|Ry.,T..NATIONSi.. ■■■ ■■■ ■■■ !■■ X S 0 1 2 Hi ^ J Hz / 1 ^ S.c::0...C-56 < Cbe ^torg of rbe n^ations. CARTHAGE THE STORY OF THE NATIONS. Large Crown Szv, Clotli, Illustrated, ^s. Presentation Edition, Ci/t Edges, ^s. td. 1. ROME. Arthur Oilman, M.A. 2. THE JEWS. Prof. T- K. Hos.mer. 3. GERMANY. Rev. S. Baring-Gould, M.A. 4. CARTHAGE. Prof. A. J- Church. 5. ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Maiiaffy. 6. THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. 7. ANCIENT EGYPT. Canon Raw- LINSON. 8. HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vambery. 9. THE SARACENS. A. Oilman, M.A. 10. IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. 11. CHALDi^^A. Z. A. Ragozin. 12. THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. 13. ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 14. TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. 15. HOLLAND. Prof. J. E. Thokold Rogers. 16. MEDIAEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson. 17. PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. 18. PHCENICIA. Canon Rawlinson. 19. MEDIA. Z. A. Ragozin. London : T. FISHER UNWIN, 26, Paternoster Square, E.G. ^VUJIVE 15AS-RK1.IKF lO I'l^RSICrilON CARTHAGE OR THE EMPIRE OF AFRICA BY ALFRED J. CHURCH, M.A. PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON, AUTHOR OF " STORIES FROM HOMER," ETC., ETC. WITH THE COLLABORATION OF ARTHUR OILMAN, M.A. FOURTH EDITION. T. FISHER UNWIN 26 PATERNOSTER SQUARE NEW YORK : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS MDCCCLXXXIX Entered at Stationers' Hall By T. FISHER UNWIN. Copyright ry G. P. Putnam's Sons, i (For the United States of America). PREFACE. It is difficult to tell the story of Carthage, because one has to tell it without sympathy, and from the standpoint of her enemies. It is a great advantage, on the other hand, that the materials are of a manage- able amount, and that a fairly complete narrative may be given within a moderate compass. I have made it a rule to go to the original authori- ties. At the same time I have to express my obliga- tions to several modern works, to the geographical treatises of Heeren, the histories of Grote, Arnold and Mommsen, Mr. Bosworth Smith's admirable " Car- thage and the Carthaginians," and the learned and exhaustive " History of Art in Phoenicia and its Dependencies," by Messieurs Georges Perrot and Charles Chipiez, as translated and edited by Mr. Walter Armstrong. To this last I am indebted for most of the illustrations of this book. I have had much help also from Mr. W. W. Capes' edition of Livy " xxi., xxii. X PREFACE. I have not thought it necessary to discuss the critical questions which have been raised about the Duilian column (p. 135). The inscription, as it at present exists, may be supposed to bear a general, though not a faithful, resemblance to the original. A. C. Hadley Green, Afay 27, 1886. PROVIMOIAE UQUSTICU\ ^WI'^RJ* SINUS \ /mMt 'RNUS ORSICA m TYRRHENUM vzTL /NFERNUM mare: SARflO .<(;* /A ^'J^fl^^'o PANORMUS '^ARALIS L/LYBAKi/M AQRAGA 'HACO IONIUM MARE \MCSSANA iATANA S/C/L/A .SYRACUSAE Caiicios 2felita ^//\f£APQUS //ADRUMETUM \L£Pr/S <9l MACHLYES CINDANA^^j^cAB^ psylU^ LONDON: T. Fisher Unwin 26 Paternoster Square E.G. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B.C. Carthage foimdecl by Dido ....... 850 The Campaigns of Malchus 550 The Battle of Alalia 536 First Treaty with Rome ........ 509 First Battle of Himera 480 Second Treaty with Rome 440 Hannibal invades Sicily 410 Third Treaty with Rome 405 Capture of Agrigentum . 406 Treaty between Carthage and Dionysius .... 405 Renewal of the War ......... 397 Siege of Syracuse by Himilco . 396 Return of Himilco to Africa 396 Mago invades Sicily ........ 393 Treaty of Peace with Dionysius ...... 392 Renewal of the War ........ 383 Dionysius attacks Carthage ....... 368 Death of Dionysius 367 The Conspiracy of Hanno 340 The Battle of Crimessus , . 339 Death of Timoleon 337 Agathocles defeated at Himera ...... 310 He transfers the War to Africa .310 He returns to Sicily ........ 307 Pyrrhus invades Sicily ........ 278 He leaves Sicily 276 Beginning of First Punic War ....... 264 Defeat of the Carthaginian Fleet by Duilius at Mylse „ . 260 Victory of Regulus at Ecnomus . . . r , . . 256 XII CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B.C. Landing of Regulus in Africa 256 Defeat of Rcgulus by Xantippus ...... 255 The Siege of Lilybrx:um begun ...... 249 Defeat of the Roman Fleet under Claudius at Drepanuni . . 249 Ilamilcar Barca comes into Sicily ...... 247 Death of Hannibal ......... 247 Defeat of Carthnginian Fleet by Catulus at /Egusa . . . 241 Conclusion of First Punic War 241 War of the Mercenaries . . .... 241-236 Ilamilcar Barca invades Spain ....... 236 Death of Hamilcar ......... 229 Assassination of ITasdrubal . . . . . . .221 Capture of Saguntum by Ilannilial and Commencement of Second Punic War 218 Battles of Ticinus and Trebia 218 Battle of Trasumennus . . . . , . . . 217 Battle of Cannoe . . . . . . . . .216 Hannibal winters in Capua . . . . , . . 215 Roman Conquest of Syracuse . . . . . . .212 Hannibal takes Tarentum . . . . . . . 212 Defeat and Death of the Scipios in Spain . . . . .211 Hannibal marches on Rome — Fall of Capua . . . . 211 Publius Scipio goes to Spain ....... 210 He captures New Carthage ....... 209 Death of Marcellus 208 ' Hasdrubnl enters Italy ........ 207 His defeat at ISIetaurus 207 Scipio sails to Africa 204 Hannibal returns to Carthage ....... 203 Defeat at Zama ......... 202 End of Second Punic War ....... 201 Death of Hannibal 183 Roman Embassy at Carthage 174 The Third Punic War begins 149 Fall of Carthage ......... 146 CONTENTS. PART I. LEGEND AND EARLY HISTORY. PAGE I. The Legend of Dido 3-8 The building of Carthage, 5 — Dido and ^neas, 7. II. The Growth of Carthage .... 9-18 The Tyrian traders, ii — Malchus and Mago, 13 — Treaties with Rome, 15 — Carthaginian po.sse>sions, 17. PART II, CARTHAGE AND GREECE. I. Hamh-car and Hannibal ... 21-34 Hamilcar's army, 25 — The fate of Ilamilcar, 27— Hannibal before Selinus, 29 — Attack on Himera, 31 — Hannibal's venge- ance, 33. xiv CONTENTS. PAGE n. Carthage and Dionysius (406-405) . . 35-45 Siege of Agrigentum, 37 — Execution of the generals, 39 — Agrigentum evacuated, 41 — Gela abandoned, 43 — The plague at Carthage, 45. III. Carthage and Dionysius (397) . . . 46-63 Siege of Motya, 47 — Motya assaulted, 49— Himilco's ad- vance, 51 — Battle of Catana, 53 — Siege of Syracuse, 55 — Plague in Himilco's camp, 57 — Himilco's escape, 59 — Carthage saved, 63.- IV. The Last Struggle with Dionysius . . 64-69 Mago defeated, 65 — Defeat of Dionysius, 67 — The end of the war, 69. V. Carthage and Timoleon . . . . 70-74 Timoleon declares war against Carthage, 71 — Battle of the Crimessus, 73. VI. Carthage and Agathocles .... 75-91 Agathocles in extremities, 77 — Agathocles invades Africa, 81 — Revolt of Bomilcar, 85 — Pyrrhus, 89 — Pyrrhus leaves Sicily, 91. PA 7^7 nr. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF CARTHAGE. I. Carthaginian Discoverers . , . , 95-101 Along the African Coast, 97— Ciorillas, 99— A strnnge tale, loi. CONTENTS, PAGE II. The Constitution and Religion of Carthage 102 -114 Magistrates of Carthage, 103 — Estates of the realm in Carthage, 105 — Justice and religion, 109 — Carthaginian Deities, 113. III. The Revenue and Trade of Carthage . 1 15-125 Carthaginian Mines, 117 — Trade, 119 — Ivory and precious stones, 121 — Art and literature, 123 — Wealth and luxury, 125. PAJ^T IV. CARTHAGE AND ROME. I. The War in Sicily and on the Sea . . 129-140 The Romans gain Messana, 131 — Capture of Agrigentum, 133 — Battle of Mylae, 137 — Battle of Ecnomus, 139. II. The Invasion of Africa .... 141-151 Defeat of Ilamilcar, 143 — Xantippus, 145 — Defeat of Regulus, 147 — Horace on Regulus, 149 — Revenge for Regulus, 151. III. In Sicily Again . , . . . . 152-165 Roman Losses at sea, 153 — Roman disasters, 157 — The Romans gainEryx, 159 — Hasdrubal's successes, 161 — Battle of yEgates Island, 163 — Conclusion of War, 165. xvi Contents. PAGR Carthage and her Mercenaries . . 166-177 Revolt of the mercenaries, 167 — Siege of Utica, 171 — Massacre of prisoners, 175 — End of war with mercenaries, 177. V. Carthage and Spain 178-184 Hamilcar in Spain, 179 — Hannibal, 181 — Siege of Sagun- tum, 183. VI. Prom the Ebro to Italy .... 185-194 Passage of the Rhone, 187 — Route over the Alps, 189 — Rocks split with vinegar, 193. VII. I'he First Campaign in Italy . . . 195-205 Scipio retires to tlie Treliia, 199 — Sempronius eager to fight, 201 — The Carthaginians victorious, 205. VIII, Trasumennus 206-211 Lake Trasumennus, 207 — Slaugliter of the Romans, 209 — Hannibal's policy, 211. IX. Fabius and his Tactics . . 212-217 Hannibal a master of stratagem, 213 — Fabius and Minu- cius, 215 — Varro and PauUus in command, 217. CONTENTS, xvii X. Cann/e . . . . . ... . 218-224 Hannibal's avniy, 219 — The struggle, 221 — ^Vill he niaich on Rome ? 223. XI. After Cann.^: 225-231 Mago at Carthage, 227 — Hannibal's prospects, 229— Taren- tum gained, 231. xn. The Turn of the Tide .... 232-244 Attempted relief of Capua, 233 —Capua lost to Hannibal, 235 — Carthage loses Sicily, 237 — Roman successes in Spain, 239 — Death of the Scipios, 241 — Capture of New Carthage, 243. XHL The Last Chance of Victory . . , 245-252 The death of Marcellus, 247 — Nero's gieat march, 249 — Ode from Horace, 251. XIV. The Last Struggle 253-264 Scipio and Syphax, 257 — Hannibal recalled, 259 — Zania, 261 — Terms of peace, 263. XV. Hannibal in Exile . ... 265-271 Hannibal with Antiochus, 267 — Hannibal in Bithynia, 269— Character of Hannibal, 271. will CONTENTS.' XVI. The Beginning of the End . . . 272-279 Cato's hostility to Carthage, 2/3 — Africanus the Vouni;er, 275 < — Expedition against Carthage, 277 — War declared, 279. XVII. The Siege and Fall of Carthage . '. 2S0-301 The walls of Carthage, 2S1 — The Romans Jose their ally Masi- nissa, 2S5 — Scipio in command, 289— Attack on the Me- gara, 293 — Engagements between the fleets, 295 — Fighting in the city, 297 — Successors of Carthage, 301. Index 303 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE VOTIVE BAS-RELIEF TO PERSEPHONE . . Fr07dispiece CARTHAGINIAN STELE FROM SULCI (SARDINIA). . . l6 PLAN AND SECTION OF A CARTHAGINIAN TOMB AT MALTA 17 PHCENICIAN SARCOPHAGUS FOUND AT SOLUNTE (SICILY) 23 ONE OF THE TOWERS OF ERYX 36 CARTHAGINIAN PLATTER-SILVER .... 40 THE WALL OF MOTYA 48 VOTIVE BAS-RELIEF TO PERSEPHONE . . . . 6 1 AFRICAN AQUEDUCT 79 RURAL CISTERNS . . .... 83 PLAN OF THE RUINS OF UTICA . . . 87 VOTIVE STELE FROM CARTHAGE (HIPPOPOTAMUS) 98 VOTIVE STELE TO TANIT I07 A STELE TO TANIT • . . , . IIO VOTIVE STELE TO TANIT FROM CARTHAGE . . Ill VOTIVE STELES FROM CARTHAGE . - . .113 CARTHAGINIAN COIN . II5 CARTHAGINIAN COIN (eLECTRUM) . . II6 XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, PAGE CARTHAGINIAN COIN (SILVER) . . c , .1X6 VOTIVE STELE FROM CARTHAGE 121 WRITING-CASE . I23 VOTIVE STELE (BULL) 1 24 DUILIAN COLUMN ] 35 RESERVOIRS OF CARTHAGE . . .... [42 CROSS SECTION OF CISTERN WALL. (FROM DAUX) . [43 STELE AT LILYBiEUM 155 COIN: THE TEMPLE AND RAMPARTS OF ERYX . . 1 59 PHCENICIAN WALL AT ERYX 161 POSTERN IN THE WALL OF ERYX . * . . 162 PLAN OF HARBOUR AT UTICA 169^ MAP OF PENINSULA OF CARTHAGE . . , "I73 CROSSING THE ALPS T9I ITALIA SEPTENTRIONALIS . . ■ . ■ . I97 TREBIA . 203 ITALIA MERIDIONALIS 255 THE TRIPLE WALL OF THAPSUS 281 THE GREAT WALL AT THAPSUS 283 PORT OF CARTHAGE (FROM SARCOPHAGI) . . 287 THE HARBOURS OF CARTHAGE (ACCORDING TO BEUL^) 290 HARBOURS OF CARTHAGE (ACCORDING TO DAUX) . 29 1 ARRANGEMENTS OF THE BERTHS (ACCORDING TO BEUL^) . ...... 293 PLAN OF WALL AT BYRSA 293 AFRICAN COLISEUM ..... « 299 PART I. LEGEND AND EARLY HISTORY. I.— The Legend of Dido. II.— The Growth of Cartjiage. 2 Unfortunately we know very little about the history of this period; and that little is difficult to assign to any particular time. Our chief authorities are Justin, a writer of uncertain date, who wrote an epitome of an earlier work composed by one Trogus Pompeius (b.c. 85-15 ?) ; and Polybius, who gives us the text of the treaties made between Carthage and Rome. Of Polybius we shall have something to say hereafter. THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. I. THE LEGEND OF DIDO. "Malgernus, King of Tyre, died, leaving behind him a son, Pygmalion, and a daughter, Elissa or Dido, a maiden of singular beauty. Pygmalion, though he was yet but a boy, the Tyrians made their king. Elissa married Acerbas, whom some also call Sichaeus, her mother's brother, and priest of Her- cules. Among the Tyrians the priest of Hercules was counted next in honour to the king. Acerbas had great wealth, which he was at much pains to hide, so that, fearing the king, he put it away, not in his dwelling, but in the earth. Nevertheless the thing became commonly known. Thereupon King Pyg- malion, being filled with covetousness, and heeding not the laws of man, and having no respect to natural affection, slew Acerbas, though he was brother to his mother and husband to his sister. Elissa for many days turned away her face from her brother, but at last, putting on a cheerful countenance, feigned to be reconciled to him. And this she did, not because she hated him the less, but because she thought to fly from the country, in which counsel she had for abettors 4 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. many nobles of the city, who also were greatly dis- pleased at the king. With this purpose she spake to Pygmalion, saying, * I have had enough of sorrow. Let me come and dwell in thy house, that I be no more reminded of my troubles.' This the king heard with great joy, thinking that with his sister there would also come into his hands all the treasures of Acerbas. But when he sent his servants to bring his sister's possessions to his palace she won them over to herself, so that they became partakers of her flight. Having thus put all her riches upon shipboard, and taking with her also such of the citizens as favoured her, she set sail, first duly performing sacrifice to Her- cules. And first she voyaged to Cyprus, where the priest of Jupiter, being warned of the gods, offered himself as a sharer of her enterprize on this condi- tion, that he and his posterity should hold the high priesthood for ever in the city which she should found. From Cyprus also she carried off a com- pany of maidens, that they might be wives for her people. Now when Pygmalion knew that his sister had fled he was very wroth, and would have pursued after her and slain her. Nevertheless, being overcome by the entreaties of his mother, and yet more by fear of vengeance from the gods, he let her go ; for the prophets prophesied, ' It will go ill with thee, if thou hinder the founding of that which shall be the most fortunate city in the whole world.' " After these things Queen Elissa came to Africa, and finding that the people of those parts were well affected to strangers, and had a special liking for buying and selling, she made a covenant with them, THE BUILDING OF CARTHAGE. 5 bu}'inistcd of a hundred members. 104 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. to the cabinet or ministry in the Constitutions of England and the United States of America. We are told that it was called into existence to meet the danger which sooner or later overtook most of the Republics of the ancient world. " When the House of Mago became dangerous to a free state, an hundred judges were chosen from the senators, who, upon the return of generals from the war, should demand an account of things transacted by them, that they being thereby kept in awe, should so bear themselves in their command in the war, as to have regard to the laws at home." The members of the Council seem to have been chosen by what are called Pentarchies, i.e., bodies of five, by the Greek writer. We do not know what these were, but we may guess that they were com- mittees that had the charge of various important parts of government, as finances, trade, military matters, police, etc. Whether they were divisions of the Council or the Senate we cannot say. But one thing is certain, viz., that the Council was a re- markably unchanging body. It followed one line ot policy, we may say for centuries, with extraordinary consistency, and this it could hardly have done except it had kept up the same character by renew- ing itself It is clear that there were no regular changes of government, no passings of power such as we see in the United States from Republicans to Democrats, or in England from Liberals to Con- servatives. About the powers of the larger assembl)' or Senate we know nothing for certain. Probably it was legis- lative while the Council was executive. It was the ESTATES OF THE REALM IN CARTHAGE. IO5 Congress or Parliament, while the Council was the Ministry or Cabinet. Finally, there was a general assembly of the people. About this, too, we know very little. We may guess that its power was limited to approving or rejecting measures that were brought before it, all such measures being first considered in the Senate. In the same way the people had the right of approving or disapproving of appointments to offices. Aristotle evidently thought that they were in much the same position as the people at Sparta ; and of the people at- Sparta we know that they had not much to do with the government of the country. These were the actual " estates of the realm " in Carthage — the Kings or Suffetes, the Senate with its two chambers, so to speak, and the Popular Assembly. It remains to ask, " Was there a nobility ? " Probably there was, and probably it was something like that which exists in England. There were, indeed, no inherited titles, but still the same families remained powerful in the State. Probably they remained powerful as long as they remained rich. There was no bar of birth that prevented any one from be- coming a member of this nobility. Ability and wealth, perhaps either of these in a very marked degree, would pass any one into it. Aristotle says that the offices of State were unpaid. This does not of necessity imply that these were not lucrative. They would bring patronage and oppor- tunities of making money. He also says that the highest offices — and he names those of King and General — were put up for sale. Perhaps he means io6 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. that they were obtained by bribery, though this is not the natural interpretation of his words. As he says afterwards that one of the abuses of the Cartha- ginian Constitution was that several offices were held by one man, we may suppose that though nominally unpaid, they could be, and often were, made a source of profit. Probably the decay of Carthage was due to the corruption and greed of money, which are sure to be developed sooner or later in a wealthy State. Rome, when the virtue and patriotism of its citizens decayed, fell into the hands of a despotic ruler ; Carthage, following the same course of decay, fell under the domination of a few wealthy citizens. One of the points of the resemblance which Aristotle sees between Carthage and Sparta was the practice of having Common Meals. But Sparta was . a compara- tively small State. The actual number of citizens living at the capital, when we have deducted those who were under or above the military age, and who were therefore excused from the Common Meals, could not have much exceeded a thousand. Car- thage, on the other hand, was one of the most populous cities of the ancient world. When it was taken by the Romans, long after it had begun to decay, it contained seven hundred thousand inhabitants. How many of these were citizens we cannot conjecture ; but the number must have been too great to admit of a system of Common Meals. Probably these were limited to the ruling class. Aristotle speaks of them as being held by the " clubs " or " companies." What Livy says quite agrees with this. Hannibal, then in exile, sent an emissary to stir up the war-party at Carthage VOTIVE STELE TO TAlSil. JUSTICE AND RELIGION. I09 to action. His coming and the message which he brought, was, we read, " debated first in societies and banquets, and afterwards in the Senate." And we find it stated by another historian that the Cartha- ginians transacted their State affairs by night, and in the evening and at night-time held their meetings and societies. Perhaps we may say that modern poHtics furnish an illustration in the " Caucus," a meeting of influential persons by which the action of the party is determined. Justice seems to have been administered, not by a general assembly of the people, as at Athens, but by special Courts. We know the name of one of these, " The Hundred and Four." ^ Possibly this may have been the title of the whole judicial body, and that this was divided into various Courts for the trial of dif- ferent kinds of cases. The Religion of Carthage was naturally in the main that of the great city from which it was founded. The supreme Deity was Baal Hammon, or Moloch. Dr. Davis — from whose excavations among the ruins of Carthage much has, of course, been learnt — tells us that he did not find a single votive tablet in which the name of this god did not appear. He was worshipped with the horrible human sacrifices of which we hear from time to time in Carthaginian history.^ These ' Not to be confounded with the Council of the Hundred. When Carthage was besieged by Agathocles, a sacrifice of two hundred children belonging to the first flimilies in the country was made to Moloch ; and three hundred men also voluntarily devoted themselves in the same way. We hear of these sacrifices as prevailing among the Canaanitc, i.e. Thoenician, tribes whom the Israelites drove out of Palestine ; and special care was tal the serv-ice of the tyrant, and who, after his death, asserted their independence, and set up in the trade of brigands. They seized the city of IMessana, slew or drove out the citizens, and divided among themselves everything that they possessed. For a time the Mamertines, or " Servants of Mars " ^ (for this was the name that the robbers had assumed), prospered greatly, spreading their power over the neighbouring portion of the island. Then came a check. Syracuse had again fallen into the hands of an able ruler, one Hiero, of whom we shall often hear again. Hiero reduced the Mamertines to great straits, and they looked about in despair for some one who could help them. There were two parties among them, one favouring Carthage, the other Rome. At first the latter pre- vailed. An embass}^ was sent, offering submission and begging for help. The' request perplexed the Romans not a little. It was quite a new thing for them to look beyond the limits of Italy. There they were now supreme ; but they dreaded undertaking conquests outside it. And to grant this request would of course embroil them with Carthage. On the other hand, Carthage would become a dangerous enemy if it were allowed to possess itself of Messana. It would only have to conquer Syracuse to make itself master of Sicily. The Senate debated the question more than once without coming to any decision. ' " Mamers *' is an Italian form of " Mais." THE ROMANS GAIN MESSANA. Besides their fear of a new enterprise, they had, we may hope, some scruple about taking to themselves such very discreditable allies. From the Senate the matter was referred to the people, and the people felt neither the fear nor the scruple, but resolved that help should be sent, and that the Mamertines should be received as allies. Meanwhile the other party at Messana had been busy. They applied for help to Carthage ; and Car- thage at once sent it. A peace was made with Hiero, who was besieging the city. A fleet sailed into the harbour, and a body of troops under Hanno occu- pied the citadel. When the Romans, who were under the command of Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls of the year, arrived, they found themselves anticipated. Unfortunately for Carthage, both the officers in charge of the fleet and Hanno were wanting in foresight or resolution. The former was seized at a meeting of the citizens to which he had gone in the hope of keeping the peace ; the latter consented to give up the citadel if he were permitted to withdraw with his garrison. Then the Romans became masters of Messana without having to strike a single blow for it. The Carthaginians were not disposed to accept this state of things. Hanno they crucified as having shown in his conduct neither courage nor good judg- ment. Then, in concert with Hiero, they closely in- vested the city. Claudius attempted to make terms ; he was even willing to depart, if the Mamertines might be allowed to remain. When these terms were rejected he resolved to act. He marched out of 132 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the city and offered battle. Hiero accepted it, but after a long fight was driven back into his camp. The next day he returned to Syracuse. Appius followed up his victory, attacking and routing the Carthaginian army, which immediately raised the siege of the city. The next year a larger army was sent ; Hiero, who had the sagacity to see with whom the victory was most likely to be, submitted to Rome, becoming one of its most constant and useful allies. Many other cities, both Sicilian and Carthaginian, followed this example. Carthage, on the other hand, increased her forces in the island, making Agrigentum the base of her operations and the place in which her military stores were kept. The next year the Romans besieged Agrigentum, and kept the garrison closely within the walls. After a blockade which lasted five months, Hannibal, one of the Suffetes, who was in command, found himself sorely pressed by famine, and sent urgent entreaties to Carthage for help. In answer to these requests, a con- siderable body of troops, with a number of elephants, was sent to Sicily. Hanno, who commanded the Carthaginian army in the field, was rendered superior in force to the Romans by this reinforcement. He cut off their supplies and reduced them to great straits. Indeed, but for the help of Hiero they could not have held out. Hanno now thought it time to attack the enemy. He sent on his African light- horse in advance, with orders to provoke the Roman cavalry to an engagement, and by retiring before them to draw them within reach of his whole army. The stratagem succeeded. The Romans sallied furiously CAPTURE OF AGRIGENTUM. I33 from their camp, drove the Africans before them, and then, finding themselves in presence of Hanno's army, were themselves driven back. For two months the two armies lay quiet, with a space of about a mile between them. Meanwhile the famine in the city grew worse, and Hannibal, by fire signals from the city (for the Carthaginians seem to have had some system of telegraphing), and by mes- sengers, made his colleague aware that he could hold out no longer. The Romans were scarcely less in need, so that both parties were eager to fight. The battle that followed was long and obstinate. At last the Carthaginian mercenaries, who composed the front line, gave way, fell back upon the elephants behind them, and threw the whole army into disorder. Only a small part of the troops escaped. But Hannibal with the garrison of Agrigentum was more fortunate. Seeing that the Romans, rejoicing in their victory, were guarding their lines very carelessly, he made his way through undiscovered. The next day the Romans marched into Agrigentum, where they found abun- dance of spoil and many prisoners of war. After this success the Romans began to think that then it was within their power to make themselves masters of the island. J^ut the great obstacle was that Carthage was still mistress of the sea, and that even their own coasts were not safe from the ravages of her fleet. If their hope was to be fulfilled they must have a fleet of their own. Ships of course they had, for the treaties ^ with Carthage, made hundreds of years before, had set limits beyond which they * See pp. 14-16. 134 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. should not go ; possibly tliey had ships of war ; but they had nothing which they could match against the great five-banked vessels of the enemy. Fortunately one of these came into their possession, stranded by a storm or in an attack made upon their transports. This they used as a model for their shipbuilders. In the course of a few weeks, a hundred five-banked and twenty three-banked vessels were built — of green wood, it is said, and not likely to last, but still sufficient for their purpose. The first attempt of the new force was not fortu- nate. A squadron of seventeen ships was taken at Lipara, with one of the consuls, who was in command. But the Carthaginians soon found that the Romans were quite as formidable by sea as by land. Their admiral, Hannibal, who was reconnoitring with fifty ships, fell in unexpectedly with a superior force of the Romans, lost the greater part of his fleet, and barely escaped himself. Still, the greater experience of their seamen would have given them the advantage but for the device by which their enemies contrived to make a sea-fight very much like a fight on dry land. Every Roman ship was filled with a boarding apparatus. It was like a gangway, eighteen feet long and four feet broad, and was attached to a pillar of wood set up by the bowsprit, from which it was dropped when the two ships came in contact. The further end was furnished with a sharpened bar of iron, which was driven by the force of the fall into the enemy's deck, and held it fast. If the ships were laid broadside to broadside, the boarders jumped from all parts of their own ship on to that of the enemy ; if prow only DrillAN COLUMN'. BATTLE OF MYLM. touched prow, they went two and two along the gangway. The new apparatus was soon brought into use. Hannibal (the same commander who had escaped from Agrigentum) encountered the Roman Consul Duilius, and despising his enemy, bore down upon him without taking the trouble to form his fleet in order. The front ships, as soon as they came near the Romans, were grappled by the new machines, and the boarding parties poured in from the Roman ves- sels. The Carthaginians were taken by surprise and overpowered, and lost all the thirty ships that com- posed the van. The rest of the fleet fared little better. Whenever they tried to approach, the grappling-irons hung over them. In the end they fled with the loss of fifty more ships ; Hannibal escaping in an open boat. This battle of Mylce was one of the turning points of the long struggle between the two powers. Car- thage had ruled the sea for centuries, and now it was beaten by a foe who had first taken to it only a few months before„i It is needless to give all the details of the long struggle that followed. Hannibal met with his end in the year of his defeat at Mylae. He had sailed to Sardinia, and was there surprised by the Roman fleet, losing many of his ships. As usual he escaped, but this time in vain. He was seized by the survivors and crucified. ^ Duilius received high honours at Rome, a triumph, a column adorned with the beaks of the captured vessels, and the singular privilege of being accompanied by a torch-bearer and a ilute-player when he was coming hun\e from dinner at night. 138 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, The next two years the war dragged on in Sicily without any decisive event, though the advantage was for the most part with Rome. But in 256 a great battle was fought. The Roman Government, weary of these tedious campaigns, resolved to carry the war into Africa, and attack their enemy at home. With this end in view they collected a fleet of as many as three hundred and thirty decked ships. On these they embarked their best troops. Each vessel had a crew of three hundred seamen, and carried a complement of one hundred and twenty soldiers. The Cartha- ginian force was still larger, numbering three hundred and fifty ships, and one hundred and fifty thousand men. The two fleets met at Ecnomus, a promontory of the southern coast of Sicily. The Roman fleet was formed in the shape of a triangle, with the apex or point towards the enemy. At this point were the two huge ships, each rowed by six banks of oars, in which sailed the two Roman Consuls — Atilius Regulus, of whom we shall hear again, and Manlius. Each side of this triangle was made up of a squadron ; a third squadron, which held the transports containing the cavalry in tow, formed the base ; and there was yet a fourth, a reserve, ranged in one long line so as to cover both flanks of the squadrons before them. The Carthaginians adopted very different tactics. They arranged their ships in what may be called open order, extending their line from the shore far out to sea with the view of surrounding the enemy. The shore squadron, or left wing, was under the command of Hamilcar ; the rest of the fleet was led by the BATTLE OF ECNOMUS. Hanno whose army had been defeated before Agri- gentum. The Roman fleet began the attack. Seeing that the enemy had but a weak hne of single ships, they bore down upon the centre. Hamilcar had foreseen this, and had given orders to his officers to retreat as soon as the attack should be made. This was done, and with the expected result. The Romans eagerly pursued the flying enemy ; their order of battle was broken, the two squadrons in advance being separated from the third (that which had the transports in tow) and from the reserve. Then the retreating Carthaginians turned upon their pursuers. An obstinate fight followed ; the Carthaginians had the advantage in seamanship and in the speed of their ships. But do what they might, they hardly dared to come to close quarters. The Roman ships were fitted with the dreaded grappling and boarding machines. If these were once brought into use the battle had to be fought by the soldiers, and there was no chance of standing against the soldiers of Rome. While this struggle was going on, another com- menced in the rear of the Roman fleet. Hanno bore down with his ships upon the reserve squadron and threw it into confusion. And then began a third, the left or in-shore wing of the Carthaginian fleet attacking the squadron which had the transports attached to it. But the Roman superiority was maintained everywhere. At close quarters the Car- thaginians could not hold their own, and though here and there they might sink a ship by a sudden skilful charge, to close quarters they were bound 140 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. sooner or later to come. Hamilcar was the first to retreat ; then Hanno, who had been pressing hard on the transport squadron and the reserve, was attacked in his turn and forced to fly. " Thus the Romans won the second great naval victory. Twenty-six of their ships had been sunk, but none were taken. The Car- thaginians lost about a hundred, as many as sixty- four having been captured with all their crews. Those that escaped were scattered in all directions, and there was now nothing to prevent the Romans from invading Africa. II. THE INVASION OF AFRICA. Hanno hastened home with the news of the disaster of Ecnomus (though home, as we have seen, was not the place to which a defeated Carthaginian general would naturally desire to go), and bade his country- men prepare for defence. But Carthage was, now as ever, almost helpless when attacked in her own do- minions. Her subjects were always disaffected and ready to rebel ; and even her own colonies were not permitted to protect themselves with walls. No resistance could be offered to the invaders, who found the country much the same as Agathocles had found it fifty years before, a singularly rich and perfectly defenceless region. They collected a rich booty, part of which consisted of as many as twenty thousand slaves. It is possible that if, instead of busying them- selves with plunder, they had advanced on Carthage at once, they might have finished the war at a single blow. If this had ever been possible, it certainly ceased to be so when an order came from the Senate at Rome that one of the consuls was to remain in Africa with such forces as might be necessary to finish the war, 142 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, while the other was to return home with the rest of the expedition. Reguhis was left accordingly with fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred horse and a squadron of forty ships ; the rest of the force, with the vast booty that had been collected, Manlius put on shipboard and carried back to Italy. RESERVOIRS OF CARTHAGE. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, were doing their best to strengthen their force. They appointed two new generals, and sent for a third from Sicily, who at once came back, bringing with him between five and six thousand men. It seems strange that the Romans, who must now have been masters of the sea, made DEFEAT OF HAMILCAR. no attempt to interrupt him. On his arrival the Carthaginians resolved to take the offensive. The wealthy citizens could not bear to see their estates plundered and their country houses burnt to the ground, and resolved to risk a battle. What might have been the result if they had had skilful generals is doubtful ; but, unfortunately, skilful generals could not be found. Hamilcar and his colleagues marched out of the city and took up their position upon a hill. As their strength was in cavalry and elephants they CROSS SECTION OF CISTliRN WALL. LROM DAUX. ought, of course, to have remained on level ground, where both these could have been brought into use. The Roman general, whose military ability was great, saw his advantage. Half the enemy's force was useless in the position which he was occupying, and in that position he resolved to attack him. He ordered a simultaneous advance against both sides of the hill on which the Carthaginian camp was pitched. The cavalry and the elephants were, as he had foreseen, quite useless ; and thougli some of the 144 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. mercenaries stood firm against the first charge, these too gave way when they were taken in the rear. The Romans won a decided victory, though they were too weak in cavahy to inflict much loss upon the enemy in his retreat. The next day they advanced and took up a position at Tunes, a town which, as we have seen, was not more than five miles from Carthage. The Carthaginians were in despair. Both their fleet and their army had suffered terrible defeats, and their subjects and allies were in rebellion — the Afri- cans ravaging the territory of their late masters even more mercilessly than did the Romans. In fact they had nothing left to them but the city itself ; and this, crowded with the multitude of fugitives that had fled into it from all the country round about, was threat- ened with famine. Affairs were in this condition when envoys arrived from Regulus, who was afraid that his year of office might expire before the war was finished, offering to treat for peace. Env^oys were at once sent from Carthage ; but they could do nothing. The Roman general, probably aware that the Senate at home would not sanction any great concessions, demanded terms which it was impossible to grant. The Carthaginian government felt that they could not be more entirely humiliated by absolute conquest, and they broke off the negotiation, resolving to resist to the last. 'Then came one of those singular turns of fortune of which history is so full. The pride of the Roman general was *' the pride that goeth before a fall." The Carthaginians had not hesitated to use their almost Xantippus, 145 boundless wealth in hiring mercenaries from abroad, and now there came to Africa a body of these troops in command of one of those soldiers of fortune who have had the luck to have great opportunities and to make good use of them. Xantippus came from the best school of soldiers in the world — Sparta. It was a Spartan who had turned the tide when Athens seemed likely to conquer Syracuse; and another Spartan was to do the same service for Carthage against Rome. Xantippus heard the story of the late battle ; he saw the strength of the Carthaginian forces, the numbers of their cavalry and of their elephants, and he came to the conclusion — a conclu- sion which he did not hesitate to announce to his friends — that their disasters had been due, not to the inferiority of their army, but to the unskilfulness of the generals. The Senate sent for him. Introduced into the council-chamber, he set forth the causes of the late defeat, and the strategy which ought to be pursued in the future, with such clearness as to convince his hearers. The generals were displaced, and the " care of the army was committed " to the Spartan. Every one hoped much from the change, and Xantippus soon began to show himself equal to his task. Even in drilling the troops — and this he began to do at once — his skill was so manifestly superior to that of his colleagues, that the soldiers began to feel the utmost confidence in him. They loudly asked that they might be led against the enemy, and that the general who was to lead them should be Xantippus. The other generals offered to give up their commands II 146 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. to their comrade ; and the army, which numbered twelve thousand foot and four thousand horse, and which was accompanied by the enormous number of a hundred elephants,^ was led out against the enemy. Xantippus arranged the elephants in a single line in front. Behind these he placed what Polybius calls *' the Carthaginian phalanx." Probably the desperate condition of the country had brought a force of native Carthaginians into the field. On the right wing were posted the heavy-armed mercenaries. With them were ranged also some of the light-armed troops and of the cavalry. The left wing was made up entirely of the two latter kinds of troops. Regulus, on the other hand, when he saw that the Carthaginians were bent on fighting, . arranged his line of battle with the special view of holding his ground against the elephants, which his men greatly feared. The light-armed troops were, as usual, posted in front ; but behind them stood the legions in un- usually deep and close order. The cavalry were posted as usual on the wings. These tactics were well contrived to resist the elephants, but laid the army, with its narrow front, open to the flank attacks of th? powerful Carthaginian cavalry. Xantippus began the battle by a forward movement of his elephants against the Roman centre. His cavalry charged at the same time on either wing. The Roman horse, five hundred only against four thousand — ^ IL is not easy lo imagine how a cily which was Ihrcatcncd willi famine could support a hundred elephants, each of which must have required a daily ration of at least half a hundredweight of food, sonic of h at least available for human consumption. DEFEAT OF REGULUS. M7 if these numbers are right — was speedily overpowered. The Roman left wing at first fared better. Charging fiercely, with not the less zeal because they were not called to encounter the dreaded elephants, they fell on the heavy-armed mercenaries, routed them, and pur- sued them as far as their camp. The centre, too, held its own for a time. The front ranks, indeed, were trampled down in heaps by the elephants, but the main body, with its deep, close files, stood firm. But they had to face about to resist attacks in front, on the sides, and in the rear. One part, after driving back the elephants, was met by the phalanx of native Carthaginians, which was fresh and unbroken, and indeed had not been in action at all ; another had to resist the furious charges of the cavalry ; nor were there any reserves to be brought up. The greater part of the army fell where they stood : some crushed by the elephants, others struck down by the javelins showered on them by the nimble African horsemen, some slain in more equal conflict with the Carthaginian heavy-armed. The few that sought safety in flight died but with less honour. The way to the fortified post which they held upon the sea-coast (it was called Aspis or Clypea from its resemblance to a shield) was over a flat and open country ; the cavalry and the elephants pursued the fugitives, and few reached the fort. A solid body of two thousand men, however^ which had broken through the mercenaries, was abk to make good its retreat to Aspis. Five hundred prisoners were taken, among them the Consul Rcgulus. All the rest of the army, scarcely less than twelve thousand in number, perished on the field or in the 148 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. flight. The great historian,^ from whom I have taken this account, concludes his narrative of the campaign with reflections on the changes of fortune which bring men down in the course of a day from the heights of prosperity to the depths of misery, and on the marvellous results which the genius of a single man can effect ; but he says nothing either here or after- wards of the romantic story of the fate of the prisoner Regulus. We are not certain to what year it belongs — we are not even sure that it is true at all ; on the other hand, it is too famous, too noble in its meaning and moral, to be omitted. I may therefore tell it now where it will fitly close the career of one of the great soliers of Rome, the simple, frugal men who were called from the plough to command the armies of the republic.2 I do not know that the story can be better told than in Horace's noble ode, perhaps the very noblest that he ever wrote. Regulus, we may say, by way of preface, after being kept in prison at Carthage for several years, was sent to Rome to negotiate a peace, under the promise to return if he failed. Among the terms which he was to offer was that of a ransoming ^ Polybius. 2 The story was told in later times that Regulus was sowing his fields when the messenger came with the tidings of his election to the consul- ship ; and the agnomen (a sort of second surname) of Serranus was said to have been given to the family from this circumstance. Among tlie future heroes of his race whom ^neas sees is in his Elysian fields is " Serranus o'er his furrow bowed." It is cruel to have to say that the first Regulus that bore the name of Serranus was the son of the hero ; and still worse to be told that the proper spelling of the word is " Saranus," and that it probably comes iiom Saranmn, an insignificant town of Umbria. HORACE ON REGULUS. 140 or exchanging of prisoners. When brought into the Senate, which at first he refused to enter as being now a mere Carthaginian slave, he strongly advised his countrymen. At the same time he gave his voice against peace generally. With warning voice of stern rebuke Thus Regulus the Senate shook : He saw prophetic, in far days to come, The heart-corrupt, and future doom of Rome. " These eyes," he cried, *' these eyes have seen Unblooded swords from warriors torn, And Roman standards nailed in scorn On Punic shrines obscene ; Have seen the hands of free-born men Wrenched back ; th' unbarred, unguarded gate, And fields our war laid desolate By Romans tilled again. " What ! will the gold-enfranchised slave Return more loyal and more brave ? Ye heap but loss on crime ! The wool that Cretan dyes dislain Can ne'er its virgin hue regain ; And valour fallen and disgraced Revives not in a coward breast Its energy sublime. " The stag released from hunter's toils From the dread sight of man recoils, Is he more brave than when of old He ranged his forest free ? Behol.l In him your soldier ! lie has knelt To faithless foes ; he, too, has felt The knotted cord : and crouched beneath Fear, not of shame, but death. *' He sued for peace tho' vowed to war ; Will such men, girt in arms once more Dash headlong on the Punic shore ? No ! they will buy their craven lives With Punic scorn and Punic gyves. THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. O mighty Carthage, rearing high Thy fame upon our infamy, A city eye, an empire built On Roman ruins, Roman guilt ?" From the chaste kiss, and wild embrace Of wife and babes, he turned his face, A man self-doomed to die. Then bent his manly brow, in scorn, Resolved, relentless, sad but stern. To earth, all silently ; Till counsel never heard before Had nerved each wavering Senator ; — Till flushed each cheek with patriot shame, And surging rose the loud acclaim ; — Then, from his weeping friends, in haste, To exile and to death he passed. He knew the tortures that Barbaric hate Had stored for him. Exulting in his fate, With kindly hand he waved away The crowds that strove his course to stay. He passed from all, as when in days of yore. His judgment given, thro' client throngs he pressed In glad Venafrian fields to seek his rest. Or Greek Tarentum on th' Ionian shore.* What is the truth about the " tortures of barbaric hate" we cannot say. The Romans had a horrible story of how the hero on his return was cruelly put to death. But then they were never scrupulous about the truth when they were writing of their enemies ; and about Carthage and its doings they were, we have reason to believe, particularly apt to exaggerate and even to invent. On the other hand, the Carthaginians showed no mercy to their own generals when these * I have availed myself of a translation by Sir Stephen De Vere. (Bell and Sons, 1SS5.) REVENGE FOR REGULUS. were unsuccessful ; and it is very probable that they showed as little to an enemy, especially when he had done them such damage and had treated them as haughtily as had Regulus. But there is at least equal authority for a story not less horrible which is told against the Romans them- selves, or rather against a Roman woman. The Senate handed over two noble Carthaginians to the wife of Regulus as hostages for the safety of her hus- band. When she heard of his death she ordered her servants to fasten the two prisoners in a cask, and to keep them without bread and water. After five days one of them died. The savage creature kept the living shut up with the dead, giving him now a little bread and water that his torments might be prolonged. But the servants themselves rebelled against these horrible doings, and informed the Tribunes of the people of what was going on. By them the poor wretch was rescued ; and the people would not allow him to be ill-treated any more. III. IN SICILY AGAIN. The Romans still retained their superiority at sea. It is, indeed, a very strange thing that the Cartha- ginians, though they had been sailors, and adven- turous sailors too, for centuries, should have been beaten almost at once on their own element by a people that had had little or nothing to do with it.^ But so it was. News of the disaster that had hap- pened to the army of Regulus was brought to Rome, and a fleet w^as sent to carry off the garrison of Clypea, which, it was said, still held out against the enemy. It met and defeated the fleet of Carthage, taking, we are told, as many as one hundred and fourteen vessels out of a total of two hundred, and carried the troops. But though the Romans seem to have fought as well by sea as by land, still they were not sailors. We shall hear several times in the course * The fleet of Rome must have been, to a great extent, manned by the Italian allies. Indeed, down to just a late period the seamen em- ployed in it were called socii iiavalcs, "naval allies." Polybius, to show the ignorance of the Romans in these matters, has a curious story of how the crews of the ships first built during the war were taught to row by practising on dry land. The practising, one imagines, would not go very f:ir in teaching them. ROMAN LOSSES AT SEA. of the next few 3'ears of terrible losses by shipwreck, losses which we know to have been increased, if not calised, by the obstinacy and ignorance of the officers in command. So it seems to have been in the case of the relieving fleet. The pilots warned the consuls that the south coast of Sicily was dangerous, but warned in vain. The result was a calamity of which Polybius, a sober and sensible writer, says that " his- tory can scarcely afford another example of so great and general a disaster." Out of four hundred and sixty-four vessels little more than a sixth part escaped. The Carthaginians were proportionately encouraged, and, fitting up a new fleet and levying another army, resolved to have another struggle for Sicily. In the first campaign, indeed, they lost Panormus, but in those that followed they had a clear advantage* Again the weather helped them. The Romans lost another fleet, and for a time gave up all hope of being masters of the sea, contenting themselves with keep- ing only so many vessels afloat as were wanted to carry supplies to their army. In the field, too, Car- thaije more than held her own. The havoc which the elephants had wrought in the army of Regulus had not been forgotten, and the Roman armies did not venture to offer battle in any place where the ground was suitable for the action of these formidable crea- tures. It was not till they found out that it was easy to make them as dangerous to their friends as they could be to their foes that they dared to face them. One of the Carthaginian generals was rash enough to use the animals in attacking a town. The archers showered arrows upon them from the walls till, 154 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. driven to madness by their wounds, they turned round and broke down their own ranks. Many fell into the hands of the Romans on this occasion. A still greater gain was that they were no longer feared. And now began one of the most obstinate sieges recorded in history. Lilybseum was a strongly fortified town near the Cape of the same name. Its wall was unusually high, and its ditch unusually deep, while the harbour could be approached only by a channel through shallow lakes which stretched between it and the sea. The Romans began by attacking a fort on the south-western wall, and battered down six of the towers upon the wall. Himilco, who was in com- mand of the garrison, was unceasing in his efforts, re- pairing the breaches, digging countermines, and watch- ing continually for a chance of setting fire to the Roman works. And he averted a worse danger in the threatened treachery of the mercenaries. The leaders of these troops were actually in treaty with the Romans, when Himilco heard of what was going on, and contrived to break it off A few days after- wards came help from Carthage. No news of the garrison at Lilybseum had reached the city, and it was feared that they were in distress. A fleet of fifty ships was hastily fitted out and despatched to Sicily, with a relieving force of ten thousand men on board. The admiral in command waited for a favourable wind, and then, with all his ships ready for action, sailed straight into the harbour, the Romans being so surprised by their boldness that they did not attempt to oppose. Himilco, encouraged by this reinforcement, resolved STKI.E AT LILYH.KUM. ROMAN DISASTERS. to attack the besiegers. Sallying forth with nearly his whole force, he fell on the Roman works ; but he just missed his object : his troops were on the point of setting fire to the engines and towers when he found that they were suffering heavier loss than he could afford, and withdrew them. But a few weeks afterwards he succeeded. The works had been injured by a violent gale, and some of the mercenaries saw in the confusion thus caused an opportunity for destroying them. Himilco approved their scheme. These bands sallied from the gate and set fire to three different places. The Romans were taken by sur- prise ; and the wind blew such volumes of smoke into their faces that they could see and do nothing. In the end everything was destroyed, the towers being burnt to the ground, and the metal heads of the rams melted. After this loss they gave up all hopes of taking the place by storm, and resolved to trust to a blockade. Meanwhile the Carthaginian fleet lay at Drepanum ; and this the new consuls who came into office in the year 249 resolved to attack. Publius Claudius, who was in command, managed to reach Drepanum unobserved. Adherbal, the Carthaginian admiral, was taken by surprise, but did not lose courage. He manned his ships at once, and sailing out of the harbour by the opposite side to that by which the Romans were entering, formed his line on the open sea outside. Claudius had to recall his ships ; such as had entered the harbour came into collision in backing out with those that followed them, and there was great con- fusion. Still the captains ranged them as well as they THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. could along the shore, with their prows turned towards the enemy. But they had lost the choice of ground ; the Carthaginians had the open sea and plenty of room to man^ieuvre. They could retreat when they were hard pressed, and turn again when the oppor- tunity occurred. When the Roman vessels ventured to advance they were attacked in front, on the side, and in rear. But a Roman ship that was in diffi- culties had nothing behind it but the shore. If it retired, it either grounded in the shallows or was actually stranded. Nor was this disadvantage of place counterbalanced by any superiority in the build of the ships or in seamanship. The ships were clumsy, the seamen unskilful. In the end Claudius suffered a crushing defeat. He made his own escape with thirty ships ; but all the rest, nearly a hundred in number, were captured. The crews, too, were taken prisoners, excepting a few who beached their ships and jumi :ed ashore. Junius, the other consul, was even more un- fortunate. He had a hundred and twenty ships of war, with which he had to convey a fleet of eight hundred transports. The Carthaginian admiral forced him to cast anchor on a lee-shore (near Camarina), where there v/as no harbour within reach. When it came on to blow the blockading squadron put out to sea, and doubling Cape Pachynus escaped the worst of the storm. The Roman fleet had not time, or perhaps was not wise enough, to follow them. Anyhow, it was completely destroyed. " Scarcely a plank remained entire," says the historian. As a few days before most of the ships in the harbour of THE ROMANS GAIN ERYX. Lilybaium had been burnt, Rome was now without a fleet. Still, the siege of Lilyba^um was pushed on. The blockading army had now most of Sicily to draw upon for stores, and was well supplied, while the town could be provisioned from the sea. Though the CO]N : I HK TEMPLE AND KAMl'ARTS OF ERYX. Romans gained possession by surprise of the strong post of Eryx, the second highest mountain in Sicily the war for some time dragged on without much advantage to cither side. And now appeared upon the scene one of the few great men that Carthage produced, llamilcar, sur- l6o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, named l>arca/ was a very young man when he was appointed to the command of the Carthaginian fleet and army. Bat he had ah'eady made himself a name, and he soon showed that he was fit for his post. He established himself in a strong place in the north-west of the island, between Panormus and Drepanum. It was a lofty rock called Flercta (now Pdlegrino), and seems to have united every kind of advantage. It was so difficult of approach from the land that it could be defended by a very small force. There was some productive land in the neighbourhood. The climate was cool and healthy ; and there was a deep and spacious harbour. In this place, though the Roman forces held all the neighbourhood, he maintained himself for three years. His fleet — for Rome had given up for the present the attempt to command the sea — ravaged the southern coasts of Italy, and helped to furnish him with supplies. On land he kept his enemies engaged by perpetual surprises and strata- gems. He won, indeed, no great victory over them, but he kept them from doing anything else, and the siege of Lilybzeum made no progress. So anxious were the Romans to drive him out of this stronghold, that they at one time assembled as many as forty thousand men to carry on their attacks upon him. All, however, was in vain, and it was of his own free will that at the end of three years he took up another position. This was Eryx, the capture of which by the Romans has been mentioned above. He put his army on board the fleet, and suddenly carried it to the place which he had fixed upon, and though the * See page ii. HA SDRUBAL'S SUCCES SES . l6l enemy still held the fort upon the top of the hills, got possession of the town. Here he maintained himself for two years, getting little help, it would seem, from home, for one of his chief difficulties was with his mercenaries, who were clamouring for the PHCENICIAN WALL AT ERVX. pay which he could not give them, and whom he was obliged to put off with promises. Still the Romans could make no impression on him, and of course made no advance in the siege of the Carthaginian fortresses. T2 r62 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. If Hamilcar could have been everywhere the war might have had a different result, or, in any case, might have been prolonged still more than it was. But he could not be sure that his lieutenants would be as able as himself. In 241 Rome made a great rOSTERN IN THE WALL OF ERVX. effort to recover her supremacy at sea. The pubhc treasury was exhausted, as it might well be aftd neary five and twenty years of war, but private citizem came forward to supply what was wanting. Some of the richest uii Icrtook to build each a ship ; or BATTLE OF AGATES ISLAND. 163 two or three of smaller means would join together. Thus a fleet of two hundred five-banked vessels were got together, and these of the very best construction. With this Lutatius Catulus, the consul, sailed to Sicily. The Carthaginians seem to have been unprepared, not expecting indeed that the enemy, who had aban- doned the sea for several years, should now seek to recover the command of it. Catulus was therefore able to possess himself unopposed of the harbours of Lilybaeum and Drepanum. He pressed the siege of the latter place with much vigour, and meanwhile kept his crews busy with training and exercise, till he made them expert and ready. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, prepared to act. The plan of Han no, who was in command of the fleet, was this. To take stores for the supply of Hamilcar's army at Eryx, and, after landing these, to take on board some of the best troops and Hamilcar himself, who alone was equal to an army ; and thus engage the Romans. It was the object of the Romans, on the other hand, to force an action before this could be done. Catulus accordingly put some of his best troops on board his ships and sailed to JEgusa., an island opposite Lilybaeum. Hanno was at Hiera, another island, a little further out to sea, The whole front was known by the name of the Agates (a word that has probably something to do with the Greek word for a goat). Catulus intended to give battle at once. Then, when the day for action came, he began to doubt. The wind was stormy, and was blowing from the west, and so would help the movements of the enemy and hinder his own. On THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the other hand, there was much to be lost by delay. At present the Carthaginian ships were burdened with the stores which they were carrying. If he did not engage them at once they would rid themselves of these, would take on board some first-rate troops (rom the army at Eryx, and, above all, would have the presence of the dreaded Hamilcar himself. These thoughts made him resolve on battle. The Carthaginians were already on their way eastward when he put out to sea. His crews, become strong and dexterous by practice, got their ships between the enemy and the point for which he was making, and, ranged in a single line, prepared to receive them. The conflict was short and decisive. Hanno's ships were encumbered with stores ; his crews were un- skilled, for the fleet had been neglected, and the troops on board were nothing better than raw levies. In all these points the Romans were superior ; they had nothing on board but what was wanted for the battle ; their rowers were well trained, and their fighting men of the best quality. At the very first meeting they showed their superiority. Fifty of the Carthaginian ships were sunk and seventy more taken with all their crews ; the rest were saved by a sudden change of the wind to the east which took them back to their anchorage at Hiera. The battle of the yEgates Islands brought the war to an end. Carthage could no longer provision her army in Sicily, and felt that it was useless to prolong the struggle. Accordingly, Hamilcar was empowered to make peace. The Romans were ready enough to meet him, for they too were exhausted by the long CONCLUSION OF WAR. 165 struggles, and after some negotiations a treaty was made. The chief condition was that Carthage was to give up all her positions in Sicily, and engage to leave the island alone for the future. She had had a hold on the island for at least four centuries, and for nearly two had cherished hopes of winning it. Sometimes she had been very near their accomplish- ment. Now they had to be finally given up. This was undoubtedly a great blow. We may call it the first great step downward. A war indemnity of nearly ;^ 800,000 was imposed. But Hamilcar was resolved to save his honour. The Romans demanded that the troops at Eryx should surrender. This demand he resolutely refused, and it was given up. They marched out with all the honours of war and were carried back to Carthage ; and so, after a duration of four and twenty years^ the First Punic War came to an end. IV. CARTHAGE AND HER MERCENARIES. We have seen more than once that Carthage had much trouble with her mercenary troops. This trouble now came upon her again, and in a worse form than ever. The fact was that five and twenty years of war had exhausted even her vast wealth, and she could not meet her engagements with the soldiers whom she had hired. These, on the other hand, were more powerful than they had ever been before. They were not troops hired for a campaign, and discharged after a few months' service, but a standing army trained by a long war to know each other and to act together ; and many of them had been taught the art of war by a great soldier, Hamilcar Barca. As soon as peace was concluded, Gesco, Governor of Lilybaeum, had begun sending the mercenaries to Carthage in small detachments. He hoped that as they came they would be paid off and dismissed to their homes. Had this been done, all would have , oeen well. But the government either would not or could not find the money. Shipload after shipload of the men arrived till the cit)' was full of them. After a while, so troublesome and disorderly were they, they were collected in a camp outside the walls, REVOLT OF THE MERCENARIES. 167 and left tliere with nothing to do but talk over their grievances and plot mischief. When at last the money, or part of the money, was forthcoming, it was too late. The troops had found leaders, and the interest of these leaders was not peace but war. One of them was a certain Spendius, a runaway slave from Campania, w^ho dreaded, of course, that when everything was settled he might be sent back to his master, that is to torture and death. He is said to have been a man of enormous strength, and brave even to rashness. The other was a free- born African, of the name of Matho. He had been a ringleader in all the disturbances that had taken place since the return of the mercenaries, and he dreaded the vengeance of his emplo}'crs. Matho found his fellow Africans ready to listen to him ; and there was probably much truth in what he said. " The Carthaginians," he told his comrades, "are going to send to their homes the troops belonging to other nations ; when you arc left alone they will make you feel their anger." A pretext for open revolt was soon found. Gesco, who had been sent to settle with the troops, handed over the arrears of pay, but put off the question of allowances for corn, horses, etc., to another time. At this proposal there were loud cries of discontent, and in a few minutes a noisy crowd of troops was assembled. Spendius and Matho harangued the assembl}^, and were received with shouts of ap- plause. Any one else that attempted to speak was killed. " Kill," says the historian, was the only word that every one in this motley crowd, gathered from almost every country of Western Europe, could under- i68 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. stand. The two speakers were chosen generals. Gesco and his staff were seized, fettered, and thrown into prison. There was now open war between Car- thage and her mercenaries. The African towns at once joined the rebels. They were always discontented with their masters, and this discontent had now reached its height. The neces- sities of Carthage during the war just ended had compelled her to increase the taxes of her depen- dencies, and to exact these taxes to the uttermost farthing. The rent in kind paid by the cultivators of the soil had been raised to a half of the pro- duce, and the tribute paid by the towns had been doubled ; and any default in payment had been cruelly punished. So fierce was the wrath raised by this oppression that the very women brought their orna- ments — and her ornaments were no small part of an African woman's wealth — and threw them into the common stock. From these and other sources, Spendius and Matho received so much money that they settled all the claims of the troops, and had still abundance of means for carrying on the war. Two towns only. Hippo and Utica, remained lo}'al. These were at once besieged. The mercenaries had three armies in the field. One was before Hippo, another before Utica ; the third held an entrenched camp at Tunes. Carthage was thus cut off from all communication by land with Africa : but she still retained command of the sea. The Carthaginian commander-in-chief, Hanno,^ * This Ilanno seems somehow to have got the title of " J he Great," but to have done very little to deserve it. PLAN OF lIARIiOUK AT UTICA, SIEGE OF UTICA. marched against tlie rebel force that was besiegini^ Utica. He had as many as a hundred elephants with him. These broke through the entrenchments of the rebel camp, and the mercenaries fled in con- fusion. Hanno, accustomed to have to do with half savage enemies, who, once defeated, could not easily be rallied, thought that the victory was won, and, while he was amusing himself in Utica, allowed his troops to be as idle and as careless as they pleased. But the enemy were soldiers trained by Hamilcar Barca, and accustomed to retreat and rally, if need was, more than once in the same day. They rallied now, and seeing that the Carthaginian camp was left unguarded, attacked it, and got possession of a quantity of stores, and, among them, of some artillery which Hanno had sent for out of the city. The conduct of the war was now committed to Hamilcar. The strength of his force was a corps of ten thousand native Carthaginians. Besides these he had a body of mercenaries, a number of deserters from the enemy, and seventy elephants. His first operation was to relieve Utica. The chief difficulty was to break the blockade which the rebel general Matho had established round Carthage. The hills at the land end of the isthmus on which the city stood were held in force by the rebels ; as was the only bridge over the river Macar. But Hamilcar had noticed that a certain wind brought up such quanti- ties of sand to the bar of the Macar as to make it easily fordable. Taking advantage of this, he marched his army across the river by night, and, to the sur- prise of both friends and enemies, appeared in the 172 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. morninc^ on the other side, and hastened to attack the rear of the rebel force that was guarding the bridge. A strong detachment from the besiegers of Utica advanced to support their comrades. Hamilcar was marching with his elephants in front, his light-armed troops behind them, and his heavy-armed in the rear. On coming in sight of the enemy, he changed this disposition. Spendius mistook the movement for a flight, and ordered a charge. The rebels found the heaxy troops quietly waiting to receive them, while the cavalry and the elephants fell upon their flanks. They were soon broken. Six thousand were slain upon the field of battle, and two thousand taken prisoners. Hamilcar had broken the blockade ; but Hippo and Utica were still besieged, and the rebels were still in force at Tunes. His success, however, had a good effect on the African tribes. One of the chief Numidian princes came into his camp with a force of two thousand men, and Hamilcar felt himself strong enough again to offer battle. The fight that ensued was long and obstinate. At last the Carthaginians prevailed, chiefly by the help of the elephants. Ten thousand rebels were killed, and four thousand taken prisoners. To these latter Hamilcar, with a wise mercy, offered liberal terms. They might take service with Car- thage, or they might go home. But if they were found in arms again, they must expect no further mercy. The rebel generals were dismayed when they heard of this politic act. Their only plan was to commit their followers to deeds which could not be pardoned. MAP OF PENINSULA OF CARillAGE. MASSACRE OF PRISONERS. Accordingly they called an assembly of the soldiers. Into this was brought a courier who professed tc come with a despatch from the rebels in Sardinia. This despatch contained a warning of a plot that was being hatched in the camp for setting Gesco and the other prisoners free. Then Spend ius stood up to speak. " Do not trust Hamilcar," he said. " His mercy is a mere pretence. When he has got you all in his power, he will punish you all. And meanwhile take care that Gesco, who is a most dangerous man, does not escape you." When he had finished speaking, a second courier arrived, this time professing to come from the camp at Tunes, and bearing a despatch to much the same effect as the first. On this Antaritus, a Gaul, who had shared the command with Spendius and Matho, rose to address the assembly. He had the advantage of being able to speak in Carthaginian, a language of which most of his hearers, from long service with the State, knew something. He told his liearers that it was madness to think of concluding peace with Carthage. Any one who advised such a thing was a traitor, and they had better make it im- possible by putting the prisoners to death. This horrible advice was followed. Gesco and his fellow- prisoners, seven hundred in number, were cruelly murdered, and from that time till the end of the war no mercy was showed on either side. For a time everything went ill with the Carthaginians. Hanno had been joined with Hamilcar in the com- mand ; but the two could not agree, and the army suffered greatly in consequence. Sardinia was lost to Carthage, and now Utica and Hippo revolted, after 176 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. massacrino- their Carthaginian garrisons. At this crisis the foreign alHes of the State stood faithfully by it. Hiero of Syracuse gave them help. It was not to his interest that Carthage should be destroyed. Rome left without a rival would be too powerful, and Syra- cuse would soon be swallowed up. And Rome, without the same reason, behaved equally well. She would not take possession either of Sardinia or of Utica, though both were offered to her by the rebels. And she allowed traders to send supplies into Carth- age, while she forbad them to have any dealings with the rebels. And now the tide turned against the mercenaries. They were besieging Carthage, but they were also besieged themselves. Naravasus, a Numidian prince, with his cavalry cut off all supplies from the country, and they were reduced to the most frightful ex- tremities. Spendius and his colleagues endeavoured to make terms. Hamilcar agreed to let the rebels go free, with ten exceptions such as he should choose. When the treaty was concluded, he said, " I choose among the ten those that are now present." Spendius and Antaritus were two of them. The siege of Carthage was now raised, and Hamilcar advanced against the camp at Tunes. He posted himself on one side, while his lieutenant, Hannibal, took up his position on the other. Spendius and his fellow - prisoners were crucified before the walls. Unfortunately Hannibal was an incompetent general. Matho, who was in command of the rebels, made a sally, stormed the camp, and took Hannibal him- self prisoner. In retaliation for the death of Spendius END OF WAR WITH MERCENARIES. 1 77 he was fastened alive to the same cross on which the body of the rebel leader was still hanging. Carthage now made a last effort to bring the war to an end. Every citizen that was of an age to bear arms was forced to serve. Hamilcar and Hanno agreed to forget their differences and to act together. And now everything went well. Matho was com- pelled to risk a battle, and was defeated and taken prisoner. All the African towns, except Utica and Hippo, at once submitted, and these, finding them- selves alone, did not long hold out. " Such," says Polybius, " was the conclusion of the war between Carthaginians and their mercenaries, after a continuance of three years and about four months ; a war by far the most impious and blood)' of any that we find in history." Carthage came out of the struggle much weakened. Besides men and money she lost her province of Sardinia. The Romans seem to have repented of their moderation, and did not refuse the island when it was offered them by the rebel mercenaries a second time, and when Carthage prepared to retake the island by force, Rome declared war. The unfortunate State had to give way, and to pay besides an indemnity of twelve hundred talents. 13 V. CARTHAGE AND SPAIN. When the war of the mercenaries was at last over, Hamilcar Barca was left the greatest man in Carthage. It was he who had saved the State at its greatest need ; and it was to him the people looked for guidance. For the next forty years, or thereabouts, he and his family, or the party that was led by them, called by their opponents the " Barcine Faction," had the government in their hands. Hamilcar's one object was to recover what Carthage had lost ; but it was an object which it was difficult to attain. To reconquer Sicily and the other islands of the Western Mediterranean was hopeless. For four hundred years and more Carthage had spent her strength in these regions, and had never quite got them into her grasp. Now they had passed for ever into hands which were stronger than hers. Not only must no action be taken directly against Rome, but nothing must be done to rouse her jealousy. Another war with Rome would be fatal, at least till Carthage had got back her strength, and war had already been threatened. Hamilcar had to look elsewhere, and he looked to Spain. Carthage had already had dealings with this country. She had trading ports along its coasts, and HAMTTXAR IN SPAIN. 179 '^hc had got some of her best troops from its tribes. Ilamilcar now conceived the idea of building up here an empire which should be a compensation for that which his country had lost elsewhere. This idea he kept secret till he had begun to carry it into action. He set out with the army, of which he seems to have been permanent commander-in-chief, on an expedition to complete the conquest of the African tribes dwel- ling westward of Carthage. Little or nothing was heard of him till the news came that he had crossed over into Spain, and was waging war on the native tribes. For nine years he worked on, making a new empire for his country. We know little or nothing about his campaigns, except that they were successful. Not only did he make war support itself, but he sent home large sums of money with which to keep up the influence of his party, and he had still enough to spare for bribing native chiefs. At the end of the nine years he fell in battle. But he left an able successor behind him in Hasdrubal, his son-in-law, who had been his colleague in his campaigns. Hasdrubal carried out his plans, and completed the work which he had begun. Here, too, we know nothing of de- tails. That he was a good soldier we are sure, for when the restless tribes of the African coast had risen in arms after Hamilcar had crossed over into Spain, he had been sent back by his chief, and had soon reduced them to submission. But he seems to have been still greater as a manager and ruler of men. By pleasing manners, by politic dealing with the native tribes, and by friendship formed with their petty chiefs — he is said to have married a Spanish i8o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. princess — he furthered the cause of his country more than by force of arms. The foundation of New Carthage was his work. It had the best harbour on the coast ; it was near the rich silver mines discovered by Aletes, and it soon became the capital of the new province. So powerful, indeed, was Hasdrubal that he was suspected of a plan for making himself absolute master of Carthage ; while the treaty with the Romans by which the boundaries of the two empires were fixed at the river Ebro is spoken of as having been made with Hasdrubal. The jealousy of the Romans had indeed by this time been roused. They saw with some alarm the wonderful progress that the Carthaginian general was making with the Spanish tribes, and they looked about for friends for themselves. Saguntum, a town partly Greek in origin (its name seems to have been connected with that of Zacynthos, one of the islands off the western coast of Greece), applied to them for protection, and they readily promised it A treaty was concluded by which the river Iberus (now the Ebro) was to be the eastern boundary of the Cartha- ginian province, but it was stipulated that Saguntum, which lay about fifty miles within these limits, should be independent. Hasdrubal met his death by assas- sination. He had executed a Spanish chief for some offence against his government, and one of the man's slaves in revenge struck him down. He had held the chief command in Spain for a little more than eight years. And now the greatest man that Carthage ever pro- duced comes to the front. Some seventeen years HANNIBAL. i8i before, when Hamilcar was about to cross over into Spain, his son Hannibal, then a boy of nine, begged to be allowed to go with him. The father consented, but first he brought the boy up to the altar on which, in preparation for the expedition he was about to make, he was offering sacrifice, and bade him lay his hand upon the victim, and swear eternal hatred to Rome. We shall see how the lad kept his oath. Ke was present at the battle in which his father met his death ; and though then but eighteen years of age, was put by his brother-in-law, Hamilcar's suc- cessor, in high military command. "There was no one," says Livy, " whom Hasdrubal preferred to put in command, whenever courage and persistency were specially needed, no officer under whom the soldiers were more confident and more daring." And indeed he was the very model of a soldier. He was bold, but never rash, cool in the presence of danger, and infinitely fertile in resource. To fatigue he seemed insensible. He could bear heat and cold equally well. Of food and drink he cared only to take so much as satisfied the needs of nature. To sleep he gave such time as business spared him ; and he could take it anywhere and anyhow. Many a time could he be seen lying on the ground, wrapped in his military cloak, among the sentries and pickets. About his dress he was careless ; it was nothing better than that of his humblest comrades, l^ut his arms and his horses were the best that could be found. He was an admirable rider, a skilful man at arms, and as brave as he was skilful. With such a man in the camp, there could be no doubt as to the successor of l82 THE SrORY OF CARTHAGE. Hasdrubal : the army at once elected him to the com- mand. His strong resemblance to his father, whom many of the soldiers still remembered, was not the least of his many claims. And the government at home could do nothing but confirm the election. Hannibal's first operations were against some Spanish tribes in the interior, occupying the country on both banks of the Upper Tagus (the western por- tion of what is now New Castile). A great victory over a native army, which is said to have numbered as many as a hundred thousand men, brought to an end these campaigns, which occupied the autumn of 221 and the greater part of the following year. In the spring of 219 Hannibal laid siege to Sagun- tum. His first operations were successful. His quick- eye had spied the weak place in the town's fortifica- tions, and he at once made it the object of his attack ; but the Saguntines were prepared to receive him. Indeed they more than held their own, and Hannibal himself was dangerously wounded by a javelin thrown from the wall. But he had the advantage of vast numbers — his army amounting, it is said, to as many as 150,000 — while the garrison had not men enough to guard the whole circuit of their walls. The battering- rams were used w^ith effect, and a breach was made. Then came an attempt to storm, furiously made, and furiously resisted. The townspeople are said to have made great havoc among the besiegers by a curious missile, which is described as having had a heavy iron point and a shaft which was wrapped in tow and set alight. In the end the storming party was beaten back. SIEGE OF SAGUNTUM. 183 Meanwhile an embassy arrived from Rome Han- nibal refused to receive it. He pretended that it u'OLild not be safe for the envoys to enter his camp. He could not, he said, undertake to protect them from his barbarian allies. The ambassadors proceeded, as their instructions directed, to Carthage. Hanno, the leader of the peace party, pleaded earnestly with the Senate to yield to the demands of Rome. He ad- vised that the army should be withdrawn from before Saguntum, that compensation should be made to that town, and even that Hannibal should be surrendered as having broken the treaty. But he scarcely found a seconder, and the ambassadors were sent away with a refusal. The siege meanwhile was being pressed on with vigour. The garrison hastily built a new w^all at the spot where the breach had been made, but this was easily thrown down ; and a party of the besiegers now established itself actually within the city. The defence was still continued, but it was manifestly hopeless. Hannibal was willing to give terms. The Saguntines might withdraw with their wives and children, each person to have two garments, but leaving all their property behind. While this offer was being dis- cussed in an irregular assembly, for a number of people had crowded into the Senate-house, some of the chief citizens gradually withdrew. They lit a great fire, and collecting all the public treasure and all the private property on which they could lay their hands, flung it into the flames, and then, with desperate resolution, leaped into them themselves. While this was c^oi'ig o", the Carthaginians forced THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. their way into the town. Every grown-up male was slain. The booty was enormous. Enough was left, besides all that the soldiers took, to bring a great sum into the public treasury. There could be now no doubt that war would follow. The Romans, indeed, made all preparations for it. Still, anxious, it would seem, to do all things in order, they sent another embassy to Carthage. The envoys were instructed to put to the Carthaginian Senate the simple question, " Was it by the order of the government that Hannibal attacked Saguntum ? " The Carthaginian Senate refused to give a direct answer. The speaker who represented their opinion pleaded that the regular treaty between Carthage and Rome made no mention of Saguntum, and that they could not recognize a private agreement made with Hasdrubal. " Upon this," says Livy, " the Roman gathered his robe into a fold and said, 'Here we bring you peace and war : take which you please.' In- stantly there arose a fierce shout, * Give us which you please ! ' The Roman, in reply, shook out the fold, and spoke again, ' I give you war.' The answer from all was, ' We accept it ; and in the spirit with which je accept it, will we wage it.' " Thus began the Second Punic War. VL FROM THE EBRO TO ITALY. After the capture of Sagiintum, Hannibal went into winter quarters at New Carthage. He gave a furlough^ to any of his Spanish troops that wished to visit their homes. " Come back," he said, " in early spring, and I will be your leader in a war from which both the glory and the gain will be immense." The winter he spent in maturing his great plan, which was nothing less than to invade Italy. Carthage, he knew, had been brought to the brink of destruction by being attacked at home ; and this because her subjects had been raised against her. Rome, too, had subjects who were doubtless ill-content with her rule. Within the last hundred years she had added the greater part of Italy to her Empire. It was in Italy that he hoped to find his best allies. We shall see how far his hopes were fulfilled, how far they were disappointed. In the spring he made a disposal of his forces. Some fifteen thousand, chiefly Spaniards, he sent into Africa. With his brother Hasdrubal he left an army of between twelve and thirteen thousand infantry, two thousand five hundred cavalry, five hundred slingers, and twenty-one elephants, besides a fleet of fifty-seven ships, chiefly of the largest size. Hisipolicy in making i86 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. these arrangements was to garrison Africa with Spanish, and Spain w ith African troops. The force with which he himself crossed the Ebro consisted of ninety thou- sand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry. To cross the Ebro, which was still nominally the boundary between Rome and Carthage, was formally to commence hostilities. On the night before he made the passage, Hannibal, who had lately returned from a solemn visit to the temple of Melcarth at Gades, had a dream. He saw a youth of godlike .shape, who said, "Jupiter has sent me to lead your army into Italy. Follow me, but look not behind." Hannibal followed trembling, but could not, after a while, keep his eyes from looking behind. He saw a serpent of marv^ellous size moving onwards, and de- stroying the forest as it went. When he asked what this might mean, his guide answered, " This is the de- vastation of Italy. Go on and ask no more, but leave the designs of fate in darkness." Hannibal's numbers, indeed, were much diminished before he reached the foot of the Alps, which was to be the first stage in his journey. He had to conquer the country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, and leave a large force to hold it ; and he felt it wise to dismiss to their homes a number of men who were unwilling or afraid to go on with him. It was with fifty thousand foot and nine thousand horse that he c'. ossed the P}'renees. From the Pyrenees he marched with little opposition to the Rhone. His route seems to have led him to Nemausus (now Nismes), while the point at which he touched the river was probably Roqucmaure. Polxbius describes it as being four PASSAGE OF THE RHONE. 187 days' march from the mouth. He found the further bank occupied by a strong force of the neighbouring Gauls. His guides informed him that some twenty- five miles higher up the river there was an island, and that when the stream was divided it was shallow and comparatively easy to cross. Accordingly he sent Hanno, son of Bomilcar, with a party of his army to cross at this place, and to take the enemy in the rear. Hanno found no one to oppose him. His Spanish troops, men accustomed to the water, put their clothes and arms on bladders, and swam to the further bank, pushing these before them; the Africans, who had not had the same experience, crossed upon rafts. Han- nibal meanwhile was making his own preparations for the passage. He had collected from friendly tribes on the right bank of the river a number of small boats. These he used for his infantry. Larger vessels and rafts constructed by his own men were reserved for the cavalry, and were put higher up the stream, to break the force of the current against the lighter craft. When all was ready he gave the signal to start. The enemy, though startled by his boldness in thus crossinij in face of their opposition, would doubtless have stood firm, and, perhaps, successfully resisted him, but for the force which had already made the passage higher up the river. At the critical moment they saw behind them the smoke of the fires which, by a concerted plan, Hanno and his infantry had lighted. They found themselves taken in the rear, a danger which no un- disciplined troops can brave. Hannibal, familiar with this fact, pushed boldly on. He was himself in one of the foremost boats, and, leaping to shore, led his men i88 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. to the charge. The Gauls broke and fled almost with- out striking a blow. He had still to get his elephants across. A large raft was covered with earth and moored firmly to the bank, and to this again a smaller raft, similarly disguised, was attached. The elephants, led by two females, were taken first upon the larger, then upon the smaller raft, and, fancying themselves still upon dry ground, made no objection. Then the smaller raft was detached, and propelled across the stream. The great beasts were frightened when they found themselves afloat, but their very terror kept them quiet ; and two that plunged into the water, though their unfortunate drivers were drowned, got safely to the opposite shore. Hannibal marched up the left bank of the Rhone till he reached the Isere. Here he made a valuable ally in a chief of the Allobroges, whom he supported against a younger brother that was claiming the throne. This prince supplied his army with stores of all kinds, among which shoes are especially mentioned^ and escorted him as far as the foot of the Alps. But, it will be asked, were the Romans doing nothing to defend themselves against this invasion ? They had other work on their hands, for they were at v/ar with the Gauls in what is now Northern Italy, but was then called Cisalpine or Hither Gaul. The first armies they could raise were sent against them ; but Publius Cornelius Scipio (a name of which we shall hear much hereafter) was despatched with a force to the mouths of the Rhone. Had he moved up the river at once he might have hindered Hanni- bal's passage, but he sat still. A proof that the ROUTE OVER THE ALPS, l8g Carthaginians were near was soon given him. Han- nibal had sent a squadron of African horse to recon^ noitre, and this fell in with some cavalry which Scipio had sent out for the same purpose. A sharp skirmish followed. It was the first occasion on which the two enemies crossed swords, and the Romans won the day. When his cavalry had returned, Scipio marclicd up the river ; but he found Hannibal gone, and did not think it well to follow him. Returning to the sea, he sent the greater part of his army under his brother Cnaeus into Spain, and sailed back with the rest to Italy. This policy of strengthening the Roman force in Spain, in face of what seemed a greater danger nearer home, was masterly, and was to bear good fruit in after time. Hannibal's route across the Alps has been the sub- ject of much controversy, into which I do not intend to enter. The view which seems to me the most pro- bable is that he marched up the left bank of the Rhone as far as Vienne ; then, leaving the river, struck across the level country of Upper Dauphiny, and met the river again at St. Genix. Thence he marched up the valley of the Upper Isere, and crossed by the pasis of the Little St Bernard, descending into the Valley of Aosta. The dangers and difficulties of the passage arc described in vivid language by the historians, and indeed they must have been terrible. To take an army, with all its stores and baggage, the horses, and the elephants, across the Alps, was indeed a wonder- ful task ; still more wonderful when we consider how late it was in the year when the attempt was made igo THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. It was almost the end of October before the summit of the pass was reached, and the seasons, there is Httle reason to doubt, were colder then than they are now. If Hannibal had only had natural obstacles to con- tend with he would have had plenty to do; but he found the mountain tribes fiercely hostile. They resented the intrusion of this formidable force into their country, and they saw an excellent opportunity for plundering. Their attacks began as soon as he commenced the ascent, and were continued till he had nearly reached the highest point. The first stage of the march was at the pass which leads to the Lake of Bourget. Every mile of this had to be won by hard fighting. The road was steep and narrow, and the barbarians attacked the army from points of vantage. It was only Hannibal's foresight in occupy- ing a still higher position, which the enemy had left during the night, that prevented a most serious loss. When the plain at the upper end of the pass was reached, the disciplined army had nothing to fear. The mountaineers' fortified town was stormed, and much of the property that had been lost was regained. The next three days' march was made without oppo- sition ; and then the mountain tribes, seeing that force had failed, tried what treachery could do. Their chiefs came into the camp, offered hostages, sent in supplies, and promised to guide the army by the best and shortest route. Hannibal did not wholly trust them, and took precautions against a sudden attack. But he allowed the guides to lead him into a dangerous defile, where the longer road would have been safer. ROCKS SPLIT WITH VINEGAR. At the most critical point of the march the enemy attacked, rolHng down great rocks or sending showers of stones from the chffs. The loss was great, but the army struggled through. The elephants, difficult as they must have been to drive up those narrow and slippery roads, were of great service. The moun- taineers were terrified at the sight of them, and wherever they were visible did not venture to approach. The story, of how Hannibal split with fire and vinegar the rocks which his men could neither remove or climb over is so famous that it cannot be omitted, though it is not easy to imagine how the vinegar came to be there. Had his foresight, wonderful as it was, extended so far as to provide this most unlikely kind of store ? But without further criticism I shall quote Livy's own words. " Having to cut into the stone, they heaped up a huge pile of wood from great trees in the neighbourhood, which they had felled and lopped. As soon as there was strength enough in the wind to create a blaze they lighted the pile, and melted the rocks, as they heated, by pouring vinegar upon them. The burning stone was then cleft open with iron implements." Livy represents this incident as occurring in the course of the descent. By that time the work, of course, was really done. The army took nine da}'s, we are told, to make its way to the top. That once reached, they were permitted to rest two days. When they resumed their march a fall of snow almost reduced them to despair. But Hannibal told them to keep up their courage. He would show them the 14 194 STORY OF CARTHAGE. end of their toils. And indeed, a little further on, they came to a point from which they could look down on the rich plains of Italy. " Yoii are climb- ing," he cried to his men, "not the walls of Italy only, but of Rome itself. What remains will be a smooth descent ; after one or, at the most, two battles, we shall have the capital of Italy in our hands." Six days sufficed for the descent. It was more than four months since Hannibal had started from New Carthage. His losses on the way had been terrible. He brought down with him into the plains of Italy not more than twenty thousand infantry (three-fifths of them Africans and the remainder Spaniards) and six thousand cavalry; and he had left thirty- three thousand, most of them victims of disease and cold, upon his road. This was the force, if we are to reckon only his regular troops, with which he was to undertake the conquest of Ital}-. The numbers rest on the authority of a Roman who was a prisoner in the Carthaginian camp, and who heard them from the lips of the great general himself. VII. THE FIRST CAMPAIGN IN ITALY. Hannibal gave a few days' rest to his troops. They greatly needed it, for their toils and sufferings had given them, we are told, a look that was " scarcely human." Then he struck his first blow. If he was to succeed he must have the people of the Italian peninsula on his side against Rome. In one way or another they must be made to join him. Accord- ingly, when the Taurini, a tribe of Gauls, refused his proposals of alliance — they were at feud with another tribe which was friendly to him — he attacked and stormed their stronghold.^ After this almost all the tribes of Hither Gaul joined him. They furnished him with supplies and with a number of excellent recruits. Meanwhile Publius Scipio had landed his army at Pisa, had marched over the Apennines, and, crossing the Po at Placentia, was advancing against the in- vaders. Hannibal scarcely expected to meet him so soon ; Scipio had never believed that the Carthaginian army would be able to make the passage of the Alps. Both made ready for battle. Among the preparations ' Probably the town afterw ards called Augusta Taiiriuorum and now Known as Turin. 196 , THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. of Hannibal was a spectacle which he exhibited to his army. Some of the mountaineers who had been taken prisoners in crossing the Alps were matched to fight against each other. The conquerors were to have a set of arms and their liberty ; the conquered would, at all events, be released from their chains by death. All the prisoners eagerly accepted the offer when it was made to them, and fought with the greatest courage, whilst those who had not been chosen looked envyingly on. Hannibal meant the exhibition as a parable to his own men. " This," he said, " is exactly your situation. You have this same choice — a rich reward and liberty on the one side, and death on the other. See how gladly these barbarians accept it. Do you be as cheerful and as brave as they are." Scipio crossed the Ticinus by a bridge which he had built for the purpose. Both armies were now on the north bank of the Po, the Carthaginians moving eastward and having the river on their right, the Romans coming westward to meet them. At the end of the second day's march both encamped, and on the morning of t4ie third the cavalry of both advanced, Hannibal and Scipio commanding in person. The Romans had their light-armed troops and their Gallic horsemen in front, and the rest of their cavalry in tlie second line. Hannibal had skilfully arranged his heavy cavalry in a solid body in the centre ; while the light and active African troopers, men who rode their horses with- out a bit, were on either wing. The Roman light-armed, after a single discharge of their javelins, retired hastily through the spaces of the squadrons behind them. SCIPIO RETIRES TO THE TREE I A. 199 Between the heavy cavalry on both sides there was an obstinate struggle, the Romans having somewhat the advantage. But the clouds of Africans had out- flanked the Roman line, and had fallen first on their light-armed troops and then on the rear of the heavy cavalry. A general rout followed. Not the least serious disaster of the day, as we shall see, was that Scipio himself received a disabling w^ound. Indeed, it was only the bravery of his son, a youth of seventeen, of whom we shall hear again, that saved his life. A body of horsemen formed round the consul, and escorted him off the field. Hannibal waited aw^hile to see whether his antago- . nists meant to risk a general engagement. As they made no sign, he advanced, and finding that they had left their camp, crossed first the Ticinus, and after- wards the Po, where he captured six hundred men who had been left behind by the Romans. Scipio was now encamped under the walls of Placentia. Hannibal, after vainly offering him battle, took up a position about six miles off. The first result of his late victory was the crowding into his camp of the Gallic chiefs from the south side of the Po. Before long he had a stronger proof of the change of feeling in this people. A Gallic contingent that was acting with the Roman army left the camp at night, carry- ing with them the heads of a number of their comrades whom they had massacred, and took service with him. Scipio was so alarmed by this general movement among the Gauls that he left his camp, and moved southward to the Trebia, where he could find a strong position and friendly neighbours. Hannibal imme- 200 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. d lately sent his African horse in pursuit ; and these, if they had not stopped to plunder and burn the deserted camp, might have greatly damaged the retreating army. As it was, all but a few stragglers had crossed the Trebia before the Africans came up. Scipio took up a strong position on the hills, and resolved to wait till his colleague Sempronius, who was on his way northward, should join him. Hannibal, who had followed with his whole force, pitched his camp about five miles to the north. He had received meanwhile a most welcome gain in the surrender of Clastidium, a fortress near Placentia, where the Romans had accumulated great stores of corn. The place was given up to him by the commandant, a native of Brundusium, who received, it is said, four hundred gold pieces as the price of his treachery. It was not long before Sempronius and his army arrived. The numbers of the Romans were of course greatly increased by this reinforcement ; but the result was really disastrous. Scipio was a skilful general ; Sempronius was nothing but a brave man, whom the accident of being consul for the year had put in com- mand of the army. And, unfortunately, Scipio was disabled by the wound which he had received at Ticinus. His colleague could not believe but that the Romans must win a pitched battle, if the enemy should be rash enough to fight one ; and he was anxious to get the credit of the victory for himself If he was to do this he must force a battle at once. Winter was coming on, and before the beginning of another cam- paign he would be out of office. If he had any doubt ^ibout success, it was dispersed SEMPRONIUS EAGER TO FIGHT. 201 by the result of a skirmish which took place between the Roman and Carthaginian cavalry. Hannibal had sent some horsemen, Africans and Gauls, to plunder the lands of a tribe which had made terms with Rome. As these were returning, laden with booty, some Roman squadrons fell upon them, and drove them to their camp with considerable loss. Sempronius was now determined to fight, and Scipio could not hinder him. As Hannibal was at least equally anxious for a battle, which was as much to his interest as it was against the interest of his antagonists, the conflict was not long delayed. Sem- pronius had forty thousand men under his command, and Hannibal's army, reinforced as it had been by the Gauls, was probably equal. Hannibal's first care was to place an ambuscade of two thousand men, picked with the greatest care, in some brushwood near the river. His brother Mago had chosen a hundred foot-soldiers and as many troopers ; and each of these again had chosen nine comrades. They were to play, we shall see, an im- portant part in the battle. Early the next morning he sent his African cavalry across the river, with orders to skirmish up to the Roman camp, and pro- voke an engagement. Sempronius eagerly took the bait. He sent out of his camp, first his cavalry, then his light-armed, and finally his legions, and he sent them before they had been able to take any food. It was now far on in the winter ; the snow was falling fast, and the Trebia, swollen by rain, was running high between its banks. The water was up to the men's breasts, as they struggled, cold and hungry, 202 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, across it. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, had had their usual meal, and had warmed them- selves before fires. With ample time on his hands and perfectly at his ease, Hannibal drew up his army. Twenty thousand infantry, Africans, Spaniards, and Gauls, formed the centre ; the cavalry, numbering ten thousand, were on the wings, with the elephants in front of them. The light-armed troops had been sent on in advance to support the African horse. The Roman line of battle was similarly arranged. And now again, as before at the Ticinus, the weak- ness of the Romans in cavalry was fatal. This arm was inferior both in numbers and in quality. The Carthaginian horse charged on both wings, and routed their opponents almost without a struggle. The flanks of the great body of infantry which formed the Roman centre were thus uncovered, and were exposed to fierce attacks both from the cavalry and from the light-armed troops of the enemy. Still they held their own for a long time with all the courage and tenacity of Romans. But everything was against them, and when Mago's ambuscade leapt out from the watercourse, in which it had been hiding, and fell furiously upon their rear, the day was lost. If any- thing was still wanting to complete their rout, it was found in the elephants, strange and terrible creatures which few of the Romans or their allies had ever seen before. The rear of the army suffered worst. Indeed it was almost destroyed. The front ranks cut their way through the GalHc and African infmtry that was opposed to them, and made their way to Phiccntia. These numbered about ten thousand. Some stragglers THE CARTHAGINIANS VICTORIOUS. 205 from the rest of the army afterwards joined them. Others made their way back into the camp, for the conquerors did not pursue beyond the river. But it is probable that the Romans lost nearly half their force in killed, prisoners, and missing. The Carthaginians did not win their victory without some loss. But the slain were chiefly from among the Gauls, whom Hannibal could most easily spare. His best infantry, the Spaniards and Africans, suffered little, except indeed from the cold — which the latter, of course, felt very much. The cold, too, was fatal to all the elephants but one. With the battle of the Trebia the first campaign of the Second Punic War came to an end. VIII. TRASUMENNUS. Hannibal spent the winter among the Ligurian Gauls. They had welcomed him among them as the successful enemy of Rome, but grew weary, we are told, of his presence, when they found that they had to support his army. He was even in danger of being assassinated, and had to protect kimself by frequently changing his dress and even his wig. The winter was scarcely over when he took the field, making his way through the marshes of the Arno into the heart of Etruria. This way was the shortest that he could have taken, and by following it he avoided the Roman armies that were watching for him. But it cost him and his army dear. The floods were out everywhere, and not a spot of dry ground could be found on which his men could rest themselves. All that they could do was to pile up the baggage in the water and to rest upon that, or even upon the heaps of dead horses. Weary, without food, and witliout sleep, for this was their worst trouble, num- bers perished on the march. Hannibal himself, who rode upon the one elephant that was left, to keep himself as far as possible above the water, was attacked with ophthalmia, and lost the sight of one of LAKE TRASUMENNUS. 207 his eyes. When he reached the higher ground he gave his troops a short rest, and then marched boldly towards Rome, wasting the country, which was one of the richest parts of Italy, most cruelly as he went. One of the Roman Consuls, Flaminius, was at Arretium with about thirty thousand men ; the other was at Ariminum on the east coast with as many more. Hannibal ventured to leave them in his rear, and now there was no army between him and Rome. Flaminius, who had found it hard to sit still and see the country of his allies wasted with fire and sword before his eyes, could not allow Rome itself to be attacked without striking a blow for it. He broke up his camp, and followed the Carthaginians. This was exactly what Hannibal expected and wished. And he laid an ambush for his pursuer. The road from Cortona to Perusia, along which he was march- ing, passed close to the northern shore of the Lake Trasumennus. Near the north-west corner of the lake the hills on either side of this lake approach close to each other ; at the north-east corner again there is a still narrower passage formed by the hills on the north, and the lake itself on the south. Be- tween these two is a level plain, somewhat like a bow in shape, if we suppose the edge of the water to be the string, and the retreating hills the bow itself. In front of the hills which commanded the eastern end of the pass Hannibal posted his African and Spanish troops ; and here he himself remained. At the end of - the pass itself, behind some rising ground which conveniently concealed them, he stationed his Gallic cavalry. The rest of his army he placed on the 208 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. further slopes of the hills which enclosed the plain upon the north. Flaminius reached the western end of the lake at sunset, and pitched his camp there for the night. The next morning, while the light was still dim, and without, it seems, attempting to reconnoitre his route, he continued his march. When his whole army had passed through the defile into the plain beyond, Hannibal gave the signal which had been arranged, and the Numidian cavalry with the Gallic infantry descended from the hills, and occupied the western outlet. The Roman army was hemmed in. They were surrounded, too, with mist, which rose from the lake and lay thick upon the level ground, while the sunshine was bright upon the slopes down which the enemy was moving to the attack. Before they could form their ranks in order of battle, almost before they could draw their swords, the enemy w^as upon them. Flaminius did his best, but it was v^ery little that he could do. There was no scope for a general's skill, even if he had possessed it. It was a soldiers' battle, where every man had to fight for himself ; but the soldiers of Rome, new^ly recruited ploughmen and vinedressers, were scarcely a match for the veterans of Carthage, and were now taken at a terrible disadvantage. Still, for a time, they held their ground. For three hours the battle raged, so fiercely that none of the combatants felt the shock of an earthquake which that day laid more than one Italian city in ruins. Then the Consul fell. Con- spicuous in his splendid arms, he had kept up the Roman battle, till one of Hannibal's troopers, an SLAUGHTER OF THE ROMANS. ZOg Iiisubrian Gaul, recognizing his face (for Flaminius had conquered the Insubrians eight years before), fiercely charged him. " See ! " cried the man to his comrades, " this is he who slaughtered our legions and laid waste our fields. I will offer him a sacrifice to the shades of my countrymen." The Consul's armour-bearer threw himself in the way, but was struck down ; and Ducarius (for that was the trooper's name) ran the Consul through with his lance. Then the Romans ceased to resist, even as the English ceased at Senlac when Harold was slain. Some sought to escape by the hills, others waded out into the lake, which is shallow to some distance from the shore. Men weighted with heavy armour could not hope to escape by swimming ; yet some were desperate enough to try it. These were either drowned in the deeper water, or struggling back to the shallows were slaughtered in crowds by the cavalry, which hc\d now ridden into the water. About six thousand of the vanguard cut their way through the enemy at the eastern end of the pass, and halted on the high ground beyond to watch the result of the battle. When the mist lifted, as the sun gained strength, from hill and plain, they saw that their comrades were hopelessly defeated, and, taking up their standards, hurried away. But without pro- visions, and not knowing which way to turn, they surrendered themselves next day to Hannibal. About ten thousand contrived to escape from the field of battle. These made the best of their way to Rome. Nearly fifteen thousand fell on the field or in the flight. The Carthaginians lost two thousand and 15 210 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, five hundred, a proof that for a time at least the Romans had not sold their liv^es for nothing. The body of the Consul was never found, though Hannibal, anxious to give so brave a foe an honourable burial, ordered a careful search to be made for it. A few days afterwards Hannibal had another suc- cess. Maharbal surprised a body of cavalry which Servilius was sending to help his colleague, killed half, and took the other half prisoners. He then marched south, but not, as one might expect, on Rome, though it had no army to protect it. He was afraid of undertaking the siege of such a city ; indeed, when he attempted to take Spoletium, a colony, or military settlement, in Umbria, he was beaten back with great loss. He marched on in a south-easterly direction, wasting the country as he went, and gather- ing an immense booty, till he came to the eastern sea near a town called Hadria. There he took a few days rest and refreshed his army, for both men and horses were terribly exhausted with toil and privation. We are told that the horses, which were covered in ulcers, were bathed in old wine, and that this treat- ment cured them. From this place, too, he sent despatches to Carthage with an account of what he had done. They were the first that he had written since he crossed the Ebro. Soldiers say that the most dangerous thing that a general can do is to cut him- self off from his base, to launch himself into the air, as it is sometimes called — that is, to leave nothing be- hind him on which he can fall back. Hannibal had done this so boldly that he had never been able even to send a messenger back with a letter. Now he was Hannibal's policy. 211 at the sea, and letters could be sent to and fro without hindrance. He is also said at this time to have armed some of his African infantry with arms of the Roman fashion. From Hadria he moved still southward, ravaging the eastern part of Italy as far down as Apulia, but always showing that it was with Rome and not with the Italian subjects of Rome that he was waging war. Any Roman citizen, or child of a Roman citizen that was of age to carry arms, he ordered to be slain.^ The Italians that fell into his hands he not only spared, but treated with the utmost kindness. * So goes the Roman story, but the frequent mention of Roman prisoners seems to prove that it was false. IX. FABIUS AND HIS TACTICS. At Rome, after the first feeling of grief and terror had passed away, everything was being done to carry- on the war with vigour. No one spoke of surrender, or even of peace. The chief command of all the armies of the State was given to a veteran soldier, Ouintus Fabius Maximus by name, who had won the honour of a triumph nearly twenty years before. Fabius' first act was to consult the books of the Sibyl. ^ They were found to prescribe various acts of worship .of the Gods, as the offering of prayers and sacrifices, the building of temples, and the celebrating public games. These were either done at once or promised for some future time. The Dictator (for this was his title) then ordered the levying of two new legions, and of a force which was to defend the city and man the fleet. He also directed that everything in the line of Hannibal's march should be destroyed. The Carthaginians were to find nothing but a desert wherever they came. He then marched north. At ^ Books of prophecy, said to have been written by one of the Sibyls, sold to Tarquinius Prisciis, fifth king of Rome, and afterwards preserved in the temple of Jupiter of the Capitol, to be consulted in any great need of the State. See "The Story of Rome," p. 59. HANNIBAL A MASTER OF STRATAGEM. 2x3 Ocriculiim in Umbria he met Servilius, who was on his way to Rome, and took over his legions from him. Servilius he sent to command the fleet, which was being got ready at Ostia for the defence of the Italian seas. He himself, with an army numbering about fifty thousand men, followed in pursuit of the enemy. Hannibal found that he gained no friends in Apulia, and marched westward into Samnium, which, less than a hundred years before, had been the fiercest enemy of Rome. But here again he met with no success in making strife between Rome and its allies. He moved on into what was, perhaps, the very richest part of Italy, the great Falernian plain, where wines were grown that were to become famous over all the world. Fabius still followed him, watching every movement, cutting off stragglers, and harassing him in every way that he could devise, but always refusing a battle. When he saw his enemy below him in the Falernian plain — for Fabius kept his own army on the hills — he believed that he had him in a trap. To the north, the passes into Latium and the way to Rome were barred ; the sea was in front of him ; and to the south the deep stream of the Volturnus. On the east the hills, with their passes held by Roman troops, seemed to shut off his escape. Then Hannibal showed what a master of stratagem he was. He not only escaped, but carried off the booty which he had collected. His plan was this. About two thousand oxen were chosen out of the vast herds which had been collected out of the plundered districts. To their horns were fastened bundles of dry twigs. Then one day, as the dusk of evening came on, he silcnth' 2T4 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, struck his camp, and moved eastward towards the hills, the oxen being driven a little in front of the vanguard. When the army reached the foot of the hills it was dark ; and then Hannibal ordered the bundles to be lighted. The drivers of the oxen started them up the slope of the hills ; the animals, maddened by fear and pain — for the light flashed all about them, and the heat reached the flesh at the roots of their horns — rushed wildly on. The fouf thousand Romans who had been posted to guard the principal pass were dismayed at the sight. What it meant they could not understand ; but that it meant danger they were sure. Probably they fancied that they were being surrounded — for this is always the first fear of all but the very best and bravest troops. Anyhow they left their post, and made for the heights. Fabius, in his camp, saw the strange sight, and was equally puzzled ; nor did he venture out till it wais light.^ Meanwhile Hannibal had quietly marched his army through the pass, taking all his plunder with him, and pitched his camp next day at Allifae, on the other side of the hills. Fabius followed him. He marched northwards through Samnium, as far as the country of the Peligni, ravaging as he went. Fabius still moved along, keeping his army between him and Rome. ^ " This story of Livy," says Niebuhr, ** represents the Romans in a foolish light. The truth is told by Polybius. Nothing was more com- mon among tlie ancients than the march by night with lanterns ; and when the Roman outposts saw the lights between themselves and the unoccupied district, they thought that the Carthaginians were forcing their way, and quickly advanced towards the supposed danger to shut the rond against the enemy " (I,ecture Ixxiv.). FABIUS AND MINUCIUS, The effect of Hannibal's escape was twofold. Not only did he get out of a difficult position, carrying the greater part of his plunder with him, but he made it very hard for Fabius to carry out his policy of delay. This policy of course had many enemies. The allies, who saw their country ravaged without being able to strike a blow for it, were furious ; and the wealthy Romans, whose estates were suffering in the same way, were loud in their complaints. And Hannibal's cunning plan of leaving Fabius' estates untouched, while all the neighbourhood was plun- dered, increased their anger. This change of feeling soon became evident. Fabius had to go to Rome on business for a time, and left his army in the charge of Minucius, Master of the Horse (this was the title of the Dictator's second-in-command), with strict orders not to fight. Minucius did fight, and won something like a little victory. When news of his success came to Rome, the opponents of Fabius persuaded the people to divide the army, and give the command of one half to the Dictator, and of the other to the Master of the Horse. There were now two Roman armies encamped about a mile apart. Hannibal, who knew what had happened, immediately took advantage of the situation. Minucius, if he wished to satisfy his friends was bound to fight, and Hannibal soon gave him what looked like a favourable opportunity. He occu- pied some rising ground between his own camp and that of the Romans with what looked like a small force. The Romans hastened to dislodge it. But there were f«ve thousand men in ambush, who, when 2l6 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the fighting had been going on for some time, fell upon the Roman rear. This gave way, and another great disaster would have been the result, had not Fabius, who was on the watch, led out his troops, and changed the fortunes of the day. After all no great harm was done ; and there was this good result, that Minucius confessed his error, and gave up his com- mand. The rest of the year passed without any further disasters, except that the Consul Servilius, landing on the coast of Africa, and ravaging the country, was attacked by the Carthaginians, and lost a thousand men. Hannibal spent the winter at Geronium, in the north of Apulia. It was a mountainous country ; and it was close to the sea. (This part of Apulia, indeed, is like an elbow projecting out into the Adriatic.) He had ample supplies, and he was in communication with Carthage. Probably new troops were sent to him. Anyhow, when the next year came (216) he was stronger than ever. It was late in the spring when he took the field. His first movement was to march round the Roman army, which had been watching him during the winter, and to seize a great magazine of stores which the enemy had collected. It was still his policy to provoke them to fight a battle, and this successful mov^ement helped him. The Romans had gathered a great force, but found it difficult to feed it. They were afraid, too, lest they should lose their allies, if they allowed Hannibal to march up and down through Italy and plunder as he pleased. And the party of fighting had had a great success at the elections. C. Terentius Varro, a man VARRO AND PAULLUS IN COMMAND. 217 of the people, after loudly proclaiming that the nobles were prolonging the war for their own purposes, had been chosen Consul by an immense majority. It was resolved to fight, but not to do so till the newly-levied legions should have joined the army of the year before. This was done about the beginning of June ; and the whole army, now numbering about ninety thousand men, marched in pursuit of Hannibal, who was gathering in the early harvests on the sea- board of Apulia. The two consuls (Varro's colleague was a noble, ^milius PauUus by name) had command on alternate days, ^milius, an experienced soldier, was doubtful of the result of a battle, and anxious to put it off. Varro, on the other hand, was confident and eager, and on his first day of command brought matters to a crisis by taking up a position between Hannibal and the sea. X. CANN/E. The great battle was still delayed for a few days. But when Hannibal's cavalry cut off the Roman watering -parties from the river, and left the army without water at the very height of an Italian summer, the impatience of the soldiers could not be restrained. On the morning of the ist of August,^ Varro, who that day was in command, hoisted on his tent the red flag as a signal of battle. He then ordered the army to cross the river Aufidus, and to draw up their lines on the right bank. Hannibal at once took up the challenge, and fording the stream at two places, drew up his army opposite to the enemy. His army was but half as large ; if he should be defeated his doom was certain ; but he was confident and cheerful. Plutarch tells us a story — one of the very few which show us something of the man rather than of the general — of his behaviour on the morning of the battle. He seems to have been one of the soldiers whose spirits rise in danger, and who become cheerful, and even gay, when others are most serious. " One of his chief officers, Gisco by name, said to him : ' I am * The Roman reckoning was six or seven weeks in advance of the real year, and the time was really about midsummer. HANNIBAL'S ARMY. 219 astonished at the numbers of the enemy.' Hannibal smiled and said : * Yes, Gisco ; but there is something more wonderful still.' ' What is that ? ' said he. * That though there are so many of them, not one of them is called Gisco.' The answer was so unexpected that everybody laughed." And he goes on to tell us that the Carthaginians were mightily encouraged to see this confident temper in their chief. The Aufidus, bending first to the south, and then again, after flowing nearly eastward for a short dis- tance, to the north, makes a loop. This loop was occupied by Hannibal's army. The left wing con- sisted of eight thousand heavy cavalry, Spaniards and Gauls. Hasdrubal (who must not be confounded with Hannibal's brother of the same name) was in command. They had the river on their left flank and on their right. Behind them was one half of the African infantry. " One might have thought them a Roman army," says Livy, " for Hannibal had armed them with the spoils of Trebia and Trasumennus." Next in the line, but somewhat in advance so as to be about on a level with the heavy cavalry, were posted the Spanish and Gallic infantry, with their companies alternately arranged, and under the imme- diate command of Hannibal himself and his brother Mago. These troops were still armed in their native fashion. The Spaniards wore white linen tunics, dazzlingly bright, and edged with purple. Their chief weapon was the sword which they used, of a short and handy size, and with which they were accustomed to thrust rather than strike. Nevertheless it was fitted for a blow, for it had, of course, an edge. The 220 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Gauls were naked from the hips upwards. They used very long swords, without a point. Both had oblong shields, and both seemed to the Romans and Italians, whose stature seldom exceeded the average height of »nen, to be almost giants in size. Still further to the right, but thrown back somewhat so as to be on a level with their countrymen on the left wing, stood the other half of the African infantry. And then on the extreme right wing of the whole army, were the African light horsemen under the command of Mago. These, to use the military phrase, " rested upon nothing;" that is, they had nothing to support their right flank. There were but two thousand of them, for they had had some of the hardest of the fighting since the army had entered Italy ; but they were con- fident of victory. The whole army numbered fifty thousand, but ten thousand had been detached to guard the camp. I he right wing of the enemy con- sisted of the Roman horse, who thus fronted the heavy cavalry of Carthage ; next to these came the infantry of the legions, more than seventy thousand strong, yet drawn up in so dense an array — in column, in fact, rather than in line — that they did not overlap the far smaller force of their adversaries. On the left wing were posted the cavalry of the allies. It was here that Varro commanded. Paullus was on the right of the army. The whole force numbered about eighty thousand, allowing for the detachment which had been told off to guard the camp. Their faces were turned to the south. This was a great disad- vantage to them, not so much on account of the glare of the sun, for it was yet early in the day, but because THE STRUGGLE. 221 the hot wind, which the country people called Vul- turnus, rolled such clouds of dust in their faces that they could scarcely see what lay before them. The battle bega.n as usual with the skirmishers. Here the Carthaginians had the advantage. The slingers from the Balearic islands ^ were more expert and effective than any of the Roman light-armed troops. The showers of stones which they sent among the legions did much damage, wounding severely, among others, the Consul Paullus. Then the heavy-armed cavalry of Carthage charged the Roman horse that was ranged over against them. The Romans were some of the bravest and best born of their nation ; but they were inferior in numbers, in the weight of men and horses, and in their equip-, ment. They wore no cuirasses ; their shields were weak ; their spears were easily broken. Probably they had no special skill in cavalry tactics ; had they possessed it, there was no opportunity of showing it, for there was no room to manoeuvre. It was a fierce hand-to-hand fight ; many of the Spaniards and Gauls leapt to the ground, and dragged their opponents from their horses. In the centre of the field where the Roman legions met the Gallic and Spanish infantry, Hannibal seemed for a time to be less successful. He had advanced these troops considerably beyond the rest of his line. When charged by the heavy columns of the enemy they were forced to fall back. The Romans pressed * Majorca, Minorca, and Ivica. The reader must not be tempted by the plausible derivation from the Greek fiaWio (ballo), to throw or strike. The name seems to have been derived from some form of Baal. 222 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. on in a dense and unmanageable mass. And in what seemed the moment of victory they found themselves assailed on both flanks and in the rear. On either side the two bodies of African infantry, who had hitherto taken no part in the battle, fell upon them. Almost at the same time came Hasdrubal with his heavy horsemen. After routing the Roman cavalry of the right wing, he had charged that of the allies upon the left. These had been already thrown into confusion by the stealthy attack of five hundred Africans, who had pretended to surrender, but came up in the critical moment and hamstrung their horses. Hasdrubal completed their rout, and leaving the Africans to pursue the fugitives, charged the rear of the Roman infantry. These were now surrounded on all sides, for the Gauls and Spaniards in their front had rallied, and checked their advance. Upon this helpless mass the Carthaginians used their swords till they were fairly weary of slaying. How many men lay dead upon the field when darkness came on it is impossible to say. Polybius gives the number at seventy thousand, and he is probably a better authority than Livy, who reduces it to fifty thousand. Among them were one of the consuls, the ex-consul Servilius, twenty-one military tribunes ((^fficers of a rank about equal to that of a colonel), and eighty members of the Senate. Varro had fled from the field with seventy horsemen, Hannibal's loss was something under six thousand. The question was, " What was he to do ? " He had destroyed the enemy's army, for even the force left to guard tlie camps had surrendered, and there Will he march on rome ? 223 was no other army in the field. Most of his officers, while they crowded round to congratulate him, advised him to give himself and his army some rest. Maharbal, who was in chief command of the cavalry, thought otherwise. " Do you know," he said, " what you have done by this day's victory ? I will tell you. Four days hence you shall be supping in the Capitol of Rome. Let me go on in front with my cavalry. They must know that I have come before they know that I am coming." Hannibal was not so sanguine. He praised Maharbal's zeal, but must take time to consider so grave a matter. Then Maharbal broke out : " I see that the gods do not give all their gifts to one man. Hannibal, you have the secret of victory, but not the secret of using it." It will never be decided whether Hannibal, with his cautious policy, or the bold Maharbal was in the right. But one is disposed to believe that so skilful a general, one, too, who was not wanting in boldness (for what could be bolder than this whole march into Italy ?), knew what could and what could not be done better than anybody else. He could not hope to succeed unless the allies of Rome deserted her, and he had to wait and see whether this would happen. Till he was sure of it he could not, we may well believe, afford to risk an advance. One defeat would have been fatal to him. It would have been almost as fatal to sit down in vain before the walls of Rome. But, however this may be, it is certain that the op- portunity, if it was an opportunity, never came back to him. He did indeed come near to Rome, as I shall have to tell hereafter, but this was a feint rather 224 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, than a serious attack. That midsummer day in the year 216 saw the highest point which the fortunes of Carthage ever reached. Then only, if even then, she might have been the mistress of the world. XI. AFTER CANN/E. The victory of Cannoe had great results, though it did not make Hannibal feel strong enough to strike a blow at Rome. First and foremost among these results was the alliance of Capua, the second city in Italy. The Capuans, indeed, were not all of one mind ill the matter. It was the people that favoured Carthage ; the nobles were for the most part inclined to Rome. It was a noble, however, and one who was married to a lady of the great Roman house of Claudius, that took the lead in this movement. The people rose against the Senate, stripped it of its power, massacred a number of Roman citizens who were sojourning in the town, and sent envoys to invite Hannibal to their city. He was of course delighted to come ; Capua, which had more than thirty thousand soldiers of her own, was almost as great a gain as the victory at Cannae. He was near to being assassinated, indeed, on the night of his entering the city, for the son of his entertainer had resolved to stab him at the dinner-table. The next day he was present at a meeting of the Senate. He was full of promises ; he undertook that Capua should thereafter be the ( ajMtal of Italy. Meanw hile he i6 226 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, demanded that a leading citizen who had been specially active on the Roman side should be given up to him. The man was arrested, and was sent by Hannibal to Carthage. The greater part of Central and Southern Italy follow^ed the example of Capua. All the Samnites, with the exception of a single tribe, revolted from Rome ; so did Lucania and Bruttii, and so did many of the Greek cities in the south, the chief among them being Crotona. These cities had passed the height of their prosperity, but they were still populous and powerful towns. It was only the extraordinary tenacity and courage of Rome that enabled her to hold out. The Senate never lost its courage, and, after the first panic w^as over, the people were ready to stand by their rulers to the last. When Varro, whose rashness and folly had almost ruined his country, returned to Rome, the Senate went out to meet him, and publicly thanked him that he "had not despaired of the commonwealth." As he w^as of the opposite party in politics, this was a way of saying that all Romans, whatever their way of thinking, must join together to made the best of everything. Nothing that could be done to raise an army was neglected. Bands of brigands were induced to enlist by promises of pardon for past offences ; even slaves were recruited. As many as eight thou- sand soldiers were gained in this way. But when a proposal came from Hannibal that the prisoners of Cannae should be ransomed, the horsemen at the infantry at ;^io each, the offer was refused. By great exertions an army was raised, and put under MAGO AT CARTHAGE, 227 the command of Marcellus, who was probably the best soldier that Rome possessed at the time. Hannibal had sent his brother Mago to Carthage from the battle-field of Cannae. Introduced into the Senate, he gave a glowing account of what had been done, of the four victories which had been gained, of the two hundred thousand men that had been slain, the fifty thousand that had been taken prisoners. As a practical proof of the truth of his story, he poured out on the floor of the Senate-house a peck of gold rings which had been taken, he said, from Roman soldiers that had been slain in battle. It was only the horsemen, indeed only the upper class of the horsemen, he explained, that were accustomed to- wear them. But the practical conclusion of his speech was a demand for help. " The nearer the prospect,*' he said, " of finishing the war, the more you are bound to support your general. He is fighting far away from. home. Pay is wanted for troops ; provisions are hard to obtain. And though he has won great victories, he has not won them without some loss. He asks, therefore, for help in men, money, and stores." The war-party was delighted. One of them turned to Hanno, leader of the opposite faction, and asked him, " Does Hanno still repent of having made war on Rome?" "Yes," replied Hanno, "I still repent, and shall do so till I see peace made again. Your invincible general makes as great demands upon you as if he had been beaten. And as for his prospects for the future, has any Latin city joined him ? Has a single man of the thirty-five tribes of Rome deserted to him ? ' 228 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, To these questions Mago could only answer " No ! " Hanno asked again, " Has Rome said a word about peace?" Mago could only answer that it had not. Then said Hanno, " We are as far off from the end of the war as we were when Hannibal crossed into Italy. I vote that no help should be sent to prolong a war which can have no good end." This protest, of course, was useless. The Senate resolved to send four thousand African troops, forty elephants, and a sum of money. And Mago was to go into Spain and raise 20,000 troops to fill up the gaps in the armies there and in Italy. As a matter of fact little w^as done ; at this crisis the Carthaginian government showed but little energy, and Hannibal was left, for the most part, to help himself. The winter of 216-5 his army spent in Capua. Ever since he had started from New Carthage, more than two years before, his men had lived in tents, satisfied with the hard discipline and scmtyfare of the camp. Doubtless, they had lost something of their vigour by the time that they took the field again ; but there were other and weightier reasons why Hannibal's great plans should end in failure than that his army was spoilt by the luxury of a winter in Capua. In the next year little was done. Hannibal gained some small successes, and met with some small losses. His chief venture had been the siege of Nola, which, after Capua, was the chief city of Campania. In this he failed, owing chiefly to the skill and energy of Mar- cellus. To have let a year pass without making a decided advance was in fact to fall back. Still his HANNIBAL'S PROSPECTS. 22() prospects in some directions had improved. At Syracuse the wise old King Hiero, who had continued to.be loyal to Rome, without making an enemy of Carthage, was dead. Hieronymus, his grandson and successor, was a foolish youth, who thought he could do better for himself by joining what seemed to be the winning side. He offered his help to Carthage, asking as the price the supremacy over the whole of Sicily. Philip, King of Macedon, again, seemed ready to join an alliance against Rome. Little advantage, however, was gained in this way. Of what happened to Hieronymus I shall soon have to speak. Philip's action was delayed, first by the accident of his envoys falling into the hands of the Romans as they were on their way back from Hannibal's camp, and afterwards by causes which we have no means of explaining. Anyhow, at the time when his help would have been most valuable to Hannibal and most damaging to Rome, he did nothing. On the other hand, Carthage suffered a great loss in the complete conquest by their enemies of the island of Sardinia, which had again fallen into their hands. On the whole, at the end of 215 Hannibal, though he had received no serious check in the field, was in a much worse position than he had been in at the beginning. The next year also (214) had much the same result. Hannibal made an attempt to seize Tarentum, bu( failed. There were in this town, as elsewhere, a Carthaginian and a Roman party. The latter got to know what their opponents were planning, and took such precautions, that when Hannibal appeared before 230 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, the walls of the city he found it prepared for defence ; and after vainly lingerin^s^ in the neighbourhood for a few days, was obliged to depart. In another part of Southern Italy he suffered a serious loss. Hanno, one of his lieutenants, had raised a force of twenty thousand Lucanians. This was defeated at Beneventum by the Roman general Gracchus, who was in command of an army of slaves. Hanno' s Lucanian infantry either perished on the field of battle, or dispersed to their own homes ; but he escaped himself with about a thousand African cavalry. The next great event of the war — its exact date is uncertain — was a great gain to Hannibal. The friends of Carthage in Tarentum, though overpowered for the moment, had never given up their plans ; and now they found an opportunity for carrying them out. The city had sent hostages to Rome. These had attempted to escape, had been captured, and executed. This act of cruelty roused their fellow-citizens to fury ; communications were at once opened with Hannibal, and the ringleaders of the plot were not, as might have been supposed, popular leaders, but nobles — relatives, it is probable, of the unfortunate hostages. Hannibal marched towards the town with a picked force of ten thousand men, and halted a few miles off, while his friends within the city completed their preparations. One party was told off to deal with the governor, a Roman of the house of Livius. He had been giving a banquet to some of the citizens ; the con- spirators paid him a visit after it was over, laughed and joked with him, and finally left him in such a state that they had nothing to fear from his watchful- TAKEN TUM GAINED, 23 1 ness. Another party had arranged to admit Hannibal himself by a gate which opened out of the quarter of the tombs, which in Tarentum — we might almost say alone among Greek cities — were within the walls. A fire signal was given by Hannibal and answered by the conspirators. The latter fell upon the guards of the gate, and Hannibal was at hand outside to support them. A third party was busy at another of the gates. They had been accustomed for several days to go out on what seemed to be hunting parties, to return late at night, to talk over their sport with the guard, and to give them some of the game. On this occasion they brought back with them a particularly fine wild boar. While the animal was actually in the passage of the gate, and the sentry was busy admiring it, thirty African soldiers, who had been stealthily approaching, rushed up, cut the man down, and, securing the gate, let in a large body of their com- rades. The city of Tarentum was taken, but the citadel was hastily secured by the Roman garrison. The Tarentines were not harmed. It was sufficient if any citizen wrote over his door, " This is a Tarentines house." But all the dwellings in which Romans had been quartered were given up to plunder. XII. THE TURN OF THE TIDE. From Trebia to Cannse the tide of success rose with Hannibal. For three years or thereabouts after Canuc-E it may be said to have remained at its height. His gains and losses about balanced each other. This, of course, really meant that his chances of victory were growing less, for his was an enterprise to which delay, even without defeat, was fatal. In 212 the tide manifestly turned. The Romans felt themselves strong enough to besiege Capua. The city was already in distress for want of food , for with the Roman armies so near the rich Campanian plains could not be cultivated. And Hannibal's first attempt to provision it failed. A second succeeded ; but shortly after the place was regularly invested. Three Roman armies sat down before it, and then drew a complete line round it with a strong rampart and ditch, and with forts at intervals. The townspeople were not strong enough to make sallies with effect, and all that they could do was to send messenger after messenger to Hannibal, begging earnestly for help, if he did not wish to see them perish. Early in the year 211 — that is, after the siege had lasted some months — he made a determined effort to relieve the ATTEMPTED RELIEF OF CAPUA. 233 city. He marched rapidly with a picl^ed force from Tarentum, where the citadel was still holding out against him, and took up a position on Mount Tifata, a hill which overlooked the eity. He had contrived to warn the Capuans of his coming, arranging that they should make a sortie from their walls while he was attacking one of the camps of the besiegers. The sortie was easily repulsed ; Hannibal's attack seemed at one time likely to succeed, but ended in failure. His elephants — he had thirty-three of these animals with him — forced their way into the Roman camp, and made great havoc with the tents, while they caused a stampede among the horses. In the midst of the confusion voices were heard bidding the Romans make the best of their way to the hills. The camp, they said, was lost, and each man must save himself The speakers used the Latin tongue, and spoke in the name of the consuls ; but they were really Hannibal's men. This was one of the tricks with which this great general was always so ready. Ingenious as it was, it does not seem to have had much effect. Then he tried his last resource. He would march on Rome itself With forces so large engaged in this siege, the city could have but few to defend it. It was possible that by a sudden movement he might get within the walls ; in any case it was likely that a part of the investing force would be withdrawn for the protection of the capital. The Capuans were informed of what he was intending to do, and en- couraged to hold out. He made his way through the rich wine-producing region of Northern Campania, 234 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, ravaging the country as he went. At FregelLne he found the bridge over the Liris broken down, and 'ost some time in consequence. Crossing into Latium, he passed through the town of Anagnia to Mount Algidus. After a vain attempt to seize Tuscuknn, he continued his march northwards, and pitched his camp at a distance of eight miles from Rome. Fulvius, the proconsul, had made his way meanwhile from Capua with a force of fifteen thousand men. Marching through a friendly country, and finding all that he wanted supplied by the town^ through which he passed, he had been able to outstrip the Cartha- ginian army. Nevertheless the terror in the city was great. The women crowded to the temples, and, with their long hair unbound, threw themselves before the images of the gods and implored their protection. The next day Hannibal advanced still nearer to the walls. He pitched his camp on the bank of the Anio, at the third milestone from Rome ; and then, taking with him a force of two thousand cavalry, rode up and reconnoitred the southern wall of the cit\\ On the morrow he crossed the Anio with his whole army, and offered battle. But no engagement was foughti Livy tells us a story of how, that day and the next, so fierce a storm of rain came on that neither army could keep the field, the weather clearing immediately when they returned to camp ; and how Hannibal exclaimed, " Once I wanted the will to take this city, and now I want the fortune." We are told that he was greatly discouraged by two proofs of the indif- ference with which the Romans regarded his presence. Soldiers, he heard, were being actually sent away CAPUA LOST TO HANNIBAL. from the city to reinforce the armies in Spain ; and the very land on which he had pitched his camp had easily found a purchaser. By way of retort to this last affront — for so he is said to have regarded it — he ordered the bankers' shops round the Roman market- place to be put up to auction. But he found that his move had failed, and marched back to Campania, and from thence to the extreme south of Italy. Capua, thus left to itself, could do nothing but sur- render. Of its punishment by Rome it is needless to speak in detail. The nobles were executed ; the rest of the population sold into slavery. In a play that was acted at Rome some twenty years afterwards we find a brutal jest on their cruel fate. " There," says one of the characters, speaking of some unhealthy spot, " even a Syrian — and the Syrians are the toughest of slaves— cannot live six months." " Nay," says the other, " the Campanians have learnt by this time to bear more than the Syrians." The next year (210) passed with little incident, as far as Italy was concerned (I shall speak of Sicily and Spain hereafter). The Romans had never been able to vanquish Hannibal in the open field ; they scarcely even ventured to meet him. He had shown that he could march from one end of Italy to the other with- out hindrance, and that he could send his plundering parties up to the very walls of Rome ; but he had not been able to save the great city which had come over to him ; and there was small temptation to any other to join him. Not only was Capua a great actual loss to him, but the fact that it had fallen in spite of all his efforts to relieve it was a terrible blow to his rcputa- 236 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. tion. For all his skill as a general — and that showed itself more and more as the war went on — he was clearly wanting in power. In Sicily, the course of events went against the cause of Carthage. Hieronymus, the foolish youth who had succeeded the wise old Hiero at Syracuse, had been murdered after a reign of thirteen months by an assassin who professed to be acting in the interests of Rome. A series of dreadful acts of cruelty followed. Here also, as elsewhere, the popular party favoured Carthage, while the aristocrats were inclined to Rome, and there was a fierce struggle between them. In the end the former triumphed, and Syracuse became the ally of Carthage. As such it was besieged by the forces of Rome, Appius Claudius commanding the army and Marcellus the fleet. The narrative of the siege does not fall within the scope of this book. The story of how the defence was prolonged by the engineering skill of Archimedes is full of interest, but it may be found elsewhere. The efforts which Carthage made to save her new ally were fruitless. A large army, indeed, was col- lected under Himilco, and this was reinforced from various Sicilian cities, which had been enraged by the savage cruelty which the Romans had shown in their treatment of such places as fell into their hands. But the Roman lines could not be broken ; and when Himilco encamped outside them, intending, it is probable, to blockade them as they were blockading the city, a pestilence broke out among his troops. So fearful were its ravages that the army was literally destroyed. The fleet under Bomilcar did no more. CARTHAGE LOSES SICILY. It did not even make an attempt at relieving the city. Though it numbered as many as a hundred and thirty vessels of war, it decHned an engagement with the Romans, and instead of attempting to enter the harbour of Syracuse, sailed away to Tarentum. In 212 Syracuse was taken by Marcellus. Hannibal, however, was not willing to give up the island as lost. He sent one Mutines, a Liby- Phoeni- cian, or half-caste Carthaginian, to take command of the forces ; and Mutines, fixing his headquarters at Agrigentum, carried on for many months a guerilla warfare. Unfortunately his appointment had caused great annoyance to the pure-blood Carthaginian officers in the island, especially to Hanno, who was the commander-in-chief Hanno at last suspended him, and handed over the command to his own son. The loyalty of Mutines did not stand firm under such pro- vocation, and the Numidians who comprised his force were furious at his disgrace. Communications were at once opened with Laevinus, the Roman general. A force was sent to Agrigentum ; the Numidians cut down the guards of one of the city gates, threw it open, and admitted the Roman soldiers. Hanno, who had come to the place probably to make arrangements for the change of commanders, saw that something had taken place, and, supposing that it was nothing more than some riotous proceedings of the Numidians, went down to restore order. He discovered the truth just in time to save himself by flight. Lrevinus exe- cuted the principal citizens of Agrigentum, and sold the rest of the population as slaves. Of the sixty- six Sicilian towns that had taken the side of Carthage, 238 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. six were taken by force of arms and twenty were be- trayed ; the remainder capituiated. Before the enc? of 2IO Sicily was finally lost. In Spain affairs had not reached the same point, but they were tending the same way. Hannibal had left, we have seen, his brother Hasdrubal in command, and the war was carried on for several years with varying success between him and the two brothers, Cnaeus and Publius Scipio. Cnaeus Scipio had been left in Spain in temporary command when Publius left the country to face Hannibal in Italy, and he gained some con- siderable successes, if Livy's account is to be trusted. We cannot help noticing, however, that the Roman generals are again and again credited with great victories which mostly are found to lead to nothing. Unfortunately we have no other accounts to fall back upon, and we can only tell the story as it is told to us, and believe whatever seems credible. In 218 Cnaeus Scipio fought a battle with Hanno, who had been left in command of the country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, vanquished and took him prisoner, and almost annihilated his army. The soldiers found a great prize in his camp, for Hannibal had left with him the heavy baggage which he could not carry across the Alps. Hasdrubal moved to help his colleague, but finding himself too late, re-crossed the Ebro. The next year, after wintering at Tarraco, Cnaeus defeated the Carthaginian fleet off the mouth of the Ebro. Shortly afterwards he was joined by his brother Publius ; and the two generals continued to act together for several years. Their first step was to march to Saguntum. The hostages given to the ROMAN SUCCESSES IN SPAIN. Carthaginian government by the Spanish tribes were kept in the citadel of this town ; the Scipios contrived to get possession of them by the treachery of the officer who had the charge of them. They sent them back to their friends, and of course gained great popularity throughout Spain by the act. In the following year' (216) they are said to have defeated Hasdrubal on the banks of the Ebro so completely that he fled from the field of battle with but a few followers. In 215 they relieved Illiturgis, which Hasdrubal and two other Carthaginian generals were besieging. The Romans, we read, had but sixteen thousand men under arms, the Carthaginians sixty thousand ; but the result of the battle was a complete victory. The Romans killed more than their own number, captured three thousand men, nearly a thousand horses (Livy is careful not to overstate the number), sixty standards, and seven elephants. Moving on to Intibilis the Scipios fought another battle, killed thirteen thousand of the enemy, captured two thousand, two and forty standards, and nine elephants. The result of these brilliant victories was that nearly all Spain came over to the Roman side. So we read, but find that for all this it was necessary to win two more great victories in the following year (214). We may be sure, however, that during these years and the two following years (213, 212) the balance of success inclined to the Roman side. And this supe- riority became more evident when Hasdrubal Baica had to be recalled to Africa, where the Numidian king S}^phax had declared war against Carthage. The Scipios had sent envoys to him, promising him 240 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. immediate help and future reward if he would perse- vere in his hostility. One of the envoys remained behind to assist in drilling his new levies. The Car- thaginians found an ally in King Gala, Syphax's neighbour and rival. King Gala had a son, Masinissa, a youth of but seventeen years, but of extraordinary capacity. Young as he was, he was put in command of his father's army and of the Carthaginian troops which served with it, and defeated Syphax so com- pletely that the war was ended by a single battle. We shall hear of Masinissa again. Hasdrudal was now able to return to Spain. He took with him large reinforcements, two lieutenants, another Hasdrubal, the son of Gisco, and Mago, the youngest brother of Hannibal, and Masinissa. After this the fortune of war changed. The Scipios had made a great effort to complete the conquest of Spain, raising a native force of twenty thousand to act together with their own troops. In view of the fact that three Carthaginian armies were now in the field, they determined to divide their own forces. Publius with two-thirds of the army was to act against Mago and Hasdrubal Gisco, Cna^us against Hasdrubal Barca. Publius, hearing that his opponents were likely to have their strength largely increased by native allies, resolved to attack them at once. He was himself attacked on his march by the African light horsemen under Masinissa, and when he faced about to receive their charge, found the Carthaginians assailing his rear. He was himself killed early in the day, and after his death his troops soon took to flight. Few, however, could escape when the pursuers were the DEATH OF THE SCTPIOS. 241 light African horsemen, and an infantry that was almost as fleet of foot. The camp, however, with its garrison was still safe. Cnaeus did not long survive his brother. His native allies had been bribed to leave him ; and he now found himself in the presence of the united forces of the three Carthaginian generals. He drew his forces together on some rising ground that was near. The place was incapable of being defended. The ascent was easy. There was no timber for a rampart ; no earth with which the soldiers could make an entrenchment. All that could be done was to make a poor defence out of the pack-saddles of the horses and mules and the baggage. This was almost immediately broken down. Many of the soldiers made their escape to the camp of the other army ; but the general perished. He had survived his brother only twenty-nine days. Lucius Marcius, the officer left in command of the camp, contrived to keep together what was left of the Roman forces, and even to inflict some losses on the enemy. His command was taken over by Claudius Nero, who was sent from Rome for that purpose, but who seems to have effected but little good. Livy tells a strange story of how Hasdrubal was surrounded ; how he promised to evacuate Spain ; how he amused the Roman general by conferences about the terms of agreement, and in the meanwhile contrived to get his army out of their dangerous situation, so that Nero, when the negotiations were broken off, found nothing but an empty camp. The death of the two Scipios seems to have happened in the year 211. The next year the son of Publius, whom we have 17 242 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. seen saving his father's life at the battle of the Ticinus, came into Spain as commander-in-chief. It was an office which no one had ^desired to hold, for when the election was held at Rome not a single candidate presented himself. At last the young Scipio came forward. He was not twenty-four years old, and therefore below the legal age for even the lowest office ; but the people received him with applause. His high reputation, the beauty of his person, and his charm of manner, spoke for him. When he pro- mised that he would conquer not only Spain, but Carthage itself, what would have seemed in any other man but a foolish boast was received with delight, and he was unanimously chosen. He began his campaign by a great achievement — the capture of New Carthage, the capital of the Car- thaginian province. A night march brought him up to the walls of the city before any one knew that he had even arrived in Spain. With the keen eye of a great general he spied the weak spot in the defences, a place where the sea came up to the wall. Taking advantage of an unusually low tide — for he seems to have had the curious good fortune which goes to make a great general — he led his men through the water, ivhich was barely up to their knees, and found his way into the city. Mago, who was in command, retreated into the citadel ; but, finding it impossible to hold out, surrendered himself and his garrison in the course of a few hours. Within four days after coming into this province, Scipio had thus justified his appointment by capturing the Carthaginian capital. It will be convenient if we take this opportunity of finishing CAPTURE OF NEW CARTHAGE. the story of the Carthaginian rule in Spain, though it will carry us beyond the time up to w hich \vq have followed the course of events elsewhere. During the remainder of the year which he had begun by the capture of New Carthage Scipio re- mained quiet, but was busy in preparing for future action. He made friends of the Spanish chiefs. This was a business which he could do better than an\' other man, for no one could withstand the singular charm of his manner. When he took the field in the following year (209) the natives joined him in large numbers. In the course of this campaign he fought a great battle with Hasdrubal Barca. He is said to have defeated him, but as he did not hinder him from carrying out his great plan (of which I shall have to speak hereafter) of marching into Italy to the help of Hannibal, the defeat was evidenth' not serious. The next year passed with few incidents, but in 207 a decisive defeat of the Carthaginian armies at Silpia made Scipio master of nearly the whole of Spain. Only Gades was left to Carthage. Scipio had not forgotten his promise that he would conquer not only Spain but. Carthage also. One part of it was now nearly fulfilled, and he now saw a chance of fulfilling the other. He crossed over with only a couple of war-ships to Africa, and presented himself at the court of King Syphax. His object was to persuade the king to desert Carthage, and enter into alliance with Rome. Curiously enough Hasdrubal Gisco had come on a similar errand. The two opponents spent several days together, and conversed, we are told, in a most kindly fashion. The king^ 244 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. seems to have made promises to both. He was greatly charmed with Scipio, and even promised to make the alhance which he desired. But he was still more charmed with Sophonisba, the lovely daughter of Hasdrubal. She became his wife, and under her influence he remained faithful to Carthage. Things had not gone well in Spain during Scipio's absence. Mago, who was still at Gades, induced some of the Spanish tribes to revolt against Rome. These had to be again subdued. When this was done, Scipio himself fell ill. During his illness a part of the Roman army broke out into open mutiny. Their pay was in arrear, and Scipio's strict discipline forbad them to make it up by plundering the natives of the country. But when the general was sufficiently recovered to be able to deal with them in person, he contrived to bring them back to their duty. The Carthaginian cause in Spain was now lost. Mago, the brother of Hannibal, transported what forces remained to him into Liguria, and Gades surrendered to the Romans. This was in the year 205. XIII. THE LAST CHANCE OF VICTORY. In Italy Hannibal still remained unvanquished in the field, though his hopes were gradually growing less. Early in the year 210 he won at Herdonia in Western Apulia a victory which may almost be reckoned with those that had made his early cam- paigns so famous. Cnseus Fulvius, who had been Consul the year before, had made a sudden march on the town. It was one of those that had revolted after the defeat at Cannae, and he understood it to be badly guarded. He was the bolder because he be- lieved Hannibal to be in the extreme south of Italy. But Hannibal had heard everything from his spies, -and was there to meet him. Fulvius, as might be expected, was out-generalled. His army was unskil- fully posted, and could not resist the attacks which were directed against it from several points at once. The end was a complete rout. Even the Roman camp was taken. Fulvius himself fell in the battle, and the Roman loss was estimated by some at eleven, by others at seven thousand. It was evidently a great disaster. Nothing like an army was left ; only some scattered fugitives made their way to Marcellus in Samnium. It was from Marcellus, not from any 246 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. officer who had been present at Herdonia, that the Senate received a despatch describing what had happened. During the rest of the campaign but Httle hap- pened, though Marcellus is said to have fought a drawn battle with Hannibal, which was claimed as a victory when the next day he found that the enemy had decamped. The following year (209) was one of disaster to Hannibal, for he lost the second of the great gains which he had secured in Italy, the city of Tarentum. It was betrayed to the Romans by the commander of the Bruttian garrison which Hannibal had placed in it. The veteran soldier Fabius, now in his eightieth year and consul for the fifth time, had the great delight of finishing his many campaigns by this piece of good fortune. A happy jest which the old man is said to have uttered on the occasion has been recorded. Livius, when his carelessness had lost the city, had taken refuge in the citadel. The citadel had never passed out of the hands of the Romans, and this fact of course made the recovery of the town somewhat more easy. Livius was disposed to get some credit for himself out of this circum- stance. " You may thank me," he said, " Quintus Fabius, for having been able to recover Tarentum." "Quite so," replied Fabius, "for if you had not lost it, I never should have recovered it." Hannibal had heard of the advance of the Romans, and had hastened by forced marches to save the city. He was too late. He pitched his camp close by, and after a few days returned to his headquarters at Metapontum. He made an attempt to entrap Fabius. who might, lie THE DEATH OF MARCELLUS. HI thought, be tempted, after his success at Tarcntum, into making a similar attempt on Metapontum. A forged letter, purporting to come from some of the principal citizens, was conveyed to him, offering to betray the place into his hands. The old Roman is said to have been deceived, but to have been deterred from making the attempt by some unfavourable signs in the sacrifices. Notwithstanding this loss, Hannibal seems to have held his own during the rest of the campaign. Livy tells us, indeed, that Marcellus fought three battles with him, and that after being beaten in the first, he drew the second, and won the third. But as it was made a complaint against him after- wards that he had kept his troops for the greater part of the year within the walls of Venusia, and had allowed the enemy to plunder the country at his pleasure, we may well doubt whether any victory was won. Rome was now showing great signs of exhaustion, for twelve out of the thirty Latin cities refused to furnish any further supplies ; and the Etrurians were beginning to waver in their fidelity. The next year (208) is chiefly marked by the death of Marcellus. Chosen consul for the sixth time, he marched with his colleague Crispinus to act against Hannibal. He was never content, we are told, except when he was engaged with the great Carthaginian leader himself. The two consuls had ridden out of the camp with an escort of two hundred cavalry, some of them Etrurians, who had been compelled to serve to ensure the fidehty of their cities. Some African horsemen under cover of a wood which was between 248 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the two camps, crept unobserved to the rear of the Roman party, and then charged them from behind. The Etrurians fled ; the rest of the escort, who were Latins, were overpowered. Marcellus was killed on the spot ; Crispinus was wounded so seriously that he died not long afterwards. Hannibal gave honourable burial to the body of his brave opponent. And now came one of the critical years of the war. Hasdrubal, of whose departure from Spain I have spoken before, was now in Italy. He had found little difficulty in crossing the Alps ; the native tribes had learnt that no harm was intended to them, and probably received some consideration for their neutrality. And some of the engineering works which Hannibal had constructed were doubtless still in existence. An\4iow, Hasdrubal made his appear- ance in Italy before the Romans, and even, it would seem, before his brother expected him. Rome made a great effort to meet this new danger. She had lost some of her best generals. Marcellus was dead, and Fabius was too old for active service. Livius, an old soldier who had distinguished himself twelve years before, but had since been living in retirement, and Claudius Nero were chosen consuls, and fifteen legions were raised to form their armies. Livius was sent to act against Hasdrubal ; Nero watched the army of Hannibal. And now we come to one of the boldest and most skilful achievements in the history of Roman war. A despatch from Hasdrubal to his brother, announc- ing his intention of joining him, fell into the hands of some Roman scouts and was brought to Nero. It NERO'S GREAT MARCH. 249 was written in the Carthaginian language, but there were, of course, prisoners in the camp who could read it to the consul. He conceived at once a bold design. He would take his best troops, join his colleague by forced marches, and crush Hasdrubal before he could effect the junction with his brother. The force which he selected numbered seven thousand men. Even they were not at first let into the secret. They were to surprise a garrison at Lucania, he told them. It was only when they were well on their way that he discovered his real design. He reached the camp of Livius in safety, and it was agreed be- tween the two consuls that battle should be given at once. But the keen eyes of Hasdrubal had discovered what had happened. The Romans seemed more numerous than before ; his scouts noticed that of the watering-parties which went down to the river some were more sunburnt than the rest. Finally it was observed that the clarion was sounded twice in the camp, showing that both consuls were present. He resolved to avoid, if he could, an engagement, and left his camp during the night. But when he attempted to march southward his difficulties began. His native guide escaped, and he could not find the ford over the river Metaurus, which lay in his route. He thus lost the start which he had gained by his stealthy departure, and the Romans came up with bim. He had begun to fortify a camp, but seeing the enemy advance prepared to give battle. He put his elephants in front. The Gauls, recent levies whom he could not trust, he posted on his left, protecting 250 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. them as much as he could by the elephants. His own place was on the right wing. Here he had his Spanish infantry, veteran soldiers whom he had often led to victory. The left wing of the Romans which was opposed to him was led by the Consul Livius. Here the struggle was long, and obstinate. The elephants at first did good service to their side. Afterwards, maddened by the wounds which they received, they trampled down friend and foe alike. After a while, Nero, repeating the same tactics which had made him leave his own wealcened army facing Hannibal to help his colleague, withdrew some of the troops from the Roman right wing, and charged the flank of the enemy. The Spaniards could not resist this new attack. The Gauls, who had broken into the stores of wine and had drunk to excess, were cut down where they stood, or lay helpless on the ground. The rout was complete. Hasdrubal would not survive so terrible a defeat. He set spurs to his horse, charged the Roman line, and fell fighting with the courage that became the son of Hamilcar and brother of Hannibal. The loss of the Carthaginians is said to have been 56,000. This is a manifest exag- geration, for Hasdrubal could not have had so many in his army. Whatever were the numbers, it was a decisive victory. There could now be no doubt that Rome, not Carthage, was to be the conqueror of the Second Punic War. I may conclude this chapter by quoting part of the splendid ode in which Horace, singing the praises of another Nero,^ dwells on the achievement of liis great ancestor. ' 'I'iberius Claudius Nero, afterwards the Emperor Tiberius. ODE FROM HORACE. "What tliou, Rome, dost the Neros owe, Let dark Metauius river say, And Hasdrubal, thy vanquished foe, And that auspicious day Which through the scattered gloom broke forth with smiling When joy again to Latium came, Nor longer through her towns at ease The fatal Lybian swept, like flame Among the forest trees, Or Eurus' headlong gust across Sicilian seas. Thenceforth, for with success they toiled, Rome's youth in vigour waxed amain, And temples, ravaged and despoiled By Punic hordes profane, Upraised within their shrines beheld their gods again. Till spoke forth Hannibal at length : " Like stags, of ravening wolves the prey, Why rush to grapple with their strength, From whom to steal away Our loftiest triumph is, they leave for us to-day ? " That race, inflexible as brave, From Ilium quenched in flames who bore, Across the wild Etruscan wave. Their babes, their grandsires hoar. And all their sacred things to the Ansonian shore ; " Like oak, by sturdy axes lopped Of all its boughs, which once the brakes Of shaggy Algidus o'ertopped. Its loss ils glory makes, And from the very steel fresh strength and spirit takes. '* Not Hydra, cleft through all its trunk. With fresher vigour waxed to spread. Till even Alcides' spirit shrunk ; Nor yet hath Colchis dread, Or Echionean Thebes more fatal monster bred. 252 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. ** In ocean plunge it, and more bright It rises ; scatter it, and lo ! Its unscathed victors it will smite With direful overthrow, And Rome's proud dames shall tell of many a routed foe; " No messenger in boastful pride Shall I to Carthage send again ; Our every hope it died, it died, When Hasdrubal was slain. And with his fall our name's all-conquering star did wane."* Nero returned in haste to his army, and ordered the head of Hasdrubal to be thrown in front of the Carthaginian outposts. It was carried to Hannibal, and recognized by him. " I see," he said, " the doom of Carthage." The next day he retreated into the extreme south of Italy. • I have borrowed the version of Sir Theodore Martin. XIV THE LAST STRUGGLE. For more than three years after the fatal day of Metaurus, Hannibal maintained himself in Italy. It was only the extreme south of the peninsula, the mountainous country of Bruttii, that he held ; and even here, though the Roman generals were con- tent to leave him alone, knowing well how formidable he still was in the field, he was obliged to draw his defences within still narrowing limits. His head- quarters were at Crotona. Near this place he built an altar to Juno, and placed on it a tablet with an inscription in Carthaginian and Greek, giving a sum- mary of his campaigns in Italy, with the number of battles won, towns taken, and enemies slain. Liv\' bestows hearty praise on his conduct at this time. " I know not," he says, " whether the man was more ad- mirable in prosperity or in adversity. For thirteen years, far away from home, he waged war, and waged it not with an army of his own countrymen, but with a miscellaneous crowd gathered from all nations — men who had neither laws, nor customs, nor language in common, with different dress, different arms, dif- ferent worship, I may say, different gods. And }'et he kept them together by so close a tie that they 254 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. never quarrelled among themselves or mutinied against him, and this though he was often without money for their pay. Even after Hasdrubal's death, when he had nothing but a corner of Italy left to him, his camp was as quiet as ever." Hannibal was of course unwilling finally to give up the great scheme of his life. He hoped against hope that something might yet happen which would give him a chance of carrying it out. Rome had other enemies besides Carthage who might yet be united against her. There was Antiochus in Syria, and Philip in Macedonia. He lived to see them both engaged in war with Rome, and both conquered. If he could only have given them something of his own foresight, and united them against the common enemy, he might even yet have succeeded in his great scheme. But want of wisdom, or want of energyj or want of courage, made them hold back, and the opportunity was lost. One effort, indeed, was made to help him. His youngest brother Mago, seeing that nothing could be done in Spain, landed with all the forces that he could raise, and with what were sent him from home, in Liguria. On his way he possessed himself of the island now called Minorca, where Port Mahon (Mago's Harbour) still preserves the memory of his visit. He had some success in rallying the Gauls to his stan- dard, but he accomplished nothing of importance. So far as his object was to make a diversion in favour of Hannibal, he failed. In 204 Scipio crossed over from Sicily to Africa. His first movements were not very successful. He SCI P 10 AND SYPHAX. began the siege of Utica, but was compelled to raise it, and to retire to a strong position on the sea-coast, where he was protected by the united strength of his fleet and his army. Here he wintered, and early the following year began again active operations. He had two armies opposed to him — that of Carthage, commanded by Hasdrubal, the son of Gisco, and that of King Syphax. In his own camp was Masinissa, who, though he had lost his kingdom, and indeed had barely escaped with his life, was without doubt a very valuable counsellor and ally. King Syphax had conceived the hope that he might be able to act as mediator between Rome and Car- thage. He now proposed a peace, in which the chief condition was that Hannibal should evacuate Italy and Scipio Africa. Scipio answered that these were terms which could not be accepted, but gave him to understand that he was ready to listen to other pro- posals. Envoys went backwards and forwards be- tween the two camps. On the part of the king there was, it would seem, a genuine belief that peace might be made ; Scipio's envoys were really nothing else than so many spies. He was waiting for the oppor- tunity of carrying out a scheme which had possibly been invented by himself, or, as is more probable, suggested by Masinissa. This scheme was to set fire to the camps of the two hostile armies. These camps consisted of huts which would readily burn, and the chief thing wanted was to put the enemy completely off his guard. Scipio can scarcely be acquitted of something like treachery in this affair. There was virtually a truce between him and Syphax. While 18 258 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, negotiations for peace were going on, the king naturally supposed himself to be safe from attack. When all his preparations were complete, Scipio divided his army into two. With half he was himself to attack the Carthaginian camp ; the other half he put under the command of his friend Lselius, who was assisted by Masinissa. The two armies marched out of the camp at night, and Laelius and Masinissa advanced to the camp of Syphax. While the former of these two remained in reserve, the latter under- took the work of setting the camp on fire. The scheme succeeded perfectly. " The camp seemed framed," says Polybius, who doubtless heard the story from Laelius himself, " for the very purpose of being set on fire." The flames spread rapidly ; and no one had any suspicion but that the fire had hap- pened by accident. Some perished in their tents ; many were trampled to death in the confusion ; and nearly all who contrived to escape out of the camp were cut down by the Romans. At first the Carthaginians in the neighbouring camp thought, as their allies had thought, that the fire was accidental. Some of them ran to help ; others stood gazing at the sight. None had any notion that the enemy was at hand ; they were therefore actually unarmed when the Romans fell upon them. In a few minutes the second camp was in the same con- dition as the first. Hasdrubal, with a small body of cavalry, escaped ; Syphax also contrived to save him- self, but the two armies were virtually destroyed. Syphax had thought of reconciling himself to Rome ; but his wife Sophonisba prevailed upon him to give Hannibal recalled. ^59 them up. He raised another army, which was soon joined by Hasdrubal, who had also contrived to get together a new force, among them being four thou- sand mercenaries from Spain. A battle followed, in which Scipio was again victorious. There was now only one course left to Carthage, and that was to recall Hannibal and Mago. Mago, who had been defeated by the Roman forces just before this summons reached him, set sail with what was left of his army, but died of his wounds before he reached home. Hannibal received the com- mand to return with indignation and grief Livy gives — we know not on what authority — the very words in which, " gnashing his teeth and groaning, and scarcely able to restrain his tears," he answered the envoys of the Carthaginian Senate. " They call me ^back at last in plain words ; but they have long since implicitly called me by refusing me reinforcements and money. Hannibal has been conquered, not by the Roman people, which he has defeated and routed a hundred times, but by the jealousy of the Senate of Carthage. It will not be Scipio that will exult in the disgrace of my return so much as Han no, who, having no other means of overthrowing the power of my family, has done it by the ruin of his own country." Hanno, it will be remembered, was the leader of the peace-party. Wrathful, however, as he was, he made no delay in obeying the summons. He had his ships, indeed, ready prepared for this service. " Seldom," says Livy, "has an exile left his country with a sadder heart than was Hannibal's when he departed from the land of his enemies. Again and again lie 26o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. looked back on the shores which he was leaving, and cursed himself that he had not led his soldiers dripping with the blood of Cannae to Rome itself ' Scipio/ he said, ' has ventured to attack Carthage ; but I wasted my time at Casilinum and Cumee and Nola.' " When the news of his departure reached Rome, a public thanksgiving was ordered. The veteran sol- dier Fabius had bestowed upon him the unexampled honour of a wreath of oak leaves, given, not as was commonly the case, for having saved the life of a citizen, but for having saved his country. A few months afterwards he died, in extreme old age, having been spared to see the dearest wish of his heart, Italy freed from the invader. Hannibal's movements after his landing in Africa — from which he had been absent more than thirty years — are not easily followed. Indeed the whole history of this time is somewhat obscure. We hear of a truce between Carthage and Rome, which the former treacherously violated ; of favourable terms of peace offered by Scipio, and of a fruitless interview between the two rival generals ; but it is difficult to make out of our authorities a clear and consistent account. I shall pass on at once to the great battle which brought the Second Punic War to an end. Of this we have full details. It was fought at Zama, on October 19th according to some authors, according to others in the spring.^ Scipio arranged his army * Possibly the discrepancy may be partly accounted for by the de« rangement of the Roman calendar of this time. The inonths and the seasons were not by any means in accordance. ZAMA. 261 according to the usual Roman fashion, but did not fill up the intervals between the cohorts or companies,^ and he put more space than usual between the lines. His object was to lessen the danger from the ele- phants. Laelius with the Roman cavalry was posted on the left, Masinissa with the African horse on the right. The light-armed troops were placed in front, with orders to retire, if they found themselves hard pressed by the elephants, through the intervals be- tween the lines. Hannibal posted his elephants, of which he had eighty, in front. Behind these was a mixed multitude of mercenaries ; behind these, again, the native Car- thaginian troopSj who now, in the extremity of danger, appear again in the field ; and in the third line the veterans whom he had brought with him from Italy. On the left wing he posted his African, on the right his Carthaginian cavalry. The battle was begun by the elephants. These creatures did at least as much harm to friends as to foes.2 They are said, indeed, to have caused so much confusion among the Carthaginian cavalry that Laelius was easily able to rout this part of the hostile army. In the centre of the two armies the day at first ivent in favour of Hannibal. His mercenaries, tried and skilful soldiers, were more than a match for the unpractised Romans. If they had been properly The intervals of the first line were usually filled up in the second, and those of the second in the third. ^ The trained animals had long since been used up. We hear, not long before this tinie, of one Ilauno being sent to hunt for fresh ones. 262 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. supported by the second line they might have won the day. But the citizen-soldiers made no attempt to advance. It was only when they were attacked by the advancing Romans, and even, Polybius. adds, by the mercenaries, now infuriated at being thus deserted, that they began to defend themselves. This they did with the greatest fury, striking indiscriminately at friend and foe. Hannibal's own force, which had closed its lines against the fugitives from the routed divisions, had still to be dealt with. Here the battle was long and obstinate. The combatants fell where they fought. But Laelius and Masinissa (for the Numidian prince had also been successful in his part of the field) returned from their pursuit of the Car- thaginian cavalry, and fell upon the rear of Hannibal's troops, and broke their lines. A general rout ensued. Hannibal made his way with a small body of cavalry to Adrumetum. Of the rest few escaped. Twenty thousand were killed on the field of battle ; as many more were taken prisoners. The Roman loss was fifteen hundred. " Such," says Polybius, " was the battle between Hannibal and Scipio; the battle which gave to the Romans the sovereignty of the world." Hannibal collected about six thousand men, the remains of his army, and with this force made his way back to Carthage. The government had opened negotiations for peace, and their envoys had just returned, bringing back Scipio's terms. They were briefly these : I. Carthage was to retain its African possessions ; ^vas to be independent ; was not to be compelled to receive a Roman garrison. TERMS OF PEACE. 263 2. All prisoners and deserters were to be surren- dered. 3. All ships of war, except fe?i, were to be given up, and all elephants. 4. Carthage should not make war on any state outside Africa ; nor on any within it, without leave first obtained from the Romans. 5. King Masinissa should have restored to him all that he or his ancestors had possessed. 6. The Roman army was to be provisioned and paid till peace was formally concluded. 7. An indemnity of ten thousand talents, and an annual tribute of two hundred, to be paid. 8. One hundred hostages, to be chosen by the Roman commander-in-chief, to be handed over as security. When these terms were recited in the Carthaginian Senate, a senator rose to speak. Hannibal laid hold of him, and dragged him down. The assembly received this act with angry shouts. " Pardon me," said Hannibal, " if my ignorance has led me to offend against any of your forms. I left my country at nine years of age, and returned to it at forty-five. The real cause of my offence was my care for our common country. It is astonishing to me that any Cartha- ginian who knows the truth should not be ready to worship his good fortune, when he finds Rome ready to deal with us so mercifully. Do not debate these conditions ; consent to them unanimously, and pray to all the gods that they may be ratified by the Roman Senate." Ratified they were, though not, it woukl seem, till the 264 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. following year. We catch a glimpse of the old days before men had learnt the use of iron, when we read how the heralds went to Carthage carrying with them the knives of flint with which the animals offered in sacrifice were to be slain. The Carthaginians surren- dered all their ships of war, their elephants, the deserters who had come over to them, and as many as four thousand prisoners. The ships of one kind and another numbered five hundred. Scipio ordered them to be towed out to sea and burnt. " The sight of the flames was as terrrible," says Livy, " to the vanquished people as would have been that of their city on fire." When the indemnity came to be paid it was diffi- cult to find the money ; and there were loud murmurs in the Senate at the sacrifices which it would be necessary to make. One of the members complained to the House that Hannibal had been seen to laugh ; and this though he was really the cause of all their troubles. Then the great m^an spoke out. " If you could see my heart as easily as you can my face, you would know that my laughter comes not from a joyful heart, but from one almost maddened by trouble. And yet my laughter is not so unreasonable as your tears. You ought to have wept w^hen our arms were taken from us and our ships were burnt. But no ; you were silent when you saw your country stripped ; but now you lament, as if this were the death-day of Carthage, because you have to furnish part of the tribute out of your private means. I fear me much that you will soon find that this is the least of the trouble you will have to bear," XV. HANNIBAL IN EXILE. It was true that, as the discontented senator had said, Hannibal had been the cause of the troubles of Carthage ; still he was too great a man to be any- where but in the first place ; and for some years he practically governed the State. He seems to have done this new work well. The Court of Judges at Carthage had usurped a power which did not belong to them. Every man's property, character, and life were at their disposal ; and they were unscrupulous in dealing with it Hannibal set himself to bring about a change ; he carried the people with him ; the office of judge became annual, and it was filled up by election. It is a change that does not alto- gether commend itself to us ; but it was probably required by the peculiar condition of the country. Another reform concerned the public revenue. Hannibal made a searching inquiry into what came in, and what was spent, and he found that a very large proportion of the whole was embezzled. He stated these discoveries in a public assembly. The expenses of the country might be met, the tribute to Rome paid, and taxation nevertheless lightened, if only the revenue were honestly collected and honestly 266 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. spent. It was only too natural that these proceedings should make many enemies. And besides those who were furious at the loss of their unjust gains, there were doubtless some who were honestly afraid of what Hannibal was aiming at. If he was making Carthage richer and more powerful, it was that he might plunge her again into a war with Rome. So, from one cause or the other, a strong party was raised against him. His enemies had, it is said, the meanness to accuse him to the Roman Government. He was planning, they said, a new war in concert with Antiochus, king of Syria. The Romans were on the point of war with this prince, and were ready to suspect their old enemy. An embassy was sent to Carthage, in spite of the opposition of Scipio, to demand that he should be given up. Ostensibly the object of their invasion was to settle a dispute between Carthage and Masinissa. Hannibal knew the truth, and resolved to fly. To put his enemies off their guard, he showed no kind of alarm, but walked about in public as usual. But he took horse at night, reached the coast, and embarked in a ship which, in anticipation of such a need, he had kept in readiness, and sailed to Cercina (Kerkena). It was necessary to conceal the fact of his flight, and he gave out that he was going as ambassador to Tyre. But the harbour of the island happened to be full of merchant-ships, and the risk of discovery was great. He resolved accordingly to escape. The captains were invited to a great entertainment, and were asked to lend their sails and yards for the construction of a tent. The revel was long and late. Before it was HANNIBAL WITH ANTIOCHUS. 267 over Hannibal was gone, and the dismantled ships could not be made ready for several hours. From Cercina he sailed to Tyre, where he was received with great honours, and from Tyre again to the port of Antioch. Antiochus had left that place and was at Ephesus, and thither Hannibal followed him. Antiochus of Syria, fourth in descent from Seleucus, one of the Macedonian generals who had shared be- tween them the empire of Alexander, has somehow acquired the title of the " Great." He had little that was great about him except, perhaps, his ambition. His treatment of Hannibal, whether it was the result of weakness or of jealousy, was foolish in the extreme. He did not take his advice, and he would not employ him. His advice had been to act at once. Rome at this time (195 B.C.) had to deal with many enemies. The Gauls especially were giving her much trouble. If Antiochus could have made up his mind to attack her immediately, the result might have been different to what it was. As it was he lingered and delayed, and when at last, two years afterwards, he made up his mind to act, the opportunity was lost. In 192 he crossed over into Greece, and was defeated with heavy loss the following year at Thermopylae. Hannibal was not employed in this campaign. But he was sent to equip and to command a fleet. There was nothing strange in this variety of employment ; for then — and indeed the same has been the case till quite recent times — the same men would command fleets and armies indifferently. He was attacked by a grcath' superior fleet belonging to the island of Rhodes, then 268 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. a great naval power, and, though successful vvhere he commanded in person, was defeated. In the same year (iQo) was fought the great battle of Magnesia. Whether Hannibal was present at it we do not know ; but an anecdote is told of him which belongs to this time. Antiochus had collected a great army — some sixty or seventy thousand in number — to do battle with the Romans. It had been p-athered from the cities of Greece and from Western o Asia, and their dress and armour was as splendid as it was various. The king looked with pride on the ranks glittering with gold and silver. " Will not this be enough for the Romans ? " he asked of Hannibal who was standing by his side. " Yes," said he, with a grim jest, " yes, enough even for them, though they are the greediest nation on the earth ! " But it was of the spoils, not of the fighting strength of the army, that he was speaking. The battle of Magnesia ended, as Hannibal had expected, in the utter defeat of the Syrian army. Antiochus was advised to sue for peace. Two years afterwards (i88) it was granted to him, one of the conditions being that he should give to Rome such of her enemies as he had received at his court. He ac- cepted the condition, but gave his guest an opportunity of escaping. Various stories are told of Hannibal's movements after his flight from the court of Antiochus. Accord- ing to one account he sought refuge for a time in Crete. A story is told of him here which very likely is not true, but which shows the common belief in his ingenuity and readiness of resource. He suspected HANNIBAL IN BITHYNIA. 269 the Cretans of coveting the large treasure which he carried about with him. To deceive them he filled a number of wine-jars with lead, which had over it a thin covering of gold and silver. These he deposited with much ceremony in the presence of the chief men of the island in the temple of Diana. His real treasure meanwhile was hidden in some hollow brazen figures which were allowed to lie, apparently uncared for, in the porch of his house. From Crete he is said to have visited Armenia, and to have founded in that country the city of Artaxata. It is certain, however, that he spent the last years of his life with Prusias, king of Bithynia. Prusias was at war with Eumenes of Pergamus, a firm friend of Rome, and Hannibal willingly gave him his help. We need not believe the story which he tells us how he vanquished enemies in a sea-fight by filling a number of jars with venomous snakes and throwing them on board the hostile ships. For some years he was left unmolested in this refuge. But in 183 the Romans sent an embassy to Prusias to demand that he should be given up. The demand was one which the king did not feel able to resist, and he sent soldiers at once to seize him. Hannibal had always expected some such result. He knew that Rome could never forgive him for what he had done, and he did not trust his host. Indeed he must have known that a king of Bithynia could not refuse a request of the Romans if it was seriously made. The story of his end, ornamented as such stories commonly are, tells us how he made seven ways of getting out of his house, and that finding them all beset with soldiers, he called for the poison, 270 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. which was kept ahvays ready for such an emergency, and drank it off. Some writers say that he carried the poison with him in a ring — the ring which Juvenal, when he uses the example of Hannibal to show the vanity of a soldier's ambition, describes as "the avenger of the day of Cannce." Livy gives us what profess to be his last words. *' Let me free the Roman people from their long anxiety, since they think it tedious to wait for an old man's death, Flaminius [this was the Roman ambassador] will gain no great or famous victory over a helpless victim of treachery. As to the way in which the Roman character has changed, this day is proof enough. The grandfathers of these men sent to King Pyrrhus, when he had an army fighting against them in Italy, warn- ing him to beware of poison ; but they have sent an ambassador to suggest to Prusias the crime of murdering a guest." He was in his sixt3^-fourth or sixty- fifth year when he died. Of Hannibal's character, as of the history of his country, we have to judge from the narratives of enemies. His military skill is beyond all doubt. In that, it is probable, he has never been surpassed. His courage also was undoubted, though he is expressly praised for the discretion with which he avoided any needless exposure of his life. The testimony to the temperance of his habits is equally clear. The chief charges brought against him are treachery, cruelty, and avarice. From personal avarice he was certainly free, but a general who has to make war support itself, who has to feed, clothe, and pay a great army in a f)i-eign country, with but rare and scanty supplies CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL. 271 from home, cannot be scrupulous. About the charge of cruelty it is not easy to speak. What has been said about Hannibal's alleged avarice applies in a way to this other accusation. A general situated as was Hannibal could not but be stern and even merciless in his dealings with enemies. As to treachery, we know that " Punic faith" passed among the Romans into a proverb for dishonesty ; and "faithless" is the epithet, as we have seen, which Horace applies to the great general. But we find no special grounds for the charge, while we may certainly doubt whether the Roman generals showed such conspicuous good faith as to be in a good position for censuring others. There was no more honourable Roman than Scipio, but Scipio's treacherous attack on Syphax during the progress of the negotiations is at least as bad as any- thing that is charged against' Hannibal. XVI. THE BEGINNING OF THE END. The death of Hannibal did not remove the sus- picion of Rome that Carthage might be plotting some mischief The conditions imposed upon her by the Peace of Hannibal (as the treaty made after the battle of Zama was called) had not permanently dis- abled her. She had lost her dominions but not her trade ; her war-ships had been destroyed, but not the ships of her commerce ; and she had always in her treasury the gold with which to hire new armies. Only twenty years had passed since the conclusion of the peace, when she offered to pay up at once the balance of the indemnity which was to have been spread over fifty years. The Romans preferred keep- ing this hold over their ancient enemies to receiving the money, but they were alarmed at this proof of how completely the wealth of Carthage was restored. Some ten years later, when war with Macedonia was threatening, news came to Rome that the envoys of the Macedonian king had been received at Carthage. Doubtless the envoys had been sent ; and it is prob- able that they found some powerful persons ready to listen to them — for there was still a war-party in Carthage — but there is no reason to believe that the CATO'S HOSTILITY TO CARTHAGE. 273 government had had any deah'ngs with the enemies of Rome. There was one Roman statesmen by whom these suspicions were very strongly felt. This was Marcus Porcius Cato, commonly called the Elder Cato, to distinguish him from his great-grandson, Cato of Utica, the republican who killed himself sooner than live under the despotism of Caesar. Cato had served throughout the campaigns of the Second Punic War, and had not forgotten his experiences of that time. He had been sent to inquire into the causes of a war that had broken out between Carthage and King Masinissa, and he had been much struck by the proofs of wealth and power that he saw during his visit, the crowded population of the city and territory, the well-appointed fleet, and the well-filled armouries. Returning to Rome, he related in the Senate what he had seen. " This people," he said, " is stronger than ever. They are practising war in Africa by way of pre- lude to war against you." As he spoke, he threw down from a fold in his robe a bunch of ripe figs. " The country that bears these," he cried, as the senators admired the beautiful fruit, " is but three days' jour- ney from here." One is not certain whether he meant that it was so near as to be dangerous, or that it could be easily reached. Anyhow, from that time he never ceased to take every opportunity that occurred of expressing his opinion in the Senate. Whatever the matter might be that was being voted upon, he added the words, " And I also think that Carthage ought to be blotted out." With equal pertinacity one of the Scipios (surnamed Nasica, or " Scipio of the Pointed Nose), a near kinsman of the conqueror of Zama, 19 274 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. added to every vote, " And I also think that Carthage ought to be left." Carthage had a dangerous enemy at home in King Masinissa. He had begun life, as we have seen, by serving with Hasdrubal Barca in Spain, had then changed sides, and fought on the side of the Romans at the battle of Zama. He had been handsomely rewarded for these services. His father's dominions had been restored to him, and to these had been added the greater part of the kingdom of Syphax. For more than fifty years he was continually engaged in enlarging his borders at the expense of Carthage, and he always felt that he could rely on the help, or at least the countenance, of the Romans. Carthage was forbidden to make war on her neighbours in Africa without the leave of Rome, and all that she could do in return for Masinissa's aggressions was to send to appeal to that power to protect her against the wrongs that she was compelled to suffer. More than once the Romans sent commissioners to inquire into her complaints. Once, indeed, possibly oftener, these commissioners decided against Masinissa, but they generally left the matter unsettled. Anyhow, the king went on with his encroachments, and generally contrived to keep what he had laid his hands upon. In 1 5 1 this quarrel broke out into open war. Masi- nissa had a party of his own in Carthage. The demo- cratic or war party expelled forty of its principal members, imposing at the same time an oath upon the people that they would never allow them to return. The exiles fled to the king and urged him to make war. He was willing enough, for he had his eye on a AFRICANUS THE YOUNGER, town which he particularly coveted ; but he first sent one of his sons on an embassy to Carthage to demand redress. The prince was not admitted within the works, and was even attacked on his way home. Masinissa then laid siege to the town. The Car- thaginians sent Hasdrubal, their commander-in-chief, against him. They were joined by two of the king's chief officers, who deserted, bringing with them as many as six thousand horse. In some slight engage- ments that followed Hasdrubal was victorious ; and the king made a feint of retreat, and drew Hasdrubal after him into a region where supplies could not easily be obtained. A battle soon followed. The old king • — he was eighty-eight years of age — commanded in person, riding after the fashion of his country, without saddle or stirrup. No very decided result followed, but the king, on the whole, had the advantage. There was present that day, as spectator of the conflict, a young Roman who had much to do with the conclu- sion of the story of Carthage. To give him the full title which he bears in history, this was Publius Cornelius Scipio ^milianus Africanus Minor. He was a son of a distinguished Roman general, ^milius Paullus, the conqueror of Pydna,^ and grandson ot the ^milius Paullus who fell at Cannai. He was adopted by the elder son of the Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Zama, whose weak health prevented him from taking any part in public affairs.^ He had * Pydna was the great battle (fought in 169) by which the Macedonian kingdom was brought to an end. See " The Story of Rome," p. 163. ^ The young reader may observe that he took the names of the family into which he was adopted, adding to them that of his own gcus, altered from ^milius into ^milianus, according to the practice in case of adoption. * 276 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. been sennng with a Roman army in Spain, and had come to Masinissa for the purpose of purchasing elephants. He had privilege of seeing the battle from a hill that overlooked the plain, and afterwards said (we probably get the story from his friend Poly- bius) that, though he had been present at many battles, he had never been so much pleased. " I saw," said he, " one hundred and ten thousand men meet in combat. It was a sight such as two only have seen before me, Zeus from the top of Ida, and Poseidon from. Samothrace, in the Trojan war." Scipio undertook to arbitrate between the two parties. The Carthaginians offered to give up the country round Emporia, or the Markets (now Gabes and Terba), and to pay two hundred talents down and eight hundred more in instalments ; but when the king demanded also the surrender of the fugitives, the negotiations were broken off. Hasdrubal ought now to have taken up a position which it would have been possible for him to hold, but he neglected to do so. He expected another offer from Masinissa, and he also had hopes that the Romans would interfere in his favour. His delay was fatal to him. Famine, and the fever that always follows on famine, wasted his army. In the end he was obliged to accept the most humiliating terms. The exiles of Masinissa's party were to be taken back into the city ; the fugitives were to be surrendered ; an indemnity of five thou- sand talents was to be paid, and he and his soldiers were to pass through the hostile camp, unarmed and with but a single garment apiece. The helpless fugitives were attacked by one of the king's sons at EXPEDITION AGAINST CARTHAGE, ^77 the head of a force of cavahy, and cruelly slaughtered. Only a very few, among whom was Hasdrubal him- self, returned to Carthage. But worse remained behind. The Carthaginian government condemned to death Hasdrubal and those who had been most active in promoting the war. But when the ambassadors whom they sent to Rome pleaded this proceeding as a ground for acquittal, they were asked, " Why did you not con- demn them before, not after the defeat ? " To this there was no answer ; and the Roman Senate voted that the Carthaginian explanation was not sufficient. " Tell us," said the unhappy men, " what we must do ? " " You must satisfy the Roman People," was the ambiguous answer. When this was reported at Carthage, a second embassy was sent, imploring to be definitely told what they must do. These were dis- missed with the answer, "The Carthaginians know this already." Rome had accepted the pitiless counsel of Cato, and Carthage was to be blotted out. If there was any doubt, it was dismissed when envoys came from Utica offering the submission of that city. The consuls of the year, Manilius and Censorinus, were at once dispatched with a fleet and an army. Their secret instructions were that they were not to be satisfied till Carthage was destroyed. The forces which they commanded amounted to nearly a hundred thousand men. The expedition was popular ; for the prospects of booty were great, and volunteers of all ranks thronged to take part in it. The news that the fleet had sailed was the first intimation that Carthage I'eceived that war had been declared. 278 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. The Carthaginian government still hoped that an absolute submission might save them. They sent another embassy to Rome with full powers to grant any terms that might be asked. The answer that they received was this : " If the Carthaginians will give three hundred hostages from their noblest families, and fulfil all other conditions within thirty days, they shall retain their independence and the possession of their territory." But secret instructions were also sent to the consuls that they were to abide, whatever might happen, by their first instructions. The hostages were sent, after a miserable scene of parting from their friends. But few believed that submission would be of any avail. And indeed it was soon seen to be useless. The consuls demanded that the arms in the city should be given up. The de- mand was accepted. Two hundred thousand weapons, more darts and javelins than could be counted, and two thousand catapults were given up. Then the consuls spoke again. " You must leave Carthage ; we have resolved to destroy this city. You may remove your furniture and property to some other place, but it must be not less than ten miles from the sea." And they added some reasons, which must have sounded like the cruellest mockery, why they should be con- tent with this decision. " You will be better away from the sea," they said in effect ; " it will only re- mind you of the greatness which you have lost. It is a dangerous element, which before this has raised to great prosperity and brought to utter ruin other countries besides yours. Agriculture is a far safer and more profitable employment. And," he added, WAR DECLARED. 279 " we are keeping our promise that Carthage should be independent. It is the men, not the walls and build- ings of the city, that constitute the real Carthage." ^ The return of the envoys had been expected at Carthage with the utmost impatience. As they entered the gate of the city they were almost trampled to death by the crowd. At last they made their way into the Senate-house. Then they told their story, the people waiting in a dense throng out- side the doors of the chamber. When it was told, a loud cry of dismay and rage went up from the as- sembly ; and the people, hearing it, rushed in. A fearful scene of violence followed. Those who had advised the surrender of the hostages and of the arms were fiercely attacked. Some of them were even torn to pieces. The envoys themselves were not spared, though their only offence had been to bring bad news. Any un- lucky Italians, whom business had happened to detain in the city, fell victims to the popular fury. A few more wisely busied themselves with making such pre- parations for defence as were possible, for of course there was but one alternative now possible. Indeed the Senate declared war that same day. * It is difficult to believe that these abominable sophistries were ever really uttered. But we have good reason for supposing that Appian, from whom we get the report of the Consuls' speech, copied it from Polybius, an excellent authority. The historians of antiquity, however, had a passion for putting speeches into the mouths of their characters, and were not always particular about their authenticity. XVIL THE SIEGE AND FALL OF CARTHAGE. The Carthaginian government did their best to defend their city. One Hasdrubal, the same that had been condemned to death in the vain hope of pro- pitiating the Romans, was appointed to command the forces outside the city ; another had the control of those within the walls. The manufacture of arms was carried on night and day, by men and women alike, even the temples and sacred enclosures being turned into workshops. A hundred shields, three hundred swords, a thousand javelins to be thrown by the catapults, were made daily. The women are said to have cut off their hair for the cords of the catapults, for which the horsehair that was commonly used was wanting. The wall of Carthage had a circumference oi about eighteen miles. It was about forty-six feet high, and thirty-four feet thick. The height is that of what is called the curtain of the wall, i.e. the portions between the towers. The towers were of four stories, and much higher. Where the sea came up to the fortifications — and as the city was built upon a peninsula, this was the case with the greater part of the circuit — a single wall was deemed sufficient ; but on the land side, ie. THE WALLS OF CARTHAGE. 281 to the north and ' — south, the wall was triple. Appian tells that the three walls were of equal heit^ht and breadth. This is incredible, because such an arrangement would have been use- less. The first wall once taken would have given the be- siegers such an ad- vantage that the second would have soon become unten- able. No trace of any such kind of fortification can be discovered cither at Carthage or in any ancient town. The real meaning of the author — possibly Polybius — from whom Appian quo- ted, seems to have been this. There were three ditches. Behind the inner of the three, the wall proper was built. 283 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Then came the advance wall, much lower than the wall proper, and in front of this the second ditch ; possibly there was an outer defence of palisades, itself protected by a third ditch. The traces of exactly such a system of fortification are to be found at Thapsus. Within the casemates of the main wall there was room for three hundred ele- phants, four thousand cavalry, and twenty thousand infantry. The harbours were so arranged that ships had to pass through the one to reach the other. The outer harbour was meant for merchant ships, and its entrance from the sea was closed with iron chains. In the inner harbour were kept the ships of war. There was an island in it, and on this island, as well as round the sides of the harbour, were slips in which two hundred and twenty vessels could be placed. The island also contained the admiral's house. This was so high that he could get' a view of all that was going on outside. Between the two harbours there was a wall so high that it was not possible to look from the outer into the inner. There was a separate entrance from the town to the outer harbour. The inner or military harbour was evidently guarded with the greatest care. Manilius directed his attack on the landward side of the wall ; Censorinus attempted a part which, being partly protected by a lagoon, was less strongly fortified than the rest. The outer fortifications were carried, but no further progress was made. Indeed the besiegers had some serious losses, as Hasdrubal, with his lieutenants, among whom a certain llimilco, THE ROMANS LOSE THEIR ALLY MASINISSA. 285 siirnamed Pham?eas, was conspicuously active, con- tinually attacked any detached parties. Things seemed more hopeful when Censorinus, having filled up part of the lagoon, brought two battering-rams to bear on the wall, one of them worked by six thousand soldiers, the other by as many sailors. The force of these brought down part of it ; and the Carthaginians built up again this por- tion in the night. The new work was not very strong. Then the besieged made a furious sally, set some of the works on fire, and made the whole, for a time at least, unserviceable. The next day the Romans at- tempted an assault by a part of the breach which had not been repaired, but were repulsed with heavy loss. Censorinus now found that his crews suffered from the climate, for it was the height of summer. Ac- cordingly he transferred his ships from the lagoon to the open sea. The Carthaginians took every op- portunity, when the wind favoured, of sending fire ships among the Roman fleet, and thus did it a great deal of damage. The Roman commanders continued to conduct their operations, with little skill and as little success. And just at the time when they most needed his help they had the misfortune to lose their ally Masinissa. There had been a coolness between the old man and his Roman friends, he conceiving that he had been rudely put aside, and that the task of dealing with Carthage had been unfairly taken out of his hands. And now when the consuls sent to ask his help — he had promised to give it zv/ie?i they asked for it, and this they had been too proud to do — they found him 286 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. dying. He had completed his ninetieth year, retaining to the last his vigour of mind and body. The other inveterate enemy of Carthage, the old Cato, had died a few months before. Scipio, who had been dis- tinguishing himself during the siege, was entrusted with the task of dividing the old king's dominion and wealth between his three sons. One of these, Gulussa by name, became at once an active ally, and was found especially helpful in repelling the attacks of Phamaeas with his light cavalry. It was not indeed long before Phamaeas himself was induced by Scipio to desert his friends. A change of commanders, Manilius and Censo- rinus giving place to Piso and Mancinus, did not bring a change for the better in the conduct of the siege. This, in fact, was almost given up, the new consuls busying themselves with assaults on the neighbouring towns. Calpurnius was particularly un- fortunate at Hippo (now Bizerta), where all his siege works were destroyed by a sally of the townspeople. The spirits of the Carthaginians rose in proportion to the discouragement of the Romans. Some of Gulussa's cavalry had deserted to them ; and the two other sons of Masinissa, though nominally friendly to Rome, stood aloof and waited for what might happen. Envoys were sent to them and to the independent Moors, representing that if Carthage fell they would be the next to be conquered. Communications were also opened with the Macedonian pretender who was then at war with Rome. Unfortunately the Hasdrubal who commanded outside the walls coveted the position of his namesake in the city. He accused him of SCIPIO IN COMMAND. 209 treachery — it was his misfortune to be closely related to Gulussa ; the unhappy man, surprised by the charge, faltered in his defence, and was murdered in the Senate-house, his senators striking him down with the fragments of the benches. At Rome every one had expected a speedy end to the siege, and there was great vexation and even alarm at these long delays. All eyes were fixed on the one man who had showed real capacity for command, and fixed the more earnestly on account of the fortunate name that he bore. It had been a Scipio who had brought the war of Hannibal to an end ; it was to be a Scipio who should complete his work and destroy Carthage itself The young soldier went to Rome to stand for the office of ^dile — not, we may guess, without some notion of what was going to happen. The people elected him to the consulship. The consul, who was presiding, protested. Scipio was thirty-seven years old, and was therefore under the legal age. The people insisted ; they were the masters of the elections and could choose whom they would. The tribunes threatened to suspend the pre- siding consul, unless he gave away. He yielded ; as did Scipio's colleague when it came to choosing the province which each consul should have. This was commonly determined by lot, but the people was resolved that Scipio should have Africa, and it vva? so arranged. The new commander's first exploit was to rescue Mancinus from a dangerous position into which he had got himself Anxious to do something before he was superseded, he led a storming party against a weak 20 2go THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. point in the wall, and actually made his way into the town. But he was not strong enough to advance, and could barely maintain his hold of what he had gained. His colleague Piso, though summoned to help him, made no movement ; but Scipio, who, on reaching Utica, had received a despatch describing the situation, hastened to the spot, and carried off Mancinus and his party in safety. The two consuls shortly afterwards returned to Rome, and Scipio set THE HARBOURS OF CARTHAGE (ACCORDING TO BEULfi). himself to restore the discipline and order which the lax rule of his predecessors had suffered to decay. He purged the Roman camp of a crowd of idlers and plunderers which had collected there, and left nothing but what was manageable and serviceable. His first operation was to storm a quarter of the city which went by the name of the Mcgara, and was, it would seem the abode of the wealthier class. The assault HARBOURS OF CARTHAGE (ACCORDINO TO DAUX) ATTACK ON THE MEGARA. was made by two parties, one of them led by Scipio in person. Neither could make its way over the wall ; but a tower, belonging to some private dwelling, which had been unwisely allowed to stand though it commanded the fortification, was occupied, and some ARRANGEMENTS OF THE BERTHS (ACCORDING TO BEUL6). of the besiegers made their way from it on to the wall, and from the wall into the Megara. They then opened one of the gates, and Scipio with a force of four thousand men entered. He did not, however, feel it safe to remain, for the place was full of gardens, and its hedges and watercourses made it difficult ground PLAN OF WALL AT BYRSA. for the action of troops ; but the operation had its results, the most important of which was that the army outside the walls, fancying that the city was taken, abandoned its camp, and retreated into tlie Byrsa or Upper City. THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Hasdi'ubal, enraged at this movement, retaliated by a barbarous massacre of all the prisoners in his hands. He brought the poor wretches to the edge of the wall, subjected them to the cruellest tortures, and threw them down still alive from the height. After such an act the besieged would feel that they had no hope of mercy. The siege now became almost a blockade. Scipio burnt the camp which the outside army had deserted in their panic, and was now master of the neck of the peninsula on which the city stood. No more food could be introduced overland, and the supplies which came by sea were small and precarious. The next step was to block up the harbour. Scipio constructed a great wall across the mouth. So huge was the work that the besieged at first believed it impossible, but when they saw it advance rapidly, the whole army labouring at it night and day, they began to be alarmed. Their own energy was not less than that ol the besiegers. They dug a new channel from the harbour to the open sea, and, while this work was being carried on, they built also fifty ships of war. The besiegers knew nothing of what was being done, though they heard a continual sound of hammering. Their astonishment was very great when a fleet, of whose existence they had not an idea — for all the ships had been given up and destroyed — issued forth from a harbour mouth which had never been seen before. The Carthaginians, in great glee, manoeuvred in front of the Roman fleet. If they had attacked it promptly, they might have done it irreparable damage, for the ships had been left almost entirely without ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN THE FLEETS. 295 protection. As it was, they contented themselves with a demonstration, and then returned to the har- bour. It was an opportunity which never returned. It was fated, says the historian, that Carthage should be taken. Two days afterwards the two fleets fought ; but by this time the Romans were prepared, and the battle was drawn. The next day it was re- newed, and then the Carthaginians were decidedly worsted. A determined effort was now made on the harbour side of the city. The rams w^ere brought to bear upon the walls, and brought down a considerable part of it. But the Carthaginians made a furious sally. They plunged naked into the lagoon, carrying unlighted torches. Some waded through the shallows ; others swam. Reaching the land, they lighted their torches and rushed fiercely on the siege works. Many were killed, for they had neither shields nor armour ; but nothing could resist their charge. The Romans gave way in confusion, and the siege works were burnt. Even Scipio, though he ordered the flying soldiers to be cut down, could not check the panic. The day ended in a great success for the besieged. When the winter with its cooler weather drew on, Scipio turned his attention to the region from which Carthage drew what supplies it could still obtain. His lieutenant Laelius, in concert with King Gulussa, attacked and defeated with enormous loss (though it is difficult to credit the figures of seventy thousand slain and ten thousand prisoners) an army of native allies. The food supply of the besieged city was uuw almost cut off, but Hasdrubal had still enough 296 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. to support his garrison. The rest of the population were left to starve. With the beginning of 146 Scipio prepared for an attack on the Upper City and the Harbour of the War-ships, or Cothon, as it was called. The Harbour was taken first, the resistance of the besieged being feeble and desultory. From the Harbour Scipio made his way into the neighbouring market-place. Even he could not check his troops in the plunder of the rich temple of Apollo. They are said to have stripped from the statue and shrine as much as a thousand talents of gold. The next thing to be done was the attack on the Upper City. Three streets led up to it from the market-place, each of six-storied houses, from which the garrison and many of the citizen population kept up an incessant fight with the besiegers. House after house was stormed, the defenders being gradually forced back by superior strength and discipline. Another conflict was going on meanwhile in the streets, the Romans struggling up each of the three roads till they gained the Upper City. When that was accomplished, Scipio ordered the streets to be set on fire. The scene of destruction which followed was terrible. A number of non-combatants, old men, women, and children, had hidden themselves in the houses that were now blazing. Some threw themselves on to the spears and s^vords of the soldiers ; some were burnt in their hiding places ; some flung themselves from the windows into the streets. Many were buried or half-buried under the rOins, for the pioneers were busy clearing a way for the troops, and did their FIGHTING IN THE CITY. 297 work careless of the living creatures that came in their way. For six days and nights these horrors continued, described, it must be remembered, by an eye-witness, the historian Polybius ; for it is from him, there is little doubt, that Appian has borrowed his vivid description of the scene. The troops worked and fought in relief parties. Scipio alone remained unceasingly at his post. He never slept, and he snatched a morsel of food as the chance came to him. On the seventh day a train of suppliants came from the temple of ^sculapius, which stood con- spicuous at the summit of the citadels. They begged that the lives of such as still survived might be spared. Scipio granted the request, but excepted the deserters, and fifty thousand men and women availed themselves of his grace. The deserters shut themselves up in the temple — there were nine hundred of them, all Romans — and with them Hasdrubal and his wife and their two sons. The place was im- pregnable, but their position was hopeless, for there was no fighting against hunger. Hasdrubal contrived to escape from his companions, and threw himself, humbly begging for life, at the feet of Scipio. The boon was granted, and the Roman general showed his prisoner to the deserters, who were crowded on the temple-roof. They bitterly reproached the coward who had deserted them, and then set fire to the temple. When the flames were burning fiercely, the wife of Hasdrubal came forward. She had dressed herself with all the splendour that she could command, and had her two children by her 2gS THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. side. Turning first to Scipio, she said, " On thee, man of Rome, I call no vengeance from heaven. Thou dost but use the rights of war. But as for this Hasdrubal, this traitor to his country and his gods, to his ^v'ife and to his children, I pray that heaven, and thou as the instrument of heaven, may punish him." Then she turned to her husband. "Villain, traitor, and coward," she cried, " I and my children will find a tomb in the flames, but thou, the mighty general of Carthage, wilt adorn a Roman triumph!" She then slew her children, threw their bodies into the flames, and followed them herself Thus, after seven centuries of greatness, Carthage fell. The conqueror, as he looked on the awful spectacle, burst into tears, and murmured to himself, as he thought of the fate which had overtaken empire after empire, and which would one day overtake his own country, the lines of Homer, in which Hector foretells the doom of Troy. The soldiers were permitted to plunder the city, but all the gold and silver and all the treasuries of the temples were reserved. Military decorations were liberally distributed, but none of the troops who had assisted in the spoliation of the temple of Apollo were thus distinguished. The Sicilian cities were informed that they might regain possession of the works of art which the Carthaginians had carried off during a century and a half of warfare. Agrigentum regained her famous Bull of Phalaris ; Scgcsta her statue of Diana. The name of Scipio Africanus was long honoured b\' the Sicilians for this act of honest}-. Before a hundred years had passed they were to lose SUCCESSORS OF CARTHAGE. 301 their treasures again, not by the fortune of war, but by the shameless robberies of a Roman governor. ^ The city was razed to the ground, and a curse was pronounced on any one who should rebuild it. Notwithstanding this, some twenty years later the younger Gracchus carried a proposal for founding a colony of six thousand citizens on the site. It was never carried into execution. Neither was the simi- lar plan which some eighty years afterwards was conceived by Julius Caesar. Augustus, however, founded a Roman Carthage, which soon became a prosperous city. But with this my story has nothing to do. This is finished with the fall of Rome's great Phoenician rival. ^ See the account of Verres in a classical dictionary, and In ** The Story of Rome," p. 202. I INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. A Acerbas, 3, 6 Acia, 96 Adherbal, 157 Adrumetum, 162 ^gusa, 163 /Egates Islands, battle of, 163, 164 ^schines, 122 i^lsculapius, temple of, 297 y^thiopians, 97 ^tna, eruption of, 53 ^tna (town), 55 Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, 75 ; defeated at the Himcra, 76 ; besieged in Syracuse, 77 ; escapes, ib. ; lands in Africa, 80 ; defeats the Carthaginians, 82 ; takes Utica, 85 ; returns to Syracuse, ib. ; comes back to Africa, 86 ; imprisoned by his soldiers, 88 ; escapes, 89 Agrigentum, 22, 27 ; taken by Himilco, 41, 67, 122 ; taken by the Romans, 132, 133 ; 237, 298 Alalia, battle of, 14 Aletes, 117, 180 Alexander the Great, 89 Allobroges, 188 Amber, 122 Anagnia, 234 Anio, 234 Antiochus, 254, 266, 268 Appian, 128, 279, 281, 297 Arambys, 96 Archagathus, 85-8 Archimedes, 236 Aristotle, 102-108 Armenia, 269 Artaxata, 269 Ashtaroth, 113 Athenoeus, 125 Avienus, 100 B Balearic Islands, 35, 75 Baltic Sea, 122 Beneventum, battle of, 230 Boarding apparatus, 134 Bomilcar, Suffete of Carthage, his treachery, 82 ; attempts a revo- lution and is put to death, 83 Britain, 100, 122 Bruttii, 226, 253 Byrsa, 5, 293 C Cabala, battle of, 66 Camarina, taken by Himilco (i), 43, 158 . Cambyses, king of Persia, plans the conquest of Carthage, 18 Campanian mercenaries, 37, 129 Cannce, battle of, 218-224 Capua, joins Hannibal, 225 ; be- sieged by the Romans, 232 ; surrenders, 235 ; its severe punishment, ib. Caravans, 118, 119 Carbuncle, ?ee Carthaginian stone 304 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. Caiicon, 96 Carthaginian stone, 121 Carthalo, 13 Catana, 53 Catapults, newly invented, 49 Cato, the Elder, 273, 277, 286 Catulus (Lutatius), 163 Censorinus, 277-286 Cercina, 266 Cerne, 97, 98 Chretes, 97 Chronos, see Moloch Cineas, 89, 90 Clastidium, 200 Claudius (Appius), 131, 132 Claudius (Appius), 2, 236 Claudius (Nero) in Spain, 241 ; marches to join his collengiie Liviiis, 249 ; defeats Hasdrubal at the Metaurus, 250-252 Claudius (Publius), 157, 158 Clubs at Carthage, 109 Clypea, 147, 152 Common meals, 106 Corinth, mother-city of Syracuse, 70 Corsica, 25, 122 Cothon, 296 Crete, 268, 269 Crimessus, battle of, 7^-74 Crispinus, 247 Crocodiles, 98 Cronium, Dionysius defeated at, 67 Crotona, 226, 253 Customs-duties, 1 16, 1 17 Cyprus, 4 Cyrene, 117 D Dagon, 113, 114 Daphnix'us, 38, 39 Deinocrates, 75 Demeler, worship of, at Carthage, 60 Dexippus, 37, 41 Dido, 3-8 Diodorus, 117 Dionysius (ihc Elder), attempts to relie ve (Jcla, 43 ; makes peace with Carthage, 44 ; declares war against Carthage, 47 ; at- tacks Motya, t'l/. ; takes it by storm, 50; defeated by Himilco at Catana, 53 ; retreats to Syra cuse, 55 ; makes successful at tack on Himilco, 57 ; allows Himilco to escape, 59 ; declares I war with Carthage and defeats i Mago, 64 ; renews the war, 66 ; is defeated at Cronium, 67 ; his death, 68 Dionysius (the Younger), tyrant of I Syracuse, 70 Drepanum, battle of, 157, 158, 160, 163 Ducarius, 209 Duilius, 137 E Ecnomus, battle of, 138-140 Egesta, 28, 298 Elba, 122 Elephants, 121. See also accounts of battles Elissa, see Dido Entellus, 68 Eryx, 36, 68, 159-165 Etruscans, 14,81, I17 Eumenes, 269 F Fabius, appointed dictator, 212 ; his policy of delay, 212, 213; outwitted by Hannibal, i/>. ; his unpopularity, id. ; recovers Tarentum, 246 ; crowned at j Rome, 260 ; dies, id. I Fair Promontory, 14, 15 I Flaminius, defeated and killed at I Trasumennus, 207-2 1 1 Flaminius (ambassador to Prussia), 270 Fregelloc, 234 Fulvius, 234, 245 G Gades, 186 Gala, 240 Gauls, S: INDEX TO THE 7 EXT AND THE NOTES, 305 Gela, taken by Himilco (i), 43; besieged by Hamilcar, 76 Gelon, of Syracuse, defeats Hamil- car (2), 26, 27 Cisco, 166-175 Gisco, father of Hannibal (i), 29 Gisco, father of Hasdrubal, 240 Gisco, 218 Gorillas, 99 Gracchus, Tib. S., 230 Gracchus (the Younger), 301 Gulussa, 286, 289, 295 H Halycus, river, 67, 74 Hamilcar (i), son of Mago, con- quers Sardinia, 17 Hamilcar (2) invades Sicily, 22-27 Hamilcar (3) commands Cartha- ginian army against Agatho- cles, 75 ; is victorious at Himera, 76 ; besieges Syracuse, 77 ; his death, 82 Hamilcar (4), commander at Ecnomus, 138 Hamilcar Barca (5), appointed to command fleet and army, 160; holds Hercta, id. ; holds Eryx, ib. ; maintains war against Romans, 161-164 ; makes fa- vourable terms of peace, 165 ; takes command against merce- naries, 171 ; breaks blockade of Carthage, 172; defeats merce- naries, ib. ; attacks camp at Tunes, 176 ; finishes war with mercenaries, 177 ; crosses into Spain, 178 ; his conquests and death, 179 Hannibal (i) invades Sicily, 28-34 ; invades it again, 35 ; dies, 38 Hannibal (2), commander in Sicily, 132, I33» 134, 137 Hannibal (3), lieutenant in mer- cenary war, 176, 177 Hannibal (4) swears hatred against Rome, 181 ; his character, 181 ; campaign against Spanish tribes, 182; besieges Saguntum, ib. ; takes it, 184; in winter quarters at New Carthage, 185 ; crosses the Ebro, 186 ; his dream, ib. ; crosses the Pyrenees, ib. ; crosses the Rhone, 187 ; crosses the Alps, 189-194 ; descends into Italy, 194 ; his losses, ib. ; attacks the Taurini, 195 ; con- quers the Romans at the Ticinus, 196-199; at the Trebia, 201-205 ; winters in Liguria, 206 ; in peril of his life, ib. ; crosses the marshes of the Arno, ib. ; loses an eye, 207; defeats the Romans at Trasumennus, 207-209 ; repulsed at Spoletium, 210 ; rests at Hadria, 211 ; his policy, ib. ; his campaign with Fabius, 212-216 ; wintering at Geronium, 217 ; defeats Romans at Cannae, 222 ; refuses to march on Rome, 223 ; gains Capua, 225 ; sends Mago to Carthage, 227 ; neglected by the home government, 228 ; winters in Capua, ib. j besieges Nola, ib. ; attempts to seize Tarentum, 229 ; gains Taren- tum, 231 ; attempts to relieve Capua, 232 ; marches on Rome, 233 ; retires, 235 ; defeats Ful- vius at Herdonia, 245 ; hears of Hasdrubal's death, 252 ; his masterly generalship in South Italy, 253 ; recalled home, 259; defeated at Zama, 262 ; advises peace, 263 ; in power at Car- thage, 265 ; his reforms, ib, ; flies, 266 ; at the court of An- tiochus, 267 ; his answer to Antiochus, 268 ; possibly at Crete, 269 ; with Prusias of Bithynia, 269, 270 ; his death and character, 270, 271 Hanno (i), Suffete of Carthage, killed in battle, 82 Hanno (2), the navigator, 95-100 Hanno (3), 131 Hanno (4), 132, 133, 139, 140 Hanno (5), 163, 164 306 INDEX TO THE TEX T AND THE NOTES. Hanno, the Great (6), 1 71-177 Hanno, leader of peace party at Carthage (7), 183, 227 Hanno (8), 187 Hanno (9), defeated at Beneven- tum, 230 Hanno (10), commands in Sicily, 237 Hanno (ii), commands in Spain, 238 Hasdrubal (i), son of Mago, 16, 17 Hasdrubal (2), (son-in-law of Hamilcar Barca), his campaigns in Spain, 179, 180; assassi- nated, 180 Hasdrubal, lieutenant of Hanni- bal (3), 219 Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal (4), left in command in Spain, 186 ; his campaigns with the Scipios, 238-241 ; eludes Nero, 241 ; defeated by Scipio Africa- nus, 243 ; crosses into Italy, 248 ; defeated and slain at the Metaurus, 250 Hasdrubal, son of Gisco (5), 240- 289 Hasdrubal (6), commands in the last siege of Carthage, 280-300 Hebrew names, 1 1 Hebrews, their relations to Tyre, 10, II Helisyki, Volscians (?), 25 Hercta, 160 Hercules, 3, 4. See Melcarth Hercules, Pillars of, 96, 118 Herodotus, 113, 118 Hiera, 163, 164 Hiero, 130-132, 176, 229 Hieronymus, 229, 236 Himera, first battle of, 26, 27 ; second battle of, 32 ; destroyed by Hannibal (i), 33; third battle of, 76 Ilimilco (i) invades Sicily, 35-45 ; operates against Dionysius, 48- 49 ; returns to Carthage, 49 ; again appointed to command, 51 ; takes iMassana, marches on Syracuse, besieges the city, re- duced to extremities, 52-58 ; escapes to Carthage, 59 ; com- mits suicide, 60 Himilco (2), discoverer, 100, lOi Himilco (3), 154 Himilco (4), 236 Hippo, 168, 286 Hippopotamus, 98 Horn, Southern, 99 Horn, Western, 99 Horace, 149, 250 Human sacrifices, 28, 33, 38, 86. no I larbas, 6 Iberians. See Spanish troops Iberus (Ebro), 180 Illiturgis, 239 Intibilis, 239 Iron, 122 Isere, 188 Italian mercenaries, 25, 29, 35, 37' 55j 65. See also Cam- panian mercenaries Ivor)% 122 T Junius, 158 K Kings of Carthage, 102, 103 L Loelius, 258, 262 L^elius (the Younger), 295 Lcevinus, 237 Leather money, 122, 123 Leontini, 44 Leptines (brother of Dionysius). 53> 54j 57 ; killed at the battle of Cronium, 67 Leptis, 115 Liby- Phoenicians, 96 Ligyes (Ligurians), 25, 206 Lilybceum, fort of, besieged by Dionysius, 68, 72 ; attacked by Pyrrhus, 91 ; iDesieged by Romans, 154-165 Lilybaeum, promontory, 72 Lipara, 122, 134 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. 307 Liris, river, 234 Livius (colleague of Nero), 248, 249 Livius (in command atTarentum), 230, 231, 246 Livy (historian), 128, iSl, 184, 193, 222, 234, 238, 253, 259, 264, 276 Lixitse, 97, 98 Lixus, river, 97 M Macar, river, 171 Macedonia, 272 Magnesia, battle of, 268 Mago (i), king of Carthage, 13 Mago (2), Admiral, 53 Mago (3), Carthaginian general, attacks Dionysius, 64 ; defeated by, id. ; invades Sicily, 65 ; is killed at Cabala, 66 Mago (4), writer on agriculture, 124 Mago (5), brother of Hannibal, 201 ; sent to Carthage with news of Cannae, 227 ; in Spain, 240-244 ; goes to Liguria, id. ; takes Minorca, 254 ; recalled home, 259 ; dies, id, Maharbal, 210, 223 Malchus, 12, 13 Malgernus, 3 Malta, 17 Mamertines, 130, 131 Mancinus, 286, 289 Manilius, 282, 286 Manlius, 138, 142 Marcel] us, appointed to command army after Cannae, 227 ; re- lieves Nola, 228 ; besieges Syracuse, 236 ; takes it, 237 ; campaigns with Hannibal, 245- 247 ; his death, 248 Marcius, 241 Massilia, 122 Masinissa defeats Syphax, 240 ; goes with Hasdrubal to Spain, id. ; with Scipio in Africa, 257 ; destroys the camp of Syphax, 257? 258 ; at variance with Carthage, 266; encroaches on Carthaginian dominions, 274 ; defeated by Hasdrubal, 275 ; is victorious, id. ; triumphant over Carthage, 277 ; dies, 286 Matho, 167-179 Megara, the, 293 Melcarth, 110-113, 186 Melita, 96 Menander, 120 Menes, 19 Messana, 44, 130-132 Metaurus, battle of, 249-252 Mines, 117 Minucius, 215, 216 Moloch, 38, 108, 109 Motya, besieged by Dionysius, 47-51 ; recovered by Himilco, 51 Mutines, 237 Mylas, battle of, 137 N Naravasus, 176 Native Carthaginian troops, 66, 72, 74, 75, 82, 85, 146, 262 Naxos (Sicily), 21 Nemausus (Nismes), 186 New Carthage, 180; captured by Scipio, 242 Nola, 228, 260 O Olympias, 89 P Pachynus, 158 Panormus (Palermo), 25, 67, 153, 160 Paullus (/Emilius) appointed Con- sul, 217 ; slain at Cannae, 222 Pelorum, 52 Pentarchies, 105 Pergamus, 269 Periplus of Hanno, 95-100 Persephone, worship of, at Car- thage, 60 Pestilence, 38, 44, 56, 67, 236 Phalaris, 298 Phamaeas (Himilco), 286 Phidias, 120 308 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. Philip, king of Macedon, 220, 254 Phoenicians, 10, ii, 18 Phocseans, see Alalia Pillars of Hercules, 96, 1 18 Placentia, 199, 202 Plutarch, 109, 218 Politics^ the. See Aristotle Polybius, 128, 146, 153, 222, 258, 262, 279, 281, 297 Prusias, 269 Pyrrhus, 89-91 R Regulus, commands fleet at Ec- nomus, 138 ; lands in Africa, 140 ; vanquishes Hasdrubal, 143 ; occupies Tunes, 144 ; de- mands impossible terms of peace, ib. ; conquered by Xantippus and taken prisoner, 147 ; sent as envoy to Rome, 148 ; his counsel, 149 seg'. ; his death, 151 Rhodes, fleet of, 268 Rhone, passage of, 187, 188 Rome, early treaties with, 14-16 S Saguntum, 180 ; besieged by Han- nibal, 182 ; taken, 184 Sahara, 121 Samnites, 226 Sardinia, invaded by Malchus, 13 ; belongs to Carthage, 17 ; supplies provisions to Carthage, 63, 65 ; lost by Carthage, 177 Saturn, see Moloch Scipio, Cnseus, sent into Spain, 189 ; defeats Hasdrubal, 238 ; defeats the fleet, z'/a ; joined by Publius, I'b. (see Scipio Publius) ; his death, 241 Scipio (Publius), sent to the mouth of the Rhone, 186 ; misses Han- nibal, 189 ; returns to Italy, ib. ; marches against Plannibal, 195 ; defeated and wounded at the Ticinus, 199 ; moves to the Trebia, ib. ; returns to Spain, 258 ; his campaigns in that country, 239-240; his death, 240 Scipio, Africanus Major, saves his father's life at the Ticinus, 199 ; appointed to the com- mand in Spain, 242 ; takes Car- thage, 2b. ; defeats Hasdrubal (Barca), 243 ; comes into Africa, zb. ; returns to Spain and com- pletes conquest, 244 ; comes again to Africa, 254 ; besieges Utica, 257 ; burns the camp of Syphax, 258 ; vanquishes Sy- phax and Hasdrubal, 259 ; de- feats Hannibal at Zama, 261, 262 ; makes peace with Car- thage, 263 Scipio, Africanus Minor, his de- scent, 275 ; arbitrates between Massinissa and Carthage, 276 ; distinguishes himself in the siege, 286 ; administers the effects of Masinissa, ib. ; ap- pointed to the command at Carthage, 289 ; rescues Man- cinus, 290 ; restores order to the camp, ib. ; storms the Me- gara, 293 ; institutes a blockade, 294 ; attacks the Upper City and captures it, 297 ; his re- flections, 298; his disposal of the spoil, ib. Scipio, Nasica, 273 Seleucus, 267 Selinus, 26, 27 ; at war with Egesta, 28 ; taken by Han- nibal (i), 48, ^, 68 Sempronius, 200 ; defeated at Trebia, 201-205 Senate of Carthage, 104, 105 Servilius, 211, 213 Ships built by Rome, 134, 162 Shophetim, 103 Sikel tribes, 44, 47, 59, 6$ Smuggling, 117 Soloeis, 96 Sophonisba, 244 Spanish troops of Carthage, 25, 29, 33, 3S> 59, i85» 1^6, 202, 205, 219 Spendius, 167-179 INDEX TO THE TE. Spoletium, 210 Suffetes, 103 Syphax, 239, 243, 257-259 Syracuse, ruled by Gelon, 26 ; by Dionysius, 42 seq. ; besieged by Himilco, 53-58 Syrtis, 115 T Tanit, 113, 114 Tarentum, 229, 230, 246 Taurini, 195 Tauromenium, 64 Terence, 120 Thebes, 119 Thermopylae, 267 Theron, 26, 38 Thymiaterium, 96 Ticinus, battle of, 196 Tifata, Mount, 233 Timoleon, sails to Syracuse, 71 ; declares war against Carthage, ib. ; defeats Carthaginians at the Crimessus, 72-74 ; liis death, 75 r AND THE NOTES. 309 Trasumennus, battle of, 207-211 Tribute, 115, 116 Triton, 113 Troglodyt?e, 97 Tunes (Tunis), 12, 60, 144, 168, 172, 176 Tusculum, 234 Tyre, 3, 10, II, 266 U Utica, 5, 12, 168, 176, 257, 277, 290 V Varro, 217, 221, 222, 226 Venus. See Ashtaroth Venusia, 247 Virgil, his legend of Dido, 7 -9, 121 X Xantippus, 145, 146 Z Zama, battle of, 260-262 92 UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRSSHAM PRESS, CHILWORTH AND LONDON. Mr, JJnwin has pleasure in sending herewith his Catalogue of SeleB Books, Book Buyers are requested to order any Books they may require from their local Bookseller, 'alogue of Select Books in Belles Lettres^ History^ Biography^ Theology^ Travel^ Miscellaneous^ and Books for Children. English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages (XlVth Century). By J. J. Jusserand. Translated from the French by Lucy A. Toulmin Smith. Illustrated. Demy 8vo., cloth, 21s. The Author has supervised the translation, and has added fresh matter, so that the volume differs in some degree from " La Vie Nomade. " Many of the illustrations are taken from illuminated manuscripts, and have never been published before. Old Chelsea, a Summer-Day's Stroll. By Dr Benjamik JLllis Martin. Illustrated by Joseph Pennell. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. The stroll described in these pages may be imagined to be taken during the summer of 1888 ; all the dates, descriptions, and references herein having been brought down to the present day. The Twilight of the Gods. ^^tar^T'lS" "The Demon Pope," "The City of Philosophers," The Cup-bearer," " Ananda the Miracle-Worker," " The Bell of St. Euschemon," and other Stories. By Richard Garnett. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. The Comine; of the Friars, other Mediaeval o ^ Sketches. By the Rev. Augustus Jessopp, D.D., Author of " Arcady : For Better, For Worse," &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. Contents. — I. The Coming of the Friars. — 11. Village Life in Norfolk Six Hundred Years ago. — III. Daily Life in a Mediaeval Monastery. — IV. and V. The Black Death in East Anglia. — VL The Building-up of a University. — VIL The Prophet of Walnut-tree Walk. Arr^ldv • For Better, For Worse. By Augustus Jessopp,D.D., / * Author of " One Generation of a Norfolk House." Portrait. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d. " A volume which is, to our minds, one of the most delightful ever published in English." — Spectator. " A capital book, abounding in true wisdom and humour. . . . Excellent and amusing." — Melbourne Argus. The Romance of a Shop. ^] t^l ^^t"'. r of "The New School of American Fiction," &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. The Paradox Club. Garkhtt. with Portrait or JNina Lindon. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. "Mr. Gamett's dialogue is often quite as good as his description, and in description he is singularly happy. The mystery of London streets by night is powerfully suggested, and the realistic force of his night-pieces is enhanced by the vague and Schumann-hke sentiment that pervades —Saturday Review. EuDhorion ' ^^^^^^^ Antique and the Mediaeval in the 1 * Renaissance. By Vernon Lee. Cheap Edition, in one volume. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. " It is the fruit, as every page testifies, of singularly wide reading and indepen- dent thought, and the style combines with much picturesqueness a certain largeness of volume, that reminds us more of our earlier WTiters than those of our own time." Contemporary Review, Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy. By Vernon Lee. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. "These studies show a wide range of knowledge of the subject, precise investi- gation, abundant power of illustration, and hearty enthusiasm. . . . The style of \\'riting is cultivated, neatly adjusted, and markedly clever." — Saturday Review, "Rplri^rn • Being Essays on Sundry -^sthetical Questions. By £)CiCill U . y^^^^^ L^g^ Author of " Euphorion," " Baldwin," &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. • ' This way of conve}'ing ideas is very fascinating, and has an effect of creating activity in the reader's mind which no other mode can equal. From first to last here is a continuous and delightful stimulation of thought." — Academy. Juvenilis, * ^ Second Series of Essays on Sundry ^sthetical Questions. By Vernon Lee. Two vols. Small crown 8vo., cloth, 12s. " To discuss it properly would require more space than a single number of ' The Academy' could afford. — Academy. ' ' Est agreable k lire et fait penser. " — Rez ue des deux Monies. 5 Polrlxx/in • Dialogues on Views and Aspirations. By Vernon Daiawm. Lee. Demy Svo., doth, 12s. " The dialogues are written with ... an intellectual courage which shrinks from no logical conclusion." — Scotsman. OtHlie • Eighteenth Century Idyl. By Vernon Lee. V^^LLlilC . Square 8vo., cloth extra, 3s. 6d. "A graceful little sketch. . . . Drawn with full insight into the period described. ' ' — Spectator. TTfie Plppf • River, Prison, and Marriages. By John J. lie X ICCL . ^gj^^Qj^^ Author of " Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne," &c. With 70 Drawings by the Author from Original Pictures. Demy 8vo., cloth elegant, 21s. Cheaper Edition, 7s. 6d. Romances of Chivalry : , ^{'"""fLl" J t ac-simile by JOHN AsHTON. Forty-six Illustrations. Demy 8vo., cloth elegant, gilt tops, l8s. "The result (of the reproduction of the wood blocks) is as creditable to his artistic, as the text is to his literary, ability." — Guardian. The Dawn of the Nineteenth Century in England : A Social Sketch of the Times. By John Ashton. Cheaper Edition, in one vol. Illustrated. Large crown 8vo., ICS. 6d. " The book is one continued source of pleasure and interest, and opens up a wide field for speculation and comment, and many of us will look upon it as an important contribution to contemporary history, not easily available to others than close students." — Antiquary. Legends and Popular Tales of the Basque People. By Mariana Monteiro. With Illustrations by Harold Copping. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, gilt edges, 6s. " In every respect this comely volume is a notable addition to the shelf devoted to folk-lore .... and the pictures in photogravure nobly interpret the text." — Critic. Hf^rnir T^cilf^Q Retold from Firdusi the Persian. By nClUi^ ± dlCb. ^^^^^ Zimmern. With Etchings by L. Alma Tadema. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth extra, 5s. " Charming'from beginning to end. . . . Miss Zimmern deserves all credit for her courage in attempting the task, and for her marvellous success in carrying it out." — Saturday Review. "DilrrfirvA Q r-,i-fr-i\xr ^7 CaRMEN SyLVA (The QueCll of nigrim borrow. R^„„^,„i,). Translated by Helek ZiMMERN. Portrait-etching by Lalauze. Square crown 8vo., cloth extra, 5s. " A strain of sadness runs through the dehcate thought and fancy of the Queen of Roumania. Her popularity as an author is already great in Germany, and this little work will win her a place in many English hearts." — Standard. The Poison Tree : i ^'^^ '• By B. Chandra Chatterjee. In- troduction by Sir Edwin Arnold, M.A., K. C.S.I. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. "This is a work of real genius. ... As a picture of the social life of the Hindus it cannot but be regarded as masterly." — British Quarterly Review, The Touchstone of Peril : t,'^''' "^V""^''" Mutiny. By Dudley Hardress Thomas. Second edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. " ' The Touchstone of Peril ' is the best Anglo-Indian novel that has appeared for some years." — Titnes of India. The Amazon: ^"/«,^%''v^y Carl Vosmaer Preface by Prof. Georg Ebers, and Frontispiece specially drawn by L. Alma Tadema, R.A. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. " It is a work full of deep, suggestive thought." — Academy. 'JpJ^^ "^J^CmDlc * Sacred Poems and Private Ejaculations. i 'By Mr. George Herbert. New and fourth edition, with Introductory Essay by J. Henry Shorthouse. Small crown, sheep, 5s. fac-sitnile reprint of the Original Edition of 1633. " This charming reprint has a fresh value added to it by the Introductory Essay of the Author of 'John Inglesant.'" — Academy. Songs, Ballads, and A Garden Play. By A. Mary F. Robinson, Author of" An Italian Garden." With Frontispiece of Diirer's " Melencolia." Small crown 8vo., half bound, vellum, 5s. " The romantic ballads have grace, movement, passion and strength. " — Spectator, "Marked by sweetness of melody and truth of colour." — Academy. An Italian Garden: a Book of Songs. ByA.MARv r.KoBiNsoN. reap. 8vo., parch- ment, 3s. 6d. "They are most of them exquisite in form."— Ptz// Mall Gazette. " Full of elegance and even tenderness." — Spectator. The Sentence: ^^^^ • ^X^'^I'^^a crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. " The working-out of this tragical theme is nothing less than masterly." Pall Mall Gazette, The Lazy Minstrel, ^^^^^i:^^ Popular Edition. Frontispiece by E. A. Abbey. Fcap. 8vo., cloth, 28. 6d. ' ' One of the lightest and brightest writers of vers de soci^t^." St. Javies's Gazette. The New Purgatory, other Poems. By EuzABEXH o y ' Rachel Chapman, Author of A Coratist Lover," &c. Square imperial i6mo., cloth, 4s. 6d. " There is not one of the poems that does not bear the sign manual of genius." Inqzdrer Introductory Studies in Greek Art. Delivered in the British Museum by Jane E. Harrison. With Illustrations. Square imperial i6mo., 7?. 6d. "The best work of its kind in English." — Oxford Magazine. Jewish Portraits. By Lady Magnus. with Frontispiece J by Harry turniss. Small crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. "We owe much gratitude to the author for a very delightful book." Manchester Examiner. Gladys Fane, wemyss Re.d. Fifth edition. J (Unvvms JNovel Series.) Small crown 8vo., 2S. " The author of the delightful monograph on ' Charlotte Bronte' has given us in this volume a story as beautiful as life and as sad as Standard. Mrs. Keith's Crime. ByMrs W K.NCDON Clifford (UnwinsNovt^ Series.) Second edition. Small crown 8vo., 2s. Concerning Oliver Knox. ,,,^>^. Colmore O (Unwin s Novel Series.) Small crown 8vo. , 2s. The End of the Middle A aes : O Uuestions in History. By A. Mary F. Robinson (Madame Darmesteter). Demy 8vo., cloth, los. 6d. A Series of Essays on chapters in French and Italian History — "The Claim of the House of Orleans," "Valentine Visconti," "The Convent of Helfta," "The Schism," " The French in Italy," "The Attraction of the Abyss," and other Studies. The Fe(ier3,list • ^ Commentary in the Form of Essays on the United States Constitution. By Alexander Hamilton, and others. Edited by Henry Cabot Lodge. Demy 8vo., Roxburgh binding, lOs. 6d. " The importance of the Essays can hardly be exaggerated. . . . They are undoubtedly a great work upon the general subject of poUtical federation ; and the education of no student of politics in our own countr}'- can be considered complete who has not mastered the treatise of Alexander Hamilton." — Glasgow Mail. The Government Year Book : ^/-f Methods of Government in Great Britain, her Colonies, and Foreign Countries, 1889. Crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. "Mr. Lewis Sergeant has most admirably performed his task.'' — Atlieneeutn. " The book fills a gap which has been frequently noticed by every poUtician, journalist, and economist." — Journal des Debats. The Making of the Great West, "i^XlH^ Adams Drake. One hundred and forty-five Illustrations. Large crown 8vo., 9s. The Making of New England, '580-.643. t5 0 ' By Samuel Adams Drake. Illustrated. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. " It is clearly and pleasantly written, and copiously illustrated." Pall Mall Budget. The Story of the Nations. Crown 8vo., Illustrated, and furnished with Maps and Indexes, each 5s. " L'interessanteseriel'Histoire des Nations formera . . . un cours d'histoire universelle d'une tr6s grande valeur." — Journal des Debuts. " The remarkable series." — New York Critic. " That usetul series." — The Tunes. "An admirable series." — Spectator. That excellent series.'' — Guardian. ' ' The series is likely to be found indispensable in every school library. " This valuable series." — Nonconformist. Pall Mall Gazette. " Admirable series of historical monographs." — Echo. Rome Arthur Oilman, M.A., Author of A History of the American People," &c. Third edition. "The author succeeds admirably in reproducing the 'Grandeur that was Rome.' " — Sydney Morning Herald. '^1^^ Tews Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern Times. J • By Prof J. K. HosMER. Second edition. " The book possesses much of the interest, the suggestiveness, and the charm of romance." — Saturday Review. Crermanv ^- Baring-Gould, Author of "Curious V • Myths of the Middle Ages," &c. Second edition. ' ' Mr. Baring-Gould tells his stirring tale with knowledge and perspicuity. He is a thorough master of his subject."— f^J5 rtVl (TP Pror. Alfred J. Church, Author of Stories Vxll LlldgC. .-^^^ Classics," &c. Second edition. " A masterly outline with vigorous touches in detail here and there." — Guardian. /^lexailUCr b ILIIipirC. ^^^^^^ "Social Life in Greece." Second edition. "A wonderful success." — Spectator. The Moors in Spain. % Stanley Lane-Poole, 1 Author of Studies in a Mosque." Second edition. ' ' The best, the fullest, the most accurate, and most readable history of the Moors in Spain for general readers." — St. James's Gazette. Ancient Egypt. ^jJ,'°^^. R-^^unson Author of oy r " The Five Great Monarchies of - the World." Second edition. "The story is told of the land, people and rulers, with vivid colouring and con- summate literary skill," — New York Critic. lO T-TnnCTJirv ^^of. Arminius Vamb^ry, Author of L xuiigdi y . Travels in Central Asia." Second edition. ' ' The volume which he has contributed to ' I'he Story of the Nations ' will be generally considered one of the most interesting and picturesque of that useful series. " — Times. The S3,r3,CenS * ^^^^ Earliest Times to the Fall of Bagdad. By Arthur Oilman, M.A., Author of Rome," &c. " Le livre de M. Oilman est destin6 k etre lu avidement par un grand nombre de gens pour lesquels I'^tude des nombreux ouvrages d€}k parus serait impossible." Journal des Debuts. Irel3,ncl Hon. Emily Lawless, Author of " Hurrish." Second edition. " We owe thanks to Miss Emily for this admirable volume, in some respects the very best of ' The Story of the Nations ' series as yet ipMhWshed.."— Nonconformist. Chaldea. By Z. A. Ragozin, Author of *' Assyria," &c. " One of the most interesting numbers of the series in which it appears." Scotsman. The Goths. By Henry Bradley. ' ' Seems to us to be as accurate as it is undoubtedly clear, strong, and simple ; and it will give to the reader an excellent idea of the varied fortunes of the two great branches of the Gothic nation. " — Thomas Hodgkin in The Academy. A QQVri^» • From the Rise of the Empire to the Fall of Nineveh, r^bb^ 1 Id . Zenaide a. Ragozin, Author of" Chaldea," &c. "Madame Ragozin has performed her task in it as admirably as she has done in her earlier volume on ' Chsddea. ' She has spared no pains in collecting the latest and best information on the subject. " — Extract from Letter from Prof. Sayce. XnrL-f^Tr ^7 Stanley Lane-Poole, Author of " Th§ Moors 1 UlJS.cy. Spain," &c. ' ' All the events of the strange and adventurous history are sketched in vigorous boldness of outline, and with fine force of style." — Scotsman. Holland. By Professor Thorold Rogers. " It was a happy thought to entrust the telling of the story of '.Holland ' to so great an industrial enthusiast as Prof. Thorold Rogers. "—Literary World. Mediaeval France. By GusTAVE Masson. Persia. By S. G. W. Benjamin. Phoenicia. By Canon Rawlinson. Life & Times of Girolamo Savonarola. By Pasquale Villari. Translated by Linda Villari. ^ Portraits and Illusts. Two vols. Demy 8vo., cloth, 32s. This new translation of Villari's "Savonarola" by Madame Villari contains much additional matter, and is fuller and completer than the last published Italian edition. The biography is illustrated with many portraits of famous men of the times. Francis Bacon (Lord Verulam) : r,2w"| his Life and Character, with Selections from his Writings. By B. G. LovEjOY, A.M., LL.B. Crown 8vo., half-bound cloth, gilt top, 6s. "Is, perhaps, the most readable and incisive sketch of Lord Bacon's career and character that has yet been written." — Christian Leader. Anne Gilchrist : 2" ^'^^ ^"""g'- Herbert Harlakenden Ctilchrist. Prefatory Notice by William Michael Rossetti. Second edition. Twelve Illustrations. Demy 8vo., cloth, 1 6s. " Here we find a kind, friendly, and humorous, if splenetic Carlyle ; a helpful zxA merry Mrs. Carlyle ; and a friendly and unaffected Dante Gabriel Rossetti. These characteristics, so unlike the Carlyle of the too copious memoirs, so unlike the Mrs. Carlyle, the femme incomprise, so unlike the Rossetti of myth, are extremely welcome." — Daily News (Leader). Charles Dickens as I knew Him : !^u'^ or the Reading Tours in Great Britain and America (1866- 1870). By George Dolby. New and cheaper edition. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d. " It will be welcome to all lovers of Dickens for Dickens' own sake." — Athenaum. Charles Whitehead : ^ Ponograph By H, T. Mackenzie Bell. Cheap and Popular edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. "Mr, Mackenzie Bell has done a good service in introducing to us a man of true genius, whose works have sunk into mysteriously swift and complete oblivion." Contemporary Review^ nip Rnll • ^ Memoir. By Sara C. Bull. With Ole Bull's V/IC DULL . u Violin Notes" and Dr. A. B. Crosby's "Anatomy of the Violinist." Portraits. Second edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, ys. 6d. " A fresh, delightful, and charming hoo]<.."— Graphic. Johannes Brahms : ^ Biographical sketch By Or J Herman Deiters. Translated, with additions, by Rosa Newmarch. Edited, with a Preface, by J. A. Fuller Maitland. Portrait. Small crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. "An original and excellent little^study of the composer, "—^a/wr^f ay Review. The Lives of Robert and Mary MofFat. By their Son, John Smith Moffat. Sixth edition. Portraits, Illustrations, and Maps. Crown 8vo., cloth, ys. 6d. ; Presentation Edition, full gilt elegant, bevelled boards, gilt edges, in box, los. 6d. ; Popular Edition, crown 8vo., 3s. 6d. " An inspiring record of calm, brave, wise work, and will find a place of value on the honoured shelf of missionary biography. The biographer has done his work with reverent care, and in a straightforward, unaffected style. " Contemporary Review. The German Emperor and Empress : The Late Frederick III. and Victoria. The Story of their Lives. (Being the Sixth and Popular Edition of "Two Royal Lives," 7s. 6d.) By Dorothea Roberts. Portraits. Crown 8vo., cloth, 2s. 6d. "A book sure to be popular in domestic circles." — The Graphic. Arminius Vamb 'ry : ^'-^^^ Af^'^w". J Written by Himself. With Portrait and Fourteen Illustrations. Fifth and Popular Edition. Square Imperial i6mo., cloth extra, 6s. " The work is written in a most captivating manner." — Novae Vreniya, Moscow. HenrV IrvinP* * England and America, 1838-1884. / o • By Frederic Daly. Vignette Portrait by Ad. Lalauze. Second Thousand. Crown 8vo., cloth extra, 5s. "A very interesting account of the career of the great actor." British Quarterly Review. The House and Its Builder, A Book for the Doubtful. By Dr. Samuel Cox. Small crown 8vo., paper, 2s. 6d. ; cloth, 3s. Fvr»r^cit-i'/-kr»o " By the same Author. First Series. Third XLXpOSlUOnS. Thousand. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. " We have said enough to show our high opinion of Dr. Cox's volume. It is indeed full of suggestion, ... A valuable volume." — TAe Spectator. FYnrkCiVirknc ^7 ^ame Author. Second Series. XLApUblUUllb. g^^^^^ Thousand. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. " Here, too, we have the clear exegetical insight, the lucid expository style, the chastened but effective eloquence, the high ethical standpoint, which secured for tho earlier series a well-nigh unanimous award of commendation." — Acadcviy. T?Yr»ricifionc " ^7 ^^^^ Author. Third Series. CApUblLlUHb. g^^^j^^ edition. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. "When we say that the volume possesses all the intellectual, moral, and spiritual characteristics which have won for its author so distinguished a place among the religious teachers of our time . . . what further recommendation can be^necessary ? " — Nonconformist. " Expositions." ''"""'^ r (completmg the Set). Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. ••The volume is one of the most interesting and valuable that we have received from Dr. Cox. It contains some of the strongest analytical character-sketching he has ever produced.''— G/aj^ow Mail. 14^ Prescnt-Day Questions in Theology and Religion. By the Rev. J. Guinness Rogers, B.A. Cloth, 35. 6d. Contents. — I. The "Down Grade" Controversy. — II. Congregationalism and its Critics. — III. Modern Thought. — IV. Broad Evangelicals. — V. Progressive Theology.— VI. Jesus the Christ.— VI 1. Creed and Con- duct.— VIII. Evangelical Preaching.— IX. The Church and the World.— X. Congregationalism of To-day. The Risen Chnst • ^'""S of Men. By the late XnC IVlbCIl OUllbL, J Baldwin Brown, M.A., Author of" The Home Life," &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, ys. 6d. " We have again felt in reading these nervous, spiritual, and eloquent sermons, how great a preacher has passed away." — Nonconformist. Christian Facts and Forces. ^^^^ ^T!^''^"*^ Smyth, Author of " The Reality of Faith." New edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. "An able and suggestive series of discourses." — Nonconformist. ' ' These sermons abound in noble and beautiful teaching clearly and eloquently expressed. ' ' — Christian. iration and the Bible : R"3,^^"7'go„o„^ M.A., formerly Fellow of New College, Oxford. Second and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d. ' ' The work displays much earnest thought, and a sincere belief in, and love of the Bible." — Morning Post, ' ' It will be found to be a good summary, written in no iconoclastic spirit, but with perfect candour and fairness, of some of the more important results of recent Biblical criticism.'' — Scotsman. Faint, yet Pursuing. ^Lh^/of^-How Jbe though Married." Sq. imp. i6mo., cloth, 6s. Cheaper Edition, 3s. 6d. ' ' One of the most practical and readable volumes of sermons ever published. They must have been eminently hea.ra.hle.''— British Weekly. The Meditations and Maxims of Koheleth. A Practical Exposition of the Book of Ecclesiastcs. By Rev. T. Campbell Finlayson. Crown 8vo., 6s. ' ' A thoughtful and practical commentary on a book of Holy Scripture which needs much spiritual wisdom for its exposition. . . . Sound and judicious handling." — Roek Inspi The Pharaohs of the Bondage and the Exodus. Lectures by Charles S. Robinson, D.D., LL.D. Second edition. Large crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. "Both lectures are conceived in a very earnest spirit, and are developed with much dignity and force. We have the greatest satisfaction in commending it to the attention of Biblical students and Christian ministers." — Literary World. A Short Introduction to the History of Ancient Israel. By the Rev. A. W. Oxford, M.A., Vicar of St. Luke's, Berwick Street, Soho, Editor of **The Berwick Hymnal," &c. Crown 8vo., cloth, 3s. 6d. " We can testify to the great amount of labour it represents." — Literary World. The Reality of Religion. j4""'Dii.y*o?''the Brick Church, N.Y. Second edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. ' ' An able and eloquent review of the considerations on which the writer rests his belief in Christianity, and an impassioned statement of the strength of this belief. Scotsman. The Reality of Faith. n^n'"f".'^T"A':f^''T' J D.D., Author of" Old Faiths in New Light." Fourth and cheaper edition. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. " They are fresh and beautiful expositions of those deep things, those foundation truths, which underlie Christian faith and spiritual life in their varied manifestations. " — Christian Age. A Layman's Study of the EngHsh Bible Considered in its Literary and Secular Aspects. By Francis BowEN, LL.D. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. " Most heartily do we recommend this little volume to the careful study, not only of those whose faith is not yet fixed and settled, but of those whose love for it and reliance on it grows with their growing years. " — Noficon/ormtst. The ParOUsia. ^ critical inquiry into the New Testament Doctrine of Our Lord's Second Coming. By the Rev. J. S. Russell, M.A. New and cheaper edition. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. "Critical, in the best sense of the word. Unhke many treatises on the subject this is a sober and reverent investigation, and abounds in a careful and instructive exegesis of every passage bearing upon it." — Nonconformist. i6 The Ethic of Freethoughf : fj' Lecwres.^'^By Karl Pearson, M.A., formerly Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Demy 8vo., cloth, 12s. ' ' Are characterised by much learning, much keen and forcible thinking, and a fearlessness of denunciation and exposition." — Scotstnan. Descartes and His School. l^J^:;, Third and Revised German Edition by J. P. Gordy, Ph.D. Edited by Noah Porter, D.D., LL.D. Demy 8vo., cloth, 1 6s. ' ' A valuable addition to the literature of Philosophy." — Scotsman. " No greater service could be done to English and American students than to give them a trustworthy rendering of Kuno Fischer's briUiant expositions." — Mind. ^nrratR^ • ^ Translation of the Apology, Crito, and Parts of OUClclLCJ> . pj^^^^ of Plato. i2mo., cloth, 3s. 6d. " The translation is dear and elegant." — Morning Post. A Day in Athens with Socrates : Translations from the Protagoras and the Republic of Plato. i2mo., cloth, 3s. 6d. "We can commend these volumes to the EngHsh reader, as giving him what he wants — the Socratic . . , philosophy at first hand, with a sufficiency of explana- tory and illustrative comment." — Pall Mall Gazette. Talks with Socrates about Life : J""^'«io"^ from the Gorgias and the Republic of Plato. i2mo., cloth, 3s. 6d. ' ' A real service is rendered to the general reader who has no Greek, and to whom the two ancient philosophers are only names, by the publication of these three inviting little volumes. . . . Every young man who is forming a library ought to add them to his collection." — Christian Leader. Natural Causation, Essay i„ Four Parts By c E. Plumptre, Author of General Sketch of the History of Pantheism," &c. Demy 8vo., cloth, 7s. 6d. ' ' While many will find in this volume much from which they will dissent, there is in it a great deal that is deserving of careful consideration, and a great deal that is calculated to stimulate thought." — Scotsman. Proverbs, Maxims, and Phrases of all Ages. Classified subjectively and arranged alphabetically. By Robert Christy. Two vols. Large crown 8vo., Roxburgh, gilt tops, 2 IS. €vc3d. Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail. By Theodore Roosevelt, Author of Hunting Trips of a Ranchman." Profusely Illustrated. Small 410., cloth elegant, 21s. The contents consist of the articles on Ranch Life in the Far West, which have been appearing in 77ie Century Magazine, combined with much additional matter which the author has prepared for the book, rounding it out (especially in the chapters on hunting) and making it complete as a record of the ranchman's life in the cattle country, and on the hunting trail. The illustrations are the work of a ranchman, and are true to life. Rides and Studies in the Canary Isles. By Charles Edwardes. With many Illustrations and Maps. Crown 8vo., cloth, los. 6d. Guatemala * Land of the Ouetzal. By William T. Brigham. Twenty-six full-page and Seventy- nine smaller Illustrations. Five Maps. Demy 8vo., cloth, j^i is. "A bock of laborious research, keen observation, and accurate information concerning a region about which previously scarcely anything was known. " Leeds Mercury. A Summer's Cruise in the Waters of Greece, Turkey, and Russia. By Alfred Colbeck. Frontis- piece. Crown 8vo., cloth, los. 6d. The Decline of British Prestige in the East. By Selim Faris, Editor of the Arabic "El-Jawa'ib" of Constantinople. Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. " A perusal of his book nuist do the English reader good." Asiatic Quarterly Review. Daily i8 T ifp in Tnrll'n By the Rev. W. J. Wilkins. Illus- i^ire in inaia. ^^^^^^^ q^^^^^ 8^^^^ cioth, 5s. "A very able book." — Guardian. Modern Hinrlnkm • An Account of the Religion and iViOaern ninaUlSm . ^ife of the Hindus in Northern India. By Rev. W. J. Wilkins. Demy 8vo., cloth, i6s. "A solid addition to our literature." — Westtn'nister Rcvieii>. "A valuable contribution to knowledge." — Scotsman. "A valuable contribution to the study of a very difficult subject."— M^zifmj il/azV. Central Asian Questions : ^^^Tt^ Asia. By Demetrius C. Boulger. With Portrait and Three Maps. Demy 8vo., cloth, i8s. "A mine of valuable information." — Times. _ {Mail. "A mine of information on all ' Central Asian Questions.'" — Allen s Indian "A very valuable contribution to our literature on subjects of vast and increasing interest.' — Collunis IMited Sej-vice Magazine. The Ralkjin Pen'n^nlfi ^^'"-^ Laveleye. ine I3aiKan ren.nSUia. Translated by Mrs. Thorpe. Edited and Revised for the English Public by the Author. Map. Demy Svo., cloth, i6s. "A lucid and impartial view of the situation in the East."— 5/. Jameses Gazette . 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