tihtaxy of ^he t:heolo0ical ^eminarjp PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY PRESENTED BY Herbert Beecher Hudnut -#^^^ OF ?mcEfo^^ OCT ,S 1981 THE A aA ^fOLOGiCALSt^: EPISTLE OF ST. PAUL ROMANS. WITH NO TBS AND INTRODUCTION, By E. H. GIFFORD, D.D., ARCHDEACON OF LONDON AND CANON OF ST. PAUL'S, EXAMINING CHAPLAIN TO THE BISHOP OF LONDON, REPRINTED FROM THE ''SPEAKER'S COMMENTARY:^ LONDON : JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 1886. UNIFORM WITH THE PRESENT VOLUME. THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. With Notes and Introduction. By Canon Westcott, D,D. Medium 8vo. los. 6d. THE BOOK OF PSALMS. With Notes and Introduction. By Dean Johnson, and Canons C. J. Elliott and F. C. Cook. Medium 8vo. lo;-. 6d. LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. CONTENTS. THE EPISTLE OF ST. PAUL TO THE ROMANS. INTRODUCTION, COMMENTARY, AND CRITICAL NOTES. BY THE REV. E. H. GIFFORD, D.D., ARCHDEACON OF LONDON AND CANON OF ST. Paul's, examining chaplain to the bishop of london. pp. 1-238. § I. Authorship § 2. Time and Place of Writing I. Notes of Time and Place in x-v., x-vt. 2 II. Indications of Time ir Rom. i. 10-13 2 § 3. Language . 3 § 4. Jews in Rome . 3 § 5. Christians in Rome 4 § 6. Occasion of Writing 8 § 7. The Purpose of the Epistle 9 Additional Notes : On chap. i. i, 4, 8, 12, 13, 15, 17,20, 23, 24, 32 68 On chap. ii. 8, 16 . 81 On chap. iii. 9, 25 96 On chap. iv. i, 2, 25 108 On chap. v. 1, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12 122 On chap. vi. 5, 6, 13, 17, 21 133 On chap. vii. i, 5, 6, 21, 25 144 § 8. Integrity of the Epistle . I. Testimonyof the early Fathers II. Testimony of existing Manu- scripts .... III. Internal Evidence , . {a) The Doxology . . (h) Chapters xv., xvi. § 9. Authorities for the Text § 10. Contents of the Epistle. Appendix. — " The Law," " The Flesh " . Additional Notes : On chap. viii. 2, 3, 9, 11, 28, 29, 35 • On chap. ix. 5, 6, 8, 15, 17, 19 On chap. x. 4, 15, 17 On chap. xi. 7, 9, 12, 13, 32 On chap. xiii. i On chap. xiv. 11 . ^ On chap. xvi. 7, 25 • PAGB 20 25 26 30 33 41 164 ?, 31 . 178 . 190 . 203 . 215 • . 221 • • 238 a z ROMANS. INTRODUCTION. §1. §2. §3. Authorship Time and Place of Writing I. Notes of Time and Place in xv., xvi. II. Indications of Time in Rom. i. 10-13 Language . § 4. Jews in Rome § 5. Christians in Rome . § 6. Occasion of Writing § 7. The Purpose of the Epistle PAGE I I § 8. Integrity of the Epistle . 20 I. Testimony of tAe ear/y Fathers 20 II. Testimony of existing Manu- scripts . . . .22 III. Internal Evidence . * 25 (a) The Doxology . .25 (i^) Chapters xv., x-vi. . 26 § 9. Authorities for the Text 30 § 10. Contents of the Epistle. 32 Appendix.—" The Law," " The Flesh" . . .41 § I. Authorship. THE title of the Epistle in the oldest manuscripts is simply Trpos 'F(iifxaiov<;, " To the Romans :" but the first word of the Epistle itself names St. Paul as its author, and it has been uni- versally accepted in all ages as his genuine work. It is quoted very early, though not, as some have supposed, in the New Testa- ment itself. Thus in 2 Pet. iii. 15 there is an allusion to St. Paul's teaching, which in consequence of a slight resemblance in the language has been thought to refer especially to Rom. ii. 4; but St. Peter, as the context clearly shows, is referring to the moral exhortation found in all St. Paul's Epistles, based as it commonly is on the expectation of Christ's second coming. The supposed allusion in St. James (ii. 14) to St. Paul's teaching in the Epistle to the Romans is inconsistent with the friendly and confidential intercourse of these two Apostles (Acts xv. 4, 25 ; Gal. ii. 9), and with the earlier date at which St. James most probably wrote. On this point, however, the reader must refer to the full discussion in the Com- mentary on St. James. But the Epistle is certainly quoted before the end of the ist century by Clement of Rome in a passage which will be found in the Additional Note on i. 32 : in the 2nd century it is quoted by Ignatius, Polycarp, Justin Martyr, and Irenccus : the last-named Father repeatedly and expressly refers to it as the work of St. Paul (III. xvi. 3, 9). The internal evidence of its genuineness has carried conviction to the minds of the most cautious and the most sceptical of critics. Every chapter, in fact, bears the impress of the same mind from which the Epistles to the Churches of Corinth and Galatia undoubtedly pro- ceeded; and even Baur and the critics of his school, who make every effort to prove the two last chapters spurious, are obliged to admit that the rest of the Epistle is the genuine work of SU Paul. § 2. Time and Place of Writing. The passages which contain definite historical statements indicating the time and place at which the Epistle was written are all contained in the last two chapters, xv. 25-31 ; xvi. i, 2, 21, 23. But the time and place of writing can also be inferred with great probability from indirect evidence contained in i. 10, II, 13. This latter proof is quite independent INTRODUCTION. of the former, and when combined with it forms an undesigned coincidence be- tween the first and last chapters of the Kpistle, and a vakiable confirmation of the genuineness of chapters xv. and xvi., which of late years has been much disputed. I. Notes of Time and Place in xv., xvi. At the time of writing this Epistle St. Paul was going to carry to the poor saints at Jerusalem a contribution made for them in Macedonia and Achaia (xv. 25, 26), and he hoped afterwards to visit Rome on his way to Spain (xv. 28). If we compare these passages with Acts xix. 21 and xx. 3, it is clear that the Epistle must have been written after the Apostle's arrival in Greece on his third missionary journey, when he spent three months in Corinth. The same conclusion follows from comparing Romans xv. 25-28 with i Cor. xvi. 1-5, and 2 Cor. viii. 1-4, ix. I, 2. In presence of the hostile criti- cism which is directed against the his- torical value of the Acts, it is worth notice that this second proof is inde- pendent of St. Luke's narrative. Assuming, however, as we justly may, the authenticity and accuracy of St. Luke's history, we can fix almost within a week the date at which our Epistle was despatched. For we learn from Acts xx. 3 that, as St. Paul was about to sail from Corinth into Syria, the Jews laid wait for him, and on this account he changed his route at the last moment and deter- mined to return through Macedonia. The Epistle, if written after these incidents, would almost certainly have contained some reference to them, and especially to the plot of the Jews, which the Apostle could not have failed to notice in alluding to the enmity of his countrymen in ch. xv. 31. We may, therefore, confidently infer that the letter was despatched before St. Paul actually left Achaia, and yet not long before (xv. 25). The winter was at an end and navi- gation had recommenced, for " /le was about to sail i)ito Sytia" (Acts xx. 3). Yet the spring was not far advanced, for after travelling through Macedonia to Miletus (Acts xx. 16) he still hoped to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost. We can fix the season even more exactly : for St. Paul and his company spent "///^ days of unleavened bread" at Philippi (Acts xx. 6), and must therefore have left Corinth some time before the Passover. The proof that the Epistle was written from Corinth is well stated by Theo- doret : " First, he commends to them Phoebe, calling her a deaconess of the Church at Cenchrese (xvi. i) ; and Cenchrese is a port of the Corinthians. And then he also speaks thus : ' Gaius mine host saluteth yoti' (xvi. 23). Now that Gaius was of Corinth is easy to learn from the First Epistle to the Corinthians, for he writes to them tlius : ' / thatik my God that I baptized none of you, save Crispus and Gaiiis^ (i Cor. i. 14). To these arguments of Theodoret we may add that four of the seven persons named in Rom. xvi. 21-23 — Timo- theus, Sosipater, Jason, and Gaius — can be shown with great probability to have been with St. Paul during his second abode at Corinth. The conclusion from these various proofs is that the Epistle to the Romans was written from Corinth shortly before Easter a.d. 58. II. Indications of Time in i. 10-13. We read in this passage that the writer has not yet been at Rome, but is longing to visit the believers there, and has '■'• oftentimes purposed" \.o come unto them, but has been " hindered hitherto!* This purpose of visiting Rome St. Paul publicly declared during the latter part of his abode at Ephesus : ^'- After these things were ended Paul purposed in the spirit, wheji he had passed through Macedoma and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying. After I have bee?i there, I must also see Rome" (Acts xix. 21). We do not know how long the Apostle had entertained the purpose here for the first time recorded : there is no indica- tion nor probability that it entered into the plan of his first journey 10 Europe INTRODUCTION. (Acts xvL 9 — xviii. i8). But we may conjecture with some probability that the desire to visit Rome had been first kindled by St. Paul's intercourse with Aquila and Priscilla when they had lately come from Italy to Corinth (Acts xviii. i), and fostered by constant asso- ciation with them during the journey from Corinth to Ephesus (Acts xviii. 26 ; xix. I, 10; I Cor. xvi. 19). The dis- tinct purpose therefore of visiting Rome could hardly have been formed before St. Paul's abode at Ephesus, nor could the statement in Rom. i. 10-13 have been made before the latter part of that period, a considerable lapse of time being implied in the words '■'■oftentimes 1 purposed to come unto you, but was let hitherto." Again, by comparison with the con- tents of the Corinthian Epistles it may be clearly proved that the Epistle to the Romans must have been written after 2 Corinthians (see Bp. Lightfoot, ' Gala- tians,' p. 48) : that is to say, after the latter part of the year 57. Thus we are brought very close to the time indicated in Rom. xv., xvi., and have found an independent proof of the correctness of the dates given in those chapters. § 3. Language. Salmeron (Proleg. I. 35) supposed the Epistle to have been originally com- posed in Latin, because it was addressed to Latins, written by an amanuensis who bore a Latin name, Tertius, and die-, tated by an Apostle who must have known Latin, as having the gift of tongues. Cornelius k Lapide discusses this fanciful notion, and modifies it by suggesting that St. Paul's Greek auto- graph was translated into Latin by Tertius and the translation sent to Rome. The error arose from ignorance of the fact, now well established, that for a considerable part of the first three cen- turies '* the Church of Rome, and most if not all the Churches of the West, were, if we may so speak, Greek re- ligious colonies. Their language was Greek, their organisation Greek, their writers Greek, their Scriptures Greek" (Milman, ' Latin Christianity,' L i.). Accordingly, in the Epistle itself we find St. Paul classifying mankind as "Greeks and Barbarians" (i. 14) or "Jews and Greeks " (i. 16; ii. 9, 10; iii. 9 ; X. 12) ; and in the salutations in ch. xvi. the names both of Jewish and Gentile converts are nearly all Greek. § 4. Jews in Rome. When we pass from the author to his readers, our thoughts turn first to the origin of the Jewish colony in Rome. The first embassy sent from Jerusalem to Rome by Judas Maccabc'eus, b.c. i6r, obtained from the Senate a treaty of mutual defence and friendship, which was renewed successively by Jonathan, B.C. 144, by Simon, B.C. 141, and by John Hyrcanus, B.C. 129 : see i Mace. viii. 17, xii. i, xiv. 24 j and Josephus, * Antiq.' xiii. i. Of the Jews who came to Rome in the train of these frequent embassies some would certainly settle there, for the commercial advantages of residence in the great capital would not be neg- lected by the enterprising race which was rapidly spreading over all the civi- lised world. The first notice in Latin literature of the Jews in Rome seems to be the well- known passage in Cicero's defence of L. Valerius Flaccus (c. 28), where we learn that the Jews were accustomed to send gold every year from Italy to Jerusalem, and formed in Rome itself a faction so numerous and formidable that the great orator points to them as thronging at that moment the steps of the Aurelian tribunal, and lowers his voice in pretended terror lest they should overhear his words. These wealthy and influential Jews must have been settled in Rome long before the captives whom Pompey brought from Jerusalem to adorn his triumph only two years before the date of Cicero's oration, b.c. 59. But Pompey's captives were in course of time set free by those who had bought them for slaves (Philo, Jud. ' de Legat' c, 23), and the Jewish community in Rome was thus greatly increased. Julius Ciesar treated them with singular favour, and expressly sanctioned their worship A 2 INTRODUCTION. in their synagogues (Jos. 'Antiq.' xiv. c. lo, 8), and the same privileges were continued by Augustus and Tiberius (Philo, ib.). " The great division of Rome which is on the other side of the Tiber was occupied by the Jews " (Philo), and so numerous were they, that when Archelaus came to Rome (a.d. 2) to secure the succession on the death of Herod, 8000 of the Jews dwelling in Rome took part against him (Jos. ' B. J.' ii. 6; 'Antiq.' xvii. c. 11, i). The favour of the Caesars was in marked contrast to the contempt and hatred with which the Romans in general looked upon the Jews. Cicero calls them a nation "born for slavery" (' De Prov.' c. 10), and their religion a bar- barous superstition, abhorrent to the ancestral institutions of Rome and to the glory of its empire (' Pro Flacco,' c. 28). Horace refers to their prosely- tising zeal (i ' Sat.' iv. 143), their seeming credulity (v. 100), and the mingled con- tempt and fear with which their religious rites were regarded (x. 69-72). Josephus {'Antiq.' xviii. 3, 5) tells how the fraud which four Jewish impostors practised on one of their female converts moved Tiberius to expel all Jews from Rome and send 4000 of them to serve as soldiers in Sardinia. But neither exile nor persecution, though repeated under successive Emperors, could drive the Jews permanently from Rome. They soon returned, and their power so in- creased that, in Seneca's words (August. * de Civ. D.' vL 11), " the conquered race gave laws to its conquerors." § 5. Christians in Rome. If we ask at what time and by whom the Gospel was first preached at Rome, we have to consider sundry answers pre- sented by ecclesiastical tradition. First we are told in the Clementine Homilies that in the reign of Tiberius tidings came to Rome " that a certain one in Judaea, beginning in the spring season, was preaching to the Jews the kingdom of the invisible God," and working many wonderlul miracles and signs (Hom. i. c. 6). " in the same year in the autumn sea- son a certain one standing in a public place cried and said, " Men of Rome, hearken. The Son of God is come in Judaea, proclaiming eternal life to all who will, if they shall live according to the counsel of the Father, who hath sent Him " (c. 7). These statements of the Pseudo- Clement are of course purely fictitious. Another marvellous story is recorded by Tertullian ('Apologeticus,' c. 5) : " Ti- berius, accordingly, in whose days the; Christian name made its entry into the world, having himself received intelli- gence from Palestine of events which had clearly shown the truth of Christ's divinity, brought the matter before the Senate, with his own decision in favour of Christ. The Senate, because it had not given the approval itself, rejected his proposal." The tale bears on its face all the marks of untruth (Neander, 'Church His- tory,' i. 128), and Tertullian, who was no critic, had probably been deceived by some of the many spurious "Acts of Pilate." We come next to two traditions, per- fectly distinct in their origin, which ascribe the foundation of the church at Rome to St. Peter. A. The former of these traditions, which represents St. Peter as preaching at Rome in the reign of Claudius, arose as follows : — (i) Justin Martyr in his first Apology, addressed to Antoninus Pius, writes thus (c. 26) : "There was one Simon, a Samaritan, of the village called Gitton, who in the reign of Claudius Cssar, and in your royal city of Rome, did mighty feats of magic by the art of daemons working in him. He was considered a god, and as a god was honoured among you with a statue, which statue was set up in the river Tiber between the two bridges, and bears this inscription in Latin : '* ' Simoni Deo Sancto ;' which is, ' To Simon the holy God.' " The substance of this story is repeated by Irenaeus ('adv. Haer.' I. xxiii. i), and by Tertullian ('Apol.' c. 13), who re- INTRODUCTION. preaches the Romans for installing Simon Magus in their Pantheon, and giving him a statue and the title " Holy God." In A.D, 1574 a stone, which had formed the base of a statue, was dug up on the site described by Justin, the island in the Tiber, bearing an inscrip- tion : " Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sa- crum," &c. Hence it has been supposed that Justin mistook a statue of the Sabine God, " Semo Sancus," for one of Simon Magus. See the notes in Otto's Justin Martyr and Stieren's Irenseus. On the other hand Tillemont (' Me- moires,' t. ii. p. 482) maintains that Justin in an Apology addressed to the emperor and written in Rome itself cannot reasonably be supposed to have fallen into so manifest an error. Whichever view we take of Justin's accuracy concerning the inscription and the statue, there is nothing improbable in his statement that Simon Magus was at Rome in the reign of Claudius. Only we must observe that Justin says not one word about Sf. Peter's alleged visit to Rome and his encounter with Simon Magus. (2.) Papias, " a man of very small mind" (Euseb, ' Eccl. Hist.' iii. 39) says that the Presbyter John used to say that Mark, " the interpreter of Peter," recorded his teaching accurately. Here there is no mention of Shnon Magus, nor of the time dsiA place of St. Peter's preaching. (3.) Clement of Alexandria (c. a.d. 200), quoted by Eusebius (' E. H.' vi. 14), repeats "a tradition from the elders of former times," that " after Peter had publicly preached the word in Rome," Mark at the request of the hearers wrote what he had said, and so composed his gospel. Here again the time of Peter's preach- ing at Rome is not mentioned. Before we pass on it is most import- ant to observe that these traditions pre- served by Papias and Clement have not the sliglitest connexion oi persons, time, or place, with Justin Martyr's story of Simon Magus. (4.) Eusebius in his ' Ecclesiastical History' (c. a.d. 325), quotes Justin Martyr's story about Simon Magus ('E. H.' ii. c. 13), and then, without re- ferring to any authority, goes on to assert (c. 14) that "immediately in the same reign of Claudius divine Providence led Peter the Great Apostle to Rome to encounter this great destroyer of life," and that he thus brought the light of the Gospel from the East to those in the West. As the date of this visit to Rome Eusebius in the' Chronicon ' gives a.d. 42, and says that Peter remained at Rome twenty years (see Canon Cook's article "Peter" in the ' Dictionary of the Bible'). This arbitrary and erroneous combi- nation of traditions, which had no original connexion, may possibly have been sug- gested to Eusebius by the historical con- nexion between Simon Magus and St. Peter in Acts viii., or more probably he may have borrowed it from the strange fictions of the 'Clementine Recognitions* and 'Homilies,' and ' Apostolic Constitu- tions.' (See ' Recognitions,' iii. 63-65; ' Homilies,' I. xv. Iviii. ; ' Epistle of Clement to James,' c. i.; 'Apost. Constit.' vi., viii., ix.) That St. Peter was not at Rome, and had not previously been there, when St. Paul wrote his Epistle to the Romans, may be safely inferred from its silence concerning him, and from the fact that there is not a particle of trustworthy evidence in favour of any earlier visit. B. The other tradition, which repre- sents the Roman Church to have been founded by St. Peter and St. Paul jointly, rests on the following authorities. (i.) Irenffius III. c. i : " Matthew published a written Gospel among the Hebrews in their own language, at the time when Peter and Paul were preach- ing the Gospel at Rome and founding the Church. But after their depar-ture (or according to a various reading, after Matthew's publication) Mark also the disciple and interpreter of Peter handed down to us in writing what was preached by Peter." Eusebhis (' Eccles. Hist' v. 8) cites this passage without noticing that it is inconsistent with his own state- ments in ii. 15 concerning the earlier foundation of the Roman Church by St. Peter, inasmuch as it expressly ascribes INTRODUCTION. the foundation (^c/xcXiowrwv) of that church to the simultaneous preaching of the two Apostles, which cannot possibly be assigned to that earlier date in the reign of Claudius. (2.) Irenseus III. c. iii. 2 : " The greatest and most ancient and univers- ally known Church, founded and esta- blished in Rome by the two most glorious Apostles Peter and Paul." Id. III. c. iii. 3. " Having therefore founded and built up the Church the blessed Apostles entrusted its episcopal ministration to the hands of Linus." (3.) Euseb. ' Eccl. Hist.' ii. 25 : "Paul is related to have been beheaded in Rome itself, and Peter hkewise to have been crucified in his (Nero's) time. And the story is accredited by the appel- lation of Peter and Paul having pre- vailed up to the present time on the tombs there (koi/ajjtt^pi'wv)." (4.) Ibid. Dionysius of Corinth wri- ting to the Romans calls both their Church and that of Corinth a joint plantation of Peter and Paul, and adds that " having gone to Italy and taught together there they died as martyrs at the same time." The tradition embodied in these pas- sages clearly refers to the time of Nero's persecution, six or seven years later than the Epistle to the Romans, and throws no light upon the origin and earliest or- ganisation of the Roman Church. The Epistle itself, compared with the narrative in Acts, is the only trustworthy source of information on these points. From i. 8-13 and xv. 23 it is certain that there had been for " many years " in Rome a considerable body of Christians whom St. Paul had a great desire to visit in person, but had hitherto been hindered. This desire to visit them, and to have some fruit among them (i. 13), combined with his declared unwillingness to build on another man's foundation (xv. 18-24), and with his boldness in admonishing them (xv. 15) by virtue of his Apostolic authority, forbids us to suppose that the Roman Church had been founded by any other Apostle. We may however assume, almost with certainty, that the rise of the new faith in Jerusalem, and the great events by which it had been ushered in, must have been quickly known in Rome. Tacitus in fact expressly asserts this in his account of Nero's persecutions of the Christians, 'Annals ' xv. 44 : " The name was derived from Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius suffered under Pontius Pilate, the procurator of Judaea. By that event the sect of which he was the founder received a blow which for a time checked the growth of a dangerous superstition ; but it revived soon after, and spread with recruited vigour not only in Judeea the soil which gave it birth, but even in the city of Rome, the common sink into which everything infamous and abominable flows like a torrent from all quarters of the world." There was constant intercourse be- tween the two great cities, and " some who had gone forth from Rome as Jews may well have returned thither as Christians" (Fritzsche). It' is not im- probable that some of the " strangers of Jiome" i. e. Romans resident in Jeru- salem, who witnessed the wonders of the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10) may have been among the first to bring back the good tidings to the capital. M. Godet (' Introduction,' p. 6;^) is unwilling to admit this explanation of the origin of the Church of Rome, as seeming to prove that the Gospel was spread in the city by means of the Synagogue. But the clear and positive statement of Tacitus, that Christianity soon after t\\Q death of its Founder spread even to the city of Rome, cannot be set aside for fear of any inferences that may be drawn from it. Nor does it by any means follow that the Synagogue must have been the sole or chief channel through which a know- ledge of the Gospel was diffused in Rome. If the first believers were Jews and Proselytes, to these there would soon be added Gentile Christians, who being either provincials had brought their new faith to Rome, or being Romans had learned it in the provinces ; here a faithful centurion, and there a devout soldier of the Italian cohort, would bear witness at Rome of the things which he had seen and heard in Jerusalem INTRODUCTION. The number of believers would rapidly increase : as the first teachers of the Gospel were driven forth by persecution, or by their own missionary zeal, beyond the bounds of Palestine (Acts viii. i, 4 ; xi. 19; xii. 17; xiii. 3), every province that was traversed by an Apostle, every city in which a Christian church was founded, would help to swell the number of Christians drawn together in Rome from all parts of the empire. But believers, few or many, scattered over a great city do not constitute a Church such as those which the Apostles founded. Did such a Church, duly or- ganised, exist in Rome when St. Paul wrote this Epistle ? No trace of such organisation is found either in the Epistle itself, or in the narrative of St. Paul's subsequent residence at Rome (Acts xxviii.). If we put aside the circular letters, " Ephesians " and " Colossians," we find that in all St. Paul's Epistles addressed to Churches which are known to have been fully organised there is some men- tion of "the Church" (i. ii. Thess., i. ii. Cor., Gal.), or of " the Bishops and Deacons " (Phil. i. i). But in " Romans " there is nothing of the kind, either in the address, or in the body of the letter, or in the final salutations. The only " Church" mentioned is the little assembly in the house of Aquila and Priscilla (xvi. 5) : the only reference to ecclesiastical ministers, teachers, or rulers is in xii., 4-8, a statement of the general principles of Church order, which proves the need rather than the existence of such an organisation in the Christian community at Rome as would secure the well-regulated exercise of individual gifts. The whole tone of the exhortations in chapters xii., xiv., and especially in xii. 10, seems to imply a community of Christian brethren, in which none had yet been invested with superior au- thority. The evidence thus furnished by the Epistle itself is too strong to be set aside by mere conjecture. We cannot agree with Meyer's opinion (p. 20, E. Tr.) that the existence of " a Church formally constituted may be gathered from the general analogy of other Churches that had already been long in existence :" much less with his further assumption, — " Especially may the existence of a body of Presbyters, which was essential to Church organisation (Acts xiv. 23), be regarded as a matter of course." The formal organisation of a Church, and the existence of a body of Pres- byters, can be inferred from the analogy of other Churches, only in a case where it is known that Apostolic authority has been exercised. Meyer himself thus writes (p. 22) concerning the Roman community at an earlier period : " Indi- vidual Christians were there, and cer- tainly also Christian fellowship, but still no organised Church. To plant such a Church there was needed, as is plain from the analogy of all other cases of the founding of Churches with which we are acquainted, official action on the part of teachers endowed directly or in- directly with Apostolic authority." Meyer evidently argues in a circle : ' Other Churches, namely those which had been founded by Apostles, were formally organised : Therefore we infer, by analogy, that Rome was formally organised : Therefore Rome must have been Apos- tolically founded.' Setting aside such precarious infer- ences from an unproved analogy, we gather from the Epistle itself that the Christians at Rome were not as yet a Church fully and formally organised. Rather they were a large and " mixed community of Jew and Gentile converts," well described by Bishop Lightfoot ('Phil.' p. 13) as "a heterogeneous mass, with diverse feelings and sympathies, wiih no well-defined organisation, with no other bond of union than the belief in a com- mon Messiah; gathering, we may sup- pose, for purposes of worship in small knots here and there, as close neigh- bourhood or common nationality or sympathy or accident drew them together; but, as a body, lost in the vast masses of the heathen population, and only faintly discerned or contemptuously ignored even by the large community of J ewish residents." We may gather from the Epistle that • 8 INTRODUCTION. St. Paul had before hi? mind all the chief elements of this mixed community of Christians, as well as the unconverted Jews and heathens among whom they lived. There were Jews of the Synagogue to whom the Gospel had not yet been preached, or by whom it had been long since rejected, and who appear three years later to have been still wrapped up in contemptuous ignorance of " this sect," which " is everywhere spoken against" (Acts xxviii. 22). As in St. Luke's narrative the Apostle's first care within three days after his arrival in Rome is to call " the chief of the Jews together," and to expound unto them " the kingdom of God, persuading them concerning Jesus :" so in the Epistle he writes (i. 16), " I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ : for it is the power of God unto salvation tv. every one that believeth; to the Jew Jirst, and also to the Greek." Again when he writes, *' Oftentimes I purposed to come unto you, that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among other Gentiles : I am debtor both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians" (i. 13, 14), it is clear that he hopes to preach the Gospel to Gentiles at Rome who had not yet heard it. Within the Christian community itself there were many various sections : Jews of Palestine, some of whom, like Andro- nif us and Junias, Paul's kinsmen and fellow-prisoners, were of note among the Apostles in Jerusalem, and were also in Christ before Paul himself (xvi. 7) : Jews of the Dispersion, like Aquila of Pontus and his wife Priscilla, Paul's chosen dis- ciples and devoted friends : proselytes of Rome, now turned to Christ: Gentile Christians, of whom some, like the well- beloved Epsenetus the first-fruits of Asia unto Christ (xvi. 5) had been St. Paul's own converts ; others, like Amplias, Urban, Stachys, his helpers in Christ or friends beloved in the Lord ; others again unknown by face, whom yet he salutes by name as " chosen in the Lord," or •' approved in Christ," while of the great majority he only knew that their faith was spoken of throughout the whole world. § 6. Occasion of Writing. Dean Alford has justly observed that in answering the question, with what object was -the Epistle written? critics have not sufficiently borne in mind that ''^ the occasiofi of writmg 2X\. Epistle is one thing, — the great object of the Epistle itself, another." The distinction is in the present case most appropriate, for while the deter- mination of the main object of the Epistle is one of the most disputed problems of modern criticism, the immediate occasion of writing is clearly stated by the Apostle himself He had heard the faith of the Roman Christians everywhere spoken of (i. 8), and for many years had felt a longing desire to visit them (L 11; xv. 23) : he had often definitely purposed to do so (i. 13), and had been as often (tol TToAAa, XV. 22) hindered. A year before, when at Ephesus, he had purposed in the Spirit to go through Macedonia and Achaia, and thence to Jerusalem (Acts xix. 21), ^^ saying, After I have been there, I jnust also see Jiovie." He had completed that portion of his journey which brought him nearest to Rome, and was now turning back from Corinth to the far East, going bound in the Spirit to Jerusalem, and already fore- seeing that danger awaited him there from the unbeUeving Jews (xv. 31). He still longs and hopes to see Rome (i. 10), but already he is looking beyond it to the distant West : Rome is to be, as he hopes, a resting-place for brief sojourn on his way to Spain (xv. 24, 28). The cause of this change or extension of his plan is not stated, but it probably sprang from the great conflict of the past year against Jews and Judaizing Christians, the records of which are his Epistles to the Corinthians and Gala- tians. Hitherto he had preached the Gospel everywhere to the Jews first, but their general rejection of it was now an established fact (ix. i ; x. 3), over which he mourned, but in which he saw an intimation of God's will that he should now devote himself more exclusively to his own sphere of Apostolic labour, and go far off unto the Gentiles. INTRODUCTION. His visit to Jerusalem with the alms of the Gentiles might be perhaps in- tended as a farewell token of his love (Gal. ii. lo). A considerable time must elapse before he could reach Rome, and then his stay must be short : an Epistle would be useful for the present needs of the brethren there, and by preparing the way for his personal ministration would render his short sojourn more profitable. Phcebe, a servant or deaconess of the Church in Cenchrece, had business to transact in Rome (xvi. i), and to her charge the Epistle would naturally be entrusted. § 7. The Purpose of the Epistle. In comparing the Epistle to the Romans with the Epistles addressed by St. Paul to other Churches, we perceive at once that it is distinguished from them all as containing a more general and system.atic statement of Christian doctrine. It is quite natural that this most striking peculiarity should have been the first object of attention to any who were seeking to discover the chief aim and purpose of the writing. In the Muratorian Fragment, which contains the earliest extant catalogue of the books of the New Testament, written about 170 a.d., the author thus describes the four greater Epistles of St. Paul : " First of all he wrote to the Corinthians forbidding party schism, next to the Galatians forbidding circumcision; but to the Romans he wrote at greater length concerning the plan of the Scriptures, showing at the same time that their foundation is Christ." (See Hilgenfeld, ' Einleitung in d. N. T.,' pp. 88-107; Routh, ' Rell. Sacr.'i. 394 sqq. ; and Westcott on the Canon of the Nev/ Testament, p. 241.) We observe that this earliest of Critics, while assigning to the Corin- thian and Galatian letters special motives arising out of the particular circum- stances of those Churches, attributes none but a perfectly general didactic purpose to the Epistle to the Romans. Origcn, in the preface to his Com- mentary, notices the difficulty of the Epistle, its indications of St. Paul's progress tov/ards Christian perfection, and the time and place of writing ; but not the purpose. Chrysostom observes that St. Paul wrote to difi'erent Churches from dif- ferent motives and on different subjects, and finds the motive of this Epistle in his desire' to embrace the whole world in his ministry and to instruct the Romans, " because saith he, of the grace that is given to me of God, that I should be the minister of Jesus Christ" (xv. 15). Theodoret says that " the inspired Apostle offers in this letter varied doc- trine of all kinds." CEcumenius, after noticing the personal introduction (i. 1-15), says "for the rest he makes his Epistle didactic." Luther says in his Preface to the Epistle, that it " contains in itself the plan of the whole Scripture, and is a most complete epitome of the New Testament or Gospel^ which Gospel it exhibits in the briefest and clearest manner." Calvin writes : " The whole Epistle is so systematic, that even the exordium itself is composed according to the rules of art." He then gives an outline of the contents, in which he regards "justifi- cation by faith as the principal question of the whole Epistle," and the destiny of Israel (ix. — xi.) as a subordinate subject. The Epistle is described in like manner by Melanchthon as a " compen- dium of Christian doctrine," and by Grotius as "addressed specially to the Romans, but containing all the defences (munimenta) of the Christian religion, in such wise that it well deserved that copies should be sent to other Churches." Reiche in his Commentary on the Epistle, p. 84, abides " by the view that the Epistle to the Romans is to be regarded according to its material aim as a universal, popular representation, adapted to the time, of the necessity, glory, and divine excellence of the Christian method of salvation, with reference to manifold objections espe- cially of the old Theocracy, combined with a brief exhibition of genuine Christian feeling and conduct ; but that its formal aim must be held to be lO INTRODUCTION. establisJiment in Christian faith and Christian virtue." Tholuck also, in his earlier editions, regards the design of the Epistle as " universal and not founded on the peculiar circumstances of the Roman Church." St. Paul, he thinks, undertakes an exposition of the entire scheme pro- jected by the Divine Being for the salvation of mankind according as it is revealed to us in the Gospel ; and after- wards, as an appendage to this, which is the larger portion of the letter, proceeds to the peculiar circumstances of the Church, so far as they were known to him. Some of these statements are evi- dently exaggerated ; but we must not on that account reject the truth which they contain. The Epistle does not " contain in itself a plan of the whole Scripture," nor is it " a complete epitome of the Gospel " ; for there are whole provinces of revealed truth on which it scarcely touches. The range of its dogmatic teaching is rightly indicated in Melanchthon's question : " Is it not in reality on the Law, on Sin, and on Grace, that the knowledge of Christ depends ? " And when Tholuck writes that St. Paul " wished to show how the Gospel, and the Gospel alone, fully answers to the soul's need of Salvation, a need which neither Paganism nor Judaism could satisfy," we can accept this representation as true in itself, but not as a complete or sufficient account of the whole purpose of the Epistle. It is, as all must admit, more didactic, methodical, and universal in its teaching than most of St. Paul's Epistles ; and no statement of its purpose can be satis- factory which does not give full import- ance to this characteristic feature. Baur himself regards the Epistle "as a systematic work, dealing with a massive body of thought," and contrasts it with the Epistle to the Galatians, " the one being the first sketch of a bold and profound system as conceived in its characteristic and essential features, the other the completed system, developed on all sides, and provided with all necessary arguments and illustrations." CPaul/i. 309). But this dogmatic system is not the only element that must be taken into consideration. What lies before us is not a manual of Christian doctrine nor a theological treatise, but a letter ; and it is of the very essence of a letter that it arises out of special relations between the writer and his readers, by which its purpose is in great measure determined. In regard to this Epistle it has been too lightly assumed that a special motive is inconsistent with a general didactic purpose. "The question," writes M. Godet, " stands thus : If we assign a special practical aim to the Epistle, we put ourselves, as it seems, in contradiction to the very general and quasi-systematic character of its contents. If on the contrary we ascribe to it a didactic and wholly general aim, it differs thereby from the other letters of St. Paul, all of which spring from some particular occasion, and have a definite aim." (i. p. 80). We cannot regard this as a correct statement of the case : the supposed dilemma is purely fictitious. There is no necessary or natural opposition between a more general and a more special purpose : the two become op- posed only when it is arbitrarily assumed that either of them is the complete and exclusive purpose ; and to suggest an opposition which has no real existence is only to create an imaginary difficulty for the sake of refuting it. The real difficulty lies not in the co-existence of a general and a special purpose, but in determining the exact nature of each, their respective limits and mutual relations. We pass on then to consider the views of other interpreters who have en- deavoured to discover the special cir- cumstances which influenced the Apostle in writing this Epistle, in other words to determine its historical origin and purpose. We have seen already in § 5 that the Christians at Rome must have formed a community of diverse elements drawn from various nations and creeds, in w-hich we may well believe that every variety of Christian thought and feeUng found a place. We have INTRODUCTION. II also seen that in comparison with St. Paul's other letters " the great character of the Epistle is its universality" (Bishop Wor-dsworth). But this very character of universality, both in the letter and in the Community to which it is addressed, makes it more than usually difficult to determine the mutual relations of the different classes of Christians at Rome, and the special motive and purpose of the letter. Another circumstance which adds to this difficulty is that St. Paul had not yet been at Rome, and consequently we have none of those life-like pictures and graphic strokes which set so vividly before our eyes the inner life of those Churches to which his earlier Epistles were addressed, Thessalonica, Corinth, and Galatia. In such circumstances speculation has free scope, and theories are more easily formed than refuted. By exag- gerating some features and disregard- ing others, it is easy to give an air of plausibility to very different views of the prevailing tendencies of thought and practice in the Christian Community at Rome, and of the corresponding purpose of the Epistle. There is however one historical cir- cumstance to which a primary importance is almost universally conceded. The great religious difficulty of the time was unquestionably " the relation of Judaism and Heathenism to each other, and of both to Christianity " (Baur, ' Paulus ' i. 316), and more especially the fact that contrary, as it seemed, to God's promises, His chosen people were superseded by Gentiles (p. 317). No one can read the sections i. 18 — iv. and ix. — xi., without perceiving that they have this as their common subject, treated in different ways. Olshausen, of whom Baur speaks as exhibiting " the extreme point of the purely dogmatic view" (p. 312) finds in the Epistle to the Romans a purely objective statement of the nature of the Gospel, '"'' grounded otily on the general opposition between Jews and Gentiles, and not on a more special opposition in the Church itself between Judaizing and non-Judaizing Christians " (' Commentary,' p. 47). This view, which is very similar to De Weite's, seems to err in insisting that the general question of the opposite relations of Jew and Gentile to the Gospel is the only historical ground of the Epistle, and in allowing even to this too little influence upon its main purpose. Baur, by whom their views are keenly criticised, puts forward an entirely dif- ferent theory, in support of which he is obliged " to advance a view of the occasion and purpose of v/riting the Epistle, which is radically different from the common one" ('Paul,' i. 310). Although Baur's theory has not been accepted even by his own followers without great and essential modifica- tions, it has formed the starting point of nearly all subsequent treatment of the subject, and must therefore be at least briefly examined. (i) The three chapters ix. — xi. are " the germ and centre of the whole, from which the other parts sprang; and we should take our stand on these three chapters in order to enter into the Apostle's original conception, from which the whole organism of the Epistle was developed, as we have it especially in the first eight chapters. For this purpose we have first to examine the contents of chapters ix. — xi." This assumption is by no means self- evident. At first sight it would appear at least more probable that to trace out the Apostle's line of thought correctly we should follow the order in which he has himself presented it : and if, in order to understand his discussion in i. 17 — viii. 39, any indication of the occasion and purpose of his writing is necessary, it must certainly be right to seek that preliminary indication in i. 8-16, rather than in ix. — xi. It is obvious also that by this mode of interpretation Baur, the professed cham- pion of historical criticism, has justly incurred the charge brought against him by Schott (p. 4), that he has entirely ignored the historical method, and con- structed the history out of his own dog- matic interpretation. (2) The contents of ix. — xi. having been briefly and fairly stated, Baur rightly 12 INTRODUCTION. concludes that the subject treated by the Apostle " is both the relation of Judaism and heathenism to each other, and the relation of both to Christianity" (p. 316). He adds, " It certainly appears that he cannot have devoted so large a part of his Epistle to answering this question with- out some special outward reason prompt- ing him to do so, such as may have arisen out of the circumstances of the Church at Romer The words which we have emphasized mark, as we believe, the prime fallacy of Baur's theory. He confuses the occasion of the letter with its main object: he seeks a special and local cause, when a general one is needed : he fails to dis- tinguish a reason for addressing the letter to Rofjie, from the reason for writing a full and systematic discussion of a great question by which the whole Christian Church was at that time agitated, and which was and ever must be of the deepest interest to all Christians alike. (3) The error in principle, which we have just noticed, leads to an ill-founded and, as we believe, mistaken viev/ of the actual condition and circumstances of the Christian Community at Rome. " I think," he writes (i. 331), "we are entitled to take it for granted that the section of the Roman Church to which the Epistle is addressed must have been the preponderating element i-n the Church ; and if this be so, then the Church consisted mainly of Jewish Christians." This being a point of chief importance not only in estimating Baur's theory, but in forming any correct view of the purpose of the Epistle, we must briefly examine the evidence which bears Upon it. In i. 2,3 Baur thinks that " Old Tes- tament ideas are studiously introduced, which show that the Apostle had Jewish- Christian readers in his eye when he addressed himself to the composition of the Epistle." That a portion of St. Paul's readers were Jewish Christians is admitted by all on much surer evidence than is contained in these verses : but if the introduction of Old Testament ideas is supposed to prove that the Jewish Christians were the preponderating element, it might as well be argued, on the same ground, that the Churches of Corinth and Galatia must have consisted mainly of Jewish Christians. The meaning of the passage i. 5, 6 (eV TTacriv rots edveaLV, iv ots ecrre kol vfj-€i<; kXtjtol 'Irjcrov XpicrTov) is keenly discussed. It is claimed on the one side as proving decisively that the majority of the readers addressed were Jewish Christians. " In respect of the Jewish Christians, he speaks of the universaUty of his calUng ; it extended to all nations alike, and the Jewish Christians of Rome were not beyond its scope. In order to meet the objection that he was an Apostle of the Gentiles and had nothing to do with Jewish Christians, he speaks of the Jews as one people under the general term of the eOvr} (the nations). He shows his credentials with regard to the Jewish Christians, to justify the Epistle which he is going to write " (Baur, ' Paul,' i. P- 333)- Volkmar (' Paulus Romerbrief,' p. 141) supports the same view : " 1-14. I seem indeed to be merely a Gentile-Apostle, but through the Christ have I been called to bring non- Gentile Christians (Messianer) also to the religious obedience which consists in faith in Christ, and thereby to help towards the establishment of peace even in a Church which is a stranger to peace." This view, untenable as it really is, has unfortunately been attacked on the wrong points. The rendering "among all nations" which is that of our A.V., is not only admissible, but in this context even preferable to that which is proposed instead of it, — "among all the Gentiles." See the note on the passage. Those who, like M. Godet, would affix to the words " a definite, restricted, and quasi- technical sense, the nations in opposition to the chosen people," seem to forget that they themselves acknowledge that there were some Jewish Christians among the readers addressed. Which meaning then INTRODUCTION. 13 of the word " iiations " is most suitable to the opening address, the natural meaning which includes all the readers without distinction, or the technical meaning which pointedly excludes a portion of them ? An impartial student, who has no d priori theory to support, will be disposed to admit that, in a letter ad- dressed to a mixed community of Jewish and Gentile Christians, St. Paul could not possibly mean to exclude any by words which might be so understood as to mclude them all. This comprehensive sense of the words ^^ afnofig al/ nations" is confirmed by the true meaning of v. 6, " Amo/jg who?n are ye also [the'] called of Jesus Christ." Neither Baur nor his critics have seen the true connexion between this and the preceding verse. For while it would be superfluous to inform Gentiles as such that they were included "among all the Gentiles" (Godet), and equally superfluous to inform Jewish Christians that they as Jews were in- cluded " among all the nations " (Baur), it is neither superfluous nor irrelevant to remind both Jewish and Gentile Christians that their being already '■'■called of Jesus Christ " is an actual proof that they are included in the commission of one who had received through Jesus Christ Himself '''■grace and apostleship for obedience to the faith among all nations." The great mass of the Gentile world was not as yet so called : the great mass of the Jews had rejected the calling. Thus the Apostle gracefully acknow- ledges the position of privilege which his readers had already attained, and turns it into a proof of his right to address them. This meaning of v. 6 is well expressed by M. Reuss : "et vous aussi, vous vous trouvez dans ce nombre comma appeles de Jesus-Christ." Another much disputed passage is i. 13, 14, '• that I might have some fruit among you also, even as among other Gentiles" where the last words are better rendered " df j among the rest of the Gentiles." Here also Baur and Volkmar (p. 73) assume that tOveo-iv means simply " nations," and draw the conclusion that St. Paul " speaks of the Jews as one people under the general term Wvrj." But we have not here the same emphatic universality which in v, 5 demands the comprehensive sense " all nations." Even if we admit that here also Wvr] may mean simply " nations " with- out reference to the distinction between Jew and Gentile, we are still far from the conclusion that the Apostle has any thought in his mind of the Jews as a nation, or of Christians at Rome as Jewish Christians. For the antithesis must then have been " among you (Jews), as among the rest of the nations" : whereas now it is clearly this — " among you (Romans), as among the rest of the nations." Even with this sense of Wvt] therefore, the readers are regarded not as Jewish Christians, but simply as Romans. However, we cannot but agree with the great majority of both ancient and modem interpreters (including among the latter Meyer, Reuss, Weizsiicker, Godet, Davidson) that this passage, v. 13, distinctly proves the Christian Com- munity at Rome to have consisted mainly of Gentiles. See note on the verse. In connexion with these two passages and the introduction of which they form part (i. 1-15), we must notice another mistake into which many writers have fallen in the eagerness of their opposi- tion to Baur and his school. According to these latter, St. Paul wishes " to meet the objection that he was an Apostle of the Gentiles and had nothing to do with Jewish Christians" (Baur, 'Paul,' P- 333}- " Paul the Apostle of the Messiah Jesus wishes grace and peace to the Church of God in the capital of the World ! I seem indeed to you to be merely an Apostle of the Greeks, but I am called by God Himself through Jesus Christ, to preach the Gospel of God's Son in the Spirit to all nations, even Non-Hellenes, as ye Mosaic fol- lowers of Messiah for the most part are " (Volkmar, p. i ; compare p. 141). " Moreover he brings forward in new forms of speech the universality of his office as an Apostle for the obedience of 14 INTRODUCTION. faith among all nations. For he, who at first had grounded his Apostolic claim upon the fact that he was called by God to be the Apostle of the Gentiles, as Peter to be the Apostle of the Jews (Gal. ii. 7), could now win the right to send a letter of Apostolic preaching to the Jewish Christians at Rome only in such a form by bringing prominently forward the universality of his com- mission " (Holsten, " Der Gedankengang des Romerbriefs," in the ' Jahrbiicher fur protestantische Theologie,' 1879, No. i, p. lOl). This representation of St. Paul as having been hitherto exclusively an Apostle of the Gentiles has been too lightly accepted by those who seek to draw from it an exactly opposite con- clusion. It will be sufficient to quote as an example of this view the words of Weizsacker in his excellent article " Upon the earliest Christian Church at Rome " in the ' Jahrbiicher fur deutsche Theologie,' 1876, Partii. p. 250: ''Here it is not a question of the interpretation of the word (Wvt]) in itself merely. He appeals to his own proper Apostolic mission, consequently to his Gentile Apostleship. By that alone the meaning is 'at once decided beyond question. St. Paul could not possibly express himself as he does in this introduction to the Epistle, if the Christians at Rome were even but for the more part a Jewish Christian Church. They belong to him because he is a Genfi/e Apostle. As such he- has ?iof to do with the clrcu7ncised, as is shown by his conversation with Peter, Gal. ii. 7, 8." We may confidently say that St. Paul never took so limited and narrow a view of his Apostleship as is implied in the words which we have printed in italics. When he says that through Jesus Christ he "received grace and apostleship for obedience to the faith among all nations " {v. 5), he is certainly not thinking of the arrangement made with St Peter (Gal. ii. 7-9), but of that Apostleship which was " not of men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised him from the dead" (Gal. i. i), of that voice which had said to Ananias, " Go thy way : for he is a chosen vessel unto me, to bear my name before the Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel" (Acts ix. 15), and of the words of Ananias himself " Thou shall he his witness unto all men of what thou hast seen a?id heard " (Acts xxii. 15). It is true that each Apostle chose for his missionary labours a special field, one going unto the heatheri, another unto the circiimcision (Gal. ii. 9); but as Apostles they all dealt with all members of the Churches, irrespective of their race, knowing that " in Christ Jesus there is neither Jew nor Ge?itile" (Gal. iii. 28). To imagine St. Paul implying that because he was an Apostle of the Gen- tiles he had as such nothing to do with the Jews, is to impute to him a thought of which he was incapable, and one which is directly opposed to his own state- ments in various passages of this Epistle, such as i. 16, ii. 9, iii. 19. The error has in fact arisen from the very general misinterpretation of his words in xi. 13, which distinctly imply that he was not an Apostle of the Gentiles only, but that this was one part (/xeV), though doubtless the chief part, of his office .: see our note on the passage, and Introduction to I Peter, § 3, note 3. This same passage xi. 13 is misin- terpreted in another respect by Baur, P-332. " The very fact that when the Apostle turns to the Gentile Christians, he makes it appear that he does so, and addresses them specially (xi. 13-24) shows that in the rest of the Epistle he had Jewish much more than Gentile Christians before his mind. The main argument being concluded, they are singled out as a part of the community, they are addressed specially ({i/xiv yap Aeyo) Tots iBv(.a-iv, xi. 13), and thus appear as subordinate to the general body, in addressing which no special designation is required." This bold stroke of interpretation will not bear examination. In the first place there is no turning from a general body of readers to a portion specially singled out. The words v[txv Tois Wvemv do not mean, as Baur supposes, " you the Gentile part of my readers," but "you my readers INTRODUCTION. 15 who are Gentiles " : see our note on the passage, and compare Green, ' Gram- mar of the N. T. Dialect,' p. 199. Throughout the whole section, ix. — xi., though so deeply interesting to every Jew, there is not the slightest indication that St. Paul " had Jewish more than Gentile Christians before his mind," as Baur asserts. Only once before in this section are the readers described, and then simply, as " brethren " (x. i.) : they are distinguished throughout from the Jews, of whom he speaks " as third persons " (Meyer). He calls them " my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh," not " our brethren, our kinsmen," as would be natural if his readers were for the most part Jews. Baur himself writes : " The whole section which concludes this part of the Epistle, xi. 13-36, is certainly devoted to the Gentile Christians : this is shewn by the repeated u/acis in vv. 28, 30, 31, and by the drift of the passage vv. 15-29, when correctly understood. But this section is of the nature of a digression, and the argument then returns to its proper object" (p. 333). This concession is fatal : for no one who has impartially studied the train of thought in ix. — xi, and the close con- nexion between ch. xi. and xii. i, will be easily persuaded that xi. 13-36 is a mere digression or anything less than the grand conclusion of the whole argument upon the destiny of Israel, nor will believe that the readers addressed in the repeated v/xets in vv. 28, 30, 31 are only a small Gentile fraction of the whole body to whom the Apostle says in xii. i, "/ beeseech you therefore, breihroi, by the mercies of God " : see the notes there. Having now examined all the passages specially alleged by Baur as proving that the readers were for the most part Jewish Christians, we must notice more briefly a few other passages which may be supposed to support the same view. In ii, 17-39 it is too obvious to need more than a passing remark that the Jew so sternly and sarcastically addressed cannot possibly be thought of as one of the readers ; nor is there any need to dwell on Volkmar's strange notion that the passage iii, 1-8 "is a dialogue between the Jew in the Jewish Christian and the man who is slandered as wish- ing to overthrow the Law that through this evil good may come," In iv. I, Abraham is called " our father," or " our f r e f ath e r," Does the pronoun " our " imply, as is alleged, the Jewish origin of the Christians of Rome ? " Yes," replies M, Godet, " if the trans- lation were : our father according to the flesh." M, Godet accordingly has recourse to the forced and unsuitable connexion, " What shall we say that Abraham hath found according to the flesh?" — and gives to TrpoiruLTopa the sense of "spiri- tual forefather." There is however nothing in the immediate context to justify such an anticipation of the spiritiml fatherhood of Abraham, which first comes into notice in v. 11 ; and without such anticipation the supposed difficulty is not removed by the change of construction. The very simple explanation is that the question is naturally put from the standing-point of a Jew, whether St. Paul himself or an imaginary objector is of no consequence. What else then could he say than ^^ our" forefather? Speaking to Gentiles concerning the Jews in general, a Jew would say, as St. Paul says in ix, 3, " w^y brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh"; but in speaking of Abraham, or of Isaac, as in ix, 16, no one Jew could separate himself from his nation and say " my forefather Abraham," or " my father Isaac," Weizsacker {ib. p, 259) puts the question rightly : " In i Cor. x. i Paul speaks of the Israelites in the wilderness, and there calls them quite in the same way ' all our fathers.' But who would thence wish to conclude, in spite of all evidence to the contrary, that the Cor- inthian Church was an especially Jewish Christian one ? " See our foot-note and additional note on iv, i. In vii. I the Apostle writes " Know ye not, brethren, (for I speak to them that know the law) (^c." and the parenthesis is supposed to point to Jewish readers. But Meyer's answer is complete : " Look- ing to the close connexion subsisting i6 INTRODUCTION. between the Jewish and Gentile-Christian portions of the Church, to the cus- tom borrowed from the Synagogue of reading from the Old Testament in public, and to the necessary and essential relations which Evangelical instruction and preaching sustained to the O. T., so that the latter was the basis from which they started, the Apostle might designate his readers generally as ytvw- o-KovTes \tov\ vo/jlov, and predicate of them an acquaintance with the Law." This strong argument becomes even stronger, when for the A. V. we substitute the more correct rendering required by the absence of the Article before ytvw- iTKovcrtv and vojxou : see foot-note on the verse. We may add that in the case of born Jews a knowledge of the Law would have been too much a matter of course to require this special mention, which is on the other hand perfectly natural in the case of Gentile converts who had not always known the law. Thus in Galatians iv. 21, St. Paulasks, " Tell me, ye that desire to be under the law, do ye not hear the law ? " Yet who would infer from this that the Galatian Churches were of Jewish origin ? Volkmai indeed ventures to say (p. xi.)that in Rom. vii. i " born Hebrews are directly addressed, as the root-stem of the Church" : but we may confidently reply, with Weizsacker (p. 259) that "If anyone will lay stress upon this expression, it speaks much more in favour of Gentile than of Jewish readers." The passage xv. 14-16 is usually and justly regarded as a clear proof that the readers addressed were for the most part Gentiles. Dr. Davidson does not admit this ('Introduction to N. T.' i. 125): " Here Paul announces himself the minister of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles, that the oft'ering of the Gentiles might be acceptable to God. But the context does not necessarily limit the offering of the Gentiles to that of the Roman Christiafis, as is assumed." This ob- jection is quite beside the mark : it is not assumed at all that the offering is limited to Roman Christians : but it is manifest that St. Paul justifies himself for writing boldly to the Romans on the ground that he is a minister of Christ to the Gentiles. The conclusion is inevitable, that the readers thus addressed were Gentiles. This passage is treated in a different way by the Tiibingen critics, who re- present it as an addition made by one of the Pauline party at a later period to remove or soften " the bad impression " made by the genuine Epistle upon a Jewish Christian Church which was already gaining pre-eminence over other Churches,'and claiming another Apostle, St. Peter, as its founder. See Baur, 'Paulus,' pp. 355> 365- Apart, how- ever, from this passage we have found abundant evidence in that portion of the Epistle of which the genuineness has not been questioned, to prove that the majority of the Christians at Rome, when St. Paul wrote to them, were not of Jewish but of Gentile origin : and herewith we have removed the corner-stone of Baur's own theory and many subsequent modi- fications of it. Without dwelling on these various theories, we proceed to consider the several historical circumstances, which tend to throw light on the purpose of the Epistle. In doing this we cannot limit our view, as Baur has done (p. 310), to the special circumstances and doctrinal tendencies of the readers addressed. We must look also to the position of St. Paul himself at this time in relation to Rome, to Jerusalem, to the Gentile Churches, to the whole course of his Apostolic work, and to the great questions which were at that time most intimately connected with the truth of the Gospel which he preached. {a). It is universally admitted that there were both Jewish and Gentile Christians in the Roman Community. From evidence furnished by the Epistle we have concluded that the Jewish element was not predominant. Bp. Lightfoot, who at one time admitted " the existence of a large, perhaps pre- ponderant, Jewish element in the Church of the Metropolis before St. Paul's arrival "(' PhiUppians ' p. 17), seems to withdraw this opinion in a subsequent essay in the 'Journal of Philology,' 1869, INTRODUCTION V No. 4, p. 228: "St. Paul, if I mistake not, starts from the fact that the Roman Church stood on Gentile ground, and that very large and perhaps prepondera- ting numbers of its members were Gentiles. This is his justification for writing to them, as the Apostle of the Gentiles. It never once occurs to him that he is intruding on the province of others." If the majority of the Roman Christ- ians were, as we believe, of Gentile origin, it may still be thought that they had been subject for the most part to Judaizing influences, and were strongly prejudiced against St. Paul. " M. Renan insists that the Roman brother- hood must have been founded and built up by emissaries from Palestine. But why should the Christianity of Rome be due to Jerusalem solely, and not also to Antioch and Corinth and Ephesus, with which cities communication must have been even more frequent ? Why at Rome alone should the Judaic element be all-powerful and the Pauline insig- nificant?" (Bp. Lightfoot, 'Journal of Philology,' p. 289.) There is in the whole Epistle only one short reference to false teachers (xvi. 17-20), and in this, if the persons meant were, as is assumed and that with great probability, Judaizing adversaries of St. Paul, we have a distinct proof, that the teaching hitherto prevalent in the community was not Judaistic but the contrary, in the words " mark tJwn which cause divisions and offences contrary to the do(tri7te which ye have learned." In our notes on the passage we follow the usual supposition that it was written, like the rest of the Epistle, before St. Pauls imprisonment at Jiojne : but see the con- cluding paragraphs of § 8. Bleek has treated this point with great clearness and moderation in his 'Intro- duction to the N. T.,' i. 442 : " The probability is that it (Christianity) was not conveyed thither by any special or prominent teachers or missionaries sent for the purpose, but that residents in the city, Jews and Gentiles, became acquainted with it and were converted elsewhere, and upon their return made converts among their friends. This may have been the case especially with many Jews who either were driven from Rome by the edict of Claudius, and when this edict was forgotten or revoked, returned again, or went to reside there for the first time. They may have been converted to Christianity partly by St. Paul's preaching, or by that of his com- panions or in some of the Churches planted by him, and partly in other places, e. g. in Jerusalem itself." We know beyond doubt that differences of belief and practice existed in Rome as in other Churches. One class would not eat flesh nor drink wine (xiv. 2, 21) lest they should be defiled {v. 14), and also observed certain days as more holy than others {v. 5 ) ; while another class re- garded all kinds of food, and all days, alike. These were inclined to despise the former as superstitious, the former to condemn them as profane {vv. 3, 10), Bp. Lightfoot thinks that the asceticism here described may possibly be due to Essene influences (' Colossians,' p. 169), while Baur asserts that the characteristics " are such as are found nowhere else but with the Ebionites." The rigid obser- vance of the Sabbath and other holy days, and extreme simplicity in eating and drinkmg, were common to both Essenes and Ebionites. Baur confesses that there is no express statement that the Ebionites abstained from wine. Of the Essenes Josephus (' Bell. Jud.' ii. 8, 5) thus writes : " When they have taken their seats quietly, the baker sets loaves before them in order, and the cook sets one dish of one kind of food before each." The word " food " (eSecr/^a, ' pulmentum ') does not exclude flesh (Plato, 'Timaeus,' 73, a), and there is no mention of abstinence from wine either here, or as we believe in any of the other notices of the Essenes by Josephus (' Vita,' 2 ; ' Ant' xiii. 5, 9, xviii. I, 5), or by Philo Judaeus (' Quod omnis probus liber,' xii., xhi. ; Fragm. apud Euseb. ' Praepar. Evang.' viii. 8). There is however a description of the Therapeutae, a Jewish sect whom Philo distinguishes from the Essenes (' Vita Contempl.' iv.), which combines all the characteristic scruples mentioned by St. Paul : " They cat nothing of a costly i8 INTRODUCTION. character, but plain bread and a season- ing of salt, which the more luxurious of them do further season with hyssop : and their drink is water from the spring." In another passage (ib. ix.) he says, in describing their feasts, " wine is not introduced, but only the clearest water ; cold water for the generality, and hot water for those old men who are accus- tomed to a luxurious life. And the table too bears nothing which has blood, but there is placed upon it bread for food and salt for seasoning, to which also hyssop is sometimes added as an extra sauce for the sake of those who are delicate in their eating." These Therapeutae were numerous in Egypt, but were also met with in various places, in Greece and in the country of the Barbarians (ib. 'in.). It is thus quite clear from contem- porary evidence that ascetic practices, such as St. Paul describes, were in his time common among the religious Jews, and not unlikely to be adopted by Jewish Christians : while from the tone in which St. Paul speaks of these brethren weak in faith, we may safely infer that they, /. e. the Jewish Christians, were a min- ority both in numbers and influence, whose conscientious scruples should be treated with kindness and forbearance. They did not put themselves forward " in an aggressive anti-Pauline attitude : they were men not of hostile, but only of prejudiced minds, whose moral con- sciousness lacked the vigour to regard a peculiar asceticism as unessential" (Meyer). In the desire to abate the dissension be- tween these two classes, we see a sufficient motive for one portion of the Epistle (xiv. — XV. 13), but no sufficient ground for the great doctrinal argument which precedes (i. 18 — xi.). In other words the mai?! purpose oi \ht Epistle is neither a polemic against Jewish Christians nor an attempt to reconcile Jewish and Gentile behevers, occasioned by the local circumstances and special tendencies of the Christian Community at Rome. (b.) Another important point in re- ference to the motive of the Epistle is St. Paul's own position at this time with regard to Rome and other Gentile Churches. His earnest desire to visit Rome (i. 10-15, x^- 22-24) formed part of a great plan of carrying the Ciospel into the distant regions of the West. It is acknowledged even by those who doubt the authenticity of Rom. xv. that the design here mentioned may well have been entertained by the Apostle, and that the mention of it is in fact an argument for the genuineness of the passage. There is no historical evidence (unless it be the much disputed and doubtful phrase, eVl to rep/xa Trj? Svaews iX6u)v in the Epistle of Clement of Rome, ' Cor.' v.) that St. Paul ever visited Spain : and though it is not at all improbable that he may have entertained a purpose which he was never able to accomplish, it is in the highest degree incredible that a forger should think of invenfing for him a design which did not correspond with any known event in his life. Compare Baur (' Paulus,' p. 180), Lucht (p. 192) Hilgenfeld ^p. 486). In this design then we find one chief cause of the Apostle's earnest desire to visit Rome. His work in the East, so far as it required his personal presence, was accomplished : he had preached the Gospel " from Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum." Jerusalem itself, Damascus, Caesarea, Tarsus, " the regions of Syria and Cilicia" (Acts ix. 19-30; Gal. i. 21 ; ii. i, 2) are all naturally included in the general phrase which describes the extent of his early labours in the East, '■'■ Jerusalem and roimd ahoutP Quite recently he had paid a second visit to Macedonia and " had gotie over those parts " (Acts xx. 2), passing so far to the West as to reach Illyricum, which borders upon Macedonia (Paley's ' Horae Paulinae,' Ch. ii. No. 4). Never before had he been so near to Rome, and now that his mind was full of the great design of carrying the Gospel beyond Rome itself into those far regions of Western Europe, where Christ was not yet named (xv. 20 ; 2 Cor. X. 15, 16), he had the strongest motives for forming more intimate re- lations with the Christians at Rome, INTRODUCTION. 19 motives quite independent of the internal condition of their Community. His keen eye could not but discern the vast importance of securing a base of opera- tions in the Capital of the Western World. Hence in part his fervent desire to visit Rome, hence also a motive for writing this Epistle in order to secure at once the sympathy and help of his brethren there. We may admit with Bleek (p. 445) that St. Paul " discerned the great importance of the Church in .such a centre, and of the tendencies which it adopted, as influencing the Church of Christ at large, and how desirable it was that the Christians there should not be disturbed and rent asunder by internal disputes and party strifes." It was natural that the Apostle, being unable at once to visit Rome, should gladly take an opportunity of sending by Phoebe " a letter containing his Apostolic instructions and exhortations' (Bleek). The reality of this motive cannot be doubted, though its importance may be exaggerated : it accounts for St. Paul's writing to Rome, though not for his writing so remarkable an Epistle : we cannot, with Schott, find here the key to unlock the whole meaning and purpose of the Epistle. (c.) Another historical circumstance mentioned in the Epistle is St. Paul's intended journey to Jerusalem : when this intention is first announced at Ephesus (Acts xix. 21) it is connected with the desire to visit Rome. What then was the motive which urged the Apostle, in spite of warnings and prophecies and his own forebodings of danger (Acts xx. 22, 23, 28; xxi. 4, 11-14), to persist in his resolution to go up to Jerusalem? It was evidently the desire to vindicate himself against the calumnies of the Judaizing adversaries who had so maliciously assailed his character, denied his Apostolic authority, and hindered his work in the Churches of Corinth and Galatia. These adver- saries were not Jewish Christians of the ordinary type, much less were they the authorised agents of the original Apostles : they were the same bigoted and uncom- promising partisans of the circumcision, of whom we read at an earlier period (Acts xi. 2, 3) that they contended with Peter, " saying, T/iou wentest in to men uncircumciscd, and didst eat with them" And was there not cause for St. Paul to fear that these bitter enemies would stir up strife in Rome and try to frustrate his labour in the West, as they had already in the East ? This fear would be most naturally suggested by the Apostle's very recent experience at Corinth. There he had won a hard victory over those " overgreat Apostles " (2 Cor. xi. 5 ; xii. 11) who were nothing else than '■^ false Apostles, deceitful workers, trans- forming themselves into {the) Apostles of Christ" (2 Cor. xi. 13) : their slanders had reached the ears of the many thousands of Jewish believers in Jeru- salem : they might even raise a prejudice against him in the minds of the true Apostles, and of James and the elders of the Church. His personal presence and report of what " God had wrought among the Gentiles by his ministry" supported by the testimony of the faithful brethren who accompanied him, and by the substantial proof which they carried with them of the goodwill of the Gentile Churches towards the poor Saints at Jerusalem, would remove the unjust suspicions of Jewish converts assembled from all parts for the feast at Jerusalem, and win fresh confidence and sympathy for the Apostle himself in entering upon his new sphere of mis- sionary work in Western Europe. If such were the Apostle's motives for undertaking the perilous journey to Jerusalem, it can hardly be doubted that this Epistle, written at the same time, was due, in part at least, to the same desire to repel the false accusations of Judaizing opponents, to conciliate the goodwill of Jewish Christians in general, and to promote in Ronie and else- where a closer union between Jewish and Gentile believers. {d.) But when we examine the record of St. Paul's life at this period, we find that his most dangerous and deadly enemies were not Jewish Christians, nor even Judaizing teachers, but unbelieving feuis. In the terrible catalogue of sufferings written a few months before his Epistle B 2 20 INTRODUCTION. to the Romans, he tells of perils by his own coiintrytncn, as well as by Heathen and false brethren ; he tells also how of the Jews five times he had received forty stripes save one (2 Cor. xi.). If we turn to St. Luke's narrative we find the Apostle in Ephesus sparing no effort, shrinking from no danger, in preaching to his brethrefi according to the flesh and " persuading the things concerning the kingdom of God." Driven after three months from the Synagogue in which, as Dr, Farrar in- geniously conjectures, some of those five scourgings had been patiently endured, he still continued by the space of two years preaching both to Jews and Greeks the word of the Lord Jesus (Acts xix, 8-10). Again, within a few weeks after writing to the Romans, he reminds the Ephesian elders at Miletus of tempta- tions which, as they knew, had befallen him " by the lying in wait of the Jews." In Jerusalem itself the '^ bonds and aWictions" which awaited him (xx. 23) came, as had been foreseen, not from Judaizing Christians but from fanatic '■'' Jews which tuere of Asia''' (xxi. 11, 27). It is evident that dissensions within the Churches between Jewish and Gentile Christians were but a faint re- flection of the bitter and unceasing enmity with which St. Paul was pursued by the unbelieving Jews : and thus it is in the great conflict between " the Jews' religion " and the Gospel of Christ, that we find the true cause and purpose of that great doctrinal treatise (i. 18^ — ^xi.), which forms the main subject of the Epistle, well described by Baur as " the relation of Judaism and Heathenism to each other, and of both to Christ- ianity." If then we remember the distinction formerly noticed between the occasion of writing, and the main purpose of the Epistle, the former may be referred to the personal circumstances of the Apostle, and his relation to the Christ- ian Community at Rome ; while in the local circumstances and special tendencies of that community we may discover both the occasion and purpose of certain subordinate portions of the letter (i. 1-16, xii. — XV -^ but as the main pur- pose of the whole Epistle we can acknow- ledge nothing less comprehensive than the desire of the Apostle, at a momentous crisis in his own life's work and in the history of the whole Church of Christ, to set forth a full and systematic state- ment of those fundamental principles of the Gospel, which render it the one true religion for all the nations of the earth, and meet especially those deepest wants of human nature, which Judaism cauld not satisfy, righteousness in the sight of God, and deliverance from the power of sin and death. In chapters ix. — xi. we have no mere historical appendix or corollary, but an intensely earnest and practical applica- tion of the principles previously dis- cussed to the great religious difficulty of the time, the rejection of the Gospel by the mass of the Jewish nation, and the acceptance of the Gentiles in their place as the chosen people of God. § 8. Integrity of the Epistle. Under this head we have to con- sider two questions which depend in part on the same evidence : Is the doxology (xvi. 25-27) genuine? Do chapters xv. and xvi. belong wholly, or in part, or not at all to this Epistle ? The origin and nature of these questions will be best explained, if we begin with the testimony of the early fathers. I. Tertullian, writing A.D. 207-210 against Marcion's '■'•Antitheses" or Con- tradictions between the Old and New Testaments, says {adv. Marc. v. 13) : " What great gaps Marcion made especi- ally in this Epistle (to the Romans) by expunging whatever he would, will be clear from the unmutilated text of our own copy. Some passages however, which ought according to his plan to have been expunged, he overlooked : and it is enough for my purpose to accept these as instances of his negli- gence and blindness." In his subsequent argument Ter- tullian quotes no passage from chapters XV. — xvi., and refers to xiv. 10-13 as being at the close of the Epistle ("in INTRODUCTION. 21 clausula ") : but as he uses only such passages as Marcion had retained, this only tends to prove that the last chapters were wanting, not in his own copy, but in Marcion's. In the treatise on Baptism, ch. xvii., Tertullian refers to the 'Acts of Paul and Thecla ' : now in that fiction there is frequent mention of a certain Try- phaena, who though living at Antioch in Syria is evidently connected with Rome, being called the kinswoman of Cassar. There can be little doubt that this name Tryphaena has been taken, like other names in the same work, Onesiphorus, Demas, and Hermogenes, from St. Paul's Epistles. Hence it follows that Rom. xvi. was known, if not to Tertullian himself, at least to an earlier writer whom he quotes. It must however be admitted that in Tertullian's other works no clear re- ference to these chapters has been found, though all the other chapters are frequently quoted. The case is the same with Iren^us and Cyprian, except that Cyprian fails also to quote from Rom. iv. But this argument from silence is worthless, as may be easily shown from the parallel case of i Cor. xvi. Cyprian quotes from every other chapter, about lor times in all; Irenaeus quotes every other chapter except xiv., about seventy-seven times in all : yet neither Irenaeus nor Cyprian appears to have ever quoted i Cor. xvi. Tertullian, in his work against Marcion, quotes every other chapter of i Cor., 129 times in all, yet never refers to ch. xvi. : in his other works there are more than 300 quotations from the Epistle, including every chapter except xvi., from which there is possibly one quotation, though we have failed to verify Tischen- dorfs reference 'Pudicitia/ 14. When therefore Lucht concludes from this silence that it is possible that Tertullian, Cyprian, and Irenaeus had no knowledge of Rom. xv., xvi., we may reply, It is ^o^-s^j possible and neither more nor less probable, as far as this silence is concerned, that the same fathers had no knowledge of i Cor. xvi. A more i>robable explanation is that Irenaeus and Cyprian, using only such passages as suited their own immediate purpose, like Tertullian in his treatise against Marcion, found no occasion to refer to Rom. xv., xvi. In fact these chapters, like i Cor. xvi., are in great measure made up of personal matters interesting chiefly to the Apostle and his immediate correspondents at Rome. Clement of Alexandria quotes passages from both chapters frequently, and describes them as belonging to the Epistle to the Romans, without the least apparent consciousness that this could possibly be doubted. Origen. a most important though much disputed testimony to the genuine- ness of these chapters is found in Origen's Commentary upon the Epistle (' Opera,' tom. vii. p. 453, Lommatzsch; tom. iv. p. 687, ed, Ben.). After quoting the Doxology (xvi. 25-27) in its usual place at the end of the Epistle, Origen proceeds : " Marcion, who tampered with the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles, entirely took away this para- graph ; and not this only, but also from that place where it is written. Whatso- ever is not of faith is siji (xiv. 23), right on to the end, he cut all away (cuncta dissecuit). But in othei copies, that is, in those which have not been corrupted by Marcion, we find this very paragraph differently placed. For in some manu- scripts after the passage above mentioned. Whatsoever is not of faith is sin, there follows in immediate connexion (statim cohaerens), Notv imto hint that is of potuer to stablish you: but other manu- scripts have it at the end, as it is now placed." This passage from Origen does not prove, as some have inferred, that Marcion regarded the Doxology in particular as spurious, nor that he ap- pealed to earlier MSS. as omitting it, nor that Origen found it omitted in any other MSS. besides those which had been mutilated by Marcion. It does prove that Origen knew of copies corrupted by Marcion, which omitted all after the last verse of ch. xiv. It implies that, as far as Origen knew, (Lucht, p. 39) no other WiiSi. omitted the 22 INTRODUCTION. Doxology, but some placed it between xiv. and xv. Thus we have evidence of a diversity of position before Origen's time, and regarded by him as independent of Marcion's mutilated copies. But we have no evidence of oviission before Marcion, who was at Rome propagating his views about a.d. 138-140. He probably disliked St. Paul's statements concerning the use of the Old Testament in XV. 4, 8, and possibly may have found an existing diversity of position to aftbrd a pretext for his omission of xv., xvi. We may further observe that when Marcion is said to have expunged and cut away (' abstulit,' ' dissecuit ') the two chapters and the Doxology, it is clearly implied that these were genuine portions of St. Paul's Epistle omitted first by Marcion. That this was the opinion of Origen himself, not merely of his translator Rufinus, is admitted and proved by Lucht himself (p. 36) : and Origen's judgment may well be preferred to Lucht's baseless conjecture (adopted from Baur, ' Paulus,' p. 350) that Marcion may have omitted the two chapters because they were not written by St. Paul, but added by a forger (Lucht, p. 41). II. From the testimony of the early fathers we pass to that of the existing MSS. {a) Chapters xv., xvi. are not omitted in any known MS. {b) The Doxology (xvi. 25-27) is variously placed, repeated, or omitted. (i) It is placed at the end of xvi., and only there, in N, B, C, D, E, f, Vulg., Syriac (Schaaf), Memph., Aeth., and the Latin fathers. The cursive MS. 66 after the d/x^v oi V. 24 puts TiXos, to mark the end of the Epistle, but then adds the Doxology, and has in the margin this note : " In the ancient copies the end of the Epistle is here (/. e. after the Apostolic benediction, v. 24), but the rest (z. e. the Doxology) is found at the end of the 14th chapter." (2) It is found at the end of xiv., and there only, in L, most cursives, the Greek lectionaries, Syr. (Harclean), and Greek Commentators, except Oi igen. (3) It is found in both places in A, P, 17, Arm. (4) It is omitted in both places in F, G ; but in F a blank space is left in the Greek after xvi. 24, and the correspond- ing space in the Latin (f) is occupied by the Doxology ; while in G a blank space is left in the Greek, and conse- quently in the interlinear Latin, between xiv. and xv. (e) In many manuscripts of the Latin Bible, especially codex Amiatinus, and Fuldensis, both of the 6th century, there is a division into sections (capitulatio) marked by numbers in the text, and a prefixed table of contents with corre- sponding numbers, in which the subject of each section is briefly described. The 50th section in the Codex Amia- tinus " On the peril of one who grieves his brother by his meat," corresponds with xiv. 15-23 : But the next and last section, *' On the mystery of the Lord kept secret before His passion, but after His passion revealed," answers to nothing else in the remainder of the Epistle except the Doxology. It is therefore a natural conclusion that this capitulation was first adapted to a Latin MS. in which the Doxology was placed immediately after xiv. 23 and xv., xvi. omitted. On these capitulations see Bp. Lightfoot, 'Journal of Philology,' 187 1, No. 6, pp. 196-203. (d) In one MS. (G) all mention of Rome in the Epistle is wanting. In i. 7 for Tois ovatv iv 'Pw/^jy dyaTTT^- Tots ®eov, we find in G, rots ovcnv iv dyaTrrf ®eov, the Latin (g) corresponding. In i. 15 the words tois iv 'Pco/xj; are omitted in G and g. One cursive manuscript (47) has a marginal note that some one, apparently an ancient commentator, " makes no mention of the words iv 'FwfJirj either in the interpretation or in the text." In this evidence " the statement of Origen respecting Marcion (confirmed by the incidental expression of Ter- tuUian), the absence of quotations in several early fathers, and the capitula- tion (or capitulations) of the Latin Bibles," Bp. Lightfoot writes, "we have testimony various, cumulative, and (as it seems to me) irresistible, to the existence INTRODUCTION. 23 of shorter copies of the Epistle, contain- ing only fourteen chapters with or without the doxology, in early times." " The theory, by which I sought to combine and explain these facts, was this ; that St. Paul at a later period of his life re-issued the Epistle in a shorter form with a view to general circulation, omitting the last two chapters, oblitera- ting the mention of Rome in the first chapter, and adding the Doxology, which was no part of the original Epistle " ('Journal of Ph.' 1871, No. 6, p. 203). The theory was subjected to a friendly but keen and searching criticism by Pro- fessor Hort ('Journal of Ph.' 1870, No. 5), and defended in the following number by Bp. Lightfoot. It is almost needless to say that the views of both writers are set forth with consummate skill, and the three papers are of great and permanent value to every student of the Epistle. Professor Hort tries to prove, but as we venture to think unsuccessfully, that Marcion (as represented by Origen in the original reading of his comment) omitted only the Doxology, and not the two whole chapters : he attaches no great importance to the absence of quo- tations in TertuUian, Irenasus, and Cyprian : and thinks that the Doxology may have been transferred from the end of the Epistle to the position which it now holds in some Greek MSS., after xiv. 23, because chapters xv., xvi. were not much used in the Church lessons, " and yet some Church, for instance that of Alexandria, may have been glad to rescue the striking Doxology at the end for congregational use by adding it to some neighbouring lesson . . . Scribes ac- customed to hear it in that connexion in the public lessons would half mechani- cally introduce it into the text of St, Paul (/. e. after xiv. 23) . . . Then in the course of time it would be seen that St. Paul was not likely to have written the Doxology twice over in the same epistle, and it would be struck out in one place or the other" (p. 72). This alternative hypothesis is rejected by Bp. Lightfoot as " devoid alike of evidence and probability." He main- tains that the capitulation of the codex Amiatinus has no trace of being intended for lectionary use (p. 202), that it was framed originally for a short copy of the Old Latin, yet maintained its ground as a common mode of dividing the Epistle, until it was at length superseded by the present division into sixteen chapters in the latter half of the 13th century." Bp. Lightfoot upholds his theory simply as " the most probable explana- tion of the facts, until a better is sug- gested " (p. 194): and it is certainly less difficult to suppose that St. Paul himself at a later period of his life adapted the letter in a shortened form to general circulation (p. 214), than to accept M. Renan's complicated theory of four or five original editions addressed to different Churches, all at last brought together and compounded into our present Epistle. But even this hypothesis of a shorter recension issued by the Apostle himself, put forth at first by Riickert and since so ably advocated by Bp. Lightfoot, seems to involve some serious difficulties. (i) The capitulations are supposed to have been formed originally from a Latin copy of the Epistle ending with ch. xiv. : yet no other trace whatever of such an abbreviated Latin codex now exists. (2) If the abbreviated recension were made by St. Paul himself, and the Doxology added to it, and this at Rome, as Bp. Lightfoot suggests (p. 214), it is strange and almost unaccountable that no copy of this genuine abbreviated re- cension has been preserved, and that no known Latin codex contains the slightest trace of the position of the Doxology after xiv. 23. The blank space in the Latin, corresponding to that in the Greek of G proves nothing, as the Latin is interlinear. (3) The assumption that the Doxology was originally placed after ch. xiv., and thence transferred to the end of the Epistle, is opposed to the evidence of the primary Uncials, x, B, C, of Origen's express statement concerning Marcion, of all Latin MSS., and of the Latin fathers ; these all agree in placing the Doxology at the end of the Epistle, and there only. (4) When St. Paul is represented as 24 INTRODUCTION. converting his original Epistle to a new purpose by "omitting rhe last two chapters, obliterating the mention of Rome in the first chapter, and adding the Doxology," the process seems hardly in keeping with the truthful simplicity of the Apostle's character. There is truth in what Meyer says on this point : " Riickert's conjecture, that Paul himself may have caused copies without the local address to be sent to other Churches, assumes a mechanical arrangement in Apostolic authorship, of which there is elsewhere no trace, and which seems even opposed by Col. iv. i6." (5) Bp. Lightfoot suggests (p. 213) that Marcion, who is known to have resided for many years in Rome, may have fallen in with a copy of the short Recension, and welcomed it gladly. When we take into consideration Origen's express statement that Marcion himself expunged and cut away the last tivo chapters, it seems much more probable that the incomplete documents, from which the Capitulations were framed, were nothing else than copies of Marcion's own mutilated text, with the Doxology added. A mutilated Recension, known to be the work of an arch-heretic, was much more likely to have disappeared altogether, than an abbreviated Recension known as the genuine work of St. Paul himself. (6) If, as Origen states, Marcion mutilated the Epistle by cutting off chapters xv., xvi. entirely, he would have a motive for removing Iv 'Pi^/jLy also in i. 7, 15 : for a letter addressed by St. Paul to the Christians at Rome, in whom he was so deeply interested, could not possibly end so abruptly as at xiv. 23, without a single allusion to his own personal state or theirs, without a single greeting, without even his usual Apostohc Benediction. Marcion there- fore is much more likely than St. Paul to have obliterated the mention of Rome in the ist chapter. Another possible explanation is sug- gested by Meyer, that " perhaps some Church, which received a copy of the Epistle from the Romans for public reading, may for their own particular Church-use have deleted the extraneous designation of place, and thus individual codices may have passed into circulation without it." Volkmar adopts a similar explanation (p. 74). But on this supposition we should expect to find some of the Lectionaries omitting the words, whereas they all, apparently, contain them. On the whole we cannot but admit the force of Lucht's conclusion (pp. 65, fi) that if the Doxology was written by St. Paul himself, its original place must have been at the end of the Epistle, and not after xiv. 23. (e) The Benedictions. According to the received Text there are three con- cluding formulae, the Apostolic Benedic- tion at xvi. 20 (17 xa.pi- yap vofiov ap,apTta rjv. vi. 14, ou yap icrre vtto vo/xov. „ 15, OVK IfypXv viro vo/xov. vii. 7, ajxapTiav ovK tyvoiv ei p,^ 6ta vdp,ou. „ 8, ;>(copts yap vd/AOV d/xaprta ve/cpa. „ 9, e^wv X'^P'-'' ^ojxov TTore. iii. 20, e^ epywv vofJLOv ov St/catco^r^aeTat. „ 28^ x'^pts epywv vojxov. ix. 32, 0)9 e^ epywv [vdp,ov]. In the only remaining passage vii. 25, voi SoiiXcT^o) vdp,a) ©eo9, we might ex- plain the omission of the Article as in Luke ii. 23, but the antithesis vd/Aw d//,aprtas shows that the proper render- ing is " a law of God " " a divine law." See note. In this last class (c) are found the passages, which have been thought to prove most certainly that vdp,os is used indifferently with 6 vdp.os as a Proper Name for " the Law " of Moses. For a more correct interpretation we must refer to the foot-notes on each passage. We may however refer here to one or two passages in which, at first sight, it may seem difficult to maintain the correct translation of the indefinite vdp.os. In Phil. iii. 5, Kara VOJXOV ^aptcratos (cited above, p. 43), if we introduce the definite sense " the Law,'' we should be obliged to include the Oral Law, for it was the fundamental principle of the Pharisees to make the Oral Law as binding as the written Law of Moses. The real meaning however is that St. Paul had been as strict as any Pharisee "in regard to law," because he had looked upon law as the principle of justification before God. In I Cor. ix. 20, rots vtto vojxov (js viro VOJXOV, jXTj tiv avros vtto vojxov, St. Paul's meaning is that he was not, like the unconverted Jews, "under law" as a condition of righteousness. In no other sense could he say that he was not himself under the law, unless the law were limited to the Ceremonial as dis- tinct from the Moral Law. But can we adopt this distinction ? Can we say that St. Paul's expression, " Ye are not wider the latv, but wider grace," applies only to the Ceremonial and not to the Moral Law ? It is clearly impossible. For what is the example 48 INTRODUCTION. chosen by the Apostle to prove that we are dehvered from the Law ? It is no outward ordinance, no ceremonial ob- servance, but a moral precept, the deep heart-searching principle of moral obedi- ence. " I'hou shalt not covet" (Rom. vii. 7, [i-y] iTnOvjjD'ia-eL^). This is the law of which St. Paul says that it wrought in him all manner of concupiscence, and that sin took occasion by it, and slew him. How could these deadly effects result from the moral law which is holy just and good, ordained to life, except from its being perversely regarded as a means of earning justification, which its nature as law forbids? Lastly, as the best apology for a long discussion, we will quote the weighty words of Bp. Lightfoot, "on a fresh Revision of the New Testament/' p. 99. " The distinction between vo/xos and 6 vo'/tos is very commonly disregarded, and yet it is full of significance. Behind the concrete representation — the Mosaic law itself — St. Paul sees an imperious principle, an overwhelming presence, antagonistic to grace, to liberty, to spirit, and (in some aspects) even to life — abstract law, which, though the Mosaic ordinances are its most signal and complete embodiment, nevertheless is not exhausted therein, but exerts its crushing power over the conscience in diverse manifestations. The one — the concrete and special — is 6 vo/xos ; the other — the abstract and universal — is vo/Aos. To the full understanding of such passages as Rom. ii. 12 j-^., iii. 19 sf., iv. 13 j'^., vii. I s^., Gal. iii. 10 j-^., and indeed to an adequate conception of the leading idea of St. Paul's doctrine of law and grace, this distinction is indispensable." We will only add that " law '' assumes this form of an imperious principle opposed to grace and liberty only when it is viewed as the condition of justifica- tion, the means of attaining to right- eousness before God through the merit of good works. Viewed according to its true idea as the expression of God's will, and the guide of man's obedience, it " is holy, just, and good," " spiri- tual," and "ordained to life" (vii. 10, 12, 14). The Flesh. The word " flesh " (crap^) occurs twenty-eight times in Romans, and fre- quently in St. Paul's other Epistles, especially Galatians : it has various meanings which must be carefully dis- tinguished, if we wish to have a clear understanding of the Apostle's teaching in many important passages. The in- quiry has been made more necessary by the eftorts of recent writers to show that St. Paul's use of the words " flesh " and " spirit " agrees not so much with the Old Testament as with the dualism of the Greek philosophy of his age. Tliis view of St. Paul's doctrine of "///.? Flesh" is adopted with various modifications by Holsten, R. Schmidt, Liidemann, and Pfleiderer. Their several views are briefly stated and compared by Wendt in a good monograph " Die Begriffe: FleischundGeist;" Pfleiderer's views are contained in his ' Paulinism,' pp. 35-67. We can only notice the chief points of the theory. The Finite and the Infinite, Man and God, are said to be conceived by St. Paul as " Flesh " and " Spirit." These are contrasted first in a physical sense. " Flesh " is the earthly, material, living substance of man's body; even the '■^ soul" (j^vxy]) is included in the '■'•flesh" being the vitality or animating force of its earthly matter. The antithesis to '■'■flesh " is " spirit" a higher material but not earthly substance, belonging ex- clusively to the Divine nature, and having as its essential characteristic a life-giving force. According to one view (Holsten's) the whole man is made up of " flesh " ; '■'■spirit" forms no part of his nature, but is simply transcendental and Divine (Wendt, pp. 80, 86). " Flesh" in its physical aspect, is weak, transient and /(?m//!(;z/5'Z?.- in the intellec- tual world it is the principle of error: in the sphere of morals, it is the principle of evil^ and here it comes into direct conflict with " spirit" as an opposing force {ib. p. 81). " Thus from the opposition of physically different substances, as set forth in i Cor. XV. results the dualism of antagonistic moral principles" (Pfleiderer, i. p. 54), INTRODUCTION. 49 " Flesh and Spirit both are to Paul not inert but active substances (Rom. viii. 5 ff.). The flesh works as sensual desire, the spirit as non-sensual will " (Holsten, ' Das Evangelium d. Paulus,' p. 127). This idea of the '■'■ flesh " is supposed to pervade St. Paul's system of doctrine : it explains his view of the Law, of Sin, of Christ's Person and work. (i) Disregarding the ceremonial or- dinances as having reference only to the " flesh," he recognises the Moral Law as spiritual and divine. (2) Sin has its natural source in the ''''flesh','' which is in itself unholy, in opposition to '■'•spirit'''' which is holy. But the sin thus actually grounded in man's nature (a/xapria) is at first un- conscious and guiltless, and is thus dis- tinguished from conscious transgression (irapafSacTLs). Indwelling sin is thus a real though unconscious tendency of the "flesh " to strive against the " spirit" and the spiritual law, and thus it in- evitably and of necessity produces con- scious transgression and the sense of guilt {ib. p. 82). (3) Christ even in His pre-existent state is regarded as man, the heavenly spiritual man : His " flesh " belongs not to His permanent Being, but only to His earthly life. Sin (afxapTM, not 7rapa/5acrts) dwelt in His flesh as in that of other men : and hence the indwelling power of sin was destroyed in the destruction of the earthly substance of His flesh. The " new life " of believers consists in the gift of the Divine spirit whereby they appropriate and realise in their own persons this effect of Christ's death, by continually subduing the flesh to the spirit, a process which will be perfected only in the end of the world, when matter, in its grosser form, will be wholly overpowered by spirit (id. p. 83). It is evident even from this brief and imperfect sketch that in this so-called Pauline doctrine we have quite " another gospel," and not that which St. Paul has been usually supposed to preach. The theory, in all the various forms under which it is presented, is mainly founded upon the assumption that St. Paul regards the ''flesh " as essentially sinful. It thus involves the necessary conse- quence that our Blessed Lord not only bare "the likeiiess of si?iful flesh," but that His flesh itself was sinful ; see note on viii. 3. It will not then be thought a needless labour if we try to ascertain what mean- ing the Apostle really attached to a word so important in his teaching as " the flesh." 1. In its original and proper meaning o-ap^ denotes the material of the living body, whether of man or of other animals, as in Lev. xvii. 11. In this sense it occurs in ii, 28, " circumcision, which is outtvard in the flesh " .• compare Bp. Lightfoot's note on Col. i. 22, " /« the body of his flesh." It must be observed that in xiv. 21, "to eat flesh," the Greek word is not o-dp^ but Kpea?, which means dead flesh, a dis- tinction rightly observed by the LXX in translating the Hebrew word (ic^n) which means flesh either dead or living. 2. In the common Hebrew phrase "all flesh" (Gen. vi. 12, 13, 19; vii. 21) all earthly living things are included with man, except where the context limits the meaning to mankind (Job xii, 10; Ps. Ixv. 2 ; Joel. ii. 28). In Rom. iii. 20, oil StKaiw^T^crerat Tracra crapf cmTrtov avTov, a quotation from Ps. cxliii. 2, St. Paul has substituted " no flesh " for " no man living" and the change may have been made on purpose to strengthen the contrast between man, in his imperfect nature, and the God before whom he stands. 3. " Flesh " is applied by St. Paul to human kindred, as in ix. 3, " my brethren, my kins?nen according to the flesh ;" xi. 14, " 7ny flesh." This usage, like the pre- ceding, is derived from the Old Testa- ment : see Gen. xxxvii, 27, "he is our brother, and our flesh." We cannot see that it necessarily implies, as Wendt supposes, p. 159, a contrast between the merely human relation, and the relation of man to God, or between "flesh " and " spirit." The nature derived by kins- men from a common ancestor is simply described by that part of it which is visible and palpable. In ix. 8, on the other hand, there is an express contrast made between " the 50 INTRODUCTION. children of the flesh" and " the children of the promise" equivalent to the contrast in Gal. iv. 29 between him " that was born after the flesh " and " him that was born after the Spirit." In iv. I, where Abraham is called "our forefather according to the flesh" a similar contrast seems to be implied between a merely natural and a spiritual relation. In neither passage however does the contrast, expressed or implied, involve a judgment upon the moral quality of " the flesh" but it is distinguished from " the Spirit," as that which is merely natural from that which is above nature. In this usage o-ap^ represents man's purely natural, earthly condition, a condition in which he is subject to infirmity, suffering, and death, subject also to the temptations which work through the senses and their appetites, but not originally and essentially sinful. It is in this sense that Christ is said in i. 3 to have been " made of the seed of David a,s to the flesh," and in ix. 5 to have sprung " as coneerning the flesh" from Israel. In both passages o-apl denotes wliat was simply and solely natural in his earthly life. 4. Though " the flesh " is not essentially sinful, it is essentially weak, and hence the word is used to describe man in his weakness, physical, intellectual, or moral. As connoting mere physical weakness o-ap^ is found in several passages of St. Paul's Epistles (2 Cor. iv. 11- vii. 5 ; xii, 7; Gal. ii. 20; iv. 13) but not in Romans. We may remark that such a passage as Gal. ii. 20, " the life that I now live in the flesh, I live by the faith of the Son of God" is decisive against the notion that " flesh " is something essen- tially sinful. Yet mere physical weakness of the flesh may be a hindrance to man's spirit, as in Matt, xxvii. 41, ^'' the spirit indeed is willing, but the flesh is weak ; " and the human spirit thus hampered by the weakness of the flesh is so far unfitted to be the organ of the Spirit of God. This opposition of " the flesh " to all that is spiritual is more clearly marked, when " the flesh " is regarded as the cause of intellectual weakness : this is the case in Rom. vi. 19, ^^ I speak after the 7nanner of 7nen because of the inflrmity of your flesh" a passage which should be compared with i Cor. ii. 14, iii. i. 5. Before we proceed to examine the passages in which St. Paul speaks of " the flesh " in its ethical quality as affected by sin (o-ap^ d/xaprias), it will be desirable to notice how those who would prove that the Apostle regards " the flesh " as essentially sinful en- deavour to remove the obstacle pre- sented by Rom. v. 12 to the acceptance of their theory. It is admitted by Pfleiderer (' Paul- inism,' p. 45) that the words sin entered into the world " undoubtedly imply the entrance of something new, which consequently did not previously exist at all," and therefore " it is quite out of place to introduce here the doctrine of the crapf as the natural principle of sin, for this passage expressly exhibits the principle of sin not as natural, but as of historical origiti." This evident meaning of Rom. v. 1 2 is admitted to be inconsistent with the doctrine attributed to St. Paul in Rom. vii., that ^^ the flesh" is originally and by its own nature, prior to the first man's transgression, the principle of sin. But instead of regarding thi?, formal cotitra- dictioJi as a reason for doubting his own view of the doctrine in Rom. vii., Pfleiderer finds in it a reason for setting aside what he has already admitted to be the unquestionable meaning of v. 12: " If we are compelled to confess that there is a formal contradiction between Rom. v. 1 2 f. and Paul's doctrine of the sinful a-dp^, we are all the more justified in penetrating through the obvious form of the doctrine in Rom. v. 12 f. to the speculative idea embodied in it, which is so plainly suggested by the actual words of Paul, where he identifies the act of Adam with the common act of all. So soon as we grasp the thought that it was not in truth the first man as an individual who was the subject of the fall, but man as man, we see the historical beginning to be merely the form which expresses the universality of the principle which has no beginning; and thus the sub- INTRODUCTION. 51 stantlal agreement of the passage with the Une of thought in Rom. vii. is placed beyond doubt." Before we can consent thus to set aside the obvious and acknowledged sense of Rom. v. 1 2 in favour of a " speculative idea " altogether contra- dictory to " the Jewish theological doctrine " (Pfleiderer, p. 46), we ought to be fully convinced that the pro- posed interpretation of the Apostle's line of thought in Rom. vii. is at least as obvious and as certain, as his meaning in Rom. v. 12 is acknowledged to be. In other words, it ought to be shown that in Rom. vii. " the flesh " is distinctly declared to be originally and in its own nature sinful, and that no other inter- pretation is admissible. We proceed to examine this point. In vii. 5, " when we were i?i the flesh " St. Paul speaks as one who is " in the flesh" no longer: ^^ the flesh" therefore cannot here mean the material substance of the body per se, nor this earthly bodily state per se, but only as subject to some quality formerly attached to it, namely, as the context shows, a pre- dominant sinful propensity. This quality is therefore accidental and separable, and not of the essence of " the flesh " con- sidered as the material substance of the body : and so St. Paul can write " the life that I flow live in the flesh, I live by the faith of the Son of God'' (Gal, ii. 20), a passage which, as clearly as Rom. vii. 5, refutes the notion that " the flesh" i.e. the material living substance of the body, is essentially sinful. The next passage in which the word occurs is vii. 18, " For I know that in me, that is in my flesh, dwelleth no good things Here not only is the moral weak- ness and worthlessness of " the flesh " asserted in the strongest possible terms, but the utter absence of good is alleged as evidence of something worse than weakness, of positive indwelling sin (z/. 17). " 2 he flesh " then is regarded by St. Paul as a dwelling-place, and seat, not necessarily the only seat, of sin : but it is important to observe that his judg- ment is the result of practical experience (oTSa), not of any speculative analysis of the ideas of ''flesh " and " sinr He found as a fact sin dwelling in his flesh : we may add that he regarded this as a fact of universal experience (iii. 9 — 20) : but we have no reason to suppose that he regarded sin as inseparable from the very essence oi '^ the flesh" ; we are still far from the conclusion that in the Apostle's mind " the flesh is by its nature and from the beginning the principle of sin " (Pfleiderer, p. 62). We pass on to vii. 25 : '■'■So then with the mind I myself serve the law of God ; but with the flesh the law of sin." Here the form of the sentence dis- tinguishes " the flesh " from " the sin " which gives law to it, as clearly as it distinguishes " the mind " from God whose law it serves. Sin in fact appears not as an essential property of the flesh, but as a power which has brought it into bondage. The flesh thus ruled by sin becomes a chief source of opposition, not only to the better impulses of " the mind," but also to the law of God and to the influence of His Spirit. Hence it naturally becomes personified ; and that which was a mere material substance, morally inert, is invested in the Apostle's thought with a spontaneous energy and a living will, with affections and lusts, that war not only against the soul, but against God, so that " the flesh lusteth against the Spirit, atid the Spirit against the flesh ; and these are contrary the one to the other" (Gal. v. 17), It is in this sense that " the flesh " is so often mentioned in Rom. viii, as a principle pervading all man's earthly life, and ruling it in opposition to all that is spiritual and Divine : compare the notes on viii. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13 ; xii. 14 : also see the notes on vii. 14 (aapKLVO?) and XV. 27 (a-apKtK6<;). The preceding references include every passage in the Epistle in which ardp$ and its derivatives occur. But one of these passages (viii. 3) requires to be further noticed. Its true interpretation depends on our holding fast the original meaning of " the flesh " under every modification to which it is subjected in the Apostle's use. When it is said that the law D 2 52 INTRODUCTION. " 7vas weak through the flesh" we see that St. Paul is regarding " the flesh " in that point of view which he has fully explained in vii. 14-25, that is to say, he regards " the flesh " not only as morally worthless, devoid of all good (vii. 18), but as positively opposed to the law which is spiritual (v. 14), and as exer- cising such dominion over man's whole life that while the mind consents unto the law that it is good (i: 16), the will is not able to give effect to its better impulses, but is forced, as it were, unwillingly to do that which the con- science hates (v. 15). Against this controlling power of " the flesh " the law was weak. But God sent his own Son in the likeness of this same flesh, which had in all men become "flesh of sin." In our notes on this passage we have fully discussed the meaning of the expression '■'■likeness ^ flesh of sin," and have, as we believe, proved that it does not by any means imply that Christ's own flesh was sinful. It may be well to state the opposite view in the words of one of its most able and moderate advocates : " By means of the -n-vevfj-a dy(,wcnjVijs, which constituted His personality (Rom. i. 4), Christ was free from personal sin ; not merely from sinful actions, but from any personal inward experience whatso- ever of sin as His own : He was one '■'■who knew no sin" 2 Cor. v. 21. Notwithstanding this, He partook ac- cording to the flesh, or according to His outward man, of the universal human principle of sin, for He had as the material of His body the same flesh of sin as all other vien " (Pfleiderer, ' Paul- inism,' i. 152). This view is further connected, as we might expect, with a theory of Christ's pre-existent nature very different from that which St. Paul is usually supposed to teach. According to Pfleiderer Christ " was essentially and originally a heavenly man " (p. 132). He is the perfect image of God only so far as the Divine essence is " capable of manifestation." " But this being the very image of God is so far from being equal to Him, that on the contrary Christ's Lordship over the community and the world implies his unconditiona subordination to God" (p. 135). His being "m the form of God" (Phil. ii. 6) "by no means implies that He Himself was also God (©eos 6 Aoyos) ; on the contrary, the Pauline notion of being in the image of God distinctly includes within itself that of being the pattern of humanity " (p. 138). In this theory we see one of the necessary results of the writer's misin- terpretation of the " likeness of sinful flesh : " if Christ's own flesh is assumed to be sinful, we can escape from the intolerable thought that sin was in the Manhood taken into God, only by denying the Godhead of the Son. On the contrary hold fast throughout, as the same writer frequently insists, that " the flesh " is everywhere " the material substance of the body " (pp. 48, 49, 57), and be content to combine with this what the same author (p. 52) calls " the common Hebraic notion of o-apf, accord- ing to which it signifies material sub- stance which i? void indeed of the spirit but not contrary to it, which is certainly weak and perishable, and so far unclean, but not positively evil," — which in all men except Christ is corrupted and defiled by sin, but is neither sin itself, nor the original source of sin, nor in its essence sinful, — and so we can understand how Christ by taking our flesh in its pure essence without sin, and preserving its sinlessness in every stage of our earthly existence through life and unto death, " condemned sjn in the flesh" condemned It as iiaving no rightful place or power there, condemned it as an enemy to be by His help conquered and cast out. The method of interpretation which we have now applied to every passage in which the word a-ap^ occurs in the Epistle to the Romans is equally appli- cable to its use in other Epistles, and in the Bible generally. There is not, as we believe, a single passage which contains the doctrine that the flesh is the source of sin and essentially sinful, — a doctrine which dishonours not only man's nature, but the Father who created us, and the Son who for our redemption was made flesh, and dwelt among us. THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE ROMANS. CHAPTER I. Paul commendeth his calling to the Romans, 9 and his desire to come to them. 1 6 What his gospel is, and the righteousness which it sheiveth. i8 God is angry with all ??ianner of sin. 21 What were the sins of the Gen- tiles. PAUL, a servant of Jesus Christ, called ^ be an apostle, «sepa- "Acte 13. rated unto the gospel of God, ^" 2 (Which he had promised afore by his prophets in the holy scrip- tures,) Chap. I. 1-7. Address of the Epistle. The form of salutation with which St. Paul begins his Epistles, is here enlarged by- important statements concerning his Apo- stolic office, the nature of the Gospel, and the Person of Christ. This stately fulness in the opening address of the Epistle well befits the grandeur of its subject, and the dignity of a Church seated in the Imperial City, to which the writer was as yet unknown. 1. Official designation of the writer. St. Paul's first care, in addressing a church to which he is not personally known, is to shew by what authority he writes. servant of Jesus Christ.'] Servant 0/ Christ Jesus: see note at the end of the chapter. The meaning of the title is not to be derived fi-om the condition of the Greek slave : its Hebrew origin is clearly seen when St. James (1. i) calls himself "^ Servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ." In the Old Testament " servant of God" or " servant of Jehovah " is applied to all worshippers of the true God (Deut. xxxii. 36 ; 2 Kings x. 23 ; Dan. iii. 26), but more emphatically to those who are spe- cially called to Gods service, as Abraham, Moses, David, and the Prophets, and pre-emi- nently to the Messiah (Ps. cv. 42 ; Ex. xiv. 31 ; Ps. xviii. title; Isai. xlii. i ; Jer. vii. 25 ; Zech. iii. 8). See Ewald, ' History of Israel,' iii. p. 200, note. In the New Testament the corresponding title, "servant of Christ," is occasionally used of believers in general (i Cor. vii. 22; Eph. vi. 6); but more fre- quently apostles love to appropriate to them- selves a title so significant of entire devotion to a master who is also their Lord and God (Gal. i. 10 ; Phil, i. i ; James i. i : 2 Pet. i, i : Jude 1). called to be an apostle?^ A called apostle. In proof of his authority St. Paul now adds the more special designation of his office : he is an " apostle " in the full and proper sense, like the twelve whom Christ so named (Luke vi. 13), and, like them, not self-appointed, nor of man's choosing, but ''called;' and sent by^ Christ himself (Gal. i, i ; Acts xxvi. 17, e-yw dTTOareXXa) ere). separated.] Set apart The Divine call at Damascus, in which God's electing purpose was accomplished (Gal. i. 15), was the crisis in St. Paul's life which determined his future course : henceforward he was " a chosen vessel to bear Christ's name before Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel" (Acts ix. 15 ; xxii. 14, 15.) Thus he had been for ever "set apart" from other men not called to the same office, and from other pursuits, "-unto the gospel of God." " Gospel" means here the actual announcement, the living utterance of " glad tidings," not only the facts and doctrines contained in the gospel (see note on Mark i. I, and i Cor. i. 17 ; Gal. ii. 7 ; i Thess. iii. 2). Here, as in Gal. i. 6, 2 Cor. xi. 4, (iayyeXiov is used without the article, because St. Paul would indicate the nature and quality of the Gospel as a Divine message — " good' tidings from God." 2-5. From himself and his office St. Paul passes on, with thoughts kindling and ex- panding at the mention of the Gospel, to declare its relation to ancient prophecy (v. 2), and its great subject, the Son of God, m His Incarnation (v. 3), His Resurrection and Lordship (v. 4), and His manifestation to the world thrcxugh His Apostles {v. 5). 2, 3. The connection with the previoia 54 ROMANS. I. [v. 3. 3 Concerning his Son Jesus Christ seed of David our Lord, which was made of the flesh ; according to the verse must not be interrupted by brackets, as in the Authorised Version : both sense and construction flow on — "the glad tidings of God which he promised concerning His Son." The prophets foretell both the publication of the Gospel and its contents : " the lanv shall go forth of Zion, and the ivord of the Lord from Jerusalem " (Mic. iv. 2), "O Jerusalem, that br'uigcst good tidings, lift up thy 'voice luith strength'" (Isai. xl. 9), ^^Hoiv beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that hringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace" (Isai. lii. 7; Nah. i. 15). These are but a few out of many passages which foretell the future proclamation of a message from God, apart from any de- scription of its contents. But St. Paul not only seeks to enhance the majesty of the Gospel as thus heralded by prophecy; he also calls God's chief ambassadors " his pro- phets" as witnesses to the truth of its contents. For in w. 3, 4 he brings forward two his- toric facts of paramount importance, which identify the Son concerning whom glad tidings were promised with Jesus whom Paul preaches. The prophets speak of One who is to be born of the seed of David (Ps. Ixxxix. 36 ; Jer. xxiii. 5), and is to be raised from the dead (Ps. ii. 7 ; xvi. 10; Actsii. 25-32 ; xiii. 32-37) ; the Gospel tells of Him who ^was born and •was raised. That these two facts form the very foundation of St. Paul's teaching is clear from this passage and 2 Tim. ii. 8 : " Remem- ber Jesu3 Christ raised from the dead, of the seed of David, according to my gospe4.'^ Compare Acts xiii. 23, 30. in the holy Scriptures^ In holy scriptures (Wiclif). The books of the Prophets arc "holy writings," being the records of Divine revelation. Compare xvi. 26. Concerning his Soni] The essence of the Gospel, as divinely imparted to St. Paul (Gal. i. 16) and preached by him (2 Cor. i. 19), was the revelation of " the Son of God," " his own Son" (viii. 3, compare viii. 32, iSt'ou, and Col. i. 13-17; Phil. ii. 6). St. Paul seems never to have applied the title " Son of God " to Christ in any other than the highest sense, certainly not here, where the Son of God is declared to be the one great subject of the Gospel and of Piophecy. See on v. 4. ivhich ivas made, ^c^ In order to fiilfil that which had been promised concerning Him, the Eternal Son must both become the Son of Man and be manifested as the Son of God. For this cause He " ivas made, or bo rn, of the seed of David ;" an expression which points to Christ's human birth " as derived from the greatest of Israel's kings, and io fulfilment of the sure word of prophecy" (EUicott, 2 Tim. ii. 8). Compare John vii. 42, " Hath not the Scripture said, that Christ Cometh of the seed of Da-vid?" Meyer, Reuss, and others try to represent St. Paul's words as inconsistent with the supernatural genera- tion of Jesus. But that Mary, as well as Joseph, was of the lineage of David is clearly implied in the history of the Annunciation, re- corded by St. Paul's constant companion, St. Luke, ch. i. 31-35: see note there. Thus, while Jesus was the Son of David according to the customary and legal view, " being as ud 4 ^^^ 'declared to be the Son of spirit of holiness, by the resurrection God with power, according to the from the dead : which our senses take direct cognizance, it is most appropriate here, where the purpose is to declare that Christ was truly man. 4. And declared, h-'c!] A higher aspect of Christ's nature is now presented in a second clause set side by side with the former, and rendered emphatic by the absence of any con- junction, and by an exact repetition of the same form : " Which IV as born of the seed of David — Which was designated the Son of God." declared.] The Greek word (opiaBivros) means either " defined " mentally, as in logic, (Xen. Mem. IV, y'l. 4, 6) or "designated" actually : the latter sense, which is closely connected with that of "instituting," " appoint- ing," or " ordaining," is the only sense which the word has in the New Test, (see Acts x. 42 ; xvii. 31). the Son of God.] Bishop Pearson, ' Creed,' Art. ii., shews that Christ is so called (be- sides other reasons) because He is raised by God immediately out of the earth unto im- mortal life, because after His Resurrection He is made actually Heir of all things, but above all because He was begotten of the Father before all worlds. The direct and proper proof of this last meaning of the title is the express teaching of Christ and His Apostles : yet even in this sense He was indirectly proved by the Resur- rection to be the Son of God. For the resurrection was (ist) a signal mani- festation of Divine power (whether exercised by Christ Himself, or by the Father in his behalf) ; and therefore (andly) a testimony to the truth of Him Who claimed to be " the Son of God ;" and also (srdly) according to St. Paul's preaching, in Acts xiii. 33, it was the prophetic sign which God had set upon His Son in the second Psalm. By it, there- fore. He was marked out, or designated, as the Son of God. "Although His precepts, His miracles, His character. His express language, all pointed to the truth of His God- head, the conscience of mankind was not laid under a formal obligation to acknowledge It, until at length He had been defined to be the Son of God ivith foiver, according to the spirit of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead" (Liddon, ' Bampton Lect.' p. 60). We must add that the resurrection of Jesus not only proved and shewed what He was, but also wrought an actual change in the mode of His existence (Godet). For He who in the Incarnation became One Christ, by taking of the Manhood into God, by His resurrection entered /or the first time as the One Christ both God and Man into the glory of the Son of God. Thus was He (in Pear- son's words) "defined or constituted and appointed the Son of God" ('Creed,' Art. ii.). lijith power.'] By the resurrection Christ was designated ' ivith poiver ' as Son of God, because power was the Divine attribute pre- eminently displayed therein. So St. Paul speaks, in Eph. i. 19, of " the exceeding great- ?iess of his poiver to us-ivard ivho believe^ according to the nvorking of his mighty pos of the writer and reader. St. Paul having adopted this short- ened form of address, now adds to it an independent sentence containing an essen- tially Christian salutation, in which ^^ grace" is the Divine love manifesting itself towards sinful man in free forgiveness and unmerited blessing, and '■'peace" the gift of God's grace, is the actual state of reconciliation: see note on v. i. " For when through grace sins have been forgiven and enmity done away, it remains for us to be joined in peace to Him from whom our sins alone did separate us" (Augustine). The fuller form found in the Pastoral Epistles, " Grace, mercy, and peace" confirms the interpretation which thus gives to '■^ grace" (;(apts') and ^'' peace" a fulness of meaning not found in the Greek Xaipeiv or the Hebrew Ciw\^. from God our Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ.] The original source of '^ grace and peace " is " God our Father'' who has made us His children by adoption (viii. 15) ; the nearer source from which they flow to us is " the Lord Jesus Christ" as Head of tlie Church. It is clear from the salutations in the Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude, where the sentence is completed, " grace .... be multiplied," that St. Paul's salutation also must be under- stood as a benediction or prayer. Thus in the apostolic letters the forms of common life are hallowed by Christian love, and a passing courtesy is transformed into a prayer for heavenly blessings. 8-15. Introduction. The salutation (1-7), which declares St. Paul's ofticial relation to the Christians at Rome, is followed by a brief introductory statement of his personal feelings towards them, in which he declares his thankfulness for their faith (1;. 8), his remembrance of them in prayer (y. 9), and his desire to visit them and to labour among them in preaching the Gospel (10-15). 8. First I thank my God through Jesus Christ for you ail.] The thanksgiving, with which the Apostle begins this and most of his epistles, is not to be ascribed to mere rhetorical art or courteous tact in winning the good will of his readers, nor to any fond lingering over an ideal picture of a perfect Church. That for which St. Paul gives thanks to God is no imaginary excellence, but the fact that every- where, in the Churches which he visits, he hears tidings of the faith of those who have embraced the Gospel in Rome. The instinct of love leads him to touch first on that which is thankworthy in his brethren : " It was meet to make a prelude with thanksgiving " (Oilcumenius), because they not only believed, but so openly declared their belief, that it was published throughout the whole world. Observe that the Apostle does not praise them for their faith; it is too divine and excellent a gift for praise. "The greatest 58 ROMANS. I. [v. 9 -I I. 9 For God is my witness, whom lo Making request, if by any tor.tn I serve "with my spirit in the gospel means now at length I might have my spirit. ^^ j^jg g^^^ ^1^^^ without ceasing I a prosperous journey by the will of make mention of you always in my God to come unto you. prayers ; 1 1 For I long to see you, that I blessings call notfor praise, but for something greater and better" (Aristot, ' Nic. Eth.,' I. xii. 4) ; and St. Paul gives solemn thanks to God for his brethren's faith. for you alLI See note on the reading at end of chapter. He regards their faith as a gift to himself, for which he is bound to give thanks to God: see 2 Thess. i. 3 ; ii. 13. It is this feeling of personal interest in their welfare that prompts ihe loving, trustful word, "wj God," that is, "the God who has given me a fresh proof of His love in your faith." Compare Phil. iv. 19. through Jesus Christ.'] " To render thanks to God is to offer a sacrifice of praise : and therefore he adds ' through Jesus Christ,' as through the great High Priest." (Origen.) Meyer argues that Christ is the Mediator of thanksgiving only as the causal agent of the blessings for which thanks are given, and not as the Mediating Offerer. But that the thanksgiving itself is offered through Christ is certainly the view presented in i Pet. ii. 5 : " to offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable to God by Jesus Christ." Equally clear is the meaning of Heb. xiii. 15, Col. iii. 17, and Ephes. v. 20. We must therefore retain the earlier and more usual interpretation that St. Paul gives thanks through Jesus Christ, not only because the particular blessing flows from Him, and not only because by Him alone we are brought into such a relation to God that we can offer Him thanksgiving, but because our thanksgiving itself and '' All our services need to be cleansed and hallowed by passing through the hands of our most holy and undefiled High Priest, to become sweet and savoury (or to receive that 00-/^.171' evcaSia? which St. Paul speaks of), from being offered up in His Censer." (Barrow, 'Sermon on Col.' iii. 17). 9. For God is my (witness^ St. Paul con- firms the sincerity of his thanksgiving for the Christians at Rome by declaring his constant remembrance of them in prayer (y. 9), and his longing desire to see them {y. 10). This declaration he introduces by a very solemn appeal to God as witness of its truth (2 Cor. xi. 31; Phil. i. 8). Is such language too strong for the occasion ? Is St. Paul, as some have thought, so carried away by the intensity of his feelings, or the fervid style of his age and country, or any other cause, as to invoke the name of God thus solemnly with- out an urgent reason ? Or does he speak the words of truth and soberness ? We must remember that the Apostle is writing from Corinth, where his sincerity was recently called in question, because his visit to that church had been postponed : to that charge he gave a full and deliberate refutation (2 Cor. i. 15-24), in the course of which (f. 23) he used even a stronger protestation than in the passage before us. Moreover, he is writing on the eve of undertaking a journey from Corinth — a city comparatively near Rome — to Jerusalem, which was far distant. He thus appears to be turning his back upon the Romans, just when it seems most natural to pay his long intended visit ; and he has there- fore reason to fear lest he should be suspected of fickleness or insincerity, or even of being ashamed to preach the Gospel in the great centre of learning and civilization. At present he cannot prove his sincerity, he can only assert it ; he cannot show what is in his heart, he can only call the heart- searching God to witness. 'whom I serve nvith my spirit^ He whose servant and minister I am, to whom I offer no mere outward service in preaching the Gospel of His Son, but therein serve and worship Him in my spirit (xv. 16), — He is my witness that I long and pray to do His work among you (2 Tim. i. 3). He knoweth " that or (rather how) without ceasing I make mention of you always in my prayers^' (Eph. i. 16; Phil. i. 3,4)- 10. Making request, (Isfc^ Making request if by any means I shall ever at length be prospered in the nvill of God to come unto you. How beautifully the Apostle's language reflects the inward conflict of his feelings ! The remembrance of past hindrances is com- bined with the foresight of future difficulties, and the eagerness of desire is tempered by resignation to the will of God, who will bring all to a prosperous issue in His own way, and at His own time. The combination ^'Sr/ Trore with a Future assigns to a long-expected event an early ifihr]) but uncertain date (jTOTi). Compare Viger 'de Idiotismis Gr.' p. 413; Phil. iv. 10; Aristoph. 'Ranae' 931. be prospered.] See i Cor. xvi. 2; 3 John 2 ; and compare the use of the same word in LXX 2 Chron. xiii. 12; Ps. i. 3; Prov. xvii. 8 (Meyer). 11. For 1 long to see you.] Tlie reason of V. 12—13.] ROMANS. I. 59 may impart unto you some spiritual gift, to the end ye may be estab- lished ; 12 That is, that I may be com- forted together "with you by the mutual faith both of you and me. 13 Now I would not have you ignorant, brethren, that oftentimes I purposed to come unto you, (but was let hitherto,) that I might have some fruit "among you also, even as among n Or, «« other Gentiles. ^'"'- his earnest prayer is the desire to see, face to face, his brethren at Rome, in whose welfare he is already deeply interested. Compare XV. 23, and notes there. The word " I long " (eniiToQai) expresses both the desire that draws him to them, and his regret that he has not been able to come sooner (Godet). some spiritual gift^ The word " charisma " is never used in the N.T. of a gift from man, but may be appHed to anything which comes from God's free grace, whether it be a providential deliverance from death (2 Cor. i. 11), a moral virtue, as continence (i Cor. vii. 7), God's favour to Israel (Rom. xi. 29), the gift of eter- nal life in Christ Jesus (v. 15, 16; vi. 23), or any of the manifold gifts of the Spirit (xii. 6 ; I Cor. xii. 4), whether miraculous (i Cor. xii. 9, 10), ministerial (i Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6), or simply personal, as faith (i Cor. xii. 9). A gift of this last kind is here meant. St. Paul hopes that in Rome, as elsewhere, his personal ministry may be attended with some gift of God's Holy Spirit, that may confirm and strengthen his brethren in the principles and practice of the Christian life. Increase of knowledge, love, or hope, or of all these combined, would be such a Spiritual gift; but the next verse shews that the strengthening of faith is fore- most in the Apostle's thoughts. Such a gift is called spiritual, not as pertaining to man's spirit, but as proceeding from the Spirit of God. St. Paul can impart it only because he has received " grace and apostle- ship," for this very purpose. Ccrmpare XV. 29. 12. That is, that I may be comforted together twith you.'] A beautiful example of St. Paul's humility ! He never forgets that those whom he addresses are Christians as well as himself. At the very outset he gives thanks to God for their well-known faith ; and here he does not say " that I may establish you," but " that ye may be established" namely by God. But, lest even thus he should seem to represent the benefit of his visit as all on their side, he hastens to correct his expression, and to place himself beside them, as sharing in the benefit of mutual comfort. He drops the idea of their needing to be established as persons weak in faith, and joins himself with them as needing to be encouraged by their faith, no less than they by his ; for by " mutual faith," is here meant " the faith which each sees in the other.'' The whole verse may be thus rendered: — That is, that we may be to- gether comforted among you each by the other's faith, yours as well as mine. For the construction, see note at end of chapter. 13. No'w I part. The grammatical construction and exact rendering of the verse are discussed in the note at end of chapter. you . . . a/so.'] See on v. 13. Here the de- scription ^^you that are in Rome," shows that St. Paul is thinking of the Christian Church as set in the midst of that great city in which " the kingdoms of the world and the glory of them " were now concentrated, and which was also " The common sink of all the worst vices of humanity, and therefore the noblest sphere for Evangelic zeal" (Lightfoot, Phil. p. 13). On the omission of ev 'Pw/j?; in G. g, here and in -y. 7, see Introduction § 8. Vv. 16, 17. Theme of the Epistle. 16. For I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ.] " Of Christ " must be omitted, with the best MSS. Though St. Paul is directly addressing the Christians at Rome, it is not possible that he, the Apostle of the Gentiles, could think of preaching the Gospel there to that little band of believers only. The mention of Rome suggests the thought of coming face to face with the mighty power concentrated in that strong- hold of Heathendom, and with the vast multitudes there gathered together out of every nation under heaven. It is this thought that speaks in the words, " / am not ashamed of the Gospel," which form the transition from the introduction to the theme of the Epistle. The treatment which St. Paul had ex- perienced in other great cities, such as Athens, Ephesus and Corinth (whence he was now writing), might well have daunted any less steadfast soul ; even he feels the full contrast between the power and pomp and splendour of " the capital and theatre of the world " and the seeming weakness and folly of the Cross: and yet he is not ashamed to preach even in Rome the doctrine of a crucified Saviour. for it is the ponver of God unto salvation^ Compare i Cor. i. 24. The Gospel, in all its seeming weakness, is in fact " the po^ver of God;" not simply a statement of God's power, nor a mere instrument which God's power uses, but God's living revelation of Himself a Divine power flowing forth from Him to save men's souls (James i. 21). Some have seen in this sentence a theoreti- cal definition of the Gospel : but St. Paul is stating a fact of his own experience. He has felt this '■'■power of God" in himself, he has V. i8.] ROMANS. I. 6i ness of God revealed from faith to "Hab.a. faith: as it is written, "The just *■ shall live by faith. 1 8 For the wrath of God is re- vealed from heaven against all un- godliness and unrighteousness of men, witnessed its effect on others, and has seen it shed life and joy around him, as often as it touched believing hearts. to every one that belie'veth.'] The saving efficacy of God's powder is limited by faith as a condition which God himself imposes, not arbitrarily, but in accordance with the essential dignity of man's moral nature. Physical force acting upon matter has an invariable and necessary effect : moral or spiritual power varies in its effect with the free response of the spirit on which it acts. Thus the offer of salvation is the same to ail : it is effectual in those who willingly accept it, and that willing acceptance is faith. to the Jeivfrst.'] The Gospel as the power of God unto salvation is needful to Jew as well as Gentile : this is the point proved in ii, I — iii. 2 0. Nor is there any distinction between them as to the one condition, faith, (X. II, 12). But the word of God must be spoken " to the Jew first " (Acts xiii. 46), as having priority in " the covenants of pro- mise ;" "and also to the Greek," i.^. to any one who is not a Jew. St. Paul always puts the Jew first in privilege, and first in responsi- bility (ii. 9, 10); so St. Peter on the day of Pentecost, — ^" the promise is unto you and to your children, and to all that are afar off" (Acts ii. 39). 17. The description of the Gospel given in f. 16 is further explained and confirmed in each of its essential parts. The Gospel is a "' p Oliver nnto salvation^'' for a " righteous- ness" which is in effect life and salvation is revealed in it. It is " God's power " for the righteousness revealed in it is " of God." It is for " every one that belie'veth,'' for right- eousness is revealed " iroiw faith to faith." All this is confirmed as being in accordance with the declaration of God's counsel in Habakkuk ii. 4, which promises life, i.e. sal- ivation, to the righteous hj faith. St. Paul has thus passed by an easy and natural transition from the personal matters v/hich form his introduction to a statement of the great doctrine which is the theme of the first eight chapters of the Epistle. therein is the righteousness of God re- 'vealed.'] Compare Ps. xcviii. 2, "The Lord hath made kno^ujn his salvation : his righteous- ness hath he openly shewed (Marg. 'revealed,' Sept. aTreKaXvylrev ttjv diKaiocrvvrjv avTov, Vulg. ' revelavit ') in the sight of the heathen." St. Paul's reference to this passage is made evident by his adoption in w, 16, 17 of the Psalmist's three chief words, "salvation," " righteousness," " revealed," and of the parallelism between " salvation " {v. 1 6) and " righteousness " {y. 1 7). the righteousness of God.] Rather "a righteousness of God." This term oc- curring in a summary statement of the great theme of the Epistle is more likely to be used in a comprehensive than in a restricted sense. We must therefore be content, at present, to define its meaning only so far as it is determined by the form of the expres- sion, by the immediate context, and by St. Paul's previous usage. We thus find that it is a righteousness having God as its author, and man as its recipient, who by it becomes righteous : its effect is salvation, and its con- dition faith : it is embodied first in the person of Christ "who is made unto us wisdom from God, and righteousness" (i Cor. i. 30), and it is bestowed on us because of Christ's redeeming work, wherein He " was made sin for us, that wie might be made the righteous- ness of God in him" (2 Cor. v. 21). See more in notes on iii. 21-25. revealed from faith to faith.'] This is the only connection permitted by the order of the words, and it teaches us that, so far as man is concerned, the revelation of the right- eousness of God begins from and leads on to faith. Compare 2 Cor. iii. 1%, from glory to glory. To the man who listens to the Gospel without faith, the righteousness of God is not therein revealed, but remains hidden : to him who listens with faith, the righteousness of God begins to be therein revealed, and its progressive revelation tends to produce a higher degree of faith as its result. Thus " to every one that believeth " the Gospel be- comes by this revelation of the righteousness of God a "power of God unto salvation," be- cause by faith man embraces as his own the righteousness revealed to him. The Just shall live by faith.] This con- nection " shall live by faith " is required in the Hebrew of Hab. ii. 4, and corresponds best with St. Paul's application of the pas- sage : for he does not say that " righteousness by faith is revealed,'' but that " righteousness is revealed from faith to faith," and as the righteousness revealed and appropriated by faith is the power of God unto salvation, " the righteous shall live — i.e., shall find Hfe — by faith." Compare Gal. ii. 20, " the life which I no-w live in the flesh I live by (rather in) the faith of the Son of God," &c. See notes on Hab. ii. 4, and note at end of chapter. 62 ROMANS. I. fv. 19- -20. who hold the truth in unrighteous- known of God is manifest "in them ; " <^^ '<" ness ; for God hath shewed it unto them. Because that which may be 20 For the invisible things of him 19 may /aitb.'] The Hebrew word so rendered means properly " steadfastness," " faithful- ness," " fidelity," "trustiness," rather than the active "trustfulness "; i.e., it means the faith which may be relied on, rather than the faith which relies. " But it will at times approach near to the active sense : for constancy under temptation or danger with an Israelite could only spring from reliance on Jehovah. And something of this transitional or double sense it has in Hab. ii. 4." (Lightfoot, Gal. iii. 11.) Chap. I. 18— III. 20. The Unrighteous- ness OF Man. St. Paul here enters upon the proof of his great theme, that both for Jew and Gentile salvation is only to be found in the revelation of the righteousness of God by faith. First he shows, as a matter of fact and ex- perience, that neither Gentile (i. 18-32) nor Jew (ch. ii.) has any righteousness of his own by which he can be justified before God ; then, after answering objections relating to the case of the Jew (iii. 1-8), he confirms the testimony of experience by the declarations of Gods word (iii. 9-20). 18-32. St. Paul here gives us, not a history, but a Christian philosophy of history: he is not narrating the growth of idolatry and vice in this or that nation, but showing in a broad generalized view the condition of the heathen world and the causes of its corruption. The allusions to specific forms of vice and idolatry show plainly that he is describing the heathen ; but the principles which he lays down, being of universal application, involve the Jew also in like condemnation, as is seen in ch. ii. tbe ^vrath of God is revealed from heaven.'] "An exordium terrible as lightning" (Me- lanchthon) is formed by the sudden and strik- ing contrast to the preceding verses. There is a twofold revelation : in the one is seen a "power of God unto salvation," in the other, the destroying power of God's wrath : there the righteousness of God, here the un- righteousness of man. Righteousness is revealed in the Gospel; wrath is revealed '■'■from heaven" because there " the Lord hath prepared his throne " (Ps. ix. 7 ; xi. 4), and thence "iiV judgments go forth as the lightning" (Hosea vi. 5, and note there). The power unto salvation is for " every one that believeth " ; the wrath is against them '■'that hold down the truth in unrighteousness " (ch. vii. 6 ; 2 Thess. ii. 6). The meaning of this verse is more fully ex- plained in the passage which follows. We there see that " the truth " means the know- ledge of God (vv. 19 and 25), and that the wilful suppression of this truth struggling in the heart is what aggravates the ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, teaving them without excuse. We see also hoiu the wrath of God is revealed, namely, in the debasing vices and conscious misery to which the sinner is given over (24-32). ungodliness and unrighteousness.'] I.e. impiety and immorality, are both regarded as sins against God. " Ungodliness " is the stronger expression, but " unrighteousness " the more comprehensive and general (Aristotle, nepl dperav, vii. i ; Polit. in. C. 13, 3): this latter alone is repeated in the following clause, whence the ideal order of development is seen to be (i) unrighteousness, (2) suppression of the truth concerning God, (3) ungodliness and increased unrighteousness. 19. Because, (is'c.] The cause of God's wrath implied in the close of -v. 18 is here distinctly stated, that men have a knowledge of God which they wilfully suppress, and so leave themselves without excuse. that ivhich may be knoiun of God.] The word TO yvcoarov occurs nowhere else in St. Paul'n epistles; but in Acts xiii. 38 and xsTiii. »8, where St. Paul is the speaker, it is used, as in the N. T. generally, in a less pre- cise sense — " known," " notable," or " noto- rious." Here, however, the whole context rises into the region of Christian philosophy, and our translators have done well in render- ing the word more strictly. See Fritzsche, and Grimm, ' Clavis N. T. Philolog.' That ivhich may be knoiun must not, how- ever, be pressed to mean all that can possibly be known ; but, as the next verse plainly shews, it means that knowledge of God which is or which may be gained by man's natural facul- ties exercised upon God's manifestation of Himself in creation. is manifest in them ; for God hath shelved it unto them^ Rather, '''for God manifested it to them." " In them " does not mean " among them,* as though this knowledge were limited to a few of the wise and learned, nor " in their consciousness" (Meyer), but "w thetn" as being what they are, in their very nature and constitution as men. If men had not a faculty to receive " that ivhich may be known of God," V. 21.] ROMANS. I. 63 from the creation of the world are power and Godh-ead ; 'so that they J^^j;-;^^' clearly seen, being understood by the are without excuse : he. thing-s that are made, even his eternal 21 Because that, when they knew He could not be said to have manifested it "to them." The verse, therefore, teaches that there is both an external manifestation of God to men, and a faculty in them to receive it ; and these are the two ideas that are deve- loped in the next verse. Calvin's note is striking: "In saying that God manifested it, he means that the purpose for which man is created is to be the specta- tor of the fabric of the world ; the purpose for which eyes have been given him is that by gazing on so fair an image he may be led on to its Author." 20. Explanation of the statement, "Go^ manifested it to them." the invisible things of him.'] St. Paul puts in the foremost place the invisible nature of God's attributes, just because men sinned by substituting visible images for His invisible perfections. The plural represents the invi- sible nature of God in its manifold properties, as explained by what follows. from the creation of the ivorld.'] Most modern interpreters understand this merely as a mark of time, " since the creation." See note at end of chapter. But the older interpretation has more force, and is not really liable to the charge of tautology. " The creation of the world," viewed as a whole, is first presented as the source from which man derives a knowledge of the unseen God ; and then the method is further described; the manifold invisible attributes become clearly seen, being conceived in the mind by means of the various works. The invisible lying behind the visible as its cause, the unchangeable upholding all the changes of the world, the wisdom whose thoughts are written in heaven, and earth, and sea, the power which makes those thoughts realities, — these and the other Divine attri- butes are conceived in the mind (i/oovjuei/a), and so discerned by means of the things that are made. The spontaneous act of reason by which the mind grasps in creation the idea of a Divine Author, St. Paul assumes and asserts as an admitted and unquestionable fact ; this fact is indeed the true intellectual basis, as conscience is the moral basis, of all natural religion. On the process by which the mind ascends from the sensible impressions of things that are seen to the idea of the invisible God, " and so as it were resounds and re- echoes back the Great Creator's name," see Gudworth, 'Immutable Morality,' p. 177; and a fine passage quoted from Leibnitz, *Essais de Thcodicee/ Part I., by Saisset, ' Essai de Philosophie religieuse,' Part I. §5. his eternal fonuer.] Among " the ininsible things" of God '■'■ponjoer" alone is specified, because it is the attribute first and most pro- minently displayed in Creation. It is clearly seen to be eternal, because by it all things temporal were created. The other attributes of God which are clearly seen in H is works, such as wisdom and goodness, St. Paul sums up in one word, not Godhead, but Divinity: the word is not that which expresses the being or essence of God, i.e. Deity (Col. ii. 9), but a kindred and derived word, signifymg the Divine quality or perfection of God as seen in His attributes. so that they are ivithout excuse^ That they might he without excuse. The words («if TO fivai) express not a mere result, but a purpose. See i. 11; iv. 11, 16, 18; vi. 12; vii. 4, 5; viii. 29; xi. 11, &c. On 2 Cor. viii. 6 see note there. Most modern Commentators have missed the true connection of this clause, and of the whole passage {w. 19-21). The sentence, " For the invisible things of him .... are clearly seen ....," is an explanation of the statement God mani- fested it unto them; and as the mode in which this manifestation 6-q(Tav). See notes on 2 Kings xvii. 15, and compare I Sam. xxvi. 21: " / have played the fool (/if/Liarai'co/iat) and have erred exceedingly." in their imaginations.'] The word bioKo- yi(Tfj.6s is commonly used of evil thoughts both in the LXX and New Test It is variously rendered : " imagination " (Lam. iii. 60) ; " reasoning " (Luke ix. 46) ; and most fre- quently "thoughts" (Matt. xv. 19; i Cor. iii. 20). Here it means the false notions which men formed for themselves of God in opposition to the truth set before them in His works. " Wherein exactly did this vanity (of their thoughts) consist ? In two things: (i) in the absence of a foundation in truth; and (2) in the positive absurdity of the idle fancies embodied in the Heathen Mythology and worship." (Bishop Thirlwall.) and their foolish heart nuas darkened?] The heart is in Scriptural language the seat of intellectual and moral as well as of animal life, and out oi it proceed evil thoughts (Matt. XV. 19, &c.). Thus their heart was already proved to be "foolish" or " void of under- standing " when they failed to discern, or discerning did not love, the truth which God had set before them. They turned from the light and their foolish heart ivas darkened : this was a worse state than the former (Ephes. iv. 18). The abuse of reason im- paired the faculty itself, and by following their vain thoughts they were led into a lower depth of spiritual darkness. 22. Self-conceit and folly go hand in hand: "■^hile professing themselves to be ivise, they became fools" (i Cor. i. 19-24). Most modern interpreters agree with Calvin that the Apos- tle does not refer to the special profession of wisdom among Greek philosophers ; for they were not the authors of idolatry, nor was it peculiar to them to think themselves wise in the knowledge of God. He is describing the conceit of wisdom which is necessarily con- nected with a departure from Divine truth, and out of which therefore idolatry in its manifold and fantastic forms must have sprung. " For heathenism,'' adds Meyer, " is not the primeval religion out of which men gradually advanced to the knowledge of the true God ; but it is the consequence of falling away from the primitive revelation of God in His works." The same original belief in one God may be traced in Egyptian, Indian, and Greek mythology, and this accordance ox early tra- ditions agrees with the Indian notion that V. 24.] ROMANS. I. 65 made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and fourfooted beasts, and creeping things. 24 Wherefore God also gave them up to uncleanness through the lusts of their own hearts, to dishonour their own bodies between them- selves : "truth was originally deposited with men, but gradually slumbered and was forgotten '' (Rawlinson, 'Herodotus ' Book II., Appendix, eh. iii. p. 297). On the primitive records of a pure Monotheism in Egypt, see note 36 on p. 450 of Vol. I. of this Commentary. 23. And changed the glory of the uncor- ruptible God into an image made like to cor- ruptible man?\ In their folly and as the out- ward expression of it men exchanged the worship of God for that of idols. The con- trast between the incorruptible and the cor- ruptible serves to aggravate the folly. into an image made like to corruptible man.'] Read, for an image of the form of corruptible man. The language, partly bor- rowed from Ps. cvi. 20, means not that they changed God's glory into an image, for this is not possible either in thought or act ; but that they exchanged one object of worship for another. On the grammatical construc- tion see note at end of chapter. That St. Paul is here describing the origin of actual outward idolatry is clear from the whole context, and especially from the allu- sions to Ps. cvi. 20 (^which describes the worship of the golden calf), and to the Egyptian worship of " birds and four-footed beasts, and creeping things," the ibis, the bull, the serpent and the crocodile. The statues of the gods of Greece by which St. Paul was surrounded at Corinth may have been in his mind as he wrote, but idols in human form were common in all heathen countries, and the Apostle is here giving a view of the origin and growth of idolatry in general, not a de- scription of any particular form of it existing in his time. His language is partly taken from the Book of Wisdom (see xi.-xiii. and particularly xi. 15, xiii. 13) which itself echoes the thoughts of Isaiah (xliv. 13). Compare Deut. iv. 15-18 and Ps. cxv. 4-7. 24-32. The Divine Retribution. This is shown first in the abandonment of the Heathen to unnatural vices (24-27), and then in their complete and utter depravity (28-32). 24. Wherefore God also gave them up to uncleanness through the lusts of their oiun hearts.'] Read, Wherefore God gave them up in the lusts of their hearts to un- cleanness. What is the nature of this Divine agency ? I. Permissive. Chrysostom (ftao-fv), Theo- doret {a-vvexoipTjcTfv), and otiiers reduce St. Paul's statement to this, that God simply permitted the heathen to fall into unclean- ness. But the force of the Greek words cannot be thus softened down : see 2 Chron. xxxii. II ; Matt. x. 21, xxiv. 9 ; i Cor. v. 5. 2. Privative. "How did God give them over? Not by compelling, but by forsaking them" (Aug., Serm. 59). All history shows that God did not deal with other nations as He did with His chosen people, raising up pro- phets and sending warnings and chastisements directly and visibly from Himself to restrain or recall them from idolatry and impurity. When the heathen turned away from Him, shutting Him out from their thoughts and hearts, and giving His honour to senseless idols, He "gave them over in (not through as A.V.) the lusts of their hearts to uncleanness." God did not cause their impurity, but He abandoned them to the natural consequences of the lusts already working in them. (Aug. on Ps. 35.) 3. Judicial. The preceding interpretation is right as far as it goes, but inadequate unless accompanied by a right view of what are called " natural consequences." We learn from experience that one sin leads to another, and that lust indulged gains greater mastery. " This is the very curse of evil deed, That of new evil it becomes the seed." Schiller [quoted by Schaff), What the Apostle further teaches us is that this law of our moral nature is a law of the living God, who Himself works in and by it : and this is not a thought peculiar to St. Paul or his age, but a truth frequently taught in Scripture and acknowledged by every reli- gious mind (Ps. Ixxxi. 12 ; Acts vii. 42). It is none the less true that every down- ward step is the sinner's own wilful act, for which he knows himself to be responsible. These two truths are recognized by the mind as irreconcilable in theory, but co-existent in fact ; and the true interpretation of St. Paul's doctrines must be sought, not by paring down any, but by omitting none. to dishonour their oiun bodies betiveen them- selves.] Or, that their bodies should be dishonoured among them. See note at end. Compare i Cor. vi. 15-18. It is not necessary to go beyond the Bible for instances of the close connexion between idolatry and impurity (see Num. xxv. 2; Wisd. jdv. 12, 23-27). As the heathen dis- £ 66 ROMANS. I. [v. 25—29. 25 Who changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for ever. Amen. 26 For this cause God gave them up unto vile affections : for even their women did change the natural use into that which is against nature : 27 And likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one tov/ard ano- ther ; mren with men working that which is unseemly, and receiving in themselves that recompence of their error which was meet. 28 And even as they did not like "to retain God in their knowledge, ^^^^'^ God gave them over to "a reprobate ^^^r^- mind, to do those things which are mind void not convenient ; mi'iuf 29 Being filled with all unright- eousness, fornication, wickedness, co- honoured God by their idols, so He gave them up to dishonour their bodies by im- purity. 25. To make more distinct this corre- spondence between the sin that was punished and the sin that was its penalty, St. Paul again points to the cause for which God gave them up, — a cause lying in their own character as "men who exchanged the truth of God for the lie." (See note on •v. 23.) '■'■The truth of God" is His true nature as manifested in His works, the glory of the Creator (-y. 23). "The lie" is the false substitute to which the idolater gives the honour that is due to God only (Is. xliv. 20; Jer. xiii. 25, xvi. 19). more than the Creator^ Marg. "rather than the Creator.^' The context shows that they did not worship the Creator at all, but passing by Him worshipped the creature in preference to Him. who ts blessed for ever. Amen^ A natural outburst of piety in the familiar language of the Old Testament (Ps. Ixxxix. 52). However the Heathen may dishonour God, His glory is not thereby really impaired : He still " in- habits the praises of his people " (Ps. xxii. 3), He is still " blessed forever" (2 Cor. xi. 31). 26, 27. For this cause."] A second time the Apostle points to the apostasy of the Heathen {v. 25) as the cause why ^^ God gave them up unto vile affections," or " shameful passions." The sin against God's nature entails, as its penalty, sin against man's own nature. " Their error " was that of apostasy in exchanging the truth of God for the lie (-u. 25): ^^ the recompense auhich ivas meet," i.e., which according to God's appointment they must receive, was their abandonment to these unnatural lusts. Those who know what Greek and Roman poets have written on the vices of their countrymen can best appre- ciate the grave and modest simplicity of the Apostle's language. 28-31. The unnatur?! lusts already de- scribed were the most striking proof that the Heathen world was lying under the wrath of God. But such shameful sins, however com- mon, were by no means universal, nor were they the only sins in which a Divine retribution was to be traced. St. Paul therefore adds a comprehensive summary of other sins to which the Heathen were given over. 2i3. And even as they did not like.] For the third time the Apostle insists on the corre- spondence between the impiety which re- jected God, and the penal consequences of that rejection. This correspondence is heightened in the original by a play on words which can hardly be reproduced in Enghsh : " Even as they reprobated (lit. did not approve) keeping God in knowledge, God gave them up to a reprobate mind." By "a reprobate mind" is meant a mind that is condemned and rejected as worthless (i Cor. ix. 27 ; Tit. i. 16), The words " they did not approve " imply that their rejection of God was not unconscious, but deliberate and dis- dainful. Instead of improving their first knov/ledge of God (^yvovTn, v. 21) into fuller knowledge {eTriyvua-is) by attention and re- flection, they put it from them, and so became ^^ the Heathen that knewj not God" (i Thess. iv. 5). ^'■Mind" here means the whole reasoning faculty, intellectual and moral, all that con- spires in doing a good action, or, as here, in doing "the things which are not be- fitting" (xii. 2; Eph. iv. 17). 29-31. The moral condition of the Hea- then whom God has given over to a reprobate mind. In this catalogue of sins there is no strict system of arrangement, but traces of a sort of natural order may be seen in the grouping of kindred ideas, and even of words which sound somewhat alike in Greek. The force of the passage is much increased by the absence of all connecting particles. 29. In the first group we must omit the word '■'■fornication " with the best MSS. (K ABCK, &c.), and read ''Filled ivith all un- righteousness, ^wickedness, covetousness, mali- ciousness'' " Ufirighteousness " comes first as the 3<^—3^-] ROMANS. I. 67 vetousness, maliciousness ; full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, ma- lignity ; whisperers, 30 Backbiters, haters of God, de- spiteful, proud, boasters, inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, 31 Without understanding, cove- nant-breakers, 'without natural ^^^c-]^-^^ tion, impJacable, unmerciful : 32 Who know^ing the judgment of God, that they which commit such things are worthy of death, not only do the same, but 'have pleasure inj^^*"^^^^ them that do them. ^^f"- most general term, and one already used to describe the state against which God's wrath is revealed (t-. 18). By " ^wickedness " (novrjpia) is meant the active mischievousness which is connected with the inward disposition expressed by " maliciousness " ((ca/cm) (Trench, Syn. of N.T. 2nd Ser.). The two words are connected in I Cor. V. 8, the old leaven of malice and -jjickcd- ness. en-vy, murder 7^ The natural sequence of these ideas is made more emphatic in Greek by the alliteration cf)66vov, (povov. Compare Eurip. 'Troades,' 763, and Lightfoot, Gal. v. 21. For 'Vf^^/^"," read "strife." ^'Malignity'" (^KaKOTjSeia) is a disposition to take all things in the worst sense, a characteristic of the aged and the calumnious (Arist. Rhet. II. xiii. 3 ; III. XV. 10). 30. '■^Backbiters" or "slanderers" is a more general term than " ivhisperers" inclu- ding all who talk against their neighboiu^ whether openly or secretly. haters of God.'] The word elsewhere has always a passive sense, " hated of God " (Vulg. Syr.), and is explained by Meyer in that sense as being " a summary judgment of moral indignation respecting all the preceding particulars, so that looking back on these it forms a resting-point in the disgraceful cata- logue." But in the earliest notice of this passage (Clement. 'Ep. ad Cor.' c. 35), an active sense is ascribed to the word (Qtocrrv- yla, " hatred of God '') ; it has the same sjnse '^haters of God" in the Pseudo-Cle- ment. Horn. I. c. 12, and is so understood here by Theodoret, Gicumenius, and Suidas. This active sense is undoubtedly better suited to a catalogue of sins, and the position of the word is most striking at the head of a descending scries of the forms of arrogance, first towards God and then towards men. The ascending order is found in 2 Tim. iii. 2 " boasters, proud, blasjfhemers." despiteful, proud, boasters.'] The worse forms of the sin come first. The " despiteful," or "insolent" are inju- rious in act (i Tim. i. 13): the "proud" overweening in their thoughts towards others ; ** boasters " vain-glorious about themselves (see Trench). " Im-entors of emil thvigs " are strikingly described in Ps. xxxvi. 4, and Prov. vi. 12-15. In 2 Mace. xii. 31, Antiochus is called ^'^ the author of all mischief" (Trdcrr^s- KUKLui fip(TT)s\ and Philo describes the advisers of Haccus (c. iv.) as " sowers of sedition, busybodies, devisers of evil" {evperal kukcov). disobedient to parents^ The want of duti- ful affection in the family stands first among a series of sins indicating (by the ver\' form of the Greek words) the want of every principle on which social morality is based (Meyer). The same sin has the same bad pre-eminence in a similar series in 2 Tim. iii. 2. " Disobedient to parents, unthankful, un- holy, ai l/xas to the more distant iSelc. 2. It makes St. Paul's con-ection of his ex- pression apply to iSetf K.T.X., which does not as a whole need correction, instead of the part els TO crTrjpi^dfji'ai vfjids which is the direct cause of the correction. 3. It supplies as a subject for a-vpnapa- KXrjdriixu only ifxe, which does not agree with the following phrase rrjs iv aXXr}Xoij Triareas vfiMv re Koi ipoii. For these reasons it is much simpler, and in fact necessary, to understand rjpas = vpas Kai epe as the subject. If it be objected that where a new subject is introduced it ought to be distinctly ex- pressed, it is sufficient to answer: ist, that f]pas could not be here expressed in the sense required (ypas Kat ipf), because the formal antithesis els to arTTjpLxdrjvm vpas, tovto 8e ecTTiv rjpas (TvpnapaK\r)6r]vai would have limited r)pas to a sense excluding instead of including vpas\ and secondly, that St. Paul indicates the subject, which he could not ex- press, by the avv in avpTapaKkrjBrjvut. — a com- pound found nowhere else in the New Test, or LXX. 13. KapTTov (Tx^-I ""'Ex^iv in its manifold collocations with Tiprjv, 86^av, 8cc., signifies ' assequi,' and so here " (Tholuck). This is a wrong explanation of the right meaning of a-xfo, " that I might get." The verb exco means to have, hold, or possess : but the aorist has a momentary and, as it were, initiative force, which may often be expressed by "get": see John iv. 52; Matt. xxi. 38; Mark ii. 25; Acts xxv. 26; Phil. ii. 27; i Thess. i. 9. 15. ovT(i)s TO (car' epe npodvpou. Various constructions have been proposed. A. TO K. e. Trp. taken together as subject (i) to a sentence ovtos ea-Tiv = '^ in accord- ance with this duty is the readiness on my part to preach." (2) to a sentence fcrnv evayyeXia-aa-dai. "Accordingly the desire on my part is to preach." B. TO KQT kpe taken apart from -rrpoBvpov. (i) as an adverbial phrase : " thus there is — so far as in me lies — a readiness," &c. (2) as subject to npodvpov enTiv. " So my part is ready; so I for my part am ready." The choice lies between A (2), which is harsh, and B (2), which is supported (though not fully) by Phil. i. 12, and is decidedly to be preferred as giving a proper grammatical construction. 17. The just shall live by faith'] The accents in the Hebrew do not indicate the connection, " the just by his faith," but show that the stress of the sentence is on " faith," which is placed emphatically before the verb : "The just ... by his faith shall he live." See Delitzsch on Hab. ii. 4 quoted by Pusey, who adds, " the expression just by his faith does not occur either in the Old or New Test. In fact, to speak of one really right- eous (as p"'lV always is) as being " righteous by his faith " would imply that men could be righteous in some other way." (' Commentary on the Minor Prophets.') The be in 6 Se ciiKdiof, retained by St. Paul, shows that the antithesis is between "the 70 ROMANS. I. proud " and " tlie just," not between " the just by faith" and ''the just" in any other way. The LXX fK nia-Tfai fiov (or as in some MSS o de SiKcuos [xov i< niaTfcoi) ^rjafTai seems to have arisen from mistaking 1 for i. St. Paul omits the erroneous fxov without inserting aiiTov, as unnecessary for his pur- pose. See on Gal. iii. ii, and on Heb. ii. 4. 20. dno KTi(T€cos Koafiov.'] The phrase seems to occur nowhere else in LXX. or N. T. When the Creation is employed as a mark of time, the phrases are : (i) OTTO KaTa^oXfjs Koafiov (Matt., Luke, Hebr., Apocal. Gf. npo KaTci^oXrjs koo-/:iov, Eph. i. 4). (2) citt' apxrjS Koa-jJiov, Matt. Xxiv. 21. (3) nn apxvs KTlaeays, Mar. X. 6; xiii. 19; 2 Pet. iii. 4 ; Apoc. iii. 14. The Peshito Syriac gives the same render- ing here as in Matt. xxv. 34, John xvii. 24, " from the foundation of the world." And in Ps. Salom. viii. 7, dno /cn'o-ews ovpavov Kui yfjs, is certainly a mark of time. The Vulgate, on the other hand, for its usual renderings " a constitutione mundi," or " ab initio mundi," here gives " a creatura mundi," meaning " the created universe.' Theodoret, CEcumenius, Cyril, Photius, Luther, Calvin, &c., regard creation as the source of the knowledge. That they might be without excuse.] The difficulty found in this hard saying since the days of Chrysostom, being due not to St. Paul but to his interpreters, must not induce us to deny the plain grammatical sense of the Apostle's words. 1. The rule that eh ro with an Infinitive expresses an end or purpose, not a mere coa- sequi'fice, seems to have no exception in the N. T. The strongest apparent exception (2 Cor. viii. 6), has received its true interpretation from the fine insight of Meyer, following the clue given in the words bia 6e\t]p.aTos Qeov : "In the fact that the increase of charity wrought by God's . 4). The argument is capable of universal application, but is here aimed at the conscience of the Jew, from w^hom the Apostle would cut off all false pretexts of impunity. Is God unrighteous ^ivho taketh vengeance ?] Is God that inflicteth his wrath un- righteous? We know that God's wrath is revealed against unrighteousness (i. 18, ii. 8) : " Is He as the inflicter of that wrath unrighteous ? Is it uiijust in Him to punish the sin that confirms the sole glory of His righteousness ?" Is God unrighteous ?] The very form of the question, in the Greek, implies that the an- swer must be negative. And yet even in this form St. Paul cannot state such a thought as coming from his own mind : " / speak" he says, " as a man," i.e. " according to the foolish and unworthy thoughts of God, entertained by man." 6. When he begins to speak as a Christian teacher, according to his own higher stan- dard, he can only reject such a thought as impious : " God forbid ! For, (if God that inflicteth his wrath is therein unjust,) hoiu shall God judge the " is used in reference to the words " every man a liar," in -u. 4. " The truth of God'' as His attribute, is not capable of increase, but it may abound more unto His glory by being more fully mani- fested in the contrast with man's sin. 8. The false plea, just proved to be incon- sistent with the certain truth of a future Judgment, is now shown to be destructive of all morality. The sinner, who speaks in n). 7, is about to continue his daring protest, Why am I judged ? and why may I not do evil that good may come ? But the thought occurs to St. Paul, that the very charge slanderously brought against himself and those who followed his doctrine was, that they practised and taught this impious maxim. 9—12.1 ROMANS. III. 85 good may come ? whose damnation is just. 9 What then ? are we better than they ? No, in no wise : for we have I Gr. before "proved both Jews and Gen- charged. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^.j^^^ ^^^ ^ Under sin ; 10 As it is written, There is none righteous, no, not one : 11 There is none that under- standeth, there is none that seeketh after God. 12 They are all gone out of the And not rather, as lue be slanderously re- ported^ And why not, as is slanderously reported of us. The sentence beginning, "And why not," is interrupted by the sud- den thought, " as is slanderously reported of us, and as some affirm that nve say;" and the interrupted conclusion is then at- tached to this intervening sentence, and neces- sarily expressed in the Plural, " Let us do e-vil that good may come!' The slander to which St. Paul thus alludes, was evidently directed against his doctrine that man is justified by faith, not by the works of the law (see vi. i, and 15 ff.). But the refutation of the slander here is only incidental ; the main purpose of the passage {yv. 5-8) is to cut off from the Jew all claim of exemption from God's judg- ment. Accordingly the concluding sentence is directed, not against the slanderers just men- tioned, but against those who object to being judged as sinners: "whose judgment is just." The fine irony of this summary deci- sion, and the connexion of the passage, are rather obscured by substituting, as in A. V., ^'■damnation'' for "judgment." 9-20. Confirmation from the Jewish Scriptures of the Charge that all ARE UNDER SiN. 9. What then ? are ive better than they?'] The privileges of the Jews {yv. 1-4) might lead them to infer, as we know they did infer (see on ii. 3), that they were better than others in God's sight, and in view of His judgment. This false presumption is now brought prominently forward in order to be completely refuted. See note at end. No, in no wise.] Ov Travrcos has two meanings, (i) "Not altogether" (i Cor. v. 10). (2) " Not at all." A clear example of this latter meaning is found in the Epistle to Diognetus, c. ix. : — ov Tidurcos €(f)T}d6ixfvos rois afxapTij^aaiv r)ixu)v (o Geoj). This sense, required by the context, is forcibly expressed in the A. V. for rjje haue before proved both Jews and Gentiles.] "For we before charged both Jews and Greeks." The charge against the Gentiles is made in c. i., and that against the Jews in c. ii. 17-24; but the latter are here p.ut first in accordance with the Apostle's purpose, which is to show that Jews as ivell as Gentiles are all sinners before God (v. 1 9). Compare i. 16 and ii. 9, 10, for a like priority assigned to the Jews, and for the use of "Greeks," as equivalent to '■^Gentiles" in general. that they are all under sin.] The expression denotes subjection to sin as a power that practically rules the life of all men, in their natural state, unrenewed by God's grace. Compare vii. 14; Gal. iii. 22. 10-20. As it is ivritten.] At this point, St. Paul turns to the testimony of Scripture, as being in accordance with the charge of universal sinfulness which he has already made on other grounds. 10-12. This first quotation is from Ps. xiv. 1-3, which is almost identical with Ps. liii. 1-3. St. Paul seems to quote from the LXX, with noteworthy variations. There is none righteous.] Hebr. and LXX, "There is none that doeth good," as in -y. 12 (Ps. xiv. 3). The word '■''righteous" gives the same sense in a form more exactly agree- ing with the Apostle's general argument : " AiVaioy aptum verbum in sermone de jus- titia." (Bengel.) no, not one.] LXX, ova iariv eats tvoSf which same words occur below in <«. 1 2 ( = Ps. xiv. 3). The Hebrew has corresponding words there, but none here ; the addition was apparently made by St. Paul, and carried back at an early period into the LXX. See note on -y. 12. The words thus added to the first sentence cited by the Apostle, serve to bring out in substantial agreement with the Psalmist, only more emphatically, the uni- versal prevalence of sin, which admits no exception. This is more in accordance with St. Paul's manner of quotation, than to sup- pose that after the formula " as it is ^written," and before the words of Scripture, he has interposed his own sunmiary of all that follows. 11. There is none that under standeth, there is none that seeketh after God.] Hebr. and LXX, Ps. xiv. 2 : " The Lord looked doavn from heaven upon the children of men, to see if there ivere any that did understand, and seek God." In abridging the passage, St. Paul rightly expresses the negative sense which is implied in the original. In the right reading (6 ^vvia,v), observe (1) the form |wwajj', usual in the LXX, in 86 ROMANS. III. |_v. 13—19. way, they are together become un- profitable ; there is none that doeth good, no, not one. 1 3 Their throat is an open sepul- chre ; with their tongues they have used deceit ; the poison of asps is under their lips : 14 Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness : 15 Their feet are swift to shed blood : 16 Destruction and misery are in their ways : 17 And the way of peace have they not known : 18 There is no fear of God before their eyes. 19 Now we know that what the nominative singular only, for ^vvitis, which occurs in Ps. xxxiii. 15; (2) the Article, " non est qui intelligat;" (3) the idea of sin as folly, in accordance with the opening thought of the Psalm, " The fool hath said in his heart. There is no God." 12. They are all gone out of the ivay, they are together become unprofitable^ This agrees exactly with the LXX. The Hebrew word rendered " unprofitable^' means literally " cor- rupt," as sour milk. See note on Ps. xiv. 3. there is none that doeth good, no, not oneJ] Heb. " not even one ; " LXX, "there is not even to one." Here the quotation from Ps. xiv. ends; but the other passages quoted in w. 13-18, fi-om various Psalms and from Isaiah, are interpolated in Ps. xiv., in some MSS. of the LXX, in the Vulgate, and thence in our Prayer Book Version. Probably the whole passage from Romans was written at first in the margin, and thence crept into the text of the Psalm. Other examples of this reflex action of quotation upon the text of the LXX. are found in Ps. xiv. i ; Isai. Hi. 5, &c. See note on ii. 24. 13. Their throat is an open sepulchre ; luith their tongues they have used deceit.^ Taken exactly from the LXX of Ps. v. 9. As the grave that stands ready opened will presently be filled with death and corruption, so the throat (larynx) of the wicked opened for speech will be full of corrupt and deadly falsehood. Compare Jerem. v. 16: ^^ Their quiver is an open sepulchre" have used deceit.^ Literally, " were deceiv- ing:" for the form eSo^iovaav see Winer, P. II. § xiii. 2 f. The Hebrew of Ps. v. 9, means literally " make smooth their tongue :" A.V. ^'■flatter nvith their tongue" cf Prov. ii. 16. the poison of asps is under their lips.^ Ps. cxl. 3. The venom of falsehood is as deadly as adder's poison. 14. Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness.^ Ps. x. 7; compare Job xx. 14, 16. The poison of asps was supposed to lie in the bitter gall, and hence " bitterness " is a figure for venomous malice. "Throat" '^tongue" " lips " mark the successive stages by which speech comes forth : the " mouth " sums up all in one (Bengel). 15-17. Abridged from the LXX of Isai. lix. 7, 8, where see Notes. 18. From Ps. xxxvi. i (LXX.) We must now ask how far these passages confirm the charge of universal sinfulness, in support of which they are alleged. In Ps. xiv. 1-3, David declares that the Lord looking down from heaven upon " the children of men " could find none righteous ; no, not one. It seems impossible to frame a more positive assertion of universal sinful- ness : and if in w. 4, 5, we find a people of God, and a " generation of the righteous," the inconsistency between this and the former statement of the Psalmist is only apparent and external. In the deep inner sense which St. Paul gives to the passage, "the generation of the righteous" would be the first to ac- knowledge that they form no exception to the universal sinfulness asserted in the open- ing verses of the Psalm. The quotations in w. 13, 14, from Pss. v. 9, cxl. 3, and x. 7 refer to the Psalmist's enemies, or to the wicked as a class, and con- tain no assertion of universal sinfulness. The passage quoted in w. 15-17, from Isaiah lix. 7, 8, is distinctly directed against the unrighteousness of Israel. The last quotation Qv. 18) from Ps. xxxvi. i, describes the state of a wicked man, without any refer- ence to the universality of sin. Thus the first quotation confirms in its whole extent the Apostle's statement that Jews as well as Gentiles are all under sin, while the other passages supply particular illustrations of the general truth, and some of them are directed to the very point of the Apostle's argument, that the Jews are not exempt from the general sinfulness. It may possibly be objected that the charge of universal apostasy in Ps. xiv. applies only to some particular generation, and not to all time. If the objection were valid, it would not affect St. Paul's argument : the quotation would still prove as much as he uses it to prove, and mori.,- For the nature of the V. 20.] ROMANS. Ill 87 things soever the law saith, it saith to them who are under the law : that every mouth may be stopped, and all the world "guilty before God. may become ll_ Or, sub- ject to iht 20 Therefore by the deeds of thei/ow! proof employed by the Apostle is very often misunderstood. A demonstrative proof that every man is a sinner, is from the nature of the case im- possible. St Paul's method is this : he first brings the charge of actual sin agamst all, Gentiles and Jews, and appeals to notorious facts for proof of the general truth of the charge, leaving its individual application to every man's conscience (i. i8-iii. 9). He then shows that this charge of universal sinfulness is illustrated and confirmed by various statements of the Old Testament concerning the Jews and men in general : and the passages cited would bear all that is thus laid upon them, even if they were less explicit as to universality of sin than some of them are. One caution, though very obvious, is not unnecessary: the doctrines of universal sin- fulness and of justification by faith are per- fectly consistent with the existence of a true righteousness both under the Law and before the Law. We have seen above that the one strongest and most absolute assertion of uni- versal sinfulness in Ps. xiv. 1-3 is immedi- ately followed by the mention of a people of God (v. 4), and a generation of the righteous {y. 5). St. Paul's own disciple does not hesitate to say that Zacharias and Elizabeth were " both righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless " (Luke i. 6). Such a righteousness of " holy and humble men of heart " was the very opposite of the self-righteousness condemned by St. Paul, which relied, not on God's mercy, but on man's own works, and used the ordinances of the Law as means of merit, not of grace. The Gospel more clearly revealed, but did not alter, the nature of faith and righteous- ness : it enlarged the object of faith, added new motives to obedience, and ministered in richer abundance the sanctifying graces of God's Spirit. We should observe also that the point which the Apostle is here establishing is not the doctrine of original or birth-sin (as in v. 12), but t\\efact of universal sinfulness: and even those who reject the doctnne do not deny the fact. 19, 20. An explanation of the connexion and meaning of these verses will be best intro- duced by a revised translation : But ^e kno^iv that 'what things soever the la%u saith, it speaketh to them