perished,  and  a  great  many  were  embarrassed  with  shipwrecks. 
 But  some  of  them  thought,  that  to  die  by  their  own  swords  was  lighter  than  by  the  sea  and 
 so  they  killed  themselves  before  they  were  drowned;  although  the  gl-ealest  part  of  them  were 
 carried  by  the  waves,  and  dashed  to  pieces  against  the  abrupt  parts  of  the  rocks,  insoraoch  that 
 the  sea  was  bloody  a  long  way,  and  the  maritime  parts  were  full  of  dead  bodies,  for  the 
 Romans  came  upon  those  that  were  carried  to  the  shore,  and  destroyed  them  ;  and  the  number 
 of  the  bodies  that  were  thus  thrown  out  of  the  sea,  was  four  thousand  and  two  hundred.  The 
 Romans  also  took  the  city  without  opposition,  and  utterly  demolished  it. 
 
BOOK   III. — CHAP.    IX.  C31 
 
 •1.  Ami  thus  was  Joppa  taken  twice  by  the  Romans  in  a  little  (itce  ;  but  Vespasian,  iii 
 order  to  prevent  these  pirates  I'lorn  corainj;  thither  any  more,  erected  a  camp  there,  where  the 
 citadel  of  Joppa  had  been,  and  left  a  body  of  horse  in  it,  with  a  few  footmen,  that  these  last 
 might  stay  there  and  guard  the  camp,  and  the  horsemen  might  spoil  the  country  that  la)'  round 
 it,  and  might  destroy  the  neighbouring  villages,  and  smaller  cities.  So  these  troops  over-rau 
 the  country,  as  they  were  ordered  to  do,  and  every  day  cut  to  pieces  and  laid  desolate  the 
 whole  region. 
 
 5.  But  nov/,  when  the  fate  of  Jotapata  was  related  at  Jerusalem,  a  great  many  at  the  first 
 disbelieved  it,  on  account  of  the  vastness  of  the  calamity,  and  because  they  had  no  eye-wit- 
 ness to  attest  the  truth  of  what  was  related  about  it  ;  for  not  one  person  was  saved  to  be  a 
 messenger  of  that  news,  but  a  fame  was  spread  abroad  at  random  that  the  city  was  taken,  as 
 such  fame  uscally  spreads  bad  news  about.  However,  the  truth  was  known  by  degrees,  from 
 tiie  places  near  Jotapata,  and  appeared  to  all  to  be  too  true.  Yet  were  there  fictitious  stories 
 added  to  what  was  really  done  ;  for  it  was  reported  that  Josephus  was  slain  at  the  taking  of 
 the  city,  which  piece  of  news  filled  Jerusalem  full  of  sorrow.  In  every  house  also,  and  among 
 all  to  whom  any  of  the  slain  were  allied,  there  was  a  lamentation  for  them  :  but  the  mourning 
 for  the  commander  was  a  public  one,  and  some  mourned  for  those  that  had  lived  with  them, 
 others  for  their  kindred,  others  for  their  friends,  and  oihers  for  their  brethren,  but  all  mourned 
 for  Josephus ;  insomuch  that  the  lamentation  did  not  cease  in  the  city  before  the  thirtieth  day, 
 and  a  great  many  hired  mourners,*  with  their  pipes,  who  should  being  the  melancholy  ditties 
 to  them. 
 
 6.  But  as  the  truth  came  out  in  time,  it  appeared  how  the  affairs  of  Jotapata  really  stood; 
 yet  was  it  found  that  the  death  of  Josephus  was  a  fiction  •,  and  when  they  understood  that  he 
 was  alive,  and  was  among  the  Romans,  and  that  the  commanders  treated  him  at  another  rate 
 than  they  treated  captives,  they  were  as  vehemently  angry  at  him  now,  as  they  had  shewed 
 their  good-will  before  when  he  appeared  to  have  been  dead.  He  was  also  abused  by  some  as 
 having  been  a  coward,  and  by  others  as  a  deserter  ;  and  the  city  was  full  of  indignation  at 
 him,  and  of  reproaches  cast  upon  him  :  their  rage  was  also  aggravated  by  their  afHictions,  and 
 more  inflamed  by  their  ill  success  ;  and  what  usually  becomes  an  occasion  of  caution  to  wise 
 men,  I  mean  aflliction,  became  a  spur  to  them  to  venture  on  farther  calamities,  and  the  end  ot 
 one  misery  became  still  the  beginning  of  another  ;  they  therefore  resolved  to  fall  on  the  Romans 
 the  more  vehemently,  as  resolving  to  be  revenged  on  him  in  revenging  themselves  on  the 
 Romans.     And  this  was  the  stale  of  Jerusalem  as  to  the  troublcK  which  now  came  npon  it. 
 
 7.  But  Vespasian,  in  order  to  see  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa,  while  the  king  himself  persuaded 
 him  so  to  do,  (partly  in  order  to  his  treating  the  general  and  his  array  in  the  best  and  most 
 splendid  manner  his  private  affairs  would  enable  him  to  do,  and  partly  that  he  might,  by  their 
 means,  correct  such  things  as  were  amiss  in  his  government,)  he  removed  from  that  Cesarea 
 which  was  by  the  sea-side,  and  went  to  that  which  is  called  Cesarea  Philippi.t  and  there  he 
 refreshed  his  army  for  twenty  days,  and  was  himself  feasted  by  king  Agrippa,  where  he  also 
 returned  public  thanks  to  God  for  the  good  success  he  had  had  in  his  undertakings.  But  as 
 soon  as  he  was  informed  that  Tiberias  was  fond  of  innovations,  and  that  Taricheas  bad  revolted, 
 both  which  cities  were  parts  of  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa,  and  was  satisfied  within  himself  that 
 the  Jews  were  every  where  perverted  [from  their  obedience  to  their  governors,]  he  thought  it 
 seasonable  to  make  an  expedition  against  these  cities,  and  that  for  the  sake  of  Agrippa,  and  in 
 order  to  bring  his  cities  to  reason.  So  he  sent  away  his  son  Titus  to  [the  other]  Cesarea, 
 that  he  might  bring  the  army  that  lay  there  to  Scythopolis,  which  is  the  largest  city  of  Deca- 
 polis,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tiberias,  whither  he  came,  and  there  he  awaited  for  his 
 son.  He  then  came  with  three  legions,  and  pitched  his  camp  thirty  furlongs  off  Tiberias,  at 
 a  certain  station  easily  seen  by  the  innovators,  it  is  named  Seunabris.  He  also  sent  Valerian,  a 
 decurion,  with  fifty  horsemen,  to  speak  peaceably  to  those  that  were  in  the  city,  and  to  exhort 
 them  to  give  him  assurances  of  their  fidelity  ;  for  he  had  beard  that  the  people  were  desirous 
 of  peace,  but  were  obliged  by  some  of  the  seditious  part  to  join  with  tliera,  and  so  were  forced 
 to  fight  for  them.  When  Valerian  had  marched  up  to  the  place,  and  was  near  the  wall,  he 
 alighted  off  his  horse,  and  made  those  that  were  with  him  do  the  same,  that  they  might  not  be 
 thought  to  come  to  skirmish  with  them  :  but  before  they  could  come  to  discourse  one  with 
 another,  the  most  potent  men  among  the  seditious  made  a  sally  upon  them  armed  ;  their  leader 
 was  one  whose  name  was  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sha|)hat,  the  principal  head  of  a  band  of  robbers. 
 Now  Valerian,  neither  thinking  it  safe  to  fight  contrary  to  the  commands  of  the  general, 
 though  he  were  secure  of  a  victory,  and  knowing  that  it  was  a  very  hazardous  undertaking  for 
 a  few  to  fight  with  many,  for  those  that  were  unprovided  to  fight  those  that  were  ready,  and 
 being  on  other  accounts  surprised  at  this  unexpected  onset  of  the  Jews,  he  ran  away  on  foot, 
 as  did  five  of  the  rest  in  like  manner,  and  left  their  horses  behind  them  ;  which  horses  Jesus 
 led  away  itito  the  city,  and  rejoiced  as  if  they  had  taken  them  in  battle  and  not  by  treachery. 
 
 *  These  public  mourners,  hired  upon  the  supposed  denth  of  Joseplius,  and  tlie  real  deatli  of  many  more, 
 iHustrale  some  passages  in  the  Bible,  which  suppose  the  same  custom,  as  Mat.  xi.  1?.  where  the  reader  may 
 cousult  the  notes  of  Grolius. 
 
 t  Of  this  Cesarea  Philippi  (twice  mentioned  in  our  J\ew  Testament,  Mat.  xvi.  13.  Mark  viii.  C7.}  there  r.re 
 ccius  still  extant,  as  SpauUeim  here  informs  us. 
 
()32  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 8.  Now  tlie  seniors  of  the  people,  and  such  as  were  of  principal  authority  among  them, 
 fearing  what  would  be  the  issue  of  this  mutter,  fled  to  the  camp  of  the  Romans  :  they  then 
 took  their  king  along  with  tliera,  and  fell  down  before  Vespasian,  to  supplicate  his  favour,  and 
 besought  him  not  to  overlook  them,  nor  to  impute  the  madness  of  a  few  to  a  whole  city,  to  spare 
 a  people  that  had  been  ever  civil  and  obliging  to  the  Romans  ;  but  to  bring  the  authors  of 
 this  revolt  to  due  punishment,  who  had  hitherto  so  watched  them,  that  though  they  were  zea- 
 lous to  give  them  the  security  of  their  right  bands  of  a  long  time,  vet  could  they  not  accom- 
 plish the  same.  With  these  supplications  the  general  complied,  although  he  were  very  angry 
 at  the  whole  city  about  the  carrying  off  his  horses,  and  this  because  he  saw  that  Agrippa 
 was  under  a  great  concern  for  them.  So  when  Vespasian  and  Agrippa  had  accepted  of  their 
 right  hands  by  way  of  security,  Jesus  and  his  party  thought  it  not  safe  for  them  to  continue  at 
 Tiberias,  so  they  ran  away  to  Taricheas.  The  next  day  Vespasian  sent  Trajan  before  with 
 some  horsemen  to  the  citadel,  to  make  trial  of  the  multitude,  whether  they  were  all  disposed 
 for  peace  ;  and  as  soon  as  he  knew  that  the  people  were  of  the  same  mind  with  the  petitioners, 
 he  took  his  army,  and  went  to  the  city  ;  upon  which  the  citizens  opened  to  him  their  gates, 
 and  met  him  with  acclamations  of  joy,  and  called  bim  their  saviour  and  benefactor,  liut  as 
 the  army  was  a  great  while  in  getting  in  at  the  gates,  they  were  so  narrow,  Vespasian  com- 
 manded the  south  wall  to  be  broken  down,  and  so  made  a  broad  passage  for  their  entrance. 
 However,  he  charged  them  to  abstain  from  rapine  and  injustice,  in  order  to  gratify  the  king  ; 
 and  on  his  account  spared  the  rest  of  the  wall,  while  the  king  undertook  for  them  that  they 
 should  continue  [faithful  to  the  Romans]  for  the  time  to  come.  And  thus  did  he  restore  this 
 city  to  a  quiet  state,  after  it  had  been  grievously  aiilicted  by  the  sedition. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  Taricheee  was  taken.     A  Description  of  the  River  Jordan,  and  of  the  Country  of 
 
 GennesareUi, 
 
 f  1.  And  now  Vespasian  pitched  his  camp  between  this  city  and  Taricheae,  but  fortified  his 
 camp  more  strongly,  as  suspecting  that  he  should  be  forced  to  stay  there,  and  have  a  long 
 war;  for  all  the  innovators  had  gotten  together  at  Tarichea?,  as  relying  upon  the  strength  of 
 the  city,  and  on  the  lake  that  lay  by  it.  This  lake  is  called  by  the  people  of  the  country  the 
 lake  of  Gennesareth.  The  city  itself  is  sitnated,  like  Tiberias,  at  the  bottom  of  a  mountain, 
 and  on  those  sides  which  are  not  washed  by  the  sea,  bad  been  strongly  fortified  by  Josephus, 
 though  not  so  strongly  as  Tiberias;  for  the  wall  of  Tiberias  had  beeu  built  at  the  beginning  of 
 the  Jews'  revolt,  when  he  had  great  plenty  of  money,  and  great  power,  but  Taricheae  partook 
 only  the  remains  of  that  Liberality.  Yet  had  they  a  great  number  of  ships  gotten  ready  upon 
 ills  lake,  that,  in  case  they  were  beaten  at  land,  they  might  retire  to  them  ;  and  they  were  so 
 fitted  up,  that  they  might  undertake  a  seaiight  also.  But  as  the  Romans  were  building  a  wall 
 about  their  camp,  Jesus  and  his  party  were  neither  afl'righted  at  their  number,  nor  at  the  good 
 order  they  were  in,  but  made  a  sully  upon  them,  and  at  the  very  first  onset  the  builders  of  the 
 wall  were  dispersed,  and  these  pulled  what  little  they  had  before  built  to  pieces  ;  but  as  soon 
 as  they  saw  the  armed  men  getting  together,  and  before  they  had  suffered  any  thing  themselves, 
 they  retired  to  their  own  men.  But  then  the  Romans  pursued  them,  and  drove  them  into 
 their  ships,  where  they  launched  out  as  far  as  might  give  them  the  opportunity  of  reaching  the 
 Romans  with  what  they  threw  at  them,  and  then  cast  a.nchor,  and  brought  their'  ships  close, 
 as  in  a  line  of  battle,  and  thence  fought  the  enemy  from  the  sea,  who  were  themselves  at  land. 
 But  Vespasian  hearing  that  a  great  multitude  of  them  were  gotten  together  in  the  plain  that 
 was  before  the  city,  he  thereupon  sent  his  son,  with  six  hundred  chosen  horsemen,  to  dis- 
 perse them. 
 
 2.  But  when  Titus  perceived  that  the  enemy  was  very  numerous,  he  sent  to  his  father,  and 
 informed  him,  that  he  should  want  more  forces.  But  as  he  saw  a  great  many  of  the  horsemen 
 eager  to  light,  and  that  before  any  succours  cuuld  come  to  them,  and  that  yet  some  of  them 
 Were  privately  under  a  sort  of  consternation  at  the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  he  stood  in  a  place 
 whence  he  might  be  heard,  and  said  to  them,  "  ]\[y  brave  Romans  !  for  it  is  right  for  me  to 
 put  you  in  mind  of  what  nation  you  are,  in  the  beginning  of  my  speech,  that  so  you  maj'  not 
 be  ignorant  who  you  are,  and  who  tliey  are  against  whom  we  are  going  to  6ght.  For  as  to 
 us,  Romans,  no  part  of  the  habitable  earth  hath  been  able  to  escape  our  bands  hitherto;  but 
 as  for  the  Jews,  that  I  may  speak  of  them  too,  though  they  have  been  already  beaten,  yet  do 
 they  not  give  up  the  cause  ;  and  a  sad  thing  it  would  be  for  us  to  grow  weary  under  good 
 success,  when  they  bear  up  under  their  misfortunes.  As  to  the  alacrity  which  you  shew 
 publicly,  I  see  it,  and  rejoice  at  it  ;  yet  am  I  afraid  lest  the  multitude  of  the  enemy  should 
 bring  a  concealed  fright  upon  some  of  you  :  let  such  an  one  consider  again,  who  we  are  that 
 are  to  fight ;  and  who  those  are  against  whom  we  are  to  fight.  Now  these  Jews,  though  they 
 be  very  bold  and  great  despisers  of  death,  are  but  a  disorderly  body,  and  unskilful  in  war,  and 
 may  rather  be  called  a  rout  than  an  army  ;  while  I  need  say  nothing  of  our  skill  and  our  good 
 order;  for  this  is  the  reason  why  we  Romans  alone  are  exercised  for  war  in  lime  of  peace, 
 that  we  may  not  think  of  number  for  number,  when  we  come  to   fight  with   our  enemies;  for 
 
BOOK    HI. — CHAP.    X.  033 
 
 what  advantage  slioald  we  reap  by  our  continual  sort  of  warfare,  if  we  must  still  be  equal  in 
 number  to  such  as  have  not  been  used  to  war?  Consider  further,  that  you  are  to  have  a  con- 
 flict with  men  in  effect  unarmed,  while  you  are  well  armed  ;  with  footmen,  while  you  are 
 horsemen  ;  with  those  that  have  no  good  general,  while  you  have  one ;  and  as  these  advantages 
 make  you  in  efl'ect  manifold  more  than  you  are,  so  do  their  disadvantages  mightily  diminish 
 their  number.  Now  it  is  not  the  multitude  of  men,  though  they  be  soldiers,  that  manages 
 wars  with  success,  but  it  is  their  bravery  that  does  it,  though  they  be  but  a  few  ;  for  a  few 
 are  easily  set  in  battle  array,  and  can  easily  assist  one  another,  while  over  numerous  armies 
 are  more  hurt  hy  themselves  than  by  their  enemies.  It  is  boldness  and  rashness,  the  effects 
 of  madness,  that  conduct  the  Jews.  Those  passions  indeed  make  a  great  figure  when  they 
 succeed,  but  are  quite  extinguished  upon  the  least  ill  success,  but  we  are  led  on  by  courage, 
 and  obedience,  and  fortitude,  which  shews  itself  indeed  in  our  good  fortaae,  but  still  does  not 
 for  ever  desert  us  in  our  ill  fortune.  Naj',  indeed,  your  fighting  is  to  be  on  greater  motives 
 than  those  of  the  Jews;  for  although  they  run  the  hazard  of  war  for  liberty,  and  for  their 
 country,  yet  what  can  be  a  greater  motive  to  us  than  glory?  «nd  that  it  may  never  be  ssid, 
 that  after  we  have  got  dominion  of  the  habitable  earth,  the  Jews  are  able  to  confront  us.  We 
 must  also  reflect  upon  this,  that  there  is  no  fear  of  our  suffering  any  incurable  disaster  in  the 
 present  case  ;  for  those  that  are  ready  to  assist  us  are  many,  and  at  hand  also  :  yet  it  is  in  our 
 power  to  seize  upon  this  victory  ourselves,  and  I  think  we  ought  to  prevent  the  coming  of 
 those  my  father  is  sending  to  us  for  our  assistance,  that  our  success  may  be  peculiar  to  our- 
 selves, and  of  greater  reputation  to  us.  And  T  cannot  but  think  this  an  opportunity  wherein 
 my  fatiier,  and  I,  and  you,  shall  be  all  put  to  the  trial,  whether  he  be  worthy  of  his  former 
 glonous  performances,  whether  I  be  his  son  in  reality,  and  whether  jou  be  really  ray  soldiers  : 
 tor  it  is  usual  for  my  father  to  conquer;  and  for  myself  I  should  not  bear  the  thoughis  of 
 returning  to  him  if  I  were  once  taken  by  the  enemy.  And  how  will  yon  be  able  to  avoid  being 
 ashamed,  if  you  do  not  shew  equal  courage  with  your  commander,  when  he  goes  before  yon 
 into  danger?  For  you  know  very  well  that  I  shall  go  into  the  danger  first,  and  make  the  (irst 
 attack  upon  the  enemy.  Do  not  you  therefore  desert  me,  but  persuade  yourselves  that  God 
 will  be  assisting  to  my  onset.  Know  this  also  before  we  begin,  that  we  shall  now  have  better 
 success  than  we  should  have,  if  we  were  to  fight  at  a  distance." 
 
 3.  As  Titos  was  saying  thb,  an  extraordinary  fary  fell  upon  the  men ;  and  as  Trajan  was 
 already  come  before  the  fight  be^an,  with  four  hundred  horsemen,  they  weie  uueasy  at  it, 
 because  the  reputation  of  the  victory  wonld  be  diminished  by  being  common  to  so  many. 
 Vespasian  had  also  sent  both  Antonius  and  Silo,  with  two  thousand  archers,  and  had  given  it 
 them  in  charge  to  seize  upon  the  mountain  that  was  over  against  the  city,  and  repel  those  that  were 
 upon  the  wall ;  which  archers  did  as  they  were  commanded,  and  prevented  those  that  attempted 
 to  assist  them  that  way.  And  now  Titus  made  his  own  horce  march  (irst  against  the  enemy, 
 as  did  the  others  with  a  great  noise  after  him,  and  extended  themselves  upon  the  plain  as  wide 
 as  the  enemy  which  confronted  them,  by  which  means  they  appeared  much  more  numerous 
 than  they  really  were.  Now  the  Jews,  although  they  were  surprised  at  their  onset,  and  at  their 
 good  order,  made  resistance  against  their  attacks  for  a  little  while  ;  hut  when  they  were 
 pricked  with  their  long  poles,  and  overborne  by  the  violent  noise  of  the  horsemen,  they  came 
 to  be  trampled  under  their  feet ;  many  also  of  tliem  were  slain  on  every  side,  which  made  them 
 disperse  themselves,  and  run  to  the  city  as  fast  as  every  one  jf  them  were  able.  So  Titus 
 pressed  upon  the  hindmost,  and  slew  them;  and  of  the  rest  some  he  fell  upon  as  they  stood  on 
 heaps,  and  some  he  prevented,  and  met  them  in  the  mouth,  and  run  them  through  ;  many  also 
 he  leaped  upon  as  they  fell  one  upon  another,  and  trod  them  down,  and  cut  off  ihe  retreat  they 
 had  to  the  wall,  and  turned  them  back  into  the  plain,  till  at  last  they  forced  a  passage  by  their 
 mnltitude,  and  got  away,  and  ran  into  the  city. 
 
 4.  But  now  there  fell  out  a  terrible  sedition  among  them  within  the  city  ;  for  the  inha- 
 bitants themselves,  who  had  possessions  there,  and  to  whom  the  city  belonged,  were  not  dis- 
 posed to  fight  from  the  very  beginning  ;  and  now  the  less  so,  because  they  had  been  beaten  : 
 bnt  the  foreigners,  which  were  very  numerous,  would  force  them  to  fight  so  much  the  more, 
 insomuch  that  there  was  a  clamour  and  a  tumult  among  them,  as  all  mutually  angry  one  at 
 another.  And  when  Titus  heard  this  tumult,  for  he  was  not  far  from  Ihe  wall,  he  cried  out, 
 "  Fellow  soldiers,  now  is  the  time  ;  and  why  do  we  make  any  delay,  when  God  is  giving  up 
 the  Jews  to  us?  T^ike  the  victory  which  is  given  you  :  do  not  you  hear  what  a  noise  they 
 make?  Those  that  have  escaped  our  bands  are  in  an  uproar  against  one  another.  We  have 
 the  city,  if  we  make  haste :  but  besides  haste,  we  must  undergo  some  labour,  and  use  some 
 courage  ;  for  no  great  thing  uses  to  be  accomplished  without  danger :  accordingly  we  must 
 not  only  prevent  their  uniting  again,  which  necessity  will  soon  compel  them  to  do,  but  wemukt 
 also  prevent  the  coming  of  our  own  men  to  our  assistance,  that  as  few  as  we  are  we  may  con- 
 quer so  great  a  multitude,  and  may  ourselves  alone  take  the  city." 
 
 5.  As  soon  as  ever  Titus  had  said  this,  he  leaped  upon  his  horse,  and  rode  apace  down  to 
 the  lake  ;  by  which  lake  he  marched,  and  entered  into  the  city  the  first  of  them  all,  as  did  the 
 others  soon  after  him.  Hereupon  those  that  were  upon  the  walls  w.ere  seized  with  a  terror  at 
 the  boldness  of  the  attempt,  nor  durst  any  one  venture  to  figlit  with  him,  or  to  hinder  him;  so 
 
 4L 
 
634  WARS    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 they  left  guarding  the  city,  and  snme  of  tliosp  tliat  were  about  Jesus  fled  over  the  counirr, 
 while  others  of  them  ran  down  to  the  Inke,  and  met  the  enemy  in  llie  teeth,  and  some  were 
 slain  as  they  were  getting  up  into  the  ships,  but  others  of  them,  as  they  attempted  to  overtake 
 those  that  were  already  gone  abroad.  There  was  also  a  great  slaughter  made  in  the  city, 
 while  those  foreigners  that  had  not  fled  away  already,  made  opposition;  but  the  natural  inha- 
 bitants were  killed  without  fighting  :  for  in  hopes  of  Titus's  giving  them  his  right  hand  for 
 their  secury,  and  out  of  consciousness  that  they  had  noi  given  any  consent  to  the  war,  they 
 avoided  fighting,  till  Titus  had  slain  the  authors  of  this  revolt,  and  then  put  a  stop  to  any  fur- 
 ther slaughters  out  of  commiseration  of  these  inhabitants  nf  the  place.  But  for  those  that  had 
 fled  to  the  lake,  upon  seeing  the  city  taken,  they  sailed  as  far  as  they  possibly  could  from 
 the  enemy. 
 
 G.  Hereupon  Titus  sent  one  of  his  horsemen  to  bis  father,  and  let  him  know  the  good  news 
 of  what  he  had  done  :  at  which,  as  was  natural,  he  was  very  joyful,  both  on  account  of  the 
 courage  and  glorious  aciions  of  his  son  ;  for  he  thought  now  the  greatest  part  of  the  war  was 
 over.  He  then  came  thither  himself,  and  set  men  to  guard  the  city,  and  gave  them  command 
 to  take  care  that  nobody  got  privately  out  of  it,  but  to  kill  such  as  attempted  so  to  do.  And 
 on  the  next  day  he  went  down  to  the  lake,  and  commanded  that  vessels  should  be  fitted  up  in 
 order  to  pursue  those  that  had  escaped  in  the  ships.  These  vessels  were  quickly  gotten 
 ready  accordingly,  because  there  was  great  plenty  of  materials,  and  a  great  number  of  arti- 
 ficers also. 
 
 7.  Now  this  lake  of  Gennesarelh  is  so  called  from  the  country  adjoining  to  it.  Its  breadth 
 is  forty  furlongs,  and  its  length  one  hundred  and  forty  ;  its  waters  are  sweet,  and  very  agree- 
 able for  drinking,  for  they  are  finer  than  the  thick  waters  of  other  fens  ;  the  lake  is  also  pure, 
 and  on  every  side  ends  directl}'  at  the  shores,  and  at  the  sands ;  it  is  also  of  a  temperate  nature 
 when  you  draw  it  up,  and  of  a  more  gentle  nature  than  river  or  fountain  water,  and  yet  always 
 cooler  than  one  could  expect  in  so  diffuse  a  place  as  this  is :  now  when  this  water  is  kept  in 
 the  open  air,  it  is  as  cold  as  that  snow  which  the  country  people  are  accustomed  to  make  by 
 night  in  summer.  There  are  several  kinds  of  fish  in  it,  different  both  to  the  taste  and  the  sight 
 from  those  elsewhere.  It  is  divided  into  two  parts  by  the  river  Jordan.  Now  Panium  is 
 thought  to  be  the  fountain  of  Jordan,  but  in  reality  is  carried  thither  after  an  occult  manner 
 from  the  place  called  Pliiala  :  this  place  lies  as  you  go  up  to  Trachonilis,  and  is  an  hundred 
 and  twenty  furlongs  from  Cesarea,  and  is  not  far  out  of  the  road  on  the  right  hand  ;  and  indeed 
 it  hath  its  name  of  Phiala  [vial  or  bowl]  very  justly  from  the  roundness  of  its  circumference, 
 as  being  round  like  a  wheel  ;  its  water  continues  always  up  to  its  edges,  without  either  sink- 
 ing or  running  over.  And  as  this  origin  of  Jordan  was  formerly  not  known,  it  was  discovered 
 so  to  be  when  Philip  was  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis  :  for  he  had  chaft'  thrown  into  Phiala,  and  it 
 was  found  at  Panium,  where  the  ancients  thought  the  fountain  head  of  the  river  was,  whither 
 it  had  been  therefore  carried  [by  the  waters.]  As  for  Panium  itself,  its  natural  beauty  had 
 been  improved  by  the  royal  liberality  of  Agrippa,  and  adorned  at  his  expenses.  Now  Jordan's 
 visible  stream  arises  from  this  cavern,  and  divides  the  marshes  and  fens  of  the  lake  of  Seme- 
 honitis  ;  when  it  hath  run  another  hundred  and  twenty  furlongs,  it  first  passes  by  the  city  of 
 .Tulias,  and  then  passes  through  the  middle  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth  ;  after  which  it  runs  a 
 long  way  over  a  desert,  and  then  makes  its  exit  into  the  lake  Aspbaltitis. 
 
 8.  The  country  also  that  lies  over  against  this  lake  hath  the  same  name  of  Gennesareth  ;  its 
 nature  is  wonderful,  as  well  as  its  beauty  ;  its  soil  is  so  fruitful  that  all  sorts  of  trees  can  grow 
 upon  it,  and  the  inhabitants  accordingly  plant  all  sorts  of  trees  there;  for  the  temper  of  the 
 air  is  so  well  mixed  that  it  agrees  very  well  with  those  several  sorts,  particularly  walnuts, 
 which  require  the  coldest  air,  flourish  there  in  vast  plenty  ;  there  are  palm-trees  also,  which 
 grow  best  in  hot  air  ;  fig-trees  also  and  olives  grow  near  them,  which  yet  require  an  air  that  is 
 more  temperate.  One  may  call  this  place  the  ambition  of  nature,  where  it  forces  those  plants 
 that  are  naturally  enemies  to  one  another  to  agree  together  ;  it  is  a  happy  contention  of  the 
 seasons  ;  as  if  every  one  of  them  laid  claim  to  this  country  ;  for  it  not  only  nourishes  different 
 sorts  of  autumnal  fruit  beyond  men's  expectation,  but  preserves  them  a  great  while  ;  it  sup- 
 plies men  with  the  principal  fruits,  with  grapes  and  figs,  continually*  during  ten  months  of  the 
 year,  and  the  rest  of  the  fruits  as  they  become  ripe  together  through  the  whole  year  :  for 
 besides  the  good  temperature  of  the  air,  it  is  also  watered  from  a  most  fertile  fountain. 
 The  people  of  the  country  call  it  Capharnautn  :  some  have  thought  it  to  be  a  vein  of 
 the  Nile,  because  it  produces  the  Coracin  fish  as  well  as  that  lake  does  which  is  near  to 
 Alexandria.  The  length  of  this  country  extends  itself  along  the  banks  of  this  lake,  that 
 bears  the  same  name,  for  thirty  furlongs,  and  is  in  breadth  twenty.  And  this  is  the  nature  of 
 that  place. 
 
 *  It  may  be  worth  our  while  to  observe  here  ;  that  near  this  lake  of  Gennesareth  grapes  and  figs  hang  on 
 the  trees  ten  mouths  of  the  year.  Wo  may  observe  also,  that  in  Cyril  of  .lerusalem.  Catechis.  5cviii.  §  3.  which 
 was  delivered  not  long  before  Easter,  there  were  no  fresh  leaves  of  fig-trees,  nor  bunches  of  fresh  grapes,  in 
 'mdea ;  so  that  when  St.  Mark  says,  chap.  xi.  vcr.  l.*).  that  our  Saviour,  soon  after  the  same  time  of  the 
 ■^ar,  came  and  "  found  leaves"  on  a  fig-tree  near  .lerusalem.  but  "  no  figs,  because  the  time  of"  new 
 "  figs"  ripening  "  T\'as  not  yet,"  he  says  very  true  ;  nor  were  they  therefore  other  than  old  leaves  which 
 our  Saviour  saw,  and  old  figs  which  he  expected,  and  which  even  with  us  commonly  hang  on  the  trees  all 
 winter  long. 
 
BOOK    H!.— CHAP.    X.  635 
 
 9.  But  now,  when  the  vessels  were  gotten  ready,  Vespasian  put  upon  ship-board  as  many 
 of  liis  forces  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  be  too  liard  for  those  that  were  upon  the  lake,  and  set 
 sail  after  them.  Now  those  which  were  driven  into  the  lake,  could  neither  fly  to  the  land, 
 where  all  was  in  their  enemies'  hand,  and  in  war  against  them  ;  nor  could  t!:ey  fight  upon  the 
 level  by  sea,  for  their  ships  were  small  and  fitted  only  for  piracy  ;  they  were  too  weak  to  fight 
 with  Vespasian's  vessels,  and  the  mariners  that  were  in  them  were  so  few,  that  they  were  afraid 
 to  come  near  the  Romans,  who  attacked  them  in  great  numbers.  However,  as  they  sailed 
 round  about  the  vessels,  and  sometimes  as  they  came  near  them,  tliey  tlirevif  stones  at 
 the  Romans  when  they  were  a  good  way  off,  or  came  closer  and  fought  them  ;  yet  did  they 
 receive  the  greatest  harm  themselves  in  both  cases.  As  for  the  stones  they  threw  at  the 
 Romans,  they  only  made  a  sound  one  after  the  other,  for  they  threw  them  against  such  as  were 
 in  their  armour,  while  the  Roman  darts  could  reach  the  Jews  themselves  ;  and  when  they 
 ventured  to  come  near  the  Romans,  they  became  suHerers  themselves  before  they  could  do 
 anv  harm  to  the  other,  and  were  drowned,  they  and  their  ships  together.  As  for  those  that 
 endeavoured  to  come  to  an  actual  fight,  the  Romans  ran  many  of  them  through  with  their  long 
 poles.  Sometimes  the  Romans  leaped  into  their  ships  with  swords  in  their  hands,  and  slew 
 them  ;  but  when  some  of  them  met  the  vessels,  the  Romans  caught  them  by  the  middle,  and 
 destroyed  at  once  their  ships  and  themselves  who  were  taken  in  ihem.  Aiid  for  such  as  were 
 drowning  in  the  sea,  if  they  lifted  their  heads  up  above  the  water,  they  were  either  killed  by 
 darts,  or  caught  by  the  vessels  ;  but  if,  in  the  desperate  case  they  were  in,  they  attempted  to 
 swim  to  the  enemies,  the  Romans  cut  oil"  either  their  heads  or  their  hands  ;  and  indeed  they 
 were  destroyed  after  various  manners  every  where,  till  the  rest  being  put  to  flight  were  forced 
 to  get  upon  the  land,  while  the  vessels  encompassed  them  about  [on  the  sea  ;]  but  as  many  of 
 these  were  repulsed  when  they  were  getting  ashore,  they  were  killed  by  the  darts  upon  the 
 lake  ;  and  the  Romans  leaped  out  of  their  vessels,  and  destroyed  a  great  many  more  upon  the 
 land  :  one  might  then  see  the  lake  all  bloody,  and  full  of  dead  bodies,  for  not  one  of  them 
 escaped.  And  a  terrible  stink,  and  a  very  sad  sight,  there  was  on  tiie  following  days  over 
 that  country  ;  for  as  for  the  shores,  they  were  full  of  shipwrecks,  and  of  dead  bodies  all  swelled  ; 
 and  as  the  dead  bodies  were  inflamed  by  the  sun,  and  putrified,  they  corrupted  the  air,  inso- 
 much that  the  misery  was  not  only  the  object  of  coran)i3eration  to  the  Jews,  but  to  those  that 
 haled  them,  and  bad  been  the  authors  of  that  misery.  This  was  the  upshot  of  the  sea-fight. 
 The  numberof  the  slain,  including  those  that  were  killed  in  the  city  before,  was  six  thousand 
 and  five  hundred. 
 
 10.  After  this  fight  was  over,  Vespasian  sat  upon  his  tribunal  at  Taricheac,  in  order  to  dis- 
 tinguish the  foreigners  from  the  old  inhabitants  ;  for  those  foreigners  appeared  to  have  begun 
 the  war.  So  he  deliberated  with  the  other  commanders,  whether  he  ought  to  save  those  old 
 inhabitants  or  not.  And  when  those  commanders  alleged  that  the  dismission  of  Ihem  v.ould  be 
 to  his  own  advaniage,  because,  when  they  were  once  set  at  liberty,  they  would  not  be  at  rest, 
 since  they  would  be  people  destitute  of  proper  habitations,  and  would  he  able  to  compel  such 
 as  they  fled  to,  to  fight  against  \]s,  Vespasian  acknowledged  that  they  did  not  deserve  to  be  saved, 
 and  that  if  they  had  leave  given  them  to  fly  away,  they  would  make  use  of  it  against  those  that 
 gave  them  that  leave.  But  still  he  considered  with  himself,  after  what  manner  they  should 
 be  slain  ;*  for  if  he  had  them  slain  there,  he  suspected  the  people  of  the  country  would 
 thereby  become  his  enemies;  for  that  to  be  sure  they  would  never  bear  it,  that  so  many 
 that  had  been  supplicants  to  bim  should  be  killed  ;  and  to  offer  violence  to  them,  afier  he 
 had  given  them  assurances  of  their  lives,  he  could  not  himself  bear  to  do  it.  However, 
 his  friends  were  too  hard  for  him,  and  pretended  that  nothing  against  the  Jews  could 
 be  any  impiety,  and  that  he  ought  to  prefer  what  was  profitable  before  what  was  fit  to  be 
 done,  where  both  could  not  be  consistent.  So  he  gave  them  an  ambiguous  liberty  to  do  as 
 they  advised,  and  permitted  the  prisoners  to  go  along  no  other  road  than  that  which  led  to 
 Tiberias  only.  So  they  readily  believed  what  they  desired  to  be  true,  and  went  along  securely, 
 with  their  efi'ects,  the  way  which  was  alicwed  tlu-m,  while  the  Romans  seized  upon  all  the 
 road  that  led  to  Tiberias,  that  none  of  them  might  go  out  of  it,  and  shut  tlitm  up  in  the  city. 
 Then  came  Vespasian,  and  ordered  them  all  to  stand  in  the  stadium,  and  commanded  them  to 
 kill  the  old  men  together  with  the  others  that  were  useless,  who  were  in  number  a  thousand 
 and  two  hundred.  Out  of  the  young  men  he  chose  six  thousand  of  the  strongest,  and  sent 
 them  to  Nero,  to  dig  through  the  Isthmus,  and  sold  the  remainder  for  slaves,  being  thirty  thou- 
 sand and  four  hundred,  besides  such  as  he  made  a  present  of  to  Agrippa  ;  for  as  to  those 
 that  belonged  to  bis  kingdom,  he  gave  him  leave  to  do  what  he  pleased  with  them  :  however, 
 
 •  I'his  is  the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  action  tliat  Vespasian  ever  did  in  this  whole  war,  as  he  did  it  with 
 fnt-at  reluctance  also.  It  was  done  bolh  after  piiblic  assurance  given  of  sparing  the  prisoners'  lives,  and  when 
 all  knew  and  confessed  that  these  prisoners  were  no  way  guilty  of  any  sedition  against  the  Romans.  Is'or 
 indeed  did  'I'itus  now  give  his  consent,  so  far  as  appears,  nor  ever  act  of  himself  so  barbarously  ;  nay,  soon 
 after  (his,  'I'itus  grew  quite  weary  of  shedding  hlood,  and  of  punishing  the  innocent  with  the  guilty,  and  gave 
 the  people  of  Gischala  leave  to  keep  the  .lewish  sabbath,  b.  iv.  chap.  ii.  ^  .3,  5.  in  the  midst  of  their  siege. 
 !Nor  was  Vespasian  disjiosed  to  do  what  he  did,  till  his  officers  persuaded  him,  and  that  from  two  principal 
 topics,  viz.  tliat  nothing  could  be  unjust  that  was  done  against  the  .lews,  and  that  when  both  cannot  bo  con- 
 sistent, advantage  must  prevail.over  justice.    Admirable  court  doctrines  these ! 
 
H36  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 the  king  sold  these  also  for  slaves;  but  for  the  rest  of  the  multitude,  who  were  Tracbonites, 
 and  Gaulanites,  and  of  Hippos,  and  some  of  Gadara,  the  greatest  part  of  thera  were  seditious 
 persons  and  fugitives,  who  were  of  such  shameful  characters,  that  they  preferred  war  before 
 peace.     These  prisoners  were  taken  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Gorpieos  [Elal.] 
 
 BOOK  IV. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE   INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  ONE  YEAR.-FROM  THE  SIEGE  OF  GAMALA 
 TO  THE  COMING  OF  TITUS  TO  BESIEGE  JERUSALEM. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 The  Sitge  and  Taking  of  Gumala. 
 
 §  1.  Now  all  those  Galileans  who,  after  the  taking  of  Jotapata,  had  revolted  from  the  Romans, 
 did  upon  the  conquest  of  Taricheae  deliver  themselves  up  to  them  again.  And  the  Romans 
 received  all  the  fortresses  and  the  cities,  excepting  Gischala  and  those  that  had  been  seized 
 iip»n  Mount  Tabor  ;  Gamala  also,  which  is  a  city  over  against  Tarichese,  but  on  the  otlier  side 
 of  the  lake,  conspired  with  them.  This  city  lay  upon  the  borders  of  Agrippa's  kingdom,  as 
 also  did  Sogana  and  Seleucia.  And  these  were  both  parts  of  Gaulanitis,  for  Sogana  was  a 
 part  of  that  called  the  upper  Gaulanitis,  as  was  Gamala  of  the  lower  ;  while  Sejeucia  was 
 situated  at  the  lake  Semechonitis,  which  lake  is  thirty  furlongs  in  breadth,  and  sixty  \a 
 length  ;  Its  marshes  reach  as  far  as  the  place  Daphne,  which  in  other  respects  is  a  delicious 
 place,  and  hath  such  fountains  as  supply  water  to  what  is  called  Little  Jordan,  under 
 the  temple  of  the  golden  calf,*  where  it  is  sent  into  Great  Jordan.  Now  Agrippa  had 
 united  Sogana  and  Seleucia  by  leagues  to  himself,  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  revolt  from 
 the  Romans  ;  yet  did  not  Gamala  accede  to  them,  but  relied  upon  the  difficulty  of  the  place, 
 which  was  greater  than  that  of  Jotapata,  for  it  was  situated  upon  a  rough  ridge  of  a  high 
 mountain,  with  a  kind  of  neck  in  tlie  middle  ;  where  it  begins  to  ascend,  it  lengthens  itself, 
 and  declines  as  much  downward  before  as  behind,  insomuch  that  it  is  like  a  camel  in  figure, 
 from  whence  it  is  so  named,  although  the  people  of  the  country  do  not  pronounce  it  accurately  : 
 both  on  the  side  and  the  face  there  are  abrupt  parts  divided  from  the  rest,  and  ending  in  vast 
 deep  valleys  ;  yet  are  the  parts  behind,  where  they  are  joined  to  the  mountain,  somewhat 
 easier  of  ascent  than  the  other  ;  but  then  the  people  belonging  to  the  place  have  cut  an  oblique 
 ditch  here,  and  made  that  hard  to  be  ascended  also.  On  its  acclivity,  which  is  straight,  houses 
 are  built,  and  those  very  thick  and  close  to  one  another.  The  city  also  hangs  so  strangely, 
 that  it  looks  as  if  it  would  fall  down  upon  itself,  so  sharp  is  it  at  the  top.  It  is  exposed  to 
 the  south,  and  its  southern  mount,  which  reaches  to  an  immense  height,  was  in  the  nature  of 
 a  citadel  to  the  city  ;  and  above  that  v?as  a  precipice,  not  walled  about,  but  extending  itself 
 to  an  immense  depth.  There  was  also  a  spring  of  water  within  the  wall,  at  the  utmost  limits 
 of  the  city, 
 
 2.  As  the  city  was  naturally  hard  to  be  taken,  so  had  Josephus,  by  building  a  wall  about 
 it,  made  it  still  stronger,  as  also  by  ditches  and  mines  under  ground.  The  people  that  were 
 in  it  were  made  more  bold  by  the  nature  of  the  place,  than  the  people  of  Jotapata  had  been, 
 but  had  much  fewer  fighting  men  in  it ;  and  they  had  such  a  confidence  in  the  situation  of 
 the  place,  that  they  thought  the  enemy  could  not  be  too  many  for  them  :  for  the  city  had 
 been  filled  with  those  that  had  fled  to  it  for  safety,  on  account  of  its  strength  ;  on  which 
 account  they  had  been  able  to  resist  those  whom  Agrippa  sent  to  besiege  it  for  seven  months 
 together. 
 
 3.  But  Vespasian  removed  from  Eramaus,  where  he  had  last  pitched  his  camp  before  th« 
 city  Tiberias,  (now  Emraans,  if  it  interpreted,  may  be  rendered  a  warm  bath,  for  therein  is  a 
 spring  of  warm  water,  useful  for  healing,)  and  came  to  Gamala  ;  yet  was  its  situation  such, 
 that  he  was  not  able  to  encompass  it  all  round  with  soldiers  to  viratch  it ;  but  where  the  places 
 were  practicable,  he  sent  men  to  watch  it,  and  siezed  upon  that  mountain  which  was  over 
 it.  And  as  the  legions,  according  to  their  usual  custom,  were  fortifying  their  camp  upon  that 
 mountain,  he  began  to  cast  up  banks  at  the  bottom,  at  the  part  towards  the  east,  where  th» 
 highest  tower  of  the  whole  city  was,  and  where  the  fifteenth  legion  pitched  their  camp  ;  while 
 the  fifth  legion  did  duty  over  against  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  whilst  the  tenth  legion  filled  up 
 the  ditches  and  the  valleys.  Now  at  this  time  it  was  that  as  king  Agrippa  was  come  nigh  the 
 walls,   and  was  endeavouring  to  speak  to  those  th.it  were  on  the  walls  about  a  surrender,  he 
 
 •  Here  we  have  the  exact  situation  of  one  of  .Terohoam's  golden  ca'.ves,  at  the  exit  of  Little  Jordan,  into 
 Great  Jordan,  near  a  place  called  Daphne,  but  of  old  Dan.  See  the  note  on  Antici.  b.  viii.  chap.  viii.  J  2.  But 
 Eeland  suspects,  that  even  here  we  should  read  Dan  instead  of  Daphne,  there  beinij  no  where  else  any  men 
 tion  of  a  place  called  Daphne  hereabouts. 
 
BOOK    IV. — CHAP.    I.  637 
 
 was  Lit  wllb  a  stone  on  his  liglit  elbow  by  one  of  the  slingers  ;  he  was  then  immediately  sur- 
 rounded with  his  own  men.  But  the  Romans  were  excited  to  set  about  the  siege,  by  their 
 indignation  on  the  king's  account,  and  by  their  fear  on  their  own  account,  as  concluding  that 
 those  men  would  omit  no  kinds  of  barbarity  against  foreiguers  and  enemies,  who  were  so 
 enraged  against  one  of  their  own  oatiou,  and  one  that  advised  them  to  nothing  but  what  was 
 for  their  own  advantage. 
 
 4.  Now  when  the  banks  were  finished,  which  was  done  on  the  sudden,  both  by  tlie  multi- 
 tude of  hands,  and  by  their  being  accustomed  to  such  work,  they  brought  the  machines  ;  but 
 Chares  and  Joseph,  who  were  tlie  most  potent  men  in  the  city,  set  their  armed  men  in  order, 
 though  already  in  a  fright,  because  they  did  not  suppose  that  the  city  could  hold  out  long, 
 since  they  had  not  a  sufticient  quantity  either  of  water,  or  of  other  necessaries.  However, 
 these  their  leaders  encouraged  them,  and  brouglit  tiiem  out  upon  the  wall,  and  for  a  while 
 indeed  they  drove  away  those  that  were  bringing  the  macliines;  bat  when  those  machines 
 threw  darts  and  stones  at  them,  they  retired  into  the  city  ;  then  did  the  Romans  bring  batter- 
 ing-rams to  three  several  places,  and  made  the  wall  shake  [and  fall.]  They  then  poured  in 
 over  the  parts  of  the  wall  that  were  thrown  down,  with  a  mighty  sound  of  trumpets  and  noise 
 of  armour,  and  with  a  sliout  of  the  soldiers,  and  brake  in  by  force  upon  those  that  were  in  the 
 city;  but  these  men  fell  upon  the  Romans  for  some  time,  at  their  first  entrance,  and  prevented 
 their  going  any  further,  and  with  great  courage  beat  tliera  back  ;  and  the  Romans  were  so 
 overpowered  by  the  greater  multitude  of  the  people,  who  beat  tljem  on  every  side,  that  they 
 were  obliged  to  run  into  the  upper  parts  of  the  city.  Whereupon  the  people  turned  about, 
 and  fell  upon  their  enemies  who  had  attacked  them,  and  thrust  them  down  to  the  lower  parts, 
 and  as  they  were  distressed  by  the  narrowness  and  difficulty  of  the  place,  slew  them  ;  and  as 
 these  Romans  could  neither  beat  those  back  that  were  above  them,  nor  escape  the  force  of 
 their  own  men  that  were  forcing  their  way  forward,  they  were  compelled  to  tly  into  their 
 enemies'  houses,  which  were  low  ;  but  these  houses,  being  thus  full  of  soldiers,  whose  weight 
 they  could  not  bear,  fell  down  suddenly;  and  when  one  house  fell,  it  shook  down  a  great 
 many  of  (hose  that  were  under  it,  as  did  those  do  to  such  as  were  under  them.  By  this  means 
 a  vast  number  of  the  Romans  perished,  for  they  were  so  terribly  distressed,  that  although  they 
 saw  the  houses  subsiding,  they  were  compelled  to  leap  upon  the  tops  of  them  ;  so  that  a  great 
 many  were  ground  to  powder  by  these  ruins,  and  a  great  many  of  those  that  got  from  under 
 them,  lost  some  of  tiieir  lirabs,  but  still  a  greater  number  were  suffocated  by  the  dust  that 
 arose  from  those  ruins.  The  people  of  Garaala  supposed  this  to  be  an  assistance  aftbrded  theni 
 by  God,  and  without  regarding  what  damage  they  suffered  themselves,  they  pressed  forward, 
 and  thrust  the  enemy  upon  the  tops  of  their  houses,  and  when  thej'  stumbled  in  the  sharp  and 
 narrow  streets,  and  were  perpetually  tumbling  down,  they  threw  their  stones  or  darts  at  the;!), 
 and  slew  them.  Now  the  very  ruins  afforded  them  stones  enow,  and  for  iron  weapons  tlie 
 dead  men  of  the  enemies'  side  afforded  them  what  they  wanted;  for  drawing  the  swords  of 
 those  that  were  dead,  they  made  use  of  them  to  'lespatch  sach  as  were  only  half  dead;  nay, 
 there  were  a  great  number  who,  upon  their  falling  do>i  n  from  the  tops  of  the  houses,  stabbed 
 themselves,  and  died  after  that  manner;  nor  indeed  was  it  easy  for  those  that  were  beaten 
 hack,  to  fly  away,  for  they  were  so  unacquainted  with  the  ways,  and  the  dnst  was  so 
 thick,  that  they  wandered  about  without  knowing  one  another,  and  fell  down  dead  among 
 the  crowd. 
 
 5.  Those  therefore  that  were  able  to  find  the  ways  out  of  the  city  retired.  But  now  Ves- 
 pasian always  staid  among  those  that  were  hard  set ;  for  he  was  deeply  afiected  with  seeing 
 the  ruins  of  the  city  falling  upon  his  army,  and  forgot  to  take  care  of  his  own  preservation. 
 He  went  up  gradually  towards  the  highest  parts  of  the  city  before  he  was  aware,  and  was  left 
 in  the  midst  of  dangers,  having  only  a  very  few  with  him ;  for  even  his  son  Titus  was  not  with 
 him  at  that  time,  having  been  sent  into  Syria  to  Mucianus.  However,  he  thought  it  not 
 safe  to  fly,  nor  did  he  esteem  it  a  fit  thing  for  him  to  do ;  but  calling  to  mind  the  actions  he 
 had  done  from  his  youth,  and  recollecting  his  courage,  as  if  he  had  been  excited  by  a  divine 
 fury,  he  covered  himself,  and  those  that  were  with  him  with  their  shields,  and  formed  a  tes- 
 tudo  over  both  their  backs  and  their  armour,  and  bore  up  against  the  enemy's  attack,  who  came 
 running  down  from  the  top  of  the  city  ;  and  without  shewing  any  dread  at  the  multitude  of  the 
 men  or  of  their  darts,  he  endured  all,  until  the  enemy  took  notice  of  that  divine  courage  that 
 was  within  him,  and  remitted  of  their  attacks  ;  and  when  they  pressed  less  zealously  upon  him, 
 he  retired,  though  without  shewing  his  back  to  them  till  he  was  gotten  out  of  the  walls  of  the 
 city.  Now  a  great  number  of  the  Romans  fell  in  this  battle,  among  whom  was  Ebutius,  the 
 decurion,  a  man  who  appeared  not  only  in  this  engagement,  wherein  he  fell,  but  every  where, 
 and  in  former  engagements,  to  be  of  the  truest  courage,  and  one  that  had  done  very  great  mis- 
 chief to  the  Jews.  But  there  was  a  centurion  whose  name  was  Callus,  who  during  this  dis- 
 order being  encompassed  about,  he  and  ten  other  soldiers  privately  crept  into  the  house  of  a 
 certain  person,  where  he  heard  them  talking  at  .supper  what  the  people  intended  to  do  against 
 the  Romans,  or  about  themselves,  (for  both  the  man  himself  and  those  with  him  wereSyrians.) 
 So  he  got  up  in  the  night  time,  and  cut  all  their  throats,  and  escaped,  together  with  his  soU 
 diers,  to  the  Romans. 
 
638  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 C.  And  now  Vespasian  comforted  his  army,  which  was  much  dejected  by  reflecting  on  Ihei/ 
 ill  success,  and  because  they  had  never  before  fallen  into  such  a  calamity,  and  besides  this, 
 because  they  were  greatly  ashamed  that  they  had  left  their  general  alone  in  great  dangers. 
 As  to  what  concerned  himself,  he  avoided  to  say  any  thing,  that  he  might  by  no  means  seem  to 
 complain  of  it;  but  he  said,  that  "  we  ought  to  bear  manfully  what  usually  falls  out  in  war, 
 and  this,  by  considering  what  the  nature  of  war  is,  and  how  it  can  never  be  that  we  must 
 conquer  without  bloodshed  on  our  own  side  ;  for  there  stands  about  us  that  fortune  which  is 
 of  its  own  nature  mutable ;  that  while  they  had  killed  so  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Jews,  they 
 had  now  paid  their  small  share  of  the  reckoning  so  late  :  and  as  it  is  the  part  of  weak  people 
 to  be  too  much  puB'ed  up  with  good  success,  so  is  it  the  part  of  cowards  to  be  too  much 
 affrighted  at  that  which  is  ill  ;  for  the  change  from  the  one  to  the  other  is  sudden  on  both 
 sides  ;  and  he  is  the  best  warrior  who  is  of  a  sober  mind  under  misfortunes,  that  he  may  con- 
 tinue in  that  temper,  and  cheerfully  recover  what  had  been  lost  formerly ;  and  as  for  what  had 
 now  happened,  it  was  neither  owing  to  their  own  eflfeminacy,  nor  to  the  valour  of  the  Jews, 
 but  the  difficulty  of  the  place  was  the  occasion  of  their  advantage  and  of  our  disappointment. 
 Upon  reflecting  on  which  njatter  one  might  blame  your  zeal  as  perfectly  ungovernable ;  for 
 when  the  euemy  had  retired  to  their  highest  fastnesses,  you  ought  to  have  restrained  your* 
 selves,  and  not,  by  presenting  yourselves  at  tlie  top  of  the  city,  to  be  exposed  to  dangers  ;  hot 
 upon  your  having  obtained  the  lower  parts  of  the  city,  you  ought  to  have  provoked  those  that 
 had  retired  thither  to  a  safe  and  settled  battle  ;  whereas,  in  rushing  so  hastily  upon  victory, 
 you  take  no  care  of  your  own  safety.  But  this  incautiousness  in  war,  and  this  madness  of  zeal,  is 
 not  a  Roman  maxim,  while  we  perform  all  that  we  attempt  by  skill  and  good  order ;  that  pro- 
 cedure is  the  part  of  barbarians,  and  is  what  the  Jews  chiefly  support  themselves  by.  We 
 ought  therefore  to  return  to  our  own  virtue,  and  to  be  rather  angry  than  any  longer  dejected 
 at  this  unlucky  misfortane,  and  let  every  one  seek  for  his  own  consolation  from  his  own  hand ; 
 for  by  this  means  he  will  avenge  those  that  have  been  destroyed,  and  punish  those  that  have 
 killed  them.  For  myself,  I  will  endeavour,  as  I  have  now  done,  to  go  first  before  you  against 
 your  enemies  in  every  engagement,  and  to  be  the  last  that  retires  from  it." 
 
 7.  So  Vespasian  encouraged  his  army  by  this  speech  :  but  for  the  people  of  Gamala,  it  hap- 
 pened that  they  took  courage  for  a  little  while,  upon  such  great  and  unaccountable  success  as 
 they  had  had.  But  when  they  considered  with  themselves  that  they  had  now  no  hopes  of  any 
 terms  of  accommodation,  and  reflecting  upon  it  that  they  could  not  get  away,  and  that  their 
 provisions  began  already  to  be  short,  they  were  exceedingly  cast  down,  and  their  courage 
 failed  them  ;  yet  did  they  not  neglect  what  might  be  for  their  preservation,  so  far  as  they  were 
 able,  but  the  most  courageous  among  them  guarded  those  parts  of  the  wall  that  were  beaten 
 down,  while  the  more  infirm  did  the  same  to  the  rest  of  the  wall  that  still  remained  round  the 
 city.  And  as  the  Romans  raised  their  banks,  and  attempted  to  get  into  the  city  a  second 
 time,  a  great  many  of  them  fled  out  of  the  city  through  impracticable  valleys,  where  no  guards 
 were  placed,  as  also,  through  subterraneous  caverns :  while  those  that  were  afraid  oi"  being 
 caught,  and  for  that  reason  staid  in  the  city,  perished  for  want  of  food,  for  what  food  they  had 
 was  brought  together  from  all  quarters,  and  reserved  for  the  fighting  men. 
 
 8.  And  these  were  the  hard  circumstances  that  the  people  of  Gamala  were  in.  Bat  now 
 Vespasian  went  about  other  work  by  the  bye,  during  this  sieoe,  and  that  was  to  subdue  those 
 that  had  seized  upon  mount  Tabor,  a  place  that  lies  in  the  middle  between  the  great  plain  and 
 Scylhopolis,  whose  top  is  elevated  as  high  as  thirty  furlongs,*  and  is  hardly  to  be  ascended  on 
 its  north  side;  its  top  is  a  plain  of  twenty-six  furlongs,  and  all  encompassed  with  a  wall. 
 Now,  Josephus  erected  this  so  long  a  wall  in  forty  days'  time,  and  furnished  it  with  other 
 materials,  and  with  water  from  below,  for  the  inhabitants  only  made  use  of  rain  water;  as 
 therefore,  there  was  a  great  multitude  of  people  gotten  together  upon  this  mountain,  Vespasian 
 sent  Placidus  with  six  hundred  horsemen  thither.  Now,  as  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
 ascend  the  mountain,  he  invited  many  of  them  to  peace,  by  the  ofl'er  of  his  right  hand  for  their 
 security,  and  of  his  intercession  for  them.  Accordingly  they  came  down,  but  with  a  treacher- 
 ous design,  as  well  as  he  had  the  like  treacherous  design  upon  them  on  the  other  side  ;  for  Pla- 
 cidus spoke  mildly  to  them,  as  aiming  to  take  them  when  l:e  got  ttiem  into  the  plain  ;  they  also 
 came  down,  as  complying  with  his  proposals,  but  it  was  in  order  to  fall  upon  him  when  he  was 
 not  aware  of  it :  however,  Placidus's  stratagem  was  loo  hard  for  theirs  ;  for  when  the  Jews 
 began  to  fight,  he  pretended  to  run  away,  and  when  ihey  were  in  pursuit  of  the  Romans,  he 
 enticed  them  a  great  way  along  the  plain,  and  then  made  his  horsemen  turn  back ;  whereupon 
 
 •  These  numbers  in  Josephus,  of  thirty  furlongs'  ascent  to  the  top  of  mount  Tabor,  whether  we  estimate  it 
 by  the  winding  and  gi-adual,  or  by  the  perpendicular  altitude,  and  of  twenty-six  furlongs'  circumference  upon 
 the  top,  as  also  fifteen  furlongs  for  this  ascent  iu  Polybius,  with  Gemiiius's  perpeudicular  altitude  of  almost 
 fourteen  furlongs,  here  noted  by  Dr.  Hudson,  do  none  of  them  agree  with  the  authentic  testimony  of  Mr. 
 Maundrell,  an  eye-witness,  page  112,  who  says,  he  was  not  an  hour  in  getting  up  to  the  top  of  this  mount 
 Tabor,  and  that  the  area  of  the  top  is  an  oval  of  about  two  fiirlongs  in  length,  and  one  in  breadth.  So  I  rather 
 suppose  Josephus  wrote  three  furlongs  for  the  ascent,  or  altitude,  instead  of  thirty  ;  and  six  furlongs  for  the 
 circumference  at  the  top,  instead  of  twenty-six.  Since  a  mountain  of  only  three  furlongs  perpendicular  alti- 
 tude may  easily  require  near  au  hour's  ascent,  and  the  circumference  of  an  oval  of  the  foregoing  quantity  is 
 near  six  furlongs.  Nor  certainly  could  such  a  vast  circumference  as  twenty-six  furlongs,  or  three  miles  and  a  . 
 ouarler.  at  that  height  be  encompassed  witli  a  wall,  including  a  trench  and  other  fortiilcations.  perhai)s  those 
 btill  remaining,  ibid,  iu  the  small  interval  of  forty  days,  as  Josephus  here  says  they  were  by  himself. 
 
BOOK  IV. —  CHAP.    II.  G39 
 
 lie  beat  tliem,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  tbein,  and  cut  oft"  the  retreat  of  the  rest  of  the  mul- 
 titude, and  bindered  tbeir  return.  So  they  left  Tabor,  and  fled  to  Jerusalem,  wbile  the  people 
 of  the  country  came  to  terms  with  him,  for  tlieir  water  failed  thera,  and  so  they  delivered  up 
 the  mountain  and  themselves  to  Placidns. 
 
 9.  But  of  the  people  of  Garaala,  those  that  were  of  the  bolder  sort,  fled  away  and  hid  them- 
 selves, while  the  more  infirm  perished  by  famine  ;  but  the  men  of  war  sustained  the  siege  till 
 the  two  and  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Hyperbereteus,  [Tisri,]  when  three  soldiers  of  the 
 ilfieenth  legion,  about  the  morning  wati^h,  got  under  a  bii;li  tower  that  was  near  them,  and 
 undermined  it,  without  making  any  noise  ;  nor  when  either  came  to  it,  which  was  in  the  night 
 time,  nor  when  they  were  under  it,  did  those  that  guarded  it  perceive  them.  These  soldiers 
 then,  upon  their  coining  avoided  making  a  noise,  and  when  they  bad  rolled  away  five  of  the 
 strongest  stones,  they  went  away  hastily:  whereupon  the  tower  fell  down  on  a  sudden  with 
 a  very  great  noise,  and  its  guard  fell  headlong  with  it ;  so  that  those  that  kept  guard  at  other 
 places  were  under  such  disturbance,  that  they  ran  away  ;  the  Romans  also  slew  many  of  those 
 that  ventured  to  oppose  them,  among  whom  was  Joseph,  who  was  slain  by  a  dart,  as  he  was 
 running  away  over  that  part  of  the  wall  that  was  broken  down  ;  but  as  those  that  were  in  the 
 city  were  greatly  afifriglited  at  the  noise,  they  ran  hither  and  thither,  and  a  great  consternation 
 fell  upon  them,  as  though  all  the  enemy  bad  fallen  in  at  once  upon  them.  Then  it  was  that 
 Chares,  who  was  ill,  and  under  the  physicians'  hands,  gave  up  the  ghost,  the  fear  be  was  in 
 greatly  contributing  to  make  his  distemper  fatal  to  him.  But  the  Romans  so  well  remembered 
 their  former  ill  success,  that  they  did  not  enter  the  city  till  the  three  and  twentieth  day  of  the 
 foreraentioned  month. 
 
 10.  At  which  time  Titus,  who  was  now  returned,  out  of  the  indication  he  had  at  the  destruc- 
 tions the  Romans  had  undergone  while  be  was  absent,  took  two  hundred  choseu  horsemen, 
 and  some  footmen  with  them,  and  entered  without  noise  into  the  city.  Now,  as  the  watch 
 perceived  that  he  was  coming,  they  made  a  uoise,  and  betook  themselves  to  their  arms;  and 
 as  that  his  entrance  was  presently  known  to  those  that  were  in  the  city,  some  of  them  caught 
 bold  of  their  children  and  their  wives,  and  drew  them  after  them,  and  lied  away  to  the  citadel, 
 with  lamentations  and  cries,  while  others  of  them  went  to  meet  Titus,  and  were  killed  per- 
 petually ;  but  so  many  of  them  as  were  hindered  from  running  up  to  the  citadel,  not  knowing 
 what  in  the  world  to  do,  fell  among  the  Roman  guards,  while  the  groans  of  those  that  were 
 killed,  were  prodigiously  great  every  where,  and  the  blood  ran  down  all  the  lower  parts  of  the 
 city  from  the  upper.  But  then  Vespasian  himself  came  to  his  assistance  against  those  that 
 bad  (led  to  the  citadel,  and  brought  his  whole  army  with  him  ;  now  this  upper  part  of  the  city 
 was  every  way  rocky,  and  difiicult  of  ascent,  and  elevated  to  a  vast  altitude,  and  very  full  of 
 people  on  all  sides,  and  encompassed  with  precipices,  whereby  the  Jews  cut  off  those  that 
 came  up  to  them,  and  did  much  mischief  to  the  others  by  their  darts,  and  the  large  stones  which 
 they  rolled  down  upon  them,  while  they  were  themselves  so  high  that  the  enemies'  darts  conld 
 hardly  reach  them.  However,  there  arose  such  a  divine  storm  against  them  as  was  instru- 
 mental to  their  destruction  ;  this  carried  the  Roman  darts  upon  them,  and  made  those  which 
 they  threw  return  back,  and  drove  them  obliquely  away  from  them  :  nor  could  the  Jews  indeed 
 stand  upon  the  precipices,  by  reason  of  the  violence  of  the  wind,  having  nothing  that  was  sta- 
 ble to  stand  upon,  nor  could  they  see  those  that  were  ascending  up  to  them  •,  so  the  Romans 
 got  up  and  surrounded  them,  and  some  they  slew  before  they  could  defend  themselves,  and 
 others  as  they  were  delivering  up  themselves  :  and  the  remembrance  of  those  that  were  slain 
 at  their  former  entrance  into  the  city  increased  their  rage  against  them  now  :  a  great  number 
 also  of  those  that  were  surrounded  on  every  side,  and  despaired  of  escaping,  threw  their  chil- 
 dren and  their  wives,  and  themselves  also,  down  the  precipices,  into  the  valley  beneath,  which, 
 near  the  citadel,  bad  been  dug  hollow  to  a  vast  depth  ;  but  so  it  happened  that  the  anger  of 
 the  Romans  appeared  not  to  be  so  extravagant,  as  was  the  madness  of  those  that  were  now 
 taken,  wbile  the  Romans  slew  but  four  thousand,  whereas  the  number  of  those  that  had  thrown 
 themselves  down  was  found  to  be  five  thousand  ;  nor  did  any  one  escape  except  two  women, 
 who  were  the  daughters  of  Philip,  and  Philip  himself  was  the  son  of  a  certain  eminent  man 
 called  Jacimus,  who  bad  been  generol  of  king  Agrippa's  army  ;  and  these  did  therefore  escape, 
 because  they  lay  concealed  from  the  riige  of  the  Romans,  when  the  city  was  taken  ;  for  other- 
 wise they  spared  not  so  much  as  the  infants  ;  of  whom  many  were  thing  down  by  them  from 
 the  citadel.  And  thus  was  Ganiala  taken  nn  the  three  and  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Hyper- 
 bereteus, [Tisri,]  whereas  the  city  had  first  revolted  on  the  four  and  twentieth  day  of  the  month 
 Gorpieus,  [Elul.] 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 The  Surrender  of  Gischala  ;  uJieii  John  flies  from  it  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 §  1.  Now  no  place  of  Galilee  remained  to  be  taken  but  the  small  city  of  Gischala,  whose  mul- 
 titude yet  were  desirous  of  peace  ;  for  they  were  generally  biisbandnien,  and  always  applied 
 themselves  to  cultivate  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  However,  there  were  a  great  number  that 
 belonged  to  a  band  of  robbers,  that  were   already  corrupted,  and   had  crept  in  among  them, 
 
640  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 and  some  of  the  governing  part  of  tlie  citizens  were  sick  of  (tie  same  distemper.  It  was 
 John,  the  son  of  a  certain  man  whose  name  was  Levi,  that  drew  them  into  tliis  rebellion,  and 
 encouraged  them  in  it.  He  was  a  cunning  knave,  and  of  a  temper  t!)at  could  put  on  various 
 shapes  ;  very  rash  in  expecting  great  things,  and  very  sagacious  in  bringing  about  what  he 
 hoped  for.  It  was  known  to  every  body  that  be  was  fond  of  war,  in  order  to  thrust  himself 
 into  authority  ;  and  the  seditious  part  of  the  people  of  Gischala  were  under  his  management, 
 by  whose  means  the  populace,  who  seemed  ready  to  send  ambassadors  in  order  to  surrender, 
 waited  for  the  coming  of  the  Romans  in  battle  array.  Vesp.isian  sent  against  them  Titus,  with 
 a  thousand  horsemen,  bat  withdrew  tiie  tenth  legion  to  Scytljopolis,  while  he  returned  to 
 Cesarea  with  the  two  other  legions,  that  he  might  allow  them  to  refresh  themselves  after  their 
 long  and  hard  campaign,  thinking  withal  that  tlie  plenty  which  was  in  those  cities  would 
 improve  their  bodies  and  their  spirits,  against  the  difficulties  they  were  to  go  through  after- 
 wards ;  for  he  saw  there  would  be  occasion  for  great  pains  about  Jerusalem,  which  was  not 
 yet  taken,  because  it  was  the  royal  city,  and  the  principal  city  of  the  whole  nation,  and  because 
 those  that  had  run  way  from  the  war  in  other  places  got  all  together  thither.  It  was  also  naturally 
 strong,  and  the  walls  that  were  built  round  it  made  him  not  a  little  concerned  about  it.  More- 
 over, he  esteemed  the  men  that  were  in  it  to  be  so  courageous  and  bold,  that  even  without 
 the  consideration  of  the  walls  it  \vould  be  hard  to  subdue  them  ;  for  which  reason  be  took 
 care  of,  and  exercised  his  soldiers  beforehand  for  the  work,  as  they  do  wrestlers  before  they 
 begin  their  undertaking. 
 
 2.  Now  Titus,  as  he  rode  up  to  Gischala,  found  it  wonld  be  easy  for  him  to  take  the  city 
 upon  the  first  onset  ;  but  knew  withal,  that  if  he  took  it  by  force,  the  multitude  wonld  be 
 destroyed  by  the  soldiers  without  mercy.  (Now  he  was  already  satiated  with  the  shedding  of 
 blood,  and  pitied  the  major  part,  who  would  then  perish  without  distinction,  together  with  the 
 guilty.) — So  he  was  rather  desirous  the  city  might  be  surrendered  up  to  him  on  terms.  Accord- 
 ingly, when  he  saw  the  wall  full  of  those  men  that  were  of  the  corrupted  party,  he  said  to 
 them.  That  "  he  could  not  but  wonder  what  it  was  they  depended  on,  when  they  alone  staid 
 to  fight  the  Romans,  after  every  other  city  was  taken  by  them,  especially  when  they  have  seen 
 eities  much  better  fortified  than  theirs  is,  overthrown  by  a  single  attack  upon  them  ;  while  as 
 many  as  have  intrusted  themselves  to  the  security  of  the  Romans"  right  hands,  which  he  now 
 offers  to  them,  without  regarding  their  former  insolence,  do  enjoy  their  possessions  in  safety  ; 
 for  that  while  they  had  hopes  of  recovering  their  liberty,  they  might  be  pardoned  ;  but  that 
 their  continuance  still  in  their  opposition,  when  they  saw  that  to  he  impossible,  was  inexcusa- 
 ble ;  for  that,  if  they  will  not  comjily  with  such  humane  offers,  and  right  hands  for  security, 
 they  should  have  experience  of  such  a  war  that  should  spare  nobody,  and  should  soon  be  made 
 sensible  that  the  wall  would  be  but  a  trille,  when  battered  by  the  Roman  machines  ;  in  depend- 
 ihg  on  which,  they  demonstrate  themselves  to  be  the  only  Galileans  that  were  no  better  than 
 arrogant  slaves  and  captives." 
 
 3.  Now  none  of  the  populace  durst  not  only  make  a  reply,  but  durst  not  so  much  as  get 
 upon  the  wall,  for  it  was  all  taken  up  by  the  robbers,  who  were  also  the  guard  at  the  gates, 
 in  order  to  prevent  any  of  the  rest  from  going  out,  in  order  to  propose  terms  of  submission, 
 and  from  receiving  any  of  the  horsemen  into  the  city.  But  John  returned  Titus  this  answer, 
 That  "  for  himself  he  was  content  to  hearken  to  his  proposals,  and  that  he  would  either  per- 
 suade or  force  those  that  refused  them.  Yet  he  said,  that  Titus  ought  to  have  such  regard  to 
 the  Jewish  law,  as  to  grant  them  leave  to  celebrate  that  day  which  was  the  seventh  day  of  the 
 week,  on  which  it  was  unlawful  not  only  to  remove  their  arms,  but  even  treat  of  peace  also  ; 
 and  that  even  the  Romans  were  not  ignorant  how  the  period  of  the  seventh  day  was  among 
 them  a  cessation  from  all  labours  ;  and  that  he  who  should  compel  them  to  transgress  the  law 
 about  that  day,  would  be  equally  guilty  with  those  that  were  compelled  to  transgress  it  :  and 
 that  this  delay  could  be  of  no  disadvantage  to  him  :  for  why  should  any  body  think  of  any  thing 
 in  the  night,  unless  it  was  to  fly  away?  which  he  niight  prevent  by  placing  bis  camp  round 
 about  them  ;  and  that  they  should  think  it  a  great  point  gained,  if  they  might  not  be  obliged 
 to  transgress  the  laws  of  their  country  ;  and  that  it  would  be  a  right  thing  for  him,  who  de- 
 signed to  grant  them  peace,  without  their  expectation  of  such  a  favour,  to  preserve  the  laws 
 Of  those  they  saved  inviolable."  Thus  did  this  man  put  a  trick  upon  Titus,  not  so  much  out 
 of  regard  to  the  seventh  day,  as  to  his  own  preservation,  for  he  was  afraid  lest  he  should  be 
 quite  deserted,  if  the  city  should  be  taken,  and  had  his  hopes  of  life  in  that  night,  and  in  his 
 flight  therein.  Now  this  was  the  work  of  God,  who  therefore  preserved  this  John,  that  he 
 might  bring  on  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  :  as  also  it  was  his  work  that  Titus  was  prevailed 
 with  by  this  pretence  for  a  delay,  and  that  he  pitched  his  camp  farther  off  the  city  at  Cydtssa. 
 This  Cydessa  was  a  strong  Mediterranean  village  of  the  Tyrians  ;  which  always  hated  and 
 made  war  against  the  Jews  ;  it  had  also  a  great  number  of  inhabitants,  and  was  well  fortified, 
 which  made  it  a  proper  place  for  such  as  were  enemies  to  the  Jewish  nation. 
 
 4.  Now  in  the  night-time,  when  John  saw  that  there  was  no  Roman  guard  about  the  city, 
 he  seized  the  opportunity  directly,  and,  taking  with  him  not  only  the  armed  men  that  were 
 about  him,  hut  a  considerable  number  of  those  that  had  little  to  do,  together  with  their  families, 
 he  (led  to  Jerusalem.     And   indeed,  though  the  man  was   making   haste  to  get  awny,  and  was 
 
HOOK   IV.—  CHAP.  III.  (>41 
 
 oinienteil  with  (fears  ot  being  a  captive,  or  of  losing  liis  life,  jet  tiiii  lie  prevail  witli  Limself 
 to  take  out  of  the  city  along  with  him  a  luullitiide  of  women  and  children,  as  far  as  twenty 
 furlongs;  but  there  he  left  tliem,  as  he  proceeded  farther  on  Lis  journey,  where  those  that 
 were  left  behind  made  sad  lamentations  ;  for  the  farther  every  one  of  them  was  come  from 
 his  own  people,  the  nearer  they  thought  themselves  to  be  to  their  enemies.  They  alsoaHVighl- 
 cd  themselves  with  this  thought,  that  those  who  would  carry  them  into  captivity  were  just  at 
 hand,  and  still  turned  themselves  back  at  the  mere  noise  they  made  themselves  in  this  their 
 hasty  llight,  as  if  those  from  whom  iliey  (led  were  just  upon  them.  Many  also  of  them  missed 
 tiieir  ways,  and  the  earnestness  of  such  as  aimed  to  outgo  the  rest,  threw  down  many  of  them. 
 And  indeed  there  was  a  miserable  destruction  made  of  the  women  and  children  ;  while  some 
 of  them  took  courage  to  call  their  husbands  and  kinsmen  back,  and  to  beseech  them,  with  the 
 bitterest  lamentations,  to  stay  for  them  ;  but  John's  exhortation,  who  cried  out  to  them  to  save 
 themselves,  and  fiy  away,  prevailed.  He  said  also,  that  if  the  Romans  should  seize  upon 
 those  whom  they  left  behind  they  would  be  revenged  on  them  for  it.  So  this  multitude  that 
 ran  thus  away  was  dispersed  abroad,  according  as  each  of  ihem  was  able  to  run,  one  faster  or 
 slower  than  another. 
 
 5.  Now  on  the  next  day  Titus  came  to  the  wall,  to  make  the  agreement,  whereupon  the 
 people  opened  their  gates  to  him,  and  came  out  to  him,  with  their  children  and  wives,  and 
 made  acclamations  of  joy  to  him,  as  to  one  that  had  been  their  benefactor,  and  had  delivered 
 the  city  out  of  custody  ;  they  also  informed  him  of  John's  flight,  and  besought  him  to  spare 
 them,  and  to  come  in,  and  bring  the  rest  of  those  that  were  for  innovations  to  pnnisbmeot. 
 But  Titus,  not  so  much  regarding  the  supplications  of  the  people,  sent  part  of  his  horsemen  to 
 pursue  John,  but  they  could  not  overtake  him,  fo-r  he  was  gotten  to  Jerusalem  before  ; 
 they  also  slew  six  thousand  of  the  women  and  children  who  went  out  with  him;  but  returned 
 back  and  bi ought  with  them  almost  three  thousand.  However,  Titr.s  was  greatly  displeased 
 that  he  had  not  been  able  to  bring  this  John,  who  had  deluded  him,  to  punishment ;  yet  he  had 
 captives  enough,  as  well  as  the  corrupted  part  of  the  city,  to  satisfy  his  anger,  when  it  missed 
 of  John.  So  he  entered  the  city  in  the  midst  of  acclamations  of  joy;  and  when  he  had  given 
 orders  to  the  soldiers  to  pull  down  a  small  part  of  the  wall,  as  of  a  city  taken  in  war,  he 
 repressed  those  that  had  disturbed  the  city,  rather  by  threatenings  than  by  executions  ;  for  he 
 thought  that  many  would  accuse  innocent  persons,  out  of  their  animosities  and  quarrels,  if  he 
 should  attempt  to  distinguish  those  that  were  worthy  of  punishment  from  the  rest ;  and  that  it 
 was  better  to  let  a  guilty  person  alone  in  his  fears,  than  to  destroy  with  him  any  one  that  did 
 not  deserve  it,  for  that  probably  such  a  one  might  be  taught  prudence,  by  the  fear  of  the 
 punishment  he  had  deserved,  and  have  a  shame  upon  him  for  his  former  ulfences,  when  he  had 
 been  forgiven  ;  but  that  the  punishment  of  such  as  have  been  once  put  to  death  could  never 
 be  retrieved.  However,  he  placed  a  garrison  in  the  city  for  its  security,  by  which  means  he 
 should  restrain  those  that  were  for  innovations,  and  should  leave  those  that  were  peaceably 
 disposed  in  greater  security.  And  thus  was  all  Galilee  taken,  bat  this  not  till  after  it  had  cost 
 the  Romans  much  pains  before  it  could  be  taken  by  them. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 Conceniiug  John  of  Gischala,     Concerning  the  Zealots,  and  the  High  Priest  Ananus:  as  also 
 how  the  Jews  raised  Seditions  one  against  another  [in  Jerusalem.^ 
 
 §  1.  Now  upon  John's  entry  into  Jerusalem  the  whole  body  of  the  people  were  in  an  uproar, 
 and  ten  thousand  of  them  crowded  about  every  one  of  the  fugitives  that  were  come  to  them, 
 and  inquired  of  them  what  miseries  had  happened  abroad,  when  their  'ireath  was  so  short,  and 
 Lot,  and  quick,  that  of  itself  it  declared  the  great  distress  they  were  in  ;  yet  did  they  talk  big 
 under  their  misfortunes,  and  pretended  to  say,  that  they  had  not  fled  away  from  the  Romans, 
 but  came  thither  in  order  to  light  them  with  less  hazard  ;  for  that  it  would  be  an  unreasonable 
 and  a  fruitless  thing  for  them  to  expose  themselves  to  desperate  hazards  about  Gischala,  and 
 such  weak  cities,  whereas  they  ought  to  lay  up  their  weapons  and  iheir  zeal,  and  reserve  it 
 for  their  metropolis.  But  when  they  related  to  them  the  taking  of  Gischala,  and  their  decent 
 departure,  as  they  pretended,  from  that  place,  many  of  the  people  understood  it  to  he  no  better 
 than  a  flight  ;  and  especially  when  the  people  were  told  of  those  that  svere  made  captives,  they 
 were  in  great  confusion,  and  guessed  those  things  to  be  plain  indications  that  (hey  should  be 
 taken  also.  But  for  John,  he  was  very  little  concerned  for  those  he  had  left  behind  him,  but 
 went  about  among  all  the  people,  and  persuaded  them  to  go  to  war,  by  the  hopes  he  gave  them. 
 He  alfirmed  that  the  afl'airs  of  the  Romans  were  in  a  weak  condition,  and  extolled  his  own 
 power.  He  also  jested  upon  the  ignorance  of  the  unskilful,  as  if  those  Romans,  although  they 
 should  take  to  themselves  wings,  could  never  fly  over  the  wall  of  Jerusaluni,  who  found  such 
 great  dilliculties  in  taking  the  villages  of  Galilee,  and  had  broken  their  engines  of  war  against 
 their  walls. 
 
 2.  These  harangues  of  John's  corrupted  a  great  part  of  the  young  men,  and  puflTed  them  up 
 for  the  war  ;  but  as  to  the  more  prudent  part,  and  those  in  years,  there  was  not  a  man  of  theiu 
 but  foresaw  what  was  coining,  and  made  lamentation  on  thai  account,  as  if  the  city  was  already 
 
 -1  M 
 
642  WARS  OF  THE  J  KWS. 
 
 undone  :  and  in  tliis  confusion  were  the  people.  But  then  it  mnst  be  observed,  tlifit  the  mul- 
 titude that  caiUB  out  of  the  country  were  at  discord  before  the  Jerusalem  sedition  began  ;  for 
 Titos  went  from  Gischala  lo  Cesarea,  and  Vespasian  from  Cesarea  to  Jamnia  and  A/.olus,  and 
 took  them  both  ;  and  when  he  had  put  garrisons  into  them,  he  came  back  witii  a  great  number 
 of  the  people,  who  were  rnnie  over  to  him,  upon  his  giving  them  his  right  hand  for  their  pre- 
 servation. There  were  besides  disoiders  and  civil  wars  in  every  city,  and  all  those  ti;at  were 
 at  quiet  from  the  Romans  turned  their  hands  one  against  aDOther.  Tiiere  was  also  a  bitter 
 contest  between  those  that  were  fotvd  of  war,  and  those  that  were  desirous  of  peace.  At  the 
 first  this  quarrelsome  temper  caught  hold  of  private  fiunilies,  who  could  not  agree  among 
 themselves  ;  after  which  those  people  that  were  the  dearest  to  one  another  brake  through  all 
 restraints  with  regard  to  each  olher,  and  evei  y  one  associated  with  those  of  his  own  opinion, 
 and  began  idready  to  stand  in  opposition  one  to  another;  so  that  seditions  arose  every  where, 
 while  those  that  were  for  innovations,  and  were  desirous  of  war,  by  their  youth  and  boldness 
 were  too  hard  for  the  aged  and  the  prudent  men.  Anii,  in  the  first  place,  ail  the  people  of 
 every  place  betook  themselves  to  rapine;  after  which  they  got  together  in  bodies,  in  order  to 
 rob  the  people  of  the  country,  insomuch  that  for  barbarity  and  iniquity  those  of  the  same 
 nation  did  no  way  differ  from  the  Romans  ;  nay,  it  seemed  to  be  a  much  lighter  thing  to  be 
 ruined  by  the  Romans  than  by  themselves. 
 
 3.  Now  the  Roman  garrisons,  which  guarded  the  cities,  partly  out  of  their  uneasiness  to 
 take  such  trouble  upon  them,  and  partly  out  of  the  haired  they  bare  to  the  Jewish  nation,  did 
 little  or  nothing  towards  relieving  the  miserable,  till  the  captains  of  these  troops  of  robbers 
 being  satiated  with  rapines  in  the  country,  got  all  together  from  all  parts,  and  became  a  band 
 of  wickedness,  and  all  together  crept  into  Jerusalem,  which  was  now  become  a  city  without  a 
 governor,  and,  as  the  ancient  custom  was,  received  without  distinction  all  that  belonged  to 
 their  nation  ;  and  these  they  then  received,  because  all  men  supposed  that  those  who  came 
 so  fast  into  the  city,  came  out  of  kindness,  and  for  their  assistance,  although  these  very  men, 
 besides  the  seditions  they  raised,  were  otherwise  the  direct  cause  of  the  city's  destruction 
 also;  for  as  they  were  an  unprofitable  and  a  useless  multitude,  they  spent  those  provisions 
 beforehand  which  might  otherwise  have  been  sutlicient  for  the  fighting  men.  Moreover,  be- 
 sides the  bringing  on  the  war,  they  were  the  occasions  of  sedition  and  famine  therein. 
 
 4.  There  were  besides  these,  other  robbers  that  came  out  of  the  country,  and  came  into  the 
 city,  and  joining  to  them  those  that  were  worse  than  themselves,  omitted  no  kind  of  barbarity  ; 
 for  they  did  not  measure  their  courage  by  their  rapines  and  plunderings  only,  but  proceeded 
 as  far  as  murdering  men  ;  and  this  not  in  the  night-time  or  privately,  or  with  regard  to  ordi- 
 nary men,  but  did  it  openly  in  the  day  time,  and  began  with  the  most  eminent  persons  in  the 
 city  ;  for  the  first  man  they  meddled  with  was  Afitipas,  one  of  the  royal  lineage,  and  the  most 
 potent  man  in  the  whole  city,  insomuch  that  the  public  treasures  were  committed  to  his  care  ; 
 liim  they  took  and  confined,  as  they  did  in  the  next  place  to  Levias,  a  person  of  great  note, 
 with  Sophas  the  son  of  Raguel  ;  both  of  whom  were  of  royal  lineage  also.  And  besides  these, 
 they  did  the  same  to  the  principal  n.en  of  the  country.  This  caused  a  terrible  consternation 
 among  the  people,  and  ev  ery  one  contented  himself  with  taking  care  of  his  own  safety,  as  they 
 would  do  if  the  city  had  been  taken  in  war. 
 
 5.  But  these  were  not  satisfied  with  the  bonds  into  which  tbey  had  put  the  men  foremen- 
 tioned  ;  nor  did  they  think  it  safe  for  them  to  keep  them  thus  in  custody  long,  since  they  were 
 men  very  powerful,  and  had  numerous  families  of  their  own  that  were  able  to  avenge  them. 
 Nay,  they  thought  the  very  people  would  perhaps  be  so  moved  at  these  unjust  proceedings, 
 as  to  rise  in  a  body  against  them  :  it  was  therefore  resolved  to  have  them  slain.  Accordingly, 
 they  sent  one  John,  who  was  tlie  most  blondy-minded  of  them  all,  to  do  that  execution  :  this 
 man  was  also  called  the  son  of  Dorcas,*  in  the  language  of  our  country.  Ten  more  men  went 
 along  with  him  into  the  prison,  with  their  swords  drawn,  and  so  they  cut  the  throats  of  those 
 that  were  in  custody  there.  The  grand  lying  pretence  these  men  made  for  so  flagrant  an  i 
 enormity  was  this,  that  these  men  had  had  conferences  with  the  Romans  for  a  surrender  of  ! 
 Jerusalem  to  them  ;  and  so  they  said  they  had  slain  only  such  as  were  traitors  to  their  common 
 liberty.  Upon  the  whole,  they  grew  the  more  insolent  upon  this  bold  prank  of  tliciis,  as 
 though  they  had  been  the  benefactors  and  saviours  of  the  city. 
 
 C.  Now  the  people  were  come  to  that  degree  of  meanness  and   fear,  and   these   robbers  to 
 that  degree  of  madness,  that  these  last  took   upon  them   to   appoint  high    priests. t      So  wl 
 they  had  disannulled  the  succession,  according  lo  those  families  out  of  which  the  hi^h  priests 
 
 *  This  name  Dorcas  in  Greek,  was  Tabitha  in  Hebrew  or  Syriac,  as  Acts  ix.  36.  Accordinply,  some  of  the 
 manuscripts  set  it  down  here  Tabelha  or  'fabeta.  Nor  can  the  context  in  Josei>l)us  be  made  out,  but  by  snp-  i 
 poi^insj  the  reading  to  have  been  this,  'the  son  of  labitha,  "which,  in  the  language  of  our  country  denotes 
 Uoroas,"  [or  a  doe. J 
 
 t  Here  we  may  discover  the  utter  disgrace  and  ruin  of  the  high  priesthood  among  the  Jews,  -irhen  unde- 
 serving, ignoble,  and  vile  persons,  were  advanced  to  that  noble  office  by  the  seditious  ;  which  sort  of  hiih 
 jiriests,  as  Josepiius  well  remarks  here,  were  thereupon  obliged  to  comply  witli  and  assist  those  that  advatictd 
 thtm,  in  their  impious  practices.  The  names  of  these  high  priests,  or  rather  ridiculous  and  profane  persons.i 
 were  .Tesus  the  ron  of  I^amntus,  Jesus  the  son  of  Gamaliel,  Matthias  tl;e  i^oti  of  iheophilus,  and  that  prodi- 
 gious ignoramus,  Phannias,  the  son  of  Samuel ;  all  which  we  shall  meet  with  in  Josephus'  future  history  of 
 this  war ;  cor  do  we  meet  with  auy  other  so  mucii  as  pretended  high  priest  after  Phauiiias  till  Jerusalem  war 
 taken  and  destroyed. 
 
BOOK   IV. — CiiAP.  ill.  043 
 
 used  to  be  made,  lliey  or(l;iiiied  certain  unknown  and  i>;nol)U  persons  for  lliat  oflice,  that  llit-y 
 ini'Tlit  !iave  tLeir  assistance  in  tbeir  wicked  undertakings  ;  for  such  as  obtained  tliia  bi;;t'.est 
 of  all  honours  without  any  desert,  were  forced  to  comply  with  those  that  bestowed  it  on  them. 
 They  also  set  the  principal  men  at  variance  one  with  another,  by  several  sorts  of  coutrivancts 
 and  tricks,  and  gained  the  opportunity  of  doing  what  they  pleased,  by  the  mutual  quarrels  of 
 tliose  who  might  have  obstructed  their  measures  ;  till  at  length,  when  they  were  satiated 
 witli  the  unjust  actions  they  had  done  towards  men,  they  transferred  their  contumelious  be- 
 haviour to  liod  himself,  and  came  into  the  sanctuary  with  polluted  feet. 
 
 7.  And  now,  the  multitude  were  going  to  rise  against  them  already  ;  for  Ananus,  the 
 ancientest  of  the  high  priests,  persuaded  them  to  it.  He  was  a  very  prudent  man,  and  had 
 perhaps  saved  the  city,  if  he  could  have  escaped  the  hands  of  those  that  plotted  against  him. 
 Those  men  made  the  temple  of  God  a  strong  hold  for  them,  and  a  place  whither  they  might 
 resort,  in  order  to  avoid  the  troubles  they  feared  from  the  people  ;  the  sanctuary  was  now  be- 
 come a  refuge,  and  a  shop  of  tyranny^.  They  also  mixed  jesting  among  the  miseries  they  in- 
 troduced, which  was  more  intolerable  than  what  they  did;  for  in  order  to  try  what  surprise 
 the  peoi)la  would  be  under,  and  how  far  their  own  power  extended,  they  undertook  to  dispose 
 of  the  high  priesthood,  by  casting  lots  for  it,  whereas,  as  we  liave  said  already,  it  was  to 
 descend  by  succession  in  a  family.  Tiie  pretence  they  made  for  this  strange  attempt  was  an 
 ancient  practice,  while  they  said  ihat  of  old  it  w;ts  determined  by  lot ;  but  in  truth,  it  was  uo 
 better  than  a  dissolution  of  an  undeniable  law,  and  a  cunning  contrivance  to  seize  upon  the 
 government,  derived  from  those  that  presumed  to  appoint  governors  as  they  themselves 
 pleased. 
 
 8.  Hereupon  they  sent  for  one  of  the  pontifical  tribes,  which  is  called  Eniachiiii,*  a-nd  cast 
 lots  which  of  it  siiould  be  the  high  priest.  By  fortune  the  lot  so  I'v^ll  as  to  demonstrate  their 
 iniquity  after  the  plainest  manner,  for  it  fell  upon  one  whose  name  was  Phannias,  the  son  of 
 .Satnuei,  of  the  village  Aplha.  He  was  a  man  not  only  unworihy  of  the  high  priesthood,  but 
 that  did  not  well  know  what  the  high  priesthood  was,  such  a  mere  rustic  was  he  ;  yet  did 
 they  hale  this  man,  without  his  own  consent,  out  of  the  country,  as  if  Ihey  were  acting  a  play 
 upon  the  stage,  and  adorned  him  with  a  counterfeit  lac-e  :  they  also  put  upon  him  the  sacred 
 garments,  and  upon  every  occasiou  instructed  hita  what  he  was  to  do.  This  horiid  piece  of 
 wickedness  was  sport  and  pastime  with  them,  but  occasioned  the  other  priests,  who,  at  a  dis- 
 tance saw  their  law  made  a  jest  of,  to  shed  tears,  aud  sorely  lament  the  dissolution  of  such  a 
 sacred  dignity. 
 
 9.  And  now  the  people  could  no  longer  bear  the  insolence  of  this  procedure,  but  did  altoge- 
 ther run  zea'ausly,  in  order  to  overthrow  that  tyranny :  and  indeed  they  were  Gorion  the  sou 
 of  Josephus,  and  Synieonf  the  son  of  Gamaliel,  who  encouraged  tliem,  by  going  up  and  down 
 when  they  were  assembled  together  in  crowds,  and  as  they  saw  thern  alone,  to  bear  uo  longer, 
 but  to  inllict  punishtuents  upon  these  pests  and  plagues  of  their  I'reedorn,  and  to  purge  the 
 temple  of  these  bloody  polluters  of  it.  The  best  esteemed  also  of  (he  high  priests,  Jesus  the 
 son  of  Gamala,  and  Ananus  the  son  cf  Auanus,  when  they  were  at  their  assemblies,  bitterly 
 reproached  the  people  for  their  slolii,  and  excited  them  against  the  Zealots  ;  for  that  was  the 
 name  they  went  by,  as  if  tiicy  were  zealous  in  good  uuderlaLings,  and  were  not  ratiier  zealous 
 in  the  worst  actions,  and  extravagant  in  them  beynud  the  example  of  others. 
 
 10.  And  now,  when  the  multitude  were  gotten  together  to  an  assembly,  and  every  one  was 
 in  indignation  at  these  men  seizing  upon  the  sanctuary,  at  their  rapine  siiid  nianlt'rs,  but  had 
 not  yet  ht;:iun  their  attacks  upon  them,  (the  reason  of  which  was  this,  that  ihey  imagined  it 
 to  he  a  diilicult  thing  to  suppress  these  Zealots,  as  indeed  the  case  was,)  Ananus  stood  in 
 the  uiiJ.st  of  thein,  and  casting  his  eyes  frequently  at  the  temple,  and  having  a  Hood  of  tears 
 iu  bis  eyes,  ue  said,  "Certainly  it  had  been  good  for  me  to  die  before  I  had  seen  the  house 
 of  God  full  of  so  many  abo:irinations,  or  these  sacred  places  that  ought  not  to  be  trodden 
 upon  at  random,  fdled  with  the  feet  of  these  blood-shedding  villains  ;  yet  do  I,  who  am 
 clothed  with  the  vestments  of  the  high  priesthood,  and  am  called  by  that  most  venerable 
 name  [of  high  priest,]  still  live,  and  am  but  too  fond  of  living,  and  cannot  endure  to  undergo 
 :i  death  which  would  be  the  glory  of  my  old  age  ;  and  if  I  were  the  only  person  concerned, 
 and  as  it  were  in  a  desert,  I  would  give  up  my  life,  and  that  alone  for  (iod's  sake:  for  to 
 vihf.t  purpose  is  it  to  live  among  a  people  insensible  of  their  calamities,  and  where  there  is  no 
 notion  remaining  of  any  remedy  for  the  miseries  that  are  upon  them?  for  when  you  are  seized 
 upon,  you  bear  it,  when  you  are  beaten  you  are  silent,  and  wheu  the  people  are  n'.urdered, 
 no  body  dares  so  much  as  send  not  a  gi-oan  openly.  O  bitter  tyranny  that  we  are  under  !  but 
 why  do  I  complain  of  the   tyrants  ?  Was  it  not  you,  and  your  sufl'erance  of  them,  that  have 
 
 *  'I'iiis  tribe  or  course  ol'  tlie  high  priests,  or  priests  here  called  Rniakim  seems  to  the  learned  .Mr.  Lowth, 
 one  woll  versed  in  .losephus,  to  be  that,  1  Chron.  xxiv.  12.  "  the  couvse  of  J.nkim,"  where  some  copies  have 
 •'  the  course  of  Eliakim  ;"  aud  I  think  this  to  be  by  no  laeans  an  improbable  conjecture. 
 
 ■  +  'this  Symeon,  the  son  of  (Jamaljol,  is  niciuioned  as  the  president  of  the  Jewish  sanhedrim,  and  one  that 
 perished  in  the  destruetioQ  of  Jerusalem,  by  the  Jewish  rabbins,  as  Iceland  observes  ou  this  place.  He  al&o 
 telis  us  that  those  rabbins  meuUen  one  Jesus  the  son  of  Gamala,  as  once  an  high  priest,  but  tliis  long  before 
 the  destructioD  of  Jerusalem  ;  ru  thai  if  lie  -wero  the  same  person  with  this  Jesus  the  son  of  Uamala,  in  Jo 
 b  l>huo,  he  must  have  lived  tj  be  very  old  or  tU'^y  have  btcu  very  bad  chrouologerg. 
 
()44  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 nourished  tliein  ?  Was  it  not  vou  that  overlooked  tliose  that  first  of  all  got  top;ether,  for 
 they  were  tlien  but  a  few,  and  bj'  jour  silence  made  them  grow  to  be  iiianv,  and  bj  con- 
 niving at  them  when  they  took  arms,  in  etiect  armed  them  against  yourselves?  You 
 ought  to  have  then  prevented  their  first  attempts,  when  they  fell  a  reproaching  your 
 relations;  but  by  neglecting  that  care  in  time,  you  have  encourasjed  these  wretches  to  plun- 
 der n)en.  When  houses  were  pillaged,  nobody  said  a  word  ,  which  was  the  occasion  why 
 they  carried  off  the  owners  of  those  houses,  and  when  they  were  drawn  through  the  midst 
 of  the  city,  nobody  ciinie  to  their  assistance.  They  then  proceeded  to  put  those  whom  you 
 have  betrayed  info  their  hands  into  bonds ;  I  do  not  say  how  many,  and  of  what  characters 
 those  men  were  whom  they  thus  served,  but  certainly  they  were  such  as  were  accused  by  none, 
 and  condemned  by  none  ;  and  since  nobody  succoured  them  when  they  were  put  in  bonds,  the 
 consequence  was,  that  you  saw  the  same  persons  slain.  W^e  have  seen  this  also  ;  so  that  still 
 the  best  of  the  herd  of  bruie  animals,  as  it  were,  have  been  still  led  to  be  s.-icriliced,  when  yet 
 nobody  said  one  word,  or  moved  his  right  hand  for  their  preservation.  Will  you  bear,  there- 
 fore, will  you  bear  to  see  your  sanctuary  trampled  on?  and  will  3'ou  lay  steps  for  these  pro- 
 fane wretches,  upon  which  they  may  mount  to  liiglier  degrees  of  insolence?  W^ill  you  not 
 pluck  them  down  from  their  exaltation?  for  even  by  this  time  they  had  proceeded  to  higher 
 enormities,  if  they  had  been  able  to  overthrow  any  thing  greater  than  the  sanctuary.  They 
 have  seized  upon  the  strongest  place  of  the  whole  city  ;  you  may  call  it  the  temple,  if  yon 
 please,  though  it  be  like  a  citadel  or  fortress.  Now,  while  you  have  tyranny  in  so  great  a 
 degree  walled  in,  and  see  your  enemies  over  your  heads,  to  what  purpose  is  it  to  take  counsel? 
 and  what  have  yon  to  support  your  minds  withal?  Perhaps,  you  may  wait  for  the  Romans, 
 that  they  may  protect  our  holy  places  :  are  our  matters  then  brought  to  that  pass,  and  are  we 
 come  to  that  degree  of  misery,  that  our  enemies  themselves  are  expected  to  pity  ns?  O 
 wretched  creatures  !  will  not  you  rise  up,  and  turn  upon  those  that  strike  you  ?  which  you 
 may  observe  in  wild  beasts  themselves,  that  they  will  avenge  themselves  on  those  that  strike 
 them.  Will  you  not  call  to  mind,  every  one  of  you,  the  calamities  you  yourselves  have  suf- 
 fered? nor  lay  before  your  eyes  what  afllictions  you  yourselves  have  undergone?  and  will  not 
 such  things  sharpen  your  souls  to  revenge  ?  Is  therefore  that  most  honourable  and  most 
 natural  of  our  passions  utterly  lost,  I  mean  the  desire  of  liberty  !  Truly  we  arc  in  love  with 
 slavery,  and  in  love  with  those  that  lord  it  over  us,  as  if  we  had  received  that  principle  of 
 subjection  from  our  ancestors  ;  yet  did  they  undergo  many  and  great  wars  for  the  sake  of 
 liberty,  nor  were  they  so  far  oveicorae  by  the  power  of  the  Egyptians,  or  the  Medes, 
 but  that  still  they  did  what  they  thought  fit,  notwithstanding  their  commands  to  tlie 
 contrary.  And  what  occasion  is  there  now  for  a  war  with  the  Romans?  (I  med- 
 dle not  with  determining  whether  it  be  an  advantageous  aud  profitable  war  or  not:) 
 What  pretence  is  there  for  it  ?  Is  it  not  that  we  may  enjoy  our  liberty?  Besides,  shall 
 •we  not  bear  the  lords  of  the  habitable  earth  to  be  lords  over  us,  and  yet  bear  tyrants  of 
 cur  own  country?  Although  I  must  say  that  submission  to  foreigners  may  be  borne,  because 
 fortune  hath  already  doomed  us  to  it,  while  submission  to  wicked  people  of  our  own  nation  is 
 too  unmanly,  and  brought  upon  ns  by  our  own  consent.  However,  since  I  have  had  occa- 
 sion to  mention  the  Romans,  I  will  not  conceal  a  thing,  that,  as  I  am  speaking,  comes  into 
 my  mind,  and  affects  me  considerabh'  ;  ii  is  this,  that  though  we  should  be  taken  bj  them, 
 (God  forbid  the  event  should  be  so,)  yet  we  can  undergo  nothing  that  will  be  harder  to  he 
 borne  than  what  these  men  have  already  brought  upon  us.  How  then  can  we  avoid  shedding 
 of  tears,  when  we  see  the  Roman  donations  in  our  temple,  while  we  withal  see  those  of  our 
 own  nation  taking  our  spoils,  and  plundering  our  glorious  metropolis,  and  slaugiitering  our 
 men,  from  which  enormities  these  Romans  themselves  would  have  abstained?  To  see^ 
 those  Romans  never  going  beyond  the  bounds  allotted  to  profane  persons,  nor  venturing  to 
 break  in  upon  any  of  our  sacred  customs,  nay,  having  a  horror  on  their  minds  when  they  view 
 at  a  distance  those  sacred  walls  ;  while  some  that  have  been  born  in  this  very  country,  and 
 brought  up  in  our  customs,  and  called  Jews,  do  walk  about  in  the  midst  of  the  holy  places,  at 
 the  very  time  when  their  hands  are  still  warm  with  the  slaughter  cf  their  own  countrymen. 
 Besides,  can  any  one  be  afraid  of  a  war  abroad,  and  that  with  such  as  will  have  comparatively 
 much  greater  moderation  than  our  own  people  have  ?  For  truly,  if  we  may  suit  our  words  to 
 the  things  they  represent,  it  is  probable  one  may  hereafter  find  the  Romans  to  he  the  sup- 
 porters of  our  laws,  and  those  within  ourselves  the  snbverters  of  them.  And  now  I  am  per- 
 suaded that  every  one  of  yon  here  comes  satisfied,  before  I  speak,  that  these  overthrnwers  of 
 our  liberties  deserve  to  be  destroyed,  and  that  nobody  can  so  much  as  devise  a  punishment 
 that  they  have  not  deserved  by  what  they  have  done,  and  that  you  are  all  provoked  against 
 them  by  those  their  wicked  actions,  whence  you  have  sufl'ercd  so  greatly.  But  perhaps  many 
 of  yon  are  affrighted  at  the  multitude  of  those  Zealots,  aud  at  their  audaciousness,  as  well  as  at 
 the  advantage  they  have  over  ns  in  their  being  higher  in  place  than  we  are ;  for  these  circum- 
 stances, as  they  have  been  occasioned  by  your  negligence,  so  will  they  become  still  greater  by 
 being  still  longer  neglected;  for  their  multitude  is  every  day  augmented,  by  every  ill  man's  , 
 running  away  to  those  that  are  like  to  themselves,  and  their  audaciousness  is  therefore  inflamed 
 because  they  meet  with  no  obstruction  to  their  designs.     And  for  their  higher  place,  they  will 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  iir.  645 
 
 make  use  of  it  for  engines  also,  if  we  give  them  time  to  do  so  :  but  be  assured  of  this,  tbat  if 
 we  got  up  to  fight  them,  they  will  be  made  tamer  by  their  own  consciences,  and  what  advan- 
 tages tliey  have  in  the  height  of  their  situation,  they  will  lose  by  the  opposition  of  their 
 reason  ;  perhaps  also  God  himself,  who  hiilii  been  allVonted  by  them,  will  make  what  they 
 throw  at  us  return  against  themselves,  and  these  inii)ious  wretches  will  be  killed  by  their  own 
 dans:  let  us  but  make  our  appearance  before  them,  and  they  will  come  to  nothing.  How- 
 ever, it  is  a  right  thing,  if  there  should  be  any  danger  in  the  attempt,  to  die  before  these  holy 
 gates,  and  to  spend  oar  very  lives,  if  not  for  the  sake  of  our  children  and  wives,  yet  for  God's 
 sake,  and  for  the  sake  of  his  sanctuary.  I  will  a-.sist  you  both  with  my  counsel  and  with  mv 
 hand  ;  nor  shall  any  sagacity  of  ours  be  wanting  for  your  support,  nor  shall  you  see  that  I 
 will  be  sparing  of  my  body  neither." 
 
 11.  By  these  motives  Ananus  encouraged  (he  multitude  to  go  against  the  Zealots,  although 
 he  knew  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  disperse  them,  because  of  their  multitude,  and  their 
 youth,  and  the  courage  of  tiieir  souls,  but  chiefly  because  of  their  consciousness  of  what  they 
 bad  done,  since  they  would  not  yield,  as  not  so  much  as  hoping  for  j)ardon  at  the  last  for  those 
 their  enormities.  However,  Ananus  resolved  to  undergo  whatever  suffering  might  corae  upon 
 liim,  rather  than  overlook  things,  now  they  were  in  such  great  confusion.  So  the  multitude 
 cried  out  to  liim,  to  lead  them  on  against  those  whom  he  had  described  in  his  exhortation  to 
 them,  and  every  one  of  them  was  most  readily  disposed  to  run  any  hazard  whatsoever  on 
 that  account. 
 
 12.  Now  while  Ananus  was  choosing  out  his  men,  and  putting  those  that  were  proper  for 
 his  purpose  in  array  for  fighting,  theZealols  got  information  of  his  undertaking  (for  there  were 
 some  who  went  to  them,  and  told  them  all  that  the  people  were  doing,)  and  were  irritated  at 
 it,  and  leaping  out  of  the  temple  in  crowds,  and  by  parties,  spared  none  whom  they  met  with. 
 Upon  this  Ananus  got  tiie  populace  together  on  the  sudden,  who  were  more  numerous  indeed 
 than  the  Zealots,  but  inferior  to  them  in  arras,  because  they  had  not  been  regularly  put  into 
 array  for  fighting,  but  the  alacrity  that  every  body  shewed  supplied  all  their  defects  on  both 
 sides,  the  citizens  taking  up  so  great  a  passion  as  was  stronger  than  arms,  and  deriving  a 
 degree  of  courage  from  tlie  temple,  more  forcible  than  any  multitude  whatsoever  :  and  indeed 
 these  citizens  thought  it  was  not  possible  for  them  to  dwell  in  the  city,  unless  they  could  cut 
 ofT  the  robbers  that  were  in  it.  The  Zealots  also  thought  that  unless  they  prevailed,  there 
 would  be  no  punishment  so  bad,  but  it  would  be  inflicted  on  them.  So  their  coiillicts  were 
 conducted  by  their  passions,  and  at  the  first  they  only  cast  stones  at  each  other  in  the  city,  and 
 before  the  temple,  and  threw  their  javelins  at  a  distance  ;  but  when  either  of  them  were  too 
 hard  for  the  other,  they  made  use  of  their  swords  ;  and  great  slaughter  was  made  on  both  sides, 
 and  a  grent  number  were  wounded.  As  for  the  dead  bodies  of  the  people,  their  relations 
 carried  them  out  to  their  own  houses  ;  but  when  any  of  the  Zealots  were  wounded,  he  went  up 
 into  the  temple,  and  defiled  that  sacred  floor  with  his  blood,  insomuch  that  one  may  say  it  was 
 their  blood  alone  that  polluted  our  sanctuary.  Now  in  these  conflicts  the  robbers  always  sal- 
 lied out  of  the  temple,  and  were  too  hard  for  their  enemies  ;  but  the  populace  grew  very  angry, 
 and  became  more  and  more  numerous,  and  reproached  those  that  gave  back,  and  those  behind 
 would  not  afford  room  to  those  that  were  going  ofl',  but  forced  them  on  again,  till  at  length  they 
 made  their  whole  body  to  turn  against  their  adversaries,  and  the  robbers  could  no  longer 
 oppose  them,  but  were  forced  gradually  to  retire  into  the  temple  ;  when  Ananus*  and  his  party 
 fell  into  it  at  the  same  time  together  with  them.  This  horribly  affrighted  the  robbers,  because 
 it  deprived  them  of  the  first  court ;  so  they  fled  into  the  inner  court  immediately,  and  shut  the 
 gates.  Now  Ananus  did  not  think  fit  to  make  any  attack  against  the  holy  gates,  although  the 
 other  threw  their  stones  and  darts  at  them  from  above.  He  also  deemed  it  unlawful  to  intro- 
 duce the  multitude  into  that  court  before  they  were  purified  ;  he  therefore  chose  out  of  them 
 all  by  lot  six  thousand  armed  men,  and  placed  them  as  guards  in  the  cloisters;  so  there  was 
 a  succession  of  such  guards  one  after  another,  and  every  one  was  forced  to  attend  in  his 
 course  ;  although  many  of  the  chief  of  the  city  were  dismissed  by  those  that  then  took  on 
 them  the  government,  upon  their  hiring  sorae  of  the  poorer  sort,  and  sending  them  to  keep  the 
 guard  in  their  stead. 
 
 13.  Now  it  was  John  who,  as  we  told  yon,  ran  away  from  Gischala,  that  was  the  occasion 
 of  all  these  being  destroyed.  He  was  a  man  of  great  craft,  and  bore  about  him  in  his  soul  a 
 strong  passion  after  tyranny,  and  at  a  distance  was  the  adviser  in  these  actions  ;  and  indeed  at 
 this  time  he  pretended  to  he  of  the  people's  opinion,  and  went  all  about  with  Ananus,  when  he 
 consulted  the  great  men  every  day,  and  in  the  night-time  also  when  he  went  round  the  watch  ; 
 but  he  divulged  their  secrets  to  the  Zealots,  and  every  thing  that  the  people  deliberated  about 
 was  by  his  means  known  to  their  enemies,  even  before  it  had  been  well  agreed  upon  by  them- 
 selves.    And  by  way  of  contrivance  how  he  might  not  be  brought  into  suspicion,  he  cultivated 
 
 •  It  is  worth  notice  here,  that  this  Ananus,  the  hest  of  the  lows  at  this  time,  and  the  high  priest,  who  was 
 so  very  uneasy  at  the  profanation  of  thy  "  l.^wish  courts"  of  the  temple  by  the  Zealots,  did  not  however 
 scruple  the  profanation  of  the  "  court  of  the  tlentiles,"  as  in  our  Saviour's  days  it  was  very  much  profaned 
 hy  the  .lews,  and  made  a  marliet  place,  nay,  a  "  den  of  thieves,"  without  scruple.  Mat.  xxi.  I','.  13.  Mark  xi. 
 l-"".  16,  17.  AcooidinRly  .losephus  himself,  when  he  spesks  of  the  two  inner  courts,  calls  them  both  agio,  or 
 /lu/s/  places ;  but,  bO  far  as  1  remember,  never  gives  that  cliaructer  of  the  court  of  the  (.itntiUs.  Sue  b.  v. 
 chap.  ix.  ^2.  ■  - 
 
64G  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 the  greatest  frieiidsiiip  possible  with  Ananus,  aud  with  tlie  chiefs  of  the  people;  yet  did  ih'ts 
 overdoing  of  his  turn  against  him,  for  he  flattered  them  so  extravagantly,  thnt  he  was  but  the 
 more  suspected  ;  and  his  constant  attendance  every  where,  even  when  he  was  not  invited  to  be 
 present,  made  liim  strongly  suspected  of  betraying  their  secrets  to  the  enemy  ;  for  they  plainly 
 perceived  that  they  understood  all  the  resolutions  taken  against  them  at  their  consultations. 
 Nor  was  there  any  one  whom  they  had  so  much  reason  to  suspect  of  that  discovery  as  this 
 John  ;  yet  was  it  not  easy  to  get  quit  of  him,  so  potent  was  he  grown  by  his  wicked  practices. 
 He  was  also  supported  by  many  of  those  eminent  men,  who  were  to  be  consulted  ujion  all 
 considerable  affairs  ;  it  was  therefore  thought  reasonable  to  oblige  him  to  give  them  assurance 
 of  his  good-will  upon  oath  :  accordingly,  John  took  such  an  oath  readily,  that  he  would  be  on 
 the  people's  side,  and  would  not  betray  any  of  their  counsels  or  practices  to  their  enemies,  and 
 would  assist  Ihein  in  overthrowing  those  that  attacked  tlienr,  and  that  both  by  his  hand  and  his 
 advice.  So  Ananus  and  his  party  believed  his  oath,  and  did  now  receive  him  to  their  consul- 
 tations without  further  suspicion  ;  nay,  so  far  did  they  believe  hini,  that  they  sent  him  as  their 
 ambassador  into  the  temple,  to  the  Zealots,  with  proposals  of  accommodation  ;  for  they  were 
 very  desirous  to  avoid  the  pollution  of  the  temple  as  much  as  they  possibly  could,  and  that  uo 
 cue  of  their  nation  should  be  slain  therein. 
 
 14.  But  now  this  John,  as  if  his  oath  had  been  made  to  the  Zealots,  and  for  conHrmalion  of 
 his  good-will  to  them,  and  not  against  them,  went  into  the  temple,  and  stood  in  the  midst  of 
 them,  and  spake  as  follows  :  That  "  he  had  run  many  hazards  on  their  account,  and  in  order 
 to  let  them  know  of  every  thing  that  was  secretly  contrived  against  them  bj'  Ananus  and  his 
 party  ;  but  that  hoih  he  and  they  should  be  cast  into  the  most  imminent  danger,  unless  some 
 providential  assistance  were  afl'orded  them  ;  for  that  Ananus  made  no  longer  delay,  but  had 
 prevailed  with  the  people  to  send  ambassadors  to  Vespasian,  to  invite  him  to  come  presently 
 and  take  the  city  ;  and  that  he  had  appointed  a  fast  for  the  next  day  against  them,  that  they 
 might  obtain  admission  iuto  the  temple  on  a  religious  account,  or  gain  it  by  force,  and  fight 
 with  them  there  ;  that  he  did  not  see  how  long  they  could  either  endure  a  siege,  or  how  thty 
 could  fight  against  so  many  enemies."  He  added  farther,  "  That  it  was  by  the  providence  of 
 God,  he  was  himself  sent  an  ambassador  to  them  for  an  accommodation  :  for  (hat  Ananus  did 
 therefore  offer  them  such  proposals,  that  he  might  come  upop  tliem  when  they  were  unarmed  : 
 that  they  ought  to  choose  one  of  these  two  methods,  either  to  intercede  with  those  that  guarded 
 them,  to  save  their  lives,  or  to  provide  some  foreign  assistance  for  themselves  :  tltal  if  they 
 fostered  themselves  with  (he  hopes  of  pardon,  in  case  they  were  subdued,  they  had  forgotten 
 what  desperate  things  they  had  done,  or  could  suppose,  that  as  soon  as  the  actors  repented, 
 those  tliat  had  suflered  by  (hem  must  be  presently  reconciled  to  them  ;  while  those  that  have 
 done  injuries,  though  tliey  pretend  to  repent  of  them,  are  fr&qaenlly  hated  by  the  others  for 
 that  sort  of  repentance  ;  and  that  the  sufferers,  when  they  get  the  power  into  their  hands,  are 
 usually  still  more  severe  upon  the  actors  :  (hat  the  friends  and  kindred  of  those  tiiat  had  been 
 destroyed  would  always  be  laying  plots  against  them  ;  and  that  a  large  body  of  pAple  were 
 very  angry  on  account  of  their  gross  breaches  of  their  laws,  and  [illegal]  judicatures,  inso- 
 much, that  although  some  part  might  commiserate  (hem,  those  would  be  quite  overborne  by 
 the  majority." 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 The  Idumeans  being  sent  for  by  the  Zealots,  came  immediately  to  Jerusalem :  end  ivhen  they 
 loere  excluded  out  of  the  City,  they  lay  all  Niijht  there..  Jesus,  one  of  the  Hiijh  Priests,  makes 
 a  Speech  to  tliem ;  arul  Simon  the  Idumean  uiakes  a  Reply  to  it. 
 
 $  1.  Now  by  this  crafty  speech,  John  made  the  Zealots  afraid  :  yet  he  durst  not  directly  name 
 what  foreign  assistance  he  meant,  bi't  in  a  covert  way  only  intimated  at  the  Idumeans. — But 
 now  that  he  might  particularly  irritate  the  leaders  of  the  Zealots,  he  calumniated  Ananus,  (hat 
 lie  was  about  a  piece  of  barbarity ,  and  did  in  a  special  manner  threaten  them.  These  leaders  were 
 Eleazar  the  son  of  Simon,  v,ho  seemed  (he  most  plausible  man  of  them  all,  both  in  considering 
 what  was  fit  to  he  done,  and  in  the  execution  of  what  he  had  determined  upon,  and  Zacharias  tlie 
 son  of  Phaiek,  both  of  whom  derived  their  families  from  the  priests.  Now,  when  these  two 
 men  had  heard,  not  only  the  common  threatenings  which  belonged  to  (hem  all,  but  those 
 peculiarly  levelled  against  themselves  ;  and  besides,  how  Ananus  a:;d  his  party,  in  order  to 
 secure  their  own  dominion,  had  invited  the  Romans  to  come  to  them,  for  that  also  was  part  of 
 John's  lie,  they  hesitated  a  great  while  what  they  should  do,  considering  the  shortness  of  the 
 time  by  which  they  were  straitened  :  and  because  the  people  \Yere  prepared  to  attack  them 
 very  soon,  and  because  the  suddenness  of  the  plot  laid  against  them  had  almost  cut  off  all  the 
 hopes  of  gettins:  any  foreign  assistance  ;  for  they  might  be  under  the  heighi  of  their  afflictions 
 before  any  of  their  confederates  coold  be  informed  of  it.  However,  it  was  lesolved  to  call  in 
 the  Idumeans;  so  they  wrote  a  long  letter  to  this  effect.  That  "  Anarius  had  imposed  on  the 
 people,  and  was  betraying  their  metropolis  to  the  Romans  :  that  tiiey  themselves  had  revolted 
 from  the  rest,  and  were  in  custody  in  the  temple,  on  acconiit  of  the  preservation  of  their 
 liberty  :  that  there  was  but  a  small  time  left,  wherein  they  might  hope  for  their  deliverance  j 
 aud  that  unless  they  would  come  immediately  to   their   assistance,  t'aey  should  themselves  be 
 
BOOK  IV. — CflAP.    IV.  047 
 
 soon  in  the  power  of  Aiianus,  and  the  city  would  be  in  tlie  i)Ower  of  the  Romans."  Tliejr  also 
 charged  the  messengers  to  tell  many  more  circumstances  to  the  rulers  of  the  Idumeans.  Now, 
 there  wev;  two  active  men  proposed  for  the  carrying  this  message,  and  such  as  were  well  able 
 to  speak,  and  to  persuade  them  that  things  were  in  this  posture  ;  and  what  was  a  qualificatio;i 
 still  more  necessary  than  the  former,  tliey  were  very  swift  of  foot ;  for  they  knew  well  enough 
 that  these  would  immediately  comply  with  their  desires,  as  being  ever  a  tiimultaous  and  dis- 
 orderly nation,  always  on  the  watch  upon  every  motion,  delighting  in  mutations  ;  and  upon 
 your  flattering  them  ever  so  little,  and  petitioning  them,  they  soon  take  their  arms,  and  put 
 themselves  into  motion,  and  make  haste  to  a  battle,  as  if  it  were  to  a  feast.  There  was  indeed 
 occasion  for  quick  despatch  in  the  carrying  of  this  message,  in  which  point  the  messengers 
 were  no  way  defective.  Both  their  names  were  Ananias  ;  and  they  soon  came  to  the  rulers 
 of  the  Idumeans. 
 
 2.  Now  these  rulers  were  greatly  surprised  at  the  contents  of  the  letter,  and  at  what  those 
 that  came  with  it  further  told  them  ;  whereupon  they  ran  about  the  nation  like  mad  men,  and 
 made  proclamation  that  the  people  should  come  to  war  ;  so  a  multitude  was  suddenly  got  to- 
 gether, sooner  indeed  than  the  time  appointed  in  the  proclamation,  and  every  body  caught  up 
 their  arms,  in  order  to  maintain  the  liberty  of  their  metropolis  ;  and  twenty  thousand  of  them 
 were  put  into  battle  array,  and  came  to  Jerusalem,  under  four  commanders,  John  a<id  Jacob, 
 the  sons  of  Sosas  J  and  besides  these  was  Simon  the  son  of  Cathlas,  and  Phineas  the  son  of 
 Clusothos. 
 
 3.  Now  tliis  exit  of  the  messengers  was  not  known  either  to  Ananus,  or  to  the  guards,  but 
 the  approach  of  the  Idumeans  was  known  to  hini  ;  for  as  he  knew  of  it  before  they  came,  he 
 ordered  the  gates  to  be  shut  against  them,  and  that  the  walls  sliould  be  guarded.  Yet  did  not 
 he  by  any  means  think  of  fighting  against  them,  but,  before  they  came  to  blows,  to  try  what 
 persuasions  would  do.  Accordingly,  Jesus,  the  eldest  of  the  high  priests  next  io  Ananus, 
 stood  upon  the  tower  that  was  over  against  ihem,  and  said  thus,  "  Many  troubles  indeed,  and 
 those  of  various  kinds,  have  fallen  upon  this  city,  yet  in  none  of  them  have  I  so  much  won- 
 dered at  her  fortune  as  now,  when  you  are  come  to  assist  wicked  men,  and  this  after  a  man- 
 ner very  extranrdiuary  ;  for  I  see  that  you  are  come  to  support  the  vilest  men  against  us,  and 
 this  with  so  great  alacrity,  as  yon  could  hardly  put  on  the  like,  in  case  our  metropolis  had 
 called  you  to  her  assistance  against  barbarians.  And  if  I  had  perceived  that  your  army  was 
 composed  of  men  like  unto  those  who  invited  them,  I  had  not  deemed  your  attempt  so  absurd. 
 For  notiiing  does  so  much  cement  the  minds  of  men  together  as  the  alliance  there  is  between 
 their  manners.  But  now  for  these  men  who  have  invited  you,  if  you  were  to  examine  Ihem  one 
 by  one,  every  one  of  them  would  be  found  to  have  deserved  ten  thousand  deaths  ;  for  the  very 
 rascality  and  oflscouring  of  the  whole  country,  who  have  spent  in  debauchery  their  own  sub- 
 stance, and,  by  way  of  trial  beforehand,  have  madly  plundered  the  neighbouring  villages  and 
 cities  ;  in  the  upsliot  of  all,  have  privately  run  together  into  this  holy  city.  They  are  robbers, 
 who  by  their  prodigious  wickedness  have  profaned  this  most  sacred  floor,  aud  who  are  to  be 
 now  seen  drinking  themselves  drunk  in  the  sanctuary,  and  extiending  the  spoils  of  those  whom 
 they  have  slaughtered  upon  their  unsatiablc  bellies.  As  for  the  multitude  that  is  with  you, 
 one  may  see  them  so  decently  adorned  in  their  armour,  as  it  would  become  to  be,  had  their 
 metropolis  called  them  to  her  assistance  against  foreigners.  What  can  a  man  call  this  proce- 
 dr.re  of  yours,  but  the  sport  of  fortune,  when  he  sees  a  whole  nation  coming  to  protect  a  sink 
 of  wicked  wretches?  I  have  for  a  good  while  been  in  doubt  what  it  could  possibly  be  that 
 should  move  you  to  do  this  so  suddenly  ;  because  certainly  you  would  not  take  on  your  armour 
 on  behalf  of  robbers,  and  against  a  people  of  kin  to  you,  without  some  very  great  cause  for 
 your  so  doing.  But  we  lia^e  an  item  that  tiie  Romans  are  pretended,  and  that  we  are  sup- 
 posed to  be  going  to  betray  this  city  to  Ihtm  ;  for  some  of  your  men  have  lately  made  a 
 clamour  about  those  matters,  and  have  said  Ihey  are  come  to  set  their  metropolis  free.  Now, 
 we  cannot  but  admire  at  these  wretches  in  their  devising  such  a  lie  as  this  against  ns  ;  for 
 they  knew  there  was  no  other  way  to  irritate  agairjst  us  men  that  were  naturally  desirous  of 
 liberty,  and  on  that  account  the  best  disposed  to  light  against  foreign  enemies,  but  by  framing 
 a  tale  as  if  we  were  going  to  betray  that  most  desirable  thing,  liberty.  But  you  ought  to  con- 
 sider what  sort  of  people  they  are  that  raise  this  calumny,  and  against  what  sort  of  peo])le  that 
 calumny  is  raised,  and  to  gather  the  truth  of  things,  not  by  fictitious  speeches,  but  out  of  the 
 actions  of  both  partii-s  ;  for  what  occasion  is  there  for  us  to  sell  ourselves  to  the  Romans  ; 
 •while  it  was  in  our  power  not  to  have  revolted  from  them  at  first,  or,  when  we  had 
 once  revolted,  to  have  returned  under  their  dominion  again;  and  this  while  the  neigh- 
 bouring countries  were  not  yet  laid  waste  ?  whereas,  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  be 
 reconciled  to  the  Romans,  if  we  were  desirous  of  it,  now  they  have  subdued  Galilee, 
 and  are  thereby  become  proud  and  insolent  ;  and  to  endeavour  to  please  them  at  the  time 
 when  they  are  so  near  us,  would  bring  such  a  reproach  upon  us  as  were  worse  than  death. 
 As  for  myself  indeed,  I  should  have  preferred  peace  with  Ihem  befure  death  ;  but  now  we 
 have  onct;  njade  war  upon  them,  and  fought  with  iheni,  I  ])refer  death  with  reputation,  before 
 living  in  captivity  under  them.  But  farther,  whether  do  they  pretend  that  we,  who  are  the 
 rulers  of  the  people,  have  sent  thus  privately  to  the  Romans,  or  hath  it  been  done  by  the  com- 
 
()48  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 nion  suffrages  of  the  people  ?  If  it  be  ourselves  on!j  iLat  have  clone  it,  let  them  name  those 
 friends  of  ours  that  have  been  sent,  as  our  servants,  to  manage  this  treachery.  Hath  any  one 
 been  caught  as  he  went  out  on  tliis  errand,  or  seized  upon  as  he  came  back  ?  Are  thej  in  pos- 
 session of  our  letters  '(  How  could  lie  be  concealed  from  such  a  vast  number  of  our  fellow- 
 citizens,  among  whom  we  .ire  conversant  everv  hour,  wiiile  what  is  done  privately  in  the  conn- 
 Iry,  is,  it  seems,  known  by  the  Zt-alots,  who  are  but  few  in  number,  and  under  confinement 
 also,  and  are  not  able  to  come  out  of  the  temple  into  the  city.  Is  this  the  first  time  that  they 
 are  become  sensible  how  they  ought  to  be  punished  for  their  insolent  actions  ?  For  while 
 these  men  were  free  from  the  fear  they  are  now  under,  there  was  no  suspicion  raised  that 
 any  of  us  were  traitors.  But  if  they  lay  this  charge  against  the  people,  this  must  have  been 
 done  at  a  public  consultation,  and  not  one  of  the  people  must  have  dissented  from  the  rest  of 
 the  assembly  ;  in  which  case  tlie  public  fame  of  this  matter  would  have  come  to  you  sooner 
 tlian  any  particular  indication.  But  how  could  that  be  ?  Must  there  not  then  have  beeii 
 ambassadors  sent  to  confirm  the  agreements  ?  And  let  them  tell  us  who  this  ambassador  was, 
 that  was  ordained  for  that  purpose.  But  this  is  no  other  than  a  pretence  of  such  men  as  are 
 loath  to  die,  and  are  labouiing  to  escape  those  punishments  that  hang  over  them:  for  if  fate 
 had  determined  that  this  city  was  to  be  betrayed  into  its  enemies'  hand,  no  other  than  these 
 men  that  accuse  us  falsely  could  have  the  impudence  to  do  it,  there  being  no  wickedness 
 wanting  to  complete  their  impudent  practices  but  this  only,  that  they  become  traitors.  And 
 now  you  Idumeans  are  come  hither  already  with  your  arms  ;  it  is  your  duty  in  the  first  place, 
 to  be  assisting  to  your  metropolis,  and  to  join  with  us  in  cutting  off  those  tyrants  that  have 
 infringed  the  rules  of  our  regular  tribunals,  that  have  trampled  upon  our  laws,  and  made 
 their  swords  the  arbitrators  of  right  and  wrong  ;  for  they  have  seized  upon  men  of  great 
 eminence,  and  under  no  accusation,  as  they  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  market-place,  and  tortured 
 them  with  putting  them  into  bonds,  and,  without  bearing  to  hear  what  they  had  to  say,  or  what 
 supplications  they  made,  they  destroyed  them.  You  may,  if  you  please,  come  into  the  city, 
 though  not  in  the  way  of  war,  and  take  a  view  of  the  marks  still  remaining  of  what  I  now 
 say,  and  may  see  the  houses  that  have  been  depopulated  by  their  rapacious  hands,  with  those 
 wives  and  families  that  are  in  black,  mourning  for  their  slaughtered  relations  ;  as  also  yon 
 may  hear  their  groans  and  lanientations  all  the  city  over  ;  for  there  is  nobody  but  hath  tasted 
 of  the  incursions  of  these  profane  wretches,  who  have  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  madness,  as 
 not  only  to  have  transferred  their  impudent  robberies  ont.of  the  country,  and  the  remote  cities, 
 into  this  city,  the  very  face  and  head  of  the  whole  nation,  but  out  of  the  city  into  the  temple 
 also;  for  that  is  now  made  their  receptacle  and  refuge,  and  the  fountain-head  whence  their 
 preparations  are  made  against  us.  And  this  place,  which  is  adored  by  the  habitable  world, 
 and  honoured  by  such  as  only  know  it  by  report,  as  far  as  the  ends  of  the  earth,  is  trampled 
 upon  by  these  wild  beasts  born  among  ourselves.  They  now  triumph  in  the  desperate  condi- 
 tion they  are  already  in,  when  they  hear  that  one  people  is  going  to  fight  against  another 
 people,  and  one  city  against  another  city,  and  that  your  nation  hath  gotten  an  army  together 
 against  its  own  bowels.  Instead  of  whicii  procedure,  it  were  highly  fit  and  reasonable,  as  I 
 said  before,  for  you  to  join  with  us  in  cutting  olF  these  wretches,  and  in  particular  to  be  re- 
 venged on  them  for  putting  this  very  cheat  upon  you  :  I  mean,  for  having  the  impudence  to 
 invite  you  to  assist  them,  of  whom  they  ought  to  have  stood  in  fear,  as  ready  to  punish  them. 
 But  if  you  have  some  regard  to  these  men's  invitation  of  you,  yet  may  you  lay  aside  your 
 arms,  and  come  into  the  city  under  the  notion  of  our  kindred,  and  take  upon  you  a  middle 
 name  between  that  of  auxiliaries  and  of  enemies,  and  so  become  judges  in  this  case.  How- 
 ever, consider  what  these  men  will  gain  by  being  called  into  judgment  before  you,  and  such 
 undeniable  and  such  tlagrant  crimes,  who  would  not  vouchsafe  to  hear  such  as  had  no  accu- 
 sations laid  against  them  to  speak  a  word  for  themselves.  However,  let  them  gain  this  advan- 
 tage by  jour  coming.  But  still,  if  you  will  neither  take  our  part  in  that  indignation  we 
 have  at  these  men,  nor  judge  between  us,  the  third  thing  I  have  to  propose  is  this,  that  you 
 let  us  both  alone,  and  neither  insult  upon  our  calamities,  nor  abide  with  these  plotters  against 
 their  metropolis  :  for  though  you  should  have  ever  so  great  a  suspicion  that  some  of  us  have 
 discoursed  with  the  Komans,  it  is  in  your  power  to  watch  the  passages  into  the  city  ;  and  in 
 rase  any  thing  that  we  have  been  accused  of  is  brought  to  light,  then  to  come,  and  defend  your 
 metropolis,  and  to  inllict  punishment  on  those  that  are  found  guilty  ;  for  the  enemy  cannot 
 prevent  you  who  are  so  near  to  the  city.  But  if,  after  all,  none  of  these  proposals  seem  ac- 
 ceptable and  moderate,  do  not  you  wonder  that  the  gates  are  shut  against  you,  while  you  bear 
 your  arms  about  you." 
 
 4.  Thus  spoke  Jesus,  yet  did  not  the  nmllitude  of  the  Idumeans  give  any  attention  to  what 
 he  said,  but  were  in  a  rage,  because  they  did  not  meet  with  a  ready  entrance  into  the  city. 
 The  generals  also  had  indignation  at  the  oH'er  of  laying  down  their  arms,  and  looked  upon  it  as 
 equal  to  a  captivity,  to  throw  them  away  at  any  man's  injunction  whomsoever.  But  Siniou 
 the  son  of  Cathlas,  one  of  their  commanders,  with  much  ado  quieted  the  tumult  of  his  own 
 men,  and  stood  so  that  the  high  priests  might  hear  him,  and  said  as  follows  :  "  I  can  no  longer 
 wonder  that  the  patrons  of  liberty  are  under  custody  in  the  temple,  since  there  are  those  that 
 shut  the  gates  of  our  common  city  to  their  own   n;(lion,   and  at  the  same  time  .ire  prepared  to 
 
BOOK    IV. — CHAP.    IV.  640 
 
 admit  the  Romans  into  it ;  naj,  perhaps  are  disposed  to  crown  the  gates  with  garlands  at  their 
 coming,  while  thej  speak  to  the  Idumeans  from  tlieir  own  towers,  ami  enjoin  them  to  throw- 
 down  their  arms,  which  they  have  taken  up  for  theprecervation  of  its  liberty.*  And  while  they 
 will  nut  intrust  the  guard  of  our  metropolis  to  their  kindred,  profess  to  make  them  judges  of 
 the  differences  that  are  amono-  them  ;  nay,  while  they  accuse  some  men  of  having  slain  others 
 without  a  legal  trial,  they  do  themselves  condemn  a  whole  nation  after  an  ignominious  man- 
 ner ;  and  have  now  walled  up  that  city  from  their  own  nation,  which  used  to  be  open  to  even 
 all  foreigners  that  came  to  worship  there.  We  have  indeed  come  in  great  hasle  to  3'ou,  and 
 to  a  war  against  our  own  countrymen  ;  and  llie  reason  why  we  have  made  such  haste  is  this, 
 that  we  may  preserve  that  freedom  which  you  are  so  unhappy  as  to  betray.  You  have  proba- 
 bly been  guilly  of  the  like  crimes  r.;;ainst  those  whom  you  keep  in  custody,  and  have,  I  sup- 
 pose, collected  together  the  like  plausible  pretences  against  Ihem  also,  that  yon  make  use  of 
 against  us:  after  which  you  have  gotten  tlie  mastery  of  those  within  the  temple,  and  keep 
 them  in  custody,  while  they  are  only  taking  care  of  the  public  affairs.  You  have  also  shut  the 
 gates  of  the  city  in  general  against  nations  that  are  the  most  nearly  related  to  yon  :  and  while 
 you  give  such  injurious  commands  to  others,  you  complain  that  you  have  been  tyrannized  over 
 by  thera,  and  lix  the  name  of  unjust  governors  upon  such  as  are  tyrannized  over  by  themselves. 
 Who  can  bear  this  your  abuse  of  words,  while  they  have  a  regaid  to  the  contrariety  of  your 
 actions,  unless  you  mean  this,  that  those  Idumeans  do  now  exclude  you  out  of  your  metro- 
 polis, whom  you  exclude  from  the  sacred  ofiices  of  your  own  country  !  One  may  indeed  justly 
 complain  of  those  that  are  besieged  in  the  temple,  that  when  they  had  courage  enough  to  pun- 
 ish those  tyrants  which  you  call  eminent  men,  and  free  from  any  accusations,  because  of  their 
 being  your  comiianions  in  wickedness,  they  did  not  begin  with  yon,  and  thereby  cut  olF  before- 
 hand the  most  dangerous  parts  of  thi:;  treason.  But  if  these  men  have  been  more  merciful 
 than  the  public  necessity  required,  we  that  are  Idumeans  will  preserve  li:is  house  of  God,  and 
 will  fight  for  our  common  country,  and  will  oppose  by  war  as  well  those  that  attack  them  front 
 abroad,  as  those  that  betray  them  from  within.  Here  will  we  abide  before  the  walls  in  our 
 armour,  until  either  the  Romans  grow  weary  in  waiting  for  you,  or  you  become  friends  to 
 liberty,  and  repent  of  what  you  have  done  against  it." 
 
 5.  And  now  did  the  Idumeans  make  an  acclamation  to  v^hat  Simon  had  said  ;  but  Jesus  went 
 away  sorrowful,  as  seeing  that  the  Idumeans  were  against  all  moderate  counsels,  and  that  the 
 city  was  besieged  on  both  sides.  Nor  indeed  were  the  minds  of  the  Idunieans  at  rest,  for  they 
 were  in  a  rage  at  the  injury  that  had  been  ofTered  them  by  their  exclusion  out  of  the  city  ; 
 and  when  they  thought  the  Zealots  had  been  strong,  but  saw  nothing  of  theirs  to  support  them, 
 they  were  in  doubt  about  the  matter,  and  many  of  them  repented  that  they  had  come  thither. 
 But  the  shame  that  would  attend  them  in  case  they  returned  without  doing  any  thing  at  all,  so 
 far  overcame  that  their  repentance,  that  they  lay  all  night  before  the  wall,  though  in  a  very 
 bad  encampment  ;  for  there  broke  out  a  prodigious  storm  in  the  night,  with  the  utmost  violence, 
 and  very  strong  winds,  with  the  largest  showers  of  rain,  with  continued  lightnings,  terrible 
 thunderings,  and  amazing  concussions  and  bellowings  of  the  earth,  that  was  in  an  earthquake. 
 These  things  were  a  manifest  indication  that  some  destruction  was  coming  upon  men,  when 
 the  system  of  the  world  was  put  into  this  disorder,  and  anyone  would  guess  that  these  wonders 
 foresliewed  some  grand  calamities  that  were  coming. 
 
 (i.  Now  the  opinion  of  the  Idumeans  and  of  the  citizens  was  one  and  the  same.  The  Idu- 
 means thought  that  God  was  angry  at  their  taking  arms,  and  that  they  would  not  escape  pnnish- 
 ment  for  their  making  war  upon  their  metropolis.  Ananus  and  hispartv  thought  that  they  had 
 conquered  without  fighting,  and  that  God  acted  as  a  general  for  them  ;  but  truly  they  proved 
 both  ill  conjectorers  at  what  was  to  come,  and  made  those  events  to  be  oininons  to  their  ene- 
 mies, while  they  were  themselves  to  undergo  the  ill  effects  of  tlieai ;  for  the  Idumeans  fenced 
 one  another  by  uniting  their  bodies  into  one  band,  and  thereby  kept  themselves  warm,  and  con- 
 necting their  shields  over  their  heads,  were  not  so  much  hurt  by  the  rain.  But  the  Zealots 
 were  more  deeply  concerned  for  the  danger  these  men  were  in  than  they  were  for  themselves, 
 and  got  together,  and  looked  about  them  to  see  whether  they  could  devise  any  means  of  assist- 
 ing them.  The  hotter  sort  of  them  thought  it  best  to  force  their  guards  with  their  arms,  and 
 alter  that  to  fall  into  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  publicly  open  the  gates  to  those  that  came  to 
 their  assistance  ;  as  supposing  the  guards  would  be  in  disorder,  and  give  way  at  such  an  unex- 
 pected attempt  of  theirs,  especially  as  the  greater  part  of  them  were  unarmed,  and  unskilled 
 in  the  affairs  of  war  ;  and  that  besides,  the  multitude  of  the  citizens  would  not  be  easily  gathered 
 together,  but  confined  to  their  houses  by  the  storm  ;  and  thai  if  there  were  any  haz;ird  in  their 
 undertaking,  it  became  them  to  softer  any  thing  whatsoever  themselves,  rather  than  to  over- 
 look so  great  a  multitude  as  were  miserably  perishing  on  their  account.  But  the  more  pru- 
 dent part  of  them  disapproved  of  this  forcible  method,  because  they  saw  not  only  the  guards 
 about  them  very  numerous,  but  the  walls  of  the  city  itself  carefully  watched,  by  reason  of  the 
 
 •  This  appellation  of  Jerusalem  given  it  here  hy  Simon,  the  peneral  of  the  Idumeans,  "  The  common  oify" 
 of  the  Idumeans,  who  were  proselytes  ofAiistice,  as  well  as  of  the  oritrinal  native  .lews,  greatly  confirms  that 
 maxim  of  the  rabbins,  here  set  down  by  Ti  eland,  that  ".lerusalem  was  not  as-Jigncd  or  apiiropriated  to  the 
 tribe  of  Heiijamin  or.ludah,"  but  cverv  tribe  had  equal  rijjht  to  it,  [at  their  oomixiB  to  worsliip  there  at  their 
 eeveral  festivals.]   See  a  little  before,  chap,  iii,  53. 
 
 4  N 
 
650  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 Idumeans.  Tiiey  also  supposed  tbat  Ananus  would  be  every  wliere,  and  visit  tlie  gUEwds  everj 
 hour  ;  which  indeed  was  done  upon  other  nights,  but  was  oiiiitleil  tliat  night,  not  by  reason  of  any 
 slolhfulness  of  Ananus,  but  by  the  overbearing  appointment  of  fate,  tliat  so  both  he  might  himself 
 perish,  and  the  multitude  of  the  guards  might  perish  with  liim  ;  for  truly  as  the  night  «  as  far  gone, 
 and  the  storm  very  terrible,  Ananus  gave  the  guards  in  the  cloisters  leave  to  go  to  sleep  ;  while 
 it  came  into  tlie  heads  of  the  Zealots  to  make  use  of  the  saws  belonging  to  the  temple,  and  to 
 cut  the  bars  of  the  gates  to  pieces.  The  noise  of  the  wind,  and  that  not  inferior  sound  of 
 the  thunder,  did  here  also  conspire  with  their  designs,  that  the  noise  of  the  saws  was  not  heard 
 by  the  others. 
 
 7.  So  they  secretly  went  out  of  the  temple  to  ihe  wall  of  the  city,  and  made  use  of  their 
 saws,  and  opened  that  gate  which  was  over  against  the  Idumeans.  Now  at  first  there  came  a 
 fear  upon  the  Idumeans  themselves,  which  disturbed  them,  as  imagining  that  Ananus  and  his 
 party  were  coming  to  attack  them,  so  that  every  one  of  them  had  his  right  hand  upon  his 
 sword,  in  order  to  defend  himself;  but  tliey  soon  came  to  know  who  they  were  that  came  to 
 them,  and  were  entered  the  city.  And  had  the  Idumeans  then  fallen  upon  the  city  ;  nothing 
 could  have  hindered  them  from  destroying  the  people  every  man  of  them,  such  was  the  rage 
 they  were  in  at  that  time  ;  but  they  first  of  all  made  hisfe  to  get  the  Zealots  out  of  coslody, 
 which  those  that  brought  them  in  earnestly  desired  them  to  do,  and  not  to  overlook  those  for 
 whose  sakes  they  were  come,  in  the  midst  of  their  distresses,  m/r  to  bring  thein  into  a  still 
 greater  danger;  for  that  when  they  had  once  seized  upon  the  guards,  it  would  be  easy  for  them 
 to  fall  upon  the  city  ;  but  that  if  the  city  were  once  alarmed,  they  would  not  then  be  able  to 
 overcome  those  guards,  because  as  soon  as  they  should  perceive  who  they  were  there,  they 
 would  put  themselves  in  order  to  fight  them,  and  would  hinder  their  coming  into  the  temple. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 The  Cruelly  of  the  Idvmeans,  when  they  were  gotten  into  the  Temple,  during  the  Storm  :  find  of 
 the  Zealots.  Concerning  the  Slaughter  of  Ananus,  and  Jesus,  and  Zacharias-  And  how 
 ihe  Idumeans  retired  home. 
 
 '§  1.  This  advice  pleased  the  Idumeans  ;  and  they  ascended  tlirongh  the  city  to  the  temple. 
 The  Zealots  were  also  in  great  expectation  of  their  coming,  and  earnestly  wailed  for  them. 
 When  therefore  these  were  entering,  they  also  came  boldly  ont  of  the  inner  temple,  and 
 mixing  themselves  with  the  Idumeans,  they  attacked  the  guards  ;  and  some  of  those  that 
 were  upon  the  watch,  but  were  fallen  asleep,  they  killed  as  they  were  asleep ;  but  as  those 
 that  were  now  awakened  made  a  cry,  tlie  whole  multitude  arose,  and  in  the  amazement  they 
 were  in,  caught  hold  of  their  arms  immediately,  and  betook  themselves  to  their  own  defence; 
 and  so  long  as  they  thought  they  were  only  the  Zealots  who  attacked  them,  they  went  on 
 boldly,  as  hoping  to  overpower  them  by  their  numbers  ;  but  when  they  saw  others  pressing  in 
 upon  them  also,  they  perceived  the  Idumeans  were  got  in  ;  and  the  greatest  part  of  them  laid 
 aside  their  arms,  together  with  their  courage,  and  betook  themselves  to  lamentations.  But 
 some  few  of  the  younger  sort  covered  themselves  with  their  armour,  and  valiantly  received  the 
 Idumeans,  and  for  a  while  protected  the  multitude  of  old  men.  Others,  indeed,  gave  a  signal 
 to  those  that  were  in  the  city  of  the  calamities  they  were  in  ;  but  when  these  were  also  made 
 sensible  that  the  Idumeans  were  come  in,  none  of  them  durst  come  to  their  assistance,  only 
 they  returned  the  terrible  echo  of  wailing,  and  lamented  their  misfortunes.  A  great  howling 
 of  the  women  was  excited  also,  and  every  one  of  the  guards  were  in  danger  of  being  killed. 
 The  Zealots  also  joined  in  the  shouts  raised  by  the  Idumeans  ;  and  the  slorra  itself  rendered 
 the  cry  more  terrible  ;  nor  did  Ihe  Idumeans  spare  any  body,  for  as  they  are  naturally  a  most 
 barbarous  and  bloody  nation,  and  had  been  distressed  by  the  tempest,  they  made  use  of  their 
 weapons  against  those  that  had  shut  the  gates  against  them,  and  acted  in  the  same  manner  as 
 to  those  that  supplicated  for  their  lives,  and  to  those  that  fought  them,  insomuch  th.at  they  ran 
 through  those  with  their  swords,  who  desired  them  to  rememher  the  relation  there  was  between 
 them,  and  begged  of  them  to  have  regard  to  their  common  temple.  Now  there  was  at  present 
 neither  any  place  for  flight,  nor  any  hope  of  preservation,  but  as  they  were  driven  one  upon 
 another  in  heaps,  so  were  they  slain.  Thus  the  greater  part  wore  driven  together  by  force, 
 as  there  was  now  no  place  of  retirement,  and  the  murderers  were  upon  them,  and,  having  no 
 other  way,  threw  themselves  down  headlong  into  the  city  ;  whereby,  in  my  opinion,  they 
 underwent  a  more  miserable  destruction  than  that  which  they  avoided,  because  that  was  a 
 voluntary  one.  And  now  the  outer  temple  was  all  of  it  overflowed  with  blood  ;  and  that  day, 
 as  it  came  on,  saw  eiijht  thousand  five  hundred  dead  bodies  there. 
 
 2.  But  the  rage  of  the  Idumeans  was  not  satiated  by  these  slaughters  ;  but  they  now  betook 
 themselves  to  the  city,  and  plundered  every  house,  and  slew  every  one  they  met  ;  and  for  the 
 other  multitude,  they  esteemed  it  needless  to  go  on  with  killing  them,  but  they  sought  for  the 
 high  priests,  and  the  generality  went  with  the  greatest  /-eal  against  them  ;  and  as  soon  as  they 
 caught  them  they  slew  them,  and  then  standing  upon  their  dead  bodies,  in  way  of  jest, 
 upbraided  Ananus  with  his  kindness  to  the  people,  and  Jesus  with  his  speech  made  to  Ihem 
 from  the  wall.     Nay,   they  proceeded   to  that  degree  of  impiety,  as  to  cast  away  their  dead 
 
BOOR   IV. — CHAP.   V.  651 
 
 bodies  wiiliout  burial,  altliough  llie  Jews  used  to  tike  so  much  care  of  tLe  burial  of  men,  that 
 they  took  down  tbose  that  were  condemned  and  crucified,  and  buried  tliem  before  the  going 
 down  of  tlie  sun.  I  should  not  mistake  if  I  said,  that  the  death  of  Ananns  was  tlie  beginning 
 of  the  destruction  of  the  city,  and  that  from  this  very  day  may  be  dated  the  overthrow  of  her 
 wall,  and  the  ruin  of  her  affairs,  whereon  they  saw  their  high  priest,  and  the  proc'Urer  of  their 
 preservation,  slain  in  the  midst  of  their  city.  He  was  on  other  accounts  also  a  venerable,  and 
 a  very  just  man  ;  and  besides  the  grandeur  of  that  nol)ility,  and  dignity,  and  honour,  of  which 
 he  was  possessed,  he  had  been  a  lover  of  a  kind  of  parity,  even  with  regard  to  the  meanest  of 
 the  people  ;  he  was  a  prodigious  lover  of  liberty,  and  an  admirer  of  a  democracy  in  govern- 
 ment, and  did  ever  prefer  the  public  welfare  before  his  own  advantage,  and  preferred  peace 
 above  all  things  ;  for  he  was  thoroughly  sensible  that  the  Romans  were  not  to  be  conquered. 
 He  also  foresaw  that  of  necessity  a  war  would  follow,  and  that  unless  the  Jews  made  up  mat- 
 ters with  them  very  dexterously,  they  would  be  destroyed;  to  say  all  in  a  word,  if  Ananus 
 had  survived,  they  had  certainly  compounded  matters  ;  for  he  was  a  shrewd  man  in  speaking 
 and  persuading  the  people,  and  had  already  gotten  the  mastery  of  those  that  opposed  his 
 desii;ns,  or  were  for  the  war.  And  the  Jews  had  then  put  abundance  of  delays  in  the  way  of 
 the  Romans,  if  they  had  had  such  a  general  as  he  was.  Jesus  was  also  joined  with  hira,  and 
 although  he  were  inferior  to  him  upon  the  comparison,  he  was  superior  to  the  rest ;  and  I  can- 
 not but  think,  that  it  was  because  God  had  doomed  the  city  to  destruction,  as  a  polluted  city, 
 and  was  resolved  to  purge  his  sanctuary  by  fire,  that  he  cut  off  these  their  great  defenders 
 and  well-wishers,  while  those  tliat  a  little  before  had  worn  the  sacred  garments,  and  had  pre- 
 sided over  the  public  worship,*  and  had  been  esteemed  venerable  by  those  that  dwelt  on  the 
 whole  habitable  earth  when  they  came  into  our  city,  were  cast  out  naked,  and  seen  to  be  the 
 food  of  dogs  and  wild  beasts.  And  I  cannot  but  imagine  that  virtue  itself  groaned  at  these 
 men's  cases,  and  lamented  that  she  was  here  so  terribly  conquered  by  wickedness.  And  this 
 at  last  was  the  end  of  Ananus  and  Jesus. 
 
 3.  Now,  after  these  were  slain,  the  Zealots  and  the  multitude  of  the  Idumeans  fell  upon  the 
 people  as  upon  a  flock  of  profane  animals,  and  out  their  throats  ;  and  for  the  ordinary  sort, 
 they  were  destroyed  in  what  place  soever  they  caught  them.  But  for  the  noblemen  and  the 
 youth,  ihey  first  caught  them  and  bound  them,  and  shut  them  up  in  prison,  and  put  off  their 
 slaughter,  in  hopes  that  some  of  them  would  turn  over  to  their  party  ;  biit  not  one  of  them 
 would  comply  with  their  desires,  but  all  of  then*  preferred  death  before  being  inroiled  among 
 such  wicked  wretches  as  acted  against  their  own  country.  But  this  refusal  of  theirs  brought 
 upon  them  terrible  torments  ;  for  they  were  so  scourged  and  tortured,  that  their  bodies  were 
 not  able  to  sustain  their  torments,  till  at  length,  and  with  difficulty,  they  had  the  favour  to  be 
 slain.  Those  whom  they  caught  in  the  day-time  were  slain  in  the  night,  and  then  their  bodies 
 were  carried  out  and  thrown  away,  that  there  might  be  room  for  other  prisoners  ;  and  the  terror 
 that  was  upon  the  people  was  so  great,  that  no  one  had  courage  enough  either  to  weep  openly 
 for  the  dead  man  that  was  related  to  him,  or  to  bury  him  ;  but  those  that  were  shut  up  in  their 
 own  houses  could  only  shed  fears  in  secret,  and  durst  not  even  groan  without  great  caution, 
 lest  any  of  their  enemies  should  hear  them  ;  for  if  they  did,  those  that  mourned  for  others  soon 
 underwent  the  same  death  with  those  whom  they  mourned  for.  Only  in  the  night-time  they 
 would  take  up  a  little  dust,  and  throw  it  upon  their  bodies,  and  even  some  that  were  the  most 
 ready  to  expose  themselves  to  danger  would  do  it  in  the  day-time  ;  and  there  were  twelve 
 thousand  of  the  bettor  sort  who  perished  in  this  manner. 
 
 4.  And  now  these  Zealots  and  Idumeans  were  quite  weary  of  barely  killing  men,  so  they 
 had  the  impudence  of  setting  up  fictitious  tribunals  and  judicatures  for  that  purpose;  and  as 
 they  intended  to  have  Zacharias,t  the  son  of  Baruch,  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  citizens, 
 slain,  so,  what  provoked  them  against  him  was,  that  hatred  of  wickedness  and  love  of  liberty 
 which  were  so  eminent  in  him  :  be  was  also  a  rich  man,  so  that  by  taking  him  off,  they  did 
 not  only  hope  to  seize  his  effects,  but  also  to  get  rid  of  a  man  that  had  great  power  to  destroy 
 them.  So  they  called  together,  by  a  public  proclamation,  seventy  of  tlie  principal  men  of  the 
 populace,  for  a  sliow,  as  if  they  were  real  judges,  while  they  had  no  proper  authority.  Before 
 these  was  Zacharias  accused  of  a  design  to  betray  their  polity  to  the  Romans,  and  of  having 
 traitorously  sent  to  Vespasian  for  that  purpose.     Now  there  appeared  no  proof  or  sign  of  what 
 
 •  Kosmike  thresheia,  or  "  worldly  worship,"  as  the  author  to  the  Hebrews  calls  the  sanctuary,  agion  iosmiiun, 
 "  a  worldly  sanctuary." 
 
 +  Some  commentators  are  ready  to  suppose,  that  this  "  Zacharias  the  son  of  Baruch,"  here  most  unjustly 
 slain  Ipy  the  Jews  in  tlie  temple,  was  the  very  same  person  with  "  Zacharias  the  son  of  Barachias,"  whom  our 
 Saviour  says  the  Jews  "  slew  between  the  temple  and  the  altar."  Matt,  xxiii.  .35.  This  is  a  sonnwhat  strange 
 exposition.  .Since  Zechariah  the  prophet  was  really  "  the  son  of  I'arachiah,  and  grandson  of  Iddo,"  Zech.  i.  1. 
 and  how  he  died,  we  have  no  other  accounts  than  that  before  us  in  St.  Alatlhew:  while  this  "  Zacharias  was 
 the  son  of  Baruch."  Since  the  slaughter  was  past  when  our  Saviour  spake  these  words,  the  Jews  had  then 
 already  slain  him,  whereas  this  slaughter  of  "  Zacharias  the  son  of  Baruch,"  in  Josephus,  was  then  about 
 .34  years  future.  And  since  the  slaughter  was,  "  between  the  temple  and  the  altar,"  in  the  court  of  the  priests, 
 cue  of  the  most  sacred  and  remote  parts  of  the  whole  temple;  while  this  was,  in  Josephus's  own  words,  in  tha 
 the  middle  of  the  teniph',  and  much  the  most  probable  in  the  court  of  Israel  only,  (for  we  have  had  no  inti- 
 mation that  the  Zealots  liad  at  this  time  profaned  the  court  of  the  priests.  See  b.  v,  chap.  i.  ^  2.)  Nor  do  I 
 lielicve  that  our  Josephus,  who  always  insists  on  the  peculiar  saeredness  of  the  itiraost  court,  and  of  the  holy 
 house  that  was  in  it,  would  have  omitted  so  material  an  aggravation  of  this  barbarous  murder,  as  perpetrated 
 in  a  place  so  very  holy,  had  that  been  the  true  place  of  it.  See  Antiq.  b.  xi,  chap.  vii.  -j  1.  and  the  nota 
 on  b.  v.  chap.  i.  i  2. 
 
052  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 he  was  accused  of,  but  tliej  affirmed  themselves  tbat  they  were  well  persuaded  that  so  it  was, 
 and  desired  that  such  their  affirraatiun  might  be  taken  for  sufficient  evidence.  Now  whea 
 Zacbarias  clearly  saw  that  there  was  no  way  remaining  for  his  escape  from  them,  as  having 
 been  treacherously  called  before  them,  and  then  put  in  prison,  but  not  with  any  intention  of  a 
 legal  trial,  he  took  great  liberty  of  speech  in  that  despair  of  life  he  was  under.  Accord- 
 ingly lie  stood  np,  and  laughed  at  their  pretended  accusation,  and  in  a  few  words  confuted  the 
 crimes  laid  to  his  charge  ;  after  which  he  turned  his  speech  to  liis  accusers,  and  went  over 
 distinctly  all  their  transgressions  of  the  law,  and  made  heavy  lamentation  upon  the  confusion 
 they  had  brought  public  affairs  to  ;  in  tlie  mean  time  the  Zealots  grew  tumultuous,  and  had 
 much  ado  to  abstain  from  drawing  their  swords,  although  tliey  designed  to  preserve  the  ap- 
 pearance and  show  of  judicature  to  the  end.  They  were  also  desirous  on  other  accounts,  to 
 try  the  judges,  whether  they  would  be  unmindful  of  what  was  just  at  their  own  peril.  Now 
 the  seventy  judges  brought  in  their  verdict,  that  the  person  accused  was  not  guilty,  as  choosing 
 rather  to  die  themselves  with  him,  than  to  have  bis  death  laid  at  their  doors  ;  hereupon  there 
 arose  a  great  clamour  of  the  Zealots  upon  his  acquittal,  and  they  all  had  indignaiicn  at  the 
 judges,  for  not  understanding  that  the  authority  that  was  given  them  was  but  in  jest.  So  two 
 of  the  boldest  of  them  fell  upon  Zacharias  in  (he  middle  of  the  temple,  and  slew  him  ;  and  as 
 lie  fell  down  dead,  they  bantered  him,  and  said,  "Thou  hast  also  our  verdict,  and  this  will 
 prove  a  more  sure  acquittal  to  ihee  than  the  other."  They  also  threw  him  down  from  the 
 temple  immediately  into  the  valley  beneath  it.  Moreover,  they  struck  the  judges  with  the 
 backs  of  their  swords,  by  way  of  abuse,  and  thrust  them  out  of  the  court  of  the  temple,  and 
 spared  their  lives  with  no  other  design  than  that,  when  thsy  were  dispersed  among  the 
 people  in  the  city,  they  might  become  their  messengers,  to  let  them  know  they  were  no  better 
 than  slaves. 
 
 5.  But  by  this  time  the  Idumeans  repented  of  their  coming,  and  were  displeased  at  what 
 had  been  done  ;  and  when  they  were  assembled  together  by  one  of  the  Zealots,  who  had  come 
 privately  to  them,  he  declared  to  them  what  a  number  of  wicked  pranks  they  had  themselves 
 done  in  conjunction  with  those  that  invited  them,  and  gave  a  particular  account  of  what  mis- 
 chiefs had  been  done  against  their  metropolis.  He  said.  That  "they  had  taken  arms,  as 
 though  the  high  priests  were  betraying  their  metropolis  to  the  Romans,  but  had  found  no  in- 
 dication of  any  such  treachery  ;  but  tbat  they  had  succoured  those  that  bad  pretended  to  be- 
 lieve such  a  thing,  while  they  did  themselves  the  works  of  war  and  tyranny  after  an  insolent 
 manner.  It  had  been  indeed  their  business  to  have  hindered  them  from  such  their  proceedings 
 at  the  first,  but  seeing  they  had  once  been  partners  with  them  in  shedding  the  blood  of  their 
 own  countrymen,  it  was  high  time  to  put  a  stop  to  such  crimes,  and  not  continue  to  atlbrd 
 any  more  assistance  to  sach  as  are  subverting  the  laws  of  their  forefathers  ;  for  that  if  any  had 
 taken  it  ill  that  t!ie  gates  had  been  shut  against  them,  and  they  had  not  been  permitted  to  come 
 into  the  city,  yet  that  those  who  had  excluded  them  have  been  punished,  and  Anauus  is  dead, 
 and  that  almost  all  those  people  had  been  destroyed  in  one  night's  time.  That  one  may  per- 
 ceive many  of  themselves  now  repenting  for  what  they  had  done,  and  might  see  the  horrid 
 barbarity  of  those  that  had  invited  them,  and  that  they  bad  no  regard  to  such  as  had  saved 
 them  ;  that  they  were  so  impudent  as  to  perpetrate  the  vilest  things,  under  (he  eyes  of  those 
 that  had  supported  them,  and  that  Iheir  wicked  actions  would  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the 
 Idumeans,  and  would  be  so  laid  to  their  charge  till  somebody  obstructs  their  proceedings,  or 
 separates  himself  from  the  same  wicked  action;  that  they  therefore  ought  to  retire  home, 
 since  the  imputation  of  treason  appears  to  be  a  calumny,  and  that  there  was  no  expectation  of 
 the  coming  of  the  Romans  at  this  time,  and  tbat  the  government  of  the  city  was  secured  by 
 such  walls  as  cannot  easily  be  thrown  down  :  and,  by  avoiding  any  farther  fellowship  witb 
 these  bad  men,  to  make  some  excuse  for  themselves,  as  to  what  they  had  been  so  far  deluded 
 as  to  have  been  partners  witb  them  hitherto." 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  the  Zealots,  tulien  they  were  freed  from  the.  Idumeans,  slew  a  great  many  more  of  the  Citizens 
 And  how  Vespasian  dissuaded  the  Romans,  when  they  were  very  earnest  to  march  against  th» 
 Jews,  from  proceeding  in  the  War  at  that  Time, 
 §.  1.  The  Idumeans  complied  with  these  persuasions,  and  in  the  first  place  they  set  those 
 that  were  in  the  prisons  at  liberty,  being  about  two  thousand  of  the  populace,  who  thereupon 
 lied  away  immediately  to  Simon,  one  whom  we  shall  speak  of  presently.  After  which  these 
 Idumeans  retired  from  Jerusalem,  and  went  home,  which  departure  of  theirs  was  a  great  sur- 
 prise to  both  parties  ;  for  the  people  not  knowing  of  their  repentance,  pulled  up  their  con- 
 rage  for  a  while,  as  eased  of  so  many  of  their  enemies,  while  the  Zealots  grew  more  insolent, 
 not  Hs  deserted  by  their  confederates,  but  as  freed  from  such  men  as  might  hinder  their  de- 
 signs, and  put  some  stop  to  their  wickedness.  Accordincjly  they  made  no  longer  any  delay, 
 nor  took  any  deliberation  in  their  enormous  practices,  but  made  use  of  the  shortest  methods 
 for  all  their  executions  ;  and  what  they  had  once  resolved  upon,  they  put  iu  practice  sooner 
 than  any  one  could  imagine.  But  their  thirst  was  chiefly  after  the  blood  cf  valiant  men,  and 
 men  of  good  families ;  the  one  sort  of  which  they  destroyed  out  of  envy,  the  other  out  of  fear  ; 
 
BOOK  IV.— CHAP.  VJ.  653 
 
 for  they  tliougtit  their  whole  security  lay  in  leaving  no  potent  men  alive  ;  on  which  account 
 they  slew  Gorion,  a  person  eminent  in  dignity,  and  on  account  of  his  family  also  ;  he  was 
 also  for  democracy,  and  of  as  great  boldness  and  freedom  of  spirit  as  were  any  of  the  Jews 
 whatsoever  ;  the  principal  thing  that  ruined  him,  added  to  his  other  advantages,  was  his  free 
 speaking.  Nor  did  Niger  of  Ferea  escape  their  hands  :  he  liad  been  a  man  of  jjreat  valonr  in 
 their  war  with  the  Romans,  but  was  now  drawn  through  the  middle  of  the  city,  and,  as  he 
 went,  he  frequently  cried  out,  and  shewed  the  scars  of  his  wounds  ;  and  when  he  was  drawn 
 out  of  the  gates,  and  despaired  of  his  preservation,  he  besought  them  to  grant  a  burial ;  but 
 as  they  had  threatened  him  beforehand  not  to  grant  him  any  spot  of  earth  for  a  grave,  which 
 he  chieHy  desired  of  them,  so  did  they  slay  him  [without  permitting  him  to  be  buried.]  Now 
 when  they  were  slaying  him,  he  made  this  imprecation  upon  them,  that  they  niiglit  undergo 
 both  famine  and  pestilence  iu  this  war,  and  besides  all  that,  that  they  might  come  to  the 
 mutual  slaughter  of  one  another  ;  all  which  imprecations  God  confirmed  against  these  inipious 
 men,  and  was  what  came  most  justly  upon  them,  when  not  long  afterward  they  tasted  of  their 
 own  madness  in  their  mutual  seditions  one  against  another.  So  when  this  Niger  was  killed, 
 their  fears  of  being  overturned  were  diminished  ;  and  indeed  there  was  no  part  of  the  people 
 but  tliey  found  out  some  pretence  to  destroy  them  ;  but  some  were  therefore  slain,  because 
 tliey  had  had  differences  with  some  of  them  ;  and  as  to  those  that  had  not  opposed  them  in 
 times  of  peace,  they  watched  seasonable  opportunities  to  gain  some  accusation  against  them  ; 
 and  if  any  one  did  not  come  near  them  at  all,  he  was  under  their  suspicion  as  a  proud  man  ;  if 
 any  one  came  with  boldness,  he  was  esteemed  a  contemner  of  them  ;  and  if  any  one  came  as 
 aiming  to  oblige  them,  he  was  supposed  to  have  some  treacherous  plot  against  them  :  while  the 
 only  punishment  of  crimes,  whether  they  were  of  the  greatest  or  smallest  sort,  was  death. 
 Nor  could  any  one  escape,  unless  he  were  very  inconsiderable,  either  on  account  of  the  mean- 
 ness of  his  birth,  or  of  his  fortune. 
 
 2.  And  now  all  the  rest  of  the  commanders  of  the  Romans  deemed  this  sedition  among 
 their  enemies  to  be  of  great  advantage  to  them,  and  were  very  earnest  to  march  to  the  city, 
 and  they  urged  Vespasian,  as  their  lord  and  general  in  all  cases,  to  make  haste,  and  said  to 
 him,  That  "  the  providence  of  God  is  on  our  side,  by  settinf>-  our  enemies  at  variance  against 
 one  another  ;  that  still  the  change  in  such  cases  may  be  sudden,  and  the  Jews  may  quickly  be 
 at  one  again,  either  because  they  may  be  tired  out  of  their  civil  miseries,  or  repent  them  ot 
 such  doings."  But  Vespasian  replied.  That  "  they  were  greatly  mistaken  in  what  they  thought 
 fit  to  be  done,  as  those  that,  upon  the  theatre,  love  to  make  a  show  of  their  hands,  and  of  their 
 weapons,  hat  do  it  at  their  own  hazard,  without  considering  what  was  for  their  advantage,  and 
 for  their  security  ;  for  that  if  they  now  go  and  attack  the  city  immediately,  they  shall  but 
 occasion  their  enemies  to  unite  together,  and  shall  convert  their  force,  now  it  is  in  its  height, 
 against  themselves.  But  if  they  stay  a  while  they  shall  have  fewer  enemies,  because  they 
 will  be  consumed  in  this  sedition  :  that  God  acts  as  a  general  of  the  Romans  better  than  he 
 can  do,  and  is  giving  the  Jews  up  to  them  without  any  pains  of  their  own,  and  granting  their 
 army  a  victory  without  any  danger  ;  that  therefore  it  is  their  best  way,  while  their  enemies 
 are  destroying  each  other  with  their  own  hands,  and  falling  into  the  greatest  misfortunes, 
 which  is  that  of  sedition,  to  sit  still  as  spectators  of  the  dangers  they  run  into,  rather  than  to 
 fight  hand  to  hand  with  men  that  love  murdering,  and  are  mad  one  against  another.  But  if 
 any  one  imagines  that  the  gloi-y  of  victory,  when  it  is  gotten  without  flighting,  will  be  more 
 insipid,  let  him  know  this  much,  that  a  glorious  success  quietly  obtained  is  more  prolitable 
 than  the  dangers  of  a  battle  ;  for  we  ought  to  esteem  those  that  do  what  is  agreeable  to  tem- 
 perance and  prudence,  no  less  glorious  than  those  that  have  gained  great  reputation  by  their 
 actions  in  war:  that  he  shall  lead  on  his  army  with  greater  force,  when  their  enemies  are 
 diminished,  and  his  own  army  refreshed  after  the  ciuitinual  labours  they  had  undergone. 
 However,  that  this  is  not  a  proper  time  to  propose  to  ourselves  the  glory  of  victory  ;  for  that 
 the  Jews  are  not  now  employed  in  making  of  armour  or  building  of  walls,  nor  indeed  in  get- 
 ting together  auxiliaries,  while  the  advantage  will  be  on  their  side  who  give  them  such  oppor- 
 tunity of  delay  :  but  that  the  Jews  are  vexed  to  pieces  every  day  by  their  civil  wars  and 
 dissensions,  and  are  under  greater  miseries  than,  if  they  were  once  taken,  could  be  indicted 
 on  them  by  us.  Whether  therefore  any  one  hath  regard  to  what  is  for  our  safety,  he  ouglit 
 to  suH'er  these  Jews  to  destroy  one  another,  or  whether  he  hath  regaid  to  the  greater  glory 
 of  the  action,  we  ought  by  no  means  to  meddle  with  those  men,  now  they  are  afllicted  with  a 
 distemper  at  home  ;  for  should  we  now  conquer  them,  it  would  be  said  the  conquest  was  not 
 owing  to  our  bravery,  but  to  their  sedition." 
 
 3.  And  now  the  commanders  joined  in  their  approbation  of  what  Vespasian  had  said,  and  it 
 was  soon  discovered  how  wise  an  opinion  he  had  given.  And  indeed  many  thero  were  of  the 
 Jews  that  deserted  every  day,  and  lied  away  from  the  Zealots,  although  their  (light  was  very 
 diflicult,  since  they  had  guarded  every  passage  out  of  the  city,  and  slew  every  (iue  that  was 
 caught  at  them,  as  taking  it  for  granted  they  were  going  over  to  the  Romans  ;  yet  did  he  who 
 gave  them  money  get  clear  oil",  v/hile  he  only  that  gave  them  none  was  voted  a  traitor.  So  the 
 upshot  was  this,  that  the  rich  purciiased  their  flight  by  money,  while  none  but  the  poor  were 
 slain.     Along  all  the  roads  also  vast  numbers  of  dead  bodies  lay  on  heaps,  and  even  many  of 
 
654  WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 those  that  were  so  zealous  in  deserting,  at  length  chose  rather  to  perish  within  ihe  cit^'  ;  for 
 the  hopes  of  hurial  made  death  in  their  own  city  appear  of  the  two  less  terrible  to  them.  But 
 tliese  Zealots  came  at  last  to  that  degree  of  barbarity,  as  not  to  besiovv  a  burial  either  on  those 
 slain  in  the  city,  or  on  those  that  lay  along  the  roads  ;  but  as  if  they  had  innde  an  agreement 
 to  cancel  both  the  laws  of  their  country  and  the  laws  of  nature,  and  at  tlie  san)e  tin-.e  that  they 
 defiled  men  with  their  wicked  actions,  they  would  pollute  the  Divinity  itself  also,  they  left  the 
 dead  bodies  to  putrify  under  tlie  sun  :  and  the  same  punishment  was  allotted  to  such  as  buried 
 any,  as  to  those  that  deserted,  which  was  no  other  than  death  ;  while  he  that  granted  the 
 favour  of  a  grave  to  another,  would  presently  stand  in  need  of  a  grave  himself.  To  say  all  ia 
 a  word,  no  other  gentle  passion  was  so  entirely  lost  among  them  as  mercy  ;  for  what  were  the 
 greatest  objects  of  pity  did  most  of  all  irritate  tliese  wretches,  and  they  transferred  their  rage 
 from  the  living  to  those  that  had  been  slain,  and  from  the  dead  to  the  living.  Nay,  the  terror 
 was  so  very  great,  that  he  who  survived  called  them  that  were  first  dead  hap|iy,  as  being  at 
 rest  already  ;  as  did  those  that  were  under  torture  in  the  prisons,  declare,  that,  upon  this  com- 
 parison, those  that  lay  unburied  were  the  happiest.  These  men,  therefore,  trampled  upon  all 
 the  laws  of  men,  and  laughed  at  the  laws  of  God  :  and  for  tho  oracles  of  the  prophets,  they 
 ridiculed  them  as  the  tricks  of  jugglers-,  yet  did  these  prophets  foretell  many  tilings  concern- 
 ing [tlie  rewards  of]  virtue,  and  [punishments  of]  vice,  which  when  these  Zealots  violated, 
 lliey  occasioned  the  fulfilling  of  those  very  prophecies  belonging  to  their  own  country  :  for 
 there  was  a  certain  ancient  oracle  of  those  men,  that  "  the  city  should  then  be  taken  and  the 
 .sanctuary  burnt,*  by  right  of  war,  when  a  stdition  should  invade  the  Jews,  and  their  own 
 hand  should  pollute  the  temple  of  God."  Now  while  those  Zealots  did  not  [quite]  disbelieve 
 these  predictions,  they  made  themselves  the  iustrnmeuts  of  their  accomplishment. 
 
 CHAP.  VII, 
 
 Hoiu  John  fyranidzed  over  the  rest;  and  what  Mischiefs  the  Zealots  did  at  Masada.     How 
 also  Vespasian  took  Gadara:  and  what  Actions  icere  performed  hy  Placidus. 
 
 §  1.  By  this  lime  John  was  beginning  to  tyrannize,  and  thought  it  beneath  hiin  to  accept  of 
 barely  the  same  honours  that  others  had  ;  and  joining  to  himself  by  degrees  a  parly  of  the 
 wickedest  of  them  all,  he  broke  off  from  the  rest  of  the  faction.  This  was  brought  about  by 
 his  still  disagreeing  with  the  opinions  of  others,  and  giving  out  injunctions  of  his  own  in  a 
 very  imperious  manner,  so  that  it  was  evident  he  was  setting  up  a  monarchial  power.  Now 
 some  submitted  to  him  out  of  their  fear  of  him,  and  others  out  of  their  good- will  to  him  ;  for  he 
 was  a  shrewd  man  to  entice  men  to  him,  both  by  deluding  them  and  putiing  cheats  upon  them. 
 Nay,  many  there  were  that  thought  they  should  be  safer  themselves,  if  the  causes  of  their  past 
 insolent  actions  should  now  be  reduced  to  one  head,  and  not  to  a  great  many.  His  activity 
 was  so  great,  and  that  both  in  action  and  in  counsel,  that  he  had  not  a  few  guards  about 
 him  :  yet  was  there  a  great  party  of  his  antagonists  that  left  him  ;  among  whom  envy  at  him 
 weighed  a  great  deal,  while  they  thought  it  a  very  heavy  thing  to  be  in  subjection  to  one  that 
 was  formerly  their  equal.  But  the  main  re.^.son  that  moved  men  against  him  was  the  dread  of 
 monarcliy,  for  they  could  not  hope  easily  to  put  an  end  to  his  power,  if  he  had  once  obtained 
 it  ;  and  yet  they  knew  that  he  would  have  this  pretence  always  against  them,  that  they  had 
 opposed  him  when  he  was  first  advanced;  while  everj-  one  chose  rather  to  snfl'er  any  thing 
 whatsoever  in  war,  than  that  when  they  liad  been  in  a  voluntary  slavery  for  some  time,  they 
 should  afterward  perish.  So  the  sedition  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  John  reigned  iii 
 opposition  to  his  adversaries  over  one  of  them  •,  but  for  their  leaders  they  watched  one  another, 
 nor  did  they  at  all,  or  at  least  very  little,  meddle  with  arms  in  their  quarrels  ;  but  tiiey  fought 
 earnestly  against  the  people,  and  contended  one  with  another  which  of  them  should  bring  home 
 the  greatest  prey.  But  because  the  city  had  to  struggle  with  three  of  the  greatest  misfortunes, 
 war,  and  tyranny,  and  sedition,  it  appeared  upon  the  conipurison,  that  the  war  was  the  least 
 troublesome  to  the  populace  of  them  all.  Accordingly,  they  ran  away  from  their  own  houses 
 to  foreigners,  and  obtained  that  preservation  from  the  Romans,  which  they  despaired  to  obtain 
 among  their  own  people. 
 
 2.  And  now  a  fourth  misfortune  arose,  in  order  to  bring  our  nation  to  destruction.  There 
 was  a  fortress  of  very  great  strength  not  far  from  Jerusalem,  which  had  been  built  by  our 
 ancient  kings,  both  as  a  repository  for  their  eflects  in  the  hazards  of  war,  end  for  the  preser- 
 vation of  their  bodies  at  the  same  time.  It  was  called  Masada.  Those  that  were  calleti 
 Sicarii  had  taken  possession  of  it  formerly,  but  at  this  time  they  over-ran  the  countries,  aim- 
 ing only  to  procure  to  themselves  uecessaries  ;   for  the  fear  they  were  then  in  prevented  their 
 
 *  This  prediction,  That  "the  citv  ("Jerusalem)  sliould  then  be  talcen,  and  the  sanctuary  burnt,  by  right 
 of  war,  when  a  sedition  should  invade  the  Jews,  and  thtir  own  hands  should  pollute  that  temple  ;"  or,  as  it  is, 
 b.  vi.  chap.  ii.  ^  1.  "  when  any  oue  should  be^'in  to  slav  his  countrymeTi  in  the  city,"  is  wanting  in  our 
 present  copies  of  the  Old  Testament.  See  Essay  on  the  (31d  Test.  p.  IW— 112.  liut  this  prediction,  as  Jose- 
 phus  well  remarlis  here,  though,  with  the  olhir  predictions  of  the  prophets,  it  wasuow  laughed  at  by  tne  sedi- 
 tious, was  by  their  \ery  means  soon  exactly  fulfilled.  However,  I  cannot  but  here  take  notice  ot  Grotius  s 
 positire  assertions  upon  Mat.  xxvi.  9.  here  iiuoied  by  Dr.  Jiudsoa,  i  hat  "  it  ought  to  be  taken  for  granted,  as 
 a  certain  truth,  that  many  predictions  of  the  Jewish  prophets  were  preserved,  not  in  writing,  but  by  memory  ; 
 whereas,  it  seems  to  me  so  far  from  certain,  that  1  think  it  he6  no  eviaencc  tior  probability  at  all. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CHAP.  VII.  (?55 
 
 farther  ravages.  But  when  once  Ihey  were  informed  that  the  Ronip.n  nrmy  Isv  s(ill,  and  tliat 
 the  Jews  were  divided  by  sedition  and  tyranny,  tliey  boldly  undertook  greater  in:»tters  ;  and  at 
 the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  which  the  Jews  celebrate  lit  memory  of  their  deliverance  from 
 the  Egyptian  bondage,  wlien  they  were  sent  back  into  the  country  of  their  forefathers,  they 
 came  down  by  night,  without  bein<r  discovered  by  those  that  could  have  prevented  them,  and 
 ovei-:aii  a  certain  small  city  called  Engaridi.  In  which  expedition  ihey  prevented  those 
 citizens  tli;tt  could  ha^  e  stnp|)ed  them,  before  they  could  arm  themselves,  and  fight  them. 
 They  also  dispersed  them,  and  cast  them  out  of  the  city  :  as  for  such  as  could  not  run  away, 
 Iii'iisg  women  and  children,  tliey  slew  of  them  above  seven  hundred.  Afterward,  when  Ihey 
 br.d  carried  every  thing  out  of  their  houses,  and  had  seized  upon  all  the  fruits  that  were  in  a 
 flourifthina  condition,  they  brought  them  into  Masada.  And  indeed  these  nieu  laid  Jill  the 
 villages  ihat  were  about  the  fortress  waste,  and  made  the  whole  country  desolate;  while  there 
 came  to  them  every  day,  from  all  parts,  not  a  few  men  as  corrupt  as  themselves.  At  that 
 time  all  the  other  resiions  of  judea  that  had  hitherto  been  at  rest  were  in  motion,  by  means  of 
 the  robbers.  Now  as  it  is  in  a  hnman  body,  if  the  principal  part  be  inflamed,  all  the  members 
 are  subject  to  the  same  distemper,  so  by  means  of  the  disorder  that  was  in  the  metropolis,  had 
 the  wicked  men  that  v/ere  in  the  country  opportunity  to  ravage  the  same.  Accordin;>ly,  when 
 every  one  of  them  liad  plundered  their  own  viilat^es,  they  then  retired  into  the  desert :  yet 
 were  these  men  that  now  got  together  and  joined  in  the  conspiracy  by  |)arties,  too  small  for  an 
 army,  and  too  many  for  a  gang  of  thieves  :  and  thus  did  they  fall  upon  the  holy  places,*  and 
 the  cities  ;  yet  did  it  now  so  happen  that  they  were  sometimes  very  ill  treated  bv  those  upon 
 whom  they  fell  with  such  violence,  and  were  taken  by  theic  as  men  are  taken  in  war  :  but  still 
 they  prevented  any  further  punishment  as  do  robbers,  who  as  soon  as  their  ravages  [are  dis- 
 covered] run  their  way.  Nor  was  there  now  any  part  of  Judea  that  was  not  in  a  miserable 
 condition,  as  well  as  its  most  eminent  city  also. 
 
 3.  These  things  were  told  Vespasian  by  deserters  ;  for  although  the  seditious  watched  all 
 the  passages  out  of  the  city,  and  destroyed  all,  whosoever  they  were,  that  came  thither,  yet 
 were  there  some  that  had  concealed  themselves,  and  when  they  had  fled  to  the  Romans,  per- 
 suaded their  general  to  come  to  their  city's  assistance,  and  save  the  remainder  of  the  people  ; 
 informing  him  withal,  that  it  was  upon  account  of  the  people's  good- will  to  the  Romans  that 
 icany  of  them  were  already  slain,  and  the  survivors  in  danger  of  the  same  treatment.  Ves- 
 ))asian  did  indeed  already  pity  the  calamities  these  men  were  in,  and  arose,  in  appearance,  as 
 though  he  was  going  to  besiege  Jerusalem,  but  in  reality  to  deliver  them  from  a  [worse]  siege 
 they  were  already  under.  However,  he  was  obliged  first  to  overthrow  what  remained  else- 
 where, and  to  leave  nothing  out  of  Jerusalem  beliind  him,  that  niiglit  interrupt  liiin  in  that 
 siege.  Accordingly,  he  marched  against  Gadara,  the  metropolis  of  Perea,  which  was  a  place 
 of  strength,  and  entered  tliat  city  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  Dystrus  [Adar;]  for  the  men 
 of  power  had  sent  an  embassage  to  him,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  seditious,  to  treat  about 
 a  surrender;  which  they  did  out  of  the  desire  they  had  of  peace,  and  fur  saving  their  effects, 
 because  many  of  the  citizens  of  Gadara  were  rich  men.  This  embassy  the  opposite  party 
 knew  nothing  of,  but  discovered  it  as  Vespasian  was  approaching  near  the  city.  However, 
 they  despaired  of  keeping  possession  of  the  city,  as  being  inferior  in  number  to  their  enemies 
 who  were  within  the  city,  and  seeing  the  Romans  very  near  to  the  city ;  so  they  resolved  to 
 fly,  but  thought  it  dishonourable  to  do  it  without  shedding  some  blood,  and  revenging  them- 
 selves on  the  authors  of  this  surrender  ;  so  they  seized  upon  Dolesus,  (a  person  not  only  the 
 first  in  rank  and  family  in  that  city,  but  one  that  seemed  the  occasion  of  sending  such  an 
 embassy,)  and  slew  him,  and  treated  his  dead  body  after  a  barbarous  manner,  so  very  violent 
 was  their  anger  at  him,  and  then  ran  out  of  the  city.  And  as  now  the  Roman  army  was  just 
 upon  them,  the  people  of  Gadara  admitted  Vespasian  with  joyful  acclamations,  and  received 
 from  him  the  security  of  his  right  hand,  as  also  a  garrison  of  horsemen  and  footmen,  to  guard 
 them  against  the  excursions  of  the  runagates  ;  for  as  to  their  wall,  they  had  pulled  it  dowu 
 before  the  Ronians  desired  them  so  to  do,  that  they  might  thereby  give  them  assurance 
 that  they  were  lovers  of  peace,  and  tliaf,  if  they  had  a  mind,  they  could  not  now  make  war 
 against  them. 
 
 4.  And  now  Vespasian  sent  Placidus  against  those  that  had  fled  from  Gadara,  with  five  hun- 
 dred horsemen,  and  three  thousand  footmen,  while  he  returned  himself  to  Cesarea  with  the  rest 
 of  the  army.  But  as  scon  as  these  fugitives  saw  the  horsemen  that  pursued  them  just  upon 
 their  backs,  and  before  they  came  to  a  close  fight,  they  ran  together  to  a  certain  village,  which 
 was  called  Bethennabris,  where  finding  a  great  multitude  of  young  men,  and  arming  them, 
 partly  by  their  own  consent,  partly  by  force,  they  rashly  and  suddenly  assaulted  Placidus  and 
 the  troops  that  were  with  him.  These  horsemen  at  the  first  onset  gave  way  a  little,  as  cou- 
 triving  to  entice  them  further  off  the  wall,  and  when  they  had  drawn  them  into  a  place  fit  for 
 
 *  By  Jhese  Jfrrt!  or  "  holy  places,"  as  distii.cf  from  cities,  roust  be  meant  "  proseuchsc,"  or  "houses  of 
 prayer,  out  of  cities  ;  of  whch  we  find  mention  made  in  the  Mew  Testaittent  and  other  authors.  See  Luke 
 VI.  12.  Acts  .xvi.  13,  16.  Antiq.  b.  Jtiv.  chap.  x.  4  23.  his  Life,  ^54.  "  Jn  qua  te  qufcro  pros'iucha  '■"  Juveiial 
 hat.  m.  ver.  2<X.  'J'hey  were  situated  sometimes  by  the  side  of  rivers,  Acts  xvi.  13.  or  by  the  sea  side.  Antiq. 
 t).  XIV.  chap.  X.  15  23.  So  did  the  LXXU  interpreters  go  to  pray  every  morniug  by  the  sea-side  before  they 
 weut  to  their  work,  b.  xii.  chap.  ii.  §  12. 
 
G56  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 their  purpose,  they  made  their  horse  encompass  them  round,  and  threw  their  darts  at  them. 
 So  the  horsemen  cut  off  the  flight  of  the  fugitives,  while  the  foot  terribly  destroyed  those  that 
 fought  against  tliera  :  for  those  Jews  did  no  more  than  shew  their  courage,  and  then  were 
 destroyed,  for  as  they  fell  upon  the  Romans,  when  they  were  joined  close  together,  and,  as  it 
 were,  walled  about  with  their  entire  armour,  they  were  not  able  to  find  any  place  where  the 
 darts  could  enter,  nor  were  they  any  way  able  to  break  their  ranks,  while  they  were  themselves 
 run  through  by  the  Roman  darts,  and,  like  the  wildest  of  wild  beasts,  rushed  upon  the  peiint 
 of  others'  swords;  so  some  of  them  were  destroyed,  as  cut  with  their  enemies'  swords  upon 
 their  faces,  and  others  were  dispersed  by  the  horsemen. 
 
 5.  Now  Placidus's  concern  was  to  exclude  them  in  their  flight  from  getting  into  the  village, 
 and  causing  his  horse  to  march  continually  on  that  side  of  them,  he  then  turned  short  upon 
 them,  and  at  the  same  time  his  men  made  use  of  their  darts,  and  easily  took  their  aim  at  those 
 tlial  were  nearest  to  them,  as  they  made  those  that  were  farther  off  turn  back  by  the  terror 
 they  were  in,  till  at  last  the  most  courageous  of  them  brake  through  those  horsemen,  and  fled 
 to  the  wall  of  the  Tillage.  And  now  those  that  guarded  the  wall  were  in  great  doubt  what 
 to  do  ;  for  they  could  not  bear  the  thoughts  of  excluding  those  that  came  from  Gadara,  because 
 of  their  own  people  that  were  among  them  ;  and  yet  if  they  should  admit  them,  they  expected 
 to  perish  with  them,  which  came  to  pass  accordingly  ;  for  as  they  were  crowding  together  at 
 the  wall,  the  Roman  horsemen  were  just  ready  to  fall  in  with  them.  However,  the  guards 
 prevented  them  and  shut  the  gates,  when  Placidus  made  an  assault  upon  them,  and  fighting 
 courageously  till  it  was  dark,  he  got  possession  of  the  people  on  the  wall,  and  of  them  that 
 were  in  the  city,  when  the  useless  multitude  were  destroyed,  but  those  that  were  more  potent 
 ran  away,  and  the  soldiers  plundered  the  houses,  and  set  the  village  on  fire.  As  for  those 
 that  ran  out  of  the  village,  they  stirred  up  such  as  were  in  the  country  ;  and  exaggerating 
 their  own  calamities,  and  telling  them  that  the  whole  army  of  the  Romans  were  upon  them, 
 they  put  them  into  great  fear  on  every  side  ;  so  they  got  in  great  numbers  together,  and  fled 
 to  Jericho,  for  they  knew  no  other  place  that  conld  afford  them  any  hope  of  escaping,  it  being 
 a  city  that  had  a  strong  wall,  and  a  great  ninltilude  of  inhabitants.  But  Placidus  relying 
 much  upon  his  horsemen,  and  his  former  good  success,  followed  them,  and  slew  all  that  he 
 overtook,  as  far  as  Jordan  :  and  when  he  had  driven  the  whole  multilnde  to  the  river  side, 
 where  tliey  were  stopped  by  the  current,  (for  it  had  been  augmented  lately  by  rains,  and  was 
 not  fordahle,)  he  put  his  soldiers  in  array  over  against  them,  so  the  necessity  the  others  were 
 in,  provoked  them  to  hazard  a  battle,  because  there  was  no  place  whither  they  could  flee. 
 They  then  extended  themselves  a  very  great  way  aloiig  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  sustained 
 the  darts  that  were  thrown  at  them,  as  well  as  the  attacks  of  the  horsemen,  who  beat  many  of 
 them  and  pushed  tlieni  into  the  current.  At  which  fight,  hand  to  hand,  fifteen  thousand  of 
 them  were  slain,  while  the  number  of  those  that  were  unwillingly  forced  to  leap  into  Jordan 
 was  prodigious.  There  were  besides,  two  thousand  and  two  hundred  taken  prisoners.  A 
 mighty  prey  was  taken  also,  consisting  of  ;isses,  and  sheep,  and  camels,  and  oxen. 
 
 6.  Now  this  destruction  that  fell  upon  the  Jews,  as  it  was  not  inferior  to  any  of  the  rest  ii 
 itself,  so  did  it  still  appear  greater  than  it  really  was ;  and  this,  because  not  only  the  whole 
 country  through  which  they  fled  was  filled  with  slaughter,  and  Jordan  could  not  be  passed 
 over  by  reason  of  the  dead  bodies  that  were  in  it,  but  because  the  lake  Asphallitis  was  also 
 full  of  dead  bodies,  that  were  carried  down  into  it  by  the  river.  And  now,  Placidus,  after 
 this  good  success  that  he  had  had,  fell  violently  upon  the  neighbouring  smaller  cities  and  vil- 
 lages ;  when  he  took  Abila,  and  Julias,  Bezeuioth,  and  all  those  that  lay  as  far  as  the  lake 
 Asphaltitis,  and  put  such  of  the  destriers  into  each  of  them  as  he  thought  proper.  He  then 
 put  his  soldiers  on  board  the  ships,  and  slew  such  as  had  fled  to  the  lake,  insomuch,  that  all 
 Perea  bad  either  surrendered  themselves,  or  were  taken  by  the  Romans,  as  far  as  Macherus. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  Vespasian,  upon  hearing  of  some  Commotions  in  Gall,*  made  haste  to  finish  the  Jetvish 
 War.  A  Description  of  Jericho,  and  of  the  Great  Plain  ;  with  an  Account  besides  of  the 
 Lake  Asphaltitis. 
 
 §  1.  In  the  mean  time  an  account  came,  that  there  were  commotions  in  Gall,  and  that  Vindex, 
 together  with  the  men  of  power  in  that  country,  had  revolted  from  Nero  ;  which  affair  is  more 
 accurately  described  elsewhere.  This  report,  thus  related  to  Vespasian,  excited  him  to  go  on 
 briskly  with  the  war  ;  for  he  foresaw  already  the  civil  wars  which  were  coming  upon  them, 
 nay,  that  the  very  government  was  in  danger,  and  he  thought,  if  he  could  first  reduce  the 
 eastern  parts  of  the  empire  to  peace,  he  should  make  the  fears  for  Italy  the  lighter;  while 
 therefore  the  winter  was  his  hinderance,  [from  going  into  the  field,]  he  put  garrisons  into  the 
 villages  and  smaller  cities  for  their  security  ;  he  put  decurions  also  into  the  villages,  and  cen- 
 turions into  the  cities ;  he  besides  this  built  many  of  the  cities  that  had  been  laid  waste,  but  at 
 the  beginning  of  the  spring  he  took  the  greatest  part  of  his  army,  and  led  it  from  (lesarea  to 
 Antipatris,  where  Le  spent  two  days  in  settling  the  affairs  of  that  city,  and  then,  o*   the  third 
 
 •  Gr.  Galatia,  and  so  every  where. 
 
BOOK    IV, —  CHAP.  VIII.  657 
 
 day,  lie  inarcLed  on,  laying  waste  and  burning  all  the  neighbouring  villages.  And  when  Le 
 had  laid  waste  all  tlie  places  about  the  toparchy  of  Thamnas,  he  passed  on  to  Lydda  and  Jani- 
 nia,  and  when  both  these  cities  liad  come  over  to  him,  he  phiccd  a  jjreat  many  of  those  tiiat 
 had  come  over  to  him  [from  other  places  as  iiihal)itiuits]  therein,  and  then  came  to  Emmaus, 
 where  he  seized  apori  tbe  passages  which  led  thence  to  their  metropolis,  and  fortified  his  camp, 
 and,  leaving  the  fifih  legion  therein,  he  came  to  the  toparchy  of  Bethleptephon.  He  then 
 destroyed  that  (ilace  and  the  neighbouring  places  by  (ire,  and  fortified  at  proper  places  the 
 strong  holds  all  about  Idnmea  ;  and  when  he  had  seized  upon  two  villages,  which  were  in  the 
 very  midst  of  Idumea,  Betaris  and  Criphartobas,  he  slew  about  ten  thousand  of  the  people,  and 
 carried  into  captivity  above  a  thousand,  and  drove  away  the  rest  of  the  multitude,  and  i)lace^ 
 no  small  part  of  his  own  forces  in  them,  wiio  over-ran  and  laid  waste  the  whole  mountainous 
 country  ;  wiiile  he  with  tbe  rest  of  his  forces  returned  to  Emmaus,  whence  he  came  down, 
 through  the  country  of  Samaria,  and  bard  by  the  city  by  others  called  Neapolis  (or  Sichem,) 
 but  by  the  people  of  that  country  Maborfha,  to  Corea,  where  he  pitched  his  camp,  on  the 
 second  day  of  the  month  Desius,  [Sivan  :]  and  on  the  day  following  he  came  to  Jericho,  on 
 which  day  Trajan,  one  of  his  commanders^  joined  him  with  the  forces  he  brought  out  of  Perea, 
 all  tiie  places  beyond  Jordan  being  subdued  already. 
 
 2.  Hereupon  a  great  multilisde  prevented  their  approach,  and  cnme  out  of  Jericho,  and  fled 
 to  those  mountainous  parts  that  lay  over  againt:t  Jerusalem,  while  that  part  which  was  left 
 behind  was  in  a  great  measure  destroyed  ;  they  also  found  the  city  desolate.  It  is  situated  in 
 a  plain,  but  a  naked  and  barren  mountain,  of  a  very  great  length,  hangs  over  it.  which  extends 
 itself  to  the  land  about  Scythopolis  northward,  but  as  far  as  tbe  country  of  Sodom,  and  the 
 utmost  limits  of  the  lake  Asphaltilis  southward.  This  mountain  is  all  of  it  very  uneven  and 
 uninhabited  by  reason  of  its  barrenness  ;  there  is  an  opposite  mountr.in  that  is  situated  over 
 against  it,  on  the  other  side  of  Jordan  ;  this  last  begins  at  Julias,  and  the  northern  quarters, 
 and  extends  itself  southward  as  far  as  Soinorrlion,*  which  is  the  bounds  of  Petra  in  Arabia. 
 In  this  ridge  of  mountains  there  is  one  called  the  Iron  Mountain,  that  runs  in  length  as  far  as 
 Moab.  Now  the  region  that  lies  in  the  middle  between  this  ridge  of  mountains,  is  called  the 
 Great  Plain  ;  it  reaches  from  the  village  of  Ginnabris,  as  far  as  the  lake  Asphallitis  ;  its 
 length  is  two  hundred  and  thirty  furlongs,  and  its  breadth  a  hundred  and  twenty,  and  it  is 
 divided  in  the  midst  by  Jordan.  It  hath  two  lakes  in  it,  that  of  Asphaltitis,  and  that  of  Tibe- 
 rias, whose  natures  are  opposite  to  each  other  ;  for  the  former  is  salt  and  unfruitful,  but  that 
 of  Tiberias  is  sweet  and  fruitful.  This  phiin  is  much  burnt  up  iu  summer-time,  and,  by  reason 
 of  the  extraordinary  heat,  contains  a  very  unwholesome  air  ;  it  is  all  destitute  of  water  except- 
 ing the  river  Jordan,  which  water  of  Jordan  is  the  occasion  why  those  plantations  of  palm- 
 trees  that  are  near  its  banks  are  more  flourishing  and  much  more  fruitful,  as  are  those  that 
 are  remote  from  it  not  so  nourishing  or  fruitful. 
 
 S.  Notwithstanding  which,  there  is  a  fountain  by  Jericho,  that  runs  plentifully,  and  is  very 
 fit  for  watering  the  ground;  it  arises  near  the  old  city,  which  Joshua  the  son  of  Nun,  the 
 general  of  the  Hebrews,  took  the  first  of  all  the  cities  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  by  right  of  war. 
 The  report  is,  that  this  fountain,  at  the  beginning,  caused  not  only  the  blasting  of  the  earth 
 and  the  trees,  but  of  the  children  born  of  women,  and  that  it  was  entirely  of  a  sickly  and  cor- 
 ruptive nature  to  all  things  whatsoever,  but  that  it  was  made  gentle  and  very  wholesome  and 
 fruitful  by  the  prophet  Elisha.  This  prophet  was  familiar  with  Elijah,  and  was  his  successor, 
 who,  when  he  once  was  the  guest  of  the  people  at  Jericho,  and  tbe  men  of  the  place  had 
 treated  him  very  kindly,  he  both  made  them  amends  as  well  as  the  country,  by  a  lasting 
 favour;  for  he  went  out  of  the  city  to  this  fountain,  and  threw  into  the  current  an  earthen 
 vessel  full  of  salt;  after  which  he  stretched  out  his  righteous  hand  unto  heaven,  and,  pouring 
 out  a  mild  drink-ofl'ering,  he  made  this  supplication,  that  "  the  current  might  be  mollified, 
 and  that  the  veins  of  fresh  water  might  be  opened  ;  that  God  also  would  bring  into  the  place 
 a  more  temperate  and  fertile  air  for  the  current,  and  would  bestow  upon  the  people  of  that 
 country  plenty  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  a  succession  of  children  ;  and  that  this  prolilic 
 water  might  never  fail  them  while  they  continued  to  be  righteous. "f  To  these  prayers  Elisha 
 joined  proper  opjrations  of  his  hands,  after  a  skilful  manner,  and  changed  the  fountain;  and 
 that  water,  which  had  been  the  occasion  of  barrenness  and  famine  before,  from  that  time  did 
 supply  a  numerous  posterity,  and  aflbrd  great  abundance  to  the  country.  Accordingly,  the 
 power  of  it  is  so  great  in  watering  the  ground,  that  if  it  do  but  once  touch  a  country,  it  afl'ords 
 a  sweeter  nourishment  than  other  waters  do,  when  they  lie  so  long  upon  them  till  they  are 
 satiated  with  them.  For  which  reason,  the  advantage  gained  from  other  waters,  when  they 
 flow  in  great  plenty,  is  bnt  small  ;  while  that  of  this  water  is  great,  when  it  flows  even  in  little 
 quantities  :  accordingly,  it  waters  a  larger  space  of  ground  than  any  other  waters  do,  and 
 passes  along  a  plain  of  seventy  furlongs   long,   and   twenty  broad  ;   wherein  it  affords  nourish- 
 
 *  Whether  this  Somorrhon,  or  Somorrha,  ought  not  to  be  here  written  Gomorrna,  as  some  MSS.  in  a  man- 
 ner have  it,  (for  the  place  meant  by  .losephiis  seems  to  be  near  Segor  or  Zoar,  at  the  very  south  of  the  Dead 
 Sea,  hard  by  which  stood  Sodoui  and  Gomorrha,)  cannot  now  be  certainly  determined,  but  seems  by  no  means 
 improbabJe. 
 
 +  This  excellent  prayer  of  FJifha  is  wanting  in  our  copies,  2  Kings  ii.  21,  22.  though  it  be  referred  to  also 
 lu  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  b.  vii.  chap,  xxxvii.  and  the  success  of  it  is  mentioned  m  them  all. 
 
 4  O 
 
658  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 ment  to  those  most  excellent  gardens,  that  are  thick  set  with  trees.  There  are  in  it  many 
 sorts  of  palm  trees  that  are  watered  by  it,  different  from  each  other  in  taste  and  name  ;  tiie 
 better  sort  of  them,  when  they  are  pressed,  yield  an  excellent  kind  of  honey,  not  much  inferior 
 in  sweetness  to  other  honey.  This  country  withal  produces  honey  from  bees,  it  also  bears  that 
 balsam  which  is  the  most  precious  of  all  the  fruits  in  that  place,  cypress  trees  also,  and  those 
 that  bear  myrobalannm  ;  so  that  he  who  should  pronounce  this  place  to  be  divine,  would  not 
 be  mistaken,  wherein  is  such  plenty  of  trees  produced,  as  are  very  rare,  and  of  the  most 
 excellent  sort.  And  indeed,  if  we  speak  of  those  other  fruits,  it  will  not  be  easy  to  light  on 
 any  climate  in  the  habitable  earth,  that  can  well  be  compared  to  it,  what  is  here  sowed  comes 
 np  in  such  clusters ;  the  cause  of  which  seems  to  me  to  be  the  warmth  of  the  air,  and  the  fer- 
 tility of  the  waters  ;  the  warmth  calling  forth  the  sprouts,  and  making  them  spread,  and  the 
 moisture  making  every  one  of  them  take  root  firmly,  and  supplying  that  virtue  which  it 
 stands  in  need  of  in  summer  time.  Now  this  country  is  then  so  sadly  burnt  up,  that  nobody 
 cares  to  come  at  it,  and  if  the  water  be  drawn  np  before  sun-rising,  and  after  that  exposed  to 
 the  air,  it  becomes  exceeding  cold,  and  becomes  of  a  nature  quite  contrary  to  the  ambient  air : 
 as  in  winter  again  it  becomes  warm  ;  and  if  you  go  into  it,  it  appears  very  gentle.  The  ambient 
 air  is  here  also  of  so  good  a  temperature,  that  the  people  of  the  country  are  clothed  in  linen 
 only,  even  when  snow  covers  the  rest  of  Judea.  This  place  is  one  hundred  and  fifty  furlongs 
 from  Jerusalem,  and  sixty  from  Jordan.  The  country  as  far  as  Jerusalem  is  desert  nnd  slony; 
 but  that  as  far  as  Jordan  and  the  lake  Asphaltitis  lies  lower  indeed,  though  it  be  equally 
 desert  and  barren.  But  so  much  shall  sufHce  to  have  been  said  about  Jericho,  and  of  the 
 great  happiness  of  its  situation. 
 
 4.  The  nature  of  the  lake  Asphaltitis  is  also  wortb  describing.  It  is,  as  I  have  said  already, 
 bitter  and  UDfrcitful.  If  is  so  light  [or  thick]  that  it  bears  up  the  heaviest  things  that  are 
 thrown  into  it ;  nor  is  it  easy  for  any  one  to  make  things  sink  therein  to  the  bottom,  if  he  had 
 a  mind  so  to  do.  Accordingly,  when  Vespasian  went  to  see  it,  he  commanded  that  some  who 
 could  not  swim,  should  have  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  and  be  thrown  into  the  deep,  when 
 it  so  happened  that  they  all  swam  as  if  a  wind  had  forced  them  upwards.  Moreover,  the 
 change  of  the  colour  of  this  lake  is  wonderful,  for  it  changes  its  appearance  thrice  every  day, 
 and  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  fall  differently  upon  it,  the  light  is  variously  reflected.  However, 
 it  casts  up  black  clods  of  bitumen  in  many  parts  of  it,  these  swim  at  the  top  of  the  water,  and 
 resemble  both  in  shape  and  bigness  headless  bulls  ;  and  when  the  labourers  that  belong  to  the 
 lake  come  to  it,  and  catch  hold  of  it  as  it  hangs  together,  they  draw  it  into  their  ships  :  but 
 when  the  ship  is  full,  it  is  not  easy  to  cut  off  the  rest,  for  it  is  so  tenacious  as  to  make  the  .ship 
 hang  upon  its  clods  till  they  set  it  loose  with  the  menstrual  blood  of  women,  and  with  nrine,  to 
 which  alone  it  yields.  This  bitumen  is  not  only  useful  for  the  caulking  of  ships,  but  for  the 
 cure  of  men's  bodies  :  accordingly,  it  is  mixed  in  a  great  many  medicines.  The  length  of  this 
 lake  is  five  hundred  and  eighty  furlongs,  where  it  is  extended  as  far  as  Zoar  in  Arabia,  and  its 
 breadth  is  an  hundred  and  fifty.  The  country  of  Sodom  borders  upon  it.*  It  was  of  old  a 
 most  happy  land,  both  for  the  fruits  it  bore  and  the  riches  of  its  cities,  although  it  he  now  all 
 burnt  up.  Lt  is  related  how,  for  the  impiety  of  its  inhabitants,  it  was  burnt  by  lightning;  in 
 consequence  of  which  there  are  still  the  remainders  of  that  divine  fire,  and  the  traces  [or 
 shadows]  of  the  five  cities  are  still  to  be  seen,  as  well  as  the  ashes  growing  in  their  fruits, 
 which  fruits  have  a  colour  as  if  they  were  fit  to  be  eaten,  but  if  you  pluck  them  with  your 
 Lands,  they  dissolve  into  smoke  and  ashes.  And  thus  what  is  related  of  this  land  of  Sodom 
 bath  these  marks  of  credibility  which  onr  very  sight  affords  us. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 That  Vespasian,  after  he  had  taken  Gadara,  made  Preparation  for  the  Siege  of  Jerusalem. 
 But  that,  upon  his  hearing  of  the  Death  of  Nero,  he  changed  his  Intentions.  As  also  con- 
 cerning Simon  of  Gerasa. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Vespasian  had  fortified  all  the  places  round  about  Jerusalem,  and  erected 
 citadels  at  Jericho  and  Adida,  and  placed  garrisons  in  them  both,  partly  out  of  his  own 
 Romans,  and  partly  out  of  the  body  of  his  auxiliaries.  He  also  sent  Lucius  Annins  to  Gerasa, 
 and  delivered  to  him  a  body  of  horsemen,  and  a  considerable  number  of  footmen.  So  when 
 he  had  taken  the  city,  which  he  did  at  the  first  onset,  he  slew  a  thousand  of  those  young  men 
 who  had  not  prevented  him  by  flying  away  :  but  he  took  their  families  captive  ;  and  permitted 
 bis  soldiers  to  plunder  them  of  their  effects  ;  after  which  he  set  fire  to  their  houses,  and  went 
 away  to  the  adjoining  villages,  while  the  men  of  power  fled  away,  and  the  weaker  part  were 
 destroyed,  and  what  was  remaining  was  all  burnt  down.  And  now  the  war  having  gone 
 through  all  the  mountainous  country,  and  all  the  plain  country  also,  those  that  were  at  Jeru- 
 salem were  deprived  of  the  liberty  of  going  out  of  the  city  :  for  as  to  such  as  had  a  mind  to 
 desert,  they  were  watched  by  the  Zealots ;  and  to  such  as  were  not  yet  on  the  side  of  the 
 Romans,  their  army  kepi  them  in,  by  encompassing  the  city  round  about  ou  all  sides. 
 
 •  See  note  on  b.  v.  cnap.  xiii.  i  6. 
 
BOOK  IV. — CPIAP.   IX.  669 
 
 2.  Now  as  Vespasian  was  relumed  to  Cesarea,  and  was  getting  ready  with  all  his  army  to 
 iiiarcii  directly  to  .Ferusalem,  he  was  informed  liiat  Nero  was  dead,  after  he  had  reigned  thir- 
 teen years  and  eight  days  ;  but  as  to  any  narration  after  what  manner  he  abased  his  power  ia 
 the  government,  and  committed  the  management  of  affairs  to  those  vile  wretches  Nymphidius 
 and  Tigeilinus,  liis  unworthy  freed-raeu ;  and  how  he  had  a  plot  laid  against  him  by  them,  and 
 was  deserted  by  all  liis  guards,  and  ran  away  with  four  of  his  most  trusty  freed-men,  and  slew 
 himself  in  the  suburbs  of  Rome  ;  and  how  those  that  occasioned  his  death  were  in  no  long  time 
 brought  themselves  to  punishment ;  how  also  the  war  in  Gaul  ended  ;  and  how  Galba  was  made 
 emperor,*  and  returned  out  of  Spain  to  Rome  ;  and  how  be  was  accused  by  the  soldiers  as  a 
 pusillanimous  person,  and  slain  by  treachery  in  the  middle  of  the  market-place  at  Rome,  and 
 Otho  was  made  emperor  ;  with  his  expedition  against  the  commanders  of  Vitellius,  and  his 
 destruction  thereupon  ;  and  besides  what  troubles  there  were  under  Vitellius,  and  the  fight 
 that  was  about  the  capitol  ;  as  also  how  Antonius  Primus  and  Mucianus  slew  Vitellius,  and  his 
 German  leijions,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to  that  civil  war;  I  have  omitted  to  give  an  exact 
 account  of  them,  because  they  are  well  known  by  all,  and  they  are  described  by  a  great  number 
 of  Greek  and  Roman  authors  ;  yet  for  the  sake  of  the  connexion  of  matters,  and  that  my  his- 
 tory may  not  be  incoherent,  I  have  just  touched  upon  every  thing  hrieOy.  Wherefore  Ves- 
 pasian put  oft'  at  first  his  expedition  against  Jerusalem,  and  stood  waiting  whither  the  empire 
 would  be  transferred  after  the  death  of  Nero.  Moreover,  when  he  heard  that  Galba  was 
 made  emperor,  he  attempted  nothing  till  he  also  should  send  him  some  directions  about  the 
 war  ;  however,  he  sent  his  son  Titus  to  him,  to  salute  him,  and  to  receive  his  commands  about 
 the  Jews.  Upon  the  very  same  errand  did  king  Agrippa  sail  along  with  Titus  to  Galba;  but 
 as  they  were  sailing  in  their  long  ships  by  the  coasts  of  Achaia,  for  it  was  winter  time,  they 
 heard  that  Galba  was  slain,  before  they  could  get  to  him,  after  he  had  reigned  seven  months 
 and  as  many  days.  After  whom  Otho  took  the  government,  and  undertook  the  management 
 of  public  affairs.  So  Agrippa  resolved  to  go  on  to  Rome,  witiiout  any  terror  on  account  of 
 the  change  in  the  government  ;  but  Titus,  by  a  divine  impulse,  sailed  back  from  Greece  to 
 Syria,  and  came  in  great  haste  to  Cesarea,  to  bis  father.  And  now  they  were  both  in  suspense 
 about  the  public  affairs,  the  Roman  empire  being  then  in  a  llucluating  condition,  and  did  not 
 go  (in  with  iheir  expedition  against  the  Jews,  but  thought  that  to  make  any  attack  apon 
 foreigners  was  now  unseasonable,  on  account  of  the  solicitude  they  were  in  for  their  own 
 country. 
 
 3.  And  now,  there  arose  another  war  in  Jerusalem.  There  was  a  son  of  Giora,  one  Simon, 
 by  birth  of  Gerasa,  a  young  man,  not  so  cunning  indeed  as  John  [of  Gischala]  who  bad  already 
 seized  upon  the  city,  but  superior  in  strength  of  body  and  courage  ;  on  which  account,  when 
 he  had  been  driven  away  from  that  Acrabattene  toparchy  which  he  once  had,  by  Ananus  the 
 high  priest,  he  came  to  those  robbers  who  had  seized  upon  Masada.  At  the  first  they  suspected 
 him,  and  only  permitted  hira  to  come  with  the  woman  he  brought  with  him,  into  the  lower 
 part  of  the  fortress,  while  they  dwelt  in  the  upper  part  of  it  themselves.  However,  bis  man- 
 ner so  well  agreed  with  theirs,  and  he  seemed  so  trusty  a  man,  that  he  went  out  with  them, 
 and  ravaged  and  destroyed  the  country  with  them  about  Masada  ;  yet  when  he  pursuaded 
 them  to  undertake  greater  things,  he  could  not  prevail  with  them  so  to  do  ;  for  as  they  were 
 accustomed  to  dwell  in  that  citadel,  they  were  afraid  of  going  far  from  that  whicli  was  llielr 
 hiding-place  ;  but  be  afi'ecling  lo  tyrannize,  and  being  fond  of  greatness,  when  he  bad  heard 
 of  the  death  of  Ananus,  he  left  them,  and  went  into  the  mountainous  part  of  the  country.  So 
 he  proclaimed  liberty  to  those  in  slavery,  and  a  reward  to  those  already  free,  and  got  together 
 a  set  of  wicked  men  from  all  quarters. 
 
 4.  And  as  he  had  now  a  strong  body  of  men  about  him,  he  over-ran  the  villages  that  lay  in 
 the  mountainous  country,  and  when  there  were  still  more  and  more  that  came  to  him,  he  ven- 
 tured to  go  down  into  the  lower  parts  of  the  country,  and,  since  he  was  now  become  formidable 
 to  the  cities,  many  of  the  men  of  power  were  corrupted  by  him  ;  so  that  his  array  was  no  longer 
 composed  of  slaves  and  robbers,  but  a  great  many  of  the  populace  were  obedient  to  hira  as  to 
 their  king.  He  then  over-ran  the  Acrabattene  toparchy,  and  the  places  that  reached  as  far  as 
 the  Great  Iduniea  ;  for  he  built  a  wall  at  a  certain  village  called  Nain,  and  made  use  of  that 
 as  a  fortress  for  his  own  party's  security  ;  and  at  the  valley  called  Paran,  he  enlarged  many 
 of  the  caves,  and  many  others  he  found  ready  for  his  purpose ;  these  he  made  use  of  as  reposi- 
 tories for  his  treasures,  and  receptacles  for  his  prey,  and  therein  he  laid  up  the  fruits  that  he 
 had  got  by  rapine  ;  and  many  of  his  partisans  had  their  dwelling  in  them,  and  he  made  no 
 secret  of  it,  that  he  was  exercising  bis  men  beforehand,  and  making  preparations  for  the  assault 
 of  Jerusalem. 
 
 5.  Whereupon  the  Zealots,  out  of  the  dread  they  were  io  jf  his  attacking  them,  and  being 
 willing  to  prevent  one  that  was  growing  up  to  oppose  th=m,  went  oui  against  him  with  their 
 weapons,     Simon   met  them,   and  joining  battle  with   them,  slew  a  considerable  number  of 
 
 •  Of  these  Roman  aflfairs  and  tumults  under  Galba,  Otho.  and  Vitellius,  here  only  touched  upon  by  Jose- 
 phua,  sec  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Dio,  more  largely.  However,  we  may  observe  with  Ottius,  that  Josephus 
 writes  the  name  of  the  second  of  them  not  Otto,  with  many  others,  but  Otho,  with  the  coius.  See  also  tha 
 note  on  chap.  xi.  ^  4. 
 
€60  WARS    OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 tbem,  and  drove  tbe  rest  before  bim  into  tbe  city,  but  darst  not  trust  so  much  upon  his  foroes, 
 as  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  walls  ;  bat  he  resolved  first  to  subdue  Idumea,  and  as  be  bad 
 DOW  twenty  thousand  armed  men,  he  marched  to  the  borders  of  their  country.  Hereupon  the 
 rulers  of  the  Idumeans  got  together  on  the  sadden  the  most  warlike  part  of  tbeir  people,  about 
 twenty-five  thousand  in  number,  and  permitted  the  rest  to  be  a  guard  to  their  own  country,  bj 
 reason  cf  the  incursions  that  were  made  by  the  Sicarii  that  were  at  Masada.  Thus  they  re- 
 ceived Simon  at  tbeir  borders,  where  they  fought  him,  and  continued  the  battle  all  that  day, 
 and  the  dispute  lay  whether  they  had  conquered  him  or  been  conquered  by  him.  So  be  went 
 back  to  Nain,  as  did  the  Idumeans  return  home.  Nor  was  it  long  ere  Simon  came  violently 
 again  upon  their  country  ;  when  be  pitched  his  camp  at  a  certain  village  called  Thecoe,  and 
 sent  Eleazar,  one  of  bis  companions,  to  those  that  kept  garrison  at  Herodiom,  and  in  order 
 to  persuade  them  to  surrender  that  fortress  to  him.  The  garrison  received  this  man  readily  j 
 while  they  knew  nothing  of  what  he  came  aboat,  but  as  soon  as  he  talked  of  the  surrender  of  the 
 place,  they  fell  upon  him  with  their  drawn  swords,  till  be  found  that  he  had  no  place  for 
 flight,  when  he  threw  himself  down  from  the  wall  into  the  valley  beneath  ;  so  he  died  imme- 
 diately :  but  the  Idameans,  who  were  already  much  afraid  of  Simon's  power,  thought  fit  to  take 
 a  view  of  the  enemy's  army  before  they  hazarded  a  battle  with  them. 
 
 6.  Now,  there  was  one  of  their  commanders  named  Jacob,  who  offered  to  serve  them  readily 
 upon  that  occasion,  but  had  it  in  his  mind  to  betray  them.  He  went  therefore  from  the 
 village  Alurus,  wherein  the  army  of  the  Idumeans  were  gotten  together,  and  came  to  Simon, 
 and  at  the  very  first  he  agreed  to  betray  his  country  to  bim,  and  took  assurances  upon  oath 
 from  him,  that  he  should  always  have  him  in  esteem,  and  then  promised  bim,  that  he  would 
 assist  him  in  subduing  all  Idumea  under  him  ;  upon  which  account  he  was  feasted  after  an 
 obliging  manner  by  Simon,  and  elevated  by  bis  mighty  promises,  and  when  he  was  returned 
 to  bis  own  men,  he  at  first  belied  the  army  of  Simon,  and  said  it  was  manifold  more  in  number 
 than  what  it  was  ;  after  which,  he  dexterously  persuaded  the  commanders,  and  by  degrees 
 tbe  whole  multitude,  to  receive  Simon,  and  to  surrender  the  whole  government  up  to  him, 
 without  fighting.  And  as  he  was  doing  this,  he  invited  Simon  by  his  messengers,  and  pro- 
 mised him  to  disperse  ihe  Idumeans,  which  he  performed  also,  for  as  soon  as  their  army  was 
 nigh  them,  he  first  of  all  got  upon  bis  horse,  and  fled,  together  with  those  whom  he  had  cor- 
 rnpted  ;  hereupon  a  terror  fell  upon  the  whole  multitude,  and  before  it  came  to  a  close  fight, 
 they  broke  their  ranks,  and  every  one  retired  to  his  own  home. 
 
 7.  Thus  did  Simon  unexpectedly  march  into  Idumea,  without  bloodshed,  and  made  a  sud- 
 den attack  upon  the  city  Hebron  and  took  it ;  wherein  he  got  possession  of  a  great  deal  of 
 prey,  aud  plundered  it  of  a  vast  quantity  of  fruit.  Now  the  people  of  the  country  say,  that  it 
 is  an  ancienter  city,  not  only  than  any  in  that  country,  but  than  Memphis  in  Egypt,  and  ac- 
 cordingly its  age  is  reckoned  at  two  thousand  and  three  hundred  years.  They  also  relate, 
 that  it  had  been  the  habitation  of  Abrara,  the  progenitor  of  the  Jews,  after  he  had  removed  out 
 of  Mesopotamia  ;  and  they  say,  that  his  posterity  descended  from  thence  into  Egypt,  whose 
 monuments  are  to  this  very  time  shewn  in  that  small  city  ;  the  fabric  of  which  monuments 
 are  of  the  most  excellent  marble,  and  wrought  after  the  most  elegant  manner.  There  is  also 
 there  shewn,  at  the  distance  of  six  furlongs  from  the  city,  a  very  large  turpentine  tree  ;*  and 
 report  goes,  that  this  tree  bos  continued  since  the  creation  of  the  world.  Thence  did  Simon 
 make  his  progress  over  all  Idumea,  and  did  not  only  ravage  tbe  cities  and  villages,  but  laid 
 waste  the  whole  country  ;  for,  besides  those  that  were  completely  armed,  he  had  forty  thou- 
 sand men  that  followed  bim,  insomuch  that  be  had  not  provisions  enough  to  suffice  such  a 
 multitude.  Now,  besides  this  want  of  provisions  that  he  was  in,  he  was  of  a  barbarous  dispo- 
 sition, and  bore  great  anger  at  this  nation,  by  which  means  it  came  to  pass  that  Idumea  was 
 greatly  depopulated  ;  and  as  one  may  see  all  the  woods  behind  despoiled  of  their  leaves  by 
 locusts  after  they  have  been  there,  so  was  there  nothing  left  behind  Simon's  army  but  a 
 desert.  Some  places  they  burnt  down,  some  they  utterly  demolished,  and  whatsoever  grew 
 in  the  country  they  either  trod  it  down  or  fed  upon  it,  and  by  their  marches  they  made  the 
 ground  that  was  cultivated  harder  and  more  nntractable  than  that  which  was  barren.  In 
 short,  there  was  no  sign  remaining  of  those  places  that  had  been  laid  waste,  that  ever  they 
 had  bad  a  being. 
 
 8.  This  success  of  Simon  excited  the  Zealots  afresh  -,  and  tboagh  they  were  afraid  to  fight 
 bim  openly  in  a  fair  battle,  yet  did  they  lay  ambushes  in  tbe  passes,  and  sized  upon  his  wife, 
 with  a  considerable  number  of  her  attendants  ;  whereupon  tliey  came  back  to  the  city  rejoicing, 
 as  if  they  had  taken  Simon  himself  captive,  and  were  in  present  expectation  that  he  would  lay 
 down  his  arms,  and  make  supplication  to  them  for  his  wife  ;  but  instead  of  indulging  any  mer- 
 ciful affectioD,  he  grew  very  angry  at  them  for  seizing  his  beloved  wife  ;  so  he  came  to  the 
 wall  of  Jerusalem,  and,  like  wild  beasts  when  they  are  wounded,  and  cannot  overtake  those 
 that  wounded  tbem,  he  vented  his  spleen  upon  all  persons  that  he  met  with.  Accordingly  he 
 caught  all  those  that  were  come  oat  of  the  city  gates,  either  to   gather  herbs  or  sticks,  who 
 
 *  Some  of  the  anrients  call  this  famous  tree,  or  prove,  oak,  others  a  turpentine  tree  or  grove.  I«  has  been 
 very  famous  in  all  past  ages,  and  is  so,  1  suppose,  at  this  day,  and  that  particularly  for  an  tmiueut  mart,  or 
 lueetiug  of  meichauts  there  every  year,  as  the  travellers  inform  us. 
 
BOOK    IV.— CFIAP.    IX.  661 
 
 were  unarmed,  and  in  years;  Le  then  tormented  tliem  and  destroyed  tliem,  out  of  the  immense 
 rage  he  was  in,  and  was  almost  ready  to  taste  the  very  flesh  of  their  dead  bodies.  He  also 
 cut  ofl"  the  hands  of  a  great  many,  and  sent  them  into  the  city  to  astonish  his  enemies,  and  in 
 order  to  make  the  people  fail  into  a  sedition,  and  desert  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of  his 
 wife's  seisure.  He  also  enjoined  them  to  tell  the  people,  that  Simon  swore  by  the  God  of  the 
 universe,  who  sees  all  things,  that  unless  they  will  restore  him  his  wife,  he  will  break  dovn 
 tlieir  wall,  and  intlict  the  like  punishment  upon  all  the  citizens,  without  sparing  any  age,  and 
 without  making  any  distinction  between  the  guilty  and  the  innocent.  These  threatenings  so 
 greatly  all'righted,  not  the  people  only,  but  the  Zealots  themselves  also,  that  they  sent  his 
 wife  back  to  him,  when  he  became  a  little  milder,  and  left  off  his  perpetual  bloodshedding. 
 
 9.  But  now  sedition  and  civil  war  j)revailed,  not  only  over  Judea,  but  in  Italy  also  ;  for 
 now  Calba  was  slain  in  the  midst  of  the  Roman  market-place  ;  then  was  Otho  made  emperor, 
 and  fought  against  Vitellius,  who  set  up  for  emperor  also,  for  the  legions  in  Germany  had 
 chosen  him.  But  when  he  gave  battle  to  Valens  and  Cecinna,  who  were  ^'itellius's  generals, 
 at  Betriacum  in  Gaul,  Otho  gained  tiie  advantage  on  the  first  day,  but  on  the  second  day 
 Vitellius's  soldiers  had  the  victory :  and  after  much  slaughter  Otho  slew  himself,  when  he  had 
 heard  of  this  defeat  at  Brixia,  and  after  he  had  managed  the  public  afl'airs*  three  mnnlhs  and 
 two  days.  Otho's  army  also  came  over  to  Vitellius's  generals,  and  he  came  himself  down  to 
 Rome  with  his  army.  But  in  the  mean  lime  Vespasian  removed  from  Cesarea,  on  the  hflli 
 day  of  the  month  Desius,  [Sivan,]  and  inarched  against  those  places  of  Judea  which  were  not 
 yet  overthrown.  So  he  went  up  to  the  monntainous  country,  and  took  those  two  toparchies 
 that  were  called  the  Gophnitick  and  Acrabattiue  toparcliies.  After  which  he  look  Bethel 
 and  Ephraira,  two  small  cities,  and,  when  he  had  put  garrisons  into  them,  he  rode  as  far  as 
 Jerusalem,  in  which  march  he  took  many  prisoners,  and  many  captives  ;  but  Cerealis,  one  of 
 Lis  commanders,  took  a  body  of  horsemen  and  footmen,  and  laid  waste  that  part  of  Idui.-iea 
 which  was  called  the  Upper  Iduinea,  and  attacked  Caphethra,  which  pretended  to  be  a  small 
 city,  and  tonk  it  at  the  first  onset,  and  burnt  it  down.  He  also  attacked  Capharabim,  and  laid 
 siege  to  it,  for  it  had  a  very  strong  wall,  and  when  he  expected  to  spend  a  long  time  in  that 
 siege,  those  that  were  within  opened  their  gates  on  the  sudden,  and  came  to  beg  pardon,  and 
 surrendered  themselves  up  to  him.  When  Cerealis  had  conquered  them  he  went  to  Hebron, 
 another  very  ancient  city.  I  have  told  you  already,  that  this  city  is  situated  in  a  mountainous 
 country  not  far  oft"  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  he  had  broken  into  the  city  by  force,  viiint  mullitude 
 and  young  men  were  left  therein  he  slew,  and  burnt  down  the  city  ;  so  that  as  now  all  the 
 places  were  taken,  excepting  Herodium,  Masada,  and  Maclierus,  which  were  in  the  posses- 
 sion of  the  robbers,  so  Jerusalem  was  what  the  Romans  at  present  aimed  at. 
 
 10.  And  now,  as  soon  as  Simon  had  set  his  wife  free,  and  recovered  her  from  the  Zealots, 
 he  returned  back  to  the  remainders  of  Idumea,  and,  driving  the  nation  all  before  him,  from  all 
 quarters,  he  compelled  a  great  number  of  them  to  retire  to  Jerusalem  ;  he  followed  them  him- 
 self also  to  the  city,  and  encompassed  the  wall  all  round  again  :  and  when  he  lighted  npon 
 any  labourers  that  were  coming  thither  out  of  the  country,  he  slew  them.  Mow  this  Simon, 
 who  was  without  the  wall,  was  a  greater  terror  to  the  people  than  the  Romans  themselves,  as 
 were  the  Zealots  who  were  within  it  more  heavy  upon  them  than  both  of  the  others  ;  and 
 during  this  time  did  the  mischievous  contrivances  and  courage  [of  John]  corrupt  the  body  of 
 the  Galileans  ;  fnr  these  Galileans  had  advanced  this  John,  and  made  him  very  potent,  who 
 made  them  suitable  requital  from  the  authority  he  had  obtained  by  their  means  ;  for  he  per- 
 mitted them  to  do  all  things  that  any  of  them  desired  to  do,  while  their  inclination  to  plunder 
 was  insatiable,  as  was  their  zeal  in  searching  the  houses  of  the  rich  ;  and  for  the  murdering 
 of  the  men,  and  abusing  of  the  women,  it  was  sport  to  them.  They  also  devoured  what  spoils 
 they  had  taken,  together  with  their  blood,  and  indulged  themselves  in  feminine  wantonness, 
 without  any  disturbance,  till  they  were  satiated  therewith  :  while  they  decked  their  hair  and 
 put  on  women's  garments,  and  were  besmeared  over  with  ointments  ;  and  that  they  might 
 appear  very  comely,  they  had  paints  under  their  eyes,  and  imitated,  not  only  the  ornaments, 
 but  also  the  lusts  of  women,  and  were  guilty  of  snch  intolerable  uncleanness,  that  they 
 invented  unlawful  pleasures  of  that  sort ;  and  thus  did  iliey  roll  themselves  up  and  down  the 
 city,  as  in  a  brothel  house,  and  defiled  it  entirely  witli  their  impure  iirtions  ;  nay,  while  their 
 fac?s  looked  like  the  faces  of  women,  they  killed  witli  their  right  hands  ;  and  when  their  gait 
 was  edeminate,  they  presently  attacked  men,  and  beranie  warriors,  and  drew  their  swords 
 from  under  their  finely  dyed  clokes,  and  ran  every  body  through  whom  they  lighted  Upon, 
 However,  Simon  waited  for  such  as  ran  away  from  John,  and  was  the  more  bloody  of  the  two: 
 and  he  who  had  escaped  the  tyrant  within  the  wall,  was  destroyed  by  the  other  that  lay  before 
 the  gates,  so  that  all  attempts  of  living  and  dcsrr;ing  to  the  Romans  were  cut  ofl',  if  any  had 
 a  mind  so  to  do. 
 
 11.  Yet  did  the  army  that  was  under  John  raise  a  sedition  against  him,  and  all  the  Idii- 
 iiieans  separated  themselves  from  the  tyrant,  and  attempted  to  destroy  him,  and  this  out  of  their 
 envy  at  his  power,  and  hatred  of  his  cruelty;  so   they  got  together,  and  slew   many  of  the 
 
 •  Snetor.iiip  differs  liardly  three  days  from  Joscphus,  and  say;,,  Otho  perished  on  the  95th  day  of  his  reign. 
 Iji  i)ihou.    See  the  note  ou  chap,  xi,  5.  4. 
 
602  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 Zealots,  and  drove  the  rest  before  them  into  tliat  royal  palace  tlint  was  huilt  bv  Ciajile,  who 
 was  a  relation  of  Izates,  the  king  of  Adiabene  ;  the  Idumeans  fell  in  nilii  them,  and  drove 
 the  Zealots  out  thence  into  the  temple,  and  betook  themselves  to  plunder  John's  effects;  for 
 both  he  hiioself  was  iu  that  palace,  and  therein  had  he  laid  up  the  spoils  he  had  acquired  by 
 Lis  tyranny.  In  the  mean  time  the  multitude  of  the  Zealots  that  were  dispersed  over  the  city 
 ran  tocether  to  the  temple  unto  those  that  had  lied  thither,  and  John  prepared  to  bring  them 
 down  against  the  people  and  the  Idumeans,  who  were  not  so  much  afraid  of  being  attacked 
 by  them,  because  they  were  themselves  belter  soldiers  than  they,  as  at  their  madness,  lest 
 they  should  privately  sally  out  of  the  temple  and  get  among  them,  Miid  not  only  destroy  them, 
 but  set  the  city  on  fire  also.  So  they  assembled  themselves  together,  and  the  high  priests 
 with  them,  and  took  counsel  after  what  manner  they  should  avoid  their  assault.  Now  it  was 
 God  who  turned  their  opinions  to  the  worst  advice,  and  thence  they  devised  such  a  remedy  to 
 get  themselves  free,  as  was  worse  than  the  disease  itself.  Accordingly,  in  order  to  overthrow 
 John,  they  determined  to  admit  Simon,  and  earnestly  to  desire  the  introduction  of  a  second 
 tyrant  into  the  city  ;  which  resolution  they  brought  to  perfection,  and  sent  Matthias  the  high 
 priest,  to  beseech  this  Simon  to  come  in  to  them,  of  whom  they  had  so  often  been  afraid. 
 Those  also  who  had  fled  from  the  Zealots  in  Jerusalem,  joined  in  this  request  to  him,  out  of 
 the  desire  they  had  of  preserving  their  houses  and  their  effects.  Accordingly  he,  in  an  arro- 
 gant manner,  granted  them  his  lordly  protection,  and  came  into  the  city  in  order  to  deliver  it 
 from  the  Zealots.  The  people  also  made  joyful  acclamations  to  him,  as  their  saviour  and  their 
 preserver  :  but  when  he  was  come  in  with  his  army,  he  took  care  to  secure  his  own  authority, 
 and  looked  upon  those  that  had  invited  him  in,  to  be  no  less  his  enemies  than  those  against 
 whom  the  invitation  was  intended. 
 
 12.  And  thus  did. Simon  get  possession  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  third  year  of  the  war,  in  the 
 month  Xanthicus,  [Nisan  ;]  whereupon  John,  with  his  multitude  of  Zealots,  as  being  both  pro- 
 hibited from  coming  out  of  the  temple,  and  having  lost  their  power  in  the  city,  (for  Simon  and 
 his  party  had  plundered  them  of  what  they  had,)  were  in  despair  of  deliverance.  Simon  also 
 made  an  assault  upon  the  temple,  with  the  assistance  of  the  people,  wjiile  the  others  stood 
 upon  the  cloisters  and  the  battlements,  and  defended  themselves  from  their  assaults.  How- 
 ever, a  considerable  number  of  Simon's  party  fell,  and  many  were  carried  off  wounded  ;  for  the 
 Zealots  threw  their  darts  easily  from  a  superior  place,  and  seldom  failed  of  hitting  their  ene- 
 mies;  but  having  the  advantage  of  situation,  and  having  withal  erected  four  very  large  towers 
 aforehand,  that  their  darts  might  come  from  higher  places,  one  at  the  north  east-corner  of  the 
 court,  one  above  the  Xystns,  the  third  at  another  corner  over  against  the  lower  city,  and  the 
 last  was  erected  above  the  top  of  the  Pastophoria,  where  one  of  the  priests  stood  of  course, 
 and  gave  a  signal  beforehand,  with  a  trumpet,*  at  the  beginning  of  every  seventh  day,  iu  the 
 evening  twilight,  as  also  at  the  evening  when  the  day  was  finished,  as  giving  notice  to  the  , 
 people  when  they  were  to  leave  off  work,  and  when  they  were  to  go  to  work  again.  These 
 men  also  set  their  engines  to  cast  darts  and  stones  withal,  upon  those  towers,  with  their  archers 
 and  slingers.  And  now  Simon  made  his  assault  upon  the  temple  more  faintly,  by  reason  that 
 the  greatest  part  of  his  men  grew  weary  of  the  work  ;  yet  did  he  leave  off  his  oppcsition, 
 because  his  army  was  superior  to  the  others,  althougli  the  darts  which  were  thrown  by  the 
 engines  were  carried  a  great  way,  and  .slew  many  of  tlio.se  that  fought  for  him. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  the  Soldiers,  both  in  Judea  and  Egypt,  proclaimed  Vespasian  Emperor.     And  how  Ves- 
 pasian released  Josephus  of  his  Bonds. 
 
 §  1.  Now  about  this  very  time  it  was  that  heavy  calamities  came  about  Rome  on  all  sides  ; 
 for  Vitellius  was  come  from  Germany  with  his  soldiery,  and  drew  along  with  him  a  great 
 multitude  of  other  men  besides.  And  when  the  spaces  allotted  for  the  soldiers  could  not  con- 
 tain them,  he  made  all  Rome  itself  his  camp,  and  filled  all  the  houses  with  armed  men  : 
 which  men,  when  they  saw  the  riches  of  Rome  with  those  eyes  which  had  never  seen  such 
 riches  before,  and  found  themselves  shone  round  about  on  all  sides  with  silver  and  gold,  they 
 had  much  ado  lo  contain  their  covetous  desires,  and  were  ready  to  betake  themselves  to  plun- 
 der, and  to  the  slaughter  of  such  as  should  stand  in  their  way.  And  this  was  the  state  of 
 affairs  in  Italy  at  ihat  time. 
 
 2.  But  when  Vespasian  had  overthrown  all  the  places  that  were  near  to  Jerusalem,  he 
 returned  to  Cesarea,  and  heard  of  the  troubles  that  were  at  Rome,  and  that  Vitellius  was 
 emperor.  This  produced  indignation  in  him,  although  he  well  knew  how  to  be  governed  as 
 well  as  to  govern,  and  could  not,  with  any  satisfaction,  own  him  for  his  lord,  who  acted  so 
 madly,  and  seized  upon  the  government  as  if  it  were  absolutely  destitute  of  a  governor.  And 
 as  this  sorrow  of  his  was  violent,  he  was  not  able  to  support  the  torments   he  was  under,  nor  . 
 
BOOK    IV. — CHAP.    X.  663 
 
 to  apply  himself  farther  in  other  wars,  when  his  native  country  was  laid  waste  ;  but  then,  as 
 much  as  bis  passion  excited  liirn  to  avenge  his  country,  so  much  was  he  restrained  by  the  con- 
 sideration of  his  distance  therefrom  ;  because  fortune  might  prevent  Lim,  and  do  a  world  of 
 mischief  before  he  could  himself  sail  over  the  sea  to  Italy,  especially  as  it  was  still  the  winter 
 season  .   so  he  restrained  his  anger,  how  vehement  soever  it  was,  at  this  time. 
 
 3.  But  now  his  commanders  and  soldiers  met  in  several  companies,  and  consulted  openly 
 about  changing  the  public  afiairs,  and  out  of  their  indignation,  cried  out,  liow  "  at  Rome 
 there  are  soldiers  that  live  delicately  ;  and  when  they  have  not  ventured  so  much  as  to  hear 
 the  fame  of  war,  they  ordain  whom  tliey  please  for  our  governors,  and  in  hopes  of  gain  make 
 thera  emperors  ;  while  you  who  have  gone  through  so  many  labours,  and  are  grown  into  years 
 under  your  helmets,  give  leave  to  others  to  use  such  a  power,  when  yet  you  have  among  your- 
 selves one  more  worthy  to  rule  than  any  whom  they  have  set  up.  Now  what  jnster  oppor- 
 tunity shall  they  ever  have  of  requiting  their  generals,  if  they  do  not  oiake  use  of  this  that  is 
 now  before  them?  while  there  is  so  much  juster  reasons  for  \"espasian's  being  emperor  than 
 for  Vitellius  ;  as  they  are  themselves  more  deserving  than  those  that  made  the  other  emperors  ; 
 for  that  they  have  undergone  as  great  wars  as  have  the  troops  that  come  from  Germany  ;  nor 
 are  they  inferior  in  war  to  those  that  have  brought  that  tyrant  to  Rome,  nor  have  they  under- 
 gone smaller  labours  than  they  i  for  that  neither  will  the  Romiin  senate,  nor  people,  bear  such 
 a  lascivious  emperor  as  Vitfcllius,  if  he  be  compared  with  their  chaste  Ves|)asian  ;  nor  will 
 they  endure  a  most  barbarous  tyrant,  instead  of  a  good  governor,  nor  choose  one  that  hath  no 
 child,*  to  preside  over  them,  instead  of  him  that  is  a  father  ;  because  the  advancement  of 
 men's  own  children  to  dignities  is  certainly  the  greatest  security  kings  can  give  for  themselves. 
 Whether,  therefore,  we  estimate  the  capacity  of  governing  from  the  skill  of  a  person  in  years, 
 we  ought  10  have  Vespasian  ;  or  whether  from  the  strength  ofa  young  man,  we  ought  to  have 
 Titus  ;  for  by  this  means  we  shall  have  the  advantage  of  both  their  ages,  for  that  they  will 
 afford  strength  to  those  that  shall  be  made  emperors,  they  having  already  three  legions,  besides 
 other  auxiliaries  from  the  neighbouring  kings,  and  will  have  farther  all  the  armies  in  the  East 
 to  support  them,  as  also  those  in  Europe,  so  far  as  they  are  out  of  tlje  distance  and  dread  of 
 Vitellius,  besides  such  auxiliaries  as  they  may  have  in  Italy  itself,  that  is,  Vespasian's  brother, t 
 and  his  other  son  [Doraitian  ;]  the  one  of  whom  will  bring  in  a  great  many  of  those  young 
 men  that  are  of  dignity,  while  the  other  is  entrusted  with  the  government  of  the  citj',  which 
 oflSce  of  his  will  be  no  small  means  of  Vespasian's  obtaining  the  government.  Upon  the  whole, 
 the  case  may  be  such,  that  if  we  ourselves  make  farther  delays,  the  senate  may  choose  an 
 emperor,  whom  the  soldiers,  who  are  the  saviours  of  the  empire,  will  have  in  contempt." 
 
 4.  These  were  the  discourses  the  soldiers  had  in  their  several  companies  ;  after  which  they 
 got  together  in  a  great  body,  aud  encouraging  one  another,  they  declared  Vespasian  emperor,| 
 and  exhorted  him  to  save  the  government,  which  was  in  danger.  Now  Vespasian's  concern 
 had  been  for  a  considerable  time  about  the  public,  yet  did  he  not  intend  to  set  up  for  governor 
 himself,  though  his  actions  shewed  hifti  to  deserve  it,  while  he  preferred  that  safety  which  is  in 
 a  private  life,  before  the  dangers  in  a  state  of  such  dignity  :  but  while  he  refused  the  empire, 
 the  commanders  insisted  the  more  earnestly  upon  his  acceptance,  and  the  soldiers  came  about 
 him,  with  their  drawn  swords  in  their  hands,  and  threatened  to  kill  him,  unless  he  would  now 
 live  according  to  his  dignify.  And  when  he  had  shewn  his  reluctance  a  great  while,  and  had 
 endeavoured  to  thrust  away  his  dominion  from  him,  he  at  length,  being  not  able  to  persuade 
 them,  yielded   to  their  solicitations   that  would  salute  him  emperor. 
 
 5.  So  upon  the  exhortations  of  3Iucianus,  and  the  other  commanders,  that  he  would  accept 
 of  the  empire,  and  upon  that  of  the  rest  of  the  army,  who  cried  out,  that  they  were  willing  to 
 be  led  against  all  his  opposers,  he  was  in  the  first  place  intent  upon  gaining  the  dominion  over 
 Alexandria,  as  knowing  that  Egypt  was  of  the  greatest  consequence,  in  order  to  obtain  the 
 entire  government,  because  of  its  supplying  corn  [to  Rome,]  which  corn  if  he  could  be 
 master  of,  he  hoped  to  dethrone  Vitellius,  supposing  he  should  aim  to  keep  the  empire  by 
 force,  (for  he  would  not  be  able  to  support  himself,  if  the  multitude  at  Rome  should  once  be 
 in  want  of  food  ;)  and  because  he  was  desirous  to  join  the  two  legions  that  were  at  Alexandria 
 to  the  other  two  legions  that  were  with  him.  He  also  considered  with  himself,  that  he  should  theu 
 have  that  country  for  a  defence  to  himself  against  the  uncertainty  of  fortune.  For  Egypt  is 
 bard  to  be  entered  by  laDd,§  and  bath  no  good  havens  by  sea.     It  bath  on   the  west  the  dry 
 
 •  The  Roman  authors  that  now  remain,  say,  Vitellius  had  children,  whereas  Josephus  introduces  here  the 
 Roman  soldiers  in  Judea  sayintj  he  had  none.  Which  of  these  assertions  wa3  the  truth,  1  knon-  not.  iSpan- 
 heim  thinks  he  hath  given  a  i)eculiar  reason  for  calling  Vitellius  "childless,"  though  he  really  had  children. 
 Diss,  de  Num.  pages  649,  C50.  to  which  it  appears  very  diiKcult  to  give  our  assent. 
 
 +  This  brother  of  Vespasian  was  Plavius  .Sabinus,  as  .Suetonius  informs  us,  in  Vitell.  $  15.  and  in  Vespas. 
 S  2.    He  is  also  named  by  Josephus  presently,  chap.  xi.  §  4. 
 
 t  It  is  plain  by  the  nature  of  the  thing,  as  well  as  by  Josephus  and  Eutropius,  that  Vespasian  was  fir.st  of  all 
 Baluted  emperor  in  Judea,  and  not  till  some  time  afterward  in  F'.gypt.  Whence  Tacitus's  and  Suetonius's  pre- 
 sent copies  must  be  corrected,  when  they  both  say,  that  he  was  hrst  proclaimed  in  EKypt,  and  that  on  the 
 kalends  of  July,  while  they  still  say  it  was  the  tifth  of  the  nones  or  ides  of  the  same  July  before  he  was  pro- 
 claimed in  Judea.  I  suppose  the  month  they  there  intended  was  June,  and  not  July,  as  the  copies  now  hava 
 It ;  nor  does  Tacitus's  coherence  imply  less.    .See  lUsay  on  the  Revelation,  page  136. 
 
 $  Here  we  have  an  authentic  description  of  the  boucds  and  circumstances  of  Egypt  in  the  days  of  Ves- 
 pasian and  Titus. 
 
664  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 deserts  of  Libya,  and  on  the  south  Sjene,  that  divides  it  from  Ethiopia,  as  well  as  the  cataracts 
 of  the  Nile,  that  cannot  be  sailed  over  ;  and  on  the  east  the  Red  Sea,  extended  as  far  as  Cop- 
 tus ;  and  it  is  fortified  on  the  north  by  the  land  that  reaches  to  Syria,  together  wifli  that  called 
 the  Egyptian  Sea,  having  no  havens  in  it  for  ships.  •  And  thus  is  Egypt  walled  about  on  every 
 side.  Its  length  between  Pelusium  and  Syene  is  two  thousand  furlongs,  and  the  passage  bj 
 sea  from  Plinthine  to  Pelusium  is  three  thousand  six  hundred  furlongs.  Its  river  Nile  is 
 navigable  as  far  as  the  city  called  Elephantine,  the  forenaraed  cataracts  hindering  ships  from 
 going  any  farther.  The  haven  also  of  Alexandria  is  not  entered  by  the  mariners  without  diffi- 
 culty, even  in  times  of  peace  ;  for  the  passage  inward  is  narrow,  and  full  of  rocks,  that  lie 
 auder  the  water,  which  obliges  the  mariners  to  turn  from  a  straight  direction  :  its  left  side  is 
 blocked  up  by  works  made  by  men's  hands  on  both  sides  ;  on  its  right  side  lies  the  island 
 called  Pharus,  which  is  situated  just  before  the  entrance,  and  supports  a  very  great  lower, 
 that  affords  the  sight  of  a  fire  to  such  as  sail  within  three  hundred  furlongs  of  it,  that  ships 
 may  cast  anchor  a  great  way  otf  in  the  night-time,  by  reason  of  the  difficulty  of  sailing  nearer. 
 About  this  island  are  built  very  great  piers,  the  haiidywork  of  men,  against  which  when  the 
 sea  dashes  itself,  and  its  waves  are  broken  against  those  boundaries,  the  navigation  becomes 
 very  troublesome,  and  the  entrance  through  so  narrow  a  passage  is  rendered  dangerous,  yet  ia 
 the  haven  itself,  when  you  are  got  into  it,  a  very  safe  one,  and^of  thirty  furlongs  in  largeness; 
 into  which  is  brought  what  the  country  wants  in  order  to  its  happiness,  as  also  what  abun- 
 dance the  country  affords,  more  than  it  wants  itself,  is  hence  distributed  into  all  the  habitable 
 earth. 
 
 6.  Justly,  therefore,  did  Vespasian  desire  to  obtain  that  government,  in  order  to  corrobo- 
 rate his  attempts  upon  the  whole  empire  ;  so  he  immediately  sent  to  Tiberius,  Alexander,  who 
 was  then  governor  of  Egypt  and  of  Alexandria,  and  informed  him  what  the  army  had  put  him 
 upon,  and  how  he,  being  forced  to  accept  of  the  burden  of  the  govornment,  was  desirous  to 
 have  him  for  his  confederate  and  supporter.  Now  as  soon  as  ever  Alexander  had  read  this 
 letter,  he  readily  obliged  the  legions  and  the  multitude  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Vespasian, 
 both  of  whom  willingly  complied  with  him,  as  already  acquainted  with  the  courage  of  the  man, 
 fiom  that  bis  conduct  in  their  neighbourhood.  Accordingly  Vespasian  looking  upon  himself 
 as  already  entrusted  with  the  government,  got  all  things  ready  for  his  journey  [to  Rome.] 
 Now  fame  carried  this  news  abroad  more  suddenly  than  one  could  have  thought,  that  he  was 
 emperor  over  the  East,  upon  which  everv  city  kept  festivals,  and  celebrated  sacrifices  and 
 oblations  for  such  good  news  ;  the  legions  also  that  were  in  IMysia  and  Pannonia,  who  had 
 been  in  commotion  a  little  before,  on  account  of  this  insolent  attempt  of  Vitellius,  were  very 
 glad  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Vespasian,  upon  his  coming  to  the  empire.  Vespasian  then 
 removed  from  Cesarea  to  Berytus,  where  many  embassages  came  to  him  from  Syria,  and 
 tns.nj  fxoin  oilier  provinces,  bringing  with  them  from  every  city  crowns,  and  the  congratula- 
 tions of  the  people.  Mucianus  came  al>o,  who  was  the  president  of  the  province,  and  told 
 him  wit!)  what  alacrity  the  people  [received  the  news  of  his  advancement,]  and  how  the  people 
 of  every  city  had  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  him. 
 
 7.  So  Vespasian's  good  fortune  succeeded  to  his  wishes  every  where,  and  the  public  affairs 
 were  for  the  greatest  part  already  in  his  hands  ;  upon  which  he  considered  that  he  had  not- 
 arrived  at  the  government  without  divine  Providence,  but  that  a  rigbfeons  kind  of  fate  had 
 brought  the  empire  under  his  power  ;  for  as  he  called  to  mind  the  other  signals,  which  had 
 been  a  great  many  every  where,  that  foretold  he  should  obtain  the  government,  so  did  he 
 rember  what  Josephus  had  said  to  him  when  he  ventured  to  foretell  his  coming  to  the  empire 
 while  Nero  was  alive  ;  so  he  was  much  concerned  that  this  man  was  still  in  bonds  with  him. 
 He  then  called  for  Mucianus,  together  with  his  other  commanders  and  friends,  and  in  the 
 first  place,  he  informed  them  what  a  valiant  man  Josephus  had  beeS,  and  what  great  hardships 
 he  had  made  him  undergo  in  the  siege  of  Jotapata.  After  that,  he  related  those  predictions* 
 of  his  which  he  had  then  suspected  as  fictions,  suggested  out  of  the  fear  he  was  in,  but  which 
 had  by  time  been  demonstrated  to  be  divine.  "  It  is  a  shameful  thing  (said  he,)  that  this  man 
 who  hath  foretold  my  coming  to  the  empire  beforehand,  and  been  the  minister  of  a  divine  mes- 
 sage to  me,  should  still  be  retained  in  the  condition  of  a  captive  or  prisoner."  So  he  called 
 for  Josephus,  and  commanded  that  he  should  be  set  at  liberty  ;  whereupon  the  coramauriers 
 promised  themselves  glorious  things,  from  this  requital  Vespasian  made  to  a  stranger.  Til  us 
 was  then  present  with  his  father,  and  said,  "  O  father,  it  is  but  just  that  the  scandal  [of  a  pri- 
 soner] should  be  taken  off  Josephus,  together  with  his  iron  chain.  For  if  we  do  not  barely 
 loose  his  bonds,  but  cut  them  to  pieces,  he  will   be  like  a  man  that  had  never  been  bound   at 
 
 •  As  Daniel  was  prcfeiTed  by  Darius  aud  Cyrus,  on  account  of  his  having  foretold  the  destruction  of  the 
 Babylonian  monarchy  by  their  means,  and  the  consequent  exaltation  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  Dan.  v.  vi. 
 or  rather,  as  Jeremiah,  when  he  was  a  prisoner,  was  set  at  liberty  aud  honourably  treated  by  Nebuzaradan, 
 at  the  command  of  N  ebuchadnezzar,  on  acccount  of  his  having  foretold  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the 
 Babylonians,  Jer.  xl.  1 — ?•  so  was  our  Josephus  set  at  liberty,  and  honourably  treated,  on  account  of  his  hav- 
 ing foretold  the  advancement  of  Vespasiau  and  Titas  to  the  Roman  empire.  All  these  are  most  eminent 
 ingtauos  of  the  interposition  of  divine  Providence,  and  of  the  certainty  of  divine  predictions  in  the  great 
 revo;j',ions  of  the  four  monarchies,  -'everal  such  like  examples  there  are,  both  in  tihe  sacred  and  other  his- 
 tories, as  iu  tlie  case  of  Joseph  in  Egyi)t,  and  of  Jaddua  the  high  priest,  in  the  days  of  Alexander  the 
 Oreai,  &:c. 
 
BOOK   IV. — CHAF.  VIII.  6<)5 
 
 nil.'  For  that  is  tlie  usual  method  as  lo  such  as  liave  been  bound  without  a  cause.  This 
 advice  w;is  agreed  to  by  Vespasian  also  ;  so  there  came  a  man  in,  and  cut  the  chain  to  pieces ; 
 while  .Josephus  received  this  testimony  of  his  integrity  for  a  reward,  and  was  moreover  esteem- 
 ed a  person  of  credit  as  to  futurities  also. 
 
 CHAP.  xr. 
 
 That  upon  the  Conquest  and  Slatightei  of  VitelUus,  Vespasian  hastened  his  Journey  to   Rome, 
 but  Titus  his  Son  returned  to  Jerusalem. 
 
 §.  1.  And  now,  when  Vespasian  bad  given  answers  to  the  embassages,  and  bad  disposed  of 
 the  places  of  power  justly,*  and  according  to  every  one's  deserts,  became  to  Antioch,  and 
 consulting  which  way  he  had  best  take,  be  preferred  to  go  to  Rome,  rather  than  to  march  to 
 Alexandria,  because  he  saw  that  Alexandria  was  sure  to  him  already,  but  that  the  aftairs  at 
 Rome  were  put  into  disorder  by  Vitellius;  so  he  sent  Mucianus  to  Italy,  and  committed  a  con- 
 siderable army  both  of  horsemen  and  footmen  to  bim  ;  jet  was  Mucianus  afraid  of  going  by 
 sea,  because  it  was  the  middle  of  winter,  and  so  be  led  his  army  on  foot  through  Cappadocia 
 and  Pbrygia. 
 
 2.  In  the  mean  time  Antonius  Primus  took  the  third  of  the  legions  that  were  in  Mysia,  for 
 he  was  president  of  that  ])rovince,  and  made  haste  in  order  to  fight  Vitellius  ;  whereupon 
 Vitellius  sent  away  Cecinna  with  a  great  array,  having  a  mighty  confidence  in  him,  because 
 of  his  having  beaten  Otho.  Thus  Cecinn.t  marched  out  of  Rome  in  great  haste,  and  found 
 Antonius  about  Cremona  in  Gaul,  which  city  is  in  the  borders  of  Italy  ;  but  when  be  saw  there 
 that  the  enemy  were  numerous  and  in  good  order,  he  durst  not  light  them,  and  as  he  thought 
 a  retreat  dangerous,  so  he  began  to  think  of  betraying  his  army  to  Antonius.  Accordingly  he 
 assembled  the  centurions  and  tribunes  that  were  under  his  command,  and  persuaded  them  to 
 go  over  to  Antonius,  and  this  by  diminishing  the  reputation  of  Vitellius,  and  by  exaggerating 
 the  power  of  Vespasian.  He  also  told  them.  That  "  with  the  one  there  was  no  more  than  the 
 bare  name  of  dominion,  but  with  the  other  was  the  power  of  it.  And  that  it  was  better  for  them 
 to  prevent  necessity,  and  gain  favour,  and,  while  they  were  likely  to  be  overcome  in  battle,  to 
 avoid  tlie  danger  beforehand,  and  go  over  to  Antonius  willingly  ;  that  Vespasian  was  able  of 
 himself  to  subdue  what  bad  not  yet  submitted,  without  their  assistance,  while  Vitellius  could 
 not  preserve  what  he  had  already  with  it." 
 
 3.  Cecinna  said  this,  and  much  more  to  the  same  purpose,  and  persuaded  them  to  comply  with 
 bira,  and  both  he  and  his  army  deserted  ;  but  still  the  very  same  night  the  soldiers  repented 
 of  what  they  had  done,  and  a  fear  seized  on  them,  lest  perhaps  Vitellius  who  sent  them  should 
 get  the  better  :  and  drawing  their  swords,  they  assaulted  Cecinna  in  order  to  kill  him  ;  and  the 
 thing  had  been  done  by  them,  if  the  tribunes  had  not  fallen  upon  their  knees,  and  besought 
 them  not  lo  do  it :  so  the  soldiers  did  not  kill  him,  but  put  him  in  bonds,  as  a  traitor,  and 
 were  about  to  send  him  to  Vitellius.  When  [Antonius]  Primus  heard  of  this,  be  raised  up 
 his  men  immediately,  and  made  them  put  on  their  armour,  and  led  them  against  those  that  had 
 revolted;  hereupon  they  put  themselves  in  order  of  battle,  and  made  a  resistance  for  a  while, 
 but  were  soon  beaten,  and  fled  to  Cremona  :  then  did  Primus  take  his  horsemen,  and  cut 
 off  tlieir  entrance  into  the  city,  and  encompassed  and  destroyed  a  great  multitude  of  them 
 before  the  city,  and  fell  into  the  city  together  with  the  rest,  and  gave  leave  to  his  soldiers  to 
 plunder  it.  And  here  it  was,  that  many  strangers,  who  were  merchants,  as  well  as  many  of 
 the  people  of  that  country,  perished,  among  them  Vitellius's  whole  army,  being  thirty  thou- 
 sand and  two  hundred,  while  Antonius  lost  no  more  of  those  that  came  with  him  from  Mysia 
 than  four  thousand  and  five  hundred :  he  then  loosed  Cecinna,  and  sent  bini  to  Vespasian  to 
 tell  him  the  good  news.  So  he  came,  and  was  received  by  bim,  and  covered  the  scandal  of 
 Lis  treachery  by  the  unexpected  honours  be  received  from  Vespasian. 
 
 4.  And  now,  upon  the  news  that  Antonius  was  approaching,  Sabinus  took  courage  at  Rome, 
 and  assembled  those  cohorts  of  soldiers  that  kept  vratch  by  night,  and  in  the  night-time  seized 
 upon  the  capitol,  and,  as  the  day  came  on,  many  men  of  character  came  over  to  him,  witli 
 Domitian,  bis  brother's  son,  whose  encouragement  was  of  a  very  great  weight  for  tlie  com- 
 passing the  government.  Now  Vitellius  was  not  mucli  concerned  at  this  Primus,  but  was  very 
 angry  with  those  that  had  revolted  with  Sabinus,  and  thirsting,  out  of  his  own  )iatura!  bar- 
 barity, after  noble  blood,  he  sent  out  that  part  of  the  army  which  came  along  witli  him  to  fudit 
 against  the  capitol,  and  manv  bold  actions  were  done  on  this  side,  and  on  the  side  of  those 
 that  held  tlie  temple.  But  at  last,  the  soldiers  that  came  from  Germany,  being  too  numerous 
 for  the  others,  got  the  bill  into  their  possession,  where  Domitiun,  with  many  other  of  the 
 principal  Romans,  providentially  escaped,  while  the  rest  of  the  nuiltiiude  were  entirely  cut 
 to  pieces,  and  Sabinus  himself  was  brougtit  to  Vitellins  and  then  slain  ;  the  soldiers  also  plun- 
 dered the  temple  of  its  ornaments,  and  set  it  on  fire.       But   now  within  a  day's  time  came 
 
 ♦  This  is  well  observed  by  Josephus,  that  Vespasian,  in  order  to  secure  his  success,  and  establish  his 
 government  at  first,  distributed  his  offices  and  places  upon  the  foot  of  justice,  and  bestowed  them  on  such  as 
 best  deserved  theia,  and  were  best  fit  for  them.  Which  wise  conduct  in  a  mere  lleatiien,  oujiiit  lo  put  those 
 rulers  aud  ministers  of  state  to  shame,  who,  professing  Ctmstianity,  act  otherwise,  aud  thereby  expose  them- 
 selves and  their  Liugdoms  to  vice  aud  destruction. 
 
 4f 
 
666  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 Antonias,  with  his  army,  and  were  met  bj  Vitellius  and  his  army  ;  and  having  had  a  battle  in 
 three  several  places,  the  last  were  all  destroyed.  Then  did  Viteliius  come  oat  of  the  palace, 
 in  his  cups,  and  satiated  with  an  extravagant  and  luxurious  meal,  as  in  the  last  extremity,  and 
 being  drawn  along  through  the  multitude,  and  abased  with  all  sorts  of  torments,  had  his  head 
 cut  oft' in  the  midst  of  Rome,  having  retained  the  government  eight  months  and  five  days,* 
 and  had  he  lived  much  longer,  I  cannot  but  think  the  empire  would  not  have  been  sufficient 
 for  his  lust.  Of  the  others  that  were  slain,  were  numbered  above  fifty  thousand.  TLis  battle 
 was  fought  on  the  third  day  of  the  month  Apelleus  [Casleu;]  on  the  next  day  Mucianus  came 
 into  the  city  with  his  army,  and  ordered  Antonius  and  his  men  to  leave  off  killing  ;  for  they 
 were  still  searching  the  houses,  and  killed  many  of  Vitellius's  soldiers,  and  many  of  the  popu- 
 lace, as  supposing  them  to  be  of  his  party,  preventing  by  their  rage  any  accurate  distinction 
 between  them  and  others.  He  then  produced  Domitian,  and  recommended  him  to  the  multi- 
 tude, until  his  father  should  come  himself:  so  the  people  being  now  freed  from  their  fears, 
 made  acclamations  of  joy  for  Vespasian,  as  for  their  emperor,  and  kept  festival  days  for  his 
 confirmation,  and  for  the  destruction  of  V"itellius. 
 
 5.  And  now,  as  Vespasian  was  come  to  Alexandria,  this  good  news  came  from  Rome,  and 
 at  the  same  time  came  embassies  from  all  his  own  habitable  earth,  to  congratulate  him  upon 
 his  advancement;  and  though  this  Alexandria  was  the  greatest  of  all  cities  next  to  Rome,  it 
 proved  too  narrow  to  contain  the  multitude  that  then  came  to  it.  So  upon  this  confirmation  of 
 Vespasian's  entire  government,  which  was  now  settled,  and  upon  the  unexpected  deliverance 
 of  the  public  affairs  of  the  Romans  from  ruin,  Vespasian  turned  his  thoughts  to  what  remained 
 unsubdued  in  Judca.  However,  be  himself  made  haste  to  go  to  Rome,  as  the  winter  was  now 
 almost  over,  and  soon  set  the  affairs  of  Alexandria  in  order,  but  sent  his  son  Titus,  with  a 
 select  part  of  his  army,  to  destroy  Jerusalem.  So  Titus  marched  on  foot  as  far  as  Nicopolis, 
 which  is  distant  twenty  furlongs  from  Alexandria  ;  there  he  put  his  army  on  board  some  long 
 ships,  and  sailed  upon  the  river  along  the  Mendesian  Nomus,  as  far  as  the  city  Thmuis  ;  there 
 he  got  out  of  the  ships,  and  walked  on  foot,  and  lodged  all  night  at  a  small  city  called  Tanis. 
 His  second  station  was  Heracleopolis,  and  his  third  Pelusium  ;  he  then  refreshed  his  army  at 
 that  place  for  two  days,  and  on  the  third  passed  over  the  mouth  of  the  Nile  at  Pelusium  ;  he 
 then  proceeded  one  station  over  the  desert,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  the  temple  of  the  Casian 
 Jupiter,t  and  on  the  next  day  at  Ostraciue.  This  station  had  no  water,  but  the  people  of  the 
 country  make  use  of  water  brought  from  other  places.  After  this  he  rested  at  Rhinocolnra, 
 and  from  thence  he  went  to  Raphia,  which  was  his  fourth  station.  This  city  is  the  beginning 
 of  Syria.  For  his  fifth  station  he  pitched  his  camp  at  Gaza  ;  after  which  he  came  to  Ascalon, 
 and  thence  to  Jarania,  and  after  that  to  Joppa,  and  from  Joppa  to  Cesarea,  having  taken  a 
 resolution  to  gather  all  his  other  forces  together  at  that  place. 
 
 BOOK  V. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  NEAR  SIX  MONTIIS.-FROM  THE  COMING  OF  TITUS 
 TO  BESIEGE  JERUSALEM,  TO  THE  GREAT  EXTREMITY  TO  WHICH  THE  JEWS  WERE 
 REDUCED. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 Concerning  the  Seditions  at  Jerusalem ;  and  what  terrible  Miseries  afflicted  the  City  hy  their 
 
 Means, 
 
 §  1.  When  therefore  Titus  had  marched  over  that  desert  which  lies  between  Egypt  and  Syria, 
 in  the  manner  forementioned,  he  came  to  Cesarea,  having  resolved  to  set  his  forces  in  order  at 
 that  place,  before  he  began  the  war.  Nay,  indeed,  while  he  was  assisting  his  father  at  Alex- 
 andria, in  settling  that  government  which  had  been  newly  conferred  upon  them  by  God,  it  so 
 happened,  that  the  sedition  at  Jerusalem  was  revived,  and  parted  into  three  factions,  and  that 
 one  faction  fought  against  the  other,  which  partition  in  such  evil  cases  may  be  said  to  be  a 
 goM  thing,  and  the  effect  of  divine  justice.  Now  as  to  the  attack  the  Zealots  made  upon  the 
 people,  and  which  I  esteem  the  beginning  of  the  city's  destruction,  it  hath  been  already 
 explained  after  an  accurate  manner ;  as  also  whence  it  arose,  and  to  how  great  a  mischief  it 
 
 •  The  numbers  in  Josephus,  chap,  ix,  §  2,  9.  for  Galba  seven  months  seven  days,  for  Otho  three  months 
 two  days,  and  here  for  Viteliius  eight  months  five  days,  do  not  agree  with  any  Romau  historians,  who  also 
 disagree  among  themselves.  And,  indeed,  Scaliger  "justly  complains,  as  Dr.  Hudson  observes  on  chap.  ix. 
 §  2.  that  this  period  is  vei-y  confused  and  uncertain  in  the  ancient  authors.  'J  hey  were  probably  some  of 
 them  contemporary  together  for  some  time  ;  one  of  the  best  evidences  we  have,  I  meau  Ptolemy's  Canon, 
 omits  them  all,  as  if  they  did  not  altogether  reign  one  whole  year,  nor  had  a  single  Thotb,  or  New-year  s  day 
 (which  then  fell  upon  Aug.  6.)  in  their  entire  reigns.  Dio,  also,  wlio  says  that  Viteliius  reigued  a  year  willau 
 ten  days,  does  yet  estimate  all  their  reigns  together  at  no  more  than  one  year,  one  month,  and  two  days. 
 
 •  There  are  coins  of  this  Casian  Jupiter  still  extant,  as  Spanheim  here  informs  us. 
 
BOOK  v.— CHAP.  I.  GG7 
 
 wns  iricicased.  But  for  the  present  sedition,  one  should  not  mistake  if  lie  called  it  a  sedition 
 hegotlen  by  another  sedition,  and  to  be  like  a  wild  beast  grown  mad,  which,  for  want  of  food 
 from  abroad,  fell  now  upon  eating  its  own  tlesh. 
 
 2.  For  Eieazar,  the  son  of  Simon,  who  made  the  first  separation  of  the  Zealots  from  the 
 people,  and  made  tliem  retire  into  the  temple,  appeared  very  angry  at  John's  insolent  attempts, 
 which  he  made  every  day  upon  the  people  ;  for  this  man  never  left  oil'  murdering  :  but  the 
 truth  was,  that  he  could  not  bear  to  submit  to  a  tyrant  who  set  up  alter  him.  So  he  being 
 desirous  of  gaining  the  entire  power  and  dominion  to  himself,  revolted  from  John,  and  took  to 
 his  assistance  Judas,  the  son  of  Chelcias,  and  Simon  the  son  of  Ezron,  who  were  among  the 
 men  of  greatest  power.  There  was  also  with  him  Hezekiah  the  son  of  Chobar,  a  person  of 
 eminence.  Each  of  these  were  followed  by  a  great  many  of  the  Zealots;  these  seized  upon 
 the  inner  court  of  the  temple,*  and  laid  their  arms  upon  the  holy  gates,  and  over  the  holy  fronts 
 of  that  court.  And  because  they  had  plenty  of  provisions,  they  were  of  good  courage,  for 
 there  was  a  great  abundance  of  what  was  consecrated  to  sacred  uses,  and  they  scrupled  not 
 the  making  use  of  them  ;  yet  were  they  afraid  on  account  of  their  small  number,  and  when 
 they  had  laid  up  their  arras  there,  they  did  not  stir  from  the  place  they  were  in.  Now  as  to 
 John,  what  advantage  he  had  above  Eieazar  in  the  ninltitude  of  his  followers,  the  like  disad- 
 vantage he  had  in  the  situation  he  was  in,  since  t:e  had  his  enemies  over  his  head  ;  and  as  he 
 could  not  make  any  assault  upon  them  without  some  terror,  so  was  bis  anger  too  great  to  let 
 them  be  at  rest,  nay,  although  he  sufiered  more  mischief  from  Elcazar  and  his  party  than  he 
 could  inflict  npon  them,  yet  would  he  not  leave  off  assaulting  them,  insoranch  that  there  were 
 continual  sallies  made  one  against  another,  and  the  temple  was  delikd  every  where  with 
 murders. 
 
 3.  But  now  the  tyrant  Simon,  the  son  of  Gioras,  whom  the  people  had  invited  in,  out  of  the 
 hopes  they  had  of  his  asssistance  in  the  great  distresses  they  were  in,  having  in  his  power  the 
 upper  city,  and  a  great  part  of  the  lower,  did  now  make  more  vehement  assaults  upon  Joha 
 and  his  party,  because  they  were  fought  against  from  above  also  ;  yet  was  he  beneath  their  situa- 
 tion, when  he  attacked  them,  as  they  were  beneath  the  attacks  of  the  others  above  them.  Where- 
 by it  came  to  pass,  that  John  did  both  receive  and  indict  great  damage,  and  that  easily,  as  he 
 was  fought  against  on  both  sides  ;  and  the  same  advantage  that  Eieazar  and  his  party  had  over 
 bim,  since  he  was  beneath  them,  the  same  advantage  had  he,  by  his  higher  situation,  over 
 Simon.  On  which  account  he  easily  repelled  the  attacks  that  were  made  from  beneath,  by  the 
 weapons  thrown  from  their  hands  only  ;  but  was  obliged  to  repel  those  that  threw  their  darts 
 from  the  temple  above  him,  by  his  engines  of  war  :  for  he  had  such  engines  as  threw  darts,  and 
 javelins,  and  stones,  and  that  in  no  small  number,  by  which  he  did  not  only  defend  himself  from 
 such  as  fought  against  him,  but  slew  moreover  many  of  the  priests,  as  they  were  about  their 
 sacred  ministrations.  For  notwithstanding  these  men  were  mad  with  all  sorts  of  impiety,  yet 
 did  they  still  admit  those  that  desired  to  offer  their  sacrifices,  although  they  took  care  to  search 
 the  people  of  their  own  country  beforehand,  and  both  suspected  and  watched  them  ;  while  they 
 were  not  so  much  afraid  of  strangers,  who,  although  they  had  gotten  leave  of  them,  how  cruel 
 soever  they  were,  to  come  into  that  court,  were  yet  often  destroyed  by  this  sedition  ;  for  those 
 darts  that  were  thrown  by  the  engines,  came  with  that  force  that  they  went  over  all  the  build- 
 ings, and  reached  as  far  as  the  altar  and  the  temple  itself,  and  fell  upon  the  priests,  and  those 
 that  were  about  the  sacred  offices  :t  insomuch,  that  many  persons  who  came  thither  with  great 
 zeal  from  the  ends  of  the  earth,  to  offer  sacrifices  at  this  celebrated  place,  which  was  esteemed 
 holy  by  all  mankind,  fell  down  before  their  own  sacrifices  themselves,  and  sprinkled  that  altar 
 which  was  venerable  among  all  men,  both  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  with  their  own  blood  ;  till 
 the  dead  bodies  of  strangers  were  mingled  together  with  those  of  their  own  country,  and  those 
 of  profane  persons  with  those  of  the  priests,  and  the  blood  of  all  sorts  of  dead  carcases  stood 
 in  lakes  in  the  holy  courts  themselves.  And  now,  "  O  most  wretched  city,  what  misery  so 
 great  as  this  didst  thou  suffer  from  the  Romans,  when  they  came  to  purify  thee  from  thy  intes- 
 tine hatred?  For  thou  couldest  be  no  longer  a  place  fit  for  God,  nor  couldest  ihon  longer  con- 
 tinue in  being,  after  thou  hadst  been  a  sepnlchre  for  the  bodies  of  thy  own  people,  and  hadst 
 made  the  holy  house  itself  a  burying-place  in  this  civil  war  of  thine.  Yet  mayest  thou  again 
 grow  better,  if  perchance  thou  wilt  hereafter  appease  the  anger  of  that  God  who  is  the  author 
 of  thy  destruction.":!:  But  I  must  restrain  myself  from  these  passions  by  the  rules  of  history, 
 since  this  is  not  a  proper  time  for  domestic  lamentations,  but  for  historical  narratiou^  ;  I 
 therefore  return  to  the  operations  that  follow  in  this  sedition. 
 
 •  This  appears  to  be  the  first  time  tliat  tlie  Zealots  venturod  to  pollute  this  most  ?acred  court  of  the  temple, 
 which  was  the  court  of  the  priests,  wherein  the  temple  itself  and  the  altar  stood.  .So  that  the  conjecture  of 
 those  that  would  interpret  tiiai  Zacharias,  who  was  slain  "  between  the  temple  and  the  altar,"  several  months 
 hefore,  b.  iv.  chap.  v.  i  4.  as  if  he  were  slain  there  by  these  Zealots,  is  groundless,  as  I  have  noted  ou  that 
 place  already. 
 
 +  The  Levites. 
 
 t  This  is  an  excellent  reflection  of  Joscphus,  inrlnding  his  hopes  of  -he  restoration  of  the  .lews  upon  their 
 repentance.  .See  Aniiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  viii.  ^  It"),  which  is  the  grand  Hope  of  iBrael.  as  Manasseh-lKii-Lsriul, 
 the  famous  Jewish  rabbi,  styles  it,  in  his  hmall  but  remarkable  treatise  on  mat  subject,  of  which  the  Jewish 
 prophets  are  every  where  full.  See  the  principal  of  those  prophecies  collected  together  at  the  end  of  th« 
 I'ssay  on  the  Kovelatiou,  page. 322,  fitc. 
 
6GS  WARS    OF    Till.;    JEWS. 
 
 4.  And  now  there  were  tliree  treacherous  factions  in  the  city,  the  one  parted  from  the 
 other.  Eleazar  and  his  party,  lliat  kept  the  sacred  first-fruits,  came  against  John  in  their  cups. 
 Those  that  were  with  Jolin  phnidered  the  populace,  and  went  out  with  zeal  against  Simon. 
 This  Simon  had  his  supply  of  provision  from  the  city,  in  opposition  to  the  seditious.  Wlien, 
 therefore,  John  was  assaulted  on  both  sides,  he  made  his  men  turn  about,  throwing  his  darts 
 upon  those  citizens  that  came  up  against  him,  from  the  cloisters  he  had  in  his  possession, 
 while  he  opposed  those  that  attacked  him  from  the  temple  by  his  engines  of  war.  And  if  at 
 any  time  he  was  freed  from  those  that  were  above  him,  which  happened  frequently,  from  their 
 being  drunk  and  tired,  he  sallied  out  with  a  great  number  upon  Simon  and  his  party  ;  and  this 
 be  did  always  in  such  parts  of  the  city  as  he  could  come  at,  till  he  set  on  fire  those  bouses 
 that  were  full  of  corn,*  and  of  all  other  provisions.  The  same  thing  was  done  by  Simon,  when 
 upon  the  other's  retreat,  he  attacked  the  city  also  ;  as  if  they  had,  on  purpose,  done  it  to  serve 
 the  Romans,  by  destroying  what  the  city  had  laid  up  against  the  siege,  and  by  thus  culling  off 
 the  nerves  of  their  own  power.  Accordingly,  it  so  came  to  pass,  that  all  the  places  that  were 
 about  the  temple  were  burnt  down,  and  were  become  an  intermediate  desert  space,  ready  for 
 fighting  on  both  sides  of  it ;  and  that  almost  all  that  corn  was  burnt,  which  would  have  been 
 sufficient  for  a  siege  of  many  years.  So  they  were  taken  by  the  means  of  the  famine,  which 
 it  was  impossible  they  should  have  been,  unless  they  had  thus  prepared  the  way  for  it  by  this 
 procedcre. 
 
 5.  And  novv',  as  the  city  was  engaged  in  a  war  on  all  sides,  from  these  treacherous  crowds 
 of  wicked  men,  the  people  of  the  city,  between  them,  were  like  a  great  body  torn  in  pieces. 
 The  aged  men  and  the  women  were  in  such  distress  by  their  internal  calamities,  that  they 
 wished  for  the  Romans,  and  earnestly  hoped  for  an  external  war,  in  order  to  their  delivery 
 from  their  domestic  miseries.  The  citizens  themselves  were  under  a  terrible  consternation 
 and  fear  ;  nor  had  they  any  opportunity  of  taking  counsel,  and  of  changing  their  conduct ;  nor 
 were  there  any  hopes  of  coming  to  an  agreement  with  their  enemies ;  nor  could  such  as  had  a 
 inind  flee  away  ;  for  guards  were  set  at  all  places,  and  the  heads  of  the  robbers,  although  they 
 were  seditious  one  against  another  in  other  respects,  yet  did  they  agree  in  killing  those  that 
 were  for  peace  with  the  Romans,  or  were  suspected  of  an  inclioatiou  to  desert  to  them,  as  their 
 common  enemies.  They  agreed  in  nothing  but  this,  to  kill  those  that  were  innocent.  The 
 lioise  also  of  those  that  were  fighting  was  incessant,  both  by  day  and  by  night  ;  but  the  laraen- 
 tatiuus  of  those  that  mourned  exceeded  the  other  ;  nor  was  there  ever  any  occasion  for  them 
 to  leave  oft"  their  lamentations,  because  their  calamities  came  perpetually  one  upon  another, 
 although  the  deep  consternation  they  were  in,  prevented  their  outward  wailing  ;  but  being  . 
 constrained  by  their  fear  to  conceal  their  inward  passions,  they  were  inwardly  tormented, 
 without  daring  to  open  their  lips  in  groans.  Nor  was  any  regard  paid  to  those  that  were  still 
 alive,  by  their  relations  ;  nor  was  there  any  care  taken  of  burial  for  those  that  were  dead  ;  the 
 occasion  of  both  which  was  this,  that  every  one  despaired  of  himself ;  for  those  that  were  not 
 among  the  seditious  had  no  great  desires  of  any  thing,  as  expecting  for  certain  that  they  sliould 
 very  soon  be  destroyed  ;  but  for  the  seditious  themselves,  they  fought  against  each  other,  while 
 tliey  trod  upon  the  dead  bodies  as  they  lay  heaped  one  upon  another,  and  taking  up  a  mad 
 rage  from  those  dead  bodies  that  were  under  their  feet,  became  the  fiercer  thereupon.  They, 
 moreover,  were  still  inventing  somewhat  or  other,  that  was  pernicious  against  themselves  ;  and 
 when  thev  had  resolved  upon  any  thing,  tliey  executed  it  without  mercy,  and  omitted  no 
 method  of  torment  or  of  barbarity.  Nay,  John  abused  the  sacred  materials, t  and  employed 
 tiiera  in  the  construction  of  his  engines  of  war ;  for  the  people  and  the  priests  had  formerly 
 determined  to  support  the  temple,  and  raise  the  holy  house  twenty  cubits  higher  ;  for  king 
 Agrippa  had  at  a  very  great  expense,  and  with  very  great  pains,  brought  thither  such  mate- 
 rials as  were  proper  for  that  purpose,  being  pieces  of  timber  very  well  worth  seeing,  both  for 
 tiieir  strajglitness  and  their  largeness  :  but  the  war  coming  on,  and  interrupting  the  work, 
 John  had  them  cut,  and  prepared  for  the  building  him  towers,  he  finding  them  long  enough  to 
 oppose  them  from  tliose  his  adversaries  that  fought  from  the  temple  that  was  above  him.  He 
 also  bad  them  brought  and  erected  behind  the  inner  court  over  against  the  west  end  of  the 
 cloister,  where  alone  he  could  erect  them  ;;j:  whereas,  the  other  side  of  that  court  had  so  many 
 steps  as  would  not  let  them  come  nigh  enough  the  cloisters. 
 
 6.  Thus  did  John  hope  to  be  too  hard  for  his  enemies  by  these  engines  constructed  by  hit 
 impiety ;  but  Cod  himself  demonstrated  that  his  pains  would  prove  of  no  use  to  him,  by  bring- 
 ing the  Romans  upon  him,  before  he  had  reared  any  of  his  towers;   for  Titus,  when  he  had 
 
 *  This  destruction  of  such  a  vast  quantity  of  corn  and  other  provisions,  as  was  sufficient  for  many  years, 
 was  the  direct  occasion  of  that  terrible  famine  which  consumed  incredible  numbers  of  .lews  m  Jerusalem 
 during  its  siege.  Isor  probablv  could  the  Romans  have  taken  this  city,  after  all,  had  not  these  seditious  Jew» 
 been  so  infatuated,  Hs  thus  madly  to  destroy,  what  Josephus  here  justly  styles,  "  The  nerves  of  their 
 power." 
 
 +  This  timber,  we  see,  was  designed  for  the  rebuilding  those  twenty  additional  cubits  of  the  holy  honse 
 above  the  hundred  which  had  fallen  down  some  years  before.    Sec  the  note  on  Aniiq.  b.  xv.  chap.  xi.  i  3. 
 
 t  Thfi-e  bemg  no  gate  on  the  west,  and  only  on  the  west  side  of  the  court  of  the  priests,  and  so  no  steps 
 there;  this  was  tlie  only  side  that  the  seditious,  under  this  .lohn  cf  Gischala,  could  bring  tlieir  engines  close 
 to  the  cloisters  of  that  court  endways,  though  upon  the  floor  of  the  court  of  Israel.  See  the  scheme  of  that 
 temple,  in  the  description  of  the  temples  hereto  belonging. 
 
liOOK.   V. — CHAP.  11.  669 
 
 gotten  (ogellier  part  of  Lis  forces  about  him,  and  Iia<l  ordered  the  rest  to  meet  liim  at  Jeru- 
 salem, inaiched  out  of  Cesaroa.  He  had  with  him  those  tinea  legions  that  had  accompanied 
 his  faliier,  when  he  laid  Judea  waste,  togetlier  with  that  twelfth  legion  which  had  been  for- 
 merly beaten  with  Cestius;  wliich  legion,  as  it  was  otherwise  remarkable  for  its  valour,  so  did 
 it  march  on  now  with  great  alacrity  to  avenge  themselves  on  the  Jews,  as  remembering  what 
 they  iiad  formerly  suflered  from  them.  Of  these  legions  he  ordered  the  fifth  to  meet  him,  by 
 going  through  Emmaus,  and  the  tenth  to  go  up  by  Jericho;  he  also  moved  himself,  together 
 with  the  rest:  besides  which,  murched  those  aaxiliaries  that  came  from  the  kings,  being  now 
 more  in  number  than  before,  together  with  a  considerable  number  that  came  to  his  assistance 
 from  Syria.  Those  also  that  had  been  selected  out  of  these  four  legions,  and  sect  with  Muci- 
 anus  to  Italy,  had  their  places  filled  up  out  of  these  soldiers  that  came  out  of  Egypt  with 
 Titus  ;  which  were  two  thousand  men,  chosen  out  of  the  armies  at  Alexandria.  There  followed 
 him  also  three  thousand  drawn  from  those  that  guarded  the  river  Euphrates  ;  as  also,  there 
 came  Tiberius  Alexander,  who  was  a  friend  of  his,  most  valuable,  both  for  his  good-will  to 
 him,  and  for  his  prudence.  He  had  formerly  been  governor  of  Alexandria,  but  was  now 
 thought  worthy  to  be  general  of  the  army  [under  Titus.]  The  reason  of  this  was,  that  he  had 
 been  the  first  who  had  encouraged  Vespasian  very  lately  to  accept  this  his  new  dominion,  and 
 joined  himself  to  him  with  great  fidelity,  when  things  were  uncertain,  and  fortune  had  not  yet 
 declared  for  him.  lie  also  followed  Titus  as  a  cuunsellor,  very  useful  to  him  in  this  war, 
 both  by  bis  age  and  skill  in  such  ati'airs. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Titus  marched  to  Jerusalem,  and  how  he  was  in  Danger,  as  he  was  taking  a  View  of  I  he 
 Citi/,     Of  the  Place  also  where  he  ■pitched  his  Camp. 
 
 §  1.  Now  as  Titus  was  upon  bis  march  into  the  enemy's  country,  the  auxiliaries  that  were 
 sent  by  the  kings  marched  first,  having  all  the  other  auxiliaries  with  them,  after  whom  fol- 
 lowed those  that  were  to  prepare  the  roads,  and  measure  out  the  camp  ;  then  came  the  com- 
 manders' baggage,  and  after  that  the  other  soldiers,  who  were  completely  armed  to  support 
 them  ;  then  came  Titus  himself,  having  with  him  another  select  body,  and  then  came  the  pike- 
 men  ;  after  whom  came  the  horse  belonging  to  that  legion.  All  these  came  before  the 
 engines,  and  after  these  engines,  came  the  tribunes  and  the  leaders  of  the  cohorts,  with  their 
 select  bodies  ;  after  these  came  the  ensigns,  with  the  eagle ;  and  before  these  ensigns  cume  the 
 trumpeters  belonging  to  them  ;  next  to  these  came  the  main  body  of  the  armv  in  their  ranks, 
 every  legion  being  six  deep  ;  the  servants  belonging  to  every  legion  came  after  these;  and 
 before  these  last  their  baggage  ;the  mercenaries  came  last,  and  those  that  guarded  them  brought 
 up  the  rear.  Now  Titus,  according  to  the  Roman  usage,  went  in  the  front  of  the  army  after  a 
 decent  manner,  and  marched  through  Samaria  to  Gophna,  a  city  that  had  been  formerly  taken 
 by  his  father,  and  was  then  garrisoned  by  Roman  soldiers  :  and  when  he  had  lodged  there  one 
 night,  he  marched  on  in  the  morning  ;  and  when  he  had  gone  as  far  as  a  day's  march,  he  pitched 
 his  camp  at  that  valley  which  the  Jews,  in  their  own  tongue,  call  The  Valley  of  Thorns,  near 
 a  certain  village  called  Gabaoth-saul,  which  signifies,  The  Hill  of  Saul,  being  distant  from 
 Jerusalem  about  thirty  furlongs.  There  it  was  that  he  chose  out  six  hundred  select  horsemen, 
 and  went  to  take  a  view  of  the  city,  to  observe  what  strength  it  was  of,  and  how  courageous 
 the  Jews  were  ;  whether,  when  they  saw  him,  and  before  they  came  to  a  direct  battle,  they 
 would  be  affrighted  and  submit ;  for  he  had  been  informed  what  was  really  true,  that  the  peo- 
 ple who  were  fallen  under  the  power  of  the  seditious  and  the  robbers,  were  greatly  desirous 
 of  peace  ;  but  being  too  weak  to  rise  up  against  the  rest,  they  lay  still, 
 
 2,  ITow,  so  long  as  he  rode  along  the  straight  road  which  led  to  the  wall  of  the  city,  nobody 
 .nppeared  out  of  the  gates  ;  but  when  he  went  out  of  that  road,  and  declined  towards  the  tower 
 I'sephinus,  and  led  the  hand  of  horsemen  obliquely,  an  immense  number  of  the  Jews  leaped  out 
 suddenly  at  the  towers  called  the  Women's  Towers,  through  that  gate  which  was  over  against 
 the  monuments  of  Queen  Helena,  and  intercepted  his  horse  ;  and,  standing  direcily  opposite 
 to  those  that  still  ran  along  the  road,  hindered  them  from  joining  those  that  had  declined  out  of 
 it.  They  intercepted  Titus  also,  with  a  few  others.  Now  it  was  here  imopssible  for  him  to 
 go  forward,  because  all  the  places  had  trenches  dug  in  them  from  the  wall,  to  preserve  the 
 gardens  round  about,  and  were  full  of  gardens  obliquely  situated,  and  of  many  hedges  ;  and  to 
 return  back  to  his  own  men,  he  saw  it  was  also  impossible,  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  the 
 enemies  that  lay  between  them  ;  many  of  whom  did  not  so  much  as  know  that  the  king  was  in 
 any  danger,*  but  supposed   Lim   still   among  them.     So  he  perceived,   that  his  preservation 
 
 •  We  may  here  note,  that  'J  itiis  is  here  called  a  '  l<ing'  and  '  ("iesar'  bv  Josephus,  even  when  he  was  no 
 more  than  the  emperor's  son,  and  ReDHral  of  the  Roman  army,  rnd  }iis  fa'ther  Vespasian  was  still  alive ;  just 
 as  the  New  'lestaraeut  says,  '  Archelaiis  reigned,'  or  '  was  king,'  IMatt.  ii.  22.  though  he  was  properly  no 
 more  than  ethuarch,  as  .loSKphus  assures  us.  Autiy.  b.  xvii.  chap.  xi.  i)  4.  Of  the  War.  b  ii.  chap.  vi.  ^  3. 
 Jhus  also  tlie  Jews  called   the    Itomau  emperors  '  kinRS.'  ihonyh   they  never  took  that  title  to  themselves: 
 
 We  have  no  kmg  but  Ctesar,'  .lohn  xix.  15.  '  Submit  to  the  king  as  supreme."  1  Pet.  ii.  l.S,  1".  which 
 IS  also  the  lansuage  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  ii.  11,  Si.  iv.  13.  v.  19.  vi.  2,  25.  vii.  16.  viii.  2,  13.  and 
 elsewhere  )n  the  New  Testament,  Blatt.  x.  18.  xvii.  25.  1  Tim.  ii.  2.  and  in  Josephus  also ;  though 
 J  suspect  Josephus  particularly  esteemed  Titus  joint  king  with  his  father,  ever  since  his  divine  di-eams  lliat 
 declared  them  both  such,  b,  iii,  chnp.  viii.  ^  9. 
 
070  WARS  OF  THE  JFWS. 
 
 must  be  wholly  owing  to  Lis  o%vd  courage,  and  turned  bis  horse  about,  and  cried  out  aloud  lo 
 those  that  were  about  liirn,  to  follow  him,  and  ran  with  violence  into  the  midst  of  bis  enemies, 
 in  order  to  force  his  way  through  them  to  his  own  men.  And  hence,  we  may  principally 
 learn,  that  both  the  success  of  wars  and  the  dangers  that  kings*  are  in,  are  under  the  provi- 
 dence of  God  ■,  for  while  such  a  number  of  darts  were  thrown  at  Titus,  when  be  had  neither  his 
 head-piece  ou,  nor  his  breast-plate,  (for,  as  I  told  you,  he  went  out  not  to  fight,  but  to  view 
 the  city,)  none  of  them  touched  his  bod),  but  went  aside  without  hurting  him,  as  if  all  of  them 
 missed  bira  on  purpose,  and  only  made  a  noise  as  they  passed  by  hira.  So  he  diverted  those 
 perpetually  with  his  sword  that  came  on  his  side,  and  overturned  many  of  those  that  directly 
 met  him,  and  made  his  horse  ride  over  those  that  were  overthrown.  The  enemy  indeed  made 
 a  great  shout  at  the  boldness  of  Caesar,*  and  exhorted  one  another  to  rush  upon  him.  Yet  did 
 those  against  whom  he  marched  fly  away,  and  go  ofTfrom  him  in  great  numbers  ;  while  those  that 
 were  in  the  same  danger  with  bira  kept  up  close  to  him,  though  they  were  wounded  both  oti 
 their  brxks  and  en  their  sides  ;  for  they  had  each  of  them  but  this  one  hope  of  escaping,  if 
 they  could  assist  Titus  in  opening  himself  a  way  that  be  might  not  be  encompassed  round  by 
 bis  enemies  before  he  got  away  from  them.  Now,  there  were  two  of  those  that  were  with  him, 
 but  at  some  distance  :  the  one  of  which,  the  enemy  encompassed  round,  and  slew  him  wiih 
 their  darts,  and  his  horse  also  ;  but  the  other  they  slew  as  be  leaped  down  from  his  horse,  and 
 carried  ofl  his  horse  with  them.  But  Titus  escaped  with  the  rest,  and  came  safe  (o  the  camp. 
 So  this  success  of  the  Jevys'  first  attack  raised  their  minds,  and  gave  them  an  ill-grounded 
 hope  ;  and  this  short  inclination  of  fortune  on  their  side,  made  them  very  courageous  for 
 the  future. 
 
 3.  But  now,  as  soon  as  that  legion  that  had  been  at  Emraaus  was  joined  to  Caesar  at  night, 
 be  removed  thence,  when  it  was  day,  and  came  to  a  place  called  Scopus  ;  from  whence  the 
 city  began  already  to  be  seen,  and  a  plain  view  might  be  taken  of  the  great  temple.  Accord- 
 ingly, this  place,  on  the  north  quarter  of  the  city,  and  joining  thereto,  was  a  plain,  and  very 
 properly  named  Scopus  [the  prospect,]  and  was  no  more  than  seven  furlongs  distant  from  it. 
 And  here  it  was  that  Titus  ordered  a  camp  to  be  fortified  for  two  legions  that  were  to  be  toge- 
 ther, but  ordered  another  camp  to  be  fortified,  at  three  furlongs  farther  distance  hehiiid  them, 
 for  the  fifth  legion  ;  for  be  thought  that,  by  marching  in  the  night  they  might  he  tired,  and 
 migiit  deserve  to  be  covered  from  the  enemy,  and  with  less  fear  might  fortify  themselves  ;  and, 
 as  these  were  now  beginning  to  build,  the  tenth  legion,  which  came  through  Jericho,  was 
 already  come  to  the  place,  where  a  certain  party  of  armed  men  had  formerly  lain,  to  guard 
 that  pass  into  the  city,  and  had  been  taken  before  by  Vespasian.  These  legions  bad  orders  to 
 encamp  at  the  distance  of  six  furlongs  from  Jerusalem,  at  the  mount  called  the  Mount  of 
 Olives,*  which  lies  over  against  the  city  on  the  east  side,  and  is  parted  from  it  by  a  deep 
 valley,  intej  posed  between  them,  which  is  named  Cedron. 
 
 4.  Now,  when  hitherto  the  several  parties  in  the  city  had  been  dashing  one  against  anollier 
 perpetually,  this  foreign  war  now  suddenly  came  upon  them  after  a  violent  mauner,  put  the 
 first  stop  to  their  contentions  one  against  another  ;  and,  as  the  seditions  now  saw  with  astonish- 
 ment the  Romans  pitchiug  three  several  camps,  they  began  to  think  of  an  awkward  sort  of 
 concord,  and  said  one  to  another,  "  What  do  we  here,  and  what  do  we  mean,  when  we  saU'er 
 three  fortified  walls  to  be  built,  to  coop  us  in,  that  we  shall  not  be  able  to  breathe  freely? 
 while  the  enemy  is  securely  building  a  kind  of  city  in  opposition  to  us,  and  while  we  sit  still 
 within  our  own  walls,  and  become  spectators  only  of  what  they  are  doing,  with  our  bands 
 idle,  and  our  armour  laid  by,  as  if  tliey  were  about  somewhat  that  was  for  our  good  and 
 advantage.  We  are,  it  seems,  (so  did  they  cry  out)  only  couiageous  against  ourselves,  while 
 the  Romans  are  likely  to  gain  the  city  without  bloodshed  by  our  sedition."  Thus  did  they 
 encourage  one  another  when  they  were  gotten  together,  and  took  their  armour  immediately, 
 and  ran  out  upon  the  tenth  legion,  and  fell  upon  the  Romans  with  great  eagerness,  and  with  a 
 prodigious  shout,  as  they  were  fortifying  their  camp.  These  Romans  were  caught  in  diflTerent 
 parties,  and  this,  in  order  to  perform  their  several  works,  and  on  that  account  bad  in  great 
 measure  laid  aside  their  arras  ;  for  they  thought  the  Jews  v/ould  not  have  ventured  to  make  a 
 sally  upon  them,  and,  had  they  been  disposed  so  to  do,  they  supposed  their  sedition  would 
 have  distracted  them.  So  they  were  put  into  disorder  unexpectedly  ;  when  some  of  them  left 
 their  works  they  were  about,  and  immediately  marched  off,  while  many  ran  to  their  arms, 
 but  were  smitten  and  slain  before  they  could  turn  back  upon  the  enemy.  The  Jews  became 
 still  more  and  more  in  number,  as  encouraged  by  the  good  success  of  those  that  first  made  the 
 attack;  and  while  they  had  such  good  fortune,  they  seemed,  both  to  themselves  and  to  the 
 enemy,  to  be  many  more  than  they  really  were.  The  disorderly  way  of  their  fighting  at  first 
 put  lite  Romans  also  to  a  stand,  who  bad  been  constantly  used  to  fight  skilfully  in  good  order, 
 and  with  keeping  their  ranks,  and  obeying  the  orders  that  were  given  them  ;  for  which  reason 
 the  Romans  were  caught  unexpectedly,  and  were  obliged  to  give  way  to  the  assaults  that  were 
 
 *  See  the  preceding  note. 
 
 +  This  situation  of  the  Mount  of  Olives,  on  the  east  of  Jerusalem,  at  about  the  distance  of  five  or  six  fiir- 
 lonRS,  with  the  valley  of  Odron  interposed  between  that  ir.ountain  and  the  city,  are  things  well  k;iowa  bolll 
 iu  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  iu  Josnihus  tlgcwhere,  aud  in  all  the  dv/scriptious  of  Pakstiue. 
 
HOOK    V. — CHAP.  III.  671 
 
 made  upon  tbem.  Now  wlien  tbe  Romans  were  overtaken,  and  turned  back  upon  Ibe  Jews, 
 tbey  put  a  stop  to  tbeir  career,  yet,  wben  tbey  did  not  take  care  enongb  of  tbemselvcs 
 tbrouj;h  tbe  vebemency  of  tl'.eir  pursuit,  tbey  were  wounded  by  tbem  ;  but,  as  still  more  and  more 
 .Jews  sallied  out  of  tbe  city,  tbe  Romans  were  at  length  brougbt  into  confusion,  and  put  to 
 lligbl,  and  ran  away  from  their  camp.  Nay,  things  looked  as  tbougb  tbe  entire  legion  would 
 have  been  in  danger,  unless  Titus  bad  been  informed  of  the  case  tbey  were  in,  and  bad  sent 
 tbem  succours  immediately.  So  be  reproached  tbem  for  their  cowardice,  and  brougbt  those 
 back  that  were  running  away,  and  fell  himself  upon  tbe  Jews  on  tbeir  flank,  with  those  select 
 troops  that  were  with  liini,  and  slew  a  considerable  number,  and  wounded  more  of  them,  and 
 put  them  all  to  flight,  and  made  them  run  away  hastily  down  the  valley.  Now,  as  these  .lews 
 sufl'ered  greatly  in  the  declivity  of  tbe  valley,  so,  when  thev  were  gotten  over  it,  they  turned 
 about,  and  stood  over  against  tbe  Romans,  having-  the  valley  between  them,  and  there  fought 
 with  tbem.  Thus  did  tbey  continue  tbe  tight  till  noon  ;  but,  when  it  was  already  a  little  alier 
 noon,  Titus  set  those  that  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Romans  with  him,  and  those  that 
 belonged  to  the  cohorts,  to  prevent  the  Jews  from  making  any  more  sallies,  and  then  sent  tbe 
 rest  of  the  legion  to  the  upper  part  of  tbe  mountain,  to  fortify  tbeir  camp. 
 
 5.  This  march  of  the  Romans  seemed  to  tbe  Jews  to  be  a  flight;  and  as  the  watchman  who 
 was  placed  upon  the  wall,  gave  a  signal  by  shaking  liis  garment,  there  came  out  a  fresh  mul- 
 titude of  Jews,  and  that  with  such  mighty  violence,  that  one  might  compare  it  to  tbe  running 
 of  the  most  terrible  wild  beasts.  To  say  the  truth,  none  of  those  that  opposed  them  could 
 sustain  the  fury  with  which  they  made  their  attacks  ;  but,  as  if  thev  bad  been  cast  out  of  an 
 engine,  tbey  brake  the  enemies'  ranks  to  pieces,  who  were  put  to  flight  and  ran  away  to  the 
 mountain  ;  none  but  Titus  himself,  and  a  few  others  with  bim,  being  left  in  the  midst  of  the 
 acclivity.  Now  these  others  who  were  bis  friends,  despised  tlie  danger  they  were  in,  and 
 were  ashamed  to  leave  tbeir  general,  earnestly  exhorting  him  "  to  give  way  to  these  Jews  that 
 are  fond  of  dying,  and  not  run  into  such  dangers  before  those  that  ought  to  stay  before  him  ; 
 to  consider  what  his  fortune  was,  and  not,  by  supplying  the  place  of  a  common  soldier,  to  ven- 
 ture to  turn  back  upon  tbe  enemy  so  suddenly,  and  this  because  be  was  general  in  the  war, 
 and  lord  of  tbe  habitable  earth,  on  whose  preservation  tbe  public  afTairs  do  all  "depend."  These 
 persuasions  Titus  seemed  not  so  much  as  to  bear,  but  opposed  those  that  ran  upon  him,  and 
 smote  them  on  the  face  ;  and,  when  be  had  forced  them  to  go  back,  be  slew  them  ;  he  also  fell 
 upon  great  numbers  as  they  marched  down  tbe  hill,  and  thrust  them  forward  ;  while  those  men 
 were  so  amazed  at  bis  coarage  and  his  strength,  that  tbey  could  not  fiy  direct  to  the  city,  but 
 declined  from  bira  on  both  sides,  and  pressed  after  those  that  fled  up  the  bill  ;  yet  did  be  still 
 fall  upon  their  flank,  and  put  a  stop  to  their  fury.  In  the  mean  time,  a  disorder  and  a  terror 
 fell  again  upon  those  that  were  fortifying  their  camp  at  the  top  of  tbe  bill,  upon  their  seeing 
 those  beneath  them  running  away  ;  insomuch  that  the  whole  legion  was  dispersed,  while  tbey 
 thought  that  tbe  sallies  of  the  Jews  upon  them  were  plainly  insupportable,  and  that  Titus  was 
 himself  put  to  (light ;  because  they  took  it  for  granted,  that,  if  be  had  staid,  tbe  rest  would 
 never  have  fled  for  it.  Thus  were  tbey  encompassed  on  every  side  by  a  kind  of  panic  fear, 
 and  some  dispersed  themselves  one  way,  and  some  another,  till  certain  of  them  saw  their 
 general  in  the  very  midst  of  an  action,  and,  being  under  great  concern  for  him,  they  loudly 
 proclaimed  the  danger  he  was  in  to  tbe  entire  legion  ;  and  now  shame  made  them  turn  back, 
 and  they  reproached  one  another,  that  tbey  did  worse  than  run  away,  by  deserting  Ca?sar.  So 
 they  used  their  utmost  force  against  the  Jews,  and  declining  from  the  strait  declivity,  they 
 drove  them  on  heaps  into  tbe  bottom  of  the  valley.  Then  did  tbe  Jews  turn  about  and  fight 
 them  :  but  as  they  were  themselves  retiring,  and  now,  because  the  Romans  had  the  advantage 
 of  the  ground,  and  were  above  tbe  Jews,  they  drove  tbem  all  into  the  valley.  Titus  also 
 pressed  upon  those  that  were  near  him,  and  sent  the  legion  again  to  fortify  their  camp  ;  while 
 be,  and  those  that  were  with  bira  before,  opposed  the  enemy,  and  kept  them  from  doing  fur- 
 ther mischief',  insomuch,  that  if  I  may  be  allowed  neither  to  add  any  thing  out  of  flattery, 
 nor  to  diminish  any  thing  out  of  envy,  but  to  speak  the  plain  truth,  Caisar  did  twice  deliver 
 that  entire  legion  when  it  was  in  jeopardy,  and  gave  them  a  quiet  opportunity  of  fortifying 
 their  camp. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 How  the  Sedition  was  again  revived  within  Jerusalem,   and  yet  the  Jews  contrived  Snares  for 
 the  Romans.     How  Titus  also  threatened  his  Soldiers  for  their  ungovernable  Rashness. 
 
 §  1.  As  now  tbe  war  abroad  ceased  for  a  while,  tbe  sedition  within  was  revived  ;  and  on  the 
 feast  of  unleavened  bread,  which  was  now  come,  it  being  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  Xan- 
 thicus  [Nisan,]  wben  it  is  believed  the  Jews  were  first  freed  from  tbe  Egyptians,  Eleazar  and 
 his  party  opened  tbe  gates  of  this  [inmost  court  of  the]  temple,  and  admitted  such  of  tbe  peo- 
 ple as  were  desirous  to  worship  God  into  it.*     But  John  made  use  of  this  festival  as  a  cloak 
 
 •  Here  we  Bee  the  true  occasion  of  t)iose  -vast  numbers  of  Jews  that  were  in  Jerusalem  durinR  this  siege  of 
 Titns,  aud  perished  therein  ;  that  t!ie  siege  began  at  the  feast  of  the  iKisscver,  when  such  prodigious  multitudes 
 of  Jews  and  proselytes  of  the  gate  were  come  from  all  parts  of  Judea,  and  from  other  countries,  in  order  to 
 celebrate  that  great  festival.  See  the  note,  b.  vi.  chap.  ix.  i  3.  Tacitus  himself  informs  us  that  the  number 
 of  men,  women,  and  children  in  Jerusalem,  when  it  was  btsitBed  by  the  Komans,  as  he  lisd  been  informed. 
 
G72  WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 for  liis  treacherous  designs,  and  armed  tbe  most  inconsiderable  of  his  own  party,  the  greater 
 part  of  whom  were  not  purified,  with  weapons  concealed  under  their  garments,  and  sent  them 
 with  great  zea!  into  the  temple,  in  order  to  seize  npon  it  ;  which  armed  men,  when  they  were 
 gotten  in,  threw  tiieir  garments  away,  and  presently  appeared  in  their  armour.  Upon  which 
 there  was  a  very  great  disorder  and  disturbance  about  the  holy  house  ;  while  the  people,  who 
 had  no  concern  in  the  sedition,  supposed  that  this  assault  w^s  made  against  all  without  dis- 
 tinction ;  as  the  Zealots  thought  it  was  made  against  themselves  only.  So  these  left  oft'  guard- 
 ing the  gates  any  longer,  and  leaped  down  from  their  battlements  before  they  came  to  an 
 engagement,  and  fled  away  into  the  subterranean  caverns  of  the  temple  ;  while  the  people  that 
 stood  trembling  at  the  altar,  and  ahoot  the  hcly  house,  were  rolled  on  heaps  together,  and 
 trampled  upon,  and  were  beaten  both  witii  wooden  and  with  iron  weapons  witliout  mercy. 
 Such  also,  as  had  differences  with  others,  slew  many  persons  that  were  quiet,  out  of  their  own 
 private  enmity  and  hatred,  as  if  the^'  were  opposite  to  the  seditious ;  and  all  those  that 
 had  formerly  offended  any  of  these  plotters,  were  now  known,  and  were  led  away  to  the 
 slaughter  :  and,  when  they  had  done  abundance  of  horrid  mischief  to  the  guiltless,  they  granted 
 a  truce  to  the  guilty,  and  let  those  go  off  that  came  ont  of  the  caverns.  These  followers  of 
 John  also  did  now  seize  upon  this  inner  temple,  and  upon  all  the  warlike  engines  therein,  and 
 then  ventured  to  oppose  Simon.  And  thus  that  sedition,  which  had  been  divided  into  three 
 factions,  was  now  reduced  to  two. 
 
 2.  But  Titus,  intending  to  pitch  his  camp  nearer  to  the  city  than  Scopus,  placed  as  many 
 of  his  choice  horsemen  and  footmen  as  he  thought  sufficient,  opposite  to  the  Jews,  to  prevent 
 their  sallying  out  upon  them,  while  he  gave  orders  for  the  whole  army  to  level  the  distance, 
 as  far  as  the  wall  of  the  city.  So  they  threw  down  all  the  hedges  and  walls  which  the  inha- 
 bitants had  made  about  their  gardens  and  groves  of  trees,  and  cut  down  all  the  fruit-trees 
 that  lay  between  them  and  the  wall  of  the  city,  and  filled  up  all  the  hollow  places  and  the 
 chasms,  and  demolished  the  rocky  precipices  with  iron  instruments ;  and  thereby  made  all 
 the  plane  level  from  Scopus  to  Herod's  monuments,  which  adjoined  to  the  pool  called  the 
 Serpent's  Pool. 
 
 3.  Now  at  this  very  time,  the  Jews  contrived  the  following  stratagems  against  the  Romans. 
 The  bolder  sort  of  the  seditious  went  out  at  the  towers,  called  the  Women's  Towers,  as  if  they 
 had  been  ejected  out  of  the  city  by  those  who  were  for  peace,  and  rambled  about  as  if  they 
 were  afraid  of  being  assaulted  by  the  Romans,  and  were  in  fear  of  one  another  ;  while  those 
 that  stood  upon  the  wall,  and  seemed  to  be  of  the  people's  side,  cried  out  alond  for  peace, 
 and  entreated  they  might  have  security  for  their  lives  given  them,  and  called  for  the  Romans, 
 promising  to  open  the  gates  to  them  ;  and  as  they  cried  out  after  that  manner,  they  threw  stones 
 at  their  own  people,  as  though  they  would  drive  them  away  from  the  gates.  These  also  pre- 
 tended that  they  were  excluded  by  force,  and  that  they  petitioned  those  that  were  within  to 
 let  them  in  ;  and  rushing  upon  the  Romans  perpetually,  with  violence,  they  then  came  back, 
 and  seemed  to  be  in  great  disorder.  Now  the  Roman  soldiers  thought  this  cunning  .stratagem 
 of  theirs  was  to  be  believed  real,  and  thinking  they  had  the  one  party  under  their  power,  and 
 could  punish  them  as  they  pleased,  and  hoping  that  the  other  party  would  open  their  gates  to 
 them,  set  to  the  execution  of  their  designs  accordingly.  Bat  for  Titus  himself,  he  had  this 
 surprising  conduct  of  the  Jews  in  suspicion  ;  for  whereas  he  had  invited  them  to  come  to  terms 
 of  accommodation,  by  Josephus,  but  one  day  before,  he  could  then  receive  no  civil  answer  from 
 them  ;  so  he  ordered  the  soldiers  to  stay  where  they  were.  However,  some  of  them  that  were 
 set  in  the  front  of  the  works  prevented  him,  and  catching  up  their  arras  ran  to  the  gates  ; 
 whereupon  those  that  seemed  to  have  been  ejected,  at  the  first  retired  :  but  as  soon  as  the 
 soldiers  were  gotten  between  the  towers  on  each  side  of  the  gate,  the  Jews  ran  ont  and  en- 
 compassed them  round,  and  fell  npon  them  behind,  while  that  multitude  which  stood  npon  the 
 wall,  threw  a  heap  of  stones  and  darts  of  all  kinds  at  thera,  insomuch  that  they  slew  a  con- 
 siderable number,  and  wounded  many  more  ;  for  it  was  not  easy  for  the  Romans  to  escape,  by 
 reason  those  behind  them  pressed  them  forward  ;  besides  which,  the  shame  they  were  under 
 for  being  mistaken,  and  the  fear  they  were  in  of  their  conimanders,  engaged  thera  to  persevere 
 in  their  mistake  ;  wherefore  they  fought  with  their  spears  a  great  while,  and  received  many 
 blows  from  the  Jews,  though  inileed  they  gave  thera  as  many  blows  again,  and  at  last  repelled 
 those  that  had  encompassed  them  about,  while  the  Jews  pursued  them  as  they  retired,  and 
 followed  them,  and  threw  darts  at  them  as  far  as  the  niouuments  of  Queen  Helen. 
 
 4.  After  this,  these  Jews,  without  keeping  any  decorum,  grew  insolent  upon  their  good 
 fortune,  and  jested  upon  the  Romans  for  being  deluded  by  the  trick  they  had  put  upon  them, 
 and  making  a  noise  with  beating  their  shields,  leaped  for  gladnes.^,  and  made  joyful  exclama- 
 tions ;  while  these  soldiers  were  received  with  threatenings  by  their  officers,  and  with  indigna- 
 
 was  600,000.  This  information  must  have  been  taken  from  the  Romans  :  for  Josephus  never  meutions  the 
 number  of  thoue  that  were  besieged,  only  he  lets  us  know,  that  of  the  vulgar,  carried  dead  out  of  the  gates,  and 
 buried  at  the  public  charges,  was  the  like  number  of  600.000,  chap.  -xiii.  0  7.  However,  when  CestinsOallus 
 came  first  to  the  siege,  that  sum  in  Tacitus  is  no  way  disagreeable  to  .losephus  s  history,  though  they  were 
 become  much  more  numerous  wiien  Titus  encompassed  the  city  at  the  passover.  An  to  the  number  that 
 perished  during  this  siege,  Josephus  assures  us,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  they  were  1,100,000,  besides  97,<>00 
 captives.  But  Tacitus's  history  of  the  last  part  of  this  siege  is  not  now  extant;  eo  we  cannot  compftrc  hig 
 parallel  numbers  with  taose  of  Josephus, 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.   IV.  673 
 
 tion  by  Capsar  himself,  [who  spake  to  them  thus:]  "These  Jews,  who  are  only  conducted 
 by  their  madness,  do  every  thing  with  care  and  circaraspection  ;  they  contrive  stratagems, 
 and  lay  ambushes,  and  fortune  gives  success  to  their  stratagems,  because  they  are  obedient, 
 and  preserve  their  good-will  and  fidelity  to  one  another  ;  while  the  Romans,  to  whom  fortune 
 uses  to  be  ever  subservient,  by  reason  of  their  good  order,  and  ready  submission  to  their 
 commanders,  have  now  had  ill  success  by  their  contrary  behaviour,  and  by  not  being  able  to 
 restrain  their  hands  from  action,  they  have  been  caught ;  and  that  which  is  the  most  to  their 
 reproach,  they  have  gone  on  without  their  commanders,  in  tlie  vpry  presence  of  Caesar.  Truly, 
 (says  Titus,)  the  laws  of  war  cannot  but  groan  heavily,  as  will  my  father  also  himself,  when 
 he  shall  be  informed  of  this  wound  that  hath  been  given  us,  since  he,  who  is  grown  old  in 
 wars,  did  never  make  so  great  a  mistake.  Our  laws  of  war  do  also  ever  inflict  capital  punish' 
 ment  on  those  that  in  the  least  break  into  good  order,  while  at  this  time  they  Lave  seen  an 
 entire  army  run  into  disorder.  However,  those  that  have  been  so  insolent  shall  be  made  im- 
 mediately sensible,  that  even  they  who  conquer  among  the  Romans  without  orders  for  fighting 
 are  to  be  under  disgrace."  When  Titus  had  enlarged  upon  this  matter  before  the  com- 
 manders, it  appeared  evident  that  be  would  execute  the  law  against  all  those  that  were  con- 
 cerned ;  so  these  soldiers'  minds  sunk  down  in  despair,  as  expecting  to  be  put  to  death,  and 
 that  justly  and  quickly.  However,  the  other  legions  came  round  about  Titus,  and  entreated 
 his  favour  to  these  their  fellow-soldiers,  and  made  supplication  to  him,  that  he  would  pardon 
 the  rashness  of  a  few,  on  account  of  the  better  obedience  of  all  the  rest;  and  promised  for 
 them  that  they  should  make  amends  for  their  present  fault,  by  their  more  virtuous  behaviour 
 for  the  time  to  come. 
 
 5.  So  Caesar  complied  with  their  desires,  and  with  what  prudence  dictated  to  him  also  ;  for 
 he  esteemed  it  fit  to  punish  single  persons  by  real  executions,  but  that  the  punishment  of  great 
 multitndes  should  proceed  no  further  than  reproofs,  so  he  was  reconciled  to  the  soldiers,  but 
 gave  them  a  special  charge  to  act  more  wisely  for  the.  future  ;  and  he  considered  with  himself 
 how  he  might  be  even  with  the  Jews  for  their  stratagem.  And  now,  when  the  space  between 
 the  Romans  and  the  wall  had  been  levelled,  which  was  done  in  four  days ;  and  as  he  was  desir- 
 ous to  bring  the  baggage  of  the  army,  with  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that  followed  him,  safely 
 to  the  camp,  he  set  the  strongest  part  of  his  army  over  against  that  wall  which  lay  on  the  north 
 quarter  of  the  city,  and  over  against  the  western  pai-t  of  it,  and  made  his  army  seven  deep, 
 with  the  footmen  placed  before  them,  and  the  horsemen  behind  them,  each  of  the  last  in  three 
 ranks,  whilst  the  archers  stood  in  the  midst  in  seven  ranks.  And  now  as  the  Jews  were  pro- 
 hibited, by  so  great  a  body  of  men,  from  making  sallies  upon  the  Romans,  both  the  beasts  that 
 bare  the  burdens,  and  belonged  to  the  three  legions,  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude,  marched  on 
 without  any  fear.  But  as  for  Titus  himself,  he  was  but  about  two  furlongs  distant  from  the 
 wall  at  that  part  of  it  where  was  the  corner,*  and  over  against  that  tower  which  was  called 
 Psephinus,  at  which  tower  the  compass  of  the  wall  belonging  to  the  north  bended,  and  extended 
 itself  over  against  the  west  ;  but  the  other  part  of  ihe  army  fortified  itself  at  the  tower  called 
 Ilippicus,  and  was  distant,  in  like  manner,  but  two  furlongs  from  the  city.  However,  the 
 tenth  legion  continued  in  its  own  place,  upon  the  Mount  of  Olives. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 The  Description  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 §  1.  Thi;  city  of  Jerusalem  was  fortified  with  three  walls,  on  such  parts  as  were  not  encom- 
 passed with  unpassable  vallt}s  :  for  in  such  places  it  hath  but  one  wall.  The  city  was  built 
 upon  two  hills,  which  are  opposite  to  one  another,  and  have  a  valley  to  divide  them  asunder, 
 at  which  valley  the  corresponding  rows  of  houses  on  both  hills  end.  Of  these  hills,  that 
 which  contains  the  upper  city  is  much  higher,  and  in  length  more  direct.  Accordingly  it  was 
 called  the  Citadel,  by  king  David  ;  he  was  the  father  of  that  Solomon  who  built  this  temple  at 
 the  first ;  but  it  is  by  us  called  the  Upper  Market-place.  But  the  other  hill,  which  was  called 
 Acra,  and  sustains  the  lower  city,  is  of  the  shape  of  a  moon  when  she  is  horned  ;  over  against 
 this  tliere  was  a  third  hill,  but  naturally  lower  than  Acra,  and  parted  formerly  from  the  other 
 by  a  broad  valley.  However,  in  those  times,  when  the  Asaraoneans  reigned,  they  filled  up 
 that  valley  with  earth,  and  had  a  mind  to  join  the  city  to  the  temple.  They  then  took  of!"  part 
 of  the  height  of  Acra,  and  reduced  it  to  a  less  elevation  than  it  was  before,  that  the  temple 
 might  be  superior  t9  it.  Now  the  vslley  of  the  Cheese-mongers,  as  it  was  called,  and  was 
 that  which  we  told  you  before  distinguished  the  hill  of  the  upper  city  from  that  of  the  lower, 
 extended  as  far  as  Siloam;  for  that  is  the  name  of  a  fountain  which^hath  sweet  water  in  it,  and 
 this  in  great  plenty  also.  But  on  the  outsides,  these  hills  are  surrounded  by  deep  valleys, 
 and  by  reason  of  the  precipices  to  them  belonging,  on  both  sides  they  are  every  where 
 unpassable. 
 
 2.  Now,  of  these  three  walls,  the  old  one  was  hard  to  be  taken,  both  by  reason  of  the  val- 
 leys, and  of  that  hill  on  which  it  was  built,   and  which  was   above  them.     But  besides  that 
 
 *  PeiJiaps,  says  Dr.  Hudson,  here  was  that  gate,  called  the  '  Gate  of  the  corner'  in  2  Cliron.  xxvi.  9. 
 See  chap.  1.  52. 
 
 4  Q 
 
G74  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 great  advan'age,  as  to  the  place  where  they  were  situated,  it  was  also  built  very  stron'T  ; 
 because  David,  and  Solomon,  and  ilie  following  kings,  were  very  zealous  about  ibis  work.  Now 
 that  wall  began  on  the  north,  at  the  tower  called  Mippicas,  and  extended  as  far  as  the  Xistus, 
 a  place  so  called,  and  then  joining  to  the  council-house,  ended  at  the  west  cloister  of  the  tem- 
 ple. But  if  we  go  the  other  way  weslsvard,  it  began  at  the  same  place,  and  extended 
 through  a  place  called  Bethso,  to  the  gate  of  the  Essens  ;  and  after  that  it  went  southward, 
 having  its  bending  above  the  fountain  Siloani,  where  it  also  bends  again  towards  the  east  at 
 Solomon's  pool,  and  reaches  as  far  as  a  certain  place  which  they  called  Ophlas,  where  it  was 
 joined  to  the  eastern  cloister  of  the  temple.  The  second  wall  took  its  beginning  from  that 
 gate  which  they  called  Genneth,  which  belonged  to  the  first  wall ;  it  only  encompassed  the 
 northern  quarter  of  the  city,  and  reached  as  far  as  the  tower  Antouia.  The  beginning  of  the 
 third  wall  was  at  the  tower  Hippicus,  whence  it  reached  as  far  as  the  north  quarter  of  the  city, 
 and  the  tower  Psephinus,  and  then  was  so  fnr  extended  till  it  came  over  against  the  monu- 
 ments of  Helena,  which  Helena  was  queen  of  Adiabene,  and  mother  of  Izates  :  it  then  extended 
 farther  to  a  great  length,  and  passed  by  the  sepulchral  caverns  of  the  kings,  and  bent  again 
 at  the  tower  of  the  corner,  at  the  monument  which  is  called  the  Monument  of  the  Fuller,  and 
 joined  to  the  old  wall  at  the  valley  called  the  Valley  of  Cedron.  It  was  Agrippa  who  encom- 
 passed the  parts  added  to  the  old  city  with  this  wall,  which  had  been  all  naked  before;  for 
 as  the  city  grew  more  populous,  it  gradually  crept  beyond  its  old  limits,  and  those  parts  of  it 
 that  stood  northward  of  the  temple,  and  joined  that  hill  to  the  city,  made  it  considerably  larger, 
 and  occasioned  that  hill  which  is  in  number  the  fourth,  and  is  called  Bezetha,  to  be  inhabited 
 also.  It  lies  over  against  the  tov<er  Antonia,  but  is  divided  from  it  by  a  deep  valley,  which 
 was  dug  on  purpose,  and  that  in  order  to  hinder  the  foundations  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  from 
 joining  to  this  hill,  and  thereby  affording  an  opportunity  for  gelling  to  it  with  ease,  and  hinder- 
 ing the  security  that  arose  from  its  superior  elevation,  for  which  reason  also  that  depth  of  the 
 ditch  made  the  elevation  of  the  towers  more  remarkable.  This  new-built  part  of  the  city  was 
 called  Bszetha  in  our  language,  which  if  interpreted  in  the  Grecian  language,  may  be  called 
 The  New  City.  Since  therefore  its  inhabitants  stood  in  need  of  a  covering,  the  father  of  the 
 present  king,  and  of  the  same  name  with  him,  Agrippa,  began  that  wall  we  spoke  of:  but  he 
 left  off  building  it  when  be  had  only  laid  the  foundations,  out  of  the  fear  he  was  in  of  Claudius 
 Ca;sar,  lest  he  should  suspect  that  so  strong  a  wall  was  built  in  order  to  make  some  innova- 
 tion in  public  aflairs  ;  for  the  city  could  no  way  have  been  taken,  if  that  wall  bad  been  finished 
 ill  the  manner  it  was  begun  ;  as  its  parts  were  connected  together  by  stones  twenty 
 cubits  long  and  ten  cubits  broad.,  which  could  never  have  been  either  easily  undermined  by 
 any  iron  tools,  or  shaken  by  any  engines.  The  wall  was,  however,  ten  cubits  wide,  and  it 
 would  probably  have  had  an  height  greater  than  that,  had  not  his  zeal  who  began  it  been 
 hindered  from  exerting  itself.  After  this,  it  was  erected  with  great  diligence  by  the  Jews, 
 as  high  as  twenty  cubits,  above  which  it  had  battlements  of  two  cubits,  and  turrets  of  three 
 cubits'  altitude,  insomuch  that  the  altitude  extended  as  far  as  twenty-five  cubits, 
 
 3.  Nov/  the  towers  that  were  upon  it  were  twenty  cubits  in  breadth,  and  twenty  cubits  in 
 height  ;  tl;ey  were  square,  iind  solid  as  was  the  wall  itself,  wherein  the  niceness  of  the  joints 
 and  the  beauty  of  the  stones  were  no  way  inferior  to  those  of  the  holy  house  itself.  Above  this 
 solid  altitude  of  (he  towers,  which  was  twenty  cubits,  there  were  rooms  of  great  magnificence, 
 and  over  them  upper  rooms,  and  cisterns  to  receive  rain-water.  They  were  many  in  number, 
 and  the  stejjs  by  which  you  ascended  up  to  them  were  every  one  broad  :  of  these  towers  then 
 the  third  wall  had  ninety,  and  the  spaces  between  them  were  each  two  hundred  cubits  ;  but  in 
 the  middle  wall  were  forty  towers,  and  the  old  wall  was  parted  into  sixty,  while  the  whole 
 compass  of  the  city  was  thirty-three  fu.-longs.  Now  the  third  wall  was  all  of  it  wonderful  ; 
 yet  was  the  tower  Psephinus  elevated  above  it  at  the  north-west  corner,  and  there  Titus  pitched 
 his  own  tent  :  for  being  seventy  cubits  high,  it  both  afforded  a  prospect  of  Arabia  at  sun-rising, 
 as  well  as  it  did  of  the  utmost  limits  of  the  Hebrew  possessions  at  the  sea  westward.  More- 
 over, it  was  an  octagon,  and  over  against  it  was  the  tower  Hippicus,  and  hard  by  two  others 
 were  erected  by  king  Herod,  in  the  old  wall.  These  were  for  largeness,  beauty,  and  strength, 
 beyond  all  that  were  in  the  habitable  earth  ;  for  besides  the  magnanimity  of  Iiis  nature,  and 
 his  munificence  towards  the  city  on  other  occasions,  he  built  these  after  such  an  extraordi- 
 nary manner,  to  gratify  his  own  private  affections,  and  dedicated  these  towers  to  the  memory 
 of  those  three  persons  who  had  been  the  dearest  to  him,  and  from  whom  he  named  them.  They 
 were  his  brother,  his  friend,  and  his  wife.  This  wife  he  had  slain  out  of  his  love  [and  jealousy,] 
 as  we  have  already  related  ;  the  other  two  he  lost  in  war,  as  they  were  courageously  fighting. 
 Hippicus,  so  named  from  his  friend,  was  square,  its  length  and  breadth  were  each  twenty-five 
 cubits,  and  its  height  thirty,  and  it  had  no  vacuity  in  it.  Over  this  solid  building,  which  was 
 composed  of  great  stones  united  together,  there  was  a  reservoir  twenty  cubits  deep,  over  which 
 there  was  an  house  of  two  stories,  whose  height  was  twenty-five  cubits,  and  divided  into 
 several  parts  ;  over  which  were  battlements  of  two  cubits,  and  turrets  all  round  of  thrte  cubits 
 high,  insomuch  that  the  entire  height  added  together  amounted  to  fourscore  cubits.  The 
 second  tower,  which  be  named  from  his  brother  Fhasaelus,  had  its  breadth  and  its  height 
 equal,  each  of  them  forty  cubits  ;  over  which  was  its  solid  height  of  forty  cubits  ;  over  which 
 
BOOK   v.— CFIAP,  V.  f)75 
 
 a  cloister  went  rouiitl  about  whose  lieiglit  was  ten  cubits,  and  it  was  covered  from  enemies  by 
 breast-works  and  bulwarks.  Tliere  was  also  built  over  tliat  cloister  another  tower,  parted 
 into  magnificent  rooms,  and  a  place  for  bathing  ;  so  that  this  tower  wanted  nothing  that  might 
 make  it  apjiear  to  be  a  royal  palace.  It  was  also  adorntd  with  battlements  and  turrets,  more 
 than  was  the  foregoing,  and  the  entire  altitude  was  about  ninety  cubits  ;  the  apppearance  of  it 
 resembled  the  tower  of  Pharos,  which  exiiibited  a  fire  to  such  as  sailed  to  Alexandria,  but 
 ■was  much  larger  than  it  in  compass.  This  was  now  converted  to  a  house,  wherein  Simon 
 exercised  his  tyrannical  authority.  The  third  tower  was  Mariamne,  for  that  was  the  queen's 
 name  :  it  was  solid  as  high  as  twenty  cubits  ;  its  breadth  and  its  length  were  twenty  cubits, 
 and  were  equal  to  each  other  :  its  upper  buildings  were  more  magnificent,  and  had  greater 
 variety,  than  the  other  towers  had  ;  for  the  king  thought  it  most  proper  for  him  to  adorn  that 
 which  was  denominated  from  his  wife,  better  than  those  denominated  from  men,  as  those  were 
 built  stronger  than  this  that  bore  Lis  wife's  name.  The  entire  height  of  this  tower  was  fifty 
 cubits. 
 
 4.  Now  as  these  towers  were  so  very  tall,  they  appeared  much  taller  by  the  place  on  which 
 they  stood  ;  for  tliat  very  old  wall  wherein  they  were,  was  built  on  a  high  hill,  and  was  itself 
 a  kind  of  elevation  that  was  still  thirty  cubits  taller;  over  which  were  the  towers  situated, 
 and  thereby  were  made  much  higher  to  appearance.  The  largeness  also  of  the  stones  was 
 wonderful  ;  for  they  were  not  made  of  common  small  stones,  nor  of  such  large  ones  only  as 
 men  could  carry,  but  they  were  of  white  marble  cut  out  of  the  rock  ;  each  stone  was  twenty 
 cubits  in  length,  and  ten  in  breadth,  and  five  in  depth.  They  were  so  exactly  united  to  one 
 another,  that  each  tower  looked  like  one  entire  rock  of  stone,  so  growing  naturally,  and  after- 
 ward cut  by  the  hands  of  the  artificers  into  their  present  shape  and  corners  ;  so  little,  or  not 
 at  all,  did  their  joints  or  connexion  appear.  Now  as  these  towers  were  themselves  on  the 
 north  side  of  the  wall,  the  king  had  a  palace  inwardly  thereto  adjoined,  which  exceeds  all  my 
 ability  to  describe  it  ;  for  it  was  so  very  curious  as  to  want  no  cost  nor  skill  in  its  construc- 
 tion, but  was  entirely  walled  about  to  the  height  of  thirty  cubits,  and  was  adorned  with  towers 
 at  equal  distances,  and  with  large  bed-olianibers,  that  would  contain  beds  for  a  hundred  guests 
 apiece,  in  which  the  variety  of  the  stones  is  not  to  be  expressed  :  for  a  iarge  quantity  of 
 those  that  were  rare  of  that  kind  was  collected  together.  Their  roofs  were  also  wonderful,  both 
 for  the  length  of  the  beams,  and  the  splendour  of  their  ornaments.  The  number  of  the  rooms 
 was  also  very  great,  and  the  variet}'  of  the  figures  that  were  about  them  was  prodigious  •,  their 
 furniture  was  complete,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  vessels  that  were  put  in  them  were  of 
 silver  and  gold.  Tnere  were  besides  many  porticoes,  one  beyond  another,  round  about,  and 
 in  each  of  these  porticoes  curious  pillars  ;  yet  were  all  the  courts  that  were  exposed  to  the 
 air  every  where  green.  There  were  moreover  several  groves  of  trees,  and  long  walks 
 through  them,  with  deep  canals,  and  cisterns,  that  in  several  parts  were  filled  with  brazen 
 statues,  through  which  the  water  ran  out.  There  were  withal  many  dove  courts  of  tame 
 pigeons  about  the  canals.*  But  indeed  it  is  not  possible  to  give  a  complete  description  of 
 these  palaces  ;  and  the  very  remembrance  of  them  is  a  torment  to  one,  as  putting  one  in  mind 
 what  vastly  rich  buildings  that  fire  which  was  kindled  by  the  robbers  had  consumed  ;  for 
 these  were  not  burnt  by  the  Romans,  but  by  these  internal  plotters,  as  we  have  already  related, 
 in  the  beginning  of  their  rebellion.  That  fire  began  at  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  went  on 
 to  the  palaces,  aud  consumed  the  upper  parts  of  the  three  towers  themselves. 
 
 CHAP,  V. 
 
 A  Description  of  tJif.  Temple. 
 
 §  1.  Now  this  temple,  as  I  have  already  said,  was  built  upon  a  strong  hill.  At  first  the  plain 
 at  the  toj)  was  hardly  sufficient  for  the  holy  house  and  the  altar,  for  the  ground  about  it  was 
 very  uneven,  and  like  a  precipice  :  but  when  king  Solomon,  who  was  the  person  that  built 
 the  temple,  had  built  a  wall  to  it  on  its  east  side,  there  was  then  added  one  cloister  founded 
 on  a  bank  cast  up  for  it,  and  on  other  parts  the  holy  house  stood  naked.-  But  in  future  ages 
 the  people  added  new  banks,  and  the  hill  became  a  larger  plain.t  Tliey  then  broke  down  the 
 wall  on  the  north  side,  and  look  in  as  niuoh  as  sufficed  afterward  for  the  eonipass  of  the  entire 
 temple.  And  when  they  had  built  walls  on  three  sides  of  the  temple  loutui  aliout,  from  the 
 bottom  of  the  hill,  and  had  performed   a  work   that  was  greater  than  could   be  hoped  for,  (in 
 
 *  These  dove-courts  in  Josephus,  built  by  Ilerod  the  Great,  are,  in  the  opinion  of  Reland,  the  very  same 
 that  were  ineationed  by  the  Talmudists,  and  named  by  them  flerod's  dove-courts.  Nor  is  there  any  reason 
 to  suppose  otherwise,  since  in  both  accouuts  they  were  expressly  lame  pigeous  which  were  kept  in  ihcm. 
 
 +  See  the  description  of  the  temples  hereto  belongiiiK.  chap.  -av.  But  note,  that  what  .losephus  here  says  of 
 the  original  scantiness  of  this  mount  Moriah.  that  it  was  quiie  too  little  for  the  temple,  and  that  at  tirsl  it  held 
 only  one  cloister  or  court  of  Solomon's  building,  aud  that  ihe  roundntions  were  forced  to  l)c  added  long  after- 
 wards by  degrees,  to  render  it  capable  of' the  cloisters  for  the  oihur  courts,  Szc.  is  without  all  foundation  in 
 the  Scriptures,  and  not  at  all  coutirmed  by  his  exacter  account  in  the  Antiquities.  All  tliat  is  or  can  be  true 
 here  is  this,  that  when  the  court  of  the  Cicntiles  was  long  afterward  to  be  encompassed  with  cloisters,  the 
 southern  foundation  for  these  cloisters  was  found  not  to  be  large  or  firm  enough,  and  was  raised,  and  that 
 additional  fomidalion  supported  by  great  piil,irs  and  arelits  under  ground,  which  .lo.«ephus  speaks  of  else- 
 M'here,  Antiq.  b.  x\'.  chup  ii.  ^  ,1.  and  whicli  y^r,  Waundrel  san,  and  describes,  p.  lOO,  as  extant  under  ground 
 at  this  day. 
 
676  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 which  work  long  ages  were  spent  by  them,  as  well  as  all  their  sacred  treasures  were  exbaosted, 
 which  were  still  replenished  by  those  tributes  which  were  sent  to  God  from  the  whole  habi- 
 table earth  ;)  they  then  encompassed  their  upper  courts  will)  cloisters,  as  well  as  they  [after- 
 ward] did  the  lowest  [court  of  thej  temple.  The  lowest  part  of  this  was  erected  to  the  height 
 of  three  hundred  cubits,  and  in  some  places  more,  yet  did  not  the  entire  depth  of  the  founda- 
 tions appear,  for  they  brought  earth  and  filled  up  tlie  valleys,  as  being  desirous  to  make  them 
 on  a  level  with  the  narrow  streets  of  the  city  ;  wherein  they  luade  use  of  stones  of  forty  cubits 
 in  magnitude  ;  for  the  great  plenty  of  money  tliey  then  had,  and  tbe  liberality  of  the  people, 
 made  this  attempt  of  theirs  to  succeed  to  an  incredible  degree.  And  what  could  not  be  so 
 much  as  hoped  for  as  ever  to  be  accomplished,  was,  by  perseverance  and  length  of  time, 
 brought  to  perfection. 
 
 2.  Now  for  the  works  that  were  above  these  foundations,  these  were  not  unworthy  of  such 
 foundations  :  for  all  the  cloisters  were  double,  and  the  pillars  to  them  belonging  were  twenty- 
 five  cubits  in  height,  and  supported  the  cloisters.  These  pillars  were  of  one  entire  stone  each 
 of  them,  and  that  stone  was  wliite  marble ;  and  the  roofs  were  adorned  with  cedar,  curiously 
 graven.  The  natural  magnificence,  and  excellent  polish,  and  the  harmony  of  the  joints  in  these 
 cloisters,  aflorded  a  prospect  that  was  very,  remarkable  ;  nor  was  it  on  the  outside  adorned 
 with  any  work  of  the  painter  or  engraver.  The  cloisters  [of  the  outmost  court]  were  in 
 breadth  thirty  cubits,  while  the  entire  compass  of  it  was  by  measure  six  furlongs,  including 
 the  tower  of  Antonia  ;  tbose  entire  courts  that  were  exposed  to  the  air  were  laid  witb  stones 
 of  all  sorts.  When  you  go  through  these  [first]  cloisters,  unto  the  second  [court  of  the]  tem- 
 ple, there  was  a  partition  made  of  stone  all  round,  whose  height  was  three  cubits,  its  con- 
 struction was  very  elegant;  upon  it  stood  pillars,  at  equal  distances  from  one  another,  declaring 
 the  law  of  purity,  some  in  Greek,  and  some  in  Roman  letters.  That  no  foreigner  should  go 
 within  that  sanctuary  ;  for  that  second  [court  of  the]  temple  was  called  the  Sanctuary,  and  was 
 ascended  to  by  fourteen  steps  from  the  first  court.  Tbis  court  was  four-square,  and  had  a 
 wall  about  it  peculiar  to  itself;  the  height  of  its  buildings,  although  it  were  on  the  outside 
 forty  cubits,*  was  hidden  by  the  steps,  and  on  the  inside  that  height  was  but  twenty-five 
 cubits  ;  for  it  being  built  over  against  a  higher  part  of  the  hill  with  steps,  it  was  no  farther  to 
 be  entirely  discerned  within,  being  covered  by  the  hill  itself.  Beyond  these  fonrteen  steps 
 there  was  the  distance  of  ten  cubits  :  this  was  all  plain  ;  whence  there  were  other  steps,  each 
 of  five  cubits  apiece,  that  led  to  the  gates,  which  gates  on  the  north  and  south  sides  were 
 eight,  on  each  of  those  sides  four,  and  of  necessity  two  on  the  east.  For  since  there  was  a 
 partition  built  for  the  women  on  that  side,  as  the  proper  place  wherein  they  were  to  worship, 
 there  was  a  necessity  for  a  second  gate  for  them ;  this  gate  was  cut  out  of  its  wall,  over 
 against  the  first  gate.  There  was  also  on  the  other  sides  one  southern  and  one  northern  gate, 
 through  which  was  a  passage  into  the  court  of  the  women  ;  for  as  to  the  other  gates,  the 
 women  were  cot  allowed  to  pass  through  them  :  nor  when  they  went  through  their  own  gate 
 could  they  go  beyond  their  own  wall.  This  place  was  allotted  to  the  women  of  our  own 
 country,  and  of  other  countries,  provided  they  were  of  the  same  nation,  and  that  equally  ;  the 
 western  side  of  this  court  had  no  gate  at  all,  but  the  wall  was  built  entire  on  that  side.  But 
 then  the  cloisters  which  were  betwixt  the  gates,  extended  from  the  wall  inward,  before  the 
 chambers  :  for  they  were  supported  by  very  fine  and  large  pillars.  These  cloisters  were 
 single,  and,  excepting  in  their  magnitude,  were  no  way  inferior  to  those  of  the  lower  court. 
 
 3.  Now  nine  of  these  gates  were  on  every  side  covered  over  with  gold  and  silver,  as  were 
 the  jambs  of  their  doors  and  their  lintels  :  but  there  was  one  gate  that  was  without  the 
 [inward  court  of]  the  holy  house,  which  was  of  Corinthian  brass,  and  greatly  excelled  those 
 that  were  only  covered  over  with  silver  and  gold.  Each  gate  had  two  doors,  whose  height 
 was  severally  thirty  cubits,  and  their  breadth  fifteen.  However,  they  had  large  spaces  within 
 of  thirty  cubits,  and  had  on  each  side-rooms,  and  those,  both  in  breadth  and  in  length,  built 
 like  towers,  and  their  height  was  above  forty  cubits.  Two  pillars  did  also  support  these 
 rooms,  and  were  in  circumference  twelve  cubits.  Now  the  magnitudes  of  the  other  gates 
 were  equal  one  to  another  ;  but  that  over  the  Corinthian  gate,  which  opened  on  the  east  over 
 against  the  gate  of  the  holy  house  itself,  was  much  larger  ;  for  its  height  was  fifty  cubits,  and 
 its  doors  were  foity  cubits  ;  and  it  was  adorned  after  a  most  costly  manner,  as  having  much 
 richer  and  thicker  plates  of  silver  and  gold  upon  them  than  the  other.  These  nine  gates  had 
 that  silver  and  gold  poured  upon  them  by  Alexander  the  father  of  Tiberias.  Now  there  were 
 fifteen  steps,  which  led  away  from  the  wall  of  the  court  of  the  women  to  this  greater  gate  ; 
 whereas  those  that  led  thither  from  the  other  gates  were  five  steps  shorter. 
 
 4.  As  to  the  holy  house  itself,  which  was  placed  in  the  midst  [of  the  inmost  court,]  that 
 most  sacred  place  of  the  temple,   it  was  ascended  to  by  twelve  steps  ;   and  in  front  its  height 
 
 •  What  Josephus  seems  here  to  mean  is  this,  that  these  pillars,  supporting  the  cloisters  in  the  second  court, 
 had  their  foiiiidalioiis  or  lowest  parts  as  deep  as  the  floor  of  the  first  or  lowest  court,  but  that  so  far  ot  those 
 lowest  parts  as  were  equal  to  the  elevation  of  the  upper  floor  above  the  lowest,  were  and  must  be  hidden  on 
 the  inside  by  the  pround  or  rock  itself,  on  which  that  upper  court  was  built :  so  that  40  cubits  visible  below, 
 were  reduced  to  25  visible  above,  and  imt)li«s  the  difference  of  their  heights  to  be  15  cubits.  Ihe  mam  dith- 
 cultv  lies  here,  how  14  or  15  steps  should  give  an  ascent  of  15  cubits,  half  a  cubit  seeming  Bufccient  tor  a 
 single  step.  Fossiblv  tliere  were  14  or  i5  steps  at  the  partition  wall,  and  14  or  15  more  thence  mto  the  court 
 itself,  which  would  briug  the  whole  near  to  the  just  proportion.    See  ^  3.  infra.    But  1  determine  nothing. 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.    V.  677 
 
 ond  its  breadth  were  equal,  and  each  a  liundred  cubits,  though  it  was  btliind  forty  cubits  nar- 
 rower, for  on  its  front  it  had  what  r.iay  be  styled  shoulders  on  each  side,  that  passed  twenty 
 cubits  further.  Its  first  gate  was  seventy  cubits  high,  and  twenty-five  cubits  broad  :  bnt  this 
 gate  had  no  doors ;  for  it  represented  the  universal  visibility  of  heaven,  and  that  it  cannot  be 
 excluded  from  any  place.  Its  front  was  covered  with  gold  all  over,  and  through  it  the  first 
 part  of  the  house,  that  was  more  inward,  did  all  of  it  appear  ;  which,  as  it  was  very  large,  so 
 did  all  the  parts  about  the  more  inward  gate  appear  to  sliineto  those  tliat  saw  them  :  but  then, 
 as  the  entire  house  was  divided  into  two  parts  within,  it  was  only  the  first  part  of  it  that  was 
 open  to  our  view.  Its  height  extended  all  along  to  ninety  cubits  in  height,  and  its  length  was 
 fifty  cubits,  and  its  breadth  twenty.  But  that  gate  v;hich  was  at  this  end  of  the  first  part  of  the 
 house,  was,  as  we  have  already  observed,  all  over  covered  with  gold,  as  was  its  whole  wall 
 about  it  :  it  had  also  golden  vines  above  it,  from  which  clusters  of  grapes  hung  as  tall  as  a 
 man's  heigtit.  But  then  this  house,  as  it  was  divided  into  two  parts,  the  inner  part  was  lower 
 than  the  appearance  of  the  outer,  and  had  golden  doors  of  fifty-five  cubits  altitude,  and  sixteen 
 in  breadth  ;  but  before  these  doors  there  was  a  veil  of  equal  largeness  with  the  doors.  It  was 
 a  Babylonian  curtain,  embroidered  with  blue,  and  fins  linen,  and  scarlet  and  purple,  and  of  a 
 contexture  that  was  trul3- wonderful.  Nor  v/as  this  mixture  of  colours  without  its  mystical 
 interpretation,  but  was  a  kind  of  ima?e  of  the  universe  ;  for  by  the  scarlet  there  seemed  to  be 
 enigmatically  signified  fire,  by  the  fine  fiax  the  earth,  by  the  blue  the  air,  and  by  the  purple 
 the  sea;  two  of  them  having  their  colours  the  foundation  of  this  resemblance  ;  but  the  fine  flax 
 and  the  purple  have  their  own  origin  for  that  foundation,  the  earth  producing  the  one,  and  the 
 sea  the  other.  This  curtain  had  also  embroidered  upon  it  all  that  was  mystical  in  the  heavens, 
 excepting  that  of  the  [twelve]  signs,  representing  living  creatures. 
 
 5.  When  any  persons  entered  into  the  temple,  its  floor  received  them.  This  part  of  the 
 temple  therefore  was  in  height  sixty  cubits,  and  its  length  the  same  ;  whereas  its  breadth  was 
 but  twenty  cubits  :  but  still  that  sixty  cubits  in  length  was  divided  again,  and  the  first  part  of 
 it  was  cut  off  at  forty  cubits,  and  had  in  it  three  things  that  were  very  wonderful  and  famous 
 among  all  mankind,  the  candlestick,  the  table  [of  shew  bread,]  and  the  altiir  of  incense.  Now 
 the  seven  lamps  signified  the  seven  planets  ;  for  so  manj'  there  were  springing  out  of  the  can- 
 dlestick. Now  the  twelve  loaves  that  were  upon  the  table  signified  the  circle  of  the  lodiac  and 
 the  year  ;  but  the  altar  of  incense,  by  its  thirteen  kinds  of  sweet-smelling  spices  with  which  the 
 sea  replenished  it,  signified,  that  God  is  the  possessor  of  all  things  that  are  both  in  the  uninhabit- 
 able and  habitable  parts  of  the  earth,  and  that  they  are  ail  to  be  dedicated  to  his  use.  But  the 
 inmost  part  of  the  temple  of  all  was  of  twenty  cubits.  This  was  also  separated  from  the  outer 
 part  by  a  veil.  In  this  there  was  nothing  at  all.  It  was  inaccessible  and  inviolable,  and  not 
 to  be  seen  by  any  ;  aiid  was  called  the  Holy  of  Holies.  Now,  about  the  sides  of  the  lower 
 part  of  the  temple  there  were  little  houses,  with  passages  out  of  one  into  another:  there  were 
 a  great  many  of  them,  and  they  were  of  three  stories  high  ;  there  were  also  entrances  on  each 
 side  into  ihera  from  the  gate  of  the  temple.  But  the  superior  part  of  the  temple  had  no  such 
 little  houses  any  farther,  because  the  temple  was  there  narrower,  and  forty  cubits  higher,  and 
 of  a  smaller  body  than  the  lower  parts  of  it.  Thus  we  collect  that  the  whole  height,  including 
 the  sixty  cubits  from  the  floor,  amounted  to  a  hundred  culiits. 
 
 G.  Now  the  outward  face  of  the  temple  in  its  front  wanted  nothing  that  was  likely  to  sur- 
 prise either  men's  minds  or  their  eyes  ;  for  it  was  covered  ail  over  with  plates  of  gold  of  great 
 weight,  and,  at  tlie  first  rising  of  the  sun,  reflected  back  a  very  fiery  splendour,  and  made  those 
 who  forced  themselves  to  look  upon  it,  to  turn  their  eyes  away,  just  as  they  would  have  done 
 at  the  sun's  own  rays.  But  this  temple  appeared  to  strangers,  when  they  were  coming  to  it 
 at  a  distance,  like  a  mountain  covered  with  snow  ;  for,  as  to  those  parts  of  it  that  were  not 
 gilt,  they  were  exceeding  white.  On  its  top  it  had  spikes  with  sharp  points,  to  prevent  any 
 pollution  of  it  by  birds  sitting  upon  it.  Of  its  stones  some  of  them  were  forty-five  cubits  in 
 length,  five  in  height,  and  six  in  breadth.  Before  this  temple  stood  the  altar,  fifteen  cubits 
 high,  and  equal  both  in  length  and  breadth  ;  each  of  which  dimensions  was  fifty  cubits.  The 
 figure  it  was  built  in  was  a  square,  and  it  had  corners  like  horns  ;  and  the  passage  up  to  it 
 was  by  an  insensible  acclivity.  It  was  formed  without  any  iron  tool,  nor  did  any  such  iron 
 tool  so  much  as  touch  it  at  any  time.  There  was  also  a  wall  of  partition,  about  a  cubit  in 
 height,  made  of  fine  stones,  and  so  as  to  be  grateful  to  the  sight ;  this  encompassed  the  holy 
 Louse  and  the  altar,  and  kept  the  people  that  were  on  the  outside  off  from  the  priests.  More- 
 over, those  that  had  the  gonorrhoea  and  the  leprosy  were  excluded  out  of  the  city  entirely  : 
 women  also,  when  their  courses  were  upon  them,  were  shut  out  of  the  temple  ;  nor,  when  they 
 were  free  from  that  impurity,  were  they  allowed  to  go  beyond  the  limit  before  mentioned  : 
 men  also,  that  were  not  thoroughly  pure,  were  prohibited  to  come  into  the  inner  [court  of 
 the]  temple  ;  nay,  the  priests  themselves  that  were  not  pure,  were  prohibited  to  come  into 
 it  also. 
 
 7.  Now  all  those  of  the  stock,  of  the  priests  that  could  not  minister  by  reason  of  some  defect 
 in  their  bodies,  came  within  the  partition,  together  with  those  that  had  no  such  imperfection, 
 and  had  their  share  with  them  by  reason  of  their  stock,  but  still  made  use  of  none  except  their 
 own  private  garments  ;  for  nobody  but  he  that  officiated  had  on  his  sacred  garments;  but  then 
 
C78  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 tlinse  priests  that  were  vvitbout  auy  blemish  upon  them,  went  up  to  the  altar  clothed  in  fine  linen. 
 They  abstained  chiefly  from  wine,  out  of  this  fear,  lest  otherwise  they  should  transgress  some 
 rules  of  tlieir  ministration.  The  high  priest  did  also  go  up  with  theni  ;  joi  always  indeed,  but  on  the 
 seventh  days  and  new  moons,  and  if  any  festivals  belonging  to  our  nation,  which  we  celebrate 
 every  year,  happened.  When  he  oflTiciated,  he  had  on  a  pair  of  breeches  that  reached  beneath  his 
 privy  parts  to  his  tliighs,  and  had  on  an  inner  garment  of  linen,  together  with  a  blue  garment 
 round  witiiout  seam,  with  fringe  work,  and  reaching  to  the  feet.  There  were  also  golden  hells 
 that  hung  upon  the  fringes,  and  pomegranates  intermixed  among  them.  The  bells  signilled 
 thunder,  the  pomegranates  lightning.  But  that  girdle  that  tied  the  garment  to  the  breast,  was 
 embroidered  with  five  rows  of  various  colours,  of  gold,  and  purple,  and  scarlet,  as  also  of  fine 
 linen  and  blue,  with  which  colours  we  told  you  before  the  veils  of  the  temple  were  embroidered 
 also.  The  like  embroidery  was  upon  the  ephod,  but  the  quantity  of  gold  therein  was  greater. 
 Its  figure  was  that  of  a  stomacher  for  the  breast.  There  were  upon  it  two  golden  buttons  like 
 small  shields,  which  buttoned  the  ephod  to  the  garment :  in  these  buttons  were  enclosed  two 
 Yery  large  and  very  excellent  sardonyxes,  having  the  names  of  the  tribes  of  that  nation  engraved 
 upon  them  ;  on  the  other  part  there  hung  twelve  stones,  three  in  a  row  one  way,  and  four  in 
 the  other ;  a  sardius,  a  topaz,  and  an  emerald  ;  a  carbuncle,  a  jasper,  and  a  sapphire  ;  an 
 agate,  an  amethyst,  and  a  ligure  ;  an  onyx,  a  beryl,  and  a  chrysolite;  upon  everyone  of 
 which  was  again  engraved  one  of  the  foreraentioned  names  of  the  tribes.  A  mitre  also  of  fine 
 linen  encompassed  his  head,  which  naS  tied  by  a  blue  riband,  about  which  there  was  another 
 golden  crown,  in  which  was  engraven  the  sacred  name  [of  God  :]  it  consists  of  four  vowels. 
 However,  the  high  priest  did  not  wear  these  garments  at  other  times,  but  a  more  plain  habit  ; 
 he  only  did  it  when  he  went  into  the  most  sacred  part  of  the  temple,  which  he  did  but  once  in 
 a  year,  on  that  day  when  our  custom  is  for  all  of  us  to  keep  a  fast  lo  God.  And  thus  much 
 concerning  the  city  and  the  temple  ;  but,  for  the  customs  and  laws  hereto  relating,  we  siiall 
 speak  more  accurately  another  time  ;  for  there  remain  a  great  many  things  thereto  relating, 
 which  have  not  been  here  touched  upon. 
 
 8.  Now,  as  to  the  tower  of  Antonia,  it  was  situated  at  the  corner  of  two  cloisters  of  the" 
 court  of  the  temple,  of  that  on  the  west,  and  that  on  the  north  :  it  was  erected  upon  a  rock  of 
 fifty  cubits  in  height,  and  was  on  a  great  precipice  :  it  was  the  work  of  king  Herod,  wherein' 
 he  demonstrated  his  natural  magnanimity.  In  the  first  place,  the  rock  itself  was  covered  over' 
 with  smooth  pieces  of  stone,  from  its  foundation,  both  for  ornament,  and  that  any  one  who 
 would  either  try  to  get  up  or  to  go  down  it,  might  not  be  able  to  hold  his  feet  upon  it.  Next 
 to  this,  and  before  you  come  to  the  edifice  of  the  tower  itself,  there  was  a  wall  three  cubits 
 high  ;  but  within  tliat  wall  all  the  space  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  itself  was  built  upon,  to  the 
 height  of  forty  cubits.  The  inward  jiarts  had  the  largeness  and  for:n  of  a  palace,  it  being 
 parted  into  all  kinds  of  rooms  and  other  conveniences,  such  as  courts,  and  places  for  bathing,  and 
 broad  spaces  for  camps  ;  insomuch  that,  by  having  all  conveniences  that  cities  wanted,  it  might 
 seem  to  be  composed  of  several  cities,  but  by  its  magnificence  it  seemed  a  palace  ;  and  as  the 
 entire  structure  resembled  that  of  a  tower,  it  contained  also  four  other  distinct  towers  at  its 
 four  corners  ;  whereof  the  others  were  but  fifty  cubits  high  ;  whereas  that  which  lay  upon  the 
 south-east  corner  was  seventy  cubits  high,  that  from  thence  the  whole  temple  might  be  viewed, 
 but  on  the  corner,  where  it  joined  to  the  two  cloisters  of  the  temple,  it  had  passages  down  to 
 them  both,  through  which  the  guard  (for  there  always  lay  in  this  tower  a  Roman  legion)  went 
 several  ways  among  the  cloisters,  with  their  arms,  on  the  Jewish  festivals,  in  order  to  watch 
 the  people,  that  they  might  not  there  attempt  to  make  any  innovations  ;  for  the  temple  was  a 
 fortress  that  guarded  the  city,  as  was  the  tower  of  Antonia  a  guard  to  the  temple  ;  and  in  that 
 tower  were  the  guards  of  those  three.*  There  was  also  a  peculiar  fortress  belonging  to  the  upper 
 city,  which  was  Herod's  palace  ;  but,  for  the  hill  Bezetha,  it  was  divided  from  the  tower  of 
 Antonia,  as  we  have  already  told  you  ;  and  as  that  hill  on  which  the  tower  of  Antonia  stood, 
 was  the  highest  of  these  three,  so  did  it  adjoin  to  the  new  city,  and  was  the  only  place  that 
 hindered  the  sight  of  the  temple  on  the  north.  And  this  shall  suffice  at  present  to  have 
 spoken  about  the  city  and  the  walls  about  it,  because  I  have  proposed  to  myself  to  make  a 
 more  accurate  description  of  it  elsewhere. 
 
 CHAP.  vr. 
 
 Concerning  the  Tyrants  Simon  and  John.  How  nho,  as  Tifus  toas  going  round  the  Wall  of 
 the  City,  Nicanor  was  wounded  by  a  Dart;  which  Accident  provoked  Titus  to  press  on  the 
 Siege. 
 
 (t  1.  Now  the  warlike  men  that  were  in  the  city,  and  the  multitude  of  the  seditious  that  were 
 with  Simon,  were  ten  thousand,  besides  the  Idumeans.  These  ten  thousand  had  fifty  com- 
 manilers,  over  whom  this  Simon  was  supreme.  T!ie  Idumeans  that  paid  him  homage  were 
 five  tliousand,  and  had  eight  commanders,  among  whom  those  of  greatest  fame  were  Jacob 
 the   son  of  Sosas,  and  Simon   the   son   of  Cathlas.     John,  who  had  seized  upon  the  temple, 
 
 *  those  three  guards  that  lav  in  the  lower  of  Autonin  must  be  those  that  guarded  the  city,  the  temple,  and 
 the  tower  of  Antonia. 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.  VI.  U79 
 
 liad  six  tliousand  aimed  men  under  twenty  commanders :  tbe  Zealots  also  that  had  come 
 over  to  iiim,  and  left  ofi"  tbeir  opposition,  were  two  tliousand  four  liundred,  and  had  the 
 sanie  commander  that  tliey  had  lorraerly,  Eleazar,  together  with  Simon  the  son  of  Arinus. 
 Now,  while  these  factions  fought  one  against  another,  the  people  were  their  prey  on  both 
 .sides,  as  we  have  said  aheady  ;  and  lliat  part  of  the  people  which  would  not  join  with  them 
 ill  their  wicked  practices,  were  plundered  by  both  factions.  Simon  held  the  upper  city, 
 and  tlie  great  wall  as  far  as  Cedron,  and  as  much  of  the  old  wall  as  bent  from  Siloam  to 
 the  cast,  and  which  went  down  to  tbe  palace  of  Monobazus,  who  was  king  of  the  Adiabeni 
 beyond  Euphrates  :  he  also  held  that  fountain,  and  the  Acra,  which  was  no  other  than  the 
 lower  city  ;  be  also  held  all  that  reached  to  the  palace  of  queen  Helena  the  mother  of 
 IMonobazus.  But  John  held  tbe  temple,  and  the  parts  thereto  adjoining,  for  a  great  way,  as 
 also  Ophia,  and  the  valley  called  tbe  \'alley  of  Cedron  ;  and  when  the  parts  that  were  inter- 
 posed between  their  possessions  were  burnt  by  them,  they  left  a  space  wherein  they  might  fight 
 with  each  other  ;  for  this  internal  sedition  did  not  cease  even  when  the  Romans  were  encamped 
 near  their  very  walls.  But  although  they  had  grown  wiser  by  the  first  onset  tlie  Romans  made 
 upon  them,  this  lasted  but  a  while  ;  for  they  returned  to  their  former  madness,  and  separated 
 one  from  another,  and  fought  it  out,  and  did  every  thing  that  the  besiegers  could  desire  them 
 to  do  :  ihey  never  suffered  any  thing  that  was  worse  from  the  Romans,  than  they  made 
 each  other  suffer  ;  nor  was  there  any  misery  endured  by  the  city  after  these  men's  actions, 
 that  cfuld  be  esteemed  new.  But  it  was  most  of  all  nnhappy  before  it  was  overthrown,  while 
 those  that  took  it,  did  it  a  greater  kindness  ;  for  I  venture  to  affirm,  that  the  sedition  destroyed 
 the  city,  and  the  Romans  destroyed  the  sedition,  which  it  was  a  much  harder  thing  to  do,  than 
 to  destroy  the  walls  ;  so  that  we  may  justly  ascribe  our  misfortunes  to  our  own  people,  and 
 the  just  vengeance  taken  on  them  to  the  Romans  ;  as  to  which  matter  let  every  one  determine 
 by  the  actions  on  both  sides. 
 
 2.  Now,  when  affairs  within  the  city  were  in  this  posture,  Titus  went  round  the  city  on  the 
 outside  with  some  chosen  horsemen,  and  looked  about  for  a  proper  place  where  he  might  make 
 an  impression  upon  the  walls  ;  but  as  he  was  in  doubt  where  he  could  possibly  make  an  attack 
 on  any  side,  (for  the  place  was  no  way  accessible  where  the  valleys  were,  and  on  the  other 
 side  the  first  wall  appeared  too  strong  to  be  shaken  by  the  engines  ;)  he  thereupon  thought  it 
 best  to  make  his  assault  upon  the  monument  of  John  tbe  high  priest ;  for  there  it  was  that  tbe 
 first  fortification  was  lower,  and  the  second  was  not  joined  to  it,  the  builders  neglecting  to 
 build  the  wall  strong  where  the  new  city  was  not  much  inhabited  ;  here  also  was  an  easy  passage 
 to  the  third  wall,  through  which  be  thought  to  take  the  upper  city,  and,  through  the  tower  of 
 Antonia,  the  temple  itself.  But  at  this  time,  as  he  was  going  round  about  the  city,  one  of  his 
 friends,  whose  name  was  Nicanor,  was  wounded  with  a  dart  on  Lis  left  slioulder,  as  he 
 approached,  together  with  Josephus,  too  near  the  wall,  ?.nd  attempted  to  discourse  to  those 
 that  were  upon  the  wall,  about  terms  of  peace ;  for  he  was  a  person  known  by  them.  On  this 
 account  it  was  that  Cassar,  as  soon  as  he  knew  their  vehemence,  that  they  would  not  bear  even 
 such  as  approached  them  to  persuade  them  to  what  tended  to  their  own  preservalion,  was  pro- 
 voked to  press  on  the  siege.  He  also  at  the  same  time  gave  his  soldiers  leave  to  set  the 
 suburbs  on  lire,  and  ordered  that  they  should  bring  timber  together,  and  raise  the  banks  against 
 the  city  ;  and  when  he  had  parted  his  army  in  three  parts  in  order  to  set  about  those  works, 
 Le  placed  those  that  shot  darts  and  the  archers  in  the  midst  of  the  banks  that  were  then 
 raising  ;  before  whom  he  placed  those  engines  that  threw  javelins,  and  darts,  and  stones,  that 
 he  might  prevent  the  enemy  from  sallying  out  upon  their  works,  and  might  hinder  those  that 
 were  upon  the  wall  from  being  able  to  obstruct  them.  So  the  trees  were  now  cut  down 
 immediately,  and  the  suburbs  left  naked.  But  now  while  the  timber  was  carrying  to  raise  the 
 banks,  and  the  whole  army  was  earnestly  engaged  in  their  works,  the  Jews  were  not,  however, 
 quiet  ;  and  it  happened  that  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  been  hitherto  plundered  and 
 murdered,  were  now  of  good  courage,  and  supposed  they  should  have  a  breathing  time,  while 
 the  others  were  very  busy  in  opposing  their  enemies  without  the  city,  and  that  they  should  now 
 be  avenaed  on  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of  tbeir  miseries,  in  case  the  Romans  did  but 
 get  the  victory. 
 
 3.  However,  John  staid  behind  out  of  liis  fear  of  Simon,  even  wbile  his  own  men  were 
 earnest  in  making  a  sally  upon  their  enemies  without.  Yet  did  not  Simon  lie  still,  for  he  lay 
 near  the  place  of  tlie  siege  ;  he  brought  this  engines  of  war,  and  disposed  of  them  at  due  distances 
 upon  tlie  wall,  both  those  which  they  look  from  Cestius  formerly,  and  those  which  they  got 
 when  they  seized  the  garrison  that  lay  in  the  tower  Antonia.  But  though  they  liad  these 
 engines  in  their  possession,  they  had  so  little  skill  in  using  them,  that  they  were  in  great  mea- 
 sure useless  to  ibem  ;  but  a  few  there  were  who  had  been  taught  by  deserters  how  to  use 
 them,  which  lliey  did  use,  though  after  an  awkward  manner.  So  they  cast  stones  and  arrows  at 
 those  that  were  making  the  banks  ;  they  also  ran  out  upon  iheni  by  companies,  and  fought  with 
 them.  Now  those  that  were  at  work  covered  themselves  wiih  hurdles  spread  over  their  banks, 
 and  their  engines  were  opposed  to  them  when  they  made  (heir  excursions.  The  engines,  that  all 
 the  legions  had  ready  prepared  for  them,  were  admirably  contrived  ;  but  still  more  extraordinary 
 ones  belonged  to  the  tenth  legion  ;  tliose  that  threw  darts,  and  those  that  threw  stones,  were  more 
 
G80  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 forcible  and  larger  than  the  rest,  by  wbicb  tbey  uot  only  repelled  the  excursions  of  the  Jews,  but 
 drove  those  away  that  were  upon  the  walls  also.  Now,  the  stones  that  were  cast  were  of  the 
 weight  of  a  talent,  and  were  carried  two  furlongs  and  farther.  The  blow  they  gave  was  no 
 way  to  be  sustained,  not  only  by  those  that  stood  first  in  the  way,  but  by  those  that  were 
 beyond  them  for  a  great  space.  As  for  the  Jews,  they  at  first  watched  the  coming  of  the 
 stone,  for  it  was  of  a  white  colour,  and  could  therefore  not  only  be  perceived  by  the  great 
 noise  it  made,  but  could  be  seen  also  before  it  came,  by  its  brightness  ;  accordingly,  the  watch- 
 men that  sat  upon  the  towers  gave  them  notice  when  the  engine  was  let  go,  and  the  stone  came 
 from  it,  and  cried  out  alond,  in  their  own  country  language,  THE  son  COMETH  :*  so  those  that 
 were  in  its  way  stood  oft",  and  threw  themselves  down  upon  the  ground  ;  by  which  means,  and 
 by  their  thus  guarding  themselves,  the  stone  fell  down  and  did  them  no  harm.  But  the  Romans 
 contrived  how  to  prevent  that,  by  blacking  the  stone,  who  then  could  aim  at  them  with  suc- 
 cess, when  the  stone  was  not  discerned  beforehand,  as  it  had  been  till  then  ;  and  so  they 
 destroyed  many  of  them  at  one  blow.  Yet  did  not  the  Jews,  under  all  this  distress,  permit 
 the  Romans  to  raise  their  banks  in  quiet ;  but  they  shrewdly  and  boldly  exerted  themselves, 
 and  repelled  them  both  by  night  and  by  day. 
 
 4.  And  now,  upon  the  finishing  the  Roman  works,  the  workmen  measured  the  distance  there 
 was  from  the  wall,  and  this  by  lead  and  a  line,  which  they  threw  to  it  from  their  banks,  for 
 they  could  not  measure  it  any  otherwise,  because  the  Jews  would  shoot  at  them,  if  they  came 
 to  measure  it  themselves  ;  and  when  they  found  that  the  engines  could  reach  the  wall,  they  brought 
 them  thither.  Then  did  Titus  set  his  engines  at  proper  distances,  so  much  nearer  to  the  wall, 
 that  the  Jews  might  not  be  able  to  repel  them,  and  gave  orders  they  should  go  to  work  ;  and 
 when  thereupon  a  prodigious  noise  echoed  round  about  from  three  places,  and  that  on  the  sud- 
 den there  was  a  great  noise  made  by  the  citizens  that  were  within  the  city,  and  no  less  a  terror 
 fell  upon  the  seditious  themselves  ;  whereupon  both  sorts,  seeing  the  common  danger  they 
 were  in,  contrived  to  make  a  like  defence.  So  those  of  difierent  factions  cried  out  one  to 
 another,  that  they  acted  entirely  as  in  concert  with  their  enemies  ;  whereas  they  ought,  how- 
 ever, notwithstanding  God  did  uot  grant  them  a  lasting  concord,  in  their  present  circumstances, 
 to  lay  aside  their  enmities  one  against  another,  and  to  unite  together  against  the  Romans. 
 Accordingly,  Simon  gave  those  that  came  from  the  temple  leave,  by  proclamation,  to  go  upon 
 the  wall ;  John  also  himself,  though  he  could  not  believe  Simon  was  in  earnest,  gave  them  the 
 same  leave.  So  on  both  sides  they  laid  aside  their  hatred  and  their  peculiar  quarrels,  and 
 formed  themselves  into  one  body  ;  they  then  ran  round  the  walls,  and  having  a  vast  number  of 
 torches  with  them,  they  threw  them  at  the  machines,  and  shot  darts  perpetually  upon  those 
 that  impelled  those  engines  which  battered  the  wall ;  nay,  the  bolder  sort  leaped  out  by  troops 
 upon  the  hurdles  that  covered  the  machines,  and  pulled  them  to  pieces,  and  fell  upon  those  that 
 belonged  to  them,  and  beat  them,  not  so  much  by  any  skill  they  had,  as  principally  by  the 
 boldness  of  their  attacks.  However,  Titus  himself  still  sent  assistance  to  those  that  were  the 
 hardest  set,  and  placed  both  horsemen  and  archers  on  the  several  sides  of  the  engines,  and 
 thereby  beat  off  those  that  brought  the  fire  to  them  :  he  also  thereby  repelled  those  that  shot 
 stones  or  darts  from  the  towers,  and  then  set  the  engines  to  work  in  good  earnest ;  yet  did  not 
 the  wall  yield  to  these  blows,  excepting  where  the  battering-ram  of  the  fifteenth  legion  moved 
 the  corner  of  a  tower,  while  the  wall  itself  continued  unhurt ;  for  the  wall  was  not  presently  in 
 the  same  danger  with  the  tower,  which  was  extant  far  above  it ;  nor  could  the  fall  of  that  part 
 of  the  tower  easily  break  down  any  part  of  the  wall  itself  together  with  it. 
 
 5.  And  now  the  Jews  intermitted  their  sallies  for  a  while,  but  when  they  observed  the 
 Romans  dispersed  all  abroad  at  their  works,  and  in  their  several  camps,  (for  they  thought  the 
 Jews  had  retired  out  of  weariness  and  fear,)  they  all  at  once  made  a  sally  at  the  tower  Kip- 
 picns,  through  an  obscure  gate,  and  at  the  same  time  brought  fire  to  burn  the  works,  and  went 
 boldly  up  to  the  Romans,  and  to  their  very  fortifications  themselves,  where  at  the  cry  they 
 made,  those  that  were  near  them  came  presently  to  their  assistance,  and  tiiose  farther  off  came 
 running  after  them  :  and  here  t!ie  boldness  of  the  Jews  was  too  hard  for  the  good  order  of  tue 
 
 •  What  should  be  the  meaning  of  this  signal  or  watchword,  wlien  the  watchmen  saw  a  stone  coming  from 
 the  engine,  the  smi  cometh,  or  what  mistake  there  is  in  the  reading,  I  cannot  tell.  The  MSS.  both  Cireek  and 
 Latin,  all  agree  in  this  reading;  and  I  cannot  approve  of  any  groundless  conjectnral  alteration  of  the  text 
 from  uios  to  ios,  that  not  the  son  or  a  stone,  but  that  the  arrow  or  dart  cometh ;  as  hath  been  made  by  Dr, 
 Hudson,  and  not  corrected  by  Havercamp.  Had  Josephus  written  even  his  first  edition  of  these  books  of  the 
 war  in  pure  Hebrew,  or  had  the  Jews  then  used  the  pure  Hebrew  at  Jerusalem,  the  Hebrew  word  for  a  son  is 
 80  like  that  for  a  store,  '  Ben'  aod  '  F.ben,'  that  such  a  correction  might  have  been  more  easily  admitted.  But 
 Josephus  wrote  his  former  edition  for  the  use  of  the  Jevi-s  beyond  Euphrates,  and  so  in  theChaldce  language, 
 as  he  did  this  second  edition  in  the  tireek  language ;  and  '  Bar'  was  the  Chaldee  word  for  son,  instead  of  the 
 Hebrew  '  Ken,'  and  was  used,  not  oi>ly  in  the  Chaldee,  &c.  but  in  Judea  also,  as  the  New  Testament  informs 
 us.  Dio  also  lets  us  know,  that  the  very  Romans  at  Rome  pronounced  tbe  name  of  Simon  the  sou  of  Giora, 
 Bar  Poras  for  Bar  Gioras,  as  we  learn  from  Xiphiline,  page  217.  Kelaud  takes  notice.  "  'J'hat  many  will 
 here  look  for  a  mystery,  as  thous;h  the  meaning  were  that  the  Son  of  God  came  now  to  take  vengeance  on  the 
 sins  of  the  Jewish  nation  ;"  which  is  indeed  the  truth  of  the  fact,  but  hardly  what  the  Jews  could  now  mean  : 
 unless  possibly  by  the  way  of  derision  of  Christ's  threatening,  so  ofleu  made,  that  he  would  come  at  the  head 
 of  the  Roman  army  for  their  destruction.  But  even  this  interpretation  has  but  a  very  small  degree  of  proba- 
 bility. If  1  were  to  make  an  eaiendation,  by  mere  conjecture,  I  would  read  pelio.s  instead  of  ?«'<».'■.  though  the 
 likeness  be  not  so  great  as  in  ios  ;  because  that  is  the  word  used  by  Josephus  just  before,  as  has  been  already 
 noted  on  this  very  occasion,  while  ios,  an  arrow  or  dart,  is  only  a  poetical  word,  and  never  used  bj'  .losephus 
 elsewhere,  and  is  indeed  no  way  suitable  to  the  occasion,  this  engine  uot  throwing  arrows  or  darts,  bu:  great 
 atones  at  this  time 
 
BOOK  V'. CriAP.  VII.  C81 
 
 Homans  ;  ai]tl  as  tliey  beat  those  Tvliom  they  first  fell  upon,  so  they  pressed  upon  those  that 
 were  now  gotten  together.  So  Ihis  tight  about  the  machines  was  very  hot,  while  the  one  side 
 tried  hard  to  set  them  on  lire,  and  the  other  side  to  prevent  it ;  on  both  sides  there  was  a  con- 
 fused cry  made,  and  many  of  those  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle  were  slain.  However,  the 
 .Jews  were  now  too  hard  for  the  Romans  ;  by  the  furious  assaults  they  made  like  madmen  ;  and 
 the  lire  caught  hold  of  the  works,  and  both  all  those  works,  and  the  engines  themselves,  had 
 been  in  danger  of  being  burnt,  had  not  many  of  these  select  soldiers  that  came  from  Alexandria 
 opposed  themselves  to  prevent  it  ;  and  had  they  not  behaved  themselves  with  greater  courage 
 than  they  themselves  supposed  they  could  have  done  ;  for  they  outdid  those  in  this  fight  that 
 bad  greater  reputation  than  themselves  before.  This  was  the  state  of  things  till  Ca:sar  took 
 the  stoutest  of  his  horsemen,  and  attacked  the  enemy,  while  he  himself  slew  twelve  of  those 
 that  were  in  the  fosefroiit  of  the  Jews  ;  which  death  of  these  men,  when  the  rest  of  the  multi- 
 tude saw,  they  gave  way,  and  he  pursued  them,  and  drove  them  all  into  the  city,  and  saved 
 the  works  from  the  fire.  Now,  it  happened  at  this  fight,  that  a  certain  Jew  was  taken  alive, 
 who,  by  Titus's  order,  was  crucified  before  the  wall,  to  see  whetlier  the  rest  of  them  would  he 
 allrighted,  and  abate  of  their  obstinacy.  But  after  the  Jews  were  retired,  John,  who  was 
 commander  of  the  Idumeans,  and  was  talking  to  a  certain  soldier  of  his  acquaintance  before 
 the  wall,  was  wounded  by  a  dart  shot  at  him  by  an  Arabian,  and  died  immediately  ;  leaving 
 the  greatest  lamentation  to  the  Jens,  and  sorrow  to  the  seditious.  For  he  was  a  man  of  great 
 euiiiience,  both  for  his  actions  and  his  conduct  also. 
 
 CHAP.  VI I. 
 
 Hoiv  one  of  the  Towers  erected  by  the  Romans  fell  doivv  of  its  otvn  accord;  and  how  the  Romans, 
 after  great  Slaughter  had  been  made,  got  possession  of  the  first  M'all.  How  also  Titus 
 made  his  Assaults  upon  the  iecond  Wall:  as  also  concerning  Longiuus  the  Roman, and  Castor 
 the  Jew. 
 
 §  1.  Now  on  the  next  night,  a  surprising  disturbance  fell  upon  the  Romans  ;  for  whereas 
 litus  had  given  orders  for  the  erection  of  three  towers  of  fifty  cubits  high,  that  by  setting  men 
 upon  them  at  every  bank,  he  might  from  thence  drive  thuse  away  who  were  upon  the  wall,  it 
 so  happened  that  one  of  these  towers  fell  down  about  midnight  ;  and  as  its  fall  made  a  very 
 great  noise,  fear  fell  upon  the  army,  and  they,  supjiosing  that  the  enemy  was  coming  to  attack 
 them,  ran  all  to  their  arms.  Whereupon  a  disturbance  and  a  tumult  arose  among  the  legions, 
 and  as  nobody  could  tell  what  had  liappened,  they  went  on  after  a  disconsolate  manner  j  and 
 seeintc  no  enemy  appear,  they  were  afraid  one  of  another,  and  every  one  demanded  of  his 
 neighbour  the  watchword  with  great  earnestness,  as  though  the  Jews  bad  invaded  their  camp. 
 And  now  were  they  like  people  under  a  panic  fear,  till  Titus  was  informed  of  what  had  hap- 
 pened, and  gave  orders  that  all  should  be  acquainted  with  it ;  and  then,  though  with  some  dif- 
 ticulty,  they  got  clear  of  the  disturbance  they  had  been  under. 
 
 2.  Now,  these  lowers  were  very  troublesome  to  the  Jews,  who  otherwise  opposed  the 
 Romans  very  courageously  ;  for  they  shot  at  them  out  of  their  lighter  engines  from  those 
 lowers,  as  they  did  also  by  those  that  threw  darts,  and  the  archers,  and  those  that  slung  stones. 
 For  neither  could  the  Jews  reacli  those  that  were  over  them,  by  reason  of  their  height  ;  and  it 
 was  not  practicable  to  take  them,  nor  to  overturn  them,  they  were  so  heavy  ;  nor  to  set  them 
 on  fire,  because  they  were  covered  with  plates  of  iron.  So  they  retired  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
 darts,  and  did  no  longer  endeavour  to  hinder  the  impression  of  their  rams,  which,  by  conti- 
 nually beating  upon  the  wall,  did  gradually  prevail  against  it  ;  so  that  the  wall  already  gave 
 way  to  the  Nico,  for  by  that  name  did  the  Jews  themselves  call  the  greatest  of  their  engines, 
 because  it  conquered  all  things.  And  now,  they  were  for  a  long  while  grown  weary  of  fight- 
 ing, and  of  keeping  guard,  and  were  retired  to  lodge  on  the  night-times  at  a  distance  from  the 
 wall.  It  was  on  other  accounts  also  thought  b}'  them  to  be  snp.erfluous  to  guard  the  wall, 
 there  being,  besides  that,  two  other  fortihcation'^  still  remaining,  and  they  being  slothful,  and 
 their  counsels  having  been  ill  concerted  on  all  occasions  ;  so  a  great  many  grew  lazv  and 
 retired,  Tiien  the  Romans  mounted  the  breach,  where  Nico  bad  made  one,  and  all  tiie  Jews 
 left  the  guarding  that  wall,  and  retreated  to  the  second  wall  ;  so  those  that  had  gotten  over 
 that  wall  opened  the  gates,  and  received  all  the  army  within  if.  And  thus  did  the  Romans  get 
 possession  of  this  first  wall,  on  the  15th  day  of  the  siege,  which  was  the  seventh  day  of  the 
 month  Artimisius,  [Jyar,]  when  they  demolished  a  great  part  of  it,  as  well  as  they  did  of  the 
 northern  parts  of  the  city,  which  had  been  demolished  also  by  Cestins  formerly. 
 
 3.  And  now  Titus  pitched  his  camp  within  the  city,  at  that  place  which  was  called  the 
 Camp  of  the  Assyrians,  having  seized  upon  all  that  lav  as  far  as  Cedrnn,  but  took  care  to  be 
 out  of  the  reach  of  the  Jews'  darts.  He  then  presently  began  bis  attacks,  upon  which  the 
 Jews  divided  themselves  into  several  bodies,  and  courageously  defended  that  wall  ;  while 
 John  and  his  faction  did  it  from  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  from  the  northern  cloister  of  the 
 temple,  and  fought  the  Romans  before  the  monuments  of  king  Alexander  ;  and  Simon's  army 
 also  t'ok  for  their  share  the  spot  of  ground  that  was  near  John's  monument,  and  fortified  it  as 
 far  as  to  ihat  g3te  where  water  was  brought  in  to  the  tower  llippicus.     However,  the  Jews 
 
 4  R 
 
082  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 made  violent  sallies,  and  tliat  frequently  also,  and  in  bodies  together,  out  of  the  gales,  and  there 
 fouglit  the  Romans;  and  when  tiiey  were  pursued  all  together  to  the  wall,  they  were  beaten 
 in  those  fights,  as  wanting  the  skill  of  the  Romans,  But  when  they  fought  them  from  the 
 walls,  they  were  too  hard  for  them  ;  (he  Romans  being  encouraged  by  their  power  joined  to 
 their  skill,  as  were  the  Jews  by  their  boldness,  which  was  nourished  by  the  fear  they  were  in, 
 and  that  hardiness  which  is  natural  to  our  nation  under  calamities  ;  they  were  also  encouraged 
 still  by  the  hope  of  deliverance,  as  were  the  Romans  by  their  hopes  of  subduing  them  in  a  lit- 
 tle lime.  Nor  did  either  side  grow  weary  ;  but  attacks  and  fightings  upon  the  wall,  and  per- 
 petual sallies  out  in  bodies,  were  there  all  the  day  long  ;  nor  were  there  any  sort  of  warlike 
 engagements  that  were  not  then  put  in  use.  And  the  night  itself  had  much  ado  to  part  them, 
 when  they  began  to  fight  in  the  morning,  nay,  the  night  itself  was  passed  without  sleep  on  bolh 
 sides,  and  was  more  uneasy  than  the  day  to  them,  while  the  one  was  afraid  lest  the  wall  should 
 be  taken,  and  tlie  other  lest  the  Jews  sliould  make  sallies  upon  their  caraps  :  both  sides  also 
 lay  in  their  armour  during  the  night-time,  and  thereby  were  ready  at  the  first  appearance  of 
 light  to  go  to  the  battle.  Now,  among  the  Jews,  the  ambition  was  who  should  undergo  the 
 first  dangers,  and  thereby  gratify  their  commanders.  Above  all,  they  had  a  great  veneration 
 and  dread  of  Simon  ;  and  to  that  degree  was  he  regarded  by  every  one  of  those  that  were 
 under  him,  that  at  his  command  they  were  very  ready  to  kill  themselves  with  their  own  hands. 
 What  made  the  Ronians  so  courageous  was  their  usual  custom  of  conquering,  and  disuse  of 
 bfing  defeated,  their  constant  wars,  and  perpetual  warlike  exercises,  and  the  grandeur  of  their 
 dominion.  And  what  was  now  tlieir  chief  encouragement,  Titus,  who  was  present  every  where 
 with  them  all  ;  for  it  appeared  a  terrible  thing  to  grow  weary  while  Csesar  was  there,  and 
 fought  bravely  as  well  as  they  did,  and  was  himself  at  once  an  eye-witness  of  such  as  behaved 
 themselves  valiantly,  and  he  who  was  to  reward  them  also.  It  was,  besides,  esteemed  an 
 advantage  at  present  to  have  any  one's  valour  known  by  Cassar,  on  which  account  many  of 
 them  appeared  to  have  more  alacrity  than  strength  to  answer  it.  And  now,  as  the  Jews  were 
 about  this  lime  standing  in  array  before  the  wall,  and  that  in  a  strong  body,  and  while  both 
 parties  were  throwing  their  darts  at  each  other,  Longinus,  one  of  the  equestrian  order,  leaped 
 out  of  the  army  of  the  Romans,  and  leaped  into  the  very  midst  of  the  armj  of  the  Jews  ;  and 
 as  they  dispersed  themselves  upon  this  attack,  he  slew  two  of  their  men  of  the  greatest  courage  ; 
 one  of  them  he  struck  in  his  mouth  as  he  was  coming  to  meet  him,  the  other  was  slain  by  him 
 with  that  very  dart  which  he  drew  out  of  the  body  of  the  other,  with  which  he  ran  this  man 
 through  his  side,  as  he  was  running  away  from  him  ;  and  when  he  had  done  this,  he  first  of 
 all  ran  out  of  the  midst  of  his  enemies  to  his  own  side.  So  this  man  signalized  himself  for  his 
 valour,  and  many  tiiere  were  who  were  ambitious  of  gaining  the  like  reputation.  And  now 
 the  Jews  were  unconcerned  at  what  they  suflered  themselves  from  the  Romans,  and  were 
 only  solicitous  about  what  mischief  they  could  do  them  ;  and  death  itself  seemed  a  small  mat- 
 ter to  them,  if  at  the  same  time  they  could  but  kill  any  one  of  their  enemies.  But  Titus  took 
 care  to  secure  his  own  soldiers  from  harm,  as  well  as  to  have  them  overcome  their  enemies. 
 He  also  said,  that  inconsiderate  violence  was  madness,  and  that  this  alone  was  the  true  courage, 
 that  was  joined  with  good  conduct.  He  therefore  commanded  his  men  to  take  care,  when 
 they  fought  their  enemies,  that  they  received  no  harm  from  them  at  the  same  time,  and  there- 
 by shew  themselves  to  be  truly  valiant  men. 
 
 4.  And  now  Titus  brought  one  of  his  engines  to  the  middle  tower  of  the  north  part  of  the 
 wall,  in  which  a  certain  crafty  Jew,  whose  name  was  Castor,  lay  in  ambush,  with  ten  others 
 like  himself,  the  rest  being  Hed  away  by  reason  of  the  archers.  These  men  lay  still  for  a  while, 
 as  in  great  fear,  under  their  breastplates  :  but  when  the  tower  was  shaken,  they  arose,  and 
 Castor  did  then  stretch  out  his  hand,  as  a  petitioner,  and  nailed  for  Ca;sar,  and  by  his  voice 
 moved  his  compassion,  and  begged  of  him  to  have  mercy  upon  them  ;  and  Titus,  in  the  inno- 
 cency  of  his  heart,  believing  him  to  be  in  earnest,  and  lioping  that  the  Jews  did  now  repent, 
 stopped  the  working  of  the  battering-ram,  and  forbade  them  to  shoot  at  the  petitioners,  and 
 bade  Castor  say  what  he  had  a  mind  to  say  to  him.  He  said,  that  he  would  come  down,  if  he 
 would  give  him  bis  right  hand  for  his  securiy.  To  which  Titus  replied,  that  he  was  well 
 pleased  with  such  his  agreeable  conduct,  and  would  be  well  pleased  if  all  the  Jews  would  be 
 of  his  mind,  and  that  be  was  ready  to  give  the  like  security  to  the  city.  Now  five  of  the  ten 
 dissembled  with  him,  and  pretended  to  beg  for  mercy,  while  the  rest  cried  out  aloud,  that  they 
 would  never  be  slaves  to  the  Romans,  while  it  was  in  their  power  to  die  in  a  state  of  freedom. 
 Now  while  these  men  were  quarrelling  for  a  long  while,  the  attack  was  delayed  ;  Castor  also 
 sent  to  Simon,  and  told  him  that  they  might  take  some  time  for  consultation  about  what  was  to 
 be  done,  because  he  would  elude  tiie  power  of  the  Romans  for  a  considerable  time.  And  at 
 ihe  same  time  that  he  sent  thus  to  him,  he  appeared  openly  to  exhort  those  that  were  obsti- 
 nate to  accept  of  Titus's  hand  for  their  security  ;  but  they  seemed  very  angry  at  it,  and  bran- 
 dished their  naked  swords  upon  the  breastworks,  and  struck  themselves  upon  their  breasts, 
 and  fell  down  as  if  they  had  been  slain.  Hereupon  Titus,  and  those  with  him,  were  amazed 
 at  the  courage  of  the  men,  and  as  they  were  not  able  to  see  exactly  what  was  done,  they 
 admired  at  their  great  fortitude,  and  pitied  their  calamity.  During  thiis  interval,  a  certain 
 person  shot  a  dart  at  Castor,  and  wounded  bim  in  bis  nose,  whereupon  he  presently  pulled  out 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.  Aiii.  683 
 
 Ihe  dart,  and  sliewed  it  to  Titus,  and  complained  liiat  this  was  unfair  treatment.  So  Ciesiir 
 reproved  liini  lliat  shot  the  dart,  and  sent  Joscphiis,  who  then  stood  by  him,  to  give  his  right 
 hand  to  Castor.  But  .lospptius  said  that  he  would  not  go  to  him,  hecause  these  pretended 
 petitioners  meant  nothin;;  that  v^as  good  ;  he  also  restrained  those  friends  of  his  who  were 
 zealous  to  go  to  him.  But  still  there  was  one  Eneas,  a  deserter,  who  said  he  would  go  to 
 him.  Castor  also  called  to  them,  that  somebody  should  come  and  receive  the  money  which  lie 
 had  with  him  ;  this  made  Eneas  the  more  earnestly  to  run  to  him  with  his  bosom  open.  Then 
 did  Castor  take  ap  a  great  stone,  and  threw  it  at  him,  which  missed  him  because  he  guarded 
 himself  against  it,  but  still  it  wounded  another  soldier  that  was  coming  to  him.  When  Caesar 
 understood  that  this  was  a  delusion,  he  perceived  that  mercy  in  war  is  a  pernicious  thing, 
 because  such  cunning  tricks  have  less  place  under  the  exercise  of  greater  severity.  So  he 
 caused  the  engine  to  work  more  strongly  than  before,  on  account  of  his  anger  at  the  deceit 
 put  upon  him.  But  Castor  and  his  companions  set  the  towtr  on  fire  when  it  began  to  give 
 way,  and  leaped  througli  the  llame  into  a  hidden  vault  that  was  under  it,  which  made  tlie 
 Romans  farther  suppose  that  they  were  men  of  great  courage,  as  having  cast  themselves  into 
 the  (ire. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  the  Romans  took  the  second  Wall  twice,  and  got  ready  for  taking  the  third  Wall. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Cajsar  took  this  v/all  there  on  the  fifth  day  after  he  had  taken  the  first  :  and  when 
 the  Jews  had  tied  from  him,  he  entered  into  it  with  a  thousand  armed  men,  and  those  of  his 
 choice  troops,  and  this  at  a  place  where  were  the  merchants  of  wool,  the  braziers,  and  the 
 market  for  cloth,  and  where  the  narrow  streets  led  obliquely  to  the  wall.  Wherefore  if  Tilns 
 had  either  demolished  a  larger  part  of  tlie  wall  immediately,  or  had  come  in,  and,  according 
 to  the  law  of  war,  had  laid  waste  what  was  left,  lii<  victory  would  not,  I  suppose,  have  been 
 mixed  with  any  loss  to  himself.  Biit  now,  out  of  the  hope  he  had  that  he  should  make  the 
 Jews  ashamed  of  their  obstinacy,  iiy  not  being  willing,  when  he  was  able,  to  afflict  ttieni  more 
 than  he  needed  to  do,  he  did  not  widen  the  breach  of  the  wall,  in  order  to  make  a  safer  retreat 
 upon  occasion  ;  for  he  did  not  think  they  would  lay  snares  for  those  that  did  them  such  a  kind- 
 ness. When  therefore  he  came  in,  he  did  not  permit  his  soldiers  to  kill  any  of  those  they 
 caught,  nor  to  set  fire  to  their  houses  neither;  nay,  he  gave  leave  to  the  serlitioiis,  if  they  had 
 a  mind,  to  fight  without  any  harm  to  ihe  people,  and  promised  to  restore  the  people's  eftVcis 
 to  them  ;  for  he  was  very  desirous  to  preserve  the  city  for  his  own  sake,  and  the  temple  for 
 the  sake  of  the  city.  As  to  the  people,  he  had  them  of  a  long  time  ready  to  comp'y  with  his 
 proposals  ;  but  as  to  the  fighting  men,  this  humanity  of  his  seemed  a  mark  of  his  weakness, 
 and  they  imagined  that  he  made  these  proposals  because  he  was  not  able  to  take  the  rest  of 
 the  city.  They  also  threatened  death  to  the  people,  if  they  should  any  one  of  them  say  a  word 
 about  a  surrender.  They  moreover  cut  the  throats  of  such  as  talked  of  a  peace,  snd  then 
 attacked  those  Romans  that  were  come  within  the  wall.  Some  of  them  they  met  in  Ihe  nar- 
 row streets,  and  some  they  fought  against  from  their  houses,  while  tliev  made  a  sudden  sally 
 out  at  the  upper  gates,  and  assaulted  such  Romans  as  were  beyond  the  wall,  till  those  that 
 guarded  the  wall  were  so  afi'righted,  that  they  leaped  down  from  their  towers,  and  retiied  to 
 their  several  camps.  Upon  which  a  great  noise  was  made  by  ths  Romans  that  were  within, 
 because  they  were  encompassed  round  on  every  side  by  their  enemies  ;  as  also  by  them  that 
 were  without,  because  they  were  in  fear  of  those  that  were  left  in  the  city.  Thus  did  the 
 Jews  grow  more  numerous  perpetually,  and  had  great  advantages  over  the  Romans,  by  their 
 full  knowledge  of  those  narrow  lanes;  and  thev  vvonnded  a  great  manv  of  them,  and  fell  upon 
 them,  and  drove  them  out  of  the  city.  Now  these  Romans  were  at  present  forced  to  make  the 
 best  resistance  they  could,  for  they  were  not  able  in  great  numbers  ti>  get  out  at  the  breach 
 in  the  wall,  it  was  so  narrow.  It  is  also  probable  that  all  those  that  were  gotten  within  had 
 bsen  cut  to  pieces,  if  Titus  had  not  sent  them  succours  :  for  he  ordered  the  archers  to  stand 
 at  the  upper  ends  of  these  narrower  lanes,  and  stood  himself  where  was  the  greatest  innlti- 
 tude  of  his  enemies,  and  with  his  darts  he  put  a  stop  to  them;  as  with  him  did  Domitius 
 Sahinus  also,  a  valiant  man,  and  one  that  in  this  battle  appeared  so  to  bo.  Thus  did  Cscsar 
 continue  to  shoot  darts  at  the  Jews  continually,  to  hinder  them  from  cominj  upon  his  men, 
 and  this  until  all  his  soldiers  had  retreated  out  of  the  city. 
 
 2.  And  thus  were  the  Romans  driven  out,  after  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  second 
 ■wall.  Whereupon  the  fighting  men  that  were  in  the  city  were  lifted  up  in  their  minds,  ajid 
 were  elevated  upon  this  their  good  success,  and  be>;an  to  think  that  the  Romiins  would  never 
 venture  to  come  into  the  city  any  more  ;  and  that,  if  they  kept  within  it  themselves,  they  should 
 not  he  any  more  conquered  :  for  God  had  blinded  their  minds  for  the  transgressions  they 
 had  been  guilty  of,  nor  could  they  see  how  much  greater  forces  the  Romans  had  than  those 
 that  were  now  expelled,  no  more  than  they  could  discern  how  a  famine  was  creeping  upon 
 them  ;  for  hitherto  they  had  fed  themselves  out  of  the  public  miseries,  and  drank  the  blood  of 
 the  city.  But  now  poverty  had  for  a  long  time  seized  upon  the  better  part,  and  a  great  many 
 Lad  died  already  for  want  of  necessaries  ;  although  the  seditious  indeed  supposed  the  desfru-;- 
 tion  of  the  people  to  be  an  easement  to  themselves  ;  for  they  desired  that  noue  others  might  be 
 
684  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS 
 
 preserved,  bat  sacli  as  were  Mgiinst  a  peace  with  tlie  Romans,  and  were  resohed  to  live  in 
 opposition  to  them,  and  they  were  pleased  when  the  multitude  of  those  of  a  contrary  opiniou 
 were  consumed,  as  being  then  freed  from  a  heavy  burden.  And  this  was  their  disposition  of 
 mind  with  regard  to  those  that  were  within  the  city,  while  they  covered  themselves  with  their 
 armour,  and  prevented  the  Romans,  when  they  were  trying  to  get  into  the  city  again,  and  made 
 a  wall  of  their  own  bodies  over  against  that  part  of  the  wall  that  was  cast  down.  Thus  did 
 they  valiantiv  defend  themselves  for  three  days  ;  but  on  the  fourth  day  they  could  not  support 
 Ihemsclves  against  the  vehement  assaults  of  Titus,  but  were  compelled  by  force  to  (ly  whither 
 they  had  tied  before;  so  he  quietly  possessed  himself  again  of  that  wall,  and  demolished  it 
 entirely.  And  when  he  had  put  a  garrison  into  the  towers  tha>  were  on  the  south  parts  of  the 
 city,  he  contrived  how  he  might  assault  the  tiiird  wall. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 Tiins,  when  the  Jews  were  not  at  all  moUified  by  his  leaving  off  the  Siege  for  a  while,  set 
 himself  again  to  prosecute  the  same  ;  but  sooh  sent  Josfphus  to  discourse  with  his  own 
 Countrymen  about  Peace. 
 
 §  1.  A  RESOLUTION  was  uow  taken  by  Titiis  to  relax  the  siege  for  a  little  while,  and  to 
 afford  the  seditions  an  interval  for  consideration,  and  to  see  whether  the  demolishing  of  their 
 second  wall  would  not  make  them  a  little  more  compliant,  or  whether  Ihey  were  not  some- 
 what afraid  of  a  famine,  because  the  spoils  they  had  gotten  by  rapine  would  not  be  sufficient  for 
 them  long;  so  he  made  use  of  this  relaxation  in  order  to  compass  his  own  designs.  Accord- 
 ingly, as  the  usual  appointed  time  when  he  must  distribute  subsistence-money  to  the  soldiers 
 v/as  now  come,  be  gave  orders  that  the  commanders  should  put  the  array  into  battle-array  in 
 the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  then  five  every  one  of  the  soldiers  their  pay.  So  the  soldiers 
 according  to  custom,  opened  the  cases  wherein  before  their  arms  lay  covered,  and  marched 
 ■with  their  breastplates  on,  as  did  the  horsemen  lead  their  horses  in  their  fine  trappings.  Then 
 did  the  places  that  were  before  the  city  shine  very  spiiMididly  for  a  great  way  ;  nor  was  there 
 any  thing  either  so  grateful  to  Titus's  own  men,  or  so  terrible  to  the  enetny,  as  that  sight.  For 
 the  whole  old  wall,  and  the  north  side  of  the  temple,  was  full  of  spectators,  and  one  might 
 see  the  houses  full  of  such  as  looked  at  them  ;  nor  was  there  any  part  of  the  city  which  was 
 not  covered  over  with  their  multitudes  ;  nay,  a  very  great  consternation  seized  upon  the 
 hardiest  of  the  Jews  themselves,  when  they  saw  all  the  army  in  the  same  pi  ice,  together  with 
 the  fineness  of  their  arms,  and  the  good  order  of  their  men.  And  I  cannot  h-u  think  that  the 
 seditious  would  have  chanired  their  minds  at  that  sight,  unless  the  crimes  they  had  committed 
 against  the  people  had  not  been  so  horrid,  that  they  despaired  of  forgiveness  froiu  the  Romans  ; 
 but  as  they  believed  death  with  torments  must  be  their  punishment,  if  they  did  not  go  on  in 
 the  defence  of  the  city,  they  thought  it  much  better  to  die  in  war.  Fate  slso  prevailed  so  far 
 over  them,  that  the  innocent  were  to  perish  with  the  guilty,  and  the  city  was  1o  be  destroyed 
 with  the  seditious  that  were  in  it. 
 
 2.  Thus  did  the  Romans  spend  four  days  in  bringing  this  subsistence-money  to  the  several 
 Jegions.  But  on  the  fifth  day,  when  no  signs  of  peace  appeared  to  come  from  the  Je^s,  Titus 
 divided  his  legions,  and  began  to  raise  banks,  both  at  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  at  John's 
 monument.  Now,  bis  designs  were  to  take  the  upper  city  at  that  monument,  and  the  temple 
 at  the  tower  of  Antonia  ;  for  if  the  temple  were  not  taken,  it  would  be  dangerous  to  keep  the 
 city  itself;  so  at  each  of  these  parts  he  raised  him  banks,  each  legion  raising  one.  As  for  those 
 that  wrought  at  John's  monument,  the  Idnmeans,  and  those  that  were  in  arms  with  Simon, 
 made  sallies  upon  them,  and  put  some  stop  to  them  ;  while  John's  party,  and  the  multitu('e  of 
 Zealots  with  them,  did  the  like  to  those  that  were  before  the  tower  of  Antonia.  These  Jews 
 were  now  too  hard  for  the  Romans,  not  only  in  direct  fighting,  because  they  stood  upon  the 
 higher  ground,  but  because  they  had  now  learned  to  use  thsir  own  engines,  for  their  continual 
 use  of  them  one  day  after  another  did  by  degrees  improve  their  skill  about  them  ;  for  of  one 
 sort  of  engines  for  darts  they  had  three  hundred,  and  forty  for  stones,  by  the  means  of  which 
 they  made  it  more  tedious  for  the  Romans  to  raise  their  banks.  But  then  Titus,  knowing  that 
 the  city  would  be  either  saved  or  destroyed  for  himself,  did  not  only  proceed  earnestly  in  the 
 siege,  but  did  not  omit  to  have  the  Jews  exhorted  to  repentance  ;  so  he  mixed  good  coi;nsel 
 ■with  his  works  for  the  siege.  And  being  sensible  that  exhortations  are  frequently  more  effec- 
 tual than  arms,  he  persuaded  them  to  surrender  the  city,  now  in  a  manner  already  taken,  and 
 thereby  to  save  themselves,  and  sent  Josephus  to  speak  to  them  in  their  own  language;  for  he 
 imagined  they  might  yield  to  the  persuasion  of  a  countryman  of  their  own. 
 
 3.  So  Josephus  went  round  about  the  wall,  and  tried  to  find  a  place  that  was  out  of  the 
 reach  of  their  darts,  and  yet  within  their  hearing  ;  and  besought  them  in  many  words,  "  To 
 spare  themselves,  to  spare  their  country,  and  their  temple,  and  not  to  be  more  obdurate  in 
 these  cases  than  foreigners  themselves  :  for  that  the  Romans,  who  had  no  relation  to  those 
 things,  had  a  reverence  for  their  sacred  rites  and  places,  nlthough  they  belonged  to  their 
 enemies,  and  h;id  till  now  kept  their  hands  off  from  meddling  with  tliera  ;  while  such  as  were 
 brought  up  under  them,  and,  if  they  be  preserved,  will  be  the  only  people  that  will  reap  the  ^ 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.    IX.  G85 
 
 benefit  of  them,  hurry  on  to  have  tliem  destroyed.  That  certainly  they  have  seen  their 
 strangest  walls  demolished,  and  that  the  wall  still  remaining  was  weaker  than  those  that  were 
 already  taken.  That  they  must  know  the  Roman  power  was  invincible,  and  that  they  had 
 been  used  to  serve  them,  for  that  in  case  it  be  allowed  a  right  thing  to  fight  for  liberty,  that 
 ought  to  have  been  done  at  first ;  but  for  them  that  have  once  fallen  under  the  power  of  the 
 Romans,  and  have  now  submitted  to  them  for  so  many  long  years,  to  pretend  to  shake  off  that 
 yoke  afterward,  was  the  work  of  such  as  had  a  mind  to  die  miserably,  not  of  such  as  were 
 lovers  of  liberty.  Besides,  men  may  well  enough  grudge  at  the  dishonour  of  owning  ignoble 
 masters  over  them,  but  ought  not  to  do  so  to  those  who  have  all  things  under  their  command  ; 
 for  what  part  of  the  world  is  there  th^t  hath  escaped  the  Romans,  unless  it  be  such  as  are  of 
 no  use  through  violent  cold?  And  evident  it  is,  that  forJuce  is  on  all  hands  gone  over  to  them  ; 
 and  that  God,  when  be  had  gone  round  the  nations  with  this  dominion,  is  now  settled  in  Italy. 
 That  moieover,  it  is  a  strong  and  fixed  law,  even  among  brute  beasts,  as  well  as  among 
 men,  to  yreU  to  those  that  are  too  strong  for  them  ;  and  to  suffer  those  to  have  the  dominion, 
 who  are  too  banLfor  the  rest  in  war.  For  which  reason  it  was,  that  their  forefathers,  who 
 were  far  superior  to  tbem,  both  in  their  souls  and  bodies,  and  o'.her  advantages,  did  yet  sub- 
 mit to  the  Romans,  which  they  would  not  have  suffered,  bad  they  not  known  that  God  was 
 with  them.  As  for  themselves,  what  can  they  depend  on  in  this  their  opposition,  when  the 
 greatest  part  of  their  city  is  already  taken  ;  and  when  those  that  are  within  it  are  under 
 greater  miseries  than  if  they  were  taken,  although  their  walls  be  still  standing?  For  that  the 
 Romans  are  not  unacquainted  with  that  famine  whicb  is  in  the  city,  whereby  the  people  are 
 already  consumed,  and  the  figliting  men  will  in  a  little  time  be  so  too;  for  although  the  Romans 
 should  leave  oft"  the  siege,  and  not  fall  upon  the  city  wi'.h  their  swords  in  their  hands,  yet  was 
 there  an  insuperable  war  that  beset  them  withiu,  and  was  augmented  every  hour,  unless  they 
 were  able  to  wage  war  with  famine,  and  fight  against  it,  or  could  alone  conquer  their  natural 
 appetites."  He  added  this  further,  "  How  right  a  thing  it  was  to  change  their  conduct,  before 
 their  calamities  were  become  incurable,  and  to  have  recourse  to  sunh  advice  as  mi^iit  preserva 
 them,  while  opportunity  was  offered  them  for  so  doing.  For  tliat  the  Romans  would  not  be 
 mindful  of  their  past  actions,  to  their  disadvantage,  unless  they  persevered  in  their  insolent 
 behaviour  to  the  end  ;  because  they  were  naturally  mild  in  their  conquests,  and  preferred  what 
 was  profitable,  before  what  their  passions  dictated  to  tbem  ;  which  profit  of  theirs  lay  not  in 
 leaving  the  city  empty  of  inhabitants,  nor  the  conntry  desert;  on  which  account  Ca-sar  did  now 
 offer  them  his  right  hand  for  their  secirity.  Whereas,  if  he  took  the  city  by  force,  he  would 
 not  save  any  of  them,  and  this  especially,  if  they  rejected  bis  offers  in  these  their  utmost  dis- 
 tresses ;  for  the  walls  that  were  already  taken  could  not  but  assure  them  that  the  third  wall 
 would  quickly  be  taken  also.  And  although  their  fortifications  should  prove  too  strong 
 for  the  Roioans  to  break  through  them,  yet  would  the  famine  fight  for  the  Romans  against 
 them." 
 
 4.  While  Josephos  was  making  this  exhortation  to  the  Jews,  many  of  tlieTn  jested  apon  him 
 from  the  v/all,  and  many  reproaclied  him  ;  nay,  some  threw  their  darts  at  him  :  but  when  he 
 could  not  himself  persuade  them  by  such  open  good  advice,  be  betook  himself  to  the  histories 
 belonging  to  their  own  nation,  and  cried  out  aloud,  "  O  miserable  creatures!  are  you  so 
 unmindful  of  those  that  used  to  assist  you,  that  yon  will  fight  by  your  weapons  and  by  your 
 bauds  against  the  Romans  !  When  did  we  ever  conquer  any  other  nation  by  such  means  ?  and 
 when  was  it  that  God,  who  is  the  Creator  of  the  Jewish  people,  did  not  avenge  them  when 
 they  had  been  injured?  Will  not  you  turn  again,  and  look  back,  and  consider  whence  it  is 
 that  you  fight  with  such  violence,  and  how  great  a  Supporter  you  have  profanely  abused  ? 
 Will  not  you  recall  to  mind  the  prodigious  things  done  for  your  forefathers  and  this  holy 
 place,  and  bow  great  enemies  of  yours  were  by  him  subdued  under  you  ?  I  even  tremble 
 myself,  in  declaring  the  works  of  God  before  your  ears  that  are  unworthy  to  hear  them: 
 however,  hearken  to  rae,  that  yon  may  be  informed,  how  you  fight  not  only  against  the  Komans, 
 but  against  God  himself.  In  old  times  there  was  one  Necao,  king  of  Egypt,  who  was  also 
 called  Pharaoh  ;  he  came  with  a  prodigious  army  of  soldiers,  and  seized  queen  Sarah,  the 
 mother  of  onr  nation.  What  did  Abraham  our  progenitor  then  do?  Did  he  defend  himself 
 from  this  injurious  person  by  war,  although  he  had  three  hundred  and  eighteen  captains  under 
 him,  and  an  immense  army  under  each  of  them!  Indeed,  he  deemed  them  to  be  no  number  at 
 all  without  God's  assistance,  and  only  spread  out  his  hands  towards  this  holy  place,*  which 
 you  have  now  polluted,  and  reckoned  upon  him  as  upon  his  invincible  supporter,  instead  of  his 
 own  army.  Was  not  our  queen  sent  back  without  any  defilement  to  her  husband,  the  very 
 next  evening?  while  the  king  of  Egypt  (led  away,  adoring  this  place  which  yon  have  defiled 
 by  shedding  therein  the  bloou  of  your  own  countrymen  ;  and  he  also  trembled  at  those  visions 
 which  he  saw  in  the  night-season,  and  bestowed  both  silver  and  gold  on  the  Hi.brews,  as  on  a 
 people  beloved   by  God.     Shall   I  say  nothing,  or  shall  I  mention  the  removal  of  oar  fathers 
 
 •  Josephus  supposes,  in  this  his  admirable  speech  to  the  Jews,  that  not  Abraham  only,  but  Pharaoh  ling  of 
 Pgypt,  prayed  towards  a  temple  at  Jerusalem,  or  towards  Jerusalem  itself,  in  which  were  Mount  bion,  and 
 Mount  Moriah,  on  wliich  the  tabirnacle  and  temple  did  afterwards  stand  ;  and  this  lonp  before  either  the 
 Jewish  tabernacle  or  temple  were  built.  Jv'or  is  the  famous  command  given  by  (iod  to  Abraham,  to  go  two 
 or  rhree  days'  journey,  ou  purpose  to  ofl'er  up  liis  son  Isaac  there,  unfavourable  to  such  a  notiou 
 
686  WARS    OF    THE   JEW'S. 
 
 into  Egypt,  who,  when  ihy  were  nsed  tyranically,  and  were  fallen  under  the  power  of  foreign 
 kings  for  four  hundred  jears  together,  and  might  have  defended  themselves  by  war  and 
 by  fighting,  did  yet  do  nothing  bat  commit  themselves  to  God!  Who  is  there  that 
 does  not  know  that  Egypt  was  over-run  witii  all  sorts  of  wild  beasts,  and  consumed  by 
 all  sorts  of  distempers?  how  their  land  did  not  brin^  forth  its  fiuit  ?  how  the  Nile 
 failed  of  water?  how  the  ten  plagues  of  Egypt  followed  one  upon  anutlier?  and  how  by 
 those  means  our  fathers  were  sent  away  under  a  gaurd  without  any  bloodshed,  and  without 
 running  any  dangers,  because  God  conducted  them  as  bis  peculiar  servants  ?  Moreover, 
 did  not  Palestine  groan  under  the  ravage  the  Assyrians*  made,  when  they  carried  away 
 oar  sacred  ark  ?  as  did  their  idol  Dagnn,  and  as  also  did  that  entire  nation  of  those 
 that  carried  it  away  ;  how  they  were  smitten  wiih  a  loathsojne  distemper  in  the  secret  parts 
 of  their  bodies,  when  their  very  bowels  came  down  together  with  what  they  had  eaten,  till 
 those  hands  that  stole  it  away  were  obliged  to  bring  it  back  again,  and  that  with  the 
 sound  of  cymbals  and  timbrels,  and  other  oblations,  in  order  to  appease  the  anger  of  God  for 
 (he  violation  of  his  holy  ark.  It  was  God  who  then  became  our  general,  and  accomplished 
 these  great  things  for  our  fathers,  and  this  because  they  did  not  meddle  with  war  and  fight- 
 ing, but  committed  it  to  him  to  judge  about  their  aflairs.  When  Sennacherib,  king  of 
 Assyria,  brought  along  with  him  all  Asia,  and  encompassed  this  city  round  with  his  army, 
 did  he  fall  by  the  hand  of  men?  were  not  those  hands  lifted  up  to  God  in  prayers,  without 
 meddling  with  their  arms,  when  the  angel  of  God  destroyed  that  prodigious  army  in  one  night? 
 when  the  Assyrian  king,  as  he  arose  the  next  day,  found  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five 
 thousand  dead  bodies,  and  when  he,  with  the  remainder  of  his  army,  fled  away  from  the 
 Hebrews,  though  they  were  unarmed,  and  did  not  pursue  them  !  You  are  also  acquainted 
 with  the  slavery  we  were  under  at  Babylon,  where  the  people  were  captives  for  seventy 
 ■years',  yet  were  they  not  delivered  into  freedom  again,  before  God  made  Cyrus  his  gracious 
 instrument  in  bringing  it  about  ;  accordingly  they  were  set  free  by  him,  and  did  again  restore 
 the  worship  of  their  deliverer  at  his  temple.  And,  to  speak  in  general,  we  can  produce  no 
 example  wherein  our  fathers  got  any  success  by  war,  or  failed  of  success  when  without  war 
 they  committed  themselves  to  God.  When  they  staid  at  home  they  conquered,  as  pleased 
 their  Judge,  but  when  they  went  out  to  fight,  they  were  always  disappointed  ;  for  example, 
 when  the  king  of  Babylon  besieged  this  very  city,  and  our  king  Zedekiah  fought  against  him, 
 contrary  to  what  predictions  were  made  to  him  by  Jeremiali  the  prophet,  be  was  at  once  taken 
 prisoner,  and  saw  the  city  and  the  temple  demolished.  Yet  how  much  greater  was  the  modera- 
 tion of  that  king,  than  is  that  of  your  present  governors,  and  that  of  the  people  then  under 
 him,  than  is  that  of  you  at  this  time?  for  when  Jeremiah  cried  out  aloud,  how  very  angry  God 
 was  at  them  because  of  their  transgression,  and  told  them  they  should  be  taken  prisoners 
 unless  they  would  surrender  up  their  city,  neither  did  the  king  nor  the  people  put  him  to 
 death  :  but  for  you,  (to  pass  over  what  you  have  done  within  the  city,  which  I  am  not  able  to 
 describe  as  your  wickedness  deserves,)  you  abuse  me,  and  throw  darts  at  me,  who  only  exhort 
 you  to  save  yourselves,  as  being  provoked  when  you  are  put  in  mind  of  your  sins,  and  cannot 
 bear  the  very  mention  of  those  crimes  which  you  every  day  pepetrate.  For  another  example, 
 when  Antiochas,  who  was  called  Epiphanes,  lay  before  this  city,  and  had  bren  guilty  of  many 
 indignities  against  God,  and  our  forefathers  met  him  in  arms,  they  then  were  slain  in  the 
 battle,  this  city  was  plundered  by  our  enemies,  and  our  sanctuary  made  desolate  for  three 
 years  and  six  months.  And  what  need  I  bring  any  more  examples?  Indeed,  what  can  it  be 
 that  hath  stirred  up  an  army  of  the  Romans  against  our  nation?  Is  it  no  the  impiety  of  the 
 inhabitants?  Whence  did  our  servitude  commence?  Was  it  not  derived  from  the  seditions 
 that  were  among  our  forefathers,  when  the  madness  of  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus,  and  our 
 mutual  quarrels,  brought  Porapey  upon  this  city,  and  when  God  reduced  those  under  subjec- 
 tion to  the  Romans,  who  were  unworthy  of  the  liberty  they  had  enjoyed.  After  a  siege, 
 therefore,  of  three  months,  they  were  forced  to  surrender  themselves,  although  they  had  not 
 been  guilty  of  such  offences  with  regard  to  our  sanctuary  and  our  laws,  as  you  have;  and 
 this  while  they  had  much  greater  advantages  to  go  to  war  than  you  have.  Do  not  we  know 
 what  end  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  came  to,  under  whose  reign  God  provided  that 
 this  city  should  be  taken  again  upon  account  of  the  people's  offences?  When  Herod,  the  son 
 of  Antipater,  brought  upon  us  Sosius,  and  Sosius  brought  upon  us  the  Roman  army,  they 
 were  then  encompassed  and  besieged  for  six  months,  till  as  a  punishment  for  their  sins  they 
 were  taken,  and  the  city  was  plundered  by  the  enemy.  Thus  it  appears,  that  arms  were 
 never  given  to  our  nation  ;  but  that  we  are  always  given  up  to  be  fought  against,  and  to  be 
 taken  ;  for  I  suppose,  that  such  as  inhabit  this  holy  place  ought  to  commit  the  disposal  of  all 
 things  to  God,  and  then  only  to  disregard  the  assistance  of  men,  when  they  resign  themselveu 
 
 *  Note  here,  that  Josephus,  in  this  his  same  admirable  speech,  calls  the  Syrians,  nay,  even  the  Philistines  on 
 the  most  south  part  of  Syria,  Assyrians  ;  which  Keland  observes  as  what  was  common  among  the  ancient 
 writers.  Note  also,  that  Josephus  might  well  put  the  Jews  in  mind,  ag  he  does  her-  more  than  once,  of  their 
 wonderful  and  truly  miraculous  deliverance  from  Sennacherib  ling  of  Assyria,  while  the  Roman  army,  and 
 himself  with  them, "were  now  encamped  upon  and  beyond  that  very  spot  of  ground  where  the  Assyrian  army 
 lay  7iiO  years  before,  and  which  retained  the  very  name  of  the  Camp  of  the  Assyrians  to  that  very  day.  See 
 chap.  vii.  5.  3.  and  chap.  xii.  (>.  2, 
 
BOOK  V. — CHAP.  IX.  687 
 
 up  to  their  Arbitrator,  wlio  is  above.  As  for  you,  what  have  you  done  of  those  things  that 
 are  recormiiended  by  our  Legislator  '  and  what  liave  you  not  done  of  tliose  tilings  tliat  he  hath 
 condemned  ?  How  much  more  impious  are  you  than  tliose  which  wrere  so  quickly  taken?  You 
 liave  not  avoided  so  much  as  those  sins  tliat  are  usually  done  in  secret  ;  I  mean  thefts,  and 
 treacherous  plots  against  men,  and  adulteries.  You  are  quarrelling  about  rapines  and  mur- 
 ders, and  invent  strange  ways  of  wickedness.  Nay,  the  temple  itself  is  become  the  receptacle 
 of  all,  and  this  divine  place  is  polluted  by  the  hands  of  those  of  our  own  country  ;  which  place 
 hath  yet  been  reverenced  by  the  Romans,  when  it  was  at  a  distance  from  thera,  when  they 
 have  suffered  many  of  their  own  customs  to  give  |)lace  to  our  law.  And,  after  all  this,  do 
 you  expect  him  whom  you  have  so  impiously  abused  to  be  your  supporter  ?  To  be  sure  then 
 you  have  a  right  to  be  petitioners,  and  to  call  upon  him  to  assist  you,  so  pure  are  your  hands ! 
 Did  your  king  [Hezekiah]  lift  up  such  hands  in  prayer  to  God  against  the  king  of  Assyria, 
 when  he  destroyed  that  great  army  in  one  night  ?  And  do  the  Romans  commit  such  wicked- 
 ness, as  did  the  king  of  Assyria,  that  yciu  may  have  reason  to  hope  for  the  like  vengeance 
 upon  them  ?  Did  not  that  king  accept  of  money  from  our  king  on  this  condition,  that  he  should 
 not  destroy  the  city,  and  yet,  contrary  to  the  oath  he  had  taken,  he  came  down  to  burn  the 
 temple?  while  the  Romans  do  demand  no  more  than  that  accustomed  tribute  which  our 
 fatliers  paid  to  their  fathers  ;  aud  if  they  may  but  once  obtain  that,  they  neither  aim  to  destroy 
 this  city,  nor  to  touch  this  sanctuary  ,  nay,  they  will  grant  you  besides,  that  your  posterity 
 shiill  be  free,  and  your  possessions  secured  to  you,  and  will  preserve  your  holy  laws  inviolate 
 to  you.  And  it  is  plain  madness  to  expect  that  God  should  appear  as  well  disposed  towards 
 the  wicked  as  towards  the  righteous,  since  he  knows  when  it  is  proper  to  punish  men  for  their 
 sins  immediately  :  accordingly  be  brake  the  power  of  the  Assyrians  the  very  first  night  that 
 they  pitched  their  camp.  Wherefore,  had  he  judged  that  our  nation  was  worthy  of  freedoiu, 
 or  the  Romans  of  punishment,  he  had  immediately  inflicted  punishment  upon  those  Romans, 
 as  he  did  upon  the  Assyrians,  when  Pompey  began  to  meddle  with  our  nation,  or  when  after 
 liim  Sosius  came  up  against  us,  or  when  Vespasian  laid  waste  Galilee,  or  lastly,  when  Titus 
 came  first  of  ail  near  to  the  city  ;  although  Magnus  and  Sosius  did  not  only  suffer  nothing,  but 
 took  the  city  by  force;  as  did  Vespasian  go  from  the  war  he  made  against  you,  to  receive  the 
 empire  ;  and  as  for  Titus,  those  springs  that  were  formerly  almost  dried  uj)*  when  they  were 
 under  your  power,  since  he  is  come,  run  more  plentifully  than  they  did  before  :  accordingly 
 you  know  that  Siloam,  as  well  as  all  the  other  springs  that  were  without  the  city,  did  so  fai 
 fail,  that  water  was  sold  by  distinct  measures  ;  whereas  they  now  have  such  a  great  quantity 
 of  water  for  your  enemies,  as  is  sufficient  not  only  for  drink  both  for  themselves  and  their 
 cattle,  but  for  watering  their  gardens  also.  The  same  wonderful  sign  you  had  also  experience 
 of  fnimerly,  when  the  forementioned  king  of  Babylon  made  war  against  us,  and  when  he  took 
 the  city,  and  burnt  the  temple  ;  while  yet  I  believe  the  Jews  of  that  age  were  not  so  impious 
 as  you  are.  Wherefore  I  cannot  but  suppose  that  God  is  fled  out  of  his  sanctuary,  a»d  stands 
 on  the  side  of  those  against  whom  you  fight.  Now  even  a  man,  if  he  be  but  a  good  man,  will 
 fly  from  an  impure  house,  aud  will  hate  those  that  are  in  it  ;  and  do  you  persuade  yourselves 
 that  God  will  abide  with  you  in  your  iniquities,  who  sees  all  secret  things,  and  hears  what  is 
 kept  most  private  ?  Now  what  crime  is  there,  I  pray  you,  that  is  so  much  as  kept  a  secret  among 
 you,  or  is  concealed  by  you?  nay,  what  is  there  that  is  not  open  to  your  very  enemies?  for 
 you  shew  your  transgressions  after  a  pompous  manner,  and  contend  one  with  another  which 
 of  you  shall  be  more  wicked  than  another  ;  and  you  make  a  public  demonstration  of  your  in- 
 justice, as  if  it  were  virtue.  However,  there  is  a  place  left  for  your  preservation,  if  you  be 
 willing  to  accept  of  it  ;  and  God  is  easily  reconciled  to  those  that  confess  their  faults,  and 
 re()ent  of  them.  O  hardhearted  wretches  as  you  are  !  cast  away  all  your  arms,  and  take  pity 
 of  your  country  already  going  to  ruin  ;  return  from  your  wicked  ways,  and  have  regard  to  the 
 excellency  of  that  city  you  are  going  to  betray,  to  tliat  excellent  temple  with  the  donations  of 
 so  many  countries  in  it.  Who  could  bear  to  be  the  first  that  should  set  that  temple  on  fire  ! 
 who  could  be  willing  that  these  things  should  be  no  more!  and  what  is  there  that  can  better 
 deserve  to  be  preserved  !  O  insensible  creatures,  and  more  stupid  than  are  the  stones  theni- 
 .selves  !  And  if  you  cannot  look  at  tliese  things  with  discerning  eyes,  yet,  however,  have  pity 
 upon  your  families,  and  set  before  every  one  of  your  eyes,  your  children,  and  wives,  and 
 parents.,  who  will  be  gradually  consumed  either  by  famine  or  by  war.  I  am  sensible  that 
 Ibis  danger  •will  extend  to  my  mother,  and  wife,  and  to  that  family  of  mine  which  hath  been 
 by  no  means  ignoble,  and  indeed  to  one  tliat  hath  been  very  eminent  in  old  time  ;  and  perhaps 
 yon  may  imagine  tliiit  it  is  on  their  account  only  that  I  give  you  this  advice  :  if  that  be  all, 
 kill  them  ;  nay,  take  my  own  blood  as  a  reward,  if  it  may  but  procure  your  preservation  :  for 
 1  am  ready  to  die,  in  case  you  will  but  return  to  a  sound  mind  after  my  death." 
 
 •  1  liis  drying  up  of  the  Jerusalem  fountain  of  Siloam,  when  the  Jews  wanted  it,  and  its  flowing  abuiidaiiily 
 wlicn  tlie  eiieuiics  of  the  lews  waanted  it,  and  these  lioth  in  the  doys  of  /edetiali  and  of 'finis,  (and  this  lab't 
 as  a  certain  event  well  known  by  the  Jews  at  that  time,  as  Josejihus  here  tells  them  (jjienly  to  their  faces,)  ere 
 Very  reinaikahle  instances  of  a  divine  Providence  for  the  iMinishment  of  the  Jewish  nation,  when  lliey  were 
 giowu  very  wicked,  at  both  those  times  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
 
f>88 
 
 WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 How  a  great  many  of  the  People  earnestly  endeavoured  to  desert  to  the  Romans;  as  also 
 what  intolerable  things  those  that  staid  behind  suffered  by  Famine,  and  the  sad  Consequences 
 
 thereof. 
 
 §  1.  As  Josephus  was  speaking  thns  with  a  loud  voice,  the  seditious  would  neither  jieid  to 
 ivhat  he  said,  nor  did  they  deem  it  safe  for  them  to  alter  their  conduct  ;  but  as  for  the  people, 
 thev  had  a  great  inclination  to  desert  to  the  Romans  ;  accordinglj  some  of  them  sold  what 
 they  had,  and  even  the  most  precious  things  that  had  been  laid  up  as  treasures  by  them,  for  a 
 very  small  matter,  and  swallowtd  down  pieces  of  gold,  that  they  might  not  be  found  out  bj 
 the  robbers  ;  and  when  they  had  escaped  to  the  Romans,  went  to  stool,  and  bad  wherewithal 
 to  provide  plentifully  for  tliemselves,  for  Titus  let  a  great  number  of  them  go  away  into  the 
 country,  whither  they  pleased.  And  the  main  reasons  why  they  were  so  ready  to  desert  were 
 these,  tliat  now  they  should  be  freed  from  those  miseries  which  they  had  endured  in  tliat  city, 
 and  yet  should  not  be  in  slavery  to  the  Romans  :  however,  John  and  Simon,  with  iheir  factions, 
 did  more  carefully  watch  these  men's  going  out,  thau  they  did  the  coming  in  of  the  Romans  ; 
 and  if  any  one  did  but  afl'ord  the  least  shadow  of  suspicion  of  such  an  intenlion,  Lis  throat 
 was  cut  immediately. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  the  richer  sort,  it  proved  all  one  to  them  whether  they  staid  in  the  city,  or 
 attempted  to  get  out  of  it  ;  for  they  were  equally  destroyed  in  both  cases  ;  for  every  such  per- 
 son was  put  to  deatli  under  this  pretence,  that  they  were  going  to  desert,  but  in  reality  that 
 the  robbers  might  get  what  tliey  had.  The  madness  of  the  seditious  did  also  increase  together 
 witli  their  famine,  and  both  these  miseries  were  every  day  inflamed  more  and  more  ;  for  there 
 was  no  corn  which  any  where  appeared  publicly,  but  the  robbers  came  running  unto,  and 
 searched  men's  private  houses  ;  and  then,  if  they  found  any,  they  tormented  them,  because 
 they  had  denied  they  had  any  ;  and  if  ti:ey  found  none,  they  tormented  them  worse,  because  they 
 supposed  ihev  had  more  carefully  concealed  it.  The  indication  they  made  use  of  whether  they 
 Lad  any  or  not,  was  taken  from  the  bodies  cf  these  miserable  wretches  ;  which,  if  they  were 
 in  good  case,  they  supposed  they  were  in  no  want  at  ail  of  food  ;  but  if  they  were  wasted 
 away,  they  walked  off  without  searching  any  farther ;  nor  did  they  think  it  proper  to  kill  such 
 as  these,  because  they  saw  tliey  would  very  soon  die  of  themselves  for  want  of  food.  Many 
 there  were  indeed  who  sold  what  they  bad  for  one  measure ;  it  was  of  wheat,  if  they  were 
 of  the  richer  sort,  but  of  barley  if  tliey  vt'ere  poorer.  When  these  had  so  done,  they  shut 
 tfleraselves  up  in  the  inmost  rooiLS  of  their  Louses,  and  ate  the  corn  they  had  gotten  ;  some 
 did  it  without  grinding  it,  by  reason  of  the  extremity  of  the  want  they  were  in,  and  others 
 baked  bread  of  it,  according  as  necessity  and  fear  dictated  to  them  ;  a  table  was  no  where 
 laid  for  a  distinct  meal,  but  thsy  snatched  the  bread  out  of  the  fire,  half  baked,  and  ate  it 
 very  hastily. 
 
 3.  It  was  now  a  miserable  case,  and  a  sight  that  would  justly  bring  tears  into  our  eyes, 
 Uow  men  stood  as  to  their  food,  while  the  more  powerful  had  more  than  enough,  and  the 
 weaker  were  lanientiug  [for  want  of  it.]  But  the  famine  was  too  hard  for  all  other  passions, 
 and  it  is  destructive  to  nothing  so  much  as  to  modesty;  for  what  was  otherwise  worthy  of  re- 
 verence was  in  this  case  despised  ;  insomuch  that  children  pulled  the  very  morsels  that  their 
 fathers  were  eating  out  of  their  very  mouths,  and  what  was  still  more  to  be  pitied,  so  did  the 
 mothers  do  as  to  their  infants  ;  and  when  those  that  were  most  dear  were  perishing  under  their 
 hands,  they  were  not  ashamed  to  take  from  them  the  very  last  drops  that  might  preserve  their 
 lives  :  and  while  they  ate  after  this  manner,  yet  were  they  not  concealed  in  so  doing  ;  but  the 
 seditions  every  where  came  upon  them  immediately,  and  snatched  away  from  them  what  tliey 
 had  gotten  from  others  ;  for  when  they  saw  any  house  shut  up,  this  was  to  them  a  signal  that 
 the  people  within  had  gotten  some  food  ;  whereupon  they  broke  open  the  doors,  and  ran  in, 
 and  took  pieces  of  wh;it  they  were  eating  almost  out  of  their  very  throats,  and  this  by  force  : 
 the  old  men,  who  held  their  food  fast,  were  beaten,  and  if  the  women  hid  what  they  bad  within 
 their  bands,  their  hair  was  torn  for  so  doing  ;  nor  was  there  any  commiseration  shewn  either 
 to  the  aged  or  to  the  infants,  but  they  lifted  up  children  from  the  ground,  as  they  hung  upon 
 the  morsels  they  had  gotten,  and  shook  them  down  up(m  the  floor.  But  still  were  they  more 
 barbarously  cruel  to  those  that  Lad  prevented  tiieir  coming  in,  and  had  actually  swallowed 
 down  what  they  were  going  to  seize  upon,  as  if  they  had  been  unjustly  defrauded  of  their 
 right.  They  also  invented  terrible  metiiods  of  torments  to  discover  where  any  food  was,  and 
 they  were  these :  to  stop  up  the  passages  of  the  privy  parts  of  the,  miserable  wretches,  and  to 
 drive  sharp  stakes  up  their  fundaments  ;  and  a  man  was  forced  to  bear  what  it  is  terrible  even 
 to  hear,  in  order  to  make  him  confess  that  he  had  but  one  loaf  of  bread,  or  that  he  might  dis- 
 cover an  handful  of  barley  meal  that  was  concealed  ;  and  this  was  done  when  these  tormentors: 
 were  not  themselves  hungry  ;  for  the  thing  Lad  been  less  barbarous  had  necessity  forced  them 
 to  it,  but  this  was  done  to  keep  their  madness  in  exercise,  and  as  making  preparation  of  pro- 
 visions for  themselves  for  the  following  days.  These  men  went  also  to  meet  those  that  had 
 crept  out  of  the  city  bv  night,  as  far  as  the  R  )man   guards,  to  gather  some  plants  and  herbs 
 
BOOK  v.  — CHAP.    XI.  089 
 
 tli;it  grew  wild  ;  and  wlien  those  people  thougbt  tiiej  hat]  got  clear  of  the  enemy,  they  snatched 
 from  them  wliat  tiiey  had  brought  with  them,  even  while  they  had  frequently  entreated  them, 
 and  that  liy  calling  upon  the  tremendous  name  of  Cod,  to  give  them  back  some  part  of  what 
 they  had  brought ;  though  these  would  not  give  them  the  least  crumb,  aud  they  were  to  be 
 well  contented  that  they  were  only  spoiled,  and  not  slain  at  the  same  time. 
 
 4.  These  were  the  alllictions  which  the  lower  sort  of  people  suffered  from  these  tyrant 
 guards  ;  but  for  the  men  that  were  in  dignity,  and  witha  were  rich,  they  were  carried  before 
 the  tyrants  themselves  ;  some  of  whom  were  falsely  acciised  of  laying  treacherous  plots,  and 
 so  were  destroyed  ;  others  of  them  were  charged  wilh  designs  of  betraying  the  city  to  the 
 Romans  ;  but  the  readiest  way  of  all  was  this,  to  suborn  somebody  to  aflirm  that  tli-ey  were 
 resolved  to  desert  to  the  enemy.  And  he  who  was  utterly  despoiled  of  what  he  had  by  Simon, 
 was  sent  back  again  to  John,  as  of  those  who  had  been  already  plundered  by  John,  Simon  got 
 what  remained  ;  insomuch  that  they  drank  the  blood  of  the  populace  to  one  another,  and 
 divided  the  dead  bodies  of  the  poor  creatures  bctwei  n  them  :  so  that  although,  on  account  of 
 tiieir  ambition  after  dominion,  they  contended  wilh  each  other,  yet  did  they  very  well  agree  ia 
 their  wicked  practices  ;  for  he  that  did  not  communicate  what  he  had  got  by  the  miseries  of  others 
 to  the  other  tyrant,  seemed  to  be  too  little  guilty,  and  in  one  respect  only  ;  and  he  that  did 
 not  partake  of  what  was  so  communicated  to  him,  grieved  at  the  loss,  as  at  the  loss  of  what  was 
 a  valuable  thing,  that  he  had  no  share  in  such  barbarity. 
 
 5.  It  is  therefore  impossible  to  go  distinctly  over  every  instance  of  these  msn's  iniquity. 
 I  shall  tlierefore  speak  my  mind  here  at  once  brielly,  that  neither  did  any  other  city  ever  suf- 
 fer such  miseries,  nor  did  any  age  ever  breed  a  generation  more  fruitful  in  wickednss  thaa 
 this  was,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world.  Finally,  they  brought  the  Hebrew  nation  into  con- 
 tempt, that  they  might  themselves  appear  comparatively  less  impious  with  regard  to  strangers. 
 They  confessed  what  was  true,  that  they  were  the  slaves,  the  scum,  and  the  spurious  and 
 abortive  oflspring  of  our  nation,  while  they  overthrew  the  city  themselves,  and  forced  the 
 Romans,  whether  they  would  or  not,  to  gain  a  melancholy  reputation,  by  acting  gloriously 
 against  them,  and  did  almost  draw  that  lire  upon  the  temple,  which  they  seemed  to  think  came 
 too  slowly  ;  and  indeed,  when  they  saw  that  temple  burning  from  the  upper  city,  they  were 
 neither  troubled  at  it,  nor  did  they  shed  any  tears  on  that  account,  while  yet  these  passions 
 were  discovered  among  the  Romans  themselves.  Which  circumstances  we  shall  speak  of 
 hereafter  in  their  proper  place,  when  we  come  to  treat  of  such  matters. 
 
 CHAP.  XI. 
 
 Hotv  the  Jews  toere  crtidfied  before  the  Walls  of  the  City.     Concernimj  Anliochus  Eptphanes ; 
 and  how  the  Jews  overthrew  the  Banks  that  hud  been  raised  by  the  Roiiums. 
 
 ^  1.  So  now  Titus's  banks  were  advanced  a  great  way,  notwithstanding  his  soldiers  had  been 
 very  much  distressed  from  the  wall.  He  then  sent  a  party  of  horsemen,  and  ordered  they 
 should  lay  ambushes  for  those  that  went  out  into  the  valleys  to  gather  food.  Some  of  these 
 were  indeed  fighting  men,  who  were  contented  with  what  they  got  by  rapine  ;  but  the  greater 
 part  of  them  were  poor  people,  who  were  deterred  from  deserting  by  the  concern  they  were 
 under  for  their  own  relations  ;  for  they  could  not  hope  to  escape  away,  together  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  seditious  ;  nor  could  they  think  of  leaving  these  rela- 
 tions to  be  slain  by  the  robbers  on  their  account ;  nay,  the  severity  of  the  famine  made  them  bold 
 in  thus  going  out.:  so  nothing  remained  but  that,  when  they  v.'ere  concealed  from  the  robbers,  they 
 should  be  taken  by  the  enemy,  and  when  they  were  going  to  be  taken,  they  were  forced  to  defend 
 themselves  for  fe;ir  of  being  punished  ;  as  after  tliey  had  fought,  they  thought  it  too  late  to 
 make  any  supplications  for  mercy  :  so  they  were  first  whipped,  and  then  tormented  with  all 
 sorts  of  tortures,  before  they  died,  and  were  then  crucified  before  the  wall  of  the  city.*  This 
 miserable  procedure  made  Titus  greatly  to  pity  them,  while  they  caught  every  day  five  hundred 
 Jews  ;  nay,  some  days  they  caught  more  :  yet  it  did  not  appear  to  be  safe  for  him  to  let  those 
 that  were  taken  by  force  go  their  way,  and  to  set  a  guard  over  so  m:.ny  be  saw  would  be  to 
 make  such  as  guarded  them  useless  to  him.  The  main  reason  why  he  did  not  forbid  that 
 cruelty  was  this,  that  he  hoped  the  Jews  might  perhaps  yield  at  that  sight,  out  of  feur  lest 
 they  might  themselves  afterwards  be  liable  to  the  same  cruel  treatment.  So  the  soldiers,  out 
 of  the  wrath  and  hatred  they  bore  the  Jews,  nailed  those  they  caught,  one  after  one  way,  and 
 another  after  another,  to  the  crosses,  by  way  of  jest,  when  their  multitude  was  so  great,  that 
 room  was  wanting  for  the  crosses,  and  crosses  wanting  for  the  bodies. t 
 
 2.  But  so  far  were  the  seditious  from  repenting  at  this  sad  sight,  that,  on  the  contrary,  they 
 made  the  rest  of  the  multitude  believe  otherwise;  for  they  brought  the  relations  of  tlinse  that 
 had  deserted  upon  the  wall,  with  such  of  the  populace  as  were  very  eaj«>r  to  go  over  U])on  tlu': 
 security  offered  them,  and  shewed  them  what  miseries  those  underwent  who  (led  lo  the  Romans  ; 
 and  told  them  that  those  who  were  caught  were  supplicants  to  them,  and  not  such  as  were  taken 
 
 •  Ucland  very  properly  talics  notice  here,  how  justly  this  judgment  come  upon  tho  .Tews,  when  they  were 
 cracitieri  in  such  multitudes  together,  that  the  Fiomans  wanted  room  for  the  crosse.i,  aud  crosses  for  the  bodit'fl 
 of  thtsc  .lews,  since  ihcy  had  brought  tliis  judement  on  tliemeelvcs  by  the  ciucitixiou  of  their  Messiah. 
 
 t  See  Uie  preceding  note. 
 
 4  S 
 
090  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 prisoners.  Tbis  siglit  kept  many  of  those  within  tlie  city  who  were  so  eager  to  desert,  til!  tlie 
 trulli  was  liDown  ;  yet  did  some  of  them  run  away  immediately  as  onto  certain  punish^uent, 
 esteeming  death  from  their  enemies  to  be  a  quiet  departure,  if  compared  with  that  by  famine. 
 So  Titus  commanded  that  the  hands  of  many  of  those  that  were  caught  should  be  cut  off,  that 
 they  might  not  be  thought  deserters,  and  might  be  credited  on  account  of  the  calamity  ihey 
 were  under,  and  sent  thein  in  to  John  and  Simon,  with  this  exhoriation,  That  ''  they  would  now 
 at  length  leave  off  [their  madness,]  and  not  force  him  to  destroy  the  city,  whereby  they  would 
 have  those  advantages  of  repentance,  even  in  their  utnsost  distress,  that  they  would  preserve 
 their  own  lives,  and  so  find  a  city  of  their  own,  and  that  temple  which  was  their  peculiar  glory." 
 He  th^n  went  round  about  the  banks  that  were  cast  up,  and  hastened  them,  in  order  to  shew, 
 that  his  words  should  in  do  long  time  be  followed  by  bis  deeds.  In  answer  to  which,  the 
 seditious  cast  reproaches  upon  Caesar  himself,  and  upon  his  father  also,  and  cried  out  with  a 
 kmd  voice.  That  "  they  contemned  death,  and  did  well  in  preferring  it  before  slavery  ;  that 
 they  would  do  all  the  mischief  to  the  Romans  they  could,  while  they  had  breath  in  thera  ;  and 
 that  for  their  own  city,  since  they  were,  as  he  said,  to  be  destroyed,  they  had  no  concern 
 about  it,  and  that  the  world  itself  was  a  better  temple  to  God  than  this.  That  yet  this  temple 
 would  be  preserved  by  him  that  inhabited  therein,  whom  they  still  had  for  their  assistant  in 
 this  war,  and  did  therefore  laugh  at  all  his  threatenings,  which  would  come  to  nothing,  because 
 the  conclusion  of  the  whole  depended  upon  God  only."  These  words  were  mixed  with 
 reproaches,  and  with  them  they  made  a  mighty  clamour. 
 
 3.  In  the  mean  time  Antioi-hns  Epiphanes  came  to  the  city,  having  with  him  a  considerable 
 number  of  other  armed  men,  and  a  band  called  the  Macedonian  band  about  him,  all  of  the  same 
 age,  tall,  and  just  past  their  childhood,  armed,  and  instructed  after  the  Macedonian  manner, 
 whence  it  was  that  tliey  took  that  name.  Yet  were  many  of  them  unworthy  of  so  famous  a 
 nation  ;  for  it  had  so  happened,  that  the  king  of  Commagene  had  flourished  more  than  any 
 other  kings  that  were  under  the  power  of  the  Romans,  till  a  change  happened  in  his  condition  ; 
 and  when  he  was  become  an  old  man,  he  declared  plainly,  that  we  ought  not  to  call  any  man 
 Lappy  before  he  is  dead.  Bat  this  son  of  his,  who  was  then  come  thither  before  bis  father 
 was  decaying,  said.  That  "  be  could  not  but  wonder  what  made  the  Romans  so  tard}'  in  mak- 
 ing their  attacks  upon  the  wall."  Now  he  was  a  warlike  man,  and  naturally  bold  in  exposing 
 himself  to  dangers ;  he  was  also  so  strong  a  man,  that  his  boldness  seldom  failed  of  having 
 success.  Upon  this  Titos  smiled,  and  said,  "He  would  share  the  pains  of  an  attack  with  him." 
 However,  Antiochus  went  as  he  then  was,  and  with  his  Macedunians  made  a  sudden  assault 
 npon  the  wall  ;  and,  indeed,  for  his  own  part,  his  strength  and  skill  were  so  great  that  he 
 guarded  himself  from  the  Jewish  darts,  and  yet,  shot  his  darts  at  tliem,  while  yet  the  young 
 men  with  him  were  almost  all  sorely  galled  ;  for  they  h;id  so  great  a  regard  to  the  promises 
 that  had  been  made  of  their  courage,  that  they  would  needs  persevere  in  their  fighting,  and 
 at  length  many  of  them  retired,  but  not  till  they  were  wounded  ;  and  then  they  perceived  that 
 true  Macedonians,  if  they  were  to  be  conquerors,  must  have  Alexander's  good  fortune  also. 
 
 4.  Now  as  the  Romans  began  to  raise  their  banks  on  the  twelfth  day  of  the  month  Arte- 
 inisius,  [,Iyar,]  so  had  they  much  ado  to  finish  them  by  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  the  same 
 month,  after  they  had  laboured  hard  for  seventeen  days  continually.  For  there  were  now  four 
 great  banks  raised,  one  of  which  was  at  the  tower  Antonia  ;  this  was  raised  by  the  fifth  legion, 
 over  against  the  middle  of  that  pool  which  was  called  Strulhius.  Another  was  cast  up  by 
 the  twelfth  legion,  at  the  distance  of  about  twenty  cubits  from  the  other.  But  the  labours  of 
 the  tenth  legion,  which  lay  a  great  way  off  these,  was  on  the  north  quarter,  and  at  the  pool 
 called  Amygdalon  ;  as  was  that  of  the  fifteenth  legion  about  thirty  cubits  from  it,  and  at  the 
 high  priest's  monument.  And  now  when  the  engines  were  brought,  John  had  from  within 
 undermined  the  space  that  was  over  against  the  tower  of  Antonia,  as  far  as  the  banks  them- 
 selves, and  had  supported  the  ground  over  the  mine  with  beams  laid  across  one  another, 
 whereby  the  Roman  works  stood  upon  an  uncertain  foundation.  Then  did  he  order  such 
 materials  to  be  brought  in,  as  were  daubed  over  with  pitch  and  bitumen,  and  set  them  on 
 fire  ;  and  as  the  cross-beams  that  supported  the  banks  were  burning,  the  ditch  yielded  on  the 
 sudden,  and  the  banks  were  shaken  down,  and  fell  into  the  ditch  with  a  prodigious  noise. 
 Now  at  the  first  there  arose  a  very  thick  smoke  and  dust,  as  the  fire  was  choked  with 
 the  fall  of  the  bank  ;  but  as  the  suffocated  materials  were  now  gradually  consumed,  a  plain 
 flame  broke  out,  on  which  sudden  appearance  of  the  flame,  a  consternation  fell  upon  the 
 Romans,  and  the  shrewdness  of  the  contrivance  discouraged  them  ;  and  indeed  this  accident 
 coning  upon  them  at  a  time  when  they  thought  they  had  already  gained  their  point,  cooled 
 their  hopes  for  the  time  to  come.  They  also  thought  it  would  be  to  no  purpose  to  take 
 the  pains  to  extinguish  the  fire,  since,  if  it  were  extinguished,  the  banks  were  swallowed  up 
 already  [and  become  useless  to  them.] 
 
 5.  'Fwo  days  after  this,  Simon  and  his  party  made  an  attempt  to  destroy  the  other  banks  ; 
 for  the  Romans  had  brought  their  engines  to  bear  there,  and  began  already  to  make  tJie  wall 
 shake.  And  here  one  Tephtheus  of  Garsis,  a  city  of  Galilee,  and  Megassarus,  one  who  was 
 derived  from  some  of  queen  Mariamne's  servants,  and  with  them  one  from  Adiabene,  he  was 
 the  ton  o(  Kahateus,  and  called  by  the  aaine  of  Chagiras,  from  the  ill  fortune  be  had,  the  word 
 
BOOK    V. — €HAP.    XH.  601 
 
 signifjiug  a  lame  man,  snatched  some  torches,  bikI  ran  suddenly  upon  the  engines.  Nor  were 
 there  during  this  war  any  men  that  ever  sallied  out  of  the  oily  who  were  their  superiors,  either 
 iu  their  own  boldness,  or  in  the  terror  they  struck  into  their  enemies.  For  they  ran  out  upon 
 the  Romans,  not  as  if  they  were  enemies,  hut  friends,  without  fear  or  delay  :  nor  did  thej 
 leave  their  enemies  till  they  had  rushed  violently  through  the  midst  of  them,  and  set  their 
 niHchines  on  fire.  And  though  they  had  darts  thrown  at  them  on  every  side,  and  were  on  every 
 side  assaulted  with  their  enemies'  swords,  yet  did  they  not  withdraw  themselves  out  of  the 
 dangers  they  were  iu,  till  the  fire  Imd  caught  hold  of  the  instruments  ;  but  when  the  ilame 
 went  up,  the  Romans  came  running  from  their  camp  to  save  their  engines.  Then  did  the  Jews 
 hinder  their  succours  from  the  wall,  and  fought  with  those  that  endeavoured  to  quench  the 
 lire,  without  any  regard  to  the  danger  their  bodies  were  in.  So  the  Romans  pulled  the  engines 
 out  of  the  (ire,  while  the  hurdles  that  covered  them  were  on  (ire  ;  but  the  Jews  caught  hold  of 
 the  battering  rams  through  the  flame  itself,  and  held  thein  fast,  although  the  iron  upon  (hem 
 was  become  red  hot:  aod  now  the  fire  spread  itself  from  the  engines  to  the  banks,  and  pre- 
 vented those  that  came  to  defend  them  ;  and  all  this  while  the  Romans  were  encompassed  round 
 about  with  the  flame,  and,  despairing  of  saving  their  works  from  it,  they  retired  to  their 
 camp.  Then  did  the  Jews  become  still  more  and  more  in  number  by  the  coming  of  those  that 
 were  within  the  city  to  their  assistance;  and  as  they  wtre  very  bold  upon  the  good  success 
 they  had  had,  their  violent  assaults  were  almost  irresistible  ;  nay,  they  proceeded  as  far  as  the 
 fortifications  of  the  enemies'  camp,  and  fought  with  their  guards.  Now  there  .stood  a  body  of 
 soldiers  in  array  before  that  camp,  which  succeeded  one  another  by  turns  in  their  armour  ;  and 
 as  to  those  the  law  of  the  Romans  was  terrible,  that  he  who  left  his  post  there,  let  the  occa- 
 sion be  whatsoever  it  might  be,  he  was  to  die  for  it ;  so  that  body  of  soldiers,  preferring  rather 
 to  die  in  fighting  courageously,  than  as  a  punishment  for  their  cowardice,  stood  fine,  and  at 
 the  necessity  these  men  were  in  of  standing  to  it,  many  of  the  others  that  had  run  away  out  of 
 shame  turned  back  again ;  and  when  they  had  set  the  engines  against  the  wall,  they  put  the 
 multitude  from  coming  more  of  them  out  of  the  city  [which  ihey  could  the  more  easily  do,] 
 because  they  had  made  no  provision  for  preserving  or  guardiog  their  bodies  at  this  time;  for 
 the  Jews  fought  now  hand  to  hand  with  all  that  came  in  their  way,  and  without  any  caution 
 fell  against  the  points  of  their  enemies'  spears,  and  attacked  them  bodies  against  bodies  ;  for 
 they  were  now  too  hard  for  the  Romans,  not  so  rniich  by  their  other  warlike  actions,  as  by 
 these  courageous  assaults  Ihey  made  upon  them;  and  the  Romans  gave  way  more  to  their 
 lioldness,  than  they  did  to  the  sense  of  the  harm  they  Lad  received  from  them. 
 
 G.  And  now  Titus  was  come  from  the  tower  of  Aritonia,  whither  he  was  gone  to  look  out 
 for  a  place  for  raising  other  banks,  and  reproached  the  soldiers  greatly  for  permitting  their 
 own  wall  to  be  in  danger,  when  they  had  taken  the  walls  of  their  enemies,  and  sustained  the 
 fortune  of  men  besieged,  while  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  sally  out  against  them,  though  they 
 were  already  in  a  sort  of  (jrison.  He  theu  went  round  about  the  enemy  uiih  some  chosen 
 troops,  and  fell  upou  their  (lank  himself;  so  the  Jews  who  had  been  before  assaulted  in  their 
 faces,  wheeled  about  to  Titus,  and  continued  (he  light.  The  armies  also  were  now  mixed  one 
 among  another,  and  the  dust  that  was  raised  so  far  hindered  them  from  seeing  one  another, 
 and  the  noise  that  was  made  so  far  hindered  them  from  hearing  one  another,  thnt  neither  side 
 could  discern  an  enemy  ("rom  a  friend.  However,  the  Jews  did  not  flinch,  t!iou>.di  not  so  much 
 from  their  real  strength,  as  from  their  despair  of  deliverance.  The  Romans  also  would  not 
 yield,  by  reason  of  the  regard  they  had  to  glory,  and  to  their  reputation  in  war,  and  because 
 Caisar  himself  went  into  the  danger  before  them;  insomuch  that  I  cannot  but  think,  the 
 Romans  would  in  the  conclusion  have  now  taken  even  the  whole  muMitnile  of  the  Jews,  so 
 very  angry  were  they  at  them,  had  these  not  prevented  the  upshot  of  the  btitlle,  and  retired 
 into  the  city.  However,  seeing  the  banks  of  the  Romans  were  demolished,  these  Romans 
 were  very  much  cast  down  upou  the  loss  of  what  had  cost  them  so  long  pains,  and  this  in  one 
 liour's  time.  And  many  indeed  despaired  of  taking  the  city  with  their  usual  engines  of  war 
 only, 
 
 CHAP.  xn. 
 
 Titus  thought  fit  to  encompass  the  City  romnl  with  a  V/all :  after  which  the  Famine  consumed 
 the  People  by  ichole  Houses  and  Families  together. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  did  Titus  consult  with  his  commanders  what  was  to  bo  done.  Those  that  were 
 of  the  warmest  tempers,  thought  he  should  bring  the  whole  army  against  the  city,  and  storm  the 
 wail ;  for  that  hitherto  no  more  than  a  part  of  their  army  had  fought  with  the  Jews,  but  that  in 
 case  (he  entire  army  was  to  come  at  once,  they  would  not  be  able  to  sustain  ihf  ir  aKacks,  but 
 would  be  overwhelmed  by  (heir  darts.  ]Jut  of  tliose  that  were  for  a  more  cirilious  manage- 
 ment, soniR  were  for  raising  (iieir  hanks  again,  and  others  advised  to  let  the  b.inks  alone,  but 
 to  lie  still  before  the  city,  to  guard  against  tht;  coming  oat  of  the  Jews,  and  so  to  leave  the 
 enemy  to  the  famine,  ai.d  this  without  direct  fighting  with  them  ;  for  (hat  despair  was  not  to  be 
 coniiuered,  especially  as  to  (hose  who  are  desirous  to  die  by  the  sword,  while  a  more  (errible 
 misery  tlian  that  is  reseived  for  them.  However,  Titus  did  not  think  it  lit  I'or  .so  great  an 
 army  to  lie  entirely  idle,  and  that  }Ct  it  was  in  vain  to  light  with  those  that  would  be  destroyed 
 
C92  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 one  by  another  ,  Le  also  shewed  tbem  how  impractinable  it  was  to  cast  up  any  more  banks,  for 
 want  of  materials,  and  to  guard  against  the  Jews  coming  out,  still  more  impracticable  ;  as  also, 
 that  to  encompass  the  whole  city  round  with  his  army,  was  not  very  easy,  by  reason  of  its 
 magnitude,  and  the  difficulty  of  the  situation,  and  on  other  accounts  dangerons,  upon  the  sal- 
 lies the  Jews  might  make  out  of  the  city.  For  altliough  they  might  guard  the  known  passages 
 out  of  the  plane,  yet  would  they,  when  they  found  themselves  under  the  greatest  distress,  con- 
 trive secret  passages  out,  as  being  well  acquainted  with  all  such  places  ;  and  if  any  provisions 
 were  carried  in  by  stealth,  the  siege  would  thereby  be  longer  delayed.  He  also  owned,  that 
 he  was  afraid  that  the  length  of  time  thus  to  be  spent,  would  diminish  the  glory  of  his  success  ; 
 for  though  it  be  true,  that  length  of  lime  will  perfect  every  thing,  yet  that  to  do  what  we  do 
 in  a  little  time  is  still  necessary  to  the  gaining  reputation.  That  therefore  his  opinion  was, 
 that  if  they  aimed  nt  quickness  Joined  with  security,  they  must  build  a  wall  round  about  the 
 whole  city,  which  was,  he  thought,  the  only  way  to  prevent  the  Jews  from  coming  out  any 
 way,  and  then  they  would  either  entirely  dej-pair  of  saving  the  city,  and  so  would  surrender  it 
 up  to  him,  or  be  still  the  more  easily  conquered  when  the  famine  bad  farther  weakened  tbem. 
 For  that  besides  this  wall,  he  would  not  lie  entirely  at  rest  afterward,  but  would  take  care 
 then  to  have  banks  raised  again,  when  those  that  would  oppose  them  were  become  weaker. 
 But  that  if  any  one  should  think  such  a  work  to  be  too  great,  and  not  to  be  finished 
 without  much  difficulty,  he  ought  to  consider  that  it  is  not  fit  for  Romans  to  undertake  any 
 small  work  ;  and  that  none  but  God  himself  could  with  ease  accomplish  any  great  thing 
 whatsoever. 
 
 2.  These  arguments  prevailed  with  the  commanders.  So  Titns  gave  orders  that  the  army 
 should  be  distributed  to  their  several  shares  of  this  work  ;  and  indeed  there  now  came  upon 
 the  soldiers  a  certain  divine  fury,  so  that  they  did  not  only  part  the  whole  wall  that  was  to  he 
 built  among  them,  nor  did  only  one  legion  strive  with  another,  but  the  lesser  divisions  of  the 
 army  did  the  same;  insomuch  that  each  soldier  was  ambitious  to  please  his  decurion,  each 
 decurion  his  centurion,  each  centurion  his  tribune,  and  the  ambition  of  the  tribunes  was  to 
 please  their  superior  cosnmanders,  while  Caesar  himself  took  notice  of  and  rewarded  the  like 
 contention  in  those  commanders  ;  for  he  went  round  about  the  works  many  times  every  day, 
 and  took  a  view  of  what  was  done.  Titus  began  the  wall  from  the  camp  of  the  Assyrians, 
 where  his  own  camp  was  pitched,  and  drew  it  down  to  the  lower  parts  of  Cenopolis  •  thence 
 it  went  along  the  valley  of  Cedron,  to  the  Mount  of  Olives  ;  it  then  bent  towards  the  south, 
 and  encompassed  the  mountain  as  far  as  the  rock  called  Peristereon,  and  that  other  hill  which 
 lies  next  it,  and  is  over  the  valley  which  reaches  to  Siloara  ;  whence  it  bended  again  to  the 
 west,  and  went  down  to  the  valley  of  the  Fountain,  beyond  which  it  went  up  again  at  the 
 Donuraent  of  Ananus  the  high  priest,  and  encompassing  that  mountain  where  Pompey  had  for- 
 merly pitched  his  camp,  it  returned  back  to  the  north  side  of  the  city,  and  was  carried  on  as 
 far  as  a  certain  village  called  the  House  of  the  Erebintbi ;  after  which  it  encompassed  Herod's 
 monument,  and  there  on  the  east  was  joined  to  Titus's  own  camp,  where  it  began.  Now  the 
 length  of  this  wall  was  forty  furlongs,  one  only  abated.  Now  on  this  wall  without  were  erected 
 thirteen  places  to  keep  garrisons  in,  whose  circumferences,  put  together,  amounted  to  ten  fur- 
 longs ;  the  whole  was  completed  in  three  days  ;  so  that  what  would  naturally  have  required 
 some  months,  was  done  in  so  short  an  interval  as  is  incredible.  When  Titus  had  therefore 
 encompassed  the  city  with  his  wall,  and  put  garrisons  into  proper  places,  he  went  round  the 
 wall  at  the  first  watch  of  the  niglit,  and  observed  hovv  the  guard  was  kept ;  the  second  watch 
 he  allotted  to  Alexander;  the  commanders  of  legions,  took  the  third  watch.  They  also  cast 
 lots  amou;;  themselves  who  should  be  upon  the  watch  in  the  night-time,  and  who  should  go  all 
 night  long  round  the  spaces  that  were  interposed  between  the  garrisons. 
 
 3.  So  all  hope  of  escaping  was  now  cut  off  from  the  Jews,  together  with  their  liberty  of 
 going  out  of  the  city.  Then  did  the  famine  widen  its  progress,  and  devoured  the  people  by 
 whole  houses  and  families,  the  upper  rooms  were  full  of  women  and  children  that  were  dying 
 by  famine,  and  the  lanes  of  the  city  were  full  of  dead  bodies  of  the  aged  ;  the  children  also 
 and  the  young  men  wandered  about  the  market-places  like  shadows,  all  swelled  with  the 
 famine,  and  fell  down  dead,  wheresoever  their  misery  seized  them.  As  for  burying  them, 
 those  that  were  sick  themselves  were  not  able  to  do  it,  and  those  that  were  hearty  and  well 
 were  deterred  from  doing  it  by  the  great  multitude  of  those  dead  bodies,  and  by  the  uncer- 
 tainty there  was  how  soon  they  should  die  themselves  ;  for  many  died  as  they  were  burying 
 others,  and  many  went  to  their  coffins  before  that  fatal  hour  was  come.  Nor  was  there  any 
 lamentatic-ns  made  under  these  calamities,  nor  were  heard  any  mournful  complaints ;  but  the 
 famine  confounded  all  natural  passions;  for  those  who  were  just  going  to  die  looked  upon 
 those  that  were  gone  to  their  rest  before  them  with  dry  eyes  and  open  mouths.  A  deep 
 silence  also,  and  a  kind  of  deadly  night,  had  seized  upon  the  city  ;  while  yet  the  robbers  were 
 still  more  terrible  than  these  miseries  were  themselves  ;  for  they  brake  open  those  houses 
 %vhich  were  uo  other  than  graves  of  dead  bodies,  and  plundered  them  of  what  they  bad,  and 
 carrying  off  the  coverings  of  their  bodies,  went  out  laughing,  and  tried  the  points  of  their 
 swords  in  their  dead  bodies,  and  in  trder  to  prove  what  metal  tbey  were  made  of,  they  thrust 
 some  of  those  through  that  still   lay  «live  upon  the  ground  ;  but  for  those  that  entreated  them 
 
BOOK    v.— CHAP.  Xill.  69S 
 
 to  lend  tliem  tlieir  right  hand,  and  their  sword  to  despatch  tbem,  they  were  too  prond  to  grant 
 their  reqaesls,  and  lei't  them  to  be  consumed  bj  the  famine.  Now  every  one  of  these  died  with 
 their  eyes  iixed  upon  the  temple,  and  left  the  seditious  alive  behind  them.  Now  the  seditious 
 at  first  gave  orders  that  the  dead  should  be  buried  out  of  the  public  treasury,  as  not  enduring 
 the  stench  of  their  dead  bodies.  But  afterwards,  when  they  could  not  do  that,  they  had  them 
 cast  down  from  the  walls  into  the  valleys  beneath. 
 
 4.  However,  when  Titus,  in  going  his  round  along  these  valleys,  saw  them  full  of  dead 
 bodies,  and  the  thick  putrefac'liou  running  about  them,  be  gave  a  groan,  and,  spreading  oat  his 
 Lands  to  heaven,  called  God  to  witness  that  this  was  not  his  doing;  and  such  was  the  sad  case 
 of  the  city  itself.  But  tlie  Romans  were  very  joyful ;  since  none  of  the  seditious  could  now 
 make  sallies  out  of  the  city,  because  they  were  themselves  disconsolate,  and  the  famine  already 
 touched  them  also.  These  Romans  besides  had  great  plenty  of  corn  and  other  necessaries  out 
 of  Syria,  and  out  of  the  neighbouring  provinces  ;  many  of  whom  would  stand  near  to  the  wall 
 of  the  city,  and  shew  the  people  what  great  quantities  of  provisions  they  had,  and  so  make  the 
 enemy  more  sensible  of  their  famine,  by  the  great  plenty,  even  to  satiety,  which  they  had  them- 
 selves. However,  when  the  seditious  still  shewed  no  inclinations  of  yielding,  Titus,  out  of 
 liis  commiseration  of  the  people  that  remained,  and  out  of  his  earnest  desire  of  rescuing  what 
 was  still  left  out  of  those  miseries,  began  to  raise  his  banks  again,  although  materials  for  them 
 were  hard  to  be  come  at ;  for  all  the  trees  that  were  about  the  city  had  been  already  cut  down 
 for  the  making  of  the  former  banks.  Yet  did  the  soldiers  bring  with  them  other  materials 
 from  the  distance  of  ninety  furlongs,  and  thereby  raised  banks  in  four  parts,  much  greater  than 
 the  former,  though  this  was  done  only  at  the  tower  of  Antonia.  So  Caesar  went  his  rounds 
 through  the  legions,  and  hastened  on  the  works,  and  shewed  the  robbers  that  they  were  now 
 in  his  hands.  But  these  men,  and  these  only,  wore  incapable  of  repenting  of  the  wickedness 
 they  had  been  guilty  of,  and,  separating  their  souls  from  their  bodies,  they  used  them  both  as 
 if  they  belonged  to  other  folks,  and  not  to  themselves.  For  no  gentle  afl'ection  could  touch 
 their  souls,  nor  could  any  pain  affect  their  bodies,  since  they  could  still  tear  the  dead  bodies 
 of  the  people  as  dogs  do,  and  fill  the  prisons  with  those  that  were  sick. 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. 
 
 The  great  Slaughters  and  Sacrilege  that  were  in  Jerusalem, 
 
 §  1.  Accordingly  Simon  would  not  suffer  Matthias,  by  whose  means  he  got  possession  of 
 of  the  city,  to  go  off  without  torment.  This  Matthias  was  the  son  of  Boethus,  and  was  one  of 
 the  high  priests,  one  that  bad  been  very  faithful  to  the  people,  and  in  great  esteem  with  them ; 
 he,  when  the  multitude  were  distressed  by  the  Zealots,  among  whom  John  was  numbered, 
 persuaded  the  people  to  admit  this  Simon  to  come  in  to  assist  them,  while  he  had  made  no 
 terms  with  him,  nor  expected  any  thing  that  was  evil  from  him.  But  when  Simon  was  come 
 in,  and  had  gotten  the  city  under  his  power,  he  esteemed  him  that  hud  advised  them  to  admit 
 him  as  his  enemy  equally  with  the  rest,  as  looking  upon  that  advice  as  a  piece  of  his  simplicity 
 only  :  so  he  had  him  then  brought  before  him,  and  condemned  to  die  for  being  on  the  side  of 
 the  Romans,  without  giving  hin«  leave  to  make  his  defence.  He  condemned  also  his  three  sons 
 to  die  with  him  ;  for  as  to  the  fourth  he  prevented  him  by  running  away  to  Titus  before.  And 
 when  he  begged  for  this,  that  he  might  be  slain  before  his  sons;  and  that  as  a  favour,  on 
 account  that  he  had  procured  the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  opened  to  him,  he  gave  order  that  he 
 should  be  slain  the  last  of  them  all  :  so  he  was  not  glain  till  he  had  seen  his  sons  slain  before 
 bis  eyes,  and  that  by  being  produced  over  against  the  Romans;  for  such  a  charge  had  Simon 
 given  to  Ananus,  the  son  of  Bamadus,  who  was  the  most  barbarous  of  all  his  guards.  He  also 
 jested  upon  him,  and  told  him  that  he  might  now  see  whether  those  to  whom  he  intended  to 
 go  over,  would  send  him  any  succours  or  not ;  but  still  he  he  forbade  their  dead  bodies  should 
 be  buried.  After  the  slaughter  of  these,  a  certain  priest,  Ananias,  the  son  of  Masambalus,  a 
 person  of  emincncy,  as  also  Aristeus,  the  scribe  of  the  sanhedrim,  and  born  at  Emmaus,  and 
 with  them  fifteen  men  of  figure  among  the  people,  were  slain.  They  also  kept  Josephus'  father 
 in  prison,  and  made  public  proclamation,  that  no  citizen  whosoever  should  either  speak  to  him 
 himself,  or  go  into  bin  company  among  others,  for  fear  he  should  betray  them.  They  also  slew 
 such  as  joined  in  lamenting  these  men,  without  any  further  examination. 
 
 2.  Now  when  Judas,  the  son  of  Judas,  who  was  one  of  Simon's  under  officers,  and  a  person 
 entrusted  by  him  to  keep  one  of  the  towers,  saw  this  procedure  of  Simon,  he  called  together 
 ten  of  those  under  him,  that  were  most  faithful  to  him,  (perhaps  this  was  done  partly  out  of 
 pity  to  those  that  had  so  barbarously  been  put  to  death,  but  principally  in  order  to  provide 
 for  his  own  safety,)  and  spoke  thus  to  them  ;  "  How  long  shall  we  bear  these  miseries?  or 
 what  hopes  have  we  of  deliverance  by  thus  continuing  faithful  to  such  wicked  wretches?  Is 
 not  the  famine  already  come  against  us?  Are  not  the  Romans  in  a  manner  gotten  within  the 
 city?  Is  not  Simon  become  unfaithful  to  his  benefactors?  and  is  there  not  reason  to  fear  he 
 will  very  soon  bring  us  to  the  like  punishment,  while  the  security  the  Romans  offer  us  is  sure? 
 Come  on,  let  us  surrender  up  this  wall,  and  save  ourselves  and  the  city.  Nor  will  Simon  be 
 very  much  hurt,    if,   now  he  despairs  of  deliveiance,   he  be  brought  to  justice  a  little  sooner 
 
694  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 Ihan  he  thinks  on."  Now,  these  ten  were  prevailed  upon  by  those  arguments  :  so  he  sent  the 
 rest  of  those  that  were  under  hiiu,  some  one  way,  and  some  another,  that  no  discovery  might 
 be  made  of  what  they  had  resolved  opon.  Accordingly,  he  called  to  the  Romans  from  the 
 tower  about  the  third  hour  ;  but  they,  some  of  them  out  of  pride,  despised  what  he  said,  and 
 others  of  them  did  not  believe  him  to  be  in  earnest,  though  the  greatest  number  delayed  the 
 matter,  as  believing  they  should  get  possession  of  the  city  in  a  little  time,  without  any  hazard. 
 But  when  Titus  was  just  coming  thither  with  Lis  armed  men,  Simon  was  acquainted  with  the 
 matter  before  he  came,  and  presently  took  the  tower  into  his  own  custody,  before  it  was  sur- 
 rendered, and  seized  upon  these  men,  and  put  them  to  death  in  the  sight  of  the  Romans  them- 
 selves ;  and  when  he  had  mangled  their  dead  bodies,  he  threw  them  down  before  the  wall  of 
 tlie  city. 
 
 3.  In  the  mean  time,  Josephus,  as  he  was  going  round  the  city,  had  his  head  wounded  by 
 a  stone  that  was  thrown  at  him  ;  upon  which  he  fell  down  as  giddy.  Upon  which  fall  of  his 
 the  Jews  made  a  sally,  and  he  had  been  hurried  away  into  the  city,  if  Caesar  bad  not  sent  men 
 to  protect  him  immediately  ;  and,  as  these  men  were  fighting,  Josephus  was  taken  up,  though 
 he  heard  little  of  what  was  done.  So  the  seditious  supposed  they  had  now  slain  that  man 
 whom  they  were  the  most  desirous  o(  killing,  and  made  thereupon  a  great  noise  in  way  of 
 rejoicing.  This  accident  was  told  in  the  city  ;  and  the  multitude  that  remained  became  very 
 disconsolate  at  the  news  ;  as  being  persuaded  that  he  was  really  dead,  on  whose  account  alone 
 they  could  venture  to  desert  to  the  Romans.  But  when  Josephus'  mother  beard  in  prison 
 that  her  son  was  dead,  she  said  to  those  that  watched  about  her,  "  that  she  had  always  been 
 of  opinion,  since  the  siege  of  Jotapata,  [that  he  would  be  slain,]  and  she  should  never  enjoy 
 him  alive  any  more.'"  She  also  made  great  lamentation  privately  to  the  maid-servauts  that 
 were  about  her,  and  said,  "  that  this  was  all  the  advantage  she  had  of  bringing  so  extraordinary 
 a  person  as  this  son  into  the  world,  that  she  should  not  be  able  even  to  bury  that  son  of  hers, 
 by  whom  she  expected  to  have  been  buried  herself."  However,  this  false  report  did  not  put 
 his  mother  to  pain,  nor  afford  merriment  to  the  robbers  long  ;  for  Josephus  soon  recovered  of 
 Lis  wound,  and  came  out,  and  cried  aloud.  "  that  it  would  not  be  long  ere  they  should  be 
 punished  for  this  wound  they  had  given  him."  He  also  made  a  fresh  exhortation  to  the  people 
 to  come  out,  upon  the  security  that  would  be  given  them.  This  sight  of  Josephus  encouraged 
 the  people  greatly,  and  brought  a  great  consternation  upon  the  seditious. 
 
 4.  Hereupon  some  of  the  deserters,  having  no  other  way,  leaped  down  from  the  wall  imme- 
 diately, while  others  of  them  went  out  of  the  city  with  stones,  as  if  they  would  fight  them  ; 
 but  thereupon  they  fled  away  to  the  Romans.  But  here  a  worse  fate  accompanied  these,  than 
 what  they  had  found  within  the  city  ;  and  they  met  with  a  quicker  despatch  from  the  too 
 great  abundance  they  had  among  the  Romans,  than  they  could  have  done  from  the  famine 
 among  the  Jews  ;  for  when  they  came  first  to  the  Romans,  they  were  pufTed  up  by  the  famine, 
 and  swelled  like  men  in  a  dropsy  ;  after  which  they  all  on  the  sudden  over-hlled  those  bodies 
 that  were  before  empty,  and  so  burst  asunder,  excepting  such  only  as  were  skilful  enough  to 
 restrain  their  appetites,  and  by  degrees  took  in  their  food  into  bodies  unaccustomed  thereto. 
 Yet  did  another  plague  seize  upon  those  that  were  thus  preserved  ;  for  there  was  found 
 among  the  Syrian  deserters  a  certain  person  who  was  caught  gathering  pieces  of  gold  out  of 
 the  excrements  of  the  Jews'  bellies  ;  for  the  deserters  used  to  swallow  such  pieces  of  gold, 
 as  we  told  you  before,  vvhen  they  came  out,  and  for  these  did  the  seditious  search  them  all  ; 
 for  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  gold  in  the  city  ;  insomuch  that  as  njuch  was  now  sold  [in 
 the  Roman  camp]  for  twelve  Attic  [drams,]  as  was  sold  before  for  twenty-five.  But  when 
 this  contrivance  was  discovered  in  one  instance,  the  fame  of  it  filled  their  several  camps,  that 
 the  deserters  came  to  them  full  of  gold.  So  the  multitude  of  the  Arabians,  with  the  Syrians, 
 cut  up  tliose  that  came  as  supplicants,  and  searched  their  bellies.  Nor  does  it  seem  to  me, 
 that  any  misery  befell  the  Jews,  that  was  more  terrible  than  this,  since  in  one  uight's  time 
 about  two  thousand  of  these  deserters  were  thus  dissected. 
 
 5.  When  Titus  came  to  the  knowledge  of  this  wicked  practice,  he  had  like  to  have  sur- 
 rounded those  that  had  been  guilty  of  it  with  Lis  horse,  and  have  shot  them  dead  ;  and  he  had 
 done  it,  had  not  their  number  been  so  very  great,  and  those  that  were  liable  to  this  punish- 
 ment would  have  been  manifold  more  than  those  whom  they  bad  slain.  However,  he  called 
 together  the  commanders  of  the  Roman  legions,  (for  some  of  his  own  soldiers  bad  been  also 
 guilty  herein,  as  he  had  been  informed,)  and  had  great  indignation  against  both  sorts  of  them  : 
 "What !  have  any  of  my  own  soldiers  done  such  things  as  this  out  of  the  uncertain  hope  of 
 gain,  without  regarding  their  own  weapons,  which  are  made  of  silver  and  gold  ?  Moreover,  do 
 the  Arabians  and  Syrians  now  first  of  all  begin  to  govern  themselves  as  they  please,  and  to 
 indulge  their  appetites  in  a  foreign  war,  and  then,  out  of  their  barbarity  in  murdering  men, 
 and  out  of  their  hatred  to  the  Jews,  get  it  ascribed  to  the  Romans?" — for  this  infamous  prac- 
 tice was  said  to  be  spread  ainoug  some  of  his  own  soldiers  also.  Titus  tiien  threatened,  that 
 be  would  put  such  men  to  death,  if  ajiy  of  them  were  discovered  to  be  so  insolent  as  to  do  so 
 again  ;  moreover,  be  gave  it  in  charge  to  the  legions,  that  they  should  make  a  search  after 
 such  as  were  suspected,  and  should  bring  them  to  bim.  But  it  appeared,  that  the  love  of 
 money  was  too  bard  for  all  their  dread  of  punishment,  and  a  vehement  desire  of  gain  is  nntural 
 
 1 
 
BOOK  V. —  CHAP.  XIII.  01)5 
 
 to  men,  and  no  passion  is  so  venlaresome  as  covetousness  ;  otherwise  such  passions  have  cer- 
 tain bounds,  and  are  subordinate  to  fear.  But  in  reality  it  was  God  who  condemned  the  wholo 
 nation,  and  turned  ever^i  coarse  that  was  taken  for  their  preservation  to  their  destruction. 
 This,  therefore,  which  was  forbidden  by  Ca\sar  under  such  a  threatening,  was  ventured  upon 
 privately  against  the  deserters,  and  these  barbarians  would  go  out  still,  and  meet  those  that 
 ran  away  before  any  saw  them,  and  looking  about  them  to  see  if  no  Romans  spied  them,  they 
 dissected  them,  and  pulled  this  polluted  money  out  of  their  bowels  ;  which  money  was  still 
 found  in  a  few  of  them,  while  yet  a  great  many  were  destroyed  by  the  bare  hope  there  was  of 
 thus  getting  by  them,  which  miserable  treatment  made  many  that  were  deserting  to  return 
 back  again  into  the  city. 
 
 5.  Biit  as  for  John,  when  he  could  no  longer  plunder  the  people, he  betook  himself  to  sacri- 
 lege, and  melted  down  many  of  the  sacred  utensils,  which  had  been  given  to  the  temple,  as 
 also  many  of  those  vessels  which  were  necessary  for  such  as  ministered  about  holy  things,  the 
 caldrons,  the  dishes,  and  the  tables  ;  nay,  he  did  not  abstain  fiom  those  pouring  vessels  that 
 were  sent  them  by  Augustus  and  his  wife  ;  for  the  Roman  emperors  did  ever  both  honour  and 
 adorn  this  temple  ;  whereas  this  man,  who  was  a  Jew,  sei/.ed  upon  what  were  the  donations 
 of  foreigners,  and  said  to  those  that  were  with  him,  that  it  was  proper  for  them  to  use  divina 
 things  while  they  were  fighting  for  the  Divinity,  without  fear,  and  that  such  whose  warfare  is 
 for  the  temple,  should  live  of  the  temple  :  on  which  account  he  emptied  the  vessels  of  that 
 sacred  wine  and  oil,  which  the  priests  kept  to  be  poured  on  the  burnt-oflerings,  and  which 
 lay  in  the  inner  court  of  the  temple,  and  distributed  it  among  the  multitude,  who  in  their 
 anointing  themselves,  and  drinking,  used  [each  of  them]  above  an  hin  of  them.  And  here  I 
 cannot  but  speak  my  mind,  and  what  the  concern  I  am  under  dictates  to  me,  and  it  is  this  ;  I 
 suppose,  that  had  the  Romans  niade  any  longer  delay  in  coming  against  these  villains,  that 
 the  city  would  either  have  been  swallowed  up  by  the  ground  opening  upon  them,  or  been  over- 
 flowed by  water,  or  else  been  destroyed  by  such  thunder  as  the  country  of  Sodom  perished  by,* 
 for  it  had  brought  forth  a  generation  of  men  much  more  atheistical  than  were  those  that  sufi'ered 
 such  punishments  ;   for  by  their  madness  it  was  that  all  the  people  came  to  be  destroyed. 
 
 7.  And,  indeed,  why  do  I  relate  these  particular  calamities?  while  Manneus,  the  son  of 
 Lazarus,  came  running  to  Titus  at  this  very  time,  and  told  him,  that  there  had  been  carried 
 out  through  that  one  gate,  which  was  entrusted  to  his  care,  no  fewer  than  a  hundred  and 
 fifteen  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty  dead  bodies,  in  the  interval  between  the  fourteenth 
 day  of  the  month  Xanthicus,  [Nisan,]  when  the  Romans  pitched  their  camp  by  the  city,  and 
 the  (irst  day  of  the  month  Panemus,  [Tamnz.]  This  was  itself  a  prodigious  multitude  ;  and 
 though  this  man  was  not  himself  set  as  a  governor  at  that  gate,  yet  was  he  appointed  to  pay 
 the  public  stipend  for  carrying  these  bodies  out,  and  so  was  obliged  of  necessity  to  number 
 them,  while  the  rest  were  buried  by  their  relations  ;  though  all  their  burial  was  but  this,  to 
 bring  them  away,  and  cast  them  out  of  the  city.  After  this  man  there  ran  away  to  Titus  many 
 of  the  eminent  citizens,  and  told  him  the  entire  number  of  the  poor  that  were  dead,  and  that 
 no  fewer  than  six  hundred  thousand  were  thrown  out  at  the  gates  ;  though  still  the  number  of 
 the  rest  could  not  be  discovered  ;  and  they  told  him  farther,  that  when  they  were  no  longer 
 able  to  carry  out  the  dead  bodies  of  the  poor,  they  laid  their  corpses  on  heaps  in  very  large 
 houses,  and  shut  them  up  therein  ;  as  also,  that  a  medimnus  of  wheat  was  sold  for  a  talent, 
 and  that  when,  a  while  afterward,  it  was  not  possible  to  gathet  herbs,  by  reason  the  city  was 
 all  walled  about,  some  persons  were  driven  to  that  terrible  distress  as  to  search  the  common 
 sewers  and  old  dunghills  of  cattle,  and  to  eat  the  dung  which  they  got  there  ;  and  what  they 
 of  old  could  not  endure  so  much  as  to  see,  they  now  used  for  food.  ^Vhen  the  [Romans  barely 
 heard  all  this,  they  commiserated  their  case  ;  while  the  seditious,  who  saw  it  also,  did  not 
 repent,  but  suffered  the  same  distress  to  oome  upon  themselves  ;  for  they  were  blinded  by  that 
 fate  which  was  already  coming  upon  the  city,  and  upon  themselves  also. 
 
 *  .losppbus  both  here  and  before,  b.  iv.  chap.  viii.  §  4.  esteems  the  land  of  Sodom,  not  as  part  of  the  lake 
 Asphaltites,  or  under  its  waters,  but  near  it  only,  as  'racitus  also  took  the  same  notion  from  him,  Ilist.  v.  6,". 
 whicli  the  t-Ttat  Heland  takes  to  be  the  very  truth,  both  iu  his  note  on  this  place,  and  in  his  I'alestina,  torn, 
 i.  p.  254— ii.W,  though  1  rather  suppose  part  of  that  region  of  Peutapolis  to  be  now  under  the  waters  of  the 
 south  part  of  that  sea,  but  perhaps  not  the  whole  cotintry. 
 
(>96  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  VI. 
 
 CONTAINtNG  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  OTSTE  MONTH.-FROM  THE  GREAT  EXTREMITY 
 TO  WHICH  THE  JEWS  WERE  REDUCED,  TO  THE  TAKING  OF  JERUSALEM  BY  TITUS. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 That  the  Miseries  of  the  Jews  still  grew  worse  ;  and  hotv  the  Romans  made  an  Assault  upon  the 
 
 Tower  of  Antonia. 
 
 §  1.  Thus  did  the  miseries  of  Jerusalem  grow  worse  and  worse  every  day,  and  the  seditious 
 were  still  more  irritated  by  the  calamities  they  were  under,  even  while  the  famine  preyed  upon 
 themselves,  after  it  had  preyed  upon  the  people  ;  and  indeed  the  multitude  of  carcases  that  lay 
 in  heaps  one  upon  another,  was  a  horrible  sight,  and  produced  a  pestilential  stench,  which 
 was  an  hinderance  to  those  that  would  make  sallies  out  of  the  city,  and  fight  the  enemy  ;  but 
 as  those  were  to  go  in  battle  array,  who  had  been  already  used  to  ten  thousand  murders,  and 
 must  tread  upon  those  dead  bodies  as  they  marched  along,  so  were  not  they  terrified,  nor  did 
 they  pity  men  as  they  marched  over  them  :  nor  did  they  deem  ihis  affront  offered  to  the  deceased 
 to  be  any  ill  omen  to  themselves  ;  but  as  they  had  their  right  hands  already  polluted  with  the 
 murders  of  their  own  countrymen,  and  in  that  condition  ran  out  to  fight  with  foreigners,  they 
 seem  to  me,  to  have  cast  a  reproach  upon  God  himself,  as  if  he  were  too  slow  in  punishing 
 them  ;  for  the  war  was  not  now  gone  on  with,  as  if  they  had  any  hope  of  victory ;  for  they 
 gloried,  after  a  brutish  manner,  in  that  despair  of  deliverance  they  were  already  in.  And  now 
 the  Romans,  although  they  were  greatly  distressed  in  getting  together  their  materials,  raised 
 their  banks  in  one  aud  twenty  days,  after  they  had  cut  down  all  the  trees  that  were  in  the 
 country  that  adjoined  to  the  city,  and  that  for  ninety  furlongs  round  about,  as  I  have  already 
 related.  Aud  truly  the  very  view  itself  was  a  melanchnly  thing  ;  for  those  places  which  were 
 before  adorned  with  trees  and  pleasant  gardens,  were  now  become  a  desolate  country  every 
 way,  and  its  trees  were  all  cut  down  :  nor  could  any  foreigner  that  had  formerly  seen  Judea  and 
 the  most  beautiful  suburbs  of  the  city,  and  now  saw  it  as  a  desart,  but  lament  and  mourn  sadly 
 at  so  great  a  change,  for  the  war  had  laid  all  the  signs  of  beauty  quite  waste  ;  nor,  if  any  one 
 that  had  known  the  place  before,  had  come  on  a  sudden  to  it  now,  would  he  have  known  it  again  ; 
 but  though  he  were  at  the  city  itself,  yet  would  he  have  inquired  for  it  notwithstanding. 
 
 2.  And  now  the  banks  were  finished,  they  afforded  a  foundation  for  fear  both  to  the  Romans  and 
 to  the  Jews  ;  for  the  Jews  expected  that  the  city  would  be  taken,  unless  tliey  could  burn  those 
 banks,  as  did  the  Romans  expect  that,  if  these  were  once  burnt  down,  they  should  never  be  able 
 to  take  it  ;  for  there  was  a  mighty  scarcity  of  materials,  and  the  bodies  of  the  soldiers  began  to 
 fail  with  such  hard  labours,  as  did  their  souls  faint  with  so  many  instances  of  ill  success  ;  cay, 
 the  very  calamities  themselves  that  were  in  the  city  proved  a  greater  discouragement  to  the 
 Romans  than  to  those  within  the  city  ;  for  they  found  the  fighting  men  of  the  Jews  to  be  not 
 at  all  mollified  among  such  their  sore  afflictions,  while  they  had  themselves  perpetually  less 
 and  less  hopes  of  success,  and  their  banks  were  forced  to  yield  to  the  stratagems  of  the  enemy, 
 their  engines  to  the  firmness  of  their  wall,  and  their  closest  fights  to  the  boldness  of  their 
 attack;  and  what  was  their  greatest  discouragement  of  all,  ihey  found  the  Jews'  courageous 
 souls  to  be  superior  to  the  multitudes  of  the  miseries  they  were  under,  by  their  sedition,  their 
 famine,  and  the  war  itself  ;  insomuch  that  they  were  ready  to  imagine,  that  the  violence  of  their 
 attacks  was  invincible,  and  that  the  alacrity  they  shewed  would  not  be  discouraged  by  their  cala- 
 mities ;  for  what  would  not  those  be  able  to  bear,  if  they  should  be  fortunate,  who  turned  their 
 very  misfortunes  to  the  improvement  of  their  valour  ?  These  considerations  made  the  Romans 
 to  keep  a  stronger  guard  about  their  hanks  than  they  formerly  had  done. 
 
 3.  But  now  John  and  his  party  took  care  for  securing  themselves  afterward,  even  in 
 case  this  wall  should  be  thrown  down,  and  fell  to  their  work  before  the  battering  rams  were 
 brought  against  them.  Yet  did  they  not  compass  what  they  endeavoured  to  do,  but  as  they 
 were  gone  out  with  their  torches,  they  came  back  under  great  discouragement  before  they 
 came  near  to  the  banks:  and  the  reasons  were  these  ;  that,  in  the  first  place,  their  conduct 
 did  not  seem  to  be  unanimous,  but  they  went  out  in  distinct  parties,  aud  at  distiirct  intervals, 
 and  after  a  slow  manner,  and  timorously,  and,  to  say  all  in  a  word,  without  a  Jewish  courage  : 
 for  they  were  now  defective  in  what  is  peculiar  to  our  nation,  that  is,  in  boldness,  in  violence 
 of  assault,  and  in  running  upon  the  enemy  all  together,  and  in  persevering  in  what  they  go 
 about,  though  they  do  not  at  first  succeed  in  it  :  but  they  now  went  out  in  a  more  languid 
 manner  than  usual,  and  at  the  same  time  found  the  Romans  set  in  array,  and  more  courageous 
 than  ordinary,  and,  that  they  guarded  their  banks  both  with  their  bodies  and  their  entire  armour, 
 and  this  to  such  a  degree  on  all  sides,  that  they  leit  no  room  for  the  fire  to  get  among  them, 
 and  that  every  one  of  their  souls  were  in  such  good  courage,  that  they  would  sooner  die  than 
 desert  their  ranks  ;  for  besides  their  notion  that  all  their  hopes  were  cut  off,  in  case  these  their 
 
BOOK    VI.— UHAP.    I.  G97 
 
 works  were  once  burnt,  the  solfliers  were  greatly  ashamed  tliat  subtility  should  quite  be  too 
 bard  for  courage,  niailucss  for  armour,  niuhitude  for  skill,  and  Jews  for  Romans.  'J'lie  Romans 
 bad  now  also  another  advantage,  in  that  tlieir  engines  for  sieges  co-operated  with  them  in 
 throwing  darts  jiiid  stones  as  fir  ;js  tlie  Jews,  whi  n  they  were  coming  out  of  the  city  ;  wiicreby 
 the  man  that  fell  became  an  impediment  to  him  that  was  next  him,  as  did  the  danger  of  going 
 farther  make  them  less  zealoas  in  their  attempts ;  and  for  those  that  had  run  under  the  darts, 
 some  of  them  were  terrified  by  tlie  good  order  and  closeness  of  the  enemies'  ranks  before  tbej 
 came  to  a  close  fight,  and  others  were  pricked  with  their  spears,  and  turned  back  again:  at 
 length  they  reproached  one  another  for  their  cowardice,  and  retired  without  doing  any  thiiig. 
 This  attack  was  made  upon  the  first  day  of  the  month  Panernus,  [Tamuz.]  So,  when  the 
 Jews  were  retreated,  the  Romans  brought  their  engines,  although  they  had  all  the  while  stones 
 tlirown  at  them  from  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  were  assaulted  by  fire  and  sword,  and  by  all 
 sorts  of  darts,  which  necessity  afforded  the  Jews  to  make  use  of,  for  although  these  had  great 
 dependence  on  their  own  wall,  and  a  contempt  of  the  Roman  engines,  yet  did  they  endeavour 
 to  hinder  the  Romans  from  bringing  them.  Now  these  Romans  struggled  hard,  on  the  con- 
 trary, to  bring  them,  as  deeming  that  this  zeal  of  the  Jews  was  in  order  to  avoid  any  impres- 
 sion to  be  made  on  the  tower  of  Antonia,  because  its  wall  was  but  weak,  and  its  foundations 
 rotten.  However,  that  tower  did  not  yield  to  the  blows  given  it  from  the  engines;  yet  did 
 the  Romans  bear  the  impressions  made  by  their  enemies'  darts  which  were  perpetually  cast  at 
 them,  and  did  not  give  way  to  any  of  those  dangers  that  came  upon  them  from  above,  and  so 
 they  brought  their  engines  to  bear.  But  then,  as  they  were  beneath  the  other,  and  weresadlj 
 wounded  by  the  stones  thrown  down  upon  them,  some  of  them  threw  their  shields  over  their 
 bodies,  and  partly  with  their  lianas,  and  partly  with  their  bodies,  and  partly  with  crows,  they 
 undermined  its  foundations,  aud  with  great  pains  they  removed  four  of  its  stones.  Then  night 
 came  upon  both  sides,  and  put  an  end  to  this  struggle  for  the  present ;  however,  that  night  the 
 wall  was  so  shaken  by  the  battering-rams  in  that  place  where  John  had  used  his  stratagem 
 before,  and  had  undermined  their  banks,  that  the  ground  then  gave  way,  and  the  wall  fell 
 down  suddenly. 
 
 4.  When  this  accident  had  unexpectedly  happened,  l!ie  minds  of  both  parties  were  variously 
 affected  ;  for  though  one  would  expect  that  the  Jews  would  be  discouraged,  because  this  fall 
 of  their  wall  was  unexpected  by  them,  and  they  had  made  no  provision  in  that  case,  yet  did 
 they  poll  up  their  courage,  because  the  tower  of  Antonia  itself  was  still  standing  ;  as  was  the 
 unexpected  joy  of  the  Romans  at  this  fall  of  the  wall  soon  quenched  by  the  sight  they  had  of 
 anothtr  wall,  which  John  and  his  party  had  built  within  it.  However,  the  attack  of  this 
 second  wall  appeared  to  be  easier  than  that  of  the  former,  because  it  seemed  a  thing  of 
 greater  facility  to  get  up  to  it  through  the  parts  of  the  former  wall  that  were  now  thrown 
 down.  This  nev/  wall  appeared  also  to  be  much  v^eaker  than  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and 
 accordingly  the  Romans  imagined  that  it  had  been  erected  so  much  on  the  sudden,  that  they 
 should  soon  overthrow  it :  yet  did  not  any  body  venture  now  lo  go  up  to  this  wall ;  for  that  such 
 as  first  ventured  so  to  do  must  certainly  be  killed. 
 
 5.  And  now  Titus,  upon  consideration  that  the  alacrity  of  soldiers  in  war  is  chiefly  excited 
 by  hopes  and  by  good  words,  and  that  exhortations  and  promises  do  frequently  make  men  to 
 forget  the  hazards  they  run,  nay,  sometimes  to  despise  death  itself,  got  together  the  most 
 courageous  part  of  his  army,  and  tried  what  he  could  do  with  his  men  by  these  methods.  "  O 
 fellow-soldiers,"  said  he,  "  to  make  an  exhortation  to  men  to  do  what  hath  no  peril  in  it,  is  on 
 that  very  account  inglorious  to  such  to  whom  that  exhortation  is  made;  and  indeed  so  it  is,  in 
 him  that  makes  the  exhortation,  an  argument  of  his  own  cowardice  also.  I  therefore  think, 
 that  such  exhortations  ought  then  only  to  be  made  use  of,  when  affairs  are  in  a  dangerous 
 condition,  aud  yet  are  worthy  of  being  attempted  by  every  one  themselves  :  accordingly,  I  am 
 fully  of  the  same  opinion  with  you,  that  it  is  a  difficult  task  to  go  up  this  wall  ;  but  that  it  is 
 proper  for  those  that  desire  reputation  for  their  valour  to  struggle  with  difliculties  in  such 
 cases,  will  then  appear,  when  I  have  particularly  shewed,  that  it  is  a  brave  thing  to  die  with 
 glory,  and  that  the  cour.ige  here  necessary  shall  not  go  unrewarded  in  those  that  first  begin  the 
 attempt.  And  let  my  first  argument  to  move  you  to  it  be  taken  from  what  probably  some 
 would  think  reasonable  to  dissuade  you,  I  mean  the  constancy  and  patience  of  these  Jews,  even 
 imder  their  ill  successes ;  for  it  is  unbecoming  you,  who  are  Romans  and  my  soldiers,  who 
 Lave  in  peace  been  taught  how  to  make  wars,  and  who  have  also  been  used  to  conquer  in  those 
 wars,  to  be  inferior  to  Jews,  either  in  action  of  the  hand,  or  in  courage  of  the  soul,  and  this 
 especially  when  you  are  at  the  conclusion  of  your  victory,  and  are  assisted  by  God  himself; 
 for  as  to  our  misfortunes,  they  have  been  owing  to  the  madness  of  the  Jews,  while  their  suf- 
 ferings have  been  owing  to  ynur  valour,  and  to  the  assistance  God  hath  afforded  you  :  for  as 
 to  the  seditions  they  have  been  in,  and  the  famine  they  are  under,  and  the  siege  they  now 
 endure,  and  the  fall  of  their  walls  without  our  engines,  what  can  they  all  be  but  demonstrations 
 of  God's  anger  against  them, and  of  his  assistance  aflorded  us!  It  will  not  therefore  be  proper 
 for  you,  either  to  shew  yourselves  inferior  to  those  to  whom  you  are  really  superior,  or  lo 
 betray  that  divine  assistance,  which  is  afforded  you.  And  indeed,  how  can  it  be  esteemed 
 otherwise   than   a   base  and   unworthy   thing,   that  while  the  Jews,  who  need  not  be  much 
 
 4  T 
 
Gy8  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 ashamed  if  tLey  be  deserted,  because  tbej^  have  lon^  learned  to  be  slaves  to  olln  rs,  do  vet 
 despise  death,  thai  they  may  be  so  no  longer;  and  do  make  sallies  into  the  very  midst  of  us 
 frequently,  not  in  hopes  of  conquering  us,  but  merely  for  a  demonstration  of  their  courage  ; 
 we,  who  have  gotten  possession  of  almost  all  the  world  that  belongs  either  to  land  or  sea,  to 
 whom  it  will  be  a  great  shame  if  we  do  not  conquer  them,  do  not  once  undertake  any  attempt 
 against  our  enemies  wherein  there  is  much  danger,  but  sit  still  idle,  with  snob  brave  arms  as 
 we  have,  and  only  wait  til!  the  famine  and  fortune  do  our  business  themselves,  and  this  when 
 we  have  it  in  our  power,  with  some  small  hazard,  to  gain  all  that  we  desire.  For  if  we  go  up 
 to  this  tower  of  Antonia,  we  gain  the  city  ;  for  if  there  should  be  any  rnore  occasion  for  fight- 
 ing against  those  within  the  city,  which  I  do  not  suppose  there  will,  since  we  sh^II  be  then 
 upon  the  top  of  the  hill,*  and  be  upon  our  enemies  before  they  can  have  taken  breath  ;  these 
 advantages  promise  us  no  less  than  a  certain  and  sudden  victory.  As  for  myself,  I  shall  at 
 present  wave  any  commendation  of  those  who  die  in  war,t  and  omit  to  speak  of  the  iuinioi - 
 tality  of  those  men  who  are  slain  in  the  raidst  of  their  martial  bravery  ;  yet  cannot  1  forbear  to 
 imprecate  upon  those  who  are  of  a  contrary  disposition,  that  tiiey  may  die  in  time  of  peace, 
 by  some  distemper  or  other,  since  their  souls  are  condemned  to  the  grave,  together  with  their 
 bodies.  For  what  man  of  virtue  is  there  who  does  not  know,  that  those  souls  which  are 
 severed  from  their  lleshly  bodies  in  battles  by  the  sword,  are  received  by  the  ether,  that 
 purest  of  elements,  and  joined  to  that  company  which  are  placed  among  the  stars;  that  they 
 becon)e  good  demons,  and  propitious  heroes,  and  shew  themselves  as  such  to  their  posterity 
 afterwards?  While  upon  those  souls  that  wear  away  in  and  with  their  distempered  bodies, 
 coines  a  subterranean  night  lo  dissolve  them  to  nothing,  and  a  deep  oblivion  to  take  awuy  all 
 the  remembrance  of  them,  and  this,  notwithstanding  they  be  clean  from  all  spots  and  defile- 
 ments of  this  woi  Id :  so  that,  in  this  case,  the  soul  at  the  same  time  comes  to  the  utmost 
 bounds  of  its  life,  and  of  its  body,  and  of  its  memorial  also.  But  since  fate  bath  determined 
 that  death  is  to  coraenf  ne(!essity  upon  all  men,  a  sword  is  a  better  instrument  for  that  purpose 
 than  any  disease  whatsoever.  Why,  is  it  not  then  a  very  mean  thing  for  us  not  lo  yield  up 
 that  to  the  public  benefit,  which  we  must  yield  up  to  fate  ?  And  this  discourse  have  I  made 
 upon  the  supposition  that  those  who  at  first  attempt  to  go  upon  ibis  wall  must  needs  be  killed 
 in  the  attempt,  llicugti  still  men  of  true  coumge  have  a  chance  to  escape  even  in  the  most 
 bazardous  undertakings.  For,  in  the  first  place,  that  part  of  the  former  wall  that  is  thrown 
 down  is  easily  to  be  ascended  ;  and  for  the  new-built  wall,  it  is  easily  destroyed.  Do  you, 
 therefore,  many  of  you,  pull  up  your  courage,  and  set  about  this  work,  and  do  you  mutually 
 encourage  and  assist  one  another;  and  this  3 our  bravery  will  soon  break  the  hearts  of  your 
 enemies  ;  and  perhaps  such  a  glorious  nndei  taking  as  yours  is  may  be  accomplished  without 
 bloodshed.  For  although  it  is  justly  to  be  supposed,  that  the  Jews  will  try  to  hinder  you  at 
 your  first  beginning  to  go  up  to  them, yet  when  you  have  once  concealed  yourselves  from  them, 
 and  driven  them  away  by  force,  they  will  not  be  able  to  sustain  your  efibrts  against  them  any 
 longer,  though  but  a  few  of  you  prevent  them,  and  get  over  the  wall.  As  for  that  person  who 
 first  mounts  the  wall,  I  should  blush  for  shame  if  I  did  not  iriake  him  to  be  envied  of  others, 
 by  those  rewards  I  would  bestow  upon  him.  If  such  a  one  escape  with  his  life,  he  shall  have 
 the  command  of  others  that  are  now  but  his  equals;  although  it  be  true  also,  that  the  greatest 
 rewards  will  accrue  to  such  as  die  in  the  attempt.''^ 
 
 6.  Upon  this  speech  of  Titus,  the  rest  of  the  multitude  were  aflVighted  at  so  great  a  danger. 
 But  there  was  one,  whose  name  was  Sabinus,  a  soldier  that  served  among  the  cohorts,  and  a 
 Syrian  by  birth,  who  appeared  to  be  of  very  great  fortitude,  both  in  the  actions  he  had  done, 
 and  the  courage  of  his  soul  he  had  shewed  ;  although  any  body  would  have  thought,  before  he 
 came  to  his  work,  that  he  was  of  such  a  weak  constitution  of  body,  that  he  was  not  fit  to  be  a 
 soldier:  for  his  colour  was  black,  his  flesh  was  lean  and  thin,  and  lay  close  together;  but 
 there  was  a  certain  heroic  soul  that  dwelt  in  this  small  body,  which  body  was  indeed  much 
 too  narrow  for  that  peculiar  courage  which  was  in  him.  Accordingly,  he  was  the  first  that 
 rose  up,  when  he  thus  spake  :  "  I  readily  surrender  myself  to  thee,  O  Caesar  ;  I  first  ascend 
 the  wall,  and  I  heartily  wish  that  my  fortune  may  follow  my  courage  and  ray  resolution.  And 
 if  some  ill  fortune  grudge  me  tlie  success  of  my  undertaking,  take  notice  that  my  ill  success 
 will  not  be  unexpected,  but  that  I  choose  death  voluntarily  for  thy  sake."  When  he  had  said 
 this,  and  had  spread  out  his  shield  over  his  head  with  his  left  hand,  and  had,  with  his  right 
 Land,  drawn  his  sword,  he  marched  0p  to  the  wall,  just  about  the  sixth  hour  of  the  day.  There 
 followed  him  eleven  others,  and  no  more,  that  resolved  to  imitate  his  bravery :  but  still  this 
 was  the  principal  person  of  them  all,  and  went  first,  as  excited  by  a  divine  fury.     Now  those 
 
 *  Reland  notes  here,  very  pertineritly,  that  the  tower  of  Antonia  Mtood  higher  than  the  floor  of  the  temple 
 or  court  adjoining  to  it ;  and  that  accordingly  they  descended  theuce  into  the  temple,  as  Josephus  elsewhere 
 speaks  also.    See  book  vi.  chap.  ii.  5  5. 
 
 +  In  this  speech  of  Titus  we  may  clearly  see  the  notions  which  the  Romans  then  had  of  death,  and  of  the 
 happy  state  of  those  who  died  bravely  in  war,  anu  the  contrary  estate  of  those  who  died  ignobly  in  their  beds 
 by  sickness.  Relaud  here  also  produces  two  parallel  ;)assages,  the  one  out  of  Amniianus  Mcrcellinus,  con- 
 cerning the  Alani,  lib.  31.  That  •'  they  judged  that  man  happy  who  laid  down  his  lifu  in  battle."  The  otlicr 
 of  Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  xi.  chap.  fi.  who  says,  that  "  the  Cinibri  and  Celtiberi  exulted  for  joy  in  the  army, 
 as  being  to  go  out  of  the  world  gloriously  and  happily." 
 
 t  See  preceding  note. 
 
KOOK  VI.— CHAP.    I.  G99 
 
 that  guarded  tlie  wall  shot  at  them  from  thence,  and  cast  innumerable  darts  upon  them  from 
 every  side ;  they  also  rolled  very  large  stones  npon  them,  which  overthrew  some  of  those 
 eleven  that  were  with  him.  Bat  as  for  Sabinus  himself,  be  met  the  d.irts  that  were  cast  at 
 bini,  and  though  he  was  overwhelmed  with  them,  yet  did  he  not  leave  off  the  violence  of  his 
 attack  before  he  had  gotton  up  on  the  top  of  the  wall,  and  had  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  For 
 as  the  Jews  were  astonished  at  his  great  strength,  and  the  bravery  of  his  soul,  and  as,  withal, 
 they  imagined  more  of  them  had  got  upon  the  wall  than  really  had,  they  were  put  to  flight.  And 
 now  one  cannot  but  complain  here  of  fortune,  as  still  envious  of  virtue,  and  always  hindering 
 the  performance  of  glorious  achievements  :  this  was  the  case  of  the  man  before  us,  when  be 
 had  just  obtained  his  purpose  ;  for  he  then  stumbled  at  a  certain  large  stone,  and  fel!  down 
 upon  it  headlong  with  a  very  great  noise.  Upon  which  the  Jews  turned  back,  and  when  they 
 saw  him  to  he  alone,  and  fallen  down  also,  they  threw  darts  at  him  on  every  side.  However, 
 he  got  upon  his  knee,  and  covered  himself  with  his  shield,  and  at  first  defended  himself  against 
 them,  and  wounded  many  of  those  that  came  near  him  ;  but  he  was  soon  forced  to  relax  his 
 riglit  hand,  by  the  multitude  of  the  wounds  that  had  been  given  him,  till  at  length  he  was 
 quite  covered  over  with  darts,  before  he  gave  up  the  ghost.  He  was  one  who  deserved  a 
 better  fate,  by  reason  of  his  bravery  ;  but,  as  might  be  expected,  he  fell  imder  so  vast  an 
 attempt.  As  for  the  rest  of  his  partners;  the  Jews  dashed  three  of  them  to  pieces  with  stones, 
 and  slew  them,  as  they  were  gotten  up  to  the  top  of  the  wall  ;  the  other  eight  being  wounded, 
 ^vere  pulled  down,  and  carried  back  to  the  camp.  These  things  were  done  upon  the  third  day 
 of  the  month  Panemus  [Taniuz.] 
 
 7.  Now  two  days  afterward  twelve  of  these  men  that  were  on  the  forefront,  and  kept  watch 
 upon  the  banks,  got  together  and  called  to  them  the  standard-bearer  of  the  fifth  lep,ion,  and  two 
 others  of  a  troop  of  horsemen,  and  one  trumpeter  ;  these  went  without  noise,  about  the  ninth 
 Lour  of  the  ni|;ht,  through  the  ruins,  to  the  tower  of  Anlonia  ;  and  when  they  had  cut 
 the  throats  of  the  first  guards  of  the  place,  as  they  were  asleep,  they  got  possession  of  the 
 wall,  and  ordered  the  trumpeter  to  sound  his  trumpet.  Upon  which  the  rest  of  the  guard  got 
 up  on  the  sudden,  and  ran  away,  before  any  body  could  see  how  many  they  were  that  were 
 gotten  up  ;  for,  partly  from  the  fear  they  were  in,  and  partly  from  the  sound  of  the  trumpet 
 which  they  heard,  they  imagined  that  a  great  number  of  the  enemy  were  gotten  up.  But  as 
 soon  as  Cassar  heard,  the  signal,  he  ordered  the  array  to  put  on  their  armour  immediately,  and 
 came  thither  with  his  commanders,  and  first  of  all  ascended,  as  did  the  chosen  men  that  v/ere 
 with  him.  And  as  the  Jews  were  flying  away  to  the  temple,  they  fell  into  that  mine  which  John 
 had  dug  under  the  Roman  banks.  Then  did  the  seditious  of  both  the  bodies  of  the  Jewish 
 army,  as  well  that  belonging  to  John,  as  that  belonging  to  Simon,  drive  them  away  ;  and 
 indeed  were  no  way  wanting  as  to  the  highest  degree  of  force  and  alacrity  ;  for  they  esteemed 
 themselves  entirely  ruined  if  once  the  Romans  got  into  the  temple,  as  did  the  Romans  look  iipoa 
 the  same  thing  as  the  beginning  of  iheir  entire  conquest.  So  a  terrible  battle  was  fout;ht  at  the 
 entrance  of  the  temple,  while  the  Romans  were  forcing  their  way,  in  order  to  get  possession 
 of  that  temple,  and  the  Jews  were  driving  them  back  to  the  tower  of  Autonia  ;  in  which  battle 
 the  darts  were  on  both  sides  useless,  as  well  as  the  spears,  and  both  sides  drew  their  swords, 
 and  fought  it  out  hand  to  hand.  'Now  during  this  struggle,  the  positions  of  the  men  were 
 undistinguished  on  both  sides,  and  they  fought  at  random,  tlie  men  being  intermixed  one  with 
 another,  and  confounded  by  reason  of  the  narrowness  of  the  place  ;  while  the  noise  that  was 
 made  fell  on  the  ear  after  an  indistinct  manner,  because  it  was  so  very  loud.  Great  slaughter 
 was  now  made  on  both  sides,  and  ths  combatants  trod  upon  the  bodies,  and  .'he  armour  of 
 those  that  were  dead,  and  dashed  them  to  pieces.  Accordingly,  to  which  side  soever  the 
 battle  inclined,  those  that  had  the  advantage  exhorted  one  another  to  go  on,  as  did  those  that 
 wtre  beaten  make  great  lamentation.  But  still  there  was  no  room  for  flight  nor  (or  pursuit, 
 but  disorderly  revolutions  and  retreats,  while  the  armies  were  intermixed  one  with  another  ; 
 but  those  that  were  in  the  first  ranks  were  under  the  necessity  of  killing  or  being  killed,  wilh- 
 out  anj-  way  for  escaping  ;  for  those  on  both  sides  that  came  behind,  forced  those  before  them 
 to  go  on,  witlinut  leaving  any  space  between  the  armies.  At  length  the  Jews"  violent  zeal 
 was  too  hard  for  the  Romans'  skill,  and  tlie  battle  already  inclined  entirely  that  way;  for  the 
 fight  had  lasted  from  the  uinth  hour  of  the  night,  till  the  seventh  hour  of  the  day,  while  the 
 Jews  came  on  in  crowds,  and  had  the  danger  the  temple  was  in  for  their  motive  ;  the  Romans 
 having  no  more  here  than  a  part  of  their  army  ;  for  those  legions,  on  which  the  soldiers  on  that 
 side  depended,  were  not  come  up  to  them.  So  it  was  at  present  thought  sullicieut  by  the 
 Romans  to  take  possession  of  the  tower  of  Antoiiia. 
 
 8'  But  there  was  one  Julian,  a  centurion,  that  came  from  Bithynia,  a  man  he  was  of  great 
 reputation,  whom  I  had  formerly  seen  in  that  war,  and  one  of  the  highest  fame,  both  for  his 
 skill  in  war,  his  strength  of  body,  and  the  courage  of  his  soul.  This  man,  seeing  the  Romans 
 giving  ground,  and  in  a  sad  condition,  for  he  stood  by  Titus  at  the  tower  of  Antonia,  leaped 
 out,  and  of  himself  alone  put  the  Jews  to  flight,  when  they  were  already  conquerors,  and  made 
 them  retire  as  far  as  the  corner  of  the  inner  court  of  the  temple  :  from  him  the  multitude  fled 
 away  in  crowds,  as  supposing  that  neither  his  strength  nor  his  violent  attacks  could  be  those 
 of  a  mere  mau.     Accordingly  be  rushed  through  the  midst  of  the  Jews,  as  they  were  dispersed 
 
700  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 all  abroad,  and  killed  those  that  be  caught.  Nor,  indeed,  was  there  any  siglit  that  appeared 
 more  wonderful  in  the  eyes  of  Caesar,  or  more  terrible  to  others,  than  this.  Jlowever,  lie  was 
 himself  pursued  by  fate,  which  it  was  not  possible  that  he,  who  was  but  a  mortal  man,  should 
 escape ;  for  as  he  had  shoes  all  full  of  thick  and  sharp  nails,*  as  had  every  one  of  the  other 
 soldiers,  so  when  he  ran  on  the  pavement  of  the  temple,  he  slipped,  and  fell  down  upon  his 
 back  with  a  very  grerit  noise,  which  was  made  by  his  armour.  This  made  those  that  were 
 rut)ning  away  to  turn  back  ;  wiiereupon  those  Romans  that  were  in  the  tower  of  Antonia  set  up 
 a  f;reat  shout,  as  they  were  in  fear  for  the  man.  But  the  Jews  got  about  him  in  crowds,  and  struck 
 at  him  with  their  spears  and  with  their  swords  on  ail  sides.  Now  he  received  a  great  many  of  the 
 strokes  of  these  iron  weapons  on  his  shield,  and  often  attempted  to  get  up  again,  but  was  thrown 
 down  by  those  that  struck  at  him  ;  yet  did  he,  as  he  lay  along,  stab  many  of  them  with  his  sword. 
 Nor  was  he  soon  killed,  as  being  covered  with  his  helmet  and  his  breast-plate  in  all  those 
 parts  of  his  body  where  he  might  be  mortally  wounded  ;  he  also  pulled  his  neck  close  to  his 
 body,  till  all  his  other  limbs  were  shattered,  and  nobody  durst  come  to  defend  him,  and  then 
 he  yielded  to  his  fate.  Now  Cassar  was  deeply  aft'ectcd  on  account  of  this  man  of  so  great  for- 
 titude, and  especially  as  he  was  killed  in  the  sight  of  so  many  people  ;  he  was  desirous  him- 
 self to  come  to  his  assistance,  hut  the  place  would  not  give  him  leave,  while  such  as  could 
 have  done  it  were  too  much  terrified  to  attempt  it.  Thus  when  Julian  had  struggled  with 
 death  a  great  while,  and  had  let  but  few  of  those  that  had  given  him  his  mortal  wound  go  oft' 
 unhurt,  he  had  at  last  his  throat  cut,  though  not  without  some  difficulty,  and  left  behind  him 
 a  very  great  fame,  not  only  among  the  Romans,  and  with  Cassar  himself,  but  among  his  ene- 
 mies also  ;  then  did  the  Jews  catch  op  his  dead  body,  and  put  the  Romans  to  flight  again,  and 
 shut  them  up  in  the  tower  of  Antonia.  Now  those  that  most  signilized  themselves,  and  fought 
 most  zealously  in  this  battle  of  the  Jewish  side,  were  one  Alexas  and  Gyphtheus  of  John's 
 party,  and  of  Simon's  party  were  Malachias,  and  Judas  the  son  of  Merto,  and  James  the  son 
 of  Sosas,  the  commander  of  the  Idumeans  ;  and  of  the  Zealots,  two  brethren,  Simon  and 
 Judas,  the  sons  of  Jairus. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 Hoiv  Titus  gave  Orders  to  demolish  the  Tower  of  Antonia,  and  then  persuaded  Josephns  to  exhort 
 the  Jews  again  [to  a  Surrender,^ 
 
 §  1.  And  now  Titus  gave  orders  to  his  soldiers  that  were  with  him  to  dig  up  the  foundations 
 of  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  make  him  a  ready  passage  for  his  army  to  come  up  ;  while  he 
 himself  had  Josephns  brought  to  him  (for  he  had  been  informed  that  on  that  very  day,  which 
 was  the  seventeenth  day  of  Panemus  [Taniuz.t]  the  sacrifice  called  the  daily  sacrifice  had  failed, 
 and  had  not  been  offered  to  God,  for  want  of  men  to  ofl'er  it,  and  that  the  people  were  griev- 
 ously trouliled  at  if,)  and  commanded  him  to  say  the  same  things  to  John  that  he  had  said 
 before.  That,  "  if  he  had  any  malicious  inclination  for  fighting,  he  might  come  out  with  as 
 many  of  his  men  as  he  pleased,  in  order  to  fight,  without  the  danger  of  destroying  either  his 
 city  or  temple  ;  but  that  he  desired  he  would  not  defile  the  temple,  nor  thereby  oft'end  against 
 God  :  that  he  mi'^ht,  if  he  pleased,  offer  the  sacrifices  which  were  now  discontinued  by  any 
 of  the  Jews  whom  he  should  pitch  upon."  Upon  this,  Josephus  stood  in  such  a  place  where 
 he  might  be  heard,  not  by  John  only,  but  by  many  more,  and  then  declared  to  them  what 
 Cassar  had  given  him  in  charge,  and  this  in  the  Hebrew  language. |  So  he  earnestly  prayed 
 them  "to  spare  their  own  city,  and  to  prevent  that  fire  which  was  just  ready  to  seize  upon 
 the  temple,  and  to  ofl'er  their  usual  sacrifices  to  God  therein."  At  these  words  of  his  a  great 
 sadness  and  silence  were  observed  among  the  people.  But  the  tyrant  himself  cast  many 
 reproaches  upon  Josephus,  with  imprecations;  and  at  last  added  this  withal,  "That  he  did 
 never  fear  the  taking  of  the  city,  because  it  was  God's  own  city."  In  answer  to  which,  Jose- 
 phus said  thus  with  a  loud  voice,  "  To  be  sore  thou  hast  kept  this  city  wonderfully  pure  for 
 God's  sake  !  ths  temple  also  continues  entirely  unpolluted  !  Nor  hast  thou  been  guilty  of  any 
 impiety  against  him  for  whose  assistance  thou  hopest !  He  still  receives  his  accustomed  sacri- 
 llces  !  ^'ile  wretch  that  thou  art!  If  any  one  should  deprive  thee  of  thy  daily  food,  thou 
 wouldest  esteem  him  to  be  an  enemy  to  thee  ;  but  thou  hopest  to  have  that  God  for  thy  supporter 
 in  this  war,  whom  thou  hast  deprived  of  his  everlasting  worship  ;  and  thou  iraputest  those  sins  to 
 the  Romans,  who  to  this  very  time  take  care  to  have  our  laws  observed,  and  almost  compel  these 
 
 *  No  ■n'onder  tliat  lliis  Julian,  who  had  so  nianv  nails  in  his  shoes,  slipped  upon  the  pavement  of  the  temple, 
 which  was  smooth,  and  laid  with  marble  of  difiertuj.  colours. 
 
 +  This  was  a  remarkable  day  inrtetd,  the  l"th  of  Panemus  [Tamuz.]  A.  T).  70.  when,  according  to  Daniel's 
 prediction,  600  years  before,  tlie  Koniaus  "  in  half  a  v.ctl;  caused  the  sacrifice  and  oblatiou  to  cease."  Pan. 
 IX.  27.  For  from  tlie  .iionth  of  I'ebruary,  A.  D.  06,  about  which  tinje  Vesjiasian  entered  on  this  war,  to  this 
 ■^'^ry  fme.  was  just  three  years  and  a  lialf.  See  I'.ishop  Lloyd's  I'ables  of  fl.rouolopy,  published  by  Mr.  Jlar- 
 shall  ou  tliis  year.  Nor  is  it  to  be  omitted,  what  very  nearly- confirms  this  duration  of  the  war,  that  four 
 years  before  the  war  begun,  was  somewhat  above  seven  years  fivo  months  before  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
 salem, chap.  5.  5  3. 
 
 t  1  te  same  that  in  the  New  Testament  is  always  so  c.allf.d,  and  was  tbea  the  comnjon  lananagf  of  thb  jews 
 lu  Judca,  which  was  the  Syrian  dialect. 
 
BOOK    VI.— CIJAP.    II.  701 
 
 s.iciifires  to  be  still  offered  lo  God,  which  liave  by  t!iy  means  been  intermitted.  Who  is  there 
 that  can  avoid  groans  and  laiiientatioiis  at  the  anin/ing  change  tli.it  is  made  in  this  city  ? 
 since  very  foreigners  and  enemies  do  now  correct  that  impiety  which  thou  hast  occa- 
 sioned: while  thou,  who  art  a  Jew,  and  wast  educated  in  our  laws,  art  become  a  greater 
 enemy  to  them  than  tlie  otliers.  But  still,  John,  it  is  never  dishonourable  to  repent, 
 and  amend  what  hath  been  done  amiss,  even  at  the  last  extremity.  Thou  hast  an  instance 
 before  thee  in  Jechoniah,*  the  king  of  the  Jews,  if  thou  hast  a  mind  to  save  the  city, 
 who,  when  the  king  of  Babylon  made  war  against  him,  did  of  his  own  accord  go  out  of 
 the  city  before  it  was  taken,  and  did  undergo  a  voluntary  captivity  with  his  family,  that  the 
 sanctuary  might  not  be  delivered  up  to  the  enemy,  and  that  he  might  not  see  the  house  of  God 
 set  on  fire  :  on  which  account  he  is  celebrated  among  all  the  Jews,  in  their  sacred  memorials, 
 and  his  memory  is  become  immortal,  and  will  be  conveyed  fresh  down  to  our  po^le^ity  through 
 all  afjes.  This,  John,  is  an  excellent  example  in  such  a  time  of  danger  ;  and  I  dare  venture  lo 
 promise  that  the  Romans  shall  still  forgive  thee.  And  take  notice,  that  I,  who  make  this 
 exhortation  to  tliee,  am  one  of  thine  own  nation  ;  I,  who  am  a  Jew,  do  make  this  promise  to 
 thee.  And  it  will  become  thee  to  consider  who  I  am  that  give  thee  this  counsel,  and  whence 
 I  am  derived  :  for  while  I  am  alive  I  shall  never  be  in  such  slavery,  as  to  forego  my  own 
 kindred,  or  forget  the  laws  of  our  forefathers.  Thou  hast  indignation  at  me  again,  and  raakest 
 a  clamour  at  me,  and  reproachest  me  ;  indeed,  I  cannot  deny  but  I  am  worthy  of  worse  treat- 
 ment than  all  this  amounts  to,  because  in  opposition  to  fate  I  make  this  kind  invitation  to  thee, 
 and  endeavour  to  force  deliverance  upon  those  whom  God  hath  condemned.  And  who  is  there 
 that  does  not  know  what  the  writings  of  the  ancient  prophets  contain  in  them  ;  and  particularly 
 that  oracle  which  is  just  now  going  to  be  fulfilled  upon  this  miserable  city  ?t  For  they  fore- 
 told that  this  city  should  be  taken  when  somebody  shall  begin  the  slaughter  of  his  own  country- 
 men. And  are  not  both  the  city  and  the  entire  temple  now  full  of  the  dead  bodies  of  your 
 countrymen?  It  is  Godt  therefore,  it  is  God  himself,  who  is  bringing  on  this  fire  to  purge 
 that  city  and  temple  by  means  of  the  Romans,  andis  going  to  pluck  up  this  city,  which  is  full 
 of  your  pollutions." 
 
 2.  As  Josephus  spoke  thrse  words,  with  groans,  and  tears  in  his  eyes,  his  voice  was  inter- 
 cepted by  sobs.  However,  the  Romans  could  not  but  pity  the  affliction  he  was  under,  and 
 wonder  at  his  conduct.  But  for  John,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  they  were  but  the  more 
 exasperated  against  the  Romans  on  this  account,  and  were  desirous  to  get  Josephus  also  into 
 their  power:  yet  did  that  discourse  influence  a  great  many  of  the  better  sort,  and  truly  some 
 of  them  were  so  afraid  of  the  guards  set  by  the  seditious,  that  they  tarried  where  they  were, 
 but  still  were  satisfied  that  both  they  and  the  city  were  doomed  to  destruction.  Some  also 
 there  were,  who,  watching  a  proper  opportunity,  when  they  might  quietly  get  away,  fled  to  the 
 Romans,  of  whom  were  the  high  priests  Joseph  and  Jesus,  and  of  the  sons  of  the  high  priests 
 three,  whose  father  was  Ishraael,  who  v/as  beheaded  in  Cyreue,  and  four  sons  of  Matthias,  as 
 also  one  son  of  the  other  Matthias,  who  ran  away  after  his  father's  death, ||  and  whose  father 
 was  slain  by  Simon  the  son  of  Gioras,  with  three  of  his  sons,  as  I  have  already  related ;  many 
 also  of  the  other  nobility  went  over  lo  the  Romans,  together  with  the  high  pi  iests.  Now  Caesar 
 not  only  received  these  men  very  kindly  in  other  respects,  but,  knowing  ihey  would  not  will- 
 ingly live  after  the  customs  of  other  nations,  he  sent  them  to  Gophua,  and  desired  them  to 
 remain  there  for  the  present,  and  told  them,  that  when  he  was  gotten  clear  of  this  war,  he 
 would  restore  each  of  them  to  their  possessions  again  ;  so  they  cheerfully  retired  to  that  small 
 city  which  was  allotted  them,  without  fear  of  any  danger.  But  as  they  did  not  appear,  the 
 seditious  gave  out  again,  that  those  deserters  were  slain  by  the  Romans,  which  was  done  in 
 order  to  deler  the  rest  from  running  away,  by  fear  of  the  like  treatment.  This  trick  of  theirs 
 succeeded  now  for  a  while,  as  did  the  like  trick  before ;  for  the  rest  were  hereby  deterred 
 from  deserting,  by  fear  of  the  like  treatment. 
 
 3.  However,  whin  Titus  had  recalled  those  men  from  Gopbna,  he  gave  orders  that  they 
 should  go  round  the  wall,  together  with  Josephus,  and  shew  themselves  to  the  people  ;  upon 
 which  a  great  many  fied  to  the  Romans.  These  also  got  in  a  great  number  together,  and 
 stood  before  the  Romans,  and  besought  the  seditious,  with  groans  and  tears  in  their  eyes,  in 
 the  (irst  place  to  receive  the  Romans  entirely  into  the  city,  and  save  that  their  own  place  of 
 residence  again  ;  but  Ibat,  if  they  would  not  agree  to  such  a  proposal,  they  would  at  least 
 depart  out  of  the   temple,   and  save  the   holy  house  for  their  own   use ;  for  that  the  Romans 
 
 •  Our  present  copies  of  the  Old  Testament  v/ent  this  encomium  upon  tiug  Jechoniah  or  Jehoiachin,  which 
 it  seems  was  in  Josephus'  copy. 
 
 t  Of  this  oracle,  see  the  note  on  b.  iv.  chap.  vi.  §  3. 
 
 t  .losephns,  both  here,  and  in  many  places  elsewhere,  spealis  so,  that  it  is  most  evident  he -was  fully  satisfied 
 that  God  was  on  (lie  Homans'  side,  and  made  use  of  ihemnow  for  the  destruction  ot  that  wicked  nation  of  the 
 Jews,  which  was  for  certain  thi;  true  slate  of  this  matter :  as  the  prophet  Dauiel  iirst,  and  our  Saviour  himself 
 afterwards,  had  clearly  foretold.    .See  Lit.  Accompl.  of  Proph.  p.  64,  &c. 
 
 II  .losephus  had  before  told  ns.  h.  iv.  chap.  xiii.  ^1.  that  this  fourth  sou  of  Matthias  ran  away  to  the  Romans 
 'before'  his  father's  and  hrethreu's  Rlauv;hter,  and  not  '  after'  it,  as  here.  The  former  account  is,  in  all  pro- 
 bahilitv,  tlie  truest :  for  had  not  that  fourth  eon  escaped  before  the  others  were  caught  and  put  to  death,  he 
 hail  been  caufjbt  and  put  lo  death  with  them.    This  last  account,  therefore,  looks  like  an  instance  of  a  small 
 
 ..dverteucc  of  .'osephus  iu  the  piace  before  us. 
 
702  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 would  not  venture  to  set  tlie  sanctuary  on  fire,  bnt  under  the  most  pressing  necessity'.  Yet 
 did  the  seditious  still  more  and  more  contradict  them  ;  and  while  they  cast  loud  and  bitter 
 reproaches  upon  these  deserters,  they  also  set  their  engines  for  throwing  of  darts  and  javelins, 
 and  stones,  upon  the  sacred  gates  of  the  temple,  at  due  di.*tances  from  one  another,  insomuch, 
 that  all  the  space  round  about  within  the  temple,  might  be  compared  to  a  burying  ground,  so 
 great  was  the  number  of  the  dead  bodies  therein ;  as  might  the  holy  house  itself  be  compared 
 to  a  citadel.  Accordinglj",  these  men  rushed  upon  these  holy  places  in  their  armour,  that 
 were  otherwise  unapproachable,  and  that  while  their  hands  were  yet  warm  with  the  blood  of 
 their  own  people,  which  they  had  shed  :  nay,  they  proceeded  to  such  great  transgressions, 
 that  the  very  same  indignation  which  Jews  would  naturally  have  against  Romans,  had  they 
 been  guilty  of  such  abuses  against  them,  the  Romans  had  now  against  Jews,  for  their  impiety 
 in  regard  to  their  own  religious  customs.  Nay,  indeed,  there  were  none  of  the  Roman  soldiers, 
 who  did  not  look  with  a  sacred  horror  upon  the  holy  house,  and  adored  it,  and  wished  that  the 
 robbers  would  repent  before  their  miseries  became  incurable. 
 
 4.  Now  Titus  was  deeply  afiected  with  this  state  of  things,  and  reproached  John  and  bis 
 party,  and  said  to  them,  "  Have  not  you,  vile  wretches  that  you  are,  by  our  permission  put 
 up  this  partition  wall  before  your  sanctuary?*  Have  not  you  been  allowed  to  put  up  the 
 pillars  thereto  belonging,  at  due  distances,  and  on  it  to  engrave  in  Greek,  and  in  your  own 
 letters,  tliis  prohibition.  That  no  foreigner  should  go  beyond  that  wall?  Have  we  not  given  yea 
 leave  to  kill  such  as  go  beyond  it,  ibough  he  were  a  Roman?  And  what  do  you  do  now,  you 
 pernicious  villains?  Why  do  you  trample  upon  dead  bodies  in  this  temple?  and  why  do  you 
 pollute  this  holy  house  with  the  blood  of  both  foreigners  and  Jews  themselves  ?  I  appeal  to 
 the  gods  of  my  own  country,  and  to  every  god  that  ever  had  any  regard  to  this  place,  (for  I 
 do  not  suppose  it  to  be  now  regarded  by  any  of  them  ;)  I  also  appeal  to  my  own  army,  and  to 
 those  Jews  that  are  now  with  nie,  and  even  to  you  3'ourselves,  that  I  do  not  force  you  to  defile 
 this  your  sanctuary;  and  if  you  will  bnt  change  the  place  whereon  you  will  fight,  no  Roman 
 shall  either  come  near  your  sanctuary,  or  offer  any  affront  to  it ;  nay,  I  will  endeavour  to  pre- 
 serve you  your  holy  house,  whither  you  will  or  not."t 
 
 5.  As  Josephus  explained  these  things  from  the  mouth  of  Cassar,  both  the  robbers  and  the 
 tyrant  thought  that  these  exhortations  proceeded  from  Titus's  fear,  and  not  from  his  good-will 
 to  them,  and  grew  insolent  upon  it.  But  when  Titus  saw  that  these  men  were  neither  to  be 
 moved  by  commiseration  towards  themselves,  nor  bad  any  concern  upon  them  to  have  the  holy 
 house  spared,  he  proceeded  unwillingly  to  go  on  again  with  the  war  against  them.  He  could 
 not  indeed  bring  all  his  army  against  tbeni,  the  place  was  so  narrow  ;  but  choosing  thirty  sol- 
 diers of  the  most  valiant  out  of  every  hundred,  and  committing  a  thousand  to  each  tribune,  and 
 making  Cerealis  the  commander  in  chief,  be  gave  orders  that  they  should  attack  the  guards  of 
 the  temple  about  the  ninth  hour  of  that  night.  But  as  he  was  now  in  his  armour,  aad  prepar- 
 ing to  go  down  with  them,  his  friends  would  not  let  him  go,  by  reason  of  the  greatness  of 
 the  danger,  and  what  the  commanders  suggested  to  him ;  for  they  said,  that  "  he  would  do 
 more  by  sitting  above  in  the  tower  of  Antonia,  as  a  dispenser  of  rewards  to  those  soldiers  that 
 signalized  themselves  in  the  fight,  than  by  coming  down,  and  hazarding  his  own  person  in  the 
 forefront  of  them ;  for  that  they  would  all  fight  stoutly  while  Caesar  looked  upon  them."  W^ith 
 this  advice  Caesar  complied,  and  said,  that  "  the  only  reason  he  had  for  such  compliance  with 
 the  soldiers  was  this,  that  be  might  be  able  to  judge  of  their  courageous  actions,  and  that  no 
 valiant  soldier  might  lie  concealed,  and  miss  of  his  reward,  and  no  cowardly  soldier  might  go 
 unpunished;  but  that  he  might  himself  be  an  eye-witness,  and  able  to  give  evidence  of  all  that 
 was  done,  who  was  to  be  the  disposer  of  punishments  and  rewards  to  them."  So  be  sent  the 
 soldiers  about  their  work  at  the  hour  forementioued,  while  he  went  out  himself  to  a  higher 
 place  in  the  tower  of  Antonia,  whence  be  might  see  what  was  done,  and  there  waited  with 
 impatience  to  see  the  event. 
 
 G.  However,  the  soldiers  that  were  sent  did  not  find  the  guards  of  the  temple  asleep,  as 
 they  hoped  to  have  done,  but  were  obliged  to  fight  with  them  immediately  hand  to  band,  as 
 they  rushed  with  violence  upon  them  with  a  great  shout.  Now,  as  soon  as  the  rest  within  the 
 temple  heard  that  shout  of  those  that  were  upon  the  watch,  they  ran  out  in  troops  upon  them. 
 Then  did  the  Romans  receive  the  onset  of  those  that  came  first  upon  them  ;  but  those  that  fol- 
 lowed them  fell  upon  their  own  troops,  and  many  of  them  treated  their  own  soldiers  as  if  they 
 had  been  enemies  ;  for  the  great  confused  noise  that  was  made  on  both  sides  hindered  them 
 from  distinguishing  one  another's  voices,  as  did  the  darkness  of  the  night  hinder  them  from 
 the  like  distinction  by  the  sight;  besides  that  blindness,  which  arose  otherwise  also  from  the 
 passion  and  the  fear  they  were  in  at  the  same  time  ;  for  which  reason  it  was  all  one  to  the 
 soldiers  who  it  was  they  struck  at.  However,  this  ignorance  did  less  harm  to  the  Romans 
 than  to  the  Jews  ;  because  they  were  joined  together  under  their  shields,  and  made  their  sal- 
 
 *  Of  this  partitiou-wall  separating  Jews  and  Gentiles,  with  its  pillar  and  inscription,  see  the  description  of 
 the  tianples,  chap.  xv. 
 
 t.That  these  Redidous  Jews  were  the  direct  occasion  of  their  own  destruction,  and  of  the  conflagration  of 
 their  city  and  temple,  and  that  Titns  eaniestly  and  constantly  laboured  to  save  both,  is  here  and  every  where 
 most  evident  iu  Josephus. 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.  II.  703 
 
 lies  more  regnlarly  tlian  the  otbers  did,  and  each  of  them  remembered  their  wafch-word  :  while 
 the  Jews  were  perpetually  dispersed  abroad,  and  made  their  attacks  and  retreats  at  random, 
 and  so  did  frequently  seem  to  one  another  to  he  enemies  ;  for  every  one  of  them  received 
 those  of  tlieir  own  men  (hat  came  back  in  the  dark  as  Romans,  and  made  an  assault  upon 
 them;  so  that  more  of  them  were  wounded  by  their  own  men  than  by  the  enemy,  till,  upon 
 the  coming;  of  the  day,  the  naiure  of  the  fijjht  was  discerned  by  the  eye  afterwards  :  then  did 
 they  stand  in  battle  array  in  distinct  bodies,  and  cast  their  darts  rej^uiarly,  and  regularly 
 defended  themselves  ;  nor  did  eitlier  side  yield  or  grow  weary.  The  Romans  contended  with 
 each  other  who  should  lii^lit  llie  most  strenuously,  both  single  men  and  entire  regiments,  as 
 being  under  the  eye  of  Titus  ;  and  every  one  concluded  that  this  day  would  begin  his  promo- 
 tion, if  he  fouglit  bravely.  The  great  encouragements  wliicli  the  Jews  had  in  view  to  act  vigor- 
 ously, were,  their  fear  for  themselves  and  for  the  temple,  and  the  presence  of  their  tyrant,  who 
 exliorted  some,  and  boat  and  threatened  others  to  act  courageously.  Now,  it  so  happened, 
 that  this  fight  was  for  tiie  most  part  a  stationary  one,  wherein  the  soldiers  went  on  and  came 
 back  in  a  short  time  and  suddenly  ;  for  there  was  no  long  space  of  ground  for  either  of  their 
 flights  or  pursuits.  But  still  tiiere  was  a  tursultiious  noise  among  the  Romans  from  the  tower 
 of  Antonia,  who  loudly  cried  out  upon  all  occasions  to  tlieir  own  men,  to  press  on  courageously, 
 when  they  were  too  hard  for  the  Jews,  and  to  stay  when  they  were  retiring  backward  ;  so  that 
 here  was  a  kind  of  theatre  of  war  ;  for  what  was  done  in  this  fight  could  not  be  concealed 
 either  from  Titus  or  from  those  that  were  about  him.  At  length  it  appeared  that  this  tight, 
 which  began  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the  night,  was  not  over  till  past  the  fifth  hour  of  the  day,  and 
 that,  in  the  same  place  where  the  battle  began,  neither  party  could  say  they  had  made  the 
 other  to  retire  ;  but  both  the  armies  left  the  victory  almost  in  uncertainty  between  them  ; 
 wherein  those  that  signalized  themselves  on  the  Roman  side  were  a  great  many,  but  on  the 
 Jewish  side,  and  of  those  that  were  with  Simon,  Judas  the  son  of  Merto,  and  Simon  the  son 
 of  Josias  ;  of  the  Idumeans,  James  and  Simon,  the  latter  of  whom  was  the  son  of  Cathlas,  and 
 James  was  the  son  of  Sosas  ;  of  those  that  were  with  John,  Gyphtheus  and  Alexas,  and  of  the 
 Zealots,  Simon  the  son  of  Jairus. 
 
 7.  In  the  mean  time,  the  rest  of  the  Roman  army  had,  iu  seven  days*  time,  overthrown 
 [some]  foundations  of  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  had  made  a  ready  and  broad  way  to  the  tem- 
 ple. Then  did  the  legions  come  near  the  first  court,*  and  began  to  raise  their  banks.  The 
 one  bank  was  over  against  the  north-west  corner  of  the  inner  temple  ;t  another  was  at  that 
 northern  edifice  which  was  between  the  two  gates  ;  and  of  the  other  two,  one  was  at  the  western 
 cloister  of  the  outer  court  of  (he  temple,*  the  other  against  its  northern  cloister.  However, 
 these  works  were  thus  far  advanced  by  the  Romans,  not  without  great  pains  and  difficulty, 
 and  particularly  by  being  obliged  to  bring  their  materials  from  the  distance  of  a  hundred  fur- 
 longs. They  had  farther  difficulties  also  upon  them  ;  sometimes  by  their  over-great  security 
 they  were  in  that  they  should  overcome  the  Jewish  snares  laid  for  them,  and  by  that  boldness 
 of  the  Jews  which  their  despair  of  escaping  had  inspired  them  withal  ;  for  some  of  their 
 horsemen,  when  they  went  out  to  gather  wood  or  hay,  let  their  horses  feed,  without  having 
 their  bridles  on,  during  the  time  of  foraging  ;  upon  which  horses  the  Jews  sallied  out  in  whole 
 bodies,  and  seized  them.  And  when  this  was  continually  done,  and  Caesar  believed  what  the 
 truth  was,  that  the  horses  were  stolen  more  from  the  negligence  of  his  own  men  than  by  the 
 valour  of  the  Jews,  he  determined  to  use  greater  severity  to  oblige  the  rest  to  take  care  of 
 their  horses  ;  so  he  commanded  that  one  of  those  soldiers  who  lost  their  horses  should  be 
 capitally  punished  ;  whereby  he  so  terrified  the  rest,  that  they  preserved  their  horses  for  the 
 time  to  come  ;  for  they  did  not  any  longer  let  them  go  from  them  to  feed  by  themselves,  but 
 as  if  they  had  grown  to  them,  they  went  always  along  with  them  when  they  wanted  neces- 
 saries. Thus  did  the  Romans  still  continue  to  make  war  against  the  temple,  and  to  raise 
 their  banks  against  it. 
 
 8.  Now,  after  one  day  had  been  interposed  since  the  Romans  ascended  the  breach,  many  of 
 the  seditious  were  so  pressed  by  the  famine,  upon  the  present  failure  of  their  ravages,  that 
 they  got  together  and  made  an  attack  on  those  Roman  guards  that  were  upon  the  Mount  of 
 Olives,  and  this  about  the  eleventh  hour  of  the  day,  as  supposing  first,  that  they  would  not 
 expect  snch  an  onset,  and,  in  the  next  place,  that  they  were  then  taking  care  of  their  bodies, 
 and  that  therefore  they  should  very  easily  beat  them.  But  the  Romans  were  apprized  of  their 
 coming  to  attack  them  beforehand,  and  running  together  from  the  neighbouring  camps  on  the  sud- 
 den, prevented  them  from  getting  over  their  fortification,  or  forcing  the  wall  that  was  built  about 
 them.  Upon  this  came  on  a  sharp  fight,  and  here  many  great  actions  were  performed  on  both  sides  ; 
 while  the  Romans  shewed  both  their  courage  and  their  skill  in  war,  as  did  the  Jews  come  on 
 them  with  immoderate  violence,  and  intolerable  passion.  The  one  part  were  urged  on  by 
 shame,  and  the  other  by  necessity ;  for  it  seemed  a  very  shameful  thing  to  the  Romans  to  let 
 the  Jews  go,  now  they  were  taken  in  a  kind  of  net  ;  while  the  Jews  had  but  one  hope  of  saving 
 themselves,  and  that  was  in  case  lliey  could  by  violence  break  through  the  Roman  wall  ;  and 
 one  whose  name  was  Pedanius,  bt'lotiging  to  a  party  of  horsemen,  when  the  Jews  were  already 
 beaten  and  forced  down  into   the  valley  together,  spurred  his   horse  on  their   flank  with  great 
 
 •  Court  of  the  Gentiles.  +  Court  of  Israel. 
 
704  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 veIieni«DCe,  and  cauglil  up  a  certain  young;  man  belonging  to  the  enemy  by  liis  ancle,  as  lie  was 
 running  away  :  the  man  was,  however,  of  a  robust  body,  and  in  his  armour ;  so  low  did  Ptda- 
 nius  bend  himself  downward  from  his  horse,  even  as  he  was  galloping  away,  and  so  great  was 
 the  strength  of  ids  right  hand,  and  of  the  rest  of  his  body,  as  also  such  skill  had  he  in  horse' 
 raanship.  So  this  man  seized  upon  that  his  prey,  as  upon  a  precious  treasure,  and  carried  him 
 as  his  captive  to  Cassar  ;  whereupon  Titus  admired  the  man  that  had  sei:ied  the  other  for  his 
 great  strength,  and  ordered  the  man  that  was  caught  to  be  punished  [with  dtath]  for  his 
 attempt  against  the  Roman  wall,  but  betook  himself  to  the  siege  of  the  temple,  and  to  pressing 
 on  the  raising  of  the  banks. 
 
 9.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Jews  were  so  distressed  by  the  fights  they  had  been  in,  as  the  war 
 advanced  higher  and  higher,  and  creeping  up  to  the  holy  bouse  itself,  that  they,  as  it  were, 
 cut  off  those  lirahs  of  their  body  which  were  infected,  in  order  to  prevent  the  distemper's 
 spreading  farther ;  for  they  set  the  north-west  cloister,  which  was  joined  to  the  tower  of 
 Antouia,  on  fire,  and  after  that  brake  off  about  twenty  cubits  of  tliat  cloisler,  and  thereby 
 made  a  beginning  in  burning  the  sanctuary  :  two  d;iys  after  which,  or  on  the  twenty-fourth 
 day  of  the  forenamed  month  [Panemus  or  Tamuz]  the  Romans  set  fire  to  the  cloister  that 
 joined  to  the  other,  when  the  fire  went  fifteen  cubits  farther.  The  Jews,  in  like  manner,  cut 
 off  its  roof;  nor  did  they  entirely  leave  off  what  they  were  about  till  the  tower  of  Antouia  was 
 parted  from  the  temple,  even  when  it  was  in  their  power  to  have  stopped  the  fire,  nay,  they 
 lay  still  while  the  temple  was  first  set  on  fire,  and  deemed  this  spreading  of  the  fire  to  be  for 
 their  own  advantage.  However,  the  armies  were  still  fighting  one  against  another  about 
 the  temple,  and  the  war  was  managed  by  continual  sallies  of  particular  parties  against  one 
 another. 
 
 10.  Now  there  was  at  this  time  a  man  among  the  Jews  ;  low  of  stature  he  was,  and  of  a 
 despicable  appearance;  of  no  character  either  as  to  his  family,  or  in  other  respects  :  his  name 
 was  Jonathan.  He  went  out  at  the  high  priest  John's  monument,  and  uttered  many 
 insolent  things  to  the  Romans,  and  challenged  the  best  of  them  all  to  a  single  combat.  But 
 many  of  those  that  stood  there  in  the  army  huffed  him,  and  many  of  them  (as  they  might 
 well  be)  were  afraid  of  him.  Some  of  them  also  reasoned  thus,  and  that  justly  enough,  that 
 it  was  not  fit  to  fight  with  a  man  that  desired  to  die,  because  those  that  utterly  despaired  of 
 deliverance,  had,  besides  other  passions,  a  violence  in  attacking  men  that  could  not  be  opposed, 
 and  had  no  regard  to  God  himself;  and  that  to  hazard  one's  self  with  a  person,  whom,  if  you 
 overcome,  you  do  no  great  matter,  and  by  whom  it  is  hazardous  that  you  may  be  taken  pri- 
 soner, would  be  an  instance,  not  of  manly  courage,  but  of  unmanly  rashness.  So  there  being 
 nobody  that  came  out  to  accept  the  man's  challenge,  and  the  Jew  cutting  them  with  a  great 
 number  of  reproaches,  as  cowards,  (for  he  was  a  very  haughty  man  in  himself,  and  a  great 
 despiser  of  the  Romans,)  one  whose  name  was  Pudens,  of  the  body  of  horsemen,  out  of  his 
 abomination  of  the  other's  words,  and  of  his  impuderice  withal,  and  perhaps  out  of  an  incon- 
 siderate arrogance,  on  account  of  the  other's  lowness  of  stature,  ran  out  to  him,  and  was  too 
 hard  for  him  in  other  respects,  but  was  betrayed  by  his  fortune  ■•  for  he  fell  down,  and  as  he 
 was  down,  Jonathan  came  running  to  him,  and  cut  his  tliroat,  and  then  standing  upon  his  dead 
 body,  he  brandished  his  sword,  bloody  as  it  was,  and  shook  his  shield  with  his  leflli-arrd,  aiid 
 made  many  acclamations  to  the  Roman  army,  and  insulted  over  the  dend  man,  and  jested  upon 
 the  Romans  ;  till  at  length  one  Prisons,  a  centurion,  shot  a  dart  at  him,  as  he  was  leaping  and 
 playing  the  fool  witli  himself,  and  thereby  pierced  hiin  through  :  upon  which  a  shout  was  set 
 up  both  by  the  Jews  and  the  Roniar'S,  though  on  dillereut  accounts.  So  Jonathan  grew  giddy 
 by  the  pain  of  his  wound,  and  fell  down  upon  the  body  of  his  adversary,  as  a  plain  instance 
 how  suddenly  vengeance  may  come  upon  men  that  have  success  in  war,  without  any  just 
 deserving  the  same. 
 
 ch;ap.  III. 
 
 Concerning  a  Stratagem  that  was  devised  by  the  Jervs,  by  which  they  burnt  many  of  the  Romans, 
 with  another  Description  of  the  terrible  Famine  that  was  in  the  City. 
 
 §  1.  But  now  the  seditious  that  were  in  the  temple  did  every  day  openly  endeavour  to  beat  off 
 the  soldiers  that  were  upon  the  banks,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  the  forenamed  month 
 [Panemus  or  Tamuz,]  contrived  such  a  stratagem  as  this  :  They  filled  that  part  of  the  western 
 cloister*  which  was  between  the  beams,  and  the  roof  under  them,  with  dry  materials,  as  also 
 with  bitumen  and  pitch,  and  then  retired  from  that  place,  as  though  they  were  tired  with  the 
 pains  they  had  taken  ;  at  which  procedure  of  theirs,  many  of  the  most  inconsiderate  among 
 the  Romans,  who  were  carried  away  with  violent  passions,  followed  hard  after  them  as  tliey 
 were  retiring,  and  applied  ladders  to  the  cloister,  and  got  up  to  it  suddenly  ;  but  the  more 
 prudent  part  of  them,  when  they  cnderstood  this  unaccountable  retreat  of  the  Jews,  stood  still 
 where  they  were  before.  However,  the  cloister  was  full  of  those  that  were  gone  up  the  lad- 
 ders ;  at  which  time  the  Jews  set  it  all  on  fire  ;  and  as  the  flames  burst  out  every  where  on 
 the  sudden,  the  Romans  that  were  out  of  the  danger  were  seized  with  a  very  great  conster- 
 
 •  Of  the  court  of  Gentiles. 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.    III.  705 
 
 nation,  as  were  those  that  were  in  the  midst  of  the  danger  in  the  utmost  distress.  So  when 
 lliey  perceived  themselves  surrounded  with  tlie  fl;imcs,  some  of  them  threw  Iheinselves  down 
 backwards  into  the  city,  and  some  amonp;  tlieir  enemies  [in  the  temple,]  as  did  many  leap 
 down  to  their  own  men,  and  broke  their  limbs  to  pieces  ;  but  a  great  number  of  thost  that 
 were  going  to  take  these  violent  methods,  were  prevented  by  the  fire ;  thouo;li  some  pre- 
 vented the  fire  by  their  own  swords.  However,  the  tire  was  on  the  sudden  carrii  d  so  far  as 
 to  surround  those  who  would  have  otherwise  perikhed.  As  for  Ca?3ar  himself,  he  could 
 not,  hmvever,  but  commiserate  tKose  that  thus  perished,  alfhongb  tbey  got  up  thither  without, 
 any  order  for  so  doing,  since  there  was  no  way  of  giving  them  any  relief.  Yet  was  this 
 some  comfort  to  those  that  were  destroyed,  that  every  body  might  see  that  person  grieve, 
 for  whose  sake  they  came  to  their  end ;  for  he  cried  out  openly  to  them,  and  leaped  up,  and 
 exhorted  tho.-^e  that  were  about  him  to  do  their  utmost  to  relieve  them.  So  every  one  of 
 them  died  cheerfully,  as  carrying  along  with  them  these  words  and  this  intention  of  Caesar  as 
 a  sepulchral  monument.  Some  there  were  indeed  who  retired  into  the  wall  of  the  cloister, 
 which  was  broad,  and  were  preserved  out  of  the  fire,  but  were  then  surrounded  by  the 
 Jews :  and  although  they  made  resistance  against  the  Jews  for  a  long  time,  yet  were  they 
 wounded  by  them,  and  at  length  they  all  fell  down  dead. 
 
 2.  At  the  last,  a  young  man  among  them,  whose  name  was  Longus,  became  a  decoration  to 
 this  sad  afi'air ;  and  while  every  one  of  them  that  perished  were  worthy  of  a  memorial,  this  man 
 appeared  to  deserve  it  beyond  all  the  rest.  Now  the  Jews  admired  this  man  for  his  courage, 
 and  were  farther  desirous  of  having  him  slain  ;  so  they  persuaded  him  to  come  down  to  them, 
 upon  security  given  him  for  his  life.  But  Cornelius  bis  brother  persuaded  him,  on  the  con- 
 trary, not  to  tarnish  their  own  glory,  nor  that  of  the  Roman  army.  He  complied  with  this 
 last  advice,  and,  lifting  op  his  sword  before  both  armies,  he  slew  himself.  Yet  there  was  one 
 Artorius  among  those  surrounded  with  the  fire,  who  escaped  by  his  subtilty  ;  for  when  be  had 
 with  a  loud  voice  called  to  him  Lucius,  one  of  his  fellow-soldiers  that  lay  with  hira  in  the  same 
 tent,  and  said  to  him,  "  I  do  leave  thee  heir  of  all  I  have,  if  thou  wilt  come  and  receive  me.'' 
 Upon  this  he  came  running  to  receive  hira  readily  :  Artorius  then  threw  himself  down  upon 
 him,  and  saved  bis  own  life,  while  he  that  received  him  was  dashed  so  vehemently  against  the 
 stone  pavement  by  the  other's  weight,  that  he  died  immediately.  This  melancholy  accident 
 made  the  Romans  sad  for  a  while,  but  still  it  made  them  more  upon  their  guard  for  the  future, 
 and  was  of  advantage  to  them  against  the  delusions  of  the  Jews,  by  which  they  were  greatly 
 damaged  through  their  unacquaintedncss  with  the  places,  and  with  the  nature  of  the  inha- 
 bitants. Now  this  cloister  was  bnrnt  down  as  far  as  John's  tower,  which  be  bailt  in  the  war 
 he  made  against  Simon,  over  the  gates  that  led  to  the  Xystus.  The  Jews  also  cut  oft"  the  rest 
 of  that  cloister  from  the  temple,  after  they  had  destroyed  those  that  got  up  to  it.  But  the 
 next  day  the  Romans  burnt  down  the  northern  cloister  entirely  as  far  as  the  east  cloister, 
 whose  common  angle  joined  to  the  valley  that  was  called  Cedron,  and  was  built  over  it;  on 
 which  account  the  depth  was  frightful.     And  this  was  the  state  of  the  temple  at  that  time. 
 
 3.  Now,  of  those  that  perished  by  famine  in  the  city,  the  number  was  prodigious  ;  and  the 
 miseries  they  underwent  were  unspeakable ;  for  if  so  much  as  the  shadow  of  any  kind  of  food 
 did  any  where  appear,  a  war  was  commenced  presently,  and  tiie  dearest  friends  fell  a  fighting 
 one  with  another  about  it,  snatching  from  each  other  the  most  miserable  supports  of  life.  Nor 
 would  men  believe  that  those  who  were  dying  had  no  food,  but  the  robbers  would  search  them 
 when  they  were  expiring,  lest  any  one  should  have  concealed  food  in  tlieir  bosoms,  and  coun- 
 terfeited dying  ;  nay,  these  robbers  gaped  for  want,  and  ran  about  stumbling  and  staggering 
 along  like  mad  dogs,  and  reeling  against  the  doors  of  the  houses  like  drunken  men  ;  they 
 would  also,  in  the  great  distress  they  were  in,  rush  into  the  very  same  houses  two  or  three 
 times  in  one  and  the  same  day.  Moreover,  their  hunger  was  so  intolerable,  that  it  obliged  them 
 to  chew  every  thing,  while  they  gathered  such  things  as  the  most  sordid  animals  would  not 
 touch,  and  endured  to  eat  them;  nor  did  they  at  length  abstain  from  girdles  and  shoes,  and 
 the  very  leather  which  belonged  to  their  shields  they  pulled  off"  and  gnawed  :  the  very  wisps 
 of  old  hay  became  food  to  some,  and  some  gathered  up  fibres,  and  sold  a  very  small  weight  of 
 them  for  four  Attic  [drachmae.]  But  why  do  I  describe  the  shameless  impudence  that  the 
 famine  brought  on  men  in  their  eating  inanimate  things?  while  I  am  going  to  relate  a  matter 
 of  fact,  the  like  to  which  no  history  relates,*  either  among  the  Greeks  or  Barbarians.  It  is 
 liorrible  to  speak  of  it,  and  incredible  when  beard.  I  had  indeed  willingly  omitted  this  cala- 
 mity of  ours,  that  I  might  not  seem  to  deliver  what  is  so  portentous  to  posterity,  but  that  I  have 
 
 •  What  Josephus  observes  here,  that  no  parallel  examples  had  been  recorded  before  his  time  of  such  sieges, 
 wherein  mothers  were  forced  by  extremity  of  famine  to  eat  their  own  children,  as  had  been  threatened  to  the 
 Jews  in  the  law  of  Moses,  upon  obstinate  disobedience,  and  more  than  once  fulfilled,  (see  ray  Hoyle's  Lectures, 
 p.  210— C14.)  is  by  Dr.  Hudson  supposed  to  have  had  two  or  three  parallel  examples  iu  later  ages.  He  might 
 have  had  more  examples,  I  suppose,  of  persons  on  shipboard,  or  in  a  desert  island,  caslini;  lots  lor  each  other's 
 bodies  :  but  all  this  was  only  iu  cases  where  they  knew  of  no  possible  way  to  avoid  death  themselves,  but  by 
 killing  and  eating  others.  W'hether  such  examples  come  up  to  the  present  case,  may  be  doubled,  'I'he  Romans 
 were  not  only  willing,  but  very  desirous  to  grant  those  .lews  iu  Jerusalem  both  their  lives  and  their  liber- 
 ties, and  to  save  both  their  city  and  their  temple.  But  the  Zealots,  the  robbers,  ai,d  the  st-ditious,  would 
 hearken  to  no  terms  of  submission.  They  voluntarily  chose  to  reduce  the  citizens  to  that  extremity,  as  to 
 force  mothers  to  this  unnatural  barbarity,  which  iu  all  its  circumstances  has  not,  1  will  suppose,  been  hitherto 
 paralleled  amoDg  the  rest  of  mankind. 
 
 4  U 
 
706  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 innuraerable  witnesses  to  it  in  my  own  age :  and  besides,  my  country  would  liave  Lad  little 
 reason  to  thank  me  for  suppressing  the  miseries  that  she  underwent  at  this  time. 
 
 4.  There  was  a  certain  woman  that  dwelt  beyond  Jordan,  her  name  was  Mary,  her  father 
 was  E'eazar,  of  the  village  of  Belhezob,  which  signifies,  the  house  of  Hyssop.  She  was  emi- 
 nent for  her  family  and  her  wealth,  and  had  fled  away  to  Jerusalem  with  the  rest  of  the  multi- 
 tude, and  was  with  them  besieged  therein  at  this  time.  The  other  eOects  of  this  woman  had 
 been  already  seized  upon,  such  I  mean  as  she  had  brought  with  her  out  of  Perea,  and  removed 
 to  the  city.  What  she  had  treasured  up  besides,  as  also  what  food  she  had  contrived  to  save, 
 had  been  also  carried  off  by  the  rapacious  guards,  who  came  everyday  running  into  her  house 
 for  that  purpose.  This  put  the  poor  woman  into  a  very  great  passion,  and  by  the  frequent 
 reproaches  and  imprecations  she  cast  at  these  rapacious  villains,  she  had  provoked  them  to 
 anger  against  her  ;  but  none  of  <bem,  either  out  of  the  indignation  she  had  raised  against  her- 
 self, or  out  of  commiseration  of  her  case,  would  take  away  her  life  :  and  if  she  found  any 
 food,  she  perceived  her  labours  were  for  others,  and  not  for  herself,  and  it  was  now  become 
 impossible  for  her  any  way  to  lind  any  more  food,  while  the  famine  pierced  through  her  very 
 bowels  and  marrow,  when  also  her  passion  was  fired  to  a  degree  beyond  the  famine  itself;  nor 
 did  she  consult  with  any  thing  but  with  her  passion  and  the  necessity  she  was  in.  She  then 
 attempted  a  most  unnatural  thing,  and,  snatching  up  her  son,  who  was  a  child  sucking  at  her 
 breast,  she  said,  "  O  thou  miserable  infant !  for  whom  shall  I  preserve  thee  in  this  war,  this 
 famine,  and  this  sedition  ?  As  to  the  war  with  the  Romans,  if  they  preserve  our  lives  ;  we 
 must  be  slaves.  This  famine  also  will  destroy  us  even  before  that  slavery  comes  upon  us.  Yet 
 are  these  seditious  rogues  more  terrible  than  both  the  other.  Come  on ;  be  thou  my  food, 
 and  be  thou  a  fury  to  these  seditious  varlets,  and  a  by-word  to  the  world,  which  is  all  that  is 
 now  wanting  to  complete  the  calamities  of  us  Jews."  As  soon  as  she  had  said  this,  she  slew 
 her  son,  and  then  roasted  him,  and  ate  the  one  half  of  him,  and  kept  the  other  half  by  her 
 concealed.  Upon  this  the  seditious  came  in  presently,  and  smelling  the  horrid  scent  of  this 
 food,  they  threatened  her,  that  they  would  cut  her  throat  immediately  if  she  did  not  shew  them 
 what  food  she  had  gotten  ready.  She  replied,  that  "  she  had  saved  a  very  fine  portion  of  it  for 
 them ;"  and  withal  uncovered  what  was  left  of  her  son.  Hereupon  they  were  seized  with  a 
 horror  and  amazement  of  mind,  and  stood  astonished  at  the  sight;  when  she  said  to  them, 
 "  This  is  mine  own  son,  and  what  hath  been  done  was  mine  own  doing.  Come,  eat  of  this 
 food;  for  I  have  eaten  of  it  myself.  Do  not  you  pretend  to  be  either  more  tender  than  a 
 woman,  or  more  compassionate  than  a  mother;  but  if  you  be  so  scrupulous,  and  do  abominate 
 this  my  sacrifice,  as  I  have  eaten  the  one  half,  let  the  rest  be  preserved  for  me  also."  After 
 which  those  men  went  out  trembling,  being  never  so  much  aflVighted  at  any  thing  as  (hey  were 
 at  this,  and  with  some  difficulty  they  left  the  rest  of  that  meat  to  the  mother.  Upon  which  the 
 whole  city  was  full  of  this  horrid  action  immediately;  and  while  every  body  laid  this  mise- 
 rable case  before  their  own  eyes,  they  trembled,  as  if  this  unheard-of  action  had  been  done 
 by  themselves.  So  those  that  were  thus  distressed  by  the  famine  were  very  desirous  to  die, 
 and  those  already  dead  were  esteemed  happy,  because  they  had  not  lived  long  enough  either 
 to  hear  or  to  see  such  miseries. 
 
 5.  This  sad  instance  was  quickly  told  to  the  Romans,  sonfe  of  whom  could  not  believe  it, 
 and  others  pitied  the  distress  which  the  Jews  were  under:  but  there  were  many  of  them  who 
 were  hereby  induced  to  a  more  bitter  hatred  than  ordinary  against  our  nation.  But  for 
 Caesar,  he  excused  himself  before  God  as  to  this  matter,  and  said,  that  "  he  had  proposed 
 peace  and  liberty  to  the  Jews,  as  well  as  an  oblivion  of  all  their  former  insolent  practices ; 
 but  that  they,  instead  of  concord,  had  chosen  sedition  ;  instead  of  peace,  war  ;  and  before 
 satiety  and  abundance,  a  famine.  That  they  had  begun  with  their  own  hands  to  burn  down 
 that  temple,  which  we  have  preserved  hitherto  ;  and  that  therefore  they  deserved  to  eat  such 
 food  as  this  was.  That,  however,  this  horrid  action  of  eating  an  own  child  ought  to  ba 
 covered  with  the  overthrow  of  their  very  country  ilself,  and  men  ought  not  to  leave  such  a 
 city  npon  the  habitable  earth,  to  be  seen  by  the  sun,  wherein  mothers  are  thus  fed,  although 
 such  food  be  filter  for  the  fathers  than  for  the  mothers  to  eat  of,  since  it  is  they  that  continue 
 still  in  a  state  of  war  against  us,  after  they  have  undergone  such  miseries  as  these."  And  at 
 the  same  time  that  he  said  this,  he  reflected  on  the  desperate  condition  these  men  must  be  in, 
 nor  could  he  expect  that  such  men  could  be  recovered  to  sobriety  of  mind,  after  they  had 
 endured  those  very  sufferings,  for  the  avoiding  whereof  it  only  was  probable  they  might 
 have  repented. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 When  the  Banks  were  completed,  and  the  Battering-rams  brought,  and  could  do  nothing,  Titut 
 gave  orders  to  set  fire  to  the  Gates  of  the  Temple  ;  in  no  long  Time  after  which,  the  holj 
 House  itself  was  burnt  down,  even  against  his  Consent. 
 
 §  I.  And  now  two  of  the  legions  had  completed  their  banks  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  montL 
 Lous,  [Ab.]  Whereupon  Titus  gave  orders  that  the  battering-rams  should  be  brought,  and 
 set  over  the  western  edifice  of  the  inner  temple  ;  for  before  these  were  brought,  the  firmest  o! 
 
BOOK  VI. — CHAP.  IV.  707 
 
 all  the  oilier  engines  had  haltered  the  wall  for  six  days  together  without  ce:ising,  without 
 making  any  impression  upon  it;  but  the  vast  largeness  and  strong  connexion  of  llie  stones  was 
 superior  to  that  engine,  and  to  the  other  battering  rams  also.  Other  Romans  did  indeed  nnder- 
 luiiie  the  foundations  of  the  northern  gate,  and  after  a  world  of  pains  removed  the  outermost 
 stones,  yet  was  the  gate  still  upheld  by  the  inner  stones,  and  stood  still  unhurt;  till  the  work- 
 men, despairing  of  all  such  attempts  by  engines  and  crows,  brought  their  ladders  to  the  clois- 
 ters. Now  the  Jews  did  not  interrupt  them  in  so  doing  ;  but  when  ihey  were  gotten  up, 
 they  fell  upon  them,  and  fought  with  them  ;  some  of  them  they  thrust  down,  and  threw  them 
 backwards  headlong,  others  of  them  tlioy  met,  and  slew  ;  they  also  beat  many  of  those  that 
 went  down  the  ladder  again,  and  slew  them  with  their  swnrds  before  lliey  could  bring  their 
 shields  to  protect  them  ;  nay,  some  of  the  ladders  they  threw  down  from  above  when  Ihey 
 were  full  of  aimed  men  ;  a  great  slaughter  was  made  of  the  Jews  also  at  the  same  time,  while 
 those  that  bare  the  ensigns  fought  hard  for  them,  as  deeming  it  a  terrible  thing,  and  that 
 would  tend  to  their  great  shame,  if  they  permitted  them  to  be  stolen  away.  Yet  did  the  Jews 
 at  length  get  possession  of  these  engines,  and  destroy  those  that  had  gone  up  the  ladders, 
 while  the  rest  were  so  intimidated  by  what  those  sud'ered  who  were  slain,  that  they  retired  ; 
 although  none  of  the  Romans  died  without  having  done  good  service  before  bis  death.  Of  the 
 seditious,  those  that  had  fought  bravely  in  the  former  battle,  did  the  like  now,  as  besides  them 
 did  Eleazar,  the  brother's  son  of  Simon  tlip  tyrant.  But  when  Titus  perceived  that  his  endea- 
 Tours  to  spare  a  foreign  temple  turned  to  the  damage  of  his  soldiers,  and  made  ihcm  be  killed, 
 he  gave  orders  to  set  the  gates  on  fire. 
 
 2.  In  the  mean  time  there  deserted  to  him  A  nanus,  who  came  from  Enimaus,  the  most 
 bloody  of  all  Simon's  guards,  and  Archelaus,  the  son  of  Magadatus,  they  hoping  to  be  still 
 forgiven,  because  they  lefi  the  Jews  at  a  time  when  they  were  the  conquerors.  Titus  objected 
 this  to  these  men,  as  a  cunning  trick  of  theirs  ;  and  as  he  had  been  informed  of  their  other  bar- 
 barities towards  the  Jews,  he  was  going  in  all  haste  to  have  them  both  sl;:in.  He  told  them, 
 that  "  they  were  only  driven  to  this  desertion  because  of  the  utmost  distress  they  were  in, 
 and  did  not  come  away  of  their  own  good  disposition  ;  and  that  those  did  not  deserve  to  be 
 preserved,  by  whom  their  own  city  was  already  set  on  fire,  out  of  which  they  now  hurried  them- 
 selves away."  However,  the  security  he  had.promised  deserters  overcame  his  resentments,  and 
 he  dismissed  them  accordingly,  though  he  did  not  give  them  the  same  privileges  that  he  had 
 aftorded  to  others.  And  now  the  soldiers  had  already  put  fire  to  the  gates,  and  the  silver  that 
 was  over  them  quickly  carried  the  tlames  to  the  wood  that  was  within  it,  whence  it  spread 
 itself  all  on  the  sudden,  and  caught  hold  of  the  cloisters.  Upon  the  Jews  seeing  this  lire  all 
 about  them,  their  spirits  sunk  together  with  their  bodies,  and  they  were  under  sucii  astonish- 
 ment, that  not  one  of  them  made  any  haste,  either  to  defend  himself  or  to  quench  the  fire,  but 
 they  stood  as  mute  spectators  of  it  only.  However,  they  did  not  so  grieve  at  the  loss  of  what 
 was  now  burning,  as  to  grow  wiser  thereby  for  the  time  to  cnme  ;  but  as  though  the  holy  house 
 itself  had  been  on  fire  already,  they  whetted  their  passions  against  tlie  Romans.  This  fire 
 prevailed  during  that  day  and  the  next  also  ;  for  the  soldiers  were  not  able  to  burn  all  the 
 cloisters  that  were  round  about  together  at  one  time,  but  only  by  pieces. 
 
 3.  But  then,  on  the  next  day,  Titus  commanded  part  of  bis  army  to  quench  the  fire,  and  to 
 make  a  road  for  the  more  easy  marching  up  of  the  legions,  while  he  himself  gathered  the  com- 
 manders together.  Of  those  there  were  assembled  the  six  principal  persons,  Tiberius  Alex- 
 ander, the  commander  [under  the  general]  of  the  whole  army,  with  Sextos  Cerealis,  the  com- 
 mander of  the  fifth  legion,  and  Larcius  Lepidus,  the  commander  of  the  tenth  legion,  and  Titus 
 Frigius,  the  commander  of  the  fifteenth  legion  ;  there  was  al.vo  with  them  Eternins,  the  leader 
 of  the  two  legions  that  came  from  Alexandria,  and  Marcus  Antonius  Jnlianus,  procurator  of 
 Jndea  •  after  these  came  together  also  the  rest  of  the  procurators  and  tribunes.  Titus  pro- 
 posed to  these,  that  they  should  give  bim  their  advice  what  should  be  done  about  the  holy 
 linuse.  Now  some  of  these  thought,  "  it  would  be  the  best  way  to  act  according  to  the  rules 
 of  war,  [and  demolish  it,]  because  the  Jews  would  never  leave  off  rebelling  while  that  house 
 was  standing,  at  which  house  it  was  that  they  used  to  get  all  together."  Others  of  them  were 
 of  opinion,  that  "  in  case  the  Jews  would  leave  it,  and  none  of  them  would  lay  their  arms  up 
 in  it,  he  might  save  it ;  but  that  in  case  they  got  upon  it,  and  fought  any  more,  he  might  burn 
 it  ;  because  it  must  then  be  looked  upon  not  as  a  holy  house,  but  as  a  citadel,  and  that  the 
 impiety  of  burning  it  would  then  belong  to  those  that  forced  this  to  be  done,  and  not  to  them." 
 But  Titus  said,  that  "  although  the  Jews  should  get  upon  that  holy  house,  and  fight  us  thence, 
 yet  ounht  we  uot  to  revenge  ourselves  on  things  that  are  inanimate,  instead  of  the  men  them- 
 selves ;  and  that  he  was  not  in  any  case  for  burning  down  so  vast  a  work  as  that  was,  because 
 this  would  be  a  mischief  to  the  Romans  themselves,  as  it  would  be  an  ornament  to  their 
 government  while  it  continued."  So  Fronio,  and  Alexander,  and  Cerealis,  grew  bold  upon 
 that  declaration,  and  agreed  to  the  opinion  of  Titus.  Then  was  this  assembly  dissolved,  when 
 Titus  had  given  orders  to  the  commanders  that  the  rest  of  their  forces  should  lie  still,  but  that 
 ihey  should  make  use  of  such  as  were  most  courageous  in  this  attack.  So  he  commanded  that 
 the  chosen  men  that  were  taken  out  of  the  cohorts  should  make  their  way  through  the  ruius, 
 and  quench  the  fire. 
 
708  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 4.  Now  it  is  true,  that  on  this  day  tlie  Jews  were  so  weary,  and  under  such  consternation, 
 tliat  they  refrained  from  any  atlacks.  But  on  the  next  day  they  gathered  their  whole  force 
 together,  and  raa  upon  those  that  guarded  the  outward  court  of  the  temple  very  boldly, 
 through  the  east-gate,  and  this  about  the  second  hour  of  the  day.  These  guards  received  that 
 their  attack  with  great  bravery,  and  by  covering  themselves  with  their  shields  before,  as  if  it 
 were  wilh  a  wall,  they  drew  their  squadron  close  together  ;  yet  it  was  evident  that  they  could 
 not  abide  there  very  long,  but  would  be  overborne  by  the  multitude  of  those  that  sallied  out 
 upon  them,  and  by  the  heat  of  their  passion.  However,  Caesar  seeing,  from  the  tower  of 
 Antonia,  that  this  squadron  was  likely  to  give  way,  he  sent  some  chosen  horsemen  to  support 
 theiB.  Hereupon  the  Jews  found  themselves  not  able  to  sustain  their  onset,  and  upon  the 
 slaughter  of  those  in  the  fore-front,  many  of  the  rest  were  put  to  flight.  But  as  the  Romans 
 were  going  off,  the  Jews  turned  back  upon  them,  and  fought  them  ;  and  as  those  Romans  came 
 back  upon  them,  they  retreated  again,  nnlil  about  the  fifth  hour  of  the  day  they  were  over- 
 bore, and  shut  themselves  up  in  the  inner  [court  of  the]  temple. 
 
 5.  So  Titus  retired  into  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  resolved  to  storm  the  temple  the  next 
 day,  early  in  the  morning,  with  his  whole  army,  and  to  encamp  round  about  the  holy  house. 
 But  as  for  that  house,  God  had,  for  certain,  long  ago  doomed  it  to  the  fire  ;  and  now  that  fatal 
 day  was  come,  according  to  the  revolution  of  ages,  it  was  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  Lous, 
 [Ab,]  upon  which  it  was  formerly  burnt  by  the  king  of  Babylon  ;  although  these  flames  took 
 their  rise  from  the  Jews  themselves,  and  were  occasioned  by  them:  for  upon  Titus'  retiring, 
 the  seditious  lay  still  for  a  little  while,  and  then  attacked  the  Romans  again,  when  those  that 
 guarded  the  holy  house  fought  with  those  that  quenched  the  fire  that  was  burning  the  inner 
 [court  of  the]  temple ;  but  these  Romans  put  the  Jews  to  flight,  and  proceeded  as  far  as  the 
 holy  house  itself.  At  which  time  one  of  the  soldiers,  without  staying  for  any  orders,  and  with- 
 out any  concern  or  dread  upon  him  at  so  great  an  undertaking,  and  being  hurried  only  by  a 
 certain  divine  fury,  snatched  somewhat  out  of  the  materials  that  were  on  fire,  and  being  lifted 
 up  by  another  soldier,  he  set  (ire  to  a  golden  window,  through  which  there  was  a  passage  to 
 the  rooms  that  were  round  about  the  holy  house,  on  the  north  side  of  it.  As  the  flames  went 
 upward,  the  Jews  made  a  great  clamour,  such  as  so  mighty  an  affliction  required,  and  ran 
 together  to  prevent  it ;  and  now  they  spared  not  their  lives  any  longer,  nor  sufl'ered  any  thing 
 to  restrain  their  force,  since  that  holy  house  was  perishing,  for  whose  sake  it  was  that  they 
 kept  such  a  guard  about  it. 
 
 6.  And  now  a  certain  person  came  running  to  Titus,  and  told  him  of  this  fire,  as  he  was 
 resting  himself  in  his  tent,  after  the  last  battle  :  whereupon  he  rose  up  in  great  haste,  and, 
 as  he  was,  ran  to  the  holy  house  in  order  to  have  a  stop  put  to  the  fire  ;  after  him  followed  all 
 his  commanders,  and  after  them  followed  the  several  legions  in  great  astonishment :  so  there 
 was  a  great  clamour  and  tumult  raised,  as  was  natural  upon  the  disorderly  motion  of  so  great 
 an  army.  Then  did  Cassar,  both  by  calling  to  the  soldiers  that  were  fighting,  with  a  loud 
 voice,  and  by  giving  a  signal  to  them  with  his  right  hand,  ordered  them  to  quench  the  fire. 
 But  they  did  not  hear  what  he  said,  though  he  spake  so  loud,  having  their  ears  already  dinned 
 by  a  great  noise  another  way  :  nor  did  they  attend  to  the  sigual  he  made  with  his  hand  neither, 
 as  still  some  of  them  were  distracted  with  fighting,  and  others  with  passion.  But  as  for  the 
 legions  that  came  running  thither,  neither  any  persuasions  nor  any  threatenings  could  restrain 
 their  violence,  but  each  one's  own  passion  was  his  commander  at  this  time  ;  and  as  they  were 
 crowding  into  the  temple  together,  many  of  them  were  trampled  on  by  one  another,  while  a 
 great  number  fell  among  the  ruins  of  the  cloisters,  which  were  still  hot  and  smoking,  and 
 were  destroyed  in  the  same  miserable  way  with  those  whom  they  had  conquered  :  and  when 
 they  were  come  near  the  holy  house,  they  made  as  if  they  did  not  so  much  as  hear  Caesar's 
 orders  to  the  contrary,  but  they  encouraged  those  that  were  before  them  to  set  it  on  fire.  As 
 for  the  seditions,  they  were  in  too  great  distress  already  to  afford  their  assistance  [towards 
 quenching  the  fire  :]  they  were  every  where  slain,  and  every  where  beaten  ;  and  as  for  a  great 
 part  of  the  people,  they  were  weak  and  without  arms,  and  had  their  throats  cut  wherever  they 
 were  caught.  Now,  round  about  the  altar  lay  dead  bodies  heaped  upon  one  another,  as  at  the 
 steps  going  up  to  it  ran  a  great  quantity  of  their  blood,*  whither  also  the  dead  bodies  that 
 were  slain  above  [on  the  altar]  fell  down. 
 
 7.  And  now,  since  Caesar  was  no  way  able  to  restrain  the  enthusiastic  fury  of  the  soldiers, 
 and  the  fire  proceeded  on  more  and  more,  he  went  into  the  holy  place  of  the  temple,  with 
 his  commanders,  and  saw  it,  with  what  was  in  it,  which  he  found  to  be  far  superior  to  what 
 the  relations  of  foreigners  contained,  and  not  inferior  to  what  we  ourselves  boasted  of,  and 
 believed  about  it.  But  as  the  flame  had  not  as  yet  reached  to  its  inward  parts,  but  was  still 
 consuming  the  rooms  that  were  about  the  holy  house,  and  Titus,  supposing  what  the  fact  was, 
 that  the  house  itself  might  yet  be  saved,  he  came  in  haste,  and  endeavoured   to  persuade  the 
 
 *  These  stepa  to  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  seem  here  either  an  improper  and  inaccurate  expression  of  .lose- 
 phus,  since  it  was  unlawful  to  inalie  ladder  steps  (see  description  of  the  temple,  chap.  xiii.  iind  note  on  Anliu. 
 
 J\  j'l'''  ^  "'■  ^  ^' ''  ''^  '''*^  those  steps  or  stairs  now  in  use,  were  invented  in  the  days  of  Herod  t'.e  Great, 
 and  hod  been  here  built  by  him  ;  though  the  later  Tews  always  deny  it,  and  say  that  even  Herod's  altar  was 
 ascended  to  by  au  acclivity  only. 
 
BOOK    VI.  — CHAP.    V.  709 
 
 soldiers  to  quench  the  fire,  and  gave  order  to  Liberalius  the  centiiriou,  and  one  of  those  spear- 
 men that  were  about  him,  to  beat  the  soldiers  that  were  refractory  with  their  staves,  and  to 
 restrain  them  ;  jet  were  their  passions  too  hard  for  the  regards  they  had  for  Cicsar,  and  the 
 dread  they  had  of  him  who  forbade  them,  as  was  their  hatred  of  the  Jews,  and  a  certain  vehe- 
 ment inclination  to  li;;ht  them,  too  hard  for  them  also,  ftloreover,  the  hope  of  plunder  induced 
 many  to  go  on,  as  liaving  lliis  opinion,  that  all  the  places  within  were  full  of  money,  and  as 
 seeing  that  all  round  about  it  was  made  of  gold.  And  besides,  one  of  those  that  went  into  the 
 place  prevented  Ca-sar,  when  he  ran  so  hastily  out  to  restrain  the  soldiers,  and  threw  the  fire 
 upon  the  hinges  of  the  ^ate,  in  the  dark. ;  whereby  the  llame  burst  out  from  within  the  holy 
 house  itself  immediately,  when  the  commanders  retired,  and  Ca;sar  with  them,  and  wheu 
 nobody  any  lon^fT  forbade  those  that  were  without  to  set  fire  to  it.  And  thus  was  the  holy 
 liunse  burnt  down,  without  Cesar's  approbation. 
 
 8.  Now,  although  any  one  would  justly  lament  the  destruction  of  such  a  work  as  this  was, 
 siuce  it  was  tlie  most  admirable  of  all  the  works  that  we  have  seen,  or  heard  of,  both  for  its 
 curious  structure  and  ils  magnitude,  and  also  for  the  vast  wealth  bestowed  upon  it,  as  well  as 
 for  the  glorious  reputation  it  liad  for  its  holiness ;  yet  might  such  a  one  comfort  himself  with 
 this  thought,  that  it  was  fate  that  decreed  it  so  to  be,  which  is  inevitable,  both  as  to  living- 
 creatures,  and  as  to  works  and  places  also.  However,  one  cannot  but  wonder  at  the  accu- 
 racy of  this  period  thereto  relating  ;  for  the  same  month  and  day  were  now  observed,  as  I  said 
 before,  wherein  the  holy  house  was  burnt  formerly  by  the  Babylonians.  Now  the  number  of 
 years  that  passed  from  its  first  foundation,  which  was  laid  by  king  Solomon,  till  this  its 
 destruction,  which  happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian,  are  collected  to  be 
 one  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty,  besides  seven  months  and  fifteen  days ;  and  from  the 
 second  building  of  it  which  was  done  by  Haggai,  in  the  second  year  of  Cyrus  the  king,  till  its 
 destruction  under  Vespasian,  there  were  six  hundred  thirty-uine  years  and  forty-five  days. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 The  great  Distress  the  Jews  were  in  upon  the  Conflagration  of  the  holy  House.     Concerning  a 
 false  Prophet,  and  the  Signs  that  preceded  this  Destruction, 
 
 §  1.  While  the  honse  was  on  fire,  every  thing  was  plundered  that  came  to  hand,  and  ten 
 thousand  of  those  that  were  caught  were  slain:  nor  was  there  a  commiseration  of  any  age,  or 
 any  reverence  of  gravity  ;  but  children,  and  old  men,  and  profane  persons,  and  priests,  were 
 all  slain  in  the  same  manner  ;  so  that  this  war  went  round  all  sorts  of  men,  and  brought  them 
 to  destruction,  and  as  well  those  that  made  supplication  for  their  lives,  as  those  that  defended 
 themselves  by  fighting.  The  ilame  was  also  carried  a  long  way,  and  made  an  eclio,  together 
 with  the  groans  of  those  that  were  slain  ;  and  because  this  hill  was  high,  and  the  works  at  the 
 temple  were  very  great,  one  would  have  thought  the  whole  city  had  been  on  fire.  Nor  can  one 
 imagiue  any  thing  either  greater  or  more  terrible  than  this  noise  ;  for  ll.ere  was  at  once  a 
 shout  of  the  Roman  legions,  who  were  marching  all  together,  and  a  sad  clamour  of  tiie  sedi- 
 tious, who  were  now  surrounded  with  fire  and  sword.  The  people  also  tliat  were  left  above 
 were  beaten  back  uj)on  the  enemy,  and  under  a  great  consternation,  and  made  sad  moans  at 
 the  calamity  they  were  under  ;  the  multitude  also  that  was  in  the  city  joined  in  this  outcry  with 
 those  that  were  upon  the  hill.  And  besides,  many  of  those  that  were  worn  away  by  the 
 famine,  and  their  mouths  almost  closed,  when  they  saw  the  fire  of  the  holy  house,  they  exerted 
 their  utmost  strength,  and  brake  out  into  groans  and  outcries  again  ;  Perea*  did  also  return 
 the  echo,  as  well  as  the  mountains  round  about  the  [city,]  and  augmented  the  force  of  the 
 entire  noise.  Yet  was  the  misery  itself  more  terrible  than  this  disorder  ;  for  one  would  have 
 thought  that  the  hill  itself,  on  which  the  temple  stood,  was  seething  hot,  as  full  of  fire  on  every 
 part  of  it,  that  the  blood  was  larger  in  quantity  tiian  the  fire,  and  those  that  were  slain  more  in 
 number  than  those  that  slew  them:  for  the  ground  did  no  where  appear  visible,  for  the  dead 
 bodies  that  lay  on  it,  but  the  soldiers  went  over  heaps  of  those  bodies,  as  they  ran  upon  such 
 as  (led  from  them.  And  now  it  was  that  the  multitude  of  the  robbers  were  thrust  out  [of  the 
 inner  court  of  the  temple]  by  the  Romans,  and  had  much  ado  to  get  into  the  outward  court, 
 and  from  thence  into  the  city,  while  the  remainder  of  the  populace  fled  into  the  cloister  of  that 
 outer  court.  As  for  the  priests,  some  of  them  plu-oked  up  from  the  holy  house  the  spikes  t  that 
 were  upon  it,  with  their  bases,  which  were  made  of  lead,  and  shot  them  at  the  Romans  instead 
 of  darts.  But  then,  as  they  gained  nothing  by  so  doing,  and  as  the  fire  burst  out  upon  them, 
 they  retired  to  the  wall,  that  was  eight  cubits  broad,  and  there  they  tarried  ;  yet  did  two  of 
 these  of  eminence   among  them,  who  might  Lave  saved  themselves   by   going  over  to   the 
 
 •  This  Perea,  if  the  word  he  not  mistaken  in  the  copies,  cannot  well  he  that  Pcrca  which  was  beyond  Jor- 
 dan, wljose  raounlains  were  at  a  considerable  distance  from  Jordan,  and  much  too  remote  from  Jerusalem  to 
 Join  in  this  echo  at  the  coiiflagratiou  of  the  temple  ;  but  Perea  must  be  rather  some  mountain  beyond  the  hrook 
 Cedron,  or  was  the  Mount  of  Olives,  or  some  others  about  such  a  distance  from  Jerusalem  ;  which  observatioa 
 is  so  obvious,  that  it  is  a  wonder  our  commentators  here  take  no  notice  of  it. 
 
 t  I'cland  1  think  here  iudi;es  well,  when  he  ititeri)rets  these  spikes  (of  those  that  stood  on  the  top  of  the  hot/ 
 hou«e)  with  sharp  points :  they  were  fixed  into  lead,  to  prevent  the  birds  from  siltini?  there,  and  defiling  the 
 holy  honse  ;  for  such  spikes  there  were  now  upou  it,  as  Joscplius  himself  hath  already  assured  us,  book  v. 
 chap.  V.  5  ti. 
 
710  WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 
 
 Ramans,  or  Lave  borne  up  with  courage,  and  taken  tlieir  fortune  with  others,  throw  themselves 
 into  the  fire,  and  were  burnt,  together  with  the  holy  house ;  their  names  were  Meirus  the  son 
 of  Belgas,  and  Joseph  the  son  of  Daleus. 
 
 2.  And  now  the  Romans,  judging  that  it  was  in  vain  to  spare  what  was  round  f.bout  the 
 holy  house,  burnt  all  those  places,  as  also  the  remains  of  the  cloisters  and  the  gates,  two 
 excepted;  the  one  on  the  east  side,  and  the  other  on  the  south;  both  which,  however,  they 
 burnt  afterward.  They  also  burnt  down  the  treasury  chambers,  in  which  was  an  immense 
 quantity  of  money,  and  an  immense  number  of  garments,  and  other  precious  goods  there  repo- 
 sited  ;  and,  to  speak  all  in  a  few  words,  there  it  was  that  th<e  entire  riches  of  the  Jews  were 
 heaped  up  together,  while  the  rich  people  had  there  built  themselves  chambers  [to  contain 
 such  furniture.]  The  soldiers  also  came  to  the  rest  of  the  cloisters  that  were  in  the  outer 
 [court  of  the]  temple,  whither  the  women,  and  children,  and  a  great  mixed  multitude  of  the 
 people  Hed,  in  number  about  six  thousand.  But  before  Caesar  had  determined  anything  about 
 these  people,  or  given  the  commanders  any  orders  relating  to  them,  the  soldiers  were  in  such 
 a  lage,  that  they  set  that  cloister  on  fire  ;  by  which  means  it  came  to  pass,  that  some  of  these 
 were  destroyed  by  throwing  themselves  down  headlong,  and  some  were  burnt  in  the  cloisters 
 themselves.  Nor  did  any  one  of  them  escape  with  his  life.  A  false  prophet  was  the  occasion 
 of  these  people's  destruction,*  who  had  made  a  public  proclamation  in  the  city  that  very  day, 
 that  "  God  commanded  them  to  get  up  upon  the  temple,  and  that  there  the3'  should  receive 
 miraculous  signs  for  their  deliverance,"  Now,  there  was  then  a  great  number  of  false  pro- 
 phets suborned  by  the  tyrants  to  impose  on  the  people,  who  denounced  this  to  them,  that  they 
 should  wait  for  deliverance  from  God;  and  this  was  in  order  to  keep  them  from  deserting,  and 
 that  they  might  be  buoyed  up  above  fear  and  care  by  such  hopes.  Now,  a  man  that  is  in 
 adversity  does  easily  comply  with  such  promises;  for,  when  such  a  seducer  makes  him  believe 
 that  he  shall  be  delivered  from  those  miseries  which  oppress  him,  then  it  is  that  the  patient  is 
 full  of  hopes  of  such  his  deliverance. 
 
 3.  Thus  were  the  miserable  people  persuaded  by  these  deceivers,  and  such  as  belied  God 
 himself;  while  they  did  not  attend,  nor  give  credit  to  the  signs  that  were  so  evident,  and  did 
 so  plainly  foretell  their  future  desolation,  but  like  men  infatuated,  without  either  eyes  to  see,  or 
 mind  to  consider,  did  not  regard  the  denunciations  that  God  made  to  them.  Thus  there  was 
 a  start  resembling  a  sword,  which  stood  over  the  city,  and  a  comet  +  that  continued  a  whole 
 year.  Thus  also  before  the  Jews'  rebellion,  and  before  those  commotions  which  preceded  the 
 war,  when  the  people  were  come  in  great  crowds  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  on  the 
 eighth  day  of  the  month  Xanthicus,:!:  [Nisan,]  and  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the  night,  so  great  a 
 light  shone  round  the  altar  and  the  holy  house,  that  it  appeared  to  be  bright  day-time  ;  which 
 light  lasted  for  half  an  hour.  This  light  seemed  to  be  a  good  sign  to  the  unskilful,  but  was  so 
 interpreted  by  the  sacred  scribes,  as  to  portend  those  events  that  followed  immediately  upon 
 it.  At  the  same  festival  also,  an  heifer,  as  she  was  led  by  the  high  priest  to  be  sacrificed, 
 brought  fourth  a  lamb  in  the  midst  of  the  temple.  iMoreover  the  eastern  gate  of  the  inner 
 [court  of  the]  temple,  which  was  of  brass,  and  vastly  heavy,  and  had  been  witli  difficulty  shut 
 by  twenty  men,  and  rested  upon  a  basis  armed  with  iron,  and  had  bolts  fastened  very  deep 
 into  the  firm  tloor,  which  was  there  made  of  one  entire  stone,  was  seen  to  be  opened  of  its  own 
 accord  about  the  sixth  hour  of  the  night.  Noiv,  those  that  kept  watch  in  the  temple  came 
 hereiipou  running  to  the  captain  of  the  temple,  and  told  him  of  it ;  who  then  came  up  thither, 
 and,  not  without  great  difticulty,  was  able  to  shut  the  gate  again.  This  also  appeared  to  (he 
 vulgar  to  be  a  very  happy  prodigy,  as  if  God  did  thereby  o])en  the  gale  of  hapjiiness.  But  the 
 men  of  learning  understood  it,  that  the  security  of  their  holy  house  was  dissolved  of  its  own 
 accord,  and  that  the  gate  was  opened  for  the  advantage  of  their  enemies.  So  these  publicly 
 declared,  that  the  signal  foreshewed  the  desolation  that  was  coming  upon  them.  Besides 
 these,  a  few  days  after  that  feast,  on  the  one  and  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Arteraisios,  [Jyar,] 
 a  certain  prodigious  and  incredible  phenomenon  appeared  :  I  suppose  the  account  of  it  would 
 *eem  to  be  a  fable,  were  it  not  related  by  those  that  saw  it,  and  were  not  the  events  that  fol- 
 lowed it  of  so  considerable  a  nature  as  to  deserve  such  signals  ,  for,  before  sun-setting, 
 chariots  and  troops  of  soldiers  in  their  armour  were  seen  running  about  among  the  clouds,  and 
 surrounding  of  cities.  Moreover,  at  that  feast  which  we  call  Pentecost,  as  the  priests  were 
 going  by  night  into  the  inner  [court  of  the]  temple, §  as  their  custom  was,  to  perform  their 
 sacred  ministrations,  they  said,  that  in  the  first  place  they  felt  a  quaking,  and  heard  a  great 
 noise,  and  after  that  they  heard  a  sound  as  of  a  multitude,  saying,  "  Let  us  remove  hence." 
 But,  what  is  still  more  terrible,  there  was  one  Jesus  the  son  of  Ananus,  a  plebeian,  and  an  hus- 
 
 *  Reland  here  justly  tates  notice  that  those  Jews,  who  had  despised  the  true  Prophet,  were  deservedly  abused 
 and  deluded  by  these  false  ones. 
 
 +  NVhelher  .losephus  means  that  this  star  was  diSferent  from  that  comet  which  lasted  a  whole  year,  I  cannot 
 certomly  determioe.    His  words  most  favour  their  being  different  one  from  another. 
 
 i  Since  Josephus  still  uses  the  Syro-iMacedonian  month  Xanthleus  for  the  .Jewish  month  "Nisan,  this  8th,  or 
 aa  Nicephorus  reads  it,  this  yih  of  Xanthicus  or  Nisan  was  almost  a  weelc  before  the  Passover  on  the  Hth  : 
 about  which  time  we  Itarn  from  St.  John  that  many  used  to  bo  "  out  of  the  country  to  Jerusalem  to  purify 
 ineraselTes,  John  xi.  55.  with  xii.  1.  iu  agreement  with  Josephus  also,  book  v.  chap.  iii.  §  1.  And  it  might 
 well  be,  that  in  the  sight  of  these  this  extraordinary  light  might  appear. 
 
 *,  Thi,  here  seems  to  be  the  court  of  the  priests. 
 
BOOK  VI. — CHAP.  VI.  711 
 
 onndman,  who,  four  years  before  tlie  war  began,  aud  at  a  time  when  the  city  was  in  very  great 
 peace  and  prosperity,  came  to  thai  feast  whereon  it  is  our  custom  for  every  one  to  make  taber- 
 nticles  to  God  in  the  temple,*  beoan  on  a  sudden  to  cry  aloud,  "  A  voice  from  the  east,  a  voice 
 from  tlie  west,  a  voice  from  llie  four  winds,  a  voice  ag'ainst  Jerusalem  and  the  holy  house,  a 
 voice  against  the  bridegrooms  and  ihe  brides,  and  a  voice  against  the  whole  people  !"  This 
 was  i)is  cry,  as  he  went  about  by  day  and  by  night,  in  all  the  lanes  of  tlie  city.  Howeier, 
 certain  of  the  most  eminent  among  the  populace  liad  great  indignation  at  this  dire  cry  of  his, 
 and  took  u|)  the  man,  and  gave  him  a  great  number  of  severe  stripes:  yet  did  not  he  either 
 s:iy  any  thing  for  himself,  or  any  thing  peculiar  to  those  that  chastised  him,  hut  still  went  on 
 with  the  same  words  which  lie  cried  before.  Hereupon  our  rulers,  supposing,  as  the  case 
 proved  to  be,  that  this  was  a  sort  of  divine  fury  in  the  man,  brought  him  to  the  Roman  pro- 
 curator; where  he  was  whipped  till  iiis  bones  were  laid  h^ire  ;  yet  did  not  he  make  any  sup- 
 plication for  himself,  nor  shed  any  tears,  hut  turning  his  voice  to  tlie  most  lamentable  lone 
 possible,  at  every  stroke  of  the  whip  his  answer  was,  "  V>  o,  wo  to  Jerusalem  !"  And  when 
 Albiniis  (for  he  was  then  our  procurator)  asked  him,  "  Who  he  was?  and  v/hence  he  came? 
 and  why  he  uttered  such  words?  he  made  no  manner  of  reply  to  what  he  said,  but  still  did 
 not  leave  off  his  melancholy  ditty,  till  Albinos  took  him  to  be  a  madman,  and  dismissed  him. 
 Now,  during  all  the  time  that  passed  before  the  war  began,  this  man  did  not  go  near  any  of  tiie 
 citizens,  nor  was  seen  by  thoni  while  he  said  so  ;  but  he  every  day  uttered  these  lamentable 
 words,  as  if  it  were  his  |)remeditated  vow,  "  Wo,  wo  to  Jerusalem  !"  Nor  did  he  give  ill  words 
 to  any  of  those  that  beat  him  everyday,  nor  good  words  to  those  that  gave  him  food;  but 
 this  was  his  reply  to  all  men,  and  indeed  no  other  than  a  melancholy  presage  of  what  was  to 
 come.  This  cry  of  his  was  the  loudesi  at  the  festivals  ;  and  he  continued  this  ditty  for  seven 
 years  and  five  months,  without  growing  hoarse,  or  being  tired  therewith,  until  the  very  time 
 that  he  saw  his  presage  in  earnest  fulfilled  in  our  siege,  when  it  ceased  ;  for,  as  he  was  going 
 round  upon  the  wall,  he  cried  out  with  his  utmost  force,  "  Wo,  wo  to  the  city  again,  and  to 
 the  people,  and  to  the  holy  house  1"  And  just  as  he  added  at  the  last,  "  Wo,  wo  to  myself 
 also!"  there  came  a  stone  out  of  one  of  the  engines,  and  smote  him,  and  killed  him  imme- 
 diately ;  and  as  he  was  uttering  the  very  same  pres-iges,  he  gave  up  the  ghost. 
 
 4.  Now,  if  any  one  consider  these  things,  he  will  find  that  God  takes  care  of  mankind,  and 
 by  all  ways  possible  foreshows  to  our  race  what  is  for  their  preservation,  but  that  men  perish 
 by  those  miseries  which  they  madly  and  voluntarily  bring  upon  themselves  ;  for  the  Jews,  by 
 demolishing  the  tower  of  Anlonia,  had  made  their  temple  four-square,  while  at  the  same  time 
 they  had  it  written  in  their  sacred  oracles,  that  "  then  should  their  city  be  taken,  as  well  as 
 their  holy  house,  when  once  their  temple  should  become  four-square."  But  now,  what  did 
 the  most  elevate  them  in  undertaking  this  war,  was  an  ambiguous  oracle  that  was  found  also 
 in  their  sacred  writings,  bow  "about  tiiat  time  one  from  their  country  should  become  governor 
 of  the  habitable  earth."  The  Jews  took  this  prediction  to  belong  to  themselves  in  pariicular, 
 and  many  of  the  wise  men  were  thereby  deceived  iu  their  determination.  Now,  this  oracle 
 certainly  denoted  the  government  of  Vespasian,  who  was  appointed  emperor  in  Judea.  How- 
 ever, it  is  not  possible  for  men  to  avoid  fate,  although  they  see  it  beforeliand.  But  these  men 
 interpreted  some  of  these  signals  according  to  their  own  pleasure,  and  some  of  them  they 
 utterly  despised,  until  their  madness  was  demonstrated,  both  by  the  taking  of  their  city, 
 and  their  own  destruction. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 How  the  Romans  curried  their  Ensigns  to  the  Temple,  and  made  joyful  Acclamations  to  Titus. 
 The  Speech  that  Titus  made  to  lite  Jews  uhen  they  made  Application  for  Mercy.  WItat 
 Reply  they  made  (hereto  ;  and  hoiv  that  Reply  moved  Titus^s  Indignation  against  them. 
 
 §  1.  And  now  the  Romans,  upon  the  (light  of  the  seditious  into  the  city,  and  upon  the  burning 
 of  the  holy  house  itself  and  of  all  the  buildings  round  about  it,  brought  their  ensigns  to  the 
 temple,!  and  set  them  over  against  its  eastern  gate  ;  and  there  did  they  ofler  sacrifices  to 
 them,  and  there  did  they  make  Titus  Imperator,|  with  the  greatest  acclamations  of  joy.  And 
 now  all  the  soldiers  had  such  vast  quantities  of  the  spoils  which  they  had  gotten  by  plunder, 
 that  in  Syria  a  pound  weight  of  gold  was   sold  for  half  its  former  value.     But  as  for  those 
 
 ♦  Both  Reland  and  Ilavercamp  in  this  place  alter  the  natural  punctuation  and  sense  of  .Tosephus,  and  this 
 contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Valesius  and  Dr.  Iludbon,  lest  Josephus  should  say  that  the  Jews  built  booths  or 
 tents  within  the  temple  at  the  feast  of  tabernacles ;  which  the  latter  rabbins  will  not  allow  to  have  licen 
 the  ancient  practice;  but  then,  since  it  is  expressly  told  us  in  Nfhemiah,  chap.  viii.  16.  that  in  still  elder 
 times  "  the  Jews  made  booths  in  the  courts  of  the  house  of  (Jod"  at  that  festival,  Josephus  may  well  be 
 permitted  to  say  the  same.  And  indeed  the  modern  rabbins  are  of  very  small  authority  in  all  such  matters  of 
 remote  antiquity. 
 
 t  Take  Havercamp's  note  here,  "  'I'his  (says  ho)  is  a  remarkable  place  :"  and  TortuUian  truly  says  in  his 
 Apolegetic,  chap.  xvi.  p.  102,  that  "  the  entire  religion  of  the  Komaii  camp  almost  consisted  in  worshipping 
 the  ensigos,  in  swearing  by  the  ensigns,  and  in  preferring  the  ensigns  before  all  the  [other]  gods."  See  what 
 Ilavercamp  says  upon  that  i)lace  of  lertulliau. 
 
 t  This  declaring  Titus  Iniperator  by  the  soldiers,  upon  such  signal  success,  aud  the  slaughter  of  such  a 
 vast  number  of  eQemit;s,  was  accordiui;  to  the  usual  practice  of  the  tlomsDS  iu  likti  aniOi.  n&  Keland  assurer 
 us  on  this  place. 
 
712  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 priests  that  kept  themselves  still  upon  the  wall  of  tiie  holj  house,*  there  was  a  hov  that,  ont 
 of  the  thirst  he  was  in,  desired  some  of  the  Roman  guards  to  give  him  their  ri^hi  hand  as  a 
 security  for  his  life,  and  confessed  he  was  very  thirsty.  Tliese  i;uards  commiserated  his  age, 
 and  the  distress  he  was  in,  and  gave  him  their  right  hands  accordingly.  So  he  came  down 
 himself,  and  drank  some  water,  and  filled  the  vessel  he  had  with  him  when  he  came  to  thern 
 with  water,  and  then  went  off,  and  fled  away  to  his  own  friends ;  nor  could  any  of  those  guards 
 overtake  him;  but  stdl  they  reproached  him  for  his  perfidionsness.  To  which  he  made  this 
 answer;  "  I  have  not  broken  the  agreement;  for  the  security  I  had  given  me  was  not  in  order 
 to  my  staying  with  you,  but  only  in  order  to  my  coming  down  safely,  and  taking  up  some 
 water  ;  both  which  things  I  have  performed,  and  thereupon  think  myself  to  have  been  faithful 
 to  my  engagement."  Hereupon  those  whom  the  child  had  imposed  upon  admired  at  his  cun- 
 ning, and  tiiat  on  account  of  his  age.  On  the  fifih  day  afterward,  the  priests  that  were  pined 
 with  the  famine  carae  down,  and  when  they  were  brought  to  Titus  by  the  guards,  they  begged 
 for  their  lives:  but  he  replied.  That  "  the  time  of  pardon  was  over  as  to  them,  and  that  this 
 very  holy  house,  on  whose  account  only  they  could  justly  hope  to  be  preserved,  was  destroyed, 
 and  that  it  was  agreeable  to  their  office,  that  priests  should  perish  with  the  house  itself  to  which 
 they  belonged.'"     So  he  ordered  them  to  he  put  to  death. 
 
 2.  But  as  for  the  tyrants  themselves,  and  those  that  were  with  them,  when  they  found  that 
 they  were  encompassed  on  every  side,  and,  as  it  were,  walled  round,  without  any  method  of 
 escaping,  they  desired  to  treat  with  Titus  by  w.ird  of  mouth.  Accordingly,  such  was  the 
 kindness  of  his  natnre,  and  his  desire  of  preserving  the  city  from  destruction,  joined  to  tire 
 idvice  of  his  friends,  who  now  thought  the  robbers  were  come  to  a  temper,  that  he  placed 
 himself  on  (he  western  side  of  the  outer  [court  of  the]  temple  ;  for  there  were  gates  on 
 that  side  above  the  Xystus,  and  a  bridge  that  connected  the  upper  city  to  the  temple.  This 
 bridge  it  was  that  lay  betv/een  the  tyrants  and  Cjcsar,  and  parted  them  ;  while  the  multitude 
 stood  on  each  side,  those  of  the  Jewish  nation  about  Simon  and  John,  with  great  hopes  of  par- 
 don,  and  the  Romans  about  Cajsar,  in  great  expectation  how  Titus  would  receive  their  sup- 
 plication. So  Titus  charged  his  soldiers  to  restrain  their  rage,  and  to  let  their  darts  alone,  and 
 appointed  an  interpreter  between  them,  which  was  a  sign  that  he  was  the  conqueror,  and  lirst 
 began  the  discourse,  and  said,  "I  hope  you,  Sirs,  are  now  satiated  with  the  miseries  ofyoor 
 country,  who  have  not  had  any  just  notions,  either  of  our  great  power,  or  of  your  own  great 
 weakness,  but  have  like  madmen,  after  a  violent  and  inconsiderate  manner,  made  such  attempts 
 as  have  brought  your  people,  your  city,  and  your  holy  house,  to  destruction.  You  have  been 
 the  men  that  have  never  left  off  rebelling  since  Pompey  first  conquered  you  ;  and  have,  since 
 that  time,  made  open  war  with  the  Romans,  Have  you  depended  on  your  multitude,  while  a 
 very  small  part  of  the  Roman  soldiery  have  been  strong  enough  for  you?  Have  you  relied  on 
 the  fidelity  of  your  confederates?  And  what  nations  are  there,  out  of  the  limits  of  our  dominion, 
 that  would  choose  to  assist  the  Jews  before  the  Romans?  Are  your  bodies  stronger  than  ours  ? 
 Way,  you  know  that  the  [strong]  Germans  themselves  are  our  servants.  Have  you  stronger  walls 
 than  we  have?  Pray,  what  greater  obstacle  is  there  than  the  wall  of  the  ocean,  with  which  tlie 
 Britons  are  encompassed,  and  yet  do  adore  the  arms  of  the  Romans?  Do  you  exceed  us  in 
 courage  of  soul,  and  in  the  sagacity  of  your  commanders  .''  Nay,  indeed,  you  cannot  but  know 
 that  the  very  Carthaginians  have  been  conquered  by  us.  It  can  therefore  be  nothing  certainly 
 but  kindness  of  us  Romans  which  hath  excited  you  against  us.  Who,  in  the  first  place,  have 
 given  you  this  land  to  possess  ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  have  set  over  you  kings  of  your  own 
 nation  ;  and,  in  the  third  place,  have  preserved  the  laws  of  your  forefathers  to  you,  and  have 
 withal  permitted  you  to  live,  either  by  yourselves  or  among  others,  as  it  should  please  you  ? 
 :ind,  what  is  our  chief  favour  of  all,  we  have  given  you  leave  to  gather  up  that  tribute  which 
 IS  paid  to  God.t  with  such  other  gifts  that  are  dedicated  to  him  ;  nor  have  we  called  those 
 that  carried  these  donations  to  account,  nor  prohibited  them  ;  till  at  length  you  became  richer 
 than  we  ourselves,  even  when  you  were  our  enemies  ;  and  you  made  preparations  for  war 
 against  us  with  our  own  money  ;  nay  after  all,  when  you  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  these 
 advantages,  you  turned  your  too  great  plenty  against  those  that  gave  it  you,  and,  like  merci- 
 less serpents,  have  thrown  out  your  poison  against  those  that  treated  you  kindly.  I  suppose, 
 therefore,  that  you  might  despise  the  slothfulness  of  Nero,  and,  like  limbs  of  the  body  that  are 
 broken  or  dislocated,  you  did  then  lie  quiet,  waiting  for  some  other  time,  though  still  with  a 
 nialicious  intention,  and  have  now  shewn  your  distemper  to  be  greater  than  ever,  and  have 
 extended  your  desires  as  far  as  your  impudent  and  immense  hopes  would  enable  you  to  do  it. 
 At  this  time  my  father  came  into  this  country,  not  with  a  design  to  punish  you  for  what  yoa 
 had  done  under  Cestius,  but  to  admonish  you  ;  for,  had  he  come  to  overthrow  your  nation,  he 
 had  run  directly  to  your  fountain-head,  and  had  immediately  laid  this  city  waste  ;  whereas,  he 
 went  and  burnt  Galilee  and  the  neighbouring  parts,  and  thereby  gave  you  time  for  repentance : 
 
 *  'the  .lews  of  later  times  agree  with  Josephns,  that  there  were  hiding  places  or  secret  chambers  about 
 the  holy  house,  as  Reland  here  informs  us,  where  he  thinks  he  has  fouDd  these  very  walls  described  by 
 them. 
 
 +  Spanheim  notes  here,  that  the  Romans  nsed  to  permit  the  Jews  to  collect  their  sacred  tribute,  and  seud  it 
 to  Jerusalem  :  of  which  we  have  had  abundant  evidence  iu  Josephus  already  ou  other  occasions. 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.    VII.  713 
 
 which  instance  of  bomanity  yoa  took  for  an  argament  of  his  weakness,  and  noarished  up 
 your  inipiidenco  by  our  mildness.  When  Nern  was  gone  out  of  the  world,  you  did  as  the 
 wickedest  wretches  would  have  done,  and  encouraged  yourselves  to  act  against  us  by  our 
 civil  dissensions,  and  abused  that  time,  when  both  I  and  ray  father  were  gone  away  for 
 Egypt  to  make  preparations  for  this  war.  Nor  were  you  ashamed  to  raise  disturbances 
 against  us  when  we  were  made  emperors,  and  this  while  yoa  had  experienced  how  mild  we 
 had  been,  when  we  were  no  more  than  generals  of  the  array.  But  when  the  government 
 was  devolved  upon  us,  and  all  other  people  did  thereupon  lie  quiet,  and  even  foreign  nations 
 sent  embassies,  and  congratulated  our  access  to  the  government,  then  did  you  Jews  shew 
 yourselves  to  be  our  enemies.  You  sent  embassies  to  those  of  your  nation  that  are  beyond 
 Euphrates,  to  assist  you  in  your  raising  disturbances  :  new  walls  were  built  by  you  round 
 your  ciiy,  sedition  arose,  and  one  tyrant  contended  against  another,  and  a  civil  war  broke 
 out  among  you  ;  such  indeed  as  became  none  but  so  wicked  a  people  as  you  are.  I  then 
 came  to  this  ciiy,  as  unwillingly  sent  by  my  father,  and  received  melancholy  injunctions  from 
 him.  When  I  heard  that  the  people  were  disposed  to  peace,  I  rejoiced  at  it :  I  exhorted  yoii 
 to  leave  oft' these  proceedings,  before  I  began  this  war:  I  spared  yon  even  when  you  had 
 fought  against  me  a  great  while  :  I  gave  my  right  hand  as  a  security  to  the  deserters  :  I 
 observed  what  I  had  promised  faithfully.  When  they  (led  to  me,  I  had  compassion  on  many 
 of  those  that  I  had  taken  captive  :  I  tortured  those  that  were  eager  for  war,  in  order  to  restrain 
 them.  It  was  unwillingly  that  I  brought  my  engines  of  war  against  your  walls  :  I  always  pro- 
 hibited my  soldiers,  when  they  were  set  upon  your  slaughter,  from  their  severity  against  you. 
 After  every  victory  I  persuaded  you  to  peace,  as  though  I  had  been  myself  conquered.  When 
 I  came  near  your  temple,  I  again  departed  from  the  laws  of  war,  and  exhorted  you  to  spare 
 yoirr  own  sanctuarv,  and  to  preserve  your  holy  house  to  yourselves.  I  allowed  yon  a  quiet 
 exit  out  of  it,  and  security  for  your  preservation:  nay,  if  you  had  a  mind,  I  gave  you  leave  to 
 fight  in  another  place.  Yet  have  you  still  despised  every  one  of  my  proposals,  and  have  set 
 fire  to  your  holy  house  with  your  own  hands.  Alid  now,  vile  wretches,  do  you  desire  to  treat 
 with  me  by  word  of  mouth  ?  To  what  purpose  is  it  that  you  would  save  such  a  holy  house 
 as  this  was,  which  is  now  destroyed?  What  preservation  can  you  now  desire,  after  the 
 destruction  of  your  temple  ?  Yet  do  you  stand  still  at  this  very  time  in  your  armour;  nor 
 can  you  bring  yourselves  so  much  as  to  pretend  to  be  supplicants  even  in  this  your  utmost 
 extremity.  O  miserable  creatures!  ^\  hat  is  it  you  depend  on  ?  Are  not  your  people  dead? 
 is  not  your  holy  house  gone  ?  is  not  your  city  in  my  power?  and  are  not  your  own  very  lives 
 in  my  hands?  And  do  you  still  deem  it  a  part  of  valour  to  die?  However,  I  will  not  imi- 
 tate your  madness.  If  you  will  throw  down  yonr  arms,  and  deliver  up  your  bodies  to  me,  I 
 grant  you  your  lives  ;  and  1  will  act  like  a  mild  master  of  a  family  ;  what  cannot  be  healed 
 shall  be  punished,  and  the  rest  I  will  preserve  for  my  own  use." 
 
 3.  To  that  offer  of  Titus  they  made  this  reply,  that  "  they  could  not  accept  of  it,  because 
 they  had  sworn  never  to  do  so,  but  they  desired  they  might  have  leave  to  go  through  the  wall 
 that  had  been  made  about  them,  with  their  wives  and  children  ;  for  that  they  would  go  into 
 the  desert,  and  leave  the  city  to  him."  At  this  Titus  had  great  indignation,  that  when  (hey 
 were  in  the  case  of  men  already  taken  captives,  they  should  pretend  to  make  their  own  terms 
 with  him,  as  if  they  had  been  conquerors.  So  he  ordered  this  proclamation  to  be  made  to 
 them,  that  "  they  should  no  more  come  out  to  him  as  deserters,  nor  hope  for  any  further  secu- 
 rity ;  for  that  he  would  henceforth  spare  nobody,  but  fight  them  with  his  whole  array  ;  and 
 that  they  might  save  themselves  as  well  as  (hey  could  ;  for  that  he  would  from  hencefortli 
 treat  thent  according  to  the  laws  of  war."  So  he  gave  orders  to  the  soldiers  both  to  burn 
 and  to  plunder  the  city  ;  who  did  nothing  indeed  that  day,  but  on  the  next  day  they  set  fire  to 
 the  repository  of  the  archives,  to  Acra,  to  the  council-house,  and  to  the  place  called  Ophlas  ; 
 at  which  time  the  fire  proceeded  as  far  as  the  palace  of  queen  Helena,  which  was  in  the  mid- 
 dle of  Acra:  the  lanes  also  were  burnt  down,  as  were  also  those  houses  that  were  full  of  the 
 dead  bodies  of  such  as  were  destroyed  by  famine. 
 
 4.  On  (he  same  day  it  was  that  the  sons  and  brethren  of  Izates  the  king,  (ogether  with  many 
 others  of  the  eminent  men  of  the  populace,  got  together  there,  and  besought  Cajsar  to  give 
 them  his  right  hand  for  their  security  ;  upon  which,  though  he  was  very  angry  at  all  that  were 
 now  remaining,  yet  did  he  not  lay  aside  his  old  moderation,  but  received  these  men.  At  that 
 time  indeed,  he  kept  them  all  in  custody,  but  still  bound  the  king's  sons  and  kinsmen,  and 
 led  them  with  hira  to  Rome,  in  order  to  make  them  hostages  for  their  country's  fidelity  to  the 
 Romans. 
 
 CHAP.  VII, 
 
 What  aflerwards  befell  tlif  Seditious,  when  they  had  done  a  great  deal  of  Mischief,  and  suffered 
 viany  Misfortunes  ;  and  also  how  Ctesar  became  Master  of  the  upper  City, 
 
 §  1.  And  now  the  seditions  rushed  into  the  royal  palace,  into  which  many  had  put  their 
 eflfects,  because  it  was  so  strong,  and  drove  (he  Romans  away  from  it.  They  also  slew  all  the 
 people  (hat  had  crowded  into  it,  who  were  in  number  about  eight  thousand  four  hundred,  and 
 plundered  ('hem  of  what  they  had.     They  also  took  two  of  (he  Romans  alive;  the  one  was  a 
 
 -1  X 
 
714  WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 
 
 Lorseraaii,  and  the  other  a  footman.  They  then  out  the  throat  of  the  footman,  and  immediately 
 had  him  drawn  through  the  whole  city,  as  revenging  themselves  upon  the  whole  body  of  the 
 Romans  by  this  one  instance.  But  the  horsemao  said  he  had  somewhat  to  suj;gest  to  them  in 
 order  to  their  preservation  ;  whereupon  he  was  brought  before  Simon  ;  but  he  having  nothing 
 to  say  when  he  was  there,  he  was  delivered  to  Ardalas,  one  of  his  commanders,  to  be  punished, 
 who  bound  his  hands  beiiind  him,  and  put  a  riband  over  his  eyes,  and  then  brought  hira  out 
 over  against  the  Romans,  as  intending  to  cut  off  his  head.  But  (he  man  prevented  that  execu- 
 tion, and  ran  away  to  the  Romans,  and  this  while  the  Jewish  executioner  was  drawing  out  his 
 sword.  Now  when  he  was  gotten  away  from  the  enemy,  Titus  could  not  think  of  putting 
 him  to  death,  but  because  he  deemed  him  unworthy  of  being  a  Roman  soldier  any  longer,  on 
 account  that  he  had  been  taken  alive  by  the  enemy,  he  took  away  his  arms,  and  ejected  him 
 out  of  the  legion  whereto  he  had  belonged,  which,  to  one  that  had  a  sense  of  shame,  was  a 
 penalty  severer  than  death  itself. 
 
 2.  On  the  next  day  the  Romans  drove  the  robbers  out  of  the  lower  city  ;  and  set  all  on  fire 
 as  far  as  Siloiim.  These  soldiers  were  indeed  glad  to  see  the  city  destroyed.  But  they 
 missed  the  plunder,  because  the  seditious  had  carried  off  all  their  ed'ects,  and  were  retired 
 into  t)ie  upper  city  ;  for  they  did  not  yet  at  all  repent  of  the  mischiefs  they  had  done ;  but  were 
 insolent,  as  if  they  had  done  well  ;  for,  as  they  saw  the  city  on  fire,  they  appeared  cheerful, 
 and  put  on  joyful  countenances,  in  expectation,  as  they  said,  of  death  to  end  their  miseries. 
 AccordiuL^ly,  as  tiie  people  were  now  slain,  the  holy  house  was  burnt  down,  and  the  city  was 
 on  fire,  there  was  nothing  further  left  for  the  enemy  to  do.  Yet  did  not  Josephus  grow 
 weary,  even  in  this  utmost  extremity,  to  beg  of  them  to  spare  what  was  left  of  the  city  ;  he 
 spoke  largely  to  them  about  tiieir  barbarity  and  impiety,  and  gave  them  his  advice  in  order 
 to  their  escape;  though  he  gained  nothing  thereby  more  than  to  be  laoghed  at  by  them  ;  and 
 as  they  could  not  think  of  surrendering  themselves  up,  because  of  the  oath  they  had  taken,  nor 
 were  strong  enough  to  fight  with  the  Romans  any  longer  upon  the  square,  as  being  sunouuded 
 on  all  sides,  and  a  kind  of  prisoners  already,  yet  were  tliey  so  accustomed  to  kill  people,  that 
 they  could  not  restrain  their  ri^ht  hands  from  acting  accordingly.  So  they  dispersed  them- 
 selves before  the  city,  and  laid  themselves  in  ambush  among  its  ruins,  to  catch  those  that 
 attempted  to  desert  to  the  Romans;  accordingly  many  such  deserters  were  caught  by  thcTi, 
 and  were  all  slain  ;  for  these  were  loo  weak  by  reason  of  their  want  of  food  to  Hy  away  from 
 them  ;  so  their  dead  bodies  were  thrown  to  the  dogs.  Now  every  other  sort  of  death  was 
 thought  more  tolerable  than  famine,  insomuch  that,  though  the  Jews  despaired  of  mercy,  yet 
 would  they  fly  to  the  Romans,  and  would  themselves,  even  of  their  own  accord,  fall  among 
 the  murderous  rebels  also.  Nor  was  there  any  place  in  the  city  that  had  no  dead  bodies 
 in  it ;  but  what  was  entirely  covered  with  tliose  that  were  killed  either  by  the  famine,  or  the 
 rebellion  ;  and  all  was  full  of  the  dead  bodies  of  such  as  had  perished,  either  by  that  sedition 
 or  by  that  famine. 
 
 3.  So  now  the  last  hope  which  supported  the  tyrants,  and  that  crew  of  robbers  who  were 
 with  them,  was  in  the  caves  and  caverns  under  ground ;  whither,  if  they  would  once  fly,  they 
 did  not  expect  to  be  searched  out,  but  endeavoured,  that  after  the  whole  city  should  be 
 destroyed,  and  the  Romans  gone  away,  they  might  come  out  again,  and  escape  from  them. 
 This  was  no  better  than  a  dream  of  theirs  ;  for  they  were  not  able  to  lie  hid  either  from  God  or 
 from  the  Romans.  However,  they  depended  on  these  underground  subterfuges,  and  set  more 
 places  on  fire  than  did  the  Romans  themselves  ;  and  those  that  fled  out  of  their  houses  thus  set 
 on  fire,  into  the  ditches,  they  killed  without  mercy,  and  pillaged  them  also;  and  if  they  dis- 
 covered food  belonging  to  any  one,  they  seized  upon  it  and  swallowed  it  down,  together  with 
 their  blood  also  ;  nay,  they  were  now  come  to  fight  one  with  another  about  their  plunder  ;  and 
 I  cannot  but  think,  that,  had  not  their  destruction  prevented  it,  their  barbarity  would  have 
 made  them  taste  even  of  the  dead  bodies  themselves. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 How  Casar  raised  Banks  round  about  the  upper   Cily,*  and  when  they  were  completed,  gave 
 orders  that  the  Machines  should  be  brought.     He  then  possessed  himself  of  the  whole  City. 
 
 §  1.  Now  when  Caesar  perceived  that  the  upper  city  was  so  steep  that  it  could  not  possibly 
 be  taken  without  raising  banks  against  it,  he  distributed  the  several  parts  of  that  work  among 
 his  army,  and  this  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Lous  [Ab.]  Now,  the  carriage  of  the 
 materials  was  a  diilicult  task,  since  all  the  trees,  as  I  have  already  told  you,  that  were  about 
 the  city,  within  the  distance  of  a  hundred  furlongs,  had  their  branches  cutoff  already,  in  order 
 to  make  the  former  banks.  The  works  that  belonged  to  the  four  legions  were  erected  on  the 
 west  side  of  the  city,  over  agaiust  the  royal  palace  :  but  the  whole  body  of  the  auxiliary  troops, 
 with  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that  were  with  them,  [erected  their  banks]  at  the  Xystus, 
 whence  they  reached  to  the  bridge,  and  that  tower  of  Simon  which  he  had  built  as  a  citadel 
 for  himself  against  John,  where  they  were  at  war  with  one  another. 
 
 *  i.  e.  Mount  Sion. 
 
BOOK    VI, — CHAP.    VIII.  715 
 
 2.  It  was  at  Ibis  time  tliat  the  commanders  of  (tie  Idnmeans  got  together  prirately,  and  took 
 counsel  about  surrendering  up  tbemselves  to  tbe  Romans.  Accordingly,  they  sent  five  men  to 
 Titus,  and  entreated  him  to  give  them  his  rigiit  hand  for  their  security.  So  Titus  tbinliing  that 
 tbe  tyrants  would  yield,  if  the  Idumeans,  upon  whom  a  great  part  of  ihe  war  depended,  were 
 once  withdrawn  from  them,  after  some  reluctancy  and  delay,  complied  with  them,  and  gave 
 them  security  for  their  lives,  and  sent  the  five  men  back.  But  as  these  Idumeans  were  pre- 
 paring to  march  out,  Simon  perceived  it,  and  immediately  slew  the  five  men  that  bad  gone  to 
 Titus,  and  took  their  commanders,  and  put  them  in  prison,  of  whom  tbe  most  violent  was 
 Jacob  the  son  of  Sosas  ;  but  as  for  the  multitude  of  the  Idumeans,  who  did  not  at  all  know 
 what  to  do,  now  their  commanders  were  taken  from  them,  he  bad  them  watched,  and  secured 
 the  walls  by  a  more  numerous  garrison.  Yet  could  not  that  garrison  resist  those  that  were 
 deserting,  for  although  a  great  number  of  them  were  slain,  yet  were  the  deserters  many  more 
 in  number.  These  were  all  received  by  the  Romans,  because  Titus  himself  grew  negligent  as 
 to  his  former  orders  for  killing  them,  and  because  the  very  soldiers  grew  weary  of  killing 
 ihem,  and  because  they  hoped  to  get  some  money  by  sparing  them  ;  for  they  left  only  the  popu- 
 lace, and  sold  the  rest  of  the  multitude,*  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  every  one  of  them 
 at  a  very  low  price  ;  and  that  because  such  as  were  sold  were  very  many,  and  the  buyers 
 were  few:  and  although  Titus  had  made  proclamation  beforehand,  that  no  deserter  should 
 come  alone  by  himself,  that  so  they  might  bring  out  their  families  with  them,  yet  did  he 
 receive  such  as  these  also.  However,  he  set  over  them  such  as  were  to  distinguish  some  from 
 others,  in  order  to  see  if  any  of  them  deserved  to  be  punished.  And  indeed  the  number  of 
 those  that  were  sold  was  immense  ;  but  of  the  populace  about  forty  thousand  were  saved,  whom 
 Caesar  let  go  whither  every  one  of  them  pleased. 
 
 3.  But  now  at  this  lime  it  was  that  one  of  the  priests,  the  son  of  Thebulhus,  whose  name 
 was  Jesus,  upon  bis  having  security  given  him  by  the  oalli  of  C.x'sar,  that  he  should  be  pre- 
 served, upon  condition  that  he  siiould  deliver  to  him  certain  of  tiie  precious  things  that  had 
 been  reposited  in  the  temple, t  came  out  of  it,  and  delivered  hip.i  from  the  wall  of  the  holy 
 house  two  candlesticks,  like  to  those  that  lay  in  the  holy  house,  with  ta'jles,  and  cisterns,  and 
 vials,  all  made  of  solid  gold,  and  very  heavy.  H*?  also  delivered  to  him  tlie  veils  and  the 
 garments,  with  the  precious  stones,  and  a  great  number  of  other  precious  vessels  that  belonged 
 to  their  sacred  worship.  The  treasurer  of  the  temple  also,  whose  name  was  Phineas,  was 
 seized  on,  and  shewed  Titus  the  coats  and  girdles  of  the  priests,  with  a  great  quantity  of  pur- 
 ple and  scarlet,  which  were  there  reposited  for  the  uses  of  the  veil,  as  also  a  great  deal  of  cin- 
 namon and  cassia,  with  a  large  quantity  of  other  sweet  spices  which  used  to  be  mixed  toge- 
 ther,! and  offered  as  incense  to  God  every  day.  A  great  many  other  treasures  were  also 
 delivered  to  him,  with  sacred  ornaments  of  the  temple  not  a  few  ;  which  things  thus  delivered 
 to  Titus  obtained  of  him  for  this  man  tbe  same  pardon  that  be  had  allowed  to  such  as  deserted 
 of  their  own  accord. 
 
 4.  And  now  were  the  banks  finished  on  the  seventh  day  of  the  month  Gorpiens  [Elul,]  in 
 eighteen  days'  time,  when  the  Romans  brought  their  machines  against  tlie  wall.  But  for  the 
 seditious,  some  of  them,  as  despairing  of  saving  the  city,  retired  from  the  wall  to  the  citadel  ; 
 others  of  them  went  down  into  the  subterranean  vaults,  though  still  a  great  many  of  them 
 defended  themselves  against  those  that  brought  the  engines  for  the  battei-y  :  yet  did  the 
 Romans  overcome  them  by  their  number,  and  by  their  strength;  and,  what  was  the  principal 
 thing  of  all,  by  going  cheerfully  about  their  work,  while  the  Jews  were  quite  dejected,  and 
 become  weak.  Now,  as  soon  as  a  part  of  the  wall  was  battered  down,  and  certain  of  the 
 towers  yielded  to  the  impression  of  the  battering-rams,  those  that  opposed  themselves  tied 
 away,  and  such  a  terror  fell  upon  the  tyrants,  as  was  much  greater  than  the  occasion  required ; 
 for  before  the  enemy  got  over  the  breach,  they  were  quite  stunned,  and  were  immediately  for 
 flying  away.  And  now  one  might  see  these  men,  who  bad  hitherto  been  so  insolent  and  arro- 
 gant in  their  wicked  practices,  to  he  cast  down,  and  to  tremble,  insomuch  that  it  would  pity 
 one's  heart  to  observe  the  change  that  was  made  in  those  vile  persons.  Accordingly,  they  ran 
 with  great  violence  u[)on  the  Roman  wall  that  encompassed  them,  in  order  to  force  away  those 
 that  guarded  it,  and  to  break  through  it,  and  get  away.  But  when  they  saw  that  those  who 
 had  formerly  been  faithful  to  them,  had  gone  away,  (as  indeed  they  were  fled  whithersoever 
 the  great  distress  they  were  in  persuaded  them  to  flee,)  as  also  when  those  that  came  running 
 before  the  rest  told  them  that  the  western  wall  was  entirely  overthrown,  while  others  said  the 
 Romans  were  gotten  in,  and  others  that  they  were  near,  and  looking  out  for  them,  which  were 
 
 •  This  innumerable  multitude  of  Jews  that  were  'sold'  by  the  Romans,  were  an  eminent  completion  of  God's 
 ancient  threatening  by  Moses,  that  if  they  apostatized  from  their  obedience  to  his  laws,  they  would  be  "  sold 
 unto  their  enemies  for  bondmen  and  brndwomcn."  Deut.  xxviii.  6U.  See  more  especially  the  note  on  chap. 
 ix.  4  2.  But  the  thint;  is  here  particularly  remarkable,  that  Moses  adds.  Though  they  ehould  be  '  sold'  for 
 slaves,  yet  '  no  man  shall  buy  them,'  i.  e.  either  they  should  have  none  to  redeem  them  from  this  sale  into 
 slavery  ;  or  rather,  that  the  slaves  to  be  sold  should  be  more  than  were  the  purchasers  for  them,  and  so  they 
 should  be  sold  for  little  ornothing,  which  is  what  josephus  here  aifinns  to  have  been  the  case  at  this  time. 
 
 t  What  became  of  these  spoils  of  the  temple  that  escaped  the  lire,  see  Josephus  himself  hereafter,  b.  vii. 
 chap.  V.  Relfud  de  Spoliis  Templi,  p.  120—138. 
 
 t  These  various  sorts  of  spices,  even  more  than  those  four  which  Moses  prescribed,  Exod.  xxxi.  34.  we  see 
 were  used  in  tlicir  public  worship  under  Herod's  temple,  particularly  cinnamon  and  cassia  ;  which  Keland 
 takes  particular  notice  of,  as  afreeiug  with  the  latter  testimony  of  the  Talmudists 
 
716  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 only  tlie  dictates  ot  tbeir  fear,  which  imposed  upon  their  sight,  they  fell  open  their  hoe,  and 
 greatly  lamented  their  own  mad  coudact ;  and  their  nerves  were  so  terribly  loosed,  that  they 
 coald  not  flee  away.  And  here  one  may  chiefly  reflect  on  the  power  of  God  exercised  upoo 
 these  wicked  wretches,  and  on  the  good  fortune  of  the  Romans  ;  for  these  tyrants  did  now 
 wholly  deprive  themselves  of  the  security  they  had  in  their  own  power,  and  came  down  from 
 those  very  towers  of  their  own  accord,  wherein  they  could  have  never  been  taken  by  force, 
 nor  indeed  by  any  other  way  than  by  famine.  And  thus  did  the  Romans,  when  they  had 
 taken  such  great  pains  about  weaker  walls,  get  by  good  fortune  wliat  they  could  never  have 
 gotten  by  tlieir  engines  ;  for  three  of  these  towers  were  too  strong  for  all  mechanical  engines 
 whatsoever,  concerning  which  we  have  treated  of  before. 
 
 5.  So  they  now  left  these  towers  of  themselves,  or  rather  they  were  ejected  out  of  them  by 
 God  himself,  and  fled  immediately  to  that  valley  which  was  under  Siloam,  where  they  again 
 recovered  themselves  out  of  the  dread  they  were  in  for  a  while,  and  ran  violently  against  I'lat 
 part  of  the  Roman  wall  which  lay  on  that  side  ;  but  as  their  courage  was  too  much  depressed 
 to  make  their  attacks  with  suflicient  force,  and  their  power  was  now  broken  with  fear  and 
 affliction,  they  were  repulsed  by  the  guards,  and  dispersing  themselves  at  distances  from  each 
 other,  went  down  into  the  subterranean  caverns.  So  the  Romans  being  now  become  masters 
 of  the  walls,  they  both  placed  their  engines  upon  the  towers, and  made  joyful  acclamations  for  the 
 victory  they  had  gained,  as  having  found  the  end  of  this  war  much  lighter  than  its  beginning  ; 
 for  when  they  had  gotten  upon  the  last  wall  without  any  bloodshed,  they  could  hardly  believe 
 what  they  found  to  be  true  ;  but  seeing  nobody  to  oppose  them,  they  stood  in  doubt  what  such 
 an  unusual  solitude  could  mean.  But  when  they  went  in  numbers  into  the  lanes  of  the  city, 
 with  their  swords  drawn,  they  slew  those  whom  they  overtook  without  mercy,  and  set  fire  to 
 the  houses  whither  the  Jews  were  fled,  and  burnt  every  soul  in  them,  and  laid  waste  a  great 
 many  of  the  rest  ;  and  when  they  were  come  to  the  houses  to  plnnder  them,  they  found  in 
 them  entire  families  of  dead  men,  and  the  upper  rooms  full  of  dead  corpses,  that  is,  of  such 
 as  died  by  the  famine  ;  they  then  stood  in  a  horror  at  this  sight,  and  went  out  without  touch- 
 ing any  thing.  But  although  they  had  this  commiseration  for  such  as  were  destroyed  in  that 
 manner,  yet  had  they  not  the  same  for  those  that  were  still  alive,  but  they  ran  every  one 
 through  whom  they  met  with,  and  obstructed  the  very  lanes  with  their  dead  bodies,  and  made 
 the  whole  city  run  down  with  blood,  to  such  a  degree  indeed  that  the  fire  of  many  of  the 
 houses  was  quenched  with  these  men's  blood.  And  truly  so  it  happened,  that  though  the 
 slayers  left  off  at  the  evening,  yet  did  the  fire  greatly  prevail  in  the  night ;  and  as  all  was 
 burning,  came  that  eighth  day  of  the  month  Gorpieas  [Elul,]  upon  Jerusalem,  a  city  that  had 
 been  liable  to  so  many  miseries  during  this  siege,  that,  had  it  always  enjoyed  as  much  hap- 
 piness from  its  first  foundation,  it  would  certainly  have  been  the  envy  of  the  world.  Nor  did 
 it  on  any  other  account  so  much  deserve  these  sore  misfortunes,  as  by  producing  sacb  a  genera- 
 tion of  men  as  were  the  occasion  of  this  its  overthrow. 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 
 What  Instructions  Ceesar  gave  when  he  was  come  within  the  City.  The  number  of  the  Cap- 
 tives, and  of  those  that  perished  in  the  Siege;  as  also,  ooncerning  those  that  had  escaped 
 into  the  subterranean  Caverns,  among  whom  were  the  tyrants  Simon  and  John  themselves. 
 
 f.  1.  Now  when  Titus  was  come  into  this  [upper]  city,  he  admired  not  only  some  other 
 places  of  strength  in  it,  but  particularly  those  strong  towers  which  the  tyrants  in  their  mad 
 conduct  had  relinquished  :  for  when  he  saw  their  solid  altitude,  and  the  largeness  of  their 
 several  stones,  and  the  exactness  of  their  joints,  as  also  how  great  was  their  breadth,  and  how 
 extensive  their  length,  he  expressed  himself  after  the  manner  following  :  "  We  have  certainly 
 had  God  for  our  assistant  in  this  war,  and  it  was  no  other  than  God  who  ejected  the  Jews 
 out  of  these  fortifications  ;  for  what  could  the  hands  of  men,  or  any  machines,  do  towards  over- 
 throwing these  towers?"  At  which  time  he  had  many  such  discourses  to  his  friends :  he 
 also  let  such  go  free  as  had  been  bound  by  the  tyrants,  and  were  left  in  the  prisons.  To  con- 
 clude, when  he  entirely  demolished  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  overthrew  its  walls,  he  left  these 
 towers  as  a  monument  of  his  good  fortune,  which  had  proved  his  auxiliary,  and  enabled  him 
 to  take  what  could  not  otherwise  have  been  taken  by  him. 
 
 2.  And  now,  since  his  soldiers  were  already  quite  tired  with  killing  men,  and  yet  there 
 appeared  to  be  a  vast  multitude  still  remaining  alive,  Caesar  gave  orders  that  they  should  kill 
 none  but  those  that  were  in  arms,  and  opposed  them,  but  should  take  the  rest  alive.  But, 
 together  with  those  whom  they  had  orders  to  slay,  they  slew  the  aged  and  the  infirm  ;  but  for 
 those  that  were  in  their  flourishing  age,  and  who  might  be  useful  to  them,  they  drove  them 
 together  into  the  temple,  and  shut  them  up  within  the  walls  of  the  court  of  the  women  ;  over 
 which  Caesar  set  one  of  his  freed  men,  as  also  Fronto,  one  of  his  own  friends,  which  last  was 
 to  determine  every  one's  fate,  according  to  his  merits.  So  this  Fronto  slew  all  those  that 
 Iiad  been  seditious,  and  robbers,  who  were  impeached  one  by  another  ;  but  of  the  young  men 
 he  chose  out  the  tallest  and  most  beautiful,  and  reserved  them  for  the  triumph  ;  and  as  for 
 ihe  rest  of  the  multitude  that  were  about  seventeen  years  old,  he  put  them  into  bouds,  and 
 
BOOK    VI. — CHAP.    JX.  717 
 
 sent  tliera  to  the  Egyptian  mines.*  Titas  also  sent  a  great  number  into  the  provin.c«s,  as  a 
 present  to  them,  that  they  might  be  destroyed  upon  the  llieatres,  by  tiie  sword,  and  by  tlie 
 wild  beasts;  but  those  that  were  under  seventeen  years  of  age  were- sold  for  slaves.  Now 
 during  the  days  wherein  Fronto  was  distinguishing  these  men,  there  perished  for  want  of 
 food,  eleven  thousand  ;  some  of  whom  did  not  taste  any  food,  tlirough  the  hatred  (heir 
 guards  bore  to  them,  and  others  would  not  take  in  any  when  it  was  given  to  them.  The  multi- 
 tude also  was  so  very  great,  that  they  were  in  want  even  of  corn  for  their  sustenance. 
 
 3.  Now  the  nunibert  of  those  that  were  carried  captive  daring  this  whole  war  was  col- 
 lected to  he  ninety-seven  thousand  ;  as  was  the  number  of  those  who  perished  during  the 
 whole  siege  eleven  hundred  thousand,  the  greater  p;irt  of  whom  were  indeed  of  the  same 
 nation,  [with  the  citizens  of  Jerusalem,]  but  not  belonging  to  the  city  itself:  for  they  were 
 come  up  from  all  the  country  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  and  were  on  a  sudden  shut  up 
 by  an  army,  which  at  the  very  first  occasioned  so  great  a  straitness  among  them,  that  there 
 came  a  pestilential  destruction  upon  them,  and  soon  afterwards  such  a  famine,  as  destroyed 
 them  more  suddenly.  And  that  this  city  could  contain  so  many  people  in  it,  is  manifest  by 
 that  number  of  them  which  was  taken  under  Cestius,  who  being  desirous  of  informing  Nero  of 
 the  flower  of  the  city,  who  otherwise  was  disposed  to  contemn  that  nation,  etvtreated  the  hijjii 
 priests,  if  the  thine  were  possible,  to  take  the  number  of  their  whole  multitude.  So  these 
 high  priests,  upon  tiie  coming  of  that  feast  which  is  called  the  Passover,  when  they  slay  their 
 sacrilices,  from  the  ninth  hour  till  the  eleventh,  but  so  that  a  company  not  less  than  tent  belong 
 to  every  sacrifice,  (for  it  is  not  lawful  for  them  lo  feast  singly  by  themselves,)  and  many 
 of  us  are  twenty  in  a  company,  found  the  number  of  sacrilices  was  two  hundred  fifty-six 
 thousand  and  five  hundred  ;  which,  upon  the  allowance  of  no  more  than  ten  that  feast 
 together,  amounts  to  two  millions  seven  hundred  thousand  and  two  hundred  persons  that  were 
 pure  and  holy,  for  as  to  those  who  have  the  leprosy,  or  the  gonorrhoea,  or  women  that  have 
 their  monthly  courses,  or  such  as  are  otherwise  polluted,  it  is  not  lawful  for  them  to  be  par- 
 takers of  this  sacrifice  ;  nor  indeed  for  any  foreigners  neither,  who  come  hither  to  worship. 
 
 4.  Now  this  vast  multitude  is  indeed  collected  out  of  remote  places,  but  the  entire  nation 
 was  now  shut  up  by  fate,  as  in  prison,  and  the  Roman  army  encompassed  the  city  when  it 
 was  crowded  with  inhabitants.  Accordingly  the  multitude  of  those  that  therein  perished, 
 exceeded  all  the  destructions  that  either  men  or  God  ever  broughi  upon  the  world  ;  for,  to 
 speak  only  of  what  was  publicly  known,  the  Romans  slew  some  of  them,  some  tliev  carried 
 captives,  and  others  tliey  made  a  search  for  under  ground,  and  when  they  found  where  they 
 were,  they  broke  up  the  ground  and  slew  all  they  met  with.  There  were  also  found  slain 
 there  above  two  thousand  persons,  partly  by  their  own  hands,  and  partly  by  one  another,  but 
 chiefly  destroyed  by  the  famine  ;  but  tijen,  the  ill  savour  of  the  dead  bodies  was  most  offen- 
 sive to  those  that  lighted  upon  them,  insomuch  that  some  were  obliged  to  get  away  immedi- 
 ately, while  others  were  so  greedy  of  gain,  that  they  would  go  in  among  the  dead  bodies  that 
 lay  on  heaps,  and  tread  upon  them  ;  for  a  great  deal  of  treasure  was  found  in  these  caverns, 
 and  the  hope  of  gain  made  every  way  of  getting  it  to  be  esteemed  lawful.  Many  also  of  those 
 that  had  been  put  in  prison  by  the  tyrants  were  now  brought  out :  for  they  did  not  leave  oft' 
 their  barbarous  cruelty  at  the  very  last  :  yet  did  God  avenge  himself  upon  Ihem  both,  in  a 
 manner  agreeable  to  justice  As  for  John,  he  wanted  food  together  with  his  brethren,  in  these 
 caverns,  and  begged  that  the  Romans  would  now  give  him  their  right  hand  for  security,  which 
 lie  had  often  proudly  rejected  before  :  but  for  Simon,  he  struggled  hard  with  the  distress  he 
 was  in,  till  he  was  forced  to  surrender  himself,  as  we  shall  relate  hereafter:  so  he  was 
 reserved  for  the  triumph,  and  to  be  then  slain;  as  was  John  condemned  to  perpetual  imprison- 
 ment. And  now  the  Romans  set  fire  to  the  extreme  parts  of  the  city,  and  burnt  them  down, 
 and  entirely  demolished  its  walls. 
 
 *  See  the  several  predictions,  that  the  Jews,  if  they  became  obstinate  in  their  idolatry  and  wickedness, 
 should  be  sent  again,  or  sold  into  Kpypt  for  their  punishment,  Ueut.  xxviii.  G8.  .ler.  xliv.  7.  Hos.  viii.  IC. 
 ix.  3.  xi.  4,  5.  Ksd.  xv.  10—13.  with  Authentic  Records,  part  i.  page  49,  121.  and  Relaiid  PalEestina,  torn, 
 ii.  page  "15. 
 
 t  The  n-liole  multitude  of  Jews  that  were  destroyed  during  the  entire  seven  years  before  this  time,  in  all 
 the  countries  of,  and  bordering  on  Judea,  is  summed  up  by  Archbishop  I'sher,  from  Lipsiiis,  out  of  Jose- 
 phus,  at  the  year  of  Christ  70,  and  amounts  to  l,,'?.'i7,4yo.  >,or  could  there  have  been  that  number  of  .lews  in 
 Jerusalem  to  be  destroyed  in  this  siege,  as  will  be  i)resently  set  down  by  Joseplius,  but  that  belli  Jews  and 
 proselytes  of  justice  were  just  then  come  up  out  of  the  other  countries  of  Galilee,  Samaria,  Judea.  and  Perea, 
 and  other  remoter  regions,  to  the  Passover,  in  vast  numbers,  and  therein  cooped  up,  as  in  a  prison,  by  the 
 Roman  army,  as  Josephus  himself  well  observes  iu  this  and  the  next  section,  and  as  is  exactly  related  else- 
 where, b.  T.  chap.  iii.  ^  1.  and  chap.  xiii.  ^  "■ 
 
 t  This  number  of  a  company  for  one  paschal  lamb,  between  ten  and  twenty,  agrees  exactly  with  the  num- 
 ber thirteen,  at  our  Saviour's  last  passover.  As  to  the  whole  number  of  the  Jews  that  used  to  come  up  to  the 
 jiassovtr,  and  eat  of  it  at  Jerusalem,  see  the  note  on  b.  ii.  chap.  xiv.  i  .3.  'I'he  number  ought  to  be  here  indeed 
 just  ten  times  the  number  of  the  lambs,  or  just  CSfi.'i.dDO,  by  Josei>hus'  own  reasoning:  whereas  it  is,  in  his 
 present  copies,  no  less  than  C,7(H),00(i,  which  last  number  is.  however,  nearest  the  other  number  in  the  place 
 DOW  cited,  which  is  3,0CXl,tl00.  Hut  what  is  here  chiefly  remarliable  is  this,  that  no  foreign  nation  ever  came 
 thus  to  destroy  the  Jews  at  any  of  their  solemn  festivals,  from  the  days  of  Moses  till  this  time,  but  came  now 
 tipon  their  apostasy  from  (Jod,  and  from  obedience  to  him.  Nor  is  it  possible,  in  the  nature  of  tilings,  that  in 
 any  other  nation  such  vast  numbers  should  be  gottou  together,  and  perish  iu  the  siege  of  any  one  city  what 
 soever,  as  now  happened  in  Jerusalem. 
 
718 
 
 WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 That  whereas  the  City  of  Jeiusalem  had  been.five  times  taken  formerly ,  this  was  the  sucond  time 
 of  its  Desolation,     A  brief  Account  of  its  History. 
 
 §  1.  And  llins  was  Jerusalem  taken,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian,  on  the 
 eii^hth  d:iy  of  the  month  Gorpieus,  [Elul.l  It  had  been  taken  five  times  before,*  though  this 
 was  the  second  time  of  its  desolation  ;  for  Shishak,  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  after  him  Antio- 
 clios,  and  after  hira  Poiiipey,  and  after  him  Sosias  and  Herod,  took,  the  city,  but  still  pre- 
 served it ;  but  before  all  these,  the  king  of  Babylon  conquered  it,  and  made  it  desolate,  one 
 thousand  four  hundrel  and  sixty-eight  years  and  six  months  after  it  was  built.  But  he  who 
 first  built  t  it  was  a  potent  man  among  the  Canaanites,  and  is  in  our  tongue  called  [Melchise- 
 dek,]  The  Righteous  King,  for  such  he  really  was  ;  on  which  account  be  was  [there]  the  first 
 priest  of  God,  and  first  built  a  temple  [there,]  and  called  the  city  Jerusalem,  which  was  for- 
 merly called  Salem.  However,  David,  the  king  of  the  Jews,  ejected  the  Canaanites,  and  set- 
 tled his  own  people  therein.  It  was  demolished  entirely  by  the  Babylonians,  four  hundred 
 and  seventy-seven  years  and  six  months  after  him.  And  from  king  David,  who  was  the  first 
 of  the  Jews  who  reigned  therein,  to  this  destruction  under  Titus,  were  one  thousand  one  hun- 
 dred and  seventy-nine  years  ;  but  from  its  first  buildings  till  this  last  destruction,  were  two 
 thousand  one  hundred  seventy-seven  years  ;  yet  hath  not  its  great  antiquity,  nor  its  vast  riches, 
 nor  the  diflasion  of  its  nation  over  all  the  habitable  earth,  nor  the  greatness  of  the  veneration 
 paid  to  it  on  a  religious  account,  been  suflicient  to  preserve  it  from  being  destroyed.  And 
 thus  ended  the  siege  of  Jerusalem. 
 
 N.  B.  This  is  the  proper  place  for  such  as  have  closely  attended  'o  these  later  books  of  the  War,  to  pernse, 
 and  that  with  equal  attention,  those  distinct  and  plain  predictions  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  in  the  Gospels,  thereto 
 relating,  as  compared  with  their  exact  completions  in  Josephus'  history;  upon  which  completions,  as  Dr. 
 AVhitby  well  observes,  Annot.  on  Matt.  xxiv.  2.  no  small  part  of  the  evidence  for  the  truth  of  the  Chris- 
 tian religion  does  depend  ;  and  as  I  have,  step  by  step,  comjiared  them  together  in  my  Literal  Accomplish- 
 ment of  Scripture  Prophecies.  The  reader  is  to  observe  farther,  that  the  true  reason  why  1  have  so  seldom 
 taken  notice  of  those  completions  in  the  course  of  these  notes,  notwithstanding  their  being  so  very  remarka- 
 Me.  and  frequently  so  very  obvious,  is  this,  that  1  had  entirely  preventea  myself  in  that  treatise  beforehand ; 
 to  which,  therefore,  1  must  here,  once  for  all,  seriously  refer  every  inquisitive  reader. 
 
 BOOK  VII. 
 
 CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  THREE  YEARS.-FROM  THE  TAKING  OF  JERU- 
 SALEM BY  TITUS,  TO  THE  SEDITION  OF  THE  JEWS  AT  CTREN  E. 
 
 CHAP.  I. 
 
 HoiD  the  entire  City  of  Jerusalem  uas  demolished,  excepting  three  Towers :  and  how  Titus 
 commended  his  Soldiers  in  a  Speech  made  to  thevi,  and  distributed  Rewards  to  them,  and 
 then  dismissed  many  of  them. 
 
 §  1.  Now  as  soon  as  the  army  had  no  more  people  to  slayer  to  plunder,  because  there 
 remained  none  to  he  the  objects  of  their  fury,  (for  they  would  not  have  spared  any.  had  there 
 remained  any  other  such  work  to  be  done,)  Cassar  gave  orders  that  they  should  now  demolish 
 the  entire  city  and  temple,  but  should  leave  as  many  of  the  towers  standing  as  were  of  the 
 greatest  eniinency,  that  is,  Phasaelus,  and  Hippicus,  and  Mariamne,  and  so  much  of  the  wall 
 as  enclosed  the  city  on  the  west  side.  This  wall  was  spared,  in  order  to  aftord  a  camp  for 
 such  as  were  to  lie  in  garrison,  as  were  the  towers  also  spared,  in  order  to  demonstrate  to  pos- 
 terity what  kind  of  city  it  was,  and  bow  well  fortified,  which  the  Roman  valour  had  subdued  ; 
 but  for  all  the  rest  of  the  wall,  it  was  so  thorouglily  laid  even  with  the  ground  by  those  that 
 dug  it  up  to  the  foundation,  that  there  was  left  nothing  to  make  those  that  came  thither  believe 
 it  had  ever  been  inhabited.  This  was  the  end  which  Jerusalem  came  to  by  the  madness  of 
 those  that  were  for  innovations;  a  city  otherwise  of  great  magnifieence,  and  of  mighty  fame 
 among  all  mankind. 
 
 *  Besides  these  five  here  enumerated,  who  had  taken  Jerusalem  of  old,  Josephus,  upon  farther  recollection, 
 reckons  a  sixth,  Antiq.  b.  xii.  chap.  i.  §  1.  who  should  have  been  here  inserted  in  the  second  place,  I  mean 
 i'tolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus. 
 
 t  Why  the  great  Eochart  should  say.  Dc  Phoenic.  Colon,  b.  ii.  chap.  iv.  that  there  are  in  this  clause  of 
 Joseplius  as  many  mistakes  as  words,"  I  do  by  no  means  understand.  Josephus  thought  Melchisedek  first 
 built,  or  rather  rebuilt  and  adorned  this  city,  and  that  it  was  then  called  Salem,  as  Psal  Ixxvi.  2.  that  it 
 afterwards  came  to  be  called  Jerusalem  ;  and  that  Melchisedek,  being  a  priest  as  well  as  a  king,  built  to  the 
 true  tlod  therein  a  temple,  or  place  for  public  divine  worship  and  sacrifice  ;  all  which  things  may  be  very  true, 
 for  aught  we  know  to  the  contravv.  And  for  the  word  icion,  or  temple,  as  if  it  must  needs  belong  to  the  great 
 temple  built  by  Solomon  l.onp  afterward.  Josephus  himself  uses  7iaos  for  the  small  taberracle  of  JJoses,  -Antiq. 
 h.  iii.  chap.  vi.  i  4.  Sec  also  Antig.  b.  iii.  chap.  vi.  4  1.  as  he  here  presently  uses  term  for  a  large  and  splemlid 
 synagOEue  of  the  Jews  at  Antioch,  b.  vii.  chap.  iii.  {  3. 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.  11.  719 
 
 2.  But  Csesar  resolved  to  leave  there  as  a  guard,  the  tenth  legion,  vvilli  certain  troops  of 
 horsemen,  and  companies  of  footmen.  So,  having  entirely  completed  lliis  war,  lie  was  desir- 
 ous to  commend  his  whole  army  on  account  of  the  great  exploits  they  had  performed,  and  to 
 bestow  proper  rewards  on  such  as  had  signalized  themselves  therein.  He  had  therefore  a 
 grf-at  (libunal  made  for  him  in  the  midst  of  the  place  where  he  had  formerly  encamped,  and 
 stood  upon  it  with  his  principal  commanders  ahout  him,  and  spoke  so  as  to  be  lieard  by  tiie 
 whole  iiriiij  in  the  manner  following:  "  That  he  returned  them  abundance  of  thanks  for  their 
 good  will  which  they  had  shewed  to  hira  :  he  commended  them  for  that  ready  obedience  tliey 
 had  exhibited  in  this  whole  war,  which  obedience  had  appeared  in  the  many  and  great  dangers 
 which  they  had  courageously  undergone  ;  as  also,  for  that  courage  they  had  shewn,  and  had 
 thereby  augmented  of  themselves  their  country's  power,  and  had  made  it  evident  to  all  men, 
 (iiat  neither  the  multitude  of  their  enemies,  nor  the  strength  of  their  places,  nor  the  largeness 
 of  their  cities,  nor  the  rash  boldness  and  brutish  rage  of  their  antagonists,  were  suliicient  at 
 any  time  to  get  clear  of  the  Roman  valour,  although  some  of  them  may  have  fortune  in  many 
 respects  on  their  side.  He  said  further,  that  it  was  but  reasonable  for  them  to  put  an  end  to 
 this  war,  now  it  had  lasted  so  long,  for  they  had  nothing  better  to  wish  for  when  ihey  entered 
 into  it ;  and  that  this  happened  more  favourably  for  them,  and  more  for  their  glory,  tliat  all 
 the  Romans  had  willingly  accepted  of  those  for  their  governors,  and  the  curators  of  their 
 dominions,  whom  they  had  chosen  for  them,  and  had  sent  into  their  own  country  for  that  pur- 
 pose, which  still  continued  under  the  management  of  those  whom  they  bad  pitched  on,  End 
 were  thankful  to  ihem  for  pitching  upon  them.  That  accordingly,  although  be  did  both  aciniire, 
 and  tenderly  regard  them  all,  because  he  knew  that  every  one  of  them  had  gone  as  ciig^rfully 
 about  their  work,  as  their  abilities  and  opportuDJlies  would  give  thetu  leave  ;  yet  he  said,  that 
 he  would  immediately  bestow  rewards  and  dignities  on  those  that  had  fought  the  most  bravely, 
 and  with  greater  force,  and  had  signalized  their  conduct  in  the  most  glorious  manner,  and  had 
 made  his  army  more  famous  by  their  noble  exploits  ;  and  that  no  one  who  had  been  willing  to 
 take  more  pains  than  another,  should  miss  of  a  just  retribution  for  the  same:  for  that  he  had 
 been  exceeding  careful  about  this  matter,  and  that  the  more,  because  he  had  much  rather 
 reward  the  virtues  of  his  fellow-soldiers  (ban  punish  such  as  had  oilended." 
 
 3.  Hereupon  Titus  ordered  those  whose  business  it  was,  to  read  the  list  of  all  that  had  per- 
 formed great  exploits  in  this  war,  whom  he  culled  to  him  by  their  names,  and  commended 
 them  before  the  company,  and  rejoiced  in  them  in  the  same  manner  as  a  man  would  have 
 rejoiced  in  his  own  exploits.  He  also  put  on  their  heads  crowns  of  gold,  and  golden  ornaments 
 about  their  necks,  and  gave  them  long  spears  of  gold,  and  ensigns  that  were  made  of  silver, 
 and  removed  every  one  of  ihem  to  a  higher  rank  ;  and,  besides  this,  he  plentifully  distributed 
 among  them  out  of  the  spoils,  and  the  other  prey  they  had  taken,  silver,  and  gf:Id,  and  gar- 
 ments. So  when  they  had  all  these  honours  bestowed  on  them,  according  to  his  own  appoint- 
 ment made  to  every  one,  and  he  had  wished  all  sorts  of  happiness  to  the  whole  army,  he  came 
 down,  among  the  great  acclamations  which  were  made  to  him,  and  then  betook  himself  to  ofier 
 thank-ofl'erings  [to  the  gods,]  and  at  once  sacrificed  a  vast  number  of  oxen,  that  stood  ready 
 at  the  altars,  and  distributed  them  among  the  army  to  feast  on.  And  when  he  had  stayed 
 three  days  among  the  principal  commanders,  and  so  long  feasted  with  them,  he  sent  away  the 
 rest  of  his  army  to  the  several  places  where  they  would  be  every  one  best  situated  ;  but  per- 
 mitted the  tenth  legion  to  stay  as  a  guard  at  Jerusalem,  and  did  not  send  them  away  beyond 
 Euphrates,  where  they  had  been  before.  And  as  he  remembered  thaf  the  twelfth  legion  had 
 given  way  to  the  Jews,  under  Cestius  their  general,  he  expelled  them  out  of  all  Syria,  for  they 
 liad  lain  formerly  at  Raphanea,  and  sent  them  away  to  a  place  called  Meletine,  near  Euphrates, 
 which  is  in  the  limits  of  Armenia  and  Cappadocia:  he  also  thought  fit  that  two  of  the  legions 
 should  stay  with  him,  till  he  should  go  to  Egypt.  He  then  went  down  with  his  army  to  that 
 Cesarea  which  lay  by  the  sea  side,  and  there  laid  up  the  rest  of  his  spoils  in  great  quantities, 
 and  gave  order  that  the  captives  should  be  kept  there  ;  for  the  winter  season  hindered  them 
 from  sailing  into  Italy. 
 
 CHAP.  II. 
 
 How  Titus  exhibited  all  sorts  of  Shows  at  Cesarea  Philippi.     Concerning  Simon  the   Tyrant, 
 how  he  was  taken,  and  reserved  for  the  Trittinph, 
 
 §  1.  Now,  at  the  same  time  that  Titus  Caesar  lay  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  did  Vespasian  go 
 on  board  a  merchant  ship,  and  sailed  from  Alexandria  to  Rhodes  ;  whence  he  sailed  away  in 
 ships  with  three  rows  of  oars,  and  as  he  touched  at  several  cities  that  lay  in  his  road,  he  was 
 joyfully  received  by  them  all,  and  so  passed  over  from  Ionia  into  Greece  ;  whence  be  set  sail 
 from  Corcyra  to  the  promontory  of  lapyx,  whence  he  took  his  journey  by  land.  But  as  for 
 Titus,  he  marched  from  that  Cesarea  which  lay  by  the  sea  side,  and  came  to  that  which  is 
 named  Cesarea  Philippi,  and  staid  there  a  considerable  time,  and  exhibited  all  sorts  of  shows 
 there.  And  here  a  great  number  of  the  captives  were  destroyed,  some  being  thrown  to  wild 
 beasts,  and  others  in  multitudes  forced  to  kill  one  another,  as  if  they  were  their  enemies.  And 
 here  it  was  that  Titus  was  informed  of  the  seizure  of  Simou,  the  son  of  Gioras,  which  was 
 
720  WARS    OP    THE   JEWS. 
 
 made  after  tlie  manner  following:  Tbis  Simon,  during  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  was  in  tlie  upper 
 city,  but  when  tbe  Roman  army  was  gotten  within  tlie  walls,  and  were  laying  tbe  city  waste, 
 be  then  took,  tbe  most  faithful  of  liis  friends  with  him,  and  among  them  some  that  were  stone- 
 cutters, with  those  iron  tools  which  belonged  to  their  occupation,  and  as  great  a  quantity  of 
 provisions  as  would  suffice  them  for  a  long  time,  and  let  himself  and  all  them  down  into  a  cer- 
 tain subterraneous  cavern  that  was  not  visible  above  ground.  Now,  so  far  as  bad  been  digged 
 of  old,  they  went  onward  along  it  without  disturbance  ;  but  where  they  met  with  solid  earth, 
 they  dug  a  mine  under  ground,  and  this,  in  hopes  that  they  should  be  able  to  proceed  so  far  as 
 to  rise  from  under  ground,  in  a  safe  place,  and  by  that  means  escape.  But  when  they  came  to 
 make  the  experiment,  they  were  disappointed  of  their  hope ;  for  the  miners  could  make  but 
 small  progress,  and  that  with  difficulty  also  ;  insomuch  that  their  provisions,  though  they  dis- 
 tributed them  by  measure,  began  to  fail  them.  And  now  Simon,  thinking  he  might  be  able  to 
 astonish  and  elude  the  Romans,  put  on  a  white  frock,  and  buttoned  upon  him  a  purple  cloak, 
 and  appeared  out  of  tbe  ground  iu  the  place  where  tbe  temple  had  formerly  been.  At  the 
 first,  indeed,  those  that  saw  him  were  greatly  astonished,  and  they  stood  still  where  they  were ; 
 but  afterward  they  came  nearer  to  him,  aud  asked  him  who  he  was?  Now  Simon  wonid  not 
 tell  them,  but  bade  them  call  for  their  captain  ;  and  when  they  ran  to  call  him,  Terentius 
 Rufns,*  who  was  left  to  command  the  army  there,  came  to  Simon,  and  learned  of  him  the  whole 
 truth,  and  kept  him  in  bonds,  and  let  Caesar  know  that  he  was  taken.  Thus  did  God  bring 
 tbis  man  to  be  punished  for  what  bitter  and  savage  tyranny  be  had  exercised  against  his  coun- 
 trymen, by  those  who  were  bis  worst  enemies :  and  this  while  he  was  not  subdued  by  violence, 
 but  voluntarily  delivered  himself  up  to  them  to  be  punished,  and  that  on  tlie  very  same  account 
 that  he  had  laid  false  accusations  against  many  Jews,  as  if  they  were  falling  away  to  the 
 Romans,  and  had  barbarously  slain  them  ;  for  wicked  actions  do  not  escape  the  divine  anger, 
 nor  is  justice  too  weak  to  punish  offenders,  but  in  time  overtakes  those  that  transgress  its  laws, 
 and  inflicts  its  punishments  upon  tbe  wicked  in  a  manner  so  much  more  severe,  as  they 
 expected  to  escape  it  on  account  of  their  not  being  punished  immediately.t  Simon  was  made 
 sensible  of  this  by  falling  under  the  indignation  of  the  Romans.  This  rise  of  his  out  of  the 
 ground  did  also  occasion  the  discovery  of  a  great  number  of  others  of  the  seditious  at  that  time, 
 who  had  bidden  themselves  under  ground.  But  for  Simon,  he  was  brought  to  Caisar  in  bonds, 
 when  he  was  come  back  to  that  Cesarea  which  was  on  the  sea  side  ;  who  gave  orders  that  he 
 should  be  kept  against  that  triumph  which  he  was  to  celebrate  at  Rome  upon  this  occasion. 
 
 CHAP.  III. 
 
 ^010  Titus,  upon  the  Cdehi-ation  of  his  Brother's  and  Father's  Birik-duys,  had  mnny  of  the 
 Jews  slain.  Concerning  the  Dantjer  the,  Jews  were  in  at  Antioch,  by  means  of  the  Trans- 
 gression and  Impiety  of  one  Antiochus  a  Jew. 
 
 §  1.  While  Titus  was  at  Cesarea,  he  solemnized  the  birth-day  of  his  brother  [Domitian]  after 
 a  splendid  manner  ;  and  inflicted  a  great  deal  of  the  punishment  intended  for  the  Jews  in 
 honour  of  him  ;  for  tbe  number  of  those  that  were  now  slain  in  fighting  with  the  beasts,  and 
 were  burnt,  and  fought  with  one  another,  exceeded  two  thousand  five  hundred.  Yet  did  all 
 tbis  seem  to  the  Romans,  when  they  were  thus  destroyed  ten  thousand  several  ways,  to  be  a 
 punishment  beneath  their  deserts.  After  this,  Caesar  came  to  Berytus.f  which  is  a  city  of 
 Phenicia,  a  Roman  colony,  and  staid  there  a  longer  time,  and  exhibited  a  still  more  pompous 
 solemnity  about  his  father's  birth-day,  both  iu  the  magnificence  of  the  shows,  and  in  the  other 
 vast  expenses  he  was  at,  in  his  devices  thereto  belonging  ;  so  that  a  great  multitude  of  the 
 captives  were  here  destroyed  after  the  same  manner  as  before. 
 
 2.  It  happened  also  about  this  time,  that  the  Jews  who  remained  at  Antioch  were  under 
 accusations,  and  in  danger  of  perishing,  from  the  disturbances  that  were  raised  against  them  by 
 the  Antiochians,  and  this  both  on  account  of  the  slanders  spread  abroad  at  this  time  against 
 them,  and  on  account  of  what  pranks  they  had  played  not  long  before ;  which  I  am  obliged  to 
 describe  without  fail,  though  briefly,  that  I  may  the  better  connect  my  narration  of  future 
 actions  with  those  that  went  before. 
 
 3.  For,  as  the  Jewish  nation  is  widely  dispersed  over  all  the  habitable  earth  among  its 
 inhabitants,  so  it  is  very  much  intermingled  with  Syria  by  reason  of  its  neighbourhood,  and  had 
 tbe  greatest  multitudes  in  Antioch,  by  reason  of  the  largeness  of  the  city,  wherein  the  kings, 
 after  Antoohus,  had  afforded  them  a  habitation  with  the  most  undisturbed  tranquillity  ;  for 
 though  Antiochus,  who  was  called  Epiphanes,  laid  Jerusalem  waste,  and  spoiled  the  temple, 
 yet  did  those  that  succeeded  him  in  tbe  kingdom  restore  all  tbe  donations  that  were  made  of 
 brass  to  the  Jews  of  Antioch,  and  dedicated  them  to  their  synagogue,  and  granted   them  the 
 
 *  This  Terentius  Rufus,  as  Reland  in  part  observes  here,  is  the  same  person  whom  the  Talmudisls  call 
 lumus  Rufus,  of  whom  they  relate,  that  "  he  ploughed  up  Sion  as  a  field,  and  made  Jerusalem  become  as 
 heaps,  aud  the  mountain  of  the  house  as  the  high  places  of  a  forest;"  which  was  long  before  foretold  by  the 
 prophet  Micah,  iii.  12.  and  quoted  from  him  in  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  xxvi.  18. 
 
 t  See  Eccles.  viii,  11. 
 
 X  'I'his  Eerytus  was  certainly  a  Roman  colony,  and  has  coins  extant  that  witness  the  same,  as  Hudson  aud 
 ^panlieira  informs  us.    See  the  note  Antiq,  b.  xvi.  chap.  xi.  ^  1. 
 
BOOK    VI(.— CHAP.    IV.  721 
 
 enjovment  of  equal  privileges  of  citizens  with  the  Greeks  themselves  ;  and  as  the  succeedin.j 
 kin''s  treated  them  after  the  same  manner,  they  both  multiplied  to  a  great  number,  and  adorned 
 their  temple*  gloriouslv  by  fine  ornaments,  and  witli  great  magnificence,  in  the  use  of  vi\v,xt 
 had  been  given  them.  They  also  made  proselytes  of  a  great  many  of  the  Greeks  perpetually, 
 and  thereby  after  a  sort  brought  them  to  be  a  portion  of  their  own  body.  But,  about  this 
 time,  when  the  present  war  bea;nn,  and  Vespasian  was  newly  sailed  to  Syria,  and  all  men  had 
 t.iken  up  a  great  hatred  against  the  Jews,  then  it  was  that  a  certain  person  whose  name  was 
 Antiocbus,  being  one  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  gi'eally  respected  on  account  of  his  f;itber, 
 «ho  was  governor  of  the  Jews  at  Antioch,t  came  npon  the  theatre  at  a  time  when  the  people 
 of  Antioch  were  asseniijied  together,  and  became  an  informer  against  his  father,  and  accused 
 both  him  and  others  that  they  had  resolved  to  burn  the  whole  city  in  one  night  ;  he  also 
 delivered  up  to  Iheni  some  Jews  that  were  foreigners,  as  partners  in  their  resolutions.  When 
 the  people  heard  this,  they  could  not  refrain  their  passion,  but  commanded  that  those  who 
 were  delivered  up  to  them  should  have  lire  brought  to  burn  them  ;  who  were  accordingly  all 
 burnt  upon  the  theatre  immediately.  They  did  also  fall  violently  npon  the  multitude  of  the 
 Jews,  as  supposing,  that  by  punishing  them  suddenly,  they  should  save  their  own  city.  As 
 for  Antiocbus,  he  aggravated  the  rage  they  were  in,  and  thought  to  give  them  a  demonstratioa 
 of  bis  own  conversion,  and  of  bis  hatred  of  the  Jewisli  customs,  by  sacrifioliig  after  the  man- 
 ner of  the  Greeks  ;  he  persuaded  the  rest  also  to  coinpel  tiiem  to  do  the  same,  because  they 
 would  by  that  means  discover  who  they  were  that  had  plotted  against  tiiem,  since  they  would 
 not  do  so  ;  and  when  the  people  of  Andocb  trier)  the  experiment,  some  few  com|)lied,  but 
 those  that  would  cot  do  so  were  slain.  As  for  Antiocbus  himself,  he  obtained  soldiers  from 
 the  Roman  commander,  and  became  a  severe  master  over  his  own  citizens,  not  permitting 
 them  to  rest  on  the  seventh  day,  but  forcing  them  to  <lo  all  that  they  usually  did  on  other  days  ; 
 and  to  that  degree  of  distress  did  be  reduce  them  in  this  matter,  that  the  rest  of  the  seventh 
 day  was  dissolved  not  only  at  Antioch,  but  the  same  thing  which  took  thence  its  rise,  was 
 done  in  other  cities  also,  in  like  manner,  for  some  small  time. 
 
 4.  Now,  after  these  misfortunes  had  happened  to  the  Jews  at  Antioch,  a  second  calamity 
 befell  them,  the  description  of  which  when  we  were  going  about,  we  premised  in  the  account 
 foregoing:  for  upon  this  accident,  whereby  the  four-square  market-place  was  burnt  down,  as 
 well  as  the  archives,  and  tlie  place  where  the  public  records  were  preserved,  and  the  royal 
 palaces,  (and  it  was  not  without  difiiculty  that  the  fire  was  then  |iut  a  stop  to,  which  was 
 likely,  by  the  fury  wherewith  it  was  carried  along,  to  have  gone  over  the  whole  cily,)  Antio- 
 cbus accused  the  Jews  as  the  occasion  of  all  the  mischief  that  was  done.  Now  this  induced 
 the  people  of  Antioch,  who  were  now  under  the  immediate  persuasion,  by  reason  of  the  dis- 
 order they  were  in,  tliat  this  calumny  was  true,  and  would  have  been  under  the  .same  persua- 
 sion, even  though  ihey  had  not  borne  an  ill-will  at  the  Jews  before,  to  believe  this  man's 
 accusation,  especially  when  they  considered  what  haJ  been  done  before,  and  this  to  such  a 
 degree,  that  they  all  ftll  violently  upon  those  that  w(  re  accused,  and  this,  like  madmen,  in  a 
 very  furious  rage  also,  even  as  if  they  had  seen  the  Jews  in  a  manner  setting  fire  themselves 
 to  the  city  :  nor  was  it  without  difliculty  that  one  Cneus  CoUegas,  the  legate,  could  prevail 
 with  them  to  permit  the  aftairs  to  be  laid  before  Caesar  ;  for  as  to  Cecennius  Petus,  the  president 
 of  Syria,  Vespasian  had  already  sent  him  away  ;  and  so  it  happened,  that  he  was  not  yet  come 
 bnck  thither.  But  when  Collegas  had  made  a  careful  inquiry  into  the  matter,  he  found  out 
 the  truth,  and  that  not  one  of  those  Jews  that  were  accused  by  Antiocbus  had  any  hand  in  it. 
 but  that  all  was  done  by  some  vile  persons  greatly  in  debt,  who  supposed  that  if  they  could 
 once  set  fire  to  the  market-plare,  and  burn  the  public  records,  they  should  have  no  farther 
 demands  made  upon  them.  So  the  Jews  were  under  great  disorder  and  terror,  in  the  uncer- 
 tain expectation  of  what  would  be  the  upshot  of  those  accusations  against  them. 
 
 CHAP.  IV. 
 
 Hoiu  V espusian  was  recewed  at  Rome,  as  also  how  the  Germans  revolted  from  the  Romans, 
 but  were  subdued.  That  the  Sarmailans  overran  Mijsia,  hut  were  comiJelled  to  return  to 
 their  (iivn  Country  ayain. 
 
 ^  1.  And  now  Titus  Caesar,  upon  the  news  that  was  brought  him  concerning  his  father,  that 
 his  coming  was  much  desired  by  all  the  Italian  cities,  and  that  Rome  especially  received  him 
 with  great  alacrity  and  splendour,  betook  himself  to  rej-oicing  and  |)Ieasures  to  a  great  degree, 
 as  DOW  freed  from  the  solicitude  he  had  been  under,  after  the  most  agreeable  manner.  For 
 all  men  that  were  in  Italy  shewed  their  respects  to  him  in  their  minds  before  he  came  thither, 
 as  if  he  were  already  come,  us  esteeming  the  very  expectation  they  had  of  him  to  be  bis  real 
 
 •  i.e.  Their  synagogue.    See  the  note  on  b.  vi.  chap.  x.  >  1. 
 
 +  The  .Tews  at  Antioch  and  y\lexandria,the  tv.'o  principal  cities  in  al!  the  East,  had  allowed  them,  both  by  the 
 Wacedonians,  and  afterivards  bv  the  Romans,  a  governor  of  their  own,  who  was  exempt  from  the  jurisdic- 
 tion of  the  other  civil  governors.  He  was  called  sometimes  barely  governor,  sometimes  ethnarcfa,  and  [at 
 'Alexandria]  alabarch.  as  Dr.  Hudson  takes  notice  on  this  place  out  of  luller's  Miscellanies.  They  had  the 
 like  Rovtrnor  or  goveniors  allowed  them  al  Babylon  under  their  cnplivily  there,  as  the  history  oi'  ."^usuiiija 
 implies. 
 
 4  Y 
 
722  WARS  OF  THE  JRWS. 
 
 preseucc,  on  account  of  (he  great  desires  tLey  had  to  see  him,  and  bpcause  tiie  p;oo(l-will  tber 
 bore  him  was  entirely  free  and  unconstrained  :  for  it  was  a  desirable  thing  to  the  senate,  who 
 'Veil  remembered  the  calamities  they  liad  undergone  in  the  late  changes  of  their  governors,  to 
 recive  a  governor  who  was  adorned  with  the  gravity  of  old  age,  and  with  the  highest  skill  in 
 the  actions  of  war,  whose  advancement  would  be,  as  they  knew,  for  nothing  else  but  for  the 
 preservation  of  those  that  were  to  he  governed.  Moreover,  the  people  had  been  so  harassed 
 by  their  civil  miseries,  tliat  they  v/ere  still  more  earnest  for  his  coming  immediately,  as  sup- 
 posing they  should  then  be  firmly  delivered  from  their  calamities,  and  believing  they  should 
 then  recover  their  secure  tranquillity  and  prosperity  ;  and  for  the  soldiery,  they  had  the  prin- 
 cipal regard  to  him,  for  they  were  chiefly  apprized  of  bis  great  exploits  in  war  ;  and  since 
 they  had  experienced  the  want  of  skill  and  want  of  courage  in  other  commanders,  they  were 
 very  desirous  to  be  freed  from  that  great  shame  they  had  undergone  by  their  means,  and 
 heartily  to  receive  such  a  prince  as  might  be  a  security  and  an  ornament  to  them.  And  as 
 this  good-will  to  Vespasian  was  universal,  those  that  enjoyed  any  remnrkable  dignities  could 
 not  have  patience  enough  to  stay  in  Rome,  but  made  haste  to  meet  him  at  a  very  great  distance 
 from  it:  nay,  indeed,  none  of  the  rest  could  endure  the  delay  of  seeing  him,  but  did  all  pour 
 out  of  the  city  in  such  crowds,  and  were  so  universally  possessed  with  the  opinion  that  it  was 
 easier  and  better  for  them  to  go  out  than  to  stay  there,  that  this  was  the  very  first  time  that 
 the  city  joyfully  perceived  itself  almost  empty  of  its  citizens  ;  for  those  that  staid  within 
 were  fewer  than  those  that  went  out.  But  as  soon  as  the  news  was  come  that  be  was  hard  by, 
 and  those  that  had  met  hira  at  first  related  with  what  good  humour  he  received  every  one  that 
 came  lo  him,  then  it  was  the  whole  multitude  that  had  remained  in  the  city,  with  their  wives 
 and  children,  came  into  the  road  and  waited  for  him  there  ;  and  for  those  whom  he  passed  bv, 
 they  made  all  sorts  of  acclamations  on  account  of  the  joy  they  had  to  see  him,  and  the  pleasant- 
 ness of  bis  countenance,  and  styled  hira  their  benefactor  and  saviour,  and  the  only  person  who 
 was  worthy  to  be  ruler  of  the  city  of  Rome,  And  now  the  city  was  like  a  temple,  full  of  gar- 
 lands and  sweet  odours  ;  nor  was  it  easy  for  him  to  come  to  the  royal  palace,  for  the  multitude 
 of  the  people  that  stood  about  him,  where  yet  at  last  he  performed  his  sacrifices  of  thanks- 
 giving to  his  household  gods,  for  his  safe  return  to  the  city.  The  multitude  did  also  betake 
 themselves  to  feasting  ;  which  feasts  and  drink-offerings  they  celebrated  by  their  tribes,  and 
 their  families,  and  then  their  neighbourhoods,  and  still  prayed  God  to  grant  that  Vespasian, 
 his  sons,  and  all  their  posterity,  might  continue  in  the  Roman  government  for  a  very  long 
 time,  and  that  his  dominion  might  be  preserved  from  all  opposition.  And  this  was  the  man- 
 ner in  which  Rome  so  joyfully  received  Vespasian,  and  thence  grew  immediately  into  a  state 
 of  great  prosperity. 
 
 2.  But  before  this  time,  and  while  Vespasian  was  about  Alexandria,  and  Titus  was  lying 
 at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  a  great  multitude  of  the  Germans  were  in  commotion,  and  tended  to 
 rebellion;  and  as  the  Gauls  in  their  neighbourhood  joined  with  them,  they  conspired  tngefher, 
 and  had  thereby  great  hopes  of  success,  and  that  they  should  free  themselves  from  the  dominion 
 of  the  Romans.  The  motives  that  induced  the  Germans  to  this  attempt  for  a  revolt,  and  for 
 beginning  the  war,  were  these :  In  the  first  place,  the  nature  [of  the  people,]  which  was 
 destitute  of  just  reasonings,  and  ready  to  throw  themselves  rashly  into  danger,  upon  small 
 hopes;  in  the  next  place,  the  hatred  they  bore  to  those  that  were  their  governors,  while  their 
 nation  had  never  been  conscious  of  subjection  to  any  but  to  the  Romans,  and  that  by  compul- 
 sion only.  Besides  these  motives,  it  was  the  opportunity  that  now  oflered  itself,  which  above 
 all  the  rest  prevailed  with  them  so  to  do  ;  for  when  they  saw  the  Roman  government  in  a  great 
 internal  disorder,  by  the  continual  changes  of  its  rulers,  and  understood  that  every  part  of  the 
 habitable  earth  under  them  was  in  an  unsettled  and  tottering  condition,  they  thought  this  was 
 the  best  opportunity  that  could  afford  itself  for  themselves  to  make  a  sedition,  when  the  state 
 of  the  Romans  was  so  ill.  Classicus*  and  also  Vitellius,t  two  of  their  commanders,  puiled 
 them  up  with  such  hopes.  These  had  for  a  long  time  been  openly  desirous  of  such  an  inno- 
 vation, and  were  induced  by  the  present  opportunity  to  venture  upon  the  declaration  of  their 
 sentiments  :  the  multitude  was  also  ready,  and  when  these  men  told  them  of  what  they  intended 
 to  attempt,  that  news  was  gladly  received  by  them.  So  when  a  great  part  of  the  Germans 
 had  agreed  to  rebel,  and  the  rest  were  no  better  disposed,  Vespasian,  as  guided  by  divine 
 Providence,  sent  letters  to  Petilias  Cerealis,  who  had  formerly  had  the  command  of  Germany, 
 whereby  he  declared  him  lo  have  the  dignity  of  consul,  and  commanded  him  to  take  upon  him 
 the  government  of  Britain  ;  so  he  went  whither  he  was  ordered  to  go,  and  when  he  was  informed 
 
 •  Classicus,  and  Civilis,  and  Cerealis,  are  names  well  Itnown  in  Tacitus,  the  two  former  as  moving  sedition 
 against  Ilio  Tlomans,  and  the  last  as  sent  lo  repress  them  hy  Vespasian,  just  as  ihey  are  here  described  in 
 Josfphus  ;  which  is  the  case  also  of  Fonteius  Agrippa  and  liabrius  Gailus.  in  4  3.  Hut  as  to  the  very  farour- 
 able  account  presently  given  of  IJomitian,  particularly  as  to  his  designs  in  this  his  Gallic  and  German  expedi- 
 tion, it  IS  not  a  little  contrary  to  that  in  Suetonius,  \>sp.  ^7.  Jvor  are  the  reasons  unobvious  that  might  occa- 
 sion this  great  diversity.  Domitian  was  one  of  Jospphus'  pairons,  and  when  he  published  these  books  of  the 
 Jewish  War,  was  very  young,  and  had  hardly  begun  those  wicked  practices,  which  rendered  him  so  infamous 
 afterward  ;  while  Suetonius  seems  to  have  been"  too  young,  and  too  low  in  life,  to  receive  any  remarkable 
 favours  fironi  him  ;  as  Domitian  was  certainly  very  lewd  and  cruel,  and  generally  hated  when  Suetonius 
 wrote  about  him. 
 
 t  Civili*     Tacit 
 
BOOK   VII. — CHAP.    V.  7ii3 
 
 of  the  revolt  of  the  Germans,  lie  fell  upon  them  as  sooti  as  they  were  gotten  together,  and  put 
 his  army  in  battle-array,  and  slew  a  great  iiiultituile  of  them  in  the  fight,  and  forced  them  to 
 leave  oil'  ihtir  madness,  and  to  grow  wiser  ;  nay,  had  he  not  fallen  thus  suddenly  upon  them 
 on  the  place,  it  had  not  been  long  ere  tlicy  would  however  have  been  brought  to  [tunishment ; 
 for  as  soon  as  ever  tlie  news  of  their  revolt  was  come  to  Rome,  and  Caesar  Domitlan  was  made 
 acquainted  with  it,  he  made  no  delay  even  at  that  his  age,  when  he  was  exceeding  young,  but 
 undertook  this  weighty  aflair.  He  had  a  courageous  mind  from  his  father,  and  had  made 
 greater  improvements  than  belonged  to  such  an  age :  accordingly,  he  marched  against  the  bar- 
 barians immediately  ;  whereupon  their  hearts  failed  them  at  the  very  rumour  of  his  approach, 
 and  they  submitted  themselves  to  him  with  fear,  and  thought  it  a  happy  thing  that  tbey  were 
 brought  under  their  old  yoke  ay;ain  without  suffering  any  further  mischiefs.  When  therefore 
 Domitian  had  settled  all  the  affairs  of  Gaul  in  such  good  order,  that  it  would  not  be  easily  put 
 into  disorder  any  more,  he  returned  to  Rome  with  honour  and  glory,  as  having  performed  such 
 exploits  as  were  above  his  own  age,  but  worthy  of  so  great  a  father. 
 
 3.  At  the  very  same  time  with  the  forementioued  revolt  of  the  Germans,  did  the  bold  attempt 
 of  the  Scythians  against  the  Romans  occur:  for  those  Scylliians,  who  are  called  Sarmatians, 
 being  a  very  numerous  people,  transported  themselves  over  tiie  Danube  into  Mysia,  without 
 being  perceived  ;  after  which,  by  their  violence,  and  entirely  unexpected  assault,  ihey  slew  a 
 great  many  of  the  Romans  that  guarded  the  frontiers  ;  and  as  the  consular  legate  Fonteius 
 Agrippa  came  to  meet  ihein,  and  fought  conra^eously  against  them,  he  was  slain  by  them. 
 They  then  overran  all  the  region  that  had  been  su'oject  to  hira,  tearing  and  rending  everything 
 that  fell  in  tiieir  way.  But  when  \'espasian  was  informed  of  what  bad  happened,  and  how 
 JNlysia  was  laid  waite,  be  sent  away  Rubrius  Gallus  to  punish  these  Sarmatians  ;  by  whose 
 means  many  of  them  perished  in  the  battles  he  fought  against  them,  and  that  part  which 
 escaped  lied  with  fear  to  their  own  country.  So  when  this  general  had  put  an  end  to  the  war, 
 he  provided  for  the  future  security  of  the  country  also;  for  he  placed  more  and  more  numerous 
 garrisons  in  the  place,  till  he  made  it  altogether  impossible  for  the  barbarians  to  pass  over  the 
 liver  any  more.     And  thus  had  this  war  in  Mysia  a  sudden  conclusioa. 
 
 CHAP.  V. 
 
 Concerning  the  Sabbatic  River,  which  Til  us  saw  as  he  %ias  jourmying  through  Syria;  ami  h  or: 
 the  People  of  Antioch  came  with  a  Petition  to  Titus  against  the  Jews,  but  were  rejected  by 
 him ;  as  also  concerning  Titus  and  Vespasiujt's  Triumph, 
 
 i  1.  Now  Titus  Cassar  tarried  some  time  at  Berytus,  as  we  told  you  before.  He  thence 
 removed,  and  exhibited  magaificent  shows  in  all  those  cities  of  Syria  through  which  he  went, 
 and  made  use  of  the  captive  Jews  as  public  instances  of  the  destruction  of  that  nation.  He 
 then  saw  a  river  as  he  went  along,  of  such  a  nature  as  deserves  to  be  recorded  in  history  ;  it 
 runs  in  the  middle  between  Arcea,  belonging  to  Agrippa's  kingdom,  and  Raphanea.  It  hath 
 somewhat  very  peculiar  in  it  ;  for  when  it  runs,  its  current  is  strong,  and  has  plenty  of  water  ; 
 after  which  its  springs  fail  for  six  days  together,  and  leave  its  channel  dry,  as  any  one  may 
 see  ;  after  which  days  it  runs  on  the  seventh  day  as  it  did  before,  and  as  though  it  had  under- 
 gone no  change  at  all  ;  it  hath  also  been  observed  to  keep  this  order  perpetually  and  exactly  : 
 whence  it  is  that  they  call  it  the  Sabbatic  River,*  that  name  being  taken  from  the  sacred 
 seventh  day  among  the  Jews. 
 
 2.  But  when  the  people  of  Antioch  were  informed  that  Titus  was  approaching,  they  were  so 
 glad  at  it,  that  they  could  not  keep  within  their  walls,  but  hasted  away  to  give  him  the  meet- 
 ing ;  nay,  they  proceeded  as  far  as  thirty  furlongs,  and  more,  with  that  intention.  These  were 
 not  the  men  only,  but  a  multitude  of  women  also  with  their  children,  did  the  same;  and  when 
 th'.-y  saw  him  coming  up  tu  them,  they  stood  on  both  sides  of  the  way,  and  stretching  out  their 
 right  hands,  saluting  him,  and  making  all  sorts  of  acclamations  to  him,  and  turned  hack  toge- 
 ther with  him.  They  also,  atnong  all  the  acclaniatrnns  they  made  to  him,  hesouglit  him  all  the 
 way  they  went,  to  eject  the  Jews  out  of  their  city;  yet  did  not  Titus  at  all  yield  to  this  their 
 petition,  but  gave  the  bare  hearing  of  it  (juietly.  However,  the  Jews  were  in  a  great  deal  of 
 terrible  fear  under  the  uncertainly  thev  were  in  what  his  opinion  was,  and  what  he  would  do 
 U,  them.  For  Titus  did  not  stay  at  Antioch,  but  continued  his  progress  immediately  to  Zeug- 
 ma, which  lies  upon  the  Euphrates,  whither  came  to  him  messengers  from  \  oingesus,  king  »if 
 Parlhia,  and  brought  bim  a  crowr)  of  gold  upon  the  victory  he  gained  over  the  Jews;  which  he 
 accepted  of,  and  feasted  the  king's  messengers,  and  then  came  back  to  Antioch.  And  when 
 the  senate  and  people  of  Antioch  earnestly  entreated  him  to  come  upon  their  theatre,  where 
 the  whole  multitude  were  assembled,  and  expected  bim,  he  complied  with  great  humanity;  but 
 
 •  Since  in  these  later  ages,  this  Sabhatic  river,  ODce  so  famous,  which,  by  Josephus'  account  here,  ran  every 
 sevemh  day,  and  rested  on  mx,  but  according  to  Pliny,  ISal.  Hist.  xxxi.  11.  ran  perpetually  on  six  days,  and 
 rested  every  seventh,  (though  it  no  way  appears  by  either  of  their  accounts  that  the  seventh  day  of  this  river 
 was  the  Jewish  seventh  day  or  Sabbath,)  is  <iuue  vauishe/l,  !  shall  add  no  more  about  it  ;  only  see  Or.  Hud- 
 fon's  note.  In  Vareiiius'  (ieoyraphy,  i.  17.  the  render  will  find  siveral  instances  of  such  iieriodical  founlainj 
 and  rivers,  though  none  of  their  periods  were  hist  lliat  of  a  week,  as  of  old  this  appears  to  have  been. 
 
724  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 when  tliey  pressed  bira  with  miicli  earnestness,  and  continually  begged  of  Iiim  that  he  would 
 eject  the  Jews  oat  of  their  city,  he  gave  them  this  very  pertinent  answer  :  "  How  can  this  be 
 done,  since  that  country  of  theirs,  whither  the  Jews  must  be  obliged  then  to  retire,  is  destroyed, 
 and  no  place  will  receive  them  besides."  Whereupon  the  people  of  Anlioch,  when  thev  h:id 
 failed  of  success  in  this  their  first  request,  made  him  a  second  ;  for  they  desired  that  he  would 
 order  those  tables  of  brass  to  be  removed,  on  which  the  Jews'  privileges  were  engraven. 
 However,  Titus  would  not  grant  that  neither,  but  permitted  the  Jewsof  Antioch  to  continue  to 
 enjoy  the  very  same  privileges  in  that  city  which  they  had  before,  and  then  departed  for 
 Egypt  ;  and  as  he  came  to  Jerusalem  in  his  progress,  and  compared  the  melancholy  condition 
 Le  saw  it  then  in,  with  tlie  ancient  jrlorj'  of  the  citj',  and  called  to  mind  the  greatness  of  its 
 present  ruins,  as  well  as  its  ancient  splendour,  he  could  not  but  pity  tiie  destruction  of  the 
 city,  so  far  was  he  frura  boasting  that  so  great  and  goodly  a  city  as  that  was,  had  been  by  him 
 taken  by  force  :  nay,  he  frequently  cursed  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of  their  revolt,  and 
 Lad  brought  such  a  punishment  upon  the  city  ;  insomuch,  that  it  openly  appeared,  that  he  did 
 not  desire  that  such  a  calamity  as  this  panishment  of  theirs  amounted  to,  should  be  a  demon- 
 stration of  his  courage.  Yet  was  there  no  small  quantity  of  the  riches  that  had  been  in  that 
 city  still  found  among  its  ruins,  a  great  deal  of  which  the  Romans  dug  up;  but  the  greatest 
 part  was  discovered  by  those  who  were  captives,  and  so  they  carried  it  away  ;  I  mean  the  gold 
 and  silver,  and  the  rest  of  that  most  precious  furniture  which  the  Jews  had,  and  which  the 
 owners  had  treasured  up  under  ground,  against  the  uncertain  fortunes  of  war. 
 
 3.  So  Titus  took  the  journey  he  intended  into  Egypt,  and  passed  over  the  desert  very  sud- 
 denly, and  carae  to  Alexandria,  and  took  up  a  resolution  to  go  to  Rome  by  sea.  And  as  he 
 was  accompanied  by  two  legions,  he  sent  each  of  them  again  to  the  places  whence  ihey  had 
 before  come  :  the  fifth  he  sent  to  Mysia,  and  the  fifti'enth  to  Panonia  :  as  for  the  leaders  of  the 
 captives,  Simon  and  John,  with  the  other  seven  hundred  men,  whom  he  had  selected  out  of 
 the  rest  as  being  eminently  tail  and  handsome  of  body,  he  gave  order  that  they  should  be  soon 
 carried  to  Italy,  as  resolving  to  produce  them  in  his  triumph.  So  when  he  had  had  a  prosper- 
 ous voyage  to  his  mind,  the  city  of  Rome  behaved  itself  in  his  reception,  and  their  meeting 
 liim  at  a  distance,  as  it  did  in  the  case  of  his  father.  But  what  made  the  most  splendid 
 appearance  in  Titus's  opinion,  was,  when  his  father  met  him,  and  received  him  ;  but  still  the 
 multitude  of  the  citizens  conceived  the  greatest  joy,  when  they  saw  them  all  three  together,* 
 as  they  did  at  this  time  :  nor  were  many  days  overpast,  when  they  determined  to  have  but  one 
 triumph,  that  should  be  common  to  both  of  them,  on  account  of  the  glorious  exploits  they  had 
 performed,  although  the  senate  had  decreed  each  of  them  a  separate  triumph  by  himself.  So 
 when  notice  had  been  given  beforehand,  of  the  day  appointed  for  this  pompous  solemnity  to  be 
 made,  on  account  of  their  victories,  not  one  of  the  immense  multitude  was  left  in  the  city,  but 
 every  body  went  out  so  far  as  to  gain  only  a  station  where  they  might  stand,  and  left  only  such 
 a  passage  as  was  necessary  for  those  that  were  to  be  seen  to  go  along  it. 
 
 4.  Now  all  the  soldiery  marched  out  beforehand  by  companies,  and  in  their  several  ranks, 
 under  their  several  comraanders,  in  the  night-time,  and  were  about  the  gates,  not  of  the  upjjer 
 jjalaces,  but  those  near  the  temple  of  Isis;  for  there  it  was  that  the  emperors  had  rested  the 
 foregoing  night.  And  as  soon  as  ever  it  was  day,  Vespasian  and  Titus  came  out  crowned  with 
 laurel,  and  clothed  in  those  ancient  purple  habits  which  were  proper  to  their  family,  and  then 
 went  as  far  as  Octavian's  walks  ;  for  there  it  was  that  the  senate,  and  the  principal  rulers,  and 
 those  that  had  been  recorded  as  of  the  equestrian  order,  waited  for  them.  Now  a  tribunal  bad 
 been  erected  before  (he  c'oisters,  and  ivory  chairs  had  been  set  upon  it,  when  they  came  and 
 sat  down  upon  them.  Whereupon  the  soldiery  made  an  acclamation  of  joy  to  thera  imme- 
 diately, and  all  gave  them  attestations  of  their  valour ;  while  they  were  themselves  without 
 their  arms,  and  only  in  their  silken  garments,  and  crowned  with  laurel  ;  then  Vespasian 
 accepted  of  these  shouts  of  theirs ;  but  while  th«y  were  still  disposed  to  go  on  in  such  accla- 
 mations, he  gave  them  a  signal  of  silence.  And  when  every  body  entirely  held  their  peace,  he 
 stood  up,  and  covering  the  greatest  part  of  his  bead  with  his  cloak,  he  put  up  the  accustomed 
 solemn  prayers;  the  like  prayers  did  Titus  put  up  also  ;  after  which  prayers  Vespasian  made  a 
 short  speech  to  all  the  people,  and  then  sent  away  the  soldiers  to  a  dinner  prepared  for  them 
 by  the  emperors.  Tlien  did  he  retire  to  that  gate  which  was  called  the  gate  of  the  pomp, 
 because  pompous  shows  do  always  go  through  that  gate;  tliere  it  was  that  they  fasted  some 
 food,  and  when  they  had  put  on  their  triumphal  garments,  and  bad  offered  sacrifices  to  the 
 gods  that  were  placed  at  the  gate,  they  sent  the  triumph  forward,  and  marched  through  tiie 
 theatres,  that  tliey  might  be  the  more  easily  seen  bv  the  multitudes. 
 
 5.  Now  it  is  impossible  to  describe  the  multitude  of  the  shows  as  they  deserve,  and  the 
 magnificence  of  them  all  ;  such  indeed  as  a  man  could  not  easily  think  of,  as  performed,  either 
 by  the  labour  of  workmen,  or  the  variety  of  riches,  or  tlie  rarities  of  nature  ;  for  almost  all 
 such  curiosities  as  the  most  happy  men  ever  get  by  piece-meal,  were  here  heaped  one  upon 
 another,  and  those  both  admirable  and  costly  in  their  nature;  and  nil  brought  together  on  that 
 day,  demonstrated  the  rastness  of  the  dominions  of  the  Romans  ;  for  there  was  here  to  be  seen 
 
 *  Vespasian  and  his  two  Bona,  Titus  and  Domitian. 
 
BOOK    VII. —  CHAP.    V.  725 
 
 a  niightjT  quautity  of  silver,  and  gold,  and  ivory,  contrived  into  all  sorts  of  tilings,  find  did  not 
 appear  is  carried  along  in  pompons  show  only,  but,  as  a  man  ma^'  say,  running  alonsj  like  a 
 river.  Some  parts  were  composed  of  the  rarest  purple  hangings,  and  so  carried  along  ;  and 
 others  accurately  represented  to  the  life  what  w:is  embroidered  by  the  arts  of  the  Babylonians. 
 There  were  also  precious  stones,  that  were  transparent,  some  set  in  crowns  of  gold,  and  some 
 in  other  ouches,  as  the  workmen  pleased  ;  and  of  these  such  a  vast  number  were  brought,  that 
 we  coald  not  but  thence  loarn  how  vainly  we  imagined  any  of  them  to  be  rarities.  The  images 
 of  the  gods  were  also  carried,  being  as  well  wonderful  for  their  largeness,  as  made  very  arti- 
 ficially, and  with  great  skill  of  the  workmen  :  nor  were  any  of  these  images  of  any  other  than 
 very  costly  materials,  and  many  species  of  animals  were  brought,  every  one  in  their  own 
 natural  ornaments.  Tlie  men  also  who  brought  every  one  of  these  shows  were  great  multi- 
 tudes, and  adorned  with  purple  garments,  all  over  interwoven  with  gold  ;  those  that  were 
 chosen  for  carrying  tliese  pompous  shews,  having  also  about  them  such  magnificent  ornaments, 
 as  were  both  extraordinary  and  surprising.  Besides  these,  one  might  see  that  even  the  great 
 number  of  the  captives  was  not  unadorned,  while  the  varietv  that  was  in  their  garments,  and 
 their  fine  texture,  concealed  from  the  sight  the  deformity  of  their  bodies.  But  what  atlorded 
 the  greatest  surprise  of  all,  was  the  structure  of  the  pageants  that  were  borne  along  ;  for 
 indeed  he  that  met  them  could  not  but  be  afraid  that  the  bearers  would  not  be  able  firmly 
 enough  to  support  them,  such  was  their  magniiude  :  for  many  of  them  were  so  made,  th;it 
 they  were  on  three  or  even  four  stories,  one  above  another.  The  magnificence  also  of  their 
 structure  afforded  one  both  pleasure  and  surprise  ;  for  upon  many  of  them  vi'ere  laid  carpets 
 of  gold.  There  was  also  wrought  gold  and  ivory  fastened  about  them  all  ;  and  many  resem- 
 blances of  the  war,  and  those  in  several  ways,  and  variety  of  contrivances,  affording  a  most 
 lively  portraiture  of  itself.  For  there  was  to  be  seen  a  happy  country  laid  waste,  and  entire 
 squadrons  of  enemies  slain  ;  while  some  of  them  ran  away,  and  some  were  carried  into  cap- 
 tivity, with  walls  of  great  altitude  and  magnitude  overthrown,  and  ruined  by  machines,  with 
 the  strongest  fortifications  taken,  and  the  walls  of  most  populous  cities  upon  the  tops  of  hills 
 seized  on,  and  an  army  pouring  itself  within  the  walls  ;  as  also  every  place  full  of  slaughter, 
 and  .'.upplications  of  the  enemies,  when  they  were  no  longer  able  to  lift  up  their  hands  in  waj 
 of  opposition.  Fire  also  sent  npon  temples  was  here  represented,  and  houses  overthrown,  and 
 falling  upon  their  owners  :  rivers  also,  after  they  came  out  of  a  large  and  melancholy  desert, 
 ran  down,  not  into  a  land  cultivated,  nor  as  drink  for  men,  or  for  cattle,  but  through  a  land 
 still  on  fire  npon  every  side  ;  for  the  Jews  related  that  such  a  thing  they  had  undergone  during 
 this  war.  Now  the  workmanship  of  these  representations  was  so  magnificent  and  lively  in 
 the  construction  of  the  things,  thnt  it  exhibited  what  had  been  done  lo  such  as  did  not  see  it, 
 as  if  they  had  been  there  really  present.  On  the  top  of  every  one  of  these  pageants  was  placed 
 the  commander  of  the  city  that  was  taken,  and  the  manner  wherein  he  was  taken.  Ptioreover, 
 tl;ere  followed  those  pageants  a  great  number  of  ships  ;  and  for  the  other  spoils  they  were 
 carried  in  great  plenty.  But  for  those  that  were  taken  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,*  they 
 made  the  greatest  figi;re  of  them  all ;  thst  is,  the  golden  table,  of  the  weight  of  many  talents  : 
 the  candlestick  also,  that  was  made  of  gold,  though  its  construction  was  now  changed  from 
 that  which  we  made  use  of:  for  its  middle  shaft,  was  fixed  upon  a  basis,  and  the  small  branches 
 were  produced  out  of  it  to  a  great  length,  having  the  likeness  of  a  trident  in  their  position, 
 and  had  every  one  a  socket  made  of  br::ss  for  a  lamp  at  the  tops  of  them.  These  lamps  were 
 in  nnmbpT  seven,  and  represented  the  dignity  of  the  number  Seven  among  the  Jews  ;  ;)iid  the 
 last  of  nil  the  spoils,  was  carried  the  law  of  the  Jews.  After  tliese  spoils  passed  by  a  great 
 many  men,  carrying  the  images  of  victory,  whose  structure  was  entirely  either  of  ivory  or  of 
 gold.  After  which  Vespasian  marched  in  the  first  place,  and  Titus  followed  him  ;  Domitian 
 also  rode  along  with  them,  and  made  a  glorious  appearance,  and  rode  on  a  horse  tiiat  was 
 worthy  of  admiration. 
 
 6.  Now  the  last  part  of  this  pompons  show  was  at  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  whither 
 when  they  were  come,  they  stood  still  :  for  it  was  the  Romans'  ancient  custom  to  stay  till 
 somebody  brought  the  news,  that  the  general  of  the  enemy  was  slain.  This  general  was  Simon, 
 the  son  of  Gioras,  who  had  then  been  led  in  this  triumph  among  the  captives  ;  a  rope  had  also 
 been  put  npon  his  head,  and  he  had  been  drawn  into  a  proper  pince  in  the  forum,  and  had 
 withal  been  tormentcfl  by  those  that  drew  him  along;  and  the  law  of  the  Romans  required, 
 that  malefactors,  condemned  to  die,  should  be  slain  there.  Accordingly,  when  it  was  related 
 that  there  was  an  end  of  him,  and  all  the  people  had  set  up  a  siiout  for  joy,  they  then  began 
 to  offer  those  sacrifices  which  t'ley  had  consecrated,  in  the  prayers  used  in  such  solemnities; 
 ■which  when  they  had  finished,  they  went  away  to  the  palace.  And  as  for  some  of  the  specta- 
 tors, the  emperors  entertained  thein  at  their  own  feast ;  and   for  all  the  rest  there  were  noble 
 
 *  See  the  representationa  of  these  Jewish  vessels  as  they  still  stand  on  Titus's  triumphal  arch  at  Itome,  in 
 Eeland's  very  curious  book  de  Spcliis  Tcmpli  throughout.  Uiit  what  things  are  chiefly  to  be  nottd  are  these  : 
 (1)  'Jhat  Jostphus  says,  that  the  candlestick  here  carried  in  this  triumph  was  not  thoroughly  like  that  which 
 was  used  in  the  temple,  which  appears  iu  the  number  of  the  little  knops  and  fiowirs  io  that  on  the  triumphal 
 arch,  not  well  agreeing  with  Moses'  description,  Kxod.  xxv.  SI— 36.  (2.)  The  smallness  of  the  hranchts  in 
 Josephus  compared  with  the  thickness  of  those  on  that  arch.  (:5  1  'I'hat  the  law  or  Pentateuch  does  not  appear 
 on  that  arch  at  all,  though  Josephus,  an  eye-witness,  a'isures  us  that  il  was  carried  iu  this  iioct.-iiou.  All 
 which  Chings  deserve  the  consideration  of  the  inquisitive  reader 
 
726  WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 jireparatioDs  made  for  tlieir  feaslin?  at  home  :  for  this  was  a  festival  day  to  tlie  city  of  Rome, 
 as  celebrated  for  the  victory  obtained  by  their  army  over  their  enemies,  for  the  end  that  was 
 MOW  put  to  their  civil  miseries,  and  for  the  corameiicement  of  their  hopes  of  future  prosperity 
 aod  happiness. 
 
 7.  After  these  triumphs  vfere  over,  and  after  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  were  settled  on  the 
 surest  foundations,  Vespasian  resolved  to  build  a  temple  to  Peace,  which  he  finished  in  so 
 short  a  time,  and  in  so  glorious  a  manner,  as  was  beyond  all  human  expectation  and  opinion  : 
 for  he  having  now  by  Providence  a  vast  quantity  of  wealth,  besides  what  he  had  formerly 
 gained  in  his  other  exploits,  he  had  this  temple  adorned  with  pictures  and  statues  ;  for  in 
 this  temple  was  collected  and  deposited  all  such  rarities  as  men  aforetime  used  to  wander  all 
 over  the  habitable  world  to  see,  when  they  had  a  desire  to  see  one  of  tbem  after  another  : 
 he  also  laid  up  therein  tliose  golden  vessels  and  instruments  that  were  taken  out  of  the  Jewish 
 temple,  as  ensigns  of  his  glory.  But  still  he  gave  order  that  they  should  lay  up  their  law,  and 
 the  purple  veils  of  the  holy  place,  in  the  royal  palace  itself,  and  keep  them  there. 
 
 CHAP.  VI. 
 
 Concerning  Macherus,  and  how  Luciliux  Bassiis  took  the  Citadel,  and  other  Places. 
 
 §  1.  Now  Luciliiis  Bassus  was  sent  as  legate  into  Judea,  and  there  he  received  the  army  from 
 Cerealis  Vitellianus,'  and  took  that  citadel  which  was  in  Herodium,  together  with  the  garrison 
 that  was  in  it :  after  which  he  got  together  all  tbe  soldiery  that  was  there,  (which  was  a  large 
 bodv,  but  dispersed  into  several  parties,)  with  the  tenth  legion,  and  resolved  to  make  war 
 upon  Macherus  ;  for  it  was  highlj'  necessary  that  this  citadel  should  be  demolished,  lest  it 
 might  be  a  means  of  drawing  away  many  into  a  rebellion,  by  reason  of  its  strength  :  for  the 
 nature  of  the  place  was  very  capable  of  affording  the  surest  hopes  of  safety  to  those  that  pos- 
 sessed it,  as  well  as  delay  and  fear  to  those  that  should  attack  it ;  for  what  was  walled  in  was 
 itself  a  very  rocky  hill,  elevated  to  a  very  great  height,  which  circumstance  alone  made  it  very 
 hard  to  be  subdued.  It  was  also  so  contrived  by  nature,  that  it  could  not  be  easily  ascended ; 
 for  it  is,  as  it  were,  ditched  about  with  such  vallies  on  all  sides,  and  to  such  a  depth,  that  the 
 eye  cannot  reach  their  bottoms,  and  such  as  are  not  easily  to  be  passed  over,  and  even  such 
 as  it  is  impossible  to  fill  up  with  earth.  For  that  valley  which  cuts  it  on  the  west,  extends  to 
 threescore  furlongs,  and  did  not  end  till  it  came  to  the  lake  Asphaltitis  ;  on  the  same  side  it 
 was  also  tliat  Macherus  had  the  tallest  top  of  its  hill  elevated  above  the  rest.  But  then  for 
 the  valleys  that  lay  on  the  north  and  south  sides,  although  they  be  not  so  large  as  that  already 
 described,  yet  it  is  in  like  manner  an  impracticable  thing  to  think  of  getting  over  them  :  and 
 for  the  valley  that  lies  on  the  east  side,  its  depth  is  found  to  be  no  less  than  a  hundred  cubits. 
 It  extends  as  far  as  a  mountain  that  lies  over  against  Macherus,  with  which  it  is  bounded. 
 
 2.  Now  when  Alexander  [Janneus,]  the  king  of  the  Jews,  observed  the  nature  of  this 
 place,  he  was  the  first  who  built  a  citadel  here,  which  afterwards  was  demolished  by  Gabinius, 
 when  he  made  war  against  Aristobulus.  But  when  Herod  came  to  be  king,  he  thought  the 
 place  to  be  worthy  of  the  utmost  regard,  and  of  being  built  upon  the  firmest  manner,  and  this 
 especially  because  it  lay  so  near  to  Arabia:  for  it  is  seated  in  a  convenient  place  on  that 
 account,  and  bad  a  prospect  towards  that  country  ;  he  therefore  surrounded  a  large  space  of 
 ground  willi  walls  and  towers,  and  built  a  city  there,  out  of  which  city  there  was  a  way  that 
 led  up  to  tiie  very  citadel  itself  on  tbe  lop  of  the  mountain  :  nay,  more  than  this,  he  built  a 
 wall  round  that  top  of  tbe  bill,  and  erected  towers  at  tlie  corners,  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  ci  bits 
 high  ;  in  the  middle  of  which  place  he  built  a  palace,  after  a  magnificent  manner,  wherein 
 were  large  and  beautiful  edifices.  He  also  made  a  great  many  reservoirs  for  the  reception  of 
 water,  that  there  might  be  plenty  of  it  ready  for  all  uses,  and  those  in  the  propertst  places 
 that  were  afforded  hira  there.  Thus  did  he,  as  it  were,  contend  with  the  nature  of  the  place 
 that  he  might  exceed  its  natural  strength  and  security,  whicli  yet  itself  rendered  it  hard  to  be 
 taken,  by  tliose  fortifications  which  were  made  by  the  bands  of  men.  Moreover,  he  put  a 
 large  quantity  of  darts  and  other  machines  of  war  into  it,  and  contrived  to  get  every  thing 
 thither  that  might  any  way  contribute  to  its  inhabitants'  security,  under  the  longest  siege 
 possible. 
 
 3.  Now  within  this  place  there  grew  a  sort  of  rue,*  that  deserves  our  wonder  on  acconnt  of 
 its  largeness,  for  it  was  no  way  inferior  to  any  fig-tree  whatsoever,  either  in  height  or  in 
 thickness  ;  and  the  report  is,  that  it  had  lasted  ever  since  the  times  of  Herod,  and  would  pro- 
 bably have  lasted  niucli  longer  bad  it  not  been  cut  down  by  those  Jews  who  took  possession 
 of  tbe  place  afterward.  But  still  in  that  valley  which  encompasses  the  city  on  the  north  side, 
 there  is  a  certain  place  called  Baaras,  which  produces  a  roott  of  the   same   name  with  itself; 
 
 *  Spanheim  observes  here,  that  in  Greecia  Major  and  Sicily  they  had  rvie  prodigiously  creat  and  durable, 
 like  this  rue  at  Macherus. 
 
 t 'this  strange  account  of  the  place  and  root  Baaras.  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  mapicians,  and  the 
 root  to  have  been  made  use  of  in  the  days  of  .tosephus,  in  that  superstitious  way  of  casting  out  demons,  sup- 
 posert  liy  him  to  have  been  derived  from  king  Solomon  ;  of  which  we  have  already  Sf  en  he  had  a  great  opinion, 
 ,  "'•  "■  viii.  chap.  li.  ^  5.  We  also  hence  may  learn  the  true  noliou  .losuphTis  had  of  demons  and  demo- 
 ,'\  ."  ^"<^"y  V"e  that  of  .tews  and  Christiai.s  in  the  Ktw  ■i'eslameni  und  of  the  lirsl  four  tenturies.  See 
 >»ntni.  h.  VI.  chap,  viii,  }  2.  b.  xi,  chap,  ii,  ^  3. 
 
BOOK   VI. — CHAP.  VH.  727 
 
 its  colour  is  like  that  of  llame,  and  towards  tlie  evening  it  sends  oat  a  certain  ray  like  liglitnin"  ; 
 it  is  not  easily  taken  by  such  as  would  do  it,  but  recedes  from  their  hands,  nor  will  yield  itself 
 to  be  taken  qni*tly,  until  either  the  urine  of  a  woman,  or  the  menstrual  blood,  be  poured  upon 
 it  ;  nay,  even  then  it  is  certain  death  to  those  that  touch  it,  unless  any  one  take  and  bang  the 
 root  itself  down  from  bis  band,  and  so  carry  it  away.  It  may  also  be  taken  another  way, 
 without  danger,  which  is  this  :  They  dig  a  trench  quite  round  about  it,  till  the  hidden  part  of 
 the  root  be  very  small ;  they  then  tie  a  dog  to  it,  and  when  the  dog  tries  hard  to  follow  him 
 that  tied  him,  this  root  is  easily  plucked  up  ;  but  the  dog  dies  inimedialelj,  as  if  it  were  instead 
 of  the  man  that  would  take  the  plant  away  ;  nor  after  this  need  any  one  be  afraid  of  taking  it 
 into  their  hands.  Yet  after  all  this  pains  in  getting,  it  is  only  valuable  on  account  of  one  virtue 
 it  hath,  tiiat  if  it  be  only  brought  to  sick  persons,  it  quickly  drives  away  those  called  demons, 
 which  are  no  other  than  the  spirits  of  the  wicked,  that  enter  into  men  that  are  alive,  and  kill 
 them,  unless  they  can  obtain  some  help  against  them.  Mere  are  alsofountiiiiis  of  hot  water,  that 
 (low  out  of  this  place,  which  have  a  very  different  taste  from  the  other:  for  some  of  them  are 
 bitter,  and  others  of  them  are  plainly  sweet.  Here  are  also  many  eruptions  of  cold  waters,  and 
 this  not  only  in  the  places  that  lie  lower,  and  have  their  fountains  near  one  another,  but  what 
 is  still  more  wonderful,  here  is  to  be  seen  a  certain  cave  hard  by,  whose  cavity  is  not  deep, 
 but  it  is  covered  over  by  a  rock  that  is  prominent  :  above  this  rock  tlure  stands  up  two  [hills 
 or]  breasts,  as  it  were,  but  a  little  distant  one  from  another,  the  one  of  which  sends  out  a 
 fountain  that  is  veryccld,  and  the  other  sends  out  one  that  is  very  hot,  which  waters  when  they 
 are  mingled  together,  compose  a  most  pleasant  bath  ;  they  are  medicinal  indeed  for  other 
 maladies,  but  especially  good  for  strenthening  the  nerves.  This  place  has  in  it  also  mines  of 
 sulphur  and  alum. 
 
 4.  Now  when  Bassus  had  taken  a  full  view  of  this  place,  he  resolved  to  besiege  it,  by  fill- 
 ing up  the  valley  that  lay  on  the  east  side  ;  so  he  fell  hard  to  work,  and  took  great  pains  to 
 raise  his  banks  as  soon  as  possible,  and  by  that  means  to  render  the  siege  easy.  As  for  the 
 Jews  that  were  caught  in  this  place,  they  separated  themselves  from  the  strangers  That  were 
 with  them,  and  they  forced  those  strangers,  as  an  otherwise  useless  multitude,  to  stay  in  the 
 lower  part  of  the  city,  and  undergo  the  principal  dangers,  while  they  themselves  seized  on  the 
 upper  citadel,  and  held  it,  and  this  both  on  account  of  its  strength,  and  to  provide  for  their  own 
 safety.  They  also  supposed  they  might  ob!ain  their  pardon,  in  case  they  should  [at  last]  sur- 
 render the  citadel.  However,  they  were  willing  to  make  trial  in  the  fust  place,  whether 
 the  hopes  they  had  of  avoiding  a  siege  would  come  to  any  thing,  with  which  intention  they 
 made  sallies  every  day,  and  fought  with  those  that  met  them,  in  which  conflicts  there  were 
 many  of  them  slain,  as  they  therein  slew  many  of  the  Romans.  But  still  it  was  the  opportu- 
 nities that  presented  themselves,  which  chielly  gained  both  sides  their  victoiies  ;  these  were 
 gained  by  the  Jews,  when  they  fell  upon  the  Romans  as  they  were  off  tlieir  guard  ;  bat  by 
 the  Romans,  when  upon  the  others'  sallies  against  their  banks  they  foresaw  their  coming,  and 
 were  upon  their  guard  when  they  received  them.  But  the  conclusion  of  this  siege  did  not 
 depend  upon  these  bickerings  ;  but  a  certain  surprisitig  accident,  relating  to  what  was  done  in 
 this  siege,  forced  the  Jews  to  surrender  the  citadel.  There  was  a  certain  yoang  man  among 
 the  besieged,  of  great  boldness,  and  very  active  of  his  band  :  his  name  was  Eleazar.  He 
 greatly  signalized  himself  in  those  sallies,  and  encouraged  the  Jews  to  go  out  in  great  irnra- 
 bers,  in  order  to  binder  the  raising  of  the  banks,  and  did  the  Romans  a  vast  deal  of  mischief 
 when  thev  came  to  fighting-,  he  so  managed  matters,  that  those  who  sallied  out  made  their 
 attacks  easily,  and  returned  back  without  danger,  and  this  by  still  bringing  up  the  rear  him- 
 self. Now  it  happened  that  on  a  certain  time,  when  the  fight  was  over,  and  both  sides  were 
 parted,  and  retired  home,  he,  in  way  of  contempt  of  tne  enemy,  and  thinking  that  none  of  them 
 would  begin  the  fight  ag^iin  at  that  time,  staid  without  the  gates,  and  talked  with  those  that 
 were  upon  the  wall,  and  jiis  mind  was  wholly  intent  upon  whr.ttbey  said.  Now  a  certain  per- 
 son belonging  to  the  Roman  camp,  whose  name  was  Rufus,  by  birth  an  Egyptian,  ran  upon 
 l)in)  suddenly,  when  nobody  expected  such  a  thing,  and  carried  him  off,  with  his  armour  itself; 
 while  in  the  mean  time  those  that  saw  it  from  the  wall  were  under  such  an  amazement,  that 
 Rufus  prevented  their  assistance,  and  carried  Eleazar  to  the  Roman  camp.  So  the  general  of 
 the  Romans  ordered  that  be  should  be  taken  up  naked,  set  before  the  city  to  be  seen,  and 
 sorely  whipped  before  their  eyes.  Upon  this  sad  accident  that  befell  the  young  man,  the 
 Jews  were  terribly  confounded,  and  the  city  with  one  voioe  sorely  lamented  him,  and  the 
 mourning  proved  greater  than  could  well  be  supposed  upon  the  calamity  of  a  single  person. 
 When  Bassus  perceived  that,  be  began  to  think  of  using  a  stratagem  against  the  enemy,  and 
 was  desirous  to  aggravate  tiieir  grief,  in  order  to  prevail  with  them  to  surrender  the  city  for 
 the  preservation  of  that  man.  Nor  did  he  fail  of  his  hope  ;  for  he  commanded  them  to  set  up 
 a  cross,  as  if  be  were  just  going  to  hang  Eleazar  upon  it  immediately  ;  the  sight  of  this  oc- 
 casioned a  sore  grief  among  those  that  were  in  the  citadel,  and  tliey  gri^aned  vehemet.tiy,  and 
 cried  out,  that  they  could  not  bear  to  see  him  thus  destroyed.  "Whereupon  Eleazar  besought 
 them  not  to  disregard  him,  now  be  was  going  to  suffer  a  most  miserable  death,  and  exhorted 
 them  to  save  themselves,  by  yielding  to  the  Roman  power  and  good  fortune,  since  all  other 
 people   were   now  conquered   by  them.     These   men  were  greatly  moved   with  what  he  said, 
 
728  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 there  being  also  many  witLin  tbe  city  that  interceded  for  him,  hecanse  he  was  of  an  emineat 
 and  very  numerous  family  ;  so  Ihey  now  yielded  to  their  passion  of  coniraiseration,  contrary 
 to  the  usual  custom.  Accordingly  they  seat  out  immediately  certain  messengers,  and  treated 
 with  the  Romans,  in  order  to  a  surrender  of  the  citadel  to  them,  and  desired  that  they  might 
 be  permitted  to  go  away,  and  take  Eieazar  along  with  them.  Then  did  the  Romans  and  their 
 £ener<il  accept  of  these  terms,  while  the  multitude  of  strangers  that  were  in  the  lower  part  of 
 the  citv,  hearing  of  the  agreement  that  was  made  by  the  Jews  for  themselves  aluue,  were  re^ 
 solved  to  fly  away  privately  in  the  night-time  ;  but  as  soon  as  they  had  opened  their  gates, 
 those  that  had  come  to  terms  with  Bassus  told  him  of  it;  whether  it  were  that  they  envied  the 
 others'  deliverance,  or  whether  it  were  done  out  of  fear,  lest  an  occasion  should  be  taken 
 agaioot  them  upon  their  escape,  is  uncertain.  The  most  courageous,  therefore,  of  those  men 
 that  went  out  prevented  the  enemy,  and  got  away,  and  fled  for  it  ;  but  for  those  men  that  were 
 caught  within,  they  were  slain,  to  the  number  of  one  thousand  seven  hundred,  as  were  the 
 women  and  children  made  slaves.  But  as  Bassus  thought  he  must  perform  the  covenant 
 he  had  made  with  those  that  bad  surrendered  the  citadel,  he  let  them  go,  and  restored 
 JSleazar  to  them. 
 
 5.  When  Bassus  had  settled  these  aflairs,  he  marched  hastily  to  the  forest  of  Jarden,  as  it 
 is  called;  for  he  had  heard  that  a  great  many  of  those  that  had  fled  from  Jerusalem  and 
 Macherus  foriiierly,  were  there  gotten  together.  When  he  was  therefore  come  to  the  place, 
 and  uiiilerslood  that  the  former  news  was  no  mistake,  he,  in  the  first  place,  surrounded  the 
 whole  place  wi.h  his  horsemen,  that  such  of  the  Jews  as  had  boldness  enough  to  try  to  break 
 through,  might  have  no  way  possible  for  escaping,  by  reason  c''the  situation  of  their  horse- 
 men  ;  and  for  the  footmen,  he  ordered  them  to  cut  down  the  trees  that  were  in  the  wood  whither 
 they  were  fled.  So  the  Jews  were  under  a  necessity  of  peri'orniing  some  glorious  exploit,  and 
 of  greatly  exposing  themselves  in  a  battle,  since  they  might  perhaps  thereby  escape.  So  they 
 made  a  general  attack,  and  with  a  great  shout  fell  upon  those  that  surrounded  them,  who 
 received  them  with  great  courage  ;  and  so  while  the  one  side  fc^ught  desperately,  and  the  other 
 would  not  yield,  the  fight  was  prolonged  on  that  account.  But  the  event  of  the  battle  did  not 
 answer  tbe  expectation  of  the  assailants  ;  for  so  it  happened,  that  no  more  than  twelve  fell  on 
 the  Roman  side,  with  a  few  that  were  wounded  ;  but  not  one  of  the  Jews  escaped  out  of  this 
 battle,  but  they  were  all  killed,  being  in  the  whole  not  fewer  in  number  than  three  thousand, 
 together  with  Judas,  the  son  of  Jairus,  their  general,  concerning  whom  we  have  before  spoken, 
 that  he  had  been  a  captain  of  a  certain  band  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and  by  going  down  into 
 a  certain  vault  under  ground,  had  privately  made  his  escape. 
 
 G.  About  the  same  time  it  was  that  Csssar  sent  a  letter  to  Bassus,  and  to  Tiberias  Maxi- 
 mus,  who  was  the  procurator  [of  Judea,]  and  gave  orders  that  all  Judea  should  be  exposed  to 
 sale  :*  for  he  did  not  found  any  city  there,  but  reserved  the  country  for  himself.  However, 
 he  assigned  a  place  for  eight  hundred  men  only,  whom  he  had  dismissed  from  his  army,  which 
 he  gave  them  for  their  habitation  ;  it  is  called  Emraaus,t  and  is  distant  from  Jerusalem  three- 
 score furlongs.  He  also  laid  a  tribute  upon  the  Jews  wheresoever  they  were,  and  enjoined 
 every  one  of  them  to  bring  two  drachmas  every  year  into  the  capitol,  as  they  used  to  pay  the 
 same  to  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.     And  this  was  the  state  of  the  Jewish  affairs  at  this  time. 
 
 CHAP.  VII. 
 
 Concerning  the  Calamity  that  hefell  Antioclnis,  King  of  Commngene.     As  also  concerning  the 
 Alans,  and  ivhat  great  Mischiefs  they  did  to  the  Medes  and  Armenians. 
 
 $  1.  And  now,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian,  it  came  to  pass,  that  Antiochos, 
 the  king  of  Commagene,  with  all  his  family,  fell  into  very  great  calamities.  The  occasion  was 
 this :  Cesenins  Petus,  who  was  president  of  Syria  at  this  time,  whether  it  were  done  out  of 
 regard  to  truth,  or  whether  out  of  hatred  to  Antiochus,  (for  which  wrs  the  real  motive  was 
 never  thoroughly  discovered,)  sent  an  epistle  to  Ca3sar,  and  therein  told  him  that  "  Antiochus, 
 with  his  son  Epiplianes,  had  resolved  to  rebel  against  the  Romans,  and  had  marie  a  league 
 with  the  king  of  Parthia  to  that  purpose  ;  that  it  was  therefore  fit  to  prevent  them,  lest  they 
 prevent  us,  and  begin  such  a  war  as  may  cause  a  general  disturbance  in  tlie  Roman  empire." 
 Now  CiEsar  was  disposed  to  take  some  care  about  the  matter,  since  this  discovery  was  made  ; 
 for  the  neighbourhood  of  the  kingdoms  made  this  affair  worthy  of  greater  regard  ;  for  Samo- 
 sata,  the  capital  of  Commagene,  lies  upon  Euphrates,  and,  upon  any  such  design,  could  afl'ord 
 
 •  It  is  very  remarkable  that  Titus  did  not  people  this  now  desolate  country  of  Judea,  but  ordered  it  to  be  nil 
 sold  ;  nor  indeed  is  it  properly  peopled  at  this  day,  but  lies  ready  for  its  old  iiihabitants  the  Jews,;at  their  future 
 rtsloratjon.    See  Literal  Accomplishment  of  Prophecies,  p.  77. 
 
 I  V  ''^H''*^  '^''y  I'mmaus  or  Ammaus  in  .losephus  and  others,  -B-hich  was  the  place  of  the  government  of 
 .lulius  Afncanus,  in  the  becrinning^  of  the  third  century,  and  whieh  he  then  procured  to  be  rebuilt,  and  after 
 Which  rebuilding  it  was  called  Nicopolis,  is  entirely  different  from  that  Emniaus  which  is  meniiomd  by  S:. 
 (VioV';!.'""^"  '■^'  f^%  Keland's  Palestiua,  lib.ii.p.  429.  and  under  the  name  Amnrmus  also.  Bnthe.instly  riiinkii 
 inat  that  in  M.  Luke  may  well  be  the  same  with  this  Ammaus  before  us.  especially  since  the  Greek  copies  here 
 thirT  •p.*''*,"  S'^'y  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem,  as  does  St.  Lulie,  though  the  Latin  copies  say  only 
 rnll  ,  K  ^  "'"  ^'^"  alloltcd  for  these  800  soldiers,  as  for  a  if  oman  garrison,  in  this  place,  would  most  natu 
 rail)  not  be  so  remote  from  Jerusalem,  as  was  the  other  Emniaus  or  Nicopolis. 
 
BOOK  VII. — CHAP.  \'i(.  7:29 
 
 an  easy  passage  over  it  lo  the  Partliians,  and  could  also  afford  them  a  secure  receptiou.  Petus 
 was  accordingly  btlieved,  and  had  aufliority  given  him  of  doing  what  he  should  think  proper 
 in  the  case  ;  so  he  set  about  it  without  delay,  and  fell  upon  Comroagene  before  Antiochus  and 
 !iis  people  had  the  least  expectatiofi  of  his  coming  :  he  had  with  him  the  tenth  legion,  as  also 
 some  cohorts  ant!  ironps  of  horsemen.  These  kings  also  came  to  his  assistance;  Aristobulus, 
 king  of  the  country  called  Chalcidene,  and  Sohemus,  who  was  called  king  of  Eraesa.  Nor  was 
 tliere  any  opposition  made  to  his  forces  when  they  entered  the  kingdom  ;  for  no  one  of  that 
 cnuntry  would  so  nuich  as  lift  iij)  his  hand  against  them.  When  Antiochus  heard  this  unex- 
 pected news,  he  could  not  think  in  the  least  of  making  war  with  the  Romans,  but  determined 
 to  leave  his  whole  kingdom  in  the  state  wherein  it  now  was,  and  to  retire  privately,  with  his 
 wife  and  children,  as  thinking  thereby  to  demonstrate  himself  to  the  Romans  to  be  innocent 
 as  to  the  accusation  laid  against  him.  So  he  went  away  from  that  city  as  far  as  a  hundred  and 
 twenty  furlongs,  into  a  plain,  and  there  pitched  his  tents. 
 
 2.  Petus  then  sent  some  of  his  men  to  seize  upon  Samosata,  and  by  their  means  took  pos- 
 session of  that  city,  while  he  went  himself  to  attack  Antiochus  with  the  rest  of  his  army.  How- 
 t'ver,  the  king  was  not  prevailed  upon  by  the  distress  he  was  in  to  do  any  thing  in  the  way  of 
 war  against  the  Romans,  but  bemoaned  his  own  hard  fate,  and  endured  with  patience  what  he 
 was  not  able  to  prevent.  But  his  sons,  who  were  young,  and  unexperienced  in  war,  bnl  of 
 strong  bodies,  were  not  easily  induced  to  bear  this  calamity  without  lighting.  Epiphanes, 
 therefore,  and  Callinicns,  betook  themselves  to  military  force  :  and  as  the  battle  was  a  sore 
 one,  and  lasted  all  the  day  long,  they  shewed  their  own  valour  in  a  remarkable  manner,  aiid 
 nothing  but  the  approach  of  night  put  a  period  thereto,  and  that  without  any  diminution  of  their 
 forces  :  yet  would  not  Antiochus,  upon  this  conclusion  of  the  fight,  continue  there  by  any  means, 
 but  took  his  wife  and  bis  daughters,  and  fled  away  with  them  to  Cilicia,  and  by  so  doing  quite 
 discouraged  the  minds  of  his  own  soldiers.  Accordingly,  they  revolted,  and  went  over  to  the 
 Romans,  out  of  the  despair  they  were  in  of  his  kee[iing  the  kin|rdom  ;  and  his  case  was  looked 
 upon  by  all  as  quite  desperate.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  Epiphanes  and  his  soldiers 
 should  gel  clear  of  their  enemies  before  they  became  entirely  destitute  of  any  confederates  : 
 nor  were  there  any  more  tlum  ten  horsemen  with  him,  who  passed  with  him  over  Euphrates, 
 whence  they  went  undisturbed  to  ^'^ologesus,  the  king  of  Parthia,  where  they  were  not  disre- 
 garded as  fugitives,  but  had  the  same  respect  paid  them  as  if  they  had  retained  their  ancient 
 prosperity. 
 
 3.  Now  when  Antiochus  was  come  to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  Petus  ordered  a  centurion  to  go  to 
 him,  and  send  him  in  bonds  to  Rome.  However,  Vespasian  could  not  endure  to  have  a  king 
 brought  to  him  in  that  manner,  but  thought  it  fit  rather  to  have  a  regard  to  the  ancient  friend- 
 ship that  had  been  between  them,  than  to  preserve  an  inexorable  anger,  upon  pretence  of  this 
 war.  Accordingly,  he  gave  orders  that  they  should  take  off  his  bonds,  while  he  was  still  upon 
 the  road,  and  that  he  should  not  come  to  Rome,  but  should  now  go  and  live  at  Lacedemon  :  he 
 also  gave  him  large  revenues,  that  lie  might  not  only  live  in  plenty,  but  like  a  king  also. 
 When  Epiphanes,  who  before  was  in  great  fear  for  his  father,  was  informed  of  this,  their  minds 
 were  freed  from  all  that  great  and  almost  incurable  concern  they  had  been  under.  He  also 
 hoped  that  Caesar  would  be  reconciled  lo  Iheni,  upon  the  intercession  of  \'ologesus  ;  for  although 
 he  lived  in  plenty,  he  knew  not  how  to  bear  living  out  of  the  Roman  empire.  So  Caesar  gave 
 him  leave,  after  an  cblitring  manner,  and  he  came  to  Rome  ;  and  as  his  lather  came  quickly  to 
 liim  from  Lacedemon,  he  had  all  sorts  of  respect  paid  him  there,  and  there  he  remained. 
 
 4.  Now  there  was  a  nation  of  the  Alans,  which  we  have  formerly  mentioned  somewhere,*  as 
 being  Scythians,  and  inhabiting  at  the  lake  Meotis.  This  nation  about  this  time  laid  a  design 
 of  falling  upon  Media  and  the  parts  beyond  it,  in  order  to  plunder  them  ;  with  which  intention 
 they  treated  with  ;he  king  of  Hyrcania  ;  for  he  was  master  of  that  passage  which  king  Alex- 
 ander [the  Great]  shut  up  with  iron  gates.  The  king  gave  them  leave  to  come  through  tbem  : 
 so  they  came  in  great  multitudes,  and  fell  upon  the  Medes  unexpectedly,  and  plundered  the 
 country,  which  they  found  full  of  people,  and  rejilenished  with  abundance  of  cattle,  while 
 nobody  durst  make  any  resistance  against  them  ;  for  Pacorus,  the  king  of  the  country,  had 
 fled  away  for  fear,  into  places  where  they  conld  not  easily  come  at  him,  and  had  yielded  up 
 f  very  thing  he  had  to  them,  and  had  only  saved  his  wife  and  his  concubines  from  them,  and 
 that  with  difficulty  also,  after  they  had  been  made  captives,  by  giving  them  a  hundred  talents 
 for  their  ransom.  These  Alans  therefore  plundered  the  country  without  opposition,  and  with 
 great  ease,  and  proceeded  as  far  as  Armenia,  laying  all  waste  before  them.  Now  Tiridates 
 was  king  of  that  country,  who  met  them,  and  fought  them,  but  had  like  to  have  been  taken 
 alive  in  the  battle:  for  a  certain  man  threw  a  net  over  him  from  a  great  distance,  and  had  soon 
 drawn  him  to  him,  unless  he  had  immediately  cut  the  cord  with  his  sword,  and  run  away,  and 
 prevented  it.  So  the  Alans,  l)cing  still  more  j)rovoked  by  this  sight,  laid  waste  the  country, 
 and  drove  a  great  mullitudo  of  the  men,  and  a  great  quantity  of  other  prey  they  had  gottee 
 out  of  both  kingdoms,  along  with  them,  and  then  retreated  back  to  their  own  country. 
 
 ♦  I'his  is  now  wanting. 
 4  z 
 
730  WARS    OF    TIIK    JEWS. 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. 
 
 Concerning  Masada,  and  those  Sicarii  who  kept  it ;  and  hnw  Stloa  betook  himself  to  form  the 
 Siege  of  that  Citadel.     Eleazar's  Speeches  to  the  besieged. 
 
 §  1.  When  Bassus  was  dead  in  Judea,  Flavins  Silva  succeeded  liim  as  procarator  there  : 
 wbo  when  he  saw  that  all  the  rest  of  the  country'  was  subdued  in  this  war,  and  that  there  was 
 but  only  one  strong  bold  that  was  still  in  rebellion,  he  fjot  3!!  Lis  army  together  that  lay  in 
 difl'erent  places,  and  made  an  expedition  against  it.  This  fortress  was  called  Masada.  it 
 was  one  Eleazar,  a  potent  man,  and  the  commander  of  these  Sicarii,  that  had  seized  upon  it. 
 He  was  a  descendant  from  that  Judas,  who  bad  persuaded  abundance  of  ihe  Jews,  as  we  have 
 formerly  related,  not  to  submit  to  the  tuxation  wlien  Cyrenius  was  sent  into  Judea  to  make 
 one ;  for  then  it  was  that  the  Sicarii  got  together  against  those  that  were  willing  to  submit  to 
 the  Romans,  and  treated  them  in  all  respects  as  if  they  h?d  been  their  enemies,  both  by  plun- 
 dering them  of  what  they  had,  by  driving  away  their  cattle,  and  by  setting  fire  to  their  houses  ; 
 for  they  said,  that  they  differed  not  at  all  from  foreigners,  by  betraying,  in  so  cowardly  a  man- 
 ner, that  freedom  which  the  Jews  thought  worthy  to  be  contended  for  to  the  utmost,  and  by 
 owning  that  they  preferred  slavery  under  the  Romans  before  such  a  contention.  Now,  this 
 was  in  reality  no  better  than  a  pretence,  and  a  cloak  for  the  barbarity  which  was  made  use  of 
 by  them ;  and  to  colour  over  their  own  avarice,  which  they  afterwards  made  evident  by  their 
 own  actions  ;  for  those  that  were  partners  with  them  in  llieir  rebellion,  joined  also  with  them 
 in  the  war  against  the  Romans,  and  went  farther  lengths  with  them  in  their  impudent  under- 
 takings against  them  ;  and  when  ihey  were  again  convicted  of  dissembling  in  such  their  pre- 
 tences, they  still  more  abused  those  that  justly  reproached  ibem  for  their  wickedness.  And 
 indeed  that  was  a  time  most  fertile  in  all  manner  of  wicked  practices,  insomuch  that  no  kind 
 of  evil  deeds  were  then  left  undone ;  nor  could  any  one  so  much  as  devise  any  bad  thing  that 
 was  new,  so  deeply  were  they  all  infected,  and  strove  with  one  another  in  their  single  capacity, 
 and  in  their  communities,  who  should  run  the  greatest  lengths  in  impiety  towards  God,  a'ld 
 in  unjust  actions  towards  their  neighbours;  the  men  of  power  oppressing  the  multitude,  and 
 the  multitude  earnestly  labouring  to  destroy  the  men  of  power.  The  one  part  were  desirous  of 
 tyrannizing  over  others,  and  the  rest  of  offering  violence  to  others,  and  of  plundering  such  as 
 were  richer  than  themselves.  They  were  the  Sicarii  who  first  began  these  transgressions,  and 
 first  became  barbarous  towards  those  allied  to  them,  and  left  no  words  of  reproach  unsaid,  and 
 no  works  of  perdition  untried,  in  order  to  destroy  those  whom  their  contrivances  aflected.  Yet 
 did  John  demonstrate  by  his  actions,  that  these  Sicarii  were  more  moderate  than  he  was  him- 
 self, for  he  not  only  slew  all  such  as  gave  him  good  counsel  to  do  what  was  right,  but  treated 
 them  worst  ol'ail,  as  the  most  bitter  enemies  that  he  had  among  all  the  citizens;  nay,  he  filled 
 his  (»i!tire  country  with  ten  thousand  instances  of  wickedness,  such  as  a  man  who  was  already 
 hardened  sufficiently  in  his  impiety  towards  God  would  naturally  do:  for  the  food  was  unlaw- 
 ful that  was  set  upon  his  table,  and  he  rejected  those  purifications  that  the  law  of  his  country 
 had  ordained ;  so  that  it  was  no  longer  a  wonder  if  he,  who  was  so  mad  in  his  impiety  towards 
 God,  did  not  observe  any  rules  of  gentleness  and  common  affection  towards  men.  Again, 
 therefore,  what  mischief  was  there  which  Simon  the  son  of  Gioras  did  not  do?  or  what  kind 
 of  abuses  did  he  abstain  from  as  to  those  very  free  men  who  had  set  him  up  for  a  tyrant  ? 
 W^hat  friendship  or  kindred  were  there  that  did  not  make  him  more  bold  in  Lis  daily  murders? 
 for  they  looked  upon  the  doing  of  mischief  to  strangers  only  as  a  work  beneath  their  courage, 
 but  thought  their  barbarity  towards  their  nearest  relations  would  be  a  glorious  demonstration 
 thereof.  The  Idumeans  also  strove  with  these  men,  who  should  be  guilty  of  the  greatest 
 madness  ;  for  they  [all,]  vile  wretches  as  they  were,  cut  the  throats  of  (he  high  priests,  that 
 so  no  part  of  a  religious  regard  to  God  might  be  preserved  ;  they  thence  proceeded  to  destroy 
 utterly  Ihe  least  remains  of  a  political  government,  and  introduced  the  most  complete  scene  of 
 iniquity  in  all  instances  that  were  practicable  ;  nnder  which  scene,  that  sort  of  people  that 
 were  called  Zealots  grew  up,  and  who  indeed  corresponded  10  the  name  ;  for  they  imitated 
 every  wicked  work  ;  nor  if  their  memory  suggested  any  evil  thing  that  had  formerly  been  done, 
 did  they  avoid  zealously  to  pursue  the  same  ;  and  although  they  gave  themselves  that  name 
 from  their  zeal  for  what  was  good,  yet  did  it  agree  to  them  only  by  way  of  irony,  on  account 
 of  those  they  had  unjustly  treated  by  their  wild  and  brutish  disposition,  or  as  thinking  the 
 greatest  mischiefs  to  be  the  greatest  good.  Accordingly,  they  all  met  with  such  ends  as  God 
 deservedly  brought  upon  them  in  way  of  punishment,  for  all  such  miseries  have  been  sent  upon 
 them  as  n)an's  nature  is  capable  of  undergoing,  till  the  utmost  period  of  their  lives,  and  till 
 death  came  upon  them  in  various  ways  of  torment  ;  yet  might  one  say  justly  that  they  suffered 
 less  than  they  had  done,  because  it  was  impossible  they  could  be  punished  according  to  their 
 deserving.  But  to  make  a  lamentation  according  to  the  deserts  of  those  who  fell  under  these 
 raen  s  barbarity,  this  is  not  a  proper  place  for  it  :  I  therefore  now  return  again  to  the  remain- 
 ing part  of  the  present  narration. 
 
 2.  For  ;-.i)vv  it  was  that  the  Roman  general  eame,  and  led  his  army  against  Eleazar  and  those 
 Sicarii  who  held  the  fortress  JMasada  together  with  him;  and  for  the  whole  country  adjoining 
 
BOOK    VII.— CHAP.    VIII.  7J51 
 
 lie  presently  gained  it,  and  put  garrisons  into  the  most  proper  places  of  it  ;  lie  also  built  a  wall 
 quite  round  the  entire  fortress,  that  none  of  the  besieged  might  easily  escape  :  he  also  set  his 
 men  to  guard  the  several  parts  of  it  :  he  also  pitched  his  camp  in  such  an  agreeable  place  as 
 he  had  chosen  for  the  siege,  and  at  which  place  the  rock  belonging  to  the  fortress  did  make 
 the  nearest  approach  io  the  neighbouring  mountain,  whicli  yet  was  a  place  of  difliculty  for  get- 
 ting plenty  of  provisions  ;  for  it  was  not  only  food  that  was  to  l)e  brought  from  a  great  dis- 
 tance [to  the  army,]  and  this  vvith  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  those  Jews  who  were  a])pointed  for 
 that  purpose,  but  water  was  also  to  be  brought  to  the  camp,  because  the  place  aflbrded  uo  fouii- 
 taiu  that  was  near  it.  When  therefore  Silva  had  ordered  these  afiairs  beforehand,  he  fell  to 
 besieging  the  place  ;  which  siege  was  likely  to  stand  in  need  of  a  great  deal  of  skill  and  pains, 
 by  reason  of  the  strength  of  the  fortress,  the  nature  of  which  I  will  now  describe. 
 
 3.  There  was  a  rock,  not  small  in  circumference,  and  very  high.  It  was  encoinpassed  with 
 valleys  of  such  vast  depth  downward,  that  the  eye  could  not  reach  tlieir  bottoms  :  they  were 
 abrupt,  and  such  as  no  animal  could  walk  upon,  excepting  at  two  places  of  the  rock,  where  it 
 subsides,  in  order  to  afibrd  a  passage  for  ascent,  though  not  without  difliculty.  Now,  of  the 
 ways  that  lead  to  it,  one  is  that  from  the  lake  Asphaltitis,  towards  the  sun-rising,  and  another 
 on  the  west,  where  the  ascent  is  easier  :  the  one  of  these  ways  is  called  the  Serpent,  as  resem- 
 bling that  animal  in  its  narrowness  and  its  perpetual  windings  ;  for  it  is  broken  off  at  the  pro- 
 minent precipices  of  the  rock,  and  returns  frequently  into  itself,  and  lengthening  agaiu  by  lit- 
 tle and  little,  hath  much  ado  to  proceed  forward  ;  and  he  that  would  walk  along  it  must  first 
 go  on  one  leg  and  then  on  the  other  :  there  is  also  nothing  but  destruction,  in  case  your  feet 
 slip  ;  for  on  eacii  side  there  is  a  vastly  deep  chasm  and  precipice,  sufficient  to  quell  the 
 courage  of  every  body  by  the  terror  it  infuses  into  the  mind.  When,  therefore,  a  man  hath 
 gone  along  this  way  for  thirty  furlongs,  the  rest  is  the  top  of  the  hill,  not  ending  at  a  small 
 point,  but  is  no  other  than  a  plain  upon  the  highest  part  of  the  mountain.  Upon  this  top  of 
 the  hill,  Jonathan  the  high  priest  first  of  all  built  a  fortress,  and  called  it  Masada  ;  after  which 
 the  rebuilding  of  this  place  employed  the  care  of  king  Herod  to  a  great  degree  :  he  also  bnilt 
 a  wail  round  about  the  entire  top  of  the  hill,  seven  furlongs  long:  it  was  composed  of  white 
 stone;  its  height  was  twelve,  and  its  breadth  eight  cubits;  there  were  also  erected  upon  that 
 wall,  thirty-eight  towers,  each  of  them  filty  cubits  high  ;  out  of  which  you  might  pass  into 
 lesser  edifices,  which  were  built  on  the  inside,  round  the  entire  wall  ;  for  the  king  reserved 
 the  fop  of  the  hill,  which  was  of  a  fat  soil,  and  better  mould  than  any  valley  for  agriculture, 
 that  such  as  committed  themselves  to  this  fortress  for  their  preservation,  might  not  even  there 
 be  quite  destitute  of  food,  in  case  they  should  ever  be  iu  want  of  it  from  abroad.  Moreover, 
 lie  built  a  palace  therein  at  the  western  ascent  ;  it  was  within  and  beneath  the  walls  of  the 
 citadel,  but  inclined  to  its  nortli  side.  Now  the  wall  of  this  palace  was  very  high  and  strong, 
 and  had  at  its  four  corners,  towers  sixty  cubits  high.  The  furniture  also  of  the  edifices,  and 
 of  the  cloisters,  and  of  the  baths,  was  of  great  variety,  and  very  costly  ;  and  these  buildings 
 were  supported  by  pillars  of  single  stones  on  every  side  :  the  walls  also  and  the  floors  of  the 
 edifices  were  paved  with  stones  of  several  colours.  He  also  had  cut  many  and  great  pits,  as 
 reservoirs  for  water,  out  of  the  rocks,  at  every  one  of  the  places  that  were  iiihaljiied  both 
 above  and  round  about  the  palace,  and  before  the  wall  :  and  by  this  contrivance  he  endeavoured 
 to  have  water  for  several  uses  as  if  there  had  been  fountains  tliere.  Here  was  also  a  road 
 dng  from  the  palace,  and  leading  to  the  very  lop  of  the  mountain,  which  yet  could  not  be 
 seen  by  such  as  were  without  [the  walls  ;]  nor  indeed  could  enemies  easily  make  use  of  the 
 plain  roans ;  for  the  road  on  the  cast  side,  as  we  have  already  taken  notice,  could  not  be 
 walked  upon,  by  reason  of  its  nature  ;  and  for  the  western  road,  he  built  a  large  tower  at  its 
 narrowest  place,  at  no  less  a  distance  from  the  top  of  the  hill  than  a  thousand  cubits  ;  which 
 tower  could  not  possibly  be  passed  by,  nor  could  it  he  easily  taken  ;  nor  indeed  could  those 
 that  walked  along  it  without  any  fear,  such  was  its  contrivance,  easily  get  to  the  end  of  it  ; 
 and  after  such  a  manner  was  this  citadel  fortified  both  by  nature  and  by  the  hands  of  men,  in 
 order  to  frustrate  the  attacks  of  enemies. 
 
 4.  As  for  the  furniture  that  was  within  this  fortress,  it  was  still  more  wonderful,  ou  account 
 of  its  splendour  and  long  continuance  ;  for  here  was  laid  up  corn  in  great  quantities,  and  such 
 as  would  subsist  men  for  a  long  time  ;  here  was  also  wine  and  oil  in  abundance,  with  all  kinds 
 of  pulse  and  dates  heaped  up  together:  all  which  Eleazar  found  there,  when  he  and  his  Sicarii 
 got  possession  of  the  fortress  by  treachery.  These  fruits  were  also  fresh  and  full  ripe,  no  way 
 inferior  to  such  fruits  newly  laid  in,  although  they  were  little  short  of  a  hundred  years*  from 
 the  laying  in  these  provisions,  [by  Herod, J  till  the  place  was  taken  by  the  Romans  ;  nay 
 indeed,  when  the  Romans  got  possession  cf  those  fruits  that  were  left,  they  found  them  not 
 corrupted  nil  that  while  :  nor  should  we  be  mistaken,  if  we  suppose  that  the  air  was  here  the 
 cause  of  their  enduring  so  long  ;  this  fortress  being  so  high,  and  so  free  from  the  mixture  of 
 all  terrene  and  muddy  particles  of  matter.  There  was  also  found  here  a  large  quantity  of  all 
 sort  of  weapons  of  war,  which  had  been  treasured  up  by  that  king,  and  were  sullicimt  for  ten 
 thousand  men  :  there  was  cast  iron,  and  brass,  aud  tin,   vait^h  shew  that   he   had  taken  much 
 
 •  I'liny  ana  others  confiTm  this  stranp-w  paranox,  tfiat  provisious  laid  up  against  sicgeb  will  continue  good 
 for  a  liuudrcd  years,  as  Spanlicim  notes  upon  tliis  place. 
 
73'2  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 pains  to  hare  all  thing^s  here  reat'y  for  the  greatest  occasions  :  for  the  report  goes  how  Herod 
 thns  prepared  tliis  fortress  on  his  own  account,  as  a  refuge  against  two  kinds  of  danger ;  the 
 one  for  fear  of  the  ranltitucle  of  the  Jews,  lest  thej  should  depose  him,  and  restore  their  former 
 kings  to  the  government;  the  other  danger  was  greater  and  more  terrible,  which  arose  from 
 Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  who  did  not  conceal  her  intentions,  bnt  spoke  often  to  Antony, 
 and  desired  him  to  cutoff  Herod,  and  entreated  him  to  bestow  the  kingdom  of  Jadea  upon 
 lier.  And  certainly  it  is  a  great  wonder  that  Antony  did  never  comply  with  her  commands  in 
 this  point,  as  he  was  so  miserably  enslaved  to  his  passion  for  her  ;  nor  should  anyone  have  been 
 surprised  if  she  had  been  gratified  in  such  her  request.  So  the  fear  of  these  dangers  made 
 Herod  rebuild  Masada,  and  thereby  leave  it  for  the  finishing  stroke  of  the  Romans  in  this 
 Jewish  war. 
 
 5.  Since  therefore  the  Roman  commander  Silva  had  now  built  a  wall  on  the  outside,  round 
 about  Ibis  whole  place,  as  we  have  said  already,  and  had  thereby  made  a  most  accurate  pro- 
 vision to  prevent  any  one  of  the  besieged  running  away,  be  undertook  the  siege  himself,  though 
 he  found  but  one  single  place  tliat  would  admit  of  the  banks  be  was  to  raise  ;  for  behind  that 
 tower  which  secnred  the  road  that  led  to  the  palace,  and  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  from  the  west, 
 there  was  a  certain  erainency  of  the  rock,  very  broad  and  very  prominent,  but  three  hundred 
 cubits  beneath  the  highest  parts  of  Masada :  it  was  called  the  White  Promontory.  Accord- 
 inglv  he  got  upon  that  part  of  the  reck,  and  ordered  the  army  to  bring  eartb  ;  and  when  they 
 fell  to  that  work  with  alacrity,  and  abundance  of  them  together,  the  bank  was  raised,  and 
 became  solid  for  two  hundred  cubits  in  height.  Yet  was  not  this  bank  thought  sufliciently 
 high  for  the  use  of  the  engines  that  were  to  be  set  upon  it ;  but  still  another  elevated  work  of 
 great  stones  compacted  together  was  raised  upon  that  bank:  this  was  fifty  cubits,  both  in 
 breadth  and  height.  The  other  machines  that  were  now  got  ready,  were  like  to  those  that  had 
 been  first  devised  by  Vespasian,  and  afterwards  by  Titus,  for  sieges.  There  was  also  a  tower 
 made  of  the  height  of  sixty  fubits,  and  all  over  plated  with  iron,  out  of  which  the  Romans 
 threw  darts  and  stones  from  the  engines,  and  soon  made  those  that  fought  from  the  walls  of 
 the  place  to  retire,  and  would  not  let  them  lift  up  their  heads  above  the  works.  At  the  same 
 time  Silva  ordered  that  great  battering  ram  which  he  had  made  to  be  brought  thither,  and  to 
 be  set  against  the  wall,  and  to  make  frequent  batteries  against  it,  which,  with  some  difficulty, 
 broke  down  a  part  of  the  wall,  and  quite  overthrew  it.  However,  the  Sicarii  made  haste,  and 
 presently  built  another  wall  within  that,  which  should  not  be  liable  to  the  same  misfortune 
 from  the  machines  with  the  other:  it  was  made  soft  and  yielding,  and  so  was  capable  of  avoid- 
 ing the  terrible  blows  that  affected  the  other.  It  was  framed  after  the  following  manner: 
 They  laid  together  great  beams  of  wood  lengthways,  one  close  to  the  end  of  another,  and  the 
 same  way  in  which  they  were  cut  :  there  were  two  of  these  rows  parallel  to  one  another,  and 
 laid  at  such  a  distance  from  each  other  as  the  breadth  of  the  wall  required,  and  eartb  was  put 
 into  the  space  between  those  rows.  Now,  that  the  earth  might  not  fall  away  upon  the  eleva- 
 tion of  this  bank  to  a  greater  height,  they  farther  laid  other  beams  over  across  them,  and 
 thereby  bound  those  beams  together  that  lay  lengthways.  This  v/ork  of  theirs  was  like  a  real 
 edifice  ;  and  when  the  machines  were  applied,  the  blows  were  weakened  by  its  yielding,  and 
 as  the  materials  by  such  concussion  were  shaken  closer  together,  the  pile  by  that  means  became 
 firmer  than  before.  When  Silva  saw  this,  he  thought  it  best  to  endeavour  the  taking  of  this 
 wall  by  setting  fire  to  it :  so  he  gave  order  that  the  soldiers  should  throw  a  great  number  of 
 burning  torches  upon  it  ;  accordingly,  as  it  was  chiefly  made  of  wood,  it  soon  took  fire  ;  and 
 when  it  was  once  set  on  fire,  its  hollowness  made  that  fire  spread  to  a  mighty  flame.  Now  at 
 the  vei'y  beginning  of  this  fire,  a  north  wind  that  then  blew  proved  terrible  to  the  Romans  ; 
 for  by  bringing  the  fiaine  downward,  it  drove  it  upon  them,  and  they  were  almost  in  despair  of 
 success,  as  fearing  their  machines  would  be  burnt  :  but  after  this,  on  a  sudden  the  wind 
 changed  into  the  south,  as  if  it  were  done  by  Divine  Providence,  and  blew  strongly  the  con- 
 trary way,  and  carried  the  flame,  and  drove  it  against  the  wall,  which  was  now  on  fire  through 
 its  entire  thickness.  So  the  Romans,  having  now  assistance  from  God,  returned  to  their  camp 
 with  joy,  and  resolved  to  attack  their  enemies  the  very  next  day  ;  on  which  occasion  they  set 
 their  watch  more  carefully  that  night,  lest  any  of  the  Jews  should  run  away  from  them  without 
 being  discovered. 
 
 6.  However,  neither  did  Eleazar  once  think  of  flying  away,  nor  would  he  permit  an}'  one 
 else  to  do  so  :  but  when  he  saw  their  wall  burned  down  by  the  fire,  and  could  devise  no  other  way 
 of  escaping,  or  room  for  their  farther  courage,  and  setting  before  their  eyes  what  the  Romans 
 would  do  to  them,  their  children,  and  their  wives,  if  they  got  them  into  their  power,  he  con- 
 sulted about  having  them  all  slain.  Now,  as  he  judged  this  to  be  the  best  thing  they  could 
 do  in  their  present  circumstances,  he  gathered  the  most  courageous  of  his  companions  together, 
 and  encouraged  them  to  take  that  course  by  a  speech*  which   he  made   to  them  in  the  tnanner 
 
 The  speeches  in  this  and  the  next  section  introduced  under  the  person  of  this  Kleazar,  are  exceedingly 
 remarkable,  and  on  the  noblest  subjects,  the  contera])t  of  death,  and  the  dignity  and  immortality  of  the  soul: 
 aim  tliat  not  only  among  the  .lews  but  among  the  Indians  themselves  also,  and' are  highly  worthy  the  perusal 
 or  all  the  curious.  It  seems  as  if  that  philosophic  lady  who  survived,  chap.  9.  i  1,  2.  remembered  the  sub- 
 siance  ot  these  discoin-ses,  as  spoken  by  Eleazar,  and  fo.Tosephus  clothed  them  in  his  own  words :  at  the  lowest, 
 :..:?' 1*^,""'*'"  ,i  ■''^"■'sh  notions  on  these  heads,  as  understood  ihtu  by  our  Josephus,  and  cannot  but  deserve  a 
 buitablt  regard  from  us. 
 
BOOK    VII. — CHAP.    VIII.  733 
 
 following  :  "  Since  we,  long  ago,  my  generons  friends,  resolved  never  to  be  serrants  to  tbe 
 Romans,  nor  to  any  other  than  to  God  himself,  who  alone  is  the  true  !ind  just  Lord  of  mankind, 
 the  time  is  now  come  that  oblijjes  us  to  make  that  resolution  true  in  practice.  And  let  us  not 
 at  this  time  bring  a  reproach  upon  ourselves  for  self-contradiction,  wliile  we  formerly  would 
 not  undergo  slavery,  though  it  were  then  without  danger,  but  must  now,  together  wi(h  slavery, 
 choose  such  punishments  also,  as  are  intolerable  :  I  mean  this  upon  the  supposition  that  the 
 Komans  once  reduce  us  under  their  power  while  we  are  alive.  We  were  the  very  first  that 
 revolted  from  them,  and  we  are  the  last  that  tight  against  them  ;  and  I  cannot  but  esteem  it 
 as  a  favour  that  God  hath  granted  us  that  it  is  still  in  our  power  to  die  bravely,  and  in  a  stale 
 of  freedom,  which  hath  not  been  the  case  of  others,  who  were  conquered  unexpectedly.  It  is 
 very  plain  that  we  shall  be  taken  within  a  day's  time,  but  it  is  still  an  eligible  thing  to  die 
 after  a  glorious  manner,  together  with  oar  dearest  friends.  This  is  what  our  enemies  them- 
 selves cannot  by  any  means  hinder,  although  they  be  very  desirous  to  take  us  alive.  Nor  can 
 we  propose  to  ourselves  any  more  to  figlit  them,  and  beat  them.  It  had  been  proper  indeed 
 for  us  to  have  conjectured  at  the  purpose  of  God  much  sooner,  at  the  very  first,  when  Wt? 
 were  so  desirous  of  defending  our  liberties,  and  when  we  received  such  sore  treatment  from 
 one  another,  and  worse  treatment  from  our  enemies,  and  to  have  been  sensible  that  the  same 
 God,  who  had  of  old  taken  the  Jewish  nation  into  his  favour,  had  now  condemned  thera  to 
 destruction  ;  for  bad  he  either  continued  favourable,  or  been  but  in  a  lesser  degree  displeased 
 with  us,  he  had  not  overlooked  the  destruction  of  so  many  men,  or  delivered  iiis  most  holy 
 city  to  be  burnt  and  demolished  by  our  enemies.  To  be  sure  we  weakly  hoped  to  have  pre- 
 served ourselves,  and  ourselves  alone,  still  in  a  state  of  freedom,  as  if  we  had  been  guilty  of 
 no  sins  ourselves  against  God,  nor  been  partners  with  those  of  others:  we  also  taught  other 
 men  to  preserve  their  liberty.  Wherefore,  consider  how  God  hath  convinced  ns  that  our 
 nopes  were  in  vain,  by  bringing  such  distress  npon  ns  in  the  desperate  state  we  are  now  in, 
 and  which  is  beyond  all  our  expectations  ;  for  the  nature  of  this  fortress,  which  was  in  itself 
 unconquerable,  hath  not  proved  a  means  of  our  deliverance  ;  and  even  while  we  Isave  still 
 great  abundance  of  food,  and  a  great  quantity  of  arms,  and  other  necessaries  more  than  we 
 want,  we  are  openly  deprived  by  God  himself  of  all  hope  of  deliverance  ;  for  that  fire  which 
 was  driven  upon  our  enemies,*did  not  of  its  own  accord  turn  back  upon  the  wall  which  we  had 
 built :  this  was  the  efl'ect  of  God's  anger  against  us  for  our  manifold  sins,  which  we  have  been 
 guilty  of  in  a  most  insolent  and  extravagant  manner  with  regard  to  our  own  countrymen  ; 
 the  punishments  of  which  let  us  not  receive  from  the  Romans,  but  from  God  himself,  as  exe- 
 cuted by  our  own  hands  ;  for  these  will  be  more  moderate  than  the  other.  Let  our  wives  die 
 before  they  are  abused,  and  our  children  before  they  have  tasted  of  slavery  :  and  after  we 
 have  slain  them,  let  us  bestow  thit  glorious  benefit  upon  one  another  mutually,  and  preserve 
 ourselves  in  freedom,  as  an  excellent  funeral  monument  for  us.  But  first  let  us  destroy  our 
 money  and  the  fortress  by  fire  ;  for  I  am  well  assured  that  this  would  be  a  great  grief  to  tbe 
 Romans,  that  they  shall  not  be  able  to  seize  upon  our  bodies,  and  shall  fail  of  our  wealth  also : 
 and  let  us  spare  nothing  but  our  provisions  ;  for  they  will  be  a  testimonial  when  we  are  dead, 
 that  we  were  not  subdued  for  want  of  necessaries,  but  that,  according  to  our  original  resolu- 
 tion, we  have  preferred  death  before  slavery." 
 
 7.  This  was  Eleazar's  speech  to  them.  Yet  did  not  tiie  opinions  of  all  the  auditors  acqui- 
 esce therein  :  but  although  some  of  them  were  very  zealous  to  put  his  advice  in  practice,  and 
 were  in  a  manner  filled  with  pleasure  at  it  ;  and  thoj;;bt  death  to  be  a  good  thing,  yet  had 
 those  that  were  most  eiVeminate  a  commiseration  for  their  wives  and  families  ;  and  when  thesB 
 men  were  especially  moved  by  the  prospect  of  their  own  certain  death,  they  looked  wistfully 
 at  one  another,  and  by  the  tears  that  were  in  their  eyes,  declared  their  dissent  from  his  opinion. 
 When  Eleazar  saw  these  people  in  such  fear,  and  that  their  souls  were  dejected  at  so  pro- 
 digious a  proposal,  he  was  afraid  lest  perhaps  these  eflfeminate  persons  should  by  their  lamen 
 talious  and  tears  enfeeble  those  that  heard  what  he  had  said  courageously  ;  so  he  did  not  leave 
 ofT  exhorting  them,  but  stirred  up  himself,  and  recollecting  proper  argunients  for  raising  their 
 courage,  he  undertook  to  speak  more  briskly,  and  fully  to  them,  and  that  concerning  tbe 
 immortality  of  the  soul.  So  he  made  a  lamentable  groan,  and  fixing  his  eyes  intently  on  those 
 that  wept,  he  spoke  thus  :  "  Truly  I  was  greatly  mistaken,  when  I  thought  to  be  assisting  to 
 brave  men  who  struggled  hard  for  their  liberty,  and  to  such  as  were  resolved  either  to  live 
 with  honour,  or  else  to  die  :  but  I  find  that  you  are  such  people  as  are  no  better  than  others 
 either  in  virtue  or  in  courage,  and  are  afraid  of  dying,  though  you  be  delivered  thereby 
 from  the  greatest  miseries,  while  you  ought  to  make  no  delay  in  this  matter,  nor  to  await 
 any  one  to  give  you  good  advice  ;  for  the  laws  of  our  country,  and  of  God  himself,  have 
 from  ancient  times,  and  as  soon  as  ever  we  could  use  our  reason,  continually  taught  us, 
 and  our  forefathers  have  corroborated  the  same  doctrine  by  their  actions,  and  by  their  bravery 
 of  mind,  that  it  is  life  that  is  a  calamity  to  men,  and  not  death;  for  this  last  affords  our 
 souls  their  liberty,  and  sends  them  by  a  removal  into  their  own  ;,lace  of  purity,  where  they 
 are  to  be  insensible  of  all  sorts  of  misery  ;  for  while  souls  are  tied  down  to  a  mortal  body, 
 they  are  partakers  of  its  miseries  ;  and  really  to  speak  the  truth,  they  are  themselves  dead  ;  for 
 the  union  of  what  is  divine,    to  what  is  mortal,  is  disagreeable.     It  is  true,  the  power  of  the 
 
734  WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 soul  is  great,  even  when  it  is  imprisoned  iu  a  mortal  body  :  for  by  moving  it  after  a  way  tbat 
 is  invisible,  it  makes  tbc  body  a  sensible  instraraent,  and  causes  it  to  advance  farther  in  its 
 actions,  than  mortal  nature  could  otherwise  do.  However,  when  it  is  freed  from  that  weight 
 whicli  draws  it  down  to  the  earth  and  is  connected  with  it,  it  obtains  its  own  proper  place,  and 
 does  then  become  a  partaker  of  that  blessed  power,  and  those  abilities  which  are  then  every 
 way  incapable  of  being;  hindered  in  their  operations.  It  continues  invisihle,  indeed,  to  the  eyes 
 of  men,  as  does  God  himself;  for  certainly  it  is  not  itself  seen,  while  it  is  in  the  body,  for  it  is 
 there  after  an  invisible  manner,  and  when  it  is  freed  from  it,  it  is  still  not  seen.  It  is  this 
 soul  which  hath  one  nature,  and  that  an  incorruptible  one  also  ;  but  yet  is  it  the  cause  of  the 
 change  that  is  made  in  the  body,  for  whatsoever  it  be  wh.ich  the  soul  touches,  that  lives  and 
 flourishes,  and  from  whatsoever  it  is  removed,  that  withers  away  and  dies;  such  a  degree  is 
 there  in  it  of  immortality.  Let  me  produce  the  slate  of  sleep  as  a  most  evident  demonstration 
 of  the  truth  of  wliat  I  say;  wherein  souls,  when  the  boi'.y  does  not  distract  them,  have  the 
 sweetest  rest  depending  on  themselves,  and  conversing  with  God,  by  their  alliance  to  hira  ; 
 they  then  go  every  where,  and  foretell  many  futurities  beforehand.  And  why  are  we  afraid  of 
 death,  while  we  are  pleased  with  the  rest  we  have  in  sleep?  And  how  absurd  a  thing  it  is  to 
 pursue  after  liberty  while  we  are  alive,  and  yet  to  envy  it  to  ourselves  where  it  will  be  eternal? 
 We,  therefore,  who  have  been  brought  up  in  a  discipline  of  our  own,  ought  to  become  an 
 example  to  others  of  our  readiness  to  die.  Yet,  if  we  do  stand  in  need  of  foreigners  to  sup- 
 port us  in  this  matter,  let  us  regard  those  Indians  who  profess  the  exercise  of  philosophy ;  for 
 these  good  men  do  but  unwillingly  undergo  the  time  of  life,  and  look  upon  it  as  a  necessary 
 servitude,  and  make  haste  to  let  their  souls  loose  from  their  bodies  :  nay,  when  no  misfortune 
 presses  them  to  it,  nor  drives  them  upon  it,  these  have  such  a  desire  of  a  life  of  immortality, 
 that  they  tell  other  men  beforphand  that  they  are  about  to  depart;  and  nobody  hinders  them, 
 but  every  one  thinks  them  happy  men,  and  gives  them  letters  to  be  carried  to  their  familiar 
 friends  [that  are  dead,]  so  iiimly  and  certaiidy  do  they  believe  that  souls  converse  with  one 
 another  in  the  [other  world.]  So  when  these  men  have  beard  all  such  commands  tbat  were  to 
 be  given  them,  they  deliver  their  body  to  the  fire  ;  and,  in  order  to  their  getting  their  soul  a 
 separation  from  the  body  iu  the  greatest  purity,  they  die  in  the  midst  of  hymns  of  commenda- 
 tion made  to  them  ;  for  their  dearest  friends  conduct  them  to  their  death  more  readily  than  do 
 any  of  the  rest  of  mankind  conduct  their  fellow-citizens  when  they  are  going  a  very  long  jour- 
 ney, who  at  the  same  time  weep  on  their  own  account,  but  look  upon  the  others  as  happy  per- 
 sons, as  so  soon  to  be  made  partakers  of  *,he  immortal  order  of  beings.  Are  not  we,  therefore, 
 ashamed  to  have  lower  notions  than  the  Indians?  and  by  our  own  cowardice  to  lay  a  base 
 reproach  upon  the  laws  of  our  country,  which  are  so  much  desired  ajid  imitated  by  all  mankind? 
 But  put  the  case  that  we  had  been  brought  up  under  another  persuasion,  and  taught  that  life 
 is  the  greatest  good  which  men  are  capable  of,  and  that  death  is  a  calamity;  however,  the  cir- 
 cumst;inces  we  are  now  in,  ouf^ht  to  he  an  inducement  to  us  to  bear  such  calamity  courageously, 
 since  it  is  by  the  will  of  God,  and  by  uecessitv,  that  we  are  to  die  ;  for  it  now  appears  that  God 
 hath  made  such  a  decree  against  the  whole  Jewish  nation,  that  we  are  to  be  deprived  of  this 
 life  which  [he  knew]  we  would  not  make  a  due  use  of.  For  do  not  yoa  ascribe  the  occasion 
 of  our  present  condition  to  yourselves,  nor  think  the  Roniinis  are  the  true  occasion  that  this 
 war  we  have  had  with  them  is  become  so  destructive  to  us  all :  these  things  have  not  come  to 
 pass  bj'  their  power,  but  a  more  powerful  cause  hath  intervened,  and  made  us  aflord  them  an 
 occasion  of  their  appearing  to  be  conquerors  over  ns.  What  Roman  weapons,  I  pray  yon, 
 were  those,  by  which  the  Jews  of  Cesarea  were  slain?  On  the  contrary,  when  they  were  no 
 way  disposed  to  rebel,  but  were  all  the  while  keeping  their  seventh  day  festival,  and  did  not 
 so  much  as  lift  up  their  hands  against  the  citizens  of  Cesarea,  yet  did  these  citizens  run  upon 
 them  in  great  crowds,  and  cut  their  throats,  and  the  throats  of  their  wives  aad  children,  and 
 this  without  any  regard  to  the  Romans  themselves  ;  who  never  took  us  for  their  enemies  till 
 we  revolted  from  them.  But  snme  may  be  ready  to  say,  that  truly  the  people  of  Cesarea  had 
 alwa\'s  a  quarrel  against  those  that  lived  among  them  ;  and  that  when  an  opportunity  offered 
 itself  they  only  satisfied  the  old  rancour  they  had  against  them.  What  then  shall  we  say  to 
 those  of  Soythopolis,  who  ventured  to  wage  war  with  us  on  account  of  the  Greeks?  Nor  did 
 they  do  it  by  way  of  revenge  upon  the  Romans,  when  they  acted  in  concert  with  our  country- 
 men. Wherefore,  you  see  how  little  our  good-will  and  fidelity  to  them  profited  us,  while  they 
 were  slain,  they  and  their  whole  families,  after  the  most  inhuman  manner,  which  was  all  the 
 requital  that  was  made  them  for  the  assistance  they  had  afforded  the  others  :  for  that  very 
 same  destruction  whicli  they  had  prevented  from  falling  upon  the  others,  did  they  sutler  them- 
 selves from  them,  as  if  they  had  been  ready  to  he  the  actors  against  them.  It  would  be  too 
 long  for  me  to  speak  at  this  time  of  every  destruction  brought  upon  us  ;  for  you  cannot  but 
 Ut;ow,  that  there  was  not  any  one  Syrian  city  which  did  not  slay  their  Jewish  inhabitants, 'and 
 were  not  more  bitter  enemies  to  ns  than  were  the  Romans  themselves:  nay,  even  those  of 
 Dnniascus,*  when  ihey  were  able  to  allege  no  tolerable  pretence  against  us,  filled  their  city 
 with  the  most  barbarous  slaughters  of  our  people,  and  cut  the  throats  of  eighteen  thousand 
 Jews,  with  their  wives  and  children.  And  as  to  the  multitude  of  those  that  were  slain  in 
 ♦  See  b.  ii.  chap.  xx.  ^2.  where  the  numbtr  ef  the  slain  is  but  10,000. 
 
:)ooK  vir. — CHAP.  ix.  735 
 
 Eo-'pt,  and  that  with  torments  also,  we  have  been  inlbrmeil  they  were  more  tlian  sixty  tlioii- 
 saiid  :  those  indeed  being  in  a  foreign  country,  and  so  naturally  meeting  with  nothing  to  oppose 
 ngaiost  their  enemies,  were  killed  in  the  manner  forementioned.  As  for  all  those  of  us  who 
 have  waged  war  against  the  Romans,  in  onr  own  country,  had  we  not  suflicient  reason  to  have 
 sure  hopes  of  victory  ?  For  we  had  arms,  and  walls  and  fortresses  so  prepared  as  not  to  be 
 easily  taken,  and  courage  not  to  be  moved  by  any  dangers  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  which  encou- 
 raged us  all  to  revolt  from  the  Romans.  But  then,  these  advantages  sufticed  us  but  for  a  short 
 time,  and  only  raised  our  hopes,  while  they  really  appeared  to  be  the  origin  of  our  miseries  ; 
 for  all  we  had  hath  been  taken  from  us,  and  all  halh  fallen  under  our  enemies,  as  if  these  ad- 
 vantages were  only  to  render  their  victory  over  us  the  more  glorious,  and  were  not  disposed 
 for  the  preservation  of  those  by  whom  these  preparations  were  mane.  And  as  for  those  that 
 are  already  dead  in  tlie  war,  it  is  reasonable  we  should  esteem  them  blessed,  for  they  are  dead 
 in  defending,  and  not  in  betraying  their  liberty  ;  but  as  to  the  multitude  of  those  that  are  now 
 under  the  Romans,  who  would  not  pity  their  condition;  and  wh"  would  not  make  haste  to  die, 
 before  he  would  sufl'er  the  same  miseries  with  them?  Some  of  them  have  been  put  upon  the 
 rack,  and  tortured  with  fire  and  whippings,  and  so  died.  Some  have  been  half  devoured  by 
 wild  beasts,  and  yet  have  been  reserved  alive  to  be  devoured  by  them  a  second  time,  in  order 
 to  afford  laughter  and  sport  to  our  enemies  :  and  such  of  those  as  are  alive  still,  are  to  be 
 looked  on  as  the  most  miserable,  who  being  so  desirous  of  death,  could  not  come  at  if.  And 
 where  is  now  that  great  city,  the  metropolis  of  the  Jewish  nation?  which  was  fortified  by  so 
 many  walls  round  about,  which  had  so  many  fortresses  and  large  towers  to  defend  it,  which 
 could  hardly  contain  the  instruments  prepared  for  the  war,  and  which  bad  so  many  ten  thou- 
 sands of  men  to  fight  for  it?  Where  is  this  city  that  was  believed  to  have  God  himself  inha- 
 biling  therein?  It  isnov/  demolished  to  the  very  foundations  ;  and  hath  nolhing  but  that  monu- 
 ment of  it  preserved,  I  mean  the  camp  of  those  that  destroyed  it,  which  still  dwells  upon 
 its  ruins  ;  some  unfortunate  old  men  also  lie  upon  the  ashes  of  the  temple,  and  a  few  women 
 are  there  preserved  alive  by  the  enemy,  for  our  bitter  shame  add  reproach.  Now,  who  is  there 
 that  revolves  these  things  in  his  mind,  and  yet  is  able  to  bear  the  sight  of  the  sun,  though  he 
 might  live  out  of  danger?  Who  is  there  so  munli  his  country's  enemy,  or  so  unmanly,  and  so 
 desirous  of  living,  as  not  to  repent  that  he  is  still  alive?  And  1  cannot  but  wish  that  we  had 
 all  died,  before  we  had  seen  that  holy  city  demolished  by  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  or  the 
 foundations  of  our  holy  temple  dug  up  after  so  profane  a  manner.  But  since  we  had  a  gener- 
 ous hope  that  deluded  us,  as  if  we  might  perhaps  have  been  able  to  avenge  ourselves  on  our 
 enemies  on  that  account,  though  it  be  now  become  vanity,  and  halh  left  us  alone  in  this  dis- 
 tress, let  us  make  haste  to  die  bravely.  Let  us  pity  ourselves,  our  children,  and  our  wives, 
 while  it  is  in  onr  own  power  to  shew  pity  to  them  ;  for  we  were  born  to  die,*  as  well  as 
 those  were  whom  we  have  begotten  ;  nor  is  it  in  the  power  of  the  most  happy  of  our  race  to 
 avoid  it.  But  for  abuses,  and  slavery,  and  the  sight  of  our  wives  led  away  after  an  ignomini- 
 ous manner,  with  their  children,  these  are  not  such  evils  as  are  natural  and  necessary  among 
 men  ;  although  such  as  do  not  prefer  death  before  those  miseries,  when  it  is  in  their  power  so 
 to  do,  must  undergo  even  them,  on  account  of  their  own  •cowardice.  We  revolted  from  the 
 Romaos  with  gieat  pretensions  to  courage,  and  when,  at  the  very  last,  they  invited  us  to  pre- 
 serve ourselves,  we  would  not  comply  with  them.  Who  will  not,  therefore,  believe  that  they 
 will  certainly  be  in  a  rage  at  us,  in  case  they  can  take  us  alive  ?  Miserable  will  then  be  the 
 young  men,  who  will  be  strong  enough  in  their  bodies  to  sustain  many  torments  ;  miserable 
 also  will  be  those  of  elder  years,  who  will  not  be  able  to  bear  those  calamities  which  young 
 men  might  sustain.  One  man  will  he  obliged  to  hear  the  voice  of  his  son  impore  help  of  his 
 fathers  when  his  hands  are  bound.  But  certainly  our  hands  are  still  at  liberty,  and  have  a 
 sword  in  them  ;  let  them  then  he  subservient  to  us  in  our  glorious  design  ;  let  us  die  before 
 we  become  slaves  under  our  enemies,  and  let  us  go  out  of  the  world,  together  with  our  chil- 
 dren and  our  wives,  in  a  state  of  freedom !  This  it  is  that  our  laws  command  us  to  do ;  this 
 it  is  that  our  wives  and  children  crave  at  our  hands  ;  nay.  God  himself  hath  brought  this 
 necessity  upon  us;  while  the  Romans  desire  the  contrary,  and  are  afraid  lest  any  of  us  should 
 die  before  we  are  taken.  Let  us  therefore  make  haste,  and  instead  of  affording  them  so  much 
 pleasure,  as  they  hope  for  in  getting  us  under  their  power,  let  us  leave  them  an  example 
 which  shall  at  once  cause  their  astoni:ihment  at  our  death,  and  their  admiration  of  our 
 'lardiness  therein." 
 
 CHAP.  IX. 
 Hon)  (he  People,  that  were  in  the  Fortress  tcere  jyrevailed  on  by  the   Words  of  Eleazar,  tico 
 
 Women  and  five  Children  only  excepted,  and  all  submitted  tu  be  killed  by  one  anotlier. 
 §  1.  Now  as  Eleazar  was  proceeding   on   this  exhortation,   they   all  cut   him  off  short,   and 
 made  haste  to  do  the  work,   as  full  of  an  nnconciuerable  ardour  of  mind,  and   moved   with  a 
 denioniiic,).'  fury.     So  they  went  their  ways,  as  one  stdl  endeavouring  to  be  before  another,  and 
 as  thiQkiri<g;  that  this  eagerness  would  be  a  demonstration  of  their  courage  and  good  conduct,  if 
 
 *  Reland  liere  sets  down  a  parallel  aphorism  of  one  pf  the  Jewish  rabbins,  "  We  are  bi  rn  that  we  may  die, 
 ,nd  die  that  we  aiay  live." 
 
736  WARS   OF    THE  JEWS. 
 
 they  could  avoid  appearing  in  Uie  last  class;  so  great  was  the  zeal  they  were  ia  to  slay  their 
 wives  and  children,  and  themselves  also.  Nor  indeed,  when  they  came  to  the  work  itself,  did 
 llieir  courage  fail  them,  as  one  might  imagine  it  would  have  done,  bat  they  then  held  fast  the 
 same  resolution,  without  wavering,  which  they  had  upon  the  hearing  of  Eleazar's  speech,  while 
 vet  every  one  of  them  still  retained  the  natural  passion  of  love  to  themselves  and  their  families, 
 iwcause  the  reasoning  they  went  cpon  appeared  to  them  to  be  very  just,  even  with  regard  to 
 those  that  were  dearest  to  them;  for  the  husbands' tenderly  embraced  their  wives,  and  took 
 their  children  in!o  their  arras,  and  gave  the  longest  parting  kisses  to  them,  with  tears  in  their 
 eyes.  Yet  at  the  same  time  did  they  complete  what  they  had  resolved  on,  as  if  they  had  been 
 executed  by  the  hands  of  strangers  ;  and  they  had  nothing  else  for  their  comfort,  but  the  neces- 
 sity they  were  in  of  doing  this  execution,  to  avoid  that  prospect  they  had  of  the  miseries  they 
 were  to  sutler  from  tiieir  enemies.  Nor  was  there  at  leugth  any  one  of  these  men  found  that 
 scrupled  to  act  their  part  in  this  terrible  execution,  but  every  one  of  them  despatched  his 
 dearest  relations.  Miserable  men  indeed  were  they  !  whose  distress  forced  them  to  slay  their 
 own  wives  and  children  with  their  own  hands,  as  the  lightest  of  those  evils  that  were  before 
 them.  So  they  being  not  able  to  bear  the  grief  they  were  under  for  what  they  had  done  any 
 longer,  and  esteeming  it  an  injury  to  those  they  had  slain,  to  live  even  the  shortest  space  of 
 time  after  them,  they  presently  laid  all  they  had  in  a  heap,  and  set  fire  to  it.  They  then 
 chose  ten  men  by  lot  out  of  them,  to  slay  all  the  rest  ;  every  one  of  whom  laid  himself  down 
 by  his  wife  and  children  on  the  ground,  and  threw  bis  arms  about  them,  and  tiiey  offered  their 
 necks  to  the  stroke  of  those  who  by  lot  executed  that  melancholy  office:  and  when  these  ten 
 Lad,  without  fear,  slain  tliem  all,  tuey  made  the  same  rule  for  casting  lots  for  themselves,  that 
 Le  whose  lot  it  was  should  first  kill  the  other  nine,  and  after  all  should  kill  himself.  Accord- 
 ingly, all  these  bad  coprage  sufficient  to  be  no  way  behind  one  another  in  doing  or  sufferiug; 
 so,  for  a  conclusion,  the  nine  offered  their  necks  to  the  executioner,  and  he  who  was  the  last 
 of  all  took  a  view  of  all  the  other  bodies,  lest  perchance  some  or  other  among  so  many  that 
 were  slain  should  want  his  assistance  to  be  quite  despatched,  and  when  he  perceived  that  they 
 were  all  slain,  he  set  lire  to  the  palace,  and  with  the  great  force  of  his  hand  ran  bis  sword 
 entirely  through  himself,  and  fell  down  dead  near  to  his  own  relations.  So  these  people  died 
 with  this  intention,  that  they  would  leave  not  so  much  as  one  soul  among  them  all  alive  to  be 
 subject  to  the  Romans.  Yet  was  there  an  ancient  woman,  and  another  who  was  of  kin  to  Elea- 
 zar,  and  superior  to  most  women  in  prudence  and  learning,  with  five  children,  who  had  con- 
 cealed themselves  in  caverns  under  ground,  and  had  carried  water  thither  for  their  drink,  and 
 were  hidden  there  vfhen  the  rest  were  intent  upon  the  slaughter  of  one  another.  Those  others 
 were  nine  hundred  and  sixty  in  number,  the  women  and  children  being  withal  included  in  that 
 computation.  This  calamitous  slaughter  was  made  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  Xanthi- 
 cus  [Nisan.] 
 
 2.  Now  for  the  Romans,  they  expected  tiiat  they  should  be  fought  in  the  morning,  when 
 accordingly  they  put  on  their  armour,  and  laid  bridges  of  planks  upon  their  ladders  from  their 
 banks,  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  fortress,  which  they  did;  but  saw  nobody  as  an  enemy, 
 but  a  terrible  solitude  on  every  side,  with  a  fire  within  the  place,  as  well  as  a  perfect  silence. 
 So  they  were  at  a  loss  to  guess  at  what  had  happened.  At  length  they  made  a  shoul,  as  if  it 
 had  been  at  a  blow  given  by  the  battering  ram,  to  try  whether  they  could  bring  any  one  out 
 that  was  witl'in  :  the  women  heard  this  noise,  and  came  out  of  their  undergronnd  cavern,  and 
 informed  the  Romans  what  had  been  done,  as  it  was  done  ;  and  the  second  of  them  clearly 
 described  all,  both  what  was  said  and  what  was  done,  and  the  manner  of  it  :  yet  did  they  not 
 easily  give  their  attention  to  such  a  desperate  uuilertaking,  and  did  not  believe  it  could  be  as 
 they  said;  they  also  attempted  to  pat  the  fire  out,  and  quickly  cutting  themselves  a  way 
 through  it,  they  came  within  the  palace,  and  so  met  with  the  multitude  of  the  slain,  but  conid 
 lake  no  pleasure  in  the  fact,  though  it  were  done  to  their  enemies.  Nor  could  they  do  other 
 (ban  wonder  at  the  courage  of  their  resolution,  and  the  immoveable  contempt  of  death  which 
 so  great  a  number  of  them  had  shewn,  when  they  went  through  with  such  an  action  as 
 that  was. 
 
 CHAP.  X. 
 
 That  many  of  the  Sicarii  fled  to  Alexandria  also,  and  lohat  Dangers  they  tcere  in  there;  on 
 which  account,  that  Temple,  which  had  formerly  been  built  by  Otiias  the  High  Priest,  luas 
 destroyed. 
 
 i  1.  When  Masada  was  thas  taken,  the  general  left  a  garrison  in  the  fortress  to  keep  it,  and 
 he  himself  went  to  Cesarea  ;  for  there  were  now  no  enemies  left  in  the  country,  but  it  was  all 
 overthrown  by  so  long  a  war.  Yet  did  this  war  afford  disturbances  and  dangerous  disorders 
 even  in  places  very  far  remote  from  Judea;  for  still  it  came  to  pass,  that  many  Jens  were 
 slain  at  Alexandria  in  Egypt  ;  for  as  many  of  the  Sicarii  as  were  able  to  lly  thither,  out  of  the 
 seditious  wars  in  Judea,  were  not  content  to  have  saved  themselves,  but  must  needs  be  under- 
 taking to  make  new  disturbances,  and  persuaded  many  of  those  that  entertained  them  to  assert 
 their  liberty,  to  esteem  the  Romans  to  be  no  l)elter  than  themselves,  and  to  look  upon  God  as 
 their  only  Lord  and  Master.     But  when   part  of  the  Jews  of  reputation  opposed   them,  they 
 
BOOK  VII.— CHAP.  X.  737 
 
 slew  some  of  tliem,  and  with  llie, olliers  tliey  were  verji  pressing  in  tbeir  exboitations  to  revolt 
 from  the  Romans  ;  but  when  the  principal  men  of  the  senate  saw  what  madness  they  were 
 come  to,  they  tliouglit  it  no  iony;er  safe  for  themselves  to  overlook  iheni.  So  tliey  got  all  the 
 Jews  together  to  an  assembly,  and  accused  the  madness  of  the  Sicarii,  and  demonstrated  that 
 they  had  been  the  authors  of  all  the  evils  that  liad  come  upon  them.  They  said  also,  that 
 "  these  men,  now  they  were  run  away  from  Judea,  having  no  sure  hope  of  escapintr,  because 
 as  soon  as  ever  they  shall  be  known,  they  will  be  soon  destroyed  by  the  Romans,  thev  come 
 hither  and  fdl  us  full  of  those  c^ilamities  which  belong  to  them,  while  we  have  not  been  par- 
 takers with  them  in  any  of  their  sius."  Accordingly  they  exhorted  the  multitude  to  have  a 
 care  lest  they  should  b«  brought  to  destruction  by  their  means,  and  to  make  their  apology  to 
 the  Romans  for  what  had  been  done,  by  delivering  these  men  up  to  them  ;  who  being  thus 
 apprized  of  the  greatness  of  the  danger  they  were  in,  complied  with  what  was  proposed,  and 
 ran  with  great  violence  upon  the  Sicarii,  and  seized  upon  them  ;  and  indeed  six  hundred  of 
 them  were  caught  iratnediately  ;  but  as  to  all  those  that  fled  into  Egypt,*  and  to  the  Egyptian 
 Thebes,  it  was  not  long  ere  they  were  caught  also,  and  brought  back,  whose  courage,  or 
 whether  we  ought  to  call  it  madness,  or  hardness  in  their  opinions,  every  body  was  amazed  at. 
 For  when  all  sorts  of  tormeuls  and  vexations  of  their  bodies  that  could  be  devised  were  made 
 use  of  to  them,  they  could  not  get  any  one  of  them  to  comply  so  far  as  to  confess,  or  seem  to 
 confess,  that  Cssar  was  their  lord  ;  but  they  preserved  their  own  opinion  in  spite  of  all  the 
 distress  they  were  broUjiht  to,  as  if  they  received  these  torments  and  the  (ire  itself  with  bodies 
 insensible  of  pain,  and  with  a  soul  that  in  a  manner  rejoiced  under  them.  But  what  was  most 
 of  all  astonishing  to  the  beholders,  was  the  courage  of.the  children  ;  for  not  one  of  these  children 
 was  so  far  overcome  by  these  torments,  as  to  name  Cassar  for  their  lord  :  so  far  does  the 
 strength  of  the  courage  [of  the  soul]  prevail  over  the  weakness  of  the  body. 
 
 2.  Now  Lupus  did  ihen  govern  Alexandria,  who  presently  sent  Caesar  word  of  this  commo- 
 tion, who  having  in  suspicion  the  restless  temprr  of  the  Jews  for  innoTation,  and  being  afraid 
 lest  they  should  get  together  again,  and  persuade  some  others  to  join  with  them,  gave  orders 
 to  Lupus  to  demolish  that  Jewish  templet  which  was  in  the  region  called  Onion,  and  was  in 
 Egypt;  which  was  built,  and  had  its  denomination  from  the  occasion  following  :  Onias,  the 
 son  of  Simon,  one  of  the  Jewish  high  priests,  lied  from  Antiochus  the  king  of  Syria,  when  he 
 made  war  with  the  Jews,  and  came  to  Alexandria  ;  and  as  Ptolemy  received  him  very  kindly, 
 on  account  of  his  hatred  to  Autiochus,  he  assured  him,  that  if  he  would  comply  with  his  pro- 
 posal, he  would  bring  all  the  Jews  to  his  assistance  ;  and  when  the  king  agreed  to  do  it  so  far 
 as  he  was  able,  he  desired  him  to  give  him  leave  to  build  a  temple  somewhere  in  Egypt,  and 
 to  worship  God  according  to  the  customs  of  his  own  country;  for  that  the  Jews  would  then 
 be  so  much  readier  to  fight  against  Antiochus,  who  had  laid  waste  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
 and  that  they  would  then  come  to  him  with  greater  good-will,  and  that  by  granting  them  liberty 
 of  conscience,  very  many  of  them  would  come  over  to  him. 
 
 3.  So  Ptolemy  complied  with  his  pioposals,  and  gave  him  a  place  one  haudred  and  eighty 
 furlongs  distant  from  Memphis.:]:  That  Nomos  was  called  the  Nomos  of  Heliopolis,  vvhere 
 Onias  built  a  fortress  and  a  temple,  not  like  to  that  of  Jerusalem,  but  such  as  resembled  a 
 tower.  He  built  it  of  large  stones,  to  the  height  of  sixty  cubits  ;  be  made  the  structure  of  the 
 altar  in  imitation  of  that  in  our  own  country,  and  in  like  manner  adorned  with  gifts,  excepting 
 the  make  of  the  candlestick,  for  he  did  not  make  a  candlestick,  but  had  a  [single]  lamp  ham- 
 mered out  of  a  piece  of  gold,  which  illuminated  the  place  with  its  rays,  and  which  he  hung  by 
 a  chain  of  gold;  but  the  entire  temple  was  encompassed  with  a  wall  of  burnt  brick,  though  it 
 had  gates  of  stone.  The  king  also  gave  him  a  large  country  for  a  revenue  in  money,  that  both 
 the  priests  might  have  a  plentiful  provision  made  for  them,  and  that  God  might  have  great 
 abundance  of  what  things  were  necessary  for  his  worship.  Yet  did  not  Onias  do  this  out  of 
 a  sober  disposition,  but  he  had  a  mind  to  contend  with  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  and  could  not 
 forget  the  indignation  he  bad  for  being  banished  thence.  Accordingly  he  thought  that  by 
 building  this  temple  he  should  draw  away  a  great  number  from  them  to  himself.  There  had 
 heen  also  a  certain  ancient  prediction  made  l)y  [a  prophet]  whose  name  was  Isaiah,  about  six. 
 hundred  years  before,  that  this  temple  should  be  built  by  a  man  that  was  a  Jew,  in  Egypt. § 
 And  this  is  the  history  of  the  building  of  that  temple. 
 
 *  Since  Joseplms  here  informs  us,  tliat  some  of  these  Sicarii.  or  Kuffians,  went  fiom  Alexandria  (which 
 was  itself  in  Kgypt,  in  a  large  BCiisiO  into  Kgypt  and  Thebes,  there  situated,  [teland  well  observes,  from  \  os- 
 sius,  that  Egypt  sometimes  denotes  I'roperor  iJpper  Kgypt,  as  distinct  from  the  Delta,  and  the  lower  i)arts  near 
 Palestine.  Accordingly,  as  he  adds,  those  that  say  it  never  rains  ia  Egypt,  must  mean  the  Proper  or  tipper 
 li&ypt,  l)ecause  it  does  sometimes  rain  iu  the  otlier  parts.  See  the  Motes  on  Aiitiq.  b.  ii.  chap.  vii.  §  7.  and 
 b.  iii.  chap.  i.  i)  6. 
 
 t  Of  this  temple  of  Onias'  building  in  Egypt,  see  the  "Notes,  on  Antiq.  b.  xiii.  chap.  iii.  i  1.  Kut  whereas 
 it  is  elsewhere,  both  Of  the  War,  b.  i.  chap.  i.  i  1.  and  in  the  Antiquities,  as  now  quoted,  said,  that  this  tem- 
 ple was  like  to  that  at  Jerusalem,  and  here  it  was  not  like  it,  but  like  a  tower,  «  3.  there  is  some  reason  to  sus- 
 pect the  reading  here,  and  that  either  the  iiegativa  particle  is  here  to  be  blotted  out,  or  the  word  entirely 
 added. 
 
 i  We  must  oDserve,  that  .losephusTiera  spealcs  of  Antiochus,  who  profaned  the  temple,  ns  now  alive,  when 
 Onias  had  leave  given  him  by  t^hilometor,  to  build  his  temple  ;  whereas  it  seems  uot  to  have  been  actually 
 built  till  about  fifteen  years  afterwards.  S'et  because  it  is  said  in  the  /Vutiquilies,  that  Onias  went  to  Pbilo- 
 mctor,  b.  xii.  chap.  ix.  ^7-  during  the  lifetime  of  that  Antiochus,  it  is  probable  he  petitioned,  and  perhaps 
 obtained  his  leave  then,  though  it  were  not  actuiiUy  built  or  finished  till  filtetu  years  afterwards. 
 
 j  Isa.  xix.  18—2.3. 
 
 5  A 
 
738  WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 
 
 4.  And  now  Lupus  the  governor  of  Alexandria,  upon  the  receipt  of  Caesar's  letter,  came  to 
 tlie  temple,  and  carried  out  of  it  some  of  the  donations  dedicated  thereto,  and  shut  up  the  tem- 
 ple iissl).  And  as  Lupus  died  a  little  afterwards,  Paulinus  succeeded  him.  This  man  left 
 uone  of  those  donations  ihere,  and  threatened  the  priests  severely  if  they  did  uot  bring  them 
 all  out;  nor  did  he  permit  any  who  were  desirous  of  worshipping  God  there,  so  much  as  to 
 come  uear  the  whole  sacred  place.  But  when  he  had  shut  up  the  gates,  he  made  it  entirely 
 inaccessible,  insomucli  that  there  remained  no  longer  the  ifcast  footsteps  of  any  divine  worship 
 that  had  been  in  that  place.  Now  the  duration  of  this  time,  from  the  building  of  this  temple, 
 till  it  was  shut  up  again,  was  three  hundred  and  forty-three  years. 
 
 CHAP.  XI 
 
 Concerning  Jonathan,  one  of  the  Sicarii,    that  stirred  up  a  Sedition  in  Cijrene,  and  ivas  a  false 
 Accuser  [o/  the  innocent.^ 
 
 §  1.  And  now  did  the  inaduess  of  the  Sicarii,  like  a  disease,  reach  as  far  as  the  cities  of 
 Cyrene  ;  for  one  Jonathan,  a  vile  person,  and  by  trade  a  weaver,  came  thither,  and  prevailed 
 with  no  small  number  of  the  poorer  sort  to  give  ear  to  him  ;  he  also  led  them  into  the  desert, 
 upon  promising  them  that  he  would  shew  them  signs  and  apparitions.  And  as  for  the  other 
 Jews  of  Gyrene,  he  concealed  his  knavery  from  them,  and  put  tricks  upon  them:  but  those  of 
 the  greatest  dignity  among  them,  informed  Catullus,  the  governor  of  the  Libyan  Pentapolis,  of 
 his  march  into  the  desert,  and  of  the  preparations  he  had  made  for  it.  So  he  sent  out  after 
 him  both  horsemen  and  footmen,  and  easily  overcame  them,  because  they  were  unarmed  men : 
 of  these  many  were  slain  in  the  fight,  but  some  were  taken  alive,  and  brought  to  Catullus.  As 
 for  Jonatlian,  the  head  of  tiiis  plot,  he  i)ed  away  at  this  time,  but  upon  a  great  and  very  dili- 
 gent search,  which  was  made  over  all  the  country  for  him,  he  was  taken  also.  And  when  he 
 was  brought  to  Catullus,  he  devised  a  way  whereby  he  both  escaped  punishment  himself,  and 
 afl'orded  an  occasion  to  Catullus  of  doing  much  mischief;  for  he  falsely  accused  the  richest  men 
 among  the  Jews,  and  said,  that  they  had  put  him  upon  what  he  did. 
 
 2.  Now  Catullus  easily  admitted  of  these  his  calumnies,  and  aggravated  matters  greatly, 
 and  made  tragical  exclamations,  that  he  might  also  be  supposed  to  have  had  a  hand  in  the 
 finishing  of  the  Jev,fish  war.  But  what  was  still  harder,  he  did  not  only  give  a  too  easy  belief 
 to  his  stories,  but  he  taught  the  Sicarii  to  accuse  men  falsely.  He  bade  this  Jonathan,  there- 
 fore, to  name  one  Alexander,  a  Jew,  (with  whom  he  had  formerly  had  a  quarrel,  and  openly 
 professed  that  he  hated  him;)  he  also  got  him  to  name  his  wife  Bernice,  as  concerned  witii 
 him.  These  two  Catullus  ordered  to  he  slain  in  the  the  first  place  ;  nay,  after  them  he  caused 
 all  the  rich  and  wealthy  Jews  to  be  slain,  being  no  fewer  in  all  than  three  thousand.  This  he 
 thought  he  might  do  safely,  because  he  confiscated  their  eft'ects  and  added  them  to  Csesar's 
 revenues. 
 
 3.  Nay,  indeed,  lest  any  Jews  that  lived  elsewhere  should  convict  him  of  his  villany,  he 
 extended  his  false  accusations  further,  and  persuaded  Jonathan,  and  certain  others  that  were 
 caught  with  him,  to  bring  an  accusation  of  attempts  for  innovation  against  the  Jews  that  were 
 of  the  best  character  both  at  Alexandria  and  at  Rome.  One  of  these,  against  whom  this 
 treacherous  accusation  was  laid,  was  Josephus,  the  writer  of  these  books.  However,  this  plot, 
 thus  contrived  by  Catullus,  did  not  succeed  according  to  bis  hopes  ;  for  though  he  came  him- 
 self to  Rome,  and  brought  Jonathan  and  his  companions  along  with  him  in  bonds,  and  thought 
 he  should  have  had  no  further  inquisition  made  as  to  those  lies  that  were  forged  under  his 
 government,  or  by  his  means,  yet  did  Vespasian  suspect  the  matter,  and  made  an  inquiry  how 
 far  it  was  true.  And  when  he  understood  that  the  accusation  laid  against  the  Jews  xvas  an 
 unjust  one,  he  cleared  them  of  the  crimes  charged  upon  them,  and  this,  on  account  of  Titus's 
 concern  about  the  matter,  and  brought  a  deserved  punishment  upon  Jonathan  ;  for  he  was  lirst 
 tormented,  and  then  burnt  alive. 
 
 4.  But  as  to  Catullus,  the  emperors  were  so  gentle  to  him,  that  he  underwent  no  severer 
 condemnation  at  this  time  :  yet  was  it  not  long  before  he  fell  into  a  complicated  and  almost 
 incurable  distemper,  and  died  miserably.  He  was  not  only  afflicted  in  body,  but  the  distemper 
 in  his  mind  was  more  heavy  upon  him  than  the  other;  for  he  w«s  terribly  disturbed,  and  con- 
 tihually  cried  out,  "  That  he  saw  the  ghosts  of  those  whom  he  had  slain  standing  before  hini." 
 Whereupon  he  was  not  able  to  contain  himself,  but  leaped  out  of  his  bed,  as  if  both  torments 
 and  fire  were  brought  to  him.  This  his  distemper  grew  still  a  great  deal  worse  and  worse 
 continually,  and  iiis  very  entrails  were  so  corroded,  that  they  fell  out  of  his  body,  and  in  that 
 condition  he  died.  Thus  he  became  as  great  an  instance  of  divine  providence  as  ever  was, 
 and  demonstrjted  that  God  punishes  wicked  men. 
 
 5.  And  here  we  shall  put  an  end  to  this  our  history;  wherein  we  formerly  piomised  to 
 deliver  the  same  with  all  accuracy,  to  such  as  should  be  desirous  of  understanding  after  what 
 manner  this  war  of  the  Romans  with  the  Jews  was  managed.  Of  which  history,  how  good  the 
 style  is,  must  be  left  to  the  determination  of  the  readers;  but  as  for  the  agreement  with  the 
 lacts,  1  shall  not  scruple  to  say,  and  that  boldly,  that  truth  hath  been  what  I  have  alone  aimed 
 at  through  its  entire  cornpositioii. 
 
AGAINST    APION.— BOOK    I.  739 
 
 FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS, 
 
 ON    THE    ANTIQUITY    OF    THE    JEWS 
 
 AGAINST    APION.* 
 
 BOOK  I. 
 
 $1.1  SUPPOSE  that,  by  my  books  of  the  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  most  excellent  £pa|)liro(Iitus,t 
 I  have  made  it  evident  to  those  that  peruse  them,  that  our  Jewish  nation  is  of  very  great  anti- 
 quity, and  had  a  distinct  subsistence  of  its  own  originally;  as  alsi>,  I  have  therein  declared, 
 how  we  came  to  inhabit  this  country  wherein  we  now  live.  These  Antiquities  contain  tlie  his- 
 tory of  five  thousand  years,  and  are  taken  out  of  our  sacred  books,  but  are  translated  by  me 
 into  the  Greek  tongue.  However,  since  I  observe  a  consider;ible  number  of  people  giving 
 ear  to  the  reproaches  that  are  laid  against  us  by  those  who  bear  ill-will  to  us,  and  will  not 
 believe  what  I  liave  written  concerning  the  antiquity  of  our  nation,  while  they  take  it  for  a 
 plain  sign  that  our  nation  is  of  a  late  date,  because  they  are  not  so  much  as  vouchsafed  a  hare 
 mention  by  the  most  famous  historiographers  among  the  Grecians  ;  I  therefore  have  thought 
 myself  under  an  obligation  to  write  somewhat  briefly  about  these  subjects,  in  order  to  convict 
 those  that  reproach  us,  of  spite  and  voluntary  falsehood,  and  to  correct  the  ignorance  of  others, 
 and  withal  to  instruct  all  those  who  are  desirous  of  knowing  the  truth,  of  wliat  great  antiquity 
 we  really  are.  As  for  the  witnesses  whom  I  shall  produce  for  the  proof  of  what  I  say,  they 
 shall  be  such  as  are  esteemed  to  be  of  the  greatest  reputation  for  truth,  and  the  most  skilful  in 
 the  knowledge  of  all  antiquity,  by  the  Greeks  themselves.  I  will  also  shew,  that  those  who 
 have  written  so  reprcachruily  and  falsely  about  us,  are  to  be  convicted  by  what  they  have 
 written  themselves  to  the  contrary.  I  shall  also  endeavour  to  give  an  account  of  the  reasons 
 why  it  hath  so  happened,  that  there  have  not  been  a  great  number  of  Greeks  who  have  made 
 mention  of  our  nation  in  their  histories;  I  will,  however,  bring  those  Grecians  to  light,  who 
 have  not  omitted  such  our  history,  for  the  sake  of  those  that  either  do  not  know  thcni,  or  pre- 
 tend not  to  know  them  already. 
 
 2.  And  now,  in  the  first  place,  I  cannot  but  greatly  wonder  at  those  men,  who  suppose  that 
 we  must  attend  to  none  but  Grecians,  when  we  are  inquiring  about  the  most  ancient  facts,  and 
 must  inform  ourselves  of  their  truth  from  them  only,  while  we  must  not  believe  ourselves  nor 
 other  men  ;  for  I  am  convinced,  that  the  very  reverse  is  the  truth  of  the  case.  1  mean  this,  if 
 we  will  not  be  led  by  vain  opinions,  but  will  make  inquiry  after  truth  from  facts  themselves  ;■ 
 for  they  will  find,  that  almost  all  which  concerns  the  Greeks  happened  not  long  ago  ;  nay,  one 
 
 *  This  first  book  has  a  wrong  title.  Tt  is  not  written  against  Apion,  as  is  the  first  part  of  the  second  book, 
 but  against  those  Greeks  in  general  who  would  not  believe  Josephus'  former  accounts  of  the  very  aiicient  state 
 of  the  Jewish  nation,  in  his  twenty  bocks  of  Antiiiuities  ;  and  particularly  against  Agatliarchides,  Manctho, 
 Cheremon,  and  Lysimachus.  It  is  one  of  the  most  learned,  excellent,  and  useful  books  of  all  rintiquity,  and 
 upon  Jerome's  perusal  of  this  and  the  following  books,  he  declares,  that "  it  seems  to  liim  a  mir.Kulous  thing, 
 how  one  that  was  a  l!el)rtw,  who  had  been  from  his  infancy  inslriicted  in  sacred  learning,  shoula  be  able  to 
 produce  such  a  number  of  tcslimonies  out  of  profane  authors,  as  if  he  had  read  over  the  Grecian  libraries." 
 Epist.  34.  ad  IVlagnura  ;  and  the  learned  .lew,  Alunasseh  ben  Israel,  esteemed  these  two  books  so  excellent,  as 
 to  translate  them  into  the  Hebrew;  this  we  learii  from  his  own  catalogue  of  his  v.oiks,  wliich  I  have  seen.  As 
 to  the  time  and  place,  when  and  where  these  two  books  were  written,  the  learned  have  not  hitherto  been  able 
 to  determine  them,  any  further  than  that  they  were  written  some  time  after  hii;  Antiquities,  or  some  time  after 
 A.  I).  OT ;  which  indeed  is  too  obvious  at  their  entrance  to  be  overlooked  by  even  a  careless  peruser  ;  they 
 being  directly  intended  agaiuKt  those  that  would  not  believe  what  he  had  advanced  in  those  books  concerning 
 the  great  antiquity  of  the  Jewish  nation.  As  to  the  place,  they  all  imagine  that  these  two  books  were  written 
 where  the  former  were,  I  mean  at  Home  ;  and  1  confess,  that  1  myself  believed  both  tliese  determinations,  till 
 i  came  to  finish  my  colis  ui)on  ihe.se  books,  whiii  I  met  with  plain  indications  that  they  were  written  not  at 
 Rome,  but  in  Judea,  and  this  after  the  .'id  of  I'rajan,  or  A.  D.  HX). 
 
 +  lake  Dr.  Hudson's  note  here,  which  as  it  justly  contradicts  the  common  opinion,  that  Josephus  either  died 
 under  Doniitiau,  or  at  least  wrote  nothing  later  than  his  days,  so  docs  it  perfectly  agree  to  my  own  determi- 
 nation, from  Justus  of  Tiberias,  that  he  wrote  or  finished  his  own  T,ife  after  the  .3d  of  Trajan,  or  A.  U  100.  'Jo 
 which  fsoldius  also  agrees,  ile  Herod.  No.  'MVi.  f I'.iiaphroditus.J  .Sinre  "  t'lavuis.losepluis,"  says  Dr.  Hudson, 
 "  wrote  [or  linished)  liis  books  of  AntLpiitics  on  the  13lh  of  Domitian,  |y\.  1).  9:).]  and  after  that  wrote  the 
 Memoirs  of  his  owe  Life,  as  an  Appendix  to  the  books  of  Antiquities,  and  at  last  his  two  books  against  Apion, 
 and  yet  dedicated  all  those  writings  to  Epaphroditus,  ho  can  hardly  be  that  Epapnro»itus  who  was  formerly 
 Rccreiary  to  Nero,  and  was  slain  on  the  Hth  [or  ISth]  of  Domitian,  after  he  had  been  for  a  good  while  in 
 bauishuieni,  but  another  Kpaphroditus,  a  freed-man,  and  procurator  of  Trajan,"  as  says  Cirotius  ou 
 Luke  i.  :t. 
 
740  FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS 
 
 may  s!iv,  is  of  ycsterdaj  only.  I  speak  of  the  building  of  their  cities,  the  inventions  oi  their 
 arts,  and  the  description  of  their  laws  ;  and  as  for  their  care  ahout  the  writing  down  of  their 
 histories,  it  is  very  near  the  last  thing  they  set  about.  However,  they  acknowledged  them- 
 selves so  far,  that  they  were  the  Egyptians,  the  Chaldeans,  and  the  Phenicians,  (for  I  will  not 
 now  reckon  ourselves  among  them,)  that  have  preserved  the  memorials  of  the  most  ancient 
 and  most  lasting  traditions  of  mankind  ;  for  almost  all  these  nations  inhabit  such  countries  as 
 are  least  subject  to  destruction  from  the  world  about  them  :  and  these  also  have  taken  especial 
 care  to  have  nothing  omitted  of  wiiat  was  [remarkably]  done  among  them  ;  but  their  historj 
 was  esteemed  sacred,  and  put  into  public  tables,  as  written  by  men  of  the  greatest  wisdom 
 they  had  among  them.  But  as  for  the  place  where  the  Grecians  inhabit,  ten  thousand  destruc- 
 tions have  overtaken  it,  and  blotted  out  the  rr.^raory  of  former  actions  ;  so  that  they  were  ever 
 beginning  a  new  way  of  living,  and  supposed  that  every  one  of  them  was  the  origin  of  their 
 new  state.  It  was  also  late,  and  with  difficulty,  that  they  came  to  know  the  letters  they  now 
 use  ;  for  those  that  would  advance  their  use  of  these  letters  to  the  greatest  antiquity,  pretend 
 that  they  learned  them  from  the  Phenicians  and  from  Cadmus  ;  yet  is  nobody  able  to  demon- 
 strate that  they  have  any  writing  preserved  from  that  time,  neither  in  their  temples,  nor  in 
 any  other  public  monuments.  This  appears,  because  the  time  when  those  lived  who  went  to 
 the  Trojan  war,  so  many  years  afterwards,  is  in  great  doubt,  and  great  inquiry  is  made,  whether 
 tlie  Greeks  used  their  letters  at  that  time  ;  and  the  most  prevailing  opinion,  and  that  nearest 
 the  truth,  is,  that  the  present  way  of  using  those  letters  was  unknown  at  that  time.  However, 
 there  is  not  any  writing  which  the  Greeks  agree  to  be  genuine  among  them  ancienter  than 
 Horaer's  poems,*  who  must  plainly  be  confessed  later  than  the  siege  of  Troy  :  nay,  the  report 
 goes,  that  even  he  did  not  leave  the  poems  in  writing,  but  that  their  memory  was  preserved 
 in  songs,  and  they  were  put  together  afterward,  and  that  this  is  the  reason  of  such  a  number 
 of  variations  as  are  found  in  them.  As  for  those  who  set  themselves  about  writing  their  his- 
 tories, I  mean  such  as  Cadmus  of  Miletus,  and  Aousilaus  of  Argos,  and  any  others  that  may 
 be  mentioned  as  succeeding  Acusilaus,  they  lived  but  a  little  wiiile  before  the  Persian  expedi- 
 tion into  Greece.  But  then  for  those  that  first  introduced  philosophy,  and  the  consideration 
 of  things  celestial  and  divine  among  them,  such  as  Pherecydes  the  Syrian,  and  Pythagoras, 
 and  Thales,  all  with  one  consent  agree,  tliat  they  learned  what  they  knew  of  the  Egyptians 
 and  Chaldeans,  and  wrote  but  little.  And  these  are  the  things  which  are  supposed  to  be  the 
 oldest  of  all  among  the  Greeks  ;  and  they  have  much  ado  to  believe  that  the  writings  ascribed 
 to  those  men  are  genuine. 
 
 3,  How  can  it  then  be  other  than  an  absurd  thing  for  the  GrecKs  to  be  so  proud,  and  to 
 vacnt  themselves  to  be  the  only  people  that  are  acquainted  with  antiquity,  and  that  have 
 delivered  the  true  accounts  of  those  early  times  after  an  accurate  niauner  !  Nay,  who  is  there 
 that  cannot  easily  gather  from  the  Greek  writers  themselves,  that  they  knew  but  little  on  any 
 good  foundation  wlien  they  set  to  write,  but  rather  wrote  their  histories  from  their  own  con- 
 jectures? Accordingly  they  confute  one  another  in  their  own  books  to  purpose,  and  are  not 
 ashamed  to  give  us  the  most  contradictory  accounts  of  the  same  things  :  and  I  should  spend 
 my  time  to  little  purpose,  if  I  should  pretend  to  teach  the  Greeks  that  which  they  know  bet- 
 ter than  I  already,  what  a  great  disagreement  there  is  between  Hellanicus  and  Acusilaus  about 
 their  genealogies :  in  how  many  cases  Acusilaus  corrects  Hesiod  ;  or  after  what  manner 
 Ephorus  demonstrates  Hellanicus  to  have  told  lies  in  the  greatest  part  of  his  history  ;  as  does 
 Timeus  in  like  manner  as  to  Ephorus,  and  the  succeeding  writers  do  to  Timeus,  and  all  the  lat- 
 ter writers  do  to  Herodotus  ;!  nor  could  Timeus  as^ree  with  Antiochus  and  Philistius,  or  with 
 Callias,  about  the  Sicilian  history,  no  more  than  do  (he  several  writers  of  the  Atthidae  follow 
 one  another  about  the  Athenian  afl'airs  ;  nor  do  the  historians  the  like  that  wrote  the  Argolics, 
 about  the  affairs  of  the  Argives.  And  now  what  need  I  say  any  more  about  particular  cities 
 and  smaller  places,  while  in  the  most  approved  writers  of  the  expedition  of  the  Persians,  and 
 of  the  actions  whioli  were  therein  performed,  there  are  so  great  difl'ereuites  ?  Nay,  Tliucy- 
 dides  himself  is  accased  hy  some  as  writing  what  is  false,  although  he  seems  to  have  given  us 
 the  exactest  history  of  the  affairs  of  his  own  time. 
 
 *  This  preservation  of  Homer's  poems  by  memory,  and  not  by  his  own  writing  them  down,  and  that  thence 
 they  were  styled  rhapsodies,  as  sung  by  him,  like  ballads,  by  paics,  and  not  composed  and  conuected  together 
 111  complete  works,  are  opinions  well  Vuowa  from  the  ancient  commer.tators  ;  though  such  supposal  seems  to 
 myself,  as  well  as  to  Fabricius,  Eiblioth.  Graec.  i.  p.  26y,  and  to  others,  highly  improbable.  Nor  does.Iose- 
 phus  say  there  was  no  ancienter  writings  among  the  GreeUs  than  tlomer's  poems,  but  that  they  did  not  fully 
 own  any  ancienter  writings  pretending  to  such  antiquity,  which  is  true. 
 
 t  T'  ^^e"  deserves  to  be  considered,  that  Josephus  here  savs,  how  all  the  following  Greel;  historians  looked 
 on  Herodotus  as  a  fabulous  author  ;  and  presently,  $  14.  how'iManetho,  that  most  authentic  writer  of  the  Egyp- 
 tian hi.stoi-y,  greatly  complains  of  his  raistalies  m  the  Egyptian  atfairs  :  as  also  that  Strabo,  b.  xi.  p.  507.  the 
 
 1  ,  ■    '  --*•*'  ." '^  •"..^  tmr,n\xy    occu    iii   luc    JiuiC  UIl   /lllUtl.    U.   Vlll.  fllUJJ.    A.  \J  .1.    IIUW    very    lillie    JiUiUi.LUL-.io 
 
 Knew  |.tmnt  the  .  ewish  affairs  and  country,  and  that  he  greatly  affected  what  we  call  the  marvellous,  as  Alon- 
 Bieur  lumm  has  lately  and  justly  determined  :  whence  we  are  not  always  to  depend  on  the  authority  of  llero- 
 4,  ,,"'■  "''.'■'■'^  "  '^  unsupported  by  other  evidence,  but  ought  to  compare  the  other  evidences  with  his,  and,  if 
 Ji  preponiternte,  to  preter  it  before  his.  I  do  not  mean  by  this,  that  I  lerodolus  wilfully  related  what  he  believed 
 u'a^*;,  ;,  "^'.i  '  >-  tesias  seems  to  have  done,)  but  that  be  often  wanted  evidence,  and  sometimes  preferred  what 
 WrtS  luarviUnus  to  what  was  best  attested  to  be  true. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK    I.  741 
 
 4.  As  for  ibe  occasion  of  so  great  disagreement  of  theirs,  mere  may  be  assigned  manj  that 
 are  very  probable,  if  any  liave  a  mind  to  make  an  inquiry  abuut  them  ;  but  I  ascribe  tliese 
 contradictions  chielly  to  two  causes,  which  I  will  now  mention,  and  still  think  what  I  shall 
 mention  in  the  first  place  to  be  the  principal  of  all.  For  if  we  remember,  that  in  the  beginning 
 the  Greeks  bad  taken  no  care  to  have  public  records  of  their  several  transactions  preserved, 
 this  must  for  certain  have  aflorded  those,  that  would  afterward  write  about  those  ancient 
 transactions,  the  opportunity  of  making  mistakes,  and  the  power  of  makine;  lies  also  ,  for  this 
 original  recording  of  snob  ancient  transactions  hath  not  only  been  neglected  by  the  other  states 
 of  Greece,  but  even  among  the  Athenians  tliemselves  also,  who  pretend  to  be  aborigines, 
 and  to  have  applied  themselves  to  learning,  there  are  no  such  records  extant  ;  nay,  they  say 
 themselves  that  the  laws  of  Draco  concerning  murders,  which  are  new  extant  in  writing,  are 
 the  most  ancient  of  their  public  records  ;  which  Drfio>.>  yet  lived  but  a  little  before  the  tyrant 
 Pisistratus,*  For  as  to  the  Arcadians,  who  make  sucli  boasts  of  their  antiquity,  what  need 
 I  speak  of  them  in  particular,  since  it  was  still  later  before  they  got  their  letters,  and  learned 
 them,  and  that  with  difliculty  also? 
 
 5.  There  mnst,  therefore,  naturally  arise  great  differences  among  writers,  when  they  had 
 no  original  records  to  lay  for  their  foundation,  which  might  at  once  inform  those  who  had  an 
 inclination  to  learn,  and  contradict  those  that  would  tell  lies.  However,  we  are  to  suppose  a 
 second  occasion,  besides  the  former,  of  these  contradictions  ;  it  is  this:  that  those  who  were 
 the  most  zealous  to  write  history  were  not  solicitous  for  the  discovery  of  truth, t  although  it 
 was  very  easy  for  them  always  to  make  such  a  profession  ;  but  their  business  was  to  demon- 
 strate that  they  could  write  well,  and  make  an  impression  upon  mankind  thereby  ;  and  in  what 
 manner  of  writing  they  thought  tbey  were  able  to  exceed  others,  to  that  did  they  apply  them- 
 selves. Some  of  them  betook  themselves  to  the  writing  of  fabulous  narrations  ;  some  of  them 
 endeavoured  to  please  the  cities  or  the  kings,  by  writing  in  tlieir  commendation  ;  others  of 
 them  fell  to  finding  faults  with  transactions,  or  with  the  writers  of  such  transactions,  and  thought 
 to  make  a  great  figure  by  so  doing.  And  indeed  these  do  what  is  of  all  things  the  most  con- 
 trary to  true  history  ;  for  it  is  the  great  oJiaracter  of  true  history,  that  all  concerned  therein 
 both  speak  and  write  the  same  things  ;  while  these  men,  by  writing  differently  about  the  same 
 things,  think  they  shall  be  believed  to  write  with  the  greatest  regard  to  truth.  We  there- 
 fore [who  are  Jews]  must  yield  to  the  Grecian  writers  as  to  language  and  eloquence  of  com- 
 Dosition  ;  but  then  we  shall  give  them  no  such  preference  as  to  the  verity  of  ancient  history, 
 aud  least  of  all  as  to  that  part  which  concerns  the  affairs  of  our  several  countries. 
 
 G.  As  to  the  care  of  writing  down  the  records  from  the  earliest  antiquity  among  the  Egyp- 
 tians and  Babylonians  ;  that  the  priests  were  intrusted  therewith,  and  employed  a  philosophi- 
 cal concern  about  it  ;  that  they  were  the  Chaldean  priests  that  did  so  among  the  Babylonians, 
 and  that  the  Phenicians,  who  were  mingled  among  the  Greeks,  did  especially  make  use  of 
 their  letters  both  for  the  common  affairs  of  life,  and  for  the  delivering  down  the  history  of 
 eommou  tr;insactions,  I  think  I  may  omit  any  proof,  because  all  men  alJow  it  so  to  be.  But 
 now  as  to  our  forefathers,  that  they  took  no  less  care  about  writing  such  records,  (for  I  will 
 not  say  they  took  greater  care  than  the  others  I  spoke  of,)  and  that  they  committed  that  mat- 
 ter to  their  high  priests  and  to  their  prophets,  and  that  these  records  have  been  written  all 
 along  down  to  our  own  times  with  the  utmost  accuracy  ;  nay,  if  it  be  not  too  bold  for  me  to 
 say  it,  our  history  will  be  so  written  hereafter, — I  shall  endeavour  briefly  to  inform  you. 
 
 7.  For  our  forefathers  did  not  only  appoint  the  best  of  these  priests,  and  those  that  attended 
 upon  the  divine  worship,  for  that  design  from  the  beginning,  but  made  provision  that  the  stock 
 of  the  priests  should  continue  unmixed  and  pure;  for  he  who  is  partaker  of  the  priesthood 
 must  propagate  of  a  wife  of  the  same  nation,  without  having  any  regard  to  money,  or  any 
 other  dignities;  but  lie  is  to  make  a  scrutiny,  and  take  his  wife's  genealogy  from  the  ancient 
 tables,  and  procure  many  witnesses  to  it4  And  this  is  our  practice  not  only  in  Judea,  but 
 wheresoever  any  body  of  men  of  our  nation  do  live  ;  and  even  there  an  exact  catalogue  of  out 
 priests'  marriages  is  kept;  I  mean  at  Egypt  and  at  Babylon,  or  in  any  other  place  of  the 
 rest  of  the  habitable  earth,  whithersoever  our  priests  are  scattered  ;  for  they  send  to  Jerusa- 
 lem the  ancient   names  of  their  oarents  in  writing,  as  well  as  those  of  their  remoter  ancestors, 
 
 •"About  the  days  of  Cyrus  and  Daniel. 
 
 t  U  is  licre  well  worth  our  observation,  what  the  reasons  are  that  such  ancient  authors  as  Herodotns,  Jose- 
 phus.  tind  others,  have  been  read  to  so  little  purpose  by  many  learned  critics ;  viz,  that  their  main  aim 
 has  not  been  clironolo'^-y  or  liistory,  but  philology,  to  know  words,  and  not  things,  they  not  much  entering 
 oftentimes  into  the  real  contents  of  their  authors,  and  judKinj;  which  were  the  most  accurate  discoverers  of 
 truth,  and  most  to  be  depended  on  in  their  several  histories,  but  rather  inquiring  who  wrote  the  linest  style, 
 and  had  the  greatest  elegance  in  their  expressions  ;  which  ;ire  tilings  of  small  consei(uence  in  comparison  of 
 the  other.  Thus  you  will  sometimes  find  great  debates  anioug  the  learned.  Whether  Herodotus  or  Thucy- 
 dides  were  the  finest  historians  in  the  Ionic  and  Attic  ways  of  writing  .•"  which  signify  little  sis  to  the  real 
 value  of  each  of  their  histories  ;  while  it  would  be  of  much  moment  to  let  the  reader  know,  that  as  the  con- 
 eequence  of  Herodotus'  history,  which  begins  so  much  earlier  .and  reaches  so  much  wider  than  that  of 
 Thucydides,  is  therefore  vastly  gi-eater  :  so  is  the  most  part  of  Thucydides,  which  belongs  to  his  own  timts, 
 and  fell  under  his  own  observation,  much  the  most  certain, 
 
 i  Of  this  accuracy  of  the  .lews  before  and  in  our  .Saviour's  time,  in  carefully  preserving  their  genealogies  all 
 along,  pariiculaily  those  of  the  priests,  see  Josephus'  Life,  4  I,  This  accuracy  seems  to  have  ended  at  the 
 destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  liius,  or,  however,  at  that  by  Adrian. 
 
742  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 and  signify  wbo  are  the  witnesses  also.  Bu  if  any  war  falls  out,  snoa  as  have  fallen  out  a 
 great  many  of  them  already,  when  Antiochus  Epipuanes  made  an  invasion  upon  our  country, 
 as  also  when  Pompey  the  Great  and  Quiiitilius  Varus  did  so  also,  and  principally  in  the  wars 
 that  have  happened  io  our  own  times  ;  those  priests  that  survive  them  compose  new  tables  of 
 genealogy  out  of  the  old  records,  and  exaroina  the  circumstances  of  the  women  that  remain; 
 fw  still  they  do  not  admit  of  those  that  have  been  captives,  as  suspecting  that  they  had  con- 
 versation with  some  foreigners.  But  what  is  the  strongest  argument  of  our  exact  management 
 in  this  matter  is  what  I  am  now  going  to  say,  That  we  have  the  names  of  cur  high  priests  from 
 father  to  son  Eet  down  in  our  records,  for  the  interval  of  two  thousand  years  ;  and  if  any  of 
 these  have  been  transgressors  of  these  rales,  they  are  prohibited  to  present  themselves  at  the 
 altar,  or  to  be  partakers  of  any  otbei  of  our  purifications  :  and  this  is  justly,  or  rather  neces- 
 sarily done,  because  every  one  is  not  permitted  of  his  own  accord  to  be  a  writer,  nor  is  there 
 cny  disagreement  in  what  is  written  ;  they  being  only  prophets  that  have  written  the  original 
 and  earliest  accounts  of  things,  as  they  learned  them  of  God  himself  by  inspiration  ;  and 
 others  have  written  what  hath  happened  in  their  own  times,  and  that  in  a  very  distinct 
 manner  also. 
 
 8.  For  we  have  not  an  innuraeiable  multitude  of  books  among  us,  disagreeing  from  and 
 contradicting  one  another,  [as  the  Greeks  have,]  but  only  twenty-two  books,*  which  contain 
 the  records  of  all  the  past  times;  which  are  justly  believed  to  be  divine.  And  of  tliein,  five 
 belong  to  Moses,  which  contain  his  laws  and  the  traditions  of  the  origin  of  njankind  till  his 
 death.  This  interval  of  time  was  little  short  of  three  thousand  years;  but  as  to  the  time 
 from  the  death  of  Moses  till  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  king  of  Persia,  who  reigned  alter 
 Xerxes,  the  prophets,  who  were  after  Moses,  wrote  down  what  was  done  in  tlieir  times 
 in  thirteen  books.  The  remaining  four  books  contain  hymns  to  God,  and  precepts  for 
 the  conduct  of  human  life.  It  is  true,  our  history  hath  been  written  since  Aitaxerxes  very 
 particularly,  but  hath  not  been  esteemed  of  the  like  authority  with  the  former  by  our  fore- 
 fathers, because  there  hath  not  been  an  exact  succession  of  prophets  since  that  time :  and 
 hew  firmly  we  have  given  credit  to  these  books  of  our  own  nation,  is  evident  by  what  we  do  : 
 for  during  so  many  ag'es  as  have  alieady  passed,  no  one  hath  been  so  bold  as  either  to  add 
 any  thing  to  them,  to  take  any  thing  from  them,  or  to  make  any  change  in  them  ;  but  it  is  be- 
 come natural  to  all  Jews,  immediately  and  from  their  very  birth,  to  esteem  those  books  to  con- 
 tain  divine  doctrines,  and  to  persist  in  them,  and,  if  occasion  be,  willingly  to  die  for  them.  For 
 it  is  no  new  thing  for  our  captives,  many  of  them  in  number,  and  frequently  in  time,  to  be  seen 
 to  endure  racks  and  deaths  of  all  kinds  upon  the  theatres,  that  they  may  not  be  obliged  to  say 
 one  word  against  our  laws  and  the  records  that  contain  them  :  whereas  there  are  none  at  al! 
 among  the  Greeks  who  would  undergo  the  least  harm  on  that  account,  no,  nor  in  case  all  the 
 writings  that  are  among  them  were  to  be  destroyed  ;  for  they  take  them  to  be  such  discourses 
 as  are  framed  agreeably  to  the  inclinations  of  those  that  write  them  ;  and  they  have  jnstly  the 
 same  opinion  of  the  ancient  writers,  since  they  see  some  of  the  present  generation  bold  enough 
 to  write  about  such  afiairs,  wherein  they  \Vere  not  present,  nor  had  concern  enough  to  inform 
 themselves  about  them  from  those  that  knew  them  ;  examples  of  which  may  be  had  in  this  late 
 war  of  ours,  where  some  persons  have  written  iiistories,  and  published  them,  without  having 
 beep  in  the  places  concerned,  or  having  been  near  them  when  the  actions  were  done;  but  these 
 men  put  a  few  things  together  by  hearsay,  and  insolently  abuse  the  world,  and  call  these  writ- 
 ings by  the  name  of  Histories. 
 
 9.  As  for  myself,  I  have  composed  a  true  history  of  that  whole  war,  and  of  all  the  particu- 
 lars that  occurred  therein,  as  having  been  concerned  in  all  its  transactions;  for  T  acted  as 
 general  of  those  among  us  that  are  named  Galileans,  as  long  as  it  was  possible  for  us  to  make 
 any  opposition.  I  was  then  seized  on  by  the  Romans,  and  became  a  captive  :  Vespasian  also 
 and  Titus  had  me  kept  under  a  guard,  and  forced  me  to  attend  them  continually.  At  the  first 
 I  was  jiut  in  bonds,  but  was  set  at  liberty  aflerward,  and  sent  to  accompany  Titus  when  he 
 came  from  Alexandria  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  ;  during  which  time  there  was  nothing  done 
 which  escaped  my  knowledge;  for  what  happened  in  the  Roman  camp  I  saw,  and  wrote  down 
 carefully  ;  and  what  information  the  deserters  brought  [out  of  tire  city,]  I  was  the  only  man 
 that  nnderstood  them.  Afterward  I  got  leisure  at  Rome  ;  and  when  all  my  materials  were  pre- 
 pared for  that  work,  I  made  use  of  some  persons  to  assist  me  in  learning  the  Greek  tongue,  and 
 by  these  means  I  composed  the  history  of  these  transactions.  And  I  was  so  well  assured  of 
 the  truth  of  what  I  related,  that  I  first  of  all  appealed  to  those  that  had  the  supreme  command 
 in  that  war,  Vespasian  and  Titus,  as  witnesses  for  me,  for  to  them  I  presented  those  books  first 
 of  all,  and  after  them  to  many  of  the  Romans  who  had  been  in  the  war.  I  also  sold  them  to 
 many  of  our  own  men  who  understood  the  Greek  philosophy  ;  among  whom  were  Julius  Arche- 
 laus,  Herod  [king  of  Chalcis,]  a  person  of  great  gravity,   and  king  Agrippa  himself,  a  person 
 
 *  y^y'ch  were  these  twenty-two  Sacred  boots  of  the  Old  'I'estament,  see  the  Supplement  to  the  Essay  on  the. 
 tJld  J  c-stament,  p.  25—29.  via.  those  we  call  '  canonical'  all  excepting  the  Canticles ;  but  still  with  this  further 
 excep'inn,  that  the  first  book  of  apocryphal'  Hsdras  be  taken  into  that  number,  instepd  of  our  'canonical' 
 i'.7,ra,  wnich  senins  to  be  no  more  than  a  later  epitome  of  the  other ;  which  two  bucks  of  Canticles  and  Eir», 
 It  no  way  appears  that  JosepUus  ever  saw. 
 
AGAINST    APION. —  BOOK   I.  743 
 
 Uial  deserved  the  greatest  ndrairatiou.  Now  all  these  men  bore  their  testiinony  to  me,  that  I 
 had  tiie  strictest  regard  to  truth  ;  who  yet  would  not  have  dissembled  the  matter,  nor  been 
 silent,  if  I,  ont  of  ignorance,  or  out  of  favour  to  any  side,  either  had  given  false  colours  to 
 actions,  or  omitted  any  of  them. 
 
 10.  There  have  been. indeed  some  bad  men,  who  have  attempted  to  calumniate  mv  history, 
 and  took  it  to  be  a  kind  of  scholastic  performance,  for  the  exercise  of  young  men.  A  strange 
 sort  of  accusation  and  calumny  this!  since  every  one  that  undertakes  to  deliver  the  history  of 
 actions  truly,  ou^ht  to  know  them  accurately  himself  in  the  first  place,  as  either  having  been 
 concerned  in  them  himself,  or  been  informed  of  them  by  such  as  knew  them.  Now  both  these 
 methods  of  knowledge  I  may  very  properly  pretend  to  in  the  composition  of  both  my  works  ; 
 for,  as  I  said,  I  have  translated  the  Antiquities  out  of  our  sacred  books  ;  which  I  easily  could 
 do,  since  I  was  a  priest  by  my  birth,  and  have  studied  that  philosophy  which  is  contained  in 
 those  writings;  and  for  the  History  of  the  War,  I  wrote  it  as  having  been  an  actor  myself  in 
 many  of  its  transactions,  an  eye-witness  in  the  greatest  part  of  the  rest,  and  was  not  unac- 
 quainted with  any  thing  whatsoever,  that  was  either  said  or  done  in  it.  How  impudent  then 
 must  those  deserve  to  be  esteemed,  who  undertake  to  contradict  me  about  the  true  state  of 
 those  afl'airs  !  who,  although  they  pretend  to  have  made  use  of  both  the  emperor's  own  memoirs, 
 vet  could  not  they  be  ac()uainted  with  our  affairs  who  fought  against  them. 
 
 11.  This  digression  I  have  been  obliged  to  make  out  of  necessity,  as  being  desirous  to  expose 
 the  vanity  of  those  that  profess  to  write  histories :  and  I  suppose  I  have  sutricientiy  declared 
 that  this  custom  of  transmitting  down  the  histories  of  ancient  times  hath  been  better  preserved 
 by  those  nations  which  are  called  Barbarians,  than  by  the  Greeks  themselves.  I  am  now 
 willing,  in  the  next  place,  to  say  a  few  things  to  those  that  endeavour  to  prove  that  our  consti- 
 tution is  hut  of  late  time,  for  this  reason,  as  they  pretend,  that  the  Greek  writers  have  said 
 nothing  about  us  ;  after  which  1  shall  produce  testimonies  for  our  antiquity  ont  of  the  writings 
 of  foreigners :  I  shall  also  demonstrate  that  such  as  cast  reproaches  upon  our  nation  do  it 
 very  unjustly. 
 
 .12.  As  for  ourselves,  therefore,  we  neither  inhabit  a  maritime  country,  nor  do  we  delight  in 
 merchandise,  nor  in  such  a  mixture  with  other  men  as  arises  from  it ;  but  the  cities  we  dwell 
 in  are  remote  from  the  sea,  and  having  a  fruitful  country  for  our  habitation,  we  take  pains  in 
 cultivating  that  only.  Our  principal  care  of  all  is  this,  to  educate  our  children  well  ;  and  we 
 think  it  to  be  the  most  necessary  business  of  our  whole  life,  to  observe  the  laws  that  have  been 
 given  us,  and  to  keep  those  roles  of  piety  that  have  been  delivered  down  to  us.  Since,  there- 
 fore, besiiies  what  we  have  already  taken  notice  of,  we  have  had  a  peculiar  way  of  living  of 
 our  own,  ihfre  was  no  occasion  ofl'ered  us  in  ancient  ages  for  intermixing  among  the  Greeks, 
 as  tliev  liaJ  for  mixing  among  the  Egyptians,  by  tlitir  intercourse  of  exporting  and  importing 
 their  several  goods  ;  as  they  also  mixed  with  the  Pheuicians,  who  lived  by  the  seaside,  by 
 means  of  their  love  of  lucre  in  trade  and  merchandise.  Nor  did  our  forefathers  betake  them- 
 selves, as  did  some  others,  to  robbery  ;  nor  did  Ihey,  in  order  to  gain  more  wealth,  fall  into 
 foreign  wars,  although  our  country  contained  many  ten  thousands  of  men  of  courage  sufijciect 
 for  that  purpose.  For  this  reason  it  was  that  the  Phenicians  themselves  came  soon  by  trading 
 and  navigation  to  be  known  to  the  Grecians,  and  by  their  means  the  Egyptians  became  known 
 to  the  Grecians  also,  as  did  all  those  people  whence  the  Phenicians  in  long  voyages  over  the 
 seas  carried  wares  to  the  Grecians.  The  Medes  also  and  the  Persians,  when  they  were  lords 
 of  Asia,  became  well  known  to  them  ;  and  this  was  especially  true  of  the  Persians,  who  led 
 their  armies  as  far  as  the  other  continent  [Europe.]  The  Thracians  were  also  known  to  them 
 by  the  nearness  of  their  countries,  and  the  Scythians  by  the  means  of  those  that  sailed  to  Pon- 
 tus ;  for  it  was  so  in  general  that  all  maritime  nations,  and  those  that  inhabited  near  tlie  eastern 
 or  western  seas,  became  most  known  to  those  that  were  desirous  to  be  writers  ;  but  such  as 
 bad  their  habitations  farthtr  from  the  sea  were  for  the  most  part  unknown  to  them:  which 
 things  appear  to  have  happened  as  to  Europe  also,  where  the  city  of  Rome,  that  hath  this 
 long  time  been  possessed  of  so  much  power,  and  hath  performed  such  great  actions  in  war,  is 
 yet  never  mentioned  by  Herodotus,  nor  by  Thucydides,nor  by  any  one  of  their  contemporaries  ; 
 and  it  was  very  late,  and  with  great  diificulty,  that  the  Romans  became  known  to  the  Greeks. 
 Nay,  those  that  were  reckoned  the  most  exact  historians,  and  Ephorus  for  one,  were  so  very 
 ignorant  of  the  Gauls  and  the  Spaniards,  that  he  supposed  the  Spaniards,  who  inhabit  so 
 great  a  part  of  the  western  regions  of  the  earth,  to  be  no  more  than  one  ciiy.  Those  historians 
 also  have  ventused  to  describe  such  customs  as  were  made  use  of  by  them,  which  they  never 
 had  either  done  or  said  :  and  the  reason  why  these  writers  did  not  know  the  truth  of  their 
 afliairs,  was  this,  that  they  had  not  any  commerce  together  ;  but  the  reason  why  they  wrote 
 such  falsities  was  this,  that  they  had  a  mind  to  appear  to  know  things  which  others  had  not 
 known.  How  can  it  then  be  any  wonder,  if  our  nation  was  no  more  known  to  many  of  the 
 Greeks,  nor  had  given  them  any  occasion  to  mention  them  in  their  writings,  while  they  were 
 so  remote  from  the  sen,  and  had  a  conduct  of  life  so  peculiar  to  themselves  ? 
 
 13.  Let  us  now  put  the  case,  therefore,  that  we  made  use  of  this  argument  concerning  the 
 Grecians,  in  order  to  prove  that  our  nation  was  not  ancient,  because  nothing  is  said  of  thera 
 in  our  records  :  would  nut  they  laugh  at  us  all,   and  probably  give  the  same  reasons  for  our 
 
744  FI.AVIUS    JOSKPHUS 
 
 Hilence  tliat  I  have  now  alleged,  and  would  produce  their  neigiibour  nations  as  witnesses  to 
 their  own  antiquity?  Now  the  very  same  thing  will  I  endeavour  to  do:  for  I  will  bring  the 
 Egyptians  and  the  PheiMcians  as  my  principal  witnesses,  because  nobody  can  complain  of  their 
 testimony  as  false,  on  account  that  they  are  known  to  have  borne  the  greatest  ill-will  towards 
 us  ;  I  mean  this  as  to  the  Egyptians  in  general  all  of  them,  while  of  the  Phenicians  it  is  known 
 the  Tyrians  have  been  most  of  nil  in  the  same  ill  disposition  towards  us  ;  yet  do  I  confess  that 
 I  cannot  say  the  same  of  the  Chaldeans,  since  our  first  leaders  and  ancestors  were  derived 
 from  them,  and  they  do  make  mention  of  us  Jews  in  their  records,  on  account  of  the  kindred 
 there  is  between  us.  Now,  when  I  shall  have  made  my  assertions  good,  so  far  as  concerns  the 
 others,  I  will  demonstrate  that  some  of  the  Greek  writers  have  made  mention  of  us  Jews  also, 
 that  those  who  envy  us  may  not  have  even  this  pretence  for  contradicting  what  I  have  said 
 about  our  nation. 
 
 14.  I  shall  begin  with  the  writings  of  the  Egyptians;  not  indeed  of  those  that  have  written 
 in  the  Egvptian  language,  which  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  do.  But  Manetho  was  a  man  who 
 was  by  birth  an  Egyptian,  yet  had  he  made  himself  master  of  the  Greek  learning,  as  is  very 
 evident;  for  he  wrote  the  history  of  his  own  country  in  the  Greek  tongue,  by  translating  it,  as 
 he  saith  himself,  out  of  their  sacred  records:  he  also  finds  great  fault  with  Herodotus,  for  his 
 ignorance  and  false  relations  of  Egyptian  aftairs.  Now  this  Manetho,  in  the  second  book  of  his. 
 Egyptian  history,  writes  concerning  us  in  the  following  manner.  I  will  set  down  his  very 
 words,  as  if  I  were  to  bring  the  very  man  himself  into  a  court  for  a  witness  :  "There  was  a 
 king  of  ours  whose  name  was  Timaus.  Under  him  it  came  to  pass,  I  know  not  how,  that  God 
 was  averse  to  us,  and  there  came,  after  a  surprising  manner,  men  of  ignoble  birth  out  of  the 
 eastern  parts,  and  had  boldness  enough  to  make  an  expedition  into  our  country,  and  wilh  ease 
 subdued  it  by  force,  yet  without  our  hazarding  a  battle  with  them.  So,  when  they  had  gotten 
 those  that  governed  us  under  their  power,  they  afterwards  burnt  down  our  cities,  and  demo- 
 lished the  temples  of  the  gods,  and  used  all  the  inhabitants  after  a  most  barbarous  manner; 
 nay,  some  they  slew,  and  led  their  children  and  their  wives  into  slavery.  At  length  they  made 
 one  of  themselves  king,  whose  name  was  Salatis  ;  he  also  lived  at  Memphis,  and  made  both 
 the  upper  and  lower  regions  pay  tribute,  and  left  garrisons  in  places  that  were  the  most  proper 
 for  them.  He  chiefly  aimed  to  secure  the  eastern  parts,  as  foreseeing  that  the  Assyrians,  who 
 had  then  the  greatest  power,  would  be  desirous  of  that  kingdom,  and  invade  them  ;  and  as  he 
 found  in  the  Saite  Nomos,  [Sethroite,]  a  city  very  proper  for  his  purpose,  and  which  lay  upon 
 the  Bubastic  channel,  but  with  regard  to  a  certain  theologic  notion  was  called  Avaris,  this  he 
 rebuilt,  and  made  very  strong  by  the  walls  he  built  about  it,  and  by  a  most  numerous  garrison 
 of  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  armed  men  whom  he  put  into  it  to  keep  it.  Thither  Salatis 
 came  in  the  summer  time  ;  partly  to  gather  his  corn,  and  pay  his  soldiers  their  wages,  and 
 partly  to  exercise  his  armed  men,  and  thereby  to  terrify  foreigners.  When  this  man  had 
 reigned  thirteen  years,  after  him  reigned  another,  whose  name  was  Beon,  for  forty-four  years; 
 after  him  reigned  another,  called  Apachnas,  thirty-six  years  and  seven  months ;  after  hini 
 Apophis  reigned  sixty-one  years,  and  then  Janias  fifty  years  and  one  month ;  after  all  these 
 reigned  Assis  forty-nine  years  and  two  months.  And  these  six  were  the  first  rulers  among 
 them,  who  were  all  along  making  war  with  the  Egyptians,  and  were  very  desirous  gradually 
 to  destroy  them  to  the  very  roots.  This  whole  nation  was  styled  Hvcsos,  that  is.  Shepherd- 
 kings  ;  for  the  first,  syllable  Hvc,  according  to  the  sacred  dialect,  denotes  a  king,  as  is  Sos,  a 
 shepherd  ;  but  this  according  to  the  ordinary  dialect ;  and  of  these  is  compounded  Hycsos  :  but 
 some  say  that  these  people  were  Arabians."  Now,  in  another  copy  it  is  said,  that  this  word 
 does  not  denote  kings,  but  on  the  contrary  denotes  captive  shepherds,  and  this  on  account  of 
 the  particle  Hyc  ;  for  that  Hyc,  with  the  aspiration,  in  the  Egyptian  tongue  again  denotes 
 shepherds,  and  that  expressly  also:  and  this  to  me  seems  the  more  probable  opinion,  and  more 
 agreeable  to  ancient  history.  [But  Manetho  goes  on  :]  "  These  people,  whom  we  have  before 
 named  kings,  and  called  shepherds  also,  and  their  descendants,"  as  he  says,  "  kept  possession 
 of  Egypt  five  hundred  and  eleven  years.-  After  these,"  he  says,  "  That  the  kings  of  Thebais 
 and  of  the  other  parts  of  Egypt,  made  an  isisiirrection  against  the  shepherds,  and  that  there  a 
 terrible  and  long  war  was  made  between  them."  He  says  further,  "  That  under  a  king,  whose 
 name  was  Alispliragrauthosis,  the  shepherds  were  subdued  by  him,  and  were  indeed  driven  out 
 of  other  parts  of  Egypt,  but  were  shut  up  in  a  place  that  contained  ten  thousand  acres;  this 
 place  was  named  Avaris."  Manetho  says,  "  That  the  shepherds  built  a  wall  round  all  this 
 place,  which  was  a  large  and  a  strong  wall,  and  this  in  order  to  keep  all  their  possessions  and 
 their  prey  within  a  place  of  strenijth,  but  that  Thummosis,  the  sonof  Alisphragmuthosis,  made 
 an  attempt  to  take  them  by  force  and  by  siege,  with  four  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men  to 
 lie  round  about  them  ;  but  that,  upon  his  despair  of  taking  the  place  by  that  siege,  they  came 
 to  a  composition  with  them,  that  they  should  leave  Egypt,  and  go  without  any  barm  to  be 
 done  to  them,  whithersoever  they  would  ;  and  that,  after  this  composition  was  made,  they  went 
 away  with  their  whole  families  and  efi'ecis,  not  fewer  in  number  than  two  hundred  and  forty 
 thousand,  and  took  their  journey  from  Egypt,  through  the  wilderness,  for  Syria  ;  but  that  as 
 they  were  in  fear  of  the  Assyrians,  who  had  then  the  dominion  over  Asia,  they  built  a  city  in 
 that  country  which  is  now  called  Juden,  and  that  large  enough  to  contain  this  great  number  of 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK  I.  745 
 
 men,  and  called  it  Jerusalem."*  Now  Manetlio,  in  another  book  of  his,  says,  "  That  this 
 nation,  tlius  called  sliepherds,  were  also  called  captives  in  their  sacred  books."  And  this 
 accoiiDt  of  his  is  the  truth;  for  feeding  of  sheep  was  the  employment  t  of  our  forefathers  in  the 
 most  ancient  at;es  ;  and  as  they  led  such  a  wandering  life  in  feeding  sheep,  they  were  called 
 shepherds.  Nor  was  it  without  reason  that  they  were  called  captives  by  the  Efjyptians,  since 
 one  of  our  ancestors,  Joseph,  told  tiie  king  of  Egypt  that  he  was  a  captive, f  and  afterward 
 sent  for  iiis  brethren  into  Egypt  by  the  king's  permission.  But  as  for  these  matters,  I  shall 
 make  a  more  exact  inquiry  about  them  elsewhere.^ 
 
 13.  But  now  I  shall  produce  the  Egyptians  as  witnesses  to  the  antiquity  of  our  nation.  I 
 shall  therefore  here  bring  in  Manelho  again,  and  what  he  writes  as  to  the  order  of  the  times  in 
 this  case  :  and  thus  he  speaks — "  When  this  people  or  shepherds  were  gone  out  of  Egypt  to 
 Jerusalem,  Tethmosis  the  king  of  Egypt,  who  drove  them  out,  reigned  afterward  tvveuty-five 
 years  and  four  monlhs,  and  then  died  ;  after  him  his  son  Chebron  took  the  kingdom  for  lliirteen 
 years ;  after  whom  came  Anienopliis,  for  twenty  years  and  seven  montiis  ;  then  came  his  sister 
 Amesses,  for  twenty-one  years  and  nine  months  ;  after  her  came  Mephres,  for  twelve  years  and 
 nine  months  ;  after  him  was  Mephramuthosls,  for  twenty-five  years  and  ten  months  ■,  after  him 
 ■was  Thmosis,  for  nine  years  and  eight  months;  after  him  came  Amenophis,  for  thirty  years  and 
 ten  months ;  after  him  came  Orns,  (or  tliirly-six  years  and  live  montiis  ;  then  came  his  daughter 
 Acenchres,  for  twelve  years  and  one  month  ;  then  was  her  brother  Ratiiotis,  for  nine  years; 
 then  was  Acencheres,  for  twelve  years  and  five  nronths  :  (hen  came  another  Acencheres,  for 
 twelve  years  and  three  months  ;  after  him  Armais,  for  four  years  and  one  month  ;  after  him 
 was  Ramesses,  for  one  year  and  four  months ;  after  him  came  Armesses  Miammoun,  for  sixty 
 years  and  two  months;  alter  him  Amenopiiis,  for  nineteen  years  and  six  months  ;  after  him 
 came  Sethosis,  and  Ramesses,  who  had  an  army  of  horse,  and  a  nxval  force.  This  king  ap- 
 pointed his  brother  Armais  to  be  his  deputy  over  Egypt.  [In  another  copy  it  stood  thus  : 
 After  him  came  Sethosis,  and  Ramesses,  two  brethren,  the  former  of  whom  had  a  naval  force, 
 and  in  a  hostile  manner  destroyed  those  that  met  him  upon  the  sea  ;  but  as  he  slew  Ramesses 
 in  no  long  time  afterwards,  so  he  appointed  another  of  his  brethren  to  be  his  deputy  over 
 Egypt.]  He  also  gave  him  all  the  other  authority  of  a  king,  but  with  these  only  injunctions, 
 that  he  should  not  wear  the  diadem,  nor  be  injurious  to  the  queen,  tlie  mother  of  his  children, 
 and  that  he  should  not  meddle  with  the  other  concubines  of  the  king,  while  he  made  an  expe- 
 dition against  Cyprus  and  Phenicia,  and  besides  against  the  Assyrians  and  the  ?(Iedes.  He 
 then  subdued  them  all,  some  by  his  arms,  some  without  fighting,  and  some  by  the  terror  of  his 
 great  army;  and  being  puffed  up  by  the  great  successes  he  had  had,  he  went  still  on  the  more 
 boldly,  and  overthrew  the  cities  and  countries  that  lay  in  the  eastern  parts.  But,  after  some 
 considerable  time,  Armais,  who  was  left  in  Egypt,  did  all  those  very  things,  by  .;ay  of  opposi- 
 tion, which  his  brother  had  forbidden  him  to  do,  yvithout  fear ;  for  he  used  violence  to  the  queen, 
 and  continued  to  make  use  of  the  rest  of  the  concubines,  without  sparing  any  of  them  ;  nay,  at 
 the  persuasion  of  his  friends,  he  put  on  the  diadem,  and  set  up  to  oppose  his  brother.  But 
 then,  he  who  was  set  over  the  priests  of  Egypt,  wrote  letters  to  Sethosis,  and  informed  him  of 
 all  that  had  happened,  and  how  his  brother  had  set  up  to  oppose  him;  he  therefore  returned 
 back  to  Pelusium  immediately,  and  recovered  his  kingdom  again.  The  country  also  was 
 called  from  his  name  Egypt;  for  Manetlio  says,  that  Sethosis  was  himself  called  Egyptus,  as 
 ■was  his  brotiier  Armais  called  Danaiis."|| 
 
 1(5.  This  is  Manetho's  account.  And  evident  it  is  from  the  number  of  years  by  him  set 
 down  belonging  to  tiiis  interval,  if  they  he  summed  up  together,  that  these  shepherds,  as  they 
 are  here  called,  who  were  no  other  than  our  forefathers,  were  delivered  out  of  Egypt,  and  came 
 thence,  and  inhabited  this  country,  three  hundred  and  ninety-three  years  before  Danaus  came 
 to  Argos  ;  although  the  Argives  look  upon  him  as  their  most  ancient  king.^  Manetlio,  there- 
 fore, bears  this  testimony  to  two  points  of  the  greatest  conse(|uence  to  our  purpose,  and  those 
 from  the  Egyptian  records  themselves.  In  the  first  (ilace,  that  we  came  out  of  another  coun- 
 try into  Egypt;  and  tiiat  withal,  our  deliverance  out  of  it  was  so  ancient  in  time  as  to  have 
 preceded  the   siege   of  Troy  almost  a  thousand  years  ;^   but  then,   as  to  those  things  which 
 
 *  Here  we  have  an  account  of  the  first  building  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  according  to  Manetho,  when  the 
 Phenician  shepherds  were  expelled  out  of  Egypt,  about  thirty-sevcu  years  before  Abraham  came  out  ut 
 llaraii. 
 
 t  (ien.  xlvi.  33,  34.  xlvii.  3,  4. 
 
 I  In  our  copies  of  the  book  of  Genesis  and  of  .losephus,  this  Joseph  never  calls  himself  a  captive,'  when  he 
 was  -vith  the  king  oi"  Kgypt,  though  he  dots  call  himself '  a  servant,  a  slave,  or  a  captive,'  many  times  iu  tlie 
 I'estameut  of  the  Iwelvc  Patriarchs  under  Joseph,  ^  1,  11,  13,  14, 15,  16. 
 
 §  This  is  uow  wanting. 
 
 II  Of  this  Egyptian  chronology  of  Manetho,  as  taken  by  Josephus.  and  of  these  Phenician  shepherds,  as 
 falsely  supposed  by  liim,  and  otliers  after  him,  to  have  been  the  Israelites  in  Egypt,  see  I'ssay  on  the  Old 
 'tislaineut,  Appendix,  p.  tti2— 188.  And  note  here,  that  when  Jo.sciihus  tells  us  that  tlie  (ireeks  or  Argives 
 looked  on  this  Danaus  as  atchniittatos,  '  a  most  ancient,'  or  '  the  most  ancient'  king  of  Argos,  he  cannot  be 
 supposed  to  mean,  iu  the  strictest  sense,  that  they  had  no  one  king  so  ancient  as  he  :  for  it  is  certain  that  they 
 owned  nine  kings  before  liim,  and  Inachus  at  tlie  head  of  them.  See  Authentic  Records,  part  ii.  p.  983,  as 
 Josephus  could  not  hut  know  very  well ;  but  that  he  was  esteemed  as  very  ancient  b/  them,  and  that  tl;ey 
 knew  they  had  been  first  of  all  denominated  Danai  from  this  very  ancient  king  Danaus.  Nor  does  this  super- 
 lative degree  always  imply  the  '  most  ancient'  of  all  without  exception,  but  is  sometimes  to  be  rendered  '  very 
 ancient'  only,  as  is  the  case  in  the  like  superlative  degrees  of  other  words  also. 
 
 H  See  the  preceding  note. 
 
 5  B 
 
746  Fr.Avius  josephus 
 
 Manetbo  adds,  not  from  tlie  Egyptian  records,  but,  as  he  confesses  himself,  from  some  stories 
 of  an  uncertain  orij;iiial,  I  will  disapprove  them  hereafter  particalarlj,  and  shall  demonstrate 
 that  ttiey  are  no  better  than  incredible  fables. 
 
 17.  I  will  now,  therefore,  pass  from  these  records,  and  come  to  those  that  belong  to  the 
 Phenicians,  and  concern  our  nation,  and  shall  produce  attestations  to  wliat  I  have  said  out  of 
 them.  There  are  then  records  among;  the  Tyrians,  that  take  in  the  history  of  many  years,  and 
 these  are  public  writings,  and  are  kept  wilh  great  exactness,  and  include  accounts  of  the  facts 
 done  amons;  them,  and  such  as  concern  their  transactions  with  other  nations  also,  those  I 
 mean  which  were  worth  remembering.  Therein  it  was  recorded,  tliat  the  temple  was  built  by 
 king  Solomon  at  Jerusalem,  one  hundred  forty-three  years  and  eight  months  before  the  Tyrians 
 built  Carthage  ;  and  in  their  annals  the  building  of  our  temple  is  related  ;  for  Hirom,  the  king 
 of  Tvre,  was  the  friend  of  Solomon  our  king,  and  had  such  friendship  transmitted  down  to 
 him  from  his  forefathers.  He  thereupon  was  ambitious  to  contribute  to  the  splendour  of  this 
 edifice  of  Solomon's,  and  made  him.  a  present  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  talents  of  gold.  He 
 also  cut  down  the  most  excellent  timber  out  of  tl)at  mountain  which  is  called  Libauus,  and  sent 
 it  to  him  for  ador;iing  the  roof.  Solomon  also  not  only  made  him  many  other  presents,  by  way 
 of  requital,  but  gave  liim  a  country  in  Galilee  also,  that  was  called  Chabulon.*  But  there  was 
 another  passion,  a  philosophic  inclination  of  theirs,  which  cemented  the  friendship  that  was 
 betwixt  them  ;  for  they  sent  mutual  problems  to  one  another,  with  a  desire  to  have  them 
 unriddled  by  each  other  ;  wherein  Solomon  was  superior  to  Hirom,  as  he  was  wiser  than  he 
 in  other  respects  :  and  many  of  tiie  epistles  that  passed  between  them  are  still  preserved  among 
 the  Tyrians.  Now  that  this  may  not  depend  on  ray  bare  word,  I  will  produce  for  a  witness 
 Dius,  one  that  is  believed  to  have  v/ritten  the  Phenician  history  after  an  accurate  manner. 
 This  Dius,  therefore,  writes  thus,  in  his  history  of  the  Phenicians:  "Upon  the  death  of 
 Abibalus,  his  son  Hirom  took  the  kingdom.  This  king  raised  banks  at  the  eastern  parts  of 
 the  city,  and  enlarged  it;  he  also  joined  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olympius,  which  stood  before 
 on  an  island  by  itself,  to  the  city,  by  raising  a  causeway  between  them,  and  adorned  that  tem- 
 ple with  donations  of  gold.  He  moreover  went  up  to  Libanus,  and  had  timber  cut  down  for 
 the  building  of  temples.  They  say  farther,  that  Solomon,  when  he  was  king  of  Jerusa- 
 s<:1em,  sent  problems  to  Hirom  to  be  solved,  and  desired  he  would  send  others  back  for  him 
 to  solve,  and  that  he  who  could  not  solve  the  problems  proposed  to  him,  should  pay  money 
 to  him  that  solved  them.  And  when  Hirom  had  agreed  to  the  proposals,  but  was  not  able  to 
 solve  the  problems,  he  was  obliged  to  pay  a  great  deal  of  money,  as  a  penalty  for  the  same. 
 As  also  they  relate,  that  one  Abdemon,  a  man  of  Tyre,  did  solve  the  problems,  and  propose 
 others  which  Solomon  could  not  solve,  upon  vthich  he  was  obliged  to  repay  a  great  deal  of 
 money  to  Hirnm."  These  things  are  attested  to  by  Dius,  and  coulinn  what  we  have  said  upon 
 the  same  subjects  before. 
 
 18.  And  now  I  shall  add  Menander  the  Ephesian,  as  an  additional  witness.  This  Menander 
 wrote  the  acts  that  were  done  both  by  the  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  under  every  one  of  the 
 Tyrian  kings,  and  had  taken  much  pains  to  learn  their  history  out  of  their  own  records.  Now, 
 when  be  was  writing  about  those  kings  that  had  reigned  at  Tyre,  he  came  to  Hirom,  and  says 
 thus:  "  Upon  the  death  of  Abibalus,  his  son  Hirom  took  the  kingdom;  be  lived  fifty-three 
 years,  and  reigned  thirty-fonr.  He  raised  a  bank  on  that  called  the  Broad  Place,  and  dedi- 
 cated that  golden  pillar,  which  is  in  Jupiter's  temple;  be  also  weut  and  cut  down  timber  from 
 the  mountain  called  Libanus,  and  got  timber  of  cedar  for  the  roofs  of  the  temples.  He  also 
 pulled  down  the  old  temples,  and  built  new  ones  •-  besides  this,  he  consecrated  the  temples  of 
 Hercules  and  of  Astarte.  He  first  built  Hercules'  temple,  in  the  month  Peritius,  and  that  of 
 Astarte,  when  be  made  his  expedition  against  the  Tityans,  who  would  not  pay  him  their  tri- 
 bute ;  and  when  he  had  subdued  them  to  bia)self,  he  returned  home.  Under  this  king  there 
 was  a  younger  son  of  Abdemon,  who  mastered  the  problems  which  Solomon  king  of  Jerusa- 
 lem had  recommended  to  be  solved."  Now  the  time  from  this  king,  to  the  building  of  Car- 
 •liaje,  is  thus  calculated  :  "  Upon  the  death  of  Hirom,  Beleazarus  bis  son  took  the  kingdom; 
 he  lived  forty-three  years,  and  reigned  seven  years  :  after  him  succeeded  bis  son  Abdastar- 
 tus  ;  be  lived  twenty-nine  years,  and  reigned  nine  years.  Now  four  sons  of  bis  nurse  plotted 
 against  him,  and  slew  him,  the  eldest  of  whom  reigned  twelve  years  :  after  them  came  Astar- 
 tus,  the  son  of  Deleastartns ;  be  lived  fifty-four  years,  and  reigned  twelve  years:  after  him 
 came  his  brother  Aserymus,  he  lived  fifty-four  years,  and  reigned  nine  years  ;  be  wa-s  slain  by 
 his  brother  Plielcs,  who  took  the  kingdom,  and  reigned  bat  eight  months,  though  he  lived  fifty 
 years  ;  he  was  slain  by  Itliobalus,  the  priest  of  Astarte,  who  reigned  thirty-two  years,  and 
 lived  sixty-eight  years  :  he  was  succeeded  bv  his  son  Badezorus,  who  lived  forty-five  years, 
 and  reigned  six  years  :  he  was  succeeded  by  Matgenus  his  son  ;  he  lived  thirty-two  years, 
 and  reigned  nine  years  :  Pygmalion  succeeded  him  ;  be  lived  fifty-six  years,  and  reigned  forty- 
 seven  years.  Now,  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  his  sister  fled  away  from  him,  and  built 
 the  city  Carthage  in  Libya."  So  the  whole  time  from  the  reign  of  Hirom,  till  the  building  of 
 Carthage,  amounts  to  the  sum  of  one  hundred  fifty-five  years  and  eight  months.     Since  then 
 
 •  1  Kings  ix.  13. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK    x.  74/ 
 
 the  teiii])!*;  was  built  at  Jerusaleic  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Ilirom,  there  were  from 
 the  huilding  of  the  temple  onlil  the  building  of  Carthage,  one  hundred  fortv-three  years  and 
 eii;iit  months.  Wherefore,  what  occasion  is  there  for  alleging  any  niore  testimonies  out  of  the 
 Plifoician  histories,  [on  the  behalf  of  our  nation,]  since -what  I  have  said  is  so  thoroughly  con- 
 firmed already  ?  And  to  be  sure  our  ancestors  carae  into  this  country  long  before  the  build- 
 ing of  the  teuiple  ;  for  it  was  not  till  we  had  gotten  possession  of  the  whole  land  by  war,  that 
 we  built  our  temple.  And  this  is  the  point  that  1  hare  clearly  proved  out  of  our  sacred  writ- 
 ings in  ray  Antiquities. 
 
 19.  I  will  now  relate  what  hath  been  written  concerning  us  in  the  Chaldean  histories,  which 
 records  have  a  great  agreement  with  our  books  in  other  things  also.  Berosus  shall  be  witness 
 to  what  I  say  ;  he  was  by  birth  a  Chaldean,  well  known  by  the  learned  on  account  of  his 
 publication  of  the  Chaldean  books  of  astronomy  and  philosophy  among  the  Greeks.  This 
 Berosus,  therefore,  following  the  most  ancient  records  of  that  nation,  gives  us  a  history  of  the 
 deluge  of  waters  that  then  happened,  and  of  the  desiruclion  of  mankind  thereby,  and  agrees 
 with  Moses'  narration  thereof.  He  also  gives  as  an  account  of  that  ark  wherein  Noah,  the 
 origin  of  cur  race,  was  preserved,  when  it  vvas  brought  to  the  highest  part  of  the  Armenian 
 iiiouotains  :  after  which  he  gives  us  a  catalogue  of  the  posterity  of  Noah,  and  adds  the  years 
 of  their  chronology,  and  at  length  comes  down  to  Nabulassar,  who  was  king  of  Babylon,  and 
 of  the  Chaldeans.  And  when  he  was  relating  the  acts  of  this  king,  he  describes  to  us,  "How 
 he  sent  his  son  Nabuchodonosor  against  Egypt,  and  against  our  land,  with  a  great  army,  upon 
 his  being  informed  that  they  had  revolted  from  him  :  and  how,  by  that  means,  he  subdued  them 
 all,  and  set  our  temple  that  was  at  Jerusalem  on  fire  ;  nay,  and  removed  our  people  entirely 
 out  of  their  own  country,  and  transferred  them  to  Babylon  ;  when  it  so  happened  thnt  our  city 
 was  desolate,  during  the  interval  of  seventy  years,  until  the  days  of  Cyrus  kina:  of  Persia." 
 He  then  says.  That  "  this  Ciibylonian  king  conquered  Egypt,  and  Syria,  and  Phenicia,  and 
 Arabia,  and  exceeded  in  his  exploits  all  that  had  reigned  before  him  in  Babylon  and  Chaldea." 
 A  little  after  which,  Berosus  subjoins  what  follows  in  his  history  of  ancient  times;  I  will  set 
 down  Berosus'  own  accounts,  which  are  these  :  "  When  Nabnlassar,  father  of  Nahnchndonosor, 
 heard  that  the  governor  whom  he  had  set  over  Egyj)!  and  over  the  parts  of  Celosyria  and 
 Phenicia,  had  revolted  from  him,  he  was  not  able  to  bear  it  any  longer,  but  committing  certain 
 parts  of  his  army  to  his  son  Nabuchodonosor,  who  was  then  but  young,  he  sent  him  against 
 the  rebi'l  :  Nabuchodonosor  joined  battle  with  bira,and  conquered  him,  and  reduced  the  country 
 under  his  dominion  again.  Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  his  father  Nabolassar  fell  into  a  distem- 
 per at  this  time,  and  died  in  the  city  of  Babylon,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-nine  years.  But 
 as  he  nnderslood,  in  a  little  time,  that  his  father  Nabolassar  was  dead,  he  set  the  affairs  of 
 Egypt,  and  the  other  countries,  in  order,  and  committed  the  captives  he  had  taken  from  the 
 Jews,  and  Phenicians,  and  Syrians,  and  of  the  nations  belonging  to  Egypt,  to  some  of  his 
 friends,  that  they  might  conduct  that  part  of  the  forces  that  had  on  heavy  armour,  with  the  rest 
 of  his  baggage,  to  BabNlonia;  while  he  went  in  haste,  having  but  a  few  with  him,  over  the 
 desert  to  Babylon  ;  whither  when  he  was  come,  he  found  the  public  afi'airs  had  been  managed 
 by  the  Chaldeans,  and  that  the  principal  person  among  them  had  preserved  the  kingdonj  for 
 him.  Accordingly  he  now  entirely  obtained  all  his  father's  dominions.  He  then  came,  and 
 ordered  the  captives  to  be  placed  as  colonies  in  the  most  pro])er  places  of  Babylonia  :  but  for 
 himself,  he  adorned  the  temple  of  Belus,  and  the  other  temples,  after  an  elegant  manner,  out 
 of  the  spoils  he  had  taken  in  this  war.  He  also  rebuilt  the  old  city,  and  added  another  to  it 
 on  the  outside,  and  so  far  restored  Babylon,  that  none  who  should  besiege  it  afterwards  might 
 have  it  in  their  power  to  divert  the  river,  so  as  to  facilitate  an  entrance  into  it;  and  this  he 
 did  by  building  three  walls  about  the  inner  city,  and  three  about  the  outer.  Some  of  these 
 walls  he  built  of  burnt  brick  and  bitumen,  and  some  of  brick  only.  So  when  he  had  thns  for- 
 tilled  the  city  with  walls,  after  an  excellent  manner,  and  had  adorned  the  gates  magnificenllj, 
 he  added  a  new  palace  to  that  which  his  father  had  dwelt  in,  and  this  close  by  it  also,  and  that 
 more  eminent  in  its  height,  and  in  its  great  splend(;ur.  It  would  perhaps  require  too  long  a 
 narration,  if  any  one  were  to  describe  it  :  however,  as  prodigiously  largo,  and  as  magnificent  as 
 it  was,  it  was  finished  in  fifteen  days.  Now  in  this  palace  he  eipcled  very  high  walks,  sup- 
 ported by  stone  pillars,  and  by  planting  what  was  called  a  pensile  paradise,  and  replenishing 
 it  with  all  sorts  of  trees,  he  rendered  the  prospect  an  exact  resemblance  of  a  mountainous 
 country.  This  he  did  to  please  his  queen,  because  she  had  been  brought  up  in  Media,  and 
 was  fond  of  a  niountKinous  situation." 
 
 20.  This  is  what  Berosus  relates  concerning  the  forementioncd  king,  as  he  relates  many 
 other  things  about  him  also  in  the  third  book  of  his  Ciialdean  history  ;  wherein  he  complains  of 
 the  Grecian  writers  for  supposing,  without  any  foundation,  that  Babvlon  was  built  by  Seniira- 
 inis*  queen  of  Assyria,  and  for  her  false  pretence  to  those  wonderful  edifices  thereto  relating, 
 as  if  they  were  her  own  workmanship  ;  as  indeed  in  these  aftV.irs  the  Chaldean  history  cam*- 
 but  be  the  most   credible.     Moreover,  we  meet  with  a  confirmation  of  what  Berosus  says  /» 
 
 *  The  great  iniproveraents  that  Nebuchadnezzar  made  in  llio  buildings  at  Babylon,  do  no  way  contradict 
 lliose  arcieiit  and  authentic  testimonies  which  aecribe  its  first  building  to  Kimrod,  and  its  tjrst  rebuilding  to 
 i^cuiiramis,  as  ijerosus  i:eems  here  to  suppose. 
 
748  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 the  archives  of  the  Phenicians,  concerning  this  king  NabucLodonnsor,  that  be  conquered  al 
 Syria  and  Phenicia  ;  in  which  case  Philostratus  agrees  with  the  others  in  that  history  which 
 be  composed,  where  he  mentions  the  siege  of  Tyre  ;  as  does  Megaslhenes  also,  in  the  fourth 
 book  of  his  Indian  history,  wiierein  he  pretends  to  prove  that  the  forementioned  king  of  (he  Baby- 
 lonians was  superior  to  Hercules  in  strength,  and  the  greatness  of  his  exploits  ;  for  he  says  that 
 he  conquered  a  great  part  of  Libya  ;  and  conquered  Il)eria  also.  Now  as  to  what  I  have  said 
 before  about  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  that  it  was  fought  against  by  the  Babylonians,  and  burnt 
 by  them,  but  was  opened  again  when  Cyrus  had  taken  the  kingdom  of  Asia,  shall  be  now 
 demonstrated  from  what  Berosus  adds  fnrther  upon  that  head  ;  for  thus  he  says  in  his  third 
 book:  "  Nabuchodonosor,  after  he  had  begun  to  build  the  forementioned  wall,  fell  sick,  and 
 departed  this  life,  when  he  had  reigned  forty-three  years ;  whereupon  his  son  Evilmerodach 
 obtained  the  kingdom.  He  governed  public  atl'airs  after  an  illegal  and  impure  manner,  and  had 
 a  plot  laid  against  him  by  Neriglissoor,  his  sister's  husband,  and  was  slain  by  him  when  he  had 
 reigned  hut  two  years.  After  he  was  slain,  Neriglissoor,  the  person  who  plotted  against  him, 
 succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  reigned  four  years ;  bis  son  Laborosoarchod  obtained  the 
 kingdom,  though  he  were  but  a  child,  and  kept  it  nine  months,  but  by  reason  of  the  very  ill 
 temper  and  ill  practices  he  exhibited  to  the  world,  a  plot  was  laid  against  him  also  by  his 
 friends,  and  he  was  tormented  to  death.  After  his  death,  the  conspirators  got  together,  and 
 by  common  consent  put  the  crown  upon  the  head  of  Nabonnedus,  a  man  of  Babylon,  and  one 
 who  belonged  to  that  insurrection.  In  his  reign  it  was  that  the  walls  of  the  city  of  Babylon 
 were  curiously  built  with  burnt  brick  and  bitumen  ;  but  when  he  was  come  to  the  seventeenth 
 year  of  his  reign,  Cyrus  came  out  of  Persia  with  a  great  array,  and  having  already  conquered 
 all  the  rest  of  Asia,  he  came  hastily  to  Babylonia.  When  Nabonnedus  perceived  he  was  coming 
 to  attack  him,  he  met  him  with  his  forces,  and  joining  battle  with  him,  was  beaten,  and  (led 
 away  with  a  few  of  his  troops  with  him,  and  was  shut  up  within  the  city  of  Borsippus.  Here- 
 upon Cyrus  took  Babylon,  and  gave  order  that  the  outer  walls  of  the  city  should  be  demolished . 
 because  the  city  had  proved  very  troublesome  to  him,  and  cost  him  a  great  deal  of  pains  to 
 take  it.  He  then  marched  away  to  Borsippus,  to  besiege  Nabonnedus  ;  but  a«  Nabonnedus 
 did  not  sustain  the  siege,  but  delivered  himself  into  his  hands,  he  was  at  first  kindly  used  by 
 Cyrus,  who  gave  him  Carmania,  as  a  place  for  him  to  inhabit  in,  but  sent  him  out  of  Baby- 
 lonia.    Accordingly,  Nabonnedus  spent  the  rest  of  his  time  in  that  country,  and  there  died." 
 
 21.  These  accounts  agree  with  the  true  histories  in  our  books  :  for  in  them  it  is  written,  that 
 Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign,*  laid  our  temple  desolate,  and  so  it  lay  in 
 that  state  of  obscurity  for  fifty  years  :  but  that  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus  its 
 foundations  were  laid,  and  it  was  finished  again  in  the  second  years  of  Darius. t  I  will  now 
 add  the  records  of  the  Phenicians  ;  for  it  will  not  be  superfluous  to  give  the  reader  demonstra- 
 tions more  than  enough  on  this  occasion.  In  them  we  have  this  enumeration  of  the  times  of 
 their  several  kings  ■  "  Nabuchodonosor  besieged  Tyre  for  thirteen  years,  in  the  days  of  Iihobal, 
 their  king;  after  him  reigned  Baal,  ten  years,  after  him  were  judges  appointed,  who  judged 
 the  people.  Ecnibalus,  the  son  of  Baslacus,  two  months  ;  Clielbes,  the  son  of  Abdeus,  teu 
 months ;  Abbar  the  high  priest,  three  months ;  Mitgonus  and  Gerastratus,  the  sons  of  Ahdele- 
 inus,  v/ere  judges  six  years  ;  after  whom  Belatorus  reigned  one  year;  after  his  death  they 
 sent  and  fetched  Blerabalus  from  Babylon,  who  reigned  four  years  ;  after  his  death  they  sent  for 
 his  brother  Hiroin,  who  reigned  twenty  years.  L'nder  his  reign  Cyrus  became  king  of  Persia." 
 .So  that  the  whole  interval  is  fifty-four  years  besides  three  months  ;  for  on  the  seventh  year  of 
 the  reign  of  Nebncliadnezzar  he  began  to  besiege  Tyre,  and  Cyrus  the  Persian  took  the  king- 
 dom on  the  fourteenth  year  of  Hirom.  So  that  the  records  of  the  Chaldeans  and  Tyrians  agree 
 with  our  writings  about  this  temple  ;  and  the  testimonies  here  produced  are  an  indisputable 
 and  nndeniahle  attestation  to  the  antiquity  of  our  nation.  And  I  suppose  that  what  I  have 
 already  said  may  be  suflicient  to  such  as  are  not  very  contentious. 
 
 22.  But  now  it  is  proper  to  satisfy  the  inquiry  of  those  that  disbelieve  the  records  of  Bar- 
 barians, and  think  none  but  Greeks  to  be  worthy  of  credit,  and  to  produce  many  of  these  very 
 Greeks  who  were  acquainted  with  our  nation,  and  to  set  before  them  such  as  upon  occasion 
 have  made  mention  of  us  in  their  own  writings.  Pythagoras,  therefore,  of  Samos,  lived  in  very 
 ancient  times,  and  was  esteemed  a  person  superior  to  all  philosophers  in  wisdom  and  piety 
 towards  God.  Now  it  is  plain  that  he  did  not  only  know  our  doctrines,  but  was  in  a  very 
 great  measure  a  follower  and  admirer  of  them.  There  is  not  indeed  extant  any  writing  that  is 
 owned  for  his ;!(  but  many  there  are  who  have  written  bis  history,  of  whom  Hermippus  is  the 
 
 •  Thid  nnml)er  in  .Tosephiis,  that  'Ncbcchadnezzar  destroyed  the  temple  in  the  18th  year  of  his  reign,  is  a  mis- 
 take in  the  nicety  of  chronology ;  for  it  was  in  the  19th. 
 
 +  The  true  number  here  for  the  year  of  Darius,  on  which  the  second  temple  was  finished  ;  whether  the 
 second  with  our  present  copies,  or  the  sixth  with  that  of  Syncellns,  or  the  tenth  with  that  of  Eu?el)ius,is  very 
 uncertain  ;  so  we  hadhest  follow  Josephus'  own  account  elpewhere.  Antiq.  book  xi.  c!ia».  iji.  i4.  whicnshcwn 
 MS,  that  according  to  his  copvof  the  Old 'testament,  after  the  second  of  Cyrus,  thai  work  was  interrupted  till 
 the  second  of  Darius,  when  in  seven  years  it  was  finished  on  the  ninth  of  Darius. 
 
 *  ,"'■'  's  s  thing  well  kno^Ti  by  the  learned,  that  we  are  not  sure  that  we  have  any  genuine  wrifinps  of 
 Fylhauoras :  those  f  Golden  Verses,  which  are  his  best  remains,  being  genpvnlly  supposed  to  have  been 
 ■written  not  by  him«elf,  but  by  some  of  his  scholars  only,  in  agieemcnt  with  what  Josephus  here  aiarm* 
 01  hna. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK  I.  749 
 
 most  celebrated,  wlio  was  a  person  very  inquisitive  into  all  sorts  of  bistory.  Now  this  Her- 
 tiiijijius,  in  his  first  book  concerning  Pythagoras,  speaks  thus  :  "  That  Pythagoras,  upon  the 
 death  of  one  of  bis  associates,  whose  name  was  Calliphon,  a  Crotoniate  by  birth,  aflirnied  that 
 this  man's  soul  conversed  with  him  both  night  and  day,  and  enjoined  him  not  to  pass  over  a 
 place  where  an  ass  had  fallen  down  ;  as  also  not  to  drink  such  waters  as  caused  thirst  again  ; 
 and  to  abstain  from  all  sorts  of  reproaches."  After  wliich  he  adds  thus,  "  This  he  did  and 
 said  in  imitation  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Jews  and  Thracians,  which  he  transferred  into  his  own 
 j)hilosophy."  For  it  is  very  truly  affirmed  of  ibis  Pythagoras,  that  be  took  a  great  many  of 
 the  laws  of  the  Jews  into  his  own  philosophy.  Nor  was  our  nation  unknown  of  old  to  several 
 of  the  Grecian  cities,  and  indeed  was  thought  worthy  of  imitation  by  some  of  them.  This  i.s 
 declared  by  Theophrastus,  in  his  writings  concerning  laws  :  for  he  says,  "  That  the  laws  of  the 
 Tyrians  forbade  men  to  swear  foreign  oaths."  Among  which  he  enumerates  some  others,  and 
 particularly  that  called  Corban  ;  which  oath  can  only  be  found  among  the  Jews,  and  declares 
 what  a  man  may  call,  A  thing  devoted  to  God.  Nor  indeed  was  Herodotus  of  Halicarnassus 
 unacquainted  with  our  nation,  but  mentions  it  after  a  way  of  his  own,  when  he  saitb  thus,  in 
 bis  second  book  concerning  the  Colchians.  His  words  are  these:  "  The  only  people  who  were 
 circumcised  in  their  privy  members  originally,  were  the  Colchians,  the  Egyptians,  and  the 
 Ethiopians  ;  but  the  Phcnicians,  and  those  Syrians  that  are  in  Palestine,  confess  that  they 
 learned  it  from  the  Egyptians.  And  for  those  Syrians  who  live  about  the  rivers  Therraodon 
 and  I'arthenius,  and  their  neighbours  the  Macrones  ;  they  say  they  have  lately  learned  it  from 
 the  Colchians  ;  for  these  are  the  only  people  that  are  circumcised  among  mankind,  and  appear 
 to  have  done  the  very  same  thing  with  the  Egyptians.  But  as  for  the  Egyptians  and  Ethio- 
 pians themselves,  I  am  not  able  to  say  which  of  them  received  it  from  the  other."  This  there- 
 fore is  what  Herododns  says,  "  That  the  Syrians  that  are  in  Palestine  are  circumcised."  But 
 there  are  no  inhabitants  of  Palestine  that  are  circumcised  excepting  the  Jews  ;  and  therefore 
 it  must  be  his  knowledge  of  them  that  enabled  hini  to  speak  so  much  concerning  them.  Che- 
 rilus*  also,  a  still  ancienter  writer,  and  a  poet,  makes  mention  of  our  nation,  and  informs  us 
 that  it  came  to  the  assistance  of  king  Xerxes,  in  his  expedition  against  Greece.  For  in  his 
 enumeration  of  all  those  nations,  be  last  of  all  inserts  ours  among  the  rest,  when  he  says, 
 
 "  At  the  last  there  passed  over  a  people,  wonderful  to  be  beheld,  for  they  spake  the  Pheni- 
 cian  tongue  with  their  mouths;  they  dwelt  in  the  Solymean  mountains,  near  a  brmd  lake : 
 their  heads  were  sooty,  they  had  round  rasures  on  Ihem  ;  their  heads  and  faces  were  like  nasty 
 horses'  beads  also,  that  had  been  hardened  in  the  smoke." 
 
 I  think,  therefore,  that  it  is  evident  to  every  body,  that  Cherilus  means  us,  because  the  Soly- 
 mean mountains  are  in  our  country,  wherein  we  inhabit,  as  is  also  the  lake  called  Asplin[titis  ; 
 for  this  is  a  broader  and  larger  lake  than  any  other  that  is  in  Syria  :  and  thus  does  Cherilus 
 make  mention  of  us.  But  now  that  not  only  the  lowest  sort  of  the  Grecians,  but  those  that 
 are  bad  in  the  greatest  admiration  for  tiieir  philosophic  improvements  among  them,  did  not  only 
 know  the  Jews,  but,  when  they  lighted  upon  any  of  Ihem,  admired  them  also,  it  is  easy  for  any 
 one  to  know  ;  for  Clearchus,  who  was  the  scholar  of  Aristotle,  and  inferior  to  no  one  of  the 
 Peripatetics  whomsoever,  in  his  first  book,  concerning  Sleep,  says,  "  That  Aristotle  his  master 
 related  what  follows  of  a  Jew,"  and  sets  down  Aristotle's  own  discourse  with  bira.  The  account 
 is  this,  as  written  down  by  him.  "  Now,  for  a  great  part  of  what  this  Jew  said,  it  would 
 be  too  long  to  recite  it  ;  but  what  includes  iu  it  both  wonder  and  philosophy,  it  may  not  be 
 amiss  to  discourse  of :  Now,  that  I  may  be  plain  with  thee,  Hyperochides,  1  shall  herein 
 seem  to  thee  to  relate  wonders,  and  what  will  resemble  dreams  themselves.  Hereupon  Kype- 
 rociiides  answered  modestly,  and  said.  For  that  very  reason  it  is  that  all  of  us  are  very  desirous 
 of  hearing  what  thou  art  going  to  say.  Then,  replied  Aristotle,  For  this  cause  it  will  be  the 
 best  way  to  imitate  that  rule  of  the  rhetoricians,  which  requires  us  first  to  give  an  account  of 
 the  man,  and  of  what  nation  be  was,  that  so  we  may  not  contradict  our  master's  directions. 
 Then  said  Hyperochides,  Go  on,  if  it  so  pleases  Ihee.  This  man  then  [answered  Aristotle] 
 was  by  birth  a  Jew,  and  came  from  Coelosyria:  these  Jews  are  derived  from  the  Indisin  philo- 
 sophers ;  they  are  named  by  the  Indians  Calami,   and  by  the  Syrians  Sudsei,  and  took  their 
 
 •  Wtiether  the^e  verses  of  Cherilus,  the  heathen  poet,  in  the  days  of  Xerxes,  belouft  to  the  Solymi  in  Pisidia, 
 that  were  near  a  small  lake,  or  to  the  Jews  that  dwelt  on  the  Solymean  or  Jerusalem  mountains,  near  the  great 
 and  broad  lake  Asi)haltitis,  that  were  a  suange  people, and  spake  the  Phenician  tongue,  is  not  a'„'reed  ou  by  the 
 learned.  It  isyetcerlain  that  Joeephus,  here,  and  Eusebiua,  Prjep.  ix.  9.  p. 412,  took  them  to  he  Jews  ;  and  I 
 coufess  1  cannot  but  very  much  incline  'o  the  same  opinion,  llie  other  Solymi  were  not  a  strange  people,  but 
 heathen  idolaters,  like  the  other  parts  of  Xerxes'  army  ;  and  that  these  spake  the  Phenician  tonjxue  is  next  lo 
 impossible,  as  the  Jews  certainly  did  ;  nor  is  there  the  least  evidence  for  it  elsewhere.  Kor  was  the  lake  ad- 
 joining to  the  mountains  of  the  Solymi  at  all  large  or  broad,  in  comparison  of  the  Jewish  lake  Asphaltitis:  nor 
 indeed  were  they  so  considerable  a  people  as  the  Jews,  nor  so  likely  to  be  desired  by  Xerxes  for  his  array  as 
 the  Jews,  to  whom  he  was  always  very  favourable.  As  for  the  rest  of  Cherilus'  description,  that  "  their  heads 
 were  sooty;  that  they  had  round  rasures  on  their  heads,  that  their  heads  and  faces  were  like  nasty  horse's 
 heads,  which  had  been  hardened  in  the  smoke  :"  these  awkward  characters  probably  fitted  the  .Solymi  of 
 Pisidia  no  better  than  they  did  the  Jews  in  Judca.  And  indeed  tliis  reproachful  lan^uare,  here  given  these 
 people,  is  to  me  a  strong  indication  that  they  are  the  poor  despicable  Jews,  aud  not  the  Pisidian  Solymi  cele- 
 bratid  in  Homer,  whom  Cherilus  here  describes;  nor  are  we  to  expect  that  either  Cherilius  or  llecateus,or 
 any  other  Pa^'an  writers  cited  by  Joscphus  and  F.usebius,  made  no  mistakes  in  the  Jewish  history,  .'f  by  com- 
 paring their  lestimonies  with  the  more  authentic  records  of  that  nation,  we  find  them  for  the  n  ain  to  conlirra 
 the  same,  as  we  almost  always  do,  we  ought  tube  satisfied,  and  not  to  expect  that  they  ever  had  an  exact  know- 
 li'ilgc  of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  Jewish  affairs,  which  indeed  it  was  almost  always  itppossible  for  them  to 
 have.    See  }  iJ. 
 
750  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 name  from  tlie  onuDtry  lliey  inhabit,  wbicli  is  called  Judea  :  but  for  the  naine  of  their  cilj 
 it  is  a  very  awkward  one,  for  they  call  it  Jerusalem.  Now  this  man,  when  he  was  hospi- 
 tftblv  treated  by  a  great  many,  came  down  from  the  upper  country  to  the  places  near  the  sea, 
 and  became  a  Grecian,  not  only  in  his  language,  but  in  his  soul  also  ;  insomuch  that  when 
 we  ourselves  happened  to  be  in  Asia  about  the  same  places  wliither  he  came,  he  conversed 
 with  us,  and  with  other  philosophical  persons,  and  made  a  trial  of  our  skill  in  philosophy  ; 
 and  as  he  had  lived  with  many  learned  men,  be  communicated  to  us  more  information  than 
 he  received  from  us."  This  is  Aristotle's  account  of  the  matter,  as  given  ns  by  Clearchus  : 
 •which  Aristotle  discoursed  also  particularly  of  tlie  great  and  wonderful  fortitude  of  this  Jew 
 in  his  diet,  and  continent  way  of  living,  as  those  that  please  may  learn  more  about  him  from 
 Clearchus'  book  itself:  for  1  avoid  setting  down  any  more  than  is  sallicient  for  my  purpose. 
 Now,  Clearchus  said  this  by  way  of  digression,  for  his  main  design  was  of  another  nature. 
 But  for  Hecatens  of  Abdera,  who  was  both  a  philosopher,  and  one  very  useful  in  an  active 
 life,  he  was  contemporary  with  king  Alexander  in  his  youth,  and  afterward  was  vkfith  Ptolemy, 
 the  son  of  Lagus  :  he  did  not  write  about  the  Jewish  afl'airs  by  the  by  only,  but  composed  an 
 entire  book  concerning  the  Jews  themselves,  out  of  which  book  I  am  willing  to  run  over  a 
 few  things,  of  which  I  have  been  treating,  by  way  of  epitome.  And,  in  the  lirst  place,  I  will 
 demonstrate  the  time  when  this  Hecateus  lived  ;  for  he  mentions  the  fight  that  was  between 
 Ptolemy  and  Demetrius  about  Gaza,  which  was  fought  on  the  eleventh  year  after  the  death  of 
 Alexander,  and  on  the  hundred  and  seventeenth  olympiad,  as  Castor  says  in  his  history.  For 
 when  he  had  set  down  this  olympiad,  he  says  further,  "  That  on  this  olympiad  Ptolemy,  the 
 son  of  Lagus,  beat  in  battle  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  who  was  named  Poliorcetes,  at 
 Gaza."  Now,  it  is  agreed  by  all,  that  Alexander  died  on  the  hundred  and  fourteenth  olym- 
 piad :  it  is  therefore  evident,  that  onr  nation  flourished  in  his  time,  and  in  the  time  of  Alexan- 
 der. Again,  Hecateus  says  to  the  same  purpose,  as  follows:  "  Ptolemy  got  possession  of  the 
 places  in  Syria  after  that  battle  at  Gaza;  and  many,  when  they  heard  of  Ptolemy's  modera- 
 tion and  humanity,  went  along  with  him  to  Egypt,  and  were  willing  to  assist  him  in  his  affairs  ; 
 one  of  which  (Hecateus  says)  was  Hezekiah,*  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews;  a  man  of  about 
 sixty-six  years  of  age,  and  in  great  dignity  among  his  own  people.  He  was  a  very  sensible 
 man,  and  could  speak  very  movingly,  and  was  very  skilful  in  the  ninnagement  of  «f1'airs,  if 
 any  other  man  ever  were  so  ;  although,  as  he  says,  all  the  priests  of  the  Jews  took  tithes  of 
 the  products  of  the  earth,  and  managed  public  afl'airs,  and  were  in  number  not  above  lifteen 
 hundred  at  the  most."  Hecateus  mentions  this  Henekiah  a  second  time,  and  says,  That  "  as 
 he  v/as  possessed  of  so  great  a  dignity,  and  was  become  familiar  with  us,  so  did  he  take  cer- 
 tain of  those  thai  were  with  him,  and  explained  to  them  all  the  circumstances  of  their  people  ; 
 for  he  had  all  their  habitations  and  poliiy  down  in  writing."  Moreover,  Hecateus  declares 
 again,  "  what  regard  we  have  for  our  laws,  and  that  we  resolve  to  endure  any  thing  rather 
 than  transgress  them,  because  we  think  it  right  for  us  to  do  so.'"  "Whereupon  be  adds.  That 
 "although  they  are  in  a  bad  reputation  among  their  neighbours,  and  among  all  those  that  come 
 to  them,  and  have  been  often  treated  injuriously  by  the  kings  and  governors  of  Persia,  yet  can 
 they  not  be  dissuaded  from  acting  but  what  they  think  best  :  but  that  when  they  are  stripped 
 on  this  account,  and  have  torments  inflicted  upon  them,  and  they  are  brought  to  the  most  ter- 
 noie  kinds  of  death,  they  meet  them  after  an  extraordinary  manner,  beyond  all  other  people, 
 and  will  not  renounce  tlie  religion  of  their  forefathers."  Hecateus  also  produces  demonstra- 
 tions not  a  few  of  this  their  resolute  tenaciousness  of  their  laws,  when  lie  speaks  thus  :  "Alex- 
 ander was  once  at  Babylon,  and  had  an  intention  to  rebuild  the  temple  of  Belus  that  was  fallen 
 to  decay,  and  in  order  thereto,  be  commanded  all  his  soldiers  in  general  to  bring  earth  thither  : 
 but  the  Jews,  and  they  only,  would  not  comply  with  that  command  ;  nay,  they  underwent 
 stripes  and  great  losses  of  what  they  had  on  this  account,  till  the  king  for^^ave  them,  and  per- 
 mitted them  to  live  in  quiet."  He  adds  further,  "  That  when  the  Macedonians  came  to  them 
 into  that  country,  and  demolished  the  [old]  temples  and  the  altars,  they  assisted  them  in 
 demolishing  them  all  ;t  bat  [for  not  assisting  them  in  rebuilding  them]  they  either  underwent 
 losses,  or  sometimes  obtained  forgiveness."  He  adds  further,  "  That  these  men  deserve  to  be 
 admired  on  that  account."  He  also  speaks  of  the  mighty  populousness  of  our  nation,  and 
 says,  "  That  the  Persians  formerly  carried  away  many  ten  thousands  of  our  people  to  Babylon, 
 as  also  that  not  a  few  ten  thousands  were  removed  after  Alexander's  death  into  Egypt  and 
 Phenicia,  by  reason  of  the  sedition  that  was  arisen  in  Syria."  The  same  person  takes  notice  in 
 uis  history,  how  large  the  country  is  in  which  we  inhabit,  as  well  as  of  its  excellent  character, 
 and  says,  "  That  the  land  in  which  the  Jews  inhabit  contains  three  millions  of  arourac,*  and  is 
 
 ,  *  This  Hezekiah,  who  is  called  a  hiprh  priest,  is  not  named  in  .losephus'  catalogue,  the  real  high  priest  at 
 that  time  being  rattier  Onias,  as  art^hbishop  Usher  supposes.  However,  Josephus  often  uses  the  word  high 
 priest  in  the  plural  number,  as  living  many  at  the  s&me  time.  See  the  note  on  Antiq.  book  Xi.  chap, 
 vm.  58. 
 
 t  So  I  read  the  text  with  Havercamp,  though  the  place  be  difficult. 
 
 t  T^*%"^fi"l"''' of  aroutie  or  Egyptian  acres,  3,000,000,  each  aroura  containing  a  square  of  100  Egyptian 
 cuoits,  (bSmg  about  three-quarters  of  an  English  acre,  and  just  twice  the  area  of  the  court  of  the  Jewish  taber- 
 nacle) as  coiitaiiR'd  in  the  country  of  Judea,  will  be  about  one-third  of  the  entire  number  of  arourse  in  the 
 wnole  land  of  Judea,  supposing  it  160  measured  miles  long,  and  seventy  such  miles  broad;  which  estimation,  for 
 tne  truittul  parts  of  it,  as  perhaps  here  in  Hecateus,  is  not  therefore  very  wide  from  the  truth.    The  lifty  fur- 
 
AGAINST    APIOX. — BOOK    I.  751 
 
 generally  of  a  most  excellent  and  most  fruitful  soil  •  nor  is  Jadea  of  lesser  dimensions."  The 
 same  man  describes  our  city  Jernsalem  also  itself,  as  of  a  most  excellent  structure,  and  very 
 larije,  and  iidiabitL-d  from  the  most  ancient  times.  He  also  discourses  of  the  multitude  of  men 
 in  it,  and  of  the  construction  of  our  temple,  after  the  following  nirinner:  "There  are  many 
 strong  places  and  villages  (says  he)  in  the  country  of  Jndea  ;  bnt  O'le  strong  city  there  is, 
 about  lii'ly  furlongs  in  circumference,  which  is  inliabiled  by  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
 men,  or  thereabout:*  liiey  call  it  Jerusalem.  There  is,  about  the  middle  of  the  city,  a  wall 
 of  stone,  whose  length  is  live  hundred  feet,  and  the  breadth  a  hnnditd  cubits,  nith  double 
 cloisters  ;  wherein  there  is  a  square  altar,  not  made  of  hewn  slone,  but  composed  of  white 
 stones  gathered  together,  having  eacli  side  twenty  cubits  long,  and  its  altitude  ten  cubits. 
 Hard  by  it  is  a  large  edifice,  wherein  there  is  an  altar  and  a  candlestick  both  of  gold,  and  in 
 weight  two  talents  :  upon  these  there  is  a  light  that  is  never  extinguished,  neither  by  night  nor 
 by  day.  There  is  no  image,  nor  any  thing,  nor  any  donations  therein  :  nothing  at  all  is  there 
 planted,  neither  grove,  nor  any  thing  of  that  sort.  The  priests  abide  therein  both  nights  and 
 days,  performing  certain  purilications,  and  drinking  not  the  least  drop  of  wine  while  they  are 
 in  the  temple."  Moreover,  he  attests,  that  we  Jews  v;ent  as  auxiliaries  along  with  king 
 Alexander,  and  after  him  with  his  successors.  I  will  add  farther  what  he  says  he  learned, 
 when  he  was  himsel-f  with  the  same  army,  concerning  the  actions  of  a  man  that  was  a  Jew. 
 His  words  are  these :  "  As  I  was  myself  going  to  the  Red  Sea,  there  followed  us  a  man, 
 whose  name  was  Mosollam  :  he  was  one  of  the  Jewish  horsemen  who  conducted  us  ;  Ire  was  a 
 person  of  great  courage,  of  a  strong  body,  and  by  all  allowed  to  be  the  most  skilfiil  archer 
 that  was  either  among  the  Greeks  or  barbarians.  Now,  this  man,  as  people  were  in  great 
 nnmbers  passing  along  the  road,  and  a  certain  augur  was  observing  an  augury  by  a  bird,  and 
 requiring  them  all  to  stand  still,  inquired  what  they  staid  for?  Hereupon  the  augur  shewed 
 him  the  bird  from  whence  he  took  his  augury,  and  told  him,  that  if  the  bird  staid  where  he  was, 
 they  ought  all  to  stand  still  ;  but  that  if  he  got  up  and  Hew  onward,  they  must  go  forward,  bat 
 that  if  he  flew  backward,  they  must  retire  again.  Mosollam  made  no  reply,  but  drew  his  bow, 
 and  shot  at  the  bird,  and  hit  him,  and  killed  him;  and  as  the  augur  and  some  others  were  very 
 angry,  and  wished  imprecations  upon  him,  he  answered  them  thus  :  "  Why  are  you  so  mad  as 
 to  take  this  most  unhappy  bird  into  your  hands  ?  for  how  can  this  bird  give  us  any  true  informa- 
 tion concerning  our  march,  who  could  not  foresee  how  to  save  himself;  for  had  he  been  able 
 to  foreknow  what  was  future,  he  would  not  have  come  to  this  place,  hut  would  have  been 
 afraid  lest  Mosollaui  the  Jew  should  shoot  at  him,  and  kill  him."  But  of  Hecateus'  testi- 
 monies we  have  said  enough  :  for  as  to  such  as  desire  to  know  more  of  them,  they  may  easily 
 obtain  them  from  his  book  itself.  However,  I  shall  not  think  it  too  much  for  me  to  name 
 Agatliarchides,  as  having  made  mention  of  us  Jews,  though  in  way  of  derision  at  our  simplicity, 
 as  he  supposes  it  to  be  ;  for  when  he  was  discoursing  of  the  affairs  of  Stralonice,  "  how  she 
 came  out  of  Macedonia  into  Syria,  and  left  her  husband  Demetrius,  while  yet  Seleucus  would 
 not  marry  her  as  she  expected,  but,  during  the  time  of  his  raising  an  army  at  Babylon,  stirred 
 up  a  sedition  about  Antioch  ;  and  how,  alter  that,  the  king  came  back,  and  upon  his  taking 
 of  Antioch,  she  lied  to  Seleucia,  and  had  it  in  her  power  to  sail  away  immediately,  yet  did  she 
 comply  with  a  dream  which  forbade  her  so  to  do,  and  so  was  caught,  and  put  to  death."  When 
 Agatliarchides  had  premised  this  story,  and  had  jested  upon  Stratonice  for  her  superstition,  he 
 gives  a  like  example  of  what  was  reported  concerning  us,  and  writes  thus  :  "  There  are  a  peo- 
 ple called  Jews,  who  dwell  in  a  city  the  strongest  of  all  other  cities,  which  the  inhabitants  call 
 Jerusalem,  and  are  accustomed  to  rest  on  every  seventh  day  ;t  on  which  times  they  make  no 
 use  of  their  arms,  nor  meddle  with  their  husbandry,  nor  take  care  of  any  affairs  of  life,  but 
 spread  out  their  bands  in  their  holy  places,  and  pray  till  the  evening.  Now,  it  came  to  pass, 
 that  when  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  came  into  this  city  with  his  army,  that  these  men,  in 
 observing  this  mad  custom  of  theirs,  instead  of  guarding  the  city,  suffered  their  country  to 
 submit  itself  to  a  bitter  lord  ;  and  their  law  ^  was  openly  proved  to  have  commanded  a  foolish 
 practice.  This  accident  taught  all  other  men  but  the  Jews  to  disregard  such  dreams  as  these 
 were,  and  not  to  follow  the  like  idle  suggestions  delivered  as  a  law,  when  in  such  uncertainty  of 
 
 ongs  in  compass  for  the  city  Jerusalem  presently  are  not  very  wide  from  the  truth  also,  as  .losephus  himself 
 describes  it,  who,  Of  the  \V  ar,  b.  v.  chap.  iv.  ^  3.  m;ikes  its  wall  thirty-three  furlongs,  besides  the  suburbs 
 and  gardens;  nay,  he  says.  h.  v.  chap.  xii.  ^  2.  that  '1  itus'  wall  about  it,  at  some  small  distance,  after  the 
 gardens  and  suburbs  were  destroyed,  was  not  l<:ss  than  thirty-nine  furlongs.  Ivor  perhaps  were  its  constant 
 inhabitants,  in  the  days  of  Hecateus,  many  more  than  these  120.000,  because  room  was  always  to  be  left  for 
 vastly  greater  numbers  which  came  np  at  the  three  great  festivals;  to  say  nothing  of  the  probable  increase 
 in  their  number  between  the  days  of  Hecateus  and  .losephus,  which  was  at  least  300  years,  l^ut  see  a  more 
 authentic  accaunt  of  some  of  these  measures  in  my  description  of  the  Jewish  temples.  However,  we  are  not 
 to  expect  that  such  heathens  as  Cherilius  or  Hecateus,  or  the  rest  that  are  cited  by  Jesephus  and  liusebius, 
 could  avoid  making  many  mistakes  in  the  Jewish  history,  while  yet  they  strongly  confirm  the  same  history 
 in  the  general,  and  are  the  most  valuable  attestations  to  those  more  aHtlientic  accounts  we  have  in  the  Scrip- 
 tures and  Josephus  concerning  them. 
 
 •  See  the  preceding  note. 
 
 +  A  glorious  testimony  this  of  the  observation  of  the  Sahhath  bv  the  Jews.    See  Antiq.  b.  xvi.  chap.  ii.  i  4. 
 and  chap.  vi.  ^  C.     Of  the  Life,  §  54.  and  War,  b.  iv.  chap.  ix.  j  12. 
 
 t  Not  their  law.  but  the  superstitious  interpretatiou  of  their  leaders,  which  neither  the  Maccabees  nor  our 
 blessed  Saviour  did  ever  approve  of. 
 
752  FLAVIUS    JOSEPH  us 
 
 hamati  reasonings,  tliey  are  at.  a  loss  what  lliey  sliould  do."  Now  this  our  procednre  seems  a 
 ridiculous  tbiiifc  t"  Agatharchides,  bt.t  will  appear  to  sued  as  consider  it  without  prejudice  a 
 great  thing,  and  what  deserved  a  great  many  encoiniuras  ;  I  mean,  when  certain  men  con- 
 stantly prefer  the  observation  of  their  laws,  and  their  religion  towards  God,  before  the  pre- 
 servation of  themselves  and  their  country. 
 
 23.  Now,  that  some  writers  have  omitted  to  mention  oar  nation,  not  because  they  knevir 
 nothinof  of  ns,  but  because  they  envied  us,  or  for  some  other  unjustifiable  reasons,  I  think  I 
 can  demonstrate  by  particular  instances  :  for  Hieronymus,  who  wrote  the  history  of  [Alexan- 
 der's] successors,  lived  at  the  same  time  with  Hecateus,  and  was  a  friend  of  king  Antigonus, 
 and  president  of  Syria.  Now  it  is  plain,  that  Hecateus  wrote  an  entire  book  concerning  us, 
 while  Hieronymus  never  mentions  us  in  his  history,  although  he  was  bred  up  very  near  to  the 
 places  where  we  live.  Thus  different  from  one  another  are  the  inclinations  of  men  ;  while  the  one 
 thought  we  deserved  to  be  carefully  remembered,  some  ill-disposed  passion  blinded  the  other's 
 mind  so  entirely,  that  he  could  not  discern  the  truth.  And  now  certainly  the  foregoing  records 
 of  the  Egyptians,  and  Chaldeans,  and  Phenicians,  together  with  so  many  of  the  Greek  writers, 
 will  be  sufficient  for  the  demonstration  of  our  antiquity.  Moreover,  besides  those  forementioned, 
 Theophilns,  and  Theodotus,  and  Mnases,  and  Aristophanes,  and  Herniogenes,  Euheraerus, 
 also,  and  Conon,  and  Zopyrion,  and  perhaps  many  others,  (for  I  have  not  lighted  upon  all  the 
 Greek  books,)  have  made  distinct  mention  of  us.  It  is  true,  many  of  the  men  before  men- 
 tioned have  made  great  mistakes  about  the  true  accounts  of  our  nation  in  the  earliest  times, 
 because  they  had  not  perused  our  sacred  books  ;  yet  have  they  all  of  them  aflbrdsd  their  testi- 
 mony to  our  antiquity  concerning  which  I  am  now  treating.  However,  Demetrius  Phalereus,  and 
 the  elder  Philo,  with  Eupoleraus,  have  not  greatly  missed  the  truth  about  our  affairs  :  whose 
 lesser  mistakes  ought  therefore  to  be  forgiven  them  ;  for  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  under- 
 stand our  writings  with  the  utmost  accuracy. 
 
 24.  One  particular  there  is  still  remaining  behind  of  what  I  at  first  proposed  to  speak  to, 
 and  that  is,  to  demonstrate  that  those  calumnies  and  reproaches,  which  some  have  thrown  upon 
 our  nation,  are  lies,  and  to  make  use  of  those  writers'  own  testimonies  against  themselves  ; 
 and  that,  in  general,  this  self-contradiction  hath  happened  to  many  other  authors,  by  reason 
 of  their  ill-will  to  some  people,  I  conclude,  is  not  unknown  to  such  as  have  read  histories  with 
 sufficient  care  ;  for  some  of  thera  have  endeavoured  to  disgrace  the  nobility  of  certain  nations, 
 and  of  some  of  the  most  glorious  cities,  and  have  cast  reproaches  upon  certain  furms  of  govern- 
 ment. Thus  hath  Theoponipus  abused  the  city  of  Athens,  Polycrates  that  of  Lacedemon,  as 
 hath  he  that  wrote  the  Tripoliticus  (for  he  is  not  Theopompus,  as  is  supposed  by  some)  done 
 by  the  city  of  Thebes.  Timeus  also  hath  greatly  abused  the  foregoing  people  and  others  also  : 
 and  this  ill  treatment  they  use  chiefly  when  they  have  a  contest  with  men  of  the  greatest 
 reputation  ;  some  out  of  envy  and  malice,  and  others,  as  supposing  that,  by  this  foolish  talk- 
 ing of  theirs,  tliev  may  be  thought  worthy  of  being  remembered  themselves  :  and  indeed  they 
 do  by  no  means  fail  of  their  hopes,  with  regard  to  the  foolish  part  of  mankind,  but  men  of 
 sober  judgment  still  condemn  tliem  of  great  malignity. 
 
 25.  Now  the  Egyptians  were  the  first  that  cast  reproaches  upon  us  ;  in  order  to  please 
 which  nation,  some  others  undertook  to  pervert  the  truth,  while  they  would  neither  own  that  our 
 forefathers  came  into  Egypt  from  another  country,  as  the  fact  was,  nor  give  a  true  account  of 
 our  departure  thence.  And  indeed  the  Egyptians  took  many  occasions  to  hate  us  and  envy 
 us  ;  in  the  first  place,  because  our  ancestors*  had  had  the  dominion  over  their  country,  and 
 when  they  were  delivered  from  them,  and  gone  to  their  own  country  again,  they  lived  there  in 
 prosperity.  In  the  next  place,  the  diflerence  of  our  religion  from  theirs  hath  occasioned  great 
 enmity  between  us,  while  our  way  of  divine  worship  did  as  much  exceed  that  which  their  laws 
 appointed,  as  does  the  nature  of  God  exceed  that  of  brute  beasts  ;  for,  so  far  do  they  all  agree 
 through  the  whole  country,  to  esteem  such  animals  as  gods,  although  they  differ  one  from 
 another  in  the  peculiar  worship  they  severally  pay  to  them.  And  certainly  men  they  are 
 entirely  of  vain  and  foolish  minds,  who  have  thus  accustomed  themselves  from  the  beginning 
 to  have  such  bad  notions  concerning  their  gods,  and  could  not  think  of  imitating  that  decent 
 form  of  divine  worship  which  we  made  use  of,  though,  when  thev  saw  our  institutions  approved 
 of  by  many  others,  they  could  not  but  envy  us  on  that  account ;  for  some  of  them  have  pro- 
 ceeded to  that  degree  of  folly  and  meanness  in  their  conduct,  as  not  to  scruple  to  contradict 
 their  own  ancient  records,  nay,  to  contradict  themselves  also  in  their  writings,  and  yet  were 
 so  blinded  by  their  passions  as  not  to  discern  it. 
 
 2C.  And  now  I  will  turn  my  discourse  to  one  of  their  principal  writers,  whom  I  have  a  little 
 before  made  use  of  as  a  witness  to  our  antiquity;  I  mean  Manelho.t  He  promised  to  inter- 
 pret the  Egyptian  history  out  of  their  sacred  writings,  and  premised  this :  that  "  our  people  had 
 
 •  The  Pheuician  shepherds,  whom  Josephus  mistooV  for  the  Israelites.    See  the  note  on  §  16. 
 
 i  Tn  reading  this  and  the  remaining  sections  of  this  book, and  some  parts  ofthe  next, one  may  easily  perceive 
 that  our  usually  cool  and  candid  author  Josephus,  vias  too  higlilv  offended  with  the  impudent  calumnies  of 
 Nanetho,  and  the  other  bitter  enemies  of  the  Jews,  with  whom  hehad  new  to  deal,  and  was  thereby  betrayed 
 into  a  greater  heat  and  passion  than  ordinary,  and  that  by  consequence  he  does  not  here  reason  with  his  usual 
 fairness  and  impartiality;  he  seems  to  depart  sometimes  from  the  brevity  and  sincerity  of  a  faithful  historian. 
 
AGAINST    APION.  —  BOOK  1.  753 
 
 come  into  Egjpt,  many  ten  tboosands  in  nornber,  and  snbdned  its  inliabitants ;"  and  mlien  fa« 
 liad  furtlier  confessed,  "  That  we  went  out  of  that  conntrv  afterward,  and  settled  in  that  coun- 
 try which  is  now  called  Judea,  and  there  built  Jerusalem  and  its  t  niplo."  Now  thus  far  he 
 followed  his  ancient  records  :  but  after  this,  he  pernnts  himself,  in  order  to  appeiir  to  have 
 written  what  rumours  and  reports  passed  abroad  about  the  Jews,  and  introduces  incredible 
 narrations,  as  if  he  would  have  the  Ej;)'ptian  muhitude,  that  had  the  leprosy  and  other  distem- 
 pers, to  have  been  mixed  with  us,  as  lie  says  they  were,  and  that  they  were  condemned  to  fly 
 out  of  Efjypt  tofretlier  ;  for  he  mentions  Araenophis,  a  fir.titions  king's  name,  thou<;h  on  that 
 account  lie  durst  not  set  down  the  number  of  years  of  his  reign,  which  yet  he  had  accurately 
 done  as  to  the  other  kitii;s  he  mentions  ;  he  then  ascribts  certain  fabulous  stories  to  this  king', 
 as  bavins:  in  a  manner  forgotten  how  he  had  already  related,  tlint  the  departure  of  the  shep- 
 herds for  Jerusalem  had  been  five  hundred  and  eighteen  years  before  ;  for  Tethraosis  was  king 
 when  they  went  away,  Nov/,  from  bis  days,  the  reigns  of  the  intermediate  kings,  accordins;  to 
 Manetho,  amounted  to  three  h'.indred  ninety-three  years,  as  he  says  himself,  till  the  two  brothers, 
 Sethos  and  Hermeus  ;  the  one  of  which,  Setiios,  was  ca'led  by  that  other  name  of  Egyptus,  and 
 the  oth^r,  Ilermeus.  by  that  of  Danans.  He  also  says,  that  Sellms  cast  the  other  out  of  Egvpt, 
 and  reigned  fifty-nine  years,  as  did  his  eldest  son  Rharapses  reign  after  him  sixty-six  years. 
 When  Manetho  therefore  had  acknowledged,  that  our  forefatiiers  were  gone  out  of  Egypt  so 
 many  years  ago,  he  introduces  his  fictitious  king  Amenophis,  and  says  thus:  "  This  king  was 
 desirous  to  become  a  spectator  of  the  gods,  as  had  Orus,one  of  his  predecessors  in  that  king- 
 dom, desired  the  same  before  him  ;  he  also  communicated  that  his  desire  to  his  namesake 
 Amenophis,  who  was  the  son  of  Papis,  and  one  that  seemed  to  partake  of  a  divine  nature,  both 
 as  to  wisdom,  and  the  knowledge  of  futurities."  Manetho  adds,  "  how  this  namesake  of  his 
 told  him,  that  he  might  see  the  gods,  if  he  would  clear  the  whole  country  of  the  lepers  and  of 
 the  other  impure  people  ;  that  the  king  was  pleased  with  this  injonnlion,  and  got  together  all 
 that  had  any  defect  in  their  bodies  out  of  Egypt,  and  that  their  number  was  eighty  thousand  ; 
 ■whom  he  sent  to  those  quarries  which  were  on  the  east  side  of  the  Nile,  that  they  might  work 
 in  thera,  and  might  be  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,''  He  says  further,  that 
 *'  there  were  some  of  the  learned  priests  that  were  polluted  with  the  leprosy  ;  but  that  still 
 this  Amenophis,  the  wise  man  and  the  prophet,  was  afraid  that  the  gods  would  be  angry  at 
 Lim  and  at  the  king,  if  there  should  sppear  to  have  been  violence  oli'ered  tliem  ;  who  also 
 added  this  further,  [out  of  his  sajracily  about  futurities,]  that  certain  people  would  come  to  the 
 assistance  of  these  polluted  wretches,  and  would  conquer  Egypt,  and  keep  it  in  (heir  posses- 
 sion thirteen  years  :  that,  however,  he  durst  not  tell  the  king  of  these  things,  but  that  be  left  a 
 writing  behind  him  aboiU  all  those  matters,  and  then  slew  himself,  which  made  the  king  dis- 
 consolate." After  whiih  he  writes  thus  verbatim:  "  After  those  that  were  sent  to  work  in 
 the  qnarries  had  ccntinued  in  that  miserable  state  for  a  long  while,  the  king  was  desired  that 
 he  woidd  set  apart  the  city  Avaris,  which  was  then  left  desolate  of  the  shepherds,  for  their 
 habitation  and  protection  ;  which  desire  he  granted  them.  Now  this  city,  according  to  the 
 ancient  theology,  was  Typbo's  citv.  But  when  these  men  were  gotten  into  it,  and  found  the 
 place  fit  for  a  revolt,  they  appointed  themselves  a  rnler  out  of  the  priests  of  Heliopolis,  whose 
 name  was  Osarsiph,  and  they  took  their  oaths  that  they  would  be  obedient  to  him  in  ail  things. 
 He  then,  in  the  first  place,  made  this  law  for  them,  that  they  should  neither  worship  the 
 Egyptian  gods,  nor  should  abstain  from  any  o!ie  cf  those  sacred  animals  which  they  have  in 
 the  highest  esteem,  but  kill  and  destroy  them  all  ;  that  they  should  join  themselves  to  nobody 
 but  to  those  that  were  of  this  confederacy.  When  he  had  made  such  laws  as  these,  and  many 
 more  such  as  were  mainly  opposite  to  tiie  customs  of  tiie  Egyptians,*  he  gave  order,  that  they 
 should  use  the  multitude  of  the  hands  they  had  in  bnilding  walls  about  their  city,  and  make 
 themselves  ready  for  a  war  with  king  Amenophis,  while  he  did  himself  take  into  his  friendship 
 the  other  priests,  and  those  that  were  polluted  with  tliom,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  those  shep- 
 herds who  had  been  driven  out  of  the  land  by  Tethmosis  to  the  city  called  Jerusalem  ;  whereby 
 he  informed  thorn  of  his  own  allairs,  and  of  the  state  of  those  others  that  had  been  treated  after 
 such  an  ignominious  manner,  and  desired  that  they  would  come  with  one  consent  to  his  assist- 
 ance in  this  war  against  Egypt.  He  also  promised  that  he  would,  in  the  first  place,  bring  them 
 bank  to  their  ancient  city  and  country  Avaris,  and  provide  a  plentiful  maintenance  for  their 
 multitude  ;  that  he  would  protect  them  and  fight  for  them  as  occasion  should  require,  and  would 
 easily  reduce  the  country  under  their  dominion.  Tliese  shepherds  were  all  very  glad  of  this 
 message,  and  came  away  with  alacrity  all  together,  being  in  number  two  hundred  thousand 
 men  ;  and  in  a  little  time  they  came  to  Avaris.  And  now  Amenophis,  the  king  of  Egypt,  upon 
 his  being  informed  of  their  invasion,  was  in  great  confusion,  as  calling  to  mind  what  .Ameno- 
 pliis,  the  son  of  Papis,   had  foretold  him  :  and,  in  the  first  place,  be  assembled  the  raaltitude 
 
 wliich  is  his  itrand  character,  and  indulpes  the  prolixity  and  colours  of  a  pleader  and  a  disputant :  accordingly 
 1  confess  I  always  read  these  sections  with  less  pleasure  than  I  do  the  rest  of  his  wrilinKs,  thoi.gh  I  fully 
 believe  the  reproaches  cast  on  the  Jews,  which  he  here  endeavours  to  confute  and  expose,  were  wholly 
 groundless  and  uureasoaable. 
 
 •  This  is  a  very  valuable  testimony  of  Manetho,  that  the  laws  of  Osarsiph,  or  Jloses,  were  not  made  in 
 conii>ii  mcs  with,   but  in  opposition  to  tliu  cusloius  of  tke  KijyptiaDS.    ^>ee  the  nule  on  Autiq.  b,  iii.  chap. 
 
 viii.  ^  y. 
 
 5  C 
 
754  ELAVIL'S    JOSEPHUvS 
 
 of  the  Egyptians,  and  took  cnnnsel  with  their  leaders,  and  sent  for  their  sacred  animals  to  him, 
 especially  for  those  that  were  principally  worshipped  in  their  teraples,  and  gave  a  particular 
 charge  to  the  priests  distinctly,  that  they  should  hide  tlie  images  of  their  gods  with  the  utmost 
 care.  He  also  sent  his  son  Seflios,  who  was  also  named  Rainesses,  from  his  father  Rhampses, 
 being  but  five  years  old,  to  a  friend  of  his.  He  then  pas:sed  on  with  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians, 
 being  three  hundred  thousand  of  the  most  warlike  of  them,  against  the  enemy,  who  met  them. 
 Yet  did  he  not  join  battle  with  them  ;  but  thinking  that  would  be  to  fight  against  the  gods,  he 
 returned  bick  and  came  to  Memphis,  where  he  took  Apis  and  the  other  sacred  animals  which 
 Jie  had  sent  for  to  him,  and  presently  marched  into  Ethiopia,  together  with  his  whole  army  and 
 multitude  of  Egyptians,  for  the  king  of  Ethiopia  was  under  an  obligation  to  him,  on  which 
 account  he  received  him,  and  took  care  of  all  the  multitude  that  was  with  him,  while  the  coun- 
 try supplied  all  thiit  was  necessary  for  the  food  of  the  men.  He  also  allotted  cities  and  vil- 
 lages for  this  exile,  that  was  to  he  from  its  beginning  during  those  fatally  determined  tliirleen 
 years.  Moreover,  he  pitched  a  camp  for  his  Ethiopian  army,  as  a  guard  to  king  Anienophis, 
 upon  the  borders  of  Egypt.  And  this  was  the  state  of  things  in  Ethiopia.  But  for  the  people 
 of  .lerusalem,  when  they  came  down  together  with  the  polluted  Egyptians,  they  treated  the 
 men  in  such  a  barbarous  manner,  that  those  who  saw  how  ihey  subdued  the  forementioned 
 country,  and  the  horrid  wickedness  they  were  guilty  of,  thought  it  a  most  dreadful  thing  ;  for 
 lliey  did  not  only  set  the  cities  and  villages  on  fire,  but  were  not  satisfied  till  they  had  been 
 guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  destroyed  the  images  of  the  gods,  and  used  them  in  roasting  of  those 
 sacred  animals  that  used  to  be  worsliipped,  and  forced  the  priests  and  prophets  to  be  the  exe- 
 cutioners and  murderers  of  those  animals,  and  then  ejected  lliera  naked  out  of  the  country.  It 
 was  also  reported,  that  the  priest,  who  ordained  their  polity  and  their  laws,  was  by  birth  of 
 Heliopolis,  and  his  name  Osarsiph,  from  Osyris,  who  was  the  god  of  Heliopolis  ;  but  that,  when 
 lie  was  i;one  over  to  these  people,  his  name  was  changed,  and  he  was  called  Moses." 
 
 27.  This  is  what  the  Egyptians  relate  about  the  Jews,  with  mnch  more,  which  I  omit  for 
 the  sake  of  brevity.  But  still  3Ianetho  goes  on,  that  "  after  this  Amenophis  returned  back 
 from  Ethiopia  with  a  great  army,  as  did  his  son  Rhampses  with  another  army  also,  and  that 
 both  of  tliein  joined  battle  with  the  shepherds  and  the  polluted  people,  and  beat  tiiem,and  slew 
 a  great  mar;y  of  them,  and  pursued  them  to  the  bounds  of  Syria."  These  and  the  like  accounts 
 are  written  by  Manetho.  But  I  will  demonstrate  that  he  trifles,  and  tells  arrant  lies,  after  I 
 have  made  a  distinction  which  will  relate  to  what  I  am  going  to  say  about  him  ;  for  this 
 Manetho  had  granted  and  confessed  that  this  nation  was  not  originally  Egyptian,  but  that  they 
 had  come  from  another  country,  and  subdued  Egypt,  and  then  went  away  again  out  of  it.  But 
 that  those  Egyptians  who  were  thus  diseased  in  their  bodies  were  not  mingled  with  us  after- 
 ward; and  that  Moses  who  brought  the  [>eople  out  was  not  one  of  that  company,  but  lived 
 many  generations  earlier,  I  shall  endeavour  to  demonstrate  from  Manetbo's  own  accounts 
 themselves. 
 
 28.  Now,  for  the  first  occasion  of  this  fiction,  Manetho  supposes  what  is  no  better  than  a 
 ridiculous  thing  ;  for  he  says,  that  "  king  Anienophis  desired  to  see  the  gods."  What  gods 
 I  pray  did  he  desire  to  see?  If  he  meant  the  gods  whom  their  laws  ordained  to  be  worshipped, 
 the  ox,  the  goat,  the  crocodile,  and  the  baboon,  he  saw  tbem  already;  but  for  the  heavenly 
 gods,  how  could  he  see  them,  and  what  should  occasion  this  his  desire?  To  be  sore,*  it  was 
 because  another  king  before  him  had  already  seen  them.  He  had  then  been  informed  what 
 sort  of  gods  they  were,  and  after  what  manner  they  had  been  seen,  insomuch  that  he  did  not 
 stand  in  need  of  any  new  artifice  for  obtaining  this  sight.  However,  this  prophet,  by  whose 
 means  the  king  thought  to  compass  his  design,  was  a  wise  man.  If  so,  how  came  he  not  to 
 know  that  such  his  desire  was  impossible  to  be  accomplished?  for  the  event  did  not  succeed. 
 And  what  pretence  could  there  be  to  suppose  that  the  gods  could  not  be  seen  by  reason  of  the 
 people's  maims  in  their  bodies,  or  leprosy  ?  for  the  gods  are  not  angry  at  the  imperfection  of 
 bodies,  but  at  wicked  practices  :  and  as  to  eighty  thousand  lepers,  and  those  in  an  ill  state 
 also,  how  is  it  possible  to  have  them  gathered  together  in  one  day  ?  nay,  how  came  the  king 
 not  to  comply  with  the  prophet?  for  his  injunction  was,  that  those  that  were  maimed  should 
 be  expelled  out  of  Egypt,  while  the  king  only  sent  them  to  work  in  the  quarries,  as  if  he  were 
 rather  in  want  of  labourers,  than  intended  to  purge  his  country.  He  says  further,  that  "  this 
 prophet  slew  himself,  as  foreseeing  the  anger  of  the  gods,  and  those  events  which  were  to  come 
 upon  Egypt  afterward  ;  and  that  he  left  this  prediction  for  the  king  in  writing?"  Besides,  how 
 came  it  to  pass,  that  this  prophet  did  not  foreknow  his  own  death  at  the  first?  nay,  how  came 
 he  not  to  contradict  the  king  in  his  desire  to  see  the  gods  immediately?  how  came  that  unrea- 
 sonable dread  upon  him  of  judgments  that  were  not  to  happen  in  his  lifetime  ;  or  what  worse 
 thing  could  he  suffer,  out  of  the  fear  of  which  he  made  haste  to  kill  himself?  But  now  let  us 
 see  the  silliest  thing  of  all :  the  king,  although  he  had  been  informed  of  these  things,  and  ter- 
 rified with  the  fear  of  what  was  to  come,  yet  did  not  he  even  then  eject  these  maimed  people 
 out  o'"bis  country,  when  it  had  been  foietold  him  that  he  was  to  clear  Egypt  of  them;  but,  as 
 Manetho  says,  "  He  tlieu,  upoa  their  request,   gave  them  that  city  to  inhabit,   which  Lad 
 
 •  Gr.  By  Jupittr. 
 
AGAIN  SI    APION. — BOOK    I.  755 
 
 formerly  belonged  to  tbe  shepherds,  and  was  called  Avaris ;  whither,  when  thej  were  gone  in 
 crdwds,"  he  says,  "  (liey  chose  one  tliat  had  formerly  been  priest  of  Heliopolis  ;  and  that  lliis 
 priest  first  ordained,  that  they  should  neither  worship  the  gods,  nor  abstain  from  those  ani- 
 mals that  were  worshipped  by  the  Egyptians,  but  should  kill  and  eat  them  all,  and  should 
 associate  with  nobody  but  those  that  had  conspired  with  them  ;  and  that  he  bound  the  multi- 
 tude by  oaths  to  be  sure  to  continue  in  those  laws;  and  that  when  he  had  built  a  wall  about 
 Avaris,  he  made  war  a;j;ainst  the  king."  Manetho  adds  also,  That  "  this  priest  sent  to  Jeru- 
 salem to  invite  tiiat  people  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  promised  to  give  them  Avaris  ;  for 
 that  it  had  belonged  to  the  forefathers  of  those  that  were  coming  from  Jerusalem,  and  that 
 when  they  were  come,  they  made  a  war  immediately  against  the  king,  and  got  possession  of 
 all  Egypt."  He  says  also.  That  "  the  Egyptians  came  with  an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand 
 men,  and  that  Amenopliis,  the  king  of  Egypt,  not  thinking  that  he  ought  to  fight  against  tbe 
 gods,  ran  away  presently  into  Ethiopia,  and  committed  Apis  and  certain  other  of  their  sacred 
 animals,  to  the  priests,  and  commanded  them  to  take  care  of  preserving  them."  He  says  fur- 
 ther. That  "  the  people  of  Jerusalem  came  accordingly  upon  the  Egyptians,  and  overthrew 
 their  cities,  and  burnt  their  temples,  and  slew  their  horsemen,  and  in  short  abstained  from 
 no  sort  of  wickedness  nor  barbarity  :  and  for  that  priest  who  settled  their  polity  and  their 
 laws,"  he  says,  "he  was  by  birth  of  Heliopolis  and  his  name  was  Osarsiph,  from  Osiris 
 the  god  of  Heliopolis,  but  that  he  ciianged  his  name,  and  called  himself  Moses."  He  thea 
 says.  That  "  on  the  thirteenth  year  afterward,  Amenophis,  according  to  the  fatal  time  of  the 
 tfuration  of  his  misf*rtuness,  came  upon  them  out  of  Ethiopia  with  a  great  army,  and  joining 
 battle  with  the  shepherds  and  with  the  polluted  people,  overcame  them  in  battle,  and  slew  a 
 great  many  of  them,  and  pursued  them  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Syria." 
 
 29.  Now  Wanetho  does  not  reflect  upon  the  improbability  of  bis  lie  :  for  the  leprous  people, 
 and  the  multitude  that  was  with  them,  although  they  might  fornjtrly  have  been  angry  at  the 
 king,  and  at  those  that  had  lieated  them  so  coa/sely,  and  this  accoiding  to  the  prediction  of 
 the  prophet  ;  yet  certainly,  when  they  were  come  out  of  the  mines,  and  had  received  of  the 
 king  a  city  and  a  country,  they  would  have  grown  milder  towards  him.  However,  ha<l  they 
 ever  so  much  hated  him  in  particular,  they  might  have  laid  a  private  plot  against  himself,  but 
 would  hardly  have  made  war  against  all  the  Egyptians  ;  I  mean  this  on  the  account  of  the 
 great  kindred  they  who  were  so  numerous  must  have  had  among  them.  Nay  still,  if  they  had 
 resolved  to  fight  with  t';e  men,  they  would  not  have  had  impudence  enough  to  fight  with  their 
 gods  :  nor  would  they  have  ordained  laws  quite  contrary  to  those  of  their  own  country,  and  to 
 those  in  which  they  had  been  bred  up  themselves.  Yet  are  we  beiiolden  to  Manetho,  that  he 
 does  not  lay  the  principal  charge  of  this  horrid  transgression  upon  those  that  came  from  Jeru- 
 salem, but  says  that  the  Egyptians  themselves  were  the  most  guilty,  and  that  they  were  their 
 priests  that  contrived  these  things,  and  made  the  multituiie  take  their  oaths  for  doing  so.  But 
 still,  how  absurd  it  is  to  suppose,  that  none  of  these  people's  own  relations  or  friends  should 
 be  prevailed  with  to  revolt,  nor  to  undergo  the  hazards  of  war  with  them  ?  while  these  pol- 
 luted people  were  forced  to  send  to  Jerusalem,  and  bring  their  auxiliaries  from  thence.  What 
 friendship,  I  pray,  or  what  relation  was  there  formerly  between  them,  that  required  this  assist- 
 ance? On  the  contrary,  these  people  were  enemies,  and  greatly  diU'ertd  from  them  in  their 
 customs.  He  says,  indeed,  that  thry  complied  immediately,  upon  their  promising  them  that 
 they  should  conquer  Ej^ypt  ;  as  if  tliey  did  not  themselves  very  well  know  that  country  out  of 
 whicli  they  had  been  driven  by  force.  Now,  had  these  men  been  in  watit,  or  lived  miserably, 
 perhaps  tiiey  might  have  undertaken  so  hazardous  an  enterprise,  but  as  they  dwelt  in  a  ha|ipy 
 city,  and  had  a  large  country,  and  one  better  than  Egypt  itself,  how  came  it  about,  that  for 
 the  sake  of  those  that  bad  of  old  been  their  enemies,  and  those  that  were  maimed  in  their 
 bodies,  and  of  those  whom  none  of  their  own  relations  would  endure,  they  should  run  such 
 hazards  in  assisting  them  ?  For  they  could  not  foresee  that  the  king  would  run  away  from 
 them  :  on  the  contrary,  he  saith  himself.  That  "  Amenophis'  son  h  id  three  hundred  thousand 
 men  with  him,  and  met  tht-m  at  Pelusiuni."  Now,  to  be  sure,  those  that  came  could  not  be 
 ignorant  of  this  ;  but  for  the  king's  repentance  and  flight,  how  could  they  possibly  guess  at  it? 
 He  then  says.  That  "  those  who  came  from  Jerusalem,  and  made  this  invasion,  got  the  grana- 
 ries of  Egypt  into  their  possession,  and  perpetrated  many  of  tbe  most  horrid  actions  there." 
 And  thence  he  approaches  them,  as  though  he  had  not  himself  introduced  them  as  enemies,  or 
 as  though  he  might  accuse  such  as  were  invited  from  another  place  for  so  doing,  wlieu  the 
 natural  Egyptians  themselves  had  done  the  same  things  before  their  coming,  and  bad  taken 
 oaths  so  to  do.  However,  "  Amenophis,  some  time  afterward,  came  upon  them,  and  con- 
 quered them  in  battle,  and  slew  his  enemies,  drove  them  before  him  as  far  as  Syria."  As  if 
 Egypt  were  so  easily  taken  by  people  that  came  from  any  place  whatsoever,  and  as  if  those 
 that  had  conquered  it  by  war,  when  they  were  informed  that  Amenophis  %vas  alive,  did  neither 
 fortify  the  avenues  out  of  Ethiopia  into  it.  although  thoy  had  great  advantages  for  doing  it,  nor 
 did  get  their  other  forces  ready  for  their  defence;  but  that  he  followed  them  over  tbe  sandy 
 desert,  and  slew  them  as  far  as  Syria ;"  while  yet  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  for  an  army  to  pass 
 over  that  country,  even  without  fighting. 
 
 30.  Our  nation,  therefore,  according   to  Manetho,  was  not  derived  from   Egypt,  nor  were 
 
756  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS 
 
 any  of  the  Egyptians  rningled  with  ns.  For  it  is  to  be  sapposed  that  many  of  the  leprous  and 
 distenjpered  people  were  dead  in  the  mines,  since  they  had  been  there  a  long  time,  and  in  so  ill 
 a  condition  ;  many  others  must  be  dead  in  the  battles  that  happened  afterward,  and  more  .still 
 iu  the  last  batile  and  flight  after  it. 
 
 31 .  It  no w  remains  that  I  debate  with  Manetho  aboat  Moses.  Now,  the  Egyptians  acknow- 
 ledge him  to  have  been  a  wonderful  and  a  divine  person:  nay,  they  would  willingly  lay  claim 
 to  him  llienrselves,  though  after  a  most  abusive  and  incredible  manner,  and  pretend  that  he 
 was  of  Helioj-.olis,  and  one  of  the  priests  of  that  place,  and  was  ejected  out  of  it  among  the 
 rest,  on  account  of  his  leprosy  :  although  it  had  been  demonstrated  out  of  their  records,  that 
 Le  lived  five  hundred  and  eighteen  years  earlier,  and  then  brouglit  our  forefathers  out  of  Egypt 
 into  the  country  that  is  now  inhabited  by  us.  But  now  that  he  was  not  subject  in  his  body  to 
 any  such  calamity,  is  evident  from  what  he  himself  tells  ns ;  for  he  forbade  those  that  had  the 
 leprosy  either  to  continue  in  a  city,  or  to  inhabit  in  a  village  but  commanded  that  they  should 
 ■go  about  by  ihepiselves  with  their  clothes  rent ;  and  declares,  that  such  as  either  touch  tliera, 
 or  live  under  the  same  roof  with  them,  should  be  esteemed  unclean  :  nay,  more,  if  any  one  of 
 their  diseases  be  healed,  and  he  recover  his  natural  constitution  agnin,  he  appointed  them  cer- 
 tain purifications,  and  washings  with  spring  water,  and  the  shaving  oft"  all  their  hair,  and  enjoin.s 
 that  they  shall  oiler  many  sacrifices,  and  those  of  several  kinds,  and  then,  at  length,  to  ba 
 admitted  into  the  holy  city  ;  a'thongb  it  were  to  be  expected  that,  on  tlie  contrary,  if  he  had 
 been  under  the  same  calamity,  be  should  have  taken  care  of  such  persr-ns  beforehand,  and  have 
 Lad  them  treated  after  a  kinder  manner,  as  aft'ected  with  a  concern  for  those  who  were  to  be 
 under  the  like  misfortunes  with  himself.  Nor  was  it  only  those  leprous  people  for  whose  sake 
 he  made  these  laws,  but  also  for  snob  as  should  be  maimed  in  the  smallest  part  of  their  bodv, 
 who  yet  are  not  permitted  by  him  to  officiate  as  priests  :  nay,  although  any  priest,  already 
 initiated,  should  have  such  a  calamity  fall  upon  him  afterward,  he  ordered  him  to  be  deprived 
 of  his  honour  of  officiating.  Now,  can  it  then  be  supposed  that  Moses  should  oidain  such 
 laws  against  himself,  to  his  own  reproach  and  damage  who  so  ordained  them  ?  Nor  indeed 
 is  that  other  notion  of  Manetho's  at  all  probable,  wherein  he  relates  the  change  of  his  name, 
 and  says,  That  "  he  was  formerly  called  Osarsiph  j"  and  this  a  name  no  way  agreeable  to  the 
 other,  while  his  true  name  was  Moiises,  and  signifies  a  person  who  is  preserved  out  of  the  water, 
 for  the  Egyptians  call  water  Moii.  1  think,  therefore,  I  have  made  it  sufficiently  evident  that 
 Manetho,  while  he  followed  his  ancient  records,  did  not  much  mistake  the  truth  of  the  history  ; 
 but  that  when  he  had  recourse  to  fabulous  stories,  without  any  certain  author,  he  either  forged 
 tbem  himself,  without  any  probability,  or  else  gave  credit  to  some  men  who  spoke  so  out  of 
 their  ill-will  to  us. 
 
 32.  And  now  I  have  done  with  Manetho,  I  will  inquire  into  what  Cheremon  says.  For  he 
 also,  when  he  pretended  to  write  the  Egyptian  history,  sets  down  the  same  name  for  his  king 
 that  Manetho  did,  Amenophis,  as  also  of  his  son  Raicesscs,  and  then  goes  on  thus  :  ''The 
 goddess  Isis  appeared  to  Amenophis  in  his  sleep,  and  blamed  him  that  her  temple  had  been 
 demolished  in  the  war  :  but  that  Pliiitiphantes,  the  sacred  srribe,  said  to  him,  that  in  case 
 he  would  purge  Egypt  of  the  men  who  had  pollutions  upon  them,  he  should  be  no  longer 
 troubled  with  such  frightful  apparitions  :  that  Amenophis  accordingly  chose  out  two  hundred  and 
 fifty  thousand  of  those  that  were  thus  diseased,  ami  cast  them  out  of  the  country  :  that  Moses 
 and  Joseph  were  scribes,  and  Joseph  was  a  sacred  scribe  :  that  their  names  were  Egyptian 
 originally,  that  of  IMoses  had  been  Tesithen,  and  that  of  Joseph  Peteseph  :  that  these  two  came 
 to  Pelusium,  and  lighted  upon  three  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  that  had  been  left  there  by 
 Amenophis,  he  not  being  willing  to  carry  them  into  Egypt:  that  these  scribes  made  a  league 
 of  friendship  with  them,  and  made  with  them  an  expedition  against  Egypt :  that  Amenophis 
 could  not  sustain  their  attacks,  but  fled  into  Ethiopia,  and  left  his  wife  with  child  behind  him, 
 who  lay  concealed  in  certain  caverns,  and  there  brought  forth  a  son,  whose  name  wasSlessene, 
 and  who,  when  he  was  grown  up  to  man's  estate,  pursued  the  Jews  into  Syria,  being  about 
 two  hundred  thousand,  and  then  received  his  father  Amenophis  out  of  Ethiopia." 
 
 S3.  This  is  the  account  Cheremon  gives  us.  Now  I  take  it  for  granted,  that  what  I  have 
 said  already  hath  plainly  proved  the  falsity  of  both  these  narrations  ;  for  had  there  been  any 
 real  truth  at  the  bottom,  it  was  impossible  that  they  should  so  greatly  disagree  about  the  par- 
 ticulars. But  for  those  that  invent  lies,  what  they  write  will  easily  give  us  very  diflerent 
 accounts,  while  they  forge  what  they  please  out  of  their  own  heads.  Now  Manetho  says  that 
 the  king's  desire  of  seeing  the  gods,  was  the  origin  of  the  ejection  of  the  polluted  people  ;  but 
 Cheremon  feigns  that  it  was  a  dream  of  his  own,  sent  upon  him  by  Isis,  that  was  the  occasion 
 of  it.  Manetho  says,  that  the  person  who  foreshewt d  this  purgation  of  Egypt  to  the  king,  was 
 Amenophis  ;  but  this  man  says  it  was  Phritiphantes.  As  to  the  numbers  of  the  multitude 
 that  v/ere  expelled,  they  agree  exceedingly  well,*  the  former  reckoning  them  eighty  thousand, 
 and  the  latter  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Now,  for  Manetho,  he  describes  tbi-se 
 polluted  persons  as  sent  first  to  work  in  the  quarries,  and  says,  that  after  that,  (he  city  Avaris 
 was  given  them  for  their  habitation.  As  also  he  relates,  that  it  was  not  till  after  they  had 
 made  war  with  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  that  they  invited  the  people  of  Jerusalem  to  come  to 
 *  By  way  of  irony  I  suppose. 
 
AGAINST    AIM  ON. —  BOOK    I.  757 
 
 •heir  assistance;  wliile  Cberemon  says  only,  that  lliev  were  gone  out  of  K;;Tpl,  and  lighted  upon 
 tliree  hundred  and  eiglity  thousand  men  about  Pelusiiim,  who  had  l)een  left  there  by  Anieiio- 
 phis.and  so  thev  invaded  Egypt  with  tlieni  again;  that  lhercnpo:i  Aincnophis  fled  into  Ethiopia. 
 Bnt  tlien,  this  Cheremon  commits  a  most  ridiculous  blunder  in  not  informing  us  who  tliis  arinv 
 of  so  many  ten  thousands  were,  or  whence  they  came:  wiiether  ihcy  were  native  Egyptians, 
 or  whether  they  came  from  a  foreign  country.  Nor  indeed  has  this  man,  who  forged  a  dream 
 from  fsis,  about  the  leprous  people,  assigned  the  reason  why  the  king  would  not  bring  them 
 into  Egypt.  Moreover,  Cheremon  sets  down  Jose|:h  as  driven  away  at  the  same  time  with 
 j>Ioses,  who  yet  died  four  generations*  before  !\loses,  which  four  generations  uiake  ahiiosi  one 
 hundred  and  seventy  yeais  ;  besides  all  this,  Raniesscs,  the  son  of  Amenopliis,  by  ."Maneiho's 
 nccount,  was  a  voung  man,  and  assisted  his  father  in  his  war,  and  left  the  country  at  the  same 
 time  with  him,  and  lied  into  Etliio[)ia.  But  Cheremon  makes  him  to  have  been  l)orn  in  a  cer- 
 tain cave  after  his  father  was  dead,  and  that  he  then  overcame  the  Jews  in  battle,  and  drove 
 tlieiu  into  Syria,  being  in  nunibe/  about  two  hundred  thousand.  O  the  levity  of  tiie  man!  For 
 he  had  neidier  told  us  who  these  three  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  were,  nor  how  the  four 
 liundred  and  thirty  thousand  perished  ;  whether  they  fell  in  war,  or  went  over  to  Raniesses.  And, 
 Avhat  is  the  strangest  of  ail,  it  is  not  possi!)le  to  learn  out  of  him,  who  lliey  were  whom  he  calls 
 .lews,  or  to  which  of  these  two  parties  lie  ajiplies  that  denomination,  whether  to  the  two  hun- 
 dred and  (ifiy  thousand  Icjirous  people,  or  to  the  tliree  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  that  were 
 about  Telusium.  But  perhaps  it  will  be  looked  upon  as  a  siilv  thing  in  me  to  make  any  larger 
 confutation  of  such  writers  as  sudiciently  confute  themselves;  for  had  they  been  ouly  confuted 
 by  oilier  men,  it  had  been  more  tolerable. 
 
 3-1.  I  shall  now  add  to  these  accounts  about  Manetho  and  Cheremon,  somewhat  about 
 Lysiniaclius,  who  hatli  taken  the  same  topic  of  faisehcod,  with  those  foremenlioncd,  but 
 iiath  gone  far  beyond  tiieiu  in  the  incredible  nature  of  his  forgeries  :  which  plainly  demon- 
 strates that  he  contrived  them  out  of  his  virulent  hatred  of  our  nation.  His  words  are  these: 
 "  The  people  of  the  Jews  being  leprous  and  scabby,  and  subject  to  certain  other  kinds  of  dis- 
 tempers, in  the  days  of  Bocchoris,  king  of  Egypt,  they  (led  to  the  temples,  and  got  their  food 
 there  by  begging:  and  as  the  numbers  were  very  great  that  were  fallen  under  these  diseases, 
 there  arose  a  scarcity  in  Egypt.  Hereupon  Bocclioris,  tlie  king  of  Egypt,  sent  some  to  consult 
 the  oracle  of  [Jupiter]  Hainmon  aliont  this  scarcity.  The  god's  answer  was  this,  that  he  must 
 purge  his  temples  of  impure  and  impious  men,  by  expelling  them  out  of  those  temples  into 
 desert  places;  but  as  to  the  scabby  and  lejirous  people,  he  must  drown  them,  and  purge  his 
 temples,  the  sun  liaving  an  indignation  at  these  men's  being  suflered  to  live;  and  by  this  means 
 the  land  will  bring  forth  its  fruits.  Upon  Bocchoris'  having  received  these  oracles,  he  called 
 for  their  priests,  and  the  attendants  upon  their  altars,  and  ordered  them  to  make  a  collection  of 
 the  impure  people,  and  to  deliver  them  to  the  soldiers,  to  carry  them  away  into  the  desert,  but 
 to  take  the  leprous  people,  and  wrap  them  in  sheets  of  lead,  and  let  them  down  into  the  sea. 
 Hereupon  the  scabby  and  leprous  people  were  drowned,  and  the  rrst  were  gotten  together  and 
 sent  into  desert  places,  in  order  to  be  exposed  to  destruction.  In  this  case  they  assembled 
 themselves  together,  and  took  counsel  what  they  should  do,  and  determined  that  as  the  night 
 was  coming  on,  they  should  kindle  fires  and  lamps,  and  keep  watch  ;  that  they  also  should  fast 
 the  next  night,  and  propitiate  the  f<ods,in  order  to  obtain  deliverance  from  them  ;  that  on  the 
 next  day  there  was  one  Moses,  who  advised  them  that  they  should  venture  upon  a  journey, 
 and  go  aloug  one  road  till  they  should  come  to  places  (it  for  habitation  ;  that  he  charged  them 
 to  have  no  kind  regards  for  any  man,  nor  give  good  counsel  to  any,  but  always  to  advise  them 
 for  the  worst,  and  to  overturn  all  those  temples  and  altars  of  the  gods  they  should  meet  with  : 
 that  the  rest  commended  what  he  had  said  with  one  consent,  and  did  what  they  had  resolved 
 on,  and  so  travelled  over  the  desert.  But  that  the  dilliculties  of  the  journey  being  over,  they 
 came  to  a  country  inhabited,  and  that  there  they  abused  the  men,  and  plundered  and  burnt 
 their  temples,  and  then  came  into  that  land  which  is  called  Judea,  and  there  they  built  a  city, 
 and  dwelt  therein,  and  that  their  city  was  named  Hierosyla,  from  this  their  robbing  of  the  tem- 
 ples ;  but  that  still,  upon  the  success  they  had  afterwards,  they  in  time  changed  its  denomina- 
 tion, that  it  niicht  not  be  a  reproach  to  them,  and  called  the  city  Ilierosolyma,  and  themselves 
 Hierosolyniites." 
 
 3.5.  Now  this  man  did  not  discover  nor  mention  the  same  king  with  the  others,  but  feigned 
 a  newer  name,  and  passing  by  the  dreajn  and  the  Egyptian  pro|>liet,  he  brings  him  to  [Jupiter] 
 Hammon,  in  order  to  gain  oracles  about  the  scabby  and  leprous  people;  for  he  says,  That  the 
 multitude  of  Jews  were  gathered  together  at  the  temples.  Now  it  is  uncertain  whether  he 
 ascribes  this  name  to  these  lepers,  or  to  those  that  were  subject  to  such  diseases  among  the 
 Jews  only;  for  he  describes  them  as  a  people  of  the  .Tews.  What  people  does  he  mean? 
 foreigners,  or  those  of  that  country  ?  Why  then  dost  thou  called  them  Jews,  if  they  were 
 Egyptians?  But  if  they  were  foreigners,  why  dost  thou  not  tell  us  whence  they  came  ?  And 
 how  could  it  be  that,  after  the  king  had  drowned  many  of  them  in  the  sea,  and  ejected  the  rest 
 
 *  Here  we  see  that  .Tosephus  esteemed  a  generation  between  Joseph  and  Jfoses  to  he  aborit  forty-two  or  forty- 
 three  years ;  w)iich,  if  taken  between  the  earlier  children,  well  agrees  with  the  duration  of  human  life  in  those 
 ages.    See  Authent.  Kec.  part  ii.  ip.  yo6,  1019,  1020. 
 
75S  FLAVIUS   JOSEPHUS 
 
 into  desert  places,  tliere  should  be  still  so  great  a  multitude  remaining?  Or  after  what  manner 
 did  they  pass  over  tlie  desert,  and  get  the  land  which  we  now  dwell  in,  and  build  our  city,  and 
 that  temple  which  hath  been  so  famous  among  all  mankind?  And  besides,  he  ousjht  to  have 
 spoken  more  about  our  legislator,  tlian  by  giving  us  bis  bare  name  ;  and  to  have  informed  us  of 
 what  nation  he  was,  and  what  parents  he  was  derived  from ;  and  to  have  assigned  the  reasons 
 why  he  undertook  to  make  such  laws  concerning  the  gods,  and  concerning  matters  of  injustice 
 with  regard  to  men  during  that  journey.  For,  in  case  the  people  were  by  birth  Egyptians, 
 they  would  not  on  the  sudden  have  so  easily  changed  the  customs  of  their  country  :  and  in  case 
 thej  had  been  foreigners,  they  had  for  certain  some  laws  or  other,  which  had  been  kept  by  them 
 from  long  custom.  It  is  true,  that  with  regard  to  those  who  ejected  them,  they  might  have 
 sworn  never  to  bear  good-will  to  them,  and  might  have  had  a  plausible  reason  for  so  doing. 
 But  if  these  men  resolve  to  wage  an  implacable  war  against  all  men,  in  case  they  had  acted  as 
 ■wickedly  as  he  relates  of  them,  and  this  while  they  wanted  the  assistance  of  all  men,  this 
 demonstrates  a  kind  of  mad  conduct  indeed  ;  but  not  of  the  men  themselves,  but  very  greatly 
 so  of  him  who  tells  such  lies  upon  tbem.  He  bath  also  impudence  enough  to  say,  that  a  namp 
 implying  robbers*  of  the  temple  was  given  to  their  city,  and  that  this  name  was  afterward 
 changed.  The  reason  of  which  is  plain,  that  the  former  name  brought  reproach  and  hatred 
 upon  them  in  the  times  of  their  posterity,  while,  it  seems,  those  that  built  the  city  thought  they 
 did  honour  to  the  city  by  giving  it  such  a  name.  So  we  see  that  this  fine  fellow  had  such  an 
 unbounded  inclination  to  reproach  us,  that  he  did  not  understand  that  robbery  of  temples  is 
 not  expressed  by  the  same  word  and  name  among  the  Jews  as  it  is  among  the  Greeks.  But 
 why  should  a  m.in  say  any  more  to  a  person  who  tells  such  impudent  lies?  However,  since 
 this  book  is  arisen  to  competent  length,  I  will  make  another  beginning,  and  endeavour  to  add 
 what  still  remains  to  perfect  my  design  in  the  following  book. 
 
 BOOK  II. 
 
 §  1.  In  the  former  book,  most  honoured  Epaphroditus,  I  have  demonstrated  our  antiquity,  and 
 confirmed  the  trutli  of  what  I  have  said,  from  the  writings  of  the  Phenicians,  and  Chaldeans, 
 and  Egyptians.  I  have,  moreover,  produced  many  of  the  Grecian  writers  as  witnesses  therein. 
 I  have  also  made  a  refutation  of  Manetho  and  Cheremon,and  of  certain  others  of  our  enemies. 
 I  shall  now  thereforet  begin  a  confutation  of  the  remaining  authors  wiio  have  written  anything 
 against  us;  although  I  confess  I  have  had  a  doubt  upon  me  about  Apion^  the  grammarian, 
 whether  I  ought  to  take  the  trouble  of  confuting  him  or  not ;  for  some  of  his  writings  contain 
 much  the  same  accusations  which  the  others  have  laid  against  us.  some  things  that  he  hath 
 added  are  very  frigid  and  contemptible,  and  for  the  greatest  part  of  what  he  says,  it  is  very 
 scurrilous,  and,  to  speek  no  more  than  the  plain  truth,  it  speaks  him  to  be  a  very  unlearned 
 person,  and  what  he  lays  together,  looks  like  the  work  of  a  man  of  very  bad  morals,  and  of  one 
 no  better  in  his  whole  life  than  a  mountebank.  \et,  because  there  are  a  great  many  men  so 
 very  foolish,  that  they  are  rather  caught  by  such  orations,  than  by  what  is  written  with  care, 
 and  take  pleasure  in  reproaching  other  men,  and  cannot  abide  to  hear  them  commended,  I 
 thouglit  it  to  be  necessary  not  to  let  this  man  go  oft"  without  examination,  who  bad  written 
 such  an  accusation  against  us,  as  if  he  would  bring  us  to  make  an  answer  in  open  court.  For 
 I  also  have  observed,  that  many  men  are  very  much  delighted  when  they  see  a  man  who  first 
 oegan  to  reproach  another,  to  be  himself  exposed  to  contempt  on  account  of  the  vices  he  hath 
 himself  been  guilty  of.  However,  it  is  not  a  very  easy  thing  to  go  over  this  man's  discourse, 
 Dor  to  know  plainly  what  he  means  :  yet  does  he  seem,  amidst  a  great  confusion  and  disorder 
 m  his  falsehoods,  to  produce,  in  the  first  place,  such  things  as  resemble  what  we  have  exa- 
 mined already,  and  relate  to  the  departure  of  our  forefathers  out  of  Egypt ;  and,  in  the  second 
 place,  he  accuses  the  Jews  that  are  inhabitants  of  Alexandria  ;  as,  in  the  third  place,  he  mixes 
 with  those  things  such  accusations  as  concern  the  sacred  purifications,  with  the  other  legal 
 rites  used  in  the  temple. 
 
 2.  Now  although  I  cannot  but  think  that  I  have  already  demonstrated,  and  that  abundantly 
 more  than  was  necessary,  that  our  fathers  were  not  originally  Egyptians,  nor  were  thence 
 expelled,  either  on  account  of  bodily  diseases,  or  on  any  other  calamities  of  that  sort;  yet  will 
 I  briefly  take  notice  of  what  Apion  adds  upon  that  subject;  for  in  his  third  book,  which  relates 
 
 this  is  the  meaning  of  Hierosyla  in  Greek,  not  iu  Hebrew. 
 
 cracy  whicli  was  settled  for  the  Jewish  nation  by  Moses,  their  great  legislator, 
 t  Called  by  Tiberius,  '  Cyinbalum  JIundi,'  The  drum  of  the  world. 
 
AGAINST    APION. —  BOOK    II.  750 
 
 to  tbe  aftairs  of  Egypt,  !ie  speaks  thus  :  "  I  h;ive  lier.rd  of  t)ie  ancient  men  of  Ejypt,  that  Moses 
 was  of  Heliopolis,  and  that  he  thought  himself  ol:>lige(l  to  follow  the  customs  of  liis  forefathers, 
 and  ofTeredliis  prayers  in  the  open  air,  towards  the  city  walls  ;  but  that  he  reduced  tliem  all  to 
 be  directed  towards  sun-rising,  which  was  agreeable  to  the  situation  of  Helicpolis  :  that  he 
 also  set  up  pillars  instead  of  gnomons,*  under  which  was  re[)resented  a  cavity  like  that  of  a 
 boat,  and  the  shadow  ihiit  fell  from  tlieir  tops  fell  down  upon  tliat  cavity,  that  it  might  go  round 
 about  the  like  course  as  the  sun  itself  goes  round  in  the  other."  This  is  that  wonderful  rela- 
 tion which  we  have  given  us  by  this  grammarian.  Eut  that  it  is  a  false  one  is  so  plain,  that  it 
 stands  in  need  of  few  words  to  prove  it,  but  is  manifest  from  the  works  of  Moses;  for  when  he 
 erected  the  lirst  tabernacle  to  God,  he  did  himself  neither  give  order  for  any  such  kind  of 
 representation  to  be  made  at  it,  nor  ordain  that  those  that  camr  after  him  shouhi  make  such  a 
 one.  Moieover,  when  in  a  future  age  Solomon  built  Lis  temple  in  Jerusalem,  he  avoided  ;i!i 
 such  needless  decorations  as  Apion  hath  here  devised.  He  says  further,  liow  "  he  had  heard 
 of  the  ancient  men,  that  Moses  was  of  Heliopolis."  To  be  sure  that  was  because  being  a 
 younger  man  himself,  lie  believed  those  that  by  their  elder  age  were  acquainted  and  conversed 
 with  him  !  Now  this  grammarian  as  he  was,  could  not  certainly  tell  which  was  the  poet  Homer's 
 country,  no  more  than  be  could  which  was  the  country  of  Pythagoras,  who  lived  comparatively 
 but  a  little  while  ago:  yet  does  he  tlius  easily  determine  the  age  of  Moses,  who  preceded  them 
 such  a  vast  number  of  years,  as  depending  on  bis  ancient  men's  relation  ;  which  shews  how 
 •lotorious  a  liar  he  was.  But  then  as  to  his  chronological  determination  of  the  time  when  he 
 says  he  brought  the  leprous  people,  the  blind  and  the  lame,  out  of  Egypt,  see  how  well  this 
 most  accurate  grammarian  of  ours  agrees  with  those  that  have  written  before  him.  Manetho 
 says.  That  the  Jews  departed  out  of  Egypt,  in  the  reign  of  Tethmosis,  three  hundred  ninety- 
 three  years  before  Danaus  fled  to  Argos ;  Lysimachus  says  it  was  under  king  Bocchoris,  that 
 is,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  years  ago;  JIolo  and  some  others  determined  it  as  every  one 
 pleased  ;  but  this  Apion  of  ours,  as  deserving  to  be  believed  before  them,  hath  determined  it 
 exactly  to  have  been  in  the  seventh  Olympiad,  and  the  first  year  of  that  Olympiad  ;  the  very 
 same  year  in  which  he  says  that  Carthage  was  built  by  the  Phenicians.  The  reason  why  he 
 added  this  building  of  Carthage  was,  to  be  sure,  in  order,  as  he  thought,  to  strengthen  his 
 assertion  by  so  evident  a  character  of  chronology.  But  he  was  not  aware  that  this  character 
 confutes  his  assertion;  for  if  we  may  give  credit  to  the  Phenician  records  as  to  the  time  of  the 
 first  coming  of  their  colony  to  Carthage,  they  relate  that  Hirom  their  king  was  above  a  hundred 
 and  fifty  years  earlier  than  the  building  of  Carthage,  concerning  whom  I  have  formerly  pro- 
 duced testimonials  out  of  those  Phenician  records,  as  also  that  tliis  Hirom  was  a  friend  of 
 Solomon  when  he  was  building  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  gave  him  great  assistance  in  bis 
 building  that  temple;  while  still  Solomon  himself  built  that  temple  six  hundred  and  twelve 
 years  after  the  Jews  came  out  of  Egypt.  As  for  the  number  of  those  that  were  expelled  out 
 of  Egypt,  he  hath  contrived  to  have  the  very  same  number  with  Lysimachus,  and  says  (hey 
 were  a  hundred  and  ten  thousand.  He  then  assigns  a  certain  wonderful  and  plausible  occa- 
 sion for  the  name  of  Sabbath  ;  for  he  says,  that  "  when  the  Jews  had  travelled  a  six  days' 
 journey,  they  had  buboes  in  their  groins  ;  and  that  on  this  account  it  was  that  they  rested  on 
 the  seventh  day,  as  having  got  safely  to  that  country  which  is  now  called  Judea;  that  then  they 
 preserved  the  language  of  the  Egyptians,  and  called  that  day  the  Sabbath,  for  that  malady  of 
 buboes  on  their  groin  was  named  Sahbatosis  by  the  Egyptians."  And  would  not  a  man  now 
 laugh  at  this  fellow's  trilling,  or  rather  hate  his  impudence  in  writing  thus?  We  must,  it 
 seems,  take  it  for  granted  that  all  these  hundred  and  ten  thousand  men  must  have  these  buboes. 
 But,  for  certain,  if  those  men  had  been  blind  and  lame,  and  had  all  sorts  of  distemj  ers  upon 
 them,  as  Apion  says  they  had,  they  could  not  have  gone  one  single  day's  journey  :  but  if  tiiey 
 had  been  all  able  to  travel  over  a  large  desert,  and  besides  that  to  fight  and  conquer  those  that 
 opposed  them,  they  had  not  all  of  them  had  buboes  on  their  groins  after  the  sixth  day  was 
 over:  for  no  snch  distemper  comes  naturally  and  of  necessity  upon  those  that  travel  ;  but  still 
 when  they  are  many  ten  thousands  iu  a  camp  together,  they  constantly  march  a  settled  pace 
 [in  a  day.]  Nor  is  it  at  all  probable  that  such  a  thing  should  happen  by  chance  :  this  would 
 be  prodigiously  absurd  to  be  supposed.  However,  our  admirable  author  Apion  had  before 
 told  us,  that  "  they  came  to  Judea  in  six  days'  time  ;"  and  again.  That  "  Moses  went  up  to  a 
 mountain  that  lay  between  Egypt  and  Arabia,  which  was  called  Sinai,  and  was  concealed  there 
 forty  days,  and  that  when  he  came  down  from  thence,  he  gave  laws  to  the  Jews."  But  then, 
 how  was  it  possible  for  them  to  tarry  forty  days  in  a  desert  place  where  there  was  no  water, 
 and  at  the  same  time  to  pass  all  over  the  country  between  that  and  Judea  iu  six  days?  And 
 as  for  this  grammatical  translation  of  the  word  Sabbath,  it  either  contains  an  instance  of  his 
 great  impudence  or  gross  ignorance ;  for  the  words  Sabbo  and  Sabbath  are  widely  diflTerent 
 from  one  another:  for  the  word  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  language  denotes  rest  from  all  sorts  of 
 work  ;  but  the  word  Sabbo,  as  he  aflirms,  denotes,  among  the  Egyptians,  a  malady  of  a  bubo 
 in  the  groin. 
 
 •  This  seems  to  have  been  the  first  dial  that  had  been  made  in  Epypt,  and  was  a  little  before  the  time  that 
 Ahaz  made  his  ftirBtJdial  in  Judea,  and  about  anno  755,  in  the  tirst  year  of  the  sevcuth Olympiad,  as  we  shall 
 see  presently,    bee  £  Kings  xx.  11.  Isa.  xxxviii.  8. 
 
7G0  FLAYILS    JOS!  PMUS 
 
 3.  Tliis  is  Jhal  novel  account  wliich  tbe  Egyptian  Apion  givsfs  us  coDcerning  tlie  Jews'  depar- 
 ture ont  of  F-gvpi,  ami  is  no  better  than  a  contrivance  of  his  own.  But  why  should  we  wonder 
 at  the  lie.-;  he  tells  aboDt  oar  forefathers,  when  he  affirms  thera  to  be  of  Egyptian  original, 
 when  he  lies  also  aboul  himself?  for  although  he  was  born  at  Oasis  in  Egypt,  he  pretends  to 
 be,  as  a  man  may  say,  the  top  man  of  all  the  Egyptians;  yet  does  he  forswear  his  real  country 
 and  progenitors,  and  by  falsely  pretending  to  be  born  at  Alexandria,  cannot  deny  ihe  pravity 
 of  his  family  ;  for  you  see  how  justly  he  calls  those  Egyptians  whom  he  hates  and  endeavours 
 to  reproach,  for  had  he  not  deemed  Egyptians  to  be  a  name  of  great  reproach,  he  would  not 
 Lave  avoided  the  name  of  an  Egyptian  himself;  as  we  know  that  those  who  brag  of  their  own 
 countries,  value  themselves  upon  the  ilenoniination  they  acquire  thereby,  and  reprove  such  as 
 unjcsstly  lay  claim  thereto.  As  for  the  Egyptians'  claim  to  be  of  our  kindred,  they  do  it  on 
 one  of  the  following  accounts:  I  mean,  either  as  Ihey  value  themselves  upon  it,  and  pretend  to 
 bear  that  relation  to  us  ;  or  else  as  tiiey  would  draw  us  in  to  be  partakers  of  their  own  infamy. 
 But  this  fine  fellow  Apion  seems  to  broach  this  reproachful  appellation  against  us  [that  we  were 
 originally  Egyptians,]  in  order  to  bestow  it  on  the  Alexandrians  as  a  reward  for  the  privilege 
 they  had  given  liim  of  being  a  fellow-citixen  with  tiiem  :  he  also  is  apprized  of  the  ill-will 
 the  Alexandrians  bear  to  those  Jews  who  are  their  fellow-citizens,  and  so  proposes  to  himself 
 to  reproach  them,  although  he  must  thereby  include  all  the  other  Egyptians  also ,  while  in  both 
 cases  he  is  no  better  than  an  impudent  liar. 
 
 4.  But  let  us  now  see  what  those  heavy  and  wicked  crimes  are,  which  Apion  charges  upon 
 the  Alexandrian  Jews.  "  They  came  (says  he)  out  of  Syria,  and  inhabited  near  the  tempes- 
 tuous sea,  and  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  dashing  of  the  waves."  Now,  if  the  place  of 
 Labitation  includes  any  thing  that  is  reproachful,  this  man  reproaches  not  his  own  real  country 
 [Egypt,]  but  what  he  pretends  to  be  his  own  country,  Alexandria ;  for  all  are  agreed  in  this, 
 that  the  part  of  that  city  which  is  near  the  sea,  is  the  best  part  of  all  for  habitation.  Now,  if 
 the  Jews  gained  that  part  of  the  city  by  force,  and  have  kept  it  hitherto  without  impeachment, 
 this  is  a  mark  of  their  valour;  but  in  reality  it  was  Alexander  himself  that  gave  them  that 
 place  for  their  Labitation,  when  they  obtained  equal  privileges  there  with  the  Macedonians. 
 Nor  can  I  devise  what  Apion  would  have  said,  had  their  habitation  been  at  Necropolis,*  and 
 not  been  fixed  hard  by  the  royal  palace  [as  it  is  :]  nor  had  their  nation  had  the  denoroinalion  of 
 IMacedonians  given  them  till  this  very  day  [as  they  have.]  Had  this  man  now  read  the  epis-- 
 ties  of  king  Alexander,  or  those  of  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Lagus,  or  met  with  the  writings  of  the 
 succeeding  kings,  or  that  pillar  which  is  still  standing  at  Alexandria,  and  contains  the  privi- 
 leges which  the  great  [Julius]  Caesar  bestowed  upon  the  Jews  ;  had  this  man,  I  say,  known 
 these  records,  and  yet  hath  the  impudence  to  write  in  contradiction  to  them,  he  hath  shewn 
 himself  to  be  a  wicked  man  :  but  if  he  knew  nothing  of  these  records,  he  hath  shewn  himself 
 to  be  a  man  very  ignorant  ;  nay,  when  he  appears  to  wonder  how  Jews  could  be  called  Alex.- 
 andrians,  this  is  another  like  instance  of  his  ignorance  ;  for  all  such  as  are  called  out  to  be 
 colonies,  althongh  they  be  ever  so  far  remote  from  one  another  in  their  origsnal,  receive  their 
 names  from  those  that  bring  them  to  their  new  habitations.  And  what  occasion  is  there  to 
 speak  of  others,  when  those  of  us  Jews  that  dwell  at  Antioch  are  named  Antiochians,  because 
 Seleucus  the  founder  of  that  city  gave  thera  the  privileges  belonging  thereto?  After  the  like 
 manner  do  those  .Jews  that  inhabit  Ephesus  and  the  other  cities  of  Ionia,  enjoy  the  same  name 
 with  those  that  were  originally  born  there,  by  the  grant  of  the  succeeding  princes  ;  nay,  the 
 kindness  and  humanity  of  the  Romans  hath  been  so  great,  that  it  hath  granted  leave  to  almost 
 all  others  to  take  the  same  name  of  Romans  upon  them  ;  I  mean  not  particular  men  only,  but 
 entire  and  large  nations  themselves  also  :  for  those  anciently  named  Iberi,  and  Tyrcheni,  and 
 Sabini,  are  now  called  Romani.  And  if  Apion  reject  this  way  of  obtaining  the  privilege  of  a 
 citizen  of  Alexandria,  let  him  abstain  from  calling  himself  an  .Alexandrian  hereafter;  for  other- 
 wise, how  can  he  who  was  born  in  the  very  heart  of  Egypt  be  an  Alexandrian,  if  this  way  of 
 accepting  such  a  privilege  of  what  he  would  have  us  deprived,  be  once  abrogated  ?  although 
 indeed  these  Romans,  who  are  now  the  lords  of  the  habitable  earth,  have  forbidden  the  Egypt 
 tians  to  have  the  privileges  of  any  city  whatsoever  ;  while  this  fine  fellow,  who  is  willing  to 
 partake  of  such  a  privilege  himself  as  he  is  forbidden  to  make  use  of,  endeavours  by  calumnies 
 to  deprive  those  of  it  that  have  justly  received  it:  for  Alexander  did  not  therefore  get  some  of 
 our  nation  to  Alexandria,  because  he  wanted  inhabitants  for  this  his  city,  on  whose  building  he 
 had  bestowed  so  much  pains  ;  but  this  was  given  to  our  people  as  a  reward,  because  be  had, 
 upon  a  careful  trial,  found  them  all  to  have  been  men  of  virtue  and  fidelity  to  him  ;  for,  au 
 Heoateus  says  concerning  us,  "  Alexander  honoured  our  nation  to  such  a  degrpe,  that,  for  the 
 equity  and  the  fidelity  which  the  Jews  had  exhibited  to  him,  he  permitted  them  to  hold  the 
 country  of  Samaria  free  from  tribute.  Of  the  same  mind  also  was  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Lagus, 
 as  to  those  Jews  who  dwelt  at  Alexandria."  For  he  intrusted  the  fortresses  of  Egypt  into  their 
 hands,  as  believing  they  would  keep  them  faithfully  and  valiantly  for  hira  ;  and  when  he  was 
 desirous  to  secure  the  government  of  Cyrene  and  the  other  cities  of  Libya  to  himself,  he  sent  a 
 party  of  Jews  to  inhabit  them.  And  for  his  successor  Ptolemy,  who  was  called  Philadelphus, 
 he  did  not  only  set  all  those  of  our  nation  free,  who  were  captives  under  him,  but  did  frequently 
 
 •  The  burial-place  for  dead  bodies,  I  suppose. 
 
AGAINST   APION. — BOOK  II.  761 
 
 give  money  [for  their  ransom  ;*]  and  what  was  his  greatest  work  of  all,  he  had  a  great  desire 
 of  knowing  our  laws,  and  of  obtaining^  the  books  of  our  sacred  scriptures  ;  accordingly  be 
 desired  that  snch  men  might  be  sent  hiui  as  might  interpret  our  law  to  him  :  and  in  order  to 
 have  them  weJI  compiled,  he  committed  that  care  to  no  ordinary  persons,  but  ordained  that 
 Demetrius  Phalereus,  and  Andreus,  and  Aristeas,  the  first  Demetrius,  the  most  learned  per- 
 son of  his  age,  and  the  others,  such  as  were  intrusted  with  the  guard  of  his  body,  should  lake 
 the  care  of  this  matter  :  nor  woald  he  certairjiy  have  been  so  desirous  of  learning  our  law  and 
 the  philosophy  of  our  nation,  had  he  despised  the  men  that  made  use  of  it,  or  had  he  not  indeed 
 had  them  in  great  admiration. 
 
 5.  Now  this  Apion  was  unacquainted  with  almost  all  the  kings  of  those  Macedonians  whom  he 
 pretends  to  have  been  his  progenitors  ;  who  were  yet  very  well  afFected  towards  us  :  for  the  third 
 of  those  Ptolemies,  who  was  called  Euergetes,  when  he  bad  gotten  possession  of  all  Syria  by 
 force,  did  not  offer  his  thank-offerings  to  the  Egyptian  gods  for  his  victory,  but  came  to  Jerusalem, 
 and,  according  to  our  own  laws,  offered  many  sacrifices  to  God,  and  dedicated  to  him  such  gifts  as 
 were  suitable  to  such  a  victory  ;  and  as  for  Ptolemy  Philonietor  and  his  wife  CltO|)atra,  they 
 committed  their  whole  kingdom  to  the  Jews,  when  Onias  and  Dositheus,  both  Jews,  whose  names 
 are  laughed  at  bv  Apion,  were  the  generals  of  their  whole  army.  But  certainly,  instead  of 
 reproaching  them,  he  ought  to  adi.Mire  their  actions,  and  return  them  thanks  for  saving  Alex- 
 andria, whose  citizen  he  pretends  to  be;  for  when  these  Alexandrians  were  making  war  with 
 Cleopatra  the  queen,  and  were  in  danger  of  being  utterly  ruined,  these  Jews  brouglif  them  to 
 terms  of  agreement,  and  freed  them  from  the  miseries  of  a  civil  war.  "  But  then  (says  Apion) 
 Onias  brought  a  small  army  afterward  upon  the  city  at  the  time  when  Thermus  the  Roman 
 ambassador  was  there  present."  Yes,  do  I  venture  to  say,  and  that  he  did  rightly  and  very 
 justly  in  so  doing  ;  for  that  Ptolemy  who  was  called  Physco,  upon  the  death  of  his  brother 
 Philometor,  came  from  Gyrene,  and  would  have  ejected  Cleopatra,  as  well  as  her  sons,  out  of 
 their  kingdom,  that  he  might  obtain  it  for  himself  unjustly. t  For  this  cause  then  it  was  that 
 Onias  undertook  a  war  against  him  on  Cleopatra's  account  ;  nor  would  he  desert  that  trust  the 
 royal  family  had  reposed  in  him  in  their  distress.  Accordingly  God  gave  a  remarkable  attes- 
 tation to  his  righteous  procedure  ;  for  when  Ptolemy  Physco|  had  the  presumption  to  fight 
 against  Onias'  army,  and  had  caught  all  the  Jews  that  were  in  the  city  [Alexandria,]  with  their 
 children  and  wives,  and  exposed  them  naked  and  in  bonds  to  his  elephants,  that  tliey  might  be 
 trodden  upon  and  destroyed,  and  when  he  had  made  those  elephants  drunk  for  that  purpose, 
 the  event  proved  contrary  to  his  preparations  ;  for  these  elephants  left  the  Jews  who  were 
 exposed  to  them,  and  fell  violently  upon  Physco's  friends,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  them  : 
 nay,  after  this  Ptolemy  saw  a  terrible  ghost,  which  prohibited  his  hurting  those  men  :  his  very 
 concubine,  whom  he  loved  so  well,  some  call  her  Ithaca,  and  others  Irene,  making  supplica- 
 tion to  him,  that  he  would  not  perpetrate  so  great  a  wickedness.  So  he  complied  with  her 
 request,  and  repented  of  what  he  either  had  already  done,  or  was  about  to  do  :  whence  it  is 
 well  known  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  do  with  good  reason  celebrate  this  day,  on  the  account 
 that  they  had  thereon  been  vouchsafed  such  an  evident  deliverance  from  God.  However  Apion, 
 the  common  calumniator  of  men,  hath  the  presumption  to  accuse  the  Jews  for  making  this  war 
 against  Physco,  when  he  ought  to  have  commended  them  for  the  same.  This  man  also  makes 
 mention  of  Cleopatra  the  last  queen  of  Alexandria,  and  abuses  us,  because  she  was  ungrateful 
 to  us;  whereas  he  ought  to  have  reproved  her,  who  indulged  herself  in  all  kinds  of  injustice 
 and  wicked  practices,  both  with  regard  to  her  nearest  relations  and  husbands  who  bad  loved 
 her,  and  indeed  in  general  with  regard  to  all  the  Romans,  and  those  emperors  that  were  her 
 benefactors  ;  who  also  had  her  sister  Arsinoe  slain  in  a  temple,  when  she  had  done  her  no  harm  ; 
 moreover,  she  had  her  brother  slain  by  private  treaiihery,  and  she  destroyed  the  gods  of  her 
 country  and  the  sepulchres  of  her  progenitors:  and  while  she  had  received  her  kingdom  from 
 the  first  Caesar,  she  had  the  impudence  to  rebel  against  bis  son§  and  successor  :  nay,  she  cor- 
 rupted Antony  with  her  love  tricks,  and  rendered  him  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and  made  bini 
 treacherous  to  his  friends,  and  [by  bis  means]  despoiled  some  of  their  royal  authority,  and 
 forced  others  in  her  madness  to  act  wickedly.  But  what  need  I  enlarge  upon  this  head  any 
 farther,  when  she  left  Antony  in  his  fight  at  sea,  though  he  were  )  er  husband,  and  the  father 
 of  their  common  children,  and  compelled  him  to  resign  up  his  govej  .,ment,  with  the  army,  and 
 to  follow  her  [into  Egypt ;]  nay,  when  last  of  all  Caesar  had  taken  Alexandria,  she  came  to 
 that  pitch  of  cruelly,  that  she  declared  she  bad  some  hope  of  preserving  her  affairs  still,  in 
 case  she  could  kill  the  Jews,  though  it  were  with  her  own  hand ;  to  such  a  degree  of  barbarity 
 
 •  Tot  pollaiis,  or  frequently,  I  would  here  read  polla,  a  great  deal  of  money  ;  for  we  indeed  read  both  in 
 Aristeas  and  Josephus,  that  this  Ptolemy  Philadilphus  once  gave  a  very  great  sum  of  money  to  redeem 
 above  100,(KX)  Jewish  captives  ;  but  not  of  any  sums  of  money  which  he  disbursed  on  their  account  at  other 
 times,  that  1  know  of. 
 
 i  Here  begins  a  great  defect  in  the  Greek  copy  ;  but  the  old  Latin  version  fiilly  supplies  that  defect. 
 
 t  What  error  is  here  generally  believed  to  have  been  committed  by  Josephus  in  fwcrihing  a  deliverance  of 
 the  Jews  to  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Pliysco,  the  seventh  of  those  Ptolemies,  whirh  has  been  universally  sui)- 
 posed  to  have  happened  under  Ptolemy  Philo)iator,  the  fourth  of  them,  is  no  belter  than  a  gross  errcr  of  the 
 moderns,  and  not  of  Josephus,  as  I  have  fully  proved  in  the  Authentic  liec.  part  i.  p.  200—204.  whither  I 
 irefer  the  iniiviisilive  reader. 
 
 i  Sister's  son,  and  adopted  son. 
 
 5  D 
 
762  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 and  peiCdiousness  had  she  arrived.  And  doth  any  one  think  that  we  cannot  boast  ourseJves 
 of  any  thing,  if,  as  Apion  says,  (his  queen  did  not  at  a  time  of  famine  distribute  wheat  amon'^st 
 us  ?  However,  she  at  length  met  with  the  punishment  she  deserved.  As  for  us  Jews,  we 
 appeal  to  the  great  Caesar  what  assistance  we  brout;ht  him,  and  what  fidelity  we  shewed  to 
 Lim  against  the  Egyptians ;  as  also  to  the  senate  and  its  decrees,  and  the  epistles  of  Augustus 
 Cajsar,  whereby  our  merits  [to  the  Romans]  are  justiOed.  Apion  ought  to  have  looked  upon 
 those  epistles,  and  in  particular  to  have  examined  the  testimonies  given  on  our  behalf  under 
 Alexander,  and  all  the  Ptolemies,  and  the  decrees  of  the  senate,  and  of  the  greatest  Roman 
 emperors.  And  if  Germanicus  was  not  able  to  make  a  distribution  of  corn  to  all  the  inhabit- 
 ants of  Alexandria,  that  only  shews  what  a  barren  time  it  was,  and  how  great  a  want  there 
 was  then  of  corn,  but  tends  nothing  to  the  accusation  of  the  Jews  ;  for  what  all  the  emperors 
 have  thougiit  of  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  is  well  known;  for  this  distribution  of  wheat  was  no 
 otherwise  omitted  with  regard  to  the  Jews,  than  it  was  with  regard  to  the  other  inhabitants 
 of  Alexandria.  But  they  still  were  desirous  to  preserve  what  the  kings  had  formerly  intrusted 
 to  their  care,  I  mean  the  custody  of  the  river  ;  nor  did  those  kings  think  them  unworthy  of 
 liaving-  the  entire  custody  thereof,  upon  all  occasions. 
 
 6.  But  besides  this,  Apion  objects  to  us  thus  :  "  If  the  Jews  (says  he)  be  citizens  of  Alex- 
 andria), why  do  they  not  worship  the  same  gods  with  the  Alexandrians?"  To  which  I  give 
 this  answer  :  Since  you  are  yourselves  Egyptians,  why  do  you  fight  it  out  one  against  another, 
 and  have  implacable  wars  about  your  religion  ?  At  this  rate  we  must  not  call  you  all  Egyp- 
 tians, nor  indeed  in  general  men,  because  you  breed  up  with  great  care  beasts  of  a  nature  quite 
 contrary  to  that  of  men,  although  the  nature  of  all  men  seems  to  be  one  and  the  same.  Now, 
 if  there  be  such  differences  in  opinion  among  you  Egyptians,  why  are  you  surprised  that  those 
 who  came  to  Alexandria  from  another  country,  and  had  original  laws  of  their  own  before, 
 should  persevere  in  the  observance  of  those  laws?  But  still  he  charges  us  with  being  the 
 authors  of  sedition  :  which  accusation,  if  it  be  a  just  one,  why  is  it  not  laid  against  us  all, 
 since  we  are  known  to  be  all  of  one  mind.  Moreover,  those  that  search  into  such  matters  will 
 soon  discover,  that  the  authors  of  sedition  have  been  such  citizens  of  Alexandria  as  Apion  is  ; 
 for  while  they  were  the  Grecians  and  Macedonians  who  were  in  possession  of  this  city,  there 
 was  no  sedition  raised  against  us,  and  we  were  permitted  to  observe  our  ancient  solemnities  ; 
 but  when  the  number  of  the  Egyptians  therein  came  to  be  considerable,  the  times  grew  con- 
 fused, and  then  these  seditions  broke  out  still  more  and  more,  wliile  our  people  continued 
 uncorrupted.  These  Egyptians,  therefore,  were  the  authors  of  these  troubles,  who  having  not 
 the  constancy  of  Macedonians,  nor  the  prudence  of  Grecians,  indulged  all  of  them  the  evil 
 manners  of  the  Egyptians,  and  continued  their  ancient  hatred  against  us ;  for  what  is  here  so 
 presumptuously  charged  upon  us,  is  owing  to  the  differences  that  are  amongst  themselves  ; 
 ■while  many  of  them  have  not  obtained  the  privileges  of  citizens  in  proper  times,  but  style  those 
 who  are  well  known  to  have  had  that  privilege  extended  to  them  all,  no  other  than  foreigners  : 
 for  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  kings  have  ever  formerly  bestowed  those  privileges  of 
 citizens  upon  Egyptians,  no  more  than  have  the  emperors  done  it  more  lately  ;  while  it  was 
 Alexander  who  introduced  us  into  this  city  at  first,  the  kings  augmented  our  privileges  therein, 
 and  the  Romans  have  been  pleased  to  preserve  them  always  inviolable.  Moreover,  Apiou 
 would  lay  a  blot  upon  us,  because  we  do  not  erect  images  for  our  emperors  ;  as  if  those 
 emperors  did  not  know  this  before,  or  stood  in  need  of  Apion  as  their  defender  ;  whereas 
 he  ought  rather  to  have  admired  the  magnanimity  and  modesty  of  the  Romans,  whereby 
 they  do  not  compel  those  that  are  subject  to  them  to  transgress  the  laws  of  their  countries,  but 
 are  willing  to  receive  the  honours  due  to  them  after  such  a  manner  as  those  who  are  to  pay  them 
 esteem  consistent  with  piety,  and  with  their  own  laws  ;  for  they  do  not  thank  people  for  con- 
 ferring honours  upon  them,  when  they  are  compelled  by  violence  so  to  do.  Accordingly,  since 
 the  Grecians  and  some  other  nations  think  it  a  right  thing  to  make  images,  nay,  when  tbey 
 Lave  painted  the  pictures  of  their  parents,  and  wives,  and  children,  they  exult  for  joy  ;  and 
 some  there  are  wlw  take  pictures  for  themselves  of  such  persons  as  were  no  vvay  related  to 
 to  them  :  nay,  some  take  the  pictures  of  such  servants  as  they  were  fond  of.  T\hat  wonder 
 is  it  then  if  such  as  these  appear  willing  to  pay  the  same  respect  to  their  princes  and  lords  ? 
 But  then,  onr  legislator  haf^i  forbidden  us  to  make  images,  not  by  way  of  denunciation  before- 
 band,  that  the  Roman  authority  was  not  to  be  honoured,  but  as  despising  a  thing  that  was 
 neither  necessary  nor  useful  for  either  God  or  man ;  and  he  forbade  them,  as  we  shall  prove 
 hereafter,  to  make  these  images  for  any  part  of  the  animal  creation,  and  much  less  for  God 
 himself,  who  is  no  part  of  such  animal  creation.  Yet  hath  our  legislators  no  where  forbidden 
 us  to  pay  honours  to  worthy  men,  provided  they  be  of  another  kind,  and  inferior  to  those  we 
 pay  to  God  ;  with  which  honours  we  willingly  testify  our  respect  to  our  emperors,  and  to  the 
 people  of  Rome  :  we  also  ofTer  perpetual  sacrifices  for  them  :  nor  do  we  only  offer  them  every 
 day  at  the  common  expenses  of  all  the  Jews,  but  although  we  offer  no  other  such  sacrifices 
 out  of  our  common  expenses,  no,  not  for  our  own  children,  yet  do  we  this  as  a  peculiar  honour 
 to  the  emperors,  and  to  them  alone,  while  we  do  the  same  to  no  other  person  whomsoever. 
 And  let  this  suffice  for  an  answer  in  general  to  Apion,  as  to  what  he  says  with  relation  to  the 
 Alexandrian  Jews. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — IJOOK   II.  7(5.3 
 
 7.  However,  I  cannot  but  admire  tliose  otiior  aulliors  who  furnisbed  this  man  with  such  liis 
 materials;  I  mean  Possidonius  and  Apollonius  [the  son  ofj  Molo,*  who,  while  they  accuse  us 
 for  not  worshipping  the  same  gods  whom  others  worship,  they  think  themselves  not  guilty  of 
 iiiii)iety  when  they  tel!  lies  of  ns,  and  frame  absurd  and  reproachful  stories  about  our  temple  : 
 whereas  it  is  a  most  slianieful  thing  for  freemen  to  forge  lies  on  any  occasion,  and  much  more 
 so  to  forge  them  about  our  ten)ple,  which  was  so  famous  over  all  the  world,  and  was  preserved 
 so  sacred  by  us  ;  for  Apion  bath  the  impudence  to  pretend  'That  the  Jews  placed  an  ass's  head 
 in  their  holy  place,"  and  be  allirnis,  "  That  this  was  discovered  when  Antiochns  Epiphanes 
 spoiled  our  temple,  and  found  that  ass's  bead  there  made  of  jfold,  and  worth  a  great  deal  of 
 money."  To  this  my  first  answer  shall  be  this.  That  had  there  been  any  such  thing  among  us, 
 an  Egyptian  ought  by  no  means  to  Imve  thrown  it  in  our  teeth,  since  an  ass  is  not  a  more  con- 
 temptible animal  than  *  *  *t  and  goats,  and  other  such  creatures,  which  among  them  are  gods. 
 But  besides  this  answer,  I  say  further,  how  comes  it  about  that  Apion  does  not  understand 
 this  to  be  no  other  than  a  palpable  lie,  and  to  be  confuted  by  the  thing  itself  as  utterly  incre- 
 dible? For  we  Jews  are  always  governed  by  flie  same  lav/s,  in  which  we  constantly  perse- 
 vere: and  although  many  misfortunes  have  befallen  our  city,  as  the  like  have  befallen  others, 
 and  although  Theos  [Epiphanes,]  and  Pompey  the  Great,  and  Licinius  Crassus,  and  last  of  all 
 Titus  Cffisar,  have  conquered  us  in  war,  and  gotten  possession  of  our  temple  :  yet  have  they 
 none  of  them  found  any  such  thing  tiiere,  nor  indeed  any  thing  but  what  was  agreeable  to  the 
 strictest  piety  ;  although  what  they  found  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  reveal  to  other  nations.  But 
 for  Antiochns  [Epiphanes,]  he  had  no  just  cause  for  that  ravage  in  our  temple  that  he  made; 
 he  only  came  to  it  when  be  wanted  money,  without  declaring  himself  our  enemy,  and  attacked 
 us  while  we  were  his  associates  and  his  friends  ;  nor  did  he  find  any  thing  there  that  was  ridi- 
 culous. This  is  attested  by  many  worthy  writers;  Polybius  of  Megalapolis,  Strabo  of  Capa- 
 docia,  Nicolaus  of  Damascus,  Timagenes,  Castor  the  clironologer,  and  Apollodorus,^  who  all 
 say  that  it  was  out  of  Autiochus'  want  of  money,  that  he  broke  his  league  with  the  Jews,  and 
 despoiled  their  temple  when  it  was  full  of  gold  and  silver.  Apion  ought  to  have  had  a  regard 
 to  these  facts,  unless  be  had  himself  had  either  an  ass's  heart  or  a  dog's  impudence  ;  of  such  a 
 dog  I  mean  as  they  worship;  for  be  had  no  other  external  reason  for  the  lies  he  tells  of  us.  As 
 for  us  Jews,  we  ascribe  no  honour  or  power  to  asses,  as  do  the  Egyptians  to  crocodiles  and 
 asps,  when  they  esteem  such  as  are  seized  upon  by  the  former,  or  bitten  by  the  latter,  to  be 
 happy  persons,  and  persons  worthy  of  God.  Asses  are  the  same  with  us  which  they  are  with 
 other  wise  men,  viz.  creatures  that  bear  the  burdens  that  we  lay  upon  them  ;  but  if  they  come 
 to  our  threshing  floors,  and  eat  our  corn,  or  do  not  perform  what  we  impose  upon  them,  tve 
 beat  them  with  a  great  many  stripes,  because  it  is  their  business  to  minister  to  us  in  our  hus- 
 bandry afl'airs.  But  this  Apion  of  ours,  was  either  perfectly  unskilful  in  the  composition  of 
 such  Aillacious  discourses,  or  however,  when  he  began  [somewhat  better,]  he  was  not  able  to 
 persevere  in  what  he  had  undertaken,  since  he  hath  no  manner  of  success  in  those  reproaches 
 he  casts  upon  us. 
 
 8.  He  adds  another  Grecian  fable,  in  order  to  reproach  us.  In  reply  to  which,  it  would  be 
 enough  to  say,  that  they  who  presume  to  speak  abont  divine  worship,  ought  not  to  be  ignnraiJt 
 of  this  plain  truth,  that  it  is  a  degree  of  less  impurity  to  pass  tlirougli  temples,  than  to  forge 
 wicked  calumnies  of  its  priests.  Now,  such  men  as  he  are  more  zealous  to  justify  a  sacrile- 
 gious king,  than  to  write  what  is  just  and  what  is  true  about  us,  and  about  our  ten)plc  ;  for 
 when  they  are  desirous  of  gratifying  Antiochus,  and  of  concealing  that  perlidiousness  and  sacri- 
 lege which  he  was  guilty  of,  with  regard  to  our  nation,  when  he  wanted  money,  tliey  endeavonr 
 to  disgrace  as,  and  tell  lies,  even  relating  to  futuries.  Apion  becomes  other  men's  prophet 
 upon  this  occasion,  and  says,  "  That  Antiochus  found  in  our  temple  a  bed  and  a  man  lying 
 upon  it,  with  a  small  table  before  him,  full  of  dainties,  from  the  [fishes  of  the]  sea,  and  the 
 fowls  of  the  dry  land  ;  that  this  man  was  amazed  at  these  dainties  thus  set  before  him  ;  that  he 
 immediately  adored  the  king  upon  his  coming  in,  as  hoping  that  he  would  afl'ord  him  all  possi- 
 ble assistance;  that  he  fell  down  upon  his  knees,  and  stretched  out  to  him  bis  right  baud,  and 
 begged  to  be  released  ;  and  that  when  the  king  bade  him  sit  down,  and  tell  him  who  iie  waa, 
 and  why  he  dwelt  there,  and  what  was  the  meaning  of  those  various  sorts  of  food  that  were 
 set  before  him,  the  man  made  a  lamentable  complaint,  and  with  sighs,  and  tears  in  his  eyes, 
 gave  him  this  account  of  the  distress  he  was  in,  and  said,  That  he  was  a  Greek,  and  that  as  h'i 
 went  over  this  province,  in  order  to  get  his  living,  he  was  seized  upon  by  foreigners,  on  a  sud- 
 den, and  brought  to  this  temple,  and  shut  up  therein,  and  was  seen  by  nobody,  but  was  fat- 
 tened by  these  curious  provisions  thus  set  before  him  ;  and  that  truly  at  the  first  such  unex- 
 jiccted  advantages  seemed  to  him  matter  of  great  joy;  that  after  a  while,  they  brought -e 
 suspicion  upon  him,  and  at  length  astonishment,  what  their  meaning  should  be  ;  that  at  lust  h? 
 in(|uired  of  the  servants  that  came  to  him,  and  was  by  them  informed,  that  it  was  in  order  tc> 
 
 *  Called  more  properly  INfolo,  or  Apollonius  Molo,  as  hereafter;  for  Apollonius,  the  sou  of  Holo,  was 
 another  person,  as  Strabo  informs  uB,  lib.  xiv. 
 
 t  l-'urones  in  the  Latin,  but  what  animal  it  denotes  does  not  now  appear. 
 
 t  It  is  preat  pity  that  these  six  Pagan  authors,  here  mentioned  to  have  described  the  famous  profanation  o 
 ihi'  .lewish  toinple  by  Antiochus  I'liiphaiccs,  should  be  all  lost;  1  mean  so  far  of  their  wriliugs  as  coutaiucd 
 (hut  descriptiou  ;  though  it  is  plaiu  Joscphus  perused  them  all,  as  extant  in  his  time. 
 
764  FLAVIUS   JOSEPIIUS 
 
 tbe  falfilling  a  law  of  the  Jews,  which  they  mast  not  tell  him,  that  he  was  thus  fed  ;  and  that 
 they  did  the  same  at  a  set  time  every  year;  thai  they  used  to  catch  a  Greek  foreigner,  and  fat 
 him  tliiis  up  every  year,  and  then  lead  him  to  a  certain  wood,  and  kill  him,  and  sacrifice  with 
 their  accustomed  solemnities,  and  taste  of  his  entrails,  and  take  an  oath  upon  thus  sacrificing  a 
 Greek,  that  they  would  ever  be  at  enmity  with  the  Greeks ;  and  that  then  they  threw  the 
 remaining  parts  of  the  miserable  wretch  into  a  certain  pit."  Apion  adds  further,  ''  That  the 
 man  said  there  were  hut  a  few  days  to  come  ere  he  was  to  be  slain,  and  implored  Antiochus 
 that,  out  of  the  reverence  he  bore  to  the  Grecian  gods,  be  would  disappoint  tbe  snares  the  Jews 
 Jaid  for  his  blood,  and  would  deliver  him  from  the  miseries  with  which  he  was  encompassed." 
 Now  this  is  such  a  most  tragical  fable,  as  is  full  of  nothing  but  cruelty  and  impudence ;  yet 
 does  it  not  excuse  Antiochus  of  his  sacrilegious  attempts,  as  those  who  wrote  it  in  bis  vindica- 
 tion are  willing  to  suppose ;  for  he  could  not  presume  beforehand  that  he  should  meet  with  any 
 such  thing  in  coming  to  the  temple,  but  must  have  found  it  unexpectedly.  He  was  therefore 
 still  an  impious  person,  that  was  given  to  unlawful  pleasures,  and  had  uo  regard  to  God  in  his 
 actions.  But  [as  for  Apion]  be  hath  done  whatever  his  extravagant  love  of  lying  bath  dictated 
 to  him,  as  it  is  most  easy  to  discover  by  a  consideration  of  his  writings  :  for  the  did'erence  of 
 our  laws  is  known  not  to  regard  the  Grecians  only,  but  they  are  principally  opposite  to  tbe 
 Egyptians,  and  to  some  other  nations  also  ;  for  while  it  so  falls  out,  that  men  of  all  countries 
 come  sometimes,  and  sojourn  among  us,  how  comes  it  about  that  we  take  an  oath,  and  conspire 
 only  against  the  Grecians,  and  that  by  the  effusion  of  their  blood  also  ?  Or  how  is  it  possible 
 that  all  tbe  Jews  should  get  together  to  these  sacrifices,  and  the  entrails  of  one  man  should  be 
 sufficient  for  so  many  thousands  to  taste  of  them,  as  Apion  pretends?  Or  why  did  not  the 
 king  carry  this  man,  whosoever  he  was,  and  whatsoever  was  his  name,  (which  is  not  set  down 
 in  Apion's  book,)  with  great  pomp  back  into  his  own  country ;  when  be  might  thereby  have 
 been  esteemed  a  religious  person  himself,  and  a  mighty  lover  of  the  Greeks,  and  might  thereby 
 have  procured  himself  great  assistance  fiom  all  men  against  that  hatred  the  Jews  bore  to  him. 
 Kut  I  leave  this  matter:  for  the  proper  way  of  confuting  fools,  is  not  to  use  bare  words,  but 
 to  appeal  to  the  things  themselves  that  make  against  them.  Now  tlien,  all  such  as  ever  saw 
 the  construction  of  onr  temple,  of  what  uature  it  was,  know  well  enough  how  the  purity  of  it 
 was  never  to  be  profaned  ;  for  it  had  four  several  courts, J  encompassed  with  cloisters  round 
 about,  every  one  of  wbiuh  had  by  our  law,  a  peculiar  degree  of  separation  from  the  rest.  Into 
 the  first  court  every  body  was  allowed  to  go,  even  foreigners,  and  none  but  women,  during 
 their  courses,  were  prohibited  to  pass  through  it ;  all  the  Jews  went  into  the  second  oonrt,  as 
 well  as  their  wives,  when  they  were  free  from  all  uncleanness  ;  into  the  third  went  in  the 
 Jewish  men  when  they  were  clean  and  purified ;  into  the  fourth  went  the  priests,  having  on 
 their  sacerdotal  garments :  but  for  the  most  sacred  place,  none  went  in  but  the  high  priests, 
 clothed  in  their  peculiar  garments.  Now  there  is  so  great  caution  used  about  these  offices  of 
 religion,  that  tbe  priests  are  appointed  to  go  into  the  temple  but  at  certain  hours  ;  for,  in  the 
 morning,  at  the  opening  of  the  inner  temple,  those  that  are  to  officiate  receive  the  sacrifices,  as 
 they  do  again  at  noon,  till  the  doors  are  shut.  Lastly,  it  is  not  so  much  as  lawful  to  carry  any 
 vessel  into  the  holy  house  ;  nor  is  there  any  thing  therein,  but  the  altar  (of  incense,)  tbe  table 
 (of  shew-bread,)  the  censer,  and  the  candlestick,  which  are  all  written  in  the  law  :  for  there 
 is  nothing  further  there,  nor  are  there  any  mysteries  performed  that  may  not  be  spoken  of;  nor 
 is  there  any  feasting  within  the  place.  For  what  I  have  now  said  is  publicly  known,  and  sup- 
 ported by  the  testimony  of  the  whole  people,  and  their  operations  are  very  manifest ;  for 
 although  there  be  four  courses  of  the  priests,  and  every  one  of  them  have  above  five  thousand 
 men  in  them,  yet  do  they  officiate  on  certain  days  only  ;  and  when  those  days  are  over,  other 
 priests  succeed  in  the  performance  of  their  sacrifices,  and  assemble  together  at  mid-day,  and 
 receive  the  keys  of  the  temple,  and  the  vessels  by  tale,  without  any  thing  relating  to  food  or 
 drink  being  carried  into  the  temple ;  nay,  we  are  not  allowed  to  ofler  such  things  at  the  altar, 
 excepting  what  is  prepared  for  the  sacrifices. 
 
 9.  What  then  can  we  say  of  Apion,  but  that  he  examined  nothing  that  concerned  these 
 things,  while  still  he  uttered  incredible  words  about  them?  but  it  is  a  great  shame  for  a  gram- 
 marian not  to  be  able  to  write  true  history.  Now,  if  he  knew  the  purity  of  our  temple,  be  hath 
 entirely  omitted  to  take  notice  of  it ;  but  he  forges  a  story  about  the  seizing  of  a  Grecian,  about 
 ineffable  food,  and  the  most  delicious  preparation  of  dainties;  and  pretends  that  strangers  could 
 go  into  a  place,  whereinto  the  noblest  men  among  the  Jews  are  not  allowed  to  enter,  unless 
 they  be  priests.  This,  therefore,  is  the  utmost  degree  of  impiety,  and  a  voluntary  lie,  in  order 
 to  the  delusion  of  those  who  will  not  examine  into  the  truth  of  matters.  Whereas  such 
 unspeakable  mischiefs  as  are  above  related,  have  been  occasioned  by  such  calumnies  that  are 
 raised  upon  us. 
 
 10.  Nay,  this  miracle  of  piety  derides  us  further,  and  adds  the  following  pretended  facts  to 
 his  former  fable  ;  for  be  says.  That  this  man  related  how  "  while  the  Jews  were  once  in  a  long 
 
 •  It  i?  i-emarliable  Oiat  .Tosephii9  here,  and  T  thinli  no  where  else,  reckons  up  four  distinct  courts  of  the  tem- 
 ple, thai  of  the  Gentiles,  that  of  the  women  of  Israel,  and  thai  of  the  men  of  Israel,  and  that  of  the  pries>ts  ;  as 
 njso,  that  the  conn  of  the  women  admitted  of  the  men,  (I  suppose  only  of  the  husbands  of  those  wives  that 
 were  therein,)  while  the  court  of  the  men  did  not  adicit  any  women  into  it  at  all. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK    II.  705 
 
 war  with  Ibe  Idiiineans,  there  came  a  man  out  of  one  of  the  cities  of  the  Idumeans,  who  there 
 tia<l  worshipped  Apollo.  This  man,  whose  name  is  said  to  have  been  Zabidus,  came  to  the 
 Jews,  and  promised  tiiat  he  would  deliver  Apollo,  the  god  of  Dora,  iiilo  their  hands,  and  that 
 he  would  come  to  our  temple,  if  they  would  alL  come  up  with  him,  and  bring  the  whole  mul- 
 titude of  the  Jews  with  them  ;  that  Zabidus  made  him  a  certain  wooden  instrument,  and  put 
 it  round  about  him,  and  set  three  rows  of  lamps  therein,  and  walked  after  such  a  manner,  that 
 he  appeared  to  those  that  stood  a  great  way  oft'  him,  to  be  kind  of  star,  walking  upon  the 
 earth  :  that  the  Jews  were  terribly  frightened  at  so  surprising  an  appearance,  and  stood  very 
 (jiiiet  at  some  distance  ;  and  that  Zabidus,  while  they  continued  so  very  quiet,  went  into  the 
 holy  house,  and  carried  oft'  that  golden  head  of  an  ass,  (for  so  facetiously  does  he  write,)  and 
 then  went  his  way  back  again  to  Dora  in  great  haste."  And  say  you  so,  Sir?  as  I  may  reply  ; 
 then  does  Apion  load  the  ass,  that  is  himself,  and  lays  on  him  a  burden  of  fooleries  and  lies  ; 
 for  he  writes  of  places  that  have  no  being,  and  not  knowing  the  cities  he  speaks  of,  he  changes 
 their  situation,  for  Iduniea  borders  upon  our  country,  and  is  near  to  Gaza,  in  which  there  is 
 no  such  city  as  Dora:  although  there  be,  it  is  true,  a  city  named  Dora  in  Fhenicia,  ear  mount 
 Carmel,  but  it  is  four  days' journey  from  Idiimea.''^  Now,  then,  why  does  this  aian  accuse 
 us,  because  we  have  not  gods  in  common  with  other  nations?  If  our  forefathers  were  so  easily 
 prevailed  upon  to  have  Apollo  come  to  tlieni,  and  thought  they  saw  hira  walking  upon  the 
 earth,  and  the  stars  with  him  ;  for  certainly  those  who  have  so  many  festivals,  wherein  they 
 light  lamps,  mast  yet,  at  this  rate,  have  never  seen  a  candlestick!  but  still  it  seems  that  whilo 
 Zabidus  took  his  journey  over  the  country,  where  were  so  many  ten  thousands  of  people, 
 nobody  met  him.  He  also,  it  seems,  even  in  a  time  of  war,  found  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
 destitute  of  guards  ;  I  omit  the  rest.  Mow  the  doors  of  the  holy  house  were  seventy t  cubits 
 liigh,  and  twenty  cubits  broad,  they  were  all  plated  over  with  gold,  and  almost  of  solid  gold 
 itself,  and  there  were  no  fewer  than  twenty  f  men  required  to  shut  them  every  day  ;  nor  was 
 it  lawful  ever  to  leave  them  open,  though  it  seems  this  lamp-bearer  of  ours  opened  them  easily, 
 or  thought  he  opened  them,  as  he  thought  he  had  the  ass's  head  in  bis  hand.  Whether,  there- 
 fore, he  returned  it  to  as  again,  or  whether  Apion  took  it  and  brought  it  into  the  temple  again, 
 that  Antiochus  might  find  it,  and  afford  a  handle  for  a  second  fable  of  Apion's,  is  uncertain. 
 
 11.  Apion  also  tells  a  false  story,  when  he  mentions  an  oath  of  ours,  as  if  we  "swore  by 
 God,  the  maker  of  the  heaven,  and  earth,  and  sea,  to  bear  no  good-will  to  any  foreigner,  and 
 particularly  to  none  of  the  Greeks."  Now  this  liar  ougiit  to  have  said  directly,  'I'hat  "  we 
 would  bear  no  good-will  to  any  foreigner,  and  particularly  to  none  of  the  Egyptians."  For 
 then  Ills  story  about  the  oath  would  have  squared  with  the  rest  of  his  original  forgeries,  in 
 case  our  forefathers  had  been  driven  away  by  their  kinsmen,  the  Egyptians,  not  on  account  of 
 any  wickedness  they  had  been  guilty  of,  Isut  on  account  of  the  calamities  they  were  under  ;  for 
 as  to  the  Grecians,  we  are  rather  remote  from  them  in  place,  than  difl'erent  from  them  in  our 
 institutions,  insomuch  that  we  have  no  enmity  with  them,  or  any  jealousy  of  them.  On  the 
 contrary,  it  hath  so  happened,  that  many  of  them  have  come  over  to  our  laws,  and  some  of 
 them  have  continued  in  their  observation,  although  others  of  them  had  not  courage  enough 
 to  persevere,  and  so  departed  from  them  again  ;  or  did  any  body  ever  hear  this  oath  sworn 
 by  us  ;  Apion,  it  seems,  was  the  only  person  that  beard  it,  for  he  indeed  was  the  first  com- 
 poser of  it. 
 
 12.  However,  Apion  deserves  to  be  admired  for  his  great  prudence,  as  to  what  I  am  going 
 to  say,  which  is  this.  That  "  there  is  a  plain  mark  among  us,  that  we  neither  liave  just  laws, 
 nor  worship  God  as  we  ought  to  do,  because  we  are  not  governors,  but  are  rather  in  subjec- 
 tion to  Gentiles,  sometimes  to  one  nation,  and  sometimes  to  another;  and  that  our  city  hath 
 been  liable  to  several  calamities,  while  their  city  (Alexandria)  hath  been  of  old  time  an  imperial 
 city,  and  not  used  to  be  in  subjection  to  tlie  Romans."  But  now  this  man  had  better  leave  oft' 
 his  bragging,  for  every  body  but  liimself  would  think,  that  Apion  said  what  he  bath  said  against 
 himself;  for  there  are  very  few  nations  that  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  continue  many 
 generations  in  the  principality,  but  still  the  mutations  in  human  affairs  have  put  them  into  sub- 
 jection under  others  ;  and  most  nations  have  been  often  subdued,  and  brought  into  subjection 
 by  others.  Now  for  the  Egyptians,  perhaps  they  are  the  only  nation  that  have  had  this 
 exlraodinary  privilege,  to  have  never  served  any  of  those  nionarchs  who  subdued  Asia  and 
 Europe,  and  this  on  account,  as  they  pretend,  that  the  gods  fled  into  their  country,  and  saved 
 themselves  by  being  changed  into  the  shapes  of  wild  beasts  !     Whereas  these  Egyptians^  are 
 
 •  Judea,  in  the  Greek,  by  a  gross  mistake  of  the  transcribers. 
 
 *  SeTen  in  the  Greek,  by  a  like  gross  mistake  of  the  transcribers.    See  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  v.  i  4. 
 
 1  Tn-o  hundred  in  the  Greek,  contrary  to  the  twenty  in  the  War.  b.vii,  chap.  v.  §  3. 
 
 4  This  notorious  disgrace  belonging  peculiarly  to  the  people  of  Egypt,  ever  since  the  times  of  the  old  pro- 
 phets of  the  Jews  noted  both  ^  4.  already,  and  here,  may  be  contirmed'by  the  testimony  of  Isodonis,  an  Egyp- 
 tian of  Pelusium,  epist.  lib.  i.  cap.  489.  And  this  is  a  remarkable  completion  of  the  ancient  liiediction  of 
 Ood,  by  I'.zekiel,  xxix.  14,  15.  "That  the  I'.gvptians  should  be  a  base  kingdom,  the  basest  of  the  kingdoms," 
 and  that  it  "  should  not  exalt  itself  any  more  aliove  the  nations."  The  truth  of  which  still  further  appears  by 
 the  present  observation  of  Josephus,  that  these  V'.gyptians  had  never,  in  all  the  past  ages  since  Sesostris,  hail 
 one  day  of  liberty,  no,  not  so  much  as  to  have  been  free  from  iheir  despotic  power  under  any  of  the  monarchs 
 to  that  day.  And  all  this  has  been  found  equally  true  in  the  latter  ages,  under  the  Komaas,  Saraccus,  Wamc- 
 lukcs,  and  Turks,  from  the  days  of  .losephus  till  the  present  age  also. 
 
7(56  FLAVILS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 the  very  people  who  appear  to  liave  never,  in  all  the  past  ages,  bad  one  day  of  freedom,  t)o> 
 not  80  much  as  fiom  tlieir  own  lords.  For  I  will  not  reproach  them  with  relating  the  manner 
 Low  the  Persians  used  them,  and  this  not  once  only,  bnt  many  times,  when  they  laid  tlieir 
 cities  waste,  demolished  their  temples  and  cut  the  throats  of  those  animals  whom  ihey  esteemed 
 to  be  gods  ;  for  it  is  not  reasonable  to  imitate  the  clownish  igwirance  of  Apion,  who  bath  no 
 regard  lo  ihe  misfortunes  of  the  Athenians,  or  of  the  Lacedemonians,  the  latter  of  whom  were 
 styled  by  all  men  the  most  courageous,  and  the  former  the  most  religious  of  the  Greeians.  I 
 say  nothing  of  such  kings  as  have  been  famous  for  piety,  particularly  of  ooe  of  them  whose 
 name  was  Cresus,  nor  wh.it  calamities  he  met  with  in  his  life:  1  say  nothing  of  the  citadel  of 
 Athens,  of  the  temple  at  Ephesus,  of  that  at  Delphi,  uor  of  ten  thousand  otliers  which  have 
 been  burnt  down,  while  nobody  cast  reproaches  on  those  that  were  the  sufferers,  but  on  those 
 that  were  the  actors  therein.  But  now  we  have  met  with  Apion,  an  accuser  of  our  nation, 
 though  one  that  still  forgets  the  miseries  of  his  own  people  the  Egyptians  ;  but  it  is  that  Sesns- 
 tris,  who  was  once  so  celebrated  a  king  of  Egypt,  that  hath  blinded  him:  now  we  will  not 
 brag  of  our  kings  David  and  Solomon,  though  they  conquered  mnny  nations:  accordingly  we 
 will  let  them  alone.  Ho>vever,  Apion  is  ignorant  of  what  every  body  knows,  that  the  Egyp- 
 tians were  servants  to  the  Persians,  and  afterv? ards  to  the  Macedonians,  when  they  were  lords 
 of  Asia,  and  were  no  better  than  slaves,  while  we  have  enjoyed  liberty  formerly  ;  nay,  more 
 than  that,  have  had  the  dorainioa  of  the  cities  that  lie  round  about  ns,  and  this  nearly  for  a 
 hundred  and  twenty  years  together,  until  Pompeius  Magnus.  And  when  all  the  kings  every 
 where  were  conquered  by  the  Romans,  our  ancestors  were  the  only  people  who  continued  to 
 be  esteemed  their  confederates  and  friends,  on  account  of  their  fidelity  to  them. 
 
 13.  But  says  Apion,  "We  Jews  have  not  had  any  wonderful  men  amongst  us,  not  any 
 inventors  of  arts,  nor  any  eminent  for  wisdom."  He  then  enumerates  Socrates,  and  Zeno,  and 
 Cleanthes,  and  some  others  of  the  same  sort;  and,  after  all,  he  adds  himself  to  them,  which  is 
 the  roost  wonderful  thing  of  all  that  he  says,  and  pronounces  Alexasdria  to  be  happy,  because  it 
 hath  such  a  citizen  as  he  is  in  it :  for  he  was  the  fittest  man  to  be  a  witness  to  his  own  deserts, 
 although  he  hath  appeared  to  all  others  no  better  than  a  wicked  mountebank,  of  a  corrupt  life 
 aud  ill  discourses;  on  which  account  one  may  justly  pity  Alexandria,  if  it  should  value  itself 
 upou  such  a  citizen  as  he  is.  But  as  to  our  own  men,  we  have  had  those  who  have  been  as 
 deserving  of  commendation  as  any  other  whosoever,  and  such  as  have  perused  our  Antiquities 
 cannot  he  ignorant  of  them. 
 
 14.  As  to  the  other  things  which  he  sets  down  as  blame-worlhy,  it  may  perhaps  be  the  best 
 way  to  let  them  pass  without  apology,  that  he  may  be  allowed  to  be  his  own  accuser,  and  the 
 accuser  of  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians.  However,  he  accuses  us  for  sacrificing  animals,  and  for 
 abstaining  from  jwine's  flesh,  and  laughs  at  us  for  the  circumcision  of  our  privy  members. 
 Now,  as  for  our  slaughter  of  ta.ne  animals  for  sacrifices,  it  is  common  to  us  and  to  all  other 
 men  :  but  this  Apion,  by  making  it  a  crime  to  sacrifice  them,  demonstrates  himself  to  be  an 
 Egyptian  ;  for  had  he  been  either  a  Grecian  or  a  i\Iacedonian,  (as  he  pretends  to  be,)  he  had 
 not  shewed  any  uneasiness  at  it ;  for  those  people  glory  in  sacrificing  whole  hecatombs  to  the 
 gods,  and  make  use  of  those  sacrifices  for  feasting  ;  and  yet  is  not  the  world  thereby  rendered 
 destitute  of  cattle,  as  Apion  was  afraid  would  come  to  pass.  Yet  if  all  men  had  followed  the 
 manners  of  the  Egyptians  the  world  had  certainly  been  made  desolate  as  to  mankind,  but  bad 
 be.-n  filled  full  of  the  wildest  sort  of  brute  beasts,  which,  because  they  suppose  them  to  be 
 gods,  they  carefully  nourish.  However,  if  any  one  should  ask  Apion,  which  of  the  Egyptians 
 he  thinks  to  be  the  most  wise  and  most  pious  of  them  all,  he  would  certainly  acknowledge 
 the  priests  to  be  so  ;  for  the  histories  say,  that  two  things  were  originally  committed  to  their 
 care  by  their  kings'  injunctions,  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  the  support  of  wisdom  and  philo- 
 sophy. Accordingly  these  priests  are  all  circumcised,  and  abstain  from  swine's  flesh  :  nor 
 does  any  one  of  the  other  Egyptians  assist  them  in  slayinj^  those  sacrifices  they  offer  to  the 
 gods.  Apion  was  therefore  quite  blinded  in  his  mind,  when,  for  the  sake  of  the  Egyptians, 
 be  contrived  to  reproach  us,  and  to  accuse  such  others  as  not  only  make  use  of  that  conduct 
 of  life  which  he  so  much  abuses,  but  have  also  taught  other  men  to  be  circumcised,  as  says 
 Herodotus,  which  makes  me  think  that  Apion  is  hereby  justly  punished  for  his  casting  such 
 reproaches  on  the  laws  of  his  own  country  ;  for  he  was  circumcised  himself  of  necessity,  on 
 account  of  an  ulcer  in  his  privy  member  ;  and  when  he  received  no  benefit  by  such  circum- 
 cision, but  his  member  became  putrid,  he  died  in  great  torment.  Now  men  of  good  tempers 
 ought  to  observe  their  own  laws  concerning  religion  accurately,  and  to  persevere  therein,  but 
 not  presently  abuse  the  laws  of  other  nations,  while  this  Apion  deserted  his  own  laws,  and  told 
 lies  about  ours.  And  this  was  the  end  of  Apion's  life,  and  this  shall  be  the  conclusion  of  oor 
 discourse  about  him. 
 
 1.5.  But  now  since  Apollonius  Molo,  and  Lysimacbus,  and  some  others,  write  treatisef 
 about  our  lawgiver  Moses,  and  about  our  laws,  which  are  neither  just  nor  true,  and  this  partlj 
 out  of  ignorance,  but  chiefly  out  of  ill-will  to  us,  while  they  calumniate  Moses  as  an  impostor 
 and  deceiver,  and  pretend  that  our  laws  teach  us  wickedness,  bnt  nothing  that  is  virtaoas  ' 
 I  have  a  mind  to  discourse  briefly,  according  to  my  ability,  about  our  whole  constitution  o» 
 government,  and  about  the  particular  branches  of  it.     For  I  suppose  it  will  thence  become 
 
AGAINST    APION. —  BOOK  11.  7G7 
 
 evident  that  tbe  laws  we  have  given  ns  are  disposed  after  the  best  manner  for  (he  advancement 
 of  piety,  for  nintnal  communion  with  one  another;  for  a  general  love  nC  mankind,  as  also 
 for  justice,  and  for  sustainin;;  labours  with  fortitude,  and  for  a  contetii|)t  of  dealh.  And  I  beg 
 of  those  that  shall  peruse  this  writing  of  mine,  to  read  it  without  partiality  •,  for  it  is  not  my 
 purpose  to  write  an  encomium  upon  ourselves,  but  I  sliall  esteem  this  as  a  most  just  apology 
 for  us,  and  taken  from  those  our  laws,  according  to  which  we  lead  our  lives,  against  the  many 
 and  the  lying  objections  that  have  been  made  against  us.  Moreover,  since  this  Apollonius  does 
 not  do  like  Apion,  and  lay  a  continued  accusation  against  us,  hut  does  it  only  by  starts,  and 
 up  and  down  his  discourse,  while  he  sometimes  reproaches  us  as  atheists,  and  man-haters,  and 
 sometimes  hits  us  in  the  teeth  with  our  want  of  courage,  and  yet  sometimes,  on  the  contrary, 
 accuses  us  of  too  great  boldness,  and  madness  in  our  conduct:  nay,  he  says,  that  we  are  the 
 weakest  of  all  the  barbarians,  and  that  this  is  the  reason  why  we  are  the  only  people  who 
 have  made  no  improvements  in  human  life.  Now  I  think  I  shall  have  then  sulficiently  dis- 
 proved all  these  his  allegations,  when  it  shall  appear  that  our  laws  enjoin  the  very  reverse  of 
 what  he  says,  and  that  we  very  carefully  observe  those  laws  ourselves.  And  if  I  be  compelled 
 to  make  mention  of  the  laws  of  other  nations,  that  are  contrary  to  ours,  those  onght  deservedly 
 to  thank  themselves  for  it,  who  have  pretended  to  depreciate  our  laws  in  comparison  of  tlieir 
 own  :  nor  will  there,  I  think,  be  any  room  after  that  for  them  to  pretend,  either  that  we  have 
 no  such  laws  ourselves,  an  epitome  of  which  I  will  present  to  the  reader,  or  that  we  do  not, 
 above  all  men,  continue  in  the  observation  of  them. 
 
 16.  To  begin  then  a  good  way  backward ;  1  would  advance  this  in  the  first  place,  that  those 
 who  have  been  admirers  of  good  order,  and  of  living  under  common  laws,  and  who  began  to 
 introduce  them,  may  well  have  this  testimony,  tliat  they  are  better  than  other  men,  both  for 
 moderation,  and  such  virtue  as  is  agreeable  to  nature.  Indeed  their  endeavour  was  to  have 
 every  thing  they  ordained,  believed  to  be  very  ancient,  that  tiiey  might  not  be  thought  to  imi- 
 tate others,  but  might  appear  to  have  delivered  a  regular  way  of  living  to  others  after  them. 
 Since,  then,  this  is  the  case,  the  excellency  of  a  legislator  is  seen  in  providing  for  the  people's 
 living  after  the  best  maimer,  and  in  prevailing  with  those  that  are  to  use  tlie  laws  he  ordains 
 for  them,  to  have  a  good  opinion  of  them,  and  in  obliging  the  multitude  to  persevere  in  then?, 
 and  to  make  no  changes  in  them,  neither  in  prosperity  nor  adversity.  Now,  I  venture  to  say, 
 that  our  legislator  is  the  most  ancient  of  all  the  legislators  whom  we  have  any  where  heard  of; 
 for  as  for  the  Lycurguses,  and  Solons,  and  Zaleucus  Locrensis,  and  all  those  legislators  who 
 are  so  admired  by  the  Greeks,  they  seem  to  be  of  yesterday,  if  compared  with  our  legislator, 
 insomuch  as  the  very  name  of  a  law  was  not  so  much  as  known  in  old  times  among  the  Grecians. 
 Homer  is  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  this  observation,  who  never  uses  that  term  in  all  his  poems: 
 for  indeed  there  was  then  no  such  thing  among  them,  but  the  multitude  was  governed  by  wise 
 maxims,  and  by  the  injunctions  of  their  king.  It  was  also  a  long  tinie*  that  lliey  continued 
 in  the  use  of  these  unwritten  customs,  although  they  were  always  changing  them  upon  several 
 occasions.  But  for  our  legislator,  who  was  of  so  much  greater  antiquity  than  the  rest,  (as  even 
 those  who  speak  against  us  upon  all  occasions  do  always  confess,)  he  exhibited  himself  to  the 
 people  as  their  best  governor  and  counsellor,  and  included  in  his  legislation  the  entire  conduct 
 of  their  lives,  and  prevailed  with  them  to  receive  it,  and  brought  it  so  to  pass,  that  those  that 
 were  made  acquainted  with  his  laws  did  most  carefully  observe  them. 
 
 17.  But  let  us  consider  his  first  and  greatest  work  :  for  when  it  was  resolved  on  by  our 
 forefathers  to  leave  Egypt,  and  return  to  their  own  country,  this  Moses  took  the  many  ten 
 thousands  that  were  of  the  people,  and  saved  them  out  of  many  desperate  distresses,  and 
 brought  them  home  in  safety.  And  certainly  it  was  liere  necessary  to  travel  over  a  country 
 without  water,  and  full  of  sand,  to  overcome  their  enemies,  and  during  these  battles,  to  pre- 
 serve their  children  and  their  wives,  and  their  prey  ;  on  all  which  occasions  he  became  an 
 excellent  general  of  an  army,  and  a  most  prudent  counsellor,  and  one  that  took  the  truest 
 care  of  them  all  ;  he  also  so  brought  it  about,  that  the  whole  multitude  depended  upon  him. 
 And  while  he  had  them  always  obedient  to  what  he  enjoined,  he  made  no  manner  of  use  of  his 
 authority  for  his  own  private  advantage,  which  is  the  usual  time  when  governors  gain  great 
 powers  to  themselves,  and  pave  the  way  for  tyranny,  and  accustom  the  multitude  to  live  very 
 dissolutely  :  whereas  when  our  legislator  was  in  so  great  authority,  he,  on  the  contrary, 
 thought  he  ought  to  have  regard  to  piety,  and  to  shew  his  great  good-will  to  the  people  ;  and  by 
 this  means  he  thought  he  might  shew  the  degree  of  virtue  that  was  in  him,  and  might  pro- 
 cure the  most  lasting  security  to  those  who  had  made  him  their  governor.  When  he  had 
 therefore  come  to  such  a  good  resolution,  and  had  performed  such  wonderful  exploits,  we  had 
 just  reason  to  look  upon  ourselves  as  having  him  for  a  divine  governor  and  counsellor.  And 
 when  he  had  first  persuaded  himself  t  that  his  actions  aud  designs  were  agreeable  to  God's  will, 
 
 *  Viz.  After  the  greatest  part  cf  the  world  had  left  cff  their  obedience  to  God,  their  original  legislator.  See 
 Scripture  Politics,  p.  6, 7. 
 
 +  This  lan^uaKe,  that  Moses,  peisas  eaiiton,  '  persuaded  himself,'  that  what  he  did  was  according  to  God's 
 will,  can  mean  no  more.byJosephus"  own  constant  notions  elsewhere,  than  that  he  was  '  firmly  persuaded,'  that 
 hp  had  '  fully  satisfied  himself  that  so  it  was,  viz.  by  the  many  revelations  he  had  received  from  God,  and  the 
 inaDciousniirarles  God  had  enabled  him  to  work,  as  he,  both  in  these  very  two  books  against  Apion,  and  ir. 
 his  Aiiti'iiiiiies,  most  clearly  and  frequently  assures  us.  'this  is  further  evident  from  several  passages  lower, 
 where  he  atliiius,  that  Moses  was  no  impootor  nor  deceiver ;  and  wiiere  he  assures  us,  that  Moses'  coustitution 
 
768  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 he  tliouglil  it  his  duty  to  impress,  above  all  things,  that  notion  upon  the  multitude:  for  thoso 
 who  have  once  believed  tiiat  God  is  the  inspector  of  their  lives,  will  not  permit  themselves  ia 
 anv  sin.  And  this  is  the  character  of  our  legislator  :  he  was  no  impostor,  no  deceiver,  as  his 
 revilers  say,  though  uDJuslI}',  but  such  a  one  as  they  brag  Minos*  to  have  been  among  the 
 Greeks,  and  other  legislators  after  him  :  for  some  of  them  suppose,  that  they  had  their  lav;s 
 from  Ju[)iler,  while  Minos  said,  that  the  revelation  of  his  laws  was  to  be  referred  to  Apollo, 
 and  his  oracle  at  Delphi ;  whether  they  really  thought  they  were  so  derived,  or  supposed, 
 however,  that  they  could  persuade  the  people  easily  that  so  it  was.  But  which  of  these  it 
 vas  who  made  the  best  laws,  and  which  had  the  greatest  reason  to  believe  that  God  was  their 
 author,  it  will  be  easy,  I'.pon  comparing  those  laws  themselves  together,  to  determine-,  for  it  is 
 time  that  we  come  to  that  point. []  +  Now  there  are  innumerable  differences  in  the  particular 
 customs  and  laws  tliat  are  among  all  mankind,  which  a  man  may  briefly  reduce  under  the  fol- 
 lowing heads  :  some  legislators  have  permitted  their  governments  to  be  under  monarchies, 
 others  put  them  under  oligarchies,  and  others  under  a  republican  form  ;  but  our  legislator  had 
 no  regard  to  any  of  these  forms,  but  he  ordained  our  government  to  be  what,  by  a  strained 
 expression,  may  be  termed  a  Theocracy, |  by  ascribing  the  authority  and  the  power  to  God, 
 and  by  persuading  all  the  people  to  have  a  regard  to  him,  as  the  author  of  all  things  that 
 were  enjoyed  either  in  common  by  all  mankind,  or  by  each  one  in  particular,  and  of  all  that 
 they  themselves  obtained  by  praying  to  hira  in  their  greatest  difficulties.  He  informed  them, 
 that  it  was  impossible  to  escape  God's  observation,  even  in  any  of  our  outward  actions,  or  in 
 any  of  our  inward  thoughts.  Moreover,  he  represented  God  {|  as  unbegotfen,  and  immutable, 
 through  all  eternity,  superior  to  all  mortal  conceptions  in  pulchritude  ;  and,  though  known  to 
 us  by  his  power,  yet  unknown  to  us  as  to  his  essence.  I  do  not  now  explain  how  these  notions 
 of  God  are  the  sentiments  of  the  wisest  among  the  Grecians,  and  how  they  were  taught  them 
 upon  the  principles  that  he  afibrded  them.  However,  they  testify  with  great  assurance,  that 
 these  notions  are  just,  and  agreeable  to  the  nature  of  God,  and  to  his  majesty  ;  for  Pythagoras, 
 and  Anaxagoras,  and  Plato,  and  the  Stoic  philosophers  that  succeeded  them,  and  almost  all  the 
 rest,  are  of  the  same  sentiments,  and  had  the  same  notions  of  the  nature  of  God  ;  yet  durst  not 
 these  men  disclose  those  true  notions  to  more  than  a  few,  because  the  body  of  the  people  were 
 prejudiced  with  other  opinions  beforehand.  But  our  legislator,  who  made  his  actions  agree  to 
 his  laws,  did  not  only  prevail  with  those  that  were  his  contemporaries  to  agree  with  these  his 
 notions,  but  so  lirmiy  imprinted  this  faith  in  God  upon  all  their  posterity,  that  it  never  could 
 be  removed.  The  reason  why  the  constitution  of  this  legislation  was  ever  better  directed  to 
 the  utility  of  all,  than  other  legislations  were,  is  this,  that  Moses  did  not  make  religion  a  part 
 of  virtue,  but  he  saw  and  he  ordained  other  virtues  to  be  parts  of  religion  ;  I  mean  justice, 
 and  fortitude,  and  temperance,  and  a  universal  agreement  of  the  members  of  the  community 
 with  one  another  ;  for  all  our  actions  and  studies,  and  all  our  words  (in  Moses'  settlement)  have 
 a  reference  to  piety  towards  God ;  for  he  hatii  left  none  of  these  in  suspense,  or  undetermined. 
 For  there  are  two  ways  of  coming  at  any  sort  oflearning,  and  a  moral  conduct  of  life ;  the  one 
 is  by  instruction  in  words,  the  other  by  practical  exercises.  Now  other  lawgivers  have  sepa- 
 rated these  two  ways  in  their  opinions,  and  choosing  one  of  those  ways  of  instruction,  or  that 
 which  best  pleased  every  one  of  them,  neglected  the  other.  Thus  did  the  Lacedemonians 
 and  the  Cretians  teach   by  practical    exercises,   but  not   by  words ;    while  the  Athenians,  and 
 
 of  government  was  no  other  than  a  theocracy  ;  and  where  he  says,  they  are  to  hope  for  deliverance  out  of 
 their  distresses  by  prayer  to  God,  and  that  withal  it  was  owing  in  part  to  this  prophetic  spirit  of  Moses,  that 
 the  Jews  expected  a  resurrection  from  the  dead.  See  almost  as  strange  a  use  of  the  like  words,  peitltein  ton 
 TheoH,  '  to  persuade  God,'  Antiq.  b.  vi.  chap.  v.  ^6. 
 
 •  That  is,  Moses  really  was,  what  the  heathen  legislators  pretended  to  be,  under  a  divine  direction  i  nor  does 
 it  yet  appear  that  these  pretensions  to  a  supernatural  conduct,  either  in  these  legislators  or  oracles,  were  mere 
 delusions  of  men,  without  any  demoniacal  impressions,  nor  that  Josephus  took  them  so  to  be,  as  the  ancientcst 
 and  contemporary  authors  did  still  believe  them  to  be  supernatural. 
 
 +  This  whole  very  large  passage  from  \\  to  *,*  is  corrected  by  Dr.  Hudson  from  Eusebius'  citation  of  it. 
 Praep.  Kvangel.  viii.  3.  which  is  here  not  a  little  diiferent  from  the  present  I\ISS.  of  Josephus. 
 
 t  This  expression  itself,  Theokralian  upedeixe  to  poUtemna,  that  "  Moses  ordained  the  Jewish  government  to 
 be  a  Theocracy,"  may  be  illustrated  by  that  parallel  expression  in  the  Antiquities,  b.  iii.  chap.  viii.  ^  9.  that 
 "  Moses  left  it  to  God  to  be  present  at  his  sacrilices  when  he  ])leased,  and  when  he  pleased  to  be  absent,"  Both 
 ways  of  speaking  sound  harsh  in  the  ears  of  Jews  and  Christians,  as  do  several  others  which  Josephus  uses  to 
 the  Heathen  ;  but  still  they  were  not  very  improper  in  him,  when  he  all  along  thought  tit  to  accommodate 
 himself,  both  in  his  Antiquities,  and  in  these  his  books  against  Apion,  all  written  for  the  use  of  the  Greeks 
 and  Ilomans,  to  their  notions  and  language,  and  this  as  far  as  ever  truth  would  give  him  leave.  Though  it 
 be  very  observable  withal,  that  he  never  uses  such  exjiressions  in  his  books  of  the  War,  written  originally 
 for  the  Jews  beyond  Euphrates,  and  in  their  language.  In  all  these  cases,  however,  Josephus  directly 
 supposes  the  Jewish  settlement,  under  Moses,  to  be  a  divine  settlement,  and  indeed  no  other  than  a  real 
 Ineocracy. 
 
 II  These  excellent  accounts  of  the  divine  attributes,  and  that  God  is  not  to  be  at  all  known  in  his  essence,  as 
 also  some  other  clear  expressions  about  the  resurrection  of  the  de;id,  and  the  state  of  departed  souls,  &c.  in 
 this  late  work  of  Josephus,  looks  more  like  the  exalted  notions  of  the  Esseus,  or  rather  Ebionite  Christians, 
 than  of  a  mere  Jew  or  Pharisee.  The  following  large  accounts  also  of  the  laws  of  Moses,  seem  to  mc  toshew 
 a  regard  to  the  higher  interpretations  and  improvements  of  Moses'  laws  derived  from  Jesus  Christ,  rather 
 than  to  the  bare  letter  of  them  in  the  Old  Testament,  whence  alone  Josephus  took  them  when  he  wrote  his 
 Antiquities :  nor,  as  I  think,  can  some  of  these  laws,  though  generally  excellent  in  their  kind,  be  properly  now 
 lound  either  in  the  copies  of  the  Jewish  Pentateuch,  or  in  Philo,  or  in  Josephus  himself,  before  he  became  a 
 ^a/.arene  or  Ebionite  Christian,  nor  even  all  of  them  among  the  laws  of  Catholic  Christianity  themselves.  I 
 desire,  therefore,  the  learned  reader  to  consider,  whether  some  of  these  improvements  or  interpretations  might 
 not  be_  peculiar  to  the  Essens  among  the  Jews,  or  rather  to  the  Nazarcnes  or  Ebionites  among  the  Christians, 
 tiiougti  we  have  indeed  but  imperfect  accounts  of  these  Nazartnes  or  Ebionite  Christians  transmitted  down  to 
 U»  at  tins  day.  ' 
 
AGAINST    APION. — IJOOK  H.  769 
 
 almost  all  the  other  Grecians,  made  laws  about  what  was   to  be  done,  or   left  undone,  bat  had 
 no  regard  to  the  exercising  them  thereto  in  practice. 
 
 ly.  But  for  our  legislator,  he  very  carefnlly  joined  these  two  methods  of  instruction  toge- 
 ther :  for  he  neither  left  these  practical  exercises  to  go  on  without  verbal  instruction,  nor  did 
 he  permit  the  hearing  of  the  law  to  proceed  without  the  exercises  for  practice  ;  but  beginning 
 immediately  from  the  earliest  infancy,  and  the  appointment  of  every  one's  diet,  he  left  nothing 
 of  the  very  smallest  consequence  to  be  done  at  the  pleasure  and  disposal  of  the  person  him- 
 self ;  accordingly  he  made  a  fixed  rule  of  law  what  sorts  of  food  they  should  abstain  from,  and 
 what  sorts  they  should  make  use  of,  as  also,  what  communion  they  should  have  with  othtirs  ; 
 what  great  uiligence  they  shouhl  use  in  their  occupations,  and  what  times  of  rest  should  be  inter- 
 posed ;  t'.iat,  by  living  under  that  law  as  under  a  father  and  a  master,  we  might  be  guilty  of 
 no  sin,  neither  voluntary  nor  out  of  ignorance  ;  for  he  did  not  softer  the  guilt  of  ignorance  to 
 go  on  without  punishment,  but  deraoustrated  the  law  to  be  the  best,  and  the  most  necessary 
 instruction  of  all  others,  permitting  the  people  to  leave  off  their  other  employments,  and  to 
 assemble  together  for  hearing  of  the  law,  and  learning  it  exactly,  and  this  not  once  or  twice, 
 or  oftener,  but  every  week  ;  which  thing  all  other  legislators  seem  to  have  neglected. 
 
 19.  And  indeed  the  greatest  part  of  mankind  are  so  far  from  living  according  to  their  owu 
 laws,  that  they  hardly  know  them  ;  but  when  they  have  sinned,  they  learn  from  others  that 
 they  have  transgressed  the  law.  Those  also  who  are  in  the  highest  and  principal  posts  of  the 
 government  confess  they  are  not  acquainted  with  those  laws,  and  are  obliged  to  take  such 
 persons  for  their  assessors  in  public  administrations,  as  profess  to  have  skill  in  those  laws  : 
 bat  for  our  people,  if  any  body  do  but  ask  any  one  of  them  about  our  laws,  he  will  more  readily 
 tell  them  all  t'lan  he  will  tell  his  own  name,  and  this  in  consequence  of  our  having  learned 
 them  immediately  as  soon  as  ever  we  became  sensible  of  any  thing,  and  of  our  having  them  as 
 it  were  engraven  on  our  souls.  Our  transgressors  of  them  are  but  few,  and  it  is  impossible, 
 when  any  do  ofl'end,  to  escape  punishment. 
 
 20.  And  this  very  thing  it  is  that  principally  creates  such  a  wonderful  agreement  of  minds 
 amongst  us  all  ;  for  this  entire  agreement  of  ours  in  all  our  notions  concerning  God,  and  our 
 having  no  difierence  in  our  course  of  life  and  manners,  procnres  nninng  us  the  most  excellent 
 concord  of  these  our  manners  that  is  any  where  among  mankind  :  for  no  other  people  but  we 
 Jews  have  avoided  all  discourses  about  God  that  any  way  contradict  one  another,  which  yet 
 are  frequent  among  other  nations  :  and  this  is  true  not  only  among  ordinary  persons,  according 
 as  every  one  is  afiected,  but  some  of  the  philosophers  have  been  insolent  enough  to  indulge 
 such  contradictions,  while  some  of  them  have  undertaken  to  use  such  words  as  entirely  take 
 away  the  nature  of  God,  as  others  of  them  have  taken  away  his  providence  over  mankind.  Nor 
 can  any  one  perceive  amongst  us  any  difference  in  the  conduct  of  our  lives,  but  all  our  works 
 are  common  to  us  all.  We  have  one  sort  of  discourse  concerning  Gad,  which  is  conformable 
 to  our  law,  and  afSrms  that  he  sees  all  things  ;  as  also  we  have  but  one  way  of  speaking  con- 
 cerning the  conduct  of  our  lives,  that  all  other  things  ought  to  have  piety  for  their  end  ;  and 
 this  any  body  may  hear  from  our  women,  and  servants  themselves. 
 
 21.  And  indeed,  hence  hath  arisen  that  accusation  which  some  make  against  us,  that  we 
 have  not  produced  men  that  have  been  the  inventors  of  new  operations,  or  of  new  ways  of 
 speaking  ;  for  others  think  it  a  fine  thing  to  persevere  in  nothing  that  has  been  delivered  down 
 from  tlieir  forefathers,  and  these  testify  it  to  be  an  instance  of  the  sharpest  wisdom  when  these 
 men  venture  to  transgress  those  traditions  ;  whereas  we,  on  the  contrary,  suppose  it  to  be  our 
 only  wisdom  and  virtue  to  admit  no  actions  nor  supposals  that  are  contrary  to  our  original 
 laws ;  which  procedure  of  ours  is  a  just  and  sure  sign  that  our  law  is  admirably  constituted  ; 
 for  such  laws  as  are  not  thus  well  made  are  convicted  upon  trial  to  want  amendment. 
 
 22.  But  while  we  are  ourselves  persuaded,  that  our  law  was  made  agreeably  to  the  will  of 
 God,  it  would  be  impious  for  u>  not  to  observe  the  same  ;  for  what  is  there  in  it  that  any  body 
 would  change?  and  what  can  be  invented  that  is  better?  or  what  can  we  take  out  of  other 
 people's  laws  that  will  exceed  it?  Perhaps  some  would  have  the  entire  settlement  of  our 
 government  altered.  And  where  shall  we  find  a  better  or  more  righteous  constitution  than 
 ours?  while  this  makes  us  esteem  God  to  be  the  governor  of  the  universe,  and  permits  the 
 priests  in  general  to  be  the  administrators  of  the  principal  afl':iirs,  and  "ithal  intrusts  the  govern- 
 ment over  the  other  priests  to  the  chief  high  priest  himself  ;  which  priests  our  legislator,  at 
 their  first  appointment,  did  not  advance  to  that  dignity  for  tlieir  riches,  or  any  abundance  of 
 other  possessions,  or  any  plenty  they  had,  as  the  gifts  of  fortune  :  but  he  intrusted  the  prin- 
 cipal management  of  divine  worship  to  those  that  exceeded  others  in  an  ability  to  persuade 
 men,  and  in  prudence  of  conduct.  These  men  had  the  main  care  of  the  law  and  of  the  other 
 parts  of  the  people's  conduct  committed  to  them  :  for  they  were  the  priests  who  were  ordained 
 to  be  the  spectators  of  all,  and  the  judges  in  doubtful  cases,  and  the  punishers  of  those  that 
 were  condemned  to  sufl'er  punishment. 
 
 23.  What  form  of  government  then  can  be  more  holy  than  this  !  what  more  worthy  of  wor- 
 ship can  he  paid  to  God  than  we  pay,  where  the  entire  body  of  the  people  are  prepared  for 
 religion,  where  an  extraordinary  degree  of  care  is  required  in  the  priests,  and  where  the  whole 
 polity  is  so  ordered  as  if  it  were  a  certain   religious   solemnity?  For  what  tbiugs   foreigners. 
 
770  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS 
 
 when  tbay  solemnize  such  festivals,  are  not  able  to  observe  for  a  few  days'  time,  and  call  them 
 mysteries  and  sacred  ceremonies,  we  observe  with  great  pleasure  and  an  unshaken  resolution 
 during  our  whole  lives.  What  are  the  things  then  that  we  are  commanded  or  forbidden? 
 They  are  simply  and  easily  known.  The  first  command  is  concerning  God,  and  affirms  that 
 God  contains  all  things,  and  is  a  being  every  way  perfect  and  happy,  self-sufficient,  and  supply- 
 in"-  all  other  beings  ;  the  beginning,  the  middle,  and  the  end  of  all  things.  He  is  manifest  in 
 his  works  and  benefits,  and  more  conspicuous  than  any  other  being  whatsoever  ;  but  as  to  his 
 form  and  magnitude,  he  is  most  obscure.  All  materials,  let  them  be  ever  so  costly,  are 
 unworthy  to  compose  an  image  for  him,  and  all  arts  are  unartful  to  express  the  notion  we 
 ought  to  have  of  him.  We  can  neither  see  nor  think  of  any  thing  like  him,  nor  is  it  agreeable 
 to  piety  to  form  a  resemblance  of  him.  We  see  his  works,  the  ligh.t,  the  heaven,  the  earth, 
 the  sun  and  the  moon,  the  waters,  the  generations  of  aninials,  the  productions  of  fruits.  These 
 things  hath  God  made,  not  with  hands,  not  with  labour,  nor  as  wanting  the  assistance  of  any  to 
 co-operate  with  him  :  but  as  his  will  resolved  they  should  be  made  and  be  good  also,  they 
 were  made,  and  became  good  immediately.  All  men  ought  to  follow  this  being,  and  to  worship 
 bim  in  the  exercise  of  virtue  ;  for  this  way  of  worship  of  God  is  the  most  holy  of  all  oliiers. 
 
 24.  There  ought  also  to  be  but  one  temple  for  one  God ;  for  likeness  is  the  constant 
 foandalioo  of  agreement.  This  temple  ought  to  be  common  to  all  men,  because  he  is  the  com- 
 nion  God  of  all  men.  His  priests  are  to  be  contiouaUy  about  his  worship,  over  whom  he  that 
 is  the  first  by  bis  birth  is  to  be  their  ruler  perpetually.  His  business  must  be  to  oiler  sacri- 
 fices to  God,  together  with  those  priests  that  are  joined  with  him,  to  see  that  the  laws  be 
 observed,  to  determine  controversies,  and  to  punish  those  that  are  convicted  of  injustice  ;  while 
 be  that  does  not  submit  to  him  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  punishment  as  if  he  had  been  guilty 
 of  impiety  towards  God  himself.  "When  vie  offer  sacrifices  to  him,  we  do  it  not  in  order  to 
 surfeit  ourselves  or  be  drunken  ;  for  such  excesses  are  against  the  will  of  God,  and  would  be 
 an  occasion  of  injuries  and  of  luxury  ;  but  by  keeping  ourselves  sober,  orderly,  and  ready  for 
 our  other  occupations,  and  being  more  temperate  than  others.  And  for  onr  duty  at  the  sacri- 
 fices themselves,  we  ought,  in  the  first  place,  to  pray*  for  the  common  welfare  of  all,  and  after 
 tSiat  our  own  :  for  we  are  made  for  feiiowsliip  one  with  another,  and  he  who  prefers  the  com- 
 mon good  before  what  is  peculiar  to  himself,  is  atiove  all  acceptable  to  God.  And  let  our 
 prayers  and  supplications  be  made  humbly  to  God,  not  [so  mnch]  that  he  would  give  us  what 
 is  good,  (for  he  hath  already  given  that  of  bis  own  accord,  and  hath  proposed  the  same  publicly 
 to  all,)  as  that  we  may  duly  receive  it,  and  when  we  have  received  it,  may  preserve  it.  Nov/ 
 the  law  has  appointed  several  purifications  at  our  sacrifices,  whereby  we  are  cleansed  after  a 
 funeral,  after  what  sometimes  happens  to  us  in  bed,  and  after  accompanying  with  our' wives, 
 and  upon  many  other  occasions  which  it  would  be  too  long  now  to  set  down.  And  this  is 
 our  doctrine  concerning  God  aud  bis  worship,  and  is  the  same  that  the  law  appoints  for  our 
 practice. 
 
 25.  But  then,  what  are  our  laws  about  marriage  ?  That  law  owns  no  other  mixture  of  sexes 
 but  that  which  nature  hath  appointed,  of  a  man  with  his  wife,  and  that  this  be  used  only  for 
 the  procreation  of  children.  But  it  abhors  the  mixture  of  a  male  with  a  male  ;  and  if  any  one 
 do  that,  death  is  bis  punishment.  It  commands  us  also,  when  we  marry,  not  to  have  regard 
 to  portion,  nor  to  take  a  woman  bv  violence,  nor  to  persuade  her  deceitfully  and  knavishly, 
 but  to  demand  her  in  marriage  of  him  who  hath  power  to  dispose  of  her,  and  is  fit  to  give  her 
 away  by  the  nearness  of  his  kindred  :  for  says  the  Scripture,  "  A  woman  is  inferior  to  her  hus- 
 band in  all  things. "t  Let  her,  therefore,  be  obedient  to  him  ;  not  so,  that  he  should  abuse  her, 
 but  that  she  may  acknowledge  her  duty  to  her  husband  ;  for  Gpd  hath  given  the  authority  to 
 the  husband.  A  husband,  therefore,  is  to  lie  only  with  his  wife  whom  he  hath  married  ;  but 
 to  have  to  do  with  another  man's  wife  is  a  wicked  thing,  which,  if  any  one  ventures  upon, 
 death  is  inevitably  his  punishment :  no  more  can  he  avoid  the  same,  who  forces  a  virgin 
 betrothed  to  another  man,  or  entices  another  man's  wife.  The  law,  moreover,  enjoins  us  to 
 bring  up  all  our  offspring,  and  forbids  women  to  cause  abortion  of  what  is  begotten,  or  to 
 destroy  it  afterward  ;  and  if  any  woman  appears  to  have  so  done,  she  will  be  a  murderer  of 
 her  child,  by  destroying  a  living  creature,  and  diminishing  human  kind ;  if  any  one,  therefore, 
 proceeds  to  such  fornication  or  murder,  he  cannot  be  clean.  Moreover,  the  law  enjoins  that 
 after  the  man  and  wife  have  lain  together  in  a  regular  way,  they  shall  bathe  themselves  ;  for 
 there  is  a  defilement  contracted  thereby,  both  in  soul  and  body,  as  if  they  had  gone  into  another 
 country  ;  for  indeed  the  soul,  by  being  united  to  the  body,  is  subject  to  miseries,  and  is  not 
 freed  therefrom  again  bat  by  death  ;  on  which  account  the  law  requires  this  purification  to  be 
 entirely  perfwmed. 
 
 *  We  may  here  observe,  how  known  a  thing  it  was  among  the  Jews  and  heathens,  in  this  and  many  other 
 instances,  that  sacritices  were  still  accompanied  with  prayers  ;  whence  most  probably  came  those  phrases  of 
 "  the  sacrifice  of  prayer,  the  sacrifice  of  praise,  the  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving."  However,  those  ancient  forms 
 used  at  sacrifices  are  now  generally  lost,  to  the  no  small  damage  of  true  religion.  It  is  here  also  exceeding 
 remarkable,  that  although  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  was  built  as  the  only  place  where  the  whole  nation  of  the 
 Jews  were  to  offer  their  sacrifices,  j'-at  there  is  no  mention  of  the  sacrifices  themselves,  but  of  prayers  only,  in 
 Solomon  s  long  and  famous  form  of  devotion  at  its  dedication,  1  Kings  viii.  2  Chron.  vi.  See  also  many  pas- 
 sages cUed  in  the  Apostolical  Consliiutions,  vii.  37.  and  Of  the  War  above,  b.  vii.  chap.  v.  §  6. 
 
 t  ibis  text  is  no  where  in  our  present  copies  of  the  Old  Testament. 
 
AGAINST    APION.— BOOK  II.  771 
 
 2-6.  Nay,  indeed,  the  law  does  not  permit  us  to  make  festivals  at  the  births  of  our  children, 
 anil  thereby  aftord  occasion  of  drinking  to  excess;  bnt  it  ordaius,  that  the  very  beginning  of 
 onr  education  should  be  immediately  directed  to  sobriety.  It  also  commands  us  to  bring  those 
 children  up  in  learning,  and  to  exercise  them  in  the  laws,  and  make  them  acquainted  with  the 
 acts  of  their  predecessors,  in  order  to  their  imitation  of  them,  and  that  they  might  be  nourished 
 up  in  the  laws  from  their  infancy,  and  might  neither  transgress  thera,  nor  have  any  pretence  for 
 thair  ignorance  of  them. 
 
 27.  Our  law  hath  also  taken  care  of  the  decent  bnrial  of  the  dead,  but  without  any  extra- 
 vagant expenses  for  their  funerals,  and  without  the  erection  of  any  illustrious  monuments  for 
 them  ;  but  hath  ordered  that  their  nearest  relations  should  perform  their  obsequies  :  and  h;ith 
 shewn  it  to  be  regular,  that  all  who  pass  by  when  any  one  is  buried  should  accompany  the 
 funeral,  and  join,  in  the  lamentation.  It  also  ordains,  that  the  house  and  its  inhabitants  should 
 be  purilied  after  the  funeral  is  over,  that  every  one  may  thence  learn  to  keep  at  a  great  distance 
 from  the  thoughts  of  being  pure,  if  he  once  hath  been  guilty  of  murder. 
 
 28.  The  law  ordains  also,  that  parents  should  lie  honoured  immediately  after  God  himself, 
 and  delivers  that  son  who  does  not  requite  them  for  the  benefit  he  had  received  from  them,  but 
 is  deficient  on  any  such  occasion,  to  be  stoned.  It  also  says,  that  the  young  men  should  pay 
 due  respect  to  every  elder,  since  God  is  the  eldest  of  all  beings.  It  does  not  give  leave  to 
 conceal  any  thing  from  our  friends,  because  that  is  not  true  friendship  which  will  not  commit 
 all  things  to  their  fidelity  :  it  also  forbids  the  revelation  of  secrets,  even  though  an  enmity  arise 
 between  them.  If  any  judge  take  bribes,  his  punishment  is  death  :  he  that  overlooks  one  that 
 offers  him  a  petition,  and  this  when  he  is  able  to  relieve  him.  he  is  a  guilty  person.  What  is 
 not  by  any  one  intrusted  to  another,  ought  not  to  be  required  back  again.  No  one  is  to  touch 
 another's  goods.  He  that  lends  money  must  not  demand  usury  for  its  loan.  These,  and 
 many  more  of  the  like  sort,  are  the  rules  that  unite  us  in  the  bonds  of  society  one  with 
 another. 
 
 29.  It  will  also  be  worth  oar  while  to  see  what  equity  our  legislator  would  have  us  exercise 
 in  our  intercourse  with  strangers  ;  for  it  will  then  appear,  that  he  made  the  best  provision  he 
 possibly  could,  both  that  we  should  not  dissolve  our  own  constitution,  nor  shew  any  envious 
 mind  towards  those  thai  would  cultivate  a  friendship  with  us.  Accordingly,  our  legislator 
 admits  all  those  that  have  a  mind  to  observe  our  laws,  so  to  do  ;  and  this  after  a  friendly  man- 
 ner, as  esteeming  that  a  true  union,  wiiich  not  only  extends  to  our  own  stock,  but  to  those  that 
 would  live  after  the  same  manner  with  ns  :  yet  does  he  not  allow  those  that  come  to  us  by 
 accident  only,  to  be  admitted  into  communion  with  us. 
 
 30.  However,  there  are  other  things  which  our  legislator  ordained  for  us  beforehand,  which 
 of  necessity  we  ought  to  do  in  common  to  all  men  ;  as  to  afford  fire,  and  water,  and  food,  to 
 such  as  want  it ;  to  shew  tlieni  the  roads  ;  nor  to  let  any  one  lie  nnburied.  He  also  would 
 have  us  treat  tlio^e  that  are  esteemed  our  enemies  with  moderation  ;  for  he  doth  not  allow  us 
 to  set  their  country  on  fire,  nor  permit  us  to  cut  down  those  trees  that  bear  fruit :  nay,  further, 
 he  forbids  ns  to  spoil  those  tliat  have  been  slain  in  war.  He  hath  also  provided  for  such  as 
 are  taken  captive,  that  they  may  not  be  injured,  and  especially  that  the  women  may  not  be 
 abused.  Indeed,  he  hath  taught  us  gentleness  and  humanity  so  eflectaally,  that  he  hath  not 
 despised  the  care  of  brute  beasts,  by  permitting  no  other  than  a  regular  use  of  them,  and  for- 
 bidding any  other ;  and  if  any  of  them  come  to  our  houses,  like  supplicants,  we  are  forbidden 
 to  slay  them  ;  nor  may  we  kill  the  dams,  together  with  their  young  ones  ;  but  we  are  obliged, 
 even  in  an  enemy's  country,  to  spare  and  not  kill  those  creatures  that  labour  for  mankind. 
 Thus  hath  our  lawgiver  contrived  to  teach  us  an  equitable  conduct  every  way,  by  using  us  to 
 such  laws  as  instruct  us  therein  :  while  at  the  same  time  be  hath  ordained,  that  such  as  break 
 these  laws  should  be  punished,  without  the  allowance  of  any  excuse  v\hatsoever. 
 
 31.  Now  the  greatest  part  of  offences  with  us  are  capital;  as,  if  any  one  be  guilty  of  adul- 
 tery :  if  any  one  force  a  virgin  ;  if  any  one  be  so  impudent  as  to  attempt  sodomy  with  a  mael', 
 or  if,  upon  another's  making  an  attempt  upon  him,  he  submits  to  be  so  used.  There  is  also  a 
 Jaw  for  slaves  of  the  like  nature,  that  can  never  be  avoided.  Moreover,  if  any  one  cheats 
 another  in  measures  or  weights,  or  makes  a  knavish  bargain  and  sale,  in  order  to  cheat  another  , 
 if  any  one  steal  what  belongs  to  another,  and  takes  what  he  never  deposited,  all  these  have 
 punishn;ents  allotted  them  ;  not  such  as  are  met  with  among  other  nations,  but  more  severe 
 ones.  And  as  for  attempts  of  unjust  behaviour  towards  parents,  or  for  impiety  against  God, 
 though  tiiey  be  not  actually  accomplished,  the  ofl'enders  are  destroyed  immediately.  However, 
 the  reward  fcr  such  as  live  exactly  according  to  the  laws,  is  not  silver  nor  gold  ;  it  is  not  a 
 garland  of  olive  branches  or  of  smallage,  nor  anv  such  public  sign  of  commendation  ;  but  every 
 good  man  hatli  his  own  conscience  bearing  witness  to  himself;  and  by  virtue  of  our  legislator's 
 prophetic  spirit,  and  the  firm  security  God  himself  affords  such  a  one,  he  believes  that  God 
 iiath  made  tliis  grant  to  those  that  observe  these  laws,  even  though  they  be  obliged  readily  to 
 die  for  them,  that  they  shall  come  into  being  again,  and  at  a  certain  revolution  of  things  shall 
 receive  a  better  life  than  they  had  enjoyed  before.  Nor  would  I  venture  to  write  llius  at  this 
 time,  were  it  not  well  known  to  all  by  their  actions,  that  many  of  our  people  have  many  a  time 
 bravely  re.iolved  to  endure  any  suH'erings,  rather  than  speak  one  word  agaiust  oui  law. 
 
772  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 32.  Nay,  indeed,  in  case  it  had  so  fallen  out,  ihat  our  nation  bad  nol  been  so  thoroagbly 
 known  among  all  men  as  tliey  are,  and  our  voluntary  submission  to  our  laws  had  not  been  so 
 open  and  manifest  as  it  is,  but  tliat  somebody  bad  pretended  to  have  written  these  laws  himself, 
 and  had  read  them  to  the  Greeks,  or  had  pretended  that  he  bad  met  wilh  men  out  of  the  limits 
 of  the  known  world,  that  bad  such  reverent  notions  of  God,  and  had  continued  a  long  time  in 
 the  firm  observance  of  such  laws  as  ours,  I  cannot  but  suppose  that  all  men  would  admire  them 
 on  a  reflection  upon  the  frequent  changes  they  had  therein  been  themselves  subject  to  ;  and  this 
 while  those  that  have  attempted  to  write  somewhat  of  the  same  kind  for  politic  government, 
 and  for  laws,  are  accused  as  composing  monstrous  things,  and  are  said  to  have  undertaken  an 
 impossible  task  upon  them.  And  here  I  will  say  nothing  of  those  other  philosophers  who  have 
 undertaken  an?  thing  of  this  nature  in  their  writings.  Bat  even  Plato  himself,  who  is  so  ad- 
 mired by  the  Greeks  on  account  of  that  gravity  in  his  manners,  and  force  in  his  words,  and  that 
 ability  he  had  to  persuade  men  beyond  all  other  philopbers,  it  is  little  better  than  laughed  at  and 
 exposed  to  ridicule  on  that  account,  by  those  that  pretend  to  sagacity  in  political  affairs : 
 although  he  that  shall  diligently  peruse  bis  writings,  will  find  his  precepts  to  be  somewhat 
 gentle,  and  pretty  near  to  the  customs  of  the  generality  of  mankind.  Nay,  Plato  himself  con- 
 fesseth,  that  it  is  not  safe  to  publish  the  true  notion  concerning  God  among  the  ignorant  multi- 
 tude. Yet  do  some  men  look  upon  Plato's  discourses  as  no  better  than  certain  idle  words  set 
 cir  with  great  artifice.  However,  they  admire  Lycurgus  as  the  principal  lawgiver,  and  all  men 
 celebrate  Sparta  for  having  continued  in  the  firm  observance  of  his  laws  for  a  very  long  time. 
 So  far  then  we  have  gained,  that  it  is  to  be  confessed  a  mark  of  virtue  to  submit  to  laws-*  But 
 then  let  such  as  admire  this  in  the  Lacedemonians,  compare  that  duration  of  theirs  wiih  more 
 than  two  thousand  years  which  our  political  government  hath  continued;  and  let  them  further 
 consider,  that  though  the  Lacedemonians  did  seem  to  observe  their  laws  exactly,  while  they 
 enjoyed  their  liberty,  yet  that  when  they  underwent  a  change  of  their  fortune,  they  forgot 
 almost  all  those  laws ;  while  we  having  been  under  fen  thousand  changes  that  happened  among 
 the  kings  of  Asia,  we  have  never  betrayed  our  laws  under  the  most  pressing  distresses  we  have 
 been  in  :  nor  have  we  neglected  them  either  out  of  sloth  or  for  a  livelihood.t  Nay,  if  any  one 
 will  consider  it,  the  difficulties  and  labours  laid  upon  us  have  been  greater  than  what  appears 
 to  have  been  borne  by  the  Lacedemonian  fortitude,  while  they  neither  ploughed  their  land,  nor 
 exercised  any  trades,  but  lived  in  their  own  city,  free  from  all  such  painstaking,  in  the  enjoy- 
 ment of  plenty,  and  using  such  exercises  as  might  improve  their  bodies,  while  they  made  use 
 of  other  luen  as  their  servants  for  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  bad  their  food  prepared  for 
 them  by  the  others ;  and  these  good  and  humane  actions  they  do  for  no  other  purpose  but  this, 
 that  by  their  actions  and  their  sufferings  they  may  be  able  to  conquer  all  those  against  whom 
 they  make  war:  I  need  not  add  this,  that  they  have  not  been  fully  able  to  observe  their  laws ; 
 for,  not  only  a  few  single  persons,  but  multitudes  of  thera  have  in  heaps  neglected  those  laws, 
 and  have  delivered  themselves,  together  with  their  arms,  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies. 
 
 33.  Now,  as  for  ourselves,  I  venture  to  say,  that  no  one  can  tell  of  so  many,  nay,  not  more 
 than  one  or  two  that  have  betrayed  our  laws,  no,  not,  out  of  fear  of  death  itself:  I  do  not  mean 
 such  an  easy  death  as  happens  in  battles,  but  that  which  coraes  with  bodily  torments,  and  seenis 
 to  be  the  severest  kind  of  death  of  all  others.  Now  I  think  those  that  have  conquered  us  have 
 put  us  to  such  deaths,  not  out  of  their  hatred  to  us  when  they  had  subdued  us,  but  rather  out 
 of  their  desire  of  seeing  a  surprising  sigiit,  which  is  this,  whether  there  be  such  men  in  the 
 world,  who  believe  that  no  evil  is  to  them  so  great  as  to  be  compelled  to  do  or  to  speak  any 
 thing  contrary  to  their  own  laws!  Nor  ought  men  to  wonder  at  us,  if  we  are  more  courageous 
 in  dying  for  our  laws  than  all  other  men  are  ;  for  other  men  do  not  ertsily  submit  to  the  easier 
 things  in  which  we  are  instituted,  I  mean  working  with  our  hands,  and  eating  but  little,  and 
 being  contented  to  eat  and  drink,  not  at  random,  or  at  every  one's  pleasure,  or  being  under 
 inviolable  rules  in  lying  with  our  wives,  in  magnificent  furniture,  and  again  in  the  observation 
 of  our  times  of  rest;  while  those  that  can  use  their  swords  in  war,  and  can  put  their  enemies 
 to  flight  when  they  attack  them,  cannot  bear  to  submit  to  such  laws  about  their  way  of  living  : 
 wheieas  oui  being  accustomed  willingly  to  submit  to  laws  in  these  instances,  renders  us  fit  to 
 shew  out  fortitude  upon  other  occasions  also. 
 
 34.  Yet  do  the  Lysimachi  and  the  Metones,  and  some  other  writers,  (unskilful  sophists  as 
 they  are,)  and  the  deceivers  of  young  men,  reproach  us  as  the  vilest  of  mankind.  Now  I  have  no 
 mind  to  make  an  inquiry  into  tlie  laws  of  other  nations  ;  for  the  custom  of  our  country  is  to  keep 
 our  own  aws,  but  not  to  bring  accusations  against  the  laws  of  others.  And  indeed  our  legis- 
 lator hath  expiess  y  forbidden  us  to  laugh  at,  and  revile  those  that  are  esteemed  gods  by  other 
 people, t  on  account  of  the  very  name  of  God  ascribed  to  them.  But  since  onr  antagonists 
 think  to  run  us  down  upon  the  comparison  of  their  religion  and  ours,  it  is  not  possible  to  keep 
 
 *  ^'  ^^y  net  be  amies  to  Bet  down  here  a  very  remarkable  testimony  of  the  great  philosopher  Cicero,  as  to 
 the  preference  of  *  laws'  to  '  philosophy  :'  "  1  will,"  says  he,  "  boldly  declare  my  opinion,  though  the  whole 
 world  be  offended  at  it.  1  prefer  this  little  book  of  the  Twelve  Tables  alone  to  all  the  volumes  of  the  philo- 
 sophers.   1  find  It  to  be  not  only  of  more  weight,  but  also  much  more  useful."    Ve  Oratore. 
 
 t  Or,  we  have  observed  our  times  of  rest,  and  sorts  of  food  allowed  us,  during  our  distresses. 
 
 :  i^tc  Antiti,  b.  iv.  chap.  xiii.  i  10.  and  its  note. 
 
AGA/NST    A^ION. — BOOK    II.  773 
 
 silence  here,  espec"ally  while  what  I  shall  say  to  confute  tliese  men  wil!  not  be  now  first  said, 
 but  hath  been  already  said  by  many,  and  these  of  the  highest  reputation  also  .  for  who  is  there 
 among  those  that  have  been  admired  among  the  Creeks  for  wisdom,  who  hath  not  greatly 
 blamed  both  the  most  famons  poets,  and  most  celebrated  legislators,  for  spreading  such  notions 
 originally  among  ths  body  of  the  people  concerning  the  gods?  such  as  these,  that  they  may  be 
 allowed  to  be  as  numerous  as  they  have  a  mind  to  have  thera  ;  that  they  are  begotten  one  by 
 another,  and  that  after  all  the  kinds  of  generation  you  can  imagine.  They  also  distinguish  them  in 
 their  places  and  ways  of  living,  as  the}'  would  distinguish  several  sorts  of  animals  :  as  some  to  be 
 under  the  earth  ;  some  to  be  in  the  sea  ;  and  the  ancientest  of  them  all  to  be  bound  iu  hell  : 
 and  for  those  to  whom  they  have  allotted  heaven,  they  have  set  over  thera  one,  who  in  title 
 is  their  father,  but  in  his  actions  a  tyrant  and  a  lord  ;  whence  it  came  to  pass  that  his  wife, 
 and  brother,  and  daughter,  (which  daughter  he  brought  forth  from  his  own  head,)  made  a  con- 
 spiracy against  him  to  seize  upon  him  and  confine  him,  as  he  had  himself  seized  upon  and 
 confined  his  own  father. 
 
 35.  And  justly  have  the  wisest  men  thought  those  notions  deserved  severe  rebukes  ;  they 
 also  laugh  at  them  for  determining  that  we  ought  to  believe  some  of  the  gods  to  be  beardless 
 and  young,  and  others  of  them  to  be  old,  and  to  have  beards  accordingly  :  that  some  are  set 
 to  trades  :  that  one  god  is  a  smith,  and  another  goddess  is  a  weaver  :  that  one  god  is  a  war- 
 rior and  fights  with  men,  that  some  of  them  are  harpers,  or  delight  in  archery  :  and  besides, 
 that  mutual  seditions  arise  among  them,  and  that  they  quarrel  about  men,  and  this  so  far,  that 
 they  not  only  lay  hands  upon  one  another,  but  that  they  are  wounded  by  men,  and  lament  and 
 mourn  for  such  their  afflictions.  But  what  is  the  grossest  of  all  in  point  of  lascivious- 
 ness,  are  those  unbounded  lusts  ascribed  to  almost  all  of  them,  aud  their  amours  ;  which 
 bow  can  it  be  other  than  a  most  absurd  supposal,  especially  when  it  reaches  to  the  male 
 gods,  and  to  the  female  goddesses  also  ?  Moreover,  the  chief  all  their  gods,  and  their  first 
 father  himself,  overlooks  those  goddesses  whom  he  hath  deluded  and  begotten  with  child,  ani 
 suffers  thera  to  be  kept  in  prison,  or  drowned  in  the  sea.  He  is  also  so  bound  up  by  fate, 
 that  he  cannot  save  his  own  ofispring,  nor  can  he  bear  their  deaths  without  shedding  of  tears. 
 These  are  fine  things  indeed  !  as  are  the  rest  that  follow.  Adulteries  truly  are  so  impudently 
 looked  on  in  heaven  by  the  gods,  that  some  of  them  have  confessed  they  envied  those  that 
 were  found  in  the  very  act.  And  why  should  they  not  do  so,  when  the  eldest  of  them,  who  is 
 their  king  also,  hath  not  been  able  to  restrain  himself  in  the  violence  of  his  lust,  from  lying 
 with  his  wife,  so  long  as  they  might  get  into  their  bedchamber!  Now  some  of  the  gods  are 
 servants  to  men,  and  will  sometimes  be  builders  for  a  reward,  and  sometimes  will  be  shep- 
 herds ;  while  others  of  them,  like  malefactors,  are  bound  in  a  prison  of  brass.  And  what  sober 
 persons  is  there  who  would  not  be  provoked  at  such  stories,  and  rebuke  those  that  forged 
 them,  and  condemn  the  great  silliness  of  those  that  admit  them  for  true?  Nay,  others  there  are 
 that  have  advanced  a  certain  timoroasness  and  fear,  as  also  madness  and  fraud,  and  any  other 
 of  the  vilest  passions,  into  the  nature  and  form  of  gods,  and  have  persuaded  whole  cities  to 
 offer  sacrifices  to  the  better  sort  of  them  ;  on  which  account  they  Lave  been  absolutely  forced 
 to  esteem  some  gods  as  the  givers  of  good  things,  and  to  call  others  of  them  averters  of  evil. 
 They  also  endeavour  to  move  them,  as  they  would  the  vilest  of  men,  by  gifts  and  presents, 
 as  looking  for  nothing  else  than  to  receive  some  great  mischief  from  them,  unless  they  pay 
 them  such  wages. 
 
 36.  Wherefore  it  deserves  our  inquiry,  what  should  be  the  occasion  of  this  unjust  manage- 
 ment, and  of  these  scandals  about  the  Deity?  And  truly  1  suppose  it  to  be  derived  from  the 
 imperfect  knowledge  the  heathen  legislators  had  at  first  of  the  true  nature  of  God  ;  nor  did 
 they  explain  to  the  people  even  so  far  as  they  did  comprehend  of  it,  nor  did  they  compose  the 
 other  part  of  their  political  settlements  according  to  it,  but  omitted  it  as  a  thing  of  very  little 
 consequence,  and  gave  leave  both  to  the  poets  to  introduce  what  gods  they  pleased,  and  those 
 subject  to  all  sorts  of  passions,  and  to  the  orators  to  procure  political  decrees  from  the  people 
 for  the  admission  of  such  foreign  gods  as  they  thought  proper.  The  painters  also,  and  statu- 
 aries of  Greece,  had  herein  great  power,  as  each  of  thera  could  contrive  a  shape  [proper  for  a 
 God ;]  the  one  to  be  formed  out  of  clay,  and  the  other  by  making  the  bare  pictnre  of  such  a 
 one.  But  those  workmen  that  were  principally  admired,  had  the  use  of  ivory  and  of  gold  as 
 the  constant  materials  for  their  new  statues:  [whereby  it  conies  to  pass  that  some  temples  are 
 quite  deserted,  while  others  are  in  great  esteem,  and  adorned  with  all  the  rites  of  all  kinds  of 
 purification.]  Besides  this,  the  first  gods,  who  have  long  flourished  in  the  honours  done  them, 
 are  now  grown  old  [while  those  that  flourished  after  them  are  come  in  their  room  as  a  second 
 rank,  that  I  may  speak  the  most  honourably  of  them  that  I  can  :]  nay,  certain  other  gods  there 
 are  who  are  newly  introduced  and  newly  worshipped,  [as  we,  by  way  of  digression,  have  said 
 already,  and  yet  have  left  their  place  of  worship  desolate  :]  and  for  their  temples,  some  of  them 
 are  already  left  desolate,  and  others  are  built  anew,  according  to  the  pleasure  of  men  ;  whereas 
 they  ought  to  have  preserved  their  opinion  about  God,  and  that  worship  which  is  due  to  him, 
 always  and  immutably  the  same. 
 
 37.  But  now  this  Appollonius  Molo  was  one  of  these  foolish  and  proud  men.  However, 
 nothing  that  I  have  said  was  unknown  to  those  that  were  real  philosophers  among  the  Greeks, 
 
774  FLAVIUS    JOSEPHUS 
 
 nor  were  lliey  unacqniiiiitcd  with  those  frigid  pretensions  of  allegories,  [which  had  been  alleged 
 lor  sucli  thiogs  ;]  oo  which  account  they  justly  despised  them,  but  have  still  agreed  with  us 
 as  to  tlie  true  and  becoming  iiotioos  of  God  :  whence  it  was  that  Plalo  would  not  have  politi- 
 cal settlements  adniit  of  any  one  of  the  other  poets,  and  dismisses  even  Horaer  himself  with 
 n  garland  on  his  head  and  with  ointment  poured  upon  biiu,  and  this  becaase  he  should  not 
 destroy  the  right  notions  of  Gud  with  his  fables.  Nay,  Plato  principally  imitated  ^nr  legisla- 
 tor in  this  point,  that  he  enjoined  his  citizens  to  have  the  main  reg;;rd  to  this  precept.  That 
 every  one  of  thera  shoiiid  learn  their  laws  accurately.  He  also  ordained  that  they  should  not 
 adniit  of  foreigners  intermixing  with  their  own  people  at  random  ;  and  provided  that  the  com- 
 monwealth should  keep  itself  pure,  and  consist  of  such  only  as  persevered  in  their  own  laws. 
 Apollonius  Molo  did  no  way  consider  this,  when  he  made  it  one  branch  of  his  accusation 
 against  us,  tliat  we  do  not  adniit  of  such  as  have  different  notions  about  God,  nor  will  we  have 
 fellowship  with  those  that  choose  to  observe  a  way  of  living  (lilTerent  from  ourselves  :  yet  is 
 not  this  method  peculiar  to  us,  but  common  to  all  other  men  ;  not  among  the  ordinary  Grecians 
 only,  but  among  such  of  those  Grecians  as  are  of  the  greatest  reputation  among  them.  More- 
 over, the  Lacedemonians  continued  in  their  way  of  expelling  foreigners,  and  would  not,  indeed, 
 give  leave  to  their  own  people  to  travel  abroad,  as  suspecting  that  those  two  things  would 
 introduce  a  dissolution  of  their  own  laws  :  and  perhaps  there  may  be  some  reason  to  blame 
 the  rigid  severity  of  the  Lacedemonians,  for  they  bestowed  the  privilege  of  their  city  on  no 
 foreigners,  nor  indeed  would  give  leave  to  them  to  stay  among  them;  whereas  we,  though  we 
 do  not  think  tit  to  imitate  other  institutions,  yet  do  we  willingly  admit  of  tlmse  that  desire  to 
 partake  of  ours,  which  1  think  I  may  reckon  to  be  a  plain  indication  of  our  humanity,  and  at  the 
 same  time  of  our  magnanimity  also. 
 
 38.  But  I  shall  say  no  more  of  the  Lacedemonians.  As  for  the  Athenians,  "who  glory  in 
 having  made  their  city  to  be  common  to  all  men,  what  their  behaviour  was,  Apollonius  did 
 not  know,  while  they  punished  those  that  did  but  speak  one  word  contrary  to  their  laws  about 
 the  gods,  without  any  mercy  :  for  on  what  other  account  was  it  that  Socrates  was  put  to  death 
 by  them  ?  For  certainly  he  neither  betrayed  their  city  to  its  enemies,  nor  was  he  guilty  of 
 any  sacrilege  with  regard  to  any  of  their  temples  ;  but  it  was  on  this  account,  that  he  swore 
 certain  new  oaths,*  and  that  he  affirmed  either  in  earnest,  or,  as  some  say,  only  in  jest,  tba*. 
 a  certain  demon  used  to  make  signs  to  him  [what  he  should  not  do.]  For  these  reasons  he 
 was  condemned  to  drink  poison,  and  kill  himself.  His  accuser  also  complained,  that  he  cor- 
 rupted the  young  men,  by  inducing  them  to  despise  the  political  settlement  and  laws  of  their 
 city ;  and  thus  was  Socrates,  the  citizen  of  Athens,  punished.  There  was  also  Anaxagorusj, 
 who,  although  he  was  of  ClazomenEp,  was  within  a  few  suffrages  of  being  condemned  to  die, 
 because  he  said  the  sun,  which  the  Athenians  thought  to  be  a  god,  was  a  ball  of  fire.  They 
 also  made  this  public  proclamation.  That  they  would  give  a  talent  to  any  one  that  would  kill 
 Diagorus  of  Melos,  because  it  was  reported  of  him  that  he  laughed  at  their  mysteries  :  Prota- 
 gorus  also,  who  was  thought  to  have  written  somewhat  that  was  not  owned  for  truth  by  the 
 Athenians,  about  the  goils,  had  been  seized  upon,  and  put  to  death,  if  he  had  not  (led  immedi- 
 ately away.  Nor  need  we  at  all  wonder  that  they  thus  treated  such  considerable  men,  when 
 they  did  not  spare  even  women  also  ;  for  they  very  lately  slew  a  certain  priestess,  because 
 she  was  accused  by  somebody  that  she  initiated  people  into  the  worship  of  strange  gods,  it 
 having  been  forbidden  so  to  do  by  one  of  their  laws  :  and  a  capital  punishment  Lad  been 
 decreed  to  such  as  introduced  a  strange  god,  it  being  manifest  that  they  who  make  use  of  such 
 a  law,  do  not  believe  those  of  other  nations  to  be  really  gods,  otherwise  they  had  not  envied 
 themselves  the  advantage  of  more  gods  than  they  already  had.  And  this  was  the  happy 
 administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Athenians!  Now,  as  to  the  Scythians,  they  take  a  plea- 
 .sure  in  killing  men,  and  differ  little  from  brute  beasts  ;  yet  do  they  think  it  reasonable  to  have 
 their  institutions  observed.  They  also  slew  Anacharsis,  a  person  greatly  admired  for  bis  wis- 
 dom among  the  Greeks,  when  he  returned  to  them,  because  he  appeared  to  come  fraught  with 
 Grecian  customs;  one  may  also  (ind  many  to  have  been  punished  among  the  Persians,  on  the 
 very  same  account.  And  to  be  sure  Apollonius  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  laws  of  the 
 Persians,  and  was  an  admirer  of  them,  because  the  Greeks  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  their 
 courage,  and  had  the  very  same  opinions  about  the  gods  which  they  had  !  This  last  was  exem- 
 plified in  the  temples  which  they  burnt,  and  their  courage  in  coming  and  almost  entirely  enslav- 
 ing the  Grecians.  However,  Apollonius  has  imitated  all  the  Persian  institutions,  and  that  by 
 his  oflering  violence  to  other  men's  wives,  and  castrating  his  olvn  sons.  Now,  with  us  it  is  a 
 capital  crime,  if  any  one  does  thus  abuse  even  a  brute  beast :  and  as  for  us,  neither  hath  the 
 tear  of  our  governors,  nor  a  desire  of  following  what  other  nations  have  in  so  great  esteem, 
 been  able  to  withdraw  us  from  our  own  laws,  nor  have  we  exerted  our  courage  in  raising  up 
 wars  to  increase  our  wealth,  but  only  for  the  observation  of  our  laws:  and  when  we  with 
 patience  bear  other  losses,  yet  when  any  persons  would  compel  us  to  break  our  laws,  then  it 
 IS  that  we  choose  to  go  to  war,  though  it  be   beyond  our  ability  to  pursue  it,  and   bear  the 
 
 See  what  thess  novel  oaths  wpre  in  Dr.  Hudson's  note,  viz.  To  swear  by  an  oak,  by  a  goat,  and  by  a  dog. 
 as  also  l)y  a  gander,  as  says  I'liilostratus  and  otherB.  This  swearing  strange  oaths  was  also  forbidden  by  the 
 lyi'ians,  b.  i,  ^'.'S.  as  Spuuhi-im  here  notes. 
 
AGAINST    APION. — BOOK    I   .  770 
 
 greatest  calamities  to  the  last  with  much  fortitude.  And  indeed,  wiiat  leason  can  t'jere  be 
 why  we  should  desire  to  imitate  the  laws  of  other  nations,  while  we  see  they  are  not  observed 
 by  their  own  legislators?  And  why  do  not  the  Lacedemonians  think  of  abolishing  that  form 
 of  their  government,  which  sullers  them  not  to  associate  with  any  others,  as  well  as  their  con- 
 tempt of  matrimony?  And  why  do  not  the  Eleans  and  Thebans  abolish  that  unnatural  and 
 imprudent  lust,  which  makes  them  lie  with  males?  For  they  will  not  shew  a  sufficient  sign  of 
 their  repentance  of  what  they  of  old  tliought  to  be  very  excellent,  and  very  advantageous  in 
 their  practices,  unless  they  entirely  avoid  all  such  actions  for  the  time  to  come :  nay,  such 
 things  are  still  inserted  into  the  body  of  their  laws,  and  had  once  such  a  power  among  the 
 Greeks,  that  they  ascribed  these  sodomitical  practices  to  the  gods  themselves,  as  a  part  of 
 their  good  character;  and  indeed  it  was  according  to  the  same  manner  that  the  gods  married 
 their  own  sisters.  This  the  Greeks  contrived  as  an  apology  for  their  own  aburd  and  unnataral 
 pleasures. 
 
 39.  I  omit  to  speak  concerning  punishments,  and  how  many  ways  of  escaping  them  the 
 greatest  part  of  legislators  have  afforded  malefactors,  by  ordaining  that  for  adulteries  lines  in 
 money  should  be  allowed,  and  for  corrupting  [virgins]*  they  need  only  marry  them:t  as  also, 
 what  excuses  they  may  have  in  denying  the  facts,  if  any  one  attempts  to  inquire  into  them  :  for 
 amongst  other  nations  it  is  a  studied  art,  how  men  may  transgress  their  laws.  But  no  such 
 thing  is  permitted  amongst  us  ;  for  though  we  be  deprived  of  our  wealth,  of  our  cities,  or  of 
 the  other  advantages  we  have,  our  law  continues  immortal  :  nor  can  any  Jew  go  so  far  from 
 his  own  country,  nor  be  so  affrighted  at  the  severest  lord,  as  not  to  be  more  affrighted  at  the 
 law  than  at  him.  If,  therelbre,  this  be  the  disposition  we  are  under,  with  regard  to  the  excel- 
 lency of  our  laws,  let  our  enemies  make  us  this  concession,  that  our  laws  are  most  excellent  ; 
 and  if  still  they  imagine,  that  though  we  so  firmlv  adhere  to  them,  yet  are  they  bad  laws  not- 
 withstanding, wha.  penalties  then  do  they  deserve  to  undergo,  who  do  not  observe  their  own 
 laws,  which  they  esteem  so  far  superior  to  them?  Whereas,  therefore,  length  of  time  is 
 esteemed  to  be  the  truest  touchstone  in  all  cases,  I  would  make  that  a  testimonial  of  the  excel- 
 lency of  onr  laws,  and  of  that  belief  thereby  delivered  to  us  concerning  God.  For  as  there 
 hath  been  a  very  long  time  for  this  comparison,  if  a^y  one  will  but  compare  its  duration  with 
 the  duration  of  the  laws  made  by  other  legislators,  he  will  find  our  legislator  to  have  been  the 
 ancientest  of  them  all. 
 
 40.  We  have  already  demonstrated  that  our  laws  have  been  such  as  have  always  inspired 
 admiration  and  imitation  in  all  other  men;  nay,  the  earliest  Grecian  philosophers,  though  in 
 appearance  they  observed  the  laws  of  their  own  countries,  yet  did  they,  in  their  actions  and 
 their  philosophical  doctrines,  follow  our  legislator,  and  instructed  irien  to  live  sparingly,  and  to 
 have  friendly  communication  one  with  another.  Nay,  further,  the  multitude  of  mankind  itself 
 have  had  a  great  inclination  of  a  ion^  time  to  follow  our  religious  observances;  for  there  is  not 
 any  city  of  the  Grecians,  nor  any  of  the  barbarians,  nor  any  nation  whatsoever,  whither  our 
 custom  of  resting  on  the  seventh  day  hath  not  come,  and  by  which  our  fasts,  and  lighting  up 
 lamps,  and  many  of  our  prohibitions  as  to  our  food,  are  not  observed ;  they  also  endeavour  to 
 imitate  our  mutual  concord  with  one  another,  and  the  charitable  distribution  of  our  goods,  and 
 our  diligence  in  our  trades,  and  our  fortitude  in  undergoing  the  distresses  we  are  in,  on  account 
 of  our  laws;  and  what  is  here  matter  of  the  greatest  admiration,  our  law  hath  no  bait  of  plea- 
 sure to  allure  men  to  it,  but  it  prevails  by  its  own  force;  and  as  God  himself  pervades  all  the 
 world,  so  hath  our  law  passed  through  all  the  world  also.  So  that  if  any  one  will  but  reflect 
 on  his  own  country,  and  his  own  family,  he  will  have  reason  to  give  credit  to  what  I  say.  it 
 is  therefore  bat  jnst,  either  to  condemn  all  mankind  of  indulging  a  wicked  disposition,  when 
 they  have  been  so  desirous  of  imitating  laws  that  are  to  them  foreign  and  evil  in  themselves, 
 rather  than  following  laws  of  their  own  that  are  of  a  better  character,  or  else  our  accusers  must 
 leave  off  their  spite  against  us.  Nor  are  we  guilty  of  anv  envious  behaviour  towards  them, 
 when  we  honour  our  own  legislator,  and  believe  what  he,  by  his  prophetic  authority,  hath 
 taught  us  concerning  God.  For  though  we  should  not  be  able  ourselves  to  understand  the 
 excellency  of  our  own  laws,  yet  would  the  great  multitude  of  those  who  desire  to  imitate  them, 
 justify  US  in  greatly  valuing  ourselves  upon  them. 
 
 41.  But  as  for  the  [distinct]  political  laws  by  which  we  are  governed,  I  have  delivered  them 
 accurately  in  my  books  of  Antiquities ;  and  have  only  mentioned  them  now,  so  far  as  was 
 necessary  to  my  present  purpose  ;  without  proposing  to  myself  either  to  blame  the  laws  of  other 
 nations,  or  to  make  an  encomium  upon  our  own;  but  in  order  to  convict  those  that  have  writ- 
 ten about  us  unjustly,  and  In  an  irupudent  aflectatlon  of  disguising  the  truth.  And  now  I  think 
 I  have  sufficiently  completed  what  1  proposed  in  writing  these  books.  For  whereas  our  accu- 
 sers have  pretended,  that  our  nation  are  a  people  of  a  very  late  original,  I  have  demoustrated 
 
 *  Why  .loseplius  here  should  blame  some  heathen  legislators,  when  they  allowed  so  easy  a  composition  for 
 simple  fornication,  as  an  obligation  to  marry  the  virgin  that  was  corrupted,  is  hard  to  say,  seeing  he  had  him- 
 self truly  informed  us,  that  it  was  a  law  of  the  .Tews,  Antiq.  b.  iv.  chap.  viii.  ^  12.  as  it  is  the  1-aw  ci  Chris- 
 tianity also ;  se«  lloreb  Covenflrt,  p.  61.  T  am  almost  ready  to  suspect,  that  for  gammis,  we  should  bRre  read 
 ffamon.  and  that  corrupting  wedlock,  or  other  men's  wives,  is  the  crime  for  which  thtsa  healUens  vrickediy 
 allowed  this  composition  in  mouey. 
 
 t  Or,  "  for  corrupting  other  men's  wives,  the  same  allowance. 
 
776  CONCERNING    HADES. 
 
 that  tbej  are  exceeding  ancient ;  for  I  haveprodaced  as  witnesses  thereto  many  ancient  writers, 
 who  have  made  mention  &f  us  in  their  booits,  while  they  said  no  such  writer  had  so  done. 
 Moreover,  they  had  said,  that  we  were  sprung  from  the  Egyptians,  while  I  have  proved  that 
 we  came  from  another  country  into  Egypt  •  while  they  had  told  lies  of  us,  as  if  we  were 
 expelled  thence  on  account  of  diseases  on  onr  bodies,  it  has  appeared  on  the  contrary  that  we 
 returned  to  our  country  by  our  own  choice,  and  with  sound  and  strong  bodies.  Those  accusers 
 reproached  our  legislator  as  a  vile  fellow  :  whereas  God  in  old  time  bore  witness  to  his  virtuous 
 conduct;  and  since  that  testimony  of  God,  time  itself  hath  been  discovered  to  have  borne  wit- 
 ness to  the  same  thing. 
 
 42.  As  to  the  laws  themselves,  more  words  are  unnecessary,  for  they  are  visible  in  their 
 own  nature,  and  appear  to  teach  not  impiety,  but  the  truest  piety  in  the  world.  They  do  not 
 make  men  hate  one  another,  but  encourage  people  to  communicate  what  they  have  one  to 
 another  freely  ;  they  are  enemies  to  injustice,  they  take  care  of  righteousness,  they  banish  idle- 
 ness and  expensive  living,  and  instruct  men  to  be  content  with  what  they  have,  and  to  be 
 laborious  in  their  callings  :  they  forbid  men  to  make  war  from  a  desire  of  getting  more,  but 
 make  men  courageous  in  defending  the  laws  :  they  are  inexorable  in  punishing  malefactors : 
 they  admit  no  sophistry  of  words,  but  are  always  established  by  actions  themselves,  which 
 actions  we  ever  propose  as  surer  demonstrations  than  what  is  contained  in  writing  only  ;  on 
 which  account  I  am  so  bold  as  to  say,  that  we  are  become  tha  teachers  of  other  men  in  the 
 greatest  numher  of  things,  and  those  of  the  most  excellent  nature  only, — for  what  is  more  excel- 
 lent than  inviolable  piety?  what  is  more  just  than  submission  to  laws?  and  what  is  more  advan- 
 tageous than  mutual  love  and  concord?  And  this  so  far  that  we  are  to  be  neither  divided  by 
 calamities,  nor  to  become  injurious  and  seditious  in  prosperity  ;  but  to  contemn  death  when  we 
 are  in  war,  and  in  peace  to  apply  ourselves  to  our  mechanical  occupations,  or  to  our  tillage  of 
 the  ground  ;  while  we  in  all  things  and  all  ways  are  satisfied  that  God  is  the  inspector  and 
 governor  of  our  actions.  If  these  precepts  had  either  been  written  at  first,  or  more  exactly 
 kept  by  any  others  before  us,  we  should  have  owed  them  thanks  as  disciples  owe  to  their  mas- 
 ters:  but  if  it  be  visible  that  we  have  made  use  of  them  more  than  any  other  men,  and  if  we 
 Lave  demonstrated,  that  the  original  invention  of  them  is  our  own,  let  the  Apions,  and  the 
 Melons,  with  all  the  rest  of  those  that  delight  in  lies  and  reproaches,  stand  confuted  ;  bat  let 
 this  and  Ihe'foregoing  book  be  dedicated  to  thee,  Epaphroditus,  who  art  so  great  a  lover  of 
 truth,  and  by  thy  means  to  those  that  have  been  iu  like  manner  desirous  to  be  acquainted  with 
 the  affairs  of  our  nation.  '"" 
 
 An  Extract  out  0/ Josephijs'  Discourse  to  the  Greeks  concerning  Hades. 
 
 §  1.  Now  as  to  Hades,  wherein  the  souls  of  the  righteous  and  unrighteous  are  detained,  it  is 
 necessary  to  speak  of  it.  Hades  is  a  place  in  the  world  not  regularly  finished ;  a  subter- 
 raneous region,  wherein  the  light  of  this  world  does  not  shine ;  from  which  circumstance,  that 
 in  this  region  the  light  does  not  shine,  it  cannot  be  but  tliere  must  be  in  it  perpetual  darkness. 
 This  region  is  allotted  as  a  place  of  custody  for  souls,  in  which  angels  are  appointed  as  guard- 
 ians to  them,  who  distribute  to  them  temporary  punishments,  agreeable  to  every  one's  beha- 
 viour and  manners. 
 
 2.  In  this  region  there  is  a  certain  place  set  apart,  as  a  lake  of  unquenchable  fire,  whereinto 
 we  suppose  no  one  hath  hitherto  been  cast,  but  it  is  prepared  for  a  day  afore-determined  by 
 God,  in  which  one  righteous  sentence  shall  deservedly  be  passed  upon  all  men  ;  when  the  unjust, 
 and  those  that  have  been  disobedient  to  God,  and  have  given  honour  to  such  idols  as  have  been 
 the  vain  operations  of  the  hands  of  men,  as  to  God  himself,  shall  be  adjudged  to  this  everlast- 
 ing punishment,  as  having  been  the  causes  of  defilement ;  while  the  just  shall  obtain  an  incor- 
 ruptihle  and  never-fading  kingdom.  These  are  now  indeed  confined  in  Hades,  but  not  in  the 
 same  place  wherein  the  unjust  are  confined. 
 
 3.  For  there  is  one  descent  in  this  region,  at  wiiose  gate  we  believe  there  stands  an  arch- 
 angel with  a  host",  which  gate  when  those  pass  through  that  are  conducted  down  by  the  angels 
 appointed  over  souls,  they  do  not  go  the  same  way,  but  the  just  are  guided  to  the  right  hand, 
 and  aieled  with  hymns,  sung  by  the  angels  appointed  over  that  place,  unto  a  region  of  light,  in 
 which  the  just  have  dwelt  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  ;  not  constrained  by  necessity,  but 
 ever  enjoying  the  prospect  of  the  good  things  they  see,  and  rejoice  in  the  expectation  of  those 
 new  enjoyments  which  will  be  peculiar  to  every  one  of  them,  and  esteeming  those  things  beyond 
 what  we  have  here  ;  with  whom  there  is  no  place  of  toil,  no  burning  heat,  no  piercing  cold  ; 
 D.or  are  any  briers  there  ;  but  the  countenance  of  the  fathers  and  of  the  just,  which  they  see 
 always,  smiles  upon  them,  while  they  wait  for  the  rest  and  eternal  new  life  in  heaven,  which  is 
 to  succeed  this  region.     This  place  we  call  the  bosom  of  Abraham. 
 
 4.  But  as  to  the  unjust,  they  are  dragged  by  force  to  the  left  hand  by  the  angels  allotted  for 
 punishment,  no  longer  going  with  a  good  will,  but  as  prisoners  driven  by  violence;  to  whom 
 are  sent  the  angels  appointed  over  them  to  reproach  them,  and  threaten  them  with  their  terrihle 
 looks,   and  to  thrust  them  still  downwards.     Now   these   angels   that  are  set  over  these  souls 
 
 J 
 
CONCERNING  IIAUES.  777 
 
 drag  lliem  into  tlie  iieiglibourliood  of  hell  itself;  who,  when  tliey  are  hard  by  it,  continually 
 hear  the  noise  of  it,  and  do  not  stand  clear  of  the  hot  vapour  itself;  but  when  they  have  a  near 
 view  of  this  spectacle,  as  of  a  terrible  and  exceeding  great  prospect  of  tire,  they  are  struck 
 with  a  fearful  expectation  of  a  future  judgment,  and  in  efl'ect  punished  thereby  ;  not  only  so, 
 but  where  they  see  the  place  [or  choir]  of  the  fathers  and  of  the  just,  even  hereby  are  they 
 punished  ;  for  a  chaos  deep  and  large  is  fixed  between  them  ;  insomuch  that  a  just  man  that 
 Lath  compassion  upon  them  cannot  be  admitted,  nor  can  one  that  is  unjufit,  if  he  were  bold 
 cnoagli  to  attempt  it,  pass  over  it. 
 
 5.  This  is  the  discnurse  concerning  Hades,  wherein  the  souls  of  all  men  are  confined  until  a 
 proper  season  which  God  hath  determined,  when  he  will  make  a  resurrection  of  all  men  from  the 
 dead  ;  not  procuring  a  transmigration  of  sonls  from  one  body  to  another,  but  raising  again  those 
 verj'  bodies,  which  you  Greeks  seeing  to  be  dissolved,  do  not  believe  [their  resurrection.] 
 But  learn  not  to  disbelieve  ;  for  while  you  believe  that  the  soul  is  created,  and  yet  is  made 
 immortal  by  God,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  Plato,  and  this  in  time,  be  not  incredulous,  but 
 believe  that  God  is  able,  when  he  hath  raised  to  life  that  bod)' which  was  made  as  a  compound 
 of  the  same  elements,  to  make  it  immortal ;  for  it  must  never  be  said  of  God,  that  be  is  able 
 to  do  some  things,  and  unable  to  do  others.  We  have  therefore  believed  that  the  body  will 
 be  raised  a.gain,  for  although  it  be  dissolved,  it  is  not  peiished;  for  the  earth  receives  its 
 remains,  and  preserves  them  ;  and  while  they  are  like  seed,  and  are  mixed  among  the  more 
 fruitful  soil,  they  flourish,  and  what  is  sown  is  indctd  sown  bare  grain,  but  at  the  mighty  sound 
 of  God  the  Creator,  it  will  sprout  up,  and  ber.iised  in  a  clothed  and  glorious  condition,  though 
 not  before  it  has  been  dissolved,  and  mixed  [with  the  earth.]  So  that  we  have  not  rashly 
 believed  the  resurrection  of  the  body  ;  for  althungh  it  be  dissolved  for  a  time  on  account  of 
 the  original  transgression,  it  exists  still,  and  is  cast  into  the  earth,  as  into  a  potter's  furnace, 
 in  order  to  be  formed  again,  not  in  order  to  rise  again  such  as  it  was  before,  but  in  a  state  of 
 purity,  and  so  as  never  lo  be  destroyed  any  more.  And  to  every  body  shall  its  own  soul  be 
 restored.  And  when  it  hath  clothed  itself  with  that  body,  it  will  not  be  subject  to  misery,  but 
 being  itself  pure,  it  will  continue  with  its  pure  body,  and  rejoice  with  it,  with  which  it  havinij 
 walked  righteously  now  in  this  world,  and  never  having  it  as  a  snare,  it  will  receive  it  again 
 with  great  gladness.  But  as  for  the  unjust,  they  will  receive  their  bodies  not  changed,  not 
 freed  from  diseases  or  distempers,  nor  made  glorious,  but  with  the  same  diseases  wherein 
 they  died;  and  such  as  they  were  in  unbelief,  the  same  shall  they  be  when  they  shall  be 
 faithfully  judged. 
 
 6.  For  all  men,  the  just  as  well  as  the  unjust,  shall  be  brought  before  God  the  Word  ;  for 
 to  him  hath  the  Father  committed  all  judgment,  and  he,  in  order  to  fulfil  the  will  of  his  Father, 
 shall  come  as  judge,  whom  we  call  Christ.  For  Minos  and  Rhadamanthus  are  not  the  judges, 
 as  you  Greeks  do  suppose,  but   he  whom  God   and  the   Father  hath   glorified,  CONCERNING 
 
 WHOM  WE    HAVt    ELSEWHERE  GIVEN    A    MORE    PARTICULAR    ACCOUNT,  FOR    THE    SAKE  OF 
 
 THOSE  WHO  SEEK  AFTER  TRUTH.  This  person  exercising  the  righteous  judgment  of  the 
 Father  towards  all  men,  hath  prepared  a  just  sentence  for  every  one,  according  to  his  works  ; 
 at  whose  judgment-seat,  when  all  men,  and  angels,  and  demons  shall  stand,  they  will  send 
 forth  one  voice,  and  say,  JUST  IS  THY  JUDGMknt:  the  rejoiner  to  which  will  bring  a  just 
 sentence  upon  both  parties,  by  giving  justly  to  those  who  have  done  well,  an  everlastin;^ 
 fruition  ;  but  allotting  to  the  lovers  of  wicked  works  eteiiial  punishment.  To  these  belong 
 the  unquenchable  fire,  and  that  without  end,  and  a  certain  fiery  worm  never  dying,  and  not 
 destroying  the  body,  but  continuing  its  eruption  out  of  the  body  with  never-ceasing  grief: 
 neither  will  sleep  give  ease  to  these  men,  nor  will  the  night  aflbrd  them  comfort;  death  will 
 not  free  them  from  their  punishment,  nor  will  the  interceding  prayers  of  their  kindred  profit 
 them  ;  for  the  just  are  no  longer  seen  by  them,  nor  are  they  tliought  worthy  of  remembrance. 
 But  the  just  shall  remember  only  their  righteous  actions,  whereby  they  have  attained  tlio 
 heavenly  kingdom,  in  which  there  is  no  sleep,  no  sorrow,  no  corruption,  no  care,  no  night,  no 
 day  measured  by  time,  no  sun  driven  in  his  course  along  the  circle  of  heaven  by  necessity,  and 
 measuring  out  the  bounds  and  conversions  of  the  seasons,  for  the  better  illumination  of  the 
 life  of  men  ;  no  moon  decreasing  and  increasing,  or  introducing  a  variety  of  seasons,  nor  will 
 she  then  moisten  the  earth  ;  no  burning  sun,  no  Bear  turning  round  [the  pole,]  no  Orion  to 
 rise,  no  wandering  of  innumerable  stars.  The  earth  will  not  then  be  difficult  to  be  passed  over, 
 nor  will  it  be  hard  to  find  nut  the  court  of  paradise,  nor  will  there  be  any  fearful  roaring  of 
 the  sea,  forbidding  the  passengers  to  walk  on  it;  even  that  will  be  made  easily  passable  to  the 
 just,  though  it  will  not  be  void  of  moisture.  Heaven  will  not  then  be  uninhabitable  by  men, 
 and  it  will  not  be  impossible  to  discover  the  way  of  ascending  thither.  The  earth  will  not 
 then  be  uncultivated,  nor  require  too  much  labour  of  men,  but  will  bring  (bith  its  fruits  of  its 
 own  accord,  and  will  be  well  adorned  with  them.  There  will  be  no  more  generations  of  wild 
 beasts,  nor  will  the  substance  of  the  rest  of  the  animals  shoot  out  anv  more  :  for  it  will  not 
 produce  men,  but  the  nutnber  of  the  righteous  will  continue,  and  never  fail,  together  with 
 righteous  angels,  and  spirits  [of  God,]  and  with  his  %vord,  as  a  choir  of  righteous  men  and 
 women  that  never  grow  old,  and  continue  in  an  incorruptible  state,  singing  livnins  to  God,  who 
 hath  advanced  them  to  that  happiness,  by  the  means  of  a  regular  institution  of  life  ;  with  whom 
 
 5  P 
 
778  CONCERNING    HAUES. 
 
 the  wliule  creation  also  will  lift  up  a  perpetual  bymn  from  corruption  to  incorniptiou,  as  glorified 
 by  a  splendid  and  pnre  spirit.  It  will  not  then  be  restrained  by  a  bond  of  necessity,  but  witli 
 a  lively  freedom  shall  ofl'er  up  a  voluntary  byran,  and  shall  praise  him  that  made  them,  toge- 
 ther with  the  angels,  and  spirits,  and  men,  now  freed  from  all  bondage. 
 
 7.  And  now,  if  you  Gentiles  will  be  persarded  by  these  motives,  and  leave  your  vain  imagi- 
 nations about  your  pedigrees,  and  gaining  of  riches,  and  philosophy,  and  will  not  spend  your 
 time  about  subtleties  of  words,  and  thereby  lead  your  minds  into  error,  and  if  you  will  apply 
 your  ears  to  the  hearing  of  the  inspired  prophets,  the  interpreters,  both  of  God  and  of  his 
 word,  and  will  believe  in  God,  you  shall  both  be  partakers  of  these  things,  and  obtain  the 
 good  things  that  are  to  come  :  you  shall  see  the  ascent  into  the  immense  heaven  plainly,  and 
 that  kingdom  which  is  there.  For  what  God  hath  now  concealed  in  silence  [will  be  then 
 made  manifest,]  *'  what  neither  eye  hath  seen,  nor  ear  hath  heard,  nor  hath  it  entered  into  the 
 heart  of  man,  the  things  that  God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love  him." 
 
 8.  "In  whatsoever  ways  I  shall  find  you,  in  them  shall  I  judge  you  entirely  :"  so  cries  the 
 END  of  all  things.  And  he  who  hath  at  first  lived  a  virtuous  life,  but  towards  the  latter  end 
 falls  into  vice,  these  labours,  by  him  before  endured,  shall  be  altogether  vain  and  unprofitable, 
 even  as  in  a  play  brought  to  an  III  catastrophe.  Whosoever  shall  have  lived  wickedly  and 
 luxuriously  may  repent :  however,  there  will  be  need  of  much  time  to  conquer  an  evil  habit, 
 and  after  repentance,  his  whole  life  must  be  guarded  with  great  care  and  diligence,  after  the 
 manner  of  a  body,  which,  after  it  had  been  a  long  lime  afflicted  with  a  distemper,  requires  a 
 stricter  diet  and  method  of  living :  for  though  it  may  be  possible,  perhaps,  to  break  oft'  the 
 chain  of  our  irregular  affections  at  once,  yet  our  amendment  cannot  be  secured  without  the 
 grace  of  God,  the  prayers  of  good  men,  the  help  of  the  brethren,  and  our  own  sincere  repen- 
 tance and  constant  care.  It  is  a  good  thing  not  to  sin  at  all ;  it  is  also  good,  having  sinned,  to 
 repeut :  as  it  is  best  to  have  health  always,  but  it  is  a  good  thing  to  recover  from  a  distemper. — 
 To  God  be  glory  and  dominion  for  ever  and  ever.     Amen. 
 
 END    OF    THE    WRITINGS    OF    JOSEPHUS. 
 
DISSERTATION    I.  770 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 DISSERTATION  I. 
 
 The  Tesiimonies  of  Josephus  concerning  Jesus  Christ,  John  the  Baptist,  and  James  the  Just, 
 
 vindicated. 
 
 SiNCF.  wc  meet  witli  ceitain  important  testimonies  in  Josephus  the  Jewish  bistoiian,  concern- 
 ing Jolin  the  Baptist,  the  forerunner  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  concerning  Jesus  of  Nazareth  him- 
 self, and  conceruinor  James  the  Just,  the  broiher  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  ;  and  since  the  principal 
 testimony,  which  is  that  concerning  Jesus  of  Nazareth  liimself,  hath  of  late  been  greatly  ques- 
 tioned bj  many,  and  rejected  by  some  of  the  learned  as  spurious,  it  will  be  fit  for  me,  who  have 
 ever  declared  my  firm  belief  that  these  testimonies  were  genuine,  to  set  down  fairly  some  of 
 tlie  original  evidence  and  citations  I  have  met  with  in  the  first  fifteen  centuries  concerning 
 them,  and  then  to  make  proper  observations  upon  that  eudeuce,  for  the  reader's  more  complete 
 satisfaction. 
 
 But  before  I  produce  the  citations  themselves  out  of  Josephus,  give  me  leave  to  prepare  the 
 reader's  attention,  by  setting  down  the  sentiments  of  perhaps  the  most  learned  person,  and  the 
 most  competent  judge  that  ever  was,  as  to  the  authority  of  Josephus,  I  mean  of  Joseph  Scaiiger, 
 in  the  Prolegomena  to  his  book  De  Emendatione  Temporum,  p.  17.  "  Josephus  is  the  most 
 diligent  and  the  greatest  lover  of  trnth  of  all  writers  ;  nor  are  we  afraid  to  aflirm  of  him,  that  it 
 is  more  safe  to  believe  him,  not  only  as  to  the  ail'airs  of  the  Jews,  but  also  as  to  those  that  are 
 foreign  to  them,  than  all  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers,  and  this,  because  his  fidelity  and  his 
 compass  of  learning  are  every  where  conspicuous." 
 
 The  ancient  Citations  of  the  Testimonies  of  Josephus,  from  his  own  Time,  till  the  End  of  the 
 
 Fifteenth  Century. 
 
 About  A.  D.  110.  Tacit.  Annal.  lib.  xv.  cap.  44. — Nero,  in  order  to  stifle  the  rnraour,  [as 
 if  he  himself  had  set  Rome  on  fire,]  ascribed  it  to  those  people  who  were  hated  for  their  wicked 
 practices,  and  called  by  the  vulgar  "  Christians  :"  these  be  punished  exquisitely.  The  author  of 
 this  name  was  Christ,  who,  in  the  reiyn  of  Tiberias,  was  brought  to  punishment  by  Pontius 
 Pilate  the  procurator. 
 
 Abotit  A.  D.  147.  Just  Mart.  Dialog,  cum  Trypho,  p.  230.— You  [Jews]  knew  that  Jesus 
 was  risen  from  the  dead,  and  ascended  into  heaven,  as  the  prophecies  did  foretell  was  to  happen. 
 
 About  A.  V.  23;).  Origen  Comment,  in  Matth.  p.  234,— This  James  was  of  so  stiining  a 
 character  among  the  people,  on  account  of  his  righteousness,  that  Flavins  Josephus,  when,  in 
 his  twentieth  book  of  the  Jewish  Antiquities,  he  had  a  mind  to  set  down  what  was  the  cause 
 why  the  people  suil'ered  such  miseries,  till  the  very  holy  house  was  demolished,  he  said,  that 
 these  things  befell  them  by  the  anger  of  God,  on  account  of  what  they  had  dared  to  do  to 
 James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  who  was  called  Christ :  and  wonderful  it  is  that  while  he  did  not 
 receive  Jesus  for  Christ,  he  did  nevertheless  bear  witness  that  James  was  so  righteous  a 
 man.  He  says  further,  that  the  people  thought  that  they  sull'ered  these  things  for  the  sake 
 of  James. 
 
 About  A.  I).  2.30.  Contra  Cels:  lib.  i.  p.  35,  36. — I  would  say  to  Celsus,  who  personates 
 a  Jew,  that  admitted  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  how  he  baptized  Jesus,  (hat  one  who  lived  but 
 a  little  while  vA'ter  John  and  Jesus,  wrote,  how  that  John  was  a  ba[)tizer  unto  the  remission  of 
 sins.  For  Jose|)h(is  testifies  in  the  eighteenth  book  of  Jewish  Antiquities,  that  John  was  the 
 Baptist,  and  that  he  promised  pcrtfication  to  those  that  were  baptized.  The  same  Josephus 
 also,  although  he  did  not  believe  in  Jesus  as  Christ,  when  he  was  inquiiing  after  the  cause  of 
 tiie  destiuction  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  demolition  of  the  temple,  and  ought  to  have  said,  that 
 their  macliinations  a'^ainst  Jesus  were  the  cause  of  those  miseries  coming  on  the  people,  because 
 they  had  slain  that  Chi  ist  w  ho  way  foretold  by  liie  prophets,  he,  though  as  it  were  unwillingly,  and 
 yet  ag  one  not  remote  from  the  truth,  says,  "  These  miseries  befell  the  Jews  by  way  of  revenge 
 for  James  the  Jus),  who  vuis  the  brother  of  Jesus,  that  was  called  Christ,  because  they  had 
 slain  him  who  was  ihe  most  righteous  person.'"'  Now  this  James  was  he  whom  that  genuine 
 disciple  of  Jesus,  I'aul,  said  he  had  seen  as  the  Lord's  broiher;  [Gal.  i.  19.]  which  relation 
 implies  not  so  much  nearness  of  blood,  or  the  sameness  of  education,  as  it  does  the  agreenitnt 
 of  manners  and  preachiuf;.  If  therefore  he  says  the  desolatiou  of  Jerusalem  befell  the  Jews 
 for  the  sake  of  James,  with  how  much  greater  reason  might  he  have  said,  that  it  happened  fot 
 the  sake  of  Jesus,  6ic. 
 
780  DISSERTATION    1. 
 
 About  A.  D.  'i2^.  Euseb.  Demonstr.  Evati.  lib.  ii'i.  p.  124.— Certainly  tbe  attestation  of 
 tliose  1  have  already  produced  concerning  our  Saviour  maj  be  sufficient.  However,  it  maj  not 
 be  amiss,  if,  over  and  above,  we  make  use  of  Josephus  the  Jew  for  furhter  witness  ;  wlio,  in 
 the  eighteenth  book  of  his  Antiquities,  when  he  was  writing  the  history  of  what  happened  under 
 Pilate,  makes  mention  of  our  Saviour  in  these  words:  "  Now  tliere  was  about  this  time  Jesus, 
 a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher 
 of  such  men  as  had  a  veneration  for  truth  ;  he  drew  over  to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews,  and 
 many  of  the  Gentiles  :  He  was  the  Christ.  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  prin- 
 cipal men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  those  that  loved  him  at  first  did  not  for- 
 sake him  ;  for  he  appeared  unto  them  alive  again  the  third  day,  as  the  divine  prophets  had 
 spoken  of  these  and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him;  whence  the  tribe  of 
 Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this  day."  If,  therefore,  we  have  this  his- 
 torian's testimony,  that  he  not  only  brought  over  to  himsell  the  twelve  apostles,  tvitli  the  seventy 
 disciples,  but  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentles  also,  he  must  manifestly  have  had 
 somewhat  in  him  extraordinary  above  the  rest  of  mankind,  for  how  otherwise  could  he  draw 
 over  so  many  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  Gentiles,  unless  he  performed  admirable  and  amazing 
 works,  and  used  a  method  of  teaching  thit  was  not  common?  Moreover,  the  scripture  of 
 tlie  Acts  of  the  Apostles  bears  witness,  that  there  were  many  ten  thousands  of  Jews,  who 
 were  persuaded  that  he  was  the  Christ  of  God,  who  was  foretold  by  the  prophets.  [Acts 
 \xi.  20.] 
 
 About  A.  D,  330.  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  i.  cap.  II.-— Now  the  divine  scripture  of  the  Gospels 
 make  mention  of  John  the  Baptist  as  having  his  head  cut  ofl'  by  the  younger  Herod.  Josephus 
 also  concurs  in  this  history,  and  makes  mention  of  Herodias  by  name,  as  the  wife  of  his  bro- 
 tlier,  whom  Herod  had  married,  upon  divorcing  his  former  lawful  wife.  She  was  the  daughter 
 of  Aretas,  king  of  the  Petreau  Arabians;  and  which  Herodias  he  had  parted  from  her  husband 
 while  he  was  alive :  on  which  account  also,  when  he  had  slain  John,  he  made  war  with  Aretas, 
 [Aretas  made  war  with  him,]  because  his  daughter  had  been  used  dishonourably.  In  which 
 war,  when  it  came  to  a  battle,  he  says,  that  all  Herod's  army  was  destroyed,  and  that  he  suf- 
 fered this  because  of  his  wicked  contrivance  against  John.  Moreover,  the  same  Josephus,  by 
 aoknowlodging  John  to  have  been  a  most  righteous  man,  and  the  Baptist,  conspires  in  his  tes- 
 timony with  what  is  written  in  the  Gospels.  He  also  relates,  that  Herod  lost  his  kingdom  for 
 the  sake  of  the  same  Herodias,  together  with  whom  he  was  himself  condemned  to  be  banished 
 to  Vienne,  a  city  of  Gaul.  And  this  is  his  account  iu  tlie  eighteenth  book  of  tbe  Antiquities, 
 where  he  writes  this  of  John  j;e>i«/iHi ;  some  of  the  Jews  thought  that  tbe  destruction  of 
 Herod's  army  came  from  God,  and  that  very  justly,  as  a  punishment  for  what  be  did  against 
 John,  that  was  called  the  Baptist,  for  Herod  slew  him,  who  was  a  good  man,  and  one  that 
 commanded  the  Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  both  as  to  righteousness  towards  one  another,  and 
 j>iety  towards  God,  and  so  to  cume  to  baptisn;,  for  that  by  this  means  the  washing  [with  water] 
 would  appear  acceptable  to  him,  when  they  made  use  of  it,  not  iu  order  to  the  putting  away  [or 
 the  remission]  of  some  sins  [only,]  but  for  the  purification  of  the  body  ;  supposing  still  that  the 
 soul  was  thoroughly  purified  beforehand  by  righteousness.  Now  when  [many]  others  came  in 
 crowds  about  him,  for  they  were  greatly  delighted  in  hearing  his  words,  Herod  was  afraid  that 
 this  so  great  power  of  persuading  men  might  tend  to  some  sedition  or  other,  for  they  seemed 
 to  be  disposed  to  do  every  thing  he  should  advise  them  to,  so  he  supposed  it  better  to  prevent 
 any  attempt  of  a  mutation  from  him,  by  cutting  him  ofl',  than  after  any  such  mutation  should  be 
 brought  about,  and  the  public  should  sufl'er,  to  repent  [of  such  negligence.]  Accordingly,  he 
 was  sent  a  prisoner  out  of  Herod's  susjjicious  temper,  to  iMachasrus,  the  castle  I  before  men- 
 tioned, and  was  there  put  to  death.  When  Josephus  had  said  this  of  John,  he  makes  mention 
 also  of  our  Saviour  in  the  same  history,  after  this  manner:  "  Now  there  was  about  this  time 
 one  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works, 
 a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure  ;  he  drew  over  to  him  both  many  of 
 the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles  also  ;  he  was  the  Christ.  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  sug- 
 gestion of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  those  that  loved  him 
 at  the  first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared  to  them  alive  again  the  third  day,  as  the 
 divine  prophets  had  foretold  these,  and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things  concerning  hira. 
 And  still  the  tribe  of  Christians,  so  named  from  hira,  are  not  extinct  at  this  day."  And  since 
 this  writer,  sprung  from  the  Hebrews  themselves,  hath  delivered  these  things  above  in  his 
 own  work,  concerning  John  the  Baptist  and  our  Saviour,  what  room  is  there  for  any  further 
 evasion  ?  &c. 
 
 Now  James  was  so  wonderful  a  person,  and  was  so  celebrated  by  all  others  for  righteous- 
 ness, that  the  judicious  Jews  thought  this  to  have  been  the  occasion  of  that  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
 which  came  on  presently  after  his  martyrdom,  and  that  it  befell  them  for  no  other  reason,  than 
 that  impious  fact  they  were  guilty  of  against  him.  Josephus,  therefore,  did  not  refuse  to  attest 
 thereto  in  writing,  by  the  words  following  :  "  These  miseries  befell  the  Jews  by  way  of 
 revenge  for  James  the  Just,  who  was  the  brother  of  Jesus  that  was  called  Christ,  on  this 
 Bccouiit,  that  Ihey  had  slain  him  who  was  a  most  righteous  person." 
 
 The  same  Josephus  declares  the  manner  of  his  death  in  the  twentieth  book  of  the  Antiquities, 
 
DISSERTATrON    I.  781 
 
 in  ihese  words:  "  Csesar  sent  Albinus  into  Jadea  to  be  prncurator,  vvlien  he  liad  beard  that 
 Festiis  was  dead.  Now  Anantis  junior,  who,  as  we  said,  had  been  admitted  to  the  high  priest- 
 hood, was  in  temper  bold  and  daring  in  an  extraordinary  manner.  He  was  also  of  the  sect  of 
 the  Sadducees,  who  are  more  savage  in  judgment  tlian  the  other  Jews,  as  we  liave  already 
 signified.  Since,  tiierefore,  this  was  the  character  of  Ananus,  he  thonght  he  had  now  a  proper 
 opportunity  [to  exercise  his  authority,]  becanse  Festus  was  dead,  and  Albinus  was  but  upon 
 the  road  ;  so  he  assembles  the  Sanhedrim  of  judges,  and  brings  before  thera  James  the  brother 
 of  Jesus,  who  was  called  Christ,  and  some  others  [of  his  companions,]  and  when  he  had  formed 
 an  accusation  against  them  as  breakers  of  the  law,  he  delivered  them  to  be  stoned  :  but  as  for 
 those  who  seemed  the  most  equitable  of  the  citizens,  and  those  who  were  the  most  uneasy  at 
 the  breach  of  the  laws,  they  disliked  what  was  done.  They  also  went  to  the  king  [Agrippa,] 
 desiring  him  to  send  to  Ananus  that  he  should  act  so  no  more,  for  that  wtiat  he  had  already 
 done  could  not  be  justified,"  6cc. 
 
 About  A,  D.  3G0.  Ambrose,  or  Hegesippus  de  Excid.  Urb.  Hierosoli/tn.  lib.  ii.  cap.  12.---We 
 have  discovered  that  it  was  the  opinion  and  belief  of  the  Jews,  as  Josephus  atlirras,  (who  is  an 
 aruthornot  to  be  rejected,  when  he  writes  against  himself,)  that  Herod  lost  his  army,  not  by  the 
 deceit  of  men,  but  by  the  anger  of  God,  and  that  justly,  as  an  effect  of  revenge  for  what  he 
 did  to  John  the  Baptist,  a  just  man,  who  had  said  to  bira,  It  is  not  latvful  for  thee  to  have 
 thy  brolhfr's  wife. 
 
 The  Jews  themselves  also  bear  witness  to  Christ,  as  appears  by  Josephus,  the  writer  of  their 
 history,  who  says  thus:  That  there  was  at  that  time  a  wise  man,  if,  says  he,  it  be  lawful  to 
 have  him  called  a  man ;  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  who  appeared  (o  his  disciples  after  the 
 third  day  from  his  death  alive  agiiin,  according  to  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  who  foretold 
 these,  and  innumerable  other  miraculous  events  concerning  him;  from  whom  began  ths  con- 
 gregation of  Christians,  and  hath  penetrated  among  all  sorts  of  men  ;  nor  does  there  remain  any 
 nation  in  the  Roman  world,  which  continues  strangers  to  his  religion.  If  the  Jews  do  not 
 belijeve  us,  let  them  at  least  believe  their  own  writers.  Josephus,  whom  they  esteem  a  very  great 
 man,  hath  said  this,  and  yet  hath  he  spoken  truth  after  such  a  manner,  and  so  far  was  bis  mind 
 wandered  from  the  right  way,  that  even  be  was  not  a  believer,  as  to  what  he  himself  said  ;  but 
 thus  he  spoke,  in  order  to  deliver  historical  truth,  becanse  he  thought  it  not  lawful  for  him  to 
 deceive,  while  yet  he  was  no  believer,  because  of  the  hardness  of  liis  heart  and  his  perfidious 
 intention.  However,  it  was  no  prejudice  to  the  truth  that  he  was  not  a  believer;  but  this  adds 
 more  weight  to  iiis  testimony,  that  while  he  was  an  unbeliever,  and  unwilling  this  should  be 
 true,  he  has  not  denied  it  to  be  so. 
 
 About  A.  D.  4(>0.  Ilieronym.  de  Vir.  lUustr.  in  /oscpfto.— Josephus,  in  the  eighteenth 
 hook  of  Antiquities,  most  expressly  acknowledges,  that  Christ  was  slain  by  the  Pharisees  on 
 account  of  the  greatness  of  his  miracles,  and  that  John  the  Baptist  was  truly  a  prophet ;  and  that 
 Jerusalem  vyas  demolished  on  account  of  the  slaughter  of  James  the  apostle.  Now,  he  wrote 
 concerning  our  Lord  after  this  manner :  "  At  the  same  time  there  was  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if 
 yet  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher  of  those 
 who  willingly  receive  the  truth.  He  had  many  followers  both  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  Gentiles. 
 He  was  believed  to  he  Christ.  And  when,  by  the  envy  of  our  principal  men,  Pilate  had  con- 
 demned him  to  the  cross,  yet  notwithstanding,  those  who  had  loved  him  at  first  persevered, 
 for  he  appeared  to  them  alive  on  the  third  day,  as  the  oracles  of  the  prophets  bad  foretold 
 many  of  those  and  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him  ;  and  the  sect  of  Christians,  so  named 
 from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this  day." 
 
 About  A.  D.  410.  Isidorus  Pelusiota,  the  Scholar  of  Chrysostom.  lib.  iv.  cpist.  225.— There 
 ■was  one  Josephus,  a  Jew,  of  the  greatest  reputation,  and  one  that  was  /.ealons  of  the  law  ;  one 
 also  that  paraphrased  the  Old  Testament  with  truth,  and  acted  valiantly  for  the  Jews,  and  had 
 shewed  that  their  settlement  was  nobler  than  can  be  described  by  words.  Now,  since  he 
 made  their  interest  give  place  to  truth,  for  he  would  not  support  the  opinion  of  impious  men, 
 I  think  it  necessary  to  set  down  his  words.'  Wliat  then  does  he  say?  "  Now  there  was  about 
 that  time  one  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  won- 
 derful works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure.  He  drew  over  to  him 
 both  many  of  the  Jews  and  many  of  the  Gentiles  :  He  was  the  Christ.  And  when  Pilate,  at 
 the  suggestion  of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  those  that 
 loved  him  at  first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared  to  them  the  third  day  alive  again,  as  the 
 divine  prophets  bad  said  these  and  a  vast  number  of  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him  : 
 and  the  tribe  of  Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this  day."  Now  I  cannot 
 but  wonder  greatly  at  this  man's  love  of  truth  in  niany  respects,  but  chielly  where  he  says, 
 "  Jpsus  was  a  teacher  of  men  who  received  the  truth  with  pleasure." 
 
 About  A.  D.  440.  Sozomen.  Hist.  Ecch's.  lib.  i.  cap.  1.— Now  Josephus,  the  son  of  Mat- 
 tathias,  a  priest,  a  man  of  very  great  note,  both  among  the  Jews  and  Romans,  may  well  be  a 
 witness  of  credit,  as  to  the  truth  of  Christ's  history  ;  for  he  scruples  to  call  him  a  man,  as  being 
 a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  and  a  teacher  of  the  words  of  truth.  He  names  him  Christ  openly  ; 
 and  is  not  ignorant  that  he  was  condemned  to  the  cross,  and  appeared  on  the  third  day  alive  ; 
 and  that  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things  were  foretold  of  him  by  the  divine  prophets.     He 
 
782  DISSERTATION    I. 
 
 lestifics  also,  that  those  whom  he  drew  over  to  him,  being  many  of  the  Gentiles,  as  well  as  of 
 the  Jews,  continued  to  love  him  ;  and  that  the  tribe  named  from  him  was  not  then  extinct. 
 Now  he  seems  to  me  by  this  his  relation,  almost  to  proclaim  that  Christ  is  God.  However,  he 
 appears  to  have  been  so  affected  with  the  strangeness  of  the  thing,  as  to  run  as  it  were  in  a 
 sort  of  middle  way,  so  as  not  to  put  any  indignity  upon  believers  in  him,  but  rather  to  afford 
 his  suflVage  to  them. 
 
 About  A.  D.  510.  Cassidorus,  Hist.  Tripartit.  e  Sozomeno.—'S ow  Josephus,  the  son  of 
 Mattathias,  and  a  prsest,  a  man  of  great  nobility  among  the  Jews,  and  of  great  dignity  among 
 the  Romans,  bears  witness  to  the  truth  of  Christ's  history:  for  he  dares  not  call  him  a  man, 
 as  a  doer  of  famous  works,  and  a  teacher  of  true  doctrines ;  he  names  him  Christ  openly  ;  and 
 is  not  ignorant  that  he  was  condemned  to  the  cioss,  and  appeared  on  the  third  day  alive,  and 
 that  an  infinite  number  of  other  wonderful  things  were  foretold  of  him  by  the  holy  prophets. 
 Sloreover  he  testifies  also,  that  there  were  then  alive  many  whom  he  had  chosen,  both  Greeks 
 and  Jews,  and  that  they  continued  to  love  him  ;  and  that  the  sect  which  was  named  from  him 
 was  by  no  means  extinct  at  that  time. 
 
 A.  D.  640.  Chron.Alex.  p.^l^i.-'-fiov/  Josephus  also  relates  in  the  eighteenth  hook  of  Anti- 
 quities, how  John  the  Baptist,  that  holy  man,  was  behea.led  on  account  of  Herodias,  the  wife 
 of  Philip,  the  brother  of  Herod  himself;  for  Herod  had  divorced  his  former  wife,  w!io  was 
 still  alive,  and  had  been  his  lawful  wife :  she  was  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of  the  Petreans. 
 When  therefore  Herod  had  taken  Herodias  away  from  her  husband,  while  he  was  yet  alive, 
 (on  whose  account  he  slew  John  also,)  Aretas  made  war  against  Herod,  because  his  daughter 
 had  been  dishonourably  treated.  In  which  war,  he  says,  that  all  Herod's  army  was  destroyed, 
 and  that  he  suffered  that  calamity  because  of  the  wickedness  he  had  been  guilty  of  against 
 John.  The  same  Josephus  relates,  that  Herod  lost  his  kingdou  on  account  of  Herodias,  and 
 that  with  her  he  was  banished  to  Lyons,  &c. 
 
 P.  526,  527.]  Now  that  our  Saviour  taught  bis  preaching  three  years,  is  demonstrated 
 both  by  other  necessary  reasonings,  as  also  out  of  the  holy  Gospels,  and  out  of  Josephus'  writ- 
 iugs,  who  was  a  wise  man  among  the  Hebrews,  &c. 
 
 P.  584,  587.]  Josephus  relates  in  the  fifth  book  of  the  [Jewish]  war  that  Jerusalem  was 
 taken  in  the  third  [second]  year  of  Vespasian,  as  r-fter  forty  years  since  they  dared  to  put  Jesus 
 to  death  :  in  which  time  he  says,  that  James  the  brother  of  our  Lord,  and  bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
 was  thrown  down  [from  the  temple,]  and  slain  of  them,  by  stoning. 
 
 About  A.  D.  740.  Anaslasias  Abbas  contr.  Jud.—^ow  Josephus,  an  autlior  and  writer  of 
 your  own,  says  of  Christ,  that  he  was  a  just  and  good  man,  shewed  and  declared  so  to  be  by 
 divine  grace,  who  gave  aid  to  many  by  signs  and  miracles. 
 
 About  A,  D.  790.  Geonjius  Sijncellus  Chroii.  p.  339.---These  miseries  befell  the  Jews  by 
 way  of  revenge  for  James  the  Just,  who  was  the  brother  of  Jesus  that  was  called  Christ,  on  the 
 account  that  they  had  slain  him  who  was  a  most  righteous  person.  Now  as  Ananus,  a  person 
 of  that  character,  thought  he  had  a  proper  opportunity,  because  Festus  was  dead,  and  Albinus 
 ■was  but  upon  the  road,  so  he  assembles  the  Sanhedrim  of  judges,  and  brings  before  (hem 
 James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  who  was  called  Christ,  and  some  of  his  companions  ;  and  when 
 he  had  formed  an  accusation  against  them,  as  breakers  of  the  law,  he  delivered  them  to  be 
 stoned ;  but  as  for  those  that  seemed  the  most  equitable  of  the  citizens,  and  those  that  were 
 the  most  uneasy  at  the  breach  of  the  laws,  they  disliked  what  was  done.  They  also  sent  to 
 the  king  [Agrippa,]  desiring  him  to  send  to  Ananus  that  he  should  act  so  no  more,  for  what  he 
 had  done  already  could  not  be  justified,  &c. 
 
 About  A.  D.  850.  Johnn.  Male.la  Chrou.  lib.  x.---Frora  that  time  began  the  destruction  of 
 the  Jews,  as  Josephus,  the  philosopher  of  the  Hebrews,  hath  written  :  who  also  said  this, 
 that  from  the  lime  the  Jews  crucified  Christ,  who  was  a  good  and  righteous  man,  (that  is,  if  it 
 be  fit  to  call  such  a  one  a  man,  and  not  a  God,)  the  land  of  Judea  was  never  free  from  trouble. 
 These  things  the  same  Josephus  the  Jew  has  related  in  his  writings. 
 
 About  A.  D.  800.  Photius  Cod.  lib.  xlviii.— -I  have  read  the  treatise  of  Josephus  about 
 the  universe,  whose  title  I  have  elsewhere  read  to  be.  Of  the  Substance  of  the  Universe.  It  is 
 contained  in  two  very  small  treatises.  He  treats  of  the  origin  of  the  world  in  a  brief  manner. 
 Howevtr,  he  speaks  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  who  is  our  true  God,  in  a  way  very  like  to  what 
 we  use,  declaring  that  the  same  name  of  Christ  belongs  to  him,  and  writes  of  his  ineffable 
 generation  of  the  Father  after  such  a  manner,  as  cannot  be  blamed  ;  which  thing  may 
 perhaps  raise  a  c'oubt  in  some,  whether  Josephus  were  the  author  of  the  work,  though 
 the  phraseology  does  not  at  all  differ  from  this  man's  other  works.  However,  I  have 
 found  in  some  papers,  that  this  discourse  was  not  written  by  Josephus,  but  by  one  Cains  a 
 presbyter. 
 
 Cod.  ccxxxviii.]  Herod  the  tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  of  Perea,  the  son  of  Herod  the  Great, 
 fell  in  love,  as  Josephus  says,  with  the  wife  of  his  brother  Philip,  whose  name  was  Herodias, 
 who  was  the  grand-daughter  of  Herod  the  Great,  by  bis  son  Aristobulus,  whom  he  had  slain. 
 Agrippa  was  also  her  brother.  Now  Herod  took  her  away  from  her  husband,  and  married 
 her.  This  is  he  that  slew  John  the  Baptist,  that  great  man,  the  forerunner  [of  Christ,]  being 
 afraid,  as  Josephus  says,  lust  he  should  raise   a  sedition   among    his  people  ;  for  they  all  I'ol- 
 
 1 
 
DISSKUTATION    I.  7SS 
 
 lowed  Uic  (lireclions  of  John,  on  account  of  the  excellency  of  Lis  virtue.  In  his  time  was  tho 
 passion  of  our  Saviour. 
 
 Cnd.  xxxiii.J  I  have  read  tlie  Chronicle  of  Justus  of  Tiberias.  He  omits  the  greatest  part 
 of  what  was  most  necessary  to  he  related  ;  bat,  as  infected  with  Jewish  prejudices,  being  also 
 himself  a  Jew  l)_v  birth,  he  makes  no  mention  at  all  of  the  advent,  or  of  the  acts  done,  or  of 
 the  miracles  wrou;;ht,  by  Christ. 
 
 The  time  uncertain.  Macarius  in  Actis  Sanctorum,  torn,  v.  p.  149  ap.  Fabric.  Juscph.p. 
 ()l.---Joseplius,  a  priest  of  Jerusalem,  and  one  that  wrote  with  truth  the  history  of  the  Jewisli 
 alVairs,  bears  witness  that  Christ,  the  true  God,  was  incarnate,  and  crucified,  and  the  third 
 day  rose  again  ;  whose  writings  are  deposited  in  the  public  library.  Thus  he  says,  "  Now 
 there  was  about  this  time  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  s 
 doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher  of  snch  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure  :  he  drew 
 over  to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles  also  :  this  was  the  Christ.  And 
 when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross, 
 those  that  loved  him  at  the  first,  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared  to  them  alive  again  the 
 third  day,  as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold  these,  and  ten  thousatd  other  wonderful  things 
 concerning  him.  And  still  the  tribe  of  Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this 
 day."  Since  therefore  the  writer  of  the  Hebrews  have  engraven  this  testimony  concerning  our 
 Lord  and  Saviour  in  Lis  own  books,  what  defence  can  there  remain  for  the  unbelievers? 
 
 About  A.  D.Q9iQ.  Suidas  in  voce  /esows.— We  have  found  Josephus,  who  hath  written 
 about  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  (of  whom  Eusebius  Pamphili  makes  frequent  mention  in  his 
 Ecclesiastical  History,)  saying  openly  in  his  memoirs  of  the  captivity,  that  Jesus  officiated  in 
 the  temple  with  the  priests.  Thus  we  have  found  Josephus  saying,  a  man  of  ancient  times, 
 and  not  very  long  after  the  apostles,  &c. 
 
 About  A.  D.  lOGO.  Cedrenua  Compend.  Hist.  p.  196. -—Josephus  does  indeed  write  con- 
 cerning John  the  Baptist  as  follows  :  "  Some  of  the  Jews  thought  that  the  destruction  of 
 Herod's  army  came  from  God,  and  that  he  was  punished  very  justly  for  what  punishment  he 
 inllicted  on  John,  that  was  called  the  Baptist  ;  for  Herod  slew  him,  who  was  a  good  man,  and 
 commanded  the  Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  both  by  righteousness  towards  one  another,  and  piety 
 towards  God,  and  so  to  come  to  baptism."  But  as  concerning  Christ,  the  same  Josephus  says, 
 that  about  that  time  there  was  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was 
 a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  and  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure,  for 
 that  Christ  drew  over  many  even  from  the  Gentiles  ;  whom  when  Pilate  had  crucified,  those 
 who  at  first  had  loved  him,  did  not  leave  ofl"  to  preach  concerning  him,  for  he  appeared  to 
 them  the  third  day  alive  again,  as  the  divine  prophets  had  testified,  and  spoke  these  and  other 
 wonderful  things  concerning  him. 
 
 About  A.  D.  1080.  Tlieophilacf.  in  Joan.  lib.  xiii.-— The  city  of  the  Jews  was  taken,  and 
 the  wrath  of  God  was  kindled  against  them  ;  as  also  Josephus  witnesses,  that  this  came  upon 
 them  on  account  of  the  death  of  Jesus. 
 
 About  A.  D.  1120.  Zonoras  Annal.  torn.  i.  p.  2(»7.— -Josephus,  in  the  eighteenth  book  of 
 Antiquities,  writes  thus  concerning  our  Lord  and  God  Jesus  Christ :  "  Now  there  was  about 
 this  time,  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful 
 works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure.  He  drew  over  to  him  many  of 
 the  Jews  and  many  of  the.  Gentiles  :  He  was  the  Christ.  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion 
 of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the  cross,  those  that  had  loved  him  at 
 first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared  to  them  the  third  day  alive  again,  as  the  divine  pro- 
 phets had  said  these  and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things  concerning  him;  and  the  tribe  of 
 Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this  day." 
 
 Abiml  A.  D.  1120.  Glycas  Annal.  p.  234.-— Then  did  Philo,  that  wise  man,  and  Josephus 
 tlourish.  This  l.-.st  was  styled.  The  lover  of  truth,  because  he  commended  John,  who  baptized 
 our  Lord :  and  because  he  bore  witness  to  Christ,  in  like  manner,  was  a  wise  man,  and  the 
 doer  of  great  miracles  ;  and  tliat  when  he  was  crucified  he  appeared  the  third  day. 
 
 About  A.  D.  1240.  Godfridus  Viterbitnsis  CAron. p.  360.  e  Vers.  Rujini.— Josephus  relates, 
 that  a  very  great  war  arose  between  Aretas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  and  Herod,  on  account 
 of  the  sin  which  Herod  had  committed  against  John.  Moreover,  the  same  Josephus  writes 
 thus  concerning  Christ  :  "There  waS  at  this  time  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  at  least  it  be  lawful  to 
 call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  willingly  hear 
 truth.  He  also  drew  over  to  him  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles  :  He  was  Christ. 
 And  when  Pilate,  at  the  accusation  of  the  principal  men  of  our  nation,  had  decreed  that  he 
 should  be  crucified,  those  that  had  loved  him  from  the  beginning  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he 
 appeared  to  tiiem  the  third  day  alive  again,  according  to  wtiat  the  divinely  inspired  prophets 
 had  I'oretold,  that  these  and  innumerable  other  miracles  should  come  to  pass  about  him. 
 IMoreov<?r,  both  the  name  and  sect  of  Christians,  who  were  named  from  Lira,  continue  in  being 
 unto  this  day. ' 
 
 About  A.  I).  1300.  Kicephorus  Callistus  Hist.  Eceles.  lib.  i.  p.  90,  91. — Now  this  [con- 
 curning  Herod  the  tctrarcli]  is  attested  to,  not  only  by  the  book  of  the  holy  Gospels,  but  by 
 Josephus,  that  lover  of  truth  ;  who  also  makes  mention  of  Herodias  his  brother's  wife,  whom 
 
784  DISSERTATION    I 
 
 Herod  had  laken  away  from  him,  wliile  he  was  alive,  and  married  lier,  having  divorced  his 
 t'oriiier  lawful  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of  the  Petrean  Arabians.  This 
 Herodias  he  had  married,  and  lived  with  her;  on  which  account  also,  when  he  had  slain  John, 
 he  made  war  with  Aretas,  because  his  daughter  had  been  dishonourably  used ;  in  which  war 
 be  relates,  that  all  Herod's  army  was  destroyed,  and  that  he  suft'ered  this  on  account  of  the 
 most  unjust  slaughter  of  John.  He  also  adds,  that  John  was  a  most  righteous  man.  More- 
 over, he  makes  mention  of  his  baptism,  agreeing  in  all  points  thereto  relating  with  the  Gospel. 
 He  also  informs  us,  that  Herod  lost  his  kingdom  on  account  of  Herodias,  with  whom  also  he' 
 was  condemned  to  be  banished  to  Vienne,  which  was  their  place  of  exile,  and  a  city, bordering 
 upon  Gaul,  and  lying  near  the  utmost  bounds  of  the  west. 
 
 About  A.  D.  1450.  Hardmanus  Schedelius  Chron.  p.  110 — Josephus,  the  Jew,  who  was 
 called  Flavius,  a  priest,  and  the  son  of  Mattathias,  a  priest  cf  that  nation,  a  most  celebrated 
 historian,  and  very  skilful  in  many  thin;;s  ;  he  was  certainly  a  good  man,  and  of  au  excellent 
 character,  who  had  the  highest  opinion  Gf  Christ. 
 
 About  A.  D,  14S0.  Platini  de  Vitis  Pontificum  in  Christo.—l  shall  avoid  mentioning  what 
 Christ  did  until  the  30th  year  of  his  age,  when  he  was  baptized  by  John,  the  son  of  Zacharias, 
 because  not  only  the  Gospels  and  Epistles  are  full  of  those  acts  of  his,  which  he  did  in  the  most 
 excellent  and  most  holy  manner, but  the  books  of  such  as  were  quite  remote  from  his  way  of  living, 
 and  acting,  and  ordaining,  are  also  full  of  the  same.  Flavius  Josephus  himself,  who  wrote  twenty 
 books  of  the  Jewish  Antiquities  in  the  Greek  tongue,  when  he  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the 
 government  of  the  emperor  Tiberias,  says,  "There  was  in  those  days,  Jesus,  a  certain  wise 
 man,  if  at  least  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  and  a 
 teacher  of  men,  of  such  especially  as  willingly  hear  the  truth.  On  this  account  he  drew  over 
 to  him  many  both  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  :  He  was  Christ.  But  when  Pilate,  instigated  by 
 the  principal  men  of  our  nation,  had  decreed  that  he  should  be  crucified,  yet  did  not  those  who 
 had  loved  him  from  the  beginning  forsake  him  :  and  besides,  he  appeared  to  them  the  third  day 
 after  his  death,  alive,  as  the  divinely  inspired  prophets  had  foretold  that  these  and  innumerable 
 other  miracles  should  come  to  pass  about  him.  And  the  famous  name  of  Christians,  taken 
 from  him,  as  well  as  their  sect,  do  still  continue  in  being." 
 
 The  §ame  Josephus  also  alBrms,  that  John  the  Baptist,  a  true  prophet,  and  on  that  account 
 one  that  was  had  in  esteem  by  all  men,  was  slain  by  Herod,  the  son  of  Herod  the  Great,  a 
 little  before  the  death  of  Christ,  in  the  castle  of  Macherus  ;  not  because  he  was  afraid  for 
 himself,  and  his  kingdom,  as  the  same  author  says,  but  because  he  had  incestuously  married 
 Herodias  the  sister  of  Agrippa,  and  the  wife  of  that  excellent  person  his  brotlier  Philip. 
 
 About  A.  D.  14S0.  Trithumius  Abbas  de  Scriptor.  £cf/e*.— Josephus  the  Jew,  although 
 he  continued  to  be  a  Jew,  did  frequently  commend  the  Christians;  and  in  the  eighteenth  book 
 of  Antiquities,  wrote  down  an  eminent  testimony  concerning  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 
 
 Observations  from  the  foregoing  Evidence  and  Citations. 
 
 I.  The  style  of  all  these  original  testimonies  belonging  to  Josephus  is  exactly  the  style  of  the 
 same  Josephus,  and  especially  the  style  about  those  parts  of  his  Antiquities  wherein  we  find  these 
 testimonies.  This  is  deaied  by  nobody  as  to  the  other,  concerning  John  the  Baptist  and  James 
 the  Just,  and  is  now  become  equally  undeniable  as  to  that  concerning  Christ. 
 
 II.  These  testimonies  therefore  being  confesssedly  and  undeniably  written  by  Josephus 
 himself,  it  is  next  to  impossible  that  he  should  wholly  omit  some  testimony  concerning  Jesus 
 Christ  ;  nay,  while  his  testimonies  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  James  the  Just,  are  so  honourablp, 
 and  give  them  so  great  characters,  it  is  also  impossible  that  this  testimony  concerning  Christ 
 should  be  other  than  very  honourable,  or  such  as  afforded  him  a  still  greater  character  also. 
 Could  the  very  same  author,  who  gave  such  a  full  and  advantageous  character  of  John  the 
 Baptist,  the  forerunner  of  Jesus  of  Naziirelh,  all  whose  disciples  were  by  him  directed  to  Jesus 
 of  Nazareth,  as  to  the  true  Messias,  and  all  whose  disciples  became  afterwards  the  disciples 
 of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  say  nothing  honourable  of  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth  himself?  And  this  is 
 a  history  of  those  very  times  in  which  he  was  born,  and  lived,  and  died,  and  that  while  the 
 writer  lived  hut  a  little  after  him,  in  the  same  country  in  which  he  was  born,  and  lived,  and 
 died.  This  is  almost  incredible.  And  further,  could  tije  very  same  author,  who  gave  such 
 an  advantageous  character  of  James  the  Just,  and  this  under  the  very  appellation  of  James  the 
 brother  of  Jesus,  tcho  was  called  Chi'ist,  which  James  was  one  of  the  principal  disciples  or 
 apostles  of  this  Jesus  Christ,  and  had  been  many  years  the  only  Christian  bishop  of  the  believ- 
 ing Jews  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  in  the  very  days,  and  in  the  very  country,  of  this  writer  ? 
 could  he,  I  say,  wholly  omit  any,  nay,  a  very  honourable  account  of  Jesus  Christ  himself, 
 whose  disciple  and  bishop  this  James  most  certainly  was  ?  This  is  also  almost  incredible.  Hear 
 what  Itigius,  one  of  the  wisest  and  most  learned  uf  all  those  who  have  lately  inclined  to  give 
 Dp  the  testimony  concerning  Christ  as  it  stands  in  our  copies  for  spurious,  says  upon  this  occa- 
 sion: "  If  any  one  object  to  me,  that  Josephus  had  not  omitted  John  the  Baptist,  the  forerunner 
 of  Christ,  nor  James  the  disciple  of  Christ,  and  that  therefore  he  could  not  have  done  the  part 
 of  a  good  historian,  if  he  had  been  entirely  silent  coccerning  Christ,  I  shall   freely  gram  that 
 
 i 
 
DISSERTATION    I.  785 
 
 Josephns  was  not  entirely  silent  conaerning  Christ  ;  naj,  I  shall  further  grant,  that  when  Jose- 
 phus  was  speaking  nf  Christ  he  did  not  abstain  from  liis  commendation  ;  for  we  are  not  to 
 determine  from  that  inveterate  hatred  which  the  mndern  Jews  bear  to  ChrisI,  what  was  tile 
 behaviour  of  those  Jews,  upon  whom  the  miracles  that  were  daily  wrought  by  the  apostles  in 
 the  name  of  Christ  imprinted  a  sacred  horror." 
 
 III.  The  famous  clnuse  in  this  testimony  of  Joseplins  concerning  Christ,  This  was  Christ, 
 or  the  Christ,  did  not  mean  that  this  Jesus  was  the  ('hrist  of  God,  or  tlie  true  Messiah  of  the 
 Jews,  but  that  this  Jesus  was  distinguished  from  all  others  of  that  name,  of  which  there  were 
 not  a  few,  as  mentioned  by  Josephus  himself,  by  the  addition  of  the  other  name  of  Christ  ;  or 
 that  tliis  person  was  no  other  than  he  whom  all  the  world  knew  by  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ, 
 and  his  followers  by  the  name  of  Christiaus.  This  I  esteem  to  be  a  clear  case,  and  that  from 
 the  arguments  following  : 
 
 (1.)  Tlie  Greeks  and  Romans,  for  whose  use  Josephus  wrote  his  Antiquities,  could  no  other- 
 wise understand  these  words.  The  Jews  indeed,  and  afti-Twards  the  Christians,  who  knew 
 that  a  great  Messiah,  a  person  that  was  to  be  Christ,  the  Anointed  of  God,  and  that  was  to 
 perform  the  office  of  a  King,  a  Priest,  and  a  Prophet,  to  God's  people,  might  readily  so  under- 
 stand this  expression;  bi't  Josephus,  as  I  have  already  noted,  wrote  here,  not  to  Jews  or 
 Christians,  but  to  Greeks  and  Romans,  who  knew  nothing  nf  this,  but  knew  very  well  that  an 
 eminent  person  living  in  Judea,  whose  name  was  Jesus  Christ,  or  Jesus  the  Christ,  had  founded 
 a  new  and  numerous  sect,  which  took  the  latter  of  those  names,  and  were  every  where  from 
 him  crtlled  Chrestians,  or  Christians  ;  in  which  sense  alone  conld  they  understand  these  words 
 of  Josephus,  and  in  which  sense  I  believe  lie  desired  they  should  understand  them  :  nor  does 
 Josephns  ever  use  the  Hebrew  term  Messiah  in  any  of  bis  writings,  nor  the  Greek  term  Christ 
 in  any  such  acceptation  elsewhere. 
 
 (2.)  Josephus  himself  as  good  as  explains  bis  own  meaning,  and  that  by  the  last  clause  of 
 this  very  passage,  where  he  says,  the  Christians  were  named  from  this  Christ,  without  a  syl- 
 lable as  though  he  really  meant  he  was  the  true  IMessiah,  or  Christ  of  God.  He  farther  seems 
 to  me  to  explain  this  his  meaning  in  that  other  place,  where  alone  he  elsewhere  mentions  this 
 name  of  Ciirist,  that  is,  when  upon  occasion  of  the  mention  of  James,  when  he  was  condemned 
 by  Ananus,  he  calls  him  the  Brother  of  Jesus,  not,  that  was  the  true  Messiah,  or  the  true  Christ, 
 but  only  that  was  called  Christ, 
 
 (3.)  It  was  quite  beside  the  purpose  of  Josephus  to  declare  himself  here  to  be  a  Christian, 
 or  a  believer  in  Jesus  as  the  true  Messiah.  Had  he  intended  so  to  do,  he  would  surely  have 
 explained  the  meaning  of  the  word  Christ  to  his  Greek  and  Roman  readers  ;  he  would  surely 
 have  been  a  great  deal  fuller  and  larger  in  his  accounts  of  Christ,  and  of  the  Christian  religion  : 
 nor  would  such  a  declaration  at  that  lime  have  recommended  him,  or  his  nation,  or  his  writings, 
 to  either  the  Greeks,  or  the  Romans;  of  his  reputation  with  both  which  people,  he  is  known 
 to  have  been,  in  the  writing  of  these  Antiquities,  very  greatly  solicitous. 
 
 (4.)  Josephus'  usual  way  of  writing  is  historical  and  declarative  of  facts,  and  of  the  opinions 
 of  others,  and  but  rarely  such  as  directly  informs  us  of  his  own  opiuion,  unless  we  prudently 
 gather  it  from  what  he  savs  historically,  or  as  the  opinions  of  others.  This  is  very  observable 
 in  tlie  writings  of  Jose|)lius,  and  in  particular  as  to  what  he  says  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  of 
 James  the  Just;  so  that  this  interpretation  is  most  probable,  as  most  agreeable  to  Josephus' 
 way  of  writing  in  parallel  cases. 
 
 (5.)  This  seems  to  be  the  universal  sense  of  all  the  ancients  without  exception,  who  cite 
 this  testimony  from  him  ;  and  though  they  almost  every  where  own  this  to  be  the  true  reading, 
 yet  do  they  every  where  suppose  Josephus  to  be  still  an  unbelieving  Jew,  and  not  a  believing 
 Christian:  nay,  Jerome  appears  so  well  assured  of  this  interpretation,  and  that  Josephus  did 
 not  mean  to  declare  any  more  by  these  words  than  a  common  opinion,  that,  according  to  his 
 usual  way  of  interpreting  authors,  not  to  the  words  but  to  the  sense,  (of  which  we  have,  I 
 think,  two  more  instances  in  his  accounts  out  of  Josephus,  now  before  us,)  he  renders  this 
 clause  credehatur  esse  Chrislus,\.  e.  He.  wits  believed  to  be  Christ.  Nor  is  this  parallel  expres- 
 sion of  Pilate  to  be  otherwise  understood,  when  he  made  that  inscription  on  the  cross.  77(iS 
 is  Jesus,  the  king  of  the  Jews,*  which  is  well  explained  by  himself  elsewhere,  and  corresponds 
 to  the  imjiort  of  the  present  clause,  What  shall  I  do  with  Jesus,  who  is  called  Christ  ?f  And 
 we  may  full  as  well  prove  fiom  Pilate's  inscription  upon  the  cross,  that  he  hereby  declared 
 himself  a  believer  in  Christ,  for  the  real  King  of  the  Jews,  as  we  can  from  these  words 
 of  Josephus,  that  he  thereby  declared  himself  to  be  a  real  believer  in  him,  as  the  true 
 J\lessiah. 
 
 IV.  Though  Josephus  did  not  design  here  to  declare  tiimself  openly  to  be  a  Christian,  yet 
 could  he  not  possibly  believe  all  that  he  here  asserts  concerning  Jesus  Christ,  unless  he  were 
 so  far  a  Christian  as  the  Jewish  Na/.arenes  or  Ebionites  then  were,  who  believed  Jesus  of 
 Nazareth  to  be  the  true  Messiah,  without  believing  ho  was  more  than  a  man  ;  who  also  believed 
 the  necessity  of  the  observation  of  the  ceremonial  law  of  Moses  in  order  to  salvation  for  all 
 mankind,  which  were  the  two  main  articles  nf  (hose  Jewish  Chrisli:ins'  faith,  though  in  oppo- 
 sition to  all  the  thirteen  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  first  century,  aud  in  opposition  to  tho 
 •  Matt,  xxvii.  37.  t  Ibid,  xxvji.  17,  Ce. 
 
786  DISSERTATION    I. 
 
 wbole  Calliolic  Cburcb  of  Christ  in  the  folloA-ing  centuiies  also.  AccoidingJy,  I  Lave  else- 
 where proved,  that  Joseplius  was  no  other  in  his  own  mind  and  conscience,  than  a  Nazarene 
 or  Ebiouite  Jewish  Christian  ;  and  have  observed  (iiat  this  entire  testimoav,  and  ail  that  Jose- 
 iihus  says  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  of  James,  as  well  as  his  absolute  silence  about  all  the  rest  of 
 the  apostles  and  their  companions,  exactly  agrees  to  him  under  that  character,  and  no  oilier.  And 
 indeed  to  me  it  is  most  astonishing,  that  all  our  learned  men,  wlio  have  of  late  considered  these 
 testimonies  of  Josephus,  except  the  converted  Jev?  Galatinus,  should  miss  such  an  obvions  and 
 Biitnral  observation.  We  all  know  this  from  St.  James'  own  words,  that  so  many  ten  thousands 
 of  tlie  Jeivs  as  believed  in  Christ,  in  the  first  century,  rere  nil  zealous  of  the  ceremonial  law, 
 or  were  no  other  than  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Christians ;  and,  by  consequence,  if  there  were 
 any  reason  to  think  onr  Josephus  to  be  in  any  sense  a  believer,  or  a  Christian,  as  from  all  these 
 testimonies  there  were  very  great  ones,  all  those,  and  many  other  reasons,  could  not  but  con- 
 spire to  assure  us  be  was  no  other  than  a  Nazarene  or  £biouite  Christian:  and  this  I  take  to 
 be  the  plain  and  evident  key  of  this  whole  matter. 
 
 V.  Since  therefore  Josephus  appears  to  have  been,  in  his  own  heart  and  conscience,  no  other 
 than  a  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Christian,  and,  by  conseqaence,  with  them  rejected  all  onr  Greek 
 gospels  and  Greek  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and  received  only  the  Hebrew  gospel  of  the 
 NazarenesorEbionites,  styled  by  them.  The  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews;  or  according  to 
 the  twelve  apostles,  or  even  wcording  to  Matthew,  we  ought  always  to  have  that  Nazarene  or 
 Ebionite  gospel,  with  the  other  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  fragments,  in  view,  when  we  consider 
 any  passages  of  Josephus  relaiing  to  Christ  or  to  Christianity.  Thus,  since  that  gospel  omitted 
 all  that  is  in  the  beginning  of  onr  St.  IMatthew's  and  St.  Luke's  gospels,  and  began  with  the 
 ministry  of  John  the  Baptist;  in  which  first  parts  of  the  gospel  history  are  the  accounts  of  the 
 s!aiij;liter  of  the  infants,  and  of  the  enrolment  or  taxation  under  Augustus  Caesar  and  Herod, 
 it  is  no  great  wonder  that  Joseplius  has  not  taken  care  particularly  and  clearly  to  preserve 
 those  histories  to  us.  Thus  when  we  find  that  Josephus  calls  James  the  brother  of  Christ,  by 
 the  name  of  James  the  Just,  and  describes  him  as  a  most  just  and  righteous  man,  in  an  espe- 
 cial manner,  we  are  to  remember  that  such  is  his  name  and  character  in  the  gospel  according- 
 to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  other  Ebionite  remains  of  Ilegesippus,  but  no  where  else  that  I 
 remember,  in  the  earliest  antiquity  :  nor  are  we  to  suppose  they  herein  referred  to  any  other 
 than  tiiat  righteousness  which  was  by  the  Jewish  law,  wherein  St.  Paul,*  before  he  embraced 
 Christianity,  professed  himself  to  have  been  blameless.  Thus  when  Josephus,  with  other 
 Jews,  ascribeti  the  miseries  of  that  nation  under  Vespasian  and  Titus,  wiih  the  destruction 
 of  Jerusalem,  to  the  barbarous  murder  of  James  the  Just,  we  must  remember  what  we  learn 
 from  the  Ebionite  fragments  of  Hegesippus,  that  these  Ebionites  interpreted  a  prophecy  of 
 Isaiah  as  foretelling  this  very  murder,  and  those  consequent  miseries  ;  Let  us  take  away  the 
 just  one,  for  he  is  tmprofitahle  to  tis  :  therefore  shall  they  eat  the  fruit  of  their  own  tvays.i  Thus 
 
 when  Josephus  says,  as  we  have  seen,  that  the  most  equitable  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  and  those 
 that  were  most  zealous  of  the  law,  were  very  uneasy  at  the  condemnation  of  this  James,  and 
 some  of  his  friends  or  fellow  Christians,  by  the  high  priest'^fand  Sanhedrim,  about  A.  D.  02. 
 and  declares  that  he  himself  was  one  of  those  Jews  who  thought  the  terrible  miseries  of  that 
 nation  effects  of  the  vengeance  of  God  for  their  murder  of  this  James,  about  A.  D.  68,  we  may 
 easily  see  these  opinions  could  only  be  the  opinions  of  converted  Jews  or  Ebionites.  The  high 
 priest  and  Sanhedrim,  who  always  persecuted  the  Christians,  and  now  condemned  these  Chris- 
 tians, and  the  body  of  these  unbelieving  Jews,  who  are  supposed  to  snUer  for  murdering  this 
 James,  the  head  of  the  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Christians  in  Judea,  could  not,  to  be  sure,  be  of 
 that  opinion  :  nor  could  Josephus  himself  be  of  the  same  opinion,  as  he  declares  he  was,  with- 
 out the  strongest  inclinations  to  the  Christian  religion,  or  without  being  secretly  a  Christian 
 Jsw,  i.  e.  a  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  ;  which  thing  is,  by  tlie  way,  a  very  great  additional  argu- 
 ment that  such  he  was  and  no  other.  Thus,  lastly,  when  Josephus  is  cited  in  Suidas  as  affirm- 
 ing that  Jesus  officiated  with  the  priests  in  the  temple,  this  account  is  by  no  means  disagree- 
 able to  the  pretensions  of  the  Ebionites.  Hegesippus  affirms  the  very  same  of  James  the 
 Just  also. 
 
 VI.  In  the  first  citation  of  the  famous  testimony  concerning  our  Saviour  from  Tacitus,  almost 
 »11  that  was  true  of  the  Jews  is  directly  taken  by  him  out  of  Josephus,  as  will  be  demonstrated 
 under  the  third  Dissertation  hereafter. 
 
 ^'II.  The  second  author  I  have  alleged  for  it  is  Justin  Martyr,  one  so  nearly  coeval  with 
 Josephus,  that  he  might  be  born  about  the  time  that  he  wrote  his  Antiquities,  appeals  to  the 
 same  .\Mtiquities  by  that  very  name  ;  and  though  he  does  not  here  directly  quote  them,  yet 
 does  he  seem  to  me  to  allude  to  this  very  testimony  in  them  concerning  our-  Saviour,  when  he 
 affirms  in  this  phice  to  Trypho  the  Jew,  That  his  nation  originally  knew  that  Jesus  teas  risen 
 from  the  dead,  and  ascetided  into  heaven,  as  the  prophets  did  foretell  was  to  happen.  Since  there 
 neither  now  is,  nor  probably  in  the  days  of  Justin  was,  any  other  Jewish  testimony  extant 
 wliich  is  so  agreeable  to  what  Justin  here  affirms  of  those  Jews,  as  is  this  of  Josephus  the  Jew 
 belore  us  :  nor  indeed  does  he  seem  to  me  to  have  had  any  thing  else  particular  in  his  view 
 here,  but  this  very  testimony,  where  Josephos  says,  "  That  Jesus  appeared  to  bis  follower* 
 •  Philip  iii.  4,  5,  6.  +  Isa.  iii.  to. 
 
DISSERTATION    I.  787 
 
 alive  tlie  tliird  dav  after  liis  crucifixion,  as  tbe  divine  prophets  hud  foretold  these  and  Ion 
 thousand  other  wonderful  thincfs  concerning  him." 
 
 VI I!.  The  third  author  I  have  quoted  for  Josophus's  testimonies  of  John  tbe  Baplist,  of 
 Jesus  of  Nazareth,  aud  of  James  the  Just,  is  Origen,  who  is  indeed  allowed  on  all  hands  to 
 have  quoted  him  for  the  excellent  characters  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  of  James  the  Just,  but 
 whose  supposed  entire  silence  about  this  testimony  concerning  Christ  is  usually  alleged  as  the 
 principal  argument  against  its  being  genuine,  and  particularly  as  to  the  clause,  This  was  tbe 
 Christ,  and  that,  as  we  have  seen,  becausa  he  twice  assures  us,  Ihnt  in  his  opinion,  Josephus 
 did  not  himself  acknowledge  Jesus  for  the  Christ.  Now  as  to  this  latter  clause,  I  have  already 
 ibewn,  that  Josephus  did  not  here,  in  writing  to  Greeks  and  Romans,  mean  auy  such  thing 
 by  those  words  as  Jews  and  Christians  naturally  understood  by  them  :  I  have  also  observed, 
 that  all  tbe  ancients  allow  still,  with  Origen,  that  Josephus  did  not,  in  tbe  Jewish  and  Chris- 
 tian sense,  acknowledge  Jesus  for  the  true  Messiah,  or  the  true  Christ  of  God  ;  notwithstand- 
 ing tiieir  express  quotation  of  that  clause  in  Josephus  as  gi^nuine,  so  that  unless  we  suppose 
 Origen  to  have  bad  a  different  notion  of  these  words  from  all  the  other  ancients,  we  cannot 
 conclude  from  this  assertion  of  Origen's,  that  he  bad  not  these  words  in  his  e(&py,  not  to  say 
 that  it  is,  after  all,  much  more  likely  that  his  copy  a  little  differed  from  the  other  copies  in 
 this  clause,  or  indeed  omitted  it  entirely,  than  that  he,  on  its  account,  must  be  supposed  not 
 to  have  had  the  rest  of  this  testimony  therein,  though  indeed  I  see  no  necessity  of  making  any 
 snob  sopposal  at  all.  However,  it  seems  to  me  that  Origen  affords  us  four  several  indications 
 that  the  main  parts  at  least  of  this  testimony  itself  were  in  his  copy. 
 
 (^1.)  When  Origen  introduces  Josephus'  testimony  concerning  James  the  Just,  that  ho 
 thought  the  miseries  of  the  Jews  were  aa  instance  of  tbe  divine  vengeance  on  that  nation  for 
 putting  James  to  death  instead  of  Jesus,  he  uses  an  expression  no  way  necessary  to  his  pur- 
 pose, nor  occasioned  by  any  words  of  Jo.se[)l!us  there,  that  they  had  slain  that  Christ  which  is 
 fiimlold  ill  the  Prophecies.  Whence  could  this  expression  come  here  into  Origen's  mind, 
 when  he  was  quoting  a  testimony  of  Josephus  concerning  the  brother  of  Christ,  but  from  his 
 remembrance  of  a  clause  in  the  testimony  of  the  same  Josephus  concerning  Christ  himself, 
 that  the  prophets  had  foretold  hisdealh  and  resurrection,  and  ten  thouaand  other  wonderful  things 
 troHcermn;/  him? 
 
 (2.)  How  came  Origen  to  be  so  surprised  at  Josephus'  ascribing  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
 salem to  tbe  Jews' murdering  of  James  the  Just,  and  not  to  their  murdering  Jesus,  as  we  have 
 seen  he  was,  if  he  had  not  known  that  Josephus  had  spoken  of  Jesus  and  his  death  before,  and 
 that  he  bad  a  very  good  opinion  of  Jssus,  which  yet  he  could  learn  no  way  so  authentically  as 
 from  this  testimnny?  Nor  do  the  words  he  here  uses,  that  Josephus  was  not  remote  from  the 
 truth,  perhaps  allude  to  any  thing  else  but  to  this  very  ti  stimony  before  us. 
 
 (3.)  How  came  the  same  Origen,  upon  another  slight  occasion,  when  he  had  just  set  down 
 that  testimony  of  Josephas  concerning  James  tbe  Just,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  who  was  called 
 Christ,  to  say.  That  "  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  Jews  thought  Jesus  to  be  a  man,  or 
 whether  they  did  not  suppose  him  to  be  a  being  of  a  diviner  kind?"  This  looks  so  very  like 
 the  fifth  and  sixth  clauses  of  this  testimony  in  Josephus,  that  Jems  was  a  tvise  man,  if  it  be 
 lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  that  it  is  highly  probable  Origen  therebv  alluded  to  them  ;  and  this 
 is  the  more  to  be  depended  on,  because  all  the  unbelieving  Jews,  and  all  tbe  rest  of  tbe  Naza- 
 rene  Jews,  esteemed  Jesus  with  one  consent  as  a  mere  man,  the  son  of  Joseph  and  Mary  ;  and 
 it  is  not,  I  think,  possible,  to  produce  any  one  Jew  but  Josephus,  who,  in  a  sort  of  compliance 
 with  the  Romans  and  the  catholic  Christians,  who  thought  him  a  God,  would  say  any  thing 
 like  his  being  a  God. 
 
 (4.)  How  came  Origen  (o  aflirro  twice,  so  expressly,  that  Josephus  did  not  himself  own,  in 
 the  Jewish  and  Christian  sense,  that  Jesus  was  Christ,  notwithstanding  bis  quotation  of  such 
 eminent  testimonies  out  of  him  for  John  the  Baptist,  bis  forerunner,  aud  for  James  the  Just, 
 his  brother,  and  one  of  his  principal  disciples  ?  There  is  no  passage  in  all  Josephus  so  likely 
 to  persuade  Origen  of  this  as  is  tbe  famous  testimony  before  us,  ^.herein,  as  he  and  all  the 
 ancients  understood  it,  he  was  generally  called  Christ  indeed,  but  not  any  otherwise  than  as 
 the  common  name  whence  the  sect  of  Christians  was  derived,  and  where  he  all  along  speaks 
 of  those  Christians  as  a  sect  then  in  being,  whose  author  was  a  wonderful  person,  and  his  fol- 
 lowers great  lovers  of  him  and  of  the  truth,  yet  as  such  a  sect  as  he  had  not  joined  himself  to. 
 ■Which  exposition,  as  it  is  a  very  natural  one,  so  was  it,  I  doubt,  but  too  true  of  our  Josephus 
 at  that  time  :  nor  can  I  devise  any  other  reason  but  this,  and  the  parallel  language  of  Josephus 
 elsewhere,  when  he  speaks  of  James  as  the  brother,  not  of  Jesus  who  was  Clirist,  but  of  Jesus 
 who  was  called  Christ,  that  could  so  naturally  induce  Origen   and  others  to  be  of  that  opinion. 
 
 IX.  There  are  two  remarkable  passages  in  Suidas  and  Theophylact,  already  set  down,  as 
 citing  Josephus  ;  the  former,  that  Jesus  olficiated  with  the  priests  of  the  temple  ;  and  tbe  lat- 
 ter, Ihattiie  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  miseries  of  the  Jews,  were  owing  to  their  putting 
 Jesus  to  death,  which  are  in  none  of  our  present  copies,  nor  cited  thence  by  any  ancienter 
 authors,  nor  indeed  do  tbey  seem  altogether  consistent  with  the  other  more  authentic  testi- 
 monies. However,  since  Suidas  cites  his  passage  from  a  treatise  of  Jcsepluis'.  called 
 Memoirs  of  the  Jews' captivity,  a  book  never  heard  of  elsewhere,  and  since   both  cilatious 
 
788  DISSERTATION    II. 
 
 are  not  at  all  disagreeable  to  Josepbus' character  asaMazarene  or  Ebionile,  I  dare  not 
 positively  conclude  that  they  are  spurious,  but  must  leave  them  in  suspense,  for  the  farther 
 consideration  of  the  learned. 
 
 X.  As  to  that  great  critic  Photins,  in  the  ninth  century,  who  is  supposed  not  to  have  had  this 
 testimony  -in  his  copy  of  Joseplius,  or  else  to  iiave  esteemed  it  spurious,  because,  in  his  extracts 
 out  of  Josephus'  Antiquities,  it  is  not  expressly  mentioned.  This  is  a  strange  thing  indeed  ! 
 that  a  section  which  had  been  cited  out  of  Josephus'  copies  all  along  before  the  days  of  Pho- 
 tius,  as  Well  as  it  has  all  along  been  cited  out  of  them  since  his  days,  should  be  supposed  not 
 to  be  in  his  copy,  because  he  does  not  directly  mention  it  in  certain  short  and  imperfect 
 extracts,  no  way  particularly  relating  to  such  matters.  Those  who  lay  a  stress  on  this  silence 
 of  Photius,  seem  little  to  have  attended  to  the  nature  and  brevity  of  those  extracts.  They  con- 
 tain little  or  nothing,  as  he  in  effect  professes  at  their  entrance,  but  what  concerns  Antipater, 
 Herod  the  Great,  and  his  brethren  and  family,  with  their  exploits,  till  the  days  of  Agrippa, 
 junior,  and  Ciimanus,  the  governor  of  Judea,  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of  onr  Saviour,  without 
 one  word  of  Pilate,  or  what  happened  under  his  government,  which  yet  was  the  only  proper 
 place  in  which  this  testimony  could  come  to  be  mentioned.  However,  since  Photius  seems, 
 therefore,  as  we  have  seen,  to  suspect  the  treatise  ascribed  by  some  to  Josephus,  of  the  Uni- 
 verse, because  it  speaks  very  high  things  of  the  eternal  generation  and  divinity  of  Christ,  this 
 looks  very  like  his  knowledge  and  belief  of  somewhat  really  iu  the  same  Josephus,  which  spake 
 in  a  lower  manner  of  him,  which  could  be  hardly  any  other  passage  than  this  testimony  before 
 us.  And  since,  as  we  have  also  seen,  when  he  speaks  of  the  Jewish  history  of  Justus  of 
 Tiberias,  as  infected  with  the  prejudices  of  the  Jews,  in  taking  no  notice  of  the  advent,  of  the 
 acts,  and  of  the  miracles  of  Jesus  Christ,  while  yet  he  never  speaks  so  of  Josephus  himself, 
 this  naturally  implies  also,  that  there  was  not  the  like  occasion  here  as  there,  but  that  Jose- 
 phus had  not  wholly  omitted  that  advent,  those  acts,  or  miracles,  which  yet  he  has  done  every 
 where  else,  in  the  books  seen  by  Photius,  as  well  as  Justus  of  Tiberias,  but  in  this  famous 
 testimony  before  us,  so  that  it  is  probable  Photius  not  only  had  this  testimony  in  his  copy,  but 
 believed  it  to  be  genuine  also, 
 
 XI.  As  to  the  silence  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  who  cites  the  Antiquities  of  Josephus,  but 
 never  cites  any  of  the  testimonies  now  before  us,  it  is  no  strange  thing  at  all,  since  he  never 
 cites  Josephus  but  once,  and  that  for  a  point  of  chronology  only,  to  determine  how  many  years 
 had  passed  from  the  days  of  Moses  to  the  days  of  Josephus  ;  so  that  his  silence  may  almost 
 as  well  be  alleged  against  a  hundred  other  remarkable  passages  in  Josephus'  works  as  against 
 these  before  us. 
 
 XII.  Nor  does  the  like  sUence  of  Tertuliinn  imply  that  these  testimofiies,  or  any  of  them, 
 were  not  in  the  copies  of  his  age.  Tertullian  never  once  hints  at  any  of  Josephus'  treatises 
 but  those  against  Apion,  and  that  in  general  only  for  a  point  of  chronology  :  nor  does  it  any 
 way  appear  that  Tertullian  ever  saw  any  of  Josephus'  writings  lieside,  and  far  from  being  cer- 
 tain that  he  saw  even  those.  He  had  particular  occasion  in  liis  dispute  against  the  Jews  to 
 quote  Josephus,  above  any  other  writer,  to  prove  the  completion  of  the  prophecies  of  the  Old ' 
 "Testament  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  miseries  of  the  Jews  at  that  time,  of  which  he 
 there  discourses,  yet  does  he  never  once  quote  him  upon  that  solemn  occasion  ;  so  that  it  seems 
 to  nie,  that  Tertullian  never  read  either  the  Greek  Antiquities  of  Josephus,  or  bis  Greek  books 
 of  the  Jewish  Wars ;  nor  is  this  at  all  strange  in  Tertullian,  a  Latin  writer  that  lived  in  Africa, 
 by  none  of  which  African  writers  is  there  any  one  clause,  that  J  know  of,  cited  out  of  any  of 
 Jose|)hus'  writings  :  nor  is  it  worth  my  while,  in  such  cumbers  of  positive  citations  of  these 
 clauses,  to  mention  the  silence  of  other  later  writers,  as  being  here  of  very  small  consequeace. 
 
 DISSERTATION  II. 
 
 Concerning  Gud's  Command  to  Abraham  to  offer  up  Isaac  his  Sotifor  a  Sacrifice. 
 
 Since  this  command  to  Abraham*  has  of  late  been  greatly  mistaken  by  some,  who  venture  to 
 reason  about  very  ancient  facts,  from  very  modern  notions,  and  this  without  a  due  regard  to 
 either  t!.«  customs,  or  opinions,  or  circumstances  of  the  times  whereto  these  facts  belong,  or 
 indeed  to  the  true  reasons  of  the  facts  themselves  ;  since  the  mistakes  about  those  customs, 
 opinions,  circumstances,  and  reasons,  have  of  late  so  far  prevailed,  that  the  very  same  action 
 of  Abraham's,  which  was  so  celebrated  by  St.  Pani.t  St.  James, |  the  author  to  the  Hebeews,|| 
 Philo,^  and  Josephus,^  in  the  first  century,  and  by  innumerable  others  since,  as  an  uncommon 
 instance  of  signal  virtue,  of  heroic  faith  in  God,  and  piety  towards  him  ;  nay,  is  in  the  sacred** 
 history  highly  commended  by  the  divine  Angel  of  the  Covenant,  in  the  name  of  God  himself, 
 and  promised  to  be  plentifully  rewarded  ;  since  this  command,  I  say,  is  now  at  last  in  the 
 eighteenth  century,  become  a  stone  of  stumbling  and  a  rock  of  oBence  among  us,  and  that 
 sometimes  to  persons  of  otherwise  good  sense,  and  of  a  religious  disposition  of  mind  also,  I 
 
 *  Gen.  xxii.  t  Rom.  iv.  16-25.  1  Jam.  ii.  21,  72. 
 
 II  Iltb.  xi.  17-19.  ^  Phil,  de  Gyant.  p.  294. 
 
 H  Jos.  Antiq.  b.  1.  chap,  xiii.  *•  Gen.  xxii,  15—18. 
 
DISSERTATION    II.  789 
 
 shall  eudeavoar  to  set  this  matter  in  its  true,  i.  e.  in  its  ancient  and  original  ligiit,  for  the  satis- 
 faction of  the  inquisitive.     In  order  whereto  we  are  to  consider, 
 
 1.  That  till  tliis  very  profane  a^e,  it  hus  been,  I  think,  universally  allowed  by  all  sober 
 persons,  who  owned  themselves  the  creatures  of  God,  that  the  Creator  has  a  just  ri^jht  over  all 
 his  rational  creatures,  to  protract  their  lives  to  what  lenf;th  he  pleases  ;  to  cut  them  olV  when  and 
 bv  wiiat  instrument  he  pleases ;  to  afflict  them  with  what  sicknesses  he  pleases,  and  to  remove 
 them  from  one  state  or  place  in  this  liis  great  palace  of  the  universe  to  another,  as  he  pleases  ; 
 and  that  all  those  rational  creatures  are  bound  in  duty  and  interest  to  acquiesce  under  the 
 divine  disposal,  and  to  resign  themselves  up  to  the  good  providence  of  God  in  all  such  his  dis- 
 pensations towards  them.  I  do  not  mean  to  intimate,  that  God  may,  or  ever  does  act  in  these 
 cases  after  a  mere  arbitrary  manner,  or  without  sufficient  reason,  believing,  according  to  the 
 whole  tenor  of  natural  and  revealed  religion,  that  he  hateth  nothing  that  he  hath  made;*  that 
 whatsoever  he  does,  how  melancholy  soever  it  may  appear  at  first  sight  to  us,  is  really  intended 
 for  the  good  of  his  creatures,  and,  at  the  upshot  of  things,  will  fully  appear  so  to  be :  but  that 
 still  he  is  not  obliged,  nor  does  in  general  give  his  creatures  an  account  of  the  particular 
 reasons  of  such  his  dispensations  toward  them  immediately,  but  usually  tries  and  exercises 
 their  faith  and  patience,  their  resignation  and  obedience,  in  their  present  state  of  probation, 
 and  reserves  those  reasons  to  the  last  day,  the  day  of  the  revelation  of  the  righteous  judgment 
 of  GodA 
 
 2.  That  the  entire  histories  of  the  past  ages,  from  the  days  of  Adam  till  now,  do  shew,  that 
 almighty  God  has  ever  exercised  his  power  over  mankind,  and  that  without  giving  them  an 
 immediate  account  of  the  reasons  of  such  his  conduct;  and  that  withal  the  best  and  wisest  men 
 of  all  ages.  Heathens  as  well  as  Jews  and  Christians,  Marcus  Antoninus  as  well  as  the  patri- 
 arch Abraham  and  St.  Paul,  have  ever  humbly  submitted  themselves  to  this  conduct  of  the 
 divine  providence,  and  always  confessed  that  they  were  obliged  to  the  undeserved  goodness 
 and  mercy  of  God  for  every  enjoyment,  but  could  not  demand  any  of  them  of  bis  justice,  no, 
 not  so  much  as  the  continuance  of  that  life  whereto  those  enjoyments  do  appertain.  When 
 God  was  pleased  to  sweep  the  wicked  race  of  men  away  by  a  flood,  the  young  innocent  infants 
 as  well  as  the  guilty  old  sinners  ;  when  he  was  pleased  to  shorten  the  lives  of  men  after  the 
 (lood,  and  still  downward  till  the  days  of  David  and  Solomon  ;  when  he  was  pleased  to  destroy 
 impure  Sodom  and  Gomorrha  by  fire  and  brimstone  from  heaven,  and  to  extirpate  the  main 
 body  of  the  Amorites  out  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  as  soon  as  their  iniquities  were  full,%  and  iu 
 these  instances  included  the  young  innocent  Infants,  together  with  the  old  hardened  sinners  ; 
 when  God  was  pleased  to  send  an  angel,  and  by  him  to  destroy  185,000  Assyrians,  (the  nnm- 
 ber  attested  to  by  Berosus  the  Chaldean,  as  well  as  by  our  own  Bibles,)  in  the  days  of  Heze- 
 kiah,  most  of  whom  seem  to  have  had  no  other  peculiar  guilt  upon  them  than  that  common  to 
 soldiers  in  war,  of  obeying,  without  reserve,  their  king  Sennacherib,  his  generals  and  captains; 
 and  when,  at  the  plague  of  Athens,  London,  Marseilles,  &c.  so  many  thousand  righteous  men 
 and  women,  with  innocent  babes,  were  swept  away  on  a  sudden  by  a  fatal  contagion  ;  I  do  not 
 remember  that  sober  men  have  complained  that  God  dealt  unjustly  with  such  bis  creatures,  in 
 those  to  us  seemingly  severe  dispensations  :  nor  are  we  certain  when  any  such  seemingly  severe 
 dispensations  are  really  such,  nor  do  we  know  but  shortening  the  lives  of  men  may  sometimes 
 he  the  greatest  blessing  to  them,  and  prevent  or  put  a  stop  to  those  courses  of  gross  wicked- 
 ness which  might  bring  them  to  a  greater  misery  in  the  world  to  come  :  nor  is  it  tit  for  such 
 poor,  weak,  and  ignorant  creatures  as  we  are,  in  the  present  state,  to  call  our  almighty,  and 
 all-wise,  and  all-good  Creator  and  Benefactor  to  an  account,  upon  any  such  occasions  ;  since 
 we  cannot  but  acknowledge  that  it  is  He  that  hath  made  us,  and  not  we  ourselves  ;\\  that  we  are 
 nothing,  and  have  nothing  of  ourselves,  independent  of  him  ;  but  that  all  we  are,  all  we  have, 
 and  all  we  hope  for,  is  derived  from  him,  from  his  free  and  undeserved  bounty,  which  there- 
 fore he  may  justly  take  from  us  in  what  way  soever,  and  whensoever  he  pleases  ;  all  wise  and 
 good  men  still  saying  in  such  cases,  with  the  pious  Psalmist,  xxxix.  9.  "  I  was  dumb,  I  opened 
 not  my  month,  because  thou  didsl  it  ;"  and  with  patient  Job,  i.  21.  ii.  10.  "  Shall  we  receive 
 good  at  the  hand  of  God,  and  shall  not  we  receive  evil  ?  The  Lord  gave,  and  the  Lord  took 
 away  ;  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord."  If  therefore  this  shortening  or  taking  away  the  lives 
 of  men  be  an  objection  against  any  divine  commimd  for  that  purpose,  it  is  full  as  strong  against 
 the  present  system  of  the  world,  against  the  conduct  of  divine  providence  in  general,  and 
 against  natural  religion,  which  is  founded  on  the  justice  of  that  providence,  and  is  no  way  pecu- 
 liar to  revealed  religion,  or  to  the  fact  of  Abraham  now  before  us.  Nor  is  this  case  much  dif- 
 ferent from  what  was  soon  after  the  days  of  Abraham  thoroughly  settled,  al'ter  Job,  and  his 
 friends'  debates,  by  the  inspiration  of  Elihu,  and  the  determination  of  God  himself,  where  the 
 divine  providence  was  at  length  thoroughly  cleared  and  justified  before  all  the  world,  as  it  will 
 be,  no  question,  more  generally  cleared  and  justified,  at  the  final  judgment. 
 
 3.  That  till  this  profane  age,  it  has  also,  I  think,  been  universally  allowed  by  all  sober  men, 
 
 that  a  command  of  God,  when  sufliciently  made  known  to  be  so,  is  abundant  authority  for  the 
 
 taking  away  the  life  of  any    person    whomsoever.     I  doubt  both  ancient  and  modern  princes, 
 
 generals  of  armies,  and  judges,  even  those  of  the  best  rcpntalion  also,  have  ventured  to  take 
 
 *  \ViStl.  xi.  14.  1  Rom.  li.  5,  t  Ueu.  w.  IC.  ||  Psal.  c.  3, 
 
T.OO'  DISSERTATION    II. 
 
 many  men's  lives  away  upon  much  less  authority ;  nor  indeed  do  the  most  sceptical  of  the 
 moderns  care  to  deny  this  authority  directly:  they  rather  take  a  method  of  objecting  somewhat 
 more  plausible,  though  it  amount  to  much  the  same  :  they  sny  ihut  the  apparent  disagreement 
 of  any  command  to  tlie  moral  attributes  of  God,  such  as  this  of  the  slaug'hter  of  an  only  child 
 seems  plainly  to  be,  will  be  a  greater  evidence  that  such  command  does  not  come  from  God, 
 than  any  pretended  revelation  can  he  tlwt  it  does.  But  as  to  this  matter,  although  divine 
 revelations  have  now  so  long  ceased,  that  we  are  not  well  acquainted  with  the  manner  of  con- 
 veying such  revelations  with  certainty  to  men,  and  by  consequence  the  apparent  disagreement 
 of  a  command  with  the  moral  attributes  of  God,  ought  at  present  generally,  if  not  constantly, 
 to  deter  men  from  acting  upon  such  a  pretended  revelation,  yet  there  was  no  such  uncertainty 
 in  the  days  of  the  old  prophets  of  God,  or  of  Abraham,  the  friend  of  God,*  who  are  ever  found 
 to  have  had  an  entire  certainty  of  those  their  revelatio-ns :  and  what  evidently  shews  they  were 
 not  deceived,  is  this,  that  the  events  and  consequences  of  things  afterwards  always  corre- 
 sponded, and  secured  thtm  of  the  truth  of  s-uch  divine  revelations.  Thus  the  first  miraculous 
 voice  from  heaven, t  calling  to  Abraham  not  to  execute  this  command,  and  the  performance  of 
 those  eminent  promises  made  by  the  second  voice, t  on  account  of  his  obedience  to  that  com- 
 mand, are  demonstrations  that  Abraliara's  commission  for  what  he  did  was  truly  divine,  and 
 are  an  entire  justification  of  his  conduct  in  this  matter.  The  words  of  the  first  voice  from 
 heaven  will  come  hereafter  to  be  set  down  in  a  litter  place  ;  but  the  glorious  promises  made  to 
 Abraham's  obedience  by  the  second  voice,  must  here  be  produced  from  verse  15-— IS.  "  And 
 the  ani^el  of  the  Lord  called  unto  Abraham  out  of  heaven  the  second  time,  and  said.  By  myself 
 have  I  sworn,  saith  the  Lord ;  for  because  thou  hast  done  this  thing,  and  hast  not  withheld  thy 
 son,  thine  only  son,  from  me,  that  in  blessing  I  wiU  bless  thee,  and  in  multiplying  I  will  mul- 
 tiply thy  seed  as  the  stars  of  heaven,  and  as  tlie  sand  which  is  upon  the  sea  shore ;  and  thy 
 seed  shall  possess  the  gate  of  his  enemies :  and  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be 
 blessed,  because  thou  hast  obeyed  my  voice."  Every  one  of  which  promises  have  been  emi- 
 Deutly  fulfilled  ;  and,  what  is  chiefly  remarkable,  the  last  and  principal  of  them,  that  in  Abra- 
 ham's SEED  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  shall  be  blessed,  was  never  promised  till  4his  time.  It 
 had  been  twice  promised  him,  chap.  xii.  ver.  3.  andxviii.18.  that  in  himself  should  the  families 
 nf  the  earth  be  blessed,  but  that  this  blessing  was  to  belong  to  future  times,  and  to  be  bestowed 
 by  the  means  of  one  of  his  late  posterity,  that  great  Seed  and  Son  of  Abraham  only,  was  never 
 revealed  before  ;  but  on  such  an  amazing  instance  of  his  faith  and  obedience,  as  was  this  his 
 readiness  to  ofier  up  his  only  begotten  son  Isaac,  was  now  first  promised,  and  has  been  long 
 ago  performed,  in  the  birth  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Son  of  David,  the  Son  of  Abraham,\\ 
 which  highly  deserves  our  observation  in  this  place :  nor  can  we  suppose  that  any  thing  else 
 than  clear  conviction  that  this  command  came  from  God,  could  induce  so  good  a  man,  and  so 
 tender  a  father  as  Abraham  was,  to  sacrifice  bis  own  beloved  son,  and  to  lose  thereby  all  the 
 comfort  he  received  from  him  at  present,  and  all  the  expectation  he  had  of  a  numerous  and 
 Lsippy  posterity  from  him  hereafter. 
 
 4.  That  long  before  the  days  of  Abraham,  the  demons  or  heathen  gods  had  required  and 
 received  human  sacrifices,  and  particularly  that  of  the  offerer's  own  children,  and  this  both 
 before  and  after  the  deluge.  This  practice  had  been  indeed  so  long  left  off  in  Egypt,  and  the 
 custom  of  sacrificing  animals  there  was  confined  to  so  few  kinds  in  the  days  of  Herodotus, 
 that  they  would  not  believe  they  had  ever  offered  human  sacrifices  at  all:  for  he  says,<^  "That 
 the  fable,  as  if  Hercules  was  sacrificed  to  Jupiter  in  Egypt  was  feigned  by  the  Greeks,  who 
 were  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  Egyptians,  and  their  laws,  for  how  should 
 tliey  sacrifice  men,  with  whom  it  is  unlawful  to  sacrifice  any  brute  beast?  (boars,  and  bulls, 
 and  pure  calves,  and  ganders,  only  excepted.)"  However,  it  is  evident  from  Sanchoniatho, 
 Manetho,  Pausanias,  Diodorus  Siculos,  Philo,  Plutarch,  and  Porphyry,  that  such  sacrifices 
 were  frequent  both  in  Phoenicia  and  Egypt,  and  that  long  before  the  days  of  Abraham,  as  Sir 
 John  Marsbam  and  Bishop  Cumberland  have  fully  proved;  nay,  that  in  other  places,  (though 
 not  in  Egypt,)  this  cruel  practice  continued  long  after  Abraham,  and  this  till  the  very  third, 
 if  not  also  the  fifth  century  of  Christianity,  before  it  was  quite  abolished.  Take  the  words  of 
 the  original  author  in  English,  as  most  of  them  occur  in  the  originals,  in  Sir  John  Marsbam's 
 Chronicura,  p.  76—78,  200—304. 
 
 "  f  Chronus  offered  up  his  only  begotten  son  as  a  burnt  offering,  to  his  father  Ouranus, 
 when  there  was  a  famine  and  a  pestilence." 
 
 "  **Chronus,  whom  the  Phenicians  named  Israel  [it  should  be  //,]  and  who  was  after  his 
 death  consecrated  unto  the  star  Saturn,  when  he  was  king  of  the  country,  and  had  by  a  nyrnph 
 of  that  country,  named  Anobret,  an  only  begotten  son,  whom,  on  that  account,  they  called  Jeud. 
 (the  Phenicians  to  this  day  calling  an  only  begotten  son  by  that  name,)  he,  in  bis  dread  of 
 very  great  dangers  that  lay  upon  the  country  from  war,  adorned  his  son  with  royal  apparel,  and 
 built  an  altar,  and  offered  him  in  sacrifice." 
 
 The  Phenicians, It  when  they  were  in  great  danger  by  war,  by  famine,  or  by  pestilence,  sacri- 
 
 •  Isa.  xli.  8.  t  Geii.  xxii.  11.  12.  t  Ibid.  xxii.  17.  18. 
 
 II  Matt.  !.  1.  i  Ap.  Marsh.  C^hron.  \>.  3(».  IF  I'hilo.  Bib.  ex  Sanchon.  r-  76. 
 
 ••  Porphyry,  p.  77.  tt  Philo.  Bit),  ex  Sanchon.  p.  77. 
 
DISSERTATION    II.  791 
 
 ficed  to  Saturn  one  of  the  dearest  of  their  people,  whom  they  chose  hy  puhlic  sulTrage  for  that 
 purpose.  And  Sanchoniatho's  Fhenician  liistory  is  full  of  such  sacrifices.  [These  hitherto  I 
 take  to  have  been  before  the  Hood.] 
 
 "  In  Arabia,  the  Dumatii  sacrificed  a  child  every  year."* 
 
 "  They  relate,!  that  of  old  the  [Egyptian]  kings  sacrificed  such  men  as  were  of  the  same 
 colour  with  Typho,  at  the  sepulchre  of  Osiris.'' 
 
 "  Manetho  relates, t  that  they  burnt  Typhonean  men  alive  in  the  city  Iditliya,  [or  liithya,] 
 and  scattered  their  ashes  like  clraS'  that  is  winnowed  ;  and  this  was  done  publicly,  and  at  a  set 
 season  in  the  dog-days," 
 
 "  iJThe  barbarous  nations  did  a  long  time  admit  of  the  slaughter  of  children,  as  of  a  holy 
 practice,  and  acceptable  to  the  gods.  And  this  thing  both  private  persons,  and  kings,  and  entire 
 nations,  practise  at  proper  seasons." 
 
 "  ^Tlie  human  sacrifices  that  were  enjoined  by  the  Dodonean  oracle,  mentioned  in  Pau- 
 sanias'  Achaics,  in  the  tragical  story  of  Coresus  and  Callirrhoe,  sufficiently  iniimate  that  Phe- 
 nician  and  Egyptian  priests  bad  set  up  this  Dodonean  oracle  before  the  time  of  Aniosis,  wlio 
 desiroyed  that  barbarous  practice  in  Egypt." 
 
 — —  Isque  arlytis  htec  iristia  dicta  reportat: 
 Sancjuini'  placasiis,  vetilos,  et  virgine  ceesn, 
 Cum  prim  urn  IHacan,  Dcniai,  venisiis  ad  oras ; 
 Sanguine  queereudi  reditns,  animdque  Htandum 
 Argolicd.% 
 
 He  from  the  gods  this  dreadful  answer  brought, 
 
 O  Grecians,  when  the  Trojan  shores  you  sought, 
 
 Your  passage  with  a  virgin's  blood  was  bought; 
 
 So  must  your  safe  return  be  bought  again, 
 
 And  Grecian  blood  once  more  atone  the  main.  Drv'DRN. 
 
 These  bloody  sacrifices  were  for  certain  instances  of  the  greatest  degree  of  impiety,  tyranny, 
 and  cruelty,  in  the  world,  that  either  wicked  demons,  or  wicked  men,  who  neither  made,  nor 
 preserved  mankind,  who  had  therefore  no  right  over  them,  nor  were  they  able  to  make  them 
 amends  in  the  next  world  for  what  they  thus  lost  or  sufiered  in  this,  should,  after  so  inhuman 
 a  manner,  command  the  taking  away  the  lives  of  men,  and  particularly  of  the  ofterer's  own 
 children,  without  the  commission  of  any  crime.  This  was,  I  think,  an  abomination  derived 
 from  him  who  was  a  murderer  from  the  beginning  ;**  a  crime  truly  and  properly  diabolical. 
 
 5.  That,  accordingly,  Almighty  God  himself,  under  the  Jewish  dispensation,  vehemently 
 condemned  the  Pagans,  and  sometimes  the  Jews  themselves,  for  this  crime  :  and  for  this,  and 
 other  heinous  sins,  cast  the  idolatrous  nations  (nay,  sometimes  the  Jews  too)  out  of  Palestine. 
 Take  the  principal  texts  hereto  relating,  as  they  lie  in  order  in  the  Old  Testament. 
 
 "  ttThou  shalt  not  let  any  of  thy  seed  pass  through  the  fire  to  Molech.  Defile  not  your- 
 selves in  any  of  these  things,  for  in  all  these  the  nations  are  defiled  which  I  cast  out  before 
 you,"  SiC. 
 
 "  ttWhosoever  he  be  of  the  children  of  Israel,  or  of  the  strangers  that  sojourn  in  Israel,  that 
 giveth  any  of  his  seed  unto  Molech,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death  ;  the  people  of  the  laud 
 shall  stone  him  with  stones." 
 
 "  Take  heed  to  thyself,  that  thou  be  not  snared  by  following  the  nations,  after  that  they  be 
 desiroyed  from  before  thee  ;  and  that  thou  inquire  not  after  their  gods,  saying,  How  did  these 
 nations  serve  their  gods?  even  so  will  I  do  likewise.  Thou  shalt  not  do  so  onto  the  Lord  thy 
 God;  for  every  abomination  of  the  Lord,  which  he  hateth  have  they  done  unto  their  gods,  for 
 even  their  sons  and  their  daughters  have  they  burnt  in  the  fire  to  their  gods."  See  Deut.  \ii. 
 30,  31.  chap,  xviii.  18.  2  Kings  xvii.  17. 
 
 "  |l||And  Ahaz  made  his  sou  to  pass  through  the  fire,  according  to  the  abominations  of  the 
 heathen,  whom  the  Lord  cast  out  before  the  children  of  Israel." 
 
 "  §^Moreover,  Aha?,  burnt  incense  in  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,and  burnt  his  children 
 [bis  son  in  JosephusJ  in  the  fire,  after  the  abominations  of  the  heathen,  whom  the  Lord  cast 
 out  before  the  children  of  Israel." 
 
 "  ^ITAnd  the  Sepharites  burnt  their  children  in  the  fire  to  Adrammelech  and  Anamelech,  the 
 gods  of  Sepharvaim,"  &c. 
 
 "  *  And  Josiah  defiled  Topheth,  which  is  in  the  valley  of  the  children  of  Hinnom,  that  no 
 man  might  make  his  son  or  his  daughter  to  pass  through  the  fire  unto  Molech." 
 
 "  tYea,   they  sacrifici'd   their   sons  and  their  daughters  unto  demons ;   and  shed  innocent 
 
 •  Diod.  p.  78.  +  Porphyry,  p.  77-  t  Plutarch,  p.  78. 
 
 II  Nonnnlli  ap.  Philon.  p.  70.  ^  Cumberl.  Sanchon.  p.  378.         H  Virg.  jT.neid.  b.  ii.  ver.  115. 
 
 ••  .lohn  viii.  44.  tt  Lev.  xviii.  21,  24.  tt  Lev.  xx.  2. 
 
 Ill]  2  Kings  xvi.  3.  %  2CLron.  xxviii.  3.  111!  2Kine8  xvii.  31. 
 
 •  2  Kings  xxiii.  10.  t  Psal.  cvi.  37,  38. 
 
702  DISSERTATION    II. 
 
 blood,  tbe  blood  of  tlieir  sons  and  of  their  daagliters,  wliom   they  sacilficed  unto  the  idols  of 
 Canaan,  and  the  land  was  polluted  with  blood."     See  Isa.  Ivii.  ,'). 
 
 "  *The  children  of  Judah  hath  done  evil  in  my  sight,  saith  the  Lord  ;  they  have  set  their 
 abominations  in  the  house  which  is  called  by  my  name  to  pollute  it:  and  they  have  bnilt  the 
 high  places  of  Topheth,  which  is  in  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  to  burn  their  sons  and 
 their  daughters  in  the  fire,  which  I  commanded  thera  not,  neither  came  it  into  my  heart." 
 
 "  tThus  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts,  the  God  of  Israel,  Behold  I  will  bring  evil  upon  this  place, 
 the  which  whosoever  heareth,  his  ears  shall  tingle,  because  they  have  forsaken  me,  and  have 
 estranged  this  place,  and  have  burned  incense  unto  other  gods,  whom  neither  they  nor  iheir 
 fathers  have  known,  nor  the  kings  of  Judah,  and  have  filled  this  place  with  the  blood  of 
 innocents.  They  have  built  also  the  high  places  of  Baal,  to  burn  their  sons  with  fire  lor 
 burDt-ofTeriags  onto  Baal,  which  I  commanded  not,  nor  spake  it,  neither  came  it  into  my 
 mind,"  &c. 
 
 "  JThey  built  the  high  places  of  Baal,  which  are  in  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  to 
 cause  tlieir  sons  and  their  daughters  to  pass  through  the  fire  unto  Molech,  which  I  commanded 
 them  not,  neither  came  it  into  my  miad  that  they  should  do  this  abomiuation,  to  cause  Judah 
 to  sin." 
 
 "  llMoreover,  thou  hast  taken  thy  sons  and  thy  daughters,  whom  thou  hast  born  unto  me, 
 and  these  hast  thou  sacrificed  unto  them  to  be  devoured.  Is  this  of  thy  whoredoms  a  sniall 
 matter,  that  thou  hast  slain  my  children,  and  delivered  them  to  cause  them  to  pass  through  the 
 fire  for  them." 
 
 "  $Thou  haledst  the  old  inhabitants  of  thy  holy  land,  for  doing  most  odious  works  of  witch- 
 craft, and  wicked  sacrifices  ;  and  also  those  merciless  murderers  of  children,  and  devourers  of 
 man's  flesh,  and  the  feasts  of  blood,  with  their  priests  out  of  the  midst  of  their  idolatrous 
 crew,  and  the  parents  that  killed  with  their  own  hands  souls  destitute  of  help." 
 
 6.  That  Almighty  God  never  permitted,  in  any  one  instance,  that  such  a  human  sacrifice 
 should  be  actually  offered  to  himself,  (though  he  had  a  right  to  have  required  it,  if  he  had  so 
 pleased,)  under  the  whole  Jewish  dispensation,  which  yet  was  full  of  many  other  kinds  of 
 sacrifices,  and  this  at  a  time  when  mankind  generally  thought  such  sacrifices  of  the  greatest 
 virtue  for  the  procuring  pardon  of  sin  and  the  divine  favour  ;  this  the  ancient  records  of  the 
 heathen  world  atiest.  Take  their  notion  in  the  words  of  Phylo  Byblius,  the  translator  of  San- 
 choniatho :%  "  It  was  the  custom  of  the  ancients,  in  the  greatest  calamities  and  dangers,  for  ihe 
 governors  of  the  city  or  nation,  in  order  to  avert  the  destruction  of  all,  to  devote  their  beloved 
 son  to  be  slain,  as  a  price  of  redemption  to  the  punishing  [or  avenging]  demons:  and  those  so 
 devoted  were  killed  after  a  mystical  manner."  This  the  history  of  the  king  of  Moab,**  when 
 he  was  in  great  distress  in  his  war  against  Israel  and  Judah,  informs  us  of;  who  "  then  took 
 his  eldest  son,  that  should  have  reigned  in  his  siead,  and  oti'ered  him  for  a  burnt-offering 
 npou  the  city  wall."  This  also  the  Jewish  prophet  Micahtt  implies,  when  he  inquires, 
 "Wherewith  shall  I  come  before  the  Lord,  and  bow  myself  before  the  high  God?  Shall  I 
 come  before  him  with  burnt-offerings,  with  calves  of  a  year  old?  Will  the  Lord  be  pleased 
 with  thousands  of  rams,  and  ten  thousands  of  fat  kids  of  the  goats?  Shall  I  give  my  first- 
 born for  my  transgression,  the  fruit  of  my  body  for  the  sin  of  my  soul?"  No  certainly,  "  For 
 he  hath  shewed  thee,  O  man,  what  is  good,  and  what  doth  the  Lord  require  of  thee,  but  to  do 
 justly,  and  to  love  mercy,  and  to  humble  thyself  to  walk  with  thy  God?" 
 
 It  is  true,  God  did  here  try  the  faith  and  obedience  of  Abraham  to  himself,  whether  they 
 were  as  strong  as  the  Pagans  exhibited  to  their  demons  or  idols,  yet  did  he  withal  take  effec- 
 tual care,  and  that  by  a  miraculous  interposition  also,  to  prevent  the  execution,  and  provided 
 himself  a  ram,  as  a  vicarious  substitute,  to  supply  the  place  of  Isaac,  immediately  -.tt  "  And 
 the  angel  of  the  Lord  called  unto  Abraham,  and  said,  Abraham,  Abraham;  and  he  said,  Here 
 am  I.  And  he  said,  Lay  not  thine  hand  upon  the  lad,  neither  do  thou  any  thing  unto  him ;  for 
 now  I  know  that  thou  fearest  God,  seeing  thou  hast  not  withheld  thy  son,  thine  only  son,  from 
 me.  And  Abraham  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and  behold  a  ram  caught  in  a  thicket  by  his 
 horns ;  and  Abraham  went  and  took  the  ram,  and  offered  him  up  for  a  burnt-offering  in  the 
 stead  of  his  son."  Thus  though  Jephthah||||  has,  by  many,  been  thought  to  have  vowed  to  offer 
 up  his  only  daughter  and  child  for  a  sacrifice,  and  that  as  bound  on  him,  upon  supposition  of 
 his  vow,  by  a  divine  law.  Lev.  xxvii.  28,  29.  of  which  opinion  I  was  once  myself;  yet  upon 
 more  mature  consideration,  I  have,  for  some  time,  thought  this  to  be  a  mistake,  and  that  his 
 vow  extended  only  to  her  being  devoted  to  serve  God  at  the  tabernacle,  or  elsewhere,  in  a 
 state  of  perpetual  virginity  ;  and  that  neither  that  law  did  enjoin  any  human  sacrifices,  nor  do 
 we  meet  with  any  example  of  its  execution  in  this  sense  afterwards.  Philo  never  mentions 
 any  such  law,  no  more  than  Josephus  :  and  when  Josephus  had  thought  that  Jephthah  had  made 
 such  a  vow,  and  executed  it,  he  is  so  for  from  hinting  at  its  being  done  in  compliance  with 
 any   law   of  God,    that  he  expressly  condemns  him  for  it,   as  having  acted  contrary  thereto  ; 
 
 •  Jer.  vii.  30,  31,  32.  t  Ibid.  xix.  3,  4,  5.  t  Ibid,  xxxii.  35. 
 
 II  t'zck.  xTi.  20,  21.  ^  Wisd.  xii.  4, 5,  9.  ^  Ap.  IMarsh.  p.  76,  7T. 
 
 ••  2  Kings  iii.  27-  H  Micah  vi.  6—0.  tt  Gen.  xxii.  It— 13. 
 
 illi  Jud.  xi.  30-3y. 
 
DISSERTATION    II.  793 
 
 ©i,  in  his  own  words,* '•  as  Lavingoffered  an  oblation  neither  conformable  to  the  law,  nor  accept- 
 able to  God,  nor  weit;hing  with  himself  what  opinion  the  hearers  would  have  of  such  a  practice.'^ 
 
 7.  That  Isaac  being  at  this  tirae,  according  to  Josephus,t  who  is  herein  justly  followed 
 hy  Archb.  U!-hi:r,t  no  less  than  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  Abraham  being,  by  consequence, 
 one  hundred  and  twenty-five,  it  is  not  to  he  supposed  that  Abraham  could  bind  Isaac,  in  order 
 to  oflcr  him  in  sacrifice,  bot  by  his  own  free  consent ;  which  free  consent  of  the  party  who  is 
 to  be  ollered  seems  absolutely  necessary  in  all  such  cases  :  and  which  free  consent  St.  Cle- 
 ment, as  well  as  Josephus,  distinctly  takes  notice  of  on  this  occasion.  St.  Clement  describes  it 
 thus;  "  il  Isaac  being  fully  persuaded  of  what  he  knew  was  to  come,  cheerfully  yielded  bits- 
 self  up  for  a  sacrifice.  And  for  Josephus,§  after  introducing  Abraham  in  a  pathetic  speech, 
 laying  before  Isaac  the  divine  command,  and  exhorting  him  patiently  and  joyfully  to  submit  to 
 il,  he  tells  us,  that  Isaac  very  cheerfully  consented  ;"  and  then  introduces  hirn  as  giving  a 
 short,  but  very  pious  answer,  acquiescing  in  the  proposal;  and  adds,  that  "  he  then  imme- 
 diately and  readily  went  to  the  altar  to  be  sacrificed."  Nor  did  Jephtha^  perforin  his  rash 
 vow,  whatsoever  it  were,  till  his  daughter  had  given  her  consent  to  it. 
 
 8.  It  appears  to  me  that  Abraham  never  despaired  entirely  of  the  interposition  of  Provi- 
 dence for  the  preservation  of  Isaac,  although  in  obedience  to  the  command  he  prepared  to 
 sacrifice  him  to  God.  This  seems  to  me  intimated  in  Abraham's  words  to  his  servants  on  the 
 third  day,  when  he  was  in  sight  of  the  mountain  on  which  he  was  to  offer  his  son  Isaac  ;**  "  We 
 will  go  and  worship,  and  we  will  come  again  to  you."  As  also  in  his  answer  to  his  son,  wheu 
 be  inquired, "  Behold  the  fire  and  the  wood,  but  where  is  the  lamb  for  a  burnt-offering?"  And 
 Abraham  said,  "  My  son,  God  will  provide  himself  a  lamb  for  a  burnt-offering."  Both  these 
 passages  look,  to  me,  somewhat  like  such  an  expectiition.     However, 
 
 9.  It  appears  most  evident,  that  Abraham,  and  I  suppose  Isaac  also,  firmly  believed,  that  if 
 God  should  permit  Isaac  to  be  actually  slain  as  a  sacrifice,  he  would  certainly  and  speedily 
 raise  him  again  from  the  dead.  This,  to  be  sure,  is.  su|)posed  in  the  words  already  quoted, 
 that  both  "  he  and  his  son  would  go  and  worship,  and  come  again  to  the  servants:"  and  is 
 clearly  and  justly  collected  from  ihis  history  by  the  author  to  the  Htbrews,  chap.  xi.  17,  18, 
 19.  "  By  faith  Abraham  when  he  was  tried  offered  up  Isaac,  and  he  that  had  received  the 
 promises  odered  up  his  only  begotten,  of  whom  it  was  said,  that  in  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be 
 called  ;  accounting,  or  reasoning,  that  God  was  able  to  raise  him  from  the  dead."  And  this 
 reasoning  was  at  once  very  obvious,  and  wholly  undeniable  ;  that  since  God  was  truth  itself, 
 and  had  over  and  over  promised  that  he  would  "  tt  multiply  Abraham  exceedingly;  that  he 
 should  be  a  father  of  many  nations;  that  his  name  should  be  no  longer  Abrara,  but  Abraham, 
 because  a  father  of  many  nations  God  had  made  him.  &c.  that  Sarai  his  wife  should  be  called 
 Sarah,  that  he  would  bless  her,  and  give  Abraham  a  son  also  of  her,  and  that  he  would  bless 
 him,  and  she  should  become  nations,  and  kings  of  people  should  be  of  her,  &c.  ;  and  that  in 
 Isaac{{  should  his  seed  be  called."  And  since  withal  it  is  here  supposed,  that  Isaac  was  to 
 be  slain  as  a  sacrifice,  before  he  was  married,  or  had  any  seed,  God  was,  for  certain,  obliged 
 by  his  promises,  in  these  circumstances,  to  raise  Isaac  again  from  the  dead;  and  this  was  an 
 eminent  instance  of  that  faith  whereby  "  {{|{  Abraham  believed  God,  and  it  was  imputed  to  him 
 for  righteousness,"  viz.  that  if  God  should  permit  Isaac  to  be  sacrificed,  he  would  certainly 
 and  quickly  raise  him  up  again  from  the  dead,^§  "  from  whence  also  he  received  him  in  a 
 figure,"  as  the  author  to  the  Hebrews  here  justly  observes. 
 
 10.  That  the  firm  and  just  foundation  of  Abraham's  faith  and  assurance  in  God  for  such  a 
 resurrection,  was  this,  besides  the  general  consideration  of  the  divine  veracity,  that  during  the 
 whole  time  of  his  sojourneying  in  strange  countries,  in  Canaan  and  Egypt,  ever  since  he  had 
 been  called  out  of  ChaJdea  or  Mesopotamia  at  .seventy-five  years  of  age,  he  had^5[  had  constant 
 experience  of  a  special,  of  an  overruling,  of  a  kind  and  gracious  providence  over  him,  till  this 
 liis  125lh  year,  which  against  all  human  views  had  continually  blessed  him,  and  enriched  him, 
 and,  in  his  elder  age,  had  given  him  first  Ishmael  by  Hagar,  and  afterwards  promised  hira 
 Isaac  to  *  spring  fronr  his  own  body  now  dead,  t  and  from  the  deadness  of  Sarah's  womb,  when 
 she  was  past  age,  and  when  it  ceased  to  be  with  Sarah  after  the  manner  of  women,  |and 
 had  actually  performed  that  and  every  other  promise,  how  improbable  soever  that  performance 
 had  appeared,  he  had  ever  made  to  him,  and  this  during  fifty  entire  years  together  ;  so  that 
 although  at  his  first  exit  out  of  Chaldea,  or  Mesopotamia,  he  might  have  been  tempted  to 
 stagger  at  such  a  promise  of  God  through  nnbelief,j|  yet  might  he  now,  after  fifty  years'  con- 
 stant experience,  be  justly  "strong  in  faith,  giving  glory  to  God  ;  as  being  fully  persuaded, 
 that  what  God  had  promised,"  the  resurrection  of  Isaac,  "he  was  both  able  and  willing  to 
 pertorm. 
 
 11.  That  this  assurance,  therefore,  that  God,  if  he  permitted  Isaac  to  be  slain,  would  infal- 
 libly raise  him  again  from  the  dead,  entirely  alters  the  state  of  the  case  of  Abraham's  sacrific- 
 
 •  Antiq.  b.  v.  7—10.  +  Ibid.  b.  i.  chap.  ii.  +  Ush.  Annal.  ad  A.  M.  213S. 
 
 II  1  Clem.  sect.  3.  5  Antiq.  b.  i.  chai).  xii.  sect.  3.       5i  Judges  xi.  ,*?6,  37. 
 
 *•  Geii.  xxn.  5,  7.  ++  Oen.  yvii   2,  4,  5,  6,  10.  It  Gen.  xxi.  12. 
 
 Wi  Oen.  XV.  0.  ^^  Ileb.  xi.  19.  %%  Gen.  xii.  4. 
 
 '  Itom.  iv.  19.  t  Ileb.  xi.  11.  J  Geu.  xviii.  11. 
 
 II  Uom.  iv.  20,  21. 
 5  H 
 
794  DISSERTATION    II. 
 
 ing  Isaac  to  the  true  God,  from  that  of  all  other  human  sacrifices  whatsoever  offered  to  false 
 ones,  all  those  others  being  done  without  the  least  promise  or  prospect  of  such  a  resurrection  ; 
 and  this  indeed  takes  away  all  pretence  of  injustice  iu  the  divine  command,  as  well  as  of  all 
 iuhumaaity  or  crneltj  in  Abraham's  obedience  to  it. 
 
 12.  That,  upon  the  whole,  this  command  to  Abraham,  and  what  followed  upon  it,  looks  so 
 very  like  an  intention  of  God  to  typify  or  represent  beforehand  in  Isaac,  "  a  beloved,"  or 
 ••only  begotten  son,"  what  was  to  happen  long  afterwards  to  the  great  "Son  and  Seed  of 
 Abraham,"  the  Messiah,  the  beloved  and  "  the  only  begotten  of  the  Father,  whose  day  Abra- 
 ham saw  by  faith  beforehand,  and  rejoiced  to  see  it,"*  viz.  that  "  he  by  the  determinate 
 counsel  and  foreknowledue  of  God  should  be  crucified,  and  slain,"  t  as  a  sacrifice,  and  should 
 "  he  raised  again  the  third  day,"  and  this  at  Jerusalem  also ;  aad  that,  in  the  mean  time,  God 
 would  accept  of  the  sacrifices  of  rams,  and  the  like  animals,  at  the  same  city  Jerusalem,  that 
 one  cannot  easily  avoid  the  application.  This  seems  the  reason  why  Abraham  was  obliged  to 
 go  to  the  laud  of  Jloriali,  or  Jerusalem,  and  why  it  is  noted,  that  it  was  "  the  third  day"t 
 that  he  came  to  the  place,  which  implies  that  the  return  back,  after  tlie  slaying  of  the  sacrifice, 
 would  naturally  be  "  the  third  day"  also  :  and  why  this  sacrifice  was  not  Ishmael  "  the  son  of 
 ill.  flesh"  only,  but  Isaac  the  son  by  promise,  the  beloved  son  of  Abraham,  and  why  Isaac  was 
 styled  the  only  son,  or  only  begotten  son  of  Abraham,  though  he  had  Ishmael  besides;  and 
 why  Isaac  himself  was  to  bear  the  wood||  on  which  Le  was  to  be  sacrificed  ;§  and  why  the  place 
 was  no  other  than  the  land  of  Sloriah,^  or  vision,  i.  e.  most  probably  a  place  where  the  She- 
 cliinah  or  Messiah  had  been  seen,  and  God  by  him  worshipped,  even  before  the  days  of  Abra- 
 ham, and  where  lately  lived,  and  perhaps  now  lived,  Melchisedeck,  the  grand  type  of  the 
 Messiah  (who  might  then  possibly  be  present  at  the  sacrifice,)  and  why  this  sacrifice  was  to 
 be  offered  either  on  the  mountain  called  afterwards  distinctly  Moriah,  where  the  temple  stood, 
 and  where  all  the  Mosaic  sacrifices  were  afterward  to  be  offered,  as  Josephus**  and  the  gene- 
 rality suppose,  or  perhaps,  as  others  suppose,  that  where  the  Messiah  himself  was  to  be  offered, 
 its  neighbour  mount  Calvary.  This  seems  also  ihe  reason  why  the  ram  was  substituted  as  a 
 vicarious  sacrifice  instead  of  Isaac.  These  circumstances  seem  to  me  very  peculiar  and  extra- 
 ordinary, and  to  render  the  present  hypothesis  extremely  probable.  Nor  perhaps  did  St  Cle- 
 ment mean  any  thing  else,  when  in  his  forecited  passage,  he  says,  That  "  Isaac  was  fully  per- 
 suaded of  what  he  knew  was  to  come,"  and  therefore  "  cheerfully  yielded  himself  up  for  a 
 .sacrifice."  Nor  indeed  does  that  name  of  this  place,  Jehovah  Jireh,  which  continued  till  the 
 days  of  Moses,  and  signified,  God  will  see,  or  rather  God  will  provide,  seem  to  be  given  it  by 
 Abraham,  on  any  other  account,  than  that  God  would  there,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  "  provide 
 himself  a  lamb  [that  Lamb  of  God  tt  which  was  to  take  away  the  sins  of  the  world]  for  a 
 biirnt- offering.'' 
 
 But  now,  if,  after  all,  it  be  objected,  that  how  peculiar,  and  how  typical  soever  the  circum- 
 stances of  Abraham  and  Isaac  might  be  in  themselves,  of  which  the  heathens  about  them  could 
 have  little  notion,  yet  such  a  divine  command  to  Abraham  for  slaying  his  beloved  son  Isaac, 
 must  however  be  of  very  ill  example  to  the  Gentile  world,  and  that  it  probably  did  either  first 
 occasion,  or  at  least  greatly  encourage  their  wicked  practices  in  offering  their  children  for 
 sacrifices  to  their  idols,  I  answer  by  the  next  consideration  : 
 
 13.  That  this  objection  is  so  far  from  truth,  that  God's  public  and  miraculous  prohibition  of 
 the  execution  of  this  command  to  Abraham,  (which  command  itself  the  Gentiles  would  not  then 
 at  all  be  surprised  at,  because  it  was  so  like  to  their  own  usual  practices,)  as  well  as  God's 
 substitution  of  a  vicarious  oblation,  seems  to  have  been  the  very  occasion  of  the  immediate 
 abolition  of  those  impious  sacrifices  by  Tethmosis,  or  Amosis,  among  the  neighbouring  Egyp- 
 tians, and  of  the  substitution  of  more  inoffensive  ones  there  instead  of  them.  Take  the  account 
 of  this  abolition,  which  we  shall  presently  prove  was  about  the  time  of  Abraham's  offering  up 
 his  son  Isoac,  as  it  is  preserved  by  Porphyry,  from  Manetho,  the  famous  Egyptian  historian 
 and  chronologer,  which  is  almost  cited  from  Porphyry,  by  Eusebius  and  Theodoret : 
 ••  Amosis4t  says  Porphyry,  abolished  the  law  for  slaying  of  men  in  Heliopolis  of  Egypt,  as 
 Manetho  bears  witness  in  his  book  of  Antiquity  aud  Piety.  They  were  sacrificed  to  Jnno,  and 
 were  examined,  as  were  the  pure  calves,  that  were  also  sealed  with  them ;  they  were  sacrificed 
 three  in  a  day.  In  whose  stead  Amosis  commanded  that  men  of  wax,  of  the  same  number, 
 should  be  substituted." 
 
 Now  I  have  lately  shewn,  that  these  Egyptians  bad  Abraham  in  great  veneration,  and  that 
 all  the  tcisdom  of  those  Egyptians,  in  which  Moses  was  afterward  learned,  was  derived  from  no 
 other  than  from  Abraham.  Now  it  appears  evidently  by  the  forecited  passage,  that  the  first 
 abolition  of  these  human  sacrifices,  and  the  substitution  of  waxen  images  in  their  stead,  and 
 particularly  at  Heliopolis,  in  the  north-east  part  of  Egypt,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Beersheba, 
 in  the  south  of  Palestine,  where  Abraham  now  lived,  at  the  distance  of  about  a  hundred  and 
 twenty  miles  only,  was,  in  the  days,  and  by  the  order  of  Tethmosis  or  Amosis,  who  was  the  first 
 of  the  Egyptian  kings,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Phenician  shepherds.     Now  therefore  we  are 
 
 •  .Tohn  viii.  56.  +  Acts  ii.  33.  t  Gen.  xxii.  2.  4. 
 
 II  fiti).  xxii.6.  §  Gen.  xxii.  6.  IT  Ibid.  xxii.  2. 
 
 ••  Antiq.  b.  i.  chap.  xiii.  sect.  S.        tt  John  i.  S9.  11  Waish,  p.  301. 
 
DISSERTATION    III.  705 
 
 to  inquire,  when  this  Tethmosis  or  Amosis  lived,  and  compare  his  time  with  the  time  of  the 
 sacrifice  of  Isaac.  Now,  if  we  look  at  my  chronological  table,  published  A.  D.  1721,  we  shall 
 lind  that  the  hundred  and  twenty-lifth  year  of  Abraham,  or,  which  is  all  one,  the  twenty-fifth 
 year  of  Isaac,  fills  into  A.Bl.  -573,  or  info  the  thirteentli  year  of  Tethmosis  or  Amosis,  which 
 is  tiie  very  middle  of  his  twtnty-five  years'  reign;  so  that  this  abolition  of  human  sacrifices  in 
 Egypt,  and  substitution  of  others  in  their  room,  seems  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  solemn 
 prohibition  of  >uch  a  sacrifice  in  the  case  of  Abraham,  and  by  the  following  sub&iilution  of  a  rata 
 in  its  stead  :  which  account  of  this  matter  not  only  takes  away  the  groundless  suspicions  of  the 
 moderns,  bat  shews  the  great  seasonableness  of  the  divine  prohibition  of  the  execution  of  this 
 command  to  Abraham,  as  probably  the  direct  occasion  of  putting  a  stop  to  the  barbarity  of  the 
 Egyptians  in  oU'eriug  human  sacrifices,  and  that  for  many,  if  not  for  all  generations  afterward, 
 
 DISSERTATION  III. 
 
 Tacitus'  Accounts  of  the  Origin  of  the  Jewish  Nation,  and  oj  the  Particulars  of  the  last  Jewish 
 War,  that  the  former  was  probably  written  in  opposition  to  Josepltus'  Antiquities,  and 
 that  the  latter  was  for  certain  almost  all  dirtctbj  taken  from  Josephus'  History  of  the 
 Jewish  War. 
 
 Since  Tacitus,  the  famous  Roman  historian,  who  has  written  more  largely  and  professedly 
 about  the  origin  of  the  Jewish  nation,  about  the  chorograph)  of  Judea,  and  the  last  Jewish  war 
 under  Cestius,  Vespasian,  and  Titus,  than  any  other  old  Roman  historian  ;  and  since  both  Jose- 
 phus and  Tacitus  were  in  favour  with  the  same  Roman  emperors,  Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domi- 
 tian  ;  and  since  Tacitus  was  an  eminent  pleader  and  writer  of  history  at  Rome,  during  the  time, 
 or  not  long  after  our  Josephus  bad  been  there  studying  the  Grtek  language,  reading  the  Greek 
 books,  and  writing  his  own  works  in  the  same  Greek  langiuTge,  which  language  was  almost 
 universally  known  at  Rome  in  that  age  ;  and  since  therefore  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  sup- 
 pose that  Tacitus  could  be  unacquainted  with  the  writings  of  Josephus,  it  cannot  but  be  highly 
 proper  to  compare  their  accounts  of  Judea,  of  the  Jews,  and  of  Jewish  afl'airs,  together.  Nor 
 is  it  other  than  a  very  surprising  paradox  to  me,  how  it  has  been  possible  for  learned  men, 
 particularly  for  the  several  learned  editors  of  Josephus  and  Tacitus,  to  be  so  very  silent  about 
 this  matter  as  they  have  hitherto  been,  especially  when  not  only  the  correspondence  of  the 
 authors  as  to  time  and  place,  but  the  likeness  of  the  subject,  matter,  and  circumstances,  is  so 
 very  remarkable :  nay,  indeed,  since  many  of  the  particular  facts  belonged  peculiarly  to  the 
 region  of  Judea,  and  to  the  Jewish  nation,  and  are  such  as  could  hardly  be  taken  by  a  foreigner 
 from  any  other  author  than  from  our  Josephus,  this  strange  silence  is  almost  unaccountable,  if 
 not  inexcusable.  The  two  only  other  writers  whom  we  know  of,  whence  such  Jewish  adairs 
 might  be  supposed  to  be  taken  by  Tacitus,  who  never  appears  to  have  been  in  Judea  himself, 
 are  Justus  of  Tiberias,  a  Jewish  historian,  eotemporary  with  Josephus,  and  one  Antonius 
 Julianus,  once  mentioned  by  Blinutius  Felix,  in  his  Octavius,  sect.  33.  as  having  written  on 
 the  same  subject  with  Josephus,  and  both  already  mentioned  by  me  on  another  occasion. 
 Dissert.  I.  As  to  Justus  of  Tiberias,  he  could  not  be  the  historian  whence  Tacitus  took  his 
 Jewish  afl'airs,  because,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  place  just  cited,  the  principal  passage  in  Tacitus 
 of  that  nature,  concerning  Christ,  and  his  sull'erings  under  the  emperor  Tiberius,  and  by  his 
 procurator  Pontius  Pilate,  was  not  there,  as  we  know  from  the  testimony  of  Photius,  Cod.  xxx. 
 And  as  to  Antonius  Julianus,  his  very  name  shews  him  to  have  been  not  a  Jew,  but  a  Homan. 
 lie  is  never  mentioned  by  Josephus,  and  so  probably  knew  no  more  of  llie  country  or  afl'airs 
 of  Judea  than  Tacitus  himself.  He  was,  I  suppose,  rather  an  epitomizer  of  Josephus,  and  not 
 so  early  as  Tacitus,  than  an  original  historian  himself  before  him.  Nor  could  so  exact  a  writer 
 as  Tacitus  ever  take  up  with  such  poor  and  almost  unknown  historians  as  these  were,  v;hilc 
 Josephus'  seven  books  of  the  Jewish  War  were  then  so  common  ;  were  in  such  great  reputa- 
 tion at  Rome  ;  were  attested  to,  and  recommended  by  Vespasian  and  Titus,  the  emperors,  by 
 king  Agrippa,  and  king  Archelaus,  and  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis  ;  and  he  was  there  honoured 
 with  a  statue  :  and  these  his  books  were  deposited  at  the  public  library  at  Home,  as  we  know 
 from  Josephus  himself,  from  Eusebius,  and  Jerome,  while  we  never  heard  of  any  other  of  the 
 Jews  that  had  then  and  there  any  such  attestations  or  recommendations.  Some  things  indeed 
 Tacitus  might  take  from  the  Roman  records  of  this  war,  I  mean  from  the  commentaries  of 
 Vespasian,  which  are  mentiomd  by  Josephus  himself,  in  his  own  Life,  sect.  (15.  and  some 
 others  from  the  relations  of  Roman  people,  where  the  afl'airs  of  Rome  were  concerned  ;  as  also 
 other  afl'airs  might  be  remembered  by  old  oflTicers  aiid  soldiers  that  had  been  in  the  Jewish  war. 
 Accordingly,  1  still  suppose  tiiat  Tacitus  had  some  part  of  his  information  these  ways,  and 
 particularly  where  he  a  little  dilVers  from,  or  makes  additions  to  Josephus;  but  then,  as  this 
 will  all  reach  no  further  than  three  or  four  years  during  this  war,  so  will  it  by  no  means 
 account  for  that  abridgmeut  of  the  geography  of  the  country,  and  entire  series  of  the  principal 
 facts  of  history  thereto  relating,  which  are  in  Tacitus,  from  the  duys  of  Aniiochus  Epiphanes, 
 210  years  before  the  war,  with  which  Aiitiochus  both  Josephus  and  Tacitus  begin  their  (tistinct 
 histories  of  the  Jews,  preparatory  to  the  history  of  this  last  war.     Nor  could  Tacitus  take  the 
 
796  DISSERTATION    III. 
 
 greatest  part  of  those  earlier  facts  belonging  to  the  Jewish  nation  from  the  days  of  Moses,  or 
 to  Christ  and  Christians  in  the  days  of  Tiberius,  from  Roman  anthors  ;  of  which  Jewish  and 
 Christian  aliairs  those  authors  had  usually  very  little  knowledge,  and  which  the  healliens  gene- 
 rally did  grossly  pervert  and  shamefully  falsify  ;  and  this  is  so  true  as  to  Tacitus'  own  accounts 
 of  the  origin  of  the  Jewish  nation,  that  the  reader  may  almost  take  it  for  a  constant  rule,  that 
 when  Tacitus  contradicts  Josephns'  Jewish  Antiquities,  he  either  tells  direct  falsehoods,  or 
 truths  so  miserably  disguised,  as  renders  ibem  little  better  than  falsehoods,  and  hardly  ever 
 lights  upon  any  thing  relating  to  them  that  is  true  and  solid,  but  when  the  same  is  in  those 
 Antiquities  at  this  day ;  of  which  matters  more  will  be  said  in  the  notes  on  this  history 
 immediately  following. 
 
 HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWS. 
 
 BOOK  V.  CHAP.  II. 
 
 Since  we  are  now  going  to  relate  the  final  period  of  this  famous  city  [Jernsalem,]  it  seems 
 proper  to  give  an  account  of  its  original.* — The  tradition  is,  that  the  Jews  ran  away  from  the 
 island  of  Crete,  and  settled  themselves  on  the  coast  of  Libya,  and  this  at  the  time  when  Saturn 
 was  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  by  the  power  of  Jupiter  :  an  argument  for  it  is  fetched  from 
 their  name.  The  mountain  Ida  is  famous  in  Crete;  and  the  neighbouring  inhabitants  are 
 named  Idaei,  which,  with  a  barbarous  augment,  becomes  the  name  of  Judx'i  [Jews.]  Some 
 sav  they  were  a  people  that  were  very  numerous  in  Egypt  under  the  reign  of  Isis,  and  that  the 
 Egyptians  got  free  from  that  burden,  by  sending  them  into  the  adjacent  countries,  under  their 
 cnptains  Hierosolymus  and  Judas.  The  greatest  part,  say  they,  were  those  Ethiopians  whom 
 fear  and  hatred  obliged  to  change  their  habitations,  in  the  reign  of  king  Cepheus.t  There  are 
 those  who  report  that  they  were  Assyrians,  who  wanting  lands  got  together,  and  obtained  part 
 of  Egypt,  and  soon  afterward  settled  themselves  in  cities  of  their  own,  in  the  land  of  the 
 Hebrews,  and  the  parts  of  Syria  that  lay  nearest  to  them4  Others  pretend  their  origin  to  be 
 more  eminent,  and  that  the  Solyrai,  a  people  celebrated  in  Homer's  poems,  were  the  founders 
 of  this  nation,  and  gave  this  their  own  name  Hierosolyma  to  the  city  which  they  built  there. || 
 
 Chap.  III.]  Many  authors  agree,  that  when  once  an  infections  distemper  was  arisen  in 
 Egypt,  and  made  men's  bodies  impure,  Bocchoris  their  king  went  to  the  oracle  of  [Jupiter] 
 Hammon,  and  begged  he  would  grant  him  some  relief  against  this  evil  ;  and  that  he  was 
 enjoined  to  purge  his  nation  of  them,  and  to  banish  this  kind  of  men  into  other  countries  as 
 hateful  to  the  gods.§  That  when  he  had  sought  for,  and  gotten  them  all  together,  they  were 
 left  in  a  vast  desert :  that  hereupon  the  rest  devoted  themselves  to  weeping  and  inactivity  ; 
 but  one  of  those  exiles,  Moses  by  name,  advised  them  to  look  for  no  assistance  from  any  of  the 
 gods,  or  from  any  of  mankind;  since  they  had  been  abandoned  by  both,  but  bade  them  believe 
 in  him  as  in  a  celestial  ]eader,5r  by  whose  help  they  had  already  gotten  clear  of  their  present 
 miseries.  They  agreed  to  it ;  and  though  they  were  unacquainted  with  every  thing,  they  began 
 their  journey  at  random.  But  nothing  tired  them  so  much  as  the  want  of  water;  and  now  tliey 
 laid  themselves  down  on  the  ground  to  a  great  extent,  as  just  ready  to  perish,  when  an  herd 
 of  wild  asses  came  from  feeding,  and  went  to  a  rock  overshadowed  by  a  grove  of  trees.  Moses 
 followed  tliem,  as  conjecturing  that  there  was  [thereabouts]  some  grassy  soil,  and  so  he  opened 
 large  sources  of  water  for  them.**  That  was  an  ease  to  them  ;  and  when  they  had  journeyed 
 continuallytt  six  entire  days,  on  the  seventh  day  they  drove  out  the  inhabitants,  and  obtained 
 those  lands  wherein  their  city  and  tensple  were  dedicated. 
 
 Chap.  IV.]  As  for  Moses,  in  order  to  secure  the  nation  firmly  to  himself,  he  ordained  new 
 riles,  and  such  as  were  contrary  to  those  of  other  men.  All  things  are  wiih  them  profane 
 Aviiich  with  us  are  sacred  ;  and  agair,  those  practices  are  allowed  among  them  which  are  by  us 
 esteemed  most  al)ominable.+| 
 
 They  place  the  image  of  that  animal  in  their  most  holy  places,  by  whose  indication  it  was 
 that  they  had  escaped  their  wandering  condition  and  their  thirst.HH 
 
 *  Most  of  these  stories  are  so  entirely  groundless,  and  so  contradictory  to  one  another,  that  they  do  not 
 deserve  a  serious  confutation.    It  is  strange  Tacitus  could  persuade  himself  thus  crudely  to  set  them  down. 
 
 +  One  would  wonder  how  Tacitus,  or  any  heathen,  could  suppose  the  African  Ethiopians  under  Cepheus, 
 who  are  known  to  be  Blacks,  could  be  the  parents  of  the  Jews,  who  are  known  to  be  Whites. 
 
 t  This  account  comes  nearest  the  truth,  and  this  Tacitus  might  have  from  Josephus,  only  disguised  by 
 himself. 
 
 II  This  Tacitus  might  have  out  of  Josephus,  Antiq.  b.  vii.  chap,  iii.  ^  2. 
 _  4  Strange  doctrine  to  K^sephus  !  who  truly  observes  on  this  occasion,  that  the  gods  are  angry  not  at  bodily 
 imperfections,  but  at  wicked  practices,  Apica,  b.  i.  $  CU. 
 
 ^  Ihis  believing  in  T.Ioses  as  in  a  celestial  leader,  seems  a  blind  confession  of  Tacitus,  that  Moses  professed 
 to  have  his  laws  from  God. 
 
 **  This  looks  also  like  a  plain  confession  of  Tacitus,  that  Moses  brought  the  Jews  water  out  of  a  rock  in  great 
 plenty,  which  he  might  have  from  Josephus,  Antiq.  b.  iii.  chap.  5  7. 
 
 n  Strange  indeed  I  that  600,000  men,  should  travel  above  200  miles,  over  the  deserts  of  Arabia,  in  six  days, 
 »nd  conquer  Judea  the  seventh. 
 
 1'.  1  Ins  is  not  true  in  gcr.ernl,  but  only  so  far,  that  the  Israelit<!s  wero  by  circumcision  and  other  rites  to  be 
 Kept  separate  trom  the  wicked  and  idolatrous  nations  abo'it  them. 
 
 nil  This  Rirange  story  contradicts  what  the  same  Tacitus  will  tel)  us  presently,  that  when  Pompey  went  into 
 tiie  holy  of  holies  he  found  no  image  there. 
 
DISSERTATION    III,  707 
 
 Tbey  sacrifice  the  rams  by  way  of  reproach  to  [Jupiter]  Haramon.  An  ox  is  also  sacri- 
 ficed, wliicli  the  Egyptians  worship  under  the  name  of  Apis.* 
 
 They  abstain  from  swine's  ilesh,  as  a  memorial  of  ihat  miserable  destruction  which  the 
 mange,  to  which  that  creature  is  liable,  brought  on  them,  and  with  which  they  bad  been 
 defded.t 
 
 That  they  had  endured  a  long  famine  they  attest  still  by  their  frequent  fastings.^:  And  that 
 they  stole  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  we  have  an  argument  from  the  bread  of  the  Jews,  which  is 
 unleavened. 11 
 
 It  is  generally  supposed  that  they  rest  on  the  seventh  day,§  because  that  day  gave  them 
 [the  first]  rest  from  their  labours.  Besides  which,  they  are  idle  on  every  seventh  year,^  as 
 bejng  pleased  with  a  lazy  life.  Others  say,  that  they  do  honour  thereby  to  Saturn  ;**  or  per- 
 haps the  Idaei  gave  them  this  part  of  their  religion,  who  [as  we  said  above]  were  expelled, 
 togetiier  with  Saturn,  and  wlio,  as  we  have  been  informeil,  were  the  founders  of  this  nation  ; 
 or  else  it  was  because  the  star  Safurn  moves  in  the  highest  orb,  and  of  the  seven  planets 
 exerts  the  principal  part  of  that  energy  whereby  mankind  are  governed  :  and  indeed  most  of 
 the  heavenly  bodies  exert  their  power,  and  perform  their  courses  according  to  the  number 
 seven. tt 
 
 Cmap,  v.]  These  rites,  by  what  manner  soever  they  were  first  begun,  are  supported  by 
 tlieir  antiquity.tt  The  rest  of  their  institutions  are  awkward. 1||1  impure,  and  got  ground  by 
 their  pravity  :  for  every  vile  fellow,  despising  the  riglits  of  his  forefathers,  brought  thither 
 their  tribute  and  contributions,  by  which  means  the  Jewish  commonwealth  was  augmented. 
 And  because  among  themselves  there  is  an  unalterable  fidelity  and  kindness,  always  ready  at 
 liand,  but  bitter  enmity  towards  all  others  •,^§  they  are  a  people  separated  from  others  in  their 
 food,  and  in  their  beds  ;  though  they  be  the  lewdest  nation  upon  earth,  yet  will  they  not  cor- 
 rupt foreign  women, ^51  thoagli  nothing  be  e.steemed  unlawful  among  themselves.* 
 
 They  have  ordained  circumcision  of  the  part  nscd  in  generation,  that  they  may  thereby  be 
 distinguished  from  other  people  :  the  proselytest  to  their  religion  have  the  same  usage. 
 
 They  are  taught  nothing  sooner  than  to  despise  the  gods,  to  renounce  their  country,  and  to 
 have  their  parents,  children,  and  brethren,  in  the  utmost  contempt  :|  bnt  still  ii<py  talve  care  to 
 increase  and  multiply,  for  it  is  esteemed  utterly  unlawful  to  kill  any  of  their  children. 
 
 They  also  look  on  the  souls  of  those  that  die  in  battle,  or  are  pat  to  death  for  their  crimes, 
 as  eternal.      Hence  ccmes  their  love  of  posterity,  and  contempt  of  death. 
 
 They  derive  their  custom  of  Imrvinglj  instead  of  burning  their  dead  from  the  Egyptians  ; 
 they  have  also  the  same  care  of  the  dead  with  then!,  and  the  same  persuasion  about  the  invisi- 
 ble world  below  ;  bnt  of  the  gods  above,  their  opinion  is  contrary  to  theirs.  The  Egyptians 
 worshi])  ahniidance  of  animals,  and  images  of  various  sorts. 
 
 The  Jews  have  no  notion  of  any  more  than  one  divine  Being,<S  and  that  known  only  by  the 
 mind.  They  esteem  such  to  be  profane  who  frame  images  of  gods  out  of  perishable  matter, 
 and  in  the  shape  of  men.  That  this  Being  is  supreme,  and  eternal,  and  immutable,  and  unperish- 
 able,  is  their  doctrine.     Accordingly,  they  have   no  images  in  their  cities,  much  les.s  in  their 
 
 •  These  are  only  guesses  of  Tacitus,  or  of  his  heathen  authors,  but  no  more. 
 
 +  Such  memorials  of  what  must  have  been  very  reproachful,  are  strangers  to  the  rest  of  mankind,  and  with- 
 out any  probability. 
 
 t  The  Jews  had  but  one  solemn  fast  of  old  in  the  whole  year,  the  great  day  of  expiation. 
 
 II  Unleavened  bread  was  only  used  at  the  passover. 
 
 ^  It  is  very  strange  that  Tacitus  should  not  know  or  confess  that  the  Jews'  seventh  day,  and  seventh  year  of 
 rest,  were  in  memory  of  the  seventh,  or  sabbath  day's  rest,  after  the  six  days  of  creatiou.  Every  Jev/,  as  well 
 as  every  Christian,  could  have  informed  him  of  those  matters. 
 
 IT  A  strange  hypothesis  of  the  origin  of  the  sabbatic  year,  and  all  without  good  foundation.  Tacitus  probably 
 had  never  heard  of  the  Jews'  year  of  jubilee  ;  so  he  says  nolhiii;,'  of  it. 
 
 ••  As  if  the  Jews  in  the  days  of  Moses,  or  long  before,  knew  that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  would  long  after- 
 ward call  the  seventh  day  of  the  week  Saturn's  day  ;  which  Uio  observes  was  not  so  called  of  old  tnne  :  And 
 it  is  a  question  whether  before  the  Jews  fell  into  idolatry,  they  ever  heard  of  such  a  star,  or  god,  as  baturn. 
 Amos  V.  25.  Acts  vii.  43. 
 
 ++  Tiiat  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  rule  over  the  affairs  of  mankind,  was  an  heathen,  and  not  a  Jewish 
 notion  ;  neither  Jews  nor  Christians  were  permitted  to  deal  in  astrology,  though  Tacitus  seems  to  have  been 
 deep  in  it. 
 
 it  This  acknowledgment  of  the  antiquity  of  Moses,  and  of  his  Jewish  settlement,  was  what  the  heathen  cared 
 not  always  to  own. 
 
 IPI  What  these  pretended  awkward  and  impure  institutions  were,  Tacitus  does  not  inform  us. 
 
 a  Josephus  shews  the  contrary,  as  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  contra  Apion,  b.  ii.  ^  22. 
 
 HIT  An  high,  and,  1  doubt,  a  false  commendation  of  the  Jews. 
 
 •  An  entirely  false  character,  and  contrary  to  their  many  laws  against  uncleanness.  See  Josephus,  Antiq. 
 b.  iii.  chap.  xii.  \  12. 
 
 +  The  proselytes  of  justice  only,  not  the  proselytes  of  the  gate. 
 
 I  How  does  this  agree  with  that  unalterable  fidelity  and  kindness  which  Tacitus  told  us  the  Jews  had  towards 
 one  another  •■  unless  he  only  means  that  they  preferred  the  divine  commands  before  their  nearest  relations, 
 which  is  the  highest  degree  of  Jewish  and  Christian  piety. 
 
 II  I'his  custom  is  at  least  as  old  among  the  Hebrews  as  the  days  of  Abraham  and  tlie  cave  of  Machpelah, 
 long  before  the  Israelites  went  into  iigypt.  Gen.  xxiii.  1--C0.  and  xxv.  8 --10. 
 
 ^  These  are  very  valuable  confessions  which  Tacitus  here  makes  as  to  the  unspotted  piety  of  the  Jewish 
 nation,  in  the  worship  of  one  infinite,  invisible  God,  and  absolute  rejection  of  images ;  nay,  of  the  image  of 
 the  emperor  Caius  himself,  or  of  affording  it  a  place  in  their  temple. 
 
798  DISSERTATION    III. 
 
 temples  :  tbey  never  grant  this  piece  of  flattery  to  kings,  er  this  kind  of  honour  to  emperors  • 
 But  because  their  priests,  when  they  play  on  the  pipe  and  timbrels,  wear  ivy  round  their  head, 
 and  a  golden  vine  has  been  found  in  their  temple,t  some  have  thought  that  they  worshipped 
 our  father  Bacchus,  the  conqueror  of  the  East;  whereas  the  ceremonies  of  the  Jews  do  not  at 
 all  agree  wi-<h  those  of  Bacchus,  for  he  appointed  rites  that  were  of  a  jovial  nature,  and  lit  for 
 fesiivals,  while  the  practices  of  the  Jews  are  absurd  and  sordid. 
 
 Chap.  VI.]  The  limits  of  Judea  easterly  are  bounded  by  Arabia  :  Egypt  lies  ou  the  south  ; 
 on  the  west  are  Phenicia  and  the  [great]  sea.  They  have  a  prospect  of  Syria  on  their  north 
 quarter,  as  at  some  distance  from  them.f  ' 
 
 The  bodies  of  the  men  are  healthy,  and  snch  as  will  bear  great  labours. 
 
 They  have  not  many  showers  of  rain  :  their  soil  is  very  fruitful  ;  the  produce  of  their  land 
 is  like  ours,  in  great  plenty.]] 
 
 They  have  also,  besides  ours,  two  trees  peculiar  to  themselves,  the  balsam  tree,  and  the 
 palm  tree.  Their  groves  of  palms  are  tall  and  beautiful.  The  balsam  tree  is  not  very  large. 
 As  soon  as  any  branch  is  swelled,  the  veins  quake  as  for  fear,  if  you  bring  an  iron  knife  to  cut 
 tliem.  They  are  to  be  opened  with  the  broken  piece  of  a  stone,  or  with  the  shell  of  a  fish. 
 The  juice  is  useful  in  physic. 
 
 Libanus  is  their  principal  mountain,  and  is  very  high,  and  yet,  what  is  very  strange  to  be 
 related,  it  is  almost  shadowed  with  trees,  and  never  free  from  snow.  The  same  mountain  sup- 
 plies the  river  Jordan  with  water,  and  affords  it  its  fountains  also.  Nor  is  this  Jordan 
 carried  into  the  sea  ;  it  passes  through  one  and  a  second  lake,  undiminished,  but  it  is  stopped 
 by  the  third. § 
 
 This  third  lake  is  vastly  great  in  circumference,  as  if  it  were  a  sea.^  It  is  of  an  ill  taste, 
 and  is  pernicious  to  the  adjoining  inhabitants  by  its  strong  smell.  The  wind  raises  no  waves 
 tliere,  nor  will  it  maintain  either  fishes,  or  such  birds  as  use  the  water.  The  reason  is  nncer- 
 tain,  but  the  fact  is  thus,  that  bodies  cast  into  it  are  borne  up  as  by  somewhat  solid.  Those 
 who  can,  and  those  who  cannot  swim,  are  equally  borne  up  by  it.**  At  a  certain  time  of  the 
 year  it  casts  ont  bitumen  ;+t  the  manner  of  gathering  it,  like  other  arts,  has  been  taught  by 
 experience.  The  liquor  is  of  its  own  nature  of  a  black  colour  ;  and,  if  jou  pour  vinegar  upoH 
 it,  it  clings  together,  and  swims  upon  the  top.  Those  whose  business  it  is,  take  it  into  their 
 hands,  and  pull  it  into  the  upper  parts  of  the  ship,  after  which  it  follows,  without  further  attrac- 
 tion, and  fills  the  ship  full,  till  you  cut  it  off:  nor  can  you  cut  it  off  either  with  a  brass  or  an 
 iron  istrument ;  but  it  cannot  bear  the  touch  of  blood,  or  of  a  cinlh  wet  with  the  menstrual 
 purgations  of  women,  as  the  ancient  authors  say.  But  those  that  are  acquainted  with  the 
 place  assure  us,  that  those  waves  of  bitumen  are  driven  along,  and  by  the  hand  drawn  to  the 
 shore,  and  that  when  they  are  dried  by  the  warm  steams,  from  the  earth,  and  the  force 
 of  the  sun,  they  are  cut  in  pieces  with  axes  and  wedges,  as  timber  and  stones  are  cut  in 
 pieces. 
 
 Chap.  VII.]  Not  far  from  this  lake  are  those  plains,  which  are  related  to  have  been  of 
 old  fertile  ;  and  to  have  had  many  cities  full  of  people, ||  but  to  have  been  burnt  up  by  a  stroke 
 of  lightning  ;  it  is  also  said,  that  the  footsteps  of  that  destruction  still  remain,  and  that  the 
 earth  itself  appears  as  burnt  earth,  and  has  lost  its  natural  fertility  ;  and  that,  as  an  argument 
 thereof,  all  the  plants  that  grow  of  their  own  accord,  or  are  planted  by  the  hand,  whether  they 
 arrive  at  the  degree  of  an  herb,  or  of  a  flower,  or  at  complete  maturity,  become  black  and 
 empty,  and  as  it  were  vanish  into  ashes.  As  for  myself,  as  I  am  willing  to  allow  that  these 
 once  famous  cities  were  burnt  by  fire  from  heaven,  so  wonld  I  suppose  that  the  earth  is  infected 
 with  the  vapour  of  the  lake,  and  the  spirit  [or  air]  that  is  over  it  thereby  corru-pted,  and  that 
 by  this  means  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  both  corn  and  grapes,  rot  away,  both  the  soil  and  the 
 air  being  equally  unwholesome. 
 
 The  river  Belus  does  also  run  into  the  sea  of  Judea,  and  the  sands  that  are  collected  about 
 its  mouth,  when  they  mix  nitre  with  them,  are  melted  into  glass  :  this  sort  of  shore  is  but 
 small,  but  its  sand,  for  the  use  of  those  that  carry  it  off,  is  i.iexhaustible. 
 
 All  these  concessions  were  to  be  learned  from  Josephus,  and  almost  only  from  him  ;  out  of  whom  there- 
 wre  1  conclude  Tacitus  took  the  finest  part  of  his  character  of  the  Jews. 
 
 i  -^'\j*  particular  fact,  that  there  was  a  golden  vine  in  the  front  of  the  Jewish  temple,  was  in  all  prohability 
 taken  by  iacitus  out  of  Josephus  ;  bm  as  the  Jewish  priests  were  uever  adorned  with  ivy,  the  signal  of  Bac- 
 chus, how  I'acitus  came  to  imagine  this,  I  eannot  tell. 
 
 ,1  ^^^  the  chorography  of  Judea  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iii.  4  3.  whence  most  probably  Tacitus  framed 
 this  short  abridgment  of  it.    It  comes  in  both  authors  naturally  before  Vespasian's  first  campaign. 
 
 II  The  latter  branch  of  this,  Tacitus  might  have  from  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iii.  chap.  iii.  j  2,  3,  4.  the 
 other  IS  not  in  the  present  copies. 
 
 4  These  accounts  of  Jordan,  of  its  fountains  derived  from  mount  Libanus,  and  of  the  two  lakes  it  runs 
 .nrough,  and  its  stoppage  by  the  third,  are  exactly  agreeable  to  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iii.  chap.  ii.  i  7,  8. 
 IT  No  less  than  580  furlongs  long,  and  150  broad,  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  viii.  i  4. 
 Strabo  says,  that  a  man  could  not  sink  into  the  water  of  this  lake  so  deep  as  the  navel. 
 
 <t,t^^'i?!^P''"®."**^^'',*^^V,'""  "^'*  bitumen  was  cast  out  at  a  certain  time  of  the  year  only,  and  Strabo  says 
 the  direct  contrary,  but  Phuyogrees  with  Tacitus. 
 
 »h?t  i.J'-'.'ii.^*^'*'^"/  accoraing  to  Josephus,  and  must  have  been  taken  from  him  in  the  place  forecited,  and 
 wprn  in  Vh^^I  *''  ''''*^a"^e  It  IS  peculiar  to  him,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  auti.iuity.  The  rest  thought  the  cities 
 hood  milv  JM^l.*?o%^'''^.5"',^^';'■*  "^^  t^*^  lake  is ;  but  Josephus  and  iacitus  say  they  were  in  its  neighbour- 
 oooa  ouly,  which  is  Mr.  llelaud  s  cpinion  also. 
 
DISSERTATFON    III.  799 
 
 Chap.  VIH.]  A  sreat  part  of  Judea  is  composed  of  scattered  villages;  it  lia«  also  larger 
 (owns  :  JiTUSMlem  is  the  capital  city  of  the  whole  nation.  In  that  city  there  was  a  temple  of 
 immense  wealth  ;  in  the  first  parts  that  are  fortified  are  the  city  itself,  next  it  the  royal  palace. 
 The  temple  is  enclosed  in  its  most  inward  recesses.  A  Jew  can  corae  v.o  farther  than  the 
 gates  ;  all  but  the  priests  are  excluded  by  tlieir  threshold.  While  the  East  was  under  the 
 dominion  of  the  Assyrians,  the  Medes,  and  the  Persians,  the  Jews  were  of  all  slaves  the  most 
 despicable.* 
 
 t  After  the  dominion  of  the  Macedonians  prevailed,  King  Antiochas  tried  to  conquer  their 
 supersli.ion,  and  to  introduce  the  customs  of  the  Greeks  ;  but  he  was  disappointed  of  his 
 design,  which  was  to  give  this  most  profligate  nation  a  change  for  the  better,  and  that  was  bv 
 liis  war  with  the  Parthians,  for  at  this  time  Arsaces  had  fillen  oft"  [from  the  Macedonians.] 
 Then  it  was  that  the  Jews  set  kin^rs  over  them,  because  the  Macedonians  were  become  weak, 
 ths  Partiiians  were  not  yet  very  powerful,  and  the  Romans  were  very  remote  :  which  kings 
 when  they  had  been  expelled  by  the  mobility  of  the  vulgar,  and  had  recovered  their  dominion 
 by  war,  attempted  the  same  things  that  kings  U'<ed  to  do,  I  mean  they  introduced  (he  destruc- 
 tion of  cities,  the  slaugliter  of  brethren,  of  wives,  and  parents,  but  still  went  on  in  their  super- 
 stition ;  for  they  took  upon  them  Avithal  the  honourable  dignity  of  the  high  priesthood,  as  a  firm 
 security  to  their  power  and  authority. 
 
 Chap.  IX.]  Tlie  first  of  the  Romans  that  conq^uered  the  Jews  was  Cains  Ponipieus,  who 
 entered  the  temple  by  right  of  victory.  Thence  the  report  was  every  where  divulged,  that 
 therein  was  no  image  of  a  god,  but  an  empty  place,  and  mysteries,  most  secret  places  that  have 
 nnthing  in  them.  The  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  then  destroyed,  but  the  temple  continued  still. 
 Soon  afterward  arose  a  civil  war  among  us  ;  and  when  therein  these  provinces  were  reduced 
 under  Marcus  Antonius,  Pacorus,  king  of  the  Parthians,  got  possession  of  Judea,  but  was 
 himself  slain  by  Paulus  Ventidius,  and  the  Parthians  were  driven  bevond  Euphrates  :  and  for 
 the  Jews,  Caius  Sosius  subdued  them.  Antonius  gave  the  kingdom  to  Herod  :  and  when 
 Augustus  conquered  Antonius,  he  still  augmented  it. 
 
 After  Herod's  death,  one  Simon,  witiiout  waiting  for  the  disposition  of  Cassar,  took  upon 
 him  the  title  cf  King,  who  was  brought  to  punishment  by  [or  under]  Quintilius  Varus,  when  he 
 was  president  of  Syria.  Afterward  the  nation  was  reduced,  and  the  children  of  Herod  governed 
 it  in  three  partitions. 
 
 Under  Tiberius,  the  Jews  had  rest.  After  some  time  they  were  enjoined  to  place  Caius 
 Caesar's  statue  in  the  temple  ;  but  rather  than  permit  that,  they  took  up  arms  ;';  ■which  sedition 
 was  put  an  end  to  !)y  the  death  of  CjEsar. 
 
 Claudius,  after  the  kings  were  either  dead  or  reduced  to  smaller  dominions,  gave  tb.e  pro- 
 vince of  Judea  to  Roman  knights,  or  to  freed  men,  to  be  governed  by  them.  Among  whom 
 was  Antonius  Felix,  one  that  exercised  all  kind  of  barbarity  and  extravagance,  as  if  he  had 
 royal  authority,  but  with  the  disposition  of  a  slave.  He  had  married  Drusilla  the  grand- 
 daughter of  Antonius,  so  that  Felix  was  the  grand-daughter's  husband,  and  Claudius  the 
 grandson  of  the  same  Antonius. 
 
 ANNAL Book  XII. 
 
 But  he  that  was  the  brother  of  Pallas,  whose  sarname  was  Felix,  did  not  act  with  the  same 
 moderation  [as  did  Pallas  himself.]  He  had  been  a  good  while  ago  set  over  Judea,  and 
 thought  he  might  be  guilty  of  all  sorts  of  wickedness  with  impunity,  while  he  relied  on  so  sure 
 an  authority. 
 
 The  Jews  had  almost  given  a  specimen  of  sedition  :  and  even  after  the  death  of  Caius  was 
 known,  and  they  hail  not  obeyed  his  command,  there  remained  a  degree  of  fear,  lest  some 
 future  prince  should  renew  that  command,  [for  the  setting  up  the  prince's  statue  in  their  tem- 
 ple.] And  in  the  mean  time  Felix,  by  the  use  of  unseasonable  remedies,  blew  up  the  coals  of 
 sedition  into  a  flame,  and  was  imitated  by  his  partner  in  the  government,  Ventidius  Cumanus, 
 the  country  being  thus  divided  between  them,  that  the  nation  of  the  Galileans  were  under 
 Cumanus,  and  the  Samaritans  under  Felix  :  which  two  nations  were  of  old  at  variance,  but 
 now,  out  of  contempt  of  their  governors,  did  less  restrain  their  hatred  :  they  then  began  to 
 plunder  one  another,  to  send  in  parties  of  robbers,  to  lie  in  wait,  and  sometimes  to  fight  bat- 
 tles, and  withal  to  bring  spoils  and  prey  to  the  procurators,  [Cumanus  and  Felix.]  Where- 
 upon these  procurators  began  to  rejoice  :  yet  when  the  mischief  grew  considerable,  soldiers 
 were  sent  to  quiet  them,  but  the  soldiers  were  killed  ;  and  the  province  had  been  in  the  flame 
 of  war,  had  not  Quadratus,  the  president  of  Syria,  afibrded  his   assistance.     Nor  was  it  long 
 
 *  A  great  slander  against  the  Jews,  without  any  just  foundation.  Josephus  would  have  informed  him 
 better. 
 
 +  Here  begins  Josephus'  and  Tacitus'  true  accounts  of  the  Jews,  preliminary  to  the  last  war.  See  Of  the 
 War,  Prosem.  ^  7. 
 
 t  I'hey  came  to  Petronius,  the  president  of  Syria,  in  vast  mirabers,  but  without  arms,  and  as  humble  snpli- 
 cants  only.  .See  'I'acituR  presently,  where  he  afterwards  sete  tliis  matter  almost  riyht,  according  to  Josephus, 
 and  by  way  of  correction,  for  that  account  is  in  his  annals,  which  were  written  after  this  which  is  in  his 
 
800  DISSERTATION    III. 
 
 in  dispute  whether  the  Jews,  who  had  killed  the  soldiers  in  the  mutiny,  should  be  put  to  death  : 
 It  was  agreed  {hey  should  die  ;  only  Cumauus  and  Felix  occasioned  a  delay,  for  Claudius, 
 upon  hearing  the  causes  as  to  this  rebellion,  had  given  [Quadratus]  authority  to  determine  the 
 case,  even  as  to  the  procurators  themselves  :  but  Quadratus  showed  Felix  among  the  judgesj 
 and  took  him  into  his  seat  of  judgment,  on  purpose  that  he  might  discourage  his  accusers.  8u 
 Cunianus  was  condemned  for  those  flagitious  actions,  of  which  both  he  and  Felix  had  been 
 guilty,  and  peace  was  restored  to  the  province.* 
 
 HISTORY.— Book  V.  Chap.  X. 
 
 However,  the  Jews  had  patience  till  Gessins  Florus  was  made  procurator.  Under  him  it 
 was  tiiat  the  war  began.  Then  Cestius  Gallus,  the  president  of  Syria,  attempted  to  appease 
 it,  and  tried  several  battles,  hut  generally  with  ill  success. 
 
 Upon  his  death, t  whether  it  came  by  fate,  or  that  he  was  weary  of  his  life,  is  uncertain, 
 Vesp:isian  had  the  fortune,  by  his  reputation,  and  excellent  officers,  and  a  victorious  army,  in 
 the  space  of  two  summers,  to  make  himself  master  of  all  the  open  country,  and  of  all  the  cities, 
 Jerusalem  excepted. 
 
 [Flavius  Vespasianus,  whom  Nero  had  chosen  for  bis  general,  managed  the  Jewish  war  with 
 three  legions.     Histor.  b.  i.  chap.  10.] 
 
 The  next  year,  which  was  employed  in  a  civil  war  [at  home,]  so  far  as  the  Jews  were  con- 
 cerned, passed  over  in  peace.  When  Italy  was  pacified,  the  care  of  foreign  parts  was  revived. 
 The  Jews  were  the  only  people  that  stood  out,  which  increased  the  rage  [of  the  Romans.]  It 
 was  also  ;hoiiglit  most  proper  that  Titus  should  stay  with  the  army,  to  prevent  any  accident 
 or  misfortune  which  the  new  government  might  be  liable  to. 
 
 [Vespasian  had  put  an  end  to  the  Jewish  nation:  the  siege  of  JerusaTem  was  the  only  enter- 
 prise remaining,  which  was  a  work  hard  and  difficult,  but  rather  from  the  nature  of  the  moun- 
 lain,  and  the  obstinacy  of  the  Jewish  superstition,  than  because  the  besieged  had  strength 
 enough  to  undergo  the  distresses  [of  a  siege.]  We  have  already  informed  [the  reader]  that 
 A'espasian  had  with  him  three  legions,  well  exercised  in  war.     Histor.  book  ii.  chap.  5.] 
 
 When  Vespasian  was  a  very  young  man,  it  was  promised  him  that  he  should  arrive  at  the 
 highest  jvitch  of  fame  :  but  what  did  first  of  all  seem  to  confirm  the  omen,  was  his  triumphs, 
 and  consulship,  and  the  glories  of  his  victories  over  the  Jews.  When  he  had  once  obtained 
 these,  he  believed  it  was  portended  that  he  should  come  to  the  empire. :j: 
 
 There  is  between  Judea  and  Syria  a  mountain  and  a  god,  both  called  by  the  name  of  Car- 
 rael,  though  our  predecessors  have  informed  us  that  this  god  had  no  image,  and  no  temple,  and 
 indeed  no  more  than  an  altar  and  solemn  worship.  Vespasian  was  once  offering  a  sacrifice 
 there,  at  a  time  when  he  had  some  secret  thought  in  his  mind:  the  priest,  whose  name  was 
 Basilides,  when  he  over  and  over  looked  at  the  entrails,  said,  Vespasian,  whatever  thou  art 
 about,  whetlier  the  building  of  thy  house,  or  enlargemeut  of  thy  lands,  or  augmentation  of  thy 
 slaves,  thou  art  granted  a  mighty  seat,  very  large  bounds,  an  huge  number  of  men.  Tliese 
 doubtful  answers  were  soon  spread  about  by  fame,  and  at  this  time  were  explained  :  nor  was 
 any  thing  so  much  in  public  vogue,  and  very  many  discourses  of  that  nature  were  made  before 
 him,  and  the  more  because  they  foretold  what  he  expected. 
 
 Mucianus  and  V^espasiauus  went  away,  having  fully  agreed  on  their  designs:  the  former  to 
 Antioch,  the  latter  to  Cesarea.  Antioch  is  the  capitiil  of  Syria,  and  Cesarea  the  capital  of 
 Judea.  The  commencement  of  Vespasian's  advancement  to  the  empire  was  at  Alexandria, 
 where  Tiberius  Alexander  made  such  haste,  that  he  obliged  the  legions  to  take  the  oath  of 
 fidelity  to  him  on  the  calends  of  July,  which  was  ever  after  celebrated  as  the  day  of  his  inau- 
 guration, although  II  the  army  in  Judea  bad  taken  that  oath  on  the  fifth  of  the  nones  of  July, 
 with  that  eagerness  that  they  would  not  stay  for  his  son  Titus,  who  was  then  on  the  road, 
 returning  out  of  Syria,  chap.  79.  Vespasian  delivered  over  the  strongest  part  of  his  forces  to 
 Titus,  to  enable  him  to  finish  what  remained  of  the  Jewish  war.     Hist,  book  iv.  chap.  61. 
 
 During  these  months  in  which  Vespasian  continued  at  Alexandria,  waiting  for  the  usual  set 
 time  of  the  summer  gales  of  wind,  and  stayed  for  settled  fair  weather  at  sea,  many  miraculous 
 events  happened,  by  which  the  good  will  of  Heaven,  and  a  kind  of  inclination  of  the  Deity  in  his 
 favour,  was  declared. 
 
 A  certain  man  of  the  vulgar  sort  at  Alexandria,  well  known  for  the  decay  of  his  eyes,  kneeled 
 down  by  him  and  groaned,  and  begged  of  him  the  cure  of  his  blindness,  as  by  the  admonition 
 
 •  Here  seems  to  be  a  great  mistake  about  the  Jewish  affairs  Id  Tacitus.  See  Of  the  War,  b.  ii.  chaj). 
 3cn.  ()  8. 
 
 +  Josephus  says  nothing  of  the  deatn  of  Cestius  ;  so  Tacitus  seems  to  have  known  nothing  in  particular 
 about  it. 
 
 t.Iosephus  takes  notice  in  general  of  these  many  omens  of  Vespasian's  advancement  to  the  empire,  and  dis- 
 tincuy  adds  his  own  remarkable  prediction  of  it  also.    Antiq.  b.  v.  chap.  viii.  i  3,  9. 
 
 II  1  his  'although'  seems  to  imply  that  Vespasian  was  proclaimed  emperor  in  Judea  before  he  was  so  pro- 
 claimed at  Alexandria,  as  t!e  v.-lio'c  history  of  Josephus  i'l  plies,  and  the  place  where  now  Vespasian  wds, 
 bi^inif  uo  other  than  Judea,  retiuires  aism,  though  the  inauguration  dav  might  be  celebrated  afterward  from 
 liis  nrst  proi'laniation  at  the  grc-nt  city  of  Alexandria,  only  then  the  nones  and  ides  ij.  Tacitus  and  Suetouias 
 must  Ijc  of  June,  and  not  of  July. 
 
DISSERTATION    III.  801 
 
 of  Serapis,  that  sjod  wliicli  this  superstitions  nation  worships  above  others.  He  also  desired 
 that  the  emperor  would  he  pleased  to  put  some  of  his  spittle  upon  the  balls  of  his  eyes. 
 Anotlier  infirm  man  there,  who  was  lame  of  his  hand,  pra3'ed  Cicsar,  as  by  the  same  god's  sug- 
 gestion, to  tread  upon  him  with  bis  foot.  Vespasian  at  first  began  to  laugh  at  them,  and  to 
 reject  them,  and  when  they  were  instant  with  him,  he  sometimes  feared  he  should  have  the 
 reputation  of  a  vain  person,  and  sometimes  upon  the  solicitation  of  the  infirm,  he  flattered 
 himself,  and  others  flattered  iiim  with  tlie  hopes  of  succeeding.  At  last  he  ordered  the  physi- 
 cians to  give  their  opinion,  T^iiether  this  sort  of  blindness  and  lameness  were  curable  by  the 
 art  of  man  or  not?  The  physicians  answered  uncertainly,  that  the  one  had  not  his  visual 
 faculty  utterly  destroyed,  and  that  it  might  be  restored,  if  the  obstacles  were  removed:  that 
 the  other's  limbs  were  disordered,  but  if  an  healing  virtue  were  made  use  of,  they  were  capa- 
 ble of  being  made  whole.  Perhaps,  said  they,  the  gods  are  willing  to  assist,  and  that  the 
 emperor  is  chosen  by  divine  interposition :  however,  they  said  at  last,  that  if  the  cures  suc- 
 ceeded, Ca;sar  would  have  the  glory,  if  not,  the  poor  miserable  objects  would  only  be  lauglipd 
 at.  Whereupon  Vespasian  imagined,  that  his  good  fortune  would  be  universal,  and  that  nothing 
 on  that  account  could  be  incredible,  so  he  looked  cheerfully,  and  in  the  sight  of  the  multitude, 
 ■who  stood  in  great  expectation,  he  did  what  they  desired  him  :  upon  which  the  lame  hand  was 
 recovered,  and  the  blind  man  saw  immediately.  Both  these  cares*  are  related  to  this  day  by 
 those  that  were  present,  and  when  speaking  falsely  will  get  no  reward. 
 
 Book  V.  Chav.  I. 
 
 At  the  beginning  of  the  same  year,  Titus  Csesar,  who  was  pitched  upon  by  his  father  to  finish 
 the  conquest  of  Judea,  and  while  both  he  and  his  father  were  private  persons,  was  celebrated 
 for  his  martial  conduct,  acted  now  with  greater  vigour,  and  hopes  of  reputation,  the  kind  incli- 
 nations both  of  the  provinces  and  of  the  armies  striving  one  with  another  who  should  most 
 encourage  him.  He  was  also  himself  in  a  disposition  to  shew  that  he  was  more  than  equal  to 
 his  fortune  ;  and  when  he  appeared  in  arras,  he  did  all  things  after  such  a  ready  and  graceful 
 way,  treating  all  after  sucli  an  afi'able  manner,  and  with  such  kind  words,  as  invited  the  good- 
 will and  good-wishes  of  all.  He  appeared  also  in  his  actions  and  in  his  place  in  the  troops;  he 
 mixed  with  the  common  soldiers,  yet  without  any  stain  to  his  iionour  as  a  general.!  He  was 
 received  in  Judea  by  three  legions,  the  fifth,  and  the  tenth,  and  the  fifteenth,  who  were  Vespa- 
 sian's old  soldiers.  Syria  also  aflTorded  him  the  twelfth,  and  Alexandria  soldiers  out  of  the 
 twenty-second  and  twenty-third  legions.  Twenty  cohorts^:  of  auxiliaries  accompanied,  as  also 
 eight  troops  of  horse. 
 
 King  Agrippa  also  was  there,  and  king  Sohemus,  and  the  anxiliaries  of  king  Antiochus,  and 
 a  strong  body  of  Arabians,  who,  as  is  usual  in  nations  that  are  neighbours  to  one  another,  went 
 with  their  accustomed  hatred  against  the  Jews,  with  many  others  out  of  the  city  of  Rome,  as 
 every  ones's  hopes  led  him  of  getting  early  into  the  general's  favour,  before  others  should 
 prevent  them. 
 
 He  entered  into  the  borders  of  the  enemies'  country  with  these  forces,  in  exact  order  of 
 war ;  and  looking  carefully  about  him,  and  being  ready  for  battle,  he  pitched  his  camp  not  far 
 from  Jerusalem. 
 
 Chap.  X.]  When  therefore  he  had  pitched  his  camp,  as  we  said  just  now,  before  the  walls 
 of  Jerusalem,  he  pompously  shewed  his  legions||  ready  for  an  engagement. 
 
 Chap.  XI.]  The  Jews  formed  their  camp  under  the  very  walls§  [of  the  city;]  and  if  they 
 succeeded,  they  resolved  to  venture  further,  but  if  they  were  beaten  back,  that  was  their  place 
 of  refuge.  When  a  body  of  cavalryll  were  sent  against  them,  and  with  them  cohorts,  that  were 
 expedite  and  nimble,  the  fight  was  doubtful ;  but  soon  afterwards  the  enemies  gave  ground,  and 
 on  the  following  days,  there  were  frequent  skirmishes  before  the  gates,  till  after  many  losses 
 they  were  driven  into  the  city.  The  Romans  then  betook  themselves  to  the  siege,  for  it  did  not 
 seem  honourable  to  stay  till  the  enemies  were  reduced  by  famine.**     The  soldiers  were  very 
 
 •  The  miraculous  cures  done  hy  Vespasian  are  attested  to  both  by  Suetonius  in  Vespasian,  ^7-  and  by  Dip, 
 p.  217.  and  seem  to  me  well  attested.  Our  Saviour  seems  to  have  over-ruled  the  heathen  oracle  of  Serapis  to 
 procure  the  divine  approbation  of  Vespasian's  advancement  to  the  empire  of  Home,  as  he  siiggesttid  the  like 
 approbation  to  the  advancement  both  of  Vespasinn  and  Xitus  to  .losephus,  which  two  were  to  be  his  chosen 
 instruments  in  bringing  on  that  terrrible  destruction  upon  the  Jewish  nation,  which  he  had  threatened  to  exe» 
 cute  by  these  Roman  armies.  Nor  could  any  other  generals  than  Vespasian  and  I'itus,  at  that  time,  in  human 
 probability,  have  prevailed  over  the  .lews,  and  destroyed  Jerusalem,  as  this  whole  history  in  Jo8ei)hus  implies. 
 Josephiis  also  every  where  supposes  Vespasian  and  Titus  raised  up  to  command  against  Judea  and  Jerusalem, 
 and  to  govern  the  Homan  empire  by  divine  Providence,  and  not  in  the  ordinary  way  :  as  also,  he  always  sup- 
 poses this  destruction  a  divine  judgment  on  the  Jews  for  their  sins. 
 
 i  Tilts  character  of  Titus  agrees  exactly  with  the  history  of  Josephus  upon  all  occasions. 
 
 t  These  twenty  cohorts,  and  eight  troops  of  horse,  are  not  directly  enumerated  by  Josephus,  Of  the  War, 
 b.  v.  chap.  i.  ^  6. 
 
 II  This  word  in  Tacitus,  pompously  shewed  his  legions,  looks  as  if  that  pompous  show  which  was  soma 
 ■JQOiiths  afterward  in  Josephus,  ran  in  his  mind.  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  ix.  ^  1. 
 
 i  These  first  bickerings  and  battles  near  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  are  at  large  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,' 
 b.  v.  chap.  ii. 
 
 H  Josephus  distinctly  mentions  these  horsemen  or  cavalry,  600  in  number,  among  whom  'J'itus  had  like  to 
 nave  been  slain  or  taken  prisoner.  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  xii.  §  1,  2,  3. 
 
 *•  Such  a  deliberation  and  resolution,  with  this  very  reason,  that  it  would  be  dishonourable  10  Blay  till  the 
 Jews  were  starved  out  by  famine,  is  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War.  b.  v.  chap.  xii.  j  1. 
 
 5  I 
 
902  DISSERTATION    III. 
 
 eager  to  expose  themselves  to  dangers,  part  of  tbeni  out  of  true  valour,  manj  out  of  a  brotisli 
 fierceness,  and  out  of  a  desire  of  rewards. 
 
 Tilus  had  Rome,  and  the  riches  and  pleasures  of  it,  before  his  ejes ;  all  which  seemed  to  be 
 too  long  delated,  unless  Jerusalem  could  be  soon  destroyed. 
 
 The  city*  stood  on  an  high  elevation,  and  it  had  great  works  and  ramparts  to  secure  it,  such 
 as  were  sufficient  for  its  fortification,  bad  it  been  on  plain  ground,  for  there  were  two  hills,  of 
 a  vast  height,  which  were  enclosed  by  walls  made  crooked  by  art,  or  [naturally]  bending  in- 
 wards, that  they  might  flank  the  besiegers,  and  cast  darts  on  them  side-ways.  The  extreme 
 parts  of  the  rock  were  craggy,  and  the  towers,  when  they  bad  the  advantage  of  the  ground, 
 were  sixty  feet  high  :  when  they  were  built  on  the  plain  ground,  they  were  not  bniit  lower  than 
 120  feet ;  they  were  of  uncommon  beauty,  and  to  those  who  looked  at  them  at  a  great  distance, 
 they  seemed  equal.  Other  walls  there  were  beneath  the  royal  palace,  besides  the  tower  of 
 Autonia,  with  its  top  particularly  conspicuous.  It  was  called  so  by  Herod,  in  honour  of 
 Marcns  Antonius. 
 
 Chap.  XII.]  Tbe  temple  was  like  a  citadel,  having  walls  of  its  own,  which  had  more  labour 
 and  pains  bestowed  on  them  than  the  rest.  The  cloisters  wherewith  the  temple  was  enclosed 
 were  an  excellent  fortification. 
 
 They  had  a  fountain  of  water  that  r-an  perpetually  ;  and  the  mountains  were  hollowed  under 
 ground :  they  had  moreover  pools  t  and  cisterns  for  the  preservation  of  the  rain  water. 
 
 They  that  built  this  city  foresaw,  that  from  the  difference  of  their  conduct  of  life  from  their 
 neighbours  they  should  have  frequent  wars  ;  thence  it  came  to  pass,  that  they  had  provision 
 for  a  long  siege.  After  Pojnpey's  conquest  also  their  fear  and  experience  had  taught  tbera 
 generally  what  they  should  want.t 
 
 Moreover,  the  covetous  temper  that  prevailed  under  Claudius,  gave  the  Jews  an  opportunity 
 of  purchasing  for  money]]  leave  to  fortify  Jerusalem  ;  so  they  built  walls  in  lime  of  peace,  as  if 
 they  were  going  to  war,  they  being  augmented  in  number  by  those  rude  multitudes  of  people 
 that  retired  thither  on  the  ruin  of  the  other  cities,  for  every  obstinate  fellow  ran  away  thither, 
 and  there  became  more  seditious  than  before. 
 
 There  were  three  captains,  and  as  many  armies.  Simon  had  the  remotest  and  largest  parts 
 of  the  walls  under  Lira.  John,  who  was  also  called  Bar-Gioras,  [the  son  of  Gloras,]  had  the 
 middle  parts  of  tbe  city  under  bim  :  and  Eleazar  bad  fortified  the  temple  itself.  John  and 
 Simon  were  superior  in  multitude  and  strength  of  arms,  Eleazar  was  superior  by  bis  situation, 
 but  battles,  factions,  and  burnings,  were  common  to  them  all :  and  a  great  quantity  of  corn 
 was  consumed  by  fire.  After  a  while,  John  sent  some,  who,  under  the  pretence  of  oiFering 
 sacrifice,  might  slay  Eleazar,  and  his  body  of  troops,  which  they  did,  and  got  the  temple  under 
 their  power.  So  the  city  was  now  parted  into  two  factions,  until  upon  the  coming  of  the 
 Romans,  this  war  abroad  produced  peace  between  those  that  were  at  home. 
 
 Chap.  XIII.]  Such  prodigies^  had  happened,  as  this  nation,  which  is  superstitious  enough 
 in  its  own  way,  would  not  agree  to  expiate  by  the  ceremonies  of  the  Roman  religion,  nor  would 
 they  atone  the  gods  by  sacrifices  and  vows,  as  these  used  to  do  on  the  like  occasions.  Armies 
 were  seen  to  fight  in  the  sky,  and  their  armour  looked  of  a  bright  light  colour,  and  the  temple 
 shone  with  sudden  flashes  of  fire  out  of  the  clouds.  The  doors  of  the  temple  were  opened  oa 
 a  sudden,  and  a  voice  greater  than  human  was  heard,  that  the  gods  were  retiring,  and  at  the 
 same  time  there  <rtis  a  great  motion  perceived,  as  if  they  were  going  out  of  it,  which  some 
 esteemed  to  be  causes  of  terror.  The  greater  part  had  a  firm  belief  that  it  was  contained  in  the 
 old  sacerdotal  books,  that  at  this  very  lime  the  East  would  prevail,  and  that  some  that  came 
 out  of  Judea  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world,  which  obscure  oracle  foretold  Vespasian 
 and  Titus  ;  but  the  generality  of  the  common  people,  as  usual,  indulged  their  own  inclinations, 
 and  when  they  bad  once  interpreted  all  to  forebode  grandeur  to  themselves,  adversity  itself 
 could  not  persuade  them  to  change  their  minds,  though  it  were  from  falsehood  to  truth.^ 
 
 We  have  been  informed,  that  the  number  of  the  besieged,  of  every  age,  and  of  both  sexes, 
 male  and  female,  was  six  hundred  thousand.**     There  were  weadons  for  all  that  could  carry 
 
 •  This  description  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  its  two  hills,  its  three  walls,  and  four  towers,  &c.  are  in  this 
 place  at  large  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War.  b.  v.  chap.  iv.    See  also  Pompey's  siege,  Antiq.  b.  xiv.  chap.  iv.  ^  2. 
 
 +  Of  these  pools,  see  Josephus.  Of  the  War,  b.  v.  chap.  xi.  i  4.  The  cisterns  are  not  mentioned  by  him 
 here,  though  they  be  mentioned  by  travellers.    See  Reland's  Palestine,  tom.  i,  p.  301. 
 
 I  This  is  Tacitus'  or  the  Romans'  own  hypothesis,  unsupported  by  Josephus. 
 
 II  This  sale  of  leave  for  the  Jews  to  build  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  for  money,  is  also  Tacitus'  or  the  Romans' 
 own  hypothesis,  unsupported  by  Josephus.  Nor  is  Josephus'  character  of  Claudius  near  so  bad,  as  to  other 
 things  also,  as  in  Tacitus  and  Suetonius.  Dio  says,  he  was  far  from  covetousness  in  particular.  The  others 
 seem  to  have  misrepresented  his  meek  and  quiet  temper,  and  learning,  but  without  ambition,  and  his  great 
 kmdness  to  the  Jews,  as  the  most  contemptible  folly.  See  Antiq.  b.  xix.  chap.  iv.  ^  4.  He  was  indeed  very 
 much  ruled  at  first  by  a  very  bad  minister,  Pallas  ;  and  at  last  was  ruled  and  poisoned  by  a  very  bad  wife, 
 .^guppina. 
 
 §  These  prodigies,  and  more,  are  at  large  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  vl.  chap.  t.  i  3. 
 
 H  These  interpretations  and  reflections  are  in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  vi.  chap.  v.  5  4, 
 M-^'^t  ""'"l'*'"  600,0(X)  for  the  besieged  is  no  where  in  Josephus,  but  is  there  for  the  poor  buried  at  the 
 public  charKe.    Of  the  War.  b.  v.  chap.  xiii.  ^  7.  which  might  be  about  the  number  of  the  besieged,  under 
 c.estiu8  Oallus,  though  there  were  many  more  afterward  at  Titus'  siege,  as  Josephus,  implies,  Of  the  War, 
 b.  VI.  ctap.  IX.  4  3. 
 
DISSERTATION    III.  803 
 
 iiiom,  and  more  than  could  be  expected,  for  their  number  were  bold  enough  to  do  so.  The 
 men  ind  tlie  women  were  equally  obstinate  ;  anil  when  thej  supposed  thej  were  to  be  carried 
 dvvay  captive,  they  were  more  alVaid  of  life  than  of  death. 
 
 Aj;ainst  this  city  and  nation  Titns  Caesar  resolved  to  fight,  by  ramparts  and  ditches,  since 
 tlio  situation  of  the  place  did  not  admit  of  taking  it  by  storm  or  surprise.  He  parted  tlie  duty 
 .Muong  the  legions  :  and  there  were  no  further  engagements,  until  whatever  had  been  invented 
 lor  the  taking  of  cities  by  the  ancients,  or  by  the  ingenuity  of  the  moderns,  was  got  ready. 
 
 Annal.  Book  XV. 
 
 Nero,  in  order  to  stifle  the  rumour  [as  if  himself  had  set  Rome  on  fire,]  ascribed  it  to 
 those  people  who  were  hated  for  their  wicked  practices,  and  called  by  the  vulgar.  Christians: 
 these  he  punished  exquisitely.  The  author  of  this  name  was  Christ,  who  in  the  reign  of  Tibe- 
 rius was  brought  to  punishment  by  Pontius  Pilate,  the  procurator.*  For  the  present  this 
 pernicious  superstition  was  in  part  suppressed,  but  it  brake  out  again,  not  only  over  Judea, 
 whence  this  mischief  first  sprang,  but  in  the  city  of  Rome  also,  whither  do  run  from  every 
 quarter,  and  make  a  noise,  all  the  flagrant  and  shameful  enormities.  At  first,  therefore,  those 
 were  seized  who  confessed,  after  a  vast  multitude  were  detected  by  them,  and  were  convicted  ; 
 not  so  much  as  really  guilty  of  setting  the  city  on  fire,  but  as  hating  all  mankind  ;  nay,  they 
 made  a  mock  of  them  as  they  perished,  and  destroyed  them  by  putting  them  into  the  skins  of 
 wild  beasts,  and  setting  dogs  upon  them  to  tear  them  to  pieces  :  some  were  nailed  to  crosses, 
 and  others  flamed  to  death  :  they  were  also  used  in  the  night-time  instead  of  torches,  for  illu- 
 mination. Nero  had  ottered  his  own  garden  for  this  spectacle.  He  also  gave  tliera  Circensian 
 games,  and  dressed  himself  like  the  driver  of  a  chariot,  sometimes  appearins  among  the  com- 
 mon people,  sometimes  in  the  circle  itself:  whence  a  commiseration  arose,  though  the  punish- 
 ments were  levelled]  at  guilty  persons,  and  such  as  neserveci  to  be  made  the  most  flagrant 
 examples,  as  if  these  people  were  destroyed,  not  for  the  public  advantage,  but  to  satisfy  the 
 barbarous  humour  of  one  man. 
 
 N.  B.  Since  I  have  set  down  all  the  vile  calumnies  of  Tacitus  upon  the  Christians  as  well  as 
 the  Jews,  it  will  be  proper,  before  I  come  to  my  observations,  to  set  down  two  heathen  records 
 in  their  favour,  and  those  hardly  inferior  in  antiquity,  and  of  much  greater  authority  than 
 Tacitus  ;  I  mean  Pliny's  Epistle  to  Trajan  when  he  was  proconsul  of  Bytliiiiia,  with  Trajan's 
 answer  or  rescript  to  Pliny,  cited  by  TertuUian,  Eusebius,  and  Jerome.  These  are  records  of 
 so  great  esteem  with  Havercarap,  the  last  editor  of  Josephus,  that  he  thinks  they  not  only 
 deserve  to  be  read,  but  almost  to  be  learned  by  heart  also. 
 
 Pliny's  Epistle  to  Trajan, 
 About  A.  D.  112. 
 
 Sir, -"It  is  ray  constant  method  to  apply  myself  to  you  for  the  resolution  of  all  my  doubts; 
 for  who  can  belter  govern  my  dilatory  way  of  proceeding,  or  instruct  my  ignorance?  I  have 
 never  been  present  at  the  examination  of  the  Christians  [by  others,]  on  which  account  I  am 
 unacquainted  with  what  uses  to  be  inquired  into,  and  what,  and  how  far,  they  use  to  be 
 punished  :  nor  are  my  doubts  small,  whether  there  be  not  a  distinction  to  be  made  between 
 the  ages  [of  the  accused,]  and  whether  tender  youth  ought  to  have  the  same  punishment  with 
 strong  men?  whether  there  be  not  room  for  pardon  upon  repentance ?t  or  whether  it  may  not 
 be  an  advantage  to  one  that  had  been  a  Christian,  that  he  hath  forsaken  Christianity?  whether 
 the  bare  name,^  without  any  crimes  besides,  or  the  crimes  adhering  to  that  name,  be  to  be 
 punished?  In  the  mean  time,  I  have  taken  this  course  about  those  who  have  been  brought 
 before  me  as  Christians  :  I  asked  them  whether  tliey  were  Christians,  or  not  ?  If  they  con- 
 fessed that  they  were  Christians,  I  asked  them  again,  and  a  third  time,  intermixing  threatenings 
 with  the  questions  :  if  they  persevered  in  their  confession,  I  ordered  them  to  be  executed  ;||  for 
 T  did  not  doubt  but,  let  their  confessions  be  of  any  sort  whatsoever,  this  positiveness  and 
 inflexible  obstinacy  deserved  to  be  punished.  There  have  been  some  of  this  mad  sect,  whom  I 
 took  notice  of  in  particular  as  Roman  citizens,  that  they  might  be  sent  to  that  city.^  After 
 some  time,  as  is  usual  in  such  examinations,  the  crime  spread  itself,  and  many  more  cases 
 came  before  me.  A  libel  was  sent  to  me,  though  without  an  author,  containing  many  names 
 [of  persons  accused.]     These  deuied  that  they  were  Christians  now,  or  ever  had  been.     They 
 
 •  This  passage  seems  to  have  been  taken  directly  from  Josephus'  famous  testimony  concerning  Christ  and 
 the  Christians,  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  iii.  of  which  see  Dissertation  i.  before. 
 
 t  Till  now,  it  seems  repentance  was  not  commonly  allowed  lliose  that  had  been  once  Christians  ;  but  though 
 they  recanted  and  returoed  to  idolatry,  yet  were  they  commonly  put  to  deoth.  This  was  persecution  in 
 perfaction. 
 
 t  This  was  the  just  and  heavy  complaint  of  the  ancient  Christians,  that  they  commonly  suffered  for  that 
 bare  name,  without  the  pretence  of  any  crimes  they  could  plead  against  them.  This  was  also  persecution 
 in  perfection. 
 
 jl  Amazing  doctrine  !  that  a  firm  and  fixed  reFolutioii  of  keeping  n  good  conscience  should  be  thought 
 without  dispute  to  deserve  death,  and  this  by  such  ccmparatively  excellent  hi-atliens  as  Pliny  and  Trnjan. 
 
 ()  This  was  the  case  of  St.  Paul,  who  being  a  citizen  of  Rome  was  allowed  to  appeal  uuto  Ccesar,  and  waa 
 scut  to  Itome  accordiugly,  Acts  xxii.  25— CJ.  xxv.  25.  xxvi.  3C,  xxvii. 
 
804  DISSERTATION    III. 
 
 called  npon  the  gods;  and  supplicated  to  your  image,*  which  I  caused  to  be  brought  to  me  for 
 that  purpose,  v/ith  frankincense  and  wine :  tbey  also  cursed  Christ  :t  none  of  which  things, 
 as  it  is  said,  can  any  of  those  that  are  really  Christians  be  compelled  to  do ;  so  I  thought  fit  to 
 let  them  go.  Others  of  them  that  were  named  in  the  libel,  said  they  were  Christians,  but  pre- 
 sently denied  it  again,  that  indeed  they  had  been  Christians,  but  had  ceased  to  be  so,  some 
 three  years,  some  many  more  ;  and  one  there  was  that  said,  be  had  not  been  so  these  twenty 
 years.  All  ihese  worshipped  your  image,  and  the  images  of  your  gods  :  these  also  cursed 
 Christ.  However,  tbey  assured  me,  that  the  main  of  their  fault,  or  of  their  mistake,  was  this, 
 that  they  were  wont,  on  a  stated  day,  to  meet  together  before  it  was  light,  and  to  sing  a  hymn 
 to  Christ,  as  to  a  god,  alternately  ;  aud  to  oblige  themselves  by  a  sacrament  [or  oath,]  not  to  do 
 any  thing  that  was  ill,  but  that  they  would  commit  no  theft,  or  pilfering,  or  adultery ;  that  they 
 would  not  break  their  promises,  or  deny  what  was  deposited  with  them,  when  it  was  required 
 back  again:  after  which  it  was  their  custom  to  depart,  and  to  meet  again  at  a  common  but 
 innocent  meal, if  which  yet  they  had  left  oil' upon  that  edict  which  I  published  at  your  command, 
 and  wherein  I  had  forbidden  any  such  conventicles.  These  examinations  made  me  think  it 
 necessary  to  inquire  by  torments  what  the  truth  was,  which  I  did  of  two  servant  maids,  who 
 ■were  called  deaconesses  ;  but  still  I  discovered  no  more,  than  that  they  were  addicted  to  a  bad 
 and  to  an  extravagant  superstition.  Hereupon  I  have  put  off  any  further  examinations,  and 
 bav2  recourse  to  you,  for  the  affair  seems  to  be  well  worth  consultation,  especially  on  account 
 of  the  number  II  of  those  that  are  in  danger  ;  for  there  are  many  of  every  age,  of  every  rank, 
 and  of  both  sexes,  who  are  nov/  and  hereafter  likely  to  be  called  to  account,  and  to  be  in 
 danger,  for  this  superstition  is  spread  like  a  contagion,  not  only  in  cities  and  towns,  but  into 
 country  villages  also,  which  yet  there  is  reason  to  hope  may  be  stopped,  and  corrected.  To  be 
 sure,  the  temples,  which  were  almost  forsaken,  begin  already  to  be  frequented  :  and  the  holy 
 solemnities,  which  were  long  intermitted,  begin  to  be  revived.  The  sacrifices  begin  to  sell 
 ■well  every  where,  of  which  very  few  purchasers  had  of  late  appeared  :  whereby  it  is  easy  to 
 suppose  how  great  a  multitude  of  men  might  be  amended,  if  place  for  repentance  be  admitted^, 
 
 T 
 Trajan's  Epistle  to  Pliny. 
 
 My  Pliny,  you  have  taken  the  method  which  you  ought  in  examining  the  causes  of  those 
 that  bad  been  accused  as  Christians,  for  indeed  no  certain  and  general  form  cf  judging  can  be 
 ordained  in  this  case.  These  people  are  not  to  be  sought  for;  but  if  they  be  accused,  and  con- 
 victed, they  are  to  be  punished ;  but  with  this  caution,  that  he  who  denies  himself  to  be  a 
 Christian,  and  makes  it  plain  that  he  is  not  so,  by  supplicating  to  our  gods,  although  he  had 
 been  so  formerly,  may  be  allowed  pardon  upon  his  repentance.  As  for  libels  sent  without  an 
 author,  they  ought  to  have  no  place  in  any  accusation  whatsoever,  for  that  would  be  a  thing  of 
 very  ill  example,  and  not  agreeable  to  my  reign. 
 
 Observations  upon  the  Passages  taken  out  o/Tacitus. 
 
 I.  We  see  here  what  a  great  regard  the  best  of  the  Roman  historians  of  that  age,  Tacitus, 
 bad  to  the  history  of  Josephus,  while  though  he  never  names  him,  as  he  very  rarely  names  any 
 of  those  Roman  authors  whence  he  derives  other  parts  of  his  history,  yet  does  it  appear  that 
 be  refers  to  his  seven  books  of  the  Jewish  Wars  several  times  in  a  very  few  pages,  and  almost 
 always  depends  on  his  accounts  of  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  and  Parthians,  as  well  as  of  the 
 Jews,  during  no  fewer  than  240  years,  to  which  these  books  extend. 
 
 II.  Yet  does  it  appear  that  when  he  now  and  then  followed  other  historians  or  reports  con- 
 cerning the  Romans,  the  Parthians,  or  the  Jews,  during  that  long  interval,  be  was  commonly 
 mistaken  in  them,  and  bad  better  have  kept  close  to  Josephus  than  hearken  to  any  of  his  other 
 authors  or  informers, 
 
 III.  It  also  appears  highly  probable  that  Tacitns  had  seen  the  Antiquities  of  Josephus,  and 
 knew  that  the  most  part  of  the  accounts  he  produced  of  the  origin  of  the  Jewish  nation  entirely 
 contradicted  those  Antiquities.  He  also  could  hardly  avoid  seeing  that  those  accounts  contra- 
 dicted one  another  also,  and  were  childish,  absurd,  and  supported  by  no  good  evidence  what- 
 soever :  as  also  he  could  hardly  avoid  seeing  that  Josephus'  accounts  in  these  Antiquities  were 
 authentic,  substantial,  and  thoroughly  attested  to  by  the  ancient  records  of  that  nation,  and  of 
 the  neighbouring  nations  also,  which  indeed  no  one  can  avoid  seeing,  that  carefully  peruses 
 and  considers  them. 
 
 *  Amaring  stupidity!  that  the  emperor's  image,  even  while  he  was  alive,  should  be  allowed  capable  of 
 diviue  ■a-orsliip,  even  by  such  comparatively  excellent  heathens  as  Pliuy  and  Trajan. 
 
 ■>  Talte  here  a  parallel  account  out  of  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp,  §  9,  The  proconsul  said,  "  Reproach 
 tJhnst."  Polycarp  replied,  "  l-'.ighty  and  six  years  have  I  now  served  Christ,  and  he  has  never  done  me  the 
 least  wrong,  how  then  can  I  blaspheme  my  King  and  ray  Saviour^" 
 
 1  TUi?  most  probably  was  the  feast  of  charity. 
 _  |i  Some  of  late  are  very  loath  to  believe  that  the  Chriatians  were  numerous  in  the  second  century,  but  this 
 IS  such  an  evidence  that  they  were  very  numerous,  at  least  in  Bithynia,  even  in  the  beginning  of  that  centurj, 
 as  IS  wholly  UDdeni-able, 
 
DISSERTATION    III.  805 
 
 IV.  Tacitus,  therefore,  in  concealing  the  greatest  part  of  the  true  ancient  history  of  the 
 Jewish  nation,  which  lay  before  hira  in  Josepbus,  and  producing  such  fabulous,  ill-grounded, 
 and  j)artial  histories,  which  he  had  from  the  heathens,  acted  a  most  unfair  part :  and  this  pro- 
 cedure of  his  is  here  the  more  gross,  in  regard  he  professed  such  great  impartiality,  (Hist, 
 b.  i.  chap,  i.)  and  is  allowed  to  have  observed  that  impartiality  in  the  Roman  ailairs  also. 
 
 V.  Tacitus'  hatred  and  contempt  of  God's  peculiar  people,  the  Jews,  and  his  attachment  to 
 the  grossest  idolatry,  superstition,  and  astral  fatality  of  the  Romans,  were  therefore  so  strong 
 in  him,  as  to  overbear  all  reistraints  of  sober  reason  and  equity  in  the  case  of  those  Jew.s, 
 though  he  be  allowed  so  exactly  to  bave  followed  them  on  other  occasions  relating  to  the 
 Romans. 
 
 VI.  Since  therefore  Tacitus  was  so  bitter  against  the  Jews,  and  since  he  knew  that  Christ 
 himself  was  a  JeWj  and  that  his  apostles  and  first  followers  were  Jews,  and  also  knew  that  the 
 Christian  religion  was  derived  into  the  Roman  provinces  from  Judea,  it  is  no  wonder  that  his 
 hatred  and  contempt  of  the  Jews  extended  itself  to  the  Christians  also,  whom  the  Romans 
 usually  confounded  with  the  Jews  :  as  therefore  his  bard  words  of  the  Jews  appear  to  have 
 been  generally  groundless,  and  hurt  his  own  reputation  instead  of  theirs,  so  ought  we  to  esteem 
 his  alike  hard  words  of  the  Christians  to  be  blots  upon  his  own  character,  and  not  upon  theirs. 
 
 VII.  Since  therefore  Tacitus,  soon  after  the  publication  of  Joseplius'  Antiquities,  ami  in 
 contradiction  to  them,  was  determined  to  produce  such  idle  stories  about  the  Jews,  and  since 
 one  of  those  idle  stories  is  much  the  same  with  that  published  in  Josephus,  Against  Apion,  from 
 Manetho  and  Lysimachus,  and  no  where  else  met  with  so  fully  in  all  antiquity,  it  is  most  pro- 
 bable that  those  antiquities  of  Josephus  were  the  very  occasion  of  Tacitus  giving  us  these 
 stories,  as  we  know  from  Josephus  himself  contr.  Apion,  b.  i.  §  1.  that  the  same  Antiquities 
 were  the  very  occasion  of  Apion's  publication  of  his  equally  scandalous  stories  about  theiu, 
 and  which  Josephus  so  thoroughly  confuted  in  these  two  books  written  against  him.  And  if 
 Tacitus,  as  I  suppose,  had  also  read  these  two  books,  his  procedure  in  publishing  such  stories, 
 after  he  had  seen  so  thorough  a  confutation  of  them,  was  still  more  highly  criminal.  Nor  will 
 Tacitus'  fault  be  much  less,  though  we  suppose  he  neither  saw  the  Antiquities  nor  the  books 
 against  Apion,  because  it  was  very  easy  for  him,  then  at  Rome,  to  have  had  more  autlientio 
 accounts  of  the  origin  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  of  the  nature  of  the  Jewish  and  Chriatian  reli- 
 gions from  the  Jews  and  Christians  themselves,  which  he  owns  were  very  numerous  there  in  his 
 days  ;  so  that  his  publication  of  such  idle  stories  is  still  utterly  inexcusable* 
 
 VIII.  It  is  therefore  very  plain,  after  all,  that  notwithstanding  the  encomiums  of  several  of 
 our  learned  critics  upon  Tacitus,  and  hard  suspicions  upon  Josephus,  that  all  the  (involuntary) 
 mistakes  of  Josephus,  in  all  his  large  works  put  together,  tlieir  quality,  as  well  as  quantity 
 considered,  do  not  amount  to  near  so  great  a  sum,  as  do  these  gross  errors  und  misrepresenta- 
 tions of  Tacitus  about  the  Jews  amount  to  in  a  very  few  pages  ;  so  Hi  tie  reason  have  some  of 
 our  later  and  lesser  critics  to  prefer  the  Greek  and  Roman  historians  and  writers  to  the  Jew- 
 ish, and  particularly  to  Josephus.  Such  later  and  lesser  critics  should  have  learned  more 
 judgment  and  modesty  from  their  great  father  Joseph  Scaliger,  when,  as  we  have  seen,  after 
 all  his  deeper  inquiries,  be  solemnly  pronounces,  De  Emend.  Temp.  Prolegom.  p.  17.  That 
 "  Josephus  was  the  most  diligent  and  tlie  greatest  lover  of  truth  of  all  writers  ;"  and  is  not 
 afraid  to  affirm,  That,  "it  is  more  safe  to  believe  him,  not  only  as  to  the  affairs  of  the  Jews, 
 but  also  to  those  that  are  foreign  to  them,  than  all  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers,  and  this 
 because  his  fidelity  and  compass  of  learning  are  every  where  conspicuous." 
 
806  JEWISH    WEIGHTS,  &C. 
 
 TABLE  OF  THE  JEWISH  WEIGHTS,   MEASURES,    &c.    AND   PARTICULARLY 
 THOSE  MENTIONED  IN  JOSEPHUS'  WORK. 
 
 Of  Jewish  Measures  of  Length. 
 
 Inches.  Feet   Inches, 
 
 Cubit,  (he  standard, 21 1  9 
 
 Zereth  or  large  span, 10| 0  0 
 
 Small  span, 7 0  0 
 
 Palm  or  Land's  breadth 3A...... 0  0 
 
 Inch  or  tliumb's  breadth, l.tO 0  0 
 
 Digit  or  finu;er's  breadth, .875 0  0 
 
 Orgj'ia  or  fathom, 84 7  0 
 
 Ezekiel's  Canneh  or  reed,  ., 126 , 10  6 
 
 Arabian  Canneb  or  pole, 1()8 14  0 
 
 Sohasnus  line,  or  chain 1680 140  0 
 
 Sabbath-day's  journey, 42000 3500  0 
 
 Jewish  mile 84000 7000  0 
 
 Stadium  or  furlong 8400  700  0 
 
 Parasang, 252000 21000  0 
 
 Of  the  Jewish  Measures  of  Capacity, 
 
 Cub.  Inches.  Pints  or  Pounds. 
 
 Bath  or  Epha, 807.274   27.83 
 
 Coras  or  Choraer, 8072.74      278.3 
 
 Seah  or  Saton, 269.091    9.266 
 
 Ditto  according  to  Josepbus,    828.28      28  3 
 
 Hin, 134.54      4.4633 
 
 Ditto  according  by  Josepbus,   414.12     14. S 
 
 Omer  or  Asseron, 80.727    2.78 
 
 Cab, 44.859 1.544 
 
 Log, 11.21      39 
 
 Metretes  or  Syrian  firkin,     207   7.125 
 
 Of  the  Jewish  Weights  and  Coins. 
 
 Stater,  Silus,  or  shekel  of  the  sanctuary,  the  standard, 0 
 
 Tyrian  Coin,  equal  to  the  shekel, 0 
 
 Bekah,  half  of  the  shekel, 0 
 
 Drachma  Attica,  one  fourth, 0 
 
 Drachma  Alexandrina,  or  Darchmon,  or  Adarcbmon,  one  half, 0 
 
 Gerah,  or  Obulus,  one-twentieth, 0 
 
 Maneh,  Mua — 100  shekels  in  weight — 21900  grains  Troy. 
 
 Maoeh,  Mna,  or  Mina,  as  a  coiu, — 60  shekels,    7 
 
 Talent  of  silver,— 300  shekels,     375 
 
 Drachma  of  gold,  not  more  than 0 
 
 Shekel  of  gold  not  more  than     0 
 
 Daric  of  gold,    >••  1 
 
 Talent  of  gold,  not  more  than   648 
 
 Table  of  the  Jewish  Months  in  Josephus  and  others,  %mth  the  Syro-Macedonian  Names  Josephus 
 gives  them,  and  the  Names  of  the  Julian  or  Roman  Months  corresponding  to  them. 
 
 Hebrew  Names.  Syro-Macedonian  Names.  Roman  Names. 
 
 1.  Nisan Xantbicus March  and  April. 
 
 2.  Jyar Arteraisius,    April  and  May. 
 
 3.  Sivan, Daesius, May  and  June. 
 
 4.  Tamuz Panemus, June  and  July. 
 
 5.  Ab o Lous, J  July  and  August. 
 
 6.  Elul,   Gorpiaeas August  and  September. 
 
 7.  Tisri, Hyperberetaei, September  and  October. 
 
 8.  Marhesvan,     Dins October  and  November. 
 
 2.  Casleu,    . . .. , Appellxus,     November  and  December. 
 
 10.  Tebeth,    Audiuaeus December  and  January. 
 
 1 1 .  Shebat Peritius J  anuary  and  February. 
 
 12.  Adar, Dystros Fcbraary  and  March. 
 
 13.  Ve  Adar,  or  The  second  Adar  intercalated. 
 
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 I  N  D  E  X. 
 
 AARON,  72,  516  ;  is  made  high-priest,  91  ; 
 biit  suns,  ibid  ;  his  death,  106. 
 
 Abassrar,  or  Sauabassar,  282. 
 
 Abbar,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  718. 
 
 AbdemoD,  a  Tjrian,  216,  746. 
 
 Abednego,  20'J. 
 
 Abdou  succeeds  Elon  as  judge,  142. 
 
 Abel,  33  ;  his  sacritice,  ibid. 
 
 Abennerig,  kina;  of  Charax-Spasini,  504. 
 
 Abia,  king  of  the  Arabians,  507. 
 
 Abiathar,  the  son  of  Ahimelech,  167  ;  saves 
 his  life,  and  Hies  to  David,  168  ;  is  liigh- 
 priest,  174, 184, 191, 197,  202  ;  is  deprived 
 of  the  high-priesthood,  205. 
 
 Abibalus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  74G. 
 
 Abigail,  170  ;  married  to  David,  171  ;  Amasa's 
 mother,  193. 
 
 Abihu,  the  son  of  Aaron,  91. 
 
 Abijah,  or  Abia,  the  sou  of  Rehoboam,  194, 
 224  ;  succeeds  his  father,  225  ;  conquers 
 the  ten  tribes,  226. 
 
 Abilamaradochiis  ;  see  Evil-Merodach. 
 
 Abimael,  39. 
 
 Ahimelech  tyrannizes  over  the  Shechemites, 
 140  ;  is  expelled,  ibid  ;  he  destroys  them  all, 
 ibid  ;  is  killed  by  a  piece  of  a  mill-stone,  141. 
 
 Abinadab,  149,  207. 
 
 Abiram,  102,  104. 
 
 Abishag,  a  virgin,  David's  nurse,  201. 
 
 Ahishai,  171. 
 
 Abner,  son  of  Ner,  and  Saul's  kinsman,  153  ; 
 general  of  his  array,  177  ;  reconciles  the 
 Israelites  to  David,  178  ;  is  killed,  179. 
 
 Abrani,  or  Abraham,  the  son  of  Terah,  39  ; 
 leaves  Chaldea,  and  goes  to  Canaan,  40  ; 
 lives  at  Damascus,  ibid  ;  advises  his  sons 
 to  plant  colonies,  46  ;  instructs  the  Egyp- 
 tians in  the  mathematical  sciences,  41  ; 
 divides  the  country  between  himself  and 
 Lot,  ibid  ;  God  promises  him  a  son,  ibid  ; 
 he  beats  the  Assyrians,  ibid  ;  dies,  47. 
 
 Absalom,  181  ;  flies  to  Geshar,  189  •,  is  re- 
 called by  a  stratagem  of  Joab,  190  ;  rebels 
 against  David,  ibid  ;  pursues  after  him, 
 193 ;  his  army  is  put  to  flight,  ibid ;  he 
 hangs  on  a  tree  by  his  hair,  ibid  j  is  stabbed 
 by  Joab,  and  dies,  194. 
 
 Acencheres,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Acenchres,  queen  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Acbar,  or  Hachan,  is  guilty  of  theft,  126 ;  is 
 punished,  127. 
 
 Achiraas  ;  see  Ahimaaz. 
 
 Aohish,  or  Anchas,  king  of  Gath,  172. 
 
 Achitophel  ;  see  Ahithiiphel. 
 
 Acme,  569  ;  her  letters  to  Antipaterand  Herod, 
 441  ;  her  death,  444. 
 
 Acmon,  son  of  Araph,  of  the  race  of  the  4^iants, 
 attacks  David,  198  ;  is  killed  by  Abi«bai, 
 ibid. 
 
 Acratheus,  or  Hatach,  289. 
 
 Aotium,  battle  at,  in  the  seventh  year  of 
 Herod's  reign,  383,  389,  393,  547. 
 
 Ada,  the  wife  of  Laraecb,  33. 
 
 Adad ;  see  Hadad. 
 
 Adam  created,  31;  his  full,  32. 
 
 Ader,  or  Hadad,  an  Iduuiean,  220. 
 
 Adonias,  or  Adonijah,  pretends  to  the  crown, 
 201;  takes  sanctuary  at  the  altar,  202; 
 demands  Abishag  to  wife,  205  ;  is  refused, 
 ibid. 
 
 Adonibezek,  king  of  Jerusalem,  132  ;  is  made 
 a  prisoner,  and  has  his  hands  and  feet  cut 
 off,  and  dies  at  Jerusalem,  133. 
 
 Adoram,  209. 
 
 Adramraelech,  258. 
 
 Adrassar ;  see  Hadadezer. 
 
 iElius  Gallus,  402. 
 
 ./Esop,  a  servant,  384. 
 
 Agag,  king  of  the  Anialekiles,  158  ;  is  killed, 
 160. 
 
 Agar  ;  see  Hagar. 
 
 AyyapvtffOai,  or  forcible  pressure,  taken  off 
 the  Jews  by  Demetrius,  326. 
 
 Aggeus ;  see  Haggai. 
 
 Agones,  or  games  every  fifth  year,  in  honour 
 of  CfEsar,  instituted  by  Herod,  399;  at  the 
 finishing  of  Cesarea,  417. 
 
 Agrippa  (Marcus,  the  Roman,)  his  bounty 
 towards  the  Jews,  304  ;  is  splendidly  en- 
 tained  by  Herod,  409  ;  makes  equal  return 
 to  him  at  Sinope,  410;  his  expedition  to 
 the  Bosphorus,  ibid  ;  his  speech  to  the 
 Jews  at  Jerusalem,  593  ;  he  confirms  their 
 privileges,  412  ;  bis  letter  to  the  Ephesiaus, 
 in  favour  of  the  Jews,  419  ;  and  to  those  of 
 Cyrene,  ibid. 
 
 Agrippa  the  Great,  or  Elder,  Herod's  grandson, 
 434,  563;  his  various  adventures,  465  ;  is 
 manacled  and  imprisoned,  469 ;  his  future 
 liberty  and  happiness  foretold,  ibid  ;  is  releas- 
 ed and  made  lord  of  two  tetrarchies,  with  the 
 title  of  king,  470  ;  gives  Cains  a  sumptuous 
 entertainment  at  Rome,  475  ;  is  sent  by  the 
 senate  to  Claudius,  495  ;  his  advice  to  Clau- 
 dius, ibid  ;  is  sent  back  to  his  kingdom,  500  ; 
 Claudius  bestows  on  him  all  the  dominions 
 of  his  grandfatlier,  498  ;  his  eulnginm,  498  ; 
 liis  bounty  towards  those  of  Berytus,  ibid  ; 
 he  treats  several  kings  splendidly,  501; 
 entertains  Cesarea  with  shows;  and  ap- 
 pears himself  upon  the  stage  in  a  magni- 
 iicent  dress,  and  is  applauded  as  a  god,  ibid  ; 
 5  K 
 
810 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 dies  soon  after  an  unnatural  death,  ibid  ; 
 bis  dominiou  and  children,  585. 
 
 Agrippa,  sun  of  Agrippa  tbe  Great,  by  Cypros, 
 5S5  ;  did  not  iniiiiediately  succeed  in  Lis 
 father's  kingdom,  502  ;  Claudius  gave  him 
 that  of  his  uncle  Herod  [nf  Chalcis,]  507  ; 
 to  which  he  added  the  tetrarchies  of  Philip 
 and  Lysanias,  578  ;  he  is  hurt  by  a  sling- 
 stone  at  the  siege  of  Gamala,  G37  ;  his  let- 
 ters to  Josephus,  23  ;  his  f;inious  speech  to 
 to  the  Jews  to  dissuade  them  from  a  war 
 with  the  Romans,  593. 
 
 Agrippa,  son  of  Felix  and  Drusilla,  510. 
 
 Agrippa  (Fonteins)  slain,  723. 
 
 Aliab,  king  of  Israel,  229  ;  is  reproved  by 
 Elijah.  203;  fights  witii  Benhadad,  and  beats 
 liini,  201  ;  pardons  him,  ibid  ;  is  afterwards 
 killed  himself  by  the  Syiians,  204;  his 
 sons,  245. 
 
 Ahaz,  king  of  Judah,  354. 
 
 Ahaziah,  son  of  Aliab,  23G,  238,  245. 
 
 Ahaziab,  king  of  Judah,  245. 
 
 Abijah  the  prophet,  224;  his  prophecy,  261. 
 
 Ahikam,  267. 
 
 Ahimaaz,  or  Acliimas,  the  son  of  Zadok,  191, 
 194  ;  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Ahimelech,  the  high  priest,  slain  by  the  order 
 of  Saul,  269. 
 
 Ahitub,  205. 
 
 Ahithophel,  or  Acliitophel,  190  ;  gives  evil 
 counsel,  191  ;  hangs  himself,  193. 
 
 Ai  besieged,  126;  taken,  127. 
 
 Aizel,  or  Uzal,  grandson  of  Heber,  39. 
 
 Akns,  nation  of,  730. 
 
 Albinus,  procurator  of  Judea,  514. 
 
 Alcimus,  or  Jacimus,  the  wicked  high  priest, 
 320  ;  calumniates  Judas  before  Demetrius, 
 ibid  ;  dies,  321. 
 
 Alcyon,  a  physician,  490, 
 
 Alexander  Lysimacbus,  the  alabarcb,  466, 
 497,  508. 
 
 Alexander,  the  son  of  Alexander,  by  Gla- 
 phyra,  562. 
 
 Alexander,  the  son  of  Antiocbus  Epiphanes, 
 325  ;  surnamed  Bala,  note,  ibid  ;  king  of 
 Syria,  his  letter  to  Jonathan,  ibid  ;  engages 
 in  a  battle  with  Demetrius,  326  ;  demands 
 Ptolemy  Philometor's  daughter  in  marriage, 
 328  ;  is  killed  in  Arabia,  and  his  bead 
 sent  to  Ptolemy,  330. 
 
 Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  Herod's  sons,  put 
 in  prison,  426  ;  strangled  by  their  father's 
 order,  432,  562. 
 
 Alexander,  the  eldest  son  of  Aristobulus,  356, 
 532  ;  troubles  .Syria,  358  :  makes  war  upon 
 the  Romans,  531  ;  is  conquered  by  Gabi- 
 nius,  ibid  ;  killed  bv  Pompey's  order,  359, 
 533. 
 
 Alexander  Janneus  succeeds  bis  brother  Aris- 
 tobulus, 526  ;  a  sedition  raised  against  him, 
 347  ;  his  expedition  against  Ptolemais,  344  ; 
 be  is  called  Thracida,  for  his  barbarous 
 cruelly,  347  ;  dies  of  a  quartan  ague,  after 
 three  years'  sickness,  348,  527  ;  his  sons 
 Hyrcatius  and  Aristobulus,  349,  527. 
 Alexander  the  Great  succeeds  his  father  Phi- 
 lip, 294;  conquers  Darius,  ibid;  pursues 
 
 his  victories  tlirougb  Asia,  295 .;  sends  a 
 letter  to  the  high  priest  at  Jerusalem,  ibid  ; 
 goes  himself  to  Jerusalem,  2G6  ;  his  dream, 
 ibid  ;  he  adores  the  name  of  God  on  the 
 high  priest's  forehead,  ibid  ;  enters  the  tem- 
 ple, ibid ;  grants  privileges  to  the  Jews, 
 ibid^  the  Pamphylian  sea  gives  way  to  his 
 army,  78  ;  his  arms  and  armour  kept  in  the 
 temple  of  Diana  at  Elymais,  318;  bis  em- 
 pire divided  after  his  death,  297. 
 
 Alexander,  the  son  of  Phasaelus  and  Salamp- 
 sio,  405. 
 
 Alexander  (Tiberius")  succeeds  Cuspius  Fadus 
 as  procurator  of  Judea,  508,  585  ;  is  made 
 procurator  of  Eg)pt,  591,  G02  ;  is  made 
 chief  commander  of  the  Roman  army  under 
 \'espasian  664,  707. 
 
 Alexander  Zebina,  king  of  Syria,  is  conquer- 
 ed by  Antiocbus  Grypus,  and  dies,  340. 
 
 Alexandra,  Alex-uider  Janneus's  widow,  holds 
 the  adminislr.-.tion  after  his  death,  349; 
 falls  sick   and  dies,  356  ;  her  elogium,  351. 
 
 Alexandra,  daughter  of  Hyrcanus,  wife  of 
 Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus  Hyrca- 
 nus's  brother,  and  mother  of  another  Aris- 
 tobulus and  of  Marianine,  383  ;  writes  a 
 letter  to  Cleopatra,  ibid  ;  sends  the  pictures 
 of  her  son  and  daughter  to  Antony,  by  the 
 advice  of  Dellius,  ibid  ;  is  feignediy  recon- 
 ciled to  Herod,  ibid  ;  is  suspected  by 
 Herod,  384  ;  prepares  to  fly  into  Egypt, 
 ibid  ;  bemoans  the  death  of  Aristobulus, 
 385  ;  acquaints  Cleopatra  with  the  snares 
 of  Herod,  and  the  death  of  her  son,  ibid  ; 
 is  put  into  prison,  387  ;  her  indecent  be- 
 haviour towards  her  daughter  Mariaraue, 
 31)6  ;  is  killed  by  Herod's  order,  397. 
 
 Alexandra,  daughter  of  Phasaelus  and  Sa- 
 lampsio,  465  ;  is  married  to  Timius  of 
 Cyprus,  ibid. 
 
 Alexandria,  a  great  part  of  that  city  assigned 
 to  the  Jews,  359  ;  the  Jews  declared  its 
 citizens  on  a  brazen  pillar,  by  Julius 
 Caesar,  363. 
 
 Alexas,  Salome's  husband,  433,  563. 
 
 Alexas  Selcias,  Alexas's  son,  465. 
 
 Alisphragrontbosis,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Aliturius,  a  Jew,  4. 
 
 Alliance  between  Ptolemy  and  Antiocbas, 
 306. 
 
 Altar  of  incense,  88  ;  of  burnt-offering,  made 
 of  unhewn  stone,  677,  752. 
 
 Aniedntha,  or  Hammadetha,  289. 
 
 Araalekiies  attack  the  Israelites,  81  ;  are  con- 
 quered and  plundered,  82. 
 
 Araan  ;  see  Hainan. 
 
 Amarinos,  or  Omri,  king  of  the  Israelites, 
 229. 
 
 Amasa,  general  of  Absalom's  army,  193, 195  ; 
 the  son  of  Jether,  204  ;  killed  by  Joab,  197. 
 
 Amasias,  or  Maaseiah,  governor  of  the  city, 
 261 
 
 Amathus,  son  of  Canaan,  38. 
 
 Amaziah,  or   Amasias,  king   of  Judab,  248, 
 
 249  ;  makes  war  on  Joash,  king  of  Israel, 
 
 250  ;  is  beaten  ;  and  murdered  in  ^a  conr 
 spiracy,  ibid. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 811 
 
 Ambassadors  sent  wiib  presents  to  Hezekiab, 
 259  ;  ambassadors  of  tbe  Jews  slaio  by  tbe 
 Arabs,  389  ;  tbis  a  violation  of  tbe  law  of 
 nations,  390  ;  Jewisli  ambassadors  bad  a 
 right  to  sit  among  tbe  Roman  senators  in 
 tbe  tbeatre,  SGI. 
 
 Ambassage  sent  by  Jonatban  to  the  Romans 
 and  Lacedemonians,  3'J;'>  ;  sent  by  the  Jews 
 to  Rome,  321. 
 
 Ambition  and  avarice,  causes  of  many  mis- 
 chiefs, 179. 
 
 Ambivius  (Marcas),  procurator  of  Judea, 
 459. 
 
 Anienophis,  king  of  Egypt,  745,  753,  756. 
 
 Aniesses,  qneen  of  Egjpt,  745. 
 
 Aminadab,  282. 
 
 Animouius  killed,  330. 
 
 Amnon,  David's  son,  181  ;  falls  in  love  with 
 his  sister  TanjHr,  189  ;  is  slain  by  Absa- 
 lom's order,  ibid. 
 
 Amorites  given  to  the  tribes  of  Reuben 
 and  Gad,  and  the  half  tribe  of  IVIanasseh, 
 113. 
 
 Amphitheatre  bnill  at  Jerusalem,  and  another 
 in  the  adjoining  plain,  by  Herod  the  Great, 
 399;  another  at  Jericho,  444. 
 
 Amram,  Moses'  father,  69. 
 
 Amram,  a  seditious  Jew,  503. 
 
 Amraphel,  61. 
 
 Amulal ;  see  Hamutal. 
 
 Anacharis,  or  Rabsaris,  a  general  of  Senna- 
 cherib, 259 
 
 Ananelus  made  high  priest,  383  ;  Deprived 
 of  that  dignity,  384  ;  Restored  to  it, 
 385. 
 
 Ananias,  the  son  of  Nebedeus,  made  high 
 priest,  508,  587,  597  ;  bis  son  Ananus, 
 582  ;  slain  together  with  his  brother  Heze- 
 kiab, 599. 
 
 Ananias,  (difterent  from  tbe  former)  284  ;  son 
 of  Onias,  342,  345. 
 
 Ananias,  tbe  son  of  Masambalus,  high  priest, 
 693. 
 
 Ananus,  senior,  made  high  priest,  515  ;  bis 
 eulogiura,  642. 
 
 Ananus,  junior  (the  son  of  Ananus)  made 
 high  priest,  515,  14,  643  ;  bis  speech  to 
 the  people,  644  ;  accused  of  the  murder  of 
 James  tbe  bishop,  515;  deprived  of  the 
 dignity  of  the  high  priesthood,  ibid  ;  his 
 death,  651. 
 
 Ananus,  (or  Annas)  son  of  Setb,  made  high 
 priest,  457  ;  desposed,  459. 
 
 Ananus,  son  of  IJamadus,  one  of  Simon's  life- 
 guard, 693  ;  flies  to  Titus,  707. 
 
 Ananus,  governor  of  the  temple,  510. 
 
 Ananus,  son  of  Jonathan,  604. 
 
 Andreas,  captain  of  Philadelphus's  life-guard, 
 298,  781. 
 
 Andromacbus  expelled  tbe  court  of  Herod, 
 423. 
 
 Andronicus,  son  of  Messalamus,  327. 
 
 Apgels  of  God  become  famliar  with  women, 
 34. 
 
 Anileus,  476,  478,  479  ;  killed  by  the  Baby- 
 lonians, 480. 
 Aunius  (Lucius)  takes  Gerasa,  658. 
 
 Annius  (Minucianus)  481. 
 
 Annius  Rufus,  procuriator  of  Judea,  458. 
 
 Anleius  killed,  489. 
 
 Aniigonus  governs  Asia  after  Alexander's 
 death,  297. 
 
 Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobnlns,  356,  358  ;  im- 
 peaches Hyrcanns  and  Antipater,  360  ;  is 
 conqnertd  by  Herod  534  ;  invades  Judea, 
 by  the  help  of  the  Partbians,  372  ;  is  re- 
 established in  the  government,  373,  540  ; 
 cuts  of!"  Hyrcaiius's  ears,  and  causes  the 
 death  of  Phasaelus,  374  ;  surrenders  him- 
 self to  Sosius,  3S0,  546  ;  is  sent  in  fetters 
 to  Marcus  Antonius,  3S1,  546  ;  was  the 
 first  king  whose  head  was  cut  ofT  by 
 the  Romans,  382  ;  reigned  before  Herod, 
 438. 
 
 Antigonus,  son  of  Hyrcanus  I.  and  brother  of 
 king  Aristobulus,  made  commander  at  the 
 siege  of  Samaria,  341  ;  is  beloved  by  his 
 brother,  342  ;  is  watched  by  the  queen  and 
 her  favourites,  and  by  their  calumnies  slain, 
 343,  525. 
 
 Antiocli  i.s  the  chief  city  in  Syria,  and  the 
 third  city  in  the  Roman  empire,  613;  the 
 Jews  made  citizens  thereof  by  Seleucus 
 Nicator,  304  ;  it  is  barnt  down,  721. 
 
 Antiochians  at  first  rebel  against  Demetrius, 
 330  ;   their  envy  against  the  Jews,  722. 
 
 Antinchus,  king  of  Cominagene,  459,  498, 
 501,  G'JO,  728  ;  a  part  of  Cilicia,  togelbei 
 with  Comraagene,  granted  bira  by  Claudius, 
 497. 
 
 Antioclius  Cyzicenus,341  ;  assists  tbe  Samari- 
 tans, but  is  put  to  flight,  341,  524 ;  is 
 killed,  316. 
 
 Antiocbus  Dionysus,  fifth  son  of  Antiocbus 
 Grypus,  king  of  Syria,  makes  an  expedition 
 against  the  Jews,  348,  527. 
 
 Antiochu.s  the  Great,  his  letters  in  favour  of 
 the  Jews,  306;  his  wars  with  Ptolemy  Pbi- 
 lopater  and  Physcon,  ibid ;  marries  bis 
 daughter  Cleopatra  to  Ptolemy,  307. 
 
 Antiocbus  Epiphanes  makes  an  expedtion  into 
 Egypt,  311  ;  takes  Jerusalem,  and  plun- 
 ders the  temple,  312,  522,  718  ;  goes  into 
 Persia,  314  ;  designs  to  destroy  the  Jews 
 upon  his  return,  ibid  ;  his  answer  to  the 
 Samaritans,  ibid ;  bis  impiety,  338 ;  be 
 dies,  and  leaves  the  administration  to  Phi- 
 lip, 318. 
 
 Antiocbus  Eupator,  son  of  Antiocbus  Epi- 
 phanes,  invades  Judea,  319  ;  fights  with 
 Judas,  319,  523  ;  makes  peace  with  the 
 Jews,  319  ;  breaks  it,  ibid  ;  is  killed  by 
 Demetrius,  320. 
 
 Antiocbus  Grypus,  son  of  Demetrius  Soter, 
 341 ;  bis  death,  346. 
 
 Antiocbus  Philometor,  344. 
 
 Antiocbus  Pius,  son  of  Antiocbus  Cyzicenus, 
 makes  war  with  Selcncus,  346;  is  slain  in 
 battle,  ibid. 
 
 Antiocbus  Eusebius,  or  Pius,  tbe  brother  of 
 Demetrius,  besieges  Jerusalem,  338  ;  raises 
 the  siege,  339  ;  makes  an  expedition 
 against  the  Partbians,  is  defeated  and  kill- 
 ed, ibid. 
 
812 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Antiochus  the  grandson  of  Seleucus,  and  son 
 of  Alexander,  is  commonly  called  The  God, 
 304  ;  is  crowned  in  his  youth,  331  ;  enters 
 into  alliance  with  Jonathan  the  high  priest 
 ib.  is  slain  by  Trypbon  his  tutor,  336,  523. 
 
 Antiochus,  the  brother  of  Seleucus,  slain  in 
 battle,  346. 
 
 Antiochus  Soter,  brother  of  Demetrius,  father 
 of  Grypus,  340;  makes  war  with  Trypho, 
 337. 
 
 Antipas,  Herod's  son  by  Malthace,  a  Sama- 
 ritan, 433,  5C3;  is  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  531, 
 536,  569,-  goes  to  Rome  to  get  to  be  a  king, 
 447,  573  ;  what  was  left  him  by  Herod,  444  ; 
 what  was  given  him  by  Csesar,  453  ;  once 
 declared  king  by  Herod,  569. 
 
 Antipas,  one  of  the  royal  lineage,  is  put  in 
 prison  and  slain,  642. 
 
 Antipater,  the  Idumean,  Herod's  father,  called 
 Antipas,  excites  troubles,  352  ;  is  sent  am- 
 bassador to  Aretas,  by  Scaurns,  356 ;  his 
 ■wife  Cyprus,  the  Arabian,  and  his  ciiildren, 
 359  ;  bis  valour,  ib.  he  advises  Hyrcanus 
 to  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  Are- 
 tas, 528  ;  makes  his  son  Phasaelus  governor 
 of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod  of  Galilee,  361, 
 534  ;  endeavours  to  deserve  Caesar's  favour, 
 359,  533  ;  is  honoured  by  Caesar,  and  made 
 citizen  of  Rome,  360,  533  ;  bis  defence 
 against  Antigonus,  360,  534  ;  is  made  go- 
 vernor of  Juilea,  360,  564 ;  is  greatly  es- 
 teemed among  the  Jews,  361 ;  is  poisoned, 
 369,  536. 
 
 Antipater,  son  of  Phasaelns  and  Saiampsio, 
 grandson  of  Herod  the  Great,  465. 
 
 Antipater,  son  of  Salome,  impeaches  Archelaus 
 before  Caesar,  447. 
 
 Antipater  son  of  Herod,  369 ;  is  sent  to  Rome 
 to  Caesar,  413,364,  566  ;  while  he  is  there, 
 he,  by  letters,  sets  his  father  against  his 
 brethren,  441,  554,  555  ;  his  subtilty,  420  ; 
 js  recalled  by  Herod,  413,  438;  he  reigns 
 jointly  with  his  father,  432  ;  is  hated  by 
 every  body,  after  the  slaughter  of  his  bre- 
 thren, ib.  attempts  his  father's  life,  ib.  is 
 concerned  for  himself,  ibid,  566;  appears 
 before  Varus' tribunal,  439,  567;  his  plea 
 for  himself,  il).  is  put  in  irons,  441,  569; 
 is  put  to  death,  444,  571. 
 
 Antipater,  a  Samaritan,  437,  565. 
 
 Antipater,  Herod's  sister's  son,  433, 
 
 Antipatris,  taken  by  Vespasian,  654. 
 
 Antiphilus,  437,  565  ;  his  letter  to  Antipater, 
 Herod's  son,  441. 
 
 Antonia,  Claudius'  daughter  by  Petina,  586. 
 
 Antonia,  Claudius'  mother,  and  Drnsns'  wife, 
 lends  money  to  Agrippa  the  elder,  467  ;  her 
 eulogium,  468. 
 
 Antonia,  the  tower,  called  Baris  before,  525, 
 700. 
 
 Antony,  a  captain,  612. 
 
 ,  a  centurion,  623. 
 
 Antony  (Mark,)  his  valour,  357,  531 ;  his  and 
 Doiabella's  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 360 ;  he  marches  into  Asia,  after  Casslus' 
 defeat,  370  ;  his  letter  to  Hyrcanus,  ib.  to 
 the   Tyrisns,  371;    he  falls  in  love  with 
 
 Cleopatra,  372  ;  makes  Phasaelus  and 
 Herod  tetrarchs,  ib.  orders  their  accusers 
 to  be  put  to  death,  ib.  confers  signal  favours 
 on  Herod,  375  ;  sojourns  at  Athens,  377, 
 642  ;  his  luxury,  383. 
 
 Antonius  (Lucius,)  Mark  Antony's  son,  sends 
 a  letter  to  the  Sardians,  in  favour  of  the 
 Jews,  366. 
 
 Antonius  Primus,  665. 
 
 Anubis,  a  god,  460. 
 
 Apachiias,  king  of  Egypt,  744. 
 
 Apanie,  Darius'  concubine,  279. 
 
 Apion,  ambassador  for  the  Alexandrians  to 
 Cains,  473. 
 
 Apollo's  temple  at  Gaza,  345. 
 
 in  the  palace  at  Rome,  524. 
 
 Apollodotus,  captain  of  the  Gazeans,  345  ; 
 killed,  ibid. 
 
 Apollonius,  son  of  Alexander,  339, 
 
 Apollonius  Daus,  governor  of  Celosyria,  228  ; 
 
 '  challenges  Jonathan  to  an  engagement,  and 
 is  defeated,  ibid. 
 
 Apollonius,  governor  of  Samaria,  312,  314. 
 
 Aponius,  496. 
 
 Apophis,  king  of  Egypt,  744, 
 
 Apsalom,  599. 
 
 Apsan,  or  Ibzan,  judge  after  Jephtha,  142, 
 
 Aquila,  the  murderer  of  Cains,  486, 
 
 Arabians  circumcise  their  children  when  thir- 
 teen years  old,  44  ;  ten  towns  taken  from 
 them  by  Alexander,  king  of  the  Jews,. 352  ; 
 Ethiopians  are  their  neighbours,  244, 
 
 Arabia  borders  on  Judea,  352 ;  Petra  the 
 king's  residence,  ib.  Zabdiel  their  lord, 
 356;  Arabians  are  defeated,  391;  their 
 women  are  great  poisoners,  436. 
 
 Aram,  39. 
 
 Am,  or  Haran,  the  father  of  Lot,  39. 
 
 Arasca,  or  Nisroch,  a  temple,  257. 
 
 Arases,  or  Resin,  king  of  the  Syrians,  253. 
 
 Aranna,  or  Orona,  the  Jebusite,  230 ;  his 
 threshing-floor,  ib.  the  place  where  Isaac 
 was  to  have  been  sacrificed,  and  where  the 
 temple  was  afterwards  built,  ibid. 
 
 Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  comes  to 
 Herod,  424,  423,  558 ;  goes  with  him  to 
 Antioch,  ib.  reconciles  Herod  to  his  son 
 Alexander,  and  to  his  brother  Pheroras, 
 558  ;  Archelaus,  son  of  Herod  the  Great, 
 433,  437,  561,  566  ;  is  made  ethnarch,  453, 
 578  ;  marries  Glaphyra,  455,  579  ;  is  pro- 
 claimed king  after  Herod's  death,  445, 
 571  ;  his  speech  to  the  people,  445,  572; 
 endeavours  to  appease  the  people,  446; 
 goes  to  Rome,  ibid.  573  ;  is  accused  there 
 by  the  deputies  of  the  people,  452,  577  ; 
 is  banished  to  Vienna  in  Gaul,  578;  bis 
 dreams  and  Glaphyra's,  455,  578,  579. 
 
 Archelaus,  son  of  Chelcis,  502. 
 
 Archelaus,  son  of  Magadatos,  707. 
 
 .\remmantus,  266, 
 
 Aretas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  345,  352,  429, 
 528,  564 ;  makes  an  expedition  against 
 Aristobulus,  352  ;  succeeds  Obodas,  426; 
 affords  succours  to  Hyrcanus,  528 ;  im- 
 peaches Sylleus,  jointly  with  Antipater, 
 before  Caesar,  435. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 813 
 
 Areta.t,  king  of  Celosyria,  makes  an"  expedi- 
 tion into  Judea,  348. 
 
 Arelas,  of  Petra,  453,  463. 
 
 Ariocli,  captain  of  Nebuchadnezzar  s  life- 
 guards, 270. 
 
 ArioD,  treasurer  of  Alexandria,  308. 
 
 Aristras,  or  Aristaeus,  one  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
 delplius's  life-guards,  299,  758,  759. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Hyrcanus  I.  340  ;  the  first 
 high  priest  who  assumed  the  title  of  king  of 
 tl)e  Jews,  342  ;  called  Phillelen,  or  lover  of 
 the  Greeks,  341. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Alexander  Janneus,  an 
 enterprising  and  bold  man,  349  ;  complains 
 of  the  Pharisees,  350  ;  reproaches  his  mo- 
 ther Alexandra,  ib.  endeavours  to  take  pos- 
 sion  of  the  kingdom  during  his  mother's 
 life,  ib.  ;  fights  vfith  bis  elder  brotlier  Hyr- 
 canus for  the  crown,  350  ;  brings  him  to  an 
 accommodation,  ibid,  528  ;  sends  a  golden 
 vine  to  Pompey,  353  ;  his  children  brought 
 captive  to  Rome  by  Pompey,  35G  ;  escapes 
 out  of  prison,  but  is  retaken  and  sent  back 
 again  to  Rome  by  Gabinns,  357,  531,  532  ; 
 bis  firmness  in  adversity,  357  ;  is  poisoned 
 by  the  partisans  of  Pompey,  359  ;  bis  chil- 
 dren, ibid. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Herod  the  Great,  403  ; 
 marries  Bernice,  Salome's  daughter,  409  ; 
 is  put  in  prison,  428 ;  is  accused  by  his 
 father  in  an  assembly  at  Berytus,  and  con- 
 demned, 430;  is  strangled,  431,  5G2  ;  bis 
 children,  433,  5G2. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis, 
 511,  728. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Joseph  and  Mariarane, 
 465. 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Aristobulus,  and  brother 
 to  the  famous  Mariamne,  a  beautiful  youth, 
 is  made  high  priest  by  Herod,  384 ;  is 
 drowned  by  the  secret  order  of  the  same 
 Herod,  ibid,  544, 
 
 Aristobulus,  son  of  Aristobulus  and  Bernice, 
 and  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great,  465. 
 
 Aristocracy  the  best  form  of  government, 
 116. 
 
 Aristocracy  instituted  in  Judea  by  Gabinus, 
 532. 
 
 Arithmetic  and  astronomy  came  from  Chaldea 
 to  Egypt,  and  thence  into  Greece,  40. 
 
 Arius,  the  king  of  the  Lacedemonians,  sends 
 a  letter  to  Onias  the  high  priest,  310, 
 312. 
 
 Ark  of  God,  its  description,  87  ;  taken  by  the 
 Philistines,  148  ;  restored  to  the  Israelites, 
 ib. ;  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  lodged  in  the 
 house  of  Obed-edom,  after  it  had  been  with 
 Aminadab,  182. 
 
 Ark  of  Noah,  where  it  rested,  34  ;  mentioned 
 by  all  barbarian  historians,  ib. ,  its  remains 
 long  preserved,  505. 
 
 Armais,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Armenia  conquered  by  Antonius,  388  ;  Cotys, 
 king  of  the  Lesser  Armenia,  500. 
 
 Armesses,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Armoury  of  David  in  the  temple,  240. 
 
 Aropheus,  or  Armatiah,  205. 
 
 Arphaxad,  39 
 
 Aruntius  (tluaristus,)  489. 
 
 Aruntius  (Pauins,)  487. 
 
 Arsaces,  king  of  the  Parthians,  334,  339. 
 
 Artabanus  king  of  Media,  459. 
 
 Artabanus,    tiing  of  the   Parthians,  463,  477, 
 
 478;    he   flies    to   Izates,    500;  is    kindly 
 
 received  by  him,  and  restored  to  his  king- 
 dom, ib. ;  dies,  ib 
 Artabazes,  or  Artavasdes,   son  of  Tigr.ines,  is 
 
 given  as  a  present   to    Cleopatra   by  Anto- 
 nius, 547. 
 Artaxerxes,   king  of  the   Persians,  287 ;  his 
 
 edict  against  the  Jews,  289 ;  contradicted, 
 
 293. 
 Artaxias,  king  of  Armenia,  388. 
 Artorius  cunningly  saves  his  own  life,  705. 
 Arucas,  39. 
 Arudeus,  39. 
 Asa,    king    of    Jerusalem,    227  ;    makes    an 
 
 alliance  with  the  king  of  Damascus,  228. 
 Asabel  killed  by  Abner,  177. 
 Asanioneus,  313. 
 
 Asanioneans,  the  end  of  their  reign,  381. 
 Ascalonites,   punished  for  their  stubbornness, 
 
 307. 
 Asermoth,  or  Hazarraaveth,  39. 
 Aseryraus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  769. 
 Ashdod,  or  Azotus,  taken   by  Jonathan,  329; 
 
 its    inhabitants    plagued   on  account   of  the 
 
 ark  of  God,  1-18. 
 Ashkenaz,  38. 
 Ash|)enaz,  an  eunuch,  269. 
 Ashur,  39. 
 Asia,  its  convention  at  Ancyra,  418  ;  Viderius 
 
 proconsul  of  Asia,  480  ;  five  hundred  cities 
 
 of  Asia,  595. 
 Asineus  and  Anileus,  two  brethren,  47G. 
 Asochens  or  Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  718. 
 Asprenas,  486 ;  cut  in  pieces,  488. 
 Assemblies  forbidden  to  all   at   Rome,  but  to 
 
 the  Jews  only,  by  Julius  Ca;sar,  405. 
 Ass's    head    falsely    reported     by    Apion    as 
 
 an    object    of  worship    among   the    Jews, 
 
 763. 
 Assis,  king  of  Egypt,  766. 
 Assyrian  empire  overthrown,  259. 
 Aslarte's  temple,  175,  769. 
 Aslartus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  769. 
 Astronomy  ;  for  its  improvement  the  first  men 
 
 lived  near  a  thousand  years,  36  ;   came  out 
 
 of   Chaldea   into    Egypt,    and    thence   into 
 
 Greece,  40. 
 Asylum,  or  right   of  sanctuary,   belonging  to 
 
 some  towns  in  Judea,  113. 
 Athenians  decree  honours  to  Hyrcanus,  360. 
 Athenion,  307. 
 ,  a  general  of  Cleopatra,  547  ;  bis  per- 
 
 fidiousness,  389. 
 Athronges,  a  shepherd,   crowns  himself  king 
 
 of  Judea,    451,    570;    is  conquered    with 
 
 Lis  brethren,  ibid. 
 Atratinus,  Herod's  advocate,  375. 
 Augustus'  arrival  in  Syria,  404  ;  his  letter  to 
 
 Ilerod,    429 :    holds    a    council   about   the 
 
 all'airs  of  Judea,  447;    his  edict  and   letter 
 
 in  favour  of  the  Jews,  418;  is   angry  with 
 
814  INDEX. 
 
 Herod,  425  ;  is  reconciled  to  Iiim  by  the 
 means  of  Mcolans  of  Damascus,  429  ; 
 divides  Herod's  dominions,  577  ;  bis  death, 
 445,  583. 
 
 Axioramus,  bigli  priest,  267. 
 
 Azariab,  the  prophet,  227. 
 
 Azarias,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Azarias,  one  of  Daniel's  companions,  269. 
 
 Azarias,  a  commander  under  Judas,  is  de- 
 feated by  Gnrgias  at  Jarania,  317. 
 
 Azau,  or  flazo,  39. 
 
 Azizns,  king  of  Emesa,  511 ;  is  circumcised, 
 and  marries  Drusilla,  the  sister  of  Agrippa 
 junior,  ib. ;  dies,  612. 
 
 Azotus,  or  Ashdod,  its  inhabitants  plagued  on 
 account  of  the  ark  of  God,  148  ;  taken  by 
 Jonathan,  329. 
 
 Azricam,  253. 
 
 B. 
 
 Baal,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  748. 
 
 Baal,  god  of  tiie  Tyriaus,  246. 
 
 Baalis,  king  of  the  Ammonites,  268. 
 
 Baanab,  the  son  of  Rimmon,  179. 
 
 Baaras,  a  place  and  a  plant  there  growing, 
 726. 
 
 Baasha,  king  of  Israel,  227  ;  kills  Nadab  his 
 predecessor,  226  ;  dies,  228. 
 
 Baba's  children  preserved  by  Costobarus, 
 397  ;  afterwards  killed  by  Herod,  ib. 
 
 Babylon,  derived  from  Babel,  (confusion  of 
 languages,)  37  ;  taken  by  Cyrus  under  the 
 reign  of  Baltasar,  270  ;  the  great  number 
 of  Jews  who  lived  there,  382,  476 ;  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar's building  at  Babylon,  272  ;  its 
 ■walls  not  built  by  Semiramis  ;  but  by  Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, according  to  the  testimony  of 
 Berosus,  747  ;  its  walls  curiously  built  by 
 Nabonnedus,  of  brick  and  bitumen,  accord- 
 ing to  the  same  Berosus,  ibid  ;  its  pensile 
 gardens  erected  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  in 
 imitation  of  the  mountains  of  Media,  ibid, 
 272. 
 
 Bacchides,  320,322;  he  attacks  the  Jews, 
 323  ;  he  rages  against  them,  and  is  slain, 
 622. 
 
 Badezorns,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  746. 
 
 Badus,  or  Bath,  a  Jewish  measure,  20&. 
 
 Bagoas,  an  eunuch,  434. 
 
 Bagoses,  an  enemy  of  the  Jews,  294. 
 
 Baiak,  king  of  Moab,  108. 
 
 Baladan,  king  of  Babylon,  272. 
 
 Balaam,  the  prophet,  108 ;  his  ass  speaks, 
 ibid. 
 
 Balatorus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  752. 
 
 Baleazarus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  746. 
 
 Balas,  or  Barea,  king  of  Sodom,  41. 
 
 Balm,  or  Balsam,  near  Jericho,  354,  387, 
 529, 
 
 Baltasar,  (Belshazzar,  or  Naboandelus,  or  Na- 
 bonadins,)  king  of  Babylon,  272  ;  his  terri- 
 ble vision,  and  its  interpretation,  ib.  his 
 death,  ib. 
 
 Baithasar,  (Belteshazzar,')  Daniel's  name, 
 269.  ' 
 
 Banacates,  27. 
 
 Banus,  an  hermit,  Josephus'  master,  3. 
 
 Barachias,  254. 
 
 Barak,  excited  by  Deborah,  encounters 
 Sisera,  137, 
 
 Barbarians,  their  riches  formerly  consisted  in 
 cattle,  67. 
 
 Bardanes,  king  of  the  Parthians,  507 ;  he  is 
 slain,  ib, 
 
 Baris,  a  tower  built  at  Ecbatana  by  Daniel, 
 275. 
 
 Barnabazus,  289. 
 
 Barsas,  king  of  Gomorrah,  41. 
 
 Baruch,  well  skilled  in  the  Hebrew  tongue, 
 and  left  with  Jeremiah  the  prophet  in  Jadea 
 at  the  Babylonian  captivity,  267. 
 
 Barzaphernes,  governor  in  Parthia,  538. 
 
 Barzillai,  193. 
 
 Basan,  or  Baasha,  king  of  Israel,  227  ;  slays 
 Nadab  his  predecessor,  226. 
 
 Basima,  or  Basmath,  Solomon's  daughter, 
 207. 
 
 Baskets  carried  upon  the  head,  59. 
 
 Bassus  (Ventidins.)     See  Ventidius. 
 
 Bassus  (Cecilius,  murderer  of  Sextus  Caesar) 
 368,  535. 
 
 Bassos  (Lucilius,)  is  sent  with  an  army  into 
 Jndea;  he  besieges  and  takes  Macherns, 
 728. 
 
 Baths,  hot,  at  Callirrfaoe  beyond  Jordan,  443. 
 
 Bathsheba,  186,  187. 
 
 Bath,  or  Badus,  a  Jewish  measure,  209. 
 
 Batbyllus,  566. 
 
 Antipater's  freedman,  437. 
 
 Battering-ram,  its  description,  622. 
 
 Battle  at  Tarichese,  upon  the  Lake  of  Gen- 
 nesareth,  632. 
 
 Beeltethmus,  278. 
 
 Bela,  or  Zoar,  the  king  of  it,  41. 
 
 Belshazzar,  (or  Baftasar,  or  Naboandelus,) 
 king  of  Babylon,  273  ;  his  terrible  vision, 
 and  its  interpretation,  ibid;  his  death, 
 ibid. 
 
 Belteshazzar,  Daniel's  name,  269. 
 
 Belus,  the  god  of  the  Tyrians,  229. 
 
 Belns,  the  god  of  the  Babylonians,  272  ;  bis 
 temple  there,  ibid. 
 
 Benaiah,  a  priest  by  birth,  a  man  of  valoar, 
 194  ;  son  of  Jehoiada,  184 ;  made  com- 
 mander of  some  troops  of  Solomon,  205  ; 
 son  of  AchilUs,  207, 
 
 Beneficence,  its  commendation  and  reward, 
 173, 
 
 Benhadad,  (or  the  son  of  Hadad,)  king  of 
 Syria,  besieges  Samaria  the  first  time,  232  ; 
 the  second  time,  241  ;  falls  sick,  and  is 
 smothered  by  Hazael,  243. 
 
 Benjamites  are  attacked  for  their  enormous 
 crime  at  Gibeah,  and  at  last  terribly  defeated 
 and  cut  off,  133,  134  ;  their  tribe  restored, 
 136, 
 
 Beon  766. 
 
 Bernice,  daughter  of  Agrippa  senior,  465 ; 
 she  is  married  to  Herod,  Agrippa's  bro- 
 ther, 497. 
 
 Bernice,  Agrippa's  mother,  dies,  466. 
 
 Bernice,  Archelaus'  and  Mariamne's  daugh- 
 ter, 511. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 815 
 
 Bernice,  the  widow  of  Herod,  marries  Pole- 
 11100,  511  ;  leaves  Liin,  ibid. 
 
 Bernice,  Salome's  daughter,  Aristobalus' 
 wife,  489. 
 
 Bernice,  Agrippa  senior's  daughter,  and 
 junior's  sister,  in  dancer  of  her  life,  591. 
 
 Berniciuiius,  Herod  of  Chalcis'  son  by  Ber- 
 nice, his  brother  Agrippa's  daughter,  585. 
 
 Berjtus,  where  the  cause  between  Herod  and 
 his  sons  was  debated  in  a  council  or  court, 
 430  ;  Romans  living  at  Berytus,  428. 
 
 Bethuel,  39. 
 
 Bezaleel  and  Aholiab,  sacred  architects,  8C. 
 
 Bigthan,  289. 
 
 Birth-day  of  Ptolemy's  son  kept  by  the  Syrians, 
 308  ;  presents  made  thereupon,  309. 
 
 Bobele,  283. 
 
 Bocchorus,  king  of  Egypt,  756. 
 
 Book  of  the  law  found,  2C1. 
 
 Books  composed  by  Solomon,  208  ;  twenty- 
 two  most  sacred  books  among  the  Jews, 
 742. 
 
 Booz,  of  Elimelecli's  family,  14G;  his  kind- 
 ness towards  Ruth,  ib. ;  he  marries  her,  ib. 
 
 Brazen  vessels  more  valuable  than  guld,  281. 
 
 Bride,  how  she  was  to  part  from  one  that  re- 
 fused to  marry  her,  according  to  the  law  of 
 Moses,  14G. 
 
 Britanicus,  son  of  Claudius  by  Messallna,  587. 
 
 Britons,  712. 
 
 Brocchus,  a  tribune,  49G. 
 
 Brother,  a  title  which  Alexander  Balas  gave 
 to  Jonathan  the  high  priest,  325  ;  the  same 
 title  was  also  given  him  by  Demetrius 
 Soter,  330. 
 
 Buckle,  or  button,  (a  golden  one,)  sent  to 
 Jonatlian,  by  Alexander,  king  of  Syria,  329  ; 
 and  by  Demetrius,  331. 
 
 Bukki,  son  of  Abishua,  high  priest,  205. 
 
 Burthus,  Nero's  Greek  secretary,  514. 
 
 Buz,  Nahor's  son,  39. 
 
 CjESAR,  (Julius,)  makes  war  in  Egypt,  359; 
 his  decrees  in  favour  of  the  Jews,  3C3  ;  is 
 murdered  by  Brutus  and  Cassias,  368. 
 
 Cacsarea  built  by  Herod,  402  ;  it  was  600 
 furlongs  from  Jerusalem,  342,  525. 
 
 Cesarean  games  instituted  by  Herod,  398, 
 351  ;  begun  at  the  fmishing  of  Cacsarea 
 Augusta,  417. 
 
 Cacsenius  Fetus,  president  of  Syria,  728. 
 
 Caesonia,  wife  of  Caius,  killed  by  Lupus, 
 491. 
 
 Cain  murders  his  brother  Abel,  33 ;  his  pun- 
 ishment, ibid;  he  peoples  the  land  of  Nod, 
 ibid. 
 
 Caius,  the  son  of  Germanicus,  is  made  em- 
 peror, 470,  586  ;  puts  Tiberius,  the  grand- 
 son of  Tiberius  the  emperor,  to  death,  47 1  ; 
 bis  cruelty,  472  ;  his  behaviour  in  the 
 government,  ibid  ;  he  orders  his  statue  to 
 be  erected  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  473  ; 
 gratifies  Agrippa,  and  forbids  its  erection, 
 476;  his  letters  to  Petronius,  ibid;  he 
 rages  against  the  Jews,  481 ;  calls  himself 
 
 the  brother  of  Jupiter,  ib.  ;  a  conspiracy 
 formed  against  him,  482  ;  the  conspirators 
 increase  in  number,  484  ;  his  deatli,  487  ; 
 his  threatening  letter  to  Petronius  retarded 
 till  he  was  dead,  476,  584  ;  his  character, 
 492. 
 
 Caleb,  one  that  searched  the  land  of  Canaan, 
 99,  133. 
 
 Calf  (golden)  near  Daphne,  or  Dan,  636. 
 
 Calleas,  432. 
 
 Caliimander,  340,  341. 
 
 Caliinicus,  son  of  Antiochus,  king  of  Coinnia- 
 gena,  72'.). 
 
 Callistus,  a  freed-man  of  Caius,  484. 
 
 Cambyses  succeeds  Cyrus,  278  ;  dies  after  a 
 reign  of  six  years,  ibid. 
 
 Camp  of  the  Jews,  98  ;  of  the  Assyrians,  CSl , 
 G92. 
 
 Camuel,  or  Kemuel,  Nahor's  son,  39. 
 
 Canaan,  land  of,  its  description  and  division, 
 129 ;  Canaaniles  distress  the  tribe  of  Dan, 
 13G  ;  are  spared  contrary  to  the  comnjand  of 
 God,  141  ;  war  denounced  against  them  by 
 the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Simeon,  139. 
 
 Candlestick  in  the  tabernacle,  88. 
 
 Cantheras  removed  from  the  high  priesthood, 
 503. 
 
 Capellus,  son  of  Antyllus,  7. 
 
 Capito,  a  centurion,  or  captain  of  au  hundred 
 soldiers,  590. 
 
 Capitol,  the  end  of  tlie  triumphal  shows,  725. 
 
 Captives  of  the  Jews,  how  many  killed,  and 
 how  many  kept  alive,  7 16;  captives  carried 
 in  the  triumph,  710. 
 
 Captivities  of  the  ten,  and  of  the  two  tribes, 
 269. 
 
 Careas  (Kareah,)  268. 
 
 Carus,  Herod's  catamite,  435. 
 
 Cassander  governs  Macedonia  after  Alexan- 
 der's death,  297. 
 
 Cassiiis  Longinus,  president  of  Syria,  368, 
 407,  503  ;  favours  Antipater  and  Herod, 
 368  ;  repels  the  Parthians,  and  then  retires 
 to  Judea,  359,  532  ;  is  defeated  at  Phi- 
 lippi,  370. 
 
 Castles,  or  citadels,  two  at  Jerusalem,  one  in 
 the  city,  and  the  other  by  the  temple,  318, 
 397.  406. 
 
 Castor,  the  Jew,  his  cunning  trick,  G81. 
 
 Castration  of  men  or  beasts  forbidden  by  tlie 
 law  of  Moses,  121  ;  young  men  of  royal 
 blood  castrated  by  Nebucliadnezzar's  order, 
 and  among  others  Daniel   the  prophet,  2G9. 
 
 Catullus,  governor  of  Libya  Peutapolilana, 
 738  ;  his  calumny  against  the  Jews,  ibid  ; 
 his  death,  and  the  divine  vengeance  on  him, 
 ibid. 
 
 Cecilius  Bassus,  the  murderer  of  Sextus  Caesar, 
 368, 535. 
 
 Cecinna,  665  ;  sent  to  Vespasian,  ibid. 
 
 Celadus,  454,  578. 
 
 Celenderis,  567, 
 
 Celer,  a  tribune,  510 ;  is  put  to  death,  ibid. 
 
 Celtic  legion,  482. 
 
 Cendebeus,  commander  of  Antiochus'  troops 
 337,  522. 
 
 Cercalis  (Peteiius)  sent  against  the  Sauarf 
 
816 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tans,  625  ;  marches  towards  Hebron,  6G1 ; 
 is  ordered  to  attack  the  temple,  702  ;  called 
 to  a  counsel  of  war  about  the  temple,  707. 
 
 Ceslius  Gallus,  president  of  Sjria,  15,  589  ; 
 gathers  an  arrajr  against  the  Jews,  599  ; 
 enters  Jerusalem,  604  ;  is  beaten,  605, 
 
 Chagiras,  son  of  Nabateus,  690. 
 
 Chalaman,  king  of  the  Syrians,  185. 
 
 Chalcol,  208. 
 
 Chara,  or  Ham,  the  son  of  Noah,  37  ;  his  pos- 
 terity, 38, 
 
 Chauaan,  or  Canaan,  the  son  of  Ham,  38  ;  bis 
 posterity,  ibid, 
 
 Ciiaran,  or  Haran,  39, 
 
 Chares,  637  ;  dies,  639. 
 
 Chatnra,  or  Keturah,  Abraham's  last  wife,  42. 
 
 Chebron,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Chebron,  or  Hebron,  older  than  Memphis, 
 fTanis,)  660  ;  taken  by  the  Israelites, 
 133. 
 
 Chedorlaomer,  41. 
 
 Chelbes,  king  of  tlie  Tyrians,  748, 
 
 Ciieloias,  341,  345. 
 
 Cbeliou,  or  Chilion,  145. 
 
 Chereas  (Cassius,)  is  stirred  up  against  Caius, 
 482  ;  draws  others  into  the  conspiracy, 
 ibid 5  gives  Caius  the  first  blow,  486;  is 
 beheaded,  496. 
 
 Cherubim,  their  shape  not  known,  210. 
 
 Chesed,  Nahor's  son,  39. 
 
 Chetim,  or  Kittim,  38. 
 
 Children  not  always  like  their  parents,  150. 
 
 Christ  and  Christians,  460. 
 
 Chusarthes,  or  Cushan,  the  king  of  Assyria, 
 oppresses  the  Israelites,  146. 
 
 Chusi,  orHushai,  191. 
 
 Chutheans,  (people  of  Cutha,)  who  they  were, 
 aad  wlicnce  they  came,  256  ;  go  to  Sama- 
 ria, 2G9  ;  hinder  the  rebuilding  of  the  tem- 
 ple, 277. 
 
 Ciunamus,  506. 
 
 Circumcision  is  received  in  Palestine  by  the 
 Jews,  748  ;  its  institution, 42  ;  the  Arabians 
 circumcise  their  children  after  the  thirteenth 
 year  of  their  age,  44  ;  the  Syrians  in  Pales- 
 tine receive  circumcision  from  the  Egyp- 
 tians, according  to  Herodotus,  224  ;  not  to 
 be  forced  upon  any  body,  in  the  opinion  of 
 Josephus,  9 ;  the  Idumeans  forced  to  be 
 circumcised,  or  leave  their  country,  by 
 John  Hyrcanus,  339  ;  the  Itureans  forced 
 to  be  circumcised  by  Airistobulus,  343, 
 
 Classicus,  722, 
 
 Claudius  Caesar,  490,  493  ;  he  is  dragged 
 out  of  a  corner  to  the  imperial  dignity,  685  ; 
 he  is  favoured  by  the  army,  496  ;  his  libe- 
 rality to  Agrippa,  497  ;  his  edict  in  favour 
 of  the  Jews,  497  ;  his  letter  to  the  Jews, 
 503  ;  he  dies,  511,  586  ;  his  wife  and  chil- 
 dren, ibid. 
 
 Clement,  483. 
 
 Cleopatra,  daughter  of  Antiochus,  married  to 
 Ptoleray,  3o6. 
 
 Cleopatra,  wife  of  Philometor,  326,  762  ;  she 
 takes  up  arms  against  Ptolemy  Lathyrns, 
 345  ;  makes  an  alliance  with  Alexander, 
 ibid  ;  takes  Ptolemais,  ibid. 
 
 Cleopatra,  wife  of  Demetrius  II.,  33G;  mar- 
 ried to  Antiochus  Soter,  337. 
 
 Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  meets  Antony  in 
 Cilicia,  371  ;  her  cruelty  and  avarice,  387  ; 
 546  ;  kills  her  sister  Arsinoe,387  ;  obtains 
 from  Antony  a  part  of  Arabia  and  Judea, 
 ibid;  tempts  Herod  to  lie  with  her,  ibid  ; 
 Herod  conducts  her  towards  Egypt,  ibid, 
 
 Cleopatra  (Selene,)  besieged  by  Tigranes, 
 350,  528. 
 
 Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem,  the  wife  of  Herod, 
 350, 563. 
 
 Cleopatra,  wife  of  Floras,  518, 
 
 Clevius,  487, 
 
 Clitus,  author  of  a  rebellion  at  Tiberias,  13  ; 
 cuts  ofi"  his  left  hand  by  the  order  of  Jose- 
 phus, ibid,  611. 
 
 Coligna  (Cneus,)  721. 
 
 Colonies  within  and  without  Italy,  497. 
 
 Columns,  or  pillars  in  the  land  of  Siriad,  34  ; 
 of  the  Corinthian  order  in  Solomon's  palaco, 
 215  ;  in  Herod's  temple,  676;  Command- 
 ments written  upon  two  tables,  85  ;  written 
 by  the  band  of  God,  ibid  ;  not  to  have  their 
 very  words  published,  ibid. 
 
 Conquests  easier  gotten  than  maintained,  214. 
 
 Conscience  of  good  actions  is  safer  to  be  re- 
 lied on,  than  on  the  concealment  of  evil 
 ones,  57. 
 
 Conspiracy  against  Herod,  399. 
 
 Convention  of  Asia  at  Ancyra,  418;  conven- 
 tion at  Jerusalem,  7. 
 
 Coponius,  procurator  of  Judea,  456,  458, 579. 
 
 Coracinus,  a  fish,  634. 
 
 Corah,  or  Korah,  raises  a  sedition  against 
 Moses,  102;  perishes  with  his  faction,  104, 
 
 Corban,  or  secret  treasure,  685, 
 
 Corinthus,  one  of  Herod's  life-guards,  436  ; 
 an  Arabian  by  birth,  564. 
 
 Cornelius  Faustus,  son  of  Sylla,  355,  530. 
 
 Cornelias,  the  brother  of  Longus,  705. 
 
 Corus,  a  Jewish  measure  of  ten  attic  me- 
 dumni,  100, 
 
 Costobarus,  an  Idumean,  Salome's  husband, 
 397, 
 
 ,  a  ringleader  of  the  robbers,  515. 
 
 Cotylas,  or  Zeno,  337,  523. 
 
 Cotys,  king  of  Lesser  Armenia,  501. 
 
 Cow,  the  red  cow  for  purification,  106. 
 
 Cozbi,  a  Midianitish  woman.  111. 
 
 Coze,  or  K  oze,  an  idol  of  the  Idumeans  before 
 they  turned  Jews,  397, 
 
 Crassus,  governor  of  the  east,  Bucceeds  Ga- 
 binus,  358  ;  arrives  in  Judea,  and  plunders 
 the  temple  of  its  treasures,  ibid,  532;  pe- 
 rishes in  an  expedition  against  the  Par- 
 thians,  ibid. 
 
 Creation  of  the  world,  31, 
 
 Crimes  are  encouraged  by  indulgence  to  those 
 that  commit  them,  159, 
 
 Crown,  or  mitre,  of  the  high  priest,  90. 
 
 Cumanus,  procurator  of  Judea,  508,  586. 
 
 Curses  denounced  from  mount  Ebal,  122,129. 
 
 Cuspius  Fadus,  procurator  of  Judea,  407, 
 495,  503,  585. 
 
 Customs,  or  taxes  of  Syria,  Phenicia,  Judea, 
 and  Samaria,  8000  talents,  307, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 817 
 
 Cypros,  kiiifT  Agiippa's  wife,  585. 
 
 Cypres,  Antipaier  senior's  wife,  by  wliom  lie 
 had  four  children,  350.532. 
 
 Cypros,  Antipater's  daughter  hy  Cypros,  465  ; 
 married  to  Alexas  Selcias,  ihid. 
 
 Cypros,  Herod's  daughter,  married  to  Auli- 
 pater,  Salome's  son,  405. 
 
 Cypros,  daughter  of  Phasaelus  and  Salampsio, 
 married  to  Agrippa  sei;ior,  405,  406. 
 
 Cyrenius,  or  Quirinius,45G,  730. 
 
 Cyreneans  derived  from  the  Lacedemonians, 
 ■  59 1. 
 
 Cyrus,  iiiiig  of  Persia,  272;  purposes  to  re- 
 build the  Jewish  temple,  270  ;  releases  the 
 Jews  from  their  captivity  by  an  edict,  277  ; 
 his  death,  ibid. 
 
 Cyrus,  the  son  of  Xerxes,  called  by  the  Greeks 
 Artaxerxes,  made  king,  287  ;  his  letter  re- 
 scinding the  edict  of  Haman,  292. 
 
 D. 
 
 Demons,  713. 
 
 Dagon,  the  god  of  Ashdod,  148  ;  bis  temple 
 burnt,  328. 
 
 Damascene  colonies  transported  into  Higher 
 Media,  254. 
 
 Damascus  taken  by  Tif;lathpileser,  254  ;  taken 
 by  the  Romans,  353. 
 
 Dan  built  by  the  Daniies,  136. 
 
 Danaus,  or  Hermeus,  king  of  Egypt, 753. 
 
 Daniel  the  prophet,  269  ;  is  castrated  with 
 liis  companions,  ibid  ;  their  austerity  of  life, 
 270;  Daniel  foretells  the  times  of  future 
 events,  ibid  ;  tells  Nebuchadnezzar  his 
 dream,  and  interprets  it  to  him,  ibid  ;  is 
 honoured  for  it,  271  ;  his  companions  are 
 cast  into  a  fiery  furnace,  ibid  ;  Daniel  ex- 
 plains the  hand-writing  upon  the  wall,  273  ; 
 carried  into  Media  by  Darius,  274  ;  is  made 
 one  of  the  presidents  of  the  kingdom,  ibid  ; 
 a  conspiracy  against  him,  ibid  ;  is  thrown 
 into  the  lions'  den,  ibid  ;  builds  a  tower  at 
 Ecbatana,  275  ;  the  manner  and  certainty 
 of  his  prophecies,  ibid ;  his  vision  of  the 
 ram  and  the  he-goat,  ibid  ;  his  prophecy  of 
 the  destruction  of  tiie  Jews  by  tlie  Romans, 
 ibid  ;  of  the  profanation  of  the  temple  by 
 Antiochus  Epiphanos,  316. 
 
 Danda,  208. 
 
 Darius,  the  son  of  Astyges,  called  by  another 
 name  among  the  Greeks,  209,  270. 
 
 Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  made  king,  278  ; 
 makes  a  splendid  entertainment,  ib.  ;  pro- 
 poses questions  to  be  resolved,  ib.  ;  his  let- 
 lers  in  favour  of  Zorobabel,  for  rebuilding 
 llie  temple,  280  ;  has  Cyrus'  records  search- 
 ed about  that  temple,  282  ;  gives  orders  for 
 its  rebuildinir,  ib. ;  his  edict  against  the  Sa- 
 maritans, 2h3. 
 Datlian,  101. 
 
 David's  genealogy,  146  ;  is  anointed  by  Sa- 
 muel, 160  ;  plays  upon  the  harp  before  Saul, 
 ib.  ;  fights  Golinli,  102;  his  and  Jonathan's 
 friendship,  l(i3,  105  ;  is  reconciled  to  Saul 
 by  Jonathan,  103  ;  is  in  danger  of  being 
 killed    by  Saul,  104;    his   fligbt,    166;  lie 
 
 spares  Saul's  life  twice,  109,  171  ;  pro- 
 mises to  assist  the  king  of  Gath,  172  ;  pur- 
 sues after  the  Amalekites,  and  puts  tJiem  to 
 flight,  174 ;  makes  a  funeral  oration  for 
 Saul  and  Jonathan,  176  ;  is  made  king  of 
 Judah,  ibid;  and  of  the  Israelites,  180; 
 takes  Jerusalem,  ibid;  casts  the  Jebusites 
 out  of  it,  172  ;  marries  several  wives,  and 
 begets  eleven  children,  181  ;  conquers  the 
 Philistines,  ibid  ;  has  the  ark  carried  to 
 Jerusalem,  182  ;  is  reproached  by  Michal, 
 ibid;  purposes  to  build  the  temple,  183  ; 
 his  victories,  183  ;  his  liberality  to  Mephi- 
 bosheth,  184  ;  he  falls  in  love  with  Bath- 
 sheba,  180  ;  causes  Uriah  to  be  slain,  ibid  ; 
 marries  Batbsheba,  187  ;  is  reproved  for  all 
 by  Nathan  the  prophet,  ibid ;  his  son  by 
 Baihsheba  dies,  ibid  ;  be  mourns  for  Ab- 
 salom's death,  194  ;  orders  the  people  to  be 
 numbered,  199 ;  chooses  the  pestilence 
 ratiier  than  famine  or  the  sword,  200  ;  makes 
 great  preparations  for  the  building  of  the 
 temple,  201 ;  exhorts  Solomon  to  build  it, 
 ibid,  203  ;  divides  the  priests  into  twenty- 
 four  courses,  202  ;  be  dies,  204  ;  is  buried 
 with  great  pomp,  ibid;  the  treasures  hidden 
 in  his  monument,  ibid,  338,  419,  624. 
 Dav  unusually  lengthened,  128. 
 Deborah,  138. 
 Deceased,  what  care  was  taken  of  them  by  the 
 
 Jews,  771. 
 Decrees  of  the  Romans,  &c.   in  favour  of  the 
 
 Jews,  300,  303—307. 
 Dedan,  38. 
 
 Dellius,  the  wicked,  376,  383,  541. 
 Deluge,  35. 
 
 Demetrius,  alabarch  at  Alexandria,  511. 
 Demetrius,  the  son  of  Demetrins,  joins  with 
 Jonathan  and  Ptolemy  bis  father-in-law, 
 and  conquers  Alexander,  330  ;  called  Ni- 
 cator,  ibid  ;  bis  letter  in  favour  of  ihe  Jews, 
 ibid;  is  hated  by  the  Antiochians,  331; 
 breaks  friendship  with  Jonathan,  ibid ;  is 
 conquered  by  Antiochus,  and  flies  into  Cili- 
 cia,  ibid  ;  is  made  prisoner  by  Arsaces,  and 
 released,  334  ;  Trypho  rebels  against  him, 
 336  ;  is  hated  by  the  army,  340  ;  is  defeated, 
 and  flies  in  vain  to  Cleopatra  his  wife,  ibid  ; 
 goes  thence  to  Tyre,  is  made  prisoner,  and 
 dies,  ibid. 
 Demetrius  Enrerus,  fourth  son  of  Antiochus 
 Grypus,  is  made  king  of  Syria  Damascena, 
 346 ;  his  assistance  desired  by  the  Jews, 
 347  ;  he  makes  war  upon  Alexander,  and 
 conquers  him,  ibid,  520  ;  he  makes  war 
 with  his  brother  Philip,  is  carried  prisoner 
 into  Parthia,  and  dies  there,  347. 
 Demetrius  of  Gadara,    Ponipey's    freed-man, 
 
 ol)tains  (he  rebuilding  of  tlmt  city,  356. 
 Demetrius    Phalereus,  keeper  of  the  Alexan- 
 drian  library,    298,    700;  bis    petition    to 
 king    Philadelphus,    298  ;    he    places    the 
 seventy-two  interpreters   near  the  sea  side, 
 303. 
 Demetrius  Soter,  son  of  Seleucus,   made  king 
 of  Syria, 320  ;  puts  king  Antiochus  to  death, 
 ibid;   sends  Bucch-des  and  Nicauor  against 
 5L 
 
81S 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tlie  Jews,  320,  321  ;  bis  cliaracter,  S25 ;  liis 
 letter  to  Joiiatlian,  ibid  ;  is  killed  in  tbe  war 
 against   Alexander,  326. 
 
 Deraoteles,  3S2. 
 
 Diana's  temple  at  Elymais  in  Persia,  319; 
 country  Diana's  temple  in  Egypt,  326. 
 
 Dido,  queen  of  the  Tyrians,  744. 
 
 Diklah,  39. 
 
 Dinah,  Jacob's  daughter,  53. 
 
 Dioclerus,  207. 
 
 Diodoras,  son  of  Jason,  339. 
 
 Diodorus,  or  Trypbo,  330. 
 
 Dionysins,  lyrant  of  Tripoli,  353. 
 
 Diophantus,  a  forger  of  letters,  427. 
 
 Divorce,  vvhat  are  the  causes  of  it,  118  ;  whe- 
 ther it  be  lawful  for  a  wife  to  send  a  bill  of 
 divorce  to  her  husband,  397. 
 
 Doeg  the  Syrian,  1C7. 
 
 Dogs,  according  to  Elijah's  prophecy,  devour 
 the  body  of  Jezebel,  215. 
 
 Dolabella's  letter  to  the  Ephesians  in  favour 
 of  the  Jews,  3G5. 
 
 Dolesus,  655. 
 
 Domitia  kind  to  Josephus,  26. 
 
 Domitian,  son  fo  \'espasian,  is  made  regent  in 
 his  lather's  absence,  C90  ;  is  kind  to  Jose- 
 phus, 26  ;  bis  expedition  against  tbe  Ger- 
 mans, 722. 
 
 Domitius  Sabinus,  C83. 
 
 Doris,  Herod's  first  wife,  370  ;  is  mother  of 
 Antipater,  433,  563  ;  is  expelled  tbe  court, 
 565. 
 
 Dorians  erect  Caesar's  statue  in  a  Jewish 
 synagogue,  499;  Petronius'  edict  against 
 them,  ibid. 
 
 Dorotheas,  302, 
 
 Dortus,  510. 
 
 Dositbeus,  a  Jew,  his  perfidiousness,  392. 
 
 Dositheus,  a  general  of  the  Jews,  761. 
 
 Dove  sent  out  of  the  ark,  35. 
 
 Draco's  laws,  741. 
 
 Drusilla,  daughter  of  Agrippa  senior,  by  Cy- 
 pros,  465 ;  married  to  Azizus,  king  of 
 Emesa,  51 1  ;  afterwards  to  Felix,  procu- 
 rator of  Judea,  ibid. 
 
 Drusus,  ber  brother,  465. 
 
 Drusus,  brother  of  Tiberius,  466. 
 
 Duration  of  the  Jewish  law,  771. 
 
 E. 
 
 Eagle,  golden  eagle  pulled   down  from  the 
 
 front  of  the  temple,  442  ;  holding  a  dragon 
 ,    in  bis  claws,  is  the  seal  of  the  Lacedemo- 
 
 niaus,  310. 
 Earthquake,  wherein  the  followers  of  Datlian 
 
 and  Abirara  were  swallowed  up,  104, 
 Earthquake,    a    very    great    one    in    Judsa, 
 
 S89. 
 Eating  the  sinew  upon  the   hip,   why  refused 
 
 by  tho  Jews,  53. 
 Ebal,  39. 
 
 Eban,  David's  son.  1S3. 
 Ehutius,    a  decurion,   619:    slain    in   battle, 
 
 637. 
 Eclipse  of  the  moon,  443. 
 Ecnibalus,  king  of  Tyre,  749. 
 
 Eglon  king  of  Moab  oppresses  the  IsraeH'es, 
 
 136;  is  slain,  137. 
 Egypt  named  from  a  king,  745. 
 Egyptian    kings    were   called    Pharaohs    for 
 
 1300  years,  till  the  reign  of  Solomon,  216. 
 Egyptian   false  prophet  put  to  flight  by  Felix, 
 
 513,  588. 
 Egyptians,  famous  before  all  other  nations  for 
 
 wisdom,    207  ;     learned    mathematics    of 
 
 Abraham,    41  ;    their    sacred    scribes    or 
 
 priests,  67  ;  they  held   it   unlawful  to  feed 
 
 cattle,  66. 
 Elab    succeeds    Baasha   in    the    kingdom    of 
 
 Israel,  228. 
 Elam,  39. 
 
 Elcanah,  or  Elkanah,  253. 
 Elcanab,  or  Elkanah,  Samuel's  father,  146. 
 Elcias,  the  high  priest,  257. 
 Eleazar's  house,  202, 
 Eleazar's  commendation,  679 
 Eleazar,  the  son  of  Aaron,  91. 
 Eleazarj   the  son  of  Ananias,  the  high  priest, 
 
 458,  597. 
 Eleazar,  tbe  son  of  Dineus,  510,  512,  686. 
 Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dodo,  198. 
 Eleazar  casts  out  a  demon,  208. 
 Eleazar,   the  brother   of  Joazar,  made  high 
 
 priest,  455  ;  deprived,  ibid. 
 Eleazar,   brother  of  Judas  Maccabeus,  called 
 
 Auran,  313,  319;  is  crushed  to  death  by  an 
 
 elephant,  ibid,  523. 
 Eleazar,   a  ring-leader  of  the  robbers,  503, 
 
 730  ;  is  taken  prisoner,  and  sent  to  Rome, 
 
 512,  588. 
 Eleazar  of  Masada's  speech   to  his  garrison, 
 
 733. 
 Eleazar,  the  son  of  Moses,  72. 
 Eleazar,  the  high  priest  in  the  days  of  Joshua, 
 
 lOG  ;  he  dies,  132. 
 Eleazar  tbe  high  priest  in  tbe  days  of  Pbila- 
 
 delphus,  29,  299,  455  ;  his  letter  to  Phiia- 
 
 delphus,  300;  he  dies,  306. 
 Eleazar,  treasurer  of  the  temple,  358. 
 Eleazar,  the  son  of  Sanieas,  his  valour,  622. 
 Eleazar,  the   son   of  Simon,  606,  646,  607, 
 
 671,  679. 
 Eleazar,  the  companion  of  Simon,  dies,  660. 
 Eleazar,  commander  of  the  temple,  515,  597. 
 Eleazar  taken  prisoner  by  Rufus,  727. 
 Eleutheri,   or   Freemen,  horsemen  so  called, 
 
 538. 
 Elhanan,  198. 
 Eli  the  high  priest,  145  ;  is  judge  in  Israel 
 
 after  Samson,  ibid ;  his  profligate  sons,  146. 
 Eliakim,  257. 
 
 Eliashib  the  high  priest,  285  ;  dies,  294. 
 Elien,  David's  son,  181. 
 Elijah  the  prophet,  229;  bis  miracles  wrought 
 
 for   tbe  widow  of  Sarepta,   ibid  ;   he   pre- 
 sents himself  to  Abab,  230  ;   foretells  rain, 
 
 231  ;   the   false  prophets   are  killed  by  his 
 
 order,  230;  calls  for  fire  from  heaven,  238, 
 
 is  taken   up,  ibid  ;  bis  letter  to  king  Jeho- 
 
 ram,  244. 
 Elimelech,  145. 
 Elioneus,  the  son  of  Cantharus,   is  made  higb 
 
 priest,  501. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 819 
 
 Eliphale,  or  Eliplialet,  David's  sun,  181. 
 
 Elisii,  38. 
 
 bllisha,  tlie  prophet,  llie  son  of  Shaphat,  231, 
 238  ;  Ills  miracles,  240  ;  liis  death  andeulo- 
 giuni,  249;  his  cure  of  the  barren  fountain, 
 657. 
 
 Elkanab,  or  Elcanah,  253. 
 
 Elkanah,  or  Elcanah,  Samuel's  father,  1-10. 
 
 Elinodad,  39. 
 
 Elpis,  Herod's  wife,  433,  503. 
 
 Eitheraas,  general  of  the  Arabians,  518. 
 
 Eluleus,  king  of  the  Tvriaus,  250. 
 
 Einilius  Kegulus,  482. 
 
 Eduios,  David's  son,  181. 
 
 Eneas,  surnamed  Aietas,  succeeds  Obodas  in 
 Arabia,  420. 
 
 Ennaphen,  David's  son,  181. 
 
 Enemies,  when  couquered,  may  be  lawfully 
 killed,  341. 
 
 Enoch,  33,  34. 
 
 Enoch  and  Elijah  translated,  238. 
 
 Enos,  the  son  of  Setli,  34. 
 
 Ensigns  of  llie  Romans,  with  Caesar's  image, 
 400  ;  sacrifices  oflered  to  them,  711. 
 
 Epaphroditus,  his  character,  29  ;  a  great  friend 
 of  Josephus,  2G. 
 
 Ephesians,  tlieir  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 307. 
 
 Ephod,  89. 
 
 Epicrates,  340. 
 
 Epicureans,  their  error  concerning  provi- 
 dence confuted,  270. 
 
 Epiphanes,  the  sou  i^f  Autiochus,  king  of 
 Comuiagena,  5(/2. 
 
 Epistle  of  Jonati'uii  lliu  high  priest  to  the 
 Lacedenioniar.s,  332  ;  of  Philadelphus,  for 
 freeing  the  captive  Jews,  299  ;  to  Elea/.ar 
 the  high  priest,  ibid;  of  Solomon,  and  Hi- 
 ram king  of  the  Tvrians,  208;  of  Xerxes 
 to  Esdras,  2S3  ;  of  Artaxerxes  to  the  go- 
 vernors near  Jiidoa,  292;  of  Autiochus  the 
 Gieat  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  305  ;  of  the 
 Samaritans  to  Aniinuhus,  312  ;  of  Alexan- 
 der Balas  to  Jonathan,  325  ;  of  Ouias  to 
 Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  326;  of  Demetrius 
 to  Jonathan  and  the  Jews,  330;  of  Julius 
 Carsar  to  the  Roman  magistrates,  303 ;  of 
 Mark  Antony  to  the  Tyrians,  371. 
 
 Esau,  or  Edom,  54  ;  Lis  birib,  47. 
 
 Escol,  41. 
 
 Esdras,  283  ;  his  grief  for  the  foreign  mar- 
 riages, ibid ;  he  reads  the  law  of  Moses  to 
 the  people,  125  ;  he  dies,  280. 
 
 Essen,  or  high  priest's  breast-plate,  92  ;  when 
 its  shining  ceased,  93. 
 
 Essens  honoured  by  Herod,  405  ;  are  against 
 swearing,  380  ;  their  manners,  riles,  and 
 doctrines  described,  333,  457,  579,  580; 
 they  abstained  from  anointing  themselves 
 with  oil,  579  ;  their  diligence  in  reading  their 
 sacred  books,  580 ;  Simon  the  Esseii  an 
 interpreter  of  dreams,  455. 
 
 Esther,  288;  is  married  to  the  king,  ibid;  is 
 concerned  for  the  Jews,  289;  invites 
 t!ie  king  and  Hamau  to  an  entertainment, 
 ^v:c.  290. 
 
 Ethan,  208. 
 
 Ethhaal,  or  Ilhobalus,  king  of  Tyre,  22'.),74fi, 
 748. 
 
 Ethi,  or  Ittai,  the  Giltite,  191. 
 
 Ethiopian  commodities,  217,  218. 
 
 Ethiopians  bordering  on  tlie  Arabians,  241. 
 
 Ethnarch,  (Simon,)  335  :  contracts  thence 
 dated,  ibid. 
 
 Ethnarch,  (Archelaus,)  454,  577. 
 
 Euartas  of  Cos,  427,  6(j0. 
 
 Euaristus  Arruntins,  484. 
 
 Eve  created,  31  ;  her  fall,  32. 
 
 Evi,  king  of  the  Midianites,  112. 
 
 Evilas  the  son  of  Cush,  38. 
 
 Evil-Merodach,  272,  747. 
 
 Euodus,  freedman  of  Tiberius,  409. 
 
 Eupolemus'  son  John,  321. 
 
 Eurycles  slanders  the  sous  of  Herod,  420, 
 559;  he  returns  to  his  own  country,  42o. 
 
 Eutychus,  Agrippa's  freedman  and  ciiarioteer, 
 407. 
 
 Eutychus,  Caius  Caesar's  coachman,  490. 
 
 Exempt  from  military  service,  who,  122. 
 
 Exorcisms,  or  forms  of  casting  oat  demons, 
 composed  by  Solomon,  108. 
 
 Ezechias,  a  ringleader  for  the  robbers,  309. 
 
 Ezekiel  the  prophet,  202,  200  ;  is  carried  cap- 
 tive into  Babylon,  203  ;  his  prophecy  con- 
 cerning the  destruction  of  the  Je»vs,  264; 
 his  prophecy  reconciled  to  that  of  Jecemiah, 
 ibid. 
 
 Fabatns,  Caesar's  servant,  435. 
 
 Fabius,  governor  of  Damascus,  369,  537. 
 
 Fabius,  a  centurion,  356,  537. 
 
 Factions,  three  in  Jerusalem,  007. 
 
 Fadus  (Cuspius,)  procurator  of  Judea,  407, 
 502,  503,  585. 
 
 Famine  in  Judea  in  the  13th  year  of  Herod's 
 reign,  406;  another  in  the  reign  of  Clau- 
 dius, 100,  505,  508  ;  a  dismal  famine  in 
 Jerusalem,  088, 692,093  ;  for  Saul's  cruelty 
 to  the  Gibeonites,  197;  at  Samaria,  243  ; 
 famine  and  pestilence,  two  of  the  greatest 
 evils,  265. 
 
 Faiinus  the  consul's  decree  in  favour  of  the 
 Jews,  306. 
 
 Faniiius,  a  Roman  praetor,  340. 
 
 Fast,  observed  at  Jerusalem,  381  ;  ou  the  day 
 on  which  Pompey  took  Jerusalem,  ibid, 
 355. 
 
 Fate  unavoidable,  230,  695,  099,  700,  709, 
 711. 
 
 Feast  of  unleavened  bread.  See  passover. 
 Guests  placed  at  feasts  according  to  their 
 condition,  309;  funeral  feasts  among  the 
 Jews,  572. 
 
 Felicity  too  great,  the  cause  of  many  evils, 
 224. 
 
 Felix,  369,  537  ;  brother  of  Pallas,  and  pro- 
 curator of  Judea,  510,  512,  587,  58'^;  he 
 punishes  the  mutineers,  513  ;  is  accused  at 
 Rome,  519. 
 
 Festivals  of  the  Hebrews,  95 ;  three  great 
 ones,  ibid,  462  ;  at  those  festivals  Roman 
 guards  were  posted  at  the   teu^ple,  586; 
 
820  INDEX. 
 
 iiimiunity  granted  tbem  at  tliose  festivals  by 
 Demetrius  Soter,  325  ;  celebrated  by  tbe 
 Jews  in  shining;  garments,  3 12  ;  and  on  tliem 
 <.lid  no  manner  of  work,  iiO  ;  celebrated  by 
 tlif  Gentiles  in  idleness  and  pleasure,  53  ; 
 no  monrniDg  among  the  Jews  at  such  times, 
 285  ;  nor  did  they  then  travel  far,  339 ; 
 Egyptian  women  appeared  at  such  limes 
 in  public,  57  ;  wood  carried  on  a  festival 
 day  for  the  altar,  598 ;  festival  at  the  dedi- 
 cation of  the  temple  by  Judas  .Maccabeus, 
 316. 
 
 Festus,  (Porcius,)  procurator  of  Judea,  514  ; 
 he  dies, ibid. 
 
 Flaccas,  (Norbanns,)  proconsnl,  41S  ;  presi- 
 dent of  Syria,  466. 
 
 Flesh  of  horses,  mules,  &c.  forbidden  to  be 
 brought  within  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  306. 
 
 Flies,  (the  god  of,)  i.  e.  Baalzebub,  the  god 
 of  Ekron,  238. 
 
 Florus,  (Gessius,)  procurator  of  Judea,  458, 
 502,  517;  is  the  cause  of  the  Jewish  war, 
 4,  518,  589.  590,  591,  592;  he  is  derided 
 by  tbe  people,  590  ;  be  plunders  tue  city, 
 591 ;  he  caluraniate^^  the  Jews  before  Ces- 
 tius,  5'.}3. 
 
 Fouteius  Agrippa,  killed  by  the  Scythians, 
 723. 
 
 Fountain  near  Jericho,  657  ;  is  cured  by 
 Elisha,  ibid  ;  its  wonderful  virtue,  ibid. 
 
 Friends  never  free  from  envy,  707. 
 
 Frigius  (Titus,)  ibid. 
 
 Fronto,  ibid. 
 
 Fulvia,  a  lady  defrauded  of  her  money  by  a 
 Jew,  461. 
 
 Furias,  a  centurioD,  356,  530. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaal,  protects  the  Shechemites  against  Abi- 
 melech,  140. 
 
 Ganm,  39. 
 
 Gabaris,  or  Gabares,  207. 
 
 Gabinius  353,  355,  529  ;  is  made  president  of 
 Syria,  356,  531. 
 
 Gad,  tbe  prophet,  200. 
 
 Gadara,  taken  by  Vespasian,  655  ;  the  Gada- 
 rens  made  prisoners,  and  killed,  618. 
 
 Gaddis,  (John,)  323. 
 
 Galadeus,  their  queen  Laodice,  346. 
 
 Galba,  470  ;  succeeds  Nero,  659  ;  is  murdered 
 in  a  conspiracy,  ibid. 
 
 Galilee  comes  all  under  the  Roman  dominion, 
 636,  640. 
 
 Gain,  eunuchs  so  called,  121. 
 
 Gallicanns,  627. 
 
 Gallus,  (Cestius,)  president  of  Syria,  15, 
 689. 
 
 Gallus,  a  centurion,  637. 
 
 Gallus,  (Rubrius,)  723. 
 
 Gamala  besieged,  636. 
 
 Games  of  the  circus,  482  ;  Olympic  games  re- 
 stored by  Herod,  417  ;  Cesarean  game*  in- 
 stituted by  Herod,  398,417,  551  ;  ordained 
 by  Titus  on  the  birth -days  of  his  father  and 
 brother,  720. 
 
 Gcriz'iim,  its  temple  demolished,  339. 
 
 Gauls,  595  ;  possess  at  home  the  source  of  hap- 
 piness, ibid  ;  became  Herod's  life-guards, 
 549. 
 
 Gaza  taken  and  demolished,  346- 
 
 Gazeans,  grievously  punished  by  Jonathan, 
 332. 
 
 Gamellus  (Tiberius,)  469. 
 
 Gamellus,  Herod's  friend,  expelled  bis  court, 
 423. 
 
 Gather,  the  son  of  Aram,  39. 
 
 Gentile  gods  not  to  be  derided,  in  tbe  opinion 
 of  Josepbus,  115,  774. 
 
 Geometry,  invented  by  the  long-lived  patri- 
 archs, 36. 
 
 Gera,  the  father  of  Ehud,  137. 
 
 Gerastratus,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  749. 
 
 Germanicus'  house,  487  ;  tlie  father  of  Caiu«, 
 470;  is  sent  into  the  east,  459 ;  is  poisoned 
 by  Fiso,  ibid. 
 
 Germans  described,  595  ;  are  enslaved  by  tbe 
 Romans,  712;  they  mutiny,  722;  a  Ger- 
 man's predictions  concerning  Agrippa,  469; 
 German  guard,  481. 
 
 Gessius  Florus,  procurator  of  Judea.  See 
 Florus. 
 
 Giants,  133,  198;  their  remains  in  Hebron, 
 99,  133. 
 
 Gibeab,  its  inhabitants  guilty  of  a  rape,  133. 
 
 Gibeonites,  by  a  wile,  make  a  covenant  with 
 Joshua,  127  ;  their  fraud  detected  and  i)uu- 
 ished,  ibid;  they  are  satisfied  for  the  at- 
 tempt of  Saul  to  slay  them,  198. 
 
 Gideon's  stratagem,  139;  he  dies,  ibid. 
 
 Glaphyra,  daughter  of  Arcbelaus,  king  of  Cap- 
 padocia,  is  married  to  Alexander  the  son  of 
 Herod,  409,  420  ;  her  enmity  with  Salome, 
 420,  556  ;  her  pride,  ibid  ;  her  lamentation 
 when  her  husband  was  put  in  chains,  428  ; 
 she  is  sent  back  a  widow  to  her  father,  432  ; 
 she  is  afterwards  married  to  Juba  king  of 
 Libya,  and  afterwards  to  Archelaus,  eth- 
 narch  of  Judea,  455  ;  her  dream,  and  death, 
 4.56. 
 
 God,  (the  true  God,)  bis  presence  in  the  taber- 
 nacle, 92  ;  his  mercy  only  obtained  by  re- 
 ligion, 132  ;  his  foreknowledge,  and  that 
 Lis  decrees  cannot  be  avoided,  104  ;  his 
 will  is  irresistible,  68 ;  without  bis  will 
 nothing  can  happen,  61  ;  bis  providence 
 asserted,  against  the  Epicureans,  276;  that 
 nothing  is  concealed  from  him,  55  ;  it  is 
 dangerous  to  disobey  him,  158 ;  whether  it 
 is  easier  to  serve  God  or  man,  224 ;  be 
 uses  beasts  to  punish  the  wicked,  271  ; 
 judged  to  be  only  the  god  of  the  hills  by  the 
 Syrians,  233  ;  is  not  to  be  imposed  on  by 
 the  wicked, 121 ;  delights  not  in  sacrifices, 
 but  in  good  men,  159;  is  called  on  in  time 
 of  danger,  by  even  bad  men,  440  ;  foretells 
 futurities,  that  men  may  provide  against 
 them,  59  ;  aflbrds  assistance  only  when  the 
 case  is  desperate,  76  ;  delights  in  those  that 
 promote  his  worship,  411  ;  discovers  bis 
 ineffable  name  to  Moses,  72  ;  is  by  nature 
 merciful  to  the  poor,  120  ;  is  omnipresent, 
 55,  105  ;  his  bounty  the  cause  of  all  men's 
 happiness,  113. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 821 
 
 Gods  (false  gf'ds)  of  Laban  stolen,  51  ;  of 
 Cullia  in  Persisi,  brought  to  Samaria,  25fi; 
 of  the  conquered  Anialekites,  worsliipped 
 hy  Amaziab,  250  ;  of  the  healben,  not  to  be 
 cursed  or  blasphemed,  in  the  opiniun  of 
 Josephus,  115,  772  ;  Baalzebub,  the  god 
 of  flies  at  Ekron,  238. 
 
 Goliath  of  Gath,  a  giant,  101  ;  challenges  the 
 .lews  to  a  single  combat,  ibid  ;  is  slain  by 
 David,  1C2. 
 
 Gomer,  and  Gomerites,  38. 
 
 Gorgias,  governor  of  Jamnia,  is  put  to  flight, 
 315  ;  has  better  success  afterwards,  317. 
 
 (Jorion  the  son  of  Josephus,  and  Simeon  the 
 son  of  Gamaliel,  exhort  the  people  to  attack 
 the  mutineers,  043  ;  is  put  to  death,  653. 
 
 Grains,  procurator  of  Judea,  468  ;  puts  Simon, 
 Herod's  old  slave,  to  death,  450;  meets 
 Varus  coming  to  Jerusalem,  57 (S ;  one  Gra- 
 tus  discovers  Claudius,  and  brings  hira  out 
 to  be  emperor,  493. 
 
 Greeks  called  old  nations  by  names  of  their 
 own,  38;  and  put  the  Hebrew  names  intc 
 their  own  form,  ibid. 
 
 Guards,  placed  about  the  temple  by  the  Ro- 
 mans, 501). 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadad,  king  of  Syria,  183. 
 
 Hadad,  or  Hadar,  an  Edomite,  becomes  Solo- 
 mon's enemy,  220. 
 
 Hadadezer,  or  Hadarezer,  king  of  Sophane, 
 or  Zobab,  ibid. 
 
 Hades,  Josephus's  discourse  concerning,  776, 
 777,778. 
 
 Hagar  and  Ishuiael  are  sent  awry  by  Ali:a- 
 hain,  45. 
 
 Haggai,  a  prophet  after  the  captivity,  282, 
 283  ;  he  and  Zechariab  encourage  the  Jews 
 to  rebuild  their  lemple,  ibid. 
 
 Haggith,  David's  wife,  201. 
 
 Halicarnasseans'  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 367. 
 
 Ham,  the  son  of  Noah,  37  ;  his  posterity,  38. 
 
 Haman,  an  enemy  of  the  Jews,  289  ;  his  edict 
 against  the  Jews,  in  the  name  of  Arta- 
 xerxes,  ibid;  he  orders  a  gibbet  to  be  erected 
 for  Mordecai,  291;  is  obliged  to  honour 
 Mordecai,  ibid  ;  the  edict  is  contradicted, 
 293  ;  he  is  hanged  on  his  own  gibbet,  ibid. 
 
 Hannah,  the  wife  of  Elkanah,  140. 
 
 Haran,  the  father  of  Lot,  39. 
 
 Haran,  or  Charran,  a  city  of  Mesopotamia, 
 ibid. 
 
 Harlots,  (common  ones,)  excluded  from  mar- 
 riage, 118. 
 
 Hatach.     See  Acratheus. 
 
 Hazael,  king  of  Syria,  231,  243  ;  he  plunders 
 Judea,  248;  he  dies,  249. 
 
 Hazermaveth,  39. 
 
 Hazo,  or  Azaa,  ibid. 
 
 Heber,  ibid. 
 
 Hebrews,  twice  carried  captives  beyond  Eu- 
 phrates, 269 ;  thought  by  some  to  have 
 come  originally  from  Egypt,  and  not  from 
 Cbaldea,  65 ;   not  put  to  servile  labour  iu 
 
 the  days  of  Solomon,  217  ;  of  those  He- 
 brews that  came  to  ofier  their  sacrifices 
 from  beyond  Euphrates,  100;  they  have 
 peculiar  rules  about  meats  and  drinks,  110; 
 they  fight  the  Cannanites  against  Moses' 
 order,  101;  ten  tribes  lived  beyond  Eu- 
 phrates, and  out  of  the  bounds  of  the  Ro- 
 man empire,  284  ;  their  language  and  cha- 
 racter came  near  to  the  Syriac,  298  ;  their 
 nouns  have  all  the  same  formation  and  ter- 
 mination, 38  ;  they  have  but  one  temple  and 
 altar,  115  ;  met  at  Shilob  thrice  in  a  year, 
 135  ;  only  the  two  tribes  under  the  dominion 
 of  the  Romans,  284  ;  an  unexampled  sedi- 
 tion among  them,  101  ;  their  wise  men,  in 
 the  days  of  Solomon,  508. 
 
 Hebron,  an  older  city  than  Memphis,  COO  ; 
 taken  by  the  Israelites,  133. 
 
 Hecatoutomachi,  344. 
 
 Helcias  the  Great,  474. 
 
 Helcias,  treasurer,  of  the  temple,  514. 
 
 Helena,  queen  of  Adiabene,  embraces  the 
 Jewish  religion,  504  ;  goes  to  Jerusalem, 
 505  ;  is  buried  there,  508. 
 
 Helon  succeeds  Ibzan  as  judge,  142. 
 
 Hephzibah,  266. 
 
 Hercules'  temple,  746. 
 
 Herennius  Capito,  governor  of  Jamnia,  466. 
 
 Hermeus,  or  Danans,  king  of  Egypt,  753. 
 
 Herod,  the  son  of  Actipater,  359,  533  ;  began 
 to  rule  in  Galilee  in  the  15th  and  [25th] 
 year  of  his  age,  301  ;  puts  Ezechias  and 
 other  robbers  to  death,  ibid,  534  ;  being 
 accused  for  it, he  takes  his  trial,  301  ;  makes 
 his  escape,  3G2;  goes  to  Sextus  Csesar.and 
 is  by  him  made  governor  of  Celosyria,  ibid  ; 
 is  in  favour  with  Cassius  and  the  Romans, 
 308  ;  made  a  governor  of  Syria  by  him, 
 308,  534;  puts  Malichus  to  death,  309; 
 beats  Antigonus  out  of  Judea,  370  ;  bribes 
 Mark  Antony,  ibid  ;  is  impeached  by  the 
 Jews,  but  is  notwithstanding  made  a  tetrarch 
 by  Antony,  371;  gets  the  better  of  the 
 Jews  that  oppose  him,  ibid  ;  escapes  the 
 snares  of  the  Parthians,  373  ;  the  accidents 
 of  his  flight,  373,  539  ;  goes  to  Egypt,  and 
 thence  to  Rhodes,  and  thence  to  Rome, 
 374,  540 ;  made  king  by  the  Roman  senate, 
 at  the  desire  of  Antony,  375,  541  ;  sails 
 back  to  Judea,  and  fights  against  Antigonus, 
 376  ;  takes  Joppa,  and  besieges  Jerusalem, 
 ibid,  542  ;  takes  Sepphoris,  377  ;  conquers 
 Lis  enemies,  and  the  robbers  of  Judea,  ibid  ; 
 joins  his  troops  with  Antony's  at  the  siege 
 of  Samosata,  and  is  received  there  with 
 great  honour,  378  ;  is  providentially  deli- 
 vered from  great  dangers,  379 ;  defeats 
 Pappus,  ibid;  besieges  Jerusalem,  lakes  it, 
 makes  Antigonus  prisoner,  and  sends  him 
 in  chains  to  Antony,  380,  381,  545  ;  pro- 
 motes his  friends,  and  destroys  those  of 
 Antigonus,  382  ;  marries  the  famous  Mari- 
 amne,  the  daughter  of  Alexandra,  383, 
 545  ;  complains  of  Alexandra,  his  mother- 
 in-law,  383 ;  causes  his  wife's  brother, 
 Aristobulus,  to  be  cunningly  drowned  at 
 Jericho,   385  ;   is  samuooed  by  Antony  to 
 
NDEX, 
 
 take  his  trial  for  it,  386 ;  brings  Antony 
 over  to  liis  interest  by  bribes,  ibid  ;  puts 
 Joseph  to  death,  ibid  -,  is  solicited  to  adul- 
 tery by  Cleopatra,  388  ;  makes  war  against 
 the  Arabians  by  Antony's  order,  ibid,  547  ; 
 his  speech  to  the  army  in  distress,  after  he 
 had  been  beaten,  389,  390,  548 ;  he  beats 
 the  Arabians  in  battle,  391,  549;  he  pats 
 Hvrcanus  to  death,  392 ;  Herod's  com- 
 mentaries, ibid ;  orders  Mariamne  to  be 
 put  to  death,  if  he  himself  come  to  an  ill 
 end,  393  ;  his  presence  of  mind  before  Au- 
 gustus Ccesar,  ibid;  he  is  confirmed  in  his 
 kingdom  by  Csesar,  394,  549 ;  he  enter- 
 tains Ca?sar  magnificently,  ibid  ;  he  receives 
 more  favours  from  Cassar,  and  has  his  do- 
 minions enlarged,  395,  550  ;  be  puts  Mari- 
 amne his  wife  to  death,  396,  553  ;  he  is  very 
 nneasy  at  her  death,  ibid  ;  he  is  afflicted 
 with  a  kind  of  madness  by  divine  vengeance, 
 443,  570  ;  departs  from  the  manners  and 
 customs  of  the  Jews,  398;  builds  theatres, 
 and  exhibits  shows  to  (he  people,  ibid  ;  a 
 conspiracy  against  hira,  399  ;  builds  a  temple 
 at  Samaria,  400;  a  palace  at  Jerusalem, 
 402;  and  a  citadel  six  furlongs  from  Jeru- 
 salem, ibid  ;  relieves  the  people  in  a  great 
 famine,  401  ;  marries  Simon's  daughter, 
 402;  his  policy,  ibid;  be  builds  Cesarea, 
 ibid  ;  he  sends  his  sons  to  Rome,  403 ; 
 builds  a  temple  to  Caesar,  405  ;  eases  the 
 people  of  a  third  part  of  their  taxes,  ibid  ; 
 forbids  the  people  to  meet  together  pri- 
 vately, ibid  ;  keeps  his  spies,  and  becomes 
 one  himself,  ibid  ;  honours  tlie  Essenes,  ibid 
 rebuilds  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  40G,  550 
 makes  a  new  law  concerning  thieves,  409 
 goes  to  Cajsar,  brings  home  his  sons,  and 
 marries  them,  ibid  ;  entertains  Marcus 
 Agrippa,  ibid  ;  is  in  great  favour  with 
 Agrippa,  ibid;  eases  his  subjects  of  the 
 fourth  part  of  their  taxes,  412;  the  quar- 
 rels in  his  family,  ibid;  he  favours  Anti- 
 pater  in  opposition  to  the  sons  of  Mariamne, 
 413  ;  goes  to  Aquileia,  and  impeaches  his 
 sons  at  Rome  before  Caesar,  414;  is  re- 
 conciled to  them,  416,  555 ;  celebrates 
 games  in  honour  of  Caesar,  417  ;  builds 
 towns  and  castles,  ibid ;  builds  Apollo's 
 temple,  and  renews  the  Olympic  games, 
 ibid,  552  ;  his  temper  described,  417;  he 
 opens  David's  sepulchre,  419  ;  he  suspects 
 his  kindred  ;  420  ;  he  is  accused  by  Syl- 
 leus  before  Caesar,  425  ;  his  cruelty  to  his 
 sons,  429;  he  accuses  them  in  a  council  at 
 Berytus,  430  ;  inquires  of  Nicolaus  of  Da- 
 mascus what  lliey  think  ofhiiuand  his  sons  at 
 Rome,  ibid  ;  he  orders  ihem  both  to  be  stran- 
 gled,431  ;  provides  for  their  children,  433  ; 
 his  wives  and  children,  ibid,  465  ;  he  con- 
 tracts marriages  for  Mariamne's  children, 
 433,  502  ;  alters  those  contracts,  513  ;  sends 
 Antipater  to  Cresar,  435,  564;  is  made  to 
 believe  that  his  brother  Pheroras  was  poi- 
 soned, 436,  5()5  ;  finds  the  poison  was  for 
 himself,  437,  565  ;  tries  Antipater,  and  puts 
 hiui  iu  chains,  440 ;  his  bitterness  in  his  old 
 
 age,  441  ;  he  makes  his  will,  ibid  ;  his  ter- 
 rible sickness,  443,  569,  570  ;  his  barba- 
 rous order  for  murdering  the  principal  of  thu 
 Jews,  443;  be  attempts  to  murder  himself, 
 444  ;  he  alters  his  will,  ibid  ;  his  character, 
 ibid;  his  death  and  burial,  445,  571  ;  his 
 v;ill  opened  and  read,  445 ;  not  to  take 
 place  till  confirmed  by  Cajsar,  453. 
 
 Herod,  the  son  of  Herod,  made  tetrarch, 
 458,  472,  582  ;  builds  towns  in  honour  of 
 Cffisar,  ibid ;  sends  a  letter  to  Csesar,  463  ; 
 makes  war  upon  Aretas  king  of  Arabia,  464  ; 
 is  banished,  ibid,  583. 
 
 Herod,  hulf  brother  to  the  tetrarch,  464. 
 
 Herod,  son  of  Aristobulus  by  Salome,  465. 
 
 Herod,  son  of  Aristobulus,  by  Bernice,  Sa- 
 lome's daughter,  433,  562. 
 
 Herod,  Herod's  son,  by  Mariamne,  Simon's 
 daughter,  433,  436,  464,  563,  564  ;  he  is 
 blotted  out  of  Herod's  will,  566. 
 
 Herod,  Herod's  son  by  Cleopatra  of  Jeru- 
 salem, 433,  563. 
 
 Herod,  Agrippa  senior's  brother,  king  of 
 Chalcis,  497  ;  he  marries  Mariamne,  daugh- 
 ter of  Josephus  by  Olympias,  king  Herod's 
 daughter,  464  ;  be  has  the  power  over  the 
 temple  given  him  by  Claudius,  503;  his 
 death  and  children,  508,  585. 
 
 Herod,  son  of  Phasaelus  and  Salampsio, 
 405. 
 
 Herod,  Polerao's  brother,  king  of  Chalcis, 
 502. 
 
 Herodias,  daughter  of  Aristobulus,  by  Ber- 
 nice, Salome's  daughter,  464,  562  ;  Agrippa 
 senior's  sister,  and  wife  of  Herod  the  te- 
 trarch, and  envies  Agrippa  the  royal  dignity, 
 472,  583  ;  follows  her  husband  in  his  ban- 
 ishment, 472 ;  married  to  Herod,  son  of 
 Herod  the  Great,  by  ftlariamne,  Simon's 
 daughter,  464,  466;  afterward  married  to 
 Herod  the  former  husband's  brother  while 
 her  former  husband  was  alive,  465. 
 
 Hezekiah,  king  ofJudah,  254;  his  religious 
 speech  to  the  people,  ibid  ;  his  lustration  of 
 the  temple,  and  solemn  celebration  of  the 
 passover,  255 ;  he  makes  war  upon  the 
 Philistines,  ibid  ;  defends  himself  from  Sen- 
 nacherib, 257  ;  recovers  from  sickness,  259  ; 
 dies,  260. 
 
 Hezekias,  a  ringleader  of  the  robbers,  361. 
 
 High  Priest.  See  Priest,  high. 
 
 Hilkiah,  the  high-priest,  262,  266. 
 
 Hin,  an  Hebrew  measure,  91. 
 
 Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  David's  friend,  181. 
 
 Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  sends  ambassadors  to 
 Solomon,  208. 
 
 Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  746. 
 
 Historians,  their  duty,  31. 
 
 Hophni,  son  of  Eli,  146  ;  he  is  slain  in  battle, 
 147. 
 
 House  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon   217. 
 
 Hoshea,  king  of  Israel,  254  ;  he  is  made  a 
 prisoner,  255. 
 
 Huldah,  the  prophetess,  216. 
 
 Human  sacrifice,  239. 
 
 Hur,  a  prince  of  the  Midianites,  112;  head  of 
 the  Ephraimites,  207. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 823 
 
 Husliai,  191,  192,  194. 
 
 Huz,  39. 
 
 Hymns,  composed  by  David  in  varioas  sorts 
 of  metre,  198. 
 
 Ilyrcanus,  son  of  Joseph  Tobias,  308  ;  liis  art- 
 ful iuvention,  ibid  ;  be  is  sent  to  Ptolemy, 
 and  kindly  received  by  hiiu,309;  his  actions 
 and  death,  310. 
 
 Jlyrcanus  (John,)  son  of  Simon  the  Maccabee, 
 escapes  being  slain,  337;  attacks  Ptolemy, 
 338,  523  ;  is  made  high  priest,  337,  523  ; 
 is  besieged  by  Antiochus,  338 ;  buys  a 
 peace  with  300  talents  taken  ont  of  David's 
 sepulchre,  338,  339,  marches  into  Syria 
 and  recovers  ihe  towns  that  had  been  taken 
 away,  and  renews  the  alliance  with  the  Ro- 
 mans, 339 ;  besieges  Samaria,  takes  it,  and 
 demolishes  it,  340;  his  intercourse  with 
 God,  ibid  ;  his  dream  concerning  his  sons, 
 343  ;  he  was  ethnarch,  high  priest,  and  pro- 
 phet, 524 ;   his  death  and  eulogium,  342. 
 
 Hyrcanus  II.  son  of  Alexander  Janneus,  made 
 high  priest,  349,  527  ;  agrees  to  leave  the 
 civil  government  to  his  brother,  351  ;  his 
 inactive  genius,  and  why  he  tied  to  Aretas, 
 ibid  ;  he  in  vain  tries  to  bribe  Scaurns  to 
 be  for  him,  353  ;  pleads  against  his  brother 
 before  Pompey,  ibid ;  recovers  the  high 
 priesthood,  354 ;  is  confirmed  therein  by 
 Caesar,  SCO,  528;  is  honoured  by  the  Ro- 
 mans and  Athenians,  360 ;  and  by  Julius 
 Casar,  303 ;  is  taken  prisoner,  and  has  his 
 ears  cut  ofl'  by  Antigonus,  374  ;  is  released 
 by  the  Parthians,  and  returns  to  Herod, 
 382 ;  he  is  perfidiously  treated,  ibid  ;  and 
 put  to  death  by  him,  392;  the  various  ad- 
 ventures of  his  life,  383. 
 
 Hjstaspes,  father  of  Darius,  273. 
 
 Ik  J. 
 
 Jabal,  33. 
 
 Jabesh,  father  of  Shallum,  252. 
 
 Jabesh  Gilead  demolished,  135. 
 
 Jabin,  king  of  Canaan,  enslaves  the  Israelites, 
 135. 
 
 Jacimus.  See  Alcimos. 
 
 Jacob  born,  47;  contracts,  with  Laban  for 
 Rachel,  50  ;  he  wrestles  with  an  angel,  53  ; 
 his  sons,  51,  54  ;  be  privately  departs  from 
 Laban,  52;  his  posterity,  when  they  went 
 down  into  Egypt,  65  ;  he  weeps  upon  send- 
 ing away  his  son  Benjamin  into  Egypt,  01 , 
 he  meets  with  his  brother  Esau,  53. 
 
 Jacob,  son  of  Sosas,  G47,  652,  715. 
 
 Jacob,  an  Idumean,  betrays  his  country, 
 660. 
 
 Jadus,  or  Jaddua,  son  of  John,  high  priest, 
 294 :  he  meets  Alexander  in  his  pontifical 
 garments,  296  ;  he  dies,  297. 
 
 Jadelph,  39. 
 
 Jadon,  the  prophet,  222  ;  is  killed  bv  a  lion, 
 223. 
 
 Jael,  wife  of  Heber  the  Kenite,  kills  Sisera, 
 138. 
 
 Jahaziel,  the  prophet,  237. 
 
 Jatnblicus,  the  Syrian  ruler,  359,  533. 
 
 James,  the  brother  of  Jesus  Christ,  stoned, 
 515. 
 
 Janias,  king  of  Egypt,  744. 
 
 Japhet,  37  ;  what  countries  his  sons  pos- 
 sessed, 38. 
 
 Jarden,  a  woodland,  surrounded  by  Bassus, 
 727. 
 
 Jared,  33,  34. 
 
 Jason,  or  Jesus,  311 
 
 Jason,  son  of  Eleazar,  321. 
 
 Javan,  38. 
 
 Jazaniah,  268. 
 
 Ibliar,  or  Jeban,  son  of  David,  181. 
 
 Ibis,  an  animal  in  Egypt  that  destroys  ser- 
 pents, 70. 
 
 Ibzan,  a  judge  of  Israel  after  Jephthah,  142. 
 
 Ide,  a  freed-woman,  461;  she  is  crucified, 
 ihid. 
 
 Idumeans,316,  646,  647,  731 ;  refuse  to  give 
 the  Israelites  passage,  106  ;  turn  Jews,  339  ; 
 are  but  half  Jews,  376;  Coze,  thoir  former 
 idol,  397;  celebrate  the  Jewish  festivals, 
 449. 
 
 Jeban,  See  Ibliar. 
 
 Jebosthus,  or  Ishbosheth,  Sanl's  son,  is  made 
 king,  177;  he  is  treacherously  murdered, 
 179. 
 
 Jecoliah,  251. 
 
 Jedidah,  king  Josiah's  mother,  260. 
 
 Jehiel,  one  of  the  posterity  of  Moses,  203. 
 
 Jehoahaz,  king  of  Judah,  262;  he  dies  in 
 Egypt,  ibid. 
 
 Jehoaz,  son  of  Jehu,  king  of  Israel,  246. 
 
 Jehoash,  son  of  Ahaziah,  saved,  246;  is  made 
 king,  247  ;  murdered,  248. 
 
 Jehoiachin,  or  Jeconiah,  king  of  Judah,  2G1. 
 
 Jehoiada,  180. 
 
 Jehoiada,  the  high  priest,  246. 
 
 Jeboiakim,  king  of  Judah,  262,  263  ;  he  rebels 
 against  the  Babylonians,  263  ;  he  is  slain 
 by  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  cast  ont  of  the 
 gate  of  Jerusalem,  ibid. 
 
 Jehonadab,  an  old  friend  of  Jehu,  246. 
 
 Jeboram,  king  of  Judah,  249. 
 
 Jehorara,  king  of  Israel,  238  ;  his  expedition 
 against  the  Moabites,  239;  his  distemper 
 and  death,  244, 
 
 Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  184. 
 
 Jehoshaphat,  a  pious  king  of  Judah,  234,  236  ; 
 pardoned  for  making  an  alliance  with  Ahab 
 ibid;  liis  fleet  broken  to  pieces,  237;  bis 
 death,  239. 
 
 Jehoshebah,  sister  of  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah, 
 246. 
 
 Jehu,  son  of  Nimshi,  231;  is  make  king  of 
 Israel,  239;  his  actions,  245;  be  puts 
 Baal's  priests  to  death,  246  ;  dies,  248. 
 
 .Tehu,  the  prophet,  the  son  of  Hanani,227. 
 
 Jenae,  David's  son,  181. 
 
 Jephthah  puts  the  Ammonites  to  fiight,  141; 
 sacrifices  his  daughter,  (according  to  the 
 opinion  of  Josephus,)  ibid  ;  makes  a  great 
 slaughter  among  the  Ephrainiites,  142. 
 
 Jeremiah,  the  prophet,  263  ;  his  lamentation 
 upon  the  death  of  Josiah,  ibid ;  his  pro- 
 phecy against  Jerusalem,  263,  264;  his 
 scribe  Baruch,  263;  he  is  accused  and  dis- 
 
824 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 charged,  ibid,  bis  prophecy  read  in  the 
 temple,  and  his  roll  burnt,  iliid  ;  his  pro- 
 phecy of  the  Jews'  release  from  captivity, 
 264  ;  he  is  put  in  prison,  and  thrown  into 
 liie  dungeon,  265;  is  left  with  Baruch  in 
 Judea,  after  Zedekiah's  captivity,  267. 
 
 Jericho  taken,  126;  its  rebuilder  cursed, ibid  ; 
 it  is  plundered  by  the  Romans,  378. 
 
 Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nabat,  conspires  against 
 Solomon,  220;  he  is  made  king  of  the  ten 
 tribes,  22 1 ,  &c. ;  erects  tjolden  calves,  222  ; 
 his  hand  withered,  ibid  ;  his  expedition 
 against  Abijah,  225  ;  he  dies,  226. 
 
 Jeroboam  II.  the  son  of  Joash,  king  of  Israel, 
 
 250  ;   he  makes  war  against  the   Syrians, 
 
 251  ;  he  dies,  ibid. 
 
 Jernsalem  taken  by  David,  180 ;  whence  that 
 name  was  derived,  181 ;  besiei^ed  and  taken 
 by  the  Babylonians,  2G6 ;  besieged  and 
 taken  by  Porapey,  355  ;  by  Herod  and  So- 
 sius,  412;  by  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Lagos, 
 297;  how  many  times  taken,  718;  made 
 tributary  to  the  Romans,  356;  levelled  with 
 the  ground,  718  ;  declared  holy,  inviolable, 
 and  free,  by  Demetrius,  king  of  Syria,  325  ; 
 two  citadels  therein,  397;  who  first  built  it, 
 CIS  ;  situated  in  the  middle  of  Jndea,  613  ; 
 set  on  fire  by  the  Romans,  716  ;  a  fast  kept 
 there  yearly,  380  ;  as  also  when  it  was  taken 
 by  Pompey,  and  by  Herod,  and  Socius, 
 355,  356,  377  ;  a  Jebusite  king  of  Jeru- 
 salem, with  four  others,  make  war  on  the 
 Gibeonites,  128;  they  are  put  to  flight  by 
 Joshua,  ibid;  Jerusalem  described,  673, 
 674,  749. 
 
 Jerusbah,  Jotham's  mother,  352. 
 
 Jessai,  the  son  of  Aohimaaz,  196. 
 
 Jesse,  the  son  of  Obed,  and  father  of  David, 
 160. 
 
 Jesus  Christ,  a  testimony  to  him,  460. 
 
 ,  the  son  of  Phabet,  deprived  of  the  high 
 
 priesthood,  402. 
 
 ,  son  of  Ananus,  his  ominoas  clamour  and 
 
 death,  710. 
 
 ,  or  Jason,  311. 
 
 • ,  the  son  of  Sapphias,  governor  of  Tibe- 
 rias, 7,  11,  606. 
 
 ■ ,  brother  of  Onias,  deprived  of  the  high 
 
 priesthood  by  Antiochus  Epipbanes,  3S4. 
 
 ■  '      ,  son  of  Gamaliel,  made  high  priest,  515. 
 
 — — ,  the  eldest  priest  after  Ananns,  648,669  ; 
 his  speech  to  the  Idumeans,  643. 
 
 ,  son  of  Damneus,  made  high  priest,  51 3. 
 
 ,  son  of  Gamala,  14. 
 
 ,  or  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun,  99  ;  oecomes 
 
 the  successor  of  Moses,  113  ;  commands  the 
 Israelites  against  the  Amalekiies,  82  ;  pro- 
 phesies in  the  life-time  of  Moses,  123  ;  leads 
 the  Israelites  to  the  river  Jordan,  124  ; 
 consults  about  the  partition  of  the  land, 
 129,  &c. ;  his  speech  to  the  two  tribes  and 
 half,  130  ;  his  death,  132. 
 
 • ,  son  of  Saphat,  ringleader  of  the  robbers, 
 
 9,631. 
 
 ,  of  Thebuthus,  a  priest,  715. 
 
 Jeshua,  son  of  Josedek,  281. 
 
 Jelhro  the  Midianite,  133. 
 
 Jews  governed  of  old  by  an  aristocracy,  356, 
 532;  Jewish  priests  careful  to  marry  ac- 
 cording to  their  law,  742  ;  at  Alexandria 
 had  equal  privileges  with  the  Greeks,  602 ; 
 are  in  great  danger  at  Antioch,  720  ;  at  Eo- 
 batana,  near  Galilee,  6  ;  are  cut  off  at  Ge- 
 sarea,  ibid  ;  at  Scythopolis,  600 ;  are  in 
 factions  on  account  of  the  high  priesthood, 
 311 ;  are  killed  on  the  Sabbath  day,  313  ; 
 Jews  beyond  Euphrates,  384  ;  at  Alexan- 
 dria in  Egypt,  and  Cyprus,  341 ;  goto  war 
 under  Alexander  the  Great,  296  ;  are  car- 
 ried into  Egypt  by  Ptolemy  Lagus,297  ;  are 
 banished  Rome,  461  ;  desire  to  be  a  Ro- 
 man province,  452 ;  are  favoured  by  Se- 
 leucus  Nicator,  304  ;  by  Vespasian  and 
 Titus,  ibid  ;  by  Marcus  Agrippa,  305  ;  by 
 Antiochus  the  Great,  ibid;  are  shut  up  in 
 the  Hippodrome,  but  afterwards  released, 
 445  ;  pray  for  the  welfare  of  the  Spartans, 
 333  ;  Antiochus,  a  Jew,  accuses  liis  own 
 father  at  Antioch,  721 ;  Jews  have  privi- 
 leges granted  them  by  the  kings  of  Asia, 
 418  ;  Egyptians  and  Tyriaus  chiefly  hated 
 the  Jews,  744  ;  Demetrius  remits  tliem  part 
 of  their  tribute,  325;  Jews  at  Alexandria 
 are  allowed  an  etbnarch,  or  alabarch,  358  ; 
 are  allowed  to  gather  their  sacred  collec- 
 tions at  Rome,  364 ;  enjoy  their  liberty 
 under  the  Romans,  only  are  to  pay  their 
 taxes,  458  ;  are  derived  from  the  same 
 origin  with  the  Spartans,  310  ;  have  their 
 own  laws  under  Alexander  the  Great,  296  ; 
 are  prohibited  to  meddle  with  foreign  wo- 
 men, 308  ;  are  very  tenacious  of  their  own 
 laws,  750  ;  their  ambassadors'  place  at 
 Rome  in  the  theatre,  364  ;  are  numerous  at 
 Alexandria,  358 ;  at  Babylon,  382 ;  the 
 form  of  their  government,  283  ;  their  quar- 
 rel with  the  Syrians  at  Cesarea  about  their 
 privileges,  511 ;  their  marriages,  770  ;  they 
 had  a  synagogue  at  Antioch,  720  ;  their 
 privileges  under  the  Romans,  412  ;  they 
 send  an  embassy  to  Caesar,  against  Arcbe- 
 lans,  452  ;  the  Asiatic  Jews  send  an  em- 
 bassy to  Ccesar,  418  ;  great  slaughter  of 
 Jews,  430,  546,  733  ;  their  calamities  in 
 Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia,  476  ;  begin- 
 ning of  the  Jewish  war,  518  ;  antiquity  of 
 the  Jewish  rites,  383  ;  towns  in  Syria,  Phe- 
 nicia,  and  Idumea,  belonging  to  the  Jews, 
 348. 
 
 Jezebel,  Ahab's  wife,  229  ;  is  torn  to  pieces 
 by  dogs,  245. 
 
 Images,  or  brazen  oxen,  were  not  lawful  to 
 be  made  by  Solomon,  in  the  opinion  of  Jo- 
 sephus,  219 ;  images  of  animals  are  against 
 the  Jewish  law,  399,  402,  570  ;  to  set  them 
 up,  or  consecrate  them,  was  forbidden  the 
 Jews,  86,  442. 
 
 Impostors  throughout  Judea,  512. 
 
 Incense  only  to  be  offered  by  the  posterity  of 
 Aaron,  252. 
 
 Infants  murdered  in  Egypt,  67. 
 
 Tmiocence  makes  men  courageous,  314. 
 
 Joab,  general  of  David's  army,  177  ;  takes 
 the  citadel  of  Jerusalem,  181  ;  conspires 
 with  Adonijah,  201. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 825 
 
 Joatham,  or  Jothain,  high  priest,  205,  2C7. 
 Joazer,  son  of  Boethus,  high  priest,  443,  45G, 
 
 4(50  ;  is  deprived  by  Archelaus,  455,  458. 
 Joctati,  39. 
 Johanan,  the  son  of  Kareab,  2G8 ;  be  pursues 
 
 after  Isliniael,  ibid. 
 Johanan,  son  of  Eliasib,  285. 
 John  Hvrcanns.     See  Hyrcanus. 
 Jolin  the  Baptist,  put  to  death  bj  Herod,  4G1. 
 
 ,  the  son  of  DorcHS,  ti42. 
 
 ,  called   Gaddis,  Jonathan's   brother,   is 
 
 killed,  323. 
 ,  son  of  Levi,  rebuilds  Rischala,  5,  COT, 
 
 731;  an  enemy    to  Josephus,  7,  10,008  ; 
 
 aims  at  absolute  dominion,  645,  654. 
 
 ,  .son  of  Sosas,  647. 
 
 ,  the  Essene,  606,  612. 
 
 ,  son  of  Judas,  high  priest,  294  ;  murders 
 
 bis  brother  in  the  temple,  ibid. 
 
 ,  captain  of  the  Idumeans,  killed,  681. 
 
 Jonadab,   Anioon's  kinsman,  1S8;  sun  of  .Shi- 
 
 meas,  489. 
 Jona,  the  prophet,  251. 
 Jonathan,   son   of  Ananus,  499 ;    refuses  the 
 
 high  priesthood,  ibid;  bis  actions,  587  ;  be 
 
 is  murdered  by  the  Sicarii,  588. 
 ,  called  Apphus,  the   Maccabee,  313  ; 
 
 be  makes  a  league  with  Antiochus  Eupator, 
 
 523  ;    is  surprised   by  Trypho,   and  killed, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 -,  son  of  Saul,  beats  a  garrison  of  the 
 
 Fhilistines,  155  ;  reconciles  Saul  to  David, 
 164;  bis  conference  with  David,  165;  is 
 slain  in  battle  by  the  Philistines,  175. 
 
 a  Sadducee,   provokes   Hyrcanus 
 
 against  the  Pharisees,  341. 
 
 -,  a  Jew,  challenges  the  Romans  lo  a 
 
 single  combat,  704  ;  be  is  killed  by  Priscus, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ,  the  son  of  Abiathar,  191. 
 
 ,  ringleader  of  the  Sicarii,  738. 
 
 the  high  priest,  murdered   by  the 
 
 order  of  Felix,  512. 
 
 -,  the  Maccabee,   made   commander 
 
 of  the  Jews  after  Judas,  323  ;  wiili  his  bro- 
 ther Simon  defeat  the  Nabateans,  324 ; 
 makes  peace  with  Bacchides,  ibid  ;  restores 
 the  divine  worship,  325  ;  defeats  Deme- 
 trius' captains,  332  ,  renews  the  league  with 
 the  Romans  and  Spartans,  335  ;  bis  letter 
 to  the  Spartans,  ibid ;  he  is  killed  by  Try- 
 pho, 335. 
 
 Jonathan,  the   son  of  Shimeab,  kills  a  giant, 
 198. 
 
 Joppa  taken  by  the  Romans,  603  ;  demolish- 
 ed, 630. 
 
 Joram,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Jordan,  the  Israelites  pass  over  if,  125. 
 
 •Tosedek,  high  priest  at  the  captivity,  267. 
 
 Joseph,  son  of  Zacliarias,  317. 
 
 ■ ,  son  of  Antipater,  358,  533. 
 
 Cabi,   son  of  Simon  the  high   priest, 
 
 514  ;  he  is  deprived,  ibid. 
 
 ■ ,  son  of  Camus,   is    made  high  priest, 
 
 504  ;  he  is  deprived,  508. 
 
 called  Caiaplias,  is  made  high  priest. 
 
 Joseph,  son  of  a  female  physician,  stirs  up  a 
 sedition  at  Gamala,  13. 
 
 ,  son  of  Daleus,709. 
 
 ,  son  of  Elleraus,  oiliciates  for  Mat- 
 thias the  high  priest,  443. 
 
 ,  a  relation  of  Archelaus,  576. 
 
 ,  a  treasurer,  393. 
 
 ,  son  of  Gorion,  607. 
 
 Joseph,  Herod's  uncle,  386  ;  he  marries  Sa- 
 lome, Herod's  sister,  650  ;  he  discovers  his 
 injunction  to  kill  Mariamne,  and  is  put  to 
 death,  386,  553. 
 
 ,  Herod's    brother,   377,  465;  be  is 
 
 sent  into  Idumea,  ibid,  542;  bis  death, 
 57<>,  544. 
 
 ,  son  of  Joseph,  Herod's  brother,  465. 
 
 -,  SOD  of  Tobias,   reproaches  his  ancle 
 
 Onias,  306  ;  goes  on  an  embassy  to  Pto- 
 lemy, 307  ;  becomes  his  tax-gatherer,  ibid  ; 
 gues  to  Syria  to  gather  the  taxes,  308  ;  his 
 wealth  and  children,  ibid  ;  begets  Hyrcanus 
 nn  his  brother's  daughter,  ibid;  dies,  310. 
 -,  son  of  Jacob,   bis  dreams,  54;  he  is 
 
 468;  he  is  deprived,  462. 
 
 sold  to  the  Ishmaelites,  56  ;  bis  chastity, 
 57  ;  he  is  pnt  in  prison,  58  ;  be  is  released, 
 59  ;  he  discovers  his  brethren,  60  ;  he  tries 
 them,  ibid  ;  he  discovers  himself  to  them, 
 61  ;  his  death,  66. 
 
 Josephus,  son  of  Maftatbias,  made  governor 
 of  Galilee,  600  ;  his  danger  at  Taricheoe, 
 609  ;  he  reduces  Tiberias  by  stratagem, 
 610;  is  iu  great  danger  again,  614;  his 
 mother  laments  him  as  dead,  ibid;  his 
 speech  to  the  Taricheans,  1 1  ;  his  strata- 
 gems, 11,12, 15, 16, 18,  20,21,  621 ;  he  es- 
 capes a  great  danger,  11  ;  he  goes  to  Tibe- 
 rias, 13  ;  bis  wonderful  dream,  15  ;  he  goes 
 to  Taricheoe,  19,  20 ;  his  father  put  in 
 chains,  693  ;  his  love  to  his  country,  714  ; 
 be  is  betrayed  by  a  woman,  627;  be  sur- 
 renders himself  to  Nioanor,  ibid  ;  his  speech 
 to  his  companions,  628 ;  he  is  in  danger  of 
 his  life,  629  ;  he  advises  the  casting  of  lots, 
 ibid;  be  is  carried  to  Vespasian,  ibid;  his 
 speech  to  Vespasian,  629  ;  he  is  honoured 
 by  Vespasian  and  Titus,  ibi<l,  29;  by  Donii- 
 tian  and  Domitia,  ibid  ;  he  is  set  at  liberty, 
 664  ;  his  speeches  to  the  Jews,  advising 
 them  to  surrender,  688,  700  ;  be  is  accused 
 of  a  conspiracy,  738  ;  Titus  gives  him  lands 
 in  Jiidea,  29;  be  bad  in  all  three  wives, 
 ibid ;  bis  children,  ibid  ;  be  was  greatly 
 skilled  in  Hebrew  and  Greek  learning,  518  ; 
 of  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  3  ;  he  goes  to 
 Rome,  4;  he  is  made  governor  of  Galilee, 
 5  ;  frees  the  Sepphorites  from  fear,  ibid  ; 
 stays  in  Galilee,  6  ;  his  moderation,  8  ;  his 
 design  in  writing  the  Antiquities,  351  ;  his 
 diligence  in  writing  history,  ibid  ;  be  pro- 
 mises other  works,  30,  519  ;  and  a  book  of 
 Jewish  customs  and  their  reasons,  115  ; 
 when  he  finished  the  Antiquities,  518; 
 when  be  was  born,  3  ;  his  conduct  to  Gali- 
 lee, 5  ;  he  appeals  to  Vespasian,  'I'itus.  and 
 others,  for  the  truth  of  his  history,  742. 
 
 Joshua,  son  of  Nun.     .See  Jesus. 
 
 ,  son  of  Sie,  higli  pi  iesl,  455. 
 
 5  M 
 
826  INDEX. 
 
 Josiali,  king  of  Judali,  his  piety,  2G0  ;  Lis 
 death,  202. 
 
 Jolapata  besieged,  taken,  and  demolished, 
 618  to  027. 
 
 Jotham,  son  of  Gideon,  Lis  parable  to  the 
 Shecheinites,  140. 
 
 Jolhara,  king  of  Jaiiah,  253;  his  death,  ibid. 
 
 Ireneus  the  pleader,  447. 
 
 Iron  harder  than  gold,  or  silver,  or  brass,  271 ; 
 blunted  by  slaughter,  345. 
 
 Isaac,  42. 
 
 Isaiah  the  prophet,  255,  257  ;  his  eulogium, 
 259  ;  his  prophecy  concerning  the  Assyrians, 
 258;  concerning  Cyrus  two  hundred  and 
 ten  years  before  his  reign,  276  ;  the  same 
 read  by  Cyrus,  ibid  ;  his  prophecy  concern- 
 ing the  temple  of  Orsias,  737. 
 
 Ishbosheih,  son  of  Saul, is  made  king,  177;  is 
 murdered  by  treachery,  179. 
 
 Ishraael,  42. 
 
 Ishmael,  son  of  Nethaniah,  murders  Gedaliali 
 the  son  of  Ahikam,  263^ 
 
 Isis.her  temple  polluted  and  demolished,  4G0, 
 461. 
 
 Israel.     See  Jacob. 
 
 Israelites,  numbered,  98,  199;  their  religious 
 zeal  slackened,  133;  they  are  carried  cap- 
 tive into  Media  and  Persia,  250. 
 
 Istob,  or  Ishtob,  king,  185. 
 
 Tsus,  high  priest,  207. 
 
 Ithamar,  son  of  Aamn,  91 ;  his  family,  202  ; 
 loses  the  high  priestliood,  205. 
 
 Ithobalus.     See  Ethbaal. 
 
 Jnba,  king  of  Libya,  455. 
 
 .Tubal,  33. 
 
 Jubilee,  97. 
 
 Jucundus,  one  of  Herod's  life-guards,  raises 
 a  calumny  against  Alexander,  427. 
 
 Jucundus,  captain  of  horse,  500. 
 
 Judadas,  or  Dedan,  338. 
 
 Judas,  the  Essene,  a  propliet,  343,  525. 
 
 Judas,  a  Galilean  or  Gaulonite,  the  aiithnr  of 
 a  fourth  sect  among  the  Jews,  457,  508, 
 579. 
 
 Jadas,  son  of  Jairus,  is  slain,  728. 
 
 Jndas,  son  of  Aminadab,  281. 
 
 Judas  the  Maccabee,  313;  succeeds  STatthlas 
 his  faiher,  314,  522  ;  his  speech  to  his  men 
 before  a  battle,  315  ;  he  is  victor,  ibid  ;  he 
 ccmes  to  Jerusalem,  and  restores  the  tem- 
 ple-worship, 316,  &c. ;  takes  vengeance  on 
 the  Idumeans  and  others,  ibid  ;  besieges  the 
 citadel  at  Jerusalem,  319;  is  made  high 
 priest,  321  ;  makes  an  alliance  with  the 
 Romans,  ibid;  fights  Bacchides,  322 ;  is 
 killed  in  the  battle,  ibid. 
 
 Judas,  son  of  Chapseus,  332. 
 
 Judas,  son  of  Sariphus,  or  Sepphorens,  466, 
 670. 
 
 Judas,  son  of  Eliasib,  high  priest,  294. 
 
 Judas,  son  of  Ezechias,  ringleader  of  the  rob- 
 bers. 4.'',0,  575. 
 
 Judea,  it  begins  at  Coreje,  354  ;  a  great  earth- 
 quake in  Judea,  289;  its  ferlilitv,  750, 
 751  ;  contains  3,000,000  of  acres  of  good 
 land,  ihid  ;  its  descrl|>tion,  614  ;  length, 
 breadth,  and  limits,  ibid ;  but  lately  known 
 
 to  the  Greeks,  743;  when  first  so  called, 
 286;  abounding  with  pasture,  388,  614; 
 taken  from  Archelaus,  and  annexed  to  Syria, 
 456;  parted  by  Gabinus  into  Hve  jurisdic- 
 tions, 357;  entirely  subdued  and  paoilied  by 
 Titus,  737  ;  made  tributary  to  the  Romans, 
 356. 
 
 Judges  of  the  Hebrews,  single  governors,  282. 
 
 Judges  at  Jerusalem,  the  Sanhedrim,  237. 
 
 Judges  of  the  council  in  Syria  and  Phenicia, 
 277  ;  seven  inferior  judges  in  every  ciiy, 
 but  an  appeal  from  them  to  the  great  Sa.  - 
 hedrim  at  Jerusalem,  116. 
 
 Jueliis,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Julia,  or  Livia,  Augustus  Cassar's  wife,  417, 
 433. 
 
 Julia,  Caius'  sister,  495. 
 
 Julian  of  Bithyoia,  a  valiant  captain,  700;  his 
 death,  ibid. 
 
 Julius  Capellus,  5. 
 
 Julius  Csesar's  letter  to  the  Sidonians,  with 
 bis  and  other  decrees  in  favour  of  the  Jews. 
 See  Cassar  and  Decrees. 
 
 Jnlius  Lnpus,  491. 
 
 Julius,  commander  of  a  Roman  legion,  386. 
 
 Jupiter  Hellenius'  temple  upon  Mount  Geriz- 
 zira,  312. 
 
 Jupiter  the  Conqueror's  temple,  495. 
 
 Jupiter  Oiympius'  temple,  746;  bis  statue, 
 482. 
 
 Justus,  son  of  Josephus,  27. 
 
 Justus  of  Tiberias,  the  historian,  22;  wbeu 
 they  published  his  history,  ibid  ;  he  is  con- 
 demned by  '^'espasian,  but  saved  by  king 
 Agrippa,  2(>. 
 
 Justus,  son  of  Pistas,  stirs  op  sedition,  5  ;  liis 
 character,  ibid. 
 
 Izates.  son  of  queen  Helena,  embraces  the 
 Jewish  religion,  504,  505  ;  is  circumcised, 
 ibid  ;  conquers  his  enemies,  507,  508  ;  suc- 
 ceeds Monobazus,  505  ;  he  dies,  508;  his 
 children  and  brethren  are  besieged  in  Jeru- 
 salem, 713. 
 
 Kareah,  268. 
 
 Kemoel,  son  of  Nahor,  39. 
 
 Keturah,  Abraham's  last  wife,  46. 
 
 King,  his  principal  qualifications,  204  ;  three 
 duties  of  a  king,  piety  towards  God,  justice 
 towards  his  subjects,  and  care  of  the  public 
 welfare,  253  ;  need  not  give  account  of  his 
 actions,  in  the  opinion  of  Antony,  586 ; 
 should  be  eminently  good,  173. 
 
 King  Solomon's  palace,  214. 
 
 Kings  of  David's  race,  how  many,  266. 
 
 Kingdom,  a  reward  of  virtue,  160. 
 
 Kittim,  or  Cethiin,  38. 
 
 Korah  ;  see  Corah. 
 
 Koze,  an  idol  of  the  Idumeans  before  they 
 turned  Jews,  397. 
 
 Laban,  son  of  Bcthuel,  39;  bis  fraud,  50. 
 Labour,  nothing  gotten  without  it,  82. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 827 
 
 Laborosoarcbod,  or  Labo&ordacus,  273,  748. 
 
 Lacedemouiaos  derived  I'l  oin  Abrabain,  as  well 
 as  tbe  Jews,  olO,  332,  333. 
 
 Laincch,  33. 
 
 Laii{;iiage,  abusive,  not  to  be  pDDisbed  wilb 
 death,  341. 
 
 Lans;uages  confounded,  37. 
 
 Laodice,  queen  of  the  Gileadites,  346. 
 
 LoaiJiceans,  tlieir  letter  to  Caius  Rubillus,  in 
 favour  of  the  Jews,  36G. 
 
 Lastbenes,  a  Cretian,  330. 
 
 Laws  given  to  tbe  Israelites  by  Moses  u|ion 
 Mount  Sinai,  84,  113,  114,  'll5,  UC  ;  to 
 be  read  on  tbe  feast  of  tabernaclps,  115; 
 to  be  learned  by  children  before  al!  things, 
 ibid  ;  to  he  written  in  the  wind  and  inomorj', 
 ibid  ;  forbid  tbe  punishment  of  children  for 
 their  parents'  crimes,  249  ;  for  a  rebellious 
 son  to  be  stoned,  430  ;  martial  laws,  771  ; 
 the  tables  of  the  law,  or  ten  coramandnieuts, 
 85  ;  law  of  Moses  translated  into  Greek 
 under  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  29,  32,  298; 
 a  law  made  by  Herod  to  sell  thieves  to 
 foreigners,  409  ;  law  carried  iu  triumph  at 
 Rome,  725. 
 
 Laws  among  the  Persians  left  to  the  interpre- 
 tation of  seven  persons,  288. 
 
 Lentulus'  (Lucius,)  decree  in  favour  of  the 
 Jews,  305. 
 
 Lepidus  killed  by  Caius,  482. 
 
 Lepidus  (Larcius,)  707. 
 
 Leprous  persons,  obtain  places  of  honour 
 among  several  nations,  9G  ;  are  to  live  out 
 of  cities,  by  the  Samaritan  and  Jewish  laws, 
 243  ;  the  lepers  of  Samaria  resolve  in  a 
 famine  to  go  over  to  the  enemy,  ibid. 
 
 Letters  of  the  alphabet,  whether  brought  into 
 Greece  by  Cadmus  and  tbe  Phenicians,  740. 
 
 Letters  of  Solomon, and  Hiram  and  the  Tyrians, 
 208  ;  of  Xerxes  king  of  the  Persians  to 
 Ezra,  283  ;  of  Artaxerxes  to  the  governors 
 near  Judea,  289,  292;  of  Antiochus  the 
 Great  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  305  ;  to 
 Zeuxis,  30G  ;  of  Areus  king  of  the  Lace- 
 demonians to  Onias,  310  ;  of  tbe  Samari- 
 tans to  Antiochus  Theos,  312;  of  Alexan- 
 der Balas  to  Jonathan,  325  ;  of  Onias  to 
 Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  32G ;  of  Ptolemy 
 and  Cleopatra  to  Onias,  327  ;  of  Demetrius 
 IS'icator  to  Jonathan  and  tbe  Jews,  330  ;  of 
 Julius  Caesar  to  the  Roman  magistrates, 
 oG3,  3G4  ;  and  to  the  Sidonians,  ibid  ;  of 
 Mark  Antony  (o  the  Tyrians,  370. 
 
 Levite's  concubine  abused  by  tbe  inhabitants 
 of  Gibeab,  133. 
 
 Levites,  exempted  from  military  functions,  98, 
 
 Levitical  t>ibe  consecrated  by  Moses,  96 ; 
 their  allowance,  105  ;  how  many  cities  be- 
 longed to  them,  ibid. 
 
 Liberius  Maximiis,  governor  of  Jndea,  727. 
 
 Liberty  granted  the  Jews  by  Demetrius,  323. 
 
 Libya,  38. 
 
 Longinus,  a  tribune,  605. 
 
 Longinus,  a  knight,  bis  bravery,  682. 
 
 Loogus,  a  violent  Roman,  kills  himself,  705. 
 
 Lot,  39. 
 
 Lot's  wife,  43« 
 
 Lucilius  Bassus  tukes  Macberus,  726. 
 Lucullus,  350 
 
 Lupus,  governor  of  Alexandria,  514. 
 Lupus,  Julius,  a  conspir;itor,  is  put  to  death, 
 
 496. 
 Lybyos,  38. 
 Lycurgus,  772. 
 Lydda  burnt,  6U3. 
 Lysanias,  son  of  Ptolemy,    is   i>ut   to  death, 
 
 387,  538. 
 Lysias,  commander  of  Antiochus'  army,  314. 
 Lysimachns    obtains   the    government  of   the 
 
 Hellespont  after   the   death  of  Alexander, 
 
 297. 
 
 M. 
 
 Maaca,  son  of  Nabor  by  his  'concubine  Reu- 
 ma,  39. 
 
 Maacali,  Rehoboam's  wife,  224. 
 
 Maaseiah,  governor  of  the  ciiy,  261. 
 
 Maccabees,  their  history,  313. 
 
 Macedonians,  governed  by  a  Roman  procon- 
 sul, 594. 
 
 Macberas,  378,  379,  543,  544. 
 
 Macberus,  surrenders  to  Bassus,  iu  order  to 
 set  Eleazar  at  libLTty  727, 
 
 Machines,  or  engines,  of  the  Romans,  679  ; 
 for  casting  stones,  of  how  great  force,  622. 
 
 Machir,  184. 
 
 Madai,  or  Medes,  38. 
 
 Magician,  388. 
 
 Magog,  38. 
 
 M,dKilaleel,  35. 
 
 Mahlon,  son  of  Elimelecb,  145, 
 
 Malaleel,  or  Mahalaleel,  35. 
 
 Malchishua,  son  of  Saul,  175. 
 
 Malchus,  or  JMalichus,  king  of  the  Arabians, 
 330,  374,  541. 
 
 Malichus  a  Jewish  coram;inder,  357,  53!, 
 536  ;  he  poisons  Antipater,  ?X>U  ;  he  is  a 
 great  dissembler,  ibid  ;  he  is  kill,  d  by  a 
 device  of  Herod,  ibid. 
 
 Malthace,  Archelans'  mother,  dies,  440;  slie 
 was  a  Samaritan,  and  Herod's  wife,  563, 
 
 Mambre,  or  Marare,  41. 
 
 Manahem,  an  Esseno,  405. 
 
 Manahem,  son  of  Judas  the  Galilean,  4,  509. 
 
 Manasseh,  king  of  Judab,  266  ;  be  is  carried 
 into  captivity,  ibid  ;  he  is  sent  back  to  his 
 kingdom,  and  dies,  ibid. 
 
 Manasseh,  brother  of  Jaddus,  marries  the 
 daughter  of  Sanballat,  294  ;  he  is  made 
 high  priest  among  the  Samaritans,  306. 
 
 Manlins  (Lucius,)  son  of  Lucius,  339. 
 
 Manna  rained  from  heaven,  80  ;  the  significa- 
 tion of  the  word,  ibid  ;  a  sort  of  manna  fell 
 in  Arabia  in  tbe  days  of  Josephus,  ibid. 
 
 Manneus,  son  of  Lazarus,  695. 
 
 Manoah.  142.  ' 
 
 Manslaughter,  suspected,  how  purged  among 
 the  Jews,  116. 
 
 Marcellus,  462. 
 
 Marcus,  or  Murcus,  president  of  Syria,  after 
 Sextus  Caesar,  368,  535, 
 
 Marcus,  president  of  Syria,  succeeds  Petio- 
 nius,  499,  500,  501,  ' 
 
823 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mariarane,  Agrippa  senior's  dauRbler  l>y 
 Cjpros,  405  ;  luaiTied  to  Archelaus,  511  ; 
 divorced,  ibid  ;  afterwards  married  to  De- 
 metrius, ibid  ; 
 
 Alariamne,  daughter  of  Alexander  the  sou  of 
 Aristobulus,  is  married  to  Herod,  537  ;  she 
 grows  angry  with  Herod,  399,  553  ;  her 
 leinper,  39C  ;  she  is  put  to  death,  ibid  ; 
 her  enlogium,  ibid  ;  her  sons  strangled.  5(32. 
 
 INlariainne,  daughter  of  Josephus  and  Olym- 
 pias,  465. 
 
 Mariamne,  daughter  of  Siinou  the  high-priest, 
 503. 
 
 ]\iarion,  tjrant  of  the  Tyrians,  379. 
 
 Marriage  of  freemen  with  slaves  unlawful 
 among  the  Jews,  118. 
 
 Marriage  contracts,  altered  bj  Herod  at  An- 
 lipater's  desire,  443. 
 
 Marsus,  president  of  Syria,  499,  §00,  501. 
 
 iMarsyas,  freedraan  of  Agrippa,  466,  469,  471. 
 
 MaruUus,  master  of  the  horse,  471. 
 
 Wary,  a  noble  woman,  eats  her  own  child,  700. 
 
 Matgenns,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  747. 
 
 Mattathias,  great  grandson  of  Asmonens,  the 
 father  of  the  Maccabees,  313  ;  refuses  to 
 offer  sacrifice  to  an  idol,  ibid  ;  persuades 
 the  Jews  to  fight  on  the  Sabbath-day,  ibid  ; 
 exhorts  his  sons  to  defend  the  law,  ibid  ; 
 he  dies,  314. 
 
 Mattathias,  sou  of  Absalom,  382. 
 
 Mathes,  son  of  Mattathias,  313. 
 
 Matthias,  made  high-priest,  499. 
 
 Matthias  Curtus  and  Matthias  Ephitas,  two 
 of  Josephus'  cncestors,  4. 
 
 Matthias,  son  of  Margalothus,  or  Margalus, 
 442,  570  ;  he  and  his  partners  are  burnt 
 alive,  443. 
 
 Matthias,  son  of  Theophilus,  mnde  high-priest, 
 442,  516  ;  he  is  deprived,  443. 
 
 Mallbias,  Josephus'  father,  4. 
 
 Matthias,  son  of  Boethius,  calls  in  Simon  to 
 Lis  assistance,  and  is  afterwards  put  to  death 
 by  him,  693. 
 
 ?>1axiinus  (Liberius,)  governor  of  Judea,  728. 
 
 Maximus  (Trebellius,)  491. 
 
 Meal,  the  purest  used  in  the  Jewish  obla- 
 tions, 94. 
 
 Megafisarus,  690. 
 
 Meirus,  son  of  Belgas,  709. 
 
 ]Melas,  an  ambassador  of  Archelaus,  427. 
 
 Melchisedec  entertains  Abram,  41. 
 
 Memucan,  one  of  the  seven  princes  of  Per- 
 sia, 288. 
 
 Menaliem,  general  of  Shallam's  army,  kills 
 him,  and  takes  his  kingdom,  232. 
 
 Menedemus,  the  philosopher,  303. 
 
 Menelaus,  or  Onias,  311. 
 
 Menes,  or  Mineus,  built  Memphis,  217. 
 
 Men's  lives  had  been  happy,  if  Adam  had  not 
 sinned,  32. 
 
 Mephibosheth,  son  of  Jonathan,  is  highly 
 favoured  by  David,  184,  196. 
 
 Mephrarauthosis,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Mephres,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Aieraliuius,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  750. 
 
 Meriiioth,  son  of  Joalham,  205. 
 
 Wtsha,  king  of  Moab,  239. 
 
 Meshecb,  or  Mosoch,  38. 
 
 Meshech,  one  of  the  three  holy  chiidreii,  2G!). 
 
 Mesraim,  or  Mestraim,  38. 
 
 Mesraites,  or  iMestreaos,  Egyptians,  38. 
 
 Messa,  or  Mash,  39. 
 
 Messala,  375. 
 
 Messalina,  wife  of  Claudius,  511,  587. 
 
 Methusela,  35. 
 
 Metilius,  a  Roman  commander,  599. 
 
 Micah  the  prophet,  quoted  in  Jeremiah,  263. 
 
 Micaiah,  the  prophet,  234 ;  he  is  put  in  pri- 
 son, ibid. 
 
 Mice,  spoil  tlie  country  of  Ashdod,  148;  five 
 golden  mice,  sent  as  a  sacrifice,  with  the 
 ark,  by  the  Piiilistines,  ibid. 
 
 Micha,  son  of  Mephibosheth,  1S5. 
 
 Michal,  Saul's  daughter,  married  to  David, 
 163  ;  she  saves  David's  life,  lf)4. 
 
 Midianites,  bring  Israel  into  subjection,  138  ; 
 Moses  makes  war  upon  them  and  beats 
 them,  112;  ilieir  women  seduce  the  Israel- 
 ites, 110. 
 
 Milcah,  wife  of  Nahor,  39. 
 
 Milk,  with  the  firstlings  of  the  flock,  offered 
 by  Abel,  33. 
 
 Minucianns  (Annins,)  482,  484. 
 
 Minucianus  (Marcus,)  495. 
 
 Miracles,  a  foundation  of  credibility,  259. 
 
 Miriam,  Moses'  sister,  dies,  106. 
 
 Misael,  one  of  the  three  holy  children,  269. 
 
 Mitgones,  judge  of  the  Tyrians,  750. 
 
 Mitbridates,  the  treasurer,  277. 
 
 Mithridates,  king  of  Pergamns,  359  ;  brings 
 succours  to  Caesar  in  Egypt,  ibid,  633. 
 
 Mithridates  Sinax,  king  of  Parthia,  347. 
 
 Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  dies,  354. 
 
 Mithridates,  a  Parthian,  marries  king  Arta- 
 banus'  daughter,  479  ;  he  is  taken  prisoner 
 by  Ar.ileus,  ibid  ;  and  set  at  liberty,  ibid  ; 
 Lis  expedition  against  the  Jews,  480  ;  he 
 routs  Anileus,  ibid. 
 
 Mndius  ^quiculus,  6,  9,  13. 
 
 Monnbazus,  king  of  Adiabene,  504,  603  ;  bis 
 death,  504. 
 
 Moon,  eclipsed,  443. 
 
 Moses,  his  character,  39  ;  his  birth  foretold, 
 
 68  ;  how  born  and  saved  alive,  ibid  ;  why 
 called  Mouses,  or  Closes,  69,  756  ;  adopted 
 by  Therrauthis,  69  ;  brought  up  to  succeed 
 her  father,  ibid ;  tramples  the  crown  under 
 Lis  feet,  ibid  ;  he  is  made  general  of  the 
 Egyptian  army,  and  beats  the   Ethiopians, 
 
 69  ;  he  marries  Tharbis,  the  king  of  Ethio- 
 pia's daughter,  71  ;  he  flies  out  of  Egypt, 
 ibid;  he  assists  Raguel's  daughters  against 
 the  shepherds,  ibid  ;  sees  the  burning  bnsh 
 at  Sinai,  ibid  ;  is  appointed  to  be  the  de- 
 liverer of  the  Israelites,  72 ;  he  does  mira- 
 cles, and  hears  the  most  sacred  name  of 
 God,  ibid ;  he  returns  to  Egypt,  ibid ;  he 
 works  miracles  before  Pharaoh,  73;  he 
 leads  the  Israelites  out  of  Egypt,  75  ;  how 
 many  was  their  numbers,  ibid;  bow  old  be 
 was  at  that  time,  ibid ;  his  prayer  to  God, 
 76  ;  he  leads  the  Israefites  through  the  Red 
 Sea,  77 ;  he  makes  the  bitter  waters  sweet, 
 79 ;  he  procures  the  Israelites  quails  aud 
 
INDEX. 
 
 82S 
 
 innniin,  80,  99;  lie  brings  water  nut  of  t!ie 
 rock,  81  ;  lie  beats  the  Amalekites,  82;  he 
 brings  to  the  people  the  tables  of  the  cove- 
 nant, 85  ;  be  stays  forty  days  upon  Mouut  Si- 
 nai, ibid  ;  his  so  long  stay  causes  p:reat  doubts 
 and  uneasiness  among  the  people,  ibid  :  be 
 confers  the  priesthood  on  Aaron,  91  ;  ofters 
 sacrifices  at  the  tabernacle, 92, 93  ;  receives 
 laws  and  commands  at  the  tabernacle,  ibid ; 
 consecrates  to  God  the  tribe  of  Levi,  9fi  ; 
 numbers  the  people.  CS ;  gives  orders  for 
 tbeir  marching,  ibid,  &c. ;  sends  spies  to 
 search  the  land  of  Canaan,  99  ;  quel!s  the 
 faction  of  Corah,  102;  his  justice,  103; 
 Ills  prayer  to  God,  ibid;  he  cleanses  the 
 people,  100  ;  he  destroys  Sihon  and  Oj;, 
 107;  he  defeats  the  kings  of  Midian,  112  ; 
 be  appoints  Joshua  to  be  his  successor, 
 ibid  i  his  predictions  belore  bis  death,  113; 
 his  soiij;  in  hexameter  verse,  122;  a  reca- 
 pitulation nf  his  laws,  ibid  ;  he  binds  tlie 
 Israelites  by  an  oath  to  observe  them,  123  ; 
 be  blesses  Joshua,  and  exhorts  liiin  to  lead 
 the  Israelites  courageously  into  the  land  of 
 Canaan,  ibid  ;  he  is  surrounded  with  a  clond', 
 and  disappears,  121  ;  his  death  greatly  la- 
 mented by  the  people  for  thirty  days,  ibid  ; 
 he  is  scandalized  as  alDicted  with  the  le- 
 prosy, 90;  bis  great  authority,  100;  his 
 books  laid  up  in  the  temple,  201  ;  what  they 
 contain,  743  ;  called  by  Blanetho  Osarsiph, 
 a  priest  of  Osiris  of  Heliopolis,  753  ;  allow- 
 ed by  the  Egyptians  to  be  a  divine  man, 
 750  ;  the  ages  in  which  he  lived,  767  ;  his 
 virtue  and  great  actions,  ibid  ;  his  posterity 
 honoured  by  David,  203. 
 
 Mosocb,  or  Mesech,  38. 
 
 Muciaiius,  president  of  Syria,  304,  637,  G59, 
 604,  605. 
 
 Mule,  the  king's  mule,  202. 
 
 Mundus,  (Decius,)  ravishes  Paulina,  the  wife 
 of  Satuininus,  460. 
 
 Murcus.     See  Marcus. 
 
 Musical  instruments  of  the  Jews,  the  Cynara- 
 Nabla,  and  Cymbalum,  described,  198. 
 
 Mysian  war,  723. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naamali,  an  Ammonitess,  the  mother  of  Re- 
 hoboam,  221. 
 
 Naamah,  daughter  of  Lamech,  33. 
 
 Naash,  or  Nahash,  king  of  the  Ammonites, 
 185  ;  his  war  against  the  Israelites,  154. 
 
 Nabal,  a  foolish  man,  170. 
 
 Naboandelus,  or  Nabonadius,  or  Baltasar, 
 king  of  Babylon,  273,748. 
 
 Ts'abolassar,  or  Nabopollassar,  king  of  Baby- 
 lon, 747. 
 
 Mahotb.231. 
 
 ■Nahucbodonosor,  or  Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of 
 Babylon,  747  ;  be  conquers  a  great  part  of 
 Syria,  203 ;  he  lays  a  tax  upon  the  Jews, 
 ibid;  be  takes  and  sacks  Jerusalem,  264, 
 260;  his  famous  dream  or  vision,  270  ;  his 
 golden  image,  271;  be  lives  among  the 
 beasts  of  the  field,  ibid  ;  he  dies,  272. 
 
 Nabozardan,  or  Nebnzurdan,  pUiiidfiS  and 
 burns  the  temple,  260,  267  ;  his  other  me- 
 morable actions,  208. 
 
 Nacebus,  captain  of  the  Arabians,  425, 
 428. 
 
 Nachor,  or  Nahor,  39. 
 
 Nadab,  son  of  Aaron,  91,  92. 
 
 Nadab,  king  of  Israel  after  Jeroboam,  220. 
 
 Nahash,     See  Naash. 
 
 Nahum  the  prophet,  253;  bis  prophecy  con- 
 cerning Nineveh,  ibid. 
 
 Naomi,  Elimelecb's  wife,  145. 
 
 Nathan,  David's  son,  181. 
 
 Nathan,  the  prophet,  183,  187,201. 
 
 Nations  dispersed,  37  ;  called  by  new  names 
 by  the  Greeks,  38. 
 
 Nazarites,  106,  498. 
 
 Neco,  or  Neclio,  kingofEgvpt,  26".;  he  is 
 conquered  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  ibid. 
 
 Nehemiah,  286;  bis  love  to  his  country,  ibid  ; 
 he  exhorts  the  people  to  rebuild  tlie  walls 
 of  Jerusalem,  ibid ;  his  death,  and  eulo- 
 gium,  287. 
 
 Nehushta,  mother  of  Jehoiachin,  263. 
 
 Neopolitanus,  10,  593. 
 
 Nephan,  or  Elhanam,  198. 
 
 Nergal-sbarezer,  260. 
 
 Neriah,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Neriglissor,  king  of  Babylon,  748. 
 
 Nero,  made  emperor,  511,  587  ;  a  most 
 cruel  tyrant,  512 ;  his  violent  death, 
 659. 
 
 Netir,  a  Galilean,  622. 
 
 Nicanor,  302,  312,  627  ;  sent  by  Demetrius 
 against  Judas,  321  ;  defeated  and  killed, 
 ibid. 
 
 Nicanor,  a  friend  of  Titus,  wonnded  with  an 
 arrow,  672. 
 
 Nicaso,  married  to  Manasseh,  294. 
 
 Nicaule,  or  Nitocris,  queen  of  Egypt,  217 
 
 Niceteria,  or  festival  for  the  victory  over  Ni- 
 canor, 321. 
 
 Nico,  (or  the  conqueror,)  the  name  of  the 
 principal  Konian  battering-ram,  681. 
 
 Nicnlaus  of  Damascus,  the  Jews'  advocate, 
 305,  410  ;  he  is  sent  to  Herod  by  Augus- 
 tus, 420 ;  his  speech  before  Augustus  in 
 favour  of  Archalaus,  448,  453,  574  ;  he  ex- 
 aggerates Antipater's  crimes,  439,  569;  his 
 brother  Ptolemy,  573. 
 
 Niger  of  Perea,  603, 606,612,  654  ;  his  won- 
 derful escape,  613. 
 
 Niglissar,  272. 
 
 Nimrod,  or  Nebrodes,  37. 
 
 Nisroch,  or    Araske,   a  temple  at   Nineveh, 
 
 258. 
 Noe,  or  Noah,  34  ;  he  is  saved  in  the  ark,  35  ; 
 invocates  God  after  the  deluge,  36  ;  God 
 answers  his  prayer,  ibid  ;  laws  given  to  him, 
 ibid  ;  be  is  overtaken  with  wine,  37  ;  his 
 genealogy,  34  ;  his  death,  36. 
 Nomus  of  Heliopolis,  one  hundred  and  eighty 
 
 furlongs  from  Memphis,  737. 
 Norbaus   Flaccns'  (Caius)  letter  to  the  Sar- 
 dinians in  behalf  of  the  Jews,  419. 
 Norbanus  (another  person)  slain.  488. 
 Numenius,  son  of  Antiochus,  333. 
 
830 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oath  prevails  willi  Saul  above  natural  affec- 
 tion, 157. 
 
 Obadiah,  a  protector  of  the  true  prophets,  230. 
 
 Obed,  the  father  of  Jesse,  14tj. 
 
 Obed  the  prophet,  254. 
 
 Obedience  to  be  learned  before  men  undertake 
 government,  113. 
 
 Obedas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  347. 
 
 Octavia,  daughter  of  Claudius,  587. 
 
 Odeas,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Og,  king  of  Baslian,  107  ;  his  iron  bed,  ibid. 
 
 Oil  used  in  the  Jewish  oblations,  90  ;  oil  con- 
 sumed by  the  seditious,  C95  ;  oil  prepared 
 by  foreigners  not  used  by  the  Jews,  304, 
 COS. 
 
 Olyinpias,  Herod's  daughter  by  Malthace,  a 
 Sainiiritan,  433  ;  she  is  married  to  Joseph, 
 the  son  of  Herod's  brother,  503. 
 
 Olyuipius,  Jupiter's  image,  481. 
 
 Olympus  sent  to  Rome,  428,  429,  501. 
 
 Omri,  king  of  Israel,  228. 
 
 On,  the  sonof  Pelelh,  102, 
 
 Onias,  son  of  Jaddus,  succeeds  in  the  high 
 priesthood,  297. 
 
 Onias,  the  son  of  Simon,  made  high  priest, 
 300  ;  causes  great  troubles,  310. 
 
 Onias,  brother  of  Jesus,  or  Jason,  made  high 
 priest,  306. 
 
 Onias  and  Dositheus,  two  Jewish  captains, 
 saved  Egypt  from  ruin,  701. 
 
 Onias,  son  of  Onias,  flies  into  Egypt,  and 
 there  desires  to  build  a  Jewish  temple,  320, 
 525,  737  ;  his  letter  to  Ptolemy  and  Cleo- 
 patra, 320  ;  their  answer,  327  ;  he  builds 
 the  temple  Onion,  ibid  ;  that  temple  is  shut 
 up,  738. 
 
 Oaias,  a  just  man,  procures  rain  in  a  famine 
 by  his  prayers,  352  ;  he  is  stoned  to  death, 
 353. 
 
 Ophellins,  372,  539. 
 
 Ophir.  39. 
 
 Opobalsaraura,  218,  354. 
 
 Oracles  of  the  prophets,  concerning  the  de- 
 struction of  Jerusalem,  054,004,  700  ;  con- 
 cerning a  great  prince  to  arise  in  Judea 
 711. 
 
 Oreb,  a  king  of  Midian,  139. 
 
 Orodes,  459. 
 
 Oronna,  or  Araunah,  the  Jebnsite,  181  ;  his 
 threshing  floor,  200  ;  where  Isaac  was  to 
 be  offered,  and  the  temple  was  afterwards 
 built,  ibid. 
 
 Orpab,  145. 
 
 Orus,  king  of  Egypt,  747. 
 
 Osarsiph,  (for  Moses,)  a  priest  at  Heliopolis, 
 755,  757. 
 
 Otho  made  emperor,  509  ;  he  kills  himself, 
 001. 
 
 Oxen,  brazen,  the  Jews  forbidden  lo  make 
 them,  219. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pacorus,  king  of  Media,  547  ;    redeems  his 
 wife  and  concubines  from  the  Alans,  730. 
 
 Pacorus,  the  king  of  Parthia's  son,  gets 
 possession  of  Syria,  372  ;  lays  a  plot 
 to  catch  Hyrcaiius  and  Phasaeltis,  ibid  ; 
 marches  against  Jews,  538;  is  admitted 
 into  Jerusalem,  ibid;  is  slain  in  battle, 
 378. 
 
 Pageants,  orPegmata,  at  Titus'  triumph,  724, 
 725. 
 
 Palace  at  Rome,  500. 
 
 Pallas,  Herod's  wife,  433,  563. 
 
 Pallas,  Felix's  brother,  514,  587. 
 
 Palm-trees  at  Jericho,  very  famous,  237 
 354. 
 
 Pannychis,  the  concubine  of  Archelaus, 
 559. 
 
 Papinius,  a  tribime,  483. 
 
 Pappus  is  sent  into  Samaria  by  Antigonus, 
 379,  545. 
 
 Paradise  described,  31 ;  a  pensile  paradise,  or 
 garden,  at  Babylon,  748. 
 
 Parents'  good  deeds  are  advantageous  lo  their 
 children,  220  ;  how  to  be  honoured  by  the 
 law  of  Moses,  771. 
 
 Parthians  possess  themselves  of  Syria,  and 
 endeavour  to  settle  Antigonus  in  Judea, 
 538  ;  their  expedition  into  Judea,  372  ;  they 
 besiege  Jerusalem,  ibid;  they  take  the  city 
 and  temple,  ibid  ;  their  periidiousness,  ibid, 
 373,  539. 
 
 Passover,  a  Jewish  festival,  75,  95,  352; 
 the  manner  of  its  celebration,  717;  called 
 the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  353,  440, 
 672  ;  to  be  kept  on  (he  fourteenth  day  of 
 Nisan,  283,  672  ;  very  numerous  sacrifices 
 then  offered,  and  vast  numbers  come  up  to 
 it,  446,  572  ;  from  the  ninth  hour  to  the 
 eleventh,  and  not  less  than  ten  to  one  pas- 
 chal lamb,  717  ;  the  number  of  paschal 
 lambs  in  the  days  of  Cestius  was  found  to 
 be  256,500,  ibid. 
 
 Paulina  ravished  by  Mundus,  460. 
 
 Paulinus,  a  tribune,  627. 
 
 Paulinus  succeeds  Lupus  as  governor  of 
 Alexandria,  738  ;  he  plunders  and  shuts  up 
 the  temple  Onion,  ibid. 
 
 Pausanias,  son  of  Cerastes,  murders  Philip 
 king  of  Macedon,  294. 
 
 Peace  and  good  laws  the  greatest  blessings, 
 201. 
 
 Peace,  as  a  goddess,  has  a  temple  at  Rome, 
 726. 
 
 Pedanius,  561,  703. 
 
 Pekah  slays  Pekahiah,  and  succeeds  him, 
 252  ;  he  defeats  the  king  of  Judah,  253  ;  he 
 is  slain  by  Hoshea,  251. 
 
 Pekahiah,  king  of  Israel,  252. 
 
 Peleg,  39. 
 
 Peninnah,  146. 
 
 Pentecost,  a  Jewish  festival,  95,  445  ;  whence 
 it  had  that  name,  574 ;  vast  numbers  came 
 to  it,  ibid ;  the  priests  then  attended  the 
 temple  iu  the  night,  709  ;  the  Jews  did  not 
 then  take  journeys,  338. 
 
 Perea,  entirely  subdued  by  the  Romans,  655, 
 656. 
 
 Pergamen's  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 366. 
 
NDEX. 
 
 831 
 
 Perjury  supposed  by  ^loiue  not  dangerous,  if 
 done  by  necessity,  135  ;  dreaded  bj'  Joshua 
 and  the  elders,  128;  dreaded  also  by  the 
 people,  135. 
 
 Persians,  their  seven  principal  families,  278  ; 
 tlieir  king  is  watched  during  his  sleep,  275 ; 
 their  law  forbade  strangers  to  see  their  kings' 
 wives,  287  ;  seven  men  were  the  interpre- 
 ters of  their  laws,  ibid  ;  their  royal  robes, 
 299. 
 
 Pestilence.     See  Plague. 
 
 Pestilius  Cerealis,  the  proconsul,  reduces  the 
 Germans,  723. 
 
 Petina,  the  wife  of  Claudius,  511,  587. 
 
 Petronius,  governor  of  Egypt,  401  ;  he  sup- 
 plies Herod  with  corn  in  time  of  famine,  ibid. 
 
 Petronius,  ( Pnblius,)  is  made  president  of 
 Syria,  472  ;  is  sent  with  an  army  to  Jeru- 
 salem by  Caius,  to  set  up  his  statue  in  the 
 temple,  ibid,  583;  his  endeavours  to  prevent 
 it,  and  to  save  the  Jews,  with  his  and  their 
 wonderful  deliverance,  ibid;  his  edict 
 against  the  Dorites,  499. 
 
 Fetus  (Csesennius,)  president  of  Syria,  729 ; 
 his  expedition  into  Comraagena,  ibid. 
 
 Phabatus,  Herod's  steward,  364. 
 
 Phalion,  Antipater's  brother,  353. 
 
 Phalna,  David's  son,  181. 
 
 Phalti,  son  of  L^isli,  171,  178. 
 
 Phantiins,  sou  of  Samuel,  made  high  priest, 
 643. 
 
 Pharaoh,  denoted  king  in  the  Egyptian 
 tongue,  216. 
 
 Pharisees,  a  sect  among  the  Jews,  341,  495, 
 527  ;  they  envy  Hyrcanus,  341 ;  were  op- 
 posite to  the  Sadducees  in  their  principles, 
 ibid  ;  tlieir  great  authority,  434  ;  especially 
 in  the  reign  of  queen  Alexandra,  349,  527  ; 
 which  lasted  nine  years,  528  ;  they  refuse 
 the  oaths  of  allegiance  to  Cassar  and  Herod, 
 434 ;  they  are  hned  for  it,  ibid  ;  their  un- 
 written traditions,  333,  341  ;  their  modera- 
 tion in  inflicting  punishments,  the  common 
 people  side  with  thera,  ibid  ;  they  are  most 
 skilful  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law,  14. 
 
 Pharnaces,  son  of  Mithridates,  354. 
 
 Phasaelus,  son  of  Antipater,  354,  423,  533  ; 
 his  death,  374,  382,  546. 
 
 Phasaelus,  son  of  Herod,  433. 
 
 Phedra,  Herod's  wife,  ibid. 
 
 Pheldas,  39. 
 
 Pheles,  king  of  the  Tyrians,  746,  747. 
 
 PhiToras,  Antipater's  son  by  Cypres,  359, 
 ^52  ;  hates  Salome's  children,  420,  557  ; 
 makes  Alexander  jealous  of  his  wife  Gla- 
 phyra,  with  Herod  his  father,  421  ;  pro- 
 vokes Herod  to  anger,  420,  424  ;  lays  the 
 blame  upon  Salome,  421  ;  enters  into  friend- 
 ship with  Antipater.  434 ;  is  hated  by 
 Herod,  435 ;  is  ordered  to  retire  to  his 
 tetrarchy,  436. 
 
 Pheroras'  wife  pays  the  fine  laid  upon  the 
 Pharisees,  434  ;  she  associates  with  the 
 other  court  ladies,  ibid,  563  ;  Pheroras' 
 freednien  charge  her  with  getting  poison, 
 436  ;  she  throws  herself  down  stairs,  437, 
 565 ;  her  confession,  437. 
 
 Phideas,  the  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Pbiladelphus  (Ptolemy,)  his  skill  and  indus- 
 try about  mechanic  arts,  301  ;  he  proposes 
 problems  to  the  seventy-two  interpreters, 
 302;  he  procures  the  seventy-two  inter- 
 preters to  translate  the  law,  301,  302, 
 303. 
 
 Philip,  Herod's  son  by  Cleopatra,  433,  434, 
 437,567  663  ;  brother  of  Archelaus,  577  ; 
 what  Herod  left  him  by  his  will,  444  ;  what 
 Ca?sar  gave  him,  453  ;  tetrarch  of  Gaula- 
 nitis,  and  Trachonitis,  and  Paneas,  444, 
 446  ;  he  dies,  463  ;  his  eulogium,  ibid. 
 
 Philip,  a  Galilean,  622. 
 
 Philip,  son  of  Jacim-us,  434,  G,  13,  598, 
 606. 
 
 Philip,  made  regent  of  Syria  during  the  mino- 
 rity of  Eupator,  318. 
 
 Philip,  king  of  Syria,  327,  347. 
 
 Philip,  king  of  JNIacedon,  is  slain,  294. 
 
 Philippion,  son  of  Ptolemy,  marries  Alexandra, 
 the  daughter  of  Aristobulns,  359  ;  he  is 
 killed  by  his  father,  ibid,  533. 
 
 Philistines,  their  chief  towns,  Gaza,  Accaron, 
 or  Ekron,  Askelon,  Gath,  and  Azotus,  or 
 Ashdod,  148,  172, 
 
 Philo,  chief  deputy  of  the  Jews  to  Caius, 
 473. 
 
 Philosophy  of  the  Jews  contained  in  the  books 
 of  their  law,  760. 
 
 Philostephanus,  344. 
 
 Phineas,  son  of  Clusothus,  647. 
 
 Phineas,  son  of  Eleazar,  slays  Zimri  and  Cosbi, 
 HI;  leads  the  Israelites  against  the  Midia- 
 nites,  112  ;  his  speech  to  the  Jews  beyond 
 Jordan,  131 ;  he  is  made  high-priest,  132  ; 
 the  high  priesthood  returns  to  his  family, 
 205. 
 
 Phineas,  son  of  Eli,  146  ;  he  officiates  as  high 
 priest,  147  ;  he  is  slain,  ibid. 
 
 Phrates,  king  of  the  Parthians,  383  ;  his  death, 
 459. 
 
 Phraataces,  the  son  of  Phrates,  ibid. 
 
 Phul,  or  Pul,  king  of  Assyria,  253. 
 
 Phurim,  or  Purini,  a  Jewish  festival,  293. 
 
 Phut,  the  founder  of  Libya,  38. 
 
 Pilate  (Pontius,)  the  procurator  of  Judea, 
 occasions  tumults  among  the  Jews,  460  ; 
 causes  a  great  slaughter  of  them,  ibid,  583  ; 
 and  of  the  Samaritans,  4(J2  ;  he  is  accused 
 for  it,  and  sent  to  Rome,  ibid. 
 
 Pildash,  39. 
 
 Pillars,  erected  by  the  children  of  Seth,  in 
 the  land  of  Siriad,  34  ;  pillars  of  the  Corin- 
 thian order  in  Solomon's  palace,  215;  iu 
 Herod's  tem;*le,  676. 
 
 Piso,  governor  of  Rome,  467. 
 
 Pitholaus,  357,  359,  531,  532. 
 
 Placidus"  skirmishes  with  Josephus,  15,  74  ; 
 his  other  actions,  617,  619,  626,  636,  655, 
 656. 
 
 Plague,  or  pestilence,  rages  among  the  Is- 
 raelites, 199  ;  it  ceases  upon  David's  re- 
 pentance, 200 ;  another  pestilence  iu  Judea, 
 717. 
 
 Plato,  771  ;  he  excludes  the  poets  from  bis 
 commonwealth,  774, 
 
832 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Polerao,  king  of  Cilicia,  511. 
 Polemo,  king  of  Ponlus,  501. 
 Polity  of  the  Jews  after  the  captivity,  283. 
 pollio,  a  Pharisee,  382. 
 Pollio,  a  Roman,  403. 
 Porapedias,  483. 
 
 Poinpey  tlie  Great,  goes  tbrongh  Syria  to 
 Damascus,  353,  529;  and  to  Jerasalera, 
 355,  530 ;  the  city  delivered  up  to  him, 
 355  ;  be  takes  the  temple  by  force,  and 
 kills  abundance  of  the  Jews,  ibid,  35G,  530  ; 
 the  Jews  send  him  a  golden  vine,  353  ;  he 
 goes  into  the  holy  of  holies;  356,  530,  med- 
 dles with  nothing  in  the  temple,  ibid  ;  he 
 hears  the  cause  between  Hyrcanus  and 
 Aristobulus,  353,  354  •,  determines  it  in 
 favour  of  Hyrcanus,  and  makes  war  upon 
 Aristobulus,  ibid;  he  flies  into  Epirus, 
 360. 
 Pontius  Pilate.  See  Pilate. 
 Poplas,  573. 
 Popea,  Nero's  wife,  4,  514,  518  ;  a  religious 
 
 lady,  and  favourer  of  the  Jews,  514. 
 Porcius  Festus.     See  Feslus. 
 Present  things,  queen  Alexandra's  care,  more 
 
 than  future,  315. 
 Presents  sent  to  Joseph  in  Egypt,  261. 
 Priests,  if  maimed,  are  excluded  from  the 
 altar  and  temple,  97,  756  ;  are  not  to  mar- 
 ry several  sorts  of  women,  97,  742  ;  washed 
 their  hands  and  feet  before  they  went  to 
 minister,  87  ;  succeed  one  another  accord- 
 ing to  their  courses,  764  ;  their  allowances, 
 94,  105  ;  their  courses,  in  number  twenty- 
 four,  202,  703  ;  are  very  numerous,  ibid  ; 
 two  families  from  Aaron's  two  sons,  148  ; 
 their  offices  and  employments,  769,770; 
 their  sacred  garments,  88,  667  ;  priests  and 
 Levites  exempted  from  taxes  by  Xerxes, 
 283  ;  have  places  of  the  greatest  trust  com- 
 mitted to  them,  768  ;  none  bat  priests  of 
 the  posterity  of  Aaron  might  barn  incense 
 at  the  temple,  252  ;  not  to  drink  wine  in  their 
 sacred  garments,  97  ;  priesthood  a  mark  of 
 nobility  among  the  Jews,  4. 
 Priests  among  the  Egyptians,  only  kept  their 
 
 lands  in  the  days  of  Joseph,  66. 
 Priesthood,  high,  translated  from  one  family 
 to  another,  148  ;  of  Onias,  at  Heliopolis, 
 319,  341,  516  ;  vacant  at  Jerusalem  for 
 four  years,  325  ;  during  life,  excepting 
 under  Anliochus  Epiphanes,  Aristobulus 
 and  Herod,  384  ;  taken  from  Jesus,  and 
 given  to  Simon  by  Herod,  402  ;  settled 
 upon  the  family  of  Aaron  originally,  516. 
 Priest,  high,  not  to  be  the  son  of  a  captive 
 woman,  341;  high  priests  went  into  the 
 temple  to  ofllciate  on  Sabbath-days,  new 
 moons,  and  festivals,  678 ;  were  to  marry 
 a  virgin,  and  not  to  touch  a  dead  body,  97  ; 
 the  high  priests  desired  by  Saul  to  prophesy 
 for  him,  157  ;  high  priests,  with  the  pro- 
 phets and  Sanhedrim,  were  to  determine 
 diflicult  causes,  IIG  ;  several  high  priests 
 at  the  same  time  in  later  ages,  643,  693, 
 C97;  to  succeed  by  birth,  769;  elected  by  lot 
 among    the    seditious,   643  ;    they    abolish 
 
 the  regular  succession  ibid;  Herod,  king 
 of  Chalcis,  made  the  high  priests  till  his 
 death,  503  ;  a  series  of  the  hijrh  priests 
 from  Aaron  to  the  destruction  of  the  temple 
 by  Titus,  517 ;  another  series,  from  the 
 building  of  the  temple  to  the  captivity,  287  ; 
 high  priest's  robes  kept  by  the  Romans, 
 503  ;  where  they  were  laid  up,  407,  462, 
 503  ;  high  priest's  ornaments  described, 
 89,  678. 
 Primogeniture,  its  privileges  sold  by  Esau,  54. 
 Primus  (Antonius,)  659;  be  marches  against 
 
 Viteliius,  665. 
 Priscus  (Tyranius,)  604. 
 Priscus  shoots  Jonathan   dead  with    a  dart, 
 
 704. 
 Privileges  granted  the  Jews    by    Alexander 
 
 the  Great  and  Julius  Caesar,  760. 
 Problems,   or    riddles,   proposed  by   Samson 
 
 at  his  wedding,  143. 
 Procnlus,  (Viteliius,)  498. 
 Prophecies  concerning  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
 salem, 653,711. 
 Prophecies   of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel   recon- 
 ciled, 262. 
 Prophecies  could  not  agree   to  the  events  of 
 
 the  world  were  governed  by  chance,  269. 
 Prophecy  of  Isaiah  accomplished,  326. 
 Prophets,   excepting   Daniel,  chiefly   foretold 
 calamities,  272  ;  how  greatly  to  be  esteem- 
 ed, 236. 
 Prophets  (false  ones,)  suborned  by  the  Jew- 
 ish tyrants,  710. 
 Prosenchse,  or  bouses  of  prayer,  among  the 
 
 Jews,  19. 
 Prostitution    of  the    body,    a    most    heinous 
 
 crime,  115. 
 Providence  asserted  against  the   Epicureans, 
 
 276. 
 Prudence  requires  us  to  prevent  the  growing 
 
 power  of  an  enemy,  81. 
 Psaltery    a    musical    instrument    among    the 
 
 Jews,  described,  199, 
 Pseudo,  (or  false,)  Alexander,  454,  578. 
 Ptolemy,  the  administrator  of  Herod's  king- 
 dom, 10,  423,  427,  420. 
 Ptolemy,  the   brother  of  Cleopatra,  poisoned 
 
 by  her,  387. 
 Ptolemy,  the  brother  of  Nicolans  of  Daiims- 
 
 cus,  446. 
 Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  305  ;  he  dies,  310. 
 Ptolemy,  Euergetes,  or  Enpator,  306,  762. 
 Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Jamblicus,  359,  533. 
 Ptolemy  Lathyrus,   340,  525  ;    he  is   driven 
 out  of  his  kingdom,  343;  he  makes  an  al- 
 liance with  Alexander,  and  breaks  il,  344  ; 
 his    bold   soldiers   called    Hecatontomachi, 
 ibid  ;  defeats  Alexander's   array,  ibid  ;  his 
 barbarous  cruelty,  345. 
 Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus,  called  Soter,  obtains 
 Egypt,  after  the   death   of  Alexander   the 
 Great,  343  ;   takes  Jerusalem,  and   carries 
 many  Jews  into  Egypt,  ibid. 
 Ptolemy    Philadelphus,   the    second   king   of 
 Egypt  of  that  race,  5,  298,  760;  be  pro- 
 cures a  translation  of  the  law  of  Moses,  by 
 the   advice    of  Demetrius  Phalerus,  298  ; 
 
INDEX. 
 
 833 
 
 sets  a  vast  number  nf  Jews  free,  ibid  ;  sends 
 a  letter  to  Eleazar  the  high  priest,  299  ;  bis 
 liberal  oblations  and  presents,  3U0,  303. 
 
 Ptolemy  Philoraetor,  310,  311,  326,  762;  he 
 and  his  queen  Cleopatra  permit  Onias  to 
 build  the  temple  Onion,  ibid  ;  he  makes 
 an  expedition  into  Syria,  329  ;  discovers 
 Alexander  and  Ammonius'  plot  against  him, 
 ibid  ;  takes  his  daughter  from  Alexander, 
 and  gives  her  to  Demetrius,  ibid  ;  he  might 
 have  put  two  crowns  upon  his  head,  that  of 
 Asia,  and  that  of  Egypt,  ibid  ;  he  is  wound- 
 ed, and  dies  of  his  wounds,  330. 
 
 Ptolemy  Philopater,  305,  307. 
 
 Ptolemy,  called  Menneus,  350,  351. 
 
 Ptolemy,  son  of  Menneus,  350,  353,  370, 
 527,  583  ;  prince  of  Chalcis,  359  ;  he  mar- 
 ries Alexandra,  ibid. 
 
 Ptolemy,  the  murderer  of  Simon  the  Macca- 
 bee,  337  ;  he  murders  John  Hyrcanus' 
 mother  and  brother,  338,  524, 
 
 Ptolemy  Physcon,  311,  340,  762. 
 
 Ptolemy  VI.,  522. 
 
 Pudeus  engages  in  a  duel  with  Jonathan,  and 
 is  killed,  704. 
 
 Pul,  or  Phul,  king  of  Assyria,  252. 
 
 Punishment  of  the  wicked,  a  joyful  sight  to 
 good  men,  246. 
 
 Purple  robes  worn  by  the  Chaldean  kings, 
 270 ;  by  the  Persian  kings,  279,  291  ; 
 Joseph  is  clothed  in  purple  by  Pharaoh,  60. 
 
 Pygmalion  king  of  Tyre,  747. 
 
 Pythian  or  Apollo's  temple,  built  by  Herod, 
 417. 
 
 Quadratas   (Ummidius,)  president  of  Syria, 
 
 510. 
 Quails  are  numerous  in  the  Arabian  gulf,  and 
 
 fall  upon  the  camp  of  Israel,  80. 
 Queen  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  comes  to  king 
 
 Solomon,  217  ;    she  returns    to    her    own 
 
 country,  218. 
 Quintillius   Yarns,  president  of  Syria.     See 
 
 Varus. 
 Quirinius,  or  Cyrenius,  sent  by  Caesar  to   tax 
 
 Syria,  456. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rabsaces,  (Themasius,)  279. 
 
 Rabsaris  a  commander  of  the  Assyrian  array, 
 257  ;  his  speech  to  the  people  of  Jerusa- 
 lem, ibid. 
 
 Rabshakeh,  captain  of  the  Assyrian  army, 
 257. 
 
 Rachel,  Laban's  daughter,  50  ;  she  steals 
 away,  and  conceals  her  father's  idols  51. 
 
 Ragau,  or  Reu,  son  of  Pbaleg,  39. 
 
 Ragmus,  or  Raamali,  38. 
 
 Raguel,  Moses'  father-in  law,  83  ;  his  advice 
 to  Moses  for  the  government  of  the  Is- 
 raelites, ibid. 
 
 Rahab,  an  inn-keeper  at  Jericlio,  125  ;  Ler 
 life  saved,  12C. 
 
 Rainbow,  36. 
 
 Ramesses,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 Rathotis,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 Rathumus,  the  historiographer,  277. 
 Rationale,  cr  breast-plate  of  judgment  of  the 
 
 high  priest,  85,  92. 
 Raven  sent  out  of  the  ark,  35. 
 Reba,  king  of  the  Midianites,  112. 
 Rebecca,  daughter  of  Bethuel,  39  ;  demanded 
 
 for  a  wife  to  Isaac,  46  ;  she  bears  twins,  48 ; 
 
 imposes  upon  her  husband,  ibid. 
 Rechab,  son  of  Rimmon,  179, 
 Records  of  the  Tyrians,  746. 
 Regulus  (Emilius,)  482. 
 Rehoboam  succeeds  Solomon,  221  ;  he  gives 
 
 the  people  a  rough  answer,  ibid  ;  ten  tribes 
 
 revolt  from   him,  ibid  ;  he  builds  and  for- 
 tifies several  towns,  223  ;   he  has  eighteen 
 
 wives,    and    thirty    concubines,    224 ;    he 
 
 dies,  225. 
 Remaliah,  252. 
 
 Repentance  cannot  revoke  past  crimes,  57. 
 Rea,  or  Ragau,  the  son  of  Phaleg,  or  Peleg, 
 
 39,  40. 
 Renma.     See  Rumah. 
 Revenues    of  Ccelosyria,    Phoenicia,  ,Jndea, 
 
 and   Samaria,  amounted    to  8000   talents, 
 
 307. 
 Rezin,  king  of  Syria,  253. 
 Rezon,  Solomon's  enemy,  220. 
 Rhodes,  relieved  by  Herod,  374. 
 Riches,  great  riches  laid  up  in  David's  mona> 
 
 ment,  204. 
 Riddles,  or  problems  between  Solomon  and 
 
 Hiram,  215,  216. 
 Rimmon  and  his  two  sons,  179. 
 Riphath,  38. 
 Rod  of  Aaron,  105. 
 Roman  army  described,  615. 
 Roman  senate's  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 
 339,  360. 
 Roxana,  Herod's  daughter  by  Phasdra,  433, 
 
 563. 
 Rubrius  Gall  us,  723. 
 
 Rue  of  a  prodigious  magnitude,  726,  727. 
 Rufus,  575,  576. 
 Rufus,  (an  Egyptian,)  takes  Eleazar  prisoner, 
 
 727. 
 Rufus,  (Terentius,  or  Turnus,)  takes  Simon 
 
 the  son  of  Gioras,  720  ;  he  is  left  with  an 
 
 army  at    Jerusalem,    after  it    was  taken, 
 
 ibid. 
 Rumah,  or  Reumah,  Nahnr's  concubine,  39. 
 Ruth   gleans  in  Boaz  6eld,   145  ;  is  married 
 
 by  Boaz,  and  becomes  the  mother  of  Obed, 
 
 the  father  of  Jesse,  146. 
 
 Sabactas,  or  Sabtecba,  38. 
 
 Sabas,  or  Seba,  ibid. 
 
 Sabathes,  or  Sabrah,  ibid. 
 
 Sabbaih-day  kept  very  strictly  by  the  Essenes, 
 581  ;  sabbath  according  to  Apion,  so  called 
 from  the  Egyptian  word  Sabo,  759  ;  sab- 
 bath-day so  superstitiousiy  observed  by  the 
 jews,  that  thay  came  to  great  mischiefs 
 thereby,  313,  530,  594  j  they  arc  advised 
 5  N 
 
INDEX. 
 
 by  Mattbias  to  defeud  themselves  on  tliu 
 sabbath-day,  314;  and  by  Jonathan,  32G  ; 
 allowed  to  repel,  bot  not  to  attack  an  enemy 
 on  that  day,  355,  477,  594  ;  Antioclms,  a 
 Jew,  forces  the  Jews  to  break  the  sabbath- 
 day  at  Antioch,  721  ;  sabbaih-day  spent  in 
 reading  the  law,  412  ;  ashered  in,  and  ended 
 with  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  CG2  ;  Jews  on 
 the  sabbath-day  dined  at  the  sixth  hour, 
 19  ;  the  seditious  kill  the  Romans  on  the 
 Sabbath-day,  599  ;  unlawful  to  travel  f  .r 
 on  the  sabbath-day,  339 ;  pretended  to  be 
 unlawful  either  to  make  war  or  peace  on 
 the  sahbatb-day,  640  ;  not  allowed  by  some, 
 even  in  case  of  necessity,  to  take  arms 
 either  on  the  sabbath-day,  or  the  evening 
 before,  12,  13. 
 
 Sabbatic  river,  723. 
 
 Sabbeus,  354. 
 
 Sabbion  discovers  Alexander's  designs  to 
 Herod,  384. 
 
 Sabec,  or  Shobach,  captain  of  the  Syrians, 
 185. 
 
 Sabinus,  Cassar's  steward  in  Judea,  44t3,  575; 
 he  accuses  Archelaus  by  letters,  447  ;  falls 
 heavy  upon  the  Jews,  ibid,  45G. 
 
 Sabinus,  one  of  the  murderers  of  Caius,  495  ; 
 he  kills  himself,  496. 
 
 Sabinus  the  brother  of  Vespasian  takes  the 
 capitol,  665  ;  is  killed  by  Vitellias,  ibid. 
 
 Sabinus,  by  birth  a  Syrian,  a  man  of  great 
 valour,  098. 
 
 Sabinus  (Domilian)  one  of  the  tribunes,  624. 
 
 Sabtah,  or  Sabathes,  38. 
 
 Sabtecha,  or  Sabactas,  38. 
 
 Sacrifice  of  Abel  was  milk,  and  tbe  firstlings 
 of  the  flock,  33  ;  sacri(ices  were  either  pri- 
 vate or  public,  95  ;  either  all,  or  part  only 
 burnt,  ibid  ;  how  the  former  were  ofTered, 
 ibid  ;  how  the  latter,  ibid  i  how  sin  oflerings 
 were  oiTered,  ibid  ;  those  of  swiue  forbid- 
 den, 311,  312;  of  those  that  were  for  re- 
 covering health,  94  ;  Titus  desires  John  not 
 to  leave  off  the  Jewish  sacrifices,  700  ;  daily 
 sacrifices,  281,512,700;  sacrifices  every 
 day  for  Casar's  prosperity,  580,  761,  762  ; 
 omission  thereof  the  beginning  of  the  Jew- 
 ish war,  597  ;  offerings  of  foreigners  usually 
 received  by  the  Jews,  ibid  ;  the  same  pro- 
 hibited by  the  seditious,  ibid;  what  parts 
 of  sacrifice  were  due  to  the  priests,  105, 
 106 ;  none  but  Jews  to  overlook  the  sacri- 
 fices in  tlie  temple,  514;  sacrifices  noi  to 
 be  tasted  till  tSie  oblation  is  over,  309  ;  not 
 to  be  brought  by  the  hire  of  an  harlot,  or 
 the  price  of  a  dog,  115;  meat-offerings 
 joined  to  bloody  sacrifices,  94  ;  not  to  jje 
 abused  to  luxury,  770;  ought  to  be  entire 
 and  witliout  blemish,  97 ;  of  what  were 
 burnt-oHerings,  03  ;  animals  not  oftered  till 
 the  eighth  d:iy  alter  their  birth,  94  ;  wine 
 and  oil  reserved  for  sacrifices  consumed  by 
 the  seditious,  605. 
 
 Sadduc,  a  Pharisee,  stirs  up  a  sedition, 
 456. 
 
 Sadducees  deny  fate,  333  ;  are  crnlrary  to  the 
 Pharis^'cs,  341  ;  observe   only  precepts  of 
 
 the  written  law,  ibid  ;  their  opinions,  457, 
 582  ;  have  the  rich  men  of  their  side,  432. 
 
 Sadoc,  or  Zadok,  high  priest,  ISO,  184,  194, 
 197,201,205,207. 
 
 Sadracb,  or  Shadrach,  283. 
 
 Sadraces,  283. 
 
 Sages,  or  wise  men  among  the  Israelites,  206. 
 
 Salampsio,  daughter  of  Herod,  married  to 
 Pliasaelus,  465. 
 
 Salalhiel,  Zorobabel's  father,  286. 
 
 Salatis,  king  of  Egypt,  744. 
 
 Saleph,  39. 
 
 Salmana,  or  Zalmana,  captain  of  tbe  Midi- 
 anites,  138. 
 
 Salmanasser,  or  Shalmanezzer,  king  of  As- 
 syria, 255 ;  invades  Syriii  and  Piienicia, 
 256  ;  carries  the  ten  tribes  away  into  Media 
 and  Persia,  ibid. 
 
 Salome,  Antipater's  daughter,  Herod's  sister, 
 359,  532,  533  ;  charges  her  husband  Jo- 
 seph with  adultery,  3S6,  420;  sends  a  bill 
 of  divorce  to  her  second  husband  Costo- 
 barus,  397  ;  envies  Herod's  sons  and  their 
 wives,  409,  412  ;  she  clears  herself,  ibid  ; 
 Herod  forces  her  to  be  married  to  Alexas, 
 432;  she  discovers  to  Herod  the  conspi- 
 racy of  Antipater  and  Pheroras,  434,  563  ; 
 what  Herod  left  her  by  his  will,  444  ;  what 
 Caesar  gave  her,  454. 
 
 Salome,  Herod's  daughter  by  Elpis,  433. 
 
 Salome,  grand-daughter  of  Herod  the  Great, 
 and  daughter  of  Herod  Philip  by  Herodias, 
 465 ;  she  is  married  to  Philip  the  tetrarch, 
 and  afterwards  no  Aristobulus,  the  grand- 
 son of  Herod,  and  brother  of  Agrippa  senior, 
 ibid. 
 
 Salt,  sown  upon  tbe  ruins  of  a  demolished 
 town,  140. 
 
 Salt-tax,  and  crown-tax,  remitted  to  the  Jews 
 by  Demetrius,  325,  326, 
 
 Samacha,  Abennerig's  daughter,  504. 
 
 Samaralla,  372,  539. 
 
 Samaria  built,  228;  whence  Its  name  was  de^ 
 rived,  ibid  ;  it  is  besieged  by  the  Syrians, 
 and  wonderfully  relieved,  2 12 ;  a  mother 
 there  eats  her  own  son  in  a  famine,  241  ;  is 
 besieged  again  by  Hyrcaiius,  suflers  famine, 
 is  taken,  and  levelled  with  the  ground,  340, 
 341,  524. 
 
 Samari-tans,  a  colony  from  Cutha  in  Persia, 
 256,  269  ;  pretended  to  be  the  posterity  of 
 Joseph,  296,  297;  sometimes  deny,  and 
 sometimes  profess  thelaselves  Jews,  256, 
 297,  312:  they  harass  the  Jews  jnder 
 Ouias,  the  high  priest,  309  ;  pretend  to  be 
 Sidonians,  312  ;  their  temple  upon  Mount 
 Gerizzim,  296;  they  pollute  the  temple  of 
 Jerusalem,  458  ;  they  are  euemies  to  the 
 Jews,  283,  569;  they  dispute  with  the 
 Jews  in  Egypt  about  their  temple,  327 ; 
 they  gave  Actlochus  the  title  of  a  god, 
 312. 
 
 Sambabas,  283. 
 
 Sameas,  PoUio's  disciple,  362,  332,  401 ;  bis 
 speech  against  Herod,  262;  he  is  honoured 
 by  Herod,  ibid. 
 
 Samgar,  or  Semegar,  206. 
 
 i 
 
INDEX. 
 
 S3: 
 
 Sampsigerainus,  king  of  Emesa,  4G;"). 
 
 Samson's  birtli,  143  ;  he  inariios  a  woman  of 
 tlie  PLilistines,  ibid  ;  kills  a  lion,  ibid  ;  pro- 
 poses a  riddle  at  liis  wedding,  ibid  ;  burns 
 tiie  Philistines"  corn,  ibid  ;  he  is  delivered 
 up  to  the  Philistines,  144  •,  he  slajs  them 
 willi  the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass,  ibid  ;  he  car- 
 ries the  f;ates  of  Gaza  away  upon  his  shonl- 
 f\ers,  ibid;  he  falls  in  love  with  Delilah, 
 ibid  ;  he  is  betrayed  by  her,  he  is  bound, 
 and  his  eyes  put  out,  ibid;  he  pulls  a  house 
 down  upon  the  Philistines,  and  slays  above 
 three  thousand  of  lliein,  145 
 
 Satnnel  is  born  and  consecrated  to  God,  14G, 
 !  47  ;  God  calls  to  him,  147;  he  conquers 
 the  Philistines,  150;  his  sons  prove  very 
 b;id  judges,  151  ;  he  is  odended  at  the  peo- 
 ple's demanding  a  king,  ibid  ;  he  tells  the 
 pi  opie  the  manners  of  a  king,  ibid,  153; 
 threatens  Saul  with  the  loss  of  his  kingdom, 
 159;  anoints  David  to  be  king,  160;  he 
 dies,  170  ;  is  raised  out  of  Hades,  and  fore- 
 tells Saul's  death,  173. 
 
 Sanahassar,  governor  and  president  of  Syria 
 and  Phenicia,  282. 
 
 Sanballat,  295. 
 
 Sanctum  sanctorum,  or  holy  of  holies,  87. 
 
 Saniiedrim  at  Jerusalem,  (J ;  none  could  be  put 
 to  death  hut  by  the  sanhedrim,  3G2. 
 
 Snpinius,  424. 
 
 Sapphora.  See  Zipporah. 
 
 Sarai,  Sarah,  Abraham's  wife,  40  ;  she  goes 
 vfiih  him  in^o  Egypt,  ibid;  the  king  falls  in 
 love  with  her,  ibid  ;  her  death,  46. 
 
 Saramalla,  373.  539. 
 
 Sarassar,  son  of  Sennacherib,  258  ;  slew  his 
 fatlu'r,  ibid. 
 
 Sardians,  their  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
 307. 
 
 Sareas,  or  Seraiah,  high  priest,  2(j7. 
 
 Sarepta,  See  Zarephath. 
 
 Sarmatians  invade  Mysia,  723. 
 
 Saturnius,  (Sentius,)  president  of  Syria,  428, 
 430.  432,  436,  438,  5G!. 
 
 Sathrabnzanes,  277,  2S3. 
 
 Saul,  son  of  Kisb,  152  .  setks  his  father's 
 asses,  and  conies  to  Samut'l,  ibid;  dines 
 with  SamufI,  and  seventy  others,  ibid  ; 
 Sannel  anoints  him  for  king,  ibid  ;  be  is 
 actually  made  king,  153  ;  he  promises  to 
 assist  the  Gileadites,  154;  is  inaugurated 
 again,  ibid;  conquers  the  Philistines,  157; 
 his  warii  and  family,  ibid;  he  makes  war  on 
 the  Amalekites,  158  ;  spares  Agag  against 
 God's  command,  ibid  ;  for  which  Samuel 
 foretells  hira  the  lofs  o(  his  kingdom,  159  ; 
 his  cruel  order  for  murdering  Ahiuiekch 
 and  the  priests,  lt7 ;  being  forsaken  of 
 God,  be  consults  with  a  necromantic  woman, 
 172;  his  death,  174. 
 
 Saulus,  a  ringleader  of  the  robbers,  515. 
 
 Scarus,  president  of  Syria,  529,53-1;  he  re- 
 turns into  Syria,  352;  he  raises  the  siege  of 
 Jerusalem,  ibid;  his  eynedition  into  Arabia, 
 350. 
 
 Scopjis,  genera!  of  Ptolemy's  army,  defeated 
 by  Antiochus  the  Great,  310. 
 
 Sea,  the  seventy  interpreters  wa.shed  (heir 
 hands  in  the  sea  before  they  begin  tiieir 
 trjnslation,  303. 
 
 Sea,  divided  for  the  Israelites,  76. 
 
 Seba,  38. 
 
 Sebas,  the  son  of  lUos,  199. 
 
 Sects  of  the  Jews,  333,  450,  4,  579. 
 
 Secundus  Ernilius,  (iOS. 
 
 Sedition  among  the  priests,  513  ;  sedition  of 
 Corah  and  his  followers,  101,  102;  of  the 
 Israelites,  99  ;  is  quelled  by  Joshua,  ibid  ; 
 sedition  at  Cesarea  between  the  Jews  and 
 Syrians,  613. 
 
 Sejanus  put  to  death,  4GS. 
 
 Seisan,  the  scribe,  184. 
 
 Selene,  queen  of  Syria,  otherwise  called  Cleo- 
 patra, 350. 
 
 Seleucus  possesses  Syria  after  (he  death  of 
 Alexander  the  Great,  297;  he  is  called 
 Nicator,  (the  conqueror,)  301 ;  his  bounty 
 towards  the  Jews,  ibid. 
 
 Seleucus  Soter,  or  Philopater,  son  of  Anliu- 
 chus  the  Great,  310. 
 
 Seleucus,  son  of  Antiochus  Grypus,  340  ;  his 
 death,  ibid. 
 
 Sellum,  or  Sballum,  252. 
 
 Sem,  or  Sheni,  37  ;  bis  posterity,  39. 
 
 Semegir,  or  Samgar,  2(!0. 
 
 Sernelius  the  scribe,  277. 
 
 Senipronius,  (Caius,)  son  of  Caius,  339. 
 
 Senabar,  -11. 
 
 Sennacherib  makes  war  on  Hezekiah,  257  ;  his 
 death,  258. 
 
 Senate  of  Rome's  decree  concerning  the  Jews, 
 322;  they  renew  their  league  wiih  the 
 Jews,  3G0  ;  another  decree  of  theirs  con- 
 concerning  the  Jews.  3GG. 
 
 Sepphoris  burnt,  451  ;  taken  by  Joscphus,  24. 
 
 Seraiah.  See  Sareas. 
 
 Seriah,  high  priest,  207. 
 
 Serebaens,  280. 
 
 Seron,  general  of  the  army  of  Celosyria,  314. 
 
 Serpent  deprived  both  of  speech  and  ftet,  32. 
 
 Serug,  39. 
 
 Servilius,  (Pnblins,)  his  letter  to  the  Mile- 
 sians in  favour  of  the  Jevs,  360. 
 
 Sesac.  See  Sbishak. 
 
 Selh,  son  of  Adam,  34  ;  his  posterity's  pillars 
 in  the  land  of  Siriad,  ibid. 
 
 Sethon,  king  of  Egypt,  753. 
 
 Setliosis,  or  Sesostris,  king  of  Egypt,  745. 
 
 Seventh  day.  See  Sabbath. 
 
 Seventy-two  interpreters  sent  by  Eleasar,  the 
 high  priest,  with  the  books  of  the  law,  302; 
 their  arrival  at  Alexandria,  ibid  ;  they  bring 
 with  them  the  law  written  upon  parchment 
 in  golden  lellers,  ibid  ;  ihey  wash  in  the  .sea 
 before  they  fall  to  their  work,  302,  303  ; 
 they  finish  their  translation  in  seventy-two 
 days,  ibid. 
 
 Sextus  Caesar,  president  of  Syria,  381,  535; 
 he  is  slain  by  Cecil ias  Bassus,  535,  536. 
 
 Shadrach,  209. 
 
 Sballum,  252. 
 
 Shalnianesser.  See  Salmanasser. 
 
 Sbamgar,  son  of  Anatli,  succeeds  Ehud  as 
 judge,  137. 
 
836 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Shaphan  the  scribe,  261. 
 Sharezer,  251. 
 
 Sheba,  38. 
 
 Shccbem,    the  place  of  Joshua's  habitation, 
 
 129. 
 Shechemites  meet  Alexander  the  Great,  296 ; 
 
 their  kindred  with   Ragiiel,   Moses'  father- 
 in-law,  159. 
 Shekel,  a  coin  equal  to  four  Attic  drachmae, 
 
 91. 
 Shem,  37  ;  his  poslerity,  39. 
 Shemeber,  king  of  Zeboim,  41. 
 Shield    covered   the    left    eje    in    war,   153, 
 
 154. 
 Shield,  a  token  of  league  between   the   Jews 
 
 and  Romans,  360. 
 Sbiloh,    a   town   where    tlie    tabernacle    was 
 
 fixed,  129. 
 Shimei,  son  of  Gera.  curses  David,  191,  195, 
 
 204 ;  put  to  death  by  Solomon,  206. 
 Ships  sent   to  Pontus  and  Thrace  under  Aha- 
 
 ziab,  son  of  Ahab,  237. 
 Shishak,  or  Sesac,   king  of  Egypt,  184,  220, 
 
 224. 
 Shobach,  captain  of  the  Syrians,  185. 
 Sibbechai,  the  Hittite,  198. 
 Sicarii,    or  banditti,    flee  to  Alexandria,  736  ; 
 
 cannot  be  forced   to   own   Caesar   for   their 
 
 lord,  739. 
 Sidon,  38. 
 
 Signs  appearing  before   the  destruction  of  Je- 
 rusalem, 710. 
 Sihon,  king  of  the  Amorites  conquered,  107. 
 Silanus,  president  of  Syria,  450. 
 Silas,  governor  of  Tiberias,  8,18. 
 Silas,  tyrant  of  Lysias,  354. 
 Silas,   an  attendant  on   king  Agrippa  senior, 
 
 in  his   adversities,   446,  499 ;    he  becomes 
 
 troublesome  to  the  king,  ibid ;   he  is  killed, 
 
 500. 
 Silas,  a  Babylonian,  603,  612. 
 Silla,  one  of  Lamech's  wives,  33. 
 Silo,  the  Roman  captain,  376,  377. 
 Silva,    (Flavins,)    governor   of  Judea,  728; 
 
 he  besieges  Masada,  729,  730. 
 Silver  of  little  value  in  the  days  of  Solomon, 
 
 218. 
 Simeon,  one  of  Jacob's  sons  by  Lea,  51. 
 Simon,  son  of  Bolhus,  made  high  priest,  402  ; 
 
 his  daughter  married  to  Herod,  ibid  ;  he  is 
 
 deprived,  437. 
 Simon,    son  of  Boethns,  surnaroed  Cantheras, 
 
 made   high  priest,  498;    he    is    deprived, 
 
 499. 
 Simon,  son   of  Camithi,    made    high    priest, 
 
 456. 
 Simon,  son  of  Cathlas,  647. 
 Simon  the  Just,  Eleazar's  brother,  high  priest, 
 
 299,  306. 
 Simon,    son    of  Onias  the  high  priest,   dies, 
 
 310. 
 Simon,  the  Essene,  a  prophet,  465. 
 Simon,  son  of  Giora,603,  659  ;  fights  with  the 
 
 Zealots,    660;    conquers   Idumea,   ibid ;  is 
 
 made  a  prisoner,  and   reserved  for  the  tri- 
 
 "mph,  720;  is  put  to  death  at  the  triumph, 
 
 725.  "^ 
 
 Simon,  brother  of  Judas  and  Jonathan,  the 
 Maccabees,  beats  the  enemy  in  Galilee, 
 31G  ;  is  made  captain  of  the  Jews,  321  ;  he 
 makes  a  speech  to  them,  335  ;  is  made  their 
 prince,  ibid  ;  is  made  high  priest,  ibid,  523  ; 
 is  killed  by  Ptolemy  his  son-in-law,  ibid. 
 
 Simon,  son  of  Arinus,  678. 
 
 Simon,  son  of  Dositheus,  339. 
 
 Simon,  captain  of  the  Idameans  at  Jerusalem, 
 649. 
 
 Simon,  a  life-guard  man  to  Josephus,  14. 
 
 Simon,   a  magician,  500. 
 
 Simon,  of  Jerusalem,  persuades  the  people  to 
 exclude  Agrippa  out  of  the  temple,  51  J. 
 
 Simon,  a  Pharisee,  14. 
 
 Simon  Psellus,  Josephus'  grandfather,  4. 
 
 Simon,  a  slave  of  Herod,  assumes  the  crown, 
 450. 
 
 Simon,  son  of  Saul,  600,  601. 
 
 Simonides  Agrippa,  Josephus'  son,  27. 
 
 Siphar,  the  Ammonite,  193. 
 
 Sisera  oppresses  the  Israelites,  137;  is  killed 
 by  Jael,  138. 
 
 Sisinnes,  277  ;  governor  of  Syria  and  Phenicia, 
 282,  283. 
 
 Slaughter,  the  greatest  that  ever  was  in  one 
 battle,  226. 
 
 Sodomites  and  their  associates,  conquered  by 
 the  Assyrians,  41. 
 
 Sodomites  so  wicked,  that  they  are  burnt  with 
 fire  from  heaven,  43. 
 
 Soemus,  king  of  Emesa,  succeeds  his  brother 
 Azizus,  512,  729. 
 
 Soheraus,  tetrarch,  6,433. 
 
 Sohemus  of  Iturea,  393  ;  betrays  Herod's 
 secret  order  for  killing  Mariamne,  395 ;  is 
 put  to  death  by  Herod,  396. 
 
 Solomon,  son  of  David,  181 ;  promised  to  Da- 
 vid, 183;  born,  188;  anointed  and  pro- 
 claimed king,  202;  anointed  and  proclaimed 
 a  second  time,  204 ;  marries  Pharaoh's 
 daughter,  206 ;  determines  the  case  of  two 
 harlots,  206,  207  ;  his  power,  grandeur,  and 
 wisdom,  207,  &c. ;  the  books  he  wrote,  208  ; 
 his  letter  to  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  ibid;  he 
 builds  the  temple,  209,  210,  211,  212 ;  his 
 addresses  to  God  and  the  people  after  it 
 was  built,  212  ;  be  oilers  abundance  of  sa- 
 crifices, 214;  he  builds  himself  a  royal 
 palace,  ibid,  &c, ;  solves  the  problems  pro- 
 posed by  the  king  of  Tyre,  215  ;  Diussays 
 Solomon  could  not  solve  them  all,  ibid ;  he 
 fortifies  Jerusalem,  and  builds  several  towns, 
 216  ;  lays  a  tax  on  the  remaining  Canaan- 
 ites,  217  ;  fits  out  a  fleet,  ibid  ;  his  great 
 riches,  218  ;  his  immoderate  love  of  women, 
 219  ;  his  death,  220. 
 
 Solymae.or  Salem,  the  old  name  of  Jerusalem,        , 
 180. 
 
 Sophonius,  or  Zephaniah,  the  priest,  267. 
 
 Sosibius  of  Tarentum,  298. 
 
 Sosius,  a  Roman  captain  in  Jadea,  378,  380; 
 joins  with  Herod  against  Antigonus,  ibid, 
 544  ;  he  takes  Antigonus  prisoner,  and  car- 
 ries him  to  Anthony,  380,  546. 
 
 Souls  of  heroes,  slain  in  war,  supposed  to  be 
 placed  among  the  stars,  698. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 837 
 
 Speecb  of  Herod  to  his  army,  389,  390  ;  1o 
 the  people,  406  ;  speech  of  Moses  to  Corah 
 and  the  people,  101 ;  to  the  people  before 
 his  death,  113. 
 
 Spies  sent  by  Moses  to  view  the  land  of  Ca- 
 naan, 99  ;  by  Joshua  to  Jericho,  124  ;  they 
 bring  back  a  faithful  account,  125. 
 
 Spoils  of  barbarians  reposited  in  Herod's 
 temple,  407. 
 
 Spoils  in  war  to  be  equally  divided  between 
 those  that  fight  and  those  that  guard  the 
 baggage,  175. 
 
 Stars,  supposed  to  have  their  virtue  from  the 
 sun  and  moon,  255. 
 
 Stecluis,  4C9. 
 
 Stfcpiianus,  Csesar's  servant,  509,  586. 
 
 Sterility  of  the  country  is  one  of  the  punish- 
 ments for  the  king's  doing  ill,  182. 
 
 Stratlo  tyrannizes,  over  Berea,  347. 
 
 Subjects  follow  the  manners  of  their  princes, 
 224, 
 
 Sumober,  or  Shemeber,  king  of  Zeboim,  41. 
 
 Supplicants  in  Syria,  used  to  come  with  an 
 halter  about  their  heads,  2'.i3. 
 
 Sur,  or  Zur,  king  of  the  Midianites,  112. 
 
 Sylla,  a  captain  of  king  Agrippa's  life- 
 guards, 25. 
 
 Syllens,  an  Arabian,  first  minister  to  king 
 Obodas,  421,  557,  561  ;  he  goes  to  Rome, 
 424  ;  accuses  Herod  before  Augustus,  ibid  ; 
 demands  Salome  in  marriage,  421  ;  is  re- 
 fused, because  he  would  not  turn  Jew,  ibid  ; 
 is  charged  with  several  murders,  435,  564  ; 
 is  accused  before  Augustus  by  Nicolaus  of 
 Damascus,  428  ;  received  sentence  of 
 death,  429. 
 
 Symeon,  the  son  of  Gamaliel,  643. 
 
 Synedrion,  or  Sanhedrim.     See  Sanhedrim. 
 
 Syrian  commodities,  56. 
 
 Syrians'  hatred  to  the  Jews,  526. 
 
 Syrian,  a,  king  of  Mesopotamia,  185. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tabernacle  built,  86  ;  its  description,  ibid ;  its 
 purification,  91. 
 
 Tabernacles,  feast  of,  a  great  festival  of  the 
 Jews,  212,  385  ;  celebrated  in  war  by  the 
 leave  of  king  Antiochus,  338  ;  celebrated 
 for  fourteen  days  upon  the  dedication  of 
 Solomon's  temple,  213  ;  Jews  then  carry 
 boughs  with  fruit,  whereby  Alexander  the 
 high  priest  was  pelted,  340 ;  Jews  then 
 fixed  tabernacles  in  the  temple,  710  ;  it  is 
 celebrated  after  the  Babylonian  captivity, 
 281,  285. 
 
 Table  (of  shew  bread)  golden,  made  by 
 Ptolemy,  300  ;  with  his  cups  and  vials, 
 301. 
 
 Table,  Delphic,  87. 
 
 Table  in  the  court  of  the  priests,  87. 
 
 Tachas,  39. 
 
 Tarjar,  Absalom's  daughter,  married  to  Re- 
 hoboam,  194. 
 
 Tamar,  David's  daughter,  180,  188. 
 
 Tanganas,  283. 
 
 I'artan,  a  captain  of  the  Assyrians,  257. 
 
 Tears,  natural  signs  of  great  joy  or  sorrow, 
 302. 
 
 Teba,  39. 
 
 Temple  built  upon  Gerizzim,  294,  327  ;  like 
 to  that  at  Jerusalem,  293. 
 
 Temple  built  by  Herod  near  Paneas,  in  honour 
 of  Augustus,  404. 
 
 Temple  of  the  golden  calf,  636. 
 
 Temples  in  Egypt,  many  and  diflTerent,  326. 
 
 Temples  of  the  Canaanites  were  to  be  de- 
 molished, 113. 
 
 Temples  of  foreign  nations  not  to  be  plun- 
 dered, nor  their  donations  taken  away, 
 115. 
 
 Temple  of  Hercules  and  Astarte,  at  Tyre, 
 215,  216. 
 
 Temple  of  Demus  and  the  Graces  at  Athens, 
 360. 
 
 Temple  of  Belus,  at  Babylon,  272. 
 
 Temple  built  by  Herod  at  Samaria,  400. 
 
 Temple  (Herod's)  at  Jerusalem  described, 
 410. 
 
 Temple  Onion  in  Egypt,  built  like  that  at 
 Jerusalem,  322,  327,  340. 
 
 Temple  of  Diana  at  Elyraais,  318  ;  of  Dagon 
 at  Ashdod,  or  Azotus,  329 ;  of  Apollo  at 
 Gaza,  346. 
 
 Temple  of  Jerusalem,  rebuilt  by  Zorobabel, 
 276,  281,  517  ;  the  Jews  hindered  in  build- 
 ing it,  277,  278  ;  they  go  on  by  order^)f  Da- 
 rius, 281 ;  it  is  finished  in  seven  years,  282; 
 sixty  cubits  lower  than  Solomon's  temple, 
 406;  it  is  plundered  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
 311,  312  ;  taken  by  Pompcy,  and  its  most 
 holy  place  seen  by  him,  but  without  detri- 
 ment thereto,  336,  530  ;  new  built  by 
 Herod,  407  ;  burnt  by  Titus,  708  ;  Titus 
 goes  into  the  most  holy  place,  ibid. 
 
 Temple  of  Solomon  described,  209  ;  dedicated 
 by  Solomon,  210  ;  foreigners  could  go  but 
 to  a  certain  partition  wall  in  Herod  s  tem- 
 ple, 408  ;  women  excluded  the  two  inner 
 courts,  ibid  ;  open  to  Samaritans  and  other 
 nations  for  prayer,  281  ;  David's  armoury 
 in  the  temple,  247  ;  tax  out  of  the  temple 
 treasure  remitted  by  Demetrius,  325  ; 
 Daniel's  prophecy  of  Antiochus'  profanation 
 of  the  temple,  fulfilled,  316. 
 
 Tephetns  of  Garsis,  690. 
 
 Terah,  Abraham's  father,  39. 
 
 Terebinth,  or  turpentine  tree,  near  Hebron, 
 supposed  as  old  as  the  world,  660. 
 
 Terentius,  or  Turnns  Rufns,  720. 
 
 Teresh,  289. 
 
 Teridates,  or  Tiridates,  king  of  Armenia, 
 507,  729. 
 
 Tero,  an  old  soldier,  431,  561  ;  charged 
 with  treason  by  Trypho,  Herod's  barber, 
 562. 
 
 Tethmosis,  or  Tbumosis,  king  of  Egypt,  744, 
 745,  752. 
 
 Tetrarchies,  330. 
 
 Thaumastus,  408. 
 
 Theatres  erected  at  Jerusalem  by  Herod. 
 422,  551  ;  at  Cesarea,  402. 
 
 Theft,  how  punished  by  the  law  of  *'  """t 
 120. 
 
 / 
 
838 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Themasius,  327. 
 
 Tlieodoras,  son  of  Zeno,  345,  526. 
 
 Theodosius,  327. 
 
 Tbeopliilus,  son  of  A  nanus,  deprived  of  llie 
 high  priesthood,  498. 
 
 Theophilus,  brother  of  Jonathan,  made  high 
 priest,  464. 
 
 Therraus,  a  Roman  ambassador,  761. 
 
 Tbermusa,  Phraataces'  concubine,  and  then 
 wife,  459. 
 
 Tbeudas,  an  impostor,  508. 
 
 Theadion,  brother  of  Doris,  Antipaler's  mo- 
 ther, 437. 
 
 Thobel.     See  Tubal  Cain. 
 
 Tholomy,  son  of  Sohemns,  359. 
 
 Thuramim.     See  Urim  and  Thummim. 
 
 Thumosis.     See  Tethraosis. 
 
 Thrvgammes.     See  Togarraab. 
 
 Tiberius  Alexander,  procurator  of  Juden, 
 509. 
 
 Tiberius  Alexander,  gOTernor  of  Alexandria, 
 602,  668,  669 ;  he  brings  Egypt  over  to 
 Vespasian,  664. 
 
 Tiberius  the  emperor,  449,  582,  583  ;  his 
 dilatory  proceedings,  467  ;  bis  skill  in  as- 
 trology, 470  ;  his  prognostic  of  a  successor, 
 ibid  ;  bis  death,  ibid.  t 
 
 Tibni,  228. 
 
 Tidal,  41. 
 
 Tiglathpileser,  king  of  Assyria,  252. 
 
 Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  350,  388,  465, 
 528, 562. 
 
 Tigranes,  sou  of  Alexander  and  Glapbyra, 
 465. 
 
 Tiraaus,  king  of  Egypt,  741. 
 
 Timidins,  4S2,  483. 
 
 Timius,  a  Cypriot,  465. 
 
 Timotheus,  316,  317;  be  is  put  flight  by 
 Judas,  ibid. 
 
 Tiras.  38. 
 
 Tiridates,  king  of  Armenia,  506. 
 
 Tithes  and  first-fruits  given  to  the  Levites, 
 105  ;  their  tithes  or  tenth  parts  given  to  the 
 priests,  ibid  ;  this  law  restored  by  Heze- 
 kiab,  254. 
 
 Titius,  president  of  Syria,  424. 
 
 Titus  Cifisar,  son  of  Vespasian,  sent  to  Alex- 
 andria, 612;  he  brings  a  great  number  of 
 troops  to  Vespasian,  615  ;  bis  piety  towards 
 bis  father,  623  ;  he  and  Vespasian  take  Jo- 
 tapata,  625  ;  his  mildness  to  Josephus, 
 629 ;  be  is  sent  against  Taricheae,  632  ;  bis 
 valour  in  this  expedition,  633  ;  bis  speech 
 to  the  soldiers,  ibid  ;  he  takes  Taricheae, 
 634 ;  he  is  sent  to  Rome,  with  king  Agrip- 
 pa,  to  compliment  Galba,  659  ;  the  order 
 of  bis  array,  669;  he  arrives  at  Jerusalem, 
 and  is  exposed  to  great  danger,  ibid  ;  his 
 great  valour,  670,  671  ;  his  great  concern 
 to  save  Jerusalem,  683  ;  and  the  temple, 
 702,  707  ;  his  speech  to  bis  soldiers,  702  ; 
 he    receives    acclamations   from  the  army, 
 
 711  ;   his  speeches  to  the  Jewish  tyrants, 
 
 712  ;  he  ascribes  the  conquest  of  the  city  to 
 God,  716;   he  thanks  the  army  and  distri- 
 
 'y^tes  rewards,  720  ;  celebrates  his  father's 
 '  "otht'r's   birth-days,  ibid  ;  is  greatly 
 
 moved  at  the  sight  of  the  ruins  of  Jerusa- 
 lem, 723 ;  he  makes  great  shows,  ibiil ; 
 comes  to  Antioch,  "24  ;  and  to  Rome,  ibid  ; 
 what  persons  he  carried  with  him  for  the 
 triumph,  ibid;  his  approbation  of  Jose- 
 phus' history,  22  ;  his  geneiosity  to  Jose- 
 phus, 26. 
 
 Tobias'  sons  expelled  Jerusalem,  522. 
 
 Togarmah,  38. 
 
 Toparcbies  (three)  or  prefectures,  added  to 
 Judea,  320. 
 
 Tower  of  Babel,  and  the  Sibyl's  testimony 
 concerning  it,  37. 
 
 Trachonites  rebel,  425. 
 
 Traditions,  of  the  Pharisees,  unwritten,  342. 
 
 Trajan,  captain  of  the  tenth  legion,  625. 
 
 Translation  of  the  law,  made  by  seventy-two 
 elders,  302,  303,  760. 
 
 Treasure  (secret)  kept  in  the  temple  by  some 
 of  the  priests,  282. 
 
 Tribes  of  Israel,  and  their  portions  of  land 
 determined  by  lot,  129. 
 
 Tribute  paid  out  of  Judea  to  Antiochus  Pius, 
 338  ;  great  men  farm  such  tributes,  307  ; 
 poll-money  paid  the  kings  of  Syria  by  the 
 Jews,  325  ;  ten  thousand  drachmae  paid  out 
 of  the  temple  to  them,  ibid ;  three  hun- 
 dred talents  paid  by  Jonathan  to  Demetrius 
 for  tribute,  330  ;  Jews  freed  from  paying 
 such  tribute  by  Simon  the  Maccabee, 
 336 ;  high  priests  used  to  pay  twenty  ta- 
 lents tribute  to  the  kings  of  Egypt  out 
 of  their  own  revenues,  306 ;  poll-money 
 and  crown-tax,  &c.  forgiven  the  principal 
 orders  of  the  Jews  by  Antiochus  the  Great, 
 385. 
 
 Triumphal  gate  at  Rome,  724. 
 
 Triumphal  pomp  described,  ibid,  725,  726. 
 
 Trophies  give  offence  to  the  Jews,  398. 
 
 Trumpet,  its  invention  and  form,  98. 
 
 Truth  and  justice,  complained  to  be  gone  out 
 of  the  world,  430. 
 
 Truth  and  accuracy  to  be  observed  by  an  his- 
 torian, 351 ;  observed  accordingly  by  Jose- 
 phus, 22. 
 
 Trypho  the  tyrant,  brings  young  Antiochus 
 back  to  Syria,  331 ;  bis  perfidious  beha- 
 viour to  the  same  Antiochus,  334  ;  he 
 draws  Jonathan  into  a  snare,  ibid ;  be 
 makes  an  irruption  into  Judea,  335  ;  im- 
 poses upon  Simon,  ibid ;  kills  Jonathan, 
 ibid ;  he  causes  Antiochus,  whose  guardian 
 he  was,  to  be  killed,  336 ;  he  is  made 
 king  by  the  army,  ibid  ;  is  killed  by  Apa- 
 roia,  337. 
 
 Trypho,  king  Herod's  barber,  431,  562. 
 
 Tryplro,  king  Ptolemy's  darling,  309. 
 
 Tubal-Cain,  33. 
 
 Tyrannius  Priscus,  604. 
 
 Tvrantius's  deposition  against  Alexander,  427, 
 560. 
 
 Tyre,  when  built,  209. 
 
 Tyre,  oppressed  by  Marion,  370. 
 
 Tyre,   besieged  seven  months   by  Alexander 
 
 'the  Great,  285. 
 Tvre,  the  name  of  a  castle  built  by  Hyrcanus, 
 306,  307. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 839 
 
 Tyrians,  tbeir  god  Baal,  24G;  their  ancient 
 records,  74G ;  they  beat  the  Assyrians  at 
 sea,  256 ;  tlieir  temple  of  Jopiter  Olym- 
 |)ias,  215,  74(i;  of  Hercules,  ibid ;  ofAs- 
 larte,  ibid. 
 
 U  &^^ 
 
 Valerian,  a  decurion,  660. 
 
 Valerius  Gratus,  procurator  of  Jodea,  460. 
 
 Valerius  Asiaticus,  486,  489. 
 
 Varro,  president  of  Syria,  403. 
 
 Varus,  (Quiutilius,)  president  of  Syria,  6, 
 438,  440,  447,  567,  574 ;  he  comes  to  suc- 
 cour Sabinns,  451,  576;  be  punishes  the 
 mutineers,  449. 
 
 Vashti,  wife  of  king  Arfaxerxes,  288. 
 
 Vatinius,  486. 
 
 Veils  of  the  tabernacle,  90. 
 
 Ventidius  Bassus,  bribed  by  Antigonos,  375, 
 376  ;  sent  to  repel  the  Parthians,  541  ;  be 
 kills  Pacorus  in  battle,  and  defeats  the 
 Parthians,  378. 
 
 A'eranius,  494. 
 
 Vespasian  and  Titas'  generosity  towards  the 
 Jews,  305;  Vespasian's  wars  in  Judea, 
 612  to  645. 
 
 Victory  does  not  depend  upon  numbers,  but 
 on  valour,  41  ;  and  on  piety  towards  God, 
 314. 
 
 Vindex  rebels  against  Nero,  656. 
 
 Vine  (golden)  in  Herod's  temple,  407  j  an- 
 other sent  to  Rome,  412. 
 
 Vinicius  (Marcus,)  487. 
 
 Virtue,  its  own  reward,  113. 
 
 Virtues  (royal,)  204. 
 
 Vitellius  Proculus,  499. 
 
 Vitellius,  president  of  Syria,  407,  722  ;  he  is 
 highly  treated  by  tlie  Jews,  460,  464 ; 
 bis  expedition  against  Aretas,  ibid;  is 
 ordered  by  Tiberius  to  enter  into  an  al- 
 liance with  Artabanus,  463. 
 
 Vitellius  is  made  emperor  after  Otho,  661  ;  he 
 is  slain,  665. 
 
 Ummidius  Quadratus,  president  of  Syria, 
 510. 
 
 Unexpected  events  the  most  shocking,  148. 
 
 Unleavened  bread.     See  Passover. 
 
 Voice  heard  in  the  temple,  710. 
 
 Vologeses,  king  of  Pai  thia,  507,  723,  729  ; 
 he  declares  war  against  Izates,  507. 
 
 Volumnius,  procurator  of  Syria,  425,  436, 
 661. 
 
 Vonones,  459. 
 
 Vow  of  Jepbthah  to  sacrifice  bis  daughter, 
 neither  lawful  nor  acceptable  to  God, 
 142. 
 
 Ures,  207. 
 
 Uriah  slain,  186. 
 
 Urias,  high  priest,  267. 
 
 Urini  and  Thummim,  92,93. 
 
 Uz,  39. 
 
 Uzzali,  smitten  by  God,  for  touching  the  ark, 
 182. 
 
 Uzziah,  or  Azariah,  king  of  Judab,  250  ;  his 
 acts  and  encomium,  251  ;  he  burns  incense 
 in    the    temple,   252 ;   he   is  smitten   with 
 
 the  leprosy  for  usurping  the  priest's  office, 
 ibid. 
 
 W. 
 
 War  not  begun  with  foreign  nations  till  am- 
 bassadors are  sent,  121,  134. 
 
 War  (laws  of)  among  the  Jews,  121, 
 755. 
 
 War  (Jewish)  whence  begun,  588,  590,  592, 
 5!)7,  598. 
 
 Water  of  Bethlehem,  offered  to  God  by 
 David,  199. 
 
 Water  (sea.)    See  Sea. 
 
 Witch,  or  necromantic  woman,  of  Endor,  com- 
 forts Saul,  173  ;  her  euloginm,  ibid. 
 
 Women's  power,  279  ;  their  cunning  in  pre- 
 venting accusations,  58  ;  their  dress  forbid- 
 den men,  122 ;  foreign  women  not  to  be 
 meddled  with  by  Jews,  308;  when  di- 
 vorced, cannot  marry  another  without  their 
 former  husband's  consent,  397  ;  Persian 
 women,  or  wives,  not  to  be  seea  by  stran- 
 gers, 287 ;  not  allowed  to  be  witnesses, 
 116. 
 
 X. 
 
 Xanthicus,  the  Syro-Macedonian  name  of  the 
 Jewish  month  Nisan,  35 ;  and  so  else- 
 where. 
 
 Xerxes  succeeds  Darius,  283  ;  his  letter  to 
 Ezra,  ibid. 
 
 Xylophory,  a  Jewish  festival,  when  they  car- 
 ried wood  to  the  temple  for  the  sacrifices, 
 598. 
 
 Year,  two  beginnings  of  Jewish  years,  35. 
 Year  (Great,)  a  period  of  six  hundred  com- 
 mon years,  36. 
 
 Zabdiel,  a  prince  of  the  Arabians,  330. 
 
 Zabidus,  an  Idumean,  765. 
 
 Zachariah,  king  of  Israel,  252. 
 
 Zachariuh,  sou  of  Jehoiada,  a  prophet,  is 
 stoned,  248. 
 
 Zacharias,  son  of  Baruch,  651 ;  he  is  mur- 
 dered in  the  temple,  ibid. 
 
 Zacharias,  son  of  Phaiek,  646. 
 
 Zadoc,  or  Sadoc,  high  priest,  180,  184,  194, 
 197,  201,  205,  207. 
 
 Zalmunna,  captain  of  the  Midianites,  139. 
 
 Zamaris,  a  Babylonian  Jew,  434. 
 
 Zarepheth,  or  Sarepta,  the  widow's  habitation, 
 whose  meal  and  oil  was  multiplied  on  ac- 
 count of  Elijah,  229. 
 
 Zealots,  643  to  646,  650,  730. 
 
 Zeb,  or  Zeeb,  captain  of  the  Midianites, 
 139. 
 
 Zebndah,  mother  of  Jehoiakim,  263. 
 
 Zechariah  the  prophet,  282. 
 
 Zechariah,  son  of  Ahaz,  is  slain  by  Amaziab, 
 253. 
 
840 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Zedekiab,  a  false  propnet,  235  ;  persuades 
 Aliab  not  to  bearkeii  to  Micaiah,  strikes 
 Micaiab,  and  has  his  judgment  pronounced, 
 ibid. 
 
 Zedekiab,  kin?  of  Judab,  264  ;  he  revolts 
 from  the  Babjlonians,  ibid  ;  calls  for 
 Jeremiah's  advice,  205  ;  he  is  carried 
 captive  to  Babjlon,  266 ,  his  death, 
 267. 
 
 Zebina,  (Alexander,)  king  of  Sjria,  is  con- 
 quered by  Antiochus  Grjpus,  and  dies, 
 340. 
 
 Zebol,  140. 
 
 Zeno,  stjled  Cotylas,  tjrant  of  Philadelphia, 
 338. 
 
 Zenodoras,  403,  550;  bis  death,  404. 
 
 Zerah,  an  Ethiopian  king,  227  ;  defeated  by 
 
 Asa,  ibid. 
 Zeraiab,  171. 
 Zeuxis,  306. 
 Ziba,  Saul's  freed-man,  185;   accuses  Mephi- 
 
 bosheth,  191,  192. 
 Zimri,  prince   of  the    Simeonites,    111  ;  his 
 
 speech    against   Moses,   ibid ;    is   slain   by 
 
 Phineas  the  priest,   and  the  plague  stayed 
 
 thereby,  111,  112. 
 Zimri  kills  Elab,  228 ;  his  death,  ibid. 
 Zipporab,  Moses'  wife,  83. 
 ZizoD,  an  Arabian,  347. 
 Zoilus,  a  tyrant,  344. 
 Zorobabel,  277,  278,  279, 
 Zar,  king  of  the  Midianites,  112. 
 
 THE    END. 
 
 V    — *x> 
 
 LoDdou  :  PrintecJ',at  the  Caxton  Press,  by  11,  Fisher,  Son,  ;.nii  Cc, 
 
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