Te ee Ξ Saas Saas i ἢ a ie Ι f τ Ki i ἮΝ Se eee SSS by tf! Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2009 https://archive.org/details/criticalexegeticO2meye LF ἣν dine ht an ἢ ᾿ | } ΔᾺΝ i . ' ' CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL HAND-BOOK TO THE GOSPELS OF MARK AND LUKE. BY HEINRICH AUGUST WILHELM MEYER, Tx.D., OBERCONSISTORIALRATH, HANNOVER. 4 TRANSLATED FROM THE FIFTH EDITION OF THE GERMAN BY REV. ROBERT ERNEST WALLIS, Pu.D. THE TRANSLATION REVISED AND EDITED BY WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D., PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, WITH A PREFACE, TRANSLATION OF REFERENCES, AND SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES TO THE AMERICAN EDITION BY MATTHEW B. RIDDLE, D.D., PROFESSOR OF NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS IN HARTFORD THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, Sat Prince, ᾿ (3 τ) a eager Ὁ «ὦ New ¥Xork FUNK ἃ WAGNALLS COMPANY | LONDON AND TORONTO 1893. = Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, By FUNK & WAGNALLS, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D.C, PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. Turs volume contains the Edinburgh translation of Dr. Meyer’s Com- mentary on Mark and Luke, and supplementary matter by the American editor, consisting of brief critical remarks and more extended exegetical notes. The Edinburgh translation was made ‘‘from the fifth edition of the original,’’ and not from the ‘‘ sixth edition,’’ which is only in part the work of Dr. Meyer. It is necessary to call attention to the fact that the English editor, Prof. Dickson, in his prefatory note to this part of the Commentary (p. ix.), expresses his views in regard to the last-named ‘‘ edition.” With these views the present writer fully agrees. The edition of Prof. Weiss, however valuable its contents, is not ‘¢Meyer’s Commentary.’? Indeed, the matter in that edition is so arranged that a careful comparison with Meyer is necessary in order to know when Weiss speaks for himself, and not for his author. Yet it seemed desirable that the reader should have the benefit of the contributions of Prof. Weiss. In the German edition (Weiss’s edition of Meyer) these are substituted for Meyer’s views ; in the English edition they are ignored; in this volume they are added to the work of the orig- inal author. It was, indeed, impossible to insert all the comments of the accomplished German editor, but his opinions on most of the im- portant points have been incorporated in the ‘‘ supplementary notes ”’ which follow Meyer’s comments in each chapter. Special attention has naturally been paid to the views of Prof. Weiss on the ‘‘sources”’ of the separate sections of the two Gospels, as illustrating his theory of the origin of the three Synoptical narratives. While Meyer’s view of the relation of these Gospels is given most fully in his Commentary on Mat- thew, his acceptance of the originality of Mark (see Introduction, p. 8 seq.) would, in consistency, have required him to treat that Gospel first. Re- taining the traditional order in his comments, he nevertheless finds it necessary to refer to the priority of Mark at the beginning of nearly every paragraph in this volume. This compels Weiss, almost as fre- quently, to dissent from him. For these two great exegetes, while they ostensibly adopt the same method of investigation, and while they actu- lv PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. ally agree in many points respecting the solution of the Synoptic prob- lem, in very many cases reach opposite conclusions in regard to the origin of separate portions of the narrative. In other words, when these giants in exegesis leave the solid facts belonging to their own depart- ment, and venture into ‘‘ higher criticism,’’ they simply conjecture, as all must do in a region where there are too few data to warrant a scien- tific conclusion. Hence the judgment of the one usually offsets the judgment of the other; the earlier ‘‘ Apostolic source,’’ which Weiss has invented, seems to disprove the existence of the Logia-collection, to which Meyer constantly refers. Both are far too ready to admit ‘‘ ma- nipulation ’’ and ““ later tradition,’’ especially in the Gospel of Luke. It is but fair that the reader should have this divergence of views constantly presented to his attention. Certainly the appending of the dissenting opinions of Weiss is far more justifiable than the conduct of the German editor, who in so many cases strikes out Meyer’s opinions and substitutes his own. This difference between Weiss and Meyer serves to show that the in- terdependence of the Synoptic Gospels cannot be proved. The reader is referred to the preface of Prof. Crooks in the volume containing Mat- thew, for a fuller discussion of the general subject. A lengthened treatise on the Synoptic problem would be out of place here, but in edit- ing this volume I found the question meeting me at every turn. Believ- ing that the Synoptists wrote independently of each other, and that every theory which denies this not only tends to discredit their accuracy, but is contrary to the phenomena presented by the Gospels themselves, I felt warranted in frequently expressing my dissent from both Meyer and Weiss, and in calling attention to the peculiarities of the Greek text, which seem to controvert their opinions. The recovery, as it may be called, of the correct text has shown us greater verbal variations in the parallel accounts. The Gospels of Mark and Luke (especially the for- mer) have suffered greatly from the ‘‘ conforming ’’ tendencies of the transcribers. Hence the importance of showing the bearing of the orig- inal differences upon the solution of the Synoptic problem. My duty as editor did not allow me to do this in detail, but reference is frequently made to the class of facts named above. No judgment adverse to that of Meyer, I may add, has been expressed, which is not based upon a minute and repeated comparison of the passages in question, as they appear in the best-attested text. Any emphasis of dissent is due to the conviction that the ‘‘ sources ’’ of a truly ‘‘ historical ’’ criticism of the Gospels must be found in the canonical Gospels themselves. As the comments upon the matter common to Matthew and one or both of the other Synoptists are found in the Commentary on Matthew, PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. Vv this volume is not only fragmentary to a certain extent, but it comprises a proportionally smaller amount of that purely exegetical work in which Meyer stood pre-eminent. This has made my task as editor less pleas- ant to me, and compelled me to appear less appreciative of Meyer’s great excellences than the editors of some of the volumes which preceded. But I heartily indorse all that has been written in regard to the characacter of the great exegete, his love of truth, his excellent method, and the very wide and advantageous results of his influence in the department of Exe- getical Theology. For the privilege I have had of using Meyer’s Com- mentaries ever since 1 became a student in theology, I am deeply grate- ful. Novolume of the German edition has been in my hands oftener than that containing Mark and Luke. But because Meyer is such a master in interpretation, his efforts in historical criticism suffer by com- parison. To interpret what is written is a scientific task ; to discover why it was written requires qualifications of a different order. In the Commentary on John, where the author is not impeded by the self-im- posed trammels of ‘‘ historical criticism,’ he shows how superior he is in doing his own proper work. In the portions peculiar to the third Gospel we find the same excellencies. His exegetical method is the correct one ; and that very method will in the end prove destructive to the con- jectures respecting the Gospels which, owing to obvious causes, have been somewhat discordantly mingled with his scientific interpretations. The citations from Weiss’s edition of Meyer are quite frequently of a purely exegetical character. No living scholar in Germany ranks higher in this department than Prof. Weiss, and in many cases he defends opinions which seem preferable to those of Meyer. His view that the genealogy in Luke is that of Mary shows his skill as a grammatical in- terpreter, while his labors in the field of Biblical Theology give to his discussion of other passages a weight that cannot but make itself felt. Owing to the peculiar state of the text in the Gospels of Mark and Luke (see above), it seemed neeessary to insert critical remarks on the various readings, in addition to those which Meyer prefixes to each chapter. A further reason for doing this was the fact that Meyer had not been able to use Tischendorf’s eighth edition. Moreover, while Meyer is remarkable for his keen judgment respecting internal grounds . of probability in textual criticism, he wrote at a time when the weight of - the two earliest authorities ( and B) had not yet been duly estimated. It is not strange, then, that Prof. Weiss has, in his German edition of Meyer, entirely rewritten the critical remarks. In the present volume nothing has been omitted from the critical portions, and, when the readings preferred by Meyer are generally accepted, nothing has been added. The additions have been made only when Meyer passes over vi PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. what is now accepted by the best critical editors, or when their judgment differs from his, or when he has omitted some weighty authority. The additional ‘ critical remarks’’ are several hundred in number, and might have been multiplied. They are based upon a careful collation of Mey- er’s views with the following critical editions: Tischendorf (VIII.), Tregelles, Westcott and Hort, with the judgment of Weiss (ed. Meyer) and with the readings accepted by the revisers in the Revised Version of 1881. No one familiar with work of this character will fail to per- ceive that these brief notes have required much labor. To avoid the inconvenience arising from constant repetition of the same names, the term ‘‘ recent editors’’? has been adopted as a common denominator for Tregelles, Westcott and Hort, Weiss: for it was found that these gen- erally agreed in differing from Meyer, when there was any difference. It will be noticed that the Revised Version is usually in accord with these ‘‘ recent editors’’—a coincidence all the more instructive, since Weiss could not have been cognizant of the results reached by the re- visers. As these two Gospels present proportionally the greatest num- ber of variations, the data furnished by these additional notes point to a greater agreement among textual critics, and confirm the accuracy of the critical judgment of the revisers. These supplementary critical remarks are invariably enclosed in brack- ets. Some readings of Tischendorf VIII. were inserted in the Edin- burgh edition and also bracketed. As these have been rendered unneces- sary by the fuller additions in the present volume, they have been stricken out, and thus confusion has been avoided. While Meyer cites Tischendorf’s seventh edition, I have retained his abbreviation ‘‘ Tisch. ,’’ to indicate the eighth edition, unless there is a difference between the two, or unless ‘‘ Tisch. VIII.’’ appears in the same connection. It is my hope that some students of this volume will find in these added notes convenient materia] for their own critical judgments, and be stimulated to devote more attention to textual criticism than is now common among us. The problem of the origin of the Synoptic Gospels cannot be fairly discussed until the questions of textual criticism are sufficiently settled to furnish proper material for the discussion. The two topics are so closely related, that the prominence given by Meyer in this volume to the former seemed to demand from me a fuller statement of facts in the latter field. The translations of the Latin and Greek citations appended to the original in this volume may prove convenient to some readers. They have been made as literal as possible, too literal for my own taste ; but in many cases the citations present verbal allusions or such forms of speech as called for more or less of verbal correspondence in the Eng- PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. Vii lish dress. Some obvious errors in the Edinburgh translation have been corrected. No extensive additions have been made to the ‘‘ Exegetical Liter- ature.’’ A few titles have been added, mainly of accessible Eng- lish and American works. In choosing these, I have followed the ex- ample of the editors of previous volumes in this series. A full bibliog- raphy was out of the question, and in any case belonged to another volume than this. Nor has it seemed necessary to cite or indicate the opinions of recent commentators, at least to any great extent. Meyer has given abundant references, and fuller lists would have overloaded the volume. An ex- ception has been made in the case of Godet, whose Commentary on Luke, despite his uncritical preference for the Textus Receptus, remains one of the most valuable on any of the Synoptic Gospels. In afew instances I have taken the liberty of introducing citations from the International Revision Commentary, to which I contributed the volumes on Mark and Luke. As in the other volumes of this edition, considerable matter of a par- enthetical character, or consisting of references, has been transferred to foot-notes, so that the body of the Commentary is rendered more con- venient for perusal. The Rev. G. F. Behringer, of Brooklyn, N. Y., has exercised a gen- eral supervision over the printing of this volume, as in the case of those which preceded it, and has also prepared the Index, a service which is gratefully acknowledged. M. B. RIDDLE. Hartrorp THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, December 10, 1884. τ γι oy ᾿ ἐν fo +} τ Ὁ a γῆν ina Φ 1 Khia: ‘eat Aiba ies tA ἢ i r - i ἢ ¥ a 4 ASE AN ᾿ , 7 Γ ἥν, εν ΤΩ ‘ ἣ γ] rics : i ) ᾿ - ἦ᾿ ‘ τὸς hs Pa ᾿ ͵ '- i. ain esit. ᾿ ΕἾΝ ; . é ‘ SINS, } - Ἷ ἢ hel = ᾿ Ζ Τὰ -- ᾿ 3 i a: i , ᾿ ἱ -- = » | i ᾿ " ' πλοῦ { 5 * ‘ ἱ : t = i 3 : a ᾿ ἁ Δ & ω . “ . τ ~ , - 4 ' - ͵ ‘ - PA Η ὺ ᾷ - ἤ 7 = ‘ > ‘ i Pe is Α a ν Ls Κ Py) ee PREFATORY NOTE BY THE ENGLISH EDITOR. Tue translation of the Commentary on the Gospels of Mark and Luke has been made from the fifth edition of the original—the last form in which the work had the advantage of Dr, Meyer’s own corrections and additions. In the case of the Commentary on St. Matthew, the mate- rials for a sixth edition had been carefully prepared by Dr. Meyer be- fore his last illness ; and the work was issued by its editor, Dr. Ritschl, substantially as the author had left it. The present portion has likewise been given forth since the author’s death in what professes to be a ‘ sixth edition worked up anew’’ by Dr. Bernhard Weiss ; but it is so considerably changed in form and substance, that, whatever may be its value on its own account, it can no longer be regarded as the proper work of Meyer ; and I have had no hesitation in deeming it my duty to present to the English reader the last form of the book as it came from the great master of exegesis, rather than to reproduce the manipulation which it has undergone at the hands of its new editor. A few sentences will suffice to explain the state of the case, and I should hope sufficiently to justify the course which I have taken. In the preface to the first volume that was issued of this translation (Romans, vol. I.), when speaking of the marked advantage which Meyer’s work possessed in having undergone successive revisions at the hands of its author, as compared with the rival work of de Wette, the revision of which passed early into other hands, I took occasion to remark on the strange and, as it appeared to me, unwarrantable procedure of Dr. Over- beck in overlaying de Wette’s book on the Acts of the Apostles with a running commentary largely devoted to the combating of de Wette’s views. Dr. Weiss can hardly be charged with anything so unseemly as this ; but he contrasts unfavorably with Dr. Overbeck in another respect. The latter, even at the distance of twenty years after de Wette’s death, was careful to distinguish by brackets his own additions, though form- ing two-thirds of the whole, from the original author’s text; but a strangely different course has been adopted with the great work of Meyer. Within less than five years after his death the Commentary on Mark and Luke has been re-issued under his name ; but he is spoken of x PREFATORY NOTE BY THE ENGLISH EDITOR. throughout in the third person; his arrangement is discarded ; his critical verdicts are recast to a considerable extent on other principles ; his exegetical views are freely controverted ; the statements of the author are often superseded by those of the editor ; and, what is more, the character and complexion of the Commentary are materially altered by the superinducing on it of Dr. Weiss’s special theories regarding the structure of the Gospels and the relations of their parallel passages. In other words, the work is no longer such as Meyer left it ; it is to a con- siderable extent a new book by another author, and from a standpoint in various respects different. Now, it may be at once granted that—if such a course were allowable at all in the case of an author so recently removed from us as Meyer, and of such a masterpiece of exegesis as his Commentary—Dr. Weiss might well be chosen to carry it out, for his investigations as to the re- lations of the Synoptic Gospels, as well as his contributions to Biblical Theology, have given him a foremost place among the critics and theo- logians of the day. In his preface he suggests some more or less plausible grounds for the course he has pursued, while indicating no small misgivings as to its legitimacy and its success. The plan has met with partial approval in Germany ; but its propriety, as it seems to us, may well be questioned, on account both of the respect due to so great aname, and of the desirableness of permitting a reader, who buys a book on the faith of the writer's reputation and of the title-page, to have—with whatever else—at any rate the entire work of the author in the form in which he left it. Weiss himself states with regard to the work of Meyer, that ‘‘ it contains such treasures of erudite research, philological, archaeological, and biblico-theological ; so laboriously col- lected and carefully grouped a summary of all different views on every passage of importance, drawn from the whole domain of the history of exegesis ; and lastly, so exemplary a model of sober and strictly method- ical exegesis, that generation after generation may learn from it.’’ As the case stands with the re-issue of it, the reader has no security that he gets more of the views of Meyer, or their grounds, than the subjective judgment of Weiss may have deemed worthy of reproduction ; while he does get a good deal for which, it is safe to say, Meyer would not have held himself responsible. I shall only add, that the plan of entrusting the revision of the several portions of the work to different editors, whose methods of procedure and standards of judgment are necessarily various, breaks up the unity and consistency of the Com- mentary as stamped throughout with the impress of its author ; and introduces a confusion, which cannot but materially interfere with the pertinence of the numerous references from one portion of the Commen- PREFATORY NOTE BY THE ENGLISH EDITOR. X1 tary to another (introduced by ‘‘ see on,’’ or ‘‘comp. on’’), that form a main element of its value, I have therefore had little difficulty in coming to the conclusion that, having undertaken to issue the Commen- tary of Dr. Meyer in an English form, I ought to give it in its final shape as it came from himself, and not as it has been since transformed by another hand. The translation, on which Dr. Wallis has expended a good deal of time and care, has been revised and carried through the press, in the case of the first volume, by myself, and, in that of the second, by my colleague and friend Dr. Stewart, who tells me that he has, as he went along, inserted [in square brackets] the readings of Tischendorf’s editio octava major,’ which, as Dr. Meyer explains in his Preface (p. xv.), had not been carried beyond the earlier chapters of Mark’s Gospel at the time of his sending to the press the fifth edition of the Handbook. W.. BP. DICKSON: Guascow CoLLEGcE, February, 1880. 1 These have been rendered unnecessary by the fuller comparison with Tisch- endorf presented in this edition, and hence have been omitted, See p. vi.— Amer. Ep. 1h oa τὴ ἐν ; ΠΣ ante eee G & 728 = 41. γ (2>- 7 ἐν vine ® its or ia ae ‘aa 2 rl =k 7 ᾿ - ᾿ ᾿ « = πὰ δὲ τῳ a ? τὰν Ων "7 hs! bP [- a7 o iba? (Patra i we aatlin (2 ad is ay - rr . ΤΊ - = It μ᾿ 7 4 Lea 7 "Δ > ‘ i ὰ 7 ἢ Φ — ἀν, ‘i ᾿ » δ: A 5 = 4. ᾿ : 7 ᾿, ὦ mn «.. wnt * δ _ = [ 4 4 a! > - = δ, : * = Ά : Ὕ » ι ἢ ᾿ ᾿ Ν -- Γ = ¢. ~ =~ Poke ee < ω -- <2 THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE, Tue investigations as to the origin and mutual relations of the first three Gospels have again been pursued of late years with much vigor. A series of still unsettled questions has stimulated their prosecution ; and the Christological discussions of the day, in which the authority of the evangelic records is of decisive importance, have imparted a peculiar and diversified interest of their own to the controversy, which has thus come to be of a more intensified and partisan character. That this critical ferment will last for some time longer, no one can doubt, who has given special attention to even the most prominent of the writings on the subject and compared their results with one another. And if, at the same time, we glance—as the two fields of inquiry, in fact, are not to be separated—from the Synoptic into the Johannine domain, in which very recently a valiant Swiss has raised the flaming sword, as if fora war of extermination, against the more popular’ than strictly theological work of a highly meritorious Saxon theologian whose laurels belong to another field of criticism [Tischendorf], we cannot but lament much im- petuosity and even bitterness, which are the more apt to come into play when the contest is a contest of principles. Conflict in and by itself, in- deed, over such critical problems as belong to the exciting questions of the present day in theology, is inevitable, and has its justification in the end at which it aims,—the separating the dross of error from the truth. 1 Of apologetic writings for cultivated non-theologians our day has produced many, and several that are excellent. Such writings—because their problems of themselves belong primarily and preponderantly to the province of profes- sional theology—always occupy, in presence of the latter, a dubious position. For along with all the value of opportune and clever popularizing, there necessarily clings to them a certain incompleteness of proof and presentation, which may provoke the adversary at times to unfairness in his claims and in his criterion of judgment. It isindeed a material defect, when—as often—they deal with critical extravagances merely in the way of repelling, and leave un- touched, or with a dubious mincing word evade, the necessary concessions, which in various important points are not to be refused to a sound, judicious, and thorongh criticism. In this way there is no attempt to meet a justifiable requirement, and no clearness even as regards insight into the status causae. xiv THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE, But the sharpness of passion should not interpose to banish he chari- able belief that an opponent, even where he is chargeable with error, has been seeking the truth and striving to serve it. Inso speaking we cannot mean and desire that men should cry peace when there is no peace. But as we cannot avail aught against the truth, so we ought never to will anything that is not pure—free from selfish or even indecorous zeal—for. the truth.’ Various as are the critical opinions of the present day on the question of the Synoptic Gospels, the view seems ever more evidently to be ap- proaching final triumph, that among the three Gospels (apart from the “¢ Logia-collection’’ of Matthew) Mark is the first. The unfair judg- ments,’ that may still be heard about him, will gradually be put to silence ; just like Augustine’s ‘‘pedissequus Matthaei,’’ Griesbach’s “‘copyist of Matthew and Luke’’ will disappear from the arena of ancient error. This view derives special confirmation from the critical contri- butions—some of them entering very thoroughly into the subject—that have appeared since the publication of the fourth edition of this Com- mentary, or, in other words, since 1860, when we survey their aggregate results. It will easily be seen that I have sought* to give due heed to 1 The extravagance of criticism, which in various productions of the day far transcends the boldness of Baur, does not advance the matter, bursts all the ties even of historical possibility, turns things upside down, promotes the con- venient aversion—already, alas! so widely diffused—to criticism generally, as if it were an affair of unbelief, and works involuntarily into the hands of the Jews, who gladly accept the alleged negative results as if they were settled matters, as may be sufficiently seen from several writings of modern Jewish scholars. 2 No one can pronounce a judgment of rejection over Mark more decidedly than has been done, with French frivolity, by Eichthal (les Evangiles, 1863, I. p. 51 ff.). 3 Some minor works reached me too late for a consideration of their sugges- tions: e.g., Hilgenfeld, Markus zwischen Matth. und Luk., in his Zeitschr. 1866, p. 82 ff. ; Zahn, Papias von Hierapolis, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1866, p. 649 ff. ; Stawars, ib. d. Ordnung Abia, in the Theol. Quartalschr. 1866, p. 201 ff.; also Volkmar, Urspr. uns. Evangelien, Ziirich 1866, but chiefly in reference to John. The Christologie des Neuen Testamentes of Beyschlag, Berlin 1866, I have, to my regret, only been able to take into consideration here and there supplemen- tarily, during the later progress of the printing. As I no longer had any fitting opportunity to express in the Commentary my view as to Beyschlag’s develop- ment of the idea of the Son of man,—which he regards as the Ideal man, as the ideal of humanity,—I may here be allowed, on account of the Christological im- portance of the subject, frankly to state that the deductions of the author—how- ever attractive they are, and however considerable the names of authority that may range themselves on the side of their result—have not been able to convince me. I cannot but think that the notion of the Ideal man, as well in Daniel as THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. XV them, as well as generally to the latest literature relative to the subject, in their bearing on my purpose. In reference to the critical remarks, I must call attention to the fact that only for the first four chapters of Mark could I take the readings of the text of Tischendorf from the new large edition (editio octava), which had only appeared up to that point ; and for the sequel I had to quote them from the second edition of the Synopsis Hvangelica. For I might not fall back on the editio septima (1859), because after issuing it Tisch- endorf modified essentially his critical procedure, and reverted to the principles of Lachmann, constituting in accordance with these the text of the second edition of the Synopsis (1864), and, of course, diverging much from that of the editio septima. Iam not quite free from hesita- tion as to this change of principles, whereby, instead of simply steering for the ideal goal as such, we are again directed, as in the case of Lach- mann, only to an intermediate station, the actual reaching of which, especially if it is to be the text of the second century, must withal in numberless cases be uncertain. In conclusion, may I be allowed, simply for those at a distance inter- ested in my personal circumstances, to mention that since last autumn I have retired from my position as a member of the Royal Consistory here, ἐς Deus nobis haec otia fecit,’’—this I have (in another sense, indeed, than the Roman poet meant it) to acknowledge with humble thanks to the everlasting Love, which has in great long-suffering and grace up- held me during many most laborious and, in part, momentous years, and has at length helped me to get over the difficult step of retiring from the vocation bound up with my very inmost life. As nothing else than con- siderations of health, which I might not and could not withstand any longer, gave occasion to this change, and as for me especially it has been in the Gospels, is one brought to them and introduced, and not the one there given. I find that the only Synoptic passage which appears to favor this inter- pretation is Mark ii. 28. But evenhere it is, as I believe, only an appearance, For, firstly, the fundamental thought in this passage is not that of the ideal, but that of the representative of humanity, which isa different idea ; secondly, even this conception does not attach to ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου in itself, but to the whole conception of the Messiah, and would be the leading thought of the argument, even if quite another appellation of the Messiah were used. That Christ, although without prejudice to His personal pre-existence, was and is the Ideal of humanity, is accordant with Scripture; but it is not contained in ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, as, indeed, this expression in itself does not lexically contain the very slightest hint thereof.—We may add, thatit is much to be wished that the antagonism, which the work of Beyschlag will still abundantly encounter and must needs encounter, may be kept clear of the passionate yehemence which it has already so largely experienced. xvi THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. deeply painful to separate from the circle of the dear colleagues highly and gratefully esteemed by me,—with all of whom, amidst manifold diversity of our gifts and powers, I was bound in unity of spirit to the service of the one Lord, and, I venture to hope, may still continue bound,—it is a fervent joy to my heart, that in the partial co-operation which still remains assigned to me, especially by my continuing to take part in the theological examinations, there is not yet wholly dissolved the official bond of fellowship, which has always been to meso high a bless- ing in my position here. Let the future, which is to be developed out of the blood-stained seed-sowing of the present not only for the fleeting existence of this world, but also for the eternal kingdom of the Lord, be committed to God, who turns the hearts of men as water-brooks, and will turn all things for the best to His people—the unknown and yet well known, the sorrowful and yet always rejoicing, the dying, and behold they live ! DR. MEYER. Hannover, 10th August, 1866. EXEGETICAL LITERATURE. [For Commentaries embracing the whole New Testament, the Four Gospels as such, or the three Synoptic Gospels (including the chief Harmonies), see the list prefixed to the Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew. The following list contains Commentaries on the Gospel of St. Mark or on that of St. Luke, along with a few works of historical criticism relative to these Gospels. Works mainly of a popular or practical character have, with a few exceptions, been excluded, since, however valuable they may be on their own account, they have but little affinity with the strictly exegetical character of the present work. Monographs on chapters or sections are generally noticed by Meyer in loc. The editions quoted are usually the earliest ; al. appended denotes that the book has been more or less frequently re-issued ; + marks the date of the author’s death ; ὁ. = circa, an approximation to it. ] Recent Eprrors.=Tregelles’ Greek Testament, Westcott and Hort’s Greek Tes- tament, Bernhard Weiss in Weiss ed. Mey. (These are cited only when they differ from Meyer.) Weiss ed. Mey.=the sixth German edition of Meyer, edited by Prof. Bern- hard Weiss, D.D. ALEXANDER (Joseph Addison), D.D., + 1860, Prof. Bibl. and Kecl, Hist. at Princeton : The Gospel according to Mark explained. 8°, New York, 1858, al. ame, + 397, Bishop of Milan: Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam. pera. Baur ΓΑ νὰν, Christian), + 1860, Prof. Theol. at Tiibingen : Das Markus- evangelium nach seinem Ursprung und Charakter. 89, Tibing. 1851. BorNEMANN (Friedrich August), + 1848, Pastor at Kirchberg : Scholia in Lucae Evangelium ad supplendos reliquorum interpretum commentarios. ... 8°, Lips. 1830. CaTenaz. See CorpErtus, Niceras, and Possrnvs. Coox (Εἰ. C.), Canon of Exeter : Commentary and critical notes on the Gospel according to St. Mark. Vol. I. of Bible Commentary (N. T.), edited by Canon Cook. Lond. 1878. CorpErius [Corprer] (Balthasar), + 1650, Jesuit: Catena sexaginta quinque Patrum Graecorum in ὃ. Lucam... . Latinitate donata et annota- tionibus illustrata. . .. 2°, Antv. 1628. Costa (Isaac Da), Pastor at Amsterdam ; Beschouwing van het Evangelie van Lucas. 8°, Amst. 1850-52. Exsner (Jakob), + 1750, Consistorialrath at Berlin : Commentarius critico-phil- ologicus in Evangelium Marci . . . Edidit Ferd. Stosch. 4°, 118]. ad Rhen, 1773. xvii EXEGETICAL LITERATURE, Forp (James), M.A., Prebendary of Exeter: The Gospel of St. Mark [and of St. Luke], illustrated from ancient and modern authors. 8°, Lond. 1849-51. FrirzscHe (Karl Friedrich August), + 1846, Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Evange- lium Marci recensuit et cum commentariis perpetuis edidit D. Car. F. A. Fritzsche. 8°, Lips. 1830. Gopet (Frédéric), Prof. Theol. at Neuchatel : Commentaire sur l’Evangile de saint Luc. 2 tomes. 8°, Neuchatel, 1871. [Translated from the second French edition by Εἰ. W. Shalders and Ὁ. W. Cusin. 2 vols. 8°, Edin, 1875.] [An American edition of this translation, in the volume, edited by John Hall, D.D., published by I. K. Funk & Co. 8°, New York, 1881.] ΞΈΡΕΙ, (Georg Friedrich), Theological Tutor at Wittenberg: Marci Evange- lium notis grammatico-historico-criticis illustratum. 8°, Argent. 1716. HinGenFre pd (Adolf), Prof. Theol. at Jena: Das Markusevangelium nach seiner Composition, seiner Stellung in der Evangelien-Litteratur, seinem Ursprung und Charakter dargestellt. 8°, Leip. 1850. Hormann (Johann Christian Konrad von), + 1877, Prof. Theol. at Erlangen : Die Heilige Schrift Neuen Testamentes zusammenhingend untersucht. Achter Theil. Das Evangelium des Lukas. Cap. i.-xxil. 66... . 8°, Nordlingen, 1878. Jones (W. B.) : Commentary and critical notes on the Gospel according to St. Luke. Vol. I. of Bible Commentary, edited by F. C. Cook, Canon of Exeter. Lond. 1878. Junius (Franciscus) [Francois pu Jon], + 1602, Prof. Theol. at Leyden : Analyt- ica expositio Evangelii Marci. [Opera. ] KiostEerMann (August), Prof. Theol. at Kiel: Das Markusevangelium nach seinem Quellenwerthe fiir die evangelische Geschichte. 8°, Gotting. 1867. MicHeEtsEN (Jan Hendrik Adolf) : Het Evangelie van Markus. 1 gedeelte. 8°, Amst. 1867. Morison (James), D.D., Prof. Theol. to the Evangelical Union, Glasgow : A Commentary on the Gospel according to Mark. 8°, Lond. 1873. Morus (Samuel Friedrich Nathan), + 1792, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig : Praelecti- ones in Evangelium Lucae. Ed. K. A. Donat. 8°, Lip. 1795. Niceras Serrariensis, c. 1150, Bishop of Heraclea: Catena veterum Patrum in Lucae Evangelium, colligente Niceta. . . . [Mai, Scrip. Vet. Coll. ix.] Parr (Heinrich), { 1805: Das Lucas-Evangelium umschrieben und erliutert. 2 Theile. 8°, Bremen, 1777-81. Pareus [WaENnGLER] (David), + 1622, Prof. Theol. at Heidelberg : Adversaria in S. Marcum, 8S. Lucam . . . [Opera.] Prrrer (George), Min. at Bread, Sussex: A learned, pious, and practical com- mentary on the Gospel according to St. Mark. 2 vols. 2°, Lond. 1661. Piscator [Fisscner] (Johann), + 1626, Conrector at Herborn: Analysis logica Evangelii secundum Lucam. 8°, Sigenae, 1596, al. Prumptre (E. H.), Prof. at King’s Coll.,; Lond. : The Gospel according to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke. In. Vol. I. of New Testament Com- mentary for English Readers. Edited by ©. J. Ellicott, Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. 4°, Lond. 1878. Posstnus (Peter), + ὁ. 1650, Jesuit at Rome: Catena Graecorum Patrum in Marcum Graece et Latine. Interprete P. Possino. 2°, Romae, 1673. Rermuarpd (Lorenz), + 1752, Superintendent at Biittstadt : Observationes phil- ologicae et exegeticae in Evangelium Marci selectissimae. 4°, Lips. 1737, EXEGETICAL LITERATURE, ΧΙΧ Scuarr (Philip), Prof. in Union Theol. Sem., N. Y.: A popular commentary on the New Testament by English and American scholars. Vol.I. In- troduction and the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke by the editor and Matthew B. Riddle, Prof. in Hartford Theol, Sem. 8°, N. Y. 1879. ScHLEIERMACHER (Friedrich Daniel Ernst), + 1834, Prof. Theol. at Berlin: Ueber die Schriften des Lukas kritischer Versuch. 8°, Berl. 1817. [Translated with an introduction by Connop Thirlwall, D. D. 8°, Lond. 1825. ScHoLTEN (Johan Hendrik), Prof. Theol. at Leyden: Het oudste Evangelie ; critisch onderzoek naar de samenstelling, de onderlinge verhouding, de historische waarde en den oorsprong der Evangelien naar Mattheus en Marcus. 8°, Leid. 1868. Het Paulinisch Evangelie ; critisch onderzoek van het Evangelie naar Lucas, en seine verhouding tot Marcus, Mattheus, en die Handelingen. 8°, Leid. 1870. SeGaaar (Carolus), { 1803, Prof. Theol. at Utrecht: Observationes philologicae et theologicae in Evangelii Lucae capita xi priora. 8°, Utrecht, 1766. Stem (Karl Wilhelm), Pastor at Niemegk ; Commentar zu dem Evangelium des Lucas, nebst einem Anhange iiber den Brief au die Laodicier. 8°, Halle, 1830. Stevia [Esteiia] (Diego), { 1578, Spanish monk: In Evangelium secundum Lucam enarrationes. 2 voll. 2°, Compluti, 1578, al. Titus Bostrensis? + c. 370: Commentarius in Lucam. [Bibl. Max. Patrum. iv. ] Troiope (William), M. A. : Commentary on St. Luke’s Gospel. 12°, Lond. 1849. Victor, Antiochenus, c. 400, Bishop of Antioch : Exegesis in Evangelium Marci. Ex codd. Mosq. edidit Chr. F, Matthaei. 8°, Mosquae, 1775. Vinge (Hendrik Egbert), + 1862, Prof. Theol. at Utrecht : Het Nieuwe Testa- ment met ophelderende en toepasslijke aanmerkingen. 8°, Utrecht, 1852-54. Weiss (Bernhard), Prof. Theol. at Berlin: Das Markusevangelium und seine synoptischen Parallelen erklirt. 8°, Berl. 1872. Das Matthiusevangelium und seine Lucas-Parallelen erklirt. 8°, Halle, 1876. Wutes (Bartus van), + 1844, Pastor at Niewland : Specimen hermeneuticum de iis quae ab uno Marco sunt narrata aut copiosius et explicatius ab eo exposita. 8°, Traj. ad Rhen. 1812, “Ὁ ἥν Le 45 ἣς: © 7 ΄ i γ᾽ ον =: γι: ar a “" ᾿ τ πρὸ + ΠΙᾺ i) rte ΤΠ ἵν THE GOSPEL OF MARK. ate Wee ῃ [3 Ψ THE GOSPEL OF MARK. INTRODUCTION. §1.—ON THE LIFE OF MARK. HE evangelist Mark, a Jew by birth (Col. iv. 10 f.), is the same? who, in the Acts of the Apostles, is sometimes called John Mark ee (xii. 12, 25, xv. 87), sometimes John only (xiii. 5, 13), sometimes only Mark (xv. 39 ; comp. Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; Philem. 24; 1 Pet. v.18). His original name, therefore, was John ;? and the name Mark, adopted probably on his passing into the service of the apostles, became the prevailing one in Christian intercourse. Mary is named to us as his mother, who, at the time of the execution of James the Elder, was an esteemed Christian dwelling at Jerusalem, and in friendly relations with Peter (Acts xii. 12). Jerusalem may therefore be regarded as the birthplace of Mark. According to 1 Pet. v. 13, he was converted by Peter (υἱός μου) ; he entered, however, into the service of Bar- nabas and Paul, when they commenced their missionary journeys (Acts xii. 25), but subsequently became the occasion of a difference between them and of their separation from one another, when he accompanied Bari ab:s, whose cousin he was (see on Col. iv. 10), on his journey to Cyprus (Acts xv. 36 ff.). It is probable that a want of dauntless perseverance (Acts xiii. 18, xv. 38) had withdrawn from him Paul’s favor, without, however, hin- dering their subsequent reunion. Of his further life and work nothing is known to us in detail from the N. T. beyond the fact that during Paul’s imprisonment at Caesarea—according to the usual view, at Rome (see on Eph., Introd. ὃ 2)—he was with that apostle to his comfort (Col. iv. 10 f.; Philem. 24 ; comp. 2 Tim. iv. 11), and was at that time contemplating a journey to Asia Minor (Col. iv. 10). At 1 Pet. v. 13 we find him again with his spiritual father Peter in Babylon. His special relation to Peter is 1 The supposition that there were two dif- not to the Petrine, but to the Pauline Mark, Jerent Marks (Grotius, Calovius, and sey- whom Papias had already confounded eral others, including Schleiermacher in with the former. the Stud. u. Krit. 1832, p. 760) is absolutely 2Thence Hitzig (7b. Johannes Markus u. without any sufficient foundation. It is seine Schriften, Ziirich 1843) could hold him nevertheless again taken up by Kienlenin to be the author of the Apocalypse, which, the Stud. u. Krit. 1848, p. 423 ff., and in op- however. is decidedly incorrect. See position to the tradition of the church fur- Liicke, Hind, in ἃ. Offend. p. 781, ther made use of for ascribing the Gospel 1 2 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. specified by the unanimous testimony of the ancient church as having been that of interpreter (ἑρμηνεύτης ; Papias, in Eus. iii. 39 ; Iren. iii. 1, iii. 10, 6 ; Tertull. contr. Mare. iv. 5 ; Eusebius, Jerome, et al.) ; and there exists ab- solutely no valid reason for doubting the statement, if only the notion of ἑρμηνεύτης, ‘‘ interpreter,” be taken not as meaning that Peter, being himself insufficiently versed in Greek, caused what he delivered in Aramaic to be re- produced in Greek by Mark (Kuinoel and many others), or that Peter made use of him as Latin interpreter (Bleek), but rather as denoting the service of a secretary, who had to write down the oral communications of his apostle, whether from dictation or in a more free exercise of his own activity, and thus became his interpreter in writing to others. This view is plainly con- firmed by Jerome, ad Hedib. 11: ‘‘ Habebat ergo (Paulus) Titwm interpretem,” ‘“‘Therefore he (Paul) had Titus as an interpreter” (in drawing up the second Epistle to the Corinthians), ‘‘ siewt et beatus Petrus Marcum, cujus evangelium Petro narrante et illo scribente compositum est. Denique et duae epistolae quae feruntur Petri, stilo inter se et charactere discrepant structuraque verborum, ex quo intelligimus, pro necessitate rerum diversis eum usum interpre- tibus,” ‘‘as also blessed Peter had Mark, whose Gospel was composed, Peter narrating and he writing it. In like manner also the two epistles which bear the name of Peter differ from each other in style and character and structure of words, from which we know that the necessity of things led him to use different interpreters.” The tradition, that Mark was with Peter in Rome, is not yet attested, it is true, in the fragment of Papias, but is still very ancient, as it is designa- ted by Clem. Al. Hypotyp. 6, in Eus. vi. 14, as παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνέκαθεν πρεσ- βυτέρων, ‘a tradition of the elders from the first.” It is not, however, free from the suspicion of having arisen out of 1 Pet. v. 18, where Babylon was taken as a designation of Rome (Eus. ii. 15 ; Jerome, Vir. ill. 8). From Rome, after the death of that apostle (not so early as the eighth year of Nero, as Jerome states), he is said to have gone to Alerandria, and there— where, according to Eus. iii. 39, he is aHeged to have founded the church’— to have died as bishop (Eus. ii. 16 ; Epiph. Haer. li. 6 ; Jerome, Vir. ill. 8), and, according to later tradition, in the character of a martyr (Niceph. ii, 43, Martyrol. Rom., 25 Apr.). ὃ 2.—ORIGIN OF THE GOSPEL. It is related, first of all by Papias (in Eus. iii. 39), and then unanimously by the entire ancient church, that Mark wrote his Gospel under the special influence of Peter, whose ἑρμηνεύτης, ‘‘ interpreter,” he was. This account 1 That this occurred before the compo- numerous body of Jews. Still the expres- sition of the Epistle to the Romans, Thiersch concludes (d. Kirche im apost. Zeitalt. p. 104 f.) from Rom. xv. 19 ff. Certainly it isin itself probable that even at that early date Christianity existed, as in Rome, so also in Alexandria, where there was a very sion in Rom. /.c. is too indefinite as respects its geographical limits for any one to be able to maintain that Egypt belongs to the regions whereof Paul says that there is nothing more in them for him to do. INTRODUCTION. 3 is, according to Papias (see on Matt., Introd. p. 29 ff.), to be understood as amounting more precisely to this, that Mark made notes for himself after the discourses of Peter which he heard, and subsequently employed these in the composition of his Gospel. This original relation to the authority of Peter! could not but receive more precise delineation by tradition, as there grew up an increasing desire to see the non-apostolic writing invested with apostolic validity. Already, at avery early date, our Gospel was regarded directly as the Gospel of Peter, as even Justin, c. Tryph. 106, quotes it as ra ἀπομνημονεύματα Πέτρου, ‘‘ the memorabilia of Peter ;”? and Tertull. ¢. Mace. iv. 5, says: ‘‘ Marcus quod edidit evangelium, Petri adfirmatur, cujus inter- pres Marcus,” ‘‘ The Gospel which Mark put forth is established as Peter’s, whose interpreter Mark was” (comp. Iren. iii. 1: ra ὑπὸ Πέτρου κηρυσσόμενα ἐγγράφως, ἡμῖν παραδέδωκε, ‘those things preached by Peter he has delivered to us in writing,” similarly Origen in Eus. vi. 25). Still, however, there is no mention of any special recognition of the book on the part of Peter. Nothing can with any certainty be concluded from the fragmentary initial words of the Muratorian Canon (as has especially been attempted by Volkmar on Credner’s Gesch. d. Kanon, p. 351 f.); and Clement, Hypotyp. 6, in Eus. vi. 14, expressly states that the publication of the Gospel, com- posed after the apostle’s discourses, experienced at the hands of the latter neither a κωλύσαι, ‘‘hindering,” nor a προτρέψασθαι, ‘‘furthering.” But in the course of tradition the apostolic confirmation also* does not fail to ap- pear, and even Eusebius himself,‘ ii. 15, relates : γνόντα δὲ πραχθέν φασι τὸν ἀπόστολον. . . κυρῶσαί τε THY γραφὴν εἰς ἔντευξιν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις, ‘‘it is said, however, that the apostle, knowing what was done . . . also confirmed the writing for reading in the churches.” Comp. Epiph. Haer. li. 6 ; Jerome, Vir. ill. 8. In the dependence—to which Papias testifies—of Mark on Petrine dis- courses and on notes made from them, there is not implied essentially and necessarily his independence of Matthew and Luke ; for if Mark, when he composed his Gospel, found already in existence the writings of Matthew and Luke, even although he rested on the testimony of Peter, the compari- son of that testimony with those other two evangelists might still be of the highest importance to him, inasmuch as it might furnish to him partly con- firmation, partly, in the event of want of accord between Matthew and Luke, decision, partly inducement for omissions, partly additions and modi- 1 Which, however, most of the later critics (comp. on Matt. p. 26 f.), without suf- ficient warrant either from the testimony of Papias, or from other testimonies, or from internal grounds, refer back to a lost primitive Mark, from which our Mark first took its rise. So, too, Schenkel and Weiz- sicker, vib. d. Evang. Gesch. 1864. Recently Weiss and Tischendorf have decidedly de- clared themselves against the hypothesis of a primitive Mark [Urmarkus]. 2 See on John, Introd. p. 7 f.; Ritschl in the theol, Jahrb, 1851, p, 499 f.; Késtlin, Urspr. α΄. synopt. Huang. p. 368 f.; Weiss in the Stud. u. Krit. 1861, p. 677. 3 The view which finds mention of the literary services of Mark even by Paul, namely at 2 Cor. viii. 18 (Storr, Hitzig), isa pure fancy. 4 Eusebius does not here quote Clement’s words, so that Clement would have here, compared with the previous passage, con- tradicted himself (Strauss, de Wette, and others), but he is narrating in his own per- son. See Credner, Mini. I. p. 113; Thiersch, Hist. Standp. p. 212 f. 4 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. fications. And thus the matter would have to be conceived of, if the hy- pothesis of Griesbach (see Introd. to Matt. p. 24), which is still in substance upheld by many,’ were the correct one.? But it is not the correct one. For, apart from the fact that in any case Luke closes the series of the Synop- tics and is only to be placed after the destruction of Jerusalem, our existing Gospel of Matthew cannot have taken its present shape until after Mark (see Introd. to Matt. p. 26 f.); and prior to Mark, as far as concerns the relation of the latter to Matthew, there can only have existed the apostolic collection of Logia, which became also the first foundation of our Matthew. [See Note I., p. 10 seq.]| Mark must have made use of this, although in general the presentation of the discourses of Jesus has been with him so subordinate a feature, that we may reasonably assume that he has taken for granted in his readers an acquaintance with the teaching (comp. Holtzmann, p. 385). But every kind of procedure in the way of epitome and compilation (according to the hypothesis of Griesbach, there would only be left to Mark as his own peculiar portions, iv. 26-29, vii. 32-37, vill. 22-26, xi. 1-14, xiii. 33-37, xvi. 6-11) is absolutely incompatible with the creative life-like freshness and picturesqueness of detail, with the accurate designation of the localities and situations in his description,* with his taking no account of all the prelimi- nary history, with the clear objectivity and simple, firmly-knit arrangement of his narratives, with the peculiar character of that which he gives either in greater brevity or in greater detail than the others.4 Besides, we do not find in Mark the peculiar elements which Matthew and Luke (the latter es- pecially, ix. 51—xviii. 14) respectively have in matter and manner ; indeed, precisely in the passages where Mark does not stand by their side (as in the preliminary history and in discourses of Jesus), those two diverge even the furthest from one another, while they in the main go together where Mark presents himself as the intervening link. Such an intervening link between the two Mark could not be as a subsequent worker and com- piler, but only as a previous worker in the field, whose treatise—freshly moulded from the apostolic fountainhead in simplicity, objectivity, homo- geneousness, and historical continuity—furnished a chief basis, first, in the 1 Including Saunier, Fritzsche, de Wette, Bleek, Baur, Delitzsch, Késtlin, Kahnis, and others. tendency’ than any kind of acknowledg- ment, be it ever so limited, of the indepen- dence of Mark.’ Nevertheless, Eichthal 2The best conjoint view of all that can be said on behalf of this hypothesis is given by Bleek in his Beitrdge, p. 72 ff., and Hinl. p. 243 ff. The most forcible refutation is found in Holtzmann, Synopt. Hvang. p. 113 ff., 344 ff. Comp. Weiss in the Stud. τι. Kit. 1861, p. 652 ff., 680 ff. 3 Baur, Markusevang. p. 41, does Mark in- justice, when he sees in his vividness of de- scription merely the habit of seizing first of all on the most sensuously-conerete conception. Ké6éstlin and others speak of Mark’s ‘‘mannerism.” Weisse, Hvangeli- enfr. Ὁ. 73, rightly says: “in fact, nothing can be more dangerous to the ἡ criticism of (les Evangiles, Paris 1863) has found in the pictorial description of Mark a proof of subsequent elaboration ; he is held to be the epitomizer of Matthew, whose Gospel nev- ertheless, as it now stands, is full of inter- polations. And so Luke too isin many ways interpolated. In this Eichthal goes to work with very uncritical license, and re- gards Mark as being much less interpolated, merely because he was from the first look- ed on as of far less consequence (I. p. 267 ff.). 4 See especially, Ewald, Jahrb. 11. p. 203 f.; Weiss in the Stud. u. Krit, 1861, p. 67 ff., 646 ff. ; Holtzmann, p. 284 f., 448 f. INTRODUCTION. 3 gradual formation of our Matthew, and then also for Luke. It is simply inconceivable that Mark could have passed over, in particular, the rich materials which Luke has peculiar to himself (as is still the opinion of Kést- lin, p. 334), merely from the endeavor after brevity and a laying aside of everything anti-Jewish. As regards the origin of the Gospel of Mark, we must accordingly abide simply by the testimony of Papias : it is primarily to be traced back to the communications of Peter, and with this view ad- mirably agrees the characteristic discourse of the latter in Acts x. 36 ; in fact, this discourse may be regarded as a programme of our Gospel. Other special sources are not sufficiently recognizable,’ apart from the primitive evangelic tradition in general, under the influence of which the companion of Paul, Barnabas, and Peter of necessity came, and from the collection of Logia of Matthew, which, as the most ancient (see on Matthew, Introd. p. 9 ff.) document intended for the natives of Palestine, could not have re- mained unknown to Mark, the inhabitant of Jerusalem. Rightly have many ? maintained the primitive evangelic character of Mark in relation to the rest of our Gospels, and thus there is taken ‘‘a great step towards find- ing our way in the labyrinth of Gospel-harmony,” ? however strongly Baur and his school (K6stlin, in the most complex fashion) contend against it with their hypothesis of a special ‘‘ tendency” (see ὃ 8), and with the aid of a Papian primitive-Mark ; while Hilgenfeld withal, following Augustine and Hug, insists upon the priority of Mark to Luke, and consequently on the intermediate position of Mark between Matthew and Luke.* According to the opinion of Delitzsch,* in connection with his mistaken discovery (see on Matt. Introd. p. 25) that the writing of the evangelic history, proceeding in the footsteps of the Thora, was created by Matthew, the dependence of Mark on Matthew would appear as so great, that even the possibility of the converse relation vanishes before it,—a dependence which, we may add, Hilgenfeld thinks to explain by the dubious hypothesis, opening the door to much that is arbitrary, of a Gospel of Peter or of the Petrine-Roman tra- dition as an intermediate step.° The Gospel has three main divisions, of which the first goes as far as the choice of the Twelve (iii. 13), and the last begins from the setting out for Judaea (chap. χ.). Remark 1.—Although Mark was chiefly dependent on the communications of Peter, still the Petrine tendency is not to be attributed to his Gospel (in op- 1 According to Fritzsche and Bleek, Mark is alleged to have used not merely Matthew and Luke, but even the Gospel of John. The state of the case is directly the re- verse. 2So not only Weisse and Wilke, but also Lachmann, Uitzig, Reuss, Ewald, Ritschl, Thiersch, Volkmar, Tobler, Plitt, Holtz- mann, Weiss, Schenkel, Weizsiicker, and others (see also Giider in Herzog’s Encykl. IX. p. 47 f.) 3Thiersch, Kirche im Apost. Zeitalt, p- 102. 4 Especially since 1850, then in his long controversy with Baur, and once more in his Kanon u. Kritik d. N. T. 1863, and in his Zeitschr. 1864, p. 287 ff. 9. Neue wnters. Ub. d. Entsteh. u. Ant. ad. ka- non. Hwang. 1., 1853. δ See on the other hand Baur, Markus- evang. p. 119 ff.; Ritschl in the fheol. Jahrb. 1851, p. 482 ff. ; Weiss in the Stud. wu. Krit. 1861, p. 691 ff.; Holtzmann in his synopt. Evang. 6 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. position to Hilgenfeld), as appears by the very fact, that from his Gospel there is actually absent the saying of Jesus concerning the Rock of the church (Matt. xvi. 17). See generally, Baur in the theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 56 ff., and Markus- evang. p. 1383 ff. Comp. on viii. 29; also Weiss in the Stud. u. Krit. 1861, p. 674 f. Remark 2.—In making use of particular passages of Mark to prove his inde- pendence or dependence on the other Synoptics, the greatest caution is neces- sary, not to educe from our reading of them what is already in our own mind as the critical view of the relation. The experience of the most recent criticism is a warning against this, for in it very often what one takes to be in his favor is by another turned against him, according to the coloring imported by the subjectivity of each. Even from the O. T. citation in Mark i. 2, 3, compared with Matt. iii. 3, xi. 10, we cannot draw any reference either for (Ritschl) or against the dependence of Matthew on Mark ; see Baur in the theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 89 f. Comp. on i, 2 ἢ. ὃ 3.—PURPOSE, TIME, PLACE. Like all the canonical Gospels, ours also has the destined purpose of his- torically proving the Messiahship of Jesus : it seeks to accomplish this es- pecially by setting forth the deeds of Jesus, but in doing so does not bear any special dogmatic color.’ It leaves out of consideration the doctrinal differences that agitate the subsequent apostolic period, and goes to work quite objectively. We must not on this account, however, assume a mediat- ing aim in the interest of the idea of catholicity, and consequently a neutral character accordant with that tendency,’ ora mediating between the Jewish- Christian Matthew and the Pauline Luke (Hilgenfeld), for assumptions of which sort it was thought that a welcome external support was to be found in the very fact, that Mark’s place was from old assigned to him only after Mat- thew, and relatively (according to Clem. Al.) even only after Luke. The omis- sion of a genealogy and preliminary history does not betray the design of a neutral attitude (Schwegler alleges even that a Docetic reference is implied), but simply points to a time of its origin, in which, among Gentile Chris- tians, such matters as these had not yet attained the importance of being regarded as elements of the Gospel.? And the work is composed for Gentile Christians, as is evident beyond any doubt from the total absence of proofs 1 Not even the character of artistic con- struction, which (according to Hilgenfeld) is designed to turn on the contrast of light and shade. But the alternation of light and shade is involved in the course of the history, not in the artistic premeditation of a literary plan. 2 Schwegler, Baur, K6stlin, and others, with more precise definitions various in kind. According to Baur, even the name for this neutral and mediating Gospel is significantly chosen: ‘‘ Mark,” the inter- preter of Peter and the companion of Paul. 3 The opinion of Volkmar (d. Relig. Jesu u. ihre erste Entwickelung, 1857, and ge- schichtstreue Theol. 1858)—that the Gospel of Mark as an Epos is a Pauline treatise with a set purposein opposition to the Judaistic reac- tion, and has as its presupposition the Juda- istic Apocalypse, and that, having come into existence under Titus, it became the founda- tion for the rest of the Gospels—is a criti- cal extravagance. See, in opposition to it, Hilgenfeld in the ¢heol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 387 ff., and in his Zeitschr. 1859, p. 252 ff., 1861, p. 190 ff., also in Kanon u. Kritik, p. 175 ff, INTRODUCTION. is drawn from the O. T. (excepting only i. 2 f., see in loc.) and of Judaistic elements of doctrine (Késtlin, p. 314), as also from the comparison of many points of detail with the parallel passages in Matthew (see Holtzmann, p. 385 ff.). Comp. on x. 12, vil. 1 ff., xi. 17, and others. With respect to the time of composition, the Gospel must, in accordance with the eschatological statements in chap. xiii. (see especially, vv. 18, 24, 30, 33), and because it preceded our Matthew, have been written at all events before the destruction of Jerusalem, although Weizsiicker concludes the contrary from the parable iv. 26-29 (see in loc.). This is more precisely defined by the statement of Irenaeus, iii. 1 (in Eus.v. 8), that Mark published the Gospel after the death 'of Peter and Paul. By this we must abide ; and as there is not historical ground for going back to an earlier period (Hitzig : years 55-57 ; Schenkel, 45-58), the treating of that assertion of Irenaeus with suspicion, as if it might have flowed from 2 Pet. i. 15 (Kichhorn, Hug, Fritzsche), and were too much of a doctrinal nature (Weizsiicker), is unfounded. See Credner, I. p. 118. The account of Clem- ent, Hypotyp. 6 (in Eus. H. #. vi. 14), that Mark published his Gospel while Peter was still alive in captivity at Rome, makes indeed but an incon- siderable difference in the definition of the time, yet was so welcome to the interest felt in its apostolic authority, that Eusebius not merely added the confirmation of the treatise on the part of Peter (see § 2), but also transfer- red the apostle’s sojourn at Rome in question to the very earliest time pos- sible, namely, to the third year of Claudius (ten years after the death of Christ), when Peter was said to have been there together with Philo and Simon Magus (Hus. H. #. ii. 14, 15, 17), which incorrect determination of the date of our Gospel was in consequence adopted by Theophylact, Euthy- mius Zigabenus, and others. Later critics, who place Mark in point of time after Matthew and Luke (Griesbach’s hypothesis), or at least after Matthew (Hilgenfeld), do not make it come into existence till after the destruction of Jerusalem (de Wette, Bleek, and others ; Hilgenfeld : under Domitian), to which view Weisse also (‘‘ under the influences of the lively impression of the conquest”’) is inclined ; K6stlin, assigning to the alleged older Mark of Papias the date 65-70 a.p., makes the canonical Gospel appear the first decade of the second century. Baur puts it down still lower in the second century, as indeed he assigns to the canonical Gospels in general no earlier date than 130-170. The place of composition is not known with certainty, but the preponder- ant voice of ecclesiastical tradition (Clement, Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, and many others) names Rome, which is not necessarily connected with the supposition that Mark wrote his Gospel while Peter was still alive, and has no internal reasons against it, but still is not to be made good by the Latin expressions which occur, as at vi. 27, vii. 4, 8, xv. 39, 44, and explanations such as xv. 16, xii. 42, or by x. 12, xv. 21. Most of the later critics have declared themselves in favor of the Roman origin (Gieseler, Ewald, Hilgen- 1 ἔξοδον, not: departure, as Mill, Grabe, Aberle, and others will have it. See Hilgen- feld in his Zeitschr. 1864, p. 224. 8 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. feld, Késtlin, Schwegler, Guerike, and several others), and the evidence in its behalf can only gain in weight from the fact that even at a very early period Alexandria was assigned to Mark asa sphere of labor. It is true that Chrysostom names Alexandria as the place of composition, but to this the less value is to be attached that no Alexandrian confirms it. Hence the combination of Rome and Alexandria by the assumption of a twofold publi- cation (Richard Simon; Lardner, Eichhorn) is unnecessary, and cannot be made good, not even by the statement of Jerome : ‘‘ Assumpto itaque Evan- gelio, quod ipse confecerat, perrexit Aegyptum,” ‘‘Therefore the Gospel which he had completed being approved he proceeded to Egypt.” ὃ 4.—PRIMARY LANGUAGE, ORIGINALITY, INTEGRITY. Mark wrote in Greek, as the Fathers are unanimous either in presuppos- It is true that there occurs in the Peshito as a subscription, and in the Philoxenian on the margin,’ the remark that at Rome he preached in the Roman tongue ; and several manuscripts of the Greek text (see Scholz, p. xxx.; Tisch. p. 325) distinctly affirm that he wrote in Latin, but this entire statement is a hasty inference from the sup- position that Mark wrote at Rome and for Romans. Nevertheless, to the Roman Catholics, in the interest of the Vulgate, it could not but be wel- come, so that it was defended by Baronius (ad ann. 45, No. 39 ff.) and others. Since the days of Richard Simon, however, it has been again given up even among Catholic scholars. It was even given out that the Latin au- tograph was preserved in Venice, but that has long since been unmasked as a portion of the Vulgate.? The originality of our Gospel has found assailants only in recent times, and that, indeed, on the ground of the account of Papias, on which its originality was formerly based. It was thought to be discovered that what Papias says of the Gospel of Mark does not suit our Gospel,* and it was fur- ther inferred (see especially, Credner, /.c. and p. 205 1) that the Gospel in its present form could not be the work of Mark, but that another had worked up the notes which Mark had made without regard to arrangement, and thereby the εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ Μάρκον had come into existence. In the fur- ther progress of criticism, the hypothesis was developed of a pre-canonical or primitive-Mark [ Urmarkus| which had been an Evangelium Petri, a hypothesis variously elaborated in particular by Baur, Késtlin, and others. According to Késtlin, this primitive Gospel (which is held to form the basis of Matthew also) was composed in Syria, and formed, along with Matthew ing or in expressly testifying. 1Comp. also Ebedjesu, in Assem. Bidi. O71, p..9: 2 See Dobrowsky, fragment. Pragense ev. St. Marci vulgo autographi, Prag. 1778; Michaelis, orient. Bibl. XII. 108, Hind. ΤΙ. p. 1073 ff. 3 See Schleiermacher in the Stud. u. Krit. 1832, Ὁ. 758 ff. ; Credner, Hint. I. p. 193. 4 Subsequently Credner (see his work, das neue Test. nach Zweck, Ursprung, Inhalt, 1843, II. p. 213 ff.) has declared in favor of the genuineness of our Gospel, and has look- ed upon the testimony of Papias as affirm- ing that the order of events in the three Synoptics does not correspond to the re- ality. But even this does not follow from the words of Papias rightly apprehended, INTRODUCTION. 9 and Luke, a chief source for our canonical Mark, which is alleged to be a later product of the idea of catholicity. But the assumption of an original treatise that has been lost would only have a historical point of support, in the event of the contents of the fragment of Papias—so far as it speaks of the treatise of Mark—not really suiting our canonical Mark. But since, upon a correct interpretation (see on Matt. Introd. p. 28 f.), it contains nothing with which our Mark is at variance, and therefore affords no ground for the assertion that it is speaking of another book ascribed to Mark, it remains the most ancient and the most weighty historical testimony for the originality of our second Gospel, and at the same time for the high historical value of its contents. With this view, no doubt, the much-asserted dependence on Matthew—or on Matthew and Luke—cannot subsist, because this runs directly counter to the testimony of Papias ; and to get rid of that testimony is a proceeding which amounts to peremptory dogmatism (de Wette), to arbitrary conjecture (Baur),! and to contradiction of history (as opposed to the testimonies of Irenaeus, Clement, Eusebius), as if the Fathers, to whom at any rate our Mark was very well known, would have only thus blindly repeated the story of Papias. On the supposition of the originality of our Mark the comparison of Matthew and Luke, who made use of him, presents no constraining reason for the view, that the Gospel, in the form in which we possess it, has been preserved merely in a recension modified by various omissions, additions, and alterations,? or, in- deed, that that form, in which his Gospel has been made use of in our Gos- pel of Matthew, as well as by Luke, was preceded by one still earlier (Ewald), especially as Mark has not always followed the most original tradi- tion, and in accordance with the peculiar character of his book abstains from giving the longer discourses of Jesus, with the special exception of the eschatological in chap. xiii. ; hence, also the Sermon on the Mount is not found in his Gospel,? and need not have stood between iii. 19 and iii. 20 (together with the narrative of the centurion at Capernaum). See on iii. 20, Remark. As to the integrity of the Gospel, the only question to be considered is that of the genuineness of the concluding section, xvi. 6-20. See, regard- ing this, the critical remarks on chap. xvi. 1 Markusevang. p. 131 f., he alleges that Papias has combined things not connected with each other, namely, the existence of the Gospel of Mark, which, perhaps, had not been even known to him, and the tra- dition of the discourses which Peter is al- leged to have delivered on his apostolic journeys. 3 Ewald, comp. Hitzig, Weisse, Holtz- mann, Schenkel, Weizsicker, also Reuss, KOostlin, and others. 3 On the hypothesis of the Gospel being prepared with ὦ special purpose, this dis- course is regarded as having been omitted by Mark, because he did not wish to bring into remembrance the continuing obliga- tion of the law, Matt. v. 17. See especially, — Baur, Huang. p. 565. As if this would have been a sufficient reason for the exclusion of the entire discourse! Just as little as the alleged Ebionitic commencement of the discourse. 10 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. Note By AMERICAN EDITOR. I. Origin of the Gospel. The remarks of Meyer on this subject assume the correctness of his own theory respecting the relation of the Synoptic Gospels to each other, and their dependence, though in different ways, upon the Logia-collection of Matthew, which, as he thinks, consisted simply of discourses, and is the work referred to by Papias. The full discussion of the question belongs to the volume on Matthew, but it will be necessary here to state some points affecting more: particularily the Gospel of Mark. Weiss, who in many respects agrees with Meyer, especially in rejecting the theory of a Proto-Mark, and in upholding the originality and priority of this Gospel, differs from him in regard to its relation to the Logia-collection. He regards the work referred to by Papias as ‘‘the older source,” but admits that it includes narrative as well as didactic portions. Ina detailed commentary (Das Markusevangelium und seine Synoptischen parallelen, Berlin, 1872), this ac- complished and patient scholar has sought ‘‘to establish with exactness those passages in which Mark, although he otherwise forms throughout the source for our first and third Gospels, shows himself to be dependent on the portions of the oldest apostolic document which are faithfully preserved in them,”’ i.¢., the first and third Gospels. The frequent references to Weiss ed. Meyer in the following pages call for this statement of his view in advance. But it does not seem more satisfactory than the other attempts to show the interdependence of the Synoptic Gospels. Why does Mark have such brief didactic portions, if the Logia-collection was a collection of discourses such as are now preserved in the Gospel of Matthew? Orif ‘‘the older source” contained narrative also, how can we account for the verbal variations as well as agree- ments in the three Gospels? A repeated comparison of the parallel passages has left the writer more firmly convinced of the independence of the Synoptic Gospels. (On the question of Luke’s relation to the other two, see Introduction to Luke. If Luke can be proven independent, then the other two can more readily be shown to be so.) ‘‘But no theory is admissible which asks us to doubt the accuracy of these straightforward records, in order that we may find a truer history in some original Gospel, whether oral or written, the existence of which is a matter of conjecture. The problem of the origin of the Synoptic Gospels is an interesting one ; but it has historical and theo- logical importance only when it assumes that the canonical Gospels are not gen- uine and authentic narratives’ (Int. Revis. Com. Luke, p. x.). The main ob- jection to Meyer’s application of his theory is that he, especially in his pre- liminary comments on the several paragraphs, suggests that there have been additions, abridgments, amplifications, differences of tradition, etc. Now all these terms may not imply dishonesty on the part of the writers, and yet even Weiss ed. Mey. complains in his preface of Meyer’s opinions respecting the credibility of the separate narratives, adding that he would gladly have can- celled these passages entirely. Whatever honesty of purpose belongs to the use of such terms, the impression produced is unfavorable to confidence in the Gospel records. To many it appears that Meyer, in discussing these topics, has wandered from the field where he isa master. In his exegesis we have NOTE. 11 scientific induction ; in this department of criticism we find little that is not based on assumptions. It may be said that the view which accepts the de- pendence of the Synoptists inevitably leads toward, if not to, such a habit of discrediting the accuracy of the narratives. Godet (Luke, p. 556, Am. ed.) well observes: ‘‘It is impossible to conceive anything more capricious and less reverential than the part which we make the author of any one whatever of our Synoptic Gospels play with the history and sayings of Jesus, supposing that he had before him the other two, or one ofthem. Such an explanation will only be allowable when we are brought absolutely to despair of finding any other. And even then it were better still to say, Non liquet. For this explanation involves amoral contradiction. Most of our present critics are so well aware of this, that they have recourse to middle terms. By common sources they seek to explain the relation between those three writings, or they combine this mode with the pre- ceding”’ (i.e., that of interdependence). The same author, in the Introduc- tion and Conclusion of the same work, discusses quite fully the entire ques- tion, deciding most strongly in favor of the independence of the Synoptists. See also Schaff, History of the Christian Church, I. pp. 590-612. The labored attempts to solve the problem have, however, shed some light on one point, namely, the originality of Mark. If this Gospel were studied, as it ought to be, before that of Matthew, the impression produced by internal phenomena would confirm this view. But most of the evidence in favor of the priority and originality of Mark make against his dependence on an earlier document, whether the Logia-collection (Meyer) or the ‘earlier source’’ (Weiss). The constant difference of opinion between these two authors, who yet stand so close together in their view, will appear in the following pages. This difference shows how untrustworthy the judgments formed on either theory must necessarily be. Westcott (Introduction to Study of the Gospels, p. 369, Am. ed.) well says: ‘‘In substance and style and treatment, the Gospel of St. Mark is essentially a transcript from Jife. The course and the issue of facts are imaged in it with the clearest outline. If all other arguments against the mythic origin of the evangelic narratives were wanting, this vivid and simple record, stamped with the most distinct impress of independence and original- ity—totally unconnected with the symbolism of the Old Dispensation, totally independent of the deeper reasonings of the New—would be sufficient to re- fute a theory subversive of all faith in history.’’ He will always be best guarded against false theories of the origin of the Synoptic Gospels who most faith- fully devotes himself to the study of the books themselves ; and he who would study them with most profit will, as already intimated, begin his research with this briefest yet most vivacious of the three narratives. 12 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. Evayyédiov κατα Μάρπον. BE δὲ have merely κατὰ Μάρκον. Others: τὸ κατὰ Μάρκον ἅγιον εὐαγγέλιον. Others: ἐκ τοῦ x. Μ. ἁγίου εὐαγγελίου. Comp, on Matt., note respecting the title. CHAPTER. E. Ver. 2. The Recepta has ἐν τοῖς προφήταις, following A E F G**H K MPS U VT, min. Iren. and other Fathers and vss. Defended by Rinck on account of Matt. 111. 3; placed by Lachm. in the margin. But Griesb. Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. have ἐν (ἐν τῷ, Lachm. Tisch ) Ἡσαΐᾳ (in Lachm. always with the spiritus lenis) τῷ προφήτῃ. So BDL Δ δὲ, min. and many vss. and Fathers. Rightly ; the Recepta was introduced because the quotation is from two proph- ets. — After ὁδόν cov Elz. has ἔμπροσθέν cov, from Matthew and Luke. — Ver. 5. πάντες] which in Elz. Scholz, and Fritzsche stands after ἐβαπτίζοντο, is rightly placed by Griesb. Iiachm. and Tisch. after ἹἹεροσολ. (Β Ὁ L A &, min. vss. Or. Kus.). Τῇ καὶ ἐβαπτ. πάντες had been the original arrangement and πάντες had been put back, it would, conformably to usage (πᾶσα ἡ ’Iovdaia), have been placed before oi ‘IepocoA. The Recepta is explained from the circumstance that πάντες was omitted (so stillin min. and Brix.), and that it was then restored be- side éBuntifovro, because in Matt. iii. 5 also Ἱεροσόλυμα stands alone. — Ver. 10. ἀπό] So also Scholz. But Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. have ἐκ, which also Griesb. approved of, following B D L A δὲ, min. Goth.; ἀπό is from Matt. iii. 16. — Ver. 11. ἐν ᾧ] Lachm. Tisch. have ἐν coi, following B Ὁ L P δὲ, min. vss. The latteris right ; ἐν ᾧ isfrom Matt. iii. 17. — Ver. 13. Elz. Scholz, Fritzsche have ἐκεῖ after ἦν. It is wanting in AB Τ 1, δὲ, min. vss. Or.; it was, however, very easily passed over as superfluous (K. min. omit ἐν τ. ép.) between jv and ἐν. [Rejected by Tisch. and recent editors, R. V.] — Ver. 14. τῆς βασιλείας) is not found in B L 8, min. vss. Or. It is regarded as suspicious by Griesb., deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. It is an addition in accordance with what follows. Comp. Matt. iv. 23. — Ver. 16. περιπατῶν δέ] Lachm. and Tisch. read καὶ παράγων, which Griesb. also approved, following Β D L δὲ, min. Vulg. It. al. The Recepta is from Matt. iv. 18, from which place also came subsequently αὐτοῦ, instead of which Σιμῶνος (Lachm.: τοῦ Σιμῶνος) is with Tisch. to be read according to B LM 8. — ἀμφιβάλλ.] Elz. has βάλλοντας, contrary to decisive evidence. From Matt. iv. 18. — Ver. 18. αὐτῶν] is, with Lachm. and Tisch., following B C L 8, min. vss., to be deleted as a familiar addition, as also in ver. 31 αὐτῆς. --- Ver.19. éxeifev] is wanting in B DL, min. vss. Condemned by Griesb., deleted by Fritzsche and Tisch., bracketed by Lachm. From Matt. iv. 21.— Ver. 21. The omission of εἰσελθών (Tisch.) is attested indeed by Ο L A δὲ, min, Syr. Copt. Colb. Or. (twice), which assign various positions to ἐδιδ, (Tisch,: édd. εἰς τ. ovvuywyyv), but might easily be produced by a clerical crror on occasion GHAP, πο, 1-4. 13 of the following εἰς, and it has the preponderance of the witnesses against it. [Bracketed by Treg., retained by W. and Hort in text (marg. omits), Weiss and R.V.] — Ver. 24. ἔα] is wanting in B D&*, min. Syr. Perss. Arr. Aeth. Copt, Vulg. It. Aug. Deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. The exclamation, which only occurs again in Luke iv. 34, and is there more strongly attested, was the more easily introduced here from that place, — Ver. 26. ἐξ αὐτοῦ] Lachm.: am ᾿αὐτοῦ without preponderating testimony. From Luke iy. 35. — Ver. 27. Instead of πρὸς αὐτούς, read with Lachm., in accordance with decisive evidence, πρὸς ἑαυτούς [so Treg., W. and Hort, margin]. Tisch. |W. and Hort text, Weiss] following only B &, have merely αὐτούς. --- τί ἐστι τοῦτο ; τίς ἡ διδαχὴ ἡ καινὴ αὕτη; ὅτι κατ᾽ κ.τ.}.1 Lachm.: τί ἐστιν τοῦτο ; διδαχῇ καινὴ" Kar’ κ.τ.λ. Just so Rinck and Tisch., who, however, connect 6.0. καινὴ κατ᾽ ἐξουσ. together. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V., accept the punctuation of Lachmann.] The authority of this reading de- pends on B LA δὲ, min.; it is to be preferred, since manifestly the original διδαχὴ καινὴ κατ’ ἐξουσίαν was conformed to the question in Luke, τίς ὁ λόγος αὕτος, ὅτι κ.τ.λ., and thus arose τίς ἡ διδαχὴ ἡ καινὴ αὕτη, ὅτι. — Ver. 28. In- stead of ἐξῆλθε δέ, preponderating attestation favors καὶ ἐξῆλθεν (Lachm. Tisch. ). — After εὐθύς Tisch. has πανταχοῦ. So Β ΟἽ, &8** min. codd. It. Copt. Rightly so ; the superfluous word, which might easily be regarded as inappro- priate (δὲ ὃ min. omit εὐθύς also), dropped away. — Ver. 31. εὐθέως after πυρ. is wanting in B C L δὰ, min. Copt. Arm.; and D, Vulg. Cant. have it before ἀφῆκεν. Suspected by Griesb., deleted by Tisch. [Recent editors, R. V.] But it was easily omitted, since Matt. viii. 15 and Luke iv. 39 have not this defin- ing word. — Ver. 38. After ἄγωμεν, B C L δὲ, 33, Copt. Aeth. Arm. Arr. Tisch. have ἀλλαχοῦ. To be adopted (comp. Bornem. in the Stud. u. Krit. 1843, p. 127) ; being unnecessary and without corresponding element in Luke iy. 43, it was very easily passed over ; comp. on πανταχοῦ, i. 28. — Instead of ἐξελήλυθα, BCL&, 33 have ἐξῆλθον, which Griesb. and Scholz have approved, and Tisch. has adopted. Rightly ; the explanation of procession from the Father suggested the Johannine ἐλήλυθα, which, moreover, A and min. actually read. — Ver. 39. εἰς τὰς συναγωγάς] So also Griesb. Lachm. Tisch. on preponderant attestation. The Recepta ἐν ταῖς cvvuywyaic is an emendation, [See Note IX., p. 26.] — Ver. 40. καὶ γονυπετῶν αὐτόν] is wanting in BDGT, min. Cant. Ver. Vere. Colb. Germ. 1, Corb. 2. Deleted by Lachm.; omission through the homoeoteleuton. Had any addition been made from Matt. viii. 2, Luke v. 12, another expression would have been used. Tisch. has deleted αὐτόν, but following only L δὲ, min. vss. — Ver, 41. ὁ δὲ ’Iyjcovc] Β Ὁ δὲ, 102, Cant. Vere. Corb. 2 have merely καί. So Lachm. and Tisch. But comp. Matt. viii. 3; Luke v.13. From these passages comes also the omission of εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ, ver. 42, in BDL δὲ, min. vss, Lachm, Tisch. [Both omissions accepted by recent editors, R. V.] — Ver. 44. μηδέν] deleted by Lachm., following A D L A δὲ, min. vss. Vict. Theophyl. The omission occurred in conformity with Matt. viii. 4; Luke v. 14. — Ver. 45. Elz. reads πανταχόθεν. But πάντοθεν is decisively attested. Vv. 1-4. As our canonical Matthew has a superscription of his first section, so also has Mark. This, however, does not embrace merely ver. 1, but ὡς γέγραπται. . . τὰς τρίβους αὐτοῦ belongs also to the superscription, so that with 1 Τὴ the text of the Synops. of Tisch. it is omitted by mistake. 14 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. ver. 4 the section itself (which goes on to ver. 8, according to Ewald to ver. 15) begins. [See Note II., p. 25.] It is decisive in favor of this view, that with it there is nothing either to be supplied or to be put in parenthesis, and that it is in the highest degree appropriate not only to the simplicity of the style, but also to the peculiar historical standpoint of the author, see- ing that he places the beginning of the Gospel, 1.6., the first announcement of the message of salvation as to the Messiah having appeared—leaving out of view all the preliminary history in which this announcement was already included —in strictness only at the emergence of the Baptist ; but for this, on account of the special importance of this initial point (and see also the remarks on vy. 21-28), he even, contrary to his custom, elsewhere appends a prophetic utterance, in conformity with which that ἀρχή took place in such a way and not otherwise than is related in ver. 4 ff. Moreover, in accordance with this, since the history of that ἀρχή itself does not begin till ver. 4, the want of a particle with ἐγένετο, ver. 4, is quite in order. Comp. Matt. i. 2. If! we con- strue : ἀρχὴ . . - ἐγένετο Ιωάννης βαπτίζων, then ὡς γέγραπται x.t.2. becomes a parenthetical clause, in which case the importance of the Scripture proof has not due justice done to it, and the structure of the sentence becomes too com- plicated and clumsy for the simplicity of what follows. If we take merely ver. 1 as the superscription either of the first section only with Kuinoel and others, or of the entire Gospel with Erasmus,’ and others, then ὡς γέγραπται becomes protasis of ἐγένετο x.7.4., but thereby the citation, instead of being probative of the ἀρχή laid down by Mark, becomes a Scripture proof for the emergence of John in itself, and in that way loses its important bearing, see- ing that this emergence in itself did not need any scriptural voucher at all, and would not have received any, in accordance with Mark’s abstinence from adducing Old Testament passages. Finally, if we supply after ver. 1: 7, the beginning . . . was, as it stands written,* doubtless the want of the article with ἀρχή is not against this course,‘ nor yet the want of a γάρ with éyévero— an asyndeton which would rather conduce to the lively impressiveness of the representation (comp. John i. 6) ; but it may well be urged that the supplying of jv is unnecessary, and even injurious to the vivid concrete rep- resentation. Moreover, in the very fact that Mark just commences his book with the emergence of the Baptist, there is ingenuously (without any purpose of contrast to other Gospels, without neutral tendency, or the like) the evangelist further added the familiar passage of Malachi. In this way at all 1 With Fritzsche, Lachmann, Hitzig, Holtzmann. The conjecture of Lachmann (Stud. τ. Krit. 1830, p. 84, and praefat. 11. Ὁ. vi.), that vv. 2, 3 are a later interpolation, is critically quite unwarranted. According to Ewald and Weizsicker, p. 105, ver. 2 f. is not from the hand of the first author, but is inserted by the second editor ; in oppo- sition to which, nevertheless, it is to be re- marked that similar O. T. insertions, which might proceed from a second hand, are not found elsewhere in our Gospel. According to Holtzmann, p. 261, only the citation from Isaiah appeared in the primitive-Mark, and events,—as he allowed simply ἐν Ἡσαΐᾳ to stand,—he would have appropriated to Isaiah what belongs to Malachi; and the difficulty would remain unsolved. There is therefore no call for the appeal to the primitive-Mark. 2 So Bengel, Paulus, de Wette. 3 Theophylact, Euthymius Vatablus, Maldonatus, and others. 4 See Winer, p. 113 [E. T. 124]. Zigabenus, Jansen, Grotius, CHAP. I., 1--4. 15 exhibited the original type of the view which was taken of the Gospel his- tory,—a type which again, after the terminus a quo had been extended in Matthew and Luke so as to embrace the preliminary histories, presents it- self in John, inasmuch as the latter, after his general introduction and even in the course of it (ver. 6), makes his historical commencement with the emergence of the Baptist. Undoubtedly, traditions of the preliminary his- tory were also known to Mark ; in leaving them unnoticed he does not re- ject them, but still he does not find in them—lying as they do back in the gloom prior to the great all-significant epoch of the emergence of John—the ἀρχὴ τοῦ εὐαγγ. --- Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ] See on Matt. i. 1. When the genitive with evayy. is not a person, it is always genitive of the object, as evayy. τῆς βασιλ- είας, τῆς σωτηρίας K.T.A. (Matt. iv. 23 ; Eph. 1. 13, vi. 15, al.). If Θεοῦ is as- sociated therewith, it is the genitive of the subject (i. 15 ; Rom. i. 1, xv. 16, al.), as is the case also when μου stands with it (Rom. ii. 16, xvi. 25 ; 1 Thess. 1. 5, al.). But if Χριστοῦ is associated therewith (Rom. i. 9, xv. 19; 1 Cor. ix. 12, al.), it may be either the genitive swbjecti (auctoris) or the genitive objecti, a point which must be determined entirely by the context. In this case it decides (see vv. 2-8) in favor of the latter. Taken as genitive sub- jecti (Ewald : ‘‘how Christ began to preach the gospel of God”), τοῦ evayy. I. X. would have reference to ver. 14 f.; but in that case the non-origi- nality of vv. 2, 3 is presupposed. —viod τ. Θεοῦ] not as in Matt. i. 1, because Mark had primarily in his view Gentile-Christian readers ;' see Introd. § 3. This designation of the Messiah is used in the believing consciousness of the metaphysical sonship of God (comp. on Matt. iii. 17), and that in the Pauline and Petrine sense (see on Matt. p. 44 f.). The supernatural generation is by υἱοῦ τ. Θεοῦ neither assumed (Hilgenfeld) nor excluded (Késtlin) ; even vi. 3 proves nothing. — ἐν ‘Hoaia|] The following quotation combines Mal. iii. 1 and Isa. xl. 3. In this case, instead of all sorts of hypotheses (see them in Fritzsche), we must abide by the simple admission, that by a@ mistake of memory (of which, indeed, Porphyry made a bitter use, see Jerome, ad Matt. iii. 3) Mark thought of the whole of the words as to be found in Isaiah,—a mistake which, considering the affinity of the contents of the two sayings, and the prevalence of their use and their interpretation, is all the more con- ceivable, as Isaiah was ‘‘ copiosior et notior,” ‘‘ more full and better known” (Bengel). —are quite irrelevant ; for (1) Figs that have hung through the winter were not at all associated with a tree’s being in leaf, but might also be found on trees without leaves ; the leafy tree promised swmmer jigs, but had none,* because in the month Nisan it was not the time for figs, so tat thus the pres- ence of foliage which, in spite of the earliness of the time of year, justified the conclusion from the nature of the fig-tree that there would be fruit upon it, was only a deceptive anomaly. (2) The tree presents itself as deserving a curse, because, having leaves it ought also to have had fruit ; the οὐ yap ἣν x. σ. would only make it appear as blameless if it had had no leaves ; hence even with our simply literal apprehension of the words there in no wise results an over-hasty judicial sentence. It is almost incredible how the simple and logically appropriate meaning of the words has been distorted, in order to avoid representing Jesus as seeking figs out of the fig- season. Such explanations, however, deserve no refutation ; ¢.g., that of Hammond, Clericus, Homberg, Paulus, Olshausen, Lange, Z. J. II. 1, p. 321: for it was not a good jig-year (see, on the other hand, Strauss, II. p. 220 f.); that of Abresch, Lect. Arist. p. 16, and Triller, ad Thom. M. p. 490: for it was not a place suitable for figs ; the interrogative view of Majus, Obss. I. p. 7: ‘‘nonne enim tempus erat ficuum,” ‘‘ for was it not the season of figs ?;” that of Heinsius and Knatchbull: “(δὲ enim fuit, tempus erat Jicuum,” ‘‘ where it was, was the season of figs” (so that οὗ would have to be read); the notion of Mill, that Jesus only feigned as if He were seeking figs, in order merely to do a miracle (Victor Antiochenus and Euthymius Ziga- benus had already taken even His hunger as simulated ; compare recently again Hofmann, p. 374); the view of Kuinoel:° for it was not yet (ov = οὔπω) jfig-harvest ; compare also Baumgarten-Crusius. Fritzsche has the correct view, although he reproaches Mark with having subjoined the 1 See Klotz, ad Devar. Ὁ. 178 f. 2 Not as to the point, that only a symbol- ical demonstration was here in question (Weizsacker, p. 92). Nobody could have gathered this from these words without some more precise indication, since the symbolical nature of the event is wholly in- dependent of them. 3 Comp. de Wette, Strauss, Schenkel ; ac- cording to Bruno Bauer, Mark made the re- mark on account of Hos. ix. 10. 4No fruit indeed, even that had hung through the winter ; but this Jesus had not sought, since the presence of leaves had in- duced Him to expect fruit—namely, fruit before the time (comp. Tobler, Denkbl. aus Jerus. p. 101 ff.). 5 Comp. Dahme in Henke’s Magaz. I. 2, p. 252. 144 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. notice ‘‘non elegantissime,” ‘‘not very elegantly,” whereas it very cor- rectly states why Jesus, notwithstanding the leaves of the tree, found no fruits. Toup (Emendatt. in Suid. 11. p. 218 f.), Tittmann (Opuse. p. 509), and Wassenbergh (in Valckenaer, Schol. I. p. 18) have even declared them- selves against the genuineness of the words in spite of all the critical evi- dence! Bornemann (in opposition to Wassenbergh)’ comes back again essentially to the interpretation of Hammond, and explains: ‘‘for it was not favorable weather for figs.” But καιρός could only acquire the meaning of ‘‘favorable weather” by more precise definition in the conteat, as in the passage quoted by Bornemann, Eur. Hee. 587, by ϑεόϑεν, and hence this interpretation is not even favored by the reading ὁ γὰρ καιρὸς οὐκ ἦν σύκων," for the time was not fig-time, which reading easily originated from an ὁ καιρός written on the margin by way of supplement, whence also is to be derived the reading of Lachmann (following D, Or.): οὐ y. ἦν ὁ καιρὸς o. [See Note LXX., p. 147.] De Wette finds the words ‘‘ absolutely incomprehensible.” * Comp. also Baur, Markusev. p. 90, according to whom, however, Mark here only betrays his poverty in any resources of his own, as he is alleged by Hilgenfeld only to make the case worse involuntarily. — Ver. 14. ἀποκριϑείς] Appropriately Bengel adds: ‘‘arbori fructum neganti,” ‘‘ to the tree deny- ing fruit.”” — φάγοι] According to Mark (it is otherwise in Matt. xxi. 19) the cursing is expressed in the form of ὦ wish, as imprecation, Acts viii. 20.— καὶ ἤκουον οἱ wad. αὐτοῦ] a preparation for ver. 20. Vv. 15-19. See on Matt. xxi. 12-17. Comp. Luke xix. 45-48. Matthew deals with this partly by abbreviating, partly also by adding what is peculiar and certainly original (vv. 14-16). — ἤρξατο ἐκβάλλειν) but afterwards : xaré- otpewe, So that thus the latter occurred after the beginning and before the ending of the expulsion. — Ver. 16. ἵνα] The object of the permission is conceived as its purpose. The form ἤφιε, as 1. 34. — διενέγκῃ σκεῦος διὰ τοῦ iepov| In the estimation also of the Rabbins it was accounted a desecration of the temple, if anybody carried the implements of common life (σκεῦος, household furniture, pots, and the like) through the temple-enclosure, διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ (not ναοῦ), in order to save himself a circuit ; they extended this even to the synagogues.4 Olshausen is mistaken in explaining διαφέρειν as to carry to and fro; and Kuinoel and Olshausen, following Beza and Grotius, arbitrarily limit σκεῦος to implements used for the purpose of gain. — Ver. 17. ἐδίδασκε] on what subject ? What follows leaves no doubt as to the princi- pal theme of this teaching. — πᾶσι τοῖς ἔϑνεσιν) Dativus commodi : (destined) for all nations,—which has reference in Isa. lvi. 7 to the fact that even the strangers dwelling among the Israelites were to return with them to the Holy Land,* where they were to present their offerings in the temple.* Only Mark (not Matthew and Luke) has taken up the πᾶσι τοῖς ἔϑνεσιν from 1 Τὴ the Schol. in Luc. Ὁ. xlix. ἔν, and in yearat the Feast of Tabernacles (John vii.). the Stud. u. Krit. 1843, p. 131 ff. 4 See Lightfoot, p. 632 f. ; Wetstein in loc. 2B C* LAR, Copt. Syr.; so Tischendorf. 5 Ezra ii. 48 ff., vii. 7; Neh. iii. 26, xi. 21. 3 Nay, they even compelled Bleek to the 6 According to the Israelitish command, conjecture that the event had occurred at Lev. xvii. 8 ff., xxii, 19 ff.; Num. xv. 14ff. . another time of year, possibly in the previous CHAP. XI., 20-26. 145 Isaiah, which probably has its reason not only in more careful quotation (Fritzsche, de Wette, Holtzmann, Bleek), but, inasmuch as itis an honorable mention of the Gentiles, in the Gentile Christian interest, without, however, thereby indicating that Jesus had desired to announce the new spiritual tem- ple of His church (Schenkel), which point of the action does not emerge in any of the evangelists, since they had failed to perceive it, or had suppressed it. — Ver. 18. ἀπολέσωσιν] (see the critical remarks) : how they were to destroy Him, deliberative. The future of the Recepta (how they should destroy Him) would designate the realization as indubitable (the question only still re- maining as to the kind and manner of the destruction).'— ἐφοβοῦντο yap αὐτόν] The reason why they sought to destroy Him. — ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ, αὐτοῦ] which He, namely, had just set forth, ver. 17, after the cleansing of the tem- ple. Baur arbitrarily suggests that Mark has dexterously inwoven the διδάσκειν from Luke. — Ver. 19. ὅτε ὀψὲ ἐγένετο] on that day, ver. 12 ; hence not ὅταν (see the critical remarks). [See also Note LXXI., p. 147.] Vv. 20-24. Comp. on Matt. xxi. 20-22. But according to Matthew the tree withered away forthwith after the cursing, so that the following conversa- tion immediately attached itself thereto. A later form moulded in accord- ance with the immediate result in other miracles. [See Note LXIX., p. 147.] If Mark had separated the miracle into two acts in order to give to it the more importance (see Késtlin, p. 335) he would have reckoned erroneously, as the immediate result is the greater and therefore the morein keeping with a ‘‘later reflection’ (Hilgenfeld). But this variation of the tradition has nothing to do with the view that the entire history is only a legendary for- mation from Luke xiii. (in opposition to Schenkel). — παραπορευόμενοι πρωΐ] Fritzsche is wrong in rejecting this order, because ‘‘ πρωΐ is opposed to the preceding ὀψέ." In fact παραπορ. is the leading idea (and passing by in the morning), pointing out the modal definition to the following εἶδον «.7.2. — Ver. 22. πίστιν Θεοῦ] confidence in God; genitive of the object.? — Ver. 24. διὰ τοῦτο] because the confidence has so great effect. — ὅτε ἐλάβετε] (see the critical remarks): The praeterite is not ‘‘ineptum” (Fritzsche), but the hav- ing received, which one believes has its ground in the counsel of God. Comp. xiii. 20. The real de facto bestowal is future (ἔσται ὑμῖν). [See Note LXXII., p. 147 seq. | Vv. 25, 26. Comp. Matt. vi. 14f. To the exhortation to confidence in prayer, according to Mark, Jesus links on another principal requisite of be- ing heard—namely, the necessity of forgiving in order to obtain forgiveness. And how appropriate is this to guard against a false conclusion from the occurrence with the fig-tree !_ Nevertheless (in opposition to Holtzmann) it is hardly here original, but introduced * into this connection by Mark from the collection of Logia in the way of thoughtful redaction, not of unadjust- 1 See Kiihner, IT. p. 489 f. ; Stallbaum, ad the Jahrb. 7. D, Theol. 1864, p. 63, to be sup- Plat. Symp. p. 225 C. ported by the argument that Mark has no- 2 Comp. Acts iii. 16; Rom. iii. 22; Gal. ii. where else the expression : ὃ πατὴρ ὃ ἐν Tots 20, iii. 22; Eph. iii. 8; Dem. 300, 10; Eur. οὐρ. For Mark hasno place at all, in which Med. 414. this designation would have been applica- 3 Which, however, is not, with Weiss in ble instead of another that he has used. 10 146 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. ed insertion (Hilgenfeld). [See Note LXXIIL., p. 148.] —orjxere] Comp. on ἑστῶτες, Matt. vi. 5. The indication is not incorrect, but dv has its relation merely to the particle ὅτε, and does not affect the verb ; see on iii. 11. — Ver. 26. Observe the antithesis, in which οὐκ (not μή, as in Matthew) is close- ly associated with ἀφίετε and constitutes with it one idea.’ Vv. 27-33. See on Matt. xxi. 23-27. Comp. Luke xx. 1-8. Matthew abridges little, but yet remains not so directly vivid. — περιπατοῦντος] Accord- ing to Matthew and Luke Jesus taught, which, however, is not excluded by Mark’s statement. — Ver. 28. ταῦτα] the cleansing of the temple, comp. on Matt. xxi. 23. —iva ταῦτα ποιῇς] not a paraphrase of the infinitive, but : in order that thou mayest do these things, purpose of τὴν ἐξουσίαν τ. Edwxev.— Ver. 29. ἐπερωτήσω] not : post interrogabo, ‘‘ afterwards I will ask” (Fritzsche), but, as always in the N. T.: to inquire of, so that ἐπί expresses the direc- tion.? — Ver. 31. οὖν] therefore, since it comes from heaven. [But see critical notes. ] — Ver. 32. ἀλλ᾽ εἴπωμεν᾽ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων] Here is to be placed a note of interrogation (Complutensian, Lachmann, Tischendorf) ; but are we to say: of men ? a question of doubtful reflection ! [See Note LXXTYV., p. 148.] Rinck, Incubr. crit. p. 306, aptly remarks on what follows : ‘‘ Respondet Marcus suo nomine, idque elegantissime fecisse videtur, quoniam haud facile quis- quam sibi ipse aperte timorem adscribere consuevit,” ‘‘ Mark responds in his own name, and he seems to have done this very elegantly, since one does not easily become accustomed to openly ascribe fear to one’s self.” *— εἶχον τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ὄντως, ὅτι προφ. ἦν] (see the critical remarks) : they really per- ceived * that John (in his lifetime) was a prophet. ᾿Ιωάννην. . . ὅτι is to be taken according to the well-known attraction.’ Notes py AMERICAN Eprror. LXVII. Ver. 2. εἰς τὴν κώμην k.T.A. Meyer is probably correct in referring this to Bethphage ; but a better reason can be given than he adduces. According to John’s account, they had already been at Bethany, and the two disciples would scarcely be sent back there. The relative position of the two placesis unknown ; some suppose Bethany was off the main route from Jericho to Jerusalem, and that the company now returns from that village to Bethphage, which was nearer Jerusalem. Weiss ed. Mey., however, thinks Bethany is here meant, and that the then better known Bethphage is mentioned only to indicate the situation of Bethany, a place mentioned only in the gospels. But this theory will not account for Matthew’s omitting to mention Bethany in chap. xxi. 1, and yet naming it in chap, xxvi. 6, 1 Hermann, ad Vig. p. 831; Winer, p. 423 3 Comp. Buttmann, neut. Gr. Ὁ. 330 [E. T. f. [ἘΞ T. 476 f.]; Buttmann, newt. Gr. p.29% 885]. [E. T. 346]. 4Perspectum habebant, see Ast, Lex. 2Comp. Plat. Soph. Ὁ. 249 E: δικαίως ἂν Plat. I. p. 873. ἐπερωτηϑεῖμεν ἅπερ αὐτοὶ τότε ἠρωτῶ- 5 See Winer, p. 551 [E. T. 626] ; Buttmann, μεν (be inquired of, as we ourselves asked Ὁ. 822 [E. T. 376]. questions), NOTES. 147 LXVIII. Ver. 3. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀποστέλλει πάλιν ode. The evidence for this form is decisive. Meyer objects to πάλιν, but without good reason, especially against the judgment of Origen. The R. V. text ren- ders : ‘and straightway he will send him back hither : but the margin is more literal : ‘‘and straightway he sendeth him again hither.’’ The present tense and the proper sense of πάλιν compel us to regard this as part of what the disciples are to say. Why this would be a ‘ paltry trait’’ (Meyer) does not seem clear. The Rec. is obviously a conformation to Matthew. LXIX. Ver. 11. ὀψίας ἤδη οὔσης τῆς ὥρας. This statement of Mark is specific, and determines the events of that day. But since the Evangelists are not always full as to details of days, it is not cor- rect to say that ‘‘ according to Matthew and Luke, it was immediately after His entry, and not on the next day.’’ To insist upona ‘‘real difference’’ here is to run counter to the ordinary rules of evidence. No historian can be judged by any such critical method as Meyer’s position involves. These re- marks apply also to his comment on vv: 20-24. LXX. Ver. 13. ὁ yap καιρὸς οὐκ ἣν σύκων. The above reading is well attested, and cannot well be accounted for in the way proposed by Meyer. It is far more likely to have been original, and the readings of Lach. and of Rec. to have arisen from a wish to connect καιρός and σύκων more closely ; so Weiss ed. Mey. The R. V. properly renders: ‘‘ For it was not the season of figs.” The explanation of T. W. Chambers (Int. Revision Comm., Mark, p. 147) deserves notice : ‘The tree bears two erops— an early ripe fig, which is crude, and without flavor and valueless, and a later fig, which is full of flavor and sweetness, and highly esteemed. Now, the tree our Lord saw had not the second, for the time of that had not yet come; but it had not even the first, for it had nothing but leaves, and the lack of the first was sure evidence that the second would also be wanting.’’ LXXI. Ver. 19. ὅταν ὀψὲ ἐγένετο. If ὅταν is rejected, we must give up the superior weight of the older uncial evidence. Moreover, the transcribers would be likely to change this form to ὅτε (Rec.), since ὅταν with the indicative seemed unusual. The sense of the better attested reading is given in the R. V. (‘‘And every evening He went forth’’), while the exact rendering appears in the margin : ‘“‘ whenever evening came.’’ Thus the more difficult reading, when properly understood, sheds much light on the story of the week. It must be added that the plural: ἐξεπο- ρεύοντο is sufficiently attested to claim attention. The evidence is quite evenly balanced. LXXII. Ver. 24. ὅτι ἐλάβετε. The aorist is undoubtedly the correct reading, though the evidence for it is » not quite so full as that for ὅταν (ver. 19). The use of this tense implies : ‘when you asked, you received, God at once granted your request ;” the an- swer is thus represented as coming before the fulfilment. The R. V. gives the harsh rendering : ‘‘ Believe that ye have received them ;” adding the margin 148 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. “«Greek, received,” to show that the verb is aorist. But A. R. V. has ‘ receive,” with the same margin. The latter is quite correct, for the Greek aorist, in such a connection, does not point to something prior to the asking or believing, but to a single act, synchronous with the asking. In English, ‘‘receive’’ indi- cates this better than ‘‘ have received.”’ LXXIII. Vv. 25, 26. The evidence against ver. 26 is sufliciently strong to destroy the force of Meyer’s suggestion as to the source of vv. 25, 26. The number of variations in the form of the verse, as well as the additions, in some of the authorities that contain it, overbear the probability of omission from ‘‘ similar ending.”’ If the verse is not genuine, then ver. 25, standing by itself, does not suffi- ciently resemble any passage in Matthew to give a clue to the common origin. Weiss ed. Meyer finds here a reminiscence of ‘“ the older source,’’ but thinks the original form is to be sought in Matt. vi. 12, xvili. 35, not in Matt. vi. 14, 15. LXXIV. Ver. 32. ἀλλὰ εἴπωμεν" ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ; Recent editors place an interrogation point after ἀνθρώπων, accepting ἀλλά instead of ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν. The R. V., however, renders in the text: ‘‘ But should we say, from men—they feared the people.’’ This is not so grammatical as the alternate rendering in the margin, which accords with Meyer’s view. The order ὄντως ὅτι must be accepted, but the adverb may be joined with ἦν (trajection) ; so Weiss ed. Mey., and R. V. margin. CHAP. XII. 149 CHAPTER XII. Ver. 1. λέγειν] BG LA δὲ, min. Syr. Vulg. It. have λαλεῖν. So Lachm. and Tisch. The testimony of the codd. in favor of λέγειν remains doubtless strong enough, nevertheless λαλεῖν is to be preferred, because there immediately fol- lows what Jesus said, and therefore the change into λέγειν was readily suggested. Comp. iii. 23. — Ver. 3. oi dé] Lachm. Tisch. have καί, following Β Ὁ 1, ΔΚ, min. Copt. Cant. Ver. Vere. Vind. Itis from Matt. xxi. 25. — Ver. 4. λιθοβολήσ. is wanting in B DLA, min. Copt. Arm. Vulg. It. Almost all the above wit- nesses have afterwards instead of ἀπέστ. ἠτιμωμ. : ἠτίμησαν. Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. have followed the former omission and this reading, and rightly ; λιθοβολ. is a gloss on ἐκεφαλ. from Matt. xxi. 35, and ἀπέστ. ἠτιμωμένον is a reading con- formed to the conclusion of ver. 3. [On ἐκεφαλίωσιν, see Note LXXVI., p. 158.] — Ver, 5. καὶ ἄλλον] Elz. Scholz have καὶ πάλιν ἄλλ., in opposition to preponder- ating evidence ; πάλιν isa mechanical repetition from ver. 4. — Instead of τούς is to be written oi¢ both times, following BL Δ δὲ, min. with Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. — The Aeolic form ἀποκτέννοντες is on decisive evidence to be adopted, with Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. Comp. the critical remarks on Matt. x. 28. — Ver. 6. The arrangement ἕνα ἔχων υἱόν is required by decisive evidence (Fritzsche, Lachm., comp. Tisch.), of which, however, B ΟΥ̓Χ L A δὰ, 33 have εἶχεν instead of ἔχων (so Tisch. rightly, as ἔχων is an emendation of the construction). Almost the same witnesses omit the οὖν after érz ; it is, with Tisch., to be de- leted as a connective addition, as, moreover, αὐτοῦ after ἀγαπ. is a decidedly condemned mechanical addition. — Ver. 8. Such preponderating evidence is in favor of the superfluous αὐτόν after ἐξέβαλ., that it is to be adopted with Lachm. and Tisch. — Ver, 14. oi dé] BC DLA, 33, Copt. codd. of the It. have καί. So Fritzsche, Lachm. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V.]. From Luke xx. 21, whence also many variations with ἐπηρώτων have come into our passage. — Ver. 17. The arrangement τὰ Καίσαρος ἀπόδ. Καίσαρι (Tisch.) is to be preferred, in accordance with BCLA 8, 28, Syr. Copt. The placing of ἀπόδοτε first (Elz. Lachm.) is from the parallels. — ἐδαύμασαν] Lachm. has ἐθαύμαζον. But among the codd. which read the imperfect (B Ὁ 1, Δ δὲ), Β & have ἐξεθαύμαζον (D* has ἐξεθαυμάζοντο). This ἐξεθαύμαζον (Tisch.) is to be preferred. The simple form and the aorist are from the parallels. — Ver. 18. ἐπηρώτησαν]Ἵ Lachm. Tisch. have ἐπηρώτων, following BC DL A δὲ, 88 ; the aorist is from the parallels. — Ver. 19. τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ] αὐτοῦ is wanting in BC L Δ δὲ, min, Copt., and is from Matthew. — Ver. 20. After ἑπτά Elz. Fritzsche have οὖν, against decisive evidence ; it is from Luke xx. 29 ; instead of which some other witnesses have dé (from Matthew). — Ver. 21. καὶ οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ἀφῆκε] BCL A 8, 33, Copt. have μὴ καταλιπών. Approved by Bornemann in the Stud. u. Krit. 1843, p. 133, adopted by Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.]. But if the Recepta had originated from what precedes and follows, it would have run simply καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκε ; the καὶ οὐδὲ αὐτός does not look like the result of a gloss, and might even become offensive on account of its emphasis. — Ver. 22, ἔλαβον αὐτήν] is wanting in B M, min. Colb., also C LA δὲ, 150 THE GOSPEL OF MARK, min. Copt., which, moreover, omit καί before οὐκ. Fritzsche has deleted ἔλαβον αὐτ., Lachm. has merely bracketed it ; Tisch. has struck out, besides ἔλαβ. air., the καί also before οὐκ. Rightly ; the short reading : καὶ οἱ ἑπτὰ οὐκ ἀφῆκαν σπέρμα, was completed in conformity with ver. 21. —écydtn] Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.] have ἔσχατον, certainly on considerable attestation ; but it is an emendation (comp. Matthew and Luke: ὕστερον), on account of the difference of the genders (écy. feminine, πάντ. masculine). — The order καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἀπέθ. is, with Fritzsche, Lachm, Tisch.,to be adopted. The Recepta is from the parallels. — Ver. 23. After ἐν τῇ Elz. Lachm. Scholz have οὖν, which important witnesses omit, others place after avacr. From the parallels. — ὅταν ἀναστῶσι] is wanting in BC Ὁ 1, Δ δὲ, min. vss. Condemned by Griesb., brack- eted by Lachm. [rejected by Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.]. It is to be main- tained, for there was no occasion for any gloss ; its absolute superfluousness, however, the absence of any such addition in the parallels, and the similarity of ἀναστάσει and ἀναστῶσι, occasioned the omission. — Ver. 25. γαμίσκονται- A F H, min, have ἐκγαμίσκονται. BCGLUAR®, min. have γαμίζονται. Con- sequently the testimonies in favor of the Recepta are left so weak (even D falls away, having γαμίζουσιν), and γαμίζονται has so much the preponder- ance, that it is, with Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch., to be adopted. Comp. on Matt. xxii. 30. — Before ἐν Elz, has oi. The weight of the evidence is divided. But since this oj after ἄγγελοϊ was more easily dropped out than brought in (by being written twice over), and is wanting also in Matthew, it is to be main- tained. [Omitted by Tisch., Treg., W. and Hort, R. V., with δὲ C Ὁ L A, Copt.] — Ver. 26. Instead of τοῦ βάτου Elz. has τῆς βάτου, in opposition to decisive ev- idence. — Decisive evidence condemns in ver. 27 the article before Θεός, and then Θεός before ζώντων ; just as also ὑμεῖς οὖν before πολὺ πλανᾶσθε is, following BCLAR, Copt., to be struck out, with Tisch., as being an addition to these short pithy words.— Ver. 28. εἰδώς] Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. have ἰδών (Fritzsche : καὶ ἰδών). So, with or without καί (which is a connective interpolation), in C DL &8* min. vss., including Syr. Arm. Vulg. It. Aug. But these witnesses are not preponderating, and εἰδώς might easily seem unsuitable and give way to the more usual ἰδών ; comp. ver. 94. [W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., accept εἰδώς. ] --- The order ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς has been preferred by Schulz, Fritzsche, and Tisch. (follow- ing Gersd. p. 526) [so recent editors], in accordance with BC LA δὲ, min. Copt. Theophylact. But it was just the customary placing of the pronoun after the verb that occasioned the inversion of the words, in which the intention with which αὐτοῖς was prefixed was not observed. It is otherwise at xiv. 40. — Instead of πάντων Elz. has πασῶν, contrary to decisive evidence. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with δὲ B C L A, 33, Copt., have the order: ἐντολὴ πρώτη πάντων. — Ver. 29. The Recepta is ὅτι πρώτη πασῶν τῶν ἐντολῶν. Very many variations. Griesb. and Fritzsche have ὅτε πρώτη πάντων ἐντολή, following A, min. Scholz reads ὅτι mp. πάντων τῶν ἐντολῶν, following EF GHS,min. Lachm. has ὅτι zp. πάντων [ἐντολή ἐστιν]. Tisch. has ὅτε πρώτη ἐστιν, following B L Δ δὲ, Copt. The latter is the original form, which, according to the question of ver. 28 and its various readings, was variously amplified, and in the process ἐστίν was partly dropped. — Ver. 30. αὕτη πρώτη ἐντολῇ] is wanting in BEL A δὲ, Copt. Deleted by Tisch. An addition in accordance with Matthew, with variations in details, following vv. 28, 29. — Ver. 31. Instead of καὶ deur. read, with Tisch., merely devr, — Elz. Griesb. Scholz have ὁμοία αὕτη ; Fritzsche, Lachm, have ὁμ. CHAP. XII., 1-12. 151 αὐτῇ ; Tisch. merely airy. The last is attested by BL A δὲ, Copt., and is to be preferred, since ὁμοία very readily suggested itself to be written on the margin from Matthew. — Ver. 32. After εἷς ἔστε Elz. has Θεός ; a supplement in oppo- sition to preponderant evidence. — Ver. 33. καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχ.} is wanting in BLA δὰ, min. Copt. Vere. Marcell. in Eus. Condemned by Rinck, bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. [W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V.]. But if it were an addition, it would have been inserted after καρδίας (comp. ver. 30). On the other hand, the arrangement different from ver. 30 might easily draw after it the omission. — The article before θυσιῶν (in Elz.) is decisively condemned. [Tisch. retains ; rejected by recent editors.]|— Ver. 36. γάρ] is wanting in BLA τὲ, min. Copt. Vere., while D, Arm. read kai αὐτός, and Col. Corb. have autem. Lachm. has bracketed γάρ, and Tisch. has deleted it. The latter is right. The connection was variously supplied. — Ver. 37. οὖν] is wanting in BDLAR, min. Copt. Syr. p. codd. It. Hil. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. An addition from the parallels. — Ver, 43. εἶπεν] instead of the Recepta λέγει (which Scholz, Rinck, Tisch. defend), is decisively attested, as also is ἔβαλε (Lachm.) instead of the Recepta βέβληκε. In place of βαλόντ. (Elz.), βαλλόντ. must be written on decisive attestation. Vv. 1-12. See on Matt. xxi. 33-46. Comp. Luke xx. 9-19. Matthew makes another kindred parable precede, which was undoubtedly likewise original, and to be found in the collection of Logia (vv. 28-32), and he enriches the application of the parable before us in an equally original man- ner ; while, we may add, the presentation in Mark is simpler and more fresh, not related to that of Matthew in the way of heightened and artificial effect (Weiss). [See Note LXXY., p. 158.]— ἤρξατο] after that dismissal of the chief priests, etc. — αὐτοῖς] therefore not as Luke has it : πρὸς τὸν λαόν, to which also Matthew is opposed. — ἐν παραβολαῖς] parabolically. The plural expression is generic ; comp. iii. 22, iv. 2. Hence it is not surprising (Hil- genfeld). Comp. also John xvi. 24. — Ver. 2. According to Mark and Luke, the lord receives a part of the fruits ; the rest is the reward of the vine- dressers. It is otherwise in Matthew. — Ver. 4. Observe how compendi- ously Matthew sums up the contents of vv. 4, ὅ.᾽ --- κἀκεῖνον] The concep- tion of maltreatment lies at the foundation of the comparative also, just as at ver. 5. Comp. on Matt. xv. 8. — ἐκεφαλαίωσαν] they beat him on the head. [See Note LXXVI., p. 158.] The word is not further preserved in this signification (Vulg.: in capite vulnerarunt), but only in the meaning: to gather up as regards the main substance, to set forth summarily ;* but this is wholly inappropriate in this place, since it is not, with Wakefield,* to be changed into the meaning : ‘‘ they made short work with him.” 4 We have 1 All the less ought the several δοῦλοι to be specifically defined ; as, for instance, ac- cording to Victor Antiochenus, by the first servant is held to be meant Ziijah and the contemporary prophets; by the second, Isaiah, Hosea, and Amos; by the third, Hekiel and Daniel. That the expression in vy. 244 is in the singular, notwithstanding the plurality of prophets, cannot in a figu- rative discourse be surprising, and cannot justify the conjecture that here another par- able—of the three years of Christ’s ministry —has been interwoven (Weizsacker). 2 Thue. iii. 67. 5, viii. 538. 1; Herod. iii. 159 ; Ecclus. xxxv. 8. 3 Silv. crit. ΠῚ Ὁ. 76 f. 4 This explanation is set aside by αὐτόν, which, moreover, is opposed to the view of 152 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. here a veritable solecism ; Mark confounded κεφαλαιόω with κεφαλίζω, perhaps after the analogy of γναϑόω and yudw 1 — ἠτίμησαν (see the critical remarks) : they dishonored him, treated him disgracefully, the general statement after the special ἐκεφαλ. The word is poetical, especially epic,? as also in this sense the later form ἀτιμόω, of frequent use in the LXX. (Eur. Hel. 462, al.), which in the prose writers is used in the sense of inflicting dishonor by depriving of the rights of citizenship.*—Ver. 5. κ. πολλοὺς ἄλλους] Here we have to sup- ply: they maltreated—the dominant idea in what is previously narrated (comp. κἀκεῖνον, VV. 4, 5, where this conception lay at the root of the xai), and to which the subsequent elements δέροντες and ἀποκτεννόντες are subordinated.* But Mark does not write ‘‘in a disorderly and slipshod manner,” as de Wette supposes, but just like the best classical writers, who leave the finite verb to be supplied from the context in the case of participles and other in- stances.°— Ver. 6. The ἔτι ἕνα εἶχεν υἱὸν ay. (see the critical remarks), which is peculiar to the graphic Mark, has in it something touching, to which the bringing of ἕνα into prominence by the unusual position assigned to it con- tributes. Then, in vivid connection therewith stands the contrast of vv. 7, 8 ; and the trait of the parable contained in ver. 7 f. certainly does not owe its introduction to Mark (Weiss). — Ver. 8. Not a hysteron proteron (Grotius, Heumann, de Wette), a mistake, which is with the greatest injustice im- puted to the vividly graphic Mark, but a different representation from that of Matthew and Luke: they killed him, and threw him (the slain) out of the vine- yard. In the latter there is the tragic element of outrage even against the corpse, which is not, however, intended to be applied by way of special interpretation to Jesus. — Ver. 9. ἐλεύσεται x.7.2.] not an answer of the Pharisees (Vatablus, / Kuinoel, following Matt. xxi. 41) ; but Jesws Himself is represented by Mark as replying to His own question.*— Ver. 10. οὐδέ] What Jesus has set before them in the way of parable concerning the rejection of the Messiah and His divine justification, is also prophesied in the Scripture, Ps. exviii. 22; hence He continues : have ye not also read this Scripture, etc.? [See Note LXXVII., p. 158.] On γραφή, that which is drawn up in writing, used of individual passages of Scripture, comp. Luke iv. 21 ; John xix. 37 ; Actsi. 16, vill. 35. — Ver. 12. καὶ ἐφοβ. τ. ὅχλ.] καί connects adversative clauses without changing its signification.” It is an emphatic and in the sense of : and yet. Especially frequent in John. — The words ἔγνωσαν yap. . . which are not to be put in a parenthesis, are regarded as illogically placed, ® εἶπε, Theophylact: συνετέλεσαν καὶ ἐκορύφωσαν τὴν ὕβριν, ‘they finished and brought to a head (ἐκορύφωσαν) the outrage.”? The middle is used in Greek with an accusative of the person (τινά), but in the sense: briefly to de- scribe any one. See Plat. Pol. ix. p. 576 B. 1 Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 95. 2 Hom, 1’ 1. 1 ix. 111: (Od. xvi. 274) al. 7 Pind. Pyth. ix. 138; Soph. Aj. 1108; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. p. 251. 3 Also in Xen. Ath. i. 14, where ἀτιμοῦσι is to be read. 4 Comp. Buttmann, neut. Gr. Ὁ. 252 [E. T. 293]. 5 See Bornemann, ad Xen. Sympos. iv. 53; Hermannn, ad Viger. p. 770; Nigelsbach, Anm., 2. Ilias, ed. 8, Ὁ. 179. ‘That the opponents themselves are compelled to pronounce judgment (Mat- thew), appears an original trait. But the Form of their answer in Matthew (κακοὺς κακῶς «.7.A.) betrays, as compared with Mark, a later artificial manipulation. 7 Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 147 ἢ. ; Winer, p. 388 [E. T. 487]. 8 See Beza, Heupel, Fritzsche, Baur, Hil- genfeld, and others. CHAP, XII., 19. 153 and are held to have their proper place after κρατῆσαι. But wrongly. Only let ἔγνωσαν be referred not, with these interpreters, to the chief priests, scribes, and elders, but to the ὄχλος, which was witness of the transaction in the temple-court. If the people had not observed that Jesus was speaking the parable in reference to (πρός) them (the chief priests, etc., as the yewp- γούς), these might have ventured to lay hold on Him ; but, as it was, they might not venture on this, but had to stand in awe of the people, who would have seen at once in the arrest of Jesus the fulfilment of the parable, and would have interested themselves on His behalf. [See Note LXXVIII., p. 159.] The chief priests, etc., were cunning enough to avoid this association, and left Him, and went their way. In this manner also Luke xx. 19 is to be understood ; he follows Mark. Vv. 138-17. See on Matt. xxii. 15-22. Comp. Luke xx. 20-26. Mark is more concise and vivid than Matthew. — ἀποστέλλουσι] the chief priests, scribes, and elders (xi. 27), whereas Matthew inaccurately refers this new and grave temptation to the Pharisees as its authors. — iva air. ἀγρεύσ. λόγῳ] in order that they (these messengers) might ensnare Him by means of an utter- ance, 1.€., by means of a question, which they were to address to Him. See ver. 14. Comp. xi. 29. The hunting term ἀγρεύω is frequently even in the classical writers transferred to men, who are got into the hunter’s power as a prey.’ Ina good sense also, as in Xen. Mem. 111. 11. 7: τὸ πλείστου ἄξιον ἄγρευμα φίλους ϑηράσειν. ---- Ver. 14. ἐπ᾽ ἀληϑείας] equivalent to ἀληϑῶς, Luke iv. 25, xx. 21, xxii. 59, iv. 27, x. 84.". δῶμεν, ἢ μὴ ὃ. The previous question was theoretical and general, this is practical and definite. — Ver. 15. εἰδώς] as knowing hearts (John 11. 25).* —r. ὑπόκρισιν] ‘* Discere cupientium prae- ferebant speciem, cum animus calumniam strueret,” ‘‘ They displayed the appearance of those desirous of learning, when their soul devised artifice,” Grotius, — Ver. 17. Observe the more striking order of the words in Mark : what is Caesar’s, pay to Caesar, οἵα. --- ἐξεθαύμαζον] see the critical remarks. The aorist would merely narrate historically ; the imperfect depicts, and is therefore not inappropriate (in opposition to Fritzsche). The compound ἐκϑαυμ. strengthens the notion ; Ecclus. xxvii. 23, xliii. 18 ; 4 Macc. xvii. 17, also in the later Greek writers, but not further used in the N. T. Vv. 18-27.° See on Matt. xxii. 23-33, who narrates more briefly and smoothly. Comp. Luke xx. 27-40. — ἐπηρώτων] Imperfect, as at ver. 17. — Ver. 19. ὅτε is recitative, and iva is the imperative to be explained by the volo that lies at the root of the expression (see on 2 Cor, viii. 7 ; Eph. v. 33).°— 1See Valckenaer, ad Herod. vii. 162; Jacobs, ad Anthol. VII. p. 193. 2See Wetstein in loc. ; Schaefer, Melet. p. 83; Fritzsche, Quaest. Luc. p. 137 f. 3 Comp. Matt. xii. 25; Luke vi. 8, xi. 17. 4 See Kiihner, II. p. 79, and ad Xen. Anab. vii. 1. 13. Comp. v. 20, vi. 6. 5 Hitzig, Joh. Mark. p. 219 ff., places the Pericope of the adulteress, John vii. 53 ff., after ver. 17, wherein Holtzmann, p. 92 ff., comparing it with Luke xxi. 37f., so far follows him as to assume that it had stood in the primitive-Mark, and had been omitted by all the three Synoptists. Hilgenfeld (in his Zeitschr. 1863, p. 317) continues to at- tribute it to John. It probably belonged originally to one of the sources of Luke that are unknown to us. Comp. on ὅτι before the imperative, Plat. Crit. p. 50 C: tows ἂν εἴποιεν (the laws), or. . . μὴ ϑαύμαζε τὰ λεγόμενα. 154 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. The ἐπιγαμβρεύσει, Which Matthew has here, is a later annexation to the original text of the law. Anger, Diss. II. p. 32, takes another view (in fa- vor of Matthew).—Ver. 20. ἑπτά] emphatically prefixed, and introduced in a vivid way without oiy. — Ver. 21. καὶ οὐδὲ αὐτός] and also not he. — καὶ ὁ τρίτος ὡσαύτ. | namely, he took her and died without children ; comp. what has gone before.—Ver. 23. ὅταν ἀναστῶσι] when they shall have risen, not an epexegesis of ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει : but the discourse goes from the general to the particular, so. that the seven brothers and the woman is the subject of ἀναστῶσι. --- Ver. 24. διὰ τοῦτο] does not point back to what has gone before (‘‘ipse sermo vester prodit errorem vestrum,” ‘‘ your utterance itself displays your error,” Ben- gel), which must have been ezpressed, but forward to the participle which follows : do ye not err on this account, because ye do not understand ?’— Ver. 25. ὅταν. . . ἀναστῶσιν] generally, not as at ver. 238. — γαμίζονται] The form γαμίσκω (Arist. Pol. vii. 14. 4) is not indeed to be read here (see the critical remarks), but neither is it, with Fritzsche, altogether to be banished out of the N. T. It is beyond doubt genuine in Luke xx. 34 f. — Ver. 26. ὅτι ἐγείρονται] that they, namely, etc. ; this is the conclusion to be proved— the doctrinal position denied by the interrogators. — ἐπὶ τοῦ βάτου] belongs to what has preceded (in opposition to Beza) as amore precise specification of ἐν τᾷ βιβλ. M. : at the (well-known) thorn-bush, i.e., there, where it is spo- ken of, Ex. iii. 6.2, Polybius, Theophrastus, and others have βάτος as mas- culine. It usually occurs as feminine (Luke xx. 37 ; Deut. xxxiii. 16), but at Ex. iii. 2-4, likewise as masculine. — Ver. 27. According to the amended text (see the critical remarks) : He is not God of dead men, but of living! Much ye err ! Vv. 28-34. See on Matt. xxii. 34-40. — Mark, however, has much that is peculiar, especially through the characteristic and certainly original ampli- fication in vv. 32-34. — The participles are to be so apportioned, that ἀκούσας is subordinated to the προσελϑών, and εἰδώς belongs to ἐπηρώτηρεν as its deter- mining motive. — εἰδώς] not inappropriate (Fritzsche, de Wette) ; but the scribe knew from his listening how aptly Jesus had answered them (αὐτοῖς, emphatically placed before arexp.) ; and therefore he hoped that He would also give to him an apt reply. — πάντων] neuter. Compare Xen. Mem. iv. 7. 70: ὁ δὲ ἤλιος . . . πάντων λαμπρότατος ὦν, Thucyd. vii. 52. 2.°— Vv. 29, 30. Deut. vi. 4,5. This principle of morality, which binds all duties into unity (see J. Miiller, ὁ. d. Siinde, I. p. 140 f.), was named pre-eminently ΤΙΝ 9, or also from the initial word YDW, and it was the custom to utter the words daily, morning and evening.*— icytoc] LXX. δυνάμεως. It is the moral strength, which makes itself known in the overcoming of hindrances and in energetic activity. Comp. Beck, bibl. Seelenl. p. 112 f., and on Eph. i. 19. Matthew has not this point, but Luke has at x. 27.°— Ver. 32. After διδάσ- 1 See Maetzner, ad Antiph. p. 219; Borne- mann in the Stud. u. Krit. 1843, p. 137 f.; Winer, p. 146 ἢ. (E. T. 161 f.), 2See on quotations of a similar kind, Jablonsky, Bibl. Hebr. praef. § 37 ; Fritzsche, ad Rom. xi. 2. 3 See Winer, p. 160[E. T. 178] ; Dorvyill. ad Charit. p. 549. 4 See Vitringa, Synag. ii. 8. 15; Buxtorf, Synag. 9. 5 The variations of the wordsin Matthew, Mark, and Luke represent different forms of the Greek tradition as remembered, which arose independently of the LXX. (for CHAP. XII., 28-34. 155 καλε there is only to be placed a comma, so that ἐπ’ ἀληϑείας (comp. on ver. 14) isa more precise definition of καλῶς. ----ὅτι εἷς ἐστι] that He is one. The subject is obvious of itself from what precedes. As in the former passage of Scripture, ver. 29, so also here the mention of the unity of God is the pre- miss for the duty that follows ; hence it isnot an improbable trait (K6stlin, p. 351), which Mark has introduced here in the striving after completeness and with reference to the Gentile world. — Ver. 33. συνέσεως] a similar notion instead of a repetition of διανοίας, ver. 30. It is the moral intelligence which comprehends and understands the relation in question. Its opposite is ἀσύ- νετος (Rom. i. 21, 31), Dem. 1894, 4 : ἀρετῆς ἁπάσης ἀρχὴ ἡ σύνεσις. Comp. on Col. i. 9. --- ὁλοκαυτ.] ‘‘ Nobillissima species sacrificiorum,” ‘‘ the most noble kind of sacrifices,” Bengel. πάντων τῶν applies inclusively to ϑυσιῶν. Kriiger, ὃ 58. 8. 2. Ver. 84. ἰδὼν αὐτὸν, ὅτι] Attraction, as at xi. 32 and fre- quently. — νουνεχῶς] intelligently, only here in the N. T. Polybius associates it with φρονίμως (i. 88. 8) and πραγματικῶς (ii. 13. 1, v. 88. 2). On the char- acter of the word as Greek, instead of which the Attics say νουνεχόντως (its opposite : ἀφρόνως, Isocr. v. 7), see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 599. — ov μακρὰν x.T.2.| The (future) kingdom of the Messiah is conceived as the common goal. Those who are fitted for the membership of this kingdom are near to this goal ; those who are unfitted are remote from it. Hence the meaning : There is not much lacking to thee, that thou mightest be received into the kingdom at its establishment. Rightly does Jesus give him this testimony, because in the frankly and eagerly avowed agreement of his religious-moral judgment with the answer of Jesus there was already implied a germ of faith promising much. — καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι x.7.A. ποῦ inappropriate (de Wette, Baur, Hilgenfeld, Bleek) ; but it was just this peculiar victory of Jesus—that now the result of the questioning was even agreement with Him—which took from all the further courage, etc. Remarx.—The difference, arising from Matthew’s bringing forward the scribe as πειράζων (and how naturally in the bearing of the matter this point of view suggested itself!), is not to be set aside, as, for instance, by Ebrard, p. 493," who by virtue of harmonizing combination alters ver. 34 thus: ‘‘ When Jesus saw how the man of sincere mind quite forgot over the truth of the case the matter of his pride,” etc. The variation is to be explained by the fact, that the design of the questioner was from the very first differently conceived of and passed over in different forms into the tradition ; not by the supposition, that Mark did not understand and hence omitted the trait of special tempta- tion (Weiss), or had been induced by Luke xx. 39 to adopt a milder view (Baur). Nor has Matthew remodelled the narrative (Weiss); but he has followed that no evangelist has δύναμις, which is in the LXX.). 1 He follows the method of reconciliation proposed by Theophylact : πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸν ὡς πειράζοντα ἐρωτῆσαι" εἶτα ὠφεληϑέντα ἀπὸ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ νουνεχῶς ἀπο- κριϑέντα ἐπαινεϑῆναι, ‘‘ First indeed that he asks as one tempting ; then, profited by the response of Christ, he is also praised as one answering discreetly.”” Comp. Grotius and others, including already Victor Antioche- nus and the anonymous writer in Possini Cat. ; Lange, again, in substance takes the same view, while Bleek simply acknowl- edges the variation, and Hilgenfeld repre- sents Mark as importing his own theology into the conversation, 156 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. tradition which best fitted into his context. The wholly peculiar position of the matter in Mark tells in favor of the correctness and originality of his narra- tive. [See Note LXXIX,, p. 159.] Vv. 35-37. See on Matt. xxii. 41-46. Comp. Luke xx. 41-44. — Mark is distinguished from Matthew in this respect, that the latter represents Jesus as laying the theological problem before the assembled Pharisees, and then re- lates that they were thereby brought to silence, so that they put no further questions to Him ; whereas Mark relates that the conversation as to the most important commandment had had this result, and thereafter Jesus had thrown out before the people, while He was teaching (vv. 35, 37), the question re- specting the Son of David. —azoxpiSeic] The following question to the people is a reply—publicly exposing the theological helplessness of the scribes—to the silence, to which they had just seen themselves reduced by the very fact that one of their number had even given his entire approval to Jesus. The scribes are still present. But it is not to themselves that Jesus puts His question ; He utters it before the people, but in express reference to the γραμματεῖς. They may therefore give information also before the people, if they can. If they cannot, they stand there the more completely van- quished and put to shame. And they cannot, because to them the divine lineage of the Messiah, in virtue of which as David’s descendant He is yet David’s Lord, remained veiled and unperceived ;—we may conceive after πόϑεν υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ἐστιν the pause of this silence and this confusion. So pecu- liar is this whole position of the matter in Mark, that it appears to be (in opposition to Hilgenfeld and Baur) original. — πῶς] how then? ““ Quomodo consistere potest, quod dicunt,” ‘‘In what way can what they say hold to- gether,” Grotius. — Ver. 37. The twofold emphatic αὐτὸς Δαν. places the declaration of David himself in contrast to the point held by the scribes. — καὶ πόϑεν] breaking in with surprise. Comp. Luke i. 43. πόϑεν is the cau- sal unde : whence comes it that.1— ὁ πολὺς ὄχλ.] the multitude of people, which was present. — 7xovev αὐτοῦ ἡδέως] a triumph over those put to silence. [See Note LXXXI., p. 159. ] Vv. 38-40. Comp. on Matt. xxiii. 1, 6, 7 (14). Mark gives only a short frag- ment (and Luke xx. 45-47 follows him) of the great and vehement original speech of severe rebuke, which Matthew has adopted in full from the col- lection of Logia. — βλέπετε ἀπό] as viii. 1ὅ. --- τῶν ϑελόντων] quippe qui volunt, desire, i.e., lay claim to as a privilege. ‘‘ Velle saepe rem per se indifferen- tem malam facit,” ‘‘To desire often a thing in itself indifferent makes it 1 Τὴ opposition to the whole N. T., the question is, according to Schenkel (comp. Strauss), intended to exhibit the Davidic descent of the Messiah as a phantom. This descent in fact forms of necessity the pre- supposition of the words καὶ πόϑεν k.7.A., the concessum on the part of Jesus Himself. And it is the postulate of the whole of the N. T. Christology, from Matt. i. 1 to Rev. xxii. 16. Comp., moreover, the appropriate remarks of Beyschlag, Christol. d. N. 7. p. 61f. But the pre-existence of Jesus, which certainly must have been in His conscious- ness when He asked the question, is not ea- pressed (in some such way as in John viii. 58), nor is the recognition of it claimed jor the Psalmist by ἐν πνεύματι. The latter merely asserts that David, as ὦ prophet, des- ignated his Son as his Lord. [See Note LXXX. p. 159.] Comp. Plat. Phaedr. p. 269 D. ; Dem. 241, 17; Wolf, ad Lept. p. 238. CHAP. XII., 41-44. 157 evil,” Bengel. — ἐν στολαῖς] 1.6., in long stately robes, as στολή, even without more precise definition, is frequently used.’ Grotius well remarks that the στολή is ‘‘ gravitatis index,” ‘‘indication of importance.” — καὶ ἀσπασμοίς] governed by ϑελόντων. — Ver. 40. οἱ κατεσϑίοντες k.7.2.] is usually not sepa- rated from what precedes, so that the nominative would come in instead of the genitive, bringing into more independent and emphatic prominence the description of their character.* But itis more suited to the vehement emo- tion of the discourse (with which also the asyndetic form of ver. 40 is in keeping), along with Grotius, Bengel, Lachmann, Tischendorf, Ewald,* to begin with οἱ κατεσϑίοντες anew sentence, which runs on to κρῖνα : the devour- ers of widows’ houses... these shall (in the Messianic judgment) receive a greater condemnation !— καί] is the simple copula: those devouring widows’ houses and (and withal) by way of pretence uttering long prayers (in order to conceal under them their pitiless greed). — τῶν χηρῶν] ὑπεισήρχοντο yap τὰς ἀπροστατεύτους yuvaikac ὡς δῆϑεν προστάται αὑτῶν ἐσόμενοι, ‘‘ For they came in unawares upon the unprotected women, as if forsooth becoming their protec- tors,” Theophylact. —xai προφάσει μακρὰ προσευχ.}] προσχήματι εὐλαβείας καὶ ὑποκρίσει ἀπατῶντες τοὺς ἀφελεστέρους, ‘‘ By ἃ show of piety and by hypocrisy deceiving the simpler ones,” Theophylact. — περισσότερον κρίμα] ὅσῳ δὲ μᾶλλον τετίμηνται Tapa τῷ λαῷ καὶ τὴν τιμὴν εἰς βλάβην ἕλκουσι τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον καταδι- κασϑήσονται᾽ δυνατοὶ γὰρ δυνατῶς ἑτασϑήσονται, ‘‘the more they have been hon- ored by the people and drag this honor into mischief, so much the more will they be condemned ; for the strong will be strongly proved,” Victor Antio- chenus. Vv. 41-44. Comp. Luke xxi. 1-4. Τί is surprising that this highly char- acteristic and original episode, which, according to Eichthal, indeed, is an interpolation and repeated by Luke, has not been adopted in Matthew. But after the great rebuking discourse and its solemn close, the little isola- ted picture seems not to have found a place. —rov γαζοφυλακίου] comp. Jo- sephus, Antt. xix. 6. 1, where Agrippa hangs a golden chain ὑπὲρ τὸ γαζοφυ- λάκιον. According to the Rabbins it consisted of thirteen trumpet-shaped brazen chests (M11D1W), and was in the fore-court of the women. It was des- tined for the reception of pious contributions for the temple, as well as of the temple-tribute.® The treasure-chambers (γαζοφυλάκια) in Josephus, Bell. v. 5. 2 and vi. 5. 2, have no bearing here. Comp. Ebrard, p. 495. The word itself (comp. John viii. 20) is found also in the Greek writers (Strabo, ii. p. 319), and frequently in the LXX. and the Apocrypha. — χαλκόν] not money in general (Grotius, Fritzsche, and others), but copper money, which most of the people gave. See Beza. — ἔβαλλον] imperfect, as at vv. 17,18. The read- ing ἔβαλον (Fritzsche) is too weakly attested, and is not necessary. — Ver. 42 f. μία] in contrast with the πολλοί πλούσιοι : one single poor widow. A λεπτόν, so called from its smallness,® was 4th of an as in copper. See on 11 Mace. vi. 16; Luke xy. 22; Marc. 4 Doubtfully also Winer, p. 165 [E. T. 183]. Anton. i. 7. 5 See, generally, Lightfoot, Hor. p. 539 f. ; 2 See Winer, p. 509 [E. T. 577]. Reland, Anft. i. 8. 14. 3 See Bernhardy, p. 68 f.; Buttmann, newt. 6 Xen. Cyr.i. 4.11: τὸ λεπτότατον τοῦ χαλκοῦ Gram. p, 69 [E. T. 79]. νομίσματος. 158 THE GOSPEL OF MARK, Matt. v. 26. It is the same definition in the Talmud, that two N)0)95 make a DOIN TP ; see Lightfoot, p. 688 f—On the fact that it is not ‘‘a quad- rans,” but λεπτὰ δύο, that is mentioned, Bengel has aptly remarked : ‘‘ quorum unum vidua retinere potuerat,” ‘‘one of which the widow might have re- tained.” The Rabbinical ordinance : ‘‘ Non ponat homo λεπτόν in cistam eleemosynarum,” ‘‘A man shall not put a λεπτόν into the chest of alms” (Bava bathra f. 10. 2), has no bearing here (in opposition to Schoettgen), for here we have not to do with alms. — προσκαλεσάμ.} ““ de re magna,” ‘* concerning the important matter,” Bengel. — πλεῖον πάντων] is said accord- ing to the scale of means; all the rest still kept back much for themselves, the widow nothing (see what follows),—a sacrifice which Jesus estimates in its moral greatness ; τὴν ἑαυτῆς προαίρεσιν ἐπεδείξατο εὐπορωτέραν τῆς δυνάμεως, ‘‘she showed her own good-will to be more rich than her ability,” Theo- phylact. —The present participle βαλλόντων (see the critical remarks) is not inappropriate (Fritzsche), but designates those who were throwing, whose βάλλειν was present, when the widow éBare. — Ver. 44. ἐκ τῆς ὑστερήσ. αὐτῆς] (not αὑτῆς) is the antithesis of ἐκ τοῦ περισσ. avr. in ver. 43.! Out of her want, out of her destitution, she has cast in all that (in cash) she possessed, her whole (present) means of subsistence. Observe the earnest twofold des- ignation. On βίος, victus, that whereby one lives, comp, Luke vill. 43, xv. 12, 30.? Norrs py AMERICAN Eprror. LXXV. Vv. 1-12. Weiss ed. Mey. thinks that Matt. xxi. 33, 38-42, 45 are taken from Mark, although the account of the former is more original, both being based on ‘‘ the older source.” LXXVI. Ver. 4. ἐκεφαλίωσαν. Meyer’s lexical remarks here are rendered entirely unnecessary by the above reading, which he passes over without notice, although it is attested by 8B L, and accepted by Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V. This form of the verb (κεφαλιόω) occurs only here; hence the transcribers altered it to the better known κεφαλαιόω. Mark has not ‘‘ confounded” the verbs, but the later copy- ists. Here the discovery of δὲ has relieved us of a lexical difficulty, for its testi- mony has decided the matter. LXXVII. Ver. 10. οὐδέ. The R. V. renders : ‘“‘ Have ye not read even this Scripture?” ‘‘ Not even’’ is on the whole preferable. The rendering (ver. 11) : ‘‘ This was from the Lord,”’ leaves the grammatical question undecided. It is perhaps safer to refer αὕτη to κεφαλήν, but the LXX. is not always exact in its use of the pronouns. 1 Comp. 2 Cor. viii. 14; Phil. iv. 12. Soph. Phil. 919, 1266; Dem. 869, 25; Plat. 2 Hesiod, Op. 230; Xen. Mem. iii. 11. 63 Gorg. p. 486 Ὁ ; and Stallbaum in doc, NOTES. 159 LXXVIII. Ver. 12. ἔγνωσαν γὰρ κ.τ.λ. \ It is by no means clear that the subject of ἔγνωσαν is the people composing the ὄχλος. ‘This view leaves the reference of αὐτούς in doubt, and does not so well account for the γάρ. Rather: the rulers perceived the application of the parable, and they feared that by laying hold on Him they would show the more clearly to the people that the parable pointed to them (i.e., the rulers), and thus arouse greater interest on behalf of Jesus ; so substantially Weiss ed. Mey. LXXIX. Vy. 28-34. It seems quite as reasonable to suppose that honest writers, telling of the same narrative, but with difference of detail, choose the details in accordance with the exact facts of the case, as to infer from the difference of detail the existence of previous modifications which affect the truthfulness of one οὐ the other. ‘‘ Harmonizing combination” has its own mistakes to answer for, but it does not, as a rule, assume incorrectness on the part of some one of the authors of the Gospels. LXXX. Ver. 37. καὶ πόθεν k.7.A. Weiss ed. Mey. has a somewhat different view of the dilemma and its correct solution. In the question of ver. 35: ‘‘ How say,” etc., he finds this contra- diction implied : ‘‘ The scribes seek the highest dignity of the Messiah in this, that as descendant of David He shall ascend the throne of His father, while David himself (according to ver. 36) describes Him as his Lord, and hence attributes to Him a dignity which as his descendant of Himself could never have, inasmuch as the ancestor always stands above his descendant, however high the latter may rise.’’ Accordingly he finds the solution, ‘neither in the divine lineage of the Messiah (Meyer), nor in His resurrection and exaltation (Klostermann), but in this, that He does not have His specific dignity, because He is a son of David, rather shrinks from only according to promise, because He was called by God to the supreme dignity of the Messiah, which far exceeds that of a descendant (be he never so exalted) on the throne of David. With this Jesus destroys all objections to His Messianic dignity which might be deduced from His not having ascended the throne of His fathers.” This seems more ingenious than correct. The Person of Christ was then, and still remains, the great question. LXXXI. Ver. 37. ὁ πολὺς ὄχλος ἤκουεν k.T.A. The R. V. marg. is correct, the rendering of the text being retained from the A. V., probably because the other could not command a majority of two thirds. The imperfect ‘‘was hearing” implies continued action, and suggests the reason our Lord could venture to utter the warning against the scribes, of which Mark gives a brief report (vy. 38-40), and Matthew a very full one (Matt. Xxiil.). 160 THE GOSPEL OF MARK, CHAPTER XIII. Ver. 2. ἀποκριθείς] is, with Tisch., to be deleted, as at xi. 33, following BL δὲ, min. vss. — Ver, 2. ὧδε is adopted before λίθος by Griesb. Fritzsche, Scholz, Lachm. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.], in accordance doubtless with BD GL U A δὲ, min. vss., but it is an addition from Matt. xxiv. 2. It is genuine in Matthew alone, where, moreover, it is not wanting in any of the codices. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with 8 BL, 33, Copt., read ἐπηρώτα. --- Ver. 4. εἰπέ] BDL 8, min. have εἰπόν. So Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. This rarer form is to be adopted in accordance with so considerable testimony ; εἰπέ is from Mat- thew. — With Tisch., following B L &, we must write ταῦτα συντελ. πάντα ; dif- ferent attempts to rectify the order produced the variations. — Ver. 8. Before the second ἔσονται we must, with Tisch., delete καί, in accordance with Β L δ **, καὶ tapayai] Suspected by Griesb., struck out by Lachm. and Tisch. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.], in accordance with BDL δὲ, Copt. Aeth. Erp. Vulg. It. Vict. But wherefore and whence was it to have been introduced? On the other hand, it was very easily lost in the following apyai. — Ver. 9. apxai] BDK LUA 8, min. vss. Vulg. It. also have apy7, which is commended by Griesb., adopted by Fritzsche, Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.]; from Matt. xxiv. 8.— Ver. 11. Instead of ἄγωσιν Elz. has ἀγάγωσιν, in opposition to decisive evidence. — μηδὲ μελετᾶτε] is wanting in BDL, min. Copt. Aeth. Ar. p. Erp. Vulg. It. Vigil. Condemned by Griesb., bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.]. But the Homoioteleuton the more easily occasioned the omission of the words, since they follow immediately after ti AaAnonre. Luke xxi. 14, moreover, testifies in favor of their genuineness. — Ver. 14. After ἐρημώσεως Elz., Scholz, Fritzsche (Lachm. in brackets) have: τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ Δανιὴλ τοῦ προφήτου, which words are not found in B DL δὲ, Copt. Arm. It. Vulg. Sax. Aug. They are from Matthew. — ἑστώς] Lachm. has ἑστηκός, following Ὁ 28 ; Tisch. has ἑστηκότα, following BL δὲ. [So recent editors, R. V.] Fritzsche : ἑστός, according to AEF GH V A,min. Under these circumstances the Recepta has preponderant evidence against it ; itis from Matt. xxiv. 15. Of the other readings ἑστηκός is to be adopted, because B L δὲ 4180 testify in its favor by ἑστηκότα 3! while ἑστός likewise betrays its origin from Matthew (var.; see the critical remarks on Matt. xxiv. 15). — Ver. 16. ὧν] is wanting in BDLA 8, min. Lachm. Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.]. But how easily it dropt out after dypON! the more easily, because ὦν stood also in ver. 15. — Ver. 18. ἡ φυγὴ ὑμῶν] is wanting in BD L A &* min. Arm. Vulg. It., and in other witnesses is represented by ταῦτα. Condemned by Griesb. and Rinck, deleted by Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. Rightly so; it is from Matt. xxiv. 20, from which place also codd. and vss. have after χειμῶνος added : μηδὲ σαββάτῳ, or μηδὲ σαββάτου, ΟΥ̓ 1 The masculine was introduced by the reference, frequent in the Fathers, to the statue (τὸν ἀνδριάντα) of the conqueror. CHAP. XIII., 1-8. 161 ἢ σαββάτου, and the like. — Ver. 19. 7c] Lachm. Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.] have ἦν, following B C* L δὰ, 28. A correction. The omission of ἧς éxr. ὁ Θεός in D 27, Arm. codd. It. is explained by the superfluousness of the words. — Ver. 21. The omission of 7, which Griesb., following Mill, commended, and Fritzsche and Tisch. [W. and Hort] have carried out, is too weakly attested. [Retained by Treg., R. V.] In itself it might as well have been added from Matthew as omitted in accordance with Luke. [Weiss, with B, reads καί. ] ]— In- stead of πιστεύετε Elz. has πιστεύσητε, in opposition to preponderant evidence ; it is from Matt. xxiv. 23. — Ver. 22. Although only on the evidence of D, min. codd, It., ψευδόχριστοι καί is to be deleted, and ποιήσουσιν is to be written in- stead of δώσουσι. [So Weiss; but Tisch., Treg., W. and Hort, R. V., retain ψευδόχ. καί, while all but Tisch. read δώσουσιν.) Moreover (with Tisch.), καί is to be omitted before τοὺς ἐκλ. (B Ὁ &). The Recepta is a filling up from Mat- thew. — Ver. 23. idov] is wanting in B L 28, Copt. Aeth. Vere. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. An addition from Matthew. — Ver. 25. τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἔσονται) A BC &, min. vss. have ἔσονται ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. So Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. Instead of ἐκπίπτ. BC DL δὲ, min. codd. It. have πίπτοντες (so Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch.). Thus the most important codices are against the Recepta (Ὁ has οἱ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἔσονται πίπτοντες), in place of which the best attested of these readings are to be adopted. Internal grounds are wanting ; but if it had been altered from Matthew, ἀπό would have been found instead of é«. — Ver. 27. αὐτοῦ] after ἀγγέλ. is wanting in B Ὁ L, Copt. Cant. Vere. Vind. Corb. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch.; it is from Matthew. — Ver. 28. The verbal order ἤδη ὁ κλάδος αὐτῆς (Fritzsche, Lachm. [Treg., W. and Hort]) has preponderating evidence [δὲ A BCD L, Vulg.], but it is from Matthew. The manifold transpositions in the codices would have no motive, if the reading of Lachm. had been the original, as in the case of Matthew no variation is found. — γινώσκετε] A B*¥* DL Δ, min. have γινώσκεται, which is approved by Schulz and adopted by Fritzsche and Tisch. [Tisch. VIII. has γενώσκετε ; so recent ed- itors, R. V.] The Recepta is from the parallels. — Ver. 31. Instealof παρελεύ- σεται, Elz. Lachm. Tisch. have παρελεύσονται. The plural (B DK UT δ) is to be maintained here and at Luke xxi. 33 ; the remembrance of the well known saying from Matth. suggested παρελεύσεται in the singular. Moreover, it tells in favor of the plural, that BL &, min. (Tisch.) have παῤελεύσονται again after- wards instead of παρέλθωσι, although this isa mechanical repetition. [Treg., W. and Hort, read παρελεύσονται a second time, but omit μή. ] --- Ver. 32. Instead of 7 Elz. has καί, in opposition to decisive evidence. -— Ver. 33. καὶ προσεύχεσθε] is wanting in B D 122, Cant. Vere. Colb. Tolet. Deleted by Lachm. [So Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V. marg.] Rightly ; an addition that easily occurred (comp. Matt. xxvi. 41 and the parallels). — Ver. 34. καί is to be deleted before ἑκάστῳ (with Lachm. and Tisch.), in conformity with Β ΟἿ D L &, min. codd. It. —[Ver. 35. Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with δὲ BCLA, Copt., insert 7 before ὀψέ. | --- Ver. 37. Between din Elz. Scholz, and 6 which Griesb. has ap- proved, and Fritzsche, Lachm. have adopted, the evidence is very much divided. But 6is an unnecessary emendation, although it is now preferred by Tisch. (BCR, etc.). [So recent editors, R. V.] D, codd. It. have ἐγὼ dé A. du. ypny. Vv. 1-8. See on Matt. xxiv. 1-8. Comp. Luke xxi. 5-11. Mark has pre- served the introduction in its original historical form. But Matthew has the discourse itself although more artistically elaborated, in its greatest com- 1 162 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. pleteness from the collection of Logiaand with some use of Mark ; and that down to the consummation of the last judgment.! [See Note LXXXIL., p. 167 seq. ] — ποταποὶ λίθοι] quales lapides ! ὠκοδομήθη ὁ ναὺς ἐκ λίθων μὲν λευκῶν τε καὶ καρτερῶν, τὸ μέγεθος ἑκάστων περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πηχῶν ἐπὶ μῆκος, ὀκτὼ δὲ ὕψος, εὖρος δὲ περὶ δώδεκα, ‘‘ The sanctuary was built of stones both white and vast, the greatness of each of them about twenty-five cubits in length, the height eight, the breadth about twelve,” Joseph. Antt. xv. 11. 3. See Ottii Spicileg. p. 175. Who uttered the exclamation? (Was it Peter? or Andrew ?) Prob- ably Mark himself did not know. — On the ποταπός, belonging to later usage, see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 56 f.; Fritzsche, p. 554 f. — Ver. 2. ὃς οὐ μὴ xara. ] for ov μή in the relative clause, see Winer, p. 450 [E. T. 507 f.] The con- ception here is : there shall certainly be no stone left upon the other, which (in the further course of the destruction) would be secure from being thrown down. Comp. Luke xviii. 30.— Ver. 3. As previously, Mark here also re- lates more vividly (κατέναντι τοῦ ἱεροῦ) and more accurately (Πέτρος x.7.A.) than Matthew. According to de Wette (comp. Saunier, p. 182 ; Strauss, Baur), Mark is induced to the latter statement by the κατ᾽ ἰδίαν of Matthew— a specimen of the great injustice which is done to Mark as an alleged com- piler. — εἰπόν] Thus, and not εἶπον, is this imperative (which is also current among the Attic writers ; see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 348) to be accented in the N. T.? τὸ σημεῖον] scil. ἔσται : what will be the fore-token (which appears), when all this destruction is to enter on its fulfilment ?— ταῦτα συντελ. πάντα] (see the critical remarks) applies not to the buildings of the temple (Fritzsche, who takes συντελεῖσθαι as simul exscindi, ‘‘ destroyed together,” comp. Beza), but, just like ταῦτα, to the destruction announced at ver. 2. To explain it of “the whole world” (as ταῦτα is well known to be so used by the philosophers, Bernhardy, p. 280) or of ‘‘all things of the Parousia” (Lange), is a forced course at variance with the context, occasioned by Matt. xxiv. 3 * (in opposi- tion to Grotius, Bengel). [See Note LXXXIIL., p. 168.] Moreover, the state of the case is here climactic ; hence, while previously there stood merely ταῦτα, now πάντα is added ; previously : ἔσται, now συντελεῖσθαι (be consummated). —Ver. 5. Jesus now begins His detailed explanation as to the matter (jpEaro). — Ver. 7. τὸ τέλος] the end of the tribulation (see ver. 9), not the end of the world (so even Dorner, Lange, Bleek), which only sets in after the end of the tribulation. See on Matt. xxiv. 6. [See also Note LXXXIII., Ῥ. 168.] — Ver. 8. καὶ ἔσονται... καὶ ἔσονται] solemnly. — καὶ ταραχαί] Famines and (therewith connected) disturbances, not exactly revolts (Griesbach), which the context does not suggest, but more general.4 1 Weizsicker, p. 125, conjectures from Barnabas 4 (8), where a saying of Enoch is quoted about the shortening (συντέτμηκεν) of the days of the final offence (comp. ver. 20; Matt. xxiv. 22), that the properly apocalyp- tic elements of the discourse as to the future are of Jewish origin, from an Apocalypse of Enoch; but the conjecture rests on much too bold and hasty an inference, hazarded as it is on a single thought, which Jesus Himself might very fairly share with the Jewish consciousness in general. 2 See Winer, p. 49 [E. T. 51]. 3 Nevertheless, between the passage be- fore us and Matt. /.c. there is no essential diversity, since the disciples conceived of the destruction of Jerusalem as immediate- ly preceding the Parousia. See on Matt. xxiv. 3. Comp. also Dorner, de orat. Chr. eschatologica, p. 45. 4Plat. Legg. ix. p. 861 A: ταραχή τε καὶ ἀξυμφωνία, Theaet. p. 168 A: tap, καὶ ἀπορία, CHAP. XIII., 9-23. 163 Vv. 9-13. See on Matt. xxiv. 9, xiv. 10-13 ; Luke xxi. 12-18. Mark has here interwoven some things from the discourse which is found at Matt. x. 17-22.— ἀρχαί] prefixed with emphasis: beginnings of sorrows (comp. τὸ τέλος, ver. 7) are these. — βλέπετε δὲ x.7.2.] but look ye (ye on your part, in the midst of these sorrows that surround you) to yourselves, how your own con- duct must be. Comp. on βλέπ. ἑαυτ., 2 John 8; Gal. vi. 1.—ovvédpia] judicial assemblies, as Matt. x. 17. —kai εἰς ovvaywy.| attaches itself, as εἰς συνέδρια precedes, most naturally to this,’ so that with δαρήσεσθε begins a further step of the description. The more usual connection with δαρήσεσθε, preferred also by Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 287 [E. T. 333] and Bleek, is in- admissible, because εἰς cannot be taken in the pregnant meaning (instead of ἐν ; for the element of ‘‘ motion towards” is not implied in δαρήσ.), and be- cause the explanation (see my first edition) : ye shall be brought under blows of scourges into synagogues (comp. Bengel, Lange), is not accordant with fact, since the scourging took place in the synagogues ; see on Matt. x. 17 ; Acts xxii. 19. [See Note LXXXIV., p. 168.] That dapjo. comes in asyndetically, is in keeping with the emotional character of the discourse. — εἰς waprip. αὐτοῖς] 1.6., in order that a testimony may be given to them, the rulers and kings, namely, regarding me (comp. previously ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ), regarding my person and my work (not: ‘‘intrepidi, quo causam meam defendatis, animi,” ‘‘of the intrepid mind with which you shall defend my cause,” Fritzsche)—which, no doubt, involves their inexcusableness in the event of their unbelief ; but it is arbitrary to explain the dative here just as if it were εἰς κατηγορίαν κ. ἔλεγχον αὐτῶν, ‘for an accusation and conviction of them” (Euthymius Zigabenus, Theophylact, and many others). Comp. on Matt. x. 18. — Ver. 10. And this your vocation fraught with suffering will not soon pass away ; among all nations (πάντα has the emphasis) must jirst (before the end of the sorrows appears, comp. ἀρχαὶ ὠδίνων, ver. 9), etc. These words are neither disturbing nor inappropriate (as Késtlin judges, p. 352, comp. Schenkel and Weiss) ; they substantially agree with Matt. xxiv. 14, and do not betray a ‘‘more advanced position in point of time” on Mark’s part (Hilgenfeld), nor are they concocted by the latter out of κ. τοῖς ἔθνεσιν, Matt. x. 18 (Weiss). — Ver. 11. μελετᾶτε the proper word for the studying of dis- courses. See Wetstein. The opposite of extemporizing. ὅ--- δοθῇ | has the emphasis. — οὐ γάρ ἐστε ὑμεῖς] of them it is absolutely denied that they are the speakers. Comp. on Matt. x. 20. — Ver. 12. See on Matt. x. 21. From that hostile delivering up, however (comp. παραδιδόντες, ver. 11), neither the relationship of brother nor of child, etc., will protect my confessors. — Ver. 13. ὑπομείνας] according to the context here : in the confession of my name. See above, διὰ τὸ ὄνομά pov. See, moreover, on Matt. xxiv. 13. The τέλος is that of the ὠδίνων, ver. 9, not that ““ of the theocratic period of the world’s history” (Schenkel). Vv. 14-23. See on Matt. xxiv. 15-26. Comp. Luke xxi. 20-24, who, however, has freely elements that are peculiar. — ὅπου οὐ dei] thoughtful, Ale. ii. p. 146, 15: tap, τε καὶ ἀνομία, 2 Macc. vius, Elz., Lachmann. xiii. 16. Comp. τάραχος, Acts xii. 18, xix. 23. 2 Comp. Dem. 1129, 9: μελετᾶν τὴν ἀπολογίαν 1 Luther, Castalio, Erasmus, Beza, Calo- ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν. Cas 164 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. but more indefinite designation of the sacred temple-area than in Matthew, where the more definite expression, as well as the reference by name (not merely suggested by the use of the set expression τὸ βδέλ. τ. ἐρημ.) to Dan. ix. 27, betrays a later manipulation. — Ver. 16. ὁ εἰς τὸν ἀγρὸν ὦν] he who is (has gone) into the field. See on ii. 1. — Ver. 18. Mark has, with a view to his Gentile-Christian readers, passed over the μηδὲ σαββάτῳ, which was in the collection of Logia, in Matt. xxiv. 20.— Ver. 19. ἔσονται. . . θλίψις ‘*Tempori adscribitur res, quae in tempore fit ; una et continua erit calam- itas,” ‘‘ To the time is ascribed the thing which occurs in the time ; there shall be one continuous calamity,” Wetstein. — οἷα οὐ γέγονε x.7.2.] Comp. Plato, Rep. vi. p. 492 E : οὔτε yap γίγνεται, οὔτε γέγονεν, οὔτ᾽ οὖν μὴ γένηται. ---- τοιαύτη] after οἵα. See Fritzsche, ad Mare. p. 14; Kiihner, II. p. 527. — κτίσεως ἧς ἔκτισ. ὁ Θεός] Comp. ver. 20 : διὰ τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς οὗς ἐξελέξατο, Herod. 111. 147: ἐντολάς τε, τὰς . . . ἐνετέλλετο, Philostr. V. Ap. iv. 18. 150: τῆς μήνιδος ἣν ἐμήνισας. The mode of expression has for its object ‘‘ gravius ean- dem notionem bis iterari,” ‘‘that the same notion be reiterated with greater weight,” Lobeck, Paralip. p. 522. A contrast with the Jewish state as a human κτίσις (Lange) is fanciful. κτίσις, that which is created, see on Rom. vill. 19. —azorAav.] 1 Tim. vi. 10. — Ver. 23. In Matthew at this point the saying about the lightning and the carcase, which certainly belongs origi- nally to this place, is added (vv. 27, 28). Vv. 24-27. See on Matt. xxiv. 29-31. Comp. Luke xxi. 25-28. — ἀλλ᾽] breaking off and leading over to a new subject. Hartung, Partikell. 11. p. 34 f. — ἐν ἐκείναις τ. ἡμέρ μετὰ τ. θλιψ. éx.] Thus in Mark also the Parousia is predicted as setting in immediately after the destruction of Jerusalem, since it is still to follow in those days’ (comp. vv. 19, 20). The εὐθέως of Matthew is not thereby avoided (de Wette, Bleek, and others), but this εὐθέως is only a still more express and more direct definition, which tradition has given to the saying. To refer ἐν ἐκ. τ. ju. to the times of the church that are still continuing, is an exegetical impossibility. Even Baur and Hilgenfeld are in error in holding that Mark has conceived of the Parousia as at least not following so immediately close upon the destruction. [See Note LXXXV., p. 168.]— Ver. 25. οἱ ἀστέρες τοῦ οὐρανοῦ x.7.A.] the stars of heaven shall be, etc., which is more simple (comp. Rey. vi. 13) than that which is likewise linguistically correct : the stars shall from heaven, etc.?— ἔσονται ἐκπίπτ. | more graphic and vividly realizing than the simple πεσοῦνται (Matt.). — Ver. 26. Mark has not the order of sequence of the event, as Matthew depicts it ; he relates summarily. — Ver. 27. ἀπ’ ἄκρου γῆς ἕως ἄκρου οὐρανοῦ) From the outmost border of the earth (conceived as a flat surface) shall the ἐπισυνάγειν begin, and be carried through even to the opposite end, where the outmost border of 1Jtis, in fact, to impute great thought- ness of the Parousia in the same expressions lessness and stupidity to Mark, if people as Matthew used. This course must cer- can believe, with Baur, Markusev. p. 101, tainly be followed, if the composition of that Mark did not write till after Matthew Mark (comp. also Késtlin, p. 383) is brought and Luke, and yet did not allow himself to down to so late a date. be deterred by all that had intervened be- 2 Hom. Gd. xiv. 31, Zl. xi. 179; Soph. Aj. tween the composition of Matthew’s Gos- 1156; Aesch. ii, 84; Gal. v. 4; 2 Pet. iii. 17, pel and his own, from speaking of the near- CHAP. XIII., 28-32. 165 the heaven (κατὰ τὸ φαινόμενον of the horizon) sets limit to theearth. The ex- pression is more poetical than in Matthew ; it is the more arbitrary to think (with Bleek) in the case of γῆς of those still living, and in that of op. of those who sleep in bliss. Vv. 28-32. See on Matt. xxiv. 32-36. Comp. Luke xxi. 29-33. — αὐτῆς] prefixed with emphasis (see the critical remarks) as the subject that serves for the comparison : When of it the branch shall have already become tender, so that thus its development has already so far advanced. The singular ὁ κλάδος, the shoot, belongs to the concrete representation. — τὸ θέρος] is an image of the Messianic period also in the Test. XII. Patr. p. 725. — Ver. 30. ἡ γενεὰ αὔτη] .6., the present generation, which γενεά with αὕτη means through- out in the N. T.’ Nevertheless, and although Jesus has just (ver. 29) pre- supposed of the disciples in general, that they would Jive to see the Parousia — an assumption which, moreover, underlies the exhortations of ver. 33 ff. —although, too, the context does not present the slightest trace of a refer- ence to the Jewish people, there has been an endeavor very recently to uphold this reference ; see especially Dorner, p. 75 ff. The word never means people,? but may in the signification race, progenies, receive possibly by virtue of the connection the approximate sense of people, which, however, is not the case here. See, moreover, on Matt. xxiv. 34. [See Note LXXXVL., Ῥ. 168 seq.] — Ver. 32. οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός] Observe the climax: the angels, the Son, the Father. Jesus thus confesses in the most unequivocal words that the day and hour of His Parousia are unknown? to Himself, to Him the Son of God (see subsequently ὁ rarf#p),—a confession of non-omniscience, which cannot surprise us (comp. Acts 1. 7) when we consider the human limitation (comp. Luke ii. 52) into which the Son of God had entered (comp. on x. 18),— a confession, nevertheless, which has elicited from the antipathy to Arianism some strange devices to evade it, as when Athanasius and other Fathers (in Suicer, Thes. II. p. 163 1.) gave it as their judgment that Jesus meant the not-knowing of His human nature only ;4 while Augustine ἢ and others were ΤΡ αὶ. 16, xii. 41, 42) 45. xxiit. 36's Mark viii. 12,13; Luke vii. 31, xi. 29, 30, 31, 82, 50,51. Comp. Heb. iii. 10 (Lachmann). 2The signification ‘‘ people” is rightly not given either by Spitzner on Homer, Zi. Exe. ix. 2, or in Stephani 7hes., ed. Hase, I. p. 559 f.; in the latter there are specified— (1) genus, progenies ; (2) generatio, genitura ; (8) aetas, seculum. Comp. Becker, Anecd. p. 231, 11; also Ellendt, Zea. Soph. I. p. 353. 3 Matthew has not οὐδὲ ὁ vids ; according to K6éstlin, Holtzmann, and others, he is held to have omitted it on account of its dogmatic difficulty. But this is to carry back the scruples of later prepossession into the apostolic age. Zeller (in Hilgen- feld’s Zeitschr. 1865, p. 308 ff.) finds in the words, because they attribute to Christ a nature exalted above the angels, an indica- tion that our Mark was not written until the first half of the second century ; but his view is founded on erroneous assumptions with resvect to the origin of the Epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, and Philippians, and of the fourth Gospel. Moreover, Paul places Christ above the angels in other pas- sages (Rom. viii. 88; 2 Thess. i. 7), and even as early as in the history of the temptation they minister to Him. Zeller believes that he gathers the like conclusion in respect of the date of the composition of our Gospel (and of that of Luke also), but under analogous incorrect combinations, f7om the Jact that Mark (and Luke) attaches so stu- dious importance to the narratives of the expulsion of demons. 4 Gregor. Zpist. viii. 42: ‘‘in natura qui- dem humanitatis novit diem et horam, non ex natura humanitatis novit,” ‘‘in human nature indeed he knew the day, and hour, but did not know it.from human nature.” 5 Dé Genesit c. Manich, 22, de Trinit. i. 12, 166 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. of opinion that He did not know it for His disciples, in so far as He had not been commissioned by God to reveal it unto them. See in later times, es- pecially Wetstein. Similarly Victor Antiochenus also and Theophylact suggest that He desired, as a wise Teacher, to keep it concealed from the disciples, although He was aware of it. Lange, L. J. II. 3, p. 1280, invents the view that He willed not to know it (in contrast with the sinful wish to know on the part of the disciples), for there was no call in the horizon of His life for His reflecting on that day. So, in his view, it was likewise with the angels in heaven. The Lutheran orthodoxy asserts that κατὰ κτῆσιν (by possession) He was omniscient, but that κατὰ χρῆσιν (by use) He had not everything in promptu (at hand).* See Calovius. Ambrosius, de fide, v. 8, cut the knot, and declared that οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός was an interpolation of the Arians. Nevertheless, itis contained implicite also in the εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος of Matthew, even although it may not have stood originally in the collection of Logia, but rather is to be attributed to the love of details in Mark, whose depend- ence not on our Matthew,’ but on the apostle’s collection of Logia, may be recognized in this more precise explanation. Vv. 33-37. Comp. Matt. xxiv. 42, 44 ff., xxv. 14. By way of an ener- getic conclusion Mark has here a passage, which has been formed by the ag- gregation of several different portions—belonging to this connection, and most completely preserved in Matthew from the collection of Logia—on the part of tradition or of the evangelist himself into a well-adjusted, compact, and imposing unity. — Ver. 34. ὡς] an anantapodoton, as at Matt. xxv. 14. See in loc. With ὡς the plan of the discourse was, after ver. 34, to subjoin : so do I also bid you: watch! Instead of this, after iva γρηγορῇ, with an abandonment of the plan of sentence introduced by ὡς, there follows at once, with striking and vivid effect, the exhortation itself : γρηγορεῖτε, which now, just because the ὡς is forgotten, is linked on by οὖν. — ἀπόδημος] is not equivalent to ἀποδημῶν (Matt. xxv. 14), but : who has taken a journey.* At the same time ἐνετείλατο is not to be taken as a pluperfect, but: ‘‘as ὦ traveller, when he had left his house, after having given to his slaves the author- ity and to each one his work, gave to the doorkeeper also command, in order that he should watch.” In this we have to observe : (1) the ἐνετείλατο took place after the ἀπόδημος had gone out of his house ; (2) καὶ δοὺς «.7.A., in which καί is also, is subordinate to the ἀφεὶς x.7.4., because prior to the leaving of the house ; (8) ἄνθρωπος ἀπόδημ.] forms one notion : a man finding himself on a journey, a traveller ;* (4) the ἐξουσία, the authority concerned in the case, is according to the context the control over the household. This He gave to all in common ; and, moreover, to every one in particular the special business which he had to execute. Fritzsche is wrong in making the participles ἀφείς. . . καὶ δούς dependent on ἀπόδημος : ‘* homo, qui relicta domo sua et commissa servis procuratione assignatoque suo cuique penso peregre abfuit,” ‘‘a man who, his house having been left and authority given to his servants, 1 See, on the other hand, Thomasius, Chr. 3 Pind. Pyth. iv. 8; Plut. Mor. p. 299 E. Pers. u. Werk. I. p. 156 ἢ, 4 Comp. ἄνϑρωπος ὁδίτης, Hom. 11. xvi. 263; 2 Baur, Markusev. p. 102, comp. his neut. Od. xiii, 123; ἄνϑρ. ἔμπορος, Matt. xiii. 45, Theol. Ὁ. 102, αἰ. NOTES. 167 etc. . . . went away toa foreign country.” Against this may be urged, partly that ἀφεὶς τ. oix. αὐτοῦ would be a quite superfluous definition to ἀπόδημος, partly that δοὺς «.7.2. would need to stand before ἀφεὶς x.7.A., because the man Jirst made the arrangement and then left the house. — Ver. 35. γρηγορεῖτε οὖν] the apostles thus are here compared with the doorkeeper. — As to the four watches of the night, see on Matt. xiv. 24. They belong to the pictorial effect of the parable ; the night-season is in keeping with the figurative γρηγορεῖτε, without exactly expressing ‘‘a dark and sad time” (Lange). Singularly at variance with the text as it stands, Theophylact and many others interpret it of the four ages of human life. — Ver. 37. The reference to one thought is not at variance with the use of the plural ἅ (see the critical remarks).’ [But 6 is accepted by all recent critical editors.]—ao:] to all who confess me. Notres py AmERIcAN Eprror. LXXXII. The Eschatological Discourse. It would be impossible to enter into a full discussion of the points raised in the exegesis of this chapter. Moreover, a large part of the explanation belongs more appropriately to the volume on Matthew. We may, however, give here the view of Weiss ed. Mey. as to Mark’s account in general, his analysis of the contents (which differs from the divisions of Meyer), and add a brief state- ment in regard to the general application of the discourse. «The chapter contains the discourse concerning the Parousia, the only longer discourse which Mark has fully reproduced from the older source, and even provided with an historical introduction (vv. 1-5), a closing exhortation (vv. 32-37), and also extended by means of two passages inserted (ver. 9-13, 21-23), which for the most part have passed over with it into the parallels.” (But Godet thinks the account of Luke should have the preference.) Weiss divides his comments into paragraphs, with appropriate headings, as follows : Vy. 1-8 : The foretokens ; vv. 9-13 : Prediction of the destiny of the disci- ples ; vv. 14-23: The catastrophe in Judea ; vv. 24-31: The Parousia ; vv. 82-- 37 : closing exhortation. With this may be compared the following paragraph from the Inter. Revision Comm, Mark, p. 170 : The discourse ‘refers both to the destruction of Jerusalem and to the second coming of Christ, one prophecy respecting two analogous events, though all is not necessarily applicable to both. Reasons : 1. An exclusive ref- erence to either the destruction of Jerusalem or the second coming of Christ in- volves insuperable difficulties. 2. The disciples asked about both, joining them in time (comp. Matt. xxiv. 3 with ver. 4). The answer therefore refers to both, joining them in character, not necessarily in time. The disciples needed in- struction on both points, for immediate and more remote guidance. 3. The preceding discourse in Matthew plainly points to the destruction of Jerusalem, but Matt. xxv. and vv. 32, 33 of this chapter seem to apply exclusively to the Christian dispensation. Great care is necessary in deciding what refers to each of the two sets of events (or how far the analogy holds good), The two inter- 1 See Kiihner, ad Xen. Anad. iii. 5. 5, 168 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. pretations probably run parallel as far as ver. 23, the judgment upon the Jew- ish church being the predominant thought ; after that (vv. 24-31) the Lord’s second coming is prominent, until in the close of the chapter (vy. 32-37) it is exclusively treated of.’’ LXXXIII. Ver. 4. ταῦτα συντελεῖσθαι πάντα. In view of the emphatic position of πάντα, the question should not be ap- plied exclusively to the destruction of the temple. Even Weiss ed. Mey. thinks the plural points to this ‘‘in connection with a series of decisive occurrences, to the final completion of which συντελεῖσθαι πάντα." The disciples, being Jews, classed together this destruction, the Parousia, and the end of the world, think- ing that only the personal presence of the Messiah could take the place of the ruined temple. The discourse does not sharply and chronologically sunder these events, but by its very warnings and prophecies of tribulation prepares the disciples for a fuller understanding of the future Christian dispensation. Our Lord was awise Teacher, and in the circumstances no method could be better adapted for their instruction. But this does not prove that they re- mained in the same comparative ignorance during their subsequent labors. In accordance with the view above cited, Weiss ed. Mey. refers τὸ τέλος (ver. 7) to the end of the world. LXXXIV. Ver. 9, καὶ εἰς συναγωγάς. The R. V. retains the connection with δαρήσεσθε : and in synagogues ye shall be beaten. So Weiss ed. Mey. this implies: ye shall be taken into synagogues and beaten there. LXXXYV. Ver. 24. ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις. Weiss ed. Mey. modifies somewhat the strong statement of Meyer respecting this phrase. He indeed attributes to the older source the view that the Pa- rousia would immediately follow the catastrophe in Judea, but finds it here placed ‘in the days of the last great tribulation, which in ver. 19 is clearly conceived as a universal one, and puts an end to 10. This accords with his view of τέλος (ver. 7), and certainly agrees better with the whole scope of the dis- course. The ““ exegetical impossibility ” of a reference to the present times of the church can be admitted only when it is proven that ‘‘ these days ’’ can mean nothing else than a period immediately after the destruction of Jerusalem. The main difficulty belongs to the use of εὐθέως in Matt. xxiv. 29, which Weiss attributes to the older source, but Meyer attributes to tradition. LXXXVI. Ver. 30. ἡ γενεὰ αὕτη. The same utterance is found, though not in exact verbal agreement, in Mat- thew and Luke. (Comp. on Matt. xxiv. 34; Luke xxi. 32.) It is undoubt- edly safer to accept the reference to the generation then living. The question then arises : Did our Lord mean to assert that His Parousia would occur during that generation ? This question we confidently answer in the negative. (1) The discourse, as here given, speaks of many intervening events, which would require a longer NOTES. 169 time. (2) The account in Matthew gives the answer to a twofold question (Matt. xxiv. 3), and the answer may properly be regarded as twofold, whether we can always separate it into its distinct elements or not. (3) We must inter- pret our Lord here by our Lord elsewhere ; and in many cases He speaks of the Parousiaas an event ‘‘ which is possibly yet very remote ’’ (see Godet, Luke, p. 445, Am. ed.). What He predicts again and again is incompatible with the reference of this verse to the Parousia, unless γενεά be taken in the sense of ‘‘race,” or ‘‘all these things be accomplished ” be interpreted as meaning the beginning of the process of accomplishment (Van Oosterzee, Plumptre, and others). This latter view helps to explain the close connection with ver. 32, which seems to call for a reference to the Parousia. 170 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. CHAPTER XIV, Ver. 2. dé] BC* DL δὲ, vss. have γάρ. So Lachm. and Tisch. The Recepta is from Matt. xxvi. 5. — Ver. 3. καί before συντρ. is, with Tisch., following Β Τὰ δὲ Copt., to be deleted. A connective addition. — τὸ d/43.] Fritzsche, Lachm. [Tisch. VIII.] read τὸν ἀλάβ., which is attested by [N*] ADEFHKSUVX T, min. Tisch., following B C L A &**, has τὴν ἀλάβ., and this is to be pre- ferred. [So recent editors, R. V.] The ignorance of the transcribers brought in τό and τόν. --- κατά] is wanting in BC LAX, min. Deleted by Lachm, and Tisch. A supplement, instead of which D has ἐπί. --- Ver. 4. καὶ λέγοντες] is with Tisch., in accordance with B C* L δὲ, Copt., to be deleted. It is a gloss after Matthew, instead of which D reads καὶ ἔλεγον. -- Ver. 5. τὸ μύρον] is want- ing in Elz., but is decisively attested. The omission is explained from Matt. xxvi. 9 (where τοῦτο alone is genuine). The preponderance of evidence forbids the supposition that it is an interpolation from John xii. 5. D, min. have it before τοῦτο, and in ὃὲ τοῦτο is wanting. —- Ver. 6. Instead of ἐν ἐμοί Elz, has εἰς ἐμέ, in opposition to decisive evidence. It is from Matthew. — Ver. 8. airy] is only wanting, indeed, in B L 8, min. Copt. Syr. utr. (bracketed by Lachm.), but is rightly deleted by Tisch. It is an addition, which is not found till after ἐποίησεν in A. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 12.—Ver. 9. After ἀμῆν very considerable evidence supports δέ, which Lachm. has bracketed, Tisch. has adopted. It is to be adopted ; the omission occurred conformably to the usual expression of Mark, in accordance with Matt. xxvi. 13. — τοῦτο] is wanting in BD L δὲ, min. Cant. Vere. Vind. Corb. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. It is from Matt. xxvi. 13.—[Ver. 10. Tisch., recent editors, read "Iovdac (8 ABC Ὁ L A) Ἰσκαριώθ (Treg. ᾿Ισκαριώτης) ὁ εἷς (8 B C* L, Copt.), and, with B Ὁ, zapadoi.] — Ver. 14. After κατάλυμα Griesb. Fritzsche, Lachm. (in brackets) Tisch. read μου, following B C DLA 8, min. Sax. Vulg. It. (not all the codices). As μου has this strong attestation and yet is superfluous, and as it does not occur at Luke xxii. 11, it is to be held as genuine. — Ver. 15. The form ἀνάγαιον (Elz. : ἀνώ- yeov) is decisively attested. — Before ἐκεῖ is to be read with Tisch. καί, in accord- ance with BC DL 8, 346, vss. It dropped out in accordance with Luke xxii. 12. [Tisch. VIII, κἀκεῖ. ---- Ver. 19. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with δὲ B L, Copt., omit οἱ dé.] — καὶ ἄλλως" μῆτι ἐγώ] is wanting in BC L Ῥ A 8, min. vss., including Syr., utr. Vulg. After the example of earlier editors, suspected by Griesb., rejected by Schulz, struck out by Fritzsche and Tisch. But the omis- sion might just as easily have been brought about by means of the preceding μήτι ἐγώ as by reason of the startling and even offensive superfluousness of the words, which, moreover, are not found in Matthew, whereas no reason for their being added can at all be conceived of without arbitrary hypotheses. [But the evidence against the clause is so weighty, that to accept it on the ground urged by Meyer is to invalidate the authority of the most ancient witnesses. Recent editors, R. V., omit. — Ver. 21. Tisch., recent editors (Treg. in brackets), CHAP. XIV. 171 R. V., with δὲ BL, Copt., insert ὅτε before ὁ μέν. ] --- After λάβετε, ver, 22, Elz. has φάγετε, in opposition to decisive evidence. From Matthew. — Ver. 23. The article before ποτήριον (deleted by Lachm. and Tisch.) has in this place even stronger evidence against it than in Matt. xxvi. 27, and is, as there, to be struck out. — Ver. 24. τὸ τῆς] This τό is, as in Matt. xxvi. 28, to be deleted on considerable evidence with Tisch. (Lachm. has bracketed it). — καινῆς] is want- ing in BC DL &, Copt. Cant. Deleted by Tisch., and rightly, as also at Matt. xxvi. 28. --- περί] BC DLA δὲ, min.: ὑπέρ. So Lachm. and Tisch. Περί is from Matthew, from whom also codd. and vss. have added εἰς ἄφεσιν duapr. — Ver. 27. ἐν ἐμοὶ ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ταύτῃ] So Elz. and the editors, except Fritzsche and Tisch., read after oxavdaA. Yet Mill and Griesb. condemned the words. They are de- cisively to be rejected as an addition from Matt. xxvi, 31, as they are wholly wanting in preponderant witnesses, while others merely omit ἐν ἐμοί, and others still ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ταύτῃ. Lachm. has the latter in brackets. — διασκορπισθήσεται is an emendation (comp. on Matt. xxvi. 31), instead of which, with Lachm. and Tisch., διασκορπισθήσονται is to be read, and that with Tisch., after πρόβατα (B C DL, min.). — Ver. 29. καὶ εἰ] Fritzsche, Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.] read εἰ καί. Hither is appropriate, and with the evidence divided no decision can be arrived at, even if εἰ καί was introduced in Matthew. — Ver. 30. σύ after ὁτι is wanting in Elz., in opposition to decisive evidence. — ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ταύτῃ] ΒΟ D L &, min. Lachm. Tisch. have ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτί. Rightly ; if this order of words were from Matt. xxvi. 34, the év also would not be left out in it. —In what fol- lows τρίς μὲ ἀπ. is, with Lachm. and Tisch., to be written. The received order is from Matthew. — Ver. 31. ἐκ περισσοῦ] B Ο D &, min. have ἐκπερισσῶς. So Lachm. and Tisch. Rightly ; the unusual word was partly exchanged for the simple περισσῶς (L, min.), partly glossed by ἐκ περισσοῦ. --- ἔλεγε] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἐλάλει, following BDL &. The Recepta is a correction. Comp. on xi. 23. — μᾶλλον] is wanting in BC Ὁ L δὲ, vss., including Vulg., It. Deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. A gloss on ἐκ περισσοῦ ; hence min. have it also before these words (comp. vii. 36), and this course Fritzsche has followed. [Asin Matthew, recent editors, with nearly all the uncials, give the form Γεθσημανεί ; only in cursives does the form 17 occur.|— Ver. 35. As at Matt. xxvi. 39, so here also προσελθών is strongly attested, but it is to be rejected. [W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., with δὲ B L, Copt., read ἔπιπτεν. --- Ver. 36. τὸ ποτήρ. an’ ἐμοῦ τοῦτο] D, Hil. : τοῦτο τ. π. an’ ἐμοῦ; KM: ἀπ᾿ ἐμοῦ t.7.7.; ABC GLUXARX, min. Or. vss., including Vulg. : τ. 7. τοῦτο dx’ ἐμοῦ. In this variety of readings the last is so preponderantly attested that it is, with Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch., to be adopted. — Ver. 40. ὑποστρέψας] Lachm. has πάλιν ἐλθών, following BL 8, Copt. Pers. w. Ar. p. (Ὁ and cod. It. have merely ἐλθών). πάλιν ἐλθών is the more to be preferred, seeing that Mark is fond of the word πάλιν, and that he nowhere has the word ὑποστρέφω. But transcribers referred and joined the πάλιν to εὗρ. αὐτοὺς καθεύδ., in accordance with which ἐλθών then became glossed and supplanted by ὑποστρέψ. Accordingly the subsequent πάλιν, which by Elz, Scholz, Tisch. is read after αὐτούς, and is not found in B DL X&, min. vss., is, with Lachm., to be deleted. [Recent editors, R.V., agree with Meyer. 7 — Instead of καταβαρυνόμενοι, Elz. Scholz have βεβαρημένοι, in opposition to preponderant evidence, It is from Matthew. — Ver. 41. Elz. Scholz., Tisch. [Treg., Weiss] have τὸ λοιπόν. But the article has come in from Matthew, in opposition to considerable evidence. [W. and Hort omit in Matt., bracket here.]— Ver. 43, 172 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. After ᾿Ιούδας Fritzsche has ᾿Ισκαριώτης, Lachm. and Tisch. ὁ Ἴσκαρ. ; and this addition, sometimes with, sometimes without the article, is found in witnesses of weight (but not in B &). Rightly ; the omission is explained from the par- allels. [Treg. brackets, W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., omit.] — ὦν] after εἷς has against it such decisive evidence that it cannot be maintained by means of the parallels, nor even by ver. 10. It is to be deleted, with Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch, — πολύς] is wanting in BL δὲ, min. vss. Condemned by Rinck, brack- eted by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. From Matthew. — Ver. 45. Lachm. only reads afi once, following B C* DL M A 8, min. yss., including Vulg., codd. It. [So Tisch. VIII., recent editors, R. V.] But this reading is from Matt. xxvi. 49, whence also χαῖρε has intruded into codd. and vss. — Ver. 46. ἐπ’ αὐτὸν τ. χεῖρας αὐτῶν] Many various readings, of which Lachm. has τ. χεῖρας ἐπ᾽ adr. ; Tisch. : τ. χεῖρας αὐτῷ: The latter is attested by B Ὁ L 8** min. vss., and is to be preferred as the less usual (see on Acts xii. 1, the exegetical remarks), which was altered in accordance with Matt. xxvi. 50.— Ver. 47. tic] has, it is true, important evidence against it ; but, as being superfluous, and, moreover, as not occurring in Matt. xxvi. 51, it might have been so easily passed over, that it may not be deleted, with Lachm. and Tisch. [Tisch. VIII. retains ; Treg. omits ; W. and Hort bracket.] — Instead of ὠτίον read, with Lachm. and Tisch., following BD δὲ, 1, ὠτάριον. The former is from Matthew. — Ver. 48. The form ἐξήλθατε (Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch.) is decisively attested. — Ver. 51. εἷς τις νεανίσκ. Lachm. Tisch. read νεανίσκ. τις, following B C L δὲ, Copt. Syr. It. Vulg. (Ὁ : veaviox. δέ τις, without xa‘). The Recepta is to be maintained ; νεανίσκος τις is the most prevalent mode of expression. ['Tisch. VIII. returns to the Rec., recent editors, R. V., follow B δὲ, etc.] —Instead of ἠκολούθει, read, in accordance with B CL δὲ, συνηκολούθει (so Lachm. and Tisch.), The current simple form has crept in also at v. 37. — οἱ νεανίσκοι 15 wanting in BC* DLA &, Syr. Arr. Pers. Copt. It. Vulg. Theophylact. Rightly condemned by Griesb. (but see his Comm. crit. p. 179) and Rinck, deleted by Fritzsche, Lachm. Tisch. It came in by means of the gloss τὸν νεανίσκον, which was written in the margin beside αὐτόν, as Slav. still renders τὸν νεανίσκον instead of αὐτὸν οἱ νεανίσκοι. The τὸν νεανίσκον written in the margin was easily changed into οἱ νεανίσκοι, since the absence of a fitting subject for κρατοῦσιν might be felt. — Ver. 52. ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν] bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch., has considerable testimony against it ; yet, a8 being quite superfluous, it was more easily passed over than added. [Rejected by recent editors, R. V.]— Ver. 53. αὐτῷ after ovvépy. is wanting in DLA δὲ, Vulg. It. Or. Deleted by Tisch. [W. and Hort text ; but retained by Treg., Weiss, R. V.] An omission from misunderstanding. —[Ver. 61. Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with δὲ B C L, 33, Copt., read οὐκ ἀπεκρ. ovdév.] — Ver. 65. ἔβαλλον] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἔλαβον on decisive evidence. ἔλαβον not being understood, was variously altered. — Ver. 67. ᾿Ιησοῦ jo6a] BCL ®& have ἦσθε τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ. So Lachm. and Tisch. D A, min. vss., including Vulg. and codd. It., have τοῦ "Ino. before τοῦ Nag. The latter is in accordance with the usual mode of expression, and with Matt. xxvi. 69. ἧσθα τοῦ ᾿Ἰησοῦ is to be adopted ; this τοῦ ᾿Τησοῦ following was omitted (so still in min., Fritzsche), and was then variously restored. — Ver. 68. οὐκ... οὐδέ] Lachm. has otre.. . οὔτε, following B DL δὲ, Eus. So now Tisch. also; and rightly. See Matthew. - τί od λέγεις Lachm. and Tisch. have σὺ τί λέγεις, following BC L A 8, min. Rightly ; σύ was omitted (so still in D, Vulg. It.), and then was restored at the OBAP. XIVUS 1 2: 173 place that first presented itself after τί. --- καὶ ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησε] is wanting, indeed, in B L δὲ, Copt. Colb. (bracketed by Lachm.); but the omission is manifestly caused by comparison with Matthew. [Retained by Tisch., R. V. text, omitted by W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V. marg.] — Ver. 70. καὶ ἡ λαλία cov ὁμοιάζει] So Elz. Scholz, Fritzsche, after Ταλιλ. ci. But the words are wanting inBC DLR, min. Copt. Sahid. Vulg. codd. It. Eus. Aug. Condemned by Griesb., deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. An interpolation from Matt. xxvi. 73, in accordance with the very old reading in that place (D, codd. It.), ὁμοιάζει. If the words were genuine, they would hardly have been passed over, contain- ing, as they do, so familiar and noteworthy a particular of the history ; the appeal to the homoeoteleuton is not sufficient. —- Ver. 71. Instead of ὀμνύειν (comp. Matthew), ὀμνύναι is sufficiently vouched for by BE HL SUVXT, min. — Ver. 72. εὐθέως after καί is wanting in Elz., but it is attested by B D G@ L & (which, with L, has not ἐκ devr.), min. Syr. Arr. Aeth. Arm. Vulg. codd. It. Eus., and adopted by Griesb. Fritzsche, Scholz, Lachm. Nevertheless it was far easier for it to be introduced from Matt. xxvi. 74 than for it, with its prevalent use and appropriateness, to be omitted. Hence, on the important evidence for its omission (including A C), it is, with Tisch., to be struck out. [Tisch. VIII, retains εὐθύς, this being the form given in the older manuscripts ; so recent editors, R. V. ; but W. and Hort bracket it in the margin. ] — Instead of τὸ ῥῆμα 0, the Recepta has τοῦ ῥήματος οὗ, in opposition to decisive witnesses, among which, however, A B C L A δὲ, min. Copt. Sahid. read τὸ ῥῆμα ὡς. Lachm. and Tisch. [recent editors, R. V.] have the latter ; and with this pre- ponderant attestation, it is to be regarded as original (followed also by Luke xxii. 61). Vv. 1, 2. See on Matt. xxvi. 2-5. Comp. Luke xxii. 1, 2. Including this short introduction of simple historical tenor (in which Luke follows him), Mark is, in the entire narrative of the passion, generally more original, fresh, and free from later additions and amplifications of tradition than Mat- thew (comp. Weiss, 1861, p. 52 ff.), although the latter again is the more origi- nal in various details. — τὸ πάσχα κ. τὰ ἄζυμα] the Passover and the unleavened (MSDN), 1.6... the feast of the Passover and (which it likewise is) of the un- leavened. Comp. 3 Esdr. i. 19: ἠγάγοσαν... τὸ πάσχα καὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων. On τὰ ἄζυμα as a designation of the feast, comp. 3 Esdr. i. 10 : ἔχοντες Ta ἄζυμα κατὰ τὰς φυλάς. --- ἔλεγον γάρ] This γάρ (see the critical re- marks) informs us of the reason of the ἐζήτουν πῶς previously said ; for the feast was in their way, so that they could not at once proceed, but believed that they must let it first go quietly by, so that no tumult might occur. Victor Antiochenus remarks : τὴν μὲν ἑορτὴν ὑπερθέσθαι βούλονται οὐ συγχω- ροῦντο δὲ, ἐπειδὴ τὴν προφητείαν ἔδει πληροῦσθαι τὴν ἐν τῇ νομικῇ διατυπώσει, ἐν ἡ τὸ πάσχα ἐδύετο, μηνὶ πρώτῳ τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ" ἐν τούτῳ γὰρ τῷ μηνὶ καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τὸ ἀληθινὸν πάσχα ἔδει θυτῆναι, ‘‘they determined to pass over the feast ; but they were not permitted, since it was necessary that the prophecy be fulfilled, that in the legal statute, according to which the pass- over came in on the fourteenth day of the first month ; for in this month and on this day it was necessary that the true passover should be slain.” A view right in itself ; not, however, according to the Synoptic, but according 174 THE GOSPEL OF MARK. to the Johannine account of the day of the death of Jesus. [See on ver. 12.] — ἔσται] shall be, certainty of what was otherwise to be expected.! Vv. 3-9.? See on Matt. xxvi. 6-13. [See Note LXXXVII., p. 183.] Comp. John xii. 1-8, who also has the peculiar expression πιστικῆς, either directly from Mark, or from the form of tradition from which Mark also adopted it. Luke has at vii. 36 ff. a history of an anointing, but a different one. — μύρου νάρδου] On the costliness of this, see Pliny, H. N. xiii. 2. — πιστικῆς}" πιστικός, in demonstrable usage, means nothing else than (1) convincing, per- suading (Xen. Cyrop. i. 6. 10: πιστικωτέρους . . . λόγους, Plato, Gorg. p. 455 . πιστικὸς μόνον), thus being equivalent to πειστικός : (2) Saithful, trustworthy (Artemidorus, Oneir. 11. 32, p. 121: γυνὴ πιστικὴ καὶ οἰκουρός, Comp. πιστικῶς, Plut. Pel. 8 ; Scymn. orb. descr. 42), thus equivalent The latter signification is here to be maintained : nard, on which one can rely, .6., unadulterated genuine nard, as Eusebius, Demonstr. ev. 9, calls the gospel ‘‘the good cheer of the genuine (τοῦ πιστικοῦ) mixed wine (κράματος) of the new covenant " (where the contextual reference to the drink- ing lies not in πιστικοῦ, but in κράματος). The opposite is ‘‘ pseudo-nardus” (Plin. H. NV. xii. 12. 26), with which the genuine nard was often adulterated (comp. also Dioscor. mat. med. i. 6 f.). [See Note LXXXVIIL., p. 183.] This is the explanation already given by Theophylact, Euthymius Zigabenus (both of whom, however, add that a special kind of nard may also be intend- ed), and most of the older and more recent commentators (Liicke is not decided). But Fritzsche (following Casaubon, Beza, Erasmus Schmid, Maldonatus, and others of the older expositors quoted by Wolf, who deduce it from πίνω) derives it from πιπίσκω, and explains it as nardus potabilis. Certainly anointing oils, and especially oil of spikenard, were drunk mingled with wine ;* but the actual wsws loguendi stands decidedly opposed to this view, for according to it πιστός doubtless’ has the signification of drinkable, but not πιστικός, even apart from the facts that the context does not point to this quality, and that it is asserted not of the ointment, but of the nard (the plant). The wsws loguendi, moreover, is decisive against all other ex- planations, such as that of the Vulgate :° spicati ;’ and that of Scaliger : pounded nard (equivalent to πιστικῆς), from πτίσσω, although this etymology in itself would be possible (Lobeck, Paralip. p. 31). Others have derived A: ὁ ῥήτωρ ἐστι. ἴο πιστός. 1 Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 140. 2 Holtzmann, p. 95, attributes to this episode the significant purpose of introduc- ing the attitude of the betrayer, whose psychological crisis had now set in, in making advances to meet the Sanhedrim. But this could only be the case, if Mark and Matthew had »amed Judas as the murmur- er. Now Mark has τινές in general, and Matthew designates ot μαϑηταί as the mur- murers. John is the first to name Judas. 3 See on this word, Fritzsche in Joc., and inthe Hall. Lit. Z. 1840, p. 179 ff.; Liicke on John xii. 3; Winer, p. 89 [E. T. 97 f.]; Wichelhaus, Leidensgesch. Ὁ. 74f.; Stephani Thes., ed. Hase, VI. p. 1117. 4 Athen. xy. p. 689; Lucian, Wigrin. 31; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 303; Hirtius, de dell. Hisp. 33.5; Plin. H. WV. xiv. 19.5; and see in gen- eral, Hermann, Privatalterth. § 26. 8, 9. 5 Aesch. Prom. 478; Lobeck, Technol. p. 131. 6Comp. Castalio, Hammond, Grotius, Wetstein, Rosenmiiller. 7™ Mark having retained the Latin word, but having given to it another form. See also Estius, Annot. p. 892.—Several codd. of the It., too, have the translation spicati ; others: pistici, Vere. : optimi. CHAP. XIv., 10-16. 175 πιστικῆς from the proper name of some unknown place (Pistie nard), as did Augustine ; but this was a eutting of the Κπού." --- πολυτελοῦς] belongs to μύρου, not to νάρδου, which has its epithet already, and see ver. 5. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 7. ---- συντρίψασα] neither: she rubbed it and poured, ete. (Kypke), nor : she shook the vessel,’ but: she broke it,* namely, the narrow (Plin. H. ἮΝ. ix. 35) neck of the vessel, for she had destined the entire con- tents for Jesus, nothing to be reserved. — τὴν ἀλάβ.] ἀλάβαστρος occurs in all the three genders, and the codices vary accordingly. See the critical re- marks. —airov τῆς κεφαλῆς) (see the critcal remarks) on him upon the head, without the preposition usual in other cases,‘ κατά before τῆς κεφαλῆς. ---- Ver. 4, But there were some, who grumbled to one another (uttered grumblings to one another). πρὸς éavr., as at xi. 31, x. 26, al. What they murmured, is contained in what follows, without καὶ λέγοντες. — Ver. 5. ἐνεβριμ. αὐτῇ] they were angry at her. Comp. i. 43. — Ver. 7. καὶ ὅταν θέλητε x.t.4.] certainly an amplifying addition of tradition, found neither in Matthew nor in John. — Ver. 8. What she was able (to do) she has done; the greatest work of love which was possible to her, she has done. Comp. Xen. Mem. 11. 1. 80 : διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν, ὅ τι ποιῆς. -- προέλαβε κ.τ.λ.}] Beforehand she hath anointed my body on behalf of embalming (in order thereby to embalm it). . 68. CHAP. II., 2. 267 (Stern d. Weisen, Ὁ. 88 ff.), Neander, Hug (Gwtacht.), and others: that ἡγεμονεύοντ. is here to be taken in a wider meaning, and that Quirinius had held that first ἀπογραφή in Syria as extraordinary commissioner of the em- peror, as to which appeal is made, partly in general to the imperial favor which Quirinius enjoyed, partly to Tac. Ann. iii. 48, according to which he was nearly about that time in the East with extraordinary commissions, partly to the analogy of the Gallic census held by Germanicus (Tac. Ann. 1. 31), and so forth. This expedient would only be possible, if ἡγεμον. stood by itself in the passage, and not τῆς Συρίας beside it. And if ἡγεμον. were meant proleptically : under the subsequent praeses (Lardner in Bowyer, Con- ject. I. p. 120; Miinter), Luke could hardly have proceeded more awkwardly than by thus omitting the point whereon his being understood depended (it must have been expressed in some such way as Kupyviov τοῦ ὕστερον ἡγεμ. τῆς Συρίας). (3) Gerlach thinks that at the time of Christ’s birth Varus, indeed, was ἡγεμών of Syria, but Quirinius was placed by his side as legatus Caesaris proconsulari potestate for the purpose of making war upon the Ho- monades, and had at that time— consequently likewise as ἡγεμών ---ἀη 6 γ- taken the census, which, however, he brought to no right conclusion, and only carried out subsequently under his second praesidium. But granted that the Tiburtine inscription (see upon that subject Gerlach, p. 25, 39 ff.), which Huschke refers to Agrippa, Zumpt to Saturninus, is rightly referred, with Sanclemente, Nipperdey, Bergmann, and Gerlach, to Quirinius, and that a twofold legatio of the latter to Asia took place : how could Luke with his simple and plain words intend to designate that complicated his- torical relation and leave the reader to guess it ? To the latter Quirinius presented himself only as ordinary and single praeses of Syria. Compare, moreover, what is said afterwards in opposition to von Gumpach. (4) At variance with the text is the expedient of Paulus, who substantially is fol- lowed by Gersdorf, Gléckler, Krabbe, Mack (Bericht ib. Strauss, krit. Beard. ἃ. Leb. J. p. 84 ff.), Hofmann, Weissag. u. Hrf. ΤΙ. p. δά, Ebrard, Lange, L. J. V1. 1, p. 94 (comp. also Tholuck, Glaubwiirdigk. p. 184 ff., and Olshau- sen): that the word is to be accented as αὐτή (ipsa) : the first recording itself took place while Quirinius, etc.; the issuing of the edict ensued at the time of the birth of Jesus, but the census itself did not occur till under Quirinius.? This is erroneous, as in fact ver. 3 relates the very carrying out? of the ἀπογ- ράφεσϑαι, and this ver. 3 ff. must be conceived as following immediately upon the edict. (5) Von Gumpach lays stress on ἐγένετο, whereby he regards 1 Gl6ckler, Krabbe, Mack, and Tholuck, taxation of Quirinius. This is a makeshift, however, do not hold the accentuation αὐτή as requisite, and Kohler rejects it. 2 Ebrard, p. 177, wishes to set aside this difficulty by the explanation that while an ἀπογράφεσθαι in the sense of a registration already occurred at the time of the birth of Jesus, Luke availed himself of the double meaning of ἀπογραφή, which also signifies the actual census, ‘in an easy and unre- strained manner” to set forth how the work begun in the registration was completed in the which imputes to Luke a very enigmatical and awkward use of the word ἀπογραφή. 3 So also does Kohler, who besides, with Hofmann and Ebrard, lays stress on the fact that the passage runs not as ἡ πρώτη, but simply πρώτη. Luke is thus made to say: this taxation was completed as the first taxation, etc. ; it was, namely, begun doubt- less, but was soon stopped and was only carried out under Quirinius. Comp. already Calvin and Gerlach above. Nothing of this 268 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Luke as indicating that in ver. 1 he has spoken only of the placing on the register, and would not have the same confounded with the actual levying of taxation, which was not carried into execution until under Quirinius. Against this it may be urged that Luke would have known how to express the real- ization, as contrasted with what was intended, otherwise than by the simple ἐγένετο, or that he would at least have placed this word, and that witha more precise definition (ὄντως dé ἐγένετο, or the like), at the head of the sentence ; as well as that he, in order to have the ἀπογραφή recognized as something different from and later than the mere registration, must have made use of another word, and not again of ἀπογραφή so similar to the ἀπογράφεσϑαι. (6) Aberle seeks by learned combination to show that even before the death of Herod Quirinius had actually become praeses Syriae, but that as rector juven- tutis to the emperor’s grandson Caius, he was still temporarily detained in Rome by Augustus,’ and his governorship remained virtually unknown in the east and west, but is to be assigned to the year 749. But while there is certain attestation that he was rector juventutis to Caius (Tacitus, Ann. 111. 48), in which post he was succeeded by Lollius (see Zumpt, p. 102), there is no evidence at all for the assumption of a contemporary praesidium Syriae, which he must have held nominally (thus somewhat like an episcopus in par- tibus). And how should this state of things, which had remained unknown and was only noticed by jurists and notaries for the sake of the dating of documents, have become known to Luke in particular, and have been left by him without any explanation, in such a way that from his words we can only understand the praeses Syriaein the primary and usual sense, according to which the praeses resides in his province and administers the same ?— It is not to be inferred, moreover, from the ignorance which Luke betrays at Acts v. 36 ff., that the addition πρώτη proceeds not from Luke, but from an older Jewish-Christian writer (Késtlin, p. 245); for that ignorance con- cerned not the census of Quirinius, but the time of the insurrection of Theu- das. — ἡγεμον.} the general word for the post of a chief, here shown by the context (τῆς Συρίας) to be used of the provincial chief, praeses (proconsul). Comp. Joseph. Antt. xviii. 4. 2: In Luke iii. 1, used of the Procurator. — Κυρηνίου] P. Sulpicius Quirinius previously in the year 742 consul, praeses of Syria in the years 6-11 after Christ, died in Rome in the year 21 after Christ. See Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 18 f.; Gerlach, 1.6. His name is usually written Quirinus ; by others (so Wetstein, Valckenaer, Ewald, Gerlach, al.), Quirinius. In the case of the Roman writers (espe- cially Florus, iv. 12. 41; Tacitus, Ann. ii. 30, iii. 22. 48) the manuscripts vary ; from a coin and inscription, which have Qwirinus, nothing can be Συρίας τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχων. appears in the text, and the article with already, at the time of Christ’s birth, filled πρώτη would make no difference at all, since, as is well known, the ordinal num- bers may stand with or without an article (Poppo, ad Thucyd. ii. 70. 5, iv. 90. 3, Goth.). 1 Varus having in the mean while contin- ued still to exercise the powers of goy- ernor. As well according to Gerlach as according to Aberle, Varus is held to have the office of governor in Syria, which, moreover, Norisius, Cenotaph. Pis. 11. p. 82 f., and others maintained. But this is at variance with Tertullian, /.c., comp. ec. 7, where it can only be regarded as a very arbitrary assumption that Saturninus is no longer meant @s governor, CHAPS il... 2: 269 decided in view of the great doubt as to their genuineness.! But it is cer- tain that among the Greeks (Strabo, xii. 6, p. 569; Josephus, Justin Martyr) the name is written with the termination IO ; and, as this manner of writ- ing is at all events decidedly correct in our passage (Ὁ Ὁ E F, etc., includ- ing x, likewise Eusebius, Chrysostom, etc.), whereas among the codices only B reads Κυρείνου (hence Lachmann reads Κυρίνου), the form Quirinius, which easily became confounded with the familiar Roman word Quirinus (= Quirinalis), is to be preferred. The confusion occurred the more easily, as Quirinus, Kupivoc (Plutarch), or Kupivoc (Leon. phil. 1) was also a Roman name. At all events, Luke himself had in his mind the name Quwirinius. RemarK.—[See Note XXI., p. 287 seq.] The statement of Luke, so far as it affirms that at the time of the birth of Christ an imperial census was taken, and that it was the first that was provincially carried out by the Syrian praeses Qui- rinius, is manifestly incorrect. For (1) the praesidium of Quirinius is placed about ten years too early ; and (2) an imperial census, if such an one should have been held at all at the time of the birth of Jesus (which, however, cannot from other sources be proved, for the passages of Christian authors, Cassiodorus, Var. iii. 52, Suidas, s.v. ἀπογραφή, plainly depend on the narrative of Luke, as also does the chronologically erroneous statement of Isidor. Orig. v. 36. 4), can- not have affected Palestine at all,’ since it had not yet become a Roman province, which did not happen till 759. And, indeed, the ordaining of so abnormal and disturbing a measure in reference to Palestine—a measure, which assuredly would not be carried through without tumultuary resistance—would have been so uncommonly important for Jewish history, that Josephus would certainly not have passed it over in absolute silence (Antt. xvii. 1. 1 does not bear on it); especially as it was not the rex socius himself, Herod, but the Roman governor, who was, according to Luke (in opposition to Wieseler), the authority conduct- ing it. But (3) the holding withal of a general census of the empire under Augustus is historically altogether unvouched for ; it isa matter of history (see the Monum. Ancyran. in Wolf, ed. Sueton. II. p. 369 ff.; comp. Sueton. Aug. 27) that Augustus thrice, in 726, 746, and 767, held a census populi, i.e., a census of the Roman citizens, but not also of the whole provinces of the empire (see, in opposition to Huschke, Wieseler, p. 84 ff.). Should we, on the other hand, as- sume, with Wieseler, that the census had only the provinces in view and had been taken up in the different provinces in different years, and with the utmost indulgence to provincial peculiarities,—the object aimed at being the settling of an uniform system of taxation (comp. Savigny in the Zeitschr. fiir geschichtl. Rechtswiss. VI. p. 350), —the text of Luke would stand opposed toit. For, accord- ing to that text, (a) the whole Roman empire is subjected to a census ; (b) this quite universal census is ordained at once in the edict, which, on Wieseler’s hypothe- sis of the gradual and indulgent mode of its execution by the politic Augus- tus, would have been imprudent ; and (0) it is represented as an actual tax- census, aS was the well-known (according to Luke, second) census Quirinii, in which case the alleged indulgence is imported. Nevertheless, criticism pronounces judgment on itself, when it designates the whole account as to the census as an invention of legend (Strauss ; comp. 1See Gerlach, p. 37, who cites another from Marini, Ac¢. IT. 782. inscription, which actually reads Quirinio, 2 See Mommsen in Bergm. p. iv, ff, 270 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Kern, Urspr. des Evang. p. 118 ff.; Weisse, I. p. 236), or even of Luke (B. Bauer), which is made in order to bring Mary with Joseph to Bethlehem. Comp. the frivolous opinion of Hichthal, IT, p. 184 f. What a strange and dispropor- tionate machinery for this purpose! No; something of the nature of a census, and that by command of the emperor, must have taken place in the Roman empire '—a registration, as regards which it is quite an open question whether it was taken with or without a design to the future regulation of taxation, or merely had for its aim the levying of statistics. The consolidating aims of the government of Augustus, and, in reference to Palestine, the dependence of the vassal-king Herod, take away from it all historical improbability, even apart from the analogous measure—that had already preceded it—of the survey of the whole Roman empire instituted by Augustus (Frontinus in the Auct. rei agrar., ed. Goes. p. 109 ; Aethicus Ister, Cosmogr., ed. Gronov. p. 26). Further, as Quirinius was not at that time praeses, he can only have acted in this statistical measure as extraordinary commissioner, which is the less improbable, because apart from this he was then in the East by order of the emperor (see above), and because the politic Augustus very naturally as to that business put more confidence in an approved impartial commissioner than in the reges socii themselves or in the interested proconsuls. And this action of Quirinius en- ables us to understand how tradition, in the gradual obscuring and mixing up of its recollections, should have made him praeses Syriae at that time, since he was so subsequently, and how the registration in question was made into a census, because subsequently he actually as Syrian governor? had charge of a census ; and from this mixing up of times and matters resulted at the same time the desig- nation of the ἀπογραφή as πρώτη, Which occurred ἡγεμονεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Kv- pnviov. Thus Luke has narrated what actually happened in the erroneous form which it received from the tradition. But if we conceive of the ἀπογραφή as merely a revision of the genealogical family registers (Schleiermacher, Olshausen, ed. 1, Bleek), which probably was ordained only by the spiritual authorities, and perhaps had reference merely to the family of David, it is no longer easy to see how Luke, or the source from which he drew, could make out of it some- thing thoroughly and specifically different. According to Schweizer in the theol. Jahrb. 1847, p. 1 ff., Luke has really in the passage before us, at variance with iii. 1, made Jesus be born in the year of the taxing of Quirinius, Acts v. 37, and thus long after the death of Herod,—in spite of his own distinct state- ment, i. 5 !—The hypotheses, moreover, that Luke intended by the enrolment of Jesus (Ὁ) in the register of the Empire to point to the universal destination of the Redeemer (Wieseler ; comp. Erasmus, Bengel, and already Theophylact and Euthymius Zigabenus), or to the coincidence of the birth of the Messiah and the redemption of Israel with the political bondage of the people (Ebrard), or to the manner in which Jesus in His mother’s womb was most surprisingly dealt with 1 Possibly of the population, of the civil and military resources, of the finances, etc., as, according to Tacitus, Anm. i. 11, the Breviarium totius imperii (Sueton. Octav. 28,101) of Augustus contained columns of that kind. See above onver. 1. 2 Aberle, indeed, calls this in question, holding that Quirinius was at the later census merely a simple Legatus Caesaris. Although Josephus does not expressly name him ἡγεμών, he is still, in Anft. xviii. 1. 1, sufficiently indicated as such. Comp. Hil- genfeld, p. 413 ff. Apart from this, the ex- pression ἡγεμονεύοντος in the passage before us is only an erroneously anticipating 7eflex of that, which subsequently Quirinius was in fact, and notoriously, as respects his real census attended by consequences so grave. CHAP, ἘΠῚ 3: 271 as a Roman subject (Hofmann), are purely arbitrary creations of that subjectiv- ity, which has the utmost delightin discovering a mystical reference behind every simple historical statement. Ver. 3 ff. Πάντες] in the Jewish land, for which ver. 2 has prepared, and see ver. 4. Obviously only all those are meant, who did not dwell in their ἰδία πόλις ; ἕκαστος 15 ἃ distributive apposition (Ameis on Homer, Od. x. 397). — εἰς τ. ἰδίαν πόλιν] the more precise definition is furnished by ver. 4. [See critical note.] This statement, too, does not suit a census proper ; for to this every one was required to subject himself at his dwelling-place, or at the place where he had his forum originis (see Huschke, p. 116 ff.), where- as in our passage the Jewish principle of tribe is the basis. And if the mat- ter were not a census, but a mere registration (see above), there was no reason for departing from the time-hallowed division of the people, or for not having the matter carried out in Jewish form. The actual historical state of the case shines here through the traditional dress of a census. — πόλιν Aav. | The city where David was born, 1 Sam. xvii. 11. — Βεϑλεέμ] see on Matt. 11. 1. —é& οἴκου x. πατριᾶς Aav.| The tribes proceeding from the sons of Jacob were called φυλαί (MWD) ; the branches proceeding from the sons of these patriarchs, πατριαί (MINDY) ; the single families of such a tribal branch, οἶκοι (MAN 3).! Joseph was thus of the family descending from David, and belonged to the same branch of the tribe to which David had belonged. A circumstantial designation of this important relationship. As to πατριά, moreover, see on Eph. iii. 15. — civ Μαριάμ] does not belong to ἀνέβη (Pau- lus, Hofmann, Ebrard), but to ἀπογράψ. beside which it stands : in order to have himself enrolled with Mary, etc. But that Mary had of necessity to share the journey with him (which was not requisite in the case of a census, when only the names of the women and children had to be specified,? is the less to be supposed, as in the main the form of the execution of the ἀπογραφή was the Jewish one, ver. 3. Nevertheless, wives (in this case Mary as one betrothed, who according to Jewish law was placed on the same footing as the wife) had to be likewise entered in the register, which must have been amatter of Roman enactment, but for which it was not nec- essary that they should come personally with their husbands to the spot. We have consequently to abide by the view that Mary undertook the jour- ney with her husband voluntarily, according to her own and Joseph’s wish, in order to remain under the protection of her betrothed (not exactly on ac- count of the troublous times,—an idea which Ebrard imports). There are various arbitrary hypotheses, such as : that she travelled with him on account of the poll-tax (Huschke) ; that she wished still as a maiden to represent her father’s house, and longed after Bethlehem in the theocratic feeling of maternity (Lange) ; that the command for the taxing extended also to the children and contained a definite point of time, just about which Mary expected her delivery (von Gumpach), And the hypothesis that 1 See Kypke, I. p. 213 ; Winer, Realwérterd. 2 Dion. Hal. iv. 14; See Strauss, I. p. 285, 8.0. Stimme ; Gesenius, Thes. I. p. 198, III. and Huschke, p. 121, in opposition to Tho- p. 1463. luck, p. 191. R72 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Mary was an heiress, who had an estate in Bethlehem (Michaelis, Kui- noel, Olshausen ; with hesitation Bleek and Kohler), is utterly unfounded as regards Luke in particular, since he has not the smallest trace of any earlier connection with Bethlehem and makes Mary in her travail not find even friendly lodging there. — τῇ ἐμνηστ. αὐτῷ] Thus, according to Luke, she was still only his betrothed (i. 27 ; Matt. i. 18), and the marriage was not yet completed. At variance with Matt. i. 24. [See Note XXII, p. 288.] A dif- ferent form assumed by the tradition of the virgin birth. Evasive sug- gestions are resorted to by Beza, Grotius, and others, including Schegg and Bisping (that Luke expresses himself thus, because Joseph had only con- ducted himself as one betrothed towards Mary). — οὔσῃ éyxiw] not : because she was pregnant (von Gumpach), but : whe was pregnant (Acts xxiv. 24 ; Rom. i. 16, and frequently). The observation forms the transition to what follows. Remark.—From Mary’s sharing in the journey we are not to conclude that she likewise was of the family of David (Grotius, Kuinoel, and others). [See Notes X., XI, p. 258.] She journeyed voluntarily with Joseph as his future wife, and Joseph journeyed as a member of the house of David. If Luke had had in his mind the thought that Mary shared the journey as a descendant of David, he must have written, and that at the end of ver. 5, διὰ τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς x.7.A. But comp. on i. 36, and on Matt. i. 17, Remark 2. ΠῚ Ver. 6 f. ᾿Επλήσϑησαν αἱ ἡμέραι τοῦ τεκεῖν αὐτήν] Comp. 1. 57. The suppo- sition (see as early as Protevang. Jac. 17) that Mary was surprised by the pains of labor on the way, is set aside by the ἐν τῷ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ. And probably she had hoped to be able to finish the journey before her delivery. ‘‘Non videtur scisse, se vi prophetiae (Mic. v. 2) debere Bethlehemi parere, sed providentia coelestis omnia gubernavit, ut ita fieret,” ‘‘she does not seem to have known that by virtue of prophecy (Mic. v. 2) she ought to bring forth at Bethlehem, but heavenly providence ruled all things so that it might thus occur,” Bengel. — That Mary was delivered without pain and injury is proved by Fathers and expositors, such as even Maldonatus and Estius, from the fact that she herself swaddled the child and laid it in the manger ! --- τὸν πρωτότοκον] See on Matt. i. 25. The evasive sug- gestion resorted to, that this word is used without reference to later born children, appears the more groundless in view of the agreement of Matthew and Luke, —éorapydv.] She swaddled him ; frequently used in Greek writers. — ἐν ¢drvy] without the article (see the critical remarks) : she deposited him in a manger. Many, including Paulus and Kuinoel, have, contrary to linguistic usage, made of it a stable.‘ —év τῷ καταλύματι] 1That a stable (in opposition to Ebrard) was the place of the birth, follows from ἐν φάτνῃ, διότι x.7.A. It is possible that the stable was a vock-cave, which an old legend (Justin. c. Tryph. 78; Orig. 6. Cels.i. 51; Protevang. Jac. 18) designates as the place of the birth, not without suspicion, however, by reason of its appeal to Isa. xxxiii, 16, LXX. Moreover, that tradition transfers the cave expressly only to the neighborhood of the little town, and states withal of Joseph : οὐκ εἶχεν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ ἐκείνῃ ποῦ κατα- λῦσαι, “he did not have in that village where to lodge,’ Justin, 15. Over this grotto designated by the legend Helena built the church Mariae de praesepio. Comp. CHAP. II., 8-10. 273 in the inn (x. 34), where they lodged—probably on account of the number of strangers who were present on the same occasion. If we should wish to understand it as : the house of a friendly host (for the signification of καταλύμα is generally a place of shelter, lodging, comp. xxii. 11), it would remain im- probable that a friendly host, even with ever so great restriction of room, should not have made a chamber in the house available for swch an exigency. [See Note XXIII., p. 288.] The text suggests nothing indicative of an inhos- pitable treatment (Calvin). Ver. 8 f. Ποιμένες] not οἱ ποιμένες. --- ἀγραυλοῦντες] staying out in the open fields ; Plut. Num. 4; Parthen. Hrot. xxix. 1, and the ποιμένες ἄγραυλοι al- ready in Homer, 171. xviii. 162. — φυλάσσ. φυλακάς] often conjoined also among the Greek writers.! The plural applies to the different watch-stations. — τῆς νυκτός] not belonging to φυλακάς, but : by night, definition of time for aypava. and φυλάσσ. --- According to this statement, Jesus cannot have been born in December, in the middle of the rainy season (Robinson, Pal. II. p. 505 f.), as has been since the fourth century supposed with a probable join- ing on of the festival to the Natales solis invicti (see Gieseler, Kirchengesch. I. 2, p. 287 f. ed. 4). [See Note XXIV., p. 288.] Just as little can He have been born on the sixth day of January, which in the East was even earlier fixed as the festival of the birth and baptism (still other times fixed as the day of birth may be seen in Clement Al. Strom. I. p. 339 f. Sylb.). According to the Rabbins, the driving forth of the flocks took place in March, the bringing in of them in November (see Lightfoot); and if this is established at least as the usual course, it certainly is not in favor of the hypothesis (Wieseler) that Jesus was born in February (750), and necessitates precarious accessory assumptions. — [On ἰδού, see critical note.] ἐπέστη] Comp. xxiv. 4; Acts xii. 7, xvii. 5. In the classical writers it is used also of theophanies, of appearances in dreams, and the like, frequently since Homer (J/. xxiii. 106, x. 496), denot- ing their swdden emergence, which nevertheless is implied not in the word in itself, but in the text. — δόξα κυρίου] MT N33, radiance by which God is surrounded. Comp. Ewald, ad Apoc. p. 311. God’s glorious radiance (comp. Acts vii. 2) had streamed down with the angel. ‘‘In omni humilia- tione Christi per decoram quandam protestationem cautum est gloriae ejus divinae,” ‘‘In all the humiliation of Christ there was through a certain seemly protestation a care for His divine glory,” Bengel. Ver. 10 ff. Παντὶ τῷ λαῷ] to the whole (Israelitish) people. —éréydy bur) that (that, namely) there was born to you this day, etc. The ὑμῖν, in reference to the shepherds, is individualizing. ---- σωτὴρ x.7.2.] a deliverer—and now comes His special more precise definition : who is Messiah, Lord! Χριστὸς κύριος is not to be taken together, as it never occurs thus in the N. T. — ἐν 762. Aav.] belonging to ἐτέχϑη. ‘‘Haec periphrasis remittit pastores ad prophetiam, quae tum implebatur,” ‘‘ This periphrasis refers the shepherds to the proph- ecy which is now being fulfilled,” Bengel. Mic. v. 3. --- τὸ σημεῖον] the ap- also Robinson, Pal. II. p. 284 ff.; Ritter, and the passages in Kypke. Comp. Erdk. XVI. p. 292 ff. See, ontheotherhand, i DW Ww [A.V.: ‘keep the charge,” Gersdorf, p. 221; Bornemann, Schol. p. 18. Bs ΣῈ ἕ : Ε ᾿ ? Π|ῦ" tch th h’’], Num. i. 53, αἰ. 1 Plat. Phacdr. p. 240E; Xen, Anab.ii, 6.10, it» Wateh the watch], Num. 18 274 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. pointed sign of recognition.’ — βρέφος] not : the child (Luther), but : a child. The word denotes either the still unborn child (as 1. 41 ; Hom. 47. xxii. 266), or, as in this case (comp. xviii. 15 ; Acts vil. 19; 1 Pet. ii. 2; also as a strong expression of the thought, 2 Tim. iii. 15) and very often in the clas- sical writers, the new-born child. —iorapy.] adjectival : a swaddled child, Venn de Ver. 13. Πλῆϑος orp. obp.] a multitude of the heavenly host (D.2W 83¥), a multitude of angels. The (satellite-) host of the angels surrounds God’s throne. 1 Kings xxii. 19 ; 2 Chron. xviii. 18 ; Ps. cili. 21, cxlviii. 2 ; Matt. xxvi. 58; Rev. xix. 14, al.?— Ver. 14. δόξα ἐν ὑψίστοις x.7.2. According to the reading εὐδοκίας (see the critical remarks, and Nosselt, Hzercitatt. p. 171 ff.): Glory (is, comp. 1 Pet. iv. 11) in the heaven to God, and on earth salvation among men who are well-pleasing! 'The angels declare to the praise of God (ver. 13) that on account of the birth of the Messiah God is glorified in heaven (by the angels), and that on the earth there is now salvation among men, to whom in and with the new-born child has been imparted God’s good pleasure.* They thus contemplate the Messiah’s work as having already set in with His birth, and celebrate it in a twofold manner in refer- ence to heaven and earth (comp. Isa. vi. 3). Their exclamation is not a wish, as it is usually rendered by supplying ἔστω or εἴη, but far stronger,—a triumphant affirmation of the existing blessed state of things. The ἐν ἀϑρώπ. εὐδοκίας (genitive of quality, see Winer, p. 211 f. [E. T. 236 1.1) adds to the scene of the εἰρήνη the subjects, among whom it prevails (comp. Plat. Symp. p. 197 Οὐ; these, namely, are those who believe in the Messiah, designated in reference to God whose grace they possess, as men who are well pleasing (to Him). Comp. Test. Χ ΤΙ. Patr. p. 587 : καὶ εὐδοκήσει κύριος ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀγαπη- τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἕως αἰώνων, ‘* And the Lord will be well pleased (εὐδοκήσει) with His beloved unto eternity” (ἕως αἰώνων). Observe, moreover, the correla- tion which exists (1) between δόξα and εἰρήνη ; (2) between ἐν ὑψίστοις and ἐπὶ γῆς ; and (3) between Θεῷ and ἐν ἀνϑρώποις εὐδοκίας. By ἐν ὑψίστοις (im regions, which are the highest of all, xix. 38) the angels declare what takes place in the highest heaven, whence they have just come down. Comp. Matt. xxi. 9; Wisd. ix. 17; Ecclus. xliii. 9; Job xvi. 19 ; Heb. i. 3. — By εἰρήνη they mean not only peace (usually understood of the peace of reconcil- iation), but the entire salvation, of which the new-born child is the bearer ; comp. i. 79. [See Note XXV., p. 288 seq.] — With the Recepta εὐδοκία, the hymn would also consist of only two parts, divided by xai,* which is not for 1 According to the notice σήμερον, and in view of the smallness of Bethlehem, the sign specified by κείμενον ἐν φάτνῃ was suf- Jiciently certain at once to guide inquiry to the child in the village. Olshausen, but not the text, adds to this the secret impulse of the Spirit, which led the shepherds to the right place. 2 On γίνεσθαι σύν τινι, to be associated with any one, comp. Xen. Cyr. vy. 3.8. On στρα- γιά, comp. Plat. Phaedr. p. 340 E: στρατιὰ κῶν τε καὶ δαιμόνων. 3 Olshausen (following Alberti, Odss., and Tittmann, Diss., Viteb. 1777) places a stop after γῆς, so that the first clause says: “God is now praised asin heaven, so also in the earth.*’ This is erroneous, because, ac- cording to the order of the words in Luke, the emphatic point would be not ἐπὶ γῆς, as in the Lord’s Prayer, but ἐν ὑψίστοις. 4 Nevertheless Ebrard (on Olshausen) still defends the fhreefold division. According to him, the angels exult (1) that in heaven honor is given to God for the redemption CHAP: 1. 1); “70 (Bengel, Paulus, Kuinoel, and others, comp. Theophylact), but and. And the second part would consist of two parallel clauses, of which the first lays down the state of things,in question after a purely objective manner (ἐπὶ γῆς εἰρήνη), While the second designates it from the point of view of God’s sub- jectivity (ἐν ἀνθρ. εὐδοκία) : on earth is salvation, among men is (God's) good pleasure ; ἐν avOp., namely, would not be in the case of men (Matt. 11. 17 ; so usually), but local, as previously ἐν ὑψίστ. and ἐπὶ γῆς. Fritzsche, ad Rom. 11. p. 372, takes εὐδοκία as delight ; ‘‘in genere humano (Messia nato) voluptas est et laetitia,” ‘‘in the human race (the Messiah being born) there is delight and joy.” But εὐδοκία nowhere expresses this strong idea, but only the state of well-pleased satisfaction (as Ps. exliv. 16, LXX.), and the latter idea would in this place be too weak ; we could not but expect χαρὰ καὶ ἀγαλλίασις, or the like. Moreover, according to ver. 13 (αἰνούντων τ. Θεόν) it is more in harmony with the text to understand εὐδοκία on the part of God, in which case the quite usual meaning of the word (ἐπανάπαυσις τοῦ Θεοῦ, Theo- phylact) is retained ; ‘‘ quod sc. Deus gratuito suo favore homines dignatus sit,” ‘‘ which signifies, that God deems men worthy of His own gratuitous favor” (Calvin). The opposite : Eph. ii. 8. Bornemann, Schol. p. 19 ff., considers the whole as affirmed of Christ: ‘‘Xpuictoc ὁ κύριος δόξα ἐσται ἐν ὑψίστοις ὄντι Θεῷ k.7.A., ἢ. 6. Messias celebrabit in coelis Deum et in terram de- ducet pacem divinam, documentum (in apposition) benevolentiae divinae erga homines,”” ‘‘ that is, the Messiah will praise God in the heavens, and will bring down to earth divine peace, a proof (in apposition) of divine benevo- lence toward men.” But Luke himself specifies the contents as praise of God (ver. 13); and the assumption of Bornemann (after Paulus), that Luke has given only a small fragment of the hymn, is the more arbitrary, the more the few pregnant words are precisely in keeping with a heavenly song of praise. Ver. 15 f. Kai oi av@p.] This καί is not also, but the simple and after éyé- veto ; see On Vv, 12,—oi ἄνθρωποι oi ποιμένες [see critical note], not: the shepherd people (Grotius, Paulus, and others), against which the second article is decisive (comp. Matt. xviii. 23, xxii. 2, al.; see Bernhardy, p. 48; Kihner, II. p. 120), but a contrast to oi ἄγγελοι, in which case, however, we must not lay upon the expression a stress which is foreign to the connection (‘totum genus humanum quodammodo repraesentantes,” ‘‘ representing in a certain sense the whole human race,” Bengel), but rather must adhere to the simple and artless mode of representation : after the departure of the angels the people too, the shepherds, said, etc. — διέλθωμεν] through the fields as far as to Bethlehem, Acts ix. 38, xi. 19. — 07] denotes what is definitive, without more 8600. --- τὸ ῥῆμα] which has been said ; ὃ ὁ Kip. ἡμ. is an epexe- now brought about ; (2) that wpon earth a earth yields only two clauses. Lange also, kingdom of peace is now founded ; (3) that between heaven and earth the right relation is restored, that God’s eye may again rest with good pleasure on mankind. This alleged third clause of necessity contains somewhat of tautology ; and the text itself by its καί and by its contrast of heaven and L. J. UW. 1, p. 108, understands it in a three- fold sense, but very arbitrarily takes εὐδοκία of the divine good pleasure manifested in a Person, referring to passages such as Eph. isd: 6. 1 See Klotz, ad Devar. p. 395; Nagelsbach, Anm. 2. Ilias, ed. 2, p. 438 f. 276 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. gesis of it. —avetpov] they discovered (after previous search, in conformity with the direction at ver. 12). The word only occurs in the N. T. again at Acts xxi. 4, comp. 4 Macc. 11. 14; more frequently among Greek writers. Ver. 17 f. Aveyvépicav| they gave exact information (διά). [But see critical note.| The word is only found besides in Schol. in Beck. Anecd. p. 787, 15, but in the sense of accurate distinguishing, which it cannot have in this place (Vulg.: cognoverunt); comp. rather ἐγνώρισεν, ver. 15. At the birthplace to the parents and others who were present they made accurate communication of the angelic utterance addressed to them, and all who heard this communication marvelied, but Mary (ver. 19), etc. — περὶ τῶν λαληθ.} does not belong to ἀκούσαντες (Gersdorf), but to ἐϑαύμ., with which indeed περί is very rarely associated elewhere ; but the thought is: they fell into amazement in consideration of that, which, οἷο." Ver. 19 f. Aé| leading over to the special thing, which Mary amidst this general amazement did—she, who, in accordance with the revelations made to her, was more deeply struck with the tidings of the shepherds, and saw matters in a deeper light. She sept all these utterances (τὰ ῥήματα) of the shepherds. Observe in the narrative the emphasis of πάντα, as well as the purposely chosen adumbrative tense συνετήρει (previously the aorist).? — συμβάλλουσα x.7.2.] The Vulgate well renders : conferens, inasmuch as she put them together, i.e., in silent heart-pondering she compared and inter- preted them to herself.* —izéorpew.] to their flocks, ver. 8. — δοξάζοντες καὶ αἰνοῦντες] Glorifying and giving approval. The latter is more special than the former. — ἐπὶ πᾶσιν x.7.A.| over all things, which they had just heard and seen in Bethlehem after such manner as was spoken to them by the angel at vy. 10-12. Remarx.— To make of these angelic appearances a natural (phosphoric) phe- nomenon, Which had first been single and then had divided itself and moved to and fro, and which the shepherds, to whom was known Mary’s hope of bring- ing forth the Messiah, interpreted to themselves of this birth (Paulus ; comp. Ammon, L. J. I. p. 203, who likewise assumes a meteor), is a decided and un- worthy offence against the contents and purpose of the narrative, which is to be left in its charming, thoughtful, and lofty simplicity as the most distin- guished portion of the cycle of legend, which surrounded the birth and the early life of Jesus. The truth of the history of the shepherds and the angels lies in the sphere of the idea, not in that of historical reality, although Luke narrates it as a real event. Regarded as reality, the history loses its truth, as a premiss, with which the notorious subsequent want of knowledge and non- recognition of Jesus as the Messiah, as well as the absolute silence of evangelic preaching as to this heavenly evangelium, do not accord as a sequel,—apart from the fact, that it is not at all consistent with Matthew’s narrative of the Magi and of the slaying of the children, which is to be explained from the cir- 1Comp. Plat. Zim. p. 80 C: τὰ θαυμαζό- XXxix. 2, xxviii. 8. μενα ἠλέκτρων περὶ τῆς ἕλξεως. 3 Comp. Plat. Crat. p. 348 A: συμβαλεῖν 2On συντηρεῖν, alla mente repositum ser- τὴν Κρατύλον μαντείαν, Ὁ. 412 C; Soph. Oed. vare, comp. Dan. vii. 28; Ecclus. xiii. 12, C. 1472; Pind. Nem. xi. 48; Eur, O7, 1394. CHAP. II., 21, 22. Qv7 cumstance that various wreaths of legend, altogether independent one of another, wove themselves around the divine child in His lowliness.! The con- trast of the lowliness of Jesus and of His divine glory, which pervade His en- tire history on earth until His exaltation (Phil. ii. 6 ff.), is the great truth, to which here, immediately upon the birth, is given the most eminent and most exhaustive expression by the living and creative poetry of faith, in which with thoughtful aptness members of the lowly and yet patriarchally consecrated class of shepherds receive the first heavenly revelation of the Gospel outside the family circle, and so the πτωχοὶ εὐαγγελίζονται (vii. 22) is already even now realized. [See Note XXVI., p. 289.] Ver. 21. Τοῦ περιτεμεῖν αὐτόν] The genitive, not as at ver. 22, 1. 57, 0: but as genitive of the aim: in order to circumcise Him, that He might be circumcised. Comp. Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 230 [E. T. 267]. — καὶ ἐκλήθη] was also named, indicating the naming as swperadded to the rite of circum- cision. See Nigelsbach, z. Ilias, ed. 8, p. 164. And the Son of God had to become circumeised, as γενόμενος ἐκ γυναικός, γενόμενος ὑπὸ νόμον, Gal. iv. 4. This was the divine arrangement for His appearing as the God-man in necessary association with the people of God (Rom. ix. 5). There is much importation of the dogmatic element here among the older commentators. * — τὸ κληθὲν κιτ.2.1 See i. 81. Comp. Matt. i. 21, where, however, the legend quite differently refers the giving of the name to the angel. Ver. 22. Women after childbirth, when the child was a boy, were unclean for seven days, and had besides to stay at home thirty-three days more (at the birth of a girl these periods were doubled). Then they were bound to present in the temple an offering of purification, namely, a lamb of a year old as a burnt-offering, and a young pigeon or turtle-dove as a sin-offering ; or else, if their means were too small for this, two turtle-doves or young pigeons, the one as a burnt-offering, the other as a sin-offering.* Accord- the days, which (i.e., the lapse of them) were appointed for their legal cleansing (καθαρισμός, passive, comp. ver. 14). Mary brought the offering of the poor, ver. 24. — αὐτῶν] applies contextu- ally (ἀνήγαγον αὐτόν) not to the Jews (van Hengel, Annot. p- 199), but to Mary and Joseph. Comp. Euthymius Zigabenus, also Bleek. The purifica- tion in itself indeed concerned only the mother ; but in the case before us ingly ai ἡμέραι τοῦ καθαρισμ. αὐτῶν : 1 In opposition to Schleiermacher, who in the case of our passage lays stress, in oppo- sition to the mythical view, on the absence of lyrical poetry, failing to see that precise- ly the most exalted and purest poetry is found in the contents of our passage with all its simplicity of presentation; see the ap- propriate remarks of Strauss, I. p. 245. Lange, Z. J. II. p. 103,in his own manner transfers the appearances to the souls of the shepherds, which were of such elevated and supramundane mood that they could dis- cern the joy of an angelic host; and holds that the appearance of the angel and the glory of the Lord, ver. 9, point to a vision of the Angel of the Covenant. 2 Calovius says that Christ allowed Him- self to be circumcised ‘‘ twm οὗ demonstran- dam naturae humanae veritatem.. . tum ad probandam 6 semine Abrahae originem.. .« tum imprimis ob meriti et redemptionis Christi certificationem,”’ “first for demon- strating the reaiity of His human nature... then to prove His origin from the seed of Abraham... then especially as a certifica- tion of the merit and redemption of Christ.” 3 See Ley. xii. 2 ff.; Lund, Jud. Heiligth., ed. Wolf, p. 751; Michaelis, Mos. R. § 192; Ewald, Alterth. p. 178 f.; Keil, Avchdol. 1. p. 296. 278 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE, Joseph was, and that by means of the presentation of the first-born son as- sociated therewith, also directly interested ; hence the expression by way of synecdoche, which is usually referred to the mother and the child (so also by Kuinoel, Winer, de Wette). — κατὰ τὸν νόμον M.] applies to ἐπλήσθησαν k.T.2., indicating the /egal duration thereof. — ἀνήγαγον, like ἀναβαίνειν of the jour- neying to Jerusalem. — παραστῆσαι) All first-born sons were the property of Jehovah, destined to the temple-service originally and before the institution of the Levites (Num. viii. 14 ff.); hence they had to be presented in the temple to God as His special property, but were redeemed from Him for five shekels.’ Ver. 23. Not to be putin a parenthesis. — A very free quotation from Ex. xii. 2. —dvavoiyov μήτραν) DIV) 102; comp. LXX. Hardly according to the passage before us has Luke conceived, with Ambrosius and many others, that Mary brought forth elawso utero and only voluntarily subjected herself to this law (as Bisping still holds). Ver. 24. Kai τοῦ δοῦναι) continues the narrative after the interposed sen- tence ver. 23: and in order to give an offering. —xard τὸ εἰρημ. κ.τ.1.} Lev. xli. 8.—veocooic] On the later form rejected by the Atticists, νοσσούς (so Tischendorf), see Sturz, Dial. Mae. p. 185 ; Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 206 f. Ver. 25 f. Who this Simeon was (‘‘ primus propheta, qui diceret Christum venisse,”’ ‘‘ the first prophet who said that Christ had come,” Bengel), is utterly unknown. The supposition that he was son of Hillel, and father of Gamaliel (Michaelis, Paulus, and older commentators), who became presi- dent of the Sanhedrim in a.p. 13, does not agree with vv. 26, 29, where he appears as an aged man ; and there is generally the less ground for enter- taining it, in proportion to the frequency of the name })P~2W. — δίκαιος κ. εὐλαβής] " The word εὐλαβής is only used in the N. T. by Luke. It denotes religious conscientiousness.* — παράκλησιν] The Messianic blessing of the na- tion, as its practical consolation after its sufferings (comp. λύτρωσιν, ver. 38), is called, according to prophetic precedent (Isa. xl. 1), in the Rabbinical literature also very often 19N1.4 The same in substance is : βασιλείαν τοῦ Θεοῦ, Mark xv. 43. — ἐπ’ αὐτόν] having come wpon. — κεχρημα- tio. | a divine responsum, see on Matt. ii. 12. There is no hint of a dream (Kuinoel). —xpiv ἢ] See on Matt. i. 18. —rdv Χριστὸν κυρίου] comp. ix. 20 : the Messiah of God (whom God has destined and sent as Messiah). — For the expression to see death, comp. Heb. xi.5 ; John viii. 51; Ps. 1xxxix, 48.° Ver. 27 f. Ἔν τῷ πνεύματι] by virtue of the Holy Spirit, ‘‘ instigante Spiritu,” Grotius ; comp. Matt. xxii. 48, — The expression τοὺς γονεῖς (pro- creators) is not appropriate to the bedily Sonship of God, which Luke nar- rates, and it betrays an original source resting on a different view, [See προσδεχόμ. τὴν 1 Ex. xiii. 2; Num. viii. 16, xviii. 15 f. ; Lightfoot, p. 753 ; Lund, 1.6. p. 753; Michae- lis, Mos. R. § 227, 276; Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 97. 2Comp. Plat. Polit. p. 311 B: τὸ δίκαιον x. εὐλαβές, and shortly before : ἤθη εὐλαβῆ καὶ δίκαια. 3 Comp. Delitzsch on Heb. vy. 7 f., p. 191. 4See Vitringa, Obs. V. p. 83; Lightfoot and Wetstein in loc. The Messiah Himself: DMI. See Schéttgen, Hor. Il. p. 18. 5 On the classical use of ὁρᾶν in the sense of experiundo cognoscere, Dorvill. ad Char. p. 483; Jacobs, ad Anthol. VII. p. 108. CHAP. II., 29. 279 Note XXVII., p. 289.] Comp. ver. 41. On the form γονεῖς, see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 09. --- κατὰ τὸ εἰθισμένον τοῦ νόμου] According to the custom pre- scribed by the law. — καὶ αὐτός] also on His part, for the parents had just carried Him in, ver. 27. The reference to the priest, ‘‘qui eum Domino sistendum amplexus erat,” ‘‘who had taken Him in his arms to be pre- sented to the Lord” (Wolf ; Kuinoel also mixes up this), is erroneous, since it is in the bringing in that the child is also taken into his arms by Simeon, — Simeon has recognized the Messiah-child immediately through the Spirit. He needed not for this ‘‘the august form of the mother” (in opposition to Lange). Ver. 29 ff. Now (after Ihave seen the Messiah, vv. 26, 30) Thou lettest Thy servant depart, O Ruler, according to Thine utterance (ver. 2), in bliss (so that he is happy, see on Mark ν. 34) ; now the time is come, when Thou lettest me die blessed.’ — ἀπολύεις] present, of that which is nearly and certainly im- pending. There is no need to supply τοῦ ζῆν, or ἐκ τῆς γῆς, or the like (as is usually done), as the absolute ἀπολύειν is at all events used (comp. Soph. Ant. 1254 ; Gen. xv. 2; Num. xx. 29 ; Tob. iii. 6), but Simeon conceives of his death figuratively as an enfranchisement from service, as is signified by the context in τ. δοῦλόν cov, δέσποτα. The servant of God dies and is thereby released from his service. — εἶδον prefixed with emphasis, in retrospective reference to ver. 26. — τὸ σωτήριόν σου] the deliverance bestowed by Thee, the Messianic deliverance, which has begun with the birth of the Messiah. Comp. iii. 6 ; Acts xxviii. 28. —xara πρόσωπον πάντ. τ. λαῶν] in the face of all peoples, so that this deliverance is set forth before all peoples, is visible and manifest tothem.? The prophet sees the σωτήριον already in its unfolded manifestation to all. This is then, in ver. 32, further specially characterized as respects the two portions of the πάντων τῶν λαῶν, in which φῶς and δόξαν are appositional definitions to τὸ σωτήριόν σου : light, which is destined to bring revelation to the heathen, and glory of Thy people Israel. The progression of the climax lies in φῶς and δόξα. For the heathen the σωτήριον is light, when, namely, they come in accordance with the time-hallowed promise (Isa. ii. 2 ff., xi. 10, xliv. 5, lx. 1 ff., and many other passages), and subject them- selves to the Messianic theocracy, whereby they become enlightened and sharers in the unveiling of the divine truth. For the people Israel the σωτήριον is glory, because in the manifestation and ministry of the Messiah the people of God attains the glory, through which it is destined to be dis- tinguished above all peoples as the seat and possessor of salvation. Adgav might be included as still dependent on εἰς (Theophylact, Euthymius Ziga- benus, Luther, Bleek, and others), but by taking it independently, the great destination of the σωτήριον for the people of Israel is brought into more forcible prominence. — Ver. 33. And there was (on the singular ἣν and the plural participles that follow, see Kiihner, ὃ 433, 1 ; comp. Matt. xvii. 3) His father and His mother in amazement, etc. In this there is no inconsis- 1 Euthymius Zigabenus well remarks: the freedom of Israel.’’ μηκέτι λυπούπενον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τοῦ 2 Comp. on κατὰ πρόσωπ., Jacobs, ad Ach. Ἰσραήλ, “πὸ longer grieved on behalf of Tat. iii. 1, p. 612. 280 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. tency with the earlier angelic revelations (Strauss). The thing was great enough in itsel7, and they learned it here in another form of revelation, the prophetic. Ver. 84. Αὐτούς] the parents, ver. 83. — After he has blessed them (has in prayer promised them God’s grace and salvation), he again specially ad- dresses the mother, whose marvellous relation to the new-born infant he has, according to Luke, recognized ἐν πνεύματι. --- κεῖται] He is placed there, i.e., He has the destination, see on Phil. i. 16.— εἰς πτῶσιν «.7.A.] designates, in reference to Isa. viii. 14 (comp. Matt. xxi. 22, 44 ; Acts iv. 11; Rom. ix. 33; 1 Pet. ii. 6), the moral judgment (John iii. 19 ff.), which is to set in by means of the appearance and the ministry of the Messiah. According to divine decree many must take offence at Him and jfal/—namely, through unbelief—into obduracy and moral ruin ; many others must arise, inasmuch as they raise themselves—namely, through faith in Him—to true spiritual life. [See Note XXVUL., p. 289.] The fulfilment of both is abundantly at- tested in the evangelic history ; as, for example, in the case of the Pharisees and scribes the falling, in that of the publicans and sinners the rising, in that of Paul both ; comp. Rom. xi. 11 ff. — καὶ εἰς σημεῖον ἀντιλεγόμ.] What was previously affirmed was His destination for others ; now follows the special personal experience, which is destined for Him. His manifestation is to be a sign, a marvellous token (signal) of the divine counsel, which experiences contradiction from the world (see on Rom. x. 31). The fulfilment of this prediction attained its culmination in the crucifixion ; hence ver. 380. Comp. Heb. xii. ὃ. But it continues onward even to the last day, 1 Cor. XV. 20. Ver. 35. Since the construction does not indicate that καὶ... ῥομφαία is to be made a parenthesis, and since the importance of this prophetic intima- tion in the address directed to Mary is not in keeping with a mere intercala- tion, ὅπως x.7.2. is to be referred to kai... ῥομφαία, not to σημεῖον ἀντιλεγ. (Kuinoel, de Wette, Ewald, and many others). —xai σοῦ δέ] See on 1. 76. This καί and αὐτῆς places the anguish of the mother herself on a parallel with the fate of her Son intimated by σημεῖον ἀντιλεγ. ; and σοῦ dé αὐτῆς is a bring- ing of the contrast into stronger relief than σεαυτῆς δέ." --- ῥομφαία] Not the martyr-death of Mary, as Epiphanius and Lightfoot hold ; ῥομφαίαν δὲ ὠνόμασε, τὴν τμητικωτάτην καὶ ὀξεῖαν ὀδύνην," ἥτις διῆλθε τὴν καρδίαν τῆς θεομήτορος, ὅτε ὁ υἱὸς αὐτῆς προσηλώϑη τῷ σταυρῷ, ‘* He gives the name sword to that most piercing and bitter pang, which went through the heart of the mother of God, when her Son was nailed to the cross,” Euthymius Zigabenus. Similar figurative designations of pain may be seen in Wetstein. Bleek is mistaken in refer- ring it to doubts of the Messiahship of her Son, which for a while were to cause division in Mary’s heart. For this thought the forcible expression would be quite out of proportion, and, moreover, unintelligible ; and the thought itself would be much too special and subordinate, even apart from the consideration that there is no direct evidence before us of temporary un- 1 See Schaefer, ad Dem. de Cor. 319, 6. 2Comp. Hom. 11. xix. 125; τὸν δ᾽ ἄχος ὀξὺ Kara φρένα τύψε βαθεῖαν. CHAP. II., 36, 3’. 281 belief on the part of Mary (at the most, Mark iii. 21). — ὁπως x.7.4.] a divine aim, which is to be attained by οὗτος κεῖται... ῥομφαία ; a great crisis in the spiritual world is to be brought to light, John ix. 389, iii. 19, v. 22 ; 1 Cor. i. 23f.; 2 Cor. ii. 15. The conditional ἄν expresses : in order that, when that which is just predicted to thee sets in. —ékx πολλ. xapd.| forth from many hearts. Comp. Rom. i. 17. — διαλογισμοί] not οἱ διαλογ. ; thoughts, conse- quently what is otherwise hidden. The revealing itself takes place through declared belief or unbelief in Him who is put to death. Ver. 36 ff. Ἦν] aderat, as at Mark viii. 1, xv. 40; also 1 Cor. xiv. 48. — After αὕτη, ver. 36, the copula ἦν is not unnecessarily to be supplied, in which case (so usually, as also by Lachmann and Tischendorf) a point is placed after ver. 87 ; but this airy is the subject to which ἀνϑωμολογεῖτο be- longs as verb, so that all that intervenes contains accompanying definitions of the subject, namely thus: This one, being advanced in great age, after she had lived with a husband seven years from her virginity, she too a widow up to eighty-four years, who departed not from the temple, with fastings and prayers rendering service to God night and day and having come forward at that same hour, offered praise to the Lord, etc. Observe as to this—(1) that (joaca.. . αὐτῆς, ver. 36, is subordinate to the προβεβηκ. ἐν yu. ToAA.; (2) that at ver. 37 there is to be written, with Tischendorf and Ewald, καὶ αὐτή (not as usually, καὶ αὕτη), SO that the definition καὶ αὐτὴ χήρα. .. ἐπιστᾶσα, VV. 87, 38, con- tains a further description of the woman co-ordinated with the προβεβηκ. ἐν ἡμ. TOAK. ; (3) that καὶ αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐπιστᾶσα (see the critical remarks) without any separation links itself on continuously to the preceding participial defini- tion ; finally, (4) that καὶ αὐτή, ver. 37, she too, places Anna on a parallel with Simeon ; as the latter had come forward a pious aged man, so she also a pious aged woman. — προφῆτις] Hebrew M8"), an interpretress of God, a woman with the gift of apocalyptic discourse, Rev. ii. 20; Acts xxi. 9, 11. 17. She makes use of this gift, ver. 38. — ἑπτά] consequently a brief and (ἀπὸ τ. παρθεν. avt.) her only marriage, after which she remained in widowhood, which among the ancients was accounted very honorable. See Grotius and Wetstein on 1 Tim. iii. 2, v. 9. Ver. 37. “Ἕως (see the critical remarks) ἐτ. ὀγδοήκ. : even to eighty-four years, she had come even to this age of life in her widowhood. Comp. Matt. xvili. 21 f. Rettig is mistaken in his judgment upon ἕως in the Stud. u. Krit, 1838, p. 221. Comp. Dem. 262, ὅ. ---οὐκ ἀφίστατο x.t.A.] a popular description of unremitting zeal (comp. Hom. Od. ii. 345, 41. xxiv. 72) in the public worship of God. Comp. xxiv. 58. — νύκτα x. juép. | Thus also at Acts xxvi. 7 ; Mark iv. 28 : 1 Tim. v. 5. Elsewhere the order is inverted.? In this place νύκτα is prefixed in order, as in Acts, l.c., and 1 Tim. v. 5, to make the fervency of the pious temple-service the more prominent. The case is otherwise, where it is simply a question of definition of time, at Esth. iv. 15. 1 Plat. Phaedr. p. 244 A; Eur. Jon. 42, 321 ; seen in Bornemann, Schol. p. 27; Lobeck, LXX. Ex. xv. 20; Isa. viii. 3, ad. Paralip. p. 62 f., and from the Latin : Hein- 2 Instances of both arrangements may be dorf on Horat. Sat. i. 1. τῇ. 282 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Ver. 38. Αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ] in which occurred the previously described scene with Simeon. —ézoraca] having made her appearance, namely, to speak.? The suddenness and unexpectedness in the demeanor of the aged widow is implied also here (comp. on ver. 9) in the context. On ἀνθομολογεῖσϑαι (comp. LXX. Ps. lxxix. 13 ; 3 Macc. vi. 33), in the case of which ἀντί ‘‘ref- erendi reprehendendique sensum habet,” see Winer, de verbor. compos. usu, III. p. 18 ff. The tenor of her utterance of praise to God (τῷ κυρίῳ) is after what was related of Simeon obvious of itself, and is therefore not more pre- cisely specified. [See critical note ; θεῷ is correct.]— περὶ αὐτοῦ] ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ λυτρωτής, Euthymius Zigabenus. Jesus is the subject still present, as a matter of course, in the conception of the narrator (from ver. 34 f. onwards), although not mentioned in the context (Winer, p. 132 [E. T. 146 f.]). — τοῖς προσδεχομ. λύτρωσιν] Comp. ver. 25. With the reading ‘Iepovc. without ἐν (see the critical remarks), deliverance of Jerusalem is not essentially distinct from παράκλησις τοῦ "Iop., ver. 25, comp. i. 68, since Jerusalem is the theocratic central seat of God’s people. Comp. Isa. xl. 2. We may add, the ἐλάλει κιτ.. took place on her part likewise airy τῇ ὥρᾳ, namely, after she had pre- sented her praise to God. The pious ones waiting for the Messiah are with her in the temple, and to them all she makes communication about the child that is present. But this is not to be conceived of as a public utterance, for which the limitation τοῖς tpoodey. would not be appropriate. Ver. 39. Ναζαρέτ] therefore not in the first instance again to Bethlehem. Of the Magi, of the slaughter of the children, of the flight to Egypt, Luke has nothing. They belong to quite another cycle of legend, which he has. not followed. Reconciliation is impossible; a preference for Luke, how- ever, at the expense of Matthew (Schleiermacher, Schneckenburger, Sieffert, and others), is at least in so far well founded, as Bethlehem was not, as Matthew reports (see on Matt. 11. 28, Rem.), the original dwelling-place of the parents of Jesus, but became the birth-place of the latter on occasion of the ἀπογραφή. [See Note XXIX., p. 289 seq.] If Bethlehem had been the original dwelling-place, it was natural, considering the Davidico-Messianic tendency of the legend, that no change should be made under these circumstances. But, in opposition to the bold assumption of the more recent exponents of the mythical theory,” that Jesus was born in Nazareth, so that both the ear- lier residence of the parents at Bethlehem (Matthew) and their journey thither (Luke) are held to be the work of tradition on the basis of Mic. v. 1 (but only Matthew bases his statement upon this prophecy !), see on Matt. 1.6. Even de Wette finds this probable, especially on account of John vii. 42, comp. i. 46 ff., where John adds no correction of the popular view. But to infer from this that John knew nothing of the birth in Bethlehem is unwar- ranted, since the tradition of Matthew and Luke, agreeing in this very par- 1Comp. Aeschin. p. 65, 5; Xen. ἅπαν. νυ. macher, Z. J. p. 56 f., leaves the birth-place 8. 9, Sympos. ii. 7. altogether doubtful; holding that the ques- 2See also Weisse, Hvangeliensr. Ὁ. 181 f., tion is wholly indifferent for our faith, who holds that the reference to the Lord’s which remark, however, is inappropriate place of birth by the name of Bethlehem is on account of the prophetic promise. to be understood πνευματικῶς. Schleier- CHAP. II., 40-43. 283 ticular, certainly suggests the presumption that the birth at Bethlehem was generally known among the Christians and was believed, so that there was not at all any need for a correcting remark on the part of John. Remark. — As the presentation of Jesus in the temple bears of itself in its le- galaspect the stamp of history, so what occurred with Simeon and Anna cannot in its general outlines be reasonably relegated to the domain of myth (see, in opposition to Strauss and B. Bauer, Ebrard, p. 225 ff.), although it remains doubtful whether the prophetic glance of the seers (to whose help Paulus comes by suggesting, in spite of the remark at ver. 33, communications on the part of Mary ; and Hofmann, p. 276, by the hypothesis of acquaintance with the history of the birth) expressed itself so definitely as the account about Simeon purports. The hypothesis that Luke received his information from Anna’s mouth (Schleiermacher, Neander) hangs on ver. 36 f., where Anna is so accurately described, and consequently on so weak a thread, that it breaks down atonce when we take into account the lesser degree of vividness and fulness of detail in the narrative of what Anna did. Ver. 40. Similar to i. 80, but more distinctive and more characteristic, in keeping with the human development of the Son of God, who was to grow up to be the organ of truth and grace. Comp. ver. 52. — πληρούμ. σοφ.] the internal state of thingsaccompanying the ἐκραταιοῦτο ; He became a vigorous child (éxpar.'), while at the same time He became /illed, etc. — γάρις Θεοῦ] not to be taken of distinguished bodily gracefulness (Raphel, Wolf, Wetstein), but as : the favor of God, which was directed upon Him. Comp. ver. 52. On ἐπ’ αὐτό, comp. Acts iv. 33. Ver. 41 f. Τῇ ἑορτῇ) Dative of time. Comp. Winer, p. 195, 193 [E. Τὶ, 218, 215]. The three great festivals (Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles) were according to the Mosaic law to be celebrated, although with the gradual dispersion of the people this could not strictly be adhered to, by every male Israelite at the national sanctuary,—an excellent means of maintaining and elevating the common theocratic spirit ; Ex. xxiii. 14 ff., xxxiv. 23 ; Deut. xvi. 16.2. The annual passover-journey was shared also by Mary, doubtless independently of Hillel’s precept to that effect (Tanchuma, f. 33, 4), and in virtue of her piety (comp. 1 Sam. i. 7 ; Mechilta, f. 17, 2). As to the Pass- over, see on Matt. xxvi. 2. — δώδεκα] At this age in the case of the boy, who now was called 717 43, [‘‘son of the law”), began the instruction in the law, the accustoming to worship, fasting, and the like, see Lightfoot, p. 739 ; Wetstein. [See critical note, and Note XXX., p. 290. ] Ver. 43 f. Tac ἡμέρας] the well-known seven days of festival, Ex. xii. 15 ; Lev. xxiii. 6 f. ; Deut. xvi. 2. — How it happened that the parents knew nothing of the staying behind of their son, is not expressly narrated by Luke. The charge, however, of negligent carelessness ὃ is unwarranted, as νομίσαντες 1 Cyril of Alexandria says : σωματικῶς yap mental development follows in πληρ. god. ηὔξανε καὶ ἐκραταιοῦτο, τῶν μελῶν συναδρυνομέ- 2 See Ewald, Alterth. p. 406 ff.; Saal- νων τῇ αὐξήσει, “for He grew bodily and schiitz, W. FR. p. 421 ff. waxed strong, the members being matured 3 Schuderoff in the Magaz. von Festpred, with the growth.’ Observe that in our III. p. 63 ff., and in his Jahrb. X. 1, p. 7 ff. 5 passage πνεύματι is not added as ati. 80 ; the Olshausen, 284 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ συνοδίᾳ εἶναι presuppose a circumstance unknown to us, which might justify that want of knowledge. In the case of Jesus it was an irresisti- ble impulse towards the things of God, which carried Him away to postpone His parents to the satisfaction of this instinct, mightily stimulated as it was on this His first sojourn in Jerusalem,—a momentary premature breaking forth of that, which was the principle decidedly expressed and followed out by Him in manhood (Mark iii. 32f.). — συνοδία] company sharing the journey. See Kypke, I. p. 220 f. The inhabitants of one or more places together formed a caravan ; Strabo uses the word also of such a company (iv. p. 204, xl. p. 528). — ἀνεζήτουν] when they assembled together to pass the night.— Ver. 45. Ζητοῦντες] present participle: ‘‘ubi res aliqua nondum quidem peragitur, sed tamen aut revera aut cogitatione instituitur paraturve,” ‘‘ when something is not yet accomplished, but either really or in purpose is in- stituted or prepared,” Kiihner, ad Xen. Anabd. i. 3. 16. Comp. Dissen, ad Pind, Ol. vii. 14, p. 81. [See critical note. ] Ver. 46. μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας τρεῖς] is reckoned, in most accordance with the text, from the point at which the search meant by ζητ. αὐτόν began, consequently from their return to Jerusalem, the day of this return being counted as the first, and that of the finding as the third. Comp. the designation of the time of Christ’s resurrection as ‘‘ after three days.” Others explain it otherwise. Grotius : ‘‘ Diem unum iter fecerant, altero remensi erant iter, tertio deémum quaesitum inveniunt,” ‘‘ One day they had journeyed, on another they had journeyed back, on the third they at length find Him they sought.” So also Paulus, Bleek [Godet, Weiss], and others, following Euthymius Zigabenus. — ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ] We are to think of the synagogue, which ‘‘ erat prope atrium in monte templi,” ‘‘ was near the forecourt on the mount of the temple,” Gloss. Joma, f. 68, 2 ; Lightfoot in loc. ; Deyling, Obss. IIT. ed. 2, p. 285 f.— καθεζόμενον) The Rabbinic assertion : ‘‘a diebus Mosis ad Rabban Gamalielem non didicerunt legem nisi stantes,” ‘‘ from the days of Moses to Rabbi Gama- liel they did not learn the law, unless they were standing,” Megillah, f. 21, 1 (Wagenseil, ad Sotah, p. 993), according to which Jesus would thus already appear as a teacher, is rightly rejected as unfounded in the N.T., by Vitringa, Synag. p. 167, and more recent expositors. —év μέσῳ] has its reference to the seeking of the parents ; Jesus was not hidden, but He sat there in the midst among the teachers. We may conceive of Him at the feet of a teaching Rabbi, sitting in their circle (comp. on Acts xxii. 3). In this there is nothing extraordinary to be discerned,’ since Jesus was already a ‘‘ son of the law” (see on ver. 42). But to find here a sitting on an equality with the teachers ? 1 Lange, 11. 1, p. 130, invents the idea that “the genius of the new humanity soared above the heroes of the old decorum.” 3 So also older dogmatic writers. ‘‘Ceu doctor doctorum,” ‘ As if Teacher of teach- ers,” Says Calovius, who specifies the four- fold aim: ob gloriae templi posterioris illus- trationem, “ for illustration of the glory of the latter temple,” Hag. ii. 10; ob adventusesui manifestationem ; ob sapientiae divinae de- monstrationem ; ob doctorum information- em, “ἴον manifestation of His own advent ; for demonstration of divine wisdom ; for in- Formation of the teachers.”— Into what apoc- ryphal forms the conversation of Jesus with the doctors might be fashioned, may be seen in the Hvang. infant. 50 ff. Even by Chemnitz He is said to have discoursed already ‘t de persona et officiis Messiae, de dis- crimine legis et evangelii,” ‘* concerning the person and offices of the Messiah, concern- ing the distinction of law and gospel,” ete. CHAP, II., 47%. 285 (Strauss, comp. de Wette) is not in accordance with the text, since the re- port would not otherwise have limited the action of the child to the ἀκούειν and ἐπερωτ. ---- ἐπερωτ. αὐτούς} The Rabbinical instruction did not consist mere- ly in teaching and interrogating the disciples, but these latter themselves also asked questions and received answers. See Lightfoot, p. 742 ff. ; Wetstein in loc. The questioning here is that of the pure and holy desire for knowledge, not that of a guest mingling in the conversation (in opposition to de Wette). Ver. 47 ff. ᾿Επὲὶ τῇ συνέσει καὶ x.7.A.| over His understanding in general, and especially over His answers. — idévrec| Joseph and Mary. They were aston- ished ; for they had not expected to find Him either in this place, or so occu- pied. —7 μήτηρ αὐτοῦ] not merely because maternal feeling is in general more keen, quick, and ready to show itself, nor yet because Joseph had not been equal to this scene (Lange), but rightly in accordance with Luke’s view of the maternal relation of Mary. Bengel : ‘‘non loquebatur Josephus ; major erat necessitudo matris,” ‘‘ Joseph did not speak ; the connection with the mother was closer.”’ — τί ὅτι] wherefore? See on Mark ii. 16. — ἐν τοῖς τοῦ πατρός μου] t.€., in the house of my Father. See examples of this well-known mode of expression in Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 100. So, following Syr. and the Fathers, most modern commentators [R. V. text]. Others, such as Cas- talio, Erasmus, Calvin, Maldonatus, Jansen, Wolf, Loesner, Valckenaer, Rosenmiiller, Bornemann, de Wette, Ewald, al. : in the affairs of my Father. This also is linguistically correct.'| But as Jesus in His reply refers expressly to the search of the parents, which He represents as having been made need- lessly, it is most natural to find in this answer the designation of the locality, in which they ought to have known that He was to be found, without seek- ing Him in rebus Patris. He might also be elsewhere. To combine both modes of taking it (Olshausen, Bleek) is @ priori inappropriate. — δεῖ] as Son. This follows from τοῦ πατρός μου. This breaking forth of the conscious- ness of Divine Sonship? in the first saying which is preserved to us from Jesus, is to be explained by the power of the impressions which He experi- enced on His first participation in the holy observances of the festival and the temple. According to ver. 50, it could not previously, amidst the quiet course of His domestic development, have asserted itself thus (‘‘ non multum antea, nec tamen nihil, de Patre locutus erat,” ‘‘not much hitherto, not however nothing, had He spoken concerning the Father,” Bengel on ver. 50), but now there had emerged with Him an epoch in the course of devel- opment of that consciousness of Sonship,—the first bursting open of the swelling bud. [See Note XXXI., p. 290.] Altogether foreign to the ingenu- ous, child-like utterance, unnatural and indelicate, is the intention ef draw- ing a contrast which has been imputed to Him : τῆς γὰρ παρθένου τὸν ᾿Ιωσὴφ πατέρα εἰπούσης αὐτοῦ ἐκεῖνος φησίν οὐκ αὐτὸς ἐστὶν ὁ ἀληθῆς μου πατὴρ, ἢ γὰρ ἂν ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ ἤμην, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Θεὸς ἐστί μου πατὴρ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τῳ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ εἰμί, ‘‘ For the Virgin having spoken of Joseph as His father, He 1See 1 Tim. iv. 15; Bornemann, Schol. sentiment, yet not with the conception p. 29; Bernhardy, p. 210; Schaefer, Jeet. fully unfolded, but in the dawning appre- 91 Ὁ: hension of the child, which could only very 2 At allevents already in Messianic pre- gradually give place to clearness, ver. 52. 286 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. says : He is not my true father, for then I would be in his house, but God is my Father, and therefore I am in His house,” Theophylact. Erroneous in an opposite manner is the opinion of Schenkel, that the boy Jesus named God His Father, ‘‘ just as every pious Jewish child might do.” Such a conclu- sion could only be arrived at, if He had said τ. πατρὸς ἡμῶν 3 but with Jesus in the connection of His entire history τ. πατρός μου points to a higher individual relation. And this too it was, which made the answer unintelli- gible to the parents. What every pious Jewish child might have answered, they would have understood. See, besides, Keim, geschichtl. Chr. p. 48 f. Ver. 50 f. If the angelic announcement, i. 26 ff., especially vv. 32, 35, and ii. 10 ff. (comp. especially ver. 19), be historical, it is altogether incom- prehensible how the words of Jesus could be unintelligible to His parents. [See Note XXXII., p. 290.] Evasive explanations are given by Olshausen, and even Bleek and older expositors (that they had simply not understood the deeper meaning of the unity of the Son and the Father), Ebrard (that Mary had no inner perception of the fact that the Father’s word could become so absolutely exclusive a comfort of souls, and be so even in the boy), and others. Schleiermacher, Z. J. p. 78, gives a candid judgment. — ὑποτασσόμ. αὐτοῖς] That mighty exaltation of the consciousness of divine Sonship not only did not hinder, but conditioned with moral necessity in the youthful develop- ment of the God-man the fulfilment of filial duty, the highest proof of which was subsequently given by the Crucified One, John xix. 26 ff. — ἡ δὲ μήτηρ x.T.2.] significant as in ver. 19 ; διατηρεῖν denotes the careful preservation. Comp. Acts xv. 29; Gen. xxxvil. 11. Remark.—The rejection of this significant history as a myth (Gabler in Neu- est. theol. Journ. III. 1, 36 ff. ; Strauss, Weisse,! I. p. 212 ff.), as regards which the analogies of the childhood of Moses (Joseph. Antt. 11. 9. 6 ; Philo, de vita Mos. II. p. 83 f.) and of Samuel (1 Sam. iii. ; Joseph. Anti. v. 10. 4) have been made use of, is the less to be acquiesced in, in proportion to the greatness of the impression that must naturally have been made on the Son of God, in the human development of His consciousness of fellowship with God, at His first taking part in the celebration of the festival in the grand sanctuary of the nation,” and in proportion to the unadorned simplicity of the narrative and its internal truth as contrasted with the fabulous disfigurements of it in the apoc- ryphal Evangelium infantiae, and even with the previous portions of the history of Luke himself. Comp. Schleiermacher, ἢ. J. p. 80 f. The objection of an unnatural mental precocity applies an unwarranted standard in the case of Jesus, who was κατὰ πνεῦμα God's Son. Ver. 52. Comp. 1 Sam. ii. 26.'— ἡλικίᾳ] not age (so Vulgate, Luther, Erasmus, and most expositors), which would furnish an intimation alto- gether superfluous, but growth, bodily size (Beza, Vatablus, Grotius, Er. Schmid, Bengel, Ewald, Bleck, and others). See on Matt. vi. 27; Luke xix. 3. 1 Weisse interprets it allegorically: that Jewish law and from the wisdom of the the youthful spirit of Christianity withdrew ancestral schools, ete. itself from the care and the supervision of 2Comp. Beyschlag, Christol. ἃ. N. T. its parents, i.¢e.,from the restrictions of Ρ. 45. NOTES. 287 Comp. ηὔξανε καὶ ἐκραταιοῦτο, ver. 40. ‘‘ Justam proceritatem nactus est ac decoram,”’ ‘‘ He attained a stature which was proper and befitting,” Bengel. Luke expresses His mental (σοφίᾳ) and bodily (ἡλικίᾳ) development.' In favor of this explanation we have also the evidence of 1 Sam. 1.6. : ἐπορεύετο peya- Avvéuevov, Which element is here given by ἡλικίᾳ. --- χάριτι] gracious favor, as at ver. 40. But here, where one twelve years old is spoken of, who now the longer He lives comes more into intercourse with others, Luke adds καὶ ἀνθρώποις." Observe, moreover, that the advancing in God’s gracious favor assumes the sinless perfection of Jesus as growing, as in the way of moral development. Comp. on Mark x. 18. But this does not exclude child-like innocence, and does not include youthful moral perplexities. Comp. Keim, geschichtl. Chr. p. 110 ff. It isa normal growth, from child-like innocence to full holiness of the life. Comp, also Beyschlag, Christol. d. N. T. p. 47 ff. Notes py AMERICAN EDITOR. XIX. Vv. 1, 2. Weiss ed. Mey. adds the following references: ‘‘Caspari, chronologisch. geograph. Einleitung in das Leben J. chr., 1869, p. 30 ff.; Steinmeyer, Apologet. Beitr., 1873, IV., p. 29 ff.; Schiirer, Lehrbuch d. Neutestamentl. Zeitgeschichte, 1874, p. 262 ff.” The last-named author is quite full. Schaff (History of the Christian Church, 1., pp. 121 ff., new ed.) discusses the question, as do Plumptre and Woolsey in Smith’s Bible Dictionary (Amer. ed., IV., 3185, article ‘‘ Tax- ing’), It is necessary to warn the reader that some writers on this subject fail to properly adjust the twofold enumeration of years from the Roman and Chris- tian eras, XX. Ver. 2. aitn ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο K.T.A. Accepting the above reading and order, the R.V. renders: ‘‘ This was the first enrolment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria.’’ The article (Rec.) would of course make ἀπογραφή the subject. In English the definite article is properly used with the predicate ; ‘the first enrolment,’’ while Greek usage, especially with αὕτη as subject, would omit it, however definite the predicate might be in itself. The force of ἐγένετο is not fully given by the English ‘«was ;’’ it might be brought out by this paraphrase; ‘‘ This occurred as the first enrolment,’ etc. XXI. Ver. 2. The Accuracy of Luke’ s Statement. Weiss ed. Mey. has not altered the notes to any great extent, except in re- gard to the omission of 7. His additions consist mainly of single references to 1 Tn this place he prefixes σοφίᾳ, because he has just related so brilliant a trait of the mental development of Jesus. — What shifts, moreover, have been resorted to, especially since the time of Athanasius and Ambrose, to fence with reservations the progress of Jesus in wisdom in such a way as to leave no progress, but merely a suc- cessive revealing of His inherent wisdom, or else only a growth in the wisdom to be at- tained through human experience (scientia acquisita) | 2 Comp. 1 Sam. 1.6... ΤΙ Ὁ} DI 30) DWIN-DY DIM; Test. XU. Patr. p. 528. 288 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Schiirer (Newt. Zeitgeschichte) and to Zampt, who holds that Quirinius was first governor of Syria from 8.6. 4-1 (A.v. 750 to 753). This, indeed, places his term of office after the birth of Christ, since the latter occurred some little time be- fore the spring of 750. But if Quirinius had been governor in 750, Luke could properly associate the census with him: 1. As probably completed under him. 2. As giving an easy distinction- from the second census under the same goy- ernor. It must be granted that this view of Zumpt is not positively established, though a passage in Tacitus is urged as supporting it (Annal. 3. 48). But on the other hand the probability of Luke’s confusing the matter is very slight. He is an accurate historian ; he shows a knowledge of the political relations of Judaea ; he refers to the well-known census under Quirinius in Acts v. 37. Meyer admits enough in the latter part of his ‘‘remark”’ to qualify his strong assertion of Luke’s incorrectness. It is certain that ἡγεμονεύειν can be used in ἃ wide sense ; and it is possible to interpret it here as referring to some official position in Syria with special charge of this enrolment. We can admit such a usage on the part of Luke far more readily than to believe him, after his own careful research, confused ‘‘ by a mix- ing up of times and matters” through gradually obscuring tradition. Enough has been gained by the admission of the presence of Quirinius in the East at the time of the birth of Christ to warn all candid investigators against too hasty a denial of Luke’s historical accuracy in this verse. The evidence in regard to the whole matter is not abundant enough, as yet, to prove a negative. Of the two solutions indicated above, that of Zumpt still seems to be the more satisfactory, even admitting, as we must, that the earlier governorship of Quirinius could not have begun until shortly after the death of Herod, and hence after the birth of Christ. XXII. Ver. 5. τῇ ἐμνηστευμένῃ αὐτῷ. Weiss ed. Mey. rightly objects to the comment of Meyer on this phrase. The marriage was not yet completed, only in the sense indicated in Matt. i. 25. ‘But could Luke have really supposed that she, contrary to all custom, made the journey with her betrothed?’ He suggests a view similar to that of Bis- ping. The interpretation ‘‘who was pregnant’’ is also rejected by Weiss, who cancels the ‘‘ remark’’ of Meyer against the Davidie origin of Mary. XXIII. Ver. 7. ἐν τῷ καταλύματι. Weiss ed. Mey. also holds that this refers to ‘‘ the house of a friendly host,”’ urging that so small a place as Bethlehem would scarcely have a caravanserai. XXIV. Ver. 9. The Time of the Nativity. For a clear statement on this subject, with an argument against the position of Robinson, accepted by Meyer, see Andrews, Life of our Lord, pp. 16-22. XXV. Ver. 14. δόξα ἐν ὑψίστοις, k.7.A. The genitive must be accepted, if textual criticism has any validity. Meyer’s view of the passage is, in the main, accepted by those who reject the received reading ; comp.-R. V.+ext. It is probable, however, that more emphasis should NOTES. 289 be laid upon the thought of God’s good pleasure as the ground of peace. The angels would not be perplexed with the dogmatic difficulty of reconciling this with the free agency of the ‘‘men of His good pleasure.’’ The popular view of the passage is even farther from the angelic utterance than the incorrect read- ing and worse rendering of the A. V. XXVI. Vv. 8-20. The Angelic Appearance to the Shepherds. It is difficult to understand how Meyer could have written both parts of his *¢remark” on this topic. Weiss ed. Mey. either cancels or alters all but the first sentence of the entire passage. He denies that the story of Luke is in- consistent with ‘‘the subsequent want of knowledge,’’ etc., and asserts that nothing is said here of the divine glory of Jesus, which, as contrasted with His lowliness, Meyer holds to be ‘“‘ the great truth.’’ In other words, he denies the validity of Meyer’s objection to the historical character of this part of the nar- rative. This is not the place to discuss the question fully ; but when a history is said to find its truth ‘‘in the sphere of the idea, not in that of historical reality,’’ although narrated by the historian as a real event, then the only possible mean- ing is, that the historian is either mistaken or tells a wilful untruth. Meyer seems to have in mind the former explanation, but he is more likely to be mistaken than Luke. Meyer’s proper repugnance to ‘‘ mystical references” (see p. 270) ought to have guarded him against an explanation ‘‘in the sphere of the idea ;” while his exegetical ability might have revealed to him the real signifi- cance of his own language. No praises of ‘the living and creative poetry of faith’’ can hide his implication that some one fabricated this story. If the supernatural is admitted at all, then the story of the angelic Announcement seems more credible than the theory of its origin suggested by Meyer. ‘‘ Crea- tive poetry’? would have given us a complicated anthem, and “‘faith,’’? in Luke’s day at least, cannot be proven to have been false to truth, even under poetic impulse, XXVITI. Ver. 27. τοὺς γονεῖς. Meyer’s remark on this word presses into service an etymological notion which had disappeared from the common word, His inference is properly rejected by Weiss ed. Mey. XXVIII. Ver. 34. εἰς πτῶσιν καὶ ἀνάστασιν k.T.A. The reference to two classes is preferred in A. R. V., ‘‘the falling and the rising up of many.’’ The A. V. seems to refer to one class, and the R. V. (Eng. com.) is ambiguous. XXIX. Ver. 39. Ναζαρέτ. In regard to the difficulty of reconciling Luke’s account with that of Mat- thew, Weiss ed. Mey. here remarks that such a reconciliation is unnecessary, “since the difference is the natural result of the fact that these traditions cir- culated separately, and none of our Evangelists had an exact and uninterrupted knowledge of the history of the birth and youth of Jesus.’’ The difficulty seems incompatible with the view that Luke had any knowledge of the Gospel of Matthew, and hence the independence of the witnesses makes for the truthful- ness of each. The only important question is, Do we know enough of the facts 19 290 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. (about which it is declared the Evangelists had not ‘‘ exact and uninterrupted knowledge”) to justify us in asserting a positive contradiction? We think not ; and, in the absence of complete knowledge, a theory that reconciles the accounts of two such witnesses is presumably more correct than a theory that does not. Moreover, we do not know how much either Evangelist knew beyond what he has recorded. XXX. Ver. 42. ἀναβαινόντων. The present participle must be accepted as the correct reading (see critical note), although Meyer deems the aorist ‘‘ necessary.” Even Godet, who usu- ally clings to the Recepta, favors the present participle, as indicating customary action. Weiss ed. Mey. more correctly accounts for the present, as showing that during this going up to Jerusalem there occurred what is afterwards nar- rated. The present participle has the force of the imperfect indicative in its various forms ; comp. ver. 45, where it answers to the conative imperfect. XXXII. Ver. 49. οὐκ ἤδειτε .7.A. Weiss ed. Mey. properly finds in οὐκ #devre a reason for doubting Meyer’s sug- gestion in regard to ‘‘an epoch, in the course of development, of that conscious- ness of Sonship.’’ The language of the answer presupposes that they ought to know where to find Him, and this implies some knowledge of His peculiar posi- tion. The quietude of the answer shows that Jesus Himself had before known of His relation to the Father. This view does not involve the extreme explana- tion given by Theophylact. XXXII. Ver. 50. It is ‘‘altogether incomprehensible’ how Luke could attempt to write his- tory, and succeed in getting a permanent place in literature, without knowing how to make a story more consistent with itself than this one is, if Meyer’s ob- jection is valid. That Joseph and Mary should fail to understand, ought not to be surprising to an acute observer of human nature. Weiss ed. Mey. finds the cause of this failure to understand in the apparent opposition to filial duty in which the consciousness of divine Sonship now manifested itself, which would be all the more remarkable in view of the constant subjection of the child hitherto and afterward. The revelations had been respecting the future call- ing of the child, and intimated nothing of this kind. Godet (Luke, p. 93) finds here another indication that Mary herself is the original source of the narra- tive : ‘It was only by the light Mary received afterward from the ministry of her Son that she could say what is here expressed: that she did not under- stand this saying at the time.”’ CHAP. ΤΠ} 1, 2. 291 CHAPTER III. Ver. 2. Instead of ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως, Elz. has ἐπ’ ἀρχιερέων, in opposition to de- cisive evidence. — Ver. 4. λέγοντος] is wanting in B DL A δὲ, min. Copt. Arm. Vulg. It. Or. Eus. Condemned by Griesb., deleted by Rinck, Lachm. Tisch. ; taken from Matt. iii. 3.— Ver. 5. εὐθεῖαν] B D =, min. Vulg. It. Or. Ir. have εὐθείας. So Lachm. and Tisch. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.]. A mechanical repetition from ver. 4. The verse bears no trace of its having been altered to agree with the LXX. — Ver. 10. ποιήσομεν] ποιήσωμεν, which Griesb. has recom- mended, and Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. have adopted, is here and at vv. 12, 14 de- cisively attested.—[Ver. 11. Tisch., recent editors, R. V., accept ἔλεγεν (instead of λέγει), following δὲ B C L and versions.]— Ver. 14. The arrangement τί ποιήσωμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς is, with Lachm, and Tisch., to be adopted, following B C* L ᾿ξ, min. Syr. Ar. Vulg. Rd. Ver. Brix. Colb.; καὶ ἡμεῖς was omitted, because καί follows again, —an omission which, moreover, the analogy of vv. 10, 12 readily suggested,—and was afterwards restored in the wrong place (before τί ποιήσ.). --- πρὸς αὐτούς] Lachm. has αὐτοῖς, following Β C* D L =, min. Vulg. It. [So recent editors, but not Tisch.] The Receptais a repetition from ver. 19. ['Tisch. has μηδένα a second time, following δὲ ; but recent editors retain μηδέ (Rec.), which is well attested. ]— Ver. 17. καὶ διακαθαριεῖ] Tisch. has διακαθᾶραι, as also after- wards «. συναγαγεῖν, on too weak attestation. [Recent editors, R. V., agree with Tisch., following δὲς B.]— Ver. 19. After γυναικός, Elz. has Φιλίππου, in opposi- tion to decisive evidence. — Ver. 22. λέγουσαν] is wanting in B Ὁ L δὲ, Copt. Vulg. codd. of It. Ambr. Condemned by Griesb. and Rinck, deleted by Lachm. Tisch. Taken from Matt. iii.17. Comp. on ver. 4. -- σὺ εἰ. . . ηὐδόκησα] 1), Cant. Ver. Vere. Colb. Corb,* Rd. Clem. Method. Hilar. ap., also codd. in Au- gustine, have υἱός μου el σὺ, ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά oe. An old (Justin, ec. Tryph. 88) Ebionitic (Epiphan. Haer. xxx. 13) addition, which, echoing the expression in Acts xiii. 33, found its way into the narrative, especially in the case of Luke. — Ver. 23. Many various readings, which, however, are not so well attested as to warrant a departure from the Received text (Lachm. and Tisch. have adopt- ed ὧν υἱός, ὡς ἐνομίζετο, and Tisch. has ἀρχόμ. after ’Ijcovc). [The order of Tisch. is attested by 8 B L, Origen, and minor witnesses ; accepted by recent editors, R. V. See exegetical notes.] -- Ver. 23 ff. Many variations in the writ- ing of the proper names. — Ver. 33. τοῦ ᾿Αράμ] Tisch. has τοῦ ᾿Αδμεὶν τοῦ ’Apvel, following BL XT δὲ, Copt. SyrP. So also Ewald. Rightly ; the Recepta is a correction in accordance with Matt. i. 4 ; 1 Chron. ii. 9. Vv. 1, 2. As, on the one hand, Matt. iii. 1 introduces the appearance of the Baptist without any definite note of time, only with ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκεί- vaic ; 80, on the other, Luke (‘‘the first writer who frames the Gospel his- tory into the great history of the world by giving precise dates,” Ewald), in fulfilment of his intention, i. 3, gives for that highly important starting- point of the proclamation of the Gospel (‘‘hic quasi scena N. T. panditur,” 292 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE, ‘‘here, as it were, the scene of the New Testament opens,” Bengel) a date specified by asixfold reference to the history of the period, so as to indicate the emperor at Rome and the governors of Palestine, as well as the high priest of the time ; namely—(1) in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar. Augustus, who was succeeded by his step-son Tiberius, died on the 19th August 767, or the fourteenth year of the era of Dionysius. See Suetonius, Octav. 100. Accordingly, it might appear doubtful whether Luke reckons the year 767 or the year 768 as the first ; similarly, as Tiberius be- came co-regent at the end of 764, or in January 765,’ whether Luke begins to reckon from the commencement of the co-regency (Ussher, Voss, Pagius, Clericus, Sepp, Lichtenstein, Tischendorf, and others), or of the sole-govern- ment. Since, however, no indication is added which would lead us away from the mode of reckoning the years of the emperors usual among the Ro- mans, and followed even by Josephus,” we must abide by the view that the fifteenth year in the passage before us is the year from the 19th August 781 to the same date 782.° [See Note XXXIII., p. 302.]— (2) When Pontius Pilate (see on Matt. xxvii. 2) was procurator of Judaea. He held office from the end of 778, or beginning of 779, until 789, in which year he was recalled after an administration of ten years ; Joseph. Antt. xviii. 4. 2. —(8) When Herod was tetrarch of Galilee. Werod Antipas (see on Matt. ii. 22, xiv. 1); this crafty, unprincipled man of the world became tetrarch after the death of his father Herod the Great in 750, and remained so until his deposition in 792. —(4) When Philip his brother was tetrarch of Ituraea and Trachonitis. This paternal prince (see Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 45 1.) became prince in 750, and his reign lasted till his death in 786 or 787, Joseph. Antt. xviii. 4. 6. His government extended also over Batanaea and Auranitis, Joseph. Antt. xvii. 11. 4, as that of Herod Antipas also took in Peraea. For information as to Ituraea, the north-eastern province of Palestine (Miinter, de rebus Itu- raeor. 1824), and as to the neighboring Tvrachonitis between the Antilibanus and the Arabian mountain ranges, see Winer, Realwort. — (5) When Lysa- nias was tetrarch of Abilene.* The Lysanias, son of Ptolemaeus, known from Josephus, Antt. xv. 4. 1; Dio Cass. 49, 32, as having been murdered by Antony at the instigation of Cleopatra in 718, cannot here be meant, unless Luke has perpetrated a gross chronological blunder ; which latter case, in- deed, Strauss, Gfrérer, B. Bauer, Hilgenfeld take for granted ; while Vale- sius, on Eus, ZZ. #. i. 10 ; Michaelis, Paulus,* Schneckenburger in the Stud. 1 Tacit. Ann. 1.3; Sueton. 7%d. 20 f.; Vel- leius Paterculus, ii. 121. 2 Also Antt. xviii. 6. 10, Where σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχήν does not refer back to an earlier co-regency of Tiberius, so that αὐτός would be equivalent to μόνος; but this αὐτός indi- cates simply a contrast between him and Caius, who had been nominated his suc- cessor. 3 See also Anger, χη) Chronologie αἰ. Leh- ramtes Christi, Το. Leipzig 1848; Ideler, Chrono. I. p. 418. Authentication from coins ; Sauley, Athen. frangdis, 1855, p. 639 f. 4 See especially, Hug, Gutacht. I. p. 119 ff.; Ebrard, p. 180 ff.; Wieseler, p. 174 ff.; Schweizer in the Theol. Jahrb. 1847, p. 1 ff. (who treats the chronology of Luke very unfairly) ; Wieseler in Herzog’s Hncyki. I. p. 64 ff.; Lichtenstein, p. 131 ff.; Bleek in loc. 5 In his Commentary. But in his Exeget. Tlandb. he acquiesces in the text as it stands, and forces upon it, contrary to the letter, the meaning: when Philip the tetrarch of Iturvaea and Trachonitis was also tetrarch over Abilene of Lysanias. Thus, indeed, the GHAP, ΠῚ 152. 293 u. Krit. 1833, p. 1064, would mend matters uncritically enough by omitting τετραρχοῦντος (which is never omitted in Luke, see Tischendorf) ; and the re- maining expression : καὶ τῆς Λυσανίου Αβιληνῆς Some have attempted to con- strue, others to guess at the meaning. After the murder of that older Lysa- nias who is mentioned as ruler of (δυναστεύων) Chalcis, between Lebanon and Antilibanus (Joseph. Antt. xiv. 7. 4), Antony presented a great part of his possessions to Cleopatra (see Wieseler, p. 179), and she leased them to Her- od. Soon afterwards Zenodorus received the lease of the οἷκος τοῦ Λυσανίου (Joseph. Antt. xv. 10.1 ; Bell. Jud. i. 20.4); but Augustus in 724 compelled him to give up a portion of his lands to Herod (Joseph. as above), who after the death of Zenodorus in 734 obtained the rest also, Antt. xv. 10.3. After Herod’s death a part of the οἴκου τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου passed over to Philip (Antt. xvii. 11. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 6. 8). It is consequently not to be proved that no portion of the territory of that older Lysanias remained in his family. This is rather to be assumed,’ if it is supposed that Abilene also belonged to the principality of that elder Lysanias. But this supposition is itself deficient in proof, since Josephus designates the territory of the elder Lysanias as Chalcis (see above), and expressly distinguishes the kingdom of a later Ly- sanias, which Caligula (Antt. xviii. 6. 10) and Claudius bestowed on Agrip- pat. (Antt. xix. 5. 1, xx. 7.1; Bell. ii. 11. 5, ii. 12. 8) from the region of Chal- cis (Bell. ii. 12. 8). But since Abila is first mentioned as belonging to the tetrarchy of this later Lysanias (Antt. xix. 5. 1), and since the kingdom of the elder Lysanias is nowhere designated a tetrarchy, although probably the territory of that younger one is so named,’ it must be assumed that Josephus, when he mentions "Af:Aav τὴν Λυσανίου (Antt. xix. 5.1), and speaks of a tetrarchy of Lysanias (Antt. xx. 7.1; comp. Bell. 11. 11. 5, ii. 12. 18), still designates the region in question after that o/der Lysanias ; but that before 790, when Caligula became emperor, a tetrarchy of a Jater Lysanias existed to which Abila* belonged, doubtless as his residence, whereas it is quite another question whether this latter Lysanias was a descendant or a relation of that elder one (see Krebs, Obss. p. 112). Thus the statement of Luke, by comparison with Josephus, instead of being shown to be erroneous, is con- Jirmed.4 — (6) When Annas was high priest, and Caiaphas. Comp. Acts iv. 6, The reigning high priest at that time was Joseph, named Caiaphas (see on former old Lysanias would also here be Erdk. XV. p. 1060. To be distinguished meant. 1 Casaubon, Krebs, Siiskind the elder, Kuinoel, Siiskind the younger in the Stud. u. Krit. 1836, p. 431 ff.; Winer, and others. 2 Of whom, therefore, we have to think even in respect of the Greek inscription which Pococke (Morgenl. 11. ὃ 177) found at Nebi Abel (the ancient Abila), and in which Lysanias is mentioned as ¢etrarch. Comp. Béckh, Juscr. 4521, 4523. 3It was situated in the region of the Leb- anon, eighteen miles north from Damascus, and thirty eight miles south from Heliopo- lis, Ptolem. y. 18; Anton. Jdiner. ; Ritter, from Abilain Decapolis, and other places of this name (Joseph. y. 1. 1; Bell. ii. 13. 2, ἵν: 7.5): 4It is, however, altogether precarious _ with Lichtenstein, following Hofmann, to gather from the passage before us a proof that Luke did not write till after the de- struction of Jerusalem, because, namely, after that crumbling to pieces of the Hero- dian territories, no further interest would be felt in discovering to whom Abilene belonged at the time of Tiberius. But why not? Not even a chronological interest? 294 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Matt. xxvi. 3), who had been appointed by Valerius Gratus, the predecessor of Pontius Pilate, Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2, 2. His father-in-law Annas held the office of high priest some years before, until Valerius Gratus became pro- curator, when the office was taken away from him by the new governor, and conferred first on Ismael, then on Hleazar (a son of Annas), then on Simon, and after that on Caiaphas. See Josephus, 1.6. This last continued in office from about 770 till 788 or 789. But Annas retained withal very weighty in- fluence (John xviii. 12 ff.), so that not only did he, as did every one who had been ἀρχιερεύς, continue to be called by the name, but, moreover, he also par- tially discharged the functions of high priest. In this way we explain the certainly inaccurate expression of Luke (in which Lange, Z. J. II. 1, Ὁ. 165, finds a touch of irony, an element surely quite foreign to the simply chrono- logical context), informing the reader who may not be acquainted with the actual state of the case, that Annas was primarily and properly high priest, and next to him Caiaphas also. But according to Acts iv. 6, Luke himself must have had this view, so that it must be conceded as a result that this expression is erroneous,—an error which, as it sprang from the predominat- ing influence of Annas, was the more easily possible in proportion to the distance at which Luke stood from that time in which the high priests had changed so frequently ; while Annas (whose son-in-law and five sons besides filled the office, Joseph. Antt. xx. 9. 1) was accustomed to keep his hand on the helm. To agree with the actual historical relation, Luke would have been obliged to write : ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως Καϊάφα καὶ "Αννα. [See Note XXXIV., p. 802 seq.] Arbitrary shifts have been resorted to, such as : that at that period the two might have eachanged annually in the administration of the office ;’ that Annas was vicar (120, Lightfoot, p. 744 f.) of the high priest (so Sealiger, Casaubon, Grotius, Lightfoot, Reland, Wolf, Kuinoel, and others, comp. de Wette), which, however, is shown to be erroneous by his name be- ing placed first ; that he is here represented as princeps Synedrii (δ 2), Lightfoot, p. 746).2 But as ἀρχιερεύς nowhere of itself means president of the Sanhedrim, but in every case nothing else than chief priest, it can in this place especially be taken only in this signification, since καὶ Καϊάφα stands alongside. If Luke had intended to say : ‘‘ under the president Annas and the high priest Caiaphas,” he could not have comprehended these distinct offices, as they were at that time actually distinguished (which Selden has abundantly proved), under the one term ἀρχιερέως. [See Note XXXIV., p. 302 seq.] Even in xxii. 54, ἀρχίερ. is to be understood of Annas. — ἐγένετο ῥῆμα Θεοῦ x.7.A.| Comp. Jer. i. 2 ; Isa. xxxviii. 4f. From this, as from the following καὶ ἦλθεν x.7.A., ver. 8, it is plainly manifest that Luke by his chro- nological statements at vv. 1, 2 intends to fix the date of nothing else than the calling and first appearance of John, not the year of the death of Jesus,* but also not of a second appearance of the Baptist and his imprisonment (Wiese- 1 Beza, Chemnitz, Selden, Calovius, Hug, 8 Sanclemente and many of the Fathers, Friedlieb, Archdol. d. Leidensgesch. p. 73 ff. who, following Luke iv. 19, comp. Isa. Ixi. 2 So Selden, Saubert, Hammond, and re- 1 ff., erroneously ascribe to Jesus only one cently Wieseler, Chronol. Synopse, p. 186 ff., year of His official ministry. and in Herzog’s Hncyhi. 1. p. 354. CHAP, III., 3-6. 295 ler’), or of his beheading (Schegg). The mention of the imprisonment, vv. 19, 20, is rather to be regarded only as a digression, as the continuance of the history proves (ver. 21). The first appearance of John, however, was important enough to have its chronology fixed, since it was regarded as the ἀρχὴ Tov εὐαγγελίου (Mark i. 1). It was the epoch of the commencement of the work of Jesus Himself (comp. Acts i. 22, x. 87, xiii. 24), and hence Luke, having arrived at this threshold of the Gospel history, ver. 22, when Jesus is baptized by John, makes at this point a preliminary pause, and closes the first section of the first division of his book with the genealogical register, ver. 23 ff., in order to relate next the Messianic ministry of Jesus ch. iv. ff. Ver. 8. See on Matt. iii. 1 f. ; Mark i. 4. — περίχωρον τοῦ ’Iopd.] Matthew and Mark have ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ. There is no discrepancy ; for the apparent dis- crepancy vanishes with ἦλθε in Luke, compared with the narrative of the baptism in Matthew and Mark. [See Note XXXV., p. 303.] Vv. 4-6. See on Matt. iii. 3. Luke continues the quotation of Isa. xl. 3 down to the end of ver. 5, following the LXX. freely. The appeal to this prophetic oracle was one of the commonplaces of the evangelic tradition in re- spect of the history of John, and betokens therefore, even in Luke, no spe- cial source [see Note XXXYV., p. 303] ; he only gives it—unless a Pauline pur- pose isto be attributed to his words (Holtzmann)—more fully than Matthew, Mark, and John (i. 23). —In ὡς γέγραπται the same thing is implied that Matthew expresses by οὗτος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ ῥηθείς. --- φάραγξ] Ravine.? This and the following particulars were types of the moral obstacles which were to be removed by the repentance demanded by John for the restoration of the people well prepared for the reception of the Messiah (i. 17). There is much arbitrary trifling on the part of the Fathers and others in interpreting ὅ the particulars of this passage. —The futures are not imperative in force, but declare what will happen in consequence of the command, ἑτοιμάσατε k.T.2. Καὶ ὄψεται x.7.2. ought to have guarded against the taking the ex- pressions imperatively.+ — εἰς εὐθεῖαν] scil. ὁδόν. See Lobeck, Paralip. p. 363 ; Winer, p. 521 [E. T. 590 f.]. —ai τραχεῖαι] scil. ὁδοί, from what follows, the rough, uneven ways. — λείας] smooth. Comp. Xen. Mem. iii. 10. 1: τὰ τραχέα καὶ τὰ Agia. —7d σωτήρ. τ. Θεοῦ] See on ii. 30. It is an addition of the LXX. The salvation of God is the Messianic salvation which will appear in and with the advent of the Messiah before all eyes (ὄψεται πᾶσα σάρξ). As to πᾶσα σάρξ, all flesh, designating men according to their need of deliverance, and pointing to the wniversal destination of God’s salvation, see on Acts ii. 16. 1 See in opposition to Wieseler, Ebrard, p. 187; Lichtenstein, p. 137 ff. 2 Thue. ii. 67.4; Dem. 793.6; Polyb. vii. 15. 8; Judith ii. 8. 3 Well says Grotius : ‘‘ Nimirum est anxia eorum περιεργία, qui in dictis ἀλληγορουμένοις singulas partes minutatim excutiunt... cum satis sit in re tota comparationem in- telligi,”’ ‘“‘ Doubtless there is an anxious overexactness (περιεργια) in the case of those who, on what is spoken figuratively, ex- amine piecemeal the various parts... when it is enough to know the agreement in the matter as a whole.” 4On the use of the Cyrenaic (Herod. iv. 199) word Bovvos, hill, in Greek, see Schweighaduser, Lex. Herod. I. p. 125 f.; Sturz, Dial, Al. p. 154; Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 356. 296 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Vv. 7-9. See on Matt. 11. 7-10. — ὄχλοις Kuinoel erroneously says : “* Pharisaei et Sadducaei.” See rather on Matt. 111. 7.’— éxzop.] the present. The people are represented as still on their way. — οὖν] since otherwise you cannot escape the wrath to come. — καὶ μὴ ἄρξησϑε κ.τ.}.} and begin not to think, do not allow yourselves to fancy ! do not dispose yourselves to the thought ! ‘‘Omnem excusationis etiam conatum praecidit,” ‘‘He cuts off the very attempt at excuse,” Bengel. Bornemann explains as though the words were καὶ μὴ πάλιν (he likens it to the German expression, ‘‘ das alte Lied anfangen”) ; and Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 540, as if it meant καὶ μηδέ, ne quidem. Comp. also Bengel. Vy. 10, 11. Special instructions on duty as far as ver. 14 peculiar to Luke, and taken from an unknown source. — οὖν] in pursuance of what was said vv. 7—-9.— ποιήσωμεν] (see the critical remarks) is deliberative. On the ques- tion itself, comp. Acts ii. 37, xvi. 30. — μεταδότω] namely, a χιτών. --- ὁ ἔχων βρώματα) not : ‘* qui cibis abundat,” ‘‘ who has abundance of food,” Kui- noel, following older commentators. The demand of the stern preacher of repentance is greater ; it is that of self-denying love, as it is perfected from the mouth of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount. Vv. 12, 13. τελῶναι) See on Matt. v. 46. — παρὰ τὸ διατεταγμ. ὑμῖν] over and above what is prescribed to you (to demand in payment). See Winer, p. 215 [E. T. 240]. The unrighteousness and the exactions of those who farmed the taxes are well known. See Paulus, Hxeget. Handb. I. p. 358 f.? Ver. 14. Στρατευόμενοι) those who were engaged in military service, an idea less extensive than στρατιῶται. See the passages in Wetstein. Historically, itis not to be more precisely defined. See references in regard to Jewish military service in Grotius. According to Michaelis, there were Thracians, Germans, and Galatians in the service of Herod in his war against Aretas ; but this war was later, and certainly Jewish soldiers are meant. According to Ewald : soldiers who were chiefly engaged in police inspection, e.g. in connection with the customs. — καὶ ἡμεῖς) we also. They expect an injunc- tion similar (καί) to that which the publicans received. — διασείειν] to do vio- lence to, is used by later writers of exactions by threats and other kinds of annoyance (to lay under contribution), as coneutere. Comp. 3 Mace. vii. 21; see Wetstein, and Schneider, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 9. 1. — συκοφαντεῖν, in its primitive meaning, although no longer occurring in this sense, is to be a jig- shower. [On μηδέ, see critical note.] According to the usual view (yet see in general, Ast, ad Plat. Rep. p. 362 ; Westermann, ad Plut, Sol. 24), it was applied to one who denounced for punishment those who transgressed the prohibition of the export of figs from Attica. According to the actual usage, it means to denounce falsely, to traduce, and, as in this place, to be guilty of chicane. It is often thus used also in the Greek writers.* 1 The generalization proves nothing on behalf of Luke’s having been ignorant of our Matthew (Weiss), From such individ- ual instances an easy argument is drawn, but with great uncertainty, especially as Luke knew and made use of a multitude of evangelistic sources of which we know nothing. 2On πράσσειν, to demand payment, to exact, see Blomfield, Gloss. ad Aesch. Pers. 482; Kriiger, ad Xen. Anabd, vii. 6. 17. 5 See Rettig in the Stud. τι. Krit. 1838, CHAP, III., 15-22. 297 Ver. 15. Statement of the circumstances which elicited the following confession ; although not found in Matthew and Mark, it has not been arbitrarily constructed by Luke (Weisse) in order to return again to the con- nection, ver. 9 (Hilgenfeld, Holtzmann), but was probably derived from the same source as ver. 10 ff., and at all events it is in keeping with the impres- sion made by the appearance of John, and his preaching of baptism and re- pentance. Comp. John i. 25, where the more immediate occasion is nar- rated. — προσδοκῶντος] while the people were in expectation. The people were eagerly listening—for what ? This is shown in what follows, namely, for an explanation by John about himself. Comp. Acts xxvii. 33. — μήποτε] whether not perchance. Comp. on Gal. ii. 2. — αὐτός] tpse, not a third, whose forerunner then he would only be. Ver. 16. See on Matt. ii. 11; Mark i. 7 f.—amexpiv.] ‘‘interrogare cupientibus,” ‘‘to those desiring to ask,” Bengel. — ἔρχεται] placed first for emphasis. — οὗ. . . αὐτοῦ] Comp. Mark i. 7, vii. 25 ; Winer, p. 184 [E. T. 148 f.]. — αὐτός] he and no other. Ver. 17. See on Matt. iii. 12. Vv. 18-20. See on Matt. xiv. 3 ff. ; Mark vi. 17 ff. On μὲν οὗν, quidem igitur, so that μέν, ‘rem: praesentem confirmet,” ‘‘ confirms the matter in hand,” and οὖν, ‘‘ conclusionem ex rebus ita comparatis conficiat,” ‘‘ deduces a conclusion from matters thus placed together,” see Klotz, ad Devar. Ῥ. 662 f. — kai érepa] and other matters besides, different in kind from those al- ready adduced.’ — εὐηγγελίζετο τ. λαόν] he supplied the people with the glad announcement of the coming Messiah.” — ὁ δὲ Ἡρώδης «.7.2.] an historical digression in which several details are brought together in brief compass for the purpose of at once completing the delineation of John in its chief features. To that description also belonged the contrast between his work (εὐηγγελίζ. τ. λαόν) and his destiny. The brief intimation of vv. 19, 20 was sufficient for this. — ἐλεγχόμενος x.t.A.] See Matt. xiv. 3 f.— καὶ περὶ πάντων k.T.2.] peculiar to Luke, but, as we gather from Mark vi. 20, essentially historical. The πονηρῶν, attracted with it, stands thus according to classical usage.*—éri πᾶσι] to all his wicked deeds. — καὶ κατέκλεισε] simplicity in the style is maintained at the expense of the syntax (Kiihner, ὃ 720). — ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ] in the prison, whither he had brought him.4 Vv. 21, 22. See on Matt. iii. 18-17 ; Mark i. 9-11. —Zéyévero δὲ x.1.A.] resumes the thread dropped at ver. 18 in order to add another epitomized narrative, namely, that of the baptism of Jesus. — ἐν τῷ βαπτισϑῆναι k.T.A. | Whilst ° the assembled people (an hyperbolical expression) were being bap- tized, it came to pass when Jesus also (kai) was baptized and was praying, p. 775 ff.; Becker, Char. I. p. 289 ff. Πονηρὸν, πονηρὸν ὁ συκοφάντης ἀεὶ καὶ βάσκανον, Dem. 807. 23; Herbst, ad Xen. Symp. iv. 30, p. 79 f. 1 As to καί with πολλά, see Blomfield, ad Aesch. Pers. 249; Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 2. 24; and as to ἕτερα, see on Gal. i. 7. 2 On the construction, comp. Acts viii. 25, 40, xiv. 21, xvi. 10; Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 268, 3 See Matthiae, § 473, quoted by Dissen, ad Dem. de Cor. p. 177, 349. 4 Comp. Acts xxvi. 10; Herodian, v. 8. 12, and elsewhere ; Xen. Cyrop. vi. 4. 10. 5 Bleek is in error (following de Wette) when he translates: when .. . He was bap- tized. See ii. 27, viii. 40, ix. 36, xi. 37, xiv. 1, xix. 15, xxiv. 30; in general, Buttmann, Neut, Gr, p. 226 f. [E. T. 264]. 298 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. the heaven was opened, etc. The entire people was therefore present (in opposition to Kuinoel, Krabbe, and others). [See Note XXXVI., p. 303. ] The characteristic detail, καὶ rpocevy., is peculiar to Luke.— σωματικῷ εἴδει ὡσεὶ περιστ. | so that He appeared as a bodily dove. See, moreover, on Matthew. Ver. 23. Αὐτός] as Matt. iii. 4: He Himself, to whom this divine σημεῖον, ver. 22, pointed. [On the order of the words, see critical note.] — ἦν ὡσεὶ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα ἀρχόμενος) He was about thirty years of age (comp. ii. 42 ; Mark v. 42), when He made the beginning,’ viz. of His Messianic office. This limitation of the meaning of ἀρχόμενος results from ver. 22, in which Jesus is publicly and solemnly announced by God as the Messiah.* With the re- ception of his baptismal consecration, Jesus entered on the commencement of His destined ministry. Comp. Mark i. 1; Acts i. 21 f., x. 37. [See Note XXXVII., p. 303.] The interpretation given by others : ‘‘ Incipiebat autem Jesus annorum esse fere triginta,” ‘‘ but Jesus was beginning to be about thirty years of age,” Castalio (so Luther, Erasmus, Beza [A.V.], Vatablus, and many more), could only be justified either by the original running : ἤρξατο εἶναι ὡσεὶ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα, OF ἦν ὡσεὶ ἔτους τριακοστοῦ ἀρχόμενος. It is true that Grotius endeavors to fortify himself in this interpretation by including in the clause the following ὦν, so that ἄρχομαι ὧν ἐτῶν τριάκοντα might mean: incipio jam esse tricenarius. But even if jv... ὧν be conjoined in Greek usage (see Bornemann, ad Xen. Cyr. ii. 3. 18, p. 207, Leipzig), how clumsy would be the expression ἦν ἀρχόμενος ὧν, incipiebat esse! ‘* was beginning to be,” and, according to the arrangement of the words, quite intolerable. Even ἐρχόμενος has been conjectured (Casaubon). — ὧν) belongs to υἱὸς ᾿Ιωσήφ, and ὡς ἐνομίζετο, as he was considered (ὡς ἐδόκει τοῖς ᾿Τουδαίοις᾽ ὡς yap ἡ ἀλήϑεια εἶχεν, οὐκ ἦν υἱὸς αὐτοῦ, ‘‘as it seemed to the Jews ; for the truth lay, He was not his son,” Euthymius Zigabenus), isa parenthesis. Paulus, who con- nects ὧν with apydu., explains : according to custom (Jesus did not begin His ministry sooner). Comp. on Acts xvi. 13. It is true the connecting of the two participles ἀρχόμενος ὧν would not in itself be ungrammatical (see Pflugk, ad Hec. 358); but this way of looking at the matter is altogether wrong, because, in respect of the appearance of the Messiah, there could be no question of a custom at all, and the fixing of the age of the Levites (Num. iv. 3, 47), which, moreover, was not a custom, but a daw, has nothing to do with the appearance of a prophet, and especially of the Messiah.* Others (quoted by Wolf, and Wolf himself, Rosenmiiller, Osiander) refer ὧν to τοῦ ‘HAi : existens (cum putaretur filius Josephi) filius, i.e., nepos Eli. So also 1S0 also Paulus, only that, after the example of Calvisius, he further attaches ὧν to ἀρχόμενος, in which case, however, it would be useless, and the subsequent gen- ealogy would be without any connecting link. Wieseler, Chronol. Synops. p. 125, placing ἀρχόμενος before ὡσεί (so Lachmann in the margin and Tischendorf), explains: “and he was—namely, Jesus when He began—about thirty years of age.’’ There- fore in the most essential point his view is in agreement with ours. 2So Origen, Euthymius Zigabenus, Jan- sen, Er. Schmid, Spanheim, Calovius, Cleri- cus, Wolf, Bengel, Griesbach (in Velthu- sen, Comment. I. p. 358), Kuinoel, Anger (Tempor. rat. Ὁ. 19), de Wette, Baumgarten- Crusius, Ewald, Hengstenberg, Bleek, and others. 3 Comp. further, on ὡς évoui¢g., Dem. 1022. 16 : οἱ νομιζόμενοι μὲν υἱεῖς, μὴ ὄντες δὲ γένει ἐξ αὐτῶν, and the passages in Wetstein. CHAP. III., 23. 299 Schleyer in the Theol. Quartalschr. 1836, p. 540 ff. Even Wieseler (in the Stud. u. Krit. 1845, p. 361 ff.) has condescended in like manner (comp. Lightfoot, p. 750) to the desperate expedient of exegetically making it out to be a genealogical tree of Mary thus: ‘‘being a son, as it was thought, of Joseph (but, in fact, of Mary), of Eli,” etc. Wieseler supports his view by the fact that he reads, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, ὡς ἐνομίζ. after υἱός (B L δ), and on weaker evidence reads before ᾿Τωσήφ the τοῦ which is now again deleted even by Tischendorf. [See Note XXXVIIL., p. 303.] But as, in respect of the received arrangement of ὡς évoy., it is only the ὧν υἱὸς ᾿Τωσήφ, and nothing more (in opposition to Bengel), that is marked out as coming under the ὡς ἐνομίζετο, so also is it in the arrangement of Lachmann (only that the latter actually brings into stronger prominence the supposed jilial relationship to Joseph) ; and if τοῦ is read before ’Iwo7#, no change even in that case arises in the meaning.’ For it is not υἱός that would have to be supplied in every following clause, so that Jesus should be designated as the son of each of the persons named, even up to τοῦ Θεοῦ inclusively (so Light- foot, Bengel), but υἱοῦ (after τοῦ), as the nature of the genealogical table in itself presents it,? making τοῦ Θεοῦ also dogmatically indubitable ; since, according to Luke’s idea of the divine sonship of Jesus, it could not occur to him to represent this divine sonship as having been effected through Adam. No ; if Luke had thought what Wieseler reads between the lines in ver. 23, that, namely, Eli was Mary’s father, he would have known how to express it, and would have written something like this: dv, ὡς μὲν ἐνομίζετο, υἱὸς ᾿Ιωσὴφ, ὄντως (xxiii. 47, xxiv. 34) δὲ Μαρίας τοῦ Ἣλί κιτ.2Δ. But he desires to give the genealogy of Jesus on the side of His foster-father Joseph: therefore he writes simply as we read, and as the fact that he wished to express required. As to the originally Hbionitic point of view of the genealogies in Matthew and Luke, see on Matt. i. 17, Remark 3. Remarx.—All attempts to fix the year in which Jesus was born by means of the passage before us are balked by the ὡσεί of ver. 23. Yet the era of Dionysius bases its date, although incorrectly (754 after the foundation of Rome), on Luke iii. 1, 23. Hase, Z.J. ὃ 26, follows it, setting aside, because of its myth- ical associations, the account of Matthew, that the first childhood of Jesus occurred as early as the time of the reign of Herod the Great. But these legend- ary ingredients do not justify our rejecting a date fixed by a simple reference to the history of the time, for it is rather to be regarded as the nucleus around which the legend gathered. As, however, Herod died in 750 (Anger, Rat. tem- por. p. 5 f.; Wieseler, Chronol. Synopse, p. 50 ff.), the era of Dionysius is at any rate at least about four years in error. If, further, it be necessary, according to this, to place the birth of Jesus before the death of Herod, which occurred in the beginning of April, then, even on the assumption that He was born as early as 750 (according to Wieseler, in February of that year), it follows that at the 1 This indifferent τοῦ came into the text after the other by rod are found in Herod. with extreme facility, in accordance with iy. 157, vii. 204, viii. 131, and others in Wet- the analogy of all the following clauses. stein. The Vulgate is right in simply read- 2TInstances of a quite similar kind of img, “‘filius Joseph. qui fuit Heli, qui fuit stringing on the links of a genealogy one Matthat,” etc. 300 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE, time when the Baptist, who was His senior only by a few months, appeared — according to 111. 1, in the year from the 19th August 781 to 782—He would be about thirty-one years of age, which perfectly agrees with the ὡσεί of ver. 23, and the round number τριάκοντα ; in which case it must be assumed as certain (comp. Mark i. 9) that He was baptized very soon after the appearance of John, at which precise point His Messianic ἀρχῇ commenced. If, however, as accord- ing to Matt. ii. 7, 16 is extremely probable, the birth of Jesus must be placed as early as perhaps a year before the date given above,! even the age that thus results of about thirty-two years is sufficiently covered by the indefinite state- ment of the passage before us; and the year 749 as the year of Christ's birth tallies well enough with the Baptist beginning to preach in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius.? [See Note XXXIX., p. 303 seq. ] Ver. 27. Τοῦ Ζοροβάβελ, τοῦ Σαλαϑιώλ)] The objection that in this place Luke, although giving the line of David through Nathan, still introduces the same two celebrated names, and at about the same period as does Matt. i. 12, is not arbitrarily to be got rid of. The identity of these persons has been denied (so, following older commentators, Paulus, Olshausen, Osiander, Wieseler, Bleek), or a levirate marriage has been suggested as getting quit of the difficulty (so, following older commentators, Ebrard, who says that Matthew mentions the legal, Luke the natural father of Salathiel), or it has been supposed (so Hofmann, Weissag. uv. Hrfill. ΤΙ. p. 37) that Salathiel adopted Zerubbabel. But the less reliance can be placed on such arbitrary devices in proportion as historical warranty as to details is wanting in both the divergent genealogies, although they both profess to give a genealogy of Joseph. The attempt to reconcile the two must be given up. [See Note XL., p. 304.] It is otherwise in respect of the names Amos and Nahum, ver. 25, which cannot be identified with the well-known prophets, and in respect of the names Levi, Simeon, Juda, Joseph, vv. 29, 30, which cannot be iden- tified with the sons of Jacob, as (in opposition to B. Bauer) is shown by the great difference of time. Ver. 36. Τοῦ Kaivay] In Gen. x. 24, xi. 12 ; 1 Chron.i. 24. Shalach (Aw is named as the son of Arphaxad. But the genealogy follows the LXX. in yen. (as above) ; and certainly the name of Aenan also originally stood in Genesis, although the author of 1 Chronicles may not have read it in his copy of Genesis. See Bertheau on 1 Chron. p. 6. [On ver. 38, see Note XLI., p. 304. ] Not “ αὐ least two years, probably even Jour or more years,’ Keim, D. geschichtl. Christus, p. 140. 2 From the fact that, according to the evangelists, Jesus after His baptism began His public official ministry without the in- tervention of any private teaching, the opinion of the younger Bunsen (7/e Hidden Wisdom of Christ, etc., London 1865, II. p. 461 ff.)\—that the Lord, at the beginning of His official career, was forty-six years of age—loses all foundation: It rests upon the misunderstanding of John ii. 20 f., viii. 57, which had already occurred in the ease of Irenaeus. See, on the other hand, Résch in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1866, p. 4 ff. The assumption of the latter, that the year 2 before the era of Dionysius was the year of Christ’s birth, rests in accordance with ancient tradition, to be sure, yet on the very insecure foundation of the appearance of the star in the history of the Magi, and on distrust of the chronology of Herod and his sons as set forth by Josephus, for which Résch has not adduced sufficient reasons, CHAP. 111. 301 Remark. — The genealogy in Luke, who, moreover, in accordance with his Pauline universalism carries on the genealogical line up to Adam, is appropri- ately inserted at this point, just where the Messianic consecration of Jesus and the commencement therewith made of His ministry are related. Hence, also, the genealogy is given in an ascending line, as Luke did not intend, like Mat- thew, to begin his Gospel just at the birth of Jesus, but went much further back and started with the conception and birth of the Baptist ; so in Luke the proper and, in so far as the historical connection was concerned, the right place for the genealogy could not have been, asin Matthew, at the beginning of the Gospel. Comp, Késtlin, p. 306.—Inits contents the genealogy is extremely ditferent from that in Matthew, since from Joseph to David, Luke has far more and almost throughout different links in the genealogy ; since Matthew gives the line of Solomon, while Luke gives that of Nathan (2 Sam. v. 14; 1 Chron. iii. 5), although he introduces into it from the former Σαλαθιήλ and Ζοροβάβελ. Seeking in several ways to get rid of this last-mentioned difficulty (see on ver. 27), many have assumed that Matthew. gives the genealogy of Joseph, while Luke gives that of Mary. [See Note XXXVIIL., p. 303.] To reconcile this with the text, τοῦ ‘HAi has been taken to mean : the son-in-law of Eli, as, following many older commentators (Luther, also Chemnitz, Calovius, Bengel), Paulus, Ols- hausen, Krabbe, Ebrard, Riggenbach, Bisping, and others will have it ; but this, according to the analogy of the rest of the links in the chain, is quite impos- sible. The attempt has been made to connect with this the hypothesis of Epiphanius, Grotius, Michaelis, and others, that Mary was an heiress, whose husband must therefore have belonged to the same family, and must have had his name inscribed in their family register (Michaelis, Olshausen); but this hypothesis itself, while it is equally objectionable in being arbitrary, and in going too far in its application, leaves the question altogether unsolved whether the law of the heiress was still in force at that time (see on Matt. i. 17, Rem. 2), even apart from the fact that Mary’s Davidie descent is wholly without proof, and extremely doubtful. See oni. 36, ii. 4. Another evasion, with a view to the appropriation of the genealogy to Mary, as well as that of Wieseler, is al- ready refuted! at ver. 23. See also Bleek, Beitr. p. 101 £.—Hence the conclu- sion must be maintained, that Lule also gives the genealogy of Joseph. But if this be so, how are we to reconcile the genealogy with that given in Matthew? It has been supposed that Joseph was adopted (Augustine, de consens. evangel. ii. 3; Wetstein, Schegg), or more usually, that he sprang from a levirate marriage (Julius Africanus.in Eusebius, H.£. i. 7), so that Matthew adduces his natural father Jacob, while Luke adduces his legal father Eli (Julius Africanus, Theo- phylact, Euthymius Zigabenus, Augustine), or vice versé (Ambrosius, Grotius, Wetstein, Schleiermacher). But what a complication this hypothesis, in itself quite arbitrary, involves! In this way Eli and Jacob must be taken to be mere half-brothers, because they have different fathers and forefathers! So in re- spect of Salathiel’s mother, we must once more call in the help of a levirate marriage, and represent Neri and Jechonia as in like manner half-brothers! 1 That Eli was the father of Mary is also therefore, Eli was Joseph's foster father, but inferred by Delitzschon Hebr. p. 290, who Mary’s actual father. What groundless de- suggests that after the premature death of | vices! And yet the passage itself is ‘as his father Jacob, Joseph was adopted, simple as possible until we want to force it namely, by this Eli as his foster son, and to say what it does not say,’’ Hofmann, brought up along with Mary; that thus, Schriftbew. II, 1, p. 112, 302 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. In addition to this, the obligation to the levirate marriage for the half-brother is not authenticated, and the importing of the natural father into the legal gene- alogy was illegal; finally, we may make the general remark, that neither Matthew nor Luke adds any observation at all in citing the name of Joseph’s father, to call attention to any other than the ordinary physical paternal rela- tionship. No; the reconciliation of the two genealogical registers, although they both refer to Joseph, is impossible ; but it is very natural and intelli- gible that, as is usual in the case of great men, whose descent in its individual steps is obscure, no anxiety was felt to investigate his ancestry until long after the death of Jesus—until the living presence of his great manifestation and ministry nolonger threw into the shade this matter of subordinate interest. [See Note XLII, p. 304.] The genealogical industry of the Jewish Christians had collected from tradition and from written documents several registers, which, appearing independently of one another, must have given very different results, as far back as David, in consequence of the obscurity of Joseph’s gene- alogy. The first Evangelist adopted a genealogy in accordance with the David- Solomon line ; but Luke adopted a totally different one, following the David- Nathan line.! But that Luke, as a matter of fact, rejected the genealogy of Matthew, is according to i. 3 to be regarded asa result of his later inquiries, as in general the great and irreconcilable divergence of his preliminary history from that of Matthew suggests the same conclusion. Only the motives of his. decision are so completely unknown to us, that to concede to his genealogy the preference (v. Ammon, LZ. J. I. p. 179) remains unsafe, although the derivation of the Davidie descent of Jesus from the Nathan (therefore not the royal) line presupposes an investigation, in consequence of which the derivation of that descent through Solomon, which doubtless had first presented itself, was aban- doned in the interest of rectification (according to Késtlin, indeed, in the Ebionitic interest, in opposition to the royal line stained with crime, and in op- position to worldly royalty in general).—As the genealogy in Matthew is arranged in accordance with a significant numerical relation (three times four- teen), a similar relation is also recognizable in the genealogy by Luke (eleven times seven), even although no express reference is made to it. See already Basil. M. III. p. 399 C. Notrs py AMERICAN EDITOR. XXXIII. Ver. 1. Ἔν ἔτει δὲ πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ K.7.A. That the reckoning may be made from the beginning of the joint reign, appears from the citations in Zumpt, das Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 293-296, and Wieseler, Beitrage, VIII., p. 193. So Weiss ed. Mey., Godet, and many others. This would give as the “ fifteenth year’ from Jan. 1, 779, to Jan. 1, 780, a period which accords with the other chronological indications. (See Note XXXIX., p. 303 seq.) _ XXXIV. Ver. 2. ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως ἔΑννα k.T.A. Weiss ed. Mey. properly objects to the view that Luke’s expression is erro- neous, and that Acts iv. 6 proves him to have thought ‘‘that Annas was prima- 1 This variation in the Davidic descent of | theology. See Delitzsch in the Zeitschr. f. the Messiah occurs also in the later Jewish Luth. Theol. 1860, 3, p. 460 f. NOTES. 303 rily and properly high priest.’’ He suggests that the name of Annas as the older person necessarily comes first. He also refers to Schiirer, Zeitgeschichte, p. 411 ff., against Meyer’s view that there was ‘“‘a president of the Sanhedrim.” XXXV. Ver. 3. περίχωρον x.7.A. Weiss (in his commentary on Matthew, p. 109) finds in the similarity of this expression with Matt. iii. 5 a proof of its presence in ‘‘ the older source,’’ while Mark’s description is in accordance with the prophecy. But the variations, in this first narrative statement common to the Synoptists, furnish a strong proof of independence. Weiss regards the citation from the prophet as also derived from ‘‘the older source.”’ XXXVI. Ver. 21. ἅπαντα τὸν λαόν. Meyer’s explanation is unsatisfactory. Weiss ed. Mey. and Godet more cor- rectly regard the verse as indicating that the baptism of Jesus took place during the period of John’s active labors in baptizing the people. Certainly év points to this sense, and the aorist βαπτισθῆναι is used because the writer conceives of John’s labors as a whole. XXXVI. Ver. 23. ἦν Ἰησοῦς ἀρχόμενος ὡσεὶ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα. The above order is now generally accepted (see critical note), and serves to confirm the interpretation of Meyer (see his foot-note, p. 298). So Weiss ed. Mey. Comp. R. V.: ‘‘And Jesus Himself, when He began to teach, was about thirty years of age.”’ XXXVIII. Ver. 23. ὧν υἱός, ὡς ἐνομίζετο, ᾿Ιωσήφ. This order is well attested and now generally accepted. Itfavors the view which makes what follows a genealogy of Mary. Weiss ed. Mey. throughout opposes the theory of Meyer in regard to the genealogy. He omits the stric- tures upon Wieseler’s interpretation, and says: ‘‘It cannot be denied that, through the critically-attested absence of the article before ᾿Ιωσήφ, this is con- nected more closely with ἐνομίζετο and separated from the following genitives.” This, it will be seen, is emphatically true with the above order. Meyer does not fairly face the question as it is presented by the correct text. As regards his exegetical position Weiss says: ‘‘ But the assumption that Luke would here give the genealogy of the foster-father Joseph, which Meyer still so emphat- ically presses, is, notwithstanding, exegetically impossible. For he is not here described as a foster-father, but as his supposed father, and the genealogy of such an one can have for Jesus absolutely no significance. Hence all the fol- lowing genitives, although they certainly could be subordinated one to the other, must be co-ordinated, so that all are alike dependent on υἱός, and Jesus is described as the son of all these men in the sense in which elsewhere He is called a son of David, a sonof Abraham, etc. For it is self-evident that Jesus, who was only reputed a son of Joseph, could be a son of Heli only through His mother, whose ancestors were all these further-named men, that are then at the same time all His ancestors.” (See further below, Note XLII.) XXXIX. Ver. 23. The Year. The chronological question is much simplified by reckoning ‘the fifteenth year” (ver. 1) from the beginning of the joint reign of Tiberius, as Weiss ed. Mey. remarks. If we reckon from the sole reign, the first passover of our Lord’s 304 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. ministry would fall in 782; on the Tripaschal theory, this would make the year of His death 784 ; on the Quadripaschal, it would be 785. Both dates are too late, according to the testimony of Tertullian. Moreover, since the date of Christ’s birth must be placed before the death of Herod, Meyer’s date (Aug. 19, 781-2) would make the beginning of the ministry when our Lord was nearly, if not fully, dhirty-two years of age, since allowance must be made for the preceding ministry of the Baptist, and also for the interval between the Nativity and the death of Herod. The term ὡσεί might cover two additional years, but it is unlikely that Luke would use it so loosely. Many authors, here also, are quite confused in their reckoning. XL. Ver. 27. τοῦ Ζοροβάβελ, τοῦ Σαλαθιήλ. The identity of these persons with those named in Matthew’s genealogical list cannot be proven: the fact that other identical names refer to different per- sons in the two lists at least forbids the creating of a difficulty by insisting upon the identity here. XLI. Ver. 38. τοῦ Αδάμ, τοῦ θεοῦ. Weiss ed. Mey. remarks upon this: “Τὸ cannot possibly indicate that Adam was the son of God as Seth was the son of Adam. For even if it were pos- sible to regard the creation of Adam by God in the biblical sense as a begetting by Him, the mention of this circumstance would be here entirely superfluous, or it would present the ‘Divine Sonship of Jesusas mediated through Adam (and all his posterity),’ which certainly cannot be the design of Luke. ‘This exeget- ical impossibility is avoided only by accepting the genitives as co-ordinate, and allowing Jesus to be described both as the son of His human ancestors (on the side of Mary) and as the son of God, which in this connection indeed can be understood only of His being physically begotten by the miraculous power of God (comp. i. 35). Thus the conclusion of the genealogy confirms the result reached in regard to ver. 23.” XLII. The Two Genealogies. Meyer's explanation of the difference between the two genealogies is rendered unnecessary by the view, so strongly advocated by Weiss, that on exegetical grounds that of Luke must be regarded as containing the ancestry of Mary. Moreover, this explanation is in itself improbable, since obscurity of lineage was uncommon among the Jews. Chaps. i. 27, ii. 4 imply that the genealogy of Joseph was well known.* It follows that all the artificial attempts at recon- ciliation cited by Meyer from Julius Africanus to Schleiermacher are also un- necessary. ‘‘But the exegetical result remains untouched by these futile at- tempts. . . . Luke presupposes the Davidie descent of Mary (against Meyer), as also Justin (Dial. § 100) and other Fathers do, and the Talmud (Tr. Chagig. 77, 4) calls her a daughter of Heli. To this may be added that onr genealogy is derived from the same source as the preliminary history” (Weiss ed. Mey.). This last consideration, in view of the probability that this source was origi- nally connected with the family circle of Mary, is of much weight. That Luke confused the genealogy of Mary with that of Joseph, is as unlikely in itself as it is contrary to the results of exegesis. The inconsequence of his introducing a genealogy of Joseph, knowing it to be such, has already been sufficiently indi- cated, CHAP. IV. 305 CHAPTER IV. Ver. 1. εἰς τὴν ἔρημον] BD L δὲ, Sahid. codd. of It. have ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ. Ap- proved by Griesb., adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. The Recepia is a mechanical alteration in accordance with the parallels. — Ver. 2. Before éreivace Elz. Scholz have ὕστερον, in opposition to Β D 1, δὲ, vss. Cyr. Beda. From Matt. iv. 2. — Ver. 3. Following nearly the same evidence, read with Lachm. and Tisch. εἶπεν δέ instead of καὶ elmev. — Ver. 4. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ παντὶ ῥήματι Θεοῦ] is wanting in BL 8, Sahid. Left out by Tisch. [W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., bracketed by Treg.]. But almost all the versions and Fathers vouch for these words ; if they had been added, they would, especially in an expression so well known and fre- quently quoted, have been more closely and perfectly adapted to Matthew. — Ver. 5. ὁ διάβολος] is wanting in BD L &, min. Copt. Sahid. Arm. Cant. Con- demned by Griesb., deleted by Tisch. An addition from Matthew. There is almost quite as strong evidence against εἰς ὄρος ὑψ., which nevertheless is found in Ὁ, but with the addition of λίαν. Lachm. has bracketed εἰς ὄρος iy. Tisch. has rightly deleted it. The expression ἀναγ. by itself seemed to be in need of the more exact definition, and so it was added from Matthew. — Ver. 7. Instead of πᾶσα, Elz. has πάντα, in opposition to decisive evidence. From Matt. iv. 9. — Ver. 8. Instead of γέγραπται by itself, Elz. has: ὕπαγε ὀπίσω μου σατανᾶ" yéypa- πται yap. So also has Scholz, but without yap; Lachm. has ὕπ. ὁπ. μ. o. in brackets, and has deleted γάρ. Against Or. 67. μ. σ. are BDL Ξὶ δὲ, min. and most of the vss. Or. Vigil. Ambr. Bede ; against ydp there is decisive evidence. Both the one and the other, deleted by Tisch., are interpolations ; see on Matt. iv. 10. — Ver. 9. Instead of υἱός Elz. has ὁ υἱός, in opposition to evidence so de- cisive that υἱός without the article is not to be derived from ver. 3. — Ver. 11. Instead of καί Elz. and the Edd. have καὶ ὅτι. Asthis ὅτε has by no means the preponderance of evidence against it, and as its omission here may be so easily ac- counted for by its omission in the parallel passage in Matthew, it ought not to have been condemned by Griesb.— [Ver. 16. Weiss calls attention to the fact that the form Natapd is attested by weighty authorities only here (δὲ B =) and Matt. iv. 13.-— Recent editors, R. V., with A B A, ete., read τεθραμμένος (Rec.), for which Tisch. substitutes ἀνατεθρ., with δὲ L, 33, 69.] — Ver.17. ἀναπτύξας] ABL Ξ 338, Syr. Copt. Jer. have ἀνοίξας. So Lachm. [Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.] ; but it is an interpretation of the word ἀναπτ., which occurs in the New Testament only in this place. — Ver. 18. The form εἵνεκεν (Elz. évexev) is decisively attested. Not so decisively, but still with preponderating evidence, is εὐαγγελίσασθαι (Elz. εὐαγγελίζεσθαι) also attested. — After ἀπέσταλκέ we Elz. and Scholz (Lachm. in brackets) have ἰάσασθαι τοὺς συντετριμμένους τὴν καρδίαν, which is not found in Β 1, Ξ δὲ, min. Copt. Aeth. Vulg. ms. It. Sax. Or. and many Fathers. An addition from the LXX. — Ver. 23. Instead of εἰς Kar. (Tisch. following B [and 8] : εἰς τὴν Kar.) Elz. Scholz have ἐν τῇ Kaz., in opposition to BD L δὲ, min. Marcion, the reading in these authorities being εἰς. An amendment. Comp. the following ἐν τῇ πατρ. σ. — Ver. 25, ἐπὶ ἔτη] B D, min. vss, have merely ἔτη, 20 306 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. So Lachm. [Treg., W. and Hort, text]. But how easily ἘΠῚ would drop out as superfluous, and that too when standing before ETH, a word not unlike ἘΠῚ in form !— Ver. 26. Σιδῶνος] ABC DL XT δὲ, min. vss., including Vulg. It. Or., have Σιδωνίας. Approved by Griesb., adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. From the LXX. 1 Kings xvii. 9. [But recent editors, R. V., accept the abundantly attested LiWwviac.] — Ver. 29. Before ὀφρίος Elz. and Lachm. (the latter by mistake) have τῆς, in opposition to decisive evidence. — Instead of ὥστε Elz. and Scholz have εἰς τό, in opposition to B D 1, δὲ, min. Marcion, Or. An interpretation.—[Ver. 33. Aeyov is probably from Mark ; omitted by Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., with δὲ B L.] — Ver. 35. ἐξ] BDLV ZX, min. Vulg. It. Or. have a7’. Approved by Griesb. and Schulz. Adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. Rightly ; Luke always expresses himself thus. See immediately afterwards the expres- sion ἐξῆλθεν ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ, which is in correspondence with Christ’s command. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V., with 8 A BCL, and most, read τὸ μέσον. ] --- Ver. 38. &] BCDLQS8, min. Or. Cant. have ἀπό. Approved by Griesb., adopted by Tisch. Rightly ; ἐκ is from Mark i. 29. — The article before πενθερά (in Elz.) has decisive evidence against it. — Ver. 40. ἐπιθείς] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἐπιτιθείς, following B Ὁ Q 2, min. Vulg. It. Or. ἐπιθείς was the form most familiar to the transcribers. [The same authorities sustain ἐθεράπευεν ; ac- cepted by Tisch., recent editors.]— Ver. 41. κράζοντα] Lachm. Tisch. have xpav- γάζοντα, following ADEGHQUVTI Δ, min, Or. Rightly ; the more current word was inserted. [Treg. text, W. and Hort, R. V., have κράζοντα.] After σὺ εἶ Elz. Scholz have 6 Χριστός, which has such weighty evidence against it that it must be regarded as a gloss. — Ver. 42. Instead of ἐπεζήτουν Elz, has ἐζήτουν, in opposition to decisive evidence. — Ver. 43. εἰς τοῦτο ἀπέσταλμαι] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἀπεστάλην. Rightly ; ἐπί isin BL δὲ, min., and ἀπεστάλην in BDLX 8, min. Both the εἰς and the perfect form are taken from Mark i. 38, Elz.—[Ver. 44. Tisch. Treg. W. and Hort, R. V., with 8 B D, read εἰς τ. ovvaywyac. —Instead of Γαλιλαίας (Rec. Tisch. Treg. text, W. and Hort marg., R. V. text, following A D and most, Vulg.) the reading Ἰουδαίας is found in δὲ BCL, Copt. It is the more difficult, hence probably altered ; accepted by Treg. marg., W. and Hort. text, Weiss, R. V. marg. | Vv. 1-18. See on Matt. iv. 1-11. Comp. Mark 1. 13.— According to the reading ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ (see the critical remarks), Luke says : and He was led by the (Holy) Spirit in the wilderness, whilst He was for forty days tempted of the devil. Thus the Spirit had Him in His guidance as His ruling principle (Rom. viii. 14). Luke relates besides, varying from Matthew, that Jesus (1) during forty days (comp. Mark i. 13) was tempted of the devil (how ? is not specified), and that then, (2) moreover, the three special temptations related in detail occurred.! [See Mark, Note VI., p. 26.] This variation from Matthew remained also in the Recepta εἰς τὴν ἔρημον, in respect of which 1 According to Hilgenfeld, Luke’s depen- dence on Matthew and Mark is said to be manifested with special clearness from his narrative of the temptation. But just in regard to this narrative he must have fol- lowed a distinct source, because otherwise his variation in the sequence of the temp- tations (see on Matt. iv. 5, Rem.), and the omission of the angels’ ministry, would be incomprehensible (which Hilgenfeld there- fore declares to be a pure invention), as, moreover, the ἄχρι καιροῦ (ver. 13) peculiar to Luke points to another source. CHAP. Iv., 1-13. 307 the translation would be : He was led of the Spirit into the wilderness in order to be tempted of the devil during the space of forty days (by reason of the present participle, see on ii. 45). — Ver. 3. τῷ λίθῳ τούτῳ] more concrete than Matt. iv. 4. — Ver. 5. ἀναγαγών] (see the critical remarks) he led Him up- wards from the wilderness to a more loftily situated place. The ‘‘ very high mountain” (Matthew) is a more exact definition due to the further devel- oped tradition. Luke has drawn from another source. — ἐν στιγμῇ χρ.] in a point of time,’ in a moment, a magically simultaneous glimpse ; a peculiar feature of the representation.? — Ver. 6. αὐτῶν] τῶν βασιλειῶν. --- Observe the emphasis of σοὶ... . σύ (ver. 7). — παραδέδοται) by God, which the boastful devil cunningly intends to have taken for granted. — Ver. 10 f. ὅτι] not recitative, but : that, and then καὶ ὅτι : and that. Comp. vii. 16. [See Note XLIII., p. 315.] Otherwise in Matt. iv. 6. — μήποτε] ne unguam, ‘“lest at any time,” not necessarily to be written separately (Bornemann).?— Ver. 13. πάντα πειρασμ. } every temptation, so that he had no further temptation in readiness. ‘‘Omnia tela consumsit,” ‘‘ He exhausted all his darts,” Bengel. — ἄχρι καιροῦ] until a fitting season, when he would appear anew against Him to tempt Him. It is to be taken subjectively of the purpose and idea of the devil ; he thought at some later time, at some more fortunate hour, to be able with better success to approach Him. Historically he did not undertake this again directly, but indirectly, as it repeatedly occurred by means of the Pharisees, etc. (John viii. 40 ff.), and at last by means of Judas, xxii. 34; but with what glorious result for the tempted !_ Comp. John xiy. 30. The difference of meaning which Tittmann, Synon. p. 37, has asserted (according to which ἄχρι καιροῦ is said to be equivalent to ἕως τέλους) is pure invention. See Fritzsche, ad Rom. I. p. 308 f. Whether, moreover, the characteristic ad- dition ἄχρι καιροῦ is a remnant of the primitive form of this narrative (Ewald) or is appended from Jater reflection, is an open question. But it is hardly an addition inserted by Luke himself (Bleek, Holtzmann, and others), since it is connected with the omission of the ministry of the angels. This omission is not to be attributed to a realistic effort on the part of Luke (Holtzmann, but see xxii. 43), but must have been a feature of the source used by him, and hence the ἄχρι καιροῦ must also have already formed part of it. ’ / ΡΘΕ . 1On the expression, comp. Plut. Mor. p. 104 A ; Jacobs, ad Anthol. VII. p. 126. 2 The various attempts to make this ἐν στιγμῇ χρόνου intelligible may be seen in Nebe, d. Versuch. d. Herrn, Wetzlar 185% p. 109 ff. The author himself, regarding the temptation as an actual external his- tory, avails himself of the analogy of the Satum morganum, but says that before the eye of the Lord the magical picture imme- diately dissolved. But according to the connection ἐν στιγμ. xp. does not mean that the appearance lasted only a single moment, but that the whole of the kingdoms were brought within the view of Jesus, not as it were successively, but in one moment, not- withstanding their varied local situation upon the whole earth. Bengel says appro- priately, “ acuta tentatio,” ‘‘an acute temp- tation.” 3 See rather Ellendt, Lex. Soph. II. p. 107; Lipsius, Gramm. Unters. p. 129 f. 4 According to Wieseler, Synopse, p. 201, the persecutions on the part of the Jews are meant, which had begun, John y. 15-18 ff. ; there would therefore be a longer interval between vv. 13, 14 But a comparison of ver. 14 with ver. 1 shows that this interval is introduced in the harmonistic interest ; moreover, Hofmann’s reference to the agony in Gethsemane (Schriftbew. 11. 1, p. 317) is introduced, since not this, but probably 308 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Ver. 14. Comp. on Matt. iv. 12; Mark i. 14. The public Galilean min- istry of Jesus begins, ver. 14 forming the introduction, after which, in ver. 15 ff., the detailed narrative follows. Schleiermacher, Schr. d. Luk. p. 50, arbitrarily, and contrary to the analogy of the parallels, says: that ver. 15 f. was the conclusion of a document which embraced the baptism, the gen- ealogy, and the temptation. — ἐν r. δυνάμ. τοῦ πν.] invested with the power of the Holy Spirit : ‘‘ post victoriam corroboratus,” ‘‘ strengthened after victory,” Bengel. — καὶ φήμῃ x.7.2.] and rumor went forth, etc., not anticipat- ing what follows in ver. 15 (de Wette) ; but it is the rumor of the return of the man who had been so distinguished at his baptism, and had then for upwards of forty days been concealed from view, that is meant. — καθ᾽ ὅλης k.7.A.] round about the whole neighborhood, Acts viii. 31, 42. Ver. 15. Αὐτός] He Himself, the person as opposed to their report. Ver. 16. As to the relation of the following incident to the similar one in Matt. xiii. 53 ff., Mark vi. 1 ff., see on Matthew. No argument can be drawn from ver. 23 against the view that the incidents are different, for therein a ministry at Capernaum would already be presupposed (Schleier- macher, Kern, de Wette, Weiss, Bleek, Holtzmann, and others), as a pre- vious ministry in that same place in the course of a journey (not while re- siding there) is fully established by vy. 14, 15. According to Ewald (comp, also his Gesch. Chr. p. 345), who, moreover, rightly distinguishes the pres- ent from the subsequent appearance at Nazareth, there are incorporated together in Luke two distinct narratives about the discourses of Jesus in Nazareth. But with reference to the mention of Capernaum at ver. 23, see above ; the connection, however, between vv. 22 and 23 is sufficiently effected by οὐχ οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς Ἰωσήφ. In ver. 31 ff. it is not the first ap- pearance of Jesus at Capernaum in general that is related, but the first por- tion of His ministry after taking up His residence there (ver. 31), and a spe- cial fact which occurred during that ministry is brought into prominence (ver. 33 ff.). According to Késtlin, p. 205, Luke met with the narrative at a later place in the Gospel history, but placed it here earlier, and allowed the yevdu. εἰς Kapapy. inappropriately to remain because it might at a pinch be referred to ver. 15. Assuredly he did not proceed so frivolously and awkwardly, although Holtzmann also (comp. Weizsiicker, p. 398), follow- ing Schleiermacher, etc., accuses him of such an anticipation and self- contradiction, and, moreover, following Baur and Hilgenfeld, makes this anticipation find its motive withal in the supposed typical tendency of ver. 24. [See Note XLIV., p. 315.]— οὗ ἦν τεθραμμ.} an observation inserted to account for the circumstances mentioned in vv. 22, 23. — κατὰ τὸ εἰωθ, αὐτῷ] refers to His visiting the synagogue on the Sabbath, not also to the ἀνέστη. The Sabbath visit to the synagogue was certainly His custom from His youth up.'— ἀνέστη ἀναγνῶναι] for the Scripture was read standing (Vitringa, Synag. p. 135 f.; Lightfoot, p. 760 f.; Wetstein in loc.) ; so when Jesus the whole opposition of the hierarchy (John devil. viii. 44), and finally the crime of Judas 1 Comp. Bengel and Lange, Z. J. II. 2, (John xiii. 2, 27), appears as the work of the Ρ. 545. CHAP. Iv., 17-19. 309 stood up it was a sign that He wished to read. It is true, a superintendent of the synagogue was accustomed to swmmon to the reading the person whom he regarded as being fitted for it ; but in the case of Jesus, His offer- ing Himself is as much in keeping with His peculiar pre-eminence, as is the immediate acquiescence in His application. Ver. 17. ᾿Επεδόθη] it was given up to Him—that is to say, by the officer of the synagogue, Lightfoot, p. 708. --- -Ἡσαΐου] the reading of the Parascha (section out of the law), which preceded that of the Haphthara (prophetic section), appears to have been already concluded, and perhaps there was ac- tually in the course a Haphthara from Isaiah,! But in accordance with His special character (as κύριος τοῦ σαββάτου, Matt. xii. 8), Jesus takes the section which He lights upon as soon as it is unrolled (avarr., comp. Herod. i. 48, 125), and this was a very characteristic Messianic passage, describing by very definite marks the Messiah’s person and work. By ἀναπτύξας [see crit- ical note] τὸ βιβλ. and εὗρε the lighting exactly on this passage is repre- sented as fortuitous, but just on that account as being divinely ordered (ac- cording to Theophylact : not κατὰ συντυχίαν, but αὐτοῦ θελήσαντος). Vv. 18, 19. Isa. ΙΧ]. 1, 2, following the LXX. freely. The historical meaning is : that He, the prophet, is inspired and ordained by God to an- nounce to the deeply unfortunate people in their banishment their liberation from captivity, and the blessed future of the restored and glorified theoc- racy that shall follow thereupon. The Messianic fulfilment of this announce- ment, i.¢., the realization of their theocratic idea, came to pass in Christ and His ministry.? — οὗ εἵνεκεν] in the original text [¥” : because, and to this corresponds οὗ εἵνεκεν : propterea quod, because, as ovvexev is very frequently thus used by the classical writers. The expression of the LXX., which Luke preserves, is therefore not erroneous (de Wette and others), nor do the words οὗ civexev introduce the protasis of a sentence whose apodosis is left out (Hofmann, Weissag. u. Erf. II. p. 96).*—éypice] a concrete de- scription, borrowed from the anointing of the prophets (1 Kings xix. 16) and priests (Ex. xxviii. 41, xxx. 30), of the consecration, which in this in- stance is to be conceived of as taking place by means of the spiritual investi- ture.4 — πτωχοῖς] the poor DIY. See on Matt. v. 3. They—in the original Hebrew the unhappy exiles—are more precisely designated by αἰχμαλώτ., as well as by the epithets, which are to be taken in their historical sense typi- cally, τυφλοῖς and τεθραυσμένους (crushed to pieces), whereby the misery of the πτωχοί is represented asa blinding and a bruising. According to the typi- cal reference to the Messiah, these predicates refer to the misery of the spirit- ual bondage, the cessation of which the Messiah was to announce and (ἀποσ- τεῖλαι) to accomplish. Moreover, the LXX. varies considerably from the 1 The arrangement of the present Haph- tharas was not yet settled at the time of Jesus. See Zunz, Gottesd. Vortrage d. Juden, p. 6. 2 Comp. Schleiermacher, LZ. J. p. 270 f. 3The form εἵνεκεν (2 Cor. vii. 12) is, moreover, classical; it occurs in Pindar, Isthm. viii. 69, frequently in Herodotus (see Schweighaiiser, Lex. sub. verb.), Dem. 45. 11. See generally, Kriiger, IT. § 68. 19. 1 f. 4 Observe the difference of tense, ἔχρισε... ἀπέσταλκε : He anointed me, He hath sent me (and Iam here !) ; also the lively asyndeton in the two verbs (ἀπέστ. without xat), a well as also in the three infinitives, 310 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. original Hebrew (doubtless the result of a various reading which mixed with this passage the parallel in Isa. xlii. 7), and Luke again does not agree with the LXX., especially in ἀποστεῖλαι τεθραυσμ. ἐν ἀφέσει, which words are from Isa. lviii. 6, whence Luke (not Jesus, who indeed read from the roll of the book) or his informant relating from memory having taken them erro- neously, but by an association of ideas easily explained mixed them up in this place. — ἐνεαυτὸν κυρίου δεκτόν] an acceptable year of the Lord, 1.6... a wel- come, blessed year belonging to Jehovah, whereby is to be understood in the typical reference of the passage the Messianic period of blessing, while in the historical sense the blessed future of the theocracy after the exile is de- noted by the words mm) PSN, i.e., a year of satisfaction for Jehovah, which will be for Jehovah the time to show His satisfaction to His people (comp. ii. 14). The passage before us is strangely abused by the Valentin- ians, Clemens, Hom. xvii. 19, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, and many more, to limit the ministry of Jesus to the space of one year,’ which even the connection of the original text, in which a day of vengeance against the enemies of God’s people follows, ought to have prevented. Even Wieseler, p. 272, makes an extraordinary chronological use of ἐνιαυτός and of σήμερον, ver. 21, in support of his assumption of a parallel with John vi. 1 ff. in re- gard to time, according to which the sojourn of Jesus in Nazareth is said to have fallen on the Sabbath after Purim 782. The year is an allusion to the year of jubilee (Lev. xxv. 9), as an inferior prefigurative type of the Messian- ic redemption. The three infinitives are parallel and dependent on ἀπέσταλκέ ue, whose purpose they specify. — ἐν ἀφέσει) a well-known constructio preg- nans: so that they are now in the condition of deliverance (Polybius, 1. 79. — 12, xxii. 9. 17), comp. ii. 39. Vy. 20, 21. Τῷ ὑπηρέτῃ] JINN, to the officer of the synagogue, who had to take the book-roll back to its place, after it had been folded up by Jesus (πτύξας corresponding to the ἀναπτύξας of ver. 17). — ἐκάθισε] in order now to teach upon the passage which had been read,—this was done sitting (Zunz, Gottesd. Vortrige d. Juden, p. 557). ---- ἤρξατο] He began. Bengel ap- propriately says: ‘‘Sollenne initium,” ‘‘a solemn beginning.” — ἐν τοῖς ὠσὶν ὑμῶν] in your ears is this Scripture (this which is written, see on Mark xii. 10) fulfilled—to wit, by the fact that the voice of Him of whom the prophet prophesied has entered into your ears. A concrete individualizing mode of expression.? How decisively the passage before us testifies in favor of the fact that from the beginning of His ministry Jesus already had the clear and certain consciousness that He was the Messiah !* Moreover, that nothing but the theme of the discourse delivered by Jesus is here given is 1 Keim also, D. geschichtl. Chr. p. 140 ff., has very recently arrived at this conclusion in view of Origen’s statement, de princip. ἦν. δ: “ἃ year and a few months,” and that too on the ground of the calculation of the Baptist’s death, according to the account of Josephus, Antt. xviii. 5, concerning the war of Antipas against Aretas. The testing of this combination does not belong to this place. But the Gospel of John stands de- cidedly opposed to the one-year duration of Christ’s official teaching. See, besides, the discussions on the subject in Weizsiicker, p. 306. ff. 2 Comp. i. 44, ix. 44; Acts xi. 22; Jas. v. 4; Ecclus. xxv. 9; 1 Macc. x.7; Bar. 1.3 f.; LXX. Isa. v. 9. 3 Comp. Beyschlag, Christ. ἃ. N. T. p. 36 f. CHAP. IV., 22-24, 311 manifest from the passage itself, as well as from ver. 22; but He has placed it remarkably close to the beginning of His discourse, and so led the hearer all at once in mediam rem (comp. Zunz, as above, p. 353). Grotius well says : ‘‘ Hoc exordio usus Jesus explicavit prophetae locum et explicando implevit,” ‘‘By this exordium of application Jesus explained the passage of the prophet, and by explaining fulfilled it.” Ver. 22. ’Euaprip. αὐτῷ] testified in His behalf, praising Him.! — ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις τῆς χάριτος] at the sayings of graciousness (genitivus qualitatis).* — καὶ ἔλεγον] not: at nonnulli dicebant, ‘‘ but some were saying,” Kuinoel, Paulus, and older commentators ; but their amazement, which ought to have been expressed simply at the matter of fact, showed itself, after the fashion of the Abderites, from the background of a limited regard for the per- son with whom they knew that these λόγους τ. χάριτος did not corre- spond. [See Note XLV., p. 315]. —é υἱὸς ᾿Ιωσήφ] If Luke had intended to anticipate the later history of Matt. xiii. and Mark vi., for what purpose would he have omitted the brothers and sisters ? Vv. 23, 24. Whether what follows, as far as ver. 27, is taken from the Logia (Ewald), or from some other written source (K6stlin), or from oral tradition (Holtzmann), cannot be determined. But the Logia offers itself most obviously as the source. [See Note XLVL., p. 315.] — πάντως] certainly ; a certainty that this would be the case. See on 1 Cor. ix. 10. —iarpé κ.τ.1.} a figurative proverb (παραβολή, wid) that occurs also among the Greeks, the Romans, and the Rabbins. See Wetstein and Lightfoot. The meaning here is : If thou desirest to be a helper of others (vv. 18, 19, 21), first help thyself Srom the malady under which thou art suffering, from the want of consideration and esteem which attaches to thee ; which healing of Himself, as they think, must be effected by means of miracle asa sign of divine attestation. See what follows. Others understand it : Help thine own fellow-townsmen (Theo- phylact, Euthymius Zigabenus, Calvin, Maldonatus, Grotius, Bengel, and others, also Paulus, de Wette, Schegg, Bisping). This is opposed to the meaning of the words, as σεαυτόν and iatpé can only be one person. More- over, the parabolic word concerning the physician is retained only in Luke, whom it might specially interest. — εἰς Καφαρναούμ] (the name is to be writ- ten thus in Luke also, with Lachmann and Tischendorf) indicates the direc- tion of γενόμενα, Which took place at Capernaum (Bernhardy, p. 220), comp. on xxviii. 6. The petty jealousy felt by the small towns against Caper- naum is manifest here. — ὧδε ἐν τῇ. πατρ. cov] here in thy birth-place. After the adverb of place comes the place itself, by way of a more vivid designa- tion.* — Ver. 24. But the hindrance to the fulfilment of that παραβολή, and also to the working here as at Capernaum, is found in the fact that no proph- et, etc. According to this, it is unfounded for Baur, Hvang. p. 506, to as- sume that the writer here understood πατρίς in a wider reference,* so that 1 See Kypke, Loesner, and Krebs. Fre- 16, xxxvii. 21. quently in the Acts, Rom. x. 2, Gal. iv. 15, 3 Bornemann, Schol. p. 84; Fritzsche, ad and elsewhere. Mare. p. 22. 2 Comp. on Col. iv. 6; Hom. Od. viii. 175: 4 Comp. Hilgenfeld, Hvang. p. 168, ‘‘ the χάρις ἀμφιπεριστέφεται ἐπέεσσιν ; Ecclus. xxi. Jewish home of Christianity ;’ Holtzmann 312 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. Paul’s experience in the Acts of the Apostles—of being compelled, when re- jected by the Jews, to turn to the Gentiles—had already had its precedent here in the history of Jesus Himself. That the whole section—to wit, from καὶ φήμη, ver. 14, to ver. 30—is an interpolation from the hand of the re- dactor, is asserted by Baur, Markusevang. p. 218. — εἶπε δέ] after ver. 23 let a significant pause be supposed. Vv. 25, 26. In order, however, to quote to you historical examples, in which the miraculous power of the prophets was put forth, not for countrymen, but for strangers, nay, for Gentiles, I assure you, etc. Jesus knew that here this sternness and open decisiveness on His part were not at all out of place, and that He need not hope to win His hearers ; this is only confirmed by the later similar incident in Matt. xiii. 54 ff. — ἐπὶ ἔτη τρία x. μῆνας ἔξ] So also Jas. v.17. But according to 1 Kings xvii. 1, xviii. 1, the rain returned in the third year. Jesus, as also James (see Huther in Joc.), follows, according to Luke, the Jewish tradition (Jalkut Schimoni on 1 Kings xvi. in Swrenhu- sius, καταλλ. p. 681), in which in general the number 34 (=4 of 7) in the measurement of time (especially a time of misfortune, according to Dan. xii. 7) had become time-honored (Lightfoot, p. 756, 950 ; Otto, Spicileg. p. 142). It was arbitrary and unsatisfactory to reckon (before 1 Kings xvii. 1), in ad- dition to the three years, the naturally rainless six months preceding the rainy season (Benson on Jas. v. 17 ; Wetstein, Wiesinger, and others ; comp. also Lange, II. p. 547 f.), or to date the third year (Beza, Olshausen, Schegg) from the flight of Elijah to Sarepta (1 Kings xvii. 9). — πᾶσαν τ. γῆν] not the whole region (Beza), but the whole earth ; popularly hyperbolical.—On Sarep- ta, situated between Tyre and Sidon, and belonging to the territory of the lat- ter, now the village of Surafend, see Robinson, Palestine, III. p. 690 ff. — Σιδῶνος] the name of the town of Sidon, as that in whose territory Sarepta lay. [See critical note. ] — μέγας] in xv. 14 λιμός is feminine, as it passed over from the Doric into the κοινή (Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 188). But in this place the reading μεγάλη, approved by Valckenaer, is so weakly attested that it cannot be thought of. — εἰ μή] not sed (Beza, Kuinoel), but nisi ; see on Matt. xii. 4. Ver. 27. See 2 Kings v. 14. — ἐπί] at the time, 111. 2. Ver. 29. "Ewe ὀφρίος τοῦ ὄρους] up to the bofty brink (supercilium) of the hill.’ This situation of Nazareth upon a hill (ἐφ᾽ od), t.e., hard by a hill,is still entire- ly in accordance with its present position, —‘‘ the houses stand on the lower part of the slope of the western hill, which rises steep and high above them,” Robinson, Pal. III. p. 419. Especially near the present Maronite church the mountain wall descends right down from forty to fifty feet,? Robinson, 1.6. p. 428 ; Ritter, Hrdk. XVI. p. 744. — ὥστε] of what, as they figured to themselves the result was to be, See on Matt, xxiv. 24, xxvii. 1; also, p. 214. Whether in general Luke looked on the rejection of Christ in Naza- reth asa ‘‘significant prelude for the re- 1 See Duncan, Zea. Hom., ed. Rost, p. 877, and Wetstein. 2 The place which is pointed out by tra- jection of Christ by His whole people” (Weiss inthe Stud. u. Kvrit. 1861, p. 697), cannot be decided at all, as he gives no hint on the subject. dition as the spot in question is at too great a distance from the town. See Robinson, l.c., and Korte, Reisen, p. 215 ff. CHAP. Iv., 30-37%. 313 comp. Luke ix. 52, xx. 20. — κατακρημν.} 2 er xxv. 12 ; Dem. 446. 11; Josephus, Anté. ix. 9. 1. Ver. 30. Αὐτὸς δέ] But He, on His part, while they thus dealt with Him.— διὰ μέσου] emphatically : passed through the midst of them. According to Paulus, it was sufficient for this, ‘‘that aman of the look and mien of Jesus should turn round with determination in the face of such a mobile vulgus.” Comp. Lange, ZL. J. Il. p. 548: ‘‘an effect of His personal majesty ;” and Ill. p. 876 : ‘‘a mysterious something in His nature.” Comp. Bleek. Ac- cording to Schenkel, the whole attempt on the person of Jesus is only a later tradition. On the other hand, the old commentators have : φρουρούμε- voc τῇ ἡνωμένῃ αὐτῷ θεότητι, ‘‘ guarded by the Deity united with Him,” Euthy- mius Zigabenus ; comp. Ambrosius, in addition to which it has been further supposed that He became invisible (Grotius and others). The latter view is altogether inappropriate, if only on account of διὰ μέσου ait. But certainly there is implied a restraint of his enemies which was miraculous and depend- ent onthe will of Jesus. It is otherwise in John viii. 59 (ἐκρύβη). Why Jesus did not surrender Himself is rightly pointed out by Theophylact : ov τὸ παθεῖν φεύγων, ἀλλὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἀναμένων, ““ ποῦ fleeing from the suffering, but awaiting the proper time.” — ἐπορεύετο] went on, that is to say, towards Ca- pernaum, ver. 31, and therefore not back again to Nazareth as has been har- monistically pretended. Vv. 31-37. See on Mark i. 21-28, whom Luke with some slight variations follows. — κατῆλϑεν] Down from Nazareth, which lay higher up, to Caper- naum, which was situated on the shore. Comp. Matt. iv. 198. -- πόλιν τ. Tawa. ] for here Capernaum occurs for the first time in Luke in the course of the history (it is otherwise at ver. 23). —7v didacx.] expresses the constant occupation of teaching on the Sabbaths (otherwise in Mark), comp. on Matt. vil. 29. [See Note XLVII., p. 315.]— Ver. 33. πνεῦμα δαιμονίου ἀκαθάρτου] The genitive is a genitive of apposition or of nearer definition (Winer, p. 470 [E. T. 581-2]) ; and δαιμόνιον, which, according to Greek usage, is in itself applicable to either good or evil spirits, being used by Luke jor the Jirst time in this passage, is qualified by ἀκαθάρτου. ---- ἔα] not the imperative of ἐάω (Vulg.: sine; Euthymius Zigabenus, ad Mare. ἄφες ἡμᾶς, comp. Syr.), but ““ interjectio admirationis metu miztae,” ‘‘an interjection of wonder min- gled with fear” (Ellendt, Ler. Soph. I. p. 465): ha! Plato, Prot. p. 314 Ὁ. Seldom occurring elsewhere in prose, even in the New Testament only in this place (not Mark i. 24). See Fritzsche, ad Mare. p. 32 f., who, nevertheless, traces back the origin of the expression to the imperative form. — ἦλθες x.7.4.] not interrogatively. The words themselves are simply taken from Mark ; all the less therefore is any hint to be read into them of the redeem- ing ministry of Jesus to the Gentile world (Baur, Hvang. p. 429 f.). — Ver. 35. pipav] is to be accented thus. — εἰς μέσον] He threw him down into the midst in the synagogue. The article might be, but is not necessarily added.’ [See critical note.] Observe, moreover, that here Luke describes more 1 See Bornemann, Ὁ. 4; comp., neverthe- 2 See the instances from Homer in Dun- less, Lipsius, Gramm. Unters. p. 31 ff. can, ed. Rost ; Kriiger, ad Xen. Anab. i, 8,15 314 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. vividly than Mark, although his description is too unimportant ‘‘ to glorify the miracle” (Holtzmann). — Ver. 36. τίς ὁ λόγος οὗτος) not : guid hoe rei est ὃ (Beza, Er. Schmid, Grotius, Kuinoel, de Wette) ; but: what sort of a speech is this? to wit, that which is related in ver. 35 ; comp. Theophylact : τίς ἡ πρόσταξις αὕτη ἣν προστάσσει, bre ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ Kai φιμώθητι, ‘‘ What is this com- mand which He commands, that it went forth from him and was still.” It is otherwise at ver. 32, where λόγος is the discourse which teaches ; here, the speech which commands. Mark i. 27 has, moreover, given the former particular (the d:day7) here again as the object of the people’s astonishment and conference ; but Luke, working after him, distinguishes the two, using for both, indeed, the general expression λόγος, but clearly limiting this ex- pression in ver. 32 by διδαχή, and in ver. 36 by ἐπιτάσσει. Baur decides otherwise in the Theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 70. — ὅτι] since he, etc., accounts for this question asked in astonishment. — ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ x. δυνάμ. |] with authority and power. The former is the authority which He possesses, the latter the power which He brings into operation. — Ver. 37. ἦχος) noise (Acts ii. 2; Heb. xii. 19), a stronger expression for rwmor. The classical writers use ἠχώ thus (Herod. ix. 24; Pind. Ol. xiv. 29). Vv. 38-41. See on Matt. viii. 14-16 ; Mark i. 29-34. Matthew places the narrative later, not till after the Sermon on the Mount.'’— ἀπὸ τῆς cvvaywy. | He went from the synagogue into the house of Simon. The article before πενϑερά isnotneeded. [See Note XLVIII., p. 315.] Winer, p. 108 f. [E. T. 119 ff. ]. Luke, the physician, uses the technical expression for violent fever-heat : πυρε- τὸς μέγας (the opposite : μικρός). See Galen, De diff. febr. 1, in Wetstein. — ἠρώτησαν] they asked ; Peter, to wit, and the members of the family,—hence it is not the plural introduced here without reason only from Mark i. 30 (Weiss). — ἐπάνω αὑτῆς] so that He was bending over her. —ézeriu. τῷ πυρετῷ] the fever regarded as a hostile power, and as personal, Mark, whom Matthew fol- lows, has not this detail ; whereas both have the touching with the hand. A divergence in the tradition as to the miraculous method of cure. — αὐτοῖς] refers to Jesus, Simon, and the other members of the family. Comp. ἠρώ- tyoav, ver. 38. — Ver. 40. ἀσϑενοῖντας νόσοις] according to Matthew, demoniacs and sick persons (comp. Mark), with which Luke nevertheless also agrees at ver. 41.?— τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιτιθείς] Matthew has λόγῳ, with reference, however, to the demoniacs. In ἑνὶ ἑκάστῳ, Which need not be pressed (Weiss, Holtz- mann), are implied the solicitude and the indefatigableness of this miracu- lous ministry of love. —areiv, ὅτι] to speak, because. See on Mark i. 34. Vv. 42-44. See on Mark i. 35-89, who is more precise and more vivid. — The bringing of so many sick folks to Him, ver. 40, is to be explained, not by this hasty departure, the appointment of which had been known (Schleier- 1 The arrangement in Luke, so far as he places (ch. v.) the call of Peter later, is in any case nol arbitrarily produced, although he follows the tradition which (as Matthew) does not include the companionship of James and John (so Mark). 2 All three also agree essentially as to the time of day (δύνοντος τοῦ nAtov), Until the even- ing Jesus had remained in the house of Simon, therefore the sick were first brought to Him there. Thus it was neither with a view to avoiding the heat of the sun, nor to choosing, from ‘‘ delicacy of feeling,” as Lange supposes, the twilight for the public exhibition of infirmities. NOTES. 315 macher), but, in accordance with the text (ver. 87), by the fame which the public healing of the demoniac in the synagogue had brought Him. — ἕως αὐτοῦ] not simply : to Him, but: even up to Him, they came in their search, which therefore they did not discontinue until they found Him. Comp. 1 Mace. iii. 26 ; Acts ix. 38, xxiii. 23. — εἰς τοῦτο] namely, to announce not only here, but everywhere throughout the land, the kingdom of God. — ἀπέσταλμαι] It is otherwise in Mark i. 36, whose expression is original, but had already acquired in the tradition that Luke here follows a doctrinal de- velopment with a higher meaning, —[Ver. 44. See critical note and Note XLIX., below. | Notes By AMERICAN EDIToR. DDIM Wierd MOS τος τος καὶ ὅτι: The R. V. properly takes ὅτι in both cases as recitative ; so Weiss ed. Mey., who regards καί as indicating an omission in the citation which Luke has ex- plained by the phrase : τοῦ διαφυλάξαι oe. Comp. also chap. vii. 16. XLIV, Ver. 16 ff. The Rejection at Nazareth. Weiss ed. Mey. identifies this occurrence with that narrated by Matthew and Mark, assigning it to the later period indicated by those Evangelists. The ar- guments he presents are the usual ones in defence of this position. See against the identity, Godet, Luke, pp. 154, 155, Am. ed. XLY. Ver. 22. kai éAeyov. Here Weiss (ed. Mey.) explains the saying in accordance with his view of the chronological position, finding a certain indistinctness, occasioned by a rem- iniscence of Mark vi. 2, 3. But this seems fanciful. XLVI. Vv. 23, 24. Meyer’s theory that these verses are from the Logia implies that the lan- guage was not uttered on this occasion. But there is every reason to believe that such proverbial sayings were repeated. XLVII. Ver. 31. ἦν διδάσκων. Weiss ed. Mey. explains this as referring to what was taking place when what follows occurred ; so in Mark i. 22. XLVIII. Ver. 38. ᾿Αναστὰς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς συναγωγῆς. The R. V. properly joins these words together : a constructio praegnans ; so Weiss ed. Mey. Meyer apparently connects ἀπὸ τ. o. with the main verb. XLIX. Ver. 44. τῆς Iovdaiac. The evidence for this difficult reading is preponderant. The copyists would readily alter it to Ταλιλαίας. Godet naively says: ‘‘The absurd reading τῆς 316 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. ‘Iovdaiac, which is found in the six principal Alexandrian mss., should be 8 caution to blind partisans of this text.’’ But the presence of sich a reading seems rather to attest the accuracy of these authorities. Weiss ed. Mey. accepts the above reading, and explains the term as referring to the entire Jewish country in general (so i. 5, vii. 17). ‘* Luke probably gives here a general sketch of our Lord’s first circuit in Galilee, and includes also the journey to Jerusalem mentioned in John v., which took place not very long afterward (or before, according to some). It is characteristic of Luke to sum up or anticipate thus.’’ (Inter. Rev. Comm. Luke, p. 73.) The verse forms a separate paragraph in the R. VY. CHAP. V. 317 CHAPTER V. [Ver. 1. Tisch., recent editors, R. V., following δὲ A B L and versions, have kai ἀκούειν, instead of τοῦ ax.] — Ver. 2. Thess. have ἀπέπλυναν (so Elz. Scholz), ἔπλυναν, ἔπλυνον, ἀπέπλυνον. Tisch. has the second reading, Lachm. the third. [So Treg., W. and Hort text, Weiss, R. V.] The preponderance of evidence wavers between ἔπλυνον (Β D) and ἔπλυναν (C* L Q X 8), and excludes the com- pound form. But since, according to this, even the mss. which read the Recepta (A E F G, etc.) add to the evidence in favor of érAvvAN, this form re- ceives the critical preponderance. The compound form is either a mere clerical error (as Ev. 7 has even ἐπέπλυνον), or a gloss for the sake of more pre- cise specification.— [Ver. 5. Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., omit αὐτῷ, follow- ing δὲ B, Copt., and read τὰ δίκτυα, attested by δὲ Β Ὁ L, Copt., and others. ] — Ver. 6. πλῆθος ἰχθύων] So Griesb. Matth. Scholz, Tisch., following the greater number of the uncials, but not BD, which have ἰχθύων πλῆθος, which Lachm. has again restored. Comp. Vulg. and codd. of It. The reading of Griesb. is to be preferred on account of its preponderating evidence, and still more because the words πλῆθος πολὺ Would more readily be brought together by the transcrib- ers than separated. — Ver. 15. Asiz’ αὐτοῦ is wanting in important authorities, in others stands after ἀκούειν, and A has az’ αὐτοῦ, it is rightly condemned by Griesb., struck out by Lachm. and Tisch. An addition by way of gloss. — Ver. 17. ἐληλυθότες Lachm. has συνεληλ., following only A* D, min. Goth. Vere. -- αὐτούς] Tisch. has αὐτόν, following BL Ξ δὰ. Rightly ; αὐτούς arose from a misunderstanding, because an accusative of the object appeared necessary. — Ver. 19. ποίας] Elz. has διὰ ποίας, in opposition to decisive evidence. An in- terpretation. -— Ver. 21. With Lachm. and Tisch. read ἁμαρτίας ἀφεῖναι, accord- ing to B DL Ξ, Cyr. Ambr. The Recepta is from Mark ii. 7, But in ver. 24 the form ἀφεῖναι (Tisch.) is too weakly attested [Tisch. VIII. has ἀφιέναι]. --- Ver. 22. The omission of ἀποκριθ. (Lachm.) is too feebly accredited. — Ver. 24. παραλελυμένῳ] Lachm. has παραλυτικῷ, following important authorities, but it is taken from the parallels. — Ver. 25. Instead of ἐφ᾽ 6, Elz. Scholz, Lachm. have ἐφ᾽ ᾧ. But the former has a preponderance of evidence in its favor, and ᾧ more naturally occurred to the transcribers. — Ver. 28. ἠκολούθησεν] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἠκολούθει, following B DL Ξ 69. The Recepta is taken from the parallels. — Ver. 29. Before Λευίς (Tisch. has on very good authority Aeveic) the article (Elz.) is on decisive evidence deleted. — Ver. 30. αὐτῶν] is wanting in Ὁ F X δὲ, min. yss., and is regarded with suspicion by Griesb., but it was omitted as being superfluous and apparently irrelevant. The arrangement οἱ Φαρισ. x. οἱ yp. ait. is, with Lachm. and Tisch., to be adopted in accordance with B C D L 8, min. Vulg. It. and others. The Recepta is taken from Mark 11. 106. The article before τελωνῶν, which is not found in Elz., is adopted on decisive evidence by Griesb. Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. καὶ duapr., also, is so decisively attested that it is now rightly defended even by Tisch. — Ver. 33, διὰ τί] is wanting in B 1, &, 33, 157, Copt.; deleted by Tisch. An ad- 318 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. dition from the parallels. — Ver. 36. ἱματίου καινοῦ] BD LX Z δὲ, min. vss. have ἀπὸ ἱματίου καινοῦ σχίσας (yet σχίσας is not found in X, and also otherwise too weakly attested). Recommended by Griesb., adopted by Tisch. Butitis mani- festly a gloss inserted for explaining the genitive, for which there appeared a reason in this place although not in the parallels. [Recent editors, R. V., accept the abundantly attested ἀπό and σχίσας. --- σχίσει is well attested by BC DL X &, min., and συμφωνήσει still better (by the additional evidence of A). Approved by Schulz, adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. Rightly ; σχίζει occurred at once in consequence of the preceding ἐπιβάλλει and of αἴρει in the parallels, and then drew after it συμφωνεῖ. --- Ἐ1]Ζ. has ἐπίβλημα τὸ ἀ. τ. κει Soalso Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. But with Griesb. and Rinck ἐπίβλημα is to be condemned, as it is want- inginA EF K MRS U VIA, min. Goth. Slav. Theophyl.; in D it stands after καινοῦ, and betrays itself as a gloss added to the absolute τό. [Recent edi- tors, R. V., following δὲ B C L and many minor authorities, accept τὸ ézi- βλημα τὸ ἀπός The omission Meyer defends can readily be accounted for.] — Ver. 38. καὶ ἀμφ. συντηρ. is wantingin Β L δὲ, min. Copt. Suspected by Griesb., deleted by Tisch. An addition from Matt. ix. 17, from which passage also Mark ii. 22 has been expanded, — Ver. 39. εὐθέως] is wanting in B C* L δὲ, min. Copt. Arm. Aeth. Deleted by Tisch. An addition for more precise specifica- tion. [The reading χρηστός is found in δὲ B L, Copt. Syr., and is accepted by Tisch., W. and Hort, Treg. text, Weiss (so R. V. text). The Rec.: χρηστότερος, is an explanatory alteration ; so even Godet, who rarely follows the Alexan- drian text.] Vv. 1-11. Matt. iv. 18-22 and Mark i. 16-20 are parallel passages. Nev- ertheless, the history of the calling in Luke, as compared with it in Matthew and Mark, is essentially different, for in these latter the point of the incident is the mere summons and promise (without the miracle, which, without alter- ing the nature of the event, they could not have passed over ; in opposition to Ebrard and others) ; in Luke it is the miracle of the draught of fishes. Moreover, in Matthew and Mark no previous acquaintance on the part of Jesus with Peter is presupposed, although, probably, it is in Luke iv. 38 ff., whereby, at the same time, Luke falls into self-contradiction, since v. 8 does not allow it to be supposed that such miraculous experiences have pre- viously occurred to him as, according to iv. 38 ff., Peter had already in connection with Jesus. Luke follows a source of later and more plastic tradition (in opposition to Schleiermacher, Sieffert, Neander, v. Ammon, who ascribe to Luke the merit of being the earliest), which, fastening in pursuit of symbolic meaning upon the promise in ver. 10 (Matt. iv. 19 ; Mark i. 17), glorified the story of the call of the fishermen by joining to it a similar story of the draught of fishes, John xxi. (comp. Ewald, Gesch. Chr. Ῥ. 288) ; but in the historical sequence after iv. 38 ff. Luke has become confused. [See Note L., p. 323 seq. ] — καὶ αὐτός] not : he also, but : and he ; he on his part, in respect of this pressing (ἐπικεῖσθαι) of the people upon him, Comp. on vv. 15, 17; as to καί after ἐγένετο, see on ver. 12. — ἔπλυναν] ‘ut peracto opere,” ‘‘as though their work was finished,” Bengel ; see ver. 5. [See Note LL. p. 824.]—Ver. 4. éravdyaye, the special word for going out into the deep sea (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. 28 ; 2 Macc, xii. 4) ; the singular in ref- CHAP, Y., 1-11. 319 erence to Peter alone, who was the steersman of the craft ; but χαλάσατε in reference to the whole fisher company in the vessel. Changes of number, to be similarly accounted for by the connection, are often found in the clas- sical writers.!— Ver. 5. ἐπιστάτα] Superintendent (see in general, Gatacker, Op. posth. p. 877 ff., and Kypke, I. p. 228) occurs only in Luke in the New Testament, and that, too, always addressed to Jesus, while he has not the ῥαββί which is so frequent in the other evangelists. Peter does not yet address Him thus as his doctrinal chief, but generally (vv. 1, 3). Comp. xvii. 18. --- νυκτός] when fishing was accustomed to be carried on success- fully.? — ἐπί] of the reason : for the sake of Thy word (on the ground of Thy word). Comp. Winer, p. 351 [E. T. 394]: ‘‘Senserat Petrus virtutem verborum Jesu,” ‘‘Peter had discerned the virtue of the words of Jesus,” Bengel. Οὕτως ἦν τὴν πίστιν θερμὸς καὶ πρὸ τῆς πίστεως, Theophylact. — χαλάσω] Simon speaks thus in his capacity of captain. Comp. afterwards ποιήσαντες. — Ver. 6. διεῤῥήγνυτο] The tearing asunder? actually began, but was only beginning. See oni. ὅθ. The assistance for which they signalled prevented further damage. The subsequent phrase ὥστε βυϑίζεσθαι is similar. Hence there is no eraggeration (Valckenaer, de Wette). — Ver. 7. κατένευσαν] they made signs to, according to Euthymius Zigabenus : μὴ δυνάμενοι λαλῆσαι ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκπλήξεως κ. Tov φόβου, ‘‘not being able to speak from their amazement and their fear.” So also Theophylact. This would have needed to be said. In the whole incident nothing more is implied than that the other craft still lying close to the shore, ver. 2, was too far away for the sound of the voice to reach, and hence they were restricted to making signs, which, moreover, for the fishermen of the other boat—who, according to ver. 4, were doubtless eagerly giving attention—was quite sufficient. As to συλλαβ., see on Phil. iv. 3. — Ver. 8. On προσέπεσε τ. γόνασι, comp. Soph. Ο. Ὁ. 1604. It might also be put in the accusative (Eur. Hec. 339, and thereon Pflugk). — ἔξελθε] out of the ship. He dimly recognizes in Christ a some- thing superhuman, the manifestation of a holy divine power, and in the consciousness of his own sinful nature he is terrified in the presence of this power which may, perchance, cause some misfortune to befall him ; just as men feared the like on the appearances of God or of angels.4 Elsner and Valckenaer are mistaken in saying that Peter speaks thus in accordance with the notion that one ought not to stay on board a ship with any criminal.’ He does not indeed avow himself a criminal, but only as a sinful man in general, who as such cannot without risk continue in the presence of this θεῖος καὶ ὑπερφυὴς ἄνθρωπος, ‘divine and marvellous man” (Euthymius Zigabenus). See the later exaggeration of the sinfulness of the apostles 1 See Bornemann, Schol. p. 35 f. ; Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. i. 2. 27. 2See Aristotle, H. A. viii. 19; Heindorf, ad Plat. Soph. p. 287. 3 Augustine has interpreted this tearing of the nets allegorically of the heresies, and the Saxon Anonymus (p. 212 f.) of Judaism and the law; both interpretations being equally arbitrary. There is much allegori- cal interpretation of the whole narrative in the Fathers (the ship, the church ; the net, the doctrine ; the sea, the heathen world, etc.): 4 Comp. 1 Kings xvii. 18. Euthymius Ziga- benus and Grotius in doc. 5 Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 37; Diog. Laert. 1. 86; Horat. Od. iii. 2. 26 ff. 320 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. before their call, in Barnabas 5.— Ver. 9. ἄγρα] in this place is not the draught, as at ver. 4, but that which was caught (τὸ θηρώμενον, Pol. v. 1), as Xen. De Venat. xii. 3, xiii. 13, and frequently. — Ver. 10. This mention of James and John at the end is one of the traces that the narrative grew out of the older history of the call. But certainly Andrew was not found in the source from which Luke drew. [See Note LII., p. 324. ]— ἀνθρώπους] instead of fishes. —Cwypév] vivos capiens, ‘‘ taking them alive,”—in character- istic keeping with this ethical draught (winning for the Messiah’s kingdom), as well as with the figure taken from fishermen (Aristaen. Hp. ii. 28). Vv. 12-14. See on Matt. viii. 1-4 ; Mark i. 40-44. According to Matthew, immediately after the Sermon on the Mount ; in Luke (comp. Mark), with- out any definite statement of place or time, as a fragment of the evangelic tradition. [See Note LIIL., p. 324.]— ἐγένετο. . . καί] as ii. 15 ; Matt. ix. 10. Kai is not nempe, ‘‘namely” (Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 341), but, in accord- ance with Hebraic simplicity, the and, which, after the preparatory and yet indefinite ἐγένετο, leads the narrative farther on. The narrator, by means of ἐγένετο together with a note of time, first calls attention to the introduction of a fact, and then, in violation of ordinary syntax, he brings in afterwards what occurred by the word kai. —év μιᾷ τ. πόλ.] according to Mark: ina house. — πλήρης] a high degree of the sickness. — Ver. 14. καὶ αὐτός] and He, on His part. — ἀπελθὼν κ.τ.}.} a transition to the oratio directa. See on Mark vi. 8. Vv. 15, 16. Comp. Mark i. 45. — διήρχετο] The report ran throughout, was spread abroad.*— μᾶλλ.] in a still higher degree than before ; only all the more.” -- αὐτός] He, however, He on his part, in contrast with the multitudes who were longing for Him. — ἦν ὑποχωρῶν ἐν τοῖς épnu.| t.e., He was engaged in withdrawing Himself into the desert regions (that were there), and in praying, so that He was therefore for the present inaccessible. — καὶ προσευ- χόμενος] This detail is given on several occasions by Luke alone.* Vv. 17-26. See on Matt. ix. 1-8; Mark ii. 1-12. Between this and the foregoing history Matthew has a series of other transactions, the sequence of which he accurately indicates. Luke vaguely says: ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἡμέρων, which, however, specifies approximately the time by means of the connec- tion (‘‘on one of those days,” namely, on the journey entered upon at iv. 43 f.). Comp. viii. 22. — καὶ αὐτός] and He, as ver. 1, but here in opposition to the Pharisees, etc., who were surrounding Him. —éx πάσης κώμης x.T.A.] popularly hyperbolical. As to νομοδιδάσκ., see on Matt. xxii. 35. — δύναμις κυρίου k.t.2.] and the power of the Lord (of God) was there (praesto erat, as at Mark viii. 1) in aid of His healing. So according to the reading αὐτόν (see the critical remarks). According to the reading αὐτούς, this would have to be taken as a vague designation of the sufferers who were pres- ent, referring back to ver. 15; αὐτόν is the subject, αὐτούς would be the object. [See Note LIV., p. 324.] Others, as Olshausen and Ewald, have incor- 1 Soabsolutely, Thue. vi. 46 : ἐπειδὴ διῆλϑεν Α}. p. 30 A; Nigelsbach on the Iliad, ed. 3, ὁ λόγος, ὅτι x.7.A. ; Soph. Aj. 978; Xen. Anadb. p. 227. 1. 4.7; Plat. Zp. vii. p. 348 B. 3 See iii. 21, vi. 12 f., ix. 18, 29, and else- 2 Comp. xviii. 39. See Stallbaum, ad Plat. where, CHAP. V., 27-39. 321 rectly referred xvpiovto Jesus, whose healing power was stirred up (vi. 19). Wherever Luke in his Gospel calls Christ the Lord, and that, as would here ᾿ be the case, in narrative, he always writes ὁ κύριος with the article.’ — In the following narrative the precedence of Mark is indeed to be recognized, but the tracing out of the features of dependence must not be carried too far (in opposition to Weiss in the Stud. wu. Krit. 1861, p. 703 f.). — Ver. 19. eloevéyk. | into the house, where Jesus and His hearers (ver. 17) were. Comp. afterwards τὸ δῶμα. --- ποίας] qualitative : in what kind of a way. On the ὁδοῦ, Which must be supplied in analyzing the passage, see Bos, Hllips., ed. Schaefer, p. 333 ; on the genitive of place (comp. xix. 4), see Bernhardy, p- 138 ; Kriiger on Thucyd. iv. 47. 3. Accordingly, although no instance of ποίας and ἐκείνης used absolutely occurs elsewhere, yet the conjecture ποίᾳ and ἐκείνῃ (Bornemann) is not authorized. — διὰ τῶν κεράμων] through the tiles, with which the flat roof was covered, and which they removed from the place in question. Mark ii. 4 describes the proceeding more vividly. See the details, sub loco, and Hug. Gutacht. 11. p. 21 f.— Ver. 21. ἤρξαντο] a bringing into prominence of the point of commencement of these presumptu- ous thoughts. A vivid description. —draioyifecda: . . . λέγοντες] See on Matt. xvi. 7. They expressed their thoughts to one another ; hence ver. 22 is not inappropriate (in opposition to Weiss). — Ver. 24. εἶπε τῷ παραλελ. | 15 not to be put in parenthesis, but see on Matt. ix. 0. --- σοί] placed first for the sake of emphasis. — Ver. 25. ἄρας ἐφ᾽ ὃ κατέκειτο] he took up that on which (till now) he lay, an expression purposely chosen to bring out the changed relation. With reference to ἐφ᾽ 6, on which he was stretched out, comp. the frequent εἶναι ἐπὶ χϑόνα, and the like. See in general, Kiihner, ὃ 622 b. — Ver. 26. The narrative is swnmary, but without precision, since the impres- sion said to be produced by the miraculous incident? applies indeed to the people present (Matt. ix. 8), but not to the Pharisees and scribes. Vv. 27-39. See on Matt. ix. 9-17 ; Mark ii. 13-22. — ἐξῆλθε] out of the house, ver. 19. --- ἐθεάσατο] He looked at him observingly. — Ver. 28. The order of events is: after he had forsaken all, he rose up and followed Him. The imperfect (see the critical remarks) is used for the sake of vividness. ἅπαντα, as in ver. 11, refers to the whole previous occupation and position in life. Bengel well adds : ‘‘quo ipso tamen non desiit domus esse sva,” ‘“by which indeed his house did not cease to be his,” ver. 29. — Ver. 29. καὶ ἦν] et aderat, as in ver. 17. — Ver. 30. αὐτῶν] of the dwellers in the town. — πρός] an antagonistic direction. — Ver. 33. οἱ δὲ εἶπον] As to this variation from Matthew and Mark, see on Matt. ix. 17, Remark. On the association of fasting and making prayers, comp. ii. 37, and on ποιεῖσθαι δεήσεις, 1 Tim. ii. 1. —éod. x. πίνουσιν] the same thing as οὐ νηστεύουσι in the parallels, but more strongly expressed. In accordance with the deletion of διατί (see the crit- ical remarks), there remains no question, but an affirmative reflection. —Ver. 94. μὴ δύνασθε x.7.2.| ye cannot, etc., brings out the inappropriateness of that reflection in a more concrete form than in Matthew and Mark. — Ver. 35. 1 See vii. 13 (81), x. 1, xi. 39, xii. 42, xiii. 15, Comp. Wisd. xvi. 17, xix. 5; 2 Mace. ix, 24; xvii. 5, 6, xviii. 6, xix. 8, xxii. 31, 61. Xen. Cyr. vii. 2, 16. 3 τὰ παρὰ δόξαν γιγνόμενα, Polyb. Ix, 16, 2; “1 822 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. καί] might be taken explicatively (and indeed) (Bornemann, Bleek). But it is more in keeping with the profound emotion of the discourse to take ἐλεύ- σονται x.t.A. by itself as a thought broken off, and καί in the sense of : and: But days shall come (and not tarry) . . . and when shall be taken away, ete. — ἐν ἐκείν. ταῖς ἡμέρ. 1 a painful solemnity of expression, whereby the emphasis is laid upon ἐκείναις. Comp. on Mark ii. 20. — Ver. 36. ἐπίβλημα ἱματ. καινοῦ] i.e., a patch cut off from a new garment. By the use of ἱματίου the incon- gruity of the proceeding comes still more strongly into prominence than by ῥάκους, Which is used in Matthew and Mark. [See Note LV., p. 324 seq.] An unintentional modification of the tradition—not an alteration proceeding from the Paulinism of the writer, and directed against the syncretism of the Jewish Christians, as Késtlin, p. 174, ingeniously maintains. Even Lange explains the expression by supposing that there floated already before the mind of the Pauline Luke a clearer vision of the Christian community as distinct from Judaism (LZ. J. III. p. 395). —xai τὸ καινὸν σχίσει καὶ x.r.2.] comprises the twofold mischief which will ensue (future, see the critical remarks) if one does not obey that principle taken from experience ; He will not only cut the new (garment) in twain (in taking off the piece), but, moreover, the (piece) of the new (garment) will not be in keeping with the old (garment). Comp. Kypke, Paulus, de Wette, Bleek, Schegg, even as early as Erasmus. On σχίσει, comp. John xix. 24; Isa. xxxvii.1. But wswally τὸ καινόν is explained as the subject, and either σχίσει is taken intransitively (‘‘ scindet se a veteri,” “will rend itself from the old,” Bengel), or τὸ παλαιὸν ἱμάτιον is regarded as its object : the new piece will rend asunder the old garment (comp. Kuinoel). Incorrectly ; since this supplying of the object is not required by the con- text, but is obtruded for the sake of the harmony with Matt. ix. 16, Mark ii. 21, and τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ καινοῦ (it is not τὸ καινόν) clearly shows that even to τὸ καινόν We are to understand only ἱμάτιον, not ἐπίβλημα ; and, moreover, τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ καινοῦ would be altogether superfluous and clumsy. — Ver. 39. Peculiar to Luke ; but it is as little to be explained as resulting from later reflection on the difficulty of the mission to the Jews (Weizsiicker), as is the emphasis laid upon the incompatibility of the two, ver. 36. As Jesus in vy. 36-38 made it manifest how unsuitable and injurious it would be to bind up the essence and the life of the new theocracy with the forms and institutions of the old, so now at ver. 39 He once more, by means of a parabolic expression, makes it intelligible how natural it is that the disciples of John and of the Pharisees should not be able to consent to the giving up of the oLD forms and in- stitutions which had become dear to them, and to the exchanging of them for the NEW life in accordance with rvs fundamental principles. He says that this should be as little expected as that any one when he has drunk old wine should long for new, since he finds that the old is better. So in substance Theophylact, Euthymius Zigabenus, Erasmus, Clarius, Zeger, Calovius, Wolf, Bengel, Paulus, Olshausen, Lange, and others ;’ and rightly, since 1 Baur, Markusevang. Ὁ. 202 (comp. Zel- _codd. of It., as an anti-heretical addition. ler, Apost. p. 15; Hilgenfeld, Avit. Unters. But the omission is explained simply from p. 403, and in the Theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 200 f.), the apparent incongruity of the sense, and regards yer. 39, which is wanting in Dand from the lack of any expression of the kind NOTES. 323 even in ver. 37 f. the contrast of the old and new wine typified the contrast- ed old and new theocratic life. Hence we are neither, with Wetstein, to suppose the meaning reversed : ‘‘ Pharisaeorum austeritas comparatur vino novo, Christi lenitas vino veteri,” ‘‘The austerity of the Pharisees is com- pared with new wine, the gentleness of Christ with old wine ;” nor, with Grotius (comp. Estius and Clericus), to interpret : ‘‘ Homines non subito ad austeriorem vitam pertrahendos, sed per gradus quosdam assuefaciendos esse,”’ ‘‘ Men are not suddenly to be drawn into a more austere life, but to be habituated through certain degrees” (Jesus, in truth, had no wish to accus- tom them to an ‘‘austeriorem vitam !” ‘‘more austere life!”); nor, with Schegg, to substitute the meaning : ‘‘that not till the old wine is expended (in reference to ver. 35) is the new drunk (which refers to fasts, etc., as a remedy for their being deprived of the presence of Christ).” But by the objection that the old wine is actually better (Ecclus. ix. 10, and see Wolf and Wetstein) the parable is unduly pressed (in opposition to de Wette and others), since in vv. 37-39 the point of comparison is not the quality of the wine in itself, but the relation of the old and the new. Outside the point of comparison, every parable is apt to be at fault. Moreover, χρηστός denotes the agreeable delicious taste. Comp. Plut. Mor. p. 240 D, 1073 A. The new has, as it were, no taste if the old has been found agreeable. [See Note LVL., p. 325.] But irony is as little to be found in ver. 39 as in ver. 37 f., and the gentle exculpatory character of the discourse, ver. 39 (which must in no wise be taken to mean full approval, in opposition to Hilgenfeld in the Theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 215), is perfectly explained from the fact that, accord- ing to Matt. ix. 14, it is to be supposed that this conversation about fasting did not originally take place with the Pharisees, but with the disciples of John. See on Matthew. Comp. also Volkmar, Hoang. Marcions, p. 219 ff. If in the two parables it were desired to abide by the general thought of wn- suitableness (as it would be unsuitable to pour new wine into old skins, and after old wine immediately to drink new ; so also it would be unsuit- able if my disciples desired to bind themselves to the old institutions), the figure of ver. 39 would be very much out of harmony with the appro- priate figure in ver. 38, and the unsuitable matter would at ver. 39 be rep- resented in direct contradiction to fact (in opposition to de Wette) ; apart from this, moreover, that θέλει (not πίνει) applies the saying subjectively. According to Kuinoel and Bleek, Jesus spoke the words in ver. 39 at an- other time. But it is in keeping with the connection, and is certainly taken from the Logia. Notes py AMERICAN Eprror. L. Vv. 1-11. The miraculous Draught of Fishes. It is unlikely that Luke’s source of information confuses the call of the fishermen with the later event recorded in John xxi. ‘Is it not much more simple to admit that, when Jesus desired to restore Peter to his apostleship in the parallel passages, although Lach- purely critical hesitation, was doubtful mann also (Praef. p. xxxvi.), but from about the genuineness of the verse. 324 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. after the denial, He began by placing him in a situation similar to that in which he was when first called, in the presence of another miraculous draught of fishes? and that it was by awakening in him the fresh impressions of earlier days that He restored to him his ministry ?” (Godet, Luke, p. 166, Am. ed.) The many vivid details, directly connected as they are with the main fact, discredit all theories which deny the accuracy of Luke in associating the miracle with the call of the fishermen. That Mark omits the event does not prove that it did not happen to Peter as Luke states ; for Mark’s narrative shows the reticence of Peter in regard to matters wherein he was specially prominent. Nor does ver. 8 involve Luke in ‘‘self-contradiction ; for Peter’s doubt might express itself after he had seen many a miracle wrought by Jesus. Moreover, the same argument would discredit either John’s account respecting the previous ac- quaintance with Jesus, or that of the Synoptists, who do not anywhere indicate such intercourse of the fishermen with Jesus in Judea. That Luke’s sources of information gave him many accurate details omitted by Matthew and Mark, is self-evident. It may, however, be added, that Mark i. 29, 30 implies the pre- vious call of the fishermen, and hence that vy. 1-11 of this chapter find their proper chronological position before chap. iv. 32. Such a transposition can readily be admitted ; but to accept Meyer’s theory is really to deny that Luke had any competence as a historian. LI. Ver. 2. ἔπλυνον. The imperfect is well attested (see critical notes) and is more suitable, but perhaps to be suspected on that account. 1.11. Ver. 10. ᾿Ιάκωβον καὶ ᾿Τωάννην. The mention of these names shows that Luke refers to the call of the four fishermen ; but Weiss ed. Mey. thinks the Evangelist added this notice to ‘the original narrative.’’ It is difficult to prove how much constituted ‘‘ the original narrative,’ and an ingenuity of criticism to take such a notice as a proof of manipulation. It is rather a strong incidental evidence of truthful- ness. LIII. Vy. 12-14. The Healing of the Leper. The leper’s state of mind, as indicated by the narratives of both Matthew and Luke, point to the earlier date. The position assigned the event by Mat- thew can readily be accounted for by his preference for the topical arrangement. LIV. Ver. 17. εἰς τὸ ἰᾶσθαι αὐτόν. The R. V. text accepts the above reading, but renders ‘‘to heal,’’ explaining in the margin : Greek, that he should heal. Yet, in view of the evidence for αὐτούς (A CD, ete., with most versions), another margin is added : Many ancient authorities read, that He should heal them. These renderings accord with Mey- er’s view of the grammatical construction of the two readings respectively. LY. Ver. 36. σχίσας. Meyer, against the weightiest authorities, rejects this word (see critical note). It is another variation from the parallel passages, and another incidental proof NOTES. 325 of the independence of this Evangelist. So, too, τὸ ἐπίβλημα, which Meyer also rejects, against preponderant evidence (see critical note), is not found in Matthew and Mark in the same connection. The three Synoptists, in fact, present so many verbal variations in their accounts of this saying of our Lord, as to afford the strongest internal evidence against the theories of dependence on each other or on an earlier written source. LVI. Ver. 39. χρηστός. This seems to be the original reading (see critical note), and might readily be altered by the copyists. ‘‘The one accustomed to the old wine says: ‘The old is pleasant, good enough for me ; I have no desire to try the new.’ This is pre- cisely the attitude of a false conservatism” (Int. Rev. Commentary, Luke, p. 85). Weiss ed. Mey. refers vv. 36-38, not to the disciples of Jesus, but to those of John ; since otherwise ver. 39 would not be suitable in this connection. Any use of the passage to maintain the intrinsic excellence of what is old because it is old, is simply preposterous. 326 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. CHAPTER VI. Ver. 1. δευτεροπρώτῳ] is wanting in Β 1, δὲ and seven min. Syr. Arp. Perss. Copt. Aeth. codd. of It. Condemned by Schulz, bracketed by Lachm. and Tisch, ὅσπορβ: [Retained by Tisch. VIII., but omitted by Treg. text, W. and Hort text, Weiss, R. V. text.] See the exegetical remarks. — Ver. 2. αὐτοῖς] bracketed by Lachm., is, with Tisch., to be struck out, as it is wanting in B C* L X 8, min. Copt. Vere. Colb., while Ὁ), Cant. read αὐτῷ: ide. An addition in accordance with the parallels. Of ποιεῖν ἐν, the ἐν alone is to be deleted, with Tisch., on decisive evidence, but not, with Lachm., the ποιεῖν also. — Ver. 3. ὁπότε] Lachm. has ὅτε, in accordance, indeed, with BC Ὁ LX A 8, min. [so Treg., W. and Hort, R. V.] ; but taken from the parallels, from which, moreover, the omission of ὄντες (Lachm. [W. and Hort, Weiss, with δὲ B Ὁ L, 1, 33, 69, Copt. }) is to be explained, as well asin ver. 4 the reading πῶς (Lachm., following L R X &**, min.). — Ver. 4. The omission of ὡς (B Ὁ, Cant. Marcion) is to be regarded as a transcriber’s error (occasioned by the subsequent ΕἸΣ). If nothing had originally been found there, only πῶς, not ὡς would have been added. — ἔλαβε καῇ Lachm. has λαβών, following B ΟἿ L X 33, Syr. Copt. Theophyl. [So recent editors, R. V.] The Recepta is to be maintained. The words were left out, — an omission occasioned the more easily by the similar ἔφαγε καί which follows, as the parallels have not ἔλαβε καί. The omission occurs, moreover, in D K 8, min. vss. Ir, Then λαβών was introduced as a restoration in better syntactical form. — καὶ τοῖς] Β 1, 1, 112, Syr. Arr. Pers. Arm. Goth. Vulg. It. Theophyl. Ir, Ambr. have merely τοῖς. [So Treg., W. and Hort, Weiss (not Tisch.).] In view of these important authorities καί must be traced to Mark ii. 26 (where the evi- dence against it is weaker), and should be deleted. —[Ver. 5. W. and Hort, R. V., with δὲ B, omit καί before τ. caZ.] — Ver. 6. δὲ καί] Lachm. has δέ, in ac- cordance with B L X δὲ, min. vss. Cyr. But why should καί have been added ὃ Rather the possibility of dispensing with it alongside of ἑτέρῳ gave rise to its omission. [Tisch., recent editors, omit καί ; so R. V.] — Ver. 7. With Lachm. and Tisch. read παρετηροῦντο (approved also by Griesb.), in accordance with pre- ponderating evidence. See on Mark iii. 2. — After dé Elz. has αὐτόν on weighty evidence [so W. and Hort., R. V., following 8 B Ὁ L, ete.], indeed, but it is an addition. Comp. xiv. 1; Mark iii, 2. --- θεραπεύσει) Lachm, and Tisch. have θεραπεύει ; the future is taken from Mark, — κατηγορίαν] Β 5 Χ δὲ, min, and yss. have κατηγορεῖν. So Tisch. D also vouches for the infinitive by reading κατη- γορῆσαι, the infinitive being explained in the later reading by the use of the sub- stantive.—Ver. 8. [Tisch., recent editors, R. V., read εἶπεν δέ, following δὲ B Land min. |] — ἀνθρώπῳ] BL δὲ, min. Cyr. have ἀνδρί, Approved by Griesb., adopted by Tisch. Rightly ; τῷ ἀνδρί was omitted by reason of the following τῷ (so still D, Cant.), and then τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ was inserted, in accordance with ver. 6 and Mark iii. 3, instead of τῷ ἀνδρί. --- ὁ dé] Lachm. and Tisch, have καί, following BDLX 8, 1, 33, Vulg. It. Copt. Cyr. The former suggested itself more read- ily to the transcribers, Comp, ver. 10,— Ver. 9, οὖν] Lachm. and Tisch, CHAP. VI. 827% have dé, following Β Ὁ 1, δὲ, min. Vulg. It. Goth. [So recent editors, R. V.] Not to be decided ; οὖν, it is true, is not frequently employed in the Gospel of Luke for continuing the narrative, and the reading wavers mostly between οὖν and δέ ; yet it is established in iii. 7, xix. 12, xxii. 36. — ἐπερωτήσω] Tisch. has ἐπερωτῶ, following BL δὲ, 157, Copt. Vulg. Brix. For. Rd. The Recepta has re- sulted from a reminiscence of xx. 3; Mark xi. 29. The present is extremely appropriate to the vivacity of the whole action. — τὶ or τί] Lachm, and Tisch. have εἰ, following B DL δὲ, 157, Copt Vulg. It. Cyr. Aug. In view of these im- portant authorities, and because εἰ fits in with the reading ἐπερωτῶ, which, according to the evidence, is to be approved (see above), εἰ is to be preferred. — ἀπολέσαι also retained by Lachm. and Tisch., following B Ὁ L X δὲ, vss. even Vulg. It. Griesb. and Scholz have ἀποκτεῖναι, which is introduced from Mark 111. 4, whence also comes τοῖς σάββασιν, instead of which Lachm. and Tisch. have adopted τῷ σαββάτῳ, following BDL δὲ, Cant. Rd, Colb. Corb. For. Aug. — Ver. 10. Instead of αὐτῷ Elz. has τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, in opposition to preponderating evidence. — After ἐποίησεν (instead of which D X δὲ, min, and most of the vss. read ἐξέτεινεν, which is from Matt. xii. 13 ; Mark iii. 5) Elz. Scholz, Lachm. have οὕτως, which is wanting in important but still not preponderating [?] author- ities, and is deleted by Griesb., but defended by Schulz, in accordance with ix. 15, xii. 43. Itis to be adopted. The possibility of dispensing with it and the ancient gloss ἐξέτεινεν occasioned the dropping out of the word, [But it is re- jected by Tisch., recent editors, R, V., since it is not found in any of the oldest mss. ] — After αὐτοῦ Elz. has ὑγεῆς, in opposition to decisive evidence. It is from Matt. xii. 13. Moreover, ὡς ἡ ἄλλη (condemned by Griesb., bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch.), which is wanting in B L &, min. Copt. Vulg. Sax. Vere. For. Corb. Rd., is from Matthew. — [The oldest authorities have ποιήσαιεν, accepted by Tisch., recent editors.]— Ver. 12. ἐξῆλθεν] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἐξελθεῖν αὐτόν ; which, in accordance with the preponderance of the mss., is to be pre- ferred. —- Vv. 14-16. Before "Iaxw., before Φίλεππ., before Maré., before ’Iéxwf., and before ’Iovd. Ἴακ., is to be inserted καί, on external evidence (Tisch.), — Ver. 16. ὃς καί] Lachm. and Tisch. have only ὅς, following BL &, min. vss. even Vulg. It. Marcion. Rightly ; καί is from the parallels. —[Ver. 17 ; Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., insert πολύς after ὄχλος, following 8 B L.]— Ver. 18. ὀχλούμ.] Tisch, has évoy/., following very important mss. The compound form was overlooked. — Instead of az 6 Elz. has ὑπό, in opposition to decisive evi- dence. An alteration arising from misunderstanding, because ἀπὸ mv. ἀκαθ. was believed to be dependent upon the participle (comp. Acts v. 16), which error, moreover, gave rise to the καί before ἐθεραπ. Lachm. and Tisch. have rightly deleted this καί, in accordance with preponderating evidence. — [Ver. 19. Tisch., recent editors, follow δὲ B L, etc., and read é{jrovv.]— Ver. 23. Instead of χάρητε Elz. has χαίρετε, in opposition to decisive evidence. —rairta or ταὐτά] Lachm. and Tisch. have τὰ αὐτά, following Β Ὁ Q X Ξ, min. Marcion. The Re- cepta is a transcriber’s error. The same reading is to be adopted in ver. 26 on nearly the same evidence ; so also in xvii. 30. —- Ver. 25. ὑμῖν before οἱ yea. (suspected also by Griesb.) is, in accordance with BK LS X = δα, min. Or. Ir., with Tisch., to be struck ont. An addition to conform with what precedes. Elz. has ὑμῖν also before ὅταν, ver. 26, in opposition to decisive evidence. But νῦν is, with Tisch., following very important evidence, to be inserted after ἐμ- mend, — Ver, 26, οἱ ἄνθρ.1 Elz. Lachm, Tisch. have πάντες οἱ ἄνθρ. The prepon- 328 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. derance of evidence is in favor of πάντες, and it is to be maintained in opposition to Griesb. The omission was occasioned by the apparently inappropriate relation to oi πατέρες αὐτῶν. --- Ver. 28. ὑμῖν] Griesb. Scholz, Lachm, Tisch. have iuac. [So recent editors.] There are weighty authorities on both sides, although the evidence is stronger for ὑμᾶς ; but ὑμῖν is the more unusual, and is attested even so early as by Justin (Ὁ) and Origen ; ὑμᾶς is from Matt. v. 44. — Before προσεύχ. Elz. has καί, in opposition to decisive evidence. —[Ver. 30. Tisch., recent editors, R. V., omit dé τῷ, following 8 B, etc. The words were probably inserted from Matthew.]— Ver. 34. The reading δανείζετε, although approved by Griesb., is a transcriber’s error. Comp. on Rom. xiy. 8. Lachm, has da- veionte (Tisch. : δανίσητεν), following only B = δὲ, 157. [Recent editors agree with Tisch. ] — Before ἁμαρτωλοί Elz. has oi, in opposition to decisive evidence. — On evidence as decisive τοῦ (in Elz.) before iy., ver. 35, is condemned. But μηδένα (Tisch.) instead of μηδέν is too weakly attested by = δὲ, Syr."'', especially as it might easily result from a transcriber’s error. [Treg., W. and Hort text, Weiss, R. V. text, retain μηδέν. Ἱ --- Ver. 36. οὖν] is wanting in Β Ὁ 1, &, min. vss. and Fathers. Condemned by Griesb., deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. A con- nective particle, although not directly taken from Matt. v. 48. [Tisch., W. and Hort, Weiss, R. V., following δὰ BL, etc., omit καί after καθώς, and in ver. 37 insert it before μὴ xatad., in ver. 38 omit it before both σεσαλ. and ὑπερεκ., in ver, 28 read ὦ yap uétpy.] — Ver. 39. dé] Lachm. and Tisch. have δὲ καί, fol- lowing preponderating evidence ; the καί, which might be dispensed with, was passed over. — πεσοῦνται] Lachm. and Tisch. have ἐμπεσοῦνται. The Recepta is from Matt. xv. 14. —[Ver. 40. Recent editors omit αὐτοῦ in the first clause. ] — Ver. 43. οὐδέ] BL = 8, min. Copt. Arm. Vere. Germ. add πάλιν, which Lachm. has in brackets. With Tisch. to be adopted ; the omission of the word that might be dispensed with resulted from Matt. vii. 18. — Ver. 45. Read the sec- ond half of the verse : k. ὁ πονηρὸς ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ προφέρει τὸ πονηρόν (Tisch.). In view of BDL δὲ, min. vss. the ἄνθρωπος and θησαυροῦ τῆς καρδίας αὐτοῦ of the Recepta (both condemned by Griesb., and bracketed by Lachm.) are to be re- garded as supplementary additions, as also in the next clause τοῦ and τῆς (deleted by Lachm. and Tisch.). — Ver. 48. τεθεμελ. yap ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν] Tisch. has διὰ τὸ καλῶς οἰκοδομεῖσθαι [οἰκοδομῆσθαι ἴτι Tisch. VIII.] αὐτήν, following BL = δὲ, 33, 157, Syr.P (in the margin), Copt. The Recepta is a gloss from Matt. vii, 25. — Ver. 49. ἔπεσε] συνέπεσε, Which Griesb. has recommended and Tisch. has adopted, is so strongly attested by BD LR Ξ 8, that ἔπεσε is to be referred to Matthew. Vv. 1-5. See on Matt. xii. 1-8 ; Mark ii. 23-28, whom Luke, with some omission, however, follows (see especially ver. 5). Between the foregoing and the present narrative Matthew interposes a series of other incidents. — ἐν σαββ. δευτεροπρώτῳ ] all explanations are destitute of proof, because δευτερό- πρῶτος never occurs elsewhere. According to the analogy of δευτερογάμος, δευτεροβόλος, δευτεροτόκος, etc., it might be: a Sabbath which for the second time is the first. Comp. δευτεροδεκάτη, the second tenth, in Jerome, ad Ez. 45. According to the analogy of δευτερέσχατος, penultimus, Heliodorus in Soran. Chirurg. vet. p. 94, it might—since from ἔσχατος the reckoning must be backwards, while from πρῶτος it must be forwards, in order to get a debtepoc—hbe the second first, i.e., the second of two firsts. All accurate gram- matical information is wanting. As, however, if any definite Sabbaths at CHAP. VI., 1-5. 329 all had borne the name of σάββατον δευτερόπρωτον (and this must be assumed, as Luke took for granted that the expression was a familiar one), this name would doubtless occur elsewhere (in the Old Testament, in the LXX., in Philo, Josephus, in the Talmud, etc.) ; but this is not the case, as the whole Greek literature has not even one instance of the peculiar word in itself to show ;'.as among the Synoptics it was precisely Luke that could least of all impute to his reader a knowledge of the name ; and as, finally, very ancient and important authorities have not got δευτεροπρώτῳ at all in the pas- sage before us (see the critical remarks), just as even so early an authority as Syr?. remarks in the margin : ‘‘ non est in omni exemplari,”—I regard δευτεροπρώτῳ as not being genuine, although, moreover, the suspicion suggests itself that it was omitted ‘‘ ignoratione rei,” ‘‘ from ignorance of the matter ” (Bengel, Appar. Crit.), and because the parallel places have nothing simi- lar to it. In consideration of ἐν ἑτέρῳ σαββ., ver. 6, probably the note πρώτῳ Was written at the side, but a comparison with iv. 31 occasioned the corrective note δευτέρῳ to be added, which found its way into the text, partly without (so still Arte. and Ar*'.), partly with πρώτῳ (thus δευτέρῳ πρώτῳ, 80 still RT, min.), so that in the next place, seeing that the two words in juxtaposition were meaningless, the one word δευτεροπρώτῳ was coined. Wilke also and Hofmann, according to Lichtenstein ; and Lichten- stein himself, as well as Bleek and Holtzmann (comp. Schulz on Griesbach), reject the word ; Hilgenfeld regards it as not being altogether certain.? Of the several attempts at explanation, I note historically only the following : (1) Chrysostom, Hom. 40 in Matth.: ὅταν διπλῆ ἡ ἀργία ἢ Kai τοῦ σαββάτου τοῦ κυρίου καὶ ἑτέρας ἑορτῆς διαδεχομένης, ‘‘ whenever the rest from labor was double, both on the Sabbath of the Lord and on another succeeding feast- day,” so that thus is understood a feast-day immediately following the Sabbath.* (2) Theophylact understands a Sabbath, the day before which (παρασκευή) had been a feast-day.* (3) Isidore of Pelusium, Zp. iii. 110 (comp. Euthymius Zigabenus, Calvin, Surenhusius, Wolf), thinks that the πρώτη τῶν ἀζύμων is meant, and was called δευτεροπρώτη : ἐπειδὴ δεύτερον μὲν ἦν τοῦ πάσχα, πρῶτον δὲ τῶν ἀζύμων" ἑσπέρας γὰρ θύοντες τὸ πάσχα᾽ τῇ ἑξῆς τὴν τῶν ἀζύμων ἐπανηγύριζον ἑορτὴν, ἣν καὶ δευτερόπρωτον ἐκάλουν, ‘‘ since it was the second of the Passover, but the first of unleavened bread ; for sacrificing the Passover in the even- ing they celebrated on the next day the feast of unleavened bread, which was also called ‘second-first,’”” — that every festival was called a Sabbath. Comp, Saalschiitz ; ‘‘the second day of the first feast (Passover),” (4) Most Τὴ Eustathius in Vita Hutych. n. 95, the Sunday after Easter is called δευτεροπρώτη xuptaxy ; but this epithet manifestly origi- nated from the passage before us. 2 Tischendorf had deleted it in his edition of 1849, but in ed. 7 (1859) [also in ed. 8 (1869)] had restored and defended it ; now [1867] (in the Synops. ed. 2) he has, with Lachmann, bracketed it. 3 Comp. Epiphanius, Haer. 30,31. So also Beza, Paulus, and Olshausen. 4 Comp. Luther’s obscure gloss: ‘the second day after the high Sabbath.” Schegg explains the expression even as a Christian designation, namely, of the Sat- urday after Good Friday. Τὰ opposition to Serno (Tag des letzt. Passahmahls, 1859, p. 48 ff.), who, according to his mistaken supposition of the doubling of the first and last feast-days, brings out the sixteenth Ni- san, see Wieseler in Reuter’s Repert. 1860, p. 138. 330 THE GOSPEL OF LUKE. prevalent has become the view of Scaliger (mend. tempor. VI. p. 557) and Petavius, that it is the first Sabbath after the second day of the Passover.’ Comp. already Epiphanius, Haer. xxx. 31. From the second Easter day (on which the first ripe ears of corn were offered on the altar, Lev. xxiii. 10 ff. ; Lightfoot, p. 340) were numbered seven Sabbaths down to Pentecost, Lev. xxiii, 15.2. (5) According to the same reckoning, distinguishing the three first Sabbaths of the season between Easter and Pentecost from the rest, Redslob in the Jntell. Bl. der allgem. Lit. Zeit., Dec. 1847, p. 570 f., says that it was the second Sabbath after the second Easter day, δευτερόπρωτος being equivalent to δεύτερος τῶν πρώτων, therefore about fourteen days after Easter. Comp. Ewald, Jahrb. XI. p. 254: that it was the second of the two first Sabbaths of the Passover month. (6) Von Til and Wetstein: that it was the first Sabbath of the second month (Igar). So also Storr and others. (7) Credner, Beitr. I. p. 357, concludes that according to the κήρυγμα tov Πέτρου (in Clem. Strom. vi. 5, p. 760, Pott) the Sabbath at the full moon was called πρῶτον (a mistaken explanation of the words, see Wieseler, p. 232 f.), and hence that a Sabbath at the new moon was to be un- derstood. (8) Hitzig, Ostern und Pfingst. p. 19 ff. (agreeing with Theophy- lact as to the idea conveyed by the word), conceives that it was the fifteenth Nisan, which, according to Ley. xxiii. 11, had been called a Sabbath, and was named δευτερόπρ., because (but see, on the other hand, Wieseler, p. 353 ff.) the fourteenth Nisan always fell onaSaturday. (9) Wieseler, 1.6. p. 231 ff.* thinks that it was the second-first Sabbath of the year in a cycle of seven years, 7.¢., the first Sabbath of the second year in a week of years.