^ PRINCETON, N.J. ^
Purchased by the Hammill Missionary Fund.
jD I vision
Section
V. L
THE RISE OF
OUR EAST AERICAX EMPIRE
Volume II.
UGANDA
WITH CHAPTERS ON
ADMINISTRATION— PAST AND FUTURE— AND
SUGGESTIONS FOR DEALING WITH
THE COUNTRY
Digitized by
the Internet Archive
in 2015
https://archive.org/details/riseofoureastafr02luga_1
CAPTAIN \V. H. WILLIAMS, R.A.
From a photograph by J. Thoinsou, -joa Grosvf nor Street, London.
THE KISE
OP
OUR EAST AFRICAN EMPIRE
EARLY EFEORTS IN NYASALAND AND UGANDA
CAPTAIN F. D.- LUGARD, D.S.O.
Hon. F.R.G.S. ; Diplom. F.R.S.G.S.
WITH 130 ILLUSTRATIONS
FROM DRAWINGS AND PHOTOGRAPHS UNDER THE PERSONAL
SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE AUTHOR
ALSO U SPECIALLY PREPARED MAPS
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. 11.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
^klDCCCXCIlI
CHAP.
PAGE
XXIL
SKETCH OF EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA, AND POSITION
OF AFFAIRS ON ARRIVAL THERE,
1
XXIII.
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA, ....
33
XXIV.
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA, .....
61
XXV.
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA {conhnuecl) ,
91
XXVI.
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS, AND TOUR IN BUDDU, .
117
XXVII.
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE, .....
149
XXVIII.
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl'S, .....
183
XXIX.
KAVALLI'S TO FORT LORNE, .....
216
XXX.
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT, . . . ,
246
XXXI.
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA, .....
276
XXXII.
UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS SITUATION AT
END OF 1891, AND UP TO EVE OF THE AVAR,
297
XXXIII.
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA, .....
325
XXXIV.
SITUATION IN UGANDA DURING THE WAR,
360
XXXV.
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR,
388
XXXVI.
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH THE WA-FRANSA,
418
XXXVII.
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY, ....
447
XXXVIII.
MOHAMMEDANS REPATRIATED — - PEACE THROUGHOUT
UGANDA, .......
473
VI
CONTENTS.
XXXIX. CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION IN UGANDA MARCH TO
KIKUYU, ....... 504
XL. KIKUYU TO ENGLAND THE " UGANDA QUESTION," . 534
XLL RETENTION OF UGANDA, . . . . .563
XLIL ORIGIN OF THE " BRITISH SPHERE," AND METHODS OF
DEALING WITH IT, . . . . . 595
XLIII. ADMINISTRATION PAST AND FUTURE, . . . 634
APPENDIX.
APP.
II. LETTER FROM MGR. HIRTH TO CAPTAIN WILLI AINLS,
DATED 14th JULY 1891, ..... 6 60
III. ORDERS FOR ADMINISTRATION OF WITU, . 663
IV. NOTES ON THE SMALL PHYSICAL MAPS, . . . 665
INDEX,
669
ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE SECOND VOLUME.
FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS.
CAPTAIN W. H. WILLIAMS, R.A.,
IXTRODUCTION TO MWANGA, . - .
PRESEXTATION OF THE TREATY,
WAR IMMINENT AT MENGO,
BEATING THE ROYAL WAR-DRUMS,
THE UGANDA ARMY ON THE MARCH, .
THE BATTLE AGAINST THE MOHAMMEDANS,
THE FIGHT AGAINST DUKALA AT THE MOKIA RIVER,
PARADE OF SUDANESE REFUGEES AT KAVALLI,
SHOOTING A TOUGH OLD TUSKER,
CROSSING THE MPANGA RIVER, .
RECROSSING THE MPANGA RIVER,
WILLIAMS PATROLLING MENGO,
THE SUDANESE CHARGE UNDER WILLIAMS,
INSIDE THE FORT DURING THE FIGHT,
THE WA-FRANSA OUSTED FROM THE ISLAND,
KAMPALA AFTER THE WAR, . .
" SIC TRANSIT GLORIA MUNDI,"
THE RETURN OF THE KING,
THE NAMASOLE'S VISIT,
THE MOHAMMEDANS GIVE UP THEIR KING,
GOOD-BYE TO KAMPALA, .-
CAMP ON MAU, ....
VIEWS OP SCENERY ON MAU, . .
AFRICAN SCENERY,
Frontispiece
To face page 24
34
80
110
120
132
184
218
222
246
260
308
344
346
354
398
412
418
470
494
522
560
592
608
vni
ILLUSTRATIONS.
JLLUSTEATIOXS IX THE TEXT.
PAGE
MWAXGA, KABAKA (KIXG) OF UGANDA, .... 24
OUR CAMP OX KAMPALA, ...... 28
F. DE WIXTOX, . . . . . . . .37
A XIGHT ATTACK EXPECTED, . . . . . .43
W. GRAXT, ........ 63
COXFEREXCE WITH MWAXGA BY XIGHT, .... 79
A UGANDA RIVER-SWAMP, . . . . . .91
TYPES OF KAMPALA SOLDIERS, ..... 106
FACSIMILE OF A LETTER FROM EMIN, . . . .122
ISLAM CAMP, WITH SUDAXESE PARTY, . . . . .130
A VIEW OF LAKE VICTORIA, . . . . . .145
A SCARE OF THE XATIVES AT KICHWAMBA, . . . .164
RUWEXZORI BY SUXSET, ...... 181
THE CAMP BY XIGHT AT RUWEXZORI, . . . . .189
ATTACKED OX THE SEMLIKI, . . . ... . 196
EMIX PASHA, ........ 207
A STEEP CLIMB, ....... 216
IRETI PUT TO FLIGHT, ....... 229
PASSAGE OF THE MUXOBO RIVER, ..... 241
AX AFRICAX SHAURI, ....... 269
A HUXGRY HYEXA, . . . . . . .275
" SEDJAXKURU " (tHE GIAXT) OX GUARD, .... 279
mwaxga's flag, . . . . . . .299
"ultima causa belli," ...... 329
the frexch missiox after the war, .... 345
the wa-fraxsa pillage mwaml's, ..... 353
bagge escapes from sess^ islaxds, .... 373
MALIA, ......... 376
WILLIAMS LAXDIXG AT SESSJ^, ..... 394
DE WIXTON's grave, ....... 445
mwaxga's guitar, ....... 446
THE FREXCH MISSIOX (FORT). (SKETCHED IMMEDIATELY AFTER
THE war), ........
THE MEETIXG OF THE RIVAL SULTAXS, .... 499
THE ROYAL DRUM OF UGAXDA, ..... 509
ILLUSTRATIONS.
IX
A CAMr IN USOGA, . . . . . . . 525
A WELL-MERITED CASTIGATION, . . . . . 527
DEATH OF A LIONESS, ....... 530
THE MID-DAY HALT, ....... 542
ABANDONED, ........ 544
WATERFALL AND FOREST SCENERY ON MAU, .... 563
TYPE OF NATIVE, ....... 594
A SOMALI, ........ 633
COLOURED MAPS.
THE ENVIRONS OF MENGO, ...... 4
UGANDA AND NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES (KITARA), LARGELY BASED
UPON THE EXPLORATIONS OF CAPTAIN F. D. LUGARD, . . 118
MEAN ANNUAL TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL, . . . 665
GEOLOGICAL AND FORESTS, ...... 666
TRIBAL AND COMMERCIAL, ...... 667
MAPS IN TEXT.
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE NEW TERRITORIAL DIVISION OF UGANDA, . 554
FRENCH AND BELGIAN STATIONS TOWARDS THE NILE VALLEY ; AND
THE ROUTE OF VAN KERCKHOVEN's EXPEDITION, . . 569
TloWa fXiu ovv eycoy' eAaxToC/xai . . . on (fivcrei -Kuaiv dvOpwirois virdp^ft
tSov /nev \oi5opLwu Kal twu KaTTryopLwu aKovnv ijBeccs, to7s S' €Traivov(Tiv
avrovs ^%0e(r0ai . . . kolv fxev . . . evXa^ovfxeuos tovto fxr} Xeyoo to.
■weirpa-yix^va €/j.avTcv, ovic ex^'" airoKvcraaQai ra KurrjyoprjiiLeva So^co . . .
iav 5' €(p'' a Kal Tre-rrolrjica Kal ivewoXiTevjxai ^aS'i^cCj TroAAa/cts Ae-yetj/ auajKaa-
9r]aofj.aL Trepl e/xavrov. — DemostHEXES, irepi arecpavov, ,3'.
I am at a disadvantage in many ways. It is human nature that
we all listen gladly when any one is abused or accused, but are
impatient of any one praising himself. If to avoid this I refrain
from speaking of what I have done, I shall seem to be unable to
rebut the accusations ; but if I enter upon an account of my actions
and policy, I shall be compelled to speak repeatedly about myself.
— Demosthenes, Be Corona.
THE EISE OF
OUK EAST AFRICAN EMPIEE.
CHAPTEE XXIL
SKETCH OF EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA, AND POSITION
OF AFFAIRS ON ARRIVAL THERE.
Discovery of Uganda by Speke and Grant — Gordon's dealings with Uganda
—English missions arrive — White Fathers — Mtesa — Character — Death
— Mwanga — Religious persecutions^ — Mwanga deposed — Mohammedans
in power — Christians victorious — ISIwanga restored — Religious feuds —
Peters' arrival — Jackson's arrival — Departure — State of affairs — My
instructions — Personal views — I arrive at Mengo — King's haraza —
Promulgate treaty — Gedge's position in Uganda — Leaves for south of
the lake — Stuhlmann — War imminent.
It was in 1858 that the travellers Burton and Speke,
starting from Zanzibar, first made Europe acquainted
with the existence of that vast inland sea, the Victoria
Lake, of which Kebmann and Ernhardt had already
heard native reports. Four years later Speke and
Grant, passing round the western shore, reached
Uganda ; and they found here, if I may employ the
paradox, a singular, barbaric civilisation. Combined
with the most barbarous usages and the grossest super-
stition were many of those advances in the scale of
VOL. II. A
2
EARLY HISTOKY OF UGANDA.
humanity which we are wont to accept as indications
of civihsation. There was an ap23eal to law, and cases
were decided after a formal hearing. The administra-
tion was vested in the king, — an absolute despot, — and
from him downwards there existed a regular chain of
delegated power and control. Well-made roads, kept
constantly in repair, intersected the country in all
directions. Rough bridges were constructed across
river swamps. An army was maintained, and also a
fleet of canoes on the waters of the lake. The arts of
building, smith-work, &c., were very far in advance of
anything to be found between Uganda and the coast.
The ideas of decency, the use of clothing, and the
planting of trees, were indications of long years of
development, of which the intricate customs and
etiquettes surrounding the Court were an additional
proof
Speke traces the earliest developments of this civili-
sation to Unyoro and its shepherd kings, descendants
of a nomadic, pastoral race — the Wahuma — whom he
supposes to be an offshoot from the Abyssinians or
Gallas. Uganda and the countries lying along the
lake shore, being the richest province of this Wahuma
empire — called Kitara — had to bring large quantities
of produce to Unyoro for the king's use, and their in-
habitants were looked on as slaves. The legend relates
that a hunter named Uganda headed a revolt, and was
proclaimed king under the name of Kimera.^ Mtesa
was the seventh of the dynasty, according to Speke,
which shows it to be of some little antiquity.- Speke
was enthusiastic about the fertility of Uganda, and
the development of its people as compared with
the savage tribes of Africa. The next European to
1 Speke's Journal, p. 252. Others make Kintu the founder.
'•^ Wilson says 32d of dynasty. Uganda, and the Egyptian Sudan, by
Wilson and Felkin, vol. i. p. 197.
ENGLISH MISSIONS ARRIYE.
3
visit the country was Colonel Chaille Long, who was
sent by Gordon in the summer of 1874. Stanley fol-
lowed in 1875, and simultaneously Linant arrived in
the country.^ In 1876 Gordon sent Emin with a party
of soldiers to Mtesa's capital. They were for some time
quartered there, and Gordon had views of annexing
Uganda to the Egyptian Sudan. In August, however,
he proposed a treaty to Mtesa recognising his indepen-
dence,^ and in September he finally closed all relations
with Uganda and withdrew his troops.'^
Stanley was even louder in his praises of Uganda
than Speke had been, and described it as the " Pearl
of Africa." In consequence of his appeal on behalf of
the people, a fund was started, and missionaries were
despatched to Uganda. These arrived in June 1877,
travelling by the same route as Speke — through what
is now German territory — to the south of the lake.
Her Majesty's Government distinctly authorised the
despatch of this mission, and a letter to Mtesa from
the Minister for Foreign Affairs was given to the party.
The letter stated that the missionaries were not agents
of the Government, but had its friendly support.
Shortly afterwards a second batch started, and entered
Uganda from the north, having travelled from Egypt
via the Nile ; they also had an official letter from the
Foreign Office. Later the Consul at Zanzibar wrote
to Mtesa (November 1879), to confirm the fact that
these letters — noting especially Lord Salisbury's of
May 1878 — emanated from the Government. Mtesa
then sent envoys to the Queen, who received them in
private audience. They returned with presents from
England, being escorted by the missionaries both going
and returning.
It was a somewhat hazardous proceeding to establish
a mission so far from all support in the very heart of
1 Gordon in Central Africa, p. 106. 2 i^id., p. 183, ^ Ibid., p. 192.
4
EAELY HISTORY OF UGAXDA.
Africa ; and the missionaries state ^ that these letters
from Government, though doubtless not written with
any such intention, identified them in the eyes of
Mtesa with the prestige of the British, and they were
looked ujjon as having been sent by Government. The
Consul at Zanzibar (Sir John Kirk), however, wrote
pointing out the true significance of the letters, and
repudiating any such interpretation. But these facts,
which are emphasised by Mr Ashe,^ show that great
encouragement was afforded by the Government at the
initiation of the mission, which those who maintain
that the Government is in no way responsible for the
lives of the missionaries should not lose sio-ht of
Some two years later — February 1879 — the French
(R. Catholic) Algerian Mission despatched a party of
"White Fathers" to begin mission-work in Uganda.
The relioious differences between these two conflict-
ing creeds, which marked the very inauguration of
the B. Catholic mission,'^ much puzzled and confused
Mtesa, since both alike called themselves " Christians."
The Arabs from the coast had already settled in
Uganda, and brought with them the religion of Islam.
In the time of Speke they had only one small settle-
ment in the south of Buddu.
Mtesa showed o-reat toleration to all creeds, thouMi
at one time he had leaned to Mohammedanism, and had
ordered all Uganda to embrace that creed. Shortly
after, however, as the followers of Islam refused to
eat the kino-'s meat because it was not killed in the
orthodox way according to the Koran, he ordered the
massacre of all Mohammedans, and thus dealt a very
severe blow to the progress of that creed. Mtesa was
a cruel tyrant, and during his reign the land ran with
blood ; but though instant execution was the pun-
1 Two Kings of Uganda, Aslie, p. 118 et seq.
- Ibid., p. 119. 3 Mackay's Letters.
EELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS.
5
ishment meted out for the most trivial offences, and
holocausts of victims were slaughtered upon occasion,
he does not appear to have delighted in massacre from
mere wanton pleasure in cruelty. Mtesa died in the
autumn of 1884, and Mwanga, then about eighteen
years old, succeeded him — being selected from among
Mtesa's sons on account of his j^ersonal likeness to the
late king, since in Uganda paternity is often difficult
to prove. At this time the three religions had made
great progress, and their disintegrating influences on
the old customs began to be more and more apparent.
This was especially the case with regard to the Chris-
tians, who no longer regarded the king as divine, nor
his acts, however gross or cruel, as having a divine
sanction. They owned a Higher allegiance, though
they remained obedient subjects, and distinguished
themselves by bravery in war. Such an attitude was,
of course, intolerable to a cruel despot like Mwanga,
Avho revelled in the exercise of the grossest cruelties
and in the o-pen practice of obscene orgies. Moreover,
the Arabs, who were op230sed to the Europeans not only
on religious grounds but also as possible rivals in trade,
and because of their known antipathy to the slave-trade,
jDoisoned the king's ears against the Christians and
their teachers. There was still a further reason for
suspicion and fear of the white men. Previous to this,
the aggression of Egypt under Gordon in the Sudan
had not been limited (as I have shown) to the
Equatorial Province. The Egyj^tian flag had been
hoisted at Mruli and Fauvera in Unyoro, only just
beyond the borders of Uganda, and Gordon's envoys
— Colonel Long and Emin — and his troops had pene-
trated to Mtesa's capital.^ The Arabs also told of the
doings of the Belgians on the Congo. At a later period
reports reached Mwanga of German annexations in
1 Gordon in Africa, p. 182.
6
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
Usagara on the East Coast. Last, and most disturb-
ing of all, was the news of Mr Thomson's arrival near
Usoga in the East — the route from the coast by
which native tradition said that the conquerors of
Uganda would come.^
Mwanga had succeeded his father in November 1884.
Early in 1885 he determined to stamj^ out those dan-
gerous religions, Mohammedan and Christian alike,
which were disintegrating his country. The mission-
aries, Mackay and Ashe, were seized, and their followers
persecuted. But the religion S23read the more. A plot
to depose Mwanga was discovered and crushed. With
varying fortunes — sometimes treated leniently, some-
times the victims of violent persecution — the mission-
aries held their own till the autumn of 1885. Then
came news of Bishop Hannington's approach. Mackay
and Ashe assured the king in the strongest terms that
he had no intention of entering Usoga, or of coming
by that road which w^as vetoed by the tradition of
Uganda ; but that his intention was to come only as
far as the eastern shores of the lake, and thence to
cross to Uganda by water. A boat was sent to take
him from Kavirondo to the south of the lake, that he
might arrive by the usual route. But the bishop had
changed his plans, and though Mackay had assured
the king he would not enter Usoga, news was sud-
denly received that he was at Luba's on the Nile,
on the very threshold of Uganda. A more inoj^por-
tune moment could not have been selected, both on
account of the persecution then taking place in the
country, and on account of the disturbing news from
various quarters concerning the aggression of the
Europeans, to Avhich I have alluded. Mwanga ordered
him to be killed, and he and all his men were mur-
dered in cold blood, October 1885.
1 Vide Life of Mackay, pp. 262, 413.
RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS.
7
Dastardly as this murder was, it must be admitted
that Mwanga looked on Hannington's arrival as the
precursor of war ; and it was most unfortunate that
the bishop should have adopted the route via Usoga.
After this the position of the Europeans was very
precarious, but not till the following May (1886) did
the storm burst. Mwanga then threw aside all re-
straint, and butchered the Christian converts whole-
sale. On one occasion as many as thirty -two were
burnt on one pyre ; but in spite of martyrdom by
torture and burning, the religion grew, and converts
came to be baptised, though they knew that the pro-
fession of the Christian faith might cost them their
lives on the morrow. Those who fell victims to the
king's bloodthirstiness died with the praises of God on
their lips, and met their death fearlessly. The heroism
inspired by religion in the early history of our own
Church was repeated here in the heart of Africa, and
the story caused a strong feeling of admiration and sym-
pathy among those who heard it in England. Men asked
what kind of people were these who would thus brave
death for their belief, and ceased to scofP at the reality
of conversions which could stand so terrible a test.
The missionaries themselves were in a most pre-
carious position, and at one time Mackay's death
was even planned by the king. There were at
this time eight Europeans in Uganda, for in June
Junker arrived, and was allowed to proceed on his
way. Two of the French Fathers accompanied him.
In August, Mackay and Ashe determined to leave the
country, but the king would only permit the latter to
go, and retained Mackay. For a year this brave mis-
sionary was alone in Uganda, during which time a
desultory persecution and massacre of Christians was
continued. In July of the following year (1887)
Mackay left, and went to the south of the lake. He
8
EARLY HISTORY OF UGAXDA.
was immediatelY succeeded by the Rev. E. C. Gordon,
who was shortly afterwards jomed bv the Rev. R. H.
Walker.
In the folio wmg year (1888), after another long
spell of desultory persecution, the fiend in Mwanga
again prompted him to a master-stroke of butchery.
He assembled the whole of the Christian and Moham-
medan converts on some 23retence, and planned to
take them across to an island in the lake, and there
leave them to perish. The plot leaked out : the
would-be victims refused to obey the command, and
marched on the caj)ital. Mwanga fled, and was allowed
to escape unhurt (Sept. 1888). He was deserted by
all his following excejDt the occupants of his own
canoe — some thirty persons. He took refuge on an
island at the south of the lake. Meanwhile his brother
Kiwewa was made king, and the Christians, being
the more numerous, assumed most of the offices, — the
Mohammedans had the rest. The latter were jealous
of the Christians, and, concealing their arms, suddenly
took their rivals unawares, and treacherously murdered
many of the chiefs. The Christians, j^^nic-stricken,
fled the country, and took refuge in Ankoli (Oct.
1888). Again the lives of the Europeans — six in num-
ber— were in great danger ; but, after a period of sus-
pense, they were jolaced in a boat (which shortly after-
wards capsized) on the lake, and were thus expelled
the country and their goods looted.
The Arabs were now masters of the situation, and
tried to make Kiwewa conform to the Islam creed.
He resented this, and killed two of the Mohammedan
chiefs with his own hand ; but failing to kill the
Katikiro (chief minister), he lost courage and fled.
Karema, another brother, was now made king, and the
Mohammedans were suj)reme,^ — while Kiwewa retreated
to Singo and South Unyoro, and died shortly after.
MWANGA RESTORED.
9
MeaiiAvhile the exiled Europeans had found their way
to the south of the lake. Mwanga was practically a
prisoner in the hands of an Arab in the district of
Magu, but later on escaped to Bukumbi, the French
mission-station at the south of the lake. The Christians
had collected in Ankoli, where they were welcomed
and most hospitably treated by the king, Ntali.
In May 1889 they sent messages to Mwanga offering
to reinstate him on the throne under certain conditions.
These he accepted, and was brought up by Mr Stokes
(a trader, and formerly a mission-agent) in his boat. The
heathen peasantry had been so cruelly treated by the
Mohammedan party that those on the great island of
Sesse declared for Mwanga, who thus obtained control
of all the canoes on the lake. The Christians, however,
were defeated, and some again fled to Ankoli ; others
joined Mwanga on the island of Bulingugwe, close to
the shore of the lake opposite the capital. Stokes went
south to procure arms and ammunition. Mwanga,
hearing that a caravan of the British Compan}^ had
arrived, under Mr Jackson, in Kavirondo on the east
of the lake, wrote letters imploring his aid (June 1889) ;
but Mr Jackson did not receive them till his arrival
there in November.
Already, even in these straits, the two parties of
Christians could not ai^oid quarrelling, and they sent
messages asking the Europeans to join them and keep
the peace between them. Messrs Gordon and Walker
went at once, and, with Stokes and Pere Lourdel, joined
the king in the islands (Sept. 1889). The main body
of the Christians was, however, in Ankoli. They now
again advanced by land, and overcame all opposition
till they met the Mohammedan force near the capital.
The battle was indecisive, and both sides temporarily
retired. The Christians, according to Mr Gordon,^
1 Letter to Consul, Oct. 25th, 1889.
10
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
had barelv 2000 o'uns (Mackav says 1000), but as
the peasantry were on their side, they had a very
great mass of spearmen. The Mohammedans had many
more guns, perhaps double the number jDOSsessed by
the Christians, but fewer spearmen. Another battle
was fought on Oct. 4th, 1889, and the Christians were
completely victorious. By all accounts they showed
very great gallantry, and won against heavy odds.
They followed up their victory, drove the Moham-
medans out of the capital, and pursued them for two
days. Most of the Arabs were killed, and Karema
the king and his party fled to the borders of Unyoro,
and established themselves there. Mackav savs that
Karema was offered an asylum in Toru.^ The two
Christian factions divided the country and all the
offices of the State between them, entu-ely excluding
the heathen chiefs.
Mwano'a was now restored amid acclamations, and
the whole countr}" declared for him. The Euroj^eans
returned, and settled again at the capital. Mr AYalker-
thus sums up the position at this time : —
" There were three separate interests among the Europeans : (1)
the English missionaries, who were anxious to see the British
power in the country, so as to ensure peace, and to put an end to
the ceaseless war and carnage ; (2) the French Fathers, as repre-
sented by Pere Lourdel, who had an exclusiye influence with the
king, and discouraged the adyent of all Europeans, preferring
rather that arms should be imported for the natiyes; (3) Mr
Stokes, who wished to obtain a paramount influence, so as to
ofifer terms to any Europeans who came to Uganda. He repre-
sented himself as the Consul's agent ; promised British assist-
ance; got 120-130 fmsilalis^ of iyory (£2400), and expected
1000 more frasilalis (£20,000) for the assistance he had giyen.
The Mohammedans were for the moment oyerpowered, but neither
was their strength nor their spirit broken."
1 Mackay, letter of Jan. 1st, 1890. Letter of Oct. 21st, 1889.
2 Xfrasilah equals 35 lb.
peters' aruival.
11
The two Christian factions became daily more bitter
and more jealous of each other, and were called the
Wa-Ingleza and Wa-Fransa, or English and French.
Mwanga espoused the " French " side, and was mainly
guided by Pere Lourdel. He himself was, however,
anxious for Europeans to come and live in Uganda,
thinking that they would help him if attacked, and
that their prestige would keep him on his throne. In
November the Mohammedans again defeated the
Christians, who fled to the islands, but in the follow-
ing February they were in turn attacked and driven
out.i
Very shortly after this, at the end of February, Dr
Carl Peters arrived in Uganda via Usoga. He was in
command of the German " Emin Pelief Expedition," but
hearing, in Usoga, that Emin was already rescued, he
came to Uganda, at the request of Mwanga and Pere
Lourdel. Mr Jackson, with the Company's Expedition,
had arrived at Kavirondo, on the east coast of the lake,
on Nov. 7th, 1889. He had left the coast before Dr
Peters, and, of course, long before Mr Stanley's return.
Indeed the main object of his expedition had been to
try and get news of Stanley. His instructions were
to make treaties with the native chiefs on behalf of
the Company, and to endeavour to procure as much
ivory as possible to pay the expenses of his cara-
van. He had, moreover, been told that he was not
to go to Uganda. He had some 500 men, armed
with Sniders ; but (as he says in his report) there
was absolutely no disci23line in his caravan. He
found, on his arrival, the letters from Mwanga, dated
June 7th, which have already been alluded to, and
which were written at the time when the Mohamme-
dans held the capital, and the Christians were fugi-
tives in Ankoli, but had possession of the islands
^ Notes on Uganda, Roman Catholic Union, p. 14.
12
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
and canoes. He heard verbal news, however, of a
later date, giving the account of the victory of Oct.
4tli, which had made the Christians supreme for the
moment, though, as we have seen, thev were again
defeated and ousted in November — at the very time of
his arrival in Kavirondo.
He repHed to the letters (Nov. 8th, 1889), specifying
his instructions, and quoting the strength of his expe-
dition. He added, however, that he would come if
help was urgently needed, if the missionaries would
guarantee that all expenses would be defrayed, and if
the king would agree to place his country under the
protection of the Company. He said that he would
wait one month for a reply, and that he did not come
at once because he had heard that since the letters
were written the Christians had ousted the Moham-
medans, and the missionaries were safe. In reply, Mr
Jackson on Dec. 6th received a letter (dated Nov. 25th)
imploring him to come, and saying that the Christians
had suffered a reverse, and were probably about to take
refuge in the islands. In this letter Mwanga made
some vague statements about being " ready to do busi-
ness," and Jackson inferred that no definite and clear
promise was made regarding a treaty, owing to the
adverse influence of Pere Lourdel.
A subsequent letter, however, from Pere Lourdel
himself (dated Dec. 1st), confirmed the news that the
Christians had been ao^ain driven out of Uo'anda, and
in the king's name imjDlored the assistance of the
British, offering a monopoly of trade, the acceptance
of the British flag and protection, and a payment of
100 frasilahs of ivory (£2000), and free rations for
the expedition. This letter, ajDparently, did not arrive
till after Mr Jackson had marched north. The native
left in charge in Kavirondo of course placed everything
before Dr Peters on his arrival, Avho calmly proceeded
Jackson's arrival.
13
to open all correspondence, and to utilise the informa-
tion thus acquired ; and these letters, so obtained, he
has since published.^
Mr Jackson replied to the letter of Nov. 25th that
its terms were ambiguous ; — that the Christians
and Europeans were not in actual danger, since
thej had a safe place of refuge in the islands ; — that
there appeared small chance of recouping expenses ; —
and as he could in no case stay on in Uganda, and
judged that the Mahdists would probably join the
Mohammedans (an idea apparently first put forward
by Mackay), his 400 rifles would be of no permanent
use. He doubted, moreover, if his Swahilis would fight
against the Arabs. He sent, however, letters to be
forwarded to the coast, and a flag " as a guarantee of
the Company's assistance." He left on Dec. 10th, and
marched north to Ngoboto, to procure ivory and shoot
elephants. His intentions there being frustrated from
lack of food or guides, and some of his men having been
murdered, he returned to Kavirondo on March 4th.
He now found that Dr Peters had passed through
on his way to Uganda ; and hearing that Mwanga
had accepted the flag he had sent him, and that the
Christians were again in the ascendant, he at once
started for Uganda, to endeavour to frustrate any mis-
chief Peters might do. On the way 100 of his men
mutinied, and went back to Kavirondo. Later, hav-
ing obtained news of a plan for a still more general
mutiny, he secured their arms. He made friends with
Wakoli of Usoga e7i route, and sent an expedition
against his enemy Kivandi. On April 14th, 1890, he
arrived in Mengo. The king had meanwhile made
a loose treaty with Dr Peters, by which Uganda was
to be free to the commerce of all nations, and to
" accept the decrees of the Berlin Treaty." Peters,
1 New Light on Dark Africa, Peters, p. 318.
14
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
however, appears to have become unpopular in Uganda,
and his party having created some ill-feehng, he left
for the south of the lake.
Mwanga appeared disappointed at the small number
of arms brought by Mr Jackson, and at the appearance
his men presented — in contrast to the scarlet-and-gold
lace of Dr Peters' escort. Jackson proposed a treaty,
by which the customs and taxes should accrue to the
Company (or they should have control of them), in
return for which they would put the country " in a
good defensible state," and garrison it with troops, and
open a good road to the coast. This treaty does not ap-
pear ever to have been drawn up in writing. Mwanga
demurred, and Mr Jackson states that he was ap-
parently a mere puppet in the hands of Pere Lourdel,
who was constantly with him, and appeared unwill-
ing that Uganda should come under the Company's
protection, though all agreed that protection was
necessary. The P. Catholic Fathers, Jackson states,
wanted Uganda to be thrown open to all nationalities,
and arms introduced, by which the people might
defend themselves ; " forgetting, apparently, that the
result of the introduction of firearms is usually to
encourao'e natives to fio4it amono- themselves.
The Fathers demanded to know from Mr Jackson
what position thei/ would hold in the country if the
Company were paramount. I gather from this — but
possibly the inference is incorrect — that, being at
present sole advisers to the king, they would not be
content with the position of simj^le missionaries. For
Mr Jackson, in his report, says that, when replying to
the French Fathers' queries, he did not think it advis-
able to say that the king must be guided by the
Company's agent. The result of these negotiations was
that the Wa-Ingleza (or Protestant) party entirely
agreed with Mr Jackson's proposals, while the Wa-
Jackson's departure.
15
Fransa (or R. Catholics) insisted that the customs
should be the right of the king. Mr Jackson was
obdurate, and finally decided to return to the coast,
arranging that his colleague, Mr Gedge, should remain
to represent the Company with some thirty-five men,
and all the available rifles (about 180) which Jackson
could spare. These rifles he was to lend to the
Waganda, to fight against the Mohammedans if nec-
essary. A force would be sent up, and on its arrival
a treaty should be signed.
To this the Fransa party demurred. The Wa-
Ingleza then decided to leave the country w^th Mr
Jackson, and six days were given them to prepare.
On this the other faction also began to prepare for de-
parture, being unable to withstand the Mohammedans
alone. Finally, it seems to have been decided that Mr
Jackson should take a representative of each faction
with him, to ascertain whether Uganda was to be French
or English, and to state their case to the higher au-
thorities. Messrs Gordon and Gedo^e demurred to this
course, which w^as, however, finally adopted. A com-
fortable house was built for Mr Gedge in a plantation
assigned by the king, and on May 14th Mr Jackson left,
his caravan being in great straits for food. The day
before his departure, Pere Lourdel, whom he had
accounted his inveterate opponent, died.
Jackson states that it was supposed that there was
a considerable amount of ivory buried in Uganda, most
of which belonged to the Fransa party. This ivory
was only to be disposed of for arms and powder, and
he believed that if the Wa- Fransa acquired these
arms they would attack their rivals. Gedge had
instructions to retire to Usoga with the Wa-Ingleza,
rather than allow the Christians to come to blows.
He adds it as his opinion that 500 drilled and disci-
plined soldiers and 16 Europeans were required to hold
16
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
the country, and Gedge was instructed to buy off
Stokes sooner than allow him to sell arms in Uo-anda.
By September 1890 Jackson had reached the Ki-
bwezi ; our expedition was meanwhile traYelling up bY
the Sabakhi. and as he took the Taru route, we missed
each other. A copy of his report was, however, sent
to me later, together with my orders to go to Uganda,
and I had now an opportunity of reading carefully
throuo'h his account of recent occurrences.
The position in Uganda was thus described in my
'' Instructions'' from Sir F. De Winton, Administrator-
General : —
" 4. The situation as regards Uganda is as follows : Mwanga
has very little real authority ; the two parties — Protestant and
E. Catholic — are only kept from fighting each other by want
of ammunition and by fear of the Mohammedan party, who are
still on the borders. Mwanga's hope is Stokes, who has prom-
ised to bring him large quantities of ammunition, powder,
and breech - loading cartridges. 'With these Mwanga, it is
believed, is going to arm the E. Catholics, and drive the Pro-
testants out. He does not wish to make any treaties. I think
this programme is the offspring of Pere Tourdel, who had great
influence over ^Iwanga ; but from what Jackson says, Mwanga
is utterly unreliable and cares only for himself."
I was directed to offer to Mwano-a oaiarantees of
peace in his kingdom." and to impress him with a
sense of the power of the Company," and " exercise
a steady pressure upon him." with a view to securing
'•a control of all White atlairs in the country." While
exercising the strictest impartiality towards both fac-
tions, and assuring all of religious freedom and tolera-
tion, I was to consolidate the Protestant party " if the
others proved intractable.
Such were the data and instructions upon which
I had to act. They presented to my mind the follow-
ino' conclusions : —
PERSONAL VIEWS.
17
1. That Mwanga was an irresolute and cowardly
tyrant, who had exercised such cruelty and despotism
as had caused his people of all persuasions to oust
him from his throne ; and that now, by means of
intrigue and cunning, he was endeavouring to acquire
an ascendancy and power similar to that which he
had forfeited. Mr Jackson had narrated how he had
been catechised as to the number of guns he possessed ;
and Mwanga's sole object in dealing with Europeans
appeared to consist in a hope that, by playing them
off against each other, he would be able to secure
presents of arms from both factions, and temporary
assistance against his enemies, while he refrained from
giving any equivalent. He appeared to be wholly in
the hands of the French Fathers, whose counsels, from
Mr Jackson's story, would appear to be hostile to the
objects which I had been sent to achieve.
2. I was emphatically told that the two Christian
factions were animated by the most deadly hatred of
each other, and that war had been imminent between
them for some time. The prevalent idea appeared to
be that fighting was only being postponed in con-
sequence of the pressing danger from the Moham-
medans. The solution which had been accepted was
that, in case of an outbreak, the " English " party
should abandon the country, and retire under Mr
Gedge to Usoga. This, however, being a populous
country, intensely hostile to Uganda (though in sub-
jection to it), the influx of several thousand Waganda
would undoubtedly be the signal for war, and the peo-
ple of the country must be dispossessed and driven
out or killed, to make room for the "Protestant"
chiefs and their great following.
While on this subject, I may here state my own
opinion on such a course. Deplorable as a war be-
tween nominally Christian factions would be, and great
VOL. II. B
18
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
as would be the responsibility which the representative
of British authority would incur before Europe should
it break out, I fail to see the justice or morality of
avoidino' the scandal, bv allowinof one or other faction
to bring an equally terrible war on a neig'hbouring
country, and to dispossess them of their lands to make
room for converts and their following, on the plea that
they are not so-called Christians." I fail to see the
justice of inciting either faction to desert their country
because of the ao^o-ression of the other, merelv to avoid
the scandal of a war between " converts." To my
mind it appears — narrow and opinionated though the
view may seem to some of my critics — that if a
religious antipathy had been allowed by those who
introduced religion to grow up between the Christians,
it were more fittino- that the rivals should fio-ht, than
that they should sacrifice neighbouring peoples to their
mutual animosities, and allow Uganda to become the
prev of the Mohammedan partv, unchecked by any
control, and hostile to all European influence. I think
it a more worthy course for him who should have the
control, of affairs to face this responsibility and the
accusations of the losing side, rather than effect a
plausible settlement at the sacrifice of a people who,
being heathen, and without mission -advocates, have
no one to urge their wrongs in the European press.
3. From the information at my disposal it appeared
evident that, if the Wa-Tagleza left the country the
others would not even attempt to withstand the Moham-
medans, but would in turn retire in another direction.
4. I was emphatically warned that the trader Mr
Stokes was bringing up large consignments of arms ;
that Mwanga having identified himself with the
French " party, intended to purchase these, and give
them exclusively to his own faction, and so overpower
the others.
PERSONAL VIEWS.
19
5. That the Wa-F)'a7isa and the Fathers were hostile
to British influence, while the Wa-Ingleza and their
missionaries were eager for it.
6. That the Mohammedan party Avere equal in
strength to the two Christian factions combined, and
that victory between these opposing bands had been
pretty equally divided. Moreover, that there was a
fear of the former coalescinof with the Mahdists to
the north, and that Kabarega with all Unyoro was in
league with them.
My reader will, I think, admit that the position was
a difficult and delicate one. The immediate necessities
of the case appeared to me to be : (l.) To obtain a
treaty from the king and chiefs which should give me
an acknowledged and legal status in the country to
deal w4th these troubles. Without this, any action I
took would be mere filibustering. It would be open
to Mwanga, when I had rendered him any assistance
in my power, to profit by my work, and repudiate, as
was his nature, any obligation. Moreover, I had been
specially sent to Uganda by the Company to make a
treaty in pursuance of the Anglo-German agreement of
July 1st, 1890. But it appeared to me on arrival that
the position and power of the king and chiefs had been
altogether misconceived. Doubtless in former times
there was good reason to describe the " Kabaka " as a
man of enormous power ; but writing in the middle of
1889, when Uganda was much as I found it, Mr Ashe
speaks in the most exaggerated terms of the great
king, and styles the chiefs of provinces — some of them
very petty — the " haughty earls," and the Katikiro
as the "Lord High Chancellor" of Uganda! Con-
sequently Sir F. De Winton had given me no more
definite instructions regarding the treaty, than that
it should ensure my having " control of all White
affairs." Previous instructions from the Directors, how-
20
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
ever, had been more explicit, intimating that I was to
obtain an understanding that Uganda was under the
protection of the Company, and I had been continually
im23ressed with the necessity of covering exjoenses.
(2.) It appeared to me of vital importance to prevent
the importation of arms, &c., into Uganda at the pres-
ent moment.
(3.) As regards the animosity of the French Fathers
and the " French " party, I determined to maintain an
open mind, and, if I possibly could, to convert them
into friends and allies. It was obvious that they were
regarded with suspicion and distrust (probably recip-
rocal) by the English missionaries and their converts ;
but since Mr Jackson had largely derived his impres-
sions from these sources, and as it was from the letters
of the missionaries in Uganda that the same conclusions
had been arrived at in England and on the coast, I
hoped that possibly I might not find them so inimical
to my mission as they had been described. I do not
mean to infer that these views and conclusions were
as clearly defined in my mind when I entered Uganda
as I now set them down, but I have somewhat fully
described the nature of the information at my disposal,
and the position of affairs on my arrival. The events
of the first few days enabled me rapidly to form opin-
ions for myself.
I judged it best, in the first place, to adopt a firm
and independent tone, being convinced that, to such a
character as I supposed Mwanga to be, a deferential
attitude would be interpreted as fear ; and that if we
showed too great anxiety to please, and were ready to
supplicate for a treaty in forma pauperis, we should
only pander to his vanity, and render him the more
unamenable and haughty. Such an attitude suited
neither my conceptions of my duty nor my own in-
clinations.
I ARRIVE IN UGANDA.
21
As a result of international negotiation, Uganda and
the countries round about had been ceded to the in-
fluence of Great Britain. I, myself an officer of the
army, had been deputed, as the representative of a
great chartered Company, to make a treaty with a semi-
savage king noted for his cruelty and incapacity. I
sought no unfair advantage, no acquisition of territory,
no monopoly of trade, no annexation of revenues. My
task was to save the country from itself ; and for such
a treaty as I proposed to make, I saw no need to stoop
to bargaining by presents (of arms, a Maxim gun, &c.,
as had at first been suggested), and no cause for
obeisance or deference. It was for this reason, as well
as to hasten my arrival before any crisis between the
factions took place, or the expected munitions reached
Uganda, that I crossed the Nile without waiting for
permission, and, marching rapidly on the capital,
selected my own camping-ground. Mackay and Ashe
relate how they knelt before the king, when praying
for permission to leave the country. Such an attitude
seemed to me to lower the prestige of Europeans, and
I determined to make my own methods the more
marked by contrast.
I had at my disposal on entering Uganda about 270
porters, some of them brave good fellows, but wholly
undisciplined, and very excitable, — difficult to control
in action and liable to panic ; — others absolutely useless
for fighting. Roughly speaking, perhaps one -third
might be set down as good, one-third as indifferent,
and one - third as useless. I had extremely little
ammunition, that in the pouches of the men having
quite perished in the long march from the coast. My
total reserve (some of which was also in very bad
condition) consisted of only some eleven rounds per
man, with four boxes of Maxim ammunition, and one
of Winchester (with which rifles the Europeans, Shukri,
22
EAELY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
and Dualla were armed). The Maxim was worn out,
and I had no confidence in it, — indeed it subsequently
broke down radically when fired. I had also some 50
Sudanese and Somals, most of whom were brave and
reliable men, and to some extent disciplined ; but I
could not speak their language, and relied on my
factotum, Dualla, to interjDret my orders to them.
While Mr Jackson had therefore the advantao^e over
me in numbers, and in an adequate supply of ammuni-
tion, I had not had to face the same spirit of mutiny
and insubordination with which he had to contend.
There was a most excellent feelino^ throuMiout the cara-
van, and all were willing and loyal. Moreover, I had
this incalculable advantage, that I brought in my pocket
a copy of the Anglo -German agreement, by which
Uo'anda was ceded to the exclusive influence of Great
Britain.
In pursuance of my intention to let the king see that
I did not consider myself at his orders, I sent a message
on arrival, thanking him for his welcome, and saying
that, as I was tired and had much work to do, I would
defer seeing him till next day (Dec. 19th); nor did I
hasten even then on arrival of his messengers, but went
at my leisure.
I have lately read Speke's account of his first inter-
view with Mtesa, and was amused to find how he too
had insisted on asserting his " social prestige," thirty
years before me ! I could not attempt much pomp and
display — though I knew that appearance counted for
much among these people — for it will be remembered
that I had originally come to East Africa for eight
weeks only, and for my health ; and my few clothes
were literallv in rao-s, owino- to mv usuallv havino- been
the pioneer through the long grass and scrub, and the
very great amount of additional walking through all
kinds of jungle, which I had done when hunting game.
THE WAGANDA OF TO-DAY.
23
I, however, had a pair of comparatively sound Melton
cords, which for ten years had accompanied my travels ;
and a jacket of a sleeping suit, fitted with brass buttons,
ensured at least respectability. Unlike Speke's days,
when the king and chiefs were all dressed in mhitgus
(bark -cloth), with jackets of beautifully tanned and
sewn antelope-skins, the Waganda of position are in the
present day clothed in soft linen, which they keep as
sjDotlessly white as though washed by a London laun-
dress. Some affect jackets or waistcoats of black or
coloured stuffs, and a small piece of cloth is worn, tur-
ban-fashion, on the head. They retain their national
sandals, beautifully made of hijDpo-hide, coloured and
adorned with devices, with a band of otter -fur over
the instep, — the king alone having leopard-skin. The
lesser people dress in bark-cloth, dyed a bright brick-
red, and ribbed with longitudinal lines by the pur-
posely-grooved mallets with which, in its last stage,
it is beaten out. Every smallest rent or frayed piece,
however minute, is cut out, and a tiny bit inserted
with such admirable skill that the join is almost
imperceptible.
In writing this book I purposely quote extracts from
my diary, descriptive of any particular scene or event.
I do so in the rough and hasty language in which one
writes one's diaries, for I think that the verbatim
account of an incident, written while the scene was
vivid in one's memory, with no idea that it would ever
be quoted or read, is in a sense a guarantee against
the unconscious colouring or exaggeration of which it
is not uncommon to accuse "traveller's tales." Here,
then, is the picture of the Uganda haraza (or durbar),
as my diary has it : —
"I took a dozen Sudanese with me, and their 'pre-
sent arms ' and bugle-flourish made my show in this
respect nearly as good as the king's. He has quite a
24
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
band of drums and other kinds of noise to herald the
approach of a visitor, and these all struck up just as
I drew up my little Sudanese guard, and ' presented.'
They then remained close outside facing the haraza
door. I found the king in the durbar-hut, surrounded
by a mass of humanity, packed in every cubic inch of
space in the (not very large) hut. I entered and sat
on my chair on his right, taking care not to tread on
his carpet — for I had luckily been warned, and could see
that he was nervously anxious I should not do so. I
shook hands cor-
dially and frankly
with him (for till
now I had no idea
he was the mur-
derer of Hanning-
ton — I thought
it was his father
Mtesa). He is a
young man, whose
features are ne-
groid, but show
traces of Wahuma
blood ; his face
betokens irresolu-
tion, a weak char-
acter, and a good
deal of sensual-
ity. I produced my three letters, two from Mr Mac-
kenzie and one from Sir F. De Winton. He said,
' Wait till the white men come.' I replied that I had
brought letters for the king himself, and would read
them without waiting. I did so, the letters being-
translated into simple English by me, into Swahili
by Dualla, and into Kiganda by the interpreter (or at
least some parts only, for Mwanga professes to know
Swahili). I had just finished, when, to my surprise,
Mwanga, Kabaka (King) of Uganda.
THE king's BARAZA.
25
the Bevs. Walker and Gordon were ushered in. I
had suggested all the Europeans bemg there, but the
priests had declined, on the ground that they would
take no further part in politics, and it was therefore
agreed that Gordon and Walker should not come either.
I suppose the king sent specially for them. They were
asked again to translate the letters, which they did.
" The court was crowded with K. Catholics, all in
nervous anxiety to hear what I would say. The Protes-
tants, fancying, I suppose, that they were on the safe
side, had only come in very small numbers. When the
letters were finished, I said several times that I had
come in the hope of bringing peace to the country, and
of settling all disputes, — that I had come with full
powers to make treaties, &c., and not merely (as Jack-
son had) at the invitation of the king, without definite
instructions from Enoland. I said I had been sent at
the special wish of the Directors in England, many of
w^hom were my friends, and I knoAv all the words of
the letters to be their words. I had to make a great
point of this, because I saw that the king thought a
letter written at the coast was quite inferior to one
from England, and that was his first question. Alto-
gether, my interview was very different from what
Jackson describes his to have been. On arrival I got
a polite message of welcome, and was not sent for till
to-day, when I had myself intimated that I would
come and see the king, if he would send when he was
ready. He asked no impertinent questions as to the
number of my men and guns, &c. When these prelim-
inaries were finished, I said I would like to introduce
Dualla and Shukri, which I did (De AYinton was ill,
and Grant stayed to look after camp, so I was alone).
Shukri had a full suit of brand-new uniform, and ' took
the cake ' entirely, looking very smart. . . .
" I then said I had come merely to pay salaams, &c.,
and would talk of other matters by-and-by. There
26
EARLY HISTOEY OF UGANDA.
was very great relief and joy in the court at there being
no mention in the letters or by me of a flag. It appears
they are nervously afraid of a flag, understanding that
it means that they give aAvay their country, and the
Wa-Fra7isa are prepared possibly to fight sooner than
accept it. I am told they have especially noticed the
contrast in this respect between others and myself
Peters, Jackson, the French and Germans, all have
talked of nothing but a flag. But in my camp they
see the colours of each batch of men flvino- over the
' camp ' of the headman — the Sudanese with theirs,
the big camp flags marking out camjD, and no Com-
pany's flag flying at all 1 I had forgotten this last ; our
line-of-march one is utterly worn out, and I am not
sure where I put the new ones. This being so, and the
country being already ceded to British influence by
international aofreement, I do not intend to make any
childish fuss about the flag. If I can get a treaty, the
flag will come of its own accord, and at their own re-
quest later on.
" The king gave an order in court to send me food
for my men. It is the custom, I believe, for the king
to dismiss the haraza, but I asked Gordon if I should
transgress greatly by taking my own conge, and he said
he thought not. So I rose, and said I had finished my
words for to-day ; and with great cordiality and many
alisantis (thank you) and hand- shakings I left, and
the king and court rose and left by the other door.
This was a final assertion that I was my own master,
and, of course, though I have taken this somewhat in-
dependent attitude, I have been at great pains to show
that it does not arise from mere bravado, or a wish to
wound the susceptibilities of the king. . . .
" I had many visitors in camp, all the big chiefs
coming and making salaams. To all of them alike I
showed all the courtesy and frankness I could, espe-
cially acknowledging to the E. Catholic chief that he
PROMULGATE TREATY.
27
was the very first to come, and thanking him for it. I
told them all the same thing — that my errand was to
bring peace, not war, that I hoped to arrange disputes
satisfactorily, and that to me all were exactly alike —
B. Catholics, Protestants, and every one. Mwanga's
haraza was stifling. It was a curious assemblage ;
there were uniforms of all kinds and classes, many
naval (of different nationalities), and Peters' scarlet-
and-gold dress, with gold-laced fez cap, was resplen-
dent on the Head of the Army."
I now went to call on the French Fathers, and to
explain to them the conditions of the treaty which I
meant to propose, and to ask their co-operation and
goodwill. I was, however, somewhat disappointed to
find that, instead of showing a keen interest in the
treaty in so far as it would afiect the welfare of
Uganda, " they would go off" into this or that side
question, and details about themselves and their lib-
erties." They asked me to fully explain every clause
on paper, and I worked hard at night doing this (of
this and all other correspondence I have copies). It
involved many pages of foolscap, and I sent it all,
mutatis mutandis, to the English missionaries. I then
sat by De Winton, who was ill, till the small hours of
the morning.
Next day (20th) was occupied in laying out a large
and well-arranged camp, cleaning the paths through it,
&c., in receiving visits, and replying to letters, and
completing the statement re the treaty for the Euro-
peans,— French and English. The 21st was Sunday,
and the peculiar hush and stillness of the day was very
marked. The Protestants were anxious that I should
discuss the treaty with them, but I requested the mis-
sionaries of either faction to be kind enough to explain
to their respective parties all I had written.
There were among the chiefs of Uganda several men,
belonging to each faction, who spoke Swahili with abso-
28
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
lute fluency. With these I was able to converse, and
explain my ideas. When a large party of chiefs were
present (as subsequently when I endeavoured to arrange
the various grievances and quarrels), these men listened
intently, and if my interpreter (a Zanzibari, who was by
birth a Mganda) rendered any phrase I had used in a
way they did not think exactly accurate, they would at
once appeal to me to ascertain if that was my meaning.
Our Camp on Kampala.
As a matter of fact, however, during the whole time
I was in Uganda, my interpreter — Juma Hassani —
was acknowledged by all parties to be a most literal
and excellent one. One of these Swahili - speaking
chiefs — Cyprien the "Kauta" (an oflicer of the royal
household)— became a very great friend of mine. He
was a R. Catholic, and by his exertions and friend-
ship I was enabled to get more in touch with his
party.
On the 2 2d I received a long reply from the French
PROMULGATE TREATY.
29
bishop, in which he promised co-operation, but (as in
the previous conversation) disregarded all the salient
points of the treaty, as it affected the peace and set-
tlement of the country, and confined his queries main-
ly to points affecting themselves — viz., as to whether
mission servants could retain their arms, &c. I wrote
him a full reply. Finding that the Fathers had not
read the treaty to their party, I assembled the Wa-
Fransa chiefs and explained it to them. Meanwhile I
had written to Stokes, prohibiting his bringing arms,
&c., to Uganda, and warning him that it was con-
trary to the agreements, and to the regulations now
in force.
Bishop Tucker and his 23arty, who had started from
the coast in July, had not yet arrived. Mr Gedge,
after Jackson had left, had passed a very disagreeable
time indeed in Uganda. " He said he had led the life
of a doof. The king- had insulted and mocked him in
court, and had thwarted him in every way. That the
French priests hated him intensely, and the bishop
had shown great enmity towards him. His last letter
had remained unanswered, and unacknowledged even "
(diary). He had, in fact, found that life in Uganda,
under the circumstances in which he was placed, was
intolerable ; and I do not wonder at it. Early in
August he had gone to the south of the lake, and had
been absent ever since. When he eventually returned
at the end of December, he was warned that no one
wanted him back in Uganda, and if he came he would
be murdered. He had been anxious to return before
this, but obstacles had been placed in his way, for
naturally the Germans were not averse to keeping him
out of Uganda pending the result of the negotiations
in Europe. He was, however, treated courteously by
them. On receipt of the Anglo-German agreement the
way was made easy for his return ; but had its terms
been other than they were — Gedge being at the south
30
EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
of the lake, while Emin was at Bukoba, on the south
frontier of Uganda — it would have been easy for the
Germans to have stepped in and gained a footing and
a treaty, while prior British efforts would have been
nullified, and resulted only in collapse and failure. No
sooner, however, was the agreement received, than Emin
sent him canoes, and offered to assist him in every way
in his power, — hoping that the Germans and English
would co-operate and work cordially together. His
Excellency, whom Gedge described as the most charm-
ing man he had ever met, promised his assistance in pre-
venting arms and ammunition from reaching Uganda.
For this purpose, the station he had just built at Bukoba
on the lake shore was especially adapted.
Before leaving the country Gedge had issued to the
Waganda the 180 Snider rifles left by Jackson, in case
the Mohammedans should attack, together with a very
great quantity of ammunition. This I deplored in the
present critical state of affairs, and I requested him to
recall them at once. As his position was not clearly
defined with regard to myself, he voluntarily placed
himself under my orders, and thereby was relieved of
all responsibility, for which, in his shattered state of
health, he was no longer fit. He had scruples about
returning to the coast, lest he should appear to be
running away from his duty. I therefore suggested
this course, and at once ordered him to go. The strain
had been too great, and he was in a state of complete
nervous prostration, and in addition to this he suftered
intense 23ain in his eyes, which prevented sleep, and he
had nearly succumbed to violent fever at the south of
the lake.
There were other difficulties, too, at this time.
" Food is getting a difficult question — not nearly
enough to feed the men comes in now, and I am
drawing on my store," I write. " The day before our
GEDGE — STUHLMANN.
31
arrival a civil war very nearly broke out. A report
had been spread that I was coming to massacre the
Wa-Fransa, or drive them out of the country, and they
were on the point of fighting. Even now I don't know
when a storm may break. The Mohammedans raided
close to here the other day. I am in a regular wasps'
nest here, and the commander of such an expedition
has not a bed of roses. My men daily lose cartridges
— sell them, I suppose — but the loss of a single one
now involves deprivation of the rifle and ammunition,
and as they are counted at morning roll-call every day,
and all men without guns are kept at extra work, they
are beginning to see that the game is not good enough,
and to-day there are no deficiencies." Such is my com-
ment in my private diary on the 2 2d. Grant helped
me very greatly with the men, but took no part what-
ever in the aflairs of Uganda, nor did Gedge or De
Winton, who were ill. So the work was very heavy
upon me.
At this time Dr Stuhlmann, Emin's lieutenant,
arrived in Uganda with friendly messages to Mwanga,
and a present. His ostensible reason was the purchase
of canoes, but I think he omitted to take them away.
Subsequent events compelled me to conclude that Emin
wished for news of the position of aflairs in Uganda,
and to know whether I was likely to have my hands
fully occupied here, so as not to interfere with his pro-
jected expedition toward the Albert Lake. Dr Stuhl-
mann was ignorant of Emin's plans, and probably knew
nothing of the real reason why he was sent to Uganda.
We were excellent friends, and he oflered to help me
in any way in his power — as, for instance, by publicly
confirming my words to the king regarding the Anglo-
German agreement, by which Uganda was ceded to
British influence.
I should have been inclined to pass in briefer review
32 EARLY HISTORY OF UGANDA.
the details of this period, but I have given a somewhat
full account (though nothing like the detail afforded by
my diary and letter-books), because I think that if I can
present to my reader a clear statement of the position
I found in Uganda on my first arrival as the agent of
the Imperial British East African Company, the events
which followed will be more easily understood. I am
not concerned here to defend myself from charges made
against me by the R. Catholics of France and England,
but the reader may incidentally gather that it is not
quite correct to say that " all was peace till Captain
Lugard came Avith his Maxim gun."
On the 23d I write as follows : "It is desperately
anxious work. We are on the very eve of war. The
R. Catholics won't sign the treaty, and things look bad.
Food is scarcer every day. ... I have very little am-
munition, and am not sure about the working of the
Maxim gun. I have given so little encouragement to
the Protestants that they too are very disappointed, and
talk of leaving the country, for I have spoken of going
away if the treaty is not signed. I do not want them
to think that I have come to fight the Protestant
cause, and I do not want the Protestants to exasperate
the others by showing that they think the game is all
on their side. At the same time I told the priests
that, if the king would not sign, I should call on the
chiefs to do so. ... It would not be my fault if only
Protestants came forward, for I was equally friendly
with both, and offered all of them the same rights, &c.
So the Protestants look crestfallen, and are not brag-
ging or exasperating the P. Catholics ; and the latter
are scared at the possibility of my joining their rivals."
I have little doubt, also, that my threat to go to Ka-
barega of Unyoro — Mwanga's bitter enemy — and so
transfer the seat of administration from Uganda, had
a considerable effect.
33
CHAPTER XXIIL
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA.^
Treaty presented — Excitement in haraza — Christmas night — Treaty signed
— The Kauta — Cause of Mwanga's alarm — Attack threatened — Missions
attempt solution — Strained relations — Lists of grievances — Emin in-
vited— Gedge leaves — Position again critical — News of Williams —
False reports — Better feeling among chiefs — I refuse to pay taxes
— French missions and slave - women — Slavery versus morals —
Compulsory religion — Purchase of children — Arrival of Williams
— Kampala fort completed.
On the 24th Dec. I was to present the treaty. The
chiefs had a very long council together first, and agreed
to sign it ; then there was a little delay, and the king
broke up the haraza. I objected somewhat sharply
to having come in vain, and they apologised, and fixed
the haraza for the afternoon. I went at 3 p.m. with De
Winton. I read the treaty through, sentence by sen-
tence, putting it in simple English, and Dualla rendered
it most admirably in Swahili — one or other of the chiefs
repeating it in Kiganda. Much discussion and even up-
roar arose at times, but I insisted on reading it right
through, and that discussion should then take place
afterwards. " There were several questions asked —
all most shrewd and intelligent, for these people are
^ Throughout the following chapters the faction of a chief is denoted by
the letters E. or F. after his name for clearness : thus Katikiro (E.) or
Kimbugwe (F.) denotes that they belonged respectively to the Ingleza
(English) and Fransa (French) parties.
VOL. II. C
34
PRELIMINARY WORK IX UGAXDA.
very clever. In the first place, they wished to sign on
the proviso that these messengers confirm what I have
said regarding the decision in Europe, that Uganda
' follows England ' " (diary). There Avas no real neces-
sity for this, except to reopen the whole matter, for
the French Fathers had seen the Anglo-German Agree-
ment, and Dr Stuhlmann, the German, corroborated
it. I also feared that — as there were, I was told, three
messengers, one from the king and one from each party
— the representatives of the king and "French" party
might not sjjeak truly, since of course their faction
was opposed to British influence. I doubted, moreover,
whether at the coast such a question would have been
fully explained to the envoys.
The second question raised was, whether the tribu-
tary states should still pay tribute to Mwanga. I
wished to avoid the settlement of this point until
I had a more thorough knowledge of the position of
these states. For at first glance it seemed to me some-
what unfair, that states which derived no benefit of any
sort or kind from Uganda should pay tribute, more
especially, when the state claiming suzerainty was now
too weak to enforce it. Moreover, if I assented, Mwan-
ga might not unjustly call upon me, in fulfilment of my
pledges of co-operation, to assist him with my rifles to
recover tribute from such states. Usoga I would (at
that time at any rate) have liked to see independent.
Wakoli and others of its principal chiefs had welcomed
us, and treated us with the utmost hospitality, and
I should be loth to invade his country to com23el
tribute to a tyrant like Mwanga. Other states, like
Unyoro, had long since thrown ofl* the yoke ; and if, by
the agency of the Company, such autonomous king-
doms were brought under British administration, any
surplus revenue should go to the administration, and
not into Mwanga's cofters. Other states, again, like
EXCITEMENT IN BARAZA.
35
Karagwe, Usui, Uziba, and Uzinga/ were now in Ger-
man territory.
i^fter some discussion, I insisted on the king's sign-
ing the treaty, because the chiefs were ready to sign,
and in their hands the real executive power lay ; for
when the Christians had reinstated Mwanga, they had
done so, I understood, on the proviso, that henceforth
the real authority in the country should be vested in
themselves, since Mwanga had been found incapable of
doing justice. " Mwanga shuffled and begged for de-
lay. I was determined, and threatened to leave the
country and go to Kabarega of Unyoro (hostile to
Uganda). The king was in a state of great excite-
ment and fear, for he was under the absurd impression
that if he signed he would become a mere slave. At
last he said he would sign. Then a clamour arose from
the crowd at the door, who said, I believe, that they
would shoot the white men and those who signed.
[These were probably the set of bhang-smokers and
rowdies whom Mwanga kept about his place to pander
to his vices, and who subsequently caused trouble.] De
Winton says he twice heard a man cock his gun, and
all say they began putting in cartridges. I did not
notice or understand their actions. Mwanga again
hesitated, and I could see was really in a state of great
anxiety and terror. Contrary to one of the strictest
customs in Uganda, every chief had come with his
loaded rifle into the haraza-ho\xse prepared for eventu-
alities. Had one rowdy let off his gun there would
have been a terrible melee in the little hut ! while out-
side great numbers of the hostile faction had collected.
I saw that it would be unwise to press the matter
further at that moment, so I said that next day, being
Christmas, we would do no work, but the day after I
must have his reply." Such is the account in my diary.
1 Mackay, letter of Jan. 1st, 1890.
36
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA.
All that night there was much noise and shouting,
and I was told that men cried in the streets that they
would kill all Europeans. There was a full moon, on
which indeed I had calculated, not knowing what was
before me in Uganda, and dreading a night attack with
my undisciplined and unreliable men. To avail myself
of this also, I had hurried my march to the capital.
The Ingleza or Protestant party spoke of leaving the
country. On Christmas Day I went and called on Pere
Brard. " We were most friendly, but he can only say
one thing — viz., Poli-poli ('gently, gently'). I said,
Yes, I had no intention of hasty measures ; but this
treaty was a sine qua non, which I must have signed at
once, and then I could do the rest quietly. I said the
king and K. Catholic chiefs had all begged for delay
that they might ask the priests' advice, and that on
their reply depended peace or war ; . . . nor was it
my fault (supposing all the Protestants signed, and
the E.. Catholics did not) that I should appear to
take the side of a party." For at this time I sup-
posed the factions to be about numerically equal,
and I conceived that I had as distinct a duty
towards the half of the population who were eager
for British protection, as towards those who were
eager for French influence. I pointed out, too, that
it was impossible I should stop long as I was at
present. Food was not available in suflicient quan-
tities for the daily issue, and my little stock was
all but exhausted. My men, left in idleness, would
cause trouble with the women and by pilfering food,
and I could not consent to let them gfet utterlv de-
moralised while these people talked. I want an answer
regarding this treaty, and I must have it. We parted
most cordially " (diary).
Things looked very dubious, and made me anxious,
for the responsibility that rested on my sole judg-
CHRISTMAS NIGHT, 1890.
37
rnent was very great. Gedge set out a magnificent
Christmas dinner, and produced even champagne !
We had not seen or tasted spirits or wine for very
long. Dr Stuhhnann, Pere Brard, the EngHsh mis-
sionaries, De Winton and Grant, were there. I ex-
cused myself, for I could
not leave my camp at
such a moment. No one
else, I think, Avas aware
of the real gravity of
the situation. Mean-
w^hile, I thought that
not improbably I might
effect much by a private
interview with Mwanga,
and by reassuring him
and explaining things
quietly ; but Mr Gor-
don warned me that he
thought it not improba-
ble Mwanga might mur-
der me, in hopes that if
he did so all my men would fly in jDanic. However, " I
went to the kinof. I had some four or five men with
me. As I passed through the entrance the royal drums
boomed out, and while my message was being taken,
men with guns began to slip in on all sides. ... So
I sent another message to say, that as the drums had
beaten, it was no longer private. I would not come.
He had sent to say he would see me, but we went away.
There was a chuckle and a suppressed jeer among the
rabble as we went, till Dualla turned and faced them,
and they stopped. ... I wrote a note to Gedge at
the dinner in which I Avished the French and German
guests all the season's compliments, and a safe return
to Europe when their work was done, and a happy and
38
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA.
peaceful Christmas to the EngHsh, and I said a few
words in praise of Gedge's pluck. I then sent for the
Kimbugwe (head chief of the R. Catholics)." After a
long speech, this worthy told me that the chiefs of his
party had agreed to sign the treaty, provided the envoys,
who had gone to the coast with Jackson, confirmed
my news about Uganda being under British influence.
All was still and quiet, and there seemed no disturb-
ance afoot ; so, hurriedly eating a mouthful of food, I
went over (though it was now late) to pay my respects
to Gedge's guests, lest my absence should be misinter-
preted. I was received most cordially, and had a long
chat with Brard about their mission, &c., also with
Stuhlmann.
Next day (26th) the treaty was to be signed at 8
A.M. I waited anxiously till 9.30, when I concluded
they had changed their minds, and I must prepare for
the worst. " Then I saw the durbar break up, and
a great crowd coming out, and I got a message
that they would come and sign here, and go to the
king afterwards. All the biggest chiefs came into
my camp (not a gun of any sort among them), and
I sat them down on a tarpaulin at the tent door.
There was much speechifying, and then they said
they would sign, provided they were allowed to write
a codicil, and I would sign that and give it to them.
Tills they wrote themselves.-^ I was also to observe
the compact which they had made between them-
selves while in exile in Ankoli. This, they said, only
related to religious toleration, and as they assured
me there was nothing in it contrary to my treaty, I
agreed. Then we went to the king, that he might
sign first. De Winton came with me, and three or
four Askari only. Grant remained in camp, with
orders to send all Sudanese and four batches of the
^ Vide treaty, Blue-book Africa.
TREATY SIGNED.
39
porters to our assistance in case he heard firing, and
hold the camp with the other two batches and the
Maxim, which he was to use freely if required. For
the chiefs still spoke of some bad men of whom they
seemed much afraid. It appears, as far as I can under-
stand, that there really is a rabble of whom the king
and all are afraid. They are, I believe, a drunken
bhang -smoking lot of blackguards, and it was they
who threatened to shoot if the treaty was signed on the
23d. I wanted the Katikiro and Kimbugwe to accom-
pany me as a precaution. They said they would, but
the little Kauta was the only one who stuck close by
us all the time. He is a right good fellow, and I am
most glad he is a R. Catholic, because now if I utilise
him I can't be accused of partiality " (diary).
On the way the king sent a message warning me not
to come, as bad men " had determined to murder me. I
looked on this merely as a way of putting me off, and re-
plied I had started and would not turn back. The king-
was almost alone, but one by one, by various entrances,
as thou oil secretlv, all the bio- chiefs of XJo^anda came
in, till the durbar was complete. The king heard the
codicil read. He then asked for a present, as I had
given him none. I said I Avould do so when the loads
Stokes had brought to the south of the lake could be
fetched up, and asked for canoes for the purpose. This
defeated him. Then he raised the question again of
the tributary states. I said I had made no statement
one way or the other in the treaty, and refused to do
so till I should understand the question. " Then the
kins: told some one to si on for him. I would not have
this, and insisted on his making a mark. He did it
with a bad grace, just dashing the pen at the paper
and making a blot ; but I made him go at it again,
and on the second copy he behaved himself and made a
proper cross. Then one of the Frcmsa chiefs, who could
40
PRELIMIXARY WOEK IX UGANDA.
write, wrote Mwanga's name opposite the mark, and
several of the head chiefs also signed, but they took
very long struggling with the letters of their names."
I was most delighted that all had ended so well.
It was just eight weeks since I had left Dagoreti
(where I got my orders to go to Uganda), and we had
arrived, and the treaty was signed. We left the haraza
" to find there was perfect quiet outside, and not an
angry and excited mob, as I had expected."
In order to explain the attitude of Mwanga, it is
necessary to bear in mind the character of the man.
It were easy to quote from Mackay, Ashe, Casati, and
others, descriptions of the diabolical cruelties he had
practised, but I think it unnecessary to do so after
havino' alreadv brieflv described the burnino- alive of
Christians, and the persecutions extending over four
years. Men were slowly hacked to pieces, each member
being thrown into the fire, and lastly their mutilated
yet living limbless trunks. Besides this, Mwanga s
court was the public scene of all the vices of Sodom and
Gomorrah — vices not indio-enous. I believe, amono^st
African tribes, and the result of contact with coast
people. He had been ousted by the unanimous action
of all j^arties, and this, I am told, constituted by the
law of Uganda a complete forfeiture of his title to the
succession. Such was the man I had to deal with.
His dominant motive was a thirst for arbitrary despotic
power, and his antagonism to European influence arose,
not from high patriotism, but from a fear lest this exer-
cise of despotism should be curtailed. But in particular
he was opposed to the British, and would infinitely
have preferred German or French domination, because
his craven heart was tormented by an ever-present fear,
that vengeance must come from us for the murder of
Bishop Hannington. This fear, I believe, grew into a
livino' terror, when he found that he had to deal with
CAUSE OF MWANGA's ALARM.
41
a man who would not cringe to him. I was tolcl that
his dreams were haunted by these spectres of ven-
geance, of which lie looked on me as the embodiment.
He thought I was but biding my time, and it is there-
fore but little to be wondered at that he both feared
and detested me, and did all he could to thwart me.
I regarded my mission as one for the reclamation
and settlement of Uganda : surely I was right to refuse
to be deterred from the course I had set myself to
follow, by the opposition of such a king ? The treaty
was certainly obtained against his will — I have never
said the contrary. " British prestige," says Ashe,^
' ' was at a discount, for the Waganda imagined that
Englishmen might be killed with impunity in Africa."
This prestige it was my business to restore, and that
I did restore it effectually before I left Uganda is
indisputable. Yet during all the time we were there
(including the war, &c.), we were the instruments of
death to comparatively few — probably not a fraction
of the number who have met with their death elsewhere
in Africa through the advent of other expeditions whose
objects have been limited to exploration or to sport.
Constant letters from and interviews with both missions
and the chiefs, in addition to my usual work, taxed all
my energies at this time.
On Dec. 27th the Church Missionary party arrived
under Bishop Tucker. Eight had started (by the
German route) from the coast. Of these, three were
dead, four too ill to walk up from the lake shore, and
the eighth was an invalid. I sent down means to
carry them up. The French bishop, Mgr. Hirth, had
left for the south of the lake about a week before,
while the treaty was not yet signed. I had much re-
gretted his departure at so critical a moment. Bishop
Tucker told me he did not intend to stay in Uganda
1 Two Kings, &c., p. 239.
42
PRELIMINARY WORK IX UGAXDA.
more than four weeks, and at the time of his arrival
was already making plans for his departm^e.
There had been a good deal of firing off of guns by
the Protestants on the nio4it of the 27th, in honour of
the bishop's arrival. This, I think, was not acceptable
to the Wa-Fransa, and next day (Sunday), probably
in consequence of a latent feeling of insecurity, there
was a scare at the mornino^ service, the Protestants
having heard a rumour that they were to be attacked.
The disturbance Avas soon quelled, but late at night
I received a letter from the Kimbugwe and Kauta
(F. chiefs) saying they expected the Protestants to
attack them. The letter was somewhat ambiguously
worded, and I was uncertain whether or not it was
intended to convev the information that ive also were
to be attacked, because the Wa-Ingleza were very
angry at my not having identified myself with them
entirely, as they had expected. I inquired of my
men if they had heard news, and was told that three
separate women had come to warn us we should be
attacked, and the rumour had also been heard from
other sources. I sent out Somals as scouts, and
presently they came back breathless to say the
enemy was approaching. I did not know whether
they would prove to be the Protestants or the R.
Catholics !
I now quietlv gave the word for the men to
turn out. Already my little force had been reduced
by fifty rifles — sent to Usoga to procure food. We
were without defences of any kind, and had no line of
retreat open to us in case of reverse. Though the
scouts' report proved later to be unfounded, we had
a mauvais quart cVheure before we ascertained the
truth. I turned to mv men — the porters for whom
Professor Drummond can find no words bad enough —
and asked if thev were readv to fio-ht. With one voice
ATTACK THREATENED.
43
the reply came back in a chorus, "Eh-tvalla, Eh-ivalla.
TayarV (Yes, yes. Ready). " Where you die we shall
be killed first." 1 was dee]3ly touched by their loyalty;
and that scene, as we stood in the moonlight await-
ing an attack from overwhelming numbers, every man
struggling to be in the front rank, is as vivid to my
mind's eye as though it had occurred but yesterday.
It proved to be a false alarm, though there was
no doubt that mischief was brewing, for we saw the
peasants hurrying away in all directions with their
A Night Attack expected.
belongings, and there was great disturbance and drum-
beating. Towards morning I lay down in my
clothes on the ground, as Gedge occupied my cot.
The Kimbugwe came early, and there was no doubt
that our quiet preparations impressed him greatly. No
one had imagined but what we had all slept in uncon-
scious security, and yet they woke to find me in my
clothes, sentries alert, the Maxim posted, ammunition-
boxes opened, and all in readiness. Each side tried to
incriminate the other, but I would give no clue as to
44
PRELIMIXARY ^OEK IX UGAXDA.
my informants, merely saying that the flying peasants
had told me it was war, — we were ready to fight if
attacked, and so had made preparations. I also heard
that a party had gone to Dr Stuhlmann to ask him to
hoist the German flag, for I suppose the malcontents
thought they could thus play ofl" one set of Europeans
ao'ainst the other.
Meanwhile, though subject to momentary interrup-
tions, I began to write my first report to the Directors,
at such odd moments of leisure as I could get, in antici-
pation of Mr Gedge's departure for the coast. I also
had a voluminous oflicial correspondence to prepare —
gear and stock returns, returns of all issues and expen-
diture, men's accounts, &:c., &c. I also began to send
the men out to bring in logs (of the date-palm) to build
a stockade. I did my utmost to win the confidence of
the Wa-Fransa, even showing them more cordiality
than I did to the other side. The kino- continued to
bother me with notes, asking me to alter this and that
in the treaty, but I declined to do so, and refused to
see hhn until justice was done in the matter of one of
my Sudanese — who had been shot in the leg by a
party of lawless men, while attempting to rob him of
some i^onibe he had bought in the market.
The quarrels between the factions were constant and
serious. The Protestants came to me in great indigna-
tion, to say the king had ousted some of their people
causelessly from their estates, apparently to 23rovoke
me. Bishop Tucker took up the matter, but I replied
that the E. Catholics no less than themselves urged
that they had grievances, and I would not take up
one side and not the other. " So I asked that they
would clearly tabulate their grievances, and I would
get the Wa-Fransa to do the same. He said he
thought the E. Catholics had no business to go to
me with petty grievances. AYhv did they not go to
STRAINED RELATIONS.
45
the jDriests, and then he and they would discuss the
matters quietly and put them straight ? I said I
would gladly refer all minor differences between the
parties to the missions, and they should refer to me all
injustices of the king, and I would do my best." Next
day, however, the matter assumed an acute stage.
The Wa-Ingleza were exasperated, and war seemed
imminent. I spent the day running about in a fiercely
hot sun to the priests, the English missions, and the
big chiefs in turn, doing my very utmost to prevent
an outbreak. I appeared to have succeeded, and each
side was to draw up a full list of grievances ; but in
the middle of the night I was awakened with the
news, that a message had come from the Katikiro,
to say the Wa-Fransa would attack us at daylight.
Again I made all preparations for defending ourselves,
for the noise and drum-beating and disturbance showed
that mischief was intended.
It appears that Mr Gedge having recently recalled
the Snider rifles (which he had lent in case of Mo-
hammedan attack), a party of malcontents on the
Fransa side had raised a cry, that we were taking
them from their party only — preparatory to attacking
them — and had allowed the Ingleza party to retain
theirs. This was wholly untrue. A midnight meet-
ing had been called of the Wa-Fransa, and the other
faction woke up to find them under arms, and so
they too immediately gathered for a fight. I re-
mained ready but neutral, and did not leave my
camp, not knowing but that the intention might be
to attack it from an enclosure close by. I sent mes-
sages to the Katikiro and Kimbugwe to stop the
war, and call away their men, and also to the Eng-
lish and French missions, begging them to use their
influence, and at the very last moment hostilities were
averted.
46
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA.
Next day " I got the list of grievances from both
sides. That of the Protestants was clearly made out
in English, but the other faction's was an impossible
jumble in Swahili and Kiganda. I sent them to
Bishop Tucker, in accordance with our understanding,
but he sent the paper back saying he could make
neither head nor tail of it. So after some difficulty I
got the priest to consent to write out the R. Catholic
grievances clearly in French." Meanwhile I attempted
myself to effect a settlement. After much talk they
broke off, saying they could only discuss such matters
before the king ; but the Wa-Ingleza object to this,
saying the king is on the other side, and so gives all
decisions in their favour. I suggested that the Kauta
(F.) and Sambera (E.) should talk it all over quietly
with me — as they both speak Swahili fluently — and
each should represent his own side ; but all declined,
saying two men are not enough. If more stay, it
merely means that they all get into a heated argument,
and no result is achieved. I then went to see the
Kimbugwe (head of the Wa-Frcmm). He seemed
down on his luck, and said he thought that neither
party would be satisfied until they had fought it out,
and suggested they should go away near the lake to do
so 1 " I rallied him about it — we were great friends
now — and said we should succeed yet with patience.
As a beginning, I insisted that the big chiefs should
forbid men carrying their guns about. In trying
to conciliate the Wa-Fransa I had great difficulty in
avoiding offence to the Wa-Ingleza, and on the 5th
(Jan. 1891) Bishop Tucker himself wrote to say that
they were, rightly or wrongly, sore because I had
snubbed them. So I went off and made my peace
with the Katikiro !
By the 8th I had finished my report, and a mass
of correspondence, which Grant devoted himself with
OUR OWN POSITION.
47
untiring energy to copy out for me. I had, moreover,
some cause for anxiety regarding our own position, as
I had but very httle cloth left for food purchase, and
I knew that Captain Williams when he came would
bring little else but ammunition, and many more men
to feed. The party I had sent to Usoga for food had
been prevented (at the Nile) from returning, probably
by Mwanga's order ; nor would the king give me canoes
to get the absolutely necessary cloth for food purchase
from the south of the lake. The Missions refused me
the loan of their boat for this purpose, but I event-
ually bought a few loads from them and from Dr
Stuhlmann, at double their proper price, in my ex-
tremity. I was, moreover, so entirely engrossed with
my work for the mails going to the coast, and with
the difficulties in Uganda — which kept me working
till far into the night, and hardly gave me time to
eat my hurried meals — that I had little space to at-
tend to my own men ; and an emeute occurred between
the Sudanese and Swahilis, for the men were getting
considerably out of hand.
I had heard repeated reports that the Mohammedans
were raiding in Uganda, and on the 11th I was asked
if we would aid the Waganda in repelling them. I re-
fused, on the grounds that I could not leave Kampala
until I had built a fort, and a store, in which to put my
goods before the rains, and that my present numbers
were not sufficient to halve. My strongest reasons
however, were, that I must await Williams' arrival, and
that we could not go to war with the mere handful of
ammunition we had, for if this were fired away we
should be left defenceless. I did not, however, dilate on
this, for they had supposed the stack of boxes of beads
I had brought from Kavirondo to be all ammunition,
and I was content to let them think so ! I also
told them that I was in favour of coming to terms
48
PRELIMIXARY WORK IX UGANDA.
with the Mohammedans. They rephed, that this
faction had a king of their own, and there could not
be two kings in Uganda. Also, that all the lands
belonging to them had now been divided up among
themselves, and that no one would consent to dis-
gorge !
On the 13th I went to the kinof with Gedo^e, who
wished to say good-bye. It was the first time I
had seen him since the signing of the treaty. He
was extremely insulting in his manner and language
to Gedge, till I could stand it no longer, and brought
him to his bearings by demanding the man who had
fired at my Sudanese soldier, and threatening to take
the law into my own hands on another occasion, if I
found the king was powerless to do justice. The
interview, however, as regards myself was fairly satis-
factory. He gave me the little knoll on which mv
camp was pitched — named Kampala — also the planta-
tion at the foot of the shortest slope, which I greatly
desired to acquire, as it was owned by a very rowdy
set belonoinor- to the Fraiisa faction, who were con-
tinually creating a disturbance. The lofty reed fence
round it offered, moreover, an impenetrable screen,
behind which, in case of trouble, a large mass of men
might assemble within forty yards of my camp. The
king also promised to send messengers at once to the
Nile to bring across my party, Avho had gone for food.
He made a very formal and deferential request to me —
viz., that I would ask Emin Pasha to come to Uganda ;
alleging that he was an old friend, and that he merely
wished to see him again. I had long heard that he
desired this in order to ascertain whether Emin would
confirm my statements, and I think that Mwanga was
anxious to see how I should reply to such a request.
If I demurred, it would be taken as evidence that I
was afraid to be confronted with him. I at once
EMIX INVITED.
49
agreed, — the king, as a quid pro quo for mv letter
to Emin, promising to give me canoes to fetch my
cloth from the south of the lake. I wrote telling
Emin that Mwanga wished to see him as a private
friend ; and that of course on such terms he was
most welcome to come, and I would show him all the
hospitality I could. Shortly afterwards I got the
canoes despatched under one of my headmen, who
also conveyed the letter to Emin. He of course
declined to come, as he had work of his own.
There was a marked alteration in Mwanga's manner
to me, and I thought I noticed a decided improvement
all round, which was proved by one s meeting fewer
men in the roads with o-uns. The o-rievances of the
Wa-Fransa had now been translated by the priests,
and they had a conference with Bishop Tucker on
the subject. The result did not appear very satis-
factory. The bishop had agreed to make restitution
for all looting, but the questions of eviction from
estates and the division of Sesse Island, &c., were to
be left to mvself and the kino\ Concernino' the
seizing of crosses (worn by the E. Catholics round
their necks), there ajDpears to be no evidence, and
the bishop has promised to speak to the Protestants
on the subject." He told me of this on the 18th.
On the 26th BishojD Tucker left Uganda without
attempting any second conference, and the English
missionaries then wrote to me to sav that they would
not be held to this engagement of the bishop's, which
must be understood to apply to himself alone. Thus
ended the undertakino- of the Missions to assist in
the settlement of difficulties — an undertaking cordially
accepted by myself It had merely resulted in the
passing on to me of the real questions at issue, and
I do not think the French Fathers had been in
favour of the attempt : that the English missionaries
VOL. II. D
50
PEELIMIXAEY WORK IX UGAXDA.
were not, was shown by their repudiation of the
bishop's undertaking as soon as he left.^
Having obtained from the king the site of Kampala,
I at once began to buiki my fort (Jan. 15), and insti-
tuted reo'ular hours of work for the men — viz., four
to five hours in the morning and two in the afternoon.
On the same dav Mr Gedo^e left for the coast with
some eiMitv rifles. Grant was absolutelv indefatio-able,
and worked from morning till night copying out re-
ports and letters for the coast, checking all expenditure
of stores, and assisting me to form an office routine,
and institute regular office records. De Winton super-
intended the work at the fort. Our night sentries
were a novelty in Uganda, and procured us almost com-
plete immunity from the thieving propensities of the
Waganda. Such culprits as were seized for oftences
I sent to the Katikiro with evidence, and showed the
people that it was my intention, by all means in my
power, to support the law and mstitutions of the coun-
try, and to work through and by them. In return, I
demanded that no summary or arbitrary reprisals should
be taken on any of mv men who might be caught in
flagrante delicto, but that they should be sent to me
for disposal.
We worked verv hard at the fort. As it was of a
different style of construction from any we had made
hitherto, it was some time before I could get the
men to grasp the idea. It was of upright logs of
date-palm fitted close together. The trace was made
^ Sir Gerald Portal more recently endeavoured to arrive at an iinder-
.standing between the two bishops — not on a question of native evidence
and counter-statements, but on a broad question of spheres of mission
influence. He says that all hope of an amicable settlement seemed again
and again to be lost ; and with difficulty, after three and a half hours of
heated argument, a temporary modus civendi was found. He bears witness
(as I too can most emphatically) to the conciliatory spirit shown by Bishop
Tucker, whose sole object, it was most evident, was to put an end to friction
and rivalry. — Blue-book Africa, Xo. 8, 189.3, p. 15.
POSITION AGAIN CRITICAL.
51
just below the crest-line of the knoll, and the ground
then made up level inside by carrying in earth. The
poles rose 4 ft. 6 in. above the small banquette inside,
while from the outside they varied from 5 ft. to over
6 ft. above the slope. The heat was great, as this
was the very hottest time of the year, and at mid-
day it was close on 100° in our tents. As the sides of
the fort began to progress, I was constantly questioned
by the chiefs as to what Avas my object in building a
structure, the like of which they had never seen before ;
and on the night of the 17th, for the third time, I
got secret messages to say we were to be attacked
at midnight, as some of the people supposed we were
in league with the Mohammedans, and meant to drive
out all the Christians. I did not give much credence
to this report, for I saw no indications of disturbance
among the people ; but nevertheless I watched, off and
on, all night myself, for I was now a full hundred guns
short from my little force, — the fifty who had gone for
food to Usoga had not returned, and an equal number
had gone to escort Gedge, — and the night was dark,
without a moon.
As I anticipated, nothing happened ; and I think the
messenger was either sent by the king for some in-
scrutable reason of his own, or possibly was a thief
who invented the story to account for his presence.
" Scares" like this, and the strain of being constantly
at tension, are, however, very trying, as I had found
by a long-continued experience, which had perhaps had
its effect upon me, and left its mark behind. I called
all the chiefs, and explained that my fort would be
available for their goods and their women, if ever
Uganda were attacked — not merely by the Moham-
medan party, but possibly in the future by the
Mahdists ; and so I reassured them.
At this time (Jan. 20th) a very marked improve-
52
PRELIMINARY WORK IN UGANDA.
ment began to be noticeable. Not only were the chiefs
of both factions thoroughly at home with me and most
friendly, but the change in their relations towards each
other was remarked by De Winton and others. The
roads were cleaned up, arms put away, and I really had
hopes that I was at last gaining their confidence, and
that the troubles would pass.
(3n the 20th news came that Captain Williams
had reached the Nile, and once again the ever-ready
suspicions began to circulate. The Wa-Ingleza accused
the king and Wa-Fransa of sending men to attack
Williams in the forests of Usoga. The Pokino (E.),
who was somewhat of a firebrand, started these
accusations, and challenged the other side to produce
the chiefs he named, as having been sent. I also
heard that there was an idea of murdering Gedge,
who was delayed on his journey by illness. My in-
timate friend the Kauta (F.) denied the truth of
these assertions, but said that they were not responsible
for what the king did. I did not like this phrase, for
Mwanga was confesssedly of the " French " faction, and
it looked as though they knew he was up to mischief
So I sent twenty- three rifles to reinforce Gedge ; and
I also sent letters to warn Williams, and requested
him to send Mr Auburn (who was with him) back to
the coast to take care of Gedge. As the Moham-
medans were raiding near, I issued some damaged
ammunition to the chiefs ; but the army did not go,
and waited to see the upshot of Williams' arrival, and
whether (as some malcontents were saying) we should
then throw off our mask and attack.
At this most critical moment a Mganda who had
gone to the coast with Jackson, and returned with
Williams, deserted and arrived in Mengo, and I heard
that he had spread the most extraordinary reports,
saying that we were cowards who dare not fight, but
BETTER FEELING AMONG CHIEFS.
53
that the Germans were brave ; that we had poisoned
the Sultan of Zanzibar ; that we paid hongo'^ to naked
spearmen ; that our Maxim was merely for show, and
fired single bullets like a gun ; that Williams had boxes
of flags to force on all chiefs, &c., &c. At the same
time I got news that Gedge, after going only a march
or two, had broken down, and was dangerously ill, if
not dying, and that his men (a pack of scoundrels for
the most part) were robbing right and left. The
return of my fifty men from Usoga enabled me to
send De Winton with fourteen men to look after
Gedge, and reinforce him if necessary. Mr Gordon
shortl}^ afterwards went also and relieved De Winton.
I spent a sleepless night, and in the morning I called
all the chiefs, and spoke to them of the reports
which these deserters had brought. " They replied,"
I write, "that I had now been with them a long time,
and they knew me, and knew my heart, and were my
friends. It mattered not what reports came from any
source whatever ; they would not believe them. If
they heard them, they would come and tell me. If they
did not come, I was to know they were not worth
repeating ! This was most seriously said by the
Kimbugwe (F.), and obviously meant, I think. At
the same time, their cordiality to me, and the chafl*
and good-fellowship between each other, was most
noticeable. All ate coflee together, and the ' deadly
enemies,' the Katikiro and Kimbugwe, drank pomhe
out of the same boAvl. They began to chafl" about
strength, and I left them putting the weight and
playing like a parcel of schoolboys with Grant, amid
shouts of laughter. . . . Need I say how excessively
relieved and pleased I was ? "
The stockade progressed and looked very smart ;
clean and orderly though our camp had always been.
Blackmail.
54
PRELIMIXARY WORK IX UGANDA.
the new fort and levelling made a wonderful improve-
ment. Altogether, there were some 224 yds. of pole
work to do, and the area enclosed was perhaps equal to
a square of 56-yard sides, or some 3000 sq. yds. area :
but it was slow work, for long j)oles were required,
and each one had to be carried from a o-reat distance
by two men. so that we onlv got about seventv a
day.
The kino- asked me one dav for Dualla's services to
translate an Arabic letter. It was from an Arab
(judiciously unsigned), offering to sell Mwanga guns
and powder. I long afterwards heard reports that
he had come to terms .secretly with this Arab at the
south of the lake, and that the arms were hidden in
bales of cloth, but beino- discovered bv the Germans,
the whole lot was confiscated.^
At this time the kino- was verv friendlv. and his
suspicions and hostility seemed to have much abated.
A question had arisen as to whether my men should
pay the " market-tax." an impost which was collected
on every article sold in the market, however minute.
I peremptorily declined to pay it. as also the dues
at the Xile, since we had not come to Uganda to pay
taxes. The king agreed, and promised to restore an
ox which had been seized from my food-party at the
Xile as toll. There was also some little trouble re-
garding women, and I took the opjDortunity of sug-
gesting a local police force of AVaganda, but it was
not till some time later that I was able to actually
begin the experiment.
Thus, towards the end of January, things began to
look brighter in Uganda, and I was able to add a hope-
ful forecast for the future to my report to the Directors,
which had been delayed by Mr Gedge's illness. I had
succeeded in despatching a headman to the south of the
^ This is now printed and published in a German report.
FRENCH MISSIONS AND SLAVE- WOMEN. 55
lake for cloth, and so the fear of our running out of the
wherewithal to purchase food was no longer so present
to my mind. Williams had safely crossed the Nile, and
though some of the more suspicious still viewed his
advance with apprehension, the excitement had cooled
down. Zachariah (P.), a most moderate man, and
much trusted by the opposite faction, brought me (on
the 30th) some pretty articles of native make. I re-
gretted I had no suitable gift to make in return, and
find the following note in my diary under this date :
" He said he wanted no return present; that he brought
them because they had received such benefits from us.
That at the time we came, there were quarrels daily
and hourly. Each day war was imminent. Now there
was peace, and all were settling down quietly, and
there was no further fear. And before, in addition to
the civil war, there was daily fear of the return of the
Mohammicdans. The latter had heard of our coming,
and there was no more fear of them, and they merely
raided about. For this they were most grateful."
There was about this time a question regarding
slavery, which it may be interesting to note, as being
perhaps a phase of the matter we have not so far
discussed. Emin Pasha had broken up a camp of
Arabs and Swahilis at the south of the lake, and
captured many of their women. ^ Under the impression,
I presume, that these were slaves, he had handed them
over to the French Mission at Bukumbi, who, I under-
stood, had given them menial work to do, to which
they were not accustomed. Finding them useless,
they sent six of them to Uganda, and here again they
were told to cultivate the gardens of the French
Mission. Being unused to this work, and ignorant
of it, they were given to various influential chiefs
1 Recent news informs us that this was the alleged reason of his
assassination.
56
PRELIMINABY WORK IN UGANDA.
of the R. Catholic reUgion. Several of them escaped
from these " protectors," and joined my men, whose
language they spoke (Swahili), and whom they pre-
ferred to the Waganda, of whose cruelty they com-
plained greatly. Thereupon the chiefs came to me, and
begged to be allowed to seize one of these women and
take her back again.
My own view is thus expressed in my diary : " Now
this is a case of dealing in slaves, though, of course, the
Fathers only acted as they thought best for the women.
First, the Mission imported them as slaves to work on
their estates, and then gave them as slaves against
their ivill to the Waganda : for they are most particular
that a man shall not have more than one wife, — so they
were not given as ivives. I wrote to one of the Fathers
and said this was the story I had heard, but it could
not be correct, and asked for the true details. The
priest merely denied that they were slaves. So I said,
if free she could go where she liked, and she wished to
return to Usukuma, or ' marry ' one of my Swahilis.
Eventually I sent her back to the French Mission, say-
ing that I thought they should keep her till an oppor-
tunity occurred to send her to the south of the lake
again (since they had brought her here), for my camp
was not a good place for women. The Father retaliated
by saying he had heard that one of my men had bought
a Mganda girl.
" This I consider a different question. It is a matter
of morals, not of slavery. The woman comes of her
own (or her parents') free will as a temporary or per-
manent wife." According to the custom of Africa a
present is made, or a price paid, as you may like to
phrase it. It is better that the men should thus obtain
women " to cook for them," as the phrase is, by amicable
arrangement, than that they should bring trouble by
less friendly methods. " Slavery," I add, " is a different
SLAVERY rZ'i?.Sr.S' MOEALS.
57
matter, thouo-h. in the case of women, doubtless the two
j^ractices come very near together, and one must look
with a clear eve to distinguish. The purchase in any
country of a domestic slave, presupposes that the per-
son sold will thereupon enter on the status of slavery —
viz., that the purchaser can sell her at any time ; that
she has no civic rights, and is a mere chattel. Sup-
posing one of mv men to have obtained a woman, she
is not looked on as his slave, but as his wife or con-
cubine, accordino^ to Mohammedan law. She can leave
him, and he would come in vain to me for permission
to recover her ; if he resold her, and I heard of it, he
would be punished, and she would be released. She
also has civic rights — that is. she has the same facilities
of appeal to me in case of ill-usage, as any of my men.
And alreadv thev know bv experience, that if I hear
a man has struck a woman, he crets it hot. The ob-
taining of a woman as a concubine in her own country
(even though by payment), and with her own or her
parents' consent, may be better or worse than the slave-
trade, hat it is a different thing.''
Long afterwards, just before I left Uganda, a some-
what similar case occurred. A Swahili woman, who
had been captured from the Arabs, was found in the
island of Bulino-uo-we. Irons had been welded on her
ankles, and it was necessary to tile these through to
release her. Pere Brard brought a R. Catholic Mo-anda
one day to Kamjjala, who stated that his wife was
living amongst our lieojAe. I sent him with my orderly
to find her. and he returned with this oirl. Pere Brard
in.sisted that she should be given up,, saying that she
was the lawful wife of the man, who, by the E.
Catholic creed, could not be divorced, and must remain
a celibate unless she returned to him. The woman
protested that she had suffered much ill-treatment, and
had consented to call herself a R. Catholic to escape
58
PRELIMIXARY WORK TX UGANDA.
further beating. She protested she had never AviUingl}^
married the man, which I can quite beheve, for in every
single instance I found that the Swahih women loathed
the Waganda. Here is a case of marriage v. slavery,
and from my point of view I should say that this girl
was much more a slave than a Mganda woman who
" cooks for"" a porter, and can at any moment run away
and claim protection from violence if she chooses. But
in this case the porter has 23robably given her parents
a i^iece of cloth for the woman ; while in the other,
the woman, being a caj)tive, was merely '"'given in
marriage," whether she liked or not.
Analogous to this question is that of the purchase of
slaves, especially children, by the Missions, for religious
education — a system I hold to be entirely illegal, and
also unfitting. " Illegal ; "' — because if a slave is bought,
no matter if freed five minutes after the purchase-money
is paid, the purchaser, being a European, is liable to
prosecution for participation in the slave-trade. More-
over, I am not aware that these slave-children, so pur-
chased, are freed in any manner which would satisfy a
court of law. Are they presented with freedom papers,
or is it explained to them that they are free to go where
they will, and do as they please ? On the contrary, are
they not looked upon as Mission pro23erty, to be recap-
tured even by force if they desert, and compelled to do
the work assigned to them ? Is not the case I have
just narrated a strong instance ? For the Mission
claimed absolute rights over the women, though repu-
diated by the women themselves. Unfitting ; " — be-
cause (as I have already said) I hold that redemption
from slavery should not be made a vehicle for compul-
sory religion. It seems to me a farce that Europe
should be told that a mission has "freed" so many
slaves, when, as a fact, they are as forcibly detained
(in order to be instructed") as ever they were when
ARRIVAL OF WILLIAMS.
59
"slaves."-^ The French Mission largely employ this
system of purchasing slave-boys, as Pere Brard repeat-
edly told me ; and Mr Ashe, of the Chm^ch Missionary
Society, writes : " We had a good number of little
boys, some given to us by chiefs, some sold to us, . . .
some were redeemed by us," &c.^ Thus both missions
are equally included in the remarks I have made ; but
whereas it is the acknowledged custom of the E.
Catholic Mission, approved, as Pere Brard told me, by
their authorities, it is little done by the Church Mis-
sionary Society, and I was not aware it had been done
at all, till I saw the passage in Ashe's book/^
On the 27th Bishop Tucker left. I cannot speak too
highly of the pluck and the cordial spirit shown by
both Gordon and Walker throughout all this period,
especially in the very difficult situation which ensued
immediately after my arrival, when they were the only
two other Englishmen in this part of Africa besides
ourselves.
On Jan. 31st Williams arrived. He brought with
him about 75 Sudanese, and 100 Swahilis ; also a
Maxim gun (which was more reliable than the worn-out
one I had), and a considerable amount of ammunition.
Mr Auburn, who had accompanied him, had returned
to the coast with Gedge. The stockade work of Fort
Kampala was by this time (only a fortnight after the
work was begun) practically complete, and we were
engaged in carrying in earth for levelling, and in build-
ing native houses and a large store, while we still
lived in our tents. Williams brought up the Sudan-
ese sergeant-major, not having heard the causes for
which 1 had sent him from Daoforeti. This fellow had
^ Vide Willonghby's evidence on this jDoint, quoted chajD. viii. p. 6.
2 Two Kings of Uganda, p. 98.
^ The Anti-slavery Society have repeatedly protested against the practice
as one that leads to the capture of children in order to supply the demand.
60
PRELTMIXARY WORK IX UGAXDA.
again attempted to incite the men to mutiny and deser-
tion, and had now been brought on as a prisoner to be
tried for his hfe. As the general spirit among the men
seemed excellent, and no example was needed to exert
a deterrent effect, I was averse to the death penalty ;
and the man was flogged, sent in irons to the coast with
Gedo'e — ^^•ho, havino- been detained bv illness, I was able
to overtake with mails — deprived of pay, and dismissed
the service with io-nominv.
61
CHAPTER XXIY.
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
Captain Williams, R.A. — "Zanzibari Levy" — Stokes arrives — His powder
and arms — Disputes reojDened — Previous participation in politics of
French and English missionaries — Results — People accustomed to
despotism — Wa-Fransa — Wa-Ingleza — ]\[issionaries partisans — Chronic
difficulties re shamhas — Statute-book — Division of Sesse — Real signifi-
cance— Our cordiality with chiefs — Quarrel in haraza — Private con-
ference with Mwanga — Factions prej^are for war — Settlement by night
— Peace, and Mwanga's gratitude — Outrage in Chagwe — War again
averted — Arrival of French bishop — Unsatisfactory interview — Influ-
ence of Mujasi with priests.
Captain W. H. Williams, KA., who now joined me,
was a typical specimen of the best class of British
officer. Though he had come to Uganda as my second
in command, he was, in point of fact, senior to me by
two months as a captain, and over a year in the date
of his first commission. He had long commanded his
battery, and had thrown up an appointment as adjutant
of Artillery to accompany Sir F. De Winton. He was
a keen soldier, whose interests lay entirely in his pro-
fession, and, unlike myself, he came to Africa mainly
with a view of gaining experience which would be use-
ful to him as a soldier. He spoke Turkish and French,
and had acquired a colloquial knowledge of Arabic.
Having enlisted the Sudanese in Egypt for the Imperial
British East African Company, he naturally looked on
them as his especial charge, and what little drill and
62
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
discipline had been instilled into them, was due to his
untiring energy in Mombasa, during the one month
they were under him, before the company who joined
my expedition had left. It was now arranged that,
beino' all reunited, thev should be under his command,
and he began to drill and discipline them — to adjust
their accounts, and supervise their clothing and interior
economy ; and in a wonderfully short time the improve-
ment in their smartness and general turn-out was most
marked. He began to teach them a rough skirmishing
drill, — advancincr in loose fio-htino- formation throuoli
the long grass and dense banana-plantations, working
by bugle-sounds, and attacking an imaginary position.
I also determined to strengthen our fighting force
bv selectincr the best of our Zanzibaris, strikino- them
off all porters' work, and converting them for the time,
at least, into two companies, under their own non-com-
missioned officers. These companies numbered some
seventy each (all ranks), and were called the Zanzi-
bari Levy.'' They wore a short jacket (shaped like
a jersey, and pulled on over the head) and a white loin-
cloth. The red company had a patch of scarlet cloth,
a foot square, between the shoulders, and red cuffs ; the
blue company had a similar distinction in blue. Under
Williams' indefatigable tuition, and with the advan-
tage of having the Sudanese to imitate, they very
rapidlv developed into a most serviceable body of men,
and took a great pride in keeping themselves clean and
smart ; and we did all in our jjower to inculcate the idea
that their position was superior to that of the porters,
and that it was an honour to be selected for the Levy.
Grant, meanwhile, had the safari — viz., the porter and
caravan establishment — under his more esj)ecial charge,
while De Winton devoted his time to the buildino- and
daily work. My own energies were engrossed in a gen-
eral supervision, and in the affairs of Uganda.
STOKES ARRIVES.
63
On Feb. 3d Williams went to be introduced to the
king. We found an enormous assemblage of people
with guns, — Mwanga apparently having called every
available fighting man he could to the capital, to make
a show. I believe
he was nervous lest .
I should now de-
clare my intention
of forcing a flag on
the country. The
interview was satis-
factory and brief,
and the king again
pressed me to go out
to war against the
Mohammedans.
On the 5th Mr
Stokes arrived, and
heralded his ap-
proach by sending
me indio'nant letters,
rejDudiating the ac-
cusation that he had grant.
brought arms and
ammunition from the coast. We, however, became
very friendly, and he promised most emphatically not
to attempt to import arms or powder. This Avas an im-
portant matter, for though I might prevent his doing
so openly, he himself jDointed out that he was able
to evade my eflbrts in many ways, — as, for instance,
by issuing powder to his elephant - hunters at the
south of the lake, and conniving at their selling it
in Uganda. He said that the demand for j)owder
here was so great now, that he could make a profit of
something like £250 on every porters' load ! Possibly,
as a matter of fact, he could have made (for a small
64
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
quantity only) something like half this sum. I spoke
very strongly to him on the subject, saying that the
import of powder at the present moment would mean
civil war, and he agreed that it would be little better
than murder. On the other hand, I promised to facili-
tate his legitimate trade, and agreed that natives sent
by him with goods should come to Uganda and traffic
on his behalf. I promised also to store his ivory, and,
so far as I might be able, to buy his goods and promote
his interests with the Company.
Later he took advantage of these ofPers, and a part}"
of his men traded, under our protection, during the
whole time I was in Uganda, while we stored his ivory,
which otherwise (a year later) would have been lost in
the war. I told him to submit pro]30sals in writing for
the sale of his goods, and he did so. They included 50
loads of gunpowder, 4 loads of gun-caps (70 lb. each),
and 250 guns ! Yet he said, Avhen he first came, that
he had no powder or arms, and resented my letter, in
which I stated that it had been rejDortecl he had this
stulf ! The prices he asked were so enormous that I
would not buy, and he then begged me to store it for
him, so that he might not be tempted to sell it. This
I willingly agreed to do, and I sent down for it, as I
shall narrate presently. Stokes left (I4th Feb.), after
giving me this promise that he would place his powder
and arms under m}^ charge ; and I told him frankly,
that if he behaved honourably in the matter, I on my
part would help him in every way I could. He had
not reached the south of the lake, however, before he
wrote to sav he had chano^ed his mind, and would
retain his arms and powder himself!
Meanwhile the difficulties between the two factions
had led to much heartburning. The Wa-Ingleza de-
clared that the king had, without any cause whatever,
ousted a number of their adherents from their estates,
DISPUTES EEOPEXED.
65
and replaced them by men of his own faction. They
said that this had been going on a long time, and that
thev had onlv refrained from fio^htino- for their rio^its on
the m^o'ent advice of Mr Gordon, who had told them to
be patient, — that the British would come to Uganda,
and they would then obtain restitution. If it is true
that Mr Gordon said this, it will easily be understood
how its meanino' had been exaowrated into the
expectation, that the arrival of the Company's agents
would be the signal for a complete triumph of the
" English " party, and the fulfilment of all their wishes.
The Pokino, an influential and brave Protestant
chief, was the warmest in his protestations, and said
that now, thouo'h I had been some time in Uo-anda.
I had done nothino- for them, and thev were beino-
evicted as frequently or more frecpiently than before.
Most of the chiefs of both parties were on friendly
terms towards each rttlier. and extremely cordial to
us : but there were several of the French *' party who
would have nothino- to sav to us. and had never come
to make friends with us. Of these, the three chiefs,
Mujasi, Kauna, and Salo-Salo, were the leaders. At
such places as the houses of these chiefs, and of men
of lesser j^osition, there was a good deal of pomhe-
drinkincr at nio-ht, and on such occasions there Avas not
unfrequently a row, which once or twice nearly led to
trouble. I spoke to the Kimbugwe, the head of the
Wa - Fransa, about it : but he merely said that so
long as all the gTeat chiefs were mv friends, and all
on the side of peace, what need had I to notice the
folly of a parcel of bovs ] It wcis, hoicever, these very
men ivho everttvxdly precipitated the war.
Before discussing the points of dispute, it is now
necessary briefly to summarise the position in Uganda.
The two factions called Wa-Ingleza (English) and TT>/-
Fransa (French) were led by chiefs of the Protestant
VOL. II. E
66
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
and Roman Catholic creeds respectively. These chiefs
were the rulers of the country, and the lesser chiefs
and peasantry, who followed them in war as their
retainers or serfs, declared themselves, of course, of
the same faction as their lords. The two j^arties were
thus composed largely of men of no religion, nor were
thev relioious in their desiofnation. But relioious dif-
ferences had embittered the leaders and a large por-
tion of the rank and file against each other, and their
animosity was taken up and intensified by their re-
spective followers.
Mgr. Hirth, on my first arrival, had cordially ofiered
me his support, and told me that, now that Uganda
was ceded by international agreement to the influence
of Great Britain, he and his party would cordially
recognise the Company's administration. This declara-
tion I fully believe to have been sincere at the time ;
but the reader will judge from subsequent events to
what extent he acted up to this promise. But Mgr.,
when saying this, also added, that up to the time
of the Anglo - German agreement Uganda had been
" No-man's land," and that it was then perfectly legiti-
mate for any one to establish an influence, with a view to
the ultimate political supremacy. That he had worked
ivith this vieiv hitherto, I understood him candidly to
admit. And herein, it appears to me, lies the solution
of the whole matter. French-made arms had been
imported into the country, and there were very many
of them in Uganda, and these must have been brought
by the Fathers, for, so far as I know, there is no
trade in French arms on the East African coast. The
B. Catholics had been taught to desire French suprem-
acy, and their faction had adopted the title of Wa-
Fransa. But supposing that Mgr. now wished to
undo all this, and accept the British administration,
the work of vears could not be undone in a moment.
POLITICS OF MISSIONARIES.
67
nor could the Fathers persuade the whole faction to
resign the aims they had themselves fostered, though
they might explain the change to some of the most
intelligent and influential chiefs. Unfortunately, the
faction opposed to them was " English."
How far a similar policy of creating a political
influence in favour of British rule had been promoted
by the Protestant missionaries, I have no accurate
means of knowing. Doubtless they were little behind
the Fathers in their desires to secure in Uganda the
supremacy of the nation to which they belonged. For
General Gordon, speaking of the Uganda mission, says,
that, "as it is composed, it is more secular than spir-
itual " ^ and accordingly writes to indicate the political
attitude the mission should take. Mackay's letters
prove him to have been a most zealous promoter of
British supremacy; and Mr Gordon's action upon and
subsequent to Mr Jackson's arrival indicates that the
missionaries apparently considered that they were the
representatives of British interests. I do not believe,
however, that they ever imported any arms, or had
any definite political schemes.
On arrival I was looked upon by the Fransa party
as an addition to the hostile camp. The British flag
was regarded as the standard of the iVa-Ingleza ; the
French flag as the standard of the Wa- Fransa.
Had the Germans taken over Uganda, they would
have been unwelcome to the B. Catholics, as being
Protestants ; but their flag, at least, would have been
looked on as neutral. This feeling was very strong
among the peasantry in the outlying districts. Later,
when I went to Buddu, the B. Catholics refused me
food, on the ground that I was English, saying they
would only supply Frenchmen. I therefore endeav-
oured to separate, in the minds of the people, the two
^ Gordon in Africa, p. 183.
68
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
ideas of religion and of nationality. 1 always spoke
of the R Catholics as the Wa-Katoliki " * and the
Protestants as " Wa - Protestanti," refusing to ac-
knowledo'e the terms " French *' and " Eno-lish," for
we were now (I said) all English. With those with
whom I came into contact I succeeded, as I have
shown ; but among those who did not come to Kam-
pala, and among the peasantry, the rancour and jealousy
remained.
Meanwhile, it must be remembered that these Africans
had always been ruled with a rod of iron. ^ Mtesa and
his forefathers had preserved peace among their turbu-
lent and excitable people only by periodically sending
off huofe armies to lav waste neio-hbourino- states, and
bv wholesale executions for the most trivial offences,
or for a mere whim. Thus they acquired the absolute
authority which surrounds despots. With the return
of Mwanga, after his exile, this brutal rule was ex-
changed for a feeble and vacillating hand, which, more-
over, was no longer empowered to authorise executions.
The result was that the people ran riot. In old days
Mtesa had issued an order that " everv man was to
wear a bead on his wrist, on pain of losing his head ;
and every woman a bead on a string round her waist,
on pain of being cut in half"^ And the sentence
met with instant execution, if the whim of the king
was neoiected. But now, thouo-h the countrv was
on the verge of war, Mwanga might issue order after
order, that men should leave their arms in their houses,
and no one heeded it. In the old days, after sun-
down the king's executioners would patrol the roads,
and instantly execute any one found abroad, on the
grounds that he would not be out by night for any
^ Vide A Walk across Africa, Grant, pp. 200, 227 et passim. Also Life of
Mackay, p. 197.
- Two Kings of Uganda, Ashe, p. 82.
WA-FRANSA AND WA-INGLEZA.
69
good purpose. Now, on the contrary, drunken revel-
lers with drums and arms miofht make nio^ht hideous
by their shouts, till some one, more excited and bois-
terous than the rest, beat the well-known war-note
on the drum in sheer bravado, and set the whole
country in a blaze, and there was no one to stop
him.
The land was divided into two hostile camps, and
every evil-doer was championed by his faction. Mwa-
nga, of course, chose the stronger — the Wa-Fransa ;
they had more white men than the Wa-Ingleza, more
arms, more people. He dare not punish one of this
faction, lest he should alienate himself from them. I
will ask the reader to pause and try to realise the
difficulty of my position. In order to gain the con-
fidence of the Wa-Fransa, it was necessary to treat
them precisely as the Wa-Ingleza, though the bulk
of the one faction was bitterly hostile to me, while
the other was loyal. Moreover, common-sense com-
pelled me to suppose that the party which had suffered
the most injustice from the other was likely to be
the weaker one. It was most improbable that the
stronger had been suffering constant eviction and dep-
rivation of their riofhts at the hands of the weaker.
If I turned to the European missionaries (as knowing
the language and the customs of the people), I found
that either side believed implicitly the statements of
their own party. The Frenchmen wrote to Europe
of the turbulent and " intolerant blacks," — the heret-
ical Protestants, — and insisted that their patient con-
verts had suffered continuous injustice and violence
from them. The English missionaries similarly be-
lieved that injury after injury had been patiently
endured by their "flock," who had done nothing by
way of reprisal. My own belief was that the Wa-
ganda were par excellence the greatest liars of any
70
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
nation or tribe I had met or heard of, and that it
appeared to be a point of honour that each side should
out -lie the other — especially to their missionaries, as
indeed they naively acknowledged one day to Williams.
Meanwhile, so far as I could judge from the inquiries
I made, the Protestants appeared to have by far the
greatest cause of complaint, — and this seemed natural,
as they were the weaker party. If, however, I should
give case after case in favour of the Protestants, purely
because in each instance the evidence adduced should
point in their favour, I should undoubtedly alienate the
E. Catholics, who naturally viewed things from their
own standpoint, and they would consider me partial,
however absolutely unbiassed I might really be. I
therefore endeavoured to find two cases, one of which
appeared to be clearly in favour of the Protestants,
the other of the P. Catholics, and thus, while de-
ciding justly, to make the balance equal. This " pair-
inof off of cases " has o-iven umbrao^e to the recent
Avriters on the P. Catholic side of the controversy.^
Meanwhile, my own men were the victims of various
insults and of ill-treatment on several occasions by the
peasantry of the Wo-Fixmsa, and, according to my
custom, I placed each complaint in the hands of the
chiefs for inquiry and redress ; but though I rarely or
never obtained it, I was content to exercise patience.
On Feb. 3d, as I said, the king pressed me to go
against the Mohammedans, but I declined, unless he
would promise me not to arbitrarily evict people of
either faction from their estates. This he undertook.
He said I had oiven him no arms as Jackson had.
and kept begging me to allow him to buy arms and
powder from Stokes and others ; but I declined, saying
I would myself furnish all arms necessary for his pro-
tection or the defence of the country. The Protestants
1 "Xotes on Uganda," Eoman Catholic Union, p. 33.
CHRONIC DIFFICULTIES RE S HA 31 B AS.
71
at this time complained that two men of their faction
had been murdered by the other party. I inquired
into the matter, and told the king that in a case of
murder the culprit must be executed, for one such
outrage might plunge the country in war. He agreed
at once, as did the chiefs of both factions, saying that
this was right, and in accordance with the law of
Uganda.
The matter which is the chronic trouble of Uganda,
is the constant litigation which arises over the estates,
or shamhas. I was told that this had been the great
cause of all disputes, even in the arbitrary days of
Mtesa, who was no respecter of persons, and whose
word was final. This difficulty now assumed a critical
aspect. After ousting the Mohammedans, the two fac-
tions of Christians had divided all the estates between
themselves. Thus a chief of a province would have
under him any number of petty chiefs of either faction.
These, again, would have a mixed population on their
estates, and so on. Some petty little chief would
have a quarrel with some of his people who belonged
to the opposite faction to himself, and would promptly
oust them. The report (generally exaggerated fifty
or a hundred per cent) would reach a neighbouring
chief, who would accordingly evict an increasingly large
number of the opposite faction from his estate. Then
all those evicted would come trooping to the big chiefs
at the capital with greatly exaggerated stories, and
they in their turn would come rushing over to me,
to say several hundred people had been evicted (the
real number being probably half-a-dozen), and that
war was inevitable unless speedy justice were done !
Moreover, this kind of thing had been going on before
our arrival, and there were piles of arrears of similar
grievances.
On Feb. 10th the big chiefs met in a most amicable
72
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
way to endeavour to come to a solution of the dif-
ficulties. They talked incessantly for six days, and
my confidant, the Kauta (F.), told me on the 13th
that they were in a fair way of settling the diffi-
culties. I told him it would be well, in any case, for
the council of arbitration to meet me. If they had
agreed, I would enter it in writing ; if not, I would
arbitrate. For I had established a " statute-book," in
which to set down all decisions arrived at, and all laws
passed, as the Waganda set great weight on a written
contract. However, on the 16th the Kauta came to
say that they had quarrelled over the question. Some
particular estate was claimed by the Wa-Ingleza as
being undeniably theirs, and they said that if the Wa-
Fransa would not cede it they would expel them from
it. I heard the long story through ; but in a country
unsurveyed, and with no map, it is, of course, impossible
for a European to understand a question of estates :
moreover, the rights of land-tenure are extraordinarily
complicated in Uganda.
The Protestants always accused Mwanga of bias
and j)artiality towards the Wa-Fransa ; and as he
was of that party, and the R. Catholics never com-
plained of his partiality to the Wa-Ingleza, I 23resume
there was some truth in it. However, I got both sides
to aofree to abide bv the decision of the kinof, and we
all went to the haixtza together. Mwanga a23parently
heard the matter through, and I told him I would sup-
port his decision. It was, that the estates should be
made into one, and redivided. This greatly vexed the
Protestants, who urged that theirs was the larger.
However, I said the king's decision was final, and who-
ever disputed it quarrelled with me. I urged that
" bygones should be bygones," and hencefor\\'ard all
evictions should cease. This the king and the chiefs
warmly agreed to. We sat for hours in the hottest
DIVISION OF SESSE.
73
time of the day in one of the smaller huts, where
the atmosphere was stifling, and even the king and Wa-
ganda were dissolved in perspiration, while I myself
had for some days been feeling anything but well.
I was, on the whole, much pleased with the result,
for Mwanga had shown himself most friendly, and had
repeatedly declared himself thoroughly at one with
me, and " he kept constantly referring to me as his
ally and partner, and the ultimate arbitrator, whose
decision was final. ... At parting he said spontane-
ously, that I might be assured he would let me know
in case of all serious difficulties, and he would appeal
to me for advice and assistance " (diary). I, on my
part, said, that if only I could be assured that the king
would do justice, I would support him in all decisions,
regardless of faction ; for all agreed there was no one
in Uganda who so thoroughly knew the details of
these shamba questions as Mwanga. The division of
the lands taken from the Mohammedans had never
as yet been completed, and the " shamba question,"
therefore, comprised the division of these lands, as
well as the matter of evictions on account of quarrels
between people of opposite factions.
After this question was decided, the division of the
islands was brought forward, — a matter which, like
most of these difficulties, was not really one of religion
at all. The Sesse group of islands is equal to about 150
square miles, being as large as one of the provinces of
Uganda. It is, moreover, extremely rich ; and later,
when Captain Williams visited it, he described it as
far surpassing in fertility anything in Uganda proper.
Under the title of "the islands," the Waganda, I
understand, include not only the islands proper, but the
estates on the mainland bordering the lake. Thus,
whoever possessed "the islands" had complete com-
mand of the whole of the canoes. It has already been
74
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
seen how important this was in the case of the reverse
at the hands of the Mohammedans. Doubtless both
parties felt that if civil war should break out between
themselves, the Mohammedans would descend upon
them and drive them out, and then the faction which
had command of the lake would have a safe asylum,
while the other would be absolutely exterminated.
Mwanga especially recognised this, and whenever there
was any fear of war, at once had all his things tied
up ready for flight to the islands. It Avas here he had
concealed his stores of ivory and powder. Secondly,
whoever held the command of the canoes had a mon-
opoly of the traflic to the south of the lake. It
was from thence alone that arms and powder could
be procured.
As I have narrated. Stokes had brought up large
consignments of these to the south of the lake, which
doubtless the king hoped to obtain, and he had already
had oflers from Arab traders in that district (p. 54),
while the Wanyamwezi chiefs had vast quantities of
powder stored in their country, which they were ready
to sell for ivory. I think it not improbable also, that
the R. Catholic chiefs thought they might obtain
arms through the medium of the French Mission ; for,
as I have said, it appears beyond doubt that as long
as Uganda was under no European protection, and
the prohibitions to the import of arms did not exist,
the French Fathers did import them, and the Wa-
ganda could not, of course, appreciate the difference
made by international prohibitions. In writing thus,
I must leave my reader to form his own conclusions
as to whether it is fittinof that missionaries should
be the importers of arms, either for the purpose of
gaining a political ascendancy for their own party, or
for any other motive. For my part I think it is not ;
for it ajDpears to me impossible, that any one who has
IMPORTAXCE OF SESSE.
75
lived in Africa should not appreciate the incalculable
harm done by the import of arms. At the same time,
it must be remembered that, according to Mr Jackson,
Pere Lourdel had openly advocated their introduction,
in order that the Christians might be able to anni-
hilate the Mohammedans.
Again, the possession of the canoes was of im-
portance, because both French and English mission-
aries had hitherto come only bv the route throuo^h
German territory to the south of the lake, and had
no means of reaching Uganda except by canoes. The
Protestants, having no command of these, had been
unable, only a few weeks before, to send for their
bishop and his party. The consequence was, as I have
said, that they were delayed there for three weeks,
and in the unhealthy climate of Usukuma three out
of eight died, and every one of the survivors reached
Uganda broken down with fever and illness. The
Protestant chiefs felt this deeply. The king, in reply
to the question as to whether the islands should be
divided, said that they should belong to neither fac-
tion, but should be his own perquisite, and both religions
should be free to teach there. To this the Wa-Ingleza
naturally demurred, for the king was of the ojDposite
party, and they alone had hitherto been allowed a
footing in Sesse. The peo23le of this island were sav-
ages, and I believe of a different race to the Waganda ;
and the very strong feeling about the division of the
islands was due, not to any furore for proselytising
them, but on account of the reasons I have stated.
The Fathers also argued, that as Sesse was not a jDart
of Uganda proper, it should not be divided, any more
than Usoga. But the case is in no way parallel. Sesse,
from its position and its command of the canoes, was a
possession of great strategic and political importance.
Both factions had the right of entry into Usoga, while
76
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
the Protestants were practically excluded from Sesse.
Moreover. Usoga ivas more or less divided — both factions
having, I believe, suzerain rights over petty chiefs
there. But the matter is difficult to define accurately,
for the system of land tenure and of riD:hts of taxation
of tributary states is very complicated.
These two disputes, then, formed at this period the
crux of my difficulties in Uganda. I find in my diary
(Feb. 17th) the following note: "One thing is most
marked — viz., that whatever the feeling stirred up
between the parties, — and it is an inevitable conse-
quence of the discussion of this question, that there
should be much heartburning and jealousy, — ive are
now quite exempt from it. Neither side look on us,
1 think, as having any bias at all, and both, as well
as the king, aj)peal to us for justice and help. To
have achieved this is in itself a great gain." The
excellent little Kauta — one of the shrewdest of the
R. Catholic chiefs — remained my intimate friend and
confidant, and I even visited him late at night alone,
to talk over matters, and obtain his views privately,
after I had been engaged all day in these public dis-
cussions. Zachariah was the man I most trusted and
believed in on the Protestant side.
Meanwhile our work progressed at Kampala. Our
principal store was finished, and a large underground
fire -proof powder-magazine completed. Office returns
were all up to date in Grant's indefatigable hands,
and Williams' little army was the admiration and
wonder of crowds of Waganda who daily collected to
see them drill. As we had no pls.ce or table large
enough to dine together, Grant and I shared meals,
and Williams and De Winton did the same ; and be-
tween us all, I am glad to say, the most cordial feeling
possible existed.
On the 1 3th, Messrs Gordon and Smith left to establish
QUARREL IN BARAZA.
77
a mission in Usoga without any reference to me. On
the 18th there was a much less satisfactory haraza on
the shamha question, and the king did not, it appeared
to me, endeavour to show impartiahty. "The TT^a-
Fransa/' I write, " prompted all his replies, and he gave
his hand to one and another of them to be fondled
(in his execrable way), and to them he constantly turned
for applause." He was, in fact, obviously identifying
himself solely with one faction, and arguing their side.
" The Wa-Ingleza, too, had told me that what had
been said by me in the previous haraza had been
understood as an announcement that I would back
up the king in every matter, and that the Fransa
faction were jubilant, saying that instead of being
weakened by our arrival, as they had expected, they
were now much strengthened, for the king could now
do as he liked, and all he did would be backed by
force. Consequently I obtained a silence, and told
the king that I came to ask him to do justice in this
matter, for I had told him that as long as he did
justice I would back him up, but if he did not, I w^ould
cease to support him, and would do justice myself.
There was a dead silence, and obviously the "French"
party did not relish this plain announcement, while
the " English " were delighted. Williams, who was with
me on this occasion, says the king " looked quite green "
at this very plain speaking and challenge, but he
agreed at once, and said he would do justice" (diary).
The argument about the shamhas became very hot, and
at last the Katikiro (head chief of the Wa-Ingleza) ap-
parently spoke somewhat roughly to the king. Mwanga
lost his temper, and rose and left the haraza, which
broke ujd in disorder. I sent a message to the king
by the Kauta, to say I wished to speak to him in
private. He immediately returned, and Williams and
I saw him with closed doors, only the Mujasi (F.) and
78
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
Kaiita (F.) being present. I pointed out to him
that both factions were his own subjects, and that
if he wished to restore peace to his country, he
must take an impartial view, suitable to a big king,
to whom all parties came for justice. That I was
a Protestant, yet he had only to ask the Kauta
and R. Catholics as to my impartiality and fairness
to both sides ; that I understood he was a R. Catholic,
but that this must make no difference to his justice,
any more than my creed did to mine : that I could only
support him if he was just : that I had, since coming
to Uganda, heard very much of the grievances of both
sides, and though I could not understand all the rights
involved in this shamha question, and could not tell
whom to believe, — since each side told me the other had
said nothing but lies, and since I did not know the size
of the estates which were pitted against each other, or
their history, — yet, after all I had heard, the impression
left on my mind was that the Wa-Ingleza had lost
many shamhas unfairly, which should be restored. I
did not say that this Avas a fact, but that it was my
impression after carefully hearing both sides. This
the king did not deny, and even the Mujasi and
Kauta were silent. "I then spoke of the division of
Sesse, and said that if he agreed to divide the islands,
I thouo'ht I could the more easilv settle the shamha
question. He eventually agreed to divide Sesse, if the
Protestants would undertake not to evict the boatmen,
and this I said I would at once go and settle. We
talked till lonof after dark, while a huo^e blazino- fire
inside the house lit up the whole place."
I wish I could present to my reader's imagination the
vivid picture that is before my mind's eye of the lofty
grass hut, whose interior is a forest of poles, supporting
the heavy roof, the walls of cleanly washed vertical
bamboo reeds, each tied in its j^lace with perfect regu-
PHIVATE CONFEKENCE WITH MWANGA. 79
larity. The floor is strewn with a soft fine grass, hke
new-mown EngHsh hay, but finer, and free from bladed
grasses, which is kept for this purpose. A blazing log-
fire, tended by a small boy, sends its glow on our faces,
CONFERENClL WITH MWAXGA BY NiGHT.
as we sit absorbed, trying to get Mwanga to grasp the
great idea of impartial justice. The king in his white
hanzu is seated on his carpet, and the two chiefs near
him, both of whom speak Swahili fluently, listen with
faces of rapt attention.
We then went to the Katikiro, and had a very
long talk over the shamba question, and he promised
to restore the men who had been evicted. He was
delighted about Sesse, and promised to oust no one at
80
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
all." And so we returned late in the nio-ht to Kam-
pala to eat our dinner at last, having had nothing
since breakfast. My E. Catholic critics infer that I
shelved the questions which troubled Uganda. Could
they read each day's record, as it lies before me here in
my diary, they would at least, I think, credit me with
unwearied effort, though they may deny my abilitv.
"Early next morning (Feb. 19th) I found that the
country was assembling for war, having heard the
news that the king and Katikiro had quarrelled. The
" French " faction had begun it, and had assembled in
great numbers, and the hills were covered with them
towards their side, and on the Kino-'s Hill. Just as I
came forward I saw a huo-e mass of men rushino- alono-
from the north : these were the " Enoiish " faction run-
ning forward to the battle. I told Duta to stop them
at once, and that I should fire on any masses of men
who would not disperse. They halted where they
were. AYe were now so used to rumours of war, that
I had not at first looked on it with much anxiety,
but I soon saw that it was a very serious matter,
and that the whole country was up. I marched with
Williams and a company of Sudanese to the top of
the Kino-'s Hill, where the Wa-Fransa had assembled.
On the way I met the Kauta and Sekibobo (F.),
and told them to send men rapidly to disperse their
people. This they did, for the chiefs themselves (more
especially these two) are very great friends with me
now, and have long since ceased to wish for war, or for
a quarrel with us. By the time we arrived on the
Kino^'s Hill thev had mostlv left the vicinitv. but
laro'e crowds stood on the hills round, and would
not disperse though messengers were sent to them.
So I formed up the Blacks in extended order down on
the knee, and bayonets fixed, and sent for the Maxim,
and said I would open fire in a few minutes. The sight
SETTLEMENT BY NIGHT.
81
of the gun made them tail off a bit " (diary). I then
went and told the king all was quiet, and he was very
grateful.
Shortly afterwards I had a discussion at KamjDala
about the points in dispute. " I called on the Pro-
testants to name four shamhas of which they had been
unjustly dispossessed, and they did so. Then one
by one I argued them out with the R. Catholics, and
they practically agreed they were really Ingleza
estates. I then called on the R. Catholics to name
four, which they did with a similar result. They could
name no more, but the Protestants added a great many,
most of which seemed to be really theirs. All was
done with little friction. ... In the afternoon six or
seven rapid shots were heard, and soon after the huts,
from which they had come, were in flames. Immedi-
ately the whole country was up again. A Protestant
had stolen some pombe from a R. Catholic. The
latter came to recover it, and there was a row, and
some shots were fired. There were some marvellously
close shaves, but no one was seriously hurt. So again
I had to go down with the Sudanese and draw them
up across the road, and sent men to tell the crowds
to disperse or I would fire on them, and that there was
no war. After much trouble and difficulty we again
restored peace, and caught the originators of the
trouble, — both petty chiefs.
" I went to see the king, who begged me to settle
the affair at once, or the country would ' sleep badly '
—viz., there would be preparations at night for war
in the morning. So I went to the Katikiro, who sent
for the culprits, and he and all the big chiefs followed
to Kampala. They sat in the centre of the fort on
skins, &c., spread for them, — a very large assembly.
It is a contrast to the state of things some two months
ago, when we were expecting an attack from these
VOL. II. F
82
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
men. Now, unarmed, they sit and talk one of their
biggest shauris (conferences) by night in my fort,
though the gates are closed." After discussing the
question among themselves, they referred to me. I
could not find out who fired the first shot, and I said
that if we could ascertain that, I thought the man
should be executed, as he had nearly plunged the coun-
try in war. To this, however, both factions demurred,
for no one had been killed, and they held the man who
had stolen the liquor to be responsible, as having begun
the quarrel. So I agreed, and put the thief in handcuffs
in our guardroom. He was a Protestant. This quieted
the people, and the news soon spread through the
country that the matter was ended, and the fear of war
next morning passed over. Next day, at the king's
request, I sent the prisoner to him to be dealt with by
the law of Uganda. He was to pay for the huts burnt,
and double for everything stolen, as well as a fine. At
my suggestion the other man concerned in the quarrel
was also punished, but not so heavily.
I heard from my men who were in charge of
" Gedge's house," that the people of Mujasi, Salo-Salo,
and Kaima (all F.) were still disaffected towards us,
and they had even told Cuthbert, my informant (who
spoke Kiganda well), that they should attack us in case
of war ; but the leaders of the faction — the Kimbugwe,
Kauta, Sekibobo, and others — had all proved them-
selves our staunch allies. I find in my diary (20th)
the following somewhat interesting, if quaint, entry.
After speaking very strongly in praise of the Sekibobo
(F.), I go on to speak of Zachariah (E.) : " I look on him
as the best man in Uganda, most thoroughly straight
and trustworthy, and a very great favourite all round.
The R. Catholics like him very much, and so does
the king. He is never one who brings stories of the
opposite side's treachery, &c. I called him on one side
PEACE AND MWAXGA's GEATITUDE.
83
and asked him the news. He said that yesterday,
after the trouble, the king had held a big haraza. He
said to them all, ' This Captain has come here, and said
he had come to help the country, but till now I did
not believe it. Then you all quarrelled in the haraza
about the shamhas, and I [Mwanga] left in a rage, but
I got a message saying the Captain wished to see me,
and I came.
" ' And the Captain said, " This land of yours is being
spoilt altogether, and will be plunged in war. And
why? Who is spoiling it? You yourself He said,
" Why don't you do justice ? All the people are
yours, both sides alike. They have no king but you ;
both come to you for justice, but the Wa-Ingleza tell
me that you do not do justice for them, and favour
the Wa-Fransay I said that I did justice ; he an-
swered, "Well, then, if you do justice, divide Sesse.
Ever since I have been in the land, the Wa-Ingleza
say, ' If the king did justice, he would divide Sesse.' "
I refused, and said if they wished they could go and
teach there, but I would not divide Sesse. To this he
said, "All right : now I see you won't do justice, and
if you won't, then it is your own fault." And I got
afraid, and thought perhaps this Captain speaks true,
and this is the real way to restore peace to the country.
And I said, " I will divide Sesse." And he was pleased,
and said if I did, that all the people would see I did
right for both sides, and the troubles about the shamhas
would quickly be settled. And then I began to believe
that he had really come to settle the country, and for
this work only, and no other. And I saw that this
was indeed the way to do it.
" ' And after he had gone, I went to my bed, and I
thought over these things, and I saw that this was
indeed true, and that when he said I could not have
two people in my house and not treat both alike, he
84
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
was right. And then in the morning the war began.
And who stopped the war ? This Captain stopped it,
and he was just the same to both sides. And how did
he stop it ? Without shedding any blood at all. He
came and stood between, and told all the people to
cease from war, and brought his cannon, and they ceased.
And if he had not done this, what would have happened?
All this country would now be desolate, half the peo-
ple would be dead, all of you would not be here, all
Uganda would be spoilt. And now I truly believe that
he has come to help me, and to bring peace to the
country, and his heart is white [viz., without double-
dealing]. And all the time he has been in Uganda we
have had no wrong or harm at his hands. Whose
things has he stolen, or whom has he hurt all this
time ? And now, my people, I mean to do justice, and
to treat both sides alike, and I will divide Sesse,' " &c.
I quote this passage word for word, as I wrote with
Zachariah's words still in my ears. For it shows a
marked improvement on the cruel tyrant delighting
in the lingering tortures of the victims he hacked limb
from limb, and then burned alive in the flames. Un-
fortunately Mwanga's character was not strong enough
to keep him always at his best, and his weakness cost
him dear, as my story by-and-by will show.
Zachariah had barely finished his account when men
came running in to say that some Wa - Ingleza, re-
turning from Chagwe, had been attacked by the Wa-
Fransa of Salo-Salo's place, and two killed. Again
the war-drums beat, and the armies assembled for war
in an incredibly short time. The king, I was told,
had already sent to arrest the murderers, and he
begged me to go to the Katikiro to try and prevent
hostilities. The Wa- Ingleza were dejected, and ex-
claimed that it was always the same story, — fresh out-
rages and no satisfaction — fresh provocations to war.
WAR AVERTED AGAIN.
85
I told them not to be fools, but to come out with me
and help to stop the battle. Coming out of the Kati-
kiro's house, " I found the whole country up once more,
and huge crowds of the Fransa faction collecting on the
hills, with a large recl-and-white flag (which was, I
understand, the French flag). ... I held the hill with
twenty men, who had formed our escort to the king.
It w^as Zachariah who had urged my taking a strong
escort, when I was starting with two Zanzibaris only.
They were now very handy, for already the hill was
becoming crowded with armed men, who were sneak-
ing into the king's enclosure from the back and sides.
Meanwhile I sent for a reinforcement and the Maxim.
Larger crowds than ever assembled, but were almost
entirely Wa-Frccnsa. The ' English ' had been warned
not to turn out. As before, the Sekibobo, Kauta, and
Kimbugwe worked very hard to quell the rising " (diary).
Again we succeeded with difiiculty, and returned home
tired out — ^just in time to meet the other army coming
from the northern quarter, and to disperse them.
These were days of ceaseless anxiety and strain,
and told on me considerably ; but it was simply an in-
calculable relief to have a man like Williams by my
side, on whom I could absolutely rely, and whose pluck
was equal to every emergency. In my private diary
I make the following note, which is a significant com-
mentary on the events which happened a year later :
" There is no denying that most of the outrages, since
I have been here, have been committed by the Fransa
party ; that it is they who have turned out for war,
and are violating the treaty ; and if they continue in
this course they will invite the destruction of their
party — not because they are R. Catholics, but because
they are rebels against the British authority and the
treaty signed by the king and their own chiefs."
On Feb. 21st the French bishop returned to Uganda
86
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
with several new Fathers. It will be remembered
that he had left a day or two after my arrival, and
before the treaty was signed. They called on the
23d. and Mgr. said: "'(1.) That the country was now
at the point of war ; all the people were counting their
o-uns. and determined to fioiit. Sooner than divide
Sesse. the Pi. Catholics would ficrht. Yet he said at
another moment that Sesse was not Pi. Catholic, but
neutral. [I afterwards inquired from the king and
chiefs about this ; they replied that it Avas wholly
untrue, that there was no immediate talk of war,
and the kino- said he would settle the Sesse division
amicably.] (2.) That the people confidently expected
help fr-jm the Germans in case of war. I laughed
at this, and they replied with innuendoes that it was
true, and in such manner and tone as to try and
com-ince, or at least frighten, me ; and added, they
had seen arms with the German mark on them in
Sesse, and hinted that supplies of powder came from
there. I did not like this at all. I absolutely don't
believe a word of it, and the way it was said looked
t<> rne very like an attempt at intimidation. ... I
object also to the mean accusation against the honour
of the Germans. This sticks in my throat dread-
fully"'" ( diary j.
I may note that a year later, when the war broke
out, there were almost precisely the same innuendoes,
and the Germans were, I believe, appealed to for aid,
but my conception of German honour and good faith
proved more correct than that of the Fathers.
(3. ) They stated that the Wa-Ingleza already had
the lion s share of the division of Uo^anda. havinc^ two-
thirds of the total country, as against one-third to the
Wa-Fransa. This apj^ears unlikely, since they are
numerically the weaker, but is arrived at by count-
ing the province which ovrns a Protestant head chief
UNSATISFACTORY INTERVIEW WITH MGR.
87
as Protestant, and vice versd. This is a quibble, for
the actual estates in each province belong to both fac-
tions indiscriminately, and the chieftainship is merely
an office. Moreover, even so I doubt the accuracy of
the statement. Singo would thus be accounted Protes-
tant, whereas at least two-thirds of it is deserted and
uninhabited, because of the Mohammedan raids. They
made several other complaints of a general nature, as
to the " continual concessions " made by the R. Catho-
lics,— the way they were constantly evicted, &c.
" The bishop remarked that all this trouble was quite
new since he went, inferring that we had only made con-
fusion worse confounded, and spoilt the country. This
was taken up most nicely by Pere Brard (who has been
here throughout), who pointed out that the trouble had
arisen solely over the shamha question, and the country
had been very quiet before. Altogether, this interview
was unsatisfactory, and Williams was very greatly dis-
gusted, saying it looked as though they were deliber-
ately misstating facts, — a thing one is more than loth
to believe possible. I put it down mostly to misinfor-
mation." I quote this interview because it indicates the
general attitude of Mgr. Hirth. He knew my position
to be full of difficulty, and I understand on the best
authority that he has recently, in his evidence before
the commission of inquiry, stated that he had no
complaint against my administration at this period,
which he considers to have been impartial ; yet instead
of offering me friendly advice, and trying to co-operate
with me, he showed nothing but a vehement partisan-
ship, and almost threatened to encourage war, unless I
complied with his ideas, which, it needed no knowledge
of the questions to see, were narrow and heated.
I saw the king in the evening, and he was most
vehemently grateful for the way in which we had saved
the land a second time from war. He said he should
88
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
consult me in every little thing ; that he saw the only
way to save Uganda was to make both sides exactly
equal, that he meant to do so, and that we would de-
cide every matter together, both great and small, and
then make the chiefs obey us. He said " that I was his
bed, his food, his house, and his power, and he should
do nothing without me." Zachariah (E.) was apj)ointed
his messenger to me, and he asked me to make up the
quarrel between himself and the Katikiro, which I did,
impressing, at the same time, on the latter, patience
and forbearance in this question of the shamhas. So
Williams and I returned bv moonlio4it to our dinner.
Some looting had taken place when the cry of war was
raised, and the king appears to have inquired most im-
partially into it, fining every man (of either faction)
double the value of the stolen j^i'operty.
I had been told by the administrator that my idea of
trying to gain a personal influence with Mwanga was
ridiculous ; but I think that, in the two months since I
entered Uo-anda, we had tauo-ht him both to fear and
respect us, and even to trust us. For Mwanga, who
trembled at his own shadow, now received Williams,
Dualla, and myself alone by night in his private house
without fear, with only one small 23age-boy in attend-
ance.
It was at this time (Feb. 25th) that I received the
letter from Mgr. which I have described in my reports
as "extremely ill-advised." After various complaints
he added that hitherto the Fathers had endeavoured
to prevent the R. Catholics from taking arms, but that
a conflict could only be avoided if justice was now
done. On inquiry I found that the king and chiefs
had heard no talk of taking up arms. I told Mwanga
that I thouo'ht it wrono- for isolated individuals to
go to the Fathers with their stories, before they
had mentioned the case either to himself or to me :
IXFLUEXCE OF MUJASI.
89
the missionaries were purely concerned with religion,
nor was it fitting that they should write letters on
these questions, which practically amounted to a threat
of war, and were calculated to stir up the bad feeling
I had been at such pains to allay. Long afterwards,
I had occasion to say much the same of the English
missionaries. I went to Mgr. and endeavoured to get
him to understand that, for every complaint of his
party, I had at least an equivalent from the other
side, and begged him to let me know fully any cause
of complaint he heard of Ultimately, I think, he
became convinced that I was honestly trying my best
for both, and we parted on excellent terms.
For my own part, I thought I could trace the solu-
tion of the matter. The Mujasi ^^as a E. Catholic.
He had refused to come and see us, and was almost
the only chief of importance who was our declared
enem}^. I heard reports from my men who lived at
Gedge's house, of the threats which emanated from
his people in their nightly revels, not against the Wa-
Inc/Ieza alone, but against us. He was the king's
confidant, and lived in his house. Since the time the
king had declared himself eager to co-operate with me,
and to act without bias, I had noticed that the Mujasi
was no longer there, as he had invariably been before.
This boy-chief had been bred and brought up in the
French Mission, and was a very great favourite of the
Fathers, who, I think, believed implicitly all he said.
But I believe him to have been (like most Waganda)
untruthful. [The Fathers stated that in the war a year
later the Mujasi "penetrated into the Fort Kampala
under the fire of two Maxims," &c. This, I suppose,
^A'as his own version. He never was within 500 yards
of the fort on that day. I could quote other cases,
but it is superfluous to prove a Mganda untruthful.]
He was now, I fancv, more bitter and hostile than
90
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
ever. When Msfr. made one or two assertions which
surprised me at our interview, and I asked their
source, he named the Mujasi. This man was at the
root of the trouble throughout. A year later, when
war broke out, it was from his place that the war-
drums beat first, and I myself believe firmly, that it
was due to him more than to any other that the civil
war took place. I shall later have a good deal to say
about him.
92
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
My view — Williams' subsequent action — Various disputes settled —
Mails arrive — French missions to Usoga — Rights of missions' extension
— Status of missionaries in British territory — State of Usoga — Show
parade — Uganda police — Case of Mondu — Agree to fight Mohammedans
— Choice of the General — Martin's arrival with the envoys — State
reception — Samweli's announcement — Beating of royal war-drums —
Departure of Katikiro's army — Martin to coast — Bagge to Usukuma —
Drill of our troops — E. Catholic critics.
The matter of the outrao-e on the Protestants return-
ing from Chagwe, which had so nearly led to war (p. 84),
had blown over, and when the men sent to investigate
it returned, they reported that no one had been killed,
and only two wounded. Another matter on the 26th,
when some Wa-Fransa were said to have surrounded
the hut of a man of the " Eno-lish " faction, was in
process of investigation, as also a case in Avhich the
Pokino's (E.) people were reported to have resisted
the orders of the king about a disputed estate. Evic-
tions still took place on either side. The Wa-Fransa
claimed to have had 100 ousted on one occasion,
and the Wa - Ingle za had even a larger number.
Zachariah told me privately that this was all nonsense :
two had been turned out on the one side and three
on the other ; the rest were followers !
On the 27th I got the king to announce in haraza
— "(l) that on no account whatever should any chief
evict any man from his shamha without the express
order of the haraza, and if he did so he should be
liable to lose his place. (2) That all the dwellers on
any estate should do the work of the chief immediately
over them, and he again of his superiors, providing
the customary food or tribute, &c., entirely irrespective
of creed or party." Both sides emphatically approved
of this law, which was entered in the newly instituted
statute-book, and the Kimbugwe (F.) made an admi-
rable^ speech about it. One of the greatest grievances
of the Protestants (re estates) had been in the case of
BUILDINGS IN KAMPALA.
93
Mondu. The district in question was a very large one,
which had been divided into six estates : of these, the
Wa-Fransa were to have three and the Wa-Ingleza
three, but the former had appropriated the whole. The
Wa-Fransa agreed to the king's verdict of restitution,
but Mondu himself refused to move. The king talked
of sending war to enforce his decision, but the Protes-
tants knew that this would mean a general appeal to
arms, so they decided to wait till Mondu came to the
capital, and then to reopen it. It was very long before
they obtained their rights in this matter, and I merely
quote it to show how difficult it was to avoid war, even
after both sides had come to an agreement. The case
of Paulo (E.) was identical with this, the Wa-Fransa
refusing to leave.
Another grievance of the Protestants was that
their faction was entirely excluded from the king's
court, and the offices about his person, which, with
his body-guard, were entirely filled with R. Catholics.
Zachariah's appointment as the king's messenger to
me, I looked on as at least one important appointment
for the Protestants. He did not, however, sleep in the
king's enclosure, and could not therefore be classed
as exactly one of his attendants. I spoke to the king-
about it, but he made no promises. Things began
to look more settled now, and I had time myself to
work at making the gates for the forts, and planning
the new guard-house and native houses, &c. Our store,
30 ft. by 15 ft., was completed. I was head artisan,
and undertook any special job. I also had the boun-
daries of Kampala delimited by a messenger from the
king, and found that he had given us a very large
estate, including the knoll on which the fort was built,
the intervening valley, and half-way up the hill of
Namilembe opposite.
I now brought forward seven different outrages
94
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
which had been committed on my own men. but said
I would waive all except the last, which was of recent
date, and most unpardonable. Some men had set on
the Somal who tended our flock on the slopes of
Kampala, and beaten him severely. As the Somals
were enlisted soldiers, and very well behaved, I could
not overlook the matter. The kino- did his best, but
the men had fled, so their house was fired. At the
haraza on the 28th, when I went to reconcile the
Katikiro (E.) to the king and Kimbugwe (F.), Mwanga
pointed out to the latter that all the outrages com-
mitted on my men had been done by the R. Catholics.
The exjDeriment of a local police force, already sug-
gested by me, was at this time carried out. It was well
received, and each faction was to provide six men,
to whom I would add some of mine. This mixed force
was to patrol the roads, — the Waganda being dressed
in scarlet calico jackets, so as to be easily recognisable, —
and to seize all thieves and rowdies, as well as prevent
the carrvino; of arms in the streets. The " Eno-lish
faction regularly sent their six men, but I never suc-
ceeded in getting more than one or two of the " French
police, in spite of continual effort. I regretted this
the more, because complaints had been made that Pro-
testants had seized the little crosses which the R.
Catholics wore as their distinctive emblem round their
necks, and had torn them from women and small boys.
I had failed to get any clear evidence on this point
(as also, apparently, had Bishop Tucker and the French
priests in their conference), and I was only too anxious
to catch a Protestant in the act, and to make a not-
able example of him. The Wa-Fransa police would,
I had hoped, have been particularly eager to catch
a culprit, and my men would have assisted them.
However, though great pains were taken with this
attempt at a ^^olice force, it never succeeded, for the
DIFFICULTIES RE CHANGE OF FACTION.
95
Waganda are entirely unadapted by nature and tem-
perament to such routine work. They will fight
bravely in war, but are absolutely useless for garrison
duties, for sentries, police, and patrols, and they greatly
dislike the duty.
The rains broke at the beginning of March, and we
had constant torrents daily. The king continued
most cordial, as did the leading R. C. chiefs ; but I
was told that the lesser people of the Wa-Fransa still
detested us, while the Protestants looked on us as their
saviours, saying that at the time we came they w^ere in
despair, and daily thought of leaving the country,
but now obtained justice. The king's mother — the
Namasole — came to visit us in state, — an indication of
the improved relations which now existed. Another
case of eviction was reported on the 6th. This time
the offender was a Protestant. I told him he had
broken the agreement, and was liable to lose his place,
and sent him to the Sekibobo to plead for pardon, and
the evicted people were at once reinstated. The chiefs,
however, said that the agreement had not been prom-
ulgated, and the outlying people did not know of it, so
it was arranged that each party should tell all their
people on the 8th (Sunday), when they assembled at
church.
A new source of trouble now arose. The Protestants
asked whether, if a man changed his religion, he should
forfeit his estates and office ? This, it was stated, had
been agreed in the treaty between the factions. I agreed
that the twelve great chieftainships of Uganda should
continue to be held equally by either faction ; and that,
if one of these changed his religion, he should be super-
seded by a chief of the same faction, so as to maintain
the balance of the political parties in the haraza ; but
that all others should be free to change their creed as
often as they pleased. On the 5th I took the book to
96
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
harazci to enter this, but apparently I had been mis-
understood ; for when I asked the names of the twelve
chiefs, the Wa-Ingleza demanded that all the lesser
chiefs named in the agreement (some 600 I was told)
should be included. The other side behaved very well.
They said they were in favour of comj^lete freedom of
creed, but put themselves in my hands, and would agree
to what I said.
My experience had led me to defer a hasty decision
in all matters, however preconvinced I might be of the
expediency of a certain course ; for where there was
strong opposition from either faction, there was gener-
ally more in the matter than met the eye. I therefore
said I would discuss it quietly with three of each side,
and let the king know the result later. I was, of
course, myself strongly in favour of complete freedom
in the choice of religion. "The TTV<-/n^tea demurred,
because they said that the real Christians in the
country were a very, very small minority, and the
rest would go over in large numbers to the religion, or
rather faction, of the king, whatever it might be (and
he is nominally a R. Catholic, or 'French'). They
had only been deterred so far by fearing to lose their
places and estates. Now, if these restrictions were
removed, the ' English ' iDolitical party would be deci-
mated, and then, if trouble arose and the parties turned
out to fio'ht. the ' French ' would not be restrained, but
would go for the small residue of Protestants left, and
destroy them.
" At present, one reason for the maintenance of
peace had been that the two parties were so evenly
matched, that all knew that a war would be the de-
struction of the whole country. Moreover, they now
had the ingress into the shamhas of the professing
Protestants ; but if these became ' French,' they would
no longer have the opportunity of spreading their
DIFFICULTIES BE CHANGE OF FACTIOX.
97
religion among them. Further, they accused me of
breaking the treaty I had made. For at the time
they all signed it, the R. Catholics had drawn up a
codicil that their old treaty regarding religion should
not be broken, and I had signed this. Now the posi-
tion was reversed, the Wa-Fransa being willing to
follow me with full confidence, while the Wa-Ingleza
took the codicil (a weapon the Wa - Fransa had
forged) and used it against me. The question was
a difficult one. If their conclusions — about men going
over to the faction of the king — are sound (and all
are unanimous, and the R. Catholics do not deny it),
then by forcing this agreement I should deal a very
heavy blow to the Ingleza faction. ... I do not wish
to do this to the party who stood by me, and threw
in their lot with me, when I came here. Moreover, I
think that, just at present, a balance of power in the
state is most desirable. So I had a council of chiefs
again in the evening. The Wa-Fransa behaved really
admirably, and said they would leave it all in my hands
and act on mv decision."
I have thus quoted from my diary to show what
were my views and actions at the time, and to prove
thereby, so far as I can, that I am not discussing
the question by the light of recent criticism, but
telling events as they actually happened, and narrat-
ing my own action, even though it be condemned as
mistaken. Had the question really been one of liberty
of conscience and religious toleration, nothing could
have persuaded me to favour anything but an absolute
freedom of creed. It was, however, not a religious
question, though it is easy, by substituting the names
Protestant and R. Catholic for Ingleza and Fransa, to
make it appear so.^ The Protestants said they had no
fear whatever of any of their sect going over to the
1 Notes on Uganda, p. 34, 4, a.
VOL. II. G
98
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
R. Catholics — any one was free to do that ; and in
such a case there really was no difficulty whatever
about forfeiture of estates, for both parties have estates
and to spare to give to bond Jide converts. For the
population, owing to continual war and to Mwanga's
persecutions, was reduced by half, besides which there
were the estates formerly lield bv Mohammedans and
heathen.
So far as the comparative toleration of the two
sects is concerned, I am quite convinced that it is
erroneous to say that the H. Catholics were ani-
mated by a spirit of toleration and wished for absolute
liberty of conscience, while the Protestants wished to
coerce people into following their religion. All these
evictions were produced solely by religious intolerance,
and the attempt to force the dwellers on an estate to
follow a particular creed ; and in this matter, as I have
said, I think the E. Catholics had taken the lead.
Long afterwards I had complaints from the Kamaniro,
(an old heathen chief who detested both religions), of
the persecution he had suffered at the hands of the
R. Catholics to force him to espouse their sect ; and
his case was by no means singular.
I was myself struck with the toleration as regards
relio'ion. of the Protestants, when the countrv was
divided after the war in 1892. I insisted that in
the Protestant provinces the P. Catholics should still
be free (if unarmed) to teach and propagate their
religion — a request I could not dare to make to the
P. Catholics in their province as regards the Pro-
testant creed. I expected strong opposition to this,
but the unanimous reply of the Protestant chiefs is
still fresh in my memory — Surely, surely, we cannot
coerce the religion of God?" ("Ndio, ndio, hatuwezi
kuzuia dini za Muungu ? ") I do not mean to say the
Protestants were usually tolerant. Neither sect was
LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE V. CHANGE OF POLITICS. 99
SO. But the teaching of the missionaries gave the cue
to their followers. The Fathers looked on Protestant-
ism as a heresy which they were bound to combat and
expose. On the other hand, I myself discussed the
question of toleration at various times with Protestant
chiefs, and I understood them to say that their mis-
sionaries had taught them that every man should be
allowed to wwship God in his own way. My own
subsequent action will prove, I think, that I included
them all, Moslem as well as Christian, in my own
doctrine of toleration, leaving God to judge which was
acceptable to Himself.
The question, therefore, was not one of liberty of con-
science, for which no one could be a stronger advocate
than I am. It was a question as to whether such
adherents of the Wa-Ingleza as were heathen, should
continue to occupy shamhas adjudged by the chiefs,
at the division of the country, to belong to the
Ingleza faction, in the event of their electing to
follow the king, and become part of the Wa-Fransa
fighting force. The king had declared himself to be
of one of the two factions — viz., the Fransa ; but
that he was not a R. Catholic properly so called, it
is hardly necessary to demonstrate. His plurality of
wives, and his practice of obscene and unnatural vices,
prevented the Fathers from receiving him into the
Church. A year later, when he was reported to have
made great progress in the R. Catholic faith, ^ these
things still continued, and are vouched for in a letter
to me from Pere Achte at that time. The king, then,
instead of maintaining a neutral position between the
factions, though entirely unconverted to the R. Catholic
faith, had declared himself of the Fransa faction. His
prestige would induce the mass of the people to declare
themselves of his following, fearing lest, if they re-
1 Mgr. Hirth's letter, 'Daily News,' May 30th, 1892, e^-c.
100
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
mained Wa-Tuglezci, they should be accounted to belong-
to the faction opposed to that of their king. Had I
supported a change which would thus have resulted in
the annihilation of the Wa-Ingleza, — the loval minority
who had supported me throughout, — I might indeed
have laid myself open to the charge of interfering
with the established authorities and the system I
found in the country, while as yet I had no other
system of rule to substitute for it.^
My own wish was to reduce the 600 chiefS; said to
have been named in this agreement, to some thirty,
who should be inalienable from the Ingleza party, and
then to declare all others in Uganda free to join which
faction thev wished, without forfeitino- the estates be-
longing to the faction they abandoned. This compro-
mise, however, did not satisfy the Wa-Iiigleza though
the missions supported it. It was then agreed by both
parties, that the present condition of affairs should
remain until the treaty expired — viz., for two years.
This did not please the king, who, of course, wished
to secure the chance of all the heathen declaring
themselves of his faction, while thev still retained the
estates belonging to the Wa-Ingleza. Ultimately the
Protestants told me, that if the envoys came to say
that Uo-anda was British, there would be no fear of
defections to the Wa-Fransa. Consequently, though I
could not see the force of the argument at all, I was
willino' to aoTee that thino-s should remain in statu
quo till the envoys (now daily expected) should arrive,
after which there should be no restriction on change of
faction.
I entered this tentatively in the statute-book, but
it remained unsigned ; for though the king and E.
Catholic chiefs were pleased, the Protestant mission-
aries now accused me of having struck a blow at their
1 Xotes on Uganda, E. C. Union, p. 25.
WILLIAMS' SUBSEQUENT ACTION.
101
party which must lead to annihilation. The bulk of
the Protestant chiefs, moreover, repudiated the course
which had been proposed to me by several of their
most influential leaders, and to which (solely on their
showing) I had consented. I said that it was the
Protestants themselves who had urged upon me this
course, and that possibly on the arrival of the envoys
the question might be reopened. As a matter of fact,
within a day or so of their arrival we marched out to
war against the Mohammedans, and the question was
not raised. Later, Captain Williams, acting in my
absence, had to adjudicate on the matter. He found
my entry in the statute-book, and insisted on carrying
it out — viz., in declaring every man free to join what
religion or faction he pleased, and still to retain his
estates. The P. Catholics promised if this were done,
to hoist the British flag throughout Uganda. This
promise they never kept. At the time that Captain
Williams carried this matter through, he was not, I
think, aware of my vieM^s on this question, as I have
described them. His action was met by a written
protest from the English missionaries, couched in very
strong language.
On the 1 0th March we had a conference at Kampala.
The P. Catholics produced a list of twenty-four cases,
the Protestants a similar list. They were mostly dis-
puted estates, bygone evictions, and so on. " I took
one of each side in rotation, and we came to conclusions
on some eight or ten separate cases ; and after settling
each matter, I appointed a headman of the party on
which it devolved to carry out the orders, to go and see
it done, and be responsible to me. The points settled
were amongst the most important, I presume, since they
were named first. I have never before succeeded in
getting so satisfactory a result " (diary).
On the 11th March 1891 the first mails arrived.
102
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
dated Christmas 1890, and intelliofence that Martm
with a large caravan and the envoys was behind. The
new^s was that the envoys confirmed my words, and
that Uo^anda was under Encrland. Last Christmas this
would in all probability have been the signal for war,
but it w^as received now^ with equanimity by the Wa-
Fransa chiefs and the king. The R. Catholic envoy,
Martin said, had been very quarrelsome on the journey,
and had even temporarily left the caravan.
Matters in Uganda now quieted down considerably,
and the prospect looked hopeful. The French bishop
and Fathers called on me on the 12th and w-ere most
cordial, speaking strongly of the improvement visible,
and the pacification of the country. Constant minor
grievances from both sides came in, however, but I
considered it time to take a step in advance of past
methods, and I declined to hear the complaints of
any petty chief, saying that we had now made a law
for the adjustment of all such cases, and the complaints
must be taken before the king and haraza ; nor would
I interfere in any case unless it had first been pre-
sented there, and was subsequently referred to me by
the king, or the principal chiefs themselves. " That
if force was required to support the decisions of the
haraza, mv soldiers were alwavs readv ; but I would
not send out a single man unless accompanied by the
king's police, and a regular envoy (Mbaka) detailed
to carry out the orders."
On the 12th Pere Brard left to establish a mission
in Usoga, w^hither, it will be remembered, Messrs
Gordon and Smith had gone about a month previously.
The Fathers referred to me on the subject — the English,
as I have said, had gone without any official intimation
to me. Personally I was averse to the establishment of
two rival missions in Usoga, and I replied that I did not
think the missions ought to go into a country under
RIGHTS OF missions' EXTENSION.
103
British influence, without having previously intimated it
at the coast. This could easily have been done in the
case of both missions — for the missionaries for Usoo-a
were in both cases fresh arrivals. As far as my own
opinion went, it was that missionaries were of course
free to go where they liked in " No-man's Land" ; but
that within a " sphere of influence," they could not
claim a right to go to a district, where no administra-
tion had as yet been established, and no efiicient protec-
tion could be aflbrded them for their lives and property.
That it was useless to say that they carried these in
their hands, and trusted to God ; for if any insult was
offered to them, it must be taken cognisance of by the
administration, which otherwise would lose prestige,
since among savages the white men were all as one.
The R. Catholic bishop had raised the question on
my first arrival in Uganda. He agreed that possibly
application ought to have been made at the coast, but
it had not been done, and several missionaries had
arrived with the express purpose of going to Usoga ;
did I forbid it ? I replied that, so far as I was per-
sonally concerned, I would place no obstacle in their
way, and I would write definitely to the coast and
request a ruling on the matter. The reply (dated
August 13th) did not arrive till the end of the year,
when the French Mission had already long been aban-
doned, because of the thieving and hostile propensities
of the natives. I understand the Fathers blame the
Uganda administration for this !
A year later I had a similar question with the
Church Missionary Society, who, having withdrawn
their mission, again decided to go to Usoga in spite of
my official disapproval, based on many strong reasons,
which I will not detail here. For my own part, I have
no sympathy with this furore for territorial extension.
The C. M. S. had sent two missionaries to Usoga,
104
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
thouo'h thev had but t^^'0 mission - stations in all
Uganda, and were greatly outnumbered by the White
Fathers. Later, when they sent missions to Usoga,
they had no station in Uganda, excej)t at the capital.
Uganda offers a splendid field for mission- work.
The people are more eager to learn and more intel-
ligent than the Wasoga. The Company (though every-
thing could not be done in a moment) were in process
of establishino' an administration, to afford them effici-
ent protection, yet these missionaries must needs em-
barrass that administration by going to a country in
which its authority had as yet not been fully estab-
lished. These remarks, it will be seen, apply with
equal force to both the French and the English mis-
sions in Uganda.
It appears to me that the time has come, when the
status of the missionar}^ under a British administration
should be clearly laid down, and that he should not
be authorised to go where the authorities prohibit his
going — for reasons which in some cases may not be
within his own knowledge. If this jDOwer of prohibition
bv the administrator be unduly exercised, public oioinion
in Europe can be relied upon to vindicate the rights of
the missions. Supposing that the administration can
see its way to allowing the missionaries to proceed to
a specified district, they would understand that they
would still o'o at their own risk — i.e., that tliev could
neither demand nor expect an armed garrison for their
protection. Any open outrage or insult would be taken
cognisance of by the secular power, which, however,
could not be held responsible to forecast the horizon,
or to ensure them from petty theft, &c. The first duty
of the missions, if they desired to extend into a new
country, would be to ascertain if they would be welcome
there. The Government, in sanctioning their going,
would intimate to the native chief that they are under
A SHOAV PARADE.
105
protection, and must be treated well.^ The right of
prohibition to mission extension is rigorously enforced
by the Congo Free State.
Mr Gordon returned from Usoga about this time,
and brought news that Arabs had penetrated there
with arms and powder, which the natives were eager to
buy. I felt the urgent necessity of placing a European
in Usoga, but I had not a man to send. I was even
more anxious to establish a station near the lake in
Buddu, in order to control the canoe traffic, and prevent
the import of arms, &c. ; but my appeals to headquarters
for more Europeans to assist in the work had met with
no response, though Mr Jackson, on his return from
Uganda the previous September, had informed the Direc-
tors that fourteen Europeans at least were necessary.
We had a show parade one day, when it was arranged
to fire both Maxims, &c. The fort was manned with
great smartness by the Sudanese and Zanzibari Levy
on the alarm sounding, and the former fired volleys at
a target with excellent results, which produced a great
effect on the crowds of AVaofanda, who came to see.
But both Maxims broke down, and jammed hopelessly,
almost at the first shot ; though a day or two later, after
Williams had carefully overhauled them, the newer one,
at least, worked well. The effect was good, and I was
told the masses were greatly impressed by it, and at
our forbearance in the face of all their provocations,
when again and again our own men had been assaulted.
The Waganda police, to whom I have alluded, did not
get into working order till March 1 6th. The force con-
sisted of a patrol of three Protestants and three E.
Catholics, with six Zanzibaris, and three Sudanese.
1 The course lately pursued in Uganda, when the missionaries were in-
formed by H.M.'s Commissioner that they might go to Toru, but he would
nevertheless not be responsible for them in any way, is contrary to this
view, nor can I see how the administration could fail to be involved if any
disaster happened to them there. — Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 25.
106
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
These fifteen men went out at 8 a.m. and patrolled the
roads about Mengo, returning at noon, and being re-
lieved by a similar body. Their duties were to prevent
men from carrying arms, and to check all disturbances.
Soitials, Sudanese.
Types of Kampala Soldiers.
Later I intended to split them up into small parties,
and distribute them ; but Williams afterwards, in mv
absence, did not find them a success, and abandoned
the idea.
I now thought it a good opportunity to carry out my
promise of going against the Mohammedans, who still
continued to raid the frontier, for it was the season of
the rains, and everv day the tall bamboo -grass and
rank vegetation was growing higher, and would make
Zanzibar Levy.
WE AGREE TO FIGHT MOHAMMEDANS. 107
operations more difficult. Most of the burning questions
had been faced. The division of Sesse was not yet carried
out, but had been aofreed to. Mondu still refused to
obey the law, but was repudiated by the R. Catholics,
and was said to be supplied with arms for resistance
by his brother, a Protestant ! I sent for the brother,
and meanwhile thouofht the matter could well Avait till
our war was over. The king's household and body-
guard were still solely Wa-Fransa. But very much
had been achieved, and a most friendly and cordial
feelinof- existed between the leadintr R. Catholic chiefs
and ourselves. Of these the Sekibobo, Kago, and
Kauta were men for whom I had, and still have,
a strong personal liking, especially the two former ;
also the Kangao, and the head chief Kimbugwe, and
many others. Mujasi, Salo-Salo, and Kaima still stood
aloof, and their influence was still against us, but it
was not, I think, great.
I therefore suggested that we should at once pre-
pare for this expedition, and I would leave so soon
as Martin and the envovs arrived. There now arose
a difficulty as to who should be the general of the
army. I made the following note at the time : ''They
came hopelessly to grief over the question. The Pro-
testants say it is in this nebulous treaty of theirs ^
that the general is to be chosen alternately from either
side ; and they produced a paper with eleven generals
of war on it, being alternate from either side, and
the last being a R. Catholic, they refuse to forego
their turn. The king and Wa-Fransa want the gen-
eral to be from their side, and maintain, I think, that
the last was not a proper war. Both sides and the king
at once agreed to refer to me, and the haraza broke
1 This treaty or mutual agreement was not in writing, but it was the basis
of the understanding upon which the two Christian factions had agreed to
coalesce to oust the Mohammedans in 1889.
108
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
up without trouble. So I weut and saw the king
privately. I said that this was a very big business, and
we must not treat it like the former ones, but the king
must himself o-o in command. He was ' knocked into a
cocked-hat ' by this, and said he was an old man ! I
replied that I was older than he. He said he must stay
and look after the country. I retorted, then I must do
the same. After rubbing it in till he was quite uncom-
fortable, I exclaimed, ' All right ! if you don't go yourself,
then the next biggest man in Uganda must go.' He
agreed at once. This, of course, is the Katikiro (E.),
whom I understand to be the bravest and best general
among them." So it was settled, and men departed to
raise the country for war.
Shortly after this Martin arrived (March 31st), and
with him Mr Bagge and Dr Macpherson ; and it was
a signal proof of our advance, that there was no trouble
whatever about his crossino- the Nile, &c. He had
the most miserable collection of almost naked and half-
starved cripj^les as porters, that I had ever seen col-
lected together, many of them unarmed. There were
no rolls of men, no lists of loads, and everything was in
a chaos, and no one seemed to know how many men
there should be ! Baow was ill with ulcerated feet,
and Avas beino- carried. I retained some of the best
of Martin's men, and decided that he should hurry
down as fast as he could and obtain some ammuni-
tion. He had brought none, and we had only some
forty rounds per man, with no reserve at all, and
would have to issue some of this to the Waganda for
the impending war against the Mohammedans : this
(with what we might fire ourselves) would leave us
almost Avithout anv ammunition, in a country where
one never knew what the morrow might bring forth.
I had long before urged on the Company that am-
munition should be sent ; had pointed out that the
STATE RECEPTION OF ENVOYS.
109
quantity I was told to take from Dagoreti was not
in existence there ; and had repeated my requisitions
by the mail Mr Gedge had taken down. Martin was
therefore to make all possible haste to represent our
urgency. He did not, however, return till the fol-
lowing December, Avhen his supplies were providen-
tially just in time before the crisis came in Uganda.
Bagge I determined to send with a fleet of canoes to
the south of the lake, to procure supplies of cloth for
our necessary food-purchase, to bring up all Stokes'
guns and powder for storage at Kampala, and to beg
a little ammunition from the Germans if possible (they
had, however, it transpired, no Snider ammunition).
It was a very great relief to have a doctor at last, and
for this I was most heartily grateful.
The day after the arrival of the caravan we all
went to the haraza, which was a very grand affair,
held in the king's new durbar-house, with great
formalities. I introduced the new arrivals, and read
the letters from the Administrator and the Consul-
General at Zanzibar. The latter had made no allusion
whatever to me, nor mentioned that I was the accredited
agent of the Company, as I had asserted. Had we not,
therefore, already made our position secure, this omis-
sion might have raised suspicion that we were merely
filibusters, and that our treaty might be repudiated,
as Dr Peters' had been. Indeed, in a letter to the
Katikiro, which was sent open under cover to me, they
had even been told to go to the English bishop for
advice in their disputes ! This letter I did not read
in the haraza, but handed to the Katikiro. It would
have been looked on almost as an insult by the K.
Catholic chiefs and the priests, I think, to be told to
refer their cases to the English bishop ! Moreover, it
was directly opposed to my constant dictum — viz., that
the missionaries of both creeds were here to teach re-
110
DIFFICULTIES IX UGAXDA.
ligion only, and not to interfere in the administra-
tion of the countrv. which was our work. The letter,
moreover, contained an unfortunate allusion to the
flag.
Samweli. the Protestant envov. beinof the biowr chief,
^vas spokesman, and he described the incidents of their
journey, — their reception at the coast, &c. ; and finally
said that Uo^anda was ceded to British influence. I had
heard (I know not if there was any truth in it) that at
the time the envoys were sent, it was understood that
their return would brmg a crisis. Either that there
would be war, or that if it was announced that Uganda
was under England, the •'French" jDarty would leave
the country and retire to the islands ; if under France,
the "English" party would go to Usoga. Samweli's
announcement (about which he had been very nervous)
was. however, received with complete composure. I
then asked for canoes to go to the south of the lake
for our goods, and these the king readily gave.
The previous day we had had news that the enemv
were raiding close to the capital, and in the evening
the war-drums suddenly boomed out, and the country
o'ot under arms. Thouofh convinced that there could
be no trouble between the parties without my having
had previous intimation, I was taken by surprise ; and
fearinof that, as the envovs had that dav arrived,
and the E. Catholic envoy had had a quarrel on the
way, some unexpected mischief had been made by
him, I turned out my men, and we manned Kampala
in the pitch-dark night, till news reached me that a
fresh report having come in that the enemy had ap-
proached close, and might attack the capital, the king
had beaten the war-drum to warn the peoj^le. These
reports were, I believe, wholly untrue, but were cir-
culated to hurry up matters, or to increase the eager-
ness for war. I told him he should have o-iven me
BEATING OF ROYAL WAR-DRUMS.
Ill
notice first, but he said he thought I would understand,
and I daresay enjoyed the joke of having caused us to
get under arms. The contrast between the days when
I had prepared for war so often with my handful of
porters and 50 soldiers, and our present turn-out, some
650 strong (with Martin's men), of whom 300 had been
drilled by Williams, a serviceable Maxim, and 7 Euro-
peans, behind the impregnable fort at Kampala, struck
me as w^e awaited the news.
The drums having thus been already beaten, I re-
quested the king, Avhen the haraza was over, to do
so again in a formal manner. " We went outside
the king's enclosures, on to the hill, amid a dense
concourse. It w^as a remarkable sight, and one seldom
seen by Euroj^eans. The huge drums of war were
produced and beaten, while the king, surrounded by
his chiefs, stood with an umbrella held over him. At
each stroke, made with all the vigour and energy
of the drummer's body, he opens his mouth to its
widest and gives vent to a guttural roar, which has
a strange and impressive effect. We stood by the
king, and dense crowds of men thronged around us.
The king sent for one of the big war - drums, beaten
by a grey - headed old negro, — almost the only old
man holding any office whatever about the court (for
the king and almost all the chiefs are a parcel of
boys). He had the drum beaten for me close to him-
self, to show me the way the war-note was sounded.
It was a piece of courtesy, which on such an occasion,
and from such a man as Mw^anga, had its significance.
Within five minutes masses of armed men beo^an to
assemble on every side, and came pouring in dense
troops towards us from every direction, rushing along,
shouting and dancing and yelling.
"The scene was not unlike that of a few weeks ago,
when the country was all but plunged in war, and
112
DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
Protestants and R. Catholics were on the pomt of
flying at each other's throats, and we stood here
on this same spot and dared them to begin the civil
war. But now the significance of the whole scene
was changed. No longer Christian against Christian,
and we against both, but all of us on the same side,
about to become comrades in war ao-ainst the common
enemy, — Christians against Mohammedans.
" Party after party came rushing to where we stood.
A narrow lane Avas left between the masses of men on
either side, up the rising ground to where the king and
we stood. \Jp this narrow^ lane the war-parties rushed,
and each on coming close to the king held his gun above
his head, presenting the butt (as at the "head parry"),
and swore the oath of loyalty, and retired to make way
for others. It looked in their mimic ferocity as though
they meant to dash out the brains of his Majesty ! The
more loval and the braver, the more threatenino^ the
gestures.^ At last the Mujasi, — head of the king's
ashari — got uj), as to his legs, in one of Peters'
scarlet-flannel uniforms, — arrived and took his oath of
allegiance, followed by the heads of his army. He
did it nicely and gracefully, and I admired the boy,
though he is my hete noire. It is the custom of
Uganda that the king now introduces the general he
has aj)pointed, who goes off there and then to the war.
He is supposed to be a viceroy, armed for the time
with all the powers of the king ; and as it is not fit-
ting that two kings should sleep in the same place, he
clears out ! So the Katikiro was handed over to the
excited crowd, Avho bore him off."
We now had a busy time issuing guns on loan for
the war to the different chiefs, and dealing out am-
munition and bullets and powder. For this latter I
made them pay, and let them have twenty (lO-lb.)
^ Conf. Wilson, Uganda, &c., vol. i. p. 202 ; and Speke's Journals, p. 256.
MARTIN TO COAST.
113
kegs. The king* tried to keep back most of this —
which I issued for this war only — and I had some
difficulty about it, but the Kimbugwe (F.) supported
me strongly. The Katikiro and his army left that
night (April 1st), while most of the big chiefs went
off to their provinces to collect their men and follow
him. The Mujasi waited in Mengo. He was always
suspicious, and I was told would not leave till after
I did, lest I should seize the king ! I devoted my
time to writing heavy mails for the coast, to be con-
veyed by Martin, who was to leave on the 6th. He
had orders to recruit porters in Usoga, which would
delay him some time.
On the 5th, the doctor, at my request, furnished
me with a medical report regarding their journey,
and stated that they " had lost many men," &c. I
asked him to explain how many, and from what
causes. The result was, that some very startling
disclosures were made regarding the difficulties Martin
had had to encounter, and the methods employed.
In fact it was the old system of caravan- work which
has disgraced the European in Africa ^ — the school
in which, as Martin said, he had been brought up,
and which was at complete variance with what I
deemed to be right. I counter-ordered Martin's de-
parture, and instituted a full official inquiry, which
I sent to the coast. From this it appeared that
Martin, in spite of protest, had been peremptorily
ordered to start with many more loads than he had
men to carry, and half the requisite food. He had
done his best to save his loads — as though of more
value than his men — and this was the result.
Having been furnished with complete nominal-rolls
and accounts to date of the men he took from Kampala,
he started on the 7th. I then arranged Bagge's party,
^ In contrast to this, vide Felkin, Uganda, &c., vol. i. p, 327.
VOL. II. H
114
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
which was to proceed by canoe to the south of the lake,
and gave him full instructions ; and leaving De Winton
in charge at Kampala with some seventy men, mostly
sick, we marched out on April 8th. The rain came
down in torrents every day, and the dense vegeta-
tion had grown up with tropical luxuriance. With
the new arrivals our force numbered some 150
Sudanese, 160 Zanzibari Levy, and 300 porters, the
latter being loaded with bags of flour, which I had
long been importing from Usoga, and storing in readi-
ness for this expedition. Williams, Grant, Dr Mac-
pherson, and myself, with these natives (about 600),
formed our portion of the army.
The instruction to our fighting men had mainly
consisted in teaching them — "(l) to work by bugle-
sound ; (2) to fight in open order without crowding,
and to preserve a tolerable line of advance ; (3) to
take a careful aim when firing, and not waste
ammunition, an object and distance for sighting being
named when volleys were fired ; (4) to understand
the general idea of advancing by rushes, taking cover,
(fee, in the attack. Williams single-handed had
achieved wonderful results in this short time, and
the material to work with was vastly better than the
pack of absolutely raw savages, with which in Xyasa-
land I had last marched out to war. I may mention
that at this time a messenger arrived from Kabarega,
the powerful king of Unyoro, to treat for peace with
Mwanga. He was entirely opposed to Europeans, and
I knew his proposals Avere insincere. We found later,
as we anticipated, that he had sent a large army to
co-operate Avith the Mohammedans. I therefore ad-
vised Mwanga at present to have nothing to say to
him, and declined to negotiate myself, till he should
send a properly accredited envoy with adequate i^o-
posals and guarantees.
ROMAN CATHOLIC CRITICS.
115
I have endeavoured to give a brief outline in these
three chapters both of the position of afiairs in Uganda,
when I arrived there, and of the difficulties between the
parties, and the manner in which I dealt with them. It
has been a hard matter to condense my diaries into this
compass, or to give a full explanation of the work which
occupied me from morning till night for these three
and a half months. My task was facilitated by the
fact that many chiefs of both factions spoke Swahili
fluently, in which language I could converse with
them. It was not, however, merely a knowledge of
the language and the customs of the people, but of
the position and limits of estates, which was required.
The country being unsurveyed, no map was available.
Moreover, for this very reason I did my utmost, as
I have shown, to interfere as little as I could, leaving
the decision to the king and chiefs, who understood
the interests involved.
I have not space — and I should tire the general
reader — were I to attempt here to give more than this
outline, or to reply in detail to the arguments put
forward by the Eoman Catholic Union to prove my
administration corrupt and partial, and my methods
wrong. The impossibility of piecing together events,
or of judging of cause and elfect from the fragmen-
tary accounts of them obtained by the perusal of stray
reports and letters, has led my critics into several most
natural misconceptions and a few misstatements, and
as they justly observe, the accounts of the French
Fathers being much more voluminous than those
hitherto obtainable from English sources, they have
been often compelled to rely on an ex parte statement
only. To quote an instance. I have described poor Mr
Gedge's state as I found him in Uganda, — broken
down, nearly blind, and in great pain. In daily fear
of his life, without influence or authority with the king
116
DIFFICULTIES IX UGANDA.
and chiefs, and with some thirty insubordinate porters,
one or other of whom was continually being flogged.
Yet on page 23 of the ' Uganda Notes' he is described
as having forcibly seized a man of the Mujasi's (the
E. Catholic head of the army), who was said to have
stolen his bullock, and " sent troops " to pillage his
master's (the Mujasi's) place ! " Everything was
looted, and women and children found there were
stripped, chained, and brought before the Company's
agent." I know the real story well, and recollect its
details, for it was one of the troubles awaitino- me when
I arrived in Uganda ; and it was very, very diflerent,
and was a case of gross theft and insult on the part of
the Mujasi's men — as / heard the story. I may not
have been correctly informed in all details, but is it not
too ridiculous to suppose that Gedge had the j^ower to
act as described even if he had the ivill f
117
CHAPTEE XXYL
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS, AND TOUR IN BUDDCJ.
We join the Uganda army — March in rains — Problem of Uganda water-
shed— Nature of country — Concentration of army— Foragers — Discover
Lake Isoldt — Mujasi contumacious — Uganda treachery — Katikiro
demands a flag — In touch with enemy — Overtures to Mohammedans —
Their envoys arrive — Negotiations fall through — Impregnable position
of enemy — We outmanoeuvre them — Victory — My reason for securing
Selim's Sudanese — Pursuit of Mohammedans impracticable— Uganda
army disperses — Williams to Mengo — Further reasons for going to
Ankoli — I march to Buddu — Incidents of African life — Nature of
country passed through — Select station on the Lake — Description of
Luwambu and country — Return to Bugaju.
We marched out of Kampala on April 8th. As the
rains were now at their height, camp -life had its
disagreeables. Torrents descended daily, generally
towards the afternoon, with a south-west wind. At
times we marched along what were once the great roads
of Uganda, and though they Avere now overgrown with
grass, it was easy to trace them by the embankments
which often bordered them, and the remains of culverts
of palm-logs across the riverine swamps. They had
been some 12 to 15 ft. wide. The general level of the
country through which we marched was some 4000 ft.
above the sea, the low hills being about 250 or 300 ft.
higher. The whole country is a never-ending series of
these low hills, with their corresponding valleys. There
are no running streams, the lowest point in the valley
118
WAE AGAIXST MOHAMMEDAXS.
being generally a sluggish river-swamp, choked with
papyrus and marsh growth, and often of bottomless
mire.
Speke describes them as — rush-drains that appear
to me to be the last waters left of the old bed of the
Nyanza." ^ This theory, however, is quite untenable,
for these same river-swamps, winding about among the
hills, are found throughout Unyoro at an elevation of
5200 ft.— viz., 1300 ft above the level of the Victoria,
and 3000 ft. above the Albert. They are a curious
phenomenon, for one would expect that in a country
with so heavv a rainfall as Ucranda has, and of so
hilly a nature, with a surface-soil of marl or gravel (as
most of those hills have), we should find a rapid water-
shed, with rivers rushino- towards the lake. That the
contrary is the case can only be explained by the dense-
ness of the veo-etation, due to the richness of the soil in
the valleys and on the lower slopes of the hills. The
watershed, such as it is, moreover, is not towards the
lake, but away from it, northwards to the Kafu, and
so to the Nile.
This presents another problem — viz., whence comes
the water to supply the Great Lake (27,000 square
miles in area), the evaporation from which — bisected
as it is by the equator — must be enormous, and from
which, nevertheless, issues the mighty Nile, " a giant
at its birth " ? For, after crossing the Nzoia in
Kavirondo, on the north-east of the lake, — a comjDara-
tively small stream, fordable during most of the vear,
— there is no other tributary larger than a rivulet
all alono- the northern and down the western shore,
till the Kagera is reached in German territory. Speke
describes the Katonga — marked as a big river in the
majDS — exactly as I found it, a mere bog ; and he notes
that it is always lowest in the rains. " No one,'" he
1 SjDeke's Journals.
DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY.
119
says, ''could account for this singular fact." ^ Possibly
the theory I have advanced of an underground drainage
may bear on this question. I have already discussed
this interesting problem in a paper read before the
Royal Geographical Society,- and will not therefore
repeat myself here.
Even these river-swamps were not frequent, and
rarely of any magnitude in the country w^e were now
crossing, and it seemed almost mysterious what could
become of the copious rainfall. The hills were covered
with excellent pasture - grass, and were generally of
extremely regular outline, like huge Roman " tumuli."
Our direction was to the north-west, our route being
not far from that followed by Dr Junker when he
came from Kabarega's capital to visit Uganda. Trees
were scarce — the date-palm, which covers the valleys,
and various varieties of the bark-cloth tree, cultivated
in the estates, being almost the only species. Of wild
timber-trees there were very few ; the stately Mpafu,
which yields the aromatic gum called Mobani (used for
■incense), being almost the only one. There was no
game, hardly even a partridge, and but few birds ;
while in the earlier part of the march at least, the
scenery was monotonous, though the bright green vege-
tation, produced by the rains, gave the undulating hills
a pleasing colouring. The country was decidedly fertile
and the soil rich, but it was entirely uninhabited soon
after we left the precincts of the capital. The people
had fled before the raids of the Mohammedans, and the
deserted banana-groves had been wrecked by herds of
elephants. The soil is full of iron, and the water so im-
pregnated w^ith it that the tannic acid in our tea turned
it to the colour of ink.
We came up with the Katikiro and his army, and
daily fresh crowds poured in from every quarter, till
^ Speke's Journals. 2 Proceedings, December 1892.
120
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS.
we became a vast throng, covering a great extent of
country, as we marched in parallel columns — each
column being led by its own chief. The proportion
apparently of spearmen to those bearing guns was
at least 5 to 1. When at last the armies from the
more distant provinces of Buddu and Chagwe had
joined us, a careful count was made of the guns, and I
was told the number was 4700. This would mean, with
the spearmen, at least 20,000, and in addition there was
a vast following of boy-slaves and others, carrying the
guns, and the mats and bedding of their masters, for in
Uganda even the most petty chief thinks it derogatory
to his dignity to carry his gun himself ! How this vast
army procured food in this deserted country was a
mystery, but the sj^earmen and servants covered great
distances in their search for it — often startino- over-
night.
As we neared the enemy I did my utmost to urge
upon the Waganda chiefs the necessity of scouting,
and of sending out spies to ascertain the enemy's move-
ments, and avoid the possibility of a sudden attack-
and surprise, which, with a host of non-combatants
and followers, might cause a 23anic, resulting in defeat.
I was disgusted, however, to find that the Waganda
dare not scout. The chiefs candidly told me so, and
added that, even if they forced men to go out, they
would merely hide in the grass close by, and return
with long stories of where they had been, &c., which
would be entirely false ! I did, however, succeed in
getting a few reliable men from the Mukwenda (chief
of Singo), in whose province we were, and who knew
every yard of the country, and their reports proved
fairly accurate. I could not undertake this work with
my own men, for we should not have known friend
from foe, and if we fell in with the enemy, might sup-
pose them to be merely foraging-parties from our force.
DISCOVER LAKE ISOLDT.
121
When, however, I realised to what great distances
these foraging-parties went, I ceased to consider the
scouting of such importance, recognising that the
foragers practically supphed their place.
On the 15th I discovered the little lake Isoldt,"
close to the headquarters of the Mukwenda at Mitiana,
in Singo. The same day I received a letter from Emin
Pasha, of which I give a fac-simile (p. 122). Not only
is its writer a man in whom the whole civilised world has
taken a great interest, but the letter itself is an im-
portant one, as I shall presently show. The allusion it
contains to myself refers to my having written early in
1888, before I went to Nyasa, offering him my assist-
ance in his province — before the advent of Mr Stanley's
"relief expedition." We had lately corresponded on
various subjects, and his previous letter (of March 1st)
had been to inform me, that reports had reached him
that the Waganda intended to attack the German
station of Bukoba, and that we were oivino- them arms
and ammunition for the purpose I
By the 21st April the entire army had collected.
Though it was a fortnight since we left the capital, we
had only achieved some fifty miles in a direct north-
west (307°) direction, and were now on the borders of
Unyoro. The country, quite suddenly, changed con-
siderably in its aspects. The rounded hills gave place
to granite boulders, with picturesque peaks of rock on
the summits of the hills. Fine-grown borassus palm,
and acacias, and many forest-trees, gave the country a
wooded appearance.
Our march was not eventful. On one occasion an
elephant was reported to have killed several foragers :
Williams and I followed him up, but unsuccessfully.
On another, one of our men fired at and wounded
a Mganda in some quarrel when foraging, and got
severely handled by me in consequence. On another.
122
WAB AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS.
Jm /lcb/injjtlu;^jU/t^ ^uuju'fr i^-j- yAj-r //tr^ J/Ui^ , 7^rju.ct^-/ij /- ,
- tjtMr ^"^cr.if tn/u.nt /rtiuSt^ /v/Z^. ^i^^i^ir^ !'/4'*/>/x-ti Aty
iMiy^ '2'^^^ 1/^ iti. fii/uif Aitr-L xf-Ht feU. ^//t*t ^urL Ja^ iTfft^^r t^r^l^'Ji «ic/l
It I /A y ^'4A yf/y l^iaf fjUAA^i^r* V" fj^ri/'t^^ j-rt^t^jitL, f^^a/jC^*. ^*/ir ^9rt^
MUJASI CONTUMACIOUS.
123
some of my men were roughly treated by a party of the
Mujasi's foragers. This chief gave great offence to all
parties, by detaching his portion of the force, and camp-
ing at a distance. It was in accordance with the open
hostility he had always shown to us ; but I took no
notice of it, trusting that later on, events might fur-
nish an opportunity of coming to a better understand-
ing. When we got close to the enemy, he consented
to join the rest of the army, and being in difficulties
for cartridges, was compelled to beg some from me. I
gave them to him readily, and seized the opportunity
of asking him the cause of his hostility, and explaining
our motives and actions. The result appeared most
satisfactory, and we became friends.
I admired this boy, for his enmity had been open
and frank, and he had shown himself above a treach-
erous and deceitful pretence of friendship, while de-
testing us in his heart, — a mode of conduct only too
common among the Waganda, who indeed have told
me themselves, that they were famed for treachery
among the peoples that surrounded them, from old
time. Zachariah related that in the days of the
old kings, it was not uncommon for a chief to receive
ambassadors from some tribe, and entertain them
hospitably in his house, for perhaps a whole month.
After that, becoming tired of them, he would suddenly
order them to be bound to the central pillars of the
hut, and applying a match to the grass and reed
structure, would roast them alive by way of varia-
tion ! This trait among the people made it no easy
matter to deal with them, as I found by painful experience
on more occasions than this outline of events can de-
tail. The Mujasi appeared free from this, and I respected
him accordingly. His friendship was short-lived, how-
ever, and on return from the war, he frankly declined to
come to Kampala to participate in discussions, on the
124
WAU AGAIXST MOHAMMEDAXS.
grounds that he was hot-tempered, and might upset the
apple-cart." Both Wilhams and I hked hmi the better
for his frankness, but we never succeeded in converting
his hostihty to friendship, until after it had brought
disaster and defeat to his faction.
Continual letters arrived from Mwanga, saying the
Mohammedans were marchino- round our flank to attack
Mengo, and many similar absurd reports. The chiefs
treated them with contempt, saying that was "a way
he had." De Winton offered Mwanga the jDrotection of
Kampala in such a case, but the king assured him he
should take an early opportunity of running away to
the islands. The Kimbugwe (F.), who was left in charge
at the capital, however, said he should not run, but
would bring his people and defend KamjDala !
From morning till night I was pestered by chiefs
begging powder and cartridges, or interrupted by visits.
Williams devoted much of his time to repairing the
damao'ed rifles brouo-ht to us. There Avere breech-
loaders of all descriptions, including many kinds we had
never seen before. We occu23ied a central place in the
huo'e armv. Bv nio-ht the smoke became so dense from
the thousands of green-wood fires, that it was painful
to the eyes and lungs. We would retire into our
tents and endeavour to exclude it, until tobacco-smoke
made mine at least, as thick as the atmosphere outside.
The doctor, Williams, and Grant were consequently all
indisposed. A dense mist usually prevented the smoke
from risino' nor did it lift till 7 a.m.
As we neared the enemy we had constant false
alarms. The Wao^anda now forao-ed for us, and both
factions combined to send us food (over a ton of green
bananas) dailv, lest our men in foraging should inad-
vertently run into the enemy. Tlie possibility of treach-
ery on the part of that section of the Wa-Fransa, who
were still hostile to us, had not escaped me ; but so great
KATAKIRO DEMANDS A FLAG.
125
was the cordiality of the leading chiefs of that faction,
among whom I had more intimate friends than among
the Wa-Ingleza, that I even ventured to propose, that
these designations should be abolished, and that all
should accept the British flag, which, I emphatically
pointed out, had no reference whatever to religion.
I would not have raised this question at all, had
it not been that the Katikiro constantly bothered
me to redeem a promise, which he said I had made
to him. On arrival in Uganda I found he had made
a very quaint flag, copied from the coloured picture
of the Company's flag on the treaty-form left by Mr
Jackson. I asked him for it, and he insisted that I
had promised to replace it by a proper flag, and now,
as general of the army, he had none. The Wa-Fransa
chiefs had a consultation. Some wished to accept it,
but the verdict was against it, for I think they feared
opposition from some of the lesser people. I was averse
to giving it to the Wa-Ingleza, my feeling being, as I
said before, that I should not care to fly it in Uganda,
until the whole country accepted it, and I did not wish
it to become a party emblem of either faction. The
E,. Catholic chiefs, however, told me strongly that they
had no objection to the Katikiro flying it ; and as he
was general of the whole army, I gave him one. In a
weak moment I yielded also to the Pokino's entreaties,
and let him have one, — which I have always since
regretted. It has been stated that the British flag
was converted to the emblem of a party. But, for my
part, I fail to see how a national flag can be said to
have any religious signification. That the Wa-Ingleza
accepted it, only proves them to have been the politi-
cal faction loyal to British rule : that the Wa-Fransa
refused it, does not show that they as R. CatJiolics were
opposed to us, but that, as being the " French " party,
they would not fly the flag of the " English."
126
WAH AGAIXST MOHAMMEDAXS.
On the 27tli we came into touch with the enemy and
captured some of then- foragers. I wrote a letter to the
Mohammedans, and sent it by a woman who had been
captured. I said that I had come to settle the country,
and not to make war ; that if they wished for peace,
they must give up their rival king Mbogo, and I would
guarantee his good treatment and safety ; that all
who would come over should be pardoned, and should
return to their own place, and serve the chief of their
country, and follow what religion they pleased. I
added that we had a verv strono- force, and a Maxim
gun. To the Arabs I sent a letter informing them that
the Sultan of Zanzibar was our friend, and that I had
no quarrel with them, and if they came to me I would
give them a safe-conduct to the coast. I sent also a
copy of a letter given me by the Sultan of Zanzibar to
the same effect.
Next dav we reached the borders of a great plain ex-
tendino' awav to the north-west. On the 30th, a Moham-
medan came to say my letters had arrived, and they
desired peace, and if we meant it, let us send two
chiefs to announce our conditions. These were accord-
ingly despatched, with the terms I have already stated.
In addition, they were to say, that if the Mohammedans
would make peace, all should be given estates in Uganda,
where they could settle down and obey the law of the
country. It was also said that they must render up
their arms. " I was against the giving up of the arms,''
I write, " thinking that it was too hard a condition,
and one which would compel them to fight. The
Wao'anda, however, all assured me that the condi-
tion of giving ujd their king was far harder. If they
agreed to that, they would agree to the other, which
was the regular custom of the country, and more or less
a matter of form. After they had come in and settled
down, their arms would be returned to them."
MOHAMMEDAN ENVOYS ARRIVE.
127
Again a messenger (a more important man) came,
begging me to send one of my men. I did so, and he re-
turned with seven chiefs to discuss the question. They
spoke well, and I understood that they would agree to
hand over their king to me, but not to the Waganda,
whom they mistrusted. They wished to retain their
arms, and to settle all together in one place, saying that
if dispersed they would be insulted and treated as slaves
by the chiefs, and that they did not yield to them, nor
fear them, but would put themselves in the hands of
the British only. I proposed that the Waganda army
should retire and leave us to meet the Mohammedans
alone ; but the chiefs vehemently opposed this, saying
we should be treacherously attacked. Doubtless, also,
many feared that we might coalesce with the Moham-
medans, since all my men were of that creed, — and the
Waganda are never free from suspicion of deceit.
After the council was over, I called the Mohammedan
chiefs to my tent, and privately told them that I was
eager for peace and not war, but that two kings of
royal blood could not be in the country, and I must
insist on Mbogo being given up, and I would be re-
sponsible for his safety ; that in this matter I was
only adopting the course I thought would ensure peace.
If they agreed to this, there need be no fear of our
not arranging other terms, and in all probability I
would allow them to settle in a colony of their own.
I sent Dualla and an Arab (Kiroboto) in my caravan,
with a Swahili (by birth a Mganda) to interpret —
though most of the Moslems spoke Swahili. " Dualla
returned to say, they had gone back on their promise,
and had agreed in a fresh council not to give up their
king. All his arguments were in vain. They had,
however, said that they would not fight against the
British, and that they Avould leave the country en
masse and go to the coast. They begged for a pass-
128
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS.
port — viz., a letter to the Germans — and a man of
mine to go with them. I immediately wrote the letter,
and also told them I greatly regretted their decision,
but could not break my word to my Waganda allies,
and I was pledged to them as regards the Sultan. If
they wished to leave, I would do all I could by re-
straining the Waganda from attacking them, and by
sending a man of my own. I advised them, however,
to march towards British territory, via Mruli and the
north of Usoga, to Kavirondo, where I would send a
European to meet them, and take them to a country
where they could settle in peace under British pro-
tection (I meant the Mau plateau, which is fertile and
uninhabited).
These negotiations were watched with the greatest
eagerness by my men. There was among them such
a spirit of loyalty, that they were ready to obey
orders and fight ; but it went sorely against the grain
with some of them to be takins: arms against their
co-religionists on behalf of Christians. The Christian
Waganda, on the other hand, watched the progress
of negotiations with suspicion and dislike. I was told
that they had grossly insulted the envoys, on purpose to
defeat my objects ; and I even heard afterwards, that
it had been determined by the Wa-Fransa (who are
very much more bitter against the Mohammedans than
are the Wa-Ingleza) that, if I succeeded, they would
murder one of the envoys, so as to precipitate a fight.
I do not know if this is true, but it is not unlikely, con-
sidering the character of the people. Indeed, the next
day I had a serious difference with the Katikiro. I
wished to halt, or at most to cross a big river-swamp
in front of us, in order to give time for my negotia-
tions to succeed, and for my messenger to return. He
promised compliance, but in spite of it a long march
was effected. I sent a very angry message to him
IMPREGNABLE POSITION OF ENEMY. 129
indeed, and refused to see or speak to him, or to
move from where I was, until the envoy returned ;
nor would I be pacified until he apologised in an
absolutely abject way — for I neither wished the Mo-
hammedans to think that the British would connive
at Waganda treachery, nor did I think it fitting that
the Katikiro should ignore our expressed wishes.
The envoy returned to say that they had again
changed, and declined either to give up their Sultan
or leave — the reason being, I heard later, that they
doubted if I was really sent to administer the coun-
try, seeing that the king still called himself " French,"
and did not fly our flag. They were a plucky, fine lot
of fellows, and had a very large proportion of breech -
loading arms, I was told. Their guns were estimated
at 2300, to which were added 1300 from Kabarega,
under one of his sons (who was told never to return
unless victorious). This made a total of 3600, if the
estimate was correct, as against our 5300 ; but their
advantage of position in defence more than equalised
the odds. The spearmen on either side were num-
bered by thousands, but these do not take part in the
battle. If their side is victorious, they then rush in,
spearing the flying enemy and the wounded, and loot-
ing and laying waste the country.
On May 5th we found the enemy in front of us. Be-
tween us lay a river -marsh full of the closest papy-
rus growth about 15 ft. high. The hills, which rose
from the other bank of the river, were covered with
dense jungle and forest, in which the enemy lay, while
the whole country was as close as it is possible to con-
ceive with elephant-grass and jungle growth. " The
river is said to be almost uncrossable here, being very
deep indeed. Williams went down to inspect it, and re-
ported it about as bad as possible. He said he thought
that at such a place he could 023pose an army with
VOL. II. I
130
WAR AGAIXST MOHAMMEDANS.
fifty good men. There appears to be a sort of citadel
of bare rock at the top of the hill, which would be
absolutely impregnable." In such a country our Maxim
was of course useless, and likewise drill and good shoot-
ing. The chiefs held a council of war to determine
what should be done. I suggested that we should
make a demonstration of crossing at several points
Islam Camp, with Sudanese Party.
simultaneously, while a strong party went a consider-
able distance up river and crossed unknown to the
enemy ; but the Waganda fear to divide their force,
and can only fight en masse, for, if any portion is once
driven in, there is no rallying them. They disperse,
and fly till they reach their homes, the victors pur-
suing them till nightfall. Consequently this scheme
had to be abandoned.
The council broke up, with no other plan than to
WE OUTMANCEUVRE THEM.
131
re-discuss the matter next day. I then went to the
Katikiro, and suggested that he should march in the
night with a strong force, and crossing the river doMai-
stream, should push on to where the country was open,
and take up a position there, while we followed in
all haste. I found there was a crossing-place lower
down ; and as a huge hill, covered with the densest
jungle, prevented the enemy from following along the
opposite bank of the river, they could not oppose his
passage, even if they discovered our ruse — for by the
time they had effected the detour round the mountain,
he would be across.
This plan was eagerly adopted. The drum-note, sig-
nifying a halt on the morrow, was beaten through camp,
and the Waganda Mohammedans hearing it across the
valley, made up their minds we should halt, and take
counsel next day how to crack the extremely hard nut
they had prepared for us. Meanwhile, the drums still
beating for a halt, we followed the Katikiro at the
earliest streak of dawn. There was, of course, a block
at the narrow passage, but the vast masses of spear-
men and non-combatants had been crossing the river
all night, and as the dense mist lifted later than usual,
the enemy saw the last of them disappearing from the
camp, while all our fighting men with guns brought
up the rear, to repel attack should they dare to cross
the river.
This river was the Kanyangoro, the boundary be-
tween Uganda and Unyoro. The level plain we had
crossed was only some 3900 ft. The hills of Unyoro
are bolder in outline than the rounded grass-clad slo23es
of Uganda. Among the granite rocks which form
these hills, are large caves, which are used by the
natives as places of refuge in war, and the entrances
to which are concealed. The soil is extremely rich,
132
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS.
and the cultivation consists more of grain (millet,
maize, and ivimhi) and beans, than of the intermin-
able bananas and roots (sweet -potatoes, casava, &c.),
which form the staple food of Uganda. Food con-
tinued to be a difficulty ; for though we were now in
a thickly cultivated country, the young cro23S had not
ripened as yet, and the people had tied with their food
and belongings.
We marched some distance, and camped in a beau-
tiful and fairly open country. During the night the
enemy assembled in great numbers — apparently many
thousands— on the hills to our right front. I anticij^ated
that we ourselves should either have little fighting to
do, or (in case the Christians were driven in) have to
bear the whole brunt of the battle. For the Waganda,
rushing forward at full speed to the attack, would out-
strip our slower advance in formation, and would prob-
ably have turned the enemy in flight before we arrived,
— or, being themselves driven in, would leave us to
fight it out alone. We took the centre, therefore, as
a rallying-point, and I halted till all my men should
be up, while the opposing armies danced war-dances,
and waved flags as a challenge to each other to come
on. I advanced the Sudanese in line, supported by
the two companies of Zanzibaris, — the porters behind.
" With great difficulty we broke our way through the
dense jungle of grass, crossed a swamp, and began to
ascend the oj^posite rise. The Waganda rushed ahead,
and soon we heard heavy firing on all sides. The Wa-
ganda went up the hill splendidly, and there was a
melee for a few seconds, and then, to our dismay, we saw
part of our side, just in front of us, turn and come rush-
ing down on our left, pursued by the enemy" (diary).
I wheeled round to support them, but the dense grass
made it impossible to open fire (the Maxim, of course,
was useless) till we were actually on the scene, when
VICTORY.
133
we found the enemy had already turned. We gained
the granite rocks at the top, and opened fire on some
scattered parties ; but the battle was already won,
and we had borne, jDractically, no part in it, beyond
the moral effect of our presence. I was told there were
some 30 of our side killed, and about 70 were brought
in wounded — some very badly indeed — to be dressed
by the doctor. Probably, at least 300 or 400 of the
enemy were killed, for the wounded men would be
unable to escape, and would be butchered. The enemy,
though inferior, I suppose, in numbers, had a great ad-
vantage in acting on the defensive in such a position.
They lay in wait behind boulders, and shot down our
side as they advanced up the steej) hill ; and I thought
the victory a very creditable one to the Christians.
It had been my intention, in case of success, to fol-
low up the Mohammedans and completely break their
strength, and then to march straight on Kabarega's
capital, which was not far distant, and to inflict a
severe lesson on that cruel tyrant. Thence, again, to
the shores of the Albert Lake would not be very far ;
and I even thought it possible that, if we should find
Emin Pasha's two steamers on the lake, we might be
able to get in touch with the abandoned soldiery of
the Equatorial Province. Shukri Aga, the head of our
Sudanese, who had come down from thence with Stanley
and Emin, insisted most strongly that Selim Bey was,
and aWays had been, loyal ; that he had been most
eager to accompany the "relief expedition" to the
coast, but would not desert his men ; and that, in spite
of his j)rayers for a little longer delay, to enable him
to march down from Wadelai and join Mr Stanley, the
"Emin expedition" had left, and Selim and his loyal
garrisons were abandoned.
Such was Shukri's story. Mr Stanley's narrative is
so well known that there is no need for me to quote
134
WAR AGAIXST MOHAMMEDANS.
it. The opjDortunity of giving a helping hand to these
people, in whose fate the chairman (Sir W. Mackinnon)
and the Directors of the Company in whose service I
was had shown so warm an interest, appeared a singu-
larly fortunate one. Moreover, these men — the best
material for soldiery in Africa, as we have proved in
our " black regiments " in Egypt — had only been re-
ceiving about one-seventh the pay from the Egyptian
Government, that the Sudanese in the Company's
service were getting, and less than half that of the
Swahilis. If I could secure them, it seemed to me
that I could ensure a great saving for the Company,
and probably effectively hold both Uganda and Unyoro.
Moreover, the Swahilis, who formed the bulk of our
present force, were not enlisted for permanent service
in Uganda ; and, if forcibly detained, it would involve
gross injustice to them. They were also urgently
wanted at the coast for their leoitimate work of con-
veying goods and stores to the interior. I had written
— in view of this — urgently requesting reinforcements,
to enable me to send back the Swahilis ; but Williams
assured me that no more Sudanese could possibly be
enlisted in EgyjDt, and therefore the only available
troops to send would be Somals from Aden, who were
ditficult to procure, and would take long to get, or the
Indian sepoys ; either of these would cost about seven
times as much as " Selim's Sudanese."
I had been told to make a treaty, and offer effective
protection to Uganda. If I detained the Swahilis with
me, I broke faith with them ; if I sent them back, I
reduced the force in Uganda below the minimum I
considered necessary for defence. I had small hope of
mv urgent representations being complied with, or of
an}^ troops being sent to my assistance. For, by the
mail received just before we left Kampala, the adminis-
trator had written to me privately, saying he had been
UGANDA ARMY DISPERSES.
135
blamed for sendino- even the 70 to 80 Sudanese brouoiit
up by Williams. I had detained the porters he brought,
and some of those who had come with Martin ; but I
had done so on m}^ own responsibility, in view of the
urgency in Uganda, without any definite permission.
It therefore behoved me to take such means of maintain-
ing myself, and carrying out my pledges of protection
to Uganda, as presented themselves on the sj^ot.
The Waganda army had professed themselves eager
enough to march on Kabarega's capital, but they now
hung back. I replied brusquely, that those who wished
to return could do so, and those who would follow me
would be welcome ; but that, Waganda or no Waganda,
we should march as I had said, even though the whole
Mohammedan army (as I was told) should await us
further on ; for I knew I should not be deserted by
all. They urged that though they were willing to fol-
low me to a man, there was ahead of us a sw^amp three
miles broad, which now in the rains was impassable
except by rafts of reeds ; that here the Mohammedans
would await us, and in the face of an opposing army
it would be impossible to cross. If, however, I had
any plan by which to do so, they would come. Beyond
this, again, lay other swamps and rivers equally bad
at this season. So I had to forego my plan of advanc-
ing on Unyoro, and we turned south and marched
parallel to the borders of Uganda. We had defeated
the Mohammedans on May 7th, and on the 11th the
Waganda army broke up, each chief returning direct
to his own place with his men. This dispersion was
hastened by an outbreak of smallpox in the force.
Williams, with the old Maxim and some thirt^^-six
men, marched back with the Katikiro direct for the
capital ; I myself, with Dr Macpherson and Grant, and
the bulk of the expedition, marching south to Budclu.
My intention was to wait there for some time, and
136
WAR AGAINST MOHAMMEDANS.
see how matters went in Uganda, employing the time
in finding a site for a station on the lake shore, which
might at once be a commercial and trading centre, — a
harbour for the steamer (which, I was informed, the
Directors intended at once to place on the lake), and
a 2Doint of strategic importance, from which I might
be able to control the canoe traffic to the south, and
prevent the import of arms and ammunition, or take
duty on goods imported into Uganda, if this should
eventually be necessary. Meantime I would employ
this period in preparing food for the march to Ankoli.
As there is no grain in Uganda, portable food can only
be procured at considerable cost of time and effort.
For the green bananas must first be sliced and dried in
the sun, and then pounded into flour.
As regards the further journey, my object was to
proceed first to Ankoli, and establish friendly relations
wdth its king, Ntali, and make a treaty — in accordance
with my original instructions. It appeared to me of
paramount importance to prevent the import of arms
and ammunition into Uganda, both by water (by means
of the station on the lake shore) and by land (by means
of a treaty with Ntali to this end, and by establishing,
if possible, stations in his country). 2dly, It was of
great importance to develop the trade, and produce
some returns, by which the expenditure on Uganda
might be defrayed. Uganda itself — impoverished by
3^ears of war — could at the moment yield little or
nothing. Unyoro and the countries around the Albert
Lake were reported extremely rich in ivory, and the
produce was supposed to j)ass along the route through
Ankoli or Kitagwenda to Kafuro in Karagwe — w^here
Emin had established a station under an Arab — and
thus it enriched the Germans at the expense of the
British territory. This trade, if it existed, might, I
hoped, be diverted to the station on the shores of the
REASONS FOR GOING TO ANKOLI.
137
lake in Budclu, and thus some revenue would accrue to
recoup administrative expenses, — while the steamers
abandoned on the Albert Lake could be utilised to
promote commerce. 3dly, I had heard of the Salt Lake
near the Albert Edward, and I hoped to secure a sub-
stantial revenue by controlling the exchange of salt for
the produce of all the surrounding countries. And
lastly, as before stated, there was the imperative neces-
sity for obtaining men to replace the Swahilis, and main-
tain the necessary force in Uganda, together with the
other reasons which I have already narrated, prompting
me to endeavour to "rescue" Selim and his men, and
turn them to good account in the Company's service.
These plans were not, however, all thus clearly tab-
ulated in my mind. My going at all depended on
whether all should remain quiet in Uganda, and the
outlook should promise peacefully. If, after a period
of trial in Buddu, the horizon remained unclouded,
I would proceed to Ankoli to make a treaty, and build
there the station I intended, to prevent the imjDort of
arms to our enemies. If I still heard of no cause de-
manding my return, I should be able to prosecute my
further plans. I was especially anxious that Williams
should have the engaging of Selim and his men, if we
succeeded in finding them, for the credit of the task
was justly his, not mine. It was his foresight which
had prompted him to engage Shukri Aga for this very
purpose, that his influence and report might allay any
doubt or suspicion in the mind of Selim. Moreover, no
one could handle the Sudanese so well as Williams,
who understood their language, and succeeded with
them admirably.
My instructions to Williams on his return to Mengo
were : " Till further orders you will carry on without
reference to me ; and in accordance with my wishes, of
which you are well aware, you will keep me informed
138
WAR AGAIXST MOHAMIMEDAXS.
of events in Uganda, that I may act accordingly, and
will join me later, if you consider that you can safely
leave Mengo. If circumstances make it injudicious for
you to join me, send Mr De Winton." I parted with
Williams with the very greatest reluctance, and it was
understood that he would be at libertv later to ao^ain
lead the Wao-anda ao-ainst the Mohammedans and
Wanyoro, if necessity arose in my absence.
Before the army broke up, I ordered all the arms we
had lent for the war to be returned, and almost the
whole of them were brought in at once. Marching
south-east next day (I2th), we crossed the H. Kusizi
and re-entered Uganda. "Almost immediately the wild
granite rocks of Unyoro ceased, and gave place to the
rounded hills of Uganda. There was much bare sur-
face-rock, but the giant boulders, fantastically standing
on end in quaint shapes against the sky-line, and the
rockv chffs and crags, were replaced by the tamer
scenery of undulating hills of bright green grass. In-
habitants ceased, and we passed through long stretches
of deserted country, with only an occasional overgrown
banana-grove, to show where a sparse population had
once existed. I should think this countrv never icas
very densely inhabited ; but it would sup23ort enormous
herds of cattle, and probably did so, on the excellent
pasture-grass, — till they all died " (diary).
Life in Africa is full of incidents, which fill my
volumes of diaries, but which it is impossible to de-
tail here. Before leaving Unyoro we found in the
smokino' ashes of a hut that had been burnt bv the
plundering Waganda, a little child badly burnt, which
had been left sick. We brought it on in a basket, and
tended it, but the poor little thing died. Further on
we found a little naked hunchback, whose mother
had run away from the Mohammedans, and died here
before she reached her friends. The child had lono-
I MARCH TO BUDDU.
139
supported herself on wild bananas. We brought her
on safely. On another day I lost one of my men. He
was ill, but reported by the doctor fit to march, and
had no load nor even a rifle to carry. I invariably de-
tailed a very strong rear-guard, w^iich either the doctor
or Grant accompanied, with the strictest orders to allow
no one to lag behind them even for a moment. If a
man was ill, the rear-guard would carry him. But the
Swahili sometimes behaves like a mere dumb animal,
and this was not the first or the last instance, in
which sick men purposely went and hid themselves in
the dense jungle, to escape the notice of the rear-
guard, though certain death might await them from
starvation, wild beasts, or hostile natives. Sometimes
we succeeded in finding them, sometimes subsequent
search proved unavailing.
On the 15th, for the first time since we left the
Mau hills in November, we saw some game, and
Shukri and I secured two zebra and a hartebeest,
which were more than welcome to our men. As we
proceeded south, the hills became mere undulations,
and long valleys of waving grass — often very broad
— extended in every direction. The soil in these
valleys was very rich, and trees were more frequent.
The lava and iron - ore replaced the granite as we
neared the lake. This lava I had found to be a
characteristic of the countries bordering the Victoria
from Kavirondo on the east, throuo-h Usoo-a on the
north, and in Uganda on the west. It became scarcer,
and more covered with soil, as one receded from the
lake. By the 18th May we were in Buddu, and I
found it to be a thickly inhabited country, richer in
products and in cultivation than any we had seen in
Uganda. The Pokino (E.), its chief, was with us,
and abundance of food was supplied to us gratis.
I find in my diary here a note, which expresses
140
TOUR IX BUDDU.
tolerably concisely the ideas I have always held as to
commerce in Africa. " With an era of peace and
vaccination the two destructive agents, war and small-
pox, will disappear ; and, as the people increase, there
is no reason why they should not produce large
quantities of grain, cotton, &c., for export. In most
other countries the want has first to be taught them,
and its supply is then the object of commerce. Tliey
are just as happy naked as clothed — possibly happier,
who knows ? And are they not happier without arms
and powder ? Yet what else has the civilised world
hitherto imported ? Are the natives better, wiser, or
happier men, for the possession of beads, brass, iron,
and co23per ornaments, tawdry looking-glasses, and
mouth - organs ? But here in Uganda, Usoga, and
Unyoro, there are no fictitious wants to supply, or
wants to create. Farthing looking-glasses, and Bir-
mingham stuff — warranted to break soon, and to want
rej)lacing — are not in vogue. The people are fully
clothed in bark-cloth, which, though admirable indoors
or in fine weather, is no better than a sheet of wet
paper when clamp. To replace this by sound good
cloth at fair rates, to sujDply the house utensils, the
coinage — even writing-paper (which they really want)
— is a fair aim for commerce ; and, in return, the starv-
inof" ' civilisation ' of our cities mav well take of their
superfluity of food, and the grain, &c., Avhich the
country can provide.
" Not that I include mvself anion o- those who sav
we should take nothino- out because we brouo-ht nothino-
in (nothing useful at least). While misery and want
exist in ' Darkest Enofland,' we must find food and
scope for industry for our people, even if we create
wants in Africa to do it. But the absurdity of it is,
that the cloth we bring to E. Africa is mostly not
English at all, but American and Indian. Some
THIEVING OF CROPS AND ITS PENALTIES. 141
cloth is imported from England to Nyasaland, but it
is proverbial for short measurements, and for being
plastered with ' size ' to make weight and deceive by
appearance, as Livingstone pointed out long ago. The
biscuits are German ; the oil, I believe, Russian ; the
matches Swedish : yet we talk of opening up English
markets by our African companies ! "
On the 21st we arrived at Bugaju, where I made a
standing camp. In spite of the free supplies of food
brought to us daily by the Waganda, I found much
difficulty in preventing my men from stealing crops.
Hitherto I had been able almost entirely to do without
flogging, but for some reason, the temptation to pilfer
the varieties of food around them, 23roved too much
for the men after the rough fare of the last two
months. Almost daily I had to flog both Swahilis
and Sudanese, to my own infinite disgust and vexation.
" I will have no mercy in this matter," I write ; " food
pours in gratis, yet these lazy hounds leave it lying on
the ground in camp when they march out, and then,
before I have time to issue rations on arrival in the
new camp, they go off to steal. However, seventy
lashes well laid on, a fine, and an evening without food,
ought to make them remember ; and if it goes on, Til
go on till I give them what tvill stop them." By
making a zeriba round my camp, and placing sentries
by day and night over the gates, I managed to check
the thieving ; but, indeed, I think that the allowance
of green bananas was neither sufficiently satisfying nor
appetising to content the men.
As there was much game around us here, I at once
went out on arrival, and bagged four Senegal antelope
— the first I had yet seen in East Africa — and as each
of these animals scales some 240 lb., the meat was a
great treat to the men. During all the time we were
here, we constantly secured a supply of meat for the men
142
TOUR IN BUDDU.
with our rifles. A certain amount of food was broui^ht
in, according to the custom of Uganda. The Pokino
detailed villages in rotation to send supplies. This
the " English " party willingly did ; but the Wa-Fransa
declined to obey the orders of their chief, on the
ofrounds that we were not Frenchmen. At his re-
quest, therefore, I sent a strong party to cut the food
for ourselves in the recalcitrant villages. Meanwhile
flour was being prepared (for us to carry with us in our
forward march) in all the villages round, and messengers
had been sent to Ntali, to inform him of our intended
visit ; otherwise he would have feared that so strong a
force had hostile motives.
There was a very heavy dew by night, and a soak-
ing mist. Not only were the nights so cold, that I
found my two thin worn-out blankets and a new one
given me by De Winton insufficient — even with an
old waterproof sheet on the toj) of them — to keep
me warm, but the driving rain and wind chilled one
to the bone here on the equator, and often jDroduced
an absolute numbness in my left (wounded) hand,
and I was Had to don a thick blue sero^e coat over
a flannel football jersey. On 26th May the rains
suddenly ceased, and the weather became very hot.
On the same day I started for a ten days' journey
to Lake Victoria, taking with me a large number
of men, in order to reduce the pressure on the food-
supply in the villages around Bugaju. I was most
unwilling to leave my expedition, even for a day,
but the objects I had in view were important ; so I
handed over charge to Grant, and held the Sudanese
native officers responsible that there should be no
trouble in my absence.
Crossing endless river-swamps, some over half a mile
wide, and choked with papyrus and reed groA\'th, I
reached Masaka, the residence of the Pokino. Here
GAME IX BUDDU.
143
the Church Missionary Society had a station, of which
Mr Walker was in charge ; but he had gone off to say
good - bye to Mr Gordon, who was on his way to
Enoiand. The French Fathers had also a mission
close by (Santa Maria) ; for, apparently, whenever one
mission extended in any direction, the other sect
were eager to follow to the same j^lace — as lately
in Usoga. The Pokino, of course, received me
royally, and I pushed on, following Colonel Grant's
route northwards, and findino- the villao-es under the
same names as he quotes, though often now reduced
to a miserable hut or two. The Pokino deputed a
petty chief named Gideon, who had been attached to
us throuofhout the war, and to whom I had taken
a liking, to accompany me and arrange for food-
supplies, &c. On nearing his home, however, he learnt
that the Pubuga (king's sister, P.C.) had dispossessed
him of his estate, while he was a\^'av fio-htino- against
the Mohammedans, on the grounds that in Mtesa's
days it had been hers. Thus it was that I found
for myself the proofs of the intolerance of the TTV^-
Fransa, though Mgr. Hirth, believing what his j^arty
told him, was under the conviction that the intolerance
and aggression were on the side of the Wa-Ingleza
only.
Passing Baja, I found that a great 23lain of semi-
swamp land bordered the lake, and was covered with
game — water-buck, Senegal antelope, and the graceful
nsunu {Kohus koh). Turning off the road for a couple
of hours, while my men marched on, I shot four Senegal
and one nsunu, and wounded several others which I
lost in the bush. As manv AYaganda had accompanied
me from a neighbouring village, however, I showed
them the blood-trails, and they followed them up. I
had no cloth or o-oods Avith me, and so it Avas onlv bv
shooting meat with my own rifle that I could make a
144
TOrR IX BUDDU.
return present for the food which was supphed to me.
and eke out these provisions for my men. The party
of men I had sent to Kampala for supplies of goods
for the forward march had passed here, and I found
on inquiry that there were no complaints whatever
of thieving', so that my remedies had proved efiective.
Arrived where the Katonga debouches into the lake,
I foinid that the situation was not such as I desired
for a station. Marshes of fetid mud and papyrus
surrounded it on all sides, which would make the place
most unhealthy and malarial. The water was shallow
some distance from the shore, alfordino- no landino;-
place suitable for a steamer harbour. I could not take
soundings, for only one small canoe was available, and
the local chief refused to lend me this, saying he
feared I should g-et drowned in it. and if so he wotild
be burnt, since I was the kino-'s o-uest !
From the extreme point of the promontory of
Buo-ano-a a lovelv view of the lake was obtainable.
Its waters — blue as the Mediterranean, indigo blue —
s^^read out before you, its bays as still and silent as mill-
ponds. The heavy black forests of Bunjako lie on the
left, while the oi^eat island of Sesse breaks the horizon
to the right. In this kind of life of perpetual worry and
anxiety with these people, the charm of such exquisite
scenerv acts like a sedative, and elevates one's feelings
and thoughts above the worries of the moment. A
shade of sadness seems somehow natural to an appre-
ciation of the grandeur or beauty of nature, especially
when that beauty is essentially peaceful, silent, and still,
and has come tipon one unexpectedly, with the sense
that it has been there for all time. It is as though the
soul recognised the resemblance to some antenatal para-
dise ; and. if we believe Avith Plato that this is indeed
avaiJLvrjcrLS- small cause for wonder that the unknown
contrast throws a tinge of melancholy over our appre-
EXQUISITE SCENERY.
145
ciatioii. It is at such moments that we recall the un-
forgotten past, robbed of its anxieties, its sorrows, and
its doubts, Uke the memory of a dream. It is thus in
the material world that distance, lending a softening
A \'iE\v OF Lake Victoria.
touch to the rugged mountain, hides its rough paths and
precipices, and shows only a soft and gentle outline "
(diary).
Leaving Buganga, I retraced my steps to Baja through
the waist-deep swamps which bordered the lake, and
thence directed mv course to Luwambu. I shot one or
it
two hippo, leaving them for the natives (if they died
and floated subsequently). On the 31st I shot, while on
the march, three of the Uganda variety of the water-
buck [sing-sing), and so supplied my men again with
meat, and had some to give as presents to chiefs in
return for food, for a water-buck must scale 300 lb.
at least. The island of Luwambu lies between the
mainland and the great island of Sesse, almost in the
very straits between the two. On each side, therefore,
VOL. II. K
146
TOrR IX BUDDU.
there is but a narrow channel left, and throuo4i this
canoes must pass, unless they go round the east of
Sesse, a route so much exposed to storms and heavy
seas, that it is rarely adopted. In the sheltered water
between Sesse and the mainland there would, I think,
be a capital harbour for a steamer.
The district of Bujaju,^ which borders the lake
opposite to Luwambu, I thus describe : " We passed
throuo'h a charmino- country. All the ten-ft. -hiD:h
coarse bamboo grass ceased, and was replaced by a low
soft English-like grass. The soil was black but sandy,
and looked as though it would make the perfection of
light loam. Everywhere are patches of bush and date-
palm, which would afford abundant fuel ; while after
going some six and a half miles, the forest, which had
been visible to the right and front, closed in with
magnificent timber-trees, through which, however, still
continued the large open glades of sweet grass. The
soil became poorer towards the lake, more sandy, and in
places rocky. Another couple of miles brought us into
a belt of primeval forest, the trees festooned with mosses
and ferns, and the underoTowth dense. Bevond this
narrow strip was the beach of the great lake, with white-
crested breakers beating in on the shore."
I have described this somewhat fully, for it was here
that I recommended that an industrial mission should be
established. The country offered every possible advan-
tage for farming. Even the recent cattle-plague seemed
to have passed it by, for I saw one or two herds of
the king's cattle, and signs of wild buffalo. The forest
offered the best of timber for boat or dhow building, and
more could be floated from the forests of Bunjako on the
north, and Sango on the south, which (with Chagwe)
are the timber depots of Uganda. The proximity of
the lake would render it accessible for a steamer, to
^ Xot identical with Bugaju, where my camp was.
DESCEIPTION OF LUWAMBU.
147
export the products and bring the necessary imports. In
fact, my imagination painted Luwambu as the future
commercial centre of Uganda and the lake districts, and
not merely the site of an experimental European farm
or an industrial mission. The two richest districts of
Uganda, Buddu and Sesse, are on either side of it, and
it is from them that the coffee of Uganda is mainly
derived. Both of them contain many kinds of rubber
and gums, and both could produce any quantity of
grain, cotton, and other exports in bulk (see chaps, xv.
and xvi.) The situation appeared extremely healthy,
no malarial swamps surrounded it, and the soil was
light and well drained. Moreover, no place appeared
to me to afford a better point of departure for a trade
route to the Albert and Albert Edward Lakes (and
the Salt Lake) ; and, as I shall narrate, this route is
almost entirely free from those river -swamjDS which
abound in Uganda and Unyoro, and are almost im-
passable to laden porters, and quite impracticable to
transport animals.
At Birinzi, the chief, being of the Wa-Fraiisa party,
refused to come and see me, pleading sickness. I sent
him a large piece of the game I had shot as a present,
and he promised to send a messenger to procure a canoe
for me to cross the straits to Luwambu island. The
messenger came, and I spent much time in talking to
him and to the people, and explaining that we had
nothing to do with religious differences, and were the
friends of all alike, and I hoped that all these quarrels
would now be forgotten, &c. This kind of talk I never
lost an opportunity of holding, hoping thereby to effect
good. I also gave them meat as a present. The result
was that the messenger, after protesting I should have
as many canoes as I wanted in the morning, went to
all the villages and told them to remove them, and not
to let me have one, and then bolted ! I had therefore
148
TOUR IX BUDDU.
to return without takino- soundino^s of the water, or
selectmg a site for a station on the httle island,
for I could not afford to waste time in searchino- for
canoes. I felt much inclined to exact reprisals from the
treacherous chief of Birinzi, but refrained, lest I should
light the spark of civil war or distrust. Moreover,
I felt that it would be more in accordance w^ith the
methods I constantly advocated with the people, to refer
the matter to the king and chiefs, and the law of the
land, at the capital.
I reached Bugaju, my camp, on June 4th, having
been absent ten days. On the way from Luwambu we
passed over a ver}^ broken country, with endless hills
and valleys, and many deep gorges or ravines, some
two hundred feet deep, and clothed with fine timber-
trees. I found here the lake of Xabuo^abu, and to my
great delight, when my circuit of 125 miles closed on
my starting-point, I found that I was practically exact,
the map being barely a mile out. One of the main
objects of this tour was to collect samples of various
gums, rubber, and other products, and also to learn
what I could of the trees, and the class of timber they
afforded, and their various uses. For this purpose I
took with me a man skilled in these matters. Such
details as I was able to obtain, I have spoken of at some
length in my reports to the Directors, and alluded to in
the chapter on commercial products (xvi.)
149
CHAPTER XXYIL
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
Williams remains at Mengo — Gabunga's case — I march for Ankoli —
Kasagama's story — Zacliariah accompanies us — Koki's challenge —
Ai-rive on the frontier — Swahilis bartering — Zachariah to Ntali —
Lake Kachera — The Wahuma — Effect of cattle-plague — Dogs — Blood-
brotherhood with Birenzi — Description of Ankoli — Kitagwenda. —
Kichwamba — Small lakes — Fertile country — My men at fault — Suit-
able punishments — Reassure natives — Halt on lake plain — The Albert
Edward Lake — Locusts — Kakuli's peojDle — Cross the ferry — The Salt
Lake — Turn out Wasura — Secure hidden food — Hasty verdicts on
Africa — Build Fort George— German-mail men arrive — News of Emin
— Karakwanzi — Start for"Bavuntu" camp — Manyuema slave-raiders
— Merry little pigmies — Caravan stampeded by elephant — Fertile
country — Return to Fort George.
I HAD written to Williams to ask him to celebrate the
Queen's birthday at Kampala, to show the Wagancla
that w^e observed national festivals, just as the mis-
sionaries did religious ones. He wrote to me to say
that all was going on admirably and without fric-
tion, and he hoped soon to join me. In fact, it
almost seemed as if our troubles were in a fair way
of permanent solution. I thought that the question
of the division of Sesse could very w^ell wait until
I should build the station at Luwambu, and we had
craft of our own on the lake, when the matter would
be easier. I was, however, very nervous about leav-
ing De Winton in charge in Mengo, for the position
required a man of experience. The fact w^as, we were
150
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
terribly short - handed. The Company had sent me
primarily to make a treat}^, and to endeavour to quiet
the country and deal with the Mohammedans, and I
now anxiously awaited the arrival of one or more com-
petent men to assist me in the administration, and to
set Williams free to resume his duties as second in com-
mand of the expedition, and in control of the Sudan-
ese. I had repeatedly urged the absolute necessity of
such assistance, but none ever came.
In the meantime I considered it necessary that
Williams should remain, and I presently received a
letter from him (dated June 16th) telling me of some
difficulties which had sprung up between the king
and the Gabunga (E.) — the chief of the islands, — in
which, so far as I understood the matter, the king had
arbitrarily sent armed men to oust this chief from
certain slinmhas, and they had been resisted by the
dwellers on the estates, and several men had been
killed. The king was furious, and wished to imprison
the Gabunga, who was one of the principal chiefs of
Uganda. Whatever may have been the divine pre-
roo'ative of the kino- in the davs of Mtesa, it will, I
think, be sufficiently evident, from what I have already
written, that no such arbitrary power was now in
Mwanga's hands. The French Fathers have urged, I
believe, that we interfered with the constituted author-
ities ^ in stepping in to see fair-j^lay in this matter ; but
had the position been reversed, and the Gabunga been
an adherent of the Wa-Fransa party, I cannot conceive
but what they would have charged us (and rightly)
with impotency, and demanded to know for what pur-
pose we were in Uganda at all, if we were unable or
unwilling to take up such cases, and see justice done.-
Captain Williams inquired fully into the matter, and
" decided that the Gabunga must be supported,"- — and
1 Xotes on Uganda, pp. 33, 42. - Ibid., p. 45.
TO ANKOLI — KASAGAMA's STORY.
151
I, at least, have the fullest confidence in his judgment
and impartiality.
While writing to me of these difficulties, he also
assured me that no situation was likely to arise with
which he could not deal effectually, and he was confi-
dent he could keep Uganda pretty quiet in my absence.
Reassured by his letters, after his experience of a
month at the capital, I saw no reason why I should not
now proceed with the plan I have already described.
Shortly after I reached Bugaju, the men I had sent to
Kampala for necessary goods returned, and I collected
the flour which had been prepared for me by the Pokino,
and made it into loads for my men, as a reserve food-
supply, for I was informed that throughout Ankoli the
Wahuma (like the Masai) being purely pastoral, I
should find little or no food. Altogether I had a
hundred loads (or some 7000 lb.), being about thirteen
days' food for the whole expedition.
I now heard that the country of Toru,^ which extends
from the north of the Albert Edward Lake, along the
eastern side of Mt. Ruwenzori, to the edge of the Un-
yoro plateau — where it debouches on the Semliki valley
(Butuku) — was not an integral part of Unyoro, but had
been till within a few years a separate kingdom of the
Wahuma, under a king named Nyika. The freeboot-
ers of Kabarega, armed with guns, had overrun this
country, and its king had fled, to die in exile. The
people had been killed, ousted, or enslaved, and the
tyranny of Kabarega had replaced the ancient rule.
Nyika had a son named Kasagama, who as a child
had escaped with his cousin Yafeti, and taken refuge at
the court of Mtesa, where Yafeti obtained some office
about the person of the king, who showed him great
favour. These 3^ouths were closely related to Kabarega,
^ Identical with the Gambaragara of Emin and Stanley, said by Raven-
stein to be the centre of the old Wahuma kingdom of Kitara.
152
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
as also was Mtesa — the royal family being largely of
Wahuma stock. Both became Protestants ; and on the
accession of Mwanga, and the subsequent persecutions,
they retired from the capital, to live on an estate given
them by Mtesa.
Here they had remained quietly ever since, though
Kabarega had (I was told) made every effort to dis-
cover and kill them. Now, hearing that I was pro-
ceeding towards Torn, these young fellows came to
tell me their stor}^, and offered to accompany me,
saying that when the news became known that they
were with me, the old inhabitants of the country would
be reassured, and would look on us as their deliverers.
Kasagama was an extremely prepossessing youth, both
in face and manner. Yafeti was considerably his senior,
and was lame, and had to be carried. Zachariah (E.)
also declared his intention of comino- with me. I have
described this man as one of the chiefs whom I trusted
more than any other in Uganda, and ^^'ho, from his
tolerance and freedom from bigotry, was popular with
all parties. He had been attached to us in the war
against the Mohammedans ; he spoke Swahili fluently ;
and the more I saw of him, the more I became impressed
with his sound sense. He was in turn quite devoted
to me. He was a l^etty chief in Buddu, who could
muster from 500 to 1000 followers.
When he announced his intention of going with me,
the suspicious Waganda at once began to desert his
estates, saying he would never return, but was really
going to England, and they would be left without a
chief I He saw before him a loss of position, and
possibly of his ^possessions, — though I daresay he was
lono^-headed enouo-h to imao-ine that, so far as I was
able, he would not be a loser. Still, our position in
Uganda, from a merely physical-force point of view,
was not yet absolutely assured. The Maxim ^\'as greatly
ZACHAHIAH ACCOMPANIES US.
153
discounted since it had effected nothing against the
Mohammedans, and our fighting force was so vastly
outnumbered in the country, that it was despised by
the more hot-headed and rash among the opposing
faction. As a matter of fact, in the outbreak which
occurred in Buddu during our absence, Zachariah's
houses were burnt and his place looted. He, how-
ever, loyally decided to accompany me, and as he
was a very great favourite with Ntali, who had de-
puted him as his envoy to Mr Stanley when he passed
through (the Christians being at that time exiles from
Uganda and refugees with Ntali) — and as he, moreover,
knew the language of the Wahuma, and the customs
of the country through which we had to pass, — I wel-
comed him as an invaluable companion. Some sixty
faithfuls accompanied him, to half of whom I lent rifles.
He, however, only brought three days' food for them !
I had sent back in all about 140 men, with a good
headman, to Kampala, which, with the original garrison,
made a total of about 220. Very many of these were
sick, and I hoped they would rapidly get strong with
a rest at Kampala after their long march. I had re-
maining 110 Sudanese, 138 Zanzibari Levy, 185 porters
and caravan establishment, which, with Dualla and 4
private servants, made a total of 3 Europeans and 438
natives. We had but little ammunition, and practi-
cally no European provisions ; flour, sugar, oatmeal, and
biscuits, coflee and cocoa, having long been finished,
and I was at my last tin of tea — the one thing which
is almost an essential in travel. Our whisky had been
finished for months, except a very little kept in case of
sickness, and even native flour was hard to get (except
banana-flour) to make any substitute for bread. While
in Buddu, however, we had lived in luxury on native
produce, sweet-potatoes, a few vegetables — such as
peas, beans, and tomatoes — goats' flesh (which would
154
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
have been the better for a httle sauce and bananas
and milk. We were also very short of medicines.
After a week of pre23aration — making return pres-
ents for flour brought in, 23reparing all accounts of the
men sent back to Kampala, issuing cloth for clothing
to the men, and preparing our food and other loads,
in all of which work Grant was absolutely indefati-
gable— we started on our forward march on June 16th,
the same day on which, three years before, we had
attacked the Arabs on Nyasa. The wound then
received in my left arm had given me much trouble,
and on my way up country I had pulled out, Avith
my finger and thumb, a piece of bone over an inch
long ; since then it had been better, but pieces of
bone continued to come away.
We marched nearly due west, parallel to the north-
ern boundary of Koki. This is a small semi-inde-
pendent state on the south-west of Buddu, and not,
as shown in maps hitherto, a large territory conter-
minous with Buddu as far north as the river Katon-
ga. We did not enter Koki ; nevertheless its kinglet,
Kamswaga, beat his war-drums in defiance, which he
would not have dared to do had he not taken his
cue from Uganda. I, however, took no notice of
it, and passed on. In spite of the Pokino's orders,
the Wa - Fransa still refused to hvhig us any food
(though the fields were laden with abundance) ; and
since this was in violation of the agreement I had
effected — viz., that each chief should obey the orders
of his immediate superior, according to the customs
of the country, irrespective of faction — I sent men, at
the wish of the Pokino, to take it. There was, how-
ever, no indiscriminate looting. I sent a message first
to the chief with the Pokino's envoy, and reminded
^ It has been said that the art of travel in Africa may be summed up in
two words — " Worcester sauce " I
ARRIYE OX THE FRONTIER.
155
him that both factions had brought me food at the
war, and that I had lent guns and given ammunition
and help to both sides alike, adding that if he refused
me food I should be compelled to take it. I then
sent out a party under a responsible man, who cut
just so many bunches of bananas as the estate could
well afford, and these were brought into camp and
distributed in the regular manner in the evening.
In three days we arrived at Maronga, the borders
of Ankoli and Uganda, having passed through a
country of interminable hills and valleys, with few
villao'es and little cultivation, but aboundin£ in ofood
pasture-grass, and acacia and other bushes useful for
camel fodder. We found game here, and Shukri and
I bagged several Senegal antelope and water-buck to
help in provisioning the caravan. Grant and Dr Mac-
pherson rarely cared to go out shooting, except occa-
sionally when we were halted. There Avere innumer-
able tracks of elephants, as there had been more or
less through all the country through which we had
passed, but we saw none. The elevation of the
country gradually increased, and the hills became
higher, and more defined as low ranges, reaching an
elevation of 5000 feet. They were of a slaty shale,
and contained much iron, and we even passed old
working's from which the rich ore had been taken bv
the natives. There was no water, except such as re-
mained in holes or swamps, and already the fierce sun
was drying up the land and withering the grass, though
it was barely a month since the rains had ceased.
At Maronga there was much cultivation, and we
therefore had to draw little on our reserve. On
such occasions, when travelling through a country
where no caravan had ever been before, the natives
were not accustomed to the system of bringing in
food for sale. If there was oTeat abundance of food.
156
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
and it was my intention to halt and replenish our
reserve store, we would be at great jDains to in-
form the people, that all food brought in would be
purchased by barter, and on each day of our stay it
would come in in increasing quantities. When as
now, however, it was not my purpose to halt and
buy, I would issue an equivalent in cloth to the
Swahilis by "camps" (messes), and let them purchase
for themselves. They are marvellously good at this,
and will go very great distances to outlying villages,
and rarely quarrel with the natives. In case of any
dispute, they well knew, that I should take the part
of the natives and punish them severely, unless it
was most conclusively proved that they were not to
blame. The Sudanese, however, were as bad as the
Swahilis were good at bartering. They could obtain
next to nothino' for their cloth, and made endless
quarrels as well, so I never adopted this system with
them, if avoidable. Here a Mo-anda chief overtook
me, havino' marched fiftv miles and more to brino* me
flour he had prepared for me ! He was of the " Eng-
lish " faction.
Thence we marched to Kabula, a very large village
with much cultivation, but, like Maronga, with little
food ready for purchase. We were delayed here,
while fresh messengers were sent to Ntali with civil
messages, and to inform him of our coming. These
delays were necessary, in accordance with the dilatory
customs of the country, but were a cause of much
annoyance to me, since I Avas eager to accomplish
my work without a day's unnecessary delay, and had,
moreover, to feed mv men in a foodless country, imo-
rant of what difficulties in this respect awaited us
ahead. Crossino- some low hills, we sio-hted the lake
of Kachera in Koki, and I fixed its position by compass.
The messengers from Xtali returned to say, that as
THE W AHUM A.
157
all his cattle were dead, he was ashamed I should visit
him in his poverty and starvation, but he welcomed
me in his country, and hoped I would see him on my
way back, and every facility should be given me in my
march. He desired I should send Zachariah, and a
headman of my own, to tell him all I had to say. As
his caj^ital was far to the south of my direction (some
forty miles, I believe), this suited me verv well, thoug'h
his real reason for declining to see me was, Zachariah
said, that he had a dread of lookino- on a white man.
and had never yet seen one ; also that he probablv
feared the size of my force. I sent Zachariah and a
Somal to ask him to come and meet me some marches
ahead, where I would halt and await him. I would
then make a treaty and blood-brotherhood with him,
and give him a return present for the sheep and goats,
&c., which his envoy had brought us.
The j^eople in whose country we now were are
Wahuma. Sj)eke called them " otherwise Gallas or
Abyssinians of the semi-Shem-Hamitic race of Ethi-
opia," ^ and believed them to be of Asiatic descent,
though they themselves, he says, claim a European
ancestry. Let this be as it may — for space, I regret,
forbids me to discuss this and manv other interestino-
questions. I may, however, note that Stanley ap-
parently traces affinities between the language of the
Wahuma and Zulus, and infers that they came from
the soutli — a theory which I do not share.- The race is
absolutely distinct from the Bantu (or negro) stock
from which the agricultural tribes, the Wa-kamba,
Wa-kikuyu, Wa-kavirondo, Wasoga, and Waganda,
are sprung. They are purely pastoral, and do not
1 Speke's Journals, p. 246. Felkin endorses this— Xotes on Waganda,
&c., Eoyal Soc. Edin., p. 6. For other descriptions, xide Ashe, Two Kings
of Uganda, p. 332 ; and Wilson, Uganda, &c., p. 148.
- Times, April 1890.
158
BLTDDU TO SALT LAKE.
cultivate the soil at all. They live on the flesh and
milk of their cattle, and, until driven by starvation,
they would not, I believe, even touch the flesh of goats
and sheep, still less of fowls. The latter are kept for
purposes of divination only ; and, as in the days of the
foundation of the Homan empire on the continent of
Europe, so here in the heart of Africa, some 2600 years
later, you may find auguries taken by the entrails of
fowls. ^ As you follow the winding path you will see
small limbs of the euphorbia laid across it, and bunches
of herbs and various fruits, all offered as propitiatory
Dfifts or as charms for luck. Tinv little huts like bee-
hives are at the crossings, festooned with I know not
what daiva.
I thus describe the people in my diary : " Tall, thin,
and lithe, with high foreheads and most intelligent
faces. The eyes piercing, the features sharp, the
nose often aquiline. In colour they vary, as do the
Somals, some being very pale, others black. Some
are remarkably handsome men. They wear a loose
skin, beautifully cured, thrown over their shoulders,
and so are mostly naked, but the women are clothed."
Dualla, describing these people, said they had a
"beautiful future," by which he meant "fine fea-
tures " ! Mr Pilkington had made many enquiries
about them, and told me that the custom of kissino-
as we know it in Europe, was practised among them,
and that their standard of morality was very low.
I cannot verify either statement from my own know-
ledge. They were much struck with the Somals, who,
they said, must be of the same race as themselves.
Apparently they freely permitted settlers of the Bantu
(negroid) races to live amongst them and cultivate
^ Vide Speke's Journals, p. 267, for similar customs in ancient Uganda.
Felkin describes the process of obtaining these auguries — L'ganda, &c., vol.
ii. p. 47.
EFFECT OF CATTLE-PLAGUE — DOGS.
159
the soil, and now in their extremity, they were driven
to eat of what these agriculturists could provide, and
to endeavour themselves to follow their arts, for the
terrible plague had swept off their cattle. As I
have already said, large numbers of the people, too,
had died, unable to procure food, or to accommodate
themselves to an unwonted diet. The remnant are
thin and half-starved, and much liable to a loathsome
skin- disease or " itch," which breaks out in large scabby
sores, and is most contagious.
Here in Ankoli, the plague seemed to have been
very virulent, and had swept off almost all the game
as well as the cattle. These were of a fine breed,
large, straight-backed, without humps, and with pro-
digious horns over two feet long. The sheep also were
large, and well bred, of the fat-tailed species. They
keep also a fine and very powerful class of dog, which
they used in herding cattle, but these too were mostly
dead. I secured two. A third I bought, but his owner
had adroitly cut with his spear half through the
banana-fibre thong that held him, and as the dog saw
his master disappearing he bounded forward, breaking
the thong, and I never saw him again ! The two I had,
I endeavoured to teach to follow wounded game, and I
succeeded partially, so that they ran forward to the
sound of the gun. Firing one day, however, at an
elephant, the dog on rushing forward was charged by
the wounded animal. He ran past the whole length
of the caravan, and disappeared on the horizon, and
though he turned up again, he had received such a
shock to his nerves, that he feared the sound of a gun
afterwards ; and later, when we were attacked by Ka-
barega on the Semliki, and there was heavy firing, his
feelings were, I presume, so harrowed by recollections,
that he deserted with his companion, and I never saw
either of them again !
160
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
Zachariah, as I have said, had gone on to Ntali's
capital, while we proceeded by slow stages to Na-
busossi. Here he overtook us on the 30th, bringing
the most cordial and friendly messages from the king,
who had sent with him his son Birinzi — a nice-lookina*
and intelligent boy — to make blood-brotherhood with
me. With him came Ntali's chief councillors, saying
that the king held himself solemnly bound by all they
undertook in his name. Ntali himself was, I believe,
too fat to walk, and avoided all locomotion. I made
a very formal ceremony, drawing up all the Sudanese
in a hollow square, which I had cleared of grass and
bushes. I greatly pleased them by consenting to go
through the full ceremony according to their own rites,
and I founded upon our mutual pledges the treaty which
I submitted to England.^ 1 had this treaty read and
most carefully translated to them. Its main provisions
were, that the British were to be free to j^ass through
Ankoli, or to build and settle in it, and that the king
would do all in his power to suppress the import of
arms and powder, by the Waziba traders in German
territory to Kabarega and the Mohammedan Waganda,
and would seize and confiscate all he could.
In return, I gave him a flag and a copy of the
treaty, and promised him the protection and the
alliance of the Company. We exchanged presents,
and the ceremony was complete, and this large country
of Ankoli was added to the Company's territory. I
had abandoned the idea of building a station in Ankoli,
at least at present, for there was no food for a garrison.
Moreover, the station would naturally be built at the
capital ; and as this proved to be so very far south
and out of my route, I had decided not to visit it now.
Ntali now, of course, wanted me to go to war, and
thrash a tributary state ; but I said I could not do so
1 Vide Blue-book Africa.
DESCRIPTIOX OF AXKOLI.
1(31
until I had heard their story, and knew the justice
of the matter. Accordingly, messengers accompanied
me to summon the people — through whose country we
should jDass (Kichwamha).
Xews reached me here that Emin Pasha had passed
just south of Ankoli. on his way west, with a large
expedition. I had already heard rtimotirs to this effect :
btit as he had said (in the letter of which I have given
a fac - simile) that he was rettirning South. I could
hardly credit the" reports. Abotit this time also I
received further letters from Williams, saying that all
was well in Uganda, and that he was confident he
could keep the country fairly quiet din^ino- my absence.
I therefore decided to push on with my further plans.
We passed many villages, each with a fair amount
of cultivation rotmd it. but little produce, and managed
to hwx a little food to eke otit our stock. All were
most friendly. The streams were clear and fast-llowing
rivulets — now at their lowest — and often fringed with
line timber of the gTeen-barked acacia, and the //><:> (/uhn
(Kiganda, rnvngrAvv. ; Somal. lehhi). a thornless beatitiful
tree, the bark of which is used by the Wanyamwezi
to make boxes to keep their cloth in. as it is said to
be impervious to insects : it is tised by the Waganda
for fimiio-atino- or scentino- bark-cloth. The heiu'ht of
the hills here varied from 4500 to 5000 ft, : in places
they were covered with acacia and other bush, which
had been full of buffalo before the plagtie came. Ar-
riving at Motnit Ibanda, which lies on the borders of
Ankoli, we tin^ned sotith-west. skirt ino- the frontiers of
Kitao'wenda. and crossed a rano-e of hills 5S00 ft. hi^i-h.
on the top of which was a beautiful plateati watered by
rills of clear water, and covered with Itixtiriant pasttire.
Descending over 1000 ft. into the valley of the
Kitumi river, we left Kitao-wenda behind us. The
people had been reported hostile, and we heard they
VOL. II. L
162
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
meant to oppose us ; but I sent peaceable messages,
and they offered us a cordial welcome and food, ask-
ing how it should be possible that they should dare to
fight us, whom neither Mwanga nor Ntali had op230sed?
We had now entered a country densely pojjulated,
and with enormous areas of cultivation. For the
first time since we left Kavirondo on the east of the
Victoria, we saw large quantities of grain of all kinds,
as the staple produce. We crossed a broken hilly
country of deep gorges, fringed with tropical forest,
in which were the flowers one sees in a hothouse in
England — the trees festooned with orchids and mosses.
At the bottom of the gorge, an icy-cold stream of clear
water would be found, rushing from the high plateaux
of Ankoli to the Lake Albert Edward — parallel to
whose upper arm we were marching. On the uplands
English flowers abounded. We had passed several
miniature lakes, nestlino' anion bold cliffs 200 ft.
high. Their dark-blue waters proclaimed their depth,
though I had no means of sounding them. They
looked like the craters of extinct volcanoes ; while
many other circular depressions, from 100 to 200 ft.
deep, but Avithout water, seemed to bear a similar
origin. Another lake — the Ruamiga — of larger
dimensions, wound among the hills in a silent and
deserted land, and was extremely beautiful and
picturesque, with its margin of forest-trees.
Kichwamba — the district we now entered — was the
one which was reported hostile, and which Ntali had
beofo'ecl me to attack. Walkino^ far ahead, as was m^'
wont, for mapping purposes, with only two or three
men, I suddenly emerged among their villages. My
appearance caused a great alarm. The warriors rushed
for their spears and shields, and began to collect for
war — others drove off the goats, and the women Hed.
Zachariah and my Wahuma guides were behind, and for
KICHWAMBA.
163
a moment it almost seemed as though they would make
an end of us before we could offer explanations ! The
arrival of the Wahuma, who had hurried on breath-
lessly, anticipating my position, made things all right,
and the air resounded with cries of ''Hove! Hove ! ^'
(greeting), and every one began to shake hands vehe-
mently.
They told me that Ntali's deputy, Kaihura, was a
tyrant whom they would not accept, though they were
loyal to Ntali himself, and begged me not to listen to
Kaihura, if he wished me to attack them. I replied
that Ntali and I were blood-brothers, but even at his
wish I would attack no one, till I had heard the rights
of the story : certainly then we should not do it for
any lesser man, for we British were men of peace, who
did not accept bribes of ivory, like the Swahilis, to
fight in an unjust quarrel, and then accept another
bribe to cease from war. Nor were we merely passing
travellers, but we had come to arrange the country,
and to build and settle in it. They could come to our
camp without fear, and all food they brought should be
fairly paid for, and presents would be given in return
for presents. And if they found any man of ours steal-
ing or looting, they were to have no fear of telling me,
and they should see with their own eyes what sort of
punishment he got. But in return they must bring
food to sell, for we could not starve.
Such was the tenor of my words, as we had passed
along from the coast to the far interior, and my inter-
preter now hardly needed to be prompted, for he had it
all by heart ! In spite of my assurances, the foolish
people, seeing the size of the caravan, ran away, and I am
ashamed to say, that some few of my men, led, I think,
by the Waganda and Wahuma, stole several goats, &c.
I got news of it, and stationed a guard at the crossing
of the stream, where every single man must pass, and
164
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
thus I caught the culprits. I detest flogging, and have
always resorted to punishments, which would rather
make the oflenders a lauo-hino^-stock. Thus, for skulk-
ino'" and evadino- work a man ^^ ould stand for a time
with a box on his head, or two men fio-htinD' would be
A Scare of the Natives at Ktchwamba.
made to patrol camp arm in arm, with loads on their
heads, to the oTcat amusement of their comrades. Such
punishments were generally sufiicient, but to put a stop
to this looting from natives I had no compunction in
emploving stronger methods. I had again and again
warned the men, that I would not have the British
called "thieves,'* because a few blackguards were at
THE GREAT LAKE PLAIX.
165
fault. Seventy lashes (more is inhuman), a fine of a
month's pay, and an evening under the guard with-
out food, was the known penalty for Sudanese and
Swahilis alike. I got to know the thieves ; they were
generallv the same men — some who had come up lately
in Martin's caravan.
We had descended from the plateau on which the
villages were, in order to prevent stealing, and had en-
camped on the edge of the great lake plain, at an eleva-
tion now of only about 3300 ft. — the lowest we had
reached since we left Baringo. Here we halted six days,
to get canoes to cross the ferry of the lake, and to buy
food to replenish our reserve. Kaihura himself, with a
great retinue, arrived presently (July 10th), and of course
begged me to attack Kichwamba ; but I replied as be-
fore, and he promised to get me canoes, and to send
a letter for me to Selim Bey and the Sudanese, who,
report said, were settled at no great distance. I also
heard that Emin had passed not far from here, and had
asked for canoes and been refused, and so had marched
round the south of the Lake Albert Edward. These
reports I was now compelled to believe, for even his
name was mentioned. As food was not brouofht for
sale in sufficient quantities, I tried a new dodge, and
sent out the four responsible headmen whom I trusted,
each with a small party to carry the food, to purchase
in the villages. By this means I collected a great deal,
and avoided looting from the natives. The expedition
was supplied, and our reserve stock brought up to 101
loads — our original quantity.
The great lake plain spread out before us must have
swarmed at one time with elephant and buffalo, for their
tracks were everywhere; but the former had left, and
the latter were dead. Shukri bagged two water-buck,
and I got an nsunu {Kohus koh), but game was very
scarce. There were two small new lakes on this plain.
166
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
the Kibona and the Nyamsigiri. In going to visit the
latter, I passed through a flight of locusts. " The air
was darkened with them, every green bush and tree
and the grass was one living mass of them. One had
to guard one's face as they came past in clouds. As far
as one could see, locusts, nothing but locusts ! They
were overhead, flying past in dark masses, and the
ground was crawling with them, while every tree and
bush was a uniform brown with their colouring. Wings
and all, they are about three inches long " (diary).
The men were kept employed — the porters in bringing
in food, and folloMang us when we Avent shooting, and
the Sudanese and " Levy" at drill. We had many
sick, who benefited greatly by our enforced six days'
halt, and when we marched on July loth all were
singing and shouting, and so full of spirits and ani-
mal vitality, that we accomplished the thirteen miles
across the plain, and actually crossed the whole ex-
pedition over the ferry — sheep and goats and all —
in exactly seven hours ! We had an excellent broad
road, made by the constant trafiic towards the Salt
Lake.
The upper arm of the lake (Euisamba) is connected
with the main expanse of the Albert Edward by a
long and narrow channel or river not more than 500
yds. across. The people who live here own allegiance
to a chief named Kakuli. Their status is a very low
one : their huts were mere grass bivouacs, such as our
porters would make for the night's shelter, surrounded
by hedges of cactus. The women were variously dressed,
and some quite nude ; both sexes wore tiie copper
bangle, shaped thus — Q — which is exported from
Birmingham to the Congo, but is unknown in East
Africa. Their chief means of livelihood is, apparently,
by obtaining salt (surreptitiously) from the Salt Lake
OD the other side the Albert Edward, and exchanging
THE WANYORO.
167
it for the produce of the Kichwamba fields ; also by
harpooning hippo, and catching fish. Their canoes are
unlike anything I have seen before, — of extremely thin
planks, sewn together and caulked with grass, as flexible
as basket-work, and very light. Some are very large,
and capable of holding forty men. I w^as as usual told
I must "stay till to-morrow"; but I would take no
refusal — the more so as I heard that a party of 200
armed men had been awaiting us, and I wished to
get across while unopposed. We camped on the other
side, and I took all precautions for a night attack,
as I was told this w^as a common mode of warfare
with the Wanyoro (Wctrasura of Stanley), in whose
hostile country we now were.
Nothing happened, however, and we proceeded round
the north-east shores of the lake next day towards the
Salt Lake. Expecting opposition, I marched with a
strong advance-guard in readiness to fight. As we
neared the Salt Lake, being in front, I saw^ a reed-
buck and shot him ; it took three shots to finally dis-
230se of him. Apparently these shots were understood
by the Wanyoro to be a challenge to war. The rapidity
of our advance had taken them entirely by surprise ;
for, only twenty - four hours before, we were some
twenty-five miles away, with a deep and broad arm
of the lake between us, and apparently in no hurry
to move. Probably they had calculated, that the
passage of this ferry would delay us several days,
and enable them to attack us at a disadvantaofe.
And now, as they were eating their morning meal,
they suddenly heard the ringing shots of my -450 at
their very doors, and looking up saw the wdiole ex-
pedition marching upon them in a compact and orderly
formation. They fled incontinently, leaving their fires
burning and the food on the embers ; and we arrived
at the Salt Lake, to see long- string's of them in the
168
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
distance, and our object effected without the loss of
a single life !
"Everywhere," I wrote, "were piles of salt, in heaps
covered with grass — some beautifully white and clean.
On our right was the Salt Lake, about three-quarters
of a mile in diameter, at the bottom of a deep crater-
like depression, with banks some 200 ft. high. The
water was of a deep claret-red, with a white fringe of
crystallised salt round its margin. A narrow neck,
only some 40 yds. across at the top, and perhaps 300
yds. at its base — viz., the water-level — divided the
Salt Lake from the Albert Edward. On this neck I
camped, having thus two sides completely defended.
Halting the caravan here, I went off with a few men
to see if the Wanyoro (who were still hovering near)
wished to fight. They didn't, and cleared ; so I left
a j)icket on the rising ground, some 900 yds. from
camp, and returned. In the meantime the lake had
become black with canoes of our friends from the ferry
(Kakuli's), who, I had been told, were coming ' to
help us in the war.' They kept well out to sea, how-
ever, till after our arrival ; and when they saw there
was no fight, they came ashore and swooped down
like vultures on a carcass — crowds of them rushino-
like madmen and fighting over the salt, and loading
up their canoes with it. Zachariah says this supply
will reach Uganda itself, and be felt there. Sudanese
and Swahilis all filled up with salt ; cattle, goats,
everything had a surfeit."
Much as salt is appreciated by us, it seems to be even
more coveted by the African. On Nyasa, and every-
where I have been in Africa, a pinch of salt was the
greatest treat you could offer to a visitor. He would
slowly consume it by damping his finger and licking it
with the utmost gusto, and apparently would never
stop, as long as he could obtain the luxury. The
AX ALARM.
169
Sekibobo's little girl Malia, my protegee during the war
in Uganda, would not touch a lump of sugar, but was
never tired of eating salt, just as a child at home
never wearies of sugar-plums. I let them help them-
selves to-day, but later I insisted on Kakuli's myr-
midons brinoiiiD' a little food in return for the free
access to the salt. Thev also o^ave me a canoe, which I
retained for use on the lake.
I had barely pitched camp, and Avas engaged as usual
in plotting in mv map and writing up its notes, when
I heard heavy firing towards the picket. Dualla, as
usual, lost his head with excitement. He is one of the
bravest men (black or white) I know, but his courage,
as I had already found (and had plenty of 023portunity
of finding later), was useful only for its individual
value, and as an incentive to the others ; for his ex-
citement rendered him unfit to control men, and indeed
made it necessary for me to control him ! There was a
rush to arms, till I came out and made the Sudanese
and Levy fall in as soldiers, and march in an orderly
way under their proper ofiicers to the scene. It tran-
spired that the Wanyoro, fearing probably that Kaba-
rega would kill them all, unless they could recount a
story of a desperate battle, had returned and fired some
long shots at the picket, and had then blazed ofi* all
their ammunition as fast as they could. A hundred
rounds in replying were w^asted by my men, at which
I was very anory, considerinof how very little we had.
This little ceremony being over, and no one hurt on
either side, the Wanyoro retired for good.
I had sent messenger after messenger with letters to
Selim Bey, who was said to be close by, and to have
built four stockades near here, and I now despatched a
reliable sergeant, Suroor Adam (who had come down
with Emin and Stanley), with two or three picked men,
to convey my messages to him. They returned in two
170
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
or three days, to say they had been a very long way,
and could get no news of hini. Meanwhile I sent
out my men to collect poles to build a stockade ; but
there was little timber in the country, and they had to
go great distances. Other parties were sent to forage
and scout. The day after our arrival, they found an
enormous quantity (5417 lb.) of beans and grain, hidden
in the reeds by the banks of a stream. This haul set
my mind at rest on the score of food — my chief anxiety
— and enabled me to carry out the plans, which at
first I had deemed impracticable on account of the
food question. Nor was this all. The Wanyoro had
apparently held an absolute monopoly of the salt, and
had sold it to all tlie surrounding countries for food.
This they had (on hearing of our coming) secreted in
various places, and almost daily my men discovered
some new cache. In all I got some 14,000 lb. of food
(grain and beans), besides what the men secured for
themselves. In addition, Shukri and I bagged a few
water-buck ; so the men were well provided for. The
two sides of our camp, towards the two lakes, were im-
pregnable, and I stationed outlying pickets some three-
quarters of a mile to front and rear by night. These I
visited myself at first, but the strain of night-work, in
addition to the incessant work by day, was very heavy,
and I presently contented myself, by ordering the
Sudanese native officer on duty, to wake me and re-
port in the middle of the night, that I might be posi-
tively certain of his having been his rounds ; while I
slept in my clothes, and was ready at a moment's notice
to turn out. For I fully expected a night attack, and
I slept but lightly, waking at the slightest sound.
The Albert Edward Lake, which lay spread out at
our feet, was very beautiful. No reeds or marsh-
o:ro^^ th here broke the outline of its shores ; and
wooded islands in the foreground studded the expanse
THE ALBERT EDWAKD LAKE.
171
of water, which stretched onwards till it met the horizon
in the far and hazy distance. On the other side lay
the crimson-water Salt Lake, its fringe of salt looking
like ice. Each stick and stone was alike encrusted,
and bore out the resemblance to a half-frozen pond.
Beyond rose the lesser mountains — giant peaks them-
selves— which formed the bulwarks of the snow-clad
summits of Ruwenzori. The place seemed singularly
healthy, and the sick in the caravan began rapidly to
mend. The soil was excessively poor. Deserted villages
surrounded by hedges of cactus, marked the dwellings of
the people of the country before the advent of Kabarega
and his guns.
Mr Jephson describes the water of the Albert Edward
Lake as soft and salt, and the country as unhealthy.^
Such was not my own experience. Travellers passing-
through a district are apt sometimes, I think, to pass a
hasty verdict, and make or mar a vast country, merely
from the impressions conveyed to them as they walk
along a narrow path, with the view circumscribed by
the high vegetation v/hich borders it. Thus the Taru
desert has been described by traveller after traveller
as a waste of thorns and sand and rock, for all have
passed along the self-same path. Yet Mr Wilson, w^ho
is making a road across it, and has explored it in every
direction, tells me he has found indications of consider-
able cultivation, and abandoned villages, which led him
to believe it w^as neither so sterile nor so useless as it
has been painted.
As before mentioned, I set to work to build a small
stockade here : the j)osition was a very strong one, and
its value would be great, as holding the Salt Lake and
the ferry we had crossed. Salt could be exchanged at
liberal rates for produce of all kinds, and these again
for ivory ; and so I hoped that the station would not
1 Daily Graphic, 25th Jan. 1893.
172
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
only cover all expenses, but become a valuable source
of revenue to the Uganda administration. In spite of
the delav caused bv the Ion a- distances from which the
poles had to be brought, and our paucity of tools, with
which to cut and trim them, and dig the trenches in
the rocky ground, the little fort (35 by 24 yds.) was
practically completed in seven days. The face towards
the Salt Lake was protected by a massive cJieval-de-
frise, as the ground here was of solid rock ; that towards
the big lake was of breast-high jooles, like Kampala.
The other two faces, towards which alone an attack
could be delivered, were of 8 -ft. poles, pointed and
loop-holed ; and in lieu of a ditch, which was imprac-
ticable in the rocky substratum, chopped thorns were
strewn in front of the palisading.
One dav while we were enofao-ed in these tasks, three
Swahilis swaggered into our camp, firing oft' their guns
with a great deal of bluster and imjDortance. They
carried heavy mails for Emin Pasha, and had traversed
the British territory. ApiDarently they had come neither
provided with food nor with the means of purchasing
it, and their violent methods had so exasperated the
natives, that one of their party had been killed. The
others had then taken refuge with Ntali, and blustered
about their being the messengers of the Europeans.
Ntali, fearful of incurring the resentment of the white
men, put to death by slow torture the unfortunate man
who had killed the Swahili. These gay fellows, then,
finding themselves in good quarters, took no further
trouble about the mails with which they were in-
trusted, and lived for a long period with Ntali, who
had now sent them on to me. I told them to remain
in my camp, and I hoped presently to have an oppor-
tunity of sending on the mails to Emin. Thereupon
one of them, a mere low-class porter, demanded a tent 1
Even mv headmen knew no such luxurv as this. His
XEWS OF EMIX.
173
astonishment was considerable, when I assented at once
and clapped him and his fellows into our guard-tent
as a reply, and they had to perform the tasks of the
prisoners.
Their arrival, of course, was incontrovertible evidence
that Emin Pasha had really preceded me in this direc-
tion ; and indeed, men who had seen him, and described
him to me as being like myself" (I wore a short black
beard) "•'but with spectacles, " had already left me little
room for doubt. I was entirely at a loss to account
for his presence here— far beyond the limits of the
German sphere — with a large armed force, and (I
was told) a Maxim gun or cannon, — the more so
after his assurance to me as late as March last, that
he was going in the opj^osite direction. I presumed
that he also was £oino' with a view to enlistino- Selim
and his men ; but I was puzzled to know whv he
should not have frankly informed me of the fact, and
requested permission to pass through British territory,
since he would be compelled to enter it, for he was an
official of the German Government, — his expedition was
in their pay, and it was only natural to suppose that he
was carrying out their orders. Between the Germans
and the British on the lake the most cordial relations
had existed ; and as they were most punctilious in their
requirements that any boats from Uganda going south
into the German waters of the lake should conform to
their regulations, and carry passes, &c., I could not
suppose that they would underestimate the imj^ortance
of such an expedition traversing British territory, with-
out even a mere formal intimation to myself I there-
fore determined to investigate the whole matter. It
also appeared to me, in consequence of this news, more
than ever important to endeavour to secure the Sudan-
ese soldiery before they were taken away by Emin. I
have described both the urgent necessity for troops
174
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
to hold Uganda, and the advantages on the score of
cheapness. It now seemed that this unique chance
would be lost, if I allowed myself to be forestalled by
the Germans. For of course I still supposed that Emin
must be acting under orders. Messengers from Torn
came in, to ascertain if it was really true, that we had
brought the son of their old king, and intended to be-
friend them against Kabarega, and their joy was great
when they found that it was really so.
We completed the stockade — naming it Fort George
■ — on the 27th, and next day Karakwanzi, the chief of
most of this country of Usongola, arrived with an enor-
mous following of people. At the head of his retinue
he carried a new German flag, and he showed me a
document in German, which was apparently a treaty.
I do not understand his Excellency's action in this
matter, since what portion of Karakwanzi's territory
was beyond the 30th parallel, and hence outside
British territory, must be wholly in the Congo State,
and far removed from the German sphere. Fort
George was our frontier, and I made the chief halt
beyond it. His large following had made us doubt-
ful whether it was an army of Kabarega's which was
approaching, and I had spent a wakeful night in readi-
ness. On the day of his arrival (28th) I was about
to start towards the supposed camp of the Sudanese,
on the west of Ruwenzori ; and having got the caravan
ofl", I remained behind to interview Karakwanzi. He
was extremely friendly, and gave me guides to take
me to my destination, and asked permission to await
my return here. I directed him to camp some half-
mile away to the west ; and as I had already established
on the east a similar village of Kakuli's people, our
camp was free from the possibility of a surprise.
I left here a force of 109 men, being all the Sudanese
except 14, with Dr Macpherson in charge. He was.
AN ELEPHANT BAGGED.
175
with Yafeti's assistance, to endeavour to establish a
market for the barter of salt for produce, and he had
full instructions, in the event of any mishap occurring
to me.
Having finished my shauri with Karakwanzi, I
hastened after my men. I found them as cheery as
possible, shouting Mivaka, Mwaka'' ^ (years, years)
and singing. It naturally gives the leader of an ex-
pedition the keenest pleasure to find that the men
are loyal and contented and happy, in sj)ite of the
hard work done, and the necessary discipline enforced.
On the whole, it was a good day's work. In the morn-
ing under arms for war, at mid-day a long and difficult
shauri completed, and by night a march of eleven miles
accomplished.
We camped at the foot of the Kitoro hills on the
banks of a beautiful stream. This country near the
lake was swept by gales of wind, which came on with
curious regularity at sunset, and lasted for about an
hour, and would be succeeded by a similar gale from
the north-east and Ruwenzori, Avhich in turn died away
about 10 P.M. A curious haze enveloped the moun-
tains. Next day we crossed the pass — 4000 ft. (Fort
George being only 3200 ft.) — and descended into the
valley of the Semliki. On the way we had sighted a
solitary bull elephant feeding on the plain. There was
no cover, but, having his wind, I got within about 80
yds. and fired. He turned towards us at once, and
spread out his ears as though to charge, and my gun-
bearers fled. I fired my second barrel, and he made
off, which was lucky for me, as the thick grass would
have prevented my running a yard, and I had no
second heavy rifle ; so he would have " had me on
toast." He fell dead within 100 yds., and turned
1 This means that they are ready to go on for years on the expedition,
and do not wish to return.
176
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
out to be a mao-nificent beast, with tusks weio-hino- 80
and 82 lb. ! He was my first elephant — often though
I had hunted these animals — and I secured him with-
out delaying the caravan at all. Later in the day, as
we neared the Semliki, we came on great herds of
elephants, which would not move out of our way.
Shukri and I went after them, and it was on this
occasion that he was caught by an elephant, as I have
narrated in chap. xix.
Next day we crossed the river, which was fordable,
and camped in one of the most picturesque spots I
have seen in Africa. Here are my notes at the
time : " Some 200 or 300 ft. below the knoll on which
we are camped, rushes the Semliki, in a series of cas-
cades and waterfalls, with handsome trees along its
banks. The Borassus palm grows plentifully, — as is its
wont, it suddenly appears in a district, and as suddenly
ceases. The river is narrow, but deep and rapid, and
its sound is pleasing in the distance. On the far side
is undulatino' countrv towards the Ruwenzori rano^e,
diversified bv o-reat oTanite rocks and boulders. The
bank of the river is precipitous, which adds to its
beauty, and a tributary stream flows into it here
through a gorge, which, like the others around, is
of very rich soft black loam, in which are luxuriant
cro23S." The Semliki is only so called where it enters
the Albert Lake : here, near its exit from the Albei t
Edward, it was called the Kakibi or Xyanza (water).
In the evenino\ one of the messeno^ers whom I had
sent with letters to the supposed Sudanese came into
my camp, bringing a goat and a tiny girl-dwarf from
the forest, as a present from the *'Bavuntu." He was
followed later by two of the Bavuntu themselves,
who, instead of being Sudanese, turned out to be the
Manvuema ivorv and slave hunters of Kilono-a-lonofa,
of whom Mr Stanley has given so full a description
MANYUEMA SLAVE-EAIDEES.
177
in his ' Darkest Africa.' They had no idea where
Selim and the Sudanese might be, but insisted that
they were not within a month's journey. Next day I
reached their station. They spoke Swahili, and were
civil and respectful, and treated us most hospitably.
They seemed a fine and a plucky set of men, and one
could only regret that they had not been taught in
a better school than that of the Arab slave-raiders.
They had built good houses and a rough fence round
their station, and cultivated the Mwili palm, from the
fibre of which they made the Manyuema " cloth,"
which is in reality rather matting (of the finest pos-
sible texture) than cloth. From the people around
they claimed one tusk of every elephant shot ; from
the more distant villages they levied blackmail at irreg-
ular intervals. They were at war with Karakwanzi,
I was told ; but I think their custom was to invent a
quarrel with any one, or espouse some quarrel between
the natives, and thus, falling on an unofiending tribe, to
carry ofi* any number of captives as slaves, whom they
despatched to Kilonga - longa, at Ipoto on the Ituri.
Indeed they begged me to stay a day and help them
against some tribe. I, of course, peremptorily declined.
The Manyuema, though cannibals in their own coun-
try, repudiate the custom when they take service with
Europeans. I had many in my caravan, and found
them perhaps the bravest and the most attached of
my men. They are very clean, and managed to have
presentable clothes when all the rest of the porters
were in filthy rags. Indeed it is their very superiority
to other tribes which has made them such successful
tools in the hands of the slave-raiders. They and the
Wanyamwezi are the best porters in Africa, and are
generally trustworthy and loyal.
These people told me all about Emin, who, they said,
had passed close to their station, and with whom they
VOL. II. M
178
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
had apparently had some difference. They said he had
built three houses at the foot of Ruwenzori, and had
ascended some distance up the mountains, and had
planted the German flag there. They offered to guide
me to the place — an offer I was glad to accept. They
had caught several dwarfs from the great forest (they
said at Emin's request), and had got them caged like wild
beasts. I took a boy, as a companion to the girl they
had sent me, though with some misgivings, lest I should
appear to encourage their capture. The poor little
creatures, delivered from their captors, became the pets
of the cam23, and lived a happy life. They appear to be
merry little folk, if one may judge from the constant
shouts of laughter I heard from these two. The Man-
yuema said they were fierce little people, who lived in
the forest, and hunted and killed elephants with their
tiny bows and arrows and spears. They lived on the
flesh till it was done, and then hunted again, and were
most intractable. I even found a Mhuma among my
following, who knew a little of their language, for
Nyika, the old king of Torn, had had one at his court.
They were about 3 ft. high, and reached to the hip-
bone of Suroor Adam, the Sudanese sergeant, who was
about 6 ft, 3 in. !
All this country was densely inhabited, and culti-
vated. Bananas, grain of various kinds, and beans,
seemed the staple food. The people, the Wa-Nandi,
were mere savages, to whom the well-dressed and
self - possessed Manyuema offered a great contrast.
They were armed with spears and tiny bows (only
18 in. long), such as I had not before seen in Africa.
They appeared timid and peaceful. Their huts were
better built than any we had seen since we left Uganda,
except, of course, the wattled and span -roofed houses
of the Manyuema. The Manyuema station was in the
Congo State, whose boundary I had crossed in my
CARAVAN STAMPEDED BY ELEPHANT.
179
quest of the " Bavuntu," and these people were out
of British jurisdiction. I therefore merely cautioned
them regarding slave-raiding to the east of the Semliki,
which was our boundary.
Leaving their place, we marched east and crossed
the Semhki, now a big river with a great volume of
water, and barely fordable even at the ferry, where
it divided into two branches. On the march we again
came on elephants, and I dropped one with a single
bullet. A second stood over it, and was very vicious.
I fired, and it charged, but was stopped by several
shots from myself and a couple of Somals who were
with me, and presently it also fell. It was on this
occasion that my dog got such a scare ; nor was he
the only one, for the whole caravan was close by,
and when the elephant charged they threw down
their loads in a panic and fled ! This was a very
great haul to the friendly natives, as also to my
Wanyamwezi, who, with the Sudanese, were the only
men who would eat the flesh. From all sides the
natives came pouring in, and very soon both elephants
were disposed of Before long we struck the path
by which Emin Pasha had come, and eventually we
came upon his camp and the huts he had built. The
natives showed me the direction he had gone in ; and
as it was north-east, there was no longer any doubt
that he had entered British territory.
The plain here, at the foot of Buwenzori, was of ex-
cessively rich soil. " I have never seen anything like
the cultivation," I write. " As far as the eye can
see, endless acres of plantation extend, all looking most
luxuriant — bananas, grain, and beans. They say they
are independent of the seasons here ; the dew is so
heavy, and the soil (a light black loam) so rich, that as
soon as one crop is gathered they plant another. The
huts are well made, and the people go about the fiekls
180
BUDDU TO SALT LAKE.
unarmed — a rare thino- in Africa — with onlv sticks in
their hands. When going on a journey, they carry
spears with diamond-shajDed blades, but poorly made.
Their hoes are of iron. The fields are wonderfully
well kept, not a weed to be seen. I am told that a
vast quantity of this food is groAvn, in order to be
exchanged for salt. It is a wonderful granary, and
if we hold the Salt Lake we tap all this endless
sujDply."
From the time that we had crossed Emin's track,
the natives lied at our approach. The houses were
deserted, and it was with the greatest difficulty that
I could at last induce a few men to stop and speak
with us, for all feared and distrusted the white man.
I am told Emin stayed here for a month, and took
food by force the whole time and paid for nothing.
His men killed two of the savages, for which Emin
is said to have imprisoned them. I think I can say
that where we have been the people have learned to
know and trust us, and all is friendly ; and if a
safari follows, they will find confidence and friend-
ship, not terror and distrust as here on the track of
the Germans " ^ (diary). With much difficulty I even-
tually saw a local chief by remaining behind after
the expedition had marched. He was an intelligent
young man, and I showed him our flag, and explained
that those who carried it were English, and we had no
wish to loot or hurt his country or his people ; that we
now held the Salt Lake, and his produce would be
accepted if he brought it there, and a liberal exchange
of salt given.
I left with him the Sudanese sergeant, Suroor Adam,
a most reliable man, with two Sudanese and two
Swahilis (as interpreters), and the four men who had
1 Emin and Stuhlmann had arrived at this camp (Karevia) on June 6th,
and left about June 16th, 1891.
FERTILE COUNTRY.
181
brought the German mails. They were to await Emin's
return and give him letters from me and his mails ;
and if he brought down Sehm and his men, they
would explain to them about the British occupation
of Uganda, &c. The chief took them, and said all that
he had was theirs, and during the time they stayed
with him he treated
them with the ut-
most hospitality and
friendship. Subse-
quent events will
show that these
letters never reach-
ed Emin. They
were merely to ask
him whether he was
acting under the
orders of the Ger-
man Government,
and why he had not intimated to me his intention of
coming into British territory. I was much tempted
to follow him, but judged it best to allow nothing to
cause me to deviate from the course I had marked out
for myself, or to delay me one single day more than
was absolutely necessary. " At sunset," I write, " the
RUVVEXZORI BY SUNSET.
182
BI'DDU TO SALT LAKE.
snow-cap of Euwenzori suddenly became visible, and
shortly after was tino-ed with the oiow of the settincr
sun — a most lovely sight/" Marching back — parallel to
the base of the Euwenzori — we crossed the low hills
somewhat higher up than before (the highest point of
the pass being 5400 ft.), and descended into the jDlain
of Katwe. and so arrived at Fort Georo-e on Auo\ 6th.
the anniversary of the day we had left the coast.
183
CHAPTEE XXVIIL
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
Leave garrison at Fort George — March into L'^nyoro — DisjDerse Dukala's
army — Pluck of Waganda — Build Fort Edward — The people welcome
Kasagama — Daily routine in camp — Leave garrison and march on —
Bloodless victory over Kabarega — Eeassure the Wa-Toru — Description
of country — "Waganda colony — Ferag attacked — Cross Semliki — The
enemy attack again — The caravan in a swamp — Swahili porters — Hard
marching — We prefer forest to mountain — Affable savages — Lake
Albert — Ascend Kavalli plateau— Sudanese deputation — History of
events in Equatoria after Emin left — Chaos and war — Selim and
refugees settle at Kavalli's — Both steamers sunk — Emin's return —
Disappears again — We arrive at Kavalli"s — Work in camp — Selim
arrives — Our conference and its results — We are unable to help the
Sudan — Eesults of " Relief Expedition " — Selim's contract with me.
Ox my return, after ten days' absence on this trip.
I found all well at Fort George. We had marched
108 miles, crossing the lower slopes of Ruwenzori, both
lowing game. From our camp in Buddu to the Salt
Lake Avas 134 miles. We halted only one day, and
then, leaving a headman and thirty Swahilis in charge
of the fort, with 700 rounds of ammunition, and a
petty chief of Kasagama's to conduct matters with the
natives, we marched northwards — along the eastern base
184
SALT LAKE TO KATALLl's.
of Rmvenzori. Crossing a hilly plateau, we descended
to the lakis again (Ruisamba), passing another small
salt lake on our way. The story runs, that years ago
an army of AYaganda came here to raid for salt, and
not knowing that this supply was noxious, while the
other was good, they ate largely of it, with the result
that most of them died. There is also said to be
another lake in Toru whose salt is good, but black, and
inferior to that at Fort Georo-e. Alono^ the shores of
the Albert Lake the natives obtain salt by washing a
saline earth. The chief market for salt is at Kibiro,
in northern Unyoro.
As we fully expected to be attacked, I sent a party
of Somals and Wahuma ahead as scouts. The Somals
are excellent at this work, most intellio^ent and most
fearless. Unfortunately a misunderstanding arose
about the place where we should camp. Momentarily
expecting that the guides would point out the place
agreed upon, I pushed on and on ; while they, thinking
that I understood that we should camp on the lake
shore, but desired to find a spot that pleased me, said
nothing. The result was, that we were a mile or more
ahead of the caravan, and that, since I had thought
camp was close by, I had pushed on without halting
for some nine or ten miles, and the expedition was
strao'o^lino' terribly. Just at this unfortunate moment
we perceived that we had run into the enemy.
A long arm of the lake stretched towards the moun-
tains, and across the narrow space between them ran
the little river Mokia, in a deep channel — the boundary
between Usongola and Toru proper. A dense acacia-
wood filled the intervening space. It was an admi-
rably selected place at which to oppose us. " Through
mv oiasses I saw that the low hills bevond were hlacJc
with men, as was the o-round in front — thev were,
as Dualla said, ' like ants ' ; it seemed impossible we
WE DISPERSE DUKALA's AKMY.
185
could beat these hordes ; retreat was out of the question,
and defeat meant annihilation. It was now 3 p.m.,
and it would be over two hours before all the expedi-
tion were up. There was no moon, and if the fight
extended till night, it would mean disaster. Mean-
while we were but forty men, and the rest were miles
behind " (diary). It was not unnatural that my heart
misgave me, for I had yet to learn what arrant curs
these Wanyoro are, and probably a very large propor-
tion— the majority, in fact — of the masses of people I
saw before me, and whom I supposed to be all fighting
men, consisted of women and non-combatant followers.
But my chief fear was lest the Mohammedan Waganda
should have joined with the Wanyoro to oppose us,
and they would be an enemy far beyond our strength.
We halted, and I extended my little line, sending
back runners to hurry up those behind. Meanwhile
the enemy got bolder, and occupied the wood in great
force, Avhile a few came out into the open, and be-
gan firing at us. I made no reply, and the Wanyoro
let slip their chance of attacking us, while as yet we
were but forty strong. By four o'clock many of my men
had come running up breathlessly, and the Maxim
had arrived. I dared not delay the attack longer, lest
night (which falls at 6 p.m. exactly here on the equator)
should overtake us. So with 100 rifles at most we
advanced in line. I had no confidence whatever in
the Maxim, for I expected it would jam hopelessly,
and therefore, in order to test it, I opened fire on a
crowd of men on a knoll beyond the river, about
950 yds. off. I only fired some twenty rounds, but
my aim and estimate of distance was correct, and
they took terrible effect. The result was a panic
among the enemy. A party of Somals and Waganda,
whom I sent alono' the low hills to the left, turned
their flank, while Zachariah and his Waganda rushed
186
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
the acacia-wood with the greatest dash, and went
rio'ht throuD'h it.
I had been anoTv with Zachariah for firinof a number
of cartridges the day we took the Salt Lake, and he
had keenly felt my reprimand. To make up, he actu-
ally refrained from firing a single shot in his charge
through the wood, ordering his men to fire only in
defence of their lives. As the enemy gave way before
him, he positively did not fire a single round ! Such
a thing with wholly undisciplined men shows wonder-
ful pluck and control. Zachariah copied my methods
wdth "the sincerest flattery" of imitation. He counted
his men's ammunition, inspected their rifles, flogged for
petty theft from the natives, and indeed, by the time
we reached Uganda again, his sixty men were almost
as well disciplined as our own.
The AVaganda too, who had gone with the Somals to
the left, behaved splendidly. Outrunning their com-
rades, they dashed into the enemy, and indeed got
so far ahead that the Sudanese mistook them for
Wanyoro and fired upon them I The enemy, outflanked
on both sides, and scared by the few shots of the
Maxim, and our steady advance in line to attack in
front, turned and bolted. They had fired an enormous
quantity of ammunition, but did not succeed in hitting
any of us ; very little indeed had been fired by us.
None were hit by the few shots fired by our rifles, I
believe, but we heard later that some twenty to thirty
were killed and wounded by the score or so of rounds
from the Maxim, and this had an enormous moral eflect,
as we afterwards found. We captured their camp, which
was full of food, and bivouacked beyond it on some low
hills. The Sudanese pursued the flying enemy some
distance, but did not come up with them. It was a
successful day, for we had made a prodigiously long
march, as well as clearing out the enemy. Grant and
BUILD FOET EDWARD.
187
the doctor, who were both full of fight, were much
vexed at having come up too late to be in the engage-
ment, such as it was. It was sunset before we got all
the expedition and all the loads mustered in camp, and
the men had no time to make any shelter to protect
themselves against a tremendous thunderstorm, and
the deluges of rain which came on in the night.
Marching on, we crossed the Sebwe, and follow-
ing up the stream, I selected an admirable site on
which to build " Fort Edward." ^ The stockade
was constructed on the banks of the river, which
on this side were 20 ft. high, and commanded the
whole plain in rear (south), as well as the plain which
sloped northwards to the Mupuku river. This latter
stream ran parallel to the Sebwe. It emerged from a
long valley or gorge, which extended for miles among
the mountains, and flowing to the lake with an
extremely rapid current and great volume of water,
formed a barrier impassable during the greater part
of the year, and difficult at all times, which shut off the
whole of Usongola and South Torn from the north.
The soil was rich and the pasture luxuriant, and groves
of the mugavu afforded excellent timber. Away up
among the mountains in the Mupuku valley, I was told
by the people of Torn that there was a dense popula-
tion, and much cultivation and food. The site was not
too distant from Fort George, and as it commanded the
gate from Unyoro, that station would be safe from
attack from this direction. The actual site of the
fort commanded the road to the Salt Lake, which ran
between the river and the great mountain of Nkendi.
The people of Torn continued to come in daily to
welcome their king Kasagama, and to bring us food.
It was here, close to our stockade, that I wished him to
settle for the present ; and as his people joined him he
1 Named after the Eight Hon. General Sir Edward Lngard, G.C.B.
188
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
beo^an to build his villao-e. I made a treatv with him,
the stipulations of which were, that as he had been
restored to his country by the British, he should in all
matters obey the orders of the resident at Mengo.
Elej)hants were not to be shot without permission, and
were the monopoly of the Company. This was an
important provision, as these animals swarmed in enor-
mous herds throughout this country. He was to pre-
vent the import of arms and powder, and all arms in
possession of his people Avere to be registered, and held
only under the Company's licence. The Company in
return pledged its protection to him and his people.
Grant undertook the conduct of a small expedition
to oust Katabarua, one of the most cruel of Kabarega's
chiefs, who was said to be camped close by. The dis-
tance, however, was fully eleven miles, and they had to
cross five rivers, which were almost impassable, only to
find the camp deserted. Grant picked up a piece of
paper here — a rare thing in Africa — which turned out
to be a letter from Dr Junker to Captain Casati in
Italian, about a chimpanzee ! We now set to work
hard at the fort, but were greatly delayed by want
of tools. To lay out the trace, we had to tie our
tent -ropes together, and the soil of the ditch was
removed in handfuls and in cooking-pots for lack of
better appliances. One spade and a few broken native
hoes, and very few axes, comprised the whole of our
intrenchinof tools !
I have already described the daily march — here is
an extract from my diary while at Fort Edward,
describing our life when halted : " Our daily life is
work, work, work. At daybreak Grant calls the roll
and starts the various batches of men off, according to
my over-night instructions. One batch to cut poles,
another to bring house-building material (thin wands,
reeds, grass, &c.), another to work in the fort, digging
DAILY ROUTINE IX CAMP.
189
the ditch, fixing the poles, building the houses, &c.
The selected men, who have been taught, go on with the
trimming and placing of the poles, making loopholes,
&c. I generally myself have several shauris to settle
up — arrangements with the natives, &c. Later I go
over and work at the fort till twelve noon, when the
ritJcsa (dismiss) is given, and I return to work at all
kinds of things — shauris, telling off offences, diary,
plotting the map, mending guns, or the construction
of the gates of the fort, &c., &c., and have a snack of
The Camp by Night at Ruwenzori.
food. Of late, having got abreast of my work, I have
time for half an hour's lounge some days. At 3 or 3.30
P.M. all turn out again, and work goes on till near sun-
set. Long hours these ! and the men are kept hard at
it, but there is not a sign of grumble or discontent.
Then dinner, and we sit and chat over the camp-fire to
save candles, which are all but exhausted, if I have no
diary or map work to do."
For some time past I had been writing my second
report at such spare moments as I could devote to it,
190
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
and having completed it, together with mails for the
coast, in which I again urged our need of annnuni-
tion, intrenching tools, cloth for food purchase, and
clothino' for the men, medicine, and some few neces-
sarv provisions for ourselves, I despatched the mails
to Kampala on Aug. 17th. In spite of our difficulties
for tools, the fort was a great success. The faces were
about 43 yds. each, those to north and east being of
high pointed poles, with a double line of loopholes,
those towards the Sebwe (south and west) of 5 -ft.
poles, with an inner banquette. A watch-tower, near
the swinoino' o^ates. commanded a view of the whole
country, and three native houses, each 26 yds. long,
accommodated the Sudanese and Swahili garrison. Of
the former I left 25 under a most reliable sergeant,
and of the latter 63 (one of the two companies of the
Levy ) under their native officer, a Somal, who spoke
Swahili and Arabic fluently, and one of the very best
men I had in the expedition. In all, 100 of mv best
rifles, with 1800 rounds of ammunition. The fort was
surrounded by a deep ditch 11 ft. broad, and con-
tained a food-store and houses for the native officers,
besides the houses for the men. We had a oreat deal
of fever here, possibly due to our breaking up the
virgin soil — always a prolific source of sickness m the
tropics — and Dualla had been hcyrs de combat most of
the time, which deprived me of the services of a verv
useful man at the fort work.
On the 25th Aug. we were ready to push on, leaving
behind us Kasao-ama and all his followino-. We had
been in all only thh^teen days here. We left the
garrison amply provided with food, and our own reserve
store was filled up to the maximum we could carry. We
also had twenty-two loads of salt for purchase. Fort
Edward was built at the very foot of the loftv snow-
peaks of Ruwenzori. Occasionally, as the mist and
BLOODLESS VICTORY OVER KABAREGA. 191
cloud cleared, we would get a glimpse of its pinnacles
and glistening white crags. Once or twice we saw a
series of snow-capped heights, and between them a long
expanse of snow -covered mountain. Mr Stanley has
given so elaborate a description of Ruwenzori, which
all the world has read, that I will not attempt to add
to it with my less practised pen. He prefaces his de-
scription by the prophecy, that no Euro23ean would look
on it again for many years, as it would take an army to
effect a passage via Torn. As he was writing the words
in Cairo, we were travelling along this very route !
Crossing many streams, and a hilly country gradually
increasing in elevation, we again, on the second day,
found ourselves unexpectedly confronted by a huge
force of the enemy. We were told that these included
a large portion of Kabarega's regular army (a deserter
said 2000 guns, which was probably quite untrue), as
well as a confederation of all the southern chiefs, so
we expected they would make a better resistance than
before. A large body of men, carrying a big flag, took
possession of a hill on our right, and a similar body
crowned a height on our left. I advanced in line, send-
ing a strong party round the low hills on the left. We
steadily came on, while the enemy kept up a tremend-
ous firing. The bullets, however, came nowhere near
us. We advanced without replying, and the Wanyoro
fell back as we came on. The result was that, scared
by the reports of our terrible shooting at incredible
ranges, and at our stolid and orderly advance, they did
not dare to await us at close quarters, and we actually
defeated this great army without firing one single car-
tridge, and without the loss of one single life ! I was
proud of our bloodless victory, for it spoke well for our
control and discipline over our men. There must have
been many thousands, for their camps covered a great
area of ground. The expedition now consisted of
192
SALT LAKE TO KAYALLl's.
barely 300 men, of whom at least half were a rabble
of porters, many of them quite useless for fighting.
Smallpox was raging throughout Unyoro, and though
we had come on many victims abandoned by their
friends, we had fortunately escaped infection. From
time to time we captured prisoners, and I took the
greatest ^^ains in seeing that not the smallest thing
was taken from them. I told them what I had always
said to the natives we had met — viz., that the British
did not fight with peasants, and women and children,
and that they were free to go their way, even though
they were Wanyoro. I did my utmost also to prevent
all looting, even though the country we were passing
through was hostile. For my object was to reassure
the peasantry, while driving out the armed bands of
Kabarega. We captured a flock of goats on one
occasion, and ten men with them. These men were
people of Torn, and they were greatly pleased when
we told them that we had brought their king, and
driven out their tyrant Dukala. They said the flock
belonged to a Munyoro chief, and so we kept it as
fair spoil, and sent the men off*, to tell all their friends
that they could return, and settle in 23eace under
Kasagama.
" In return," I write, " I got the old reply, that if
they came over to us, and we left the country, Kaba-
rega would slaughter every one of them. They were
glad of Kasagama's return, and acknowledged him
their king." They were a poor-s23irited, defenceless
race, these Wa-Toru, the spirit crushed out of them by
years of tyranny. There were few of them left, for
they had fled or been made slaves, and the AYanvoro
had taken their place. I had, of course, some clifticulty
in restraining the men from looting ; for it was hard to
get them to understand why we should refrain from
taking the property of those who were fighting against
DESCRIPTION OF TORU.
193
US. The Waganda and the Wahuma guides gave me
the most trouble in this matter. I allowed the men to
take food for their wants, and even to capture the
chickens round camp, but no distant foraging was per-
mitted, no goats were allowed to be caught, and above
all, no huts were fired or bananas cut down. Dukala,
we heard (from various fugitives), was killing all the
Torn people he could, or driving them off in chains lest
they should come over to us.
Constantly ascending, we crossed endless streams,
rushing down from the snows of Ruwenzori to feed the
Mpanga or Wimi rivers, and so carry their water south-
wards to the Albert Edward Lake. As this lake dis-
charges its surplus water by the Semliki to the Albert,
and so to the Nile, the whole of the watershed on the
eastern side of Kuwenzori, flowed, as it were, due south
round the base of the mountains, and then due north
along the western slopes to the Albert ! At times we
passed through close country full of bush and " ele-
phant-grass," at others through vast areas of cultiva-
tion, extending along the lower slopes of the mountains.
The soil was everywhere extremely rich, and the heavy
dew and rainfall made the vegetation most luxuriant.
Though this should be the driest time of the year,
we experienced daily rain and thunder storms, as we
marched below the peaks of the great mountain, against
which the rain-clouds broke. We reached an elevation
of 5300 ft., where the pretty trio of little lakes, called
Yijongo,^ are situated, and here we descended — down
the sheer face of a pathless mountain — into the narrow
valley of Kiaya. It was a difficult task for the loaded
porters, for the rugged bed of the mountain- torrent,
which we followed, was choked with the 12-ft. bamboo
reeds, which clothed the hillside. Like the similar hill
we descended from Nandi, the drop was about 1200 ft.
^ Kijoiigo (sing.), Vijoiigo (pliir.)
VOL. II. N
194
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
The path we had followed hitherto was that taken
by Dukala and his army in their flight — there was no
other ; but he branched ofl* here to the north-east, in
the direction said to lead to Kabarega's capital : it was
useless to pursue him. In the valley of Kiaya we found
a colony of Waganda, who were, hoM^ever, hostile and
fled. We came upon some of their women, and reassured
them, and sent them back to their homes. On our re-
turn journey most of them joined us, and returned to
Uganda. This valley was excessively fertile ; it was
traversed by beautiful mountain -streams, and was of
the richest soil imaginable. As it opened out, it led to
a barren stony wilderness, covered with sparse jungle
and tree growth, and excessively broken by precipitous
gorges several hundred feet deep. At the bottom of
these ravines was heavy timber-forest, and often villages
and cultivation, with a rich and fertile soil. The eleva-
tion of this hilly country was now constantly decreas-
ing, the giant mountains were already left behind, and
the buttresses of Ruwenzori dwindled OTaduallv down,
till they became mere hills abutting on the Semliki
plain.
As we neared the edge of the hills which border
the valley of the Albert Lake, I heard of the big river
ahead, which I knew must be the Semliki. I sent on
Ferag, my most reliable Sudanese oflicer (though the
junior), who commanded the " Levy." With a picked
band he Avas to endeavour to reach the river raj^idly,
and secure some canoes. On the way he ran into a
small party of the enemy, who fired upon him. He had
strict orders to fire on no one, unless he was first at-
tacked, and he had therefore advanced, with words of
friendship, to within 60 yds., when they opened fire.
At this close range volleys were exchanged, but no
one was hurt, and the enemy decamped ! I hurried up
myself to find the matter finished. Shortly after, we
WE CROSS THE SEMLIKI.
195
came to the edge of the hilly country, and saw the
Semliki plain spread out before us, with the edge of the
Kavalli plateau on its further side, rising from the plain
like a range of mountains.
Midway across this plain we arrived at the Semliki,
which, flowing some 6 ft. below the level of the ground,
was not visible until we found ourselves actually on its
banks. It was a great broad and rapid flood, at least
100 yds. across, and of course quite unfordable. Ferag
had failed to find a single canoe, and the large village
of Ireti (opposite which we debouched from the hills)
had evidently been evacuated some time before, and
the canoes removed. I sent search-parties up and
down stream ; and next morning early, the Swahilis
pluckily swam across, in spite of the crocodiles with
which the river swarmed, and secured one which had
been sighted on the opposite side. We got three in
all, and began to cross in the afternoon, and by dint
of the greatest exertion of all hands, we got the last
of the caravan, with all the loads and the flocks, &c.,
safelv over some little time after niMitfall.
o
The plain we had crossed was rich in soil and pasture,
and I ^\SiS told that it used to be covered with herds of
cattle and buffalo. When searchino: for canoes, a man
had been caught and brought to me. I reassured him,
and he was very loquacious. Wishing to question him
further next day, I put him in the guard -tent for
shelter. Unknown to me, his custodians put handcuffs
on him. In the night he bolted. Next day he was
again caught. In some most mysterious manner he
had extracted his hands from the handcuffs, which
he was ^\'earing, still closed, round his neck ! I asked
him why he had run aAvay (for he seemed to have no
fear), and again for the evening he took up his quarters
with the guard, and was given food. Once more he
evaded all sentries, and disappeared in the night !
196
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
A woman brouo-ht in at the same time declined to o^o,
thinking our camp as comfortable as anywhere else I I
handed her over to Zachariah,
who had his wife with him and
her female servants.
At daybreak we found the
enemy in considerable force on
the bank w^e had left. Apparent-
ly, they had planned a night
attack (and the nights were now
pitch-dark), and arrived to find
us on the other side of the river. We exchano^ed a
few shots ; but as they were concealed in the dense
reeds, which lined the opposite side of the river (while
we were on the higher bank in the open), I could not
afford to waste ammunition over them ; for we had but
Attacked ox the
Semliki.
THE CARAVAN IN A SWAMP.
197
twenty rounds per man reserve when we left Fort
Edward. Our course lay along the river, and they
followed, firing a very great deal at us (perhaps 1000
rounds) as the long caravan wound slowly along. The
fire, too, was better directed, and both Grant and the
doctor said they had narrow escapes of being hit.
The men greeted the volleys with shouts of derision,
and there were no casualties. They had many flags,
and apparently (judging by the sound) many breech-
loading rifles.
Leaving the river, we struck straight across for
the opposite hills, and soon found ourselves in the
densest possible swamp - growth. No one who has
not tried what it is to force a path through matted
vegetation in a swamp, can conceive the labour.
First, you push the wall of green stufl* down before
you ; then clamber out of the depth you are in on
to this. Down you sink (there is no bottom ; all is
springy vegetation), and so you go on up to your knees
or your waist in water, as the case may be. The grass
has an edge like a fret-saw, and occasionally it catches
edgewise across your face or hands, and cuts a
deep gash. The stalks are clothed with spines (like
^ CO watch'), and if you touch them, your hand is
covered with the almost invisible white thorns, which
cause an intense irritation. Sometimes the mud changes
to quagmire, and you sink deep at every step. More
than once the programme was diversified by our run-
ning into a swamp-wasps' nest, and then the frantic
eflbrts of the men to get rid of the stinging insects,
gave a touch of the ludicrous to the monotony. At
last I began to fear we should not get out before
nightfall. The foot of the hills, close as they looked,
seemed never to grow any nearer. Presently the water
appeared to be flowing ; gradually this became more
marked, and soon we were in the undoubted stream of
198
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
a river up to our waists in water, and presently we
came out on dry land. The end of the expedition just
got out by nightfall, for the goats gave much trouble to
the rear-guard.
"It is truly marvellous what the Swahili j^orters can
do. To-day they had marched from 7.15 a.m. till 6 p.m.
through swamp such as I have described, with loads
of from 65 lb. upwards (the Maxim is 87 lb.) on their
heads, and this after a night spent without shelter in
the open in rain. Yet their daily ration consists of
a large coffee -cupful of beans or flour! It may be
imagined that all were pretty tired : fired on in the
morning, swamp and rain all day, and a very fierce sun,
— for Ave are just one degree above the equator, and our
elevation now is little over 2000 ft." (diary). Next day,
finding that there was no path along the foot of the
hills, and that, apparently, stretches of forest extended
along their base, we attempted to climb the mountains,
only to find, when we had surmounted 1000 ft. of
almost perpendicular ascent, that a vallev lay below us,
which we must cross to gain the still higher ranges
beyond. Moreover, they appeared to be quite inacces-
sible ; so we again descended, and determined rather to
force our way through the forest. It was an ill-advised
attemj)t, for which I greatly blamed myself ; and again,
for the fourth day running, the men had a desperately
hard dav, and onlv o-ot in at sunset. Yet nothino- had
been accomplished.
Grant brought up the rear ; he was always cheery
and indefatigable, no matter how hard the day, and
worked energetically from morning till night, pulling
goats through the swamp, or helping our marvellous
old cow, which had accompanied us up and down the
steepest places since we got her in Usoga, yet never
went dry. The men, too, seemed ever in the best
of spirits. I never heard a word of discontent, in
BEAUTIFUL FOREST — AFFABLE SAVAGES. 199
spite of these hard days, and that night after nio4it
of late they had had no time to make their httle huts
to protect them against the rain and heavy night-
dew, and indeed hardly time even to get their fire-
wood to cook their evening meal. We fomid that the
forest offered little impediment after all, for the
country apparently swarmed with elephant and hippo,
and their tracks were easy to follow. It was com-
posed mainly of many lovely flowering trees, some
scarlet, like the Indian palas {Butea frondosa) ; others,
such as the mteroanda, with bright yellow flowers ;
others, again, with a lovely perfume. Many ferns,
mosses, and flowers, and many varieties of birds in
the trees, were the more welcome, that we had not seen
them for some time.
Soon the forest ceased, and we came out on a park-
like country studded with acacia bushes, the grass
sometimes dense and high, sometimes good pasture.
Elephant-tracks were so thick, that at almost every
second or third pace we crossed a different one. The
Semliki bending away to the right, was lost to sight in
the marshes where it entered the lake. The hills be-
came lower, and the smoke of villages was visible among
them. Entering a patch of magnificent timber-forest,
we suddenly came upon a village. The natives were
the most affable savages I had ever met, and were the
first friendly people we had seen since we left Fort
George. They told us that the Sudanese villages
were close by, and offered us guides to take us there.
The aged chief was greatly distressed at having no
present to offer me, for lately Kabarega s plunderers
had been here, and carried off everything. They lived
in fear of their lives in the depth of the forest. Before
the buffalo died, they apparently trapped them in the
pits which abounded. Now they washed the saline
earth, and sold the salt to the j)eople in the hills for
200
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
food ; for they dare not cultivate, lest their produce
should all be seized. Thev beowd me to settle here,
and said they would cultivate the rich soil, and grow
food for us.
The guides led us to the path up the hills, and we
ascended the first rano-e to a heio'ht of 3000 ft., from
whence we o'ot a maonificent view, and the Lake
Albert lay spread out before us. Crossing a narrow
plateau we climbed the higher hills, and reached the
gTeat uplands in which the Ituri and other affluents
of the Cono'o rise, on the normal level of Central Africa
— some 4500 ft. I had many men with me who had
been through the " Emin Eelief Expedition," and they
pointed out to me the harbour on the lake shore, where
the steamer came, and the long journey up these steep
mountains which they had taken, time upon time, to
convey the goods of the Sudanese to Stanley's camp far
away — ten miles from the edge of the plateau. One
wondered why the camp was not made nearer, that the
tired men might be saved a part at least of their toil.
The valley of the Albert, which we had just left,
is little over 2000 ft. above the sea, the lowest level
to which we had descended since leavino- the coast
area. My reader will recollect that the Somerset
Nile, flowing out of the Lake Victoria (3900 ft.), runs
into the Albert at its northern point, while the Sem-
liki, chaining the Albert Edward (3100 ft.), flows into
its southern end. Thus the Albert is the final basin
from which issues the Nile on its way to Khartum
and Egypt. At this low level we meet again with the
tamarind and other trees, which are not found at the
higher altitudes. As we looked down on the lake and
plain, I was able to take very many bearings for my
map, which I daily ^Dlotted in, while all data were fresh
in my mind. Whatever the stress of work, I nevei^
allowed this to o^et far in arrears.
c5
SUDANESE DEPUTATIOX.
201
We camped at a village on the top of the jjlateau,
and here in the evening a deputation of several officers
from the Sudanese came to us. I thus describe the
scene : " There was great joy and kissing of my hand
(which they touch with their foreheads), and hand-
shakincr with Shukri and mv Sudanese. Everv one
talked at the same time, and congratulated each other,
and every one temporarily became a fool, and smiled
extremely, and talked incessantly, as is right and
proper on such an occasion." Some part of their
number went back to say that all was well, but I
detained two officers, and gave them a goat to eat
with Shukri and their friends. After Ave had all
dined, they came in and told me their story, and I
drew out my little reserve, and made them happy with
a cigarette of English tobacco. Selim also later told
me the story himself
Regarding the history of events in Equatoria sub-
sequent to the departure of Mr Stanley and Emin
Pasha in May 1889, I cannot do better than quote the
excellent resume elicited from those of the refugees
whom I sent to Egypt, by the authorities there, and
published in the 'Times' of July 14th, 1892 :—
"When Stanley arrived at Lake Albert he was joined by Emin
and a portion of the Equatoria garrison. Sehm Bey, Emin's deputy,
was then despatched north to complete the evacuation ; but there
was much delay, and Stanley suspecting treachery, in the end
departed for the coast, leaving Selim Bey and a considerable
remnant of Emin's followers behind." ^
Regarding this, Selim told me that he had never
wavered in his loyalty, in proof of which he quoted
his own imprisonment and ill-treatment by the rebels.
1 " Selim Bey left Ravalli's for the north on Feb. 26th. On March 26th
he wrote from Dulileh that he was proceeding with the evacuation. On
receipt of this news Emin informed Stanley that the evacuation would take
at least three months longer to complete."
202
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
He said that the garrisons which had to be evacuated
were situated at great distances from each other, those
in Makraka being a month's journey from Wadelai ;
that he was delayed by the outbreak of the civil war,
and that the Sudanese (who had to bring with them
their wives and children, and followers and goods) were
very slow in their movements ; that he had neverthe-
less, at the time of Stanley's departure, concentrated
the whole of the garrisons at Wadelai, and was pre-
pared at once to join Stanley, but that, as the people
numbered many thousands, it would have been utterly
impossible to transport them by the little steamers,
and the overland march along the lake shore, through
a hostile country, with such an enormous following,
would take some time, and it was for this reason he
despatched the messengers imploring Emin and Stanley
to await him, till he should be able to join them and
complete the orders he had received from them. It
appears from the footnote (if the dates given by the
Sudanese are correct) that Selim had left Kavalli's on
Feb. 26th, and was expected to reach Equatoria and
effect the final evacuation of the entire province and
bring them all down to Kavalli's by April 10th (the
garrisons having been withdrawn and the concentra-
tion at Wadelai almost completed during Stanley's
absence to visit his "Rear-guard") — viz., in six weeks.
Stanley's unexpected delay (through illness) prolonged
this period (contrary to his intentions) to ten weeks.
This, says the report, " Stanley considered was ample
time."
" On the 8tli of May 1889, Stanley and his party quitted
Mazamboni's. On that afternoon couriers arrived with letters
from Selim, to the effect that another disorder had broken out at
Wadelai, which paralysed all his efforts to carry out Stanley's
orders ; that Fadl Maula Bey, the commandant at Wadelai, had
suborned the greater part of the troops, and with them, in the
SELIM AND REFUGEES AT KAVALLl's. 203
dead of night, he had marched to the magazines, possessed him-
self of all the ammunition there, and left Wadelai for the hills.
Selim Bey had proceeded to Mswa on April 22d, and here he again
delayed, and now asked that Stanley should halt until his arrival.
Stanley, however, decided not to wait, but said he would halt for
a few days on the other side of the Semliki river, and that if
Selim wished, he could easily overtake the caravan. Such was
the reply the messengers took back, and it was the last communi-
cation that passed between Selim Bey and the relief expedition.^
" Meanwhile a few men from Stanley's column deserted back
to Kavalli's, where they pointed out to the small detachment of
Selim Bey's men who were collected there, the position of the
buried ammunition : this was at once unearthed, and consisted of
eighteen boxes of powder and twenty -five boxes of ammunition.
The news of this find shortly afterwards reached Fadl Maula
Bey, who, on quitting Wadelai, had encamped in the Wanzari
and Asi hills between Mswa and Wadelai, and whose force had in
the meantime been augmented by most of the troops and followers
whom Selim Bey had been collecting, and who had decided to
throw in their lot with the Fadl Maula when they learnt that
Stanley had left the country. Fadl Maula at once despatched
a party of 380 men with orders to seize the ammunition at
Kavalli's. This they succeeded in doing, though the garrison
at Kavalli's managed to secrete five boxes. This party, on their
return to Fadl Maula, passed through Mswa, where they ill-treated
and imprisoned Selim Bey, but subsequently released him, and he
retired with the few followers who still remained with him to
Kavalli's. Here he planted the Egyptian flag and hoped that
relief would eventually be sent to him from the coast. His total
garrison amounted to about 90 men, with 300 women and children.
Eight days after his arrival he was attacked by the natives and
lost 50 of his men."^
"After this severe loss Selim Bey sought the assistance of
the chief Kavalli, who willingly came forward and warned the
^ " Selim Bey was now in great perplexity. He could not return to
Wadelai owing to the resistance of Fadl Maula. He himself had only a
few men at Mswa, the remainder were distributed on the road between
Wadelai and Mswa, and he knew that a long time must elajDse before he
could collect them all and follow in Stanley's tracks."
2 "This was a reprisal on the part of the blacks for Stanley's recent
attack on them."
204
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
blacks to desist from hostilities, as, if Stanley returned, they
would undoubtedly be all killed. After this Seliin Bey re-
mained in j)eace at Kavalli's, established a small settlement,
and had little or no communication with Equatoria. In the
meantime Fadl Maula Bey, finding he was unable to maintain
his large force in the hills, decided to return to AVadelai : this
move was also urged upon him by the Danagla,^ of whom 70 or 80
still remained with him. These Danagla had long been secretly
communicating with the dervish post at Eejaf, and Fadl Maula
rather encouraged than prevented it ; indeed there is little doubt
that the return to Wadelai was merely part of a plot to enable
the dervishes to destroy the only remaining vestige of Egyptian
authority in Equatoria. It also transpired that the Danagla were
plotting to destroy the ammunition : this reached the ears of the
troops, who seized the Danagla and slaughtered all of them, with
the exception of one man who had communicated to them the plot.
At this time Eadl Mania's life was in great danger, but the troops
did not dare to kill the only superior Government officer who
remained. Eadl Maula, after the massacre of the Danagla,
moved with his entire force into AVadelai, but he previously sent
his steamer, nominally to see that Wadelai was clear of dervishes,
but in reality emissaries were on board bearing a letter from
Eadl Maula to the dervish commander, giving him full informa-
tion as to his force and the events which had occurred, and ofter-
ing them his submission. The steamer proceeded to Dufileh,
where Eadl Mania's emissaries disembarked and proceeded over-
land to Kiri : here they learnt that the dervishes were in con-
siderable force at Eejaf, and greatly feared by the surrounding
tribes, who looked on them as invulnerable. The emissaries
eventually arrived at Eejaf and presented Eadl Mania's letter.
In reply the dervish commander gave a full account of the
Mahdi's and Khalifa's victories, representing that the entire
Sudan was now in their hands, that they thereby nominated
Eadl Maula an Emir, and that they would shortly arrive at
Wadelai.
" Eadl Maula had moved down to AVadelai, and shortly after his
arrival received the dervish commander's letter. His men were,
1 The Danagla are here spoken of as synonymous with the " dervishes "
or troops of the Mahdi. The word really means men of Dongola (on the
Nile). They constituted the hulk of the adventurei-s and slaves in Equa-
toria, and largely enlisted under the Jklahdi.
EMIN's return — DISAPPEARS AGAIN.
205
however, quite averse to submitting to the dervishes, and on the
arrival of the latter they received them with volleys ; a fierce
fight ensued, in which 89 soldiers were killed, but the dervishes
were repulsed with a loss of 700 men. They now retired to
Eejaf, and wrote a letter to Fadl Maula — who had kept aloof
from the fight — complaining, not unnaturally, of his bad faith
with them. After this event the bulk of the Wadelai garrisons
decided to desert Fadl Maula and join Selim Bey at Kavalli's.
They quitted Wadelai about March 1891 — a force of 800 well-
armed men, with plenty of ammunition and upwards of 10,000
camp-followers, men, women, and children : they were some forty
days on the road between Wadelai and Kavalli's.^
" In the meantime, an event of some importance had occurred
at Kavalli's. In April 1891 (before the arrival of the entire
Wadelai force), Emin Pasha and Dr Stuhlmann arrived with a
force of about 300 Zanzibaris.^ Selim Bey and his party wel-
comed him warmly, believing that at last the long-expected
relief had come ; but to his great disappointment, Emin informed
him that he had joined the German service, that it was useless
for Selim Bey to expect any relief, and that he had better unite
his forces with him and take service under the Germans. Selim
Bey represented that, being an Egyptian subject, and his men
soldiers in the Egyptian Government service, he could not
possibly accede to his request. Emin did not dare to proceed
to Wadelai, which was then held by the officers and men wdio
had previously mutinied and imprisoned him. He stated his
intention of exploring the country to the west and north-west,
and called for volunteers to accompany him. Some forty men
joined him, and Emin, after a short stay at Kavalli's, set out on
his journey. Before many days had elapsed, most of the men
who had volunteered to join him deserted back to Kavalli's.
" The advanced party of the Wadelai force had reached Mahagi,
whence they wrote to Selim Bey, informing him of the affairs at
Wadelai and of the near approach of the bulk of the garrison.
The advanced party reached Kavalli's soon afterwards, and Selim
1 On their way they passed through the country of the Lendu (on the
north-west of the Albert Lake), who were in a state of famine, and begged
to be allowed to join them. Large numbers did so, some as slaves, but
the majority as freemen, though servants. These greatly added to their
numbers.
- Emin arrived not earlier than July 20th.
206
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
Bey himself proceeded towards Mahagi to meet the remainder.
During his absence another unexpected event occurred."
The story proceeds to narrate the circumstances of
mv own arrival, and I will take it u]} from here myself
Such was the account of the repatriated Sudanese,
elicited by the authorities in Egypt. It deals but
briefly wdth Emin's visit ; but as this was at the moment
of great importance to me, I naturally made full in-
quiries. I refrain from writing all I heard, for j^robably
much of it is untrue. The facts as they affected our-
selves were, that Emin had been here and camped at
Mazomboni"s village, in British territory. That he had
left for the north tw^enty-nine days before our arrival
— viz., about Aug. 9th, which date exactly tallies with
Dr Stuhlmann's account.^ That on my arrival I found
the Sudanese exasperated against him, saying (most
unjustly, as w^e know) that they had been abandoned by
him, when he left Equatoria w^ith Stanley, and that it
was solely due to his influence that Stanley had not
Avaited for them, for the latter had come for Emin
only, and had left as soon as he had got him. Emin
was stated to have marched to "Guru -guru" (viz.,
Mombutu or Welle country) in the north-west, with
the purpose of going to Bernouie " (Bornu ?).
Stuhlmann savs that " neo-otiations were beo"un to
induce them [the Sudanese] to join us in Emin's pro-
posed expedition through the Mombutu country to the
ivest coast of Africa r - They had a very vague idea of
w^here Bernouie " w^as, but described it as on the north
(Mediterranean) coast of Africa I Their own impression
w^as that he had made a circuit, and returned w^hence
he came. Selim w^as extremelv bitter ao-ainst Emin for
t, o
having " stolen " by bribes (as he expressed it) twenty
of his men, and said that the peoj^le had wished to
^ Petermann's Mitteihmgen, February 1892, p. 14.
- Yerhandhmgen, Berlin Geog. Soc, 1892.
WE ARRIVE AT KAVALLl's.
207
follow him with war on this account, but he had re-
strained them. Whatever Emin's object, therefore,
it appeared that his overtures to the Sudanese had
entirely failed. Whether reports of my approach
may have in any
way assisted in " "
frustrating his plan
of enlisting them I
cannot say.^
With regard to
the present con-
dition of affairs, I
heard that since
leaving Wadelai
they had no news
of the events in
the province. They
said all was chaos
and civil war, but
the dervishes were
not in possession,
and had only a
footing in Eejaf emin pasha.
(150 miles to the
north). That Fadl Maula had probably joined them,
being afraid to unite with Selim and return to Egypt,
because he had led the rebellion and imprisoned Emin.
Both the steamers on the Albert Lake had foundered.
Within the last few days a large batch of troops (being
the last of the garrison of the Equatorial Province) had
arrived with a host of followers, and Selim Bey had
gone to see them, and was now engaged in counting
their guns, and distributing them to stations. On
1 The German correspondent says that had I never come to Uganda, Emin
would be in his old province, yet he also says that Kampala has recently
awaked from " its three years' lethargy " !
208
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
account of the difficulty in procuring food, even the
small numbers who had reached the south of the lake,
before the arrival of this last large detachment, were
distributed in batches of from fifty to seventy through-
out the country. It had been their intention, there-
fore, to make a move southwards (probably towards
Uganda), so soon as the last party should arrive. Here,
at Selim's headquarters, there were seventy askars
(soldiers), with their followers, — less the twenty who
had joined Emin. They had a large number of rifles,
most of them Remingtons, and any quantity of ammuni-
tion. Such is a rough outline of the story, and of the
news I heard.
Next day (Sept. 7th) I marched to Kavalli's, and
pitched my camp on the opposite side of the little
stream, which ran below the village of the Sudanese,
and sent messages to the place he had gone to, summon-
ing Selim in all haste. He replied, asking me to send
Shukri to him, which I peremptorily declined to do,
saying I would make no communications till we met
ourselves. He arrived on the 11th. Meantime we had
not been idle, but had built large houses over our tents
— my own being with a view to the reception of Selim
and the Sudanese officers — and I had embarked on the
task of cleaning and repairing the locks of every
rifle in the expedition, very many of which were
broken or out of order. The other usual work of the
expedition — comjDleting the maps and diaries, making
out our returns of men and gear, revising and checking
the loads, and the ammunition of the men, &c. — was
rapidly got through — Grant, of course, never getting
tired, and always eager for work.
By the time the three days were up, during which
we awaited Selim's arrival, we had a clean and well-
laid-out camp, with substantial huts for ourselves and
the men, and the grass and bushes cleared away. A
WORK IN CAMP — SELIM AREIVES.
209
set of kanzus (or jerseys) of blue calico were in process of
being made to replace the torn jerseys of the Sudanese,
and the various tasks I have named were well under way.
These matters may seem trivial, but to my mind
they are of the utmost importance. On the accuracy
of entries of fines and issues, &c., depends the faithful
discharge of obligations to the Company on the one
hand, and to the men on the other. Only by the
accuracy of the "present state" of men can every man
be accounted for. Copies of these returns, accounting
month by month for every yard of cloth, or every
pound of beads — and showing the variation in the
numbers of each class and rank of men in the expedi-
tion— lie before me as I write, and would enable me to
reply to any question on these matters, on any date
from the day we arrived in Uganda till the day I left.
Nor do I underrate the importance not only of the
cleanliness, but of the good order and method of a
camp. That I took an especial trouble in this matter
here, was because 1 wished to impress on the Sudanese
that we were not a mere rabble, but an organised ex-
pedition. Though I had not seen Mr Stanley's book at
this time, I had read some brief accounts in the papers,
of his description of the treachery of the Sudanese,
and of his supposition that they had formed a plan to
attack him and seize his ammunition ; and here in the
face of their assembled strength, I knew that it behoved
me to be on my guard, however specious their profes-
sions, and that if Mr Stanley's suspicions were correct,
the position was not without its danger.
Selim Bey was an enormous Sudanese — stout, and
of a giant's stature. Mr Stanley describes him as a
man given up to good living and ease, but he struck
me rather as a man of very considerable character.^
1 Felkin describes him as " a very quiet man, and very devout " — Uganda,
&c., vol. ii. p. 43. He was formerly Governor of Mruli under Gordon.
VOL. II. O
210
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
The Sudanese, though nominally Mohammedans, are
much addicted to strong liquors, and I found that
they had learnt to distil spirits. Perhaps the art
had survived since Baker introduced it in 1864.^
Selim, however, touched no kind of liquor, nor did
he smoke. He was a man, too, of much determina-
tion, as had been proved by the independent line he
had taken in the troubles in the Sudan, and more
recently with Emin. When he came to meet me, I
invited him to call in any of his senior officers he
wished. His reply was that he alone would decide for
his people, and what he resolved on they would do ;
and so it eventually turned out.
He explained to me at great length how he had grown
grey in the service of the Khedive, and that nothing
should induce him to swerve in his allegiance to the
flag for which he had a hundred times risked his
life ; that if I had the Khedive's permission, he would
willingly join me, but without it he could serve under
no other flag. I told him that the Sudan had been
abandoned by Egypt ; that the Khedive had sent
orders (or permission) by the hand of Mr Stanley for
the garrison to evacuate Equatoria ; and that Eng-
land and Egypt were in close alliance, and I myself
wore the "Khedive's Star" in recoraition of our cam-
paign for him against the dervishes in the Sudan. " I
said I would write to the Khedive myself, and Selim
should write, and according to his reply so shall Selim
act. If he should refuse to let them serve the British,
and should call them to Egypt, then they shall be free
to go, and I will help them, and the contract shall be
cancelled. Meanwhile, however, Selim enlists with the
British, and is under my orders until the Khedive's
reply arrives. To this Selim agreed with enthusiasm,
saying, I should appoint him a place wherever I wished,
1 Discovery of Xile Sources.
OUR CONFERENCE AND ITS RESULTS.
211
and he would remain there with his people and his
flag, and serve the British till the answer came from
the Khedive, and then it would be according to the
answer " (diary).
Next day, however, I found Selim more diffi-
cult to deal with. He wished to stipulate that he
should remain in absolute control of his men, and
that they should be stationed close together until the
Khedive's reply came. I said I could not accede to
this ; that I would under no circumstances introduce
an armed force into territories under British adminis-
tration, unless they were completely under my orders ;
that I should station the men where I liked, accord-
ing as I knew where food could be got and garrisons
were required. I had promised him to write to the
Khedive, and if he wished them to return to ^gypt,
to do all in my power to facilitate their going, and
Selim had better make up his mind to trust me ; and
if he wished to know whether I was a man of my
word, let him ask my men — Sudanese, Somals, or
Swahilis. If he would not trust me, then the sooner
we broke off neofotiations the better.
SeluTi had to give in. Dualla, who was devoted
to me, more than corroborated all I said, and urged
him not to lose an opportunity so favourable. More-
over, he Avas fully convinced on all sides, and especially
by Shukri Aga, who had gone with Stanley to Egypt,
and had now returned with me, that the Khedive
was really in close alliance with the British, and he
knew that if he refused my offers he would probably
find it hard to justify himself to the Egyptian authori-
ties. There had, too, been great rejoicing among his
people at their expected rescue from savagedom, and at
the hope of a return to the status of civilised soldiery.
My men had mixed freely among them, and told them
of our doings ; and autocratic as Selim was, doubtless
212
SALT LAKE TO KAYALLl's.
he had misofivinD's whether his sole veto could restrain
his men from joining us. He was compelled to move
in some direction, to procure food for the lately ar-
rived continofent. But it was sorelv ao-ainst the o^rain
that he consented to forego his comjDlete control, for
I fancy he had long been unfettered in the exercise
of his power, -and probably had done as he liked under
Emin's easy rule in Equatoria.
I had had hopes that with these troops something
might be done to avert the chaos and anarchy which
apparently prevailed in Equatoria ; that, possibly, a
small but well-armed garrison, under efficient leader-
ship, might hold Wadelai, if a small and well-con-
structed fort was made, since there apjDeared no fear
of Mahdist and dervish attack at present. But the
loss of the steamer was a terrible misfortune. To
reach Wadelai was no longer a matter of only
three days' steaming by water, but would mean a
march of over 100 miles as the crow flies, throuo-h
a most hostile country. I could not afford to be
absent from Uganda for the time that it would take
me to march there, build a fort, and march back ;
nor could I leave a small garrison thus isolated, with-
out the rapid communication which would have been
afforded by a steamer. In future, the route to Wadelai
and the Sudan must therefore be through Xorthern
Unyoro. On this point, too, Selim was resolute ; none
should return to Wadelai until after the Khedive's
answer came, after which they would go to Khartum
if ordered !
I replied that all he had said about never deserting
his flag was very good indeed, and I, as a soldier, could
fully appreciate his loyalty ; but in my opinion it was
of even greater importance, not to desert his duty and
the country left in his charge. But I could see that
no arguments would induce him to alter his mind on
WE AEE UXABLE TO HELP THE SUDAN. 213
this matter ; nor did I wish it otherwise, seeing that
it was impossible for me to go myself. Under the
circumstances there was no doubt that it would be
premature to attempt to do anything for the pacifica-
tion of Equatoria, and I had too much already on my
hands to justify any such thought. Yet I find a note
of regret in my diary written at this time : " The
result, at least, of the ' relief expedition ' is deplorable,
in that the natural and constituted defenders of the
Southern Sudan have been drawn away from it, to
leave that country a prey to anarchy, and civil war,
and the dervishes ; while a flood of armed men have
been introduced into a peaceful country, without the
means of livelihood, except by virtue of their rifles."
In saying this, I offer no adverse criticism on the " re-
lief expedition." Such results, of course, Avere not an-
ticipated. My only aim is to present as faithful a
picture as I am able, of the state of aflairs I found in
the portion of the British sphere which I had been sent
to control, and to describe our own impressions and
action in respect of it.
So we made out an agreement in Arabic and in
English, by which I undertook to write to the Khedive,
and request his consent to the enlistment of such of
the men as we might require, and also to the Adminis-
trator of the Company to the same effect. If permission
were refused, and they Avere summoned to Egypt, their
passage down-country through the Company's territory
should be facilitated in return for their service. If,
on the other hand, they eventually enlisted with us,
some compensation should be made to them for the
year's service they would have completed before the
reply arrived. Meantime they should be enrolled
under my command, and I also undertook during this
period (pending reply from Egy23t) not to order any
of the Sudanese to the Southern Sudan, or beyond
214
SALT LAKE TO KAVALLl's.
the north and north-western frontiers of Unyoro. If
finally enlisted under the British, they should go
wherever ordered, and acknowledge the Company's
flag only ; but till then they should retain the Egyp-
tian flag. I also agreed that all orders to the Sudan-
ese should be given through Selim Bey. On final
engagement they were to receive the same rates of
pay (according to the rank in which they were
enlisted) as they had received from the Egyptian
Government. These particulars were fully set out,
together with rates for clothing, rations, &c., in the
agreement. The contention that I should have taken
a few of the Sudanese and left the rest, is too ridiculous
to merit serious reply. ^ Such a proposition would
have been scouted by them, even had I (judging that
my resj)onsibilities were confined solely to Uganda),
made such a proposal, and consented to forego many
of the objects with which my expedition had been
undertaken, and to subordinate the interests of every
other country to those of the fractious and quarrelsome
Christians in Uganda.
I was very greatly delighted at the success of our
negotiations, for at one time it had almost seemed as
though Selim's reluctance to forego his hitherto ab-
solute authority would render futile all the risk and
responsibility I had incurred in leaving Uganda, and
marching so far to the " rescue " of the Sudanese. I
write in my diary : " My threat to leave him and de-
part to-morrow startled him, backed up as it was by
the following argument. Emin had told Selim he was
strong enough to go to the coast by himself (and this
idea had taken great hold on his mind). Granted. To
do so he must pass through either British or German
territory. He had nothing to purchase food with, and
must therefore go through by force. If he did so, he
1 Times, July 14tli, 1893.
selim's contract with me.
215
must either fight the Germans or the British, in order
to loot and plunder the people under their protection.
The Germans would make it very hot for him if they
opposed him, and the British were the close allies of
the Khedive. Moreover, in the latter case he must
pass through Uganda, where alone there were 6000
rifles, many of them breech-loaders, besides our own.
Lastly, if I went away, my report that Selim would
not close with terms, the most advantageous that I
could offer, would confirm Stanley's and Emin's asser-
tions, that he did not really wish to leave the country,
— and the Khedive would believe this to be true."
This was a clencher ; and the agreement once con-
cluded, Selim promised to have everything in readiness
to start in twenty days. I told him I could not wait
a day longer than that time, for I must return to my
work in Uganda. So great preparations were set on
foot to prepare food for the journey, and to collect all
the people from outlying stations to the rendezvous
at our headquarters.
1
CHAPTER XXIX.
KAVALLl"s TO FORT
LORXE.
Description of Sudanese refu-
gees — Their followers — A
formal parade — Suroor re-
called— Attacked en route —
Treaties with local chiefs —
Ten days' shooting - trip —
Elephant and other game
bagged — Salt- washing — De-
serters from Emin — Life at Kavalli's — Send advance-party — We start —
Katonzi's canoe-men — Cross Semliki — Defeat Ireti — The problem of dis-
posal of Sudanese — 8200 souls — Concentrate at Wavertree— Wahuma flock
in — Orders for their protection — Eain and cold — Results to natives —
My nursery — Cross Munobo — Selim's gratitude, and efi"orts for the
natives — Locate second batch of Sudanese — Build Fort Lorne.
A Steep Climi
The Sudanese, who were now to be added to our
expedition, were the remnant of the troops which
SUDANESE REFUGEES AND FOLLOWERS. 217
had formed the Egyptian garrison of Equatoria. They
were of many different Sudan tribes (mostly from the
north), who had been enhsted and brought south by
Baker and by Gordon, and were therefore ahens in the
" Lake province" : there were also a few pure Egyptians
among them. Space forbids me to sketch their history.
The constant war in the Sudan had decimated the
numbers of the original " askars," and recruits (some
of them from local tribes such as the Makraka, others
from the followers of the soldiers from the north) had
been enlisted from time to time to replace these losses.
These " new askars " were mostly undrilled, and wholly
undisciplined. The original soldiers had for the most
part assumed the titles of ranks much superior to those
which they held under the Egyptian Government.
The non-commissioned officers had become commissioned
officers, the privates were all non-commissioned officers,
and such few private soldiers as still deigned to hold that
lowest rank were "new askars" recently enlisted. They
possessed in all at least 600 rifles, of which the majority
were Kemingtons, and the remainder percussion-guns ;
while to each fighting man, there was an average of
about eleven unarmed followers.
These followers consisted of (1) women (wives, con-
cubines, and female slaves), children, and men slaves ;
(2) the similar establishments of those who had died
or been killed in the Sudan ; and (3) the Lendu, to
whom I have already alluded.^ Thus, individual officers
of the higher ranks would have a following (including
the establishments of deceased relatives or friends,
called Aitham) of from 50 to 100 souls, and even more.
The superior officers were dressed in cloth woven by
their slaves from cotton grown by themselves, and this
was a strong serviceable fabric. The bulk of the men
were dressed in long shirts made of prepared ox-hides,
1 P. 205, footnote 1.
218
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORNE.
while the women AA^ore only a thick fringe of black
strings susj)ended from the waist, like the pictures
of Friday in ' Robinson Crusoe,' which served fairly
adequately the purposes of modesty and decency.
Some of the poorer Lendu women and slaves, however,
could not even afford so meagre an outfit as this, and
w^ere contented with a band round the waist, in which
was inserted (before and behind) a bunch of green
leaves, or even of flowers ! Their hair they wore mop-
fashion like the women of Suakim, and it was often
matted with grease and jDlaited into tassels.
Selim, and the few who had arrived first with him,
had now been here over two years. They had brought
cotton-seeds with them, and planted and gathered the
produce of the fields, and in their own rough looms had
woven the cloth, from which were made the coats and
trousers which they wore. A coinage yet circulated
among them, and the Egyptian clerks still wrote the
official despatches sent by Selim to his out-stations and
subordinate officers. In short, among all the outward
savagery of soldiers dressed in hides, of naked women,
and grass huts, there was a noticeable, — almost pathet-
ic,— attempt to maintain the status they claimed as
soldiers of a civilised Government. Their march from
Wadelai along the west of the lake, had, they told me,
been attended by the greatest possible difficulties. The
natives were most hostile, and had planted everywhere
in the 23aths spikes tipped with poison, which were con-
cealed by the matted grass, so that the leading men had
to be closely followed by appliances for bleeding and
sucking the wounds. Many had thus fallen by the way,
or been killed by the poisoned arrows of the savages.
At Selim' s wish there was a general parade on the
17th (Sept.) for my inspection of all the troops, who
had already flocked in with enormous numbers of
followers. They formed up in a hollow square, some
A REVIEW PARADE.
219
600 strong, and presented arms as I came forward. I
addressed a few words to them, saying that I would
place them in garrisons, and write to the Khedive to
obtain his sanction for their enlistment, and that, if
they obeyed orders and were loyal, they would find the
British kind masters, who would do all in their power
to promote their welfare ; but that, if they gave trouble,
they would find us hard to deal with.
There was great enthusiasm and delight. " Each of
the two regiments marched past, with its band of
drums and bugles at its head. Selim told me (whether
truly or not, I don't knosv) that these now present were
all that remained of 3000 fighting men. Many indeed
were scarred and disfigured by wounds, and the rest
were all killed fighting for their flag" (diary). It was
impossible not to feel a thrill of admiration for these
deserted soldiers, as they carried past flag after flag,
torn and riddled in many fierce engagements with the
Mahclists. They appeared fanatical in their loyalty to
this emblem of the Khedive. There was an old man —
half-witted since the siege of Dufileh, where his bravery
had saved the day — whose name was Bilal Bey. He
was covered with wounds, and both arms were useless,
having been shattered by bullets. His enthusiasm
knew no bounds, and he wandered about interrupting
all proceedings by his constant ejaculations, thanking
God that the day of their relief had come at last, after
ten years of waiting. I had not the heart to repress
his enthusiasm.
In the afternoon eight of the principal officers came
to my camp to sign and seal the agreement, and we
had a pleasant little interview, for their manners are
polished and courteous. They smoked the last remains
of my tin of cigarette tobacco, and drank almost the
last of my cofPee, and thus our negotiations were
concluded.
220
KATALLl's TO FORT LORNE.
I feared lest Williams, knowing my urgent need of
ammunition, might send a small party after me, who
would be overjDowered by the hostile Wanyoro in Toru,
and I therefore determined to send letters at once to
Fort Edward, Avith orders that no one should pass
beyond that point. I had also to relieve the Sudanese
sergeant and party whom, it will be remembered, I had
left at the German camp on the west of Ruwenzori,
to await Emin's return and deliver my letters, should
he arrive before I had myself reached Kavalli's. As the
route along the west of the mountains was supposed
to be safe, I sent twenty-six good men, with orders
to go to Suroor Adam, and bring him back, meeting
me at the Semliki. The bearers of my letters would
go on {via the Salt Lake) to Fort Edward. These
letters arrived in ample time to meet Mr De Winton,
who, as I had prognosticated, came from Kampala to
join me. I thus prevented his attempting to make his
way through Unyoro. The party succeeded in reach-
ing Suroor Adam, but on their return they were
attacked by a very large force of Wanyoro, through
Avhom they fought their way with the greatest bravery.
Surrounded on all sides by thousands of the enemy, who
dare not actually rush U23on them, though they were
but thirty strong, they killed a great number of their
opponents, and strange to say, had no casualty them-
selves. Just as their ammunition had almost run out,
a heavy shower paralysed the Wanyoro (who were
mostly armed with muzzle-loaders), and the fall of
night enabled the plucky fellows to get through and
meet us safely at the Semliki.
Meanwhile, at Kavalli's, the twenty-two loads of salt
which I had brought, enabled us to purchase food from
the more distant district of Mazamboni, whither I
sent responsible headmen with parties to barter for it.
This, and the large reserve we had brought (which had
suROOR Adam's party attacked. 221
already supplied us since leaving Torn), just made it
possible to hold out for the twenty days during which
we were to await the preparations of the Sudanese,
while retaining sufficient to carry us back again to the
food districts of Unyoro.
As my work was now up to date, and the repair of
all the arms completed, I determined to spend a few
days in shooting, on the plains which border the
Albert Lake, where I heard there were great quantities
of game, in order that my men might have some meat,
for we had seen no game, except elephants, since we
left Ankoli two months before. I was also anxious to
put in some details in my map. Before leaving, I made
blood-brotherhood and treaties with the three greatest
local chiefs, Kavalli, Katonzi, and Mugenyi, and gave
them the Company's flag.
The south-west extremity of the lake is bordered by
swamps, but passing northwards along the western
shore, after crossing an area of waterless and parched
country, covered with scrub jungle, we came upon a
very beautiful park-like district, in the embrasure
formed by the receding hills. The pasture-grass is
luxuriant, and the level tracts are studded with clumps
of bushes or well-grow^n trees. The herds of buffalo
which roamed over these plains are now almost all
dead. The pretty nsunu [Kobus Jcoh) is found in large
numbers, as also the water-buck ; but there are no
hartebeest, zebra, or kudu (spoken of by Stanley). I
shot many of the nsunu and water-buck, and sent all
the meat I could to Kavalli's.
One day I came on a noble elephant and shot
him. His tusks weighed 102 and 98 lb. respectively,
and, I believe, are the heaviest brought home by any
sportsman, though of course many far heavier have
come to the coast in the way of trade ; indeed I
brought one myself of 140 lb. On the same day I
KAYALLl's TO FORT LORNE.
shot a second elephant. The masses of Sudanese,
who were concentrating at KavaUi's, were in straits
for food, and when my messengers arrived to tell them
of this windfall of meat, they came down in great
numbers. In an incredibly short time not a vestige
of either elephant remained ! A third that I shot was
a very old solitary bull with no tail, and his tusks
scaled 80 and 76 lb. I have written in chapter xix. at
some length on elephant- shooting, and I will not there-
fore digress on the subject here. Their flesh was a
matter of the utmost importance to the Sudanese and
their followers, and helped them to surmount the diffi-
culties for food. In all, I shot during these eight days,
three elephants, three water-buck, and twenty nsunu ;
but, unfortunately, I lost very many more. These I
killed, but was unable to recover, owing to the long
grass, and the fact that the nsunu takes an extraor-
dinary amount of killing, and will go off as though
untouched when mortally wounded.
The Lake Albert reminded me much of the Nyasa.
Like it in shape, the opposite shores were clearly visible
across the blue waters, though to the north the lake
appeared limitless. Along the eastern coast of Nyasa
runs a range of blue mountains, while the western
shores slope gently to the lake. So it is also with the
Albert, for the high plateau of Unyoro (over 5300 ft.
above the sea) ceases suddenly, and precipitous cliffs
descend to the trough of the lake (2000 ft.), which look,
across the water, like a range of lofty mountains.
Sitting on the white sands, with the waves rolling
lazily to my feet, I could imagine myself back on the
shores of Nyasa, where three years before I had roamed
with the same little rifle amid similar scenery, leaving
then, as now, anxieties and work behind me for ten
days ; and it was almost difficult to realise how much
had happened since then.
O
o
o
H
<
O
H
O
o
C/3
SHOOTING — ELEPHANTS — CROCODH^ES.
223
The lake literally swarms with large snub - nosed
crocodiles, and one day I came upon a number lying as
closely packed as sardines, basking on a sandy stretch
at the point of a long promontory, whither 1 had gone
to get a shot at a hippo, which I hoped to secure as
meat for my men. Startled at my silent approach,
they waddled a few yards in front of me, and splashed
into the water of the lake, disturbing the hippo and
spoiling my sport. In revenge I shot several of them
with old cartridges ; nor was it until later, that I found
that they are very greatly prized by the Sudanese and
others, for a scent-bag which is said to be found under
the forearm, and to get which the people would have
trooped down again in their thousands from the hills !
The Sudanese villages on the lake shore grew nothing
but cotton, which the women were collecting all day in
the fields, and which they sent to headquarters in ex-
changfe for food. Such few natives as we met were
o
of a low type, and lived in constant fear of the raids
of the Wanyoro. They eked out a living by fishing,
and by washing in earthen troughs the saline deposits
around their villages. The water thus impregnated
with salt was allowed to evaporate, and the crystal
deposit was then collected and exchanged for food. I
have seen exactly the same process in Upper Burma. ^
I returned on the 30th to find all well, and was met
with such demonstrations of pleasure by my men — as
before on my return in Buddu — that, though I know
how little this means among excitable savages, who are
but as children, I could not help feeling much pleas-
ure from their welcome. During my absence Grant
had written to me daily, so I knew that all was well.
Eight of the Sudanese who went off with Emin, had
1 Sharpe describes an identical process in the Mweru district (south of
Tanganyika), but the natives there use wicker-baskets (Geog. Jour., vol. i.
p. 527). For the composition of African salt, vide ibid., p. 459.
224
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORNE.
deserted him with all their followers and people, and
returned to Kavalli's. They brought news of starva-
tion and discontent in Emin's camp, and said that he
was marching through dense forest and foodless coun-
try with no provision, and his men were in great
straits. We now know from Dr Stuhlmann that the
expedition soon after mutinied, and Emin was com-
pelled to return to Kavalli's ; but long before he arrived,
we had all left.
When they heard these stories, the Sudanese were
so exasperated, that Selim requested permission to
follow Emin, and recover the remainder of their men,
by force if necessary. Of course I vetoed this. Selim
made me a present of eight large tusks of ivory (value
some £250), which he said were for me jDersonally, not
understanding that they would, of course, be Company's
property, and I gave him a small present of cloth in
return. By Oct. 3d, Selim was ready to send forward
160 rifles, to which I added 90 of our own Sudanese
and "Levy" under Shukri and Ferag. This j)arty of
250 men had orders to march rapidly to the Semliki,
cross wherever they could, and search both banks
for canoes in readiness for our arrival. They were
ordered on no account to fire on any one, unless first
attacked. Our food-purchase with the salt we had
brought had succeeded so well, that I was able to
give every man (including Zachariah's Waganda and
our large party of Wahuma guides) as much as they
could carry, and to fill up our reserve, and yet had fifty
loads to spare, for which I sent back men after we had
arrived at the Semliki. Thus, since we left Torn on
Aug. 30th, till our return about Oct. 17th, we had
ample supplies, without requisitioning a single pound
from the natives, or using a single yard of cloth for
purchase. While shooting, I had fed the fifty men
with me, and sent a very large quantity of meat to
OUE LIFE AT KAVALLl's.
225
Kavalli's, exclusive of the three elephants ; so the tmie
had been well employed.
On the 5th Oct. 1891, we were ready to start, and
the exodus of the Sudanese began ! We were to march
in three detachments, at intervals of one day between
each party ; for so great was the mass of people,
that a simultaneous start was almost impossible.
Our life at Kavalli's for this month had not been an
unpleasant one. The lesser rains had broken, but we
were comfortably housed. Each of us had his own
duties ; and in the evening, when work was over (for
there was now no mapping to be done by night), we
dined together in my house by the light of a lamp, ex-
temporised from lard or suet, of which the Sudanese had
great quantities for sale, taken, I suppose, from the cattle
that had died. Dinner over, we smoked and chatted
over the past, the present, and the future, round our
wood-fire in the house.
I was indeed fortunate in my companions. There
was never any necessity for orders, or of any assumjD-
tion, however formal, of "command." My comrades
were only too eager to help me, and to work with
me in all that had to be got through. Grant was not
strong, and suffered occasionally from fever. But he
ivould work. If ever I had cause to be vexed with
him, it was because he would insist on doing things,
when he was not fit to undertake them ! The doctor,
too, now had his hands full, in medical attendance on
our vast concourse. The days at Kavalli's are days to
look back on with pleasure. There was continual work
to be done — good useful work, which brought its own
reward, in the efficiency of our little expedition and the
achievement of our objects. Such reward is amply
sufficient to those who have the success of their un-
dertakings at heart ; nor can I see what further
recognition " can compare with the satisfaction of
VOL. TI. P
226
KAVALLl's TO FOET LOEXE.
feelino' that " one has done one's level best " and
succeeded, and spent withal pleasant periods — such
as this at Kavalli s — from time to time in the doing
of it.
In order to facilitate the correction of my map — or
rather road-chart, for it had no higher pretensions — I
had visited Stanley's camp, which was some six miles
further from the edge of the j)lateau and the lake than
ours ; and I had been shown the actual site of his tent.
The flagstaff he erected had been taken do^Mi, and ex-
cavations for buried treasure had been made under it
by deserters from his caravan.
Unfortunately I had had a very heavy attack of
fever the night before we marched — a very rare
occurrence with me — and was suffering from an erup-
tion of boils, but was able to march, though somewhat
pulled down by the violent methods which I usually
adopt (with complete success) to subdue fever. We
took a direct line towards the point on the Semliki,
where we Avished to cross, and descended the hills by a
somewhat steep pass. There was no water for a con-
siderable distance, and the women and children of the
Sudanese were greatly exhausted. I hurried on and
pitched camp, sending back every one as they arrived,
with water for their friends ; and so by sunset all arrived
safely. Our party consisted of some 1800 souls. I in-
quired if all had come in, and was told by the native
oflacers of the Sudanese that 64 slaves had deserted.
They assured me that over 300 had deserted from
Stanley ; but I was not satisfied with this assurance,
and feared that many might have succumbed on the
road and been abandoned. For these Sudanese were
most callous to the sufferings of their dependants, and
manv of the old women and of the children whom I
saw in the throng, were mere emaciated skeletons, or
were ill and hardlv able to walk.
SUCCESS OF THE ADYANCE-PARTY.
227
I therefore compelled them to send back a strong
party, to search for any who might have lagged
behind, and I sent the Somali sergeant also (who
was one of the most truthful and reliable men I had),
with a selected party of our own men, to return the
whole way, and search the bush for any sick. He
returned next day, having found three who had been
left in the village of the friendly Wa-nyabuga (whose
settlement in the forest I described on our upward jour-
ney) to await the arrival of Selim, and the rest who
were following. The others apparently were bond
Jide deserters, and I was glad to be rid of them,
and only wished that all the slaves would folloAv their
example ! We had three sick men ourselves, who were
being carried, for I detest the system of abandoning
men to the care of ''friendly villagers." Several such
I had already picked up — left by other caravans ; but
I preferred to abandon (or issue) food-loads, or make
other arrangements, so that the sick might be carried,
rather than adopt these methods.
The daily march was noAv begun at an earlier hour,
in order that the women and children — who felt the sun
dreadfully — might arrive in camp before the heat of the
day. Reveille was sounded at about 4.30 a.m. in the
darkness of night, and we ate our breakfast at 5 a.m.,
and were on the march before sunrise. As we neared the
river, Shukri sent Avord to say that the surprise-party
had crossed safely. Katonzi, the biggest chief on the
Kavalli plateau (with whom I had made blood- brother-
hood), had accompanied them, and had sent three canoes,
which he owned on the lake, round by water. These
had come up the mouth of the river, and by their means
the whole party had crossed. They completely sur-
prised the Wanyoro, and captured many of them in
their houses. In accordance with my orders, the huts
had been left undamaged, and the people released after
228
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORXE.
they had been questioned. Theh^ story was that Ka-
barega, fearing our return, had sent orders for every
canoe to be taken awa}^ or sunk ; and this had been
done, and so they had supposed it to be impossible for
us to recross.
On the 8th we reached the river, and by noon the
whole of our OAvn expedition was across. Katonzi's
canoe - men, working in reliefs, were beyond praise.
They managed their canoes admirably, and in spite of
the awkwardness of the Sudanese — who dread the
water, and are in a panic when afloat — not a single
contretemps took place, though the river was in flood
and the stream excessively strong. We camped on the
further bank, in marsh -land, covered with high growth,
and the close heat was verv o-reat, beino^ over 100° in
our tents. In spite of the inhospitable and malarial
nature of the situation, there were many small villages
and much cultivation hidden away among the dense
vegetation.
Prior to our arrival, while the Sudanese were search-
ino' for canoes, some of the Zanzibaris were dio-oino-
potatoes in a clearing, when a party of Wanyoro, who
were concealed in the reeds, suddenh' fired upon them,
and broke the thigh of one of my men. His comrades
very pluckily rescued him, and the Sudanese, hearing-
shots, ran up and drove ofl* the enemy, killing three of
them. This was the only fighting which had taken
place. The wounded man — our first casualty since we
left Mombasa — eventually made a wonderful recovery
under Dr Macpherson's skilful treatment. I was
anxious to get out of this unhealthy spot as soon as
possible, and as all our guides agreed that the country
to the north was nothing but foodless and uninhabited
swamp, I determined to follow the route by which we
had come, at least as far as the ascent of the lower
hills which border the Semliki j^lain.
THE SUDANESE HOST CROSSIXCI THE SEMLIKI. 229
Grant, aided by Dualla and a party of non-commis-
sioned officers, took a careful tally of every single person
as they landed from the canoes. The result was as
follows : Men with arms, 148 ; without, 202 ; women,
515 ; girls, 267 ; boys, 285 : and 14 who had crossed
before the tally began : total, 1431, exclusive of our
people. To this must be added 492 people, who had
iRETi PUT TO Flight.
accompanied Shukri's party, and a number more who
had not been included in this latter census. Our total
numbers were therefore about 2500. Grant remained
behind to continue his census, though I was very
nervous for his health in this pestilential camp — the
doctor was already ill. I marched on with the whole
of the people, and camped on the high and dry Semliki
230
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORXE.
plain, where I was joined by the second party,
numbering 1631, which brought up our numbers to
some 4000.
While awaiting their arrival, I made an excursion one
day to the site of our old camp on the river, that I
might check my map ; and thence Ave went along the
western slopes of Ruwenzori, till w^e came to the end of
the grass plain, and entered on the villages and culti-
vation beyond. Here we met Ireti himself, with an
armed band ; they opened fire upon us, and we drove
them in, ca23turing one man, who told us the news.
No one on either side was hurt, but Ireti fled, without
pausing, to his village in the hills, and we heard later
that he had himself set fire to it, and told all his
people to fly, and had then cleared out, and gone to
Kabarega. This chief was one of the greatest of
Kabarega's " Wakungu," and held sway over the
whole of South Unyoro. It was he who had gratu-
itously attacked us, after we had crossed the river
on our up-journey — in spite of the fact that we had
carefully abstained from injuring his (deserted) village
close to our camp. His cruelties were as proverbial as
Kabarega's own, and I therefore had no compunction in
ousting him from the country. For all those lands
around the Semliki and beyond it, which now groaned
under his tyranny, had of old time belonged to the
Wahuma chiefs, my blood -brothers, Katonzi and Mu-
genyi, whose people had been driven out and com-
pelled to take refuge in the hills. The country be-
yond them was Torn, which I have already described
as an independent territory ruled by Wahuma kings,
and only of late years overrun by Ireti and his
Wanvoro hordes.
It was, of course, an unavoidable necessity that the
vast mass of Sudanese with me should procure food in
the countries through which we passed, and I therefore
THE SUDANESE PROBLEM.
231
determined to penetrate as soon as possible into Unyoro
proper, and so free the country of Torn, which was
Tinder the Company's protection, from the onus of pro-
viding for so vast a host. Thus, if the people returned
to the fields and cultivation, from which the "Wanyoro
had been ousted, they would find food in abundance
ready to their needs. Moreover, it was my plan to
locate the Sudanese in a line of forts, roughly running
from north to south, along the old frontier of Unyoro,
from the Albert Lake on the north to the Albert
Edward on the south ; and since the ^Yanyoro must
be driven beyond this frontier, it mattered not, so far
as they were concerned, whether or not we took our
food-sujDplies from this border country.
In the matter of these Sudanese I had found an
existinof difficultv, and it was mv aim to deal witii it in
the way which would cause least sufiering to all con-
cerned. Here in the British sphere, at Kavalli's, was
this vast host of aliens, induced by hopes of repatriation
to leave the country which had hitherto supported them.
It is my belief that they had been a terrible curse to
the Kavalli district, even when in comparatively small
numbers, for they were a la^^'less band of soldiery, armed
with breech-loading rifles, and — thanks to the supplies
brought up and left buried by Mr Stanley — possessed
of enormous quantities of ammunition. Accustomed
for years to war in the Sudan : recognising only the
law of force ; left without control, — was it likely they
would refrain from licence : The advent of the enor-
mous contingent which had come just prior to my own
arrival at Kavalli's, had brought matters to a crisis.
Doubtless a forward movement was imj^erative, for the
country around Kavalli's had already been exhausted,
and food must be procured. The means of procuring
it lay in their Eemington rifles and ammunition alone.
Had thev moved forward without control, a fearful
232
KATALLl's TO FORT LORXE.
path of desolation, rapine, murder, and slavery would
have marked their progress.
I found them in British territorv, and I looked on
it as my task to mitigate the evil so far as lay
in my power. The means I proposed to this end
were, — (1.) To lead them ourselves, and thus to curb
their licence and control their lawlessness. To this
end the power I acquired under my agreement with
Selim, and the advantages they saw would accrue
to them by accepting its conditions, gave me some
hold over them. (2.) To locate them where they
would do least harm. By placing them along the
frontier of Unyoro, I hoped that they would act as a
barrier of defence to the jDeojDle of Torn and Buwenzori,
against their Wanyoro oppressors, and so fulfil a useful
mission. (3.) My third object Avas to break up the vast
and unmanao'eable host into detachments with which I
could deal. By selecting trustworthy chiefs for each
of these, and making their position and rank depend
upon their obeying the orders laid down, I should be
able gradualh^ to introduce discipline and good govern-
ment. Before long I hoped to be able to send one or
more European officers to control and govern them.
In the meantime, I saw that the sooner they spent
their ammunition, and became dependent upon us for
its supply, the sooner I should be able to take a
stronger line with them. It seemed as though we
should not have lono- to wait for this, and that their
reckless expenditure of their ammunition must soon
reduce its quantity. I have even found them firing
round after round into a bundle of dry grass, to obtain
a light for a cigarette !
Such was my view of the difficulty I had to solve,
and such the methods which seemed to me best to
achieve the solution. We were not responsible for
bringing this great host into British territory ; it
OUR LINE OF MARCH.
233
remained only for us to deal with a situation already
created, and to lessen its evils, so far as lay in our
power and capacity, both for the Sudanese themselves,
and the natives of the countries into which they had
come ; and also, if possible, for the ultimate advantage
of the administration of these countries. For I looked
upon these Sudanese as admirable and cheap material,
from which to recruit the necessary police force for
Uganda, when once they should have settled down
under British discipline and government.
Leaving Selim and Grant to bring on the second half
of the people, I marched onwards to the valley of Kiaya,
where most of the Waganda colony, who had before
been hostile, came to us, and asked to accompany us to
Uganda, for they had been astonished at our kind
treatment of their women, whom we had caught and
released. I had sent a large party towards Ireti's
main village by a different route, from the Semliki,
and we now ascended the Unyoro hills, and shaped our
course for the same point — leaving Torn behind us, and
entering Unyoro itself, according to my plan (see maj^).
The ascent was very steep, and the hillside was strewn
with discarded mats and grinding - stones, and other
rubbish with which the Sudanese had loaded their
women and slaves.
Let me give some notion, if I can, of our line of march.
We were, as I have said, only a half of the total host,
and our numbers were about 4000. Allowing for each
person only 9 ft. on the march, including all gaps, our
line would be seven miles long, for in the narrow paths
in Africa it is a necessity to march in Lidian file."
Thus the head of the caravan would be nearly arriving
in camp, by the time that the last of the people were
leaving the old one, — yet this was only half of the
numbers which later united on the march ! It was
a curious sight, as we issued from camp in the early
234
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORNE.
morning, to see the surging mass of people, each man,
woman, and child struwlinDf and fio-htino- to secure a
front j^lace in the line. Our daily camp covered a large
area of ground, and j^resented the appearance of a very
bio' villa o'e.
As we arrived near Ireti's capital we captured a very
large number of goats from the Wanyoro, and found that
the country was thickly cultivated, and of the richest
possible soil. The party of rifles which had taken the
other route met us here. They had been fired on, and
had had a skirmish in which the enemy had lost a few
men. I inquired very fully into all details, and found
that my men had apparently acted with moderation.
By our action on our upward march our intentions
were already well known (as we learnt from the Torn
23eople), and only those who were resolutely hostile con-
tinued to oppose us. Each day parties of j^^'asantry
and women were brought to me, who were captured by
foraging-parties. I told them that I did not care
whether they were Wanyoro or people of Torn, that
they were free to remain unharmed in their own
villaofes if thev chose.
The height of this country was some 5000 ft., and
on everv side rose hills varvino- from 500 to 1000 ft.,
while Huwenzori towered above us to the west. At
Ireti's capital, Nsororo, I selected a site on which to
build our first fort. We were here joined by Selim
and Grant, with the remainder of the people. The
total numbers, as counted by Grant at the ferry, were
as follows : Men with guns (including fifty lent by me,
and all old cap-guns, &:c.), 932 ; men without guns,
1153; women, 3065; boys, 1490; girls, 1366: total,
8006. Adding some 200 of the advance-party not in-
cluded in these figures, our own men, and the Waganda
and the Wahuma, I had little short of 9000 people.
Close by the site of our fort Avas a stretch of splendid
THE FIRST FORT — WAVERTREE.
235
forest from which to get our poles for building, and
before long we had constructed our stockade (40 yds.
sq.), and laid out a second on a twin knoll. Around
these the soldiers, and their followers, of the first four
companies of the 1st regiment built their houses, under
the command of a Sudanese officer, Rehan Aga, to whom
I had taken a great fancy, and who was apparently
most eager to fall in with all my views and to enforce
my orders.
The rains were now in season, and here, near Ruwen-
zori, we of course came in for their full force. There
was much fog and clamp, and the nights were very cold
indeed. My men, however, were almost naked, both
Sudanese and Swahilis, for their cloth was worn to
rags ; and though I had a little in reserve, I durst not
issue it lest none should have arrived in Uganda, and
we should have nothing for food purchase. Indeed I
was but little better off myself, for as I led the way
through the dense grass and bush my clothes were also
in rags, and I presented a very patched and ridiculous
appearance !
On the 30th of Oct. we marched out of Nsororo,
having been there ten days in all, awaiting the arrival
of Selim and the rest of the people, and building the
fort. One stockade, which I named " Wavertree,"
after the residence of Sir John Kirk, was completed as
a pattern, and the second was laid out and already
beofun. Before leavinof, I took down the name and
rank of every soldier in the garrison, together with
the class of rifle with which he was armed, and the
number of wives, of suria, of male and female slaves,
of children, and of attached followers [aitham and
Lendu), which he had Avith him. In all there were
some 2000 people settled at Wavertree. As soon as
Selim arrived (on 26th) I spoke to him in the strongest
possible terms about the catching of Wanyoro, and the
236
KATALLl's TO FORT LORXE.
treatment of the natives generally, saying that such
conduct as I had seen, would -put an end to the good
relations between us, and I would not tolerate or allow
it. Selim, when once he had agreed to place himself
under my orders, had lo3^ally and thoroughly performed
his part. He assembled the men, and told them that
any one caught disobeying this order should be dis-
missed from the regiment — Dualla informed me that
his language was quite as strong as my own. Rehan
Aga, the commandant, also seemed thoroughly in
earnest in the matter, and from what I subsequently
heard, I think he acted up to his orders.
I find in my diary the following comments at the
time : " There are some strano-e dilemmas in Africa,
that our critics have no conception of! Here am I
leading down the abandoned, though lo3^al, Egyptian
garrisons ; brave men who have served their flag for
ten years without pay, and are but a remnant from
the war, and loyal to the core still. Such is one view.
From another point of view they are as villanous a
lot of slave-catchers as one could find. Nor can they
understand the idea of fio-htino^ ao-ainst Kabareo-a, and
yet letting prisoners go away unharmed, perhaps to
fight against us again. But the pith of the matter,'" I
add, " is, that several Europeans are needed here to
look after these Sudanese, and protect the people from
them ; and as long as the principle is adopted of expect-
ing one man — and that not always the right man — to
do the work of twenty, and of leaving all these vast
countries without adequate supervision and administra-
tion, there will be cruelty, and lawlessness, and suffering
for the natives." Moreover, they are a people very
callous to sufferino\ The little half-starved children
were given prodigious loads to carry; and they thought
less of abandoning a sick person to die on the road than
we should of neglecting a pariah dog.
WAHCJMA FLOCK IN.
237
By example, and by every effort in our power, we
did all we could to remedy this. Grant, before leaving
the Semliki, sent back a party of our own men, under
the senior headman, to search for any stragglers ; and
when we marched on our way forward from Fort Waver-
tree, I arranged that either Grant or Macpherson should
bring up the rear of the whole host, with a strong j)arty
of our men to carry on any sick, who would else have
been abandoned. Since our arrival, the Wahuma of
Torn had continued to flock in in great numbers to
place themselves under our protection, and I appointed
a native headman at Wavertree to arrange where they
should settle, and all matters in connection with them.
To him were to be handed over all captives, and all
people coming to accept our protection. He expressed
the greatest gratitude for our efforts on their behalf,
but said he greatly feared the licence of the Sudanese
when my back was turned. I could only reply that he
must make all complaints direct to Rehan Aga, in whom
I had confidence. If unredressed by him, he could re-
port to Kasagama, who would inform me, but that I
hoped very soon to send a European, whose duty it would
be to protect them. I myself was compelled to go for-
ward in order to locate this host of people, but I would
either return myself to establish order and just rule in
the province, or I would send a responsible officer as
my deputy. So he beat the "drum of peace" to pro-
claim to the people in hiding that they need have no
fear, but return each man to the place which his fore-
fathers had held before Kabarega had driven them out.
Before Selim left Kavalli's, the remainder of the
Sudanese who had joined Emin deserted from him,
and came in with all their people, but brought me
no fresh news of the Pasha. The doctor had been ill
for some time, and Grant also was ailing. I myself
succumbed to a violent attack of fever. Fever never
238
KAVALLl's TO FORT LORXE.
incapacitated me for long, however strong it might be,
but at such times one became the victim of anxiety,
and I would spend many sleepless hours during the
night, consumed with fears lest anything should be
wronof in Uofanda.
The rain and cold added to our sick-list amono- the
natives. The Somals were always ailing, and were
constant victims to fever. Out of the small number
I had — less than forty — there were always two or
three down with fever. They are delicate, and do
not stand the climate and hardships of Central Africa
well. The hard}^ porter suffered little, but I was dis-
tressed at the nakedness of my Sudanese and Levy,"
who had to do sentry work through the long wet and
cold nights with hardly a rag to cover them. Daily,
on arrival in camp, I had sentry - boxes constructed
with a few poles and grass, to shield them in some
measure from the rain. The dailv thunderstorms came
up from the north, north - east, and east, and blew
towards the mountains. As a rule, the mornino- was
fine, and the rain came on after mid-day. Thus, by
marching at the first streak of dawn, the greater part,
at least, were in camjD before the rain came on. Small-
pox also broke out among the people, and two of our
own men were down with it, but fortunately it did
not take an epidemic form.
In our first march from Wavertree, we crossed some
nine or ten of the abominable river-swamps,^ which
here again, on the top of the plateau, formed the
valleys between the hills. To effect a passage, the
tall papyrus -reeds are cut down and strewn across
to form a footing. At each step you sink in the
mud, often waist - deep, though the sluggish water,
trickling through the mass of vegetation, appears no
more than a foot deep at most. When several thousand
1 Vide illustration, chap, xxv., "A Uganda Eiver-swamp."
RAIN AND COLD — RESULTS TO NATIVES. 239
people have crossed a place like this, the water becomes
deeper and deeper. As many of the Torn people had
joined our party of Wahuma guides on their way south,
and the whole of the Sudanese were now together, our
numbers were enormous. As one crested a rising ground
in the early morning, and looked back to see the long
black string of people winding for miles along the nar-
row path, while the ground on which we had camped
was yet black with human forms struggling to effect
a start, one realised what a host we led !
Fortunately the rain held off, as a rule, in the
morning, but occasionally it came down in torrents,
and then the people got paralysed with cold in the
wind and the deep river-swamps. I heard — I know
not if it was true — that at such times mothers would
purposely discard their children. On one such oc-
casion Grant brought in nine children, carrying one
himself to set an example to the men, like a right
good fellow as he was. But the men needed little
example. They uncomplainingly toiled along in rear
of the whole vast concourse, searching every bush and
the long grass. For these foolish people would go off
the path, and cower behind some bush for shelter from
the cold, and it was no easy matter to save them from
themselves. On the same day my rear-guard, told off
for this purpose under the doctor, brought in some
fourteen more children, who else would have been
abandoned and died of exposure. They saw two more
who had been drowned in a deep marsh. The rear-
guard rarely got in till late, and the men had then to
build their huts against the rain and cold of the night,
and to forage for their food and firewood. Yet there
was still nothing but cheery goodwill and contentment,
and not a sign of grumbling.
We distributed our little half- starved children be-
tween us, and they had as much as they could eat
240
KAVALLl's TO FORT LOEXE.
bv the warm fire of our cook-houses, and were housed
with our servants, or under our own tents. Most were
claimed, but I long had a nursery establishment my-
self 1 and I think that the care we took of these
poor little things was not Avithout its lesson to the
Sudanese. I could do little towards liMitenino' their
troubles at this time, but after all, it was only to be
two marches between each fort ; so I looked forward
to rajDidly locating the main bulk of them. Later,
on the march to the coast, I Avas able to deal more
efficiently with the matter, and I then gave an order
that no small children were to carry loads. Starting
as usual at the head of the caravan, I stopj^ed on the
side of the path, and let them all file past me, and
I confiscated and threw awav everv load I found carried
by a child.
The Munobo river we found to be a serious obstacle,
for it was now in flood, and was the first rushing river
we had to cross. It was very deejD — too deep to ford
— but some trees had been felled across it, which af-
forded a slippery foothold, — so difficult, indeed, that I
myself fell in and got a complete ducking I I quote
the brief description in my diary : " I halted, and we
cut down trees, and did all we could, and made three
or four crossings, and by standing in the water and
helping each one across, we saw that all got over
safely. It was a somewhat novel experience, even
to me, to stand from 7 to 10 a.m. up to mv middle
in the icy -cold water, and hand over babies and
children, and give an arm to each woman as they
came across. I took the lowest ferry, so that if any
one was washed away above, I could see and save
them here; the crush was terrible at first." My Su-
danese native - officers, Shukri, Risgalla, and Ferag.
worked energetically, as keen as though each child
were their own. They have a great idea of El Corn-
GRANT AND MACPHERSON SAVE MANY LIVES. 241
mandant, and seeing me working in the water, they
vied with each other in their efforts.
So we all got across without a single
mishap.
I found an admirable site for the
second fort, hardly inferior in any
way to that of No. 1. The soil was
Passage of the Munobo River.
side. A dense forest stretched away for miles to the
west, affording building material and firewood. " Here
VOL. II. Q
242
KATALLI'S TO FORT LORXE.
news reached us that the day after we left Xo. 1 a very
great number of natives came in, and all the women
whom I had freed and sent away in peace, returned
with their husbands to settle down under us" (diary).
I was very greatly pleased, for Rehan Aga seemed to
be thoroughly entering into the spirit of my instruc-
tions, and I hoped that after all, my 25lans for Torn
would be achieved, and peace and prosperity would
replace the 02:>pression of the past. I continually had
a search made throughout the whole of the Sudanese
encampment, lest any captive should have been con-
cealed, and Selim Bey stayed behind at each fort to
make a final investigation, and have these orders writ-
ten down, so that there should be no excuse whatever
in case of disobedience. Any native who came to me to
report any such matter was at once sent, with the most
trustworthy man in my own expedition, to search the
houses of the Sudanese, and from time to time captives
were found.
Selim, as I have said, supported me loyally. Here
is his reply, as I wrote it down at the time : He
said he had been as a man that was drownino' : and
who had saved him and lifted him out of the water ?
It was I alone who had done so. Emin had told
him that he mio4it wait twentv vears, and no one
would ever come to help him, and he had therefore
bett-er follow him. Some of his officers had done so,
and had been deceived, and led into the wilderness,
till thev were forced to desert and come back. But
I had come, and had brought him back to hope and
to life from desjDair. Xow all I had said he meant
to do with his heart, and his eyes, and his hands,
and I should see whether or not he did it : my orders
should be carried out to the letter. At first he had
merely made them return the people captured, but
now that thev had fully heard the order and dis-
selim's efforts for natives.
243
obeyed it, it was a different matter. Every man
caught (and he would have a most thorough search)
he would deprive of his rifle and his rank, and turn
him out of the askars, as I had said, — no matter
whether he were an officer or private soldier. For
this sole reason he had stayed behind, to write down
the orders, and see them carried out. In the old
times the askars had been thus under law, and were
not allowed to touch a thing* belonoinD- to the natives :
but in the recent years of anarchy, every man had
had to forao^e for himself, and had fallen into these
ways : now they were once more under law and
order, and the old regime should be restored." I
have quoted this passage to show that these jDeople
have a sense of gratitude, and are amenable to con-
trol and law. I was very greatly distressed at the
many evils which I could not as yet completely
remedy, but T saAv that the very first step was, to
split up the unmanageable host into parties that could
be controlled, and then to place them under British
supervision ; and this task I lost not a day in hasten-
ing forward.
Grant had long been ailing, and now got worse
and worse with chronic diarrhoea, and was reduced
to a shadow. His tent was so thin that the driv-
ing rain came through the canvas. Before leaving
the coast I had asked for a few medical comforts, but
now, after one and a quarter years and the arrival
of two caravans, nothing had been sent beyond one
box each of provisions (my own had been lost). There
was not a drop of spirits to give to Grant, or to tlie
doctor, who was also ill ; nothing indeed whatever,
except what the country produced and the natives
ate. To myself this was of no consequence at all.
Life on active service, and in the Indian jungles,
and in Africa, had long accustomed me to rough fare.
244
KAVALLl's TO FOET LORXE.
and I neither required nor cared for any other. But
to vouno'er men. less inured to such a Hfe, the matter
was serious, and it was on their behalf that I had
so urgently requisitioned these necessaries ; even our
quinine was all but exhausted. In fact the work of
bringing down this vast host was very, very heavy,
and we were all three much "played out."
I retained mv health and enero-v thouo*h I was some-
what overworked, as bouts of toothache, and inflam-
mation in the bullet -wound in m}' wrist, indicated.
I felt most keenly that every minute wasted by myself
in illness or idleness meant suflerino- to those I had
charge of, for the food- supply would be consumed by
our thousands of people, and the garrison left behind
at each fort would therefore be in difficulties. More-
over, the daily cost of the expedition was great, and
each day I could save was an economy in expenditure.
I constantly deplored the absence of any tools, which
so greatly delayed the progress of our work. "It is
heart-breaking," I write, " to have to do this work
without the necessary tools. There are but a very few
axes, so that the men sent for timber have to wait
their turn to o-et an axe to fell a tree, and fio-ht over
it like dogs over a bone ; the wretched hoes (of which
there are veri/ few) were never intended for use, but
for barter : so that all work is delayed, while four or
five men undertake a task on which fifty should be em-
ployed. And then one s work is judged of by people
quite unacquainted with these difficulties I I could
build a fort in half the time, and push on to the next,
and save time, and hence money, as well as the food
which is to feed the garrison, if only I had tools."
We arrived at the site of the second fort (Nya-
korongo), which Mr De Winton subsequently named
Fort Lorne, on the 2d Nov., and in spite of the delay
caused bv the incessant rain and the lack of tools, the
LOCATE SECOND BATCH OF SUDANESE.
245
men were now so proficient in fort-building, and worked
so willingly and well, that we marched again in three
days (Nov. 6th), having almost completed the fort, and
left only a few gaps in the centre of the faces, and
most of the ditch, to be completed by the garrison, — ■
all the most difficult parts (the corners, gates, &c.) being
finished. I completed the lists as before, showing every
man's rank and name, class of rifle, number of wives,
of suria, of children, of slaves, and of free followers.
The other four companies of the 1st regiment were
located here, and we marched forward with between
4000 and 5000 only, for half of the Sudanese refugees
were now disposed of in these two garrisons. I ap-
pointed also a native chief here as Kasagama's deputy,
as I had done at Waver tree. Grant had been ill most
of the time ; he was too weak to walk, and had to be
carried on the forward march.
246
CHAPTER XXX.
FORT LORXE TO FORT GRANT.
Bridging the MjDanga — Wa-Toru ask if we have come to stay — War-parties
against Katabarua in the forest — Arrive at Kivari — Start for Fort
Edward — Meet De Winton — All well in Uganda — Dualla to Salt Lake
— Question of forcing supplies — Gordon's methods — Kichwamba con-
tumacious— Lions at Fort George — Back to Kivari — Leave De Winton
in Torn — His orders — Leave Kivari — Recross Mpanga — Enter Kita-
gwenda — Build fort in Ntara — Sudanese thieving — Reassure Ruiji —
Transport routes opened — Methods of mapping — Check on import of
arms — Build Fort Grant — An African shav.ri — Manyuema raids — Grant
deals with them — His orders.
We left Fort Lome on Nov. 6th, and presently arrived
at the Mpanga river, which separates Torn from Un-
yoro proper. The heavy rains had made the stream
a boiling flood, which was of course quite unford-
able and very deep. I quote my description of our
passage of the river, for we subsequently had sev-
eral such to cross. "Nov. 8th. — Up at daybreak, and
found a place where a large branching acacia grew in
the very middle of the river, on what was probably an
island when it was not in flood. To this with much
difficulty we managed to lay two date - palms 30 or
40 fl. long, which, reaching from the bank to the big
boughs of the tree, formed the basis of a bridge across
to it. We did the same thing again from the other bank
to the central tree, but the fierceness of the current
made the work very difficult. My picked Swahilis
BRIDGING THE MPAXGA.
247
worked admirablv, and thev SAvim like ducks : the
Sudanese officers Shnkri and Ferag were indefatigable,,
and of course Dualla was invaluable. ' Then we placed
short bars across the long poles, and lashed them with
creepers, and over all we laid down huge binidles of
gi^ass, and so completed the bridge. From the tree to
the bank I tied a strong rope of creepers, so that the
people should be able to hold on to it and steady
themselves when crossing. All was finished by about
10 A.M.
As soon as our own expedition was across — while the
bridge was being repaired — I went over and selected
and pitched camp, and looked after Grant, who was
very ill, and when I had made him comfortable, and
arranged camp, so that the men could make their huts
and look for food. I returned to the river. Standino- at
the top of the bank I kept back the crush, assisted bv
some of my men, and armed with a stotit stick, which
the people know on such occasions was n^jt bnjught for
show. Ferag stood opposite me, and c»ne Ijy one I
admitted the people to pass between us, Avhile others
helped them down the steejD bank, as there was room
for them on the bridge. A party of my men watched
meanwhile, lest any should pass by any other way than
between Ferag and me, and jostled them back with
much gusto and derision if they caught them !
It was piteous to see how emaciated and sick some
of the old women and child slaves were, and the rouo-h
and cruel way in which they were treated. The
women were the worst offenders in this, and I was
nonplussed how to deal with them, further than by
an explosion of language I One, however, I sent over
under an escort of my men. and made her a prisoner
in mv cniard-tent for crueltv to an old slave-woman :
.,'0
she turned otit to be the wife of an officer "While
still perhaps somewhat excited by my indignation over
248
FORT LOEXE TO FORT GRANT.
this, I saw a fine stalwart Sudanese strike a slave. I
struck him a blow across the face with all my might,
and continued to strike him till my stick was shattered.
The man took it in absolute silence. He was an officer,
and the public disgrace of being flogged "like a slave "
was very great ; nor could he, in all probability, under-
stand in the least what had brought my fury upon him,
any more than if you were to suddenly assault your
hansom-cab driver because he whipped up his horse !
I, however, let it be well understood what my reason
was, and shouted to the dense throng, that I would
give the same to any man I saw striking a woman, or
a child, or feeble slave.
I had brought Macpherson some lunch from camp,
and as his clothes were dry, we worked together till
all had crossed over. " The old Bimhaslii (Sudanese
colonel) sat on the tree in the middle, and prevented
the crowds from returning again to fetch firewood, &c.,
left behind. AYlien these had accumulated on the far
side I stopped for a bit, and let them come over, and
then we proceeded as before. I had a small party of
expert swimmers in readiness, should any one fall into
the water. One old woman did, and they had her out
again in a jiffy, though she nearly baffled them by
' hanging on like grim death ' to the boughs of the tree
under water. They looked on it all as an excellent joke.
It was very tiring work, and we just finished at sun-
set. I had been in clothes wet through from the waist,
almost the whole day from dawn till dark, though I had
fever yesterday." It was necessary thus to play the
part of a policeman in a London mob, for if the seething
crowd, of several thousand jDeoj^le, pushing from behind
had not been restrained, those in front would have been
precijDitated down the bank and trodden to death ; the
brido'e, too. would not have held out unless those who
crossed it went ofentlv one bv one. It was. moreover.
^TA-TOEr ASK IF WE SHALL STAY.
249
necessary for me to do this myself, in order to ensure
obedience.
Later, when Sehm joined us at another river, he
came and helped me. His method was to have his
chair brought, into which he projected his colossal car-
cass. From time to time, when there was too much
crowdino- he would brino- down his walkino'-stick, which
was a pole like a " weaver's beam," on the heads of the
crowd ; and as he was utterly indifferent as to sex, the
" ladies did not escape his stick as they did mine !
Passino' throuo-h a heaw forest — in which mv men saw
the rare Mbegu (colohus) monkey — and crossing river-
swamps innumerable, we arrived on the 11th at Kivari,
where I ao-ain found an admirable site for the third
fort. Dailv on the march the rear-o'uard searched for
and brouo'ht in anv children or sick strao-o-lers.
The jDCople of Torn continued to come in great
numbers, and all told me that the news of our treat-
ment of the people on our upward journey had spread
far and wide, and that all were most eager to come
under our protection. Such treatment was new to these
poor savages. In recounting one such sliauri in my
diarv I write : " When asked if thev would like to o'o
to Kabareo-a or stav under us, thev told the old storv, —
that their fathers or other relatives had been beaten to
death, or murdered, or driven off in chains, by the Wan-
yoro, for fear they should desert to us ; that any one
who lagged behind was thus beaten or bound ; and that
they would like to go and call their people and come
to us." Others asked me if we had come to stay ; for
if we should desert them as the Egyptian garrisons,
who had held the stations of Mruli and Fauvera (estab-
lished by Gordon), had deserted the people of northern
Unyoro, after taking them under their protection, only
massacre and slaverv would await them at the hands
of Kabarega. I replied, — how could I do otherwise ; —
250
FORT LORXE TO FORT GRAXT.
that these countries were ceded to the British by the
nations of Europe, and that the British flag never went
back. At that time I had no idea that the Company
had any thoughts of evacuation, after sending me here
to promise protection to Uganda and its dependencies,
and I knew that its Directors numbered amonofst them
some of the best known, the most honoured, and the
richest men in Great Britain.
These people told me that we were now at the head-
quarters of a chief of Kabarega's named Katabarua, —
the same that Grant had gone from Fort Edward to
attack (p. 188) : that the other chiefs had fled, but he
was hidino' in the forest. Thev were in o^reat dread of
him, and said that if only I would drive him out, all
the people of the country would come in, — for we were
now once more in Torn. The day after our arrival,
therefore, while I was myself engaged in laying out the
trace of the fort, I sent two war-parties to search the
forest. Ferag with his " Levy " came upon a large
body of spearmen, and knowing that we fought only
against the men with guns, he left them unharmed.
Later he met a party who fired upon him, and these
he defeated, capturing some goats. Shukri with the
Sudanese encountered a large force armed with guns,
among whom were chiefs dressed in cloth — apparently
Katabarua's own party. He drove them in, and pur-
sued them, keej^ing up a running fight, and did not
get back till next day. These people had also fired
on me the day before, when I came to select the site
of the camp.
Having started the work at the fort, I set out next
day for Fort Edward and the Salt Lake, taking with
me all of our own expedition, except about 65, which
included the men skilled at the fort-building, and the
sick. These I left with the mass of the Sudanese
under the doctor's charge at Kivari, for Grant was
BACK TO FORT EDWARD.
251
still too ill to do any work. I had selected from the
whole of the 2d regiment about 100 fighting men who
should accompany me to Uganda. Those were espe-
cially chosen who had few followers and belongings.
They included, however, the artisans who had been
employed on the steamers on the Nile and the Albert
Lake, with all their followers, and Selim Bey's own
retinue. In addition there was a considerable number
of people who were returning to Egypt, being mostly
the widows and children of deceased officers. The
actual figures were as follows : Selim Bey and all
ranks of soldiers, 89 ; followers, 360 ; artisans, 25 ;
followers, 109 ; and between 300 and 400 aitham for
the coast : total, about 900. These had permission to
accompany me to the Salt Lake, to procure salt for
food-purchase on the march to Uganda.
We arrived at Kivari on Nov. 11th; on the 12th
I laid out the trace and began the fort work, and on
the 13th we started for the Salt Lake. Shukri and
his party arrived early on this morning from their
skirmishing in the forest. Six of his men were missing ;
but as our way led through the same forest, we searched
for them, and they were found and brought into camp.
Fort Edward was distant only twenty-eight miles ; but
owing to our delay in looking for the missing men, and
to our having to bridge the river Wimi in the same way
that we had already bridged the Mpanga, we took
three days to cover the distance. Moreover, I had very
heavy fever on me, and marching in an African sun,
through dense grass and bush, in a burning fever, is a
very trying task. We descended from the high Unyoro
plateau, passed through a patch of forest, literally
trampled down by the herds of elephants, and crossing
the swamp -land at the head of the upper arm of the
Albert Edward Lake (see map), reached Fort Edward
on the 15th. In spite of my violent fever, one of the
252
FOET LORXE TO FORT GRANT.
worst attacks I have had in Africa, I had recorded my
distances and direction for my map, but I arrived very
jDrostrated and weak. In the forest we were fired on by
a few stragglers of the enenw, who were put to flight.
Arrived at Fort Edward, I was delighted to find De
Winton awaitino' me. He had been sent bv Williams
to reinforce me, but found my letter (sent back from
Kavalli's) prohibiting a forward march beyond this
point, and had therefore been waiting here a month.
Williams had but few o-ood men in Uo^anda, and had
sent me the greater part of his garrison, thinking I
would need them more than he should. I was ex-
tremely sorry he had done so, though I gratefully
recognised the unselfishness and j^luck which had
promj)ted him ; and I still more regretted that De
Winton, finding he could not join me, and that there
was a very powerful garrison (100 of my best men),
at Fort Edward, had not at once sent back these 56
men to Kampala.
I here received letters from Williams, in which he
told me of what had o^one on since we left Uo'anda on
June 16th, uj) to date of his letters (Sept. 12th and
Oct. 17th). De Winton also could tell me of events
up to the middle of September, at which time he had
left Uganda. I will narrate in chapter xxxii. the
news I received concerning the political or religious
parties, and the difficulties between them with which
Williams had had to deal. As reo-arcls other matters,
I heard that Bagge had made a successful trip to the
south of the lake, and had brought up all Stokes' guns
and powder, which were safely stored in Kampala.
Mwanga had tried to claim a percentage as taxes, but
Williams had, in a very plucky way, sent down his
handful of men to the lake, and brought up everything
without yielding to Mwanga's demands. His prompt
action probably saved trouble, for, from what I heard.
DE WINTON's news — ALL WELL IN UGANDA. 253
it appeared as though Mwanga had intended to seize
what he wanted. There had been some trouble in
Usoga too, through a rascally Swahili headman left
in charge there. De Winton had been sent to arrange
this, and had succeeded in his mission. Relations had
been most cordial with the Germans, who repudiated
Emin Pasha's recent actions, — as I now heard for the
first time.
On the whole, Williams was cheery and hopeful about
the prospect in Uganda at the date of his first letter,
and wrote, " You need have no anxiety about Uganda.
I will keep it, as I said at first, pretty quiet. Mean-
while all this part of the country is progressing, trade
is improving, and the people are building hard." I
therefore imagined that the troubles which had occurred
in Juij about Mwanga's flag, the rising in Buddu, &c.,
to which I shall allude later, were not of very serious
import. He sjDoke also of leading the Waganda to war
against the Mohammedans and Kabarega in the follow-
ing December, not expecting my return so soon. His
second letter, of a month later, was also reassuring.
"Everything is going well here," he wrote, "and the
Wagfanda are buildinof hard," than which there is no
surer sign that the horizon is peaceful. He had him-
self also planted large areas at Kampala, from which he
expected large returns in food, and had inaugurated
a trade in ivory, in which, also, representatives of Mr
Stokes were engaged.
All had promised peacefully when I left Uganda, and
these letters, telling me in the briefest possible manner
of the difiiculties and outbreaks which had occurred,
and speaking hopefully and confidently of the future,
reassured me greatly, and led me to hope that all was
well, and that there was no fear of trouble. Williams
was naturally sanguine, and, moreover, wished to re-
lieve me from anxiety, knowing that I was myself
254
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT.
engaged in no easy task. I heard that Mr Xewmann,
of the Company's service, had been massacred with most
of his men by the Sotik peoj^le, and it was not till long
afterwards that we heard that he himself survived.
Williams added the news in a tiny postscript, that my
brother, E. J. Lugard, D.s.o., had been wounded, and
had narrowly escaped "having his head stuck on a
pole " at the " Manipur disaster " !
I had so much to do here in the settlement of afPairs
with Kasagama, and in completing my map and rec-
tifvino- an error which had occurred in it in this last
circuit, besides many other matters, that I decided
to send the expedition to the Salt Lake under Dualla,
while I remained to complete my other work, and so
avoid delay. Fort Edward had been built to hold the
gate of Unyoro, and 2Drotect Kasagama's village and
the Salt Lake. Now that the Sudanese forts held
the frontiers of Torn, its raison d'etre was o-one. I
therefore sent down Ali, the Somal who had com-
manded here, and who appeared trustworthy and in-
tellio'ent, to take charo-e of Fort Georo-e with seventeen
of the Zanzibari Lev3^"
I gave him very full instructions about the develop-
ment of the trade at the Salt Lake, which was to be
a monopoly of the Company, though liberal rates of
barter would be given. L^songola, in which country
Fort George is situated, was to be directly under
the Company, and not under Kasagama, until he
had proved his energy and his caj)acity to govern by
arranging his own country of Torn. Under this
arrangement the quarrels which I found between him
and Karakwanzi would no longer be possible. The
latter, however, was to be told that he was in no
sense king of Usongola, but merely our guest at the
Salt Lake, where he was welcome to live, and to
take what salt he wanted, in return for his assist-
QUESTION OF FORCING SUPPLIES.
255
ance in preventing theft and promoting trade, but he
was not to barter with it on his own account. Ali
would be directly under De Winton, whom I placed
in charge temporarily in Torn and South Unyoro. For
I hoped that on my return to Uganda Williams would
be able to come here, — than whom there could be no
better or more capable man for carrying on the organ-
isation of the Sudanese, — while I took over charge at
Mengo. Ali had, moreover, the strictest orders not
to engage in any fighting whatever, except in actual
defence of their lives.
I found De Winton had brought some cloth, which
we most urgently needed, also a box of provisions
and a little quinine, so that I was able to take some
of the latter and get rid of my fever. I at once
sent some provisions, &c., to Grant, and I also sent
off letters to Williams in Uganda, and then devoted
myself to my map. My plans were, that De Winton
should accompany us back to Kivari, and with him
should come Kasagama and his headmen. De Winton
and I spent a very pleasant time together those few
days at Fort Edward, and I little thought that our
lonof conversations would be the last we should ever
have together. Here in the long evenings at Fort
Edward we had many a talk, and I recollect discussing
one evening the necessity which some have alleged of
levying forced contributions of food from the natives
of the countries through which an expedition jDassed.
I expressed myself very strongly and emphatically,
for I was anxious that he should not be led away
by wrong arguments into approval of such methods,
which can almost always be avoided by forethought
and organisation.^
1 Sir John Kirk has told me that when travelling with Livingstone on
the Zambesi during five years, they never took a single grain of corn by
force from the natives.
256
FORT LORXE TO FORT GRAXT.
The introduction of law, order, and restraint into a
savage country, is necessarily accompanied at times by
strong measures, involving perhaps war — as in the case
of Kabarega, and later in Uganda — with its attendant
suffering, to many who are not the principal offenders ;
but, were my critics to read the record of Gordon's purely
aggressive wars in the southern Sudan, and even in
northern Unyoro (where, by the way, he established
garrisons of these very Sudanese) ; could they, moreover,
realise what the establishment of these garrisons meant,
far distant as they were from European supervision ;
could they count up the unrecorded loss of life in those
wars, and contrast it with what was involved in the
settlement of these countries by ourselves, — it would, I
am sure, open up a new light to them. But Gordon had
no rival Christian sects to deal with, and hence no bitter
religious critics to trumpet through Europe fictitious
tales of horror and outrao-e. He was actuated bv the
hio'hest and best of motives, he was kind-hearted and
detested slavery, and he went straight to the objects
he had in view, though his path was often a path of
blood — carrying out with the ability of a great admin-
istrator, and of a brave and fearless soldier, the task he
had set himself to do. And the world heard of his work
and judged it by results, and never knew, and never
will know, the details by which those results were
acquired.
De Winton had followed on our track throuofh
Ankoli with his little party of but fifty men, yet
he was everywhere welcomed with the utmost good-
will ; food was brought to him gratis, and he found
nothing but friendship and cordiality. On the 21st,
Dualla returned with the caravan from the Salt Lake.
Durino' our absence, Masudi. whom I had left in
char Of e, had been eno-ao'ed in one small skirmish, and
I made the fullest inquiry into the matter. From
KICHWAMBA CONTUMACIOUS.
257
different men (who had not seen each other to con-
coct an identical story), I heard precisely the same
account. The troublesome people between Kitagwenda
and Kichwamba whom Ntali had begged me to pun-
ish, had sent messages to the Kichwamba people, and
told them that they would attack them for being the
friends of the white man, for they wished to have
nothing to say to Europeans. The first time these had
passed their way (Stanley) all their cattle had died,
and now probably all their people would be bewitched
and die ! Kichwamba, in this dilemma, sent to Masudi,
who said he had strict orders not to fight in any native
quarrel, and sent men to Ntali (in whose country these
people were) to ask him to settle the matter. Ntali
replied begging him to decide it by war or by negotiation
as he chose, for he himself could do nothing with these
people, Avho were always giving trouble. Thereupon
Masudi sent some men to negotiate a peace. Kichwamba
sent messages to the hostile party, asking them to call
the chiefs to a friendly conference. In return they
murdered the envoys and advanced with war, firing
the houses, &c. Kichwamba took arms in self-defence,
and our men being on the spot were involved in the
trouble. The enemy were defeated, and many of their
women, &c., captured. Thereupon the chief sent in to
say he no longer desired war, and wished to be under
the white men, and sent a present of ivory. Masudi,
therefore, returned the caj)tives, and the matter ended.
A considerable trade had developed at Fort George.
The natives from the west of Ruwenzori brougfht iron
hoes (smelted and wrought by themselves), and also
sheep and goats, to barter for salt. A very large flock
had thus accumulated, of which, however, thirty had
been killed by a lion in the last few days. This beast
was said also to have killed ten natives. He sprang;
they said, clear over the high spiked cheval-de-frise
VOL. II. E,
258
FORT LORXE TO FORT GRAXT.
into the fort and helped himself to mutton. The men
waited for him and fired twenty-five rounds at him
without effect ; they then set a trap of six guns, all of
which went ofi" without disturbing his equanimity !
Leaving at Fort Edward fourteen men of the Levy
under a sergeant, to take care, for the present, of the
crops and bananas De Winton had planted, we marched
on the 2 2d, and scaling the Unyoro j)lateau, arrived at
Kivari next day. On the way I shot an elephant, and
the flesh su2Dplied such of the men as cared to go to the
distant place where I had shot it. Our return march
of 28 miles in two days, with loads, crossing both the
Wimi and the Durro rivers in flood, and ascendinof the
steep hills of L^nyoro, was a wonderful feat of endurance
on the part of the loaded men. We had been absent
ten days in all, having accomplished 120 miles, in addi-
tion to the task of procuring salt and making bags for it.
I found Grant somewhat better, but the fort -building
had progressed slowly in my absence. The natives
had been arriving in great numbers to accept our j^ro-
tection, and I fully explained to De Winton and Kasa-
gama the steps I wished them to take for the settlement
and pacification of the country. I quote from my in-
structions some of the principal clauses : ^ —
" Each of the four forts is garrisoned by four companies of Su-
danese, under their own officers, who are directly under SeHm
Bey and myself. I desire that you should in no way interfere
with these garrisons, more especially as they are not at present
regularly enlisted in the Company's service. Any matter, especi-
ally any disobedience or disregard of the orders I have left for
them (copy attached), will be represented by you to the Bimhashi
in command. If his action is not satisfactory after your repre-
sentations, you will report the matter to me, and inform him you
have done so. . . .
"4. The country to the west of Fort George and the Piuwenzori
Yange is at present not thoroughly settled, nor is it certain whether
1 Vide Bhie-book Africa, No. 2, 1893, p. 18.
LEAVE DE WINTON IN TORU.
259
it is in the Company's territory. In this country I understand,
that Karakwanzi exercises much influence, and will be able to
bring large quantities of ivory thence for sale at Fort George.
You will therefore at present interfere as little as possible with
this country, only endeavouring to prevent the Manyuema ivory-
traders at Miala (of Kilonga-longa's) from crossing the Semliki
south of where that river crosses the 30th parallel of longitude,
and from crossing this parallel north of that point, to the north
of Toru towards the Albert Lake. By means of native mes-
sengers to Mugenyi, Kavalli, and Katonzi, all of whom are in
treaty alliance with the Company, you may also be able to
promote an ivory trade ; but at present I do not wish you to
leave Unyoro proper to visit their countries, nor to penetrate at
all into Butuku. . . .
" 7. Your immediate task will be to accompany the king Kasa-
gama on a tour through Toru, and assist him in every way to
redress grievances, especially with regard to any wrongs done to
the natives by the Sudanese, to establish law and order in the
country, and appoint officials and heads of districts, and restore
refugees to their shamhas, and drive out any remaining chiefs of
Kabarega's who may return to pillage the country and murder the
people. During this tour you will, as far as you can, check the
roll of the garrisons and their belongings, furnished to you al-
ready, and suggest improvements in the stockades, in accordance
with those already built by us. You will secure a good position
for a village for Kasagama at each station, and see that he builds,
and will yourself build a small house at each. . . .
"11. No war, except necessary operations against Kabarega,
will be undertaken without previous communication with me."
We halted four days, during which I was engaged in
incessant work. Grant was not well enough to help
much, and the doctor confined himself to his medical
duties ; but Dualla was, as always, indefatigable and
invaluable. Having issued the cloth brought by De
Winton to the men for clothing and tenting, taken
my census of the four companies to be left here (some-
what reduced in strength by the extraction of the party
for Uganda), and having given De Winton complete
lists of the men of the expedition left at Fort George,
260
FOET LORXE TO FORT GRAXT.
at Fort Edward, and as his personal carriers and escort
(2-4), together with all goods and gear handed over to
him, we were ready to march forward on the 28th. A
headman with 20 23orters now arrived from Kampala,
in addition to the 56 brought bv De Winton ; these
brought up the numbers of the expedition to some
400, including the garrison I had withdrawn from Fort
Edward. We carried forward some 1300 lb. of ivory
and 150 loads of salt for food-j^urchase, besides the
other o'oods.
Saying a cordial good-bye to De Winton, we marched
onward through an undulating country, free from river-
swamps, and with patches of forest, and much acacia-
bush. On the way we passed an enormous herd of
elej^hants — at which I did not fire. On the banks of
the Mpanga we found the people friendly ; and they
said they had not fled because they heard we did no
harm to the villagers. I regretted greatly being forced
to bring this host of Sudanese to spoil their fields,
and I gave them a present of beads and cloth as com-
pensation, and issued the strictest orders against the
injuring of their houses, &c., placing guards to see that
these orders were not disobeyed.
The Mpanga had increased in volume since we crossed
it above Kivari. It here flowed in a rocky gorge some
700 or 800 ft. deep, whose precipitous banks were clothed
with the densest forest. Here the mists and vapours
hung, and the trees dripped with continual moisture.
Every class of fern — from the tree-ferns to the moss-ferns
— was to be found beneath the moisture-laden trees,
whose limbs were clothed with them, and with mosses
and lono'-bearded lichens and orchids. The flowers famil-
iar in our hothouses, grew in these perpetual shades, and
gorgeous butterflies glanced like meteors through the
forest twilight. Below foamed and eddied a seething
torrent of water, confined between its rocky walls.
RE-CROSSING THE MPANGA RIVER.
RECROSS MPANGA.
261
No trees grew on its banks which could reach more
than a quarter of the way across. I sat down on a
rock to think the matter out. Nothing has stopped
us hitherto, from the coast till now. Even the great
Semliki was crossed with hardly a check, and are we to
be bafEed at last by a mountain-torrent in flood ? I
thought of searching the lake for canoes (for close by
here the river enters the lake), and so rounding the
mouth of the river ; but the natives said there were none
nearer than several days' journey. Behind me were a
mass of over 3000 souls in a foodless country ! "
Eventually we found a place where a snag of rock
appeared above the rushing torrent almost in mid-
stream, and with a very great deal of trouble and diffi-
culty we eventually made a bridge across to it, and
thence to the far bank. I have already briefly described
the process ; — how the stream would sweep away our
best poles like mere corks, if they touched the water
in the difficult process of fixing one end on the slippery
snag, and the very tip of the farther end on the narrow
ledge of the rocky shore, some 30 feet away across
the river ; how at last the log was lodged, and then
another, and another, cut in the dense forest, and
carried hither through its matted undergrowth ; and
how at last the time came to place upon the struc-
ture hundreds of loads of grass, which the men had
gone to cut on the plains above.
By 9.30 A.M. our bridge was finished, and the masses
of people crossed in safety, even our flocks and cattle
walking across without fear. I may be excused the
note of jubilation in my diary, for I had at first feared
that we were baffled this time. " I am really proud of
this," I write, " the ascent and descent of this huge
gorge, the Mpanga bridged, and a fair march besides,
all in one day 1 We astounded the natives, who had
expected us to be quite defeated, and in any case, I
262
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT.
suppose, expected a week's delay to bridge such a river.
' Truly,' they said (so I heard), ' nothing- can daunt or
stop the white man ! ' and I think that by surmounting
such difficulties one goes far towards establishing that
respect and acknowledgment of superiority, which is the
very essence of success with natives in Africa."
We ascended the plateau again from the Mpanga
gorge, and marched along its edge, from which a
splendid view of the lake (which lay spread out beneath
us) was obtainable. Fort Edward was visible on its
further shores, and hence I was able to obtain actual
bearings for the verification and correction of my map.
The countrv of Kitaofwenda, which we now entered,
was extraordinarily fertile, and full of crops and food.
Its king, Ruiji, had become the vassal of Kabarega
since the conquest of Torn, to whose king, Nyika,
he had formerly owed allegiance. I was told that
it was through this country that the Waziba from
the south, who traded in arms and powder, brought
the supplies on which Kabarega and the Mohammedan
Waganda relied, — hence it was also a route for slaves
from Unyoro, since it was with these that munitions
would be chiefly purchased. I therefore expected to
find the people hostile ; but I was met by messengers
from the king asking ni}" intentions, in a civil and
peaceful manner. I replied that, since he had received
me in peace, he should remain king of Kitagwenda,
but should in future owe fealty to Kasagama of Toru,
as of old time ; that I was compelled to leave a gar-
rison in his country, to prevent the import of powder
and arms to our enemies, but I would divide it into two
halves, so that it might not be heavy on the people.
If, after I had gone, they had any complaints against
the Sudanese, they must bring them without fear to
the Bimhaslii in command, and to Mr De Winton,
whom I had left for this very purpose. It was all I
GARRISONS IN KITAGWENDA — FORT NTARA. 263
could do for the present, and I write in my diary : "I
feel keenly the hardship I inflict on these people by
passing through their country, but there is no alter-
native. In Africa an army passes through and eats
up a country ; so does a flight of locusts ; and the
fertile soil produces a new crop at once."
We arrived on Dec. 1st at Ntara — where I intended
to locate two of the four remaining companies. From
here I sent on Zachariah to Ntali, with a present of
ten heifers, which I had received as gifts from various
chiefs. This I knew would delight the Mhuma king
more than any gift of cloth. I sent messages of friend-
ship, and told him I was sorry to have to pass through
his country with so large an expedition, but I should
march fast. I alluded to the recent outbreak in Buddu,
in which the chief of Koki had taken part, and told
him to warn Kamswaga that if he again joined either
faction in Uganda, he (Ntali) would attack him in
rear. Ntali in return sent most friendly messages,
and gladly agreed to attack Koki if its chief again
invaded Uganda. There were many Wanyoro in Kita-
gwenda, for it was a dependency of Kabarega's. These
were of course hostile, and some of my own Sudanese
were met by a party of these people, and two of them
were badly speared. Already, on a previous occasion,
a similar thing had happened (at Kivari), but all
four men, though fearfully gashed, recovered under
Macpherson's treatment.
Having completed, as usual, my roll of the Sudanese
left here, and nearly finished the stockade, we marched
on the 4th and selected a site for the last station, in
which to locate the remaining two companies. The
country was extremely fertile, and produced enormous
quantities of potatoes, bananas, grain, beans, and food
of all kinds. I had continual complaints from the
natives, for the Sudanese were inveterate thieves.
264
FORT LOEXE TO FOET GEAXT.
" My Somals who are in charge of our animals," I
write, say that in broad dayhght the Sudanese will
attempt to pass through my own flock, and slip a noose
over the head of an animal and walk ofi* ^'ith it. A
dav or two ao-o one of our cows calved. The Somals
laid down the calf in the grass and attended to the
mother. On coming- to get the calf thev found it had
been stolen ! A malassira (lieutenant) adroitly cut the
throat of a goat on the march, almost under its owner's
nose (Achmet Eflendi. Selim's factotum), and afterwards
acknowledged he had done so. If even oflicers them-
selves behave thus to their own chiefs, and to me, what
can one expect as regards the natives i The only plan
is to get them isolated in garrisons as quickly as pos-
sible, and then to introduce discipline with a strong-
hand. But it is of paramount importance that my
most urgent appeals for more Europeans to help in the
administration should be complied with."
I have given the Sudanese a bad character, but it
must be borne in mind that they were as yet a mere
rabble, undisciplined and ignorant of British law ; that
they looked on these as hostile countries, in which
they could repeat the licence of the Sudan ; and my
experience with them only showed me the more clearly
what fearful outrages had been (partially at least) pre-
vented bv brino'ino' them down under some control,
and breaking them up into garrisons under responsible
oflicers. I continued to receive o'ood accounts from
Fort Wavertree of the settlement of the country.
Some of Kabarega's chiefs were said to have come
in and oflered their allegiance, and settled down
peaceably.
I sent my interpreter to Buiji with a considerable
present for so petty a king, and begged him to fully
report to De Winton any cause of complaint what-
soever. Like all natives, however, when they found
THIEVING OF SUDANESE — FORT GRANT. 265
I was indefatigable in my investigation of eA^ery petty
complaint, they became equally indefatigable in pre-
ferring them ; and when I asked, in despair at their
grumbling and cavilling, whether any white man before
had thus spent hours in redressing their grievances,
they replied that was true, but " they heard we were
different, and had come to bring peace to these coun-
tries and to do justice, and that was why they came
to me.'^ To such an answer I had nothing to reply !
The last of our forts, Kiarutanga, I named Fort Grant.
It was built on the borders of Ankoli. When marching-
thither I suddenly came upon a party of men running
away with a huge basket on poles. Peering into it I
discovered a decrepit old man inside, and was told he
was the king's father !
Through this last march we crossed many river-
swamps. These would form an obstacle to the trans-
port route I had proposed, but could be bridged with-
out difficulty by making culverts of logs across the
swamp. With the exception of this one march, the
route from Ibanda to Kivari offered no obstacles.
Thence a line could be found to Butanuka or Butindi,
on our upward route along the base of Buwenzori.
From the Victoria Lake across Buddu and Ankoli to
Ibanda was an excellent line, free from swamps, and
feasible for transport animals. And thus we had suc-
ceeded in discovering and opening up a continuous road
from the Victoria to the Albert Lake, along which,
with very little preparation, laden animals might pass ;
whereas across Uganda or Unyoro the continual and
deep river-swamps wholly preclude the use of animals,
without an enormous amount of previous work in
bridging and road- making. This route would also
touch the Albert Edward and the Salt Lakes, and
fodder of all kinds for mules or for camels is abundant.
The route proposed would run from the harbour at
266
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT.
Luwambii, across Buddu and northern Ankoli, to
Fort Grant in Kitagwenda, and thence to Kivari, and
so along our upward march at the foot of Ruwenzori
through Butanuka and Butindi to Kiaya and the
Semhki. The discovery of the feasibility of this route
I looked upon as being one of the most imjDortant
results of our journey.
My road- chart had been kept up with scrupulous
care. The country was for the most part difficult
and close, but except in two instances — where I was
able to localise my error pretty exactly (the swamp
beyond the Semliki, and the pathless forest near
Kivari) — I was in no case more than some two miles
out in a series of circuits varving from 125 to 200
miles, an error which on a map of ordinary scale would
be almost imperceptible. My instruments were only
a watch and a prismatic compass, the distances being
judged by my pace according to the time taken in
marching, while I owed the accuracy of my 'compass
bearino's to Dualla's unerrino^ instinct, in correctlv
indicatino' the direction in which we had been march-
ing. This road - chart contains full details of soil,
products, nature of jDasture and forest, &c. The map
attached to this volume shows the route described
in these last chapters. It has been reproduced from
mv oriof-inal charts, bv the kindness of the Intelli-
gence Department of the War Office. The original,
however, is on a scale of four miles to the inch — three
times as large as the attached map — and on this scale
I have mapped (with similar notes on the country) the
whole area, from the coast to Kavalli and the Albert
Lake, the total length being close on 2000 miles of
map - work (not including return journeys over the
same ground). The total length from point to point
in longitude is close on 1000 miles, and therefore
METHODS OF MAPPING.
267
my original map, if 2Dut together, would be some
20 ft. long ! — which would probably more than cover
the area of any wall in the room in which my reader
is sitting I
I write as follows in my diary (Dec. 9th) : "I have
just plotted in to-day's march quite irrespective of how
it would ' come out,' and exactly as it is in my road-
book. I find I am 2^ miles out in a circuit of 202
miles — a success which hugely delighted me ! When
hours and hours of steady work have totalled into
days and weeks — almost into months — and the whole
proof of the accuracy, or futility, of all this work is
proved by how the last bearing and distance ' comes
out' — viz., whether when the circuit is complete the
final point closes correctly on the starting-point — it is
no small pleasure to find it right, and no small dis-
appointment to find a large unaccountable error."
The line of the forts from north to south is merely
a line of defence along the south borders of Unyoro,
and not identical with the transport route, which (as
I have indicated) would run through Torn along the
base of Ruwenzori ; nor has it anything to do with
the line I proposed for checking the import of arms and
powder, except in so far as the last two forts are con-
cerned. The means I had adopted for checking this
import were : 1, the station to be built at Luwambu
in Buddu ; 2, the treaty with Ntali, in Ankoli, where
no stations were feasible ; 3, the forts in Kitagwenda.
In fact, the line of the forts was merely a temporary
one, for my idea was to wheel them round, so to speak,
so that while the most northern one — Wavertree —
remained in its present position near the Albert Lake,
the southern one — Ntara — should rest on the north-
west corner of Uganda, which projects into Unyoro
near Kawanga (vide map). The garrisons would then
268
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT.
be in close touch with Kampala, and only the extreme
south - east corner of Unyoro would be included, in
addition to Torn, which we had already severed from
Kabarega. This plan I could not carry out in the first
instance, for the powerful Mohammedan Waganda oc-
cupied the very site on which my last fort Avould be
located, and I was not in a position to fight them while
hampered by thousands of women and children. I pro-
ceeded to carry it out later, however, as I shall narrate.
We arrived at the site of Fort Grant on Dec. 1st,
and set to work to build the fort w^th all speed.
" Poles were difficult to procure ; but the Swahili is
a wonderful fellow, when pressed, for ' making bricks
without straw.' In spite of the fact that there does
not appear to be a tree in the country, and that there
are a bare dozen axes for 250 men to cut timber with,
every man is sent out to bring in a log, or two men to
one log if it is very heavy. Each man's pole is looked
at ; if not good, it is not accepted, and he is sent
off to cut another. As each passes muster, he is ticked
off in the roll ; and after all this he has to collect his
day's food — yet it is done 1 " (diary). I remember my
brother, when out tio'er - shootino- with me in India,
speaking of the wonderful instinct of the jungle tribe
of Gonds, and saying he believed that if you dropped
a Gond from a balloon in the heart of a forest un-
known to him, and then suddenly " went for " him
with a thick stick, he would take the identical path
that a tiger would adopt, and it would be found to be
the shortest possible way out of the jungle 1 So, in
a sense, it is with the Swahili. Tell him he has to
produce a pole before he can eat his dinner, and, though
you cannot see a tree on the horizon, he will arrive with
a pole before you have decided in your mind which is
the best direction in which to start vour search !
LINE OF FORTS — OF TRANSPORT ETC.
269
Kasagama had sent messages to all the Toru people
who had taken refuge in Ankoli to return to their
country, and an embassy now reached us to ask for
redress, because some of their women and children had
been stolen by the Wahuma of Ankoli. I was pleased
that people from a distance should thus refer to us, for
it showed that they looked to us for justice in any
matter (even against the people of my blood-brother
Ntali), in spite of the fact that we personally had no
participation in the question. Finding that we should
An African Shauri.
pass near the place, I deferred inquiry till I should
arrive there. They looked out for us, and I quote
the extract from my diary, for it is a typical African
shauri: "The man who had lost his wife and child
was present, as also the captor. Both sit down casually
side by side ; the disconsolate father (and bereaved hus-
band) is not above laughing at a joke of his opponent's.
270
FOET LOE^-E TO FOET GEA.XT.
The other, on bemg questioned, rephed that he was
ordered by NtaU to look after people who ran away
(bemg on the border), and to capture them. He was
therefore walkincr about at nio-ht. and saw these Torn
people bolting with thirty guns, two of which, he says,
belonof to Xtali.
" So he made a capture. The wife he had already
sent to Xtali. So the complainant laconically chalked
her off as unrecoverable, I suppose, and said, ' Well,
all rio'ht. — oive me mv child." The other, who was
dressed in some new white cloth, calmly remarked,
while chewino' a straw, that Xtali had oiven liini the
child, and he had already sold her for this cloth.
On this the father expressed some disgust and
chagrin. Meanwhile X tali's ambassador pressed me
for the return of the two o-uns. So I said that if they
returned the women and children and o-oats looted
from Kasagama's people, I would write to him, and
order him to return the two guns, if they were really
Xtali"s. Meanwhile all would at once start for Xtali's,
and tell him my words. I detailed one of my Wahuma
guides as my ambassador. If they settled the shauri,
and the people and goods were duly returned, they
should come on rapidly to Marongo and meet me there,
and I would write the letter to Kasao'ama orderino- the
return of the rifles. All were greatly pleased and satis-
fied at this, and started forthwith, and I never heard
any more of them I
One hates thus to let a question of this nature lapse ;
my note-book was full of such memos for further in-
vestigation and inquiry, but it was impossible in this
case to do more, as I was compelled to push on with
my large following. But in Uganda I used to keep
on worrvino' at such matters, and crave no one any
peace until I was satisfied that all I could do had been
THE MANYUEMA RAID.
271
done. Later — after the war — the number of such
questions was almost infinite !
Most friendly messages reached me from village
chiefs in Ankoli asking when I should pass, that they
might have food for my use in readiness, and from
Ntali the king. I explained to them that they were
welcome to go to the Salt Lake for salt, and that
they would get a liberal supply from us ; but that
as we had to pay the garrison which protected it,
and were even now engaged in maintaining it against
the Manyuema, those who required salt must bring
goods to barter for it. The small people would bring
food, hoes, and flocks, the greater chiefs ivory, for
which we would give them, not only salt, but the
products brought by the lesser people. We did not
wish the Salt Lake to be closed to the surrounding
tribes, but, on the contrary, to be more accessible than
it had ever been before.
News reached me here from Fort Georofe that the
Manyuema, Avhose station I had visited on the west
of Ruwenzori, had recently raided across the Semliki,
and were reported to have killed 100 men and driven
off 200 women as slaves. " Ali had sent to expostu-
late and come to an understanding ; but the Manyuema
(so the messenger said) replied that they wanted
no understanding with us, that the ivory of the
country was theirs and not ours, and now the people
were bringing it to us, and so they had killed them ;
nor could they themselves take salt as they liked as
formerly. They claimed half possession of the Salt
Lake, and to put three representatives there, ^^^ho
should take half of all products of barter I otherwise
on the seventh day they would come and drive us out "
(diary). It eventually transpired that most of this was
native report, and not a direct reply to Ali's messages.
272
FORT LOBNE TO FORT GRANT.
I resolved to send at once a strong force (the Man-
yuema were reported to have 126 guns) ; and as Grant
had been rapidly mending in health of late, and was
reported by the doctor to be fit to go, I sent him in
command with 142 rifles, in addition to some twenty
already there. I gave him what stores, &c., we had
— a milk cow, a donkey to ride (brought up by De
Winton), and implored him to look after his health.
T also provided him with the fullest instructions as
to how he was to act. I was most anxious to avoid,
if possible, any collision with these people, whose
station was beyond British territor}^ in the Congo
State, and who belonged to a very powerful organisa-
tion of slave-raiders on the Aruwimi and Ituri, with
whom it was not my business to deal, even had I
possessed the means and the leisure. Meanwhile I sent
messeno'ers to Kivari, to order the Sudanese ofiicer
in command there, to detach fortv rifles to Fort Georofe,
and I calculated that they would arrive in time to
take Grant's place when he had settled the initial
difiicult}^ I quote the main paragraph in Grant's
instructions : ^ —
"4. If the Manyuema attack iinprovokedly, you will, of
course, do your best to give them a thorough lesson. If you hear
that they are massacring natives and carrying off women (as
is reported) on this side of the Semliki, you will first of all
endeavour to ascertain, for certain, the truth of such reports, and
whether it is also true that, in response to All's peaceable
messages, the Manyuema returned a defiant reply, and said they
w^ere coming to attack us, &c. Should all this be true, you will
do your best to expel them from the country on this side of the
Semliki. If they have already retii^ed to their own fort, you will
(if these things be true), advance towards them and demand
redress for the damage done, and the return of the women, &c..
^ Vide Aj^pendix to Report 3, Blue-book Africa, Xo. 2, of 1893, p. 21 et
seq., where my instructions and Grant's report are published in full, cover-
ing six pages.
geant's orders.
273
captured. You will then be guided in your further action by the
ans^yer given and the circumstances on the spot, always bearing
in mind that, if the Manyuema are willing to restore all captives
and to pay an indemnity, and remain on the far side of the
Semliki, a peaceful settlement is likely to be more effective and
permanent than a war. For, if they are beaten in a fight, doubt-
less the story which will reach Kilonga-longa will in no way
represent the truth ; and if he understands that his people have
been wantonly attacked, it may lead to further war and trouble,
and I need not point out how much to be deplored such a war
with the powerful Arabs of the Congo and Tippoo Tib w^ould be,
while the Company already has on its hands the troubles in
Uganda and a war with Kabarega. . . . Moreover, it is not
certain how far these territories are in the Company's dominions ;
and though I should be glad to protect the natives up to the east
bank of the Semliki, you must bear in mind that the 'protection of
the Salt Lake and our garrison there is the sole reason for ivhich I
have despatched this expedition. If, then, you should find that it
is quite untrue that the Manyuema contemplated attacking us,
and that they have no wish to quarrel with us, you may be able
to settle the matter peaceably with regard to raids made by them
to the west of the Semliki, and in this case I would advise that
the terms be made as lenient as possible, so as not to convert
friends into enemies. The paramount point for them to under-
stand is, that they must not raid to the east of the Semliki, and
that the ivory of this country is the property of the Company.
Eegarding the ivory from the far side of the Semliki, we have no
claim on it whatever, but should not refuse to buy it if brought
in for sale. They are, moreover, quite welcome to get salt from
the lake, provided they bring something in exchange. They
must not come down in large armed parties to get it or to trade.
If more than eight guns come, they will be regarded as a war-
party and fired on. You will inform them of our strength in
Unyoro, and that we have no intention on the country west of
the Semliki and of the 30th parallel of longitude, and if they
confine themselves to the west of these boundaries we shall
remain friends. . . .
" 9. You will do your utmost to prevent looting, &c., from
natives not in arms against us, and to reassure these people of
our friendly intentions."
VOL. II. S
274
FORT LORNE TO FORT GRANT.
Grant carried out his mission most satisfactorily. He
found it was not true that defiant messages had been
sent to us, but that undoubtedly the Manyuema had
raided across the Semliki, and killed and enslaved the
people of our ally Karakwanzi. He therefore marched
at once on their station, and taking them completely by
surprise, summoned their chief to his camp. " He came
armed to the teeth with a double-barrelled gun, an axe,
and a knife," and was told immediately to render up all
slaves whom he had captured from Karakwanzi's vil-
lages. The surly villain produced " a batch." Forced
to disgorge further, he sent for a second *' batch," and so
on till Grant's 23atience was exhausted, and he made
him a prisoner, marched to his station, and searched for
the captives himself In all he liberated sixty- two
women, but did not interfere with slaves other than
those taken from British territory. He then inflicted a
fine of ten tusks of ivory, taking three in present pay-
ment, and remaining content with an i o u for the re-
mainder, together with a formal undertaking that the
Manyuema would not cross the Semliki in future for war
or pillage, and— acknowledging the boundary of the
British sphere— would conform in every way to our
regulations of obtaining food by fair purchase only ; if
they crossed it, to come for salt to Fort George. Any
such party was (according to my instructions) to be
limited to eight armed men. This done. Grant fol-
lowed us to Uganda, arriving a few days after we did.
Ali, I was told, had already developed a considerable
trade at Fort George, and had got in some ivory and
large quantities of j)i'oduce and hoes in exchange for
salt. Grant being absent, and Dualla unwell, and
my ordinary work more than usually heavy, made the
accumulated duties which devolved upon me almost
more than I could get through, and I spent my time,
from dawn till late at night, trying to achieve the feat
FORT GRANT NEARLY FINISHED.
275
of doiii£ two or three things at the same time success-
fully. On the 9th Dec. the Sudanese rolls were com-
pleted, the fort almost finished, the preparations for
our long continuous march to Uganda were all made,
and we were ready to go forward.
A Hungry Hyena.
276
CHAPTER XXXI.
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
Start for Uganda — Plan of camp — " Sedjankura," the giant — Xtali stops
powder — A hungry hyena — Benefits to Ntali — Re-enter Uganda —
Results of Kavalli expedition — Moral effect in Uganda —Arrive at the
Pokino's — Ferag to Luwambu — Mails at last — Orders to evacuate —
Impossible suggestions — My view of situation — Results of evacuation
— Meditate holding Torn — Arrive at Kampala — "The naked brigade"
— Grant arrives — Williams' grand offer — Counter-orders received —
Martin's caravan— Supplies to De Winton — Horses and steel boat —
Martin to coast — AVork at Kampala.
It was now our object to march for Uganda as fast as
possible. We had m all some 1200 people — viz., 600
of the Sudanese (including wives and followers), 350 of
the party going to the coast (Aitham, whom Dualla
quaintly and concisely described as " spare wives and
spare children"), and some 250 of our own expedition,
the remainder being with Grant. The rain still con-
tinued daily, and greatly impeded our progress. The
people, too, were all overloaded with supplies of food
{knowing that there would be little obtainable in
Ankoli), and with salt for barter. I found, therefore,
that the number of hours spent on the march, from the
time that I started from camp in the morning till the
arrival of the rear-guard in our new camp, would be
about equal to the number of miles we had come. We
marched at sunrise, and the last would not be in till
sunset generally, if we accomplished our twelve miles.
MODE OF ARRANGING CAMPS.
277
Either Macpherson or Dualla broug'ht ujd the rear,
while I went on ahead to select camp, and carry on
the various daily duties.
It had lono^ been mv custom to take on with me in
advance a set of sticks, with blue, white, or red bits of
cloth attached to them as flaofs. These marked the
place for each of our tents, while the Company's flag indi-
cated the stack for the loads, so that each porter could,
on arrival, at once deposit his load at the right place,
and go off to look after his own wants. Larger flags
marked the four corners of the camp and the respective
faces occuj^ied by the little tents of the Sudanese and
the " Levy," while variegated flags of sorts were placed
by me in the enclosed space at intervals, round each of
which the porters under that headman whose flag it
was, grouped themselves as they pleased. The result
Avas an orderly camp, a great rapiditv in j^utting uj^
the tents and their belongings, and in stacking the
loads and preventing quarrelling, &c. Ever since I
had lost the man in L^nyoro at the Mohammedan war,
I had requested the doctor to personally take charge
of the sick on the march, and had held him responsi-
ble for them, so that none could hide in the bush and
get lost.
I have said how averse I am to the plan of leaving*
sick in native villages, which is, in my opinion, generally
a mere evidence of bad organisation. All the way
from the coast to Uganda we had left none, excej)t
in the Company's garrisons. Here, however, the case
was difierent. Grant would follow me in a few days
and bring them on ; or they could themselves, when
recovered, find their way to our garrisons close by in
Unyoro or Uganda. Smallpox cases, however, I would
not leave, for I well knew that natives, however friendly,
would at once spear any one left with them suffering
from so infectious a disease. One Sudanese woman.
278
FORT GEAXT TO KAMPALA.
ill of smallpox, whom we had with us, we carried on,
in spite of all transport difficulties, till she died.
The people of Ankoli were now very cordial and
well-disposed, and I was told that even a single man
of mine might pass through the country alone at any
time without fear. The slaves of the Sudanese, finding
that the Wahuma were friendly, deserted constantly,
for which I was not sorry. I wrote, however, to Grant,
telling him to pick up any he could, as also one or two
sick whom I was compelled to leave to await his arrival,
for I had no spare men to carry them. I told him also
to reward the natives who had cared for them.
So much salt had come into the country, owing to our
having thrown 023en the Salt Lake, that we found our
supplies useless for barter; and consequently, as no loads
were used up, I obtained no spare men to replace sick,
or carry those too ill to walk. In fact, by detaching
Grant with so large a party of fighting men, who
would have helped me in this dilemma, I had very
greatly increased the difficulties of our own march. By
continual arrano-ement, however, all Avas satisfactorilv
accomplished, though very many of the men had terrible
ulcers on their feet, and were quite unfit to carry loads.
All knew, however, that a period of rest was before
them, and cheerfully bore the hardships without com-
plaint. I was myself even in a somewhat reduced state,
for the soles of my boots were worn through, and any
spike or thorn penetrated to my bare foot, while my
clothes presented an absurd patchwork. They were
daily wet through, and never had an opportunity from
one day to another of being properly dried.
My two little pigmies were still with us. The girl I
had left in Torn, as she was too delicate to stand the
hard marching, and I had picked her up on our return.
" The boy," I write, " has become the pet and plaything
of the expedition, and has quite lost that scared look
"SEDJANKUEU" — NTALI STOPS POWDER.
279
and sulky defiant manner he had at first. He wears a
little basket-hat on his head, like a baker's paper cap,
and marches aloncr sturdily with his tinv load of salt or
food (his own projDcrty) on his back. Clothed, well-fed,
and housed in my cook-house, the 230or little things are
vastly better off than they were with the Manyuema,
who had them
caofed like wild
beasts." Later,
when we en-
tered Uganda,
" Sedjankuru"
(the giant) was
placed as sentry
over my tent,
to keep back
the inquisitive
crowds. It is
a ludicrous
sight ! He goes
for them with
a big stick, and
turns them out
by charging val-
iantly into their
stomachs. They
can't make him out at all ! for he looks like a small child
instead of a full-grown man. He is most fearless, and
always ready to fight any one who differs from him. I
hear he can run so fast that no man can catch him."
I got news from various sources — ultimately from
Zachariah himself, on his return from Ntali's capital —
that the king had fallen upon a large convoy of arms
and powder, which was on its way to the Mohammedans
and Kabarega. The quantities he seized were variously
reported, but it appeared to be some 70 to 80 guns, and
" Sedjankuru i^the Giam; ux Guard.
280
FORT GRAXT TO KAMPALA.
(Zachariah said) from 140 to 200 kegs of powder, besides
much cloth, &c. I was horrified to hear a report that
he had massacred all the men of the caravan. Some
said this was done solely at the instance of AVaganda
from Mwanga, who were at his village at the time. I
sent repeated messages to him, telling him that though
j)leased to hear that he had stopped all the roads along
which the powder and arms came, and that he had
captured them, I did aot approve of his killing the men,
and that in future he was on no account to harm them,
but only to seize the ammunition and guns.
Ankoli is free from river-swamps, though now, in
consequence of the heavy rain, there was much standing
water, and the streams which we had crossed as trick-
ling brooks, ankle-deep, were barely fordable rivers.
We ofot little or no food till we reached the borders of
Ankoli towards Buddu, for, though the fields presented
a flourishing appearance, the bananas had no fruit and
the potatoes no roots. Probably these pastoral people
were ignorant of agriculture, for I had thought on my
upward journey that in six months' time there would
be abundance of food, yet now there was no more than
there was then. Possibly also, in their hunger, they
had anticipated their crbj)s, and so diminished the
yield. Our peojDle, however, had brought considerable
quantities ; and as this was eaten, and their loads
became lighter, our marches were more easily made.
Even the wild beasts were driven to starvation, now
that all the cattle were dead, and one night a hyena
entered camp and seized a man by the foot. He was
driven off, but returned and similarly seized a second
man, in spite of the numerous camp-fires. Again baffled,
he returned and caught one of my men by the face !
The Swahili bellowed in ao-onv down the h vena's throat,
and it is not to be wondered at that the beast retired
discomfited, though the unfortunate porter was a j^ain-
BENEFITS TO NTALI.
281
ful — if ludicrous — sight next morning. In the end the
hyena, not to be beaten, carried off a sheep belonging to
one of the Sudanese ! These beasts are occasionally
very bold when pressed by hunger ; and I remember in
our camp on the Kedoung river, that one came inside
our zeriba and bit a large hunk out of the stern of our
donkey.
I was now able to manage the Sudanese with a
stronger hand, and all complaints of looting and theft
ceased. Previously, the enormous numbers had, to a
great extent, baffled all attempts at real discipline; but
that was now at an end, and I let them understand
once for all that I would not hesitate to use force to
compel obedience. My Somal envoy returned from
Ntali's capital, bringing messengers with a present of a
tusk of ivory and some goats, and many strong expres-
sions of friendship. [Zachariah had hastened on ahead
to prepare food for us in Uganda.] We had rendered
Ntali great services. Ever since Stanley had passed
through the southern and western part of Ankoli, he
had lived in dread lest the Sudanese left behind should
follow in Stanley's tracks, and pillage and lay waste his
country. We had now relieved him from this fear, and
had also defeated and driven back his enemy Kabarega,
and in return he was doing his best to loyally fulfil
his treaty and prevent the import of arms, &c. — the
more so that it was to his ow^n advantage, since he con-
fiscated the arms himself !
On our way we met two embassies of Wa-Fransa
proceeding to Ntali's, and Zachariah told me there was
a large gathering of Waganda there already. I did not
like these secret embassies, and concluded that they
were sent by Mwanga to endeavour to obtain arms
from Ntali. They told me all was well in Uganda, and
that Martin with a very large caravan had recently
arrived. On the 14th Dec. we reached Maronga, the
282
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
border village of Uganda, having crossed Ankoli in six
days.
It was just under six months since I had passed out
of Uganda on my way to undertake the task we had
now com2Dleted. Briefly, in these six months we had
entered into treaty relations, and brought under the
Company's segis all the country west of Uganda to the
borders of the Congo State, and along Ruwenzori to the
Albert Lake in the north. The routes for the import
of arms and ammunition had been more or less efiec-
tually closed, some geographical knowledge had been
acquired, and the route carefully mapped, though the
credit of the discovery of the Albert Edward Lake and
of Ruwenzori had already gone to those who passed
before us. Seven forts had been built, the Salt Lake
annexed, and a promising trade opened at Fort George.
The Sudanese had been rescued," brought down and
located under their officers, and Mr De Winton, with
the young king Kasagama, appointed to organise and
administer the country, and report any licence on the
part of the Sudanese. A feasible transport route had
been opened up from Lake Victoria to Lake Albert ;
and lastly, I brought with me 100 good fighting men
to replace the porters in Uganda, which was as many
as I judged we required at present, while we had
in the forts a large reserve to draw upon at any
time. In marching distance (besides fort - building,
&c.) we had covered 732 miles. During the whole of
this time, moreover, and indeed since we had marched
out of Kampala on April 7th, nine months ago, the
entire expedition had been fed almost without expendi-
ture. In fact, the salt I was now bringing much more
than covered the cost of the very trifling amount of
cloth and goods used during these nine months. As
we had very little cloth in Uganda, and no means of
getting an adequate supply, the importance of having
EE-ENTER UGANDA.
283
thus provided for the maintenance of the men was
greater than the mere saving effected. This had been
a serious consideration at the time I started, for we had
no means of feeding the whole force at headquarters.
We brought also a very large quantity of ivory with
us. The amount of ammunition we had expended was
almost nil.
Dec. 13th was also the anniversary of the day I
had crossed the Nile and entered Uganda. Just half
this year had been devoted to the preliminary set-
tlement of Uganda, the war with the Mohammedans,
and the tour in Buddu. The other half, as I have
just described, had been spent beyond the borders of
Uganda proper, in the countries formerly tributary
to it. The record of the next six months will close
the story I present to my readers, and the account of
my work in Uganda.
Daily I went ahead with a selected party of head-
men, and started them ofP to purchase food with salt
and cloth, and in the evening despatched parties to
carry in from the villages what they had bought. This
I would divide among " Selim's Sudanese " and their
followers ; my own men bought for themselves with salt.
The Wa-Ingleza brought us considerable quantities of
food, but the Wa-Fransa provided none ; and though
they were civil, and I treated them with the same cordi-
ality as the others, they seemed to regard us, I thought,
with suspicion and distrust — as one or two minor occur-
rences proved.
Our expedition, I think, was not without its moral
effect in Uganda. We had been reported as dispersed,
and myself as killed, but they found us here back again
safely, with our routine unaltered and our casualties
nil. We had reached the (to them) mythical land of
the " Turks," and had brought them down in their
thousands to prove our story true. We had, with our
284
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
comparatively small force, crossed hostile Unyoro, and
defeated Kabarega and crmnpled up his "armies." It
had been said that we had refrained from war in
Uganda, in sj^ite of outrages on our men, and that
this could only be because we feared to fight ; but
now it was proved that this could not be the reason.
These were the whispered comments that reached me.
On 19th Dec. we arrived at Masaka, the headquarters
of the Pokino, near which were the English and French
missions. The Pokino was of the " English " party, and
Williams has described him as a " rabid and fanatical
Protestant." He was one of those who had declared
their religion at the time of the persecution, in the early
part of Mwanga's reign, and faced the 23robability of
martyrdom.^ Being one of the mainstays of the Pro-
testants (properly so called), and withal a somewhat
impulsive man, of great personal courage, it was not
surprising that he was one of the most hot-headed and
even bigoted men of his party. He was, moreover,
perhaps the oldest of the chiefs, being a man of middle
age. Such was the Pokino chief of Buddu, who played
an important part in subsequent events in Uganda.
Mr Walker was the sole remaining missionary of the
Church Missionary Society who had any long experi-
ence of Uganda. Mr Gordon, his colleague, whom
I found in the country on my arrival, had left for
England. Mr Ashe, who had previously been in
Uganda, and was now expected back, had not yet
arrived. The others had all come shortly after myself.
Mr Walker expressed great pleasure at my return, and
we had many long conversations regarding the events
which had happened in Uganda during my absence.
I was once more struck with his charitable way of
alluding to those who differed from himself ; for he
^ Vide Ashe, ' Two Kings of Uganda,' where he is continually alluded
to under the name of Sebwatu.
SEND A GARRISON TO LUWAMBU.
285
always seemed to have some palliation to offer for what
he disproved, or to accept a share of the blame for any
misunderstanding himself I cannot say that this
was a trait common to all the missionaries of either
sect, for they appeared as a rule to distrust and con-
demn each other's motives and actions. The Pokino
had built a very good house for Mr Walker, and the
mission seemed to be in a most flourishing and pro-
gressive state, affording more work than one man could
get through. I much regretted I was unable to call
on the French Mission at Santa Maria, as it did not lie
close to my camp, and I was engaged with my usual
routine work, and in conversation with Mr Walker.
Moreover, my clothes had now become so disreputable
from constant patching, that I could hardly muster
a sufficiently respectable outfit in which to pay a visit
to the Fathers.
The Pokino received us with the warmest welcome,
and the villagers of the " English" faction from far and
near flocked in with food, for which they asked no pay-
ment, until we had more than we could consume ; and
thus it continued on our forward march till we crossed
the Katonga and left Buddu. We were now again in
the region of river- swamps, and these intersected the
country in all directions around Masaka. The Kyojia,
the Nabajuzi, and the Nakaiba were all treacherous
quagmires of tinka - tinka (quagmire), varying from
a quarter to three - quarters of a mile in breadth.
Swamp succeeded swamp at little interval between ;
indeed the marches in Buddu consisted in toiling up a
line of low hills, descending their slo23es again into the
valley beyond, and crossing the river-swamp which
formed its lowest point, only to repeat the process
again and again till our march was done.
I determined to detach a garrison here for the place
I had fixed upon as the location of a station — viz.,
286
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
the harbour between the island of Luwambu and the
mamland. I placed Ferag Effendi, the Sudanese officer
who commanded the " Levy," in control of the jjarty.
He was by far the most trustworthy and reliable man
I had for the purpose, both energetic and zealous, and
eager to render his men efficient, and to carry out to
the letter all my orders. With him I sent the party
of twenty-five Sudanese artisans whom I had brought
from Kavalli, with all their following, being a total
of some 150 souls. Martin had, I heard, brought up
a steel boat, and I hoped that now I should be able
to make a commercial centre at Luwambu, and carry
out the projects I have already described in connec-
tion with it. These artisans, I hoped, would form
a most useful body of men for this purpose (boat-
building, &c.), and being, moreover, good fighting
men, I thought that the establishment of this station
would have a quieting effect on this part of Uganda.
Lastly, by detaching them with all their followers, I
should lessen the number of people whom I should have
to feed at headquarters. Ferag took also one section
of his " Zanzibar! Levy," making a total of forty rifles.
I supplied him with ammunition, and goods to purchase
food, and directed him to prepare poles, &c., for the
buildino: of a station, the actual site of which either
Williams or myself would shortly come and select.
On Christmas Day, as we neared Kampala, messen-
gers reached me from Williams, bringing my mails from
the coast. The mass of letters, official and private, took
me two days to read ! Many of my friends in Nyasa-
land had Avritten telling me of events in that countrj^,
and I received full news at last of the " Manipur
disaster," and learned that my brother had had an
almost miraculous escape with several bullets through
his clothes, and one through his leg ! and had pro-
tested against retreat. With the exception of a letter
MAILS — ORDERS TO EVACUATE.
287
which had reached me (I don't know how) when we
were at the Mohammedan war, my last mails from
Eno'land had been dated Dec. 4th, 1890 — exactly a
year before ! There was much, of course, of intensely
interesting news in the year's budget of letters, but
everything, in private or official letters, seemed trivial
in comparison of the astounding communication which
one letter contained. It was from the Directors, and
conveyed orders for me to immediately evacuate
Uganda, for the Company intended to withdraw to
the coast.
I was dkected to renew the treaty for a term of
years or in perpetuity, and was authorised to subsidise
Mw^anga, if necessary, for this purpose. This, however,
I knew to be futile, for the king was not the powerful
potentate he had been represented, and could not guar-
antee the safety of the Resident, whom, it was suggested,
I should leave in the country. Moreover, the Directors
were doubtless unaware of the chaos and anarchy which
would follow the withdrawal of our protection, and
hence a renewal of the treaty which pledged that pro-
tection was not feasible. It was the intention of the
Directors to reoccupy Uganda later, but being unaware
of the real situation, they were presumably ignorant
at the time these orders were written how utterly im-
possible such a reoccupation would be, when anarchy
had succeeded our administration, and the elements
of assistance which we had found would no lono-er be
o
available. To leave a Resident in the country under
such circumstances was not practicable, nor yet was
it possible to form a "Council of Delegates" of the
missionaries, who were much prejudiced against each
other. To maintain myself and my force in Uganda
without drawing on the Company was equally out of
the question. These were the suggestions that the
letter contained.
288
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
" This is a thunderbolt indeed ! " I write. "It is
the second time now that a long spell of very hard
work in Africa has been ended by a reverse so com-
plete, that all one's labour has seemed to be merely
wasted — and worse. This collapse will be terrible in
its results. Suppose I merely just withdrew as
ordered. Result No. 1. The "English" party would
leave Uganda for certain. The missionaries must
follow, and there is a com]3lete annihilation of the
Protestant Uganda mission. Result No. 2. The Mo-
hammedans, far more bitter against the R. Catholics
than against the Protestants and ourselves (and
lately they showed themselves strong enough to meet
us all three combined in fight), swoop down and
annihilate the R. Catholics. The end of the latter
I cannot predict, probably they retire on Sesse and
the islands. Result No. S. My assurance to Kasa-
gama and the Torn people that the British would
never retire, and had taken these countries for good,
is controverted while the words have hardly left my
lips. The wretched people w^ho have come over to
us in daily increasing numbers, feared at first to do
so, because in old days the Egyptian garrisons in
northern Unyoro, which were understood to be per-
manent, were abandoned in a few years, and the
people who had thrown in their lot with them were
all massacred by Kabarega. Trusting my assurances
that ive had come to stay, they came, saying, at the
same time, that if we did retire it meant complete
massacre for them. Yet not the ' few years,' but only
a few months (barely even tliat^ have elapsed, and
our promises are broken and our words reversed — result,
a general massacre. Result No. 4. A blow to British
prestige in Africa which can never be recovered, and
will be felt down on Nyasa, and give the Slavers fresh
courage. It is folly to talk about a temporary retire-
RESULTS OF EVACUATION.
289
ment, and ' resuming the good work I have done here.'
Resumption would be infinitely harder than the original
task. Kabarega, Manyuema slavers, Waganda — all
will misdoubt our power and utterly mistrust our word.
Well, if it is to be done, there is indeed a cruel wrong
to be done ! Hundreds — nay, thousands — of lives
may be sacrificed, and the blood must lie at some
one's door. I have my orders, —
' Not mine to reason why,
Not mine to make reply, —
Some one has blundered.'
I would willingly accept the responsibility of not
obeying orders, and of making a representation first,
but I am told that everything — position of mis-
sionaries — everythmg has already been considered,
and the decision is fixed ; the Company cannot keep
up the expense of Uganda." Then follows a consid-
eration of what my duty (apart from any personal con-
siderations) was in this matter. I continue : "I am
authorised to leave a Resident in Uganda, if I can
find a volunteer. A volunteer for what ? To stay
in Uganda without position, authority, guard for per-
sonal safety — with no power to face anarchy, &c.
Would you find a volunteer to go and hang himself?
— it is pure madness. The task is hard enough even
now, as long as these armed factions are evenly balanced
and for ever at each other's throats ; but with no force
at all !
" My plan is this. If, as I think is almost certain,
the ' English ' party at once decide to leave the country
when we go, I think of suggesting that they go to
southern Unyoro. Here I may be able to retain the
Sudanese garrisons, pending a reply from the coast,
and get them to serve for nothing (as Selim offered)
for a year." Thus my idea was, to found a small
VOL. II. T
290
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
British kingdom in Toru, and so control the garrisons
of Sudanese I had brought down, and utihse them
for its protection, and fulfil the pledges given to the
Toru people. I continue : " The crux would be, how
to keep up communication Avith the coast. If we can
include Ankoli and Buddu in this little state, and the
Mohammedans and Wa-Fransa will let us do so in
peace, the question would be more or less solved. By
our own boats, by the German steamer when on the
lake, and by other means, we could keep touch with
Kavirondo by going across the lake. The large quanti-
ties of ivory and the salt from Fort George would pay
for absolute necessaries and ammunition and the small
force I should still retain."
We marched on to Kampala through the endless
river - swamps and the continuous rain. Last year
these lesser rains had ceased at this time (middle of
December), but this year there was no cessation at
all. The cold and wet paralysed the Sudanese women
and children on the march, and they would crouch in
their huts or hide in the grass, and give us much
trouble. We arrived at Kampala on Dec. 31st ;
and as we neared the cajoital, we were escorted by
great masses of Waganda singing and shouting, and
playing on musical instruments, and dancing. Of
course this jubilation is confined to the Ingleza
party," I write. " Many of the Wa-Fransa, however,
are friendly, and come to salaam, and bring food,
and to thank me for fio-htino- Kabareo-a. A few have
refused me food, in spite of the order sent by the Kim-
bugwe (head of their faction). In such cases I send
a party of askari to cut the food for ourselves." I
was amused to get letters from Williams saying that
the sense of propriety of the Waganda (who, though
most completely dressed, are a most immoral people)
was shocked by my "naked brigade." And so when
ARRIVE AT KAMPALA AGAIX.
291
Speke entered Uganda, the King of Karagwe informed
him that his donkey would be objected to as indecent
unless he made a jDair of trousers for it ! ^ In
deference to their modesty, I issued my Sudanese
ladies a little cloth, which of course they promptly
sold for any luxuries it would command in the way
of fowls or 2^omhe, and marched on contentedly with
their fringe of tassels or their bunches of leaves or
flowers, et ijrceterea nihil ! We were escorted into
Mengo by crowds of people, with drums and flags, who
had come to meet us and see " Kapelli " again ! Grant
arrived safely a few days later with his expedition
from the Salt Lake, the results of which I have
already described (p. 274).
Kampala was much as I had left it, except that
the big house for Europeans was completed, and a
small new store, with a larger one in process of build-
ing with sun-dried bricks and mud roof. Williams
and Bagge were well, and a new assistant, Mr Wilson,
had arrived with Martin, and was in charge of the
stores. I found that no one had any kno^^'ledge of
the orders for evacuation. Rumours had been afloat,
gathered probably from the newspapers received by
the missionaries, that the Company would be com-
pelled to retrench, but nothing definite was known ;
and Williams, hearing of these reports, had gone
to the king and assured him that such a thing was
quite impossible and untrue.
I told Williams the orders I had received, and
we neither of us breathed a word about them to
any other person. Like myself, he heard the news
with utter consternation, and exclaimed that it simj)ly
could not he done! He said he would be ashamed
to hold up his head in any society of gentlemen if he
were involved in so gross a breach of faith, after his
^ Speke's Journals, p. 268.
292
FORT GRAXT TO KAMPALA.
declaration to the king, and asked me what I in-
tended to do. I rephed that if I detained the men
here, the Company would of com^se decline to pay
their wages, for they had peremptorily ordered their
withdrawal. In that case I should mvself become
responsible for their payment ; and as I had no
money of my own to command, I should be guilty of
a gross fraud and breach of faith to them if I de-
tained them. I was thus on the horns of a dilemma,
for I must either break faith with the Wao^anda or
deceive my own men, and detain them under false
pretences. For though in such a case I confidently
hoped that generous folk at home would come to our
assistance. I did not think it rio-ht to forestall such
o
hopes as though they were certainties. I told Wil-
liams of my plan of holding Torn at any rate. He
now told me, in confidence, that he had some money
of his own which he could command, and he would
give that, and every penny he had in the world,
sooner than consent to break faith by leaving the
country after our pledges of protection.
This opened an entirely new possibility. Hitherto I
had looked on the retention of the o-arrison as whoUv
impossible and dishonourable, unless with their full
knowledge of the circumstances, which it would be
impossible to explain to natives ; but this sum of
money would suffice to pay them for a period, during
which the case might be rejoresented at home. I
therefore decided to accept Williams' grand offer,
feeling confident in my mind that public opinion at
home would be strono-lv ao-ainst the abandonment of
the country, if only the full truth of the story were
made known.
It was therefore necessary that one of us should
o'o to Enoland. I had mvself verv uro-ent reasons
"real grit."
293
for returning,^ and perhaps also could better represent
the case, since I had the advantage of having per-
sonally seen the situation as regards Ankoli, Torn,
and the new Sudanese. I felt, however, that, no
matter whether I physically and mentally needed a
rest or not, my post was here in Uganda, and the re-
sponsibility of remaining must rest on my shoulders,
and on no other. It was therefore practically, but not
definitely, decided between us that I should stay and
run the coach single-handed while Williams went to
England to " make a buzz," as he expressed it. We
had many plans for securing the retention in some
form, and several influential men to whom we thought
we could appeal, and who might be willing to take
the place of the Company if necessary. Any course
seemed better — even that the Germans should take
over Uganda, if they would — than to allow the coun-
try to lapse into barbarism. We, as a nation, could
not surely dare to claim exclusive rights to the country,
if we were unable or unwilling to hold it, and even
to fulfil the pledges already made. Better, then, to
hand it over in its present state of peace, with the
rudiments of administration already formed, than to
abandon it to chaos, anarchy, and war, — only to see
it eventually taken over by some other Power, when
already the land flowed with blood, and its prosperity
and half its inhabitants M^ere gone.
Such was the upshot of our conference, and that is
the kind of man which my colleague. Captain Williams,
R.A., was ! It was a nohle and unselfish act, and I
cannot keep silence, even though I transgress, by tell-
1 I had sailed from England without any idea of remaining in Africa
more than two months, and had consequently left several important private
affairs unarranged. Later, when I left the coast for Uganda, it was under-
stood that I should not be absent for more than six months-
294
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
iiig of this matter. He was ready to give all he had
in the world — even more — his army commission also ;
for Williams was above all things a soldier, and full
of zeal and ambition for his profession. This he must
probably lose, and spend years perhaps in this life of
strain and tension. It was worth the anxiety and
responsibility of that time to jDrove a man of such
mettle as this !
On Jan. 7th, 1892, ere yet our plans were mature, a
party of thirty men arrived from the coast with urgent
letters. I opened them apathetically, careless what
new directions about details they might contain, for
we were committed to a course of our own. To my
surprise I found they contained a reversal of the orders
for evacuation ! I learnt that some influential people
had privately subscribed a large sum of money, and
that the Company had undertaken to continue the
administration for another year. I handed the tele-
gram to Williams, and we shook hands over it, like a .
cou^Dle of schoolboys. It ivas a great relief
My first object now was to send oft' Martin and his
large caravan as soon as possible, for every day's delay
meant the day's wages to each man, and already they had
been here some three weeks. This was partly due to the
delay in awaiting my arrival, but under no circumstances
could they have started at once on their return journey,
for they were a most miserable-looking set of men, and
were very much prostrated by their march from the
coast, and a period of rest was essential.
Martin was to take with him the party of Sudanese
aitham, except a few^ (about 40) among whom smallpox
had broken out. These had only arrived with me (Dec.
31st), and greatly needed a few days' rest after their
lonof march. This oTanted, he started on Jan. 8th. Dr
Macpherson's period of service with the Company had
expired, and he elected to return with Martin. He
EVACUATION COUNTER- OHDERED.
295
therefore remained behind with a party of men, who
were also to proceed to the coast in order to take down
the mails and overtake Martin in Usoc^a. The latter
had orders to await his arrival before finally marching
from Kavirondo.
The caravan which had just arrived had brought a
large consignment of ammunition, and also European
provisions, medicines, and other necessaries. Indeed
the forethought and personal superintendence of the
new administrator, Mr Berkeley, was most patent in
every detail. Our first care was to send ofi* to De
Winton in Torn a. supply of provisions, medicines, and
medical comforts, which reached him safely some little
time before his illness. Martin had also successfully
brought up two horses and a pony, though one of the
former died soon after in Uganda. This goes far to
prove that the tsetse-fly on the route is not extremely
dangerous. A steel boat had also been brought up,
and Bagge had started off in her, with a number of
canoes besides, to fetch up cloth from the south of
the lake, from the loads brought and deposited there
by Stokes for the Company.
The numbers in Kampala were now very large. We
were five Europeans — viz., Williams, Grant, Dr Mac-
pherson, Wilson, and myself— and about 670 natives,
of whom nearly half were Sudanese Somals and Zanzi-
bar! Levy, the rest porters. There were also some 400
or more women and children of the Sudanese, and a
host of hanofers-on of the Swahilis ! These were all
located outside the fort in separate " villages " of their
own, on the slopes of Kampala, and formed a prodigious
assemblage. Some, as I have said, were to have gone
with the doctor to overtake Martin, but were delayed
by the unexpected events which I am now about to
describe.
[ was, of course, besieged on my return by innu-
296
FORT GRANT TO KAMPALA.
merable callers. Every chief and petty chief came
to see me, and every one desired a little conversation !
Later followed endless embassies to represent griev-
ances and complaints, and to discuss the differences
between the factions. It was, however, imperative
that I should complete the mails without delay, and
I therefore put oif my visitors as much as possible,
and referred the minor sltauris to Williams, saying
that I was compelled to write these letters to overtake
Martin, and that done, I should be ready to enter into
their questions as exhaustively as they pleased. There
were, however, several important matters, as I shall
narrate, which received my fullest attention. So I
wrote from early dawn till late at night, replying to
letters official and private, writing my third report,
preparing returns of men and gear, and a thousand
other matters. By the 21st (Jan. 1892), in spite of
necessarv work and of other interruptions, the mails
were all completed, and on that day they were to
have started ; but meantime other events had hap-
pened, which I will narrate in the following chapters.
297
CHAPTER XXXIL
UOANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS — SITUATION AT
END OF 1891, AND UP TO EVE OF THE WAP.
Garrison left with Williams — Troubles in Uganda — Gabunga's case —
Mwanga's rival flag — Fighting in Buddu — Changing factions — Mgr.
pushes French interests — Fighting in the islands — Disturbance in
Chagwe — Martin's opportune arrival — Reasons of these troubles —
Williaros' pluck — Supposed attempts on king's life — -King's overtures
to Protestants — Williams' estimate of situation — Orders to retrench
— Necessity for arriving at understanding — Williams' shauris with.
Mwanga — King hangs back — War-drums sound — Expeditions against
Mohammedans — The Futahangi — Wa-Fransa concentrate on Mengo
— Impartiality of Williams proved — I confide in Sekibobo — Work
increases.
It will be remembered that after our engagement
with the Mohammedans early in May 1891, Captain
Williams had returned to Kampala with orders to
" carry on at Mengo without reference to me, but
in accordance with my wishes, of which you are well
informed." I had myself, with the bulk of the ex-
pedition, proceeded to Buddu, where I remained a
month, and finding during this time that everything
remained quiet at headquarters, and that Williams had
every confidence that he could control any situation
which might arise, I left Uganda to carry out the
plans which I have narrated in the foregoing chapters.
Before leaving, I detached another 100 men (mostly
sick) to reinforce Williams, making a total of some
298
UCxAXDA UXDER CAPTAIX WILLIAMS.
220, Avhich I thought would be a sufficient force. Mr
De Winton and Mr Bagge (at that time absent on
a mission to the south of the lake) remained with
Williams. Moreover, within some two months' time of
my own departure we anticipated Martin's return from
the coast with a large caravan — for it will be borne in
mind that he had left on April 8th, with instructions to
go as fast as he possibly could, to get the ammunition,
so urgently needed. Williams therefore, I expected,
would on Martin's return have a verv strono- force
indeed.
At the date of my own de2Darture from Buddu
(June 16th) he had written, saying that he was con-
fident he could keep the country pretty quiet. In
Yiew, therefore, of the great importance of the objects
I had before me, I felt that I should be justified in
leaving Uganda to Williams for this period, since all
promised well. The results of my own journey I have
already described, Avith the exception of not the least
important one — viz., the checkmate of the Moham-
medan party (as I shall more fully explain presently)
by the establishment in their rear of the Sudanese
soldiery. This move jDractically solved the chronic
difficulty with them, for with this threat in their
rear thev durst no lono-er send their whole fio-htino^
force awav to Ugfanda, and leave their women and
property unprotected.
Now, on my return, I found that there had been
various troubles in the country, some of which had
assumed a very serious aspect, and had led to breaches
of the peace. The first had arisen from the king
having unjustly dispossessed the Gabunga (E.) of some
estates. Williams had dealt with the case, and being
supported in his decision (which was adverse to the
king) by the chiefs of both parties, had succeeded
in doing justice, and restoring the estates seized by
VARIOUS DIFFICULTIES IN UGANDA.
299
Mwanga. I have already alluded to this matter, since
it occurred just prior to my own departure. The
kinof ao'ain
Mwanga's Flag.
brouo4it it
up imme-
diately be-
fore the
outbr e ak
of the war.
ance of his
own. I may
note that
D r F e 1-
kin, whose
careful analysis of
Uganda customs
entitles him to
rank as an author-
ity (though in some
matters I dispute
his accuracy), states
that even in the
despotic days of
Mtesa, " the king
can requisition al-
most anything, ex-
ceptlandJ'^ Mwan-
ga's arbitrary seiz-
ure of estates was
therefore quite un-
constitutional,
while the diminu-
1 Notes on Waganda, p.
43 (reprinted from Edin.
R. S. Proc).
300
UGANDA rXDER CAPTAIX WILLIAMS.
tion in the royal prerogative since the death of Mtesa,
and his own expulsion, made it doubly unjustifiable.
Williams in his official report to me wrote as
follows : ^ —
" The next trouble occurred in July. I had been obliged to
weaken my very small garrison to send Mr De Winton down to
AYakoli's. The Usoga chiefs were fighting down there. Maho-
med BaU; our headman, was reported to be wounded — several of
his men had run away here, and reported that he had flogged a
porter to death. I had been informed that the king was going
to hoist the French flag some days before. I saw the French
bishop and the king on the subject, and told the king I would
send to England and get a silk flag made, &c., of whatever pattern
he liked. However, on the night of the loth July all the war-
drums beat, and it appeared that the king had hoisted late in the
evening what he said was the old flag of Mtesa. Once done, and
as I was unable to pull it down, I treated it as a matter of no
importance whatever. However, each party thought tlie other
was going to attack, and the situation was very strained for a few
days, during which I did my best by patrolling Mengo with two
or three men to keep matters quiet, and succeeded finally in sup-
pressing the trouble.
"Just as it was settling down, Wady Hamis and 100 guns
arrived from you, and the extra force was most welcome, for soon
came news of fiohtingj in Buddu, in which the Kinsj of Koki had
been enoagred. I arranoed to send a chief of either side to Buddu
to try and settle matters, and got the chiefs together. For some
time things went very well indeed. After a great deal of discus-
sion and trouble, I arranged for the division of Sesse and the
other islands, and the shamhas abutting on the lake, which have
the command of the canoes, in a manner perfectly satisfactory to
the Protestant party, to whom you had given a promise on the
subject. Things now went remarkably well for some time. Many
questions were settled ; some with my assistance, lots without —
for I have done my best here always to get them to settle sliamha
or land questions, which in this country are more than usually
complicated, by themselves."
1 Bhie-book Africa No. 2, 1893, p. 26.
THE QUESTION OF CHANGE OF FACTION.
301
In his letter to the admmistrator (Oct. 4th, 1891)^
he speaks of these matters very briefly : " I stopped the
trouble in July by my personal exertions, and it was
very near ; indeed a few shamhas in Mengo were de-
stroyed, chiefs of either side were beaten, but there
was no actual outbreak. In Buddu there was a fight,
in which the chief of Koki joined. And Buddu is the
trouble now, principally, I believe, owing to the chiefs
being a most cantankerous and rabid Protestant." In
his letters to me, Williams had been a little more ex-
plicit. He said the trouble had arisen, in the first
instance, through the question as to whether men who
chano-ed their faction should lose their estates. There
had been a case in point which had led to the reopen-
ing of the question. Williams, unaware of the dis-
cussions on this subject which I have described in
chapter xxv., and regarding it as a question of religious
liberty, determined to enforce a law that any one
"changing his religion" should not lose his estates.
This in reality meant that any man belonging to the
Wa-Ingleza should be free to join the opposite party,
and still retain the estates allotted by mutual agree-
ment to the " English." In this resolution he was
confirmed by finding the original entry made by me in
the statute-book, which, as I have described, was made
under a misapprehension, and when I took it to the
haraza to be signed, was disputed and nei^er ratified.
I have already explained the issues as clearly as I
can. The king being of the Fransa party (though not
a B. Catholic convert), all the Wa-Ingleza who were
not real converts to the Protestant religion, would
with the pagans go over to the king's faction, and
since they would now have the right to retain their
estates, the political division of the country would be
at once abolished. The Wa-Ingleza looked on this
1 Blue-book Africa No. 4, 1892. ^ Pokino (E.) Sebwatu.
302 UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
with dismay, and saw absolute annihilation before
them.
The French bishop, who urged this course upon
Williams, regarded it in the same light, as is amply
evidenced by his letter to him, written at this time
(July 14th).^ He says : " Your experience in affairs
must show you clearly, that to maintain two or three
parties is to maintain divisions and quarrels, and
to lead sooner or later to war. This is historical
truth." He goes on to say that, in order to maintain
a balance of power between rival parties, the Company
will have to be in great strength in Uganda ; that
Protestantism, " by the history of all missions estab-
lished during this century," has never triumphed over
Koman Catholicism except by violence. He adds that
he considers the moment has now come " to put an
immediate end to the political disorders. We need
not be frightened by the threats of war of the Pro-
testant party. ... It is better to establish at once
the British power on a solid foundation, and at a small
cost." All this can only bear one inter23retation — viz.,
that Monseigneur wished to prevail upon Williams to
identify himself with the Wa-Fransa, throwing justice
to the 02Dposite faction (who had, moreover, loyally stood
by us in our difficulties) to the winds. Mgr. clearly
perceived (it appears to me) that this course meant the
extinction of the rival faction, but supports it on the
grounds that it is "an historical truth" that a gov-
ernment which maintains two parties must be landed
in war.
The day after the above letter was written, a
grand coup was prepared by Mwanga and his faction,
and in the night he ran up a flag. Now I have
already exj^lained the great significance of a flag in
1 This letter is printed m extenso in the Notes on Uganda (E. C. L'nion),
p. 143. Vide Appendix No. 11.
MGR.'S ADVICE TO WILLIAMS.
303
Uganda, and there is no doubt at all in my mind that
this hoisting of a flag was intended as a defiance,
accompanied as it was by the " beating of all the war-
drums." It had been in prej^aration for a very long
time in secret, for the flag-staff had been brought from
far, and had taken a very great deal of construction
and hoisting, &c., and the flag itself, which was some
12 ft. square, had involved a great deal of work in the
making. I was told that in point of fact it was
Mtesa's ivar flag (two spears and shield in white on
a scarlet ground) , only hoisted as a declaration of war ;
but however this may be, it was not on this occasion
intended as a mere pageant. At the same moment
there was a prearranged rising in Buddu ; Kamswaga
of Koki invaded the country in the interest of the
Fransa faction, and attacked their rivals. He must
have had his orders lonof before from Mwang-a, for
his country is at a considerable distance from the
capital ; nor would a petty kinglet of his standing
have dared to invade Uganda without definite orders.
His envoys afterwards told me they had received these
orders.
Thus it would appear that this outbreak in July
1891 was deliberately fomented by the Fransa party.
The questions at the moment agitating the country
were, as I have said, the liberty of changing from the
Wa-Ingleza to the Wa-Fransa — without loss of the
estate belonging to the faction of the former — and
the hoisting of the flag by the king. In the former
of these two questions Williams took the view of
Mgr., and was vehemently censured by the English
missionaries, who forwarded him a very strongly
worded resolution, condemning his action, and wrote
letters to England saying that it was apparently the
policy of the Company's oflicers " to rule Uganda
through the priests," with many other similar expres-
304 UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
sions, indicative of their view that Captain Williams
was entirely under the influence of Mgr. Hirth, and
that his policy was solely calculated to promote the
interests of the Wa-Fransa, and to crush the Pro-
testants, to whom he accorded no justice. Mgr., on
his part, had engaged, that if this freedom to change
factions was proclaimed, the Fransa party would fly
the British flag — on the assumption, namely, that the
Wa-Ingleza would be annihilated, since they declined
to fly it so long as it was " the emblem of the Pro-
testants ; " and the time had now come to put an
end to the dual control of the parties (Mgr's. letter).
This promise was never carried into eflect — probably
because, owing to Williams' pluck and influence, and
the victory of the Protestants in Buddu, the plot
failed, and the Wa-Ingleza were not crushed, and
hence the Wa- Fransa would not fly the British flao\
The Wa -Fransa had succeeded in carrvino- their
point in this question ; and in the other matter —
the hoisting of the flag — they had also succeeded.
Thev had therefore no ostensible cause for fio-htino-
but the prearranged preparations for a row could not
be counter-ordered. I believe that the Wa- Fransa had
made up their minds with Mgr., that "the moment
had come " to abolish the rival political faction. That
partv, however, fought with unexpected bravery, and
though greatly outnumbered, they defeated their rivals,
and were in every instance victorious, driving back
Kamswao^a of Koki. In brieflv summarisino- in mv
report, I said that " in consequence of the ' English '
party being victorious, the trouble was quashed," and
this I maintain to be the literal fact. This fighting
in Buddu is very briefly alluded to by ' E.. Catholic
Union,' who attribute it solely to Protestant aggres-
sion. An account by one of the English missionaries,
on the other hand, is as follows : —
FIGHTING IX BUDDU AXD SESSE.
305
" Suddenly, without much warning, several E. Catholics attacked
some Protestant gardens and burnt down the house ; there was
no fighting, it was purely robbery of the E. Catholics against
the Protestants. Great damage was done, and the king paid
compensation for this in ivory to the Protestants, which is the
first time he has ever given compensation. Xews spread to
Buddu that the E. Catholics had expelled the Protestants ; so
at once in Buddu, where all is quiet, the E. Catholics attacked
the Protestants, and plundered and burnt gardens. The Pokino
called too'ether his men, and oroanised a force of Protestants,
and fiohtino; ensued, with the result that three Protestants were
killed and twelve E. Catholics. This is the first disturbance that
has occurred in Buddu as between the two parties."
It was, of course, subsequent to these occurrences
in July, that Williams wrote his letters to me of
Sept. 10th and Oct. 17th, 1891, which I received in
Torn, and in which he said that all w^as going well,
for matters had quieted down. Captain Williams'
report continues : —
" The next trouble was in the Sesse islands, as a consequence of
troubles about shanihas. The Catholics of Sesse, I believe at the
instigation of the king's sister, Eubuga, made an attack on the
Protestant island of Kaganda and wrecked it ; but they were
defeated, and many of them killed, by an inferior force of Pro-
testants. I had the greatest difficulty in preventing a general
conflagration, as both parties were secretly preparing reinforce-
ments. I, however, stopped these, and the matter is now, I
believe, settled ; and in this case the Catholics got a severe
lesson. The two parties now began to build each a church on
opposite hills. The question of who should work for either side
caused the greatest friction, and frequent evictions were the
result."
This appears to have been a second attempt to bring-
on a crisis ; nor was it, so far as I am aware, in con-
sequence of the " division of Sesse," which had been
successfully accomplished some little time previously.^
The elements of disorder were not, however, to be
1 Notes on Uganda, E. Catholic Union, p. 38.
VOL. II. U
306
UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
quelled ; and again they burst forth, this time in
eastern Uganda (Chagwe), near the Nile. Full ac-
counts of this matter have been given by the English
missionaries (which are not, however, quoted by the
' R. Catholic Union '), and I will not repeat a long
storv here. Williams' account is extremelv terse and
concise, and does not detail the circumstances under
which he was at length compelled to put his foot
down, and to tell the king and Fransa party that if
they attacked Mlondo (E.) he would fight for him.
His account is as follows : —
" At the end of Xovember news arrived from Mr Martin, who
was coming on, and simultaneously we had trouble here. There
had been some quarrelling over a shamha in Chagwe, and the
Protestant chief concerned left, it was said, with a large force.
During the night the wdiole country was up, and a large party
of Catholics left. I went up to Mengo, and by daylight had
sent off messengers to stop any fighting ; but it was some days
before things were quite settled, and meanwhile Mr Martin had
reached the Xile, and had sent on to beg for assistance. I sent
him fifty porters, all who were fit to march. The day they left
they beat the drums and turned out for war, but I stopped them ;
and in a few days (on the 9th of Dec.) Mr Martin arrived.
Things again began to settle down."
From the various accounts it would appear that this
last crisis was also the most serious, and that Martin's
o]3portune arrival with a powerful caravan was the
main factor in its suppression. Very shortly after-
wards news arrived that I was advancino- from the
opposite direction (west) with my expedition, and the
malcontents were for the time content to await a more
favourable opportunity. The Wa-Ingleza supposed it
was the policy of their rivals to stir up war in the
provinces, where they would be free from the check
which Kampala exercised at the capital, and might
beat them in detail, or so influence the peasantry by
CRISIS IN CHAGWE.
307
showing that the Wa-Fransa were the aggressive, and
hence the more powerful party, as to induce them to
come over to their side. This was their view as stated
to me regarding these troubles in the provinces.
Before passing to the consideration of other ques-
tions, it may be well to offer one comment on the above.
It has been argued that it is altogether incredible to
suppose that the Fransa party, who had remained in a
state of quiescence and self-repression during the six
months I was away, would have selected for an out-
break the moment when we were at our maximum
strength. The above brief summary will, I think,
prove that no such quiescence or restraint was exer-
cised, and that a general war was only averted because
the faction who, from the evidence at my disposal, seem
to have been undoubtedly the aggressors in Buddu got
the worst of it, and so were glad to cease. Buddu
being under a Protestant chief, that faction was fairly
strong in the province. In the last outbreak in
Chagwe, however (which was accounted " French "),
the victory would in all probability have been the
other way ; and this last crisis appears to have been
averted mainly by Martin's and my own arrival.
In these troubles I would not by any means ex-
onerate the Wa-Ingleza from blame ; but as they were
the weaker, and as they knew that, even though
their cause should be the right one, they could expect
no assistance from Kampala — which was almost com-
pletely denuded of men, owing to the party Williams
had sent to the coast with the mails, and the parties
he had sent to Torn — I think it is only common-
sense to assume, that they were not likely to have
chosen this time for aggressions. Moreover, their mis-
sionaries, with whom, I believe, they constantly con-
sulted, were vehemently at this time expressing their
opinion that Williams was entirely in the hands of the
308 UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
French Fathers and helping their faction ; and therefore
the Protestants looked for no help from him. One of
their missionaries even told me that they were at this
time so bitter agfainst him, that he doubted if thev
would have accepted his assistance or taken arms from
him, unless over-tempted by their hostility to the rival
faction. This I think an extreme exaufsferation, but it
indicates the views of the missionaries. It would be
easy to fill ch paters with such arguments.
Reading the misstatements of Mgr. Hirth, the dif-
ficulty is to refrain from exposing them in detail ; but
the object of this volume is to present a story which
shall interest the general reader, and not to enter at
great length into polemic and controversial details,
which I have already dealt with elsewhere, and am
ready at any time to deal with again, but which, I
presume, would interest only a small section of my
readers. The subjects on which I have permitted my-
self to digress at considerable length are the questions
of the slave-trade and the commercial possibilities of
East Africa, mission-work, and so on, if indeed that
can be called a digression which is, in fact, the real and
main object of this book.
Thus, during the six months I had been away, there
had been some serious troubles, and these in each case
had taken place whenever from some cause Kampala
was too weak to effectively interfere, and troops had
been detached elsewhere, as appears from Williams' ac-
count. Moreover, the caravan with ammunition, which
Martin had engaged to bring up with the utmost pos-
sible rapidity, had not arrived till December. When I
left Uganda we had expected it in August, and had it
arrived when due, Williams would have been strongly
reinforced (as I had anticij^ated) before he had to
weaken his force in September and the troubles
occurred. His account of his force is as follows : —
STRENGTH OF GARRISON AT KAMPALA.
309
"At the time of the first trouble I was very weak. I had
eight sound Sudanese and about forty porters. I had sent Mr
De Winton on what I considered a most important expedition
— viz., to Usoga, where there was considerable trouble. A few
days after, Wady Hamis [headman] and about 100 guns arrived
from Buddu ; but almost immediately smallpox broke out, by
which I lost fifteen men, and many others were isolated for a
long period. In September I again weakened my force very
much by sending Mr De Winton and fifty of my best men to
you, and fifty men with mails to the coast, followed by another
party of twenty men to you. I considered that it was of vital
importance to send goods and ammunition to you, and that my
influence with the "Waganda, together with the men I had, was
sufficient for the temporary needs of Uganda. I may add that
there has been a great deal of sickness here among invalids
from your safari, but not in any way due to Kampala, which
is a most healthy station. At the end of July there were over
thirty men off duty."
Including the sick, I found at Kampala, on my
return, less than 100 men out of the 220 originally
left. During the disturbances at the capital, Williams
had managed to prevent a general conflagration only by
the exhibition of the most undaunted personal courage.
I patrolled Mengo," he wrote to me, " with three men
for about four days" — on one occasion throughout the
whole night ; and in the face of excited crowds of
armed men eager for a battle, he managed to prevent a
general war, which, but for his fearless bearing, might
not improbably have taken place. In addition to tl^e
difficulties I have described between the two factions,
"two small troubles," says Williams, "had occurred
with the king." The first related to Mwanga's at-
temjited seizure of a percentage of our goods brought
from the south of the lake by Bagge, to which I have
already alluded. He continues : —
" On the second occasion there was a row, and the kino- sent
and asked me to come and see him. I did so; and he told me
310
UGANDA UNDER CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
that a man who had broken into his 'boma and tried to kill him
had been caught, but the Protestants wouldn't give him up. I
went to the Katikiro's, and found an excited crowd. I took
charge of the prisoners, and judged them next day at Kampala,
finding the chief ' Not guilty.' The king now wished me to
hand him over, but I declined ; and after keeping him a week in
Kampala for security, I released him. In spite, however, of these
two cases, I remained, and still am, on friendly terms with the
king."
There is an inherent improbability that any Mganda
of either faction would attempt the life of the king.
Williams fully inquired into the matter, and found that
the evidence showed that no such attempt had been
made. Yet Mgr. (as also Pere Guillermain) sets aside
this inquiry as though it Avere wholly untrustworthy,
and accepts the story as told him by his party, for he
could have no means of hearing other evidence. They
accuse the British Resident of the most gross " inter-
vention to stay the course of justice," and Mgr. adds,
" Now no small number of Protestants think that they
do a good work in striking the king down." As he had
no foundation for this assertion, other than the ex parte
statements of his own faction, it is a gross libel on the
Ingleza party, who were just as loyal to the king as were
the other faction. In fact, the following extract from
Williams' report to me shows, that only a very short
time elapsed before a similar charge was brought
against the Wa-Fransa, which led to Mwanga's inti-
mation that he would leave that party : —
" On the 26th Dec. I heard a tremendous row, and went up
to the king. I found him very nervous, and found that the
Catholics in his honia had tried to seize some other Catholics, also
in his hovia, whom they accused of immoral practices. The king
was very depressed, and on hearing a gun fired close to his haraza
door, jumped up and ran out at the back. He came back for me,
and, with my three soldiers, I remained with him until things
were quiet. Xext day I was told by the Katikiro that the king
MWAXGA WISHES TO LEAVE THE WA-FEANSA. 311
wanted to become Protestant, and would change over at once, or
wait until you, who are daily expected, arrived. I told the
Katikiro to tell the king not to be in too much hurry, and to
think matters over; and I told the Katikiro that for such a
revolution as this must be, preparations must be made. iSText
day a report was spread by one of the leading Catholic chiefs,
that they were prepared to put Karema's son, a young boy, as
their king. I went at once to the French bishop and explained to
him his responsibility if this boy, wdio was in their custody at
Usukuma, had already been — or should at any future time be —
brought to Uoanda. I went to the kino; and told him that I mv-
self, with thirty men, would come to his assistance at any moment,
and I told the Catholic chiefs I would fight for the king. The
next day I heard that the Catholics had given the king a very
large present to remain on their side. However, in my opinion,
the effect of this last incident will be to make him trust us more
and more. During the months I have been here I have done my
best to gain his confidence, and I believe he trusts me."
This incident occurred only five days before my own
arrival (Dec. 31st), when I was already close to the
capital, and while Martin with all his caravan, of some
700 men, was camped at Kampala. On my arrival it
devolved upon me to deal with it, and I will presently
narrate the course I adopted. Williams' report is dated
Jan. 6th, a Aveek after my return. In spite of the
troubles which had occurred, and this last matter which
was even now pending, he was strong in his opinion that
great progress had been made, and looked on difficulties
such as these as inherent in the situation, and unavoid-
able in dealing with a people so excitable, and so bitter
in their party rivalry, as the Waganda. He considered
that he had acquired an extremely strong personal in-
fluence with Mwanga, and wrote of him, and of the
general situation in Uganda at this date (Jan. 6th), as
follows : —
" It was not to be expected that the kiug and the Catholic
party would at once throw themselves into our arms. Xever-
312
SITUATIOX AT THE EXD OF 1891.
theless, the year during which we liave been here has been by no
means fruitless of results. The country is undoubtedly slowdy
settling down, and the two parties are, I think, gradually learn-
inoj to live together. In Meno-o the number of houses built in
the last six months is very large. Trade is improving, and
altogether the country is going ahead."
Such was the account of events which I heard on my
return, and such the estimate of the situation as it now
stood, presented to me by Captain WilHams.
It will be remembered that, prior to my arrival at
Kampala, I had received my mails containing orders
to evacuate Uganda ; that, shortly after my arrival,
further letters had reached me cancellinof these orders ;
and, moreover, that Martin with his caravan had been
awaitins" me since Dec. 9th, and had left for the coast
on Jan. 8th. The doctor was to overtake him later
with the mails, but the outbreak of the war delayed
them, and they did not leave till March 4th. Martin,
meanwhile, had proceeded on his way without them.
Until the receipt of the letters counter-ordering evac-
uation, my entire thoughts were naturally concentrated
on that question, and on the discussions with Williams
on the subject, which I have already narrated.
It was about mid-da}^ on the 7th Jan. that I received
the orders to "maintain my position in Uganda," and
the receipt of this news of course reversed my previous
plans, by which in all probability Williams would have
returned to England, while I held on in Uganda. I
was informed that this change of orders was rendered
possible by the liberality of private friends, ^^ ho had
subscribed a large sum to maintain the occupation of
Uganda. Thereupon the Company had guaranteed to
continue their administration for one year — viz., till
Dec. 31st, 1892, on which date, unless circumstances
at present unforeseen should intervene, they would
evacuate. I was, moreover, urged in the strongest
SITUATION CREATED BY THE NEW ORDERS. 313
terms to reduce expenditure by every means in my
power.
This necessity for retrenchment, and the intimation
that the occupation of Uganda by the Company was
only to be maintained till the close of the year, after
which we could only fulfil our pledges, both to Uganda
and to Torn, with a very greatly reduced establishment,
— even supposing that further efforts to raise funds in
England should be fairly successful, — completely altered
the situation. Hitherto I had understood that the
occupation of Uganda was the primary object of the
Company, and its evacuation was a contingency alto-
gether outside the bounds of possibility.
The Company was incorporated under a royal charter.
The aims of its Directors had been that it should rival
the "John Company" which had created our Indian
empire. It had established its own coinage and post-
age ; it had its own vessels in its harbours. Govern-
ment had negotiated a treaty with Germany (July
1890), ceding European territory (Heligoland) in order
to smooth its difficulties in Africa, and to obtain for
it the cession of all claims by Germany to Witu and
Uganda. Its Directors were among the most distin-
guished men in England, some of them very wealthy.
It is not to be wondered at that I, who had left the
coast at a time when the popular cry was that Uganda
was the main desideratum, — that unless it was in
English hands, the charter of the Company would be
valueless, and that to secure it every effort must be
made, — should never have entertained the possibility
of evacuation within a twelvemonth.
The expenses of occupation had been very small. In-
stead of the huge caravan at first suggested, under
Sir Francis De Winton — with an administrative staff
of a dozen well-paid officers, and conveying two steel
boats and a regiment of Sudanese— a handful of porters
314
SITUATION AT THE END OF 1891.
and a few Sudanese had done the work, with six officers,
whose united salaries did not together come to two-
thirds of that drawn by Sir Francis alone. Instead
of fortnightly mails, which were to follow Sir F. De
Winton, this mail on Christmas Day was the first
we had had since March. The news it brought only
strengthened these views, for we heard that a steamer,
conveyed by several thousand porters, was immediately
to be placed on the lake. Yery, very little goods had
been used, for I had fed the bulk of the expedition for
nothing during the greater part of the year. Judge
then of my surprise and mortification to find that, in
spite of our utmost economy, Uganda was to be evacu-
ated ! Mismanaofement at intermediate stations had
been debited to Uganda expenditure, and I was told
that it was estimated that the incredible sum of
£40,000 was the outlay for the single year's administra-
tion. In spite of the almost impossibility, under the
circumstances, of arriving at an accurate calculation, I
could, I think, prove that it was at the very outside
about half that sum, and probably much less than the
single expedition to obtain the treaty would have cost,
had it been carried out as originally planned.
It was now my task, however, to face the new set
of circumstances, and to endeavour to meet these diffi-
culties, not merely with a view to holding Uganda till
the end of the year, but to render it feasible, if possible,
that it should be held jDermanently on a scale of cost
which it might be practicable to meet from other
sources, when the Company withdrew. The first
thing (I said to Williams) is to find out whether
these people really want us, and if so they must accept
us unanimously ; and we must no longer be depen-
dent for our existence in the country upon one faction,
aided by a very large and expensive force, which in
the future we cannot afford to maintain. Hitherto I
NECESSITY FOR ARRIVING AT AN UNDERSTANDING. 315
have held Uganda as a dependency of the Company,
as though it were a j)rovmce of the British Crown,
in which methods, involving perhaps years of patient
work, could be employed. Now it is time, before
all this money — the product of private subscription
— is sunk in the country, to find out whether or not,
after their year's experience of our methods, the peo-
ple— as a people — want us or not, and whether we can
anticipate, that when this year is up we shall have
established such a position that we can carry on the
work with a greatly reduced garrison. At present the
position is most unsatisfactory. More than half the
people are against us ; the endless quarrels between
the factions are as bad as ever ; and lastly, the whole
thing depends on us two. One of us must go to Eng-
land to secure the means for holding on when this year
is out, and then the whole work dej)ends on one life ;
and if anything happens to that one left behind, all
will be lost.
Williams, in reply, maintained that he believed the
king earnestly desired us to continue in the country ;
and that, if the urgency of the matter was repre-
sented to him, he would publicly declare himself on
our side and hoist the British flao:. He said that
he had very great influence with him, and was on
terms of private friendship, and that, moreover, it
would be easier for him to prove his ground and rep-
resent my views as a third person, than it would be
for me. For I, as being in chief command, could not
well argue a matter of this nature, and I should not
have the same diplomatic advantage as himself, in
being able to express my own view, while promising
to refer the king's arguments to a sujDcrior authority.
Lastly, he added that he knew the king was afraid
of me, and thought me uncompromising, and hence
he (Williams) would have a better chance of success.
316
SITUATIOX AT THE EXD OF 1891.
To all this I thorouo-hlv aoTeed. and it must be borne
in mind, that at this very time the matter was still
pending regarding the king's spoiitaneoiis desire to
declare himself on the "English" side — the considera-
tion of which Williams had told him to postpone until
mv arrival. So it was arrano^ed that Williams should
go privately to the king in the evening, and ask for a
strictly confidential interview ; that he should then
tell Mwanga that it was impossible that we should
remain on this inicertain footing; for ever : and that,
if he desired us to continue to labour for the good of
his country, as he had seen that we had laboured now
for over a year, it was time that he openly and publicly
identified himself with us, and that all this nonsense
about French " and Eno-lish *' should cease. He
would impress on him as strongly as he could hnd
words to convev it. that we had no wish, in any way,
to interfere with relio-ion — that it was a matter of the
most complete indiiference to us, whether he were a
E. Catholic or a Protestant ; but that, so long as he
called himself ■■ French " and flew a separate flag (pur-
posely made larger than ours, and hoisted on a higher
pole and on higher groinid, in order to prove his inde-
pendence of us, if not his superiority), it was impossi-
ble that there could be full accord and unity of action
between us.
I told Williams to tell him I was much displeased
about this hoistino- of a flao\ secretlv and without
reference to the. Eesident, in my absence, for there
was, of course, no doubt as to its real meaning and
sio-nilication. Williams was not to sav that there was
any intention of evacuation ; but in such parlance as
one uses to an African native he would say (if I recol-
lect aright) that "the big chiefs in England were tired
of all this quarrelling in Uganda, and said that it
was a countrv of war and disputes only, on which very
WILLIAMS' MISSION TO THE KIXG.
317
much goods had been expended, and from which no
equivalent came ; and they Avere weary of this, and
were asking me, when I should finish arranging this
country. Was not a whole vear enouo^h ? And now,
unless all this trouble ceased, and the country settled
down to peace and to trade, and gave up all this foolery
about ' French ' and ' English ' and accepted the British
rule and flag, the chiefs in England would get tired of
Uganda."
Williams was confident of success. Had I de-
manded entire or partial disarmament, or the pay-
ment of a large sum annually to defray expenses,
there might have been difiiculty. But to ask merely
that Mwanga should publicly declare himself British,
— which he had already spontaneously wished to do
five days before my arrival, — in this there would be
no difiiculty. Williams said that a very sore jDoint
with Mwanga was, that I had never given him any
arms, and had prevented his buying any from Stokes
and others, whereas every other European traveller,
includino' Jackson, had g-iven him rifies. If I were
to promise him a few Sniders, when the compact was
concluded, it would ease ofi* all rough corners. To this
I agreed,^ telling the king that we could not arm him
so long as in public he flew a separate flag and de-
clared himself of the Fransa faction.
" By a malice which was altogether diabolical,*' says
Mgr., " the flag of the English Company, from the
moment it was seen in Uganda, was adopted by the
Protestants as a rallying standard against the R.
Catholics, and as such it was to be imposed upon
Mwanga and on the country," ^ &c. I had myself
1 It is perhaps needless to point out that such an issue would not in any
case be a violation of the Brussels Act. However, as the Act was not
ratified till April 1892, it was not operative at this time.
2 Letter of Feb. 10th, 1892, E. C. Xotes, p. 50.
318
SITUATION AT THE END OF 1891.
withheld the flag that it mig'ht not become a party
emblem. Where was the "diabolical malice" in the
matter? Once again I reiterate that the parties were
as much political as religious, and that naturally the
English " party accepted the British flag, not from
any "diabolical malice" as against the R. Catholic
religion, but as the standard of the nation whose pro- .
tection they accepted. Who was it who had taught
these ignorant savages the significance of a European
flag ? On them lies the onus of introducing political
ambitions into relioious teachino^s.
Williams had three interviews with the kino- but
did not find him so willino- to accede to our views
as he had anticipated. He appeared scared at the
idea of accepting the flag, and I therefore dropped
the matter, fearing to raise another crisis, which
might produce a war. For some uneasiness had been
exhibited by the lesser people of the Frcinsa party
at Williams' confidential interviews, and on the night
of Jan. 14th (I think) the Avar-drums were suddenly
beaten by that faction, and there was a brief excite-
ment. The Sekibobo and other leading chiefs of the
faction were quite ignorant of the reason of this dis-
turbance, or by whose order the drums had been
beaten.
Prior to this it had been represented to me that a
band of Mohammedans were raiding in Bulamwezi, on
the north-east of Uganda, and a small army had been
despatched against them. The Ingleza portion of this
army had gone under their own chief, and the TTV^-
Fransa under their separate leader. Almost imme-
diately after the disturbance on the night of the 14th
the Fransa portion returned, but the other section
remained, and, I believe, drove out the enemy. I write
in my diary : " From the sj)eed with which the former
returned, I am inclined to think it was a ruse, and
THE FUTABAXGI.
319
that they were ah^eady on their way back, and raised
this ahirm at the capital to give an excuse for it.""
For thev o-ave as the reason of their return, the fact
that the war-drums had beaten at the capital, whereas
it was impossible that this news should have reached
them and that they should have come back from so
great a distance in the time.
In addition to this exjDedition against the Moham-
medans there was another matter. A rising had
occurred in Chagwe of the Futahanf/i, and it had
been arrano-ed to send a similar armv aoainst them.
In this case also, the IngJeza portion had at once
started, but the other side delayed. They were to
leave on the mornino- of the loth, luider the Sekibobo.
chief of Chagwe (F.), but in consequence of the emev.te
on the night of the 14th they did not start.
A word of explanation as to these Futahangi is
necessarv. The name means " Bhano-- smokers.'" and
as the Christian relioions had forbidden the use of
this drug, those who repudiated the new religions
were contemptuously called Futohanfji. Thus the word
was nearly synonymous with "■'Pagans. ' These people,
weary of the intolerance of Protestants, R. Catholics,
and Mohammedans alike, took up arms against them,
and joined themselves to a band of outlaws, who, headed
by a chief named Msigiri — a man renowned through
Uganda for his bravery in war and in elej^hant -hunting
— roamed through the forests of Chagwe, and pillaged
villages, defying all authority since the days of Mtesa.
These Futahangi were originally of no account, and
could not make a stand against the armies of the king,
but of late the peasantry [Bahopi) had become so dis-
gtisted with the intolerance of the rival factions, that
they had risen in large numbers, and the Futahangi
became an element of disorder which it was no lonu'er
safe to despise.
320
SITUATION AT THE END OF 1891.
Mgr., writing to me after the war, said : —
" I think it my duty to tell you also of another danger which
threatens. The Pagans, who profess no religion, are of late
associating themselves for the purpose of forming an immense
faction hostile to Europeans. The adherents of this party ex-
tend from the Kagera (in German territory on west of the lake)
as far as Kavirondo (on east of the lake). They include the
whole of the region on the north of the Nyanza. They are arm-
ing themselves more and more fully. The details which I have
been able to gather forbid me to doubt the new danger arising
from this party. The smoking of hhang is only a pretext to
popularise the confederation, but the real object of this great
faction is to conquer and eject from the country all Europeans.
I consider it a duty to point out to you once more this danger,
in the hope that a prudent policy may even yet allay it. The
Fathers, whom I have sent to live near you, can give you all
necessary information on the subject."
I have quoted the passage, but I considered the
danger much overrated. It will serve to explain the
object of the expedition against the Futahangi, and to
show that my difficulties at this time comprised not
only the factions of the Wa-Ingleza, Wa-Fransci, and
Mohammedans, but also this new and not well-under-
stood element, which was hostile to the other parties,
and especially to ourselves.
The Ingleza part of the army against these Futa-
hangi, then, had started, but the Sekibobo and his
party remained, in consequence of the disturbance on
the 14th. The Protestant chiefs now came to me,
and urged that the rival faction was meditating an
outbreak ; that their portion of the army against the
Mohammedans had returned without any ostensible
reason, and that their portion of the second army for
Chagwe had not started, while from all points they
were concentrating on the capital. They said that
in obeying my orders and the orders of the king, and
sending their men away to these wars, they had greatly
I CONFIDE IN SEKIBOBO.
321
weakened their force at the cajDital, and in case of an
outbreak the Wa-Fransa would take them entirely
at a disadvantage.
The Sekibobo, chief of Chagwe, and second only in
importance to the Kimbugwe in the Fransa faction,
was an earnest R. Catholic. He had not been one of
those to come forward immediately on my arrival in
Uganda, but when we did meet, we became very fast
friends. He and Zachariah (E.) stand quite alone in
my estimation. The Sekibobo was incapable of treach-
ery and deceit, a man with as straightforward and
honest a heart as ever beat in a European. " I called
him, and he said he would start at once for Chagwe
with his army. I told him that so far I had told no
one at all what it was Williams had gone to the king
to say, but now that I saw there was trouble about it,
I would tell him. I had seen that the situation was
impossible. After a whole year's patient work the two
parties were as bitter as ever — indeed just now they
seemed more bitter than usual. The country, I said,
is British by treaty, but the king flies a flag of his own.
If I mention the word ' flag ' there is talk of war.
Every single day there are evictions and outrages
between the parties, almost more than of old before
I left. And now the chiefs do not come to me together^
as they used to do, but only one side comes at a time,
and if the two meet they quarrel even before me. Now
I think it is time to stop all this, and that the king and
Wa-Fransa should declare for Enor-land, but let all
follow what religion they like. I implored him to try
and get this result, and commissioned him to tell all
the chiefs of his faction my words. He did so, and
then went off to the Futahangi war.
" Meanwhile the king asked Williams to get me to put
in writing exactly what I wanted him to do. This I
did, and I told the chiefs that there was no secret in it.
VOL. II. X
322
THE EVE OF THE WAE.
Seeing the temper of the people, however, and wishing
to avoid a horrible civil war, — with the Mohammedans
waiting to swoop down on the contending parties, — I
dropped the question of the flag, which is a veritable
' red rag ' and will set the Waganda on to fight at
once (diary).
Such was the position on the eve of the Avar. The
English missionaries were bitter against Captain Wil-
liams, and said he had shown gross partiality to the
other faction. One, at least, of them would not enter
Kampala. Accusations of partiality to the R. Catholics
had been sent to England, couched in the very strongest
terms, which it would serve no useful purpose for me to
quote here. They were to the effect that the Com-
pany's officers had purposely weakened the Protestants
in order to favour the R. Catholics, and that this had
been done deliberately, since Williams did not under-
stand the position, and believed too mucli what the
"subtle priests" told him. Mr Walker, on whom I
placed more reliance than on any other missionary, had
condemned Williams' action to me most strongly, when
I saw him on mv way through Buddu. Even De Winton
seemed to think Williams was influenced by Mgr.
On the other hand, the French bishop, in his letter of
Jan. 23d,^ maintained that "for the six weary months"
durinof which Williams had been in command, " the
entire bodv of the R. Catholics complain that they can
no longer obtain any justice, and the thing has come to
such a jDass that they do not even think of going any
more to the fort at Kampala with their grievances ; "
and he goes on to say (underlined), and to reiterate
later in the letter, that the R. Catholics can obtain no
justice. Again, in his letter to me of March 26th, he
states that "during the last six months of 1891 Fort
Kampala was exclusively Protestant, and our chiefs
1 Printed in R. C. Xotes on Uganda, p. 146.
WILLIAMS' IMPARTIALITY PROVED.
323
never had access to the representative of the Company."
While Mgr. thus vehemently asserted that during Wil-
liams' tenure at Kampala, gross partiality had been
shown to the Protestants, the English missionaries, as
I have shown, complained in terms equally loud and
indiofnant of the bias shown to the R. Catholics. No
evidence could be more conclusive of Williams' im-
partiality.
It is not therefore to be wondered at that the " con-
verts " of either religion were animated by the intensest
rancour and hatred of each other, since their teachers
showed such narrow-mindedness. Mgr. had, moreover,
greatly irritated the Ingleza chiefs, by accusing them
of being in league with the Mohammedans. In the
presence of Mr Walker he made this accusation of
treachery against the Pokino (E.) Both sides pro-
fessed a great confidence in myself, as did their mis-
sionaries ; but, I fancy, this was not due to any merit
in myself — earnestly as I had indeed tried to act with
absolute impartiality — but merely to the fact that they
were prejudiced against Williams, and hoped that I,
having just arrived, would inaugurate some new era of
what each called "justice." In an exactly similar way
they will probably condemn me to Sir G. Portal, in the
hopes of creating a bias in his mind, which may prompt
him to take a course of their own suggesting !
Unfortunately, an unexpected incident led to a crisis
before I had time to fully make the attempt. For
during these early days in January I was really over-
whelmed with work. The accumulated correspondence
of a year had to be dealt with, and my report and
usual returns submitted. The work incidental to the
control and management of so great a concourse of
people as were now assembled at Kampala, together
with that involved by checking the invoices of stores
brought up by Martin, and the despatch of his caravan ;
324
THE EYE OF THE WAR.
the housing, clothing, &c., of the new Sudanese, and
of our own men who had recently returned with me,
— kept us all engaged at the highest pressure. The
English Mission had also selected this moment to assert
their right to proceed to Usoga and establish a mission
there ; and though I begged them to wait for a few
days, till this stress of work had somewhat abated,
they insisted on arguing the subject at once in a series of
long official letters, the last of ivhich is dated Jan. 20th.
Uganda affairs had also demanded much of our
time and attention. The desj^atch of the two armies
to Bulamwezi and Chagwe, and the conferences with
the king, are matters to which I have already alluded.
Latterly I had even heard one or two technical ques-
tions regarding disputed estates, but business of this
description I had endeavoured to defer till after the
despatch of the mails. For though it had become
obvious to me that the tension between the factions
was as great as ever, and matters were not so satis-
factory as I had at first supposed, nevertheless no one
apprehended any immediate crisis, and such difficulties
as had presented themselves indicated nothing more
than the chronic state of unrest in Uganda.
325
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
Murder of a Protestant — The Kauta changed — Conference with Mwanga —
The culprit's story — Mwanga acquits him — My letter to Mgr. — He
declines to assist — I am puzzled to account for attitude of Wa-Fransa
— I send Dualla to the king — Insulting messages — Necessity for firm
attitude — Issue of arms — Wa-Fransa gratuitously beat war-drums —
The crisis almost averted — Offer protection to all Europeans — The fight
precipitated — Wa-Fransa defeated — The Fathers to Kampala — Letters
to the king, and to Sekibobo — Mgr.'s views— Liberal offers to Wa-
Fransa — Kago arrives — ^Igr. and Fathers insist on going — Mafutaa
as my envoy — An ultimatum — Eeplied to by a fresh outrage — Necessity
for attack on island — Wa-Fransa ousted — The Fathers return to
Kampala — Their treatment — The conduct of the attack — Treatment
of prisoners.
That the account of the incidents immediately prior
to the war may be as exact a reproduction of them
as possible, I quote (as has been my custom throughout
these volumes wherever space admitted of it) from notes
which I wrote in my diary at the time. Indeed the
whole of this chapter is largely identical with my diary.
" On the 22d (Jan.), the Wa-Ingleza chiefs came to me,
very greatly excited, to say that ane of the rival faction
had wantonly murdered one of their men, and also that
a large number of Duta's (E. ) sliamhas had been seized
by the Mujasi (F.) They said they had not been
allowed to take away the body of the murdered man,
so they went to fetch some more of their own side.
The opposite faction had defied them to come on.
326
THE FIGHTIXG IX UGAXDA.
and called them cowards unless they should remove
then- dead. The Katikiro (E.) forbade his side to
fight, and sent to tell me. Their greatest griev-
ance (they said) was the immediate insult in the ex-
posure of the corpse ; but if this were taken away
and buried, they would appeal to the law regarding
the murder.
" Things were A^ery tight indeed, so I went up to
the king at once. I was kept waiting a long time
outside his enclosure in a broiling hot sun. This
w^aiting is a Avell- understood discourtesy, and when
continued beyond a certain point is an insult. The
Kimbugwe (F.) came and saluted me civilly, and we
sat together. He said that the king was dressing,
and he Avould go and see. Then the Kauta came out
and greeted me cordially. This man used to be my
most trusted ally in the old times. Every difficulty
was taken to him. He was my confidant, and it was
largely he who had saved the war on my first arrival.
I even visited his house (and he Kampala) by night on
important matters, and this is the greatest possible
mark of trust in Uo-anda. Now he is a difterent man
altogether, and beyond just coming to formally salute
me on my return, has not been near Kampala.
Williams savs it Avas he Avho, after a most friendly
conference here (in my absence), went and spread the
report that the Wa-Fransa would make Karema's boy
king, and that in this he behaved most treacherously.
Anyway, he is quite estranged. I asked him wh}^ he
had not been to see me as of old, and he said he had
had a bad leg, and showed me a pimple on his shin !
I told him I must see the king at once, or I would
leaA'e the place. He did not even stick to the same
story as the Kimbugwe, but said the king AA^as not
to be found, and they Avere looking for him ! He
Avent to hurry him up, but MAvanga Avas, of course,
CONFERENCE WITH MWANGA.
327
in reality talking over the matter leisurely with the
Fransa chiefs, and experimenting how long I would
submit to be kept waiting.
" Again I waited some time, and then sent in my
interpreter to say I was going, but would like to see
the Kimbugwe first. (Had I gone it would have
meant a quarrel with Mwanga.) Thereupon I was
immediately ushered in. Referring to the outside
excitement, I said I could not discuss the question till
the corpse was removed, for this was a degradation to
the country. Mwanga immediately ordered two men
(one of each faction) to be sent to remove and bury
it. He was courteous and civil, for he probably saw I
was angry at having been ignominiously kept waiting
outside (as indeed I told him pretty strongly), and he
always appears somewhat afraid when I am actually
with him. There were no chiefs, or even petty chiefs,
of the Wa-Ingleza in the house.
" I told the king I had heard about this murder, but
not all the details ; that long ago I had said that under
present circumstances, when one such outrage was suffi-
cient to plunge the whole country in war, the perpetrator
should be executed at once. If he had received j)rovo-
cation, let the others be flogged severely ; but an ex-
ample was necessary. To this he thoroughly agreed,
but said he would send for the man who had shot the
other, and for witnesses, and hear the whole story.
The fierce sun in which I had been waiting had quite
overpowered me, and, the atmosphere of the hut being
intolerably close, a drowsiness came over me just as if I
had been drugged. We waited a long time, and, mean-
time, a good deal of giggling and laughing went on
between the king and the Fransa chiefs. Altogether
it appeared to me that they had settled with the king
how judgment should go, and were elated. So after
waiting a long time (since it almost seemed as though
328
THE FIGHTING IX UGANDA.
the king was again trying the hmit of my patience) I
told him I felt unwell, and would return to Kampala.
At the same time I reminded him emphatically, that
since my first arrival I had said only one thing — viz.,
that in dealing with outrages such as these, there should
be no leniency shown, and no question of party. He
said it was quite true that I had always said this, and
he remembered it well.
" We parted with an interchange of courtesies, and I
left Dualla and Juma Hassani, the interpreter, to hear
the inquiry, and to re23ort to me all that took place,
and the king-'s decision. Mwano^a also said that the
Kimbugwe himself should come, and tell me all that
passed. Later, Dualla came and said that, when the
man who had shot the other arrived, he told the fol-
lowing story : 'A few days ago he was passing along the
road in the evening, when one of the Katikiro's men
seized his gun. He went and complained to the Kati-
kiro, who said he should have the gun back, after he
had inquired into the matter.' (I believe there was, as
in all these stories, some further matter at the back of
this — viz., some gun previously taken by the Kauta
(F.) ; but this is of no consequence to the present
story.) ' He waited several days, and not having heard
further about his gun, he formed a plan to seize
another. Taking a jar of ]Jomhe, he sat in the road
opposite his enclosure till some of the Ingleza faction
came past. He called to them, and asked if they would
buy it. They said " Yes," but they must taste it first.
The seller refused, and an argument ensued. While
engaging them in argument, one of the Wa-Fransa
stepped behind them and snatched a gun out of the
owner's hand, and rushed into the enclosure with it.
The owner followed him, and was met by two men,
who shot him dead. The Wa-F]r(nsa fired one more
shot, and the Wa-Ingleza fired one.'
" After hearing the story, the king said, ' Did the
MWANGA ACQUITS THE CULPEIT.
329
man who is dead follow you into your enclosure ? '
The witness said ' Yes.' ' Then,' said the king,
' enough. You were justified in shooting him ; there
is no case against you.' Dualla expostulated. He
repeated the story, word for word, and asked if he
had heard correctly in each detail. They said his
repetition was all quite right. ' Then do you mean
"Ultima causa belli."
to make no punishment at all ? ' said he. ' That is
not the custom of any country in the world. Is it
not so that if a leopard seized a goat you would
pursue him into his cave ? ' ' Certainly,' they said,
' but it is not the law of Uganda.' Dualla argued
vehemently, saying he knew I would be greatly vexed
at the decision, for the king had agreed that in cases
330
THE FIGHTING IX UGANDA.
of outrage, in the j^^^esent state of the country, sum-
mary punishment should be dealt. The king replied
that he had made his decision, and could not help it if
I disliked it." This was Friday evening (2 2d).
Dualla told me that the Fransc(r chiefs in the king's
house laughed over the matter, and apparently enjoyed
what they thought would be my discomfiture. Conse-
quently I thought it unadvisable to go again to the
king, for if I was again purposely insulted by being
kept waiting outside, or by contemptuous laughter
and frivolity in the haraza, it would lead to an open
rupture between myself and Mwanga, and this would
precipitate the crisis. So I sent Dualla with a letter,
saying I quite disapproved of the decision. The Wa-
Ingleza were exasperated almost to desperation. The
doctor told me that one of their missionaries had come
to Kampala, and used very strong language, saying
we were allowing the Protestants to be trampled upon,
and durst not see justice done, and it would have been
better for them had we never come to IJo'anda ! Such
a verdict as this of the kind's was not calculated to
allay the excitement.
I got a long letter from Mwanga (written by the
chiefs of the Fransa faction), giving a list of their
grievances dating from a 3'ear back, and saying they
could get no justice. The greater part of it was
written in a haughty and uncompromising style, but
the latter portion was an abject prayer from the
king, that I would give him time to tie up his goods
and run away, and calling me his friend. In reply
I strongly assured him that I desired to act impartially,
as he well knew from my action in the past ; and that
my sole object was to secure justice. " I do not want
war," I added, which will utterly and completely
destroy the country ; but if you refuse to do justice,
it is you indeed yourself who are bringing war to
THE CRISIS PRECIPITATED BY WA-FRANSA. 331
spoil your own country, and to lose your throne.
Enough. It is my duty to see justice, but war will
destroy the country utterly."
The Kimbugwe (F.), who was to have come to tell
me all that was said in the haraza, did not do so, and
everything convinced me that for some reason the Wa-
Fransa did not desire a peaceful solution. On previous
occasions the chiefs had come to me at any such crises,
and we had together prevented an outbreak. Now,
on the contrary, though they knew my eager desire
for peace, reiterated in my letters — and proved by our
constant interposition to save an outbreak throughout
the past year, and by my disregard of outrages on my
own men — they did not come near me to offer any
explanations, or to endeavour to avert the trouble.
Indeed I heard, that they had arrived at the con-
clusion that nothing would induce us to fight — for
savages ever interpret self-restraint as arising from
fear, weakness, or some such motive or cause.
I had already warned both Missions of the gravity
of the crisis, and offered them the protection of Kam-
pala in case of war. I had also ordered messengers to
be sent to Mr Walker in Buddu to warn him ; and I
looked on it as a certainty that Ferag Effendi, who, it
will be remembered, had been left in charge of the
garrison at Luwambu, would in case of war join the
Wa-Ingleza, and effect a victory or a retreat, as the
case might be, with them.
But though trouble seemed imminent, my narrative
shows that we had passed through a constant series of
such crises, and it would have been worse than folly on
each occasion to have sent alarming messages to Buddu.
At most I could only say that war was seriously threat-
ening, and on the receipt of such news Mr Walker
would only have waited for further information, know-
ing as he did how frequent such crises had been. Had
332
THE FIGHTIXG IX UGANDA.
I definitely ordered Ferag to withdraw, it would have
been a decided stej^ towards precipitating the war I
wished to avert.
On the 23d I wrote to Mot. as follows : —
•'I regret extremely to inform you that trouble be-
tween the two parties appears imminent. The day be-
fore yesterday a man of the Protestants was murdered
by a R Catholic in the streets of Mengo, and no justice
was done. There Avas also a case of eviction from sham-
has, which has much irritated the Protestants. After
careful inquirj^ I think that most certainly, as regards
the case of the murder, the Protestants are justified in
their demands for justice. I myself told the king that
the murderer must be j)unished. Unless the leading
E. Catholics consent to justice being done in these
matters, the situation becomes impossible, as they
have defied my authority. Can you. Mgr., use your
influence to save so terrible a blow to the country as
must be produced by war — a war which we have now
with the utmost difficulty succeeded in averting for
over a year? You, Mgr., know that it is no prejudice
against the P. Catholic religion which has forced us
in this instance to uphold the Protestants in their
claims for justice, and that in all my dealings (and
Captain Williams in my absence has followed the
same course) I have endeavoured to deal with both
parties purel}" as political parties with impartial justice.
If war should break out, I hope that you and the
Peverend Fathers of your mission will come and stay
with us at Kampala, till the trouble is finished. I
would like much to have a talk with you on these
subjects, but am unable to leave Kampala at such a
moment. If you can possibly find time to come over
and see us to-day, I should be most glad to see you.
" I have, &c., ^ F. D. LugaW"
MGR. DECLINES TO HELP.
333
In reply to this I received a letter — too long to
quote in extenso here.^ The points that struck me
in it were these. I had appealed to Mgr. to assist
me to save the war. He refused. While saying that
the critical situation had arisen " solely from misunder-
standings, and there is still time to dissipate them," he
declined to meet me in the endeavour to achieve this
result. His reason was that his Sunday duties on the
morrow prevented it ! The morrow saw the outbreak
of war. Secondly, he appears to have taken umbrage
at not having seen me when he called some days
previously. It was true I was lying down at the time,
and those who know me would, I think, smile at the
question, whether it was my custom during the day to
lie down from indolence. That I did so, meant that I
was pretty well used up (wath overwork and strain).
I suffered much from toothache, and I had slept in my
clothes — a broken sleep — during any time of disturb-
ance, ready for instant action if necessary. I had asked
Williams to receive the Fathers — for their call was
merely one of courtesy on my return to Uganda —
(before this crisis had occurred), and I had, I think,
promptly returned it.
Mgr. speaks of the injustice suffered by the H.
Catholics during the last six months ; thereby inferring
that under my own administration they had been
justly treated ; and, as I have already said, I have
heard that he has more recently formally stated that
he has no complaint against my previous administra-
tion, tvhich he considers impartial. Yet he refused to
meet me to dissipate the misunderstanding, nor yet to
say the word which, with his influence with his party,
would, I had the fullest conviction, have restrained
them from war. On the contrary, he intimated that
they would die in the attempt to obtain "justice."
1 Quoted in R. C. Notes on Uganda, p. 146.
334
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
He spoke of the " unjust pretensions of the Protestant
party, who ami at the attainment of exclusive power in
Uganda ; " yet he knew (and there is no aspersion in
the statement) that the Fransa or R. Cathohc party
had the same ambition. As I have shown, his letter to
Williams of July 14th was entirely in this sense — viz.,
that it was to the advantage of the administration to
maintain one faction only in the state — namely, the Wa-
Fransa ; and in another letter he says that ^' a little
more and Uganda would have become a Catholic
kingdom.'' Why then throw upon the Protestants,
as a stigma, the ambition shared equally by R.
Catholics ? His version of the story of the murder
was untenable, for the Fransa chiefs had not contro-
verted the story I had heard. There was no need to
cross-examine on it, for the man who had committed
the outrage had told the story himself, and it was on
his own statements, and not on the statements of the
Wa-Ingleza, that I was acting.
I laid down Mgr.'s letter with a feeling of keen
disappointment ; I felt I had nothing to hope from
him, and my impression from the letter was that he
would not move a finger to save the war, if indeed
his sympathies were not in favour of it.
At my wits' end to account for this attitude of the
Fathers, I write in my diary : " Knowing I had my
orders to evacuate, they may have thought I was hold-
ing on in spite of them, j^ending reference home, and
that if a crisis were precipitated, I should, under the
circumstances, be afraid to incur the responsibility of
fighting, and would submit or withdraw. This is a
mere conjecture to account for the reports which reach
me on all hands (from Stokes' men, &c.), that the
Fathers have been telling the Wa - Fransa that we
cannot and will not fight, being only a trading Com-
pany, and that one of them said that he could drive
REASON FOR SEXDIXG DUALLA TO THE KING. 335
US all out of Kampala with a stick, and not a gun
would be fired." It is at best a rotten theory, but
I was much puzzled to think of a better. It was
quite impossible ^ that the newly arrived Fathers could
haA^e brought news of my orders to remain in Uganda,
for these instructions had only been telegraphed from
England on Nov. 3d, and had come up by special
runners : they came, in fact, by the shortest route,
and beat all previous records. Long afterwards, when
I told the storv of the causes which had led to the
war to the Fathers when they lived with us in Kam-
pala, they said that most of my account was quite
new to them I
Dualla went to the kino- with the letter I have
already quoted. He had great difficulty in getting an
audience. Mv letter was read. The kino^ said he had
made his decision and would not alter it, and that if
I wanted war it was my matter. The Fransa chiefs
(Mujasi and Salo-Salo, who had always been hostile,
were present, together with the Kauta) added that if
soldiers were sent by me to apprehend the murderer,
they should be killed to a man ; and that if there
was war, they Avould capture Kampala and all the
goods, and the Europeans should all be killed. From
their jubilant and exulting manner and laughter,
there was little doubt that they thought themselves
fully able to do this, for it must be remembered that
the Maxim was discredited, and that my soldiers were
very greatly outnumbered by their forces. I had, as
I have said, sent Dualla instead of going myself, that
I might avoid any insult which would be a casus
belli; for if I were flatly refused admittance to the
king (as he was), it would necessarily break off" nego-
tiations ; but any such act towards Dualla I could
treat in a less serious manner. He was, moreover,
1 R. C. Union Notes on Uganda, p. 71.
336
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
an extremely intelligent man, who had travelled in
Europe and America, and was almost a European in
his ideas. That I was right, I think the event proved ;
but the insulting messages he brought back to me
went beyond his own personality entirely, and were
of such a nature that I could not disregard them
without confessing impotency.
When I heard that Dualla had been commissioned to
bring to me these insulting messages and threats, I was
astounded, and I at once gathered that the " French "
party had definitely determined to fight, and had
made all their preparations, and it mattered little
what attitude I took.
In detailed criticism regarding the question of the
murder — the ultima causa belli — the far more im-
portant question of the whole attitude of the king and
hostile faction has been a sfood deal lost siofht of.
What I have narrated of the concentration of the
Wa-Fransa at the capital; the confident and in-
sulting attitude in the haraza ; the absence of any
remotest attempt at conciliation, or even discussion
of the situation with me, either on the part of the
Fathers or the chiefs ; and, subsequently, the purely
gratuitous beating of the war-drums, before I had
taken any action whatever, either with regard to the
original outrage or the subsequent insults, — convinced
me that the situation I had to deal with was quite
apart from any tension created by any single petty
incident. The "determined policy" I pursued (and
for which I am criticised) was rendered necessary by
the general action of the Wa-Fransa, as well as by
the position in which I was placed owing to prospective
evacuation at the end of the year, and the consequent
necessity for arriving at a definite solution of these
chronic disturbances. For on the one hand it had
become necessary, owing to the entire change in the
NECESSITY FOR FIRM ATTITUDE.
337
whole situation caused by the news of the Company's
financial difficulties, that I should reduce expenses, and
prove, before myself leaving Uganda, whether in the
future it would be possible to hold the country with
a much reduced force ; while on the other hand, as I
had orders to maintain the administration for a full
year, there was nothing to be gained by temporising
and evadino' a crisis which was inevitable in the
opinion of all, and the difficulty of which would only
be increased by an exhibition of weakness and vacilla-
tion now. In a word, the ostensible cause of the
trouble (the murder) was a matter of small moment
with which I could easily have dealt. The challenge
sent to me, and the whole attitude of the hostile party,
showed me that I had to cope with a far larger
matter — similar to those crises in the previous year.
My firm attitude now, as then, almost crushed the
difficulty in its inception ; but the apparent determina-
tion of a certain section to precipitate a war, led them
to gratuitously beat the war - drums, without even
the pretext of any initiative on my part, and prob-
ably without the concurrence of many of the leading
Fransa chiefs. Nevertheless, at the last moment, I
am convinced, hostilities would have been avoided,
had not a sudden spark led to a general engage-
ment when already a modus Vivendi had been almost
arrived at.
I had an enormous mass of women and children of
the Sudanese, and the position seemed very critical.
For though I knew that they could never storm Kam-
pala— least of all by day — I feared that the Wa-
Inglezct would be beaten in the open, and we should
then be more or less besieged, and in very great diffi-
culties for food and water, for the former, at any rate,
could only be procured at great distances. Meanwhile,
the moment the news reached the Mohammedans of
VOL. II. Y
338
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
the outbreak of hostilities at the capital, this party
would invade the country with all their force, and the
Futahcmgi would also rise.
It has been assumed by some who condemn my
action, that my own overwhelming force freed me from
all apprehension of danger to ourselves. I can merely
say that this was very far from being the case. It is
extremely hard to defend one's self against j^ersonal
charges without appearing to boast, but as a matter of
fact it was due very largely, if not entirely, to the ex-
traordinary good shooting made with the Maxim, and
the general conduct of the next day's battle, that
success was achieved at all. The Wa-Fransa had far
more confidence that victory would be with them, than
either the Wa-Ingleza or myself had that it would
rest with us. This view, I think, the Fathers shared,
since they elected to remain in their fort at Rubaga,
rather than at Kampala, to await the issue of the day.
And would not Mgr. have made some effort to avert
the struggle, had he anticipated the defeat of his
party ?
As the Ingleza faction were very greatly outnumbered
at the capital, owing to the absence of their armies in
Bulamwezi and Chagwe, I issued to them, on the night
of 22d, forty muzzle-loading guns and one keg of powder
(5 lb.) That circumstances could ever force me to adopt
such a course had been far indeed from my thoughts
hitherto. An indirect allusion to such a possibility
had been made in a conversation with Mr Walker in
Buddu only a month previously, and in my private
diary I repudiate such a possibility as monstrous ! The
Kimbugwe (F.), it appears, had spies watching us, and
though the issue was made secretly, it was at once
known, and the number of guns was of course exag-
gerated to hundreds. My object was to equalise to
some extent the two parties, in case of sudden and
WA-FEAXSA GRATUITOUSLY BEAT WAR-DRUMS.
339
unexpected attack ; to do so I should have had to
issue several hundred guns to the Wo-Ingleza, but only
fortv were o-iven. nor did I let this faction know that I
should support them, lest they should become confident
and ]x)astful, and provoke a conflict. In fact I endea-
voured, up to the last moment, rather to lead them to
suppose I should remain neutral, but I gave the king
and Wa-Fransa clearly to understand, that as they
had publicly notified their intention of attacking Kam-
pala. I should fight them if war broke out.
The result of these exaggerated reports about the
midnight issue of guns appeared good. The aggressive
party saw that I really meant busmess. They had
never known me flinch from my word, and they saw
that I meant what I said. On the evening of 23d I
had news that they meant to give up the attack ; but
hardlv had I read the letter containino- this most
welcome intimation, than the war- drums boomed out.
and presently resounding from all sides, died away in
the far distance.
The following morning (Sunday, 24th) the ^Vr(-
Fransci began to collect, but there were at first no
signs of disturbance in the Ingleza quarter. I again
.sent to both Missions oflering them protection at Kam-
pala. The Fathers refused it, on the grounds that
Mgr. was indisposed,*' but asked for an armed escort
to protect them at Eubaga. I could not aflbrd to
detach a portion of my force, and as the hostile faction
were akeady rapidly assembling, the advance of such
a party would probably be looked on as the opening of
the battle, because the chiefs in haraza had said, that
if I sent soldiers to arre.st the culprit, they would kill
them every one, and they would probably suppose this
party to be charged with this duty. Had one of the
Fathers come in person to conduct the soldiers, or even
sent a R. Catholic chief, I might probably have sent
340
THE FIGHTING IX UGAXDA.
a few men, but as it was, I could not possibly do so.
The English missionaries, on the other hand, rej^lied
that they could not leave their goods. This seemed to
me foolish, because either their o-oods would be in no
danger, or else (in case of defeat) these would assuredly
be lost, and by remaining they would only in all prob-
ability lose their own lives also. As their mission
was close by, however, and as there were none of the
hostile faction between us, I sent off a few ^Dorters to
bring such goods as they desired to remove, and these
presently returned with all the missionaries.
Seeing that a fight was imminent at any moment, I
issued to the Protestants all the guns I had in Kam-
pala. These included some 300 of Stokes' muzzle-
loaders stored by us, with a few odd ones of our own,
and some 150 Sniders — being some of those left by
Gedo'e, and some from our own sick and more worthless
men. At the same time I told the Katikiro that under
no circumstances were they to fight without orders from
me, and he knew that disreo-ard of this order mio-ht
lose them my support. The king sent down begging
me to stop the war. I said I would do so if the mur-
derer was given up, and asked for an apology for the
insults in the haraza. Meanwhile the Wa-F)xtnsa col-
lected round the King's Hill and Piubaga ; the opposite
side extended from their mission station (facing E-u-
baga) to Kampala (facing the King's Hill, " Mengo
The king's messenger went back with my answer, and
several isolated shots were fired by the Fransa faction
to provoke the engagement, one (as I saw myself) at
the very foot of Kampala, and they flourished their
flags in the manner in which the Waganda challenge
the enemv. Presently one of the Ingleza faction was
brought in shot in the face ; but in spite of this — an
extreme provocation to so excessively excitable a peo-
ple as the Waganda — the Wa-Ingleza did not attack.
THE FIGHT PRECIPITATED.
341
mainly, I think, from fear of losing our support if they
disobeyed me.
I now despatched messenger after messenger to the
Katikiro (E.), telling him to send round to all his chiefs,
to tell them that if there was war, they were on no ac-
count to hurt the Fathers, or touch their 23roperty ; and
at great risk I also sent a messenger to beg them again
to come to Kampala, saying I w^ould send an escort to
conduct them so soon as they were in sight, and had
passed through the Fransa party. They preferred,
however, to trust to their own faction for victory, and
to identify themselves with them. Their coming to us
might not improbably have averted the battle.
Once more messengers came from the king, and I
now demanded that not only the original culprit, but
also the fellow who had shot this last man in the face,
should be rendered up for trial. They returned, bring-
ing a man bound hand and foot ; but those who had
seen the shot fired unanimously agreed that this was
not the culprit, but merely some peasant caught at
random. However, it showed me that for the first
time there was a real desire evinced to secure peace,
so I called Williams and the Katikiro, and sent a
message to say that, regarding the second outrage, and
the insults to ourselves, I would postpone all action,
and settle the matter next day by discussion, and the
original culj^rit only need be given uj^.
Williams and I both thought the crisis was now j^r^c-
tically over. We were told all the principal Fransa
chiefs were with the king, and seeing that they could
not intimidate me, were eager to make peace. Already
we had begun to congratulate ourselves that the tension
was past. The messengers were confident of success,
but hardly had they left the gates of Kampala than
heavy firing began from the Fransa side, and in less
time than it takes to write it the battle was gr-eneral !
342
THE FIGHTING IX UGANDA.
The main strength of the Wa-Fraasa was, I think,
on Mengo Hill, for here were most of their great chiefs
— Kimbugwe, Mujasi, Kauta, and others. The Wa-
Ingleza, on the other hand, had apparently posted their
strength opposite Rubaga, where their opjDonents were
weak. Hence on this extreme flank they carried all
before them, and in a few minutes the Catholic
church on the hill was in flames. The iplsm of the Wa-
Fransa, I was told, w^as to draw on the Wa-Ingleza on
the right, and to attack their left flank towards Kam-
pala in force, and so get between them and us, and
having cut them ofl* from us, to defeat them and j^ursue
them out of the capital, returning later to deal with us
separately. In spite of my unmistakable attitude, and
that my men were drawn up outside Kampala in pro-
longation of the Protestant line, I suppose they imag-
ined we should be insane enough not to flght till we
were actually attacked, in consequence of what the
Fathers are reported to have told them of our inability
to fight. If this was their plan, it was extremely well
devised. In point of fact they did drive in the flank
of the Wa-Ingleza towards Kampala.
Seeing a great mass of men rushing down from the
top of the King's Hill towards us, I opened fire with
the Maxim at a distance of some 1400 yards (the top
of the hill was just a mile). By a wonderful piece of
good fortune (for my estimate of the distance was a
guess) my calculation and my sighting were correct,
and my shots went right among the enemy at this
extreme range, and both the Kimbugwe and the Kauta
(perhaps almost the two bravest of their chiefs) were
hit in the legs. There was but a bare spot on the
top of the hill, and the path up to it, on which to fire.
On either side were dense banana-groves to the foot
of the hill, in which the men were invisible, and the
Maxim therefore useless. Immediately my shots told.
WA-FRANSA DEFEATED.
343
the crowd dispersed into these groves. There was one
c»pen spot (a potato-field) half-way down the hill.
Knowing" they would cross this, I rapidly swung the
gun round, estimated the distance at a guess, and
sighted on it, and as soon as the enemy appeared on
it the moment after, I was ready, and again my shots
told. The moral effect of this long-distance shooting,
and of the apparent ubiquity of the Maxim, Avas in-
calculable to such people as the Waganda. I don't
suppose a dozen men were hit, and probably not more
than half-a-dozen killed by my fire, yet I had broken
up their charge, and dispersed and terrified them. And
thus I maintain that the Maxim saved a great deal
of bloodshed, as it had also done in Unyoro. On the
West Coast, in the " Jebu" war, undertaken by Gov-
ernment, I have been told that "several thousands"
were mowed down by the Maxim. There ivas abso-
lutely nothing of the hind in Uganda or i^revioiLsly in
Unyoro.
Williams had opened fire with the little Maxim, but
a main rivet -pin smashed almost at the first shot, and
the gun was completely hors de combat. My Maxim
jammed every half-dozen shots or so, and occasionally I
could not fire more than a single shot like a rifle ; but
I kept it going. MeanAvhile, our own men were drawn
up in line, half-way down the slope of the hill, in the
open, and were on the knee in readiness. The enemy,
however, never broke cover from the bananas, so our
men were not eno^ao^ed.
Amoncr the bananas fio-htino- was croino- on, and the
Katikiro's men were ofettino^ the worst of it. Seeino-
that thev were beino- driven in, and ^\eYe assemblino-
in groujDS in the rear, out of action (their ammunition,
I suppose, being exhausted), I seized the critical mo-
ment to order our line forward under Williams, while
I covered the advance with the Q^xm. There was no
344
THE FIGHTIXG IX UGANDA.
holding our Sudanese and Zanzibaris ! Down the liill
they went with a rush, full of excitement and mad
for a fio'ht ! I detained Williams a moment to o^ive
him some instructions, and he barely caug4it them up
(running all he knew) as they rose the opposite hill.
The enemy did not wait for them, though there was
some opposition in the winding enclosures of the king's
courtyards (where Williams had a narrow escape), and
a few were shot here, but there were no casualties on
our side. Williams was just in time to save the kings
really fine buildino-s from beino- fired.
The enemy fled alono- the road to the lake, and
o
Williams hurried off to Rubao-a to look after and
protect the Fathers. Meanwhile I had sent off Grant
and a strong party to their assistance, and both arriyed
almost simultaneously. Mgr. and the Fathers refused
to come to Kamj^ala, in spite of Williams' entreaties,
so he left a o-uard of his most reliable men. and returned
to me. Xone of them were harmed except a West
African doctor, who, I was told, had shot a Mganda,
and was then killed. Their houses were of mud, but
the roofs were on fire : fortunately their mud store,
in which they had placed all their goods, was entirely
unharmed.
As soon as the enemy turned, the spearmen and peas-
antry of the victorious side had rushed in (as is the
custom of the Waganda) to complete the victory, and
to loot and hre the houses. Flames rose in every
direction, in S23ite of my indignant orders, for the
Katikiro and chiefs were powerless to stay the ex-
cited rabble, who ^vere scourino- the coiuitrv in every
direction — mad to l^urn the houses of their detested
rivals.
When Williams returned to say that the Fathers
would not come, I got the pony Martin had brought U23,
and galloped to Eubaga (two miles) without drawing
THE FATHEES TO KAMPALA.
345
rein, to see what I could do. Mgr. again refused/ but
" I im2:)lorecl him to come, saving I begged it as a
personal favour, as I had some matters I most urgently
wished to speak to him about, and I could not remain
absent from Kamj)ala. I would take no denial, and at
last thev consented to come, I oivino- mv horse to Mot.
to ride, and leavino^ the o^iard to take care of their
things. The king had fled, and I wanted them to let
The Frenxh Mission after the War.
me have one or two of their R. Catholic followers
(whose safety I would ensure by sending an escort with
them), to go with letters to recall him at once, to
carry my messages to the defeated faction, and also
to go to Chagwe (to the Sekibobo) to try and prevent
1 Compare the account given by Mgr. : " After two long hours, seeing
that no help was coming, we decided to leave the mission, and to go towards
Kampala. As we were doing this Captain Williams arrived,'"' &c. — E. C.
Union Xotes on Uganda, p. 77.
346
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
fighting there. They were most courteous : standing
among the blazing ruins of their houses and church,
they offered me wine, and said I had saved their Kves,
&c., and were greatly delighted that their store had
escaped the fire. Beyond the demolition of their
houses (speedily rebuilt in Uganda) they apparently
had suffered little harm, and all their goods, except
perhaps some few trifles, were safe. So we went, all
of us, down to Kampala — myself in rear, and Grant
in front with three or four Somals who had accompanied
me, to protect the Fathers from any injury from excited
bands. There were in all eleven of them. I expressed
my bitter sorrow at the day's work, and indeed I felt
wellnigh unmanned at the destruction in twelve hours
of a year's hard work, and at the devastation I saw
around me.
" Wounded poured into Kampala, and both Dr
Wright (of the Mission) and Dr Macpherson were
hard at work, from early in the fight till after dark, ex-
tracting bullets, setting arms and legs, and bandaging.
After all the disabled Protestants had been brought in,
they fetched many wounded of the other faction, and
told me they had buried their dead, so far as they had
found them. This I was much pleased at, for it is the
custom of the Waganda to spear the wounded and
leave the enemy's dead unburied.
" The Fathers brouofht over a mass of women and
children, and also some men, with them. They would
not be contented that these should be treated as other
natives, but wanted them inside our dwelling-houses,
and filled our dining-house with them to the exclusion
of ourselves. I would not have dreamt of allowing
this to any one, had not the circumstances been such
that I would have denied the Fathers nothing in the
world Avhich hospitality or courtesy could suggest. As
I lived in a tent myself, I had nothing to offer in
LETTERS TO THE KING AND SEKIBOBO.
347
the way of accommodation, but Williams gave up his
room and bed in the biof house to Mot. Hirth. I made
up beds for the others personally myself ; and long after
every one else, tired out and exhausted, had turned in,
and after all was done, and the comfort of each one
j^ersonally seen to by myself, I sat down to write letters
to the Sekibobo in Chagwe, urging him not to fight,
and assuring him that he should retain his place and
chieftainship. I wrote similarly to the Kago (F.), who
had fled with the rest, and lastly to the king. I turned
in late, but was too tired to sleep properly, and was up
again before dawn.
"Proverbially tough as I am, and ' hard as nails,' I
was stiff for long after this clay, and felt as though I
had gone through some extraordinary physical exertion,
— which I probably had, though owing to the intense
strain and anxiety I had not been conscious of it at
the time. We had some difficulty to house the priests,
and still more the pack of women and children they had
brought with them. These jDeople, dressed in fantastic
imitations of European women's clothes, swaggered
about as though the place belonged to them. They
thronged our private rooms, choked up the doorAvays,
and completely monopolised the dining - house, and
would make way for no one. The Fathers wanted
them to share the European accommodation, and so
they did — in the house, in my private office, every-
where ! . . . We were ready to stand anything
for the priests, to show our anxiety to make amends
for their hardships, and the chagrin they must feel at
the defeat of their party ; but it was very trying, for
the new store was full of wounded, as well as the bath-
room, the verandah of the house, and every available
corner. Our own men were lying out in the open (for
the night was fine), but this w^as not good enough for
the R. Catholic refugees. During the fight the stock-
348
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
ade was f^iU of women and children of the Wa-Tagleza
and all classes of refugees — probably many hundreds —
sitting as closely packed as sardines. As soon as the
fight was over I turned them all out, but had much
difiiculty to make some of them move 1 " (diary).
In the evening I had a long talk with Mgr., who
said, when I pressed him to frankly express his opinion,
that he thought the best plan was to divide the country
into two provinces, one for each faction. I did not pre-
clude this idea, for I was quite willing to discuss it or
any other plan with the king and chiefs, and to adopt
it should it appear the best solution for peace, but at
present I confessed it presented grave objections to my
mind. (1.) There Avould have to be practically two
administrative centres, and with the difficulties about
money to maintain the occupation this was a serious
matter, as it would involve additional expense. (2.)
The two provinces Avould be bitterly hostile, and there
would always be a fear of collision and war. (3.) How
could they combine against a common enemy such as
the Mohammedans ?
Next day I sent letters to MAvanga, who was in the
island of Bulingugwe, close to the shore of the lake,
seven miles from the capital, urging him to return,
and saying I had no quarrel with him, and he should be
reinstated Avith the same honour, &c., as before the war.
I Avould collect and return to him any of his property I
could find which had been looted, and henceforth Ave
Avould Avork together and be as one. I also begged the
Kago to return and resume his former position. I had
already Avritten similarly to the Sekibobo, for both had
ever done their best to avert war. All other chiefs Avho
Avould come Avere Avelcome, and Ave Avould haA^e a con-
ference and discuss the best course to pursue. They
should be unharmed and return in safety. In reply,
the Kago, Avho Avas a quiet and ]3eaceable man, and
MGR. INSISTS ON GOING.
349
a great friend of mine, came himself (The Sekibobo
was away in Chagwe.) The Kago told me the king
would return in two days. He was received with much
goodwill by the Protestants, for he was popular with
every one, and they disputed as to who should entertain
him ! I claimed him as my guest, and he slept with
complete confidence at Kampala on his return from the
Namasole (king's mother), with whom was Mwanga's
little daughter, his only child — for the king had sent
messages to them.
It seemed now as though all would go well, for the
Kago said Mwanga was eager to return, and he had him-
self merely come as a preliminary envoy. Early the
next morning Mgr. desired an interview with me,
and apparently the arrival of the Kago had altered
his plans, for he now suddenly said he wished at once
to go to Bulingugwe. I said I did not wish him to
go ; that it was best he should stay here for the pres-
ent, where he was safe. He replied that he had no in-
tention of staying in the island, but would merely pass
through on his way to Sesse. I answered that if he
left Kampala he did so against my official protest, and
in case he did not clearly understand, I asked Williams
to repeat this to him emphatically. He said he must
go, but would not stay there beyond one night en
route, — how could he stay in a fighting camp ? He,
however, remained there till the end of the month, and
was there when we attacked the island on the 30th.
" I was, at this time, in great fear lest Mr Bagge,
who was long overdue from his trip to the south of the
lake, should come up, all unconscious of the war, and
be captured or killed, and the boat and goods taken.
Mgr. asserted that if he went he could be certain of
saving Bagge's life, and no harm should be done to him.
He assured me again and again that he would do his
utmost to bring back the king, which would at once
350
THE FIGHTIXG IX UGANDA.
restore peace to the country" (diary). Under these
circumstances, I said, I could not detain him by force.
I told him that if Uo-anda was to remain a Christian
country, it was most urgently necessary that the king
should at once return, and that we should all unite
against the Mohammedans, who Avould (all were unan-
imous in saying) invade the country in force, so soon
as they received the news of the fighting in Mengo.
"I spoke to the English chiefs about it, and they
were greatly depressed, and declared that if he went
all hope of a peaceful solution was at an end. . . .
I gave him porters and an escort, and lent him our
j)ony, and did everything that hospitality and courtesy
could devise. With him went all the Fathers but
two, whom he said he wished to leave here. . . .
With his hand in mine at parting he j^^'otested he
would do his utmost to brino: back the kino-." Xext
day he wrote me as follows : —
" I regret not having been able myself to transmit your request
to liim [the king] ; perhaps I might have been able to influence
him somewhat. But it appears to me that he continues to show
a greater repugnance towards a return to Mengo. Let us not
despair, however, of seeing him quit his island."
Mgr. Hirth said not a word, however, about Bagge,
and from subsequent e\'ents he does not appear to
have done anything whatever to fulfil his promise
reo^ardino' him. " He also asked that the two Fathers
whom he had left here should at once come down
to him (without assigning any reason), and he said
that he and all but two would at once leave for
Sesse. . . . He requested me (somewhat brusquely, I
thought) to send all messages or letters through the
Fathers, saying that my messengers of to-day, not
being introduced by them, had, he heard, been insulted
by the order of the king."' (Yet he had said he was
MAFUTAA AS MY ENVOY.
351
unable to deliver my message to the king himself!)
''This, I am inclined to think," I continue, "was in
order that everything might pass through their hands,
and they might represent all I said in their own
colours, for I never heard a word from any other source
about the messengers having been insulted, and I should
have heard of it ad nauseam from the IngJeza chiefs
had it been fact. . . . The two Fathers went on the
27th, immediately they got the order to do so, and
again I provided porters to carry their things. Never-
theless I hear that Mgr. publicly said (because they
arrived late) that probably they had been ' tied up in
Kampala.' This, I think, was reported by Stokes'
Nahoda, who had gone down to the islands.
" Next day (28th) I sent Mafutaa (Stokes' headman),
a civil respectable man, who is considered entirely
neutral. I promised him a reward if he could induce
the kins: to return. He and the Nahoda came back
in the evening. They said the king was most anxious
to return, and had secretly told Mafutaa so, but that
he was practically a prisoner in the hands of the R.
Catholics, and could not even run away at night, as
they slept all round him ! He said that Mgr. was
doing all in his power to detain him ; that all the big
chiefs, almost without exception, had been eager to
return, but Mgr. had prevented it in every way
he could ; that the latter, on seeing him, had asked
him if he came from me. ' Yes,' said Mafutaa, ' to
try to get the king to return.' ' Oh,' said Mgr.,
' you think it is good to drive out the king and
then to send and fetch him back ? Perhaps Captain
Lugard will bring his Maxim and kill us all here,'
&c. Mafutaa considered his words so insulting that
he protested, and said, ' Surely you do not wish me
to repeat this to Captain Lugard ? It is wrong to
speak thus in presence of the Mujasi, who is a hot-
352
THE FIGHTING IX UGAXDA.
headed boy, who ^vas hut now iiichiied for peace, hut
on hearing such words will tie on his belt for war.'
Much more was said, and as it came from a stranger
who belonged to neither faction, I was compelled to
believe that Mot. was deliberately actino- contrarv to
his promise to me. He did not write again or answer
my letter.
••' Xext day (29th) I had a long talk with the chiefs.
All aofreed that we should send an ultimatum, and thev
wrote a number of letters, all bewinD- the kino- to
return. I wrote a long one also, saymg that if he came
back he should have all his former honour and influ-
ence, and should decide cases (especially shamha ques-
tions), but ill criminal cases he should be guided bv me,
and in everything we would work together. He should
fly the British flag, which should not be the flag of a
party. All the Fransa chiefs should return to their
old jolace, power, and honour, and we would forget the
war. As to the three chiefs present in the haraza when
the insults were ofiered, I would forgive the Mujasi,
since he spared the life of one of my men who fell into
his hands ; the Kauta must lose his place, but should be
reinstated if he behaved well. Salo-Salo (who is a very
petty chief and generally disliked), being a thoroughly
bad man, must be deoraded. I said much more in the
same sense " (diary). Thus no indemnity was asked :
and the question of the outrage, &c., was all dropped,
and I oflered to reinstate everybody and blc^t out the
memory of the whole affliir.
The same evenino- " I continue. " the Wa-Fransa
attacked and burnt the shamhas of Mwami (E.) on the
lake shore. The owner had got early news, and put out
to sea in his canoes. It was to cajDture these that the at-
tack was made. The Protestant chiefs, seeing the flames,
sent down men to protect him. Xext morning (30th)
a verbal message was brought me in reply to my letter,
NECESSITY FOR ATTACK ON ISLAND. 353
to the effect that they would return, if the victorious
faction paid a fine for fighting, and gave all the guns
I had lent them to the king ! This was a mere insult."
So I agreed that the Wa - Ingleza should attack the
island, and Williams took the Maxim to cover their
landing. I remained at Kampala, lest any news (now
almost hourly expected) should reach the capital con-
cerning advance of the Mohammedans.
As regards this attack on Bulingugwe Island, which
has been much criticised, it must be borne in mind that
all parties agreed in saying that in the event of fighting
at the capital the Mohammedan party would be upon
us within three days ; that I had. used every possible
VOL. IL Z
354
THE FIGHTING IX UGANDA.
effort to bring about peace for six days, offering to rein-
state the defeated party in every way, as they were
before the war ; that each day's letters seemed to
remove this hope further and further, till a climax
was reached on the night of 29th, by the gratuitous
attack on Mwami's shamhas ; that the Wa-Fransa,
though defeated in the first engagement at the capital,
were still apparently confident of ultimate victory, and
looked on their position in the island as impregnable.
[For it was here that, when a second time expelled
from Mengo by the Mohammedans, the Christians had
established themselves and collected their forces, and
in turn (Feb. 1890) had ousted their enemy from the
capital.] Their forces were rapidly massing to the south
(where their main army was) in Buddu, to make a sim-
ultaneous attack by land, and all their fighting men from
Chagwe, &c., were joining either the party on the islands
or the land army. War had broken out, and, as a soldier,
I should have been guilty of a folly I could never have
justified, had I allowed a hostile force to concentrate in
my rear, while I was threatened by a large army on
my left (Buddu), the whole Mohammedan force in my
front (daily expected to arrive), and a general rising of
the Futahangi on my right towards Usoga.
The island is only some 400 or 500 yds. from the
mainland. Williams was therefore able to drive back
the enemy, and practically the entire fighting was done
by the Maxim. Each side had also a small fleet of
canoes. I understood from Williams that the enemy
fought with great gallantry, especially the Mujasi ;
but the Wa-Ligleza showed no 23luck whatever, and on
this occasion, I believe, they more or less turned tail in
their canoes, while they durst hardly effect a landing,
even under cover of the Maxim. Dualla had beoo-ed
liard to be allowed to fight, and he showed great
pluck. When the Waganda canoes turned he went on
WA-FRANSA OUSTED.
355
with his single canoe, and apparently was completely
surrounded, and engaged the whole of the enemy single-
handed, under an extremely heavy cross-fire. By a great
good fortune none of his men were hit. All the Fathers
were on the island ! This time they again had a nar-
row escape, for the Waganda were exasperated against
them, and considered that it was due to Mgr. that our
negotiations had failed.
Mgr. himself left his confreres, and fled in a canoe
with the king. The rest of the Fathers were brought
to Williams, and he placed them under the care of
Dr Macpherson, who conducted them safely to Kam-
pala. He then went across to the island and captured
some ivory of the king's. Exaggerated accounts of
the " massacre " on this occasion were transmitted to
Europe, inferring that hundreds, if not thousands, had
been killed. Captain Williams, in an official statement,
puts the outside loss in killed and wounded on the
island at 25, out of which the Maxim killed 12 or less ;
in the boats about 60 were killed, but he adds, " he
could have killed several hundreds." A number of
fugitives were drowned in the rush for boats " out of
sight and not under fire. This was the result of pure
panic," as they were not being pursued at the time.
"A quantity of loot was taken," I write, "and the
whole place became like a fair ; guns were firing in
every direction, and men dancing and fooling ; thou-
sands of people had collected on the island. Nothing-
was done, apparently, by the Wa-Ligleza, to secure the
number of canoes which were drifting about in every
direction ; and we have since heard, on what I think
good evidence, that most of the big chiefs of the enemy
were all the while at the far end of the island, with
(they say) 180 guns. During the night they all cleared
out quietly. Had these chiefs been captured, it would
have ended the war.
356
THE FIGHTING IN UGANDA.
" The Fathers, on arrival at Kampala, were utterly
done up and exhausted. I gave them the little drop of
whisky we had, and once again I arranged stretchers,
beds, and food (a large bowl of Liebig), and offered
them all my own clothes to replace their damp
ones. They told me that Williams had informed them
they were to consider themselves ' prisoners,' and asked
me, in some apparent apprehension, what would be
meant by this. I told them that I really did not think
it right that they should thus j)ut themselves into
danger : now, for the second time, we had with diffi-
culty extricated them, and they had gone in spite of
my official protest. A very heavy resjDonsibility lay on
me for their lives, and I must beg them to give me their
parole dlionneur that they would not leave the protec-
tion of Kampala, until I saw that it was safe for them
to go where they liked.
" They seemed greatly relieved, and at once passed
their word to me, and I said that, for the rest, I ho23ed
they would consider themselves my guests, and I would
do my utmost to make them comfortable. I have had a
house built for them, and I supply them daily with meat
(which is now hard to get) ; they have access to their
own gardens for vegetables, and j)lenty of cloth to buy
all necessaries. They have since told me that they
themselves think it advisable they should stay here for
the present. I have done my best, as before, to treat
them with every courtesy. They constantly ask about
diffi3rent women of their mission, &c. ; these I have done
my utmost to find and bring to them. They have an
escort to take them wherever they wish to go, and I
have begged them to point out to sentries (whom I had
stationed at various points) any Mganda who may insult
them, that I may publicly flog him. Any wish they
may express is carried out to the utmost of my power,
and indeed they are treated rather as honoured guests
THE FATHERS AT KAMPALA.
357
than as ' prisoners ' ! One of them, Pere Levesque, I
Hke much, — he has a real good honest face, and was
here in Uganda in Mtesa's time ; also Pere Gaudibert,
the Englishman, is a good fellow. The others are always
courteous, gentlemanly, and polite, and our relations are
most cordial."
I have quoted this passage at length from my diary.
Those who have read the bitter invective, written at this
very time, by the Father Superior (M. Guillermain) , will
surely be surprised at the contrast. " We are treated,"
he says, " as the scum of the earth. The English aid
the Baganda to insult us," &c., &c. ; while heart-rending
pictures of the miseries of their "imprisonment" at
Kampala were painted, and their condition was de-
scribed as a disgrace for the sons of France " ! Pencil
scrawls were written to Mgr., and it was inferred they
were penned in secrecy and despatched with difficulty ;
but as a matter of fact, I gave them pens, ink, and paper,
and everything they asked for that I could supply : for
additional privacy an enclosure was built round their
houses ; the whole of their goods were conveyed from
Rubaga by relays of some fifty porters during three
days, and stored in our houses.
Almost daily they visited me in the morning, and
frequently partook of a cup of morning tea with me,
and I received them en deshahille without ceremony as
friends, however busy I might be, and we had pleasant
conversations, many of which are quoted in my diary.
Thus, under date Feb. 19th, I find the following : " They
said that the other day, when our force went down to
the island to fight, the chiefs — seeing a European — at
first thought it was me, and the cry went round, ' Let
him be welcome.' ... I said I thought if I could only
meet the big chiefs Kimbugwe, Kago, Sekibobo, &c., I
might arrange peace, and they replied that they were
conjident I could do so if I met them m^^self. . . . The
358
THE FIGHTIXG IX UGANDA.
Fathers assure me that I am universally trusted, and
say that Mgr. intends to write me a letter to say
this." I quote this merely to show that the Fathers
were pleased to approve my own method and action.
A further passage, which I have not quoted, was
still more flattering. Let the reader judge then
of my surjDrise when I found that M. Guillermain had
at this verv time been writino^ in the sense I have
quoted !
The charges against Williams of having fired on
women and fugitives are hardly worthy of serious
refutation. The women were in a different part of the
island, I believe, on the other side of a hill where
no shot could possibly touch them, and surrendered
themselves as captives. Women rarely mix in a battle
in Africa — certainly not in Uganda. Under any cir-
cumstances it is too monstrous to suppose that a British
officer would have purposely fired on women. Recent
news from Uganda states that these charges have com-
pletely broken down under investigation.
As reo'ards fuoitives : the armed men who left the
island were all going to join the main army in Buddu,
to check whose advance I had sent the whole of the
available force of the Protestant faction by land under
the Pokino, simultaneously with the attack on the island.
The whole moral effect of a victory lies in the rout and
the 23ursuit. Where this has been neglected (as at
" MacNeill's zeriba "), the result has been a demoralisa-
tion of the victorious side, and an access of confidence,
leading to a renewal of fighting, on the part of the
vanquished. The use of arms of precision — of a Maxim,
&c. — and a bold pursuit, are the main factors in securing
a moral effect, and a moral effect in its results is to save
life by putting an end to the war. It is not, however,
my business here to digress upon such platitudes of
warfare. Lord Wolseley's opinion on the necessity of
TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
359
pursuing and destroying an enemy in flight, is expressed
in terms as strong as it is possible to make them.^
I apologise to any soldier who may read this book for
having written down these truisms, but I write for
those who are not conversant with such matters ; and
though my profession and my duty have led me into a
good deal of service," I can assure any member of the
"Peace Preservation Society" that he cannot have a
more hearty detestation — I had almost written shrink-
ing"— from fighting than I have myself. Yet my words
to Williams were (and would be again upon occasion),
" If we have to fight, nib it in.''
I offered the women who had been captured the pro-
tection of Kampala, suggesting that they should live in
some houses which were vacated at the foot of the knoll,
and I ordered the chiefs to collect and bring me all the
captives. Most, however, preferred to live with relatives
and friends among the Wa-Ingleza. The charge that
they were sold into slavery is quite untrue, and has now>
I believe, been entirely disproved.
1 Soldier's Pocket-book, p. 351.
360
CHAPTER XXXIY.
SITUATION IN UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
Escape of my men in Biiddu — Warning to Mr Walker — Buddu refugees
make for the capital — Chiefs refuse help — I compel them to go —
Ashe's complaints — Position of Ferag — Arrives safely — Missionary
claims — Escape of Bagge and Kiihne — Return from Bukoba in safety —
Import of arms by priests — Mlondo and Futahangi — Sekibobo makes
for Buddu — His magnanimous conduct — My protegee Malia — Sekibobo
defeated — Reddie in danger in Usoga — Wakoli loyal — Mohammedans
checkmated — Make overtures for peace — I offer peace or war, and
watch frontier — Wci-Fransa still threaten — A king wanted — Discus-
sions with priests — Strengthen Kampala — Decide to defend Namuimba's
island.
While these events were taking place at the capital,
there were many other causes of anxiety, and I will as
briefly as possible sketch the outline of each of these
matters. A few days before the war broke out, I had
sent thirteen men with some o-oods of the Enoiish
mission to their station in Buddu. Their story was as
follows : " When they arrived, news of the fio-htinof had
already preceded them, and Mr Walker had left. A
party of Waganda came to the mission-house and told
them to come out and parley. They declined, saying
they were my men and had nothing to do with Wa-
ganda quarrels, — being ignorant that we were now
involved. One man, however, went out to them (the
headman says against his orders), and a party concealed
in the long grass immediately fired on him, and shot
WARNING TO MR WALKER.
361
him through the thigh, and took his gun. The rest say
that they then salHed forth and brought in the wounded
man, which I doubt. The Waganda then surrounded
the place and fired it. Our men (leaving the wounded
man) escaped, and travelling mostly by night, reached
Kampala in three days."
Regarding Mr Walker's position in Buddu, it will be
remembered that when matters appeared critical before
the war, Duta had written by my order to warn them
in Buddu, and Mr Walker said his letter read distinctly
as though written with my authority. On the day of
the fight the Pokino (chief of Buddu), who was at the
capital, wrote telling them that the Wa-Fransa were
all making for Buddu, with the view of concentrating
there. I knew that the intelligence would arrive there,
carried by a thousand tongues from village to village,
almost as quickly as though a telegraph had conveyed
it, and as a matter of fact it did so arrive. I also
wrote later to Zachariah, and to Ferag, telling them
to evacuate. I could not send troops, for at this time,
as I have described, we were practically surrounded.
On our left, between us and Buddu, the bulk of the
hostile army had rallied, some thirty miles from the
capital, and to pass through them to the relief of Buddu
would have required the whole army of the Ingleza
faction at least. In fact, as I shall narrate, they were
not equal to the task.
It was thus impossible for me, at the moment, to do
more than defend the capital, and I could not send
ammunition without a force to convey it. Moreover, I
had always understood Buddu to be a stronghold of the
Protestants, and in the previous July, when fighting
had broken out, they had defeated their opponents
though reinforced by the army of Kamswaga of Koki.
" Consequently," I write, " I did not look on their
position as precarious; for besides being the more power-
362
UGANDA DURIXG THE WAR.
fill, they had the friendly country of Ankoli on which
to retreat, and, if food was scarce there, they could go
on to our forts in Torn and south Unyoro." About
the 1st Feb. I received a letter from Mr Walker, dated
Jan. 28th, saying that they ^xere on their way to
Ankoli, havino' received iiew^ of the ficrhtino- and of
the intention of the Wa - Fransa to concentrate in
Buddu. The letter also said that Zachariah had de-
feated a chief of the opposite faction, and that it was
reported that the chief of Koki was invading Buddu
in the Fransa interest. He also said he had written
to Ferag to come to Masaka, to take charge of the
mission premises, and the goods they had abandoned !
I was very distressed to hear this, for if Ferag had left
the lake shore, T did not know how I could save him,
and I could not understand how Mr Walker could have
called him to defend the station they had themselves
deserted, even supposing he had the 100 guns which he
said he '' understood *' he possessed, instead of forty-
live only.
Thouo'h this news of their retreat on Ankoli was
precisely what I had anticipated, I was much relieved
to get it ; for on the 27th Mr Eoscoe had written to
me detailino' some alarmino- but oToundless rumours.
Some of the very best lighting chiefs on the " Eng-
lish " side were in Buddu — Zachariah, Samweli, Mu-
banda, and Thomasi Mkisi, kQ. Zachariah still had the
fifty Sniders I had lent him when he accompanied me
to Kavalli's. I was greatly surprised and disturbed,
therefore, at receiving letters on Feb. 3d (dated Jan.
30th) from Mr Walker and Mr Ashe (who had re-
cently arrived from German territory, and joined him
in Buddu), to say they had altered their plans, and
were marching for the capital with a following of
women, &c., estimated at from 6000 to 10,000 people!
He said they had been attacked in rear, but Zachariah
PROTESTANT CHIEFS REFUSE TO FIGHT. 363
and the fighting men had defeated their opponents and
killed their leader ; nine of Ferag's men had joined
him, as also had Mr Smith (a missionary), who was
in Buddu. Both letters contained the most urgent
appeals for help. They gave me no idea at all that they
were making a detour ; in fact Mr Ashe said, " We are
making straight for Mengo." Both said that the hostile
army was collected in front of them, and lay between
them and the capital. " Lose no time in sending help,"
wrote Mr Ashe, and went on to say that their ammu-
nition was exhausted, and their position most critical.
Meanwhile, on this same day, I heard that the Seki-
bobo, with the Chagwe army, was passing on his way
to Buddu, making a detour to avoid the capital, and
I sent Mlondo with a force to oppose him, as I shall
narrate in describing that j^art of the war. On receipt
of the letters from Ashe and Walker, " I at once sent
for the Pokino (chief of Buddu)," I write, "and told
him to hurry out as fast as he could possibly go, and
help them, and I would send all the rest to support
him. He did not want to go unless some of my men
went too ; but eventually, after much delay, he started
with, I believe, only thirty guns. I sent message after
message to the chiefs, and at last Duta came down to
say that, though the Katikiro had ordered them to go,
all refused !
" I was very much disgusted with them, for they dare
not face the others at all. They will do nothing but talk
and argue, and disagree with what I say, like a parcel
of old women. They have largely brought on the present
state of things, and now they are cowed, and sit talking
and fooling. I cannot get them to send out scouts —
they are afraid — nor will they move unless supported
by us and the Maxim. The position now really seems
bad. Here are we, with the enemy surrounding us on
all sides in great numbers, and this wretched faction (to
364
UGAXDA DUEIXG THE WAR.
obtain justice for whom we have incurred so much, for
whom we have fought to save them from extermina-
tion, and to whom Ave have lent arms and ammunition)
refusing point-blank to go to war, even to help their
own people ! " I heard a report that, because I had
spoken strongly to them a few days before, when they
had acted contrary to my orders, they now feared that,
if they went out to war, I might coalesce with the Mo-
hammedans and attack them !
I now put on my own safari clothes, though night
was falling, and got ready to go out at once. Williams
went and told them I was ready to start, and if they
would not o^o I would g-o bv mvself. Their mission-
aries "pleaded" with them, and at last they consented,
and then begged me to stay and defend Mengo in case
of attack by the Mohammedans. They started, I
believe, next day. Meanwhile I found Mr Walker
and the Buddu party had made a detour to the north.
Apparently their case had been much exaggerated, for
excepting the one skirmish on leaving Buddu, they had
not been attacked at all, and came on slowly and peace-
fully. Probably, however, they would have run into
the Sekibobo and his party, had not Mlondo defeated
the latter.
On the 8th, Ashe, Walker, and Smith arrived with
the mass of people from Buddu. The two former com-
plained that I had not warned them of the imminence
of war, and had neglected them, and sent them no
assistance. This had only been one of many crises,
and ujD to five minutes before the fighting began we had
hopes that it would be averted. Moreover, news had
been sent by Duta (by my orders) and by the Pokino,
as I have narrated. Besides, as the Missions were
fully informed of events, they might, if they thought it
necessary, have sent news to their colleagues in Buddu,
or at least have spoken of it to me. As regards sending
C.M.S. CLAIMS — RIGHT OF EXTENSION. 365
help, even had it been possible, Walker's letter, saying
they were on their way to Ankoli, had rendered it un-
necessary. When I heard that they had entirely altered
their minds, and had formed the plan of marching on
the capital — in spite of the hostile army which they
apparently knew to be concentrated on the road to
Meng-o, and notwithstandino^ their host of women and
children, their few fighting men, and lack of ammuni-
tion— I at once sent all the help I could, as I have shown.
They then decided to submit claims for compensation
for their property lost in Buddu, which Mr Walker
said, in his letter of 28th, had been left at Masaka on
the advice of their Waganda friends, because they could
not prevail upon them to assist them to remove it.
Up to within a day or so of the war, the missionaries
had been vehemently protesting their absolute right
to go to Usoga, even in spite of the prohibition of
the Directors and my own decidedly expressed views,
that any such extension at that moment would be
unadvisable in the extreme. Owing to the impossi-
bility of those at home fully apprehending the situa-
tion in Uganda (for their conception of which they
were entirely dependent on the necessarily inadequate
descriptions sent by those on the spot, and also to the
slow means of communication), my position necessarily
involved large discretionary powers, and these had been
most fully and generously accorded to me. But in this
matter of the extension to Usoga, I told the missionaries
that, so far from considering that any circumstances on
the spot would justify a departure from the instructions
sent to me from England, my own decided opinion was
that the situation, as I interpreted it, strongly enforced
the reasons on which the decision had been based. In
the result, my opposition probably saved the lives of the
gentlemen who had intended to go to Luba's ; for on
the outbreak of war they would have been exposed to
366
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
the greatest danger, and I should have had yet one
more source of anxiety and difficulty on their behalf.
Even, however, in the midst of the trouble in Uganda,
they again raised the question, on Feb. 9th, in spite of
the fact that Mr Ashe, their president, had on his
arrival declared himself thoroughly in accordance with
my views, and opposed to an action which should be
counter to the decision of the Administration. The
question remained in abeyance when they found that
all Chagwe was in arms ; and meanwhile, since the half-
dozen missionaries in Mengo were said to be " treading
on each other's heels," I suggested the formation of a
station in Singo at the Mukwenda's capital, where they
would be protected by the force I was compelled to
maintain there to watch the Mohammedans. In case of
attack, they could retire with this force or take refuge
on the impregnable island in the little lake at Mitiana,
where was abundant food, &c. This suggestion, how-
ever, was not carried out. In June the Usoga question
was again reopened, and a new correspondence begun.
In vain I requested them to delay even for a few days,
until I myself should have visited Luba (as was my
intention), and have established some small garrison in
Usoga. In direct opposition to the orders of the Direc-
tors and my own views, and in spite of the fact that
throughout the whole of Uganda they had not a single
mission-station except at the capital, they insisted on
going to Usoga, and they went. They claimed that
missions had a right to go where they wished, in-
dependently of the secular power, and wished, I believe,
to make a test case, upon which an appeal could be
made to the House of Commons.
I am loth to enter into these details, but in justice
both to the R. Catholic Mission and to myself, I am
compelled to frankly state my difficulties with the
English missionaries, and not to leave it to be in-
C.M.S. CLAIMS — COMPEXSATIOX.
367
ferrecl, either, on the one hand, that the former alone
caused trouble in Uganda, while the latter were loyal
in their support of the Administration ; nor, on the
other hand, that I was placing restrictions on the
French Mission, while privately giving an unfair ad-
vantage to the English. Moreover, in writing this
book, my main object has been to lay before those
thinking men who are interested in the small be-
ginnings from which the greatness of otir empire has
arisen, some of those problems which present themselves
in these distant and uncivilised lands — whether they be
problems of industrial development, the suppression of
slavery, or the relations which should obtain between
the administrative and the missionary elements. I have
akeady (p. 104) stated my view as to the latitude
within which alone I consider missionary enterprise
should be free to act : and in now ao-ain alludino^ to
the subject, I do so merely to give the special instances
in point in their proper sequence of events.
It will be remembered, moreover, in addition to this
question of the right of mission extension, that the
English bishop had offered, on my hrst arri^'al in
Uganda, to deal with the disptites between the fac-
tions, in so far as they did not refer to injustice on
the part of the king. I was only too glad to avail
myself of the experiment, in the hope that his con-
ference with the Fathers might bring beneficial results,
but in principle I have never admitted the right of
missionaries to interfere in the executive administra-
tion. The ' Roman Catholic Union " ^ blames me for
not establishino' some stich court of arbitration consist-
ed
ino- of missionaries. Yet the Eno-lish missionaries
declined to be bound by any undertaking ^^ hich might
have been given by Bishop Tucker pledging mission
assistance in the solution of " difficulties between the
^ Xotes on Uganda, p. 27.
368
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
parties, and desired me to regard any such offer by the
bishop as referring to himself alone. On this subject
I shall have more to say presently.
I have allowed myself to digress, apropos of the
claims of the missionaries for compensation for losses
in Buddu, because, in their assertion of their right to
extend to Usoga, I understood that they repudiated the
obligation of the Company to protect them, and alleged
that they went there at their own risk. Yet we find
them censuring the executive government in strong
terms for inefficient protection, and urging claims for
losses at out -stations on that account. This proves
what I have already endeavoured to demonstrate — viz.,
that even if the right of missionaries to risk their own
lives in British territory be admitted, they cannot do so
without at the same time involving the Administration.
I was extremely anxious about the little garrison
under Ferag Effiendi, left at Luwambu on the lake
shore in Buddu. I had intended at once to form a
station there, but could not do so on my way back to
Uganda, because the men who would garrison it were
with Mr Grant, who, it will be remembered, had gone
to the Salt Lake to adjust the difficulty with the
Manvuema. On their return they needed a short rest
and to be reclothed, &c., after seven months' contin-
ual travel. Later, the news of the orders for evacua-
tion of L^ganda, and the stress of I have already
spoken of, had delayed me, and when the war broke
out it found Ferag isolated and unprepared. Ferag
had been one of the heroic garrison of Kassala, and
was a man of the greatest personal bravery. In all
he had some 45 rifles, with 300 rounds reserve ammu-
nition besides what his men carried, with over 100
women and children to protect, and no reserve or
store of food.
I concluded for certain that, when the news of the
POSITION OF FEEAG.
369
fip'htino' reached him, he would retn^e with Zachariah
and the Ingleza party, to whom I had referred him
for all supplies and necessaries. His soldierly in-
stincts, however, forbade him to retreat, in spite of the
fact that he had no station to guard and no goods in
his charge. He refused alike to accompany Zachariah,
or to carry out Mr Walker's most hazardous request,
that he should take charge of the deserted mission-
station at Masaka, unless he had direct orders from
me — orders which, it will have been seen, it was
wellnigh imj)ossible to convey. About Feb. 1st I got
news that he was still at Luwambu, and on the 2d
I sent off a party of twenty-nine of my very best men
— which was all for whom I could get canoes at the
moment — with orders to go by water along the lake
shore to his assistance. As his position was on the
very shores of the lake, I trusted he would either be
able to hold out till this relief came, or to capture
canoes to effect an escape. News reached me that
he had three days' food stored. On arrival they would
either bring the garrison back by water, if they should
succeed in capturing sufficient canoes for the purpose,
or overland should they find themselves able to do
so. If neither were feasible, they would cross to the
little island of Luwambu, where they would be able
to hold their own. The little relief expedition managed
their difficult task admirably, met and defeated much
larger parties of the enemy, and by their sudden
appearance so far south, caused, I believe, quite a
23anic, which probably resulted in the evacuation of
Sesse (as Williams afterwards found). They were,
however, too late to help Ferag.
On Jan. 29th, Mr Bagge, with the German sergeant,
Kiihne, passed through the Straits of Luwambu, and
landed and spent the night at Ferag's little fort. He
then left him, without giving him any advice as to
VOL. II. 2 A
370
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
how he should act, or attempting to assist him to
evacuate. But Mr Bsicrcre at this time had not reahsed
the critical position of affairs. Ferag had already made
up his mind to the necessity for withdrawal, for he was
quite without food, and heard he was to be attacked
in great force. His plan was, he said, that the women
and children should accompany Bagge (for there were
many canoes available), while he fought his way over-
land. Bagge, however, said that Ferag never hinted at
any such scheme. Failing this, and left to his OAvn re-
sources, he marched inland towards the mission station
at Masaka, "passing through huge crowds of people,
who mobbed them with sticks and spears, but had
no guns. He did not fire on these, reserving his am-
munition for the real enemy. Presently they came on
these, and were surrounded on all sides. The firing,
he says, was very heavy indeed, and a woman and the
infant at her breast were shot dead, and two Sudanese
wounded. They say they killed at least 100 close to
them, and how many more were hit in the bush they
do not know. By nightfall they arrived at Masaka,
which was burnt.
" Now, at last, Ferag began to realise the extent of
the danger. He had thought the Europeans were
unassailable, and that at Masaka he would find all
right. He pushed on all that night, but lost his
road, and was going towards Ankoli. They travelled
all the next day and night, and when they lay down
to rest they saw burning houses all round them, and
men hunting" for them bv torchliofht. A Mo-anda came
and offered to show them a little-known path ; and
since the search-parties of the enemy were still looking-
for them in every direction, he determined to push
on, tired as they were. He woke every one him-
self, but some sixteen of the Sudanese soldiers got
left behind, and also his own rear-guard, in the dark-
FEEAG ARRIVES SAFELY.
371
ness of the night and the numerous paths. These he
lost altogether, as they were delayed by carrying the
wounded. He waited a day for them, and sent parties
back to search, without success. His party had a mar-
vellous escape, and had no fighting after the first day ;
the only killed were the woman and child " (diary).
They arrived at Kampala on Feb. 9th, and the miss-
ing soldiers turned up safely the day following. Poor
Ferao' looked dreadfullv worn and haowrd. Arrivino^
here, he had to learn the news of the sad death of his
only boy — such a 23retty child — by a gun accident the
day after the fight. He was shot by another boy when
playing with a soldier's rifle. I could not find out where
thev could have o-ot the cartridge from. After hearing
his story I promoted him Malassira Aival (first lieuten-
ant), ostensibly for his good work on the Kavalli ex-
pedition, and not for the retreat from Buddu. This has
cheered him immensely, and he has been more himself
since ; he was greatly distressed because I would not
shoot the boy who accidentally killed his son 1 (diary.)
Bagge was overdue from his trip to the south of
the lake at the time that the fio4itino- broke out. I
therefore was most anxious about him, and feared that
he would fall into the hands of the enemy, who had
command of the lake and of Sesse. On arrival, how-
ever, at Bukoba, the German station just south of the
British sphere, he got news of the outbreak in Uganda,
but it was not apparently considered to be a matter of
serious importance. Lieutenant Langheld sent up Ser-
geant-Major Kiihne to see me on some matters, and he
accompanied Mr Bagge in canoes with twelve soldiers.
Arrived at the Straits of Luwambu, they found Ferag^
and his garrison, and heard more detailed accounts.
Just at this very time (Jan. 30th) the attack was made
by us on the island of Bulingugwe, and the hostile
party and the king were expelled.
372
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
Bagge and Klihiie still failed to realise the situation,
and prosecuted their voyage, passing through the nar-
row straits (where they might have been attacked from
both banks) without mishap. Klihne then went ashore
on the main island to see the priests at their station,
and Bagge, hearing some shouting, thought he was
being called, and put into shore. His men, however,
discovered their dano'er, and Baofo-e then stood out
to sea at once, and waited for Klihne, who rejoined
him later with the news that, by the priests' account,
all the nine Fathers in Uganda were murdered, and
I had myself cut the rings from their fingers ! The
Mo'anda who brouMit the news to Sesse said that he
o in
himself had seen the bodies, and that Mwanga was mad
to kill anv Eno-lishman !
Still they proceeded on their way, coasting along the
north-west shore of Sesse. Kuhne went on in front, as
his canoes travelled faster than the boat, since there
was no wind, and agreed to signal to Bagge whether it
was safe for him to land. Bagge waited only 40 yds.
from the shore, and at length Klihne came out (secretly
by night), and told him to return to Bukoba as fast as
possible, as his life was in danger. He rowed all night,
and about 11 a.m. on 31st landed about five miles
below Ferao-'s stockade to cook food. He did not see
any one as he jDassed, and understood that Ferag had
left. Again he landed in the evening, but a "special
providence seemed to protect him, for notwithstanding
the fact that Buddu was in the hands of the enemy,
and that this landing on the mainland was most
dangerous, they arrived safely at Bukoba, the German
station, on the 5th Feb. Bagge was again welcomed,
and treated most courteously by the Germans, and
found Klihne had already turned up.
Klihne had seen Mwanga on his arrival, after his
defeat at Bulingugwe. " He said that the king was in-
ESCAPE OF BAGGE AND KUHNE.
373
furiated against the English, and had been most anxious
to catch and kill Bagge. Stokes' boat had arrived,
and seeing Kiihne's German flag, the crew put in shore.
Mwanofa seized the boat, and looted all the carofo of
goods. He filled the boat with grass to set fire to
her, and called for a rope to hang the crew ; but Kiihne
managed to get the boat, and save the crew — all but
Bagge escapes from Sesse Islands.
two, who are still missing. Kuhne himself ran a con-
siderable risk. The feeling against Europeans ran so
high, that he saw it was best to clear out as quickly as
possible, and this even though Mwanga now looks to the
Germans to help him and lend him a cannon " (diary).
Bagge had not been long at Bukoba before Mgr.
arrived (on evening of Feb. 8th). He said all the
Fathers were safe at Kampala ; he did not speak much.
374
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
and Baow learned little from him. He had a larofe
Wao'anda foUowincv, and was on his way to Bu-
kumbi at the south of the lake. So much do the
Germans mistrust him, that after dinner that evening
they advised Bagge to start off at once by night and
escape, lest any harm should be done to him. He had
now at last received mv letters, warnino^ him of the
critical condition of affairs, and he therefore kept well
away from the shore, and steered his course out to sea,
rounding the eastern side of Sesse. Adverse winds
also drove him far out, and he did not make land till
he arrived at the "Enoiish" island of Namuimba. whence
he sent word to me. He left Bukoba on the 8th at mid-
night, and arrived at Kampala on the loth safely.
He brought up a strange story about the French
Fathers. They had a large caravan coming up, he
said. throuD4i German territorv. Owino^ to the aowes-
sions and lawlessness of their headmen and people, the
natives had attacked and looted the caravan. The
German officer (Kauifmann), acting on the representa-
tions of the priests, who said thev had been causelessly
robbed, recovered much of the o-oocls stolen. Hidden
in the loads of cloth were fiftv Chassepot rifles on the
way to Uganda ! The Germans were very angry, and
{Bagge says) intend to report the matter officially.
I need not say how great a relief it was to me to
welcome Bagge back safe and sound, after the anxiety
I had o^one throuofh on his account !
It will be remembered that just prior to the war an
army had been sent to Chagwe to act against the
Futahangi. The Inghza portion under Mlondo (the
most renowned warrior in Uganda) had preceded the
other section, which, as I have narrated, remained at
the capital for some time in consequence of a temporary
excitement there. Mlondo made his way into the forests
of Chagwe, and met and dispersed the Futahangi, — the
THE SEKIBOBO'S MAGNANIMITY.
375
Sekibobo (F.) took a different route, and the two armies
did not meet. When the news of the outbreak at the
capital reached them, Mlondo hurried back, arriving on
Feb. 1st. The Sekibobo, hearing the confirmation of
the news that his party had been defeated, remained in
Chagwe (of which he was paramount chief) to collect
all the adherents of the Wa - Frarisa, with their
women and children, and to endeavour to effect a
junction with the rest of the party in Buddu. For it
seems to have been a plan long prearranged, that
in case of defeat this faction should concentrate on
Buddu ; and this fact appears to me to add an addi-
tional corroboration to the supposition that they had
long meditated war, and made all their plans for it.
Though confident of victory, it is always, I believe, the
rule of the Waganda to make all arrangements for the
contingency of defeat.
There was with the Sekibobo's army a petty chief
of the Ingleza faction, with a score or so of rifles, aiid,
of course, when the news came of the defeat of the
Wa-Fransa at Mengo, it appeared impossible that this
unfortunate man with his small following should escape.
The Sekibobo, however, would not injure him ; he did
not even disarm him, but conducted him safely through
the hostile country, and sent him unharmed on his
way to Mengo. Such extraordinary magnanimity was
worthy of a British officer. This man — the Sekibobo
— I have already had occasion to mention frequently,
as being always foremost in his efforts to quell the
troubles which had occurred in the past, and had he
been at Mengo I doubt if the war would have broken
out. He was really attached both to Williams and
myself, and for my part I always had, and still have,
a real regard for him. On the occasion of one of the
minor outbreaks in Mengo long before, some ruffians
had broken into his enclosure to plunder, and he
376
UGANDA DURIXG THE WAR.
refrained from firing his gun, " lest the bullet might
by some chance fall inside Kampala and hurt his
friends " !
So much attached was he to me that he had brouo-ht
his only child (Malia), a little girl of about four or five
years old, to see me, and from time to time she came
to Kampala. She
was among the cap-
V tives taken at Bu-
<A / lingugwe, and (to-
gether with her fe-
male relations) was
in charo'e of a rela-
tive of the Sekibobo's
who belonged to the
Protestants. I, how-
ever, desired that she
should be brought to
me, and I adopted
her as my own i^i'O-
tegee. She was the
merriest little thing
— ''as happy as the
dav is lono\" We
became the greatest
friends, and when
Malia. eventually the Seki-
bobo came to Kam-
pala he found us at breakfast together, and I believe
he was really moved at the sight. For my part I was
almost as sorry to part with her as though she had
been my own child ; and my bare ofiice with its piles
of papers seemed to have lost the one ray of sunshine
which brightened it Avhen she went back to her father,
and her merrj' peals of laughter were heard no more !
Biit I digress. Fortunately the t^vo armies had not
SEKIBOBO DEFEATED.
377
come into collision in Chagwe, and I have narrated
how it had been my first care, on the very night of
the fighting, to get from the Fathers one of their
peoj)le to go as a messenger to Chag\ye (under escort
of my men) with letters to the Sekibobo, to implore
him not to take part in the war, but to remain in
ChagAve and pacify the province, of which he should
remain chief These letters I wrote late at night when
all had turned in, and they were sent ofi* at once.
Fearing they might be lost, I sent others, — in all some
six different messages. None, it appears, reached him.
On 2d Feb. I heard that he was marchino^ with a laro-e
force (making a detour to the west to avoid the capital)
to effect a junction with his party in Bucldu ; but I was
not at this time aware that he had a vast mass of
women and followers accompanying him. As it would
have been follv to allow a concentration of all the
hostile army unchecked, I sent Mlondo to oppose him.
He started at daybreak on 3d Feb. (the day on which
I got news of the supposed critical condition of Mr
Walker and the Buddu refugees). I gave him yet
another letter to the Sekibobo, couched in the same
terms as the former ones, and Mlondo promised to
deliver it before attacking. The Sekibobo says he
did not do so ; Mlondo says he did. Doubtless both
speak truly, for both are reliable men. The messenger
intrusted with it, I j)resume, thought his task danger-
ous (as in the case of all the letters I had previously
sent), and probably threw it into a river !
Mlondo had but 120 rifles, the Sekibobo 500 at least.
There was a fight, and the Wa-Ingleza were nearly de-
feated, but owing to Mlondo's personal bravery they
rallied and won, and I heard that the Pokino (E.) (who
with thirty rifles had gone to Walker's assistance)
again defeated the scattered force ; but no reliance can
be placed on these events without European witnesses
378
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
or corroborative evidence. The engagement took place
at sunset, and Avhen the Sekibobo was defeated, his
following dispersed into the grass and jungle. Mlondo
took no prisoners at all, I believe, and the loss on either
side was probably very small. The Sekibobo and his
party ultimately made their way to Buddu. It was
fortunate that they ivere defeated and dispersed, or
they would have run into the Buddu refugees (with
the missionaries), who were much inferior to them
numerically in fighting men, and whose ammunition
Avas almost exhausted. A23parently, when the Sekibobo
left C hag we, the balance of the hostile faction there
made common cause with the Futabangi, and the
province was in a chaos.
There was noAV a further cause of anxiety in this
direction. Martin had, it will be remembered, de-
parted for the coast on Jan. 8th, and was to await
my mails in Usoga. The outbreak had j^re vented
my sending these. I now heard that a small caravan,
under Mr Beddie, had arrived in Usoga, and I greatly
feared lest he should attempt to make his way to us ;
but it was impossible to communicate with him. On
the 5th (Feb.) I sent down one of my men, Amani (a
Swahili, who was by birth a Mganda), together with a
man of the Katikiro's (E.), to Chagwe. They were to go
to the Kamaniro, a heathen chief, who had been one of
our staunchest friends, and explain to him the cause
of the war, and also to tell the heathen party that
tliere was no longer to be any coercion in religion, but
that all were at liberty to adopt religion or not as they
pleased, and henceforth there should be no evictions
for these reasons.
On arriving in Chagwe he saw large masses of
people of the B. Catholic and king's faction. They
were extremely hostile, and shouted after them, saying,
* You are the people of Kapelli (Lugard) and of the
KEDDIE IX DAXGEE IX VSOGA.
379
Katikiro, who have driven out the king. What do
you want here ? ' kc. They went on. but at hist were
stopped. They said they wished to see the Kamaniro
and chiefs. The people apparently assented, and gave
them a hut to sleep in. and said that next day they
would take them to the chiefs. Then a woman and a
man came to them and told them they were to be
killed m the morning, and that they had better escape
quickly. They made a hole through the back of the
hut and fled mto the o-rass. Manv had even advocated
killino- them at once, and o'ettino- their mins : but
c coo
these friendly persons gave them a short start for their
lives, and then raised the alarm. Our men heard the
people rushing about cursing each other for having
delayed their execution, but Amani cS: Co. got off in
the oTass and fled bv nioiit " (diarv).
This news depressed me greatly, for it showed that
communication Avith Usoga and the coast was com-
pletely cut off. and that tlie enemy assembled there
were powerful and vindictive : nor could we com-
municate by water, for the Uvuma islanders, being
hostile, prevented all canoes passing. For the present,
then, I could do iKjthing. for an entire army would
be required to eflect the passage ; and as we daily
expected an attack both from the Wr/ -Fj-ansa and
the Mohammedans, I could not detach a force at this
juncture to the east. Reddie had with liim some
eighty rifles, and I trusted that he would be able to
hold his own in Usoga, and would not attempt to
cross the Xile and enter Uo-anda. As a matter of
fact, he did attempt to come, but was warned of the
great opposition he would njeet. and accordingly re-
turned to Wakoli. ^\ho throughout remained friendlv
to US.
There was another large party of ours in Usoga under
a headman collecting food. Thev had crossed the Xile
380
UGAXDA DURING THE WAR.
about the very day on which the fighting took place
at the capital They were surrounded and fired on,
but the enemy did not come to close quarters, and
they arrived at Kampala without mishap. Reddie
heard a false report that they had been massacred
to a man, and this further deterred him from attempt-
ing to fight his way through with the mere handful
of men he had. Martin reported this supposed mas-
sacre at the coast, and this, together with equally
unfounded reports of the death of Mr Bagge and Mr
De Winton, were sent on to England !
I heard, also, that Mwanga had sent messages to
Luba, the chief on the Usoga shore of the Nile, telling
him that this war was solely in revenge for Bishop
Hannington's murder, of which he had been the in-
strument, and that therefore there would be no mercy
shown to him should we conquer, and he must fight
to the last. As Luba owned the best canoes on the
lake (which Mwanga now requisitioned) and commanded
the Nile ferry, he was a man of much importance. I
heard, also, and it was subsequently confirmed, that
orders had been sent to Usoofa, whether bv the kino-
or by the E. Catholic chiefs I do not know, to murder
anv Europeans there. Wakoli, however, declined to
carry out these orders, and remained faithful to us.
I have thus endeavoured to give a resume of the
different events which were occurring simultaneously in
various parts of Uganda, from the date of the outbreak
on Jan. 24th to the earlier part of the month of Feb.
1892 ; and I think my reader will realise to some extent
the weight of anxiety and responsibility which rested
upon me at this time. For, in addition to my fears
for the safety of the missionaries in Buddu, Mr Bagge
on the lake, Mr Reddie in Usoga, and Ferag at
Luwambu, kc, we had constant reports that the TT a-
Fransa were about to attack in force, and consequently,
MOHAMMEDANS CHECKMATED.
381
each new necessity for weakenino- our strenolh at the
capital, by detaching parties, was attended with mis-
o'ivinof, lest we should find ourselves too weak to resist
an attack at Kampala ; for both Williams and I had
by this time lost confidence in the Ingleza faction, and
made up our minds that they were not to be relied upon.
Our main cause of anxiety, however, had been from the
Mohammedan party, who (all agreed) would probably
advance with their whole army as soon as they heard
of the fighting between the Christians, and would over-
run the country.
In order to exjDlain the position with regard to this
third faction, it is necessary to recall the events of 1891.
In May we defeated the Mohammedans, but the state
of the rivers and swamps (in the rains) jDrevented us
from following them up into the hostile country of
Unyoro, and engaging them again and again till we
should have crushed them and brought them to terms.
In view of the threat to the country which this great
hostile force, suj^ported by all the power of Kabarega,
exercised over Uganda, and still more in view of the
bitter hostility between the rival "Christian*' factions,
I had judged that the only way of solving the problem
was to obtain a strong force to replace those of our
men who must presently return to the coast, and to
take measures to prevent the enemy obtaining supplies
of arms and powder. Having brought down the Su-
danese soldiery, I located them in forts in rear of the
Mohammedan faction. There were vague reports that
the latter had tried to temj^t the Sudanese to coalesce
with them, as beino- their co-relioionists ; but I after-
wards heard that they were loyal to me, saying that
I had rescued them, and they would fioht ao^ainst all
who fought against me.
The Mohammedan party were thus checkmated, for
thev durst not advance to attack us Avhile thev were
382
UGANDA DURING THE WAE.
doubtful of the action of the Sudanese m their rear,
who might fall uj^on their women and villages in their
absence. Moreover, their allv Kabareo^a had been
defeated by the Sudanese, and was completely cowed
by them. So the Mohammedan Waganda sent letters
to me in Torn praying for peace and friendship. These
letters reached De Winton after I had left, and they
were unfortunately delayed for some time. I ultimately
received them early in January, before the war in
Uganda, and immediately sent a party of my men
with letters and messao-es, savino- I too desired oiilv
peace, and should be glad to meet an influential envoy
from their party to discuss the matter.
Unfortunately my messengers were stopped by the
Mukwenda of Singo, who thought they were deserters.
The day after the fight at Mengo, the Mukwenda,
who was a Protestant, came to the ca23ital with all
his fiD'htino' men, brinoino- also mv messenofers. I was
greatly vexed, and immediately sent a second embassy ;
but I feared that the Moliammedans would now look on
my messages of peace in quite a different light, and
would reo ard them as sioiis of weakness, and as indica-
tions that we were in a critical position. I therefore
wrote in a verv confident manner, offerino- like the
Roman of old, peace or war," saying we desired
peace and welcomed their overtures, but were equally
readv to fio-ht.
At the same time I despatched messages to Toru
to order the Sudanese to be ready with a powerful
fighting force, and to watch the Mohammedans, and
if thev saw that they were advancing' into Uo^anda, to
attack them in rear. I also sent back the Mukwenda
with his fio'htino' men, the Mugfema with his armv, and
the Bulamwezi chief with his following (these being the
three countries which faced Unyoro and the north-west),
with orders to watch the frontier. I despatched also
A KING WANTED.
383
selected and reliable men of my own to scout along the
two roads by which the Mohammedan army was likely
to come. If they saw them, they were to go to them
and tell them that I had already sent letters and
messages to them, and it was most important that they
should see and read these before bringing war. My
scouts would, of course, also inform me of the advance
of the enemy.
Meanwhile the remainder of the Wa-Ingleza, with
ourselves, awaited the daily threatened attack from the
Fransa faction, now concentrated in Buddu. Urgent
appeals to the king to return had failed, the attack on
the island had taken j)lace, and a modus vivendi between
the two Christian sections seemed further than ever
from attainment. The only possibility, should the
Mohammedans invade in force, seemed to be to accept
their king Mbogo, and to let them take the place which
the Wa-Fransa had held, and which, in spite of my
entreaties, they refused to resume. In that case the
Mohammedans would be only too pleased to be allowed
to have a free hand to drive out the Fransa party, for
as long as the latter retained Mwanga as a rival king,
no compromise with them was possible. A king was
a necessity, for the Waganda are as attached to their
kahaka as is a hive to its queen-bee, and the faction,
without such a titular head, would rapidly disperse and
go to pieces.
I impressed, therefore, again and again on the Fathers
and on the king and the R. Catholic chiefs in my letters,
that if the Mohammedans came in force with their kins",
and Mwanga either could not or would not return, then
I must accept Mbogo ; for on the one hand we must
have a king, and on the other hand I did not believe
that the Wa-Ingleza would face the Mohammedans
alone, still less the Mohammedans in front and the
Wa-Fi'ansa simultaneously on their flank. Yet in my
384
UGANDA DURIXG THE WAR.
diary I write : "It seems hard for me to be the ao-ent
to call in Islam and establish a Mohammedan kingdom
here — I who for four years haye fouolit acrainst Islam in
Africa ! " Eyen were we able to hold our own at Kam-
pala, we could not preyent the Mohammedans taking
Chagwe and BulaniAvezi, and the Wa-Fransa taking
Buddu and the islands, each with a king of their own ;
and so we should be completely shut in, and supj^lies
and communications cut off, and our people would desert
to one or the other kino\ If we came to terms with
the Mohammedans, I should make a treaty with them,
prohibiting the slaye- trade, &c., and they would be
under us, so that the eyil would be largely mitigated,
though Uganda would cease to be a Christian state.
The Mohammedans, however, were checked by the
Sudanese in their rear, and did not attemjDt to inyade
Uganda. My second embassy failed ; they had got
to the place where the Mohammedans liyed, on the
borders of Unyoro, only to find it deserted, and report
said they had gone to fight against the Sudanese. I
now sent a third embassy, with orders not to return to
me till they had deliyered my letters to the Moham-
medans, whereyer they were.
Such was the position in the middle of February.
Meanwhile I had been collecting and storing food, and
bringing in large numbers of poles to extend our forti-
fications, in case of eyentualities. At this time we had
no definite news of the Mohammedans, but daily we
got more and more threatening reports of the Fraiisa
party, who were said to haye made overtures to the
Waziba — who have large quantities of arms and powder,
— and to Koki — who has 700 guns, — and to be intending
an attack in force on the ca23ital. As they had entire
command of the lake, they could obtain supplies of
powder and arms from the south. The position seemed
to grow more and more critical. Williams, in his
DISCUSSIONS WITH PRIESTS.
385
plucky way, remarked that " rat in hole fights best/'
and it looked as though we should soon be in that
unenviable position — of fighting for our lives.
On the 12th (Feb.) I had a long chat with the
Fathers on the subject of the possible conditions on
which peace might be restored. I suggested that
their party should have Buddu, Kaima, and Katambala
(the western provinces of Uganda). This would bring
their frontier up to the capital, which would thus be on
the boundary line between the provinces of the two
factions ; but I said that before any terms could be
made the king must be restored. So long as the
Wa-Fransa retained him, peace was impossible, and
they would only compel me to accept the Mohammedan
king, Mbogo, after which their last chance would be
lost. The conversation was merely a friendly dis-
cussion, and I made no promises whatever, saying
that under the circumstances I must consult the
Protestant chiefs.
The Fathers were eager for this settlement, and pro-
posed that they should themselves be the bearers of my
words. They paid a visit to the English missionaries
on this very day, I think, and it was reported to me that
they had spoken to them in a very different sense, and
had openly discussed the probabilities of the Germans
taking the part of the Fransa faction, saying that if
they did so, and succeeded in defeating us, they would
be applauded in Europe, for " nothing succeeds like
success," and Peters had done much the same thing.
The Father Superior discussed the number of rifles the
Germans had for the purpose at Bukoba, &c.
I was astounded at this news, and immediately saw
the English missionaries, from whom I heard in the
main a confirmation of the reports ! It at once became
obvious to me that it was impossible to endeavour to
effect a solution through the medium of the Fathers,
VOL. II. 2 B
386
UGANDA DURING THE WAR.
when they thus spoke to me, in one sense protesting
their earnest wishes to bring about peace on the basis
I suggested, and at the same time openly discussed
with apparent approval, the probability of our defeat
and annihilation at the hands of our opponents, aided
by the Germans. Moreover, I already had warning
by the action of Mgr. in the island of Bulingugwe.
The Father Superior merely denied in toto the whole
thing ; but I add in my diary, " Afterwards Pere
Gaudibert spoke to Williams — I forget the exact
words — to the effect that he thought the Father
Superior had been indiscreet, and had probably said
more than he admitted." Of Peres Gaudibert and
Levesque I write as follows on this date : "I should
be loth to believe anything to their disadvantage,
for I like them both. The latter, I am sure, is a
really good man ; his face is such a good one. I am
very rarely mistaken in my estimate of a man's char-
acter by his face when I get to really know it. I
believe that the tenets of their creed allow that they
may do evil that good may come, but, at any rate, in
social converse all these men are civil and courteous,
with the tact and manners of gentlemen."
I consulted the Inc/Jeza chiefs about the suggestions
I had made to the Fathers, but found that they were
strongly opposed to them. They said that, if we were
again the first to make proposals, the enemy would
regard it merely as a sign that we were in great straits,
and were already disorganised because we had no king ;
that this would add greatly to their confidence, — a proof
of which I had already had, on the occasion of my
negotiations immediately after the war, — and would
prolong hostilities. They also — not unnaturally — mis-
trusted the Fathers, but said that, had such proposals
emanated spontaneously from the hostile faction, they
would have been orhid to entertain them. Moreover,
OVERTURES RENDERED IMPOSSIBLE.
387
I now heard circumstantial accounts that the enemy
were making preparations to attack the island of
Namuimba, where the Wa-Ingleza had many canoes,
and to make overtures for peace in the face of fresh
aggressive war would of course be futile. I there-
fore determined to send an expedition to defend
Namuimba's, and to gain command of the lake and
islands, and open the route to the south. If we suc-
ceeded, this would add to our prestige, and give us a
greater chance of success in negotiations, while it was
even possible that we might capture the king (who
was supposed to be at Sesse) or drive him out of
Uganda into German territory.
388
CHAPTER XXXY. '
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
Fourth embassy to Mohammedans — Orders to De Wiiiton — Expedition
starts by water, Pokino by land — Karema's boys — Mwanga's wives
join him — Expedition returns — Williams at Bukumbi — Priests leave
Kampala — Letter from Pc>re Aclite — My reply — Extensions at Kam-
pala— Mohammedans start for Uganda : their envoy arrives — News
from De Winton : Sudanese need restraint — Grain-tax and forced
labour — Envoys from Koki and Uziba — Temporary organisation of
provinces — Various matters at headquarters — Envoys from Wa-Fransa
■ — Sekibobo leaves to fetch king — Mgr.'s letter — Williams' proposals for
peace — Emin in trouble — Sudanese defeat Kabarega — De Winton
attacks Manyuema — Kabarega sends envoys — Zachariah's financial
scheme.
Such was the position in the middle of February 1892.
against the R. Cathohc chiefs, who, they said, had
peace, but warned them that I had sent orders to the
Sudanese in Torn to attack them in rear if thev came
WILLIAMS TO SESSE.
389
with war to Uo'aiida. I sent also letters to this effect
to De Winton. Several messeno-ers had arrived from
him giving me good news of affairs in Torn. Two of
these jDarties had ver}^ narrow escapes from the hostile
faction. I therefore instructed him not to send any
more at jDresent unless with important news, and by
a circuitous route. He was to have a force of Sudanese
in readiness in case the Mohammedans attacked us, but
otherwise to be most careful to avoid hostilities. I also
pointed out how important it was to maintain friendly
relations with Ntali, to whom at this time I sent a small
present by the hand of an envoy who had come from
him to Kampala. At this very time a considerable
party deserted from the Mohammedans and joined us.
Their accounts were conflicting, but I o^athered that
there had been some differences anions their faction,
the religious party being utterly opposed to the drink-
ing of iDomhe, while the laxer followers of Mbogo would
not foreo^o it.
Xext day (I6th) the expedition started to defend
Namuimba's, and 023en the route via the lake. Its
original object had largely been to ensure the safety of
Bagge, who, however, had returned unexpectedly the
night before it started. "Williams, who had now been
nine months in Kampala and was eager for a change,
took command. With him went Grant and Dr Mac-
pherson in the steel boat (^^•hich had arrived with
Bagge). He had some 600 ^Yaganda fighting men in
canoes, and 80 of ours with the Maxim ; for at the
time I organised the expedition, I expected there
would be much opposition; but Bagge now informed
me that Sesse appeared deserted as he passed. 1
planned also a diversion by land, and sent the Pokino,
with most of the remainino- rifles available at the
capital, to march overland towards Buddu. He had
some 600 men only, but his orders were to occupv a
390
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
very extended front, and by sounding the drum notes
of all the leading chiefs, to give the enemy to suppose
that the main armv was advancino- bv land. He would
thus prevent them from concentrating all their force
ao'ainst Williams, thouo-h he was not to eno-ao-e them if
he could avoid it. We had latterly got repeated news
that the enemy were making great preparations for a
renewal of the war and an attack in force on the capital.
Meanwhile I remained at Kampala with the residue of
our rifles, to await the issue of the embassies to the
Mohammedans, and the development of events as regards
the other elements hostile to us.
Williams also took letters to the German otHcer at
Bukoba, in which I asked him to do his best to prevent
the import of munitions into Uganda at this crisis, and
to restrain the Waziba tribe in the German territory
from joining the enemy in Buddu or supplying them
with arms. I also told Captain Langheld that I was
most anxious to restore Mwanga, and begged him to
assist me in this if the kino- should take refuo-e in Ger-
man territory. I wished that Williams should go on to
Bukoba and explain to Langheld the origin of the war
and the present situation, for I knew that hitherto the
only accounts which had reached him had been from
Mot. and the Fathers. At the same time I was anxious
that he should not be away with so large a force for
longer than could be helped in the present crisis.
I sent also a letter for Eno-land. oivino- a brief outline
of events. This letter, which arrived at home a little
later than the extraordinary statements and accusations
of Mgr. Hirth and the Fathers, was published in all the
English papers. It will be seen that it was written in
complete ignorance of those accusations, and at the same
time the situation I have described will sufficiently ex-
plain the reason why no earlier account could be sent
by me. Xot knowing whether Williams would himself
karema's boys.
391
be able to reach Bukoba, and fearing to trust my full
mails to such a hazardous conveyance, I reserved them
for the present. Lastly, I wrote to the German officer
on the subject of " Karema's boys."
These two children (one an infant in arms, the other
some two years old) were the sons of Karema, who was
for a short time king of Uganda when his brother
Mwanga was expelled. Karema became a Mohamme-
dan, and retired with that party when they were ousted
by the Christians. He died shortly before my arrival
in Uganda, when Mbogo his uncle (brother of Mtesa)
took his place as " Sultan " of the Waganda Islam.
His two children were the heirs to the kingship of
Uganda. They had been sent by Mwanga (their uncle)
to the south of the lake for safety long ago — for Usam-
biro had been a tributary state of Uganda. Here
they were at this time, in the charge of the French
mission at Bukumbi, in German territory. I asked
Captain Langheld if he could arrange that these boys
should come to Kampala, so that I might have the
legitimate heir to place on the throne, in case the Wa-
Fransa continued to refuse to allow Mwanga to return.
I should thus have not only the rightful heir, but also a
Christian (the children were educated as B. Catholics),
instead of being compelled to accept Mbogo, who, not
being in the line of succession, and likewise a Moham-
medan, would be distasteful to the Christian factions.
If Langheld could not compel their return to Uganda, I
hoped he might at least keep them in safety at Bukoba,
where they would be close by in case of need. ^
^ Later it will be seen that Mwanga made the restitution of these children
a sine qua non before he would consent to a division of the country. I, how-
ever, effected the division (since I had promised P6re Achte that it should
be made) without insisting on the king's conditions. Williams, subsequent
to my departure, and just prior to Sir G. Portal's arrival, considering it
politic to extend the territory of the Wa- Fransa^ and rightly considering it
of the first importance that these boys should be given over to our charge,
392
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
On the 23d and 25th my two embassies to the
Mohammedans returned, neither of them havinof suc-
ceeded in dehverin^ mv letters. They brouo-ht back
all kinds of rumours — viz., that the faction had gone
to Toru to fight the Sudanese, or to make peace and
settle near them, or to endeavour to persuade them
to unite in a Moslem crusade and invade Uganda !
The onlv thino- certain was, that thev had left their
former location, and it was probable they had not yet
crot authentic news of Mwano^a's flio-ht ; so that the sit-
uation, as regarded them, was much the same at the
end of February as it had been at the end of January.
On 25th I also sent a small army towards Chagwe to
check the Futahangi. They returned on March 4th.
The enemy had fled into the woods, whither they durst
not pursue them. A large number of their \A^omen, they
said, had fallen into their hands, but they had released
them, and told them to warn their people against a
causeless war. I was pleased at this, for (if true) it
indicated that they were adopting more civilised modes
of warfare.
Mwanga at this time sent a messenger asking for
four of his wives to be allowed to come to him. I
took the opportunity of explaining my views to them,
hoping that such a means of communication might be
more efiicacious than letters, which might never reacli
the kino' or miol>t be wrono-lv read to him (for Mwano-a
himself could not read). They might even be stated
by such men as the Mujasi. who was usually his medium
of correspondence, to contain statements the reverse
of what I had written. I therefore told these women
that I would readily welcome back the king in spite of
all he had done. In proof of my feeling towards the
made it a quid pro quo that tliey should live at Kampala. The British
Commissioner endorsed this view, and it was the basis of the agreement
arrived at with the Wa-Fraasa. — Blue-book Africa, No. 8, Sept. 1893, p. 15.
MESSAGES TO MWAXGA BY HIS WIVES.
393
king and Wa-Fj-ansa, I pointed out that, as they them-
selves saw. the houses of the former had been protected
daily by a guard of my men ; his wives, his mother,
and child were unharmed : the wounded of the hostile
faction had been tended ; the Sekibobo's child lived in
Kampala, and all the women and children had been
offered an asylum near our fort where they could live
in safety, or were free to return to their friends, v\'hile
the Fathers were treated as our o^iests. The women
acknowledged that this was all true, and said they
would urge Mwanga to return. I told them that if
he did not do so soon, I might have to call in Mbogo ;
and that, if there was war, probably both the Sudanese
from Torn and the Wao-anda Mohammedans would
attack the Wa-Fransa on their flank ; that if Mwanga
was prevented from coming, he had better fly to the
Germans, and ask them to enable him to return to the
capital. For there was no doubt but that to reinstate
Mwanga would be the best way of bringing peace to
the country, in spite of his alleged eftbrts to kill Bagge
and Reddie, his lootino- of Stokes' boat. &c. : and I felt
assured that he would have learned a lesson he would
never foro-et.
All this, too, I pointed out to the Father Superior
in conversation, observino- that it was unlikelv that the
Germans would be anxious to aflbrd an asylum (as they
seemed to take for granted) to several thousand armed
men who had risen ao'ainst the British ; nor vet would
Xtali, who was in treaty with me, desire to have
this mass of people in his country, and to quarrel with
me when my garrisons in Unvoro threatened his west-
ern and northern frontiers. I showed them that the
hostile party, by refusing to come to terms and by
retaining the king, were losing their chance, and it
would soon be beyond mv power to make tliem liberal
oflers, for I would have the Mohammedan division to
394
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
deal with also. If they sent the king at once, I would
do my best to give them a portion of Uganda to settle
in, and a share in the representation of the country in
the council of chiefs. It was my earnest wish to do
my best for them, but meantime negotiations were
proceeding with the Mohammedans, and already my
Sudanese had received orders to attack from Torn, if
there w^as a renewal of fighting — orders which I again
sent on 29th (Feb.)
On March 2d, Grant and Macpherson with the
Waganda army returned from the expedition to the
islands. Practically no opposition had been met with.
Williams Landing at Slsse.
A few shots were fired by Williams at a party drawn
up to oppose their landing on Sesse, and they had at
once dispersed. Williams reported that it was true
PHIESTS LEAVE KAMPALA.
395
that the enemy had planned an attack on Namuimba's
island, and he had just been in time to frustrate it.
The whole of the peasantry on Sesse and the islands
had declared for us, and the canoes had fallen into our
hands. The Waganda had behaved very badly, and
would not obey orders, being bent on looting and
plundering only. Williams himself had gone on to
Bukoba to see the Germans, taking with him the steel
boat and sixteen men. He had left the Gabunga (chief
of the islands) on Sesse with 150 guns to maintain our
position.
The Fathers now desired to return to their people,
and as the Pokino with the land force had also returned,
it became possible for them to leave, and they did so on
this same day (March 2d). I gave them porters to
carry their goods, and an escort, and messengers to
procure them canoes, and begged them to point out to
my men any Mganda who might offer an insulting
word. They wrote very gratefully later, saying that
so far from insult being offered, they had met with
sympathy, and that this treatment was due to our
efforts. Before leaving I told them how urgent it was
that their faction should lose no time in coming to
terms, for a messenger had just arrived saying that an
envoy was on his way from the Mohammedans to de-
mand that Mbogo should be made king. " At the
same time," I write, I emphatically told them that
they took no messages from me, nor was there any
truce, until I get proposals from the Wa-Fransa, and
until the king returns, — then I would willingly discuss
any proposition, and would at once stop the war."
They said they would travel night and day to explain
the urgency to the king and chiefs, but news reached
me later that they were halted at Bunjako, and their
letters said nothing of any haste to push on. The
Pokino, on his return with the land force, reported
396
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
that the Wa-F}Xinsa were concentrated ready for battle
on the other side of the Katonga river.
On the 3d the messeno-er from the Mohammedans
arrived, but as he had no letters, I refused to consider
him as accredited ; and once more I despatched an
envoy (with one from the Katikiro) to convey letters.
These two men were the best respectively who could be
sent, and as they now knew exactly where the Moham-
medans were, I had hopes that I should at last succeed
in comino' into touch witli them. This was the more
imj^ortant since they had now heard full news, and
knew that we had no king in Uganda, so that the issue
of this embassy would determine if it was to be peace
or war. As before, I told them in my letters that I
had nothing to do with religious sects. I was here to
bring peace to all parties, but I was ready to fight with
those who preferred war and outrage.
On the 5th I write as follows : " Messengers at last
from the king and from Pere Achte. The latter wrote
saying they wished for peEice, and j^i'oposed that I
should divide the country. Mengo should be the centre
of government, and should lie between the provinces of
the two factions, on neutral oTound. The kino- and
Resident should live there, Avhile each province had a
separate capital with a junior Resident in each. The
Wa-Fransa would accept the British flag, and the
Kauta Avould resign his place." The king also wrote
urging a territorial division, since the two parties would
never live together in peace ; he wished me to make
this division, and he would then return. The Sekibobo
wrote most cordially, thanking me for sending his wife
to him in safety, and asking for little Malia to come
to him.
In reply to Pere Achte I jDrotested very strongly
that I was most anxious not to exterminate the R.
Catholics, or drive them out of the countrv ; that I
EEPLY TO PERE ACHTE's LETTER.
397
had done my best to recall them, but my terms had
been set aside and war forced upon me ; that all along
I had said that Mwano^a must first return, and as lono-
as he was detained by the R. Catholics, no settlement
was possible ; that if Mwanga returned, I would not
object to a division of the country on the conditions
named, and if I had guarantees of the safety of the
European and garrison in the R. Catholic province, I
would try and efPect a settlement satisfactory to both
parties, but I could not do so without the advice and
assistance of the king of Uganda. I urged him at
once to send chiefs to open negotiations, and I told him
that it would soon be out of my power to oifer them
such advantageous terms as I now could, for I was not
able to delay the negotiations with the Mohammedans,
and if their king was accepted here, the chance of the
Wa-Fransa would be finally lost. I therefore begged
him to get Mwanga sent back, that I might uphold him
and refuse Mbogo. To Mwanga I wrote, that as king
of all Uganda he was stultifying himself by deserting
his capital and remaining with one party. That it was
essentially the work of the king to divide the countrv
between the parties, and it could not be done without
him. The Sekibobo's messenger agreed that it would
be best for the little one to remain with me at present,
and I sent cordial messages and a small present to her
father.
Two of the Fathers (of whom one was Pere Levesque)
had remained with us. They now desired to follow
their colleaOTes, '''sayino- that thev were sure Mwanp^a
and the Wa-Fransa did not know the uro^encv of the
o
matter, for unless they acted by sending back the king
it would be too late, and the Mohammedans would be
in (for their messenger had just arrived and had been
seen by the Fathers). They said they would impress on
them that it was no use sending another letter ; if the
398
EYEXTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
king did not come himself it was all over with the
faction. Pere Levesque even went further than I did,
saying that their only reprieve was the instant return
of the kino\ and that if we coalesced with the Moham-
o -
medans, it meant extinction pure and simple.'" The
Protestants at first demurred loudly when they heard
the Fathers were going, but eventually acquiesced, and
for a singular reason. " They said they did not know
whether the Fathers meant truly in what they said,
but none the less they would themselves act fairly
and honourably towards them, and if this was requited
by craft or falsehood, the fault would be on their own
shoulders. It is an argument we may rarely hear even
in England, — tliat truth and honour are capable of
standing unsupported against deceit or misrepresen-
tation— that if one is deceived there is still no reason
why one should reduce one's self to the level of the
deceiver — that it is better even to lose the game and
know vou have played fairly, than win with loaded
dice ; but who w^ould have expected such an answer
from the Waganda ! " (diary). Zachariah, I think, orig-
inated it. Pere Levesque asked me, or hinted in some
w^ay " that the king was the strong card of the ' French '
faction ; and if they gave him up, would I acknowledge
it as a great concession on their part, for they would
then have no other lever by which to enforce their
claims ? When this had been put forward before, I
had said it w^ould be a point of honour to do all I could
for them when the king returned. I regretted the
phrase afterwards ; for, being vague, it was certain to
be misunderstood, and then, if they did not get all
they w^anted, they would accuse me of a breach of
faith. I therefore now replied very definitely to Pere
Levesque, saying that the rendition of the king was
altogether apart from the terms given to the defeated
party " (diary) ; his place was in Mengo, and his return
THE MOHAMMEDANS ARE FALSELY IXFOEMED. 399
a sine qua non, without which I would not discuss any
terms whatever. They left on the 7th, and overtook
their colleao'ues.
Meanwhile the new extensions of Kampala progressed
rapidly. The lower fort had doubled its area, and here
were located all our old Sudanese and Somals Avith
their families. The levelling of this portion of the knoll
had involved a very great deal of earthwork ; it was
on a lower plane than the upper fort, from which it Avas
divided by a new rear-face of jDoles. Two or three steps
at the gateway showed the dilference of level. A spur
to the south had also been fortified by pole -stockade
work, ditch, and banquette towards Mengo, connecting
the orioinal "crow's nest" with the main fort. On this
were now built houses for the Zanzibari Levy. The
new Sudanese, with their large following of women,
&c., occupied the northern slopes of Kampala outside
the fort, while the caravan establishment was located
in a large village on the opposite slopes of the hill of
Namilembi. The old conglomeration of huts was grad-
ually cleared away, and replaced by neat and well-built
houses, sanitary rules were enforced, and Kampala
began to look more ship-shape and more imposing than
it had ever done before. Every sj)are moment I could
obtain during the past month was devoted to working
out an estimate of the actual cost of Uganda adminis-
tration during the 23ast year, and the approximate cost
of retention in the future.
On the 9th March I at last gfot some authentic in-
formation regarding the Mohammedans. A man A^ hom
the Mukwenda had sent to spy fell into their hands.
Being in fear of his life he had (by his own admission)
told them what he thought would please them most !
He had detailed the news of the fio'htino- and of
Mwanga's flight, and added that I had sent repeated
letters to call them, ofl:ering to make Mbogo king.
400
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
Thereupon there was great rejoicing, and they started
to march towards Uganda. When on the frontier they
sent messages to the Mukwenda, who at once told them
that they had been falsely informed, and that they must
halt while he sent on their messengers to me. To these
I once more explained my views, and my desire for
peace ; but in order to gain a delay, I said I must await
the return of the embassy I had sent with letters, and
to call responsible chiefs to confer with me.
Meanwhile I desired that they should remain at
Kampala, for I hoped by this means to gain a consider-
able influence over them, and I instructed Dualla (who
as a devout Moslem, and as the religious head of the
Mohammedans at Kampala, had a great influence) to
point out to them that I was actuated only by motives
of justice and a desire for permanent peace, and had
no bias against any religion, and also that Mwanga
alone was the rii^^htful kino% and I could acknowledo-e
no other. This he did most effectually, for he knew
it to be the truth, and had been himself present at
most of the important conferences, and had seen how
I had endeavoured to be absolutely impartial. These
envoys said it was untrue that the Mohammedans had
quarrelled among themselves. They had, however,
finally broken with Kabarega ; for he had called upon
them to accompany his army to fight against the
Sudanese, and they had declined. The army, there-
fore, went without them, and was utterly routed.
They in their turn had also taken prisoner many of
Kabarega's people, and had looted and plundered the
country before leaving it on their way to Uganda.
I received at this time a long report from De Winton
in Torn, which I summarise as follows in my diary :
" Kasagama is doing very well indeed, and ' thousands '
of natives are returnino- to their rio^htful kino- and
country, and show the greatest delight at the re-
XEWS FEOM DE WIXTOX.
401
turn of Kasagama, the rule of the British, and the
overthrow of Kabarega's despotism. Chiefs of districts
are being appointed, and people put back in their
shambas. The Sudanese of the first two forts (1st
regiment) are doing well, but the others have been
oppressing the natives, and looting and thieving more
sua. De Winton, however, speaks hopefully of them,
and says things are much improving. It is a very great
pity there is no suitable man to command them. They
require one who can speak their language, who is a keen
soldier, and would be firm and strono- with them. De
Winton I appointed as representative to the natives;
there is no one for the Sudanese, who are under their
own officers merely. De Winton talks of arrangements
made for native labour to help the Sudanese to build,
&c., and also of grain to be brought in certain quantities
for the sustenance of the Sudanese. These ideas, I sup-
pose, he learnt from tlie Sudanese officers. These are a
replica of the old grain- tax, (fee, of Emin's province. I
gave no such orders, and I do not approve of any such
methods. It was the curse of the Equatorial Province,
and the radical cause of the oppression of the natives,
which ultimately led to its disruption" (diary). This
collecting of the grain-tax," says Jephson, " had always
been the signal for wholesale robbery of the natives by
Emin's people." He adds that it was "atrocious" in
Gordon's time, who stiofmatised it as brio-andao-e of
the worst description." " If they were friendly they
had to pay a grain-tax twice a-year, and to lend a
certain amount of men to work at the station so many
days in a week." ^ My diary continues, " I have written
saying the Sudanese are to cultivate for themselves,
that this system may be abolished as soon as possible.
'"A thorouoli reorofanisation is wanted, and reo-ular
companies must be enlisted, and we can then get rid
^ Emin Paslia, by A. J. M. Jephson, y>- 381.
VOL. II. 2 c
402
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
of all these superabundant and self-promoted officers
of superior rank, and weed out the bad lots. As their
ammunition begins to fail they will be more dependent
upon us. My first step will be to wheel round the
line of forts, so that the southern one may rest on the
borders of Uganda. This will bring them into touch
with us here ; but I cannot carry out this till the
difficulty with the Wa-Fransa and Mohammedans is
settled. The new Sudanese are very well behaved
here, and Williams declares them to be first - rate
material, and better than the old lot he enlisted in
Egypt ; all they require is supervision and a firm hand.
Almost daily I have two or three petty offences among
the old Sudanese, but in two and a half months I have
only had 07ie among the new lot. De Winton says
they are excessively grateful to me for ' rescuing ' them,
and constantly speak on the subject. Smallpox, he
adds, rages in Unyoro, but the Sudanese have vac-
cinated themselves, and are free from it." I quote
this passage under date from my diary, to show how
constantly present it was to my mind that these people
needed effective supervision and control ; as also to
indicate that, so far as my available means of informa-
tion went (De Winton), the accounts I received of
them were not discouraging.^
As the number of women and followers at Kampala
was now very great, and my time so excessively occu-
pied that it was impossible for me to attend to every
single matter, I relegated to Selim Bey the jurisdiction
in purely social matters, which he could handle accord-
ing to their customs and religion, and I suggested that
a system (council of elders), as in India,
1 The recently published despatches from Sir G. Portal describe atrocities
committed by these people of the most revolting description. This report,
however, is dated nearly a year after I left Uganda, and it is little to be
^yondered at that they had broken out in this manner, if left daring all this
period without efficient control. — Blue-book Africa, No. 9, of 1893, p. 12.
ENVOYS FROM KOKI AND UZIBA.
403
should be formed to decide on such social or civil ques-
tions, while I dealt only with military offences com-
mitted by the soldiers.
On the 11th (March) envoys reached me from Koki
and Uziba, saying they wished to have nothing to
do with the hostile faction, nor to participate in the
war against us. I exj^lained as usual that we desired
peace, but would not shrink from war against those
who defied law, and I added that the same disci-
jDline was enforced even among our own men. "Let
them look around at the vast number of j^eople
we had here, and ask the Waganda for themselves
whether, during the whole year we had been here,
there was one single instance where we had allowed
our men to do violence, or had left a culprit unjDun-
ished, even were he accused by the smallest peas-
ant. This was British rule ; and as for Kamswaga,
he could join the enemy or not as he liked : if he did,
he must abide the consequences. This haughty tone
is necessary with these savages, and its result was
evident ! They energetically protested peace, and they
departed, I think, much impressed, and I little doubt
will give their chiefs such an account of Kampala and
of their interview with me as will deter these worthies
from rashly taking up arms against us " (diary).
In order to provide against a famine, the Ligleza
chiefs now divided up the estates vacated by the
opposite party, and appointed chiefs to the countries
which had previously been ruled by the latter. This
was necessary in order to prevent the cultivated areas
lapsing into wilderness, a result which takes place in
an astonishingly short time in a moist tropical country
like Uganda, more especially in this season of the
rains, when vegetation was springing up with incred-
ible rapidity. It was also advisable in order to curb
lawlessness, and bring back, as far as might be, some
404
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
order into the provinces. The appointments, however,
were merely temporary, pending the return of a king
and the negfotiations with the two hostile divisions.
On the loth March I des2oatched my volmninous mails
and report, which should have gone with Martin in
January, and it was thus that news was so long in
reachino^ Eno;-land from us. These mails were sent to
Bukoba for despatch via the German route, as Usoga
was still closed. With them I sent the bags of mails
for Emin Pasha, which had been left in my hands at
the Salt Lake, and which hitherto I had been unable
to transmit.
On the ] 6th I received letters from the king and the
chiefs of the Wa-Fransa, and I sent back replies in
the same sense as all my previous letters, saying there
was no time to be lost if they wished to come to terms
before the Mohammedans arrived, and I would listen to
nothing until the king returned. The messenger told
me that Mwanga was closely watched and guarded, or
he would have deserted to us lono- ao^o ! " Doubtless,"
I Avrite, " the Fathers Avill represent in their accounts
that this hostile party are loyal to their king, have
saved him from assassination, and still protect him.
Yet here I have a messenger from the king telling me
of the four chiefs told off to j)revent his return to his
capital, not but what I have had independent evidence
of the same thing already from Stokes' men, when
they went to the islands, &c."
About this time a slave — one of those who had been
originally captured from the Mohammedans ^ — escaped
from the island, where he had long been confined, and
found his way to Kampala. He w^as a Swahili, and he
told me much about the position in Buddu. The Wa-
Fransa, he said, had intended an attack in force, but
^ For a full examination of the slave question in Uganda see vol. i. chaj).
vii. pp. 171-173.
MWANGA DETAINED BY FORCE.
405
SO great an effect had been produced by the Maxhn,
that none would lead the assault, and so it had fallen
through. They had endeavoured to get the Waziba
and Koki to jom them, but had failed, and there were
dissensions among them ; the king blaming the chiefs
for having deceived him, and having brought all this
trouble on the country. I maintained a small force
of my own men to watch the Buddu frontier ; for
the Waganda are never to be relied on, and those
who had been left by the Pokino (E.) for this purpose
had all dispersed.
I had heard that an ej)idemic of smallpox had
broken out among Reddie's men in Usoga, and I was
therefore most anxious that he should be able to leave
his infected camp. On the 18th, therefore, I sent the
chief, who had been appointed to the temporary charge
of Chagwe, with a Sudanese native officer and forty-four
rifles, to try and restore order in that province, and
open the road to Usoga. They were to build a small
stockade in order to create a moral effect, and lead
the Futahangi to conclude that the occupation was
permanent. At the same time I wrote to Reddie,
telling him he could not as yet pass, and giving him
instructions regarding the sanitation of his camp, &c.
The Protestant chiefs had several quarrels among
themselves at this time, to add to my difficulties ;
and the Gabunga, who had been left in charge of
Sesse by Williams, returned without orders. I at first
insisted on his losing his position, but finding that the
succession in the chieftainship would devolve on a
child, and that there were some extenuating circum-
stances, he was let off with a heavy fine. In old times
in Uganda, when a chief was ordered by the king to
forfeit his office, and had subsequently been reinstated,
the custom was, that he should send two of his own
daughters, or nearest female relatives, whom he should
406
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
judge to be the most comely virgins, to the king's
harem. The Katikiro gravely remarked, that as this
would be unsuitable in my case, he had better substi-
tute cows, which he did ; and I ordered the Katikiro
to retain them for use as presents to envoys, &c.
Both Bagge and Wilson were down with fever, and
even I myself Avas a good deal knocked up with work.
The weather was very trying, for the rain held off,
though continuous thunder charged the air with elec-
tricity, and made the atmosphere ojDpressive. Many of
the missionaries were also laid up. Meanwhile great
improvements had been made in Kampala, and the
work at the new buildings progressed under Dualla's
superintendence. Office books and records were estab-
lished, dockets and files of correspondence instituted,
in all of which work Grant was, as ever, indefatigable.
The dwelling-houses Avere renovated inside, and made
more like European quarters, while the old etiquette was
re-established in our dealings with the chiefs. Even
the Katikiro was required to send a messenger to
announce his arrival and request an audience, and no
followers were allowed at the doorway or crowding
in the stockade. Trivial as these things may appear,
I think that in dealing with natives they are of the
utmost importance. By quietly insisting on a due
respect and deference from the highest chiefs, the pos-
sibility of disrespect from the lower classes is put out
of the question, and one's influence and authority are
much increased. In all things, as I have already said,
I think the European should assert his superiority — not
merely in intellect, in appliances, and in knowledge, but
in his dwellings, his manners, his every surrounding ;
and the superiority, which he thus unostentatiously as-
serts, will be instinctively accorded to him. Above all
is this important in Uganda, where a scale of deference
is insisted upon, varying in its degree from the king
ENVOYS FROM WA-FRANSA.
407
down to the very pettiest chieflet, and every slightest
detail of etiquette is punctiliously followed and under-
stood by the smallest pageboy or most ignorant peasant.
Slovenly dress, untidy houses, and what I should call
want of self-respect, are especially deplorable where so
great a contrast is already shown by the chiefs. Living-
stone, I believe, was a strong advocate of these views.
Food had become a difficulty ; but as the markets
were not yet opened again, I insisted on the chiefs
bringing the necessary supplies for my men, who other-
wise, I said, should help themselves. The Zanzibaris
hated the food issue in kind, for I had hitherto always
given them cloth or cowries to purchase for them-
selves. For no matter how small the issue in goods,"
I write, " they manage to make it go for double. They
start a score of little markets of food, vegetables, dried
fish, firewood, &c., and each, by buying one thing in
bulk, gets more. So when they receive their posho in
cowries, they turn them over and over, till they manage
to make a wonderful living out of it ; and with an
allowance which is quite insufficient to feed a Sudanese,
a Swahili will feed himself, buy firewood and extras
for his meals, and have something over with which to
hire boys to build his houses and fetch his water ! "
On the 21st the two head chiefs of the Frcmsa follow-
ing— the Kimbugwe and Sekibobo — at last arrived to
make terms of peace. The latter I welcomed as an
old friend, and he was most delighted to see me, and
to find his child so well and happy. The Kimbugwe
also I received cordially. I told them that they well
knew how we had, since we first came to Uganda, done
our utmost to preserve peace and act fairly, and that
the war had been forced upon us. My offers to rein-
state their party immediately after the fight, or to
discuss the question of a territorial division, had been
spurned. Again and again I had pressed upon them the
408
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAE.
necessity for us Christians to reunite against a common
enemy, and for Mwanga's immediate return. Xow at
last, after two months' delay, they had agreed to peace 1
Meanwhile the Mohammedans had sent friendly mes-
sages asking for peace ; it would have been unjust, and
contrary to my own professions, had I replied with war.
Consequently I was already in treaty with them, and
in a day or two I expected my envoys to return. It
had been at first a negotiation between two parties
only, now it was between three. I had implored them
to make peace, as though we, instead of they, had been
the defeated side. Even now the kinof had not returned.
I had said from the first that I would discuss no terms
of peace till he had come, and I said so now. In three
days the envoys from the Mohammedans were expected.
If he came at once, I might yet be able to restore him,
but the time was short. If he was retained, it could
only be war. Nor could I consider his return as in any
way a meritorious act on the part of the Wa-Fransa,
on which thev could base claims for o-reater indulo-ence.
It was a sine qua no a of peace, and his retention was
an act of hostility.
The Kimbugwe answered with great tact, that all I
had said was true, word for word. They alone were to
blame all through ; they now came to ask for pardon and
forgiveness, for they were my children, and they had
been punished. Whatever I said, they would do ; and
they would at once send to fetch the king. I suggested
that one should go on this embassy, and that the other
should stav. It was ao-reed that the Sekibobo should
go. while the Kimbugwe remained, and the former
started off the same afternoon. The Kimbugwe would
thus be able to hear the conference with the envoys from
the Mohammedans, for I wished to do nothing in secret,
and he should, if he desired, hear all that was said.
I further said that the king should come in canoes by
THE KIXG SENT FOR — MGR.'s CLAIMS.
409
the lake, for if he came overland with a large following,
it might lead to a collision and trouble. I explained
to them that my object in going to Torn, after we had
defeated the Mohammedans, had been to find a country
in which to locate that faction, far from Uganda ; I had
succeeded, and built forts there, and made all ready.
The Mohammedans had sent letters of peace when
they saw my force, and would have settled down near
my men, but this war had spoilt all my plans. They
had refrained from bringing war, and they now asked
for a portion of Uganda — how could I refuse ? If the
Wa-Fransa had not brouo^ht on Avar, I should have
succeeded in getting rid of the constant threat of the
Moslem.
Mgr. Hirth had sent me a letter by these envoys.
It was in the same tone as his previous communications.
His party had refused my overtures for two full months,
in the confident hope that the Mohammedans would
attack us, and that they, by playing a waiting game,
would thus gain their desires. They had only now
agreed to make peace when they saw that, so far from
having to fight against the Mohammedans for our lives,
it appeared probable that we should come to terms with
them, and that they themselves, instead of stepj^ing in
as the ultimate victors, were more likely to find all
parties arrayed against them, Avith annihilation as the
inevitable result. Notwithstanding these facts, and
that the Wa-Fransa had been the authors of the war,
the bishop apparently claimed as much for his party as
though they had been the victors. He demanded (I un-
derstood from his letter) that they should have half the
country, including the islands, and half the representa-
tion ; the Wa-Ingleza and Mohammedans, apparently,
sharing the other moiety! ^ Unless this "justice" was
1 In recently published despatches he goes further, and intimates that a
mere half would be scant justice. — Blue-book Africa, Xo. 8, 1893, p. 19.
410
EVEXTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAE.
done, he on the one hand threatened me with a pro-
tracted war, against desperate men, and on the other,
he pointed out that the fighting would be represented
in Europe as a rehgious war, undertaken by me for the
propagation of Protestantism — ignoring the fact that
I was equally endeavouring to deal justly with the
Mohammedan faction.
Pere Achte also wrote of the prospect of the TTV^-
Fransa fighting for years, unless I did what honour
and good faith demanded. His letter did not read to
me so conciliatory as his former one. I foresaw that I
should be in an extremely difficult position, for each of
the three factions had formed expectations incompatible
with the claims of the others. The only solution
aj^peared to be, to get back the king, who knew exactly
the size of the various provinces, and the number of
estates in each — viz., the proportion of the population
which each was capable of supporting — and then to let
the representatives of the three parties argue out the
matter in haraza, while I accepted the position of final
referee and arbitrator.
I heard also from Williams. He had arrived at
Bukoba, and in response to a letter from Mgr. he had
intimated what he thouo4it would be the terms which
I would be willing to accord to the defeated party.
He had said, howeA^er, that he had no power to con-
clude a treaty himself, and a final settlement could
only be effected by sending envoys to me. His sug-
gestions were — (l.) That the Wa-Fransa should have
Buddu and the Raima's country. (With regard to
the territorial division, I shall sj^eak jDresently.) (2.)
That the capital should be moved to Ntebe, on the
lake shore (in Raima's), so as to bring it closer to
their province. This I considered impracticable, for
three reasons : (a) A very great outlay, if the value of
the labour employed was estimated, had been incurred
Williams' proposals for peace.
411
on the buildings and fortifications at Kampala, and in
the present financial position of the Company, and their
intimation of withdrawal at the end of the year, I should
not be justified in abandoning these assets and incurring
fresh expenditure. (h) The present capital is the old
traditional seat of government of Uganda, where are the
graves of the kings, &c. , and with so extraordinarily con-
servative a people as the Waganda, I doubted if a change
could be effected. It appeared to me that if trouble were
to arise with either party, and they should seize Mengo
and proclaim either Mbogo or Karema's son as king
there, while we held Ntebe, the prestige of holding
the old capital might greatly add to their moral force
among the peasantry, (c) I regarded the present more
central position as a better political centre at such a
time as this, than a capital situated on the very bor-
ders of Uganda on the lake shore.
(3.) Williams suggested, moreover, an indemnity for
the war, payable in ivory. This I considered I could
remit — though its infliction would be perfectly just — for
I doubted if they had the means to pay it, and its col-
lection in the future might only lead to soreness and
trouble. Moreover, as I foresaw difficulties in the main
question of the territorial division, I hoped that this
forbearance would prove my desire to act liberally by
the defeated party. I have dealt with these points in
some detail, for they indicate the views of the only
other man in Uganda, besides myself, who had sufficient
knowledge of the w^hole question to offer a solution.
Since Williams had left (on Feb. 15th), however, the
position had greatly changed, owing to the progress of
the negotiations with the Mohammxcdans, and already,
owing to this further delay of over a month, I was un-
able to deal as liberally with the Wa-Fra7isa as I could
have done at the earlier date.
Captain Langheld, the German commandant of
412 EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAE.
Bukoba, also wrote to me at this time (dated 13th
March) to ask me to rescue Emin Pasha, who was in
a miserable ^^light at Kavalli's. Starvation and mutiny
among his men had compelled him to retrace his steps
from the north-west. On his return to Kavalli's, an
epidemic of smallpox had swejDt over the country, and
enormous numbers of the people were dead. The
remnant of his expedition was decimated afresh. He
then told Dr Stuhlmann to o^o to Bukoba with all who
were fit to march, while he himself remained with
nineteen men sick of the disease.^ " I hope you will
kindly do what you can for him," wrote Captain Lang-
held, " in his present deserted and heljDless condition,
for I understand his sight is quite gone." I received
the letter about 25th (March), and at once, on 26th,
sent orders to Torn that a j)arty of Sudanese should
immediately start in all haste to his succour. Later
I got news from Torn that Emin had met some of
Kilonga-longa's Manyuema, and had contracted with
them to convey him to the West Coast, via the Congo,
together with his boxes of natural history collections.
He had left on March 12th. " The Hero of Europe
contracted for like a bale of goods," I write in my
diary, — " to be conveyed by the worst type of slave-
raider to the coast ! ' Sic transit gloria mundi ' "
Later still, as every one knows, a rej)ort reached me that
he had been killed ; if it be true (as there seems every
reason to believe that it is), the close of the career of
this picturesque figure in African history is indeed a
sad one. I believe Emin to have been as kind-hearted
a man as ever lived, and a brave one too. His almost
morbid sensitiveness led him to deeply resent the
descriptions of his character and abilities which had
recently reached Europe ; and I believe that it was the
desire to prove himself a capable explorer, and to refute
1 Dr Stuhlmann left on Dec. lOtli, 1891.
SUDANESE DEFEAT KABAREGA.
413
by his actions what he would not deign to re23ly to in
words, which led him to embark on this fatal journey,
unauthorised by the Government which he served.^
Captain Lang4ield had written to Mwanga advising
him to make peace with us. He now proposed going-
south to Bukumbi with Williams, to see what could
be done in the matter of Karema's boys." Wil-
liams wrote that Langheld had mentioned a conver-
sation with Mg-r., in which the latter said that he
had no cause of complaint against myself or Williams,
but that we were completely under the influence of the
English missionaries ! Mr Ashe had similarly accused
us of being " entirely under the influence of the fasci-
nating Fathers." But, as I have already said, both
Bishop Tucker and Mgr. Hirth have more recently
stated that they have no charge of partiality against
my own early administration. As a matter of fact, it
had always been my object to avoid political discussions
with either mission, and to rule Uganda solely through
its own king and chiefs.
On the 25th I received letters from De Winton. He
re23orted that Kabarega had sent an army against our
forts, and had been utterly routed by the Sudanese,
who, however, had lost their officer in command ; but
there was no other casualty. He had not got the force
together to wait on the flank of the Mohammedans and
Wa-Fransa, as I had directed him, saying there Avas
now no need for it. I wrote ao^ain, directins" him to do
1 More recent news has confirmed the report of Emin's death, and added
some ghastly details. I would quote the words of one who met him in his
own province, before the abandonment of the Sudan caused the long series
of evils which ultimately led to the evacuation of Equatoria and its relapse
into barbarism. " Emin is a perfect gentleman, and one of the most un-
selfish men I ever met. Slavery and ill-treatment of natives have ceased
in his province. His great object in life is to make the people over whom
he has control, happy and contented, and to do as much as possible to raise
and elevate them." Could he desire a grander epitajDh? — Dr Felkin, Uganda
and the Egyptian Sudan, vol. ii. p. 85.
414
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
SO without delay, in case of eventualities, and I sent him
a carefully prepared map to indicate the precise position
he should take up. De Winton was full of pluck and
dash, and was most eager to engage the enemy ; but
I told him on no account to do so without orders, or
until he had absolutely positive evidence that we were
fighting.
He had made an ex23edition against the Manyuema,
and marched far into the Congo State for the purpose.
I could not but regret that his zeal and detestation of
these slave -raiders had outrun his discretion in this
matter (for he had positive orders to engage in no war
without previous reference to me) ; but at most it was
only an error for which his inexi^erience must stand as
excuse. As I have already narrated, these Manyuema
belonged to an extremely powerful confederation wholly
beyond British jurisdiction, and to provoke them might
not only bring reprisals upon the little garrison at Fort
George, but might even land us in a war with the
Arabs of the Congo Free State. Dr Stuhlmann had
told Williams that in travelling through the country
laid waste by them, he had estimated that they could
put 2000 guns in the field — largely breech-loaders —
and they are a brave race.
Envoys also arrived from Kabarega of Unyoro to
treat for peace. With him alone I felt little inclina-
tion to come to terms. For years he had exhibited a
continued hostility to all EurojDeans, from the days of
Baker and Gordon. Later he outraged and insulted
Major Casati when a guest at his court, and bound him
naked to a tree. He fought against Stanley without
cause. He gratuitously assisted the Mohammedan party
when we had fought against them the previous year.
He continuously fought against me in my expedition to
Kavalli's. Recently he had sent an army against my
Sudanese forts. I knew his overtures to be insincere,
KABAREGA SENDS ENVOYS.
415
and that, should opportunity offer, he would break all
engagements, as he always had done. His cruelties to
his peojDle were the theme of all tongues, and Gordon,^
Felkin,^ and others, had united in saying that his
power must be broken. My pet scheme was to conquer
his country at some future period and disarm his law-
less bands. I replied to his envoys that any messengers
from him should be unharmed, but that they must be
prepared to accept pretty stringent conditions, if Ka-
barega desired peace after such a career of tyranny and
hostility as his. They replied they were but small men,
unauthorised to enter into any negotiations, but if I
would receive them, accredited envoys should follow.
The probability was that they were sj^ies, and nothing
more.
From Chagwe I had news that the chief, who had
gone thither accompanied by some of my Sudanese,
had had some little skirmishes with the Futahangi, and
I sent him ammunition and reinforcements. From
Keddie in Usoga I heard that the smallpox had ceased,
apparently owing to his excellent sanitary arrangements
and care. He told me that Wakoli was reserving all
his ivory to buy arms and powder, which were being-
brought into the country in considerable quantities by
coast traders (who frequently took slaves in payment) ;
for, thanks to France, the provisions of the Brussels
Act had not yet come into operation. In reply I told
Reddie to remain where he was for the present, and to
tell Wakoli that I forbade his purchasing arms, and
that if he did so he would forfeit our friendship.
Progress continued at the outdoor and indoor work
at headquarters ; the new extensions to Kampala, al-
ready alluded to, and the native houses, were completed,
while roomy houses for Europeans took the place of the
native quarters inside the upper stockade. The books,
1 Gordon in Africa, ii. 65. ^ Uganda, &c., vol. i. p. 324.
416
EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR.
especially the " Long -roll," showing the disposal of
every man who had ever come on the Uganda estab-
lishment, with his accounts to date, were completed.
Similar books were prepared for out-stations at Torn
and Usoga, and an office system was gradually being
evolved.
I may note here an incident, apart from the some-
what tedious narration of events at this period. I had
told Zachariah of the financial difficulties, which had
led to a fear lest the Company should be unable to
retain Uganda. He had gone to reorganise the pro-
vince of Bulamwezi, and wrote to me from there as
follows : —
You told me that a very great deal of money was being spent
by the Company for our sakes, and you said, ' AVhen I made the
treaty I wrote in it, " The country itself shall return some portion
of this money little by little." ' But since the country has not
become in good order, so that it might make some returns, I
myself began to reflect in my own mind, and I saw that the evil
came from us. We Waganda are spending the money of our
friends with no return, nor have we the memories to say, ' All
this money wdiich is being spent is for our good, let us then do
some good to please our friends.' We do not consider this in
the least ; we know but one practice, and that is to beg every
day. We have not yet learned better ; there is notliing in us to
please the Directors of the Company, nor are we able to pay the
money. How can we repay all that has gone in the wages of
the men who have come to fight for our country for us ? In
addition there is the cost of food, and the presents you have
made us. All we can do is to give you satisfaction, that you
may know that we are your children, and are glad to be under
the British. But I see a plan myself, my father. I put it out
of my own mind. Give me an answer, Bwana, whether it is
good or bad, you to whom I am greatly attached. My plan is
to try and kill elephants, and give the ivory to the Company.
Perhaps I may thus be able to return my thanks to the Directors
of the Company. I will not put the ivory into my own property.
I have no property. Had I any, I would have put aside from it
ZACHARIAH's FIXAXCIAL SCHEME.
417
sufficient to return my thanks. As it is, I will return my thanks
according to my ability and by my plan. . . .
" May God add to your wisdom to arrange all these countries
rightly. Many salaams. — Your friend, Zachaeiah."
When it is remembered that ivory is the sole wealth
in Uganda, with which alone a chief can buy the cloth,
&c., so dear to his heart, and that Zachariah meant him-
self to lead his men, and expose his life purposely that
he might show them an example which would ensure
successful results, I think the reader will agree with the
remarks which follow in my diary : "'I have been at
pains to translate this letter right through, for it is
a remarkable one from a semi- savage of Africa. This
is the man who went to Kavalli's with me. Surely
it betokens a sign of progress when such a letter is
possible ? "
VOL. II.
418
CHAPTER XXXVL
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH THE WA-FEANSA.
Eetiirn of the king — Plans for division of the country — Mwanga's view —
Zachariah's speech — My reply — Wa-Fransa want Koki — I decline —
The treaty of peace — Mgr.'s letter re attitude of Wa-Fransa — Eeasons
Wa-Fransa were not given Raima's country — The new treaty with
Mwanga — Mohammedan envoys arrive — Negotiations — Promise three
provinces — Mbogo to come to Kampala — Reason for repatriating them
— Williams returns — Failed to get Karema's boys — De Winton's
death — Williams ill.
Towards the end of March, therefore, our long-deferred
hopes of jDeace seemed at last to be in a fah^ way to be
realised. Peres Brard and Roche arrived to take up
their residence at the capital, and I gave them the
house and grounds formerly occupied by Mr Gedge.
I quote from my diary of March 30tli : " News sud-
denly came in that the king was pushing on as fast
as possible, and would reach Mengo to-day. Stephano
arrived in a great stew to announce his arrival, and asked
if it was true that I wished him to come to Kampala.
He told me the king was trembling with fear, and said
he was ready to be killed or made prisoner, and came to
throw himself on my mercy. Messenger after messenger
arrived bringing salaams, and I sent back Wadi Hamis
to convey mine. Presently a vast crowd in the wildest
excitement appeared on the King's Hill, and surged
down into the valley towards Kampala. I rode out to
RETURN OF THE KING.
419
meet the kino^, and found him beino- carried on a man's
shoulders. The great mass in front on meeting me
turned round and followed me, and amid huzzas and
great excitement the king and I shook hands over the
heads of the crowd. The mass of people, increasing
each moment, came on to Kampala, men clearing the
road with vigorous blows for my horse and the king.
From the main road up to Kampala gate all available
askars, mostly Sudanese and Somals, were drawn up
on each side, and presented arms as we passed through
their ranks, w^iile the buglers and drummers executed
a prolonged flourish, and the drums, horns, and bugles
of the Waganda tried to rival their row. At the gate
I had stationed a guard to keep out the mob. Mwanga
in his dirty clothes, like a common peasant, travel-
stained, dishevelled, and looking utterly played out,
was the shadow of his former sleek self Dismount-
ing, I led him to the house by the hand ; for by this
time he was almost in a state of collapse, what
between fear, excitement, anxiety, and fatigue. He
limped painfully along. It was almost dark now as we
entered the house. I presented him Avith a selection
of cloth, &c., saying I knew it was the custom of
Uganda to give a guest a small present for welcome.
He was immensely pleased, and I think felt really
grateful for once in his life. He said he had come not
knowing what dreadful fate to expect, and he found
himself received like a truant child returned. People
flocked in to salaam to him. The R. Catholic chiefs
who had come with him embraced the Protestants, and
all was a scene of congratulation and joy. The Wa-
ganda seemed all bursting with delight. I told Mwanga
I had wished him to come to Kampala before going to
his place, because I wanted all Uganda to see at once
that w^e had come to an understanding and were friends.
The French Fathers and the English missionaries had
420
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH IVA-FRANSA.
come to welcome him, and all shook hands with him.
So he retm^ned to Mengo.'^
I had thought much over the division of the country,
and proposed to the Ingleza faction that the Wa-Fransa
should have Buddu, Kaima, and Katambala. This they
strenuously opposed, saying it was more than half the
country. I told the Katikiro that his faction had little
reason to be proud of their share in the war, and now
they wished to arrogate to themselves the greater j^art
of Uganda. In the original battle they would have
been worsted and annihilated had it not been for
our sujjport. At the island of Bulingugwe they had
turned tail, and had taken next to no part in the
fight, though they scrambled for the loot. They had
refused from fear to go to the assistance of their people
from Buddu ; they had not dared to go to Chagwe
without my men, and they had not obeyed Williams,
and had done nothing in the islands. The Pokino (E.),
who was a sensible old man, pro^^osed a division by
estates — viz., that every estate should belong solely to
one or the other faction, so that petty chiefs of the op-
posite faction should not be under a sujDerior of the
other party as formerly, but that there should be no
division into separate provinces. I could not agree to
this, for I considered that in my letter to Pere Achte I
had pledged myself to the principle of a territorial divi-
sion. More than that I could not at that time guarantee,
but I had said I " would endeavour to make a settlement
on the lines he indicated," and this was essentially on
the principle of a division of Uganda into separate
provinces for either party. Nor did I think the Po-
kino's proposition, though an improvement on the old
state of things, would be likely to insure peace.
A third proposition, that the Wa-Fransa should have
the eastern provinces towards Usoga, had much to
recommend it. Our road to the coast, it is true, would
PLAXS FOR DIVISIOX OF COUNTRY.
421
run through these provinces, but no less would our route
to Torn run through the western ones ; while if the
Fransa party held Buddu, they commanded the lake
shore, along which all canoes going for our supplies of
cloth and goods to the south of the lake must coast, and
from which they must draw their food. It was natural
to suppose that the lesser people at any rate would long-
be bitter against us, and still more against the Ingleza
faction ; and if ever war again broke out, they would in
the west be able to get arms and powder from the
Waziba traders, and possibly to obtain assistance from
Ankoli and Koki, whereas on the east they would be
completely isolated, and could obtain no supplies of
arms. My garrison in Usoga would be on one side of
them, and Kampala on the other. Mgr. in his letter
strongly urged that the boundary between the prov-
inces should be a river, and on the east the Mianja,
flowing north and south, offers just such a boundary.
Moreover, the eastern provinces have always been
under E. Catholic chiefs ; while Buddu, Katambala,
and Kitunzi on the west have been under Protestants.
Such were my ideas on the subject. I was heartily
disgusted with the Wa-Ingleza, but I had merely
spoken of the division in course of conversation with
the Katikiro, and I declined to make any definite
plans until I should have seen the king.
Mwanga is a very shrewd man, and I well knew that
his views on such a question, enforced by his thorough
knowledge of the divisions of Uganda, would be well
worthy of consideration. The day after his return
(31st) I went to him. We had an absolutely 2)rivate
interview — even my interj)reter was excluded — and he
spoke in Swahili. He thanked me with intense fervour
for bringing him back, and said that the Wa-Fransa had
detained him by force. He said he was now under the
Queen utterly and entirely {Jcahisa, hcibisa) ; that in
422
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FJIANSA.
future he only wished to be one with me, and take my
advice absolutely. We had saved him and restored him,
and he was convinced of our integrity and the justice of
my conduct throughout. His expressions were so pro-
fuse and so emphatic that it became embarrassing. I
replied, " All right ; as I told you long ago, so I tell you
now, ' The more you unite with us, the greater will be
your power, and the more certain will be your throne
and the peace of your country.' Now what is your
plan for restoring peace ? " He said that the letters
written in his name had all been sent by the R. Cath-
olic chiefs ; that it had always been their plan, if there
was a war and they were beaten, to take one of Kare-
ma's boys as their king, and that for this reason they
had retained them in their charge. He was willing
to divide the country if they would first give him back
his nephews.
I asked him what division he proposed. He pressed
me for my views, but I declined to give them till I had
heard his. He then suggested the eastern provinces
towards Usoga for the Fransa faction. I said that I
would call all the chiefs and hear what they had to
say, and tell him the result. The Ingleza chiefs said
that the opposite faction had included all the followers
of the king, and also the R. Catholics ; that the former
were the vast majority, and these would now return to
their own place. The R. Catholics _^jer se were not
numerically a very large proportion of the population,
and they thought Bulamwezi would suffice for them,
or (with much reluctance they added) Buddu. I then
called the Fransa chiefs and asked them what they
thought. They were greatly vexed at the idea of
Bulamwezi, which I did not say I mj^self in any way
proposed, but merely quoted as the suggestion of the
Wa-Ingleza. I suggested that they should talk it over
with the Protestant chiefs ; but this thev utterly de-
BTTDDr TO THE WA-FHAXSA.
423
clined, saying they submitted to me only and not to
them, and would acn ee to mv decision whatever it was.
nor would thev deal even with the kincr.
I told them they must not expect too much, being
the defeated party. "I said, Put yourselves in the
place of the other faction. Suppose you had won. and
they had come to sue for peace, what part would you
have given them ? * They said it was impossible they
should ever have given them any. Had it not been
for our presence here, such an idea as the two factions
coming to terms woidd have been quite impossible. I
said, * Yes ; but suppose I was here and insisted on
their being restored, and asked your advice how much
countrv we shotdd crive them, what woidd vou sav ? '
They said. • TTe woidd give them a verv Httle bit.'
Then I said, ' Tell me tndy what vou think is your
JUST ricrht and no more. Thev said, ' Buddu. I re-
phed, ' If you got Buddu by itself, would you be con-
tent ? ' They said ' Yes ' ' (diary i. I told them of the
obstacles to crh^iiio- them Buddu. H(jw dailv before the
war insults had been oliered to my men, and even (I was
told) to myself, but I did not understand them (being
in the Kiganda language ). How should I dare send my
men throuofh Buddu to Torai. or the south of the lake ?
They protested that in futme all this shoidd l3e changed.
So I told them they could have Buddu, and I woidd try
if I could add a bit to it.
I told the Katikiro and chiefs that I thouo^ht of
adding a piece of Kaima's coimtry to the French " pro-
vince. They vehemently opposed this, and Zachariah,
whose words alone had anv weight with me (for I
had proved him loyal and less bigoted than any other),
made a really fine speech. He said that Buddu was
rich beyond all the provinces of Uganda, and woidd
support a population of perhaps double (for its area)
compared to such provinces as Singo, Chagwe, and
424 PEACE COXCLUDED AYITH WA-FHAXSA.
Bulamwezi, which were largely laid Avaste by war ; ^
that it was in reality amply large enough for all the
H. Catholics properly so called ; that the Waganda were
foolish people, and if they saw they had a big country,
and the provinces of each faction were of equal size, it
would of an absolute certainty lead to a renewal of war
later on, — believe it or not as I would.
He said it was true that the Wa-Ingleza — to whom
were now added all the Futahangi and pagans, and the
king's following — desired the greater part of Uganda,
not from greed of land, but because they knew that by
this means alone could peace be secured in the country.
They were my children, they would follow me and fight
for me to the death, they had stood by me when I was
weak in the land, he himself had left everything and
followed me to Kavalli's at my call. Falling on his knees,
he cried in a really impassioned speech : "It is not that
we want the power, we wish it to be solely in your
hands. To prove it, we are ready to hand in all our
arms to you, if the other factions will do the same.
If the Wa-Fransa have a part of Raima's country,
which will bring them close to the capital, as soon
as they have recovered from this blow, on the first
fancied grievance they can secretly make ready a war,
and when we least exjDect it, and are unprepared, and
Kampala is weak, they Avill fall on the capital."
I replied that I had made up my mind to add to
the province given to the R. Catholics, and I had no
further word to say ; let them go and discuss how best
they could fulfil my wishes. As to their loyalty to us,
it Avas dictated by their own interests, and from time
to time they had spoken of leaving Uganda, so that it
was plain they had not acted from mere loyalty alone.
^ Speke describes it as " a wonderful country, surprisingly rich in grass,
cultivation, and trees. . . . Wherever I strolled I saw nothing but rich-
ness."— Journals, pp. 274, 278, &c.
zachariah's speech axd my eeply.
425
As to returnino- their arms, it was a safe thino' to sav,
for they knew the absolute impossibility of getting the
other factions to do so. They left much depressed.
Though re23lying thus to them, I could not but
acknowledge the justice of many of their arguments,
which indeed had been 23resent to my own mind. Un-
doubtedly it would constitute a very oTave dano-er if a
faction, of whom the bulk were bitterly jealous and
hostile, were allowed to come within three or four
hours' distance of the capital. For though the chiefs
might be absolutely loyal and sincere, they had been
unable, by their own showing, to restrain their faction
on the day of the outbreak. The Mohammedans con-
curred in saying that Buddu was by far the richest
province ; its estates had escaped the devastation which
had laid waste the rest of Uganda during these years
of war. They themselves eagerly coveted it, and, so
far as I could judge, their numbers would be about
equal to those of the Wa-Fransa (some said to the
two Christian factions combined). Buddu would be
purely R. Catholic. All the j)agans and king's people,
as well as the Protestants, would leave. Moreover,
throughout that portion of Uganda which should not
be relegated to the R. Catholics on the one hand, and
the Mohammedans on the other, religion, I insisted,
should be free. These two provinces should be purely
religious, but there should be no Protestant province. .
The portion in which the Ingleza faction, the Futa-
bangi, and the king's people lived, should own no
religious domination. Armed R. Catholics must re-
main in their own provinces, but to the j^^^ceful
propagation of any cult there should be no obstacle.
To this the Wa- Ingleza agreed.
The Wa-Fransa chiefs meanwhile were greatly pleased
at having obtained Buddu ; and though they naturally
made a bid for an increase, if they could get it, thev
426
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FJiANSA.
candidly told me they were satisfied with the terms,
and they confined their arguments, for the most part,
to minor questions. Of these the most important was
the extent of their jurisdiction over Koki. They
wished practically to incorporate it into Buddu. I
had already had embassies of j)eace from Kamswaga,
who said he had been treacherously dealt with by the
Fransa faction, who had ordered him to take arms
against the Wa-Ingleza, and now had thrown him over,
and wished to oust him and "eat up" his country.
These embassies I had accejDted prior to the negotia-
tions with the Wa-Fransa, and I had j)i'omised Koki
our friendship if he remained loyal. All reports con-
curred in confirming the news that he had refused to
assist our enemies, and I therefore considered that to
hand over his country to the Fransa faction would be
a breach of faith. Here again, by their long refusal
to come to terms, this party had allowed themselves to
be anticipated by others. My reply to the Kimbugwe
was, that Koki must remain under the old regime.
Kamswaga (its king) would remain a vassal of Uganda,
and his tribute and messengers would, as heretofore,
pass through the Pokino of Buddu (now a B. Catholic
chief), who would be his immediate superior. Similarly,
all communications with Ankoli would be conducted
through the Pokino.
But, strange to say, the clause which seemed to dis-
tress the chiefs most was the stipulation that all
arms belonging to the Company should be returned.
After the war with the Mohammedans a year ago,
the rifles lent to both factions had been called in,
but a few remained, as did some of those lent by Mr
Gedge before my arrival in Uganda. Of these I had
no accurate data. The Kimbuofwe feared that this
would be a cause of trouble. I reassured him at once,
and told him it was not my intention to seek a cause of
THE TREATY OF PEACE.
427
quarrel ; quite the reverse. I would be satisfied if the
arms lent to them were returned. As to any captured
in the war, or lent a long time ago, I would merely
stipulate that if any of my people saw a Company's
rifle in the hands of a Mganda (of any faction), it
should be seized. With this he was overjoyed. I
therefore drew up an agreement, which the three
K. Catholic chiefs signed, embodying the conditions
made. In addition to Buddu, I ceded to them an
island on the lake, which would give them a footing
there, and the command of some canoes beyond what
they held as possessors of the whole Buddu coast.
I also obtained the cession of three estates situated
at a day's march from each other through Raima's
country from Buddu to the capital ; so that all B.
Catholics going and coming to Mengo might camp in
the estates of their own party, and avoid friction with
the oj)posite faction. Such was the bare treaty, which
runs as follows : —
" 1. The party formerly calling themselves the Wa-Fransa shall
in future reside in Buddu, the boundary being the Katonga river.
That part of Kaima's country (Buganga) to south of Katonga
shall be included in Buddu.
" 2. The islands and tributary states, such as Koki, shall not be
counted as part of Buddu. If mission extension is contemplated
outside of Buddu, permission for the proposed extension shall
first be obtained from the Eesident at Kampala.^
1 Note from Eeport No. 4, Africa No. 2, 1893 : " From this it will be
obvious that it was not my motive to interfere in any way with the R.
Catholic religion, but only to take such necessary precautions with the
political party, lately in arms against us, as should, so far as possible, ensure
peace for the future. When asked by the priests whether E. Catholics
could reside in Chagwe, &c., I told them clearly that there was no prohibi-
tion to their doing so, if not supported by arms and powder, and that I
would do all in my power for their protection. In an exj^lanatory letter to
Mgr. I pointed out that though armed men are prohibited from crossing
the Katonga without permission, there is no prohibition against the E.
Catholic religion (unaccompanied by arms) throughout Uganda. I also
428
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FRANSA.
" 3. All armed men of this party, who recently fought against
the British, shall remain in Bucldu. If any armed party wishes
to leave Buddu to come to Mengo or elsewhere, they shall obtain
permission to do so, and shall state the number of guns they have.
If armed men enter the remaining part of Uganda without per-
mission, they shall be liable to have their arms confiscated.
" 4 The British flag shall be flown in Buddu, and the employes
of the Company passing through Buddu shall be well treated and
supplied with food.
" 5. If the Company builds one or more stations in Buddu, every
facility shall be given, and the Company's representative and
employes shall be treated with all respect.
" 6. If after a period of two years from this date there shall be
no reason to entertain any doubt as to the loyalty and good con-
duct of the people of Buddu, it shall be open to the Eesident to
modify the above restrictions.
7. All rifles and arms belonging to the Company and now in
possession of the people of Buddu shall be returned to Kampala.
" 8. All the conditions of the treaty made this day with Mwanga,
king of Uganda, shall be observed and carried out, and Mwanga
shall be recognised as the sole king of Uganda.
" 9. The status of Koki shall be as formerly — viz., a tributary
state of Uganda. Its revenues shall be collected as formerly
by the Pokino, and messages, &c., to Uganda shall pass through
the chief of Buddu. Shamhas, however, are not to be seized or
occupied by the people of Buddu, nor is w^ar to be made on Koki
without the permission of the Eesident.
" 10. The shamhas belonging formerly to the Pokino in Mengo —
viz., those occupied by Buddu chiefs — shall now belong to the
people of Buddu.
" 11. Shamhas shall be given to the chief of Buddu at intervals
of one day's march from Mengo to Buddu, so that the people of
Buddu may camp each night in their own shamhas on their w^ay
to and from the capital.
12. The islands of Lulamba and Selinia shall belong to Buddu.
" 13. The status of Uziba and of Bwera shall remain unaltered.
told him that I regretted having inserted the clause regarding mission
extension, which had no other signification than the understanding already
existing between us, that missionaries, before contemplating an extension
beyond the limits of Uganda, should first consult me."
THE TREATY OF PEACE.
429
and the old customs as regards messengers, &c., from Xtali of
Ankoli.
" N.B. — There is nothmg in this agreement intended to be pre-
judicial to the interests of the E. Catholic religion. It has been
made at the express wish of the four leading E. Catholic chiefs
formerly, Kimbugwe, Sekibobo, Kago, and Pauliti. They prefer
to have a separate portion of the country, rather than to be rein-
stated in their former positions, and they themselves have told
me they prefer Buddu to the whole of Singo, Kitunzi, &c.
(Signed) " F. D. Lugard, Captain, Commanding.
(And by E. Catholic Chiefs.)
"Kampala, Ajiril 5, 1892."
In concluding these terms of peace, my first idea of
allowing the chiefs to argue it out in the king's haraza
had not been found feasible, for the E. Catholic chiefs
declined to treat with the king or Ingleza chiefs, and
Mwanga himself demurred to a division of the country
unless Karema's sons were first restored to him ; he
also favoured the eastern j^i'ovinces being given to the
Wa-Fra7isa, w^hereas that faction would have nothing
to say to any division which did not include Buddu.
Such was the formal agreement, but I had by no
means given up my idea of obtaining for the E,.
Catholics some further concession, if I found that they
really meant peace and accepted my decisions. In the
concessions already made I had met with, the most de-
termined opposition from the Inglezct chiefs, whom I
describe in my diary as "a disgusting, ungrateful,
cantankerous lot, who occasionally drive me beyond
all patience." The fact was, that two at least of the
English missionaries had lent their countenance to
the attitude taken by the chiefs, and I fear it was
largely owing to their advice that I met with the
opposition I did, though it was impossible that they
should know the full conditions of the case or the
pledges which bound me. I shall presently explain
430
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FRANSA.
this attitude ; for though I am loth to reopen past
controversies, which for my own part I have been only
too glad to suppress, it is impossible for me to give a
truthful picture of the set of circumstances which con-
trolled my action in this most difficult problem of the
settlement of Uganda between the three factions, with-
out indicating the important part played in it by the
missionaries of both sects.
It will be remembered that I had replied to Pere
Achte that I would, when the king returned, consent to
make a peace with the Fransa faction "on the lines
indicated" by him. The principle of a territorial
division (of the soundness of which I had at first ex-
pressed a doubt) was the principal point. This I had
ceded. The territory given, though in superficial area
not equal to a third of the country, was preferred by
the accredited chiefs to either a return to the status quo
ante, or to Singo and Kitunzi, which would have been
fully equal to a territorial third of the country. In
view, however, of the fact that they had provoked
the war, and were the defeated party, and yet had
detained the king and refused to make peace, till they
had no alternative, it surely would be ridiculous to urge
that they were in justice and honour entitled as a polit-
ical faction to an equal portion of Uganda with the
victors, or even that they had greater claims than the
Mohammedans, who had forborne to bring war when
the opportunity was in their favour. Moreover, the
country allotted them was adjudged by themselves to
be all they could in justice expect, and they were, I
understood, pleased at obtaining it ; the Mohammedans
coveted it ; I myself, from all the information I could
gather, considered it adequate to the needs of the purely
religious party of the R. Catholics ; ^ and there was no
^ The Fathers have loudly complained that the territory was insufficient
to support the E. Catholic population, and that in consequence of over-
THE TREATY OF PEACE.
431
prohibition against their settling elsewhere in Uganda, so
long as they were unarmed.^ Their jDriests had already
availed themselves of this, and with much difficulty I
obtained from the king a restitution of all their estates
at the capital and elsewhere. All question of indemnity
for the war, and for the great quantities of Protestant
mission goods looted in Buddu, had been waived.
Lastly as to the question broached by Pere Achte in
his letter, of making their frontier extend to the capital,
which should be situated midway between the ]3rovinces.
I had myself at first suggested this, but I could not but
acknowledge that the continued refusal of the hostile
faction to come to terms had weakened their claims.
Even if their frontier did not actually extend to the
capital, I had been strongly in favour of giving them
half of Raima's (the intervening) country. But all
parties agreed in saying that to halve a province was
absolutely impossible in Uganda. There could but be
one Raima, and he must be either R. Catholic or
Protestant ; and if the country were halved, one or other
faction must be under a chief of the opposite party,
which would be contrary to my promises and the
principles of the agreement. My efforts for the TT"a-
Fransa had almost alienated from me the Ingleza party,
and the relations between us were most strained. Yet
I heard constant news that the Wa-Fvansa were by no
means peacefully disposed, and I received (April 6th) a
letter from Mgr. (dated March 26th), in which he wrote
crowding a plague broke out. Capt. Williams, the 'Times' correspondent,
and others, all agree after a personal inspection that the population was
insufficient to occupy the estates. Sir G. Portal writes: "The reports
which have been furnished to me are to the effect that even now about
four-fifths of the whole country in Buddu is uncultivated and uninhabited,
although apparently very fertile and well watered." — Blue-book Africa,
No. 8, 1893, p. 8.
^ " I am assured," says Sir G. Portal, " that at the present moment there
are several hundreds of E. Catholics living in this town, and within half an
hour of the king's residence." — Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 8.
432
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FJIANSA.
as follows : " Je suis parfaitement de votre avis quand
vous me dites qu'il faut procurer le prompt retablissement
de la paix ; les Catholiques, qui se sont masses au Buddu,
7i'en voudraient pas; ils voudraieiit retrouver tout ce
qu'ils ont perdu." The italics are mine, and I read the
words to mean that the Wa-Fransa were not desirous
of peace.
The Fathers had vehemently denied the possibility
of their faction fighting again, and represented them
as extremely loyal, absolutely free from any sedition,
&c. In the middle of all this I remarked that I had
news that they had not ceased to wish for war, and
reports daily reached me to that effect. They replied
that these were malicious lies. " Mgr. Hirth himself
says so," I replied. This they indignantly denied. I
picked up his letter and read the sentence. The result
was ludicrous. They said it must have been written in
haste, and a word omitted. I pointed out that the
insertion of a " not " would make the next sentence
nonsense. Ultimately they copied the words, and said
they would ask for an explanation. None ever reached
me. In reply to Mgr., I said that his words had caused
great surprise here, both to the king and the chiefs of
both factions. I had been doing my utmost to get the
most liberal terms possible for the Wa-Fransa, but in
face of this statement in his letter it was impossible for
me, as a soldier, to allow the party whom he declared
"did not wish for peace" to approach close to the
capital with their arms, as they would be enabled to
do if I gave them Raima's country.
It may be urged, that the hostile party had given a
conclusive proof of their desire for peace by sending
back the king. It, however, seemed doubtful whether
this was the case. The Sekibobo, who had gone to
fetch him, had, I understood, merely assisted him to
escape. Mwanga, I was told, had got to the lake, and
THE TREATY OF PEACE. • 433
rowed out to sea in a canoe for his life. He himself
said (and I heard the same thing from other sources)
that had he attempted to come by land, the bulk of
the faction would have murdered him rather than allow
him to return to Uganda.
Under the circumstances, therefore, I had adhered,
as closely as was 230ssible, to the lines indicated by Pere
Achte, though I think that this letter of Mgr. 's, together
with the other news I have detailed, would have justified
me, had I been so minded, in considering my obligations
cancelled. On the contrary, however, as I shall narrate,
I obtained a further concession for the R. Catholics,
adding very largely to their territory in the south ; and
eventually, when I left Uganda, I urged uj)on Captain
Williams that, if they remained well-behaved, he should
still further increase their area by giving them Bwera,
and perhaps some other of the islands. Pere Brard,
however, continued to protest vehemently against my
division, and to thus create discontent in the minds of
the E,. Catholic chiefs, stating that it was only a ter-
ritorial seventh, regardless of the fact that the chiefs
had preferred this "seventh" to a territorial third, and
ignoring the other concessions made.
The agreement was taken to the king for final rati-
fication, and he made a most sensible speech on the
occasion. At the same time the Ingleza chiefs urged
the appointment of the Sekibobo as the new Pokino of
Buddu, who would now be head chief of the B. Catholics.
I declined to offer an opinion either way. The Kimbu-
gwe, who had formerly been head of his party, had most
influence with them ; but the Sekibobo was liked by all
parties, while the Kimbugwe was detested by the Wa-
Ingleza, who said the arrangements for the war had
been matured in his house. After some discussion the
Sekibobo was appointed. The Kimbugwe took the de-
cision with the utmost good-breeding, and both quietly
VOL. ir. 2 E
434
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FJiANSA.
thanked the king for his appointment — you would not
have known who had won and who had lost. He then
started for Buddu with some 250 of his faction whom he
had collected. The new Pokino (with the Kago) re-
mained at the capital (where, of course, he held all the
estates of his office), to represent the R. Catholics.
Some disputes having arisen regarding the boundaries
of the Waziba and Koki in the south of Buddu, mes-
sengers were sent at the same time to inquire into the
matter, and bring envoys to decide the frontiers in
question. I presented at this time (April 11th) a new
treaty to Mwanga. I had it done into Kiganda by
Duta (who spoke Swahili fluently), and myself ex23lained
the full meaning of every single word to him. After it
was so translated, I circulated it to the king and chiefs,
that they might discuss each clause. It was in per-
petuity, according to the instructions I had received from
England. All were eager to sign it, and it was slowly
read through at a large baraza, at which several of the
English missionaries were present, and then signed by
the king and chiefs. Mwanga thereupon demanded an
English flag, which I gave him. The Kimbugwe also
asked for a flag, saying that the Fransa faction were
now most willing and eager to fly it. I of course gladly
gave it to him.
So at last the British flag flew over Uganda, over
both creeds alike, and the national distinctions of
Fransa and Ingleza were abolished. The new treaty
was as follows : —
" I, Mwanga, Kdbaka of Uganda, do liereby make the follow-
ing treaty (in supersession of all former treaties whatsoever,
with whomsoever concluded) with Captain F. D. Lugard, D.s.o,,
an officer of the army of her Majesty Queen Victoria, Queen of
England, &c., acting solely on behalf of the Imperial British
East African Company (incorporated by royal charter) ; the
aforesaid Captain F. .1). Lugard, d.s.o., having full powers to
NEW TEEATY WITH MWAXGA.
435
conclude and ratify the same on behalf of the said Company.
And to this treaty the principal officers and chiefs of my country
do sign their names as evidence of their consent and approval.
" Clause 1. The Imperial British East African Company (herein-
after called ' the Company ') agree on their part to afford pro-
tection to the kingdom of Uganda, and by all means in their
power to secure to it the blessings of peace and prosperity, to
promote its civilisation and commerce, and to introduce a system
of administration and organisation by which these results shall
be obtained.
" Clause 2. I, Mwanga, Kalaha of Uganda, in the name of my
chiefs, people, and kingdom, do acknowledge the suzerainty of
the Company, and that my kingdom is within the British sphere
of influence, as agreed between the European Powers. And in
recognition hereof I undertake to fly the flag of the Company,
and no other, at my capital and throughout my kingdom ; and to
make no treaties with, grant no kind of concessions to, nor allow
to settle in my kingdom and acquire lands or hold offices of
state, any Europeans of whatever nationality, without the know-
ledge and consent of the Company's representative in Uganda
(liereinafter called 'the Resident').
" Clause 3. The Resident, as arbitrator, shall decide all disputes
and all differences between Europeans in Uganda. All lands
acquired by Europeans in Uganda shall be subject to his consent
and approval, and shall be registered in his office. All arms in
possession of Europeans and their followers shall be marked and
registered by the Resident. His decision in all matters con-
nected with Europeans shall be final, and subject only to appeal
to the higher authorities of the Company. All employes of the
Company shall be solely under the orders of the Resident.
" Clause Jp. The consent of the Resident shall be obtained, and
his counsel taken by the king, before any war is undertaken, and
in all grave and serious affairs and matters of the State, such as
the appointment of chiefs to the higher offices, the assessment of
taxes, kd.
Clause 5. Missionaries — viz., tliose solely engaged in preach-
ing the Gospel, and in teaching the arts and industries of
civilisation — shall be free to settle in the country, of wdiatever
creed they may be, and their religious rights and liberties shall
be respected. There shall be perfect freedom of worship. No
one shall be compelled to follow any religion against his will.
436
PEACE COXCLVDED WITH WA-FBAXSA.
" Clause 6. The property of the Company and its employes, and
all servants of the Company, shall be free from the incidence of
all taxes.
" Clause 7. The revenues of the country shall defray, as may be
found feasible, the money expended purely on the development
and oroanisation of the country, the expenses of its garrisons,
&c. For such objects the king shall supply labour and give
every facility.
" Clause 8. All arms in the country shall be registered, and
a licence givt-n fur them. Unregistered arms shall be liable
to confiscation. The importation of arms and munitions is
prohibited.
" Clause 9. Traders of all nations shall be free to come to
Uganda, provided they do not import or otfer for sale goods pro-
hibited bv international aoreement.
" Clause 10. Slave-trading or slave-raiding, or the exportation or
importation of people for sale or exchange as slaves, is prohibited.
'■' Clause 11. The Company will uphold the power and honour of
the king, and the display of his Court shall be maintained.
" Clause 12. This treaty shall be binding in perpetuity, or until
cancelled or altered by the consent and mutual agreement of
both parties to it.
"Dated Kampala, this 30th day of March 1892.
(Signed ) F. D. Lugaed, Captain, Qtli Regiment, .
Offlciating Resident in Uganda,
Imperial British East African Company.
]MwAXGA, his X mark, KaJjala of Uganda.
" I certify that the signature of Mwanga was made in my
presence, and was of his own free will,
(Signed) " \s. H. AVilliams, Captain, Boyal Artillenj.
''April 11, 1S92."
(Here follow the signatures of the Protestant and
R. Catholic chiefs dulv witnessed. Below ao-ain follow
the signatures of the Mohammedan chiefs, dated 3d
June, with a certificate that " the treaty was read
in their presence in the vernacular before the king
in public harazaT and signed l)v mvself.)
MOHAMMEDAN ENVOYS ARRIVE.
437
Simultaneously with these negotiations with the
Fransa party, I had been conducting shauris with the
Mohammedan envoys. My last messengers and letters
had reached the Moslem camp just after that party
had received word from the Mukwenda, telling them to
advance no further into Uganda, and that the news
given them by the spy they had caught was false.
They had at once deputed several of their principal
chiefs to accompany my men to Kampala, where they
arrived the day after Mwanga returned. I reminded
them how I had tried to make peace before we fought a
year ago, and how, after the war, I had sent a prisoner
with a letter. I described my repeated efforts of late
to get into communication with them. I asked them to
tell me now how we could come to terms. They said
that they too had sent to Torn to make peace, but I
had left ; that my messengers had told them there was
still no king in Uganda, and though they had heard it
was not true that I had actually sent to ' call Mbogo,
they had nevertheless started with the idea that he
would be accepted. Now they had arrived to find
Mwanga reinstated.
I explained that I had replaced Mwanga because he
was the rightful king, and the only surviving son of
Mtesa ; that Mbogo was not in the line of succession,
and, failing Mwanga, Karema's son would be heir.
Mwanga's past history did not warrant our jDlacing
great confidence in him, but it would be the duty
of the British Resident to see that justice was done.
About that they need have no fear. They replied that
they fully trusted me. They had heard the news of
Uganda, and had sent into German territory to Unya-
nyembe (far to the south of the lake) to inquire, and
on all sides had heard confirmation of our imiDartiality
and justice. Had they not had absolute confidence in
us they would long ago have brought war, and won
438
PEACE COXCLUDED WITH WA-FIiAXSA.
Uganda for themselves. They would accept Mwanga,
since he was to be guided by me, provided I would give
them a province in which to settle. Mbogo should have
an estate as a private individual, and entirely resign
his position. To this I said I could not agree. Mbogo
must come to Kampala, and j^lace himself in my hands ;
otherwise, if there was ever any trouble, he would at
once be put up again as king, and having a part of
Uganda, the Mohammedans would try to get all. I
was pledged to Mwanga and the Waganda to demand
that Mbogo should not remain with his faction, and on
this basis alone could I make peace.
The envoys were a particularlv nice set of men,
to several of whom I took a strono- likino\ Dualla. of
course, was absolutelv invaluable. From morninof till
night he was never weary of telling them of my efforts
to deal justly. The chiefs replied that my words were
very, very hard ; that to give up their king to me was
wellnigh impossible to Waganda. However, if I would
promise them a province in Uganda they could manage
it. If I Avould not, and demanded the kino- first, all
would think on their return that they had utterly failed
in their mission. For at present all expected that
Mboo-o would be made kino-. Thev had to bear the
O CD ^
unwelcome news, that not only was Mwanga restored,
but that I insisted on Mbogo being given up to me.
If they had likewise to say that no promise of repatria-
tion in Uo'anda had been oiven to their faction, mv
reply would be looked upon as entirely hostile. 1 at
once promised that they should have a province in
Uganda, and thereupon there was great rejoicing, and
all rose and shook hands ^^dth me, and thanked me
most gratefully, assuring me there was no fear but that
Mbogo would come. I deferred the specification of the
province until the negotiations with the R. Catholics
should be finished.
MBOGO TO COME TO KAMPALA.
439
A further difficulty arose. I wished that before
entering Uganda they should place Mbogo in my
hands. They, on the other hand, knew that their
people would regard this with suspicion, and they
would wish to enter into their province first, and
render up Mbogo afterwards. At first the difficulty
seemed almost insurmountable, for knowing the char-
acter of the Waganda, I durst not allow this large force
to enter and take possession of a part of Uganda in
the mere trust that they would subsequently carry out
their obligations. I bridged the difficulty by suggesting
that we should meet half-way. I would come to the
Mukwenda's capital, where Mbogo with a small follow-
ing should meet me, while the main body still remained
on the frontier. If we agreed in all matters, and the
negotiations were concluded, Mbogo should return with
me to Kampala, and the Mohammedans should take
possession of their province.
Like the Fransa envoys, they refused to deal ki
any way with the Ingleza chiefs, saying they came to
submit to me alone and no other. The king sent to
call them to the haraza, but they referred to me as to
whether they should go. I said they certainly should
do so ; but when Mwanga asked them what words
they had come to say, and what province they wanted,
they replied that their conference was with me alone I
They carried themselves with great dignity and assur-
ance, and so far from being subjected to insults from
the peasantry, they were treated with much deference.
In the haraza all was cordiality, and incidents of the
war were recalled and relatives inquired after on both
sides in a very friendly manner. I had to exercise a
considerable diplomacy in discussing with the Moham-
medans the question of the 23rovince which should be
given to them. My idea was, that they should have
the three comparatively small provinces of Kitunzi,
440
PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FHANSA.
Katambala, and Kasuju, which together were probably
inferior in value to Buddu. By suggesting two only of
these at first, and eventually giving the third as a great
concession, I carried my point, and left them at the
same time greatly delighted, and under the impression
that they had scored a success.
I expected that the Katikiro and Ingleza chiefs would
be much pleased at this arrangement, but I found them
"just as unreasonable in this matter as they had been
with regard to the R. Catholics — they will listen neither
to justice, fair-play, nor common-sense " (diary). How-
ever, I had gained experience by their previous attitude,
so I determined to act on my owji initiative on this
occasion. I concluded the negotiations with the Moham-
medans, and they had to submit, which they did with the
worst possible grace. I was es23ecially anxious that the
Wa-Islam should have these provinces, and not the alter-
native ones of Singo and Kitunzi, for they would thus
be situated more or less between the two Christian fac-
tions, who were now most bitterly hostile to each other.
Moreover, Singo, though at present depopulated and
laid waste, would in the course of time, under an era of
peace, develop into a most populous country, and though
anxious to deal fairly by all, I was by no means eager
to give more than was necessary to the Mohammedans.
Sir G. Portal is reported to have said that the posi-
tion of the 23rovinces accorded to the Mohammedans so
cramps them that they are not to be feared, and will
probably gradually become absorbed by the Christian
factions. I am glad to hear this verdict. My efforts
to secure their king were made in order to bring them
on to the same ijolitical footing as the other two fac-
tions, when, instead of being a menace to the country,
as an independent and jjowerful body with a king of
their own and in league with Kabarega, they would be
merelv an internal faction, useful in maintainino- the
EEASOXS FOR EEPATEIATIXG MOHAMMEDAXS.
441
triangular equilibrium.^ They had raided constantlv,
and, in consequence, all that jDortion of Uganda towards
their camp was depopulated and waste. It must also
be remembered that thev were all Wao-anda. and not
Arabs or aliens.
It seemed a strano-e ironv of fate, which had com-
pelled me, who had hitherto been the oj^ponent of Islam
in Africa, to jDOse as its champion. But the folly of the
Christian factions had given to the Mohammedans an
unlooked-for advantao-e. and circumstances now com-
pelled me to repatriate them in Uganda, instead of
locating them, as I had hoped, near my forts in Unyoro.
Since they had appealed to me. I could only act under
the terms of the charter <)f the Companv which I
rej^resented, which allowed absolute freedom of creed to
all. Moreover," I write, "when once I know for certain
that their profession of religion is sincere, and its name
is not a mere cloak for slave-dealing. Szc mv feeling is,
that God will deal with the religions of these natives as
seems good to Him. These people are as sincere in their
belief of the acceptability of their form of worship as we
are of ours. Let Him judge, and that which contains
the real truth will last in the end. as Carlyle says." As
for me, my duty is to follow justice according to the
^ For this reason I am sorry — merely as a matter of policy — to hear of
their recent expulsion. That large territorial extensions to the armed
Wa-Fransa would be viewed by them with distrust, and as unfaii', except
some corresponding concession was made to themselves, was a foregone con-
clusion— unless they were handled with great tact — especially (if the majD in
the ' Times ' is to be trusted) if these extensions included long tongues of
land running almost conterminously with their province. To await their
gradual absorption by the other sects — as anticipated by Sir G. Portal — would
in my view have been preferable to expelling them. At the present
moment, when the E. Catholics are represented by Mgr. Hirth himself as
selling all they have to buy arms from German territory (Blue-book Africa,
Xo. 8, 1893, p. 13), the Moslems might have served a purpose in maintaining
the eciuilibrium. The country necer icas " well rid of them," as a newspaper
correspondent states, who condemns me for repatriating them.
- Hero Worship : Life of Mahommet, ixissiiu .
442
PEACE COXCXrDED WITH WA-FBAXSA.
capacity of reason I may have. It is not my diitv to
set myself in God's place, as an arbitrator of which
relioion is rio-ht and which is ANTono-. • Know. O man.
that to know and do the thino- that is rio-ht. and to
follow after justice, that shall bring a man peace at the
last.' This shall be my motto." Thus I wrote in mv
2)rivate diary at the time, for I felt how serious was the
task I had been called upon to perform, and the resj^on-
sibilitv it involved was not lio-htlv reo-arded bv me. I
can trutlifiilh' sav tliat I tried to do the thino- that
was rio-ht. '
The Mohammedan Wao^anda numbered with their
women and followers many thousands of soids. " This
vast mass of people," I write, " must be dealt with and
located somewhere. To me it appears best to locate
them where they shall be immediately under my own
control, where I may foster what is best in their creed
and check its evils. In a distant place the evil may get
the better of the good. My action is not encouraging
Islamism. l)ut rather controllincr and limit ino- it." To
"root out and exterminate these people (as advocated
by Mgr. Hirth ) seemed to me neither feasible nor just.
(Jn the 4th April Williams returned. Accompanied by
the German official, Captain Langheld (whose courtesy
and kindness nothing could exceed), he had been to the
south of the lake to endeavour to persuade the mothers
of the children to brino- Karema s bovs to Uo-anda.
They naturallv, however, feared lest harm should happen
to them, and declined. Captain Langheld promised to
prevent their beino- smu cooled into Uganda, for our
object was to prevent either of them being brought
by the E. Catholics and proclaimed as their king.
Pere Hautcoeur. in whose charo'e thev were, ao-reed to
hold himself responsible that they should not leave
Bukumln. For mv part I did not think it ^^'as a
matter for entreat v at all. and I at once wrote t(^
FAIL TO GET KAREMA's BOYS.
443
the Germans saying that Mwanga, as their natural
guardian, claimed that they should be sent back to
Uganda. I enclosed a letter from him to this effect,
and added that I, as Administrator here, strongly sup-
ported his claim ; for not only did it constitute a danger
to the State that they should be in the hands of the
party lately in arms against us, but also, in the event
of the death of Mwanga, it was of paramount import-
ance that the heir to the kingship should be close at
hand, that the chaos and trouble which usually super-
vene upon the death of a king in Uganda might be
avoided. This was the more pressing since the Moham-
medans had a rej)resentative in Mbogo, as also in a
third infant son of Karema.
Williams also brought news that the Germans, finding
that arms and powder were pouring in from the west,
through the Congo State, had withdrawn their prohibi-
tion to the import of munitions, except so ftir as breech -
loading arms and ammunition were concerned ; and that
Langheld could not therefore any longer check the
import of guns and powder to Uganda, as he had
hitherto so kindly exerted himself to do. For this
purpose Bukoba offered special facilities, as all canoes
had to pass the station. This news, together with
reports brought me by the men who had conveyed
my mails, that powder was already coming in, and being
bought by the Fransa faction, was of very serious
importance, and I wrote both to the coast and to the
Germans begging that steps might be taken to avert
so great an evil to Uganda.
At this time I received further letters from De
Winton. They contained very bad news indeed. The
Mohammedans had sent most friendly letters to him,
and had begged him to come to their camp. Fearless
of any danger to himself, he had at once set out to do
so, leaving his province of Torn and passing through
444
PEACE CONCLUDED AYITH WA-FEANSA.
the swamps and malarial districts of Unyoro. On the
way he had fallen ill, and his letter informed me that
he had not eaten or slept for many days. It was dated
March 27th. The position was most delicate. The
Mohammedans, at this very critical point in the nego-
tiations, had got him in their power as a hostage, and
conld now demand what terms they chose. Torn and
the Sudanese garrisons, which needed the constant
supervision of half-a-dozen Europeans instead of one
only, were without control. But beyond all was the
distressing news of poor I)e Winton's illness.
I immediately requested Bagge to start at once with a
strong escort of our old Sudanese (whose interests were
completely involved with our own, and who had large
arrears of jDay due to them) to do what he could for
De Winton. He conveyed medicines and medical stores
(though of both a liberal share had long ago been sent
as soon as we received them by Martin). His orders
were to bring back De Winton, if he was fit to be
carried. If he was able to come alone, Bagge would tem-
porarily take his place in Torn. If too ill to move, he
would stay with him and nurse him. I also told the
doctor that if he thought it best to go to him he could
do so. Bagge started early next morning, but in a
few hours messengers came in to say that De Winton
had died the day after writing to me. He had been
buried, and a guard of 300 W^aganda (Mohammedans)
and a strong party of our Sudanese from the Unyoro
forts had remained to watch the grave. The Moham-
medans had moved from the spot towards the Uganda
frontier. I at once had a coffin -put in hand, but as
the boards had to be axed out of the trunks of trees
(for we had no large saws) it was a long task.
The news spread a great gloom over us, and the flag
at Kampala flew half-mast high. I myself felt the
news keenly. De W^inton had been my comrade from
DE WINTOX'S DEATH.
445
the coast, and of those who had started with me, only
Grant now remained. Both he and Wilson had been
at death's door more than once, and indeed I had
almost despaired at different times of the lives of both.
De Winton and Brown were no more. Our dead com-
rade had endeared himself to us all. Cheery and plucky,
full of zeal and of life, it seemed unspeakably sad that
he should have died alone among strangers of a different
race, with no friend-
ly voice to cheer
his last moments
and speak to him
in the language of
his own people, or
hear his last mes-
sages to those he
loved. Life was
all before him, and
promised so much.
But if we may
judge by outward
indications — and
life in Africa en-
ables a man to
know his comrades
as no other life
can — there was no
one of us more
23repared to die. One more life given to the work
England has undertaken in Africa — one more obliga-
tion upon those who sent us, and who cannot turn
back, having put their hands to the plough. On our
countrymen the greater shame if, having claimed from
us in Central Africa so hard a duty, our work should
be all in vain, and worse than useless.
Williams came back full of health, but broke down
De Winton's Grave.
446 PEACE CONCLUDED WITH WA-FJiAXSA.
the day after his arrival, and was in a serious state
of collapse. The others were ill from time to time.
As for myself, I remained, as usual, impervious to all
sickness, but neuralgia, toothache, and dizziness, &c.,
warned me that the strain was almost too great even
for me.
447
CHAPTEE XXXVIL
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTHY.
Selim Bey goes to bring Mbogo, and move the forts — Williams starts
for Chagwe and Usoga — The Protestants obstructive — Supported by
Missions — An insulting letter received — Missionaries as political ad-
visers— My hand forced — Endeavours to pull with the President —
Our points of difference — The " Bukoba robbery " — R. Catholics
escorted to Buddu — The Gwanika's outrage — Religious centres pro-
posed— The Kimbugwe's letter from Buddu — Kamswaga's punishment
— Territory added to Buddu — All the "royalties" visit Kampala —
Futahangi submit to Williams — Evidences of progress in Uganda,
The day after the treaty with M^^anga had been
signed, the Mohammedan envoys left to convey my
proposals to their party. With them I sent Selim
Bey, in Avhose loyalty I had the most complete con-
fidence, and who was regarded by them as king of the
" Turks" and a man of great position. His orders were
that he should use his utmost influence to persuade the
Mohammedans to agree to my terms, and to render up
their king. If he succeeded, and saw Mbogo well on his
way to the ca23ital, he was at once to proceed to Torn
and assume command of the Sudanese, now that De
Winton was dead. He would remove the garrison of
Fort Ntara (No. 5) and locate them near Kawanga,
on the site shown on the map as " Fort De Winton," to
indicate to him the position of which I sent Waganda
guides. This done, he would march to "Fort Lorne "
(No. 2), and select a site half-way between it and Fort
448
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
De Winton, and to this spot he would bring the
gaiTison of Kivari (No. 3). I also sent, independently,
a j)arty to Fort Edward in Torn, with orders to the
sergeant in charge there to evacuate the fort and
occupy Fort Grant instead, so as to preserve touch with
Fort George, and prevent the import of powder througli
Kitagwenda. The Sudanese garrison of Fort Grant
would join the garrison of Ntara in the new Fort De
Winton. By this means I hojDed to establish a verv
palpable threat in rear of the Mohammedan and Fransa
factions, and at the same time to prevent the possi-
bility of any excesses by the Sudanese in those distant
forts where they now had no European to check them.
In their new location they would be close to Uganda,
and wdthin easy communication with Kampala.
News also reached me this day (April 11th) that the
Futahangi chiefs were endeavouring to raise all Usoga
against Reddie and Wakoli our ally, and their position
might be critical. I had sent ex2Dedition after expedi-
tion to Chagwe to restore order there, and already a
large AVaganda army, with some forty-four of our best
rifles, was engaged in this task, yet nothing had been
effected in two and a half months. Williams, who
had been back from his expedition to Sesse a week,
and had now recovered from his illness, was eager to
go and put things straight, and he left next day witli
Mlondo (the best fighting chief of the Ingleza party,
and withal a Chaofwe man who thorouofhlv knew the
country). In all, besides the Waganda army, he had
some 130 Sniders and a Maxim gun.
No sooner had he gone than we again received what
appeared authentic news, that the Wa- Fransa had
refused the terms of j^eace, and having heard that a very
large force had started for Chagwe, and another detach-
ment (Selim's escort) with the Mohammedan envoys,
were about to attack in force while we were thus
PROTESTANTS OBSTRUCTIVE.
449
weakened. The news had been brought by an old man
who was devoted to Mwanga, and of neither faction,
and who had travelled day and night to warn the king
of what he had overheard in the councils of the Wa-
Fransa. Mwanga fully believed it. I called the Seki-
bobo, and we discussed the matter till midnight. He
said he had no news, but that the Kimbugwe and he
had a solemn compact, that in case of failure on the part
of the former to secure adherence to the terms of peace,
he would instantly inform him. He assured me that
when he got news (of whatever nature) he would at once
tell me. Meanwhile I sent after Williams, directing
him to halt for a day or so (while his messengers got
canoes ready for the passage of the Nile) until I had
definite news regarding these new reports from Buddu.
The Ingleza or Protestant party vehemently opposed
my wishes to deal more liberally with the R. Catholics
than had been done in the formal and preliminary
treaty ; and on April 1 4th this opposition culminated
in their sending me the most grossly insulting letter
I have ever received. The immediate cause of this
letter was my intimation that I intended to give the
rival faction a second chieftainship, that they might
be more adequately represented in the king's harxtza,
and also that they might have one great chief in
Buddu to organise and govern the country, while the
other remained at the capital to represent their in-
terests there.
Superior in rank to the ten chiefs of provinces were
two officers — the Katikiro or chief magistrate, and
the Kimhugive. The latter of these offices had been
held by the Wa-Fransa. The estates belonging to
the two chiefs who held these posts were scattered
throughout all the provinces. In addition to these
twelve big chiefs were many others, hardly inferior in
dignity and influence : such as the Mujasi, or head of
VOL. II. 2 F
450
SETTLEMEXT OF THE COUXTRY.
the army ; the Kcmta, a princij^al chief of the king's
household ; the Gabunga, head of the canoes and
islands : and innumerable others, descendincr in im-
portance. The two first of these, with some half of
the rest, had been held by the Wa - Fransa, and
now, of course, these positions were forfeited. I
wished the Kauta to be a Mohammedan, for upon him
devolved the duty of slaughtering the king's cattle ;
and since he could do this in the orthodox way ap-
proved by the Koran without prejudice to the Chris-
tians, it would obviate a difficulty. Years ago Mtesa,
the previous king, had ordered a massacre of all Mo-
hammedans because they refused to eat the king's
meat, which had not been properly hallal-ed.
At present, however, I was concerned with the office
of Kimbugwe. The holder of this post was a man
who had an influence with the R. Catholics far beyond
that of anv other. Whatever mav have been his
share in bringing about the war, it was undoubtedly
due to him that the king had returned, and that peace
was made. By the appointment of the Sekibobo as
chief of Buddu, he had been deprived of his position
as head of the B. Catholics. I now thought that if
he could be retained as titular Kimbuo-we, forfeitinof
his estates throughout Uganda, and obtaining others
in their place in Buddu, with the name and office
(and the estate at the capital) of the Kimbugwe, it
would greatly gratify his faction, and ensure his
personal loyalty. The priests, too, were extremely
anxious that he should remain chief of the B. Cath-
olics. I wished to stipulate that he should reside
in Buddu, where, as having great influence with his
party, and being by far the most intelligent man
among them, he was the very one to select as their
head chief The Sekibobo, on the other hand (now
Pokino), was the best man to reside at the capital,
AN INSULTING LETTER RECEIVED.
451
for he was a loersona grata to the Protestants and
king, and a man whom I completely trusted myself.
Such a concess-ion appeared to me a trivial one,
seeing that the Protestants were already absorbing
nearly all the offices of State. Already, however, in
my efforts to give a just territorial area to the R.
Catholics, I had, as I have said, produced a most
serious breach between myself and the Protestant
faction. They now opposed me in this question of the
office of Kimbugwe, and in another even more absurd
matter. The two chiefs who were mainly, if not
entirely, responsible for the outbreak of the war, were
the Kauta and Mujasi. The Sekibobo suggested that
I should call these two men to Mengo, for he believed
them to be now well disposed, and was sure they
would come. If they were here, all further rumours
of war would cease. We had, as I have said, received
at this time what seemed like authentic news, that the
Wa-Fransa had refused the terms of peace conveyed
by the Kimbugwe, and were preparing to attack the
capital ; so I went to the king and told him of the
Sekibobo's suggestion, which he thought excellent, and
I wrote calling the two chiefs. If they refused to
come, we should know there were some grounds for the
rumours of war. On my way back from the king I sent
and told the Katikiro of my plan, and I understood
that he endorsed its advisability.
In the letter I have alluded to, however, it was
stated that the Protestants as a body " absolutely
declined" to allow the Kimbugwe to be reinstated in
his titular office. " And besides this," the letter con-
tinued, " you now want to call the Mujasi and Kauta
to come here, and we have not as yet absorbed their
offices. We think when they arrive you will still
further drive us out, and you will put them back in
their places," &c. The letter went on to say, " Money
452
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
has been subscribed in England by the heads of the
Mission to help the Protestants, and now you wish
to help the R. Catholics." This could only have been
told to them by the missionaries. My comment on it
is: ''The truth has been subverted. The money was
subscribed to prevent evacuation, and hence to main-
tain the Company under the terms of its charter,
granting freedom of religion. They have understood
it was given solely to uphold Protestantism against R.
Catholicism." It was subscribed by independent friends
of the Mission. The letter went on to say that I was
about to leave Uganda, and only desired to act so as
to gain personal kudos in Europe, and leave them to
fight it out here ! and ended by saying that they
could not possibly fight with me ! The party we had
saved from annihilation suggesting the question of
fighting with us !
Mr Walker was dining with us at the time I re-
ceived the letter, and with him was Mr Smith, a man
who, from the day he arrived in Uganda to the time
he left it, loyally sujDported the Administration, and
was always courteous. They were as much astounded
at the letter as I was myself, and deplored it no less
than I did. The President of the Mission, however,
had, in conversation a few days previously, informed me
that he had advised the Protestants to oppose me in
this matter. In reply to my remark that I had sup-
posed that the C.M.S. professed not to interfere in
politics, he disclaimed any such non-interference, and
said that he certainly should advise the people even on
purely secular matters if he were consulted by them.
Some time later (April 29th) — in fulfilment of my
promise to Williams to arrive at a clear understanding
on these matters before leaving Uganda — I wrote
officially asking whether in future the Missions in-
tended to advise the Protestants on political questions,
MISSIONARIES AS POLITICAL ADVISERS. 453
especially whether they would go so far as to advise
them to act contrary to the Resident's decision, and
whether they intended to give advice on a subject,
on the statements of natives only, without previously
consulting the E-esident as to what his actual decision
and course of action was, and the reasons for his
ado23tion of that course. The reply of the President
was ambiguous, but he himself interpreted it to mean
that, under certain circumstances, the Missions might
advise the people to act in opposition to the Resident.
If this position of political advisers to the chiefs
should be seriously claimed by the teachers of either
sect, they would ipso facto forfeit the status they hold
under the terms of my treaty with Mwanga ; for in
order to meet this very contingency, I there defined
a missionary as one " solely engaged in preaching the
Gospel, and in teaching the arts and industries of
civilisation." It appears to me that if a missionary
is consulted on political matters by the chiefs, it would
be his first duty to ascertain what was the real attitude
of the Administration, and not to tender hasty advice
on native report only — advice which, on a fuller under-
standing of the matter, he might even regret. Nor do
I think that if the question is one not in any way
of conscience, but purely of policy or administrative
methods wholly apart from a question of right and
wrong, that it is included in a missionary's province.
I put these forward, however, simply as my own per-
sonal views.
In the minute of the Committee of the Church
Missionary Society adopted on Oct. 11th, 1892,^ it is
stated that one of the fundamental principles of the
Society is that the Committee and missionaries must
keep clear of politics ; " and in the Mission Appeal in
the same paper occur the words, " Englishmen have
1 Vide the 'Record,' Oct. 14tli, 1892.
454
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUXTRY.
interfered in the civil affairs of Uganda ; it is not
the missionaries who have so interfered." This hne of
action is, I beheve, clearly laid down in their code of
rules. Therefore, in describing the action of the C.M.S.
missionaries in Uganda at this period, I would have it
most clearly understood that I am not criticising the
general action of the Society ; for I believe that the at-
titude taken up by their missionaries at this crisis was
wholly at variance with the principles of the Society.
A confidential copy of the whole correspondence be-
tween myself and the Missions, together with state-
ments clearly indicating the 23oints of difference between
us, was sent to the Mission headquarters in London ;
and though they nei^er dissociated themselves dis-
tinctly from the action of their missionaries — an omis-
sion I regret — I think I am within the mark in saying
that by their conduct and words on my return to Eng-
land they wished me to understand that they approved
my course. The natural outcome of the action taken
bv the President was the letter I had received from
the chiefs.
At my request Mr Walker informed the President of
the terms of the letter. Early the next morning he
called upon me and frankly told me that it was from
him that the Protestants had got the ahili (sense,
wisdom, arguments) to write the letter. I told him
that as he had caused the mischief (for he much re-
gretted, he said, the terms of the letter), he had better
do his best to undo it. He said that I did not ask
the advice of the missionaries on political matters or
tell them the news. I replied that the stress of work
was so heavy upon me that I was absolutely unable to
come to them to chat over events — for the Mission
quarters were some little distance ; but I had over and
over again begged them to come and see me at Kam-
pala, where at all times they would be welcome.
MY HAND FORCED.
455
The reasons why I would not formally request advice
from the missionaries I have already detailed, (l.)
They were completely ex parte advocates, and vehe-
mently prejudiced against the opposite faction. (2.)
Such a course would have lent some grounds for the
assertion made by Mgr. that we were under the in-
fluence of the English Mission. (3.) I did not con-
sider that the duties of missionaries included political
action. My difiiculties in dealing with the R. Catholics
were very greatly increased by the action of the Mis-
sions at this time. Had it not been that my hand was
considerably forced by this attitude of the Protestants
and their missionaries — at a moment when it was yet
uncertain whether the R. Catholics intended peace,
while the Mohammedans threatened us, and Williams
was away with a large force against the hostile Futa-
hangi — I would have been inclined, as I have shown,
to have dealt somewhat more liberally with the R.
Catholics, especially in the matter of representation in
the councils of the nation. Once more, at the risk of
needless repetition, I would point out, that though the
action of one or two individuals of the C.M.S. was at
this time, in my opinion, ill-advised, it would be most
unfair on that account to condemn the general policy
of the Society, with which, I think, the action I refer
to was wholly inconsistent.
The action of the President in forwarding to England
constant budgets of hostile criticism had been viewed
in a very serious light by Captain Williams. I had
practically decided, so soon as the present crisis was
completely over, to return to England, that I might
endeavour to find some means whereby the disgrace
and disaster of evacuation might be averted. It was
essential that Captain Williams should remain to take
my place, at least until some one competent to succeed
him should arrive. He was, however, unwilling to sub-
456
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
ject himself to a controversy in England, while every
action was watched by hostile critics. I therefore told
him that I would undertake to "have it out" with Mr
Ashe — the President — before I left ; and that if they
persisted in their present attitude, the whole matter
should be fully laid before the authorities at home. I
promised, moreover, to do my utmost, on my return to
the coast, to get a competent officer sent up immedi-
ately, so that he should be able to leave, if he desired
to do so. Before "having it out officially" with the
President, however, I determined to make yet another
effort to come to an understanding.
I asked Messrs Walker and Roscoe to meet me at
Kampala. I pointed out to them how imperative it was
for the good of the country, in which we had a common
interest, that the missions and Administration should
pull together, not only here in Africa, but above all in
England ; that at the ^Dresent moment the fate of
Uganda was in the balance, and a controversy would be
fatal, and would alienate a large proportion of those upon
whom we depended for aid, and to influence public opin-
ion at home for the retention of the country. I deplored
the fact that the Missions had aj)peared, so far, to con-
sider it their duty to pose as hostile critics only of the
Administration, and to remit to England every paltry
diflerence, which might well have been finally adjusted
here. Ashe, when dining with me, had said that he
thought the "relief" of the Sudanese a most brilliant
achievement, and the missionaries had often told me
that they thought the progress during our year in
Uganda most remarkable. "Then why," I urged, "if
these are your views, should you convey to England
the impression that you are at complete variance with us,
and this at a moment when we need co-operation above
all things? I do not ask that the Missions should
sound our j)raises, only that they should be fliir and
POINTS OF DIFFERENCE.
457
just critics ; or abandon criticism — favourable or unfa-
vourable— and fill your letters with records of mission-
v^ork to keep alive the interest in Uganda." They
promised to do their best. This was on Feb. 17th.
The result was nil. By the mail in March lengthy
accusations were transmitted home, and I had to draw
up a very long reply or defence of my action, which
gave both Grant and myself many hours of additional
work at a time when we could ill afford the extra
strain.
There were many other matters which I see no use in
detailing here, but it became patent to me that both Mr
Ashe and Mr Pilkington allowed the Waganda to imagine
that they could turn to them with complaints against,
myself " The pity of it ! " I exclaim in my diary, that
natives should find that they can set ofi* one Englishman
against another. This means death to British 2Drestige
with black men ; and once let our prestige go — by which
alone we hold our own in Africa — and ive must follow
fast. Langheld, a German ofiicer, was more loyal than
my own countrymen. He told Williams that when they
came to him ' he very quickly let them understand that
they could not play ofi* one European against another,'
and that we all stand by each other. For this reason
he made an ostentatious display at Bukoba of his friend-
ship for Williams. Stuhlmann was more loyal in those
early days when I arrived in Uganda."
The whole difference between the views of the Pres-
ident C.M.S. and myself may be summed up in a
sentence. He maintained that the Protestant chiefs
were now the rulers of Uganda, for which they had
shed their blood, and that my treaty only enabled me
to rule through the king and chiefs. I, on the con-
trary, held that the chiefs of all parties had an equal
right to representation in the National Council, and
that it was manifestly unjust that the Protestants, who
458
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
were only one of three (or four) sections of the popula-
tion, and probably numerically the weakest, should be
allowed to legislate for the other factions, to whom they
were bitterly hostile. I held that, pending the rep-
resentation of the other sections of the population
(viz., the R. Catholics, Mohammedans, and Futahangi),
the duty of defending their interests devolved upon
me ; and that in fact, until the reorganisation of the
native administration, the Company was the de facto
executive ruler of the country, and the Protestant chiefs
had no right to be more than representatives of their
own faction and interests, and advisers (and no more)
to the king and Resident (who were free to adopt or
.not their suggestions) on matters connected with the
other factions.
Before dealing further with the subject of the letter
from the Protestants, I must revert for a moment to the
events which had occurred just prior to its receipt on
the 14th. Mr Ashe, who had recently arrived from Eng-
land, had brought with him a very great deal of mission
and personal property. The greater part of this, which
he valued at some £2500, he had left at Bukoba ; the
balance he had brought on to Buddu, where it had been
abandoned, and subsequently looted by the enemy. As
I have narrated, the Missions had put forward a claim of
some £2000 against the Company on account of this loss.
Williams, on his arrival from his expedition, mentioned
that canoes had come to Bukoba, with the English flag,
bearing letters from Ashe, and had removed all the pro-
perty there. It transpired that the letter was a forgery,
and the flag was probably obtained from the mission
goods in Buddu, for Mr Ashe had brought several.
He now called upon me to exact reprisals for this
robbery. I replied that I would do my best to assist
him in every way in my power, but as I was not even
aware till now of the existence of this property, and as
THE BUKOBA ROBBERY.
459
it was stolen in German territory and was under the
charge of German officers, I could not admit that the
Comj^any were in any way whatever responsible for it,
nor would I consent to make it a casus belli. For it
was an incident of the war — a war for which the
aggressors had paid a very heavy penalty — and all the
incidents of the war must be treated as a whole. I felt,
too, that, as I had already concluded terms with the
R. Catholics, if I now raised this question in such a
manner as the President wished, it would be regarded
as a breach of faith by the R,. Catholics. For the
robbery had taken place long ago, and they would
not believe but that I had really heard of it long
before this, and had purposely reserved it as a casus
belli when I was more ready to reopen the war and had
them at a disadvantage.
I pointed out that he should seek redress through
the proper channels. I called the Sekibobo, and told
him he was res2Donsible, and must make all inquiries,
recover such of the 23roperty as was recoverable, and
bring the culprits to justice. This he at once agreed
to do, and begged Mr Ashe to come with him to
the king, that a full and formal inquiry might be held.
Mwanga, moreover, had been on the spot at the time,
and would probably know^ all about it. This course Mr
Ashe declined to adopt, saying that the duty of investi-
gation devolved upon me. He, however, agreed to col-
lect all the evidence he could, and said that there was
no hurry in the matter.
On April 11th, when I attended the baraza to
present the treaty, Mr Pilkington placed in my hand a
letter marked " immediate." I found it to be a pro-
test from the President of the Missions against the
signing of the treaty, on the grounds of this " Bukoba
robbery." I replied that the treaty had been -pro-
mulgated for a week or more, and had been taken to
460
SETTLEMEXT OF THE COUXTRY.
the missionaries, who had hitherto raised no objection;
that I did not consider that any particular outrage,
however serious, could form a reason for not concludinof
a treaty between the king of Uganda and the Com-
pany. For the treaty was concerned with all parties
and factions, and without it we had no legal status in
the country. Its ratification would in no way interfere
with any action I might take with respect to any par-
ticular outrage.
Pere Brard frankly told me the Fathers would do their
utmost to upset my treaty with the H. Catholics by
their action in Europe. The English missionaries, on
the other hand, seemed to think me unduly lenient.
Ashe, however, said that, from all he had now learnt,
the late war was absolutely unavoidable, and would
have come from the Ingleza party had it not come
from the opposite faction. The Sekibobo told me con-
fidentially that (granted the negation of the clause
concerning the restitution of Company's arms) the terms
would be regarded as liberal. The Protestants, how-
ever, had courted an oj^en rupture rather than accede to
what I considered just. " They merely want everv-
thing for themselves," I ^T-ite ; " that is the backbone of
all their patriotic tall-talking ; but they try to foist on
me, and still more on their missionaries, that they care
neither for houses nor lands, but only wish to fill all
posts with their loyal selves in order to avert a second
war." There were but three men in Uganda whom I
thoroughly trusted, but in them I had implicit faith.
They were Zachariah (Protestant), Sekibobo (R. Cath-
olic), and Mlondo (Protestant), — the last was not a
Mganda by birth.
The receipt of the letter of the 14th had quite *' knocked
me out of time," for already the strain had been great.
" A miserable night," I write, " fever and great depres-
sion. Niofhtmares in which the division of chieftain-
DIFFICULTIES OF THE POSITION.
461
ships in the form of chess problems, and the letter, and
the chaos which would follow a final breach between
the Protestants and ourselves, were all jumbled up in
my mind, with an aching head, toothache, and fever.
Up early, nevertheless, and received Pere Brard, who
inflicted on me a long description of the woes of the
R. Catholics and my own injustice. ... I daresay
I shall recover tone soon, and find a way as usual of
opposing all these difficulties ; at present, being sick
and depressed — with news of war coming from Buddu,
war already in Chagwe, and rumours of Peddie being
in a tight place — a delicate position with the Moham-
medans— Torn left with no one to look after it or check
the licence of the Sudanese — the garrison isolated at
the Salt Lake, with the Manyuema hostile and threat-
ening— and now the Protestants, whom we have saved,
distrustful and insulting, — such is the position."
Minor difficulties engrossed my spare time : our cloth
— the currency of Uganda for food -purchase — was
nearly exhausted, and I was despatching an expedi-
tion to the south of the lake to procure more ; one
of my men had been murderously assaulted, and the
brain laid open by a cut from an axe (he ultimately
recovered) ; the Sekibobo's house had been burnt by
the Protestant peasantry, though he was an envoy
of peace ; my people could not get sufficient food to
eat, for my allies, who had promised to bring it pend-
ing the reopening of the markets, did not act up to
their word, and the result was a constant trouble when
my men foraged for themselves. And now, to complete
the tale, news came in of a gross outrage on the 1 6th.
The Sekibobo was engaged in collecting all the
women and followers of the P. Catholics who might
wish to go to Buddu. Similarly I had despatched a
Protestant to Buddu to collect the people of that
faction, whom the Ingleza party insisted were being
462
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
sold for guns and powder by the Wa-Fransa. The
first of the parties proceeding to Buddu consisted of
some 300 women and unarmed men. I had offered the
Sekibobo an escort of my men, but since they were
accompanied by a messenger from the king, he said
there was no need of one. With them was Nahnia,
the king's sister (Rubuga), who had married the
Mujasi (R. Catholic). It appears that the king, who
knew that the Mujasi was always the prompter of
war, had been told that he had said he would never
fight again so long as his wife was in the hands of
his enemies. Thereupon, in hot haste, Mwanga had
ordered a Protestant chief to overtake the party and
bring back Nalinia. Excited letters came from Pere
Brard, saying that atrocities had been committed " rival-
ling the worst acts of the Manyuema slave-raiders ; "
that women had been seized and carried off into
slavery, infants had been torn from their mothers and
thrown into the bush, and Nalinia, a princess, had been
stripped and brought back w4th a rope round her neck !
The alleged author of all this horrible tragedy w^as the
Gwanika, who was now on his way back to the capital.
Of course I pledged myself to the fullest investigation.
Meanw^hile I had found that the insulting letter sent
to me in the name of all the Protestants was really the
product of Henry Duta. From the day I had entered
Uganda I had found this man at the bottom of every
evil counsel of his party. His cleverness — or rather his
cunning — was far superior to that of his comrades, and
consequently he had unbounded influence with them,
especially with the Katikiro. Nothing that was done
by me — still more by the R. Catholics — but he saw
some sinister motive in the act. The old Pokino, the
Mugema, and Zachariah, the leading chiefs (except the
Katikiro) at the capital, repudiated the letter with in-
dignation. They said, however, that they were never-
THE GWANIKA's OUTRAGE.
463
theless responsible for what had been done by their
party. The Katikiro was a really good-hearted fellow
whom I greatly liked. He had been led into this folly
by Duta, and was now in a state of great distress, and
I was told had eaten nothing for some days. Ulti-
mately I forgave the whole matter, on the one condition
that they would solemnly promise me that Duta should
be excluded from all their councils, except in purely
religious matters. This course Mr Ashe considered un-
fair on my part.
I now sent orders (l7th) to Williams to proceed
with his expedition, and held an inquiry into the cir-
cumstances of the outrage to the R. Catholic refugees.
Nalinia herself repudiated the story that she had
been in any way roughly handled. The women sent
as evidence by Pere Brard said that no babies had
been thrown away and killed or abandoned. On repre-
senting this to Pere Brard, he said he had not stated
they were abandoned," only " thrown in the bush,"
and doubtless picked up again ! Pere Boche, standing
by, at once said, Yes, they ivere picked up. On in-
quiry it appeared that the caravan, on seeing the
approach of the Gwanika's armed band, had fled, and
the chief himself was acquitted of the charges of out-
rage by the B. Catholic chiefs as well as the Pro-
testant. Lesser chiefs had returned by night and
seized women, and of these three were convicted.
I was sorry that Gwanika had not been found guilty,
for he was a somewhat troublesome man, and I should
greatly have liked to make a notable example, which
would have proved to the B. Catholics that I had not
connived at this outrage, and marked my detestation
of it. Since, however, his accusers, the B. Catholic
chiefs, acquitted him, I could say no more. I wished
to publicly flog on the spot the three men convicted,
but the Sekibobo begged me not to do so, or all others
464
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUXTRY.
inculpated would run away, and the women would be
lost. I therefore sent two away to collect the missing
women, and imprisoned the third. I also sent to sum-
mon the chief Katambala and others who were said to
be implicated, upon whom I would hold a second in-
quiry. The R. Catholic chiefs were content ; but Pere
Brard, of course, was unsatisfied. There were also
com^^laints that H. Catholics going to and coming from
Buddu were insulted, &c. I sent a strong party of
my own men to protect the road, pending the appoint-
ment of a new Kaima (who should be responsible in
such cases), and the selection of the estates between
the capital and Buddu for the B. Catholics. Hence-
forward I sent an escort with all the batches of women,
&c., proceeding to Buddu.
It now devolved upon me to reorganise the chieftain-
ships between the three factions, and start them off at
once to control the disorder which had arisen in the
provinces. Zachariah became chief of Bulamwezi as
Kangao.
Perhaps one of the chief causes of the trouble between
the religious parties had arisen from the fact that both
had made Mengo the headquarters of their respective
Missions. The chiefs, who have nothino- to do but
drink pomhe and create difiiculties, collected at the
capital, as being both the political and religious head-
quarters, and hence arose continual rivalry and hostility.
I had lono' wished that each Mission should have its
headquarters at some short distance from Mengo, and
apart from each other, so that each should be a focus
for those who wished to constantly attend religious in-
struction. These religious centres would, however, be
near enough to the capital to admit of the chiefs
attending such political and civil discussions at the
haraza as might be necessary. The French Fathers
had returned, and pro2Dosed re-establishing their Mis-
HOW WA-FEANSA VIEWED THE TERMS OF PEACE. 465
sion at the capital ; and since arms were now prohib-
ited to their party out of Buddu, their converts would
be certain to incur insult from the Protestant peas-
antry. Before long the Mohammedans would proba-
bly also have access to Mengo. I had already spoken
of this matter, and the Fathers were much pleased at
the idea, and said that they thought it unjust that the
political centre should be made a focus of Protestant-
ism. Since, however, the English Mission had been
long established here, I could not arbitrarily oust them.
I spoke to the President of my idea of separating the
religious from the political capital, merely suggesting
and asking for his views, and I understood that he
agreed with my proposals, but he subsequently declined
to entertain them.
On 21st (April) I received a letter from the Kimbu-
gwe. It lies before me, and I translate it here, for
it shows the way in which the terms of peace were
received by the P. Catholics : —
''April 16, 1892.
"KwA BwANA Kapitani Lugard, — Many salaams. After
salaams. Thank you for your letter. I was very very glad to
hear your words. My master, I tell you my words in sincerity ;
there is no falsehood in them, not in the least degree. At first
I came to you to beg for peace, and now I desire peace only, —
even more than formerly, because I think you have helped me
greatly in my mission. Now I am engaged in two tasks. First,
to collect your guns, both those that were borrowed from Mr
Gedge, and those [lent by you] at the war against the Moham-
medans. I have finished collecting them, but I fear lest they
should be stolen on the way [viz., to the capital]. I want your
soldiers to look after them and take them to you — I want them
quickly. Secondly, the task of dividing the estates which you
sent me to do. I have divided them, but some of the people
have not got estates, ^^'ow I tell you, my master, the estates
which you gave me in the Uziba country and Koki, we have
not got the envoy, now we beg you to send the envoy about
our estates, that the E. Catholics that are left may get estates.
VOL. II. 2 G
466
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUXTRY.
[Tliis refers to the envoy whom I understood to have gone the
same day as the Kimbugwe, to delimit the frontiers of Uziba
and Koki.] Because we are not able to do it by ourselves — we
are afraid of breaking our treaty. Further, we send you news
that the AVaziba and Kamswaga [of Koki], and certain Waganda,
are beginning to steal our people on the frontier. They are the
same class as Mtegiri [this is the outlaw chief of Chagwe, head
of the Futahangi] ; but what can we do ? Give us advice,
master, about these people. Further, I inform you of the words
of all the Pi. Catholics. They like you greatly. Thank you
for giving them a place in which to dwell. They are very
greatly pleased. I tell you the truth. If you should see a
man who savs that the Pi. Catholics are makingr war a second
time, that man is a liar. Because all the Catholics are satis-
fied with all your words. Xow we ourselves place reliance
on your integTity (iizuri). Xow all the Catholics wish to become
your children utterly and entirely. We wish now that you
.should send one European, and soldiers to build (a station) in
our country, and when he has built we shall be greatly pleased.
— Your sincere (/nc) friend, Kimbugwe."
The \v(3rcls in brackets are my own ; for the rest. I
have translated, absolutely verbatmi, every word in the
letter. Such was the Kimbuo-we's report of the feeling
among the R. Catholics in respect of the agreement
made with them. And it must be borne in mind that
at this time they had no knowledge that I was arrang-
ing to give them the chieftainship of the Kimbugwe,
nor had thev ofot the five laro-e estates from Koki of
which I shall presently sj^eak, and other concessions
made later. A few days after this (29th) I received a
letter from Pere Achte, resident priest in Buddu. in
which he said : —
" Be fully assured, M. le Capitaine, that the Catholics have
entirely submitted to you ; and the proof of it lies in the fact
that they have put themselves entirely in your hands. At
present they are pleased to say (as Politi said lately), ' The
Potestants hate us, but Captain Lugard loves us greatly.' They
have full confidence in you, as you have been able to prove.""
kamswaga's punishment.
467
In reply to the Kimbiigwe, I was about to despatch
the envoy to clehmit the south frontier of Buddu ; but
the Sekibobo said that since Mwanga was now bitter
against the R. Cathohcs, whom he accused of detaining
his own peojDle by force in Buddu, secret orders would
be given by him to the envoy to decide everything
against the R. Catholics. I thought this not unlikely,
and so determined to inquire fully into the matter
myself.
It now appeared that at the time the Christians had
ousted the Mohammedans (1889-90), Kamswaga of Koki
had lent his assistance. Mwanga and the chiefs having
no present to give him for his help, had made over to
him five large districts of Buddu, which adjoined Koki.
The B. Catholics now wished to regain possession of
these. The envoys from Koki had just arrived. I
pointed out to them that when I passed their country,
on my way to Kavalli's, Kamswaga had gratuitously
beaten the war-drums, and had I had time either going
or coming, I should not improbably have replied to his
challenge. Later, while I was away — though he knew
that Uganda was under the British — he had invaded
the country in the interest of the Fransa faction. In
consequence I had already got a force of Sudanese in
readiness to attack him, and the B. Catholics also were
beseeching me to allow them to oust him. Since, how-
ever, of late he had refrained from joining my enemies,
and had sent embassies of peace, he should remain king,
and his country should be protected, but for his former
aggressions he should forfeit the five districts given him
by the Waganda, and these should now be included in
Buddu as formerly. The envoys were most grateful, and
said that those for whom they had fought had betrayed
them, while we, against whom they had done wrong,
were saving them from annihilation. By this means I
added a very considerable area to Buddu in the south, in
468
SETTLEMEXT OF THE COUNTRY.
lieu of the country I had at first hoped to give to the E.
Cathohcs on the north (towards the capital). I now sent
a rehable man. oivino- him his final instructions mvself.
to announce this decision and see it fairly carried out.
I told the Kimbuo'we also that I was mvself anxious
to build a station in Buddu (at Luwambu), and to send
a European Resident there, but until the negotiations
with the Mohammedans and the war in Chao-we were
concluded I could not do so. It was because I intended
to make a station at Luwambu that I could not at
present give Sesse to the E.. Catholics. For in case of
any trouble arising, my garrison there would be safe
with Sesse as a refuge ; whereas if it was in the hands
of the R. Catholics, the o'arrison would be cut off and
surrounded. In the future, possibly, should all fear of
trouble from that quarter be past, a part of Sesse might
be given to them, but under present circumstances I felt
I could not detail a European and garrison to occupy
a station in Buddu unless they were provided with a
constant means of communication with headquarters,
and a safe retreat if overpowered. For I knew the
lesser people to be still bitterly hostile, though the
chiefs miolit be our frierrds. I also insisted on the kino-'s
releasino' Xalinia, and said I would do so bv force if he
declined. I told her she was free to 2:0 to her husband,
the Mujasi, in Buddu, if she liked, and I would send an
escort to j^rotect her. She 2Dreferred, however, to wait
awhile until another laro-e batch of B. Catholics should
be going there, and in the meantime she lived under
the Sekibobo's protection. These large batches of people
were despatched everv few davs under an escort of my
soldiers, and arrived in Buddu without mishap.
The Kimbugwe had told me (through his messenger)
that they had heard of the outrage for which the
Gwanika had been tried ; but the Sekibobo had told
them that we had had nothino- whatever to do with it.
PEEE beard's GEIEVAXCES.
469
and it was entirely done by the king. Consequently
they were not excited about it. Pere Brard, however,
continually endeavoured to foment discontent in the
matter, and stated that the chiefs (R. Catholics) had
told him the Gwanika was to blame, though I had
acquitted him. This the chiefs denied in his j)i'esence !
He was equally intractable about the outrages and
aggressions which, he stated, were being committed
by Koki and the Waziba upon the R. Catholics. It
was superfluous for him to invent difficulties where so
many already existed ready-made. After I had spent
the livelong day, from sunrise to evening, in writing,
and in hearing interminable cases, as the cool of evening
approached — the only moment I had for a breath of
fresh air, and to supervise the house-building and w^ork
at the fort, and give the orders for the next day — Pere
Brard or the English missionaries would often sally
forth to tell me I had done nothing but injustice in
such and such a matter, till, with a splitting headache
and a buzzing in my ears, I exclaim to my confidant —
my diary — that " the Resident of Uganda is a mere
slave, and penal servitude without anxiety and free
from missionaries were a state of comparative bliss —
of otium cum dignitate ! "
As to handing over Koki to the B. Catholics — a
course which Pere Brard desired, and Williams had at
first been inclined to support — I thought it unfair to
Kamswaga, as well as impolitic, since it would reinforce
the party by 700 guns, instead of leaving this small
state as a menace in their rear in case of any future
trouble. I wrote, however, clearly both to the Kim-
bugwe and Pere Achte, saying that the B. Catholics
had full liberty to repel any aggression from Uziba and
Koki, and to oust any lawless bands of Fiitcibangi who
refused to obey their constituted chiefs. As I have
already said, the origin of these Futahangi was due to
470
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUXTEY.
religious intolerance, and they had become most nu-
merous and powerful in the R. Catholic province of
Chagwe. I had news that their leaders had submitted
to Williams, and I now sent the new chief of Chao^-we
(the late Pokino) to organise the province, strongly im-
pressing upon him that there Avas to be no coercion in
religion ; that those who did not wish to adopt Chris-
tianity should be free to remain pagans, or Futahangi,
or what they pleased, provided they obeyed the law ;
and that all E,. Catholics who desired to remain in
Chagwe (without arms) should be free to do so. The
Kauta and Mujasi wrote saying that they had received
my letter calling them to Kampala, and would like to
come, but there was a combination of eight pagan
chiefs on the south frontier, and war was threatened, so
they could not leave. They protested friendship, and
begged me not to believe reports to the contrary.
On the 28th Mwanga made his first spontaneous visit
to Kampala, and was so pleased that he announced his
intention of coming every two or three days ! As I
believe it is not the custom of Uganda for the king to
visit any one, his coming was very significant. Already
his mother, the Namasole, had come in state several
times, with her bevies of damsels, and her drum-and-fife
band. Borne aloft on the shoulders of a stalwart man,
and draped in a leoj)ard-skin, the little wizened old lady
considered herself " every inch a queen." The Ruhuga
(or king's sister) had likewise come ; and these two are
the only official royal personages in Uganda besides
the Kahaka himself That all (including Mwanga) had
come to Kampala, indicated, I suppose, that the British
Resident was now acknowledged the equal or suj)erior
of the kinor-.
In truth a great change had come over Uganda. The
Baraza, or Council of State, was now held at Kampala,
and all matters of great importance — such as the ap-
EVIDENCES OF PROGRESS.
471
pointment of the chiefs, the negotiations with the rival
parties, &c. — ■ were conducted by myself, and subse-
quently received the pro forma consent of the king.
The R. Catholics and the Mohammedans refused to
rely on Mwanga's justice, while the Protestants (with
whom my relations were once more cordial) were help-
less by themselves. Uganda at last w^as ripe for British
protection, and the introduction of an administration
based on principles of justice, and independent of the
will of a savage despot, swayed by impulses of greed,
of fear, of cruelty, and of cunning ; so that even the
peasantry, w^ho had been so bigoted against European
interference, in more than one instance appealed to
Kampala for justice as against their chiefs !
It was worth the ordeal through which the country
had passed to have achieved this result — a result which
years of argument alone could never have produced with
such a people. And during those years the expense of
the necessary garrison to maintain an uncertain equili-
brium, and ensure the lives of the Company's agents,
would have been merely prohibitive. Instances of the
potency of the new regime were not few. The women
and followers of the R. Catholics had been free to return
to their people, and were being sought out and sent
day by day to Buddu. Captives from the FiUcihangi
were instantly liberated at my order — even the slaves
taken from the Mohammedans long ago had been pro-
claimed free. These were no small changes in one and
a quarter years. Kampala, too, changed daily. Two
large new houses for Europeans, with mud walls, were in
course of construction, each 34 ft. by 16 ft., exclusive of
broad verandahs. In height they were 21 ft., and con-
tained two bedrooms and a central sitting-room, thus
providing quarters for four Euroj)eans, besides the Resi-
dency with its offices. Up to now we were living in
tents.
472
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Sir Gerald Portal will presently report on Uganda.
It is impossible but that he should find much to
criticise and much to improve. But had he entered
Uganda with me in December 1890, and pitched his
camp on the rough grass - grown knoll of Kampala
dotted with giant ant - hills, or been present at the
haraza on the Christmas Eve when the treaty was
presented and our lives threatened, he would recognise
— as no power of imagination, no desire to do justice
to our efforts, can possibly enable him — the change
effected in Uganda. As regards the improvements in
the houses of the people, the extent of new cultivation
and buildings, Mr Gedge, who was there in December
1890 and has since returned, writes, " Houses and sham-
has have sprung up on all sides in a truly marvellous
fashion, so much so that I could hardly believe Mengo
to be the same place." ^
^ Times, May 29th, 1893.
473
CHAPTEE XXXYIIL
MOHAMMED AXS REPATEIATED PEACE THROUGHOUT
UGANDA.
Inquiry on outrage completed — The Kago intervenes — The Fathers' estates
— Shamhas to E. Catholics on Buddu road — Reports that ^ya-Fransa
and Mohammedans have coalesced — Selim warned — His loyalty —
Complaints of famine — Ample room in Buddu — Mujasi's letter —
Mwanga friendly — Importance of mission schools — Waziba envoys —
I start to meet Mbogo — Disquieting reports — The envoys identified
with us — Abdul Rasud— Dualla's mission — His report — Excuses and
delays — Shauri with Mbogo and Mohammedans — Success — Sh.amhas
divided — Selim superintends immigration — Return to Kampala with
Mbogo — Meeting of the two Saltans — Treachery of some Protestants
— Mbogo's life threatened — Slaves of Arabs freed.
The postponed inquiry regarding the outrage to the
H. Cathohc refuo'ees on their wav to Buddu ^vas re-
opened so soon as the chief Katambala and the others
I had sent for arrived. A oTeat deal of conflictino-
evidence was given, but I could not obtain a conviction.
Undoubtedlv the chief blame rested on Mwanga. and
next to him on the local peasantry, who, in the dis-
turbed state of the country, and since there was now
no chief of the province (Kamia), had committed ex-
cesses which would not otherwise have been dreamt of
Being unable to prove actual complicity against the
Katambala, I adjudicated that he, as chief of a province,
must be held res|)onsible, unless he could produce the
culprits and the women still missing. He returned for
474
MOHAMMEDANS KEPATRIATED.
this purpose, and eventually two culprits were brought,
whom I imprisoned and flogged severely. The matter
was settled fairly satisfactorily — except, of course, to
Pere Brard. He seemed never happy without a griev-
ance, though in the main he w^as a man I liked and
always had goton well with.
The tedious arguments i^ro and con of this sliauri
were enlivened at its close by the Kago, a R. Catholic
chief, who, with the Sekiboko, represented his faction
at the capital. He had lost some cloth in the pillage,
and I write: "Like all Waganda, when the question
touched his personal property, he showed a much livelier
interest than in the more serious matter of other people's
women. In his excitement he would not wait for the
interpreter to repeat his sentiments, but burst out in
the most extraordinary Swahili, a language of which
he had always j)i'ofessed complete ignorance ! Every
one roared with laughter, including the Sekiboko, till
the poor old Kago could not get a hearing, and had
at last to join himself in the merriment. I confessed
I saw no remedy, since we could not find out who had
got it, and he must accept it as a loss in the war. He
still protested, and I remarked, ' You have lost fourteen
"cloths" (56 yds.); how many hundred loads have the
Europeans lost in Buddu ? ' He replied, ' I have no
answer — I agree to my loss.' " Later in my diary I
mention that I presented him with some cloth in com-
pensation for his loss, for he w^as one of the best men
in Uganda, and he it was (it will be remembered) who
had fearlessly returned the day after the fight, and
nearly effected a peace. " He declined in toto to receive
it, though cloth is to a Mganda what cheese is to a
rat or butter to a dog — it makes his mouth water ! He
said he would not allow me to pay for the faults of
others ; he had fought hard to have a fine imposed, but
I should not pay that fine. No argument would per-
THE fathers' estates.
475
suade him." It is a trivial thing, but can I better
describe the admirable traits which occasionally shone
out in the characters of these people than by quoting
such incidents ?
Pere Brard's next grievance was on the subject of
the estates of the French Mission, which he said had
been confiscated. They were seven in number, though
neither the Company nor the English Mission had more
than one, or at most two. I had endless trouble over
this matter, for since the Fathers had never registered
The FrExNCh Mission (Fort). (Sketched immediately after the War.)
them at Kampala, I could only say that I must refer
the matter to the king. Mwanga said that as they
now had all Buddu, he did not see why they should
have seven other estates besides, and he only agreed
to give them three. He said they had asked for
Rubaga — the highest hill at the capital — and had
then built a fort on it, and he did not wish for any
forts in Uganda except the Company's. This was a
somewhat remarkable observation, showing that he had
been well aware of the strength of the structure made
by the Fathers, and that its object had been that of a
476
MOHAMMEDANS KEPATEIATED.
fort (a brick structure loopholed, &c.) Ultimately,
Pere Brard produced a written deed of gift, upon which
I insisted on the restitution of all the estates. Had he
produced it sooner, I should have been saved a very
great deal of needless trouble.
At this time I at last finally settled the shamhas
to be oiven to the E.. Catholics on the road to Buddu.
They also had full ^Dermission to reclaim and cultivate
large areas of waste land adjoining them, so that ulti-
mately the estates Avould be capable of producing a
large quantity of food, and supporting the travellers
to and fro. Raima's is not a rich country. I had tra-
velled through all its length, from Buddu to Kampala,
and it struck me as being extremely fertile, but mostly
covered with rank vegetation, and having but a sparse
population. But there was no doubt that the best solu-
tion would be to give them continuous possession of a
narrow strip from Buddu to the capital, so that on this
their OAvn road they could not be molested. At pres-
ent, however, I was content with the three estates at
a day's interval apart, but I warned the chiefs that
the new Kaima (E.) was responsible that there should
be no causes of complaint, and I determined that if
these should with good reason be preferred by the R.
Catholics, I would insist on a continuous road. The
Protestants were inclined to be obstructive, but I in-
sisted on large estates being given, and they had learnt
a lesson in our recent differences which they would not
readily forget, and were afraid to again defy me. On
the whole, the estates allotted seemed to me fairly ade-
quate, and I sent a reliable man of my own to inspect
them, and report to me whether they had been accurately
described.
It was reported that the P. Catholics had had a fight
with Koki and his allies, and the Protestant chiefs came
to me to complain that in doing so they had violated
REPORTED HOSTILE COALITION.
477
their treaty. I told them that whatever the E.. CathoUcs
did in their own i^rovince was no affair of theirs, for I
did not recognise them as rulers over the other party.
It was the business of myself and the king alone.
With this snub they had to remain content, and they
were gradually, I think, learning to find their proper
level.
But more serious news came on May 2d, and it was
presently confirmed from other sources. The envoys
from the Mohammedans had long been overdue, and it
was now reported that their faction had finally declined
to give up Mbogo, and had come to an understanding
with the E/. Catholics. The king said that this alliance
had indeed been discussed when he was in Buddu, and
that the report was that Kampala was almost denuded
of troops just now, and that the Maxim had been dam-
aged and was useless. For my part, I did not believe
that the leading R. Catholic chiefs had any knowledge
of such overtures, but I thought it not improbable
that some of the lesser men had sent messengers to
the Moslem camp, purporting to be from the heads of
the party. Subsequent events rather confirmed this
impression. I therefore sent Achmet Effendi to Selim
Bey, warning him of the possibility of treachery. I
told him that should the Mohammedans say that I
had permitted them to enter Uganda en masse before
giving up their king, he would know that something
was in the wind, for I had not, and would not, alter
my first decisions.
In such a case he would go to Torn, and muster a force
of Sudanese, and follow them, saying he was bringing
the men for pay and clothing. Thus, waiting on their
flank, he would be ready to act if necessary. If, on the
other hand, he had no reason to suspect an alliance
with the Wa-Frcmsa, but Mbogo openly declined my
terms, he would send me word, and I might modify my
478
MOHAMMEDAXS REPATEIATED.
decision in so far as to allow Mbogo to reside in Torn ;
but under no circumstances would I allow him to live
with the Mohammedan Waganda in their province.
Lastly, if the alliance with the R. Catholics was openly
sjDoken of, I told him to tell the Mohammedans that
I was confident the overtures did not emanate from the
leadincr chiefs, and that if indeed such overtures had
been made, it would be to the advantage of the Islam
faction to expose the treachery of the R. Catholics ; for
I would show the latter no mercy, and the Moham-
medans in such a case stood to win more by joining
with us against them, than by attacking us in con-
junction with them.
I was compelled to take these precautions, for Selim's
position would be a delicate one in case there was any
truth in the report. Both factions, however, had a
menace in their rear — the Mohammedans feared my
Sudanese in Torn, and the R. Catholics feared the
confederation of Koki and his allies ; so that, provided
Williams' force had returned, we might still make a
good opposition even to the two combined. Selim
could thus point out to them the dubious result of such
a course, which — even if they won — would lead to an
endless war. Before long, however, we got news that
Mbogo was coming, but, contrary to my stipulations, he
had an enormous following. The Mohammedan envoy
who had remained at Kampala wrote to protest. A
letter now arrived from Selim. He said that he had
sworn on the Koran to Mbogo that he would be re-
sponsible that no harm should happen to him at my
hands. This was a striking proof, not only of the
loyalty of the Bey, but of the implicit confidence he had
in us, and shows him and Achmet in better colours than
they are painted by Stanley and Jephson.^
^ Eeceiit telegrams bring the news that Selim Bey has been convicted by
Captain Macdonald of treachery, and of an intrigue with the Mohammedan
COMPLAINTS OF FAMINE.
479
The Mohammedan envoys returned to say that it was
true that the whole Mohammedan faction — said to
number 10,000 souls — had marched into Uganda, for
they were afraid to leave their women and jDeople un-
protected in Kabarega's country. Most of their fight-
ing men were away. A large- party had gone to Torn
to escort thither some cloth I had sent by Selim for
the garrisons, since the road was closed by Kabarega's
armies to anything under a considerable force. Others
had come on to Uganda to see their friends, others
formed Mbogo s escort. Hence the bulk of the peoj^le
had lost their defenders. They had, however, halted
in the far part of Singo.
Simultaneously letters came from Buddu. They con-
Waganda, having for its object the overthrow of the British, &e. .Judging
by the accounts which have reached England, Selim's open defiance, when
he thought the Mohammedans unjustly treated, can hardly be called
"treachery." He was at the time dying of dropsy, but was ordered to
march to the coast, and of course died. The story I have told will show
that, at the risk of his own life, Selim remained loyal to me ; that it was
mainly owing to him that the settlement with the Mohammedans was
effected, — at a time when, had he desired to act treacherously, the oppor-
tunity was before him. The Sudanese in Torn were close by, and would
have followed him blindly ; the whole Mohammedan "SYaganda faction
would have eagerly accepted the chance. He remained absolutely loyal ;
and I knew the man with whom I was dealing, well enough to know it
would be so. There must have been a strange want of tact to convert a
loyalty so sincere into hostility, when Selim was even then a dying man !
It is alleged that Selim was led away by an over-estimate of his own
importance, due to the treatment he received from Captain Williams and
myself, and quite unfitting in a paid subordinate. But he was iiot an en-
listed officer when we were in Uganda. Selim held the rank of Bey in the
Egyptian army — the highest rank but one that there is in Egypt — and had
for years been in command of large districts. That he should suddenly be
treated as a very subordinate officer was wholly incongruous. It was under-
stood between us that he should return to Egypt, and when the Sudanese
were enlisted he ought most certainly to have left the country. To me it
is a sad contemplation, that this veteran, selected by Gordon for the com-
mand of Mruli ; whose valour saved Dufileh ; against whom no charge of
disloyalty had ever yet been proved amidst all the faithlessness of the Sudan
troops ; and who had proved at the risk of his life his loyalty to me, — that
this man should have been hurried ofi" in a dying state, discredited and dis-
graced, to succumb on the march, a prisoner and an outcast.
480
MOHAMMEDAXS REPATEIATED.
tallied profuse thanks for my efforts in sending the
women to them under escort, large batches of whom
still continued to leave every few days. They com-
jDlained that there was insufficient food in Buddu, and
this cry was loudly taken up by Pere Brard. It must
be remembered, however, that by repatriating the
Mohammedans I was introducing an addition of (it was
said) some 10,000 souls. The Protestants and peasantry
in the three provinces to be occu23ied by the Mohamme-
dans were similarly crying out that there would be
great hunger, for they would have to occupy shamhas
deserted in the wars, and not at present productive.
But food grows very rapidly in Uganda, especially in
the season of the rains (as now) ; and though there
might be a little temporary difficulty, and the peasantry
might have to do more field-work for a time than they
fancied, it was out of the question that there should be
any permanent hardship, since the population of Uganda
was reputed to be now not one-half of what the country
had formerly supported.
This had been caused bv the deaths in the lono-
protracted wars, the numbers of women and others
carried off by the Mohammedans and sold into slavery,
and the immorality of the women, who, no longer held
in check by the drastic laws against adultery and
profligacy, now threw oft" all restraint. This led, as
the Katikiro told me, to the birth of very few children.
Savage races increase rapidly, and almost every woman
has a baby on her back and one or two young chil-
dren besides ; but tlie comparative paucity of infants in
Uganda was noticeable. There are also extremely few
old people. The ravages of the plague and the diseases
due to insanitation,^ were also causes of decrease in
population. Meanwhile the Wanyoro, ousted from
the frontiers of Torn bv the Sudanese I had brouoht
1 Times, July 6th, 1893.
MUJASI'S LETTER.
481
from Kavalli's, would find scope and elbow-room in
the districts in Unyoro vacated by the Mohammedan
Waganda.
Regarding the hunger in Buddu, more especially.
If the complaint was true, it was not improbably
due in some measure to the folly of the Waganda
themselves. For Buddu being formerly a Protes-
tant province, the B. Catholics in the war had de-
stroyed the bananas and crops. Now that they had
entered into possession, they suffered for their own
folly. Lastly, the five estates taken from Koki would,
I hoped, afford room and food for those who still needed
it. I have already quoted the evidence of Captain
Williams that Buddu was more than sufficient, and
referred to Sir G. Portal's report in the same sense
(see p. 431). Previous to his own tour of inspec-
tion, Williams had sent parties, both of Sudanese and
Swahilis, who brought the same news.
The letters both of the Kimbugwe and Mujasi were
full of the warmest exjDressions of friendship and grati-
tude. A passage in the latter's letter I translate. It
pleased me much, and is characteristic of the hot-
headed young chief who had caused the war, and had
consistently disdained to profess a friendship for us
which he did not feel. I could the more trust his present
professions from my knowledge of his character. After
thanking me in the warmest possible terms he could
command for sending his wife, Nalinia, in safety to him,
he says he is most anxious to come, as I suggested, to
Kampala and to see me, if I will send ten soldiers to
escort him (for he was a hete noire to the Protestants,
and feared violence on the way). He continues : —
" I come on your account alone, for I, the Mujasi, am the enemy
of the Protestants. I trust in your integrity. And I like you
because you are unable to tell a falsehood. If you say a thing,
you speak truly ; therefore in these days, as regards your words,
VOL. II. 2 H
482
MOHAMMEDAXS KEPATRIATED.
we know if you say a thing we are content, for you let us speak
our words, and if you do not like them you refuse them, and if
you like a man's words with wdiom you are conversing you agree
to them. For this reason, indeed, we like you. But another
man who is able to speak untruthfully, if you converse with
him and say what he does not like he agrees, and if he likes it
he agrees just the same; you cannot tell wliether he refuses
or assents. We like you because you give a man a reply as
you speak. I want very much to see you, Kapelli. . . . God
help you to do your work well. "We are completely for peace.
Good-bye. — 1 am your child, Gabriel Mujasi."
During this j)eriocl the king had apparently devel-
oped a great friendshijD for us, having even prepared a
private road by which he could visit Kampala ; but my
pressure of work prevented my entertaining him, and so
I put him off. Williams was more cordially disposed
towards him than I was. "For my part," T write, "I
detest both having him here or going to him. We are
on the best of terms, but he is a murderer, jDublicly
given to unmentionable crimes, a mean despicable brute,
and a notorious coward. It is enough for me to have
restored him, to have made a treaty with him, and
to go occasionally and see him. Closer relations I do
not care for myself" He had made overtures, I heard,
to the missionaries to become a Protestant, and Pere
Brard said he would be a o-ood riddance to the K.
o
Catholics, accusing him to me of the grossest practices.
The English missionaries, however, I heard, declined to
enroll him as a Protestant ; but whether this were so
or not I never troubled to inquire, either from him
or them. The missionaries dined with us from time
to time, and the differences in our views on certain
questions made no alteration, I am glad to say, in
our social relations.
Mr Pilkington had collected a very great deal of in-
formation regarding the customs of the Wahuma tribe,
MISSION SCHOOLS — WAZIBA ENVOYS. 483
as well as on the intricate division of chieftainships, the
land tenure, and the endless traditions and customs of
the Waganda. I hope he may purpose to publish his
researches, for he probably knows more by this time of
these people than any other man. Although only
resident in the country for a year, he had reduced
the language to a grammar, and was compiling a
dictionary.
I urged the Mission to establish a boys' school, for
to my mind the training of the rising generation is a
matter of greater importance among negro races than
the teaching of adults, who are wedded to their own
ideas. Secular education seems largely wasted on
grown men, for they are a short-lived race. A small
school for boys was established about this time, I
think. Dr Laws, a missionary of very long experience,
and a man universally looked upon as one of the most
practical and successful missionaries who ever entered
Africa, is the highest authority in support of my view
of the greater comparative importance of schools for
the young in Africa ; ^ , and it seemed to me strange
that little or nothinof had been done in this direction
during the fifteen years the Mission had been in Uganda.
An embassy reached Kampala about this time from
the Waziba tribes across the Kagera, in German terri-
tory. They said they had heard of the settlement of
Uganda, — how the Mohammedans, who had been at
war for years, were now friends ; and the Wa-Fra7isa,
who had fought against us, had been given a country,
— that the news of the justice of Kampala had reached
to their land, and as they had many troubles and
quarrels among themselves, they had come to beg that
we would arrange their country for them as we had
arranged Uganda ! It was a quaint and withal a
pleasing message, but of course I referred them to the
1 Vide also Mackay's strong indorsement of this, p. 459.
484
MOHAMMEDAXS EEPATRIATED.
German authorities. They had broug4it some dried
grasshoppers (for us to eat) and cowrie-shells as a
present, saying they did not rightly know what the
white man liked best !
In order to make a beoinnino- however small, to-
wards the carrying out of that clause of the treaty
which enacted that the country should defray in some
degree the expenses of the garrison, I obtained several
estates from the king as the Company's property. Of
these, five were to be near the capital, and from them I
hoped to obtain supj^lies of food. Other smaller ones
were to be in the little-inhabited districts, which
abounded with elephants ; and on these I had ar-
ranged to locate hunters, who should procure ivory.
The numbers of Mohammedans who had from time to
time deserted their faction and come to us had become
considerable, and of late had been reinforced by very
manv visitors and others. These I established in a
village on the slopes of Kampala, where they cultivat-
ed their own crops, or were available for any building
work which I had to give them. Some twenty of these
men had registered their names as available for any
task I mio4it assio-n them : and as thev are brave
fellows, I hoped to establish a mail to Kikuj^u from
their ranks when I should have enlisted a few more.
For such work they would be admirably suited, and
the cost of their employment would be infinitely less
than that of the coast Swahilis.
Grant and Wilson were both so unwell at this time
that I advised their making a trip for a few days to our
little Lsland on the lake, which they did in the company
of Mr Smith (Church Missionary Society). I was my-
self considerably pulled down, for I had hardly been
outside mv office for four months. The breakino- out of
the wound in my arm, accompanied by toothache and
neuraloia, weie the sio-ns which alwavs warned me that
I STAKT TO MEET MBOGO.
485
the pressure was a little too high. I was not therefore
sorry to put on my safari clothes once more, and start
on my journey to meet Mbogo.
The news that Mbogo was coming with a very large
following, and frequent letters from the Mukwenda
saying he was in great fear and repeating all sorts of
silly stories, showed me that it was absolutely necessary
that I should no longer delay the fulfilment of my
promise, but go at once to meet him. There were
reports that the Mohammedans had no intention of
giving him up ; and though the envoys said that these
were untrue, they, too, urged me not to delay, and
seemed nervous of the result if I did. I had sent
letters to recall Williams, who had now been away
a month, but I had no news of him and no rej)ly.
Dangerous as I felt it to be to leave Kampala, I saw no
alternative, and prepared to start on 13th May, hoping
that the large force in Usoga would return within a
few days to strengthen the capital, and I should then
feel that all was right with Williams in command in
my absence.
Once out of Kampala, I marched rapidly through a
country intersected by innumerable river-swamps, some
of them (like the Mweranga) of very deep and treacher-
ous quagmire, which necessitated the cutting down of
reeds and bamboo-grass to form a foothold.^ No time
was to be lost, for the vast mass of Mohammedans were
already in Singo, and they would eat up the country
like a flight of locusts, and leave nothing for the people
of the provinces, who were to evacuate the territory
assigned to this faction, and to occupy these estates in
Singo. I took with me about 100 rifles of my own men,
and the faithful Zachariah accompanied me with some
250 Waganda guns; another 100 followed later. I
had intended to go almost alone, but all implored me
Vide Grant, Walk through Africa, p. 212, and ^^yoke, passim.
486
MOHAMMEDANS REPATRIATED.
to take at least this number, and said it was not the
custom of the country for a "big man" to go insuffi-
cientlv escorted. As I was startino- I received letters
at last from Usoga, and learnt that Eecldie and the
Wao'anda armv would arrive in a dav or two, but
Williams had remained behind to settle some matters.
Xews reached me from the Mukwenda (of Singo),
saying that the negotiations with the Mohammedans
had fallen through ; that they were advancing in great
force, and he had made all preparations for flight ;
that they would kill me sooner than allow me to take
their kino\ Knowino- mv informant to be an alarmist,
I would not have attached undue importance to his
news had he not sent word that, in consequence of the
repudiation of my terms, the Mohammedan Katikiro
(Abdul Hasud) had left his party and come to his (the
Mukwenda's) place. This news admitted of no cavil.
It will be remembered that the original envoys had
returned to Kampala. These men were now with me.
They had quite identified themselves with us, and we
had thoroughly won their confidence. They acknow-
ledged that there was a ^^o^erful party adverse to
giving uj^ the king, but they Avere quite at a loss to
understand the reason of Abdul Rasud s secession, and
more esiDecially how it should be possible that he was
accompanied by only thuty armed men, since he was
bv far the most influential man amono- them.
At the same time continual reports reached me that
the ^ya-F^ansa were negotiating with the Moham-
medans, and a letter I now received from Buddu men-
tioned the split in the Moslem camp, and asked me to
give the E. Catholics the j)i'c>^^iiices assigned to the
Mohammedans, since the latter had declined my terms.
It was impossible that the French faction should have
got this news even before it reached me, unless they
were in communication with the Mohammedans. I
DISQUIETING REPORTS — ABDUL RASUD.
487
exonerated the leading chiefs of both factions from any
participation in these treacherous deahngs ; for had they
been inculpated, the E.. Catholic Sekibobo at the capital
would have known of the intrigue on the part of his
faction, and the Islam envoys in my camp would also
have been aware of it (unless purjDosely concealed from
them by their respective factions, which I hardly thought
possible), and I was convinced that neither the one nor
the other had any such news. Moreover, I did not think
a coalition possible between the religionists of the two
factions (and these included the leading chiefs), for
they were diametrically opposed, and most hostile to
each other. But in each faction there was a large
section — perhaps even a majority — who cared little for
religion, and it was between these that I suspected that
the intrigue was, if it existed.
I sent word to the Katikiro (E.) to concentrate the
Waganda army at the capital, in case my mission
failed or there was treachery. I once more sent urgent
letters to recall Williams. I also sent secret news to
Selim of what I had heard, and despatched with my
messenger a Mganda who knew every path in the
country, to enable him to escape, should necessity
arise. So entirely were the Mohammedan envoys on
my side that they had been accused by their peo23le of
having received large bribes from me, and they had, in
consequence, practically quarrelled with their faction.
I thus had men who could give me the fullest informa-
tion and interpret the real significance of all news we
heard ; but, on the other hand, their value as influential
leaders of the Moslems was of course nullified. I sent
on one of them to call Abdul Rasud to my camp, and
then to go secretly to the Mohammedans and ascer-
tain all that was going on.
On arrival, the Mohammedan Katikiro said that it
was their Mujasi, a man of very great influence, who
488
MOHAMMEDANS EEPATRIATED.
had caused the spht. He had been left at De Winton's
grave with 300 rifles, and on rejoining he had violently
opposed the handing over of Mbogo. and was followed
in his counsels by a large party. Thereupon hot words
had ensued. Abdul Rasud had quarrelled with Mbogo
and the chiefs, being opposed to the re23udiation of my
proposals, to which they had already sent their accept-
ance. He had left the council in ano^er without waitinof
to collect his adherents. His news was not reassuring.
Selim, however, Avrote that all was well, and that
Mbogo was coming, though with a large following,
which he was unable to prevent. He said the Mu-
kwenda had nearly upset the matter by sending foolish
threats if they advanced further.
I now determined to send Dualla, with two of the
envoys, to hasten a crisis. Himself a very devout
Moslem, he would have considerable influence with
them. He was as shrewd a man as could possibly be
found ; he knew all my views and thoroughly entered
into them, and I believe, as surely as I write the words,
that he would have fearlessly given his life to save
mine — I would certainly have trusted it to him. I
told him that he must insist on Mboofo comino; with
only a small escort. If he found that this was impos-
sible, and there was a split in their camp, he could call
upon those who desired our terms to separate them-
selves from the rest and come over to us, in which
case they should not suffer for the bad faith of their
comrades, but be treated just as though the negotia-
tions had succeeded. The rest of the party would
retire to Unyoro ; but in such a case it would be
broken up, and I foresaw that the remainder would be
unable to hold out. If, however, he saw that the
resolve to decline our terms was unanimous, he would
ask their intentions and Avishes, and affecting to be
a mere mouthpiece from me, would rejoin me with
EXCUSES AND DELAYS.
489
Selim. When he was clear of theh^ camp, he would
send back word that he knew I would not entertain
their proposals, and he would call upon all who wished
to join us to leave their faction. Mbogo wrote in a
friendly manner, and I replied courteously, saying that
I was halting on account of food, and sending on Dualla
with my salaams. Ere long I received hopeful news
from Dualla, but two or three days passed, and repeated
excuses of sickness and so forth were sent to account
for Mbogo's delay ; while I, who felt how much there
was to be done, and how ill I could afford to waste
time, chafed dreadfully at my enforced inaction.
. The position was a difficult one. The Waganda are
intensely suspicious. Their trust in the British under
the circumstances was really extraordinary, for among
themselves it would have been quite impossible for two
opposmg factions ever to come to terms, and they re-
peatedly told me this. Yet when we first went against
the Mohammedans, we had been able to treat for peace ;
and more recently the Fransa faction had sent envoys,
and now again the Mohammedans. Had it not been
for their complete faith in us, such embassies would
never have dared to come. Nevertheless now, when
their king himself, on whom the whole cohesion of their
faction depended, was in the question, their suspicious
natures prompted doubts lest I should deal falsely by
them, or perhaps that the Waganda with me would
throw off all restraint and seize the king, unless his
escort were at least as powerful as our own party.
On the other hand, I was not without misgiving my-
self The Mohammedans had learnt the tenets of their
creed from the Arab ivory and slave traders, who had
penetrated to Uganda from the coast. These teachers
were not such as could be relied upon to demonstrate
the doctrines of the Koran in their purity. They
had gained the ascendancy in Uganda by a piece of
490
MOH AM AIE D A XS EE P ATR I ATED .
dastarcllv treachery, when, with arms concealed, they
had suddenh" turned on the Christian chiefs in the
haraza, and shot them down ; and now reports reached
me that they meditated a similar coup, and thought
that if thev succeeded in takinof mv life, the British
power in Uganda would collapse, and our people would
disperse in panic. Such was the teaching of their Arab
instructors, but of them only two now remained. All
the rest were dead ; most had met a violent end. One
of them came to my camp. He was in a miserable
plight. Sick, covered with ulcers, all his ill-gotten
ivorv lost, his sole desu^e was to o-et out of the count rv.
His comrade durst not, he said, present himself before me.
Abdul Rasud and I had become great friends. All
these Mohammedan Waganda were most respectful,
and their manners contrasted favom^ably with the Chris-
tians (and more esj^ecially with the Protestants), who,
I think, had alwavs been treated with too oreat a
familiarity by theu missionaries. Several of the chiefs
came to see me — nominallv to brinof salaams, in realitv
as spies. I showed them all the frankness and cordiality
I could command, and was at gTeat pains to reassure
them, and explain the cause of mv repeated messages
protesting against delay, which had apparently raised
their suspicions. I pointed out how essential it was
that oin^ negotiations should be quickly concluded, in
order that the people might enter into possession of
then- helds, and begin to cultivate them before the
rains ceased, otherwise there would be famine.
On Mav 2 2d, Mboo-o. the kino^ of the Moslems, arrived
and camped some two miles off; and Dualla retiuned to
me. He said that the position had been much misunder-
stood, and he was certain that the man who read my
letters to the king and chiefs — one Jimia — had purposely
misstated theii* contents. This man he described as
the counterpart of Duta — suspicious, and cunning to
MBOGO ARRIVES AT LAST.
491
a degree, and always suggesting some sinister motive
and suspecting some evil. He said that the feeling
was very strong against Mwanga. They were willing
to obey and work for the British, but rebelled against
the idea of accepting Mwanga as their king. That a
very strong party, headed by the Mujasi, was against
us, and there was a great fear lest I should attempt to
seize Mbogo, in which case they would fight to the last.
The number of their arms was probably, Dualla thought,
about double ours.
The 23d was to decide the issue. I had a few poles
run up, with grass thrown on the top, as an awning ;
and I drew up my men on either side, with orders to
close round so soon as the king and I were seated.
After many hours of waiting, the cortege appeared, and
halted on the brow of the neighbouring knoll, while the
king donned his best gold-embroidered robes. Mean-
while breathless messengers arrived each moment, having
run the distance at full speed, to bring salaams ; their
message delivered, they departed at the same pace, as
is the custom of Uganda. Zachariah sent similar mes-
sages on my behalf I met the king at the borders of
my camp, and led him to my temporary haraza.
It was obvious that there was intense excitement ;
both sides did not know whether it might not be war
to the knife a moment hence ! I affected an easy and
unconstrained manner, but Mbogo's nerves were obvi-
ously at extreme tension. The Mohammedans formed
a compact ring at first, but my men executed their
orders admirably, and with little apparent jostling they
formed a complete circle round the haraza, which gave
me an enormous tactical advantage in case any s]3ark
should set alight the smouldering suspicions, or treachery
be intended. I then requested Mbogo to exclude from
our conference all the lesser men with arms, and affected
to turn out one or two of our side. My wishes were
492
MOHAMMEDANS EEPATRIATED.
eneroreticallv carried out, thouo4i the scowlincr faces of
some of those ousted by force showed that they re-
sented the order. The chiefs retained their loaded
arms, which is quite contrary to the custom of the
country, but each man knew that the occasion was
full of menace.
After we had exchanged compliments, I said that we
met as Mends. They knew my proposals. There was
no question of force. If they accepted them, Mbogo
accompanied me to Kampala, where he would be treated
with all honour ; if not, they returned in peace whence
they came. He replied that he gave up all kingly
rights, and only wished to settle as a private individual
among his people. I absolutely declined this, saying
that he would still be reo^arded bv them as kino^, and
there could not be two kino-s in U^-anda : it would
give rise to endless trouble, and would assuredly end
in war. I offered the Mohammedans the provinces in
Uo-anda. on the one condition that he came to Kam-
pala. He had no claim to be king of Uganda. True,
Mwann-a had done badlv. but he was the rio4itful kino-
and would remain so nominally, but justice would be
dealt at Kampala ; their envoys had seen for them-
selves that this was so.
Mboo-o then bewed for twentv davs' delav that he
might explain to his people, who else would think he
was taken by force. I utterly declined, for I knew not
what lurked behmd the request; and I was at least sm^e
that if once he procrastinated, and consulted his people, I
might assuredly give up all hope of success. He begged
for fifteen days, and then for ten. I was firm. ■" To-
morrow,*" I said, " I go, with or without you." In fact,
I well knew that this delay meant that the Mohanmie-
dans would enter their province, while yet Mbogo had
not yielded to me ; that then there would be endless
excuses r)f sickness, and pleas for another and another
SHAVRI WITH MBOGO.
493
extension, and finally I should completely lose such
vantage-ground as I llo^Y held. Moreover, such delay
might possibly have reference to the su2:)posed negotia-
tions with the Wa-Fransa. I looked upon any such
concession as equivalent to failure. As to his remaining
to divide the estates, that, I said, was no longer his
duty when he ceased to be king, while the chiefs present
would be witnesses that he Avas not taken by force. My
ostensible argument was, that I was pledged to Mwanga
and the chiefs, and could not break my word, and I had
too much to do to be able to delay here.
Hour after hour he persisted, but I was stubborn as
a mule, and would not budge from my position, nor
would I lose my j^atience, though Dualla was in a fer-
ment, and I could hardly at times restrain him. As
the sun began to set, Mbogo saw it was futile to argue,
and remarking that I was obviously a man who stuck
to mv word, he o-ave a sort of half understandino- that
he agreed. I had consented to stay over the next day,
and he professed himself so pleased with the interview
that he said he would come ao-ain, and not send a
messenger ^vith his reply as he had intended. Every
one seemed greatly delighted, and the general idea was
that I had won ; but the result remained uncertain.
MboD'o and his followino- retired, but the envovs re-
mainecl with me. for thev were no lono-er on terms
with their people. In order to gain news, I sent the
only one who was still welcomed among them with a
message to say that they need have no fear lest their
provinces should not be evacuated at once bv their
present occupants, for I would take them with me.
This proved to be one of then difficulties.
Fresh rumours reached me by nio4it that messeno-ers
had come from Buddu to tell the Mohanmiedans on no
account to give up Mbogo, but to delav until the Wa-
Fransa could effect a junction. The Mukwenda sent
494
MOHAMMEDAXS REPATRIATED.
urgent messages to say that the war-drums had actually
been heard in the distance, while Zachariah told me
that one of his men had actually seen and spoken to
a R. Catholic that day among the Mohammedan party I
The envoys were doubtful of success, and said that
Mbogo's persistent demands for fifteen days' delay could
onlv be accounted for on the theory of neofotiations
with the R. Catholics.
May 24th — the Queen's birthday — dawned on an anx-
ious time for me. Doubtless here in England there was
the usual jubilation ; in Uganda I recognised that before
the day closed I should know whether my efforts meant
success, or whether the country was to be plunged in a
new war. My messenger arrived to report that there
was a good feeling in the Mohammedan camp ; that our
enemy, the Mujasi, who had declined to come to yester-
day's shauri — proj^hesying that the king would be seized
—had been quite discredited by his safe return and the
reports of our friendly discussion. Mbogo and his fol-
lowing came. He began just where he did the day be-
fore, as though we had not spoken on the subject ! He
asked to live with his jDeople. I had done well for all ;
they had heard of the case of Nalinia, and how she had
been free to go to Buddu ; he alone in all Uganda was
to be restrained, &c.
I changed my tone now and S23oke vehemently. I
declined to discuss the question further. I had come, I
said, only with words of peace, to make the Mohamme-
dans our friends, and unite them to us, and bring them
back to Uganda. My conditions they knew. They
were not for my personal advantage, but solely what I
judged best for the country committed to my charge.
If I were weak and yielded to entreaties, I would be
false to my duty as an officer of the Queen ; and if false
in one matter, how could they trust my assurances to
themselves ? I carried my point, for all the chiefs were
SUCCESS — HECONCILI ATIONS.
495
obviously affected by my words. The discussion then
turned on the estates throughout Uganda belonging in
old time to Mbogo, and which he claimed. I defeated
him by agreeing he should have them, if they conceded
those which Mwanga claimed in their provinces ! I
promised that Mbogo should live at Kampala itself
under our own charge, and not be handed over to the
Waganda ; and that he should have the care of Karema's
infant son. I also, of course, promised that they should
be absolutely free as regards their religion ; and I con-
sented to stay one more day, that they might apportion
the estates in their provinces, in which the Christian
chiefs with me, who now evacuated, could greatly help
them.
On my consenting to this extra day's delay they were
immensely pleased. " These matters arranged," I write,
a curious scene took place. Amid great excitement
they implored Dualla and Selim Bey to take their
Sultan and be surety for him. They placed one of his
hands in each of theirs. There was a babel of voices,
the outside crowd could no longer be restrained, and
the row was deafening ! Dualla and Selim agreed,
but both, with a very nice feeling, said that though they
accepted the trust, all their own trust was in me alone.
Therewith they placed both the king's hands in mine."
I effected a reconciliation between Mbogo and Abdul
Rasud, but had some difficulty in doing so, until a
diversion was caused by Achmet Effendi, the Egyptian.
Having heard from the Arabs the reason of the argu-
ment, he suddenly "sprang to his feet, and seizing the
dignified and self-possessed little ex-Katikiro, dragged
him forcibly to his feet, and placed his hand in Mbogo's
(which he had likewise collared), and began to wag
them up and down with a face of extreme solemnity and
earnestness. The sight was inimitably ludicrous, and
was hailed with roars of laugrhter."
496
MOHAMMEDANS EEPATRIATED.
There was great joy and congratulation on all sides
at the result of the shauri, which had lasted till long
after sunset. Next day the division of estates was
amicably arranged, for there was much more discipline
among these Mohammedans than obtained among the
Christian factions, and they listened to and obeyed their
chiefs. The excellent little Abdul Rasud was appointed
Kitunzi, and would thus be head of their faction. He
agreed to my treaty with Mwanga, but said it had
better be read in public haraza at the capital, and then
no one could say it had been accepted in secret. As
they had agreed to my terms, how could they do other-
wise than obey my laws ? The cleverest among them
was Abdul Aziz, one of the original envoys, and he had
become so attached to us that he elected to live per-
manently at Kampala to assist me in all matters.
I sent Selim Bey back to the Mukwenda's to superin-
tend the immigration of the Moslem party and prevent
quarrels with the Christians ; as also to see that the
latter duly evacuated the provinces assigned to the for-
mer. I had intended to do this myself, but found that
it was imperative that I should accompany Mbogo to
the capital, for else he would not have dared to go, and
my labours would have been lost. I hoped, however,
to return at once and visit De Winton's grave, and
myself bring his body for burial at Mengo ; also to
assist Selim in locating the new forts, and to form a
station in the Mohammedan province, of which I in-
tended to place Dualla in charge. He and Selim and
Achmet had been absolutely invaluable in these negotia-
tions, and without them success would have been well-
nigh impossible. For the suspicious character of the
people and their fanatical devotion to their king had
rendered my task a very hard one, and indeed I looked
upon these negotiations as more difficult than any in
which I had hitherto been engaged.
RETURN TO KAMPALA WITH MBOGO. 497
Mbogo now seemed to have complete trust in me.
His fears were lest the Waganda should attack us both
in order to seize him ! He wished to live inside the
fort at Kampala for safety. We marched for the capital
on the 26th, and as the envoys were reinstated again
among their people, I felt that I left many loyal adher-
ents behind me who would use their influence for good.
The scene was a curious one, and I know not how many
thousands of people were on the march, in difierent
directions, like long strings of ants. The former dwel-
lers in these provinces were on their way to their new
locations. Selim and his party diverged to the Mu-
kwenda s. Our large following was increased perhaps
to thousands by the chiefs and all their followers
who accompanied Mbogo, and the Arabs, and all their
slaves and people, many of whom were mere skeletons
covered with sores.
At our first halt the Mohammedan Mujasi overtook
us and tried to raise trouble. He said a Protestant
chief refused to evacuate, &c. I sent a headman of my
own to see into the matter, but it was undoubtedly a
mere ruse, for the guides bolted and my messenger re-
turned. I prevailed on Mbogo to send back some of the
people, but a very great number of armed men followed
us, for they were still in great doubt as to what would
happen to Mbogo on our arrival. In three days, by ex-
tremely hard marching, we reached Kampala (28th). As
we neared the capital breathless messengers arrived, one
after another, bringing the congratulations of Mwanga
and the chiefs, and thanking me in the strongest terms
for " having taken war out of the country." Thousands
turned out to meet us, and these masses of people, added
to our own, made our progress difficult. All were wild
with excitement and joy ; but as the throng became
greater and greater, the Mohammedan chiefs grew
obviously more nervous, doubting my ability, perhaps,
VOL. II. 2 I
498
PEACE THROUGHOrT UGAXDA.
to control the excited people, and I noticed that each
carried his own gun — a significant action, since a
Wao'anda chief never takes his arms from the small
slave-boy who carries them until fighting is absolutely
imminent. Disregarding Mwanga's entreaties that we
would come at once to him, I bent my course to Kam-
pala, where we rested and changed, and in the afternoon
we went to the king's haraza.
Mbogo behaved admirably and most pluckily. In
spite of the fact that he and his chiefs still doubted
whether treachery would not take place, he sent back
every gun at my suggestion, and came quite unarmed.
It will be remembered that I had sent orders to the
Katikiro to muster the wliole army here in case of
eventualities. Mwanga had summoned every avail-
able armed man to make a great demonstration. They
were drawn up in long lines in imitation of our
soldiers, and presented arms in a fantastic fashion,
handling their guns like mop-sticks, as we passed be-
tween their ranks. As we entered the first outer gate
of the king's enclosures a gross insult was offered to the
Moslem chiefs, ^yh.o were driven back and excluded by
force. I did not at first see this, but Dualla, who was
behind, at once appealed to the chiefs, and the gates
were thrown open. The Mohammedans resented this
insult bitterly.
The meeting between the men, who had for so long
been rivals as Sultans of Uganda, I thus describe :
"Mwanga stood at his gate surrounded by his chiefs.
He received Mbogo as though overpowered with delight.
They held each other's hands, and gave vent to a long-
drawn guttural Oh ! — oh ! then Ah 1 — ah I in a higher
note, then long low whistles as they gazed into each
other's faces. This went on for a long time, and became
extremely ludicrous to a European conception ; for at
times, while thus indicating intense delight and surprise.
MEETING OF THE TWO SULTANS.
499
their eyes would be roaming round in a very inconsequent
manner. Then they fell on each other's necks and em-
braced, and then again began the former ceremony.
Then Bambeja (princesses) who had followed Mbogo
fell on Mwanga's neck, and those of Mwanga's suite fell
on Mbogo's neck, and meanwhile the same performances
were going on between chiefs and chieflets and common
people on every side, till the crush became so great that
The ^Meeting of the Rival Sultans.
it was hard to preserve one's balance among the gesticu-
lating crowd." All were vehement in their expressions
of joy, saying that now at last war was taken out of
the country, and that this had been impossible but for
us. Even the Sekibobo seemed beside himself with
pleasure. The reconciliation with the Mohammedans
meant a death-blow to all chances of intrigue on the
part of his faction ; but since in their own parlance
" his heart was white," he was as glad as the rest.
500
PEACE THROUGHOUT UGANDA.
On our return to Kampala in safety the Mohammedan
chiefs were much pleased, saying I had literally kept
every detail of my promises. Mbogo took up his resi-
dence with us. though, of course, next day the Protes-
tants wished to break faith, and hand him over to
Mwanga, but I peremptorily refused.
" Thus ended a hard day, and I slept like a dead
man ; for thought and anxiety had prevented my sleep-
ing much for many nights" (diary). There was some
friction and difficulty regarding the estates to be given
to Mboofo ; but he behaved in a most liberal and ex-
cellent way, at once acceding to anything I suggested,
and so the matter was settled.
On the 30th a big haraza was held, and Mwanga made
an admirable speech to the Mohanmiedans. He told
them to have no fear about their religion, or that they
would not get justice ; for now all justice was done by
the British, in whose hands was everything — administra-
tion, peace, or war. Next day at a formal haraza the
treaty was re-read to the Mohammedans, to whom I had
fully explained its details, notably the three clauses re-
lating to the prohibition of the import of arms, &c., the
total abolition of the slave-trade, and the registration of
arms. They all signed it (the majority of the chiefs were
at this time at the capital), and shortly afterwards left
for their provinces, to put things straight there. Thus
the slave-trade, so far as legal restrictions go, was finally
abolished in Uganda, even among the Mohanmiedans.
Mwanga had also spoken on the subject of Mbogo's
future position, and objected to his being made even
the religious head of his party ; saying that he him-
self, thoucrh kino^, was not the religious head of the
R. Catholics, nor yet was I, as Resident, head of the
religion of the Protestants. Everything went off well ;
the Moslem chiefs seemed greatly pleased, and one of
them made a most excellent speech, expressing then-
TREACHERY OF SOME PROTESTANTS. 501
joy that peace and reconciliation had been effected at
last.
On my return with Mbogo, I had found that there
was a report current among my men in Kampala (which
Stokes men and others had also heard) that a gross
treachery had been meditated by some of the Protestants
during my absence. Mbogo had told me of it, and I
had treated it as merely ridiculous. The idea had been
that they should seize Kampala and the Maxim while
both Williams and I were away and the garrison very
weak, and uniting with the R. Catholics, should fall
upon us in detail. Beyond doubt, this treacherous plot
was unknown to such men as the Sekibobo and Zacha-
riah. I had heard that a tentative letter had actually
been sent by the Katikiro to the Kimbugwe in Buddu,
and a most reliable man of ours, whom I sent thither on
an embassy, reported he had seen it. I could hardly,
however, credit it, but Williams afterwards found it to
be fact. I believe that they thought it impossible that
I should succeed in bringing Mbogo, and hence their joy
on my return with him was sincere. To what extent the
plot took definite shape I do not know, but the report
among my men was, that the old Pokino had crushed it
by saying he would himself defend Kampala if attacked.
This man I always found absolutely loyal and staunch.
I put an indirect question to him on the subject, and
noticed a decided embarrassment. Peport also said
that Mwanga had opposed the plot vehemently ! I had,
moreover, been aware that very many Mohammedans
had been passing to rear of me at the time I was con-
ducting the negotiations, with what exact object I did
not know. The whole situation, therefore, had been one
of extreme delicacy, and will give some idea of the
difficulty of dealing with the Waganda, and the impos-
sibility of trusting them, which may prove to my reader
how hard was our task at this j)eriod.
502
PEACE THROUGHOUT UGANDA.
The Protestants once more tried to raise trouble,
saying that the Mohammedans were massing at the
capital and meant war, being persuaded that in such a
case the Kampala garrison would fight on their side.
Rumours also were rife that there was an intention to
assassinate Mbogo, so I placed a special guard over his
house. In the wars between the Christians and Moham-
medans, the latter were said to have ruthlessly killed
the peasantry of no religion, while the Christians spared
them. Hence among this class there was an intense
aversion to the Wa - Islam, which they showed by
putting about these continual threats of assassination,
&c. These suspicions and reports caused some friction,
but they were only to be expected, and there was every
prospect that things would soon settle down under a
peaceful but strong administration.
I agreed to send down the Arabs to the south of
the lake, but I set free all their slaves. The disposal
of these people (mostly women and children) at the
present moment was not an easy matter. I wrote
to the Missions detailing a scheme I had long had
in my mind for the formation of villages for freed
slaves such as these, and also those of the Sudanese.
I had intended to locate them on the estates I had
acquired for the Company, and I suggested that it
would be well if these were in the vicinity of mission
stations, so that the resident missionary should be able
to exercise a little supervision over them. Before finally
selecting these estates, I inquired where the Missions
intended to form stations, that I might place my freed
slave settlements near to them ; and I inquired if they
would be willing to undertake the small amount of
supervision I suggested. A headman would be in
actual charge of the freed slaves, and responsible to
me for them. The Missions would concern themselves
with the religious instruction, and would also, to some
SLAVES OF ARABS FREED.
503
extent, supervise their social organisation and improve-
ment.
They were doubtful if this would be within the scope
of their work, and, in any case, could not undertake it
at once, nor could they tell me where their future
stations would be. " They said that in the case of
some slaves handed to Mackay by Stanley, the girls
had been distributed among well-known and trusted
Protestants, who had adopted them into their house-
holds with good results " (diary). I was therefore
fain to be contented with this plan as a makeshift,
though I did not wholly approve it, and I took careful
lists of all those whom I thus passed over to the
Mission, and stipulated that I should have the right
at any time to call upon them to produce them. I
still hoped that I might presently be able to establish
the settlements I proposed, and I described my plan
to Captain Williams before I left Uganda. The full
correspondence and verbal discussion with the Mission
is too lonof to detail here. Recent news from Usfanda
informs us that Sir G. Portal has carried out this or
a similar scheme.
504
CHAPTER XXXIX.
CLOSE OF :\rY ADMIXISTRATIOX IX UGANDA
MAECH TO KIKl^YU.
Troubles in Buddii — Saleh as envoy — Williams arranges ITsoga — I refuse
admittance to Arab caravan — The royal war-drum — Williams returns
— Success of his expedition — Good order in Usoga, and Futahangi
friendly — Eailway survey arrives — I decide to return to England —
Eeasons — Postpone decentralisation, and leave every rifle behind in
case of disturbance — Much sickness — Survey a success — Eecall all
arms from Protestants — Mwanga's farewell visit — His letter to the
Queen, and to Directors — Grant's good work — Williams — Good-bye to
Kampala — My caravan — Theft in Usoga— Constant rain — Efi'ect in
Egypt — Shooting game — Site for station on Man — Famine in Masai-
land — A porter lost — Arrive at Kikuyu.
I STILL received many letters from the chiefs in Buddu,
begging me to allow them to proceed with war against
Koki and the AVaziba. The envoys sent by me to in-
quire into the matter had not apparently arrived ; and
both Pere Brard and the E. Catholic chiefs at Mengo
seemed to think that they would not act justly, and
that Mwano'a Avould have oiven them secret orders
unfair to the R. Catholics. I had at Kampala a head-
man named Saleh. Like manv of the Swahilis, he was
a Mganda by birth, having been exported as a slave in
his boyhood. He had come up with Mr Jackson, and
had at one time been mv interpreter. He was popular
with the Waganda, being a very respectable quiet
man. I . now decided to send him to arrano-e the mat-
BUDDU TEOUBLES
1 — SALEH AS EXVOY.
505
ter in South Bucldii. All were very pleased, and said,
" Saleh will do justice." His orders were, to see that
the people of Koki evacuated the five districts assigned
to the R. Catholics, and to clearly define the frontier.
In the case of the Waziba it appeared that there was no
frontier, and they owned estates in Buddu, which they
had reclamied bv their own industry from the jungle,
while the E.. Catholics possessed estates farther south
towards the Uziba country. Saleh was to select a fair
frontier by which neither would lose — i.e., one so drawn
that the estates of the Waziba north of it should be
equivalent in value to the estates of the E. Catholics
south of it. He Avould act as arbitrator in both these
matters between the R. Catholics and their neighbours.
Beinof conversant alike with the lano-uao-e and the
customs of the country, and withal a sensible, shrewd
man, he would be well adapted for the task, for he
had no bias towards either side.
Saleh was also to inquire into the causes of the
fight between the E. Catholics and the Waziba ; if the
latter were in fault, they would be mulcted in territory,
but theh^ chief and all prisoners were to be restored.
He had orders to warn both Koki and the Waziba
against any trade in either slaves, arms, or powder, and
to tell them that any such traffic, if proved, would con-
stitute a casus helli ; for these people were notorious at
this trade, and I had only lately heard from the Germans
that Kamswaga had sold some slaves. It was an import-
ant mission to intrust to a native, but even supposing
that it would not have been follv for me to o-o to Buddu
myself under present circumstances, I thought that the
task could j)robably be accomplished as well, or perhaps
even better, by a shrewd native than by a European.
In any case it was impossible for me to leave Kampala
just now, while Williams was still absent, and the
questions with the Mohammedans were still hardlv
506
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
settled. The matter, however, admitting of no delay,
Saleh went with an envoy from the Sekibobo, and the
men who had come from Koki and Buddu.
Good news came from Torn. My messengers returned
to say that all was well at Fort George, and that a con-
siderable amount of ivory had been collected in exchange
for salt. The Sudanese I had sent for, to form the station
at Kawanga on the Uganda frontier (Fort De Winton),
or to replace the Swahilis, whom I hoped now to send
back to the coast, had arrived, and were with Selim Bey.
From Usoga also I at last got news of Williams, who
was said to have had some fighting, but to be now " sit-
ting in peace." I had been in some anxiety at getting
no word of him, in spite of the urgent letters I had sent
to recall him, at the time when matters looked so critical
at the capital. He had been away nearly two months,
though he had hoped to be back in a fortnight, and
during this time I had had no news of him at all. On
my return, therefore, I sent the chief of Chagwe with
a considerable force to help him and bring me tidings.
Mr Beddie had long since arrived, and with him the
bulk of the men whom Williams took. Beddie now de-
voted himself to drillino- our soldiers. Meanw^hile the
Kamaniro, one of the leaders in the late Fiitahangi war
in Chagwe, came in, and it appeared that the trouble
from that quarter was entirely over. I sent him back
to tell his people that in future they need have no fear
of religious coercion, and that they should remain undis-
turbed in possession of their fields, provided they obeyed
the law and refrained from outrages. Williams, too, had
impressed this on them in Chagwe. The Kamaniro
was greatly delighted at this assurance, and said that
all the Fiitahangi^ who had so long suffered from relig-
ious intolerance, would now be on our side and loyal
to our rule.
A second embassy of Waziba from German East Africa
'•'TEADLS'G CAEAVAXS"" — A CraSE TO ATEICA. 507
(with a present of edible grasshoppers) arrived to make
Mends, and I warned them against participation in the
slave-trade and arms traffic, and explained that they
were l^eyond British territory. They departed well
pleased to have seen us, and happy with a present of a
yai'd or two of cloth.
I now received news that an Arab caravan wished
to enter Uganda from the south (German territory),
and requested permission to march through Buddu.
I declined to allow them to do so, on the grounds that
it would be prejudicial to the interests of Uganda at
the present moment, while as yet the country had
hardly settled down and the Mohammedan faction
were only now bemg repatriated. I had also received
lettei^ from the Germans, calling upon me to punish
XtaH of Ankoh for outraofes he was said to have com-
mitted upon similar *" trading " caravans which had en-
tered his country ; for they maintained that cam vans
were fi-ee to trade across the frontiers.
In my opinion it is wholly imjust that an indepen-
dent native king or chief should be compelled to admit
into his countrv a laro^e force of armed men who call
themselves " traders," and who requue food, indejDen-
dently of whether there is great scarcity (as is the
case in Ankoh). Apart fr^om the question as to
whether such caravans, far fi'om all supervision, traffic
in slaves or arms (as we have every reason from past
ex|>erience to suspect them of doing), the fact remains
that they almost invariably fall foul of the natives, in
which case they either levy war on theu own account,
or misrepresent facts, and involve the Administration
in an interminable and fi'uitless inquhy. As I have
strongly said elsewhere, I look on these armed Swahih
caravans as an unmitio^ated cmse to Afr ica. Moreover,
I declined to be responsible for the safe-conduct of any
caravan throucrh Ankoli : for as vet I had been unable
508
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
to establish any efficient administration in that distant
province, and was merely in treaty relations with its
king. Lastly, before guaranteeing protection to a
Swahili caravan, I considered that the permission of
the Resident in Uganda should have been obtained
before it entered British territory — a permission I should
only have granted, if granted at all, after being fur-
nished with details of its armed strength, the names
of its leaders, and sureties, in the shape of satisfactory
references at the coast, for its good behaviour. I wrote
to the Germans saying that at the present moment I
could not allow caravans of Arabs in Uganda, and fully
explaining the reason. I am glad to see it reported
that Sir Gerald Portal has confirmed this prohibition.
The President of the Church Missionary Society
continued to insist on his view, that the R. Catholics
should be called uj)on to pay for the Mission losses at
Bukoba. As they had nothing to pay, such a course
meant war. He wrote to me saying that, if I declined
to act energetically in the matter, he would " place it
in other hands." What this meant I do not know, un-
less he intended to appeal to the Protestants to demand
restitution, under threats of reprisals — a demand which,
of course, would be refused. He declined to go to
the king with the responsible chief of the B. Catholics
to represent his claims. The Missions were, in fact,
difficult to deal with. In order to oblige them, Ave had
opened an account with them, so that they could at all
times obtain porters to carry goods, or, for a day's work
at their gardens, &c., on payment of a small fixed hire.
Under these conditions, just before the war, I had sent
down thirteen men with loads for them to Buddu. On
arrival, my men had found the mission deserted, and
one of them had been killed and his rifle lost. The
President now declined to pay for the hire of these men,
on the grounds that the loads they conveyed had never
THE EOYAL WAR-DRUM.
509
been received ! They raised other similar objections
also. I think this incident will sufficiently indicate the
difficulty I had in dealing with them, even in trivial
matters.
Mbogo and I became great friends. His complete
bona fides was proved by his bringing me one of the two
copper drums of Uganda, which were considered the
especial property of the king and the emblems of royalty.
This drum had been abandoned by the Christians when
The Royal Drum of Uganda.
defeated in the war by the Mohammedans. It had thus
become the property of Mbogo, and the emblem of his
kingship. Its fellow belonged to Mwanga.^ Mbogo
now brought it to me, saying it was no longer right
he should retain it, as he was no lono-er a kinof. I
sent it to Mwanga, but hinted that I should myself
like to keep it as a memento of Uganda, and he at once
gave it to me.
On June 6th I at last got news of Williams, and on
1 This drum forms the subject of an illustration and description in Speke's
book — thirty years ago. —Journals, p. 291.
510
CLOSE OF MY ADMIXISTRATIOX.
the 8th he arrived. At the same time I heard that the
railway- survey party were on their way to Uganda, and
were bringing mails. I sent a man from the king to
escort them, and to provide them with food on the way.
WiUiams had finally started on his expedition on April
16th, and picking up the Sudanese and Waganda, who
had built a small stockade in Chagwe, he marched to
the Nile. On his way he sent messages to the Futa-
hangi chiefs, telling them that there would be no
coercion in religion in future, and this resulted in their
leaders, the Kamaniro and Mtegiri, laying down their
arms. There was some difficulty in getting canoes to
cross the Nile, and as soon as the army entered Usoga,
several Waganda were speared, and the Wasoga soon
after attacked in force, but were defeated. Most of the
leading chiefs now sent embassies of peace.
Williams continued his march towards Wakoli's,
where Reddie was, and the Wao^anda Avere ao^ain
attacked by the enemy. He found Reddie safe ; re-
assured Wakoli of our friendship, and then marched
north to settle various disputes among local chiefs,
and more especialh^ to reinstate a man named Miro.
The Wasoga still showed hostility, and one of our best
men was murdered and another badly wounded. Find-
ing that the presence of the Waganda was a pre-
ventive to peace, Williams decided to send most of
them back under Reddie on May 5th, and to remain
himself with the Maxim and 100 good men of his
own to receive the submission of the various chiefs,
and restore order. He sent an expedition against
one (Menia) who continued refractory, and having
dealt with him severely, he received his embassies
of peace. In each instance he made a stipulation
in his terms prohibiting the slave - trade, and the
traffic in arms and powder. On May 17th he re-
ceived the letters of recall, which I had sent to him
GOOD ORDER IN USOGA.
511
at the time when it appeared as though my negotia-
tions with the Mohammedans must fail. His report
continues : —
" The news was most disquieting, and I immediately packed
up and started. I did not leave my goats and cattle behind,
as I believed you would be able to arrange matters. I crossed
the Nile, after tremendous rains, and consequently bad roads,
at the lower crossing, on the morning of the 2d June. Here I
received good and reliable news of your happy settlement with
the Mohammedans.
" I halted one day with the Mlondo, and left with that chief
twenty Sudanese to give security to that division of the country.
I was strongly urged to do this, as I found large numbers of
Waganda, who were living in Usoga, afraid to return to their
shamhas. I then marched slowly, arriving at Kampala on the
7th June — several chiefs with their followers, who had been in
hiding, coming out to see me as I passed along.
"Mr Eeddie was undoubtedly at one time in considerable
danger : overtures were undoubtedly made to Wakoli to kill
him. Wakoli rejected all these offers, but undoubtedly con-
nived at the stopping of letters sent from here. In my opinion
he has done very well indeed for a Usoga chief." ^
Williams also said that Martin's reports to me of the
disaffection among the Wasoga, in consequence of the
alleged breach of faith at the coast towards the men
he had enlisted here, were exaggerated, and that the
war undertaken by Mr Gedge, both on his up and
his return journey, against Kivendi, at Wakoli's insti-
gation, had been ill advised and unjust. He added, that
the prospects of Usoga returning a good revenue were
hopeful. The net result of his expedition was, that the
hostile Futahangi had settled down in peace, and had
become friendly, now that they found there was to be
no more eviction on account of religion. Usoga was
quieted, and the fractious chiefs had received a lesson
which they would not forget. In proof of this, the rail-
1 Blue-book Africa, No. 2, 1893, p. 83.
512
CLOSE OF MY ADMIXISTRATIOX.
way survey, which arrived the day after Williams, found
everything absolutely peaceful in Usoga. In fact, it
appeared that these people had been led to take up arms
by false re^jorts. They had been told that we were de-
feated and driven out of Uganda, and that Williams'
force was the remnant of our garrison, trying to make
its way to the coast. Doubtless their rising was inspired
largely by their hatred of the Waganda.
Peace was now restored throughout Uganda. I had
long been wishing to leave Kampala, in order to go to
Selim Bey, and establish the forts in their new positions,
and build the station in the Mohammedan province,
and I had only waited to do so till Williams should re-
turn. De Winton died on March 27th. and since that
date there had been no one to check and control the
Sudanese. When I originally (Nov. 1891) located them
temporarily in these forts, it was my intention to hurry
back to Uganda, and immediately to send Williams to
organise these people. De Winton was only to remain
till he should arrive. Unforeseen events had prevented
Williams' o'oino^, and I had much misoivino- lest thev
should be indulcrincr in licence and outraofe. I had al-
ready sent Selim Bey, and now jDurposed going myself
The news brought by the mail, however, contained no
reprieve of the sentence of death to all our work, which
the evacuation of Uganda at the end of the vear would
involve. If I started at once for England, I could only
arrive by October ; and su^Dposing that after mv arrival
a message was sent to delay evacuation, it could barely
reach Uganda in time. Our intended action, however,
when we got the previous orders for immediate evacua-
tion, and Williams' offer at that time to expend his own
money rather than desert the country before people in
England knew the state of t]ie case, is a sufficient in-
dication that, even if the reprieve came late, it would
yet be in time. But it was urgently necessary that I
REASONS FOR RETURN TO ENGLAND.
513
should lose no time in starting. Moreover, I anticipated
that the French Fathers would give a version of the
causes and events of the war which would not be in
accordance with the facts as I knew them. For they
implicitly believed in tlie stories brought to them by
their own faction, and had no means of hearing the
other side, or of judging of all the matters which
controlled or prompted my action. I had, moreover,
recently received letters from Pere Achte in Buddu ac-
cusing me of bad faith towards the R. Catholics in the
terms of peace I had made, although his letter (quoted
on p. 466) of April 29th, after these terms had been
received, was in the contrary sense, and Pere Brard had
told me that they intended by every means in their
power to upset my agreement if they could.
It therefore behoved me to go to England to explain
and defend my action, though at this time, as I have said,
I had no intimation at all of the charges in reality made
against me by the French Fathers. I was unaware that,
while accepting our hospitality at Kampala, and meeting
daily as friends, they had written to Europe to say that
they were prisoners whom the English aided the natives
to insult ; that they had accused Williams of deliberately
shooting down women, and inferred that I had counte-
nanced the sale into slavery of all the P. Catholic women
and prisoners. I had yet to learn that dignitaries of
their Church had dubbed me a murderer, a liar, a per-
secutor of my fellow- Christians," and an " unprinci^^led
adventurer," &c. These denunciations, with very many
others, I learnt as I neared the coast.
There was also a third reason for hastening my de-
parture, if I went at all. My object in staying on in
Uganda was to decentralise from Kampala. I wished
at once to form stations in the provinces of the Moham-
medans and in Buddu (Luwambu) ; also to institute a
tri-monthly caravan to Torn and the Salt Lake to
VOL. II. 2 K
514
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
collect produce ; to send trading parties into Unyoro
and the countries round Uganda, so as to open up the
commerce of those lands and promote a trade and
create a revenue ; and to establish a trading- station and
garrison in Usoga. Reddie would go to Torn, Grant
to Usoga, Ferag Effendi to Buddu. My plans were
all matured, and the exact numbers of each of the new
garrisons decided.
The news of my departure, however, might, I feared,
cause a commotion in the country — not because my
abilities were any greater than Williams', but simply
because in Africa everything turns on a j)ersonality,
and the name of " Kapelli " was known from the Albert
Lake to Kavirondo, and far into German territory. To
the more distant and ignorant my departure would seem
almost synonymous with the evacuation of the British.
The Mohammedans had dealt only with me ; they had
never seen Williams, who Avas away in Usoga at the
time I met them. The Sekibobo said that the K.
Catholics trusted me personally implicitly, and would
be quite dismayed at my going. Williams was some-
what more blunt, perhaps, in his manner of dealing with
them than I, and the missionaries of both sects pro-
fessed themselves better able to deal with me than with
him. " Our enemies," I write in my diary, " would gain
fresh courage, and our friends will be despondent and
unsettled, fearing that with my departure the whole
fabric must coUajJse, till they find that Williams is as
good or better."
It was therefore the mere personal prestige of a name
(which means much in Africa), the mere transition from
one chief to another, and in no sense whatever a com-
jDarison of Williams' merits or methods and my own,
which made me fear a " buzz," as Williams graphically
phrased it. It would thus be obviously better if the
decentralisation from headquarters were deferred until
LEAVE EVERY RIFLE BEHIND.
515
after my departure, and Kampala remained at its
maximum strength, and with no anxiety for the safety
of detached outposts, in case any trouble arose when I
left ; but it was urgently necessary that these stations
should be made at once. Moreover, I knew that any
force, however small, which I took down with me, would
be exaggerated a hundredfold ; so the opportunity of
accompanying the railway survey, and thereby letting
the people see that I had not taken a single rifle from
Kampala, seemed too good a one to neglect. The men
who would otherwise have gone back at this time would
follow a month later, when any fear of disturbance was
past.
In anticipation of my expected departure, I had for
some time past made notes of every matter of any im-
portance in which I had been engaged, and I now fully
explained to Williams some forty or fifty of such ques-
tions, and described my action in each, as well as the
more important matters which had arisen in connection
with both missions ; my recent dealings both with
the R. Catholics and the Mohammedans ; and my
plans for the reduction of the Uganda garrison and
the establishment of new stations, &c. I left with him
also a very lengthy memo, detailing the plans I had
formed for the future : the further concessions I hoped
to make to the R. Catholics if they remained peaceable
and appeared loyal ; the schemes I had for develop-
ing trade ; the terms of peace I should demand from
Kabarega ; the distribution and enlistment of the
Sudanese in Torn ; the establishment of a mail to the
coast ; and very many other questions, some of which
I have touched upon in the foregoing chapters. Upon
«• all these questions Williams and I were, I think, in
entire accord.
A day or two after his return Williams fell ill, and
at one time I was very anxious about him, and thought
516
CLOSE OF MY ADMIXISTEATIOX.
it would be impossible for me to leave. He, however,
was sufficiently recovered before the 16th — the day
the survey party were to march — to admit of my
going. Dualla, too, was most seriously ill, and I feared
he would hardly recover. He had received bad news
from his home, and his heart was set on accompanying
me to the coast. I said he was unfit to travel, but he
professed more confidence in me than even in a pro-
fessional doctor ; and when I told him that he could
not possibly be spared at the present moment, my de-
cision so jDreyed on his mind that I was forced, with
Williams' consent, to agree to his going, after which he
began to mend rapidly. Reddie, too, was very ill
indeed, but was no^^' beoinnino; to mend, and Bao:o;e
had occasional fever ; Ferag was also sick. Before
allowing a whisper of my intended departure to get
abroad, I told the Katikiro to return all the arms
which had been lent to his faction, since the coun-
try was now in peace. Owing to the stories of the
treacherous plot formed while I was negotiating with
the Mohammedans, I was anxious to get back these
arms before I left. The powerful caravan of the sur-
vey party, and our own concentrated strength, ren-
dered the opportunity favourable. They were brought
in very rapidly without trouble, only those remaining
which were in the hands of chiefs distant from the
capital.
The railway survey brought good news. An ex-
cellent route had been found, and the total cost was
less than had been expected. The route along the
Sabakhi, suggested by me, would be cheaper than that
via " the Taru desert," if Malindi Port was taken as the
point of departure, but they had been told that Mombasa
must be the base. My idea was that Mombasa should
be connected with Malindi by a subsidiary line, running
parallel with the coast above the heads of the creeks.
mayanga's farewell visit.
517
and connecting all the coast ports. Such a line would
control the import of slaves from the interior to the
coast area — a more important matter, as I have pointed
out elsewhere, than the export by sea of a small
fraction of this number. It would also prevent the
smuggling of arms and powder, and the illicit export
of ivory and produce, which had not paid the required
duties. As a means of bringing the coast population,
with their turbulent elements, into touch with the
central administration, and within reach of a com-
paratively small police force, it would be invaluable,
as well as for bringing j)roduce to the main ports.
On the 14th I announced to the Katikiro that I
was going. He was very much distressed, saying
that I had won the confidence of all parties, and there
would be trouble when I left. I told him that there
was no need for despondency, for Williams would rule
precisely as I had. Mbogo, too, was much dismayed,
especially when he heard that Dualla was going too ;
but I introduced him to Williams, who undertook to
carry out my pledges, and he was satisfied. Mwanga
came to see me and pay a farewell visit. He made
some strong assertions regarding the part that Mgr.
had played both before and after the war, which he
said he knew of his own personal knowledge, and he
expressed great gratitude for all that had been done for
his country, which now enjoyed a greater prosj)ect of
peace than it had done for many years. In fact, as
old Mbogo expressed it, " So complete was the peace
in Uganda, that men who before had never left their
doors without a gun in their hands were now every-
where trying to sell them." I replied that if he wished
to express his gratitude for the results to his country,
he should do so to those who sent me and who had paid
the expenses of the work. He said he would like to do
so. Some time later, as we were crossing the Nile, I
518
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
received letters from him and from the chiefs, which
I was asked to convey to England. The composition
and the terms were entirely their own, and when
they had written them, they took them to Mr Pilking-
ton for translation into English. As I was leaving
the comitry, and they had nothing to hope from me
in the shape of j^resents, &c., I was pleased at the
terms of their letters, for they could not have been
dictated by any motive of advantage to themselves.
They ran as follows : ^ —
Letter from Mioanga to the Queen.
[Translation.] " Uganda, Mengo, June 17, 1892.
" To MY Friend the Queen, our great Sovereign :
" I and all my chiefs send you many greetings. I write this
letter to thank you. Thank you exceedingly for sending the
representatives of the Company in order to set my country to
rights.
"When they reached Uganda, at first I did not like them ; I
did not think that they could set the country to rights. After
we had fought, Captain Lugard wrote me a letter, and invited me,
and restored me to my kingdom ; then he went and invited the
]\Iohammedans as well, with whom I had been at war, and brought
them back, and gave them a part of the country. But now my
country is at peace ; the agents of the Company have arranged
it excellently. Xow I earnestly beseech you to help me ; do not
recall the Company from my country. I and my chiefs are under
the English flag, as the people of India are under your flag ; we
desire very, very much that the English should arrange this
country ; should you recall these agents of the Company, my
friend, my country is sure to be ruined, war is sure to come.
" Captain Lugard has now brought to terms these three
religions ; he has returned to England ; he will inform you of
the state of affairs in Uganda. But I want you to send this
same Captain Lugard back again to Uganda, that he may finish
his work of arranging the country, for he is a man of very great
ability, and all the Waganda like him very much ; he is gentle ;
his judgments are just and true, and so I want you to send him
1 Blue-book Africa, No. 2, 1893.
mwaxga's letter to the queex.
519
back to Uganda. So, our friend, persevere in helping us, for we
are your people.
" May God give you blessing and long life.
(Signed) I, Mwaxga, King of Uganda,
and my great chiefs."
[Xames of chiefs added.]
Miuanga to Directors, I.B.E.A.C.
" To MY FeIENDS the DiRECTOES of the CoMPAXY IX EXGLAXD :
" I and all my chiefs send you many greetings. My friends,
many, many thanks for sending so able a man as this Captain
Lugard to arrange my country. My friends, at first when the
agents of the Company arrived in Uganda, at first I did not like
them. I thought they had come to ruin my country. But after
we had fought, Captain Lugard wrote me a letter, and invited me
back, and restored me to my kingdom. Then Captain Lugard
went and brought the Mohammedans as well, those with whom I
had been at war, and brouodit them back into L^cpanda, and o'ave
them a part of the country. Xow L^ganda has been settled and
is at peace. Captain Lugard has returned to England, he will
inform you of all affairs in L'ganda. But, my friends, I be-
seech you, do not cease from helping me. I want you to send a
number of Europeans to L^ganda to settle it. Do not be grieved
by the thought that there are no profits in L"^ganda — ' our outlay
will be without returns.' It is not so. I tell you so, because of
late what has been making ivory scarce in the country has been
the late war. And now Captain Lugard has succeeded in bring-
ing the three religions to terms ; he has settled the country, and
wealth will now increase in the country, and the Company will
make profits. My friends, I and my chiefs agreed to be under
the Company's flag. \\q want the Company to help us to settle
this country, and to occupy it in force. Should you at present
recall your forces from Uganda, the country is ruined, there will
be war again. Therefore I pray you not to cease from helping
us in L^ganda, for we are your people. Further, we ask you, our
friends, to bring us guns for sale, and useful articles. May God
help you ever to wise decisions, in respect to this our country
Uganda. I am your friend, who loves you.
(Signed) Mwaxga, King of Uganda,
and my great chiefs."
[Xames of the chiefs added in full.]
520
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
Note hy Chiefs. — " But we, the Protestant chiefs, were annoyed
with Captain Lugard. It is a small matter about which we wrote
to the elders of the Church [Church Missionary Society] to tell
you, the Directors of the Company, to give us another man, who
might perhaps please us. But a short time afterwards he. Cap-
tain Lugard, settled the matter which had annoyed us, and pleased
both us and those of all religions in Uganda, as well as those who
do not know how to read [religion]. Now he is the friend of all
of us who are in Uganda."
To these was added a third long letter to the heads
of the Church Missionary Society in England in similar
terms.
As I have already said, the missions at the last moment
decided to send men to Usoga. Mr Koscoe was to go
to Luba's, and Mr Smith to Wakoli's. The latter came
and courteously asked me about it. I said that as a
mission had already, some time before, been started at
Wakoli's, and I hoj)ed soon to have a garrison there,
and already had a few men, and all was friendly, I
should offer no objection to the establishment of a mis-
sion there, and I would introduce Mr Smith as my
friend, and do all I could to help him. I, however,
demurred to Mr Roscoe s going to Luba's. Williams
had not had time to visit this chief, and though he
believed him to be well disposed, I thought it better
that we should first make a treaty with him, and ascer-
tain for certain that he was friendly. For during the
war many reports adverse to him had reached me, and
as he was the man who had murdered Bishop Hanning-
ton, it was not unnatural that he should be afraid, and
therefore hostile. I offered to visit him myself on my
way past. I, moreover, said that, as I was leaving,
and we feared that possibly there might be a temporary
difficulty when the news became known (especially in
Usoga, where the survey party had heard a report
that the present state of peace would only continue
GRANT AND WILLIAMS.
521
SO long as I was here), it was most unadvisable that
any missionary should place himself in a position Avhere
we could not protect him. In spite, however, of my
views, and of the exjDlicit prohibition of the Directors,
they decided that Mr Koscoe should go, and he went.
The ostensible reason of his hurry to start was, that
he might avail himself of our escort ; but we never saw
him on the march at all, and he followed behind.
Many of the chiefs seemed really grieved at my going,
especially the R. Catholic Sekibobo, whose little one,
my jyvotegee Malia, I was most sorry to say good-bye to.
Zachariah, who had been with me to Kavalli's, and whom
I so greatly trusted, alone said he was glad I was going ;
for he said I was worn out, and had been too long in
Africa, and needed a rest in my own land, but his " heart
cried " to say good-bye ! My comrades gave me a fare-
well dinner, and many very kind things were said, but
none truer than my own response, which was, that any
success we had achieved was due to no one man, but to the
loyal co-operation of every single one. We had worked
together at a common task, not with the formality of
official orders and so forth, but as comrades. I have told
the story of our doings ; and of necessity, since the chief
work as regards the administration fell to my share, I
have been comj^elled to speak much in the first person.
But never man had more loyal comrades than I.
Foremost among them was Grant, who had been
with me from the coast till now, and never separated
from me. He was a man always to be relied on,
conscientious and indefatigable, whose friendship never
varied, and was never once broken by any diflPerence.
He has since jDroved his capacity by satisfactorily ar-
ranging Usoga, and introducing order up to the far
north, where his methods rendered him both successful
and popular. Of Williams I need hardly add to what
I have said in these pages. His work speaks for itself
522
CLOSE OF MY ADMINISTRATION.
His ability has been borne witness to by the Directors
of the Company in the strongest terms of j^raise.^ He
remained at his post in Uganda, after I left, for nine
months, and held the country till the arrival of Sir G
Portal, in spite of severe illness and consequent risk to
his life. Had he left according to his first intention
(before he heard of the Commission sent by Govern-
ment), it is not improbable that the Commissioner,
instead of finding a continued peace, and a hearty wel-
come on arriA^al, might have had a different set of cir-
cumstances to deal with. For thus unselfishly sticking
to his post at a very real risk to his life, and so ably
maintaining the equilibrium in Uganda till the Gov-
ernment Commissioner arrived to take charge. Gov-
ernment itself is indebted to him. I may add that,
whatever the feeling as regards myself,^ Captain
Williams has been wholly exonerated from all the
charges brought against him by the French Fathers.
Africa, it has been said, " tests a man as no other life
can," ^ and if, under the search-light of so close an in-
timacy, with the tests of danger, the weariness and
irritation of fever, the depression of routine work and
monotony, your first estimate of a man holds good and
1 Times, July 24th, 1893.
^ Both Bishop Tucker and Mgr. Hirth have declared that they regard
the first period of my administration as impartial, and it was during this
period that the exercise of any bias would especially be noticeable ; for it
was then that the questions in dispute between the factions were dealt
with, upon which the K Catholic Union have founded most of their
charges. The national rather than the religious feeling in this matter was
exemplified by the action of France, who is not proverbial for her sym-
pathy with missions at home, and by the fact that M. Appia, the pastor of
an influential Protestant community in France, stated, it is said, that the
French Protestants espoused the French (E. Catholic) side of the contro-
versy. M. Gaudibert told Macpherson in Uganda that the Fathers had no
fear but what they would get justice so long as the British should be strong
in the country, and only feared a reduction of their strength. This was
said after the war.
3 Two Kings of Uganda, p. 182.
GOOD-BYE TO KAMPALA.
523
friendship is unimpaired, that man must be, as the
Americans say, "real grit."
On the 16th June we marched. The Sudanese and
Zanzibaris thronged round me to grasp my hand and
say good-bye, and the Katikiro, with a crowd of Wa-
ganda, accompanied me for about a mile. It is my
pride to think, in connection with my work in Africa,
that when I turned my back on Uganda (as before on
Karonga's), I do not believe there was one man who
was glad I was going, while there were some whose
regrets at parting were as keen as my own. Pere
Brard wrote me a courteous, kind note, expressing his
regret at my departure, and saying that my " presence
would have greatly tended to the peace of the coun-
try." He added that he hoped I would return. This
tribute of regret on all sides at my departure was in-
finitely more pleasing to me than any possible praise
or reward could be.^
Selim had committed his little daughter to my charge
to take to Egypt, and with her were forty-four aitham,
who had been left behind by Martin on account of
an outbreak of smallpox. Besides these, I took most
of the Swahili headmen and askari (being the more
highly paid ranks, whose duties would in future be per-
formed by the troops), and some of the more useless
porters. The reduction by our scheme was to be 203
Swahilis ; of these about 100 accompanied me. I took
also all the Somals (39), who were now time-expired.
My caravan numbered about 200 — all of course un-
^ The Intelligence Department of the War Office have issued a * Hand-
book to East Africa ' since these chapters were written (published Aug. 12th,
1893). After giving a resume oi the Administration in Uganda, the writer
sums up as follows : "The civil war had thus led to a i:)ermanent settle-
ment of Uganda, which could hardly otherwise have been arrived at, and
Captain Williams took up the position of Resident at Kampala in June 1892,
with every prospect of future peace and progress for the country, which was,
according to the reports he addressed to the Company in October and Decem-
ber, fully borne out " (p. 69).
524
MARCH TO KIKUYU.
armed— and as these Avere mostly drawing high pay,
the reduction in expenditure would be considerable.
These numbers included the Sudanese cdtham, with
their women and children, and many of the freed slave
(Swahili) women, who had married headmen, and were
now returnino; to the coast.
I had, of course, a good deal of difficulty regarding
my men who were to remain behind ; for the Swahilis
become attached to their commander, and look upon
it as a great grievance that they should be handed over
to any other. They were engaged solely as porters,
and their detention as garrisons in Uganda was not
within the terms of their agreement. They professed
themselves willino- to remain with me for ten years if I
stayed myself, but bitterly resented being kept by
force, so to speak, when I, who had brought them, was
returning to the coast. But it was impossible for me
to very largely reduce the strength of the garrison at
Kampala at such a moment. A few men of the rail-
way survey caravan volunteered to stay, for service at
Kampala was po23ular ; but these were not a very de-
sirable lot, being inostly, I believe, Malima, or men
usually emj^loyed in Swahili caravans, and hence mostly
slaves. Bv this exchans^e, too^ether with those I had
selected to return, I took 127 of our old lot, and Wil-
liams promised the rest that a second caravan should
shortly follow to the coast, and all should be relieved
as soon as j)ossible. This promise he redeemed very
soon after.
It was, as I have said, largely in view of the neces-
sity that would arise to send these Swahilis back to
the coast, and so to avoid a breach of faith with them,
that we had secured Selim Bey's Sudanese to replace
them. I had sent for 100 more of these soldiers, and
they had already arrived on the borders of Uganda ;
so Williams hoped soon to be in a position to substitute
MY CARAVAN.
525
them for the Swahihs. The disadvantage of the new
Sudanese, however, as garrison at headquarters, lay in
the great number of women and followers with which
they were hampered. I hoped that when they found
that their psij and rations did not allow of their main-
taining these crowds of women and slaves, and that
there was no means of providing for them except out of
their legitimate pay, many would be glad to allow their
followers to settle on the freed- slave establishments of
A Camp in Usoga.
which I have spoken, while others would eagerly culti-
vate the areas I had already allotted to them around
Kampala, and so provide their own food. The soldiers
would thus become more mobile and useful.
Arrived in Usoga, I sent for Luba in order that I
might do my best for Mr Roscoe. His son came, and
brought presents, and said his father earnestly desired
peace and friendship ; but I did not see the old chief
himself, and I was unable to delay to go to his village.
526
MARCH TO KIKUYU.
Wakoli received us with great demonstrations. I ex-
plained that Mr Smith had come at his invitation, and
was my friend, and I hoj)ed he would treat him well.
At the same time, I fully explained the difference be-
tween the status of the officers of the Company and the
missionaries. The latter were his guests, but the former
were the representatives of the British authority, and
their orders must be obeyed. A large number of Wa-
ganda women had followed us from Kampala, the
"sweethearts and wives" of my porters; but knowing
that when they reached the coast, and the men to
whom they had attached themselves had expended
their money, they would be abandoned to prostitution,
or to slavery among a people whose language they did
not know, I turned them all back at the Nile ferry.
Four Wasoofa women whose condition was similar, I
handed over to Mr Smith.
The careless arrangements of the caravans which had
passed through Usoga had fostered the thieving pro-
pensities of the people, and I now heard that rifles
had been stolen in considerable numbers from Martin
with impunity. The railway survey, having an escort
of Indian soldiers and a very large proportion of surplus
askari, could afford to detail many night sentries ;
yet they had also suffered, and we woke one morning
to find that boxes had been stolen in the night, con-
taining many valuable instruments, including a theo-
dolite, sextant, &c. These were essential to the work
of the survey, and a halt was called to recover them.
I- sent secret search-parties — ostensibly to purchase
food — to get news of the stolen goods, and presently
most of them were recovered intact. The remainder
were brought during the night and deposited near
camp. Dualla by my orders caught ten men of the
village at which the things were found, and brought
in some goats as a fine. The men received a hand-
^ THEFT IN USOGA.
527
some flogging, and " went off* in the most ludicrous
manner, rubbing their sterns, and saying that it did not
pay to loot the caravan of Kapelli." I found that this
A WELL-MERITED C ASTIGATIOiN.
nickname was a byword among these simple people, and
that the prestige we had acquired as having defeated
Kabarega, and brought down the Turks " from
528
MARCH TO KIKUYU.
Kavalli's, and driven out and then reinstated Mwanga,
was simj)ly enormous. Crowds flocked from every side,
and whispered to each other as I passed that that was
" KapelH himself, until I felt quite embarrassed !
Arrived at Kavirondo. we found Lieutenants Twinino-
and Austin, with the remainder of the survey caravan,
awaiting us. They had bad news. Smallpox was
raging in the Kavirondo villages and among their men,
and the donkeys on which the caravan relied for its
transport had been ''dying like flies." It was a great
pitv that a change of locality had not been tried. Con-
sequently, the fifty loads of food which Captain Mac-
donald had promised to convey for the women and
childi'en of my caravan, and on which I had made my
calculations, could not be carried, and the survey them-
selves were in the greatest difficulties. However, by
loading up every askari, and even headmen, and com-
pelling the Sudanese to carry large supplies for them-
selves, I hoped, with the aid of such game as my rifle
might provide, to pull through for the twenty- eight
davs of foodless country we had to traverse before reach-
ino* Kikuvu. Owino-. however, to the delav caused bv
the sick donkeys, which were utterly unable to carry
the loads placed upon them and to cross the swamps
and rivulets, and the late hour at which the caravan
always started in the morning, our progress was very
slow, and in nineteen days we only averaged six and
a half miles per diem. In all, we took thirty-two days
to reach Kikuyu.
The season of the rains ordinarily ends with the
month of May, but we were now in July, and they con-
tinued with ceaseless severity.^ This added greatly to
^ The area affected by this excessive rainfall would appear to have in-
cluded almost the whole of Central Africa, for Mr Sharpe, travelling in the
Mweru region, considerably to the south of Tanganyika, writes : " Through-
out the Mwem and Tanganyika districts the rainfall of 1892 (Jan. to
March) was unusually heavy." — Geog. Journal, vol. i. p. 525.
EFFECT ON EGYPT OF RAINFALL. 529
our difficulties, for the mountain-streams, which should
have been fordable, were now swollen torrents, with a
current in some instances of seven miles an hour, and
a depth of 20 ft. Bridging these delayed us still
further. The high plateau of Mau, at an elevation of
8000 ft., was converted into swamp-land, in which we
frequently waded through standing water. The result
was, that the Victoria Lake rose, I believe, some 6 ft.
above its normal level. I was curious to hear if this
abnormal rainfall at the far sources of the Nile would
have an appreciable effect in Egypt. For though the
usual "high Nile" is, according to Baker, due not to
the rains in the Equatorial regions, but to the flooding
of the Atbara from Abyssinia, the summer supply is
supposed by M. Chelu to come from the great lakes
(see p. 584). When I reached the coast, I heard that
unusual floods had taken place, causing much damage
in Egypt during September. Undoubtedly, therefore,
it would be of great importance to that country if
Uganda and the lake districts, being held by Great
Britain, were placed in fairly rapid communication with
the coast, so that the news of any excessive rainfall
could be telegraphed to the Nile Delta, and adequate
provision made for its results. This view is enforced by
Mr Alfred Milner.
One of these rivers delayed us for two days. I had
but three axes, but my men had had so much experi-
ence in bridging on the march from Kavalli that we
succeeded in making a connection with the opposite
bank, and our main task was thus accomplished, when
two or three trees, felled by some other party higher
up-stream, were borne down on the rushing torrent,
and jamming with all their branches against our bridge,
converted it into a dam. It held out for a short time,
but the irresistible force of the water presently carried
it bodily away, to our great discomfiture ! I devoted
VOL. II. 2 L
53Q
MARCH TO KIKUYU.
myself on the march, and after arrival, to covering
considerable distances in pursuit of game, which was
scarce and wild. I was, however, fairly successful in
providing meat with which to help out the rations of my
men. While thus roaming parallel to the line of march,
over the open undulating plateau, I one day suddenly
came on a troop of two lions, four lionesses, and four
small cubs (at this elevation, — 8000 ft.), of which I
shot one handsome lioness. It was difficult to see her
Death of a Lioness.
properly in the long grass, and I had consequently
wounded her in the legs. She looked very fine when,
enraged by the wound, she stood out on a rock lashing
her sides with her tail and contemplating a charge ;
but in thus exposing herself she gave me an excellent
chance, and a shot through the heart dropped her
stone-dead.
At all spare moments I devoted myself to writing my
fourth report to the Directors. On the Mau plateau
SITE FOR STATION ON MAU.
531
we crossed my up -route, and I found that it tended
somewhat to the south of the line of the railway sur-
vey, and hence we must, I suppose, have passed through
the north of the hostile Wa-Nandi country. I pointed
out my old camp to Twining as we passed it, that I
might be able to add this little bit of new country to
the admirable maps of the railway survey. I have
already described the Mau plateau, with its forests of
giant junipers, conifers, and bamboos. At this season
the flowers were exquisitely lovely, and their variety em-
braced the flora of the temperate and the tropical zones.
Near the great Eldoma ravine was a site admirably
suited for the central station between Kikuyu and
Kavirondo, which I advocate so strongly. The latter
would be some 100 miles distant, the former 150. The
food district of Kamasia is close by, from which (till
they had grown their own crops) the garrison could
obtain food, but ultimately the rich soil would render
the station a source of food-supply itself For it will
be remembered I have always suggested an agricultural
colony rather than a military post at this spot. Until
the colony could produce food in sufficient quantities
for the demands of caravans, the station would form
a depot at which supplies from Kikuyu (and more
especially those brought by empty caravans returning
from Kavirondo) could be stored. Sick animals (as
described in the chapter on transport) under veterinary
supervision would be left here, instead of being aban-
doned to the hyenas, as was now daily being done
perforce by the survey caravan ; and sick men would
here be taken in charge. " The soil is good," I write,
^'the height not excessive — 7000 odd ft. — the grass
excellent. Timber and firewood abound, and so does
game. . . . The colony could be a mixed one — Su-
danese, Indians, Persians, and freed slaves. Arm them
against marauders, and give them allotments of land,
532
MAECH TO KTKUYU.
seeds, agricultural implements, and a nucleus of flocks
and cattle. They will fight, if necessary, for their
homes, and will draw no pay. The European in charge
will superintend the storing of grain from Kikuyu and
Kavirondo, and thus caravans for the interior, instead
of being laden up with food, can carry at least 80 per
cent goods, instead of about 50 per cent as at jDresent,
and effect a very great saving of expense."
Descending from the Mau plateau, we reached the
Masai plains. The route we had traversed was the one
which Mr Martin first discovered, and which has been
selected as the line for the railway. It avoids the
steep climb which, both to north and south of it, forms
the edge of the lofty plateau, and the gradient is
gradual throughout. Here at Nakuru one of the men
who had been with me for so long was lost in a sad way.
He was one of those who had effected an exchange at
Kampala with a man from the railway survey, and
hence he was coming down under Captain Macdonald's
orders. He had lono- been sick, and was ridino- on a
spare donkey, but was one day reported to them as
missing. The man responsible for him declared he had
been eaten the day before by hyenas at Nakuru — a story
quite incredible and absurd, for all the camp would
have known of it, and his remains would have been
buried. Moreover, his shrieks would have been heard.
I did not hear of the matter myself till some time
after. Though we were now on level turfv plains, our
rate of progress did not improve, for endless halts to
let the caravan " lock up " made our pace like the
Dead March in "Saul" ; so that the tired and hungry
men did not arrive in camp till late in the day. The
Masai were in considerable numbers, but very friendly.
Some of their old men and women were in a starving-
condition, owing to the famine caused by the death of
their cattle.
ARRIVE AT KIKUYU.
533
I worked very hard from morning till night after
game to feed my men, and was successful, having shot
between July 12th (when we first came on game, and
the foodless country began) and Aug. 6th (when we
reached the abundance of Kikuyu) over 5000 lb. of
meat, being an average of some 200 lb. per diem, or 1
lb. per man, woman, and child throughout my caravan.
I could have shot more had it been wanted. In addi-
tion, by careful supervision, my flour held out, so that,
besides the meat (which was gratis), all had their ration
of flour, and there were even some half-dozen loads
surplus, which were carried into Kikuyu.
We found the little river flowing into Lake Naivasha
too deep to cross, and elected to march round the
western side of the lake. Thereby we missed an im-
portant mail, which was on its way to Uganda with
letters from Government for Macdonald. Of the con-
tents of this mail we did not become aware till later.
On Aug. 7th — just two years since I had left the coast
on my way to Uganda — we arrived in Kikuyu.
534
CHAPTER XL.
KIKUYU TO EXGLAXD— THE " UGAXDA QUESTION."
Plenty after scarcity — Model station-buildings — Events in Kikuyu after I
left — Wilson successful — Reverses — Ee-establislies himself — Dismissed
— Smith builds a fort — Continual murders — I leave Kikuyu — Game
at the Athi — Troubles at Machako's, &c. — Food and water scarce —
Eapid marching — Wilson's road — We meet Martin — Arrive at Mom-
basa— Commission of Inquiry — Sudanese refugees and Egyptian Gov-
ernment— Arrive in England — Three months' grace — My new task
— Sir G. Portal to Uganda — My final task — Recent news — The re-
partition of the country — Spheres of mission influence — Enlistment
of Sudanese — The Mohammedans "dealt with" — A plea for fair-play
— Minor improvements — Sir Gerald's position.
It was a great luxury to taste English vegetables again,
for Mr Purkiss, who was in charge at Kikuyu, had a
thriving kitchen -garden, and the vegetables were as
well grown and as well flavoured as those in Covent
Garden market. Nor was it less delightful to get
coffee, and tea, and flour, and sugar ! For my stock
of provisions had long consisted of one bottle of pej^per
only ; and though the survey officers most hos23itably
pressed me to share their mess, I had been reluctant to
" sjDonge " upon them ; and indeed, during the constant
rain, in which the greater jDart of our march had been
made, it was no very temjDting matter to struggle in
the dark, through dripping grass above one's knees, and
consequently to sit in wet clothes at dinner, with the
prospect of a similar pilgrimage to return to one's tent.
So, as a rule, I preferred the native flour and the meat
MODEL STATION-BUILDINGS.
535
my rifle had provided, and on these I had hved since I
left Uganda.
Captain Nelson was shortly expected to take com-
mand of " Fort Smith," as the new stockade was called,
but he had been deserted by his men, and was now
lying sick at the Kibwezi. Meanwhile Mr Purkiss
was commandant. The fort, which was on the site
I had abandoned in favour of Dagoreti, was well
constructed, and more pretentious than my hasty stock-
ades had been. "But inside,'^ I write, " the buildings
are really admirable, all done by Purkiss. His dwelling-
house is of burnt brick, with door and window frames of
sawn timber. There is a huge fireplace with a chim-
ney, and the walls are plastered as smooth as those of
an English house, and adorned with Masai spears and
with pictures. There is a brick store, and the station is
full of houses for natives, cattle, and flocks. In the
centre is a green turf-plot, wired ofl*, and in the middle
of it a tall flag-stafll His table is a solid structure of
sawn timber, and is covered by a clean white tablecloth !
The dinner he gave us was admirable, the comfortable
arm-chairs were a luxury, and we had a most enjoyable
evening."
But there was bad news here. It will be remembered
that I had left Wilson in command at Dagoreti. He
had succeeded admirably with the people, and Kikuyu
promised to be the most progressive station between
the coast and the lake. The natives were very friendly,
and even enlisted as porters to go to the coast. But
these good relations received a disastrous check. Owing
largely, I believe, to the want of discipline in the pass-
ing caravans, whose men robbed the crops and other-
wise made themselves troublesome, the people became
estranged, and presently murdered several porters.
Wilson had but a handful of men, and his ammunition
was expended. His application for more was unheeded.
1
536 KIKUYTJ TO EXGLAXD.
On the advice of Mr Gedge, who was on his way back
from Uganda (about April 1891), Wilson evacuated the
fort, which was thereupon burnt down by the Waki-
kuyu, who looted the stores it contained, including the
steel boat destined for Uganda. Wilson collected thirty
volunteers at the neighbouring station, Machako's, and
returned to Kikuyu. The Masai, with whom he had
made great friends, offered their assistance, but he
declined it. They would not be denied, however,
and remained close by in case he should meet with
reverse. With his insignificant force, however, he
taught the Wakikuyu a lesson.
He had compelled the payment of fifty goats daily, and
the free Avork of 300 men to rebuild the fort they had
destroyed. He had enlisted 200 porters from among
the Wakikuyu. The Masai had been his staunch
friends, and he had sti^Dulated that they should have
free access to Kikuyu to trade. This treaty was kejDt
inviolate for seven months. The sick men he left were
tended, and some loads of beads stored with Eiyeki
were duly delivered up safely three months later.
Meanwhile, as I have narrated in chapter xiii., Wilson
had been dismissed through false reports. Kikuyu was
again abandoned, until Captain Smith was ordered to
reoccupy it. He built a very strong stockade on the
site of my first camp, and soon after left the country in
the charge of a young agent. Continual disaster has
followed. The Masai, who had made such friends with
Wilson, and stood by him so loyally, were fired upon,
apparently without any attemjDt at inquiry or negotia-
tion, and have since retaliated by murdering mail-men.
The Wakikuyu became hopelessly disaffected, and I
now heard that from thirty to forty of the Company's
emioloyes have been murdered by them.^ A powerful
^ Sir G. Portal reports a state of things on his arrival far worse than I
have indicated. From this country of teeming abundance, where in a few
CONTINUAL MURDERS AT KIKUYU. 537
fort and large garrison were insufficient to avenge these
outrages or to maintain order.
The garrison I now found to consist of 100 rifles,
which were considered necessary among these savages,
whom a man of tact and decision could have ruled with
little display of force. We arrived to hear that the head
native and seven porters had recently been assassinated,
and Mr Purkiss was waiting for advice and reinforce-
ments before taking any action in the matter ! Such a
state of things seemed to me most deplorable. Vacillation
and indecision cause in the end a vastly greater amount
of bloodshed than the strong hand and the personal-
ity which commands obedience. The Wakikuyu now
thought they could murder our men with impunity ;
both they and the Masai were hostile ! Africa needs
the right men — men of decision and of character and
individuality. Where such men are in charge, you
will rarely hear of bloodshed, of murders, and " re-
prisals."
I now said " Good-bye " to the railway survey.
Captain Macdonald was an able officer, but his methods
in Africa and my own were at variance. The other
officers of the survey — Captain Pringle, and Lieutenants
Twining and Austin — were men whom it was a pleasure
to know, and with whom I spent many happy hours
in chats on Indian and African subjects. I had also
the privilege of seeing their really admirable maps, and
a more capable survey could not, I think, have been
made.
days I obtained many thousand pounds of food, "the officer finds it im-
possible to purchase a single bag of grain," and parties were sent out
regularly to take it by force ! " The natives appear to surround the station
every day, and to lie in wait in the hope of cutting off stragglers/' &c., &c. ;
and large armed parties were necessary to procure firewood and water !
After Capt. Nelson's arrival a mutiny occurred among the garrison of the
fort, and on the death of that officer attempts were made upon the stockade
itself ! Such was the result of the reversal of Wilson's work, and the
supersession of that officer. — Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 2.
538
KIKUYU TO EXGLAXD.
On Aug. 10th I marched, leaving 20 Somals to follow
next day, or the day after, with mails. They were to
have 20 rifles from Macdonald, for he would no longer
require his 230, now that we had passed Masailand.
These 20 would form the escort to my unarmed cara-
van to the coast. They, however, were detained by
Macdonald, and never reached me until I was within a
day or two of the coast, and, by being incorporated in
the survey caravan, which was infected with smallpox,
they caught that disease. Later I had, in consequence,
to cross a dangerous "Masai war-path" escorted by six
rifles from Wilson only !
We crossed the Athi plains, where the game was now
in extraordinary abundance. Vast herds — thousands —
of zebra, wildebeest, and hartebeest were on every side,
and Avere so tame that I merely shot what I required to
feed my men, and passed on. At one time as many as four
rhino were standing in different directions within view on
the plain, and one, which I severely wounded, in making
off stumbled over a couple of magnificent lions. Among
these herds of ''great game" wandered large flocks of
the lesser antelope. Grant's and Thomson's gazelles, and
an occasional wart hog. But I had little time for sport,
for I was making every effort to catch the September
steamer at Mombasa. The caravan accomplished double
marches daily, while I, wandering to either side of our
line of direction, and generally within view of my men,
covered about twenty-five miles each day across country
in pursuit of game, and of meat for my people.
At Machako's I again found the ap23earance of the
station greatly improved since I saw it two years ago ;
but again there was " trouble," and the commandant
had sent out a force of seventy men to thrash a section
of the Wakamba. I think this system of " sending
out " a force to levy war on natives is one of the worst
imaginable. The Swahilis sent are entirely undisci-
TROUBLES AT MACHAKO's.
539
plined ; and without European supervision, who is to
know what excesses they may commit in the name of
the British ? But it was no new thing, and had been
done by former caravans, I understand, constantly. I
was disappointed to find these "troubles" still chronic,
after our three years' administration of East Africa.
Indeed they had all arisen since the time we had passed
through on our way to Uganda.
The Masai, who had so loyally stood by Wilson, and
had declined to leave him when he was surrounded by
the hostile Wa-Kikuyu, the very section who were re-
ported to be in treaty relations with the British, had (I
was told) been fired upon and many killed when they
attacked the Wa-Kikuyu, without any attempt whatever
being made to ascertain whether they had any just cause
for their raid, or to get them to withdraw by peace-
able means. Consequently they were now embittered.
The Wa-Kikuyu, whose quarrel we had espoused, had
replied by massacring our men, and reprisals were now
to be undertaken ; the friendly Wakamba were at war
with the Machako's garrison ; the harmless and inoffen-
sive people of Taita, farther along the line, had been
taught a lesson " by Captain Nelson, and many of
them, I heard, had been hung on trees by the wayside ;
while from the coast came news of war in Witu and
troubles in Kisimayu. I am convinced that the firm hand
is the merciful one to ignorant savages, and that a
resolute and decided course at first saves a great deal
of loss of life in the end. "It is all this miserable fear
of hostile criticism," I write, " and as our French critics
say, ' preconceived ideas, and mistaken humanitarian
theories.' "
There was a report that Machako's was to be aban-
doned, except for a small garrison of natives. I was
not sorry to hear it, for it is a mistake to have two
large depots, each under Europeans, so near together as
540
KIKUYU TO ENGLAND.
Machako's and Fort Smith. It would be far better to
have a station in the heart of the Ukamba country, where
produce, I hear, is excessively abundant, and where
alone the cattle seem to have escaped the disease, and
to be in great numbers and cheap. Here, on the
frontiers between Ukamba and Masailand, the station is
useless for developing the resources of the former or
controlling the latter. By the purchase of cattle from
the Wakamba, the donkeys of the Masai can be ob-
tained in exchange (for transport), or the ivory from
the countries of Ankoli, Uganda, and Usoga, and so
a great profit could be made. I held no official
position in the Company, and I had therefore no right
to inquire into the causes of the war in Ukamba, and
no responsibility for interference, since I had not been
appealed to. I pushed on with my caravan, having
sjDent a pleasant evening with Mr Ains worth, who in
his hospitality and kindness seemed quite disappointed
that I had no wants he could supply.
There was in this part of Africa a terrible drought,
and the heat was intense. Food, therefore, was very
scarce, and even at the centres where formerly we
had been accustomed to count as a certainty on large
supplies, none was now obtainable. The water having
dried up except in the larger streams, necessitated
very long marches of eighteen and twenty miles, and
the day's halt in compensation was impossible on
account of the scarcity of sujDplies. Thus necessity
favoured my own plans for a rapid journey to the
coast. My rifle still supplied my men, for though
there is little game between Machako's and the coast,
except at one or two well-known spots, I was fortunate
at these localities, and secured meat to carry us to the
next. Thus one day I shot three zebra and a harte-
beest, scaling together fully 1200 lb. of meat; but the
game had been much hunted and was wild, and success
RAPID MARCHING — WILSON's ROAD. 541
involved extremely hard work, and meant prodigiously
long distances across country.
At the Kibwezi I found the East Africa Scottish
(Industrial) Mission, and Dr MofPat welcomed me
warmly. The Wakamba offer exceptionally few in-
ducements for the establishment of an industrial mission
among them. They are typically lazy Africans, and
have no desire to learn artisan work. An industrial
mission among such people should, in my opinion, be
(at first at least) almost solely agricultural ; and its
efforts should be directed towards improving their field
implements, and introducing the bullock for agricul-
tural and draught purposes. A successful attempt
had been made in this latter direction, but further
perseverance was necessary.
From the Kibwezi I started for the coast, for the first
time along the route through the " Taru desert," my
previous journeys having been via the Sabakhi to this
point. We marched along the excellent path cut by
Mr Wilson through the jungle, under the Mission
auspices, and I found him at his camp, at the end of
the cutting, working with his old indefatigable en-
thusiasm. Needless to say, he welcomed me as though
I were a long-lost brother ! Hard work and poor fare
had somewhat reduced me, and I suffered very greatly
from toothache and neuralgia, and my wounded arm,
which was always a barometer of my physical condition,
had broken out so badly that I was comj^elled to carry
it in a sling. In spite of these impediments, we spent
one of the pleasantest days together that I can recall in
Africa, and he professed his eagerness to join me again
should I return. " He is just his old self," I write, " a
fine, brave, loyal, energetic fellow, and as superior to
his detractors as a lion is to vermin ! But he is far
away too good a man to be wasting his time, his
unique infiuence with natives, and his energy, in making
542
KIKUYU TO ENGLAND.
a bridle-path through scrub bush with a parcel of 23eo23le
such as these. Were he confident that he could eventu-
ally raise them to some better level, I would say that no
ones life would be wasted in such work. But though he
has succeeded with them to a degree that no other man
in East Africa could have done, I can see he really looks
on the effort as futile." His road, though of course
unmetalled, was a great success, and he had mapped
much of the surrounding country.
The scarcity of food and water compelled us to
make even lengthier marches through this desert
The Mid-day Halt.
country, but by studying the convenience of the men
we managed them successfully. My usual plan was
to start before sunrise, when the porter is at his best
in the cool of the morning, and full of animal vitality.
We would march till near 11 a.m., by which time we
WE MEET MAETIX — HEER WOLE.
543
had covered some ten or eleven miles. Then, if we
could reach water, we would halt and cook, and
the men would take a mid - day siesta, and about 3
P.M. we pushed on again till sunset, adding another
eight miles or so. As there was no rain, the people
could sleep without shelter comfortably. This had been
our routine, slightly varied, since Kikuyu, and though
most of the men were heavilv loaded — some carrvino^
tusks of ivory up to 100 lb. weight — all were cheery
and contented. We averaged 17^ miles per diem on
marching days, with only two halting days added, for
the whole 350 miles from Kikuyu to Mombasa, in S23ite
of our loads, our sick, and our women and children, and
the fiercely hot sun of the coast area !
On Auof. 25th we met Martin with an enormous
caravan proceeding to Uganda. Such a supply of
ammunition, of j^rovisions, and of all the requisites I had
asked for, had never been sent before. In every detail
the careful personal supervision of the indefatigable
administrator, Mr Berkeley, was evident. With Martin
was Herr Eugen Wolf, corres23ondent of the ' Berliner
Tageblatt,' who was on his way to report his views of
the recent fighting in Uganda for the German press.
He asked me if I thought it worth his while going
on, now that I was myself unexpectedly returning. I
replied that if he wished to hear both sides it certainly
tvas, and that for my part I should welcome an
impartial inquiry. He appeared to endorse my action
entirely, but I subsequently found that his telegrams
from Zanzibar had been entirely in the opposite sense 1
Next day, at the Yoi river, I found a man abandoned
to die of starvation, or to the hyenas which swarmed
around. He was sick and partially paralysed. I
had him carried back to Martin's camp, and I wrote
informing the latter that I should report the matter
at the coast. In reply, however, he informed me that
544
KIKUYU TO ENGLAND.
the man belonged to Herr Wolf's party, and he had
expostulated at his being left. Herr Wolf replied
he had no means of carrying him, and had left him
to " friendly villagers," — these in turn had left him to
the hyenas. Life on active service in the field ac-
customs a man to strange exigencies ; but though I
Abandoned.
have seen some service, I have never seen anything
ajDproaching the carelessness of human life and the
callousness to human suffering which seem to char-
acterise some methods of African travel.
We carried water in tins, which had been brought
for the purpose by Martin, and were no longer wanted
by him, and by sending some ahead overnight, and
marching through most part of the night, we crossed
the waterless desert (forty to fifty miles) without
difficulty ; and, indeed, we had more water than we
WE AERIYE AT MOMBASA.
545
could consume, and left it on the road. We reached
the curious water-holes at Taru by 11 a.m., the caravan
being well together, and not unduly fatigued, and
ready to push on again next morning. As we neared
the coast we met constant small caravans on their
way to one or another station, and in all I found old
friends — men who had served with me at one time or
another, who were glad to welcome us back. I re-
ceived also many mails from England, and learnt the
accusations which were laid against me.
We reached Mombasa on Sept. 1st, and I found
endless work awaiting me. I superintended the pay-
ment of all my men myself, worked from morning
till night, replying to official letters on various subjects
connected with Uganda, and in copying out my last
report to the Directors, &c. Sir Gerald Portal came
up from Zanzibar, and we had some conversation re-
garding East Africa. I now heard that the mails
which had passed us contained orders for Captain
Macclonald to proceed to Uganda, and conduct an
inquiry into the causes of the outbreak of war, and
the action of British officials. In consequence of my
own arrival, and because Captain Macdonald had al-
ready arrived to within a fortnight of the coast, these
orders were now countermanded ; but later, on arrival
in England, I heard that they had again been given.
I could not but jDrotest that a man my junior in the
army — who had but three years' service when I was
already a Captain — should, contrary to the custom of
the service, be detailed to report upon the actions sanc-
tioned by his senior officer. My own war service, and
longer experience in Africa, emphasised the situation.
Moreover, there was absolutely no one in Uganda from
whom he could learn the details of the negotiations
before the final settlement. Williams had been away,
and the others at Kampala knew nothing of these
VOL. II. 2 m
546
KIKUYU TO ENGLAND.
matters. My own voluminous diaries (which I have
as briefly as possible epitomised in the foregoing nar-
rative), the letters of the French Fathers to me, and
the co2Dies of my replies to them, and all other docu-
ments, were in my own hands ; nor Avere there copies
of all of these in Kampala, as Ave had no clerical
establishment to undertake the Avork. As regards
Caj)tain Macdonald himself, I had full faith in his im-
partiality and honour, but it was unfortunate that the
one and only man AA^ith Avhom I had had any personal
difference in Africa should be selected as my judge !
I sailed for England on Sept. 14th, and left Selim
Bey's daughter, and those of the aitham AA^hose re-
turn had been sanctioned, safely at Suez. At Mom-
basa I had heard that the KhediA^e disclaimed all
resjDonsibility for the Equatorial refugees, except those
Avho had been born in Egypt proper (north of Wady
Haifa), and their arrears of pay AA^ere refused. I did
my utmost (and have continued to do so) for these
people, urging the precedent both of those brought back
by Stanley and Emin, Avho had been taken to Egypt,
and given some portion at least of the pay due to
them, and those whom I had myself sent doAvn under
Martin, and who had been repatriated, and also receiA^ed
some arrears of pay. I pointed out that there Avas no
necessity to bring them to the coast and to Egypt.
All they claimed, or desired, Avas that permission
should be accorded them to enlist under the British,
and that those who had been bond fide soldiers of
the Egyptian Government in Equatoria, and against
Avhom no disloyalty could be proved, should be aAvarded
some portion at least of their arrears of pay.
Such bond fide soldiers, brought to Equatoria by
Gordon and Baker, Avould not be numerous. Out of
this pay, those Avho had homes and friends in Egypt,
and Avere Avorn out or useless for further service, could.
SUDANESE CLAIMS — ARRIYE IN ENGLAND. 547
if they wished it, defray their own j)assages to Egypt,
while the Company stood pledged, by the terms of my
agreement with Selim Bey, to assist them in their
journey to the coast, in return for their year's service
in Unyoro. When they fully understood the conditions,
they would not desire, or be allowed, to bring down
large followings of women and slaves. Those, on the
other hand, who desired to enlist with the British, or
to settle down as colonists in their own villages, would
have this small sum of money with which to buy some
cloth and necessaries at starting. I personally repre-
sented their case to Major Wingate, B.A., Director of
Intelligence (Egyptian army), and he warmly espoused
their cause. I wrote also to the Sirdar of the Egyj^tian
army.
On Oct. 3d, travelling with all haste across the
Continent, I arrived in London. I found that the
Government had decided not to interfere with the
evacuation of Uganda by the Company. A letter,
however, lay before the Directors from her Majesty's
Government, offering to defray the expenses of con-
tinued occupation for three months beyond the date
which the Directors had assigned for evacuation (Dec.
31st, 1892), in the hope that by thus postponing evacua-
tion the dangers to the missions and others might, to
some extent, be minimised. I was com23elled to say
that, in my opinion, deferred evacuation would not in
any way lessen the dangers, nor was it per se in any
way to be preferred to immediate withdrawal. Such a
period of grace, however, might afPord space for public
opinion to declare itself on the subject ; and, so far as
I was concerned, I had come home to try and save the
country from the chaos and anarchy which would ensue
on our retreat, and I would use every possible effort
to achieve that result.
The Directors, with great public spirit, decided to
548
THE UGANDA QUESTION."
avail themselves of this three months' extension of time
— till March 31st, 1893 — and orders were accordingly
telegraphed to Mombasa for despatch to Williams
in Uganda. Meanwhile, I wrote to the ' Times,' ^
explaining as well as I could the situation and
the interests involved. Public feeling declared itself
strongly averse to abandonment, and jDetitions from
all quarters, both of England and Scotland, rained in
upon the Foreign Office. Meanwhile, I found myself
called upon on all sides to sjDeak at meetings on
the subject. No possible task could have been more
distasteful to me, nor was there any work for which
I was less fitted. I declined all such invitations at
first, but I saw that my duty to the country, for
which I had so long been working, demanded that I
should use my utmost endeavours, no matter whether
the task was congenial or not. I, however, limited
myself to addressing geographical or commercial bodies
only ; for on such technical or scientific subjects I could,
as an officer, speak without restraint. On two occa-
sions only I addressed town-hall meetings. In order to
have a completely free hand, and not be suspected of
being merely the agent of an interested Company, I
resigned my connection with the Imperial British East
African Company from the date I landed in England,
with the full approval of the Directors, and from that
date I ceased to draw any pay or to have any pecuniary
interest of any sort or kind in the Company.
By the first week in December the orders would have
to leave England, so as to be in time to counter-order
evacuation on March 31st. Her Majesty's Government
had reserved to themselves the declaration of their course
of action, upon the withdrawal of the Company ; for it
must be remembered that such withdrawal would not
make the territory in any sense less a sphere of British
1 Times, Oct. 8tli and 17th, 1892.
SIR G. PORTAL SENT TO UGANDA.
549
influence, whose control and development we had un-
dertaken in the face of Europe, and in consequence
of international agreements Avith Germany and Italy.
The Government having accepted the intimation of the
Company that they were about to withdraw in con-
sequence of financial difiiculties, now became directly
responsible for the British sphere, without their in-
termediary. Recognising this, and reinforced by the
declared feeling of the country, Government decided to
send a Commissioner, with an adequate staff and force,
to inquire into the best means of dealing with the
country.
On Dec. 7th, Sir Gerald Portal, k.c.b. — the Consul-
General at Zanzibar — was appointed to this task, and
he started up country on Jan. 1st, 1893. The selec-
tion of the chief Government ofiicial on the East
Coast of Africa, and the terms of his instructions, as
laid before Parliament, showed that her Majesty's
Secretary for Foreign Aflairs intended to deal with
the question in no half-hearted manner, and fully
realised the responsibilities we had incurred, both
towards the natives and towards Europe, by inter-
national agreement and under the Brussels Act. The
day that the aj^pointment of this Commission of In-
quiry was announced, the responsibility I felt, as the
one man whose duty it was to lay before Great Britain
the claims of East Africa, and to re23resent the cruel
wrong we should be doing by the withdrawal of the
protection we had j^ledged to its peoples, ceased to
weigh upon me. I had been called upon to undertake
the active work in Africa, and now to do mv best to
see that its results were not abandoned owing to ig-
norance of the situation in England. I was only too
glad from that date to abandon the necessity of
appearing on public platforms, but an infinity of work
and correspondence remained.
550 THE " UGANDA QUESTION.'"
Then I was urged on many sides to write an
account of past events in Africa, in order that, upon
the presentation of Sir Gerald's report, there might
be also a book of reference on the origin of the situa-
tion which he had gone to examine, together with
such information on the resources of the country, and
the various problems it presents for solution, as my
comparatively short exj^erience might be able to pre-
sent. Late in February I began this last phase of
my work. Owing to constant interruptions and to
other work and duties, my task has occupied much
longer than I had anticipated, and has involved cease-
less application. Yet if I have presented to my reader
a clearer conception of some of the problems of that
vast continent in whose development it has been de-
creed that we shall bear so large a share, for good or
for evil, I shall not have worked in vain. My chief
object has been to describe African life and methods,
especially the African slave-trade, in such a manner
that my readers may form definite views as to our
future action in these matters as a nation, and that
we may no longer be accused of acting on " precon-
ceived ideas and misplaced humanitarian theories."
Note. — Since the above was written, Ave have heard of
Sir G. Portal's safe arrival in Uganda, up to which time
the settlement effected had been proved to be efiicacious
by the continuance of peace under Captain Williams'
able administration. Despatches from the Commissioner
have been laid before the House of Commons, giving
the outline of his action in Ucranda, and the various
steps he has found it necessary to take for the main-
tenance of peace and order in the country.
The reports of irresponsible newspaper correspond-
SIR G. portal's ACTIOX IX UGANDA.
551
ents ^ made it at first apjDear as though the Commis-
sioner's "reforms" were contrary in their spirit to the
methods and objects of Captain WilHams and myself
For my own part I could not conceive this possible, for
it has rarely indeed been the custom for British officers
to deliberately set themselves to upset the work of
their predecessors, and so to lower the prestige of
Europeans in the eyes of natives. Sir Gerald Por-
tal's o^'n published reports are now available, and they
indicate that he has (as might have been expected)
endeavoured to utilise rather than to stultify our past
eftbrts, in his dealings with Uganda, while introducing
such changes as altered circumstances, and his own
position as the representative of the Imperial Govern-
ment, with a powerful force at his back, rendered both
advisable and feasible. That I may make this volume
as comj^lete a record as possible of British action in
East Africa up to the present date (Oct. 5th. 1893).
I will here indicate briefly the outlines of Sir Gerald
Portal's action, and I will endeavour, as concisely as
I can, to explain the bearings and the reason (as I
read it) of each new departure. In order, however, to
render this more clear to my reader, I have already
introduced a number of footnotes, explanatory of the
further development under the Commissioner of the
various subjects with which I have dealt in the
chapters on Uganda.
I. The re-partition of the country {vide footnotes on
P23. 441 and 571, &c.) My treaty (clause 6) contemplated
^ These newspaper criticisms were not always published in the right
chronological order in which they were written, and hence " reforms," j^rior
to the evacuation by the Company, appeared as though inaugurated subse-
quently. The self-evident animosity and "monstrous injustice" of some of
those penned by the German correspondent of the ' Tageblatt ' (Herr Wolf)
were ably shown in the ' Times ' of July 5th 1893. and of this strong personal
animosity I have independent evidence from Uganda.
552
THE "UGANDA QUESTION."
further concessions to the armed pohtical faction of the
Wa-Fransa, especially, as I have said, in the matter of
fuller rej^resentation in the haraza, provided that they
remained peaceable and loyal for a period. The R.
Catholics, if unarmed, were not prohibited from settling
anywhere in the country, and the Commissioner states
that they have fully availed themselves of this liberty.-^
He also bears witness to the fact that the Wa-Fransa
had ample room in Buddu, saying that the reports he
had received were to the effect that four-fifths of the
country was unoccupied though fertile.- Williams gives
evidence of the same thing after a personal tour in
Buddu, and after sendino- both Sudanese and Swahilis
in various directions through the province to report to
him. Other Europeans who also visited Buddu state
the same thing.
The territorial division made by myself Avas of course
tentative, since it was impossible to form even the
vaguest approximation of the numbers of the various
factions, as there were no data whatever to go upon.
The estimate formed by the ' Times ' corres23ondent and
by Captain Williams, as well as by the missionaries
of each sect, are entirely at variance even now. Pos-
sibly, we should not be far wrong in estimating the
B. Catholic party (religionists and their immediate
followers) at from 10,000 to 20,000.-3 Mohammedans
rather less. The inhabitants of the rest of Uo^anda —
viz., that portion not allotted to either of these two
religions exclusively — include the Protestants, who are
numerically, perhaps, about equal now to either of the
other sects, and the bulk of the peasantry, the heathen
party or king's party, Futahangi, &c.
There might be found those who would say that,
as a matter of justice (aj^art from feasibility), com-
' Blue-book Africa, Xo. 8, 1893, p. 8, quoted supra, p. 431.
- Ibid., p. 8. 3 Loi^ci Ernly's letter, 'Times/ Aug. lltli, 1893.
THE RE-PARTITION OF THE COUNTRY. 553
plete disarmament of a faction, which had insulted
and fought against the Administration, would not be
too heavy a penalty to pay. Instead of disarmament
(which was not feasible), I confined them to one pro-
vince, until events should prove whether the numerous
reports of their continued hostility which still reached
me (indorsed, as I have shown, by Mgr. himself) were
true or false. The question of territorial extension to
this armed party, if carried out to any large extent,
involves the principle of restoring them to their former
political power, and is wholly apart from the delimi-
tation of a religious sphere. It would, moreover,
assuredly upset the settlement with tlie Mohammedans
unless that party were handled very carefully, and so
would result in the formation of two rival and very
powerful factions again in the State.
The advisability of restraining the armed faction in a
province at some distance from the capital, so that in
case of trouble Kampala would have time to get under
arms, and not be completely taken by surprise, appears
to me to be endorsed by Mgr. Hirth's own statement
that the Wa-Fransa had been continuously for a year
selling all their possessions to buy arms from German
territory " ^ — a fact which does not indicate pacific
intentions. My own idea was that each of the factions
should have symmetrical blocks of territory (over each
of which a European would preside), so as to avoid the
friction which would be caused if portions of the pro-
vince of one faction protruded into that of its neighbour.
The map in the ' Times,' if correct (which I doubt),
would indicate that this view was not the one which
recommended itself to the Commissioner, the difficulty
being means of access to the capital, which, however, I
think could have been secured by giving a continuous
road throughout to the Wa-Fransa. The necessity for
1 Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 189.3, p. 13.
Map Illustrating the Xew Territorl\l Division of Uganda.
{Reprinted, by permission , from ^Times^ of Aug. 2gtli, 1893.)
A POSSIBLE ALTEEXATIVE DIVISION.
ODD
farther territorial extension lay in the fact that Buddu
was becoming a powerful, well - armed, and detached
State — the q}f id pro quo for these concessions lay in the
securing of the sons of Karema. and so depriAdng the
Wo.-Fro.nso. of their separate representative, wh*;) might
at any time he put up as their king in (:>ppr>siti<:»n t'j
Mwanga.^ These two reasons were most weighty, and
already Captain Williams had proposed concessions to
the TTV^ -Fra/asa, in order to secure these sons of
Karema. The cession of the Sesse islands, however,
gives the entne command of the lake to the ^Va-Frai'SO..
so that while they can procure unlimited arms them-
selves (as they akeadv have the Avhole German fr<:.ntier i.
they can prevent their rivals from obtaining any. This
was not. I understand, included in Captain AVilliams"
recommendation.
It is possible that a solution of the questi<:>n <:)f
territ<:)rial extension to the Wa-Fransn might have
been found by giving them the eastern pr<:»vinces of
ChaoT^'e and Bulamwezi. too-ether Avith such i3(:>rtir)ns rif
Mugema. &c., as lay to the east of the Mianja rivt-r. als"
the LVuma islands. This, as I have said. Avas my OAvn
original auoav. and Avas also the independent stiggestion
of MAvanga. Mgr. emphasised the necessity <:>f a riA^er
boundary, and this Avould be found in the Mianja. Avhich
flows north and sotith from the capital t':> the Kafu in
Unyoro. In AueAv of Mot."s assertion that the E.
Catholics are arming themseh-es rapidly, it is of the
gi'eatest possible importance that their access to these
supplies of arms should be cut rjif. This Avotild be
attained bA' the suofo-ested diAusion. for no arms are
obtainable ff<:)m the eastern frontiers. These prr)Aunces
1 In his report of Oct. 9th, 1892, Captain Williams writes: "I think
this arrangement of the divisions is a satisfajctorr one, and, if jndiciouslv
modified as time goes and events develop, promises a satisfactory solution of
the troubles here." Vide also '' Pall Mall Gazette." July .5th. 1S93.
556
THE "UGAXDA QUESTIOX."
are laro-e and fertile, beino- one-third of Uo-anda — viz.,
3990 sq. miles out of a total area of 12,292 sq. miles.
The garrisons in Usoga on the east, and at Kamj^ala on
the west, would secure complete control over the dis-
trict. Both of the provinces were, moreover, originally
H. Catholic. At the time that the division was made
by me, it was not possible to give these provinces to the
Wa-Fransa — though I fully recognised the advantages
they offered — for the idea of expecting the whole of the
armed hostile faction to mio-rate across from the west
to the east of Uganda would have been hopeless so soon
after the fiD4itino\ and while as vet we were uncertain
whether they really desired peace, and the Mohamme-
dans Avere not settled with. The intense hostility
between the Christians at that moment would inevitably
have resulted in a renewal of the war, and indeed I
gathered from the R. Catholic envoys that no division
of territory which did not include Buddu would be
accepted. But after the lapse of a year, when, as has
been shown, the bitterness was so far lessened as to
admit of the rival factions unitino- ao^ainst the Moham-
et o
medans, it might possibly have been feasible for the
Commissioner (with a very large force to control the
situation) to have effected this solution. It would,
however, have necessitated his remainino- in the countrv
for a short time to superintend the movement. The
disadvantao'es of allowino- the frontiers of German East
Africa, the Cono-o State, and the Nile Vallev to be
solely under French mission influence (p. 558), would
thus have been completely met. A very large increase
of territorv would have been oiven — the fears of Buddu
becoming a large and powerful State, well armed and
hostile (as mentioned by Sir G. Portal), would vanish,
for the Wa-Fransa would no longer have the monopoly
of the purchase of arms, or be able to prevent their rivals
from obtaininof them as now. The friction with the
DELIMITATION OF SPHERES OF MISSION INFLUENCE. 557
Mohammedans would probably have been avoided, since
the new territories acquired by the Wa-Fi^ansa would
not have directly incommoded them. Had the R. Cath-
olics refused so liberal a concession, it would jDrove that
their objects were rather to procure arms and powder,
contrary to the law and treaty, and to foment trouble
with neighbouring States, than to settle down as a loyal
and peaceable party in a territory more than double
their actual requirements.^
II. Spheres of mission influence. The Commissioner
in dealing Avith this very difiicult question had the great
advantage of Bishop Tucker's presence. To his modera-
tion, and desire to eflect an amicable solution, Sir G.
Portal bears special testimony. It will be seen from
my story that I had no such authoritative and concilia-
tory head of the English mission to enable me to effect
any solution of this question, and moreover that Mgr.
Hirth absented himself entirely from Uganda at the
critical period when I was engaged in negotiations with
his party, and I had not therefore even the advantage
of any discussion with him. The settlement arrived at
does not bear the ultimate sanction of H.M.'s Commis-
sioner, who merely acted as witness or referee unoffi-
cially while the heads of the two missions discussed the
matter. Nor would even these dignitaries bind them-
selves to a final decision, each reserving his opinions for
sanction by the heads of the mission in England on the
one hand, and by the Vatican on the other. The very
tentative settlement thus arrived at, which carries no
finality with it, cedes to exclusive French mission influ-
ence the whole of Torn and South Unyoro, which are at
present the only approaches to the Nile Valley, and
1 If Buddii be only one-seventh of Uganda, as stated by the Fathers, and
yet four-fifths of it is unoccupied, the new territory would be more than ten
times their requirements !
558
THE " UGANDA QUESTION."
indeed the whole districts westwards and northwards
into Unvoro." while Eno-lish mission influence is re-
strict ed to " Usooa and towards the east."' Thus the
frontiers of German East Africa, the Congo State, and
the Nile Valley would be reserved to French mission
influence, which would be free to extend until it met
the advance posts of the French and Belgians on the
Welle and its tributaries, who have already (vide p.
569) made a series of forts extending up to Wade-
lai in British Africa. The significance of this I need
not further j^oint out : it would deprive Uganda of the
importance of its political position. The Commissioner
informed the rival missions that if they extended simul-
taneously into Torn he *" would not feel bound to inter-
vene in any way, so that the people of Torn could fight
the matter out amono- themselves.*' Unless Eno-land
formally declares that country to be beyond her sphere
of influence, and relinquishes all claim to Buwenzori,
and this (politically) most important country, such an
attitude seems to me impossible under the ruling con-
tained in Lord Salisbury's despatch quoted on j^- 567.
But the abandonment of Torn forms no part of the
Commissioner's scheme : it was to redeem the 23ledges
to those people in a great measure that the feeling
ao'ainst abandonment was so strono- in Eno-land, and Sir
G. Portal has maintained the o-arrisons at the Salt Lake
and in Torn. Hence we remain responsible for main-
taining order, controlling the natives, and protecting
Europeans." I have elsewhere said that the solution
appears to me to lie in the exercise of an absolute veto
to premature mission extension — a veto exercised freely
by the Congo State— and in a prohibition against the
establishment of rival missions in the same district — a
right enforced by France in Algeria, and held, I under-
stand, by the late French ambassador in London to be a
useful and practicable one.
ENLISTMENT OF SUDANESE.
559
III. The Imperial Commissioner has enlisted 450 of
the Sudanese who were brought down by me from
Kavalli's, and to them he has practically intrusted the
defence of the country. He has also carried out the
scheme, which I have already described in the foregoing
pages, of colonies of freed slaves and followers belonging
to these people. He writes of them as follows : " Ex-
perience in Egypt and elsewhere has proved that these
men are capable of being converted into excellent sol-
diers, especially under British officers. . . . They will
be invaluable for the development and pacification of
the country, and will moreover enable us to dispense
with the services of the far more expensive but less
efficient soldiers brought with me from Zanzibar." ^
Having a staff of many officers. Sir G. Portal was able
to detach two for the supervision of the forts in Unyoro,
and to drill and discipline the newly enlisted recruits.
He has chosen the identical site (at Kawanga) for the
establishment of a strong fort which I had selected, and
has abandoned the two further forts, which have now,
I presume, served their purpose, and are no longer re-
quired. I my self ^ — so far as my information goes —
regret that these two, Wavertree and Lorne (Nos. 1
and 2), are to be completely withdrawn, for Kabarega's
myrmidons will now have a free hand to overrun the
country to the north. The suggestion that the people
should migrate from there will inflict great hardship
upon them, no less than upon the people of the country
(Kitagwenda) where it is suggested they should take
up their habitation.
IV. News has not yet reached Europe as to what has
become of the residue of the Mohammedans. They had
placed their king in my hands, relying on our imparti-
ality and good faith. This in Uganda is hardly of less
1 Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 5.
560
THE " UGANDA QUESTION."
imjDortaiice than laying down their arms would be.
They have, we hear, now (subsequent to Sir G. Portal's
departure) been crushed and ex23elled by the Christians.
I had hoped that these j)eople, under a judicious admin-
istrator, might become a source of strength, not weak-
ness, to our Government, both as loyal and contented
subjects, and as helping to maintain the equilibrium in
the country. Of course, any territorial extension to the
armed Fransa faction would excite their keen jealousy,
for they already consider that party to have been most
liberally treated by me in comparison with themselves.
Impartial toleration, as I have already argued, demands
justice for the large Moslem section of the population,
no less than for the Christian. I think it only fair to
protest against the wholesale condemnation of these
people, which seems to find voice, alike in the letters
of the Fathers and of " special correspondents." E.
Catholics and Protestants have their missionaries to
trumpet their grievances to Europe. The one may
precipitate a civil war, the other may indulge in wanton
obstruction and insult of the Administration, but Europe
rings only with their wrongs. The Mohammedan party
agreed to the treaty which forbade those customs that
British rule does not tolerate. Mgr. Hirth himself
states that the P. Catholics are arming themselves,
and, Sir G. Portal adds, are " maintaining an attitude
of passive hostility to the king." Yet the former are
credited with intrigue, crushed, and expelled, while the
latter are given fresh concessions. We are in Uganda
to administer without reference to creed : why, then,
should we condemn the Mohammedans, unless it be
that they have no loud-voiced missionaries to give
vent to their grievances in the press ?
V. Various most excellent internal improvements
have been instituted by the Commissioner, and it is
TREATMENT OF MOHAMMEDANS —
REFORMS.
561
a proof of the change that has come over the country
that these undertakings were feasible. As regards the
reconstruction of the great roads of Uganda, Wilhams
was able to get several thousand Waganda to clear a
broad road towards Usoga in anticipation of the arrival
of H.M.'s Envoy ; and the clearing and repair of these
roads can always, according to the custom of the country,
be intrusted to the local chiefs. Of the reclamation of
swamp-lands I have written elsewhere. The selection
of a harbour had already been made by myself (at
Luwambu), though it is as yet premature while there
is but one steel boat on the lake. Of the advisability
of moving the capital to the lake shore — as now, I
believe, done by the Commissioner — I have given my
personal opinion (p. 411) in a clifPerent connection. The
formation of a fort at the Nile was recommended by
myself on my first arrival in Uganda, as also the occu-
pation of Usoga by an adequate garrison, but both were
deferred, at first from paucity of men and officers, and
later by the outbreak of war. The latter was part of
the decentralisation scheme I left with Williams.
It is thus evident, as I have said, that the Commis-
sioner has by no means found it necessary to upset the
plans of his predecessors, but has rather endeavoured
to give effect to them. " He who goes gently reaches
far," says the native proverb of Uganda ; and if these
reforms are undertaken without precipitation, there is
no reason why the elements friendly to us should be
converted to hostility.
Sir Gerald Portal, in his capacity as the Consul-
General and Imperial Commissioner of Great Britain,
with a large staff of European officials, and coming
new to the task, and therefore credited by both op-
posing missionaries with an impartial and unprejudiced
mind, holds of course a much stronger position than
I did, and is able to push forward reforms at a more
VOL. II. 2 X
562
THE "UGANDA QUESTION."
rapid rate than was possible to me as agent of a
Company whose finances were broken down, and who
had ah^eady sent orders for withdrawal. The credit
for inaugurating these reforms, for grasping and deal-
ing with the situation described in my reports, and
for handling it in an able manner, will be Sir Gerald's,
if the changes made by him prove to be sound and
expedient ; nor is it likely that he would lend himself
to the policy apparently followed by Herr Wolf, of
trying to enhance their value by a depreciation of the
work done by those who went before him, and who
also had a difficult task to perform.
Waterfall and Forest Scenery on Mau.
564
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
tion impossible — Occupation of Uganda substantiates claims in Nile
valley — Belgian and French aggression there — Objects of Kerckhoven's
expedition — France not excluded by treaty from Nile valley — Her
activity in this direction — Significance of recent concession to French
Missions — Egy2:)t's claims — We are pledged to effective occupation —
Anarchy follows evacuation — Obligations under Brussels Act — Equally
pledged whether a " sphere " or a protectorate — Nature of pledges —
Effect of retention on the slave-trade — Stuhlmann's evidence — Our
action has opened a route for the Arabs — Much already done — Consis-
tency in our policy — Reflex consequences of weak policy — Obligations
to Africans — Nature of treaties — Pledges to Torn — Accepted by Gov-
ernment— Concurrent advantages — Ports— Importance of Nile valley
— Commercial extension — Expenses incurred by other nations — Mission
protection — Precedents — Effect of loss of prestige — Uganda the key
of Central Africa — Opinions of statesmen — Of various bodies — Our
prescriptive right — Practicability of securing connection with South
Africa — Summary.
" The best means of dealing with the country, whether
through Zanzibar or otherwise/' is now the subject of in-
vestigation by her Majesty's Government. It thus ap-
pears that there is no question of evacuation, but merely
a decision to be arrived at as to which is the better of
two alternative methods of administration. This view is
amply borne out by the instructions given to Sir G.
Portal, in which he is told that it will be his " first duty
to establish friendly relations with King Mwanga," even
giving him presents or a subsidy for this purpose. He
is further directed to acknowledge Mwanga's letter to
the Queen, and to point out the interest taken in his
country by the British Government. The Prime Minister
and the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in the de-
bate in the House, went further, and emphasised those
portions of Sir G. Portal's previous instructions, when
appointed Imperial Commissioner for British East Africa,
which least indicated a retrogressive policy. The ac-
counts of his doings in Uganda, so far as they have been
unofficially reported, confirm this view.^
^ In his recent despatches Sir G. Portal (Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893,
No. 12, p. 11), says : " I caused the Company's flag to be hauled down from
the flag-staff in this fort (Kampala), and to be replaced by the Union-jack."
LIMITS OF OUR SPHERE.
565
Such being the Commissioner's instructions, we are, I
presume, fully justified in concluding that her Majesty's
Government have no intention whatever of abandoning
East Africa, the question being solely limited to the
method of administration best suited to it. This I shall
discuss more fully in the two next chapters. I will
here merely indicate to my reader some of the con-
siderations which have been present to her Majesty's
Ministers in dealing with this question. Before enum-
erating these considerations, it will be of interest to
examine briefly on what conditions the tenure of our
sphere of influence is based as regards other European
nations, and what are its limits. Throughout the
whole of the southern limitation our frontier marches
parallel with German East Africa, as far as its extreme
western limit, on the borders of the Congo State. On
the north, as far west as E. long. 35°, our frontier
extends to N. lat. 6°, and is coincident with that of the
Italian sphere. These delimitations, as shown on the
map, were fixed by the treaties with Germany of July
1st, 1890,1 and Italy, March 24th, 1891, ^ respectively,
and there is therefore no question whatever regarding
them. On the west, the Congo State declared its
eastern boundary in this region to be the 30th paral-
lel of long, as far north as N. lat. 4°.^ This intimation
has been accepted by France and Germany, and Great
I think that the British public, when once this has been done, would view
with indignation a decision to haul it down again, or to replace it by the
Sultan's flag. The enlistment, also, of 450 Sudanese can hardly be viewed
as a mere temporary expedient, even though " nothing be said as to terms
of service " (p. 6) ; for the Sudanese, of course, in agreeing to the enlist-
ment, consider it permanent, nor were they informed to the contrary
(proclamation on p. 7). Sir Gerald Portal's action was the only feasible
course, nor could he have otherwise prevented anarchy and war.
1 Blue-book Africa No. 6, 1890. 2 Blue-book Italy No. 1, 1891.
3 This is not a treaty boundary, but was intimated (under the terms of
the Berlin Act) by a declaration of neutrality, dated Aug. 1st, 1885. Vide
Banning, Le partage politique d'Afrique, 1888, p. 130.
566
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
Britain has made no protest, nor yet has she accepted
it formally. Our right to an exclusive sphere up to
the frontier of the Congo State has been allowed by
Germany and Italy, but not by France. North of
N. lat. 4° France claims a free hand in the west, until
these districts are occupied by some other Power.
She has no defined eastern boundary towards the Nile
valley.
To the north and north - Avest the limits of the
British sphere are not yet clearly defined. As regards
Germany and Italy, our exclusive rights are recognised
by the treaty of 1890. As regards France, there is
no obligation which 23revents that nation from en-
croaching in the Sudan, since our recognition of her
protectorate in Madagascar must be regarded in the
nature of a quid i^ro quo for her accejDtation of our
protectorate over Zanzibar, and not of the whole treaty
of 1890, to which she is no party (see p. 570). Under
the Berlin Act, and the subsequent interpretation of
its clauses (see p. 567), these rights can alone be
substantiated by effective occupation. The occupation
of so distant a point as Uganda Avould be a fair and
just claim to render valid our influence over the Nile
basin beyond. With the evacuation of Uganda we
must cede all claim to any exclusive influence in the
Nile valley ; for it would be preposterous that we, while
abandoning in the face of EurojDe an administration
already established in that country, should claim the
right to restrain other European nations (especially
those not debarred by treaty with us) from developing
it and suppressing the slave-trade there.
Such a position would certainly be held by France
to be untenable. For though the wording of the
Berlin Act was, that effective occupation of coast-
lands alone would render claims of appropriation
valid, yet the spirit of the Act, if not the letter, was
PLEDGED TO "EFFECTIVE OCCUPATION." 567
certainly in the sense that this apphed also to the
interior. That such was the spirit and the real inter-
pretation of the Act, we were the first nation to
assert ; and, on the strength of this interpretation, we
refused to accede to Portugal's claims in the " hinter-
land " of her coast territories of Mozambique (Nyasa-
land, &c.) The pronouncement was made in Lord
Salisbury's despatch of August 1887, to the British
Minister at Lisbon : "It has now been admitted on
principle by all parties to the Act of Berlin, that a
claim of sovereignty in Africa can only be maintained
by real occupation of the territory claimed. You will
make a formal protest against any claims not founded
on occupation, and you will say that her Majesty's
Government cannot recognise Portuguese sovereignty
in territories not occupied by her in sufficient strength
to maintain order, protect foreigners, and control the
natives." Portugal replied that this applied only to
coast-lands, but Lord Salisbury would not admit it.
Hence by evacuation, even though " temporary "
(which is an absurdity), we finally, by our own inter-
pretation of the Act, abandon all claim to the country
evacuated — even, after a reasonable delay, as regards
the Powers with whom we made the treaty of 1890
(Germany and Italy), and a fortiori as regards France,
Egypt, and the Congo State. And this more especially
in Uganda, where we are pledged to protect foreigners —
e.g., the French missionaries — and "control the natives
and maintain order," since we know this country would
on our evacuation be plunged into war. Since, how-
ever, "effective occupation" cannot be established in
a moment over large and distant areas, our effective
administration of Uganda would be held by interna-
tional courtesy to be sufficient guarantee of our desire
to develop in due course the whole of the sphere re-
served to us, and France and Belgium would be thereby
568
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
compelled to acknowledge our sole influence in the Nile
valley. Indeed the wording of article i. of the Brussels
Act distinctly implies this : " The gradual establish-
ment in the interior by the Powers to which the terri-
tories are subject of those repressive measures which
the Act enforces on " all states exercising sovereign
rights."' The inference is manifestly that, if there is a
honct fide intention apparent of carrying out the obliga-
tions of the Act, the ruling as to effective occupation for
the purposes of substantiating claims to sovereign rights,
is to be considered as fulfilled, even beyond the territory
so effectively administered, on the presumption that
progressive occupation will be gradually carried out.
This is the logical sequence of Lord Salisbury's action
as regards Portugal's claims on the Ujdj^^i' Zambesi
and Shu^e.
More lately, under Lord Posebery's rule, the Foreign
Office have again had to deal with a question directly
affecting our rights in this area. Belgium, in February
1891, sent an enormous exj^edition, reported to consist
of some 2000 men, and many Europeans, with machine-
guns and boats. That its destination was Lado on the
Nile was for a lono- time denied. It is now admitted.^
o
^ Eecent news reports the deaths of " more than twenty EurojDeans " of
this expedition, inckiding its leader, thus indicating that the size of the
force was even greater than was supposed ! (Times, Aug. 3d, 1893, and Sept.
13th, 1893). Wadelai was visited, but it is not clear whether a fort was
made there or not (' Le Mouvement Geographique,' Brussels, Aug. 6th, 1893).
Those conversant with the financial condition of the Congo State will have
little doubt of its inability to undertake an enterjDrise of such enormous
cost without extraneous aid. Disputes had arisen with France regarding
the boundary on the north (along the 4th degi^ee lat.), and as to which
streams were the true Mobangi and Welle rivers. Belgium proposed a
new delimitation on Jan. 3d, 1893, to amend the agreement of April 29th,
1887 — itself a revise of the convention of Feb. 5th, 1885 — arts. iii. and v.
{Vide Journal Officiel, Feb. 1885.) France refused these proposals of the
Congo State ; but since the Van Kerckhoven expedition had actually
started in Feb. 1891, it is not impossible that an imderstanding with
regard to it may have been already arrived at. This api3ears the more
probable since the operations of the expedition have apparently been con-
BELGIUM AND FRANCE IX THE NILE VALLEY. 569
A series of forts were built, extending from the Congo
to the Nile, the location of which is described in a
Belgian paper, and is indicated in the subjoined map.
•^ -R- dsL GealhihpiSoTi
French and Belgian Stations towards the Nile Valley ;
AND THE Route of Van Kerckhoven's Expedition.
Lord Rosebery declined to allow the right of the Belgians
to penetrate into the British sjDhere, and formal protests
were lodged. Viewed, therefore, by the light of the
despatch I have quoted of Lord Salisbury to Portugal,
the least we can do, after thus dealing with Belgian
aggression, is to effectively occupy Uganda, which is
itself some 300 miles from Lado. This action on the
part of Belgium proves that those fears of aggression
from the west, which were treated by some as puerile
fancies, had a very real foundation. France has the
fined to the district south of lat. 4r' N., except on the Nile itself, where
France may not improbably expect her quid pro quo (at Lado).
570
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
right of j)re-emption to the Congo State — a right since
modified by King Leopold ; but it is as yet doubtful how
the case stands in law. But whether it be France or
Belgium, as legatee of King Leopold's sovereign rights in
the Congo State, who will be our neighbour in the west,
there is a more direct fear of French aggression in the
north-west. It is true that France recently declared
that she had no intentions with regard to Uganda ;^ but
the question is not that of Uganda alone, but of the
control of the Nile sources and its water-way. It is
not, moreover, accurate to say that France, because
she protested against the proclamation of a British
protectorate over Zanzibar, and, in virtue of this pro-
test, obtained a free hand in Madagascar, was therefore
a party to the whole of the Anglo-German Agreement
of July 1st, 1890, under which our Zanzibar protectorate
was formed. -
The whole history of the French acquisitions on the
West Coast has been marked by extreme energy, and
a desire to jDush eastwards. At a time in the history
of Africa when almost every other nation remained
quiescent — in the beginning of the century and onwards
— France alone never ceased her energy in AVest Africa.
Her possessions in Senegal, and in the French Congo, are
^ Despatch No. 25, Africa No. 1, 1893.
- Glasgow Herald, Oct. 22d, 1892, &c. Her protest was solely concerned
with the question of the protectorate over Zanzibar, and in no way in-
dicated an acceptance of the spheres of influence. It was based on the
treaty of March 10th, 1862, between Great Britain and France, by which
these two Powers pledged themselves to uphold the independence of Zanzi-
bar and Muscat. To this treaty Germany became a party in 1886, the
spheres of influence of Great Britain and Germany having, in the meantime,
been apportioned between these two Powers, and the claims of the Sultan
to suzerainty in the interior set aside. In spite of this declaration the
natural result followed, which was the complete disrujDtion of the sultanate.
France got Madagascar. Germany got absolute possession of her sphere
free of any control from Zanzibar. Great Britain got the protectorate over
Zanzibar. We alone had not the courage of our convictions, and remained
hampered by ex-territorial jurisdiction of foreign Powers, and pre-existing
treaties affecting the sultanate. Vide p. 627, chapter xlii.
EGYPTIAN CLAIMS.
571
constantly being pushed eastward. Of late costly wars
and costly expeditions, defrayed by the State, and con-
cerning which much enthusiasm is shown in France,
have continued to spread her influence and control.
I have said that she is bound by no eastern limit of
extension ; her treaty with the Congo State merely
refers to the northern boundary of that State ; and in
view of its recent extension towards the Nile, France
has an additional incentive for marching eastwards,
parallel with Belgian extension, to see that the latter
does not encroach (northwards) beyond her boundary
limit. Thus France may, at any moment, unite her
Senegal and Congo possessions in the "hinterland" be-
hind English and German intermediate (West) coast
possessions, and pushing this empire eastwards, establish
herself on the Nile, while as usual British diplomacy is
" too late." 1
Lastly, as regards Egypt. The Sudan was aban-
doned by Egypt at the instance of Great Britain. It
was supposed she had abandoned all claims over this
territory; but in a recent despatch ^ Tigrane Pasha states
that " Egypt reserves all rights over the territories
which formed part of the Egyptian Equatorial Prov-
ince." This bombastic announcement can hardly be
held valid in the face of Mr Hardinge's statement '^
on behalf of the Egyptian Government, that the latter
" declines any responsibility Avith regard to the natives
of those provinces which it (the Egyptian Government)
has abandonee^ — viz., by inference from Wady Haifa
^ In view of this continual advance of France towards the Nile valley,
the recent settlement between the rival factions in Uganda bears special
significance. The whole of Torn and South Unyoro (at present the only
route open to the Nile) is reserved to French Mission influence, and they
alone have access to the territory bordering the Congo State. This claim
they will now never forego, though it has not been formally or officially
approved. — Blue-book Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 25. They have also the
whole German frontier.
No. 730, of Aug. 27th, 1892. 3 Despatch dated Aug. 7th, 1892.
572
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGANDA.
southwards, since responsibility is only accepted for
natives born north of that post. Nor yet by the
principle of effective occuj^ation can Egypt lay any
claim to the South Sudan, since her nearest effectively
occupied territory in which she can "maintain order,
control the natives, and protect foreigners " is some
2300 miles distant ; and during the last nine years she
has shown no desire or ability to extend this control
southwards.
This is the state of the case as regards our " title-
deeds to East Africa." To argue that we are entitled
to adopt a dog-in-the-manger policy, and evacuate and
reoccupy at will, is, I think I have shown, untenable by
international law as interpreted by ourselves. More-
over, such a course Avould involve a terrible effusion of
blood, and a chaos and anarchy in Uganda, for which we
should be responsible. The perusal of Major Wingate's
book, ' Ten Years ^^'ith the Mahdi,' and the article in
'National Review' of February 1893, will, I think,
cause the reader a deep sense of shame at the ^^art we
played in that disastrous chapter in African history —
the abandonment of the Sudan, with all the bloodshed
to which it led. It will prompt a strong feeling against
the repetition of such a course in Uganda, and the
conviction will be forced upon us that we have a debt
towards this unhappy land, in which "we have allowed
barbarism to triumph and re-establish itself over a
country the government of which we had practically
assumed " — a debt which can only be discharged by
the civilising agencies which would follow the introduc-
tion of British rule and the " Pax Britannica " into the
lake districts.
It is beyond doubt that, with the withdrawal of
British administration, the same chaos and internecine
war would follow which succeeded the abandonment of
the Sudan ; and in the triangular war between the three
E\^ACUATION MEAXS ANARCHY AXD BLOODSHED. 573
factions, the country would be utterly destroyed. Of
this I can speak with certainty from my own knowledge.
Probably Kabarega would seize the opportunity to over-
run Uganda, which would become, as one Avriter j^hrases
it, "a cockpit of slaughter like Khartum." ^ France
would have good ground for her taunts that we are a
nation that love to use high-sounding phrases and to
enunciate humanitarian princij^les, but draw back when
the time comes for action and not mere words. Mean-
while the 2^eople of Torn — of our pledges to whom I
have already spoken — would be massacred. No one can
speak with more intimate knowledge than myself of the
bloodshed which would follow evacuation ; but that so
grave a statement may not rest on the authority of one
man, I may add that Captain Williams and every one
in the country was of the same opinion ; that mission-
aries who have returned home have endorsed it ; the
French priests have stated the same thing ; and the
German correspondent in Uganda adds his testimony
to the same effect, saying that "before four weeks a
murderous war would break out, followed by anarchy."
Dr Felkin points out in the ' Times ' that the Waganda
were of old slave-dealers, and would revert to that
state ; and Mr Walker has also pointed out that the
"rescued" Sudanese, being well armed, would be the
worst of slavers if abandoned.
This sketch of our position in East Africa will shoAv
what oblip'ations we are under as reo^ards " effective
occupation " under the Berlin Act. The Brussels Act
of 1891, however, vastly increases our obligations, and
defines them in greater detail. For just as the former
Act was passed at the beginning of the scramble for
Africa, and dealt chiefly with the coast-lands under the
suzerainty of European Powers, and, so to speak, laid
down the rules for interior acquisition, so the latter,
1 Chronicle, Oct. 22d, 1892. 2 Times, June 29tli, 1893.
574
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
when the rush for Africa was over, dealt with the obhga-
tions incurred by the Powers, and was devoted mainly to
the possessions in the interior which had been acquired
between 1885 and 1891 by the various Powers. The
Congress which framed this Act was assembled at the
instance of Queen Victoria. Seventeen Powers, includ-
ing America, took part in its deliberations. Its osten-
sible object was to lay down rules for the suppression
of the slave-trade in Africa — not the sea-borne traffic
merely, but the slave-trade throughout the continent,
for almost the entire area of which the various Powers
had now made themselves responsible. It is sufficient
to indicate some of its provisions as regards interior
territories.
All Powers signatory to the Act undertook to carry
out its provisions (article ill. ) ; and though they could
delegate these engagements to chartered companies,
" they remain nevertheless directly responsible, . . . and
guarantee the execution thereof" (article iv.) These
obligations apply equally, then, to sjDheres of influence
under chartered companies, or to protectorates, and
annexations (or Crown colonies), for the Act recognises
no diflerence between them. We are therefore respon-
sible for the application of the Brussels Act to the
whole of our " sphere," which our recent protest against
Belgian aggression indicates as extending as far as
Lado.
The obligations which, as the Power on whose initia-
tive the Conference assembled, we bound ourselves " in
the name of Almighty God " to fulfil, are contained in
part in article i.
" The gradual establishment in the interior, by the Powers to
which the territories are subject, of strongly occupied stations, in
such a way as to make their protective or repressive action effec-
tively felt in the territories devastated by slave-hunting.
" The construction of roads, and in particular of railways, con-
OBLIGATIONS UNDER THE BRUSSELS ACT. 575
necting the advanced stations with the coast, and permitting easy
access to the inland waters, and to such of the upper courses of
the rivers and streams as are broken by rapids and cataracts, in
view of substituting economical and rapid means of transport for
the present means of carriage by men."
The territories in British East Africa most "devastated
by slave-hunting are those lying on the west towards
the Congo State, the north - west towards Unyoro,
Mombutu, &c.,^ and the north (South Sudan). It is
in this direction that the "strongly occupied stations"
of Kampala (in Uganda), the Sudanese forts (in Unyoro),
and Fort George (at Salt Lake) have been established.
I have narrated how I came on an outj)ost of these
raiders at Miala on the west of Ruwenzori.^ Slavery,
with much cruelty and raiding, we also know to be
rampant in the Sudan, and is vouched for throughout
the pages of ' Gordon's Journals,' ' Emin's Letters,'
Wingate's ' Ten Years with the Mahdi,' Baker's ' The
Albert N'yanza,' &c. As regards the portion of British
East Africa already opened up. In this area there is
' Stuhlmann, who accompanied Emin, writes as follows of this country :
" On Aug. 10th, 1891, we went on (from Kavalli's) into the dense primeval
forest to the north-west. Since Stanley's march through these territories,
the Arabs coming from the Congo and Aruwimi had considerably advanced,
and just before our arrival their people (Wakusa and Manyuema) had be-
haved dreadfully. A big Arab, Said bin Abed, has several stations here,
each occupied by 100 to 300 people, who are engaged in collecting ivory.
But not a tusk is purchased, all being got by war or robbery. The women
and children taken jmsoners are exchanged for this precious merchandise.
Thus all the country in front of us had been laid waste, and the natives
were very timid. Famine reigned, and after several attempts to reach the
savannah country to the north-east, we were compelled to turn back, our
porters being on the point of dying of hunger." — Translated from ' Ver-
handlungen,' Berlin Geographical Society, 1892. Compare also Stanley's
accounts in ' Darkest Africa of the atrocities of Ugarrowa, Kilonga-longa,
&c. It is a scandal to the Congo State that this gross devastation should be
committed in its territory, while the filibustering expedition already alluded
to should be trespassing on the territories of its neighbours.
2 Vide Grant's full report, Blue-book Africa, No. 2 of 1893, p. 23 (see
p. 274).
576
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
little slave-raiding,^ because the tribes inhabiting it are
too warlike (Masai, Gallas, Somals, Suks, &c.) It is, how-
ever, the constant field of slave-trading and kidnapping,
as I have already shown. In bygone days there was
a great export of slaves (purchased) from Uganda and
Unyoro, when Arabs were resident there, but this was
largely put an end to by the introduction of Christianity,
and is now finally abolished by treaty (including the
Mohammedans). The export from Unyoro is closed by
treatv alliance with Ankoli, for the onlv route bv which
slaves were ever exported was through what is now
German territory. The road via Usoga to the east has
never been traversed by any caravan other than the
Company's. As the Germans, then, at Bukoba com-
mand the only route, they are well qualified to judge, and
in the ' Colonial Blatt ' the commandant of Bukoba says :
" Slave-raiding never existed in the Victoria Nyanza
district, but the slave-trade was carried on to a certain
extent, though it was not nearly so widespread as in the
regions around Lake Tanganyika. This, however, has
entirely disajDpeared since the occupation of Uganda
by the English, and the foundation of the German
stations." -
To summarise the results which would probably follow
an evacuation of Uganda (as regards slavery). 1. The
export from Unyoro and by the Waganda Mohammedans
would be reinstituted, when the barrier of our forts and
treaties was removed. 2. The 23eo23le of Torn would be
re-enslaved by Kabarega ; indeed the Sudanese would
probably also become Slavers. 3. In the triangular
fight between the three parties, doubtless vast numbers
of captives would be sold into slavery by the victors, or
^ Mr Jackson mentions slave-raids by Arabs in Kitosh, a small country
to the north-east of Csoga.
- Times, 24th Jan, 1893. In Mackay's time, according to his own estimate,
about 2000 slaves were exported annually from Uganda and 2000 from Un-
yoro.— Mackay's Life, p. 433.
EFFECTS OF EVACUATIOX OX THE SLAVE-TRADE. 577
by Kabarega if he overran Uganda at this crisis. 4.
Usoga and the countries to the east would be approach-
able to the Arabs (as they never were before)/ and
would constitute great reserves for the purchase of
slaves for arms. 5. The various efforts which I have
described against slavery would be nullified. On the
other hand, the establishment of a firm administration
so far in the interior as Uganda, would be of immense
value as against the slave - trade. For its influence
would be far-reaching, and would react on the districts
to the north-west, in which I have shown that slave-
raiding is rampant. For though our administration did
not extend over these countries, we should be brought
into touch with them by our commerce on the water-
ways of the Albert lake and the Nile. Nor less as
regards the coast area. If British authority is properly
administered along our seaboard, and a proper super-
vision and police maintained, our cruisers may safely
leave those waters, for it should devolve uj)on the coast
administration to render not only the export but the
arrival of slave caravans from the interior impossible.
The third clause refers to railways and roads ''per-
mitting easy access to inland waters." Unless we
repudiate the obligation, we are bound by this clause
to undertake railway extension ; and what better line
could be constructed than that connecting the great
inland water of the Victoria with the coast ? Hitherto,
in speaking of the railway, I have confined myself
strictly and solely to the commercial view, but I am
1 The Arabs, slave-raiders, and others frequently follow up the routes of
EurojDean explorers, into countries where before they could not penetrate.
Thus in East Africa (following Count Teleki) they now find their way into
Xgoboto and the Turkan country, and (following the Company) into Usoga.
Cameron thus speaks of Nyangwe, which we know to be now the very
headquarters of the raiders : " My successful journey from Unanyembe to
Nyangwe was the practical cause of the reopening of routes which had then
for some time been closed,"' — Manchester Guardian, Aug. 17, 1888.
VOL. II. 2 o
578
THE EETEXTIOX OF UGAXDA.
at a loss to know how this national obligation can he
evaded without national dishonour. On p. 586 I point
out the manner in which the other nations have ac-
cepted and are acting up to those obligations in Africa.
Finally, there is that great principle of consistency and
continuity which it is absolutely necessary for a great
nation to maintain in its foreign relations. Whatever
may be the ups and downs of party politics, no states-
man who has the welfare of our great empire at heart,
but would deplore the introduction of a party spirit into
our Colonial and Foreign policy, which it is essential
should be that of an unbroken continuity. A Liberal
Government inaugurated the policy of extension in
Africa through Lord Granville. A Conservative Govern-
ment consolidated and increased our possessions. Now,
again, the time has come when a Liberal Ministry,
through an exceptionally able Foreign Minister, has to
decide on " the best mode of dealing with the country."
The British empire will survive even though the
peoples of L^ganda and many other countries be wiped
off the face of the earth. But the far-seeing vision of
a great statesman must perceive that consequences far
more serious will follow for Great Britain by such an act
than any that may be involved in the accomplishment
or the shirking of a mere moral duty 2^^^^ Europe
stands by to note whether we mean to evade our
solemn obligations undertaken in conference with the
Powers. Aggressive nations, not too friendly disposed,
Avatch to see if our foreign policy is to be a national and
continuous one, or a policy dictated by party exigencies,
a policy of vacillation or retrogression. On the bleak
Pamirs, in Afghanistan, in Egypt, in Morocco, and in
Siam, we may look for the reflex action of our policy
in East Africa ; and so this little insignificant state of
Uganda becomes "the straw which shows which way
the wind blows," — a mere straw, we will assume, whose
CONTINUITY OF FOREIGN POLICY.
579
fate was of no moment, but sufficient to indicate the
rocks ahead on which assuredly the ship would drift if
left unguided by a master-hand. Lord Rosebery is at
the helm — a "strong man"— and his impressive words
are on record : " We are bound to maintain that con-
tinuity of moral policy which Great Britain cannot
afford at any time or in any dispensation to dis-
regard."
Allusion has already been made to the Anglo-German
agreement of 1890. That treaty was made largely to
settle the then acute difficulty regarding Uganda. In
order to secure this country to our sole influence, we
ceded the possession of Heligoland to Germany, the
latter Power at the same time abandoning Witu and
other claims on the East Coast. If Uganda had been
abandoned, what would have become of our quid pro
quo for this European island ; and how could our foreign
policy, which in 1890 was willing to cede for advan-
tages in East Africa a possession for which Germany
would have paid a high price, be said to have any con-
tinuity if two and a half years later we were ready to
abandon those advantages ?
I have dwelt at some length on our obligations to
Europe, and now I will briefly allude to our obligations
to the Africans. These are in respect of treaties made
in the country, as well as verbal assurances given that
the British had come to stay, and would not desert the
tribes who declared friendship with them. The tribes
of the interior, for the most part, are ignorant of the
nature of a written contract. This being the case, so
far as I personally had a share in this treaty-making —
and it was small — I adoj)ted the method which offered
the best parallel to our ideas of a sacred bond in black
and white." This is the custom of bloocl-brotherhood,
which other writers besides myself have testified to be
the most binding form of contract possible among savage
580
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGANDA.
tribes.^ The chief having stated his undertakings in a
formal speech, delivered by his most powerful auxiliary,
and my native headman having similarly announced my
pledges (dictated by myself), I reduced the whole to
writing in the form of a treaty, and the chief made his
mark upon it. being told that this was the European
method of confirmation. The ceremony was made as
public as possible ; the leading men of the district
attended, and in some cases neighbouring chiefs from a
great distance were present, and included themselves in
the contract, one chief being chosen to go through the
ceremony for all. I know that all or most treaties "
(so called) made in Africa will not bear so close an in-
vestigation ; I am concerned onlv with those in which
I had a hand.
In Uganda the case is different. There the peoj^le
most fully understand the nature of a A^T.itten contract,
and consider nothino- as absolutelv final and binclino-
unless put on paper. They are very clever and far-
seeing, and every clause of the treaty made was dis-
cussed for several davs anion of themselves before it was
jDresented in haraza for the signature of the king and
chiefs. They fully appreciated that the protection of
the Company was extended to them in return for the
j)rovisoes to which they agreed. The treaty of April
5th was made (in accordance with my instructions) in
perpetuity, and they were assured of the continuance
of British administration.
Lastly, in the case of the jjeople of Torn. Here the
" unwritten word " bore the deepest signification. The
treaty with the reinstated king Kasagama is of the
usual kind. But this country, it must be remembered,
^ " This contract," says Dr Felkin, " is never broken ; and if once you can
induce an African to become your ' blood-brother ' you can really trust
him." — Felkin, Uganda, &c., vol. ii. p. 41. Vide also ' Walk across Africa,'
Grant, p. 271.
PLEDGES TO THE AFRTCAXS.
581
was overrun by Kabarega's hordes, and the people
ousted and enslaved. When I brought from his exile
the son of the old king and reinstated him, he had at
first but few subjects. On my return from Kavalli's
with the Sudanese, the people came flocking in, and the
one question of their messengers was, "Are you come
to stay ? if so, we will gladly come under your protec-
tion ; but if you go away and leave us, after we have
escaped from our exile or slavery, and have declared for
you, we shall be massacred wholesale by Kabarega."
Of course I told them the British would remain, for
was not this our " sphere of influence ^' ? administered
by a powerful chartered Company, who, in the terms
of their application for a charter, were " jDrejDared to
subscribe or to procure such further amount (of money)
as may hereafter be found requisite for the development
of the said enterprise," and of whose insolvency I had
no intimation. And so my pledge was given.
The treaties concluded by the Company were (in ac-
cordance with clause 3 of the charter) submitted for
approval. Of these the first seventy-six are enclosed
by Lord Salisbury in a despatch to Mr (now Sir G.)
Portal, with the words, "All of these have received the
formal apjDroval of the Secretary of State," ^ and among
these is included the first treaty with Mwanga of
Uganda. Seven more were subsequently ratified by
the Secretary of State.- It is said that "it is at
present a moot point how far an a23proval of this kind
can be held in any way directly or indirectly to bind her
Majesty's Government." By the light of the wording
of the charter, however, and of Lord Salisbury's instruc-
tions to Mr Portal,^ it would certainly be inferred that
1 Dated March 22d, 1892. Vide No. 1 of Blue-book Africa No. 4, 1892.
- Lord Eosebery to Sir G. Portal, Dec. 10th, 1892 ; No. 40 of Blue-book
Africa No. 1, 1893. s ibid.
^ Dated March 22d, 1892. Vide No. 1 of Blue-book Africa No. 4,
1892, para. 7.
582
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGAXDA.
they are so binding, and rank on the same footing
with " treaties on the part of her Majesty's Government
with the native chiefs binding them to accept British
protection," which the Imperial Commissioner is told he
" should make when it may seem advisable," in terri-
tories outside those already included in the treaties of
the Company.
But I think that all honourable Englishmen will
scorn the assumption that it would be right to base
our fulfilment of obligations entered into with the
natives by a chartered company, and " formally ap-
jDroved " by Government, on the technical quibble as to
whether such ratification was binding as a j)oint of law.
In making a treaty with Mwanga, I stated in the docu-
ment that I acted " solely on behalf of the Comj^any."
I was in every way within my instructions. The Com-
pany on its part (representing the nation by its charter)
approved the treaty, and forwarded it for final con-
firmation, and Government finally ratified the treaty.
Can any honourable man be found to deny an obligation
on the part of the nation in resjDect of it — and similarly
as regards my verbal pledges to the people of Torn,
&c., fully set forth in my re23orts, which were likewise
approved and communicated to Government ?
On the other hand, before concluding this cursory
view of what may, for lack of a better name, be called
the political and international aspect of the question,
I will glance at one or two advantages which run
concurrently with the fulfilment of our obligations to
Europe.
The port of Mombasa is accounted the finest an-
chorage between Delagoa Bay and the Bed Sea, and
would be of great advantage as a naval coaling-station
and depot for our squadron in Eastern waters ; nor
could we afford to see it in the hands of a foreign
Power. And it is to be observed that East Africa
COLLATERAL ADVAXTAGES OF RETEXTIOX.
583
must be taken as a whole. We cannot retain our
coast area and repudiate the " hinterland," which we
have claimed to be an integral part of coast pro-
prietorship ; for it was on this very argument that we
obtained the recognition from Germany that Uganda
was within our "sphere." "Uganda" has been used,
and not inappropriately — since it is the political and
strategic key to the Avhole — as a synonym for British
East Africa.
The control of the Nile sources, with the significance
which that control bears to Egypt and to the commerce
which finds its outlet on the Red Sea ports. Here,
again, it is necessary to realise not only the advantage
to ourselves, but the alternative disadvantage of seeing
the Nile basin in the hands of a foreign Power. That
Power would undoubtedly be France (see p. 570), as is
proved by her ever-increasing activity eastwards from
Senegambia and the French Congo. The little map
given on p. 569 shows that she already has stations on
the Upper Mobangi. If France held the Nile basin,
she would undoubtedly require and obtain an outlet
towards the Red Sea, where she already holds a
footing at Obok. This she might obtain through the
EgyjDtian Sudan, or possibly, in the changes of the
future, by 23urchase or other arrangement with Italy
at Massowa. It is needless to point out the eftect of
this on our hio-hwav to India and Australia. This is
all delicate ground, and I will do no more than merelv
indicate the lines of consideration, and leave those who
are fully competent to do so to gauge their significance.
It may be well, also, to allude here to the remarkable
activity of Russia in this region (aided by the French
at Obok), Avho has now sent several exj^editions into
the heart of Abyssinia under Lieutenant Ashakof,
and established cordial relations with the Abyssinian
potentate, and especially with the influential High
584
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
Priest," based on the supposed affinity of the Abyssinian
Christian Church to the Greek Church of Russia.
The position of Uganda, lying as it does between the
great lakes of Victoria, Tanganyika, Albert Edward,
and Albert, and commanding the Nile sources, has been
recognised by Lord Rosebery as " probably the key to
Africa." As a writer in the ' Daily Chronicle' remarks,^
" We do not value Uganda for what she is, but for what
she might be. She may be destined to control the trade-
route between the northern and the southern parts of
our African empire." I stated in the ' Times ' - that
an Egyptian statesman — perhaps the most distin-
guished of his day — gave it to me as his matured
opinion, that whoever held the control of the UpjDer
Nile commanded the destinies of Egypt. Uganda is
but a jDortion of that larger kingdom of ancient Kitara,
which included these lake districts — namely, Unyoro
and Ankoli ; but by a long series of years of domina-
tion she has acquired a prestige without parallel in
this part of Africa ; and whoever controls and ad-
ministers Uganda, will find little trouble in dealing
with the surrounding peo23les, who have for years
looked on the dynasty of Uganda as the emblem of
power and authority.
The advantages for commerce and industrial enter-
prise. This is in itself so large a subject that I have
dealt with it separately in chapters xv. and xvi.
1 Oct. 22d, 1892. 2 Q^t 8th, 1892.
^ Mons. A. Clielu, a French engineer in Egypt, in his learned book (' Le
Nil, le Sudan, I'Egypt'), chap, i., shows that Egypt is indebted for her summer
supply of water to the Victoria Lake, and a dam built across the river at
its exit from the lake would deprive Egypt of this. Colonel Eoss, late
Inspector-General of Irrigation in Egypt, discusses the question (which
he obviously regards as feasible) of damming the river at its exit from
the Albert Lake, so as to convert the great lakes into reservoirs. [Paper
read before Scottish Geog. Society, t7"o?e Magazine, vol. ix. p. 189.] Practical
engineers say that by building such a weir the supply of water for Egypt
would far exceed that obtainable in any other way. — Geog. Journal, vol. i.
pp. 45-48.
THE NILE BASIN — COMMERCIAL EXPANSION. 585
It is sufficient to reiterate here, that as long as our
poUcy is one of free trade, we are compelled to seek
new markets ; for old ones are being closed to us by
hostile tariffs, and our great dependencies, which for-
merly were the consumers of our goods, are now becom-
ing our commercial rivals. It is inherent in a great
colonial and commercial emjiire like ours that we go
forward or go backward. To allow other nations to
develop new fields, and to refuse to do so ourselves, is
to go backward ; and this is the more deplorable, seeing
that we have proved ourselves notably capable of deal-
ing with native races, and of developing new countries
at a less expense than other nations. We owe to the
instincts of colonial expansion of our ancestors, those
vast and noble dependencies which are our pride and
the outlets of our trade to - day ; and we are ac-
countable to posterity that opportunities which now
present themselves of extending the sphere of our
industrial enterprise are not neglected, for the oppor-
tunities now offered will never recur again. Lord
Eosebery in his speech at the Hoyal Colonial Institute ^
expressed this in emphatic language : —
" We are engaged in ' pegging out claims ' for the future. We
have to consider, not what we want now, but what we shall want
in the future. We have to consider what countries must be
developed either by ourselves or some other nation. . . . Ee-
member that the task of the statesman is not merely with the
present, but with the future. We have to look forward, beyond
the chatter of platforms and the passions of party, to the future
of the race of which we are at present the trustees, and we
should, in my opinion, grossly fail in the task that has been laid
upon us did we shrink from responsibilities, and decline to take
our share in a partition of the world which we have not forced
on, but which has been forced upon us."
If some initial expense is incurred, is it not justified
1 Times, March 2d, 1893.
586
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGANDA.
by the ultimate gain ? I have akeady pointed out
what other nations are doing in the way of railway
extension (chajD. xvii.) The Government is not asked
to provide the capital of the railway, but only a guar-
antee on the subscribed capital. The nature and ex-
tent of the expense to be incurred, both as regards this
railway guarantee and in administration, I shall discuss
in chapter xliii. Independently of money spent on
railways, the conquest of Algeria alone cost France
£150,000,000,^ and it is estimated that her West Coast
colonies cost her half a million yearly.^ Italy spends
on her Abyssinian protectorate a sum variously esti-
mated at £400,000 or £600,000 per annum. Belgium,
besides her heavy expenses for the Congo railway, the
capital of which she has advanced without interest
(chap, xvii.), guarantees £80,000 per annum to the
Congo State, and is altering her constitution in order
to allow her to take over that State as a colonial
possession. Germany has spent over a million sterling
in East Africa,^ besides her expenditure on the west
and south-west colonies. The parallel is here com-
plete, for the German Company failed, and Govern-
ment stepped in to carry out the pledges and obliga-
tions incurred. Even Portugal is content to support a
yearly deficit on each of her African possessions, gives
heavy subsidies to the mail-steamers, and £10,000 per
annum to the Cable. All these nations are content
to incur this yearly cost in the present, confident that
in the future these possessions will repay the outlay,
1 Keltie, Partition of Africa, p. 97. - Ibid., p. 293.
Stanley estimates her expenditure at £850,000 from 1889 to end of
1892 — viz., subsidies for administration and military operations, £600,000 ;
commutation of concession from Sultan, £200,000 ; subsidy to mail-steamers,
£45,000; to cable, £5000.— Times, Oct. 11th, 1892. To this must be added
the cost of their fleet engaged against the Arabs. More recently, March
1893, £125,000 was voted by the Eeichstag.
EXAMPLE OF OTHER ^s^ATIOXS — MISSIONS. 587
and willing to be at a national expense to fulfil their
treaty obligations under the Brussels Act.
The ' Zanzibar Gazette/ ^ which is in a good position
to judge, since the imports and exports from German
East Africa can be fairly assessed there, speaking of
the comparatively large sums from the national re-
sources " invested in this country, says, We think it
is only a question of time for such investments, with
a careful management of the territory, to show highly
profitable returns. Such a view from those on the spot
and possessing local knowledge, should be a strong tes-
timony in favour of the far richer British sphere.
The jDrotection of our Missions in Uganda has been
urged as another reason for the maintenance of author-
ity in the country. The missionaries themselves have
strongly protested that they do not rely on the " arm of
flesh," and are ready to remain at their posts and meet
martyrdom if necessary. They have, however, argued
that the advent of the Company has placed them in
a more precarious position in the event of withdrawal
than they would otherwise have been in. I do not
agree with this contention. The point, however, is a
minor one. Whether the missionaries claim or disclaim
protection is a matter which concerns themselves alone,
and their own interpretation of their Master's mandate
and example.
In endeavouring to explain to the reading public the
motives which have guided, and will guide, the action
of Government in dealing with Uganda, and to lay
before them a portion at least of that information of
which Government is in possession, and by which its
action is determined, it is my object to view the case,
so far as I am able, from a national stand-point. The
question then becomes. Are missionaries entitled to pro-
^ Dec. 28th, 1892.
588
THE RETEXTIOX OF TGAXDA.
tection, whether they claim it or not ? It is a very
difficult question. Some Avriters have m^ged that no
other country in the world would dream of admitting
the right, instancing among other cases the abandon-
ment by Austria of her missionaries in the Sudan. The
case of Austria is no parallel. Egypt was responsible
for the Sudan, and for the protection of Europeans
there. We, as the protector and adviser of Egypt,
accepted the responsibility ; we advised the abandon-
ment of the Sudan, and subsequently sent Gordon, to
try and save the Europeans and the garrisons, and to
rectify our mistake — too late. Gordon failed, and the
expedition sent to relieve him failed, in so far as the
abandoned garrisons and Euroj^eans Avere concerned,
and the onus lies upon us, to our jDerpetual shame.
In such circumstances Austria could not interfere.
But precedents are not wanting for protection af-
forded to Missions. Indeed it has usually been the
missionaries who, as pioneers in unknown countries, have
led to the direct action of States. In China the mis-
sionaries of all nationalities aj^pealecl lately for jDro-
tection, and diplomatic action, and warships in Chinese
waters, were the result. But if we desire a closer
parallel, where missionaries have penetrated into a
savage State, entirely beyond the diplomatic action
of any European Power, and have then appealed for
protection against the natives themselves, and have
received it, we may cite among other cases that of
our missionaries in Abyssinia, on whose account a war
costing several millions of money and many lives was
undertaken. Again, in Namaqualand, German mis-
sionaries appealed for protection against the natives ;
again and again they urged their claims, prior to
and during 1880. In 1881 they even urged the Ger-
man Government to send a warshi]^ to protect their
interests, and this eventually led to the annexation of
EFFECT OF ABANDONMENT ON NYAS ALAND. 589
these countries by Germany. It would be absurd to
suppose that any missionary penetrating into the heart
of an inaccessible country could demand the interfer-
ence of his Government if he got into difficulties with
the natives. It, however, seems fair to argue, that where
missionaries have gone in considerable numbers, and
established themselves for a number of years with the
knowledge and to some extent the supjDort (see j)p.
3, 4) of Government, they should, as British subjects,
be entitled to claim protection if their lives are in
danger through no direct fault of their own, and if
it is in any way feasible to affiord that protection.
From this point of view the missionaries in Uganda
have strong grounds to claim protection, apart from
the obvious hardship incurred by the withdrawal of
protection when it has once been afforded.
The loss of prestige in Africa which would have
been incurred by a withdrawal from Uganda, would
undoubtedly have a reflex action in Nyasaland, the
British Central African Protectorate." Indeed a well-
informed writer to a daily 23aper ^ holds that the ru-
moured intention of evacuating Uganda was already
accountable for the state of things described by a
correspondent in Nyasaland, who says : "In all my
experience of this region, I have never known a time
when there was more powder or more guns in the
country. For many months back, dhows have been
kept constantly running from Amelia Bay to Deep Bay
with cargoes of guns and powder. Great caravans have
gone to Tanganyika, Bangweolo, and Mwero to supply
the Arab demand there. I never knew a time when
there was more actual slavery than there is now, or
when more of the Arab followers were armed. . . .
This is a significant warning of what would follow
the British evacuation of Mwanga's territory."
1 Glasgow Herald, Oct. 21st, 1892.
590
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGANDA.
The retention of our control of these countries has
been supported by many of the most able men of the
day, of all shades of political opinion— men whose careers
attest their ability as statesmen, and whose opinions
carry very great weight with the nation. It would be
superfluous to quote names, but perha23S one may in-
stance her Majesty's Secretaries for Foreign Aflairs as
being not only men of the highest possible qualifications,
selected to control the outlying parts of our great em-
pire, but men who speak and act with the weight of the
great res]3onsibility and importance which attaches to
their public utterances. Uganda had not been occu-
pied in Lord Granville's time, but, as I have elsewhere
stated, it was under his rule at the Foreign Office that
the first steps towards this result were taken. Lord
Salisbury was understood to be entirely in favour of
the occupation of Uganda ; and replying to a question
in the House of Lords on this subject subsequent to the
accession to power of the Liberal party, he gave it as
his opinion that the difficulties of transport and com-
munication should be met by the construction of a rail-
way. Speaking on the general question at Liver230ol,^
he emphasised the fact that we had lost opportunities
in West Africa by failing to perceive that if we did
not seize them other nations would, to the detriment of
our trade. Lord Rosebery, both in the sj)eech I have
^ Feb. 6th, 1893. He laid stress on the fact that our territorial extension
brought with it not only " the high blessing of good government, which we
are in a position to confer more than any other nation in the world," but
also that we thereby "ensure that this mania for protective restriction
which is paralysing trade, and which has more than anything else to do
with the pressure now being experienced,'^ shall not include that country at
least, which we may decide to take under our protection. " We feel," he
added, "that we cannot suffer, more than we can help, that the unoccupied
jDarts of the world, where we must look for new markets for our goods,
shall be shut from us by foreign legislation. . . . What is included in the
empire is certainly open to trade, and for no other territory whatever can
such an assertion be confidently made."
OPINIONS OF STATESMEN AND PUBLIC BODIES. 591
quoted at the Colonial Institute and in his reply to
the Anti- Slavery deputation, allowed it to be clearly
understood that he did not approve of abandonment,
and did not fear to incur the responsibilities of imi^e-
rial extension, when the dictates of honour, duty, and
advantage proclaimed extension necessary. Such are
the opinions of the present and late Ministers for For-
eign Affairs. The long roll of illustrious statesmen who
have advocated retention would occupy too great a space
to detail here. They belong alike to all political parties.
Public bodies whose objects differ widely have united
in their appeal to Government on this question, — Cham-
bers of Commerce throughout England and Scotland ;
bishops and dignitaries of the Church of England ; the
Moderators of all the three Churches in Scotland ;
missionary societies, and philanthropic bodies such as
the Anti- Slavery Society, &c. : while the strength of
popular feeling throughout England, and perhaps even
more markedly in Scotland, has been very strongly
indicated.
We have a prescriptive right in East Africa and its
lakes. They were all discovered by British explorers :
Victoria by Speke and Grant, Nyasa by Livingstone,
Tanganyika by Burton, Albert by Baker, and Albert
Edward by Stanley. The steamers (three) placed on
Nyasa have all been brought by the British ; so has the
one on Tanganyika ; and those on the Albert and Nile
were brought down by Baker when in the Khedive's
service. Our missionaries first penetrated to Uganda
in the footsteps of our explorers. Thus, by right of
discovery and of missionary effort, we had the prior
claim to Uganda, and the time has now come for us to
assert or forego entirely that claim.
Those few who have given voice to the arguments
against retention have, so far as I am aware, altogether
avoided dealing with the strong array of facts which I
592
THE RETEXTIOX OF UGAXDA.
have endeavoured to present to my readers. Briefly
they are these : —
1. Fulfihnent of pledges to EurojDe, under (l) the
Berhn Act, (2) the Brussels Act.
2. Pledges to the natives, and responsibility for
anarchy, &c., on evacuation.
3. Political importance of retaining our hold on the
Xile valley, and of the ports on the coast.
4. Commercial necessity of finding new markets, &c.
5. Obligation as regards missionaries, French and
Encrlish.
6. Check to slave-trade — by establishing a protector-
ate in the heart of Africa.
7. Keflex action on other African possessions caused
by loss of prestige.
8. Uniformity of policy inaugurated by cession of
Heligoland, &c.
9. Preponderance of public opinion in favour of re-
tention.
10. Prescriptive rights.
The arguments on the other side are —
1. The "Little England" policy, which argues that
our empire is already big enough, and we should avoid
all extension. With this the sj^eeches of Lord Rosebery
and Lord Salisbury, which I have quoted, deal.
2. On the grounds of expense and distance from the
coast. I have attempted to show that the expense is
not prohibitive, and is more than met by the prospective
advantages to trade and industries (see chapter on
Commerce), putting aside the question of obligation.
As regards distance, I have shown in the chaj^ter on
Transport that, in my opinion, communications can be
kej)t up effectually and rapidly by the construction of
one section of the railway, simultaneously with the
introduction of animal transport.
3. Sir Charles Dilke in his able article in the ' Fort-
CONNECTION WITH SOUTH AFRICA.
598
nightly' (Feb. 1893), argues that Uganda was a
country of strategic importance as the connecting-Hnk
between our Southern and South Central African
possessions and those to the north ; but that by the
Anglo-German agreement of 1890, when we recognised
the right of Germany to extend her hinterland up
to the borders of the Congo State, we introduced a
wedge of foreign territory which nullified the import-
ance of Uganda. It is true that a piece of country
extends from the north of Tanganyika to the south
of either the Victoria or Albert Edward Lakes — the
distance being exactly 150 miles in each case — which
is entirely included in either the German or Congo
territories. But the treaty alluded to prohibited all
transit dues and differential duties on British goods
crossing this area ; nor is it beyond the scope of
practical negotiation, should necessity arise, that we
should secure a connecting strip through this area, by
giving a quid 'pro quo elsewhere. Such an offer, in-
deed, has already been made by the Congo State.
Lord Bosebery, when speaking of Uganda to the
deputation of the Anti- Slavery Society, said that it was
a question of very great importance, which involved very
many considerations. I think that some of those who
have condemned the retention of Uganda have hardly
realised the scope of these considerations, which have
had to be weighed by Government, and on which their
decision is framed ; and it is with a view in some measure
of affording them an opportunity of judging of the issues
of the question, that I have endeavoured to bring
together in a brief and cursory manner in this chapter
some of the various points for consideration, and not in
the idea of saying anything new, or even of urging a
policy which I trust we may conclude, from the tenor of
Mr Gladstone's and of Sir E. Grey's speeches in the
House, together with the wording of Sir G. Portal's
VOL. II. 2 p
594
THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.
instructions, has been already 23ractically decided. For
though it at first appeared as though it were open for
the Commissioner to report as to whether Uganda
should be retained or not, we now know from his
instructions that the scope of his inquiry as to the
"best means of dealing with the country" was only
whether it shall be dealt with " through Zanzibar or
otherwise."
Type of Xativic.
595
CHAPTER XLIL
ORIGIN OF THE " BRITISH SPHERE," AND METHODS
OF DEALING WITH IT.
England responsible — Government recognises this — East Africa, how
acquired — -Origin of Imperial British East African Company — Early
difficulties — Reasons for going to Uganda — Effective occupation — The
hinterland principle — Anglo-German agreement — Cost not a surprise
— Evacuation deferred — " The Uganda question " — Alternative courses
— Advantages of a chartered company — Amount of subsidy necessary,
including a railway — One section only — Disadvantages — Precedents
for subsidy — Offers of South African Company — Objections to this
course — Gordon's views — Direct control— Advantages — Urged by public
opinion — Lord Grey's view — Obj ections — -Expense — Responsibility —
Nyasaland a precedent — A loan feasible — A " sphere " now identical
with protectorate — Control delegated to Zanzibar — Scheme really
delusive — Objections — Mohammedan law — Slavery legalised — Witu an
example — Summary — Disposal of the Company — Compensation — Their
grounds for claiming it — Their reasons for failure — The Government
view — Suggested course — Necessity for annexing the Sultanate —
French treaty rights — Natives of a protectorate not "subjects" —
Gross anomaly — Zanzibar to be superseded — Bolstering the Arab
power — Absurdity of edicts — Arab to find his own level.
British East Africa is a " sphere of British influence "
for which we are responsible, quite independently of
whether its administration be intrusted to a chartered
company or undertaken through more direct agencies of
the Crown. Since we have accepted this charge, both
in treaties with Germany and Italy, whose African fron-
tiers are conterminous with ours — the boundaries of the
former having lately been the subject of international
negotiation — we are pledged (so far as they are con-
596
ORIGIX OF THE ''BRITISH SPHERE."
cerned) to the continuance of at least such an admin-
istration as shall maintain an effective control on the
frontiers of our neighbours, who have a just ground of
complaint if tribes from British East Africa raid their
territories. Secondly, and wholly independently of
these arrangements with our neighbours, we have, as
we have seen in the preceding chapter, acknowledged
our international obligations, conjointly with the seven-
teen Powers of Europe and America who were signa-
tories of the Brussels Act. Great Britain thus remains
responsible to the civilised world for the protection, con-
trol, and administration of British East Africa (part of
which has already become a direct protectorate),-^ and
for the application to it of the obligations incurred under
the Brussels Act.
For the transfer of a sphere of influence from one
Power to another there are iDrecedents, but for the total
abandonment of a sphere of influence in Africa there are
none, when once the territory has been declared under
the suzerainty of a European Power. The nearest ap-
proach to such a surrender was in the case of the aban-
donment of the Sudan by Egypt as a vilayet of Turkey.
This action was at the instance of Great Britain, and
if one may judge by the feeling evoked at any pop-
ular assembly on allusion to this abandonment, by the
unanimous tone of the press, by the wave of popular
feeling which turned out the Ministry that advised it,
and by the steps taken to remedy its disastrous results
in so far as that was possible, it is hardly too much to
say that the advice tendered to Egypt on that occasion
has been looked upon as a national disgrace and a
political blunder. It was hardly, therefore, possible to
suppose that, going beyond mere advice to an assisted
Power (Egypt), Great Britain, by the light of the expe-
^ Viz., all the territory included in the Zanzibar Sultanate, together with
Witu.
NO PRECEDENT FOR ABANDONMENT.
597
rlence gained by the evacuation of the Sudan, would
herself, on her sole initiative, abandon to chaos an area
placed under her suzerainty by international conven-
tion and by treaty with the people of the country. The
result has justified the assumption. Government re-
served to themselves the declaration of their intentions
until a commission of inquiry had investigated "the
best means of dealing with the country, whether
through Zanzibar or otherwise." In these words was
no hint of abandonment, and the public utterances of
her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who pos-
sessed in an extraordinary degree the confidence of
the country, together with the tenor of the instruc-
tions previously given to the Commissioner by Lord
Salisbury, completely satisfied public opinion that a
course whose nearest precedent had been followed by
disaster was not again to be adopted.
The territories described as British East Africa were
acquired through certain private individuals, who, form-
ing themselves first into a company under the name
of the " East African Association," came forward at
a moment when the colonial extension of Germany
threatened to absorb the whole of East Africa, and by
agreement with the Sultan of Zanzibar saved to us a por-
tion of that territory, which for over two decades had
known no European influence save that of Great Britain.
In doing this they were only giving effect to the policy
already sketched out under a Liberal Government.
Lord Granville, when Foreign Secretary, always showed
a remarkable eagerness to reserve to Great Britain a
footing in East Africa. During the twenty years in
which British interests had been rejDresented there by
Sir John Kirk, the Sultan of Zanzibar had looked to
England only. It is understood that he had even, in
1881, made overtures to place his dominions under
British protection, and that he subsequently pledged
598
OEIGIX OF THE ''BRITISH SPHERE."
himself to cede no j^art of his territory to any other
European nation without the consent of Great Britain.
For upwards of a century the coast, from the mouth
of the Zambesi in the south to Somahland in the north,
has been occupied by immigrants from what now is
British India. British money has been spent in the
suppression of the slave-trade by sea by the patrolling
of the East African littoral, a task in which no other
European Power has borne any part whatever. Indeed
it has been estimated that our expenditure under this
head is not less than £100,000 annually, and this
estimate takes no account of invalidings and other
indirect sources of expenditure.^
The action, therefore, of the founders of the East
African Association, in coming forward at this juncture
to preserve to Great Britain a part at least of that
territory, throughout the whole of which up to now
her influence had been j^redominant, was regarded by
public opinion as patriotic and most commendable.
The tone of the press generally was one of regret that
a larger area had not been secured for British influence ;
and especially that the mountain - slopes of Kilima-
njaro had been ceded to Germany. A royal charter
was granted to the Company, and they now became the
" Imperial British East African Company." Their chair-
man was Sir W. Mackinnon ; their Directors included
the Marquis of Lorne, K.T., Sir J. Kirk, Sir Donald
Stewart, Sir Arnold Kemball, Sir Fowell Buxton, Mr
A. L. Bruce, Mr G. S. Mackenzie, and other well-
known names.
The Germans had the more difficult section of the
coast to deal with, including the ports from which most
of the ivory and the majority of slaves were exported.
Their methods were more brusque and drastic than ours.
The result was a war between the Arabs and the Ger-
^ For details of this ex2:)enditure, vide chap. viii.
FORMATION OF THE CHARTERED COMPANY. 599
mans, in which the British Company was in no way
involved, but in which the Imperial Government assisted
Germany to the extent of taking part in a blockade of
the coast, to prevent arms from reaching the Arabs.
Owing to this disturbance, and the consequent animus
raised against Europeans and against ourselves as par-
ticipators in the blockade, the position of the Company
in its very infancy was extremely difficult, and its atti-
tude towards the Arabs had of necessity to be concil-
iatory to a degree which was to be deprecated, had it
not been that the Company's very existence depended
on the avoidance of hostilities, since they had no force
whatever to oppose to an enemy or to defend the very
lives of their officers.
This danger past, another appeared. The Germans
were fired by an inordinate zeal for extension at this
period, and the question arose as to whether Uganda
and the lake districts should be included in the British
or the German area ; for at this time the agreement
between Germany and ourselves extended no further
inland than the eastern shore of the Victoria Lake.
The Company state that it had never been their in-
tention to push on into the interior until by slow stages
they had established an administration over the inter-
mediate area. At this time, however, it must be
remembered that the theory of " effective occupation,"
as alone establishing a claim to territorial suzerainty,
was being energetically put forward. The principle
had been originally established by the Berlin Act of
1885 ; and although that Act referred only to coast
areas, its principles, as I have already shown (p. 567),
had been extended to include interior areas, by our-
selves in our dealings with Portugal regarding Nyasa-
land, the previous year.
Meanwhile Germany produced a brand-new principle
of African territorial acquisition, which we may call for
600 ORIGIN OF THE "BRITISH SPHERE."
convenience the " Hinterland tiieory." By this she main-
tained that all lands which lay behind the coast area
occupied by a Power, became part of the territory accru-
ing to that Power. The princif)le was not a bad one, if
fairly applied, but of course there was a vast margin for
divergent readings, in the definition of what the mean-
ing of territories "lying behind" might be. Germany,
moreover, at that time held the coast-line north as well
as south of the small piece of seaboard reserved to
Great Britain, and so the application of the hinterland
principle might well be applied (if no efPort on our part
to effect an occupation were made), so as to isolate and
cut off all trade-routes from Mombasa.
As the continent of Africa runs north and south, it
would appear fair, as regards East Africa, to draw lines
of delimitation of "hinterlands" due east and west of
the northern and southern limits of the coast area of
a Power — viz., the hinterland belonging to any Power
should be that enclosed between the latitudes which
limit its coast possessions. To such a principle the
British Company, as representing the interests of the
empire, would have been willing to adhere. Germany,
however, hinted that the further extension of her
East African possessions must be determined not by
the latitude of her coast area, but by a prolongation
of the line of demarcation between German and British
East Africa. This line ran north-west, and its exten-
sion passed through the centre of Uganda, and thence
far north into the Sudan. To accept such a principle
would have been suicidal. To protest merely evoked
the retort that effective occupation gave the sole ulti-
mate claim to a recognition of territorial acquisition ;
and if it was desirable for us to retain possession of the
proper hinterland of our possessions, it would be well
for the Company to step in and effectively occupy the
territories in question.
THE BRITISH HINTERLAXD THREATENED.
601
In the meantime, Dr Peters from the East Coast, and
subsequently Emin Pasha with an exjDedition round the
south of the Victoria Lake, were bending their courses
towards Uganda. The Company decided to accept the
challenge, and to occupy their hinterland before they
were anticipated by Germany. But meanwhile the
Anglo-German convention of July 1st, 1890, was signed,
by which Germany ceded to Great Britain her pro-
tectorate formally proclaimed over Witu, and over the
coast between that post and Kisimayu, and waived all
claims to the hinterland of British East Africa north
of 1° S. lat. By fixing an east and west line (passing
through the northern limit of her territory), as the
proper boundary of a hinterland, Germany recognised
the principle already explained.
The first and foremost reason for the immediate occu-
pation of Uganda no longer therefore existed, but the
Directors j^ei'severed in their intention to occupy the
country — for what precise reasons I did not know. In
their report dated May 29th, 1893, I learnt for the first
time their contention, that this decision Avas formed in
consequence of the intimation of the Foreign Ofiice that
the arrival of the em^oys who accompanied Mr Jackson
would offer a good opportunity for the cultivation of a
cordial understanding with Uganda; as also of subsequent
despatches,^ which were held to indicate the desire of
H. M.'s Government that the Company should at once
occupy Uganda, and that my progress thither might be
hastened. This action of the Foreim Office was in con-
tinuation of a policy by which negotiations respecting
Uganda had been opened 23rior to the formation of
the ComjDany. In September 1890 the Directors tele-
graj)hed orders to Mombasa for me to proceed to Uganda
and make a treaty pledging protection to the country.
At that time, as I have said, I was in Kikuyu, build-
1 Dated April 22d, 1890, and Oct. 10th, 1890.
602
OEIGIX OF THE "BRITISH SPHERE."
ing the station of Dagoreti. The orders reached me on
October 19th, 1890, and I at once proceeded to obey
them. The natural sequence of events followed. After
holding the country for less than eight months, the
Company found that they were not able to maintain so
distant an outpost, with the prohibitive rates of trans-
port involved by the system of human porterage to a
country 800 miles from the coast. The chief expense,
however, lay in the pay of the garrison necessary to
maintam a hold on the country. This cannot, however,
have been in the nature of a surprise, for Mr Jackson
had described the length of the journey and the difficul-
ties of food-supply to be encountered, as well as the
approximate garrison which he considered it was neces-
sary to maintain in the country. He had also explained
its present desolated and unremunerative condition, but
the Directors had persevered in their resolve to retain
Uganda. On the annomicement of the intended evac-
uation by the Company (August 1891), considerable
dismay was evinced by the supporters of the Missions
and by other philanthropists. Bishop Tucker, head of
the East African (C.M.S.) Mission, was in England,
and made a strong appeal on behalf of Uganda. Volun-
tary subscriptions to maintain the British occupation
were called for, and to these Sir William Mackinnon
gave £10,000. The Company agreed to continue in the
country for one more year, till December 1892, but ad-
hered to their determination to evacuate at the end of
that period ; and indeed they had no choice, having no
further funds to maintain their administration.
Such was the series of events Avhich led to the
difficulty known as the Uganda question," which
in the autumn of 1892 faced the new Government
w^hen they took office. Briefly it was simply this : —
The chartered Company were about to abandon the
greater part at least of the British sphere of influence
THE COMPAXY DECIDE TO EVACUATE TGAXDA. 603
in East Africa. Upon their retirement, in what way
could national responsibilities be best discharged to-
wards the country itself, and towards Europe in respect
of it ? There were two main alternatives, — either that
Government should enable the Company to maintain
its position by granting a subsidy with or without
guaranteed assistance in the construction of a railway
from the coast ; or that Government should undertake
the direct control and administration of East Africa,
either as a protectorate or as a Crown colony.^ A third
and very ingenious plan was suggested as better than
abandonment, which was that East Africa should be
absorbed into the protectorate already established over
Zanzibar — not under the conditions which then affected
that island itself as a direct ^protectorate of the British
Crown, which left the native ruler large powers of which
he has since been deprived, but rather as a colony
of that protectorate administered solely under British
officials. I Avill criticise as briefly as possible each of
these schemes.
The first — continued administration through the char-
tered Company — recommends itself for many reasons ;
but the negotiations of her Majesty's Government with
the Com23any merely referred to a prolongation of the
temporary occupation of the Company, and being re-
garded by them, rightly or wrongly, as offering no
permanent solution, were not successful. The advan-
tage of government by a chartered company is sup-
posed to lie primarily in its cheapness. The methods
of a company may be more elastic than those of a
Government ; the machinery of its administration is
necessarily cheaper and less ponderous. The prestige
of a company calling for vindication where necessary by
1 It would not be possible for Government officials to administer the
country merely as a " sphere of influence," for either they would have no
legal status, or the sphere of influence would in efi'ect be a protectorate.
604 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
force of arms, is not so great as that of a Government ;
hence the risks it can afford to run and the methods it
can afford to adopt, the garrisons it needs to maintain,
&c., are all less costly than those of the Crown. A
large portion of its administrative expenses can be
defrayed by trading operations not practicable to an
Imperial Government, and it is argued that a company
would thus more quickly and effectively develop the
commercial resources of a country.
Without going more fully into these questions, it is
sufficient to quote an instance in point. Mr lihodes, I
have heard, estimates the administrative expenses in-
curred by the British South African Company at £25,000
per annum. The annual cost of British Bechuanaland
— whose area is vastly less than that of the territory
actually opened up and administered by that Company
— is estimated at £70,000.^ The amount of the sub-
sidy to the Company would therefore be small, and
much less than the sum which would be incurred if the
Imperial Government assumed direct control. It would
be granted only for a jDeriod of years, and could be
made, if thought advisable, a gradually decreasing sum.
Probably a sum of £40,000 per annum, reducible by
one-third upon the completion of each period of two
years, unless the construction of the railway was pro-
ceeded with without interruption, and terminable after
six years, would, with economy and sound administra-
tion, be sufficient to meet the case, together with j)er-
mission to impose a coast taxation and the remission
of the sum paid annually to the Zanzibar protectorate.
The Government guarantee of the interest on the capital
outlay of the railway by sections would, under the terms
of this arrangement, be included in the total subsidy of
£40,000. Thus, if the scheme I have advocated (chap.
1 This is the average cost between tlie years 1885 and 1889. Vide Lord
Brassey's letter, Times, Nov. 3d, 1892.
SUBSIDY TO A CHARTERED COMPANY. 605
xvii.) was adopted, and one-third only of the railway
constructed in the first instance, £18,000 of this subsidy
would be hypothecated to the interest on the capital
(£600,000, say at 3 per cent), leaving £22,000 for
administrative expenses out of the total subsidy of
£40,000. This sum of £22,000 would be the available
subsidy for Governmental purposes during the construc-
tion of the first section of the railway, — say two years.
This completed, the Company would bear any deficit
in the working expenses, in return for the contingent
advantage of the railway. The Government subsidy
would be continued in full if the second section were
undertaken ; if not, it would be reduced by one-third,
and a sum of £27,000 only would be given for the next
two years, and of £13,000 for the last two years.
I have purposely refrained from explicit statements,
for the question would involve the examination of a
very great number of considerations ; and since it ap-
pears that any such scheme of subsidising a company
has been finally abandoned, it is needless to go into
details now upon the question. In the* main my con-
tention is, that a sum of £40,000 per annum should
enable the Company to maintain an effective adminis-
tration not only in Uganda, but in the country between
the coast and the lake, and also provide the guaranteed
interest on a single section (one-third) of the railway ;
that on completion of the first third of the railway, the
expenses of transport would be so greatly reduced, as
well as the cost of administration (always more expen-
sive in its earlier stages) — the development of the coun-
try meanwhile ensuring a gradually increasing revenue
— that the subsidy to the Company could be reduced by
one-third or any other ratio considered right, unless the
construction of a further section was undertaken. Thus
an inducement would be held out for the gradual con-
struction of the whole line ; and if (as I think advisable)
606 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
a i^eriod of a year or two were allowed to elapse after
the completion of the first section, a modification of the
above scheme could be adopted, so as to guarantee as-
sistance on the resumption of the railway construction.
Under such conditions the sum voted for British East
Africa, including railway construction, should never
exceed £40,000 per annum. The capital for the rail-
way, with interest at 3 per cent guaranteed by Govern-
ment, could be easily raised in the market.
The disadvantages of government by a chartered
company which have been urged are : —
1. That there is no effective guarantee for the proper
conduct of the administrative powers ceded to it, or for
the proper expenditure of the Imperial subsidy. I
do not think this a valid objection, since it is at all
times open to the Government to exercise whatever
supervision they may deem necessary by the appoint-
ment of an Imperial Commissioner whose duties shall
not tie him to the coast area. The names and standing
of the Directors, moreover, constitute a guarantee in
themselves.
2. There was undoubtedly a strong objection through-
out the country to the idea of Government "bolstering
up a chartered company," and a desire that the nation
should assume a direct control and guarantee a railway.
Hegarding this 23opular wish I shall speak more fully
in my remarks on imperial control. As a precedent for
the grant of a subsidy to a chartered company, we have
the fact that Government has allowed to the Niger
Company the use of £250,000, and permits them to
collect dues to pay the interest on this sum, in recog-
nition of their expenditure in making treaties, &c., in
their hinterland.^ The 23rinciple has also to some
extent been admitted in grants to steamship lines, and
is one freely employed by the other nations of Europe.
1 Vide Times, Aug. 29th, 1893.
ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES. 607
For guaranteeing the interest on a railway there are
many precedents. Most, if not all, of the railways in
India and Burma were State-aided. But the most
exact parallel is in the case of the extension of the
railway in South Africa to Mafeking, and eventually
to Palapye, by the South African Company, which is
assisted by Government, through the medium of the
Bechuanaland Protectorate.^
3. That it is against the principles of sound policy
that a commercial company should be intrusted with
administrative powers, and that unless the two func-
tions are combined the argument of cheapness falls
through. This objection I will also examine under the
head of direct imperial control (p. 612).
4. Lastly, there is an important and influential sec-
tion of the public who urge that undertakings in which
the welfare of millions of human beings is involved
should in no way be dependent for favour with the
nation upon the rise or fall of company's shares — pre-
mium and praise, discount and disgust ! They main-
tain that it is wholly inappropriate that chartered
companies should practically pledge the nation, both
to Europe and to the Africans, and then that a see-
saw policy of alternate orders for evacuation and re-
tention should be inaugurated, leading to vacillation
and uncertainty in administration — terms which in
Africa spell chaos and disaster in an incredibly short
time. With this criticism I am completely in accord.
There is now apparently no question of any such plan
1 Vide Blue - book South Africa, Sept. 1893. The case is singularly-
parallel, and the plan adopted of subsidies by sections for j^rogressive
construction is identical with the plan I have advocated. It was stated
lately that this subsidy was granted with the view of developing a British
protectorate (Bechuanaland). Similarly in East Africa the railway from the
coast would develop the coast protectorate, for it must always be borne in
mind that the territories of the Sultanate along the whole of the coast-line
as far as the Juba are a British protectorate no less than Zanzibar.
608 METHODS OF DEALIXG WITH THE COUNTRY.
of administration by a chartered company, so there is
no need to discuss in any more elaborate detail what
conditions had else been suitable.
In the foregoing remarks I have j^i'^^upposed the
" chartered company," through which the government
of East Africa might be conducted, to be the Imperial
British East African Company, or at least a company
having its headquarters on the East Coast, and possess-
ing the treaty advantages at present held by this Com-
pany. But there is a possible alternative. It is an
open secret that Mr Rhodes, on behalf of the South
African Company, has made overtures to Government
regarding Uganda if granted a subsidy. Incidentally
I may remark that the Southern Company has already
as many difficulties, both present and prospective, as it
can well manage, and until it has dealt with the Mata-
beles in the south, and the slave-traders north of the
Zambesi, it surely is open to discussion whether it were
wise to saddle it with a new set of difficulties in a
country 700 miles and more beyond the furthest de-
tached outpost it already has.
Moreover, though Nyasaland is a British protector-
ate, the Administrator, by a curious anomaly, depends
in the main for his resources on a subsidy from the
Chartered Company, and signs himself officially,
" H.M.'s Imp. Commissioner, administering for the
S. African Company." This Company has stations
towards Lakes Mweru and Tanganyika, and apparently
accepts responsibility in these regions. I have already
shown (chap, vi.) that the Administrator has of neces-
sity, from want of funds, been compelled to almost
wholly neglect the northern portion of his territory ;
and we thus see how severely the resources of the
South African Company are already taxed. The dis-
advantages of a base so distant from Uganda seem
almost too self - evident to require a detailed criti-
AFRICAN SCENERY.
IMPRACTICABILITY OF UTILISING S. A. COMPANY. 609
cism ; yet since the idea of its feasibility appears to
have found acceptance in some quarters, I will briefly
indicate what appear to me as the leading objections to
the scheme.
1. The seaport would be at the mouth of the Zambesi,
distant at least 2000 miles from Uganda. The cost of
the conveyance of stores over this enormous distance
would be prodigious ; for although a great portion of
the transit would be by the water-way of the Tanganyika
and Nyasa lakes, and the rivers Shire and Zambesi, bulk
must probably be broken at least seven times, and in
addition to transhipments, three porterages of 60, 150,
and 150 miles respectively are included. The last of
these is across a country at present entirely unexplored,
where no porters are available, and wholly in German
territory. I have heard that a transport company
undertake to convey goods at the rate of £150 per ton
from the coast to Uganda by this route ; but knowing
as I do the difficulties to be met with, I am absolutely
confident that it could not be done at this price or
anything approaching it. Supposing, however, that it
should be possible, such a freight would be no better
than the existing method of human porterage through
German territory (see chap, xvii.) ; whereas I have shown
in the chapter on Transport that present methods might
be enormously improved upon with little comparative
expense. Such a freightage would entirely preclude
the export of any products except ivory, and would
absolutely arrest any commercial development. Lastly,
the time taken in transit, and the risks to which goods
would be exposed by the frequent changes of transport
systems, and the formalities required on entering
foreign territory, would undoubtedly result in deterior-
ation, loss, and breakage.
2. Perhaps the portion of East Africa which offers the
best chances of commercial development and ultimate
VOL. II. 2 Q
610 METHODS OF DEALING AYITH THE COVXTRY.
success is the country lying between the East Coast
and Uganda ; nor can we throw aside our responsibiUty
for this portion of our sphere, any more than for Uganda.
The plan of handing over Uganda to the South African
Company takes no account of these countries, unless it
is presumed that they would be separately administered
by the British Government or the Imperial British East
African Company — a sup2)osition which, from the de-
clared intentions of the latter Company, we know to
be erroneous.
It is not perhaps generally known that Gordon had
orders from the Khedive to conquer Uganda "up to
the shores of the lake and the Ripon Falls," and incor-
porate it with the Egyptian Sudan ; that much official
correspondence is in existence on this subject, giving
the Khedive's plans for this work, and that Egyp-
tian soldiers actually entered Uganda. Gordon told
the Khedive that, even with the Nile water-way, and the
steamers already placed on that river, the development
of Uganda from the north was wholly impossible, and
that it could only be occupied from the east. It was
in January 1875 (after the return of Colonel Long from
Uganda) that Gordon proposed to the Khedive to seize
Mombasa. In such a case, he says, I shall make my
base at Mombasa and give up Khartum and the bother of
the steamers. The centre of Africa would be much more
effectually opened out, as the only valuable parts of the
country are the highlands near Uganda." ^ The occu-
pation of the Mombasa coast is " the only thing which
will open Africa," he adds'^ ; and he goes on to say that
he proposed to take the mouth of the Tana.^ An ex-
pedition w^as then sent by Egypt to secure a fort on the
East Coast, and they actually landed and seized Barawa
and Kisimayu. M'Killop Pasha, before evacuating these
posts, which he did under compulsion from England,
reported that Mombasa was the true entrance to the
Gordon's Journals, p. 65. - Ibid., p. 68. ^ Ibid., p. 151.
DIRECT COXTROL BY GOVERXMEXT.
611
upper Nile valley, and his statement was confirmed
later on by a commissioner, who reported that this was
the one and only port, and the key to the whole of
these countries. I tell this in the briefest outUne, to
show that the whole question of the importance of
Uganda and the lake countries, and the best means
of reaching them, has long ago been considered by so
able a man as Gordon, and after a jDractical attempt
from the north, he gave it as his unqualified verdict
that from the east alone could these countries be advan-
tageously reached and developed. Yet from the north
there was a continuous water-way, upon which steamers
had already been placed, and these, Gordon says, could
with care, at the right season, ascend the whole way
from Cairo to the Albert Lake with only one interrup-
tion (at Dufileh).^
Undoubtedly, then, if Government decided to grant
a subsidy to a chartered company, the money could be
more advantageously used by a company working from
the East Coast ; and the sum I have named (including,
as it would, a railway) would produce far more adequate
results than a subsidy of £25,000 granted to the South
African Company merely for holding Uganda 2?er se,
with no further results.
The second jolan — that of direct control by Govern-
ment— was beyond doubt the one which Avas most ap-
proved of throughout England and Scotland. It AA'as
urged upon the Cabinet in memorials submitted to her
Majesty's Government from the Chambers of Commerce
of Liverpool, Manchester, and other great cities. It
was the view taken by the influential deputation or-
ganised by the Anti-Slavery Society, which waited on
Lord Rosebery. in October 1892, and which included
speakers of such varied experience and different in-
terests as Sir E. Temple, Sir A. Rollit, Mr Bosworth
Smith, and Rev. H. Waller. Lord Brassey, a supporter
^ Gordon's Journals, p. 202.
612 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
of the Government, also endorsed this view, though
lately a director of the Company.^ The veteran states-
man Earl Grey expresses the same conviction, on the
grounds that " no trading company should be invested
with poHtical power or the management of national
affairs ; " and he points out that in renewing the charter
of the East India Company in 1833 this principle was
laid down, and when the poUtical power of the Company
was then renewed it was " strictly prohibited for the
future from engaging in any kind of trade." ^
In discussing government by a chartered company in
the preceding paragraphs, I have assumed that the
company would be both commercial and administrative,
such as it has hitherto been, and as the other British
chartered comj)anies on the Niger and in South Africa
are. In the formation of these Governmental companies,
the principle laid down in 1833 has been lost sight
of The result has been that the Imperial British East
African Company has found itself unequal to the task
of government which it undertook, and that a chronic
and vehement agitation, which shows itself in j^eriodical
appeals to her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
is being carried on in Liverpool against the monopoly
in trade said to be exercised by the Niger Company.
If a chartered company be deprived of its " com-
mercial and industrial " rights, and its resources are
limited solely to the collection of such revenues as may
accrue from taxation and customs, &c., its administra-
tion does not become much cheaper than that of the
Imperial Government, for what may be saved in a less
ponderous machinery of administration, is more than
counterbalanced by the advantages possessed by Gov-
ernment in drawing upon indirect imperial resources.
For trained officials of the consular and diplomatic
1 Times, Oct. 24th, 1892.
2 Letter in Times, Nov. 22d, 1892.
ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES.
613
services, and officers of the navy and army, are then
available for posts of responsibility and command. The
headquarter administration becomes vested in the Foreign
and Colonial Offices, and this without in any way adding
to the staff and expenses of those departments. Re-
cruiting-grounds for native troops, or for petty officers
in both civil and miUtary capacities, which are not
accessible to a company, are available if necessary. The
vessels of her Majesty's navy are available for the
control of the littoral. So are Government mints for
coinage, ordnance stores for saddlery and gear of animals,
arsenals for supply of disused arms and for ammunition,
&c., — it is needless to continue the category.
Under present conditions, moreover, direct control by
Government has the advantage of throwing open the
country more quickly to independent enterprise. There
can. then, no longer be any suspicion of a monopoly
of trade, and this in itself would tend to draw into the
country independent enterprise and competition. There
would also be an increase of confidence on the part of
European neighbours in Africa when they knew that
they were dealing with officers of the Crown, and thus
the position of the administrators would be very greatly
strengthened.
The objections to direct imperial control have already
been noticed — expense and responsibility. Expense, be-
cause imperial administration involves the safeguarding
of the prestige of the empire, and its methods are more
elaborate than those of a company, while more rapid
communications are essential ; and because its revenues
would be less than those of a company which was also a
trading concern. Responsibility, because the Imperial
Government must bear the onus of any war undertaken
by its agents in however distant a province.
To take the question of expense. I have already
pointed out that, supposing it to be granted that ad-
614 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
ministration through a company would involve less
expense to the nation, we may save the difference in
pecuniary outlay at the cost of vitiating the sound prin-
ciple that a governing body ought not to be also a trad-
ing concern ; and, moreover, we are at all times liable
to be called upon to make good our responsibilities
under the Brussels Act if not adequately fulfilled bv the
comjDany, or to assist in case of its financial inability to
fulfil its engagements. To meet the difficulty of voting
money to inaugurate the administration under the Crown,
a land loan could be raised, if considered advisable, under
Government guarantee, and this could be efifected if East
Africa were declared a British protectorate. A portion
of this would be expended in paying such claims for pur-
chase of assets, compensation, &c., as may be judged fair
to the company, and a second portion would go towards
the initial expenses of the new administration. The pro-
tectorate would thus be saddled with a small debt ; but
if the hopes entertained of its ultimate development
prove in any way well founded, the debt would be paid
off as its revenues increased.
As regards responsibility. The " British Central
African Protectorate " (Nyasaland) offers a j^recedent
for the direct assumption by Government of adminis-
tration in a distant district of Central Africa. More-
over, in Nyasaland there is a j^owerful, well-armed, and
extremely hostile element to be dealt with in the Arabs
and slave-traders, and more especially in the tribes
which have been armed by and affiliated to them — pro-
minently the Yaos and Awemba. Yet it was judged
best to proclaim a protectorate over Nyasaland ; and
East Africa cannot be said to involve greater difficulties,
to offer fewer advantages, or to be more distant, than
that country. On the West Coast, again, where we
have recently established a direct protectorate, we have
to deal with the liquor question, on the continuance of
" THROUGH ZANZIBAR."
615
which abominable traffic the revenues of that adminis-
tration depend (see chap, viii.) No such difficulty pre-
sents, itself in East Africa, where, thanks to the influ-
ence of the Mohammedan faith, the use of spirits is
condemned by the Arab element, which had largely
moulded the feelings of the ^^oorer classes before we
appeared.
The definition, moreover, of the duties of the "Im-
perial Commissioner " (as regards a sphere of influence),
which were conveyed to Sir G. Portal on his appoint-
ment, are practically identical with the responsibilities
we assume under a protectorate. " A sphere of influ-
ence " was a convenient phrase during a particular phase
of African history, solely because it might mean much
or nothino-. Now that these instructions have made
it concrete, its value as an intangible phrase for dip-
lomatic usage has passed. It is important to note
that the Brussels Act recognises no difference between
spheres of influence, protectorates, or possessions. The
question of the mere name, therefore, is of no import-
ance, for the same responsibility devolves on us as a
nation. We are therefore solely concerned with the
question as to whether governmental functions can be
most advantageously exercised directly by the Crown
or delegated, our responsibility to Europe under treaty
obligations being the same in either case (see p. 574).
The third and final scheme to which I shall devote a
few words is that of making East Africa a dependency
of the Zanzibar protectorate. The argument in favour
of this j)lan was, that while many of the advantages
accruing from direct protection would still be gained,
the disadvantages on the score of expense and responsi-
bility would be minimised, and a hesitating British Gov-
ernment induced to take a step that would be better
than abandonment. As regards expense. If the terri-
tory became as it were a colony of Zanzibar, the expense
616 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
of administration must be borne, not by the Imperial
Government, but by the Zanzibar exchequer. This
would be effected by various means. In the first place,
the scheme in its entirety presujDposed the exclusion of
the Sultan's personal interference in the afiairs of the
dependency. Zanzibar has already added very largely
to her administrative revenues by aj^propriating the
difference between the late Sultan's income and the
modest sum now allowed to our nominee. Seyyid
Barghash's income was estimated at from £200,000
to £300,000 per annum, while the present "Sultan"
receives a civil list of £10,000 only. On the absorp-
tion of East Africa into the Zanzibar protectorate, it
is presumed that the sum now paid by the Company
to the Sultan for the privilege of farming the coast
customs — viz., S80,000 = £ll,300 per annum — would
be remitted, and would become available for the ad-
ministration of that portion of the protectorate from
which the revenue accrued. The surplus last year in
the Zanzibar budget was identical with this sum, thus
showino' that the island revenues are sufficient with-
out it. Thus an immediate revenue of £20.000 would
be available for the administration of East Africa, being
the total of the customs dues collected on the East Afri-
can coast. ^ Under the new conditions of administra-
tion and commercial development, this revenue would
undoubtedly increase enormously ; already in the four
years of the Company's rule it has doubled itself Prior
to the formation of the Company it was estimated at
£6800, as against close on £20,000 in 1892. Additional
sources of revenue would be found by various means.
In order to provide a capital sum to buy out the
Company and to inaugurate remunerative works, it
was also proposed to raise a loan on Zanzibar credit,
^ Viz., £11, .300 paid to the Sultan, and over £8000 surplus to the
Company.
ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES.
617
the whole of the customs being assigned as security.
Otherwise it was suggested that the Zanzibar ^^rotec-
torate should advance the sum to its new dependency
(having in hand £200,000, being the sum paid by
the Germans for commutation of their customs duties).
The further details of this scheme are too technical
to be of interest to the general reader. The corre-
spondence on the subject between the Company and
Government may be found in the Directors' report of
May 29th, 1893. Lord Rosebery was pre]3ared to con-
sider the advisability of thus taking back the govern-
ment of the coast area under the Zanzibar sultanate,
and apparently of including the whole of British East
Africa therewith, since Sir G. Portal has been ordered
to report as to whether Uganda should be dealt with
" through Zanzibar or otherwise."
For my own part I am opposed to the scheme.
1. As regards the delegation of responsibility.
Though by a figure of speech we hold Zanzibar pri-
marily responsible, the ultimate onus must of necessity
rest upon England, since Zanzibar itself is a protector-
ate.^ Moreover, as already shown, we remain solely
responsible under the Brussels Act to the European
Powers. Supposing, to take a concrete instance, that
trouble arose in East Africa, with which it was beyond
the power of the Zanzibar executive to cope, the
Imperial Government becomes at once involved. And
similarly in a financial crisis. In the next chapter
I hope to point out some reasons why the condition of
Zanzibar (and the coast area included in the sultanate)
are such, that if the government is to be effective it
is necessary that they should be annexed.
1 A case in point is afforded by the Bechuanaland protectorate, whose
annual deficit has to be made good by the imperial treasury, even though
this deficit be increased by railway extension outside the protectorate but
subsidised by its administration. Another instance is afforded by the assist-
ance given to the Niger Company (p. 606), whose territory is a protectorate.
618 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
2. As regards the question of expense. It appears
to me that the payment of the sum of £12,000 annually
by the Administration of East Africa to the island pro-
tectorate of Zanzibar, is in any case a manifest injustice
to the country from which that sum of money accrues,
on whose development and administration it should
legitimately be spent. When the concession was first
obtained, this sum was payable to the Sultan per-
sonally. Now that Zanzibar has become a British
protectorate, and the Sultan a mere pensioner — the
whole of his public and private income, excepting a
mere pittance, being devoted to governmental require-
ments— the levying of this tax on the resources of the
mainland, with not even any theoretical quid lyro quo,
becomes indefensible. The remission of this payment
is Avholly apart from the question of absorption in the
Zanzibar j^i'otectorate. It is paid not to the Sultan,
but to her Majesty's agent, as a portion of the island
revenue, though the mainland where the customs are
collected is equally part of the ^protectorate. The
hinterland, whence come the articles taxed, derives no
benefit of any kind. Were a protectorate proclaimed by
her Majesty in East Africa, it would be wholly admis-
sible for the protecting Power (being the same in both
instances) to appropriate to the new protectorate all
revenues accruing from its administration. The Com-
pany, however, being a commercial concern, and their
" concession " a business transaction, can lav no claim
to its being cancelled, merely on the grounds that
receipts do not cover expenses — nor do they, so far as
I am aware. The island protectorate has already made
good the deficit which this remission woidd cause in
its revenues, by appropriating the income of the Sultan.
The scheme, therefore, of readjustment of revenues, is in
no sense an integral j)art of the plan of making East
Africa a dependency of Zanzibar.
SPECIAL OBJECTIONS — SLAVERY LEGALISED. 619
3. There are some technical objections. If East
Africa became an appanage of the Zanzibar protec-
torate, the chief official would presumably be resident
in that island, as the headquarters of the mother-pro-
tectorate,— East Africa being considered in the light of
a colony. To me it appears essential that the gover-
nor of British East Africa should be resident on the
mainland, in a central position, and free to travel con-
tinually throughout the area under his control, wherever
his presence might be required.
4. Zanzibar being a Mohammedan State under Mo-
hammedan law, if British East Africa becomes a colony
of Zanzibar, the question will arise, whether in East
Africa the Mohammedan flag must be flown and Mo-
hammedan law enforced. To the Christian Waganda,
who have for years been fighting against the Moham-
medans, the hauling down of the British and the sub-
stitution for it of the Sultan's flag, would be looked
upon with feelings of absolute mistrust and apprehen-
sion. For, as will have been seen by a perusal of the
foregoing pages, the Waganda set great store by a flag.
This, however, is a minor matter ; for since the idea of
forming a colony to a protectorate is wholly new and
without precedent, it would be possible to so far modify
the flag (as is the case in our colonial flags) as to
possibly deprive it of its distinctive character.
But far more important would be the introduction of
Mohammedan law. Thereby ive should, for instance,
legalise slavery throughout East Africa. At present
there is no legal status of slavery in the interior, beyond
the limits laid down for the Zanzibar sultanate, what-
ever may be said to the contrary. Will British public
opinion tolerate that we should be the sole nation to
introduce into Central Africa a legal status of slavery ?
But assuredly we do so if Zanzibar law should be applied
in East Africa. It is not, however, a necessity that the
law of a protecting State should be introduced into its
620 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COUNTRY.
colonies. Thus Mauritius is administered under the
old Napoleonic (French) Code, Cyprus (a protectorate)
under Turkish law, nor is the law of the Cape or of
India identical with Enoiish usao^e. Zanzibar itself is
an instance ; for thoug4i a British j)rotectorate, it is
administered under Mohammedan law. But it may be
noted, that whereas, on the one hand, if East Africa
were a direct protectorate it would come under the
operation of the ''African Order in Council, 1889,"
and by the provisions of clause 13 of that Act civil
and criminal jurisdiction would be " exercised upon the
principles of and in conformity with " English law, and
" according to the practice observed by courts of justice
in England," — on the other hand, if it were to become a
dependency of Zanzibar, this clause would cease to apply
to it, under the ruling of clause 4, which excludes all
" local jurisdictions " from the operation of the Act —
Zanzibar being classed as such under clause 6. Unless,
therefore, sj^ecial exemption were made, the jDresump-
tion is that East Africa would be administered under
the law of the " local jurisdiction " of Zanzibar.^
5. I think the effect on the Arab mind would in all
probability be injurious. In fact we place East Africa
1 Witu, a British protectorate, has recently been placed — but only temi^o-
rarily — under the Zanzibar protectorate. It has not been " reabsorbed," as
stated by the ' Zanzibar Gazette,' for it was taken over by us not from
Zanzibar but from the Imperial German Government, whose protectorate
it formerly was — in exchange for Heligoland. The conditions which have
been made applicable to it, bear out exactly what I have said in the text.
The Mohammedan law, under which slavery becomes legal, has been ap-
plied, so that it is even doubtful whether the fourth clause limiting it {vide
Appendix III.) would be operative as against the law of the Sheria. The
judges are apjDointed by the Sultan, and it is he, and not the Queen,
who deputes the administrator of the district, and invests him with
judicial authority over Europeans. The final appeal, even where Christian
subjects are concerned, is to the Sultan in person, and not to any of our
High Courts ; and we may therefore presume that Mohammedan law
applies equally to all, European and native alike. Government, appreci-
ating these anomalies, lias placed Witu under Zanzibar onhj tem'porarily^ as
I have said ; for, pending the decision regarding the rest of East Africa and
the disposal of the Company, it was not easy to deal with it in any other way.
EAST AFRICA AS A PKOTECTORATE. 621
under their sway — at least theoretically ; and such
difficulties as have already been experienced in dealing
with these people, who have an inordinate idea of their
own importance, would certainly not be decreased by
such a step.
To summarise. Of the three forms of government
proposed, that by chartered company on the East Coast
has apparently been given up, and hence it is useless to
discuss it, while the utilisation of the Southern Company
I hold to be quite impossible. Government " through
Zanzibar" I have shown to be merely a flimsy sub-
terfuge, offering no advantages over a direct protec-
torate, while the investment of the Sultan with the
nominal suzerainty would only be productive of great
mischief It is possible that I have not fully coped
with the subtleties of this plan, for I confess that
the more I have examined it the less practical it
has appeared to me ; and yet I have had the advan-
tage of discussing it with its originator, who has re-
peatedly told me he holds it in no way so satisfactory
as the declaration of a direct protectorate, and regards
it " only as a means of gilding the pill." To my mind
its sup230sed advantages seem to be entirely theoretical
and unpractical, while the objections to it (especially
on the grounds of slavery) are very real. There re-
mains the third alternative — a direct protectorate —
which is advocated, as I have shown, by the highest
authorities, and Sir Gerald Portal's action would seem
to have gone far towards pledging the country to this
form of government,^ and (independent of other consid-
erations) I am glad of it for the country's sake. With
a few brief notes, then, on the conditions affecting East
Africa as a protectorate, I wdll close this chapter.
1. As regards the position of the Imperial British East
African Company. This Company, as I have shown, held
^ Vide footnote, p. 564.
622
METHODS OF DEALING AVITH THE COUXTRY.
a concession from the Sultan of Zanzibar for farniino- the
customs of the coast-Hne from Wanga to Kipini, when
they had not as yet obtained their charter, and were
known under the name of the " East African Associa-
tion." They hold that they can still, under that title
(sujDposing their charter to be withdrawn), legally claim
the control of the customs and the coast area, even if
Government undertook the administration of the inte-
rior. By retaining this, they would of course reap the
Avhole of the benefit of all development of the interior,
since all imports and exports must pass through the
coast area, and the customs and duties leviable would
accrue to them under the British and German commercial
treaties with Zanzibar, which were framed in order to
allow this very thing, before Germany secured the coast
ports. This of course, if feasible, would hamper the
interior protectorate. The remedy held by Government
would be either to treat the Company in an arbitrary
manner by force majeure, or to give them such com-
pensation for their rights as may be judged just and
adequate.
The question at once arises. For what does the
Company claim compensation, and to what extent ?
By their report dated May 29th, 1893, they state that a
total sum of £450,000 has been expended. Of this it is
stated that a sum of about £267,000 is represented by
valuable assets immediately realisable, such as estates
and buildings on the coast ; ships, lighters, boats, &c. ;
machinery, such as a steam-crane, jDlant for railway, &c. ;
telegraph along the coast, &c. : but this, of course, repre-
sents the sum spent on them, and not their saleable value,
which would be a mere fraction of this amount, since all
the railway plant, &c., would now be almost valueless.
The balance, £225,000, has been expended in opening
up and exploring the country — not, they admit, without
some mistakes and some Avaste of money. That ex-
DISPOSAL OF THE COMPANY.
623
perience in a new country is dearly bought is proved
by the enormous sums expended by the German
Government, and more recently by the fruitless ex-
penditure and the collapse of the large schemes pro-
pounded by the German Ant i- Slavery Society, whose
capital of a million marks has produced but little
result. On the other hand, the Company had before
them the object-lesson of the Congo State, whose ex-
penditure was well known. To this I shall allude
later (p. 643).
From the voluminous correspondence on the subject,
we may summarise as follows, what they claim to have
been effected for this expenditure.^ (l.) This j^oi""
tion of British Africa has been reserved to British
influence, and saved from absorption in the German
or Italian protectorates. It includes, as I think my
chapters on Commerce show, a country of far greater
possibilities than that secured by Germany, and with
fewer hostile agencies to be dealt with than are found
in either the German or Italian S23heres. On its coast is
the finest harbour from Suakim to Delagoa Bay, a port
of considerable political importance. (2.) Much has been
effected towards the suppression of slavery, and many
slaves have been liberated. (3.) The Tana and Juba
rivers have been exjDlored and a steamer jDlaced on one
of them. (4.) A large portion of the country west and
north-west of Mombasa, as far as the Albert Lake and
the Congo State, has been explored, and to some extent
administered, so that the recent Government mission to
Uganda was able to traverse the country in two and a
half months in peace. Through this area treaties have
been made with native rulers. (5.) An administration
(though necessarily as yet crude) has been established in
Uganda, and though a quarrel between the two religious
factions resulted in a brief war, the situation was entirely
^ Vide Times, May 24th, 1893.
624 METHODS OF DEALIXG WITH THE COUXTEY.
controlled by their officers, and peace re-established, and
anything like chaos and anarchy prevented. No Euro-
peans lost their lives, and both Missions are safe in the
country. These results would not have accrued (it is
argued) except for the jDresence of the Company. (6.)
A tine body of Sudanese soldiery has been secured for
future requirements. (7.) By the occupation of Uganda
by the Company, her Majesty's Government have been
provided with a locus standi in their protestations to
the Belgian Government against aggression in the Nile
valley, and a hold has been maintained on that import-
ant political key ; for by the Company's presence in
Uganda a fair claim for progressive effective occupation
of the British sphere in the Nile valley can be main-
tained, as against encroachments by France or Belgium.
Such in the main is the work — not realisable as an
asset — for which the Comj)any claims comjDensation.
They also state that they could dispose to advantage of
their goodwill " and assets (realisable and otherwise)
to a foreign Power, were such permissible.^ As to the
amount of compensation claimed, I see from the last
report that they have offered to accept 10s. 6d. in the
£1 on their total expenditure. Whether this is reason-
able or excessive, it is not for me to express an opinion.
The Company state that their inability to carry on
the administration in East Africa is due to the follow-
ing causes : —
1. That they were at their inception as a Company
distinctly promised Government support, and that this
pledge was redeemed by the prospect of the construc-
tion of a railway. By the absence of any indication
of Government action in this direction, they maintain
that the pledge has been broken.
2. It is alleged that the withdrawal of the reservations
under which the Sultan joined the Berlin Act, so that
1 Times, May .30th, 1893.
THE company's CLAIMS, AND GOYERNMENT YIEW. 625
the Zanzibar coast territory is now included in the free-
trade zone, together with the declaration of Zanzibar
as a free port, deprives their concession for farming the
coast customs of all value, and also deprives them of
the means assigned by the Sultan to enable the Com-
pany to pay the rent.
3. They maintain that they have the right to com-
mute this concession and to levy taxes on the coast,
and that both these rights have been withheld by
Government.^
Such is the case put forward by the Company, and
fully stated by Mr Mackenzie in his speech to the
shareholders, May 29th.^ I have given it in as brief
a form as possible, and refrained from any comments
which would involve a fuller statement, for which I
have no space. On the other hand, it is argued that
Government support has been extended to the limits
of what might fairly be expected ; that the Company
went to Uganda for their own expected advantage,
and not at the desire of Government ; that the advan-
tage to Government, if any, was incidental and not a
primary incentive ; that their rapid extension was in-
judicious, and their administration has been unneces-
sarily costly, and has not effected any adequate results ;
that no commutation clause exists in their treaty with
the Sultan ; that the Sultan, as paramount, had a full
right to place his territories within the free -trade
1 British subjects are amenable only to the (consular) jurisdiction of
officers nominated by the Queen, in virtue of her treaties with the Sultan.
The Chartered Company being vested with governmental powers solely as the
Sultan's representative, has only jurisdiction over his subjects, and hence
no rights of taxing British subjects or other "foreigners" in the Sultanate.
2 Within the last few days (Sept. 25th, 1893) the Imperial British East
African Company have published a volume (' British East Africa, P. L.
Macdermott : Chapman & Hall) which contains the whole of their historyand
claims, together with voluminous appendices quoting in full all official
correspondence. I regret that time has not permitted of my looking into
this book before the publication of the present work.
YOL. II. 2 R
626 :\IETHODS OF DEALTXG WITH THE COrXTRY.
zone ; that the Company knew of his intention, and
approved it, as is shown by their correspondence ; and
that in the terms of their charter they pledged them-
selves to effect and maintain an administration, which
they have not done.
If it be conceded that the Company has acted in a
hond fide manner, as they thought for the public good,
arbitrary action on the j^art of Government would be
viewed as spoliation ; but seeing that mistakes have
been made, and much money spent without perhaps
an adequate result, the compensation awarded would,
of course, depend upon the degree of value attached to
the Company's work, in so far as it would assist the
new protectorate. The real crux of the whole question
lies in the difficulty of obtaining money wherewith to
compensate the Company for some portion of then*
outlay. It is probably with the view of raising money
through Zanzibar that the scheme of making East
Africa a dependency of that protectorate has found some
supporters. But if a direct protectorate be declared,
and the territories of the Sultanate be simultaneously
annexed and incorporated (p. 627) under one adminis-
tration (East Africa being in no sense an appanage or
colony of Zanzibar), no reason exists why the sum of
£200,000, now lying in the island exchequer, should
not be hypothecated to the exigencies of any part of
our new possession. For this money is not the j^rivate
property of the Sultan, and justly belongs to the State,
being the price paid by Germany for East African
territory. The jDresent Sultan receives a fixed income
from the State in lieu of all claims of whatever nature,
either on the revenues or on the estate of the late Sul-
tan. A portion of this sum, therefore (which was paid
by the Germans in commutation of their concession),
could well be applied to buying out the Company and
appropriating its assets. Only thus by annexation of
ANNEXATION OF THE SULTANATE NECESSARY. 627
the Sultanate and the declaration of a protectorate over
the rest of British East Africa does it appear to me that
all the difficulties of the situation can be adequately
dealt with.
As regards this question of annexation and the
future administration of the coast zone. Under long-
existing treaties the French have the right to claim
ex-territorial jurisdiction throughout this area, over all
their subjects and those in their employ, so long as it
remains a portion of his Highness the Sultan of Zanzi-
bar's dominions ; and holding, as they do, Madagascar
and the Comoro Islands, this gives them control over a
very large number. Consequently any French subject
can appeal to the French Consul against any order of
her Majesty's Consul-General or the Governor of East
Africa or of the Sultan, and set such order at defiance.
Such a state of things might lead to endless compli-
cations, more especially when it is remembered that
France accords to natives of her protectorate the rights
of French subjects, as we do to those of India. The
sole remedy for this anomalous state of things is an-
nexation of the coast area, — the course adopted by
Germany with respect to the Sidtan's dominions within
her sphere of influence. The International Convention
of December 1886 adjudged that the territories belong-
ing to the Sultanate should include the belt of coast-
line, and that the width of this belt should be ten
nautical miles, measured from high-water mark. This
belt alone, with the islands off its coast, is subject to
these treaties, and therefore annexation need extend no
farther than its limits. There are other complications
affecting these territories of the Sultanate, arising from
old treaties, into which it is not necessary to enter
here. For instance, the Sultan's treaties with foreign
Powers restrict taxation of foreigners, and probably,
except by annexation, this right could not be acquired.
628 METHODS OF DEALIXG WITH THE COUXTRY.
A •'•'protecting'*' Power would merely have the right to
tax its own and the Sultan's subjects, but no rights
of taxation over the subjects of other Powers. The
Germans, finding imjDerial administration impossible
under such conditions, commuted their concession and
boldly annexed the area.
I have just mentioned that the French acknow-
ledge the civil status of the natives of Madagascar and
Comoro Islands (which are under their j^i'otection), and
grant to them the rights of French subjects. To our
disoTace Ave do not deal thus with ours. The " African
Order in Council, 1889," re-published recently,^ is the
legal instrument under which the jurisdiction of the
Crown is exercised in Africa.^ The definition of a
" British subject " in clause 3 " includes a person
enjoying her Majesty's protection," and especially in-
cludes "British-Indians" resident in Africa. But the
" natives " of a British protectorate in Africa are
separately defined as " the subjects of any country
within the limits of this Order, not being a British
subject." There are certain well - defined rights and
priA^Ieges pertaining to British subjects, and those who
come under this classification may be said to " enjoy
protection ; " but the inhabitants of a protectorate Avho
are not included as British subjects have apparently no
special rights and pri^'ileges, either within or beyond
the limits of the protectorate ; and thus, though the
wording of the Act ajDpears a little ambiguous, nati^'es
of Africa in a British protectorate cannot be said to
1 Blue-Book Africa, Xo. 4, 1892, pp. 24-86.
2 Since the above was written, an "African Order in Council, 1893," has
been promulgated, not in supersession of, but in continuation of, that of
1889. It confers the title of "British protected persons" on natives of a
protectorate while in a local jurisdiction, but what advantages are included
in the term still remain a matter of speculation. A second Act (Zanzibar
Order in Council, 1893) extends provisions of previous orders relating to
British subjects so as to include "Zanzibar subjects," but in so far only as
her Majesty has jurisdiction over the latter.
RIGHTS OF NATIVES IN A BRITISH PROTECTORATE. 629
" enjoy her Majesty's protection," since they are not
" British subjects." Surely this is a gross anomaly ?
What, then, does a protectorate signify to the natives
of Africa ?
Arabs and all subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar
should also become British subjects, and as such would,
under clause 17 and clause 10, be amenable to crim-
inal process for participation in the slave-trade, or for
any acts against the person, property, or rights of
natives," when travelling with caravans in the interior.
A " British - Indian " is a British subject though resi-
dent in Africa ; an Arab (slave-dealer or otherwise) is
a Zanzibar subject, and hence, though not a " British
subject," he can appeal to the suzerain power, by whom
also he may be tried when abroad, as in Madagascar
(and natives of Zanzibar have been so tried, for murder
in that island) ; but the African native, though resi-
dent in a British protectorate, cannot claim civil rights
as a British subject. A batch of Madagascar slave-
dealers can defy British cruisers and claim French
protection, on the plea that they are French subjects ;
but a hatch of slaves exported from a British protec-
torate {Nyasaland) to a British protectorate (Zanzibar)
cannot claim any rights as British subjects any more
than if they ivere cattle ! Were a British-Indian thus
exported he could claim his habeas corpus as a British
subject— if enslaved in Turkey, Persia, or Madagascar,
his release would be demanded ; but not so an African.
Will it be argued that India is not a protectorate, and
hence the Indian has rights as a "subject" that a
native of a protectorate has not ? We have a pro-
tectorate outside Africa — Cyprus. Will it be main-
tained that a native of Cyprus — though the island
is administered under Turkish Mohammedan law — if
found in a state of slavery in Zanzibar, would not be
able to demand his rights as a subject? Yet a Nyasa
630 METHODS OF DEALING WITH THE COrXTRY.
slave, unable to speak any language but Chinyanja,
would demand his rights as a British subject in vain !
Bv what rio^ht do we thus differentiate between
races, and deny to the Africans their just rights as
subjects ? ^ When once we took the step of declaring a
British protectorate in Africa, we ought, ipso facto, to
have recognised its natives as protected British subjects,
whether resident within or found outside of the limits
of the protectorate, as has been done by France. It
is time this anomaly and injustice ceased, and its
abolition should be the first step in our future African
administration. It should, moreover, be conceded that
a native of a British protectorate, when found out-
side the limits of that protectorate, should be amen-
able to English law, and not to the law of the State
in which he happens to be. Thus a Nyasa slave
found in Zanzibar should claim the privileges not only
of a British subject, but that his case should be tried
by English not Zanzibar law. If I may dare to hope
that some of our great statesmen and members of Par-
liament will read this jDortion of this volume, I trust
that they will take action in this matter.
I will speak frankly, and say that, in my opinion, the
position of Zanzibar is at present wholly anomalous and
unnatural. With the determination of the two great
spheres of influence — German and British — the raison
d'etre of Zanzibar ceases. Formerly, when we had no
touch with the interior, which was as yet undiscovered
and unexplored, the Sultan of Zanzibar represented the
greatest power in Central Africa. His subjects the
Arabs — traders and slave - dealers — had S23read the re-
nown of their Seyyid almost from coast to coast, and
^ Vide chap, vii., where it appears that in some instances they have not
been even accorded the advantages extended to fene naturce in Indian law ;
for after escaping beyond the limits of the Sultanate, we have recognised
the rights of previous owners over slaves to be still valid, whereas the rights
of the previous owner over an escaped elephant lapse.
FALSE POSITION OF ZANZIBAR.
631
he claimed jurisdiction over A^ast areas extending to the
Central Lakes. Now, shorn of all this prestige, his
territories have been curtailed to a few small islands,
with a strip of coast -line ten miles broad. Even this
strip has been annexed along the German sphere by
that nation, and all sovereign rights handed over to
the British Company in the remainder. The Sultan's
revenues are expended by British officers, his own privy
purse is reduced, and his influence is now merely nomi-
nal. The Germans have migrated to the mainland, and
made Bagamoyo the coast emporium of German East
Africa. It is time we did the same, and that Mombasa
became the capital of British East Africa and the centre
of British influence.
By bolstering up the Arab power in Zanzibar, we
lend our aid to all those agencies which admittedly
have been and are the curse of Africa, and help to
keep in slavery thousands of slaves, all of whom have
been introduced, and are still being introduced, under
the rule of our Consul-General, against law and treaty.
There is a strange want of logic in our dealings here.
We spend vast sums on the suppression of the slave-
trade ; our fleet at a great expense blockaded the coast
to prevent the import of arms and powder by the
Sultan's subjects ; seventeen of the leading civilised
Powers of the world sit down solemnly to discuss the
best means of effecting these reforms ; each nation sends
chosen men from among its very best ; at the conclusion
of their labours, Europe, America, and Australia ring
with plaudits at their work, and the delegates are dec-
orated with honours. And who are the people against
whose actions all this great machinery has been set in
motion ? The Arab and Swahili population of a little
island not sixty miles long and less than twenty broad,
together with those who, emanating from thence, and
owing allegiance to its Sultan, and largely dependent
632 METHODS OF DEALING ^ITH THE COUNTRY.
upon this island for their supphes, have settled on the
mainland I
" Consuls - general and diplomatic agents" are ap-
pointed, and each one, rightly anxious to make a
jDersonal name, magnifies the importance of the post,
and issues new ant i- slavery edicts and makes new
reforms. In the past this was as it should be, but since
Germany and England entered Africa in 1887, the
thino' is absurd. To an onlooker a feelino^ of wonder
is mixed with the pleasure felt at the passing of the
Brussels Act. For meantime we declare a Protector-
ate over this little island. In spite of our protection
we foster the pre - existing law, and acknowledge in
our own ^protectorate the legal status of slavery ! We
send a very able " diplomatic agent and consul-general "
to develop its resources and to bolster up its tottering
finances. We devote all our energies to strengthening
it, Avhile our ships cruise around it to catch slaves ex-
ported against law, and our difiiculties on the mainland
are enhanced a thousandfold by every single thing
that emanates from it I Edicts are issued to forbid the
recruiting of absolutely necessary porters, lest its labour
markets and its plantations should sufier. European
garrisons up country may starve, but, marvellous to
say, the Arabs are still allowed to recruit caravans as
they like, though these will equally drain the labour
market, and, in addition, will probably do their best to
import arms, to catch slaves, and to foment quarrels,
and spoil the country in a hundred ways in their pro-
gress into the interior.
I do not advocate the extinction of Zanzibar, or the
annihilation of the Arab and Swahili. What 1 do ad-
vocate is that the Arab should be allowed to find his
right and proper place, and that his energy should be
properly directed. That while the Germans develop
their area from the central port on their coast, we
ARAB TO FIND HIS OWN LEVEL.
633
should do the same on ours. That while Germany,
France, Belgium, and we ourselves are fighting against
the spawn that Zanzibar sends forth, we should not
bolster up the tottering dynasty from which the com-
mon enemy radiates ; and that in our dealings with the
island and its Sultanate in such questions as that of the
legal status of slavery, &c., we should behave like a
Great Power whose men-of-war lie close by in the
harbour, capable, so to speak, of sinking the whole
island in an hour, and not in a vacillating manner un-
worthy of the protestations we are meanwhile making
in Europe.
A SOMAL.
634
CHAPTEE XLIIL
ADMINISTEATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
Necessity of central position for Government — Subordinate administration
at coast — Qualifications for the post — Consul — Judge — Uganda admin-
istrator— Police force — How recruited — Number required — Cost — Ad-
ministrative staff — Cost — Eevenue obtainable — Total cost of East Africa
— Company's estimate — Congo State expenditure — Cost in past — Tax-
ation in Africa — Nyasaland— Individual land tenure — Incidence of
taxation — Crown monopolies — Witu precedent -Method of adminis-
tration in Uganda — Native subordinates — Internal improvements —
Reclamation of swamps — Eucalyptus — Roads — Exclusion of arms, &c.
— Methods of administration at coast — The central administration —
Revenues of East Africa on solid basis — Hinterlands in West Africa
undeveloped — Heliograph — Livingstonia and Equatoria.
In the previous chapter I have attempted briefly to
deal with certain general considerations regarding the
origin of our sphere of influence in Africa, and the
means of dealing with it in the future ; but the subject
is so large that one feels the impossibility of adequately
discussing it in the compass of a single chapter. I will
now make a few brief notes on the form of administra-
tion in my opinion suited to East Africa.
Hitherto the administrative headquarters have been
located at Mombasa, and consequently the executive
in Uganda has been necessarily almost independent,
seeing that it involved a delay of some six months to
refer any question to the coast — a 23eriod absolutely
prohibitive in the constantly changing circumstances of
the case ; nor indeed has any reply even been received
A CENTRAL POSITIOX XECESSARY FOR GOVERXMEXT. 635
within that space of time. It has ahvays been my idea
that a government, in order to be effective over so large
an area, and which should be capable of keeping in
touch with the farther outposts, should be more central.
In future the Governor of East Africa ought, I think, to
have his headquarters in the healthy and bracing up-
lands of Kikuyu, or on the Mau plateau, about half-way
between Uganda and the coast. He should be free to
visit either extremity of the line, and should have a per-
sonal knowledge of the situation and requirements both
at the coast and in Uganda. These two extremes should
be the location of two separate centres of administration,
subordinate to the headquarter gwernment situated
half-way between them, but furnished with executive
powers of considerable latitude. The imjDortance of
placing the headquarters in this central position arises
from the following considerations : —
1. Rapidity of communication with Uganda and the
lake districts, which would thus be brought into con-
nection not only with the chief administration in East
Africa, but with the home Government. It has already
been pointed out in Parliament that a more direct
control over the executive in Uganda must be main-
tained in the future, and this becomes the more necessary
if that country be administered directly by the Crown.
2. Many of the most important problems demanding
the personal attention of the Governor would centre
around this half-way locality. It is there that Euro-
peans— planters, ranchers, farmers, and traders — would
settle, and all questions connected with their location
and their relations with the natives would be of extreme
importance. It is from thence that the animal trans-
port service must be organised, and depots for food and
veterinary supervision must be made. From these
central districts comes the main food-supply ; and the
collection and despatch of this food to the half-way
636
ADMIXISTEATIOX PAST AND FUXrEE.
statir)ii in the fbodless country towards the lake on the
one hand, and coastwards for the supply of the labourers
on the first section of the railway on the other hand,
would involve much organisation.
3. It is here more especially that Crown lands would
be taken up (a most important matter in a new coun-
try) ; that experimental farms and plantations would be
established by Government ; that contracts would be
entered into with European settlers for the supply of
food, kc: and that those numerous experiments in agri-
cultural and conmiercial development — experiments with
cofiee, tea, cotton, wheat, and new industries, and with
ranches and ostrich - farms, with horses, cattle, zebra,
wildebeest, kc. — would be inaugurated. The introduc-
tion of new industries, of new methods, and of new
forms of culture, would be essentially the work of an
enero'etic o-overnor. aided and advised bv ao-ricultural
experts. It is here that experiments in colonisation by
Europeans or Asiatics would be tried, ^ that freed-slave
villao'es could be formed."^ From here the mail service
both to the coast and to Uo^anda must be worked ; and
if thus organised from a central point, there is no reason
whv the mails should not reach Uganda, even under
present conditions, in fifteen days, and the coast in a
like period. It is needless to point out that only thus,
by establishing the headquarters in a central position,
can touch be maintained with the various tribes of East
Africa — the Wakikmni, Wakamba, Masai, &c. — while
an adequate supervision would be kept upon the doings
of Swahili and Arab traders.
The two subordinate administrations at Kampala and
Mombasa would be undertaken by men especially quali-
fied for the posts. Mombasa would requh^e an admin-
istrator with a knowledofe of the Arab and Indian
^ Vide chapters on Commerce, &c. , xv. to xviii.
2 Sir G. Portal endorses my recommendation of this area as the possible
location of Sudanese colonies. Blue-book Africa, Xo. 8, 1893, p. 5.
ADMINISTRATORS AT MOMBASA AND KAMPALA. 637
character, and the methods best suited to them. He
should be conversant with the details of customs and
shipping, with the assessment and collection of duties
and municipal taxes, &c., and the thousand other
matters more especially pressing at the coast. His
duties, however, would be much lightened by the
appointment of a duly qualified judge (as has already
been done), since the Supreme Court would then, I hope,
be transferred to Mombasa. For I have already advo-
cated that Zanzibar should be superseded by Mombasa
as the headquarters of British influence in East Africa,
in which case the consular courts, unless abolished (as
they well might be), would be situated here, and Zanzibar
island would become a subordinate vice-consulate.
The Diplomatic Agent at Mombasa might or might
not be also the Administrator of the coast areas ; but
the chief administrative official in East Africa would be
the Imperial Commissioner or Governor, who would visit
Mombasa when his duties demanded his presence there.
In his absence all questions, unless of the first magnitude,
necessitating reference, would be dealt with by the local
administrator and the judicial authorities. Diplomatic
work in connection with foreign Powers would of course
devolve entirely on the Consul.
The Administrator or Resident in Uganda, on the
other hand, would need to be a man of some especial
ability in dealing with natives, and should be one who
had acquired some knowledge of the peculiar difficul-
ties to be encountered in that country. His jurisdic-
tion would extend over all the lake district, and the
scope and discretionary powers allowed to him would
be great, his action being unfettered by any petty re-
strictions. Such authority would be essential in order
to maintain his prestige and strengthen his hands. At
headquarters there would also be a local executive, so
that the Governor should be completely free to move to
either end of the line and to all parts of the country.
638
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
At each of these three centres of adnimistration a
pohce force would be maintained, according to the
requu^ements of the situation, both to preserve order,
and to furnish escorts and special mails, &c. This police
force might, I think, consist mamly of the Sudanese
whom I brought from Equatoria, and whom Caj)tam
Williams, after nearly a year's experience of them, re-
ports as " extremely well-behaved and most excellent
material." ^ With these I would recommend a few
Somals, for these people have some admirable qualities.
Those I had were more reliable than any natives I
have had to deal with — truthful, honest, and extremely
jDlucky. They are able to cover long distances, are far
more intellio:ent than the Sudanese " Blacks." and
hence are invaluable for scouting. They have a know-
ledge of animals, and are to be depended upon to
carry out orders intelligently. Hence they would be
especially useful as escorts to baggage animals. A
few sepoys from India (Pathans if available) would
be useful for the same purposes as I have indicated
for the Somals — viz., for anv duties involving^ a higher
res]3onsibility and requiring especial intelligence. Some
Madrassee sappers and miners would also be of the
greatest service.
A small number of Swahilis would be most useful.
Their especial duty would be in the construction of
stockades and military works (under the trained Ma-
drassees), conveyance of heav}- mails or stores in ex-
ceptional cuxumstances, bartering with the natives, &c.
Thus, if a small force was required to undertake a
reconnaissance in a foodless district, Swahilis would
1 Report d , Oct. 9tb, 1892 ; Times, July Ttli, 1893. Sir G. Portal, re-
porting on these Sudanese, writes : " Experience in Egypt and elsewhere
has proved that these men are capable of being converted into excellent
.soldiers, especially under English officers." He adds that they " will be
invaluable for the development and pacification of the country, and will,
moreover, enable us to dispense with the services of the far more expensive
but less efficient soldiers from Zanzibar."
CONSTITUTION AND COST OF POLICE FORCE. 639
be able to march with some twenty to twenty - five
days' rations, and yet to cover long distances, and
fight, an undertaking impossible to the Somals and
(in a less degree) to the Sudanese. The strong point
of the Swahili is as an irregular soldier ; he is most
useful in the ways I have indicated, can stand any
amount of hardship and short rations, and requires no
tenting and no clothing. His weak point is in interior
discipline. It is impossible to teach him the system
of a chain of responsibility ; he is worthless as a non-
commissioned officer; he is undependable as a night
sentry, and unreliable in carrying out orders literally ;
and he is of no use in drill formation or as a marks-
man. This estimate does not altogether tally with that
of Lord Wolseley,^ but I speak from my personal ex-
perience only, and of the Swahili alone.
The cost for a company of Sudanese (120), all ranks,
including clothing, rations, family allowance, clerical
establishment, &c., is about £1000 per annum, ^ and
" The Negro as a Fighting Man," Fortnightly Review, December 1888.
Family
^ bUDANESE— Pay. Food. Clothing, allowance.
R. a. Poshos. R. a. R. a. R. a. R. a. R. a.
1 Usbaslia . 75 0 + (4 =) 6 0 + 2 4 + — = 83 4 x 1 = 83 4
1 Malassim . 40 0 + (3 =) 4 8 + 2 4 + — = 46 12 x 1 = 46 12
2 Bishowish . 80 + (2A=) 3 12 + 24 + 18 = 15 8x 2 = 31 0
eShowish . 50 + (2 =) 3 0 + 24 + 18 = 11 12 x 6 = 70 8
6 Umbasha . 4 8 + (li =) 2 4 + 2 4 -{- 1 8 = 10 8 x 6 = 63 0
6 Lance-corps. 40 + (l|=) 2 4 + 24 + 18 = 10 Ox 6 = 60 0
lOOAskars . 4 0 + (l" =) 1 8 + 2 4 + 1 8 = 9 4 x 100 = 925 0
122 1279 8 p.m.
For each regiment of six companies. 12 mos.
1 Native commander at Rs. 150
1 Head clerk at 100 (Rs. 16 = £1) 16)15354 0 p.a.
1 Assistant at 50
Per company .... £959 10
Es. 300 p.m. 6
12 mos. Per regiment of six companies 5758 0
16)3600 p.a. (£225) Add superior establishment 225 0
Cost of six companies per annum £5983 0
N.B. — The establishment and rates of pay recommended by Captain Williams, and
adopted by Sir G. Portal when he enlisted these men in Uganda, varies slightly from
this, but the result in cost is practically identical (Africa, No. 8, 1893, p. 6).
640
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
of a company of Zanzibaris, about £1300 per annum. ^
Caravan establishment we may reckon at about £1250
per 100 men, all ranks. Allowing for the Uganda com-
mand (including Torn, Unyoro, and Usoga) one regi-
ment of Sudanese (total strength 735), one company
Swahilis (121), and 200 caravan establishment, we have
the following cost of troops, &c. : —
Sudanese, £6000: Swahilis, £1300; Caravan, £2500 = £9800.
The administrative staff should, I think, consist
of the following : The Resident, with his assistant
(who would be local executive magistrate at Kampala);
one officer commanding troops and one second in com-
mand ; one medical officer ; one chief clerk and one
assistant ; four chiefs of provinces, each with an assist-
ant: total, 15 Europeans. Add to these two native
apothecaries and one or two West African or Goanese
clerks or storekeepers, &c. Total cost, £7000 per
annum.- Current expenditure, say £1500; replace-
^ Zanzibaris —
Pay.
Poslios.
R.
a.
R.
a.
1 Xative officer .
. 50
4-60 =
56
0
X
1 =
56
0
2 Sergeant-majors
. 16
4-48 =
20
8
X
2 =
41
0
6 Sergeants .
. 15
-r 3 12 =
18
12
X
6 =
112
8
6 Corporals .
. 14
+ 30 =
17
0
X
6 =
102
0
6 Lance-corporals
. 13
4-24 =
15
4
X
6 =
91
8
100 Privates .
. 12
-418 =
13
8
X
100 =
1350
0
121
Xo clothing or family allowance.
No clerical or commandant establishment.
1753 0 p.m.
12 mos.
(p. a. = annually
2 European Staff —
2 Resident, £1000 ; assistant, £700
2 Commander, £600 ; assistant, £400
1 Medical officer, £550 ; [2 native assistants, £24]
2 Clerk, £300 ; assistant, £250
4 4 provincial Residents at £500 each .
4 4 assistants at £250 each
16)21036 0(£1314)p.a.
p.m. = monthly.)
West Africans, Goanese, &c. (subordinates)
£1700
1000
574
550
2000
1000
£6824
176
£7000
COST AND REVENUES OF UGANDA.
641
ments, say £600 ; cost of mails, medicines, tools, &c.,
say £2000 ; ammunition, say £500. Total adminis-
trative expenses, lake districts : —
European staff, £7000 ; Troops, £9800 ; Miscellaneoup, £-4600 =
£21,i00.
This is the roughest possible approximation, and I have
not wearied my readers with the basis of the calcula-
tions upon which I have made the various estimates.
Captain Williams' estimate is just one-half of this
(£10,000), but it was based, I understand, on the low-
est possible margin for which evacuation could be
avoided, and was not supposed to be an estimate of
an effective administration under the Crown. As
against this he estimated a revenue of £4100 " at
least," of which £1000 accrued from trading operations,
the rest from taxes— viz., tribute paid by the para-
mount kings of each country (Unyoro, £1500 ; Salt
Lake, £500 ; Usoga, £600 ; Uganda, £500 ; Ankoli
not assessed). Whether it would be judicious or pos-
sible to imjDOse this tribute is a separate matter. It
would of course be paid in ivory. Of the feasibility
no one should be a better judge than Captain Williams,
since he has experience up to date of the new condition
of things in these countries.^ The £1000 allowed for
trading profits should still accrue in trading licences,
&c., granted to traders who would presumably come
into the country under the new regime.
Assuming then, roughly, that the country returns
1 The estimate of Caj)tain Williams, who succeeded me in Uganda, is more
optimistic than my own. In his report, dated Oct. 22d, 1892, he says : "I
think the directors will find, if all goes well, and I see no reason to jorevent
it, that these countries may be made to nearly or quite pay their way if the
strictest economy, foresight, and care be taken in every department." This
is a repetition of his views expressed in former reports, and does not take
into consideration the reduction of expenses in Uganda which would result
from a better system of transport from the coast, and of more complete and
thorough administration of the intervening country.
VOL. II. 2 s
642
AB^nXISTEATIOX PAST AND FUTFRE.
£4000 per annum (however the revenue may be col-
lected), we may fah^y appropriate to Uganda at least
one -third of the coast customs — viz., £7000 — giving
a total revenue of £11,000. and leaving a deficit of
£10.000 to be drawn from the annual Government
subsidy of £40,000, which I have assumed as requisite
for the administration of the country and the guarantee
of the first section of the railway for a period of six
years (pp. 604, 605). This £40,000, as I have explained,
may either be a Government subsidy or raised by a
land loan. There remains £30,000 of the subsidv for
the administration of the rest of East Africa ; and of
this, £18.000 goes on the railway guarantee, leaving
£12,000 for the administration. Add the remaining
two-thirds of the customs = £14,000. Total, £26,000.
I will not attempt to go into equal detail regarding the
cost of administration of the Central and the Coast
executives. The former would cost little, and should
in a very short time be self-supporting ; the latter
would be assisted by municipal taxation.
On the other hand, the Company declared at the
time Avheii they first decided upon evacuating Uganda
(Aug. 18th, 1891) that a sum of £40,000 per annum
was required to maintain even the totally inadequate
administration then in the countrv. In addition to
this, they have stated to her Majesty's Government,^
that to maintain their hold on the country only half-
way to Uganda (Dagoreti) thev estimate the expense
at £40,000 per annum. Disregarding the country
l^etween Dagoreti and Uganda, this gives a sum of
£80,000 per annum, which is the Company's estimate
of the subsidy requh^ed, exclusive of the railway guar-
antee. These figures, of course, presuppose that the
annual sum of £12,000 is to be paid by the Company
to the Sultan. It is needless to say, after what I have
1 Letter of July 30th, 1890. Vide Eeport of May 29th, 1893, App. G.
OTHER ESTIMATES AXD PRECEDENTS.
643
written, that I think these estimates excessive. It would
be absurd to attempt an estimate in detail of the gross
expenditure and gross revenues until the data on which
to base the calculation are fixed. Broadly, I have
already stated that with care and economy I believe a
subsidy of £40,000 per annum would suffice to admin-
ister the whole country and start the railway as well.
As against this estimate I may remark that, accord-
ing to Mr Stanley^ (the late Administrator), the pre-
liminary work in the formation of the Congo State cost
£350,000. For six years its expenditure varied from
£80,000 to £120,000. In 1890 it had reached £170,000
annually, and had a revenue of only £25,000. What
it may now be, considering the expeditions undertaken
at enormous cost against the Arabs at Nyangwe and on
the Aruwimi, the costly expedition of Van Kerckhoven
to Lado, and the making of the railway, it is impos-
sible to conjecture. And yet the magnificent water-
way of the Congo river facilitates transport in a way
unknown in East Africa. I have already (p. 586) speci-
fied the sum annually spent on their African possessions
by the various European Powers.
The estimated expenditure on Uganda in the past
forms no reliable basis of calculation, since the cost of
intermediate stations between the coast and the lake
was, I believe, included in the Uganda debit, which
therefore practically included all British East Africa
except the coast belt (from which alone a revenue
accrued). Moreover, the lack of method and of any
system throughout this stretch of 800 miles, consequent
on the initiation of a new undertaking, made the cost
of supplies sent to Uganda incredibly greater than they
should be, while the troops and natives maintained
were paid at an enormously higher rate than the
Sudanese I have estimated for in the future. In spite
1 Times, Oct. 31st, 1890.
644
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
of these facts, by a very careful computation (which
I laboured at for months) I arrived at the conclusion
that the country had not cost more than £25,000 in
the first year of initial difiiculties, j^robably not nearly
so much, and in this calculation no deduction was made
for the considerable amount of ivory sent down.
As regards the methods of raising a revenue in
Africa under an administration by the Crown, I have
indicated frequently in these chapters my own opinion
that taxation of the natives in the earlier stages of
our rule is very greatly to be de23recated. It is largely
by the imposition of such taxation, collected in kind,
that the Portuguese have made themselves detested by
the natives under their rule, and still more so by their
method of farming out the prazos to middlemen. I
have heard of the natives hiding themselves in swamps
and jungles, and being regularly hunted by the tax-
gatherer. In East Africa Germany rendered herself
unpopular to the people by premature taxation. The
"grain-tax" in the Sudan was one of the chief causes
of the alienation of the natives, and their consequent
hostility to the Government of the Equatorial Province
— a hostility which led to the disruj^tion of Emin's
rule when exterior difiiculties tried its foundations
(see i^- 401).
Recently the experiment has been tried in Nvasa-
land, and has resulted in much friction and many con-
tradictory statements by the Administrator and the
missionaries at Blantyre. Mr Johnston asserts that
only those tribes were taxed who voluntarily agreed to
the imposition. These were only a small proportion.
The rest were told that they would have no European
President or Administration among them, since they
declined to pay. The tax was 3s. ijer hut per vear.
The missionaries, on the other hand, state that their
scholars are taxed at 6s. per head, and as thev were
TAXATION — INDIVIDUAL LAND TENURE. 645
wholly unable to meet this " exorbitant imposition," it
was defrayed by the Mission. Their wages averaged
about 4s. per mensem, the standard rate of labour being
3s. per mensem, while on Government works it is
estimated at 6s. They argue that the rate is higher
than in other countries, and that even the Portuguese
tax is but one -fifth as heavy as the one levied in
Nyasaland.^ The statements of the Administrator and
of the Blantyre missionaries are at absolute variance,
not in theory, but in matters of fact and figures, and
in such a case one can only arrive at the general con-
clusion that the imposition of this taxation has led to
an amount of friction quite disproportionate to the ad-
vantage gained. The head of the Blantyre Missions,
Rev. D. Clement Scott, is a man who, I firmly believe,
would do his utmost to support the Government, and
would not permit so serious a divergence of opinion
unless he considered the matter to be one of vital im-
portance. I have described the incidence of taxation
and mode of collection in Nyasaland at some length,
since this district is our Pioneer Protectorate in Central
Africa.
Mr H. H. Johnston, I have heard, has energetically
set himself to promote in Nyasaland — the protectorate
under his charge — a system of individual land tenure
among the natives. Such personal acquisition of land is
unknown among the savage tribes of Africa, where the
tenure of land is merely tribal. In Uganda the individ-
ual does acquire land, and cultivate it for his own use
and profit, and this is one of the most noteworthy indi-
cations of the progress those people have made in civili-
sation. Yet even here the tenure is uncertain. In the
case of the great chiefs it is held simultaneously with
the office, which is revocable, according to old Uganda
usage, by the king. In the case of all others it is alien-
^ Vide Mancheister Geographical Society Journal, 1892, p. 210.
646
ADMINISTRATIOX PAST AND FUTUEE.
able with the office held by the possessor, or in default
of any such office, at the will of his suj^erior, the final
decision beino- in the state haraza. But we are not here
concerned with the system of land tenure in Uganda.
The innovation of which I speak is the promotion of
acquisition of land by the individual or family among
purely savage tribes. Such a departure is of immense
importance ; it is impossible to overestimate its value as
a factor in the development of the tribes ; and if Mr
Johnston has to any smallest degree succeeded in inau-
gurating it in British Central Africa, to him must the
credit be due of being the ffi^st, so far as I know, to in-
troduce this great fundamental principle of civilisation
into savage Africa, — certainly, at any rate, into East
Africa. By such a system of land tenure taxation can
ultimately be introduced on the "land settlement" sys-
tem of India. It is to the interest of each petty pro-
prietor to make the utmost of his land, and to avoid
tribal war. Until such a system has fairly taken root
any taxation is in my view premature ; the establishment
of such proprietary rights in the soil, on a fairly well-
recognised basis (probably in the second or third gener-
ation), would fitly mark the era at which taxation may
appropriately be introduced. Taxes can then be col-
lected on the land or on produce, and only failing these
as a 2Doll-tax.
It appears to me, however, not merelv fair, but ab-
solutely essential, that upon the civilised aliens on the
coast a municipal taxation should be imposed. This
might best, perhaps, take the form of a house-tax, and
should be levied alike on Europeans, Arabs, and Indians,
and all householders in the coast area. It should also
include such Swahilis as may be householders. These
would be few, and the majority would be Arab half-
castes. Owing to the intermixture of the Arab and
African a mere racial distinction would be impracticable.
METHODS OF TAXATIOX.
647
and therefore property would be the ratable unit.
These taxes would mamly go towards the cost of local
administration, payment of staff, municipal and harbour
improvements, public buildings, courts of justice, &c.,
&c. Such taxes have already been im23osed in the
Zanzibar protectorate, and though ostensibly not obli-
gatory, iDenalties are enforced against those who do not
pay in case of bad sanitation.^ This, however, pre-
supposes the abolition of existing treaties with other
Powers, by means of annexation.
In the central district it would be more advantageous
to levy the tax on land (where owned by aliens), in
order to prevent the appropriation of large areas by
absentee owners, or by those who had either insufficient
means or no intention of occupying and develoj^ing
their acquisitions at once. A higher impost might be
levied on unoccupied lands, so as to prevent the mere
purchase of estates by individuals as a speculation, and
in the hope that their value would become enhanced.
In Uganda, Unyoro, and such semi- civilised countries,
it is possible that taxation in part-payment of adminis-
trative expenses might be introduced. To this I have
already alluded. It would be leviable in the early years
of our rule through the king or paramount chief, who
would pay it as a yearly tribute from his revenues.
Later, as British administration superseded the para-
mount regal or tribal authority, it would become
feasible to collect it in the same way as in the more
civilised coast area. Aliens would be taxed as in the
central executive.
Such taxation would be in the nature of municipal
levies to carry on local administration. For the general
revenues of East Africa dependence would be mainly
placed on the customs and duties accruing from imports
and exports at the coast, on sales of land to settlers, on
^ Vide proclamation of April 12th, 1893 (Zanzibar Gazette).
648
ADMINISTRATION PAST AND FUTURE.
registration fees, mining rights and concessions, trading
licences, licences for arms, &c. Opium, tobacco, and
bhang might be made excisable articles when their
production had become an ap23reciable industry. Lastly,
Government could establish certain monopolies without
infringing the provisions of the Berlin Act as regards
free trade, under which clauses British East Africa has,
ever since it fell under us, been included.^ (l.) All un-
inhabited lands — viz., lands not belonging to any native
chief or tribe — could be declared Crown lands. These
would include the choicest part of East Africa — viz., the
fertile plateau of Mau. In the sale or rental of these
lands to settlers on terms, if thought advisable, similar
to those obtaining in Manitoba, a considerable revenue
would accrue. For all sale of lands of any description
to Europeans should be invalid unless done through the
Government, and for these a tax would be paid on
survey or registration. (2.) By the prohibition of all
elephant-shooting Government would secure a monopoly
of the ivory as in India, as also of elephants caught for
domestication. (3.) Similarly, Government could reserve
exclusive rights in killing or catching zebra, and such
other animals (wildebeest, &c.) as may be advantage-
ously included. Further, Government could claim cer-
tain duties or services from its subjects with the view
of reducing its police or army expenditure. Thus native
chiefs could be held responsible to supply certain con-
tingents in case of war — in Uganda all external aggres-
sion can be dealt with in this way — and as European
settlers increase, they and a proportion of their estab-
lishments can be made liable for burgher duty, as has
been done by the South African Company. The treaty
I made with Mwanga stipulates that he should supply
^ The recently published regulations for the Government of Witu {vide
Appendix III.) enforce most of the restrictions here suggested in an ad-
mirably concise and comprehensive form.
STATE REVENUES AND MONOPOLIES. 649
labour for public works, roads, &c. This, in my view,
was a clause of which advantage should very sparingly
be taken. I inserted it at the suggestion of a high
official at the coast. (This and the clause regarding
the control of European affairs were the only suggest-
ions, I think, of any kind made to me as regards the
nature and scope of the treaty.) Such labour would be
forced labour, and if it be true that the Protestants
have manumitted all slaves, it would probably be diffi-
cult to enforce. Chiefs in control of provinces might be
held responsible for the repair of the roads and bridges
in their province. This would be feasible, for they would
merely transmit the order to subordinate chiefs, and
ultimately it would devolve upon the dwellers near
a road to keep the portion in repair near to their
estates ; but as an asset to Government the requisition
of labour cannot be set down, nor of course would
British rule tolerate anything like forced labour (see
chapter xviii.)
With regard to internal control in Uganda, in my
opinion the object to be aimed at in the administra-
tion of this country is to rule through its own executive
government. The people are singularly intelligent, and
have a wonderful appreciation of justice and of legal
procedure, and our aim should be to educate and develop
this sense of justice. I think myself that, by careful
selection, even now the various provinces could be ruled
by chiefs, who would rapidly conform to European
methods. Such selection I myself exercised in the
appointment of chiefs after the war, and I think that
such men as Zachariah (now Kangao, chief of Bula-
mwezi) would soon, under our tuition, make just as good
subordinate rulers as the average tehsildars and petty
magistrates in India, and far better than the Woons
and Myukes, whose appointments are conformed under
our rule in Burma.
650 ADMINISTRATION PAST AND FUTURE.
When Uganda of to - day is contrasted with the
Uganda of eight or ten years ago, under Mtesa and
during the early years of Mwanga's reign, the progress
made is, I think, nothing short of marvellous. Then
the regime described by Speke and Chaille Long was
practised. Human life was of less account than the
life of cattle.^ It is said that to satisfy some whim of
the king's the Katikiro dug a trench and slaughtered
men over it till he stood up to his knees in blood.
Mr Ashe writes of the frivolous edicts of Mtesa, dis-
obedience to which meant that the culprit was cut in
half ; he tells of the men deliberately hacked to pieces
" for a mere breach of etiquette or a whim of the king's,
and of the bodies of agonised victims writhing in tor-
ture in slow furnaces for no crime." S23eke says the
Waganda are a turbulent set of people, who can only
be kept in order by the executioner.'^ Now all this is
changed. Zachariah is a type of the noAv regime ; he
had been with us throughout the journey to Kavalli,
and the letter from him, w^hich I quoted on page 416,
shows the radical change of method which had dawned
upon him. The influence of both Missions is in these
respects invaluable, and the secular education given to
the chiefs has vastly raised and imj^roved them. Not
only, I think, may w^e hope in the present that subor-
dinate officials for the administration of Uganda may
be supplied by the country itself, but in the future we
may even draw from thence educated and reliable men,
to assist in the government of the neighbouring coun-
tries and of East Africa generally, replacing the West
Coast Africans, Parsis, and Goanese, which I have else-
where advocated for the purpose.
Mwanga during his lifetime must be king in name
only, and the real government must be vested in the
1 Vide Speke, Journals, pp. 256, 257 et passim. See also supra, p. 68.
2 Two Kings of Uganda, p. 82. ^ Speke, Journals, p. 267.
BRITISH RULE IX UGANDA.
651
Kesident acting with the chiefs. On his death, during
the long minority of his nephew, the Waganda will
finally learn that the seat of all executive and judicial
power is at Kampala alone. Mwanga's power was already
a thing of the past before I left Uganda. In a country
like Uganda, so possessed by traditions and customs, it
is only right and just that the Resident should be in
full possession of the native views regarding any con-
templated measure — views which are often the very
reverse of what one would anticipate. Having made
himself master of the opinions of the chiefs, he would
then be free to make such concessions to their preju-
dices as he may find feasible, and not opposed to the
radical principles of the measures he desires to adopt.
Or should he find that any such concessions are not
feasible, he will be fully aware of the situation involved.
An arbitrary and despotic rule, which takes no account
of native customs, traditions, and prejudices, is not suited
to the successful development of an infant civilisation,
nor, in my view, is it in accordance with the spirit of
British colonial rule. The king has been proved in-
competent and useless, but the Resident should rule
through and by the chiefs. There is, in my opinion, a
vast difierence between a weak man vacillating between
two courses, and appealing to the natives for advice in
his dilemma, and a strong man Avho, with a clear con-
ception of his duty, which at all risks he must fulfil,
consults, prior to any radical change, the views of
highly intelligent chiefs, who still exercise an enormous
influence in the country, that he may ascertain whether
a more complete knowledge of native tradition and 23re-
judice may throw any new light on the situation, before
he commits himself irrevocably to a policy the full
significance of which he had perhajDS hardly appreciated,
and from which, once enunciated, he cannot draw back
without loss of prestige.
652
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AND FUTURE.
In the past, the continual friction between the factions
and the compKcated disj)utes about land were more than
one man could adequately deal with ; and hence, to a
great extent, a solution satisfactory to both parties was
rather the desideratum than a strictly judicial finding.
In the future, the segregation of the factions into separate
provinces, and the more adequate administrative staff,
will on the one hand reduce the causes of trouble, and
on the other will enable them to be dealt with more
efficiently. The local Residents will deal with the minor
cases, the Administrator with the more miportant ones
and with cases of apj^eal, while a survey and map of the
country would be of great assistance in forming decisions
on all disputes about land. It is needless to add that
the territorial divisions of the different factions would
in no sense become separate kingdoms, and that the
administrative headquarters would still be at Kampala.
The question of the necessity of maintaining a tri-
angular equilibrium between the three rival factions,
and my own view of the basis upon which territorial
extension should be made to any one of them, I have
already discussed at some length {vide p. 551 et seq.),
and I will not here again digress on the subject.
Many points connected with the internal improve-
ment of the country have been already noticed. The
roads and the local postal service could be under-
taken by the Waganda. The question of draining the
river-swamps, which at jDresent are absolutely prohibi-
tive to animal transport and rapid communication, has
been alluded to in the papers, but such undertakings
are quite premature. I think myself that the first step
would be to clear away the dense papyrus and river-
groAvth, and endeavour to cut a central channel, staking
and binding it,^ and subsequently planting it with
1 Xo better instance of successful treatment of such swamp could be
quoted, than the reclamation of the !Mer Rouge in Mauritius by Captain
INTERNAL REFOKMS IN UGANDA.
653
moisture-absorbing plants, and finally with eucalyptus.^
The swamps which would be really troublesome would
be few (such as the Mweranga and Mianja) ; the major-
ity dry up in the hot weather, and so could be much
more easily treated. The land so reclaimed would be
excessively rich and valuable for rice culture. The pro-
ject, however, though long in my mind, is somewhat
premature, while the population is still inadequate to
cultivate the country. Once taught, the Waganda
themselves would, I think, carry out such works. The
making of roads is of more importance ; and this the
local chiefs, by the custom of the country, are respon-
sible for. All the heavy work of hoeing and keeping in
repair could be done by them, while they would readily
adopt improved methods of bridging the river-swamps.
The summum honum for these countries would be dis-
armament,^ but as that is not at present feasible, the only
Brooke, R.E., about twenty years ago. Into this the sea flooded at one
extremity, and the waters of a riv^er drained at the other, j^fter dredging
a central channel, Captain Brooke planted the marsh with sunflowers,
whose absorbent properties are well known, and finally with eucalyptus.
The reclamation was largely effected by the sunflowers, whose seeds are,
moreover, useful for making a species of oilcake for cattle and for j)oultry
— they are even, under pressure, eaten by the natives {vide ' The Land of the
Aphanapterix,' Colonel Pike). This plant is indigenous in Uganda, and
may be found wild in considerable quantities. It is even treated in
Symond's ' Tropical Agriculture,' as a cultivatable article of commerce
for the value of its seeds.
^ The eucalyptus is selected because of its rapid growth ; it is not a
marsh tree. The avenue planted at Blantyre in 1879 boasts of trees 2 feet
in diameter and 100 feet high. Buchanan says the species globulus is the
quickest grower (Geog. Jour., vol. i. p. 252). Dr Clark denies its anti-
malarial qualities, as also of the sunflower. He even states that in 1882
an outbreak of malaria occurred only where the eucalyptus had been
planted in the Campagna. The land must be reclaimed before this tree is
planted, and he advocates the plantain for the purpose as being the most
absorbent of plants (E. Scottish Geog. Mag., vol. ix. p. 300). The Fuca-
lyptus globulus was introduced into Uganda (with wheat, &c.) by Wilson
in 1879 (Uganda, vol. i. p. 107), and by Emin into the Equatorial Province,
where Felkin saw trees 25 feet high (Felkin, vol. ii. p. 102). Vide also
vol. i. p. 420, note 2.
2 Vide Emin quoted by Mackay (Mackay's Life, p. 442 et passim).
654
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
alternative is to use every possible effort to prevent sup-
plies of arms and ammunition (especially breech-loading
ammunition) from reaching the country. My first step,
as I have narrated, after the initial settlement and the
defeat of the Mohammedans, was to go myself to Ankoli
and take such measures to prevent this import as were
feasible, for it is entirely from the German sphere that
arms and ammunition are brought into Uganda and
Unyoro. Owing, as I have said, to the lack of agricul-
tural produce in Ankoli, and the starvation there in
consequence of the cattle-plague, it was not feasible to
make a station as I had at fii^st intended, and I therefore
contented myself with making it the main stipulation in
my treaty with Xtali that he should prevent this import
through his country. He loyally carried out the pledges
he undertook, and stopped a large caravan bringing arms
and powder. To check the import via Buddu and by
the lake. I proposed building a station there, an inten-
tion temporarily frustrated by the war. Beyond Ankoli
lay Kitagwenda, a country producing much food, and
through it I was told lay the main lines by which arms
and powder were brought. I accordingly established
two Sudanese forts here for this especial purpose, and
it is rej^orted that they "had a brush" with a caravan
importing arms. These, I believe, have now been aban-
doned (see p. 267). It is a significant fact that through-
out all East Africa the large majority of arms are of
British make. Among an out-of-the-way small tribe
on the west of Xyasa I came across old army flint-locks
marked with the stamp of the 42d Black Watch !
As reo'ards the Coast Administration, mv readers will
have already gathered my views. I hold that (1.) the
prohibition for the enlistment of porters should not be
applied exclusively to Europeans. The edict (referred
to at great length in chap, xvii.) should, I think, be
modified, and the prohibition be extended only to the
COAST ADMINISTRATION.
655
enlistment of slav^es, whether by EurojDeans, Arabs, or
SwahiUs ; and indeed the prohibition to the enUstment
of free-men, for service where they 23leased, would appear
a somewhat arbitrary legislation. Thus the status of
a slave (and be it noted that this domestic status is a
thing wholly apart from the legal status, which is its
recognition by law) would not be recognised as possible
beyond the present limits of the Zanzibar sultanate.
This would give a great impetus to the self-redemption
scheme, since the Swahilis are excessively fond of a
roaming caravan life ; and if they found that this was
prohibited except to freemen, they would, I think, be
more eager to secure their freedom.
(2.) The Arab and Swahili, as I have said, must find
his OAvn level. To bring him to that level would be
the ultimate aim of the Coast Administration. Every
facility allowed to European traders would be accorded
to him ; every penalty for illicit slave-dealing, for smug-
gling arms, (fee, would be as rigidly enforced against
him as against a European. Such a contention will
perhaps sound strange in the ears of the British public,
but so it is that within my experience I think I am not
exceeding the truth in saying that a special latitude has
hitherto been granted to the Arab and Swahili. The
Germans have hung on the spot Arabs of position caught
red-handed in slave - dealing ; but technical objections,
or supposed lack of evidence, has prevented our even
inflicting a nominal penalty in a like case, as in the
matter of the slave-caravan I caught on the Tsavo (vol.
i. p. 307). The case of the prohibition to the enlistment
of slaves and porters (made applicable to the Euro23ean
and not to the Arab) is another instance. Open mutiny
and street riots in Mombasa and elsewhere have passed
without adequate punishment ; threatened attacks on
fugitive-slave settlements, and even on a mission station,
have been met by negotiation in the one case and ransom
656
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AND FUTURE.
in the other. I do not blame past admmistration —
far from it. I have akeady shown (p. 599) that this
toleration was largely a necessity of the case. I do
not advocate sweeping, drastic, and sudden reform. As
in the case of the Uganda Administration, so here at
the coast. I merelv indicate what, in my view, is the
broad line of policy at which the Governor should aim.
On the ability of the British Consul and Administrator
will depend the success of carrying out such a policy
quietly, firmly, and, if possible, without friction.
Points of detail in the Coast Administration would be
the development of the trade and customs ; the adequate
supervision of the coast ports for the suppression of the
import from the interior of slaves, or the export thence
up-country of arms, &c. If the railway be undertaken,
the general control of arrangements regarding shipping,
imported labour, &c., would devolve upon the coast
executive, though all details would be within the scope
of the officers engaged upon the railway work.
Of the Central Administration I have little to say.
The local executive would undertake such extension of
friendly relations with surroundino- tribes as mio4it from
time to time offer, prominently with the Masai, for
whom suitable employment must be found, and whose
indiscriminate raiding would need to be checked. I do
not myself think that this would in^'olve any serious
difficulty. The scope of the work which would be in-
trusted to the Governor of East Africa would be great,
and of a nature suitable only to a man to whom such
work would be a pleasure in itself. While controlling
and directing the broad lines of jDolicy of the Adminis-
trations in Uganda and at the coast, it would fall to
his special province to foster the central local executive,
and develop in the highlands of Central Africa those
European settlements which, I think, would rapidly
arise around headquarters. In Kikuyu and on the
THE CENTRAL ADMINISTRATIOX.
657
Mail escarpment the coffee, tea, cotton, and other plan-
tations ah^eady so successful in the Shire highlands
would find their counterparts. Kanches, ostrich-farms,
trans23ort depots, and experimental farms would grow
up in these temperate and cold altitudes, with their
rich soil and pasture, and heavy rainfall. When his
duties did not demand his presence either in Uganda
or at Mombasa, it would be his special province here in
the centre of East Africa to develop these schemes in
conjunction with the local administrator.
Gordon says that an Administrator in Africa should
be one-third soldier and two-thirds civilian.^ No coun-
try in the world demands a more careful selection of the
men who are to control it, for in no other are they so
isolated. According to their first impressions of the
white man, so will the natives form their estimate of our
character and our methods. A great responsibility thus
rests on the first pioneers. The respect they claim as
their due, the deference accorded to them, the trust in
their courage and their justice, are heirlooms to their
successors. But if they should fail to establish the
character of the white man on a basis superior to any
the savage has yet known, it will take long to eradicate
the impression and to re-establish our ascendancy. I
would far sooner place a good reliable native in a posi-
tion of responsibility than a weak or vicious European.
When I first went to Africa, I strongly advocated
the introduction of the heliograph, and from time to
time I have reiterated my claims for its superiority
to the telegraph in a country where iron wire is the
currency, and where iron j)oles must be used as a
safeguard against white ants. Unless accompanying
a railway, I look on an overhead telegraph as quite
impracticable from the coast to the lake. The helio-
graph stations need only be occupied on certain speci-
^ Gordon in Africa, p. 141.
VOL. II. 2 T
658
ADMIXISTRATIOX PAST AXD FUTURE.
fied days, at a stated hour. At this stage of devel-
opment of East African government, once a-^^eek for
two or three hours would be sufficient. If a crisis
should occur, say, in Uganda, and there should thus
be a 23rospect of repeated messages being sent, the
Resident has only to inform the signallers down the
line of the necessity for their more frequent attendance
at the signal-post. In the meantime the heliograph
stations form a chain of small garrisons through the
country, and these garrisons would be available for
conveying mails, as well as local cultivation and im-
provements, &c. Indeed, such a system of heliograph
stations would form a most effective mail service, since
the post must consist of more men than the two or
three qualified signallers. Natives of India or of West
Africa Avould j^erform the signalling duty efficiently
and chea23ly.
Now that our Crown colonies, protectorates, and
spheres of influence extend over so great a portion of
the African continent, it would be to the very great
advantage alike of those jDOSsessions and of our own
commercial and other interests in them, if an African
Council — similar to the Indian Council — of men of
African experience and of proved capacity were ap-
pointed, whose advice might assist the Crown Ministers
in their dealino-s with African matters.
Finally, I would endorse Mr Rankin's suggestion,
that the Nyasaland Protectorate should receive the
name of " Livingstonia " instead of its present lum-
bering and quite inappropriate title of " The British
Central African Protectorate," and that "British East
Africa" should be called " Equatoria."
I claim for East Africa that the prospective advan-
tages aflbrded by its addition to the British empire
are founded on a solid and leoitimate basis — a basis
of commercial expansion and of industrial enterprise
EAST Africa's claims for favour.
659
in a fertile country with an excellent climate. Of
what can be done in Africa under such conditions the
parallel case on the Shire highlands is an object-lesson.
(Vide chapter xv.) On the other hand, our pro-
tectorates in West Africa are largely, some almost
entirely, dependent for their revenue and existence on
the illegal and disgraceful traffic in arms and in sj^irits ;
while their legitimate staple of export is limited to a
single product, the palm-kernel — an unsound jDOsition,
as has recently been pointed out in the case of Zan-
zibar and its clove industry. Nor will the prosperity
of East Africa be affected by the vacillations of the
Stock Exchange, with shares Cjuoted at £5 to-day and
at 10s. to-morrow, as has been the case in South Africa.
Moreover, the successful development of East Africa
depends on the opening up of the interior, and much
has been already accomplished in this direction. The
protectorates on the West Coast (excej^t perhaps the
Niger Company) have done little or nothing towards
developing their hinterlands ; and as their revenue
accrues solely from duties on the coast, there is little
incentive towards the development and administration
of the farther interior.
APPENDIX.
APPEXDIX II.
LETTER FROM MGR. HIRTH TO CAPTAIX WILLIAMS, DATED
14th JULY 1891 (reprinted from 'Xotes os Eganda,' by R. C.
L'xion).
Sir, — In accordance with, your desire, I now add some explanations upon
the ideas which I had the honour of giving you yesterday evening. I do so
all the more willingly, as I have always found in you that spirit of justice
and imiDartiality that alone can put an end to the divisions which rend this
country in two.
From the first arrival of the Comj^any in this country, I promised Captain
Lugard my most active concurrence, and that of all the missionaries, to
obtain the jDacification of L'ganda, and its entire submission to the British
power.
We shall never depart from this line of conduct, and we shall be faithful
here, as everywhere else, to the traditions of Catholic missionaries, whose
duty it is, before all things, to labour for the interests of the coimtry they
evangelise, and of the power they find legitimately established there.
As to the particular point which we were considering, with respect to
the liberty of conscience to be established in L'ganda, you agreed with me
on the absolute necessity of introducing this liberty ; and you confessed
willingly that toleration can hardly be said to be practised by those who
arrogate to themselves the right of driving from their possessions, with im-
punity, all who follow one religion rather than another.
You had, I think, only two difficulties — viz., (1.) Ought not two political
parties to be preserved in Uganda, and in the tributary countries, where
religion and political questions are so intimately mixed up ; and to do this,
ought not all persons to be deprived of their offices who go from one party
to the other, so that the force of neither party should be diminished ? and
(2.) Has the time come to give Catholics that full liberty to which they
have a right, and which they enjoy so largely in Europe and in the
Colonies ?
I will try to answer these two questions briefly.
LETTER FROM MGR. HIRTH TO CAPT. WILLIAMS. 661
Taking entirely a political view of the matter, is it allowable to drive
those from their property, and to deprive them of all their personal goods
and of their public offices, who leave one party to join the opposite party ?
I answer that it would be good policy to do so, if the Company's influence
were to be established by maintaining several parties in the country. But
your experience in aff'airs must show you clearly that to maintain two or
three parties is to maintain divisions and quarrels, and to lead sooner or
later to war. This is a historical truth.
Is the Company obliged, in order to establish itself solidly in L^ganda, to
lean on one party and to crush the opposing parties ? I do not think so.
Besides the fact that this would be a crime in politics, because it is never
permissible to divide in order to rule, I maintain that it would be a grave
mistake to do so. To continue to "evict" always increases animosities,
separates people more and more from each other, and j^rolongs an unjust
struggle.
The consequence would be, that the Company would also be obliged to
multiply its European agents here, and above all its troops, and therefore
the expenses would be increased. The only result of these expenses would
be an ever-increasing aversion to your Government in the minds of the
great majority of the blacks. You will therefore agree that the Company
has every interest to strive to draw the peojDle together, and to pacify them
as soon as possible. This, which is possible now, will become impossible
later.
It should be at once made clear to all that the Government has not come
here to rouse up a party spirit. Up to this time the whole of the Catholic
party, and all that remains of the pagans, have believed that you came to
Uganda solely for the purpose of bringing about the triumph of Protes-
tantism ; and that is why the great majority of the people thoroughly dis-
trust your acts and your speeches. This is a misfortune which you will
only remove when the judgments you give and when equitable laws prove
clearly that you have come to this country to promote the welfare and the
prosperity of the whole nation, and not for the benefit of a faction merely.
I know well that the Protestants give reason to try and show that
Uganda can only become English by means of Protestantism. But the
history of all the Missions established during this century prove to me
that in all heathen countries where Protestants were to be found in opposi-
tion to Catholics, the former have never triumphed except through violence.
They want to do the same thing in L'ganda. I leave it to your prudent
intelligence to jDerceive this, and never to allow such a thing to hapi^en,
which would be so opposed to the haj^piness of the nation, and to the
honour of your own country.
The second question remains, Whether the moment has arrived to put an
immediate end to the political disorders which occupy our attention ? In
my humble opinion, the sooner this is done, the better. We need not be
frightened by the threats of war of the Protestant party. Besides, war is
impossible now, and can only take place if you consent to support either
one side or the other with all your strength.
But if war is not to be feared now, I believe that it will be inevitable
later, because, in sjDite of all the eff'orts of the missionaries and of the
662
APPENDIX.
Ministers, the old animosities will gain strength. It is better to establish
at once the British power, on a solid foundation and at a small cost. It
would be fatal to wait, because the two parties will reinforce themselves ;
and in a few months they will not be disposed to make any more conces-
sions than they are disposed to do now. Experience will clearly prove this
to you.
I may now tell you my own wishes, if you will allow me to do so : I think
that they are in conformity with the true interests of the Company, and
with its prompt success in these districts. Practically, then, (1.) Do not
formulate any new law : the moment has not arrived ; no law can satisfy
the two sides simultaneously. And (2.) Do not allow any one, be he an
important chief or an insignificant individual, to be driven from his property
for conscience' sake. Every one who is in litigation on such a matter should
have to go before a court of justice constituted by you, and this court should
never sanction an eviction on religious grounds.
If, however, you think it ©iDportuue to have some arrangement signed
between the two parties, the following are my ideas uj^on the articles which
you have been good enough to propose to me : —
(1.) The removal of all dignitaries, as far as the rank of Msari [the fifth
dignity in each oflice], on religious grounds, would be to upset again all
the country, and to shatter the order which was established eighteen
months ago, when a division was agreed to between the two jDarties.
(2.) It will be more difiicult to establish absolute liberty in June 1892,
than in July 1891, for reasons already mentioned.
(3.) As to hereditary ofiices, I myself have no jjersonal oiDinion upon
the matter ; but the Catholic chiefs are disposed to agree to a convention
on the subject, and to establish fixed laws of succession, if you think it
proper to do so.
(4.) The registration of all the sliamhas [lauds], to be signed by the two
sides, might produce excellent results.
(5.) To bring all causes of litigation before the king, who would judge
them with the British Eesident, can alone put an end to disputes and to
injustice.
(6.) To deprive any man of his possessions, except for personal un worthi-
ness or for bad administration, is an arbitrary act, which would always be
fatal to the happiness of the country.
I now end. It is due to your spirit of justice and to your condescension
that I have been enabled to express myself so freely, and without any arriere
'pensee upon this question of liberty, which is so important to the welfare of
the country. I trust that the other side will be equally frank, and that
the Protestants also will only take into consideration, as I have done, the
interests of the country, the duties of the Company who has assumed a
civilising mission in Uganda, and the notions of justice and liberty which
generous England is accustomed to establish everywhere. — I have, &c.,
(Sd.) J. HiRTH.
P.S. — The desire to make myself thoroughly understood by a soldier who
has only a slight knowledge of French, has made me thus curtail my
sentences.
ORDERS FOR ADMINISTRATIOX OF WITU.
663
APPENDIX III.
ORDERS FOR ADMINISTRATION OF WITU.
NOTICE.
By Order of his Highness the Sultax of Zanzibar.
The following provisional regulations are issued for the government and
administration of the British Protectorate lying between the rivers Tana
and Juba : —
I. All unoccupied and unassigned land is the property of the State.
II. The exclusive privilege of working, leasing, or assigning any mines or
deposits of any metals, minerals, mineral oils, or precious stones, belongs to
the State.
III. The felling of timber in the forests shall be regulated by particular
arrangement with the Administrator, who is empowered to grant or refuse
permission, and to fix the royalty which, if permission is granted, shall be
paid to the State. The wood used for building and burning, commonly
known as borite, is not included in the above regulation.
IV. The sale of slaves is prohibited. The separation of the children of
slaves from their mothers is forbidden on the severest penalties. Slaves
may only be inherited by the lawful children of the present owners.
Y. All titles to any real property are to be registered before the Ad-
ministrator within a period of one year from the present date. All such
titles brought in for registration will be publicly exhibited in the nearest
village to the locality where the property is situated within twenty-one
days, to enable the claim to be contested.
After the lapse of one year from the present time, no claims which have
not been registered will be recognised as legal unless the claimant is able to
show adequate cause why he has neglected to comply with this regulation.
The fee for registration of real property will be one quarter per cent of
the value.
VI. Kathis will be appointed for the administration of justice at Mko-
numbi, Wangeh, and Mataroni. Only the written judgment of such Kathis
appointed by his Highness the Sultan of Zanzibar, stamped with his official
seal, will be recognised as valid and put into execution.
Appeal from these judgments will be in the first instance to the Ad-
ministrator, and finally to his Highness the Sultan of Zanzibar.
Copies of the judgment will be supplied to applicants by the Kathis on
payment of one per cent of the amount adjudged.
664
APPENDIX.
The law will be administered according to the Sheria.
In all cases in which Europeans are concerned his Highness delegates his
authority to the Administrator, who will fix a day for hearing the case, or
in his absence to the Assistant Administrator.
VII. All mortgages, deeds of sale, transfers of property, loans, promissory-
notes, &c., &c., in order to acquire legal validit}^, must be registered before
one of the above-mentioned three Kathis according to the system now in
force at Zanzibar.
The fee for registration will be one per cent of the value stated.
VIII. The import, manufacture, and sale of firearms, ammunition,
jDOwder, and caps, is prohibited ; exception will only be made on the pro-
duction of a signed permit from the Administrator on the conditions pre-
scribed by the regulations in force in Zanzibar. Such permit will be
subject to a stamp duty of one rupee.
IX. The import of alcoholic liquors is prohibited ; exceptions will only
be made in the case of limited quantities for the use of Europeans who
provide a sufficient guarantee that the liquors imported are for their own
personal consumption. The retail trade in alcoholic liquors is prohibited
altogether.
The standard of measurement for alcoholic liquors is that in force in
Zanzibar.
X. The Customs stations of the Protectorate are the following : Port
Durnford, Kiunga, Kiwaiya, Mataroni, Dadori AVangeh, Mgini, Mwanga
Imesarabu Mkoi, Mkunumbi, Kimbo. A uniform duty of five per cent
will be raised for the present on all imports ; spirits, wines, beer, and
tobacco which have already paid the five per cent duty in Zanzibar will, if
imported direct from Zanzibar to the Protectorate, be exemjDt from further
dut}'.
[Here follows scale of duties to be raised on native produce exported.]
XL The Administrator is empowered to draw up local regulations for
the protection of the natural products of the country from waste or abuse.
Xote. — Regulations Xos. i., ii., iii., iv., v., vii., viii., ix., xi. are in force
from the present date. Xo. vi. comes into force upon notification at the
three stations referred to. Xo. x. comes into force simultaneously with
the opening of Customs-houses at the various stations referred to.
7.
MEAN TEMPERATURE g]^^;"!:-^- Bfo-^o"; ^onoerso^.
NOTES OX THE SMALL PHYSICAL MAPS.
665
APPENDIX lY.
NOTES ON THE SMALL PHYSICAL MAPS.
Map 7. Memi Annual Temperature. — If climate were determined merely
by the mean annual temperature, then indeed Eastern Equatorial Africa
could boast of localities where the native of England would find conditions
such as he is accustomed to at home, for by ascending to an altitude of
about 12,000 ft. he would enter a region the mean annual temperature of
which does not exceed 50° F. But the suitability of a climate to Euro-
pean constitutions is dependent quite as much ujDon annual and diurnal
range as ujDon the mean temperature throughout the year. How consider-
ably these factors differ from what we are accustomed to at home is shown
in the following table
Altitude
above
Sea-level.
Mean
Annual
Temp.
Annual
Range. 1
Diurnal
Range. -
Feet.
F.
F.
F.
Loudou .
50°
26°
11°
Zanzibar .
79°
6°
6°
Mombasa
50
78°
7°
9°
5500
6.5°
9°
16°
3600
72°
16°
24°
Natete (Meiigo)
4000
71°
6°
27°
1520
80°
9°
24°
The map shows the actual mean temperature likely to be experienced,
and not mean temperatures reduced to sea-level.
Rainfall. — There are as yet few stations in Eastern Equatorial Africa
where the rainfall has been recorded for a sufficient numl^er of years to
enable us to obtain trustworthy means. Our little map, although based
upon meteorological records received from twenty-two stations, can there-
fore be looked ujoon merely as an approximation to the truth. The rainfall
is heaviest along the coast and in the great forest to the west of the Albert
Edward, where alone it exceeds 50 in. ; it is least considerable in the arid
region around Lake Eudolf, where only three heavy falls of rain were ob-
served in 1888. The quantity recorded differs exceedingly in succeeding
years. At Zanzibar 46 in. fell in 1892, but 167 in. (?) in 1859 ; at Mom-
basa 27 in. fell in 1892, 90 in. in 1877. In Uganda the rainfall is far less
fluctuating, for the extremes observed by Mr Mackay, 1879-1886, were 41
and 55 in. The rains there are, moreover, far more regularly distributed
over the year than elsewhere. In 1892, which was an exceptionally dry year,
there fell, up to the end of July, 22 in. at Mombasa and 28 in. at Malindi ;
in 1893, during the same period, the quantity was 46 in. at the former and
40 in. at the latter place.
1 Difference between the mean temiDeratures of the coldest and warmest months of
the year.
2 Difterence between the means of the highest and lowest temjDeratures of each day
throughout the year.
666
APPENDIX.
The rains follow the sun, which is plainly proved by the diagram below,
showing the sun's declination and the monthly rainfall for Zanzibar, Mom-
basa, and Natete. They are heaviest in April or May, and a second maxi-
mum takes place in October or Nov^ember.
Rain
in.
15°
10'
5"-
Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apr.
May
June
July
Aug.
Sep.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
Suris
DecJ.
0°
5'
10"
15°
•
20'
^ .4'
V
\/ \
\ \
\\
\
\
\\
\\
\ \
\ \
\ V
\ —
. \
'■\
J
J
?#
E
/
/
.....;•><
—
%
\
\
G.FhJip &. Soy J, 32 Jleet StX an/ian,.
The following table gives the rainfall for a number of stations : —
MEAN ANNUAL RAINFALL.
Months.
(1<) years).
Mombasa
(9 years).
« S :3
i
Mombasa,
1892.
Mamndi,
si
<
^1
Lado,
1884.
in.
in.
in.
in.
in.
in.
in.
in.
in.
January .
2.97
1.50
2.37
0.11
0.61
0.21
2.49
0.00
February .
4.22
0.81
4.38
0.43
0.50
0.00
0.00
0.01
March
6.05
2.14
4.47
0.41
0.49
1.50
1.10
1.06
April .
14.76
8.13
7.66
6.18
5.97
5.' 94
1.95
3.26
6.63
May . .
1L43
1.3.06
5.30
11.32
14.40
13.81
18.66
12.02
3.70
Juue . .
2.38
4.67
3.00
1.43
3.94
2.70
2.50
4.33
5.97
July . .
2.53
4.14
3.17
2.17
1.82
1.98
2.17
1.46
8.58
August
1.71
2.97
2.89
1.26
0.29
1.07
1.22
L97
3.11
Sejitember
1.70
2.84
3.90
1.52
1.41
2.05
1.20
1.56
4.63
October .
4.51
3.97
5.24
0.35
0.35
0.35
0.13
1.79
3.46
November
5.98
4.68
3.89
1.26
0.15
0.58
0.04
7.66
0.61
December
6.37
1.74
1.34
0.37
0.19
0.00
0.00
6.33
0.12
Year . .
64.62
50.62
47.61
26.83
.30.12
28.98
43.97
37.86
Map 8. Geological. — A mere sketch, based upon the maps of Sadebeck,
J. Thomson, Zittel, and F. Toula, and the incidental notes of travellers.
The larger part of the territory delineated has never been explored. The
map brings out very prominently the wide area occupied by recent volcanic
rocks, as also by crystalline rocks.
8.
^ ^ I ^ I O A I ^ ~~ Alluvial and Recent. - — Crystalline.
(jtL/L-L/VJllOAl- Eruptive Rocks. \ Sedimentary g
generally.
r-/-%r-kr-rN~r*o l 1 r-. c * I \Wood lands of \ \Savannas { scrub
FORESTS VADense Forests. Upper N ill LJ grass, d.)
G-ShSJUp Sc Sort.
\V'>TBLACKW(J()1) .t SO,V:
9
Trj I rj A I ' Dinka and kin. \ Masai. i ' Other Nilotic iribei.
n I D M L. r^Z Bantu. rZZ Hamitic fSoTnal, Galla, ^c.J CH Others.
COMMERCIAL
I. -VI. CoTtuntrcial Zones. Pro^sed Raihvay.
^^Proposed Road /or zukeeled traffic. Proposed
load for Pack Animals. • Proposed Depots.
BLACKWOOD A SOXS
NOTES ON THE SMALL PHYSICAL MAPS. 667
Forests. — This sketch shows the dense primeval forests of the highlands
of British East Africa, the wooded coast-region, the woodlands of the
Upper Nile, and the easternmost portion of the great forest of the Congo
basin. Those parts of the map coloured yellow present varied features as
regards their vegetation. Much is sterile, and merely affords a scanty sub-
sistence to flocks ; but there is also much fertile land, covered with grass
dotted over with trees, and yielding excellent crops.
Map 9. Tribal. — This map is intended merely to indicate general features.
The Hamites, including Galla and Somal, as also various peoples to the
north of Abyssinia, occupy the north-eastern part of the map, while the
" Bantu " form a well-defined group (linguistically) to the south. The
Nilotic tribes have been grouped together for the sake of convenience.
They speak a large number of languages, mutually unintelligible. The
Dinka, and their group, occupy three detached territories on the map, and
include the southern Wa-Kavirondo or Wagaya on the eastern side of the
Victoria Nyanza. The Masai have probably for their kinsmen the Turkana,
Lango, and Latuka, to the north, but we do not yet know whether the
Wandorobo, Wabilikimo, and some agricultural tribes, must be detached as
belonging to a distinct family. The people of Uasi, Ufiomi, and Yiraku, to
the south of the ManyaraLake (see map), certainly form a distinct group, for,
according to Dr Baumann, their language abounds in clicks, and can be
referred neither to the Bantu nor the Nilotic groups.
Commercial. — This map is more especially intended to illustrate Captain
Lugard's commercial chapters.
E. G. R
INDEX.
Abercorn, Fort. Map 2, 8°40' S., 3ri5'
E.
Aberdare range. Map 3, 0°30' S., 36°
50' E.
Abyssinia, British diplomacy in, i, 7, 8
Aden. Map 1, 12°50' N., 45° E.
Administration, method, ii. 589 — cost in
Sonth Africa, 604— responsibility for,
614, 615
Administration in Uganda, my impar-
tiality, ii. 78 — expenses of, 313-315—
plans for, 515— estimated cost of, 639-
641
Administration of East Africa, by Govern-
ment, through Chartered Company, ii.
603-607— through Mr Ehodes, 608-611—
direct, 611-615— Lord Grey on, 612— as
dependency of Zanzibar, 615-621— an-
nexation of Sultanate, 626, 627— central
headquarters, 635, 636 — subordinate cen-
tres, 635-638— scheme for, 635-639— at
coast, 654-656— central, 656, 657
Africa, British East, native tribes, i. 238-
241, 395, 396— staples of barter, 273,
274, 401 — population and areas, 369,
370 — value to us, 381, 382 — climate,
soil, &c., 383, 384, 392— waterways, 384-
386 — minerals, 389 — peculiar advan-
tages, 389-392— colonisation of, 392-394,
417, 419, 420, 488-491— diseases of, 394,
395— ports, 396-products, 398, 399 (see
Conmiercial Zones)— imports, 401, 402
— has a legitimate basis of trade, 403 —
commission proposed for determining
resources of, 528, 529 — our position in
relation to other Powers, ii. 565-574, 595,
596 — our duties to, 573-582 — our pre-
scriptive right, 591 — civil status of na-
tives not recognised, 628-630 — compared
to West Africa, 659
African Council, suggested, ii. 658
African Lakes Company, i. 20 — build trad-
ing station at Karonga's, 51, 52 — why
started, 98 — its estimate of freight to
Uganda, 448
African tragedy, i. 41
Ajawa or Yao tribe. Map 2, 13° S.,
35° E.
Albert Edward Lake, ii. 171. Map 4,
0°30' S., 30° E.
Albert Lake, ii. 221, 222. Map 3, 1°30'
N., 30°45' E.
Ali bin Surur, Sultan's envoy, i. 133-135
— fooled by slavers, 144 — in collusion
with Mlozi, 148
Alice, Port. Map 4, 0°5' N., 32°27' E.
Amelia Bay (Nyasa). Map 2, 10°25' S.,
34°40' E.
Ande river. Map 3, 2°40' S., 38°10' E.
Anglo-German agreement, ii. 22, 30, 313,
601— Heligoland, 579
Angoni, Zulu tribe west of Lake Nyasa,
depredations of, i. 85, 86 — the dominant
tribe on Nyasa, 87 — slavery among, 174
— as labourers, 475
Ankoli, ii. 8 — population of, i. 432 —
stations in, ii. 136 — cattle plague, 159
— nature of country, 161 — famine, 280.
Map 4, 0°30' S., 30°30' E.
Ant. See Insects
Antelope, i. 78 — eland, 529, 530 — water
buck, 530, 531 — kudu, 531— hartebeest,
531-533— sable, 533— Speke's, 533, 534
— oryx, 534 — Grant's gazelle, 534, 535
— Thomson's gazelle, 535, 536— bush-
buck, 536 — lesser kudu, 537 — mj)alla,
537, 538— reed-buck, 538— nsunu, 538
— pah, 539 — grass antelopes, 540 — gnu
or wildebeest, 540, 541 — vitality, 555,
556
Arabs of East Africa, how they procure
slaves, i. 90, 91 — are of mixed race, 93-
95— their religious and social sanction
for slave-holding, 177, 178 — their treat-
ment of slaves, 190, 191 — their fugitive
slaves protected by missions, 222-224 —
war with the Germans, 223— comiDcn-
sated for loss of slaves, 224— and self-
redemption of slaves, 232, 233, 296--
spoil the labour market, 476 — as traders,
477
Arabs of Nyasaland. See Slavers
Arms and powder, amount imported by
Portugal, i. 29 — Portuguese intercept
ammunition for Karonga's, 152— on the
increase, 164 — imported, 213-216 — in
670
INDEX.
Usoga, 369, 370 — in hands of natives,
395, 396— Arab offers Mwanga, ii. 54—
bronglit by Stokes, 63, 64 — demand great
in Uganda, 63 — imported by French
Fathers, 66, 74 — Arabs bring to Usoga,
105— lent for war, 112, 113— Ntali to
stop import, 160 — Stokes' stored, 252
— means of checking trade, 267 — Ntali
seizes, 279 — smuggled by French
Fathers, 374 — largely imported, 415
— Germans admit, 443— increasing, 589
— check npon, 654
Aruwimi river, mouth. Map (ii. 569),
1°10' N., 23°50' E.
Ashe, Rev. R., ii. 4, 6, 7 — describes Kabaka
and chiefs in 1889, 19 — joins Walker,
362, 363
Athi plain, game in, ii. 538
Athi river, i. 272. Map 3, 1°30' S., 37° E.
Atonga, tribe enlisted, i. 83, 84. Map 2,
11°45° S., 34°20' E.
Awemba, Bemba. Map 2, 10° S., 31° E.
Baboons, i. 270, 271, 552
Bafulabe. Map 3, 13°30' N., 10°30' E.
Baganioyo Mission, i. 70. Map 2, 6°25'
S., 38'55' E.
Bagge, Mr, ii. 108, 109, 349, 369, 372-374
Bagirmi. Map 1, 11° N., 18° E.
Baiir el Ghazal. Map 1, 10° N., 30° E.
Bain, Mr, i. 54, 84, 128
Baja. Map 4, 0°9' S., 31°55' E.
Baldisera, General, i. 7, 8
Bana. Map 2, 12° 25' S., 34° E.
Banana, uses, i. 429, 430
Banda. Map 4, 0°17' N., 32°50' E.
Banda Waroga (Speke's). Map 4, 0°22'
N., 32°38' E.
Bandawe, i. 82— described, 19. Map 2,
11°54' S., 34°8' E.
Bangweolo. Map 2, 11° S., 30° E.
Barawa river. Map 3, 0°22' N., 33°56' E.
Barawa town. Map 2, 1°10' N., 44°5' E.
Bari tribe. Map 2, 4°30' N., 31°30' E.
Baringo lake, i. 354. Map 3, 0°35' N.,
36°10' E.
Basenga tribe. Map 2, 11° S., 33° E.
Bavuntix tribe, ii. 177
Beden. Map 2, 4°40' N., 31°30' E.
Belgium in Africa, aggression, i. 436 — rail-
ways, 453 — import slave labour, 481, 482
— elephant monopoly, 508— Lado expe-
dition, ii. 568, 569 — expenditure, 586
— Stanley, 643
Belizoni canal. Map 3, 2°30' S., 40°25' E.
Berber. Map 1, 18° N., 34°15' E.
Berkeley Bay. Map 3, 0°10' N., 33°55'
E.
Berkeley, Mr, Vice-Consul, i. 218
Berlin Act, effective occupation, ii. 566,
567, 599— our rights, 566— obligations,
Bilal Bey, ii. 219
Bilo. Map 2, 0°35' N., 42°57' E.
Birds, i. 24, 79, 80, 340, 341, 343, 350, 371,
551, 552
Birinzi, chief of, treacherous, ii. 147, 148.
Map 3, 0°15' S., 31°55' E.
Blantyre, described, i. 43, 44, 64— build-
ings at, 43-45, 474, 475 — divided counsels
re Karonga's, 50, 59 — administrative
mission, 72 — founded by Mr Young, 76.
Map 2, 15°47' S., 35°4' E.
Blood-brotherhood, with Wakamba chiefs,
i. 319 — with Kikuyu chiefs, 329 — metho(l
of, 330, 331— with Wakoli, 369— with
Mbekirwa, 370; ii. 579— with Ntali's
son, 160
Bomokandi river. Map 2, 30° N., 28° E.
Bonga's (Zambesi). Map 2, 15°25' S.,
33"40' E.
Borani Galla. Map 2, 3° N., 39° E.
Brassey, Lord, quoted, i. 179, 472
Brava. See Barawa
Brussels Act, our obligations under, i.
212, 213 ; ii. 573-582— effective occupa-
tion gradual, 568 — extent of, 574
Buchanan, Mr, correspondence with, re
Karonga's, i. 45-50 — on coffee, 428 —
on labour, 475
Buddu, Mohammedans in, ii. 4 — trading
station, 136— fertility, 139, 147, 423-425
— invaded, 303 — fighting in, 305 — ceded
to Wa-Fransa, 423, 425, 476— famine,
479-481— frontier settled, 505. Map 4,
0°30' S., 31°45' E.
Buffalo, i. 42, 78, 132, 251, 290, 345-347,
352— his horns, 522— herds of, 522, 523
— domestication of, 525— habits, 522-
524 — decimated by cattle-plague, 356,
359, 525
Bugaju, camp, ii. 141. Map 4, 0°28' S.,
31°38' E.
Buganga, lovely scenery, ii. 144, 145. Map
4, 0°5' S., 32°5' E.
Bugungu. Map 4, 0°26' N., 33°13' E.
Bujaju, charming country, ii. 146 note.
Map 4, 0°15' S., 32° E.
Bukoba. Map 2, 1°20' S., 32° E.
Bukumbi, ii. 55, 391, 442. Map 2, 2°43'
S., 33°5' E.
Bulamwezi. Map 4, 0°45' N., 32°30' E.
Bulingugwe, ii. 9— attack on, 353-355 —
reasons for, 354 — Mwanga in, 548.
Map 4, 0°15' N., 32°37' E.
Bullock, its value for transport, i. 468
Buniako. Map 4, 0°5' S., 32°10' E.
Butanuka. Map 4, 0°56 N., 80°15' E.
Butindi. Map 4, 0°35' N., 30°15' E.
Butuku. Map 4, 1 N., 30°20' E.
Bvua. Map 2, 10°25' S., 34°15' E.
Bwera. Map 4, Equator and 31°30' E.
Camel, his use for transport, i. 466, 467 —
domestication of, 493, 494
Cameroons. Map 1, 5° N., 12° E.
Camp, marked out, i. 249 — hutting, 250 —
martial law, 364 — life, ii. 124— disci-
pline, 165— order important, 208, 209—
arrangement, 277
Caravans, harm done by Swaliili, ii. 507 —
refused ]mssage, 507, 508
Casati, Major, quoted, i. 437, ii. 414
Cat, serval, i. 550
Cattle-plague, i. 131, 356, 359, 363— its
nature, 525-527 — where spread, 526-528
— commission to report on, 528, 529 ; ii.
159 — Ukamba escaped, 540
INDEX.
671
Cliagwe, rising in, ii. 306— Futabangi rise,
319 — quelled by Mlondo, 374 — chaos
in, 378 — Williams and Pokino settle,
470, 506. Map 4, 0°30' N., 32°50' E.
Chamberlain, Mr, on commerce, i. 381,
397
Chambers of Commerce urge retention of
Uganda, i. 379, 380
Chikusi's. Map 2, 14°33' S., 34°14' E.
Chindi. Map 2, 18°33' S., 36"30' E.
Chinese as colonists for East Africa, i.
491
Chipitula's. Map 2, 16°36' S., 35^0' E.
Chireuji. Map (i. 94), 9^42' S., 33°27' E.
Chiweri's. Map 2, 13°45' S., 33°55' E.
Church Missionary Society. See Mis-
sions, Missionaries
Climate, of Kikuyu, i. 334, 335— of Ugan-
da, 383— of British East Africa, 392, 393
Coco-nut, i. 406, 407
Coffee, indigenous to Uganda, i. 428 —
eating, ii. 53
Colonisation of East Africa, i. 392-394,
397, 417, 419, 420, 488-491
Commerce, in Nyasaland, i. 388 —staples
of, in British East Africa, 389 — through
Uganda, 399 — future in Uganda, ii. 140
— openings for, 584, 585, 609
Commercial zones : —
Coast zone, cultivation extensive, i.
406— its products, 406-409— the northern
and southern areas, 410-412 — its re-
sources, 410
Second zone, physical features, i. 411,
414, 415 — produces excellent fibre, 413
— irrigation in, 414
Third zone, its extent and elevation,
i. 415, 416 — physical description, 416-
420— soil, climate, and fertility, 416-420
— prodiicts, 421 — possiljle industries,
422, 423
Fourth zone, extent and elevation, i.
423, 424— soil, climate, &c., 424-427—
products, 427-432— population, 432, 433
—its possibilities, 432, 433
Fifth zone, boundaries, i. 434, 435 —
history, 4-35, 436— products, 436, 437.
See Sudan
Sixth zone, i. 438
Communications. See Transport
Comoro Islands. Map 2 , 11°30' S. , 43°30'
E.
Congo State. See Belgium in Africa
Copper-poisoning and its cure, i. 304, -305
Cotton -growing, i. 408, 409, 430, 431
Crocodiles, i. 24, 39
Cross, Dr, i. 67, 68, 75, 118-120
Dagoreti, i. 326— fort built, 332— Wilson
left in charge, 335; ii. 535. 536 (see
Kikinni). Map 3, 1=15' S., 36°45' E.
Damaraland. Map 1, 21° S., 17° E.
Dangi river. Map 3, 2° S., 37°40' E.
Darfur. Map 1, 12° N., 23° E.
Deep Bay, Nyasa, its strategic importance,
i. 87, 127. Map 2, 10°25' S., 34°18' E.
Delagoa Bay. Map 1, 26° S., 32°40' E.
Dilke, Sir C, on our position in East
Africa, ii. 592, 593
Diseases of British East Africa, i. 394, 395
Dogs, Avild, i. 279, 549— Wahuma, ii. 159
Donkey. See Transport
Donkeys, Masai, ii. 540
Donye {in Masai " mountain "). See La-
muyu, &c.
Drummond, Professor, on extinction of
African elephant, i. 92 — on Swahilis,
191, 238 ; ii. 43— on ants and Swahilis,
348, 349
Dualla, his character and career, i. 300-302
— in danger, 345, 346 — ii. 21, 25— nego-
tiations with Mohammedans, 127, 488-
490 — bravery, 169 — argues for justice,
329— invaluable, 438
Dufili or Dufileh. Map 2, 3°35' X., 32°
E.
Dukala's. Map 4, 0°57' N., 30"16' E.
Dundas, Captain, on Masai, i. 87 — on Tana
and Juba rivers, 411 — on the Mbe
country, 417
Durnford, Port. Map 2, 1°15' S., 41°50'
E.
Duruma. Map 3, 4° S., 39°20' E.
Duta, ii. 363, 462, 463
Dwarfs, ii. 177, 178, 278, 279
Dzenji, Atonga chief, i. 110— at Deep
Bay, 126
Egypt, rights over Equatoria, ii. 571, 572
— attempt to annex Uganda, 610
Eldoma Ravine, i. 461, ii. 531
Elephant, hunting, i. 12, 42— paths, 247,
248 — his uses for transport, 465, 466 —
among the ancients, 494-496 — domestica-
tion of, 494-498 — importation of Indian
species, 497, 500, 501, 504— method of
catching, 501-504 — tusks, their weight,
&c., 499, 500, 505 — African compared
with Indian species, 504, 505 — epidemics
among, 506 — destruction of, 506-508 —
preservation of, 507, 508 — monopoly of,
in Congo State, 508— methods of hunt-
ing, 508-513— useful as food, 513 ; ii.
180 — shot, 176 — at Semliki, 179 — mono-
poly of Imperial British East African
Company in Torn, 188 — at Albert Lake,
221
Elgeyo, i. 354, 355 — natives, 356 — moun-
tains, 356-359. Map 3, 0°35' N., 35°30
E.
Elgon Mount. Map 3, 0°55' N., 34°25' E.
Elmetaita Lake, i. 341, 342. Map 3, 0°25'
S., 36°17' E.
Emin Pasha, quoted, i. 427, 435, 436, 491
— ii. 3, 5, 30, 31 — Mwanga desires to see,
48, 49 — breaks up Arab camp, 55 — fac-
simile letter, 121, 122 — his expedition,
161-166 — letters for, 172 — expedition de-
scribed, 173 — at Ptuwenzori, 178 — treat-
ment of natives, 180 — leave mails for,
181, 182— at Mazomboni's, 206, 207— his
expedition, 224 — repudiated by German
Government, 253 — in trouble, reported
dead, 412
Emin's camp. MajD 4, 0°17' N., 29°55'
E.
English party in Uganda. See Wa-In-
gleza
672
INDEX.
Eqimtoria, events after evacuation, ii. 201-
206
Euan Smith, Sir C, i. 11, 12— Consul
General, 218
Evacuation of Uganda, Company's instruc-
tions re, ii. 287 — probable results, 288,
289, 567, 572, 573, 576, 577— impractic-
able, 288, 289— temporary retirement
impossible, 288— alternative schemes,
289, 292, 293— plan to retain Torn, 289,
290 — countermanded, 294 — on postpon-
ing, 547 — efforts to prevent, 548— inten-
tions of Government, 565, 597 — effect of
rumour in Nyasaland, 589 — statesmen
on, 590, 591 — public bodies on, 591—
arguments for and against, 592, 593 —
deferred by subscription, 602
Fadl Maula Bey, ii. 202, 205, 207
Faloro. Map 2, 3°20' N., 32" E.
Fauvera. Map 2, 2°10' N., 32"35' E.
Felkin, Dr, quoted, i. 426, 437— on land-
tenure in Uganda, ii. 299
Ferag Effendi, ii. 194, 247, 286, 361, 368,
369— his retreat, 370, 371
Ferag's Hill. Map 4, 0°55' N., 30^20' E.
Fever precautions, i. 32-34
Fitzgerald, Mr, on the capabilities of the
coast zone, i. 406, 408
Flag (British) used by Pokino, ii. 125 —
Hirth on, 317, 318 — flies over Uganda,
434
Flag (Mtesa's), Mwanga hoists, ii. 302-304
Floyer, Mr, quoted, i. 466, 467, 493, 494
Forts :—
Edward, ii. 187-190. Map 4, 0°15'
N., 30°12' E.
George, ii. 172, 174, 183, 254— salt
trade, 257, 274. Map 4, 0°8' S., 30°1'
E.
Grant, ii. 265, 268. Map 4, 0°5' S.,
30°32' E.
Kivari, ii. 249-251. Map 4, 0°22' N.,
30°32' E.
Lome, ii. 241, 244, 245. Map 4,
0°37' N., 30°32' E.
Wavertree, ii. 234, 235. Map 4, 0°
47' N., 30°28' E.
France in Africa, her railways, i. 453 —
forward policy, ii. 570, 571 — and Nile
sources, 583 — expenditure, 586 — ex-ter-
ritorial jurisdiction, 627-630
French Fathers, Lourdel, ii. 9, 10, 12, 15—
influence Mwanga, 16, 17 — hostile to
British influence, 19 — import arms, 66,
74 — false accusations of, 115, 357— re-
fuse protection, 339, 341, 344 — their
Mission in flames, 344, 345 — fetched to
Kampala, 345, 346— at the fort, 346,
347 — again, 355-357 — smuggle arms,
374— dissimulate, 385, 386 — Gaudibert
and Levesque, 386 — some leave Kam-
pala, grateful to us, 395 — Achte writes
re repartition, 396 — reply to, 397 — pro-
posals of peace, 397, 398, 410— Brard
dissatisfied with division, 433 — oppose
treaty, 460 — Brard's grievances, 461,
464, 469, 475— re-established at Mengo,
465 — Achte's letter, 466 — loop-holed
fort, 475 — Achte's accusations, 513 — ■
Brard's courteous note, 523
French party in Uganda. See Wa-Fransa
Freretown. Map 3, 4°2' S., 39°42' E.
Fuladoyo, and fugitive slaves, i. 222, 224
—start for, 228, 229— plans for self-
redemption of slaves, 231-233. Map 3,
3°25' S., 39°37' E.
Futahangi, ii. 319, 320, 392, 470 — won
over, 506
Fwambo. Map 2, 8°55' S., 31°35' E.
Gabunga (E.), chief of islands, ii. 150
Game, in Abyssinia, i. 10— on Shire, 78 —
at Deep Bay, 142— Makongeni, 235, 268
— their tracks, 247, 248— on Sabakhi,
290— Mikundu plain, 312— Kikuyu, 322
—pits, 323, 324— Kedoung valley, 338
—Lake Naivasha, 340, 341, 344, 345,
352; ii. 141, 143, 155, 195, 199, 221,
222, 538
Cauda, Belgian station. Map 2, 3°45' N.,
30°55' E.
Gedge, Mr, ii. 15, 30, 31, 45, 48, 50, 52,
53
Germany in Africa, emigrants, i. 13, 14 —
war with Slavers, 223 — pioneer efforts,
402 — trade route through German East
Africa, 449— projected raihvays in, 452,
453 — admits arms, &c. , ii. 443 — expendi-
ture, 586— war with Arabs, 598, 599—
zeal for extension, 599, 600
Gilgil river. Map 3, 0°4iJ' S., 36°22' E.
Giraffe, i. 541, 542
Giriama, tribe and country, i. 229-231,
476. Map 3, 3°40' S., 39°35' E.
Gnu (wildebeest), i. 540, 541
Godo, Belgian station. Map 2, 3°20' N.,
29°50' E.
Gondokoro, i. 385, 435. Map 2, 4°58' N.,
31°50' E.
Gordon, General, quoted, i. 426, 427 — in
the Sudan, 436 ; ii. 3 — treats with
Mtesa, 3 — in Southern Sudan, 256 — on
development of Uganda, 610, 611 — on
African administrator, 657
Gordon, Rev. E. C, re Uganda, i. 219 ; ii.
8, 9, 24, 59— his warning, 37
Gosha (on Jub). Map 2, 0=30' N., 43°
E.
Grant, Mr, i. 339 — his work at Kampala,
ii. 46, 50, 62, 521 — joins exi^editiou
against Mohammedans, 114 — ill, 243 —
his instructions, 272, 273 — goes against
Manyuema, 272, 274
Granville, Lord, on East African railway,
i. 454
Grey, Lord, i. 175, 176
Guaso, Ngishu ("cattle river"). Map 3,
0°20' N., 35°20' E.
Gulama river, mouth. Map 4, 0'~20' N.,
33°12' E.
Hannington, Bishop, ii. 6
Hawes, Consul, i. 42, 57 — attacks Mlozi,
58
Heliograph, i. 205 ; ii. 657, 658
Hinterland theory, ii. 599-601
Hippo, i. 39, 42, 78— paths, 248, 520-522
IXDEX.
673
Hirtli (R. C. Bisliop), attitude on my airi-
val, ii. 66 — on liis return, 86, 87 — "ill-
advised letter," 88 — acknowledges im-
provement, 102 — wishes to abolish
rivals, 302-304 (see letter to Williams,
AjDiiendix III.)— refuses help to avert
war, 332-334— proposes division of coun-
try, 348— joins king on Bulingugwe, 349
—sends for Fathers, 350, 351 — prevents
king's return, 351— liies with king, 355
—at Bukoba, 373— distrusted by Ger-
mans, 374 — threatens war, 409, 410 —
letter, 432
Hyaena, i. 39, 341— spotted, 279
Ibanda. Map 4, 0=5' S., 30"3' E.
Ibo. Map 2, 12^20' S., 40^40' E.
Ibweti. Map 3, 1=30' S., 37=20' E.
Ilala s,s., i. 76, 96— wooding the, 77
Ilbert, Mr, on African elephant, i, 495
Imperial British East Africa Company,
aim at Uganda, i. 219 — ransom fugitive
slaves, 224, 225 — encoiirage self-redemp-
tion, 232, 233— instructions to me, ii. 19
— estates in Uganda, 484— formation of,
597, 598 — reason for occupving Uganda,
599-601— Government policy, 601, 602
— reasons for evacuation, 602, 624, 625
— work done by, 622-624 — expenditure,
622— claims for compensation, 624-626
— estimate of expense, 642, 643
India, slavery abolished in, i. 182 — negroes
imported formerly, 183 — natives as trans-
port attendants. See Labour
Insects, Barula llv, i. 24— mosquitoes, 24,
34, 35, 344, 390— A\ild bees, 279— Avhite
ants, 348— sterilise soil, 349— kill acacia
forest, 350-West African "jigger," 390
International Convention, 1886, ii. 627
Ireti, chief of Wanyoro, hostile, ii. 230
Irrigation, i. 414
Isolt lake' discovered, ii. 121. Map 4, 0=
2.5' X., .32= E.
Italy in Africa, capacity of soldiers for
field-work, i. 8, 9 — their equipment, 10
— her railwavs, 453 : expenditure, ii.
586
Ituri river. Map 2, 1=25' X., 30=2' E.
Ivory, exports of, i. 427, 428, 436, 505 —
pays for its transport, 439
Jackson, Mr, i. 157 ; ii. 9, 11, 14, 15—
mutiny in his camij. i. 365 — on tsetse llv,
391
Janjan tribe. Map 2, 6=30' X., 37=40' E.
Jelib. Map 2, 0=20' X., 43= E.
Jephson, Mr, on Albert Edward Lake, ii.
171— on grain tax. 401
Jilori station. Map 3, 3=10' S. , 39=55' E.
Jinja (" stones" at Ripou Falls). Map 4,
0=27' X., 33=13' E.
Johnstone, Mr H. H., his policy in Xyasa-
land,i. 159-161 — Imperial Commissioner,
219 — on land tenure, ii. 645, 646
Juba river, navigable, i. 384, 385— fertilitv
of its vallev, 411. Map 2, 0=10' S., 42=
30' E.
Jumbe's. Kotakota. Map 2. 13= S., 34=6'
E.
VOL. II.
Jungle life. See chapter x.
Junker, Dr, ii. 7, 119
Kabara's. Map 3, 0=25' X., 34°42' E.
Kabarega, of Unyoro, treats for peace, ii.
114 — allied with ^Nlohammedans, 129 —
overruns Torn, 151 — defeated, 191 — his
plunderers, 199 — defeated by Selim's
Sudanese, 382, 413— his misdoings, 414,
415
Kabiri. Map 2, 12=52' S., 32=9' E.
Kabole. Map 2, 1=35' X., 42=42' E.
Kabula. Map 4, 0=22' S., 31=15' E.
Kabimda. Map 2, 8=50' S., 30=30' E.
Kachera lake, ii. 156. Map 4, 0'35' S.,
31=16' E.
Kafu river. Map 4, 1=28' X., 31=45' E.
Kafuro. Map 2, 1=45' S., 31=20' E.
Kagera river. Map 3, 0=55' S., 31=50' E.
Kago (F.), chief, ii. 107, 348, 349— gener-
ositv, 474
Kago's. Map 4. 0=30' X., 32=30' E.
Kaihura's. Map 4, 0=20' S., 30=3' E.
Kaima (F.), chief, ii. 65 — countrv, 476.
Map 4, 0=17' X., 22=20' E.
Kakibi river. Map 4, 0=25' X"., 29=30' E.
Kakuli, his people, ii. 167. Map 4, 0=12'
S., 30=2' E.
Kaluba's. Map 3, 0°30' X., 33=40' E.
Kamaniro. Map 4, 0=25' X. , 33=10' E.
Kamasia, i. 354-356. Map 3, 0=30' S..
35=46' E.
Kambu river. Map 3, 2=35' S., 38=5' E.
Kambwe lagoon. Map (i. 94), 9=55' S., 34'
E.
Kampala, chosen for camp, i. 376 — given
by king, ii. 48 — fort begun, 50 — com-
pleted, 59— progress, 76— delimited, 93
— visited by ro3'alty, 95, 470— parade at,
105 — manned at night. 110 — return to,
291— improvements, 291, 415, 471, 472—
extensions, 399— best position for caj^ital.
410, 4:ll—barazas held at, 471— Moham-
medan village on slope, 484 — farewell to.
521. 523 — as subordinate centre of gov-
ernment, 636. Map 4, 0=19' X., 32=35' E.
Kamswaga, King of Koki, defiant, ii. 154
— ^.ioins Wa-Fmnsa, 384— sends envoj's,
403, 426 — forfeits pro\inces, 467
Kanyangoro river, ii. 129-131. Map 4, 1=
X., 31=35' E.
Kanvoli. Map (i. 94). 9=45' S., 33=58' E.
Karagwe. Map 3, 1=45' S., 31=20' E.
Karakwanzi, chief of Usougola, ii. 174.
175, 254. Map 4, 0=6' X., 29=45' E.
Karema, Mwanga's brother, ii. 8 — his
boys, 391, 442
Karonga's, fighting at, i. 17, 18 — reasons
for fighting, 42, 45-47 — am asked to com-
mand expedition, 45 — origin of war, 51-
61 — threatened, 54, 55 — attacked, 56 —
relieved by "Wankoude, 57 — garrison re-
tire, 57 — stockade rebuilt, 60 — we start
for, 64— the men who fought at, 66-68,
79, 89, 90— we arrive at, 89 — reforms
at. 97 — reconnoitre slavers' stockades,
100-105- attack Kopa-Kopa's, 112-117—
am shot down, 115 — further plans, 119-
121 — we choose guerilla warfare, 120,
2 u
674
IXDEX.
127 — difficulties, 121-125 — slavers in
great straits, 130 — Karouga's improving,
133, 134— we will not give in, 135—
truce, 144 — gun arrives, ib. — -we shell
stockades, 149-151 — I leave to obtain
help, 158 — plead for Karonga's in Eng-
land, 157 — guerilla warfare maintained
at, 159 — strategic importance of, 169 —
eifect of defence of, 210, 211. Map
(i. 94), 10^ S., 34° E.
Kasagama, exiled King of Toru, ii. 151,
152— reinstated, 187, 188, 254, 255
Kasugu's. Map 4, 0"18' N., 32=12' E.
Katambala's. Map 4, C'lC N., 32=20' E.
Katikiro (E.), chief, reconciled to Kim-
bugwe, ii. 53 — quarrels with Mwanga,
77 — made general brave, 108 — starts,
112 — uses British flag, 125 — disobeys
orders, 128, 129
Katonea river, ii. 118 — mouth, 144. Map
4, 0°5' S., 327' E.
Katouzi, chief, lends canoes, ii. 227, 228.
Map 4, 1=17' N., 30=30' E.
Katunga's, i. 41, 42. Map 2, 16=5' S.,
34=51' E.
Katwe. :\Iap 4, 0=8' S., 30=1' E.
Kauta(F,), chief, ii. 28, 39— confided in,
76 — changed, 326
Kavalli's, Selim at, ii. 201 et seq. — arrive at,
208 — life at, 225— results of expedition
to, 282, 283. Map 4, 1=27' X., 30=23' E.
Kavirondo, ii. 9, 11. Map 3, 0=20' X.,
34=20' E.
Kavirondo plain, i. 358, 362 — description
of people, 362, 363
Kawanga. Map 4, 0=20' X., 31=20' E.
Kayanga. Map 4, 0=30' X., 33=30' E.
Kayes. Map 1, 14=30' X., 11=30' W.
Ka^-uni. Map (i. 94), 10=17' S., 34=4' E.
Kedoung Valley, i. 338. Map 3, 1=5' S.,
36=33' E.
Keiti river. Map 3, 1=45' S., 37=40' E.
Kejabi, Mount. Map 3, 0=55' S., 36=35' E.
Keltic, Mr, on African labour, i. 477, 478
Kenia, Mount, healthy and fertile, i. 419
Keren, Xao, Xesoi, river. Map 3, 0=30'
X., 35=40' E.
Khartum. Map 1, 15=35' X., 32=50' E.
Kiarutauga. Map 4, 0=5' S., 30=32' E.
Kiaya, valley, fertile, ii. 19J — friendly,
233. Map 4, 0=45' X., 30=20' E.
Kibiro. Map 3, 1=48' X., 31=20' E.
Kiboko river. Map 3, 2=10' S., 37=40' E.
Kibona, lake, ii. 166. Map 4, 0=13' S.,
30=10' E.
Kiborum river. Map 3, 0=30' X. , 35=3' E.
Kibwezi river, i. 272, 278— stockade, 289
Kibwezi, Scotch industrial mission, ii. 541.
Map 3, 2=25' S., 37=5.5' E.
Kichwaniba, ii. 163, 164 — contumacious,
257. Map 4, 0=1.5' S., 30=10' E.
Kikumbulin. Map 3, 2=30' S., 38= E.
Kikuyu, fertility of, i. 323, 416 — customs,
324, 325— ])eople, 326-329— cultivation,
328— climate, 333-335, 337, 419-English
plants, 337 — station in, ii. 535— hostility
in, 537, 539— suitable for headquarters
of Government, 635. Map 3, 1= S.,
37= E.
Kilifi. Map 3, 3=37' S., 39=52' E.
Kiliman. See Quilimane
Kilimanjaro, Monnt, i. 278. Map 3, 3=5'
S., 37=22' E.
Kilungu village, i. 282. Map 3, 1=45' S.,
37=30' E.
Kilwa. Map 2, 9° S., 39=40' E.
Kimbugwe (F.), head chief of Wa-Fransa,
ii. 65 — friendly, 46 — offers to defend
Kampala, 124— his spies, 338 — treats for
peace, 407, 408— his office, 449, 450—
letter on peace, 465, 466
Kipini. Map 3, 2=31' S. , 40=31' E.
Kireku. Map 4, 0=22' X., 32=42' E.
Kiri. Map 2, 4=20' X., 31=30' E.
Kirk, Sir J., on slave question, i. 185, 192
— enforces edict, 188 — and fugitive
slaves, 223 ; explains letters of Govern-
ment, ii. 3, 4
Kisimayu. Map 2, 0=20' S. , 42=35' E.
Kitagwenda, fertile, ii. 262. Map 4,
equator, 30=30' E.
Kitara, ancient kingdom, founded by the
Wahuma, ii. 2, 584
Kitendi. Map 4, 0=16' X., 32=55' E.
Kitoro. Map 4, 0=10' S., 29=50' E.
Kitosh. Map 3, 0=35' X., 34=30' E.
Kitui. Map 3, 6° S., 38=10' E.
Kitumi river, ii. 162. Map 4, 0=10' S.,
30=30' E.
Kivari, ii. 249-251. Map 4, 0=22' X., 30=
32' E.
Kiwewa, ii. 8
Kiwola, Goma. Map 4, 0=17' X., 33= E.
Koki. Map 4, 0=45' S., 31=20' E.
Korogwe. Map 2, 5=5' S. , 38=30' E.
Korokoro. Map 3, 0=20' S., 39^30' E.
Kosi island, Victoria Xyanza. Map 4
Kota Kota, Jumbe's. Map 2, 13° S., 34°6'
E.
Kusizi river. Map 4, 0=35' X., 31=15' E.
Kwakwa river, canoeing on, i. 22, 23 — de-
scribed, 23, 24 — boatmen, 23, 25. Map
2, 18=2' S., 36=8' E.
Kwamswaga's. Map 4, 0=40' S., 31=16'
E.
Kyojia river. Map 4, 0=10' S., 31=40' E.
Labour, free. Manyuema, i. 320 — Wan-
yamwezi, 400 — laziness of African ex-
aggerated, 471-473 — aptitude of na-
tives for, 473-475, 477, 478 — their work
in Xyasaland, 473-475 — Angoni and
Atonga, 475 — wages and labour, 475, 477
— market spoilt by Swahilis and Arabs,
476, 477 — Giriama and Wakamba, 476 —
Waganda, 478, 479 — British Indians,
488— Persians, 490— West Africans, 490
—Chinese, 491
Labour, slave, employment of, by Euro-
peans, i. 446, 479-481 — results of employ-
ment of, 447, 482— export by Belgium
and Xatal of, 481 — remedial schemes,
484 485
Lado.' Map 2, 4=50' X., 31=50' E.
Laniu. Map 2, 2=15' S., 40=52' E.
Lamuyu, Donve, Mount. Map 3, 1=25' S.,
36=40' E.
Land tenure, ii. 645, 646
INDEX.
675
Langheld, Captain, letters to, ii. 390, 391 —
advises Mwanga, 413 — assists Williams,
442
Lango. Map 2, 2°30' N., 33°30' E.
Lanjora. Map 3, 1°30' S. , 37°12' E.
Lavigerie, Cardinal, i. 152
Laws, Dr, i. 70, 71, 83, 129— re slavery,
174— employs free labour, 474, 475 — on
importance of schools, ii. 483
Leikipia, i. 419. Map 3, 0°30' N., 36°30'
E.
Lemins. Map 2, 3° N., 30°50' E.
Lendu tribe. Map 3, 2° N., 30°40' E.
Leopard, i, 549, 550
Leopard Bay (Nyasa). Map 3, 13"50' S.,
34°17' E.
Levesque, Pere. See Frencli Fathers
Likoma island. Map 2, 12°5' S., 34°37' E.
Lilwa river, i. 350, 354. Map 3, 0°10' S.,
35°53' E.
Lima, Colonel, i. 30
Lindi. Map 2, 10° S., 39°40' E.
Lions, search for, i. 36-38 — on Kibwezi,
279— habits of, 544-546— troops of, 545
—hunting, 545-549— troop, ii. 529, 530
Liquor, amount imported, i. 213-215 —
West African gin, 214, 215— native,
230— drinking huts, 231— ^o//i6e-drink-
ing, 367
Livingstone, Dr, slave-trade statistics, i.
199
Livingstonia, described, i; 79, 80. Map
2, 14°2' S., 34°48' E.
Loangwa river, mouth. Map 2, 15°45' S.,
30°15' E.
Loch, Sir H., and African labour, i. 477
Locusts, ii. 166
Long, Colonel, ii. 3
Longonot Mount. Map 3, 0°55' S., 36°25'
E.
Lourdel, Pere. See French Fathers
Lovedale Mission, i. 70
Luapala river. Map 2, 9°30' S., 29°50' E.
Luba's. Map 4, 0°25' N., 33°25' E.
Lugard's Falls. Map 3, 3= S., 38°40' E.
Lulambu island. Map 4, 0"13' S., 32°27'
E
Lumbwa. Map 3, 0°40' S., 35°15' E.
Luuzu river, i. 65. Map 2, 15°25' S.,
34^52' E.
Luwambu harbour, ii. 146, 147. Map 4,
0°20' S., 32°5' E.
M 'Donald, Captain, ii. 537, 545, 546
Machako's, i. 220 — isolated, 282, 283—
stockade built, 284, 285, 317— adapted
for colonisation, 416, 417 — trouble at,
ii. 538, 539. Map 3, 1°31' S., 37°18' E.
Mackay, Mr, quoted, i. 425, 435, 477 ; ii.
6, 7
Mackenzie, Mr, Administrator of Imperial
British East African Company, i. 218 —
and fugitive slaves, 225
Mackinnon, Sir W., ii. 602
Macpherson, Dr, ii. 108, 114
Madi tribe. Map 2, 3°40' N., 32° E.
Magarini. Map 3, 3°5' S., 40°5' E.
Magi. Map 3, 2°30' S., 33°30' E.
Magila. Map 2, 5°10' S., 38°47' E.
Maguire, Captain, i. 162, 163
Magwangwara, Zulu tribe. Map 2, 10^30'
S., 35°30' E.
Mahagi (Albert Lake). Map 3, 1°50' S.,
31°15' E.
Makanjila's. Map 2, 13°44' S., 34°47' E.
Makololo on Shire, i. 38
Makongeni and fugitive slaves, i. 224, 233,
235, 241— stockade built, 237 — de-
scription of country, &c., 267-270, 271.
Map 3, 37' S., 39°32' E.
Makraka tribe. Map 2, 4°30' N., 30" E.
Malewa river. Map 3, 0=40' S., 36°27' E.
Malindi. Map 3, 3°12' S., 407' E.
Mambwe. Map 2, 9° S., 32° E,
Mandala. Map 2, 15°47' S., 35°2' E.
Manganja, tribe described, i. 40
Manyuema, brave, i. 320— slave-raiders,
ii. 177, 178— raid, 271. Map 2, 4°30'
S., 28° E.
Map-making, i. 347 ; ii. 266, 267
Marenga river. See Mweranga
Maronga, country described, ii. 155, Map
4, 0°23' S., 31°20' E.
Martin, Mr, ii. 108, 109, 113, 281, 294,
295
Masa. Map 3, 1°10' S., 39°55' E.
Masai, depredations, i. 87 — war-paths, 272
— drink blood, 272— Dr Peters' methods
with, 273 — barter with, 274— threaten
caravan, 340— friendly with Wilson, ii.
536— embittered, 539
Masaka, C.M.S. station, ii. 143. Map 4,
0°20' S., 31°47 E.
Masasi. Map 2, 10°50' S., 38°40' E.
Mashonaland. Map 1, 17°30' S., 31° E.
Masongole. Map 3, 2°30' S. , 38° E.
Massowa. Map 1, 15° S., 39°30' E.
Matakenya. Map 2, 16°50' S., 35°30' E.
Mathews, General, i. 14
Matope, i. 65. Map 2, 15°25' S., 34°55'
E.
Mau mountains, i. 342 — plateau 358 —
physical description, 419, 420 — ii. 530,
531. Map 3, 0°30' S., 38°45' E.
Maxim gun, saves bloodshed, ii. 343 —
moral effect of, ib. — at Bulingugwe, 355
Mazomboni. Map 4, 1°25' N., 30°10' E,
Mbaruki's camp. Map 3, 0°20' S., 36°17'
E.
Mbe country, i. 417. Map 3, 0°20' N.,
38°20' E.
Mbekirwa's, i. 370. Map 3, 0°30' N., 33°
36' E.
Mbogo, ' uncle of Mwanga, king of • Mo-
hammedans. See Mohammedans
Mbololo. Map 3, 3°25' S., 38°30' E.
Mbwinzao. Map 3, 2°20' S., 37°53' E.
Mengo. Map 4, 0°18' N., 32°34' E.
Messangani. Map 2, 18° S., 36°35' E.
Mfudo. Map 2, 0°45' N., 42°53' E.
Miala. Map 4, 0°20' N. , 29°45' E.
Mianja river. Map 4, 0°40' N., 32°10' E.
Mikindu plain, i. 279. Map 3, 2°15' S.,
37°50' E.
Milner, Mr, quoted, ii. 529
Minerals in British East Africa, i. 388,
389
Mirambo, promises to fight slavers, i. 95
676
IXDEX.
Missionaries, Arate to Consul re Karonga's,
i. 48 — must command respect, 73, 74 —
letters from, 376 — as arbitrators, ii.
44-46, 367— arl)itration fails, 49— offered
protection, 331— in politics, 452-458
Protestant: claim compensation, ii.
365, 458, 459, 508 — send acciisations
home, 457
Missions, medical, i. 69 — industrial, 70 —
importance of schools, 71 ; ii. 483 — ad-
ministrative, i. 72, 73— protect slaves,
222-224, 297 — Scotch industrial mission,
278, 290 — and compulsorv education, ii.
58— protection of, 103, 365-368, 587—
status, 104, 367 — precedents for protec-
tion, 588
Protestant : authorised by Govern-
ment, ii. 3 — to Luba's and Wakoli's, 520
Roman Catholic: and slave women,
ii. 55-57
Mitiana. Map 4, 0^22' X., 32"-2' E.
Mlauri, Makololo chief, i. 39 — great
sportsman, ih. Map 2, 16'10' S., 34'55'
E.
Mlondo (E.), chief, ii. 363, 377, 378—
brave and reliable, 460
Mlozi, i. 54
Moffat, Dr, ii. 541
Mohammedans, settle in Uganda, ii. 4 —
persecuted, 4, 6, 8 — drive out Christians,
8— ejected, 9 — maintaining balance, 17
—raid, 47. 110, 31S— negotiations with
{re Mboo-oj. 126-129— helped In- Kabare-
ga, 129— position of, 129, 130— defeated,
132, 133— checkmated, 298, 381-de-
feated l:)v Sudanese and sue for peace,
382— Mbogo, 383— deserters, 389— start
for Usanda, 400 — negotiations with, 400,
437-440, 477, 488-495 — repatriation of,
439, 440, 496— enter Uganda, 478, 479—
I meet Mbogo, 485-492— split among,
486-488 — Mbogo delivered up, 495 —
arrive at Mengo, 497— nieet Mwanga, 498
— sign treaty in haro.za, 500 — Mbogo at
Kampala, 500
Moir, Mr F., i. 45— wounded, 58— arm
shattered, 60
Moir, Mr J., i. 45, 67, 155
Mokia. Map 4, 0'-5' X., 30"'10' E.
Mombasa, described, i. 13 — valuable port,
396 ; ii. 582 — seat of Government, 631 —
as subordinate centre, 636, 637. Map 3,
4=4' S., 39=40' E.
Mombera's. Map 2, 11°37' S., 33=45' E.
Mombutu tribe. Map 2, 3=20' X., 28=30'
E.
Mondu, ii. 93, 107. Map 4, 0=20' X. , 33=
10' E.
Mongava Hill. Map .3, 3=20' S., 39=42' E.
Monteith, Mr L., i. 53, 54. 120
Mopea, i. 26. Map 2, ir58' S., 35= 40'
E.
Morambala Mount. Map 2, 17=30' S., 35=
26' E.
Morendat. Map 3, 0°40' S., 36=25' E.
Mozambique, described, 1. 18. Map 2, 15=
S., 40=45' E.
Mpanga river, bridged, ii. 246, 247— again,
ii. 260, 261. Map 4, 0=3' X., 30=20' E.
Mpata. Map (i. 94), 9=54' S., 33=49' E.
Mpeseni. Map 2, 13=48' S., 32=48' E.
Mponda's. Map 2, 14=28' S., 35=7' E.
Mpuku valley, fertile, ii. 187
Mrowi. Map 2, 10=45' S., 34°15' E.
Mruli. Map 3, 1=40' X., 32=20' E.
Mswa. Map 3, 2= S., 31= E.
Mtesa, ii. 2-5— treats with Gordon, 3 — his
iron rule and cruelty, 650
Mtindi's. Map 3, 0=27' X., 34=18' E.
Mtunga's. Map 3, 0=23' X., 34=7' E.
Mudzi stream. Map 2, 15=59' S., 34=43' E.
Mugema's. Map 4, 0=27' X., 32=15' E.
Mugenyi. Map 4, 1=11' X., 30=20' E.
Mujasi (F.), chief, ii. 65- disaffected, 82
— root of the troulde, 89, 90 — in Avar-
paint, 112— character, 123, 124— alleged
outrage on wife Xalinia, 462 — unfound-
ed, 463-letter, 481, 482
Mule. See Transport
Mumia's. Map 3, 0=19' X., 34=30' E.
Munobo river, crossing, ii. 240. Map 4,
0=40' X., 30=27' E.
Muntu-Mwema, captured, i. 108, 109 —
acts as guide, 113
Mupuku river. Map 4, 0=15' X., 30=16' E.
Murchison Falls. Map 2, 15°56' S., 34=39'
E.
Mutanda's (formerly Wakoli's). Map 3,
0=30' X., 33=43' e:
Mwaiba, fugitive slave village, north of
Moniljasa. Map 3.
Mwami's village on Victoria Xvanza.
Map 4.
Mwanga, ii. 5 — I write to, i. 368 — my policy
towards, 377 — ^jriersecutes Christians, ii.
6, 8— orders Bishop Hannington's mur-
der, 6 — his flight, 8 — restored, 10 — treats
with Jackson, 11 — with Peters, 11-13 —
his policy, 17— character of, 40, 482 —
fears British vengeance, 40, 41 — partial-
ity to Eoman Catholics, 64, 65, 69, 72,
77 — his feeble rule, 68— as sharnha ar-
bitrator, 72, 73 — night conference with,
77, 79 — haraza hut, 78, 79 — agrees to
divide Sesse, 78 — convinced of my
impartiality, 82-84 — resolves to govern
fairly, 84, 88— grateful, 87, 88— his im-
morality, 99 — conference with, 108 —
his drummer. 111 — desires to become
Protestant, 311, 482— insolent, 326, 327,
335 — refuses justice, 329, 330 — his
letter and my reply, 330 — his build-
ings saved, 344 — urged to return, 348 —
eager to do so, 349 — prevented by Mon-
seigneur, 351 — bids Luba light, 380 — his
return a sine qud non, 397, 399 — jire-
vented, 404— returns, 418, 419 — under
the Queen, 421 — gratitude, 421, 422—
suggestions for repartition, 422 — de-
mands British flag, 434 — new treaty
with, 434-436 — claims Karema's boys,
443 — visits Kampala, 470, 482 — wel-
comes Mbogo, 500 — o])poses plot, 501
—his letters to the Queen and Imperial
British East African Company, 518, 519
—nominal king, 650, 651
Mweranga river. Map 4, 0=19' X., 32=25'
INDEX.
677
Mweru, Lake. Map 2, 9° S., 29° E.
MAvini Wanda. Map (i. 94), 9°46' S.,
33°28' E.
Nalmjuzi river. Map 4, 0°20' S., 31°45' E.
Nabuo-abu lake. Map 4, 0°22' S., 31°55'
E.
Naivaslia kake, i. 338, Map 3, 0°45' S.,
36°22' E.
Nakuru kake, water inidrinkable, i. 343.
Map 3, 0°20' S., 36°10' E.
Naiiiaquakand. Map 1, 25° S., 17° E.
Namilembi tribe. Map 6, 0°19' N., 32°34'
E.
Namuimba iskand, ii. 387, 389. Map 4,
0°3o' S., 32°23' E.
Nandi hills, i. 358, 359. Map 3, 0^40' N.,
35° E.
Napoleon Gulf. Map 4, 0°25' N., 33°15'
E.
Natal, imports slave labour, i. 481
Ndara. Map 3, 3°35' S., 38°35' E.
Ndera. Map 3, 2° S., 40° E.
Ndi. Map 3, 3°20' S., 38°30' E.
Ngaboto. Map 2, 2° N., 3.5°30' E.
Ngiri. Map 2, 2°40' S., 37°20' E.
Ngongo Bagas. Map 3, 1°43' S., 36°41' E.
Nile, at Victoria Nyanza, i. 374 — where
navigable, 385 — swamps, 433 — floods, ii.
628, 529— control of sources, 570, 583,
584
Njems plain, i. 352, 353. Map 3, 0°30' N.,
36°5' E.
Nkendi Mount. Map 4, 0°15' N., 30°11'
E.
Nkonde. Map (i. 94), 9°45' S., 33°55' E.
Nsibu, Wakamba chief, i. 284
Nsororo (Wavertree) tort built, ii. 234.
Map 4, 0°47' N., 30°28' E.
Ntali, ii. 156, 157, 263 — receives Christians,
9 — our services to, 281. Map 4, 0°27' S.,
30°50' E.
Ntara. See Forts
Ntebe. Map 4, 0°3' N., 32°25' E.
Nyakorongo (Lome). Map 4, 0°37' N.,
30°32' E.
Nvamsigiri lake. Map 4, 0°17' S., 30°7'
E.
Nyasa lake described, i. 82. Map 2, 11°
30' S., 34°30' E.
Nyasaland, anomalous position of consul
in, i. 62, 63— climate, 392, 393— native
tribes, 395. See Karonga's, Missions,
and Slavers
Nvenga. Map 4, 0°22' N., 33°8' E.
Nzoi, i. 286-peak, 316. Map 3, 1°55' S.,
37°35' E.
Nzoia river, i. 363. Map 3, 1°55' S., 37°
35' E.
Obok. Map 1, 12° N., 43°20' E.
Oil Rivers Protectorate, imports and
revenue, i. 213-215
Olives, i. 399
O'Neill, Mr, an explorer, i. 17 — at Ka-
ronga's, 55, 57
Opium, i. 26, 398
Ostrich, abounds, i. 354 — farms in Sudan,
436, 437
Pamalombi lake. Map 2, 14°35' S., 35°8'
E.
Persians as agriciilturists, i. 296 — as trans-
port attendants, 464 — as colonists, 490
Peters, Dr, ii. 11-14
Pilkington, Rev. Mr, ii. 482, 483
Pokino (E. ), chief, ii. 52— influential, 65 —
uses British flag, 125 — su])plies food,
139, 142, 143, 285 — described, 284—
marches to Namuimba's, 389
Police in Uganda, ii. 54, 94, 105, 106— at
centres of government, 638 — cost of, 639,
640
Pombe-drinkh-ig, ii. 65, 464
Population of East Africa, i. 396, 471 —
how distributed, 396, 397, 432
Portal, Sir Gerald, mission to Abyssinia, i.
7 — appointed commissioner, ii. 549 — his
action in Uganda, 551-562 — repartition,
551, 552— Wa-Fransa extension, 553-556
mission spheres, 557, 558— Selim's Su-
danese, 558, 559 — Mohammedans, 559,
560 — internal improvements, 560, 561 —
hia instructions, 564, 594
Portugal in Africa, recruiting soldiers, i.
15, 16 — slave cargo, 25 — treatment of
natives, 29, SO—prazos, 30— aggression
in Nyasaland, 158 — abolishes slavery,
178 — intercei)ts ammunition for Ka-
ronga's, 152 — her railways, 453 — pre-
serves elephants, 508 — territorial claims,
ii. 567, 568 — expenditure, 586— methods
of taxation, 644
Povoleri, Count, on Hannibal's elephants,
i. 494 — on tusk-cutting, 500
Prestige, British, sacrificed, i. 165
Protestant party. See Wa-Ingleza
Pruen, Dr, on tsetse-fly, i. 391
Quiliniane, i. 21, 30. Map 2, 17°52' S.,
36°52' E.
Rabai. Map 3, 3°56' S., 39°34' E.
Railway. See Transport
Railway survey, quoted, i. 427 ; ii. 510 —
I accompany, 515-537 — results, 516, 517
Ramakukan's. Map 2, 16°57' S., 34°41' E.
Ravenstein, Mr, on population of British
East Africa, i. 396, 471
Rear-guard, ii. 139, 239 — search-parties,
227, 236, 237
Rehan Aga, ii. 242
Rejaf. Map 2, 4°45' N., 31°40' E.
Reptiles, i. 553
Retention of Uganda, urged by Chambers
of Commerce, i. 379, 380 — by statesmen,
380, 381— advantages to ourselves, 381,
382 — advantages to Africa, 382 — dis-
advantages of, combated, 383
Revenue, plans for raising, ii. 136, 137, 172,
646-648— from salt trade, 254, 255— from
estates, 484 — Williams' estimates of, in
Uganda, 641
Rhinoceros, i. 290, 311, 315, 323, 351—
habits, &c., 248, 517-520
Rhodes, Mr, ii. 608 — and African Lakes
Company, i. 158, 217, 219
Ribi, Ribe. Map 3, 3°50' S., 39°38' E.
Ripon Falls. Map 4, 0°27' N., 33°13' E.
678
INDEX.
Roads. See Transport
Roman Catholic party. See Wa-Fransa
Rongai river. Map 3, 0'30' N., 36"'5' E.
Rosebery, Lord, re retention, i. 380 — and
Lado expedition, ii. 568, 569 — on con-
tinuity of policy, 579 — quoted, 584, 585
— against evacuation, 590, 591, 593 — on
administration, 617
Routes, between Victoria and Albert lakes,
ii. 265, 266 — railway, 516— Imperial
British East African Company's, vid
Usoga, 576 — cost of freight vid Zambesi-
Tanganvika, 609
Ruamiga lake, ii. 163. Map i, O'lO' S.,
30°15' E.
Ruarwi bav, Xyasa, i. 84 — lake-dwellers,
84
Rubaga. Map 6, 0^9 X., 32°33' E.
Rubber, i. 407, 408
Rudolf lake. Map 2, 4° X., 36^ E.
Ruiji's. Map 4, 0°3' X., 30=32' E.
Ruisamba lake. Map 4, Equator and
30=20' E.
Rukuru river. Map (i. 94), 9=54' S., 34= E.
Ruo river. Map 2, 16=33' S., 35=10' E.
Russia in Abyssinia, ii. 583
Ruwenzori, fertility of district, i. 423,
424 ; ii. 180— by sunset, 181, 182. Map
4, 0=28' N., 30=5' E.
Saati (near Massowa). Map 1.
Sabakhi river, exploration of, i. 220, 221,
248 et 5^^.— fishing, 251— stockade built,
286, 287. Map 3, 3=10' S., 40=8' E.
Saleh, ii. 504, 505
Salisbury, Lord, on Portuguese claims, i.
158, ii. 567-569— on fighting in Xyasa-
laud, i. 209 — re retention 380 — on
LTganda, ii. 590
Sakwa's. Map 3, 0=20' X., 34=37' E.
Salo-Salo (F.), chief, ii. 65
Salt, as revenue, i. 432— lake, ii. 167-169
(Map 4, 0=7' S., 30=1' E.)— African love
of, 169 — poisonous, 184 — from earth,
184, 223— purchases food, 224— trade
develops, 257, 271
Salt river, i. 279. Map 3, 2=10' S., 37=45'
E.
Samweli (E.), chief, and Protestant envov,
ii. 110
Sango. Map 3, 0=50' S., 31=50' E.
Saunderson on elephants, i. 499, 501, 506
Schweinfurth quoted, i. 436, 491
Scott, Rev. C, i. 45, 64, 474
Sebwe river, ii. 187. Map 4, 0=15' X.,
30=12' E.
Sekibobo (F.), chief, ii. 107, 321— magna-
nimity of, 375— daughter Malia, 376 —
reliable, 460
Selim Bey, loyal, ii. 133, 201, 210, 478—
and evacuation of Equatoria, 201 et seq.
—described, 209, 210— gives in, 211—
agreement with, 213, 214 — gratitude,
242, 243 — discipline, 249— rearranges
forts, 447, 448— negotiates with Moham-
medans, 487-496— superintends Moham-
medan migration, 496 — disgrace and
death, 478, 479 note
Selinia island. Map 4, 0=13' S., 32=31' E.
Semliki valley, described, ii. 176, 177 —
river, 195 — attacked on, 196, 197. Map
4, 1=10' X., 30=32' E.
Sena (Portuguese headquarters), i. 29, 31.
Map 2, 17=30' S., 34=56' E.
Senga. See Basenga
Sericulture, i. 398
Sesse and "islands," ii. 9 — division mooted,
49 — fertility 73, 147 — strategic value,
73, 75 — monojioly of canoes, 74 — in-
habitants not Waganda, 75— king agrees
to divide, 78 — Wa-Fransa refuse to
divide, 86— declare for us, 395. Map
4, 0=20' S., 32=20'E.
Shambas, question of, ii. 71, 77 — discus-
sion at Kampala, 81 — decrees in haraza,
92 — Mondu and Paulo cases, 93, 107 —
re-change of religion and alienation of
estates, 95-97 — arguments on, 97 - 100
— settlement and unsigned entry in
Statute-book, 100, 101— Williams' action
on, 301, 303
Shamo. Map 2, 17=41' S., 35=24' E.
Sharpe, Mr, i. 75, 76, 83, 84 — attacks
slave caravan, 108
Shauri, African, ii. 269, 270
Shire river, i. 35— scenerv, 41 — highlands,
65. Map 2, 17=45' S., 35=23' E.
Shirwa lake. Map 2, 15= S., 35=40' E.
Shukri Aga, i. 300, 511 ; ii. 21, 25— his
storv, 133, 211, 250, 251
Shuli tribe. Map 2, 3= X., 33= E.
Shupanga. Map 2, 18=2' S., 35=37' E.
Singo. Map 4, 0=30' X., 31=45' E.
Sio river. Map 3, 0=15' X., 34=2' E.
Slave-caravan at Tsavo, i. 306-308
Slave-children, i. 308-310
Slave-labour. See Labour
Slave-raiding, bv Portuguese half-castes,
i. 31 note — usual methods, 90, 91—
area devastated, 202 ; ii. 575— where
none, 576
Slavers, Arabs and Swahilis, i. 93— their
methods, 52 — cruelty, 54
Slavers in East Africa, attack mission-
station, i. 222-224— bought off, 224, 225
— and self-redemption of slaves, 296,
297
Slavers on Xyasa, threaten Karonga's, i. 54,
55— attack and burn it, 56-58— their
village stormed, 58 — again attacked, 60
—war with, 99-130— Sultan's envoy to,
131, 134— slave-dhow put tc flight, 138-
140— they gain time, 144— war renewed,
148-151— would give in, but fear treach-
ery, 152 — in great straits again, 159 — Mr
Johnstone makes treaty with, 160, 161 —
its results, 161, 164, 165— again dominant,
164, 165
Slavery, meaning of, 1. 1«0, 184— its recog_-
nition immoral, 184 — v. morals, ii. 56,j57
— children j^urchased by Missions, 58,
59— abolished in Uganda, 500— disposal
of Mohammedan slaves, 502, 503— res^ults
of evacuation of Uganda on, 576, 577 —
legal status of, 619— recognised in Zanzi-
bar, 629-632 — German methods uith,
655
Domestic: three objections to, i. 169 —
INDEX.
679
witli Arabs, 170, 171— in Uganda, 171 —
abolished by Protestants in Uganda, 172,
173— with Angoni, &c., 173, 174— with
Sudanese, 174, 175 — illegal in Zanzibar,
176, 177— hereditary, 177, 178
Methods of supp ressing : (1) Abolition
and compensation, i. 175-179— Lord Grey
on latter, 175, 176. (2) Permissive free-
dom, 179-183— abolition of status, 180-
183-feasibility, 181, 182— efficacy, 183
— (Question of Protectorate, 183, 184).
(3) Edicts (never enforced), 186-188
Slaves, position in Uganda and interior,
i. 171-173, 184, 185— aliens or denizens,
173 — status in Zanzibar (under British
rule), 184-186, 223 note --feelings of,
188, 191, 309, 310 — disposal of freed
slaves, 1 89-192 — ransom injurious to, 225,
226 — plan to work out their freedom, 227,
228, 231-233— /erce naturce, 228— self-re-
demption of, 296-298
Slave-trade, employment of porters gives
impetus to, i. 447, 482
Modes of dealing xoith : (1) By sea, i.
196-202— costly, 197, 198, 202— slaves
rescued, 199, 200 — disposal of freed
slaves, 200, 201. (2) In the interior, pro-
posed scheme, 203-208 — armed trading
steamers, 203-205 — objections to gun-
boats, 203, 204, 208— land force operating
in conjunction, 205, 206 — must be a
gradual work, 207 — the use of force, 209
— Karonga's, 210. (3) Cardinal Lavi-
' gerie's scheme, 208. (4) Brussels Act,
212— how carried out by us, 212-216
Slave-trading, i. 92, 93 — ^l)y purchase and
kidnapping, 193, 195 — disappeared on
Victoria Nyanza, ii. 576
Smith, Fort. Map 3, 1°16' S., 36°45' E.
Snakes, i. 35, 36, 290, 291
Somals, origin, i. 240— as transport at-
tendants, i. 464
Songwe river. Map (i. 94), 9°42' S., 34° E.
Sosien. Map 3, 0°27' N., 35°50 E.
Sotik. Map 3, 0°50' S., 35°25' E.
Speke, on climate of Uganda, i. 383, 426 —
on Uganda, ii, 2 — on swamps, 118 — on
Wakuma, 157 — on Buddu, 424
Spirits, import of, i. 29
Sport, i. 538 — lion, 36, 545; ii. 529—
buffalo, i. 345-347, 523— elephant, 508-
513; ii. 176, 221— the paradise of, i.
554 — conditions of, in East, 555-560 —
battery required for, 559, 560 — dogs, ii.
159 — pig-sticking (India), 257-259— tiger
(India), 253-257, 547
Stanley, Mr, on population of British
East Africa, i. 396 — on climate of
Uganda, 426 — on Uganda, ii. 3 — relief
expedition, 201-204, 206
Stanley's camp (Kavalli). Map 4, 1°30' N. ,
30°23' E.
Steblenski, i. 28-31, 155
Stephanie lake. Map 2, 4°40' N., 37° E.
Stokes, Mr, ii. 9, 10, 16— his trade, 63, 64
— his guns, &.C., stored in Kampala,
252
Stuhlmann, Dr, ii. 31, 205, 206
Sturge quoted, i. 175, 179
Suakim. Map 1, 19° N. , 37°25' E.
Subaki. Map 3, 1°55' S., 40° E.
Sudan, possible trade with, i. 399, 400 —
as recruiting - ground, 400 — Mahdism
dead in the, 400. See Commercial Zones
Sudanese, slaves of, i. 174, 175 — as crafts-
men, 479— (Selim's), relief of, ii. 133—
reasons for, 134 — good soldiers, 134 —
steal, 141, 264— officers arrive, 201 — after
evacuation of Equatoria, 201-205 — exas-
perated against Emin, 206 — overtures to,
207 — distil spirits, 210 — condition of,
217, 218 — parade of, 218 — weave cloth,
218 — leave Kavalli's, 225 — on march,
226, 227, 233 — numbers, 229, 234 —
disposal of, 231, 232 — first settlement,
235 — need European officers, 236, 401
— deserters from Emin, 237 — second
settlement, 245 — third settlement, 250
— restrained, 281 —defeat Kabarega, 882,
413— good material, 402, 638— dis-
claimed by Khedive, 546— their case,
546, 547 — cost of a company, 639
Suks tribe. Map 3, 2° N. , 35° E.
Swahilis, origin, i. 238, 239, 265— Drum-
mond on, 238 — language, 240— plucky,
241— good at barter, 265, 266 ; ii. 156—
food issue to, i. 275 — contented, 286 —
unstable, 305 — endurance of, 339 ; ii.
198 — harm done by caravans of, i. 353-
355; ii. 507— loyalty, 43— steal, 141—
ingenuity, 268— as soldiers, 638, 639—
cost of a company of, 640
Swamps, i. 31, 32, 360— on Nile, 433— in
Uganda, ii. 117-119— on Semliki, 197—
in Torn, 238— in Buddu, 285— drainage
of, 652, 653
Symonds, on trade, i. 407
Tabora. Map 2, 5° S., 33° E.
Taita. Map 3, 3°30' S. , 38°30' E.
Tana river navigable, i. 384, 385— fertility
of district, 411. Map 3, 2°40' S., 40°17'
E.
Tanga. Map 2, 5°5' S. , 39°5' E.
Tanganyika, Lake, i. 205-207. Map 2,
5° S., 29°30' E.
Tarn. Map 3, 3°45' S., 39°8' E.
Taveta. Map 3, 3°25' S., .37°45' E.
Taxation, Portuguese poll-tax, i. 30 —
market tax, ii. 54 — forced food-supply,
255— grain tax, 401, 644 — proposed for
Uganda, 641 — of natives, 644 — in Nyasa-
land, 644, 645— poll tax, 644-646— house
tax, 646 — land tax, 647 — various, 648
Tigiri river. Map 3, 0°27' N., 36° E.
Tindi, i. 365
Togoland. Map 1, 7° N., 1° E.
Torn, promises to Wahuma, ii. 192, 249 —
country, 193, 230— settlement of, 259.
Map 4, 0°15' N., 30°15' E. See Wa-
huma
Trading stations, suggested, ii. 146, 147,
531 — obligatory under Brussels Act,
574, 575
Transport, difficulties overcome in Nyasa-
land, i. 387, 388 — present cost of,
439, 440, 448, 469; ii. 609— Zambesi-
Tanganyika route, i. 448 ; ii. 609 — Ger-
680
IXDEX.
man route, i. 449 — roads and railways
obligatory under Brussels Act, ii. 574,
575, 577 — freight to Uganda, 609 — mail
service, 636 — roads, 652 — enlistment of
porters, 654, 655
Means for : Aninials, i. 221, 236, 237,
391, 457-carts, 458, 459, 589— bullock,
458, 468 — stasring system, 460, 461—
food, 460-462— ass, 460, 467-469— gear,
463— attendants, 4^3-465 -elephant, 465,
466 — camel, 466, 467 — mule, 467 — zebra-
mule, 467, 514, 515 — ponv, 468 — sui^plv,
468, 469— zebra, 515
Porters, i. 439-442 — prohibitive ex-
pense of, 439, 440 — supply failing, 440 —
edict asainst enlistment of, at Zanzibar,
188, 441, 442 ; ii. 654, 655— failure of
edict, i. 442-446— edict not fairly applied,
446-448. See Wanyamwezi, and Swa-
hilis
Raihcays, i. 385, 386, 449, 450— lines
in Uganda, 386, 387— desirability, 449-
452— advocated by statesmen and com-
mercial men, 450 — cost, 450, 456 — de-
velops a country, 451 — in other countries,
451 — in other African spheres of influ-
ence, 452, 454 — some objections answered,
454, 455 — impetus to home industries,
455, 456 — building by sections, 456—
advantages, 456, 457
Roads, i. 458-460 ; ii. 265, 266, 649.
652
Watericaifs, i. 38 4-38 o, 44S, 459
Travel, hard life, i. 3-7 — strange methods
of, 20 — rough ifare, 24 — discomforts of,
142, 143, 291— road-cutting, 234— morn-
ing start, 243 — gun-bearer, 244, 245 —
deserted camp, 246, 247 — track marked,
248— by the camp-fire, 253-264— lost in
the forest, 261-263— an inteiTUpted bath,
270 — food-purchase, 273, 274 — food dis-
tributed, 275 — quicksands, 285 — pass-
word of peace, 324 — forest, 333 — no
water, 338— lost among the hills, 351—
meat distribution, 359 — crawling down-
hill, 361 — methods of, ii. 542, 543 — water,
544
Treaties with Xyasa Slavers, i. 160 — with
Mbekirwa, 370— approved by Govern-
ment, ii. 581 — binding, 581, 582
Treaty-making, ii. 579-581
Treaty with Kasagama, ii. 188
With ]Mwanga, ii. 33— and Wa-Fransa,
27 — ^louseigueur promises co-operation,
29 — Wa-Inghza disappointed, 32 — Kim-
bugwe and Wci-Fransa chiefs accept, 38
— chiefs' codicil to, 38, 97 — signing of,
39
With Xtali, ii. 160
Tsavo river, i. 271, 272 — slave caravan
captured at, 306-308. Station on, Map
3, 3' S., 38=27' E.
Tsetse-fly, rare in British East Africa, i.
389-391
Tucker, Bi.shop, ii. 41, 59— his appeal for
Uganda, 602
Turkaua tribe. Map 2, 1''30' X., 34= E.
Uganda, under orders for, i. 294, 295— the
''great Uganda road," 371 — physical
features of, 374, 375, 423-425— cliniate,
383, 425, 426— products, 427-432— popu-
lation, 432— great roads, 458, 4.59 — law
of murder, ii. 71 — statute-book, 72 — pop-
ulation decreased, 98— quieting do\\m,
102, 253— as mission-field, 104— roads,
117— physical features, 117, 118, 138,
139 — fertility, 119 — future commerce,
140 — instructions to evacuate, 287 —
probable results, 288, 289 — negotiations
for repartition after war, 385, 386, 409,
420-433— treaty on repartition, 427-429
— changes effected, 471, 650 — di'um of,
509 — peace throughout, 512 — strategic
value, 583, 584 — prestige, 584 — "the
Uganda question," 602 et seq.
Ukasa. Map 3, 0=30' X., 33'20' E.
Ulu mountains, i. 279, 281, 282. Map 3,
1=40' S.,37"30' E.
Umba river. Map 3, 4=40' S. . 39=15' E.
Unyamwezi. Map 2, 40= S., 33= E.
Unyanyembe. Map 2, 5= S. , 33= E.
Uuyoro, elevation of, i. 424— population,
432 ; ii. 2, 5 — physical features, 121,
131, 132. Map 3,' 1=30 X., 31=30' E.
See Kabarega of Unvoro
Usagara, Ankoli. Map 4, 6=30' S., 36=30'
E.
Usoga, the people and their houses, i. 366-
368 — products, 368 — physical features
of, 371, 372 — route to Uganda through,
ii. 6, 15 ; closed, 379 — Protestant mis-
sion in, 76 — Williams' work in, 510-512.
Map 3, 0=40' X. , 33=30' E.
Usougola. Map 4, 0=5' S., 29=55' E.
Usui. Map 3, 2=30' S., 31= E.
Usukuma imhealthy, ii. 75.
Uvuma island. :Map 4, 0=15' X., 33=25' E.
Uziba. Map 3, 1=20' S., 31=50' E.
Uzinja. Map 3, 3= S., 32= E.
Victoria Xyanza, whence supplied, ii. 118
— no slave-raiding on, 576. Maj) 3,
1= S., 33= E. For "islands" see Sesse
Vijongo lakes (sing. Kijongo). Map 4,
0=40' X., 30=17' E.
Virobobo, Sultan's troops, i. 241, 242, 287,
288
Voi river. Map 3, 3=30' S., 38=35' E.
Wa-Fransa, Roman Catholics, ii. 11, 65 —
bitterly hostile to me, 69 — murder Pro-
testants, 71, 325, 328 — attack Protest-
ants, 84, 85 — responsible for war, 85 —
lesser still hostile, 95 — intolerant, 98,
99, 143 — refuse us food, 154, 283— secret
embassies, 281 — responsible for out-
breaks, 303, 305 — their policy, 306—
falsely accuse Protestants of attempting
king's life, 310— concentrate on capital,
318, 320— desire war, 331, 336 -attitude
at opening of war, 336. 337 — precipitate
fight, 340, 341— defeated and fly, 343,
344— ultimatum ofl^ered to. 352 — attack
Mwami's, 352 — reject our projiosals, 353,
354 — concentrate in Buddu, 361-363 —
hostile in Chagwe, 378, 379 — threaten
Kampala, 380, 384— Xamuimba's, 387—
INDEX.
681
treat for peace, 407 — content witli
Bucldu, 423, 425— island ceded to, 427—
still hostile, 432 — chiefs changed, 433,
434 — and estates, 476 — negotiate Avith
Mohammedans, 477, 486.
Wa-Ingleza, Protestants, ii. 11, 65 — ex-
cluded from conrt, 93— grievances, 93 —
sometimes tolerant, 98, 99— use British
Hag, 125 — chief brings supplies, 156,
283— distrust Williams, 307, 308— go
against Mohammedans, 318 — against
Futahangi, 320— are exasperated, 330 —
guns issued to Wa-Ingleza on eve of war,
338, 340— attack Bulingugwe, 353-355
— refuse to fight, 363, 364— oppose re-
partition, 386, 423, 424, 429— act hon-
ourably, 398 — oppose repatriation of
Mohammedans, 440 — send me insulting
letter, 449, 451, 452— accused of out-
rage, 462, 463 — inquiry into outrage,
464, 473 — some meditate plot, 501
Wadai. Map 1, 12° N., 21° E.
Wadelai, events at, ii. 202-205. Map 2,
2^45' N., 31°30' E.
Waganda. barter Avith, i. 274 — extra-
ordinary dance, 376 — doctoring, 377,
378 — clever artisans, 478, 479— dress of,
ii. 23 — their ideas about Hag, 26 — im-
pressed by our readiness for war, 43 — ■
thieving propensities of, 50 — deserter
makes mischief, 52 — great liars, 69, 70
— unfit for routine work, 95 — envoys
return from the coast, 109, 110 —
army, 119, 120 — bad scouts, 120 — their
treachery, 123 — style of fighting, 130
— cautious in war, 375 — attached to
their king, 383 — release women captives,
392 — etiquette, 406, 407 — offices of
Waganda chiefs, 449, 450 — customs, &c.
(Pilkington), 483 — suspicious, 489 —
verv intelligent, 649 — as sul)ordinate
officials, 649-651
Waganda chiefs, improved relations of,
ii. 51, 52 — friendly, stop yvar, 80, 85 —
cordial, 107
Wages of free labourers, i. 475, 477
Waheha. Map 2, 8° S., 35°30' E.
Wahenga, i. 52— spy, 146, 147. Map 2,
11°15' S., 34° E.
Wahuma, pastoral tribe, ii. 157, 158 —
decimated, 1.59— dogs, 159 — flock into
Nasagama, 237— promises to, 249, 250,
580 — ettects of evacuation on, 673— cus-
toms, &c. of (Pilkington), 482
Wakamba, i. 273, 274— described, 276-278
—beehives, 279, 289, 290— friendly, 282
— at war with Masai, 283 — as labourers,
476
Wakoli, i. 368— blood-brotherhood with,
369— friendly, ii. 34, 379, 380— imports
arms, 415. Map 3, 0°30' N., 33°43' E.
Wakufokoa. See Dangi
Walker, Rev. R. H., ii. 284 — leaves for
Ankoli, 302— position in Buddu, 360, 361
—makes for Mengo, 363, 364
Waller, Rev. H., re slavery, i. 208 — slave
labour, 479, 480, 482
Wanandi, Semliki Valley. Map 4. 0°20'
N., 29°45' E.
VOL. II.
Wanga. Map 3, 4°40' S., 39°10' E.
Wankondi, massacred by Arabs, i. 52, 54
— of north end v. Arabs, 58 — refugees,
111 — described, 131, 132 — courage of,
147 — driven out by Arabs, 164, 165.
Map (i. 94), 9°45' S., 33°55' E.
Wanyamwezi, as porters, i. 400, 448, 449.
Map 2, 4°S., 33° E.
Wanyika, "people of wilderness," inland
of Mombasa. See Giryama
Wanvoro, at Salt Lake, ii. 168, 170 — de-
feated, 184-186
War, miseries caused by intertribal, i. 283,
284 — averted, ii. 85 — drums beaten,
110, 111 — gathering for, 112— council
of, 130, 131 — Lord Wolseley's opinion,
359
Wart-hog, i. 542, 543
Waterways. See Transport
Wavertree, Nsororo. Map 4, 0°47' N.,
30°28' E.
Wavuma. See Uvuma
Wawemba. See Awemba
Waziba, friendly, ii. 403— envovs, 483, 507
White, Mr Silva, i. 478
Williams, Captain, R.A., reaches Nile, ii.
52 — arrives in Uganda, 59 — as a British
officer, 61— drills soldiers, 62, 114 — ex-
l^edition against Mohammedans, 114 —
returns to Mengo, 137, 138 — his generous
offer, 292— administers Uganda, 297-312
patrols Mengo, 309— accused of parti-
ality, 322, 323 — attacks Bulingugwe,
353-355— charges against him refuted,
358— defends Namuimba's, 389— takes
letters to Bukoba, 390 — suggestions for
a settlement, 410, 411—" real grit," 522,
523 — his estimate of cost of Uganda, 641
Wilson, Mr G., first impressions of, i. 228,
229— and fugitive slaves, 231— ill, 234,
280, 312-315— tact with natives, 238, 280,
335— left at Dagoreti, 333, 335— slan-
dered and dismissed, 336 — evacuates
Dagoreti, ii. 535, 536 — unique influence
and work, 541, 542
Wilson, Rev. C. T., quoted, i. 383, 384,
426, 434
Wlmi river. Map 4, 0°22' 30°17' E.
Winton, Fort. Map 4, 0°27' N., 31°7' E.
Winton, Mr De, i. 300, 317— ill, 377 ; ii.
27, 37 — his work at Kampala, 62 — left
in charge at Kampala, 114 — at Fort Ed-
ward, 252 — through Ankoli, 256 — his
instructions, 258, 259 — left at Ntara,
260 — his report, 400, 401 — goes against
Manyuema, 414— his death, 444, 445
Winton, Sir F. De, i. 296, 298— our situa-
tion in Uganda in 1890. ii. 16
Witu. Map 3, 2°25' S., 40°30' E.
Wolf, Herr, on Kikuyu, i. 418 note — ii.
543, 544, 562
Yao, tribe, and slave trade, i. 174. Map
2, 13° S., 35° E.
Zachariah (E.), chief, his gratitude, ii. 55 —
confided in, 76 — king's messenger to me,
93 — ^joins expedition to Torn, 1,52, 153 —
his discipline, 186 — his financial scheme,
2 X
682
INDEX.
416, 417 — speech on repartitiou, 424 —
reliable, 460 — a tvpe of the uew regime,
650
Zambesi, sunset on, i. 29 — new channel,
158. Map 2, 8=55' S., 36=18' E.
Zanzibar, slaves in, illegal, i. 176, 177 —
yet legal status of slave recognised, 181-
184 — slaves in, 187, 200 ; administration
through, ii. 615-620— revenue of, 616,
617 — anomalous political position of,
630-632. Map 2, 6=10' S., 39''11' E.
Zanzibari "Levy," ii. 62
Zanzibaris. Bee Swahilis
Zebra, i. 142 — protected by nature, 514 —
taming, 514, 515 — value of, for transport,
516 — impervious to tsetse llv, 513
Zomba. :Map 2, 15=20' S., 35=20' E.
Zumbo. Map 2, 15=45' S., 30=15' E.
ERRATA.
Vol. ii. p. 59, footnote i, insteoxl of " chap. viii. p. 6," read "vol. i. chap. ix. p. 222."
ii. p. 130, vignette, instead o/" Islam Camp with Sudanese Party," read "Camp
on the Kanyangoro River."
ii. p. 210, footnote, suhstitute for note printed, " The Albert Xyanza, &c.. Baker,
vol. ii. pp. 244-246."
THE EXD.
PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AN"D SONS.
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